Doctors, diviners, and magicians of ancient China: biographies of fang-shih

Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians of Ancient China

Translations from the Oriental Classics

Doctors, Diviners, \\ and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of Fang-shih Translated by Kenneth

J.

DeWoskin

Columbia University Press New York / / / 1983

Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from the Horace H. Rackham Publication Fund of the University of Michigan.

Clothbound editions of Columbia University Press books are Smyth-sewn and printed on permanent and durable acid-free

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\.

Copyright © 1983 ColumbIeiU'hiversity Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America

Columbia University Press New York Guildford, Surrey

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: Doctors, diviners, and magicians of ancient China. (Translations from the Oriental Classics) 1. A1chemists-China-Biography. 1. DeWoskin, Kenneth J. II. Series. QD24.A2D631983 540'.1'12 [B] 83-5303 ISBN 0-231-05596-X ISBN 0-231-05597-8 (pbk.)

To My Parents

Translations from the Oriental Classics Editorial Board Wm. Theodore de Bary, Chairman C. T. Hsia Barbara Stoler Miller Burton Watson

Donald Keene Edward Seidensticker Philip B. Yampolsky

Contents Preface Introduction

IX

1

Biographies from the History of the Later Han Biographies from the Records of the Three Kingdoms

91

Notes

155 167

Bibliography

199

Index

211

Biography from the History of the Chin

Preface I FIRST became acquainted with fang-shih when I was doing research on a remarkable collection of material from fourth-century China, Kan Pao's In Search of the Supernatural (Sou-shen-chi). Kan Pao's work has traditionally been described by scholars of early Chinese fiction as the most notable collection of the chih-kuai (recording anomalies) genre, a type of short narrative that evolved into the mature fiction in the classical language that was continuously written from the T'ang Dynasty until modern times. Chih-kuai collections were not simply compilations of short stories. The texts as we have them now, corrupt to a degree but representative of what they originally were, include stories, brief notices of events, and statements of natural philosophy that served to put into context the narrative materials that were the heart of the collections. The longer and better-articulated narratives were biographical accounts, borrowing their formats and conventions of style from the dynastic histories, which, by the time, had already developed a mature type of biographical narrative. The interest shown by chih-kuai compilers in dynastic histories was not limited to formal features of the narrative. They shared an interest in certain types of character as well, not the emperors, the imperial families, or the upper crust of officialdom, but characters on the fringe of the official world, the fang-shih and the recluses. These were men with whom the official historians had an ambivalent relationship, but for whom the chih-kuai compilers could demonstrate enthusiasm and devotion. Thus, although the chihkuai compilers argued in their prefaces that they were charged with the preservation of materials the official historians were wont to reject, in fact biographies of fang-shih are found in both dynastic histories and chih-kuai, although the editorial perspective can differ dramatically between the two contexts.

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PREFACE

The study of early narrative in China involves the study of both historical writing and fictional writing. At least until the T'ang Dynasty, these two poles of narrative develop in conjunction with each other, with the tenets of each being refined in dialectic interaction with the other. In my ongoing research into the evolution of early narrative, this interaction has been a primary concern. I have sought to understand the forces shaping historical texts between the narratives of pre-Han China and the Records of the Grand Historian up through the histories of the T'ang. At the same time I have sought to understand the forces shaping the evolution of fictional narratives, from the pre-Han philosophies and early chih-kuai collections up through the mature ch'uan-ch'i stories of the T'ang. From both sides of this research problem, my attention was repeatedly drawn to the fang~shih. Here was a character found in both worlds, at times celebrated and exploited by both, at times rejected by both. I believed that in the study of fang-shih texts, especially their biographies in the dynastic histories, information could be found to illuminate the evolution of both history and fiction. Even as the histories became more sober and more stereotypic in their approach to biography, their lives of fang-shih remained a trove of enchanting descriptions of remarkable characters, who seemed to exist in a textual world of their own. As I undertook work on the texts I found myself confronted with a number of problems that one typically confronts in the dynastic histories. But in the study of fang-shih lives they were uniquely formidable. First, the three dynastic histories from which these biographies come have not been widely translated, unlike the two earlier histories, and there is a dearth of textual annotation and commentary, especially on technological and scientific problems in the text. The help to be gotten from Japanese studies of early dynastic histories declines dramatically after the research done on the works of Ssu-ma Ch'ien and Pan Ku. A number of Chinese scholars have studied specific aspects of the fang-shih, his geographic origins, his relations to Confucian Ju-ists at court, and his role in the evolution of fiction. In Western scholarship, the fang-shih has been discussed several times in passing, in studies of Han religion, society, and- science. But only one previous attempt has been made at a book-length study of fang-shih, Ngo Van Xuyet's (1976) monograph on the History of the Later Han and divination. One problem is dealing with the technologies that the fang-shih possessed and promoted as their contribution to the world. In the last two decades, significant progress has been made in the understanding of ancient

PREFACE

Xl

Chinese medical theory, astrology, astronomy, and other facets of early science. Less progress can be reported in the study of early nonastrological divination, the spiritualism of the wu medium, and the sundry hygienic arts of the immortal. For help in all these areas I turned to a group of excellent publications by colleagues in the study of ancient China. Where the publications would not suffice, I turned unabashedly to my colleagues themselves. I am particularly grateful to Nathan Sivin of the University of Pennsylvania for his reading of early drafts of the biographies and invaluable suggestions and criticisms in both medical and astrological areas. I am grateful to Wolfram Eberhard of the University of California for his early interest and support of my research and his bibliographic help, to Edward Schafer of the University of California for his reading of the biography of Tai Yang and his suggestions and criticisms on both astrological problems and general translation problems, to my colleagues at the University of Michigan, C. S. Chang for sharing his vast knowledge of the Han and his insights into puzzling sections of the texts, and James 1. Crump for his generosity in reading drafts of my translation and identifying infelicitous renderings and places where the content did not survive the journey between the two languages. I am grateful to David Keightley of the University of California for his help in matters of Shang calendrics and divination and to Kominami Ichir6 of the Kyoto University Institute for Humanistic Sciences for his ongoing instruction and his work in the evolution of early history and fiction. The learning these colleagues have shared with me has saved me from many errors. Those that remain are entirely my own. I owe a dept of gratitude to my colleagues in Chinese studies at Michigan for the many times I brought my texts to lunch and gained illumination from their readings and suggestions. In the early stages of my work, I conducted ,a directed reading with two talented graduate students, Jerilyn Cunningham Creutz and William Hennessey, with whose assistance the map of fang-shih texts was roughly sketched out and the technical biographies of Hua T'o and Tai Yang were first attempted. Another gifted student, Anne Behnke, served as an able assistant in the final months of this project, laboring in the preparation and checking of the manuscript. I wish to express my appreciation to the National Endowment for the Humanities for a research grant that provided the time during which the background research for this study was completed and the majority of the primary texts were translated. Finally, I have deep appreciation for the patience and support of my

Xll

PREFACE

wife Judith and our children, Jacob, Rachel, and Aaron. For many years they observed my engagement with this project, with no other reward than witnessing the pleasure I took in the work. Kenneth J. DeWoskin Ann Arbor

The human understanding is of its own nature prone to suppose the existence of more order and regularity in the world than it finds. And though there be many things in nature which are singular and unmatched, yet it devises for them parallels and conjugates and relatives which do not exist. Francis Bacon, Novum Organum, "Aphorisms"

A dog starved at his Master's Gate, Predicts the ruin of the State. William Blake, "Auguries of Innocence"

Introduction THESE BIOGRAPHIES focus on a group of men who made their imprint on early Chinese history with technical skills in medicine, divination, and magic combined with talent for storytelling and political persuasion. From our present-day perspective, their personalities and lives were diverse, as were their partic~lar arts and techniques. But in their own times, from the third century B. c. to the fourth or fifth cent;;~Y--A~D:~--Hley-were h~fd--a--si~~re.~p.~·.·.~~'de~.··-~~~.~?~l1'l~.~ ·.r~.bri~ . Za~8~shih',.' arid'" 'it' DeCame,·'tne \ p;~~ti~~ o{dynastic histories from the History of the Later Han on to present a s~l~c:ti()I1offang-shihliv~s in a collected biography.! The notion of a common fang-shih type persisted long after their arts and techniques evolved into obviously distinct specialties, among which were medicine, astronomy, geomancy, and music. But the term fang-shih itself, shaped in time by the influence of contending factions at court, came to apply only to the less esteemed or less recognized practitioners in each field. The origin of the name is subject to various interpretations. Its first known occurrence relevant to our present subject is in the 9.h()ll~li (Programs of Chou),2 where an official of the "Offices of Summer" (hsia-kuan) known as the fang-hsiang-shih is assigned the responsibility for performing exorcisms. The brief text describes the fang-hsiang-shih dancing in a foureyed bearskin mask, which has led scholars to link his courtly responsibilities to wu (medi urn) ritual. By the end of the Later Chou, there are several occurrences of the word "fang" in two new binomes, fang-shu and fangshuo, literally, "fang books" and "fang theories." The word "fang" in its various common contexts meant "efficacious," "formulaic," "parallel," "correlative," "comparative," "medicinal," "spiritual," or "esoteric." Throughout archaic times, the word also occurs commonly in the compound ssu-fang, meaning four outlying areas, and hence refers to people,

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•

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INTRODUCTION

places, and cultures removed from the central court. Each of these meanings is potentially a factor in the etymology of the term Ssu-ma Ch'ien (145-90 B.C.) introduced to the dynastic histories. Fang-shih were involved in exorcism, the practice of medicine, and divination through heaven-manearth parallels; they were virtually all from outlying areas and their practices were distinct in most areas from court orthodoxies. But in addition to any substantive meaning of fang in relation to the content of fang-shih knowledge, writing, and practice, there is a social dimension to the word that reflects both intellectual and material differences between the fang-shih and the guardians of orthodoxy at the Han imperial court. 3 During the flourishing days of the fang-shih, the Han and early Six Dynasties (second century B.C. to fourth century A.D.), fang-shih influence was significant in many areas of culture. Some people identified as fangshih were deeply involved in scientific thinking and technological activities, especially in the applied areas of calendrics, metallurgy, meteorology, pharmacology, geography, and biology. During periods of substantial imperial patronage, some fang-shih achieved personal wealth and eminence in officialdom. Imperial favor was won by means of three promised contributions to the throne: maintenance of the emperor's -y~-~th vItality; correction

ancl

and maintenance ofth~~s_t~~_411_~~~9Li!~e}:Qi:~R~c:e,()f~~ighJL,!~_~ __ gLEi!c.~; and perception and interpretation of omens foretelling the future, illuminatin~bs~-~~iti~~ortl1ep·resenf,~~dguidingt he policies -()ffhe government toward those that would gain the favor of heaven. The sum of these contributions aided the emperor's successful administration of the empire and secured continuation of the vital patronage. Fang-shih who achieved a measure of status in the world of letters were esteemed for their "broad learning," which encompassed much outside the tradition of classical learning, includin~t~n9wledge of remote places and peoples, knowledge of immortals and spirits, and understanding of certain esoteric arts and technologies that were perceived as keys to the maze of life's intricate and interwoven web of influences. Their books and books they studied reflect this expansive interest-Shih-chou-chi (Account of Ten Continents), Po-wu-chih (Records of Widely Diverse Things), and the like. Perhaps more than any other factor, the fang-shih claims to broad learning brought them into positions of eminence, first in the capacity of court erudite, either officially or informally. But in time, the same breadth became the subject of criticism by the guardwho were called Ju-ists and emerged as keepers--of ians of court

INTRODUCTION

3

the state-sanctioned Confucian traditions, 4 because fang-shih dealt most persistently with areas Confucius refused to discuss, namely, strange events, spirits, and fate. Fang-shih knowledge was the stuff of early hagiography, remote-land geography, and miracle lore, and this put fang-shih at the center of important developments in early fiction. They introduced varieties of magic and conjury into court social life, entertaining at the dinner parties of the rich and powerful with feats of "Guessing the Contents" and "Shrinking the World." 5 Their versatility was the key to their survival in the constantly changing social and political worlds of their era. During the early Han (221 B.C.-A.D. 6), fang-shih were agents of a dramatic diffusion of nontraditional knowledge and interests into the highly centralized, literate, and essentially conservative court mainstream. Though politically and intellectually the Han in its early years was by no means monolithic, the support of fang.. shih in large numbers by a number of major Han emperors furthered a process of change in the court along two fronts. Unassimilated cultures from remote areas, notably Yen and Ch'i (Shan_tung), the I regions (Szechwan), and Ch'u (Yangtze River valley), were introduced and promoted, and practices associated with lower social strata, notably exorcistic andoth~r mediumistic practices performed by priests among the populace, were elevated into court use. The fang-shih were eclectic, and their influence was likewise diverse. The Han was the first dynasty to unify China and to endure more than a generation. There were factors that encouraged the court toward an increasingly uniform culture. The fang-shih were contrary factors. When their political influence was at its height, during the reign of Han Emperor Wu (140-86 B.C.), the ways in which they differed from the Ju-ists were their gr~~~~t;~set~in gaining recognition and support. But after they achieved that zenith they suffered a rapid decline, and the same differences marked them for exclusion from the centers of wealth and power. The study of fang-shih is checked by formidable problems. The primary historical sources for the study of the earliest fang-shih are the dynastic histories, accounts which are neither abundant nor unbiased. During the periods of their greatest political prestige and influence, the fang-shih were fervently detested by the Ju-ists who dominated the offices responsible for compiling official historical records. Beginning with Ssu-ma Ch'ien, the Grand Historian, the compilers' jaundiced views of fang-shih and their methods colored the biographical accounts. There is, for example, persistent

4

INTRODUCTION

understatement of their impact on events and a critical attitude in evaluating their presence at court, an attitude that had become a matter of convention by the first century A. D. Disapprobation of the fang-shih is pronounced in the prefaces that begin their collected biographies and the postscriptural eulogies that typically summarize the virtues of a subject. Historians of China include both positive and negative examples in their biographies; hence, we find chapters on harsh officials, traitors to the emperor, and the like. But the fang-shih as a group are too diverse, and their treatment too inconsistent, for us to regard them simply as negative exemplars. There is no complementary group to the fang-shih-the equivalent of virtuous officials or loyal generals-that a negative example might illuminate. In the face of this explicit disesteem by the court historians, the mere inclusion of fang-shih in the histories argues for their importance at court, their visibility in elite social circles, and their influence among petty officialdom and the common people. For these reasons, and other reasons discussed below, biographies of fang-shih were unavoidable for the court historians. The difficulty contemporary scholars have in the study of fang-shih arts and techniques is a result, in part, of poor documentation in reliable primary sources. It is apparent that the officials compiling the dynastic histories had varying degrees of insight, often minimal, into the arts and techniques about which they wrote. The inadequate understanding of fang-shih arts in the court relates to a general sentiment that is pervasive in Han learning, namely, that much of the past-its texts and the significance of those textswas lost. This was largely blamed on the Ch'in emperor's burning of books and oppression of scholars, policies that interrupted the continuity of the classical traditions. Scholars during the Han were affected by a nostalgia for the lost past, an eagerness to possess books that transmit true doctrine, and a determination to eliminate discrepancies, ambiguities, and lacunae in their knowledge of the past and present. In the preface to the fang-shih biographies in the History of the Later Han, the inaccessibility of the fundamental fang-shih texts is lamented: We note that the theories of yin and yang and astrology and calendrics are mentioned often in the memorial classics. 6 Yet the works themselves, the marvelous tablets of jade slips and gold thread bindings, are secluded in the archives of the luminous divine, secured on altars of jade. There is no way for us to see them. 7

INTRODUCTION

5

Many fang-shih, by virtue of their distinct rhetoric or technique, can be related to known Han textual traditions. Some manuals of divination techniques of putative Han and even pre-Han authorship are still extant, but their ancestry is virtually always debatable and the interpretation of their contents problematic. Already by the early Han, a scholarly interest had developed in the history of divination and the proliferation of divination techniques. The chapter on turtle-shell and milfoil-stalk divination in the Records of the Grand Historian, though not by Ssu-ma Ch'ien, is widely believed to have been written within a few decades of his life. It traces the mythical origin of divination practices and reviews the general metaphysical basis. It continues with a discussion of regional variations of divination types that had already been observed by the Han, and then details the numerous kinds of turtles and the processes for selection and preparation of their shells. There is little technical detail about the actual divination act, and no discussion of the theoretical basis for the practice. Also, this chapter reflects interest in technologies that were already passe; the study was of practices already detached from the contemporary practices of the early Han court. Most of the textual materials we have in the received textual tradition (those works that have come down to the present in a process of uninterrupted transmission, as opposed to materials recovered in archeological finds) that deal with fang-shih or divination are narratives that focus on social interaction, not technical description. Although he did not include a collected biography of fang-shih in his Records of the Grand Historian of China, Ssu-ma Ch'ien introduced biographies of fang-shih to the dynastic history tradition with his "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifice." The chapter focused on several prominent fangshih and impressed a number of features on the historical stereotype as it was passed down to subsequent dynastic histories. Sung Wu-chi, Cheng-po Ch'iao, Ch'ung Shang, Hsien-men Kao, and Tsui Hou were all men of Yen who practiced magic and followed the way of the immortals, discarding their mortal forms and changing into spiritual beings by means of supernatural aid. Tsou Yen won fame among the feudal lords for his theories of the yin and the yang and the succession of the five elements, but the magicians who lived along the seacoast of Ch'i and Yen, though they claimed to transmit his teachings, were unable to understand them. Thus from time to

6

INTRODUCTION time there appeared a host of men, too numerous to mention, who expounded all sorts of weird and fantastic theories and went to any lengths to flatter the rulers of the day and ingratiate themselves with them. s

Outside this treatise, there is considerable space given to Tsou Yen, a speculative thinker of the late Chou period, in the "Biography of Mencius and Hsiin-tzu." 9 There is no other information about Tsou Yen except titles ascribed to him in the Han bibliography, titles classified among the yinyang thinkers. Tsou Yen is imputed to have refined the interpretation of omens by means of five-phases correlations, and that terminology is favored by certain diviners of later times, but his ultimate relation to the fang-shih who emerged centuries later is extremely unclear. Ssu-ma Ch'ien's prominent mention of Tsou Yen in connection with fang-shih fixed the notion that he was the father of their thought and that latter-day practitioners were errant disciples of his school; but a careful study of the one-hundred-odd fang-shih mentioned in the Han histories demonstrates that Tsou Yen and his thought shape only one of many facets of a complex intellectual ancestry, and only a small minority of the fang-shih came from the regions of Yen and Ch'i. Tsou Yen's putative contributions to theory are discussed below. In this same passage, Ssu-ma Ch'ien expressed skepticism about the fang-shih's ultimate value to society. This skepticism becomes de rigueur for the dynastic historian when commenting on fang-shih. The chapter as a whole, however, is full of lively and novel stories that attest to the fangshih's appeal as subjects for the historians. .

Background It is possible to group the antecedents of fang-shih thought and technology into three distinct areas: }!~!glQgy._'!mLf<:llenqIiG§; the practices of wu mediu l11 s .C1I)c:L<::QDild~y; and pharma~~.utifalgndhygieI1iGm~qi<::iI1~ .. Vir-t-~~Tfy--;I1-the fang-shih prominent enough to be included in dynastic histories specialized in only one of these areas. Because the three areas are not historically related, and the typical fang-shih does not embrace them all, the grouping suggests that the common sense of the name fang-shih was somewhat akin to "others," and did not attach to any readily definable school or \. tradition.

INTRODUCTION

7

Of the various specialties of the fang-shih, a,strology and calendrics were evidently of foremost interest to their imperial patrons. Their arts in this area were clearly the most compatible with established means of statecraft, most substantially documented in respected historical records prior to the Han, and most intelligible to the keepers and compilers of official historical records. The fang-shih were certainly not the only diviners at court. Quite to the contrary, a great deal of the persuasive discourse sounded in the councils of government was built on premises of reported omens and portents and followed the labyrinthine logic of numbers and systematic regularities. It was merely that the prognostication techniques of the fang-shih inclined toward the less orthodox, and in some cases less credible methods than those practiced by others in officialdom, including the Grand Historian himself. pivinational duties had been associated with record keepin~ Alltiesas early as the Sha I1 gDynasty (1766?-1122? B.C.). In oracle-bone divination is--practiced by the Shang, the act of cracking and interpreting the medium was followed by an act of record keeping, in which the diviner's charge, or question, to the spirits was recorded in both a positive and negative expression, with the diviner's determination and sometimes a verification of the determination appended. The date of the divination, expressed in cyclic terms, was almost always given a prominent place in the inscription. to The inscriptions may have been strung together, making a serial collection of divinations over a period of time. The divination media in turn became a historical record, not only of the divination act itself but of the public and private concerns of the Shang king on a day-to-day basis. Calendar keeping was also associated with divination and record keeping. At the earliest stages, the making of accurate calendars is motivated by ritual rather than practical concerns. Seasonal changes and dates of ritual importance are determined through ritual procedures, numerological procedures, or empirical means that are related to ritual procedures. Day counting was managed by cycling through the ten heavenly stems (t'ienkan) and twelve earthly branches (ti-chih). A cycle of sixty combinations was counted over and over without regard to solar or lunar phenomena. By some time no later than the early Chou Dynasty (1122?-255 B.C.), seasonal marking phenomena-the solstices and the equinoxes-were determined by measurement with a gnomen, a vertical member of measured height that projects a sun shadow of varying length on a calibrated horizontal template.

8

INTRODUCTION

According to the Chou-Ii, "Offices of the Earth" (Ti-kuan), the responsibility for making gnomen measurements rested with the Ta-ssu-t'u offices (grand minister of the lands and peoples), whose general responsibilities included measurements in both time and space, which in practice ranged from mapping the borders of the various jurisdictions to defining the changes of the seasons. The time of the solstice at the center of the earth is when "heaven and earth conjoin, the four seasons intersect, the winds and rains assemble, and the yin and yang harmonize." There is disagreement on key oracle bones that might suggest gnomen measurements during the Shang, but the central importance of seasonal changes and their relationship to governance and record keeping is well documented by the mid-Chou. The annals that Confucius is traditionally said to have edited are the Spring and Autumn Annals (Ch'un-ch'iu), whose structure is a seasonal diary of important events. For the year 654 B. C., the Tso Commentary (Tso-chuan) on the Annals records the following: In the fifth year of Duke Hsi, the first month of the royal year, the day hsin-hai [48th in the cycle of sixty], there was the first day of the lunar month and the very day of the winter solstice. Having noted the first day of the lunar month, the duke mounted his observation platform in order to gaze out and record [what he saw]. This was in accord with the protocol [of administration]. On the days of the equinoxes, the solstices, the beginning of spring and summer, and the beginning of fall and winter, it was compulsory to record the atmospherics, in order to prepare for their outcomes. 11 The interrelation of all calendric cycles, numerological, lunar, and solar, had to be noted with precision in order to keep accurate records of current events and make possible accurate predictions of future events. Concern with the calendar and calendric technology underlies much of the Annals text and is reflected throughout the chron: ~les and histories of pre-Han China. 12 Responsibilities for the calendar, for historical records, and for divination remain conjoined at least until the early Han. Ssu-ma Ch'ien writes of his own family background in both his autobiography and his well-known letter to Jen Shao-ch'ing. 13 But in charting his own ambitions, Ssu-ma Ch'ien marks a change in the Grand Historian's role that is crucial for the emergence of fang-shih and other diviner types. Calendars may begin as diaries,

INTRODUCTION

9

but expand eventually into larger, more sustained chronicles of events. Comparative studies have demonstrated that calendar keeping, which at an early stage requires esoteric knowledge, becomes increasingly regularized and increasingly disseminated as the historical records accumulate. The calendar keepers, with their associated divinational roles, become more involved in the writing of history as divinational responsibilities decrease. 14 With diminished calendric and divinational responsibilities, Ssu-ma Ch'ien commits himself to the compilation of his grand history of all times. This change does not mean the end of divination in the Han court by any means, nor the total abandonment of divinational responsibilities by the Grand Historian. But it did effectively detach these responsibilities from their traditional administrative context, demystifying the functions of the Grand Historian to a degree, and opening the doors of the emperor's chambers to a new variety of free-lance diviner, who brought with him new techniques, new promises, and new enchantments. The Grand Historian remained officially charged with calendric, divinational, and record keeping duties, and most of Han officialdom spoke the language of divination, omenology, and portents, but the distinction between serious administrative relevance and simple entertainmentbecame blurred as the world of the diviner and spiritualist in the court became more diverse, and expanded to include new types of divination practice, conjury, magic, games, and patter. The antiquity, utility, and efficacy of prognostication itself, irrespective of particular techniques, were already in need of defense by the early Han, suggesting that sk~I?Jjcism was exerting a persistent and menacing pressl:ire against theorists -;nd p~a-ctitioners. In the "Great Commentary" appended to the Book of Changes (I-ching, "Ta-chuan"), a quotation ascribed to Confucius lists prognostication as one of four paths within the Changes that merit the gentleman's attention. The term used for divination, chan, which is a Shang Dynasty graph,15 is broadly defined in the Changes and Han philosophical texts to include even the most mundane varieties (')f foreknowledge pertinent to successful planning and decision making. And its purview is not limited to foreknowledge but includes as well the untangling of complex issues of "doubt," arguing that prognostication was thought of as an intellectual discipline or methodology to be employed when potential solutions for problems did not emerge intuitively from the visible, circumstantial facts. 16 The idea of prognostication in statecraft included not only the possession of future knowledge or methodical knowledge but the appropriate revelation of

10

INTRODUCTION

it as well. From Shang times, the display of divination media apparently served to assure the validity of the prediction; cracked bones were not discarded, but pigmented and displayed. 17 Perhaps also from Shang times, the persuasive articulation of a divination result was essential in the political process of getting the appropriate course of action implemented. The early Han dynasty etymological dictionary, Shuo-wen chieh-tzu (Explaining the Graphs and Explicating Their Combinations), makes the obvious dissection of the graph for chan into its two components, "crack-making" (pu) and "mouth" (k'ou), linking the processes of action and recitation. By the Han, competing technologies of divination and skepticism about divination made debating skill and persuading skills crucial to a successful interpretation. 18 In Ssu-ma Ch'ien's "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices" and Pan Ku's "Biography of Tung-fang Shuo" 19 thee)(tr~?r?i~~ryver~al~~cility?f thefang~shihjscekbr
INTRODUCTION

11

ts'ai shuo), attempts to link and correlate the significance of phenomena in two or three apparently distinct realms. Already by the early Han, there were various explanations of the relationship implied in these theories. The more vulgar held that heaven judges by unflinching moral standards the administrative policies and actions of influential men and responds with favorable or unfavorable signs as a means of communicating guidance and indicating future support. The more sophisticated held that heaven and earth were correlated fields of phenomena in an organically interactive cosmos. Interaction was by means of a sympathetic response, something that could be demonstrated by the communication of vibration from one musical string to another tuned to the same pitch, and by means of more remote manipulations demonstrated in the collection and reflection of light with mirrors. In the explanations of this latter theory, an aberration or abnormality on earth would synchronize with a corresponding aberration or abnormality in heaven. In every variety of correlation theory, the prognosticator specialized in the translation of heavenly signs into significance for human action. In the heavens above were the simulacra or emblems (hsiang), and on the earth below the formed shapes (hsing).21 Though there are many exceptions in the historical records, we can say generally that anomalous events, such as the irregular movement of celestial bodies, comets, and meteors, bizarre weather, and strange births, were felt to be inauspicious and called for dramatic corrective measures. Interpretation of the signs in nature was based on a distinct hermeneutics that was in turn part of the Han view of the cosmos. In their capacity as prognosticators, many fang-shih claimed indebtedness to!fs~uYeI1. Needham describes Tsou Yen as "the real founder of all Chinese scientific thought," 22 though it has recently been demonstrated that much of the underlying structure of Tsou Yen's thought, especially the underlying numerological systems, existed long before he lived and is evident in prehistoric creation mythology.23 According to Ssu-ma Ch'ien's biography of Tsou Yen and some additional notes found in the Han bibliographies, he combined yin and yang dualism with a quintuple system known Jl as the "five phases." The five phases-metal, fire, earth, wood, and waterwere defined within various schemes of cyclic interaction and represented phases or aspects of encompassing natural processes. The combination of yin and yang dualism and the five phases resulted in an elaborate pattern to serve as a model for interpreting the interaction of natural forces and things.

12

INTRODUCTION

Projected on the known course of history, the regular cyclical movement of the yin and yang and the five phases explained the origin of the cosmos and all subsequent developments. Brought to bear on the present, it provided a model for ordering otherwise unmanageably complex or unreachably remote problems. Tsou Yen's contributions included broad taxonomic systems, encompassing flora and fauna, geological and geographical entities, and moral and ethical relationships. Finally, he is credited with developing a method of induction, literally "pushing" or "projecting" (t'ui) from the known tangible reality to the unknown. The mental process is one of circulating through sets of affinity groups or correlates, mirroring the evolutive phases of the cosmos itself, to guide the orderly consideration of signs toward interpretation that is relevant and can be acted on. Scholars question the authenticity of the account of Tsou Yen in the Records of the Grand Historian, and some have algued that the fullest, most exuberant notion of the five phases as elemental rhythms or structures of the cosmos did not coalesce until the early Han, somewhat reducing if not eliminating the role Tsou Yen in fact played in that development. 24 Many of the prognostic and diagnostic methods of the fang-shih relied on five-phases schemes to link diverse signs and phenomena into meaningful patterns. What was current and visible could be analyzed for its fivephases affinities; these in turn could be "pushed" toward what is future or invisible by observation of the predictable processes in the five-phases model. Different numerological schemes of trigrams, hexagrams, heavenly stems, earthly branches, pitches, and the like were interrelated to create a complex and challenging interpretive apparatus. The hexagrams of the Book ofChanges were combined with the sexagenary cycle, or the ten heavenly stems were related to the eight trigrams. Analytic systems based on the "Theory of Heaven and Man" and "Theory of Heaven, Earth, and Man" were generally supported and enriched by philosophers called New Text advocates, including Tung Chung-shu and Ching Fang. Tung Chung-shu's Ch'un-ch'iu fan-Iu (Myriad Dewdrop Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals) is the most extensive elaboration of correlation theory to survi~e from the Han, and Ching Fang's correlative commentary on the Book of Changes was the reference text most frequently mentioned by the fang-shih. The opposition to the New Text advocates was found in the Old Text factions, which included Yang Hsiung, Liu Hsin, Wang Ch'ung, and Wang Fu, philosophers who forswore metaphysical speculation for the comfort of Confucian fun-

INTRODUCTION

13

damentalism. 25 But the attacks of the New Text advocates were focused on the more readily ridiculed, vulgar side of the correlation theories, that touted by fang-shih who dealt in the coin of ghosts and demons. There was virtually no disagreement on the importance of heaven and the importance of understanding heavenly influence. Disagreement with early Han divinational practices expressed in works like Wang Ch'ung's Lun-heng (Balance of Discourses) and Wang Fu's Ch'ien-fu-lun (Discourses of the Hidden One) dealt with specifics of the practices and putative errors in interpretation of historical records. Theoretical disagreement, perhaps most pronounced in Yang Hsiung's elaboration of theT'ai-hsiian (Great Mystery), settled on the abstract epistemological question of whether everything was knowable or whether there were in the universe ultimate mysteries that would remain mysteries. 26 Yang Hsiung's argument for the latter view presaged the philosophers of hsiian-hsiieh (mysterious learning) of the early Six Dynasties, philosophers like Wang Pi, who wrote a commentary on the Book of Changes that savored the mystery of the work and argued against Ching Fang's correlative apparatus. 27 The proponents of mysticism in the early Six Dynasties challenged the fundamental idea that signs in nature were intelligible to man. They undermined the philosophical compatibility with fang-shih practices among major thinkers, not the late Han skeptics. This is evident in the interaction between fang-shih Kuan Lu and hsiian-hsiieh devotees Ho Yen and Teng Yang. During the prime era of correlation theories, among advocates there was by no means unanimity on a single particular system of analysis. But certain texts that outline comprehensive systems were extremely influential, among them The In1'l(}!GlCls~i~o[the X~fl?lV~?ver~i~r1(I--lll~r1~-tirlei~chin~), the "Great Plan" (Hung-fan) chapter of the Book of Documents (Shu-ching), the Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lii (Lii-shih ch'unch'iu), the Huai-nan-tzu, Tung Chung-shu's Myriad Dewdrop Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, and the Book of Changes: Commentary of Ching Fang. As fang-shih are introduced in their biographies, they are often described as having mastered one or another of these texts, and as a '1\ whole the ~exts cle~rly form a~;a~()l!that contributed to the legitimacy of \ the fang-shIh techmques and phIlosophy. -.l Less can be said about the contribution of the wu tradition of!mediums to the fang-shih. According to Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Han founder Emperor Kao~ tsu brought women mediums to the capital to perform an ambitious series

14

INTRODUCTION

of sacrifices and invocations year-round. 28 The fang-shih Shao Weng put Emperor Wu in contact with his deceased concubine Madam Wang, and even after Shao Weng was discredited and executed, Emperor Wu continued his lavish patronage of mediums with the construction of the Temple of Long Life. 29 But the court, which naturally serves as the background for the accounts in most dynastic histories, was not a comfortable context for unbridled expansion of popular religious practices. To Ju-ists generally illdisposed toward fang-shih, exorcism, conjury, and spirit communion were the least palatable of their varied practices. In fact, the term "left Way" (tsotao) appeared, describing a heterodox black art that in some texts is specifically linked to the wu. An early manual of strategy, the Liu-t'ao, describes seven banes of the people, among them "deceptive methods, odd techniques, wu potions, and black arts." The ki~g r~~~~~ea-fllat-~~chpractices delude the masses, who would otherwise follow a virtuous path, and that they should be prohibited. 30 To the extent wu practitioners survived at court, they tended to be involved with the private rather than public life of the emperor and often with the distaff side of the imperial family. Those prominent in the histories circulated among prefectural and occasionally provincial officials. The popular practices of the wu, unlike their divinational counterparts, were not computational and technical, but ecstatic, involving spirit possession, spirit dispossession, and the conjuring of images or illusions. The legacy of conjury practices among fang-shih is seen in examples such as Tso Tz'u's liter of wine and slab of beef, and Wang Ch'iao's shoes and his burial mound. The onlooker is deceived by virtue of the conjurer's power, failing to see what actually happened. Tso Tz'u appears to create an endless supply of wine and beef from a small initial stock with which to feed a large retinue traveling with Ts'ao Ts'ao. But in fact he expropriates it, by means of magical transportation, from local shops. Wang Ch'iao's burial mound appears to rise spontaneously, but in fact he magically conscripts the labor of all the oxen in the area, with the result that they are exhausted before the next morning's work. Whereas we might think it remarkable that Tso Tz'u could remotely and invisibly collect the inventories of all the wine shops in a region or that Wang Ch'iao could posthumously supervise the construction of his burial mound, the historian takes pains to recount these not as acts of virtue but as acts of deception. The enchanting accounts of the conjury are placed against background comments debunking their powers. Exorcism is a practice complementary to spirit possession and to con-

INTRODUCTION

15

jury, making visible what is otherwise obscured when demonic beings are deceiving or possessing an ordinary person, creature, or thing. With his powers, th~faJ:lg=shihcan see the essential. b~il1g th~()llghClnydi~glJi~~, behind any visible phenomenon, or existing as a diffuse but malevolent presence in a troubled place. Fei Ch'ang-fang uses spells to make a turtle demon manifest his true form, after which he can force a confession from the creature and an eventual suicide. Kuan Lu uses divination to unveil the presence of two corpses beneath the wall of a house full of tormented women. The weapons the corpses hold are the instruments of the women's disorders. Once the presence is discovered and the corpses removed, the disorders vanish. Elements of exorcistic practice are evident in fang-shih medical practices that derive from the popular medical tradition. Fei Ch'ang-fang, Hsii Teng, and Chao Ping are all described as masters of exorcistic skills, and, in fact, Chao Ping is said to have gotten his arts from the Yiieh tribes, southern non-Han peoples whose medical practices would have been viewed as grossly inferior to the Yellow Sovereign traditions favored at court. Excluding H ua T' 0, most fang-shih healers regard disorders as externally imposed, to be treated by exorcism or purgation of the infecting agent. Straightforward communication with ghosts and spirits waned in importance as a fang-shih practice by the middle of the Han, especially among fang-shih who sought positions in the court. There are very few examples after the Han restoration of seances of the sort that Shao Weng arranged between Emperor Wu and his deceased favorite concubine. There are some stories scattered throughout the Han histories of involvements between spirit mediums and empresses and other palace ladies. But in the outlying areas, one finds the likes of Liu Ken, who has the ability to call forth the spirits of the dead. This is the only art attributed to him. The story of Liu Ken casts ironic light on the relationship between the occult practice of spirit communion and the sober Confucian dedication to ancestor worship. Arrested for deluding the people, Liu Ken defends himself from the local grand prot~ctor, Shih Ch'i, by calling up the spirits of Shih Ch'i's ancestors to chastise him. Shih Ch'i is suitably humbled and embarrassed for bringing potential harm to his ancestors by meddling with such a powerful figure as Liu Ken, who has access to the spirit world where Shih Ch'i's venerable ancestors live. The two men derive from dramatically different intellectual backgrounds, but Liu Ken's successful strategy in the tale exploits a potent area of overlap in their beliefs. There are other residual elements of specific practices of manipulative

16

INTRODUCTION

magic. A number of fang-shih are able to break sustained droughts by producing rain, and Kung-sha Mu does so by offering himself on the prayer altar, recalling acts of ritual exposure to the sun to elicit rain. 31 Fei Ch'angfang, on the other hand, breaks a drought by pardoning a rain spirit whom he had sentenced to a long imprisonment for lascivious dalliance with the wife of another spirit whom he was visiting. There is a distinction between fang-shih who interpret or manipulate the weather with technical knowledge, the science of Meteorognostics (e.g., Kuan Lu), and those who do it through the control and manipulation of intermediary spirits, with prayers, charms, or spells (e.g., Fei Ch'ang-fang). A widespread divinatioq technique, best exemplified by Kuan Lu, is the analysis of bird calls/hird)novements, and bird anomalies. This particular art, known as auspicy, has been documented as a popular divination practice among Tibetans and is described in folktale traditions around China. 32 Feathered headdress and costume, designed in imitation of birds, are widespread in shamanic ritual. 33 Bird imagery plays a central role in the depiction of the deities of the skies and directions, for example in the Classic of Mountains and Waterways (Shan-hai-ching),34 and bird and flight imagery is commonly associated with hsien immortals. In the context of divination generally, the ability to fly is tantamount to the ability to gain knowledge of remote realms. The assumption that birds can be messengers of what is coming from afar is easily extended to an assumption that they are messengers of what is coming from the future. In addition to description of auspicy, fang-shih writings contain curious remnants of bird associations. Wang Ch'iao magically travels to court aboard his duck shoes in a tale that was both widely reported in early historical and fictional texts and vigorously ridiculed by Han skeptics. 3s In spite of the obvious disdain in the official histories for fang-shih yvhos~.practices. r~s~mbleJhoseoLpopularPEi~stsalld medilIIl1S, a number of them are described as being po~erfl!lC1f!cleff~c::ti,y~ if!1~2!\,iI!l!0l!s.Some are executed only to reappear Tn-·;~~the~· time a~d -pl;ce-. -Othe;~' ~ake astonishing escapes from custody before impending execution or trial. The ones who are least popular at court make their reputations among the common people, and the support they garner in that quarter often serves them as well as imperial patronage. For men in positions of authority, soliciting the good will of a popular fang-shih was an expedient way of securing the good will of the people. Conversely, those in authority who felt threatened

INTRODUCTION

17

by the competitive loyalties to a popular fang-shih and his potential corrupting influences often sought to eliminate him. As a result they saw the enthusiasm for their administration wane and their tenures go awry. In the case of Fan Ying, the emperor himself was obliged to pay him respects by virtue of Fan Ying's reputation around the land, in spite of Fan Ying's unrelenting denial of the emperor's wishes and repeated acts of lese majesty. In his "Discussion Discerning the Way," quoted in the commentary to Hua T'o's biography, Ts'ao Ts'ao's brother, Ts'ao Chih, claims that fang-shih were called together in the Wei court only to keep other aspirants to the throne from exploiting the fang-shih's sway over the masses. Disclaiming any_JCiithjntheiLskills.whatsoever,. Ts'ao Chih relates several conversations 'i~whi~bhe feigned credulityin order to amuse himself with the extravagant elai~s of the fang-shih who resided with them. ---~\Vh~~·~~iiedllp()n to evaluate their subjects, orthodox historians do not conceal their disdain and skepticism over fang-shih who practice conjury and exorcism. Yet, the narratives are straightforward and often compelling. Wh~l1s()urces .were .limited, the dynastic historian seemed most inclined to pre~~rye l11aterials that were of dubious reliability as historical accounts. For cexample, the contents of the last few biographies in the History of the Later Han are virtually identical to biographies found in chih-kuai (recording anomalies) collections, and such collections probably served as Fan Yeh's sources. 36 Why were biographies like those of Wang Chen and Ho Mengchieh, Chieh Nu-ku, Chang Tiao, and Shou Kuang-hou included at all? Were they powerful figures among the people? Powerful myths among the people? Or were they simply the most remarkable examples of the fang-shih type in which the historians' interests and curiosity were engaged? Prominent fang-shih like Tso Tz'u and Shou Kuang-h~m, despite the length and inherent interest in some of their accounts, are placed in the final pages of the chapter, the order of the biographies itself being a comment on the relative disesteem in which they were held. In the intellectual background of fang-shih, the most obscure tradition is that of pharmaceutical andhygi~nicmedicine. This group of fang-shih are in the iml11QrtaL(b§!~~)JXCLdi!iQ!1. They are described as reclusive and -. adamantly reluctant to enter the emperor's service. Historically, a healer labeled as a fang-shih would not likely have been engaged in the official court medical institutions. Those who actually practice medicine as itinerant healers are somewhat more forthcoming than those who simply pursue

18

INTRODUCTION

their own longevity. The practice of medicine typically involves diagnosis by pulse and observation of visible signs and circumstances. Treatment is by , acupuncture, diet control, moxa combustion, drugs, and, in extreme cases, surgery. The theoretical foundation of this stream ofmedicine shares much with the theoretical foundation of the diviner's arts. The body is a microcosmic system reflecting the structure and function of the cosmos in which it is situated. For the purpose of identifying and treating disorders, it is envisioned as having interactive orbits of energy that can be understood in yin-yang and five-phases terms, correlating with relationships and processes outside the body. Kuo Yii and Hua T'o are the outstanding examples of healers in the biographies translated here, although Hua T'o's practices are eclectic and reveal the influence of other medical traditions, perhaps of Indian origin. 37 But the larger number of fang-shih in the medical tradition do not practice healing. Their powers are manifest in control over their own' fate or knowledge of it. They live to great ages and are routinely able to foreknow their own time of death, attracting attention by the confident control they exercise over their fates. They do not change fate but rather understand it enough to adapt to it. The appeal of fang-shih in the medical tradition to the emperors is well documented in the histories. Emperors who were sated with every mortal satisfaction turned their attention to the pursuit of immortality, and fangshih appeared with claims of either being immortal or being in contact with iJ11J11ortals. Contactwlth'the lmmortalscarriedwithitthe'possibility of acquiring secret formulas or, even better, the elixirs or herbs of immortality themselves. By virtue of the fact that immortality is demonstrable only by something not happening, the biographies in this group are the least specific in their narration of actual events. There are claims about the subjects, what. they ate, how youthful they looked and how aged they really were, and what remarkable powers over nature they had achieved. The immortal is characteristically'eremetic,\ and he emerges into public view only in the rarest of circumstances. The historians not only had little of written record to convey, but they had little by way of praise to extend to this group. Still, in spite of the lack of contact with immortal types, the lack of interesting events to report on, rand the saturating skepticism toward the claims of immortality, longevity, \ and decorporealization, the immortal type of fang-shih is probably the most ! popular character in early nonofficial biographical writing. When lives of

INTRODUCTION

19

individuals began to be written and collected outside the court, immortals prominent subjects. In many cases the unofficial biographies were either by or traditionally ascribed to the same men who made the official compilations. Several specialized collections of immortals' lives were reto have been in existence by the end of the fourth century, making the immortal a crucial figure in hagiography and the evolution of early fiction. More will be said about this later. There is a variety of techniques mentioned in the biographies of fangshih pursuing immortality. Immortals were reclusive and the substance of their techniques held secret, so what the historian could learn was limited, and what he had to say was enigmatic. Tales of immortals were often told b~. fang·shih irl~I'flP~E()r~l(s.c?llrt,.~d~th~fa~g~shincoiiijt~(J-~ITiQDg their assets the ability to find immortals for study. Little or no explanatory material can be positively attributed to the Han or Six Dynasties, and most of what is extant from early times on immortality arts is in the JaQi~LP;l­ trology (Tao:-t8.czrzg) and has not been thoroughly studied by modern schol;rs~A key work is the eleventh-century Taoist encyclopedia,,seven Bamboo TabJe.ts.QLth~ClQtlcly,sCltchel(Yiln-chic:h'i-:c:h'iell), which preserves earlier -~~rks that have detailed discussions of the sexual arts of Master Tung-ch'eng, fetal breathing, and the ubi.quitous "achieving the Way," all of which contribute to the prolongation of youth, vitality, and life itself. Whether the quoted works represent a genuine transmission of the esoterica is difficult to judge; it is always possible that they are later inventions exploiting the prestige ~n(Jc,~ecl!bUTfY~9f-~~~~~i~~t'~a~~:No~~th~I~~~,\\lhat'th~ydo'~aydoes ~ot conflict in' any ob~io~~",ay ~ith th~ fang-shih records. The histories teach that the fang-shih promoting arts of immortality were less likely than other fang-shih to survive contact with the emperor. This may be for no other reason than the fact that their promised achievements allowed for less ambiguity of success than diviners or wu doctors. On the other hand, those who practiced healing in the tradition of the Inner Classic of the Yellow Sovereign seemed uniquely s_aJ2gl>I~QfestablishiI1g.a fle~ibl~r~l~!i()~~hip\yith theCQUrt, being close. when it served their needs but 'oth~rwise circulating outside. The precedent for having physicians in the court was very ancient. The Chou-li contains a list of official physicians. And it appears that physicians had privileged access to the emperor and the emperor's closest associates and family. But the two most important fangshih physicians, Kuo Yii and Hua T'o, are reported to have declined ap-

20

INTRODUCTION

pointments or to have retired from posts. They did not rise far, if at all, in officialdom. Hence the physician fang-shih as a rule are less visible in the histories than the diviner types. The historians were not likely to have an adequate command of the medical technologies to record the activities of physicians at length, and where records were available, they were probably reluctant in their attempts to compile them. 'There is a relatively small nUmber of physicians recorded in the early dynastic histories.$sll..ffiClQh'ienincludedbiographies of Pien Ch'iieh and Duke Ts'ang (Shun-yii 1).38 Pien Ch'iieh may be tentatively dated in the sixth or seventh century B. C., though the improbably long span of time covered in his biography has led some scholars to speculate either that the name belonged to different men or that it was used generically for practitioners of a particular type of medicine. In any case, it is interesting to note that according to Ssu-ma Ch'ien's account, rivalry between competing practitioners was keen enough that the grand physician of Ch'in had Pien Ch'iieh assassinated out of jealousy for Ch'iieh's superior techniques. The biography is sparse in technical detail, about the rivalry or about Pien Ch'iieh's specific practices. Ssu-ma Ch'ien mainly concluded that the understanding of pulse in his own day was originally derived from Pien Ch'iieh's technique. Ssu-ma Ch'ien's second physician subject, Shun-yii I, lived only a generation before the Grand Historian's time. Better awailability of records is reflected in much greater narrative detail. Here is found the prototype for the case by case account of the physician's activities that provides the text's structure in the biography of Hua T'o translated below. The case descriptions include the physician's explanation of the manifestations of the disorder, his prognosis, his treatment, and finally a verification of its efficacy. Generally, what is recorded is confined to aspects of the diagnosis and treatment that were apparent to onlookers or that were described aloud by the physician. Technical detail is almost exclusively confined to what are presumably quotations from the physician and are so cast in the narratives. This feature of the text, considered in conjunction with the absence of any critical discussion of the medicine by the historian, is tantamount to a disavowal of competence in the medical technologies by the historians. The dynastic histories do not carry detailed treatises on medicine -comparable to those in calendrics, omenology, and astrology. The information they offer is confined to biographies. Hua T'o's life is found in significantly different

INTRODUCTION

21

versions in both the History of the Later Han and the Records oT the Three Kingdoms, but aside from his, there are few detailed biographies of early physicians with detailed case accounts. This relative neglect of the physicians, compared to the diviners, again points out the relative compatibility of the diviners and their theories and discourse with the official historians. There is overlap among these three technical traditions that I have suggested for analysis of the fang-shih, but ~()~t il1~i",i~ll~!~il1_t~~_E~_~()rdclearly belong to only one group. Their social and political functions thatbr-ought" the·~-·t~·th~-hi~t~-~i;~;~·-attention, that made them ~!L\YhQ"~~~.~~!.~._!~ ma~eC1stl~stC1IltiCllc()fltri~llti()I1tot~~irtirrles,"i n Fan Yeh's words, obtained fro~ these -tr;diti~ns. Yet,- in addition, they developed new roles uniquely characteristic of fang-shih. One of these was that of ~~9Eyt.~11~E~I1~. ~gtert~ifl~r. Whenever skepticism prevailed about his art, the best-placed fang-shih risked being kept simply for fun. Or conversely, he could take advantage of his talents to ingratiate himself as an occasional poet, storyteller, or buffoon. Ssu-ma Ch'ien complains that the emperor kept his father only for entertainment. My father had no great deeds that entitled him to receive the split tallies or the red charter. He dealt with affairs of astronomy and the calendar, which are close to divination and the worship of spirits. He was kept for the sport and amusement of the emperor, treated the same as the musicians and jesters, and made light of by the vulgar men of his day.39 On the other hand, his contemporaries like Tung-fang Shuo enjoyed unusual rewards and security in that role. Those who were recognized as savants in a technical field were also highly regarded for their erudition about all manner of curious and remote things. Many seemed not to share Ssurna Ch'ien's concern that their stories and theories were solicited for amusement rather than serious purpose. Emperor Wu called Tung-fang Shuo to entertain him with stories of remote places, and an imperial request reportedly led Shuo to compile the Account ofTen Continents (Shih-chou-chi). In the centuries after Tung-fang Shuo, other prognosticators to whom works of a similar nature are attributed include Chang Hua, author of the Records of the Widely Diverse Thingt>.Jl'o-wu-chih), and Kan Pao, author of In Search of the Supernatural (~Q~=-s~~~~~7ity-j,o Some fang-shih were counted among , the court of their day, called upon to display ready wit in the presen-

22

INTRODUCTION

tation of occasional poetry on command. By the end of the Han Dynasty, fang-shih like Tso Tz'u were routinely asked to perform feats of magic before the dinner guests of their patrons, especially «Shrinking the World," and those like Kuan Lu were invited to engage in debates with contending theorists for an evening's entertainment. As a youth, Kuan Lu was invited to dinner with the most skillful conversationalists of his locale in order to test his ability to maintain his composure on the battlefield of intense philosophical debate. He too was the preeminent practitioner of "Shoot for the Contents," guessing up to thirteen odd items with rarely a miss. And his ability to engage the attention of onlookers with his explanations of the hexagrams was even more exciting than his accuracy in guessing the identity of the hidden objects. In keeping with the necessity for skills of persuasion in the prognosticator's profession, some fang-shih were not simply literate. They were eloquent if not glib, and they demonstrated their gift for speech both in the spinning of~comple)()nterpretations and the displaying of facile wit. At one extreme(,J(u~n. . Lu's}:~loguence a~ests to his clear grasp of arcane principles. At the other'('f~ng~~angShuo's boisterous levity marks him as a jester and buffoon at cour[41 There is variety in the roles played by the fang-shih at court, varying according to the times and the individuals involved. But generally, their social status and intellectual influence declined markedly after the reign of Han Emperor Wu, and markedly again after the interregnum of Wang Mang. The change is demonstrated by comparing the descriptions of their status in Han Emperor Wu's court by Ssu-ma Ch'ien and the description of their status in Ts'ao Ts'ao's court in the final commentary to Hua T'o's biography. But at both extremes, the relationship between roles as serious functionaries and as entertainers is complex, and involves not only the real power of the fang-shih but the vanity of the ruler as well.

Techniques The compilers of the dynastic histories through the History of the Chin were laconic in their explanations of the nature of fang-shih divination techniques, even though they were presumably familiar with the more standard ones and made handy reference to them repeatedly in the biographies and prefaces. When later commentators offered glosses on the names of tech-

INTRODUCTION niques, they were brief and of irregular significance. Thus, even for the most important techniques, authoritative explanations before the T'ang Dynasty are scarce. Many current divination practices have a clear ancestry in the fang-shih arts, but the technology evolved over the centuries, and we cannot accurately determine to what extent current practices reflect ancient ones. 42 New finds of Han artifacts, including shih divining boards, are shedding new light on actual practices and the symbolic dimensions of practices in Han life. Taken together with recent redactions of Han apocryphal texts, which were deeply involved with divination and correlation, these sources will in time provide a clearer view of Han mantic practices. 43 But because of their importance for understanding the mentality as well as the theory of the fang-shih, I will offer some preliminary descriptions of the divination techniques and other arts mentioned most often in the translated texts. 44 The most commonly referred to divination techniques involve the hexagrams of the ~o~k of Changes, a set of sixty-four signs made from all combinations and permutations of six solid or broken lines. Hexagram divination required that a graph be cast, usually by counting a handful of milfoil stalks, and then the graph be analyzed with reference to the current concerns. Here again, the specific technique for determining and interpreting the graphs is understood through materials that largely postdate the Han. But recent archeological finds and textual studies have indicated that the basic structure of the extant Book of Changes and the fundamental commentaries, called the Ten Wings (Shih-i), were essentially transmitted intact from the Han. Richard Wilhelm's translation and discussion of the Book of Changes provides what is likely an accurate picture of the Han practice. 45 Listed below are the techniques found in the biographies of fang-shih. I have translated the names with close adherence to the originals, so there is a considerable amount of overlap, and some names are essentially generic descriptions of fang-shih activities, not the names ofspecific~J~s::llJ:!iql!~§at all. Following the list, a number of the more common techniques are described at slightly greater length. Arts of Jung-ch'eng Arts and Systems

Jung-ch'eng shu Shu-shu

Astral Influences Astrology

T'ui-pu Chan-hsing

Sexual vitality regimen Esoteric techniques and regularities Projections from sky readings General astrological divination

24

INTRODUCTION

Auspication Bamboo Twisters Buddhist Arts Calendric Computation Celestial Offices Celestial Rulers

Niao-ch'ing T'ing-chuan Fo-chiao Li-shu T'ien-kuan Ch'i-cheng

Charts and Apocrypha Charts and Tallies Conjury Computational Arts Crack Making Dream Divining Esoteric Arts. Evading Stems Exorcism

T'u-wei T'u-ch'an Huan-shu Suan-shu Pu-chan Chan-meng Fang-shu Tun-chia Ch'ii-i

Fetal Breathing

T'ai-hsi

Fasting

Chin-ku

Graph Dividing

Che-tzu

Heavenly Patterns Lo River Script Longevity Study

T'ien-wen La-shu Hsien-hsiieh

Magical Martial

Ping-shu

Medicine

I-chih

Medium Healing Meetings and Greetings Meteorognostics Orphans and Voids Pitch Mastery

.Wu-i Feng-chan Chan-hou Ku-hsil Chih-yin

Primal Pneuma Prognostication

Yiian-ch'i Chan

Bird calls and movements A type of crack making Buddhist or Indian practices Correlation of time systems Analogical reading of heavens Study of sun, moon, and planets Analysis of charts and texts Study of symbols and tables Projection of images General numerological arts Cracking of shells and bones Analysis of dreams General fang-shih arts Analysis of sexagenary cycle Control and removal of demons Minimal respiration for longevity Grain or total dietary abstention Analysis by character dissection General astrological arts Analysis of signs For long life, youth, and rebirth Magic weaponry, skills, strategies Healing in the Yellow Sovereign tradition Healing in the wu tradition Unclear (see below) Analysis of atmospherics Analysis of sexagenary cycle Detection and analysis of sound Cosmogonic theory General strategy and persuasion

INTRODUCTION Physiognomy Stalk Divining Six Day Seven Division

Hsiang-jen Shih Liu-jen ch'i-fen

Spirit Medium

T'ung-shen

,Spirit Way

Shen-tao

Wind Angles Yellow River Charts Yin and Yang

Feng-chiao Ho-t'u Yin-yang

25

Analysis of visible features Milfoil and hexagram analysis Numerological analysis of times Spirit communication and control Superior integration with cosmos Wind direction and quality Analysis of signs Dualistic analysis of events 46

Evading Stems (Tun-chia): This was a system of combining time counting with the sexagenary cycle. As the ten heavenly stems and twelve earthly branches are cycled through the sixty combinations, there are six branches that never come into contact with any given stem. Hence these are said to evade the stem. Particular significance is accorded these six when assaying the import of a certain stem. A minister of the Yellow Sovereign, Tu Nao, is reported in the mythology to be the inventor of the system of heavenly stems and earthly branches and the figure who put them into significant accord with the passing days. Hence aspects of the cosmic situation at any given moment are discernible in examination of the stems and branches. Archeologists have established through the study of oracle bones that the cycle of sixty was the routine day-counting method by the late periods of the Shang, and the system was applied with uncompromising rigor. Evading Stems was one of the major interpretive techniques of the sexagenary cycle. Another explanation holds that the system was invent~d by Feng Hou, a different minister of the Yellow Emperor, and it was recondite, hence called "evading." Orphans and Voids (Ku-hsii): This is another system that focuses on the qualities of time as revealed in the sexagenary cycle. The first ten combinations are made, from chia-tzu to kuei-yu, covering a ten-day period. The last, two of the twelve earthly branches will be left over, hsii (number 11) and hai (number 12). These are the orphans. The opposite branches in a circular projection of the twelve, number 5 ch'en and number 6 ssu, are the void. This example is for a ten-day period beginning with chia-tzu, but for any given ten-day period, two branches will be orphaned. Orphans and

Two charts showing the alignment of various counters for a particular day in the cycle of ten. In the center are the graphs for yang (top) and yin, surrounded by markers for the four quarters of the sky, twelve earthly branches, twelve solar seasons, and finally combined branches, stems, and hexagrams. (From the Ch'ien-Iung [1736-1795] imperictlly commissioned compendium of divination lore, Hsieh-chi pien-fang shu [Gathering records and discerning directions].)

INTRODUCTION Voids is often mentioned as a technique useful for military intelligence and strategy. Wind Angles (Feng-chiao): The wind from eight angles (four sides and four corners) is observed for its direction, strength, and other qualities. This technique was not only popular among fang-shih but is mentioned in connection with other Han figures as well, such as Chang Heng and Lang I. The bibliography of the History of the Han records a number of manuals, some as large as ten scrolls. The nature of the analysis is still to be determined, but some sources link the practice to expertise in the five tones (wuyin), specifically the ability to hear and differentiate pitches that are inaudible to most people. Six Day Seven Division (Liu-jen ch'i-fen): This technique is associated with Ching Fang and his commentary on the Book of Changes. It coordinates meteorological phenomena (related to the five tones) and the sexagenary cycle with hexagrams. Bamboo Twisters (T'ing-chuan): This technique is one of a number of crack- and fracture-reading approaches. Sections of bamboo are broken and the resultant cracks are read. Celestial Offices (T'ien-kuan): Analogies are sought between celestial bodies and their movements and mundane officialdom. Commentators mention that the celestial bodies have rank comparable with that of earthly organizations. A conspicuous example of Celestial Offices is in Li Ko's observation of two emissary stars fanning out across the heavens, from which he learned that emissaries had been dispatched from the imperial court. The Records of the Grand Historian devotes a special treatise to the explanation of specific Celestial Office correlates and the significance of their dynamic interactions in the "Treatise on Celestial Offices" (chapter 27). Celestial Rulers (Ch'i-cheng): This appears to be a technical astronomical art involving observations of the heavens with a dioptra and circumpolar template to refine the accuracy of polar measurements and establish precisely the seven celestial directions. The opening lines of the "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifice" in the Records of the Grand Historian quotes from the Book of Documents a description of Emperor Shun surveying the Celestial Rulers with what are thought to be instruments. 47 There is disagreement as to the exact identification of the Celestial Rulers, though it is apparent that they are related to correction of the calendar in the earliest records. One explanation identifies them as the seven major celestial lights,

28

INTRODUCTION

the sun, moon, and five planets (Jupiter, Mars, Saturn, Venus, and Mercury). Another holds that they were the four seasons, added to which were the patterns of heaven, the guidelines of earth, and the way of mankind. Still anothe! relates them to the seven stars of the Big Dipper, which in turn correlated with the seven major lights. The sense of the seven as the sun, moon, and planets is the sense common in astronomy from the Han on. Primal Pneuma (Yiian-ch'i): This is a cosmogonic approach to the explanation of phenomena, the application of which t9 divination is unclear. It is a theory of the cosmos, based on yin and yang thinking, that related to interpretation of events. The Primal Pneuma represents a stage linking an undifferentiated cosmos with the emergence of the highly differentiated phenomenal world. 48 Meetings and Greetings (Feng-chan): There is considerable disagreement about the import of this term. The majority of commentators, all of whom appear to be speculating, suggest it is a technique that analyzes the first words uttered by people during chance meetings. Others interpret the term differently and argue that it means "Contrary divination" and suggests a discipline of contrary interpretation of common signs. Charts and Tallies (T'u-ch'an): This is a generic term for a number of diagram-based techniques. The most frequently mentioned magical diagrams were the Yellow River Chart and the La River Script, variously named the maps of the turtle and the dragon. Both were ancient cryptographic diagrams about which a considerable body of mythology developed. Some features of the chart and their histories are noted as they appear in the translations below. Charts generally made reference to at least one of the enumerative systems, the sexagenary cycle, eight trigrams, or five phases. Arts of Tung-ch'eng (Jung-ch'eng shu): Jung-ch'eng, a figure who reportedly lived during the late Warring States period, is recorded in a number of early hagiographic collections. He is credited with the development of practices for sustaining sexual vitality and youth generally. He was said to be skilled in the "nurturing path," gaining essential strength from the primal source of life, perfecting a technique of sexual intercourse wherein the male seminal essence was retained and diverted to nourish the mind. Ultimately, the Arts of Jung-ch'eng represented one of many traditions of Taoist sexual lore. 49 There are eight works on fang-chung (bedchamber) arts listed in the bibliography of the History of the Han, some 186 chapters of material. 50 The lack of reliable textual information notwithstanding, the exact na-

INTRODUCTION ture of these various techniques was an object of considerable fascination to scholars and aspirants throughout the ages. The study of divination techniques reached its peak in the Ch'ing Dynasty encyclopedia (lei-shu), collectanea (ts'ung-shu), and the jottings (pi-chi) of interested Ch'ing scholars. The longevity and immortality techniques are most fully discussed in several manuals of pharmaceutical and hygienic medicine in the Taoist Patrology, and further study of the Taoist canon will help clarify many of the fang-shih practices. But for the investigation of practices before the T'ang Dynasty, the fang-shih biographies themselves and the small core of texts to which they refer are the only sources that have been studied at this point.

Fang-shih and the Orthodox Historians The texts translated here comprise much of the primary source material for the study of fang-shih. The commentaries on the dynastic histories are in many cases extensions of the original text from the same body of material. That is, they derived either from leftover historical material in the imperial archives, from other general histories of a period that were not absorbed into official versions, or from separate biographies of individual men compiled by families or disciples. By the early Six Dynasties, the writing and compiling of unofficial biographies had become popular, with the proliferation of both individual biographies and independent collections such as the Lives of Exemplary Women (Lieh-nii chuan), Lives of Literary Men (Kao-shih chuan), and Lives of Spirit Immortals (Shen-hsien chuan). I have commented on the obvious disparity in attitude between evaluative comments on the fang-shih and the narrative sections in their biographies. The negative tone of the comments yields to enthusiasm in the narrative. How disparate was the tone between commentary and narrative depended on the type and extent of source material and the particular biases of the day. Better archival sources meant lesser dependence on separate biographies. The result in the Records of the Grand Historian and the History of the Former Han is a suitable consistency of attitude that creates for the reader a reasonably consistent impression of a fang-shih. In the History of the Later Han, on the other hand, the compiler made something of a pretense of maintaining the orthodox view of the Han historians, but he lived in a different era and faced a different challenge in his work. During Fan

30

INTRODUCTION

Yeh's time, official support for Confucianism had seriously eroded, 51 and new narrative traditions were emerging as distinct genres, providing more • source material on more characters of an unorthodox sort. The resulting tension disjoins the commentary and the narrative to the point where the reader's impressions of the characters are continually dismantled. By the Records of the Three Kingdoms, the fang-shih biographies appear to have been compiled wholly from separate biographies, such as the Separate Biography of Kuan Lu (Kuan Lu pieh-chuan) quoted extensively in the commentary on his life. Here, at the other extreme, enough consistency is achieved that the reader again can assemble a consistent picture of the subjects from the texts. Not enough of the source materials for the histories are extant to make detailed comparisons of their biases. But general observations can be made from textual sources that are quoted in the histories themselves with specific attributions. Among the various sources, it is especially the separate biographies, the pieh-chuan, that betray an interest in promoting the reputation of a lineage of transmission, historical or putative, and consequently often record rather remarkable exploits in a patently uncritical fashion. 52 These contrast sharply with materials apparently maintained in the imperial archives; in fact, much of the separate biography material shades off into the realm of the implausible. Often the separate biographies are sketchy and clumsy, especially in the case of evasive immortal types. These are represented in the shortest biographies chosen by Fan Yeh. But for fang-shih who spent most of their lives on the fringes of officialdom, or whose own background gave them or their disciples an interest in making their own mark on the future, the separate biographies can achieve a level of detail surpassing archival materials. It is precisely at such points that the narratives achieve a vividness of life that is often lacking in the more sober records. This is especially true in the History of the Later Han and the Records of the Three Kingdoms with P'ei Sung-chih's commentary. In the development of early Chinese fiction, the fang-shih biographies represent an important stage of development and consolidation. Key thematic features of chih-kuai and ch'uan-ch'i short stories ("recording anomalies" and "transmitting marvels") that derive from this subgenre of dynastic historical writing include fascination with the strange and remote, with supernatural happenings, and with the potential of individual effort. One finds expressions of a popular sentiment antagonistic to the heavy hand of

INTRODUCTION

l'

31

imperial administration in the stories that record fang-$hih triumphs over oppressive officials and absolute emperors. And in stories that record the singular idiosyncrasies of odd and reclusive characters who drift irregularly in and out of ordinary society, one finds a celebration of eccentricity in the context of a literate culture that generally venerates tradition and a conservative social order. Fang-shih narratives often illustrate moral and ethical behavior contrary to what was officially sanctions. Hence, they share a single, raison d'etre with the most mature examples of classical Chinese fiction. Most directly, tb~Si:ll:_QYl}Cl~ti~smiracle. tales, travel.records, al1d.sClg~ her()
32

INTRODUCTION

lowed. Ssu-ma Ch'ien began the practice of writing collected biographies of men and women whose presence was not of such significance to warrant individual treatment but who belonged to groups with undeniable influence on the times. Some of the Grand Historian's most engaging narrative writing is found in the collected biographies, because the subjects of wandering knights, harsh officials, and the like allowed for fascinating explorations of individual characters, actions, and motives. Ssu-ma Ch'ien had personally made the difficult choice of rejecting a simplistic solution to a moral conflict when he turned away from a suicide in the face of the punishment meted out to him for his defense of Li Ling 56 in order to complete his history. He pursues other characters who find themselves in situations of moral conflict with a zeal that betrays his personal identification with their choices and their suffering. He did not, however, include a collected biography of fangshih. If one excludes the two chapters 127 and 128, which scholars believe were added by Ch'u Shao-sun some years after Ssu-ma Ch'ien's death,57 the closest thing to a collected biography of fang-shih in the Records of the Grand Historian is the "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices," mentioned above. The chapter narrates the lives of a long series of fang-shih, especially those who came to court during the Grand Historian's active career under Emperor Wu. These excellent narratives describe in lively detail the major fang-shih who won Emperor Wu's patronage and recount their efforts to enhance his public and private life. 58 In the Records of the Grand Historian and the History of the Former Han the material on the fang-shih is either collected in essays on sacrifices, calendrics, and portents or scattered throughout the basic annals of the emperors and the biographies of individuals. The third dynastic history, the History of the Later Han, compiled in the mid-fifth century by Fan Yeh, included major biographies of the important court prognosticators Hsiang K'ai and Lang I and also introduced the collected biographies of fang-shih in a formal, dedicated chapter. 59 This innovation was followed by the vast majority of later dynastic histories, though the name of the chapter varied depending on whether the emphasis was on enumerative or medical arts. The History of the Later Han, in its preface to the fang-shih biographies, also provided the first cogent commentary on fang-shih. The comments aptly illustrate the conscientious historian's dilemma in narrating the lives of questionable characters on the basis of sources of questionable reliability. Fan Yeh's compilation of this history in its final form occurred during a

INTRODUCTION

33

period when (it!i:~"~1!q:C~cti?~\V~s?I?~sol11ing,and the influence of that fiction on the historianisapparenf There is enough material in common b~twee~-~-~~d~Tchih:::kuai,KanPao's In Search of the Supernatural, 60 and the History of the Later Han to lead historians to speculate that the two compilations shared a body of sources or that considerable borrowing occurred. The presence of this overlap is most obvious in the chapters on fangshih and on five-phases omenology. The picture of extensive shared material may be distorted somewhat by borrowing from the history by later chih-kuai redactors, but early encyclopedias that quoted the chih-kuai substantiate enough of the material to prove a close link between the history and the chih-kuai. It was this very material that came under attack by T'ang Dynast~ historiographers and that proved to be the pivotal textual matter over which the case was made for separation of historical and fictional narrative. This intersection of history and fiction mirrors the pivotal role of fang-shih in the interplay at court between the high court traditions and popular and vulgarized intellectual traditions. What can be said about the ultimate source of material for Fan Yeh and his successors writing about fang-shih? After all, their biographies were among the earliest non mythologized narratives about individuals for whom official dossiers did not necessarily exist. The texts and commentaries themselves again provide the only clues as to how fang-shih lives were initially committed to writing. There is evidence that an~~~_~!~~~!!i-2_1! played an \ important role in the assembly of information. Typically, a fang-shih was! educated in an apprentice relationship with· a ~a-ster'-ThebiOgraphiesili;':! diCatetI1at the means of trai~ing involved oral tra~sITlission of information/ the 'passing along of secret texts, and sometimes the passing along of speci~l materials or drugs. The subject matter was both technical and nontechnica~, the latter combining lessons in the lives of past masters and knowledge df the genealogy of the arts. The training was expressedly holistic in a mannet. characteristic of eotechnic societies,61 attending to the need for spiritual ~Ild) il1tellectualc.:ultiYCltion along\Vit~t~d~nical training. The effectiveness of p~rticular technology was attested by recounting the accomplishments of earlier masters; that is, the sheer viability of a path was proven by those who had earlier traveled it. For example, in the preface to the Lives of Spirit Immortals, ascribed to Ko Hung of the fourth century A.D., the Master Embracing Simplicity justifies his interest in recording the lives of immortals to answer the doubts of his students that immortals had ever existed. 62

i

34

INTRODUCTION

Other evidence suggests that early separate biographies were a countertradition to the sober biographies of the court recorders, which were becoming increasingly sober with each succeeding dynasty. Kan Pao collected material unsuitable for inclusion in the dynastic history, even though he was the official compiler of that record. He made those "leftovers" (yii-shih) into his In Search of the Supernatural, acknowledging his anxiety that such materials were otherwise in danger of being lost, and there might be something of value to be found in them. 63 This same line of argument was followed by scores of chih-kuai compilers who came after Kan Pao. In Kuan Lu's separate biography, a text that served as the main source for P'ei Sung-chih's commentary on the Records of the Three Kingdoms' history of his life, the original author is identified as Lu's younger brother Ch'en. Ch'en recounts some of his experiences collecting material for the biography, and the reader is made aware that he wants to preserve the details of a life that was not particularly distinguished in the official sense and not likely to be well treated by compilers of the dynastic histories. Enthusiasm for fang-shih was keen in the separate biographies written by confidants, relatives, and disciples, but waned dramatically as one ascended toward official histories. The disdain that Ssu-ma Ch'ien expresses for the fang-shih in Emperor Wu's court is echoed if not directly quoted by later historians, even those who dedicate special chapters. Having noted that the tension between the disdain for the characters which is expressed and the interest that is implicit in the narratives reaches a peak with'~~Y~ij, in asking the question of what purpose was to be served by inclusi~n-ofJar;g­ shih at all, beyond the bland justification that as a group they had some influence on their times, we might concentrate attention on Fan Yeh and the History of the Later Han. Scholars of traditional Chinese historiography have discussed the selection process employed in the dynastic history biographies for some time in an effort to define the intention of the compilers. On the basis of work done by Eberhard and others, the opinion prevailed that the dynastic histories were C?ITl pil~~~ith_ClJt~l1t!Ql1tQ~Y~lJJ${;ll1clpegple that affectea··the ofthe imperial house. As such, they were characterized as either "bureauhisfoiies()r "gentry" histories. In his prolegomena on the History of the Later Han, in which the biographies are carefully categorized and counted, Bielenstein rejects the description of dynastic histories as "bureaucratic" or "gentry" history and concludes that the "biographies were written

fortunes

cratIc"

INTRODUCTION

35

because their heroes deserved it as individuals." 64 His argument makes the point that no potential biographical subject was rejected for lack of bureaucratic or social status. But he leaves unanswered the question raised here: ~~X~E~Il1~Il included who apparently did not deserve it as individuals by ~~y-ofthe standards expressed by the historians, and who did not fit as positiveornegative topoi into the charactertypes important to the state? The official belittlement of fang-shih began with concern over their penchant for opportuIli§!!1_:The outsiders who flocked to Emperor Wu's court hoping te;-tak;-a place among the scholars were neither versed in the graces of court life nor tempered with the patience to plot and contrive subtly, as befit the high official. Their interest in wealth and power was forthright, and they were obvious and boorish in pursuit of that interest, at the very moment that a courtly class of Ju-ists was cultivating itself and gaining in patronage. The fang-shih were taken to task for their ambitions, incompetence, excess, and dishonesty, all of which are forged into the standard/charge levied against the fang-shih. Hence great relish is taken in listing the failures of Fan Ying's alleged genius after his extravagant refusals to share his genius with the emperor. And the magic of Tso Tz'u is revealed to be conjury, and criminal at that. In the background of each biography there is the sense that, although a particular character may practice conjury and not a true Way, either his master or someone else possessed the true Way. What for the current subject was but a pretense was at some time and in some place attainable. On the other hand, there are officials like Fei Ch'ang-fang who do indeed control the spirits and can in fact make rain where there was drought and famine. The credibility of many fang-shih arts, especially the divination arts, was not openly questioned in the narratives nor even in the appended editorial comments. I have already discussed the widespread subscription to these arts by non-fang-shih advisors. All premodern dynastic histories with treatises have chapters devoted to catalogs of omens and portents. Continued and faithful reference to divination was in part the result of the sheer durability of these technologies and in part the result of a limited knowledge of science among the biographical compilers. This in turn calls attention to limitations of the writers, not to any dormancy in scientific or technological thinking of the day. Continued discussion and description of many of the divination systems attest to a divergence in both competence and interest among various factions and offices at court. They also attest to a divergence

36

INTRODUCTION

in competence and interests in different sections of the dynastic histories themselves. For example, among the vanguard astronomers of the Late Han, the Jupiter cycle, which was the year-counting cycle and figures prominently in Tai Yang's divinations, was abandoned. Improved calculations of cyclical periods were developed that no longer corroborated the numerological apocrypha, and it was the numerological apocrypha that had informed the earlier, more simply regular cycles with their astrological significance. From the new computational procedures, eclipses could be predicted with a lower rate of failure, which had the effect of adding them to the list of predictable and recurrent celestial phenomena, removing them from the list of anomalies. According to Nathan Sivin, the first century A. D. witnessed the "Demise of the Cosmos" among court astronomers. 65 Advances pertinent to calendric functions and technology were recorded in the treatises on calendrics in the dynastic histories. A striking change in the scientific basis for such a chapter occurs in the History of the Chin. But in the collected biographies, the astrological activities of men like Tai Yang were reported without reference to the state of the art in astronomical theory or computation. Some division of labor accounts for the disparity in the currency of technical information between treatises and biographies. And within the group of treatises themselves, it appears that those on calendrics remained abreast of the advancing state of understanding, whereas others, notably those on five-phases omenology, were highly reiterative in their discussions of theory and continued to catalog a procession of portentous reports and ominous events. Historiographers have demonstrated that by the Late Han the treatises were written by technical experts in the respective subjects, often outside the apparatus of the official history office. Their treatises were passed along and compiled, more or less verbatim, by general compilers like Fan Yeh. 66 The pharmaceutical and hygienic medical arts were somewhat less compatible with court orthodoxy, but widespread fascination with these arose in at least some court circles in every dynasty, and practitioners outside the court were legion. "~astc?l11patible were the arts associated with popular religious practice, those ~haract~rized as ~~9r:cis.mt conjury, and productive magic, linked above to wu mediumistic traditions. Productive magic was associated primarily with agricultural miracles and possibly also with facets of local religious practice. Thus, taking the fang-shih biographies as a whble,

INTRODUCTION

37

we can argue that either some degree of credibility in the arts themselves or some evidence that the men were influential either in officIal circles or among the populace played a role in the selection of fang-shih for the biographies. In general the subjects whose lives were preserved include disreputable practitioners of good' arts at court and good practitioners of disreputable arts among the people. Where a man's skill was not adequate to bring him to the historian's attention, his influence among the people had to be substantial for his name to survive. Precisely because many of the arts practiced by fang-shih were credible, the fang-shih were increasingly defined as incompetent or dishonest practi- . tioners, and it became problematic to determine who exactly among the

I

c_~r:!E~2g!!ggL~§!!Q!L~igh!_~_~.~~}!~_~~.f~ng=shih:-Ilili=E~O~~~~·~r~~_§:~TIE2~~ \

existed before the problem of selection fOi··lFIE histories and ffirectly influenced selection. When the usage of the term was deprecatory, the eagerness with which court prognosticators sought to avoid identification with the historical fang-shih model must have been extreme. It was those officials sharing arts and technologies with the fang-shih who vilified them most resoundingly, in what would seem to be partly efforts to define themselves out of the group. The first and most obvious example is Ssu-ma Ch'ien himself, who makes the point in his influential criticism of the fang-shih that their arts were perilously close to those of the Grand Historian. It could be argued that his assault on them was stimulated by the disappointment he felt at the treatment of his own hereditary position once the fang-shih had inundated the court and the number of erudites enjoying court patronage began to swell. 67 Lang Tsung, the father of the eminent Later Han prognosticator Lang I, expressed embarrassment that it was his success in divination that brought him to the emperor's attention, not other merits. 68 Wariness()f!h~Jang-shihamong highly placed astrologers continued in the·H~~.A memorial recorded in the History of the Former Han documents the prevailing attitude toward fang-shih in the generation preceding Wang Mang's interregnum (A.D. 9-23) and illustrates another prognosticator's assault on the fang-shih. The case in point is Ku Yung, a highly regarded disciple of the Book of Changes: Commentary of Ching Fang, and minister to Emperor Ch'eng (33-7 B.C.). In the history, Pan Ku takes care to report which emperors showed a particular interest in what are euphemistically called "spiritual matters." Emperor Ch'eng was described as "quite fond of ghosts and spirits in his later years." 69 Ku Yung's memorial was

I

38

INTRODUCTION

presented to Emperor Ch'eng as a proposal of guidelines for fang-shih activities. In it, Ku Yung carefully describes himself as a conservative practitioner of prognostication arts who especially reveres the Five Classics. 70 He offers the following description of fang-shih: Your servant has heard that one who would be clear on the nature of heaven and earth must not become befuddled by spirits and anomalies. One who would be knowledgeable about the characteristics of the myriad things must not become enmeshed in what is out of sorts. All those occultists, who turn their backs on the correct path of benevolence and righteousness, who do not revere the model words of the Five Classics, but rather who are brimming with claims about the strange and the marvelous, about spirits and ghosts, who stand in unquestioning reverence of the sacrificial practices of every locale, who seek rewards from shrines without good fortune to offer, who say that immortals are to be found in this world and who imbibe all manner of longevity drugs, who capriciously set out on distant quests and travel so high that their shadows cast upwards [i. e., fly over the top of the sun], who scan the world for Hsien-p'u and drift about in search of P'eng-Iai, who rotate the planting of grain in mysterious conjunction with the Five Powers, and who sow and reap in cadence with the daily sun, who rival the mountain's stones in longevity, who have mastered transformations of base metal to gold, who have made whole the five colors and five stores within their bodies-those occultists cheat people and delude the masses. They hold in their grasp the black arts and in their embrace all manner of false and faked means in order to deceive the ruler of our world. If one listens to what they say, it fills the ears to overflowing. But should one seek to take hold of what might actually be found, in the end one will have gained nothing, for it is ~an. evasive thing, akin to binding the wind or clutching a shadow. TflVs the enlightened king refuses to be persuaded by such talk, and Confucius himself desisted from speaking on these matters. 71 Ku Yung continues with a catalog of fang-shih failures beginning with examples from the Chou Dynasty and continued down to his own time. Although he recounts a number of extreme cases of misuse of prognosticatory technology, neither Ku Yung in the memorial nor Pan Ku in his comments attempts to define the fang-shih in a direct or orderly way. Ku Yung's memorial concludes two centuries of a shifting and evasive

INTRODUCTION

39

definition for the term fang-shih and an obvious decline in their influence at court. The final blow to fang-shih influence at court came in the wake of Wang Mang's usurpation of the Han throne, for which omens and portents of a dynastic change were so callously fabricated that what was once only skepticism toward their use became resentment. The fang-shih presence at court as a group is first evident during the reign of the first _gb~~[l,_~~Ee~or, ~?ih-?uang,whos~-interestln immortality and sagehood was said to be so strong that he exempted certain technical books from his order to burn privately held books. This was to allow the interested scholars to continue their research, probably in part because of his own interest in the subjects. Though Han historians accused Shih-huang of burying fang-shih along with other scholars, they also acknowledged his tolerance of scholars in the technical arts. Court erudites including fangshih proliferated as a group throughout the Former Han, and by the Later Han, the number of Ju-ists, as the men of letters had come to be called, exceeded thirty thousand. 72 At the early stage, within the group of Ju-ists, Confucian and fang-shih interests commingled, but beginning with the court of Emperor Wu or soon after, courtiers who focused their education on the officially defined orthodox texts-the Five Classics-emerged as the finer and more prestigious faction. Coinciding with the shift of court favor toward that group, the name "Ju-ist" became more exclusively their title. In reaction to that change, the fang-shih types struggled to acquire the civility and affectations of the more decorous and successful class. 73 Because the name fang-shih had been stigmatized by pejorative usage, its denotative value was eclipsed by its connotative value; there were surely no self-styled fang-shih at court.

Fang-shih and the Evolution

of Narrative Literature

Though the arts of some fang-shih retained a measure of credibility, I have argued that interest in the content of their arts and practices does not account for the _iI1!~r~st}I:1J~_C:QIdingJheirliyes,\Yhich il1f~c:!j_l)GI~Cl~~c:lJr.Qm . the first c~I1t~ry B. c.t()the T' ang dynasty, precisely as their political il1flLl_~nce--a~~~~ased-. The simple availability of written sources, among separate bT;;gr;phies, ~iracle tales, and recorded anomalies, assured that they would be given some exposure, especially in the compilations of Fan Yeh, Ch'en

40

INTRODUCTION

Shou, and P'ei Sung-chih. The various kinds of unofficial biographies exerted their influence on the tradition of dynastic history during a period when that tradition was institutionally extremely weak. One has a situation, therefore, where an external narrative tradition exerted influence on the ent~D?rise ()f gffiGiClLhi§tmy,. an influence that, once canonized in the form of ~11 accepted collected-biography type, outlived the brief period in which the narrative streams were actually in proximity. Biographies of fang-shih continue, therefore, from the Old History of the T'ang (Chiu T'ang-shu) to the ..__ .... -.-,-" ...,--.,,_.....,._....

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~

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History of the Ming (Ming-shih). There were many reasons that narratives were compiled by private parties, some of which were suggested above. Different reasons were reflected in different constraints on the narratives. Hagiographic accounts, divination school founders' lives, and the like have to be distinguished from more eclectic biographical genres, exemplified by New Accounts of Tales of the World (Shih-shuo hsin-yil). In the latter, literary factors outweighed both historical incidentals and didactic intent. It was, in fact, a rebalancing of the constraints derived from early Han narratives among derivative ge~s of narrative in the early Six Dynasties, a rebalancing toward the literary, that stimulated the growth of fang-shih biographies. It has been observed that in the dynastic histories the vividness of accounts is .orteninve~rs-eiY;~I~t~dt()the accuracy oftheir contents. 74- Hlst~;i= ans in the wake of Ssu-ma Ch'ien strove to maintain the narrative excellence of his history and included materials of strong narrative interest if, on balance, there was some precedent or justification. The "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifice" in the Records the Grand Historian had introduced· an interesting character, one who continued to operate in society, continued to generate intriguing lore, and continued to exert influence, although the focus ()ftbat influence shifted. The value of a history ultimately related to its\ie~d~bility~ and even Liu Chih-chi asserts that the nClUCltigl1 gf events is of f~remost importance in history writing; one should savor the reading without fatigue or satiation. 75 The amount of data available from court archives varied, according to the stability of the times and the prosperity of the court. But as time passed the burden of tradition increased on the historians, creating a tendency toward conventionalized biographies, in which narrative gave way to what might be called vita-like catalogs of official accomplishments complemented by verbatim quotations from the subjects' own writing. A countervailing force was the desire to fashion a readable text,

INTRODUCTION

41

and, by virtue of that desire, historians succumbed to the appeal of narrative materials with inherent literary interest. From the time of Tung-fang Shuo, thefCl~K~~h~hc:2~~£i_2y~h~t~QY~J9 make themselves interesting characters. They were potentially as interesting totE~-~~~d~-~--~f~hist~r)'as they were to a patron emperor and his dinner guests. The historians exploit the eloquence of the fang-shih by abundant quotation or reference to the gist of his repartee. Fang-shih are themselves literary figures being brought to life by the literary instincts of the historian. The fang-shih at court is the historian's counterpart, in a sense the historian's fool, because he practices an art of storytelling that in many ways is identical to the historian's, but in crucial ways is the exact inverse. Tungfang Shuo is a narrator who speaks not by the constraints of the court historian but by the constraints of an entertainer. And in the act of narrating the life of Tung-fang Shuo, the dynastic historian forces outward the bounds of his own genre. There is a subtle continuum of persona in narr~ting the life of a narrator that draws the author near the subject. There~reiJ:lheEe~tscript features in the activities of fang-shih that expandllie-s-c~ipt inv~ntory of the narrative tradition. An element of suspense is-iiil1erefltli1· afl)'divination event, for example. A prediction alerts the reader to await its verification in the same way that it originally alerted the emperor or official. Within the time frame of any prediction and its verification, a unity is achieved-a quality of suspense-at least until that bracket is closed, that stratum of the script resolved. The practice of immortality arts invites the reader to await their realization in longevity or decorporealization. Fang-shih miracle acts and miraculous foreknowledge plots often develop as stories of unexpected twistings and turnings, all the better to illustrate the master's prescience with the intertwined complexities of fate. Kuan Lu helps a man recover his lost wife by having him chase an escaped pig to her hidden location, and he helps another recover a stolen deer by bringing in the thief's father with unbearable headaches. Here are stories with inherent suspense and plot shape, scripts that tend to support several protracted strata. The life of Chu Chien-p'ing, for example, opens up four stories at the beginning and resolves them one by one. Many biographies focus on a fang-shih death, with an interest not only in time but in place as well. Good fa;g-shiKCIleat an advanced age and die at home. The latter bears witness to their foreknowledge of the day and their ability to plan with that foreknowledge. For the story it is a matter of reso-

42

INTRODUCTION

lution and of closure, because a man's claim that he possesses the secrets of fate necessarily raises a question of whether he has command of his own fate. The plot potentials of their actual activities make the stereotypic fangshih scripts a measure more sophisticated than those of other biographies in their times. The appeal of this sophistication is reflected in the unique popularity of fang-shih as subjects in nonofficial biographies. In the Sung Dynasty encyclopedia Imperial Digest of the T'ai-p'ing Era (T'ai-p'ing yii-lan), there are eighteen chapters of fang-shih stories, quoting diverse Han and Six Dynasties sources, including histories, geographic handbooks, chih-kuai and chih-jen collections, and commentaries. 76 In many ways, the fang-shih biographies found in the dynastic histories from the History of the Later Han on are fully mature, and are not advanced significantly in derivative chihkuai and chih-jen fiction that was written throughout premodern Chinese history. 77 The translations that follow include all but one of the lives found in the collected biographies of fang-shih in the History of the Later Han (abbreviated HHS below), all but one from the Records of the Three Kingdoms (SKC), and one from the History of the Chin (CS). I have made the selection to avoid duplication (e.g., Hua T'o's life is translated only from the more extensive Three Kingdoms version), to eliminate clearly peripheral characters (e.g., Tu K'uei, a caster of bells and music master, is excluded from the Three Kingdoms biographies), and to provide a representation of all major types (e.g., Tai Yang's life was selected from the History of the Chin as the best early astrologist's biography). I have translated verbatim P'ei Sungchih's commentary on the biographies from the Records of the Three Kingdoms because it is widely considered an integral part of the text and adds immeasurably to these chapters.

Biographies from the History of the Later Han Fan Yeh's Introduction

CONFUCIUS CREDITED the Book of Changes with presenting four paths for the superior man. He said, "Those who practice crack-making and stalk-divining revere its prognostications." 1 "Prognostications" are the means used by the ancient kings to determine adversity and prosperity, to decide uncertain or unclear matters, and to make oblation to the unseen spirit powers, in order to learn of things yet to come. The theories of yin and yang and astrology and calendrics are mentioned often in the memorial classics. 2 Yet the works [revealing their essentials] themselves, the marvelous tablets of jade slips and gold-thread bindings, are secluded in the archives of the luminous divine, secured on altars of jade. There is no way for us to see them. But when it comes to the designs of the Lo-shu, the script of the Lo River delivered on the back of a turtle, and the Ho-t'u, charts brought by a dragon from the Yellow River,3 the arts of Chi-tzu, 4 and the texts of Shihk'uang,5 the divisions of apocrypha and portents, and the charms of Ch'ienchiieh 6-in short, all the means for investigating and exploring the dark and profound, for viewing and apprehending the domain of man-these we can learn of from time to time. The varied divinational arts include Wind Angles, Evading Stems, Celestial Rulers, Primal Pneuma, Six Day Seven Division, Meetings and Greetings, Stalking Days, Bamboo Twisters, Reading Changes, and Orphans and Voids. 7 Then there is the study of the clouds and the examina-

o

+ o The Yellow River Chart (top) and Lo River Script. Though the signs are mentioned frequently in Han works, it has not been determined to what extent the Han versions resembled these signs taken from a modem almanac.

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

45

tion of ch'i [configured energies] to project and manage the beneficial and contrary influences. These too are sometimes effective in the conduct of affairs. But such things are obscure and remote. Shrouded in darkness, their wellsprings are difficult to find. Therefore, Confucius would not speak of anomalies and spirits, and he would rarely speak of inner nature and fate. 8 Sometimes he would reveal only the conclusion of his thoughts and conceal the premise or use circuitous explanations to make his point. This is what is meant by the dictum "It is permissible to have the people be guided by it, but not permissible to have them understand it." 9 During the Han Dynasty, especially from the time of Emperor Wu, there was great favor shown the esoteric techniques and arts. Hardly a single man of letters who had in his embrace some "Way" or "Art" failed to follow the current trend and arrive at court, carrying his manuals and clapping his hands. Later, Wang Mang was given to manipulative use of the portents of fate, and Emperor Kuang-wu held an abiding belief in the art of prophecy. The time was right for the fang-shih to rush forward, and indeed they galloped forth and bored into the very center of the court, each fighting for the chance to discuss his particular arts. Thus, the reputations of Wang Liang and Sun Hsien came in response to omens and charms, and they climbed blithely up to the highest offices in the land. 10 Cheng Hsing and Chia K'uei rose to prominence by catering to the emperor's beliefs, while Huan T'an and Yin Min stubbornly opposed his views and saw their official careers fall to ruin. From that point on, the esoteric arts were practiced as part of the "Inner Studies." Strange writings were venerated and unusual calculations were highly prized. It was the pervasive trend of the times. Given this situation, the erudite Confucianists and most esteemed ( scholars became outraged at the treachery and heterodoxy of the fang-shih. Incensed with indignation, they memorialized the throne, asserting that the I texts should be gathered and cast out. The Grand Historian even said, I "Looking at the manuals of yin and yang divination makes the people feelj imprisoned and burdened with fears." 11 This point was made toward the! same end. Still, anything seen from one side will have some of its parts obscured. Even what are called the "Great Paths" can be similarly impeded. Thus, the typical failing in the study of the Book of Odes is infatuation, and that

i

46

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

of the Book of Documents is calumny.12 In the study of the esoteric arts, the typical failing is in deception and vulgarization. If one can manage to become warm and giving and yet not doting, he has achieved the deepest understanding of the Book of Odes. If one is widely versed and knowledgeable about remote matters and yet does not bring false blame, he is deeply learned in the Book of Documents. If one computes with perfection and yet does not deceive or vulgarize, then he is deeply rooted in the esoteric systems. Therefore, the Book of Changes says, "If it is not the right person, the Way will not be traveled without obstruction." 13 The import of this is that many become hopelessly lost in the intertwined theories and become quite partial in what they accept or reject. At the extremes are the totally gullible, those who drift off into the remotest distances. They too are in error. In the middle of our era, Chang Heng became the grand master of yin and yang, and Lang I took the knowledge of portents of political disasters to new levels of refinement. Many others became widely known through such arts. 14 Their followers, in turn, had a talent for eloquence and possessed virtues of a far-reaching nature, though they may not necessarily have personally achieved the ultimate successes or gained fully perfected skills. Now, I have gathered together those who had extraordinary strengths in divinational arts and were able to make a substantial contribution to their times. I submit these collected biog~~phles f()ry()~~~;~~i~-;·ti~n>---·

.. /

1. Jen Wen-kung Jen Wen-kung was a native of Lang-chung prefecture in Pa commandery.15 His father, Wen-sun, was enlightened in the arcane essentials of Celestial Offices and Wind Angles divination techniques. Wen-kung practiced his father's arts from an early age and was appointed to the post of attendant in the provincial offices. During the reign of Emperor Ai [6-1 B. c.], it was rumored that the grand protector of Yiieh-sui 16 was going to rise in rebellion. The governor was alarmed at this and sent Wen-kung with four attendants on an inspection tour of the border garrisons, charging them to inquire discreetly into the validity of these rumors. The group stopped at a relay post as a great

FROM;vHE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

47

storm rapidly gathered. Wen-kung quickly explained to his fellow attendants that they should depart at once, saying that an adverse current was on the rise and harm would be coming to them. He rose promptly and raced away as fast as he could go, while the rest of his group hesitated. As a result they were unable to escape before troops sent from the border garrison arrived and killed them. Wen-kung alone escaped. Later when Wen-kung was serving as a governor's attendant, a relentless drought gripped the empire. Nonetheless, Wen-kung made this claim . to the governor: "On the first day of the fifth month, there will be a tremendous flood. The change of conditions has already occurred. When it comes, nothing can be done to stop it, so it will be best to have the people prepared well in advance." But the governor paid no heed. Wen-kung went himself and built a large boat. Many of the people around who saw him doing this followed his example and did the same. When the day of the predicted flood arrived, the sun was burning as fiercely as ever. Wen-kung was busy urging everyone to hurry with the loading and dispatched a messenger to urge the governor too. The governor's response was to laugh derisively. But as noon approached, the northern skies filled with dark clouds, and in no time a powerful rain began. The downpour lasted until late afternoon, causing the waters of the Chien River to swell up over one hundred feet. The flow totally leveled the houses and thousands of people were killed. In this way Wen-kung earned his reputation as a diviner. He was selected for the post of imperial grand clerk. But when Emperor P'ing [1 B.C.A.D. 5] ascended the throne, Wen-kung pleaded failing health and returned home. After Wang Mang usurped control of the empire, Wen-kung made his calculations and learned that a sustained period of unrest was upon them. He set for all the members of his household the daily regimen of running around and around the house, with weights of up to fifty pounds on their backs. This went on for several weeks, and no one had a glimmer of insight into his reasons. Then suddenly soldiers and bandits arose on all sides. Of all the residents who tried to flee, very few made it. But in Wen-kung's household everyone, big and little alike, was by then capable of running quickly and carrying provisions as well. Hence Wen-kung's family all avoided harm. They finally made their way to Mount Tzu-kung, 17 where they were spared the ravages of military actions for over ten years.

48

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

When Kung-sun Shu 18 was active, boulders on Wu-tan Mountain in the region of Shu split asunder. 19 Wen-kung announced, "A wise man of Hsi-chou will soon pass away. That is surely I." From that moment, he was always in the company of his sons and grandsons, feasting with them on food and drink. Three months later, as he had predicted, he died. So throughout the province of 1,20 the saying could be heard, "Wen-kung had wisdom beyond any other."

2. Kuo Hsien Kuo Hsien, styled Tzu-heng, was a native of Sung in Ju-nan. 21 As a youngster he studied with Wang Chung-tzu of Tung-hai. 22 At that time, Wang Mang was the infantry commandant, and he summoned Chung-tzu. Chung-tzu planned to go, but Hsien appealed to him, saying, "Propriety demands that the student come to study, not that the teacher go to teach! 23 Now you, sir, will cheapen the Way, being thus fearful of the rich and powerful. I cannot concur in this course." Chung-tzu replied, "Duke Wang is most powerful; I dare not disobey him." Hsien then requested, "If this is the case, it is just now time for your lecture. Please conclude your discussions for us. " Chung-tzu complied; so it was near sunset before he departed. Wang Mang asked him, "Why are you arriving so late?" Chung-tzu reported to him the entirety of Kuo Hsien's reprimand. Though he showed no sign of it, Wang Mang was surprised by this. Sometime later, after Wang Mang had usurped the throne, he appointed Kuo Hsien as a palace gentleman and bestowed robes upon him. Hsien incinerated the robes and departed for the Tung-hai seacoast. Wang Mang was furious, and he struck out for vengeance, but he could never find Hsien. Years later when Kuang-wu ascended the throne [A. D. 25], he sent a call throughout the empire for Masters of the Way. Kuo Hsien was ordered to come to court as an Erudite. 24 Hsien advanced in rank, and by the seventh year of the Chien-wu reign [A.D. 31], he had taken over the post from Chang K'an as superintendent of the imperial household. He accompanied the emperor on a ritual excursion to the southern suburbs. Duri~g the rites,

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

49

while Hsien stood in his place he abruptly whirled about to face the northeast and thereupon spat out three mouthfuls of wine. The master of rites submitted to the throne that this was a disrespectful act, and the emperor in turn asked Hsien to explain the reasons for his behavior. Hsien replied, "The state of Ch'i is suffering with a massive fire. I did that to extinguish it." Later, Ch'i indeed reported such a disaster, the time of which coincided with the trip to the suburbs. 25 In the eighth year [32], the emperor was headed on a campaign west to punish Wei Hsiao. 26 Hsien censored the throne, saying, "The empire has just been brought to peace. Your Majesty's chariots must not yet move out again." Hsien placed himself before the emperor's chariot, drew a knife from his belt, and cut the reins. But the emperor would not listen, and proceeded to embark on his campaign in the direction of Lung. 27 Soon after the emperor's departure, the troops of Ying-ch'uan 28 rose in rebellion, forcing Kuang-wu to make an about-face and return. His Majesty sighed, "Would that I had listened to the cautions of Kuo Hsien!" At the time, the emperor was gravely concerned about repeated attacks mounted by the Hsiung-nu 29 against the border outposts. He called together his top officials to discuss the matter. Kuo Hsien argued that the empire was in a state of exhaustion, and it would not be appropriate to mobilize troops. But argue as he might, Hsien could not get the emperor's agreement. Without warning he fell to the ground crying that he felt dizzy and faint. And then he said nothing more at all. The emperor had two attendants help Hsien get up and leave, which he did without paying his respects to the throne. The emperor was moved to say, "I have often heard him called, 'The Staunchly Upright Kuo Tzu-heng of Kuan-tung.' That turns out to be far from an empty name!" Hsien subsequently used his illness as an excuse to retire from his official duties, and he died in his home.

3. Hso Yang Hsii Yang, styled Wei Chiin, was a native of P'ing-yii in Ju-nan. 30 As a youth, he loved the esoteric arts. During the period Wang Mang was regent [prior to A. D. 8], Yang was summoned to be a scribe but was soon

50

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

transferred to the post of commander of Chiu-ch'iian. 31 When Wang Mang usurped the throne, Yang fled incognito to another region, changing his name and becoming a shaman doctor. Only after Wang Mang's defeat did he return to his home province. In ]u-nan, there was the Hung-hsi dam that dated back to ancient times. During the reign of Emperor Ch'eng [32-6 B.C.], Prime Minister Chai Fang-chin submitted a memorial that resulted in the dam's being destroyed. 32 But during the Chien-wu reign [A.D. 25-56], the grand protector of ]u-nan, Teng Ch'en, wanted to restore the dam and regain its benefits. He had heard word of Yang's understanding of water circuitry and summoned him to a meeting. Yang reported to him: Emperor Ch'eng followed the advice of Chai Fang-chin. Shortly thereafter I dreamed that I ascended to the heavens and the Heavenly Emperor angrily questioned me: "Why did they destroy my Dragon Bathing Pool?" After this, the benefits of the dam were lost to the people, and hunger became a widespread problem. A folk song of that period went, "Chai Tzu-wei [Fang-chin], wrecker of our dam, feast on these poor mealy beans, savor these coarse roots. Down is up and up is down. Our dam you should put up again." In ancient times, the Great Yii opened the banks of the Yangtze River and spread the waters of the Yellow River to benefit the empire. Now Your Honor should take steps to restore this enterprise laid waste. It will bring wealth to the state and peace to the people, just as was claimed in the words of the folk song. And your servant is willing to spend his life's blood at this work. Very pleased, Ch'en appointed Yang as aide to the director of waterways and had him administer the project. Yang carefully followed the ups and downs of the natural topography and erected an embankment over four hundred Ii 33 long, which stood secure for many years. The people derived the benefits from this, with plentiful harvests year after year. In the beginning of the project, because of the vast labor involved in building the dam, local aristocrats and powerful families vied to get positions for profiteering. Yang refused to listen to a single one of them; so they banded together and accused him of accepting bribes. As a result of this accusation, Ch'en had Yang arrested and thrown into prison. But when the chains were clamped on, they instantly unlocked themselves. The jailors were frightened and immediately reported this to Ch'en. Ch'en said with

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

51

surprise, "Indeed, we went too far, I have heard it said that the loyal and faithful can move the spirits, and here we have proof of that." As soon as night began to fall, Yang was released and sent on his way home. Just at that moment, the skies grew very dark, but there seemed to be a torch-like light illuminating Yang as he traveled along the road. The onlookers were astonished. Mterwards, Yang fell ill and died. Ch'en built a shrine for him in the capital and decorated it with his portrait. The people all remembered his vast accomplishments and made sacrifices to him.

4. Kao Hoo Kao Huo, styled Ching-kung, was a native of Hsin-hsi in Ju-nan. His head had the unique Ni-ch'iu Mountain shape,34 and his face was broad and square. As a youth he traveled to the capital to study, and his acquaintance with Emperor Kuang-wu went back to that time. He served as disciple to the grand minister over the masses, Ou-yang Hsi. 3s When Hsi was thrown into prison and faced execution, Huo put on an iron crown, belted an executioner's ax to himself, and went before the palace gates to beg a pardon for Hsi. Although the emperor would not grant the pardon, he did have Huo brought in for an audience. He said, "Ching-kung, I would like to employ you as a clerk, but you ought to correct your basic nature!" Huo replied, "Your humble servant received his basic nature from his parents; it is not something I can change for Your Majesty." Then, making his apologies, Huo departed. The three dukes 36 contended to employ him, but Huo would not respond. Some time later, the grand protector Pao Yii invited Huo for an audience. As soon as Huo reached the gates, the grand protector ordered the master of records to go out to the gates and receive him. But the master of records passed this responsibility to a cavalry officer, having him go meet Huo. When Huo got word of this, he promptly departed. Yii sent someone after him to extend the invitation again, but Huo simply turned around and said, "If His Honor can be deceived by one no more lofty than a master of records, it is not worth conversing with him." Thus he refused to stay.

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN At that time there was a great drought in the commandery. Huo had always been skilled .in astrology and versed in the arts of Evading Stems; so he could command the services of ghosts and spirits. Yii visited Huo personally to ask what he might do to cause rain. Huo told him, "Suspend immediately your assistant supervisor in the third sector and go in person to the north. When you reach the guard house at thirty Ii, the rains will come." Yii followed this instruction, and indeed the commandery enjoyed a huge downpour. Thereafter, whenever Yii went on tour of the prefectures, he would pay his respects before the gate of Huo's village. Huo later vanished into a remote region south of the Yangtze and died in Shih-ch'eng. 37 The people of Shih-ch'eng remembered him and joined in building a shrine in his honor.

5.

Ch'iao

Wang Ch'iao was a native of Ho-tung,38 and during the Hsien-tsung reign of Emperor Ming [58-75], he served as the prefectural head for Yeh. 39 Ch'iao had divine powers. Every month at the turnings of the moon, he would leave his prefectural post to pay a visit to the capital. The emperor was surprised by the frequency of these visits and by the fact that he never saw a chariot or a mount. So the emperor secretly ordered the grand astrologer to maintain a watch for Wang Ch'iao in advance of his expected arrival. The grand astrologer reported that when Ch'iao was due to arrive, a pair of wild ducks flew in from the southeast. He waited for the ducks to alight and then he trapped them with an outstretched net. But all he ended up with was one plain shoe. The emperor ordered the master of technology to examine it, and it turned out to be a shoe of the type that had been bestowed upon officials of the secretariat some four years earlier. 40 Whenever Ch'iao was about to make his appearance at court, a drum below the prefectural office gate in Yeh would sound of its own accord with a roll so loud it could be heard in the capital. In his later years, a jade coffin descended from the sky in front of the provincial office. The clerks pushed and tugged at it, but they could not even rock it. Ch'iao said, "Is this not a summons for me from the Heavenly

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

53

Emperor?" He proceeded to bathe, change his robes and adornments, and lie down to sleep in the coffin. The cover immediately closed tightly. That evening the coffin was buried east of the city, and the earth appeared to form a burial mound of its own accord. However, that same evening all the oxen in the city were sweating and panting, but no one took note of it. 41 The people built a shrine there, calling it the Shrine of the Yeh Master. Whenever a new official was transferred to the region, he would first pay his respects at the shrine, and whenever clerks prayed to it, their prayers were always heard. Disaster would swiftly befall anyone who broke the sanctity of the shrine. The emperor sent for the drum and had it placed beneath a pavilion in the city, but it rarely sounded again after that. Some people claimed that this Wang Ch'iao was the ancient sage Wang Tzu-ch'iao. 42

6. Hsieh I-wu Hsieh I-wu, styled Yao-ch'ing, was a native of Shan-yin in K'uaichi. 43 As a youth he served as a clerk in the commandery offices and studied Wind Angles and Meteorognostics. The grand protector, Ti-wu Lun,44 promoted him to the post of circuit deputy. At the time, the head of Wu-ch'ang 45 was abusing his authority to confiscate property. Lun dispatched I-wu to collect evidence of this crime. I-wu arrived at the prefecture, but he did not examine anything at all. Rather he gazed at the official's building, fell to the ground crying, and then returned to the capital. Everyone in the prefecture was astonished and did not understand the reason for this behavior. When I-wu arrived back at the capital, he reported to Lun, "By prognostication of the general conditions I learned that the head would die, in thirty days at the soonest, sixty at the latest. His will be a violent death, such that our punishments could add nothing. Thus I chose not to arrest him." Lun listened to him, and, in a little more than a month's time, a courier arrived with the head's seal of office and a report of his violent end. From this point on, Lun treated I-wu with even greater respect and gave his advice even more credence. At the beginning of the Yung-p'ing era [58-76] I-wu was promoted to

54

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

the rank of Filial and Incorruptible and made prefect of Shou-ch'ang. 46 Soon he was promoted to governor of Ching-chou 47 and then to grand protector of Chi.i-Iu. 48 Wherever he served, he loved and nurtured the people and the land, and he accumulated a good record. When Lun was promoted to be minister of rites, he had Pan Ku write the following recommendation for I-wu: I have heard that when Yao employed Chi and Hsieh, all under the administration prospered and great peace prevailed. When Shun employed Kao T'ao, all under the administration attained to a state of great glory. Although, the Shang and Chou had rulers like Kao-tsung, Ch'ang, and Fa, only as a result of the planning of such ministers as Fu Yi.ieh and Li.i Wang did they bring honor unconquerable to their dynasties and achieve total accord with the ultimate standards of rule. 49 Now, I have met the grand protector of Chi.i-Iu, one Hsieh I-wu of K'uai-chi. Above the miry soil of the eastern provinces, he is a heroic form towering alone, a unique greatness flowering forth. His talents encompass all fields of study, and his conduct embraces the nine virtues. He has compassion sufficient to be an aid in these times and knowledge that encompasses myriad things. To this add the fact that from his youth he has embraced the Confucian refinements and is armed with learning of the Six Classics. He can project and compute the motion of the stars and correlate all manner of charts and records. His reach extends to the darkest corner of the sages' esoterica, and he can observe and follow the very markers of time. He can apprehend the signs of heaven and knows those of earth, and he enjoys a close bond with the spirits. With his Way and his powers, he could well handle the affairs of a king. Formerly, he served a supporting role and worked with me. I-wu held steadfastly to a posture of loyalty and respect for principle. Embodying the probity of Shih Yi.i,50 he guided me onward when I was strict and disciplined, but he also encouraged me to go forward when my own will became weak and frail. By truly relying on his merits, I was able to avoid all calamities. When he responded to the call of high office for himself, his benevolence blanketed those around for hundreds of Ii and an extraordinary shower of good fortune descended upon us all. His transforming influence may be likened to that of a spirit, and it culminated in his governance of Ching-chou, from which service he inspired awe throughout the lands. He practiced administra-

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55

tion and upheld the law in a style reminiscent of the sage dukes Chou and Shao. 51 He lived in frugality and trod a path of restraint, recalling the discipline of the sage-minister Kung I. 52 In his ability to seek the meritorious and select the capable, he set a standard for all governors. In listening to what he heard and examining into the truth of matters, he was the crowning eminence of the lords of all our lands. When I-wu served as the grand protector of Chii-lu, the government knew only accord and the times were prosperous. In the virtuous balancing of judicious administrative plans, his tenure may be compared to I Yin, Lii Wang, Kuan Chung, and Yen P'ing. 53 His illuminating explications of the darkest corners of the Way rank with those of Shih Su and Ching Fang. 54 Though deep in esoterica, he makes no public show of it, and though he is physically present in service to the state, his heart is still that of a recluse. He neither has the desire to promote his own name in search of fame nor does he dart about here and there in quest of imperial favor. He cherishes thoughts of a quiet seclusion and would achieve his ambition to become a Mount Chi recluse. 55 If one stood him next to the ancient sages, he would in truth be of their stature. But measured against the men of today, he towers beyond their common bounds. He is truly a treasure like the divine turtle in our national shrines, an upright pillar supporting the great Han Dynasty. It would be fitting to select him for an eminent ducal post. Such an appointment would, in the heavens, cause the luminaries to track smoothly in their time-marking rounds. On earth it would guide all ranks of men into an era of excellence. It would be an act certain to bring about the blessings of good fortune and prosperity, far beyond the mere filling of a vacant post according to the rules. Now, your humble minister is aging, and my capacity cannot be considered of his class. I am but a corpse drawing pay, and am carried where I should bear. Though I have the timidity of one in the twilight of his life, I am willing to plead with all my heart that this rank be conferred on I-wu. Above he will lend brilliance to the seven celestial lights [Celestial Rulers], and below he will bring satisfaction to the aspirations of our land. I beg that you forgive your humble servant for this boldness. Sometime later, I-wu was riding in an open firewood cart with only two followers in attendance. The governor of Chi-chou 56 memorialized the

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throne charging that I-wu disgraced the dignity and decorum of his post and brought harm to the code of the state. As a result he was demoted to be prefect of Hsia-p'i. 57 I-wu predicted in detail the day of his death, and indeed died on the very day he said. He admonished his son, saying, "At the end of the Han Dynasty, there will be terrible chaos. There will be disasters so severe that tombs will be torn open and bones exposed. I would like my casket to be lowered into a deep grave and the grave be left with no mound to mark it." During the same period, another Erudite by the name of ~uo Feng of Po-hai 58 was also skilled at Charts and Tallies. He could skillfully explain disasters and anomalies, the waning and waxing of fortune, and the prediction of responses. He too knew in advance the date of his death, and hence in advance he had his offspring buy a coffin, mourning clothes, and other funeral needs. He died when the predicted day arrived.

7. Yang Yu Yang Yu, styled Ai-hou, was a native of Ch'eng-tu in Shu. 59 As a youth, he studied the Book of Changes and augmented that with knowledge of the Celestial Rulers, Primal Pneuma, Wind and Clouds, and Meteorognostics. He served as an official of scholarship at the commandery level. A flock of wild magpies used to assemble night after night atop the armory tower. The grand protector, Lien Fan, asked Yu about this. Yu· explained, "This portends a minor military action, but it will not result in any harm." Slightly more than twenty days later, the Man-i barbarians of Kuang-jou prefecture 60 rebelled, killing the prefectural head and his officials. The commandery sent out a force to punish them. Later, there arose a wind strong enough to blow sticks around. The grand protector asked Yu about it. Yu explained, "Very soon, someone will present a gift of tree-borne fruit, the color of which will be red-yellow." It was not long after that an official-at-Iarge made a gift to Lien Fan of several bundles of tangerines. Once Yu was drinking with some companions. He cautioned his driver, "After the third round of drinking, we ought to prepare the chariot to de-

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part." And as soon as that moment arrived, he rushed away. Later that night, in the host's quarters, a fight broke out that resulted in a murder. Someone asked Yang Yu how he had anticipated this, and he explained, "Pigeons were squabbling in the tree facing the local altar to the soil god. This is the representation of an armed crime." Yang Yu's predictions were largely verified. He wrote a book of more than ten chapters called the Ch'ip'ing [The Balanced]. He died in his home.

8. Li Nan Li Nan, styled Hsiao-shan, was a native of Chii-jung prefecture in Tan-yang commandery.61 As a youth, his studies were wide ranging, and he was enlightened in the arts of Wind Angles. During the Yung-yiian reign of Emperor Ho [89-105], the grand protector of Tan-yang, Ma Ling, was charged in an incident of collusion with local bandits. When Ling was about to go before the circuit magistrate, all the clerks and people who worked under him were terribly upset. But Nan, unlike the others, arranged for a special audience with the grand protector and offered his congratulations. Ma Ling was very irate at this and said, "I have failed in virtue and am about to be tried for a crime, but you come and congratulate me. What do you think you are doing?" Nan explained, "There was an auspicious wind this morning at dawn, and by noon tomorrow there ought to be a favorable report. Hence 1 expressed my congratulations." From early the next morning, Ma Ling waited impatiently, but as the day wore on and the sun passed the meridian, he concluded that Nan had missed the mark. Later in the afternoon, however, a mounted messenger rushed up with an imperial edict forgiving Ma Ling for his crime and halting the prosecution. Nan asked the messenger for an explanation of his tardiness. "When 1 was about to go through the Pu-li-k'ang crossing in Yiian-ling,"62 replied the messenger, "my horse twisted his foot, and 1 was then unable to make good time." After this, Ma Ling showed great respect for Nan's skills. Later, having been designated a Master of the Way,63 Li Nan was nominated for a ducal post, but he declined because of failing health and returned home to die.

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Nan's daughter also understood the esoteric arts in her family's possession. She married a man of Yu-chiian prefecture. 64 One morning, just as she walked into the kitchen, a strong wind very suddenly blew up. The girl immediately ran back into the main house and appealed to her mother-inlaw to allow her to return to her parents' home. When her mother-in-law refused, she knelt and wept. "My family has passed on secret arts from generation to generation. When a strong wind blows up quickly, blasts through the kitchen, and then soon reaches the well, it foretells disaster for the woman who manages the kitchen. It is, in fact, a sign that I shall soon perish." She then revealed to them the day on which she would die. Immediately her appeal was heeded and she was allowed to return home. The girl died as she had predicted.

9. Li Ko Li Ko, styled Meng-chieh, was a native of Han-cheng prefecture in Han-chung commandery.65 His father, Chieh, was renowned for his Confucian studies, and during his career he rose to the rank of Erudite. Ko carried on his father's endeavors and went away to study at the most advanced academy, becoming thoroughly versed in the Five Classics. He was highly skilled in the divinational use of the Yellow River Chart, the Lo River Script, the winds, and the stars. However, because of Ko's unprepossessing appearance, nobody recognized his extraordinary talents. He was summoned by the provincial governor to be keeper of the official gates. When Emperor Ho ascended the throne [A. D. 89], he dispatched emissaries in every direction, all of whom went in humble clothes and without retinue. Their mission was to observe and collect local folk songs and airs in every province and prefecture. 66 Two of the emissaries en route to the I region stopped for the night at a post under the supervision of Li Ko. It was summer at the time, and evenings were spent sitting outdoors. Ko had the opportunity to see them and asked, "When you two left the capital, did that coincide with the dispatch of two emissaries by the imperial court?" The two men kept silent for a moment, then looked at Ko in surprise and said, "We have not heard about that." They then asked Ko where he had gotten

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the information, and he replied, pointing to the stars, "Because two emissary stars are fanning out toward the regions corresponding to I, I knew of this." Three years later, one of these very emissaries was given the post of grand protector of Han-chung. Ko was still a clerk there, but the new grand protector, admiring Ko's hidden powers, promoted him to be provincial recorder. At that time, the Great General Tou Hsien was taking a wife, and all the commanderies and states prepared to send gifts and offer their congratulations. Ko's commandery as well was to send an emissary, but Ko went in and admonished the grand protector: "Though General Tou is a relative of the empress,67 he does not maintain the rites nor behave with virtue. Rather, he exercises his power arbitrarily and with great arrogance. He now stands tiptoe on the brink of disaster and doom, so I urge Your Honor to fix your mind wholly on the interests of the emperor and avoid all contact with General Tou." The grand protector remained committed to sending an emissary, however, and failing to dissuade him, Ko requested that he himself be the one chosen to go. The grand protector consented to this. Ko departed on his mission, but he tarried at every stop along the way, hoping to see how the situation developed. He had gone as far as Fu-fang 68 when Tou Hsien was ordered to return to his fiefdom to commit suicide. All the members of his clique were summarily executed, and even those who merely had contact with him were discharged from their official posts. The grand protector of Han-chung was the only one not implicated. Within the year, Ko was elevated to the rank of Filial and Incorruptible and promoted five times. He reached the post of gentleman of the secretariat and eventually grand master of ceremonies. During the fourth year of the Yuan-ch'u era [117], he replaced Yuan Shang as minister of works. He regularly laid out with clarity the courses of successful action as against those doomed to fail, and possessed all the virtues of a loyal flinister. However, after four years in the post, he was implicated in a corruption case and excused from office. When Emperor An died [125], [his grandson] the marquis of Pei-hsiang, ascended the throne. Ko was returned to his position as minister of works. The marquis of Pei-hsiang, however, became seriously ill, so Ko secretly worked with the junior tutor, T'ao Fan of Ho-nan, and the infantry colonel, Chao Chih, to establish Emperor Shun on the throne. It happened that his

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effort coincided with that 'of Sun Ch'eng and others. Their plan came to fruition first, so Kp's merits in this undertaking did not come to light. The following year, plagues raged among the people, and natural disasters and anomalies piled up. The emperor fixed the blame for this on his ministers, and again Ko was forced to resign. The minister of works, Chai p'u, praised Ko to the throne, however, revealing that it was he who had secretly devised a grand plan for placing the emperor on the throne in the first place and bringing tranquillity to the land. As a result, Ko was rewarded for his hitherto unknown merit and offered enfeoffment as marquis of She-tu. But being over eighty years of age at this point, Ko refused the offer, returned home, and died. Ko's follower, Feng Chou of Shang-tang, maintained by himself a threeyear vigilance of "inner mourning" for KO.69 This was considered remarkable by the local people at the time. Chou, styled Shih-wei, was a descendant of Former Han General Feng Feng-shih. 70 He had always admired the way Chou Po-k'uang and Min Chung-shu 71 chose to live, so he too retired to a life of seclusion in the mountains and marshes, responding to no calls to public office. Ko also had a son, Ku, who has been mentioned in a previous biography.72 He also had a nephew, named Li Li and styled Chi-tzu, who was pure and virtuous, erudite and diplomatic. He was closely allied with Cheng Hsuan and Ch'en Chi. 73 When Li served as head of Hsin-ch'eng,74 nonaction was his most valued administrative policy. Also skilled in esoteric arts, Li was able to cause rain to fall in his own administrative area while the remainder of the empire suffered a terrible drought. He rose eventually to the post of commander of the imperial carriages.

10. Tuan Yi Tuan Yi, styled Yuan-chang, was a native of Hsin-tu in Kuang-han. 75 He practiced the arts of the Book of Changes and understood clearly the techniques of Wind Angles. Often when students were on their way to take up study with him, he would know about them and even know their names before they arrived.

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Once he said to the ford guard, "On a certain day, two students will appear. They will be carrying baggage and they will ask for my residence. I would be grateful if you would tell them how to find me." Later, events transpired exactly as he had predicted. In another instance, a student came to study with Yi, but after several years declared that he had already grasped enough of the essential techniques. He excused himself to return home. Yi prepared a special ointment for him and packed it with brief instructions inside a small bamboo tube. He told the student, "If you have an emergency, open this and look inside." The student reached Chia-meng Ford 76 and got involved in a wrangle with a local clerk about crossing. The ford guard struck the student's companion, injuring his head. The student opened the tube and took out the note, which said, "When you arrive at Chia-meng, spread this ointment on the head of the one injured in the fight with the guard." The student followed the instructions and the wound healed instantly. Then he sighed in submission and returned to Tuan Yi to complete his course of study. Later Tuan Yi went into reclusion, completely covering his tracks. He died at home.

11. Liao Fu Liao Fu, styled Wen-ch'i, was a native of P'ing-yu in Ju-nan. He was practiced in the Book of Odes: Commentary of Mao, and the Book of Documents: Commentary of Ou-yang. He had also instructed several hundred students. His father was grand protector of Pei-ti. 77 At the beginning of the Yungch'u reign [A.D. 107, Emperor An], Fu's father was implicated for collusion with the Chiang barbarian tribes. He lost his office, was thrown in prison, and died. Fu felt the loss of his father deeply and mourned for him in full accord with the rites. These events instilled in him a deep fear of official life, and when the period of mourning had been completed, he said with a sigh, "Lao-tzu asked the question, 'Which is more dear, fame or health?' How could I choose fame?" So he put aside his ambitions for a career and went into seclusion.

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He was especially well versed in the classical canon and had a lucid understanding of the arts of Heavenly Patterns, Charts and Tallies, Wind Angles, and Astral Influences (T'ui-pu). Fu was invited to serve officials at every level of administration, but he turned them all away. Even when they came simply to ask him about disasters and anomalies, he would not answer their questions. Once Fu had foreknowledge that the coming harvest would be devastatingly poor, so he stored up several thousand bushels (hu) of grain. He distributed all of it to his own extended family and to his in-laws. He also tended to the interment of those who perished in the epidemics when their own kin could not look after the burials. Fu would often be by the side of his own ancestors' graves, and he would never go into the city. When Grand Protector Yeh Huan was a student, he studied under Fu. After he received his appointment but prior to taking up his new post, he sent an assistant to pay homage to Fu as his teacher. He also expressed a desire to employ some of the younger generation in Fu's family, but they refused the offer adamantly. At that time Fu was given the sobriquet "Scholar of the Northern Suburbs." At the age of eighty, he died in his home. His two sons, Meng-chii and Wei-chii, were also well known.

12. Che Hsiang Che Hsiang, styled Po-shih, was a native of Lo in Kuang-han. 78 An ancestor by the name of Chang Chiang was enfeoffed. as the marquis of Che, and his grandson Kuo became grand protector of Yii-lin and moved to Kuang-han. As a result, his descendants were enfeoffed there. Kuo was the father of Hsiang. Kuo had wealth totaling over 200 million cash and had over eight hundred people in his household employ. When Hsiang was quite young, he showed such compassion that he was unwilling even to kill an insect or break off a sprout. He was capable of mastering the Book of Changes: Commentary of Ching Fang, and was fond of the tenets of the Huang-lao Taoists. 79 When his father Kuo died, he pondered the significance of Laotzu's words, "He who has accumulated much can lose heavily,"80 and dis-

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tributed all his gold, possessions, and property, passing the wealth around to close kin and to strangers alike. Someone upbraided Hsiang, saying, "Sir, you have three sons and two daughters. Your progeny will be numerous, so you ought to add to your store of surplus wealth. Why are you proceeding with this policy of intentionally exhausting what you have?" Hsiang replied, "In ancient times, a man named Tou Tzu-wen was quoted as saying, 'I am running from disaster, not running from wealth!"'81 My family has accumulated wealth for a very long time. Baneful hoarding without bounds is something that Lao-tzu abhorred. At present, the world faces decline, and \my offspring are lacking in talents. To have great wealth but lack compassion is a very unfortunate thing. When a wall with fractures is of towering height, its collapse will be swift." Knowledgeable people who heard this explanation had to agree with it. Hsiang was able to predict the date of his own death. He assembled guests from all the branches of his family, feasted with them, and said his parting words. Then in no time, it was over. He died at the age of eightyfour. His family had no wealth remaining at all, and his offspring, just as Hsiang had predicted, weakened and declined.

13. Fan Ying Fan Ying, styled Chi-ch'i, was a native of Lu-yang in Nan-yang. 82 As a youth, he was educated through the offices of the capital districts where he became skilled in the Book of Changes: Commentary of Ching Fang and thoroughly versed in the Five Classics. He was also adept in Wind Angles, Stellar Calculations, Yellow River Charts and Lo River Scripts, the Seven Apocrypha, and inductive interpretations of disasters and anomalies. He went into reclusion on the south face of Mount HU,83 where students came to see him from every direction. Officials of all levels lined up, one behind another, to pay respects, beg instruction, and enlist his services. Ying, however, would never accept their offers. Though the highest lords accorded him the rank of Sage and Upright and the rank of Master of the Way, he still would not go to them. Once a stormy wind blew up from the west and Ying told his disciples,

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"A fire in the city of Ch'eng-tu is raging fiercely." So he took a mouthful of water and spit it out toward the west, making a note of the day and time. Later a traveler arrived from the Shu capital [Ch'eng-tu] and reported, "On that day, there was indeed a great blaze. But unexpectedly, heavy clouds arose from the east, and in no time there was a downpouring of rain so great that the fire was quickly put out." After this event, the entire empire spoke of Ying's esoteric skills. At the beginning of Emperor An's reign [107], Ying was called to court as an Erudite. At the opening of the Chien-kuang period [121], another summons was issued. This time an official courier presented the actual document, all in an effort to draft the services of Fan Ying and five othersK'ung Ch'iao and Li Ping from the same commandery; Lang Tsung from Pei-hai; Yang Lun from Ch'en-liu; and Wang Fu of Tung-p'ing. Only Lang Tsung and Yang Lun were willing to travel to Lo-yang. Ying and the other three did not go. In the second year of the Yung-chien period [127], Emperor Shun issued an order to pay Ying the greatest respects, to increase vastly the rewards offered to him, and to bring him into imperial service. But again Ying refused, claiming that an illness he had was worsening. The emperor then issued a severe reprimand for the entire prefecture and commandery and dispatched carriages to bring Ying back by force. Ying could not resist, but when he arrived at the capital, he claimed illness and would not get up. He was forcibly carried into the palace, but even then refused to pay his respects to the emperor. Emperor Shun raged at Ying, "I can keep you alive or kill you! I can make you a noble or make you a commoner! I can make you wealthy or make you impoverished! How dare you evade my orders?" Ying made the following reply: Your servant received his lot from heaven. If I live to complete a full measure of life, it is heaven's doing. If I die before then, it is also heaven's doing. In what way can Your Majesty keep me alive or kill me? In my eyes, a tyrannical lord is no different from an adversary. If I stand in his court against my will, how does this make me noble? I come from the ranks of plain cotton dress and live under the shelter of an old wall. The tranquillity and satisfaction of my life is something I would not exchange for the prestigious rank of a lord of ten -thousand chariots. Having this satisfaction, can one be base? If it were not appropriate, even if you offered me a salary of ten thousand bushels, I

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would not accept. If will is free to extend where it may, I do not at all resent subsisting on the poorest meal. So how can Your Ma jesty make me wealthy? How can you make me poor? Unable to bend Ying's will, the emperor was obliged to pay him the respects his reputation demanded. So he sent Ying to his grand physician to regain his health and had a monthly stipend of wine and meat sent to him. In the third month of the fourth year [129], the emperor went so far as to have a seat of honor made for Ying. He then went personally, in a procession led by the prefect of imperial carriages, to see him. The emperor approached, and, with the assistance of the secretary of the letters, made the ritual presentation of a cane and a stool to venerate an elder. Thus honoring Ying with the ceremony due a teacher, the emperor ventured to ask of future successes and failures. Ying could no longer avoid service and was appointed leader of the gentlemen of the household. However, Ying soon claimed that his illness was worsening. In response the emperor made him imperial household grandee and granted him permission to return home. Each year to the people of his prefecture Ying presented one thousand bushels of grain, and in the eighth month he gave them an ox and three kegs of wine. Should Ying die from some misfortune, the emperor would sacrifice calves and lambs on his behalf. Still Ying resigned and refused to accept the offer of a higher post; the emperor issued an edict refusing the resignation. At Ying's first call to service by imperial edict, everyone assumed that he would refuse it, since he would have to abandon his desire to live in reclusion. On the later occasion, when he did respond to the emperor's call, he apparently had no particularly marvelous plans or profound strategies. Those who discussed this simply took it to mean Ying had lost his original vision. Chang K'ai of Ho-nan was called at the same time as Ying on an earlier occasion, and said to him: "There are two paths one may take in life, Either come forth and serve the emperor or retire and stay a recluse." 84 Originally, I thought that your willingness to come forth was because you hoped to serve this lord and give succor to the people. But early on you enraged our lord who rules over ten thousand chariots, claiming you yourself had remained beyond taint. You too came to enjoy the privileges and gains of high office, and still we have not heard of any secret arts by which you might provide effective aid to the empire. It is as if what you choose to do and what you choose not to do are without any basis.

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Still, Ying was in fact skilled in the esoteric arts. Whenever the court experienced a disaster or an anomaly and the edict came down asking for suggestions on what might effect the corrective changes, Ying's explanations most frequently proved to be accurate. Early in life, Ying wrote Comments on the Changes, which were popularly called the "Theories of Mr. Fan." His instructions were based on the charts and apocrypha. Ch'en Shih of Ying-ch'uan 85 as a youth studied with Ying. Once when Ying was ill, Ying's wife had her personal maidservant enter and make a courtesy call. Ying climbed out of his sickbed and ceremoniously greeted the maid. Shih thought this was very strange and asked for an explanation. Ying explained, "The word for 'wife' is a homonym for the word 'together.' In the ritual sacrifices the husband and wife are brought together. It would be a breach of rites not to greet my wife's servant in this way." This example is typical of Ying's meticulous observance of the rites. At the age of seventy, he died in his home. During the reign of Emperor Ling [168-188], Ying's grandson Ling was called to serve the court eunuchs as minister of rites. Hsi Hsiin of Ch'en commandery 86 studied and transmitted Ying's techniques. Hsiin himself reached the post of palace attendant.

Postscript to Part I The legendary style of these famous scholars of the Han is something with which we all are familiar. However, some were tighter, some looser, some more forward and others more retiring, and often they were not entirely flawless in the strict checking of their emotions and the maintenance of an easy external demeanor. They relied on Taoist magical arts in order to attain their reputations and rewards. They were not men who were capable of penetrating the cosmos and its beings or elaborating cogently on current affairs. For example, look at Fan Ying and Yang Hou. At court they were treated like deities, but in the final analysis they were nothing special at all. Ying's reputation was most eminent and hence his ultimate disgrace the most abysmal. Li Ku, Chu Mu, and men of their ilk presented them-

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selves as recluses, beyond worldly matters, and drummed up a reputation that way. There was nothing to be gained by employing them; so in fact they were not called. But later, their very oddness in this regard made them famous. And then the rulers paid them great respect in order to win the hearts of the people. So what was originally a uselessness became very useful, but that use in the final analysis reverted to being useless. What do I mean by this? The fact is, even those who are brilliant in their literary efforts are sometimes of questionable use. Even those who are deeply schooled in the rites and music in the end may deviate from the standard. When it came to these men reshaping themselves into gentry and cultivating their minds and natures, it was simply a case of following a pattern but not really understanding it. Does this not belittle the Way by making an external show of such things, and contradict the weight of the evidence? Now, if one suddenly happens upon untrammeled ground, something might be gained in the virtues of the useless. But here it is an insult to the arcane arts and a depreciation of an important resource of our society, the talent of the true recluse. They would believe that crafty argumentation is enough to rescue those drowning in misery, that words and regulations are sufficient to attain peace and security, that their knowledge could exhaust all manner of things to be fathomed and investigated, and that their Way was ample as a source of laws and regulations. Finally, even if what they offered might have benefits for ten thousand generations, it is still much like the expediencies of the Yi and Ti barbarians. Mencius had an expression which goes, "One uses Chinese culture to transform the barbarians. It is unheard of to use barbarian culture to transform the Chinese." 87 Could there possibly be any benefit in so doing?

14. T'ang T'an T'ang T'an, styled Tzu-ch'an, was a native of Nan-ch'ang in Yiichang. 88 As a youth he traveled to the imperial university and studied the Book of Changes: Commentary of Ching Fang, the Book of Odes: Nonstandard Commentary of Han (Han-shih wai-chuan), and the Spring and Au-

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tumn Annals of Mr. Yen (Yen-shih ch'un-ch'iu), and he showed a particular fondness for omenology and astrology. Later when he returned to his home province, there were at anyone time over a hundred disciples under his instruction. In the seventh y~ar of the Yuan-ch'u period [120], a marvelous chih plant 89 was discovered growing in the commandery. Grand Protector Liu Chih wanted to present it to the throne, so he asked T'an about it. T'an replied to him, "Just at this point the empress' family is rising in strength, and the Yang powers are waning. Is there any way to interpret this as an auspicious sign?" Chih desisted from making the presentation. In the first year ofYung-ning [120], a woman in Nan-ch'ang gave birth to quadruplets. Chih again went to T'an and asked him what was foretold by this strange happening. T'an interpreted it to mean that the capital troops would see military action and that disaster would come from those who appeared to maintain respect for the throne. In fact, in the fourth year of the Yuankuang period [125], a palace attendant within the Yellow Gate,90 one Sun Ch'eng, gathered up troops in the palace district and executed the empress' elder brother, cavalry commandant Yen Hsien, and others of his clique. Hence the King of Chi-yin was established as the emperor. All the events transpired exactly as T'an had predicted. 91 In the fifth year of Yung-chien [130], T'an was elevated to the rank of Filial and Incorruptible and made a gentleman of the palace. At that time a white rainbow was seen crossing the sun. As a result, T'an prepared a memorial to the throne, observing what the emperor ought to do with respect to the heavens, the earth, and mankind and expounding on this inauspicious sign. After he submitted this document, he resigned his office and left. T'ang T'an authored a book of twenty-eight chapters called the T'angtsu. He died at home.

15. Kung-sha Mu Kung-sha Mu, styled Wen-i, was a native of Chiao-tung in Pei-hai. 92 When he was a young man, he did not have any interest in playing and joking. As he matured, he studied the Book of Odes: Nonstandard Commen-

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tary of Han and the Spring and Autumn Annals: Commentary by Kung Yang. He was particularly astute in his contemplation of the Yellow River Charts and Lo River Scripts and in Astral Influences. He lived without any companionship in the Chien-ch'eng Mountains,93 where among the woods in a pass he made a hovel. On one occasion, during a storm of violent winds and ground-shaking thunder, a voice from outside called Mu's name three times. Mu did not reply, and in a short while the caller came in through an opening. It was a very strange creature, in both sound and appearance. Mu maintained his composure and intoned the classics; so in the end no demon-wrought problems resulted. The people of his time all thought Mu was extraordinary. Later he lived as a hermit on Mount Tung-Iai,94 and disciples from distant places gathered around him. There was a wealthy man named Wang Chung who sent a gift of one thousand coins to Mu and then said to him, "In the world of today, it is with material wealth that one advances oneself. I would be willing to offer millions to you to serve as your capital. May I?" Mu replied, "I appreciate the generous impulse that brought you here, but in fact the determinants of true wealth and nobility reside in heaven. They are ours as a matter of fate. I could not bear to take this money and with it seek to enhance my position." Later Mu was promoted to the rank of Filial and Incorruptible. By virtue of his outstanding examination record, he was made an administrator and then transferred to the post of minister in residence in the Tseng Kingdom. 95 The lord of Tseng at that time, one Liu Ch'ang, was a descendant of King Kung of Tung-hai and had a penchant for illegal acts. 96 For example, he disinherited his legitimate son and established a concubine's son as his heir. Liu Ch'ang was arrogant and licentious. Shortly after arriving at his post, M u reproached Ch'ang, saying: When I was first dispatched to this post, all the officers in the capital expressed their regrets to me, saying, "Tseng has a wicked lord." Now, how is it that Your Majesty has acquired so unattractive a reputation? You have the good fortune to stand on- your ancestors' shoulders and in turn carry the burden of their hereditary lands. Yet, without the slightest trepidation, you violate the limits of the law. For this reason, the imperial court has sent me to assist you. We will try to reform the past and cultivate your rule for the fut,ure, so that you may seek the path of greatest fortune.

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He then confiscated the land that Ch'ang had expropriated from the ministers and people; he disinherited the concubine's son and reestablished the legitimate heir. In every case where one of Ch'ang's henchmen had committed a crime, Mu had him arrested and interrogated. It was with the most critical words that he reproached Ch'ang. Ch'ang responded by sobbing his apologies and, for the most part, followed the rules laid out by Mu. At the time Mu was transferred to be prefect of Hung-nung, 97 the crops were being devoured by caterpillars. Mu built an altar and appealed to heaven. "The people have transgressed, but their crimes originate with mel I myself am the offering for this prayer." Immediately there was a violent cloudburst, and as soon as the clouds cleared, the pests vanished of their own accord. All the people called Mu a spirit. In the first year of the Yung-shou period [155], torrential rai ns caused widespread flooding. No area east of the capital was spared the waters, but Mu had a clear grasp of Meteorognostics and gave advance warning to the people of his area to evacuate their homes and find higher ground. As a result of these forewarnings, the people of Hung-nung alone were spared disaster. Mu was promoted to the post of chief commandant of the states under Liao-tung commandery,98 where he proved skillful in winning the loyal support of his subordinates. At the age of sixty-six, while still in office, he died. All six of his sons became well known.

16. Hsii Man Hsii Man was a native of P'ing-yii in Ju-nan. His grandfather Chiin, styled Chi-shan, was skilled in crack-reading divination. So numerous were Chiin's correct predictions that the people of his time compared him to Ching Fang 99 of an earlier era. By his own account, as a youth he was afflicted with a terrible disease that for three years showed no improvement. He traveled to Mount T'ai, 100 therefore, to beg for his life. On the way he ran into the Taoist Master Chang Chii-chiin, from whom he learned esoteric arts. Hsii Chiin's book, Forest of Changes,101 is still in circulation today.

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From the time he was little, Man carried on the teachings he inherited from Chlin. During the reign of Emperor Heng [146-167], the grand protector of Lung-hsi, 102 Feng Kun, opened the case of his official seal on the occasion of taking up the duties of his new post. Two serpents rushed out, one heading to the north and one to the south. Kun had Man divide the divining stalks about this event. When the graphs were completed, Man explained, "Three years from now, you, sir, will become a general at the border. The post has the word 'east' in its name, and you will travel to the northeast some three thousand Ii. In another five years, you will become a great general and conduct campaigns south." In the first year of the Yen-hsi period [158], Kun went out to be the Grand Protector of Liao-tung [lit. Liao-east], where he punished the Hsienpei tribes. 103 After five years, he was promoted to general of the cavalry and attacked the Man barbarian bandits of Wu-ling. 104 All these things fulfilled Man's predictions, and many of Man's other prognostications worked out as well.

17. Chao Yen Chao Yen was a native\ of Lang-yeh, 105 and as a youth he studied the esoteric arts. In the third year of the Yen-hsi period [160], a bandit from Lang-yeh named Lao Ping and a bandit from Mount T'ai named Shu-sun Wu-chi joined forces and murdered the chief commandant, overran the prefectures under Lang-yeh's jurisdiction, and massacred all the government workers. The imperial court appointed Tsung Tse of Nan-yang 106 as the special colonel for suppressing the bandits. With staff and battle ax in hand, Tse led his troops, supervising the soldiers of several commanderies in a collective assault on Wu-chi. Yen developed a plan of action that was expanded from the Orphans and Voids. The bandits were headquartered in Chi.i. 107 In the vicinity of Chli were five places with "yang" in their names; hence it was appropriate to call up troops from five commanderies that also had "yang" in their names. In this way they would prevail by enlisting the "orphans" to attack the "voids." Tse presented the entire plan in writing to the throne, and the edict came

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down dispatching troops from the five "yang" commanderies to the region. Yen then computed with Evading Stems techniques and instructed Tse at what hour to advance his troops. In a single battle the bandits were entirely wiped out and their headquarter fortress was burned to the ground. Thus in no time at all the two provinces of Hsii and Yen were pacified.

18. Fan Chih-chang Fan Chih-chang was a man of Nan-cheng in Han-chung. His broad learning extended into numerous areas, and he chose to live as a recluse and shun officialdom. Once he was traveling in Lung-hsi. At the time General Tuan Chiung, master of warfare against the Chiang barbarians, was embarking on a campaign against the Chiang in the west. He asked to see Chih-chang. That very night, Chiung's troops were besieged by the Chiang armies, which surrounded his camp several lines deep. Chih-chang was trapped with the troops and could not get out for three days. At night he told Chiung, "To the southeast there are not many Chiang soldiers, so you should take advantage of that gap and pull your troops through. Regroup one hundred Ii from here, then turn your troops around and counterattack. Total victory will be yours!" General Tuan followed the plan, and indeed was able to wipe out the bandits. Subsequently, the general made a written report of this to the throne. He commended Chih-chang as having the knowledge of Tzu Shen, Ch'iao Yen-shou, and Tung Chung-shu 108 and recommended him as counsel to the imperial court, particularly on consultations involving bizarre and anomalous events. As a result of this report, an edict was issued as a special summons for Chih-chang to assume a post, but in a very short time, he fell ill and died.

19. Tan Yang Tan Yang, styled Wu-hsiian, was a native of Hu-Iu in Shan-yang. 109 Having been an orphan, he virtually reared himself and lived a life of ex-

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treme austerity and hardship. He was especially perspicacious about Celestial Offices and other computational arts. Elevated to the rank of Filial and Incorruptible, he gradually advanced his career, first as prefect grand clerk and then as palace attendant. Afterward he left the capital to become grand protector of Han-chung. He lost that post over an official matter, but he was later appointed to be an officer of the secretariat. He died in office. Earlier, at the end of the Hsi-p'ing period [172-177], a yellow dragon appeared in Ch'iao commandery.110 The grandee of the imperial household, Ch'iao Hsiian, asked Yang, "What does this portend?" Yang explained, "An emperor will arise from that land. Within fifty years, the dragon should reappear to correspond with this appearance." A man named Yin Teng of the Wei commandery 111 secretly noted this down. Then in the spring of the twenty-fifth year of the Chien-an period [220], the yellow dragon appeared again in Ch'iao, and the following winter the throne was ceded to the Wei family. lIZ

20. Han Yiieh Han Yiieh, styled Shu-ju, was a native of Shan-yin in K'uai-chi. 113 He had vast learning in the Five Classics and was particularly adept at the study of Charts and Apocrypha. Yiieh was elevated to the rank of Filial and Incorruptible and was a close friend of the gentleman consultant, Ts'ai Yung. 114 On many occasions he explained the import of disastrous events. He also submitted rhyme-prose and linked topic verse for the emperor's pleasure. In the tenth month of the first year of the Kuang-ho period [179], Yiieh told the emperor there would be an eclipse of the evening sun. He begged the emperor to have officials don their most formal regalia. The emperor followed these instructions, and events transpired exactly as Yiieh had predicted. During the second month of the second year of Chung-p'ing [186], he again brought a matter to the attention of the throne, marking the calendar for a disaster that was to occur within the palace. On the predicted day, a great fire broke out in the southern palaces. Yiieh was then promoted to be grand protector of Chiang-hsia, 115 but he was dismissed over an official matter. At age seventy, he died at home.

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21. Tung Fu Tung Fu, styled Mao-an, was a native of Mien-chu in Kung-han. 116 As a youth he traveled to the imperial university for study and there established a reputation the equal of his fellow countryman, Jen An. Both of them apprenticed themselves to Yang Hou, 117 who also came from Kuanghan, and both studied Charts and Chants. Tung Fu returned home and started teaching, drawing disciples from distant places. He was called to serve in a ministerial post no less than ten times, and on three occasions imperial chariots came forth to draft him into service. He was accorded the ranks of Sagely and Upright, Erudite, and Master of the Way, but he responded to every summons with the excuse of failing health and would not accept a post. During the reign of Emperor Ling [168-188], the great general Ho Chin recommended Fu, who was finally successfully appointed to be palace attendant. His talents were highly regarded. Once Fu privately confided in the grand master of ceremony, Liu Yen, the following: "The capital troops will soon be thrown into chaos. Within the borders of I province an imperial pneuma is on the rise." Yen trusted this prophecy and asked to be sent out as the governor of I-province. Fu also was assigned to that area, as the chief commandant of all the lands under Shu commandery. The two men traveled to Shu together. One year later the emperor died, and the whole empire was thrown into chaos. Fu abandoned his post and returned home, where he died at the age of eighty-two. AftelWards, Liu Pei proclaimed himself emperor in Shu, just as Fu had predicted. The prime minister of Shu, Chu-ko Liang, asked Ch'in Mi of Kuang-han whether Tung Fu or Jen An was the better man. Mi replied, "Tung Fu would praise a virtue as fine as autumn down and censure the most minute example of evil. Jen An would remember the virtues of other men and put their faults out of mind."

22. Kuo Yii Kuo Yii was a native of Lo in Kuang-han. No one knew his origins nor where his father came from. Because Yii's father was always fishing in

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the P'ei River, the people gave him the nickname Old Man p'ei. Though his father mostly begged for his food, sometimes when he happened across a sick person he would perform acupuncture. When he did, it was always an effective treatment. He authored two books, the Classic of Acupuncture (Chen-ching) and Method of Examining Pulse (Chen-mai-fa),118 both of which still circulate today. A disciple named Ch'eng Kao sought the old man's instruction for many years and was finally accepted. Kao too chose the life of a recl use. Yii during his youth took Kao as his master, studying techniques for measuring and examining the six visceral functions and arts of the subtle side of yin and yang pulses. During the reign of Emperor Ho [89-105], he served as assistant to the grand physician. His therapies proved to be highly effective. The emperor's curiosity was piqued by Yii, and he wanted to put Yii's skills to the test. So he selected a catamite with very delicate hands and wrists and placed him behind a curtain alongside a girl, so that each put out one arm. He then had Yii examine the pulse of both arms and asked him to identify the ailment of the "patient." Yii said, "The left arm is yang and the right arm is ying. A pulse is distinctly male or female. But this case would seem to be something different and your servant is puzzled as to why." The emperor sighed in admiration and praised his skill. Yii was compassionate and loving, and he was never arrogant. Even for a patient as poor as the poorest peasant, Yii would exhaust his heart and soul. On the other hand, sometimes when treating a noble he was unable to effect a cure. On one occasion, the emperor ordered an ailing aristocrat to put on shabby clothes and move outside the palace. Kuo Yii was able to cure him with a single needle. The emperor summoned Yii and asked him to explain this. Yii replied: The word "medicine" (i) embodies the idea of "attention" (i). 119 The regions of the skin are very finely divided. Following the flow of energy requires consummate skill. When inserting needles, an error of a hair's breadth will mean failure. A kind of spirit connects the physician's heart with his hand, and that is something I can know but cannot explain. Now, when it comes to the nobles, they look down at me from the heights of their distinguished place, and I am filled with anxiety that I might not please them. Curing nobles presents four difficulties. First, they do as they please and not as I advise. Second, they are not

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FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN at all careful in caring for their own health. Third, their bones are frail, so they cannot bear strong medicine. Fourth, they love a life of ease and hate labor. Though the acupuncture needles demand precise measure, with them I am often in error. I am burdened with a heart full of trepidation compounded by a will reduced in strength. Thus attention is not fully there. Consider what influence this has on treating the disorder! This is the reason I cannot bring about a cure.

The emperor was pleased with this answer. Kuo Yii died at an advanced age, still at his post.

23. Hna T' 0

[See #4 in the next chapter.]120

24. Hsii Teng Hsii Teng was a native of Min-chung. 121 Originally he was a woman, but he transformed himself into a man. His skills were in the arts of the medium. Another person named Chao Ping, styled Kung-ah, was a native of Tung-yang,122 and he was able to work the spells of the Yiieh tribes. Once, during a period of widespread warfare and pestilence, the two men met on the banks of the Wu-shang River. 123 They swore a bond with each other, vowing to use their arts to cure illness. They said to one another, "Now that we have joined our wills today, we must test each other's capabilities." Teng cast his spells on the waters of the river, and the river ceased to flow. Ping followed by casting his spells on a dead tree, and the tree immediately sent forth new buds. The two looked at each other and laughed, then took off together, walkipg a single Way. Teng was the elder, so Ping treated him as the master. They venerated purity and frugality. When they performed rites to the spirits, they used only the east-flowing water as a libation and bark peeled from the mulberry to serve as the meat. Though their treatments employed nothing more than chants and spells, they always effectively overcame the illness. Later, when Teng passed away, Ping traveled east to Ch'ang-an, 124

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where the people did not recognize him. Ping deliberately climbed atop a thatched-roof building, set up a cauldron, and began cooking his meal right on the roof. The owner watched this with shock and panic, but Ping merely smiled and paid him no heed. His food did in fact cook thoroughly, but the roof was not harmed in the slightest. On another occasion, he was seeking passage across a river, but the boat man would not take him. Ping spread out a cloth and sat in the middle of it. Then with a long whistle he stirred up winds and whipped up wild currents which carried him across. After that, the common people worshipped him like a spirit, and his following grew and grew. The prefect of Ch'ang-an resented the way he enchanted the people, and so he arrested him and had him executed. The common people built a shrine for him in Yung-k'ang,125 which to this day is not violated, even by gnats.

25. Fei Ch'ang-fang Fei Ch'ang-fang was a native of Ju-nan. At one time, he served as a guard in the marketplace. There was an old man there who sold medicine at a stand with a large gourd hanging in front. When the market closed each day, the old man would promptly leap into the gourd. No one in the marketplace was able to see this, but Ch'ang-fang, from his second-story vantage point, could. Thinking this very curious, Ch'ang-fang went to pay a visit to the old man with gifts of wine and dried beef. Now, the old man knew that Ch'ang-fang had an interest in his spiritual powers, so he told him, "You may come again tomorrow." Early the following morning, Ch'ang-fang appeared again. This time the old man took Ch'ang-fang with him into the gourd. Everywhere Ch'ang-fang looked there were jade halls of awesome beauty and fine wines and rare delicacies overflowing. The two had a drink together and then came out again. The old man extracted a promise from Ch'ang-fang that he would not discuss this event with anyone else. Sometime later, the old man climbed up to Ch'ang-fang's guard post to talk with him. "I am a spirit immortal, in exile as punishment for a

Fei Ch'ang-fang and the old man in the gourd. (From the Ming illustrated encyclopedia San-ts'ai t'u-hui [Collection of Illustrations from the Three Realms].)

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transgression I committed. But today my sentence ends, and I must be leaving. Would you like to be able to come with me? In any case, downstairs I have a little wine to give you as a parting gift." Ch'ang-fang sent a man down to pick up the wine, but he could not. So Ch'ang-fang sent ten men down to hoist it up, but they could not budge it either. When the old man heard this he laughed and went down himself. He returned carrying the wine with a single finger. The container appeared to be slightly more than a cup, but the two men drank from it all day and could not exhaust its contents. Ch'ang-fang developed a desire to seek the Way with the old man, but he feared his family would worry about him if he simply wandered off. The old man took a fresh bamboo stick and cut it off to the same height as Ch'ang-fang's body. He had this hung behind the house, and when the family saw it, it appeared to them to be Ch'ang-fang himself. They thought he had hung himself, and young and old alike wailed in shock and dismay. The body was quickly shrouded and interred. During all of this, Ch'angfang stood to the side watching, but no one was able to see him. With his funeral over, Ch'ang-fang followed the old man deep into the mountains. Hiking over thick brambles, they eventually entered into the midst of a pack of tigers. The old man left Ch'ang-fang alone there, but Ch'ang-fang was not afraid. The old man then had him lie down in an open chamber with a ten-ton boulder over his heart, suspended by nothing more than a rotten piece of rope. A swarm of snakes crawled over each other for a chance to gnaw the rope in half, but Ch'ang-fang did not so much as flinch. The old man returned and patted him. "You can indeed be taught." But he tested him a third time by having him eat a pile of feces, foul with the worms of decay. The stench and filth were particularly loatbsome, and deep inside Ch'ang-fang felt disgust at this. The old man then told him, "You came so close to getting the Way. How regrettable that you should fail at this point. Alas, that's too bad!" So Ch'ang-fang said goodbye and was about to leave for home when the old man gave him a staff and said, "Ride this back to your home province so that you will be able to find your way alone. As soon as you arrive, take the staff and toss it into the Ko-pei Lake." 126 He also made a charm for Ch'ang-fang. "Take this and you will be master of terrestrial ghosts and spirits." So Ch'ang-fang rode upon the staff and arrived home in no time at all. By his estimate, he had been away from his family for about ten days,

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but in reality it had been over ten years. As soon as he had tossed the staff into the lake, he could see it was a dragon. Now, the members of Ch'angfang's family protested that he had been long dead and they refused to believe he was himself. Ch'ang-fang explained to them, "What you buried so long ago was nothing more than a bamboo stick." Thereupon they dug up the grave, hacked open the coffin, and found the stick still there. From that time on, Ch'ang-fang was capable of curing all manner of illnesses. He could exorcise a hundred demons and was master of the deities of the local soil god altars. Once when he was sitting with a group of people, he suddenly showed signs of a great rage. Asked about this, he explained, "1 was reprimanding some demons for breaking rules." Year after year in the commandery of Iu-nan, there appeared a demon dressed in the robes of the grand protector and impersonating him. He would visit the district office and pound on the alarm drums. Everyone in the commandery feared this demon. The time the demon was due just happened to coincide with a visit Fei Ch'ang-fang himself was making to the grand protector. The demon was so terrified at this encounter he could not even retreat. He came forward, removed his false robes, and kowtowed, begging for his life. Ch'ang-fang commanded him sternly, "Go to the courtyard and return to your original form!" He immediately transformed himself into an old tortoise, big as a wagon wheel, with a neck stretching some ten feet. Ch'ang-fang then ordered the demon to approach the grand protector and beg forgiveness. Finally, he gave him a citation of warning to deliver to the Master of Ko-pei Lake. The tortoise kowtowed and wept bitterly. He carried off the wooden slip, and by the side of the lake stuck it end up in the ground. Then he wrapped his neck around the slip and died. At a later time, the Master of Tung-hai paid a visit to the Master of Ko-pei Lake. During the visit, the Master of Tung-hai had illicit relations with Ko-pei's wife; so Ch'ang-fang punished him with three years of confinement. As a consequence of this, a great drought beset the entire Tunghai region. When Ch'ang-fang visited that coast, he witnessed the people there pleading for rain, and so he explained to them, "Your Master of Tunghai committed a crime, and 1 sentenced him to three years of confinement in Ko-pei. 1 will let him go now and have him make rain for you." Rain began to fall immediately. Once when Ch'ang-fang was traveling with some others, the group came upon a student riding bareback and wearing a yellow turban. As soon as

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they met, the student leaped down from the horse and began to kowtow. Ch'ang-fang said to him, "Return the horse and I will pardon you for this capital crime!" When his friends asked what had transpired, Ch'ang-fang explained, "This is a raccoon demon who stole the horse from the spirit of the local soil god altar." And once when sitting with dinner guests, Ch'ang-fang decided to go all the way to Yiian 127 to buy salted fish. He went and returned in an instant, and the guests all were able to eat the fish. In other instances, Ch'ang-fang was seen in several places, thousands of Ii apart within a single day's time. 128 Later, he lost the charm that gave him his power and was murdered by a swarm of ghosts.

26. Chi Tzu-hsiinn It is not known where Chi Tzu-hsiinn 129 hailed from. During the Chien-an period [196-219], he took up residence in Yiian-chii prefecture in Chi-yin. 130 Tzu-hsiinn was in possession of an extraordinary spiritual Way. On one occasion, he was holding a neighbor's newborn child and deliberately dropped it. The baby fell to the floor and died. The parents cried bitterly at suffering this painful loss, but Tzu-hsiinn only apologized for the slip. He had nothing more to say, and the baby's body was duly interred in its grave. A little more than a month later, Tzu-hsiinn appeared carrying the infant. The parents, frightened at this sight, said, "The living and the dead travel separate roads. Though we miss our baby terribly, please do not show this to us again!" But when the baby recognized his parents, he chortled and smiled with delight. The baby wanted to go to them, and unconsciously the mother reached out, took it in her arms, and discovered that it was indeed real. Although the parents' hearts were filled with joy, they still felt uncertain about the child, ,so they secretly went to the grave and opened it up to see what was there. When they found nothing but the clothing and quilts, they were convinced of what Tzu-hsiinn had done. As a result his fame spread, reaching those of high rank in the capital. Great ministers rushed in like the wind to express their admiration of him.

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At a later date, Tzu-hsiinn was riding on a donkey cart traveling in the company of his students on a journey to the area of Hsii. 131 On the way they passed through Ying-yang l32 and stopped there at an inn. Unexpectedly, the donkey that had been pulling them fell over, dead as a board, and maggots began swarming all over the corpse. The innkeeper rushed in to report this to Tzu-hsiinn. But Tzu-hsiinn merely responded, "Is that so?" and continued to sit peacefully eating his dinner. When the meal was finished, he leisurely walked outside, picked up a stick, and tapped it. Responding to the sound, the donkey leaped up and started walking round as if nothing had happened, and they were soon on the road again. The crowds of people following to see this remarkable man numbered in the thousands. Upon his arrival in the capital, several hundred officials, from ducal ministers on down, were waiting to greet him. So vast were the gifts of wine and meat that even with feasting all day, they could not be consumed entirely. Later, Tzu-hsiinn slipped away again, and nobody knew where he went. On the day of his departure, nothing was seen but a white cloud rising up. This sight lasted from dawn to dusk and was visible from a number of places. There was a centenarian around then who claimed that as an adolescent he had seen Tzu-hsiinn selling medicines in the market of K'uai-chi, and Tzuhsiinn's appearance had not changed one bit. He was seen again sometime later in Pa-ch'eng 133 east of Ch'ang-an city, standing with an old man and polishing a bronze figure. Tzu-hsiinn said to his companion, "Since the day I watched this being cast, nearly five hundred years have gone by." 134 When he turned he became aware of someone watching him, so he went off, riding what appeared to be the same donkey cart he had had long before. The onlooker called to him, "Master Chi. Wait a momentl" and tried to follow along with him. Tzu-hsiinn's cart seemed to be moving at a casual pace, but in fact, a racehorse could not keep up with it. This was the last anyone heard of Chi Tzu-hsiinn.

27. Lin Ken Liu Ken was a native of Ying-ch'uan. He lived in reclusion on top of Mount Sung,135 and those who sought to study with him would travel from

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very distant places to learn the Way. The local grand protector, Shih Ch'i, thought Ken was demonic, so he had him put under arrest and brought to the commandery office for interrogation. He repeatedly asked Ken, "What magical arts do you possess that you can so bewitch the people? If you really have spiritual powers, then demonstrate them for us by making something happen. If you cannot prove yourself, I will sentence you to die." Ken replied, "The ability I have developed most is to make people see ghosts. Otherwise, I can actually do nothing remarkable." Ch'i said, "Then quickly summon some here so that I may see them with my own eyes. That would be the clearest proof." Ken thereupon turned to the left and whistled. In an instant, Shih Ch'i's deceased father, grandfather, and several dozen close relatives appeared before them, all with their hands bound behind their backs. They faced Ken, kowtowed, and said, "Our descendant has treated you in a disgraceful fashion. He should suffer ten thousand punishments!" Then they turned and upbraided Ch'i: "You are our kin, and yet you do nothing to benefit your ancestors. On the contrary, you pile injury upon our departed souls. You must kowtow as an expression of apology to us!" Shocked and dismayed, Ch'i banged his head on the floor until it bled and begged to be punished for his crimes. Ken stood silently, heeding him not at all. Then suddenly all the ghosts and Ken himself simply vanished to who knows where.

28. Tso Tz'u Tso Tz'u, styled Yuan-fang, was a native of Lu-chiang. 136 When he was young, it was apparent that he possessed a spiritual Way. There was an occasion on which he was a guest at a banquet given by the imperial grand clerk Ts'ao Ts'ao. 137 Ts'ao casually turned to his guests at one point and remarked, "This is a distinguished assembly, for which fine and rare delicacies have been prepared. All that is missing is river perch from the Sung River in the Wu region. 138 Tso Tz'u, from his seat among the less honored guests, responded, "That can be gotten!" He called for a brass basin filled to the brim with water. Then he took a bamboo pole, baited a hook, and began fishing in the basin. Before long, he pulled out a perch. Ts'ao smiled

Tso T z'u . (From the San- ts'ai t'u-hui.)

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and applauded enthusiastically, while the guests all stood astonished. Then Ts'ao said, "But one fish will not make the rounds of these tables. Can you get more?" Tso Tz'u baited his line again, dropped it in, and in a little while he pulled out another fish. Both were over three feet long, and both were absolutely fresh and delicious. Ts'ao had the fish minced before the very eyes of the guests and immediately passed around for everyone to enjoy. Then Ts'ao said, "Well, now that we have the fish, it is too bad that we do not have any fresh ginger from Shu." Tz'u replied, "That too can be gotten." Suspecting that there was someplace nearby where Tz'u could get the ginger, Ts'ao added to the test, "Sometime ago I dispatched a man to Shu to buy embroidered cloth. If you should happen to run into him, please tell him to increase the order by two bolts." He had hardly finished his instructions when Tz'u returned with the ginger in hand. He also reported success in passing on the new instruction to Ts'ao's messenger. Much later, when that man returned from Shu, he was questioned about how he came to know to increase the order. His report coincided with what the guests had seen, down to the very hour of the very day. On a later occasion, Ts'ao was traveling outside the city in the company of over one hundred officials. For provisions, Tz'u carried along only a single cup of wine and one slab of dried meat. He personally did the serving and pouring, and not a single person among the hundred failed to get drunk and completely filled. Ts'ao thought this was very strange and sent out people to investigate the matter. Upon visiting all the wine shops in the area, the investigators discovered that their stocks of wine and meat had been totally depleted. 139 Ts'ao was naturally quite unhappy to hear this, so he had Tso Tz'u charged and arrested, and he planned to execute him. But Tz'u simply walked right through the wall and disappeared without a trace. Then someone spied him in the marketplace and placed him under arrest. That same instant, however, every person in the marketplace changed into an exact image of Tz'u, and it became impossible to determine who was the real one. After that, someone came across him on Yang-ch'eng Mountain. 140 Ts'ao Ts'ao pursued him there, chasing Tz'u into a flock of goats. Knowing that he could not simply grab him, Ts'ao ordered his troops to go into the flock and announce, "Ts'ao is no longer trying to kill you. It was originally nothing more than a test of your arts." Suddenly an old ram stood up like a man, his two front legs dangling down, and said, "What a sudden change!" All Ts'ao's soldiers rushed forward to subdue the ram, but

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then the entire flock of several hundred changed into mirror images of the old ram, standing up like men, with their two front legs dangling down, and saying, "What a sudden change!" Once again, there was no way to determine which one to capture.

29. Chi Tzu-hsiin Nobody knows where Chi Tzu-hsiin came from, but popular opinion had it that he was over one hundred years old. He lived among ordinary people. One morning he suddenly announced that he would die that day at midday. The owner of the house in which he lived brought him linen clothes to wear. Tzu-hsiin put them on, carefully lay down in bed, and at noon did indeed die.

30. Shang Ch'eng-kung Shang Ch'eng-kung was a native of Mi prefecture. His story begins when he left home and did not return for a very long time. When he finally did come back, he explained to his family, "I have already attained immortality." These were his parting words, and he began to walk away. His family watched as each time he lifted his foot he ascended higher and higher. Both Ch'en Shih and Han Shao witnessed this event. 141

31. Chieh Nu-ku, Chang Tiao, and Shou Kuang-hou Chieh Nu-ku and Chang Tiao are both men whose origins are unknown. Both were capable of making themselves invisible, and both could

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go in and out of buildings without availing themselves of doors or windows. Nu-ku was able to transform himself and make people see all manner of fanciful things. Also, in Ho-nan there was a man named Chii Sheng-ch'ing. He was skillful at writing vermilion amulets to control and allay ghosts and spirits or to make them do his bidding. Pien Man-i also communicated with ghostly beings. Earlier, during the reign of Emperor Chang [76-88], a man named Shou Kuang-hou was able to exorcise the hundred ghosts and myriad demons. He could force them to restrain themselves and to reveal their original forms. In his vicinity, there was a woman made ill by demonic possession. Hou exorcised the demon, driving out a serpent dozens of feet long that slithered out and died outside the door. There was also a possessed tree. Anyone who stopped near it would die, and birds flying over it would tumble from the sky. Hou exorcised the demon. Though in the height of its summer foliage, the tree withered and fell over. A serpent seventy or eighty feet long was revealed, hanging dead inside. When the emperor heard about Hou, he summoned him to court and put him to the test. "Often after midnight, within my palace walls, a number of people appear and march about. They are dressed in red, with disheveled hair, and carry torches in their hands. Can you exorcise them?" Hou replied, "This is a trivial abnormality, easy to eliminate." Then the emperor had three people dress up in the manner he had described. Hou proceeded with the exorcism, and the three fell to the ground lifeless. In alarm the emperor said, "But these were not demons! I was only testing you!" So Hou broke the spell, and the men came back to life.

32. Kan Shih, Tung-kuo Yen-nien, and Feng Chiin-ta Kan Shih, Tung-kuo Yen-nien, and Feng Chiin-ta were all fang-shih. They were practitioners of Master Jung-ch'eng's arts of sexual regimen; they sometimes drank urine and sometimes suspended themselves upside down. They coveted every drop of seminal energy and were cautious neither to overexert their vision nor speak with exaggeration. Kan Shih, Yiian-fang

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[Tso Tz'u], and Yen-nien were all patronized by Ts'ao Ts'ao. He asked them about their arts and followed their regimens. Chiin-ta was called "Master Blue Ox." 142 All these men lived from one to two hundred years of age.

33. Wang Chen and Ho Meng-chieh Wang Chen and Ho Meng-chieh were both natives of Shang-tang. Though Wang Chen was nearly one hundred years old, looking at his complexion one could see a glowing sheen, and he appeared to be ress than fifty. Chen claimed, "I have traveled about and climbed the Five Sacred Mountains. 143 I am in full control of the methods of fetal breathing and fetal eating. 144 I express the liquids from their source beneath my tongue and swallow them. And I do not abstain from sexual intercourse." Meng-chieh was able to hold a date pit in his mouth and abstain from eating for five to ten years. He could also hold his breath without a trace of aspiration, hold his body still without a quiver, and appear to be absolutely dead. This he could sustain for one hundred days to half a year. He had a family, was very staid and reserved around others, and definitely was .not given to wild bragging. Meng-chieh was very much a gentleman, and Ts'ao Ts'ao. made him the head of all his fang-shih.

34. Wang Ho-p'ing Wang Ho-p'ing of Pei-hai was born with a natural love for the arts of the Way and decided to make himself an immortal. Sun Yung of Chinan 145 was a youthful disciple of Ho-p'ing and followed him to the capital. When Ho-p'ing grew ill and died, Yung buried him in Tung-t'ao. 146 He had over one hundred rolls of medical texts and numerous bags of medicines that Yung sent along with his master. Later a disciple named Jung claimed that his master had separated from his corpse. 14'-7 This made Yung

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very annoyed that he had not kept the precious texts and immortal medicines.

Postscript Spiritual matters that come from the dark side are rarely well attested. Esoteric calculations when done in the light of day are difficult to corroborate. Without probing into both seminal and remote things, how is one to judge the efficacy of these spiritual arts? Should someone distort or misrepresent, that would indeed debase the genuine dark mysteries.

Biographies from the Records of the Three Kingdoms 1. Kuan Lu KVAN LV, styled Kung-ming, was a native of P'ing-yiian. 1 His physical appearance was coarse and ugly, and he seemed to have no sense of decorum whatsoever. He would drink heavily, eat like a glutton, and always banter and joke. Since he paid no heed to avoiding improprieties, people developed a fondness for him but lacked respect. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: 2 When Lu was only eight or nine years old he had already demonstrated a fondness for gazing up at the sky's traveling lights. Whenever he found someone who knew the skies, he would quiz him about the stars' names, and at night Lu was seldom willing to go to sleep. His parents forbade this stargazing, but ultimately they could not stop him. Lu himself would say, "Though I am young, it is a feast for my eyes to look upon the sky's patterns." He often argued, "If creatures no nobler than barnyard chickens and wild geese can recognize times, is it not obvious that humans could?" 3 Whenever Lu was playing on a dirt field with his neighborhood friends, he would draw maps of the celestial star fields on the ground, and add the sun, moon, and planets. He was able to answer any and all questions asked of him and expound at length on astrological events. What he said was so extraordinary that even the experts of the village, some of whom had made long study of the skies, could not take issue with the young Lu. It was for these reasons that everyone recognized his highly unusual talent for such things. When Lu came of age,

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

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naturally he understood the technologies of the Book of Changes, Wind Angles, Heavenly Patterns, omenology, and physiognomy.4 He was able to master them to the finest, most subtle detail. Lu's inborn capabilities were vast, and he could learn a great deal. He was above feeling enmity, even for those who expressed resentment toward him. At the same time, he did not particularly incline toward those who showed him favor. Rather he sought always to return good deeds ,for whatever injustice was done him. He often said, "Loyalty and filiality, credibility and righteousness are basic to being a good man, and one should be resolute in practicing them. A show of incorruptibility and determination, of reserve and punctiliousness are but the external trappings of the scholar, and they are hardly worth feeling obligated to pursue." Lu also said, "If my name becomes known to only a few people, I still hope to be regarded highly in their eyes. After all, who can tell the waters of the great Yangtze from those of the lesser Han once they have churned together at their meeting. Surely, I would enjoy the opportunity to discuss in person the Way with prominent and powerful people, as did Ssu-ma Chi-chu,5 and I hav~__no interest in sharing the boat of a simple fisherman. Such is myC~~bi~." His attendance on his father and moth;;Wasd~~oted, and he was warm toward his brothers. He treated friends and peers with affection and respect and to the end never failed to strike the proper balance in his r~1(;1!iQI1~.~Hhp~91?1~._ Even those among his c;~t~~p;~a~Ies"wh'o fi~b~red ill will t~~arci him would always be won over. When his father was head of Chi-ch'iu in Lang-ya,6 Lu was fifteen years old. He would go to the government offices and read, beginning with the Book of Odes and the Analects and then going on to the Book of Changes. It was not long before he blossomed and began showing around his own writings, which proved to be exceptional both in style and in content: Amollgover four hundred visiting scholars working there, who came from near and far, the preeminence of Lu's talent was unanimously acknowledged. The grand protector of Lang-ya at the time, Tan Tzu-ch'un, was himself a man of refinement and considerable talent. 7 Hearing of Lu's distinction in his studies, he wanted an opportunity to meet him, so Lu was immediately sent by his father to meet the grand protector. A gathering of over one hundred guests had been arranged for Lu's appearance, and the seats of honor were filled by visitors renowned for their eloquence in debate. Du questioned Tzu-ch'un, saying, "With

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS Your Honor, the grand protector, and these eminent scholars present, the scene abounds with majesty and nobility. I am still young and nowhere find the maturity to meet this challenge. I am indeed eager to appear before you and your guests, but at the same time I fear my nerve will desert me. Might I first have three measures of wine and begin our conversations a little later?" Tzu-ch'un was delighted by this candor and immediately poured the three drinks himself for Lu. When the wine was gone, Lu presented another question: "Those who want to face me in debate today are the scholars seated immediately around you, correct?" Tzu-ch'un replied, "I want myself to address you when the banners go up and the opening drums roll." Lu said, "I have barely read through the texts of the Odes, the Analects, and the Changes. My learning is superficial and I cannot recall and recite verbatim the words of the sages or elaborate on events of Ch'in and Han times. May I limit the conversations to the nature of the five phases-metal, wood, water, fire, and earth-and of ghosts and gods?" Tzu-ch'un exclaimed, "This is the most difficult of all subjects, and you regard it as easy!" And then there rang out a chorus of great debate. They threaded their way through yin and yang, with literary embellishments wafting about like blossoms and the subjects of discussion sprouting in every direction. Rather than quote from the sages and ancient records, they co I1~e~trafe-cl-o~ •. • ~~i~gii1gtolighfthe ·.n~f~iar-c>r4~;.~rfl1iiigs. Tz uch'un and all the assembled sch~lars joined-the attack.' The--poiilfs and retorts thrusted back and forth like spears. But Lu answered each and every assault with a reply that was more than adequate. They continued the entire day, until dusk fell, without even pausing for food and drink. Tzu-ch'un finally addressed his guests: "This lad of only a few years overflows with a wealth of talent. Listening to his words during the debate reminded me of Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju's rhyme-prose on traveling and hunting. 8 How remarkable is his diversity, stamina, and spirit! One can certainly understand that these systems of heavenly pattern, earthly design, and metamorphosis are not just so much nonsensical talk." Lu was soon known throughout Hsii-chou 9 and accorded the sobriquet "Spirit Boy."

__

Lu's father was serving in Li-ts'ao 10 where three brothers of a local family, that of Kuo En, long suffered with a crippling foot ailment. Lu was asked to ,~~i_~~_!h<:: s()ufce()f!his. \\lith milfoil stalks, and he reported, "The hexagram shows your honored family's ancestral tomb, and in that tomb is

FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

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a fema!~~ghostShe was your aunt, if not the wife of your father's elder brother -th~~ of his younger brother. Long ago during a period of famine someone owed her an interest payment of several cups of rice. Unable to make the payment, he got rid of her by pushing her into a well. When she screamed out, he rolled a huge rock in which crushed her skull. Her wandering soul craved vengeance, and she took her case personally to heaven." Upon hearing this explanation, En immediately burst into tears and {:onfessed to the crime. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Among the people of Li-ts'ao was one ,~u() _~n, styled I-po, who was talented and well educated. He_ kn~_~fl()t ()-nlyt~elloo~ ofCh~nge~ an~ .$Pril1gCll1d_Alltll71111Al1nCl!s,.b.uth~ . c()tll~.(1ls()-E~(1(t~~.-sta. rs.·· ttl·· to·ok up the study of the Changes ~ith I-po, but in a v·e·ry fe"';·;eeks Lu's own ideas began to emerge, and his explanations of arcane matters surpassed the master's. When he divided the milfoil stalks and cast the graphs, his deliberations were incisive. He predicted the illnesses and deaths, poverty and wealth, decline and demise of all of the students in the academy. From the first to the last, his predictions did not miss. Everyone expressed astonishment at this and referred to him as a spirit in human form. He also studied stargazing with I-po. For thirty days he stayed up through the night without sleeping at all, and afterward reported to 1po, "Sir, you have discussed with me so far really only the points of minor significance in the skies. When it comes to figuring out the fateful movements of the heavenly bodies and discussing disasters and anomalies, it is clear I will have to depend on the natural understanding with which heaven has gifted me." When Lu had studied with 1po for less than a year, I-po turned around and asked questions of Lu, inquiring about the essentials of the Changes and the heavenly designs. Whenever he heard one of Lu's explanations, without fail he would slap the table in astonishment and admiration. I-po himself said, "When I first heard your peerless discussions, I forgot my own incapacities. How far is the gap between darkness and the light!" On one occasion, I-po invited Lu for dinner as the only guest and proceeded to tell him about his family's suffering. "My older brother, my younger brother, and myself are all afflicted with a crippling ailment, and we cannot determine the reason. We would like you to try to divine with hexagrams and discover the origins of our suffering. If there is someone culpable of wrongdoing, then we will

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS pray and sacrifice to heaven for better fortune, sparing nothing in the process, for it is heaven's way to forgive men their transgressions. Were my brothers able to regain the use of their legs, it would be tantamount to a rebirth for them." Lu divined with the hexagrams, but his deliberations of them did not disclose details of the situation. Since it was already evening, he decided to stay the night. Then, in the middle of the night he said to I-po, "I've got it now!" As soon as he explained the affair to I-po, 1po cried bitterly until his robes were literally soaked with tears. "During the final years of the Han Dynasty, this did in fact happen. That you did not mention this ancestor by name is in accord with the taboo, and that I must not mention it is likewise in accord with the rites. My brothers have been lame for some thirty-odd years now, and their feet are withered like dried fruit, surely beyond healing or restoration. I hope only that this might not be passed on to our sons and grandsons." Lu explained that since the fire form was unbroken and the water form had nothing left over, the ailment would not continue and infect his descendants. 11

In Kuang-p'ing,12 the wife of Liu Feng-lin was afflicted with a grave illness, so serious that her coffin had already been purchased. It was during the first'month of the year that Kuan Lu was asked to perform a divination. He advised, "Her fate is to die during the eighth month on the twentyeighth day of the sixty-day cycle. She will die at noon." Liu replied that she could not possibly live that long, but in fact his wife gradually improved until autumn, when the symptoms of her affliction arose again. Everything turned out exactly as Lu had predicted. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Pao Tzu-ch'un was prefect of Lieh-jen 13 and a man with a clear mind and talent for reasoning. When he met Lu he told him, "I have heard that you predicted the very day on which Liu Feng-lin's wife was to die. How remarkable that you could be so precise! I would like to discuss the thought process by which you arrived at this understanding." Lu discoursed on the significance of the lines of the hexagrams, their emblems, and then explained the meanings of the changing lines. 14 Like a circle drawn precisely with a compass or a frame measured with a carpenter's square, all the parts of Lu's explanation fit perfectly. Tzu-ch'un himself said, "When I was younger I loved to indulge in long discussions about the Changes and to divide the mil-

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foil stalks myself. But I was nothing more than a blind man seeking to make out black and white, a deaf man trying to distinguish clear from resonant tones. I struggled and struggled without a glint of success. Having heard your explanations, I now realize how muddled I was, throughout my efforts." Lu went to see the grand protector of An-p'ing,15 Wang Chi, who asked him to perform a hexagram divination. Lu reported, "One of the common women will give birth to a son. He will be dropped to the ground, walk into the stove, and then die. Also, a giant serpent will appear on your bed with a brush in its mouth. Young and old alike will rush out to see it, and that will quickly drive it away. And a blackbird will fly into one of the rooms and have a raucous fight with a swallow. The swallow will die and the blackbird will leave. You can expect these three anomalies." Surprised by these predictions, Chi asked whether they were signs of good or ill fortune. Lu replied, "These will occur simply because this official residence is very. ()ld, .. ~I1~ . ya~i()ll;s~-~I\T~s-Cl~_~~.g()~Ti~sfr~I11 • • t~e-~r~a-are~:pray~~ng·trl~¥s~-A child ~ho walks as soon as-he is born ~ann~t do that ~~··his -~\\'~.~it·is done with the aid of the spirit of Sung Wu-chi. 16 The spirit takes the child and puts him into the stove. The giant serpent with the brush in its mouth is nothing more than an old recording clerk. The quarreling between the blackbird and swallow is nothing more than the antics of an old carriage attendant. Though I can easily see the emblems of these anomalies in the hexagrams, I see no signs of impending unfavorable times. I am confident that these are not indications of contrary times." Indeed, there was no cause for concern. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Chi discussed the Changes with Lu for several days and enjoyed it immensely. "I've heard from every direction that you are a skillful diviner, and now I have had the opportunity to join with you in lofty discourse. 17 You have, sir, talents unique in these times, and you will certainly be recorded in our histories." Lu cast a hexagram for Chi and ascertained that there was nothing unfavorable in his future; so he reported to him, "Wu-ting's establishment of his empire was not something to be crowed away by a pheasant, nor were the tiered palaces of the Yin [Shang] Dynasty something to be brought to ruin by a tree. Yet, it was to the call of the wild bird that Wu-ting became the High Progenitor of the Shang

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS Dynasty, and the successor T'ai-wu did in fact ascend to power as the mulberry strangely bore fruit. 18 I know that these three events I predicted are not to be taken as omens. I hope that Your Honor may keep yourself peaceful and nourish your virtue, moving with natural ease toward greatness. Do not sacrifice your inborn purity in exchange for knowledge of the guile of spirits."

At that time, in the family of the prefect of Hsin-tu 19 the women were afflicted by pathological fright and fell victim, one by one, to grave illness. Lu was asked to divine the cause of this and reported, "Sir, at the western extremity of the northern hall there are two dead men, one of whom clutches a spear and the other a bow and arrows. Their heads lie within the wall, but their feet are outside. The spearbearer is responsible for striking at the head, and the result of that is a heavy feeling and a headache so acute the head cannot be raised. The archer is responsible for shooting at the chest and belly, and the result of that is a pain in the heart so sharp one cannot eat or drink. During the day they float about, but at night they visit those sick women, bringing on their fright." Immediately the prefect had the skeletons exhumed, and everyone in the family recovered. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Wang Chi immediately ordered the prefect to dig beneath the chambers. About eight feet below the ground they in fact came across two coffins, one of which contained a spear and the other a horn bow and arrows. The arrows were so old that wooden parts had rotted away, but the horn parts and metal fittings were complete. Once they had transported the skeletons some ten Ii beyond the city walls and reburied them, the illnesses did not recur. Wang Chi told Lu, "When I was young, I liked to read the Changes, and I toyed with the book for a long time. But I had no idea that the orders of spiritual understanding reach the ingenuity you have shown." Without delay, he took up the study of the Changes with Lu and progressed from that to discussions of the Heavenly Patterns. When Lu elucidated the emblems of vicissitude and transformation and expounded on the portents of waxing and waning fortune, he would weave around and about with the finest detail, reaching the limit with his essential spirit. Chi said, "When you first begin to speak about something, I wonder if somehow I will be able to grasp it. But by the end I am always completely confused. This ability to understand that

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you possess is a gift from heaven. It is not within every man's power to achieve." And so Wang Chi packed away his copy of the Changes, stopped thinking about it altogether, and never again studied anything related to divination or prophecy. A fellow villager of Lu's, Nai T'ai-yiian, asked him, "Some time ago you lectured on anomalies for His Honor Wang, telling him that an old recording clerk was a serpent and an old carriage attendant was a blackbird. Now in both cases they were originally men. How could they change into creatures so base? Is this something you truly saw represented in the line of the hexagram you cast or something that came from within your own head?" Lu responded, "Had it not been from consideration of the inborn nature of these two and the Way of heaven, could I have made this explanation? Would I have dared to ignore the emblems in the lines of the hexagrams and depend on my own intuition and reasoning? The fact is, in the transformations that affect all things, constant forms do not exist, and in the vicissitudes that affect men, there is no constancy of bodily shape. Sometimes larger things become smaller, and sometimes smaller things become larger. There is certainly no question of superiority or baseness. The transformations of all things uniformly, one and all, belong to the Way. For this reason K'un, the father of Hsia Dynasty founder Yii, was later transformed into a brown bear, and the king of Chao, Ju-i, son of the Grand Progenitor of the Han Dynasty, became a blue hound. 20 In both cases they were men of the most respectable position, and in both cases they turned into black-mouthed beasts. How much more probable in this case, when one considers that the serpent presses upon the north quarter, and the blackbird perches upon the essence of the mature yang, the sun. This is a sign of brightness emerging from the vanishing dark, the flowing progress of the day's white light. Is it too much to believe that a recording clerk and a carriage attendant, given their low station, transformed into a snake and a blackbird?" 21 After Wang Ching of Ch'ing-h0 22 resigned his official position and returned home, Lu went to visit him. "Recently, something very strange has happened," Ching reported, "and I am terribly upset by it. Could I prevail upon you for a divination?" When Lu completed the graphs, he offered the following explanation: "The lines are auspicious, and they indicate that there is nothing anomalous. While you were standing in front of your door one night, a stream of light, in the likeness of a swallow or sparrow, flowed

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toward you and slipped into your bosom with a great rustling noise. This incident put your inner spirits in turmoil, so you hastily pulled open your robes and called for your wife to look and see whether any trace of the glow remained." With a broad smile, Ching confirmed, "That's exactly what happened!" Lu continued, "This is auspicious, a sign that you are about to be sent to a new official post. The fulfillment of the omen is near at hand." In a very short time, Ching was indeed made grand protector of Chiang-hsia. 23 The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Ching wanted Lu to divine the significance of this strange happening for him, but at the same time he did not hide his feelings of confusion and skepticism. Lu told him with a good-natured smile, "In every corner of this region you stand out as a man of accomplishment. How could you speak so ignorantly about this? Long ago, Ssu-ma Chichu said the following: 'The diviner follows the patterns of heaven and earth and the images of the seasons. And at the same time he follows the principles of humanity and righteousness. Fu Hsi made the eight trigrams and King Wen of Chou made the 384 interlocking lines. 24 Thus everything under heaven was orderly. Those suffering from illness have herein the prospect of being brought to health and those on the brink of death revived. People burdened with weighty cares are relieved, and various undertakings are brought to completion. Sons marry and daughters are carried off to new homes. Children are thereby born and reared successfully. Is this not worth more than a few strings of cash?'25 From this one can surmise the pressing necessity of my work. If the ancient sages and worthies were unyielding in the wisdom of the Way, how possibly could a man of small substance like myself dare to be skeptical about it?" Ching clasped his hands and apologized: "Gh! I was only teasing you before." Then Lu turned his attention to casting the graphs, and everything he predicted was borne out. Whenever Ching brought up Lu's name, he maintained that Lu had achieved the soaring essence of the dragon and the clouds, and that he was able to nourish the harmonious and penetrate the mysterious. His was not simply an art of putting together the pieces of a puzzle. Lu went to the house of Kuo En. A dove flew in, sat atop the main roof beam, and cried mournfully. Lu said, "An old man will arrive from the east, carrying with him a pig and a jug of wine. Although you as host will be delighted by this visit, a minor incident will transpire." To be sure,

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on the next day a guest appeared just as had been predicted. En had the traveler forgo the drinking of his wine, abstain from eating the pork, and exercise extreme caution around the fire. To substitute for the pork, En ordered a chicken shot for them to eat. A stray arrow came flying in through the trees and struck the hand of a little girl with a terrifying spurt of blood. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: I-po studied with Lu the portentous significance of bird callsthe art of auspication. But Lu informed him that, in spite of his love for the Way, his inborn talents were limited, and he was further hampered by failure to understand the mathematical relationships of the pitches. Thus he could probably never become a true master. In order to explain the shifting of the eight wind directions and the numerical relations of the five tones, Lu used the twelve pitches to record a~a­ lytically the calls of the various birds and the sexagenary cycle to note the time of day. His explanations wove under and over, tied and intertwined, threaded in and around without a single break. I-po sat silently for several days, in deep contemplation, his spirit-mind 26 galloping off to remote places. But in the end, he achieved absolutely nothing, and he confessed to Lu, "My talents will not carry me beyond my present limited achievement, and I have been hard pressed to follow your proofs to this point." And thus I-po quit his studies. Lu went to the house of Liu Ch'ang-jen, prefect of An-te,27 where a magpie had alighted on the roof of the women's quarters and was crying with desperate urgency. Lu said, "That magpie is telling us that yesterday in the northeast a woman murdered her husband and tried to implicate a man who lived in a house west of her. 28 By no later than the moment the evening sun sets, someone will surely come to press charges." When the predicted time arrived, someone indeed appeared. It was an immediate neighbor of the guilty woman who came in from the northeast to report the crime. She said the wife had killed her husband with her own hands and then falsely accused a neighboring man to the west, claiming he bore a grudge against her husband. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Lu Ch'ang-jen of Po-hai had a talent for debate. For a long time he had been hearing that Lu could understand the calls of birds, so whenever he saw Lu he would confront him with a skeptical argument. "Now, the fact is we call the sounds of living people 'speech,'

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS whereas the noises of birds are 'calls.' 'Speech' represents the precious spirit of sapience; 'calls' is nothing but the pejorative term accorded the sounds of mindless beasts. How can you possibly believe the noises of birds are saying something and confuse them with the divine luminance which is human intellect? Confucius said, 'I cannot abide with birds and beasts' and thus called attention to their baseness." Lu replied, "The fact is, heaven has its emblems, and yet they are not manifest in human speech. It revolves the stellar essences up above, pours forth the divine luminance into the world below, marks the wind and the clouds to reveal anomalies, and employs as agents the birds and beasts for communication with the spirits. Now, in revealing anomalies, the winds and clouds are definitely marked by risings and faIlings, and in communication with the spirits, there must be natural sounds fitted to the central musical pitches. It is by virtue of this that six fish hawks flew backward from the capital when Duke Hsiang of Sung left the path of righteousness, 29 and birdcalls sounded alarms of the fire when Sung's wife, daughter of Duke Ch'ing, was about to be burned to death,30 and a comet in the abodes of fire presaged the burning of the Four Kingdoms. 31 For three days a cloud of red birds circled the sun, spelling disaster for the state of Ch'u. 32 These are all phenomena caused by heaven above, tokens of the way things, by nature, are. If they be tested against the musical pitches, then they will be found to have correct tonics. If you seek their verification in human affairs, whatever the waxings and wanings of fortune they portend, they will not miss the mark. "Long ago, the ancestors of Ch'in were enfeoffed by virtue of their achievements, and Ko-Iu heard sounds of calves being born. This is recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals by Confucius. 33 It is not an empty tale vaguely ascribed to some 'sages.' No, it is a fact from the most venerated records. Shortly before the rise of the house of Shang, the event was made known by the swallow's egg,34 and when King Wen received the mandate to rule, a scarlet bird appeared carrying a cinnabar inscription. 35 This was a perfect example of a divine manifestation for the worthy, a heaven-sent blessing for the House of Chou. What is debasing about these examples? In order to practice the art of auspication, one must be skilled in the meanings of the stars and learned in ways of achieving communion with the spirits. I do not consider myself to be of this rank, but rather would compare myself to Tzu-Iu, asking about death before he fully understood life."36 To this long claim, Ch'ang-jen could only reply, "Your words

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may be free-flowing and eloquent, but they are blossoms without fruit. I still do not believe you." It was not long after, however, that the omen of the magpie was actually verified, and Chang-jen finally conceded recognition of Lu's powers. Lu traveled to Lieh-jen, to the place of agricultural supervisor Wang Hung-chih. From the shen direction [east], a small whirlwind had arisen, reaching a height of three feet. It whirled around and around the interior of the courtyard, stopping, and then starting up again. This continued for some time before the whirlwind finally dissipated. Hung-chih asked Lu about this and was told, "A mounted messenger is about to arrive from the east. I fear a father will be weeping for his son. How very distressing!" It turned out that the next day a clerk did indeed arrive from Chiao-tung 37 reporting that Hung-chih's own son had perished. When Lu was asked to explain his prognostication, he said, "That day was the fifty-second day in the sexagenary cycle, a day that corresponds to the eldest son. Now, wood declines in the ninth branch, shen, and the tail of the dipper sets up shen. Shen [the ninth branch] counteracts the third branch, yin, so this corresponds to acts of death and mourning. The sun had entered the sector of the sixth branch, as it was midday, and a wind arose, which corresponds to a horse. The hexagram li means 'writing' and is therefore clearly a sign of a clerk-messenger. The junction of the hours of shen and wei, 3 P. M., is the time of the tiger. Tiger stands for the master. This was therefore the indication of the father. "38 A male pheasant flew into the compound and alighted atop the post of Hung-chih's eave bells. Upset by this event, Hung-chih asked Lu for an interpretation. Lu advised, "In the fifth month you will be changing posts." That omen occurred during the third month, and when the fifth month arrived, Hung-chih was indeed made grand protector of Po-hai. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Lu also said, "The winds move with the times, and the lines of the hexagrams coordinate with the emblems. Now, the times themselves are driven to motion by the spirits, and the emblems are the substantial manifestations of the times. The Way of the times is certainly not beyond man's ability to discern." Wang Hung-chih was also an Erudite and Master of the Way. But in virtually every aspect, his practice of esoteric things was not

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS refined. He asked Lu, "How can you possibly make the inferences you make from changes in the wind?" Lu replied, "This is but the tip of the hair as far as the wind is concerned. What is so remarkable about it? Now, take instead the case when the ordered mansions of the sky do not hold their bounds, and the myriad spirits rise in chaos. The winds sweep up wildly from every direction, and the turbulent air lets lightning fly. Crumbling mountains hurl their stones forth. The trees turn over and over, and the dust swirls for ten thousand Ii. You look up and cannot see the sky. The birds and the beasts scuttle for their caves, and the myriad things are startled and confused. That happened to Duke Chao of ancient times. He sent the disciples of Tzu Shen to climb the tallest pavilions and observe the wind and air. They were charged to discern anomalies that marked disaster and note the periods and the days. Only with these observations did man learn how far-reaching his own spirit-mind could be and how awesome is the, divine wind."

The prefect of Kuan-t'ao, 39 Ct~u-ko Yuan, was made grand protector of Hsin-hsing. 40 Lu went to bid him farewell and found that a number of guests were assembled at his house. Yuan rose and left the company for a short while. During that time, he gathered together a swallow's egg, a wasp's, nest, and a spider. He placed these three objects inside a closed container and asked Lu to "Shoot for the Contents."41 Lu cast a hexagram, and when it was complete he reported, "As far as the first is concernedThe ch'i it contains will in time be transformed. It can suspend itself high in the firmament. It takes the form of cock or hen. Winged feathers will open and stretch out. It is a swallow's eggl In the second objectThere are living chambers upside down. It's door and windows are too numerous to count. It stores an essence in which a toxin matures. Come autumn, it will metamorphose. It is a wasp's nest! Now, the third objectIt is unsightly and long legged. It spits silken thread into a net,

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Then it searches this net to gather its food. It is best adapted to the dusk and the dark. It must be a spider!" The guests seated all around were amazed and delighted. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Chu-ko Yiian, styled Ching-ch'un, was also a learned man. On a number of occasions, he competed in "Shoot for the Contents" with Lu, but was never able to make a perfect score. In his quest for fame and fortune, Ching-ch'un was to leave that locale and would no longer be near his friend Lu. As his departure approached, Lu came to bid him farewell. For the occasion, there was a crowd of eloquent guests, all of whom had heard much about Lu's skills in divination and astrology. Still, none realized how truly extraordinary his talents really were. They began by discussing with Lu the origins in the works of the sages, and they recounted the omens that preceded ascension to power of the Five Emperors and Three Kings. 42 But when Lu took issue and unraveled one of Ching-ch'un's subtlest points, the battlefield of debate suddenly spread out before them. While making outward signs of hesitation and uncertainty, they secretly laid out their strategies and awaited the impending attacks. Ching-ch'un was routed and demolished, his officers and troops beaten and bloody. He himself conceded, "I see the banners of my generals fallen and the moats of my fortresses in ruin." At this point, the other guests who sought to engage Lu sounded their drums and horns and hoisted their scaling ladders. Bows and arrows rose in profusion and pennants gathered like the rain. Lu climbed the walls of his fortress, and, flaunting his might, he opened wide his gates to let the enemy enter. They began discussing the Five Emperors, and the words flowed like the mighty rivers Yangtze and Han. They continued with discussions of the Three Sage-Kings, and their words soared aloft on great feathered wings. Their displays of valor rivaled the fullest show of spring blossoms, but the actual attacks were as leaves falling before the autumn wind. 43 Those who only listened stood dazzled and confused, unable to penetrate the meaning of the arguments. Those actually engaged in debate with Lu were soon compelled to hold their peace, for one and all were humbled. Though Po Ch'i buried alive the massed troops of Chao 44 and Hsiang Yii parted the Sui River,45 neither in his battle could compare

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS with Lu. Thus, all the guests wished to come to Lu in surrender, with hands tied behind their backs and tribute jade clenched in their mouths, begging to be shackled to the stand of the war drum. But Lu stood firm with his spear held high, refusing to accept their surrender. It was only the next morning, when the parting time was truly upon them, that they became the closest of friends again. It was as though the battle had never been. At that particular time, throughout the entire empire there were no more than eight or nine truly remarkable minds. Among Lu's peers, there was Ts'ai Yiian-ts'ai, a man of the finest talents. In the presence of this whole group, Ts'ai once said to Lu, "You, sir, were originally only a dog. How have you become a dragon?" Lu replied, "That the yang lies latent, yet unchanged, is something beyond your understanding, sir. By what means can the ears of a dog even apprehend the voice of a dragon?" Ching-ch'un told Lu, "At this moment, we are facing the prospect of a long separation. When will we ever meet again? Let us have one more round of 'Shoot for the Contents.' " When the things were prepared, Lu made a divination and immediately guessed correctly. Ching-ch'un smiled and said, "Sir, it would be a delight to our minds and our hearts if you would discourse on the interpretations of these graphs for us." Lu proceeded, opening up the lines and separating out the principal patterns. Analytically, he described their forms and their emblems; his explanations darted outward to the subtlest reaches on one hand but covered broadly the myriad conjunctions on the other. It was all too marvelous to describe. Every guest present and the host himself agreed that the beauty of listening to him discourse on the graphs was even greater than seeing him "Shoot for the Contents" in the first place. In saying goodbye to Lu, Ching-ch'un warned him of two things. "It is in your nature to enjoy drinking, and you remain congenial and self-possessed even when you have had quite a bit. But you will not be able to keep this up, and I think it would behoove you to abstain. Second, your mind has the clarity of a stillwater mirror; what it can show is truly marvelous. Although your ability to read the heavens rivals the spirits, you must exercise great caution. Misfortune can spread like fire in rich fats. Carryon with your sage-like talents and roam the distant spaces of the Milky Way. Forgo your anxiety and ambitions about earthly fame and fortune." Lu replied, "Just as the store of wind is endless, so can the store

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of talent never be exhausted. I persist in drinking out of respect for the social graces, and clinging to my talents is nothing but folly. Could there be any harm in this?" Lu's cousin, Hsiao-kuo, lived in Ch'ih-ch'iu. 46 Lu went to stay with him there and encountered two other travelers. When the travelers had left them, Lu told Hsiao-kuo, "Both these men have a malevolent aura extending from their foreheads to their jaws. They are a pair of wandering souls without a place to rest, having taken these forms through some strange transformation. " The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Lu also reported, "As a result of long ingestion of powerful toxins, their heavenly essence is dark and waning. The hexagram k'an corresponds to their coffins and t'ui to their funeral chariots." 47 "While their wandering souls drift at sea, their bones will return home. In a short time, both will meet their end." Several weeks later, the two had drunk themselves into a stupor and were riding together at night in a chariot. Something startled their ox, and it lost its footing and slipped off the road. The chariot was dragged down into the waters of Chang-ho,48 where both men immediately drowned. At this particular time, in Lu's district people did not even have to lock their doors. Those living there did not steal from one another. The grand protector of Ch'ing-ho, Hua Piao, summoned Lu to become secretary of letters. Chao K'ung-yao of An-p'ing subsequently recommended Lu to the governor of Chi Province, one P'ei Hui, saying, "Kuan Lu is endowed with a magnanimous and talented nature, so he bears no enmity toward any of his contemporaries. In his ability to look upward and read the patterns of the heavens, he is the match of Lord Kan 49 and Shih Shen. 50 When he looks down and peruses the lines of the Book of Changes, his meditations are equal to those of Ssu-ma Chi-chu. Now, it is clear that your mind too has begun to linger in those arcane depths, your thoughts to lodge in those valleys of mystery. Lu would be well chosen for sympathetic repartee on these subjects, to assure that you reach a stage of exemplary achievement in them." As a result of this recommendation, Hui summoned Kuan Lu to take charge of the scholarship activities in his office. When Lu was brought in to see the governor, Hui thoroughly approved of him and immediately be-

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friended him. In fact, when the governor went out on tour to inspect Chiilu,51 he arranged to take Lu along by transferring him to the post of administrative attendant. When he first responded to the governor's summons, Lu was riding with his disciple Chi Ju. Upon reaching the west bank of the Wu-ch'eng River,52 Lu cast the hexagrams to determine what fortunes awaited them. He said to Ju, "In an ancient city we will happen upon three foxes. This is a sign of impending prominence." They traveled on, crossing to the west side of the Yellow River, where in the corner of an ancient city they spied three foxes sitting together next to the city wall. Both Ju and Lu were overjoyed to see this, and, in the ninth year of the Cheng-shih reign [248], Lu attained to the hsiu-ts'ai degree. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Lu was summoned by Hua to Ch'ing-ho to be classics master of the Northern Institute. Not a single contemporary or friend failed to sing praises at this appointment. Now, in An-p'ing there lived a Chao K'ung-yao, a man with a penetrating mind and wide experience. He shared a friendship with Lu akin to that of Kuan Yen and Pao Shu. 53 So he came from Fa-kan 54 down to the institute to visit with Lu. He said to him, "Sir, within you lie unplumbed depths of understanding. Even considering departed men of ancient times, you rank among the best, and there is no one alive today who is your match. You ought to leave this vulgar world and spring aloft, soar beyond the azure skies. I ask what are you doing here? Since word of your whereabouts reached me, even my appetite has soured from concern. P'ei Shih-chiin of this province is talented and lucid of mind. He is able to illuminate the mysteries of the dark void. Whenever he discourses on the Changes and the Way of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, his explanations surpass even those of Yen Chiin-p'ing 55 and Shang Chii 56 in their germinal precision. Also, he puts considerable faith in my opinion, so that we can cast light on each other's understanding. This is the reason I have come here; I am making this proposal to you with the sincerity of Hsiung Chii-tzu, who was able to shoot [an arrow] through a stone with his firm belief that it was a tiger." 57 Lu replied to this, "I am not a dragon of the four seas. How can I be expected to bring the bright sun to dawn in the night? But if you, sir, are able to stir the eastern winds and raise the morning clouds, I will adapt the direction I take to that irresistible force."

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So the two of them traveled together to the Chi provincial capital to see P'ei Shih-chiin. Shih-chiin told K'ung-yao, "You are so much paler than you were when we last met, are you not?" K'ung-yao replied, "Physically, I have no ailment of the sort that yields to herbs or drugs. But I have seen in the district of Ch'ing-ho a thousand-Ii horse, confined to a backroom stable for many years by now. He is unfortunately separated by a great distance from the master riders Wang Ling and Po Yiieh; 58 hence he is unable to gallop as he was meant to do, to stir the winds and swirl great clouds of dust. It is for this reason that you see me disturbed and depressed." Shih-chiin asked, "Where is this thousand-Ii horse to be found now?" "He is Kuan Lu of P'ing-yiian, styled Kung-ming," replied K'ungyao. "He is thirty-six years old, and in possession of a refined and tolerant nature; he is without enmity among his peers. He might well be called a hero among gentlemen. At the same time, when he looks heavenward and examines the stars, his subtle reflections rival those of Lord Kan and Shih Shen, and when he looks down to cast the Changes, his reflections are the equal of Ssu-ma Chi-chu. He ambles carefree among the arts of the Way, and opens the impenetrable spirit beyond all limits. So he might well be called a paragon among gentlemen. Yet, he embraces the simplicity of an uncarved block of Ching Mountain jade and harbors in his bosom powers of illumination equal to the night shining pearl. 59 He was summoned to be classics master of the Northern Institute of the Ch'ing-ho district, something that pains my heart and makes my head ache. Now, sir, recently you have shown inclination to let your mind linger in the arcane depths and allow your thoughts to reside in the valleys of mystery. It is my wish that the bright sovereign will not rule unassisted and that undiscovered talents do not long lie unemployed. When high winds sweep through great spaces, all things bend like a reed before them. It would be appropriate to invite Lu with a special appointment to serve as your sounding board in these matters, so that when your achievements reach their highest pitch, they will ring out announcement of your glorious progress in a crescendo to be heard around the nine continents." Shih-chiin listened to this talk, and with considerable excitement he replied, "How could this possibly be true? In all the time I have lived in this area, never have I heard of a man of such extraordinary talent that he might be of use in relieving the pent-up frustrations I feel. I have longed to return to the capital, where I could find others with whom to discuss the Way. Is it possible that here in the wilds

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS there comes so perfect a man, such a sublime talent? If this is indeed the case, let us arrange to get him, lest we turn a thousand-Ii horse into an ordinary nag or discard Ching Mountain jade as if it were common rock." As soon as they met, Shih-chiin and Lu rose into ethereal discourse that continued until nightfall, neither of them feeling a tinge of boredom or frustration. The weather was extremely hot at that time, so they moved their couches to the front of the courtyard beneath a tree, and they continued until the cock crowed the dawn. Only then did Lu depart. The second time Lu met with Shih-chiin, he was transferred to the attendant post at Chii-Iu. At the third meeting, he became an attendant official at headquarters, and at the forth he was promoted to aide-de-camp.60 By the tenth month, Lu had been recommended for the hsiu-ts'ai degree. When Lu was taking his leave from P'ei Shih-chiin to go to the capital, P'ei said, "There are two imperial secretaries, Ho Yen and Teng Yang,61 whose capabilities are equal to governing the entire empire. As far as basic principles of things are concerned, they never fail to grasp the essence. Imperial Secretary Ho's spiritual understanding is germinal and perspicacious; every word he utters is subtle and ingenious. In fact, his subtlety and ingenui"ty are such that his arguments could split the tip of fine autumn down. You should be cautious around him. But Ho himself has confessed that he cannot comprehend the Nines of the Book of Changes, 62 so you will surely be faced with questions about that. By the time you arrive in Lo-yang, you ought to have sharpened your understanding of those principles." In reply, Lu said, "If Ho is indeed subtle and ingenious, by using his talent merely to attack others in debate, he is only skirting the periphery of the issues, not entering into the central spirit. Now, when one enters the central spirit of things, he will tread upon heaven's origins, jostle with the forces of yin and yang, probe the depths of the mysterious and empty, and reach to the very poles of the light and the dark. Only then will he have surveyed the inexhaustibility of the Way, and that will leave him no time for the mincing of 'subtle' and 'ingenious' words. One may want to follow closely in the tradition of Laotzu and Chuang-tzu. But if he is infatuated with debate of the ultrafine points and loves to cast forth waves of florid and embroidered language when examining the lines and their emblems, we might be able to say that he is adroit in hitting the target. But that is only the

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skill of the archer; it is in no sense a 'subtlety' capable of splitting fine autumn down. As for the Nines, Wang Pi's mystic interpretation, to which Ho Yen subscribes, is not worth the trouble to consider. In contrast, the yin and yang interpreters have understood its very essence for a long time. "After I leave here, on the first morning of the new year, heaven will visit upon this land a great wind, so powerful that trees will be toppled. If these winds come from the ch'ien direction, south,63 it will be an awesome sign from heaven that I was no match for Ho Yen and the pure conversationalists." On the twenty-eighth day of the twelfth month, the secretary of the board of personnel, Ho Yen, invited Lu to visit while Teng Yang was in attendance. Yen said to Lu, "I have heard that your rendering of the hexagrams is subtle beyond what ordinary mortals can do, and I would like you to try a divination for me to determine if I will reach the three ducal posts of the land."64 He also asked, "Night after night, I dream of green flies, a dozen of them, which come and land on my nose. I try to shoo them away, but they will not leave. What is the meaning of this?" Lu replied, "Permit me to observe the following. The flying owl is perhaps the basest bird in the world. Still, when it visits our forests to eat our mulberries, it will produce a tone that is congenial to our hearts. Such is the nature of gratitude. 65 Now, my heart is not made of wood or grass; I feel such a debt even more. How could I dare not be wholly faithful in acceding to your request after enjoying this great feast? "In very ancient times, there were the Eight Harmonies, Emperor Kaoyang's sons, and the Eight Worthies, the sons of Emperor Kao-hsin. The services they rendered unto the sage-king Yao have served as examples of reverence, respect, benevolence, and harmony. 66 When the Duke of Chou served as regent for the young King Ch'eng, he was so conscientious that he was up every day awaiting the dawn. By virtue of this excellent behavior, radiance flowed forth, enveloping everything in the six directions. The myriad countries were at peace. That good fortune was heaven's felicitous response to their treading the Way, as revealed in the hexagram Iii, 'treading.' 67 It is not something on which a casting of the milfoil stalks can shed light. Today, your eminent position carries weight equal to the Five Sacred Peaks, and the power you wield rivals that of thunder and lightning. Still,

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those who embrace you for your virtues are rare indeed, whereas those who fear your awesome power are legion. Relationships of this latter sort, I am afraid, are neither cautious, respectful, nor felicitous. HAlso, your nose is of a shape corresponding to the hexagram ken and might be likened to a mountain in the center of your face. 68 Yours is high, but not excessively steep, so you will be able to preserve your noble place. The green flies you describe are rank and offensive, and they are gathering about your nose. Those who stand at dangerous heights must be overturned, and those who commit impulsive acts of valor will perish. One must contemplate the cycles of waning and waxing, the periods of rise and decline. This is why a mountain under the earth is called 'modesty' 69 and thunder over heaven is called 'power of the great.' 70 The import of 'mod.esty' is decreasing the numerous to increase the scarce. The import of 'power of the great' is treading no path that is not a correct path. Self-sacrifice always leads to highly visible greatness, and acting wrongly always brings harm and defeat. Your Honor, I would hope that you begin by pursuing the significance of King Wen's texts for the hexagrams, line by line, and continue by contemplating the meanings of the interpretations and the emblems provided by Confucius. Were you to do so, your questions about ascending to the three ducal offices could be resolved, and the green flies would be driven off as well." Teng interjected, HThis is typical of the chatter of an old pedant!" To this Lu replied, HThis 'old pedant' observes that your life is near its end. This 'typical chatterer' can foresee your imminent silence." Finally Ho Yen said, HMter the passing of the new year, we should meet again." The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Lu was invited as a guest by Ho Yen, and as expected, they discussed and clarified the Nines completely. Yen said, HIn discoursing on yin and yang, you are unequaled in this generation." At that point Teng Yang, who was sitting with Yen, spoke up: HSir, you are reputed to be skilled in the Book of Changes, yet from beginning to end your discussion did not touch upon the significance of the texts appended to the graphs. 71 Why is this?" Lu quickly responded, HThe fact is, those who are thoroughly versed in the Changes do not discuss the Changes. i, With a smile, Ho Yen praised this answer: HThat's certainly getting to the point without wasting a single word!"

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He subsequently asked Lu to perform a divination. When the graphs were completed, Lu proffered a warning to Yen, bringing forth examples from the mirror of history. Yen thanked him and said, "To understand the turnings of the cosmos, how divine! That is the very thing the ancients regarded as most difficult. And to be a new acquaintance and yet speak out with such sincerity is what people today regard as most difficult. In the course of our single meeting today, you have proven mastery of these two great challenges. Truly it shows how 'illustrious virtue outreaches all other scents.' 72 Is it not said in the

Book of Odes, Deep within our hearts we store it. On what day could we forget it?" 73 When Lu returned to his home in P'ing-yiian, he repeated this entire conversation to his uncle. His uncle upbraided him for speaking too directly. Lu answered, "What is there to fear in speaking to a dead man?" Lu's uncle grew angry and said that he was demented. On the first morning of the new year, a great storm arose in the northwest, blowing up clouds of dust that darkened the skies. A little over ten days later, word reached them that Ho Yen and Teng Yang had both been executed. With this, even Lu's uncle was convinced. 74 The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Lu's uncle, Minister Hsia, asked Lu, "At the time when you saw Ho Yen and Teng Yang, was the ch'i of their impending misfortune already manifest?" Lu replied, "By being in the presence of people with waning fortunes, I have come to understand the workings of the unfathomable. By being with people whose fortunes are waxing, I have come to know the subtlety with which the sages attained to the essence of things. "Now, when I observed the way Teng walked: His muscles appeared to be detached from his bones. His pulse did not energize his body. When he stood he rocked to the sides, as if he lacked the balance of hands and feet. This condition is called 'ghost's vexation.'

"If one scrutinized Ho Yen for signs of his well-being: His soul appeared to be 'not home.' His yin energies showed no color on his face.

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS His vital essences drifted listless as smoke. His face resembled a piece of rotten wood. This condition is called 'ghost's abandonment.' " 'Ghost's vexation' is borne on the wind, and 'ghost's abandonment' consumed in the fire. There are these natural signs that can never be obscured." Afterwards, when Lu was on leave from his post, P'ei Shih-chiin questioned him: "Ho Yen enjoyed the reputation of being the greatest talent in our time. In actuality, what was he like?" Lu replied, "His talents were like the water in a small-mouthed jug: what you see is perfectly lucid, but what you cannot is murky. Though his spirits resided in the great expanse, he was not by will committed to study, so he could not develop his talents. If one seeks the reflection of a mountain on the water in a small-mouthed jar, it will not be found. Reflections of wisdom will likewise be wanting. Thus, when Ho Yen discoursed on Chuang-tzu and Lao-tzu he was clever and terribly florid, when he discoursed on the innate significance of the Changes he was eloquent but largely spurious. The excessively florid debater will drift from the Way, and the spurious discourser ends up spiritually vacant. When such people are by nature endowed with superior talent, they might be compared to shallowflowing water. The stream must soon end. If possessed of but a middling talent, the spirit is left to wander and escape of its own accord. I regard Ho Yen to have achieved little in the way of accomplishments, given what he had in talent." P'ei observed, "It is indeed exactly as you say. Many were the times that I discussed Lao-tzu, Chuang-tzu, and the Changes with Ho Yen, and I often sensed that his language was more subtle than his grasp of the principles. But I could not triumph in debate with him. Also, his contemporaries seized upon whatever he said, and they parrated it. The crowd all followed and submitted to him, yet in the end he got nothing for it. With your precise explanation, the exact nature of his failings is now all too obvious."

When Lu first met the grand protector of Wei commandery,75 Chung Yii, they discussed together the significance of the Changes. Lu told him, "By divination, we can know the days of your birth and death." Yii consequently asked him to divine the day and month of his birth, and Lu told him exactly when that time was. Astonished by this, Yii said, "Sir, you are

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awesome, but then again, death is something to be entrusted to heaven, not to someone even with your prowess." So Lu did not cast another divination. Yii asked Lu, "Will the realm be peaceful or will it not?" Lu answered, "At present, nine is in the fourth place, but countering that, a flying dragon is in the heavens and foretells benefit coming to a great man. Divine prowess will rise and stand firm. The kingly way will bring order and light. 76 Could there be fear that things will not be peaceful in the realm?" Yii did not fully understand what Lu was telling him at that point, but shortly thereafter, Ts'ao Shuang and his clique were executed,77 and Yii awoke to the meaning of all that had been said. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Chung Yii, grand protector of the Wei commandery, was gifted with exceptional clarity of mind. He taxed Lu's knowledge of the Book of Changes by presenting him with more than twenty questions, questions that he himself regarded as touching on the most germinal and essential problems in comprehending the book. Lu adroitly tossed back the answers, forthwith, without a single slip or error. He expounded separately on the lines and the emblems, and the significance of all he said reached the ultimate point of subtlety. Yii immediately acknowledged Lu's skill, and he expressed his appreciation. Then Lu cast a hexagram with which he determined Yii's exact birthday. Astonished by this demonstration, Yii said, "The sage circulates with the unfathomable and penetrates the transformations, thus connecting all phenomena. How could human intellect reach such a degree of illumination?" Lu explained, "Light and dark partake of the same cycles of change, life and death of a single Way. Reaching far off to the grand ultimate, there comes the end and with it the beginning again. When King Wen received heaven's reprimand, he did not agonize about it. 78 When Confucius was reduced to hobbling along with a cane, he was not afraid. 79 If one goes to the trouble to cast hexagrams by milfoil, one should take the interpretations of them to the final level of completion. " Yii then told him, "Life is a joyous thing, but death is a baneful one. The disparities between happiness and sorrow are more than I can reconcile. Thus, I would entrust the issue of my death to heaven and not avail myself of the chance to have you tell me of it." Shih Pao was the director of agriculture in Yeh. When he met

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS Lu he asked him, "I have heard that your fellow countryman Chai Wen-yao is capable of making himself invisible. Is there any truth to this story?" Lu replied, "This is nothing more than the yin-yang system of concealment. If one masters it, then the four mountains can be hidden, and one can steal away rivers and seas. So consider how easily, once the art is developed and the system is mastered, a six-foot form can drift about within the myriad transformations, scattering clouds and fog to conceal the body, spreading the yin aspects of metal and water to obliterate any tracks." Pao asked, "I would like to hear about the subtleties. You, sir, are surely well practiced at discoursing on this system." So Lu began, "The fact is, things which do not attain to their most essential aspect do not become spiritual. If the elements of a system do not attain the greatest subtlety, one cannot master the art. So it is that the 'essential' is something with which the spirit engages, and the 'subtle' is something reached through wisdom. The very finest incipiences of this communion are things that one can sense through one's inborn nature, but they are difficult to explain with words. This was demonstrated when Lu Pan was incapable of explaining his dexterity, and Li Chu was unable to explain his extraordinary vision. 80 This is not a problem in speaking, per se. When Confucius explained that 'writing cannot exhaust the expressed meaning of speech,' an utterance that refers to the fineness of speech, and then 'speech cannot exhaust the meaning in mind,' an utterance that refers to the delicacy of thought, he was talking about 'spirit' and 'subtlety.' 81 But permit me to demonstrate something of the system of yin and yang by addressing it in broad terms. "When the bright sun mounts the heavens, its light circulates over a vista of ten thousand Ii. But when it enters the ground, there is not even a ray equal to the glow of a small burning coal. The full moon of the fifteenth day illuminates the night with its clear radiance, so brightly that one can see off in the distance. But when morning comes, its shine cannot even rival that of a mirror. Now, beyond the sun and the moon, there is the systematic regularity of yin and yang. This system of yin and yang is woven into the infinite variety of things. It is in accord with this system that the birds and the beasts are undergoing endless transformations. That being so, how much more must it be true of men! By ingenuity one can gain mastery over this system and with spiritual prowess can grasp the unfathomable. The efficacy of such knowledge lies not only in matters pertaining to the

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living, but also in signs of the dead. It was in this manner that Tu Po rode the ch'i of fire to transport his essence,82 and P'eng-sheng employed the transformations of the water elements to make manifest his form. 83 In this way, the living can come and go; the dead can be either invisible or manifest. This is the essential ch'i of all things, the roving soul of transformations, the interactions of man and ghost, all brought about by the system." Pao said, "Of all the yin and yang systems of theory that have come to my attention, none surpasses yours, sir. Why do you not simply vanish into the mountains?" Lu replied, "In fact, the cliff-dwelling bird loves the airiness and height of his nest. He does not wish to take the place of a Yangtze River or Han River fish. The deep-swimming fish enjoys his soaking immersion, and he would not change places with the windborne bird. Their inner natures differ, and this accounts for their differing lots in nature. I seek to exemplify the Way with personal rectitude and cherish righteousness by being myself upright. I do not believe that being capable of perceiving the regularities of the systems is strange or that having knowledge of the secret arts is peculiar. Morning and night, I investigate the workings of the cosmos, all the while polishing my understanding of what is already known. Becoming a simple rustic and pursuing eccentric things would leave no time for this important work." The grand protector of P'ing-yuan, Liu Pin, took a seal case and a feather from a mountain pheasant and stuffed them inside a container. He had Lu divide the milfoil stalks to "Shoot for the Contents." The inside square, the outside round, Its patterns formed of many hues. The treasures enclosed under trusted seal, Revealed show a well-patterned print. This is a seal case. On the craggy heights of a towering range, Stands the scarlet shape of a bird. Its feathered cloak is black and brown, And it never misses the call of dawn. It's the feather of a pheasant. Pin said, "There has been a sequence of odd happenings in the official quarters of this district, and the people are stricken with fear. Can you explain to me the underlying causes of these anomalies?"

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Lu said, "It is likely from the chaos at the fall of the Han, troops and horses clashing and marauding, blood pouring from the corpses of the slain, soaking and staining the mountainside. Thus in the darkness of the evening these strange manifestations abound. But Your Honor's understanding of the Way is subtle and your virtue is eminent. Heaven will come forth to assist you, to illuminate the favor it extends to you, and to secure prosperity one hundred fold." 84 The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Commander General Liu Pin, styled Ling-yuan, was congenial, clear-headed, and an orderly thinker. He loved the Book of Changes, but was unable to master the book. Extremely pleased to meet Lu, Pin brought up the fact that he had recently been working on a new commentary to the Changes but had given up on it. Lu told him, "Your Honor at present seeks to employ your most extraordinary ability to achieve the great Way of governance. This would bring upon us a truly bright and prosperous era. Now, I believe that commentaries on the Changes ar~ fleeting things, quicker than fire and water. The complex of fire and water is experienced in the instant, but the alternation of still and turbid in the Book of Changes stretches the length of ten thousand eras. You must first fix your spirit and then suspend your clearest thinking. From the era of the Duke of Chou all the way to the present, the accumulated discourses of every single sage would not constitute one-tenth of the meaning to be found in the Changes. So how could one possibly write a commentary? "I cannot understand why the ancient sages fixed a place for the first hexagram, ch'ien, in the northwest and the second hexagram, k'un, in the southwest. The fact is, ch'ien and k'un are correspondences of heaven and earth, but heaven and earth are incomparably vast, providing the spirit and the lords, the ceiling and the floor for all the myriad things. Having evolved without a beginning, how can heaven and earth be securely fixed in two places and put on a par with the other six trigrams? The Tuan commentary on the image of ch'ien says, 'Great indeed is the sublimity of the Creative, to which all things owe their beginning and which permeates all heaven.' 85 The term 'permeates' means it is omnipresent, paying homage to the fact that nothing is greater than ch'ien. Whence comes the notion that it could have a specifically delimited position?" Pin had relied on the Great Commentary to the Changes, pursuing its underlying principles to make his commentary, but he never

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succeeded in getting the main points. Lu dispelled his difficulties without a moment's hesitation and explained everything incisively and exhaustively. He said, "The fact is, ch'ien and k'un are the progenitors of the Changes, the root source of all vicissitudes and transformations. Your discussion here of the alternations of the Changes was doubtful, and, being doubtful, lacked inspiration. I am afraid this does not augur well for your commentary." At that point Lu went into a discourse on the Way of the eight trigrams and the essence of the lines and emblems. The breadth of the discourse opened up new vistas, yet all the myriad transformations were linked one to the other. What Pin could comprehend of this discussion he realized was absolutely marvelous; what he could not comprehend he took to be divine. He said, "For eight years I have sought to write a commentary on the Changes and have applied my mind to the task with care and anguish. Year after year I did not rest, set as I was upon achieving the ultimate discourse. But my talents were not up to the Changes. Now I do not begrudge the length of time I labored, but instead I am joyous at having benefited from your extraordinary words. Because of them, I am finally able to lay my . head down with some peace of mind." Pin wanted to study the techniques of "Shoot for the Contents" with Lu, but he was told, "Your Honor has just unburdened your spirit of concern over a commentary on the Book of Changes. You should also dispel any thoughts you have about the divining stalks. Divining stalks are the illuminating counters of heaven and earth, the mysterious pointers of yin and yang. If the procedure is carried out according to the Way, the stalks will fix upon the waxing and waning of the empire. But, if the procedure is carried out according to an occult art, the stalks will correlate various mundane events. These mere events are never to be taken for the Changes." To this Pin replied, "I have always considered the occult arts to be a system close to the Changes, and I simply sought to learn them as a beginning. If it as you have said, then pursuing them would be no use to me at this point." Pin entertained Lu for five days, during which he spared no time for his official responsibilities but engaged Lu in pure conversation. Pin himself commented, "Many times I have discussed the Changes and the Way of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu with Ho Yen. When it comes to spirits and essences wandering the farthest reaches, circling and twining within the transformations, having clarity to rival that of gold

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS and water, having fineness of detail rivaling the mountains and forests, Ho Yen cannot be called your equal!" Pin also said, "The buildings of this district have been the scene for a series of strange occurrences. The anomalies take many forms, and they have the people terrified. You, sir, seem to possess consid~ erable understanding of these systems. What lies beneath this pattern of events?" Lu said, "The reason that this district was named P'ing-yiian is that there originally was a plateau here. The elevation had no trees or rocks, and thus it fit into the basic nature of the land. Now, enclosed yin forces cannot spew forth the clouds, and enclosed yang forces cannot stir the winds. Although the yin and yang forces are weak, they still embody invisible spirits. Now, when these invisible spirits are not true or proper, there will be an accumulation of baneful influences. They will seek each other according to their kind, and demons and ghosts will begin to amass. 'It is likely from the chaos at the fall of the Han, troops and horses clashing and marauding, blood pouring from the corpses of the slain, soaking and staining the mountainside.' Powerful ghosts are jostling about, and the transformations are unending. For this reason, after darkness falls each evening, there are numerous strange forms. In ancient times, Yii of the Hsia was civilized and enlightened, so he did not regard as startling the appearance of a· yellow dragon. 86 King Wu of the Chou had trusted the times were right and therefore did not doubt [the success of his impending attack on Chou Hsin] simply because of the violent winds that arose. 87 Now, the virtue and way of Your Honor are lofty and sublime. Your spirit should not fear untimely disasters. Heaven will come forth to assist you and all things will be felicitous. Heaven will illuminate the favor it extends you and secure prosperity one hundred fold." Pin said, "To me, your eloquent discourse rings true to the underlying pattern of these things. Whenever there is an anomalous transformation, we hear in the vicinity the sound of drums and horns or see the outlines of bows and swords. Indeed, it would appear that the treacherous ghost of Po-yu 88 can actually conspire with the roving essences of the mountains and lands and wreak havoc on the brighter spirits. " Pin asked Lu, "The Changes speak of resolution, strength, and broad realization, the glow, the shine, and daily renewal. Are these things all the same?"

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Lu replied, "They are not. The morning sunshine is the glow, and the midday sun is the shine." Hsii Chi-lung, prefect of Ch'ing-ho, sent some men out on a hunt and asked Lu to divine their prospects. Lu said, "A small creature they will catch, but it will not be a game bird. Claws and teeth it will have, but those will be small and lacking power. Patterned marking it will have, but that will be faint and indistinct. It is neither a tiger nor a pheasant, but goes by the name 'fox.' " The hunters returned at dusk, and indeed things turned out just as Lu had predicted. Chi-lung then fetched thirteen different objects, placed them inside a large basket, and asked Lu to "Shoot for the Contents." Lu explained, "Inside there is a range of some thirteen different objects." He began with a chicken's egg and ended up with a silkworm cocoon, naming them off one by one. He had only a single error, mistaking a comb for a ladle. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: The prefect of Ch'ing-ho, Hsii Chi-lung, styled K'ai-ming, was a talented and capable man. When he met with Lu, the two of them discussed how, when the dragon moves, the auspicious clouds arise, and when the tiger calls, the valley winds arrive from the east, taking the Great Fire [Antares] to be the dragon and the determinative star of Triaster the tiger. "When the fire star comes out, the clouds respond. And when Triaster appears, the winds arrive." 89 This is a matter of interacting changes of yin and yang, not things brought about by dragons and tigers. Lu explained, "Given the difficulty of this discourse, we should first investigate its roots, and only then seek after the basic principles. If the principles are lost, then the 'bowspring' will be faulty. A faulty bowspring begets honor and disgrace. 9o If we take the determinative star of Triaster to be the tiger, then [by the standard correspondences] the east wind will be a cold and frosty wind. But the east wind cannot be called cold and frosty! That condition prevails because the dragon is originally of yang essence, but submerged [as it

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS is at this time] it is yin. So the dark spirit forces penetrate upwards, and move the spirits with harmonious ch'i. They stir each other, and therefore they can raise the clouds. Now, the tiger is of yin essence, but [at this time] it is residing in yang. Resting in the trees, it gives a long roar, then moves about the gentle forest. The yin and yang penetrate each other, and their ch'i interacts. Thus the winds are circulated. In the same manner, when lodestone draws iron, you cannot see its spirit, but the metal does come, apparently of its own accord. Mutual attraction brings about the predictable response. How could one doubt that the dragon, changing from a submerged state to flight, and the tiger, moving from camouflaged rest into the open, could summon the clouds and call up the winds?" Chi-lung responded, "Now, when the dragon is in his depths, his influence cannot extend farther than the bottom of a well, and when a tiger utters his baneful cry, he is heard for only a hundred paces. Their manifest forms and their ch'i are shallow and weak, reaching only the immediate surroundings. How can they raise the luminous clouds or set in motion the east winds?" Lu said, "You, sir, have not seen the power of yin- and yangcollecting mirrors 91 when held in the palm of someone's hand. Without leaving the confines of the hand, the yang mirror draws down the fire of the ultimate yang, the sun, and the yin mirror draws water from the ultimate yin, the moon. In the time of a single breath, vapor and light gather. Then the celestial correlates suspended above, if the essential ch'i is stimulated, will respond to the two mirrors. If they are not correctly stimulated, then it is a case of 'two younger daughters living together,' aspirations frustrated. According to the Way of nature, there is no real separation between far and near." 92 Chi-lung then queried, "When war is about to break out in the world, it is presaged in the calls of cocks and pheasants. By what means do they have such knowledge? Also, are there other omens, or are they limited to these two?" Lu responded, "When something of moment happens to an important person, there is a response in the heavens, and that means among the sun, moon, stars, and planets. When armies move and the people suffer, there is a response among terrestrial things, and that means among the mountains, forests, birds, and beasts. Now, the cock is the domestic creature associated with the lui trigram, related to metal, and metal is the essence of the martial. The pheasant is the bird as-

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sociated with the Ii trigram, and wild beasts are the spirits of warriors. Thus, when Grand White [Venus] sends out its brilliant light, the cock calls, and when the Sparkling Deluder [Mars] traverses the skies, the pheasant is startled. Each moves in response to the order of things. Also, it is the divine Way that martial events are displayed in the Six Chia 93 celestial phenomena. When the Six Chia push against each other, it portends an unusual happening. For example, when the bellowing of an ox came from the coffin of Duke Wen of Chin, there followed the attack of the western armies. 94 During the Hung-chia period of Emperor Ch'eng, giant boulders made a thunderous din, and war soon followed. 95 Portents of war do not attach themselves exclusively to chickens and pheasants." Chi-lung further inquired, "During the eighth year of Duke Chao of Lu, a stone spoke in the state of Chin. Music-master K'uang interpreted this to mean that the administration of affairs was not in keeping with the times, that complaints and mumblings were circulating among the people, and therefore something which ordinarily does not speak did in fact speak out. 96 Does this accord with the principles or not?" Lu replied, "Duke P'ing of Chin was extravagant and self-indulgent, placing the highest priority on the embellishment of his chambers and palaces. He decimated the forest trees, and depleted the gold and precious stones. The strength of his people was so exhausted that their resentment resounded throughout the mountains and valleys. The spirits suffered, and the people were moved, and thus the two essences came into being. Metal and stone combined their ch'i, and then, because tui is 'mouth and tongue,' a mouth and tongue anomaly stirred in an animated stone. 97 According to tradition, when a ruler disdains the common people and embellishes his buildings throughout the land, metal loses its customary malleability.98 That traditional explanation refers to this kind of situation." Chi-lung was delighted and filled with admiration. He kept Lu as his guest there for several days. Lu's prognostication of the hunt was soon verified, and Chi-lung said, "Sir, you are a genius who rivals the spirits, and yet you have acquired little in material wealth. How is this possible?" Lu replied, "I penetrate the divine through heaven and earth, and, with milfoil stalks and turtle shells, 1 connect to the spirit powers. 1 cleave to the sun and the moon and journey to the dark and myste-

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rious, reach the ultimate of permutations and transformations and foresee all the future. This being the case, should I approach gross material things and becloud the clarity of my understanding?" Chi-lung laughed at this. "Not only are you immodest, sir, but your thoughts are confined to the very short range." Lu replied, "If you, sir, are incapable of recognizing truly modest talk, what possible means do you have to discuss the Way? In fact, when I speak of 'heaven and earth,' I refer to the trigrams ch'ien and k'un. When I speak of the 'milfoil stalks and turtle shells,' I mean the systems of divination by counting and by crack-reading. When I speak of the 'sun and moon,' I mean the emblems of Ii and k'an. When I speak of the 'permutations and transformations,' I mean the interactions of yin and yang. By the 'dark and mysterious,' I refer to the source of divine transformation, and by the 'future,' I mean the front edge of the dark and mysterious. These all constitute the inner structure of the Book of Changes. In what way does that statement make me immodest?" Mter this exchange, Chi-lung collected some thirteen objects in an effort to confound Lu in a game of "Shoot for the Contents." But with every shot, Lu hit the mark. Finally, Chi-lung exclaimed in admiration, "What the poets call 'sage' and what the writers call 'enlightened' must surely refer to such a person." Lu accompanied the army on a western march and passed by the tomb of Kuan-ch'iu Chien. 99 He leaned against a tree and wailed mournfully, his spirits apparently having sunk very low. When asked about this, he explained, "Although the forest trees flourish, No thing of form endures for long. The eulogy on a tomb may be sublime, But he has no posterity to learn it. The And The And

Murky Warrior of the northern sky hides his head, the Blue Dragon of the east loses his feet. White Tiger of the western sky drags the corpse, the Red Bird of the south cries sadly. tOO

Dangers lie waiting on every side; My doctrine foretells the end of the line. "Two years, no more, will go by before this prophecy comes to pass." Everything turned out as Lu predicted.

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Afterwards, when Lu was on leave, he encountered Grand Protector Ni of Ch'ing-ho. At this time, the province was suffering from a severe drought, and Ni asked Lu when rain could be expected. Lu said, "This very evening it will rain!" Now, the weather that day had been sunny and dry, and nothing that morning had indicated rain; so the governor and assistant prefect who were present at that moment declared that it could not happen. But that evening, after the first night watch was sounded on the bell, the stars and moon vanished as clouds and wind arose, and a sudden downpour developed. Ni then invited Lu to a lavish feast, and all expressed their joy together. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: When Lu met Ni in Ch'ing-ho, he immediately set out the schedule for rain, but Ni was not in the least bit convinced. Lu explained himself: "The fact is, the powers of materialization and transformation have means to affect divine agents, swift without rushing, arriving without taking steps. On the sixteenth day, jen-tzu, the phase that brings rain will face completion. In the region of the lunar lodging Net 101 there is already an accumulation of water ch'i, and this will issue forth as rain between the hours of five and nine. These are the signs that rain will certainly come. Moreover, yesterday in heaven five stars were summoned together, and tallies of responsibility were distributed among them. Eastern Well stars were prodded forth, and the Southern Sieve stars were given their orders. 102 Summoned together were the Lord of Thunder, Lei-kung; Queen Mother of Lightning, Tien-mu; Earl of Wind, Feng-po; Master of Rain, Yu-shih. The myriad peaks belch out yin and the multitudes of streams spew forth their essences. The Milky Way dips down into the swamplands, and the water dragons grasp the spirit powers in their mouths. Red lightning cracks and cracks, shooting out in mysterious luminescence. Thunder follows, peal upon peal, breathing out the powers of rain. The valley winds whirl and whirl, bringing together every corner of the land. In the midst of this furious motion, all material things circulate. Heaven has its constant periods, and the Way has its spontaneity. There is nothing puzzling in this." 103 Ni responded, "Your talk is certainly high-flown, but it is also unbelievable. We are still concerned about the rain." Ni then had Lu stay on, and he invited the governor and assistant prefect. They de., cided that if he indeed could produce rain that evening, he was to be rewarded with two hundred catties of veal. But if it did not rain, he

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS would be held prisoner for ten days. "These propositions are a total waste of time," Lu said. As the day approached dusk, there was not a trace of a cloud, and all the people began to ridicule Lu. He responded by saying, "Already in the treetops there is a gentle wind, lithe and maidenlike. Among the branches can be heard the vague echoes of birdsong. Soon a hearty, robust wind will arise, and a whole flock of birds will soar high together. The fulfillment of this prediction is imminent." And soon there was indeed a good breeze and the sound of birds calling. Before the sun had even set, mountainous clouds began piling up in the southeast. Mter dark, thunder shook the heavens, and by the bell of the first watch, the stars and moon had disappeared from view. The wind and clouds arose, and darkness engulfed all corners of the earth. Then a sea ,of rain poured forth. Ni teased Lu about this: "You unwittingly hit the mark. There is nothing 'divine' about this divination." Lu responded, "Even an unwitting shot that hits upon heaven's schedule, is there not some skill in that?"

In the second year of the Cheng-yuan r~ign [355], Lu's younger brother Ch'en said to him, "There is a great general awaiting your service, and he intends to reward you lavishly. Do you not aspire to wealth and position?" With a long sigh, Lu replied to his question: "Within my own heart, I know that talent adequate to this challenge was apportioned to me. Heaven provided me with abilities and understanding, but heaven did not give me a long lifespan. I fear that I will not live beyond forty-six or forty-seven years, and that I will not live to see my daughters marry or my sons take wives. If I could avoid a premature death, I should like to become the prefect of La-yang, for I know I could rule so well that money left along the roadway would not be touched and alarm bells would never have cause to sound. But I am afraid that instead I will be atop Mount T'ai, administering ghosts, and that I will never govern over living people. What can I do?" 104 When Ch'en asked him how he knew this to be so, Lu explained, "My forehead lacks the 'bone of life,' and my eyes lack the 'essence of preservation.' My nose is without a 'bridge support,' and my feet lack 'heaven foundations.' My back lacks the three chia shapes, and the three jen shapes are missing from my abdomen. lOS All these are proofs of a short life. Also, the sign of my fate is based in [the house of] yin. Add to that the fact that I was born on the night of a lunar eclipse. There are regularities of function in

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heaven against which one cannot transgress; it is only that people ordinarily do not comprehend them. 106 During the days of my life, I have foretold the impending deaths of over a hundred people, and I have hardly ever been in error." In August of that year, Lu was made an assistant" to the privy treasurer, but in March of the following year, at the age of forty-six, he died. The Separate Biography of Kuan Lu says: Even though he had brilliant talents, his fate was that of a crimson sun nearing the horizon. Because of this, when his reputation had become most glorious, it was like the flash of a flame in a brisk wind. All the men of quality whom he had encountered during his days of life clung to his side like so many branches and leaves. Invitations to him were profuse as clouds, and in countless numbers feasts were prepared for him. As a guest, he did not discriminate between simple and lavish treatment, but accorded all his hosts the utmost courtesy. Lu's devotees were found in every corner of the capital, up and down every street and lane. With Lu, it was never a case of people simply clinging to his name and prestige; his followers fully embraced the virtue of the man. Before his premature death, Lu's renowned achievements were not fathomable to his contemporaries. His younger brother Ch'en once asked to study crack-reading and stargazing with him, but Lu told him, "I simply cannot teach you. The fact is, when it comes to crack-reading, if you do not possess consummate genius, you will never see the regularities of things. If you are not extremely subtle of mind, you will never perceive the Way. Knowledge of the Classic of Filial Piety, the Book of Odes, and the Analects of Confucius may suffice to qualify you for a top ministerial post, but for the ends you seek, they are absolutely useless." And so Ch'en abandoned his desire to study. Among all Lu's disciples, there was no one who could carry forward his techniques. Chen's account says: Having seen how marvelous were Lu's Way and his techniques and how free from errors were his divinations, the learned men of Chin and Wei were convinced that he was in possession of secret writings and systems of symbols and signs. But whenever I had the chance to see the writings he passed about, there were only some thirty-odd chapters, entitled The Forest of Changes, Wind Directions, Birdcalls, and Stargazing. These were all texts well known throughout

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS the land. Lu lived alone in the modest dwelling of a local tax clerk, and neither servant nor disciple followed him into his home. Shortly after he died, some devotees of the occult who were not in mourning for him stole into his home and slipped away with his books, leaving behind only The Forest of Changes, Wind Directions, and Birdcalls. Now, technicians of these systems can be divided into over one hundred different schools, and their writings are voluminous, filling many thousands of chapters. Nonetheless, the world sees the coming of very few prominent men. This is because most suffer from a shortage of talent, not a shortage of writings. Chi Province Governor P'ei, the two high ministers Teng Yang and Ho Yen, Grand Marshal Liu and his younger brother Yingch'uan, both of whom came from Lu's native village, all believed Lu was especially endowed with talent. They all believed he possessed a lucid understanding of the Way of yin and yang and the conditions of waxing and waning fortunes. First he would get to the origins of some event, then follow it through courses, neither presenting him with any particular difficulty. Thus people virtually always accepted his explanations of things. Lu himself once said that conversing with these five men so clarified his understanding and stimulated his spirit that even though night fell, he would not break off in order to sleep. Mter such sessions, he would simply sleep through the following day. He was also known to say that there was nothing he desired in this world of mortal men, but that he hoped to mount the Spirit Tower alongside men like Tzu Shen of Lu, Pei K'uei of Cheng, Pu Yen of Chin, Tzu Wei of Sung, Lord Kan of Chu, and Shih Shen of Wei. 107 There he would carry spirit charts, pace about the three celestial luminaries, illuminate the calamities and anomalies of fate, move the milfoil stalks and the turtle shells, and resolve persistent doubts. If all this could be his, he would never regret anything. In spite of my being slow-witted and shallow, I had many opportunities to converse with Lu by virtue of my blood relation to him. At judging human character, delineating strengths and weaknesses, explaining everyday moral concerns, investigating honest and dishonest natures, he was fumbling and unaccomplished. But when he held forth on the canons of the emperors and on Fu Hsi and expanded upon the words of King Wen and Confucius, when he circulated beyond the five planets, wove around and about the realms of heaven, earth, and man, he spoke with a perfect eloquence unmarred by hesitation or error; his words gathered subtly as nature's breeze. When he

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looked upward to spy on the flight of a goose his vision stretched, stretched to the horizon's edge. When he looked down to peer through a dark mountain stream, his vision went deep, deep into the essential source. Those who pressed their arguments, attempting to confound him, would lose their grasp on the line. Then they would seek his instructions in pursuit of the Way. Searching from the midst of confusion and darkness, they would clutch at his arms, mimic his points, echo his voice, and sigh longingly. In ancient times, Ching Fang could not prevent his own life from ending in disaster, even though he was skilled at divining by turtleshell cracks and by the wind. And Kuan Lu too knew that he would face his own death at age forty-seven. For this fact alone, he can be called extremely sage. Now Ching Fang personally witnessed the gossip of contending cliques, with his own ears heard the buzz of the "green flies." But his face-to-face admonition to the throne went unheeded, even as troubles multiplied on the roads throughout the land. 108 Now, Lu lived at the hazardous crossroads between Wei and Chin and concealed his great wisdom with a facade of simplicity. He chose what to reveal or to conceal according to the specific situation, and thus he was neither aggressively sought out for his brilliance nor cast aside for his stupidity. It could surely be said that his understanding of the workings of things was far-reaching. Ching Fang was unable to take proper measure of the powerful lords above him and unable to stand clear of the flattering lackeys below. He sought to use his prowess in celestial and cosmic arts to benefit his country and himself, but he was traQPed by events in a manner that made his arts useless. Thus his life ended by execution. This indeed is tantamount to the wisdom left over in a dessicated turtle shell or a case of the candle's final self-consuming flicker. 109 Is it not a pity! The people of Kuan Lu's time mostly saw him as a follower of Ching Fang, but I would not agree with this. When he gazed up at the stars and planets or looked near at hand to fix the pattems of waxing and waning, his predictions of the distant future would not err by a single year. His predictions closer in time were accurate to the very day. Thus I feel that the subtle minds of Lord Kan and Shih Shen were in no way superior to Kuan Lu's. As for Lu's ability to "Shoot for the Contents," the breadth and facility of his technique were absolutely unsurpassed, even by Tung-fang ShUO. 110 And as regards Lu's ability to determine nobility and baseness in the

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS shapes of a person's bones and comprehend the times of birth and death in a person's physical shape and coloring, he was in no way inferior to Hsil Fu or T' ang Chilo 111 Finally, if one considers his ability to perceive the ch'i of the wind and analyze the finest signs, to listen to the calls of birds and recognize the workings of the divine, then it must be conceded that his talents were unique in this age. Suppose that Lu had advanced in his official career and become a top minister or advisor. The richness of his talents would have flowed out into the world, and his accomplishments would be arrayed with sparkling prose in the historian's records. Obscure successes of his arts would have been brought out, and his profound words would not have been lost. For a thousand years, those who hold to the Way would have given him credit for his accomplishments and held his reputation high, whereas those who do not follow the Way would have expressed doubt about the accounts and thought them very curious. Believers in his arts held him to be even more subtle of mind than he actually was. It is, in fact, the addition of divine inspiration to subtlety of mind that relieves one of all uncertainty. What a pity that Kuan Lu was so richly endowed with talents but so poor in allotted lifespan, so wealthy in the Way and so bereft of time to pursue it. He was of the same class as the worthies of distant and inaccessible places, but his fame was never to be promoted by the better historians. Rather the task fell to me, his unworthy brother, to trace and recount his life. My own mind is murky and clouded, and I have been separated from him for a long time. Whenever I have described a particular divination, even when I could tell what hexagram was involved, I collected whatever bits and scraps were to be found, probably not getting more than two parts in ten. When it comes to his reading of the celestial luminaries, his explanations of the rise and fall of Wei and Chin, the vicissitudes of the five phases, and the disasters of war and rebellion, I have probably gotten less than one part in ten. Without a source, how can a river form? Though the autumn chrysanthemums can be gathered, the full flower of the spring is never to be reached. So I face this text forlorn, with remorse and regret lingering deeply within me. I will be extremely fortunate if my readers of the future are able to ferret out the meaning from this text relying on their own exceptional vision. Some time ago when Ching Province Governor Meng was director of agriculture in Lieh-jen, he asked my late brother, "Formerly, when Tung-fang Shuo was playing 'Shoot for the Contents,' with what

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graphs did he accurately hit upon the gecko lizard?" 112 In answer, my brother immediately laid out the graphs and generated the emblems. His words and metaphors wove intricately together, and the subtlest of meanings rang out with clarity. The permutations and transformations came one upon the other. He brought into harmony the ch'en and the ssu [earthly branches], and divided with clarity the dragon and the snake, working through each thing in accordance with the underlying principles. When he had finished, Meng responded with a deeply drawn sigh, "As I listened to your discourse, my spirit jumped out from my body in astonishment, and I feared it would fly off and be scattered. How are you able to pour forth such abundant explanation as you just did?"

P'ei Sung-chih's comment: The local man to whom Ch'en refers as Grand Marshal Liu is Liu Shih. 113 When Ch'en was compiling Lu's biography, Shih was the grand marshal. Ying-ch'uan is Shih's younger brother, named Chih. Both Shih and Chih were famous as Confucian scholars, but no one can say very much about them. 114 The Shih-yil praises Shih as learned and discerning, but still not to be compared with men like P'ei Ch'i and Ho Yen. 115 Further, on the basis of Lu's own mention that "my basic fate is in the house of. yin," we can determine that he was born in the fifteenth year of the Chien-an reign [210]. By the ninth year of the Cheng-shih reign [248], he should have been thirty-eight years, but the biography says "thirty-five." By his death in the third year of the Cheng-yuan reign [256], he should have been forty-six years, but the biography says "forty-seven." These are all inconsistencies in the record. A contemporary, Yen Hsu-po, styled Tsuan, possessed a wide-ranging and detailed familiarity with historical events as well as an exemplary historical writing style. He collected and augmented fragmentary materials from all over the land, even going so far as to take hearsay and write it into the historical record. Whenever he took something from a prominent figure or an earlier scholar, it was sufficient for him if the materials were merely plausible, for he hoped only to avoid being ridiculed for obvious fabrications. He once got stories from the same Grand Marshal Liu mentioned in Ch'en's biography of Lu. He wrote, "Lu first became known when he did a turtleshell crack divination for a neighborhood woman over a lost ox. He instructed her to

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go to the wall at its far western point, stretch her neck high, and look out for the ox among the burial mounds. Naturally, in doing so she found the ox, but then she concluded that Lu had stolen it, and she reported him to the magistrate for investigation. Only then did people learn that Lu had gained the knowledge by means of this special arts. It was after this affair that the governor of Chi Province, P'ei, heard about him." He also wrote, "A commoner had lost his wife while traveling, and Lu did a divination on his behalf. Lu instructed the man to go to the city gate of Tung-yang the next morning and watch for a man carrying a pig to begin struggling with it. When he did as instructed, the pig over which the man was struggling escaped. Both men immediately ran after it. The pig dashed into someone's house and smashed a large earthenware urn. The man's wife emerged from inside." Mr. Liu's stories include countless examples of this type, but in Ch'en's account, there are only eleven or twelve. Liu also reported that Lu had reached the rank of Filial and Incorruptible. Chi Hsiian-lung, recorder of the palace secretariat, was a fellow native of Lu's district. He reported: "When Lu was still residing in his native land, he once paid a visit to a distant neighbor, a man who had suffered the ravages of several fires. Lu performed a divination and instructed the man to go to th~ southern edge of his field and look out. There he would see a scholar in a square cap, riding an old cart drawn by a black ox. He must get the attention of this man and detain him by setting a feast for him. In this way, the fires would be eliminated. He followed Lu's instructions right away. With considerable urgency the scholar asked to be permitted to leave, but Lu's neighbor would not hear of it, so the scholar prepared to spend the night. But he was very uneasy, figuring the man was plotting some action against him. Once they had returned to the house, the master retired to the inner chambers, at which point the scholar seized a knife and ran out the door. He edged his way over between two piles of firewood and leaned to the side, feigning sleep. In a flash, a small creature dashed out and ran across in front of him. It appeared to be some sort of small animal, but it was holding a torch in its hand and blowing the flame with its mouth. The scholar was startled, lifted his knife, and hacked away. He sliced the creature squarely in half. When they examined the corpse, they could see it was originally a fox. Mter this transpired, the man was never again bothered by fires. " The former grand protector of Ch'ang-kuang, Ch'en Ch'eng-yu, heard

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the following story directly from the mouth of the colonel of the city guard, Hua Ch'ang-chiln: "A long time ago, when our father was governor of Ch'ing-ho, he summoned Kuan Lu to be a clerk. I was slightly younger than Lu, and later, because we both came from the same native village, I gradually developed a fondness for him. We often moved about together and spent considerable time in each other's company. I knew about virtually every event in which he was involved, and in every case, I verified stories time and again before passing them on to others. Now, as for his brother Ch'en, he was less talented and he was younger. Because Ch'en lived longer in his native village, even less is known about him. In his official career, Ch'en reached the post of provincial registrar and circuit administrator at the beginning of the T'ai-k'ang era [280]." Ch'ang-chiln also said, "Lu's turtleshell crack divinations were not one hundred percent successful. He hit seven or eight out of ten. When I asked him the reason for this, he explained, 'The principles themselves are in no way deficient, but sometimes the person requesting the divination explains the situation in a way that does not communicate the true facts. That is the sole reason these errors occur.' "The wife of Hua Ch'eng-men was the daughter of Wei's former min·· ister of works, Lu Kung of Cho-chiln. 116 She developed a malady that for years showed no signs of improving. At that time, the Hua family compound was in the Nan-chan area at the foot of the western wall. Southeast of their compound were three stables. Lu divined the situation and advised that there would be a master arriving from the east who would claim that he could cure the woman. Lu recommended they accept his offer and let him treat her, and she would regain her strength. Later there appeared unexpectedly a mounted knight on his way to the frontier. He was planning to enlist as an armored soldier. He stopped in to pay a visit to Lu Kung and claimed that he could effect a cure for the ailing mistress. Immediately Kung formally invited the knight to stay on with them, and he sent his own son to guide the knight to the Hua family compound so that he could begin the treatment. First, he employed medicinal powders. Then he followed with pellets. In virtually no time the medicine brought the desired effects. The man immediately petitioned that he be relieved of his military assignment and be made the grand physician." Ch'ang-chiln also said, "When Lu was with his father during his father's tenure in Li-ts'ao, some of the villagers under the father's jurisdiction

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went out hunting and caught a deer. When they returned to the spot where they had left it the following morning, all they found were traces of hair and blood. They reported this case to Lu, claiming that someone had apparently stolen the deer. Lu cast hexagrams and explained, 'There is indeed a thief involved here. It is the third family in the alley to the east of you. Walk about in front of their house until no one is to be seen. Then take a piece of tile, quietly expose the seventh rafter on the east side of their grain shed, and place the tile under it. Before dinnertime tomorrow, the thief will return the deer to you of his own accord.' "That very night, the thief's father fell ill with a fierce headache. His body grew feverish and racked with pain. So he too came to see Lu for a divination. When Lu revealed the source of this calamity, the thief confessed everything. Lu instructed him to bundle up the hide and venison and return it to the spot where he had originally found it.- When he did this, the illness would subside. Finally, he privately told the original hunters to go get their deer and then to go to the thief's house, just as they had done before, expose the rafter, and remove the tile. The thief's father recovered from his headache. "There was another incident in which the bailiff of the territorial commandant lost something. Lu sent him the following morning to look around outside the temple gate, where he would run into a certain person. If he pointed to the skies, sketched on the ground, and waved his hands in the four directions, the bailiff would recover the object himself. That evening, sure enough, he found the thing in the original spot."

2. Chu Chien-p'ing Chu Chien-p'ing was a native ofP'ei-kuo. 117 He was a skillful practitioner of the physiognomic arts among the common folk, and the effectiveness of his techniques had been proven many times. When the Grand Ancestor of our dynasty was Duke of Wei, 118 he heard about Chien-p'ing and summoned him to court to be a court gentleman. [His son, the future] Emperor Wen was serving as commander in chief, and there were over thirty retainers in his presence. Emperor Wen asked Chien-p'ing how long

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he could hope to live and then had him go about the room and make a physiognomic analysis of all the guests present. "General," Chien-p'ing began, "Your lifespan should be eighty years, but at forty you will have a small crisis. Please take care to protect yourself." He told Hsia-hou Wei, "You will become a provinciaI.governor. At the age of forty-nine, you will face a crisis, but if you manage to survive it, you will live to be seventy and rise to the post of ducal attendant." He then told Ying Ch'ii, "Sir, at age sixty-two you will become a high attendant official and will face a crisis. A year before that happens, you will see an apparition of a white dog, but it will be invisible to the people standing around you." Finally, Chien-p'ing told Ts'ao Piao, "Sir, you will be occupying a vassal state and, when you reach fifty-seven, will become entangled in a military action. You should take care to prevent it." Originally, Hsiin Yu and Chung Yu, both of Ying-ch'uan, were the most intimate of friends. Hsiin died first, when his son was still in infancy. His friend Chung was naturally called to be executor of the estate and wanted to take Hsiin's concubine. He wrote the following to someone: "Hsiin Yu and I together once had Chu Chien-p'ing do a divination for us. He told me then, 'Although Hsiin Yu is your junior, in fact it is fated that you will be left to manage his affairs.' When I heard that, I joked with him, saying, 'I will get his concubine A-ying, and that's all!' What does it mean that now he has indeed died, and what I said only as a joke has come to be realized? Today I want to marry A-ying; clearly it would be a good thing to do so. When I think back to the subtle vision of Chien-p'ing, I realize that even T'ang Chii and Hsii Fu could have added nothing to his prophecy." 119 During the seventh year of the Huang-ch'u reign [226], Emperor Wen turned forty years old, and he was plagued with a grave illness. He told his attendants of the right and left, "The eighty years of which Chien-p'ing spoke must have been half in days and half in nights. I now face the point of crossing." In a very short while, he died. Hsia-hou Wei indeed became governor of Yen province. Early in the last month of the year, when he was forty-nine years old, he fell ill. Recalling Chien-p'ing's words, he reasoned that his lot was in fact to die at this time, so he began issuing his last testament and making preparations for the funeral so that everything would be in order when the time came. But two or three weeks later, his health turned about, and he recovered, almost to his former strength. On the afternoon of the last day of the month, he had

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'Jhysiognomist's charts analyzing four typical faces. Clockwise from the top right they rre "cold and lonely," "wicked and defiant," "crude and befuddled," and "weak and

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his recording clerk pour some wine, and then he said, "The ailment from which I have been suffering has gradually subsided. Tomorrow morning when the cock crows, I will reach age fifty and the danger period in Chienp'ing's prophecy will have passed." But after Wei bade his clerk good night and closed his eyes, the illness began to stir again. In the middle of the night he died. At the age of sixty-one, Ying Ch'ii became a palace attendant. When crossing through the inner palace he suddenly spied a white dog. He asked all the people around him, but not a single other person could see it. As a result of seeing this apparition, he began giving parties and chasing about on pleasure trips away from the capital. He gave himself over to drinking, and, after another year had passed, at age sixty-two, he died. Ts'ao Piao was enfeoffed as the king of Ch'u, but at age fifty-seven he conspired against the emperor with Wang Ling. 120 When his plot was discovered, Ts'ao was ordered to commit suicide. In explaining the fates of this entire group, Chien-p'ing never missed the mark. But I am not too clear on some of the details, so I have just recorded the rough outlines of several events. Only in the prophecies of the minister of works, Wang Ch'ang, the general of the northern expedition, Ch'eng Hsi, and the major general, Wang Su, were there discrepancies. Su was sixty-two years old when he became critically ill. All his doctors felt that nothing could be done to save him, so his wife asked if he had any last words. Su said, "Chien-p'ing predicted that I would pass seventy and that I would rise to occupy one of the three ducal posts. Now none of this has come to pass, but I for one will not have to worry about it." Then he finally died. Chien-p'ing was also skilled in divining the fates of horses. Once when Emperor Wen was about to go riding, he had his horse brought into the courtyard. Chien-p'ing happened upon the scene and said, "The physiognomy of this horse tells me he will die today." When the emperor was about to mount him, the horse shied at the fragrance of the emperor's robes, turned in fright, and nipped the emperor's knee. Emperor Wen was enraged by this and immediately had the beast put to death. Chien-p'ing died in the middle of the Huang-ch'u reign [220-226].

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3. Chou "soan Chou Hsiian, styled K'ung-ho, was a native of Lo-an 121 and a commandery official. Grand Protector Yang P'ei dreamed that someone came to him and said, "On the first day of the eighth month Duke Ts'ao will arrive. He will give you a staff and fete you with medicinal wine." P'ei had Hsiian divine the meaning of this dream. This occurred right at the time that the Yellow Turban rebels 122 were on the rise, and Hsiian said, "A staff assists the weak in standing and medicines cure the infirmities of men. On the first day of the eighth month, the rebels will be eliminated." When that day arrived, the rebels were indeed defeated. Sometime later, Liu Chen of Tung-p'ing 123 dreamed of a snake that had four feet and dwelled in a hollow within his gatehouse. He asked Hsiian to interpret this and was told, "This dream has relevance for the state. It does not concern your particular household, but foretells the killing of women who are bandits." In fact, before long, two female bandits, one of the Cheng clan and one of the Chiang clan, were wiped out. Hsiian understood this because a snake ordinarily is an auspicious sign for women, but a snake should not have feet. Emperor Wen asked Hsiian, "I dreamed that two tiles fell from the palace ceiling and were transformed into a pair of mandarin ducks. What does this portend?" Hsiian explained, "In the rear palace [the women's quarters] someone will suffer a violent death." But the emperor confessed to Hsiian, "I was only teasing you!" To this Hsiian replied, "The fact is, dreams are nothing more than conceptions of the heart. If they even take form enough to be articulated, the waxing or waning fortunes they indicate can be divined." He had hardly finished speaking when the prefect of the yellow gate reported to the emperor that there had been a murder among the palace ladies. Not much time had passed when Emperor Wen told Hsiian, "Last night, I dreamed of a green vapor that arose from the ground and attached itself to the heavens." Hsiian explained, "A woman of noble birth will die unjustly." At that time the emperor had just dispatched a messenger to serve an imperial sentence on Lady Chen. 124 When he heard Hsiian say this, he regretted having

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ordered the punishment, and immediately dispatched another man after the messenger to rescind the execution order. But the second man arrived too late. The emperor also asked, "I dreamed that I was rubbing away at the design on a coin, trying to make it disappear. But the design only became brighter. What does this mean?" Hsiian was distraught, and he hesitated to answer. The emperor pressed him with the question again, and Hsiian said, "This derives from a problem in Your Majesty's own household. Although you are wishing for something, the imperial mother does not concur. This is the reason the pattern only brightens, although you would like to rub it away." At that time, it was true that the emperor wanted to inflict a punishment on his younger brother, Ts'ao Chih, and he was pressuring his mother to permit it. But the imperial mother was willing only to reduce Chih in rank. The emperor recognized Hsiian's abilities by making him a gentleman of the household attached to the office of the grand clerk. Once someone asked Hsiian, "Last night I dreamed that I saw a straw 125 dog. What does this portend?" Hsiian replied, "Sir, you are about to have something very good to eat. That is all." A short while later he was traveling and happened to be invited to a great feast. He subsequently asked Hsiian, "Last night I dreamed again that I saw a straw dog. What about that?" Hsiian replied, "Sir, you will fall from a cart and break your leg. Please be cautiousl" And soon this too happened, exactly as Hsiian had predicted. And then the man asked again, "Last night I had the same dream of a straw dog. What this time?" Hsiian replied, "Your house, sir, is in danger of being destroyed by fire. You should take good care to protect it." Almost immediately, a fire broke out. After all this, the man said to Hsiian, "From the very first to the very last, these dreams I reported to you never really happened. I just thought I would test you; that's all. How is it that the predictions you made from what I reported all came true?" Hsiian replied to him, "It is because you were moved and made to speak of these events by spiritual powers exactly as would have been the case with genuine dreams." The man continued his questions: "Three times I reported dreams of a straw dog. Yet, all the predictions you made were different. How is that?"

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

Hsiian said, "Straw dogs are things used in sacrifices to the spirits. Thus, when you reported your first dream, it meant that you would go to a great feast. As soon as the sacrifices are completed, the straw dogs are run over by a cart. Thus the second case indicated that you would fall from a cart and break your leg. After the straw dogs are crushed by the cart, they are loaded on it to be carried back and used for fuel. Therefore the final dream indicated concern over a fire." All Hsiian's descriptions of dreams were of this kind. He was right on target in eight or nine cases. out of ten, and the people of his time likened his talent to the physiognomic skills of Chien-p'ing. The rest of his divinations were similar to the ones I have described above, so I will not continue to list them. Hsiian died in the final years of the reign of Emperor Ming

[226-239].

4. Hua T'o, styled Yiian-hua, was a native of Ch'iao in the kingdom of P'ei. 126 He was also known by the name Fu. 127 He traveled about the area of Hsii in pursuit of knowledge, and at the same time became thoroughly versed in the numerous classics. The minister of p'ei, Ch'en Kuei, recommended him for the rank of Filial and Incorruptible, and the grand commandant, Huang Yiian, summoned him, but T'o refused to accept all appointments. T'o had achieved understanding of the art of nourishing the nature. 128 At that time, people widely believed him to be approaching one hundred years of age, but his countenance showed the vigor of youth. He was also well versed in medical preparations and made use of but a few curative infusions. In compounding them, he could estimate so well that he did not even bother to weigh the ingredients. As soon as the preparations were fully cooked, he would administer them, explain whatever abstinences were to be observed, and then he would take his leave. Recovery was inevitable. If moxa burning were required, he never used it at more than one or two locations, and used only seven or eight cones on each spot. The disorder would be eliminated in response. If a disorder should require the use of

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needles, he used them in no more than one or two places. He would insert the needle, saying, "Now I am guiding the ch'i to this and this place. Tell me when the sensation is felt in that and that place." The patient would report the sensations, and as soon as that was done, T'o would withdraw the needle and the disorder would be eliminated. If there were an accumulation of ch'i 129 where neither medicines nor needles could reach, T' 0 would cut the body open. He made patients drink a potion of his anesthetic liquor, and they became instantly comatose, as though drunk or dead, totally relieved of all sensation. He then cut into them. If the disorder resided in the abdomen, he could cut the bowels, wash them, sew them back up, and apply salve. In four or five days the sickness abated and the pain disappeared, without the patient ever awakening. If a patient kept to his bed for a month's time, he would fully recover his health. Once a woman in the Hsiang family of Kan-ling 130 was six months pregnant. Her bellyached with a pain that could not be relieved. T' 0 took her pulse and said, "The fetus has already died." He had a woman search for the fetus manually, explaining that if it was located on the left it was a boy and if on the right it was a girl. She announced, "It is on the left." At that point, T'o prepared a potion and administered it to the woman. She expelled a male fetus and was finally relieved of the pain. Prefectural clerk Yin Shih was experiencing severe discomfort in his arms and legs. His mouth was dry and he could not bear the sounds from people around him. He also had difficulty urinating. T'o advised, "Try preparing hot foods for him. If he sweats he will be cured. If he does not, he will die in three days." Accordingly, they prepared hot foods, but no sweat appeared. T'o observed, "The ch'i which should flow among his visceral systems is blocked. He will die sobbing." The outcome was as T'o had predicted. District clerks Erh Hsiin and Li Yen came in together to see T'o. Both of them had headaches, and in their bodies they had hot sensations. Their symptoms were identical. T'o informed them, "For Hsiin, I will use the method of purging, and for Yen that of inducing perspiration." A bystander was dumbfounded by this difference in treatment. T'o explained, "In Hsiin's case, there is repletion in the outer aspect, whereas in Yen's it is repletion in the inner aspect. Therefore, the therapies for each of them must differ." He administered prescriptions to the two, and the next morning they were both able to rise.

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Yen Hsin, who was a native of Yen TU,131 was waiting with his retinue of men to see T'o. As soon as T'o appeared, he questioned Hsin: "Are things well inside you?" Hsin replied, "I am the same as always." But T' 0 went on to warn him, "You have a severe disorder. I can see it in your face. Do not drink too much wine." After this meeting was over, Yen Hsin and his retinue began the trip home. A few miles into the journey Hsin felt his head suddenly grow dizzy, and he fell from the cart. His men propped him up and tried to carry him the rest of the way home. He died that night, without ever awakening again. A circuit inspector, Tun Tzu-hsien, had contracted a disorder that was already showing signs of improvement. While passing through, T'o examined his pulse and told him, "You still have a depletion of ch'i, so you are not as yet fully recovered. Do not engage in any strenuous activity. If you indulge in sex with your woman, you will immediately perish. If you are at the verge of death, your tongue will protrude several inches." It turned out that Tzu-hsien's wife had gotten word of his recovery, and she traveled a distance of almost one hundred Ii to visit him. She stayed that night and they were intimate. In three days Tzu-hsien fell ill again. It was exactly as T'o had predicted. A circuit inspector, Hsii Yi, fell ill. T'o went to examine him. Yi told T'o, "Yesterday one Liu Tsu, an assistant in the medical offices, performed acupuncture on my stomach cavity. 132 When he finished, I began to cough violently. I wanted to fall asleep, but I could get no peace." T'o explained, "When he inserted the needle, he did not hit your stomach but mistakenly hit your liver instead. Each day you will eat less and less, and in five days there will be no hope for you." It turned out exactly as T'o had said it would. Ch'en Shu-shan of Tung-yang had an infant son who was suffering from diarrhea that showed contamination with foreign matter. He cried constantly, and day by day he grew more emaciated. When Ch'en asked T'o to explain this, T'o said, "His mother is pregnant, and her yang ch'i is retained within her body to nurture the fetus. Her breasts are cold due to depletion of the ch'i; thus the child has received cold factors from his mother. He can be cured before too long." T' 0 prescribed Four Ingredients Female Pills 133 for her, and the disorder vanished in ten days. A woman of P'eng-ch'eng 134 while going to the privy one night was stung on the hand by a scorpion. She groaned and cried, unable to bear the

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pain. T'o ordered an infusion to be made. When it was brought to a boil he soaked her hand in it. In a short while, she was able to sleep again. The servants changed the infusion repeatedly to keep the hand well heated. By the next morning, she was cured. A military official, Mei p'ing, fell ill. He resigned .his commission to return home to Kuang-ling. 135 After traveling a distance of only two hundred Ii, he stopped at a relative's house. It happened that just at that moment T'o arrived at the same house. The host asked him to examine p'ing, after which T'o said, "If you had seen me sooner, the disorder could have been kept from progressing this far. By now it has set in. If you travel quickly, you will be able to see your family. In a matter of five days, you will be dead." P'ing rushed home immediiltely. His life ended just as T'o had predicted. T'o was traveling and ~ame upon a man who was sick. His throat was blocked, and although he craved food, he was unable to swallow. His family loaded him into a cart, intending to consult a doctor. T' 0 overheard his groans and sighs, stopped the cart, and examined the man. T'o told him, "You will soon come upon a garlic puree that is being sold at a pancake stand alongside the road. It will be very sour. Take three cups and drink them down, and your disorder will eliminate itself without further ado." Things happened exactly as T' 0 had said. After drinking the puree, the man immediately spit out a long snake that hung over the side of his cart. Later that same man came to T'o's house to express his gratitude, but T'o had not yet returned home. A child was playing outside the gate, and when he caught sight of the man he said, of his own accord, "It appears you have already met up with my master. Hanging over the side of your cart is the source of your disorder." When the man went inside to sit down, he saw along the northern wall the same kind of snakes, so many hanging there that they could be counted by tens. Then there was a commandery prefect who was ill. T' 0 felt that if the man became fiercely angry he might be cured. So he accepted a great many gifts from the man and then, without making any attempt at all to effect a cure, simply went away, leaving all the gifts behind. On top of that, he left a note reviling the prefect. The prefect grew very angry, and he ordered his men to pursue T'o and, if they could catch him, to kill him. But the prefect's son was party to the treatment, and ordered the retainers not to pursue the doctor. The prefect's rage grew until his eyes bulged; then he violently vomited up several cups of black blood and was cured.

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There was the case of a grand minister who had feelings of great discomfort. T'o said, "Your ailment is grave. If I open your abdomen and remove the cause of your pain, you will die within ten years. On the other hand, this disorder will never kill you. If you suffer with pain for ten years, then your natural lifespan and the suffering will simultaneously come to an end. There is no point in operating." But the officer could not bear the pain, and he insisted on To's removing its source. T'o therefore set to work, and in no time he cured the pain. In ten years, the man indeed died. Ch'en Teng, grand protector of Kuang-ling, was afflicted with feelings of agitation and fullness in his heart. His face was red and he could not eat. T'o felt his pulse and said, "Well, sir, there are several cupfuls of worms in your stomach, and that will soon result in internal ulceration. You ate some rotten food, and that was the cause of your illness." He made up about two cups of infusion. He administered one cup, and then followed up with the second. After the patient drank them, he spit up more than three cups of bugs. They all had red heads, wriggled about, and had bodies half of which looked like raw minced fish. Teng's pain was relieved by this. T'o then advised him, "This illness will recur in three months' time. If you see a good doctor, he will be able to treat you." At the predicted time, the disorder did recur, but T'o was not around. Things transpired just as T' 0 had said, and the grand protector died. Ts'ao Ts'ao 136 heard about Hua T'o and summoned him to serve under him. T'o was always at his side. Ts'ao had a disorder of the head, the result of "wind" heteropathic factors. Each time an attack occurred, his heart went wild and his eyes were blinded by dizziness. T'o performed acupuncture on his diaphragm, and Ts'ao was cured immediately. The Separate Biography of Hua T'o says: 137 There was a man with an ailment that afflicted both his feet, and he was unable to walk. He was carried in a sedan chair to see T'o. T'0 looked at him and said, "You have had plenty of acupuncture, moxa, drugs, and potions. There is no need to take your pulse yet another time." T'0 had him remove his clothing. He made thirty dots on his back, some spaced at one inch, others at five, which the heteropathic factors could not withstand. He said he would burn moxa on each spot, and when the course of treatment was completed, the man would

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walk again. After the treatment, scars from the moxabustion were evenly spaced up and down the length of the man's spine, one inch on either side. The man's back was just like a rope that had all the kinks pulled out of it. The wife of General Li was extremely ill, so they called on T'o. He took her pulse and said, "She was injured during pregnancy, and the fetus was never expelled." The general replied to this, "I was indeed told that she suffered an injury during her pregnancy, but the fetus has already appeared." T'o repeated, "The pulse tells me it has not appeared yet!" The general would not accept this diagnosis as correct, so T' 0 gave up and left. His wife felt somewhat better, but a hundred-odd days later the ailment recurred. Once more they called on T'o. This time he said, "The pulse tells me that there was once a fetus. Originally your wife was to have given birth to twins. The first appeared, and in the course of that she lost a great deal of vital fluid (hsiieh).138 The second child could not be expelled. The fetus is dead, and the yin-energy circulation system has not fully recovered. It must be that a dry-hot heteropathy has attached itself to the mother's spine, causing a great deal of pain there. I will administer a potion, and apply acupuncture at one point. The dead fetus will be brought forth." The potion and the needles were duly employed. The mother's pain was as acute as if she were about to give birth. T'o said, "This fetus has been withered for a long while and will not appear of its own accord. Someone need be enlisted to dislodge it." As a result of the treatment, a dead male fetus was recovered. His hands and feet were completely formed, and he was about a foot in length, but his color was completely black. T'o's extraordinary skills were all of this kind. Originally he had been a scholar. He had taken up medicine as a living, but he often regretted having done so. Ts'ao had personally taken note of T'o, and when he fell seriously ill, he put himself in T'o's care. T'o told him, "Your affliction will be impossible to cure in the immediate future. I will undertake a long-term (attack' therapy to sustain your life." T'o had long been far away from his home, and he was thinking of returning. He said, ((I have to go home, but only to get some books. I intend to return shortly." Once he arrived back home, he repeatedly used the excuse that his wife was ill to ask for extensions instead of returning. Ts'ao sent message after message with direct orders for T'o, as well as imperial orders through the offices of the district officials to seek him. Confident of

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his capability, T'o rejected the opportunity to take on salaried official employment and did not reply to Ts'ao Ts'ao. Ts'ao was enraged, and sent out men to investigate. If they discovered that T'o's wife was indeed suffering from illness, they were to provide him with forty bushels of beans and forgive his failure to return to Ts'ao Ts'ao by the deadline. If they discovered that he was using a deceitful and unfounded excuse, they were to apprehend T'o and bring him in. T'o's crime was uncovered; he was put in the charge of Prison Warden Hsii and confessed his misdeeds under intense interrogation. Hsiin Yii 139 presented the following request: "T'o is an honest technologist. Men's lives depend on him. It would be appropriate to be lenient." Ts'ao Ts'ao replied to this, "Do not fret so over him! Would not the world be better off without rats like Hua T'o?" Consequently, T'o was tortured to death in prison. Just as he was on the verge of death, he took out a book in one roll and gave it to the jailer. "This could save lives," he explained. But the jailer was fearful because the law forbade his accepting the book and refused it. T' 0 for his part did not insist; so a fire was found and the book was burned. After T'o's death, Ts'ao Ts'ao was unable to get rid of his chronic disorder of the head. Ts'ao Ts'ao said, "T'o could have cured me, but when that petty man treated my disorder, his only interest was to advance himself. Even if I had not done away with that fellow, he would never have rooted the underlying source of my disorder." But at a later time when his beloved son Ts'ang-shu was critically ill, Ts'ao Ts'ao said with a sigh, "I do regret having killed Hua T'o. It brought about the death of my son." Before T'o's death, a military official, Li Ch'eng, had a bad cough. Night and day he could not sleep, and he frequently spit up purulent blood. He consulted T'o, who told him, "You are afflicted with an abscess in the bowels. What you have been coughing up does not come from the lung system. I will give you two-tenths of an ounce of this powder. You will spit up another two cups or so of purulent blood. When that is over, if you otherwise take care of yourself, in a month or so you will be able to get up from time to time. If you take good care, you will be vigorous again within a year. Eighteen years from now the disorder will show a slight recurrence. If you take what remains of this drug at that time, you will recover from that recurrence as well. But if you do not take the powder at that point, you will die."

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So T'o gave him another two-tenths of an ounce of the powder, and Ch'eng took it and left. Five or six years went by, when one of Ch'eng's relatives fell ill with a disorder exactly like the one he had experienced. The relative implored Ch'eng, "Right now, you are strong and healthy, whereas I am on the verge of dying. How can you bear not to hasten and hand over that drug to me, so that you will not have my departed soul on your hands? Get it and hand it over to me right now, and after I recover I will get Hua T' 0 to provide more of it for you." Ch'eng gave him the powder. When the ailment was over, he went to Ch'iao. But this was just the time that T' 0 was arrested. The relative was so flustered that he could not bring himself to go after T'o and make the request. Eighteen years later, Ch'eng's illness did indeed reappear. But he had no more of the medicine, and he died. The Separate Biography of Hua T'o says: During the Ch'ing-Iung reign [233-237], someone saw Liu Chingtsung of Kuang-ling, the grand protector of Shang-yang. 140 Liu claimed that he had seen Hua T'o several times during the Chung-p'ing era [184-189].141 He cured disorders by feeling the pulse, and his results could be likened to those of a spirit. Liu Hsin of Lang-ya was the grand protector in Ho-nei,142 and he had a daughter of twenty. On her left knee, there was a sore that itched but was otherwise painless. It would heal and then reappear in a few weeks. Things had gone on in this way for seven or eight years. The prefect took her to T' 0 for an examination, and he reported, "This is easily cured. I will need a dog the color of rice chaff and two good horses." He tied a rope to the dog's neck, and made the horse pull the dog. When one horse grew tired, he switched immediately to the other. He kept track of their travel and had them go a distance of over thirty Ii, until the dog was no longer able to walk. Then he had men on foot drag the dog some more, calculating a total distance of over fifty Ii. Next he administered some medicine to the girl. When she was unconscious and sleeping peacefully, he cut into the dog's belly with a big knife, directly in front of the rear leg. He placed the opening he made two or three inches from the girl's wound, and immediately a thing like a snake began crawling out from the wound. T'0 smashed its head with an iron mallet. It wriggled for a while inside her skin, then it stopped completely. T'o pulled the remainder of it out, to a

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS length of over three feet. It was just a snake. There were eye sockets in its head but it had no pupils, and it had "dragon scales." T'o then spread an ointment on the wound, and it healed in a week. In another case, there was a man suffering from extreme dizziness. He could neither raise his head nor see anything with his eyes. This problem had gone on for years. T'o ordered that his clothes be stripped off. Then he hung him upside down just a few inches from the ground. He moistened a cloth, scrubbed the man's body, and wrapped the cloth around his middle. T'o examined the pulse and found it was full of the five colors. 143 So T'o told several of the man's brothers to burst an artery open with a large needle. When the fivecolored vital fluid was exhausted and red-colored appeared, he had them cease. Next he smeared an ointment all over the man's back. When a sweat began to pour through the wrapping cloth, he gave him a powder made from dog's blood and the bitter whitlow herb. 144 The man was cured immediately. In another case, there was a woman who had been sick for many years. Everyone called it a possession due to cold and hot heteropathic factors. In the depth of winter, T'o had her sit in a stone trough. When she was still, he had her showered with chilly water. He ordered this to be done one hundred times. When she was about to be showered for only the seventh or eighth time, she began struggling and begged to die. The nurse was afraid and wanted to stop, but T' 0 was insistent that the full count be completed. When she was drenched for the eightieth time, the heat ch'i began to rise from her body like steam, hissing two or three feet into the air. When she finished the hundredth showering, T'o had her warm her body with a blazing fire and kept her well covered for a long time. Sweat appeared, and he applied a powder. As soon as the sweat stopped, she was cured. 145 Then there was a man with excruciating pain in one side of his stomach. In a period of ten days, his beard and eyebrows fell off. T'o said, "Your spleen is rotted half away. If I cut it open, I can cure you." He then gave him some medicine to make him sleep. He cut into the abdomen and verified that the spleen was indeed rotten and destroyed. He cut off the rotten part with a knife and scraped away at the foul flesh. He then spread salve on the wound, administered a prescription, and in a hundred days, the man was fine again.

Wu P'u of Kuang-ling and Fan A of P'eng-ch'eng were both QlS(~lpleS of Hua T'o. Wu P'u followed the art of Hua T'o precisely, and his ,..,."t-•.,,,t-,,

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generally recovered. Hua T'o once told him, "The body should be exercised, but it should not be pushed to extremes. Exercise causes the ch'i extracted from the cereals one eats to disperse, and it keeps the flow through the vital fluid tracts free. In this way, sickness cannot gain a foothold, just as a 'doorpost never rots in frequent use.' Therefore, the ancient immortals engaged in special tao-yin calisthenics,146 moving the head about in the manner of a bear or turning the neck as an owl does, stretching at the waist and moving the various joints, all in order to ward off old age. I have a method called 'Play of the Five Animals,' the tiger, deer, bear, ape, and bird. This can serve as a calisthenic regimen, dispelling afflictions and benefiting the feet. 147 When you are feeling uncomfortable, get up and do one of these until you are absolutely soaked with sweat. Then dust yourself with powder. You will sense your body growing light and responsive, and your appetite will improve." Wu P'u followed this advice given by T'o. When he was ninety years of age, his eyes and ears were clear and sensitive, and his teeth were complete and firm. Fan A was skilled in acupuncture. All the other doctors argued that one must not needle in an undisciplined way in the area between the back and the breast cavity and should use needles no longer than four-tenths of an inch. Fan A, however, would insert his needles to a depth of one or two full inches in the back and five or six inches at the locus chil-chiieh or elsewhere on the chest. 148 The disorders would always be cured. Like T'o, Fan A sought things which could be ingested and would be of benefit to people. T'o passed on to him the prescription for "lacquer leaf polygonatum": one cup of lacquer leaves, powdered, and seven ounces of polygonatum, or the ingredients in the same proportion. T'o claimed that if one took it for a long time, it would dispell the Three Vermin 149 sources of decay, benefit the five visceral functions, make one's body light, and keep the head from turning white. Fan A followed his advice and lived to be over one hundred years of age. Lacquer leaves are common everywhere, and polygonatum is said to grow in Feng-p'ei, P'eng-ch'eng, and Ch'ao-ko. 150 The Separate Biography of Hua T' 0 says: Polygonatum is also known as "earth joints" or "yellow fungus." 151 It controls and regulates the five visceral functions and augments the vital energies. Originally it was discovered by a man who had wandered lost into the mountains. He spied an immortal eating it, and he reported that to T'o. T'o found it to be very fine, and he

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS immediately passed it on to Fan A. Fan A kept it a secret. Recently, some people were amazed that A, at his advanced age, still had such a vigorous spirit and such strength. They demanded to know what he took to attain this condition, but because those people were given to drink and debauchery, they failed to use it in accordance with the Way. On one occasion, A had someone take a batch of this prescription, and it was found to be quite efficacious. The Canonical Essays of Emperor Wen 152 spoke of [fang-shih such as] Hsi Chien and others: Hsi Chien of Ying-ch'uan was able to abstain from grains and dined on Indian bread. 153 Kan Shih of Kanling was skilled in techniques of breath control. When old, he still had the face of a youth. Tso Tz'u of Lu-chiang knew the art of replenishing and guiding,154 and also was a military official. Chien was first to arrive in the capital. When he did, the market price of Indian bread shot up by several times. The gentleman exemplar Li T'an of P'ing-an studied Chien's practices of grain abstention, eating Indian bread, and drinking cold water. But he came down with diarrhea, and he nearly lost his life. Afterwards, Kan Shih appeared on the scene, and everyone in the crowd was doing the "owl's gaze" and the "wolf's backward glance" 155 as well as his respiratory exercises. Tung Fen of Hungnung,156 who served as advisor for military strategy and sacrificial affairs, was so excessive in his practice of the techniques that his ch'i circulation system became completely stopped up. He stayed that way for some time before he revived. Then Tso Tz'u arrived, and the crowds also stumbled over each other to learn his art of replenishing and guiding. There even was' a eunuch, Yen Chlin, who asked to be instructed in the art! A castratus certainly has no business with such arts, but people had become so carried away by these fashions that it actually came to that. In the middle of the Kuang-ho reign [178-183], Wang Ho-p'ing of Pei-hai 157 had an avid interest in the Taoist arts and managed to pass himself off as an immortal. Sun Yung of Chi-nan,158 then a youth, served him and accompanied him to the capital. Just at that juncture, Ho-p'ing fell ill and died. Sun buried him in Tung-t'ao. 159 Ho-p'ing had in his possession one hundred rolls of books and several bags of medicine, which Sun buried with him. Later, a disciple named Hsia Jung said that Ho-p'ing had escaped his body and achieved immortality. Even to this very day, Sun regrets not having taken over the precious texts and the immortal elixir. 160

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Li u Hsiang was misled by the theories of the Vast Treasure. Chiln Yu was in turn deluded by the words of Liu Hsiang. 161 From earliest times until the present, can we say that only one man has been made a fool of by these falsehoods? The King of Tung-a, Ts'ao Chih, wrote Discussions Discerning the Way 162 in which he said: "Currently among the common people there are fang-shih. Our king, Ts'ao Ts'ao, called a number of them together. From Kan-ling there was Kan Shih. From La-cheng there was Tso Tz'u, and there was Hsi Chien, who came from Yang-ch'eng. Shih knew exercises to move and guide the ch'i, Tz'u knew a great· deal about the arts of the bedchamber. Chien's skills resided in abstaining from the eating of grain. Each claimed to be at least three hundred years old. The ultimate reason that they were brought together in the kingdom of Wei was an abiding concern that their followers might band together with traitors and take advantage of the common people, practicing their magical arts to delude the people. Surely Ts'ao was not truly motivated by a desire to contemplate the divine immortals of Ying-chou 163 or seek Master An-ch'i in the remote isles of the sea. 164 Would he abandon the golden chariot of the emperor to step upon a cloud cart, discard the team of six matched steeds to marvel at the flying dragon? 165 "Ts'ao P'i and our brothers laughed at Ts'ao Ts'ao, because they did not believe in fang-shih. But Kan Shih and the others knew that Ts'ao's treatment of them would be fair and consistent. While they received higher stipends than minor officials, they would get other gifts only when they merited them. Islands of the sea are not easily reached, and the six seals were not to be assumed lightly. In the final analysis, then, they did not dare spew out empty and fanciful talk or elaborate on inappropriate matters. 166 "I once put Hsi Chien to the test and had him fast for one hundred days. I stayed with him myself, when he slept. Walking about or at home, he showed no effects. Now, ordinarily when a man fails to eat for a week, he will die, but Chien actually survived this test. His methods may not necessarily increase longevity, but they do serve to provide a fasting cure for illnesses without the danger of starvation. "Tso Tz'u was skilled in the arts of cultivation in the bedchamber. His methods were of some help in prolonging life, but if the practitioner was not ambitious to the ultimate degree, he would not be able to carry them through. "Kan Shih had the face of a youth although he was very old. All

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FROM THE RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS our fang-shih acknowledged his leadership. But while he talked a great deal, little of what he said had substance. There was simply too much strange talk. I often summoned him to my side, dismissed my followers, and chatted with him, asking about his remote travels. With a benign smile I led him on. With praiseful speech, I drew him out. Shih said to me, 'My first teacher was surnamed Han and styled Shihhsiung. Once I was with him in the Southern Seas, where we were making gold. From the beginning to the end of this process, we counted it repeatedly, and we threw tens of thousands of catties into the sea.' He also said, 'During the Liang period 167 the barbarians of the Western Regions came and offered incense, wool, waist belts, and jadecutting swords. At the time I regretted not having grabbed a few.' And then he said, 'In the western land of Ch'e-shih,168 whenever a child is born they split open its back and remove the spleen. This is done because they want it to eat sparingly and grow to be strong and active.' "Finally he said, 'We got a pair of five-inch-Iong carp. We packed one of the pair with a cooked drug, then threw both of them into boiling fat. The one stuffed with the drug wriggled its tail and beat its gills, swimming as though it were at home in its natural pool. The other fish had already cooked and could be eaten.' When he told me this, I asked him if I could see this last feat demonstrated, and he replied, 'The drug is more than ten thousand miles from here. One must cross the frontier, but there is absolutely no way to get it unless I go myself.' 169 "His words were not limited to these, but it would be impossible to put them all down. So I have only briefly illustrated his tall tales. But had Kan Shih met the Ch'in Emperor Shih-huang or Han Emperor Wu, he might very well have followed in the paths of Hsii Shih and Luan Ta." 170

Postscript P'ei's comment on the chapter: The diagnostic skills of Hua T'o, The musical sounds of Tu K'ui,171 The physiognomic arts of Chu Chien-p'ing,

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The dream divining of Chou Hsuan, And the skillful divinations of Kuan Lu, These are truly unique skills of an arcane realm, The ultimate techniques of extraordinary men. In ancient times, Grand Historian Ssu-ma Ch'ien recorded the "Biographies of Pien Ch'ueh and Duke Ts'ang [Shun-yu I]" and "The Diviners of Lucky Days." It was by means of his record that their unusual stories were broadcast and their strange works recorded. Therefore, I too have preserved these accounts.

Biography from the History of the Chin 1. Tai Yang TAl YANG, styled Kuo-liu, was a native of Ch'ang-ch'eng in the district of Wu-hsing. 1 When he was twelve years old he was taken ill, and he died. But five days later he returned to life. He reported that while he was dead he was commissioned by heaven to be keeper of the wine stores, and that he was given a register of appointment along with feathered pennons and a retinue of attendants. 2 He was about to climb the mountains P'eng-Iai, K'un-Iun, Chi-shih, T'ai-shih, Hengg, Lu, and Heng,3 when he was sent back to mortal life. After his reawakening, an old man he met said to him, "Someday you shall attain the Way and become known to those in high places." As he grew up, he developed skill in divination by Wind Angles. He was vulgar in personality and unmannered, but possessed an avid interest in techniques of the Way and a subtle command of methods of divination and prognostication. When the kingdom of Wu was near its decline, he was appointed a personal attendant to the throne, but he knew the kingdom's days were numbered, so he declined to serve, feigning illness. After Wu was defeated, he returned to his native village. One day on his way to Lai village he passed a shrine to Master LaO.4 He recognized the place as one to which he had been sent long ago, during the time he was dead. All the things he had seen during that earlier visit were gone, so he inquired of the temple guardian, a man by the name of Ying Feng, about them. "Did it not happen some twenty years ago that a

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horseman heading east passed by the figure of Master Lao without dismounting and was consequently thrown from his horse and killed before he even reached the bridge?" The custodian confirmed that such an event had indeed occurred. He confirmed almost everything Yang asked him. 5 One time the governor of Yang province asked Tai Yang to foretell the future. "The Sparkling Deluder [Mars] is entering the Southern Dipper," 6 he replied. "In the eighth month there will be floods. In the ninth month an alien army will come from the southwest." In due time, there was a great flood. Then Shih Ping 7 rebelled. After Shih Ping had occupied Yang, Tai Yang is reported to have said, "This atmosphere in which brigands appear shall disperse within four months." Indeed, everything turned out as he had foretold. At that time Ch'en Min was General of the Right. Sun Hun, magistrate of the city of T'ang-i,8 looked on the general with some envy. Tai Yang said to the magistrate, "Min himself shall become a rebel, with the" result that his entire elan will be wiped out. Why do you envy him?" Before long, Min did indeed rebel and was executed. Before this, Sun had been thinking of relocating his family to his post. Yang cautioned him against the move. "This place will last until the twelfth month, but not past the first of the new year! Why move your family into the center of a rebellion?" Sun was persuaded and did not move them. At the end of that year, Ch'en Min's brother Yung attacked T'ang-i, but since Sun Hun was still not encumbered by his family, he was able to escape the turmoil. Later on, Ma Wu, supervisor of the waterways, appointed Tai Yang to a position within his department. But Yang cited pressing business and de~ elined the offer in order to return to his home. He was on the verge of going to Lo-yang when a spirit appeared to him in a dream and said, "Lo-yang will be overrun and all her citizens will flee south. For five years thereafter, the Son of Heaven will reside in Yang province." Yang heeded the spirit's words and cancelled his planned trip. Everything came about just as he had dreamed it would. Hua T'an, grand protector of Lu-chiang,9 asked Yang who in the realm would be next to rebel. Yang answered, "Wang Chi." Shortly afterward, Wang Chi did rebel. 10 Ch'en Chen asked Yang, "People are saying that the nobles will move south of the river. Are they talking about Ku Yen-hsien and Chou Hsiian-p'ei?" 11 "Ku Yen-hsien will not last until the New Year festivities," Yang an-

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swered. "Chou Hsuan-p'ei will not live to see the eighth month of next year." Indeed, Yen-hsien passed away on the seventeenth of the last month, two days before the festivities. Chou died on the very last day of the seventh month of the following year. When Wang Tao became ill, he summoned Tai Yang to court to consult with him. "Your lordship was born in the year of the monkey (shen). Ordinarily, metal becomes the dominant phase assisted [or masked] by earth. But high up above the shen direction [west], atop Mount Shin-t'ou 12 you have established a forge [exposing metal atop earth]. Its intense light shines into the heavens. Fire and metal interfuse, while fire and water cook together. Because of these factors you have received harm." 13 When Wang Tao moved his headquarters to the eastern quarters, he recovered from his disorders. Chang K'ai, a chancellery attendant in the eastern garrison, promoted Yang to be senior clerk of the chancellery. At that time, Ssu-ma Yang was prefect of W u-ch'eng and was just about to take up his official duties. Yang told him, "You should give serious consideration to retirement." So Ssu-ma quit his office and withdrew from government service. Then Tai Yang pressed him even further: "Although you are in retirement, you will be made a commandery protector and general during the eleventh month." When the predicted time arrived, Ssu-ma Yang was made grand protector of T'ai-shan 14 and general of the garrison. He was selling his house and about to go when Tai Yang checked him, saying, "Should it come about that you cannot reach your destination and have to return, you ought not to be without a house." As events turned out, Ssu-ma Yang was harassed by Hsu K'an and was unable to proceed to his new command. Emperor Yuan then reinforced him with two thousand troops and dispatched him to the aid of Tsu T'i. 15 Tai Yang advised him not to go on this campaign, and so he feigned illness. He was arrested by the imperial guards but soon released in an amnesty. When Emperor Yuan was to be enthroned, he had Tai Yang select a day. Yang decided that the twenty-fourth day of the third month, that is, the forty-third day of the sexagenary cycle (ping-wu), would be most appropriate. Ch'en Cho, the grand astrologer, urged that the twenty-second day of the month, that is, the forty-first day of the cycle, be used instead. He argued, "In ancient times, the King of Yueh used the forty-first day of the cycle (chia-ch'en), occurring in the third month, to return to his own land. Fan Li agreed, saying that before the ascendancy of yang, those in the po-

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sition of lord should all go out, leaving upper and lower stations unoccupied. In this way, the virtuous are out and away while punishing influences enter the palace. The situation is the same here." "The King of Yiieh had been imprisoned by Wu," Yang countered. "Although his attitude was outwardly compliant, still he harbored feelings of bitterness and anger. Fan Li selected the forty-first day so the king could take advantage of the ascendant influences to return to his kingdom, leaving punishing forces in the Wu palace. At present, our illustrious ruler harbors no such plan within, nor does he reveal bitterness or hatred outwardly. He has accepted the august mandate of heaven, and is to receive heaven's boundless blessings.. Why should you harken to this tale of exile and detention that befell the King of Yiieh?" With this argument, the emperor heeded Yang's advice. 16 When Tsu Yiieh 17 replaced his brother at the Ch'iao garrison,18 he asked Tai Yang to be assistant director in the military section of the state' office. On the seventeenth cyclic day (keng-ch'en) 19 of the fourth month of the first year of the Yung-ch'ang reign [322]: there was a great wind from the southeast that broke apart trees. Yang said to Yiieh, "In the fourth month, there will be bandits to the east of here, reaching as far as Li-yang,20 and in the south there will be rebels." The chief scribe, Wang Chen, thought that Yang was a demon, so he persuaded Tsu Yiieh to arrest him, put him in prison, and deprive him of food for fifty days. Still, Yang held adamantly to what he had said before. Tsu Yiieh then realized that Yang had the powers of a spirit, so he pardoned him and assigned him to Wang Chen. Later on, when Chen had committed an offense and was arrested, Yang interceded' on his behalf. Tsu Yiieh said, "There was a time when Wang Chen brought charges against you. Yet you ask pardon on his behalf now." Tai Yang replied, "Wang Chen does not understand divination by Wind Angles. He had no grudge against me. Quite to the contrary, one time in the past he was starving. I cared for him and restored him to health. But he has already forgotten about it. Indeed, when one is situated in the midst of wealth it is very difficult not to abandon the poor." Tsu Yiieh was struck by Yang's words and forgave Wang Chen. He rewarded Yang with thirty piculs of rice. Just as Tai Yang had predicted, on the third day of the tenth month, Shih Lo'S21 cavalry appeared to the east of Ch'iao. Yang said to Tsu Yiieh, "The band is headed for the city of Ch'eng-fu. 22 If you send cavalry south

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of the river to pursue them and have the infantry cut off their main strategic route to the north side, the robbers are bou~d to be defeated." But in the end, Yiieh did not give chase, and the robbers snatched the women and provisions of Ch'eng-fu and fled. When Yiieh's general, Lu Yen, sought permission to pursue them, Yang advised against it. This time Yiieh again ignored his warning and sent his nephew Chih along with Lu Yen to overtake the band. The robbers pretended to abandon the women and the provisions and run away. Then, while Chih, Lu Yen, and the others fought over the booty, the robbers mounted a surprise counterattack. Chih and Lu Yen were barely able to escape with their lives, and all their troops were killed. Tsu Yiieh submitted a memorial recommending that Yang becomethe , commander at Hsia-i city.23 At the time, the people of the kingdom of ' Liang were rebelling and had driven out the grand warden, Yiian Yen. The capital of Liang was situated in a mountainous place. Tsu Yiieh wanted to invade it, but he had not made up his mind. Yang said, "Those brigands rebelled on the fifty-eighth day of the cycle (hsin-yu), the twentieth day of the eighth month. The sun and the Chronographic Star [Mercury]24 are both in the ascendant. The powers of [the heavenly stem] hsin wax in the southern quarter, while the powers of yu are waning. Now, Liang is north of Ch'iao, so by taking advantage of the waxing to attack the waning you are sure to destroy the brigands. Also, on the sixtieth day of the cycle (shentzu), two days after the brigands rebelled, winds arose in the east and thunder passed to the west. Since Ch'iao is in the southeast, thunder advanced before our troops, meaning that our troops will triumph. In the past, when the forces of Wu attacked Kuan Yii, they had the thunder of heaven before them. Chou Yii won plaudits for his victory.25 The situation is the same now; so I know you will prevail." Yiieh followed his advice, and the city of Liang was pacified. In the first month of the third year of the T'ai-ning reign [325], a large comet passed to the southeast. Yang said, "In the autumn, Your Honor should move your base to Shou-yang."26 When Wang Tun rebelled, Yiieh asked Yang if he would be victorious. Yang answered, "Grand White [Venus] is in the eastern quarter, whereas the Chronographic Star has not appeared. According to the theory of warfare, the first to mobilize and attack is the active agent, and the side which reacts is the passive. If the Chronographic Star were to appear, Grand White would be the active agent and

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the Chronographic Star the passive. If the Chronographic Star does not appear, then Grand White is the passive agent. Now, the side that mobilizes and attacks first will be defeated. At present in the skies there is only a passive agent and not an active one. There is initial action, but no subsequent action. It would be appropriate for you to order the preparation of your troops to answer the summons and attack the enemy."27 So Tsu Yiieh led his troops toward Ho-fei. 28 Suddenly, Wang Tun died and his forces were defeated. Yiieh camped at Shou-yang. Yang told him, "There will be military action between the Huai River and the Yangtze. The city of Ch'iao is defenseless. It is best that you return there and fortify your position. If you fail to do so, then Yung-ch'iu and P'ei 29 will no longer be yours." Yiieh ignored this warning, and so areas of Yii 30 were captured by the rebels. In the spring of the first year of the Hsien-ho reign [326], Tsu Yiieh went on a tour of his tenant lands. He encountered a tremendous thunderstorm coming from the southwest. Yang interpreted this: "The sky thunders in the southwest on the first day of the sexagenary cycle chia-tzu. A great general will be lost this summer." When summer came, the people of Junan rebelled. They captured Yiieh's older brother's son, Chi, and sent him to Shih LO.31 Within Yiieh's own district, the earth was suddenly stained red as cinnabar. Yang said, "According to the Proofs of the Efficacy of the Yellow River Charts,32 'When the earth is red and slick as blood, then inferior shall turn against superior.' I am afraid that on the twenty-seventh day of the tenth month, the horses of northern barbarians shall drink from the. waters of the H uai. " At the stated time, a large contingent of Shih Lo's cavalry arrived [from the west] and waged a fierce battle against the city. There was a westerly wind that day, and the fires of war broke out everywhere. Yiieh was terrified, but fortunately the wind shifted and the attackers withdrew. Then it was rumored that Shih La would send cavalry to attack Shou-yang. Yiieh wanted to send his family back southeast of the Yangtze, but Yang said, "The rumored attack will not occur." Before long, the rumor was indeed proven false. Early in the Hsien-ho reign [326-334], a halo appeared around the moon as it lodged in Horn [Spica in Virgo]. It contained rings of red and white. 33 Yiieh asked Yang about this and was told, "Horn is the gate of heaven which opens upon the Way of yang. There shall be a great upheaval

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE CHIN

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in official circles." Shortly thereafter, Suo Chiin sent a messenger to Yiieh, calling upon him to join Su in a rebellion. Yang advised, "Su will surely be defeated, but his vanguard troops mobilized at the onset cannot be matched. It is best to feign submission while maintaining within a firm resolve against him until his fortunes change." But Yiieh did not heed this advice. Rather he followed along with Su and rebelled. In the fifth month of the third year [328], a great thunderstorm came out of the northwest, darkening the entire city. Yang said to Yiieh, "When thunder peals above the people, its message is clear. You should keep sycophants away from you and honest men nearby. You should care for those under you and provide for the poor. In ancient times, Ch'in experienced such transformations [of which thunderstorms were a manifestation] and ended up in chaos and doom." Yiieh was infuriated at this comparison, and he had Yang arrested and put into chains. Then he sent Brigadier General Li Kai to lead his troops to Lu-chiang. They were completely routed. Yiieh then called for Tai Yang's release and spoke with him. "Which course would be best for me? I can return southeast of the Yangtze, I can remain in Shou-yang, or I can go north to join the barbarians." "You will lose half of your forces if you go southeast," Yang replied. "If you join the barbarian side, your own family wil1 be obliterated. You might survive if you remain in Shou-yang." But Yiieh insisted on going [south] to Li-yang. His troops were unhappy at the prospect of a march across the river and revolted. After kidnapping Yiieh's older sister and sisterin-law, they fled to join Shih Lo. When Yiieh arrived at Li-yang, Tsu Huan questioned Tai Yang: "Long ago, you said that if the west were pacified, we could remain at Shou-yang for five years. It turned out exactly as you predicted. How long, then, will we be able to hold Li-yang?" Yang replied, "We will have but six months." Then Huan continued, "Now that you are here, how do you find the aura of this place?" Yang replied, "There will be more uprisings. In the third month of next year, you will have peace. In Chiang province, there will be a great loss. Later, there will be still more military activity in the south, one thousand Ii from here." Soon Ch'ien Teng rebelled against Yiieh. Yiieh led his family aDd relatives in a flight to Shih Lo. In the second month, the Son of Heaven was reinstated. In the fourth month, Wen-chiao died. Kuo Mo 34 occupied

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P'en-k'ou 35 and staged a rebellion from there. Later, Shih Lo executed Tsu Yiieh and his entire clan, just as Tai Yang had predicted. After the demise of Tsu Yiieh, Tai Yang returned to Hsiin-yang. 36 At that time, the Hsiin-yang garrison was under the control of Liu Yin. Yin asked Tai Yang if his illness would be cured. Yang answered, "I am not concerned that your illness will not improve, but I am concerned about a grave danger that will confront you this year. You are now forty-seven years old, and you are entering the twenty-seventh year of the sexagenary cycle (keng-yin). In the Arcane Strategies of the Great Lord (T'ai-kung yin-mo), 37 it says, 'In the six keng periods, the White Tiger stars are above, and visitor stars are below. Thus there is baneful ch'i,' The conjunction of the year and your born fate bodes misfortune. Beware of the twenty-second day of the twelfth month, which is the twenty-seventh day of the sexagenary cycle. Do not receive visitors." 38 Liu Yin said, "I should disengage myself from my office and have you return with me to my private retreat to treat my illness." Yang responded, "You should stay in Chiang province and not retire from office." Then Liu Yin asked, "Will Wen-kung reappear?" 39 Yang answered, "Even if it should reemerge, you should remain steadfast in Chiang province." Events afterward turned out as Tai Yang had predicted. On the fifty-first day of the sexagenary cycle (chia-yin) in the ninth month, during the ninth hour a whirlwind came from the east, entered the barge of Liu Yin's son, and then passed to the west. It looked like a piece of soft, white silk, some fifty to sixty feet high. Yang said, "This wind has, de'scended from the constellation Hsien-ch'ih and is bound for a point below the constellation She-t'i. 40 Its origin in Hsien-ch'ih portends the appearance of armed soldiers who will slaughter throughout the region. There will be a bloodbath. In the ninth hour of the first day of the new cycle, ten days from now, a large number of bones will collect within the district. Bury them." Yin asked exactly where this would happen. Yang replied, "It will not be outside the city gates." Yin had the eastern gates of the city buttressed. Yang continued his prediction: "The Celestial Prison 41 is in the east. When the gate below it opens, one must fear that the Celestial Warden is near."42 On the seventeeth day of the twelfth month, Yang said, "As the festival of the solstice approaches you should close the gate. Have fifty men ready to guard it. Further, you should have one hundred men prepare for the arrival of the new moon in the northeast in order to dispel the baneful ch'i," Yin

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refused to heed this warning, and on the twenty-ninth day of the cycle [ie~­ ch'en] he was killed by Kuo Mo. General of the Southern Guard Huan Hsiian appointed Tai Yang to his command. Yang was about to follow Huan to Hsiang-yang,43 but was detained at Wu-ch'ang by T'ao K'an, the grand commandant. T'ao K'an was at that point in time planning a campaign to the north. Yang said, "The year before last, in the eleventh month, the Sparkling Deluder hovered on guard between the lunar lodgings Stomach and Mane. 44 By the fourth month of this year, more than five hundred days will have passed. Mao's terrestrial correspondent region is Chao. Shih Lo will die. In the seventh month, the Sparkling Deluder will recede from the right of the lunar lodging Net and cross the ecliptic. 45 On the twenty-second day of the eighth month, before it has reached Celestial Gate,46 it will go into retrograde motion, proceed in an arc past Net, and head back toward Mane. Mane and Net are the frontier forces that control the barbarians. Therefore the Celestial Bow 47 is set to strike them. The Sparkling Deluder in retrograde motion controls the kingdom lacking virtue. This portends the death of Shih Hung.48 From this time on, the remaining light of Shih Lo's force will weaken and decline. "This year your fortune, the Year Star [Jupiter], and its counter body' will be in triple juxtaposition on the thirtieth day of the sexagenary cycle (kuei-ssu). Kuei signifies the north, so the north shall encounter disaster. The Year Star and the Quelling Star [Saturn] will meet in the lunar lodgings Wing and Axeltree. 49 For six years, from the year of the rat to the year ?f the snake, they will hover in that region. 50 The terrestrial correspondent regions are Ching and Ch'u. The states protected by the Year Star and the Quelling Star shall flourish. Is this not a sign of your merit and virtue? In the sixth month of this year, the Quelling Star will advance to the lunar lodgings Horn and Gullet. 51 These two have as their terrestrial correspon'dent region Cheng. As the Year Star proceeds into the lunar lodging Chamber,52 Grand White will be in Heart. 53 Heart and Chamber have as their terrestrial correspondent regions the state of Sung. Whoever acts in accord with these indications will prosper. He who opposes them will perish. If Shih Hu 54 raises an army and invades the southeast he shall meet his end. Should you respond to heaven with a retaliatory campaign and move directly to occupy Honan, no one would be able to stand against you. Should you not avail yourself of this heaven-sent opportunity, you would encounter personal calamity."

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K'an was determined to recover the central plains. When he heard this interpretation he was greatly pleased. But at the time he was very ill, and died without achieving any of his plans. After T'ao K'an's death, General of the Western Campaign Yii Liang assumed control of the garrison at Wu-ch'ang. He asked Tai Yang to test the aura of the place. Yang responded, "There is a white ch'i in the sky. Death will move to the east. In a few years, this portent will be fulfilled." Shortly thereafter, a large deer was seen approaching the western gate of the city. Yang said, "A wild beast approaching the city means that its master will depart." During the night, families tb the east of the city saw a number of torches emerge from within the city walls. Following was what appeared to be a large chariot covered in a white cloth. The chariot and the torches together left the city and headed for the northeast. All traces of the· procession disappeared when it reached the Yangtze River. When this was reported to Yang, he sighed and said, "This is the white ch'i that I described some time ago." Yii Liang wanted to go west to garrison Shih-ch'eng. Someone asked Tai Yang, "Would it be better to advance westward than to stay in the east?" Yang replied that it would not. In the third year of the Hsien-k'ang reign [337], Yang said to Yii Liang, "The terrain around Wu-ch'ang is hilly, but it is lacking in forests. A stratagem for successful governance can be planned and initiated here, but it cannot be brought to a successful conclusion. The shape of a mountain resembles the graph for 'eight' (pa), but it cannot approach nine. In former times, Wu advanced to this location in the thirty-ninth year of the sexagenary cycle [222, kui-mao] and established its capital city. It retreated to Mo-ling in the forty-sixth year [229, chi-yu] Lord Tao [Fan Li] also sojourned here for eight years. There are regular cycles for a region to flourish and decline, just as there are regular times for the people to cleave to a ruler with their hearts and regular times to abandon him. These regularities cannot be altered. It would be best for you to choose a more auspicious place. You cannot remain here at Wu-ch'ang for long." 55 Two years later, Yii Liang had Mao Pao take the city of Chu 56 and occupy it. In the ninth year, Tai Yang said to him, 'Governor Mao will be killed this year. Yesterday morning a thick fog rolled in, and that was followed by a clear wind. Disaffected rebel troops seeking revenge will lay siege to the nobles. It is best to search for them over a broad area." Mao asked when all of this would take place. Yang answered, "Within

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fifty days." That evening he continued with this prediction: "This month, during the full moon, the Red Bird will abruptly take flight. 57 Campaigning armies will turn about, torch flames glowing from their chariots. Heaven will manifest its support and calamity will break out in the east wi~g of the house. Leaves will fall and return to the root. I fear there will be future calamities. " The following morning he said, "The fire last evening was not auspicious for the state. This year when you built a house it caused you to become ill. Because of this fire, you should move your household across the Yangtze River. If you do so, there should be no further cause for complaint." So Mao Pao moved his wife and children back to Wu-ch'ang. Soon they heard that the rebels were about to attack the city. Yang told him, "On the twenty-fourth day of the sexagenary cycle (tinghai) in the tenth month, the rebels will arrive at midnight. Stem is master; branch is servant. The stem ting indicates an advance on a western district. The branch hai indicates that the city is Chu. Now, the rebels are protected by the spirit Kung Ts'ao. 58 In addition, at the time tzu in the tenth month, Water is king and Wood is minister. When the ch'i of king and minister are combined, the rebels will come. Yin is the number seven; tzu is the number nine. 59 There will be no more than nine thousand of them and no less than seven thousand. The spirit Tsung Kuei 60 corresponds to the nobility. To this we add the stem ting, indicating that inferior overcomes superior, and there will be'a futile loss. The rebels will not dare enter Wu-ch'ang." Subsequently, the rebels indeed captured the city of Chu, but afterward they dispersed. 61 Yli Liang asked Tai Yang if this meant that Shih-ch'eng would be lost. Yang responded, "The rebels will proceed from An-Iu toward Shih-ch'eng. This is in opposition to Grand White and will be detrimental to them. There is no cause for your personal concern." Then Liang said, "Why does heaven send succor to the barbarians and visit physical disorders upon me?" Yang replied, "Heavenly signs cover waxing and waning fortunes. A particular area flourishes at one time, and at another time it does not. This year, there are three noxious influences coinciding on the thirty-sixth day of the sexagenary cycle (chi-hai). Chi indicates the realm; hai indicates the barbarians. Shih Hu shall also be killed. Now, therefore, we must not concern ourselves with the bandits but rather concern ourselves with your disorders."

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Liang said, "That being the case, what prescription will make me well?" Yang answered, "Chiang province is under attack and Chiang province is devastated. You must remove yourself from these regions." Liang said, "If I do so, will I then be saved?" Yang replied, "I am afraid it is too late for you. Your recovery is unlikely." Yii Liang was never able to get out of the region. He became very ill. 62 Yang said, "Back in the days of Su Chiin, you prayed for blessings at White Shrine and pledged to sacrifice an ox. 63 To this day, that pledge has not been fulfilled. This is the reason the ghosts have investigated and passed judgment." Liang said, "What you say is true. You are a man of divine powers." Someone asked Yang how long Yii Liang might expect to live. Yang predicted, "He will live to see the coming year." But Yii Liang could no longer recognize the people around him, and everyone thought this prediction was wildly optimistic. Nevertheless, it was on the first day of the new year that he died. Yii Chi succeeded Liang, and Tai Yang made many divinations for him. After a short time, Tai Yang himself died, at an age of over eighty years. The predictions he made were innumerable. 64

Notes

Introduction 1. In most dynastic histories, the title "Fang-chi" (Fang technologies) is used for the chapter title. 2. In contrast to the common translation of Rites of Chou, I use the Progra,ms of Chou to suggest the inclusion of both the structure of government and the protocols of administration in the work. 3. For a more detailed. discussion of the etymology and evolution of the name, see DeWoskin 1981:79-86. 4. See Loewe 1974, Bilsky 1975, and Shyrock 1936 for the history of these developments. It is questionable to what extent the Ju-ist guardians of official orthodoxy actually were scholars of Confucian texts. I will use the term Ju-ist, rather than Confucian, when referring to them. 5. These are the two entertainments most frequently described in the biographies. "Guessing the Contents" or "Shoot for the Contents" requires the fang-shih to identify objects concealed under a cover, which he does by recourse to rhabdomancy and-analysis of hexagrams. Kuan Lu is a latter-day master of this art, first popularized by Tung-fang Shuo's famous gecko detection (see note 110 to the Biographies from the Records of the Three Kingdoms). "Shrinking the World" requires the fang-shih to travel great distances within a short span of time. It is a reflection of relativist ideas both in the early Taoist textual tradition (e.g., Chuang-tzu's account of Lieh-tzu and other realized men riding the winds or the changes themselves) and in the shamanic tradition (e.g., the assertion that the shaman can make a spiritual flight of unlimited span). The fang-shih documents his travels by passing messages on to distant emissaries or fetching exotic foods and spices. Both these entertainments complemented the fang-shih's ready wit to make him a desirable dinner guest. 6. See note 2 to Biographies from the History of the Later Han. 7. See the translation of Fan Yeh's introduction at the beginning of the text for the role these texts play in legitimizing the fang-shih practices. 8. Watson 1961: 2:25-26. 9. Most of this biography is translated and the other available textual material discussed in Needham 1954: 2:232 ff. 10. For a detailed discussion of the materials and procedures, see Keightley 1978:3-27. 11. Duke Hsi, fifth year, my translation; for another, see Legge 1872: 5: 142-44. 12. Naito 1949:80-81. 13. For a detailed discussion, see Watson 1958:40-69.

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NOTES: INTRODUCTION

14. For a concise description of these developments in the history of the Athenian calendar, see Mikalson 1975. 15. Keightley 1978:13, note 48. 16. Book of Changes, "Great Commentary," 1:10. The relevant line is quoted in Fan Yeh's introduction to the biographies from the History of the Later Han. The same broad notion of the use of prognostication is echoed in Han thinkers like Ying Shao and Wang Fu. 17. Keightley 1978:54-56. 18. Eberhard 1957. 19. Watson 1974:79-106. 20. For a concise introduction to these ideas as they flourished in Tang times, with reference to earlier periods, see Schafer 1977, chapters "Cosmogony," pp. 21-33, and "Astrology," pp. 54-119. 21. For a detailed explanation of the correspondences, see Schafer 1977: 54- 56. 22. Needham 1954: 2:239. 23. Major 1978:1, 9-13. 24. Hsii Fu-kuan 1961 develops this hypothesis in detail. Nathan Sivin has called my attention to serious flaws in the historical evidence linking Tsou Yen and the five phases (private correspondence). 25. The names of these factions derive from positions they took on the question of classical texts, with New Text advocates preferring an edition of the pre-Han cl~ssics transcribed from oral accounts, Old Text advocates preferring editions of ancient texts allegedly discovered in the wall of Confucius' house. For details on the many facets to this division, see Fung Yulan 1952: 1:200 ff. 26. Fung Yu-Ian 1952: 2:139-46. 27. For an informative comparison of two Six Dynasties commentaries on the Changes, those of Juan Chi and Wang Pi, see Holzman 1976:93-99. 28. Watson 1961: 2:32. 29. Ibid., pp. 41-43. 30. In the chapter on "Ancient Sages" (Shang hsien) of the Liu-t'ao, the advisor presents the king with a comprehensive program of rulership, structured in a series of numbered "do and don't" sets that contain cautions for avoiding the banes of the masses. Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an edition, 1. 7b. 31. Schafer 1951. 32. For an interesting study of divination by bird calls and bird activities in Tibet, see Laufer 1914. A recently collected folktale reported by Eberhard is entitled "K'ung Yeh-ch'ang Understands the Language of Birds." Eberhard 1968:83-86. 33. Eliade 1964. See esp. his discussion of ornithomorphic elements in shaman costumes, pp. 156-58. 34. K. C. Chang 1981:540-46. 35. See Biographies from the History of the Later Han #5. The same tale is found in Kan Pao's In Search of the Supernatural, 1.17, and is attacked by Ying Shao in his Comprehensive Meanings of Mores and Customs (Feng-su t'ung-i), 2 (Correcting Errors). Ying Shao studies the origin of the Prefect of Yeh Shrine and critically recounts the popular Wang Ch'iao tale. 36. DeWoskin 1981:87-98. 37. Ch'en Yin-k'o 1930. 38. Records of the Grand Historian, chap. 105. (Not translated in Watson, but in Bridgman 1952). 39. Watson 1958:63.

NOTES: INTRODUCTION

169

40. Both men are described as experts in the Book of Changes: Commentary of Ching Fang or the apocryphal texts. For a biography of Chang Hua, see Straughair 1973. Kan Pao, though primarily known as the official compiler in the history office of Eastern Chin Emperor Ylian (317-323), appears often as a yin-yang interpreter of omens. He is involved in over twenty cases in the "Treatise on the Five Phases" in the History of the Chin. A typical example recounts the mysterious appearance of a two-legged wild beast during the T'ai-k'ang reign (280290) of Chin Emperor Wu. Kan Pao interpreted this as a portent of disorder in the ruling house. For another example see note 7 to the Biography from the History of the Chin. 41. A study of the development of the terminology and concepts for Tung-fang Shuo's kind of wit is in Pokora 1972b. 42. This is not stated with sufficient clarity by Ngo Van Xuyet, whose descriptions of techniques depend on sources much later than the biographies he translates; Ngo Van 1976:16595. 43. Han archeological finds have proceeded with such frequen~y as to make a bibliography of reports impractical here. Reports of the major finds and the ,research in progress are found in Wen-wu (Cultural Artifacts) and Kao-gu (Archeology). A recent study of Han religious practices that uses excavated materials is Loewe 1979. Loewe includes a comparative analysis of six shih divining boards that highlights the geometric associations of the various Han count-' ing systems, pp. 204-8. The apocrypha are introduced at length by Tjan Tjoe Som (1949), and the massive job of redacting the Han apocrypha was done under the editorship of Yasui Kazan and Nakamura Shahachi (1971). 44. Another general discussion of divination techniques is found in Needham 1954: 2:34664, under the topic of pseudoscience. 45. R. Wilhelm 1967, esp. pp. xlix-liv and 721-24. For detailed information on the structure and evolution of the text, see Shchutskii 1979. 46. For primary sources in which these techniques are mentioned, see DeWoskin 1981. 47. Watson 1961: 2:14. 48. Schafer 1977:26-27. 49. Van Gulik 1961:70-71. 50. DeWoskin 1981:102. 51. In Kuan Lu's biography, note the skills and achievements cited by Chao K'ung-yao in his recommendation of Kuan Lu to Governor P'ei Shih-chlin. 52. See Sivin's (1981) discussion of hagiographic bias in his review of Needham's Science and Civilization, no. 5, part 3. 53. Wang Yao 1973:153-55. 54. For a detailed discussion of the relationship between history and fiction and emerging tenets of historiography in the Six Dynasties, see DeWoskin 1977a. A recent translation of one of Liu's key chapters is Sargent 1982. 55. Sivin (1979:57-60) provides a chart of thirty-six great scientists from premodern China, six of whom are· included in fang-chi chapters of the dynastic histories. 56. Ssu-ma Ch'ien was castrated as punishment for his defense of a general whom Emperor Wu believed to be a coward and traitor. Watson 1958:54, 60-62. 57. Watson 1961: 2:438n. 58. For a general discussion of this chapter and the light it sheds on the fang-shih's role in both the public ceremonial pursuits of the emperor and his private life, see Ord 1967:80102. 59. A translation of the biography of Hsiang K'ai from the History of the Later Han is in deCrespigny 1976. 60. For a translation of Tso T'zu's chih-kuai biography, see DeWoskin 1977b.

170

NOTES: INTRODUCTION

61. Eotechnic craftsmanship contrasts with modern machine-age craftsmanship in that the former involves total education ofthe body and spirit of the learner. Needham 1954: 2:12223. 62. The preface, putatively written by Ko Hung, is taken from the Lung-wei pi-shu edition of the Shen-hsien-chuan. 63. DeWoskin 1977a:32-33. 64. Complete charts of the biographies are found in Bielenstein 1953:24-40. The quotation is on p. 40. . 65. Sivin (1969:64-66) reports that the development of the Quarter Day system by Li Fan led to the abandonment of the Jupiter cycle for numbering years by the end of the first century A.D. The Supernal Manifestation system, developed by Liu Heng about A.D. 180, replaced models of simple, cyclical phenomena with improved models, incorporating lunar and solar inequalities, that dramatically improved the proportion of confirmed eclipse predictions. 66. Bielenstein 1953:9-20, reviewed in deCrespigny 1976:9-10 and note 12. 67. Ku Chieh-kang 1962: part II. 68. See note 14 to the Biographies from the History of the Later Han. 69. History of the Former Han, 25b. Ku Yung's biography is found in chiian 85. 70. The Five Classics were the Six Classics minus the Classic of Music, which was not extant in the Han. The five included the Book of Changes, Book of Documents (Shu-ching), Book of Odes (Shih-ching), the Li texts, including the Book of Ceremonial (I-Ii) and Programs of Chou, and the Spring and Autumn Annals. 71. History of the Former Han, 25b. 72. Ku Chieh-kang 1962: part II. 73. Ch'en P'an 1948:33-38; Loewe 1974. 74. Bielenstein 1973:44-81, esp. pp. 67, 73. 75. Sargent 1982:27. 76. Imperial Digest of the T'ai-p'ing Era (T'ai-p'ing yii-lan), chiian 720-37. The stories are arranged according to the type of art practiced, with each chapter devoted to a group of specialties. From this encyclopedia and its companion, Comprehensive Records of the T'ai-p'ing Era (T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi), to the vast encyclopedia of the Ch'ing Dynasty, The Completion of Graphic and Written Records (T'u-shu chi-ch'eng), virtually all such compilations devoted a considerable amount of space to fang-shih lives. Encyclopedias were the main instruments for preservation of early biographical accounts outside the dynastic histories. 77. Chih-;en stories especially, which focused on unique and interesting individuals, continued to be written in great number. A representative collection is Wu Shu's Records of Strange Characters of the Chiang-huai Region (Chiang-huai i-jen chih), written during the Sung Dynasty. The biographies of the 25 fang-shih are clearly descendants of those in the early histories. One story, that of a female fang-shih by the name of Keng Hsien-sheng, is translated in Needham 1954: 5.3:169-70.

Biographies from the

History of the Later Han I. Book ofChanges, "Great Commentary," 1: 10. This was quoted above in the introduction. My translation here differs from Wilhelm 1967:316.

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

171

2. The memorial classics, also referred to as the Three Memorials, are a triad of scriptures ascribed to the sage rulers, Fu Hsi, Shen Nung, and the Yellow Sovereign. The three are mentioned in the Tso-chuan, Duke Chao, 12th year (Legge 1872: 5:641). 3. The Yellow River Chart and Lo River Script are two mythical signs for which a number of diverse and contradictory historical records exist. The most detailed Han account is found in an apocryphal text for the Book of Documents called the Chung-hou. According to that text, sage-emperor Yao tossed a jade disk into the Lo River, and a dark tortoise emerged. On its back was a script in red patterns and vermilion characters. Yao made an altar at that spot. A similar story is told of sage-emperor Shun, who tossed a jade disk into the Yellow River. A yellow dragon emerged with a scroll on his back. In other accounts, other sage rulers- receive the texts, and the dragon is often interpreted to be a dragon-like horse. In light of the various legends, Needham concludes that the two were ancient diagrams about which Han magical and divinatory material crystallized (Needham 1954: 3:56-57; Yasui 1971). Although the signs are mentioned in the Analects, the Book ofDoc.uments, Mo-tzu, Chuangtzu, and other pre-Han texts, the earliest actual diagrams extant today cannot be dated before the Sung. These generally involve the trigrams or solid and empty dots, displayed in an arithmetically significant grid, correlated with the cardinal directions, the five phases, and other number systems. Saso (1978) discusses the historical documentation and the evolution of the diagrams. There is, however, disagreement with his terminology and many of his geneJalizations. Irrespective of the aut~enticity and antiquity of the diagrams that presently grace the covers of almanacs and divination manuals, the sense of the Chart and Script that emerges from all the early descriptive accounts is that they presented to the early sages a model of patterned order. The signs on the backs of the mythical creatures might ~ell have been the marking of their shells or scales, showing the same geometric symmetry that helped make the plastron of the turtle treasured for divinational purposes. A common theme linking these stories and others involving the recognition of patterns is the sage discovering in nature some design that provides him with a conceptual device for putting the complexities of life into intelligible order. The mythic hero Fu Hsi, for example, was credited with distilling the trigrams from patterns he observed in heaven and on earth. The patterns are schemata of the structure and processes of nature, templates that might be imposed on the nine continents, the five directions, the five phases, the seasons, and so forth. In all cases their virtue is in their simplicity, their regularity, their universality, and their repeatability. 4. Chi-tzu was a sage minister associated with the "Great Plan" (Hung-fan), a numerological chapter included among the books of Chou in the Book of Documents. Some versions credit him with authorship of another chapter of the Documents; others have him transmitting the plan as it was received by Wi, controller of the floods. The plan describes the earth as being divided into nine continents, and continues to provide a series of correlated phenomena. 5. Shih-k'uang was a music master, diviner, and strategist from the mid-Chou period serving the state of Chin. His exploits are widely alluded to in pre-Han texts, including the Mencius and the Tso-chuan, and he is mentioned in the biography of Kuan Lu (Biographies from the Records of the Three Kingdoms # 1). His specialty was the interpretation of sound and music to illuminate the moral state and military strength of Chin's adversaries (Tso-chuan; Duke Hsiang, years 14, 18, 18, 26, 30; Legge 1872: 5:466-67, 478, 479, 523, 556). The bibliography of the History of the Former Han lists a collection of writings with his name, the Shih-k'uang, in six chapters. 6. Yii-ch'ien pien and the Liu-t'ao yao-chiieh are apparently two early classics on military arts, both of which emphasize divination. Neither book may be positively identified, and there

172

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

are no bibliographic references to the first. But the title appears to be used in a generic sense for books on military arts. The second is probably the Liu-t'ao of Lii Wang, advisor to Kings Wu and Wen of the Chou Dynasty. The text is alternately known as the T'ai-kung liu-t'ao. 7. Brief explanations of most of these are given in the introduction above. 8. Analects (Shu-er), 7:21. 9. Analects (T'ai-po), 8:9. 10. Wang Liang and Sun Hsien were both Han officials who were promoted by Emperor Kuang-wu (A.D. 25-56) because omens were interpreted predicting their promotions; see HHS, chap. 22, "Biography of Ching Tan." 11. Ssu-ma Ch'ien, in recounting his father's life, quotes a brief work written by him, "Discussion of the Essentials of the Six Schools," which includes this criticism of Yin-yang School thinkers. Watson 1958:44. The "Inner Studies" is a general term for esoterica, including secret texts of arts as well as esoteric commentaries on the standard classics, e.g., the Inner Tradition of the Book of Changes. For a study of the contents of "Inner Texts" (tien), see Ku Yen-wu, Jih-chih-lu (chap. 18). 12. Book of Rites (Li-chi), (Ching-chieh), 27: 1. The quotation is attributed to Confucius, who has just made the observation "When one enters a state, one can know [the quality of] its education." In other words, the Odes could make one excessively uncritical. 13. Book ofChanges, "Great Commentary," 2:8. A similar utterance is in Mencius (Chinhsin), 2: 11. 14. Lang I is mentioned in the introduction. He was the second generation in his family of scholars of the Book of Changes: Commentary of Ching Fang, Wind Angles, Astral Calculations, and other fang-shih arts. His father, Tsung, was more clearly associated with fang-shih than was I, and resigned his office and slipped away into hiding when summoned by the emperor. I is described as transmitter of his father's teachings but equally versed in the orthodox classics. In A.D. 133, the emperor sent imperial carriages to bring Lang I to court. His biography contains several memorials illustrating his prognostication theories, and he is credited with several books, among them a commentary on the Book of Changes (HHS, chap. 30b). Chang Heng (A.D. 78-139) was a great mathematician and astronomer of the Later Han who is credited with the invention of astronomical and seismographic instruments (HHS, chap. 89). Among the others referred to who became known by means of such arts are Hsiang K'ai, Ts'ai Yung, and Yang Hou. 15. Lung-chou prefecture in Szechwan. Subsequent place names will be briefly identified with modern equivalents. For more detailed descriptions, see Rogers 1968:307-38, "Glossary of Place Names." 16. Hsi-ch'ang prefecture in Szechwan. 17. The location of Mount Tzu-kung is unknown. 18. Kung-sun Shu was an official under the last Han emperor before the interregnum of Wang Mang. During Wang Mang's reign, he escaped to the Szechwan area, where he declared himself King of Shu and eventually declared himself emperor, with his capital at Ch'eng-tu. After the Han reclaimed power, Kung-sun Shu was executed on orders of Emperor Kuang-wu (HHS, chap. 13). 19. Wu-tan is a mountain near Ch'eng-tu. According to tradition, buried on Wu-tan was a transvestite who had become a favored consort of the King of Shu. She suffered an untimely death and was buried in a splendid grave with a large polished stone reflector. The splitting of boulders is a frequently reported anomaly, often interpreted as the "speaking" of boulders. Its unambiguous import is present or impending disaster for the ruling house.

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

173

For additional examples, see the biography of Kuan Lu (Biographies from the Records of the

Three Kingdoms, #1). 20. I referred generally to the Szechwan region. 21. Hsin-hsi prefecture in Honan. 22. Tung-hai was the general region of the Shantung peninsula. 23. Book of Rites (Ch'u-li), 1:5. 24. Erudite is an honorary designation bestowed on scholars. I have used the word "rank," though there is no implication of formal criteria for the assumption of such designations. In the case of fang-shih, they were often used to assure a subject of imperial summons that he would occupy a position of respect at court. The four ranks commonly extended to fang-shih included Erudite (Po-shih), Sage and Upright (Fang-cheng), Filial and Incorruptible (Hsiaolien), and Master of the Way (Yu-tao). 25. Remote fire extinguishing is a variant of "Shrinking the World." For another case, see Fan Ying's biography, # 13 in the Biographies from the History of the Later Han. 26. Wei Hsiao had amassed an army during the declining years of Wang Mang's rule. After the Han regained power, he aligned himself with Emperor Kuang-wu and helped Kuangwu quell the Red Eyebrow rebellion that threatened the newly restored dynasty. But he later rebelled against the Han, joining forces with Kung-sun Shu. 27. Toward Kansu in the northwest. 28. The Honan region. 29. A nomadic people along China's northern borders who posed a constant threat to the Han settlers on the frontier and were frequent targets of Han pacification campaigns. Ssu-ma Ch'ien wrote a detailed account of the Hsiung-nu; see Watson 1961: 2:155-92. 30. Ju-nan prefecture in Honan. 31. Literally "wine springs"; refers to a spring and commandery named after it in presentday Chiu-chuan, Kansu. 32. Chai Fang-chin recommended destruction of the Hung-hsi dam to put an end to disastrous flooding that had plagued Ju-nan. Although the removal of the dam was apparently done with some care, during the reign of Wang Mang that ensued shortly thereafter, a relentless drought plagued the area and Fang-chin was the subject of acrimonious public criticism. It was even charged that he had torn the dam down out of anger, after his request to be given some of the fertile land in its domain was refused (History of the Former Han, chap. 84). 33. The li was the common measure of traveling distance, approximately one-third of a mile. 34. Ni-ch'iu Mountain, also known as Ni Mountain, is located in Shantung. The mountain has a broad, flat top with nearly parallel sides, fitting the description of Kao Huo's head. Confucius' mother prayed to Ni-ch'iu Mountain before she gave birth to Confucius. As a result, Confucius was given the personal name of Ni-ch'iu. 35. Ou-yang Hsi was an eminent official during the Later Han, rising to be grand protector of Ju-nan under Emperor Kuang-wu. Shortly after being appointed minister of education, he was reportedly framed for stealing and sentenced to prison. In spite of protests from his many loyal disciples, he died in prison (HHS, chap. 109). 36. The three most prominent court officials. See note 64 to the Biographies from the

Records of the Three Kingdoms. 37. 38. 39. 40.

Soochow in Kiangsu. An-i prefecture in Shansi. Yeh prefecture in Honan. Wang Ch'iao had previously been an official of the secretariat and had been given a

174

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

pair of the shoes. For a study of Wang Ch'iao and related bird mythology, see Kaltenmark

1953. 41. The implication is that the oxen were prompted during the night to raise the burial mound. This is an example of con jury used to make an act appear to be one of true, productive magic. The charge that a fang-shih's magic was not really able to make something ex nihilo is also implicit in the story ofTso Tz'u's wine and meat ploy (#28, Biographies from the History

of the Later Han). 42. Wang Tzu-ch'iao was an immortal described in the Collected Biographies ofImmortals (Lieh-hsien-chuan) ascribed to Liu Hsiang. Tzu-ch'iao traveled to the top of his mountain on the back of a white crane, a somewhat more elegant mode of transportation than Wang Ch'iao's duck shoes. 43. Shao-hsing prefecture in Chekiang. 44. Ti-wu Lun was one of the more notable officials of the Han, rising to the rank of Minister of Works during the reign of Emperor Chang (A.D. 76-89) (HHS, chap. 41). 45. Wu-hsing prefecture in Chekiang. 46. Yang-ku prefecture in Shantung. 47. Hsiang-yang prefecture in Hopeh. 48. P'ing-hsiang prefecture in Hopeh. 49. This is a rather standard catalog of sage-ministers. Chi and Hsieh were ministers of Emperor Yao, Chi being the minister of agriculture. Kao Tao was a minister of Shun, to whom is credited the creation of laws and penal institutions. Kao-tsung here refers to King Wu-ting of the Shang (1324-1265 B.C.); Ch'ang to King Wen of Chou and Fa to King Wu of Chou. Fu Yiieh was the prime minister to Wu-ting; Lii Wang the chief advisor and instructor to Wen and Wu. 50. Literally, the Historiographer Yii. He was a historian of Wei who won the praise of Confucius for his unwavering fairness. "The Master said, 'Straightforward-this historiographer Yii! When his state is ruled according to the kingly way, he is like an arrow. When rule departs from the way, he is still like an arrow." Analects (Wei Ling-kung), 15:6. 51. The Duke of Chou was the ideal man of rank as portrayed by Confucius. He was regent to the minor successor of Chou Dynasty founder King Wu. Not only did the Duke of Chou serve conscientiously during the regency, but he quickly relinquished control when the new legitimate king came of age. Duke Shao likewise is an exemplary man of rank, who won territory by assisting King Wu in his conquest over the Shang people. Shao was widely. loved by the people in his territory because of his benevolent rule. 52. Kung I was a Chou Dynasty minister to Duke Mu in Confucius' homeland of Lu. Kung I was revered for his equal treatment in dealings with the gentry and the common people. 53. Another conventional catalog of sage ministers. I Yin was the widely heralded minister to Tang, purported founder of the Shang (1766-1753 B. c.). In the Analects it is said "all people lacking benevolence vanished" when I Yin served the king (Analects, Yen Yiian, 7:22). Mencius also discusses him at length (Mencius, Wan Chang, 5:6-7). For Lii Wang, see note 6 above. Kuan Chung was chief minister to Duke Huan of Ch'i (683-642 B.c.), mentioned throughout the Analects, Mencius, and the Tso-chuan. Yen P'ing refers to Yen Ying, also a principal minister of Ch'i. The Analects says: "Yen P'ing was skilled in dealing with people. He could be both familiar and respectful" (Analects, Kung-yeh Ch'ang,

5:16). 54. Shih Su, Historiographer Su, was a minister of divination during the mid-Chou (Tsochuan, Hsi, 15; Legge 1872: 5:169). Ching Fang was the early Han prognosticator who authored the commentary on the Book of Changes most widely studied by fang-shih.

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

175

55. A mountain near Hsing-t'ang prefecture in Hopeh. Hsii YLi refused to become emperor when Shun wanted to cede the throne to him. In fact, he rushed off to wash his ears after hearing the suggestion. He retired to Mount Chi and lived there as a recluse, until he died and made his grave there. 56. Chi-chou was the province occupying the territory of Hopeh in which I-wu's commandery posts were located. 57. P'i prefecture in Kiangsu, a rather remote place of assignment for I-wu. 58. A Han commandery on the coast of the Gulf of Chihli (Po-hai Sea), in Hupeh near the Shantung province border. 59. Shu is Szechwan province, and Ch'eng-tu is the capital. 60. Wes.t of Min-ch'uan in Szechwan. 61. Chin-ling-tao in Kiangsu. 62. Hsuan-ch'eng prefecture in Anhwei. 63. An honorary rank signifying the achievement of great sagacity; see note 24. The Master of the Way rank was given frequently to successful fang-shih. Here it is part of an effort to flatter Lin Nan and coax him into accepting official responsibilities. 64. Chia-hsing prefecture in Chekiang. 65. Nan-cheng prefecture in Shensi. 66. This practice reflects a good Confucian administration. Confucius was said to be interested in the Odes, which he is credited with editing, because study of popular songs and airs provided intelligence on the state of governance and the morale of the public. 67. Tou was the elder brother ofthe empress and uncle of Emperor Ho (r. A.D. 89-106). He was promoted to a high military command upon his return from a successful campaign against the Hsiung-nu but quickly incurred the emperor's wrath for his arrogant and presumptuous behavior. When his official seals were taken from him, he returned horne to commit suicide. His biography is in HHS, chap. 23. 68. Hsien-yang prefecture in Shensi. 69. Inner mourning was a special mourning regimen reserved for one's teacher. It is an expression of grief as great as if one lost a parent, but it lies outside the five degrees of mourning reserved for relatives. Since it was an expression of extreme affection and loyalty, its observation was uncommon. 70. Feng Feng-shih served under Emperor Hsiian (74-49 B.C.). His biography is in History of the Former Han, chap. 79. 71. Po-k'uang was the style of Han minister Chou Tang, who feigned illness and turned to a life of reclusion during the interregnum of Wang Mang (HHS, chap. 113). Chung-shu was the style of Later Han minister Min Kung, who was also noted in his time as an incorruptible official who chose retirement rather than serve a pretender to the throne (HHS, chap.

53). 72. Li Ku was slandered, imprisoned, and executed under Emperor Huan (HHS, chap. 63).

73. Cheng Hsuan was an eminent scholar and official who died at the end of the Later Han. The virtue of his rule was so exceptional that even the Yellow Turban rebels, who rose violently against the Han and helped bring about the fall of the dynasty, would not enter the territory under his control (HHS, chap. 25). Ch'en Chi was also among the most eminent ministers of the Later Han, who came from a family noted for its piety and virtue (HHS chap. 92). The biography is demonstrating here that Li Ko, his son, and his nephew, as a family, were associated with the finest families of their times. 74. Hsin-ch'eng, literally "new city," was a place name widely used in medieval China.

176

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

The location of Li Li's service is uncertain, but might have been in Shensi or northwest Hupeh, in the Han-chung commandery during the Later Han. 75. In Szechwan province, Kuang-han prefecture, northeast of Ch'eng-tu. 76. Name of a waterway and a prefecture in Szechwan, near Chao-hua prefecture. 77. Southeast of Yao prefecture in Shensi. 78. Kuang-han prefecture in Szechwan. 79. Huang-lao was a school of Taoism popular from late archaic times and the early Han, and ultimately influential in the development of religious Taoism as it emerged at the fall of the Han. While the provenance of the name is the subject of debate, it is generally agreed that scholars of the Chi-hsia Academy (beginning from the fourth century B.C.) were in the Huanglao tradition, engaged in the merging of fundamental Taoist doctrine associated with Lao-tzu, and the numerological speculation, alchemical research, and physiological investigations associated with Huang-ti, the Yellow Sovereign. 80. The Lao-tzu has the following (tr. Lau 1963:105): Too much store, Is sure to end in immense loss. Know contentment And you will suffer no disgrace; Know when to stop And you will meet with no danger. You can then endure. [verse 44] See also verse 9, p. 65. 81. Tou Tzu-wen was a minister in the employ of King Ch'eng of Ch'u. He repeatedly ran away when the king offered him his emolument. Someone observed that most people in official life were seeking fortunes, yet he ran away from what was due. He replied to this, "I devote myself to government life to serve the people. If the people stood by idle while. I enriched myself, this would encourage them to try to gather up the same benefits themselves. Were I to do this, my death would not be many days away. Therefore, I am running away from death, not running from wealth." Kuo-yii (chap. 18; Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng, 3:209). 82. Lu-shan prefecture in Honan. 83. Hsin-ch'eng prefecture in Hopeh. 84. Book of Changes, "Great Commentary," 1:8. 85. Hsii-ch'ang prefecture in Honan. 86. Huai-yang prefecture in Honan. 87. The original quotation reads, "I have heard of men using Chinese [ways] to change the barbarians, but have not heard of [the Chinese] being changed by barbarians." Mencius (Tang Wen-kung), 3:4. 88. Nan-ch'eng prefecture in Kiangsu. 89. The chih is a spirit plant, variously described as an auspicious omen and an efficacious immortality herb. Its appearance is akin to that of sweet dew, usually, but not always, signifying heaven's approval of unfolding events on earth. Another Later Han appearance of a chih occurred under Emperor Ming in the seventeenth year of the Yung-p'ing reign (A.D. 74). 90. "Within the Yellow Gate" describes the inner palace and its officialdom, usually eunuchs, where the emperor lived his personal life and the palace ladies resided. 91. Empress Yen, described as a talented and beautiful wife to Han Emperor An, was also a formidable political force in An's later years. Before the emperor died, she poisoned the mother of the crown prince, Liu Pao, removed him from that position, and arranged for him

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

177

to be sent away as the king of Chi-yin. After Emperor An died in A.D. 125, Empress Yen and her brother placed the young marquis of Pei-hsiang on the throne, permitting the empress and her supporters to maintain control of the government. Pei-hsiang died shortly thereafter, and Sun Ch'eng rose. The king of Chi-yin was restored and became Emperor Hsiin (A.D. 125144). See HHS, chap. 10. 92. P'ing-tu prefecture in Shantung. Pei-hai is a variant name for the Po-hai Sea (Gulf of Chihli), and refers generally to areas of Shantung along the coast. 93. Mountains in the area of Hsing prefecture in Hopeh. 94. Mountains in the Lai-chou and Teng-chou regions of Shantung. 95. Northeast of Ch'eng prefecture in Shantung. 96. Kung, King of Tung-hai, was Later Han Emperor Kuang-wu's son, Liu Chiang (HHS, chap. 72). 97. Ling-pao prefecture in Honan. 98. A Han commandery in Yii province, in the territory north of Liao-yang prefecture in Liaoning. 99. Because of Ching Fang's eminence in the court, comparison to him suggested Hsii Man's father possessed a formidable array of talents and learning. See note 54. ~One of the Five Sacred' Mountains. T'ai is located north of T'ai-an prefecture in Shantung. Mount T'ai is perhaps the most prominent of the sacred mountains. Mentioned often in the classics, it was the site of a number of important imperial sacrifices. The spirits of Mount T'ai were believed to be the masters of life and death, hence Hsii Man travels there to change his destiny. For the Five Sacred Mountains, see note 3 to Biography from the History ~Chin (see also note 135 belo;i. -101. The bibliography of the History of the Sui (Sui-shu Ching-chi-chih) lists several works entitled Forest of Changes, New Forest of Changes, Forest of Changes: Divining the Transformations, and the like. Among them, a work entitled New Forest of Changes is attributed to "Han Dynasty fang-shih Hsii Chiin." 102. Southwest of Lung-hsi prefecture in Kansu. 103. The Hsien-pei were an Altaic people who lived in Manchuria, Kansu, and Inner and Outer Mongo·lia. During the last century of Han rule, the Hsien-pei tribes were unified and eventually established themselves as the Former Yen Dynasty. For details on the Hsienpei during the third and fourth centuries, see Rogers 1968:6-8. 104. The Man were several non-Han peoples spread about south and southwest China. During the Han, Wu-ling was a commandery in the Szechwan region; hence, Hsii Man's prediction of a campaign south came to pass. 105. Chu-ch'eng prefecture in Shantung. 106. Nan-yang prefecture in Honan. 107. Chii prefecture in Shantung. 108. Tzu Shen, a grandee of Lu during the Ch'un-ch'iu period, was known as a skilled astrologer. Ch'iao Yen-shou served three emperors of the Former Han. He was the teacher of Ching Fang and is said to have given his text of the Book of Changes to Ching Fang. He is credited with the authorship of a Forest of Changes (I-lin; see note 10 1) and the invention of esoteric calculations derived from the Changes. Tung Chung-Shu lived during the era of Han Emperor Wu and was the author of the Myriad Dewdrop Commentary on the Spring and

Autumn Annals (Ch'un-ch'iu fan-lu). 109. Yii-t'ai prefecture in Shantung. 110. Hao prefecture in Anhwei. Ill. Lin-chung prefecture in Honan.

178

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

112. This refers to the ascension of Ts'ao P'i to the throne as Wei Emperor Wen. 113. Shao-hsing prefecture in Chekiang. 114. Ts'ai Yung was an extraordinarily diverse figure of the Later Han. A famous poet, musician, instrument maker, scholar, and calligrapher, he occupied several important posts and rose to be an advisor to Emperor Ling (A.D. 168-189). He was mentioned as a contributor to the "Treatise on the Five Phases" as it was incorporated in the Continuation ofthe Han History of Ssu-ma Piao (HHS, chap. 60). 115. H uang-kang prefecture in Hupeh. 116. Te-yang prefecture in Szechwan. 117. An eminent minister under Later Han Emperor Shun. Hou retired from officialdom because of illness and took on students (HHS, chap. 60). 118. The bibliography of the History of the Sui lists a number of works entitled Classic of Acupuncture. Only one, the Yellow Sovereign's Classic of Acupuncture is listed as extant in Sui times. There are also several Classics of the Pulse listed, ranging from one to ten chapters, but none are ascribed to Kuo Yii's father. 119. Kuo Yii is punning on the two homonyms in Archaic Chinese (iag GSR 958a and 957a). 120. The biography of Hua To appears in the fang-shih chapters of both the History of the Later Han and the Records of the Three Kingdoms. The two versions differ substantially, and I have chosen to translate the more extensive Three Kingdoms version (#4). 121. Min-chung refers to the general area of Fukien province. 122. Chin-hua prefecture in Chekiang. 123. The river runs through Chekiang. 124. Lin-hai prefecture in Chekiang. 125. Yung-k'ang prefecture in Chekiang. 126. In Hsin-ts'ai prefecture in Honan. 127. Nan-yang prefecture in Honan. 128. Here is another example of "Shrinking the World," almost identical to the Tso Tz'u story below (Biographies from the History of the Later Han, #28). For a detailed study of this technique and related myths, see Stein 1943. 129. I have spelled the name Tzu-hsiinn with a double n to distinguish it from Chi Tzuhsiin (Biographies from the History of the Later Han, #29). The names are different in the Chinese text. 130. Ts'ao-chou prefecture in Shantung. 131. Hsii refers to Hsii-ch'ang, an ancient city east of Hsii-ch'ang prefecture in Honan. 132. Ying-tze prefecture in Honan. 133. Ch'ang-an prefecture in Shansi. 134. In the twenty-sixth year of his reign, Ch'in Emperor Shih-huang collected the weapons of his people and melted them to cast twelve giant bronze figures. The figures were referred to often in Han discussions of the Ch'in dynasty, whom the Han vanquished, as a symbol of Ch'in)-afmored might and lack of benevolence. /135}Mount Sung is the most central of the Five Sacred Mountains, located in the north of~eng:feng prefecture in Honan, in ancient Ying-ch'uan. Ssu-ma Ch'ien notes in his "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices" that the three ancient dynasties, Hsia, Shang, and Chou, all had capitals located between the Yellow River and the Lo River; hence Mount Sung was the central sacred peak. 136. Ch'ien-shan prefecture in Anhwei. 137. Ts'ao Ts'ao was one of several powerful provincial generals at the end of the Han

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

179

who vied for control of the emperor and eventually sought to establish their own dynasties. Ts'ao was the founder of the Wei, one of the three contending states during the Three Kingdoms period. 138. Southeast of Sqochow. 139. This is an incident of conjury discussed in the introduction, noting the failure of Tso Tz'u to produce food and drink as he pretended. A variation of this theme found in a number of chih-kuai (recorded anomalies) collections is the story of a beggar who is refused a melon by a market peddler. The beggar stands in front of the stand and magically makes vines grow. The vines immediately bear fruit. The beggar then proceeds to distribute the melons free to all the onlookers. When the peddler looks around, he discovers that his own stock has vanished (In Search of the Supernatural, tr. DeWoskin 1977b). For a study of this type of magic, see Van GuIik 1954. 140. Northeast of Teng-feng prefecture in Honan. 141. Ch'en Shih was a native of Hsii in Ying-ch'uan. He became a recluse on Mount Yung-ch'eng where local officials suspected him of committing a murder. He was arrested and tortured, but it was to no avail. Later, he achieved eminence in officialdom and was conspicuous for his lack of animosity to the very officials who had earlier mistreated him. Ch'en Shih was considered an astute and trustworthy judge of character (HSS, chap. 62). Han Shao was a native of Wu-yang in Ying-ch'uan. He was a highly regarded official who on one occasion was dispatched as a special emissary to T'ai-shan to quell bandit uprisings that the local officials could not manage. To ease the hunger of the local peasants, Han Shuo ordered the granaries opened over the protests of local officials. The grand protector did not prosecute him because of his reputation for virtuous conduct (HHS, chap. 62). 142. Feng Chlin-ta was an immortal who lived atop Mount Niao-chii. He sustained himself by taking elixirs for over one hundred fifty years, and when he returned to his home province, he looked no older than a twenty-year-old. He traveled about as a healer, treating people with herbs and acupuncture. His sobriquet came from a blue ox thaf he rode, similar to one Lao-tzu reportedly rode. Han-wu-ti nei-chuan (The Inner Biography of Han Emperor Wu). 143. The Five Sacred Mountains recur with some frequency in discussions of the official sacrifices, ritual progresses of the emperors, and the lives of immortals. They are described in detail below in note 3 to the Biography from the History of the Chin. 144. Fetal breathing and fetal eating are general terms describing longevity techniques. The adept strives to return to means of nourishment and conservation that characterize the fetus and hence represent life at its moment of greatest potential and vitality. For breathing this constitutes achieving a minimal level of respiratory activity and sustaining that level as long as possible. The techniques are discussed in Ko Hung's Master Embracing Simplicity, and in numerous other manuals in the Taoist Patrology, including a text devoted to this subject, the Classic of Fetal Breathing (Needham 1954: 2:143-44). 145. A commandery at Tsou-p'ing prefecture in Shantung. 146. The location is uncertain but probably refers to the eastern peak or face of Mount T'ao in Fei-ch'eng prefecture, Shantung. 147. There were several visions of immortality. Escape from the corpse, decorporealization, was offered as a possible explanation when an alleged immortal apparently died. The process was likened to a cicada leaving its shell, with the lighter elements abandoning the grosser elements of one's being. In the story, Yung was annoyed because the valuables he buried with his master's corpse would be useless in the ground if Ho-p'ing indeed left his corpse behind. This case is recalled at the end of Hua T'o's biography, SKC #4. For interesting

180

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF THE LATER HAN

remarks on decorporealization and mummification, see Needham 1954: 5.2:301-4 and Kominami 1978.

Biographies from the

Records of the Three Kingdoms I. P'ing-yuan was the capital of p'ing-yuan commandery in Chi province (P'ing-yuan prefecture in Shantung). 2. Kuan Lu pieh-chuan; with the exception of the final commentary, virtually all P'ei Sung-chih's notes are quoted verbatim from this pieh-chuan (separate biography). The bibliography in the History of the Sui lists the work as three chapters, but the two Tang histories list it as only two chapters. The pieh-chuan is attributed to Kuan Ch'en, Kuan Lu's younger brother, and at the end of his commentary P'ei quotes Ch'en's preface in which he describes the circumstances surrounding the compilation of the separate biography. It did not survive independently and is known primarily from the materials P'ei quoted. 3. Kuan Lu puns here on the expressions "know the time" and "know the times." 4. A number of titles found in the bibliography of the History of the Sui apparently are manuals of these techniques, the most notable being Ching Fang's Essential Traditions of Wind Angles. Kuan Lu is the most esteemed practitioner of Wind Angle divination. This combined with his skills in auspication (the omenology of bird calls) attests to his extraordinary hearing and pitch discernment. 5. Ssu-ma Chi-chu of the Han Dynasty was a celebrated diviner of Ch'u who practiced in Ch'ang-an's eastern market. He is the main subject of the appended "Diviners of Lucky Days" chapter in the Records of the Grand Historian (Watson 1961: 2:468-75). Chi-chu was also the subject of biographical accounts in the Collected Biographies of Immortals (Lieh-hsienchuan), and he won recognition and admiration among Han dignitaries like Chia I and Sung Chung. Accordingly, he is a fit exemplar of Kuan Lu's ambitions to win the respect of those at the height of officialdom with his divination skills, rather than suffer their scorn. 6. Chi-ch'iu was an ancient capital in Lang-ya commandery (Lin-i prefecture in Shantung). 7. The commentary mentions that Tzu-ch'un's term as grand protector must have predated the sixth year of Tai-ho (232), the year that Wei reestablished Lang-ya as a kingdom. 8. Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju was a courtier-poet of the Early Han renowned for his protracted and elaborate rhyme-prose compositions on imperial splendors. 9. Hsu-chou was the coastal province reaching from Shantung in the north to Kiangsu in the south. 10. Located in the southwest quarter of Chi province at the confluence of the Chang and Wei rivers (Fei-hsiang prefecture in Hopeh). II. The Water phase, during which the ailment would prevail, had passed, signaling the end to the family affliction. Virtually identical stories are found in In Search of the Supernat-

ural, 3.53. 12. A prefecture and commandery of Chi province (Chi-tse prefecture in Hopeh). 13. Fei-hsiang prefecture in Hopeh. 14. The lines are the actual broken and unbroken lines that form the graphs of the Book of Changes. Lu analyzes their permutations and relationships with surrounding lines. The emblems are metaphorical notions, "analogies," that attach to particular graphs and relate them in polysemous ways to the phenomenological world.

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

181

15. A prefecture attached to Cho-chiin commandery in Chi province (Jao-yang prefecture in Hopeh). 16. Sung Wu-chi was an ancient immortal, identified later as a fire spirit; hence the association with the stov.e. 17. The text is confused at this point. The line is omitted from the version of the story in

In Search of the Supernatural. 18. Emperor Kao-tsung, High Progenitor of the Shang Dynasty (ascended 1324 B.C.), restored order to the realm after the chaos of P'an K'ang's reign (1401-1373 B.C.). The day immediately following Kao-tsung's sacrifice to the dynastic founder, Ch'eng T'ang, a wild pheasant alighted on the handle of a sacrificial tripod and began to call. Frightened by this, the emperor consulted with his trusted minister Tsu Chi. Tsu Chi advised that he need only repair the administration of government and conduct himself with virtue to assure that the dynasty was successfully revitalized. Kao-tsung reigned peacefully for fifty-nine years, demonstrating that his virtuous conduct can offset the future indicated by an inauspicious omen. Similarly, T'ai-wu witnessed the inauspicious growth of a "doomsday mulberry scrub" in his courtyards: Eight generations after T'ang, when Emperor T'ai-wu came to the throne of the Shang Dynasty a mulberry and a paper mulberry sprang up together in the court of his palace, and in the space of one night grew so large that a person could not reach around them with his arms. The emperor was frightened, but his minister I Chih said, "Evil omens cannot prevail over virtue!" Then Emperor T'ai-wu strove for greater virtue in his rule, and the two mulberries died. [tr. Watson 1961: 2:15-16] 19. The prefecture an'd administrative seat of Hsin-tu kingdom in Chi province during the Han. Later it became the capital of the province (Chi prefecture in Hopeh). 20. The story of Kun is found in the Records of the Grand Historian, "Basic Annals of Hsia." Chao King Ju-i was murdered by the dowager Empress Lii, who dominated the court during the reign of Emperor Hui. Ju-i's revenge is recorded as follows: During the third month, the empress dowager was passing Chih Road on her way back from a sacrifice when something that looked like a blue dog appeared and bit her under the arm, and then suddenly disappeared. A diviner called in to interpret the happening announced that it was Liu Ju-i, the king of Chao, who had turned into an evil spirit. The empress dowager soon grew ill of the wound under her arm. [tr. Watson 1961: 2:331] 21. The same story is found in In Search of the Supernatural, 3.55 (tr. DeWoskin 1977b: 112-13). 22. A commandery and later a kingdom under the Han, occupying territory around Ch'inho prefecture in Hopeh. 23. A com~andery established under the Former Han, the exact location of which was shifted about during the Later Han and Three Kingdoms (Huang-p'o prefecture in Hopeh). 24. Fu Hsi is credited with the invention of the trigrams to schematize the patterns of heaven and earth. This key stage in the history of civilization is reported in the Book of Changes, "Great Commentary," 2:2 (Wilhelm 1967:328-29). The subsequent multiplication to sixtyfour hexagrams, or "384 interlocking lines," is variously attributed to King Wen, Fu Hsi, Shen Nung, and King Yii of the Hsia. 25. This paragraph is largely a paraphrase of the remarks made by Ssu-ma Chi-chu to Chia I and Sung Chung when they came to criticize Chi-chu's misuse of his talents. The two ministers suggested that rather than be a marketplace diviner, he might better employ himself in the service of the emperor (Watson 1961: 2:472-73).

182

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

26. Ssu or shen-ssu, the intellectual and intuitive reaches of the mind which approach the unfathomable. 27. A prefecture attached to P'ing-yiian commandery in Chi province (Ling prefecture in Shantung). 28. There follow here two characters that appear to be corrupt, Li-Iou, though they are possibly the man's name. 29. Tso-chuan, Duke Hsi, 16 (Legge 1872: 5:170-71). This is the beginning of a series of stock historical proofs for divination. Little more is known about the incidents than what is recounted here. 30. Tso-chuan, Duke Hsiang, 30 (Legge 1872: 5:555-56). 31. Tso-chuan, Duke Chao, 17 (Legge 1872: 5:668). 32. Tso-chuan, Duke Ai, 6 (Legge 1872: 5:810). 33. Tso-chuan, Duke Hsi, 29 (Legge 1872: 5:214). 34. Records of the Grand Historian, "Basic Annals of Yin" (tr. Chavannes 1969: 1: 173-

208). 35. The Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lil, 13. This is a history of the earlier dynasties according to the periods of the five phases. The Chou Dynasty was scarlet and associated with fire. 36. Chi [Tzu]-Iu asked about serving ghosts and spirits. The Master replied, "If you are not yet capable of serving men, how could you be capable of serving ghosts?" Tzu-Iu then asked, "May I presume to inquire about death?" The Master replied, "If you do not yet know life, how can you know death?" Analects (Hsien-chin), 11: 12. 37. A kingdom and later a prefecture under the Han (P'ing-tu prefecture in Shantung). 38. This is the first of Lu's discourses, combining several systems of interpretation familiar to diviners of his day. He combines astrological systems, counters, and hexagrams to reach his interpretations of events. The counters used are the celestial stems (t'ien-kan) and earthly branches. (ti-chih). These are decimal and duodecimal sequences that are the basis of most systems of ten, twelve, and sixty in Chinese cosmology. Here they relate the day in the cycle of sixty, the directions on earth, the stars, and features of the internal dynamics of the counters themselves. All the signs in the interpretations change meaning with changing contexts, and none has particular significance in isolation. Wei is the eighth earthly branch, when the whirlwind appeared. Shen is the ninth earthly branch and yin the third, so the two stand juxtaposed in a circular projection of the twelve branches (like three and nine on a Western clock face). 39. A prefecture that had its origins in an enfeoffment under Han Emperor Ming, on the east bank of the Wei River (Lin-ch'ing prefecture in Shantung). 40. Commandery of Ping province, administered at Ting-hsiang prefecture (Ting-hsiang prefecture in Shantung). 41. This is the first of several feats of this entertainment recorded in Lu's biography. In later encyclopedias that have sections devoted to "Shoot for the Contents," Lu is acknowledged as the master. 42. The Five Emperors are China's foremost legendary rulers and their corresponding planetary spirits. The Three Kings are Hsia King Yii, Shang King Tang, and Chou Kings Wen and Wu. 43. The text at this place, as in many places where the narrative describes the fury of debate, breaks into measured, rhymed phrases. 44. Records of the Grand Historian, "Biography of Po Ch'i." 45. Hsiang Yii, in pursuing the Han army out of P'eng-ch'eng, drove hundreds of thousands of Han soldiers into the Sui River and blocked its flow. Records of the Grand Historian, "Basic Annals of Hsiang Yii" (tr. Watson 1961: 1:62).

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

183

46. In Wei commandery of Chi province (Ch'eng-an prefecture in Hopeh). 47. The first hexagram, k'an, is Abysmal, Water (number 29, Wilhelm 1967:114-18). The second, t'ui, is Joyous, Lake (number 58, Wilhelm 1967:223-27). Both are made by the duplication of a single trigram. In the first case the trigram is also named k'an and means "plunging in." In the second case, the trigram tui means "dropping off." That both are symmetrical suggests the pair of demons, and the pleasure element in the indication of the second suggests their self-indulgent drinking. 48. More commonly called Chang-shui, a river connecting Ping and Chi provinces. 49. The Records of the Grand Historian records a divination by Lord Kan, also known as Kan Te, in which he predicted the future ruler of the Ch'in (Watson 1961: 1:183). A major divination text is ascribed to him by the bibliography in the History of the Former Han. 50. Shih Shen, who lived in the Warring States period, is known as the putative author of a divination handbook, Heavenly Patterns (T'ien-wen), in eight chapters. He is associated with Lord Kan as an astrologer of extraordin;uy talents. 51. A commandery of Chi province (Ning-chin prefecture in Hopeh). 52. A small interior river very close to the capital city of Yeh, Lu's destination. 53. Two figures of the Han Dynasty, whose model relationship demonstrated perfectly complementary talents. Kuan Yen was a sage, and Pao ~hu had a talent for recognizing the sage (Records of the Grand Historian, "Biography of Kuan Yen"). A recurring theme in the evaluation of fang-shih and other technically talented people is that they were weak in the evaluation of people. It was very n1Uch a Confucian asserto be able to recognize and employ talent, and in fact by the end of the Later Han, it had become a parlor entertainment to discuss and debate the leading talents ~f the day, analyzing and classifying their strengths and weaknesses. 54. The trip took him from the northern extremes of the province to the southwest corner. 55. Yen Chiin-p'ing, styled Tsun, was a diviner from Ch'eng-tu and the teacher of Yang Hsiung. He is mentioned in the History of the Former Han, "Biographies of Incorruptible Officials" (History of the Former Han, chap. 72). 56. Shang Ch'u of Lu was the first man to receive the Book of Changes from Confucius, according to Ssu-ma Ch'ien's account ("Biographies of Confucian Scholars," tr. Watson 1961:

2:409). 57. The story, found in In Search of the Supernatural (11. 263), recounts how Hsiung so sincerely believed that the rock he came across one night was actually a tiger that he was able to pierce it with an arrow. But after he realized it was a rock, his arrows bounced off it. 58. The two most distinguished equestrians of the past who could, among other things, recognize the rare horse that could run for a thousand Ii a day. 59. Ching Mountain jade and the night shining pearl are two commonly used metaphors for extraordinary talents of a sage. The jade must be converted from its unpolished state and the pearl brought into the open before their value can be appreciated. 60. Lu had achieved the highest post under the supervision of the provincial governor when he was promoted to attendant official at headquarters. The last change is a lateral transfer fro~tationary to a mobile post, permitting him to travel with the governor. ~ Ho Yen was probably the most renowned pure conversationalist of the day and a high official of the central court. Because Lu had established a reputation for being a skillful debater, the opportunity to meet Ho Yen in debate was of extraordinary importance to him. Because the pure conversationalists of Ho Yen's persuasion were advocates of "mysterious learning" (hsiian-hsiieh) and philosophically opposed to the occultists and divinational technicians, both the defensibility of their principles and their personal command of them were being judged in the encounters. The two traditions, that of "mysterious learning" and that of the occultists, are

184

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

reflected in two contending interpretations of the Book of Changes that were discussed, Wang Pi's on one hand, Ching Fang's on the other. Numerous anecdotes about Ho Yen are found in the Shih-shuo hsin-yil (A New Account of Tales of the World), and both he and Teng Yang have biographies in the Records of the Three Kingdoms. The following sections of this text are reiterated with minor variations in the Shih-shuo hsin-yil, quoting the Kuan Lu pieh:"chuan (tr. Mather 1976:277-80). 62. "Nines" is a technical divination term describing a cast of milfoil stalks in Book of Changes divination that yields a strong or mature yang line. Mature yang has reached its apex and transforms into yin; hence a mature yang line is interpreted individually in the divination. See Wilhelm 1967:721-24 for details. 63. For the network of associations involving the hexagram ch'ien, see Wilhelm 1967:310. 64. The three ducal pc sts were the most eminent official positions in the court. The precise definition of the posts changed over the ages since the origin of the group in the Chou dynasty. In later dynasties, it sometimes included more than three offices. 65. The allusion here is to the Book of Odes, "Songs of Lu." A standard expression of gratitude, its use is a fitting opening for Kuan Lu's debate with the learned secretaries. This conspicuous display of Confucian learning served to elevate Kuan Lu above the crowd of fangshih. 66. Tso-chuan, Duke Wen, 18 (Legge 1872: 5:282-83). 67. Book of Changes, hexagram 10. Lil is "treading" or "conduct," and deals with proper behavior (Wilhelm 1967:44-47). 68. P'ei Sung-chih includes a comment here saying that physiognomy books refer to the position of the nose on the face as "the center of heaven." The hexagram ken resembles the character for "mountain." 69. Book ofChanges, hexagram 15, made by placing the "earth" trigram over the "mouI1tain" trigram (Wilhelm 1967:63-67). 70. Book of Changes, hexagram 54, made by placing the "thunder" trigram over the "heaven" trigram (Wilhelm 1967: 133-36). 71. The complaint is that Lu gave only his own structural interpretations based on the appearance of the hexagrams and their constituent trigrams and did not adhere to the texts associated with the graphs. 72. The Book of Documents, 4:23, describes the greatest adornment to be that of virtue, not rare scents (tr. Legge 1872: 3:539). 73. Book of Odes, 228 (tr. Waley 1937:85, number 92). 74. The History of the Chin "Treatise on the Five Phases" records the following: In the first month of the first year of the Chia-p'ing reign [249], on the day jen-ch'en during a new moon, a great wind arose in the northwest, toppling houses and bending trees. The dust stirred up until the skies darkened. According to the explanations of Kuan Lu, this was a heavenly censure in response to a grab for power by influential ministers. At this very time, Ts'ao Shuang was secretly conspiring to gain power, and his arrogance and greed exceeded all measure. In spite of repeated warnings issued by heaven, he did not reform his ways. His mind was completely closed to the significance of these punishing winds. About a fortnight after this storm occurred, Ts'ao Shuang and his cohorts were executed. [CS, 29. 16b, recorded also in the Tzu-chih t'ung-chien (Comprehensive Mirror of Materials for Governance); tr. Fang 1952: 2:28-29] 75. An important commandery of Chi province, the administrative seat of which, Yeh city, was later to become the capital of the province (Lin-chang prefecture in Honan).

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

185

76. The terminology with which Lu is dealing here appears throughout the Book ofChanges. Nine in the fourth place argues that a period of uncertainty is at hand. 77. See note 74 above. 78. Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lu, 6:7b. 79. Records of the Grand Historian, "Biographies of the Hereditary House of Confucius." 80. Lu Pan, also known as Kung-shu Pan, Kung-shu-tzu, Pan Shu, Shu Pan, and Kung Pan, was a master carpenter to whom reference is widely made as an exemplar of manual skills. Li Chu, more commonly known as Li Lou, is also cited throughout the early philosophical texts for his remarkable vision. Both are mentioned, by the names of Kung-shu-tzu and Li Lou, in Mencius, Li Lou (Legge 1872: 2:228). 81. Excerpted from the Book of Changes, "Great Commentary," 1:11 (Wilhelm 1967:322). 82. Tu Po was unjustly murdered by Chou King Hsiian. Later, when the king was out on a hunting expedition, Tu Po's ghost rode forth, on a white horse but wearing a vermilion cap and robe and clutching a vermilion bow and vermilion arrows. He wounded the king fatally. (Vermilion is related to the phase "fire.") Mo-tzu, "Explaining Ghosts" (Watson 1963:96). 83. The marquis of Ch'i; while hunting in Pei-ch'iu, came upon a large boar th~t stood like a man and howled at him (the Book of Changes identifies the boar with water). An attendant identified the boar as P'eng-sheng, part of a family branch that the marquis had degraded. The marquis quickly shot at the boar, but he was so startJed upon hearing its roar that he lost his footing, fell in the carriage, and injured his foot. Shortly after returning to the palace, the injured marquis was murdered by assassins who took advantage of his immobility. Tso-chuan, Duke Chuang, 8 (Legge 1872: 5:82); see also Book of Changes, "Discussions of the Graphs," k'an (Wilhelm 1967:273). 84. The first two lines, and the reiteration of them that follows in P'ei's commentary, are quoted from the "Emblems" discussion on the hexagram ta-yu in the Book of Changes (# 14; Wilhelm 1967:601). They are further explained in "Great Commentary," 1:11: In the Book of Changes it is said, "He is blessed by heaven. Good fortune. Nothing that does not further." The Master said, "To bless means to help. Heaven helps the man who is devoted; men help the man who is true. He who walks in truth and is devoted in his thinking, and furthermore reveres the worthy, is blessed by heaven." [Wilhelm 1967: 321] 85. Wilhelm 1967:370. 86. The story, found in greatest detail in the Huai-nan-tzu, 7. 7a-7b, relates how Yii reaffirmed his commitment to the heavenly bestowed responsibility to govern, even when he was faced with the ominous appearance of a yellow dragon. 87. Faced with an incontrovertible omen of misfortune, all but one of King Wu's advisors withdrew their support for his planned attack against the depraved Chou Hsin. The lone exception, grand duke of Ch'i, Lii Shang, recognized the moral imperatives and encouraged the king to go forward with his campaign (Records of the Grand Historian, "Hereditary House of the Grand Duke of Ch'i"). 88. Po-yu was the sobriquet of Liang Hsiao from the Ch'un-ch'iu period state of Cheng. He was said to be a slothful aristocrat who drank through the night in an underground chamber. He was assassinated in a political intrigue, and continued to wreak havoc as a ghost after his death, according to popular legend (Tso-chuan, Duke Chao, 7; Legge 1872: 5:618). 89. Triaster (Shen) is one of the twenty-eight asterisms that mark the movements of the other luminaries in the sky. Called lunar lodgings (hsiu), they describe a complete system of equatorial divisions and were used by astrologists and astronomers as reference points in celes-

186

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

tial observations. For the diviners, the lodgings were laden with significance and provided the substantive context for interpretation of the movements of planets, the sun and moon, and anomalous celestial events like comets and novas. Triaster is in the westem quadrant of the sky, the quadrant in the domain of the White Tiger; hence Lu relates it to the tiger and that animal's qualities. For a succinct discussion of the astrological nomenclature and equatorial system in a technical context, see Needham 1954: 3:229-62. For an exploration of the lodgings as used in cosmogonic speculation, astrology, and literary reference, see Schafer 1977, especially his chart on pp. 76-77. Many of the detailed relations used in yin and yang astrological interpretations have their ultimate source in the Huai-nan-tzu chapters on cosmology. Numerous additional examples of this practice accompanied by more involved explanations are found in the biography of Tai Yang herein. 90. Book of Changes, "Great Commentary," 1:6 (Wilhelm 1967:305). 91. These magical essence-gathering mirrors are both described in the Huai-nan-tzu, "Instructions on Heavenly Patterns," 3:2a; Needham 1954: 4.1:88. The experiment with the mirrors demonstrates that forces remote from each other but in the same sympathetic categories can interact. 92. The expression refers to two hexagrams made up of the "younger daughter" trigrams, #38 k'ui, "Opposition," and #49 ko, "Revolution/Molting." The two forces combat each other and nothing of gain is achieved (Wilhelm 1967:147, 189). 93. This is a divination system based on a select group of stars and principles of correlation with the ten celestial stems. The famous fang-shih of Ts'ao Ts'ao's time, Tso Tz'u (#28, Biographies from the History of the Later Han), was recognized as a master of Six Chia divination techniques. 94. According to the "Treatise on the Five Phases" in the History of the Former Han, Liu Hsiang interpreted the ox-bellowing omen as a sign of impending violent revolution. The omen itself is recorded in the Tso-chuan, Duke Hsi, 32 (Legge 1872: 5:221). 95. According to the same source, during the year 22 B.C., boulders spontaneously began thundering in several locations around the realm. The popular interpretation of this anomaly was that revolution was imminent. In fact, during the year there was a prison uprising in Kuang-han. 96. Tso-chuan, Duke Chao, 8 (Legge 1872: 5:622). 97. Book of Changes, "Discussion of the Graphs" (Wilhelm 1967:279). 98. The "Great Plan" section of the Book of Documents says: "The (phase) Wood means 'flexibility.' The (phase) Metal means 'malleability.' " The nature of metal permits it to be reshaped into whatever man desires. The comment here is cryptic, suggesting that the nature of that phase is being violated and malleable iron cannot be made. The comments also suggest military action and revolution, metal being the common metonym for weapons. So says the hexagram ko (#49; Wilhelm 1967:189-92). 99. Kuan-ch'iu Chien (d. 255) was a contemporary of Lu's. A distinguished and lavishly rewarded military campaigner under Emperor Ming, he rebelled and was executed during the following political upheaval (SKC, chap. 28). Commentators have expressed doubt about the identification of the grave in this passage, suggesting that it more likely belonged to Chien's father than to Chien himself. Chien died only one year before Lu died, a fact that argues rather convincingly that he would not be in an established and well-covered tomb. He was executed for rebelling, which makes it unlikely that he was accorded an epitaph. Finally, he was the last male in his genealogical line, meaning that the line had already ended with his death and obviating Lu's prediction of that eventuality.

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

187

100. These are the major symbols marking the four quadrants of the heaven. See Schafer 1977:57 and note 38 to Biography from the History of the Chin. 101. Water is the phase associated with the celestial stem jen and the lodging Net (Pi). 102. Eastern Well (Tung-ching) has an obvious association to celestial signs of water and is so linked in numerous Han references. The Southern Sieve (Nan-chi) describes a fan-like winnowing basket, associated with the generation of the winds. 103. Much of this section is rhymed, and the latter half is a measured, four-syllable chant poem. 104. In his "Discourse Discerning [the nature of] Fate," Liu Chiin raises the question of why Kuan Lu should have died so young. Chiin is continuing the query begun by Ssu-ma Ch'ien when he noted that the virtuous often die prematurely whereas someone like the nefarious Robber Chih lives a full and healthy life. Chiin asks not only why Lu's allotted lifespan should have been so brief, "but also why a man of his talents and intellect should have circulated among the ranks of ~rack readers and diviners of lucky days (Wen-hsilan, 54). 105. Physiognomer's terms for certain shapes in the back and abdomen which signify longevity. 106. Needham (1954: 2:357-58) makes reference to this section in his discussion of divination by the denary and duodenary cyclical characters. He quotes an additional remark attributed to Kuan Lu: "By the contained note (na-yin) one may judge one's fate." The contained note is associated with a particular combination of signs and thus with one of the five phases. 107. The last two of these prominent fang-shih have been mentioned before (see notes 49 and 50 above). Tzu Shen's divinations are mentioned in the Tso-chuan in a number of places. Pei K'uei, an astrologer, is also mentioned in the Tso-chuan and the Records of the Grand Historian. Pu Yen is a milfoil-stalk diviner whose activities are recorded in the History of the Former Han. Tzu Wei is an astrologer recorded in the Huai-nan-tzu and the Records of the Grand Historian. The list appears to come verbatim from the bibliography of the History of

the Former Han. 108. Ching Fang's biography reports that he too died prematurely and was able to predict his death at age 41. 109. Two expressions borrowed from Chuang-tzu, reflecting a pointless squandering of potential. 110. Tung-fang Shuo was a celebrated savant and jester in the court of Han Emperor Wu. When called upon to demonstrate his skill in "Shoot for the Contents," he dazzled the emperor and other onlookers by correctly guessing that a gecko had been hidden from his view. Tung-fang Shuo and his gecko guess were often alluded to in subsequent literature as the zenith of achievement in this particular art. The incident is included in Tung-fang Shuo's biography in the History of the Former Han (Watson 1974:79-106, esp. p. 81). Ill. Hsii Fu was a celebrated diviner of the Former Han who was often called upon by the imperial family and highest officials. He is given prominent mention several times in the Records of the Grand Historian (e.g., Watson 1963: 1:381, 433-34). Tang Chii was a celebrated physiognomer of the Warring States period who could perceive the future of anyone simply by glancing at him. He is best known for his encounter with Ts'ai Tse (Records of the Grand Historian, "Biography of Ts'ai Tse," chap. 79). 112. See note 110 above. 113. Shih is quoted three times in the Shih-shuo hsin-yil (A New Account of Tales of the World) (Mather 1976:18, 255, 459). He has a biography which includes his brother Chih in the History of the Chin, chap. 41.

188

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

114. The commentator suggests that text is missing from this line, which does appear to be corrupt. 115. The Shih-yii, (Accounts of the World) is apparently the Wei-Chin Shih-yii (Accounts of the World during Chin and Wei Times) of Kuo Pan (265-316) in ten chapters. The text was an early predecessor of the Shih-shuo hsin-yii, recording significant encounters of important personalities with comparative assessments of their talents (Mather 1976: 150). 116. A commandery of Chi province (Cho prefecture in Hopeh). 117. P'ei-kuo was the home ofthe Han founder, Emperor Kao-tsu, and under the Chin a commandery of North Hsii province (Tung-shan prefecture in Kiangsu). 118. That is, Ts'ao Ts'ao, considered posthumously to be the founder of the Wei, although the Han abdication actually came after his death, in favor of his son, Ts'ao P'i, Emperor Wen. 119. Hsii Fu and Tang Chii, see note 111 above. 120. Wang Ling was a provincial governor during the reign of Emperor Wen. A successful campaigner against the state of Wu, Wang Ling used his broadening popular support and growing military strength to organize an attempt to overthrow the emperor. He also was ordered to commit suicide when the conspiracy was discovered. His biography is in the SKC, chap. 28. 121. An ancient city, established as a prefecture by the Han and abolished by the Chin (Po-hsing prefecture in Shantung). 122. The Yellow Turbans were a widespread peasant rebel group at the end of the Later Han Dynasty. Under the leadership of Chang Chiieh, they embraced an ideology based on religious Taoism and wrapped their heads in yellow cloths when they banded together to fight. Their ranks numbered several hundred thousand, and they were a significant factor in the final demise of the Han. 123. A kingdom established by Han Emperor Hsiian and later made a commandery by the Chin (Tung-p'ing prefecture in Shantung). 124. The Lady Chen, once Emperor Wen's wife, was never made empress during her life even though her son Ts'ao Jui succeeded Wen as Emperor Ming. Lady Chen was executed as a result of the jealousy of Empress Kuo (Fang 1952: 1:68-71). 125. Straw dogs are sacrificial effigies used especially in prayer for rain. As Chou Hsiian later explains, once the ritual is over, the straw bundles are crushed and burned (Lao-tzu, 5, and Chuang-tzu, 14, "The Turning of Heaven"). 126. Ch'iao prefecture was part of P'ei commandery in the provinces of Yii and Hsii (Hao prefecture in Anhwei). 127. The significance of the additional name provided for Hua is unclear, but P'ei Sungchih includes a note here distinguishing two variants of it. Ch'en Yin-k'o has suggested that the name Hua To itself may be a transliteration of a Sanskrit word for medicine (agadya) implying that To's practice was either influenced by Indian medicine or that he was popularly' associated with Indian healers (Ch'en Yin-k' 0 1977a: 2: 1119-22). Agadya is a Buddhist term referring to a universal cure-all medicine. 128. The term in Chinese refers generally to longevity practices based on dietary regimen and breathing exercises, intended to "nourish" one's heaven-bestowed inner nature. Though not specifically so described, these are likely related to the fetal breathing techniques described above (see note 144 to Biographies from the History of the Later Han). 129. An "accumulation" was one of the major classes of medical disorder, and could be the accumulation of heteropathic ch'i (hsieh-ch'i), that of an illness agent, or orthopathic ch'i (cheng-ch'i), that native to one's own body.

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

189

130. Kan-ling was a prefecture named after the burial spot of Han Emperor An's father (Ch'ing-p'ing prefecture in Shantung). The identification of the woman is uncertain. 131. A prefecture belonging to the Kuang-ling commandery during the Han (Yen-ch'eng prefecture in Kiangsu). 132. The stomach is not considered an exceptional place to needle, but the immediate onset of adverse symptoms indicated either an incorrect diagnosis or an inaccurate insertion of the deeply penetrating needles used there. 13 3. Literally, a pill for female disorders concocted of four ingredients, which I have not been able to identify more precisely. 134. A kingdom of the Later Han and Three Kingdoms period, made a commandery of North Hsii province by the Chin (Tung-shan prefecture in Anhwei). 135. Kuang-ling was a commandery established in the Later Han (Chiang-tu prefecture in Kiangsu). 136. As was evident in the biography of Tso Tz'u above (HHS #28), the Wei founder Ts'ao Ts'ao figured as a major figure in fang-shih history, sometimes as a patron and sometimes as an adversary. Like Hua To, Ts'ao was born in Ch'iao. Of the several contending generals at the fall of the Han dynasty, Ts'ao established the strongest base in the north and held Emperor Hsien (190-220) captive continuously until the last Han emperor abdicated in favor of Ts'ao's son, Ts'ao P'i, in 220. At the conclusion of this chapter in the Records of the Three Kingdoms, his patronage of the fang-shih is discussed. 137. The Separate Biography of Hua T'o (Hua T'o pieh-chuan), like most of the piehchuan of the period, survives only fragmentarily in P'ei's commentary and in encylopedia and commentaries. 138. I avoid translating the term hsiieh here as "blood" to avoid conveying the erroneous impression that it is equivalent to our notion of blood. Porkert (1974: 185-86) describes it as "individually specific structive energy," or generally as "physiological energy." It is closely related to ch'i, that being the active aspect or "configurational energy." 139. Hsiin Yii was a high-ranking military official who served under Ts'ao Ts'ao and attained the designation Filial and Incorruptible. On one campaign east to attack Wu general Sun Ch'i.ian, Yii criticized Ts'ao's proposed strategy. Ts'ao forbade Hsiin Yii to accompany him on the campaign and later sent him a gift of empty dishes signifying his displeasure. Hsiin Yii fared no better in arguing his own case than he did in arguing Hua To's, and finally committed suicide by drinking poison (HHS, chap. 100; SKC, chap. 10). 140. Shang-yang lay on the site of ancient Wei and was the dukedom of Ts'ao P'i before he ascended the throne as Wei Emperor Wen (Hsiu-wu and Huai-an prefecture on the HonanKiangsu border). 141. The text is corrupt here. The commentators have argued that whereas the chungp'ing appears to refer to a particular day, it must in fact refer to the Chung-p'ing reign of Han Emperor Ling. 142. Located between the Wei and Yellow rivers. 143. Observation of the five colors is an important technique in traditional diagnosis. Each color is associated with an organ-function system, through the five-phases nomenclature. Here the appearance of all five colors suggests a problem of repletion, which the bleeding and forced perspiration relieves. 144. T'ing-li; the bitter Draba nemorosa, Wood's Whitlow Grass. 145. In a study of Japanese shamanistic practices, Carmen Blacker (1975:140-46) relates a similar procedure, termed "cold water austerities," through which a young woman is put as

190

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

an initiation rite in becoming a blind medium. Blacker's dramatic account describes physical reactions akin to those suffered by Hua To's patient. 146. Tao-yin are special exercises designed to promote health and longevity and used in conjunction with dietary regimens, breathing exercises, and other longevity aids. The basis of tao-yin is an imitation of animal movements thought to promote strengths in the human body comparable to particular strengths of the animal imitated. The tortoise is admired for his longevity, thus a tortoise calisthenic, imitating tortoise movements, would promote longevity. Ko Hung mentions tao-yin several times in the Master Embracing Simplicity, one example of which follows: Interlocutor: Tortoises can hibemate in the earth and cranes can fly in the air, but man is unable to do either of these things, even momentarily. How then can man imitate their longevity? Ko: Many crawling things do hibernate, and the birds that fly are legion, but the only point under discussion in the case of tortoises and cranes is their longevity characterized by Fullness of Life. It is neither the hibernation nor the flying that causes their immortality. Therefore God's Men merely ask us to study the method by which these animals extend their years through calisth~nics and to model ourselves on their eschewing of starches through the consumption of breath, not to copy their hibernation and flying. [Ware 1966: 58] For other quotations, see Ware 1966:53, 81, 103, and 257. Extensive tao-yin examples and instructions are found in encyclopedias, especially those devoted to esoterica, e.g., the Seven Bamboo Tablets of the Cloudy Satchel (Yun-chi ch'i-ch'ien). The Taoist Patrology also includes specialized manuals, e.g., Manual of Nourishing Life by Calisthenics (T'ai-ch'ing taoyin yang-sheng ching; Tao-tsang, TT568, HY 811). For a brief introduction in English, see Needham 195+. 2: 145-46. In the quotation from Ts'ao P'i's Tien-lun below, the popular appeal of Kan Shih's "owl's gaze" and "wolf's backwards glance" calisthenics is chided by Ts'ao P'i. 147. Central importance is attached to feet in Taoist writing and in Taoist practices. The origin can be traced back to Chuang-tzu: Hu Tzu said, "Just now I appeared to him as Heaven and Earth-no name or substance to it, but still the workings, coming up from the heels." [Watson 1964:93] And in the context of breathing exercises: The True Man of ancient times slept without dreaming and woke without care; he ate without savoring and his breath came from deep inside. The True Man breathes with his heels; the mass of men with their throats. [Ibid., pp. 73-74]

It is easier to understand the literary origins than the physical ones. The central metaphor of Tao is the Way, and the pursuit of it is a walking or wandering process. Degrees of perfection are delineated by how one travels (ibid., pp. 25-26). Chuang-tzu's most important fool, Chieh Yii, the madman of Ch'u, reviles Confucius: "Fool, fool,-don't spoil my walking! I walk a crooked way-don't step on my feet" (ibid., p. 63). The celebrated anecdote of the snake and the millipede explores the relative virtues of footlessness, "footfulness," and their potentials for motion (ibid., pp. 104-5). Ironically, the ultimate sage walks without touching the ground. "It is easy to keep from walking; the hard thing is to walk without touching the ground" (ibid., p. 54). And the "Sign of Virtue Complete" is footlessness (ibid., pp. 64-72). 148. In his chapters on Sinarteriology and Foraminology, Porkert (1974:278-82) illuminates the theory of conduits and charts their specific courses and sensitive points. Chu-chueh is point number 14 along the sinarteria respondentis, a conduit extending from the genitals through

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

191

the trunk to the eyes. It is des'cribed as an equalizing reservoir and regulating agent for all structive physiological energy. 149. The "Three Vermin" is the generic name for the visible sources of decay of the physical body. They were internal as well as external agents, and gained dominance only when the vitality of the body was exhausted. 150. Feng-p'ei is known as the place where Han founder Kao-tsu began his revolt against the Ch'in, in P'ei prefecture. Ch'ao-ko is also a renowned historic spot, location of the "ruins of Yin" (Chiin prefecture in Honan). 151. Chih fungus was a group of variegated plants believed of special spiritual significance. Chih were regarded as auspicious signs for the times and as medicinal aids to immortality. The yellow was the most common-and least potent. Read 1931: #687 and #688. 152. The Tien-lun (Canonical Essays), of Ts'ao P'i survives in only a few fragments, the most famous of which is the "Discussion of Literature" (Lun-wen), the subject of much discussion in the early history of literary theory and recently revisited by James Liu (1975:4). The portion quoted here is also well known, appearing in most historical studies of fang-shih as evidence of Ts'ao Ts'ao's enthusiastic support of them. That support was ambiguous, however, as explained in the discourse by P'i's brother Chih that follows in the commentary. 153. Indian bread, fu-ling, is a parasitic fungus (Poria cocos) that grows on the roots of pine trees. It is spherical in shape with a mottled black skin. Fu-ling has diverse medicinal uses and many of its alternate names suggested magical properties. The evergreen was noted for its long life and resistance to change, and {u-ling was believed to be the congealed essential energy of the evergreen root. 154. The text refers to pu-tao chih-shu, literally techniques for augmenting or supplementing the Way. It is another generic term for hygienic and sexual practices designed to prolong life and increase virility. See Van Gulik 1961; note 144 to Biographies from the History

of the Later Han. 155. See note 142 above. 156. A prefecture and commandery established by the Han (Ling-pao prefecture in Honan). 157. Shantung coast was, according to Ssu-ma Ch'ien, the original preserve of fang-shih. During the Later Han, Pei-hai centered in the region southeast of present day Shou-kuang P'ing-tu prefectures in Shantung. 158. Also a commandery on the Shantung peninsula, somewhat inland along the Yellow River (Li-ch'eng prefecture in Shantung). 159. Tung-fao, see note 146 to Biographies from the History of the Later Han. 160. Another reference to the story of Wang Ho-p'ing; see HHS #34. 161. The bibliography in the History of the Sui lists a work entitled Hung-pao (Vast Treasure) in ten chapters. A text by similar title is identified and discussed in the bibliography of the History of the Han, a bibliography that was derived from Liu Hsiang's own bibliographic treatise, the Treatise on Seven Categories (Ch'i-liieh chih). According to Liu Hsiang, The Secret Text of the Vast Treasure Garden (Hung-pao-yuan pi-shu) was a pillow book belonging to Prince Liu An of Huai-nan, author-patron of the Huai-nan-tzu: It fell into the hands of Liu Hsiang's father when he served as magistrate for Emperor Wu in Huai-nan. The book told of immortals, spirit control, aurifaction (the attempt to manufacture potable gold), and longevity practices and was clearly an influence on Liu Hsiang's efforts in these fang-shih activities. For more details on this facet of Liu Hsiang's complex personality, see Needham 1954: 2:241. 162. What follows appears to be the only fragment of this text extant. 163. A mountain in the Eastern Sea where immortals are said to gather. 164. Master An-ch'i was an immortal residing on the island of P'eng-lai. To many em-

192

NOTES: FROM RECORDS OF THE THREE KINGDOMS

perors, he was touted as an indicator of one's spiritual progress and ultimately one's potential to become immortal. Sought enthusiastically by both Ch'in Emperor Shih-huang and Han Emperor Wu, Master An-ch'i would appear only to those who had achieved harmony with nature. Otherwise he would be evasive and remain in an impenetrable seclusion. 165. An allusion to abandoning proper imperial duties to indulge in a quest for immortals and immortality elixirs. 166. This passage refers to Luan Ta, the eloquent fang-shih in the service of Han Emperor Wu. He spoke so persuasively to Wu of his divine powers that he attained the six seals without performing a single meritorious act. The six seals gave him authority second only to the emperor's own. 167. Kan Shih is here referring to the Liang of the Chan-kuo period (fourth century B.C.) in an effort to impress the listener with his extreme age. 168. One of the thirty-six lands of the Western Regions during the Han Dynasty (T'u-Iup'an prefecture in Sinkiang). 169. A different version of Ts'ao Chih's remarks is found quoted in the Master Embracing Simplicity, "Immortals" translated by Ware (1966:40) as "Genii." 170. Hsii Shih, known more commonly as Hsii Fu, was a prominent explorer fang-shih under Ch'in Emperor Shih-huang. His most notorious exploit was a series of attempts to find the islands of P'eng-Iai, Fang-chang, and Ying-chou, navigational expeditions that cost the Ch'in empire some 500 vessels manned with thousands of their prime youth. Hsii Fu did not return from his last voyage, leaving early accounts to speculate that he indeed found the islands and chose to stay and become an immortal himself, rather than return to China. 171. Tu K'ui was a music master and bell maker who fell into disfavor with Emperor Wen because he disagreed on the harmonic qualities of the bells being cast for Wen. Although his biography is included in this chapter of the Records of the Three Kingdoms, 1 have not translated it because Tu K'ui is quite outside the mainstream fang-shih tradition. For additional information on K'ui, see DeWoskin 1982:81-82.

Biography from the

History of the Chin 1. A prefecture attached to Wu-hsing commandery established by the Chin in'282 as part of a reorganization of the Han Dynasty prefectures Wu-ch'ang and Ku-ch'ang. Together with Wu-hsing prefecture to the southeast, the area is referred to as Wu-ch'ang (Ch'ang-hsing prefecture in Chekiang). 2. For details on the heavenly bureaucracy and its tallies of authority, see Schipper 1974. Tai Yang's tour is a catalog of the Five Sacred Mountains with the addition of two oth~;-. All were associated with irnmortals. Hengg is the northernmost of the five, also known as Ch'ang-shan. Chi-shih is a pair of western mountains, one in Kansu and the other in Tsinghai. T'ai-shih is the eastern ridge of Mount Sung, the central sacred mountain situated south of Sian (see note 100 to Biographies from the History of the Later Han). Lu is the site of numerous temples and shrines, both Buddhist and Taoist, in Kiangsi. Heng is the southernmost of the five. (I have followed Burton Watson's spellings of Heng and Hengg to differentiate the two in romanization; Watson 1961: 2: 15ff.). P'eng-Iai, the most famous, is an island in the Eastern Sea that was mentioned above as the goal of Hsii Fu's maritime expeditions for the Ch'in. The K'un-Iun mountains of Ta-yuan were described as the source of the Yellow River

rD

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF CHIN

193

during the early Han and acquired a wealth of mythological lore, figuring prominently in the narrative accounts of Li Tao-yuan's Annotations to the Classic of Waterways (Shui-ching chu). 4. The reference here is uncertain,. and may be to a figure of Master Lao, a deified Laotzu, along the roadside. 5. A version of the same incident is found in Kan Pads In Search of the Supernatural,

15.365. 6. The Southern Dipper and the circumpolar star associated with it (T'ien-i, "Celestial Unity" or "Heavenly First One") are said to control the longevity of the emperor and the fortunes of ministers and the nobility. Tai Yang's astrological interpretations are among the most complex found in dynastic history biographies. In the annotations that follow, I will attend primarily to the literary dimensions of his analyses and the interpretive aspects of the celestial bodies he discusses. For the reader interested in precise astronomical information on the Chinese organization of the skies, the standard work is Gustave Schlegel's Uranographie Chinoise, which contains not only precise identification of the bodies but abundant documentation from the classics and from the treatises on heavenly patterns in the histories (Schlegel

1875:171-77). 7. Shih Ping fought the Chin in the provinces of Yang and Hsu, and was finally defeated and killed by Ch'en Min in A.D. 304. In a prognostication reported in the "Treatise on the Five Phases" in the History of the Chin, court compiler Kan Pao interprets a huge floating stone that had been sighted to portend that Shih Ping, whose name means "Stone Ice," would soon be entering Chien-yeh (CS, chaps. 4, 68, 100). 8. A prefecture and administrative seat of Hsu province (Liu-ho prefecture in Kiangsu). 9. A commandery established by the Chin, named after the Lu River (Huo-ch'iu prefecture in Anhwei). 10. Wang Chi was a governor of Kuang province under the Chin who joined with Tu Hung in rebellion. He was defeated and died trying to escape his final battleground (CS, chap. 100). 11. Yen-hsien was the style of Ku Ying, a high minister under the Wu who joined the Chin court after the Wu was defeated. Chin Emperor Hui offered him the post of cavalier attendant, but Ying refused and returned south to the Wu region (CS, chap. 68). Hsiian-p'ei was the style of Chou Ch'i, an eminent Chin official and general who, during the declining years of the Western Chin (313-314), because of malfeasance was dispatched south by the emperor (CS, chap. 58). 12. The name of a mountain and a city west of Nanking. In the same region was a place known as Yeh-ch'ang, site of an important foundry during the kingdom of Wu. 13. Wang Tao was born in 276, a shen year, year of the monkey, coordinated with the direction west, the phase metal, the seventh month, and the autumn season. There are many differing schemes that describe the dynamic relationship between the five phases, but by the commonly held Mutual Production Order, earth produces metal and thus "masks" the destruction of metal by fire. High on the mountain, away from the surface of earth, metal was subjected to the fire of the forge, and Wang Tao's shen constitution suffered accordingly. For details of the Mutual Production Order and the process of masking, see Needham 1954: 2:25361. A similar story is cited in a note to the Shih-shuo hsin-yu quoted from Wang Yin's History of the Chin (Mather 1976:429-30). The note is appended to an item in the Shih-shuo describing Wang Tao's trip to the forge for a party. 14. The region of Mount T'ai (T'ai-an prefecture in Shantung). 15. Tsu T'i was a prominent general under Emperor Yuan who conducted major cam-

194

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paigns in the north against the Hun chieftain Shih La in 319. Shih La was a looming menace for the Eastern Chin, and his presence is felt throughout this biography (see also note 21). 16. It appears that the author of Tai Yang's biography has altered the facts of Emperor Yuan's ascension in order to incorporate the precedent of the king of Yueh and his minister Fan Li that is recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals of Wu and Yiieh (Wu-yiieh ch'unch'iu.) According to a note in the Chin-shu chiao-chu, ping-wu actually fell on the twentyninth day of the second month. The counting of days with the sexagenary cycle had been meticulously maintained since the Shang Dynasty. The historians often called attention to inaccuracies in the cyclical designation of a day if it did not correspond with their reckoning or with other accounts. The accuracy of the cyclical designation was particularly germane when stems and branches were used in a significant way in divinations. 17. Tsu Yiieh was the younger brother of Tsu T'i (CS, chap. 100). See note 15. 18. A commandery in North Hsu province (Hao prefecture in Anhwei). 19. There was no keng-ch'en day in the fourth month of that year. Assuming a scribal error in the second component of the designation, the earthly branch, the day could have been the seventh, seventeenth, or twenty-seventh. 20. A commandery established by the Chin (Ho prefecture in Anhwei). 21. Shih La was a Hun chieftain who worked for Liu Yuan and the Hun Han Dynasty. He was noted for his savage campaigns across northern and central China in which many Chinese, including Chin aristocrats, met their end (see also notes 15 and 31). 22. A city attached to Ch'iao commandery during the Chin. 23. One of the six prefectures established during the Han belonging to the kingdom of Liang. 24. For a discussion of several meanings of ch'en, see Needham 1954: 3:249-50. Schafer (1977: 5) translates the term "chronogram" to emphasize its primary sense, referring to the twelve stations of Jupiter and twenty-eight lunar lodgings that were key markers in astronomical timekeeping. 25. Kuan Yii and Chou Yii were two generals of the Three Kingdoms period whose battles were abetted by natural forces. 26. The name was changed from Shou-ch'un during the reign of Chin Emperor Hsiaowu in order to avoid a taboo. A prefecture and administrative seat of Yii province (Shou prefecture in Anhwei). 27. The metaphor used throughout this section and popularly in such divinations is "guest" as the passive agent and "host" as the active. This is a reversal of terminology common in military science. In the latter case the "guest" acts, that is goes to the location of the "host." Yang's argument is that the sending of troops forth at this point is a defensive action and therefore will succeed. 28. Ho-fei is the strategically important confluence of the Fei and Huai rivers, near Shouch'un and the Shou basin (Liu-an prefecture in Anhwei). 29. Yung-ch'iu is adjacent to Shun-ch'un (Shou prefecture in Anhwei), and P'ei is about one hundred miles north in Hsu province near the border with East Yu province (Hsiao prefecture in Kiangsu). 30. The province northwest of East Yu corresponding to northern Honan. 31. Shih La eventually broke with Liu Yuan and Yuan's successor, Liu Tsung. Throughout the period 315-328, he steadily expanded his own power base, which culminated in his declaring himself emperor of the Later Chao. He reigned from 319 to 333, and the dynasty lasted until 352. Shih La's interest in Chi stemmed from Tsu T'i's campaigns against him in

319. 32. Ho-t'u cheng. This exact title is not found in the bibliographies, but among the apoc-

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF CHIN

195

rypha listed in both the Han and Sui bibliographies are a number that deal with the Yellow River Chart. Some thirty such texts are still extant and listed in indexes of collectanea. Tai Yang's quotation is found in Yasui Kazan's redaction of the apocrypha, Isho-shusei, Ho-t'u pi-

cheng, 6:103. 33. Spica in Virgo marks the first lunar lodging and stands atop the constellation T'ienmen, "Gate of Heaven." Haloes were considered seriously inauspicious omens and were analyzed carefully for their exact ring and color content. For details on haloes and other meteorological phenomena, see Needham' 1954: 3:470; for information on their interpretation, see Schafer 1977:88-89. 34. During the Yung-chia uprisings (307-313), Kuo Mo led a resistance for the Chin on his own initiative. He was subsequently made a general by Emperor Ming (CS, chap. 63). 35. The strategic spot where the P'en River flows into the Yangtze (Chiu-chiang prefecture in Kiangsi). 36. A prefecture under the Han made into a garrison by the Chin (Huang-mei prefecture in Hupeh). 37. The bibliography in the History of the Former Han lists a large compilation simply entitled T' ai-kung (Great Lord) that purports to be the writings of Chou master Shih Shang-fu, in 237 chapters. The exact title cited here appears in the bibliography of the History of the Sui, but is only one chapter long. A note in the Sui bibliography says that a three chapter and a six chapter version existed during the Liang, and the text is an "explanation" written by Wei Emperor Wu, Ts'ao Ts'ao. There are several T'ai-kung texts listed in this bibliography, in the "Theories of Warfare" ping-fa category. 38. The White Tiger is the deity that protects the west, one of four ruling the four palaces of the heavens. The Blue Dragon is in the east, the Murky Warrior in the north, and the Red Bird in the south. These are the four symbolic animals to which Kuan Lu made reference at the tomb of Kuan-ch'iu Chien. The White Tiger includes seven lodgings: Straddler, Harvester, Stomach, Mane, Net, Beak, and Triaster. For details on other associations, see Schafer 1977:7584, esp. table. 2. "Visitor star" in this context is a technical name for an inconstant celestial light. Though in some cases it is used to describe novas, supernovas, and tailless comets, here it refers to a group of five stars, viz. Chou-po, Lao-tzu, Wang P'eng-shu, Kuo star, and Wen (-kung) star. The six keng times are the six occurrences of the celestial stem keng in the sexagenary cycle. Keng is associated with the west, and hence with the White Tiger. At age forty-seven, Liu Yin is entering his forty-eighth year, meaning his birth was in a year with the same earthly branch as the coming year. The branch of his birth year is yin. Every twelve years the branch of one's birth year recurs, though in conjunction with a different celestial stem, until one reaches the age of sixty. The time of this divination is 329-330, shortly before Shih Lo declared himself emperor of the Later Chao. 39. One of the visitor stars (see the preceding note). 40. Hsien-ch'ih, also known as Wu-chii, is Auriga, above the lodging Roof. She-t'i is a pair ofthree star constellations left and right of Arcturus in Bootes (Schlegel 1875:389, 500). 41. T'ien-Iao, a seven-star constellation below Ursa Major. The Celestial Prison is believed to be empty during a reign of virtue (Schlegel 1875:517, 531). 42. T'ien-yii, believed to be the master of executions. The mention of it here presages Yin's death (ibid., pp. 334, 355, 380, and 501). 43. The trip to Hsiang-yang required traveling along the Yangtze, then north along the Han River in Ching province. Wu-ch'ang, now Wu-han, lies at the confluence of the Yangtze and the Han in southern Hupeh. 44. Two lodgings in and around Pleiades (see note 38).

196

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF CHIN 45. That is to say, it will cross the ecliptic and move toward the Milky Way. Net overlaps

Taurus.

46. Tien-kuan, also in Taurus (Schlegel 1875:175, 184, 373,410, and 488). 47. Tien-kung, called variously Ts'an-ch'i and Ku-shih, a cluster between the lodgings Net and Beak (ibid., p. 400). 48. Shih Hung was the son and legitimate successor to Shih Lo, but he was killed in 334 by Shih Hu (see note 54 below), only two years after his father died (CS, chap. 7). 49. Crater and Corvus respectively, below the ecliptic in the center of the heavens. 50. The rat and the snake are the creatures associated with the branches tzu and .ssu. Kuei among the celestial stems connects to rat via the phase Water. The cyclical designation of the day kuei-ssu is projected here on the annual cycle, from 328 to 333. 51. Continuing to move west, Saturn crosses two clusters in Virgo. 52. The stars Graffias and Dschubba in Scorpius. 53. The star Antares in Scorpius. 54. Shih Hu assurned the throne of the Later Chao shortly after the death of Shih Lo in 333. His detailed biography is in CS, chaps. 106-7. Shih Hu died in 349. 55. There is a graphic resemblance between the shape of mountains and the peaked profile for the character "eight." In the esoterica, mountain is associated with the trigram ken, "Keeping Still," with the phase Earth, and thus with the number eight. The absence offorests that Yang describes suggests that Earth lacks Wood. Nine is a homonym for "durable" (kiug; GSR 992, 993), and is interpreted to mean that nine years is the threshold to many. Lord Tao's tenure in Wu-ch'ang was exactly eight years. 56. Mao Pao, serving as governor of South Yii province, took administrative control of Chu city in 338-339 (Huang-kang prefecture in Hupeh). 57. The lunar lodging star, Hydra, is central to the Red Bird, the southern palace of the sky (see note 38). Apparently with the full moon in its south locus, the star Hydra will vanish from view. 58. Kung Ts'ao is the celestial spirit associated with the yin section of the heavens according to the twelvefold division of earthly coordinates. He corresponds to the lunar lodgings Tail and Winnower. During the tenth month, the moon is in yin. 59. Tzu is the earthly branch related to the two-hour midnight period, which in the story points to the midnight arrival of the rebels. Thus the tenth month and the midnight period result in tzu being conjoined with yin, and yin becomes the determinate of the rebel's strength. 60. Tsung Kuei is the celestial spirit associated with the yu section of the heavens, corresponding to the lunar lodgings Stomach, Mane, and Net. This is where the sun and moon meet in the third month. Thus the nobility are associated with the earthly branch yu, symbolically correlated to Fire. Add to this the heavenly stem ting, derived from the sexagenary cycle designation of the rebel's day of arrival, correlated to Metal which is overcome by Fire. The short-term victory in Chu would thus be a case of inferior (Metal) overcoming superior (Fire) and would eventually come to nothing. 61. In addition to Kung Ts'ao and Tsung Kuei, there are ten other celestial spirits associated with earthly branches and in turn with particular lunar lodgings. Handbooks of Liu-jen divination expound at length on their significance. This particular divination by Tai Yang is often cited as a model of the eclectic Liu-jen technique, which is based on a hierarchical analysis of time periods. The time periods are informed with specific interpretations through association with the five phases and other numerological systems. Thus the year, the month, the ten-day hsiin, the day, and the time of day, all of which have a particular designation of celestial stems, earthly branches, or a combination of the two, are related to complex events.

NOTES: FROM THE HISTORY OF CHIN

197

62. This discussion touches upon the interesting relationship between the physical health of an official or noble and the security. and prosperity of his territory. It is a belief which underlies the immortality quests of early emperors; or at least serves to justify their squander of state treasure on such quests. A clear example is in the manipulation of calendars, which controlled the personal physical vitality of the ruler in coordination with that of the empire. The T'ai-ch'u reign, literally "Grand Beginning" (104-100 B.C.) was initiated by advisors who told Emperor Wu it would revitalize him physically to restart the counting of his reign under that particular title. Governors and grand protectors are often referred to in the historical accounts by their surnames followed by the name of their territories, substituted for their given names, e.g., P'ei Ch'i province. This underscores the close personal association with the region. An interesting study has been done in the context of the English monarchy by Ernst Kantorowicz (1957), wherein the king possesses two bodies, one individual and one corporate, the latter identified with the body politic and understood to be immortal. 63. The White Stone God has been identified in connection with a stele dated A.D. 183. See Stein 1963:44. 64. Yii Liang died in 340, after an illness that was the subject of a number of accounts. Kan Pao's In Search of the Supernatural, 9.249, has an interesting amplification of the events of his death: Yii Liang, styled Wen-k'ang, was a native of Yen-ling. Once, when he was garrisoned in Ching province, he entered the privy and happened upon a creature resembling a fanghsiang demon. It had flashing red eyes, and from its body a light radiated. The creature rose up slowly from the ground, then suddenly pulled itself up with its arms, made a fist, and struck Liang. As a result of this, Liang was confined to bed with a disorder. The fangshih Tai Yang said, "Forme~ly, after the Su Chiin affair, you pledged to the White Stone Shrine that you would sacrifice an ox. That pledge has never been fulfilled, and therefore the spirits of the shrine are taking revenge upon you. You cannot be saved." And it came to pass that the next year Liang died.

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Index Account of Ten Continents (Shih-chou-chi), 2, 21 Accounts of the World, see Shih-yii Acupuncture, 18, 75-76, 141; 142, 144, 145, 149, 179n 142, 189nB2 Ai, Han emperor, 46 An, Han Emperor, 59, 61, 64, 176n91, 189n 130 An-ch'i, Master, 151, 191n164 Analects of Confucius, 93, 94, 127, 171n3, 1nnn8-9, 174nn50,52, 182n36 Annotations to the Classic ofWaterways (Shuiching chu), 193n3 Anomalies, 45, 56, 60, 62, 63, 66, n, 95, 97, 99, 102, 104, 117, 120, 123, 128, 186n95 Antares, 121, 163, 196n53 Apocrypha, 43, 63, 66, 169n43, 194n 32 Apocryphal texts, 23, 169n40 Arcane Strategies of the Great Lord (T'ai-kung yin-mo), 162 Arcturus in Bootes, 195n40 Arts ofJung-ch'eng (Jung-ch'eng shu), 23, 28 Arts and Systems, 24 Astral Calculations, Inn 14 Astral Influences (T'ui-pu), 23, 62, 69 Astrology (Chan-hsing), xi, 4, 6-7, 20, 23,

36, 37, 42, 43, 52, 68, 91, 95, 105, 127, 157, 168n20, 177n 108, 182n38, 185n89, 187n 107, 193n6 Astronomy, xi, 1, 21, 27-28, 36, Inn 14, 185n89, 194n24 Auriga (Hsien-ch'ih), 195n40 Auspication (Niao-ch'ing), 24 Auspicy, see Divination, auspicy Axel tree , lunar lodging, 163

Balance of Discourses (Lun-heng), 13 Balanced, The, 57 Bamboo Twisters (T'ing-chuan), 24, 27, 43 Beak, lunar lodging, 195n 38, 196n47 Bedchamber (Fang-chung), 28 "Biographies of Mencius and Hsiin-tzu," 6 "Biographies of Pien Ch'iieh and Duke Ts'ang," 153 "Biography of Tung-fang Shuo," 10 Biology, 2; flora and fauna, 12

Birdcalls, 127-28 Black art, 14, 38 Blue Dragon, 124, 195n38

Book of Ceremonial (I-Ii), 170n70 Book of Changes (I-ching), 9, 12, 13, 23, 27, 43, 46, 56, 60, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98-99, 107, 110, 112, 114, 115, 118-19, 120, 124, 168nn16,27, 170nn70, 1, 1nnnll,B-14, 174n54, 176n84, 177n 108, 180n 14, 181n24, 183n56, 184nn61-62,67,69-70, 185nn76,81,83-84, 186nn90,97; Commentary of Ching Fang, 13, 37, 62, 63, 67, 169n40, Inn 14; "Great Commentary" ("Ta-chuan"), 9, 118, 168n 16, 170n 1, Inn 13, 176n84, 181n24, 185nn81,84, 186n90 Book of Documents (Shu-ching), 13, 27, 46, 61, 170n70, 171nn3,4, 184nn, 186n98 Book of Odes (Shih-ching), 45-46, 93, 94, 113, 127, 170n70, Inn 12, 175n66, 184nn65,73; Commentary of Mao, 61; Nonstandard Commentary of Han (Hanshih wai-chuan), 68-69 Book of Rites (Li-chi), Inn 12, 173n23 Buddhism, 188nn127-28, 192n3 Buddhist Arts, 24

212

INDEX

Calendric Computation (Li-shu), 24 Calendrics, 2, 4, 6-7, 20, 21, 27, 32, 36, 43

Calisthenics (Tao-yin), 149 190n 146 Canonical Essays (Tien-lun), 150, 190n 146, 191n 152 Celestial Bow (Tien-kung), 163, 196n47 Celestial Gate (Tien-kuan), 163, 196n46 Celestial Offices (T'ien-kuan), 24, 27, 46, 73 Celestial Prison (T'ien-lao), 162, 195n41 Celestial Rulers (Ch'i-cheng), 24, 27, 43, 56 Celestial Warden (T'ien-yii), 162, 194n42 Celestial stems, see Heavenly stems Chai P'u, 60 Chai Wen-yao, 116 Chamber, lunar lodging, 163 Chan, see Divination; Prognostication Ch'ang, see Wen, King of Chou Chang, Han emperor, 87, 174n44 Chang Chiang, 62 Chang Chii-chiin, 70 Chang Chiieh, 188n 122 Chang Heng, 27, 46, 172n 14 Chang Hua, 21, 169n4O Chang K'ai, Eastern Chin chancellery attendant in garrison, 157 Chang K'ai, Later Han associate of Fan Ying from Ho-nan, 65 Chang K'an, 48 Chang Tiao, 17, 86-87 Ch'ang-an, 76-77, 82 Chang-ho River, 107 Chan-hou, see Meteorognostics Chan-hsing, see Astrology Chan-meng, see Dream Divining Chao, Duke of Lu, 104, 123 Chao Chih, 59 Chao K'ung-yao, 107, 108-9 Chao Ping, 15, 76 Chao Yen, 71-72 Charts and Apocrypha (Tu-wei), 24, 73 Charts and Chants, 74 Charts and Tallies (Tu-ch'an), 24, 28, 56, 62 Che Hsiang, 62-63 Che Kuo, 62 Che-tzu, see Graph Dividing Ch'en Chen, 156 Ch'en Ch'eng-yu, 132 Ch'en Chi, 60, 175n73

Ch'en Cho, 157 Ch'en Kuei, 140 Ch'en Min, 156, 193n7 Ch'en Shih, 66,86, 179n141 Ch'en Shou, 39 Ch'en Shu-shan, 142 Ch'en Teng, 144 Ch'en Yung, 156 Chen-ching, see Classic of Acupuncture Chen-mai-fa, see Method ofExamining Pulse Cheng, Han emperor, 37-38, 50, 123 Cheng, King ofCh'u, Ill, 176n81 Ch'eng Hsi, 137 Cheng Hsing, 45 Cheng Hsiian, 60, 175n73 Ch'eng Kao, 75 Ch'eng T'ang, 181n 18 Cheng-po Ch'iao, 5

Ch'i, 45, 104, 113, 117, 122, 123, 125, 130, 141, 142, 148, 149, 150, 151, 164, 165, 188n 129, 189n 138 Ch'i, minister of Yao, 54, 174n 49 Ch'i, Mount, 55, 175n55 Ch'i, state, 5, 6, 49 Chi Hsiian-Iung, 132 Chi ]u, 108 Chi Tzu-hsiin, 86, 178n 129 Chi Tzu-hsiinn, 81-82, 178n 129 Ch'i-cheng, see Celestial Rulers Ch'i-p'ing, see Balanced, The Chi-shih Mountains, 155, 192n3 Chi-tzu, 43, 171n4 Chia (shapes), 126 Chia I, 180n5, 1811125 Chia K'uei, 45 Chiang barbarian tribes, 61, 72 Chiang-huai i-jen chih, see Records of Strange Characters of the Chiang-huai Region Ch'iao Hsiian. 73 Ch'iao Yen-shou, 72, 177n 108 Chieh Nu-ku; 17, 86-87 Chieh Yti, 190n 147 Chien River, 47 Ch'ien Teng, 161 Chien-ch'eng Mountains, 69 Ch'ien-chiieh, 43 Ch'ien-fu-lun, see Discourses of the Hidden One

INDEX Ch'ien-Iung, 26 Chien-p'ing, 140 Chih plant, 68, 176n89 Chih-jen, 42, 170n77 Chih-kuai (Recorded Anomalies), ix, x, 17, 30, 33, 34, 39, 42, 169n60, 179n 139 Chih-yin, see Pitch Mastery C~'in Mi, 74 Chin-ku, see Fasting Ch'ing, Duke, 102 Ching Fang, 12-13, 27, 55, 62, 63, 67, 70, 129, 169n40, Inn 14, 174n 54, 177nn99,108, 180n4, 184n61, 187n 108 Ching Mountain, 109-10, 183n59 Chiu T' ang-shu, see Old History of the T'ang Chou, Duke of, 55, 111, 118, 174n51 Chou Hsin, 185n87 Chou Hsiian, 138-40, 153, 188n 125 Chou Hsiian-p'ei, 156-57, 193n 11 Chou Po-k'uang, 60, 175n71 Chou Yii, 159, 194n25 Chou-li, see Programs of Chou Chronographic Star (Mercury), 159-60 Ch'ii, area, 71 Ch'u, state, 3, 102 Chu Chien-p'ing, 41, 134-37, 152 Chu Mu, 66 Ch'u Shao-sun, 32 Chii Sheng-ch'ing, 87 Ch'ii-i, see Exorcism Chu-ko Liang, 74 Chu-ko Yiian, 104-6 Ch'uan-ch'i, see Transmitting marvels Chuang-tzu, 108, 110, 114, 119, 167n5

Chuang-tzu, 190n 147

171n3, 187n109, 188n125,

Chiin Yu, 151 Ch'un-ch'iu, see Spring and Autumn Annals Ch'un-ch'iu fan-lu, see Spring and Autumn

Annals, Myriad Dewdrop Commentary on Ch'ung Shang, 5 Chung Yu, 135 Chung Yii, 114-15 Chung-hou, 171 n 3

Classic of Acupuncture (Chen-ching), 75, 178n 118 Classic of Fetal Breathing (T'ai-hsi ching), 179n 144

213

Classic of Filial Piety (Hsiao-ching), 127 Classic of Mountains and Waterways (Shanhai-ching), 16 Classics of the Pulse (Mai-ching), 178n 118 Collectanea (Ts'ung-shu), 29, 195n 32 Collected Biographies of Immortals (Lieh-hsienchuan), 174n42, 180n5 Collection of Illustrations from the Three Realms, see San-ts'ai t'u-hui Comments on the Changes, 66 Completion of Graphic and Written Records, The (T'u-shu chi-ch'eng), 170n76 Comprehensive Records of the T'ai-p'ing Era (T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi), 107n76 Computational Arts (Suan-shu), 24 Configured energies, see Ch'i Confucianism, 3, 12, 15, 30, 39, 45, 54, 58,

131, 167n4, 175n66, 183n53, 184n65 Confucius, 3, 8, 9, 38, 43, 45, 102, 112, 115, 116, 128, 172n12, 173n34, 174nn50-52, 183n 56, 190n 147 Conjury (Huan-shu), 3,6, 9, 14-15, 17, 24,

35,36, 174n41, 179n139 Continuity in History (Shih-t'ung), 31 Cosmos, 11, 12, 18, 25, 28, 66, 113, 117, 12~ 168n2~ 182n3~

186n89

Crack Making (Pu-chan), 24 "Crack-making" (Pu), 10

Demons, 80-81, 87, 120, 158, 183n47,

197n64 Diagnostics, 12, 152

Discourses of the Hidden One (Ch'ien-fu-lun), 13 "Discussion Discerning the Way" ("Pien-tao lun"), 17, 151 Divination (Chan), x, xi, 1, 2, 8, 9, 13, 21, 24, 35-37, 40, 41, 45, 96, 98-100, 1056, 111, 113, 114-15, 121, 126, 127, 130, 132, 135, 137, 138, 153, 155, 158, 166,

171n3, 174n54, 180n4, 194n16, 195n38; auspicy, 16, 101-3, 130, 168n32, 180n4; crack-making, 43; crack-reading, 27, 70, 127; milfoil-stalk, 5, 23, 43, 71, 94-95, %, 100, Ill, 115, 117, 119, 123-24, 128, 184n62, 187n 107; oracle bone, 7, 8, 10; techniques; 5, 16, 22-29, 169n44, 183n61;

214

INDEX

Divination (Chan) (Continued) turtle-shell, 5, 123-24, .128, 129, 131, 133; uses of, 15; validity of, 9-10 Diviners, 6, 7, 21,47, 181nn20,25, 182n38,

186n89, 187nn104,111 "Diviners of Lucky Days," 153, 180n 5 Divining boards, see Shih Dream Divining (Chan-meng), 24 Drugs, see Medicine, drugs Dynastic histories, 3, 32,97, 167n1, 1697155, 170n76; compilers of, ix, 4, 6, 7, 17, 22, 34; disdain for fang-shih in; 16, 18; documentation offang-shih in; 18-21; fang-shih biographies in, x, 1, 3-4, 29-39, 40, 193n6; fang-shih introduced in, 2, 5; mediums in, 14, 15; problems in, x; source materials for, 30 Earl of Wind (Feng-po), 125 Earthly branches (fi-chih), 7, 12, 25, 26, 131,

182n38, 194n19, 196nn59-61 Eclipse, 36, 73, 126, 170n65 Eight angles, 27 Elixirs, 18 Emblems (Hsiang), 11 Encyclopedias (Lei-shu), 19, 29, 33, 42, 170n76, 189n 137, 190n 146 Erh Hsiin, 141 Erudite (Po-shih), 48, 56, 58, 64, 74, 103,

173n24 Esoteric Arts (Fang-shu), 24

Essential Traditions of Wind Angles (Fengchiao yao-chuan), 180n4 Evading Stems (Tun-chia), 24, 25, 43, 52, 72 Exorcism (Ch'ii-i), 2, 3, 14-15, 17, 24, 36, 80,87

Explaining the Graphs and Explicating Their Combinations (Shuo-wen chieh-tzu), 10 Fa, King Wu of Chou, 54, 174n49; see also Wu, King of Chou Fan A, 148-50 Fan Chih-chang, 72 Fan Li, 157-58, 164, 19471 16; see also Tao, Lord Fan Ling, 66 Fan Yeh, 17, 21, 29, 30, 32-33, 34, 36, 39,

43, 167n7, 168n 16

Fan Ying, 17, 35, 63-66, 173n25 Fang-cheng, see Sage and Upright Fang-chi ("fang technologies"), 167n 1 Fang-chung, see Bedchamber Fang-hsiang, 197 n64 Fang-hsiang-shih, 1 Fang-shu ("fang books"), 1 Fang-shu, see Esoteric Arts Fang-shuo ("fang theories"), 1 Fasting (Chin-ku), 24 Fate, 3, 45, 64, 69, 128, 131, 187nn 104, 106 Fei Ch'ang-fang, 15, 16, 35, 77-81 Feng Chou, 60 Feng Chiin-ta, 87-88, 179n 142 Feng Feng-shih, 60, 175n70 Feng Hou, 25 Feng Kun, 71 Feng-chan, see Meetings and Greetings Feng-chiao, see Wind Angles Feng-po (Earl of Wind), 125 Fetal breathing (T'ai-hsi), 19, 24, 88,

179nl44,188n128 Fiction, ix, x, 3, 19, 30-31, 33, 42 Filial and Incorruptible (Hsiao-lien), 54, 59, 68, 69, 73, 132, 140, 173n24, 189n 139 Five Classics, 38, 39, 58, 63, 73, 170n70 Five Sacred Mountains, 88, Ill, 177n 100,

178n135, 179n143, 192n3 Five elements, 5 Five phases (Wu-hsing), 6, 11-12, 18, 28, 33, 36, 94, 130, 168n24, 169n40, 178n 114, 184n74, 186n94, 187n 106, 189n 143,

193nn7,13, 196n61 Five tones (Wu-yin), 27, 101 Fo-chiao, see Buddhist Arts

Forest of Changes (I-lin), 177nn 101, 108

70,

127-28,

Four Kingdoms, 102 Fu Hsi, 100, 128, 171n2, 181n24 Fu Yiieh, 54, 174n49 "Gate of Heaven," 195n 33

Gathering Records and Discerning Directions (Hsieh-chi pien-fang shu), 26 Geographic handbooks, 42 Geography, 2, 3, 12, 31 Geology, 12 Geomancy, 1

INDEX Geometry, 169n43 Ghosts, 13, 15, 37-38, 52, 79, 81, 83, 87, 94, 95, 113-14, 117, 120, 126, 166,

185n88 Gnomen, 7-8 Grand Historian, see Ssu-ma Ch'ien Grand White (Venus), 123, 159-60, 163, 165 Grand minister of the lands and peoples (Tassu-t'u), 8 Graph Dividing, see Che-tzu Great Fire (Antares), 121 Great Lord (T'ai-kung), 195n37 Great Mystery (T'ai-hsiian), 13 "Great Plan" (Hung-fan), 13, 171n4, 186n98 Gullet, lunar lodging, 163 Hagiography, 3, 19, 28, 40, 169n 52 Han River, 93, 105, 117, 195n43 Han Shao, 86, 179n 141 Han Shih-hsiung, 152 Han Yiieh, 73 Han-shih wai-chuan, see Book of Odes, Non-

standard Commentary of Han Harvester, lunar lodging, 195n 38 Heart (Antares), 163 Heavenly Emperor, 50, 52 Heavenly Patterns (T'ien-wen), 24, 62, 93, 98

Heavenly Patterns, 183n 50 Heavenly stems (T'ien-kan) , 7, 12, 25, 26, 159, 182n38, 186n93, 187n101, 195n38, 196nn60-61 Heng, Han emperor, 71 Heng Mountain, 155, Inn 3 Hengg Mountain, 155, Inn 3 Hexagrams, 12, 22, 23, 26, 27, 94-97, 99, 103, 104, 107-8, 111-12, 115, 118, 130,

134, 167n5, 181n24, 182n38, 183n47, 184nn63,67-71, 185n84, 186nn92,98 Historiography, 31, 33, 34, 36, 169n54, 174n54 History of the Chin (Chin-shu), 22, 36, 42, 169n40, 177n 100, 179n 143, 184n74, 187nn 100, 113, 193nn7,13 History of the [Former] Han (Han-shu), 27, 28, 29, 32, 37, 170nn69,71, l71n5, 173n32, 175n70, 183nn49,55, 186n94, 187nn107,11O, 191n161, 195n37 History of the Later Han (Hou Han-shu), x,

215

1, 4, 17, 21, 29, 30, 32-33, 34, 42, 167n6,

168nn16,35, 169n59, 170n68, 173n25, 174n41, 178nn 120, 129, 186n93 History of the Ming (Ming-shih), 40 History of the Sui (Sui-shu Ching-chi-chih), 177n101, 178nl18, 180nn2,4, 191n161, 195n 37 Ho, Han emperor, 57, 58, 75 Ho Chin, 74 Ho Meng-chieh, 17, 88 Ho Yen, 13, 110-14, 119-20, 128, 131,

183n61 Ho-t'u, see Yellow River Charts Ho-t'u cheng, see Proofs of the Efficacy of the Yellow River Charts Horn (Spica in Virgo), lunar lodging, 160, 163 Hsi, Duke, 8, 176n 11 Hsi Chien, 150- 51 Hsi HSlin, 66 Hsia Jung, 150 Hsia-hou Wei, 135-37 Hsia-kuan, see "Offices of Summer" Hsiang, Duke of Sung, 102 Hsiang, see Emblems Hsiang K'ai, 32, 169n 59, Inn 14 Hsiang Yii, 105, 182n45 Hsiang-fen, see Physiognomy Hsiao-lien, see Filial and Incorruptible Hsiao-shuo, 31 Hsiao-wu, Chin emperor, 194n26 Hsieh, minister of Yao, 54, 174n49 Hsieh I-wu, 53-56, 175nn56-57

Hsieh-chi pien-fang shu, see Gathering Records and Discerning Directions Hsien, see Immortals Hsien, Han emperor, 189n 136 Hsien-ch'ih (Auriga), 162, 195n40 Hsien-hsileh, see Longevity Study Hsien-men Kao, 5 Hsien-p'u, 38 Hsien-pei tribes, 71, 177n 103 Hsing, see Shapes Hsiu, see Lunar lodging Hsiung Chii-tzu, 108, 183n 57 Hsiung-nu, 49, 173n29, 175n67 Hsii Chi-lung, 121-24 Hsii Chiin, 70-71, 177n101 Hsii Fu, Ch'in explorer, 152, 192nn170,3

216

INDEX

Hsii Fu, Former Han diviner, 130, 135,

187n111, 188nl19 Hsii K'an, 157 Hsii Man, 70-71, 177nn99-100, 104 Hsii Shih, see Hsii Fu, Ch'in explorer Hsii Teng, 15, 76-77 Hsii Yang, 49- 51 Hsii Yi, 142 Hsii Yii, 175n 55 Hsiian, Han emperor, 175n70, 188n 123 Hsiian, King of Chou, 185n82 Hsiian-hsiieh, see Mysterious learning Hsiin, Han emperor, 177n91 Hsiin Yu, 135 Hsiin Yii, 146, 189n 139 Hu, Mount, 63 Hu Tzu, 190n 147 Hua Ch'ang-ehiin, 133-34 Hua Ch'eng-men, 133 Hua Piao, 107-8 Hua T'an, 156 Hua T'o, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 42, 76, 14052, 152, 178n 120, 179n 147, 188n 127, 189nn 136-37, 190n 145 Huai River, 160, 194n28 Huai-nan-tzu, 13, 185n86, 186nn89-91, 187n 107, 191n 161 Huan, Duke, 174n53 Huan, Han emperor, 175nn Huan, Hsiian, 163 Huan T'an, 45 Huan-shu, see Con jury Huang Yiian, 140 Huang-ti, see Yellow Sovereign Huang-ti nei-ching, see Inner Classic of the

Yellow Sovereign Hui, Chin emperor, 193n 11 Hui, Han emperor, 181n20 Hung-fan, see "Great Plan" Hung-hsi dam, 50, 173n32 Hung-pao, see Vast Treasure Hyrdra, lunar lodging, 196n 57 Hygenie arts, xi I (region), 3, 48, 74 I Chih, 181n 18 I Yin, 55, 174n 53 I-chih, see Medicine

I-ching, see Book of Changes I-li, see Book of Ceremonial Immortals (Hsien), 2, 5, 16, 17, 18-19, 30, 33, 38, 77, 86, 88, 149, 150, 151, 174n42, 176n89, 179nn 142-43, 147, 181n 16, 190n 146, 191nn 161, 164, 192nn 164-65, 169-70, 197n62 Imperial Digest of the T'ai-p'ing Era (Tai-p'ing yii-lan) 170n76 In Search of the Supernatural (Sou-shen-chi), ix, 21, 33, 34, 168n35, 179n139, 180n11, 181nn17,21, 183n57, 193n5, 197n64 Induction (T'ui), 12 Inner Classic of the Yellow Sovereign (Huangti nei-ching), 13, 19 "Inner Studies," Inn 11 len (shapes), 126 Jen An, 74 Jen Shao-eh'ing, 8 Jen Wen-kung, 46-48 Jen Wen-sun, 46 Jottings (Pi-chi), 29 Ju-i, King of Chao, 99, 181n20 Ju-ists, x, 2, 3, 14, 35, 39, 167n4 Jung, disciple of Wang Ho-p'ing, 88 Jung-eh'eng, master, 19, 87 lung-ch'eng shu, see Arts of Jung-eh'eng Jupiter (Year Star), 163, 170n65, 194n24 Kan, Lord, 107, 109, 128, 129, 183nn49-50 Kan Pao, ix, 21, 33, 34, 168n 35, 193nn5,7,

197n64 Kan

Shih,

87-88,

150-52,

190n 146,

192n 167 Kao Huo, 51-52, 173n34 Kao T'ao, 54, 174n49 Kao-hsin, III Kao-shih chuan, see Lives of Literary Men Kao-tsu, Han emperor, 13, 188n 117,

191n 150 Kao-tsung, King Wu-ting of the Shang, 54, 97, 174n49, 181n 18 Kao-yang, III Keng Hsien-sheng, 170n77 Ko Hung, 33, 170n62, 179n 144, 190n 146 Ko-Iu, 102 Ko-pei Lake, 79-80

INDEX K'ou, see "Mouth" Ku Yen-hsien, 156-57, 193n 11 Ku Yung, 37-38, 170n69 Ku-hsii, see Orphans and Voids Kuan Ch'en, 34, 126-33, 180n2 Kuan Chung,· 55 Kuan Hsiao-kuo, 107 Kuan Lu, 13, 15, 16, 22, 34, 41, 91-134, 153, 167n5, 169n51, 171n5, 173n19, 180nn2-4, 14, 182nn38,41, 183nn52,6061, 184nn65,74, 185n76, 186nn89,99, 187nn 104, 106, 195n 38 Kuan Lu pieh-chuan, see Separate Biography ofKuan Lu Kuan Yen, 108, 183n53 Kuan Yii, 159, 194n25 Kuan-ch'iu Chien, 124, 186n99, 195n38 K'uang, music master, see Shih-k'uang Kuang Chung, 174n53 Kuang-wu, Han emperor, 45, 48, 51, InnnlO,18, 173nn26,35, 177n96 K'un, father of Yii, 99 K'un-Iun Mountains, 155, 192n3 Kung, King of Tung-hai, 69, 177n96 K'ung Ch'iao, 64 Kung I, 55, 174n52 Kung Ts'ao, 165, 196nn58,61 Kung-sha Mu, 16, 68-70 Kung-sun Shu, 48, Inn 18, 173n26 Kuo En, 94-96, 100-1 Kuo Feng, 56 Kuo Hsien, 48-49 Kuo Mo, 161, 163, 195n 34 Kuo Pan, 188n 115 Kuo Yii, 18, 19, 74-76, 178nn 118-19 Kuo-yii, 176n81 Lang I, 27, 32, 37, 46, Inn 14 Lang Tsung, 37, 64, Inn 14 Lao, Master, 155-56, 193n4 Lao Ping, 71 Lao-tzu, 61, 62-63, 108, 110, 114, 119, 176n7~ 179n14~ 193n4 Lao-tzu, 176n80, 188n 125 "Left Way" ([so-tao), see Way, "Left" "Leftovers" (Yii-shih), 34 Lei-kung (Lord of Thunder2, 125 Lei-shu, see Encyclopedias

217

Li, General, 145 Li, texts, 170n70 Li Ch'eng, 146 Li Chieh, 58 Li Chu, 116, 185n80 Li Fan, 170n65 Li Kai, 161 Li Ko, 27, 58-60, 175n73 Li Ku, 60, 66, 175nn Li Li, 60, 176n74 Li Ling, 32 Li Nan, 57-58 Li Ping, 64 Li Tan, 150 Li Tao-yiian, 193n 3 Li Yen, 141 Li-chi, see Book of Rites Li-shu, see Calendric Computation Liao Fu, 61-62 Liao Meng-chii, 62 Liao Wei-chii, 62 Lieh-hsien-chuan, see Collected Biographies of

Immortals Lieh-nii chuan, see Lives ofExemplary Women Lieh-tzu, 167n 5 Lien Fan, 56 Lin Nan, 175n63 Ling, Han emperor, 66, 74, 178n114 Liu Ch'ang, 69-70 Liu Ch'ang-jen, 10 1-3 Liu Chen, 138 Liu Chih, Later Han grand protector, 68 Liu Chih, Three Kingdoms brother of Liu Shih, 187n 113 Liu Chih-chi, 31, 40 Liu Ching-tsung, 147 Liu Chiin, 187n 104 Liu Feng-lin, 96 Liu Heng, 170n65 Liu Hsiang, 151, 174n42, 186n94, 191n 161 Liu Hsin, Former Han literatus, 12 Liu Hsin, Three Kingdoms grand protector, 147 Liu Ken, 15, 82-83 Liu Pao, 176n91 Liu Pei, 74 Liu Pin, 117-21 LiuShih, 128, 131, 187nl13

218

INDEX

Tsu, 142 Tsung, 194n 31 Yen, 74 Yin, 162-63, 195nn 38,42 Ying-ch'uan, 128, 131 Yuan, 194nn21,31 Liu-jen ch'i-fen, see Six Day Seven Division Liu-t'ao, 14, 168n 30, 172n6

Liu Liu Liu Liu Liu Liu

Liu-t'ao yao-chiieh, 171n6 Lives of Exemplary Women (Lieh-nii chuan), 29

Lives of Literary Men (Kao-shih chuan), 29 Lives of Spirit Immortals (Shen-hsien chuan), 29, 33, 170n62 La River, 171n3, 178n135 Lo River Script (Lo-shu), 24, 28, 43, 44, 58, 63, 69, 171n 3 La-yang, 64, 110, 126, 156 Longevity Study (Hsien-hsiieh), 24 Lard T'ai, 164, 196n55; see also Fan Li Lord of Thunder (Lei-kung), 125 Lu Kung, 133 Lu Mountain, 155, 192n3 Lu Pan, 116, 185n80 Lu Yen, 159 Lii Shang, 185n87 Lii Wang, 54, 55, 172n6, 174nn49,53 Lii-shih ch'un-ch'iu, see Spring and Autumn

Annals, of Mr. Lii Luan Ta, 152, 192n 166 Lun-heng, see Balance of Discourses Lunar lodgings, 160, 163, 185n89, 194n24,

195nn33,38,40,44, 196nn47,57-58,60-61 Ma Ling, 57 Ma Wu, 156 Magic, 1, 3, 5, 9, 16, 22, 36, 83, 151,

174n41, 179n139, 186n91, 191n153 Magical Martial, 24 Man-i barbarians, 56, 71, 177n 104 Mane, lunar lodging, 163, 195n38, 196n60 Mao Pao, 164-65, 196n56 Mars (Sparkling Deluder), 123, 156, 163 "Master Blue Ox," 88 Master Embracing Simplicity (Pao-p'u tzu), 33, 179n 144, 190n 146, 192n 169 Master of Rain (Yii-shih), 125

Master of the Way (¥u-tao), 48, 57, 63, 74, 103, 173n 24, 175n63 Medicine (I-chih), xi, 1, 2, 15, 19-21, 24, 32, 75-76, 77, 82, 88-89, 133, 138, 14041, 145, 147, 148, 150, 188nn 127, 129; diet control, 18; drugs, 18, 33, 38, 144, 152; hygenic, 6, 17-18, 29, 36; moxa combustion, 18, 140, 144-45; pharmaceutical, 6, 17-18, 29, 36 Medium Healing (Wu-i), 24 Mediums, see Wu Meetings and Greetings (Feng-chan), 24, 28, 43 Mei p'ing, 143 Mencius, 67, 174n53 Mencius, 171n5, 172n13, 174n53, 176n87,

185n80 Meng, governor of Ching Province, 130 Mercury (Chronographic Star), 159-60 Metallurgy, 2 Meteorognostics (Chan-hou), 16, 24, 53, 56, 70,92 Meteorology, 2, 10-11, 27, 195n 33

Method of Examining Pulse (Chen-mai-fa), 75 Min Chung-chu, 60, 175n71 Ming, Chin emperor, 195n34 Ming, Han emperor, 52, 176n89, 182n 39 Ming, Wei emperor, 140, 186n99, 188n 124; see also Ts'ao Jui Ming-shih, see History of the Ming

Mo-tzu, 171n3, 185n82 "Mouth" (K'ou), 10 Moxa combustion, see Medicine Mu, Duke ofCh'in, 174n52 Murky Warrior, 124, 195n 38 Music, 1, 21, 67, 123, 152,

178n 114, 192n 171 Myriad Dewdrop commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, see Spring and Autumn Annals, Myriad Dewdrop Commentary on Mysterious learning (Hsiian-hsiieh), 13 Mysticism, 13

Nai T'ai-yiian, 99 Net, lunar lodging, 163, 187n101, 195n38,

196nn45,47,60

INDEX New Accounts of Tales of the World, see Shihshuo hsin-yil New Text advocates, 12-13, 168n25 Ni, Three Kingdoms grand protector, 125-26 Ni-ch'iu Mountain, 51, 173n34

Niao-ch'ing, 24 Niao-chii, Mount, 179n 142 Occult, 38, 119, 128, 183n61 "Offices of Summer" (Hsia-kuan), 1 "Offices of the Earth" (fi-kuan), 8 Old History of the T'ang (Chiu T'ang-shu), 40 Old Man p'ei, 75 Old Text advocates, 12, 168n25 Omenology, 20, 33, 36, 68, 180n4 Omens, 2, 10, 45, 93, 98, 100, 103, 105, 122, 169n4O, 172n 10, 176n89, 181n 18, 186n94, 195n33; and portents, 7, 9, 35, 39; see also Portents Oracle bones, 25; see also Divination, oracle bones Orphans and Voids (Ku-hsil), 24, 25, 27, 43, 71 Ou-yang Hsi, 51, 173n35 P'an K'ang, 181n 18 Pan Ku, x, 10, 37-38, 54 Pao Shu, 108, 183n 53 Pao Tzu-ch'un,96 PaoYii,51-52 P'ei Ch'i, 131 P'ei Hui, 107-8, 128, 132 Pei K'uei, 128, 187n 107 P'ei River, 75 P'ei Shih-chiin, 108-11, 114, 169n51 P'ei Sung-chih, 30, 34, 40, 42, 131, 152,

180n2, 184n68, 185n84, 188n 127 P'en River, 195n35 P'eng-Iai, 38, 155, 191n 164, 192nn 170,3 P'eng-sheng, 117, 185n83 Pharmacology, 2 Physiognomy (Hsiang-fen), 25, 93, 134, 136, 137, 140, 152, 184n68, 187nn 105, 111 Pi-chi, see Jottings Pieh-chuan, see Separate biographies Pien Ch'iieh, 20 Pien Man-i, 87 P'ing, Duke of Chin, 123

219

P'ing, Han emperor, 47 Ping-shu, see Magical Martial Pitches, 2, 11, 12, 27, 101, 102, 180n4 Pitch Mastery (Chih-yin), 24 "Play of the Five Animals," 149 Pleiades, 195n44 Po Ch'i, 105 Po Yiieh, 109 Po-shih, see Erudite Po-wu-chih, see Records of Widely Diverse

Things Po-yu, 120, 185n88 Portents, 32, 43, 45, 46, 98; see also Omens Primal Pneuma (Yilan-ch'i), 24, 28, 43, 56 Prognostication (Chan), 7, 9, 12, 43, 53, 71,

103,123,155, 168n16, 172n14, 174n54, 193n7 Prognosticators, 11, 21, 22, 32, 37-38 Programs of Chou (Chou-Ii), 1, 8, 19, 167n2,

170n70 Proofs of the Efficacy of the Yellow River Charts (Ho-t'u cheng), 160, 194n 32 Pu, see "Crack-making" Pu Yen, 128, 187n 107 Pu-chan, see Crack Making Queen Mother of Lightning (Tien-mu), 125 Quelling Star (Saturn), 163 Reading Changes, 43 Recluses, ix, 17, 18, 19, 31, 55, 60, 61, 63,

65,67,69,72,75,82, 175n55, 179n141 Recorded anomalies, see Chih-kuai

Records of the Grand Historian (Shih-chi), x, 5, 12, 27, 29, 32, 40, 168n38, 180n5, 181n20, 182nn34,44-45, 183nn49,53, 185nn79,87, 187nn 107, 111 Records of Strange Characters of the Chianghuai Region (Chiang-huai i-fen chih), 170n77 Records of the Three Kingdoms (San-kuochich), 21, 30, 34, 42, l71n5, 173n36, 178n 120, 184n61, 188n 120, 189n 136, 192n 171 Records ofWidely Diverse Things (Po-wu-chih), 2, 21 Red Bird, 124, 195n 38, 196n 57 Roof, lunar lodging, 195n4O

220

INDEX

Sage and Upright (Fang-cheng), 63, 74,

173n24 San-ts'ai shuo, see "Theory of Heaven, Earth, and Man"

San-ts'ai t'u-hui, 78, 84, 92, 136 Saturn (Quelling Star), 163, 196n 51 "Scholar of the Northern Suburbs," 62 Scorpius, 196nn52-53 Seances, 15

Separate Biography of Hua T'o (Hua T'o piehchuan), 144-45, 147-48, 149-52, 189n 137 Separate Biography of Kuan Lu (Kuan Lu pieh-chuan), 30, 91-94, 95-99, 100, 1014, 105-7, 108-111, 112-14, 115-17, 11824, 125-26, 127-31, 180n2 Separate biographies (Pieh-chuan), 30, 182n2, 189n 137

Seven Bamboo Tablets of the Cloudy Satchel (fun-chi ch'i-ch'ien), 19, 190n 146 Seven celestial directions, 27-28 Seven celestial lights, 55 Sexagenary cycle, 12, 25, 27, 28, 101, 103, 157, 160, 162-63, 164, 165, 194n 16, 195n 38, 196n60 Shan-hai-ching, see Classic of Mountains and

Waterways Shang Ch'eng-kung, 86 Shang Ch'u, 183n56 Shang Chli, 108 Shao, Duke of, 55, 174n51 Shao Weng, 14, 15 Shapes (Hsing), 11 She-t'i, 162, 195n40 Shen Nung, 171n2, 181n24 Shen-hsien chuan, see Lives of Spirit Immor-

tals Shen-tao, see Spirit Way Shih, see Stalk Divining Shih (divining boards), 23, 25, 169n43 Shih Ch'i, 15, 83 Shih Hu, 163, 165, 196nn48,54 Shih Hung, 163, 196n48 Shih La, 158, 160, 161-62,

194nn15,21,31, 195n38, 196nn48,54 Shih Shih Shih Shih Shih

Pao, 115-17 Ping, 156, 193n7 Shang-fu, 195n 37 Shen, 107, 109, 128, 129, 183n50 Su, 55, 174n54

Shih Yli, 54, 174n 50 Shih-chou-chi, see Account ofTen Continents Shih-huang, Ch'in emperor, 4, 39, 152, 178n 134, 192nn 164, 170 Shih-i, see Ten Wings Shih-k'uang, 43, 123, l71n 5

Shih-k'uang, 171n5 Shih-shuo hsin-yu, 40, 184n61, 187 nIB, 188nl15,193n13 Shih-t'ung, see Continuity in History Shih-yu, 131, 188n 115 Shin-t'ou, Mount, 157 "Shoot for the Contents," 3, 22, 104-6, 117, 119, 121, 124, 129, 130, 167n 5, 182n41, 187n 110 Shou Kuang-hou, 17, 86-87 "Shrinking the World," 3, 22, 167n5,

173n25, 178n 128 Shu, 48, 56, 64, 74, 85, 175n59 Shu-ching, see Book of Documents Shu-shu, see Arts and Systems Shu-sun Wu-chi, 71 Shui-ching chu, see Annotations to the Clas-

sic of Waterways Shun, Han emperor, 78n 117 Shun, sage emperor, 27, 54, 59, 64, 171n3,

174n49, 175n55 Shun-yli I, 20

Shuo-wen chieh-tzu, see Explaining the Graphs and Explicating Their Combinations Six Chia celestial phenomena, 123, 186n93 Six Classics, 54, 170n70 Six Day Seven Division (Liu-jen ch'i-fen), 25, 27,43

Sou-shen-chi, see In Search of the Supernatural

163,

Sparkling Deluder (Mars), 123, 156, 163 Spica in Virgo (Horn), 160, 195n 33 "Spirit Boy," 94 Spirit Medium (T'ung-shen), 25 Spirit Way (Shen-tao) , 25 Spirits, 2, 3, 5, 7, 14, 15-16, 21, 35, 3738,43,45, 51, 52, 54,70,76-77, 79, 81, 87, 95, 97, 98, 100, 102-4, 106, 114, 119, 120, 122, 123, 140, 147, 156, 158, 165, 177n 100, 181n 16, 191n 161, 196nn58,60-

61, 197n64 Spring and Autumn Annals (Ch'un-ch'iu), 8,

INDEX 95, 102, 170n70; Commentary by Kung Yang, 69; of Mr. Lii (Lii-shih ch'un-ch'iu), 13, 182n 35, 185n78; of Mr. Yen (Yen-shih ch'un-ch'iu), 68; ofWu and Yiieh (Wu-yiieh ch'un-ch'iu), 19411 16; Myriad Dewdrop Commentary on (Ch'un-ch'iu fan-lu), 12, 13,- 177n108

Ssu-fang, 1 Ssu-ma Ch'ien, x, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8-9, 10, 11, 13, 20-21, 22, 32, 34, 37, 40, 45, 153, 169n56, 172n 11, 173n29, 178n 135, 183n56, 187n104, 191n157 Ssu-ma Chi-chu, 93, 100, 107, 109, 180n 5,

181n25 Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju, 94, 180n8 Ssu-ma Piao, 178n 114 Ssu-ma Yang, 157 Stalk Divining (Shih), 25 Stalking Days, 43 Standards of time, 2

T' ai-kung liu-t'ao, 172n 6 T'ai-kung yin-mo, see Arcane Strategies of the Great Lord T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi, see Comprehensive Records of the T'ai-p'ing Era T'ai-p'ing yil-lan, see Imperial Digest of the T'ai-p'ing Era T'ai-shih, 155, 192n3 T'ai-wu, Shang emperor, 98, 181n 18 Tail, lunar lodging, 196n 58 Tan Tzu-ch'un, 93-94, 180n7 Tan Yang, 72-73 T'ang, King of the Shang, 182n42, T'ang Chli, 130, 135, 187nll1, 188n119 T'ang T'an, 67-68

T'ang-tsu, 68

Stargazing, 127 Stellar Calculations, 63 Stomach, lunar lodging, 163, 195n38, 196n60 Storytelling, 1, 21 Straddler, lunar lodging, 195n38 Su Chiln, 161, 166 Suan-shu, see Computational Arts Sui River, 105, 182n45

Sui-shu Ching-chi-chih, see History Sun Ch'eng, 60, 68, 177n91 Sun Ch'ilan, 189n 139 Sun Hsien, 45, 172n 10

221

of the Sui

Sun Hun, 156 Sun Yung, 88-89, 150, 179n 147 Sung, Mount, 82, 178n135, 192n3 Sung Chung, 180n 5, 181 n 25 Sung River, 83 Susng Wu-chi, 5,97, 181n 16 "Ta-chuan," see Book of Changes, "Great Commentary" Ta-ssu-t'u offices, 8 T'ai, Mount, 70, 71, 126, 177n 100, 193n 14 Tai Yang, 36, 42, 155-56, 186n89, 192n 3,

193n6, 194nn16,27, 195n32, 196nn55,61, 197n64 T'ai-hsi, see Fetal breathing T'ai-hslian, see Great Mystery T'ai-kung (Great Lord), 195n 37

T'ao, Lord (Fan Li), 164, 196n55 T'ao, Mount, 179n 146 T'ao Fan, 59 T'ao K'an, 163-64 Tao-tsang, see Taoist Patrology Tao-yin calisthenics, 149, 190n 146 Taoism, 70, 176n79, 188n 122, 190n 147, 192n 3; Huang-lao, 62, 176n79; magical arts, 66, 150; sexual lore, 28; textual tradition; 167n5 Taoist Patrology (Tao-tsang), 19, 29,

179n 144, 190n 146 Taurus, 196nn45-46

Ten Wings (Shih-i), 23 Teng Ch'en, 50-51 Teng Yang, 13, 110-13, 128, 184n61 "Theories of Mr. Fan," 66 "Theory of Heaven and Man" (T'ien-;en shuo), 10, 12 "Theory of Heaven, Earth, and Man" (Sants'ai shuo), 10, 12 Ti barbarians, 67 Ti-chih, see Earthly branches Ti-kuan, see "Offices of the Earth" Ti-wu Lun, 53-54, 174n44 T'ien-;en shuo, see "Theory of Heaven and Man" T'ien-kan, see Heavenly stems T'ien-kuan, see Celestial Gate T'ien-kuan, see Celestial Offices T'ien-kung, see Celestial Bow T'ien-lao, see Celestial Prison

Tien-lun, see Canonical Essays

222

INDEX

T'ien-men, see Gate of Heaven Tien-mu (Queen Mother of Lightning), 125 T'ien-wen, see Heavenly Patterns T'ien-yii, see Celestial Warden T'ing-chuan, see Bamboo Twisters Tou Hsien, 59, 175n67 Tou Tzu-wen, 63, 176n81 Transmitting marvels (Ch'uan-ch'i), x, 30- 31 "Treatise on Celestial Offices," 27 "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifice," 5, 10, 27, 32, 40, 178n 135 "Treatise on the Five Phases," 169n40, 178n 114, 184n74, 186n94, 193n7 Triaster, lunar lodging, 121, 185n89, 195n38 Trigrams, 12, 28, 100, 118, 119, 122-23, 124, 171n3, 183n47, 184nn69-71,

186n92, 196n55 Ts'ai Tse, 187n 111 Ts'ai Yiian-ts'ai, 106 Ts'ai Yung, 73, 172n 14, 178n 114 Ts'ang, Duke, see Shun-yii I Ts'ao, Duke, 138 Ts'ao Chih, 17, 139, 151, 191n152, 192n169 Ts'ao lui, 188n 124; see also Ming, Wei emperor Ts'ao P'i, 151, 178n112, 188n1l8,

189nn136,140, 190nl46, 191n152;seealso Wen, Wei emperor Ts'ao Piao, 135, 137 Ts'ao Shuang, 115, 184n74 Ts'ao Ts'ang-shu, 146 Ts'ao Ts'ao, 14, 17, 22, 83-85, 88, 144, 14546, 151, 178n 137, 186n93, 188n 118,

189nn136,139, 191n152, 195n37; see also Wei, Duke of Tseng Kingdom, 69

Tso Commentary (Tso-chuan) , 8, 171nn2,5, 174nn53-54, 184nn29-33, 66, 185n83, 186nn94, 96, 187n 107 Tso Tz'u, 14, 17, 22, 35, 83-86, 88, 15051, 169n60, 174n41, 178n 128, 179n 139, 186n93, 189n 136 Tso-chuan, see Tso Commentary Tso-tao, see Way, "Left" Tsou Yen, 5-6, 11-12, 168n24 Tsu Chi, Shang minister, 181n 18 Tsu Chi, Tsu Yiieh's older brother's son, 160 Tsu Chih, 159

Tsu Huan, 161 Tsu T'i, 157, 193n15, 194nn17,31 Tsu Yiieh, 158-62, 194n 17 Tsui Hou, 5 Tsung Kuei, 165, 196nn60-61 Tsung Tse, 71-72 Ts'ung-shu, see Collectanea Tu Hung; 193n 10 Tu K'ui, 42, 152, 192n 171 Tu Nao, 25 Tu Po, 117, 185n82 T'u-ch'an, see Charts and Tallies T'u-shu chi-ch'eng, see Completion ofGraphic

and Written Records, The T'u-wei, see Charts and Apocrypha Tuan Chiung, 72 Tuan Yi, 60-61 T'ui, see Induction T'ui-pu, see Astral Influences Tun Tzu-hsien, 142 Tun-chia, see Evading Stems Tung Chung-shu, 12, 13, 72, 177n 108 Tung Fen, 150 Tung Fu, 74 Tung-fang Shuo, 21, 22, 41, 129, 130, 167n 5, 169n41, 187n 110 Tung-kuo Yen-nien, 87-88 Tung-Iai, Mount, 69 T'ung-shen, see Spirit Medium Tzu Shen, 72, 104, 128, Inn 108, 187n 107 Tzu Wei, 128, 187n 107 Tzu-kung, Mount, 47, 172n 17 Tzu-Iu, 102, 182n 36 Ursa Major, 195n41

Vast Treasure (Hung-pao), 151, 191n161 Venus (Grand White), 123, 159-60, 163, 165 Virgo, 196n51 Wang Ch'ang, 137 Wang Ch'iao, 14,

16,

52-53,

168n 35,

173n40, 174n42 Wang Ch'ung, 12-13 Wang Chen, Later Han immortal, 17, 88 Wang Chen, Eastern Chin scribe, 158 Wang Chi, Eastern Chin rebel, 156, 193n 10 Wang Chi, Three Kingdoms grand protector, 97-100

INDEX Wang Ching, 99-100 Wang Chung, 69 Wang Chung-tzu, 48 Wang Fu, Later Han literatus, 12-13, 168n 16 Wang Fu, Later Han recluse, 64 Wang Ho-p'ing, 88, 150, 179n 147, 191n 160 Wang Hung-chih, 103-4 Wang Liang, 45, Inn 10 Wang Ling, master rider, 109 Wang Ling, Three Kingdoms provincial governor, 137, 188n 120 Wang Mang, 22, 37, 39, 45, 47, 48, 49-50,

Inn18, 173nn26,32, 175n71 Wang Pi, 13, Ill, 184n61 Wang Su, 137 Wang Tao, 157, 193n 13 Wang Tun, 159-60 Wang Tzu-ch'iao, 53, 174n42 Wang Yin, 193n 13 Way, 19, 45, 46, 48, 54, 55, 67, 76, 81, 83, 88, 93, 99, 100, 101, 103, 108-9, 11011,114,115,117, 118, 119, 122-23, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 150, 155, 160, 190n 147, 191n 154; "Left," 14; Master of, see Master of the Way; true, 35 Wei, Duke of, 134-37; see also Ts'ao Ts'ao Wei Hsiao, 49, 173n26 Wen, Duke of Chin, 123 Wen, Wei emperor, 137, 138-39, 134-35, 150, 178n 112, 188nn 118, 120, 124, 189n 140, 192n171; see also Ts'ao P'i Wen, King of Chou, 54, 100, 102, 112, 115,

128, Inn6, 174n49, 181n24, 182n42 Wen-chiao, 161 White Tiger, 124, 162, 186n89, 195n 38 Wind Angles (Feng-chiao), 27, 43, 46, 53, 57, 60, 62, 63, 93, 155, 158, 172n14,

180n4 Wind Directions, 127-28 Wind and Clouds, 56 Wing, lunar lodging, 163 Winnower, lunar lodging, 196n58 Wu (region), 83 Wu (mediums), xi, 1, 3, 6, 13-14, 15, 16, 19, 36, 76 Wu, Chin emperor, 169n40 Wu, Han emperor, 3, 14, 15, 19, 21, 22, 32, 34, 35, 39, 45, 152, 169n56, 177n 108,

223

179n142, 187nll0, 191n161, 192nn 164, 166, 197n62 Wu, King of Chou, 120, Inn6, 174nn49, 51, 182n42, 185n87 Wu, Wei emperor, 195n 37; see also Ts'ao Ts'ao Wu P'u, 148-49 Wu Shu, 170n77 Wu-ch'eng River, 108 Wu-i, see Medium HealingWu-shang River, 76 Wu-tan Mountain, 48, Inn 19 Wu-ting, High Progenitor of the Shang, 97 Wu-yin, see Five tones Wu-yiieh ch'un-ch'iu, see Spring and Au-

tumn Annals, ofWu and Yiieh Yang Hou, 66, 74, Inn 14, 178n 117 Yang Hsiung, 12-13, 183n55 Yang Lun, 64 Yang p'ei, 138 Yang Yu, 56-57 Yang-ch'eng Mountain, 85 Yangtze River, 50, 52, 93, 105, 117, 160, 161, 164, 165, 195nn 35,43 Yao, sage emperor, 54, 111, 171n3, 174n49 Year Star (Jupiter), 163 Yeh Huan, 62 Yellow Gate, 68, 176n90 Yellow River, 43,50, 108, 171n3, 178n135,

189n142, 191n158, 192n3 Yellow River Charts (ho-t'u), 25, 28, 43, 44, 58, 63, 69, 171n 3, 195n 32 Yellow Sovereign (Huang-ti), 13, 171n2,

176n79, 178n 118 Yellow Turban rebels, 138, 175n73, 188n 122 Yen, Han empress, 176n91 Yen Chiin, 150 Yen Chiin-p'ing, 108, 183n55 Yen Hsien, 68 Yen Hsin, 142 Yen Hsii-po, 131 Yen p'ing, 55, 174n53 Yen-shih ch'un-ch'iu, see Spring and Autumn

Annals, of Mr. Yen Yi barbarians, 67 Yin Min, 45 Yin Shih, 141

224

INDEX

Yin Teng, 73 Yin and yang, 4, 5-6, 8, 11-12, 18, 25, 26, 28,43,45,46,75,94, 110-11, 112, 11617, 119, 120, 121-22, 124, 128, 169n40, Inn 11, 184n62, 186n89; yang, 99, 106, 142, 157, 160; yin, 113, 125, 145 Ying Ch'u, 135, 137 Ying Feng, 155-56 Ying Shao, 168n 16 Yu, sage emperor, 50, 99, 120, 171n4,

181n24, 182n42, 185n86 Yu Chi, 166 Yu Liang, 164-66, 197n64

Yil-ch'ien pien, 171n6

Yu-shih (Master of Rain), 125 Yil-shih, see "Leftovers" Yu-tao, see Master of the Way Yuan, Chin emperor, 157, 169n40, 193n 15,

194n16 Yuan Shang, 59 Yuan Yen, 159 Yilan-ch'i, see Primal Pneuma Yuan-fang, See Tso Tz'u Yueh tribes, 15, 76 Yueh, King of, 157-58, 194n 16 Yiln-chi ch'i-ch'ien, see Seven Bamboo Tab-

lets of the Cloudy Satchel Yung-ch'eng, Mount, 179n 141

Neo-Confucian Studies Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-ming, tr. Wing-tsit Chan Reflections on Things at Hand:· The Neo-Confucian Anthology, compo Chu Hsi and Lii Tsu-ch'ien, tr. Wing-tsit Chan

1963 1967

Self and Society in Ming Thought, by Wm. Theodore de Bary and the Conference on Ming Thought. Also in paperback ed.

1970

The Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism, by Wm. Theodore de Bary and the Conference on Seventeenth-Century Chinese Thought. Also in paperback ed.

1975

Principle and Practicality: Essays in Neo-Confucianism and Practical Learning, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom. Also in paperback ed.

The Syncretic Religion of Lin Chao-en, by Judith A. Berling The Renewal of Buddhism in China: Chu-hung and the Late Ming Synthesis, by Chiin-fang Yii

1979 1980 1981

Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart, by Wm. Theodore de Bary

The Liberal Tradition in China, by Wm. Theodore de Bary

1981 1983

Modern Asian Literature Series Modern Japanese Drama: An Anthology, ed. and tr. Ted T. Takaya. Also in paperback ed.

1979

Mask and Sword: Two Plays for the Contemporary Japanese Theater, Yamazaki Masakazu, tr. J. Thomas Rimer Yokomitsu Riichi, Modernist, by Dennis Kenne

1980 1980

Nepali Visions, Nepali Dreams: The Poetry of Laxmiprasad Devkota, tr. David Rubin

1980

Literature of the Hundred Flowers, Vol. I: Criticism and Polemics, ed. Hualing Nieh

1981

Literature of the Hundred Flowers, Vol II: Poetry and Fiction, ed. Hualing Nieh

1981

Modern Chinese Stories and Novellas, 1919-1949, ed. Joseph S. M. Lau, C. T. Hsia, and Leo au-fan Lee. Also in paperback ed.

1981

Translations from the Oriental Classics Major Plays of Chikamatsu, tr. Donald Keene Records of the Grand Historian of China, translated from the Shih chi of Ssurna Ch'ien, tr. Burton Watson, 2 vols. Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-ming, tr. Wing-tsit Chan

1961 1961 1963

Chuang Tzu: Basic Writings, tr. Burton Watson, paperback ed. only The Mahabharata, tr. Chakravarthi V. Narasimhan The Manyoshu, Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkokai edition Su TU1Jg-p'o: Selections from a Sung Dynasty Poet, tr. Burton Watson Bhartrihari: Poems, tr. Barbara Stoler Miller. Also in paperback ed. Basic Writings of Mo Tzu, Hsiin Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu, tr. Burton Watson. Also in separate paperback eds.

The Awakening of Faith, attributed to Asvaghosha, tr. Yoshito S. Hakeda Reflections on Things at Hand: The Neo-Confucian Anthology, compo Chu Hsi and Ui Tsu-ch'ien, tr. Wing-tsit Chan

The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, tr. Philip B. Yampolsky Essays in Idleness: The Tsurezuregusa of Kenko, tr. Donald Keene The Pillow Book of Sei Shonagon, tr. Ivan Morris, 2 vols. Two Plays of Ancient India: The Little Clay Cart and the Minister's Seal, tr.

J.

A. B. van Buitenen

The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, tr. Burton Watson The Romance of the Western Chamber (Hsi Hsiang chi), tr. S. I. Hsiung The Manyoshu, Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkokai edition. Paperback text edition. Records of the Historian: Chapters from the Shih chi of Ssu-ma Ch'ien. Paperback text edition, tr. Burton Watson

1964 1965 1965 1965 1967 1967 1967 1967 1967 1967 1967 1968 1968 1968 1969 1969

Cold Mountain: 100 Poems by the Tang Poet Han-shan, tr. Burton Watson. Also in paperback ed.

Twenty Plays of the No Theatre, ed. Donald Keene. Also in paperback ed. Chushingura: The Treasury of Loyal Retainers, tr. Donald Keene The Zen Master Hakuin: Selected Writings, tr. Philip B. Yampolsky Chinese Rhyme-Prose, tr. Burton Watson Kukai: Maior Works, tr. Yoshito S. Hakeda The Old Man Who Does as He Pleases: Selections from the Poetry and Prose of Lu Yu, tr. Burton Watson The Lion's Roar of Queen Srimala, tr. Alex & Hideko Wayman Courtier and Commoner in Ancient China: Selections from the History of the Former Han by Pan Ku, tr. Burton Watson Japanese Literature in Chinese, Vol. I: Poetry and Prose in Chinese by Japanese Writers of the Early Period, tr. Burton Watson Japanese Literature in Chinese, Vol II: Poetry and Prose in Chinese by Japanese Writers of the Later Period, tr. Burton Watson Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma, tr. Leon Hurvitz. Also in paperback ed.

1970 1970 1971 1971 1971 1972 1973 1974 1974 1975 1976 1976

Love Song of the Dark Lord: Jayadeva's Gitagovinda, tr. Barbara Stoler Miller. Also in paperback ed. Cloth ed. includes critical text of the Sanskrit.

1977

Ryokan: Zen Monk-Poet of Japan, tr. Burton Watson 1977 Calming the Mind and Discerning the Real: From the Lam rim chen mo of Tson-kha-pa, tr. Alex Wayman 1978 The Hermit and the Love-Thief: Sanskrit Poems of Bhartrihari and Bilhana, tr. Barbara Stoler Miller

1978

The Lute: Kao Ming's P'i-p'a chi, tr. Jean Mulligan. Also in paperback ed. A Chronicle of Gods and Sovereigns: Jinno Shotoki of Kitabatake Chikafusa, tr. H. Paul Varley

Among the Flowers: The Hua-chien chi, tr. Lois Fusek Grass Hill: Poems and Prose by the Japanese Monk Gensei, tr. Burton Watson Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of Fangshih, tr. Kenneth J. DeWoskin

1980 1980 1982 1983 1983

Studies in Oriental Culture 1. The Onin War: History of Its Origins and Background, with a Selective Translation of the Chronicle of Onin, by H. Paul Varley 2. Chinese Government" in Ming Times: Seven Studies, ed. Charles O. Hucker 3. The Actor's Analects (Yakusha Rongo), ed. and tr. by Charles J. Dunn and Bunzo Torigoe 4. Self and Society in Ming Thought, by Wm. Theodore de Bary and the Conference on Ming Thought 5. A History of Islamic Philosophy, by Majid Fakhry, 2d ed.

1967 1969 1969 1970 1983

6. Phantasies of a Love Thief: The Caurapancasika Attributed to Bilhana, by Barbara S. Miller

7. Iqbal: Poet-Philosopher of Pakistan, ed. Hafeez Malik 8. The Golden Tradition: An Anthology of Urdu Poetry, by Ahmed Ali 9. Conquerors and Confucians: Aspects of Political Change in Late Yuan China, by John W. Dardess 10. The Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism, by Wm. Theodore de Bary and the Conference on Seventeenth-Century Chinese Thought 11. To Acquire Wisdom: The Way of Wang Yang-ming, by Julia Ching 12. Gods, Priests, and Warriors: The Bhrgus of the Mahabharata, by Robert P. Goldman 13. Mei Yao-ch'en and the Development of Early Sung Poetry, by Jonathan Chaves 14. The Legend of Seminaru, Blind Musician of Japan, by Susan Matisoff

15. Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muslim Modernization in India and Pakistan, by Hafeez Malik 16. The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India, by Gail Minault

1971 1971 1973 1973 1975 1976 1977 1976 1977 1980 1982

Companions to Asian Studies Approaches to the Oriental Classics, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary Early Chinese Literature, by Burton Watson Approaches to Asian Civilizations, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary and Ainslie T. Embree

1959 1962 1964

The Classic Chinese Novel: A Critical Introduction, by C. T. Hsia Chinese Lyricism: Shih Poetry from the Second to the Twelfth Century, tr. Burton Watson A Syllabus of Indian Civilization, by Leonard A. Gordon and Barbara Stoler Miller Twentieth-Century Chinese Stories, ed. C. T. Hsia and Joseph S. M. Lau A Syllabus of Chinese Civilization, by J. Mason Gentzler, 2d ed. A Syllabus of Japanese Civilization, by H. Paul Varley, 2d ed. An Introduction to Chinese Civilization, ed. John Meskill, with the assistance of]. Mason Gentzler An Introduction to Japanese Civilization, ed. Arthur E. Tiedemann A Guide to Oriental Classics, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary and Ainslie T. Embree, 2d ed.

1968 1971 1971 1971 1972 1972 1973 1974 1975

I ntroduction to Oriental Civilizations Wm. Theodore de Bary, Editor Sources of Japanese Tradition 1958 Paperback ed., 2 vols. 1964 Sources of Indian Tradition 1958 Paperback ed., 2 vols. 1964 Sources of Chinese Tradition 1960 Paperback ed., 2 vols. 1964 A Guide to Oriental Classics, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary and Ainslie T. Embree, 2d ed.

1975