A Grammar of Warrongo

A Grammar of Warrongo

Mouton Gratntnar Library

53

Editors Georg Bossong Bernard Comrie Matthew Dryer

De Gruyter Mouton

A Grammar of Warrongo

by Tasaku Tsunoda

De Gruyter Mouton

ISBN 978-3-11-023876-1 e-ISBN 978-3-11-023877-8 ISSN 0933-7636 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Tsunoda, Tasaku. A grammar of Warrongo I by Tasaku Tsunoda. p. em. - (Mouton grammar library; 53) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-023876-1 (alk. paper) 1. Warungu language - Grammar. 2. Aboriginal Australians Australia, Northern - Languages. 3. Australia - Languages. I. Title. PL7101.W386f78 2011 499' .15 -dc23 2011038671

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. © 2011 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/Boston Typesetting: Frank Benno Junghanns, Berlin Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Gottingen oo Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Preface

What follows is a description of the Warrongo language, once spoken in the upper Herbert River area of north Queensland, Australia. I conducted fieldwork on severallanguages in north Queensland from 1971 to 1974. They were all endangered at that time. I worked mainly on Warrongo, recording it from perhaps about ten people. But almost all the data on it were provided by the late Mr. Alf Palmer (Warrongo name: Jinbilnggay), the last fluent speaker of the language. A very small amount of information -nonetheless invaluable -was recorded from the late Mr. Alec Collins (Warrongo name: Wolngarra) by Peter Sutton and by me. Alf Palmer passed away in 1981. But towards the end of the 20th century, a movement to revive the ancestral languages of the area (including Warrongo) started, and I have been conducting Warrongo language lessons in Townsville since 2002 (Tsunoda (2002, 2004, 2005: 212-213) and Tsunoda and Tsunoda (2006, 2007, 2008, 201 0)). The first outcome of the fieldwork in the early 1970s was my M.A. thesis (Tsunoda 1974a), submitted to Monash University. Subsequently I wrote about various aspects of Warrongo: Tsunoda (1976a, 1976b, 1984, 1987, 1988a, 1988b, 1990, 1992, 1995, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2006, 2007, 2008), among others. The main points of these papers are incorporated into the present work. With permission from Mrs. Rachel Cummins (nee Rachel Wilson), who is Mr. Alf Palmer's daughter's daughter, I conducted a course on the Warrongo language at the University of Tokyo in the academic years 2003, 2005, 2007 and 2009. The present work is almost entirely based on the lecture notes for that course. Some of the comments from the students are incorporated into the present work. The present grammar is not a revision of Tsunoda (1974a). It is an entirely new work. It contains the following parts: Chapter 1 The language and its speakers, Chapter 2 Phonology, Chapter 3 Word classes and morphology, Chapter 4 Syntax, and Texts. This format is based on the guideline Handbook of Australian Languages prepared by R. M. W Di.xon and Barry J. Blake. Inevitably there are overlaps among the chapters. For example, Chapter 3 contains a large amount of syntactic information. There is no separate chapter for semantics, discourse, or comparative-historical linguistics. Nonetheless some information on semantics is included in Chapters 1, 3, and 4; some information on discourse in Chapter 4; and some information on comparative-historical linguistics in Chapters 1 to 4. The present work is a description of a language that was already endangered when the fieldwork was conducted. In view of this, in each chapter, I make an effort to provide as detailed a description as possible, accompanied by as many examples as possible. I even report a phenomenon that may not have existed when the language was thriving; see 2.11. This is because, when working on an endangered language, we can never tell what may turn out to be important for

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Preface

the linguistic academia and/or the community concerned. It is important to bear in mind that 'the data one will be collecting may well be all that there will be of documentation of the language' (Grinevald 2007: 43), and that 'any record made is likely to be used for other purposes later on' (Mithun 2001: 34). Furthermore, in works on endangered languages, the 'reliability of the data needs to be assessed, and care must be taken in order to provide a reliable documentation' (Tsunoda 2005: 244). In view of this, for each sentential example, I indicate whether it was given by AlfPalrner ('AP') or by Alec Collins ('AC'). For many (though not all) of the examples given by AlfPalrner, I indicate whether it is cited from a text, it was uttered spontaneously during a conversation between Alf Palmer and me, or it is a Warrongo tmnslation of an English sentence. For many (though not all) of the examples cited from a text or our conversation, the context in which that sentence was uttered, is presented. The examples that were composed by me too late to be checked by AlfPalrner are marked with '(TT)' The vast majority of the examples marked by '(AP') were uttered by Alf Palmer either in a text or during our conversation. However, they (marked with '(AP)') include a very small number of examples that were composed by me and approved by Alf Palmer; the abbreviation '(TT, AP)' is used when it is deemed useful to emphasize that the example in question is such an example. In addition it is important to mention that maximum caution is exercised in presenting Table 3-14 Verbal paradigm (1). As can be seen, the present work is an example of what can be done, and what cannot be done, when only the last single speaker is available. In addition to north Queensland (where I conducted field work from 1971 to 1974), I have been carrying out fieldwork in Kimberley, Western Australia since 1975, working on Djaru, Wanyjirra and a few other languages; one of the outcorn es is Tsunoda (1981 a) on Djaru. A similarity or a difference between Warrongo and Djaru/Wanyjirra will be sometimes be pointed out, for this may be useful to a reader who is not familiar with Austmlian languages.

August 2011

Tasaku Tsunoda National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics Tachikawa City, Tokyo, Japan

Acknowledgements

The present work is dedicated to the memory of the late :Mr. Alf Palmer, to whom my most sincere words of gratitude are due. He was an extremely intelligent and helpful consultant. Also he was entertaining and humorous, as can be seen in a fair num her of sentential examples given below. He was deeply concerned about the fate of his language, and was eager to have his language recorded for posterity. He used to say to me, 'I'm the last one to speak Warrongo. When I die, this language will die. I'll teach you everything I know, so put it down properly' (Tsunoda 2005: vii). Indeed. he made admirable efforts to each me everything he knew (Tsunoda 2004: 273-274). In retrospect, it was Alf Palmer who taught me the importance of documenting endangered languages. It is truly unfortunate that I was not competent enough to fully document his knowledge. It is also unfortunate that there was no opportunity to visit the Warrongo country with him to check placenames, etc., or just to see the country where he was born and grew up. (See 1. 8.4.1 for his biography and an account of his linguistic knowledge.) Alf Palmer named me after his uncle no doubt, mother' brother (MB), and not father's brother (FB) (see 1.5.4.2-[2]). This has an important implication. According to Berndt and Berndt (1965: 87-88), in the traditional Aboriginal societies, MB and father's sister (FZ) played pivotal and crucial roles, involving 'special obligations and responsibilities'. In view of this, it is an honour and privilege to be named after Alf Palmer's uncle (no doubt :MB). At the same time, his intention may have been to assign me an obligation and responsibility to document his language to pass it on to posterity. In Rachel Cummins' words, he entrusted the Warrongo language to me. The Warrongo language revival movement is making a slow but steady progress (see Tsunoda and Tsunoda (2010), among others). Alf Palmer's dedicated efforts to have his language documented have proved to be truly worthwhile. What he sowed four decades ago is now beginning to be harvested by his descendants. Also in the 1970s, the following people each provided a limited amount ofnonetheless invaluable- data on Warrongo: Alec Collins (1.8.4.2.), and also Harry Bunn, Vera Smallwood, :Mr. Williamson, :Mrs. Morgenstern, Denny Hoolihan, :Mrs. Cassidy, Tommy Murray, Tommy Springcart, and Ado Cashmere (1.8.4.3). The then Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies (now Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies) and Monash University financed my research into the Warrongo language in the 1970s. Barry J. Blake supervised my M.A. study (and also Ph.D. study) at Monash University, and he has been continuing to give me advice. Peter Sutton made available all his unpublished data on Warrongo recorded from Alec Collins, and also his unpublished data on Gugu-Badhun and Gujal. I recorded a very small amount of data from Alec Collins (see 1.8.4.2), but all the

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examples provided by Alec Collins that are given below were recorded by Peter Sutton. Gavan Breen made available his data on Gujal recorded from George Reid. R. M. W. Dixon made available his unpublished data on Warrongo recorded from Alf Palmer, and also provided a photocopy of a word list of the Ngaygungu language (1.4.1): 'Tribes of Aboriginal met with around Atherton' by Department of Commissioner of Police, Brisbane, dated 4 November 1898. In the 2000s, during my participation in the Warrongo language movement, Rachel Cummins (Alf Palmer's daughter's daughter) provided a large amount of information, in particular, on the biography of AlfPalmer (1.8.4.1). She also issued permission to conduct the class on Warrongo at the University of Tokyo, and to publish the present volume. Willy Santo (Gujal group) and Shirley Johnson (Wulgurugaba group), both interviewed in 2001, supplied information on the mythology of the region. (See 1.5.3.) Leigh Pentecost and Rod Nielson provided information on aspects of the geography and history of the region. (See 1.7.) The students of the class on Warrongo that I conducted at the University of Tokyo supplied helpful comments. The comments on my previous works on Warrongo were gratefully acknowledged therein. Tatsuyuki Mimura and Kan Sasaki each read a draft of Chapter 2 and furnished comments and references. Kan Sasaki detected a fair number of typos in 4.11. Meaghan Cummins (Rachel Cummins' daughter), Kazuhiro Imanishi, Yasuhiro Kojima, Yusuke Nakamura, Ken Shibushita, Mie Tsunoda, and John B. Whitman each provided comments on, or gave advice relevant to, portions of the drafts of the present work. Yasunari Imamura checked the numbering of examples. Minoru Yamaizumi examined the contents and pagination. Hatsue Ishii prepared the basis of :Maps 1, 3 and4. The National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics (Tachikawa City, Tokyo, Japan), where I serve as the Director of the Department of Crosslinguistic Studies, has supported my research, including the preparation and the publication of the present work. Parts of the present work are an outcome of the research I carried out for the collaborative research project that I am conducting, as the project leader, at the Institute: 'Modal and speech-act constraints on clause-linkage' The anonymous reviewer of the manuscript and Bernard Comrie, one of the editors of Mouton Grammar Library, furnished very detailed and helpful comments. The late Ursula Kleinhenz, Julie Miess and Kirstin Borgen at De Gruyter Mouton supplied much-needed editorial assistance and advice. My wife, Mie Tsunoda, and her mother, Suzu Mori, provided full support during the preparation of the present work, as always.

Contents

Preface Acknowledgements. List of tables and figures List of maps and photos List of abbreviations and symbols

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XXl XXll

Chapter 1: The language and its speakers .

1

1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. 1.4.1. 1.4.2. 1.4.2.1. 1.4.2.2. 1.4.2.3. 1.4.2.4. 1.5. 1.5.1. 1.5.2. 1.5.3. 1.5.4. 1.5.4.1. 1.5.4.2. 1.5.4.3. 1.5.5. 1.5.6. 1.5.7. 1.5.8. 1.6. 1.6.1. 1.6.2. 1.6.3. 1.7. 1.8. 1.8.1. 1.8.2. 1.8.3.

1 2 3

Linguistic type . Names of the language and people Dialects. Territory and neighbouring languages Territory Neighbouring languages and their classification Proposed classifications. Studies on the neighbouring languages. Warrongo, Gugu-Badhun and Gujal as a linguistic unity. Problems with the proposed classifications. Environmental and socio-cultural background . Environmental setting Archaeological and anthropological accounts. Mythology Names of groups, individuals, and places. Names of groups Names of individuals. Names of places Sections and totems. Marriage rules Kinship system. Other topics Special styles of speech and songs. Jalngoy: the avoidance style of speech Songs Curses and expressions for abuse Post-contact history Studies on the Warrongo language Introductory notes Early studies on Warrongo. Modem studies on Warrongo

4 4 6 6 6 8 10 14 14 15 15 19 19 21 22 25 27 28 32 33 33 34 37 38 40 40 40 41

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1.8.4. 1.8.4.1. 1.8.4.2. 1.8.4.3. 1.9.

Speakers interviewed for the present study. Alf Palmer (Warrongo name: Jinbilnggay). Alec Collins (Warrongo name: Wolngarra) Other speakers . Present-day situation .

43 43 47 48 51

Chapter 2: Phonology.

53

2.1. 2.1.1. 2.1.2. 2.1.3. 2.1.3.1. 2.1.3.2. 2.1.3.2.1. 2.1.3.2.2. 2.1.3.2.3. 2.1.3.2.4. 2.1.3.2.5. 2.1.3.2.6. 2.1.3.2.7. 2.1.4. 2.1.4.1. 2.1.4.2. 2.1.4.3. 2.1.4.4. 2.1.5. 2.1.5.1. 2.1.5.1.1. 2.1.5.1.2. 2.1.5.1.3. 2.1.5.2. 2.2. 2.2.1. 2.2.2. 2.2.3. 2.2.3.1. 2.2.3.2. 2.2.3.3. 2.2.4. 2.2.5. 2.2.5.1. 2.2.5.2. 2.2.5.3.

53 53 55 59 59 60 60 61 65 67 68 71 74 75 75 76 76 80 84 84 84 84 88 92

Phonemes and their realizations Phoneme inventory Minimal pairs/sets. Allophones of consonants and sem ivowels. Nasals, rhotics, lateral, and sem ivowels Stops. Stop voicing (1): in terms of places of articulation. Stop voicing (2): in the word-initial position. Stop voicing (3): in the second syllable. Stop voicing (4): effect of C2 nasal on Cl stop. Stop voicing (5): effect of Vl on Cl stop, and of V2 on C2 stop Stop voicing (6): in consonant clusters Stop voicing (7): concluding remarks Allophones of vowels. Ia!

lui Iii Iii and lui Problems with /j/ and lw/ ljl Introductory notes Allophones of /jil Allophones of ljl that is not followed by a vowel lwl. Phonotactics. Structure of words . Characterization of enclitics Syllable structure of roots, suffixes, enclitics, and words Sy liable structure of roots Syllable structure of suffixes and enclitics. Syllable structure of words Syllable types in roots, suffixes, enclitics, and words Distribution of consonants and semivowels Consonants and semivowels in roots. Consonants and semivowels in suffixes Consonants and semivowels in enclitics.

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95 97 97 99 100 101 105 105 107 108

Contents

2.2.5.4. 2.2.6. 2.2.6.1. 2.2.6.2. 2.2.6.3. 2.2.7. 2.3. 2.3.1. 2.3.2. 2.4. 2.5. 2.6. 2.7. 2.8. 2.9. 2.9.1. 2.9.2. 2.10. 2.10.1. 2.10.2. 2.11. 2.12. 2.13. 2.13.1. 2.13.2. 2.14.

Consonants and semivowels in words. Consonant clusters. Intra-root consonant clusters. Inter-morphemic consonant clusters. Comparison and analysis of intra-root and inter-morphemic consonant clusters Syllables: onset and coda. Statistics. Statistics (1 ): dictionary count. Statistics (2): text count. Alternation between phonemes. Natural classes. 'Phonological processes' Stress Pitch. Connected speech Intonation. Other phenomena. Careful speech. Deletion of a phoneme. Isolation of suffixes . Women's pronunciation(?) Ideophones. Adaptation of foreign words Words from other Australian languages . Words from English. Practical orthography

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108 108 108 112 114 119 121 121 123 124 128 130 133 141 142 142 145 147 147 149 150 151 152 152 152 155

Chapter 3: Word classes and morphology

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3.1. 3.1.1. 3.1.2. 3.2. 3.2.1. 3.2.1.1. 3.2.1.2. 3.2.1.3. 3.2.1.4.

156 156 157 164 164 165 169 171

3.3. 3.4. 3.4.1. 3.4.2.

Word classes Outline of word classes Additional comments on individual word classes. Noun morphology (1): case inflection. Case inflection of nouns and three demonstrative words. Regular nouns Vowel-final proper and kin nouns. Irregular nouns Ngani 'what', yarro 'this, here', ngona 'that, there', and ngoni 'there, that' Pronoun morphology Adverb morphology (1 ): case inflection . Types of adverbs Wanyja 'where'

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3.4.3. 3.5. 3.5.1. 3.5.2. 3.5.3. 3.6. 3.6.1. 3.6.2. 3.6.3. 3.6.4. 3.6.5. 3.6.6. 3.6.7. 3.6.8. 3.7. 3.7.1. 3.7.2. 3.7.3. 3.8. 3.8.1. 3.8.2. 3.8.3. 3.9. 3.9.1. 3.9.2. 3.9.3. 3.9.4. 3.9.4.1. 3.9.4.2. 3.10. 3.10.1. 3.10.2. 3.10.3. 3.10.4. 3.10.5. 3.10.6. 3.10.7. 3.10.8. 3.10.9. 3.10.10. 3.10.11. 3.10.12. 3.10.13.

Comparison of adverbs and nouns: case inflection Notes on case inflection Silverstein's NP hierarchy Genitive, comitative and ablative cases. Nouns with no case inflection (?) Meanings and functions of cases. Nominative case. Ergative and accusative cases Locative case Dative case. Genitive case Ablative-2 case. Ablative-1 case. Comitative case Noun morphology (2): derivation Noun-stem-forming suffixes. Reduplication. Compounding Adverb morphology (2): derivation. Adverb-stem-forming suffixes Reduplication. Compounding Verb morphology (1): introduction and inflection Verb roots and transitivity Verbalization. interrogative verbs, and demonstrative verbs Conjugational classes. Verbal paradigms. Verbal paradigm (1): L-class, Y-class and ZERO-class Verbal paradigm (2): derived stems Meanings and functions of conjugational categories Past. Nonfuture-1 Nonfuture-2 Nonfuture-3 Future. Comparative notes on tenses: past, present and future . Stative General imperatives. Mfirmative imperative Negative imperative. Apprehensional Four purposives Purposive- I and purposive-2.

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Contents xm

3.10.14. 3.10.15. 3.11. 3.11.1. 3.11.1.1. 3.11.1.2. 3.11.1.3. 3.11.1.4. 3.11.1.5. 3.11.1.6. 3.11.1.7. 3.11.2. 3.11.3.

Purposive-3 Purposive-4 Verb morphology (2): derivation. Verb-stem -forming suffixes -rra-(.v)-mbi-L '(song style ?)' -nda-Y 'repeatedly', 'plural actors' -ya-L 'all', 'all the time' -rV-L 'pluml' ('all', 'many'). -yi-? 'future' -1 and -i. -rrand -i. Reduplication of verb roots . Compounding

Chapter 4: Syntax.

4.1. 4.2. 4.2.1. 4.2.1.1. 4.2.1.2. 4.2.1.3. 4.2.2. 4.2.3. 4.3. 4.3.1. 4.3.2. 4.3.3. 4.3.3.1. 4.3.3.2. 4.3.3.3. 4.3.3.4. 4.4. 4.5. 4.5.1. 4.5.2. 4.5.2.1. 4.5.2.1.1. 4.5.2.1.2. 4.5.2.1.3. 4.5.2.1.4. 4.5.2.2. 4.5.2.2.1.

Introductory notes Types of sentences. Sentence types (1): declarative, imperative, interrogative, and exclamatory sentences. Imperative sentences. Interrogative sentences Exclamatory and declamtive sentences. Sentence types (2): affirmative and negative sentences . Sentence types (3): simple and complex sentences. Types of clauses. Clause types (1 ): intransitive and transitive clauses . Clause types (2): basic and derived clauses Clause types (3): in terms of valency Introductory notes. Three-place clauses Two-place clauses One-place clauses Constituents of clauses Types of phrases Introductory notes Noun phrases. Non-configurational NPs Constituents of non-configurational NPs Types of non-configurational NPs Order of the constituents of non-configurational NPs Additional remarks on non-configurational NPs Configurational NPs Genitive in NPs

296 296 298 298 298 300 301 301 303 304 311

315 316 318 318 318 318 318 320 324 324 324 325 325 326 326 326 327 336 337 338 340 340 341 342 342 342 347 351 352 353

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Contents

4.5.2.2.2. 4.5.2.2.3. 4.5.2.2.4. 4.5.2.2.5. 4.5.2.2.6. 4.5.2.2.7. 4.5.2.2.8. 4.5.3. 4.5.4. 4.5.4.1. 4.5.4.2. 4.6. 4.6.1. 4.6.2. 4.6.3. 4.6.3.1. 4.6.3.2. 4.6.3.3. 4.6.4. 4.7. 4.7.1. 4.7.2. 4.7.3. 4.8. 4.8.1. 4.8.2. 4.8.3. 4.8.4. 4.8.5. 4.9. 4.9.1. 4.9.2. 4.9.3. 4.9.4. 4.9.4.1. 4.9.4.2. 4.9.5. 4.9.6.

'One's camp' (1). 'One's camp' (2). 'One's own camp' 'One's/this camp' 'His/her father' Additional examples Discussion and summary of configurational NPs. Adverb phrases Verb phrases Verb phrases consisting of two verbs Verb phrases consisting of a verb and a noun or adverb. Order of constituents . Constituent order in words Constituent order in phrases Constituent order in clauses Introductory notes Constituent order in those independent clauses and main clauses which are used as affirmative declarative sentences Constituent order in those independent clauses and main clauses which are used as imperative sentences Constituent order in sentences. Verb formation: -bi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and -(m)ba-L 'TR' Intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L 'be, become' (state, change/inchoation) Transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L 'make', etc. (causation, creation, etc.). Transitive-stem-forming suffix -(m)ba-L Complex sentences involving purposive subordination Introductory notes Corn bination of clauses Coreference and syntactic ergativity Coreferential deletion in purposive subordination More on purposive subordination Antipassive construction. Case frames and verbal morphology Transitivity. Coreference: antipassives and syntactic ergativity Purposive subordination Purposive subordination without an antipassive. Purposive subordination with an antipassive Coordination and sentence-sequence Summary of coreference.

354 355 358 361 361 363 364 365 366 367 370 372 372 374 374 374 375 380 382 383 384 391 408 412 412 413 414 415 422 427 427 430 431 432 432 433 438 443

Contents

4.9.6.1. 4.9.6.2. 4.9.7. 4.9.8. 4.9.8.1. 4.9.8.2. 4.9.8.2.1. 4.9.8.2.2. 4.9.9. 4.9.9.1. 4.9.9.2. 4.9.9.2.1. 4.9.9.2.2. 4.9.9.2.3. 4.9.9.2.4. 4.9.9.3. 4.9.9.3.1. 4.9.9.3.2. 4.9.9.3.3. 4.9.9.3.4. 4.9.9.3.5. 4.9.9.3.6. 4.9.9.4. 4.9.9.5. 4.9.9.6. 4.9.9.6.1. 4.9.9.6.2. 4.9.9.6.3. 4.9.9.6.4. 4.9.10. 4.9.11. 4.9.11.1. 4.9.11.2. 4.9.11.3. 4.1 0. 4.1 0.1. 4.10.2. 4.10.3. 4.10.4. 4.10.5.

Comparison of purposive subordination, coordination, and sentence-sequence. Crosslinguistic comparison of syntactic ergativity. More on antipassives in purposive subordination. Behaviour of pronouns Voice distinction Coreferential deletion and retention Performance errors Deletion and retention Case frames and semantics Semantic types of antipassive verbs Case ofthe undergoerNP Introductory notes. Animacy of the undergoer in terms of Silverstein's NP hierarchy Affectedness of the undergoer in terms of verb semantics. Affectedness of the undergoer of action antipassives in terms of the conjugational category Perception and knowledge antipassives Semantics and case of the undergoer NP N,.vaga-L and nyaga-gali-ZERO 'see, look at, etc.' Nyaga---nyaga-L 'look at, look after, mind, watch out' and nyaga---nyaga-gali-ZERO 'look at, watch out' Jaymba-L 'find' andjaymba-gali-ZERO 'find, search for' Ngawa-L andngawa-gali-ZERO 'hear, listen to' and 'understand' Additional observations on perception and knowledge antipassives NOM-GEN and NOM-ACC for antipassives Case frames of three-place antipassives Case ofNPs for instrument, location, and destination Case ofNPs for instrument. Case ofNPs for location Case ofNPs for destination. Case ofNPs: discussion. Aspectual and modal meanings Pragmatics and discourse Introductory notes. Continuous mentions of referents Focus Subordination with the enclitic =ngomay 'after, if, because' Introductory notes Involving an intransitive verb or an adjective-like noun Involving an antipassive verb Involving a transitive verb. Discussion

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443 445 445 452 452 453 453 455 459 459 464 464 464 467 469 476 476 478 479 480 481 483 483 485 491 491 496 497 497 498 502 502 502 505 506 506 507 509 512 513

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Contents

4.11. 4.11.1. 4.11.2. 4.11.2.1. 4.11.2.2. 4.11.3. 4.11.3.1. 4.11.3.2. 4.11.4. 4.11.5. 4.12. 4.12.1. 4.12.2. 4.12.3. 4.12.4. 4.12.4.1. 4.12.4.2. 4.12.5. 4.12.5.1. 4.12.5.2. 4.12.5.3. 4.12.6. 4.12.6.1. 4.12.6.2. 4.12.6.3. 4.12.6.4. 4.12.7. 4.12.8. 4.12.9. 4.12.9.1. 4.12.9.2. 4.12.9.3. 4.13. 4.13.1. 4.13.2. 4.13.2.1. 4.13.2.2. 4.13.3. 4.13.3.1. 4.13.3.2. 4.13.4. 4.13.4.1.

Reflexive and middle constructions Introductory notes Vt-gali-ZERO 'reflexive' (AP) Vt-gali-ZERO 'true reflexive' (A&O d-S) (AP) Vt-gali-ZERO 'anticausative' (0 d-S) (AP) Vt-li-ZERO 'reflexive' (AP, AC). Vt-li-ZERO 'true reflexive' (A&O d-S) (AP, AC) Vt-li-ZERO 'anticausative' (0 d-S) (AP, AC) Vi-gali-ZERO and Noun-gali-ZERO 'middle' (AP). Vi-Ii-ZERO, Vi-1-Vi-li-ZERO, Noun-li-ZERO and Adverb-li-ZERO 'middle' (AP) . Reciprocal construction. Introductory notes . Reciprocal verbs Syntax Semantics. Completely coreferential and partly coreferential. Simultaneous and alternate Lexicalization Reciprocals with a singular d-S. Higher frequency of reciprocal verbs Idiom-like expressions. Non-reciprocal uses. Sociative 'together' Participating in a group action Reflexive Anticausative . Expressions of the d-S and the S. More on the semantics of reciprocals More on the formation of reciprocal verbs Morphological restrictions. Reciprocal verb based on a noun. Etymology Iterative construction. Iterative verbs Syntax Intransitive-garra-Y Tmnsitive-garra-Y Semantics. Aspectual meanings: the imperfective Obligatory vs. non-obligatory use of -garra-Y More on the formation of iterative verbs. Iterative verbs based on an adverb and a noun

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575 575

Contents

4.13.4.2. 4.14. 4.14.1. 4.14.2. 4.14.2.1. 4.14.2.2. 4.14.2.3. 4.14.2.4. 4.14.2.4.1. 4.14.2.4.2. 4.14.2.4.3. 4.14.2.4.4. 4.14.2.4.5. 4.14.2.5. 4.14.3. 4.14.3.1. 4.14.3.2. 4.14.3.3. 4.14.3.3.1. 4.14.3.3.2. 4.14.3.3.3. 4.14.3.3.4. 4.14.3.4. 4.14.3.5. 4.14.3.5.1. 4.14.3.5.2. 4.14.4. 4.14.4.1. 4.14.4.2. 4.14.4.3. 4.15. 4.15.1. 4.15.1.1. 4.15.1.2. 4.15.1.3. 4.15.2. 4.15.2.1. 4.15.2.2. 4.15.2.3. 4.15.2.4. 4.15.3. 4.16. 4.17.

-n-garra-n Applicative construction Introductory notes Verbal locative construction: Vi-ri-L Locative verbs Case frames Transitivity Use Frequency. Use in purposive subordination: syntactic ergativity Lexicalized locative verbs . 'ADJECTIVE to VERB' construction Word order: topic (?) Locative verbs with the causative meaning. Verbal instrumental construction: Vt-ri-L Instrumental verbs. Case frames and valency Use Syntactic possibilities Use in purposive subordination: syntactic ergativity Lexicalized instrumental verbs . 'X is for VERBing with' construction. :More on the morphology Restrictions (?) on the use of instrumental verbs Inflectional suffixes. Pronouns for the DAT Restrictions on the use of applicative verbs Derivational suffixes . Animacy of the A NP Meaning of the 'basic' NP Participial subordination Participle-I -nyo. Introductory notes Participle-I used in a subordinate clause. Participle-I used in a simple sentence. Participle-2 -nji Introductory notes Participle-2 used in a subordinate clause. Participle-2 used in a simple sentence. Participle-2 used in songs Participle-3 -njirra . Relative clause Apprehensional construction 'lest ... should'

XVll

575 576 576 576 576 578 581 581 581 581 583 584 584 585 586 586 588 590 590 595 597 597 598 598 598 600 600 600 601 601 602 602 602 604 607 608 608 609 611 611 612 613 614

xvm

Contents

4.17.1. 4.17.2. 4.18. 4.18.1. 4.18.2. 4.18.3. 4.18.4. 4.18.5. 4.18.6. 4.18.6.1. 4.18.6.2. 4.19. 4.20. 4.20.1. 4.20.2. 4.20.3. 4.20.4. 4.20.5. 4.20.5.1. 4.20.5.2. 4.20.5.3. 4.20.5.4. 4.20.6. 4.20.7. 4.20.8. 4.21. 4.22. 4.23. 4.24. 4.25. 4.26.

Introductory notes Comparison of apprehensional construction and purposive subordination. Subordination without any morphosyntactic marker Emotion (1): 'X is afraid that ... ' Emotion (2): 'X is glad that Knowledge: 'X knows that ... Perception: 'X sees/hears Y doing Speech activity· 'X tells/asks Condition 'if' and future time 'when, while' With a subordinate clause containing a verb. With a subordinate clause containing no verb 'And', 'but' and 'for' Expression of possession and existence Introductory notes Possession cline Genitive case Dative, ablative-1, and comitative cases Apposition of possessor/whole and possessee/part. Introductory notes Apposition (1): accusative, ergative, dative, locative, and ablative-1 cases Apposition (2): nominative Apposition (3): discussion . X Y nyawa 'NEG': 'X has no Y', 'There is no Y in X' Subordination involving a body part noun Transitive verb ganyji-L 'carry' Ngani 'Whatsisname' Sentence-topic word Yamanyon 'similar, like'· word and enclitic(?). Adverbs of modality and the like Enclitics Interjections.

614 617 618 619 621 622 622 623 629 629 633 634 636 636 636 637 642 644 644 645 650 657 658 661 664 665 669 671 673 682 698

Texts. Text 1. An excerpt from Tape 72/26. Text 2: An excerpt from Tape 72/28. Text 3: An excerpt from Tape 72/23.

700

References. Index of subjects. Index of languages Index of names

723 736 746 748

700 713 719

List of tables and figures

Table 1-1. Table 1-2. Table 1-3. Table 1-4. Table 1-5. Table 1-6. Table 1-7. Table 1-8. Table 1-9. Table 1-10. Table 2-1. Table 2-2. Table 2-3. Table 2-4. Table 2-5. Table 2-6. Table 2-7. Table 2-8. Table 2-9. Table 2-10. Table 2-11. Table 2-12. Table 2-13. Table 2-14. Table 2-15. Table 2-16. Table 2-17. Table 2-18. Table 2-19. Table 2-20. Table 2-21. Table 2-22. Table 3-1. Table 3-2. Table 3-3. Table 3-4. Table 3-5. Table 3-6.

Wurm and Hattori's (1981) classification Dixon's (2002) classification Lexical sharing among Warrongo, Gugu-Badhun and Gujal Oppositions in laminal consonants Selected pronouns of Warrongo and Jirrbal. Phonological correspondences. Warrongo section terms (1) (AlfPalmer's Warrongo). Warrongo section terms (2) (AlfPalmer's Warrongo). Totems Marriage rules Consonant and semivowel phonemes Vowel phonemes. Voicing tendency of stops Voicing of stops in word-initial positions (C1) Voicing of stops in the second syllables intervocalically (C2) Effect of C2 nasal on Cl stop. Effect of V1 on C1 Effect of V2 on C2 Stop voicing in liquid-plus-stop clusters (1) Stop voicing in liquid-plus-stop clusters (2) Lowering effect of lrl Iii and lui Allophones of /ji/ Allophones of ljl Evidence for word-final/j/ Syllable structure of words, roots, enclitics, and suffixes. Phonemes in structural positions. Intra-root consonant clusters Inter-morphemic consonant clusters Phoneme frequency (1): dictionary count Frequency of vowels. Phoneme frequency (2): text count Case labels: ergative, nominative, and accusative. Regular nouns. Vowel-final human proper nouns and kin nouns. Irregular nouns. Ngani 'what',yarro 'this, here', ngona 'that, there', and ngoni 'there, that' Pronouns, including 'who'

7 7 8 9 11

12 25 26 27 28 53 53 61 62 65 67 68 70 72 73 78 80 85 89 90 105 106 109 113 121 122 123 158 166 169 172 173 174

XX

List oftables and figures

Table 3-7. Table 3-8. Table 3-9. Table 3-10. Table 3-11. Table 3-12. Table 3-13. Table 3-14. Table 3-15. Table 3-16. Table 3-17. Table 4-1. Table 4-2. Table 4-3. Table 4-4. Table 4-5. Table 4-6. Table 4-7. Table 4-8. Table 4-9. Table 4-10. Table 4-11. Table 4-12. Table 4-13. Table 4-14. Table 4-15. Table 4-16. Table 4-17. Table 4-18. Table 4-19. Table 4-20. Table 4-21. Table 4-22. Table 4-23. Table 4-24. Table 4-25. Table 4-26. Table 4-27. Table 4-28. Table 4-29.

Wanyja 'where' Comparison of adverbs and nouns. Silverstein's NP hierarchy -ngomay 'ablative-I' plus another case Comitative plus another case . Meanings of nouns when used in compounds. Conjugational classes and transitivity Verbal paradigm (1 ): L-class, Y-class and ZERO-class Verbal paradigm (2): reciprocal verbs; iterative verbs; and antipassive verbs and reflexive/middle verbs Past, present and future General imperatives and purposives Case frames of goyba-L 'give' Case frames of ngonbaynga-L 'show, teach' Case frames of mayga-L 'tell' Case frames of ganyji-L 'carry, take, bring' Locative and dative of genitive singular pronouns Locative and dative of 'pronoun-LINK' Cases of 'one's camp' Cases of 'one's own camp' Cases of 'his/her father' Head and dependent. Repetition of Vi in intransitive sentences Combination of clauses involving purposive subordination . Ideal coreferential deletion patterns involving purposive subordination Basic transitive clauses and antipassive clauses Purposive subordination without an antipassive . Purposive subordination with an antipassive. Summary of coreference Coreferential deletion and retention in purposive subordination Hierarchy of two-place predicates . Transitive verbs and voice expressions Case of undergoer NP (1 ): animacy hierarchy. Case ofundergoer NP (2): verb semantics. Case of undergoer NP (3): conjugational category of action antipassives. Perception antipassives 'See, look at', 'find', and 'search for' Goyba-L 'give' and 'throw'· transitive and antipassive. Mayga-L 'tell': transitive and antipassive Ganyji-L 'carry, bring, take': transitive and antipassive Birra-L 'tell, talk': transitive and antipassive

177 179 183 205 210 242 256 260 265 277 280 327 330 332 335 354 356 357 359 362 373 380 413 418 427 432 434 443 455 459 460 464 467 469 477 480 486 489 490 491

List ofmaps and photos XXl

Table 4-30. Table 4-31. Table 4-32. Table 4-33. Table 4-34. Table 4-35. Table 4-36. Table 4-37. Table 4-38. Table 4-39. Table 4-40. Table 4-41. Table 4-42. Table 4-43. Table 4-44. Table 4-45. Table 4-46.

Case ofNPs for instrument Case ofNPs for location. Continuous mentions of referents Transitive and reflexive clauses (1): instrument ERG. Transitive and reflexive clauses (2): body part noun. Transitive and anticausative clauses Two-place transitive and corresponding reciprocal clauses Goli waga-L 'get angry' and goli waga-wa-Y 'get angry-RECP' Goyba-L 'give' andgoyba-wa-Y 'give-RECP' Mayga-L 'tell' and mayga-wa-Y 'tell-RECP' Birra-L 'tell' and birra-wa-Y 'tell-RECP' Transitive and reciprocal clauses involving a body part noun. Verbal locative construction and basic clauses Verbal instrumental construction and basic clauses Various types of the verbal instrumental construction. Possession cline Words combined with the enclitic =wa 'focus'

492 496 505 518 519 523 540 540 541 541 542 545 578 589 590 638 694

Figure 1-1. Figure 1-2. Figure 4-1. Figure 4-2.

Pedigree (1): a male EGO. Pedigree (2): a female EGO Ergativity and accusativity Intra-linguistic distribution of syntactic ergativity

29 30 414 445

List of maps and photos Map 1 Map2 Map3 Map4 Map5

Australia. Herbert-Burdekin area (1): placenames Warrongo territory Mari subgroup. Herbert-Burdekin area (2): languages

Photo 1 Alf Palmer (July 1972) Photo 2 AlfPalmer and Tasaku Tsunoda (September 1974).

XXV XXVl

xxvn XXVlll

XXlX XXX XXX

List of abbreviations and symbols The following abbreviations follow 'The Leipzig Glossing Rules' (www.eva.mpg.de/ lingua/pdf/LGR09_02_ 23.pdf; accessed on the 21 February 2011) wherever possible. A a

ABL AC ACC Adj Adv ADNOM AFFIMP atum ANTIP AP

APPL

APPR B

B&G BI b B.T.L.

c

c CAUS CAUSE CF COM

D d DAT

DD DH DNK DS

(a) male member of a section, (b) so-called transitive subject female member of a section ablative Alec Collins accusative adjective adverb adnominal affirmative imperative animate antipassive (a) AlfPalmer (b) word, sentence, etc. that was: (b-i) given by Alf Palmer spontaneously (in a text, during elicitation, or during our conversation), or given by him as a Warrongo translation of an English sentence, or, (b-ii) suggested by Tasaku Tsunoda and approved by Alf Palmer applicative apprehensional male member of a section Bidyara and Gungabula Bidyara female member of a section Blue Tongue Lizard (a) male member of a section, (b) consonant female member of a section causative cause counter-factual comitative (a) daughter, (b) male member of a section female member of a section dative daughter's daughter daughter's husband 'I do not know' (gloss for the enclitic =bajon (4.25-[2]) daughter's son

List ofabbreviations and symbols xxm

DU

GNG GNY H

dual derived S elder brother ergative elder sister father father's brother feminine father's father father's mother focus future father's sister genitive Gungabula Gunya (a) husband, (b) high pitch

HB

HarryBunn

hum IMP

human imperative inanimate instrumental intransitive-stem-forming suffix iterative low pitch linking interfix literal translation locative (a) mother, (b) middle-level pitch, (c) man Margany mother's brother mother's father middle mother's mother mother's sister nasal negation negative imperative non future nominative non-interference so-called transitive object participle personal communication

d-S

EB ERG EZ

F FB FEM

FF FM FOC FUT FZ

GEN

man

INS INTR ITER L LINK Lit. LOC M MA MB MF :MID MM MZ N NEG NEGIMP NF NOM NONINT 0

PTCP p.c.

XXlV

List ofabbreviations and symbols

PI.. PR.OH PST pron PURP Q

RECP REFL

s

SD SG

ss sp. STAT

sw

TAGQ TR TT TT,AP

v Vi Vt

w W-GB-G WM

YB YZ 1 2

3

[] [ TT]

?

plural prohibition past pronoun purposive question reciprocal reflexive (a) son, (b) so-called intransitive subject, (c) stop son's daughter singular son's son spec1es stative son's wife tag question transitive-stem -forming suffix This indicates (a) words, sentences, etc. that were made up by Tasaku Tsunoda or (b) information, words, etc. supplied by Tasaku Tsunoda. This emphasizes that the item in question was suggested by Tasaku Tsunoda and approved by AlfPalmer. vowel intransitive verb transitive verb (a) wife, (b) woman Warrongo, Gugu-Badhun and Gujal wife's mother younger brother younger sister first person second person third person This indicates (a) words that were supplied by Tasaku Tsunoda or (b) so-called deletion. This indicates words that were supplied by Tasaku Tsunoda. This precedes an enclitic. This precedes a suffix or indicates a morpheme boundary within a word. A question mark following a verb indicates that the conjugational class membership of this verb is not known. This indicates that one or more words have been deleted by Tasaku Tsunoda from the original sentence, for the purpose of exposition. e.g. 'S 0' indicates that 'the S corresponds to the 0' This indicates (a) reduplication or (b) alternation.

Maps

See Map2

21 18

20 19

WESTERN AUSTRALIA

17

5 NORTHERN TERRITORY

6

7 8 QUEENSLAND

16 15 SOUTH ~ AUSTRALIA~

14

1 2 3 4 5

6 7

8 9 10

Guugu Yimidhirr Kugu Nganhcara Kuuk Thaayorre Kayardild Kalkatungu Yalarnnga Warluwarra Pitta-Pitta Bandjalang Gumbaynggir

Map 1. Australia

XXV

11 Dharuk

12 Woiwurrung 13 Narrinyeri

14 Ngiyambaa 15 Diyari 16 Pitjantjatjara/ Yankunytjara

19 20 21 22 23 24 25

Kukatja Gooniyandi Djaru (also spelt Jaru) Wunambal Warrwa Gaagadju Djapu

17 Warlbiri (also spelt Warlpiri)

18 Wanyjirra

The location of the languages is only approximate.

XXVI

Maps

See

Map3

Einasleigh

e

Gre~ory

Chudleigh Spnngs Parke e

Burdeldn Falls

Map 2. Herbert-Burdekin area (1): placenames

Maps xxvii

~BJ\B.ARA.~

JIRRBJ\L

VVJ\CJJ\~~ ••• •ltMt.Gamet ·····••••• .• :"

.••

lnnot• Springs

J\CJVVJ\~IN\ •

.

• Kinrara

Valley of Lagoons

.. .. •. •.

Kangaroo• Hills

.•·.

Mt.Fox

•

....

··················

Map 3. VVarrongo territory

xxviii

Maps

The broken line indicates the very approximate extent of the Mari subgroup (based on Wurm and Hattori (1981) and Dixon (2002)).

QUEENSLAND 9

.. .: ..

ro 13 11 12

... ... . ..: .:

.···········•··•··•··•··•··••··

:

:

14

:

NEW SOUTH WALES

I 2 3 4 5 6

Jirrbal Girramay Warrgamay Nyawaygi Warrongo Gugu-Badhun

Map 4. Mari subgroup

7 Gujal 8 Biri 9 Koa (also spelt Guwa) 10 Koamu (also spelt Guwamu) 11 Bidyara

12 Gungabula 13 Margany 14 Gunya The location of the languages is only approximate.

Maps XXIX

The broken line indicates the very approximate boundary between the Mari subgroup and other groups (based on Wurm and Hattori (1981) and Dixon (2002)).

15 17

16

. ..•••• .• • .• ... .•. .• •• .• • .•.• ..•. . .•

11

.

10

9

Ml. Gamctfl.o•••••.•Ravcnshoe 0

18

19

20

3

D

Palm Island

Charters Towers •

24 1Wulguru 2 Gabilgaba 3 Buluguyban 4 Nyawaygi 5 Biyay 6 7 8 9 10

Wangamay

Jirru Girram.ay Mamu Jirrbal

11 Ngajan 12 Yidiny 13 Dja:bugay (also spelt Djabugay) 14 Gugu Ya.J.argi (also spelt Gugu-Ya.J.argi and Kuku Yalanji) 15 Ngaygungu 16 Mbabaram 17 Wagaman

Map 5. Herbert-Burdekin area (2): languages

18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Agwamin Wamin

Mbara Warrongo Gugu-Badlrun Gujal Biri

The location of the languages is only approximate.

XXX

Photos

Photo 1. Alf Palmer (July 1972, Palm Island, Queensland, Australia)

Photo 2. Alf Palmer (r.) and Tasaku Tsunoda (I.) (September 1974, Palm Island, Queensland, Australia)

Chapter 1 The language and its speakers

1.1. Linguistic type Warrongo is a fairly typical Australian language except for the existence of syntactic ergativity, a phenomenon that is unique not only among Australian languages, but also among the world's languages, being mainly found in less than ten languages of a small area in northeast Australia. The following phonemes can be set up for Warrongo: /b, d, J, g, m, n, Jl, IJ, r, J, 1, j, w, a, i, u, aa/, i.e. four stops (labial, apical, !aminaL dorsal; voicing is not distinctive), four nasals each corresponding to a stop, two rhotics, one lateral, two semivowels, three short vowels, and one long vowel. Stress and pitch are not distinctive. The practical orthography employed for the present work is as follows: b, d j, g, m, n, ny, ng, rr, r, L y, w, a, i, o, aa. The rhotic lr!, written with rr, is generally an alveolar tap, while the other rhotic !JJ, written with r, is generally a retroflex approximant. Note that the stop IJI is written withj, and the semivowel /j/ with y. This practical orthography is identical with many other practical orthographies used for Australian languages except that lui is written with o, and not u. But the letter u, and not o, will be used when citing from other sources. Warrongo is almost entirely suffixing, although there are elements which may be considered interfixes (not as suffixes): linking interfixes (cf. comments on, e.g., Tables 3-3, 3-5 to 3-7) and epenthetic phonemes (2.6-[2]). Warrongo is agglutinative, except that the singular pronouns of the first person and the second person exhibit fusion. Five word classes can be set up: (personal) pronoun, noun (including 'adjective-like' noun), adverb, verb, and interjection. As a ru1e each stem belongs to only one word class, although there are a very small number of stems that may possibly have dual class membership of noun and verb. There are two productive processes for deriving verbs from nouns, etc., but there is no productive process for deriving nouns from verbs. In addition to words, there are a fair number of enclitics, whose function is largely modal. Pronouns have three num hers (singu1ar, dual, plural) and three persons (first, second, third), without an inclusive/exclusive distinction. Nouns in the main lack a number distinction. Nouns and pronouns have eight cases, while some of adverbs have a limited set of cases. Roughly speaking, nouns have the A=i=S=O pattern (the ergative-absolutive pattern), and pronouns the A=S=i=O pattern (the nominativeaccusative pattern).

2

The language and its speakers

Verbs have three conjugational classes. One (L-class) is predominantly transitive, while the other two (Y-class and ZERO-class) are entirely intransitive. Verbal inflectional suffixes have a temporal, aspectual and/or modal meaning. Subordination is productively fanned by the pan-Australian purposive and also by a few other conjugational categories. There are four voice-related constructions: antipassive, reflexive/middle, reciprocal, applicative, and one construction that is dominantly aspectual: iterative. Syntactic ergativity is attained predominantly by means of the antipassive construction. Modal qualification of sentences can be achieved by enclitics and/or adverbs of modality. Polar questions can be formed by the use of the question marker wayi or simply just a rising intonation. Word order is fairly free, but there are a small number of restrictions or tendencies. For example, interrogative words and the question marker wayi tend to occur sentence-initially. Also, word order is fixed in a few types of noun phrases and probably in a few types of verb phrases, and Warrongo is configurational regarding these phrases, although it is in the main non-configurational. Warrongo discourse is often highly elliptical.

1.2. Names of the language and people

In Aboriginal Australia the name of a language is often used to refer to the people in question as well (cf. Dixon 1980: 41). The name of the language under study is [waroiJo] /warui]UI The rhotic is an alveolar tap, and not an approximant. This name has been spelt in various ways, e.g. 'War-oong-oo' (William Craig's letter dated 24th July 1898; see 1.8.2-[2]), 'Warungu' (Oates and Oates 1970, Tindale 1940, 1974, Tsunoda 1974b), 'WarUIJU' (Dixon 1970, 1972, Tsunoda 1974a), ''WaruiJU' (Tindale 1940, 1974) (the apostrophe indicates stress (Tindale 1974: 2)), and 'Warrungu' (Tsunoda 1988b). The present work employs 'Warrongo' (the reason for this choice is given in 2.14). The meaning of the word warrongo is not known. Tindale (1974: 188) states that ['waruiJu] means 'woman'. However, in this language, the word for woman is [wariJo] /wa.riJU/, and not [waroiJo] lwatUI]U/. Girramay, immediately east of Warrongo (see Map 5), has the noun wammgu 'evening star' (Dixon 1982: 1). Yidiny, about 80 km northeast of Warrongo, has the compound verb warrungugifju-L 'dream about'; the verb gifju-L means 'bite' (Dixon 1991a: 286, 299). But the meaning of warnmgu is not given. It would be expected to mean 'dream' (a noun). It is not known if these two words (warnmgu) are related to the name Warrongo. Names other than [wacoiJo] and its various spellings have been given. Oates and Oates (1970: 175) list Bara as an alternative to Wanmgu. According to Sutton (1973: 9), there was a language called Mbara, southwest of Gugu-Badhun and west

Dialects 3

of Gujal, around Gregory Springs and Chudleigh Park Stations (see Map 2). Bara is possibly a mishearing for Mbara. The initial/m/ of Mbara would have been difficult to detect; see 1.4.2.2. Tindale (1974: 188) lists Warungu, 'WaruJ]u, and Warrialgona. But he comments: 'The suggested Warrialgona equation is doubtful'. The meaning of Warrialgona is not known- if such a word exists at all. See 1.8.2-[1] for more on the word Warrialgona. Alec C.ollins (cf. 1.8.4.2) referred to his language as Warrongo and also as Gobobarra. The noun gobo means 'lear, and the suffix -barra 'denizen of, belonging to, associated with' (cf. 3.7.1-[1]). Therefore, literally gobobarra means 'person(s) of a place with [lots of] leaves'. Tommy Murray, a Jirrbal speaker (cf. 1.8.4.3-[7]), independently stated that there were a group of people and a language called Gobobarra around Mount Garnet (see Map 3). But Alec Collins seems to have come from Herbert Gorge area (cf. 1. 8.4.2), and not from :Mt. Garnet. It is possible that Goboba"a refers to the Warrongo language and people of an area that includes :Mt. Gamet and Herbert Gorge. However, the vegetation of Mt. Garnet is an open forest, while that of Herbert Gorge is a dense rainforest (cf. 1.5.1). In view of this, the name Goboba"a seems appropriate for the language and the people of Herbert Gorge, rather than of :Mt. Garnet. Alf Palmer (cf. 1.8.4.1) referred to Warrongo people as Warrongo and also as Gonarribarra 'basalt person(s)' (gonarri 'basalt'). In addition, Alf Palmer gave the following words: (i) barribiri 'lava', 'lava country', 'Valley of Lagoons' (see Maps 2 and 3), 'person of/from lava country', e.g. a Warrongo person, a GuguBadhun person; and (ii) barribiriba"a 'person of/from Valley of Lagoons'. There was volcanic activity in the region, which produced much lava and basalt (cf. 1.5.1).

1.3. Dialects Warrongo probably had dialects. However, they were impossible to investigate already in the early 1970s, when I conducted fieldwork on the language. There appear to have been at least two dialects. One is presented by the data obtained from Alf Palmer, a central dialect (?) (1.8.4.1), and the other by the data obtained form Alec Collins, an eastern dialect(?) (1.8.4.2). The data from Alf Palmer are extensive, but the data from Alec Collins are severely limited. Nonetheless, it is clear that these two dialects were mutually intelligible perfectly. They are identical regarding their phoneme inventory, and presumably phonotactics as well. Morphologically Alec Collins' Warrongo in the main does not differ from Alf Palmer's, although it exhibits a small number of differences (see 3.2.1.1 and 4.9.1). Regarding syntax, again Alec Collins' Warrongo does not seem to differ from Alf Palmer's. As for basic vocabulary, the two dialects share 90%. (This figure is in terms ofK. L. Hale's core vocabulary for Australian languages, cited in Sutton and Walsh (1979: 38), which comprises 99 items. Since

4

The language and its speakers

Alec Collins' data are limited, only 80 items were available for comparison.) The shared vocabulary consists of cognates- both identical and non-identical ones. For example, for 'mother's brother', AlfPalrner used /galr.Janal (and /gab:.Jal) only, but Alec Collins used /galr.Jinru (the second vowel is /if) (see 1.8.4.2), in addition to /galr.Janal (and /galr.Ja/) (see 3.2.1.2 and (4-257)). (The suffi..x -na is used with vowelfinal kin nouns. See 3.7.1-[16].)

1.4.

Territory and neighbouring languages

1.4.1. Territory The exact eA'tent of Warrongo territory is not known. Tindale (1940: 174) gives the following as Warrongo territory· 'Head-waters of Burdekin River, south probably to about Clarke River; west to Dividing Range; east to inland foot of Coast Range' (See Maps 2 and 3.) Tindale (1974: 188) gives 'Headwaters of Burdekin River, southeast to near Charters Towers and southwest along the Clarke River; west to the Dividing Range; east to the inland foot of the Coastal Range and to the big southern loop of the Burdekin'. Oates and Oates (1970: 175) give 'Headwaters of Burdekin River, south to Clarke River, to Dividing Range, to foot of Coastal Range' Dixon (1970: 662) states:- 'WaruiJu was spoken over a long tract on top of the range, in contiguity with Wargamay, Giramay and Dyirbal and also, to a lesser extent, with Nyawigi [sic], Mbabaram and probably Wagaman' (cf. also Dixon 1972: 26), and Warrongo territory eA'tends to 'just north of Mount Gamet' (Dixon 1991b: 350). Sutton (1973: 14) states that Warrongo territory includes an area from Mount Gamet southeast along the Herbert River and it has its border with Gugu-Badhun at Meadowbank, Glenharding and Wairuna Stations. R. S. Atkinson- a member of the Atkinson family who own many cattle stations in the region - stated in his letter to me dated 12th September 1974 that there was a man called Wambino who was, according to R. S. Atkinson, the king of the tribe. They used to travel as far as Wairuna, Abergowrie, Tully River and Ravenshoe. Perhaps that was, R. S. Atkinson suggested, the rough outline of the tribal territory. (Wambino is Alec Collins' father; cf. 1.8.4.2. The etymology of the name Wambino is given in 1.5.4.2-[1] and 3.7.1-[12].) The language northeast of Warrongo is Jirrbal. According to Dixon (1970: 658), the latter's territory includes Ravenshoe. South of Jirrbal and east of Warrongo is Girramay. There was a cattle station called Kirrama Station. According to Peter Sutton (p.c.), that station was named after Girramay. (Like most of the Australian languages (cf. 1.1), Girramay has no phonemic contrast between /g/ and lk/ and, and no doubt the initial consonant of

Ten·itory and neighbouring languages 5

this word was perceived as [k] by the person who named that station.) According to Dixon ([1983] 1989a: 78), Kirrama Station is in the Girramay country. In March 2001, Leigh Pentecost (p.c.), an archaeologist, stated that Kirrama Station is on the border among Jirrba1, Girramay and Warrongo. This view is shared by Rachel Cummins, Alf Palmer's daughter's daughter (e-mail message of 25 July 2006). (Jirrbal, Girramay, Mamu, etc., are collectively called Dyirbal by Dixon (1972).) South of Girramay and east of Warrongo is Warrgamay. According to Dixon (1981: 0, 2), its territory extends from just west of Ingham up along the Herbert River, past Abergowrie, and beyond Niagara Vale and Yamanie Creek, and it includes Wallman Falls and Peacock Siding. However, according to Alf Palmer, Warrongo territory extends close to Abergowrie. South of Warrgamay and east of Warrongo is Nyawaygi. According to Dixon (1983: 432), the Stone River is in Warrongo territory. West of Nyawaygi and south of Warrongo is Gugu-Badhun. According to Sutton (1973: 14), Gugu-Badhun territory reaches as far as Meadowbank, Glenharding and Wairuna Stations in the north (as noted above), and Clarke River in the south, about where it joins the Burdekin River. South of Gugu-Badhun is Gujal (also spelt Gudjal; also known as Gujala and Gurjal). According to Sutton (1973: 14), its approximate southern boundary is Charters Towers. According to Sutton (1973: 9), west of Jirrbal and northwest of Warrongo is Mbabaram. South of Mbabaram and west of Warrongo is Agwam in. South of Agwamin and west of Gugu-Badhun is Wamin. Mbara (mentioned in 1.2) is south ofWamin and west of Gujal. According to Dixon (1991b: 348, 350), west of Jirrbal and north of Warrongo is Ngaygungu, its territory including Atherton but excluding Mount Garnet. West of Ngaygungu and north of Warrongo is Mbabaram, its territory including Irvinebank. West of Mbabaram and northwest of Warrongo is Wagaman, its territory including Almaden and upper reaches of Tate River. South of Wagaman and west ofWarrongo is Agwamin, its territory including Lynnbrook [sic], Mount Surprise, and Einasleigh. (The road maps I have show the place name 'Lyndbrook', not 'Lynnbrook'.) Rachel Cummins stated (e-mail message of 3 April 2007) that it was agreed upon by Warrongo people and Mbabaram people that the border between their territories is south of Mount Garnet. Taking all this into account, the approximate border of Warrongo territory seems to be (i) Mount Garnet, Innot Hot Springs, and close to - but excluding Ravenshoe on the north, (ii) close to Kirrama Homestead, down the Herbert River Gorge close to .Abergowrie, and the Stone River on the east, (iii) Wairuna, Glenharding, and Meadowbank Stations on the south, and (iv) the Great Dividing Range on the west. Warrongo territory seems to have an oblong shape; see Map 3. The information available does not say whether Warrongo territory includes Kangaroo Hills.

6

The language and its speakers

In view of the above, the location ofWarrongo in Oates and Oates (1970: 180), Tindale's (1974) map, and Map 23 of Wurm and Hattori (1981) appears to be incorrect. Warrongo is located in Gugu-Badhun territory (and Gugu-Badhun in Warrongo territory). As mentioned at the beginning of 1.4.1, the exact extent of Warrongo territory is not known. The preceding account ofWarrongo territory is highly tentative, and it is by no means definitive.

1.4.2.

Neighbouring languages and their classification

1.4.2.1. Proposed classifications

As examples of classification of the languages mentioned above and those mentioned below, two of the more recent classifications are cited: Wurm and Hattori (1981) in Table 1-1, and Dixon (2002: xxxii-xxxiii) in Table 1-2. (The languages that are not mentioned in the present work are not listed in these tables. The spellings of the language names are left intact.) The label 'Pam an' is taken from the word pama 'man, person'. (This word is written bama in the practical orthography employed in the present work; recall the absence of voicing opposition (1.1).) This word is common in the languages to the north ofWarrongo, e.g. Yidiny (Dixon 1977b: 547), Kuku Yalanji (Oates and Oates 1964: 81), Kuuk Thaayorre (or Thaayorre) (Map 1) (Foote and Hall 1992: 101). It also occurs in Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 124), east ofWarrongo. Similarly, the label 'Marie' is based on the word mari 'man'. This word (or its cognate) is common in the languages to the south ofWarrongo, e.g. Biri (my data), Bidyara and Gungabula (Breen 1973: 206) andMargany and Gunya (Breen 1981: 362) (Map 4.)

1.4.2.2. Studies on the neighbouring languages

Available descriptions of the neighbouring languages were mentioned in 1.4.1. For Gujal, south of Gugu-Badhun, Sutton's unpublished data (see 1.8.4.3-[9]) are available. For the lexical comparison given in the second paragraph below, my Jirrbal data recorded from Tommy Springcart and Tommy Murray in 1974 (see 1.8.4.3[7]) are included. Ngaygugu (north of Warrongo) and the languages to the northwest and west of Warrongo- i.e. Wagaman, Agwamin, Wamin, and Mbara- are poorly documented. Except for Ngaygugu, they and Mbabaram underwent a series of drastic phonological changes (Dixon 1991b, Sutton 1973: 60-67). One of the results is the existence of word-initial consonant clusters, e.g. the names of the languages: Mbabararn and Mbara. Such clusters are unusual among the languages of the region. (Alf Palmer knew the name Mbabararn, but he pronounced it [ba:ba.y_arn.]. He dropped the initial nasal lrn/ and replaced the short vowel [ba] with the long

Ten·itory and neighbouring languages

7

vowel [ba:]. This vowel lengthening is an instance of compensatory lengthening; see 2.6-[4].) As mentioned in 1.2, the putative language name 'Bara' may be a mishearing for ':tvfbara'. For Warnin, I recorded twelve words from Freddy Fulford in 1974, but I am unable to analyze the data. In his pronunciation, the name of his language is [wamen]. (Alf Palmer knew this name, and he, too, pronounced it [wamen]. This word occurs in the example (4-348).) Almost certainly these languages are mutually unintelligible with Warrongo. Table 1-1. Wurrn and Hattori's (1981) classification Pama-Nyw1gan family: Yalandyic group: Kuku Yalanji Yidinyic group: Yidiny Parnan group: Western Parna subgroup: Thaayorre Southern Pama subgroup: Agwarnin, Mbabararn, Ngaygungu, Warnin, Mbara Dyirbalic group: Dyirbal: Dyirrbal, Girramay Warrgarnay Nyawaygic group: Nyawaygi, Wulguru Marie group: Mari subgroup: Warungu, Gugu Badhun, Gudjala, Biri, Bidyara, Gungabula, Margany, Gunya

Table 1-2. Dixon's (2002) classification

E Western Cape York Peninsular areal group: Kuuk Thaayorre F

Kukll-Yalanji: Kukll-Yalanji, (Kukll-)Wakarnan

G Cairns subgroup: Yidiny H Herbert River Group: Hl Dyirbal: Jirrbal, Girrarnay H2 Warrgarnay H3 Nyawaygi H4 Manbarra: Buluguyban, Wulgmukaba J

Greater Marie Group: Ja Marie Proper subgroup: Jal Bidjara [i.e. Bidyara- TT], Gungabula, Marganj [i.e. Margany- TT], Gunja [i.e. Gunya - TT] Ja2 Biri Ja3 Warungu, Gugu-Badhun, Gudjal(a) Ja4 Ngaygungu

Jb Mbabararn/Agwami.n group: Jbl Mbabararn Jb2 Agwarnin (or Wami.n)

8

The language and its speakers

The languages of Dixon's Herbert River Group are fairly different from Warrongo. For example, in terms of K. L. Hale's 99-item core vocabulary for Australian languages (cf. 1.3), Warrongo shares 46% with Jirrbal, 39% with Girramay, 42% with Warrgamay, and 27% with Nyawaygi. (In contrast, it shares around 90% with Gugu-Badhun and Gujal; see Table 1-3.) No doubt Warrongo and the languages of Herbert River Group are mutually unintelligible. Alf Palmer stated that Jirrbal is 'hard'. Reciprocally, Dixon (1970: 662; cf. also Dixon 1972: 26) states: 'speakers of Dyirbal [i.e. Jirrbal, Girramay, etc. - TT] always refer to Warui]U as a very "difficult" language, far harder for them to speak and understand than Wargamay... Despite this, among the speakers interviewed for Warrongo, bilingualism involving Warrongo and one language (or two) of Herbert River Group (e.g. Jirrbal) was common. See 1.8.4.1 to 1.8.4.3.

1.4.2.3. WarTongo, Gugu-Badhun and Gujal as a linguistic unity Hereafter the names of these three languages will be often abbreviated as 'W-GBG' (They are referred to as 'Herbert-Burdekin Languages' in Tsunoda (1984).) The classifications cited in Tables 1-1 and 1-2- and virtually all other classifications, e.g. O'Grady, Voegelin and Voegelin (1966: 51-52), Oates and Oates (1970: 169-177), Wurm (1972: 141)- considerW-GB-G as the most northerly members of a large group of closely related languages that 'stretched from the southern edge of the Cairns rain forest region, north Queensland, to the border of New South Wales' (Sutton 1973: 4, cf. also Breen 1981: 275), whose most southerly members are Margany, Gunya, Bidyara and Gungabula. (See Map 4.) They are Wurm and Hattori's Mari subgroup, and Dixon's Marie proper subgroup. Hereafter, this group will be referred to as Mari subgroup. In contrast with Warrongo, the data on Gugu-Badhun are limited, and even more so on Gujal. Nonetheless, it is clear that these three languages are very similar to each other, and no doubt they are mutually intelligible. Table 1-3. Lexical sharing among Warrongo, Gugu-Badhun and Gujal

Warrongo 90 Gugu-Badlum 94 88 Gujal

Lexically, W-GB-G share around 90% of basic vocabulary (in terms ofK. L. Hale's 99-item vocabulary); see Table 1-3. (For Warrongo, both the data recorded by me from Alf Palmer, and those recorded by Peter Sutton from Alec Collins are used.) Morphologically, too, they are very similar. The syntactic information on Gugu-Badhun and that on Gujal are limited, and it is difficult to make any significant comparison.

Ten·itory and neighbouring languages

9

In phonology, W-GB-G show a small difference. Gujal has the lamina! contrast in each of stops and nasals (i.e. kJI versus IJI; frJ/ versus /p./) (Sutton 1973: 34). Warrongo has no lamina! contrast, either in stops or nasals. Gugu-Badhun, which is geographically between Gujal and Warrongo, has the !aminal contrast in stops only, and lacks it in nasals (Sutton 1973: 34). See Table 1-4. See (i-i) and (i-ii) of Table 1-6 for examples. (Dixon (1980: 141) shows the distribution of the !aminal contrasts on the continent. The border between the languages with !aminal contrast(s) and those without runs between Gugu-Badhun and Warrongo.) Table 1-4. Oppositions in lamina! consonants stops

nasals

Warrongo

!pi

Gugu-Badlnm Gujal

l:rJI!pl

/pi

W-GB-G are very similar to each other, so that they can be regarded as 'dialects' of the same 'language' Their similarities were noticed not only by their speakers but also by speakers of other languages, for example, by Tommy Murray (a Jirrbal speaker; see 1.8.4.3-[7]). Sutton (1973: 14) notes that the peoples of W-GB-G 'formed something of a unity', and he cites Eric Gertz, a Gugu-Badhun speaker (cf. 1.8.4.3-[8]), who said: 'Our mob used to run all the way from the [Atherton- TT] Tableland to Charters Towers' The southern end of Atherton Tableland is around Mt Garnet (http:// www.athertontableland.com/, accessed on 30 March 2007). Therefore, the area mentioned by Eric Gertz (i.e. from :tvft. Garnet to Charters Towers) coincides with the territories ofW-GB-G. W-GB-G seem to have been sometimes collectively referred to by one single label, as follows. (i) In 1971, when Alf Palmer started working with me, he called his language [ko.{i1fal] (Gurijal), but in 1972 and 1974 he called it Warrongo (cf. 1.8.4.1). (ii) Harry Bunn called his language Gujal (in 1974), despite the fact that his language appears to be Warrongo (see 1.8.4.3-[1]). He stated that the outline of Gujal territory is Mt. Garnet, Cashmere Station, Herbert Gorge (excluding Glen Ann and Kirrama Stations), Wairuna, :tvft. Fox, Blue Range and Hill Grove Stations (excluding Charters Towers) and Mount Surprise. He did not know if Innot Hot Springs was included in the territory. (See Maps 2 and 3.) This area roughly coincides with the W-GB-G territories. (iii) Pompy Clurnppoint (a Jirru speaker from the coast) stated (in 1974) that Gurjal was spoken from Mt Garnet to Charters Towers. This area coincides with the W-GB-G territories. The remarks cited above suggest that W-GB-G were collectively referred to by one single label- Gurijal or something similar.

10

The language and its speakers

1.4.2.4. Problems with the proposed classifications

As noted above, Wurm and Hattori (1981), Dixon (2002), and also virtually all other classifications assign W-GB-G to the Mari subgroup. However, this classification is not free from problems. The problems are discussed in Tsunoda (1984), and the main points are summarized below. We shall look at the following groups of languages. (a)

(b)

Dixon's Herbert River Group: Jirrbal, Girramay, Warrgamay, and Nyawaygi. Mari subgroup: (b-1) Most northerly members: Warrongo, Gugu-Badhun, and Gujal. (b-2) Biri. (b-3) Most southerly members: Bidyara and Gungabula; and Gunya and Margany.

The sources of information are as follows. (i) Jirrbal: Di.xon (1972), and my data recorded from Tommy Springcart and Tommy Murray, (ii) Girramay: Dixon (1972), (iii) Warrgamay: Dixon (1981), (iv) Nyawaygi: Dixon (1983), (v) Warrongo: my data recorded from Alf Palmer, (vi) Gugu-Badhun: Sutton (1973), (vii) Gujal: Peter Sutton's data recorded from Freddy Toomba and Ranji Pope, (viii) Biri: my data recorded from Harry Johnson, Eddy Barker, and Reggie Dodd, (ix) Bidyara and Gungabula: Breen (1973); and (x) Gunya and Margany: Breen (1981). For Warrongo, only the data from Alf Palmer (and not from Alec Collins) are cited. See 1.8.4.1-[1] for the reason. The languages of (a) are W-GB-G's northern and eastern neighbours. (As noted in 1.4.2.2, the languages to the northwest and the west of Warrongo are poorly documented, and consequently difficult to assess.) The languages of (b-3) are more than 1,000 km away from Warrongo. The languages between (b-1) and (b-3) are poorly documented, and there is no published grammar available, except for Terrill (1998) on (b-2) Biri. (Terrill (1998) incorporates my data on Biri.) A comparison of these languages shows that there are contradicting pieces of evidence regarding the genetic classification ofW-GB-G. There are three pieces of evidence that support the classification ofW-GB-G as Mari languages, and not as those of Herbert River Group. Evidence 1: Pronouns The pronouns of (b) differ from those of (a). The differences are most clear in '1SG', '2SG', '2DU', and '2PL'. Their NOM/ERG forms are cited in Table 1-5, with the Warrongo forms as the representative of (b), and the Jirrbal forms as the representative of (a). There are slight variations among the languages of each of (a) and (b).

Ten·itory and neighbouring languages

11

In Table 1-5, the two items in each pair are cognates. Note the three correspondences: (i) the palatal stop IJI and the semivowel /jl in 'lSG', (ii) the velar nasal /rjl and the semivowel /j/ in '2SG', and (iii) the nasal /pi and the semivowel /j/ in '2DU' and '2PL'. (The Jirrbal forms are conservative, and the Warrongo forms are innovative.) Table 1-5. Selected pronouns ofWarrongo and Jirrbal

'lSG' '2SG' '2DU' '2PL'

Jirrbal

Warrongo

ngaja (IIJJ.jal) nginda (l:ginda/) nyubalaji (/pubalaji/) nyurraji (lpuraJi/)

ngaya (/I]aja/) yinda (ljinda/) yobala (/jubala/) yorra (/jural)

Evidence 2: Vero roots In terms of the 22 verbs from K. L. Hale's 99-item list, W-GB-G share a higher percentage with (b-2) Biri and (b-3) than with (a). This is despite the fact that (a) is immediately contiguous with (b-1), in contrast with Biri, which is about 500 .km away from (b-1), and with (b-3), which is about 1,000 km away from (b-1). Thus, Warrongo shares: (a)

36% with Jirrbal, 38% with Girramay, 41% with Warrgamay, 52% with Nyawaygi; (b-1) 95% with Gugu-Badhun, 94% with Gujal; (b-2) 52% with Biri; (b-3) 55% with Bidyara and Gungabula, 55% with Gunya, and 45% with Margany. For examples, see the verb roots in Table 1-6: 'to bite', 'to cook', 'to see', and 'to enter'

Evidence 3: Regular phonological correspondences See Table 1-6. (The abbreviations of the names of the languages are as follows: BI - Bidyara, GI- Girramay, GNG - Gungabula, GNY - Gunya, JI - Jirrbal, MAMargany, NY - Nyawaygi.) (b-1) shares at least three sets of regular phonological correspondences with (b-3). The three sets involve (i) a lamina!, (ii) a retroflex, and (iii) a stop-plus-stop sequence. (b-1) shares at least one set of regular phonological correspondence with (b-2) Biri. This involves (i) a lamina!. (The words with an asterisk - /jwi/* 'meat' and /barbi.Ia/* 'echidna' -are identical to those of Warrongo. The word with two asterisks- /badbi.Ia/** 'echidna' -is an exception to the correspondence in question.) For each set, selected examples are given.

12

The language and its spe~rs

(b-1) does share correspondences with (a) (see (vi) below, Table 1.5, 2.4-[2] to -[6], and 3.11.1.3), but these correspondences are neither so systematic nor so regular as those between (b-1) and (b-2)-plus-(b-3). Table 1-6. Phonological correspondences (a)

(b-2) Biri

(b-1)

Warrongo

Gugu-Badlnm

Gujal

/gaQa/ lbaQa/

/gaQa/

/gaQa/

lbaQal

lbaQal

/waQ.ul

/waqu/

/waqu/

(i) laminal (i-i) ljl-lg!

'head' 'to bite'

lbaja/ (JI)

'to cook'

(i-ii) ITJI-Ip! 'to see'

/pa:J (NY)

/paga/

/paga/

/uaga/

/IJagal

/jurl/ (JI, GI)

/jwil

/jwi/

/jwi/

/jurl/*

'meat'

'meat'

/barbi.Ia/

/barb:i.Ia/*, lbadbila/* *

(ii) retroflex

l:rl-I
(iii) rhotic+stop - stop+stop

'echidna'

lbarbi.Ia/

lbarbira/

'to enter'

/ja.xga/

/~a/

(b-3) (i) lamina! (i-i) ljl-lg!

'head' 'to bite'

/gaQa/ (MA) lbaQa/ (BI, GNG, GNY, MA)

'to cook'

/waQ.ul (BI, GNG, GNY, MA)

(i-ii) ITJI-Ip! 'to see'

/uaga/ (GNY)

(ii) retroflex

lli-I
/juc:l.il 'meat, animal' (BI, GNG, GNY, MA)

(iii) rhotic+stop- stop+stop

'echidna'

lbadbiqa/

'to enter'

/~dga/

(BI, GNG, GNY, MA) (GNY, MA)

Territory and neighbouring languages

13

The correspondences in (i) involve a laminal consonant. In (i-i), kJI of (b-2) and (b-3) corresponds to kJI of Gujal and Gugu-Badhun, and to ljl of Warrongo. In (iii), /J)I of (b-2) and (b-3) corresponds to IQ/ of Gujal, and to !pi of Gugu-Badhun and Warrongo. In (ii), the retroflex stop of (b-3) corresponds to the retroflex approximant of (b-1). (Here, (b-2) Biri shares /jmil'kangaroo'/'meat' with (b-1), and not with (b-3). That is, in this respect, (b-1) and (b-2) should be grouped together.) In (iii) a stop-plus-stop sequence of (b-3) corresponds to a rhotic-plus-stop sequence of (b-1). (Here again, (b-2) Biri shares /barbiia/ 'echidna' with (b-1), and not with (b-3). In this respect, too, (b-1) and (b-2) should be grouped together. The form lbadbiia/ is an exception to this correspondence.) (b-1) and (b-3) share these regular phonological correspondences, although they are about 1,000 km away from each other. (b-1) and (b-2) exhibit regular phonological correspondences in terms of (i). They share /jmil 'kangaroo'/'meat' and /barbiia/ 'echidna'. In contrast, as shown in Table 1-6, (a) often lacks a corresponding cognate where (b-1) and (3)- and also (b-2) in terms of (i)-exhibit a correspondence. This is despite the fact that (a) is contiguous with (b-1). Thus far, we have seen three pieces of evidence that indicate that (b-1) (WGB-G) should be grouped with (b-2) (Biri) and (b-3) (southernMari languages). Now, there is one piece of evidence that suggests that (b-1) should be assigned to (a) (Herbert River Group), and not to Mari subgroup.

Evidence 4: Verbal inflectional morphology (b-1) shares at least six verbal inflectional suffixes with (a), to the exclusion of (b-2) and (b-3). They are listed below. In contrast, (b-1) shares no such suffix with (b-2) and/or (b-3), to the exclusion of (a). This strongly indicates that (b-1) (WGB-G) should be assigned to (a) (Herbert River Group), and not to (b) (Mari subgroup). (i) (a) -ya 'imperative' in Warrgamay. (b-1) -ya 'imperative' in W-GB-G. (ii) (a) -y 'unmarked aspect' in Warrgamay. (b-1) -y 'past/present' in Warrongo, -y 'present/future' in Gugu-Badhun, -y 'past/present(?)' in Gujal. (iii) (a) -n 'past/present' in Jirrbal and Girramay. (b-1) -n 'past/present' in Warrongo, -n 'past' in Gugu-Badhun and Gujal. (iv) (a) -nyu 'past/present' in Jirrbal and Girramay, -nyu 'perfect' and 'subordinate' in Warrgamay, -nya 'unmarked' ofNyawaygi. (Dixon (1983: 476) suggests that the Nyawaygi -nya derives from -nyu.) (b-1) -nyu (also written -nyo) 'subordinate' in Warrongo and Gujal. (v) (a) -ngu 'subordinate' in Jirrbal and Girramay. (b-1) -ngu (also written -ngo) 'subordinate' in Warrongo and Gujal. (vi) (a) -1-jay and -n-jay 'future' in Girramay. (b-1) -yay 'future' in Warrongo and Gugu-Badhun. (Note that these suffixes exhibit an alternation (j- y) that parallels the alternation between ngaja '1SG' of (a) and ngaya '1SG' of (b); see Table 1-5.)

14

The language and its speakers

To sum up, the evidence regarding pronouns, verb roots and regular phonological correspondences supports the classification of W-GB-G as Mari languages. However, the evidence regarding the verbal inflectional morphology indicates that they should be assigned to Herbert River Group. One possible scenario to account for this puzzle is as follows. W-GB-G were (and still are?) Mari languages, but they heavily borrowed verbal inflectional suffixes from Herbert River Group. (This is despite the claim that verbal inflectional morphology is very resistant to borrowing; cf. Sapir [1921] 1949: 201-206, Weinreich [1953] 1974: 32, Bynon 1977: 189, 253, Heath 1978: 68-71.) That is, (all?) Warrongo verbs have retained the Mari root but use a Herbert-River-Group inflectional suffix rather like the Copper Island dialect of Aleut (Comrie 198lb: 253), which has retained native verb roots but uses Russian inflectional suffixes. One possible cause for this massive borrowing may be the fact that Warrongo, Jirrbal and Girramay groups had frequent contacts with each other in the pre-contact times (see 1. 7) and that they lived together at Kirrama Station in the postcontact times (see 1.7, 1.8.4.1-[1] and 1.8.4.2). It is relevant to note in this connection that the word for 'man' in W-GB-G is bama, and not marl. This is despite the fact that they are generally classified as Mari languages. That is, the distribution of the word marl 'man' and the territory of Mari languages do not coextend. (I owe this observation to the anonymous reviewer.) At least AlfPalmer, and almost certainly all the other W-GB-G speakers, knew the word marl. As noted in 1.4.2.1, the word bama 'man' is common in the languages to the north ofWarrongo.

1.5. Environmental and socio-cultural background 1.5.1. Environmental setting It seems that Warrongo territory can be roughly divided into two areas. (i) The eastern area: 'The precipitous eastern [area is TT] characterized by waterfalls, deep gorges and valleys, the most notable of which is the Herbert Gorge' (Brayshaw 1990: 2), and it is covered by a dense rainforest. (ii) The western area is flatter, and it is drier, consisting of open forests. There was volcanic activity in the region, and its remnants still remain, such as lava, basalt (e.g. Great Basalt Wall), volcanic craters (e.g. Herberton Crater), and hot springs (e.g. Innot Hot Springs). (See Maps 2 and 3.) There are Dream Time stories associated with the volcanic activity; see 1.5.3. Also there are words based on the word for lava or basalt that refers to Warrongo and Gugu-Badhun people (1.2).

Environmental and socio-cultural background 15

1.5.2. Archaeological and anthropological accounts Archaeological evidence indicates that humans reached this continent more than 53,000 years ago (Flood [1983] 1995: 32). They may have arrived at Atherton Tableland about 38,000 years ago (Flood 1995: 95). There appears to be no archaeological or anthropological work that exclusively deals with Warrongo people. But there are works that refer to them. For example, Brayshaw (1990: 38), in a detailed survey of archaeological and anthropological works of the Herbert-Burdekin River area, refers to Warrongo people: 'Warungu of the Herbert River had much in common culturally with the rainforest peoples [e.g. Girrarnay and Warrgarnay - TT], although linguistically they had more in common with the Burdekin group of languages [i.e. Gugu-Badhun and Gujal- TT]. In 1.5.3 and the subsequent sections, we shall look at some selected topics regarding the socio-cultural background of these peoples. 1.5.3. Mythology The mythology explains the origin and formation of the universe that surrounds the people. Thus, a story narrated (in English, in 1974) by Reggie Palm Island, a speaker of Buluguyban of Palm Island (Map 3), tells that the islands off the eastern coast were once connected to the mainland. This story, repeated from Tsunoda (1996), is roughly as follows. (See Map 2.) Long ago this area was dry. From somewhere north, a carpet snake carne, through Hinchinbrook Channel [between Hinchinbrook Island and the main land - TT], to Palm Island and arrived at what is now called Cannon Bay. It went up the hill and carne to Bamboo Creek. There was a big pool, where some children were swimming. The carpet snake swallowed up one of them. It travelled over the hills, carne down to near Butler Bay (?), and then went over to Magnetic Island. When the child's parents carne back from lnmting, they learned what had happened. They walked over to Magnetic Island, found the carpet snake, and cut it open. There inside the snake they found their child [alive?- TT].

The word for 'carpet snake' is gabul in the languages of the region, including Warrongo. Phonetically it is [gabol] in Reggie Palm Island's pronunciation. (It is [kabol] in Alf Palmer's. It is spelt gabol in the orthography employed in the present work.) According to Rachel Cummins (e-mail message of 6 February 2009), the child in question is a young girl. The pool at Bamboo Creek existed in 1974, when Reggie Palm Island narrated this story. However, in 1976 or 1977 (Rachel Cummins, e-mail of 6 February 2009), the Queensland Government built a darn there, and completely destroyed this extremely important site -despite the local Aboriginal people's vehement protest (Unfortunately, this is not an isolated incident It is just one of numerous destructions of Aboriginal sites.)

16

The language and its speakers

In the story narrated by Reggie Palm Island, Carpet Snake's travel ends on Magnetic Island. However, in the myth of people south of Palm Island, Carpet Snake continues its travel beyond Magnetic Island. Thus, (in March 2001) Shirley Johnson, of the Wulgurugaba group of the Townsville-Magnetic Island area, narrated roughly as follows. The track of Carpet Snake goes from the bottom [i.e. mouth?- TT] of Herbert River to Hinchinbrook [Channel - TT], past Palm Island. past Magnetic Island. up Ross River, up Hervey Range, where it rests. There is a rock painting of [gabol] [on Hervey Range?-TT].

(In Shirley Johnson's pronunciation the word for 'carpet snake' is [gabol].) See Map 2 for Ross River and Hervey Range. There is a word based on gabul (or gabol) 'carpet snake': gabulbarra 'carpet snake person(s), person(s) associated with carpet snake' (For the suffix -barra 'denizen of, associated with' (mentioned in 1.2), see 3.7.1-[1]. The rhotic is a tap, and not an approximant.) This word seems to refer to the (original) people of Townsville-Magnetic Island area. The Aboriginal reference group of which Shirley Johnson is a member, has the name 'Gubalbarra Reference Group'. No doubt, 'Gubalbarra' refers to gabulharra 'carpet snake person(s)' In the myth of people west of Townsville, Carpet Snake seems to travel farther west. (In March 2001) Willy Santo, a Gujal person, narrated a story about how the Great Basalt Wall, west of Charters Towers, was formed. It is summarized as follows. Fire Serpent and Water Serpent fought at Echo Hole. Water Serpent killed Fire Serpent. Then, at the Burdekin Falls, Water Serpent fought Rainbow Serpent, which came from Palm Island.

Echo Hole appears to be at the foot of the Great Basalt Wall. (For the locations of these places, see http://www.pacificislandtravel.com/australia/queensland/ charteredtowers.asp; accessed on 4 May 2011.) Presumably the Great Basalt Wall was formed during the first battle. Willy Santo stated that the name of Rainbow Serpent is [gaboba.y,a]. He said that [gabo] means 'snake' (note that the lateral [l] is missing) and that [ba.y,a] means 'people'. (In his pronunciation, the rhotic is not a tap, but an approximant- an interference from English.) No doubt, this word corresponds to [gabolbara] gabul-barra 'carpet snake-denizen'. Since Rainbow Serpent carne from Palm Island, almost certainly it corresponds to Carpet Snake of Reggie Palm Island's and Shirley Johnson's stories. That is, in Willy Santo's story, this snake travels farther west than Townsville. A dam was built over the Burdekin Falls in 1987 and the falls no longer exist (Rachel Cummins, e-mail of 6 February 2009; also http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Burdekin_Darn; accessed on 9 February 2009). This is another instance of the destruction of an Aboriginal site.

Environmental and socio-cultural background

17

The word gabul 'carpet snake' is found as far south as southern Queensland and northern New South Wales- more than 1,000 km away from Warrongo, e.g. Bidyara and Gungabula (Breen 1973: 199) and Margany and Gunya (Breen 1981: 366). Also, Watkin and Hamilton (1887: 224) list kabool for 'Carpet snake' in the languages of Stmdbroke and Moreton Islands, immediately east of Brisbane. (See Map 4.) E. Ross (1887: 290) lists cobl.e for 'Snake (carpet)' in the language of Ballina (New South Wales). About 50krn north of Brisbane, there is a shire whose name is 'Caboolture'. It is pronounced [kabllilt;P], with stress on [bu:], and not on [ka] (again an interference from English). According to a tourist brochure (Bribie Island & Caboolture Shire Tourist Map & Iriformation Guide), this name means 'the place of the carpet snake'. Obviously cabool means 'carpet snake'. The meaning of -ture [tfQ] is not known. It may possibly be the comitative suffix ('with, having'). (For the comitative or the like, Warrongo has C-jiN-yi (cf. 3.6.8), and Djaru of Western Australia has C-jaroN-yaro (Tsunoda 198la: 227). Similar comitative suffixes occur in many other languages (Di.xon 2002: 170).) If this is the case, 'Caboolture' means '[a place] with [many?] carpet snakes'. The occurrence of the word gabul 'carpet snake' in these southern languages suggests that there may be versions of the story in which Carpet Snake traveled farther south than the Burdekin Falls. As mentioned in 1.5.1, there was volcanic activity in the W-GB-G and nearby regions, and there are many stories that concern it and its results, e.g. lava, basalt, volcanic craters, and hot springs. Vera Smallwood (1.8.4.3-[2]) narrated a story (in 1974, in English) that describes the origin of the Herberton Crater (Map 2), roughly as follows. Once upon a time there lived a greedy snake. It collected all the scrub turkey eggs. The scrub turkeys got angry, and chased the snake. The earth, too, got angry and fire came out of the ground, which created a big crater there. The snake, which had been chased, fled into the crater and was trapped in it. Nowadays there is a creek running into the crater. This is the route by which the snake fled into the crater.

Going down south, there is a story that describes the origin of Innot Hot Springs (Map 3). Alf Palmer narmted two versions of this story (in English). The story line is as follows. One night, three men went to spear the gigantic eel Yamani, with torches in their hands. They came to Nettle Creek, at Innot Hot Springs. They fonnd the eel and one of them speared it. He then grabbed the spear and tried to pull it out, but the spear did not come out. The eel began to drag the man, and he dropped the torch from his hand. Suddenly the area became hot, and hot water came out of the gronnd. This is what is now Innot Hot Springs. The eel dragged the man into a cave. The other two men tried to chase the eel and the man, but they couldn't, for the area aronnd the cave was too hot. So they just waited for him outside the cave. They waited and waited, but the man never returned. They went back to their camp and told other people what had happened. They searched for the man again A few days

18

The language and its speakers

later, they came to Blunder Swamp and found the eel dead and lying/resting on a log. They cut the eel open, but they did not fmd the man inside it. One of the men present was so overwhelmed by this incident that he decided to name his children after it. One boy was named Wambino, for the eel was fmmd lying/resting on a log. [There is an intransitive verb wambi-L 'rest (on something)' - TT.] Another boy was named Babino, for the eel was cut open. [There is a transitive verb bahi-L 'cut' TT.] A third boy was named Bayornbirri, for an eel waves its tail. [There is a transitive verb bayombi-L '[fish] wave [its tail].) A fourth boy was named Wagaygorro after wagay 'wishbone' of the eel. One girl was named Jilanggo after the fig trees (jilanggo) that were found in the swamp. Another girl was named Jalbino after the water lilies (jalhino) in the swamp.

Nettle Creek flows southwards by the township of Innot Hot Springs (the map in Glenville Pike [1976] 1990: 217). No doubt, 'Blunder Swamp' refers to the swamp south of Blunder Park Station (see Map 3). The nounjilanggo exhibits interesting morphological behaviour. See 3.2.1.2. Also, the name Bayombirri will be discussed in 3.2.1.2. According to Tommy Murray, a Jirrbal speaker (1.2, 1.8.4.3-[7]), in the story about Innot Hot Springs, a snake (not an eel) swallowed up humans. Going further south, there is a Gujal story that concerns the formation of the Great Basalt Wall, west of Charters Towers; it was cited above. Thus far, we have looked at stories that in the main describe the formation of geological features. In addition, the mythology explains the origin of fire, of water, etc. Thus, a story about bangga"a 'blue tongue lizard' concerns the origin of water. The version narrated by Alf Palmer tells how Blue Tongue Lizard used to hide water at Cameron Creek (almost certainly in Warrongo territory; see Map 3), but two mice rolled Banggarra over, so that the water flowed again. This story is in Text 1 in this volume, repeated from Tsunoda (1988b). (Another version of this story, narrated by Chloe Grant, who is a speaker of Jirrbal and Girmmay, is in Dixon (1989a: 32).) Also, Alf Palmer narrated a story about bajinyjila (bird sp.) regarding the origin of fire. (A Jirrbal version narrated by Chloe Grant is in Dixon (1989a: 32-33), and a Girramay version narrated by George Watson is in Dixon (1989a: 187-188). Dixon's gloss for bajinyjila is 'spangled drongo'.) Dixon (1972: 29, 1989a: 153-154, 295) suggests, regarding the myths he recorded, that some of them possibly describe events that actually took place. The same may apply to some of the stories cited above. For example, the story about the Herberton Cmter may be a description of a volcanic eruption. The Carpet Snake Story may concern the ice age when the sea level was low and it was possible to walk to Magnetic and Palm Islands. The volcanic craters may have been formed about 10,000 years ago (cf. Dixon 1989a: 154). Similarly, the last ice age ended 10,000 years ago (Flood 1995: 313). In view of the above, these stories may possibly have been handed down for about 10,000 years (Dixon 1989a: 155).

Environmental and socio-cultural background 19

1.5.4. Names of groups, individuals, and places Some names have a known etymology, while others do not. Many of the known etymologies have a mythological origin, but others may not. In terms of structure, names can be roughly classified as follows. (a) One word: (a-1) one root, (a-2) two roots (i.e. compounding), (a-3) one root and one suffix (i.e. suffixation). (b) One noun phrase. (c) One sentence.

1.5.4.1. Names ofgroups Most of the names of groups, e.g. Warrongo, seem to consist of just one root. There are two suffixes used in the names of groups: -barra and -gaba. [1] -barra 'denizen of, associated with' (3.7.1-[1]) This suffix is added to place names, nouns describing characteristics of places (e.g. plants), and adverbs indicating cardinal directions, among others. The resultant stems refer to person(s) who belong(s) to, or, who is(/are) associated with, or who come(s) from, the place or the like. They often refer to a group of people, but they can also refer to its individual members. They refer to humans, and there is no example that refers to animals or plants. This suffix is very common in languages of Queensland (Tindale 1974: 143, Di..xon 1980: 325), including Warrongo. Examples include (i) gobo-barra 'person(s) of a leafy country' (gobo 'leaf') (this probably refers to a group within the Warrongo group; see 1.2), (ii) gonarri-barra 'basalt person(s)', i.e. 'Warrongo person(s)' (gonarri 'basalt') (1.2); and (iii) gabol-barra 'Carpet Snake person(s)', i.e. 'person(s) of the Townsville-Magnetic Island area' (1.5.3).

[2] -gaba This suffix appears to mean 'people' (Sutton 1973:103) or 'denizen of, and to denote 'an intrinsic relationship, one of belonging or identity' (Peter Sutton, e-mail message of 26 May 2003). It appears to be non-productive, being attested in the following names only. (a) Gabilgaba 'Townsville' Alec White Sr. stated in 1972 that his language is [kabilgqa] Gabilgara (with -gara, and not -gaba) and that it was spoken in Townsville and on Magnetic Island. In 1974 he stated that the name of Townsville is [kabilgaba] Gabilgaba (with -gaba, not -gara). (See Tsunoda 1996.) In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, too, Townsville is called Gabilgaba. It seems almost certain that gabil is related to gabul 'carpet

20

The language and its speakers

snake' (the vowel changed from u to z). If this is the case, gabil-gaba means 'person(s) of Carpet Snake' (The meaning of -gara in Gabilgara is not known.)

(b) Wulgurugaba 'person(s) of many canoes'(?) According to Tindale (1940: 175; 1974: 190), Oates and Oates (1970: 180, 182), and Sutton (1973: 9, 44), there was a language called Wu1guru or Wulgurugaba (also spelt Wulgurukaba) in the Townsville area. (This language may be the same as Alec White Sr.'s Gabilgara.) The rhotic is an approximant, and not a tap (Sutton, e-mail message of 26th May 2003). Tindale states that wulgum means 'man'. However, Shirley Johnson, who is a descendant of the group in question, said in March 2001 that the word Wulgurugaba or Wulgurukaba means 'canoe people'. (According to Donahue (2007: 48), Tindale recorded the word wulgurm (the rhotic is a trill, not an approximant) with the meaning 'canoe' (not 'man').) The word wolgo or wulgu occurs in Warrongo (meaning 'boat'), Nyawaygi (meaning 'boat'; Dixon 1983: 511), and Warrgamay (meaning 'bark canoe'; Dixon 1981: 120). Warrongo has the suffix -rV 'many', whose vowel copies that of the preceding syllable (see 3.7.1-[16] and 3.13.1.4). (Again, the rhotic is an approximant, and not a tap.) The names Wulguru and Wulgurugaba may contain -rV If this is the case, wulgu-nl means 'many canoes' and wulgu-m-gaba means 'person(s) of many canoes'. The latter word is used in the name of an Aboriginal organization on Magnetic Island, off Townsville: Wulgurukaba Aboriginal Corporation. (There is a suburb called Wulguru in Townsville. No doubt it was named after the language Wulguru. Judging by the phonetics of the languages of this region, the name of the language was most probably pronounced [6lko.J.o] (with stress on the initial syllable). However, according to Rachel Cummins, the name of the suburb Wulguru is pronounced [wa1ga.n1:]. This pronunciation is a spelling pronunciation and also it is heavily anglicized.) (c) Nhawalgaba According to Sutton (1995, and e-mail message of 16 June 2003), in 1970 and 1973 Reggie Palm Island referred to the Townsville people as Nhawalgaba. The meaning of nhawal is not known. The letters nh represents an interdental nasal (Peter Sutton, p.c.). (d) Birigaba The language of the Bowen area is Biri (Maps 4 and 5). It is also called Birigaba. The meaning of biri is not known.

Environmental and socio-cultural background 21

1.5.4.2. Names of individuals Selected examples are given below. [1] Some of the individuals' names have a mythological origin. As seen in 1.5.3, the story about Yamani, the gigantic eel, yielded six personal names: Wambino (cf. wambi-L Vi 'rest'), Babino (cf. babi-L Vt 'cut'), Bayombirri (cf. bayombi-L Vt '[fish] wave [its tail]'), Wagaygorro (wagay 'wishbone'), Jilanggo (jilanggo 'fig tree'), and Jalbino (}albino 'water lily'). The first two names are based on verbs and contain the suffix -no. (See 3. 7.1-[12] for -no. It is probably accidental that the name Jalbino contains no; this name is not based on a verb.) The name Bayombirri contains the (non-productive) suffix -rri, and the name Wagaygorro contains the (non-productive) suffix -gorro. The suffixes -rri and -gorro are not attested elsewhere in Warrongo. But see 3.11.1.7 regarding -rri. There was at least one Warrongo person whose name is taken from the Yamani story, and it was Wambino (mentioned in 1.4.1), who is the father of Alec Collins (mentioned in 1.2 and 1.3). Further information on them is in 1.8.4.2. There is a cattle station called 'Wombinoo Station' in Warrongo territory (Map 3). No doubt it was named after Wambino. There are two other names that do not seem to be related to this myth, but have the suffi.x -no. See 3.7.1-[12]. According to Atkinson (1979: 36), Wambino had a brother whose name is 'Warkagaroo'. Possibly this is the name Wagaygorro ([wakaigoro]). [2] There was a man with the name Gonira ([g6ni.J.a]). He is Alf Palmer's uncle (also mentioned in 1.5.5 and Table 3-3). This name is based on the verb goni-L Vt 'fight' (cf. (4-546), (4-547)), and it means 'fighter' The suffix -ra means 'someone who does ' (3.7.1-[11]), like the English suffix -er, cf. fight-er. (As noted in Acknowledgements, AlfPalmernamedme Ganim. See also 1.8.4.1-[3].) [3] There are names whose etymology is not known, but for which a tentative suggestion may be made. Examples include the following, which are all Alf Palmer's children's names: (i) Jinabarro 'Maurice Palmer' (cf. jina 'foot', barro 'bent, crooked'), (ii) Nganyiri 'Edith Lenoy' (cf. nganyi 'face'), and (iii) Gayangara 'Alf Palmer, Jr.' (cf. gaya 'father', ngara 'it is not easy to do' (4.24-[10])). If the name Jinabarro consists ofjina 'foot' and barro 'bent, crooked', it means 'crooked/bent foot', and it is an instance of compounding. [4] There are names for which no suggestion may be made, e.g. Dolobo 'Joyce Palmer', Wilbanyo 'Norris Palmer' (both Alf Palmer's children), and Wolngarra 'Alec Collins' (data from Peter Sutton).

22

The language and its speakers

1.5.4.3. Names ofplaces :Most of the placenames consist of one word. But some of the placenames have the form of a sentence. (Sentential place names appear to be common in some other parts of Australia as well; see Baker (2002: 113-118).) There is at least one placename that has the form of a noun phrase. [1] In the myth that concerns the origin of water (cf. 1.5.3, given in Text 1), two mice (gala 'mouse') rolled over a blue tongue lizard (banggarra), which had been lying on top of a spring (?) and hiding water from other animals. Alf Palmer said that this place (Cameron Creek) has three names: (i) Banggarra ('blue tongue lizard), e.g. (4-65-b), Text 1, Line 28, (ii) Galo Cmouse'), and (iii):

(1-1) galo-nggo balba-n banggarra-flJ. mouse-ERG roll-NF B.T.L.-ACC 'Mice rolled Blue Tongue Lizard.' The placenarne (1-1) has the form of a sentence. The placenames Banggarra and Galo are instances of those consisting of one word. [2] In the myth that describes the origin of Innot Hot Springs, a burning torch hit the ground, upon which hot water gushed out of the ground (1.5.3). Alf Palmer gave the name of Innot Hot Springs as follows.

(1-2) nyalbay-flJ jido-flJ galngga-n. story-NOM torch-NOM fall-NF Tentative translation: '[In] a story a torch fell down.' This name, too, has the form of a sentence. But it is not known how to analyze the syntactic status of the first word. [3] A Gugu-Badhun story, narrated by Richard Hoolihan and recorded by Peter Sutton (in the early 1970s), describes the formation of a turtle-shaped lava. Alf Palmer (a Warrongo speaker) said that there is a place that he called 'Turtle Jump' in English. For its Warrongo name, he gave three alternative forms. They all have the form of a sentence.

(1-3)

banggorro-flJ jolba-n. turtle-NOM jump-NF 'Turtle jumped.'

(1-4) banggorro-flJ jolba-1. turtle-NOM '(As above.)'

jump-NF

Envirorunental and socio-cultural background 23

(1-5) banggorro-0 jolba-y. turtle-NOM '(As above.)'

jump-NF

Alf Palmer said that this place is in Wairuna area (that is, around the border between the Warrongo and Gugu-Badhun territories; cf. 1.4.1), through which the Burdekin River flows. This placename probably refers to the event depicted in the Gugu-Badhun story mentioned above. (The verbjolba- seems to belong to L-class in (1-4), but toY-class in (1-5). See 3.9.3 for the significance of this dual membership of conjugation.) The version (1-5) occurs in Text 1, Line 17. The locative form of the version (1-5) is attested: banggorro jolba-ja 'turtle jump-LOC'; see (2-63). Note that the final y is deleted. (See 3.2.1.1 for the locative forms.) In passing, there is something like a sentential place name that is followed by the ablative-1 suffix (-ngomay): garri-0 galngga-n-ngomay-0 'sun-NOM fall-NFABL-NOM', i.e. '[a person who comes] from [the place where] the sun sets'. These are the only two instances in which a sentential place name or the like is followed by a case suffix. [4] Another Gugu-Badhun story, narrated by Harry Gertz and recorded by Peter Sutton in 1974, tells how a woomera (wumbun) slipped down in the river. (See Goetz and Sutton (1986) for details. The narrator's surname is spelt in two different ways: Gertz and Geotz.) This place, whose exact location is not known, is called Wumbunbarra in Gugu-Badhun. (The use of the suffix -barra for a place name is unusual. It is generally used for names of groups/persons (1.5.4.1-[1] and 3.7.1-[1]).) Alf Palmer stated that there is a place that has the following name (another sentential place name): (1-6)

wombon-0

joyora-n.

woomera-NOM slip-NF 'A woomera slipped.' AlfPalmer stated that this place is two miles down the Burdekin River from Valley of Lagoons. Therefore, it must be in Gugu-Badhun territory. Then the GuguBadhun name Wumbunbarra and the Warrongo name Wombon Joyoran appear to refer to the same place. (Recall that the practical orthography employed for the present work uses o in place of u.) [5] There is another sentential placename:

(1-7)

warmgo-0

jana-n.

woman-NOM stand-NF 'A woman stood.'

24

The language and its speakers

Alf Palmer gave a place name that appears to be in the Warrgamay language. Consulting Dixon (1981), it is tentatively analyzed as follows (employing the practical orthography adopted for the present work). (1-8) ngolmboro jowa"a-ngo"a worn an stand-? Tentative translation: 'A woman stood.' The meaning of -ngorra is not known. AlfPalrner said that the place is on Herbert River, below Abergowrie. This place is in Warrgamay territory (1.4.1). It is possible that (1-7) is the Warrongo name of this place. [6] The place name jolay nyon.gol 'tree one' has the form of a noun phrase. Alf Palmer said that its English name is 'One Tree Plain' and that it is on Herbert River. It is possible, though by no means certain, that this name is a Warrongo translation of the English placenarne 'One Tree Plain'. We have seen place names that have the form of a sentence or a noun phrase. In terms of stress, they do not seem to constitute one single unit. Thus, where the name consists of two words, e.g. (1-3) to (1-7) andjolay nyon.gol ('tree one'), the primary stress seems to fall on the first syllable of the second word, with the secondary stress on the first syllable of the first word. If they constituted one single unit, the primary stress would fall on the first syllable of the first word. See 2.7 for stress.

[7] There are placenarnes which appear to involve a suffix but whose etymology is not known. For example, the placenarne Jalnyjanbara 'Cashmere Station' (where AlfPalmer grew up; cf. 1.8.4.1) appears to contain the suffix -bara (not -ba"a; cf. 1.5.4.1-[1]). The suffix -bara is attested in many words; see 3.7.1-[8]. The meaning ofjalnyjan is not known. [8] There is possibly one placenarne that consists of a noun and an enclitic. As mentioned in 1.5.3, in the story given by Tommy Murray, a Jirrbal speaker, a snake (not an eel) swallowed up humans at Innot Hot Springs. According to him, the name of Innot Hot Springs is jambalgoli. This may be a Warrongo placenarne. First, Tommy Murray stated that it is a Warrongo name. Second, Innot Hot Springs appears to be in Warrongo territory (1.4.1). Third, the word for 'snake' is wadam in Jirrbal (Dixon 19TI: 407), but it is jambal in Warrongo. If this is a Warrongo name, it may be analyzed as follows. It will consist of the nounjambal-0 and the enclitic =goli 'only' (1-9) jambal-r2J=goli snake-NOM/ACC=only Tentative translation: 'only the snake' [9] There are many placenarnes that appear to be based on the geography, flora, fauna, etc. that characterize the place, e.g. (i) gaba 'white clay' and 'place on Stone

Environmental and socio-cultural background 25

River', (ii) dogal 'fern sp., whose root is edible' and 'place on Herbert River (a swampy area where many dogal-fems grow)', and (iii) bigal 'death adder (snake sp.)' and 'Henrietta Creek (near Abergowrie)'. [10] There are also many placenames whose etymology is not known One example is bajobala ([batfobala]) 'Kirrama Station'. This station appears to be on the border among Warrongo, Jirrbal and Girramay territories (1.4.1), but the name is known to, and used by, many other groups. Kirrama Station has played an important role in the post-contact history of the region; see 1.7, 1.8.4.1, and 1.8.4.2.

1.5.5. Sections and totems In the Warrongo group, as in the neighbouring groups of the region, its members are divided into four sections. (The sections were sometimes called 'skin' in the English of Aboriginal people; cf. Sharp 1939: 442.) The information on the Warrongo section terms is incomplete, but complete information is available for Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 106) and Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 5). These three groups appear to have an identical section system, and virtually identical section terms- apart from a few differences in the two rhotics, i.e. an alveolar tap (written with rr) versus a retroflex approximant (written with r); see below. The section terms of Alf Palmer's Warrongo are shown in Table 1-7. Those terms marked with '[TT]' have been reconstructed on the basis of (i) the other terms in Warrongo and (ii) the equivalent terms in Gugu-Badhun and Warrgamay. The terms of female members contain the feminine suffix -gan (3.7.1-[17]). In addition, they all involve the insertion ofy andng (2.6-[2]-(c-3), -(d)). Three of them involve the change of the root-final vowel o to a, and one of them (won.go-rra-yng-gan) involves the insertion of -rra. Table 1-7. Warrongo section terms (1) (AlfPalmer's Warrongo) male members

female members

gorgorro gorrgila won. go wojorro

gorgorra-y-ng-gan gorrgila-y-ng-gan [TI] won.go-rra-y-ng-gan [TT] wojorra-y-ng-gan [TI]

Harry Bunn (a Warrongo speaker (?); cf. 1.4.2.3 and 1.8.4.3-[1]) gave the following terms: gorrgila, gorrgoro, wojorro, and won.go. No term for female members was given. In my data and the sources consulted, there is an alternation between analveolar tap (written with rr) and a retroflex approximant (written with r) in the following terms (see 2.1.3.1 for these phonemes). (In each of these languages, the two rhotics are in opposition.)

26

The language and its speakers

(a) (i) gurrgila or gorrgila in Warrgamay, Alf Palmer's Warrongo (and also Alec Collins' Warrongo, Harry Bunn's Warrongo (?), Girramay, Jirrbal (Dixon 1972: 31), Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 433)), and (ii) gurgila in Gugu-Badhun. (b) (i) gurrguru in Gugu-Badhun (and also Harry Bunn's Warrongo (?), Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 433)), (ii) gorgorro inAlfPalmer's Warrongo (and also Girramay and Jirrbal (Dixon 1972: 31)), and (iii) gurguru in Warrgamay. Note that the correspondences between rr and rare irregular. (Only the term wojorro or wujurru contains a tap consistently, in my data and all the sources cited above.) This fluctuation between the two rhotics is possibly due to language obsolescence. (See 1.8.4.1 to 1.8.4.3 for a discussion of the nature of the data obtained for the present study.) Some of the speakers may have found the rhotic contrast difficult to retain since English lacks this opposition (see Schmidt 1985: 192-193). Alternatively, this fluctuation may be due to errors on the part of the linguist(s) concerned. Finally, the forms cited above may be traditional ('correct') words, and this fluctuation may reflect the situation of the pre-contact times. It seems that, in the traditional society, although each person had his/her name (e.g. Jinbilnggay for Alf Palmer), people often called someone by his/her section name. This practice among Warrgamay people is described by Lumholtz ([1889] 1980: 218, 303), the Norwegian zoologist who lived among Warrgamay people from August 1882 to July 1883 (see 1.5.8-[3] and 1.7). An analogous practice is still now observed in Kimberley (Tsunoda 1981a: 8). No doubt it was common among Warrongo people as well. Thus, someone would call out to a gorgorro man, 'Gorgorro!' Table 1-8. Warrongo section terms (2) (Alf Palmer's Warrongo)

SetA

SetB

gorgarro

goynba

gorrgila won. go wojarro

woragaja wolmirri yawonya

Alf Palmer gave two sets of equivalent terms. See Table 1-8. Note that the corresponding terms from the two sets are not just phonological variations. Dixon (1989b: 265) reports regarding Jirrbal, Girramay and Mamu that 'each section has associated with it "polite" terms for referring to male and female members respectively. These are used for address and seem to be in the nature of terms of endearment' The 'polite' terms for referring to male members are wurany, wulmirri, yaww:zya and guymba. They are identical to the Warrongo terms except for wurany (its Warrongo equivalent will be woragaja) and except that Dixon lists guymba (the nasal is bilabial) where I list goynba (the nasal is alveolar). In view of this, Set B of Warrongo seems to be a set of 'polite' terms for referring to male members.

Environmental and socio-cultural background 27

AlfPalmer said that Gonira, his uncle (1.5.4. 2-[2]), was a wolmirri (a term from Set B). It seems that Alec Collins, too, had these two sets. Thus, he said he was a goynba (Set B), although the term gorrgila (Set A) occurs elsewhere in his data. R.anji Pope, a Gujal speaker (1.8.4.3-[9]), said he was a won.go (Set A). It is not known if he had the two sets. Alf Palmer's use of the term wolmirri (Set B) to refer to his mother's brother fits in Dixon's characterization of 'polite' terms. But Alec Collins' use of goynba (Set B) to refer to himself does not seem to. Each section has totem(s). Attested totems are given in Table 1-9. Harry Bunn said his totem was garrgay 'sparrowhawk'. Therefore, his section would be gorrgoro. Table 1-9. Totems

section

totem

AlfPalmer

gorgorro gorrgila won. go wojorro

'carpet snake' (probably gabol- TT) wqjagan 'crow' 'echidna' (probably barrbira- TT) 'eaglehawk' (probably go17'ijala - TT) 'carpet snake' (probably gabol- TT)

HarryBmm

gorrgoro gorrgila won. go wojori'O

garrgay 'sparrowhawk' garrijala 'eaglehawk' garraga 'dove' (HB not certain) gondolo 'emu' (HB not certain)

Sharp (1939: 450) gives the following words as section names for Gugu-Badhun and several other languages: Kuparu, Kurkila, Wunggu, Banbari. Sutton's (1973: 106) list of Gugu-Badhun section terms contains gurgila (Sharp's Kurkila) and wungu (Sharp's Wunggu), but it does not contain any term like Kuparu or Banbari. My data onAlfPalmer's Warrongo contain another section term, namely, bambari, and its totem seems to be possum (gajarra). This suggests that Alf Palmer knew at least one more section term and its totem. (The bilabial nasal may be due to my mishearing, and the correct form may be banbari. Cf. Sharp's Banbari. The rhotic in bambari is an approximant, and not a tap.) 1.5.6. Marriage rules Many aspects of the social life were conducted according to the section system. One example is marriage arrangement Ideally, a person must choose his/her spouse from the right section; he/she cannot marry just anyone. Their child's section membership is determined automatically. Unfortunately, I failed to obtain information on marriage rules of Warrongo. However, as seen in 1.5.5, Warrongo shares with Gugu-Badhun and Warrgamay an identical section system and virtually identical section terms. Fortunately, complete information on marriage rules is available for Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 106-107) and Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 5).

28

The language and its speakers

It is almost certain that Warrongo had the same marriage rules. They would be as shown in Table 1-10. In accordance with Radcliffe-Brown's (1930: 38) convention, the labels 'A, B, C, D' are used for male members, and 'a, b, c, d' for the corresponding female members. Table 1-10. Marriage rules A man who is: gorgorro (A) won. go (B) gorrgila (C) wojorro (D)

must many

and their child is:

a woman who is:

son:

daughter:

wojorro (D) gorrgila (C) won.go (B) gorgorro (A)

wojorraynggan (d)

won.gorraynggan (b) gorgorraynggan (a) wojorraynggan (d) gorrgilaynggan (c)

gorrgilaynggan (c) won.gorraynggan (b) gorgorraynggan (a)

Table 1-10 exhibits interesting regularities. For example, regarding male members, Pls son is D, D's son is A, A's son is D, D's son is A, and so on. That is, we have an alternation between A and D (hence, 'A - D'). This will continue indefinitely (if the marriages conform with these rules). Similarly, B's son is C, C's son is B, B's son is C, C's so is B, and so on (i.e. B - C). Concerning female members, b's daughter is d, d's daughter is b, b's daughter is d, d's daughter is b, and so on (i.e. b - d). Finally, a's daughter is c, c's daughter is a, a's daughter is c, c's daughter is a, and so on (i.e. a- c). As alluded to above, this system of marriage rules presents the 'ideal' arrangements. In real life, however, there were probably marriages that deviated from them, as was the case, for instance, in Kimberley, Western Australia (Tsunoda 1981a: 10-11).

1.5.7. Kinship system The kinship system in Alf Palmer's Warrongo seems to be as follows, although there are points that are not certain. (Those kin terms that are relatively more certain, include those that concern parents, uncles, aunts, grandparents, grandchildren, and spouses.) Figure 1-1 concerns a male EGO. The letter 'D' has two uses. 'D' below a kin term, e.g. galbin, refers to (a male member of) a section, while 'D' above a kin term, e.g. galbin, means 'daughter' Vowel-final kin terms generally have two forms: one with the suffix -na (3.7.1-[18]) and the other without. ngaji-na was not

Environmental and socio-cultural background 29

attested, but almost certainly it is a bona fide Warrongo word. ('ngqji(na)*' indicates that 'ngaji' is attested, but that 'ngajina' is not.) In the following discussion, the forms without -na will be used. For a male EGO, his father (FG) isgaya, and his mother (M) yanga. Among his grandparents, his father's father (FF) is bolo, father's mother (FM) gami, mother's father (MF) ngaji, and mother's mother (MM) babi. His wife (y.l) is birgo. His son (S) and daughter (D) are galbin, that is, 'child'. Among his grandchildren, his son's son (SS) and son's daughter (SD) are bolo, while his daughter's son (DS) and daughter's daughter (DD) are ngaji. (As seen above, galbin may mean 'man's son' and 'man's daughter' In (4-551), galbin was translated 'niece' by Alf Palmer. In view of the kin term system observed in Kimberley, Western Australia (Tsunoda 1981a: 11-13), probably galbin can also mean 'man's brother's son' (i.e. 'nephew') and 'man's brother's daughter' (i.e. 'niece').) We shall look at Figure 1-1 in connection with the marriage rules (cf. Table 1-10). Take FF of Figure 1-1, for instance. For the purpose of exposition, the section A is arbitrarily assigned to him. His son (F) is D, whose son (EGO) is A, whose son (S) is D, whose son (SS) is A That is, we have an alternation between A and D, exactly as stated regarding Table 1-10. FF bolo(na) A

X

FM gami(na) b

MF ngqji(na)* B

X

X

M yanga(na) c

F gaya(na) D

I

EGO

X

MM babi(na) a

w

A (~ I ....b~..;

SW

X

'

S

~m SS bolo(na)

A

SD bolo(na) a

D

x

DH

•m:~c DS ngqji(na)* B

DD ngqji(na)* b

Figure 1-1. Pedigree (1): a male EGO

Figure 1-2 concerns a female EGO. For the purpose of exposition, in Figure 1-1, a male EGO was assigned to A, and his wife is to b. Likewise, in Figure 1-2, a

30

The language and its speakers

fern ale EGO is assigned to b, and her husband to A (In fact, the statements about the kin relationship are applicable irrespective of an EGO's section membership.) For her parents and grandparents, a female EGO uses the same terms as those used by a male EGO. But the terms for her spouse, children and grandchildren differ from those used by a male EGO. Her spouse, i.e. husband (H), is gornggal. Her son (S; a 'D' man) isjowana. (The formjowa, without -na, is hardly ever used. See 3.7.1-[18]. For jowana, Alf Palmer gave the gloss 'nephew' as well. Probably ;owana can mean 'woman' son' and 'woman's sister's son' (i.e. 'nephew').) A female EGO's daughter (D; a 'd' woman) may be yindala, but this is not certain. Alf Palmer gave yindala, indicating that it meant (i) 'female EGO's daughter (D)', i.e. 'woman's daughter', and (ii) 'niece' (probably 'woman's sister's daughter' and 'man's sister's daughter'). But later he denied the meaning (i). (Alf Palmer's gloss for yindala is, in effect, 'niece from sister's side') Therefore, it is not certain if there is a word for 'female EGO's daughter' If yindala really means 'female EGO's daughter', there are separate words for 'son' and 'daughter' for a mother (though not for a father; see Figure 1-1). (Mamu, north of Jirrbal (Maps 4 and 5), has the kin term yindala. Its referents seem to include 'female EGO's son and daughter' (Dixon 1980: 109).)

FF x FM bolo(na) gami(na) B a

MF x MM ngaji(na)* babi(na) A b

F gaya(na)

M yanga(na) d

X

c.

H

EGO

x

A b ·~M~ I(~ SW c

I ss gami(na) A

x

S

Ijowa(na) D I

D

x

DH

yindala~?) d

C.

I SD gami(na) a

DS babi(na) B

DD babi(na) b

Figure 1-2. Pedigree (2): a female EGO

Regarding Figure 1-1, we saw an instance of the alternation between two sections, involving men. Alternations occur concerning women as well. Take Mt\.1, for

Environmental and socio-cultural background 31

example. She is b. Her daughter (M) is d, whose daughter (EGO) is b, whose daughter (D) is d, whose daughter (DD) is b. That is, we have an alternation of 'b- d'. The terms for the grandparents' generation and the grandchildren's mean 'X and reciprocal' (cf. Dixon 1972: 399). For instance, bolo may mean 'male EGO's FF' (Figure 1-1), and also 'female EGO's FF' (Figure 1-2). In addition, it means 'male EGO's SS and SD' (Figure 1-1). That is, 'FF and reciprocal'. Similarly, ngaji may mean 'male EGO's MF' (Figure 1-1) and also 'female EGO's MF' (Figure 1-2). In addition, it means 'male EGO's DS and DD' (Figure 1-2). That is, 'MF and reciprocal'. The same applies to gami 'FM and reciprocal', and to babi 'MM and reciprocal'. The use of some of the kin terms is remembered still now. For example, in March 2002, Rachel Cummins (Alf Palmer's DD) stated that Alf Palmer used to refer to Raymond Palmer and Roderick Palmer (they are his SS) as bolo. (Reciprocally, the latter would refer to Alf Palmer (their FF) as bolo.) She also stated that Alf Palmer (her MF) used to call her (his DD) ngaji. (Reciprocally, she would call him ngaji.) Other attested kin terms include the following. A few of the terms listed above are repeated for convenience. (a) For both a male EGO and a female EGO: (i) F and FB: gaya(n~). (ii) FZ: bimo(na), (iii) M and MZ: yanga(na), (iv) MB: galnga(na). Note that gaya refers to F and also FB. Similarly, yanga refers to M and also MZ. There is no single term for 'uncle'. It has to be either gaya 'FB' or galnga 'MB' Similarly, there is no single term for 'aunt'. It has to be either bimo 'FZ' or yanga 'MZ'. (As noted in 1.3, for MB, Alec Collins used galngina in addition to galngana.) For a male EGO, bimo can mean WM, in addition to FZ. Then, galnga will be expected to mean WF, in addition to MB. But it is not known if galnga can mean

WF. (b) For a male EGO: (i) EB: mogina (mogi not attested), (ii) EZ: bolgo (bolgona not attested), (iii) YB: yabojana (yaboja not attested), (iv) YZ: banina, bolgo (bani not attested. Cf. bani 'stone'.) Bolgo seems to mean both EZ and YZ. If this is the case, the opposition between 'elder' and 'younger' is neutralized in the case of bolgo for a male EGO (i.e. the opposite sex to EZ and YZ). It will be interesting to see if this neutralization occurs between EB and YB for a female EGO. Unfortunately no relevant data are available. (c) Alf Palmer gave the following kin nouns and glossed them as shown: (i) }organa 'elder sister' (jorga not attested), (ii) woribo 'son-in-law' (woribo-na not attested), (iii) marga 'brother-in-law', and (iv) marga-yan 'daughter-in-law' (-yan may be a feminine suffix. There is a more productive feminine suffix: -gan (3.7.1-[17].) Also he gave (v)joway 'brother-in-law' (probably WB, and not HB), (vi)jowaynggorro 'term by which brothers-in-law call (address? refer to?) each other' (later, Alf

32

The I anguage and its speakers

Palmer cancelled this meaning and gave the gloss 'big mob ofjoway'), (vi) mogayo 'sister-in-law' (probably HZ, and not WZ), and (vii) mogoynggon 'term by which to refer to one's deceased wife in avoidance of her name' A song by Alf Palmer (see (1-10)) yieldedgorramara 'YB, YZ'. See 3.8.1-[7] for its possible etymology.

1.5.8. Other topics We shall look at some other topics regarding the socio-cultural background mainly those topics which are relevant to the language itself, those which are expressed in the language or those which occur in the examples cited. [1] A person's language seems to have been a marker for self-identification at an inter-tribal encounter (cf. Clarke 2003: 39). See Text 1, Line 7. [2] The ear is regarded as the seat of intelligence and memory (cf. Dixon 1972: 30, Tsunoda 1981a: 7). There are a noun bormw 'deaf, and two verbs derived from it: borrmo-bi-L Vi 'become deaf and also 'forget' (4.7.1-[1]-(a)), e.g. (3-88), (4-243), (4-276), and borrmo-nga-L Vt 'make [someone] forget' (4.7.2-[1]-(a). [3] Message sticks were used for conveying a message. According to Leigh Pentecost (e-mail message of 26 March 2009), a message 'stick was their "passport" that would allow them to enter others' territory without being killed'. Carl Lurnholtz ([1889] 1980: 327-328) (mentioned in 1.5.5; cf. also 1.7) describes message sticks used by Warrgarnay people. In Warrongo, figures on message sticks are called jin.gorr, and message sticks are known as jin.gorr-ji 'message figureCOM', i.e. '[wood] with!having message figure'. See 3.6.8 for the comitative -ji. [4] There are a nounjigobina 'shooting star', and an intransitive verb derived from it: jigobina-bi-L (4.7.1-[1]-(a)). This verb literally means 'be/become a shooting star', but Alf Palmer used it to describe a young man who was getting married soon. The same noun and the intransitive verb derived from it occur in Jirrbal (Henry 1967: 55, Dixon 1972: 401, 1997: 23), but no connection with a man's marriage is known. [5] As elsewhere in Australia, there was a taboo on the use of the name of a deceased person (Berndt and Berndt [1964] 1968: 112, 297, 389, Clarke 2003: 49, Dixon 1980: 28-29, Tsunoda 1981a: 7). [6] A deceased relation's skull was carried for safety; it would warn its carrier of an approaching danger. See (4-764). [7] Cannibalism was practiced in this region (Lurnholtz 1980: 294, Dixon 1972: 28). Dixon states: 'Anyone who has persistently broken the social code may be killed by some of the senior men of the tribe, his flesh eaten and his blood offered to younger men to drink.' Dixon continues: 'Some men attain the status of gubi ("wise man" or "doctor"). They generally have a thorough knowledge of their en-

Special styles ofspeech and songs 33

A necessary prerequisite vironment and of the customs and beliefs of the tribe. for being a gubi is that one has drunk the cannibalistic victim The word gobi occurs in Warrongo, too; see (4-698), and Text 3, Line 30. Alf Palmer seemed to believe that a gobi ate human flesh (}algor). See (4-6). He dreaded a gobi. [8] People believed in the existence of two types of imaginary hairy human-like beings, who live in lava scrub: (i) gandaro, smaller type, and (ii) gangaligan, larger type. At least gandaro - possibly gangaligan as well - was feared by Alf Palmer and presumably by other people, too. The word gandaro occurs in (3-68). See also (4-401). [9] Alf Palmer described a technique for possum hunting as follows. When a possum climbs a tree (e.g. a bloodwood tree), it scratches its bark. The hunter blows on its trunk. If the trunk has a fresh track left by a possum, then barks chips, dust, etc. caused by the possum, come off the trunk, indicating that the possum is likely to be still on that tree. (See also Clarke 2003: 130.) (4-165) contains the verb boya-L Vt. 'blow with mouth' and describes this technique. There are two words derived from boya-L: (i) the noun boyal---boyal 'bark chips that come off a trunk caused by a possum's scratches (for instance, on a bloodwood tree)', and (ii) the verb boyal~boyal-bi-L Vi 'be/become [such] bark chips' (3.11.1.6-[5], -[6]). [10] The noun mandija means (i) 'grub in its early stage of growth' and (ii) 'tooth ache' Possibly tooth ache was believed to be caused by this grub. [11] A type of vine poison (marra) and a type of fruit poison (mangga) were used for fishing, to intoxicate fish. See Text 2, Lines 5, 6. [12] The noun dombil means 'knot of a forest ti-tree' The knot contains water, which was used as drinking water by Aboriginal people. There are a verb dombil-bi-L Vi 'have a knot (which contains water)' (4.7.1-[1]-(a)), e.g. (4-900) (second B), and a place name dombil-bolo (3.7.1-[5]). [13] There are at least three terms for seasons: bi"gil, bin-gi-bara (the latter without l; see 2.6-[3]) 'cold weather, winter', woyolo 'summer, beginning of summer', andgarrimal 'summer' Alf Palmer produced running texts of about six hours. They contain valuable information on the traditional ways of life and beliefs. They need to be analyzed. Three excerpts are included in the present volume.

1.6. Special styles of speech and songs 1.6.1. Jalngoy: the avoidance style of speech Like many other Australian languages (cf. Dixon 1980: 58-65, Tsunoda 1981a: 14-15, 215-220), Warrongo had a special style of speech that was used between

34

The language and its speakers

taboo kin. Its name is Jalngoy, which Alf Palm referred to as 'big word' in English. There appears to be no special term for the ordinary style of speech. and probably it was simply called gogo 'speech, language' Information on Jalngoy is scanty. Alf Palmer had an excellent knowledge of the ordinary style, but he admitted that he could not speak Jalngoy. (In a language death situation, a special style of speech seems to be among the first to cease to be transmitted, and it is lost earlier than the ordinary style; see Tsunoda 2005: 97-98, 107-108.) Nonetheless, Dyirbal, too, had an avoidance style of speech (with the same label 'Jalnguy'), and detailed information is available on it (Dixon 1972: 32-34, 292-327). In Dyirbal, for a male EGO, one of the primary taboo relatives is his wife's mother (Wlv.f). For example, he had to use Jalnguy whenever his WM was within earshot. Probably the same applied to Warrongo as well. Warrongo has two intransitive verbs that mean 'speak in Jalngoy'· (i) jalngoybi-L (:Jalngoy-INTR') literally 'be Jalngoy' (4.7.1-[1]-(a)), e.g. (3-139), and (ii) jalngony-ji-bi-L ('Jalngoy-COM-INTR') literally 'be with/having Jalngoy' See 3.6.8-[3] for the comitative case. Note the alternation betweeny and ny (3.2.1.1-[4]). In Warrongo, the word for WM is bimo (1.5.7). Alf Palmer gave a Warrongo sentence that means 'When you are at your bmw's house, you must speak in Jalngoy': (3-139). See also (4-544). In Dyirbal, Jalnguy and the ordinary style (called Guwal) are identical in phonology, and almost the same in grammar, but entirely different in vocabulary (Dixon 1972: 32). Presumably the same was true of Warrongo. Alec Collins (Sutton's data) and Alf Palmer independently gave many nouns and verbs as Jalngoy words. Unfortunately these words were not crosschecked. Nonetheless, there are two words that coincide: wombal 'dog' (the ordinary style equivalent is gando) and the transitive verb ngarrambi-L 'hear' (the ordinary style equivalent is ngawa-L, e.g. (3-305)). It seems certain that these two words are Jalngoy words. For ngarrambi-L 'hear', see (1-10-d, -e) and 3.11.1.1. Dixon (1970: 667, 1972: 320) suggests that Jalnguy of a given language was built up by borrowing words from the ordinary style of nearby languages. Indeed, this may apply to some of the words given by Alf Palmer and/or Alec Collins as Jalngoy. Thus, the noun wombal 'dog, dingo' occurs in (the ordinary style, no doubt) of Buluguyban of Palm Island (Tsunoda 1996: 82). The verb ngambi- Vt 'hear' occurs in (the ordinary style, no doubt) of Freddy Toomba's Gujal (Peter Sutton's data). It may be related to the Warrongo ngarrambi-L 'hear' (For Freddy Toomba, see 1.8.4.3-[9].)

1.6.2. Songs A nurn ber of songs by Alf Palmer were recorded. They concern ga"gay 'sparrow hawk', a funeral, a sick person, e.g. (4-70), love, e.g. (1-10), and sexual relationship,

Special styles ofspeech and songs 35

e.g. (1-11), etc. The ex. (1-10) is cited from the end of Tape 72/25. In this story, after living on Palm Island for many years, Alf Palmer returned to Cashmere Station (where he grew up; see 1.8.4.1-[1]), and sang this song: the lines c to f. The song is presented by IPA syrn bois and the practical orthography adopted for the present work. I am unable to indicate melody, rhythm, voice quality, etc. (1-1 0) a. ngaya borrgoman-da nyina=ngomay-0 1SG.NOM(S) Palrn.Island-LOC stay=after-NOM

ngaya

ngoni-ngomay-0 ya"o-wo golmi yani-0

1SG.NOM(S) there-ABL-NOM here-DAT back

ngaygo

yamba-wo

come-NF camp-DAT

wara-yi wara-yi-d-go.

1SG.GEN (error) one's.own-COM-LINK-DAT 'After I had stayed on Palm Island, I carne back here.' (S=S)

b. ngona-ngomay ngaya that-after

ngaya

yarro-n-da

nyila=gol

jangala-0

lSG.ERG here-LINK-LOC today=only Jangala-ACC

baya-lgo.

1SG.ERG sing-PURP 'Then I will sing Jangala here, soon [or, for the first time].' c. [kaorai

gawo"a-yi-0

IJaja

.J.ai:olJ1d3o:

ngaya

rayiwoblJ?io-wo

love-COM-NOM 1SG.NOM very.good.looking.girl-DAT maborao gorama.J_ao IJaja]

maborra-wo

gorramara-wo ngaya

good.looking.girl-DAT last.one-DAT lSG.NOM 'I [am] in love with a very good-looking girl, a good-looking girl[, and] the last one.' d. [IJawai:

IJawala

IJaiJaram belao]

IJapa

nga-wayi ngawa-la nganya nga-ngarrambi-la-wo I nga-Q hear-PSI 1SG.ACC nga-hear-PST-wo 'Did you hear me [singing (?)]?' e. [wai: IJawala

IJapa

IJaiJarambela]

wayi ngawa-la nganya nga-ngarrambi-la Q hear-PSI 1SG.ACC nga-hear-PST 'Did you hear me [singing(?)]?'

f. [.J.ai:olpd3o: rayiwob'l)'jo-wo

maborao

gorama.J_ao gorrarnara-wo very.good.looking.girl-DAT good.looking.girl-DAT last. one-DAT IJaja mic)3iraii]go] ngaya mijirray-nggo I 1SG.NOM promised.one-DAT 'I [am in love] with a very good-looking girl a good-looking girl, the last one[, and] the promised one.'

maborra-wo

36

The language and its speakers

g. jalnyjanbara-ngga

ngaya

wa

wara-yi-da

Cashmere.Station-LOC lSG.NOM(S) (error) one's.own-COM-LOC

baya-gali-0 sing-ANTIP-NF

yinda

nganya

ngawa-yal nyila=gol

2SG.ERG(A) 1SG.ACC(O) hear-PURP today=only [ngaya TT] golmi yani-ngo-0. (AP) [lSG.NOM(S)] back come-ADNOM-NOM(S) 'At Cashmere Station, my own [country], I sang [Jangala] so that you would hear me [sing], who had just come back today.' The song is from the lines c to f. Alf Palmer said that this song is jangala. (Jangala means 'a singing style' in Jirrbal and Girrarnay (Dixon 1972: 401), and 'obscene song style' in Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 114).) In the lines c to f, a slash indicates a pause. There is no pause between the lines c and d, and between e and f. In the line c, the last vowel of each word is somewhat longer than usual, but this is not shown in the above presentation. Etymologically, rayiwolnyjo contains the noun rayi 'young girl' (used in the ordinary style), but rayiwolnyjo seems to be used in songs only. The meaning of -wolnyjo is not known. The meaning of gorramara is not clear. Alf Palmer's gloss for it is 'last one' In this context, this may mean 'least or less good-looking girl'. He also said it meant 'younger brother, younger sister' (1.5.7). (See 3.8.1-[7] for a possible etymology of gorramara.) Mijirray means 'fiancee promised by a prospective father-in-law or mother-in-law' This portion of the text cited in (1-1 0) contains useful examples for the discussion ofWarrongo morphology and syntax. They will be referred to in relevant sections. A song about sexual relationship: (1-11) (A man was having sex with a woman.) a. wajila-nggo

galoworo-nggo gombo-0

jingga-la.

testicles-ERG testicles-ERG buttocks-Ace hit-PST 'The [man's] testicles hit the [woman's] buttocks.'

b. gombo-0

ngarba-la ngarba-la. (AP)

buttocks-NOM jurnp-PST jurnp-PST '[Her] buttocks jumped with a fright.' Songs exhibit a few differences from the ordinary speech, as follows. The suffix -la 'past' (3.10.1) is quite common in songs, e.g. (1-10-d, -e) and (1-11), but it rarely occurs in the ordinary style of speech, e.g. (3-192). According to Alf Palmer, ngawa-la is a song word. In contrast, the nonfuture form ngawa-n 'hear-NF', i.e. 'hear, heard', occurs in the ordinary style. Songs contain a nurn ber of words that Alf Palmer considered as Jalngoy. They also contain words that occur in songs only. For example, (1-10-d, -e) contains

Special styles ofspeech and songs 31

ngarrambi-L Vt 'hear' (this may be a Jalngoy word; cf. 1.6.1) - in addition to ngawa-L Vt 'hear' of the ordinary style. (1-11) contains wajila 'testicles' (which Alf Palmer regarded as Jalngoy) and galoworo 'testicles' (which occurs in songs only). (The ordinary-style word for 'testicles' is galon, e.g. (4-904).) The syllable [IJa] nga is added to the beginning of wayi and ngarrambi-la in (1-10-d). Consequently, all the resultant 'words' begin with nga. (This is an instance of alliteration.) Also, in (1-10-e), nga is added to the beginning of ngarrambi-la. Furthermore, in (1-10-d), the syllable [o] wo is added to the end of ngarrambi-la. The addition of such syllables may be for the purpose of rhyming or adjusting the number of syllables (or morae). Such elements, used in songs without any clear meaning, are called vocables by Hinton (1994: 145). (Similar phenomena occur in some of the songs ofDjaru and Wanyjirra of the northwest Australia.) See 3.11.1.1 for a comparative account of ngarrambi- Vt 'hear' (a verb that Alf Palmer and Alec Collins considered as Jalngoy) and two verbs that occur in songs only.

1.6.3. Curses and expressions for abuse Alf Palmer gave four expressions that appear to be curses or expressions for abuse. One of them appears to be a Warrgamay sentence. (Alf Palmer knew Warrgamay; see 1. 8.4.1-[1]. He worked as a consultant for Dixon's study of Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 13).) Its phonetic presentation and its tentative phonernicization are given. Also, tentative morpheme-by-morpheme glosses and translation, based on Dixon (1981), are added. IJinba 6panbolo] (1-12) [Wi:ki lwigi IJinba wupan-bulu/ no.good 2SG.NOM lustful-very 'You are no good. You are very lustful.' The other three are as follows. (1-13) [mako.J.aiJgo IJani gapd3indii:lena] (1-14) [wapd3anda:laiJgo IJani makO.J.aiJgo gapd3inda:lena] (1-15) [.J.aimondo -1a:d3an gowa1fi]

It is not known what these expressions mean. (1-13) and (1-14) are probably variants of the same expression. Phonetically and phonologically, these expressions do not deviate from the usual pattern of Warrongo (see Chapter 2). Indeed, there are Warrongo words that resemble (part ot) them: ngani 'what', ganyji-n carry-NF', and wanyja 'where'. Nonetheless, they do not seem to be Warrongo. Indeed, for a reason that is not understood, (1-15) sounds a little exotic, i.e. non-Warrongo, to my ears.

38

The language and its spealrers

It is interesting to note that these expressions are either not Warrongo or do not seem to be Warrongo. Possibly people thought that cursing/abuse was more effective when uttered in a foreign language. Other styles of speech, e.g. initiation style and secret style, and also sign language (cf. Kendon 1988, Tsunoda 1981a: 15) may have existed, but no information on any of them was obtained.

1.7. Post-contact history Allingham (1993), Bolton ([1963] 1975), Jones ([1961] 1970) and Glenville Pike ([1976] 1990), among others, provide accounts of the post-contact history of a region that includes Warrongo territory. The post-contact history of Warrongo people's neighbours is described by Dixon (199lb: 350) on Mbabaram, Dixon (1972: 34-37) on Dyirbal (i.e. Jirrbal, Girramay, etc.), Dixon (1981: 6-9) on Warrgamay, Dixon (1983: 434) on Nyawaygi, and Sutton (1973: 20-21) on Gugu-Badhun. Cattle and gold - preceded by eA-plorers - decimated the original inhabitants and destroyed their traditional life, as was the case in Kimberley, Western Australia (Tsunoda 1981a: 16). The first Europeans who entered Warrongo territory appear to be the Prussian explorer, Ludwig Leichhardt, and his party, who in 1845 followed Burdekin River, crossed the Great Dividing Range, and went on to Lynd River (Leichhardt [1847] 1996). They seem to have passed around the western border of Warrongo territory. Leichhardt details his encounters with the local Aboriginal people. Some of them may have been Warrongo. In 1848, Edmund Kennedy's eA-pedition left Cardwell and headed northwest. Jones (1970: 50) suggests that the party travelled near Ravenshoe. Judging by the map in Carron ([1849] 1996), they passed somewhere near Innot Hot Springs and Mount Garnet. Mount Garnet appears to be around the northern border of Warrongo territory (1.4.1). So they may have entered Warrongo territory. The following expeditions did not enter, or do not seem to have entered, Warrongo territory: Augustus and Francis Gregory's expedition in 1856 (Gregory and Gregory [1844] 1968: 180-184), George Dalrymple's in 1859 (Farnfield 1968: 17), and Frank and Alexander Jardine's in 1864 (Hiddins 1998). Leichhardt and the Gregorys reported on the promising potential of this region for pastoral industry, and this attracted the attention of pastoralists and people with similar interests. Soon afterwards, pastoral industry was introduced into this region. In probably 1860 the Valley of Lagoons, which is no doubt the most attractive tract of land for pastoral industry, was taken up by Dalrymple and his partners (Jones 1970: 65). This was followed by the establishment of other cattle stations. 'Between 1873 and 1877 Cashmere and Gunnawarra stations were carved from the outlying blocks of the Valley of Lagoons' (Bolton 1975: 92). In 1872-73 John Atherton established Cashmere Station (Jones 1970: 149). Cashmere and

Post-contact history

39

Gunnawarra are in Warrongo territory. Kirrama Station was taken up by Edgar Collins in the 1880s (Atkinson 1979: 31). Carl Lumholtz (1.5.5 and 1.5.8-[3]), a Norwegian ethnographer, lived among Warrgamay people from 1882 to 1883 (Lumholtz 1980). He was based at Herbert Vale, but in February 1883 he visited the Valley of Lagoons Station. Jones (1970: 241) suggests that he visited Cashmere Station. No doubt he travelled through Warrongo territory. Gold rushes broke out in the 1860s and 1870s, and one of the largest gold rushes occurred at Charters Towers in 1872 (Bolton 1975: 44-49, 52, Jones 1970: 136). The gold rushes occurred outside Warrongo territory, and no gold seems to have been found inside it. Gold was not the only metal that affected the life of the Aboriginal people. In or near Warrongo territory, tin was found in 1880 at Wild River (Map 3), a tributary of Herbert River (Bolton 1975: 116, Glenville Pike 1990: 68). Silver was found in 1881 at Silver Valley, on Dry River (a branch of Wild River) (Bolton 1975: 117-118, Glenville Pike 1990: 134-135). CopperwasfoundatMountGametin 1883 (?)(Bolton 1975: 118). On the basis of Glenville Pike's (1990: 217) map and Dixon's (1991b: 348) map, Wild River may be in Ngaygungu territory or in Warrongo territory, and Silver Valley, southeast of Irvinebank, appears to be in Ngaygungu territory. The influx of miners and fossickers, together with the establishment of cattle stations and the introduction of cattle, destroyed the traditional pattern of life. Then followed the railway, which extended from Cairns and reached Mt. Garnet in 1902 (Glenville Pike 1990: 84). The clashes between the original inhabitants and the intruders led to many massacres, which were carried out by local property owners and the police from Cardwell and Herberton all around the district (Allingham 1993; Bolton 1975; Dixon 1972: 34-35; Jones 1970). As an example, in March 2000, Rachel Cummins told me that, at Blencoe Falls in the Herbert River Gorge (in Warrongo territory), a group of Aboriginal people were pushed over and fell into the gorge. One of the people killed was Lucy, Alf Palmer's mother, i.e. Rachel Cummins' great-grandmother (see 1.8.4.1-[1]). AlfPalmer gave two sentences that describe his mother's drowning: (3-31) and (3-291). Local Aboriginal people say that still now the place is haunted. (This massacre occurred probably around 1900.) Poisoning of Aboriginal people by white settlers was common (Allingham 1993: 125, Dixon 1972: 34). Thus, according to Rachel Cummins, Alf Palmer became ill from eating poison flour supplied by a white man. As seen above, the life of the original inhabitants of this region was drastically affected. Nonetheless, according to Bolton (1975: 95) 'until1914 some of the Aborigines between the Herbert and the Atherton Tableland maintained their traditional way oflife in a form at least comparable with their ancestors' It seems that a fair number of people from different tribes, including Warrongo, lived at Kirrarna Station, which is on the border among Jirrbal, Girramay and Warrongo (cf. 1.4.1). This probably explains why people like Alf Palmer and Alec Collins knew both Warrongo and Jirrbal, among other languages. See also 1.8.4.1 to 1.8.4.3.

40

The language and its speakers

No doubt these groups had frequent contacts with each other in pre-contact times as well. (This explains, at least partially, the massive borrowing from the Herbert River Group into Warrongo, Gugu-Badhun and Gujal (1.4.2.4).) Thus, according to Leigh Pentecost (e-mail messages of 26 March 2009 and 6 April 2009), prior to European settlement, Girramay, Jirrbal and Warrongo shared the initiation site and the ceremonial ground. There was more to befall the Aboriginal people and destroy their life. In 1914 the Hull River Aboriginal Settlement, southeast of Tully, started and it 'finally broke up the tribes' (Jones 1970: 304). Aboriginal people from different tribes were collected and sent there. Some of them were 'handcuffed and chained to be driven to the [settlement- TT] which seems to have been a penal settlement' (Jones 1970: 305). Mixing of people with different language had a deteriorating effect on the maintenance of the traditional languages (see Tsunoda 2005: 58-59). In March 1918 the Hull River Aboriginal Settlement was destroyed by 'the worst cyclone in living memory to strike the coast' (Jones 1970: 308). 'Houses, personnel and aborigines were removed to Palm Island' (Jones 1970: 310). Nowadays Palm Island, too, is known as a penal settlement. Rosser (1978) gives an account of the situation on Palm Island, from an Aboriginal perspective.

1.8.

Studies on the Warrongo language

1. 8.1. Introductory notes Studies on the Warrongo language can be divided into two groups: early studies (1.8.2) and modern studies (1.8.3). Ludwig Leichhardt's (1996) journal (cf. 1.7) does not contain any information on any language of the region. Sharp (1939: 256-257, 439-441) mentions the names of 'tribes' of northeast Australia, but he does not mention Warrongo. Also, the location of some of the tribes does not match that shown in 1.4.2.2. 1.8.2. Early studies on Warrongo Early works on Warrongo were by people who were not trained in linguistics. They used spellings that were based on the English orthography. Some of the words are recognizable, but others are not [1] E. M. Curr 'circulated among squatters, policemen and magistrates across the continent a list of 125 English words, for which he requested the local Aboriginal equivalents; he published the resulting 300 vocabularies as a four-volume work' (Dixon 1980: 13). The book is Curr (1886). Unfortunately, it does not contain any word list that was collected in Warrongo territory. The word lists that were collected nearby include the following. The pages are as in Vol. 2 ofCurr (1886). (i) No. 112. 'The LyndRiver', by W. 0. K. Hill (pp. 400-401). (ii) No. 114. 'Near the head of the

Studies on the Warrongo language

41

Walsh River', by John Atherton (pp. 408-411). (iii) No. 117. 'Head of Gilbert River', by Edward Curr (pp. 416-417). (iv) No. 119. 'Herbert River', by William S. Stephen (pp. 422-423). (v) No. 122. 'Clarke River', by Gresley Lukin (pp. 436-437). (vi) No. 123. 'Top of the range near Dalrymple', by W. E. Arm it (pp. 440-442). Dixon (1970: 676) briefly assesses ten word lists, and Sutton (1973: 16-20) provides a detailed assessment of nineteen word lists. There is not much more to add, except to note the following two points. First, Dixon (1970: 676) suggested that Nos. 114, 117 and 122 might be in Warrongo, and that No. 123 was either in Warrongo or some other closely related dialect. However, subsequent research by Sutton (1973: 16-20) and myself indicate that they are not Warrongo. Second, in No. 112, Hill states that the tribe in question was surrounded by three tribes, one of them being Warrialgona. As mentioned in 1.2, Tindale (1974: 188) gives Warrialgona as an alternative name of 'Warungu', but he doubts if Warrialgona is really 'Warungu'. Indeed, the language recorded by Hill is clearly not Warrongo, and consequently Warrialgona does not seem to be an alternative name ofWarrongo. [2] As mentioned in 1.2, William Craig's letter dated 24th July 1898 to A W. Howitt (cited by Dixon 1981: 11) lists the names of the five tribes of the region, one of which is "War-oong-oo" This may be the first written record of the name of the language and people under study. The letter contains eight Warrongo words, seven of which are recognizable. My comments, preceded by 'TT', are added. Yuln-gun 'Sun'

(TT: This is not recognizable. The Warrongo word for 'sun' is /ga.ri/. Warrgamay has /jug an/ 'rain' (Dixon 1981: 121).) Ballanoo 'Moon' (TT: This is Warrongo: lba1anu/ balano 'moon'.) Boor-ee 'Fire' (TT: This is Warrongo: lbwil bori 'fire'.) Com-oo 'Water' (TT: This is Warrongo: /gamu/ gamo 'water'.) Nowa 'No' (TT: This is Warrongo: /Jlawa/ nyawa 'no'.) Yae-oo 'Yes' (TT: This is Warrongo: /juwu/ yowo 'yes'.) Wan-ja 'Where' (TT: This is Warrongo: lwaJ1Jal wanyja 'where'.) yan-ulgoo 'go'

Yan-ulgoo is not attested in modern Warrongo. It will be discussed in 3.9.4.1. 1.8.3. Modern studies on Warrongo Modern studies on Warrongo have been carried out by trained anthropologists or linguists (Peter Sutton and Tasaku Tsunoda were postgraduate students in the early 1970s), with the exception of Jack Doolan. [1] La Mont West and E. F. Aguas worked on Warrongo briefly (cf. Oates and Oates (1970: 175-176)).

42

The language and its speokrs

[2] Jack Doolan is a white man who worked on Palm Island reserve in the 1960s as 'a clerk in the settlement office' (Dixon 1989a: 116). He recorded Warrongo from Alf Palmer. Peter Sutton kindly made his transcripts of Doolan's tapes available to me. [3] 'Norman B. Tindale [... ] An obituary' by Philip G. Jones (http://www.anu.edu. au/linguistics/nash/aust/nbt/obituary.html, accessed on 19 April 2007) states as follows: 'During an eighteen month period through 1938-39, Tindale led a datagathering expedition'. In 1938 on Palm Island, Tindale recorded Alf Palmer's genealogy, and photographed him. Tindale's 'Wordlists in North Queensland languages' (1938, unpublished) (whose photocopies were made available to me by Peter Sutton) contain about 100 words for ''WaruiJu'. Less than half of them are recognizable. Furthermore, they appear to include a fair number of words that are not Warrongo, e.g. jara (in Tindale's spelling) 'man', i.e. yara (in the orthography adopted for the present work). For 'man', Warrongo has bama, while Jirrbal, Girramay and Mamu have yara (Dixon 1972: 408). Tindale (1974: 45-46) lists five words from 'Warungu'. Most of these words are fairly accurately transcribed and glossed. However, it seems that Tindale did not distinguish the two rhotics: analveolar tap and a retroflex approximant [4] Since 1963, R. M. W. Dixon has been working on many languages of North Queensland; see 1.4.1 for his works. He obtained some data on Warrongo from Alf Palmer and Alec Collins. (Dixon 1989a describes his fieldwork in North Queensland, and contains accounts of Alf Palmer and Alec Collins. There is a photo of Alf Palmer, taken in 1964 on Palm Island, on p. 112. See p. 78 for Alec Collins.) R. M. W. Dixon kindly made his data from Alf Palmer available to me. As for the data from Alec Collins, Dixon (p.c.) stated that there is nothing in them that is not in Sutton's Warrongo data from Alec Collins ([5] below). The ex. (3-232) describes linguistic work by AlfPalmer and R. M. W. Dixon. [5] Peter Sutton conducted a survey of a vast area in North Queensland in 1970, salvaging what was left of a large number of languages, such as Gugu-Badhun, Warrongo, Gujal, Wamin/Agwamin, Mbara, Buluguyban, and Biri. He worked on Gugu-Badhun twice in 1970 and again in 1974; one of the outcomes is his M.A. thesis (Sutton 1973). In 1970 Peter Sutton interviewed Alec Collins and obtained some materials on Warrongo. He generously made all his Warrongo data and also his unpublished data on Gugu-Badhun and Gujal- available to me. [6] I carried out fieldwork mainly on Palm Island and also in the adjacent areas on the mainland, three times in all, in 1971, 1972 and 1974. My main focus was on Warrongo, but I also obtained a small amount of data on Biri, Gujal, Gabilgaba, Buluguyban, Nyawaygi, Wagaman, and Wamin, among others. The outcome of the work on Buluguyban and Gabilgaba is Tsunoda (1996). Sutton's and my data on Biri are incorporated into Terrill (1998). My previous works on Warrongo are my M.A. thesis (Tsunoda 1974a) and a number of papers that deal with aspects of

Studies on the Wan·ongo language

43

the language (mentioned in the Preface); they are all incorporated into the present work. [7] According to Dixon (1991b: 353), in 1977 'a man who called himself Alec Chalk (or Col Stephens) and who purported to speak Mbabaram', was recorded at the then Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies; the materials were transcribed by Michael Walsh. 'Of the 200 words or so words he gave, about 20 are recognisable as Mbabaram ... ; the remainder are largely Warungu, ' I have no expertise to comment on Mbabaram, but at least I recognize a number of words that are identical with the corresponding words recorded from Alf Palmer, e.g. wangal 'boomerang', mongan 'mountain' (in the orthography adopted for the present work)

1.8.4. Speakers interviewed for the present study Already in the early 1970s Warrongo was on the verge of extinction, and there were only two fluent speakers left: Alf Palmer and Alec Collins. Dorian (1973: 437) notes: 'the last speakers of a dying language can be a very misleading source of information about the language' In view of this, it is vital to describe the nature of the data obtained, regarding factors such as the speaker's proficiency, his/her biography, and the conditions of the work (Tsunoda 2005: 234). Comments on the speakers interviewed for the Warrongo language are provided in the following.

1.8.4.1. AlfPalmer (Warrongo name: Jinbilnggay) [1] Biography Alf Palmer's Aboriginal name is IJinbili]gaj/ Jinbilnggay. (According to Dixon (1981: 13, 115), his name is !Jim.bib:.Jaj/.) The evidence provided by Rachel Cummins (AlfPalmer's daughter's daughter) suggests that Alf Palmer was born around 1880. Also he told me that he remembered the Boer War (1899-1902). This indicates that by 1899-1902 he was old enough to know about a war that had broken out overseas. Rachel Cummins stated that Alf Palmer told her that he was born at a cattle station called Silver Valley, south of Mount Garnet. (I have been unable to find the location of this station.) According to the information obtained by Norman B. Tindale in 1938 on Palm island (cf. 1.8.3-[3]), Alf Palmer's mother is a 'Djiru' person from 'Clump Pt', her English name is Lucy, and his father is an Englishman whose name is Palmer. Indeed, Alf Palmer told me that his father was an Englishman. (Rachel Cummins, too, stated that Alf Palmer's mother's name is Lucy.) 'Djiru', i.e. Jirru, is the language of Clump Point, north of Tully; see Dixon (1972: 25, 1989a: 110). (Photocopies of Tindale's records are lodged at Aitkenvale Library in Townsville.)

44

The language and its speakers

According to 'Identification Cards', Alf Palmer was born in 1891 (not around 1880) at Herberton (not at Silver Valley). His father is Tom Palmer and his mother Kitty Palmer (not Lucy). (The printouts of the computer-typed version of 'Identification Cards' I obtained at Aitkenvale Library have the following title: 'Card Index held by the Community and Personal History Section of the Department of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Policy in Brisbane'.) According to Rachel Cummins, Kitty was a Warrongo woman, who looked after Alf Palmer at Gunnawarra Station, after his mother (Lucy) had been killed in a massacre at Blencoe Falls (cf. 1.7). Alf Palmer told me that he grew up at Cashmere Station (Warrongo name: Jalnyjanbara). (See (1-10-g).) According to Rachel Cummins, he worked around Gunnawarra Station and Cashmere Station (in Warrongo territory- TT), and also in various places such Valley of Lagoons Station (in Gugu-Badhun territory- TT). In my view, the fact that he mainly worked around Gunnawarra and Cashmere strongly suggests that the language he acquired first is Warrongo, rather than any other Aboriginal language. And that he spoke a central dialect of Warrongo. Alf Palmer married a Jirrbal woman whose English name is Elizabeth and who was born at Kirrarna Station (on the border among Jirrbal, Girramay and Warrongo; see 1.4.1 and 1.7). Elizabeth worked at Kirrarna Station while Alf was working around the area. But they were moved to Hull River Mission, and when the mission was destroyed by the 1918 cyclone, they were moved to the Palm Island settlement (cf. 1.7). Alf Palmer lived on Palm Island all the while until his death in 1981. (The information provided in this paragraph is largely from Rachel Cummins.) [2] Linguistic knowledge

As noted above, Alf Palmer's first language was probably Warrongo. In addition, he knew many other Aboriginal languages, and English. (Alf Palmer himself said that he knew many languages. This is also seen in Text 1, Lines 2 to 6.) Dixon (1989a: 112) states: 'Besides Warungu, Alf also knew Jirrbal and Girrarnay, and Warrgamay' According to Rachel Cummins, Alf Palmer told her that he spoke to Elizabeth in Jirrbal. Also, he acted as a consultant for Dixon's study ofWarrgamay (Dixon 1981: 13-14). Alf Palmer was interviewed by R M. W. Dixon on Palm Island in 1964, and produced some Warrongo materials (Dixon 1989a: 112-113). Alf Palmer was interviewed by me during three spells of fieldwork in 1971-72, 1972 and 1974 on Palm Island. (The examples (4-234) to (4-236) and (4-681) describe our linguistic work.) In 1971, he was about 90 years old. But he was strong and active. (I sometimes saw him rowing a dinghy and going out to the sea for fishing, to supply fish to his family and friends. The exx. (3-146), (4-318), and (4-319) and (4-765) describe how he maintained his fishing net or made a new one.) He was alert, and he retained a very good memory. He produced extensive data, including about six hours of running texts, about 1,500 words, and details on mor-

Studies on the Wan·ongo language

45

phology and synta.x. This is comparable to the kind of data that I obtained on a living Aboriginal language, i.e. Djaru of Kimberley, Western Australia (Tsunoda 1981a). This is truly remarkable at least for two reasons. First, already in the early 1970s most of the languages in this area were extinct or facing extinction. Alf Palmer's linguistic knowledge was exceptional. Second. according to Alf Palmer, he had not spoken Warrongo for 50 years (apart from linguistic interviews), i.e. approximately since he came to Palm Island. In my experience of fieldwork in North Queensland and also Kimberley, people who have a good knowledge of their language, generally speak the kind of English very different from that of white people. Alf Palmer was exceptional in another respect: he had a very good knowledge of Warrongo, and at the same time he spoke a variety of English very close to that of white people. This indicates that he had a talent for language. Despite his excellent knowledge of (the ordinary style of) Warrongo, Alf Palmer admitted that he could not speak Jalngoy, the avoidance style. (See 1.6.1.) This suggests that, when he was acquiring the ordinary style, probably before 1900, Jalngoy was no longer used actively. When Alf Palmer started working with me in 1971, he called his language [k.o.U,1fal] (Gurijal), but in 1972 and 1974 he called it Warrongo. See 1.4.2.3 for a possible implication of this. As mentioned above, Alf Palmer knew many other languages than Warrongo to varying degrees, including Jirrbal and Warrgamay. The data obtained in 1971 and 1972 contained many non-Warrongo elements largely lexical but they were checked with him in 1974. It is interesting to see how Alf Palmer pronounced the names of other languages. Examples follow. (i) Gugu-Badhun was pronounced [kokobad3on]. Clearly Alf Palmer lacked the laminal contrast of IQI versus IJI (cf. Table 1-4.). (ii) For Yidiny (Dixon 1977b), Alf Palmer gave [itip]. He correctly recognized the wordfinallamino-palatal nasal. (iii) Alf Palmer knew the name of the Wamin language (west of Gugu-Badhun) and pronounced it [wamen] (1.4.2.2). (iv) As seen in 1.4.2.2, for Mbabaram, Alf Palmer gave [ba:ba.ram]. He dropped the initial nasal /m/ and replaced the short vowel [ba] with the long vowel [ba:]. In Warrongo, no consonant cluster is allowed word-initially. (This vowel lengthening is an instance of compensatory lengthening; see 2.6-[4].) (v) An interesting case concerns the language whose name is written by Di.xon (1983) as Nyawaygi. This name appears to contain the comitative suffix -gi 'with' (Dixon 1983: 433, 458). North of Nyawaygi and east of Warrgamay is Biyay, which is, together with Warrgamay, described by Dixon (1981). According to Dixon (1981: 3), the people 'could refer to themselves as Biyaygiri, involving the productive derivational suffix -giri "with"' The word biyay means 'no', and Biyaygiri literally means '[person] with the word biyay "no"' Now, for Nyawaygi, Alf Palmer gave [JlawagjLLT.il This may be tentatively written 'Nyawagiri'. It is possible that AlfPalmer was confused between the Nyawaygi suffix -gi and the Biyaygiri suffix -girl and that he used the Biyaygiri

46

The language and its speakers

-giri for the name of Nyawaygi. However, it is also possible that the suffix -giri once existed in Nyawaygi as well and that it survived in the name 'Nyawagiri' See also 3. 7.1-[22] for -giri. The reliability of the Warrongo data I recorded from Alf Palmer has been the target of some criticism, e.g. Dixon (1981: 13, 1994: 180). However, this criticism is misguided. Regarding morphology, Alf Palmer's data are reliable, for he remembered details in morphology, and he even remembered irregularities in it See, for example, (i) the ergative suffix -lo (3.2.1.2), (ii) the comitative case (Table 3-11), and (iii) the suffix -nyjarr 'kinship' (3.7.1-[19]). (Language obsolescence often causes leveling of paradigms, and therefore, ifthere is any irregularity in a given paradigm, and if it occurs consistently, then it is likely to constitute reliable data; cf. Tsunoda 2005: 242-243.) As for vocabulary, Alf Palmer's data initially contained intrusions from other language(s). However, when confronted with the data, he was careful to correct any mistake he might have made. For an example, see Text 2, Line 6. Furthermore, Alf Palmer's vocabulary exhibits regular phonological correspondences with those of southern J\1ari languages, which are more than 1,000 krn away (1.4.2.4). This indicates that AlfPalmer's vocabulary is reliable. (It is in order to show this point that, for Warrongo of Table 1-6, only the words from Alf Palmer (and not from Alec Collins) were given.) Dixon (1994: 180) states that many of the Warrongo texts that I recorded from Alf Palmer 'are conversations in Warrungu between him and Tsunoda'. This is not correct. The six hours of running texts are entirely monologues by Alf Palmer. Excerpts of the texts are given in Tsunoda (1974a: 610-651, 1988: 643-645), and also in the present volume. All my field tapes (or their copies) are lodged with the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies in Canberra. Di.xon (1981: 13) adds: 'Although Palmer's parents were Warrungu, he has lived most of his life in Wargamay- and Dyirbal-speaking territories' Again, this is not correct; see Alf Palmer's biography given above. There are reported instances in which a language with no written tradition has been influenced by one with that tradition. For example, Mithun (1988: 351) reports many instances of borrowing of conjunctions, in a contact situation, from a language with that tradition to one without. (See Olson and Astington (1990: 706-708) on the impact of writing on language change.) However, it seems certain that Alf Palmer's Warrongo was not influenced by a language with that tradition- English, in this case -except for about one dozen nouns (2.13.2) and possibly the tag question marker /aj/ [ai] (2.2.3.1). This is because Warrongo has not had a written tradition. AlfPalmer neither read nor wrote English. The same is almost certainly true of the people from whom Alf Palmer learned Warrongo (probably before 1900).

[3] Letter from AlfPalmer written by Rachel Wilson Probably in 1972 (or 1974?), Rachel Wilson (who is Alf Palmer's DD, about sixteen or seventeen years old at that time, and who was to become Mrs. Rachel

Studies on the Wan·ongo language

41

Cummins) wrote a letter to me on behalf of AlfPalmer. It was a reply to my letter. It starts as follows. (1-16) Dear Gunira, Nyah yaroo younangoo coco birin. I hope you understand my spelling of the language. I am AlfPalmers granddaughter and he has asked me to write this letter to you. The first word, Gunira, is the name that Alf Palmer gave me (1.5.4.2-[2]). At that time, I used the letter 'u' for the phoneme lui (cf. 1.1, and also 2.14). Clearly Rachel Wilson adopted my spelling. The other words are analyzed as follows. (1-17) [IJaja

ngaya

jaro

inongo

yarro-0 yinon-n-go

koko

birin]

gogo-0

birri-n

ISG.ERG this-ACC 2SG-LINK-DAT word-ACC send-NF 'I am sending this word to you.' This letter also contains the word 'Djinbilnggay', i.e. Alf Palmer's name. Again, Rachel Wilson adopted my spelling of that time. This letter contains two more Warrongo words. In the letter, Alf Palmer says that they are the names of his grandchildren. One is "Japanoo" This is no doubt Jabino and the name of Roderick Palmer (AlfPalmer's SS; see 1.5.4.2-[1]). The other is "Indinoo" It is not recognizable. According to the practical orthography adopted for the present work (1.1, 2.14), it may be written as Yindino. Rachel Cummins believes that it is the Warrongo name of Raymond Palmer, who is Roderick's EB. This letter, written by Rachel Wilson, is probably the very first written record of the language ever made by a Warrongo person.

1.8.4.2. Alec Collins (Warrongo name: Wolngarra) Atkinson (1979: 31) states: 'In the 1920's there was still a small tribe of blacks living in their wild state in the Herbert River Gorge. The head of this tribe was Wambino. He had seven sons and a daughter', including Patrick Hooligan and Alec Collins. (Atkinson uses the spelling 'Alick', and not 'Alec'). This suggests that Alec Collins grew up in the Herbert River Gorge. (See 1.5.4.2-[1] and 3.7.1-[12] for the name Wambino.) Alec Collins' Warrongo name is Wolngarra (data from Peter Sutton). Atkinson (1979) contains accounts of Warnbino and his family, and a photo of Wambino on p.32. The photo on p.40 shows some of Wambino's sons, including Alec. Both photos were taken in 1925 at Kirrama Station. At that time, they were living at Kirrarna Station (in Girramay territory'?; cf. 1.4.1). Since Alec Collins appears to have grown up in the Herbert River Gorge, probably he spoke an eastern dialect of Warrongo. (How Alf Palmer and Alec Collins referred to their language was discussed in 1.2.)

48

The language and its speakers

Alec Collins was interviewed by R M. W Dixon in 1963 (7) at Kirrama Station. He was also interviewed by Peter Sutton at Kirrama Station in 1970, and produced some material, including some words and sentences that he said were Jalngoy ('avoidance style'). Subsequently, however, his whereabouts were not known. After a long search. in September 1974 I found Alec Collins- alas! -lying in bed at Herberton Hospital. He was already too weak to do any linguistic work. Nonetheless, I talked to him in the Warrongo language that I had learned from Alf Palmer. It seems certain that he understood my Warrongo perfectly. Also, I asked him a fair number of questions in Warrongo, which he answered in Warrongo. For example, I asked him about Alf Palmer as follows. (1-18) ngani-0 nyongo gogo-0? (TT) what-NOM 3SG.GEN language-NOM 'What is his language?' Alec Collins replied, saying '[warOI]o]' Furthermore, I narrated a hunting story in Warrongo (the kind of story Alf Palmer had narrated to me many times). Alec Collins enjoyed it very much. There were no signs of incomprehension on his part. This suggests that the Warrongo language as recorded from Alf Palmer is reliable, being perfectly interpretable by another speaker of the language. (My interview of Alec Collins is reported in Tsunoda 2005: 242.) Alec Collins was probably almost as proficient as Alf Palmer was. He passed away in 1975, before adequate data were recorded form him. Alec Collins said that Alf Palmer was his [kab]ina] /gab]ina/ ':MB'. It is not known if he meant 'actual 1\.ffi', or 'classificatory :MB'. (For ':MB', Alf Palmer used /gab] ana/ and /ga1IJa/; the second vowel is /a/, and not /i/. This is one of the small lexical differences between their idiolects (1.3).)

1.8.4.3. Other speakers [1] Harry Bunn was interviewed by me in Townsville in September 1974. He was born at Innot Hot Springs (on the northern border of Warrongo territory) to a mother from Valley of Lagoons (a Gugu-Badhun person?) and a father from Stanley Hill, Irvinebank (a Mbabaram person?). Ranji Pope, a Gujal speaker (see below), is his half-brother and Richard Hoolihan, a Gugu-Badhun speaker (see [8] below), is his uncle (presumably 1\.ffi, not FB; in Aboriginal people's English. the word 'uncle' often means '1\.ffi'). He called his language Gujal, but it was probably Warrongo, for, like Warrongo but unlike Gugu-Badhun and GujaL it lacked a laminal opposition (Table 1-4). He was able to produce only limited data, mainly lexical. The section terms and totems given by him are cited in Table 1-9. [2] Vera Smallwood was interviewed by me in Ingham in September 1974. She told me that she was born in 1922 at Mount Gamet to a Russian father. (Mt. Garnet

Studies on the Wan·ongo language

49

is on the northern border of Warrongo territory.) According to Govor (2001: 141, 221, 343, 383), Vera Smallwood was born on the 31st :March 1922 in Spring Gully (Queensland), her father is a Russian and his name is Leandr Illin, her maiden name is Vera Araluen Illin, and her mother's maiden name is Kitty Clarke, who is a Ngajan person (spelt 'Ngadjon' by Govor). (See Map 5 for Ngajan.) In addition to the story about the Herberton Crater (cited in 1.5.3), she gave 21 words. She was unable to identify the language, but most of the words she gave coincide with Alf Palmer's Warrongo. [3] Mr. Williamson was interviewed by me in Ingham in September 1974. He gave si.x words. He, too, was unable to identify his language, but five words agree with AlfPalmer's Warrongo. Mr. Williamson himself suggested the words he gave were from a language close to Warrongo. [4] Mrs. Morgenstern was interviewed by me in Ingham in September 1974. She gave one word: /wagal/ 'eel'. This coincides with Alf Palmer's Warrongo. (My fieldnotes show the name 'Morgenstern', but this may be my error, and the name may possibly be 'Morgensen'. Atkinson (1979: 37) describes a white man whose name is Billy Morgensen. It is possible that some Aboriginal people adopted this white man's name. As of the early 2000s, there are Warrongo people whose family name is 'Morganson'. This name may derive from 'Morgensen' (Leigh Pentecost, e-mail message of26 :March 2009).) [5] Denny Hoolihan was interviewed by me in September 1974, probably in Mt. Garnet. He told me that his father is Patrick Hooligan. (The latter is Wambino's son and Alec Collins' brother; see 1.8.4.2.) He gave about six phrases or short sentences. Since his father is Wambino's son, the materials he gave would be expected to be Warrongo. However, while some portions appear to be Warrongo, others do not seem to be. He himself said that he knew Jirrbal, but hardly knew Warrongo. (This suggests that Jirrbal was more dominant than Warrongo in the early 1970s in Mt. Gamet.) [6] Mrs. Cassidy was interviewed by me in Ingham in September 1974. She told me that she was born at Gunnawarra Station. She gave five words. Since Gunnawarra is in Warrongo territory, the words she would be expected to be Warrongo, but they do not seem to be. The materials given by Vera Smallwood, Mr. Williamson, Mrs. Morgenstern, Denny Hooligan, and Mrs. Cassidy are reproduced in their entirety and assessed in Tsunoda and Tsunoda (2007). [7] In addition, the following three people were interviewed by me. They are second-language speakers (or maybe third-language speakers) of Warrongo. Tommy :Murray (mentioned in 1.2, 1.5.3 and 1.5.4.3-[8]), a Jirrbal speaker, was interviewed in Mount Garnet in September 1974. Tommy Springcart (mentioned

50

The language and its speakers

in 1.4.2.2), who was a consultant for Dixon's study of Jirrbal (Dixon 1972: 28, 1989a: 119-120), was interviewed (by me) in August and September 1974 on Palm Island. Ado Cashmere, a Warrgamay speaker, was interviewed in Mount Garnet in September 1974. (His wife Cheepa is a daughter of Patrick Hooligan, who is Wambino's son.) The data from Tommy Murray and from Ado Cashmere in the main agree with Alf Palmer's Warrongo. The data from Tommy Springcart seem to be a mixture ofWarrongo and Jirrbal. The consultants for languages other than Warrongo are listed below. [8] For Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973), the following people were interviewed by Peter Sutton: (i) Richard Hoolihan in 1970, and some of his children (Margaret Gertz, Janet Eaton, Dennis Hoolihan, Bully Hoolihan), and (ii) Harry Gertz in 1970 and 1974, and some of his children (Henry Gertz, Eddy Gertz, Eric Gertz, Mollie Gertz). Atkinson (1979) contains accounts of Harry Gertz, and a photo of him on p.ll6. Peter Sutton kindly made his unpublished Gugu-Badhun available to me, and a story narrated by Richard Hoolihan and one by Harry Gertz are cited in 1.5.4.3-[3], and -[4], respectively. [9] For Gujal, Freddy Toomba (who called his language Gujal) was interviewed by Peter Sutton in August 1974 on Palm Island. Ranji Pope (who called his language Gurjal) was interviewed by Sutton in August 1970 in Charters Towers. He was born in Wondecla, near Herberton (which appears to be in Ngaygungu territory, according to Di.xon 199lb: 348), and was a half-brother to Harry Bunn. I contacted him in March 1972 in Charters Towers, but I was able to record very little. (Sutton kindly made the data from Freddy Toomba and from Ranji Pope available to me.) George Reid (who called his language Gujal) was interviewed by Gavan Breen in Charters Towers in August 1970 (Breen, p.c.) and by me on Palm Island in September 1974. (Gavan Breen kindly made the data from George Reid available to me.) [10] Reggie Palm Island, whose language is Buluguyban of Palm Island, was interviewed by me on Palm Island in September 1974. His Carpet Snake story is cited in 1.5.3. Rosser (1978: 47-48) gives an account of Reggie Palm Island. [11] Alec White Sr. was interviewed by me on Palm Island in 1972 and 1974. He was born in Townsville, and he called his language is Gabilgara and also Gabilgaba. See 1.5.4.1-[2]-(a) for its etymology. All the information recorded from Reggie Palm Island and Alec White Sr., together with George Reid's story about a canoe-shaped stone on Palm Island, are in Tsunoda (1996). [12] In the 2000s, during my participation in the language revival movement (cf. Preface), I have obtained data from the following people. (i) Rachel Cummins (nee

Present-day situation 51

Wilson), Alf Palmer's DD, who has been interviewed since 2000 and who is often cited in Chapter 1. (ii) Shirley Johnson, a Wulgurugaba person of the TownsvilleMagnetic Island area, was interviewed in March 2001 and her Carpet Snake story is cited in 1.5.3. (iii) Willy Santo, a Gujal person, was interviewed in March 2001 and his Water Serpent story is cited in 1.5.3. All the interviews by me mentioned in 1.8.4.1 to 1.8.4.3 were conducted in English. Regarding the Warrongo data, more than 95% was obtained from Alf Palmer. His data are extensive and include running texts of about six hours, about 1, 500 words, and details on morphology and syntax. In contrast, the data obtained from Alec Collins are severely limited. They contain about 250 words, a very small amount on morphology, and very little on syntax. The Warrongo data obtained from the other people are even more severely limited and largely lexical In view of the above, the description of Warrongo that follows concerns Alf Palmer's idiolect, although, where appropriate, reference will be made to Alec Collins'. As noted in the Preface, what follows is an example of what can be done, and what cannot be done, when only the last single speaker is available. (My suggestions for fieldwork on endangered languages are in Tsunoda 2005: 216-247.)

1.9. Present-day situation It is difficult to estimate the number of people who identify themselves as Warrongo. They are scattered, living in Mount Gamet (in Warrongo territory?), and in places outside Warrongo territory, such as Palm Island, Townsville, Ingham, Cardwell, and Cairns. No Warrongo person speaks the language fluently. But many people, including children, know a number of Aboriginal words, although they are unable to distinguish Warrongo words from those of other languages. The extent of the linguistic knowledge that has been retained is discussed in Tsunoda and Tsunoda (2007). There are instances of semantic change. For example, the word gambi has undergone the following change:

(1-19) gambi (i) 'possum cloak' -. (ii) 'clothes'

-+

(iii) '(ladies') underwear'

(i) The word list 'No. 133 Jv.lt. Black', by The Government of Queensland (Curr 1886, Vol. 2: 486), lists 'kumbi' (i.e. /gambil) 'possum cloak'. Mt. Black is west of Townsville. See Map 2. (ii) In 1971-1974 Alf Palmer gave gambi 'clothes' (generally referring to European cloths), e.g. (4-18-a/-b). (iii) In 2006 Rachel Cummins and her daughters said that gambi means '(mainly ladies') underwear'.) Another example of semantic change is:

52

The language and its speakers

(1-20) bori (i) 'fire' (AlfPalmer, 1971-1974)-+ (ii) 'light' (in the 2000s) Most of the present placenames are English. But a very small num her of them are taken from Aboriginal languages. One example is the name of a suburb in Townsville: Wulguru, named after the language of Townsville (1.5.4.1-[2]-(b)). A childcare centre in Townsville is aptly named Galbiri. The word galbiri 'children' occurs in Warrongo (3.7.1-[16]). But it is not attested, say, in Gugu-Badhun (see Sutton 1973: 213), in my data of the language of Townsville (Tsunoda 1996) or in Donahue's (2007) study of the languages of Townsville, Magnetic Island and Palm Island. It seems that the person who named this childcare centre knew this Warrongo word. In 1972 (?) I translated a hymn into Warrongo at the request of people of Palm Island and in consultation with AlfPalmer, but this did not develop into a language revival movement. Recently the Warrongo language revival movement started (cf. Preface and Acknowledgements). Its central figure is Rachel Cummins. Upon request, I started Warrongo lessons in March 2002 in Townsville, and as of 2010 the lessons have been conducted five times, about four or five days each time. The Warrongo language revival activities are reported by Tsunoda (2002, 2004, 2005: 212-213) and Tsunoda and Tsunoda (2006, 2007, 2008, 2010).

Chapter2 Phonology

2.1.

Phonemes and their realizations

2.1.1. Phonern e inventory The Warrongo phoneme inventory comprises eleven consonants, two semivowels and four vowels. It is one of the smallest phoneme inventories among Australian languages (cf. Dixon 1980: 140, 143). See Tables 2-1 and 2-2. The phonemes are written with IPA symbols. The symbols used in the practical orthography employed in the present work are shown in pointed brackets (see 2.14). (The use of pointed brackets for letters used in a pmctical orthography is adopted from Harvey 2002: 17.) Table2-1. Consonant and semivowel phonemes

stop nasal rhotic lateral semivowel

bilabial

api coalveolar

b

d n c 1 <1>

m<m>

retroflex

l

larninopalatal

dorsovelar

.f <j> Jl
IJ

j

w <w>

g



There are a stop phoneme and a nasal phoneme for each of the following places of articulation: bilabial, apico-alveolar, !amino-palatal, and dorso-velar. For stops, voicing is not distinctive, and both voiced and voiceless allophones occur. There are two rhotics (i.e. r-sounds): lei (an alveolar tap [r]) and /lf (generally a retroflex approximant [.(), and infrequently a retroflex tap [r]); one lateral; and two semivowels. The vowel system basically comprises three members, and length is significant for the pair /a/ and /a:/ only and to a very limited degree (2.1.2). Table 2-2. Vowel phonemes

front

back

close

i

u

open

a, a1

54

Phonology

The practical orthography employs for the semivowel/j/, and <j> for the lamino-palatal stop /J/. Compare: (2-1) [jamba] /jambaJ 'camp'

[d3ambal] !Jam ball <jambal> 'snake'

The phoneme lui is written with , and not , e.g. (2-2). This is partly because phonetically /u/ is almost always [o], and not [u] (see 2.1.4.2 and 2.14). (2-2) [Wa£01]0]

[goman]

/wacuiJuf

/gum an/

<warrongo> 'the name of a language'

'other'

The name of this language is written 'Warrongo' in this practical orthography. A dot is used to distinguish a sequence of /n/-plus-/g/ from the single phoneme lrjl, e.g.: (2-3) [bangall /bangall 'little girl'

[jaiJa] /jaiJal 'mother'

[bongo] lbungu/ 'maggot'

[boiJgo] lbUI]gu/

'knee'

The IPA symbols are used in the remainder of Chapter 2, but from Chapter 3 onwards, the practical orthography will be used. As is generally the case in Australian languages, there is no fricative phoneme. There are two interjections that start with the fricative [h]: [haha] or [ha:ha:] 'exclamation of surprise, etc.' and [hai] 'Hi!' But these expressions are marginal, and the phoneme /h/ is not set up for Warrongo. Also, there is no affricate phoneme. It is a common practice in Australian linguistics to refer to the lamino-palatal obstruent phoneme (e.g. !J! ofWarrongo) as a stop (cf. Dixon 1980: 135). However, in Warrongo, Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 25) and all other Australian languages I have listened to, phonetically this phoneme is not a stop ([J] or [c]). Rather, it is an affricate ([1f] or [d3]); see (2-1). (Blake (1979: 16) on Kalkatungu and Patz (2002: 19) on Kuku Yalanji note that the phoneme in question has an affricate characteristic.) Nonetheless, in accordance with the usual practice, the present work considers it a stop phoneme; recognition of an additional 'manner of articulation' (i.e. affricate) has been avoided. /bl, /gl, 1m/, and /1]1 are labeled 'peripheral' (cf. Dixon 1980: 139). In terms of articulation, they involve 'articulation at the extreme back or front of the mouth' (Dixon 1980: 139). Acoustically, the peripheral phonemes share the property of

Phonemes and their realizations 55

'grave', as against 'acute', of Jakobson, Fant and Halle (1967: 30). The feature of 'peripheral' plays an important role in setting up natural classes of phonemes; see 2.2.6.3-[2] and 2.5.

2.1.2. Minimal pairs/sets Minimal or near-minimal pairs/sets for consonants and sernivowels are given.

[1] Intervocalically (1)- in terms of manner (a) stops /b, d J, g/ [baba] [bata] [bad,3a] [baga] lbaba/ lbada/ /bajal lbagal 'spear (IMP)' 'downstream' 'bite (IMP)' 'dig (IMP)' (b) nasals /m, n, Jl, I]/ [gama] [kana] /gama/ /ganal 'dance type' 'below'

[gapa] [kaiJalegan] /gapa/ /kaiJaliganl 'hut' 'hairy being' (1.5.8-[8])

See 2.13.1 for the etymology of /gapal 'hut'. The difference between !nil and .J!il is difficult to detect, but it is shown by the following pair: [I]ani] [IJapi] /I]ani/ /IJapi/ 'what' 'face'

(c) liquids /r, l, V [maca] [ma.r.a] [malan] /maca! /mrua/ /malanl 'vine poison' 'hand' 'creek' (d) semi-vowels /w, j/ [kawa] [gaja] lgawa/ /gaja/ 'stuffvomited' 'father'

[2] Intervocalically (2)- in terms of place (a) bilabials lb, m/ [baba] [bama] /babal /hamal 'spear (IMP)' 'man'

(b) apico-alveolars /d, n, r, V [malan] [bata] [banan] [maca] /malanl /bada/ /bananl /maca/ 'downstream' 'break (NF)' 'vine poison' 'creek'

56

Phonology

(c) !amino-palatals IJ, Jl, [kalfa] [gaJla] /gajal /gaJla/ 'head' 'hut'

j/ [gaja] /gaja/ 'father'

(d) dorso-velars /g, IJ, w/ [mogan] [moiJan] [mowaJl~ina] /mugan/ lmUIJanl /muwajljina] 'get (NF)' 'hill' 'white chalk'

[3] Word-initially (1)- in terms of manner (a) stops lb, d, j, [baba] /babal 'spear (IMP)'

g/ [daba] /dabal 'black palm'

(b) nasals /m, n, Jl,

[~abale]

/jabali/ 'whip tail kangaroo'

[kaban] /gaban/ 'grub sp.'

IJ1

[malba] [nali]in] [Jlalmo] [IJaliJa] /malba/ /nab.]inl ~almul /IJab.Jal 'dance type' 'shake (NF)' 'fighting stick' 'PROH' As another set of examples:

[miJla] [newan] [Jlinan] [IJLJ.iJl] /jlinan/ /I]i.Iijll /miJlal /niwan/ 'meat' 'louse egg' 'sit (NF)' 'little finger' Compare [ne] !nil in [newan] and [Jli] /pi/ in [Jlinan]. (They are in the word-initial position.) In these words, Iii is [e] when preceded by In/ ([newan]), while it is [i] when preceded by /pi ([p.inan]). (This phonetic difference in Iii provides a clue for distinguishing /nil and ~if.) However, as seen in [1]-(b), in [IJani] /IJanil 'what' and [IJajli] h.JaJlil 'face', Iii is invariably [i]: [ni] and [Jli]. (They are in a word-medial position). This phonetic difference regarding Iii may possibly due to the difference in the position in which it occurs, i.e. word-initial as against word-medial. (c) liquids /r,

J,

1I

An example of /J! is [.J.era] !Jira/ 'tooth'. /r/ and /11 do not occur word-initially (see

2.2.5.4). (d) semivowels /w, jl [walfa] Ualfa] /wajal /jaja/ 'crow' 'later on'

Phonemes and their realizations 51

[4] Word-initially (2)- in terms of place (a) bilabials /b, m/ [hagan] [makan] /hagan/ /magan/ 'dig (NF)' 'false'

(b) apico-alveolars /d, n, r, V [dodam] [nopa] /dudam/ /nuba/ 'wild peanut' 'bark water-carrier' lr/ and N do not occur word-initially. (c) !amino-palatals IJ, [d3awa] [Jlawa] /jawa/ /p.awa/ 'mouth' 'NEG'

Jl, j/ [jawa] /jawa/ '(placename)'

(d) dorso-velars /g, IJ, w/ [gama] [IJama] [wama] /gama/ /IJamal /wama/ 'dance type' 'handle of shield' 'mad' [5] Word-finally (1)- in terms of manner

(a) stops /b, d, j, g/ Stops do not occur word-finally (2.2.5.4).

(b) nasals /m, n, Jl, IJ1 [d3alamd3alam] [d3alan] [d3alaJ1] /jalam.Jalam/ /jalan/ /jalap/ 'big waves' 'greedy' 'tongue'

II]! does not occur word-finally. (c) liquids /c, l, V [bakor] [bako.I] [makol] /magul/ /bagur/ /bagw/ 'short' 'fighting stick' 'work (noun)' (d) semivowels /w, jl An example of /j/ is [bar.J9ai] lbaiJgaj/ 'spear' lw/ does not occur word-finally

(2.2.5.4). [6] Word-finally (2) - in terms of place (a) bilabials /b, m/

58

Phonology

An example of /m/ is [dodam] /dudam/ 'wild peanut'. Stops (e.g. /bf) do not occur word-finally. (b) apico-alveolars /d, n, r, V [mad3on] [bakor] [makol] /majtml /bagur/ /magul/ 'quiet' 'short' 'work (noun)'

Stops (e.g. /dl) do not occur word-finally. (c) lamino-palatals /j, J1, j/ [d3alap] [bai]gai] /jalap/ lbaiJgaj/ 'tongue' 'spear (noun)' Stops (e.g./jf) do not occur word-finally. (d) dorso-velars /g, IJ, w/ Stops (e.g. lgf), 11]1 and /w/ do not occur word-finally. Minimal (or semi-minimal) sets of vowel phonemes (ji. a, u/) are given below. The long vowel /a:/ will be treated separately. (a) Word-medially [goman] [gima] [gama] /gima/ /gama/ lgrnnanl 'grub' 'dance type' 'another' (To be more precise, gima refers to the stage of the growth of a grub in which the grub is in a cocoon.) (b) Word-initially

As a rule, vowels do not occur word-initially (2.2.3.3). (c) Word-finally [gami] [gama] [gamo] /gamil /gama/ /gamu/ 'father's mother' 'dance type' 'water' The long vowel phoneme /a:/ ([a:]) is attested in six words only· (i) /a:/ ([a:]) 'exclamation of admiration, surprise, etc.' (4.26), (ii) /ja:/ ([ja:]) 'exclamation of displeasure, surprise, etc.' (4.26), (iii) /bam! ([bam]) 'whip' (a noun), (iv) II]aua/ ([IJa:.ra]) 'a bushy country on Herbert River', (v) /IJali.Ja:l ([IJali.Ja:]) an onomatopoeic expression to describe the way a baby cries, and (vi) a loan from English: /ja:r/ ([ja:r]) 'yard'. There is one minimal pair: h]a:Jal '(placenarne)' and fi]aJal ([IJqa]) 'it is not easy to do' (adverb) (see 4.24-[10]). There is one near-minimal pair: /bam! 'whip' and lbananl ([banan]) 'break (NF)'.

Phonemes and their realizations 59

Phonetically, [i:] occurs, but it is interpreted not as /iii, but as fiji/ or as /jil. See 2.1.5.1.2. Similarly, [o:] occurs, but it is interpreted as /uwu/, and not as /uu/. See 2.1.5.2. The status of /a:! as a separate phoneme is weak, for four reasons. (i) It is attested in six words only. (ii) /I]a:IJa:l is onomatopoeic. /bam! 'whip', too, may be onomatopoeic: the cracking sound of a whip. Onomatopoeia is marginal in the phonology of a given language, and it may be justifiably excluded from its phoneme inventory. (iii) Warrgamay, east of Warrongo, shows contrastive vowel length (Dixon 1981: 16-17): /i, i:, a, a:, u, u:! The location of the place /I]aua/ is not known. But, since it is on Herbert River, it may be in Warrgamay territory, and if that is the case, the name /I]aua/ may be a Warrgamay word, and not a Warrongo word. (This placename is not listed in Dixon's (1981) Warrgamay vocabulary.) (iv) /ja:r/ ([ja:r]) 'yard' is a loan from English, and loan words are not central in the phonology of a given language. (See 2.13.2 for loans from English.)

2.1.3.

Allophones of consonants and sem ivowels

Presentation of examples employs the practical orthography in Chapters 1, 3 and 4, and phonetic and phonemic notations (both using IPA symbols) in Chapter 2. For readers, particularly for those people who participate in the Warrongo language revival movement (see 1.9), it is important to be able to know the phonetic value of a given Warrongo form. However, it is very difficult to accurately describe the distribution of allophones of phonemes, and it will often virtually impossible for these people to know the phonetic value of a given form. In view of this, the following discussion of the allophones of phonemes will be as detailed as possible to the extent that my knowledge of the Warrongo phonology permits.

2.1.3.1. Nasals, rhotics, lateral, and semivowels The nasal (/m, n, JI, Ij/), rhotic (/r,J/), lateral (/1/), and semivowel (/j, w/) phonemes are always voiced. Examples were given in 2.1.2. lrl is an alveolar tap, e.g. [baro] /baru/ 'bent, crooked', and [bakor] /bagur/ 'short' Unlike /r/ of Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 25), it is not accompanied by a fricative-like sound. Ill has two allophones: a retroflex approximant([.[]) and a retroflex tap ([r]). [.(] is the predominant allophone. ill is always[.(] word-initially, e.g. [.J.aba] !Jabal 'fork', and inter-vocalically, e.g. [ba.J.o] /barul 'lower part of the back'. Word-finally, and as the first member of an (inter-vocalic) consonant cluster, it is[.(] (generally) or [r] (infrequently), e.g. (i) [ba.J.IJan] [bat1Jan] /baJI]anl 'waterrat', (ii) [bao.(] [baor] /baww/ 'rock wallaby', (iii) [bi.u.Jga] [bit1]ga] lbill]ga/ 'grey hair', (iv) [winga.J.] [wingar] /wingaJ! 'fish'. (Alternatively, it may be possible to say that Ill is always

60

Phonology

[.(1 syllable-initially, and that it is it is [.(1 (generally) or [r] (infrequently) syllablefinally.) However, [r] does not always occur in these environments. Thus, /bilgu/ 'wife' was always(?) pronounced [bi.J.go], and not [birgo]. It is possible that a realization of !JJ as [r] is 'lexeme-specific' (Lass [1984] 1991: 310). There is a word that contains both /J! and /r/: [.f.era] /lira! 'tooth'. The lateral (/1/) is alveolar. It is always a 'clear 1', and never a 'dark r -in contrast with English.

2.1.3.2. Stops Voicing is not distinctive for stops, and both voiced and voiceless allophones occur, as in many other Australian languages. It is one of the basic assumptions in phonology that the distribution of allophones of a given phoneme is predictable. Indeed, many grammars of Australian languages provide rather simple rules for stop voicing. See, e.g., Peter Austin (1981: 16), Blake (1979: 15), Breen (1981: 24), Dixon (1977b: 32), Donaldson (1980: 21), Evans (1995: 52), and Patz (2002: 20). However, as is the case with Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 24) and Gooniyandi (McGregor 1990: 49), it has proved extremely difficult to describe precisely the conditioning factors of stop voicing in Warrongo. Possibly they are 'at least partly lexeme-specific' (Lass 1991: 310). (Dixon (1991b: 356) on Mbabaram makes a similar observation regarding stop voicing under certain conditions.) What follows is merely a statement of the general tendencies that I have noticed. Regarding phonetic realizations of stops, there is one word that needs a special mention; it is the noun that means 'shingle back lizard' and that may be tentatively phonemicized as /buifljull. The stop ljl is realized as in [boipgjo1], i.e. [g] with an [i]-like off-glide. Unlike the other allophones of ljl (affricate [d3] or [1fJ), it sounds a little like the stop [j].

2.1.3.2.1. Stop voicing (1): in terms ofplaces of articulation [1] General tendency As a general tendency, the more front a stop is, the more likely it is to be voiced, and the more back a stop is, the more likely it is to be voiceless; see (2-4). (This tendency seems to have to do with the space above the glottis during the articulation of the stops; see Ladefoged (1975: 127). That is, the more front the stop is, i.e. the larger the space above the glottis is, the more likely it is to be voiced. And the more back the stop is, i.e. the smaller this space is, the more likely the stop is to be voiceless. Dixon (1991b: 355) notes for Mbabaram: /b/ is more likely to be voiced than/g/.)

Phonemes and their realizations 61

(2-4)

/b/

/dl

/g/

more likely voiced

more likely voiceless

[2] Position within a word Word-initially, /b/ is almost always voiced (e.g. 2.1.2-[1]-(a)), but there are at least two exceptions, in which it is voiceless: (i) [pirgil] /birgill and [pirgiba.J.a] /birgibaJa/ both 'cold weather', and (ii) the loan [pigipigi] /bigibigil 'pig'. /d/, too, is always voiced, except for [tokal] /dugall 'fern sp.'; see (d-5) of Table 2-4. !JI and /g/ each have voiced and voiceless allophones. Inter-vocalically (i.e. word-medially), all the stop phonemes have voiced and voiceless allophones, and both are fairly frequent. See Table 2-3. (In Table 2-3, a parenthesis means 'not common'.) (Word-finally, stop phonemes appear to be prohibited. See 2.2.5.4.) Table 2-3. Voicing tendency of stops

fbi

ldl

ljl

/g/

word-initially voiced voiceless

+ (+)

+ (+)

+ +

+ +

inter-vocalically voiced voiceless

+ +

+ +

+ +

+

+

2.1.3.2.2. Stop voicing (2): in the word-initial position

In 2.1.3.2.1, we looked at the word-initial position very briefly. Now we shall examine this position in more detail. See Table 2-4. It is impossible to provide minimal sets, and the table contains near-minimal and not-so-minimal sets. Also, the table is incomplete. In particular, /d/ is infrequent (2.3.1, 2.3.2), and relevant examples involving it are very difficult to find. Almost the same applies to Table 2-5 through Table 2-10. In the following discussion of stop voicing, the relevant allophone of a stop is shown in bold face. ('#' indicates a word boundary (Lass 1991: 33).)

62

Phonology

Table 2-4. Voicing of stops in word-initial positions (Cl) #fbi-

#ldl-

#ljl-

#/g/-

[bimona] lbinnma/ 'FZ'

[dimanip]

/d.imanip/

[d;siman] IJiman/ 'firestick'

[gima] lgimal 'grub'

[43ama.I] 'web'

[gama] /gama/ 'dance type'

[gonga] /gungal 'raw'

C2 is a nasal. (a-1)

(a-2)

'flea'

[bama] lbama/ 'man'

IJarmul

C2C3 is a nasal-plus-stop cluster. (a-3)

[bongo] lbliD.gul 'maggot'

[dongon] /dliD.gliD./

'ripe'

[d;songoi] /jliD.guj/ 'tendon'

(a-4)

[bomba] lbumba/ 'dust'

[domban] /dumbanl '(placename)'

[d;somban] /jumban/ 'touch (NF)'

[kombala] /gumbala/ 'grub'

(a-5)

[bamba] lbamba/

'guts'

[d;sambal] /jamball 'snake'

[kamba] /gamba/ 'cover (IMP)'

[bOIJQO] lbUIJgul 'knee'

[ d;soJ]gora] ljUIJQUC"al 'fish sp.'

[koiJgari] /gUI]9aci/ 'north'

[ d;saja.ti] /jaja.rl/ 'horse'

[gajana] /gajanal 'father'

[d;sawa] IJawa/ 'mouth'

[kawa] lgawa/ 'matter vomited'

[ d;sarlba.[a] /jaribrual 'good'

[karl] /garil 'sun'

[43a.{in] ljruinl 'woomera'

[ka.pl] /gaJill 'type ofboomerang'

[ d;solo] /julul 'hip'

[kolobo] /gulubul

(a-6)

(b): C2 is a semivowel.

(b-1)

[bajan] lbajan/ 'sing (NF)'

(b-2)

(c): C2 is a liquid. (c-1)

[bari] lbaril 'stone'

(c-2)

[ba.tin] /bruin! 'twist (NF)'

(c-3)

[bolo] lbulu/ 'belly'

[darabila] /dacabilal 'neck'

[dolobo] /dulubul 'Joyce Palmer'

'wind' ---->

Phonemes and their realizations

63

(d): C2 is a stop. C2 isfb/. (d-1)

[baba] /babal 'stab (IMP)'

(d-2)

[babina] /babina/ 'MM'

-· ·-· ··-·-·

·-· ·-·

·-·

C2 is/dl. (d-3)

[daba] /dabal 'black palm'

·-·

[d5abale] /jabali/ 'kangaroo sp.'

[kaban] /gabanl 'grub sp.'

[d5abino] /jabinul 'Roderick Palmer'

[kabilgaba] /gabilgabal 'Townsville'

·-· ·-·

·-·

·-· ·-·

·-·

·-· ·-·

[dodam] /dudam/ 'wild peanut'

IJUdal 'dilly bag'

[kota] /guda/ 'later'

[d5ota]

C2 is/g/. (d-4)

[bigoJI] lbigup/ 'nail'

[degon] /digllllf 'dig (NF)'

[d5igobina] /jigubinal 'shooting star'

[gekobal] /gigubal/ 'Rosevale'

(d-5)

[bog an] /bug an/ 'bushfire'

[tokal] /dugal/ 'femsp.'

[1foka] /jugal 'smoke'

[koka] /guga! 'skin'

(d-6)

[bag an] /bag an/ 'dig (NF)'

[1fakai] /jagaj/ 'sand goanna'

[kakal] /gag all 'big'

(It might look as if [degon] /digu-nf 'dig-NF' in (d-4) is a loan from English. However, probably this is not the case. There is no other instance of an English verb root combined with a Warrongo inflectional suffix. See 2.13.2 for loans from English.) The syllable structure of these words may be shown as 'C1V1C2V2... or 'C1V1C2C3V.. .' 'Cl' indicates the consonant of the first syllable, and 'V1' the vowel of the first syllable. And so on. In (a-4), (c-1), (c-3) and (d-1), among the C1 stops, only /g/ is voiceless, and all the others are voiced. That is, there is a cut-off point between ljl and /gl. Probably the same applies to (a-5), (a-6), (b-2), (c-2), (d-2) and (d-3), although these sets are incomplete. In (d-5). among the C1 stops, only /b/ is voiced, and all the others are voiceless. That is, there is a cut-off point between /b/ and /d/. In (d-6), among the C1 stops, /b/ is voiced, while /j/ and/g/ are voiceless. There is no suitable example involving /d/ as Cl. The cut-off point may be either between lbl and /d/, or between ljl and /g/.

64

Phonology

That is, there are at least four sets that have a cut-off point between /j/ and /g/. (This is shown by four slashes in (2-5).) There is at least one set that has a cut-off point between /b/ and /d/. (This is shown by one slash in (2-5).) There is no evidence to set up a cut-off point between /d/ and /j/. In (a-1), (a-2), (a-3), (b-1) and (d-4), all the C1 stops are voiced, and there is no cut-off point. (But (a-2) and (b-2) are incomplete.) Note that, while no cut-off point can be set up for (a-3), there is a cut-off point in (a-4) (between /j/ and /g/) despite the similarity between the two sets in terms of the phonemic environments. The reason for this difference is not known. These facts can be summarized as in (2-5). (2-5) C1 stop:

/b/

I

/d, jl

more likely voiced

/Ill

/g/

more likely voiceless

Consider Table 2-4 again. In (a) (which involves a C2 nasal or a C2C3 nasalplus-stop cluster), in (b) (where C2 is a semivowel), and in (c) (where C2 is a liquid, i.e. a rhotic or a lateral), if there is a cut-off point, it lies between /j/ and /g/. In contrast, in (d) (where C2 is a stop), if there is a cut-off point, it lies between /j/ and /g/ (e.g. (d-1) and possibly (d-2) and (d-3)) or between /b/ and /d/ (i.e. (d-5) and possibly (d-6)). That is, when C2 is a nasal, semivowel or liquid, it is only /g/ that may be voiceless. In contrast, when C2 is a stop, the cut-off point moves towards the front and, at least in (d-5), /d/ and ljl as well as /g/ are voiceless. The above may be restated as follows: C1 stop is more likely to be voiced when C2 is a nasal, semivowel or liquid than when C2 is a stop, and inversely, C1 is more likely to be voiceless when C2 is a stop than when C2 is a nasal, semivowel or a liquid. (2-6)

C2:

nasal, semivowel, liquid

stop

~--------------------------------------------~

C1 stop:

more likely voiced

more likely voiceless

Phonemes and their realizations

65

2.1.3.2.3. Stop voicing {3): in the second syllable We now turn to stops used intervocalically as C2, in the second syllable. See Table 2-5. The situation is not so neat as that in Table 2-4, which concerns Cl stops. Table 2-5. Voicing of stops in the second syllables intervocalically (C2) -fbi-

-!d!-

-ljl-

-/g/-

(a): Cl is a nasal. ----[maba] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - [makan] -------(a-1) [macf5an] /mag an/ /maba/ /rnajan/ 'milky pine' 'corky apple tree' 'false' (b): Cl is a semivowel.

.....................

.....................................................................

(b-1)

[waban] /waban/ 'look for (NF)'

[wadalen] /wadalin/ 'nm(NF)'

[wa1fa] /waja/ 'crow'

[wagan] /wag an/ 'rise (NF)'

(b-2)

[jabala] /jabala/

[jada.I] ('?)

/jadaJ/

'fat (not thin)'

'stingray'

[ja1fa] /jajal 'later'

[jakai] /jagajl 'Ouch!'

[baba] /baba/ 'stab (IMP)'

[bata] /bada/ 'downstream'

[bacf5a] lbaja/ 'bite (IMP)'

[baga] /bag a/ 'dig (IMP)'

[babina] /babina/ 'MM'

[bacf5ip~a] [batiga.ran] lbadigaran/ lbaji]ljilal 'cry (ITER-NF)' 'bird sp.'

[kaban] /gaban/ 'grub'

[kadala] /gadala/ 'dry'

[ka1fan] /gajan/ 'big grass'

(c-4)

[kaba] /gaba/ 'white paint'

[kata] /gata/ 'possibly'

[ka1fa] /gaja/ 'head'

(c-5)

[koba.I] /guba.I! '(placename)'

[kota] /guda/ 'later'

[kotfa] /guja/ 'nose'

(c-6)

[kopo] /gubu/ 'leaf'

(c): Cl is a stop. Cl is lbl (c-1)

(c-2)

Cl is /g/. (c-3)

(c-7)

[geba] /giba/ 'scratch (IMP)'

[kakal] /gag all 'big'

[koka] /guga/ 'skin' [koko] /gugu/ 'language'

[geto] /gidu/ 'cold'

[kecf5oroi]

I gij1111lj/ 'centipede'

[gekobal] /gigubal I 'Rosevale'

66

Phonology

(It is not definitely certain that the stop in /jada.II 'stingray' in (b-2) was voiced ([d]).) Cut-off points can be recognized as follows. (a) (b)

Between /dl and /j/ in (b-2) (not definitely), and (c-3). Between /b/ and /dl in (c-5) and probably in (c-4) (but (c-4) is incomplete).

There is no evidence to set up a cut-off point between IJI (and other stops) and /g/. It may look as if (a-1) provides evidence for this differentiation, but this is not conclusive. (yVe shall return to this shortly.) These facts show a tendency shown in (2-7). Note that (2-7) (which is based on Table 2-5 and concerns C2 stops) differs from (2-5) (which is based on Table 2-4 and concerns Cl stops) in that, while /j/ is grouped together /dl in (2-5), it is grouped together with /g/ in (2-7). (2-7) (b-2) (?), (c-3), (c-4) (?), (c-5): C2 stop:

/b/

/dl

lj, g/

~--------------------------------~

more likely voiced

more likely voiceless

Table 2-5 differs from Table 2-4 in two important respects: the placement of /dl and that of /j/. First, in (c-1) of Table 2-5, among the C2 stops, only /dl is voiceless. This suggests the relative position of the stops as shown in (2-8). In (c-7) of Table 2-5, among the C2 stops, /g/ as well as /dl are voiceless, and the others are voiced. This suggests (2-9). (2-8) (c-1): C2 stop:

/b, j, g/ voiced

ldl voiceless

(2-9) (c-7): C2 stop:

/b, j/ voiced

/d, g/ voiceless

It is not known if (c-2) behaves like (c-1) or (c-7). As noted above, it may look as if (a-1) provides evidence for the cut-off point between /j/ (and other stops) and /g/. However, it is possible that (a-1) behaves like (c-7), and in that case (a-1) does not supply this evidence. Other examples in which a C2/dl is voiceless, include (i) [dotegaran] /dudigacan/ 'swing (ITER-NF)', (ii) [d3ito] /jidu/ 'torch', (iii) [kota] /guda/ 'later', (iv) [gote] /gudi/ 'back (Adv)', and (v) [jutin] /judin/ 'swim (NF)' Second, in (b-1), among the C2 stops, only ljl is voiceless. This suggests (2-10).

Phonemes and their realizations 61

(2-10) (b-1): C2 stop:

/b, d, g/ voiced

voiceless

The placement of /d/ in (2-8) and (2-9) and that of !JI in (2-10), regarding voicing, deviate from the general tendency shown in (2-4). The reason for this deviation is not known. (But see (2-11.)

2.1.3.2.4. Stop voicing (4): effect ofC2 nasal on Cl stop As seen in (2-6), when C2 is a nasal, a semivowel or a liquid, the Cl stop is more

likely to be voiced than when the C2 is a stop. Indeed, when C2 is a nasal, the Cl stop is voiced in perhaps the vast majority of cases. See (a) of Table 2-6, and also 2.1.2-[1]-(b). There are, however, exceptions, in which the Cl stop is voiceless. They are of two types. (a) The C2 nasal is lrj/. There is just one example: [kaiJa1egan] /gaiJaliganl 'hairy being' (cf. 1.5.8-[8]). See (b) of Table 2-6. (b) The C2 nasal is /n/. There are a fair number of examples, e.g. [kana] /gana/ 'below', and [kani] /gani/ 'far' See (b) and (c) of Table 2-6. Table 2-6. Effect of C2 nasal on Cl stop

-lml-

-In!-

-/pi-

[gom.an] /guman! 'other'

[gona]

lgllll.a! 'faeces'

[gopaga] /gup.agal 'bird sp. (?)'

(b)

[gama] /gama/ 'dance'

[kana] /gana/ 'below'

[gap.a] /gap.a/ 'lrut'

(c)

[gami] /gamil 'FM'

[kani.] /gani/ 'far'

[d5apin] /japin/ 'wake up (NF)'

(a)

-/zy-

[kaJJalegan] lgaJJaligan/ 'hairy being'

The reason for the voicelessness of the Cl stop /g/ of [kai.Jalegan] /gai.Jaligan/ is not known - except to note that /g/ is more likely voiceless than the other stops. See (2-4), among others. In the examples of (b), it looks as if the C2 nasal /n/ has a 'de-voicing' effect on the Cl stop /g/ - an effect that may be termed 'anticipatory de-voicing' However, to complicate the matter, in this environment, /g/ is not necessarily voiceless, e.g. [gona] /guna! 'faeces'. The conditioning factor is not known.

68

Phonology

Additional examples are given. (Note that the Cl stop /g/ may be voiceless when it is followed by not just In! (C2), but also a /n/-plus-stop cluster (C2C3).) (i) The Cl /g/ is voiceless: [kanibaca] /ganibaca/ 'dingo', [kanamale] /ganamalil 'underneath', [kanda.r.oJ /ganda.ru/ 'hairy being' (1.5.8-[8]), [kangabo] /gangabu/ 'trident spear' (ii) The Cl /g/ is voiced: [ganima.r.a] /ganima.IaJ 'very far', [ganbama.J.a] /ganbama.Ia/ 'long ago', [gando] /gandu/ 'dog'. As seen above, in the only relevant example in which the C2 nasal is /rj/, the Cl /g/ is voiceless (i.e. [kar.Jalegan]). When the C2 nasal is In/, the Cl /g/ is voiceless in some words, and voiced in others. Also as stated above, when the C2 nasal is 1m/ or /p/, the Cl /g/ is always voiced. These facts suggest (2-11). (2-11) C2 nasal: Cl/g/:

/m, pi

/rjl

In/

~--------------------------------~

always voiced

voiced or voiceless

always (?) voiceless

To sum up, when C2 is a nasal, the Cl stop is voiced in perhaps the vast majority of cases. However, in a fair number of examples with the C2/n/ for C2, the Cl stop lg/ is voiceless. Now, compare (2-11) with (2-8) and (2-9). (2-8) and (2-9) jointly show that, when used as a C2 stop, the apico-alveolar /dl is more likely to be voiceless than the bilabial/hi and the lamino-palatal/j/. (2-11) shows that, when used as C2, the apico-alveolar /n/ is more likely to 'devoice' the Cl stop /g/ than are the bilabial 1m! and the lamino-palatal /pl. It may not be accidental that both ldl and In/ are apico-alveolar. It is possible, though by no means certain, that apico-alveolar-ness facilitates 'stop de-voicing'.

2.1.3.2.5. Stop voicing (5): effect of VI on Cl stop, and ofV2 on C2 stop The quality of the VI seems to have an effect on the voicing of Cl stops. Consider Table 2-7. Since /b/used as Cl is almost always voiced (2.1.3.2.2), it is not included in Table 2-7. Table 2-7. Effect ofVl on Cl -/if-

-Ia/-

[degon]

[daba] /daba/ 'black palm'

-lui-

(a) Cl is /d/.

C2is a stop. (a-1)

/di.gun/ 'dig(NF)'

[tokal]

/dug all 'femsp.'

Phonemes and their realizations

(b) Cl is /j/. C2 is a nasal. (b-1)

[~man]

ljimanl 'firestick'

ld3ama.tl ljarnaJl 'web'

[
[d,5ina] ljinal 'foot'

[
[d3ono] /junul 'lust'

[d3algo.(l /jalgwl 'meat'

[1folki] /jUigi/ 'scrub'

/jigubina/ 'shooting star'

[1fakai] /jagaj/ 'sand goanna'

[1foka] /juga/ 'smoke'

(c-1)

[gima] /gima/ 'grub'

[gama] /gama/ 'dance type'

[goman] /guman/ 'other

(c-2)

[gimbin] /gimbinl 'blow(NF)'

[gambi] /gambil 'clothes'

[kombo] /gmnbul 'buttocks'

[gija] /gija/ 'hook'

[gaja] /gajal 'father'

[kojo] /gujul 'bean'

(c-4)

[giban] /giban/ 'scratch (NF)'

[kaban] /gaban/ 'grubsp.'

[kobad3i] /gubajil 'crocodile'

(c-5)

[geto] /gidul 'cold'

[kata] /gada/ 'possibly'

[kota] /gudal 'later'

(c-6)

[ked3oroi] /gijW"oj/ 'centipede'

[katfa] /gajal 'head'

[kotfa] /gujal 'nose'

(b-2)

C2 is a liquid-plus-stop. (b-3)

[~bai]

/jilbaj/ 'knowing' C2 is a stop. (b-4)

[~gobina]

(c) Cl is /g/. C2 is a nasal.

C2 is a semivowel. (c-3)

C2 is a stop.

69

70

Phonology

Cut-off points can be set up as follows. (a) (b)

Between Iii and /a/ in (b-4), (c-4), (c-5). Between Ia! and /u/ in (a-1), (b-3), (c-2), (c-3).

The Cl stop is invariably voiced in (b-1), (b-2), (c-1), and invariably voiceless in (c-6), and no cut-off point can be set up in them. These facts can be shown as in (2-12). (2-12) VI: Cl stop:

Iii

lui

Ia!

more likely voiced

more likely voiceless

Probably this tendency has to do with the space above the glottis during the articulation of these vowels (2.1.3.2.1). That is, the more front the VI is, i.e. the larger the space above the glottis is, the more likely the Cl stop is voiced. And the more back the VI is, i.e. the smaller this space is, the more likely the Cl stop is voiceless. Table 2-8. Effect ofV2 on C2 -Iii-

-Ia!-

-lui-

(a-1)

[kabilgaba] /gabilgaba/ 'Townsville'

[kaban] /gaban/ 'grubsp.'

[kabo1] /gabull 'carpet snake'

(a-2)

[kobi] /gubi/ 'native doctor'

[kobacJ5i] /gubajil 'crocodile'

[kopo] /gubu/ 'leaf'

(t>-1)

[kad5i] /gajil 'maybe'

[kalfa] /gaja/ 'head'

[kalfo] /gajul 'white tree ant'

(t>-2)

[waf.t.la] /wajila/ 'testicles'

[watj"agan] /wajagan/ 'crow'

[wad5on] /wajUD/ 'cook(NF)'

(c-1)

[bigin] fbi gin/ 'shield'

[bigal] /big all 'death adder'

[bigop] /bagu.Jlf 'nail'

(c-2)

[mogena] /mugina/ 'EB'

[mogan] /mug an! 'get(NF)'

[moko] /mugu/

(a) C2is /b/.

(b) C2 is /j/.

(c) C2 is lgl.

'shin'

Phonemes and their realizations 71

It should be noted in passing that Table 2-7 conforms to (2-6) in that, in the main, when C2 is a nasal (i.e. (b-1), (b-2), (c-1), (c-2)) or a semivowel (i.e. (c-3)) or a liquid (i.e. (b-3)), the Cl stop is more likely voiced than when C2 is a stop (i.e. (a-1), ((b-4), (c-4), (c-5), (c-6)). Just as the VI may influence the voicing of the Cl stop, the V2, too, seems to influence the voicing of the C2 stop. See Table 2-8. The tendency seems to be in accordance with (2-12). (But there is at least one set of exceptions. See below.) A cut-off point can be set up as follows.

(a) (b)

Between /i/ and Ia! in (b-1). Between /a/ and /u/ in (a-2) and (c-2).

The stop in question is voiceless when it is to the right of the cut-off point (as in Table 2-7). C2 is invariably voiced in (a-1) and (c-1), and no cut-off point can be set up. The set of exceptions occurs in (b-2), where the C2 to the right of the cut-off point is voiced, and the C2 to its left is voiceless. The reason for the existence of this exceptional set is not known.

2.1.3.2.6. Stop voicing (6): in consonant clusters Consonant clusters (2.2.6) can be classified as follows. (They occur word-medially, and not word-initially or word-finally.) [1] [2] [3] [4]

Nasal-plus-stop: (a-1) homorganic, and (a-2) heterorganic. /j/-plus-stop (/b/, !J! or /g/). Liquid (/c/, Ill or /11)-plus-stop. Liquid (lei, Ill, Ill) or lj/-plus-nasal-plus-stop (the nasal and the stop are homorganic).

[5] /dg/ Each type will be discussed in the following. [1] Nasal-plus-stop clusters The stop is always voiced. There is no exception in my data. Nasals are always voiced (2.1.3.1), and the voicing of the nasal continues throughout the stop. This applies irrespective of whether the cluster is homorganic, e.g. (2-13), or heterorganic, e.g. (2-14). (2-13) [jamba] /jamba/ 'camp'

[band an] [waJ14Ja] /bandan/ /WaJlJaf 'emerge (NF)' 'where'

[mar.Jga] /mar.Jga/ 'flower'

n

Phonology

(2-14) [gonban] /gunban/ 'cut (NF)'

[gong a] /gunga/ 'raw'

[pongol] /pongoll 'one'

[2] /j/-plus-stop (lbt, ljl or /g/) clusters Here, too, the stop is always voiced. There is no exception in my data. Sem ivowels (e.g. /j/) are always voiced (2.1.3.1), and the voicing of the semivowel continues throughout the stop. (There is no example of /jd/.)

(2-15) [boibon] lbujbun/ 'spring water'

[koi
[baiga.J.i] /bajga.Iil 'fig sp.'

Table 2-9. Stop voicing in liquid-plus-stop clusters (1)

liquid-lb/ stop voiced voiceless

liquid-/d/

+ (+)

liquid-/j/

liquid-/g/

+ ?

+ +

[3] Liquid (/r/, Ill or /11)-plus-stop clusters Stop voicing in liquid-plus-stop clusters exhibits the tendency shown in Table 2-9. See Table 2-10 for examples. This tendency in the main conforms to that shown in (2-4). Note in particular that, in Table 2-10, lb/ is almost always voiced. But there is one exception: [IJarpan] /I]arban/ 'fast'. It occurs in (2-100). (In Tables 2-9 and 2-10 there is no example involving /d/. There is no cluster of liquid-plus-/d/ within a root (Table 2-18). There is one across a morpheme boundary (Table 2-19): /dii]gil-dii]gill 'bell'. But it is onomatopoeic, and it is not useful for the present purpose.)

[4] Liquid (/r/, /:II, Ill) or /j/-plus-nasal-plus-stop The nasal and the stop are homorganic. Here, too, the stop is always voiced (there is no exception). The liquids and sem ivowels (e.g. /j/) are always voiced (2.1.3.1), and their voicing continues throughout the stop.

(2-16) [bo.rmbon] [k3.ij1<\5 a] lbu.rmbun/ /ga.IJljal 'spit (noun)' 'breathe upon [someone] (NF)'

[kali]gan] /gali]gan/ 'fall(NF)'

[d3aimban] /jajmban/ 'find(NF)'

Phonemes and their realizations 13

Table 2-10. Stop voicing in liquid-plus-stop clusters (2) liqui.d-/b/

liquid-/d/

liquid-/j/

liqui.d-/g/

[warlf5an]

[karkai] /gargaj/ 'sparrow hawk'

(a) Liquid-stop-/a/. (a-1) The liquid is /r/. [gorba.[a] /gurba.xal

'three'

/warjan/

'raft'

(a-2) The liquid is II/.

[d;5a.[ban]

[d;5a.rnan]

/ja.Iban! 'fish sp.'

/ja.xgan/ 'enter (NF)'

[d;5i.rka] /ji.Ikal

'semen' (a-3) The liquid is /1/.

[balban]

[balgan]

lbalban/

'bone'

lbalgan/ 'hit(NF)'

[kalbin] /galbin/ 'child'

(jalka] /jalgal 'road'

(b) Liquid-stop-/if. (b-1) The liquid is /r/. [barhi.{a] /barbi.Ial 'echidna'

[bald;5i] lbaljil

[pirgil] lbirgill

'empty'

'cold weather'

(c) Liquid-stop-lui. (c-1) The liquid is 11/.

[d;5olbon] /julbUD! 'spouse'

[tfolki] /julgil

'scrub'

[
74

Phonology

[5] /dg/ There is only one instance of a stop-plus-stop cluster: /dg/ (Table 2-19). This occurs in one of the three forms of the dative of the word /wa.rajil 'one's own'. The stops are always voiceless, and never voiced. (2-17) [wa.y_aetko] /wa.raji-d-gu/ 'one's.own-LINK-DAT'

/dl is a linking interfix. Etymologically, /wa.rajil 'one's own' seems to contain the comitative case suffix, whose allomorphs are as follows. IJil [ci3i] following a consonant /jil [i] following a vowel It is in view of this that [e] in [wa.y_aetko] is analyzed as /ji! See 2.1.5.1.2-[3]-(b-2) and3.6.8.

2.1.3.2. 7. Stop voicing (7}: concluding remarks From 2.1.3.2.1 to 2.1.3.2.6, we have looked at a fair number of tendencies regarding stop voicing (a few of which are exceptionless). They work well in some instances. For example, as seen repeatedly, among the stops, /g/ is the most likely to be voiceless. Also, as seen in Tables 2-7 and 2-8, and (2-12), among the vowels, lui is the most likely to make the preceding stop voiceless. On the basis of these, /gugu/ 'language', for example, will be expected to involve the voiceless allophone: [k]. Indeed, Alf Palmer pronounced it as [koko]. Also, it was perceived by Rachel Wilson as involving the voiceless allophone, and was written down by her as 'coco'. See (1-16) and (1-17). Another example is /gubul [kopo] 'leaf'; even /b/ is voiceless. However, despite all this, the account given above is far from complete, and it is still impossible to predict voicing (or de-voicing) of all instances of stops. For example: (2-18) [ba
[ba1faba1faiJan] [ba1fobala] /baJabaJaiJanf /baJubala/ 'finish up (NF)' 'Kirrama Station'

(2-19) [gando] /gandu/ 'dog'

[kanda.{o] /gandaru/ 'imaginary hairy being (1.5.8-[8])'

Factors such as the following may be involved: (i) the length of the word, (ii) the number of the syllables that follow the stop in question, and (iii) the location of stress or pitch.

Phonemes and their realizations 15

Degree of voicing varies among Australian languages. For example, Biri (recorded from, e.g., Harry Johnson and Eddy Barker in the early 1970s) and Buluguyban (recorded from Reggie Palm Island in the early 1970s) are more heavily voiced than Warrongo (at least, in Alf Palmer's pronunciation). For instance, as noted in 1.5.3, /gabul/ 'carpet snake' was pronounced [kabol] by Alf Palmer, and [gabol] by Reggie Palm Island. In contrast, Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 24-25) appears to be voiced roughly to the same extent as Warrongo. Thus, Warrongo has [makan] /mag an/ 'false' and Djaru has [makan] /mag an/ 'morning'.

2.1.4. Allophones of vowels Vowels have 'clear' and 'pure' articulation, and they are never diphthongized (cf. Patz 2002: 21). Nor are they pronounced as a schwa, in contrast with certain vowels of English. Conditioning factors regarding the allophones of vowels seem less complicated than those for stop voicing, and they have been worked out more clearly than those for stop voicing. Vowel allophones will be generally written in a broad notation, except for the allophones of Ia! (2.1.4.1). Also, the vowel in question will be shown in bold face where deemed useful.

2.1.4.1. Ia/

Ia! is generally an unrounded open vowel. It is somewhere between an unrounded front open vowel [a] and an unrounded back open vowel [a]. (These two allophones are written in a narrow notation.) But there appears to be no suitable IPA symbol for this vowel, and the IPA symbol for an unrounded front open vowel, i.e. [a], is used in the present work. (This is a broad notation.) See 2.1.1 and 2.1.2 for examples. This vowel seems virtually identical to the major allophone of the vowel phoneme /a/ of Tokyo Japanese, and it is very similar to, but probably slightly more front than, the vowel of the Australian English but, cut, etc. (i.e. [A] in a narrow notation). When /a/ is preceded by a palatal consonant or semivowel (/J, Jl, j/), it is an unrounded front (not back) open vowel [a] (in a narrow notation) e.g.: (2-20) [d3ami] [d3awa] [Jlando] [Jlawa] uaiJa] [jaro] /jawa/ /pandu/ /pawal /j aiJal /j aro/ /jamil 'fat (noun)' 'mouth' 'ignorant' 'NEG' 'mother' 'here'

76

Phonology

2.1.4.2. lui

lui has two allophones: a close-mid [o] and a close [u]. (They do not involve a significant lip rounding.) Its phonetic value varies depending on the preceding consonant: [o] or [u]:

[o] only:

/bW, /mul, /jul. /dW, IJU!, /gW, /nW, lpul, IIJU/, lrul, /rul, /lui, lwul.

That is, lui is almost always [o], and it is [u] only in exceptional cases. See 2.1.1 and 2.1.2 for examples of [o]. As noted in 2.1.3.2.7, the word /gugu/ (phonetically [koko]) 'language' was perceived by Rachel Wilson as involving [o], and was written 'coco'. The exceptional cases will be discussed in 2.1.4.4. (/wu/ is [o], and it does not contain [w]. See 2.1.5.2.) Grammars of Australian languages generally do not mention the existence of the allophone [o] of the vowel phoneme lui. However, in Warrongo, [o] is clearly the predominant allophone, as in Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 26).

2.1.4.3. Iii

Iii has two major allophones: a close [i] and a close-mid [e]. But /i/ is often realized somewhere between [i] and [e], and it is not easy (and possibly not significant) to distinguish between them. A close [i] is more frequent than a close-mid [e]. Recall that lui is almost always a close-mid [o], and not a close [u]. That is, the phonetic realizations of lui and /i/ are not parallel in terms of height. The phonetic value of Iii varies depending on the preceding consonant.

[2] [i] or [e]:

ljil, /pi!, /I]i/, /wil. /bil, /dil, /gil, /mil, /nil, /ril, !Jil, /li/.

[3] lji/:

see [1] below and 2.1.5.1.2.

[1] [i] only, and never [e]:

We shall look at [1] and [2] in the following, and [3] separately, in 2.1.5.1.2. [1] /ji/, /pi/, II]i/, and !wi1 Here, Iii is always [i], and never [e]. There is no instance of [d3e] (or [1fe]), [pe], [IJe] or [we] in my data. Examples: (2-21) /jil: /pi/:

/gil: /wil:

[d3iba] /jibal 'liver', [wa1f1la]) /wajila/ 'testicles' [pinan] lpinan! 'sit (NF)' [IJ4.iJ1] h]i.Iip/ 'little finger' [winga.J.] lwinga.tl 'fish'

ljil (i.e. the semivowel plus the vowel) is [i], [e] or [i:]. See 2.1.5.1.2. But it is never fje]. In this respect, it resembles /ji/, /pi!, IIJi/, and lwil.

Phonemes and their realizations 11

IJ/, !pi and /jl are lamino-palatal, and lrj/ and /w/ are dorso-velar. They do not allow the following /il to be [e]. /g/ is an exception here. It is dorso-velar, but there are [ge] as well as [gi]. See [2]-(e) below. [2] /hi/, /di/, /gil, /mil, /nil, /ri/, lli/, /lil [2]-(a) /lil and /iV

IV has what may be termed 'lowering effect' on Iii that follows (i.e. /lil) or that precedes (i.e. /ill). This effect is fairly pervasive. We shall look at llil and /ill. First., /li/. It is almost always [le], rather than [li]. The lowering effect of /11 is clearly seen in the following minimal pairs: (2-22) [IJad3i]

/I]aJi! 'mother's father'

[IJale] /I] alii 'IDU.NOMIERG'

(2-23) [kobi] /gubil 'native doctor' (1.5.8-[7])

[gole] /gulil 'angry'

But there are a few exceptions that occur under a definable condition; see 2.1.4.4-

[2], -[3]. Second, /ill. It is almost always [el], rather than [il]. (2-24) [ba.y_in] /ba.ri-nl 'twist-NF'

[ba.y_elen] /ba.ri-li-n/ 'twist-REFL-NF'

(The morpheme boundaries are included in the phonemic presentations in (2-24). This is in order to facilitate the comparison.) Note that., as expected, /ba.rilin/ has [el], and not [il]. There are at least three exceptions. (i) The noun [dii]gildii.Jgil] /dii]gil-dii]giV 'bell'. It is an ideophone, and ideophones may possibly be exempt from this lowering effect; see 2.12. (ii) The noun [bilaiJger] lbilaiJgir/ 'blanket'. It is a loan from English, and it has not been completely adapted to the Warrongo phonology (2.13.2-[1]-(a)). (iii) No explanation is forthcoming for the third exception: the placename [waiJgondila] fwaiJgundilru. It is possible, though by no means certain, that this placename is non-Warrongo (see 2.2.6.1), and that consequently it is exempt from the lowering rule. As mentioned in 2.1.4.2, lui is almost always [o]. Therefore, the issue of the lowering effect of IV is irrelevant. Furthermore, IV seems to have a 'long distance' effect in certain instances. Thus, compare:

78

Phonology

(2-25)

[kobi] /gubi/ 'native doctor'

[kobembolo] /gubimbulu/ 'native doctor'

[kobembolo] has [be], and not [bi]. The lowering effect of IV seems to have reached the V2 /if, extending over the intervening /mbu/. (The lowering effect of IV on the Iii that follows, is observed in Djaru as well, e.g. [kale] /gali/ '(man's) sister's child'.)

[2]-(b) /ri/ and fir! lei, too, has a lowering effect. But there are exceptions to it; see (2-31) and (2-32). Its effect does not seem so forceful as that of IV. We shall look at /ri/ and fir!. First, fir! This effect is clearly seen in the near-minimal pairs (shown in columns) listed in Table 2-11. The C2 of the words in (b-1) and (b-2) is /r/, i.e. Iii that precedes /r/, is 'lowered', i.e. [e], and not [i]. Second, /ri! The lowering effect of /r/ seems to be even weaker than is the case with fir! Indeed, there are a small number of examples of /ri/ in which Iii is 'lowered' to [e], e.g. [ka1foren] /gajorinl Vi 'go past'. However, there are a larger number of examples in which Iii is not lowered, e.g.: (2-26) [bari] [d.3aribqa] [d.3ori] [kari] [koiJgari] /bari/ /jariba.ra/ ljUCil /garil /gUIJgaril 'stone' 'good' 'alongside' 'sun' 'north' Table 2-11. Lowering effect of /r/ (a-1)

[bigoJl] /bigup/

'nail' (b-1)

[berogai] lbirugaj/ 'wOIDb'

(a-2)

(b-2)

[bimona] lbimuna/ 'father's sister'

[dimani]l] /dimanip/ 'flea'

[gima] /gima/ 'grub'

[becawan] lbicawan/ 'talk-RECP-NF'

[decabigal] /dirabigall '(placenarne )'

[gecamai] /gicamaj/ 'Girrarnay'

[.J).ban] /.Ii.ban! 'heated stone' [.J.eca]

/.Ii.cal 'tooth'

The 'lowering effect' of consonants (not necessarily liquids) has been reported for Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 21-22) and Kayardild (Evans 1995: 58-59). According to Tatsuyuki Mimura (p.c.), r-sounds in Danish and Norwegian have the effect of vowel lowering.

Phonemes and their realizations 19

[2]-(c) !Ji/ and IW First, IW. lil appears to be always [i], and IJI does not seem to have a lowering effect. (2-27) [bi.[O] /bi.m/ 'gully'

[bi.J.go] /bi.Igu/ 'wife'

Second, !Ji/. In most of the instances, /il is [i], and !J./ does not have a lowering effect. See (c-2) of Table 2-4 for examples. However, there are at least two instances in which /if is [e], and /J! has a lowering effect; see (2-28). The conditioning factor is not known. It may, or may not, be relevant that these two examples involve the applicative suffix lli/. (See 4.14 for the applicative construction.) (2-28) [rrina.{en] /pina-li-nl 'sit-APPL-NF'

[janiy,en] /j ani -li-n/ 'go-APPL-NF'

Needless to say, /il is [e] when it is within the scope of a lowering effect For example, (i) lowering effect of /11: [ba.J.elen] 'twist-REFL-NF' in (2-24), and (ii) lowering effect of /r/: [{era] 'tooth' in (b-2) of Table 2-11.

[2]-(d) !nil Here, /il is almost always [i], e.g. (i) [kani] /gani/ 'far', (ii) [Jlani] /panil 'ground', (iii) 'what' [IJani] l.ganil 'what' However, lil is [e] when it is within the scope of a lowering effect. There is at least one instance: (2-29) [IJoni]

[IJonero]

II]Uilil

l!.]uni=ru/

'there'

'there=again'

Furthermore, there is at least one instance of [e] that is not within the scope of a lowering effect (the reason for this is not known); compare [newan] /niwanl 'louse egg' and [Jlinan] i}linanl 'sit (NF)' (2.1.2-[3]-(b)). [2]-(e) fbi/, /di/, /gi/ and /mil Here, even where /il is not in the scope of any lowering effect, [e] as well as [i] are observed. It is difficult to discern any tendency. Examples are in Table 2-4: (a-1) and (d-4), among others. Recall ([1] above) that !gil is exceptional in that, despite its dorso-velar-ness, [e] as well as [i] are observed. Impressionistically, [e] appears to be more frequent than [i] for /gil, e.g.: (a) [e] for /gil: (i) [geba] /gibal 'liver', (ii) [mogena] /muginal 'elder brother', (iii) four examples in (c-7) of Table 2-5. (b) [i] for /gil: (i) [gima] /gima/ 'grub', (ii) [gija] /gijal 'hook'.

80

Phonology

[2]-(f) Summary oflowering effect As seen above, the lowering effect is very strong with IV (a liquid), less so with lei (another liquid), very weak with the third liquid !J./, and apparently non-existent with the other consonants (i.e. stops and nasals) and the semivowels. That is:

(2-30)

Lowering effect:

IV > lrl > !JJ > stops, nasals, semivowels

2.1.4.4. Iii and lui

It is useful to discuss Iii and lui jointly. See Table 2-12. The asterisk means 'not attested'. 'C' stands for a consonant or a semivowel. To be precise, in Table 2-12, C may be a cluster: CC or CCC. Comments on Table 2-12 follow. Table 2-12. Iii and/ul /CiCi/

/Cu.Cui

/CiCul

/CuCi/

[CiCi] [bigin] /big:inl 'shield'

*[Cu.Cu]

[CiCu]

[Cu.Ci] [bll.J.i]

(b)

[CiCe] [im.erin] /jimi.rin/ 'be glad (NF)'

(c)

(a)

(d)

[bu~nbu.ram]

/bujinbucarn/ 'cockroach'

lbwil

*[Cu.Co]

[CiCo] [bigo]l] /bigup/

[Cu.Ce] [bajumberi] /bajumbiril '(name)'

[CeCil [bajumberl] /bajumbiril '(name)'

*[CoCu]

*[CeCu]

[CeCe]

[CoCo] [kopo] /gubul 'leaf'

[ba.{elen]

/ba.Ii -li- nl 'twist-REFL-NF'

'nail'

'fire'

[CoCi] [kolbila] /gulbila/

'south' [CeCo] [ked;5oroi] /gijuruj/ 'centipede'

[CoCe] [mogena] /mug ina/ 'elder brother'

[1] ICuCul /CuCu/ is always [CoCo], e.g. [kopo] /gubul 'leaf in (d). (In Warrongo, lui is alrn ost always [o] (2.1. 4 .2).) The height of the vowel is constant and it is close-mid. It is never [CuCu] (cf. (a)), [CuCo] (cf. (b)), or [CoCu] (cf. (c)). There are many other examples: (i) [bolo] lbulul 'belly', (ii) [boiJgo] lbUIJgul 'knee', (iii) [dolobo] /dulubul 'Joyce Palmer', (iv) [koko] lgugu/ 'language', (v) [moko] lgugu/ 'shin'. As repeatedly noted, lgugu/ 'language' was perceived as [koko] and written 'coco' by Rachel Wilson.

Phonemes and their realizations

81

[2] /CiCil Likewise, /CiCil is predominantly [CiCi], e.g. [bigin] lbiginl in (a), and the height of the vowel is constant and it is close. There are many other examples: (i) [bibi] I bibil 'clitoris', (ii) [bi.y,i] lbi.Iil 'the Biri language', (iii) [gimbin] /gimbinl '[wind] blow (NF)' Another example of [CiCi] is [d3id9] !JiJil 'a sore'. It is possible to say that !JiJil is [d3id3i] because /ji/ is never [cf3e] (2.4.1.3-[1]). Also consider: (2-31) [cf9li] [bilicf3i] /jilil /hiliJil 'eye' 'dawn' Note that, in (2-31), all the occurrences of Iii that precedes or follows IV are [i], and not [e]. This suggests that the tendency for /CiCil to be [CiCi] outranks the lowering effect of /11. These are exceptions to the lowering effect of /11 mentioned in 2.1.4.3-[2]-(a). There are, however, complications. Consider: (2-32) [pirgil] [biri] [birin] [d3igird9gir] /birgill /biril /birinl /jigir--jigir/ 'cold weather' 'near' 'send (NF)' 'willy wagtail (bird sp.)' (2-33)

[b~cf9lb~cf91en]

lbijlJil-bijljili -n/ 'feel good (NF)' (2-34) [imerin] /jimiri-n/ 'be glad (NF)'

[imerimeren] /jimir--jimiri-n/ 'be glad (NF)'

(2-35) [bajumberi] lbajumbiril '(name) (1.5.4.2-[1])

[mericf9n] /miriJi-n/ 'feel itchy (NF)'

[o1meri] /wulmiril '(one of the sections)' (Table 1-8)

(See 3.11.1.6-[7] and 3.11.1.7-[3], -[7] for the formation of the words in (2-32) and (2-33), respectively, except for /miriji-n/ Vi 'feel itchy' (L-class).) In (2-31), Iii is consistently [i]. Here the tendency for /CiCil to be [CiCi] outranks the lowering effect of /11 or that of /r/ (2.1.4.3-[2]-(b)), and these words are exceptions to these lowering effects. In contrast, the examples in (2-32) to (2-35) do not consistently follow this tendency (/CiCi/ [CiCi]). Nor does the lowering effect of Ill or /r/ seem to operate consistently. These words appear to be exceptions to these lowering effects. No factor is known that may condition the occurrence of [e] and [i] in them. The word [birin] /birinl 'send (NF)' was perceived by Rachel Wilson as involving [i], and was written as 'birin'. See (1-16) and (1-17).

82

Phonology

We have said that /CiCi/ is predominantly [CiCi]. Elsewhere, i.e. [CiCe], [CeCi], and [CeCe], one of the vowels or both vowels are lowered. /CiCi/ is [CiCe] when the second Iii is lowered. In [imecin] /jimirin/ 'be glad and smiling (NF)' of (b) of Table 2-12, Iii of /mil is lowered by lei. /CiCil is [CeCi] when the first Iii is lowered. In [imerin] /jimirin/ of (c), Iii of /mil is lowered by lei. (But it is not known why /il of lei! is not lowered.) /CiCil is [CeCe] when the two occurrences of Iii are lowered. In [ba.J,elen] lba.Ii-li-nl 'twist-REFL-NF' of (d) (of Table 2-12), they are lowered by IV. Here, the height of the vowel is constant and it is close-mid. Note that !CuCu! is always [CoCo], whereas /CiCi/ is predominantly, but not always, [CiCi]. That is, phonetically they are not parallel in terms of vowel height. [3] /CiCu! This is generally either [CiCo] (see (b)) or [CeCo] (see (d)). That is, /Cu! is generally [Co]. (Recall that, in Warrongo, lui is almost always [o].) Examples of [CiCo] include [bqo] /biru/ 'gully', (ii) [d3ito] /jidu!'torch', (iii) [d3igobina] /jigubinal 'shooting star' There are many examples of [CeCo], and most of them involve [ge] /gil. As mentioned in 2.1.4.3-[2]-(e), for /gil, [e] appears to be more frequent than [i]. Examples: (i) [ked,3ocoi] /gijuruj/ 'centipede' in (d). (ii) [becogai] /birugaj/ 'womb', (iii) [geto] /gidul 'cold', (iv) [gekobal] /gigubal /'Rosevale', (v) [ge.J,oge.J,o] /gi.mg:i.Iu! 'large intestines (?)' There is no example of [CeCu] (see (c)). There are at least four examples of [CiCu] (see (a)). They are [bud3inbucam] /bujinbucam/ 'cockroach' in (a) and: (2-36) [bud3ibud3ibin] lbuji-buji-bi-nl 'fart-fart-INTR-NF' (2-37) [bud3ilbud3il] [bud3ilbud3ilen] lbujil-bujill lbujil-bujili-nl 'taking no notice' 'do not care (NF)' (/Ji! of these words is [d3i] and not [d3e]. That is, the following IV does not lower the preceding Iii. Recall that ljil is never [d3e]. See 2.1. 4.3 -[ 1]. This is an exception to the lowering effect of Ill mentioned in 2.1.4.3-[2]-(a). See 3.11.1.6-[5], -[7] for the formation of the words in (2-36) and (2-37).)

[4] /CuCil [CuCi] is not common. Examples include [bu.J,i] lbwi/ 'fire' in (a), and: (2-38) [mu.J.i] [bundiJl] [bud3inbucam] lmmil /bundip/ /bujinbucam/ 'greedy' 'grasshopper' 'cockroach'

Uutin] /judi-nl 'swim-NF'

Phonemes and their realizations

83

(2-39) [ju.J.i] [ju.J.i:] /jwi/ /jwi-jil 'kangaroo' 'kangaroo-COM' (2-40) [bud_9] [bud_9:] [bud_9bud.3ibin] /buJil /buji-ji/ /buji-buji-bi-n/ 'fart' 'fart-COM' 'fart-fart-INTR-NF' (2-41) [bud_9lbud_91] [bud_9lbud_9len] [bud_91mban] /bujil-bujill lbujil-bujili-n/ lbujil-mba-n/ 'taking no notice' 'do not care (NF)' 'take no notice of (NF)' (See 3.11.1.6-[2], [5], -[7] for the formation of the words in (2-40) and (2-41).) [CuCe] is not common. There is only one example, i.e. [bajumberi] lbajumbiril '(name)' in (b). [CoCi] is common. There are many examples (recall that lui is almost always [o]), including [kolbila] /gulbila/ 'south' in (c), and:

(2-42) [bobin] [d.3ombi] /bub in/ /jUIDbil 'pluck (NF)' 'penis'

[d.3o.ri] /jUri/ 'alongside'

(2-43) [kobi] [kod.3ilamila] [koi:] /gubi/ /gujilamila/ /guji/ 'native doctor' '(placename)' 'hungry' ([ d.3ori] IJUCil is an exception to the lowering effect of /r/.) [CoCe], too, is common. There are many examples, including [mogena] /mug ina/ 'elder brother' in (d), and:

(2-44) [bogeba] [kobembolo] [gole] [ka1foren] /bugiba/ /gubimbulul /gulil /gajorinl 'old woman' 'native doctor' 'angry' 'go past (NF)' ([gole] is an example of the lowering effect of /11; see (2-23). [ka1foren] is an example of the lowering effect of /r/.) As noted above, in Warrongo, lui is almost always [o], and not [u]. All the attested examples of lui [u] are listed in (a) to (c) of Table 2-12, and in (2-36) through (2-41). The conditioning factor for the occurrence of [u] is not known. At least, the following can be stated regarding the words that contain lui [u]. (a) Most of them consist of, or contain, a root that contains /CuCi/. (IC/ may be a cluster.) (b) The first Cis either a labial consonant (lb/ or /m/) or the palatal /j/. It is notalveolar or velar.

84

Phonology

Except for [bajwnberi] /bajumbiri/ '(name)' (in which /i/ is lowered by the following lei and which has [CuCe]): (c) the second Cis /d/, lj/, Ill or /nd/, i.e. it is not peripheral, and; (d) the phonetic value of /Cil is [Ci], i.e. /CuCi/ is [CuCi].

2.1. 5. Problems with /j/ and /w/ The analysis of the semivowel phonemes ljl and /w/ is problematic. In particular, the analysis of /j/ adopted below is inconsistent, and its phonetic value in a given phonemicization will be sometimes very difficult to know.

2.1.5.1.

lj/

2.1. 5.1.1. Introductory notes /ja! and /ju/ are straightforward. /ja! is [ja], and /ju/ is [jo] or [ju]. (2-45) [jamba] [jomal] [jutin] /jamba! /jumall /judin/ 'camp' 'body' 'swim (NF)' Problematic are the following two cases. According to the analysis adopted, they have the following allophones. (a) /ji/: [i] (frequent), [e] (infrequent), [i:] (infrequent). (b) /j/C, /j/#: [i] (frequent), [e] (infrequent). In (b), lj/ is followed by a consonant (/jC/) or by a word boundary (/j#/) (i.e. /j/ in a word-final position). As noted in 2.1.4.3-[1], ljil is never [je]. Nor is it [e:]. Phonetically, there is no [e:] in Warrongo. [e:] occurs in two loan words, and it is tentatively analyzed as /iji/: (i) [.J.obe:.r] /rubijir/ 'Rosevale', and (ii) [be:ta] lbijid-a! 'bed-LOC' (see 2.13.2-[2]-(d), -(t)).

2.1.5.1.2. Allophones of,(ji/ The distribution of the allophones of /ji/ (except for [e:]), with examples, is shown in Table 2-13. An asterisk means 'not attested'. [1] Word-initial position For a word-initial position, many gmmmars of Australian languages report the existence of [ji], in addition to [i]. However, in Warrongo, Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 33),

Phonemes and their realizations

85

and all other Australian languages I have listened to, in this position phonetically [ji] does not occur (and not in any position of a word, for that matter), and only [i] is observed. In the present work, a word-initial [i] is analyzed as /ji/, i.e. ev, rather than as Iii, i.e. /VI; see (a) of Table 2-13. This is in order for this sound to conform to the general phonotactic patterns of Warrongo, as shown below. Thus, consider: (2-46) [inda] '2SG.NOMIERG' /jinda/ (adopted)

eve ev

linda! (not adopted)

ve ev

(2-47) [igara] 'freshwater lobster' /jigara/ (adopted) /igara/ (not adopted)

ev ev ev

vevev

(Syllable boundaries are indicated by an underbar.) An analysis that adopted linda/ and /igarara/ would have to recognize a vowel phoneme in the word-initial position. It would also set up the syllable patterns ·ve· and 'V' The syllables ·ve· and syllable 'V do occur, but they are extremely uncommon (2.2.3.1-[1]). It is in view of these facts that a word-initial [i] is analyzed as /ji/, and not Iii. For the ·e·, the homorganic semivowel/j/ has been selected. (Crosslinguistically, syllables starting with a vowel seem less common than those stating with a consonant; see Jakobson

1971: 526.) Table 2-13. Allophones of /ji/

(a)

word-initially

word-medially

word-finally

#[i][inda] /jinda/

-[i][ma.Jld3aita] /mapja-ji-da/ 'food-COM-LOC'

-[i]# [map4Jai] /mapja-ji/ 'food-COM'

'2SG.NOWERG'

[bu4Ji:] lbuji-ji/ 'fart-COM'

(b)

*#[e]

-[e][wa.raetko] /wa.Iaji -d-gu/ 'one's.own-LINK-DAT'

*-[e]#

(c)

*#[i:]-

-[i:][mai:gan] /majigan/

-[i:]# [wai:] /waji/ '(question marker)'

'cut(NF)'

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Phonology

[2] Word-final position Here, /ji/ has two allophones: [i] and [i:]. (a) The allophone [i] The comitative case suffix (3.6.8) has the following allomorphs. [
The allophone [i] /ji/ occurs in the allomorph that follows a vowel. Here, analysis of [i] as /ji/, and not Iii, sets up a neat morphophonemic alternation between ljil and /jil; both have the 'CV' pattern. In contrast, recognition of /il, rather than /jil, would make the alternation asymmetrical; one allomorph would have 'CV', and the other would have 'V The comitative [i] /jil often occurs in a word-final position. Now, consider: (2-49) [bu
Here, [Ci:] is analyzed as /Ci-jif. These are additional examples of the comitative [i] /jilin a word-final position. (b) The allophone [i:] A word-final [i:] that follows a vowel is analyzed as /jil. (The examples in (2-49) involve a word-final [i:] that follows a consonant, and not a vowel.) There are at least five examples. See (2-50) and (2-65). The ex. (2-51) may be considered another instance. (In (2-50) and (2-65), stress is indicated. A phonetically long vowel is often (though not always) stressed. See 2.7-[7].)

(2-50) [koii] /gujil

[IJai:] [wai:] [ai:] /IJajil /wajil /ajil 'hungry' 'Really?' '(question marker)' 'Yes!', 'Well'

(2-51) [i:] /jijil 'Yes!'

Phonemes and their realizations 81

[3] Word-medial position Here, /jil has three allophones: [i], [e] and [i:]. (a) The allophone [i] (a-1) The allophone [i] (Part 1). The comitative allomorph [i] /jil (following a vowel) may occur word-medially, followed by another case suffix. See (a) of Table 2-13. (a-2) The allophone [i] (Part 2). Consider (2-52) and (2-53). [oi] is analyzed as fuji!. (2-52)

(2-53)

[boin] 'eyelash' /bujin/ (adopted)

lbujnl (not adopted)

cvcvc

cvcc

[moin] 'stone tomahawk' /mujin/ (adopted) lmujnl (not adopted)

cvcvc

cvcc

An alternative analysis is to set up a consonant cluster in a word-final position, as shown above, e.g. /bujnl CVCC However, elsewhere in the language, consonant clusters are absent word-finally (2.2.6), and this analysis has been avoided. (a-3) The allophone [i] (Part 3). [i:] plus the preceding consonant, i.e. [Ci:], is analyzed as /Ciji/. The only example is: (2-54) [lf3ab]gf:~J] IJalrJgijili/ 'Cameron Hill' (i.e. Mt. Cameron?) (Map 3) (a-4) The allophone [i] (Part 4). Consider: (2-55) a. b.

[imerin] /jimiri-nl [imer-imeren] /jimir-jimiri-nl

[imerimeren] /jimir-jimiri-nl

Both words mean 'be glad and smiling (NF)' The reduplicated form was pronounced as [imer-imeren] at least on one occasion; [r] and [i] were pronounced separately. However, almost always it is pronounced as [imerimeren]; it contains [ri] at the morpheme boundary. The segments at the morpheme boundary are analyzed as /r-ji/ (not /ril). See 3.11.1.7-[4], -[5], -[6] for more examples of reduplication involving /r-jil. (b) The allophone [e] (b-1) The allophone [e] (Part 1). Consider:

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Phonology

(2-56) [ba_rin] /ba.ri-n/ 'twist, turn-NF' [bain] /baji-nl 'twist-NF'

[ba_relba_rel] /baiil-ba.IiV 'difficult' [e.g. language]

[ba_relen] /ba.ri-li-nl 'turn-REFL-NF'

[baelbael] /bajil-bajiV 'cunning'

[baelen] /baji-li-nl 'turn-REFL-NF'

In lbaji-n/, /ji/ is [i]. In /bajil-bajiV and /baji-li-nl, /ji/ is [e] (cf. the lowering effect of IV (2.1.4.3-[2]-(a)). Nonetheless, it is convenient to set up /ji/ here. This will recognize an alternation between IJi/ and /j if. See 3.11.1.6 for IV and /li/. (b-2) The allophone [e] (Part 2). This occurs when the (adjective-like) noun lwa.raji/ 'one's own' (mentioned in 2.1.3.2.6-[5]) is followed by a (non-zero) case suffix. Compare: (2-57) [wa_rai] lwa.raji/ 'one's own'

[wa_raeta] /wa.raji-da/ 'one's own-LOC'

[wa_raetko] /wa.raji-d-gu/ 'one's.own-LINK-DAT'

Note that, when it is not followed by a (non-zero) case suffix, /wa.raji/ ends in [i], and not [e]. Etymologically, this word seems to contain the comitative suffix /ji/ (3.6.8), and it is in view of this that this [e] is analyzed as /ji/. Compare [wa_raeta] /wa.raji-da/ 'one's own-LOC' with [mapd3aita] /mapJaji-da/ 'food-COM-LOC' in (a) of Table 2-13, where the vowel in question is [i], and not [e]. Apparently it is only the putative /ji/ of /wa.rajil that is [e], and not [i], when followed by a (non-zero) case suffix. (c) The allophone [i:] There is only one example: (2-58) [mai:gan] /m.ajiganl 'cut(NF)' Note that, in (2-57), [i:] follows a vowel, i.e. [Vi:] (analyzed as Vljil), while in (2-53) it follows a consonant, i.e. [Ci:] (analyzed as C/iji/).

2.1.5.1.3. Allophones of /j/ that is not followed by a vowel We now turn to the allophones of /j/ that is not followed by a vowel, i.e. followed by a consonant (/j/C) or by a word boundary (/j/#) (i.e. /j/ in a word-final position). See (a-1) to (c-1) of Table 2-14. For comparison, the allophones of ljl that is followed by a vowel are included. See (a-2) to (c-2). Comments on, and discussion of, Table 2-14 follow.

Phonemes and their realizations

89

Table 2-14. Allophones of /j/ word-medially

word-finally

-C/aj/C-

-C/aj/#

[maigan] /m.ajganf 'tell (NF)'

[ba1]9ai] lba:IJgaj/ 'spear'

[baegon] /bajgun/ 'bash(NF)'

[
-C/uj/C-

-Cluj/#

[goiban] /gujban/ 'give (NF)'

[makoi] /m.aguj! 'bigger type of carpet snake'

(c-1)

*-C/ij!C-

*-Ciijl#

(a-2)

-C/ajN-

(a-1)

(b-1)

[baja] /baja/ 'sing (IMP)'

(b-2)

-C/uj/V-

[boja] /buja/ 'blow [breath, nose], smoke [tobacco] (IMP)' (c-2)

-C/ij/V[gija] /gija/ 'hook'

[1] [Vi] and [Ve] as V/j/ In (a-1) and (b-1), [Vi] and [Ve] are analyzed as V/j/, that is, /aj/ or /uj/. [baegon] lbajgun/ 'bash (NF)' is one of the two examples available that has [e] for /j/. (The other example is [koenba] /gujnba/ (a section term') (Table 1-8).) There is a minimal pair of /j/ and /ji/ word-medially: (2-59) [maigan] /majgan/ 'tell (NF)'

[mai:gan] /majigan/ 'cut (NF)'

Here, [ai], which involves a short [i], is analyzed as /aj/ (i.e. V/j/), and [ai:], which involves a long [i:], is analyzed as /aji/ (i.e. Vlji!); cf. (2-58). Furthermore, there is a minimal pair that shows this opposition word-medially and word-finally:

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Phonology

c2-6o) [koikoil

[kof:kof:]

/guj-guj/ 'mosquito'

/guji-guji/ 'wrinkle'

[2] Word-final /j/ in (a-1) and (a-2) There are many instances of this - in particular, of -C/ajl#. This /j/ is phonetically [i]. However, there are two pieces of strong evidence to analyze it as /j/, rather than Iii or /ji!. They concern the choice ofthe allomorphs of case suffixes (cf. Table 3-2). We shall use [baiJgai] lbaiJgaj/ 'spear (noun)' as an example. (a) The dative suffix The dative suffix for vowel-final stems is [o] /wu/, and that for consonant-final stems is [go] /gu/ (See 2.1.5.2 for the analysis of /wu/ for [o].) For the dative, [bai]gai] takes [go] /gu/, and not [o] /wu/. (2-61)

[moiJango] !mUIJan-gu/ 'hill-DAT'

[bai]gaigo] /baiJgaj-gu/ 'spear-DAT'

[bamao] lbama-wu/ 'man-DAT'

(b) The ergative, locative and com itative suffixes For the vowel-final stems, the allomorphs of the ergative, the locative and the cornitative case suffixes are /I]gu/ [IJgo], II]ga/ [IJga], and /ji/ [i], respectively. See (a) of Table 2-15. For the /pi-final nouns the relevant allomorphs are IJUI [d3o], ljal [d.3a], and !Ji/[d.3i], respectively. See (b) of Table 2-15. For [bai]gai], when followed by the ergative, locative or cornitative suffix, the final vowel [i] is replaced by [p.] and the relevant allomorphs are the same as those for /pi-final nouns. See (c) of Table 2-15. Table 2-15. Evidence for word-final/j/ NOWACC

ERG

LOC

COM

(a) 'man'

[bama] lbarna/

[bamaijgo] lbarna-l]gul

[bamai]ga] /bama-1J9al

[bamai] /bama-ji/

(b) 'nrussel shell'

[gejap] /gijap/

[gejap4Jo] /gijap-jul

[gejap4Ja] /gijap-jal

[gejaJ14Ji] /gijap-ji/

(c) 'spear

[baiJgai] fbaiJgaj/

[baiJgap4Jo] fbaiJgap-jul

[baiJgap4Ja] lbaiJgap-jal

[baiJgap4Ji] lb81J9aJ1-Jil

The facts presented in (a) and (b) indicate that phonologically the vowel [i] of [bai]gai] does not function as a vowel. Consequently it is analyzed as /j/ As another example of word-final of /aj/, consider the following placename: (2-62) (same as (1-5)). As mentioned in 1.5.4.3-[3], its locative form is attested: (2-63).

Phonemes and their realizations 91

(2-62) [baiJgoro d3olbai] /baiJguru julbai/ turtle-NOM jump-NF 'Turtle jumped.' (2-63) [baiJgoro d3olbad3a] /baiJguru julba-jal 'turtle jump-LOC' In (2-63), the locative allomorph is [d3a] /jal, as is the case with /gijap-jal 'mussel shell-LOC' and /baiJgap-jal 'spear-LOC' (The root-final /j/ is deleted.) This indicates that [d3olbai] should not be analyzed as ending in /j/. Now, compare: (2-64) [baiJgai] /baiJgaj/ 'spear'

[d3olbai] [mar.J9ai] /julba-jl lm.aiJga-jil 'jump-NF' 'flower-COM

All of these words involve a word-final [ai]. Its [i] is analyzed as /j/ in the first two words, while it is analyzed /ji/ in the third word. Note also that [ai] for /aj/ may cross a morpheme boundary; see [d3olbai] /julba-j/. [3] [ ai] as /aj/ or /ajil In [2] above, [ai] is analyzed as /aj/. There is at least one case where [ai] is analyzed as /ajil, and not as /aj/. Consider: (2-65) [.{af:] flajil 'young girl'

[-taf:olpd3o] flaji-wulpjo/ 'good-looking girl'

(2-66) [{a mJ !Jajilil 'many young girls'

[.[ainba] !Jajinbal 'many young girls'

(flaji-wulpjo/ occurs in (1-10-c, -f). See 3.7.1-[15] for the suffixes /Iii and /nba/ 'many'.) It is possible to analyze [-taili] as flajlil, and [.J.ainba] as !Jajnba/. However, as is the case in [2], a morphophonological consideration favours !Jajili/ and !Jajinbal, and [ai] is analyzed as /aj/. (Note that Iii in !Jajili/ is not lowered despite the presence of /11. That is, the tendency for /CiCil to be [CiCi] outranks the lowering effect of Ill (2.1.4.3-[2]-(a)).) In the phonological analysis of [maiJgai] (cf. (2-48)), [wa-taetko] (cf. (2-56)), [d3olbai], and also [-taili] and [.J.ainba], information from grammer (and additionally from the etymology in the case of [wa-taetko]) was employed. This indicates that phonological analysis cannot be separated from grammar. See K. L. Pike (1973: 115) and Lass (1991: 25, 29, 32).

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Phonology

[4] -luj/C- and -/uj/# [oi] or [oe] Phonetically, -/uj/C- and -/uj/# are almost always [oi]; see (b-1) of Table 2-14. (/ul is predominantly [o], rather than [u] (2.1.4.2).) There are many other examples, e.g.: [ci3oimagaran] [koici3ari] (2-67) [boibano] /bujbano/ /gujjaril !JUjma-g ara-n/ '(Alf Palmer's 'crawl-ITER-NF' 'scrub MZ's (?)name)' turkey'

[koii]gan] /gujiJganl 'female ghost'

(2-68) [bo1ogoiban] /bulugujbant 'language of Palm Island'

[ked.3oroi] /gijuruj/ 'centipede'

[joroimbi] /jurujmbil 'Yarnanie Creek'

There is, however, at least one exception. The section term /gujnba/ (Table 1-8) is [koenba], involving [oe]. (This word is one of the two examples that contains [e] for /j/; see [1] above.) There is no example of [ui] for /uj/. [5] -C/aj/-, -Cluj!- and -C/ij/They occur when they are followed by a vowel; see (a-2) to (c-2) of Table 2-14. When not followed by a vowel, i.e. (i) when followed by a consonant word-medially, or (ii) when occurring word-finally, -C/aj/- and -Cluj/- occur; see (a-1) and (b-1). However, according to the analysis adopted, -C/ij/- does not occur in either of these two positions; see (c-1). This can be summarized as follows. (An asterisk indicates 'does not occur'.) (i) When followed by a vowel: -C/aj/-, -Cluj!-, -C/ij/(ii) When not followed by a vowel: -C/aj/-, -Cluj/-, *-C/ij/That is, /ij/ does not occur except before a vowel. In this respect, -C/ij/- is exceptional, as is the case inDyirbal (Dixon 1970: 665) and Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 21).

2.1.5.2. /w/ The analysis of /w/ is much easier than that of /j/. /wa/ and /wil are straightforward. /wa/ is [wa], and lwil is [wi] (never [we]); see 2.1.4.3-[1]). (2-69) [wama] [winga.() /wama/ /winga.II 'mad' 'fish'

lwul is invariably [o] (never [u]), unlike /jil (which has three allophones: [i], [e], [i:]; see 2.1.5.1.1). All the instances of [o] that are not preceded by a consonant

Phonemes and their realizations

93

are analyzed as /wu/. This is in keeping with the general phonotactic patterns of Warrongo, and it, for instance, avoids a word-initial vowel (as is the case with /ji/; see 2.1.5.1.2-[1]). For the 'C', the (near-(?)) homorganic semivowel/w/ has been chosen. Just as [ji] and [je] do not occur, [wu] and [wo] do not occur. Examples of [o] !wu! follow.

(2-70) Word-initially: [oka] [oma] [o.J.on] /wuga/ lwumal lwwunl 'asleep' 'shade' 'beefwood' (2-71) Word-medially: [bao.J.] [kaora] lbawwl /gawural 'rock wallaby' 'love' (noun) (2-72) Word-finally: [barao] lbarawul 'bark water container' There is a word-final [o] /wul that involves the dative case suffix, e.g. [bamao] /bama-wul 'man-DAT' in (2-61). Here, [o] is analyzed as !wu/, in parallel with the alternation of the comitative suffix !Ji!-/jil; see (2-448). The sequence of 'C[o:]' (i.e. a long [o:] following a consonant) or a word-initial [o:] occurs in at least three roots. It is analyzed as 'C/uwul': (2-73) [bo :iJ [ko:iJ [o:iJ /buwujl /guwuj/ lwuwuj/ 'OK' 'male ghost' 'Hi!' A parallel [i:] /ijil, following a consonant, is observed, in just one word: [d3ab:.Jgil{i] !Jab:.Jgiji.ri/ 'Cameron Hill'; see (2-54). That is, phonetically both !uwul and fiji/ present a long vowel. (However, there is one exception; see (2-77).) Such a long vowel- [o:] /uwul or [i:] /ijil- may occur across a morpheme boundary:

(2-74) [gamo:] lgamu-wul 'water-DAT'

[d3ami:] /jami-ji/ 'fat-COM'

Also, compare the following near-minimal pair:

(2-75) [ko!i] (stress on [o:]) /guwuj/ 'male ghost'

[kol:] (stress on [i:]) /gujil 'hungry'

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Phonology

The first word contains 'C[o:]' analyzed as C/uwu!. In passing, consider the following pair of words:

(2-76) [kO:i] /guwuj/ 'male ghost'

[kohJgan] /guj-1]-gan/ 'ghost-LINK-FEM'

Etymologically [koJI]gan] no doubt contains [kO:i] /guwuj/. However, synchronically it does not contain the long vowel [o:]. Consequently it is best analyzed as /guj-IJg an/, as shown above, rather than as /guwuj -IJ-g an/. (See 3. 7.1-[17] for the fern inine suffix /gan/) The only exception to the generalization that phonetically both luwul and /iji/ present a long vowel, is the following word. (2-77) (kokOOJl] /guguwup/ 'bird sp.' This word is an ideophone; see 2.12. In Alf Palmer's pronunciation, [kooJl] contains a sequence of two [o], (although there is no pause between them), and not a long [ko:]. For /j/, the present work recognizes (a) and (b). See (a-1) and (b-2) of Table 2-14. In contrast, for /w/, it sets up neither (c) nor (d) (indicated by an asterisk). (a) (b) (c) (d)

Word-medial -CV/j/C-, i.e. -C/aj/C- and -C/uj/C- (not *-C/ij/C-). Word-final-CV!j/#, i.e. -C/aj/# and -Cluj!# (not *-C/ij/#). Word-medial *-CV/w/C-. Word-final *-CV/w/#.

I have found no evidence to set up (c) or (d). In this respect, /j/ and /w/ are not parallel. It is interesting to note that *-C/ijl- (i.e. *-C/ij/C- and *-C/ij/l:f) behaves: (i) like *-CV/w/ (i.e. *-CV!w/C- and *-CV!w/#), but, (ii) unlike -C/aj/- (i.e. -C/aj/C- and -C/aj/#) and -Cluj/ (-C/uj/C- and -Cluj/#) in that it does not occur either word-medially or word-finally.

2.2. Phonotactics 2.2.1. Structure of words Roughly speaking, the structure of Warrongo words is as shown in (2-78). (Enclitics are preceded by an equation symbol ('='), while other morpheme boundaries are indicated by a hyphen.)

Phonotactics 95

(2-78) stem (-inflectional suffix) (=enclitic) That is, a word must contain a stem. A stem may be followed by an inflectional suffix, and a stem or an inflectional suffix may be followed by an enclitic. Examples: (2-79)

[jalkaiJgagol] /jalga-IJga=guV road-LOC=only 'only on the road'

[IJaruobad3on] /I]ani-wu=ba.JUI11 what-DAT=DNK' 'I do not know what for.'

To be precise, there are cases that the template in (2-77) does not accommodate: (i) fusion, as against suffixation, in certain forms of pronouns (Table 3-6), and (ii) placenames that have a sentential form (1.5.4.3). Stems are of five types. (a) A root only, e.g./hamal 'man', /gamu/ 'water' (b) A root plus a stem-forming suffix, e.g. /guni-laJ 'kill-agent' (1.5.4.2-[2]), /balga-wal 'hit-RECP' (see 4.12 for the reciprocal construction). (c) A root plus some other root (i.e. compounding), e.g. IJulaj-JlunguV 'tree-one' (a placename; see 1.5.4.3-[6]). (d) A repetition of a root (i.e. reduplication), e.g. /milgan-miigan/ 'hill-hill', i.e. 'many hills, a hilly area'. (e) A fused form of a pronoun and its case suffix; see 3.3. Formation of stems of (b), (c) and (d) is discussed in 3.7, 3.8, 3.11.1, and 4.7. As for inflectional suffixes, they indicate case for nouns, pronouns, and some of the adverbs (Tables 3-2 to 3-7). For verbs, they show tense or mood, or they may mark subordination (Table 3-14). Suffixes for voice (e.g. antipassive, reciprocal) and for aspect (i.e. iterative) are considered as stem-forming suffixes (e.g. Table 3-15). Enclitics are characterized in 2.2.2 and listed in 4.25. There are a very large number of roots, but suffixes are not numerous, and enclitics are even less so -less than a dozen.

2.2.2. Characterization of enclitics According to a widely accepted view, clitics are intermediate between affixes (which are bound forms) and words (which are free forms) (see Zwicky 1994). The present work sets up the category of clitics for Warrongo, to be precise, enclitics. They are characterized as follows.

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Phonology

(a) In terms of phonology (a-1) Enclitics are like suffixes in that there is no pause preceding them. See (2-7(}). (a-2) Enclitics are like suffixes (and unlike words) in that they do not bear stress (cf. Zwicky 1994: 572) or pitch. At least., there is no example of an enclitic with prominent stress or pitch. Again, see (2-79). (a-3) The shape of some of the suffixes varies depending on the last phoneme of the stem to which they are added (cf. Zwicky 1994: 572, 574); see, for instance, Table 3-2 (cases of nouns). In contrast., the phonological shape of enclitics is invariable. At least there is no putative enclitic whose shape varies depending on the last phoneme of the stem to which it is added. (a-4) Enclitics are intermediate between words/roots and suffixes in terms of syllable structure and syllable types. See Table 2-16. (b) In terms of distribution (b-1) Enclitics follow an inflectional suffix if there is one, i.e. they occur wordfinally (cf. Zwicky 1994: 576). Examples include (2-79). (b-2) Enclitics may appear to be attached to the last word of a phrase, but they can be considered as attached to the whole phrase, as in English the king ofEngland's crown (cf. Zwicky 1994: 574). (b-3) Enclitics may appear to be attached to the first word of a phrase, but they can be considered as attached to the whole phrase (cf. Zwicky 1994: 574). (b-4) Enclitics may appear to be attached to the last word of a clause, but they can be considered as attached to the whole clause. In the present work, any element that has any one property of (b-1) to (b-2) is regarded as an enclitic. However, this distinction is not clear-cut., and no doubt enclitics and suffixes form a continuum. For example, the putative dative case suffix is considered a suffix when it is attached to a noun, a pronoun, or an adverb (Tables 3-2 to 3-7), e.g. (2-61), (2-74), (2-7(}). But there are instances where it has the property of (b-2) (see (4-119)) or that of (b-3) (see (4-120) and (4-121) to (4-123)), in which case it is regarded as an enclitic. Similarly, /IJUlllaj/ 'from, after' is analyzed as a suffix (the ablative case suffix) when it is attached to a noun, a pronoun, or an adverb (Tables 3-2 to 3-7). But it is considered as an enclitic when it has the property of (b-4); see 4.10.1. (In most of the examples discussed in 4.10, /IJumaj/ is used as a conjunction, and it may be termed 'an enclitic conjunction'.) We shall now examine the Warrongo phonotactics in terms of the syllable structure of roots, enclitics, and suffixes (2. 2. 3), the types of syllables that occur in roots, enclitics, and suffixes (2.2.4), and the distribution of phonemes in structural positions in roots, enclitics, and suffixes (2.2.5).

Phonotoctics 91

2.2.3.

Syllable structure of roots, suffixes, enclitics, and words

We shall look at the structure of roots, suffixes, enclitics, and words in terms of mainly the number- and also the types- of syllables that occur in them. The present work posits the long vowel /a:/ (2.1.1). Languages such as Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 34, 44) yield evidence that /a:/ is phonologically disyllabic. However, in Warrongo there is no evidence to decide whether this long vowel is phonologically disyllabic or monosyllabic. As noted in 2.1.2, the status of /a:/ as a separate phoneme is weak. In view of this, it is tentatively considered monosyllabic phonologically.

2.2.3.1. Syllable structure of roots Attested patterns of roots in terms of syllables are the following. For the purpose of presenting syllables, ·e· refers to semivowels as well as consonants. [1] Monosyllabic roots There are five patterns. Very few examples are attested for each of them.

eve ev: ev:e ve V:

/guj-guj/ [koikoi] 'mosquito' (and also possibly IIJ1ID-IJUI11 [I]OIIIJOn] 'milk' AlfPalmer suggested that/I]Un-I]UI11 is not Warrongo.) II]a:-IJa:l [IJa:IJa:] (an ideophone to describe babies' cries) /ja:/ (interjection) '(exclamation of displeasure, surprise)' /ba:n/ 'whip' (cf. (4-895)), /ja:c/ ([ja:c]) 'yard' (cf. (4-735)) /aj/ [ai] '(tag question marker)' /a:./ (interjection) '(exclamation of admiration, surprise)'

Tentatively, /guj-guj/, !IJa:-IJa:/, and /IJun-IJUill are considered as reduplicated forms of a monosyllabic root (/guj/, /IJUil/, /I]a:/), respectively. They exist only in the forms in which the root is reduplicated (3.7.2-[6]). (The words are dissyllabic.) lba:nl (mentioned in 2.1.2) may be an ideophone (2.12), describing the cracking sound of a whip. The variety of English spoken in Queensland has tag questions that end in something like [ai], and possibly the Warrongo tag question marker /aj/ is a loan from English. /ja:c/ ([ja:c]) 'yard' (mentioned in 2.1.2), too, is a loan from English (2.13.1-[2]-(d)). Ideophones, interjections and loan words are marginal in the phonology of a given language. That is, most of the monosyllabic patterns are marginal in the Warrongo phonology. [2] Disyllabic roots The following patterns are attested. There are many examples of them, except for the last two patterns.

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Phonology

cvcv cvcvc cvccv cvccvc cvcccv cvcccvc CV:CV

vcv

e.g. /babil 'mother's mother' e.g. /bagw/ 'fighting stick' e.g. /bambui 'egg' e.g. /balban/ 'bone' e.g. lbalmbuf 'bundle' e.g. /gUJI]gaV 'husband' /I]aua/ 'a bushy country on Herbert River' /aji/ 'Yes' (possibly the only example)

[3] Trisyllabic roots The following patterns are attested. There are fairly many examples, except for the last pattern. CVCVCV CVCVCVC CVCVCCV CVCVCCVC CVCCVCV CVCCVCVC CVCCVCCV CVCCCVCV VCVCCVC CVCVCVC

e.g.lbadala/ '(placename)' e.g. /burubaj/ 'boil [on skin]' e.g. /bajundal 'to go past' e.g. /I]UliJljil/ '(placename)' e.g. lb31Jgara/ 'blue tongue lizard' e.g. /bii]ga.IaV 'flat' e.g. /burbanba/ 'lizard sp.' e.g. /bab]ga.Ial 'Stony Hill' /abirbil/'Herbert Vale' (a loan from English) (2.13.2-[2]-(c)) /ba:ba.~am/ '(name of a language)' (1.8.4.1-[2])

The vast majority ofverb roots are disyllabic, e.g.lbabal 'spear', lbajal 'bite', lbalga/ 'hit', /bajgu/ 'bash', /galiJgal 'fall', and /majga/ 'tell' But there are at least three (and possibly more; cf. 3.9.1) verb roots that are trisyllabic: /majiga/ Vt 'cut' (see (2-58)), lbajumbi/ Vt '[fish] wave [its tail]' (1.5.4.2-[1]), and /miriji/ Vi 'feel itchy' As for nouns, there are many disyllabic roots as well as trisyllabic ones, as shown above. [4] Quadrisyllabic roots The following patterns are attested, with fairly many examples.

cvcvcvcv cvcvcvcvc cvcvccvcv cvcvcvccvc cvccvcvcv cvccvcvcvc cvccvccvcv cvcccvcvcv

e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g.

/bajubala/ 'Kirrama Station' /dirabigaV '(placename)' /ba.JiJljila/ 'satin bird' /biga.I3I]gaV '(placename)' /balbaba.Ial 'bundle of spears' /balbirigan/ 'shark' /bundilbunal 'place near Kirrama' /jab]giji.Iil 'Cameron Hill'

Phonotactics 99

[5] Pentasyllabic roots Two patterns are attested. Only one example is attested for each pattern. CVCVCVCVCV /gujilamila/ '(placename)' CVCVCVCCVCV ljirijindwul 'butcher bird' It is possible that etymologically some of what appear to be trisyllabic or longer roots do not really consist of just one single root. Thus, lbundilbuna/ 'place near Kirrama' may contain a putative root /buna/; there is a noun /bunabuna/ 'couch grass'. As another example, /balbaba.Ia/ 'bundle of spears' may contain the suffi.x lba.Ial (3.7.1-[8]). Also /guJilamila/ '(placename)' may contain the root /gujilal 'large type of bandicoot' Furthermore, /guj-gujl 'mosquito' may be a reduplication of the putative root /guj/ (as tentatively decided in [1]), and /gujiguji/'wrinkle' may be a reduplication of the putative root /guji/ (i.e. /guji-guji/). Roots longer than quadrisyllabic roots are extremely uncommon, but two instances of pentasyllabic root are attested; see [5]. (But /gujilamilal '(placename)' may contain the root /gujilal 'large type of bandicoot'). Note the existence of hi-consonantal and tri-consonantal clusters. Biconsonantal clusters are attested in [2] disyllabic roots, e.g. /bambui 'egg', [3] trisyllabic roots, e.g. lbaJUilda/ 'go past', [4] quadrisyllabic roots, e.g. /baJi.Jvila/ 'satin bird', and [5] pentasyllabic root, i.e. /jiriJindwu/ 'butcher bird'. In contrast, tri-consonantal clusters are not attested in quadri- or penta-syllabic roots. They are attested only in [2] disyllabic roots, e.g. lbalmbul 'bundle', and [3] trisyllabic roots, e.g. lbalQga.Ial 'Stony Hill'. This difference may possibly have to do with phonological heaviness. That is, quadri- and penta-syllabic roots are already heavy, and the increase of their heaviness by the presence of a tri-consonantal cluster is avoided. (Consonant clusters in roots will be further discussed in 2.2.6.1.) 2.2.3.2. Syllable structure ofsuffi.y;es and enclitics [1] Suffixes Nine patterns are attested. V C CV CVC CVCV CVCVC CCV CCVC CCCVCV

e.g. lui 'ergative', /a/ 'locative' (Table 3-4) e.g. In! 'nonfuture', IV 'nonfuture' (Table 3-14) e.g. /qui 'genitive' (Table 3-2) e.g. IIJaV 'towards' (3.8.1-[2]) e.g. /mali/ 'to/on the side of '(3.8.1-[3]) e.g. /guwaj/'all my (ofkin)' (3.7.1-[20]) e.g. !IJgul 'ergative', /I]ga/'locative' (Table 3-2) one example attested: /Jljar/ 'kin' (3.7.1-[19]) one example attested: /lnbwul (/bUIJgulnburu/ 'on knees' (3.8.1-[10]). Cf. /bUIJgul 'knee'.)

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[2] Enclitics Only four patterns are attested.

cv eve

cvcv cvcvc

e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g.

/ru! 'too' (4.25-[5]) /gull 'only' (4.25-[4]), e.g. (2-79) /guli/ 'only' (4.25-[3]) /baJUilf 'I do not know' (4.25-[2]), e.g. (2-79)

In terms of syllable structure, roots have the widest range of possibilities (28 patterns attested, excluding onomatopoeic roots, interjections and loans from English), followed by suffixes (nine patterns), which are in turn followed by enclitics (four patterns). This parallels the numbers of attested roots, suffixes, and enclitics. As noted in 2.2.1, there are many roots, but suffixes are far smaller in number, and enclitics are less than a dozen. In terms of syllable structure, enclitics are in the main different from roots, and similar to suffixes. They exhibit four patterns: CV, CVC, CVCV and CVCVC. Among them, CVCV and CVCVC are attested in roots (2.2.3.1-[2]) and suffixes as well ([2] above). CV and CVC are attested in suffixes as well, but not in roots. However, enclitics differ from roots and suffixes in that there is no vowel-initial enclitic. They all start with CV. Also, like roots and unlike suffixes, there is no enclitic which starts with a consonant cluster. Suffixes differ from roots and enclitics as follows. (a) They may consist of one vowel only (see 'V' above). (b) They may consist of one consonant only (see 'C' above). (c) They may start with a consonant cluster (see 'CCV', 'CCVC' and 'CCCVCV'). There is even one (and only one) example of tri-consonantal cluster: /lnbwul (3.8.1-[10]). (JM:ost of the facts sated in the preceding two paragraphs are shown in Table 2-16.)

2.2.3.3. Syllable structure of words The structure of words is shown in (2-78). The syllable structure of words is essentially the same as that of roots (2.2.3.1), except that words are often longer than roots. It does not seem worthwhile to list all the attested patterns. Pentasyllabic and hexasyllabic words are not uncommon in texts; see Texts 1 and 2. The longest word attested in my Warrongo data is /gaJIDbujmu-galrn.bujmugaJIDbujmu/ 'grandfather's grandfather's grandfather's grandfather' (Alf Palmer's gloss), which has nine syllables. (Alf Palmer's gloss for this word contains four occurrences of the word 'grandfather' See 3.7.2 and 3.8.1-[4] for the formation and the meaning of this word.)

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The following types of words (and roots) are marginal in the Warrongo phonology. (a) Words consisting of any one of the roots listed in 2.2.3.1-[1]. They are monosyllabic. (b) Vowel-initial words (2.2.3.1) (c) Words containing a long vowel /a:/. This long vowel itself is marginal (2.1.2). Excluding these marginal words (and roots), the syllable structure of Warrongo words can be shown as follows (cf. Dixon 2002: 554): (2-80) Syllable structure of words: CN1Cz(CJ(CA))Vz(C5) where Cz(CJ(CA))Vz can be repeated. That is, words (and roots) (i) begin with a consonant or semivowel, (ii) are disyllabic or longer, (iii) may contain hi-consonantal or tri-consonantal clusters, and (iv) end in a vowel or a consonant (or a semivowel). This schema covers all the attested patterns. However, it also generates many patterns that are not attested. Furthermore, there are restrictions on the occurrence of certain phonemes in certain structural positions. See 2.2.5. The words (and roots) referred to in (a) above are monosyllabic, and therefore they are exceptions to the generalization that words (and roots) are disyllabic or longer. Note, however, that they each contain a long vowel, and that consequently they consist of two mora e. They will be no longer exceptions if the generalization is stated in terms of mora, and not in terms of syllable. (2-81) Words (and roots) are birnoraic or longer (excluding marginal words and roots). That is, there are monosyllabic words, but there appears to be no monomoraic word (as is the case with Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 46)). It is a common practice in Australian linguistics to describe phonotactics in terms of syllable. However, the above shows that the concept of mora may be sometimes more useful than that of syllable.

2.2.4. Syllable types in roots, suffixes, enclitics, and words We have looked at roots (2.2.3.1), suffixes and enclitics (2.2.3.2) and words (2.2.3.3) in terms of their syllable structure. We shall now examine the types of syllables that occur in them.

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[1] Syllable types in roots The following syllable types are attested.

ev eve ev: eve

e.g.lba_bi/ 'mother's mother' e.g. /ba_gw/'fighting stick' e.g.fr.Ja:_la/ '(placename)' lba:nl'whip' (one example only)

ev and eve are common, but ev: and ev:e are extremely uncommon. There are at least three roots that phonetically begin with [a]. (They were mentioned in 2.2.3.1.) Their syllable structure is analyzed as follows.

(2-82) [ai:] /ajil

[abe.rbEl] /a bir bill

vev

v- eve- eve

'Yes'

'Herbert Vale'

[a:] /a:! V: '(exclamation of surprise)'

Unlike /ji/ (2.1.5.1.2) and /wu/ (2.1.5.2), there is no suitable semivowel to set up before [a] (or [a:]). That is, we will have to recognize syllables that consists of a vowel only: 'V' and 'V:'. However, syllables consisting of a vowel only are marginal in the Warrongo phonology./abirbiV 'Herbert Vale' is a loan from English, and the other two words are interjections.

[2] Problem in syllabification There are tri-consonantal clusters (they are listed in Tables 2-18 and 2-19). They present a problem for syllabification. (This is due to the principle that 'No syllabification should yield syllables that are not canonical monosyllables in the language in question' (Lass 1991: 265). This problem has been noted by Dixon (1972: 274) for Dyirbal and by Dixon (2002: 556) for Austmlian languages in general.) Warrongo examples of tri-consonantal cluster include /balmbu/ 'bundle', /gwQgal/ 'husband', and lbaiQgaJal 'Stony Hill'. For example, lbalmbu/ may be segmented as lbal_mbu/ or lbalm_bu/. The first analysis yields CCV, a syllable type not attested elsewhere in the language. The second produces evcc, again a syllable type not attested elsewhere in the language. (evee does not occur in Warrongo unless [boin] 'eyelash', for example, is analyzed as lbujnl evcc; see

(2-52).) As Dixon (2002: 656) admits: 'it can be difficult (or impossible) to segment such words into syllables on a principled basis'. One alternative is to recognize 'that there are segments that do not belong unambiguously to either of their flanking syllables' (Lass 1991: 265), i.e. that they are ambisyllabic; see Spencer (1996: 97-98). According to this view, /m/ in lbabnbu/ is ambisyllabic.

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103

[3] Syllable types in suffixes The following syllable types are attested. e.g. /uJ 'ergative', /a/ 'locative' e.g. In/ 'nonfuture' e.g.lrju/ 'genitive' eve e.g. h:Jall 'towards' CCV e.g. h]gu/ 'ergative', /I]ga/ 'locative' CCVC one example attested: IJ!Jar/ 'kin' CCCV one example attested: llnbwu/ (tbUIJgulnbwu/ 'on knees'. Cf (tbUIJgu/ 'lmee')

V C CV

Suffixes may start with a consonant, like roots and enclitics. However, as noted

in 2.2.3.2, unlike roots and enclitics, they may· (a) start with a consonant cluster; (b) consist of just one single vowel, or; (c) consist of just one consonant. Consequently, they may deviate from roots and enclitics in terms of syllabification. (Most of the consonant clusters in suffixes are hi-consonantal, but there is one triconsonantal cluster: llnbwuJ:) (a) Where a suffix starts with a consonant cluster, the preceding root is always vowel-final (in the examples available), and the first consonant of the cluster is assigned to the preceding syllable. Examples follow. (Suffixes are preceded by a hyphen, while an underbar indicates syllable boundaries.) (2-83)

!IJgul (CCV) 'ERG' tbama-IJgu/ 'man-ERG' lba_ID3IJ_gu/

IJ1Jarl (CCVC) 'KIN' lbabi-Jljar/ ':t\.1Jvf- KIN' lba_bip._jar/

cv eve cv

cv eve eve

(b) Where a suffix consists of a vowel only, the preceding root is always consonantfinal (in the examples available), and the vowel constitutes a syllable together with the preceding consonant. Examples: (2-84)

lui 'ERG' lbabi-J1Jar-u/ ':t\.1Jvf- KIN-ERG' lba_bi]l_Ja _rul

/a/ 'LOC' tbabi-J1Jar-a/ ':t\.1Jvf-KIN-LOC' lba_bip._ja _cal

cv- eve- cv- cv

cv- eve- cv- cv

104

Phonology

(c) Where a suffix consists of a consonant only, the preceding root is always vowelfinal (in the examples available), and the consonant forms a syllable together with the preceding vowel. Examples: (2-85) In! 'nonfuture' /balga-n/ 'hit-NF' lbal_gan/

eve eve

IV 'nonfuture' /balga-11 'hit-NF' /bal_gal/

eve eve

As (2-83) to (2-85) show, syllable boundaries do not always coincide with a morpheme boundary. There is a suffix that begins with a tri-consonantal cluster, i.e. /lnburu/ in lbui]gulnburu/ 'on knees' (/bUI]gu/ 'knee') (2.2.3.2-[1]). Ill will be assigned to the preceding syllable, while lb/ will be part of the following syllable. Here again, we are left with In!. It is difficult to decide to which syllable to allocate it. This In! may be considered ambisyllabic. Needless to say, there are suffixes that maintain their syllable status intact, that is, no phoneme is separated from the rest of the suffix in question for the purpose of syllabification. (Here syllable boundaries coincide with a morpheme boundary.) Examples:

(2-86) lr]aV 'towards' !bada-IJaV 'downstream-to' lba _da _IJall

ev ev eve

/mali/ 'on/to the side of /IJara-m ali/ 'above-side' /I] a_ra_rna_lil

ev- ev- ev- ev

[4] Syllable types in enclitics Only two types are attested.

ev e.g. /ru/ 'too' eve e.g.lba_Junl (eV_eVC) 'I do not know' These types are attested in roots and suffixes, and they do not deviate from either of them. Like roots but unlike suffixes, enclitics maintain the syllable status, e.g. /gull eve 'only' and /baJUn! ev_eve 'I do not know' in (2-79). [5] Syllable types in words They are the same as those attested in roots.

Phonotactics 105

[6] Comparison of words, roots, enclitics, and suffixes As seen in 2.2.3.1 to 2.2.3.3 and in [3] above, enclitics and suffixes may consist of CV only, or CVC only, but words and roots do not (except for the marginal ones). Suffixes may consist of one vowel only, or one consonant only, but words, roots and enclitics do not. Suffixes may start with a consonant cluster, but words, roots and enclitics do not. Suffixes may lose one of their phonemes for the purpose syllabification, but words, roots and enclitics maintain their syllable status. These facts are shown in Table 2-16. This clearly shows that, in terms of phonotactics, enclitics are intermediate between words/roots and suffixes.

Table 2-16. Syllable structure of words, roots, enclitics, and sufflxes

word, root CV,CVC only one vowel only one consonant only initial cluster syllable status maintained

always

enclitic

suffix

+

+ + + +

always

not always

[7] Vocables In songs a syllable with no clear meaning, i.e. 'vocable', is sometimes added to a word. See 1.6.2.

2.2.5.

Distribution of consonants and semivowels

We shall look at the phonotactic possibilities of consonants and semivowels, in roots (2.2.5.1), suffixes (2.2.5.2), enclitics (2.2.5.3), and words (2.2.5.4). The result is shown in Table 2-17. Marginal or exceptional phonemes in a given position or in Warrongo at large are shown in a parenthesis. Some aspects of the phonotactics of the semivowels were discussed in 2.1.5.1 to 2.1.5.2, and those of the vowels in 2.1.5.1 to 2.1.5.2, and in 2.2.3.1 to 2.2.4.

2.2.5.1. Consonants and semivowels in roots We shall consider three structural positions: root-initial, intervocalic (and rootmedial), and root-final. Examples were given in 2.1.2. [1] Root-initially, all of the consonants and semivowels are attested- except for the (apico-)alveolar liquids: lrl and Ill. Probably, /r/ and /11 are prohibited root-initially, as in many other Australian languages; see Dixon (1980: 159-167). A root-initial

106

Phonology

[i] is analyzed as /ji/ (2.1.5.1.2), and a root-initial [o] as lwul (2.1.5.2). A root-initial [a] (or [a:]) is analyzed asIa! (or /a:f). It is marginal (2.2.3.1-[1], -[2], 2.2.4-[1]). Root-initially consonant clusters are prohibited. Recall that the language name 'Mbabaram' was pronounced [ba:batam] by Alf Palmer (1.4.2.2 and 1.8.4.1-[1]). [2] Intervocalically, all of the consonants and semivowels are attested. There are many consonant clusters (some involving a semivowel). They will be discussed in 2.2.6.1 and 2.2.6.2. [3] Root-finally, the following phonemes are attested: /(d), m, n, J1. r, J, I, j, a, i, ul. The following phonemes are not attested, and probably they are prohibited: (i) stops (/d/ has two exceptions), and (ii) the velar sonorants: the nasallrj/, and the semivowel/w/ (see 2.1.5.2). The two exceptions involving a root-final /d/ are loan words from English: /rubijidl 'Rosevale' and /bijidl 'bed' (both mentioned in 2.1.5.1.1). Table 2-17. Phonemes in structural positions

words

initial

intervocalic

final

b, d, j, g, m., D,Jl, IJ, l, j, w, (a, a1)

all consonants and

m., n, Jl, .r,

semiv~els;m~

a, i, u

l,

1, j,

consonant clusters roots

b, d, j, g, m., D,Jl, IJ, l, j, w, (a, a1)

all consonants and semiv~els;m~

(d), Ill, D,Jl, .r, l, 1, j, a, i, u

consonant clusters suffixes

all consonants, semivowels and vowels;

b, .r, l, 1, j, w; no consonant cluster

n, .r, 1, j, a, i, u

j, m, 1, w;

n,l,a,i,u

mb, nd, Jlj, IJ9, nJ, lnb enclitics

b, j, g, Ill, D,Jl, .r, w

no consonant cluster

Compare (i) [.J.obe:r] /rubijir/ 'Rosevale (NOM/ACC)', (ii) [.J.obe:rgo] /rubijir-gu/ 'Rosevale-DAT', and (iii) [.J.obe:ll]omai] !Jubijid-IJLUllaj/ 'Rosevale-ABL' (cf. Table 3-4). We can set up the roots /rubijidl as well as /rubijir/. Here, /dl occurs rootfinally. (But it does not occur word-finally.) (The Aboriginal name of this place is /gigubaV. See (d-4) of Table 2-4.) The root lbijidl 'bed' occurs in [be:ta] lbijid-al 'bed-LOC' (But [be:t] lbijidl 'bed-NOM/ACC' is not attested.) Again, /dl occurs root-finally. (But it does not occur word-finally.) Since these roots are loans from English. the root-final /dl is marginal in the Warrongo phonology. Also, since !dl is not attested in the final position of these words (or any other word), the restriction on the final stop is stronger word-finally than root-finally.

Phonotactics 101

2.2.5.2. Consonants and semivowels in suffixes [1] Suffix-initial position The following phonemes are attested. (a) /a, i., u, b, d, J, g, m, n, p, IJ, c, l, 1, j, w/ (b) /mb, nd, JlJ, IJg, nJ, lnb/ The set (a) consists of all the phonemes except for /a:/, while (b) comprises all the homorganic nasal-plus-stop clusters, /nj/ and /Inb/. Suffixes may consist of a vowel only, e.g. (2-84), or a consonant only, e.g. (2-85). In such a case, the suffix-initial phoneme is also the suffix-final phoneme. Suffixes differ from words, roots and enclitics in that they may start with: (a) a vowel, e.g. (2-84); (b) /11, e.g. /gaja-na-lu/ 'father-KIN-ERG' (fable 3-3) and /wapu-lu/ 'who-ERG' (Table 3-6), or; (c) a consonant cluster, e.g. (2-83). As noted in 2.2.5.1, root-initially (and also word-initially and possibly encliticinitially too), Ill does not- and probably cannot- occur. Unlike words and roots, but like enclitics, suffixes may start with lei, e.g. /waJlja-cu/ 'where-to' (see 3.8.1-[1] for /ru/).

[2] Intervocalic position lb, c, l, 1, j, w, ndl are attested. They are much fewer than, and included in, the possibilities for words and roots. They are slightly more numerous than those for enclitics. But unlike enclitics, /m/ is not attested intervocalically in suffixes. There is no example of an intervocalic consonant cluster. (Most of the suffixes are monosyllabic (2.2.3.2-[1]) and consequently unable to contain an intervocalic consonant cluster.)

[3] Suffix-final position In, c, 1, j, a, i, u/ are attested. (This may be accidental, but the consonants In, c, 1/ are apico-alveolar sonorants.) They are far fewer than, and are included in, the possibilities for words, roots and suffixes. (Recall that in the case of suffixes that consist of a vowel only or a consonant only, the suffix-initial phoneme is also the suffix-final phoneme.) Unlike enclitics, lei is attested suffix-finally, e.g. lpjacl 'kin' in (2-83).

108

Phonology

2.2.5.3. Consonants and semivowels in enclitics There are only about ten enclitics (4.25). [1] Enclitic-initially, /b, J, g, m, n, JI, r, w/ are attested. That is, unlike words and roots but like suffixes, there is at least one enclitic that starts with /r/: /ru/ 'again, too'. Like words and roots and unlike suffixes, enclitics do not start with a consonant cluster. [2] Inter-vocalically, IJ, m, 1, w/ are attested, and the patterns of enclitics are included in those of words and roots. There is no example of an intervocalic consonant cluster. (Most of the enclitics are monosyllabic (2. 2.3.2-[2]) and consequently unable to contain an intervocalic consonant cluster.) [3] Enclitic-finally, /n, 1, a, i, ul are attested. In this respect, the patterns of enclitics are included in those of words, roots and suffixes.

2.2.5.4. Consonants and semivowels in words Word-initially and word-medially, the possibilities are the same as those for the root-initial and root-medial positions, respectively. As noted in 2.2.5.1-[3], /dl occurs root-finally, but not word-finally. In this respect, word-final possibilities are different from (and narrower than) the root-final possibilities. (This indicates that words and roots need to be distinguished.)

2. 2.6.

Consonant clusters

Here, 'consonants' include semivowels. Consonant clusters are not attested wordinitially, word-finally, root-initially, root-finally, enclitic-initially, enclitic-finally or suffix-finally. But suffix-initially there are two consonant clusters (2.2.3.2-[1]). There are many consonant clusters in intra-root positions (2.2.6.1) and inter-morphemic positions (2. 2.6.2).

2.2. 6.1. Intra-root consonant clusters :Most of the intra-root consonant clusters are hi-consonantal, but others are tri-consonantal. See Table 2-18. Intra-root consonant clusters can be classified as shown in Table 2-18. For each group in Table 2-18, a generalization about its membership is given, together with a list of unattested combination(s), where relevant.

Phonotactics

109

Table 2-18. Intra-root consonant clusters

Last member of the cluster is:

bilabial

apico-alveolar

lamino-palatal

dorso-velar

(a)

mb

nd

Jlj

(b)

rb lb nb rm 1m rw lw nrn

IJ9 rg lg ng

hi-consonantal

(c) (d) (e) (f)

Jb jb

ij

lj nj

riJ ljl

DIJ lj

jj

rg jg

jm

iP

liJ jiJ

rmb .IIIlb

1Jlj ljlj l]lj jp.j

nn

(g)

liJ

tri -consonantal (h)

1mb jmb (i)

I1J9 liJ9 lijg jiJg

rnb lnb jnb

We shall look at hi-consonantal clusters first. (a) Homorganic nasal-plus-stop clusters: /mb/, lnd/, /p.J/, /Ijg/ All possibilities are attested, e.g. lbambaial 'white', /banda/ 'to come out', /warua/ 'where', lbalaggaV 'dugong'. (b) Apico-alveolar sonorant (/c/, IV or /n/) plus non-apico-alveolar stop (/b/, !JI or /g/) All possibilities are attested, e.g. /barbila/ 'echidna', /waqan/ 'raft', lbirgil/ 'cold weather', /balba/ 'to roll', /ba\fi/ 'empty', lbalga/ 'to hit', /banba/ 'fig sp.', lwarua/ 'hole', /wangall 'little girl'.

(c) Apico-alveolar liquid (jc/ or IV) plus non-apico-alveolar nasal (/m/, lp.l or /rf) lcp/ is not attested. Examples: lbucmu/ 'deaf, /bacga/ 'light (not dark)', /gulmi/ 'back (Adv)', /IJalflil 'kind (not unkind)', /galga/ 'MB'

(d) Apico-alveolar liquid (jc/ or IV) plus semivowel (/j/ or /w/) lcj/ and /lj/ are not attested. Examples: IJicwil 'namesake', /walwa/ 'bad'. Dixon (1972: 287) states that in Dyirbal the clusters /lj/ and /nj/ are prohibited. In

110

Phonology

Warrongo, it is possible to set up /cj/ across a morpheme boundary; see 2.2.6.2-(d). But within a root, !cj! and /lj/ appear to be prohibited. (e) Apico-alveolar nasal (In!) plus peripheral nasal (jml or lrjl) Both possibilities are attested, e.g. /gunma/'to break'. There is only one example of frn:J/: lwanQaJal 'bony bream'

(f) Retroflex approximant (jJI) or palatal semivowel (jjl) plus non-apico-alveolar stop (jbl, IJI or lgl) All possibilities are attested, e.g. lba.~bajl 'ice', lgwja/ 'native bee', /ba.~gill 'bush rat', lbujbun/ 'spring water', lgujjaci/ 'scrub turkey', /bajgaJi! 'fig sp.' (g) Retroflex approximant (/J!) or palatal semivowel /j/ plus non-apico-alveolar nasal (jml, !pi or lfJ/) !J:pl is not attested. Examples: /ga.~manJ '(place on Herbert River, near Cashmere, towards Cameron Creek)', lba.IQanl 'kangaroo rat', IJujma/ 'to crawl', lmajpall 'dirty thing (e.g. penis)' There is not a good example of lj:gl. One possible example is lgaJujQa/ 'to hide' Etymologically it may contain the transitive-stem-forming suffix /gal (4.7.2), but there is no evidence for this etymology, and tentatively /garujfJa/ is treated as a root. We shall now look at tri-consonantal clusters.

(h) Liquid (/c!, Ill or Ill) or palatal semivowel lj! plus a non-apico-alveolar nasalplus-stop homorganic cluster (jmb, JlJ, I]g/) All possibilities are attested, e.g. lbucmbul 'to breath upon', lmacJlJal 'sore (noun)', lwicQga/ 'tail of fish', /ga.tmbujmu/ 'grandfather's grandfather', /bl.LIJl.fu/ 'elbow', lhiJ:Qga/ 'grey hair', /balmbi/ 'to smell', /ba)Jlja/ 'to come out', lbaiQgaJa/ 'Stony Creek', !Jajmbaj/ 'hither', /bujJljall'fish smell', lbajQgica/ 'sweat'. (i) lei, Ill or /jl plus lnb/ It is difficult to generalize about these three clusters. Examples: /mUIJambaJal 'many', /bilnbiran/ 'crimson rosella (?)', /gujnbun/ 'sorry' Etymologically, lrn.UIJarnbaJa/ 'many' may contain the suffix lbaJa/ (3.7.1-[8]). If this is the case, it is not a root. (As noted below, it is not certain if there is a contrast between lnbl and lmbl in tri-consonantal clusters.) Roots generally do not contain more than one consonant cluster. However, there is at least one root that contains two consonant clusters: /waggundila/ 'a place on Herbert River, where there is a big cliff' This may be irrelevant, but both clusters are homorganic nasal-plus-stop ('N-plus-S') clusters. Since the place is on Herbert River, it may be in Warrongo territory or in Warrgamay territory. Warrgamay has waiJgu 'small goanna' (Dixon 1981: 125). It is possible that lwaiJgundila/ contains two roots, including /waggu/. A root with three clusters is not attested.

Phonotactics

111

When I first heard the word fwai]gundilal in a teA1: (see Text 1, Line 19), on the 24th August 1972, after having worked on Warrongo with Alf Palmer for about six months, this word sounded very 'foreign', i.e. 'non-Warrongo', to my ears. The cause for this is not known. At least, it seems certain that the cause is not the presence of two (not just one) N-plus-S clusters. This is because many Warrongo words (though not roots) contain two N-plus-S clusters, e.g. /gunda-IJga/ 'nightLOC' and /jamba-I]gaf 'camp-LOC' The cause may possibly be the location of stress in this word; stress falls on the third syllable, i.e. [waiJgondila], despite the general tendency in Warrongo for stress to fall on the word-initial syllable (see 2.7-[2]). (In passing, I note that !waiJgundila/ [waiJgondila] is an exception to the lowering effect of Ill (2.1.4.3-[2]-(a)).) [jld3] IJ1jl and [nd3] /nj/ seem to contrast. Thus, AlfPalmer said, 'When you are lying on top of a woman at night, and if you can't find it, you say': (2-87) [waJld3a wand3a] [AP] wanJal /waJlJa where hole 'Where is the hole [i.e. vagina]?' Alf Palmer stated to the effect that these two words are distinct. My observation of his pronunciation (in particular, the position of his tongue) supported his statement. Another minimal pair is [maJld3a] lrnapJal 'vegetable food' and [mand3a] /manJal 'to send (IMP)'. Also, lngl and lrjg/ are in opposition, e.g. (i) [bongo] /bungul 'maggot' and [boiJgo] /bmjgu/ 'knee' (cf. (2-3)), and (ii) [gonga] /gunga/ 'raw' and [koiJgari] /gUIJg ari/ 'north'. It is possible that certain nasals in tri-consonantal clusters are neutralized and do not contrast. (i) In Table 2-18, /lmb/ (e.g. /balmbi-n/ 'smell-NF') and /lnb/ (e.g. I bilnbi.Ianl 'crimson rosella (?)') are listed separately. This is based on my observation of Alf Palmer's pronunciation: the closure/non-closure of his lips. However, it is not certain if phonologically /lmb/ and /lnb/ contrast. (ii) Also /jmb/ and /jnb/ may not contrast. (In my observation of Alf Palmer's pronunciation, the name of one of the sections (Table 1-8) is [koenba] /gujnbal, and not [koemba] /gujmba!) These generalizations about the consonant clusters are based on the attested patterns. There are many gaps in Table 2-18. Some of the unattested patterns may be genuinely prohibited, while some others may simply accidental 'gaps' in the language or they may be due to the incompleteness of the data. The same applies to the generalizations about inter-morphemic clusters (2.2.6.2) and the comparison ofbi-consonantal and tri-consonantal clusters (2.2.6.3).

112

Phonology

2. 2. 6.2. Inter-morphemic consonant clusters Attested inter-morphemic clusters are listed in Table 2-19. To facilitate comparison, they are classified roughly in the same way as in Table 2-18. For each group in Table 2-19, a generalization about its membership is given, together with a list of unattested combinations, where relevant. We shall look at hi-consonantal clusters first. (a) Homorganic stop-plus-nasal clusters Examples: !JUJam-bu/ 'locust-ERG', /galbin-dUJ 'child-ERG', /gija.p-Jul 'mussel shell-ERG' /rj-g/ is not attested. (lrj/ does not occur morpheme-finally (Table 2-17), and probably /1]-g/ is prohibited. Hence the four dots in Table 2-19.) (b) Apico-alveolar sonorant (/n, c, Ill) plus stop (/b, d, J, g/) Examples: /gumun-bil 'quiet-INTR', /bigin-Ji! 'shield-COM', /mUIJan-gu/ 'hillDAT', /jamur-bil 'hurry-INTR', lbagur-Jil 'short-COM', /gaJar-gaJacl Adv 'going past', /gagal-bil 'big-INTR', /dii]gil-dii]gill 'bell' (the only example of /1-d/), /gagal-Jil 'big-COM', /waiJal-gu/ 'boomerang-DAT' The inter-morphemic ln-J/, e.g. lbigin-Jil 'shield-COM', presumably involves [nd.3], not (Jl.d.3], phonetically, although this is not certain. led! is not attested. /nd/ is already listed as a homorganic nasal-plus-stop cluster, and therefore it is parenthesized in (b) of Table 2-19. (c) Apico-alveolar liquid (lc, 11) plus peripheral nasal (/m, I]/) All possibilities are attested, e.g. /gulmbur-maJ 'to set up', lbiJir-ga! 'wide-TR', lbaba-1-mu/ 'stab-NEGIJ\.1P', !Jlungul-ga! 'one-TR'. (d) Apico-alveolar liquid (lc, 11) plus semivowel (/j, w/) Examples of /c/ plus /j/: /jamur-jamuri-nl [jamocjamocen] Vi 'hurry', and /jimi£jimiri-nl [imerimecen] Vi 'be glad' (see (2-34)). (In /jimir-jimiri-n/, /jl is phonetically almost always zero (2.1.5.1.2-[3]-(a-4)). /c-ji/ is pronounced as one syllable: [ri]. See 3.11.1.7-[6] for the formation of these verbs.) The other three possibilities (le-w/, 11-j/, /1-w/) are not attested. (e) Apico-alveolar nasal (/nl) plus a nasal (/m, n, I]/; !pi is not attested.) Examples: /milgan-milganl 'hill-hill', /waga-n=na! 'rise-NF=really' (/=na/ 'really' is an enclitic; see (4-1018)), /mag an-gal 'false-TR'. (f) Retroflex approximant (/J/) or palatal semivowel (/j/) plus non-apico-alveolar stop (/b, J, g/) All possibilities are attested. Examples: lrnunJw-bi/ 'painful-INTR', lwinga.t-Jil 'fish-COM', /winga.t-gu/ 'fish-DAT', /wamaj-bil 'good-INTR', !Jawuj-Jul 'hot-ERG', /baiJgaj-gu/ 'spear-DAT'

Phonotactics

113

Table 2-19. Inter-morphemic consonant clusters The last member of the cluster is: hi-consonantal (a)

(b)

(c) (d) (e)

(f)

apico-alveolar

lamino-palatal

mb

nd

Jlj

nb rb lb

(nd)

flj

bilabial

ij

ld

lj

em lm

dorso-velar

ng rg lg

.ri.J liJ

.rj

nm

nn

Ill]

Jb jb

lj

19

jj

jg

jm

.iJl

jiJ

illj

mg

(g)

liJ

others

IDIJ PIJ dg

Jlb

diJ

nw

ii tri -consonantal (h)

nnb Jmb 1mb lnb* jmb

(i)

jiJg

jnb

(g) Retroflex approximant (/J.!) or palatal semivowel /j/ plus non-apico-alveolar nasal (/m, J1, 1]1) Examples: lbil]gi.I-1Jal 'hot-TR', /gujaj-mali/ 'across-side', /.JUI.aj-punguV 'tree-one' (a placename; cf. 1.5.4.3-[6]), /gujaj-IJal 'across-TR'. /Irnl and !Ipl are not attested.

'Others' It is difficult to generalize about these clusters. Examples: (i) /jalam-Jalam/ 'wave-wave', (ii) /gwim-gwim/ 'busy and not looking', (iii) /jalam-Jalam-Qal 'wave-wave-TR', (iv) lbuWUJl-buwup/ (Jalngoy?) 'butcher bird', (v) I.JUI.bi.rlJl-Qal

114

Phonology

'skinless-TR', (vi) /wa.Iaji-d-gu/ 'one's own-LINK-DAT' (cf. (2-57)), (vii) /rubijidQUID.aj/ 'Rosevale-ABL' (cf. 2.2.5.1-[3]), (viii) /jwaj-jwaj/ 'quiet-quiet' We now turn to tri-consonantal clusters.

(h) Liquid (/r/, !JJ or Ill) or palatal sem ivowel/j/ plus nasal plus stop Examples: (i) /gulmbuc-m-baJ 'to set up [a fence]' (see 4.7.3 for the transitive-stemforming suffix /m-ba/), (ii) /gujnbw-m-ba/ 'to feel sorry for', (iii) /bujil-m-ba/ 'to take no notice of (see (2-36) for lbujill), (iv) /baraj-m-barajl 'in the morning', (v) lbaiJgaj-Q-gu/ 'spear-.y-DAT' There is no example of /1-n-b/ across a morpheme boundary (indicated by an asterisk). But there is one example of /lnb/ next to a morpheme boundary: lbUIJgulnbwul 'on knees' (cf.lbUIJgul 'knee') (mentioned in 2. 2.3.2-[1 ]). (i) Palatal semivowel /j/ plus nasal plus stop An example: /wamaj-n-bi/ 'good-LINK-INTR'.

2.2.6.3. Comparison and analysis of intra-root and inter-morphemic consonant clusters There is only a very small difference, in terms of number, between intra-root clusters (Table 2-18; 48 patterns) and inter-morphemic ones (Table 2-19; 45 patterns). (It is interesting to note that, in Djaru, inter-morphemic clusters far outnumber intra-root ones (Tsunoda 1981a: 38-40).) In the main they behave similarly. As far as the attested clusters are concerned, the following observations can be made. (A detailed discussion of intra-root and inter-morphemic consonant clusters of Warrongo is in Tsunoda (2008).) [1] Tendencies and restrictions The following tendencies or restrictions apply to both types of clusters, unless stated otherwise. (a) Cluster-initially, stops and the semivowel /w/ are not attested. (b) Cluster-finally, the following phonemes are not attested: the apico-alveolar nasal In! and liquids lr, J, 1/. The inter-morphemic In-n! is an exception. (To be precise, /n=n/. See (4-1018).) (c) There is no example of 'nasal+liquid', such as /nl/. (In Djaru, the interfix /gul has to be inserted between a nasal and a lateral at a morpheme boundary.) (d) The clusters that contain the apico-alveolar stop /dl are almost completely absent. There is only one within a root (/ndl), and only two across a morpheme boundary (ln-dl and /1-d/). (This explains the absence of liquid-plus-/dl clusters within a root (mentioned in 2.1.3.2.6-[3]).) The only example of /1-d/ is I c:fu]gil-dii]giV 'bell', but it is an ideophone, and consequently it is marginal in the Warrongo phonology.

Phonotactics

115

(e) Nasal+stop ('N+S') clusters are fairly common. Furthermore, every tri-consonantal cluster contains a N+S cluster. (f) Among the N+S clusters, homorganic ones are fairly common. (Even the apico-alveolar stop /d/ occurs here, i.e. /nd/.) Furthermore, they occur in most of the tri-consonantal clusters. This is no doubt due to an articulatory reason. (Homorganic N-plus-S clusters appear to be among the most common consonant clusters in some other Australian languages, e.g. Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 272), and Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 38), and this may be the case crosslinguistically as well.) There are clusters that are attested within a root only, and also those that are attested across a morpheme boundary only. The following points are worth mentioning. One intra-root cluster starts with /rjl: /I]g/, e.g. /bUQgu/ 'knee'. (See (a) of Table 2-18.) But there is no such inter-morphemic one. This is because /rjl does not, and probably cannot, occur in the final position of roots or suffixes (Table 2-17). (h) The following types of clusters are attested across a morpheme boundary only, and not within a root. (h-1) The cluster /cj/, e.g. /jarn.ur-jarn.uri/ 'to hurry' (See (d) of Table 2-19.) Within a root, /cj/ and /lj/ appear to be prohibited (2.2.6.2-(d)). (h-2) The cluster Inn/, e.g. /wagan-n=na/ 'rise-NF=really' in (4-1018)). (See (e) of Table 2-19.)

(g)

(For (h-3) to (h-7) below, see 'other' of Table 2-19.) (h-3) The following three clusters that start with /m/, i.e. (i) lmJI (/Jalam-Ja1am/ 'wave-wave'), (ii) /mgt (/gwim-gwim/ 'busy and not looking'), and (iii) /m.rjl (/Jalarn.-jalam-Qal 'wave-wave-TR'). (h-4) The cluster /ph/ (/bu\Vl.ljl-buwup/ (Jalngoy?) 'butcher bird'). (h-5) The two clusters that start with the stop /d/: (i) /dg/ (/wa.Iaji-d-gu/ 'one's ownLINK-DAT' (3.6.8)), and (ii) /drj/ (/Jubijid-Qumaj/ 'Rosevale-ABL'). They are the only clusters in the language that start with a stop. (/d/ in /wa.Iaji-d-gu/ is a linking interfix. It is the only linking interfix that consists of a stop. Recall also that bona fide Warrongo roots do not end in a stop. IJubijid/ 'Rosevale' is a loan.) Therefore, /wa.Iaji-d-gu/ contains the only S-plus-S cluster in the language, and /rubijid-IJumaj/ contains the only S-plus-N cluster, in the language. (h-6) The cluster /nw/ (/wannan-wannan/ 'busy'). (h-7) The cluster /jj/, in which the same phoneme 1s repeated: /jwaj-jwaj/ 'quiet-quiet'. Also, all inter-morphemic tri-consonantal clusters involve nasal insertion, e.g. /baraj-m-baraj/ 'in the morning'; see 2.6-[2]-(a).

116

Phonology

[2] Natural classes The various groups of consonants and semivowels listed in 2.2.6.1 (intra-root clusters) and 2.2.6.2 (inter-morphemic ones) may each be considered as natural classes. Then, intra-root clusters and inter-morphemic ones have almost the same natural classes. Examples follow, presented mainly in terms of place of articulation. (a) Apico-alveolar. This is the most recurrent feature: (i) apico-alveolar sonorants (jr, 1, nJ) (2.2.6.1-(b), 2.2.6.2-(b)), and (ii) apico-alveolar liquids (/r, 11) (2.2.6.1(c), -(d), 2.2.6.2-(c), -(d)). (b) Non-apico-alveolar: (i) non-apico-alveolar stops (/b, J, g/) (2.2.6.1-(b), -(f), 2.2.6.2-(f)), (ii) non-apico-alveolar nasals (/m, JI, IJI) (2.2.6.1-(c), -(g), 2.2.6.2-(g)), and (iii) non-apico-alveolar homorganic clusters (/mb, Jlj, I]g/) (2.2.6.1-(h.)). (c) Peripheral: (i) peripheral nasals (/m, IJI) (2.2.6.1-(e), 2.2.6.2-(c), -(e)). (d) Semivowel (/j, w/): (i) (2.2.6.1-(d), 2.2.6.2-(d)). (e) Possibly, the retroflex approximant/.II and the palatal semivowel /j/ (2.2.6.1-(f), -(g), 2.2.6.2-(f), -(g)) constitute a natural class. See 2.5-[4]. That is, mainly in terms of place of articulation, 'apico-alveolar' is the largest natural class, followed by its opposite: non-apico-alveolar. Other classes are much smaller. As seen above, when apico-alveolars function as a natural class, they consist of sonorants only (jr, 1, n/), i.e. liquids and the nasal, and exclude the stop (jdl). When non-apico-alveolars function as a natural class, they consist of stops only, nasals only, or a nasal and a stop. When peripherals function as a natural class, they cornprise the nasals only (/m, 1]1), and exclude the stops (/b, g/) and the semivowel (/w/). This indicates that, when a given group of phonemes function as a natural class, there are preferences between places and manners of articulation as shown below. (2-88) Preferences: a. apico-alveolars b. non-apico-alveolars c. peripherals

sonorants nasals, stops nasals

There appears to be no place of articulation which prefers stops, to the exclusions of sonorants. (See 2.5 for more on natural classes.) [3] Relative order of members and syllable contact Intra-root and inter-morphemic clusters exhibit very similar orders of the members. [3-1] Intra-root clusters (Table 2-18) Bi-consonantal clusters exhibit the following orders (repeated from 2.2.6.1).

Phonotactics

117

(2-89) Intra-root hi-consonantal clusters: (a) homorganic N-plus-S clusters (/mb, nd, JlJ, IJg/). (b) apico-alveolar sonorant (/r, 1, nl) + non-apico-alveolar stop (/b, J, g/). (c) apico-alveolar liquid (jr, 11) + non-apico-alveolar nasal (jm, Jl, IJ/). (d) apico-alveolar liquid (jr, 11) +semivowel lw/ (e) apico-alveolar nasal (In/) + peripheral nasal (jm, I]/). (t) liquid !J./ or semivowel ljl + non-apico-alveolar stop (/b, J, g/). (g) liquid Ill or semivowel lj/ + non-apico-alveolar nasal (lrn., J1, I]/). In each combination, the first member is a nasal, a liquid, or the semivowel lj! They are all sonorants. (But lw/, which is a sonorant, does not occur here.) The second member is often, though not always, a stop. But the second member may be a nasal (jm, J1, IJ) or the semivowel /w/ Intra-root tri-consonantal clusters exhibit the relative order of its mem hers shown in (2-90). (2-90) Intra-root tri-consonantal clusters: liquid (/r, 1, 11) or ljl +nasal (lrn., n, Jl, IJ/) + non-apico-alveolar stop (/b, J, g/) [3-2] Inter-morphemic clusters Bi-consonantal clusters exhibit the following orders (repeated from 2.2.6.2). (2-91) Inter-morphemic hi-consonantal clusters: (a) homorganic stop-plus-nasal clusters (/m-b, n-d, ]1-J/, not IIJ-gl). (b) apico-alveolar sonorant (In, r, Ill)+ stop (/b, d, J, g/). (c) apico-alveolar liquid (jr, 11) +peripheral nasal (jm, I]/). (d) apico-alveolar liquid (/r, 1/) +semivowel (/j, w/). (e) apico-alveolar nasal (In/)+ nasal (lrn., n, IJ/). (t) liquid Ill or semivowel (/j/) + non-apico-alveolar stop (/b, J, g/). (g) liquid Ill or semivowel ljl + non-apico-alveolar nasal (/m, J1, I]/). others: lrn.J, mg, IDIJ, pb, JliJ, dg, di], nw, jjl. In (a) to (g), the first rnem her is a nasaL a liquid or the semivowel lj/ The second member is a stop, a nasal, or a semivowel. It is difficult to make any generalization about clusters of 'others'. Tri-consonantal clusters show the following order. (2-92) Inter-morphemic tri-consonantal clusters: liquid (/r, 1, 11) or ljl + nasal (/m, n, I]l, but not 1]1/) + non-apico-alveolar stop (lb, gl, not IJ/) Compare (2-92) with (2-90). Unlike intra-root clusters, inter-morphemic ones lack the nasal Ipi for the second member, and the stop IJI for the third. This is another difference between intra-root and inter-morphemic clusters.

118

Phonology

The relative order of consonants and semivowels in clusters can be shown very roughly in (2-93). Vowels are added for comparison. '>' means 'precedes'. (See below for sonority, strength, and syllable contact.) (2-93)

vowels> liquids> semivowels >nasals> stops less sonorous

more sonorous weaker syllable-final

(sonority)

stronger (strength) syllable-initial (syllable contact)

The evidence for this ordering is as follows. (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi)

'Nasal> stop' is supported by (2-89-a, -b), (2-90), (2-91-a, -b), (2-92). 'Liquid> stop': (2-89-b, -f), (2-90), (2-91-b, -f), (2-92). 'Liquid> nasal': (2-89-c, -g), (2-90), (2-91-c, -g), (2-92). 'Liquid> semivowel': (2-89-d), (2-91-d). 'Semivowel> stop': (2-89-f), (2-91-f). 'Semivowel> nasal': (2-89-g), (2-90), (2-91-g), (2-92).

(Also, there is some evidence to group vowels and liquids as against nasals. See 4.7.3.) Similar rankings of phonemes have been proposed by other scholars. These rankings are claimed to show the degree of (i) sonority of these phonemes, including vowels, and (ii) inversely, the strength of semivowels and consonants. On this view, the first phoneme in a cluster is more sonorous (or weaker) than the segment that follows. In (2-93), liquids are considered more sonorous (or weaker) than semivowels. In this respect, it is similar to the rankings proposed by Hankamer and Aissen (1974) and by Suzuki (1989), and it differs from those set up by Hooper (1976), :Murray and Vennemann (1983), Zwicky (1972) and many others, where the relative ranking of liquids and semivowels is reversed. As for the nasals, (2-89-e) and (2-91-e) indicate '/n/ > /m, !]I' Furthermore, /mr.]l of 'others' of Table 2-19 points to 'lml > lrj/', and 1'1!]1 of 'others' shows '1If < 1!]1' Jointly they suggest: (2-94) In! > /m, pi

1!]1

There is no evidence to relatively rank /m/ and /pl. As for stops, /dgt of 'others' suggests: (2-95) /dl > /gl There is no evidence to relatively rank other stops. The cluster /dg/ occurs in /wa.Iaji-d-gu/ 'one's own-LINK-DAT' (2.2.6.2). It is the only stop+stop cluster in Warrongo.

Phonotactics

119

Note that In/ of (2-94) and /dl of (2-95) are apico-alveolar, and that lrjl and lgl are (dorso-)velar. That is, apico-alveolars may be the most sonorous (or weakest) and velars the least sonorous (or strongest). There are two exceptions to the generalization of (2-93): lnwl (nasal > semivowel) and ldijl (stop >nasal) of 'others'. Also, in each of the clusters Inn! and ljjl, the two members are the same phoneme and consequently they are equal in terms of sonority or strength. At least these clusters are not exceptions to (2-93). These four clusters occur across a morpheme boundary, and not in roots. In this respect, the restrictions are weaker on inter-morphemic clusters than on intra-root clusters. Note that In/ of /nw/ and /d/ of /dij/ are apico-alveolar, and lwl and lrjl are velar. Taking (2-94), (2-95), lnwl and ldijl into consideration, it is possible to set up the following hierarchy: (2-96) apico-alveolar >

bilabial, lam ino-palatal

more sonorous weaker syllable-final

>

velar

less sonorous stronger syllable-initial

If this is the case, lnwl and ldijl conform to (2-96), although they are exceptions to (2-93). The rankings of consonants and semivowels cited above also concern the phenomenon of syllable contact. For example, Murray and Vennernann (1983: 514) state that there is 'a universal preference for syllable onsets [i.e. cluster-final consonants/semivowels- TT] that are at least as strong as the preceding syllable offset [i.e. cluster-initial consonant/semivowel - TT]' On this view, (2-93) (manners of articulation) and (2-96) (places of articulation) summarize the 'syllable contact laws' ofWarrongo.

2.2.7. Syllables: onset and coda In 2.2.4, we looked at the syllable types that occur in words, in roots, in suffixes, and in enclitics. In the following, we shall consider syllables in words and roots, and not those in suffixes alone or enclitics alone. As noted in 2.2.4-[2], tri-consonant clusters present a problem for syllabification. The second member of a given cluster may be assigned to the preceding syllable or the following syllable. In the following, we shall be concerned with hi-consonantal clusters only. As seen in 2.2.4, words and roots exhibit the following four types of syllables: ev, eve, ev:, and eve. Among them, ev and eve are very common, while the latter two are eA1:remely uncommon. We shall look at each of these four types. Many examples ofeV and eve were given in 2.1.2, among others.

120

[1]

Phonology

cv

All of the consonants and sem ivowels are attested in the position of C. [2] C1VC2 This has yielded at least the following patterns (and no doubt there are more). (a) C1 is any stop and C2 is a nasal, a liquid or the semivowel /j/ (but not /w/; see below). This pattern is by far the most frequent, e.g. /baQ_gaj/ 'spear', lba.r_bi_la/ 'echidna', lbal_banl 'bone' (b) C1 is the semivowel /j/ and C2 is the stop /dl: /wa_Ja_ji-d-gu/ 'one's ownLINK-DAT', /.ru_bi_jid-I]u_majl 'Rosevale-ABL'. Syllables ending in a stop are unusual in Warrongo. (As noted in 2.2.6.3, /dl is the only linking interfix that consists of a stop. Bona fide Warrongo roots do not end in a stop. /.rubijidl 'Rosevale' is a loan.) (c) C1 is a nasal and C2 is a liquid or the semivowel/j/ (but not /w/), e.g. /mar_ga/ 'thin', /ma.J_bUJ 'louse', /mal_ba/ 'dance style', /gi_ca_maj/ 'Girramay', /nai_I]il 'to shake' /Jla.f_ga/ 'down', /Qa.r_gun/ 'blood', lba_da_Qall 'downstream-to', /ja1_Quj/ 'avoidance style'. (d) Cl is a liquid or a semivowel and C2 is a nasal, e.g. II]a_cam_bil 'to hear', /ju_di_ga_ca-n! 'swim-ITER-NF', lba:_ba_.Jaml 'Mbabaram', /I]U_.J\p_Jill '(placename)', /ja_lam/ 'wave', /jam_ba/ 'camp', /jan_ba_ca/ 'long spear', /gi_jl\fl/ 'mussel shell', ljaQ_ga/ 'to look for', /wam_bi_rrul 'Wambino' (1.5.4.2-[1]), /wan_Jal 'hole', /wa.Jl_Jal 'where', /waQ_gun_di_1a/ '(placename)' (e) C1 is a liquid and C2 is the semivowel /jl (but not /w/), e.g. /gi_JU_cuj/ 'centipede', /ju_.1aj/ 'quiet'.

(f) C1 is a semivowel and C2 is a liquid, e.g. /jal_ga/ 'road', /wa.r_ga_maj/ 'Warrgamay',lba_wi.J/ '(placename)', /wal_wa/ 'bad'.

(g) C1 and C2 are nasal, e.g. /mam_bu/ 'back bone', /gu_mun/ 'quite', /llil\fl_Jal 'food', /maQ_ga/ 'flower', /I]a_nim_ba_cil 'how many', /ga_nan/ 'again', ~an_du/ 'ignorant', /Qam_ba/ 'half', /Q1Ql_Ji_la/ 'ant nest'. Stops as a rule do not occur syllable-finally, although there are two exceptions; see (b) above. According to the analysis adopted (2.1.5.2), /w/ does not occur syllable-finally; there is no exception.

[3] CV: This is attested in only two instances: /Qa:_Ja/ '(placename)', /ja:_c-a/ 'yard-LOC'. C1 is the nasal/1]1 or the sern ivowel /j/.

Statistics

121

[4] ClV:C2 This, too, has only two examples: /ba:n/ 'whip', /ja:.r/ 'yard'. Cl is the stop lb/ or the semivowel /j/, while C2 is the nasal /n/ or the liquid /r/. Regarding Australian languages, Di.xon (1980: 188) states that syllable-initially peripherals are the most favoured, followed by lam inals, while syllable-finally apicals are the most favoured. This generalization applies to Warrongo fairly well, as can be seen in the examples above. See also (2-96).

2.3. Statistics The statistical tendency of occurrence of phonemes will be examined, by means of a dictionary count (2.3.1) and by a text count (2.3.2). 2.3.1. Statistics (1): dictionary count This dictionary count is based on approximately 1600 roots in Tsunoda (2003). The figures for root-initial and root-final positions are given in Table 2-20. The four dots indicate that the phoneme in question is (or appears to be) prohibited in this position. There are two roots that end in the stop ldl (2.2.5.1-[3]). But they are both loans from English. They constitute only 0.2% of root-final phonemes. Also, rootinitial /a/ and /a:/ are exceptional (2.2.3.1-[1], -[2]). These roots will be ignored in the following discussion of statistics. Table 2-20. Phoneme frequency (1): dictionary connt

root-initial lbl

ldl ljl /g/ lml

In/ /pi

/zy

23% 1% 13% 25% 10% 0.4% 2% 6%

ld

Ill Ill /j/ /w/

Ia/ Iii lui /a;/

2% 7% 10% 0.2%

root-final

} } }

62o/

18.4o/

}

}

2% 17%

0.2%

0.2%

0.3% 7% 1% 1% 1% 5% 4% 58% 11% 12%

} } }

0.2o/

8.3o/

7%

}

4%

}

81%

122

Phonology

[1] Root-initial position Stops are the most frequent (62%), followed by nasals (18.4%), and semivowels (17%). /:r/ is the least frequent (2%). This situation can be shown as follows. (2-97) Phoneme frequency in root-initial position: l:r/ semivowels, nasals

stops

most common

least common

The relative frequency of /:r/ (a liquid), semivowels, nasals and stops is exactly the same as the relative order of consonants and semivowels in consonant clusters shown in (2-93)- except that the other two liquids k, 11 do not occur root-initially (Table 2-17). Among the stops, peripherals (/b/ 23%, /g/25%: 48% in all) are the most frequent, followed by the lamino-palatal/JI (13%). The apico-alveolar /dl is the least frequent (1%). The same applies to nasals. Peripherals (/m/ 10%, /rjl 60/o) are the most frequent, followed by the !amino-palatal /p/ (2%). The apico-alveolar In! (0.4%) is the least frequent. [2] Root-final position Vowels (81%) are overwhelmingly the most frequent. Among them, /a/ (58%) is by far the most frequent, and /u/ (12%) and /il (11%) are almost exactly equally frequent. This is shown in Table 2-21. Consonants and the semivowel /j/ are uncommon, and it is difficult to generalize about them. At least, among the consonants, In/ (7)1o) and Ill (5%) (both apico-alveolars) are the most common. [3] Vowels In both root-initial and root-second syllables, again /a/ is by far the most frequent, followed by lui, and /il is the least frequent. See Table 2-21. According to Chomsky and Halle (1968: 409), among vowels, /a/ is the least marked, followed by /~ u/, and there is no difference in terms of markedness between /i/ and /u/. Among the Warrongo vowels, /a/ is by far the most frequent in each of these three positions, exactly as expected. Now, since lui and /il have the same degree of markedness according to Chomsky and Halle's analysis, they would be e"-'Pected to be equally frequent. However, this does not apply to Warrongo. lui is consistently more frequent than Iii (although the difference is very small root-finally). As far as their frequency is concerned, /u/ may be considered less marked than Iii in Warrongo. Table 2-21. Frequency of vowels

in root-initial syllable in root-second syllable root-finally

Ia!

lui

Iii

52% 57% 58%

34% 27% 12%

14% 17% 11%

Statistics

123

Table 2-22. Phoneme frequency (2): text connt

word-initial lbl /dl

ljl /g/ lml In/

/pi /rj/

ld !JJ Ill /j/ /w/ Ia! /if lui /all

13% 0% 6% 13% 6% 0% 2% 25% 0% 27% 9% OCJ/

0%

word-final

} } }

32o/

33%

Oo/

} 36%

}

Oo/

0% 5% 0% 1% 0% 6% 9% 38% 20% 20% 0%

} } } }

Oo/

5%

7o/ 9%

}

78o/

2.3.2. Statistics (2): text count This text count is based on the first 100 words of the texts in Tape 72/26; this portion of the texts is included in Text 1. The dictionary count (2.3.1) concerns roots. However, this text count deals with words. This is because, in texts, nouns and verbs (and verbs in particular) are generally combined with an inflectional suffix. Here, by words, we mean 'word' as shown in (2-78), i.e. an enclitic is considered to be part of the word in question. This text count looks at only 100 words, but it does not seem worthwhile to expand the sample. An expanded sample is likely to produce much the same result. Consider Table 2-22. In the main, Table 2-22 shows a similar tendency to that in Table 2-20, except for two notable differences in the initial positions. First, /rj/ is 6% by the dictionary count., but it is 25% by the text count., about four times more frequent. This is due to the frequent occurrence of h:Jaja/ '1SG.NOMIERG' and ll]una-IJUIDaj/ 'that-after' ('after that; and then'; 3.8.1-[9]) in the texts. Second, /j/ is 7% by the dictionary count, but it is 27%• by the text count., again about four times more frequent. In the texts, /jani/ 'to go/come' occurs very frequently. See Texts 1 and 2 for examples.

124

Phonology

2.4. Alternation between phonemes Alternations between a consonant and another consonant (or a semivowel) are attested. All of them occur in Alf Palmer's data. One of them occurs in Alec Collins' data, as well; see [5].

[1] 11/-/r/ In AlfPalmer's speech, Ill is sometimes pronounced as /r/. For example, in TeA1: 2, Line 41, !Jilbaj/ 'knowing' sounds like [d.3irbai]. This may be a phonetic variant of Ill. However, there are cases where the pronunciation of [r] occurs frequently enough for it to be recognized as manifesting the phoneme /r/. See (2-98) and (299). In the case of /gimbira/ in (2-100), only [r] occurs, and not [1], hence /r/. (2-98) lbiJil/, /bijir/ 'wide'

lbiJil-I]a/, /biJir-IJal 'wide-TR'

(2-99) /I]alban/ 'fast'

II] arb an/ 'fast'

(2-100) /gimbil Vt, Vi 'blow [of wind]'

/gimbil-gimbiV 'windy'

/gimbiJ-....gimbir/ 'windy'

/gimbiral 'fart'

Regarding (2-100), the verb /gimbil 'to blow' appears to belong to L-class (cf. Table 3-14); this is reflected in its derivative word /gimbil-gimbiV 'windy' Regarding (2-99), II]arban/ 'fast' seems to be used for emphasis. An example from the texts, in which a man says to his wife, 'Walk fast!': jinda IJarbanl (2-101) II]arban nganvan-0! yinda ngarrban-0! fast-NOM 2SG.NOM fast-NOM '[Walk] fast! You [walk] fast! Taking these facts into account, the forms involving IV may be the older ones. See 3.11.1.7-[11] for more on Ill and/r/. Phonetically II]arban/ in (2-101) is [IJarpan]. That is, /b/ is voiceless. As noted in 2.1.3.2.6-[3], II]arbanJ is the only instance in which /b/ is voiceless in a liquidplus-stop cluster. In other instances, lbl is voiced consistently.

[2] /pi- /j/ In this alternation and those discussed below, relevant forms occur in some other languages. In (2-1 02) and those that follow, the languages are ordered roughly from north to south. A broken line indicates the boundary between Dixon's Herbert River Group (which includes Dyirbal (i.e. Jirrbal Girrarnay, etc.), Warrgamay

Alternation between phonemes

125

and Nyawaygi) and the Mari subgroup (which includes Warrongo, Gugu-Badhun, Gujal and Biri). Warrongo neighbours the Herbert River Group. See Table 1-1 and Map 5. (The data on Alec Collins' Warrongo and on Gujal are from Peter Sutton.) There are two sets of alternations that involve '/pi- /j/' First, consider: (2-102)

'sand goanna' Jirrbal of Dyirbal (my data from Tommy Springcart) Warrgamay (Di.xon 1981: 114) Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 506)

/jagapi /jagapi 'big goanna'

AlfPalmer's Warrongo Alec Collins' Warrongo Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 210) Gujal

/jagapi, /jagaj/ /jagajl /gagaj/ /gagaj/

(The correspondence between the palatal /j/ and the dental /Q/ is regular; see Table 1-4.) Second, consider: (2-103)

'fingernail' Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 399)

/bigup/

Alec Collins' Warrongo AlfPalmer's Warrongo Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 208)

lbigupl /bigup/, /biguj/ /biguj/

In Warrongo, the ergative and the locative forms of /pgaj/ 'sand goanna', for instance, are /jagap-JU! and /jagap-ja/, as is the case with lbaiJgaj/ 'spear'; see Table 2-15. The same is true of /biguj/ 'finger nail'. This suggests that, with the forms 'sand goanna' and those for 'finger nail', the form ending in /pi is the older form and that ending in /j/ is an innovation. That is, regarding this change from /pi to lj/, in the main the Herbert River Group is conservative, and the Mari subgroup is innovative.

[3] /g/- ljl (2-104)

'liver' Jirrbal of Dyirbal (my data from Tommy Springcart) Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 123) Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 508) AlfPalmer's Warrongo Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 196)

/jib a! /giba/ /giba-giba/ /giba/ ([geba]), /jibal ([
126

Phonology

It seems likely that the change is /g/ -> ljl; cf. Latin genus (the initial consonant is a velar stop) and English genus (the initial consonant is a palatal affricate). That is, /giba/ is the older form and !Jiba/ is an innovated form. (See 2.1.4.3-[1], -[2]-(e) for the phonetic realizations of /giba/ ([geba]) and /jiba/ ([~ba]) in Alf Palmer's speech.)

[4] !J/-Ij/ Consider (2-55) and the following forms in Alf Palmer's Warrongo. (2-105)

lbula.Ii!

/bula.Ii-bula.Ii! 'two-two (i.e. four)'

*/bulaji/

lbulaji-bulaji/ 'two-two (i.e. four)'

(Phonetically, /ji/ of /bulaji-bulaji/ is [i] (2.1.4.3-[1], 2.1.5.1.2-[3]-(b-1).) (2-106)

lbunbul/ 'smoke'

/bunbul-baJa/ 'big smoke' (Jalngoy?)

/bunbu-baJa! 'big smoke' (Jalngoy?)

--------------------------------------------------------------------

(2-107)

!Jam. if 'fat (not meat)'

/bunbul-baja/ 'smoke' (Jalngoy?)

/bunbu-baja! 'smoke' (Jalngoy?)

/jami-ba.Ia! 'fat (not thin)'

/jami-baja/ 'fat (not thin)'

(2-108)

/guli/ 'angry'

/guli-ba.Ia/ 'angry'

/guli-baja/ 'angry'

(2-109)

/gunda! 'darkness'

/gunda-ba.Ial 'sky', 'bright (not dark)'

/gunda-baja/ 'dark'

(The meaning of /gunda-ba.Ial seems unpredictable.) Clearly a suffix is involved in these forms, and it shows the alternation of 'lba.Ial- /baja/' (But its function is not clear; see 3.7.1-[8], -[9].) What appears to be a cognate is attested as follows. (2-110) lba.Ial Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 226) Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 34)

lba.Ial 'comparative' lba.Ial 'comparative'

AlfPalmer's Warrongo lba.Ial, /baja/ (meaning unknown) Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 103-104) lba.Ial (meaning unknown)

Alternation between phonemes

121

Only Alf Palmer's Warrongo exhibits the alternation of '/ba.~a/ -/baj af There is a phonetic similarity between Ill and /j/ Recall that phonetically l:r/ is realized generally as a retroflex approximant and occasionally as a retroflex flap (2.1.3.1). In each set of the relevant forms in (2-56) and (2-105) to (2-110), l:r/ seems to be (always?) realized as a retroflex approximant. Now, Jakobson, Fant and Halle (1967: 22) note: 'As for the so-called "continuant [i.e. approximant-TT] r", it is actually a non-syllabic vowel' That is, the Warrongo l:r/, when realized as a retroflex approximant, is a non-syllabic vowel, like lj/. Dixon (2002: 576, 627) reports the diachronic change of l:r/--+ lj!- and also that of lrl --+ ljl- from a few other Australian languages. In view of this, the change in Warrongo seems to be l:r/--+ lj!, and not ljl--+ l:r/. [5] /bl -!ml This alternation occurs not only AlfPalrner's data, but also Alec Collins'. (2-111) 'to cut' Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 403) Warrgarnay (Dixon 1981: 117) Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 508) AlfPalmer's Warrongo Alec Collins' Warrongo Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 216) Ranji Pope's Gujal Biri (my data)

/gllllbal lgunbal /gllllbal lgllllbal, lgunma/ /gllllbal, /gunma/ lgunma/ lgunma/ /gulmal

AlfPalmer's data exhibit the alternation of 'lbl -lmf (/gunbal is far more frequent than lgunmal.) A possible line of development is as follows: lgulma/ -+ /gunma/ --+ /gunba/ The first change (/1/ --+ In!) involves assimilation (to the following nasal), and the second change (!ml --+ lbl) involves dissimilation (away from the preceding nasal). The alternative scenario is the opposite: lgunba/--+ lgunma/--+ lgulma/. There is no evidence to prefer one hypothesis to the other. [6] Ill and In! (2-112) 'to squeeze' Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 402) Warrgarnay (Dixon 1981: 115) AlfPalrner's Warrongo

IJUimal IJUillll a/ IJUimal, IJUillllal

A possible line of change is: IJUlmal -+ IJunmal The alternative is: IJUillllal --+ IJUimal. Again, there is no evidence to prefer one hypothesis to the other. Note that [5], too, exhibits the alternation between IV and In!. In [5] the form involving Ill (/gulma/) occurs in the Mari subgroup. In contrast, in [6] the form

128

Phonology

involving IV (IJU.Imal) occurs in the Herbert River group. That is, this correspondence is irregular. In Alf Palmer's data, there is also one instance of each of the following alternations: ldl -lrl and Ill- In!; see Table 3-4. There are two instances of IJ!- In!; see Table 3-4 and 4.7.3-[4].

2.5. Natural classes Natural classes may be recognized on the basis of phonotactics, synchronic alternations, diachronic changes, and allomorphy, among others. In Warrongo, the synchronic alternations discussed in 2.4 appear to be results of diachronic changes. Natural classes proposed for Warrongo are listed in [1] (phonotactics), in [2] (synchronic alternations), in [3] (allomorphy of case suffixes) and discussed in [4]. Some of the classes are very small, consisting of just two members, while others are somewhat larger. It is sometimes very difficult to make a 'natural' generalization. Such classes are 'unnatural' (Lass 1991: 82). [1] Natural classes (1): in terms ofphonotactics In terms of the possibilities in consonant clusters (2.2.6.1, 2.2.6.2), it is fairly easy to set up 'natural' classes. They can be classified as follows. (i-1) Homorganic nasal-plus-stop clusters (/mb, nd, JlJ, IJg/) (2.2.6.1-(a)). (i-2) Non-apico-alveolar nasal-plus-stop homorganic clusters (/mb, JlJ, IJg/) (2.2.6.1-(h)). (i-3) Non-velar nasal-plus-stop clusters (lrnb, nd, JlJ/) (2.2.6.2-(a)). (ii-1) Apico-alveolar sonorants (/r, I, n/) (2.2.6.1-(b), 2.2.6.2-(b)). Furthermore, they are alike in that they seem to be prohibited word-initially and root-initially. (ii-2) Apico-alveolar liquids (/r, 1) (2.2.6.1-(c), -(d), 2.2.6.2-(c), -(d)). (iii-1) Stops /b, d, J, gl (2.2.6.2-(b)). (iii-2) Non-apico-alveolar stops (/b, J, g/) (2.2.6.1-(b), -(f), 2.2.6.2-(f)). (iv-1) Non-apico-alveolar nasals (lm, JI, I]/) (2.2.6.1-(c), -(g), 2.2.6.1-(g)). (iv-2) Peripheral nasals (/m, I]/) (2.2.6.1-(e), 2.2.6.2-(c), -(e)). (v) Semivowels (/j, w/) (2.2.6.1-(d), 2.2.6.2-(d)). (vi-1) Liquids (/r, l, 11) and palatal semivowel ljl (2.2.6.1-(h), 2.2.6.2-(h)). (vi-2) Retroflex approximant IJ! and palatal semivowel ljl (2.2.6.1-(f), -(g), 2.2.6.2(f), -(g)). (vii) 11, r, jl (2.2.6.1-(i)). This class does not seem 'natural'. The classes listed above are recognized on the basis of the occurrence of phonemes in consonant clusters. All of them are 'natural', except for (vii). Furthermore, in terms of the possibilities in structural positions (Table 2-17), the following classes can be set up. However, they do not seem 'natural', in contrast with the classes listed above.

Natural classes

129

(viii-1) Stops (lb, d, J, g/) and velar sonorants (/IJ, w/): prohibited word-finally. (viii-2) Non-apico-alveolar stops (/b, J, g/) and velar sonorants (II], w/): prohibited root-finally. (ix) /b, r, J, 1, j, w/: attested suffix-medially and inter-vocalically in suffixes. /b, J, g, m, n, p, r, w/: attested enclitic-initially. (x) (xi) !J, m, 1, w/: attested enclitic-medially. (xii) Vowels (/a, i, u/), apico-alveolar sonorants (In, r, l/), and palatal semi-vowel /j/: attested suffix-finally. (xiii) Vowels (/a, if, u/) and In, 11: attested enclitic-finally. [2] Natural classes (2): in terms of synchronic alternations The following alternations between phonemes are observed in Alf Palmer's Warrongo (2.4-[1] to -[6]). (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi)

Apico-alveolar: lateral Ill - rhotic lr/ (2.4-[1]) Palatal: nasal /pi- semivowel /j/ (2.4-[2]) Velar stop /g/- palatal stop !JI (2.4-[3]) Retroflex approximant !J/- palatal semivowel/j/ (2.4-[4]) Bilabial: stop /b/- nasal/m/ (2.4-[5]) Apico-alveolar: lateral /11- nasal/n/ (2.4-[6])

[3] Natural classes (3): mainly in terms of the allomorphy of case suffixes (3.2.1.1) (i) (ii) (iii) (iv)

Liquids: /r, J, 11 (3.2.1.1-[2]-(c)) Palatal non-nasals: /j, J! (3.2.1.1-[4]). See (2-47). Palatal sonorants: /j, Jl! (3.2.1.1-[2]-(d-2), -[4]-(b-2)) Peripheral non-nasals: /g, w/ (3.2.1.1-[5]). See (2-60).

[4] Discussion We have looked at 'natural' classes in terms of[l] phonotactics, [2] synchronic alternations, and [3] mainly in terms ofthe allomorphy of case suffixes. Regarding place of articulation, the most recurrent feature is 'apico-alveolar' (referred to eight times), followed by 'non-apico-alveolar' (seven times), and 'peripheral' (three times). The fact that the feature 'apico-alveolars' is recurrent as against all the other places of articulation supports Dixon's (1980: 188) generalization for Australian languages that apicals are the least marked. As for manner of articulation, the recurrent features are 'semivowel' (seven times), 'nasal' (six times), 'stop' (four times), 'liquid' (four times), 'sonorant' (three times), and 'nasal-plus-stop homorganic' (three times). As seen in [1]-(ii-1), -(ii-2) above, and also noted in 2.2.6.3-[2], where the feature 'apico-alveolar' is invoked, the stop member /d/ is always excluded. The term 'liquids' refers to 'the laterals (1-sounds) and the various intermittent r-sounds' (Jakobson, Fant, and Halle 1967: 19; cf. also Ladefoged 1975: 79 and

130

Phonology

Lass 1991: 83), i.e. 11, r, Jl in the case of Warrongo. This term is useful, as seen above. However, there is evidence to divide them into /1, r/ and /:r/. The evidence for grouping of 11, r/, to the exclusion of Ill, is in [1]-(ii-2) (four times) (and also perhaps [1]-(ii-1) (twice). In contrast, /J.! often behaves together with the palatal semivowel /jt, not /1, r/; see [1]-(vi-2) (four times). This shows that /JI should be grouped with /j/. Recall that an approximant /J.! is a non-syllabic voweL like /j/. It is a controversial issue in Australian linguistics whether to group /J.! with lr! under the rubric of 'rhotics', or to group it with semivowels (/j, w/) (McGregor 1988, Dixon 2002: 574-575). As far as Warrongo is concerned, it is best to group /J.! with /j/, in contrast with the group of /L r/.

2.6. •Phonological processes' A small number of phonological processes can be recognized. Except for the apprehensional suffix for verbs (see [2]-(c-1) below), they are all sporadic and nonproductive, and have a limited range of application. Except for the apprehensional suffix, all (or most) of the attested instances are listed. [1] Vowel copying The suffix !JVI is added to a noun root or a verb root, and the root-final vowel is copied in the vowel of the suffix. The suffix generally seems to mean 'many' See 3.7.1-[16] (nouns) and3.11.1.4 (verbs). [2] Epenthesis Almost all the epenthetic rules involve insertion of a nasal, with one exception (insertion of /j/). The epenthetic segments are considered interfixes. (a) Insertion of /m/ Examples: (2-113) /gubi/ 'native doctor'

/gubi -m-bu1u/ 'native doctor'

lrjani/ 'what'

/IJani-m-bari/ 'how many'

lbaraj-m-baraj/ 'in the morning' /dab a/ 'black palm'

/daba-bulu/ 'Black Palm (a place on Stone River)'

For comparison, an example in which this rule does not apply (i.e. /daba-bulul) is included. Similarly for (2-113) and (2-115). See 3.7.1-[5] for /bulu/, and 3.7.1-[6] for lbari/. In Warrongo, the meaning of /bulul is not clear, but Warrgamay has

'Phonological processes'

131

the noun-stem-forming suffix /bulul 'very, lots of' (Dixon 1981: 34). See (1-12). The meaning of the placename /daba-bulul may be '[a place with] many black palms' Etymologically, /gubi-m-bulul may mean 'true native doctor' or the like. (Stone River appears to be in Warrongo territory (1.4.1)). See 3.8.2-[1] for /baraj-m-baraj/. The non-reduplicated form lbarajt is not attested in Warrongo, but it occurs in DyirbaL with the meaning 'next week' (Dixon 1972: 399). /m/-insertion is also attested in the transitive-stem-forming suffix /(m)bal (4.7.3). (b) Insertion of /n/ A set of examples involving /wamaj/ 'good':

(2-114) /wamaj/ 'good' /wamaj-n-biii-bil 'good-n-?-INTR'

/wamaj-n-bil 'good-n-INTR'

/wamaj-n-bi.Iil 'good-n-?'

/wamaj-bil 'good-INTR'

/wamaj-IJal 'good-TR'

See 4.7.1 for the intmnsitive-stem-forming suffix /bil, and 4.7.2 for the transitive-stem-forming suffix /I]al. /wamajt by itself is not attested in Alf Palmer's Warrongo, but it occurs in Alec Collin's data, in Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 222), and in Ranji Pope's Gujal (Sutton data). (The verb wamay-n-bi-n 'good-LINKINTR-NF' occurs in Text 3, Line 32.) /n/-insertion also occurs in certain inflected forms of certain nouns (Table 3-3), demonstmtives (Table 3-5), and pronouns (Table 3-6). It is possibly involved in the plural suffix /nbal; see 3.7.1-[15]. (c) Insertion of lrjl This is attested in the following. (c-1) The apprehensional forms of verbs. Verbs are of three classes: L-class, Y-class, and ZERO-class. The apprehensional forms involve the suffix /gal. In the apprehensional forms, II]! is absent in L-class, but it is obligatorily inserted in Y-class and ZERO-class (Table 3-14). Examples: (2-115) L-class /balga-1-ga/ 'hit-L-APPR'

Y-class /pina-j-g-ga/ 'sit-Y-IJ-APPR'

ZERO-class /wadali-g-ga/ 'run-(ZERO-)IJ-APPR'

As noted above, /I]!- insertion in apprehensional forms is productive. (c-2) The dative of one of the two groups of y-final stems (Table 3-2), e.g. /baiJgajg-gu/ 'spear-IJ-DAT' There is also a dative form that does not involve lrj/: /baiJgajgu/ 'spear-DAT'

132

Phonology

(c-3) The feminine suffix /gan/ almost always follows /jl (there are three exceptions) and, when /gan/ follows /j/, /rjl is obligatorily (?) inserted between /jl and /g/. All the instances, including the exceptions, are listed in 3.7.1-[17]. For example, compare: (2-116) [ko:i] /guwuj/ 'male.ghost' /bimu/ 'WM'

[koii.Jgan] /guj-g-gan/ 'ghost-IJ-FEM'

[jab:.]gai] /jalngaj/ 'single.man'

[jab:.]gaii.Jgan] /jalngaj-g-gan/ 'single.man-IJ-FEM'

/bimu-gan/ 'WM-FEM'

!Julbun! 'spouse'

!Julbun-gan/ 'spouse-FEM'

(The suffix /gan/ seems redundant in /bimu-gan/ 'wife's mother'.) Additional examples are shown in Table 1-7. Sections terms for feminine members involve the epenthetic /rjl followed by the fern inine suffix /g an!. (c-4) !Juwaj-g-guru/ 'term by which brothers-in-law call (address? refer to?) each other'; cf. /juwaj/ 'brother-in-law' (probably, 'WB', and not 'HB') (1.5.7). However, lrjl is not involved in /wagaj-guru/ '(man's name)' (1.5.4.2-[1]); cf. /wagaj/ 'wishbone' (d) Insertion of /j/ All the epenthetic rules discussed above involve insertion of a nasal. But there is one that involves the insertion of the semivowel /j/. Section terms for female members involve the insertion of /j/, followed by another epenthetic element /rjl and the feminine suffix /gan/ (see (c-3)). (In addition, two of them exhibit the root-final vowel alternation of lui and /a!.) There is another example of /jl-insertion; compare /wapJal 'where' and /wapJa-j-mu/ 'where-j-from' (3.8.1-[5]).

It seems, on the basis of (a) to (c), that nasal insertion tends to occur following a phonetic [i] or [e], i.e. /j/ or /il. For example, compare /gubi-m-bulu/ [kobembolo] 'native doctor' and /daba-bulu/ [dababolo] 'Black Palm' Also, all the verbs of Y-class involve /j/ [i] before the apprehensional suffix, e.g. /pina-j-IJ-gat [JlinaiiJga]. Verb stems of ZERO-class end in /i/ ([i] or [e]), e.g. /wadali-1]-ga/ [wadaleiJga]. This suggests that position immediately following [i] or [e] (jjl or Iii) is a preferred environment for nasal insertion. Then, it is possible to say that, in the section terms for female members, ljl is inserted in order to create a preferred environment for nasal insertion (i.e. the insertion off /rjl). All of these epenthetic segments are referred to as linking interfixes in the present work. [3] Insertion or deletion of Ill Consider the following examples.

Stress

(2-117) a. lbirgil/ 'cold weather'

lbirgi-ba.Ial 'cold-?', i.e. 'cold weather'

/birgi-ba.Ia-bil 'cold-?-INTR

lbilllbul-ba.Ial 'big smoke'

/billlbu-ba.~a/

lbilllbul-baj a/ 'smoke' (Jalngoy?)

/billlbu-baj a/ 'smoke' (Jalngoy?)

/gagal-bi/ 'big, hard-INTR'

/gag al-i/ 'hard, strong-INTR'

/gag a-brua/ 'big-'?', i.e. 'big'

/gag a-ba.Ia-bi/ 'big-?-INTR'

/gaga-ba.Ia-IJal 'big-?-TR'

/gaga-Jaril 'big-'?', i.e. 'big'

/gag a-lii 'big-APPL' (4.14.2.5-(b))

b. lbilllbul/ 'smoke' (Jalngoy?)

c. /gagal/ 'big, hard (not soft)'

133

'big smoke' (Jalngoy?)

(See 3.7.1-[7], -[8], and -[9] for /gaga-Jaril, /balal and lbaja/, respectively. See 3.11.1.6 for the intransitive-stem -forming suffix /if.) Two analyses are possible: (i) to say that the roots contain /11, and that Ill is deleted in certain words, and (ii) to say that the roots do not contain /11, and that Ill is added in certain words. But the conditioning factor for the presence/absence of this Ill is not known. Compare, for example, lbilllbul-ba.Ial and lbunbu-ba.Ial. [4] Compensatory lengthening There is just one example. The language name 'Mbabaram' (1.4.1) was pronounced [ba:ba.ram] by Alf Palmer (1.8.4.1-[2]). The initial [m] was dropped and the short vowel [ba] was replaced with the long vowel [ba:]. This vowel lengthening is an instance of compensatory lengthening. (The rhotic in this language is 'back rhotic', and it may be 'a tap, a trill, or a rhotic continuant' (Dixon 199lb: 355-356).)

2.7. Stress Stress is not distinctive in Warrongo. Nonetheless, it does exist phonetically. It appears that in Warrongo, as in many other languages, a 'stressed syllable is pronounced with a greater amount of energy than an unstressed syllable' (Ladefoged 1975: 222). Impressionistically speaking, stress in Warrongo is generally accornpa-

134

Phonology

nied by a 'rise in pitch' (Ladefoged 1975: 223). However, this is not always the case. See the first word of (2-126)-A, for instance. The first syllable ([wa)l]) bears stress (to be precise, secondary stress), and yet it has low pitch. (The subsequent syllables are totally unstressed, but they have middle-level pitch.) That is, stress is not always accompanied by a rise in pitch. Also, again impressionistically speaking, stress in Warrongo does not seem to lengthen the vowel concerned. It has turned out to be very difficult to generalize about stress in Warrongo. The following account is highly tentative, and it is not exhaustive. Also, I have never investigated Warrongo stress instrumentally, and the following account is highly impressionistic, based on my observation. The following general tendencies may be noted. [1] Three degrees of stress It is possible to set up three degrees of stress: primary stress (shown by an acute accent), secondary stress (shown by a grave accent, where necessary or useful) and the absence of stress. However, the difference among them is not always clear-cut.

[2] Word-initial syllable In the main, stress tends to fall on the word-initial syllable. This is the most dominant tendency. Examples include the following. Disyllabic: /bama/ [bam a] 'man', /m.aguj/ [makoi] 'big carpet snake', /waJal [wa1fa] 'crow', /winga.I! [Winga.J.] 'fish'. Trisyllabic: /dulubu/ [d6lobo] 'Joyce Palmer', /I]a.]1i.ri/ [IJaJli..J.i] 'Edith Lenoy', !jaiJanal UaiJana] 'mother', lwaJaganl [wa1fagan] 'crow', /wafUIJu/ [waroiJo] 'Warrongo' Quadrisyllabic: (2-78) (/jalga-IJga=gul/). Pentasylalbic: (2-78) (h:Janiwu=baJUnl). Furthermore, in quadrisyllabic and longer words, in addition to the primary stress on the first syllable, secondary stress is sometimes observed on the third syllable. But it is not easy to distinguish this secondary stress from the absence of stress. The putative secondary stress is shown (by a grave accent) in the following examples: /baJUbala/ [ba1fobala] 'Kirrama Station' and [k~alegan] 'imaginary hairy man'. Stress seems never to fall on an enclitic or a suffix. [3] Reduplication If a given word involves reduplication (3.7.2, 3.8.2, 3.11.2), stress falls on the first syllable of each root. There appears to be no exception. (The stress on the first syllable of the second root may be considered secondary, and not primary, but this distinction is not easy to make.) Examples: lbuna-buna/ [b6nab6na] 'couch grass', !Jigif-.-.Jigir/ [d3igird31gic] 'willy wagtail', !Juda-JUdal [d,¢tad.36ta] '(placenarne)', /gaJar-gaJarl [ka1farka1far] '(Adv) going past', lm:iigan-m:iigan/ [mLJ.ganmiJ.gan] 'hill-hill', /I]arban-IJarbanl [IJarpaniJarpan] 'fast-fast', /jwaj-jwaj/ U6.J.aij6.J.ai] 'quiet-quiet', and /wuma-wuma/ [6ma6ma] 'shade-shade' The same applies to those words which exist in the reduplicated form only, e.g. /guj-guj/ [k6ik6i]

Stress

135

'mosquito', and h:Ja:-IJa:l [IJaa:~a:] (an onomatopoeic word to describe babies' cries)

(2.2. 3.1-[ 1]). As another example, compare the following: (2-118) /baJanl [Md.3an] 'to bite (NF)'

/baJab aJaiJanl [ba1faba1faiJan] 'to finish up (NF)'

Etymologically, it is not certain if these two verbs are related. Nonetheless, lhaJabaJaiJanl clearly involves reduplication of /baJa/, and stress falls on the first syllable of each of the two occurrences of this root. (The stress on the third vowel of /baJabaJaiJanl may be secondary stress.)

[4] Compounding If a given word involves compounding (3.7.3, 3.8.3, 3.11.3), (in my observation) primary (not secondary) stress falls on the first syllable of the second root, and secondary (not primary) stress on the first syllable of the first root. There appears to be no exception. Examples: IJUlaj-JlunguV[d_¢laiJ16ngol] 'tree-one (placename)' (1.5.4.3-[6], 3.7.3-[1]), and /ma.Ia-guna/ [ma.y_ag6na] 'hand-faeces' ('lazy person') (3.7.3-[1]). There are instances where the 'heaviness' of the root or suffix involved, appears to influence stress assignment. This will be discussed in [5] and [6].

[5] Bi-consonantal and tri-consonantal clusters Bi-consonantal and tri-consonantal clusters behave differently in terms of stress assignment. When the cluster is hi-consonantal, stress falls on the first syllable of the word, e.g. /bacbi.ra/ [bacbqa] 'echidna', /bacgan/ [bacgan] 'swamp wallaby', /balban/ [balban] 'bone', /bambui [barnbo] 'egg', /bujbun/ [b6ibon] 'spring water', /gandul [gando] 'dog', !rn.ajgan/ [maigan] 'to tell (NF)', and/wambinu/ [wambino] 'Warnbino'. However, when the cluster is tri-consonantal, (although I have not measured stress instrumentally) my impression is that stress generally (though not always) falls on the cluster-initial phoneme (not on the first syllable of the word). Compare /balmbul [ba1rn.bo] 'bundle' with /bambui [bambo] 'egg' Other examples include (i) /IJU.fiilbun/ [IJofmbon] 'noise that one does not other people to hear', (ii) lrnUIJamba.Ial [moiJainbqa] 'many', (iii) /bi.n:J9al [b4.IJga] 'grey hair', (iv) /gUllJgal/ [ko{I]gal] 'husband', (v) /jinbili]gaj/ [d.3inbih.19aj] 'Alf Palmer', (vi) /jali]gail [jah.mai] 'single man', (vii) /bilnbi.Ian/ [bilnbqan] 'crimson rosella (?)', (viii) /jajmbanl [d.3a1mban] 'to find (NF)', (ix) /jajJlJanl [d.3a1Jld.3an] 'to copulate with (NF)', (x) /gujiJgan/ [koiiJgan] 'female ghost' The cluster-initial phoneme of tri-consonantal clusters is a liquid (/c, .J., 11) or the semivowel /j/ (Tables 2-18, 2-19). They can receive stress probably (i) because liquids and /j/ are high in sonority, like vowels (see (2-93)), and (ii) because, furthermore, /j/ is phonetically a vowel ([i] or [e]) (2.1.5.1.1).

136

Phonology

As seen above, in certain instances a tri-consonantal cluster attracts stress, but a hi-consonantal one does not. That is, the 'heavier' cluster attracts stress, but the 'lighter' one does not. However, there are exceptions, in which stress does not fall on initial phoneme of a tri-consonantal cluster. The reason for this is not known. Examples: /bu.iJl.Jul! [boipgj61] (see 2.1.3.2), /warn.aj-n-bi-nl [wamainbin] 'good-n-INTR-NF', and lwulaj-IJ-gal [61aii]ga] 'die-Q-APPR'.

[6] 'Stress shift' Affixation of certain (though not all) suffixes causes 'stress shift'; the stress shifts to one of the subsequent phonemes. The data are far from complete, and details are not known. Nonetheless at least the following tendencies can probably be recognized. In all the attested examples, the root is disyllabic. Also recall that generally stress falls on the word/root-initial syllable. (a) The root contains no consonant cluster. (a-1) The resultant stern/word contains no consonant cluster. Stress shift does not occur: (2-119)-(a-1), (2-120)-(a-1), (2-121)-(a-1), (2-123)-(a-1). (a-2) The resultant stern/word contains one hi-consonantal cluster (CC). Stress shift does not occur: (2-122)-(a-2). (b) The root contains a hi-consonantal cluster. (b-1) The resultant stern/word contains one hi-consonantal cluster (CC). (b-1-1) The suffix is CV Stress shift does not occur: (2-123)-(b-1-1). (b-1-2) The suffix is CVCV Stress shifts to the next vowel: (2-120)-(b-1-2), (2-121)-(b-2-3). (b-2) The resultant stern/word contains two hi-consonantal clusters (CC, CC). (b-2-1) The suffix is CCV. Stress shift does not occur: (2-122)-(b-2-1). (b-2-2) The suffix is CVC. Stress shifts to the next vowel: (2-119)-(b-2-2). (b-3) The resultant stem/word contains one hi-consonantal cluster and one triconsonantal cluster (CC, CCC). Stress shifts to the first phoneme of the tri-consonantal cluster: (2-119)-(b-3). (c) The root contains a tri-consonantal cluster. (c-1) The resultant stern/word contains one tri-consonantal cluster (CCC). Stress remains in the first phoneme of the first tri-consonantal cluster: (2-120)-(c-1). (c-2) The resultant stern/word contains two tri-consonantal clusters (CCC, CCC). Stress shift to the initial phoneme of the second tri-consonantal cluster: (2-119)-(c-2). That is, the following two factors seem relevant.

Stress

137

(i) The absence/presence of a consonant cluster. (ii) The heaviness of the cluster in question (i.e. hi-consonantal vs. tri-consonantal). (iii) The heaviness of the suffix in question (i.e. CV, CCV vs. CVC, CVCV). The general tendency seems to be for stress to be more likely to shift if there is a heavy material towards the end of the stem/word. Examples follow. (2-119) The suffix /gan/ 'feminine' (3.7.1-[17]) (a-1)

The resultant stem/word contains no consonant cluster. Stress shift does not occur. /bimu/ /bimugan/ [hlmo]

[hlmogan]

'WM

'WM-FEM'

(b-2-2) The resultant stem/word contains two hi-consonantal clusters (CC, CC). The suffix is CVC. Stress shifts to the next vowel. !Julbun/ !Julbun-gan! [~6lbon]

[~o1b6ngan]

'spouse' (b-3)

The resultant stem/word contains one hi-consonantal cluster and one tri-consonantal cluster (CC, CCC). Stress shifts to the first phoneme of the tri-consonanta1 cluster. /gwguru/ /gwgura-j-IJ-gan! [g6.J.goro] [gO{gorall]gan] '(male memberof a section)' '(female member of the same)'

(c-2)

The resultant stem/word contains two tri-consonantal clusters (CCC, CCC). Stress shifts to the initial phoneme of the second tri-consonantal cluster. /jaliJgaj/ /jaliJgaj-IJ-gan/ [ja1r.J9ai] [jali]ga"ll]gan] 'single man' 'single woman'

(There are not many examples of /gan/ 'feminine'. /julbun-gan/ means 'woman who runs away from her husband'. Both /bimu/ and /bimu-gan/ mean 'wife's mother', and /gan/ in /bimu-gan/ seems redundant.)

138

Phonology

(2-120) The suffix /gall/ 'antipassive' suffix (Table 3-15) (a-1)

The resultant stem/word contains no consonant cluster. Stress shift does not occur. /baba-n/ /baba-gali-n/ [baban] [babagalen] 'stab-NF' 'stab-ANTIP-NF' lm.uja-n/ [m6d3an] 'eat-NF'

lm.uja-gali-n/ [m6lJ3aga1en] 'eat-ANTIP-NF'

lwaju-n/ /waju-gali-n/ [wad3on] [wad3oga1en] 'cook-NF' 'cook-ANTIP-NF' (b-1-2) The resultant stem/word contains one hi-consonantal cluster (CC). The suffix is CVCV Stress shifts to the next vowel lba1ga-n/ /balga-gali-n/ [balgan] [balgagalen] 'hit-NF' 'hit-ANTIP-NF' /ga]lji-n/ /ga]lji-gali-n/ [gaJl®n] [gaJ1d3J.galen] 'carry-NF' 'carry-ANTIP-NF' /jar.Jga-n/ /jar.Jga-gali-n/ [jaiJgan] [j3IJgagalen] 'search-NF' 'search-ANTIP-NF' (c-1)

The resultant stem/word contains one tri-consonantal cluster (CCC). Stress remains in the first phoneme of the tri-consonantal cluster. /ja]lja-n/ IJa.iJlJa-gali-n/ [d3a1J1lJ3an] [d3a1J1lJ3ag alen] 'copulate.with-NF' 'copulate.with-ANTIP-NF' /jajmba-n/ [d3al.mban] 'find-NF'

/jajmba-gali-jall [d3a"'mbagaleja1] 'find-ANTIP-PURP'

(2-121) The suffix lbara/ 'denizen' (3.7.1-[1]) (a-1)

The resultant stem/word contains no consonant cluster. Stress shift does not occur. /gubul /gubu-baral [k6po] [k6pobara] 'leaf 'leaf-denizen'

Stress

/gani/ [kani] 'far'

139

/gani-bara/ [kanibara] 'far-denizen'

(b-2-3) The resultant stem/word contains one hi-consonantal cluster (CC). The suffix is CVCV Stress shifts to the next vowel. /jamba/ /jamba-bara/ [jamba] [jambabara] 'camp' 'camp-denizen' /bomb a/ [b6mba] 'dust'

lbomba-bara/ [bombabara] 'dust-denizen'

(2-122) The locative suffix /Ijga/ (following a vowel; 3.6.3). (a-2)

The resultant stem/word contains one hi-consonantal cluster (CC). Stress shift does not occur. /gamu/ /gamu-IJga/ [gamo] [gamoiJga] 'water' 'water-LOC'

(b-2-1) The resultant stem/word contains two hi-consonantal clusters (CC, CC). The suffix is CCV Stress shift does not occur. /jamba/ /jamba-I]ga/ [jamba] [jambaiJga] 'camp' 'camp-LOC' (2-123) The dative suffix /wu! (following a vowel; 3.6.4). (a-1)

The resultant stem/word contains no consonant cluster. Stress shift does not occur. /gamu/ /gamu-wu! [gamo] [gamo:] 'water' 'water-DAT'

(b-1-1) The resultant stem/word contains one hi-consonantal cluster (CC). The suffix is CV Stress shift does not occur. /jamba/ /jamba-wu! [jamba] [jambao] 'camp' 'camp-DAT' [7] Long vowels Long vowels may cause stress shift. We shall look at both phonologically long vowels and phonetically long vowels.

140

Phonology

[7-a] Monosyllabic words/roots Stress falls on the only syllable, e.g. /bam/ I [ba:n] 'whip', /ja:r/ [ia:r] 'yard' (a loan from English), and II.Ja:-IJa:l [IJaliJa:] (an onomatopoeic word to describe babies' cries). [7-b] Disyllabic or longer words, excluding those which involve reduplication, such as /I] a:-IJa:l In the word-initial position, a (phonologically or phonetically) long vowel attracts stress in all the attested instances. (This is in keeping with the general tendency in Warrongo for the initial syllable to receive stress; see [2] above.) However, this is not always the case non-initially. [7-b-1] The long vowel /a:/ [a:] Examples involving the word-initial position: II.Jaual [IJfu.ta] '(placenarne)', /ba:baJam/ [ba:bay,arn] 'Mbabaram', and /ja:r-ru [ioi:ra] 'yard-LOC' (There is no example in which /a:! [a:] occurs non-initially.) [7-b-2] The phonetically long vowel [i:] The only example involving the initial position is /jiji/ [1:] 'Yes!' Non-initially [i:] attracts stress in a few instances (e.g. /guji/ [ko1:] 'hungry', /jali]gijili/ [d.3ab:.Jg1qi] 'Cameron Hill'). But it does not attract stress in other instances, e.g. /majiganl [mai:gan] 'to cut (NF)', /jarni-ji/ [d.3ami:] 'fat-COM (see (2-74)), and the following interjections (see (2-50) and (2-51)): II.Jaji/ [IJai:] 'Really?', /waji/ [wai:] 'How is it?', and /aji/ [ai:] '(exclamation of surprise)'. The conditioning factor on this difference is not known. Note that /jaliJgijilil [d.3aliJg1qi] contains a tri-consonantal cluster, and yet stress falls not on the cluster-initial consonant (see [5] above), but on the long vowel [i:]. This suggests that, in terms of stress assignment, the long vowel [i:] outranks a triconsonantal cluster. [7-b-3] The phonetically long vowel [o:] Examples involving the initial position: [b6:i] /buwuj/ 'OK', [k6:i] /guwujl 'male ghost', and [6:i] lwuwuj! 'Hi!' (repeated from (2-73)). Non-initially [o:] does not attract stress in the examples available, e.g. [gamo:] /garnu-wu/ 'water-DAT' So far we have listed the general tendencies observed in stress assignment. There are deviations, or what may appear to be deviations, from them. There may be some explanation for some of them.

Pitch 141

[8] Deviations (1) Stress falls on the third syllable in certain words, e.g. lbiga.IaiJgaV [biga.rfu]gal] 'fish hawk', lblllldilblllla/ [bondelb6na] '(placename)', /waiJglllldila/ [waiJgondila] '(placename)'. Etymologically, these words may involve compounding, and this may possibly be the reason for the occurrence of stress on the third syllable (i.e. the initial syllable of the putative second root). For example, lbundilbuna/ may contain the root lbllllal; cf. lblllla-blllla/ [b6nab6na] 'couch grass'. Warrgamay has /waiJgu/ 'small goanna' (Dixon 1981: 120). /waiJglllldila/ may contain this word.

[9] Deviations (2) Despite all this, there are instances for which no explanation seems forthcoming, e.g. IJalpJanba.Ia! [ci3alpd.3anba.ra] 'Cashmere Station', /guriJala/ [gorid3ala] 'eaglehawk', /ganda.ru/ [kandil.J.o] 'imaginary hairy man', and /gangabu/ [kangabo] 'trident fishing spear'; stress falls on the third or second syllable. Compare /ganda.Iu! [kandil.J.o] with/gandu/ [gando] 'dog'; in the latter, stress falls on the initial syllable (as is generally the case in Warrongo). There are a handful of words that do not seem to have stress. They will be discussed in 2.8, in connection with pitch.

2.8. Pitch Pitch is not distinctive in Warrongo. Impressionistically speaking, three levels of pitch can be perceived: high (H), middle (M), and low (L), although it is not always easy to distinguish the three levels. The vast majority of words start with Hand end with L. In trisyllabic and longer words, the middle-level pitch (M), too, may be recognized. (2-124) lbama! [bam a] HL 'man'

/gamu/ [gamo] HL 'water'

/balanu/ [baJ.ano] HML 'moon'

/jaiJa-na! [jfu]ana] HML 'mother-KIN'

(To be precise, the fall or rise in pitch is not abrupt, but is gradual.) As mentioned in 2.7, there are a handful of words (and maybe more) that do not seem to have stress. Impressionistically, they seem to have the pitch contours as shown in (2-125). (2-125) (a) /Jaji/ [.J.ai:] LMM 'young girl'

/Jaji-nba! [.J.ainba] LMM 'y.g.-many'

haji-lil [.J.aili] LMM 'y.g.-many'

!Jaji-wulpJU! [.J.ai:olpci3o] LMMMM 'good-looking girl'

142

Phonology

(b) /buwuj/

/guwujl [ko:i] [bo:i] :Mtv.lJ\!1: :Mtv.lJ\!1: 'OK, I'll go.' (interjection) 'male ghost'

(c) /IJtma-IJumaj/ [IJOnaiJomai]

LMMMM 'that-after'

!IJUgala-malil [IJokalamale]

LMMMM 'outside-side'

(See (2-65) and (2-66) for the analysis of /jif and /j/ in the words in (2-125)-(a).) As shown above, these words do not seem to have stress (at least, in my observa-

tion). They have the following pitch contour: the pitch height is M and the contour is flat, except that the words in (a) and (c) start with L. They are exceptions to the general tendency shown in (2-124). Ladefoged (1975: 222-223) points out a close relationship between stress and pitch. In view of this, the absence of high pitch and pitch peak in them (their pitch contour is flat) seems responsible for the absence of stress in the words in (2-125). (To be precise, their absence seems to make me perceive no stress in these words.) (Unlike !Jajil [.J.ai:] 'young girl', /guji/ [koi:] 'hungry' has stress, and the stress is on the long vowel; see also (2-50) and (2-75). Its pitch contour is LHL or LHH; both are attested.)

2.9.

Connected speech

2.9.1. Intonation So far it has been impossible to provide a reasonably coherent account of intonation of sentences. This is by far the most difficult aspect of Warrongo phonology/ phonetics. There are many variations, which are no doubt caused by discourse factors, among others. (Hershberger and Pike (1970) and Patz (2002: 35-41) provide detailed accounts of sentence intonation of Kuku Yalanji. At least some portions of their analysis seem to apply to Warrongo as well.) The following account is not exhaustive. It mainly lists phenomena that have caught my attention. As samples, Text 1, Lines 3-4 and 7-8 are cited. An impressionistic presentation of stress (primary stress by acute accent and secondary stress by grave accent) and intonation (by means of H, M and L, and also an intonational curve) is indicated. The stress is assigned in terms of each line, and not in terms of each word. The glosses are simplified. In this story, AlfPalmer pretends to be visiting an area outside Warrongo territory.

Connected speech

143

(2-126) Text 1, Lines 3 and 4: A

(The local people ask Alf Palmer about a language that he has learned somewhere else.)

r~----------------------~~

/wapjar.JUID.aj jinda IJlllla gugu muga-n/ [wapd3aiJomai inda IJOna koko m6gan] MM MM H L L M M:M:M MM where-ABL 2SG.NOM that language catch-NF 'Where did you catch [i.e. learn] that language from?'

B

(AlfPalmer answers.) ~

--.......____

/jamu IJaja=guli (pause) muga-gali-n [cJ3amo IJajagole mogagalen HL HMLL MLLL just ISG.NOM=only catch-ANTIP-NF 'I have just learned this [language] by myself.'

'-..._...___----;-

gugu-I]gu/ kokoiJgo] ML L language-ERG

(2-127) Text 1, Lines 7 and 8: A

-----------

(The local people ask Alf Palmer about his language.)

/jinu I]ani gugu/ [ino I]ani koko] HL LM HH 2SG.GEN what language 'What [is] your language?' B

(AlfPalmer answers.)

~

/I]aigu wan.ti.]uf (I]aigo WacOIJO] :M:MM HML ISG.GEN language 'My [language is] Warrongo.' A few aspects of intonation that have been noticed are described below. Declarative sentences tend to have a sentence-final fall, e.g. (2-126-B) and (2127-B). Special questions (which contain an interrogative word) tend to start with a high pitch and have a sentence-final fall. Roughly speaking, this applies to (2-126A). But this is not always the case; see (2-127-A). Also, compare (2-128) (which was made up by me; 'TT') and (2-129) (which was uttered by AlfPalmer; 'AP').

144

Phonology

(2-128) /Ijani jinda HL MM what-ACC 2SG.ERG 'What did you eat'?'

IDUJa-llf (TT) HL eat-NF

(2-129) /Ijani jinda MM MM what-ACC 2SG.ERG 'What did you eat?'

IDUJa-n/ (AP) LH eat-NF

(2-128) is an ordinary kind of special question. It starts with H and has a sentence-final fall. Such special questions seem to be used when, for instance, the speaker does not know what the addressee ate and he/she requests this information. A similar intonation contour is observed in (2-126-A). In this context, probably the speaker did not know where Alf Palmer had learned that language and wanted to know where. In contrast, (2-129) starts and continues with M and has a sentence-final rise. It was uttered by Alf Palmer when he knew what the addressee had eaten, and he was possibly teasing the addressee. Special questions with such an intonation contour do not seem to really request information. General (or polar) questions may start with the question marker /waji/ (mentioned in (2-50)); see 4.2.1.2. They tend to start with a high pitch and have a sentence-final fall. (2-130) (AlfPalrner asked me as follows.)

~

/waji [wai: HL

jinda inda MM Q 2SG.NOM 'Did you see [him]?'

Jlaga-n/ (AP) Jlagan] H L see-NF

Intonation contour may be involved in formation of subordination (4.18). An example cited from a text. In this story, a man says to his travel companion as follows. It seems that he considered it not safe to travel during the daytime, probably for fear of some other tribe's attack.

~ (2-131) /gari [kari

galijga-n IJali-0 kalijga-n IJale (rise in pitch) sun fall-NF lDU-NOM 'When the sun has set, we will go.'

jani-jaV (AP) jani-jal] (fall in pitch) go-PURP

Connected speech

145

/gali]ga-rJ! has a rise in pitch, and (2-131) has the meaning of 'when'. (Another example is (3-319). Additional examples are given in 4.18.6.) If /gab:,)ga-n/ has a fall in pitch, the sentence will probably have a different meaning: 'and' or the like.

(2-132) /gari

~

gali]ga-n IJali-0 (fall in pitch) sun fall-NF lDU-NOM 'The sun has set, and we will go.'

jani-jall (TT) (fall in pitch) go-PURP

Intonation contour for a topic NP is discussed in 4.22.

2.9.2. Other phenomena 'Casual speech' (Labov 1972: 7f}), fast speech and the like exhibit a few differences from the pronunciation of 'citation forms' (Lass 1991: 295). Selected examples are g1ven.

[1] Vowel lengthening (a) The negation word /pawa/ is generally pronounced [pawa] (HL or maybe HM). AlfPalmer sometimes said [pawa:] (with a long vowel; MHMM). This is probably in order to emphasize negation. (b) The interjection /jagaj/ 'Ouch!' is often pronounced [jaka:i] (with a long vowel). (c) In the texts, the verb /janil yani-0 'go-NF' is sometimes pronounced [jani:] (with a long vowel). This is probably in order to emphasize the length and continuation of the walk.

(2-133) !IJali

gulbila jani/ [IJale kolbila jani:] lDU-NOM to.south go-NF 'We kept going/walking to the south.'

(d) In a text, a man fancies a woman and says to her as follows. Here the lengthening of the vowel probably indicates joy.

(2-134) /IJajgu

bi.Igo/ [IJaigo bi{g6:] lSG.GEN wife '[You are] my wife!'

(e) In a text, a man found a woman, and (with joy?) he called out, [wa:n:Jo] 'Woman!' (lwarqu/ 'woman').

146

Phonology

(f) The interjection that is tentatively phonemicized /guwuj/ 'Hi! Hey!' (a call to someone in the distance) almost always involves a fairly long vowel (impressionistically the length of two, three or even four syllables): [ko::::i]. The stress is on the very end of the long vowel [o::::], immediately preceding [i]. See 2.13.1 for more on this word. The vowel that is lengthened is the second vowel in (a) to (d), but it is the first vowel in (e) and (f). The cause for this difference is not known. There appears to be no example in which a consonant is lengthened. [2] Addition of [i] or [e] This is observed in texts. When a person calls out to someone in the distance, sometimes a high front vowel (generally [i], and sometimes [e]) is added to the end of the noun that refers to the addressee. This vowel is non-phonemic. The last vowel of the noun is somewhat long (e.g. [jar.Ja:i] in (2-135)), though not always (e.g. [kab.]ai] in (2-136)). Examples: IJaja (2-135) /jar.Ja [jar.Ja:i IJaja MHHM MM mother 1SG.NOM 'Mother, I [am] here!'

jaru/ jaco] HL here

(2-136) /jaru IJaja gab.]a/ [jaco IJaja kab.]ai] HM MM HL here 1SG.NOM J\.18 'I [am] here, Uncle (MB)!' A similar phenomenon, in which a non-phonemic [i] is added to the end of a word, occurs in Japanese. (In Wanyjirra ([waJl®ra]) (Northern Territory, immediately east of Djaru), Maggie Scott sometimes adds the nasal [IJ] to the end of the name of the language, i.e. [waJllf3icaiJ]. This [IJ] is not phonemic.) [3] Addition of [o] [o] is added to the end of a word in many examples, but its function is not known. (2-137) /Jlula guji jamba-IJga [)lola koi:o j ambar.Jg a 3SG.NOM hungry camp-LOC 'She is lying hungry in the camp.'

wuna-n/ wonan] lie-NF

Careful speech

147

[o] is phonetically identical with the allomorph of the dative suffix for vowel-final sterns (see (2-61) and [4]-(b) below). But it is unlikely to be the dative suffix in (2-137). [o] occurs in a song, too. See (1-10-d). [4] Phoneme deletion Alf Palmer spoke fairly fast, and in texts, sometimes the end of words was blurred. Also, in fast and/or casual speech, certain phonern es were dropped. (a) Dropping of /w/. Compare [cf3awa] !Jawa/ 'mouth' and [d3a:]. /w/ seems to be dropped between /a/'s only, and in no other environment Dropping of /j/ has not been observed. (b) Dropping of /g/. The dative suffix is generally /gu/ [go] following a consonant, and lwul [o] following a vowel (see Table 3-2). However, there is just one example in which the dative suffix following a consonant is [o], and not [go]. Compare [winga.rno] /winga.xgu/ 'fish-DAT' and [winga.J..o]. (In [winga.J..o] a dot is written between [.J] and [o] in order to indicate that these two phones are pronounced separately, and not jointly as [.J.o].) /g/ of /gu/ is dropped here. Here, the !.I/-final stern behaves rather like a vowel-final stern. This is probably because, as seen in 2.5-[4], Ill is a non-syllabic 'vowel'. It is highly sonorous; see also (2-93). (In Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 36) /c/-final, /11-final and /nl-final sterns sometimes behave like vowel-final sterns, although they behave as consonant-final sterns elsewhere in the language. These phonemes are all sonorous.) (c) Dropping of /n-gu/ 'LINK-DAT' See 3.6.5-[5] and 4.9.9.4-[1].

(d) Possibly, omission of the transitive-stem-forming suffix /rja/ and the intransitive-stem-forming suffix fbi/. See 3.1.2-[7].

2.10.

Careful speech

In 2.9.2, we looked at casual speech, fast speech and the like. 'Careful speech' (Labov 1972:79, Lass 1991: 295) by Alf Palmer produced two interesting phenomena.

2.10.1. Deletion of a phoneme Upon my request, Alf Palmer pronounced the word for 'grey hair' (lbi.u.Jg a/) slowly and said [b4. (pause) ga]. The nasallrj/ was deleted and the consonant cluster was reduced. Dixon (1972: 285, 1981: 21-22) reports a number of similar instances from Dyirbal and Warrgarnay, respectively. In each of them a nasal as the second member of a tri-consonantal cluster was deleted in careful pronunciation. It is irn portant to note the following.

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Phonology

(a) It is only in this 'careful (and deliberate) speech' that the nasal/rj/ of lbi.u]gal was deleted. It was never deleted in 'non-careful speech'. /bi.nma/ and /bi.rga/ are not in free variation. It is certain that /Jijg/ and /Jg/ are in contrast, for there is a near-minimal pair: /bi.u]ga/ 'grey hair' and lb:i.Igu/ 'wife'. If lrj/ of lbi.u]ga/ is deleted in 'non-careful speech' (i.e. lbirga/), most probably this will not be recognized as the word for 'grey hair' (b) Deletion of certain phonemes in fast and/or casual speech is common in Warrongo (2.9.2-[3]) and other languages of the world. Phenomena such as cluster reduction and nasal deletion are reported, e.g. Lass (1991: 298, 302) and Zwicky (19TI: 279, 282, 291). In contrast, such reduction and deletion are unlikely to occur in careful speech (see Labov 19TI: 70-109). What is striking about [bi.J. (pause) ga] and similar instances reported by Dixon, is that it is in careful speech, and not in fast or casual speech, that nasal deletion and cluster reduction occurred. (c) The deletion of /rj/ from lbinma/ 'grey hair' (which causes cluster reduction) is the reverse of the insertion of /rj/ (2.6-[2]-(c)). The latter produces tri-consonantal clusters, e.g. lbaiJgaj-1]-gu/ 'spear-I]-DAT' Note, however, that the insertion of /rj/ occurs at morpheme boundaries, whereas the deletion of /rj/ from /biri]ga/ 'grey hair' occurred within a root. In terms of phonological analysis, the deletion of lrj/ from /bi.u]ga/ 'grey hair' has the following two implications. (d) Phonemic analysis is generally based on 'very careful speech' (Lass 1991: 30, 295). However, the deletion of /rj/ from /bi.u]ga/ and the instances reported by Dixon, suggest that this may not be a good method. (e) The deletion of lrj/ from /biri]ga/ suggests that /rj/ in /biri]ga/ has a 'lower' status as a phoneme than the other phonemes in the word (lb, i, J, g, a/). This applies to the instances reported by Dixon. Also, it may apply to all of the tri-consonantal clusters (Tables 2-18, 2-19), in which the second member is a nasal. It should be added here that elsewhere /1]1 has a full status as a phoneme, for example, rootinitially and intervocalically. Thus, compare /I]arna/ 'handle of shield' with /gam a/ 'dance style', and /mUI]an/ 'mountain' with /mug an/ 'to get (NF)'. The above suggests that phonemes can be classified as follows. (i) Those which always have a full status as a phoneme, e.g. probably /b, i, J, g, a/, and (ii) those which may have a lower status as a phoneme in certain environments, e.g. /rj Most of the Australian languages have only hi-consonantal clusters, e.g. Djaru (Tsunoda 198la: 38), but a number of Australian languages possess tri-consonantal clusters as well, e.g. Warrongo. (See Dixon 2002: 656.) It is possible, though by no means certain, that language such as Warrongo used to have hi-consonantal clusters only, and that subsequently a nasal (often homorganic with the following stop) was inserted. (See Dixon (1980: 166, 219, 2002: 657-658) and O'Grady and Fitzgerald

Careful speech

149

(1995).) Warrongo has at least one suggestive pair: /galga/ Vt 'put down' (L-class) and /gab;J9a/ Vi 'fall down' (Y-class). (See Table 3.9.4.1 for the classes of verbs.)

2.10.2. Isolation of suffixes People who are not trained in linguistics may recognize words, but they will be unlikely to recognize affixes. Alf Palmer was an exception. One day I was discussing reciprocal forms of verbs with him. I cited forms such as !Jajmba-wa-n/ [d3alm.bawan] 'find-RECP-NF', lrn.uga-wa-n/ [m6gawan] 'hold-RECP-NF', /jil]ga-wa-n/ [cJ9IJgawan] 'punch-RECP-NF', and IJUllda-wa-n/ [d36ndawan] 'kiss-RECP-NF' Upon hearing these, AlfPalmer said:

(2-138) All [ban]. There are striking facts about this. First, Alf Palmer recognized and isolated a suffix, to be more precise, a sequence of two suffixes: /wa/'reciprocal' and /n/'nonfuture'. Second, AlfPalmer said [ban], not [wan]. This is truly intriguing for a number of reasons. (i) He always said [wan] (and never [ban]) when he pronounced the entire reciprocal forms; see the forms cited above. (ii) [wa] is possible root-initially and word-initially (Table 2-17), e.g. !wanda/ 'news' Consequently, Alf Palmer could have easily pronounced [wan]. (iii) Elsewhere in the language, /w/ and /b/ contrast, e.g. !wama/ 'mad' and /hamal 'man'. (iv) Elsewhere in the language, there is no alternation between /w/ and /b/ (although there are other alternations; see 2.4). (v) The cluster /lw/ is allowed- even within a root ((d) of Table 2-18), e.g. /walwa/ 'bad'. Therefore, AlfPalmer could have easily pronounced 'All [wan]' It is worth noting the following points. (a) Like lw/, /bl occurs suffix-initially (Table 2-17), e.g. /baral 'denizen' (3.7.1-[1]). (b) This [ban] occurred when Alf Palmer's attention was focused on the element in question. That is, it occurred in 'careful speech'. Furthermore, it occurred, so to speak, at a 'meta-language' level.

(c) This [ban] does not contrast with [wan] of /muga-wa-n/ [mogawan] 'holdRECP-NF', etc. Nor is it in free variation with this [wan]. The choice is not optional. [ban] was observed in careful speech only. In terms of phonological analysis, it does not seem adequate to assign this [b] of [ban] to the phoneme /b/, for the circumstance under which it occurred is unusual; see (b) above. Nor does it seem appropriate to allocate it to the phoneme lw/. Also, it is not suitable to set up an arc hiphoneme /B/ (or /WI) for this [b] and [w] of IJajmba-wa-n/ 'find-RECP-NF', etc., for this [b] does not manifest neutralization

150

Phonology

in the usual sense. Then, it may be useful to recognize a level of phonological analysis as distinct from that of phonemes and that of archiphonemes. Thus, this [b] may be presented by ///b//1, using a triple slash. (A single slash is used for the phonemic level. Double slashes are used by some authors for the morphophonemic level; see Lass 1991: 58). The suffi.x /ba/ or its variant occurs as a reciprocal marker in neighbouring languages such as Warrgamay (lba!, Dixon 1981: 49, 74-75), Nyawaygi (/ba/, etc., Dixon 1983: 489), and Dyirbal (/(n)bari/, Dixon 1972: 92). Like Warrongo, GuguBadhun has /wa/ 'reciprocal' (Sutton 1973: 144-145). It seems certain that this /wa/ is a reflex of the reciprocal /ba/ Then, it looks as if a diachronic change was realized synchronically in AlfPalmer's idiolect, although he was no doubt unaware of this diachronic change.

2.11. Women's pronunciation (?)

Alf Palmer often included conversations in texts. When he was assuming the role of a woman in a conversation, he sometimes changed his pronunciation, in which pitch seems to be somewhat higher than usual. There is at least one example that involves non-voicing of a stop in addition to high pitch. The pronoun /IJajgUJ '1SG.GEN' is generally pronounced by Alf Palmer as [IJaigo] both in texts and elsewhere. This pronunciation involves the voiced [g]. It does not have high pitch. Examples are in (2-127-B) and (2-134). In contrast, when he was assuming the role of a woman in a conversation, he often (though not always?) pronounced it as [IJaiko]. This involves the voiceless [k]. An example is cited from a text. In this story, a group of men are dancing, and the women are choosing their husband from among them. One woman says as follows. Here, /Ijajgu/ starts with high pitch. (2-139) IIJUlla [IJona

IJajgu/ IJaiko] HML MM that 1SG.GEN 'That [man is my] husband.'

It may (or may not be) significant that this example involves /gu/ [ko]. Recall that, among the four stop phonemes, /g/ is the most likely to be voiceless (see (24)), and that, among the three vowel phonemes, lui is the most likely to make the preceding stop voiceless (2.1.3.2.5). That is, this voiceless allophone [k] occurs in an environment where the voiceless allophone is favoured (2.1.3.2.7). The use of a voiceless allophone and high pitch in 'woman's speech' does not seem systematic. Nor is it known whether it was confined to Alf Palmer's texts or it was common in women's speech when the language was actively spoken. No

Ideophones

151

such phenomenon is observed among the fluent speakers ofDjaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 24-25) and Wanyjirra. In view of this, the phenomenon in question may possibly be a product of Alf Palmer's ingenuity, and it may not reflect the situation of the time when the language was thriving.

2.12. Ideophones There are probably many ideophones. (See Dixon (1972: 328-329, 1977a) on Dyirbal ideophones.) Examples follow. The word for 'crow' is /waJal [wat:fa] (HL) or lwaJagan/ [wat:fagan] (HML). The call of a crow is described by [wa1fa:] (no stress, MMM). The second vowel is long. (The meaning of /gan/ is not known. It does not seem to be the feminine suffi..x /gan/ (3.7.1-[17]).) Alf Palmer stated that, in a crow corroboree, people danced about., saying [wat:fa:] or [wat:fa:wat:fa:]. (The word for 'crow' starting with /wa/ is common across the continent. Djaru has separate words for the name of a crow (/wangoJal [wango.J.a]) and the word to describe its call ( [wa:kwa:k]).) The call of brolga (a bird sp.) is [ko.J.or], and its name, too, is /gwur/ [ko{or]. (The word for 'brolga' starting with /gul seems common across the continent. Djaru has /gurgali/ [korkale] 'brolga'.) According to Alf Palmer, a bird species with the name /guguwtg1/ [k6koop] has the call [k6koop]. This word involves two occurrences of [o], and not a long [o:]. See (2-77). (/guguwup/ means 'brown pigeon' in Jirrbal and Girramay (Dixon 1972: 403), and 'blue pigeon' in Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 117).) /dii.)gil-dii]gill [dii.)gilc:fu]gil] 'bell' (mentioned in 2.2.6.2-(b)). This word contains the only instance of /ld/ cluster in Warrongo. This word contains two occurrences of [il] (not [ell). They are exceptions to the lowering effect of Ill (2.1.4.3-[2]-(a)). This my be because this word is an ideophone. The word /jigir-Jigir/ [d3igi..r<J9gir] 'willy wagtail (bird sp.)' appears to describe the way the bird wags its tail vertically and repeatedly. This word contains two occurrences of [ir] (not [er]). They are exceptions to the lowering effect of /r/ (2.1.4.3-[2]-(b)). (The word !Jigir-Jigir/ is also a placename; see Text 1, Line 20.) Words for 'willy wagtail' seem similar across the continent., e.g. IJirbiji-Jirbi/ of Djapu of Northern Territory (Morphy 1983: 163), !Jigili-Jig/ of Djaru (Kimberley Language Resource Centre 1992: 50), and !Jindir-Jindir(ba)/ of Pitjantjatjara/ Yankuntjatjara of central Australia (Goddard 1992: 151). Woiwurrung of Melbourne (Blake 1991: 87) has qjirri-qjirri (probably !Jiri-Jiri!- TT). Note that all of these words start with !Ji/, that they involve reduplication (two of them involve partial reduplication, e.g. IJigili-Jig/), that they involve a rhotic (/r/ or Ill), and that the vowels are /il, except for /a/ of lba/ in !JindirJindir(ba)/. Note that /dii.Jgil-dii.Jgill and !Jigir-Jigir/ contain exceptions to the respective lowering effects. This suggests that ideophones might be exempt from the lowering effect.

152

Phonology

Other onomatopoeic words (a type of ideophones) include !IJa:IJa:/ [IJa:IJa:] for babies' cries (2.2.3.1-[1]) and /gigigil [kikiki] for possums' squeaks'

2.13.

Adaptation offoreign words

2.13.1. Words from other Australian languages 'When the First Fleet arrived at Sydney Cove in 1788 they soon adopted words from Dharuk, the local language' (Dixon et al. 1990: 1), and these words are now widely distributed over the continent. (The name of the language is also spelt 'Dharug' (Troy 1994: 5).) At least two words from Dharuk occur in Warrongo: (i) /guwuj/ [ko::::i] 'Hi! Hey!' (Dixon et al. 1990: 208) (see 2.9.2-[1]-(e)), and (ii) /gaJlal 'hut' (/ganyi/ 'hut' in Dharuk (Dixon et al. 1990: 199); it is spelt 'gunya' by Troy (1994: 44)). Nowadays [ko::::i] is by white people, too, and it is even listed in a dictionary (The Australian Pocket Oiford Dictionary 1976: 178). The spelling is 'Cooee' or 'Cooey' /jacamanl'horse' (e.g. (4-735)) has a wide geographical distribution, and it occurs in Warrongo, too. According to Dixon et al. (1990: 86-87), its source is unknown. Alf Palmer said that the 'proper' Warrongo word for 'horse' is not /jacamanl, but that it is !Jaja.Ii!, e.g. (3-160). The latter's source is not known, either. How AlfPalmer pronounced the names of the neighbouring languages was discussed in 1.8.4.1-[2] and 2.6-[4]. There may be many words from other Australian languages which I have been unable to identify as non-Warrongo. For example, /gambi/ 'clothes' may come from the Townsville region. It was first recorded at Mt. Black, west of Townsville (with the meaning of 'possum cloak' (1.9)). All of the words cited above (and possibly those words that I have been unable to identify as non-Warrongo) have been well adapted to the Warrongo phonology. Indeed, /gaJla! 'hut' was used in 2.1.2-[1]-(c) in a presentation of phonemic oppositions in Warrongo. There is one word that sounded non-Warrongo to my ears: /w3I]glllldilal [W3IJgondila] 'a place on Herbert River, where there is a big cliff (see 2.2.6.1). This word contains [il] (not [el]), and it is an exception to the lowering effect of /11 (see 2.1.4.3-[2]).

2.13.2. Words from English Words from English found in Warrongo are of two types: (i) those which have a wide geographical distribution, occurring in other languages as well, and (ii) those which do not (or, do not seem to). Native Warrongo words appear to prohibit stops root-finally and word-finally (Table 2-17). In the following we shall mainly look at the fate of word-/root-final stops of English words.

Adaptation offoreign words

153

[1] Those words which have a wide distribution

It is likely that these words had been phonologically modified before they entered Warrongo. Examples follow. (a) /bilar.J9ir/ [bilaiJgec] 'blanket' (from blanket, Dixon et al. 1990: 244). The final stop It! of blanket changed to /r/, and a root/word-final stop was avoided. (jr/ occurs root-finally and word-finally in Warrongo (Table 2-17).) Its locative form is attested: /bilaiJgic-a/ 'yard-LOC' (Table 3-4). [il] of [bilaiJger] is an exception to the lowering effect of Ill (2.1.4.3-[2]-(b)). This suggests that this word has not been completely adapted to the Warrongo phonology. (b) /margin/ [margin] 'gun' (from musket: Dixon et al. 1990: 242). The final stop It! changed to In/, and a root/word-final stop was avoided. (/n/ occurs root-finally and word-finally in Warrongo (Table 2-17).) (c) IJaruJal [d3arod3a] 'trousers' (from trousers; Dixon et al. 1990: 244). This word occurs in (3-33) and (4-356). (d) lm.iJiJi! [m1d3id3i] 'white woman' (from missus; Dixon et al. 1990: 242). (e) !wajba1aJ [waiba1a] 'white man' (from white fellow; Dixon et al. 1990: 241). This word occurs in, e.g., (3-75), (3-76), (3-112), and (3-248). It has been well integrated into Warrongo, and it has a verbalized form: waybala-bi-L Vi 'do/behave like a white man' (4.7.1-[1]-(a).) (f) /pigipigil [pigipigi] 'pig' (Dixon et al. 1990: 242). This is one of the three exceptions in which the root-initiallb/ is voiceless; see 2.1.3.2.1. [2] Those words which do not (seem to) have a wide distribution (a) /naninanil 'goat' (from nanny goal). This word occurs in (4-624). (b) /barigin/ 'paddock' (probably from paddock). If the origin was paddock, lin! was added and the root/word-final stop was avoided (cf. *lbacig/). Also, the intervocalic /d/ changed to lei. (c) /abirbil/ [aocrbe1] 'Herbert Vale' (2.2.3.1-[3], (2-82)). The stop It! of Herbert changed to /r/. This avoided a consonant cluster starting with a stop (cf. */abidbil/). Such clusters are extremely uncommon (2.2.6.3-[1]-(h-3)). Its locative form is attested: /abicbin-da/ [abecbinda] 'Herbert Vale-LOC' (Table 3-4). The lateral /11 changed to the nasal In/. (This locative formation is unusual. See 3.2.1.3.) The initial /hi of Herbert was dropped. There is no !hi phoneme in Warrongo (2.1.1). (Warrgamay has /IJabiibill 'Herbert Vale' (Dixon 1981: 119). It begins with /Ij/ and it has !JJ, rather than /r/.)

(d) !Jubijir/'Rosevale' (2.1.5.1.1, 2.2.5.1-[3], 2.2.6.3-[1]-(h-3)). (Its Aboriginal name is /giguball ((d-4) of Table 2-4).) The following forms are attested (Table 3-4): (i) [1obe:.r] /rubijic/ 'Rosevale', (ii) [1obe:.rgo] /rubijic-gu/ 'Rosevale-DAT', and (iii)

154

Phonology

[1obe:ti]omai] /rubijid-IJUIDaj/ 'Rosevale-ABL'. The final /11 of Rosevale changed to lei in /rubijic/ and /rubijic-gu/, and to ldl in /rubijid-IJUIDaj/. In Warrongo, /1/ occurs root-finally and word-finally (Table 2-17), and the change from 11/ to /r/ seems unnecessary. Nonetheless, at least, the root/word-final lrl (cf. /rubijic/) (Table 2-17) and the inter-morphemic cluster /c-g/ (cf. /rubijir-gu/) ((b) of Table 2-19) are common, and they fit in the Warrongo phonotactics. However, the change from Ill to /dl (/rubijid-IJUIDaj/) seems 'unwelcome', for it created a root-final stop and a consonant cluster starting with a stop. Such clusters are extremely uncommon (2.2.6.3-[1]-(h-3)). In /rubijid-IJUIDaj/, the stop /dl occurs root-finally, but not word-finally. (e) /ja:c/ [ja:c] fyard' (2.2.7-[3], -[4]). Its locative form, too, is attested: /ja:c-a/ 'yard-LOC' (Table 3-4), e.g. (4-735). The root-final /dl changed to lr/.

(t) /bijid-a/ [be:ta] 'bed-LOC' (2.1.5.1.1, 2.2.5.1-[3]). The root is /bijidl, and it ends with a stop. The locative form is the only attested form, and there is no example of the root by itself. Here again, /dl occurs root-finally, but not word-finally. The vowel of the root is lengthened, i.e. [be:ta]. This creates a bimoraic root, in conformity with the general tendency in Warrongo that roots are bimoraic or longer: (2-81). I feel inclined to think that /bijid-a/ [be:ta] 'bed-LOC' is an ad hoc loan, used on that occasion only. (g) !Jumuburul [
(h) /maiJgi-maiJgil 'sheep'. I recall someone (Alf Palmer?) saying that sheep were named /maiJgi-maiJgil because their faces resemble monkeys'. If this is the case, this word must have been coined by someone who had seen a monkey. Monkeys are not native to Australia. (i) /garman/ [kacm.an] 'tobacco'. The etymology is not known.

U) Alf Palmer referred to me as [
Practical orthography

155

2.14. Practical orthography The practical orthography used for the Warrongo language revival activities (1.9) are shown in Table 2-1. I used to employ the letter u for the phoneme lui in my works on Australian languages. However, in March 2004, it was decided to replace u with o. This decision was made in consultation with the people in the Warrongo language class, including Rachel Cummins. There are two reasons for this change. (a) In the English orthography, u is pronounced in at least five different ways: put, but, cute, minute, and bury. Due to this, the use of the letter u for certain Australian languages has caused a serious confusion to some people. (b) As noted in 2.1.4.2, the phoneme /ul is phonetically almost always [o], with only a handful of exceptions. (See Tsunoda (2005: 194-199) for problems encountered in practical orthographies used for language revitalization activities.) In the chapters that follow, the practical orthography will be used.

Chapter3 Word classes and morphology

3.1.

Word classes

3.1.1. Outline of word classes The following word classes can be set up for Warrongo. Except for interjections, all of them contain interrogative member(s), and most of them contain demonstrative member(s) as well. (a) Nouns, including: (a-1) interrogative members: ngani 'what', nganimbarri 'how many', etc. (b) (Personal) pronouns, including: (b-1) interrogative member: wanyo 'who'. (c) Adverbs, including: (c-1) interrogative members: wanyja 'where', wayi 'How is itT, etc., and; (c-2) demonstrative members: yama 'thus, in this way, in that way', yarro 'this, here', ngona 'that, there', ngoni 'there, that'. (d) Verbs, including: (d-1) interrogative members: ngani-bi-L 'to do/become what' (Vi), ngani-nga-L 'to do what' (Vi), etc., and; (d-2) demonstrative members: yama-bi-L 'to do thus' (Vi), yama-nga-L 'to do thus' (Vt), etc. (e) Interjections.

(-bi-L (4.7.1) and -nga-L (4.7.2) are verb-stem-forming suffixes. Verbs are of three classes: L-class, Y-class, and ZERO-class (Table 3-14). This is indicated for each verb where information is available.) This classification of word classes (adopted from Tsunoda (1981a: 51-75) on Djaru) is mainly based on morphological evidence - to be specific, inflectional possibilities. Nouns and pronouns inflect for case, but details differ somewhat (Tables 3-2 through 3-6). Some of the adverbs inflect for case, though in the main only to a limited degree (Tables 3-5, 3-7, and 3-8), while the other adverbs do not inflect. (See 3.4.3 for a discussion of case inflection of adverbs.) Verbs inflect for tense, mood or the like (Tables 3-14 and 3-15). Interjections do not inflect. In this classification, neither demonstratives nor interrogatives form a separate word class, but instead they are included in the relevant word class.

Word classes

157

Interrogative members start with ng or w. Relevant examples are few, but the conditioning factor seems to be as follows. The initial phoneme is (i) w if the second syllable starts with the palatal phoneme ny or y, e.g. wanyo 'who', wanyja 'where', wanyjarri 'which way', and wayi 'How is it?', and (ii) ng if the second syllable starts with n, e.g. ngani 'what' and nganimbarri 'how many' There is no exception. In Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 68) and Wanyjirra, an interrogative word may have an indefinite reading as well, e.g. ngana 'who' and 'someone, anyone', and nyamba 'what' and 'something, anything'. However, an indefinite reading has not been attested with Warrongo interrogatives. It is not known if this is due to the incompleteness of the data. Nouns form an open class. The same may apply to adverbs. The verb class is probably open, although I have never seen a new verb root being introduced into Warrongo. Pronouns form a closed class. The same is probably true of interjections. In the relevant word classes, interrogative and demonstrative members each constitute a closed subclass. This classification of word classes does not set up 'adjective' as a separate word class. What may be considered semantic equivalents of certain adjectives of, say, English, e.g. jarribara 'good' and gagabara 'big', are included in the word class of nouns. They will be referred to as 'adjective-like nouns', in contrast with nouns such as bam a 'man' and gamo 'water' The latter will be referred to as 'nouns proper' Morphologically, adjective-like nouns and nouns proper share the same case morphology (Table 3-2). Syntactically as well there is no strong reason to distinguish between them. See 4.5.2.1.4-[1]). In addition to the five word classes listed above, there are about a dozen enclitics; see 4.25. Their characterization was given in 2.2.2. They in the main provide modal qualifications or the like, e.g. =gol 'only' and =bajon 'I do not know' in (2-7CJ). (Enclitics are preceded by an equal sign, while other morpheme boundaries are indicated by a hyphen.) There is one conjunction, and it is an enclitic: =ngomay 'after, if, because' (4.10). There is no bound (as against free) pronoun, such as pronominal clitic, pronominal suffix, or the like.

3.1.2. Additional comments on individual word classes [1] Nouns and pronouns

As noted in 3.1.1, nouns and pronouns inflect for case, but they have slightly different case suffixes. Furthermore, roughly speaking, with nouns, the form for the so-called intransitive subject ('S') and that for the so-called transitive object ('0') are identical, in distinction from that for the so-called transitive subject ('.Pl). (See Dixon (1994: 6) for the labels 'S, 0, A'.) That is, nouns have the ergative-absolutive pattern. In contrast, for pronouns, roughly speaking, the S and the A have the same form, as opposed to the 0. That is, pronouns have the nominative-accusative

158

Word classes and morphology

pattern. In my previous writings (e.g. Tsunoda 1988b), I used the case labels 'absolutive' and 'ergative' for nouns, and 'nominative' and 'accusative' for pronouns. However, in accordance with the proposal by Goddard (1982) and Blake (1985), I now use the labels 'ergative', 'nominative' and 'accusative' for both nouns and pronouns jointly. See Table 3-1. Table 3-1. Case labels: ergative, nominative, and accusative

nOWI

pronoun

'man'

'lOU'

previous label

current label

bama-nggo

A

s 0

previous label

ngali-0

NOM

ERG

ERG

bama-0 ABS

NOM

NOM

bama-0 ABS

ACC

ngali-nya ACC

ngali-0

[2] Pronouns Among the pronouns, the first and the second person pronouns almost always refer to humans. Numerous examples will be given below. But there is one example in which yorra-0 '2PL-NOM' is used to address kangaroos, i.e. (non-human) animates: see (4-985). Third person pronouns generally refer to humans. Again, numerous examples will be given below. But occasionally they refer to animates, e.g.: (a) '3SG'· (i) nyola '3SG.NOM' in (3-177), (4-228), (4-600) (a kangaroo), (4-782) (a horse), (ii) nyonya '3SG.ACC' in (4-676) (a kangaroo), (4-800) (a possum), (4-813) (a fish), (iii) nyongo-n-go '3SG-LINK-DAT' in (3-82) (a kangaroo), (iv) nyongo '3SG.GEN' in (4-789) (a possum), and;

(b) '3PL': jana-0 '3PL-NOM' in (3-5) (rock wallabies), (4-565) (fish), (4-738) (dogs), and Text 2, Line 6 (fish). There is no example of '3DU' referring to animates, although this is no doubt possible. There is one example in a text in which nyola '3SG.NOM' refers to ganclaro 'one of the two imaginary, hairy human-like beings' (1.5.8-[8].) In (4-730) (nyola '3SG.NOM'), Text 1, Line 38 (nyola '3SG.ERG') and Line 39 (nyonya '3SG.ACC'), the pronoun '3SG' refers to Blue Tongue Lizard. In this text (the myth about the origin of water), presumably Blue Tongue Lizard is not just an animate, but it is personified. The texts have yielded three examples in which nyola '3SG.NOM' refers to a body part or the like: (4-224-d) (penis), (4-982-W) (semen), and (4-984-A) (erection).

Word classes

159

There are two examples in texts in which nyola '3SG.NOM refers to an inanimate entity: (4-862) (a freezer or a freezing room), and (4-900) (second B) (a forest ti tree). Pronouns lack an inclusive-vs.-exclusive distinction, but there is a way to achieve this distinction. See 4.5.2.1.2-[2]. [3] Nouns Nouns generally do not make a number distinction (1.1) or gender distinction. But there are just a few suffixes that indicate number; (3.7.1-[14] to -[16]) and one suffix that indicate 'feminine' (3.7.1-[17]). Nouns comprise 'nouns proper' (e.g. bama 'man', gamo 'water') and 'adjective-like nouns' (e.g.jarribara 'good' andgagabara 'big'). Nouns also include numerals: nyon.gol 'one', bolari 'two', gorrbara 'three', and marrgabala 'many' (also 'much'?). Like many other Australian languages (cf. Dixon (1980: 107-108) on Australian languages in general, and Tsunoda (198la: 52) on Djaru), there does not seem to be any other numeral. When requested to translate 'four', Alf Palmer gave bolari~bolari 'two-two', and also its variants bolaro--bolaro and bolayi--bolayi (see (2-103)). Similarly, for 'five', he gave bolayigorrbara 'two-three' and gorrbara-bolaro 'three-two'. (These words will be discussed in 3.7.3.) However, it is not certain if they are traditional Warrongo numerals. Like Djaru and many other Australian languages, Warrongo distinguishes 'vegetable food' and meat: manyja, e.g. (3-117), (4-981), and minya, e.g. (4-767), (4803), respectively. There appears to be no single word for 'food'. There are a large number of nouns which can describe a mental, psychological, or bodily state, e.g. goyi 'hungry' andgido 'cold (of person, body, place)'. Some of them may be translated into English with a noun or an adjective, depending on the morphosyntactic environment in which they occur. One such noun is woga 'sleep (noun), asleep (adjective)'. (3-1)

ngaya yani-flJ ISG.NOM go-NF 'I went for a sleep.'

woga-wo. (TT) sleep-DAT

(3-2) ngaya woga-flJ wona-n. (AP) ISG.NOM asleep-NOM lie, sleep-NF 'I lay asleep', i.e. 'I slept'. There are nouns that may be considered abstract nouns, such as morran 'illness, ill', rilga 'lust', bolba 'love, in love', goli 'anger, angry'; they are generally combined with the comitative suffix (3.6.8-[4]), e.g. (2-48). Some of the nouns describe the way an action is done, e.g. ngalban, ngarrban 'quick, fast', and yoray 'quiet'. They agree with the actor NP (ergative for A, and nominative for S) in terms of case. They are best translated into English by means of an adverb, e.g. 'quickly' and 'quietly', e.g. (3-19), (3-20), (3-40), (3-203), (3-204),

160

Word classes and morphology

(4-145). There is the abstract noun bariny 'to avoid someone, to dodge' This noun is attested in the locative case only: bariny-ja; see (3-21). There are nouns that refer to spirits, e.g. gowoy 'male ghost', goynggan 'female ghost' (see 3.7.1-[17] for the feminine suffix -gan), and the two types of imaginary hairy human-like being (1.5.8-[8]): gandaro (smaller type), e.g. (3-68), and gangaligan (larger type)'. The demonstrative words yarro 'this, here', ngona 'that, there', and ngoni 'there, that' are considered as members of adverbs, rather than nouns. See 3.4.3-[1]. Nonetheless, their case marking is most conveniently described together with nouns; see 3.2.1.4. There are nouns and verbs that occur in songs and/or that are said to belong to Jalngoy 'the avoidance style'. See 1.6.1, 1.6.2 and 3.11.1.1. For asking the name 'What is the name of X?', the interrogative member of the pronoun wanyo 'who' is used if X is human, e.g. (4-841) to (4-845), but ngani 'what', an interrogative member of nouns, is used if X is inanimate, at least for a placename; see (4-860) to (4-862). It is not known whether wanyo 'who' or ngani 'what' is used if X is (non-human) animate. Also, there is an expression for 'What is the name of this place?' See (3-13-A), and (3-14-A, -A). [4] Adverbs Adverbs describe place/direction/destination (including the cardinal directions), time, manner, modality, etc. Adverbs of place/direction/destination, those of time and at least one of manner inflect for case, though only to a limited degree. The semantic types and members of these types of adverbs are most conveniently discussed in conjunction with case inflection (see 3.4). There is one example in which all of the four words for the cardinal directions occur; they occur in the following order: south- north- west- east. See (4-603). There are about a dozen adverbs of modality or the like; see 4.24. There are two or three adverbs that involve the suffix -ngomay 'after' (3.8.1-[9]); this suffi.x is identical with the ablative-1 suffix -ngomay 'from, after' (3.6.7). [5] Interjections Interjections have no inflection. They are listed in 4.26. [6] Verbs Verbs inflect for tense, mood or the like. They describe actions, perception, mental or psychological states, possession, etc. The verb yani- (irregular verb; cf. Table 3-14) does not specify the direction away from, or, towards, the speaker (or some other focal point), e.g. (3-18), (3-43), (3-50). That is, it may be translated as 'go' or 'come' (e.g. (3-21), (3-27) 'go', (3-248), (3-249) 'come'), as is the case, e.g., in Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 82) and many other Australian languages. Nonetheless, Warrongo has waga-L Vi 'rise, get up', e.g. (3-3),

Word classes

161

galngga-Y Vi 'fall down, fall over', e.g. (3-213), (3-234), and ragara-L Vi 'go down, come down', e.g. (4-728) (first W). (3-3) waga-n ngaya jalarry-ja. (AP) rise-NF 1SG.NOM tree-LOC 'I went up [i.e. climbed] a tree.' There is no 'copula verb'; see (2-127-A., -B), (2-134), (2-139), for instance. Nor is there any verb that exclusively expresses existence or the like; see (2-135), (2136). The following three intransitive verbs generally have the meanings indicated: nyina-Y 'sit', jana-Y 'stand', and wana-Y 'lie, lie down, sleep'. But they can describe existence or the like. (a) nyina-Y Vi 'sit', e.g. (3-4) ('be'), (3-5) ('live'). (b) jana-Y Vi 'stand', e.g. (3-6) ('be'), (4-897) ('There are fish in a river'), (4-900) (second B). (c) wana-Y Vi 'lie, sleep', e.g. (3-7) ('be'), (4-602) ('live'), (4-603) ('live'). (3-4) (In a text, a woman looks for a kangaroo (not a specific kangaroo, but a nonspecific kangaroo), finds one, and says as follows.')

yari-0

yarra nyina-n. (AP) kangaroo-NOM this,here sit-NF 'A kangaroo is sitting here' or 'This kangaroo is sitting', i.e. 'There is a kangaroo here'

(3-5) (An example from a text. A man is talking about rock wallabies.)

yarra-n-da

jana-0

nyina-garra-n

here-LINK-LOC 3PL-NOM live-ITER-NF 'They live here.' (3-6) (In a text, a man goes to the river to catch fish, and finds some fish in the shade in the river.) ngani=wa win.gar-0 jana-garra-n wama-ngga. (AP) there,that=FOC fish-NOM stand-ITER-NF shade-LOC 'Right there, fish are standing in the shade', i.e. 'There are fish right there, in the shade.' (Note the use ofjana-Y 'stand' to describe the existence/presence of fish in (3-6) and (4-897). The enclitic =wa seems to indicate focus or the like. See 4.25-[6].) (3-7)

(In a text, a man looks up at a tree and finds a possum up there.)

gajarra-0

yarra ngarra wana-n. (AP) possum-NOM this,here high,up lie-NF Lit. 'A possum is lying up here', i.e. 'There is a possum up there.'

162

Word classes and morphology

(Note the use of yarro 'this, here', rather than ngona 'that, there' or ngoni 'there, that'.) Furthermore, existence or the like can be expressed by the comitative case (3.6.8-[8]), and non-existence by means of the adverb nyawa 'negation' (see 4.20.6). There is no verb for 'become'. But the intransitive waga-L 'go up, rise' (cf. (3-3)) can mean 'become' in the expressions for 'get angry' (but apparently not in any other expression, such as 'to become ill'), e.g. (3-94) and:

goli-0 waga-n ngaygo-n-go. (AP) (3-8) jamo nyola just 3SG.NOM angry-NOM get.up-NF lSG-LINK-DAT 'He got angry with me for no reason.' (See 4.24-[8] for the adverb of modality jamo 'just, for no reason'.) Also, verbs formed with the intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L (4.7.1) may describe a state (i.e. 'be') or a change (i.e. 'become'). There are verbs for 'be/ become so', 'be/become what', etc. (3.9.2). Verbs formed with the transitive-stemforming suffi..x -nga-L (4.7.2) may describe creation (i.e. 'make') or causation (i.e. 'make' again). Also, there are verbs for 'do so', 'do what', etc. (3.9.2). Those formed with the transitive-stem-forming suffix -(m)ba-L may denote causation. Some of the verbs formed with -bi-L or -nga-L are 'delocutive verbs' See 4.7.1[3] and 4.7.2-[4], respectively. There is no verb for 'do', but there are verbs for 'do so', 'do what', etc. 'Performative verbs', 'speech act verbs', 'mental state verbs' or the like abound in languages such as English (J. L. Austin [1962] 1975, Searle [1969] 2005), John Robert Ross (1970), Olson and Astington (1990), Olson (1994)). However, this is not the case in Warrongo. So far only the following verbs have been found: birra-L 'speak [a language], tell, talk' (Vt), mayga-L 'tell' (Vt), banjo-L 'ask' (Vt), ngawa-L 'understand [a language, but not an idea, thought, etc.]' (Vt),jagoli-ZERO 'be sorry' (Vi) (and its derived words; see 3.11.6), ngorgali-ZERO 'be ashamed' (Vi) (and its derived words; 3.11.6), wanbali-ZERO 'fear' (Vi) (and its derived words; 3.11.6), yimirri-ZERO 'be glad' (Vi) (and its derived words; 3.11.7), and probably balga-L 'call' (Vt) (as in 'call him John'). (The use of balga-L in the sense of 'call' is infrequent. It generally means 'hit, kill'.) There appears to be no verb for 'believe', 'think', 'hope', 'want', etc. But see 4.7.2-[8]-(f). What may be expressed by a verb, say, in English, may be expressed by some other means in Warrongo: (i) nouns, e.g.jilbay 'knowing', e.g. (3-76), nyando 'not knowing', (ii) adverbs, e.g. ngalnga 'counterfactual', i.e. 'I thought that ... , but that was not the case' (4.24-[4], and (iii) enclitics, e.g. =gaji 'counterfactual', i.e. 'I thought that ... , but that was not the case' (4.25-[1]) and =bajon 'I do not know' (4.25-[2]). Dixon (1980: 407) surveys Australian languages and points out a connection between, roughly speaking, the noun jawa/dhawa 'mouth' and the verb jawa-1 dhawa- 'to eat' (Dh presents a lamina-interdental stop.) It is interesting to note

Word classes

163

that Warrongo has the nounjawa 'mouth' and the verbs baja-L 'to bite', bija-L 'to drink', and moja-L 'to eat'; the verbs contain ja. (This observation is due to Meaghan Cummins and Mie Tsunoda.) [7] Dual word class membership(?) As a rule, word class membership is mutually exclusive, and transfer of word class membership requires the use of a derivational suffix. Thus, there are two very productive verb-stem-forming suffixes: -bi-L for forming intransitive stems (4.7.1), and -nga-L for forming transitive sterns (4.7.2). They may be used for turning nouns into verbs. Also there are a small number of non-productive suffixes, e.g. -ra 'agent' (3.7.1-[11]) and -no '(personal name)' (3.7.1-[12]), which derive nouns from verb roots. There are, however, a small number of roots/sterns that may possibly have a dual word class rnern bership. (a) Noun and verb Compare the following sets of roots/sterns. (a-1) yagi 'split ('adjective-like' noun). yagi-bara (i) 'split, open' ('adjective-like' noun), (ii) Vt (L-class) 'spread', e.g. (3-9-a). yagi-bara-nga-L Vt 'split'. (a-2) ngamba (i) 'half' (noun), (ii) Vt (class unknown) 'break [something] into halves', e.g. (3-9-d, -e). ngamba-goman 'other-half, e.g. (4-26). ngamba-nga-L Vt 'break, cut into halves', e.g. (3-9-c), Text 2, Line 9. ngamba-bi-L Vi '[something] break'. (a-3) wamaynbiri (i) 'good' (noun), (ii) Vi (class unknown) 'be good'. wamaynbiri-bi-L 'be/become good'.

(-bara is a noun-stem-forming suffix; see 3.7.1-[8].) Consider the following excerpt from a text. (3-9) ('I cooked a possum.')

a. ngona-ngomay yagibara-n. that-after split-NF 'After that, [I] split [i.e. cut up (?)] [the possum] up.' b. gido-bi-yal wanda-n. cold-INTR-PURP leave-NF '[I] left [it] so that [it] would become cold.' c. ngona-ngomay jarra-0 ngamba-nga-n moja-lgo. that-after leg-ACC half-TR-NF eat-PURP 'After that, [I] halved the leg so that [my wife and I] could eat [it].'

164

Word classes and morphology

d. nyongo

jarra-0

ngamba-n.

3SG.GEN leg-ACC break-NF '[I] broke the leg into halves for her.' e. ngaygo

jarra-0 ngamba-n. (AP) 1SG.GEN leg-ACC break-NF '[I] broke the leg into halves for me.'

may' (4.8).) It is (Sentences b and c contain purposive subordination 'so that possible thatAlfPalmer forgot to add the transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L to yagibara and ngamba in instances such as (3-9), that this is an instance of 'fast/ casual speech phenomena'; see 2.9.2-[4]-(d), and that consequently yagibara and ngamba do not have a dual class membership. However, when the tape was replayed, Alf Palmer did not correct any word in the excerpt above. This indicates that he considered all these words correct. In view of this, I tentatively conclude that yagibara and ngamba have a dual class membership: noun and verb. The same tentative conclusion applies to wamaynbiri. (b) Adverb and verb Compare the adverb wonaja 'camping about' (e.g. (3-15) and (3-16)) and the intransitive verb wonaja-garra-n 'camp about-ITER-NF', e.g. (4-609). Here, too, I tentatively conclude that wonaja has a dual membership: adverb and verb. [8] Derivational processes There are three derivational processes: affixation of stem-forming suffixes, reduplication, and compounding. See 3.7 on nouns, 3.8 on adverbs, and 3.11 and 4.7 on verbs. It should be noted in particular that there are adverbs that are formed by the affixation of what is identical with a case suffix (i.e. -ngomay 'ablative-1'); see 3.8.1-[9]. (The words mentioned in [7], which may possibly have a dual class membership, may be regarded as involving affixation of a zero suffi.x.)

3.2. Noun morphology (1): case inflection Case inflection of nouns and also of the three demonstrative m em hers of adverbs

(yarro 'this, here', ngona 'that, there', ngoni 'there, that') is examined in 3.2, and the derivation of nouns in 3. 7.

3.2.1. Case inflection of nouns and three demonstrative words The following eight cases can be recognized for nouns, pronouns and the three demonstrative words: nominative, ergative, accusative, genitive, dative, locative, comitative, and ablative. (At least four pronouns have two ablative forms; cf. Table 3-6.) Nouns and the three demonstrative words are classified into the following

Noun motphology (1): case inflection

165

four groups: (i) regular nouns, comprising most of 'nouns proper' and 'adjectivelike nouns' (3.2.1.1), (ii) vowel-final human proper nouns and vowel-final kin nouns (3.2.1.2), (iii) irregular nouns (3.2.1.3), and (iv) the interrogative member ngani 'what' and the demonstrative words (3.2.1.4).

3.2.1.1. Regular nouns In AlfPalmer's Warrongo, regular nouns have case forms shown in Table 3-2. The case suffixes and their allomorphy are described below. [1] The nominative form and the accusative form do not involve any non-zero suffix. That is, they are noun stems with no change. [2] The ergative suffix is as follows. (a) -nggo for vowel-final stems. (b) -Do for nasal-final stems (D is a stop that is homorganic with the preceding nasal). (c) -do for liquid-final stems (rr. r, l), together with the deletion of the stem-final liquid. (d) -jo for y-final stems, together with: (d-1) the (quite frequent but probably optional) deletion of the stem-final yin Y-group, and; (d-2) the change of the stem-final y into ny in NY-group. (Following a stem-final liquid, the ergative -do is voiceless, i.e. [to]. The same applies to the locative -da (see [3] below) following a stem-finalliquid. All the other stops in case suffixes are voiced.) There is a nounjalanggo 'clothing for a woman to cover her private parts with', and its ergative form is jalanggo-nggo. This form is a regular formation, since jalanggo is vowel-final; see (a) above. In Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 48-49), when the addition of a suffix creates two nasal-plus-stop clusters within one word, the nasal of the second cluster is deleted (obligatorily in some cases and optionally in others). Therefore, Djaru would have jalanggo-go in place of jalanggo-nggo. In contrast, as the existence ofjalanggo-nggo shows, this nasal deletion does not take place in Warrongo. [3] The locative case has exactly the same allomorphy with that of the ergative case, except that it involves a rather than o.

166

Word classes and morphology

Table 3-2. Regular nouns

NOM/ACC ERG LOC COM DAT

GEN ABL NOM/ACC ERG LOC COM DAT

GEN ABL

'man'

'locust'

'child'

'mussel shell'

bama bama-nggo bama-ngga bama-yi bama-wo bama-ngo bama-ngomay

jojam jojam-bo jojam-ba jojam-ji jojam-go jojam-ngo jojam-ngomay

galbin galbin-do galbin-da galbin-ji galbin-go galbin-ngo galbin-ngomay

giyany giyany-jo giyany-ja giyany-ji giyany-go giyany-ngo giyany-ngomay

'brolga'

'fish'

'snake'

gororr goro-do goro-da gororr-ji gororr-go gororr-ngo gororr-ngomay

win. gar win.ga-do win. ga-da win.gar-ji win.gar-go win.gar-ngo win.gar-ngomay

jambal jamba-do jamba-da jambal-ji jambal-go jambal-ngo jambal-ngomay

Y-group

NY-group

'single man'

'big carpet snake'

'spear'

DAT

yalnggay yalngga-jo yalngga-ja yalngga-ji yalnggay-go

magoy mago-jo (magoy-ji TI) mago-ja (magoy-ja TI) magoy-ji(mago-jiTT) magoy-go

GEN ABL

yalnggay-ngo yalnggay-ngomay

magoy-ngo magoy-ngomay

banggay banggany-jo banggany-ja banggany-ji banggay-go banggay-ng-go banggay-ngo banggay-ngomay

NOMIACC

ERG LOC COM

Y-/NY-group 'hot'

NOM/ACC ERG LOC COM

DAT

GEN ABL

jawoy jawoy-jo jawony-ja jawoy-ji jawoy-go jawoy-ngo jawoy-ngomay

[4] The cornitative suffix is as follows. (a) -yi for vowel-final sterns. (b) -ji for all other stems, and in the case ofy-final sterns, together with:

Noun morphology (1): case inflection

167

(b-1) the (quite frequent but probably optional) deletion of the stem-final yin Y-group, and; (b-2) the change ofthe stem-finaly into ny inNY-group. (The comitative -yi is phonetically [i]; see 2.1.5.1.2-[2]-(a).) As noted above, the deletion of the stem-finaly in Y-group seems optional. Thus, AlfPalmer approved the forms (indicated with 'TT') that I suggested. Also, for the cornitative, a form withouty (yamgga-jz) and also those withy (magoy-ji,jawoy-jz) are attested. [5] The dative suffix is as follows. (a) -wo for vowel-final stems. (b) -go for all other sterns, with the optional insertion of ng in NY-group of y-final sterns. This ng-insertion was mentioned in 2.6-[2]-(c-2). Banggay-go occurs in (3-88). (-wo is phonetically [o]; see 2.1.5.2. The consonant cluster n-g across a morpheme boundary, as in galbin-go, is phonetically [ng] (), and not [IJ] (). gin win.gar-go 'fish-DAT' was deleted in one instance in fast speech; see 2.9.2-[4]-(b).) [6] The genitive suffix is -ngo for all types of sterns. (The noun banggay 'spear' is inanimate, and therefore its genitive form, banggayngo, is unlikely to occur in natural speech.) [7] The ablative suffix is -ngomay for all types of sterns. Table 3-2 clearly shows that y-final stems behave as consonant-final ones, rather than as vowel-final ones. It is in view of this that the stem-final [i] is analyzed as /j/ , and not as /if (2.1.5.1.3-[2]). In Table 3-2, y-final sterns are divided into two groups: Y-group, represented by yalnggay 'single man' and magoy 'big type of carpet snake', and NY-group, represented by banggay 'spear' However, this division does not seem clear-cut. First, it is not certain if all members ofNY-group can involve ng-insertion for the dative. Second, there is at least one root that has characteristics of both groups: jawoy 'hot'. Its ergative form and the cornitative form are of Y-group. However, its locative form is ofNY-group. TheY-group form *jawoy-ja was rejected by Alf Palmer. (Ideally, the lexicon should specify the group membership of each stern ending in y. Also the case ofjawoy 'hot' shows that ideally allomorphernic information should be provided for each y-final stern. However, this is simply impossible, due to the incompleteness of the data.) As seen in 1.5.4.3-[3] there are placenarnes that take the form of a sentence, and one of them takes a case suffix: (1-5) banggorro jolba-y 'turtle-NOM jurnp-NF', 'Turtle jumped'. Its locative form is attested: banggorrojolba-ja 'turtle jurnp-LOC'.

168

Word classes and morphology

That is, this placename belongs to Y-group of y-final stems. Note that the final y is deleted. It is not known whether other sentential placenames can have a case suffix. Now, compare the following words that contain the root *jidal'morning'. The root by itself is not attested. (Regarding time expressions, the locative case can indicate 'during' (3.6.3-[2]), while the dative can mean 'until' (3.6.4-[8]).) (a) Locative: (i) jida-da 'rnoming-LOC', 'in the morning', (ii) jida-da-bi-L 'moming-LOC-INTR', 'to sleep, etc. until morning', (iii)jida-da-goman 'rnorningLOC-another', 'the next morning (in the past)' (a noun). (The root-final 1 is deleted; this is a regular formation. Seejamba-da 'snake-LOC in Table 3-2.)

(b) Dative: jidal-go-bi-L 'rnorning-DAT-INTR', 'to sleep, etc. until the morning', e.g. (4-130). (The retention of the root-finall is regular.)

It seems that, at least in jida-da-bi-L and jida-da-goman, the form jida-da 'rnoming-LOC' was reanalyzed as a root, no longer functioning as a locative form. This is presumably because *jidal was used in the locative form very frequently. (Note the fate of the preposition to in the adverbs today and tomorrow of English.) There are two pieces of evidence for this view. First,jida-da-bi-L 'rnorning-LOCINTR' means 'to sleep, etc. until the morning', and it does not mean in the morning'. That is, the use of the locative form is unexpected. Cf. jidal-go-bi-L 'rnoming-DAT-INTR', 'to sleep, etc. until the morning'. Second, in compounding the root goman 'other, another' is generally attached to a root, and not to a case suffix (3.7.3-[1]). Jida-da-goman (in which goman is added to a locative form) is the only exception. Thus far we have looked at the case inflection of regular nouns in AlfPalrner's Warrongo. Alec Collins' Warrongo (recorded by Peter Sutton) seems identical with Alf Palmer's regarding case inflection, except for at least three differences. First, in ergative and locative forms of Alf Palmer's Warrongo, the stern-finall is deleted. However, in Alec Collins' Warrongo, apart from one exception, this l is retained, e.g. gaybal-da 'fire-LOC' in (3-246) and wangal-do 'boomerang-ERG' in (4-256). The only exception isjida-da 'rnorning-LOC', in which this 1is deleted, e.g. (3-256), as in Alf Palmer's Warrongo. (It is not known whether, in Alec Collins' Warrongo, stem-final rhotics (rr, r) are retained or deleted in these environments.) Second, in Alec Collins' Warrongo, for y-final sterns, the ergative suffix is -ny-jo, and the locative suffi..x is -ny-ja, and the stem-final y is retained. Compare jolay 'stick' andjolay-ny-jo 'stick-ERG'; and banggay 'spear' and banggay-ny-ja 'spearLOC'. InAlfPalrner's Warrongo, these sterns (NY-group) show the alternation ofy and ny. That is, the stem -final y is not retained. Compare banggay 'spear', bangganyjo 'spear-ERG', and banggany-ja 'spear-LOC'. Third, in the limited data available from Alec Collins, the dative suffix for yfinal sterns is always -ng-go, i.e. ng is inserted, e.g. banggay-ng-go 'spear-ng-DAT' and wamay-ng-go 'good-ng-DAT' In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, this ng-insertion occurs, but not always.

Noun motphology (1): case iliflection

169

3.2.1.2. Vowel-final proper and kin nouns

Among human proper nouns and kin nouns, consonant-final ones appear to behave like consonant-final regular nouns, as shown in Table 3-2. At least, there is no evidence to the contrary. However, vowel-final ones exhibit a few deviations. See Table 3-3. The forms with an asterisk were suggested by me but rejected by Alf Palmer. '(?)' means 'not certain'. Comments on these nouns follow. Information on vowel-final human proper nouns is limited, and it is not certain if what is stated below allies to all of them. [1] Vowel-final human proper nouns The accusative case may involve the zero suffix (-0) or -nya, e.g. (i) gonira-0 and gonira-nya both 'Gonira-ACC', and (ii) jabino-0 and jabino-nya both 'Jabino-ACC'. At least the accusative form of the following three names is attested with -nya only, and not with -0: babino-nya 'Babino-ACC', bayombirri-nya 'Bayombirri-ACC', and jilanggo-nya 'Jilanggo-ACC' (See 1.5.4.2-[1], -[2] and 3.7.1-[12] for these personal names.) Jilanggo is a woman's name, while the other names are men's names. That is, the accusative suffix -nya can be used irrespective of whether the name is a man's name or a woman's name. Etymologically, jilanggo means 'fig tree' It seems certain that it cannot take -nya 'ACC' when it means 'fig tree', not the name. Table 3-3. Vowel-final human proper nouns and kin nouns

NOM ACC ERG LOC COM DAT

GEN ABL

'Gonira'

'father'

'father'

gonira gonira gonira-nya gonira-nggo

gaya gaya gaya-nya (?) gaya-nggo *gaya-lo

gonira-ngga gonira-ngo-n-da gonira-ngo-n-in-da gonira-yi gonira-ngo-n-ji *gonira-wo gonira-ngo-n-go gonira-ngo gonira-ngomay

gaya-ngga gaya-ngo-n-da gaya-ngo-n-in-da gaya-yi gaya-ngo-n-ji gaya-wo gaya-ngo-n-go gaya-ngo gaya-ngomay

gaya-na gaya-na gaya-na-nya gaya-na-nggo gaya-na-lo gaya-na-ngga gaya-na-ngo-n-da gaya-na-ngo-n-in-da gaya-na-yi gaya-na-ngo-n-ji gaya-na-wo gaya-na-ngo-n-go gaya-na-ngo gaya-na-ngomay

The linking interfi.xes -ngo-n- occur in the locative (followed by another linking interfix -in), the cornitative and the dative, and the resultant stems behave like nfinal stems (cf. Table 3-2). Etymologically -ngo-n- may consist of -ngo- and -n-.

170

Word classes and morphology

Elsewhere, -ngo is used as the genitive suffix; see Tables 3-2 and 3-3. -n by itself is also used as a linking interfix; see Tables 3-5 and 3-6, in particular. This n-insertion was mentioned in 2.6-[2]-(b). In the dative, the use of -ngo-n is preferred. and is possibly obligatory. Consider (3-10), which I suggested to AlfPalmer. (3-10) gafjabara-0 gonira-wo galngga-n. (TT) rain-NOM Gonira-DAT fall-NF Intended meaning: 'The rain is falling on Gonira'. Alf Palmer replaced gonira-wo with gonira-ngo-n-go 'Gonira-LINK-LINK-DAT', saying that gonira-ngo-n-go is 'more plain' than gonira-wo. (By 'more plain', probably he meant 'more acceptable'.) Also, consider (3-11), which I suggested to AlfPalmer. (3-11) gonira-wo yangga-gali-n. (TT) Gonira-DAT search.for-ANTIP-NF Intended meaning: [Someone] is looking for Gonira. AlfPalmer commented on this sentence as follows: 'just like look for fruit'. That is, he meant that the use of the dative suffix -wo is appropriate for words for fruit (i.e. an inanimate noun), but not for the name Gonira (i.e. a proper noun). ((3-11) is an instance of the antipassive construction (4.9).) For the name Gonira, the locative case is attested in three forms: gonira-ngga, gonira-ngo-n-da, gonira-ngo-n-in-da. Alf Palmer's comments suggest that they may be semantically differentiated. For gonira-ngo-n-in-da, Alf Palmer gave (3-12) and stated to the effect that it means 'alongside Gonira'. He used the word alongside. (3-12) warrngo-0 nyina-n gonira-ngo-n-in-da. (AP) woman-NOM sit-NF Gonira-LINK-LINK-LINK-LOC Tentative translation: 'A woman is sitting alongside Gonira'. For gonira-ngga 'Gonira-LOC', AlfPalmer gave the gloss 'on top [of Gonira- TT]' No comment was obtained ongonira-ngo-n-da. [2] Vowel-final kin nouns Kin nouns were discussed in 1.5.7. :Most of the vowel-final kin nouns have two forms: one with the kin suffix -na (3.7.1-[18]) and one without. Those with -na are used more frequently than those without. The case suffixes of vowel-final kin nouns are similar to those of the vowel-final human proper noungonira, with one important difference. With the forms containing -na, the accusative case may involve the zero suffix (-0) or -nya (as is the case with vowel-final proper nouns), e.g. gaya-na-0 and

Noun morphology (1): case iriflection

171

gaya-na-nya both 'F-KIN-ACC' Other attested accusative forms with -nya are yanga-na-nya 'M-KIN-ACC', bolo-na-nya 'FF-KIN-ACC', and galnga-na-nya 'MBKIN-ACC', e.g. (4-162). However, with the forms not containing -na, it is not certain if -nya is acceptable; cf. gaya-nya (?)(intended meaning 'father-ACC') in Table 3-3. The major difference from vowel-final human proper nouns concerns the allomorphy of the ergative case suffix. Vowel-final kin nouns with -na can take -nggo, like regular nouns, e.g. gaya-na-nggo 'F-KIN-ERG', e.g. (3-255). Furthermore, at least four (and possibly five) of them can also take -lo: (i) gaya-na-lo 'F-KIN-ERG', e.g. (3-28), (4-38-A), (4-47), (ii) yanga-na-lo 'M-KIN-ERG', (iii) bimo-na-lo 'FZI WM-KIN-ERG', (iv) gami-na-lo 'FM-KIN-ERG', and possibly (iv) galnga-na-lo (not certain) 'MB-KIN-ERG' In contrast, those without -na seem to take -nggo only, e.g. gaya-nggo 'F-ERG', and they seem unable to take -lo. Thus, *gaya-lo 'FERG' was rejected by AlfPalmer. The ergative suffix -lo is attested only with these vowel-final kin nouns with -na and the pronoun wanyo-lo 'who-ERG' (Table 3-6). It is irregular. (This very irregularity supports the view that AlfPalmer's data are reliable. See 1.8.4.1-[2]).) In many Australian languages, including Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 54), the allomorphs of the ergative suffix include -nggo and -lo, and those of the locative suffix include -ngga and -la (Dixon 1980: 297). Then, for Warrongo, the locative -la would be expected, but it is not attested anywhere in the language. Alec Collins' Warrongo has the following forms for the kin noungalnga 'MB'· gab1ga 'MB-NOMIACC', gab1ga-na 'MB-KIN-NOMIACC', galnga-na-nya 'MBKIN-ACC', galnga-na-n-go 'MB-KIN-LINK-DAT' Note the kin suffix -na and the accusative suffix -nya. The only instance of the dative form involves the linking interfix -n. 3.2.1.3. Irregular nouns Some of the liquid-final stems are irregular. See Table 3-4, which also contains a root that ends in a stop: biyid 'bed'. The kin suffi..x -nyjarr (cf. gami-nyjarr) was discussed in 2.2.4-[3], and will be discussed in 3.7.1-[19]. The loan placename robiyirr 'Rosevale' (discussed in 2.1.5.1.1, 2.2.5.1-[3], 2.2.6.2, 2.2.6.3-[1]-(h-3), and 2.13.2-[2]-(d)) is unusual in that (i) the stem shows the alternation between rr and d, and (ii) its ablative form has an unusual cluster of dplus ng across a morpheme boundary (2.2.6.3-[1]-(h-3)). This word appears to be an ad hoc loan. It was given by Alf Palmer, but it was later rejected by him. He said that its Aboriginal name is [gekobal] gigobal; see Table 2-4, (d-4) and Table 2-5, (c-7). As for the other loans, bilanggirr 'blanket' was discussed in 2.13.2-[1](a), yaarr 'yard' in 2.2.3.1-[1], 2.13.2-[2]-(e), abirrbil 'Herbert Vale' in 2.2.4-[1], 2.13.2-[2]-(b), and biyid-a 'bed-LOC' in 2.1.5.1.1, 2.2.5.1-[3] and 2.13.2-[2]-(f). The forms with an asterisk are ergative forms. They were approved by Alf Palmer. But since the nouns in question are placenames, they will be unlikely to occur in the ergative case.

172

Word classes and morphology

With regular nouns (Table 3-2), the ergative suffix for liquid-final sterns (rr, r, l) is -do, and the stem-final liquid is deleted. However, gami-nyjarr-o is an exception; not -do but -o is added, and the stem-final liquid (rr) is retained. Similarly, the locative forms gami-nyjarr-a, wonyorr-a, bilanggirr-a, yaarr-a, e.g. (4-735), ngamor-a andjalbar-a are exceptions; not -da but -a is added, and the stem-final liquid is retained. (There is a nounjalbar 'beard, moustache'. It is not a placenarne, unlik.ejalbarin Table 3-4. Presumably, its locative form is the regular formjalba-da 'beard-LOC'.) Table 3-4. Irregular nouns

NOM/ACC ERG LOC COM OAT GEN ABL NOM/ACC LOC NOM/ACC ERG LOC OAT ABL

'father's mother'

'(placename)'

gami-nyjarr gami-nyjarr-o gami-nyjarr-a gami-nyjarr-ji gami-nyjarr-go gami-nyjarr-ngo gami-nyjarr-ngomay

wonyotr wonyo17'-o* wonyo17'-a

'Rosevale'

wonyo17'-go

rohiyirr-go

wonyo17'-ngomay

rohiyid-ngomay

'blanket'

'yard'

'annpit'

hilanggirr hilanggirr-a

yaarr yaarr-a

ngamor ngamor-a

'(placename)'

'(placename)'

'Herbert Vale'

jalbar jalhar-o* jalhar-a jalbar-go jalbar-ngomay

mondor mondon-do* mondon-da mondor-go mondor-ngomay

abirrhil abirrhin-do* abirrhin-da abirrhil-go abirrhil-ngomay

'bed'

LOC

biyid-a

In the locative form ofmondor 'place a few miles north ofParnona (Palurna ('!))', and of abirrbil 'Herbert Vale', the stem-final liquid is changed ton, and the locative-dais added, like regular n-final sterns. The alternation between a liquid and n is unusual and is not attested elsewhere in Warrongo. But a similar phenomenon occurs in Warrgarnay (Dixon 1981: 28-29) and Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 453-454). The dative and the ablative forms in Table 3-4 are formed regularly. Four of the irregular nouns (robiyirr, bilanggirr, yaarr, abirrbil) are loans from English. As noted in 2.13.2-[2], they have not been well integrated into the Warrongo phonology. Furthermore, the other three placenarnes, i.e. wonyorr,jalbar, and mondor, are probably non-Warrongo. Alf Palmer stated that the placenarne wonyorr refers to

Noun morphology (1): case inflection

173

a 'place between Herbert Vale and Murray River, on Cardwell Range' (cf. Map 3). Judging by the map in Dixon (1972: 25), this place appears to be in Girrarnay territory. The placejalbar 'place near Herbert Vale' appears to be in Warrgarnay territory. Very roughly speaking, in Girrarnay (Dixon 1972: 42) and Warrgarnay (1981: 21), the locatives form of rhotic-final sterns involve the addition of just -a, and the rhotic is retained. The formation and the location of these two placenarnes strongly suggest that they are a Girrarnay word and a Warrgarnay word, respectively. As for mondor 'place on Herbert River, where wild yarns grow', its locative form (mondon-da) fits in the pattern of Warrgarnay and Nyawaygi. This suggests that mondor is a Warrgarnay word or a Nyawaygi word. To sum up, all these irregular nouns appear to be loans - from English or a neighbouring language, except for the kin nouns with the suffix -nyjarr and ngamor 'armpit' 3.2.1.4. Ngani 'what: yarro 'this, here: ngona 'that, there: andngoni 'there, that' Ngani 'what' is an interrogative member of nouns. Strictly speaking, yarra 'this, here', ngona 'that, there', and ngoni 'there, that' are demonstrative members of adverbs (see 3.4.2), but they are most conveniently dealt with here. See Table 3-5. There is at least another interrogative member of nouns: nganimbarri 'how many' (and also 'how much(?)'). Presumably, it behaves like vowel-final sterns shown in Table 3-2. Most of the gaps in Table 3-5 are probably accidenta~ that is, they are due to the incompleteness of the data. Nonetheless, some of them may well be genuine gaps. Table 3-5. Ngani 'what',yarro 'this, here', ngona 'that, there', and ngoni 'there, that'

'what'

'this, here'

'that, lhere'

'there, that'

yarro yarro yarro-nggo yarro-n-do

ngona ngona

ngoni

ERG

ngani ngani ngani-nggo

LOC

ngani-ngga

GEN

ngani-yi ngani-wo (ngani-n-go) ngani-ngo

yarro-n-da yarro-yi yarro-wo (yarro-n-go) yarro-ngo

ngoni-n-do ngoni-ngga ngoni-n-da

COM DAT

ngona-n-do ngona-ngga ngona-n-da ngona-yi ngona-wo (ngona-n-go) ngona-ngo

ABL

ngani-ngomay

yarro-ngomay

ngona-ngomay

NOM/ACC ACC

ngoni-wo

ngoni-ngomay

Some of the forms listed in Table 3-5 involve the linking interfix -n, e.g. yarron-da 'this, here-LINK-LOC', e.g. (3-5). All of the dative forms that involve -n

174

Word classes and morphology

were given by Alf Palmer spontaneously, but they were later rejected by him. It is not certain if they are really incorrect. (Recall that Alec Collins' Warrongo has galnga-na-n-go 'MB-KIN-LINK-DAT' (3.2.1.2). It involves -n.) It is in view of this that they are included in the table, in parentheses. Alec Collins' Warrongo data yielded the following forms. 'what'· ngani (NOMIACC). ngana-nggo (ERG) (note the second vowel a), ngani-wo (DAT), ngani-ngomay (ABL). 'this, here': yarra (NOMIACC), yarro-n-da (LOC). 'that, there': ngona (NOMIACC), ngona-n-do (ERG), ngona-n-da (LOC). 'there, that': ngoni (NOMIACC), ngoni-n-da (LOC). The use of -n looks almost obligatory for the ergative and the locative cases, except for ngana-nggo 'what-ERG' Note that Alec Collins' data (though not Alf Palmer's Warrongo) yielded ngani and ngana for 'what'. Both forms (for 'what') are attested in each of Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 133) and Ranji Pope's Gujal (Peter Sutton, e-mail message of 24 April 2009).

3.3. Pronoun morphology Table 3-6 shows the inflection of (personal) pronouns and their interrogative member 'who' -mainly of Alf Palmer's Warrongo. The form given by Alec Collins but not by Alf Palmer is indicated with '(AC)'. Table 3-6. Pronouns, including 'who'

'lSG'

'lDU'

'lPL'

NOM ERG ACC GEN D.AT

ngaya ngaya nganya ngaygo ngaygo-n-go

LOC COM

ngaygo-n-da ngaygo-n-ji

ABL-1 ABL-2

ngaygo-ngomay

ngali ngali ngali-nya ngali-ngo ngali-ngo-n-go (ngali-n-go M) ngali-ngo-n-da ngali-yi ngali-ngo-n-ji ngali-ngomay

ngana ngana ngana-nya ngana-ngo ngana-ngo-n-go (ngana-n-go M) ngana-ngo-n-da ngana-yi ngana-ngo-n-ji ngana-ngomay ngana-ngo-ni

'2SG'

'2DU'

'2PL'

yinda yobala NOM ERG yinda yobala ------- -------- -----

yorra yorra ----- ----

-

Pronounmorphology

ACC GEN

yobala-nya yobala-ngo

yorra-nya yorra-ngo

yobala-ngo-n-go (yobala-n-go) yobala-ngo-n-da yobala-yi yobala-ngo-n-ji yobala-ngomay

yorra-ngo-n-go (yorra-n-go) yorra-ngo-n-da yorra-yi yorra-ngo-n-ji yorra-ngomay

'3SG'

'3DU'

'3PL'

NOM ERG

nyola nyola

ACC

jana jana jana-nggo jana-nya

GEN D.AT

nyonya nyongo-nya nyongo nyongo-n-go

bola bola bola-nggo bola-nya

LOC COM

nyongo-n-da nyongo-n-ji

ABL-1 ABL-2

nyongo-ngomay nyongo-ni (AC)

bola-ngo bola-ngo-n-go (bola-n-go) bola-ngo-n-da bola-yi bola-ngo-n-ji bola-ngomay

jana-ngo jana-ngo-n-go (jana-n-go) jana-ngo-n-da jana-yi jana-ngo-n-ji jana-ngomay jana-ngo-ni

D.AT LOC COM ABL-1 ABL-2

yin a yino (yono) (yino-ngo-n-go) yino-n-go yino-n-da yino-n-ji yino-ngo-n-ji yino-ngomay yino-ni

115

'who' NOM ERG ACC GEN OAT LOC

COM ABL(l)

wanyo wanyo-lo wanyo-na (wanyo-nya G) wanyo-ngo wanyo-ngo-n-go wanyo-n-go wanyo-ngo-n-da wanyo-ngo-n-ji wanyo-ngomay

The forms in parentheses were given by Alf Palmer, but later rejected by him. They might have crept in, due to 'a slip of the tongue'. Among them, ngali-n-go '1DU-LINK-DAT' (see (4-697) and (4-1024-b)) and ngana-n-go '1PL-LINK-DAT' occur in Mamu (Dixon 1972: 50). (They are marked with 'M'.) Wanyo-nya 'whoACC' occurs in Girramay (Dixon 1972: 50). (It is marked with 'G'.) In the case of some other forms, it is not known why they were rejected. Pronouns use the linking interfix(es) (-n-or -ngo-n-) in more numerous environments than nouns do (Tables 3-2 through 3-5).

176

Word classes and morphology

At least four pronouns (three in AlfPalmer's data and one in Alec Collins' data) are attested with two ablative forms: -ngomay (ablative-I) and -ni (ablative-2). The ablative-I occurs in nouns, too, but the ablative-2 occurs in these pronouns only. The singular pronouns differ from the other pronouns as follows. (a) Their ACC and GEN forms are irregular. They may be considered as instances of fusion, as against agglutination (see 2.2.1-(e).) (In contrast, the ACC and GEN forms of other pronouns simply involve the addition of -nya or -na, and -ngo, respectively, to the respective NOM forms.) (Nyongo-nya '3SG-ACC' is unusual in that it is built on the GEN form.)

(b) Their DAT, LOC, COM and ABL-1 forms are built on their respective GEN forms. (In contrast, those of the other pronouns are built on their respective NOM forms, with a linking interfix generally attached.) All the four ABL-2 forms are built on their respective GEN forms. 'Who' has separate forms for the ERG, NOM and ACC. '3DU' and '3PL' differ from the other pronouns (except for 'who') in that they can take the ergative suffix, e.g. (3-113) (bola-nggo '3DU-ERG').

3.4. Adverb morphology (1): case inflection 3.4.1. Types of adverbs Formation of adverbs will be discussed in 3.8. Adverbs can be classified, largely on semantic grounds, into the following groups, each of which contains interrogative and demonstrative members. [1] Place, direction or destination, e.g. birri 'near', bada 'downstream', gani 'far', ngarra 'high, on top', nyarrga 'beneath, down', jorri 'alongside', gana 'below, inside', ngogala 'outside, over there, on the other side (of house, etc.)', ganba 'ahead, in front', goda 'behind'. (Wora 'middle, centre' may be a noun, rather than an adverb. See 3.4.3 for a comparison of adverbs with nouns.) Note that gana may mean either 'below' or 'inside'. Similarly, in Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 246), the adverb gani and its reduplicated form gani-gani may mean 'down' or 'inside' It may be that in the perception of Warrongo people and Djaru people, the down/below and the inside are identical. There are words for the cardinal directions: wanggarri 'east', golbila 'south', gowa 'west', andgonggarri 'north', e.g. (4-603). The interrogative members include wanyja 'where', wanyja-bara 'where from' (hardly ever used), wanyja-rri 'which way' (direction), wanyja-rro 'where to' (and also 'where at (?)'), and wany:ja-y-mo 'where from' (mentioned in 2.6-[2]-(d); hardly ever used).

Adverb morphology (1): case inflection

177

The demonstrative members are yarra 'this, here', ngona 'that, there', and

ngoni 'there, that'. (See also 3.4.3-[1].) Adverbs of place/direction/destination, including the words for the cardinal directions and interrogative members, often take the adverb-stem-forming suffix -ngal 'to' (3.8.1-[2]) or -mali 'on/to the X side of something/someone' (3.8.1-[3]). [2] Time, etc., e.g. ganba 'before', nyalay 'before, not long ago, for the first time', nyila 'today, soon', garrbala 'tomorrow' In the analysis adopted, garri 'sun, daytime' and gonda 'darkness, night, last night, yesterday' are nouns, and not adverbs. (See 3.4.3-[2].) Most of these adverbs of time are deictic, that is, they are demonstrative members of adverbs. The attested interrogative members are wanyja-mara 'when', wanyja-mira 'when' (cf. wanyja 'where'), and nganimbarri-mara 'how long (of time)' (cf. nganimbarri 'how many'; see 3.7.1-[6] for -barri.) They are hardly ever used. [3] Manner, etc., e.g. ganan 'more', e.g. 'once more', gana '(precise meaning unknown) a word used to describe the way one dances or looks at something'. Tentatively warra 'in a wrong way' (manner), 'in a wrong direction', and 'cannot', is listed as an adverb of modality: 4.24-[11]. As mentioned in 3.1.2-[3], there are nouns that describe the way an action is done. They are best translated into English by means of an adverb, e.g. 'quickly' and 'quietly', e.g. (3-40). The demonstrative member is yama 'in this way, in that way, thus'. The interrogative member is wanyja-rri 'how' (manner). Note that this word may also mean 'which way' (direction). [4] Modality. Generally, adverbs of modality qualify the whole sentence, while other types of adverbs qualify the verb. Adverbs of modality are discussed in 4.24.

3.4.2. Wanyja 'where' The declension of wanyja 'where' 'where' is shown in Table 3-7. Without any suffix, wanyja can mean 'where at', e.g. (2-87), (3-153) (first A, third A), (4-870-A), (4-903) (first F), or 'where to', e.g. (4-975-A). One of the locative forms involves the linking interfix -n-. Two of the forms occur in Alec Collins' data, too. Table 3-7. Wanyja 'where'

'at, in', and 'to'

LOC OAT

ABL

wanyja (AP, AC) wanyja-ngga (AP), wanyja-n-da (AP, AC) wanyja-wo (AP) wanyja-ngomay (AP)

178

Word classes and morphology

There is an interesting use of wanyja 'where', and it is exemplified here. A question which literally means 'Where is this place?' or the like seems to mean 'What is the name of this place?' There are at least two examples. (3-13) (A conversation cited from a text.) A wanyja yarro-r2J yamba-r2J? where this,here-NOM place-NOM 'Where [is] this place?', i.e. 'What is [the name of] this place?' godami-r2J. (AP) B. yarro-r2J this-NOM Godami-NOM '[The name of] this [place] is Godami.' (3-14) (A conversation cited from a text) A yarro-r2J wanyja? this,here-NOM where 'Where [is] this [place]?', i.e. 'What [is the name of] this [place]?' nyarri-r2J I wanyja-ngomay-r2J yarro-r2J? A. yamba-r2J place-NOM name-NOM where-ABL-NOM this,here-NOM 'Where [is] the name of this place from?', i.e. 'What is the name of this place?' B. balabala-r2J yarro-r2J. (AP) Balabala-NOM this,here-NOM '[The name of] this [place] is Balabala.' Note that the second A in (3-14) involves the ablative-I form (wanyja-ngomay-r2J).

3.4.3. Comparison of adverbs and nouns: case inflection The distinction between nouns and adverbs is not clear-cut. As mentioned in 3.1.2-[4], adverbs of place/direction/destination (including the cardinal directions), those of time and at least one of manner show case inflection, like nouns, though to a limited degree. It is possible to say that they constitute a subtype of nouns, i.e. they are nouns which have a defective inflection. Nonetheless, the present work (tentatively) sets up the class of adverbs. According to the analysis adopted, in the main the differences between these adverbs and nouns in terms of case inflection are as follows. (Adverbs of modality never take a case suffix.) See Table 3-8. [1] Words for place/direction/destination In order to express a location ('at, in, on', etc.), nouns must take the locative suffix, e.g. (3-42) (yamba-ngga 'camp-LOC'). In contrast, adverbs of place/direction/destination can express this meaning without the locative suffix, e.g. (i) ngarra 'high, up' in (3-7), (3-51), (4-560), (4-631), (4-882), (4-883), (ii) birri 'near' in (3-45), (iii)

Adverb morphology (1): case inflection

179

golbila 'in the south' in (4-62), (4-64), (iv) gonggarri 'in the north' in (4-84), the four words for the cardinal directions in (4-603), (vi) ganba 'in front' in Text 3, Line 15, and (vii) ngoni 'there, that' in (3-51), (4-8). Some of the adverbs of place/ direction/destination are attested with the locative suffix, e.g. (viii) 'birri-ngga 'near-LOC' in (3-54), and (ix) gana-ngga inside-LOC' in (4-897). Text 2, Line 36. But this use of the locative suffix is infrequent and optional. Table 3-8. Comparison of adverbs and nouns

LOCsuffi.x

DATsuffix

ABLsuffix

'at, in, on', etc.

'to'

'fr01n'

noun adverb

obligatory optional, infrequent

obligatory optional, infrequent

obligatory obligatory

time

'at, in, on', etc.

'until'

'fr01n, since, after'

noun adverb

obligatory never used

obligatory obligatory

obligatory obligatory

place, direction, destination

manner noun adverb

obligatory optional

In order to express a direction/destination ('to'), nouns must take the dative suffix, e.g. (3-21) (yamba-wo 'camp-DAT'), (3-81) (gamo-wo 'water-DAT'). Adverbs of place/direction/destination do not need to - and they generally do not - take the dative suffix, e.g. (2-133) (golbila 'to south'), and also (4-177) (ngarra 'upwards'), (4-172) (ngoni=wa 'to there'), Text 1, Line 16 (gada 'upstream'), and gonggarri 'to north'. Furthermore, some of the adverbs of place/direction/destination may take the adverb-stem-forming suffix -ngal 'to' (3.8.1-[2]), e.g. (i) gonggarri-ngal 'north-to' in (4-105), (4-172), (4-545), (4-1020), Text 1, Line 13, and (ii) golbila-ngal 'south-to'. The adverb golmi 'back' (as in 'go/come back') seems never to take the dative suffix or -ngal 'to', e.g. (3-154). (3-249). (4-49), (4-97), (4-103), Text 3, Line 2. To express a starting point, etc. ('from'), both nouns and adverbs of place/direction/destination must take the ablative-I suffix -ngomay (3.6.1), e.g. (i) nouns: (3-129) (yamba-ngomay 'camp-ABL'). and (ii) adverbs: (3-152) (ngoni-ngomay 'there-ABL'), (4-496) (gowa-ngomay 'west-ABL'). Table 3-8 excludes the demonstrative members: yarra, ngona and ngoni. Their use in terms of the relevant case suffixes is as follows. (Their case paradigm is shown in Table 3-5.) Ngoni is almost always used in the sense of 'there' (i.e. referring to places) and rarely 'that' (i.e. referring to humans, animals, or inanimates other than places),

180

Word classes and morphology

whereas for ngana both 'that' and 'there' are common, and for yarra both 'this' and 'here' are common. When these demonstrative members express a location ('at, in, on', etc.) (rather than a direction/destination), their use seems to be roughly as follows. (a) ngani 'there, that' (a-1) With no non-zero case suffix (a-1-1) Intransitive clauses, e.g. (3-6), (3-108), Text 1, Line 35. (a-1-2) Transitive clauses, e.g. (4-8), (4-52), (4-212), Text 1, Line 34, Line 37. (a-2) ngani-n-da 'there, that-LINK-LOC' (a-2-1) Intransitive clauses, e.g. (4-228). (a-2-2) Transitive clauses, e.g. (3-322), (4-64), (4-81), (4-96). (b) ngana 'that, there' (b-1) With no non-zero case suffix (b-1-1) Intransitive clauses, e.g. (3-17), (3-261), Text 1, Line 51. (b-1-2) Transitive clauses: no clear example. Possibly (4-80). (b-2) ngana-n-da 'that, there-LINK-LOC' (b-2-1) Intransitive clauses, e.g. (3-76), (3-99), (3-221), (4-132), (4-209-B), Text 1, Line 54'. (b-2-2) Transitive clauses, e.g. (3-48), TeA1: 1, Line 71. (c) yarra 'this, here' (c-1) With no non-zero case suffix (c-1-1) Intransitive clauses, e.g. (2-135), (2-136), (3-4), (3-7), (4-92), (4-181). (c-1-2) Transitive clauses: (3-170) (third W). (c-2) yarra-n-da 'this, here-LINK-LOC' (c-2-1) Intransitive clauses, e.g. (3-5), (3-16), (3-43), (3-226-a), (3-240), (3-288-A), (3-315), (4-90). (c-2-2) Transitive clauses, e.g. (1-10-b), (4-168), Text 1, Line 63-b. That is, when these demonstrative members have the locative case suffix

(ngani-n-da, ngana-n-da, yarra-n-da), they each are used in both intransitive and transitive clauses. However, when they do not have the locative suffix, ngani 'there, that' is used in both intransitive and transitive clauses. In contrast, ngana 'that, there' and yarra 'this, here' are used in intransitive clauses, but they are hardly ever used in transitive clauses. A note on ngana 'that, there' and yarra 'this, here' is in order. Consider (3-4), for instance. It is an intransitive clause. Yarra 'this, here' may be taken to be constituting an NP with the noun yari-flJ 'kangaroo-NOM' (S), and it will be considered to be in the nominative case: yarra-flJ 'this-NOM'. The sentence may be translated as 'This kangaroo is lying'. Alternatively, yarra may be considered a separate constituent from yari-flJ 'kangaroo-NOM', and it will not be considered to be in the nominative case. The sentence may be translated as 'A kangaroo is lying here' An analogous comment applies to yarra-flJ 'this, here-ACC' the third

Adverb morphology (1): case iriflection

181

W in (3-170). It is a transitive clause. The situation is different with yarro-n-da 'this, here-LINK-LOC'. A word in the LOC cannot be taken to be a member of the S (NOM). The same applies to ngona 'that, there' and the locative ngona-n-da. In order to express 'to', ngoni 'there, that' seems never to take the dative suffix, e.g. (4-lTI) (ngoni=wa 'to there'), but yarra 'this, here' and ngona 'that, there' seem to require it, e.g. yarro-wo 'here-DAT' in (3-195), Text 3, Line 2. In order to express 'from', these demonstrative members must take the ablative-1 suffix (-ngomay), like all other adverb and also nouns, e.g. yarro-ngomay 'here-ABLl' in (3-134), (4-13), (4-18-b), (4-77), (4-114). I consider these demonstratives members of the class of adverbs, and not of nouns, for they can express 'at, in' without the locative suffix, like other adverbs of place/direction/destination. Examples of these demonstrative members follow. (3-15) wajo-n ngoni-n-da wonaja-ngga (AP) cook-NF there-LINK-LOC carnping.out-LOC '[I] cooked [a kangaroo and a possum] there while earn ping out.' (3-16) (An example from a text. Alf Palmer visits a place, and asks the local people, 'Where are other people?' The local people answer as follows.) nyawa ngali-0=goli yarro-n-da wonaja wona-n (AP) NEG lDU-NOM=only this-LINK-LOC carnping.out lie-NF 'No. Only we two are camping here.' (3-17) (An example from a text)

ngona

ngali-0 birra-wan-n birra-wa-n birra-wa-n. (AP) that,there lDU-NOM talk-RECP-NF talk-RECP-NF talk-RECP-NF 'Those we talked and talked' or 'There we talked and talked.'

[2] Words for time In order to express 'at, in, during', etc., nouns must take the locative suffix, e.g. (3-18), but adverbs oftirne never do, e.g. (i) garrbala 'tomorrow', e.g. (3-248), (3-314), (4-119), Text 2, Line 29, and (ii) nyila 'today, soon', e.g. (3-285), (3-316), (4-422), and (iii) ganba-mara 'before-very', i.e. 'long ago', e.g. (3-43), (3-233). At least, there is no such example in the data. (3-18) ngali-0 yani-0 gonda-ngga. (AP) lDU-NOM go-NF night-LOC 'We went [i.e. travelled] during the night' In order to express 'until', both nouns and adverbs of time must take the dative suffix, e.g. (3-100) (nyila-wo 'soon-DAT') and Text 2, Line 28 (garrbalawo 'tornorrow-DAT). There is a dative form 'until' to which the intransitive-sternforming suffix -bi-L (4.7.1) is added: jidal-go-bi-L 'rnorning-DAT-INT', 'do until the morning' (mentioned in 3.2.1.1).

182

Word classes and morphology

Similarly, in order to e"-'J'Tess 'from, since, after', both nouns and adverbs of time must take the ablative suffix-1 -ngomay. Examples are given in 3.6.7-[3]. [3] Words for manner We shall look at nouns first. As examples, consider (3-19) (an intransitive clause) and (3-20) (a transitive clause). The noun nga"ban 'quick' must agree with the modified noun in terms of case. In (3-20), it must take the ergative suffix. Other examples include (3-40).

wadali-n. (TT) (3-19) nga"ban-0 bama-0 quick-NOM man-NOM run-NF 'The quick man ran', i.e. 'the man ran quickly.' (3-20) nga"ban-do bama-nggo gamo-0 bija-n. (TT) quick-ERG man-ERG water-ACC drink-NF 'The quick man drank water', i.e. 'The man drank water quickly.' Also, consider (3-21) (an example cited from a text). The noun bariny 'to avoid meeting someone by taking a different road', i.e. 'to dodge', takes (and no doubt must take) the locative suffix.

yani-0 ngana-0 yamba-wo. (AP) (3-21) bariny-ja dodging-LOC go-NF 1PL-NOM camp-DAT 'We went to the camp, dodging [him].' In contrast, adverbs of manner do not need to take any case suffix, e.g. nyon. gol-nyon.gol 'one by one' (without the ergative suffix) in (4-220) (a transitive clause). (However, among the adverbs of manner, at least wonaja is attested with a case suffix: in the locative, e.g. (3-15).) To sum up, a given word is classified as an adverb, and not as a noun: (a) ifitcanexpress 'at, in, on', etc. (in space or time) ormannerwithoutthe locative suffix, or; (b) if it can indicate 'to' (direction/destination) without the dative suffix, or; (c) if it can describe manner without the ergative suffix (in the case of transitive clauses). Otherwise, the word is classified as a noun. Consider 'adverb' in Table 3-8. The use of a case suffix is in the main (i) optional or never used in 'at, in, on'. etc., (ii) optional or obligatory in 'to' or 'until', and (iii) obligatory in 'from' This suggests the following hierarchy. (3-22) Case suffix for adverbs: case label: 'at, in, on' case suffix:

less obligatory

'to, until'

'from' obligatory

Notes on case iliflection

183

This hierarchy is in essence the same as the following hierarchy for English regarding the use of a preposition with where: (!'at) where> (to) where> from where. That is, in these expressions, at is never used, to is optional, andjrom is obligatory. See Dixon (1980: 295). There are a number of suffixes, marking 'to', 'from', etc., that occur only with adverbs. They are considered stem-forming suffixes (although it is possible to regard them as case suffixes used with adverbs only). They are discussed in 3.8.1.

3.5.

Notes on case inflection

3.5.1. Silverstein's NP hierarchy As mentioned in 3.1.2, roughly speaking, with nouns, the nominative and the ac-

cusative case are identical, in distinction from the ergative (that is, they have an ergative pattern: S/0, A), while with pronouns the nominative and the ergative share the same form, as opposed to the accusative case (that is, they have an accusative pattern: S/A, 0). See Table 3-1. However, as can be seen from Tables 3-3 and 3-6, there are three deviations from this generalization. (i) At least some of the vowel-final proper and kin nouns optionally take the non-zero accusative suffix: -nya. (ii) '3DU' and '3PL' can optionally take a non-zero ergative suffix: -nggo. (iii) 'Who' has distinct forms for the nominative, the ergative, and the accusative cases, i.e. it has a 'tripartite' (Comrie 1978b: 332) pattern (A, S, 0). A modified version of the NP hierarchy proposed by Silverstein (1976: 122) neatly describes the distribution of non-zero accusative marking, and non-zero ergative marking. It also neatly describes the distribution of the linking interfix(es) -n- (or -ngo-n-). See Table 3-9. The plus sign('+') means 'obligatory', the plus in parentheses('+') 'used, but in the main optional', and the minus sign('-') 'never used'. Table 3-9. Silverstein's NP hierarchy

nom

pronoun

accusative marking ergative marking linking inter.lix

lSG, DU, PL 2SG,DU,PL 3SG

3DU,PL

vowelfinal proper and kin

+

+ (+) +

(+) + (+)

+

'this', 'that', 'what'

regular noun

+

+

(+)

184

Word classes and morphology

As predicted by Silverstein, the non-zero marking of the accusative case extends from the high end of the hierarchy, while the non-zero marking of the ergative case spreads from the low end. Note also that the non-zero marking of the accusative case and the use of the linking interfixes exhibit very similar distributions.

3.5.2. Genitive, comitative and ablative cases The genitive, comitative and ablative-1 cases differ from other cases in that they may be followed by another (non-zero) case suffix. [1] The genitive case It is common in Australian languages for the genitive (or dative) case forms to take a further case suffix (see Dixon 1980: 300), e.g. Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 105) and Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 66). In Warrongo, this double case-marking does occur, but it occurs only under limited circumstances: only with pronouns and only in certain types ofNPs. See 4.5.2.2.2, 4.5.2.2.3, and4.5.2.2.5 to 4.5.2.2.7.

[2] The ablative cases The ablative-1 forms (-ngomay) can be, and often are, followed by another (non-zero) case suffix, whereas the ablative-1 forms (-ni) do not (at least in the data obtained). See Table 3-10. [3] The comitative case The comitative forms, too, can be, and often are, followed by a non-zero case suffix; see Table 3-11. 3.5.3. Nouns with no case inflection ('!) Crosslinguistically, adjectives generally have two functions: (i) attributive and (ii) predicative. This applies to most of the 'adjective-like' nouns of Warrongo. When an 'adjective-like' noun qualifies another noun or a pronoun, it agrees with the latter in terms of case, cf. (3-20). However, there are 'adjective-like' nouns that appear to be used predicatively only and that seem to lack any non-zero case; they seem to have the nominative case only. One such example is walwandan 'ill, not well'. This word often occurred, e.g., in texts and elicitation, but it was always used in the nominative case and as the 'predicate' of verbless intransitive clauses, e.g. (3-23), (3-149), (3-175) (first W), (4-679), and Text 1, Lines 59, 60. (This is reminiscent of English adjectives such as afraid, awake, and aware, which are used predicatively only, and never attributively.) (3-23) ngaya

1SG:NOM 'I [felt] ill.'

walwandan-0. (AP) ill-NOM

Meanings and functions ofcases

185

Walwandan is not attested with any non-zero case, such as *walwandan-do 'ill-ERG' Etymologically it contains the adjective-like noun walwa 'no good'. This may be coincidental, but the final consonant n is identical with one of the nonfuture suffixes: -n (Table 3-14). Also, there is the (non-productive) verb-stem-forming suffix -nda 'repeatedly', 'plural actors' (3.11.1.2). Then, originally walwandan may have been a verb. There are a fair number of nouns that, like walwandan 'ill', seem to be used predicatively only and occur in the nominative case only. At least they are not attested in the attributive function or with any non-zero suffix. Most (though not all) of them appear to be based on a verb root and they involve a stem-forming suffix. Some of these suffixes are listed below. (a) -barri '(meaning not clear)' (3.7.1-[6]), e.g. wanba-1-barri 'frightened' (cf. wanba-L (Vi) 'to be afraid') andbaja-1-barri 'bold' (cf. baja-L (Vt) 'to bite'). (b) -jarri '(meaning not clear)' (3.7.1-[7]), e.g. wanba-1-jarri 'frightened'. (There is at least one exception: walwa-jarri 'bad'. It is attested in the dative (walwa-jarri-wo) and the ergative (walwa-jarri-nggo). See Text 1, Lines 56 and 57. Unlike the words listed above and those listed below, walwa-jarri 'bad' is based not on a verb, but on the adjective-like noun walwa 'bad'. This may be the cause for its exceptional nature.)

(c) -monga 'someone who does X habitually' (3.7.1-[13]), e.g. baja-1-monga 'someone who is inclined to bite or bites habitually' (d) -l... -1, (3.11.1.6-[5]), e.g. bari-1-bari-l 'difficult' (this word was mentioned in (2-55)) (cf. bari-L (Vt) 'to twist'). (e) -rr... -rr (3.11.1.7-[4]), e.g. yimirr-yimirr 'glad', e.g. (4-730) (cf. yimirri-ZERO and yimirr-yimirri-ZERO (Vi) 'to be glad'). Furthermore, the noun yamanyon 'similar' is not attested with any non-zero case suffix. See 4.23 for more on this word.

3.6.

Meanings and functions of cases

The case forms of nouns, pronouns and adverbs, including their interrogative and demonstrative members, have been shown above. The meanings and functions of each case are described below.

3.6.1. Nominative case The nominative case can mark the following. [1] The so-called 'subject' of an intransitive clause ('S'), where the predicate may be an intransitive verb, e.g. (3-2) to (3-8), (3-12), a noun, e.g. (3-24), (3-25), or a

186

Word classes and morphology

pronoun, e.g. (3-26). In (2-135) and (2-136), yarro-0 'this, here-NOM', a demonstrative member of adverbs, indicates a location without the locative suffix. Semantically, the S NP may refer to an actor, a patient, an experiencer, a theme, and so on. [2] The 'predicate' of a 'nominal sentence' (Jespersen 1924: 120), e.g. (3-24) (goyi-0 'hungry-NOM') and (3-25) (walwa-0 'bad-NOM'). [3] An 'addressee' Here, the nominative is used like the 'vocative' case, e.g. (2-135)

(yanga-0 'M-NOM'), (2-136) (galnga-0 'MB-NOM'), (3-27) (majowarrgi-0 'mateNOM'), and Text 3, Line 3 (galnga-0 'MB-NOM'). (3-24) ngaya goyi-0. (AP) 1SG:NOM hungry-NOM 'I [am] hungry.' (3-25) gamo-0 walwa-0. (AP) water-NOM bad-NOM '[This] water [is] bad [e.g. not fit to drink].'

ngaygo. (AP) (3-26) yarro-0 this-NOM 1SG.GEN 'This [is] my [food]' or 'This [is] mine' (3-27) ngali-0 yani-yaL majowarrgi-0. (AP) lDU-NOM go-PURP friend-NOM 'Let's go, mate.' The 'vocative' use of the kin terms with the kin suffix -na and that of those without -na exhibit a complicated situation. See 3.7.1-[18]. [4] The nominative case may also indicate the subject of the antipassive construction (4.9), reflexive/middle construction (4.11), and reciprocal construction (4.12). They are all 'surface-intransitive'; they may be considered as 'derived' from underlying transitive clauses. In addition, the nominative case may mark the subject of iterative constructions (4.13), some of which may be considered as derived from underlying transitive clauses. [5] The nominative case may indicate the topic (rather than the S or the A) of a sentence. See 4.22.

Meanings andfunctions ofcases

187

3.6.2. Ergative and accusative cases The ergative case marks the following. [1] The so-called 'subject' of a transitive clause('!() The A is generally human, e.g. (3-28) (father), but it may be a human body part, e.g. (1-11-a) (testicles), (3-29) (pubic hair), or a non-human animate, e.g. (3-30) (dog), or an inanimate. There are a number of examples of an inanimate A, e.g. (3-31) (cyclone), (3-32) (water), (3-33) (mountain mist), (3-34) (trousers), (3-328) (a cyclone), and (4-481) (first A) (!1gani-nggo 'what-ERG'). In (1-11-a), the body part (i.e. testicles) is not separated from the rest of the body. The same applies to the pubic hair in (3-29). There is one example in which a body part is separated from the rest of the body· 'skull' in (4-764-c). It can in no way be considered as human or animate. (3-28) gaya-na-lo gw1yji-n gajarra-f2J. (AP) father-KIN-ERG carry-NF possum-ACC '[My] father carried a possum.' (3-29) minga-f2J gamba-n jirri-do. (AP) vulva-ACC cover-NF pubic.hair-ERG 'The pubic hair has covered [her] vulva.' (3-30) gando-nggo gamo-f2J bija-n. (AP) dog-ERG water-ACC drink-NF 'The dog drank water.' (3-31) (On the 24th December 1971, when I was Palm Island, a cyclone struck the island and destroyed many houses.) gambarra-nggo yamba-0 woda-n. (AP) cyclone-ERG house-ACC pull.down-NF 'The cyclone pulled down [i.e. destroyed] the houses.' (3-32) (According to Rachel Cummins, Alf Palmer's mother was pushed down into the gorge at Blencoe Falls; see 1.7. Alf Palmer himself said that his mother was drowned. He wondered what had happened to her, and said as follows.) wanyja-rri nyonya gamo-nggo ganyji-n? (AP) where-to 3SG.ACC water-ERG carry-NF 'Where did the water carry her to?' (3-33) (Looking at the hill on Palm Island, AlfPalmer said:) mongan-f2J gomborro-nggo gamba-n. (AP) hill-ACC mountain.mist-ERG cover-NF 'The mountain mist has covered the hill.'

188

Word classes and morphology

(3-34) jarroja-nggo jombi-0 gamba-n. (AP) trousers-ERG penis-ACC cover-NF 'The trousers have covered [his] penis.' (The root for 'pubic hair' isjirril. Seejambal 'snake' in Table 3-2.) Semantically, the A describes an actor in a broad sense (cf. Foley and Van Valin 1984: 29), such as (i) an agent, e.g. (3-28), (3-30), (ii) an experiencer, e.g. the A of seeing, finding, and hearing, as in (4-329) (seeing), (4-341) (finding), (3-230) (hearing), (iii) someone who is in pursuit of (e.g. searches for) something, e.g. (4-252), and (iv) a possessor (of a body part only?), e.g. (3-228), (4-889) to (4-891), and (4-893). When the A is inanimate, it generally refers to a natural force, e.g. (3-31) (cyclone), (3-32) (flowing water), and (3-33) (mountain mist). In (4-676-c), the skull is probably held to be a source of mythical power. But the trousers in (3-34) may not be regarded as natural forces. [2] Instrument for an action The ergative case may describe an instrument for an action. The noun may refer to an inanimate entity (such as stone and ngani-nggo 'what-ERG'), e.g. (3-35) (stone). But it may also refer to (i) a body part, e.g. (3-36) (eyes), (3-37) (hand), (3-297) ('[to carry] on the shoulders'), (3-103) (eyes), or (ii) bodily secretions or the like, e.g. (3-38) (saliva), (4-749-a) (fart), and (4-932) (fart). That is, here body part nouns and bodily secretion nouns are treated as inanimate. The same applies to other Australian languages such as Djaru (Tsunoda 198la: 57), and Japanese. One clause may contain two nouns in the ergative, one for the A and the other for an instrument, e.g. (3-35) to (3-38). (The ergative case describing an instrument is often translated with the English with, but it is best rendered with on in (3 -297).) (3-35) warrngo-nggo nyonya jingga-lgo woman-ERG 3SG:ACC punch-PURP 'The woman will punch him with a stone.'

barri-nggo. (AP) stone-ERG

(3-36) bama-nggo jili-nggo warrngo-0 jabi-n. (AP) man-ERG eye-ERG woman-ACC stop-NF 'The man winked at the woman'. (Lit. 'The man stopped the woman with [his] eyes.')

nyani-0 baba-0 (3-37) yinda 2SG.ERG ground-ACC dig-IMP 'Dig the ground with [your] hand.'

mara-nggo. (AP) hand-ERG

nyonya boybo-n garYIJ?ja-nggo. (AP) (3-38) ngaya lSG.ERG 3SG.ACC spit.on-NF saliva-ERG 'I spat on him with saliva.' (AP)

Meanings and functions ofcases

189

The ergative case of pronouns (including 'who') does not seem to indicate an instrument. Also, the ergative case of those nouns that have a human or nonhuman animate referent (i.e. excluding body part/bodily secretion nouns) cannot describe an instrument. Thus, I suggested (3-39) to Alf Palmer. The intended meaning is 'I hit a dog with a child [using the child' hand]' Alf Palmer stated to the effect that such a sentence could only mean 'I, a child, hit a dog', e.g. that galbin-do marks the A, and not an instrument. See (4-6) for an example spontaneously given by Alf Palmer. (3-39) ngaya gando-0 balga-n galbin-do. (TT) lSG.ERG dog-ACC hit-NF child-ERG 'I, a child, hit a dog.' As noted in 3.1.2-[3] and 3.4.3, nouns describing a manner such as ngalban and ngarrban 'quick, fast' and yoray 'quiet' may be translated by means of English

adverbs. But they qualify the S (in the nominative), e.g. (3-19), (3-203), (3-205), or the A (in the ergative), e.g. (3-20), (3-40), (3-204), (4-145), (4-148), agreeing with the qualified S or A in terms of case. That is, they are nouns (to be more precise 'adjective-like' nouns) and not adverbs. (3-40) (AlfPalmer said, jocularly.)

ngarrban-do yinda

jaynyja-0. (AP) quick-ERG 2SG.ERG copulate.with-IMP 'Copulate with [her] quickly.'

As seen in Table 3-6, most of the pronouns do not have any non-zero suffix for the ergative case. Now, compare (3-20) (the A is a noun) and (3-40), (4-6) (the A is a pronoun). This comparison clearly shows the pronoun in question is in the ergative case. Nouns in the ergative case for an instrument generally occur in transitive clauses, e.g. (3-35) to (3-38). They may also occur in the reflexive construction (4.11) and the reciprocal construction (4.12). These constructions are all intransitive, but they may be considered 'derived' from underlying transitive clauses. In contrast, nouns in the ergative case describing an instrument appear to never occur in ordinary, i.e. 'non-derived', intransitive clauses. Thus, a sentence analogous to (3-41) was rejected by Alf Palmer. For the intended meaning, the comitative case (3.6.8) will be used instead, e.g. (3-155).

(3-41) *bama-0 yani-0 jola-nggo. (TT) man-NOM walk-NF stick-ERG Intended meaning: 'The man is walking with [the help of] a stick.'

190

Word classes and morphology

[3] Frequency (?) There is one example in which the ergative case possibly indicates frequency. There is a transitive verb nyon.go-do-nga-L 'do once', e.g. (4-141), whose formation is as follows. There is a noun nyon.gol 'one', and its ergative form is nyon.go-do 'one-ERG' (note the deletion of the root-final I; see 3.2.1.1-[2]-(c)). This is in turn combined with the transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L (4.7.2-[1]-(e)). Given the existence of this verb, ergative forms by themselves would be expected to mark frequency, as in 'once, twice, three times, etc.' However, there is no such example. It is possible, though by no means certain, that at an earlier stage of the language the ergative case marked frequency and that this use has survived in just one word, and in a verbalized form: nyon.go-do-nga-L 'do once'. [4] The ergative case can also mark the 'object' or the undergoer NP of the antipassive construction; see 4.9.1. In many Australian languages, one and the same form denotes the so-called transitive subject ('Pl) and an instrument, and some authors recognize two separate cases: ergative case (for the A) and instrumental case (cf. Dixon 2002: 135). I myself used to adopt this practice, e.g. Tsunoda (198la: 55) on Djaru and Tsunoda (1988b) on Warrongo. However, I now prefer the traditional view of case: 'cases are traditionally recognized on the basis of a distinction of case form (Blake 1994: 20), and cases have functions and meanings (Blake 1994: 3). That is, since the same form describes the so-called transitive subject and an instrument, only one case will be recognized. If one and the same form were separated according to its functions and meanings, that would result in multiplication of cases. The accusative case marks the so-called '(direct) object' of transitive clauses, e.g. (3-28) through (3-38). Its semantic range was alluded to above, e.g. the patient of an action, the goal of perception, the goal of pursuit, and a possessee. It may also mark a recipient and the like. See 4.3.3.2. 3.6.3. Locative case The locative case marks the following. [1] Location or movement, 'in, at, on, below, above, near, alongside, around', etc.; 'into, onto, out of, through, round, over, across, up, down, against', etc. Examples include (3-3) Cup'), (3-5) and (3-6) ('in'), (3-12) ('alongside'), and: (3-42) ngana-0 yamba-ngga nyina-n. (AP) 1PL-NOM camp-LOC sit-NF 'We were sitting in the camp.'

yarro-n-da yani-n. (AP) (3-43) ganba-mara ngaya ago-very lSG.NOM this,here-LINK-LOC walk-NF 'Long ago I used to walk [about] in this [place].'

Meanings and functions of cases

(3-44)

191

tJ was cooking a kangaroo.') barri-0

bamba-ngga ngaya jarga-n. (AP) stone-ACC belly-LOC 1SG.ERG insert-NF 'I put [a heated] stone in [or into] [its] belly.'

(3-45)

0

speared a kangaroo, but it got away.')

mirgan---mirgan-da yamba-ngga

yani-0. (AP) hill-hill-LOC country-LOC go-NF '[It] went [along] in/through many hills [or a hilly country].'

(See 3.7.2 for reduplication of nouns.) (3-46) ngaya gamo-ngga wara-n. (AP) 1SG.NOM water-LOC jump-NF 'I jumped [i.e. dived] into the water.' (3-47)

tJ had sex with my wife. She said to me:') yinda

ngona-0 galga-n ngaygo-n-da jirga-0. (AP) 2SG.ERG that-ACC pour-NF 1SG-LINK-LOC semen-ACC 'You poured that semen into me.'

(Note that ngona 'that', and not yarro 'this', is used here.) (3-48)

0

caught a possum.')

ngaya

[gajan-a-0 TT] baygo-n ngona-n-da 1SG.ERG [possum-ACC] bash-NF that-LINK-LOC jolany-ja. (AP) 'I bashed [the possum] against that tree.' The locative case does not specify exact location or movement. In particular, with the intransitive verb banda-L 'emerge, pass through a passage', the locative case can mean '[go/come out] from, to, into, at, through', e.g. (3-219), (4-63), Text 3, Line 14, and: (3-49) gombo-ngga boji-0 banda-n. (AP) anus-LOC fart-NOM emerge-NF 'The fart came out from/through the anus.' Nonetheless, a more precise description of location or movement can be achieved with the addition of an adverb of place/direction/destination, e.g. (3-291) and (4607-a) (malan-da goyay-ngal 'creek-LOC across-to'), and: (3-50) jorri yani-0 ngali-0 wo yalga-ngga. (AP) beside,by go-NF lDU-NOM (error) road-LOC 'We walked beside, by the road', i.e. 'We walked beside the road.'

192

Word classes and morphology

(3-51) ('Where did you find a possum?')

ngoni ngarra magarra-ngga. (AP) there high,up small.scrub-LOC 'Up there, in a small scrub.'

jolany-ja golma-mali jana-n. (AP) (3-52) ngaya lSG.NOM tree-LOC behind-side stand-NF 'I stood at/by a tree, behind', i.e. ' I stood behind a tree.' An adverb that accompanies a locative noun often contains an adverb-forming suffix (3.8.1), e.g. (i) -rro 'to', (ii) -ngal 'to', e.g. (3-291), (4-607-a), and (iii) -mali 'to/on the X side of', e.g. (3-52). As mentioned in 3.4.3, adverbs of place/direction/destination may take the locative suffix or the dative suffix. Without any case suffix (and any derivational suffix) they may accompany a locative noun, e.g. jorri 'beside, by' in (3-50), and birri in (3-53). Furthermore, such an adverb in the locative may accompany a noun in the locative, e.g. (3-54) (birri-ngga 'near-LOC'); and (4-897) and Text 2, Line 36 (gana-ngga 'inside-LOC'). (3-53) gamo-ngga birri nyina-yaL (AP) water-LOC near sit-PIJRP '[We] will sit by the water, near', i.e. '[We] will sit near the water' (3-54) wona-ya ngali-0 gamo-ngga birri-ngga. (AP) lie,sleep-IMP lDU-NOM water-LOC near-LOC 'Let's sleep by the water, near', i.e. 'Let's sleep near the water' Diachronically, the use of an adverb as in (3-53) may become a source ofpostpositions. (There is no example of the following combination: birri gamo-ngga 'near water-LOC', in which the use of an adverb may become a source of prepositions.) In one example, i.e. (3-55), a noun lacks the locative suffix although its suffixation (i.e. gamo-ngga 'water-LOC') would be expected, cf. (3-53). (3-55) ngali-0 wona-n ngona-ngga gamo birri. lDU-NOM lie,sleep-NF that-LOC water near 'We slept by that water, near', i.e. 'We slept near the water' (AP) There is only one such example in my Warrongo data. (Breen (1974: 111) gives two similar examples from Bidyara and Gungabula.) This absence of the locative suffix may be simply due to an error. However, it is also possible that birri was beginning to acquire the status of postposition. There appears to be no example in which an adverb of place/direction/ destination in the dative ('to') accompanies a dative noun. The derivational suffix -ngal 'to' is used instead, e.g. (3-259).

Meanings and functions of cases

193

[2] Time In this use, the locative generally indicates duration of time (e.g. 'for', 'during', 'while', etc.), e.g. (3-18), (4-491). There appears to be no clear example in which the locative case refers to a point in time ('at', 'in', etc.). [3] Instrument and means The locative case may describe (i) an instrument or concrete means such as '[to carry] in a bag', '[to cook] on the fire', '[to cook] on a heated stone', '[to wash] in the water', e.g. (3-56), (3-57), (4-382), and (ii) abstract means or manners, e.g. (3-21) (bariny-ja 'dodging-LOC'), (3-58) ('[to dance] to music'), (3-59) ('[to go] in large numbers'). Along a similar line, the locative can mark '[to work] on [a job]', e.g. (3-60) to (3-62). '[To] carry on the shoulders' is expressed by the ergative case in (3-297). Presumably, this meaning can be expressed by the locative case as well, although there is no example available.

ganyji-n. (AP) (3-56) woronbara-ngga gamo-0 coolamon-LOC water-LOC carry-NF '[They] carried water in coolamons.' ngaya bori-ngga wajo-l. (AP) (3-57) yori-0 kangaroo-ACC lSG.ERG fire-LOC cook-NF 'I cooked a kangaroo on the fire.' nyamba-garra-n gama-ngga. (AP) (3-58) ngana-@=goli lPL-NOM=only dance-ITER-NF Gama-LOC 'We danced to the Gam a song by ourselves.' (3-59) garo-ngga ngana-0 yani-0. (AP) all.the.people-LOC lPL-NOM go-NF 'We all went' or 'We went in large numbers.' (3-60) yinda magoli-0 nyon.go-da. (AP) 2SG.NOM work-NF one-LOC 'You [should] work on one [job]', i.e. 'Don't move from one job to another.' (The root for 'one' nyon.gol. The formation of its locative form nyon.go-da involves the deletion of the stem-finall. See 3.2.1.1-[3].)

magoli-yal. (AP) (3-61) jomoboro-ngga yinda cattle-LOC 2SG.NOM work-PURP 'You will work on cattle.' (3-62) ('He is working on that job (magol).')

mago-da

yinda nvonva wanda-@. (AP) work-LOC 2SG.ERG 3SG.ACC leave-IMP 'Leave him in [that] work.' ('Don't disturb him' or 'Don't take him to another job.')

194

Word classes and morphology

(See 3.11.1.6-[1] for the noun magol 'work', and -[3] for the intransitive verb magoliZERO 'work'. The formation of the locative mago-da involves the deletion of the stem-finall. Seejambal 'snake' in Table 3-2.) [4] Company and care: 'in the company of, 'together with', 'under the care of', 'in the employment of', etc. In the data available, this use primarily involves a pronoun or a kin noun, e.g. (3-176), (4-225-A), (4-907-j), and: (3-63) ngaya nyamba-yal bola-ngo-n-da. (AP) lSG.NOM dance-PURP 3DU-LINK-LINK-LOC 'I will dance with them two.' (3-64) bola-nya wanda-n gaya-na-ngga yanga-na-ngga. (AP) 3DU-ACC leave-NF father-KIN-LOC mother-KIN-LOC '[I] left them two [my two wives] in the care of [my] father and mother.' (Warrongo lacks e"-'J'Tessions for 'and'; see 4.5.2.1.2-[4].) The person(s) who is/are in the company of the locative noun is the S, e.g. in (3-63), and the 0, e.g. in (3-64). There appears to be no example in which it is the A that is in the company of the locative. Then it is possible, though by no means certain, that the locative for 'in the company of' behaves in an ergative pattern: S/0 vs. A) Company can also be expressed by the comitative case; see 3.6.8-[2]. [5] Cause, reason and fear The locative can mark cause or reason 'over; because of The cause/reason may be human, non-human animate or inanimate, e.g. (4-483), (4-903) (thirdS), (4-1024-a, -d, -f, -g), and: (3-65)

warrngo-0 balga-wa-n gorngga-da. (AP) woman-NOM hit-RECP-NF husband-LOC 'The women hit [i.e. fought] each other over husbands.'

(The root for 'husband' is gornggal. Note the deletion of 1.) (3-66)

warrngo-0 goli-yi-0 yani-0 gorngga-da. (AP) woman-NOM angry-COM-NOM go-NF husband-LOC 'The women went [home, being] angry because of [a fight for] husbands.'

Note that (3-65) and (3-66) do not mean 'angry with husbands'. This meaning is expressed by the dative (3.6.4-[7]-(c)) and the genitive (3.6.5-[5]). With the intransitive verbs wanba-L and wanbali-ZERO 'be afraid, fear', the locative marks that which or one who is feared, e.g. (3-67) and (3-68). (Gandara is an imaginary, hairy man who is believed to live in the scrub (1.5.8-[8]).)

Meanings and functions of cases

195

(3-67) [jana-0 TT] wanba-lji yino-n-da. (AP) [3PL-NOM] fear-STAT 2SG-LINK-LOC '[They] are afraid of you.' (3-68) ngaya wanbali-n gandaro-ngga. (AP) lSG.NOM fear-NF Gandaro-LOC 'I am afraid of Gandara.' With wanbali-ZERO, the dative (e.g. gandaro-wo 'Gandaro-DAT') can be used in place of the locative, e.g. (3-95). With the intransitive verb wanba-L also 'be afraid, fear', only the locative is attested. Other examples of the locative 'for fear of include '[to keep way] from' and '[to hide] from', e.g. Text 1, Line 50. The locative of 'cause/reason, fear' is often suffixed with the enclitic =mo (see 4.24-[10]), e.g. (3-69) and (4-1024-a, -d, -g). (3-69) (An example from a text. 'They are going to kill you'.)

ngani-wo

ngani-nga ngani-ngga=mo

yina

balga-lgo? (AP)

what-LOC=CAUSE 2SG.ACC kill-PURP what-DAT (error) 'Why and over what are [they] going to kill you?' Cause or reason can also be expressed by the dative case (3.6.4-[2], -[7]-(c)), e.g. (3-69) (ngani-wo) and by the ablative- I case (3.6.7-[6]).

3.6.4. Dative case (The following account of the dative is largely repeated from Tsunoda (1976b), which was written in accordance with the questionnaire prepared by B. J. Blake for 'Topic C: The bivalent suffix -ku' of the 1974 biennial conference of the then Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies.) The dative case marks the following. [1] Purpose 'for', e.g. 'in order to obtain', 'in pursuit of, 'in preparation for', 'for the use of, 'for the benefit of [a beneficiary]', etc. Examples include (3-145), (3-301), (4-52). (4-85), (4-754-b), and: (3-70) ngaya gajarra-wo yani-0. (AP) lSG.NOM possum-DAT go-NF 'I went for [i.e. to get] a possum.'

ngaya nyonya birri-n. (AP) (3-71) gajarra-wo possum-DAT lSG.ERG 3SG.ACC send-NF 'I sent him for [i.e. to go and get] a possum.'

196

Word classes and morphology

(3-72) ngani-wo yinda? (AP) what-DAT 2SG.NOM 'What [are] you after?' (3-73) nyola ganyji-lgo nyongo birrgibara-wo. (AP) 3SG.ERG take-PURP 3SG:GEN winter-DAT 'He will take his [woman] for winter [to keep him warm].'

ngani-wo ngona-0? (AP) (3-74) gan.gabo-0 fish.spear-NOM what-DAT that-NOM 'What [is] thatgan.gabo for?' (3-75) ('On a cold winter night:')

waybala-nggo jomoboro-wo yago-0 wajo-n. (AP) white man-ERG cattle-DAT grass-ACC burn-NF 'The white man burnt grass for the cattle [to keep them warm].' (3-76) ngona-n-da=wa yinda magoli-ya waybala-wo. (AP) there-LINK-LOC=FOC 2SG.NOM work-IJvfP white man-DAT 'Work there for the white man [as his employee].' Beneficiaries can be described by the genitive case, too; see 3.6.5-[3]. [2] Cause and reason In the data, the use of the dative for cause/reason is limited to ngani-wo 'whatDAT', 'what for, why', e.g. (3-69), (3-77), (4-748-c), and the 'complement' of the intransitive verb wanbali-ZERO 'be afraid [of]', e.g. (3-95).

yagay-bi-n? (AP) (3-77) ngani-wo yinda what-DAT 2SG.NOM Ouch!-INTR-NF 'Why did you scream?' (The verb yagay-bi-L consists of the interjection yagay 'Ouch!' (4.26-(s)) and the intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L (4.7.1-[3]).) Cause or reason can also be expressed by the locative and by the ablative-1 cases. [3] Possession and affiliation Generally, the genitive marks possessors (3.6.5-[1]), but the dative marks possessors in a few instances. The possessees are language, father, e.g. (3-78), husband, track on grass, name, animal's tail, camp/nest, e.g. (3-79). Along a similar line, the dative marks affiliation to a place, e.g. (3-80), (4-79). (3-78) ('These are your children.')

yinda

gaya-0

nyongo-n (hesitation) jana-ngo-n-go. (AP)

2SG.NOM father-NOM (error) 'You [are] their father.'

3PL-LINK-LINK-DAT

Meanings and functions ofcases

191

(3-79) yarro-0=wa jarrogan-go yamba-0 (AP) this-NOM=FOC scrub.turkey-DAT nest-NOM Tentative translation: 'Indeed this [is] a scrub turkey's nest.' (The enclitic =wa seems to indicate focus. See 4.25-[7].) (3-80) ngaya yarro-wo yamba-wo. (AP) lSG.NOM this-DAT camp-DAT 'I [belong] to this camp.'

[4] Goal and direction/destination of movement: 'to', 'into' The goal/direction/destination may be human, non-human animate or inanimate. They may co-occur with intransitive verbs such as 'go/come', 'run', 'fall', 'emerge', etc. (3-81), (3-331) ('into'), and transitive verbs such as 'throw', 'carry', etc., e.g. (3-82) to (3-84). Note that the dative can mark 'into', like the locative. Compare (3-81) (dative) with (3-46) (locative). (3-81) ngaya gamo-wo wara-n. (AP) 1SG.NOM water-DAT jump-NF 'I jumped [i.e. dived] into the water.' (3-82)

ti found a kangaroo.') ngaya

banggay-0 goyba-n nyongo-n-go. (AP) 1SG.ERG spear-Ace throw-NF 3SG-LINK-DAT 'I threw a spear at it [i.e. the kangaroo].'

(The sentence that follows (3-82) says that 'I speared it'. That is, in this context, the spear reached the target.) (3-83) ('In a fight, he tried to kill me.')

nyola

ngaygo-n-go

banggay-0 goyba-n. (AP)

3SG.ERG 1SG-LINK-DAT spear-Ace throw-NF 'He threw a spear at me.' (The sentences that follow (3-83) state that 'I managed to avoid the spear' That is, the spear did not reach the target.) (3-84) ngaya nyawa yina bindaynga-lgo goman-go. (AP) other-DAT lSG.ERG NEG 2SG.Ace let.go-PURP 'I won't let you [my wife] go to other [men].' When the goal is human, bestowal is often implied, e.g. (3-84), but this is not always the case, e.g. (3-83). Also, as (3-83) shows, the goal is not always reached.

198

Word classes and morphology

[5] Recipient With three-place verbs, e.g. 'give', 'send', 'show', 'teach', 'tell', the dative often, though not always, marks the recipient, e.g. (1-17), (3-85), (3-170). The case frames of these verbs will be discussed in 4.3.3.2.

gayba-n nyongo-n-go ngaygo-n-go. (AP) (3-85) garrman-0 tobacco-Ace give-NF 3SG-LINK-DAT 1SG-LINK-DAT '[A white man] gave tobacco to me [and] to him.' Note thatgayba-L has two readings: 'throw' in (3-82) and (3-83), and 'give' in (3-85). [6] The dative can mark the 'object' of antipassive constructions (4.9.1), iterative constructions (4.13.2.2), and applicative constructions (4.14.3.2). [7] 'Complement' (or 'object' of an intransitive verb or of a noun) The term 'complement' is used in the absence of a better term. J\1any intransitive verbs and (adjective-like) nouns take a dative complement. They include the following. Some of the intransitive verbs involve the intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L (4.7.1), e.g. jilbay-bi-L 'know, learn'. Some of the nouns involve the comitative suffix -jil-yi (3.6.8), e.g. goli-yi 'angry' (a) jilhay 'knowing', e.g. (3-86), (3-334), jilbay-bi-L (Vi) 'know, learn', nyando 'not knowing', e.g. (4-900-A), nyando-bi-L (Vi) 'do not know, forget', e.g. (3-87), borrmo-bi-L (Vi) 'forget', e.g. (3-88). (Borrmo-bi-L 'deaf-INTR' means 'be/become deaf and 'forget' (4.7.1-[1]-(a).) (b) walngga-yi 'fond [of]' ('breath-COM', literally 'something is not usual/normal with breath'; see 3.6.8-[5]-(a-1)), e.g. (3-89), (3-90), gaworra-yi 'love-COM', i.e. 'in love [with]', mirriji-L (Vi) 'feel itchy [for]', i.e. 'badly want', walwandan 'sick [and longing] [for]' (c) jarribara 'good, kind, etc. [to]', e.g. (3-91), jarribara-bi-L (Vi) 'be/become good/kind [to]', yimirr~yimirri-ZERO, yimirr-..;yimirr-bi-L (Vi) 'smile, be glad/ pleased [with]', e.g. (3-92), jagoli-ZERO, e.g. (3-93), (4-422), jagol-bi-L, jagol~ jagoli-ZERO (Vi) 'feel sorry [for]', e.g. (4-352), ngorgali-ZERO (Vi) 'be embarrassed [about]', walwa-bi-L (Vi) 'bad-INTR', i.e. 'be/become bad-tempered [towards]', goli-yi 'angry-COM, i.e. 'angry [with]', e.g. (4-936), goli waga-L (Vi) 'get angry [with]', e.g. (3-8), goli-yi waga-L (Vi) 'get angry [with]', e.g. (3-94), goli-bi-L (Vi) 'be/become angry [with]', wanbali-ZERO (Vi) 'be afraid [of]', e.g. (3-95), (generally the locative is used; see 3.6.3-[5]), banbarri-ZERO (Vi) 'shiver [e.g. with fear] [at]', i.e. 'be afraid [of]', e.g. (3-96). (d) manyja-wo gayi wola-Y 'food-DAT hungry die (Vi)', i.e. 'be hungry for food', gamo-wo ngayiran 'water-DAT thirsty', i.e. 'thirsty for water' (It is not known if ngayiran is a noun or a verb.)

Meanings and.functions of cases

199

(e) miramira 'smart, skillful, good [at a spear, etc.]', e.g. (3-97). (f) gawali-ZERO (Vi) 'call out [to]', e.g. (4-350-a), wayo-wayo-bi-L (Vi) 'call out like a dog [to]', yqji-ZERO 'laugh [at]', e.g. (3-98), (4-748-c). (g) badi-ZERO (Vi) 'cry [for someone or something]', bonba-Y (Vi) 'cry [for someone or something]' (h) nyina-Y (Vi) 'sit [and wait for]', e.g. (3-99), (4-101),jana-Y (Vi) 'stand [and wait for]', e.g. (4-745), ngajirri-ZERO 'wait [for]' (3-86) yinda jilbay-f2J ngaygo gogo-wo. (AP) 2SG.NOM knowing-NOM 1SG.GEN language-DAT 'You know [i.e. understand] my language.' (3-87) (This sentence immediately follows (4-862).)

ngaya nyamio-bi-n nyan-i-wo. (AP) 1SG.NOM ignorant-INTR-NF narne-DAT 'I forgot [its] name.' bon-mo-bi-n banggay-go. (AP) (3-88) ngaya lSG.NOM deaf-INTR-NF spear-DAT 'I forgot to bring a spear.' yino-n-go walngga-yi-f2J. (AP) (3-89) ngaya 1SG.NOM 2SG-LINK-DAT breath-COM-NOM 'I [am] fond of you, I like you [often implying sexual desire].' ngaygo-n-go walngga-yi-f2J? (AP) (3-90) yinda 2SG.NOM 1SG-LINK-DAT breath-COM-NOM '[Are] you in love with me?' nyola jarribara-f2J. (AP) (3-91) nyongo-n-go 3SG-LINK-DAT 3SG.NOM good-NOM 'He [is] good/kind to him.' galnga-na-0 yzmzrr,. .yzmzm-n yino-n-go. (AP) (3-92) jowa-na-0 nephew-KIN-NOM uncle-KIN-NOM be.glad-be.glad-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT '[Your] nephew and uncle are pleased with you.' jagoli-n jolbon-ji-go. (AP) (3-93) nyola 3SG.NOM feel.sorry-NF spouse-COM-DAT 'He felt sorry for [that] married man.' (Literally jolbon-ji means 'a person who has a spouse' (3.6.8-[6].) (3-94) ngona-ngomay nyola ngaygo-n-go goli-yi-f2J waga-n. (AP) 3SG:NOM lSG-LINK-DAT angry-COM-NOM get.up-NF that-after 'After that she got angry with me.'

200

Word classes and morphology

(3-95) ngani-wo wanbali-n? (AP) what-DAT fear-NF 'What are [you] afraid of?' (3-96) ngaya banbarri-0 nyongo-n-go. (AP) ISG.NOM shiver-NF 3SG-LINK-DAT 'I shiver at her', i.e. 'I am frightened of her.' (AlfPalmer's translation for banbarri-0 of this particular sentence is 'frightened'.) (3-97) ngana-0 miramira-0 banggay-go. (AP) IPL-NOM smart-NOM spear-DAT 'We [are] good with a spear.' (The example above is cited from a text. In this particular context, it means 'We are good at avoiding spears that are thrown at us'.) (3-98) wam1go-wo yobala-0 yaji-garra-n. (AP) woman-DAT 2DU-NOM laugh-ITER-NF 'You-two are laughing at the woman.' (3-99) ngona-ngomay ngana-0 ngona-n-da ngana-0 nyina-garra-n that-after lPL-NOM that-LINK-LOC lPL-NOM sit-ITER-NF bama-wo. (AP) man-DAT 'After that, we sat there [and waited] for the man.'

[8] Time The dative case may express (i) 'until', e.g. (3-100), Text 2, Line 28, and (ii) period or duration of time, e.g. balano-goman~goman-go 'moon-another~another', i.e. 'for many months', and (3-101). See also (4-103) (jidal-go-bi-n 'morning-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'do until morning'.) (3-100) (A man says to a group of children who are waiting forthemeatto be cooked) nyila-wo nyila-wo jana-ya. (AP) soon-DAT soon-DAT stand-IMP 'Stand [and wait] until soon', i.e. 'Wait a minute.' (3-101) bolari-wo garri-wo ngaya miranga-n. (AP) two-DAT day-DAT ISG.ERG make-NF 'I made [it] for two days' or 'It took me two days to make [it].'

Meanings and.functions of cases

201

3.6.5. Genitive case The corpus contains many instances of the genitive of pronouns (including wanyongo 'who-GEN'), but very few instances of the genitive of nouns. The genitive marks the following. It generally refers to humans and occasionally to animates, but there is no example involving an inanimate. [1] Possessor and producer The genitive case may indicate (i) possessor of a body part, e.g. (3-102), (3-103), name, e.g. (3-104), language, e.g. (2-127-A., -B), (3-86), clothing, blanket, e.g. (3-105), (4-781), kinsfolk. e.g. (2-134) (wife), (3-122) (father), friend, domestic or pet animal, e.g. (3-106), tool, food, e.g. (3-26), camp, e.g. (3-107), etc., and (ii) producer of bodily secretion or the like, e.g. faeces, e.g. (3-108), sore, voice, e.g. (3-86), and footprint, e.g. (3-109). (3-102) (An example from a text. 'The women were dancing naked.')

gombo-0

jana-nggo nyaga-n warmgo-ngo. (AP)

buttocks-ACe 3PL-ERG see-NF woman-GEN 'They [the men] were watching the women's buttocks.' (3-103) ('That man might be angry. If so:')

jili-nggo yino

yinda

ngonbaynga-0. (AP)

eye-ERG 2SG.GEN 2SG.ERG tell-IJ\1P 'Tell [me] with your eyes.' (3-104) (Alf Palmer described his name.)

nyarri-0

ngaygo jinbilnggay-0. (AP) name-NOM lSG.GEN Jinbilnggay-NOM 'My name [is] Jinbilnggay.'

ngali-ngo bilanggirr-0. (AP) (3-105) yarro-O=wa this-NOM=FOC lDU-GEN blanket-NOM 'This [is] our blanket.' (3-106) wanyo-ngo gando-0 bonba-garra-n? (AP) who-GEN dog-NOM cry-ITER-NF 'Whose dog is crying [i.e. barking]?' (3-107) binggil-barra-ngo yamba-0 yarro-O=wa. (AP) Binggil-denizen-GEN camp-NOM this-NOM=FOC 'This [is] the camp ofBinggil people.' (The English name of Binggil is 'Mission Beach'.)

202

Word classes and motphology

(3-108) ('He has a diarhoea.')

aa

gona-0

banda-n

nyongo

ngoni=rro

ngoni=rro. (AP)

Ah! faeces-NOM ernerge-NF 3SG.GEN there=again there=again 'Ah, his faeces are corning out here and there', i.e. 'He is defecating here and there.'

(Ngoni=rro ngoni=rro means 'here and there' or 'everywhere' (4.25-[5].) (3-109) ('They might find our footprints.')

ngali-ngo jina-0

gamba-0. (AP)

lDU-GEN footprint-Ace cover-IMP 'Cover our footprints.' Inalienable possession, e.g. of body parts and name, can be expressed by the genitive case, e.g. (3-102) to (3-104). It can also be expressed by the juxtaposition of the possessor and the possessee. See 4.20.5. There is no example of 'possessor's possessor', as in 'the man's dog's food', in contrast with Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 195). [2] Performer and user/consumer The genitive case may express (i) performer of a song, a dance, e.g. (3-110), and (ii) user or consumer of road, fighting ground, fire, water, food, etc., e.g. (3-112) (waybala-ngo 'white man's [food]'), (4-787).

nyaga-lgo nyilamo-0 gama-0 yino. (AP) (3-110) ngali-0 IDU-ERG see-PURP new-ACC Garna-ACC 2SG.GEN 'We will watch your new Gam a dance [i.e. the new Gam a dance that you are going to perform].' [3] Beneficiary The beneficiary NP may occur with intransitive verbs, e.g. (3-111), (adjective-like) nouns, e.g. (3-112) (ngana-ngo '1PL-GEN')), or transitive verbs, e.g. (3-113), (3-114), (3-298). (3-111)

('We are hungry.')

yani-ya ngali-ngo. (AP) go-IMP IDU-GEN Go [hunting] for us.' (3-112)

('We prefer traditional Aboriginal food to European food.')

ngana-ngo waybala-ngo

manyja-0

walwajarri-0. (AP)

1PL-GEN white.rnan-GEN food-NOM bad-NOM 'White people's food [is] no good to us [Aborigines].' (The beneficiary is ngana-ngo '1PL-GEN'.)

Meanings and.functions of cases

203

(3-113) ('I was cold.') bola-nggo wajo-n ngaygo. (AP) big-ACC fire-ACC 3DU-ERG burn-NF 1SG.GEN 'They-two made a big fire for me.'

gagal-f2J bori-f2J

(3-114) gajarra-f2J ngaya balga-n jana-ngo. (AP) possum-ACC 1SG.ERG kill-NF 3PL-GEN 'I killed a possum for them.' [4] Recipient The genitive case may denote a recipient, used with transitive verbs such as 'carry', 'send', 'throw', 'leave', etc. Bestowal is generally implied. The case frames of these verbs will be discussed in 4.3.3.2. (3-115) ngaygo yinda gamo-f2J ganyji-ya. (AP) 1SG.GEN 2SG.ERG water-ACC carry-IMP 'Bring water to me [to give me].' (3-116) nyongo wanda-1 ngaya ngona-f2J. (AP) 3SG.GEN leave-NF 1SG.ERG that-ACC 'I will leave that [woman] for him.' When used with the verb goyba-L 'give, throw', the dative may either describe the goal of throwing, e.g. (3-82), (3-83), or indicate bestowal, e.g. (3-85), (3-170). In contrast, when used with this verb, the genitive seems to always indicate bestowaL e.g. (3-117), (3-118). (Additional examples are listed in 4.3.3.2-[1].) For example, consider (3-117). This sentence was suggested to Alf Palmer by me, in an attempt to confirm the genitive form of roots that end in m. (This explains the unnaturalness of this sentence.) It was approved and translated by Alf Palmer as 'Tucker [i.e. food -TT] belongs to the locust' This translation suggests that (3-117) implies bestowal of food to the locusts. (3-117) jojam-ngo manyja-f2J goyba-n. (AP) locust-GEN food-ACC give-NF '[I] gave food to locusts.' (3-118) ngaya jomoboro-f2J yino goyba-lgo. (AP) 1SG.ERG beef-ACC 2SG.GEN give-PURP 'I will give you beef.' [5] 'Complement' The genitive case may indicate 'complement' of (i) jarribara 'good', e.g. (3-119), (ii) goli-yi-f2J 'angry-COM-NOM, e.g. (3-120), (iii) goli-f2J waga-L 'angry-NOM rise (Vi)', i.e. 'get angry', e.g. (3-121), and (iv) gawali-ZERO Vi 'call out', e.g. (3-122).

204

Word classes and morphology

(3-119) ('They are good people.')

wowo jarribara-f2J ngali-ngo

ngona-f2J. (AP)

Oh! good-NOM lDU-GEN that-NOM 'Oh! Those [people are] good to us.' (3-120) ('They should leave his wife alone.') goli-yi-f2J jana-ngo. (AP) angry-COM-NOM 3PL-GEN '[He is] angry with them.' (3-121) ('Why did they get angry with them?')

jana-f2J=goli

jana-ngo

goli-f2J

waga-n. (AP)

3PL-NOM=only 3PL-GEN angry-NOM rise-NF 'They got angry with them for no reason.' (The enclitic =goli means 'only, just, for no reason', etc. (4-25-[3].) (3-122) (An example cited from a text. A woman was carrying a possum.) gaya-f2J nyongo gawali-f2J nyongo. (AP) father-NOM 3SG.GEN call.out-NF 3SG.GEN 'Her father called out to her' (When the tape was replayed. AlfPalmer confirmed that the second occurrence of nyongo means 'to her'.) Goli-yi-f2J 'angry', goli-f2J waga-L 'get angry', and gawali-ZERO 'call out' allow NOM-DAT and NOM-GEN, but NOM-GEN is used infrequently in comparison with NOM-DAT. All the examples of this GEN involve a pronoun, and not a noun, e.g. (3-119) (ngali-ngo 'lDU-GEN'), (3-120) and (3-121) (jana-ngo '3PL-GEN'), and (4-122) (nyongo '3SG.GEN). Now, recall that the dative form of a pronoun is based on its genitive form, involving the linking interfix -n (Table 3-6). Thus, compare:

ngali-ngo '1DU-GEN' nyongo '3SG:GEN jana-ngo '3PL-GEN

ngali-ngo-n-go 'lDU-GEN-LINK-DAT' nyongo-n-go '3SG-LINK-DAT' jana-ngo-n-go '3PL-GEN-LINK-DAT'

This suggests the following possibility: -n-go are deleted in fast speech (see 2.9.2[3]-(c)), and goli-yi-f2J 'angry', goli-f2J waga-L 'get angry', and gawali-ZERO 'call out' do not allow NOM-GEN.

[6] There is one unusual use of what appears to be the genitive suffix: yarro-ngonga-L 'this-GEN-TR', i.e. 'send/pull hither' This word contains the transitivestem-forming suffix -nga-L (4.7.2-[4]-(c)). This -ngo may be a linking interfi.x (cf. -ngo- in Tables 3-3 and 3-6). But if this -ngo is the genitive suffix, in this verb the genitive case indicates a direction/destination.

Meanings and functions ofcases

205

3.6.6. Ablative-2 case (The account of the ablative-2 is very brief, while that of the ablative-1 is long. We shall look at the ablative-2 first.) As noted in 3.3, the ablative-2 is attested with only three pronouns in Alf Palmer's data and only one pronoun in Alec Collins' data (Table 3-6). It has yielded very few examples, and it is difficult to generalize about, but it seems to mean (i) 'from, out of [place]', e.g. (3-123) (the only example of ABL-2 in Alec Collins' data), (3-125) (see the comment onyino-ni '2SG-ABL'), and (ii) choice 'out of'· 'to choose A out of B', e.g. (3-124), (3-132) (jana-ngoni '3PL-ABL'). (3-123) ('I speared a kangaroo.')

ngaya

banggay-0 woda-n

nyongo-ni. (AC)

lSG.ERG spear-ACC pull.out-NF 3SG-ABL 'I pulled the spear out of it.' (3-124) ('I was in a fight.')

ngaya

balga-lgo bama-0

nyon.gol-0 jana-ngoni. (AP)

lSG.ERG kill-PURP man-ACC one-ACC 'I will kill one man out of them.'

3PL-ABL

3.6.7. Ablative-1 case Unlike the ablative-2 (-m), the ablative-I (-ngomay) is fully productive (see Tables 3-2 through 3-7). Also, it can be followed by another non-zero case suffix. -ngomay forms often qualify another noun or pronoun, showing agreement in terms of case. In view of this, those -ngomay forms which are not followed by a non-zero case suffix, are best considered as nominative forms or accusative forms. See Table 3-10, with ngona 'that, there' as an example. The following combinations do not seem to exist: ABL-GEN, ABL-COM and ABL-ABL. -ngomay forms in the main behave like NY-group ofy-final stems (e.g. banggay 'spear'; see Table 3-2), except that the dative form seems to be always -ng-go, rather than -go. Table 3-10. -ngomay 'ablative-I' plus another case 'that, there' ABL-NOM ABL-ACC ABL-ERG ABL-LOC ABL-DAT

ngona-ngomay-0 ngona-ngomay-0 ngona-ngomany-jo ngona-ngomany-ja ngona-ngomay-ng-go

206

Word classes and motphology

The central meaning of the -ngomay ablative seems to be 'from [place, time]', but it can have a wide range of meanings, as shown below. [1] Starting point in space or the like The ablative-1 case may indicate a starting point in space: 'from, out of' (e.g. a place a person went/came from on a particular occasion, e.g. Text 1, Lines 12, 16, 18, 20, 21, 22, 25, 27, 36, (3-125) to (3-127), a place where a person hails from originally, e.g. (3-128), a place from which distance is measured, (3-129), other kinds of starting point, e.g. (3-130), source, e.g. (4-804-b), material, e.g. (3-131), choice ('out of'), e.g. (3-132). Along a similar line, in Text 2, Line 39, 'fish from smoke' means 'smoked fish'. Also, (3-133) ('[wake someone up] from [sleep]') may be assigned to [1]. The use of [1] is the commonest use. (3-125) ('Take this woman with you this time.')

ngaya

yinony yino-ngomay-0 ngaya ganyji-n yino-n-go. (AP) lSG.ERG (error) 2SG-ABL-ACC lSG.ERG carry-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT 'I took [her] from you [and I] have brought [her back] to you.'

(When the tape was replayed, Alf Palmer replaced the second word with yino-ni, and said that it is a Jalngoy (cf. 1.6.1) word and that it means 'from you'. I do not feel certain if it is a Jalngoy word.) (3-126) ('We lost our swag. We went back from there to look for it.') ngona-ngomany-jo ngana-0 golgo"a-0 jaymba-n. (AP) there-ABL-ERG 1PL-ERG swag-ACC find-NF Lit. 'We, [who went back] from there, found the swag.' (AlfPalmer's comment on this sentence is 'From there we went back'.) (3-127) ngaya yangga-gali-n bama-wo yamba-ngomay-nggo. (AP) lSG.NOM search.for-ANTIP-NF man-DAT camp-ABL-DAT 'I am looking for a man [who has gone away] from the camp.' (3-128) ngaya jabon-ngomay-0 jabon-barra-0. (AP) lSG.NOM coast-ABL-NOM coast-denizen-NOM 'I [am] from the coast, a coastal person.' (3-129) gani-mara gamo-0 yamba-ngomay-0. (AP) far-very water-NOM camp-ABL-NOM 'The water [is] very far from the camp.' (3-130) ('In a fight, he was speared in the leg.')

nyola

banggay-0 nyawa woda-n

jarra-ngomay-0. (AP)

3SG.ERG spear-ACC NEG pull.out-NF leg-ABL-ACC 'He could not pull the spear out of [his] leg.'

Meanings and.functions ofcases 201

(3-131) jola-ngomay-0 yinda banggay-0 miranga-lgo. (AP) stick-ABL-ACC 2SG.ERG spear-ACC make-PURP 'You will make a spear from the stick.' (3-132) ngana-0 balga-lgo bama-0 nyon.gol-0 ngoni-ngomay-0 lPL-ERG hit-PURP man-ACC one-ACC there-ABL-ACC jana-ngoni. (AP) 3PL-ABL 'We will kill one man out of them, out of[the people] there', or 'Let's kill (This sentence contains an instance of the ablative-2 as well as one of the ablative-I. Both seem to indicate choice 'out of.) (3-133) nganya nyola wabnbi-n woga-ngomay-0. (AP) lSG.ACC 3SG.ERG wake.up-NF asleep-ABL-NOM Lit. 'She woke me up from asleep.' [2] Location The ablative-I case often indicates a location. (The distinction between [2] and [1] is not clear-cut.) Examples include Text 1, Lines 3, 30, 38, 66, 67, and (3-134) to (3-136), (4-793), (4-794) (second B). (3-134) yarro-ngomay-0 wamay-n-biri-0 gamo-0. (AP) this-ABL-NOM good-LINK-?-NOM water-NOM 'The water of this [place is] good.' (See the first paragraph of 3.7.1 for the suffix -biri.) (3-135) ('Do not walk around with your buttocks exposed.') bama-nggo nyagal-ga golma-mali-ngomany-jo. (AP) man-ERG see-APPR behind-side-ABL-ERG 'The men, who are behind [you], might see your [buttocks].' (3-136) ngali-0 mirgan--mirgan-ngomay-nggo yamba-wo yani-0. (AP) lDU-NOM hill-hill-ABL-DAT camp-DAT go-NF 'We went to a camp [which was located] in a hilly area.' (See 3.7.2-[1] for the formation of mirgan--mirgan 'hilly'.) There is an interesting use of the ablative case. An expression of 'Where is this place from' seems to mean 'What is the name of this place?' See (3-14) (second A).

208

Word classes and motphology

[3] Possessor This use is not common. In this use, the ablative-I case suffix (-ngomay) is often (though not always) followed by a non-zero case. The possessee is generally, though not always, yamba 'camp/house' (There is a further discussion of this use in 4.5.2.2.3.) In (3-137), the referent is a spear. Examples follow. See also (4-111). (3-137) ngaygo-ngomany-jo baba-n. (AP) lSG-ABL-ERG stab-NF '[I] stabbed [i.e. speared] [it] with my [spear]' (3-138) ngaya yani-0 yamba-wo yino-ngomay-nggo. (AP) lSG.NOM go-NF camp-DAT 2SG-ABL-DAT 'I went to your camp.' (3-139) (AlfPalmer described the way Jalngoy (1.6.1) should be used.)

bimo-na-ngomany-ja yamba-ngga yinda

jalngoy-bi-ya. (AP) WM-KIN-ABL-LOC camp-LOC 2SG.NOM Jalngoy-INTR-IMP 'At [your] WM's [i.e. mother-in-law's] camp, you should speak Jalngoy.'

(Jalngoy-bi-L means 'speak Jalngoy' (4.7.1-[1]-(a).) [4] Starting point or the like in time: 'from', 'since' Examples include (3-140), (4-866), and 'after', e.g. (3-141). (3-140) (A woman went away with another man, and:)

ganba-mara-ngomay-0 gornggal-0

golma-mali yani-0. (AP) ago-very-ABL-NOM husband-NOM behind-side come-NF '[Her] husband from long ago [i.e. her first husband] came behind.'

(3-141) garroala-ngomay-0 ngaya wona-n. ('AP) nextday-ABL-NOM lSG.NOM lie, sleep-NF 'I slept [there] the day after the next day'

Garrbala is an adverb, and not a noun. It generally means 'tomorrow', and garrbala-ngomay generally means '[on] the day after tomorrow [in the future]' In (3-141), it refers to a time in the past. [5] 'After [being in a certain state]' In this use, the ablative-I case suffix is attached to a noun or an adverb, e.g. (4-173), and: (3-142) ('I was hiding in the grass.')

yoray-ngomay-0 ngaya

waga-n. (AP)

quiet-ABL-NOM lSG.NOM rise-NF 'After [being] quiet, I got up.'

Meanings andfunctions ofcases

209

(3-143) ngaya morran-ngomay-0. (AP) 1SG.NOM illness-ABL-NOM 'I [am] after illness', i.e. 'I have recovered my health.'

[6] 'Mter doing something to [something]' (attached to a noun) Examples include:

gona-ngomay-0. (AP) (3-144) jarribara-bi-n ngaya good-INTR-NF 1SG.NOM faeces-ABL-NOM 'After faeces [i.e. after defecation] I feel good.' yani-0 nyola barrbira-wo. (AP) (3-145) goygal-ngomay-0 bandicoot-ABL-NOM go-NF 3SG.NOM echidna-DAT 'After [spearing] a bandicoot, he went for [i.e. to get] an echidna.' (3-146) (Alf Palmer said that he needed to repair his fishing net.)

man.yja-ngomany-jo ngaya

baba-lgo mogarro-0. (AP) food-ABL-ERG 1SG.ERG sew-PURP fishing.net-Ace 'I, after [eating] food, will sew [my] fishing net', i.e. 'I will sew [my] fishing net after the meal.'

In order to show the difference between 'ABL-ACC' and 'ABL-ERG', Alf Palmer gave (3-147) and (3-148). (This shows Alf Palmer's high degree of insight into the language.) Bori can mean both 'fire' and 'firewood'. (3-147) ('I cooked a possum in the fire, and:')

bori-ngomay-0 ngaya

gqjarra-0

moga-n. (AP)

fire-ABL-Ace 1SG.ERG possum-Ace get-NF 'I took the possum from the fire.' (3-148) a. ngaya bori-0 moga-n. 1SG.ERG firewood-ACC get-NF 'I got firewood.'

b. ngaya

bori-0

goyba-n.

lSG.ERG fire-Ace throw-NF 'I threw the firewood.'

c. bori-ngomany-jo ngaya

gajarra-0 moga-n. (AP) fire-ABL-ERG 1SG.ERG possum-Ace catch-NF 'I, after [getting and throwing] firewood, got a possum.'

There are instances in which words that contain -ngomay 'after' do not seem to take a non-zero case suffix, i.e. -ngomay seems to form adverbs. See 3.8.1-[9]. Also there is the enclitic conjunction =ngomay 'after, if, because'. See 4.10.

210

Word classes and morphology

[7] Reason and cause Examples include (3-268), (3-175) (first H), and: (3-149) ngani-ngomay-0 walwandan-0? (AP) what-ABL-NOM sick-NOM 'Why [do you feel] sick ?' (3-150) ngaya gayi-ngomany-jo bajabajanga-n. (AP) lSG.ERG hungry-ABL-ERG finish.up-NF 'I, [being] hungry, finished up [the food].' Reason and cause can also be expressed by the locative case (3.6.3-[5]), and by the dative (3.6.4-[2]).

3.6.8. Cornitative case (The following account of the corn itative case is largely repeated from Tsunoda (1976a), which was written in accordance with the questionnaire prepared by R. M W. Dixon for 'Topic A: The derivational affix "having"'.) The cornitative suffix has two allornorphs: C-jiN-yi (see 3.2.1.1-[4] for details). Like the ablative-1 case, the cornitative suffix is fully productive (see Tables 3-2 through 3-6). Also, it can be followed by a non-zero case suffix. Cornitative forms often qualify another noun, showing agreement in terms of case. Those cornitative forms which are not followed by a non-zero case suffix are best considered as the nominative or the accusative form. See Table 3-11. The following combinations do not seem to exist: COM-GEN, COM-COM, and COM-ABL. The inflection of cornitative forms is irregular. They in the main behave like liquid-final sterns (which end in rr, r or l), although the suffix itself is vowel-final (cf. Table 3-2). There is a diachronic reason for this, as will be shown shortly. There is an adjective-like noun warayi 'one's own'. The root wara is not attested, but clearly this word involves the cornitative suffix -yi. In terms of case inflection, it behaves like cornitative forms, and not like vowel-final sterns. It exhibits the widest range of inflectional possibilities among the words that contain this suffix. The dative form may involve the linking interfix -1- or -d-. Table 3-11. Comitative plus another case COM-NOM COM-ACC COM-ERG COM-LOC COM-DAT

-ji-0, -ji-0, -ji-do -ji-da -ji-go ? -ji-d-go

-yi-0 -yi-0 -yi-do -yi-da -yi-go -yi-1-go, -yi-d-go

Meanings and functions ofcases 211

(a) '-COM-NOM/ACC' wara-yi-0, e.g. (2-57), (4-446), (4-447), Text 1, Line 10. (b) '-COM-ERG' wara-yi-do, e.g. (4-147). (c) '-COM-LOC' wara-yi-da, e.g. (1-10-g), (2-57), (4-112), (4-113), (4-608). (d) '-COM-DAT' wara-yi-go, e.g. (4-115), wara-yi-1-go, e.g. (4-116) to (4-118), wara-yi-d-go, e.g. (1-10-a), (2-17), (2-57), (4-114). We turn to Table 3-11. For the dative, -yi-1-go is attested with wara- only, and not with any other root or stem. Also, -ji-d-go would be expected, but it is not attested. Phonetically, -ji-0 is [d,3i], and -yi-0 is [i]. -ji-do is [d,3ito] and -yi-do is [ito] (dis always (?) voiceless in this environment). -ji-da is [d,3ita] and -yi-da is [ita] or [eta] (again, dis always(?) voiceless in this environment). -ji-go is [d,3igo] and -yi-go is [igo] or [ego] (here, g is always(?) voiced). (3-93) containsjolbon-ji-go 'spouse-COM-DAT' [d,3olbond,3igo]. -yi-1-go is [e1go] (g is always voiced). -yi-d-go is [etgo] (both stops are always voiceless). -yi-d-go contains the only stop-plusstop cluster in Warrongo (2.2.6.2). In the early 1970s, R. M. W Dixon (p.c.) suggested that the irregularity of the declension of the Warrongo comitative forms indicates that the underlying forms are *-jirr/-yirr (see also Dixon 1977: 134, 139). (Many Australian languages have comitative suffixes similar to *-jirrl-yirr (Dixon 1976b: 203, 1980: 325, 2002: 170).) According to the scenario suggested by Dixon, in Warrongo, *rr disappeared in the nominative, accusative, ergative, and locative. In the dative, *rr changed into l, and it then changed into d. But 1and d can be optionally deleted. In modem Warrongo, this 1appears to be retained only in one word: wara-yi-1-go 'one's own', while this dis retained in the COM-DAT form of many words. Both l and dare often deleted. The irregularity in the declension of comitative forms supports the view that the data recorded from AlfPalrner are reliable (see 1.8.4.1-[2]). The corn itative can have a wide mnge of meanings, which include the following. [1] Human agent at rest The comitative case may describe a human agent at rest: (i) holding something inanimate, e.g. (3-151), and (ii) in the company of hurnan(s), e.g. (3-152), (3-153) (second A), (4-62), (4-542) (second A).

jana-garra-n rryola. (AP) (3-151) woronbara-yi-0 coolamon-COM-NOM stand-ITER-NF 3SG.NOM 'He, with a coolamon, is standing', i.e. 'He is standing with a coolamon.' (3-152) yinda warmgo-yi-0 nyina-garra-n. (AP) 2SG.NOM woman-COM-NOM sit-ITER-NF 'You, with a woman, are sitting.'

212

Word classes and morphology

(3-153) (A conversation cited from a text)

A wanyja yinda

wona-n?

where 2SG.NOM lie,sleep-NF 'Where did you sleep?'

B. yarro-n-da malan-da. this-LINK-LOC creek-LOC 'By this creek.'

A wanyo-ngo-n-ji-0? who-LINK-LINK-COM-NOM 'Who with?' B. ngaya=goli. lSG.NOM=only 'By myself.' Company can also be expressed by the locative case; see 3.6.3-[4]. [2] Human agent moving The comitative case may denote a human agent moving: (i) holding something (unhelpful) inanimate, e.g. (3-154), (ii) holding something (helpful) inanimate (i.e. an instrument), e.g. (3-155), and (iii) in the company ofhuman(s), e.g. (3-156). (3-154) ngaya golmi yani-0 gamo-yi. (AP) lSG.NOM back come-NF water-COM-NOM 'I, with water, came back', i.e. 'I brought back water' (3-155) ('I am an oldman.')

jomban-ji-0

ngaya

yani-0

galngga-yngga. (AP)

stick-COM-NOM lSG.NOM walk-NF fall-APPR 'I walk with a stick in case [or lest] I fall over.' (This is an instance of the apprehensional construction 'lest should' (4.17).)

gornggal-ji-0 nyilamo-yi-0 yani-0. (AP) (3-156) yanga-na-0 mother-KIN-NOM husband-COM-NOM new-COM-NOM go-NF '[My] mother, with a new husband, went [away].' [3] Concrete or abstract means or manner The comitative case may indicate concrete or abstract means of manner, in (i) intransitive clauses, e.g. (3-157) to (3-159), Text 3, Line 12, and (ii) transitive clauses, e.g. (3-160).

ngaya goyay-ngal yani-yal. (AP) (3-157) wan:Jan-ji-0 boat-COM-NOM lSG.NOM across-to go-PURP 'I, by boat., will go across [from Palm Island to the mainland].'

Meanings and functions of cases 213

(3-158) ngaya bonggoro-yi-0 jana-n. (AP) lSG:NOM knees-COM-NOM stand-NF 'I, with knees, stood', i.e. 'I knelt down.' (3-159) bama-0 nyamba-garra-n nyilamo-yi-0 gama-yi-0. (AP) man-NOM dance-ITER-NF new-COM-NOM gama-COM-NOM 'The men were dancing to the new Gama song.'

bama-nggo jomoboro-0 ganyji-n. (AP) (3-160) jayari-yi-do horse-COM-ERG man-ERG bullock-ACC carry-NF 'Men on horseback are droving cattle.' In (3-159) C[dance] to [music]'), the locative can be used in place of the comitative case. See (3-58). Consider the following intransitive verb: jalngony-ji-bi-L 'Jalngoy-COMINTR', 'speak in Jalngoy' (jalngoy 'avoidance style' (1.6.1). It contains the intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L (4.7.1).) This verb suggests that the comitative case can describe '[speak] in [Jalngoy]' But there is no example of a comitative form by itself (jalngony-jz), without -bi-L. (There is also jalngoy-bi-L 'speak Jalngoy'; see (3-139).) [4] Mental state or the like In this use, the comitative suffix is added to what may be considered abstract nouns (3.1.2-[3]), such as morran 'illness, ill', e.g. (3-161), rilga 'lust', bolba 'love, in love', goli 'anger, angry', e.g. (3-94), (3-162). (3-161) morran-ji-0 nyola wona-n. (AP) illness-COM-NOM 3SG.NOM lie-NF 'She, with illness, is lying', i.e. 'She is lying ill'. (3-162) nyola goli-yi-0. (AP) 3SG.NOM anger-COM-NOM 'He [is] angry.' These nouns are generally used with the comitative suffix unless: (a) they are affixed with a derivational suffix, e.g. goli-bi-L 'be(come) angry', e.g. (3-308), (3-309), or; (b) they are used in idiom-like expressions, together with an intransitive verb, e.g. goli waga-L 'angry rise', i.e. 'get angry', e.g. (3-8), (4-149), and bolba wona-Y 'in.love lie', i.e. 'be in love'.

Gaworra and raworra both 'love' are attested only in the form with the comitative suffix: gaworra-yi and raworra-yi both 'in love', e.g. (1-10-c). (It is possible that one of gaworra and raworra is a Jalngoy word (1.6.1).)

214

Word classes and morphology

Nonetheless, goli-yi waga-L 'angry-COM-NOM rise (Vi)', i.e. 'get angry' (which contains the COM-NOM form goli-yi despite the co-occurrence of the verb waga-L), is attested, e.g. (3-94). The ergative form goli-yi-do 'angry-COM-ERG' is attested. The adjective-like nouns gido 'cold', gayi 'hungry', nyando 'not knowing' and nyorrngo 'busy and not looking', and the adverb of modality balo 'leave [someone] alone' (4.24-[5]) are generally used without the comitative suffix, e.g. (3-163), (4-280), (4-944) to (4-947). But they are occasionally used with it, e.g. (3-164), (4948). Compare: (3-163) ngana n.yando-f2J. (AP) 1PL.NOM not.knowing-NOM 'We [do] not know.' (3-164) ngaya nyando-yi-f2J. (AP) 1SG.NOM ignorant-COM-NOM 'I [do] not know.' In instances such as (3-164), the meaning of the comitative is not known. Woga means 'sleep' (noun, not verb) or 'asleep'; see (3-1) and (3-2). The comitative form woga-yi means 'sleepy' As additional examples, consider the following words: (i) yibirra 'dream' (noun?), (i) yibirra-yibirra-bi-L (Vi) 'dream-INTR', i.e. 'dream', (iii) yibirra-yibirra-yi (noun) 'dream-dream-COM, i.e. 'dreaming', and (iv) yibirra-yi yibirra-yi (noun) 'dream-COM dream-COM', i.e. 'dreaming' [5] Unusual feature of body parts and bodily secretions It is quite natural for a person to have a body part or bodily secretion. (This is 'inalienable' possession.) Therefore, normally this is not mentioned; this is presupposed (cf. Chvany 1973: 71). When used with nouns of body parts or bodily secretion, the comitative case describes 'marked' states. Here, the division between the following two kinds of body parts or bodily secretions is highly crucial (Tsunoda 1995).

(i) 'Everyone'-type: those that people normally have or those that everyone has, e.g. eye, belly, foot. (ii) 'Not everyone'-type: those that people normally do not have or those that not everyone has, e.g. grey hair, pimple, sore. This dichotomy is reflected in the use of the comitative case, as follows. (a) When the comitative suffix is added to a noun of 'everyone' -type: (a-1) either it indicates that something is unusual/abnormal/wrong with that body part or secretion, or; (a-2) it states explicitly something about that body part or secretion.

Meanings and functions of cases 215

(b) When the com itati ve suffix is added to a noun of 'not everyone' -type, it merely describes the possession of that body part or bodily secretion. It does not say that that something is unusual/abnormal/wrong with that body part or secretion. Examples of (a-1) include the following.

bolo-yi 'belly-COM': 'satiated with food, having diarrhoea, wanting to defecate, pregnant', e.g. (3-165). (Djaru (Tsunoda 198la: 229) has monda-yam 'belly-having', 'pregnant'.)

mambo-yi 'back-COM': 'having a sore back'. jina-yi 'foot-COM: 'having sore or tired feet', e.g. (3-166). jinggo-yi 'body hair-COM': 'hairy' (i.e. having more hair more than usual or the average).

gona-yi 'faeces-COM: (rarely) 'having faeces inside', (generally) 'having diarrhoea, wanting to defecate', e.g. (3-168).

walngga-yi 'breath-COM· 'something is wrong/unusual with the breath', i.e. 'short-winded, tired', and also 'in love, eager, keen, fond', e.g. (3-89), (3-90), (3147), (3-169), (4-170), (4-277). (3-165) ('I have had a good meal.')

ngaya

nyina-n bolo-yi-0. (AP) 1SG.NOM sit-NF belly-COM-NOM 'I am sitting, being satiated with food.'

(3-166) ngaya jjji-yi-0 jina-yi-0 yamba-ngga nyina-n. (AP) 1SG.NOM sore-COM-NOM foot-COM-NOM camp-LOC sit-NF 'I had a sore, my feet [were] tired[, and] I was sitting in the camp.' (3-167) (An example cited from a text. A man describes Gandaro, one of the two imaginary, hairy human-like beings (1.5.8-[8]).)

gando-0 =yamanyon jinggo-yi-0. (AP) dog-NOM=like body.hair-COM-NOM '[Gandaro is] hairy like a dog.' (3-168) ngona-0 bama-0 gona-yi-0. (AP) that-NOM man-NOM faeces-COM-NOM 'That man has a diarrhoea.' (3-169) ngaya walngga-yi-0. (AP) 1SG.NOM breath-COM-NOM 'I [am] tired.' (3-170) walngga-yi-do nyola manyja-0 goyba-n yino. (AP) breath-COM-ERG 3SG.ERG food-ACC give-N 2SG.GEN F 'She[, who is] fond [of you,] gave you food.' The only example available of (b) is Sentence c' of (3-171).

216

Word classes and morphology

(3-171) (An excerpt from a text) a. ngaya wanda-n yino-n-go ngaya nyon.gol-0. 1SG.ERG 1eave-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT 1SG.ERG one-ACC 'I have left one [woman] for you.'

b. nyon.gol-ji-0

ngaya.

one-COM-NOM 1SG.NOM 'I [too,] have one [woman].' (AlfPalmer's translation: 'I have only one woman.')

c. ngaya

jombi-0

nyon.gol-0.

1SG.NOM penis-NOM one-NOM 'I have [only] one penis.'

nyon.gol-ji-0 jombi-yi-0.) (c'. ngaya 1SG.NOM one-COM-NOM penis-COM-NOM 'I have [only] one penis.) d. bolari-yi-0 ngaya (slight rise)/ bolari-wo yangga-gali-yaL (AP) two-COM-NOM 1SG.NOM two-DAT searchfor-ANTIP-PURP 'If I had two [penises, I] would look for two [women].' When the tape was replayed, AlfPalmer said that Sentence c does 'not sound too good', and instead he gave Sentence c' It is normal for a man to have one penis. But in this particular context, it is worthwhile to say that 'I have [only] one penis'. That is, Sentence c' is an instance of (a-2). (In Sentence d, the pause and the intonation are relevant, and they are indicated. This sentence is an instance of counterfactual conditional. See 3.18.6.2. Presumably there is no man who has two penises, and therefore Sentenced is not an example of (a-1) or (a-2). It is not an example of (b), either.) Examples of (b) include the following.

jalbar-ji-0 'beard-COM', e.g. (3-172). fiji-Jti 'sore-COM'· 'having a sore', e.g. (3-166). goymbirra-yi 'tribal cicatrices-COM' (only initiated men had tribal cicatrices, on the chest), e.g. (3-173).

birngga-yi 'grey hair-COM'· 'old person', e.g. Text 1, Lines 57, 58. boji-yi 'fart, wind-COM'· 'passing wind' (people generally do not keep passing wind all the time, and passing wind is a marked state), e.g. (3-174). (3-172) ('You did not have a beard before, but':)

yinda

jalbar-ji-0. (AP) 2SG.NOM beard-COM-NOM 'You have a beard [now].'

(3-173) yinda goymbirra-yi-0? (AP) 2SG.NOM tribal.cicatrices-COM-NOM 'Do you have tribal cicatrices?', i.e. 'Are you an initiated man?'

Meanings andfimctions of cases 217

(3-174) yinda

boji-yi-0

boji-yi-0. (AP)

2SG.NOM fart-COM-NOM fart-COM-NOM 'You are farting a lot, too much.'

(Boji-yi-0 is repeated, for emphasis.)

[6] 'Idiomatic' uses In some instances, the comitative forms have as a literal meaning 'having, holding, with', and furthermore an idiomatic meaning. Examples:

galhin-ji 'child-COM': 'with a child' and 'pregnant', e.g. (3-175) (second and fifth W, and third and sixth H).

jolhon-ji 'married person, spouse-COM'. Jolbon seems to mean 'married person' or perhaps 'spouse' Jolbon-ji means 'married person', e.g. (3-93), (3-176). (It is not certain ifjolbon-ji can mean 'together with (or, in the company ot) one's spouse'.) manxja-yi 'food-COM'· 'having food' and 'satiated with food'. gogo-yi 'language-COM'· 'having language' and 'talking'. (3-175) (A conversation between a husband (H) and his wife (W), cited from a text.) W. ngaya walwandan-0. lSG.NOM sick-NOM 'I don't feel well.' H.

ngani-ngomay-0? what-ABL-NOM 'Because ofwhat?'

W ngaya

galbin-ji-0.

lSG.NOM child-COM-NOM 'I [am] with a child', i.e. 'I [am] pregnant.'

H. galbin-0!

wanyja galbin-0?

child-NOM where child-NOM 'Baby! (lit. child). Where [is] the baby?'

W ngaya

yarro-0

ganyji-n bolo-ngga.

lSG.ERG this,here-ACC carry-NF belly-LOC 'I carry [i.e. have] this [baby] in [my] belly' or 'I carry [the baby] here in [my] belly.'

H. yinda galbin-ji-0! 2SG.NOM child-COM-NOM 'You [are] pregnant!'

W yowo ngaya

galbin-ji-0.

yes lSG.NOM child-COM-NOM 'Yes, I [am] pregnant'

218

Word classes and morphology

H.

nganimbarri-0? how.many-NOM 'How many [babies]?'

W. gorrbara-0 galbin-0. three-NOM child-NOM 'Three babies.' H. gorrbara-yi-0 galhin-ji-0! three-COM-NOM child-COM-NOM '[You] have three babies!' (Since the number of the babies is three, the plural form (galbiri 'children'; see 3.7.1-[16]) would be eA'J'ected. That is, galbiri-yi-0 'children-COM-NOM'.)

yani-0 jolbon-ji-da. (AP) (3-176) ngaya lSG.NOM go-NF spouse-COM-LOC 'I went together with [the man] who had a spouse', i.e. 'I went together with the married [man].' (Here, the locative describes company; see 3.6.3-[4].) In most instances of the comitative ("X has Y, X is with Y'), X and Y are in contact with, or in the vicinity of, each other. Jolhon-ji in the sense of 'married person' seems to be exceptional in that X and Y are not necessarily so. That is, the married person is not necessarily in contact with, or in the vicinity of, his/her spouse. See (3-176). [7] Inanimate or non-human object having inanimate, non-human or human object or being Examples include: (3-177) (A man speared a kangaroo, but:)

nyola

banggany-ji-0 wadali-0. (AP) 3SG.NOM spear-COM-NOM run-NF 'It [the kangaroo] ran away [i.e. hopped away] with the spear [in it].'

ganyji-n gamo-yi-0. (AP) (3-178) barrawo-0 bark.water.container-ACC carry-NF water-COM-ACC '[I] carried a bark water-container with water [in it].' (3-179) ('You are sitting on a tree and laughing at me on the ground.')

ngaya

jolay-0 yarro-0 gonma-lgo yino-ngo-n-ji-0. (AP) lSG.ERG tree-ACC this-ACC cut-PURP 2SG-LINK-LINK-COM-ACC 'I will cut [down] this tree with you [on it].'

Meanings and functions of cases 219

[8] Characteristics of a place Examples include (3-180-a), (3-181), and (3-182-c). In this use, the cornitative case seems to imply 'many', as shown in the translations below. (3-180) ('My country is no good.') a. mirgan---mirgan-0 jolgi-yi-0.

hill-hill-NOM scrub-COM-NOM '[It is] hilly. [It] has [many] scrubs', i.e. 'There are [many] scrubs [in my country].' b. yino nyawa jolgi-0. (AP) 2SG.NOM NEG scrub-NOM (XZ Y) '[But] your country has no scrub' or 'There is no scrub in your country.' (Alf Palmer's gloss for jolgi-yi 'scrub-COM' is 'many scrub'. In this use, the corn itative implies 'many' This is reflected in the relevant translations. The reduplicated form mirgan-mirgan means 'hilly' (3.7.2-[1]. See 4.20.6 for 'X Z Y'.) (3-181) barngan-ji-0 jondol-ji-0 yarro-0 kangaroo.rat-COM-NOM padernelon-COM-NOM this-NOM yamba-0 yori-yi-0. (AP) country-NOM kangaroo-COM-NOM 'This place [is] with kangaroo rats, padernelons, and kangaroos', i.e. 'There live [many] kangaroo rats, pademelons, and kangaroos in this country.' (3-182) a. nyola nganya banjo-n. 3SG:ERG 1SG:ACC ask-NF 'She asked me.'

b. yamba-0

yino

yamanyon-0 jarribara-0? (AP)

country-NOM 2SG:GEN similar-NOM good-NOM Lit. 'Is your country similar [and] good?' or 'Is you your country like wise good?' c. replied.')

rr

nyawa ngaygo

mirgan-mirgan-0 yamba-0

walwajarri-0

NEG

1SG.GEN hill-hill-NOM country-NOM bad-NOM mongan-ji-0 (AP) mountain-COM-NOM 'No. My country [is] hilly and no good. It is with [many] mountains', 1.e. There are many mountains •

(Alf Palmer's translation of Sentence b is to the following effect: 'Is your country good like this country?'.) Warrongo does not have 'existential construction' as such. But the cornitative m ', as shown above. case can express 'There are/live

220

Word classes and motphology

[9] Names of places and tribes The comitative suffix seems to be involved in the names of a few places and tribes. At least, jalogan-ji 'Tiger Mountain' (cf. jalogan 'Tiger Mountain') was confirmed to contain the comitative suffix. It declines irregularly as in Table 3-11, and not regularly (cf. Table 3-2). (In 1974, Tommy Murray, a Jirrbal speaker (1.8.4.3-[7]) stated thatjalogan is the name of a man. If this is the case, thenjalogan-ji 'Tiger Mountain' literally means '[a place] with [a man called] Jalogan'. What AlfPalmer called 'Tiger Mountain' is presumably the same as 'Tiger Hill' (see Map 3). It appears to be in Warrongo territory. Then the man seems likely to have been a Warrongo man.) There are nouns yirrgay 'a language in the north' and yirrgany-ji 'people of the north'. (Note the alternation between y and ny; cf. Table 3-2.) The dative form of yirrgany-ji is attested: yirrgany-ji-wo. It takes the allomorph for vowel-final stems (-wo) (Table 3-2). That is, yirrgany-ji declines regularly. It does not decline irregularly. This suggests the following scenario. Etymologically yirrgany-ji contained the com itative suffix, and declined irregularly, but subsequently it was reanalyzed as a (vowel-final) root and it now declines regularly. (According to Patz (1991: 243, 246), Yirrgay is a dialect ofDjabugay that used to be spoken in the Cairns area.) The same scenario may apply to the place name bongorrji 'Mt Pandanus' (location unknown). Etymologically it may have contained the comitative suffix (i.e. bongorr-jz). However, it no longer declines irregularly. It declines regularly. The locative form has the allomorph for vowel-final stems: bongorrji-ngga. Etymologically at least, the following words probably contain the comitative suffix:

yanggarr-ji 'a place on the way to the western region (location unknown) yidiny-ji 'the Yidiny language, Yidiny person' (cf. yidiny 'the Yidiny language, Yidiny person') However, it is not known whether they decline irregularly or regularly. (Yanggarr by itself is not attested in Warrongo. Gugu-Badhun has the word yanggarrji 'main lagoon in front of Valley of Lagoons homestead' (Sutton 1973: 224). According to Dixon (1977b: 3, 7), yidiny refers to the language in question and yidiny-ji to the 'tribe', and the latter contains the comitative suffix.) [10] COM-LOC 'hoping to get something' The combination of comitative-plus-locative can have a specialized meaning: 'hoping to get something from someone or hoping to be given something by someone', e.g.: (3-183) ngali-CJ yani-CJ manyja-yi-da. (AP) lDU-NOM go-NF food-COM-LOC 'Let's go, hoping to be given food [from someone].'

Meanings and.functions ofcases 221

(Alf Palmer's translation is: 'Another lot have tucker [i.e. food]. They might give us food'.) (3-184) (A kangaroo is being cooked.) galbiri-0 jana-garra-n yori-yi-da. (AP) children-NOM stand-ITER-NF kangaroo-COM-LOC 'The children are standing about., hoping to be given kangaroo [meat].' (3-185) ngana-0 yino-n-go yani-0 yori-yi-da. (AP) 1PL-NOM 2SG-LINK-DAT come-NF kangaroo-COM-LOC 'We came to you, in the hope we would be given kangaroo [meat]. Alf Palmer compared the COM-LOC with the dative 'for' (3.6.4-[1]) and stated highly revealingly in effect as follows: yori-wo 'kangaroo-DAT' means 'go hunting a kangaroo' (cf. (3-70)), while yori-yi-da 'kangaroo-COM-LOC' means 'to get a kangaroo from someone' It thus seems that COM-LOC means 'counting on someone who has something'. The meaning of the portion 'counting on someone' is presumably expressed by the locative case. However, this meaning is attested in the COM-LOC only, and it is not attested in any other use of the locative (3.6.3), e.g. when the locative is not preceded by the comitative. Note that the combination 'COM-LOC' does not always mean 'counting on someone who has something' See (3-176) ('spouse-COM-LOC'). It seems that 'COM-LOC' has this meaning only when it refers to something that can be given, e.g. food. There is an unusual example ofCOM-LOC: (3-186) (AlfPalrner made an arrangement for the next interview.) ngali-0 magol-ji-da birra-wa-ya. (AP) lDU-NOM work-COM-LOC talk-RECP-IMP 'Let's talk while I am working.'

(Magol 'work' is a noun (3.11.1.6-[1].) Probably the locative means time 'during' (3.6.3-[2]). But it is not known what the comitative expresses here. [11] There are a fair num her of examples in which the meaning of the com itative is not known and its use seems redundant., e.g..

gobi, gobi-yi, gobi-yi~gobi-yi 'native doctor jolbon.gan, jolbon.gan-.fi 'a woman who has run away from her husband' (cf. jolbon 'married person, spouse') The ergative form gobi-yi-do is attested. It declines irregularly as in Table 3-11. This confirms thatgobi-yi contains the comitative suffix. Comitative forms can be followed by a noun-stem-forming suffix, e.g. yirrganyji-barra 'person of the north' (see 3.7.1-[1] for -barra 'denizen').

222

Word classes and motphology

Cornitative forms can be turned into verbs, by means of the intransitive-sternforming suffix -bi-L (4.7.1-[1]-(d-2)), and the transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L (4.7.2-[1 ]-(e)). The cornitative suffix is probably related to the linking interfix -yi (Table 4-6). It may possibly be related to the conjugational endings -lji 'stative', -nji 'participle', and -njirra 'participle' (Table 3-14). Many Australian languages have the suffix for 'without' or 'X-less' (sometimes called 'privative') as well as that for 'with, having' (often called 'cornitative'), e.g. -jaru/-yaru 'with, having' and -mulungu 'without' of Djaru (1981a: 225, 227). Warrongo has no suffix for 'without'. But it can eA"press 'without' by means of the adverb nyawa 'negation' (4.20.6).

3.7.

Noun morphology (2): derivation

Warrongo has three ways to form sterns (of nouns, adverbs and verbs): affixation of a stem-forming suffix, reduplication ('XX'), and compounding ('XY'). There are sterns that combine two (though not three?) of these three methods: (i) reduplication plus compounding ('XYY'; there is no example of 'XXY'), (ii) reduplication plus affixation, and (iii) compounding plus affixation. In addition, there are sterns that involve affixation plus affixation. For example, a 'root+ nounstem-forming suffix' may be followed by a verb-stem-forming suffix. Formation of nouns is discussed in the following: noun-stem-forming suffixes in 3.7.1, reduplication in 3.7.2, and compounding in 3.7.3. 3.7.1. Noun-stem-forming suffixes There are many noun-stem-forming suffixes. Among them, only -barra 'denizen' ([1] below) is fully productive, with a clear meaning. All the others seem to be non-productive, and many of them are vague in meaning. One example is -biri in wamay-n-biri 'good', e.g. (3-134) (wamay 'good' is attested in Alec Collins' data only). Note the n-insertion (2.6-[2]-(b)). In the following we discuss mainly those that (i) are attested with a few roots at least (not just one root), and (ii) have a discernable meaning. There are many instances in which the suffix is added to a root that is not attested elsewhere in the data, i.e. a cran-rnorpherne (cf. English cran-

beny). As noted in 3.5.3, nouns that end in the suffix -barri ([6] below), -jarri ([7]), or -monga ([13]) do not seem to take a non-zero case suffi.x. (There is at least one exception: walwa-jarri 'bad-:farri' is attested with case suffixes. See Text 1, Line 57 (walwajarri-wo 'bad-DAT') and Line 58 (walwajarri-nggo 'bad-ERG').) There are two productive suffixes that derive verbs from nouns: -bi-L (4.7.1) and -nga-L (4.7.2). In contrast, there is no productive suffix which derives nouns from verbs. There are three suffixes that carry out this derivation, but they are not productive: -ra ([11]), -no ([12]), and -lmonga ([13]).

Noun morphology {2): derivation

223

The affixation of at least a few of the suffixes may cause stress shift (2.7-[6]). [1] -barra 'denizen' This suffix was discussed in 1.2 and 1.5.4.1-[1]. Additional examples: (i) binggilbarra 'person from Binggil' (binggil 'Mission Beach'), e.g. (3-107), (ii) jabonbarra 'person from the coast' (jabon 'coast'), e.g. (3-128), Text 2, Line 43, and (iii) wanggarri-bara 'easterner' (wanggarri 'east'). Alf Palmer called me gonggarribarra 'northerner' (gonggarri 'north'), for I came from Japan, from the north. Compare the following set of stems. yago (i) 'grass', (ii) 'small kangaroo grass (as against gajan 'big grass, blady grass'). yago-barra 'place near Innot Hot Springs on Herbert River' yago-bolan 'a place along Herbert River to the west of Cashmere (in the direction of Mount Surprise)'. yago-bolan-barra 'person of Yagobolan'. Yago-bolan-barra refers to a denizen, like other examples of -barra. However, yago-barra refers to a place. This appears to be the only example involving -barra that refers to a place, and not a denizen. Compare the following stems (the first two mentioned in 3.6.8-[9]). yirrgay 'a language in the north'. yirrgany-ji 'yirrgay-COM': 'northerner' yirrgany-ji-barra 'northerner'

Since yirrgany-ji already means 'person of the north', the use of -barra in yirrgany-ji-barra seems redundant. There is also gambil-barra 'person from the west', e.g. Text 2, Line 44. Gambil is not attested by itself. It occurs in Dyirbal and means 'mountains, tableland' (Dixon 1972: 402). Therefore, in Dyirbal, gambil-barra will not mean 'person from the west'. The ablative-1 case (-ngomay) (3.6.7) can have much the same meaning: 'person from a place' It, too, is fully productive. Bothjabon-ngomay 'coast-ABL' andjabon-barra 'coast-denizen' occur in (3-128). [2] -gaba 'denizen' This suffix was discussed in 1.5.4.1-[2]. [3] -bolan '(meaning unknown)' This suffix, whose meaning is not known, occurs in four placenames: (i) yagobolan (mentioned in [1] above), (ii) waga-bolan 'bushy country on Herbert River', (iii) worro-bolan 'place (Harding Paddock?) near Ravenshoe', and (iv) yirram-

224

Word classes and motphology

bolan 'place on Herbert River on Kirrama Road, where there was an old fighting ground'. Except for yago 'grass' in yago-bolan, the meaning of the root to which -bolan is added is not known. Warrgamay has yirra 'tooth' (Dixon 1981: 121). (Warrongo has rirra 'tooth'.) If yirram-bolan contains the Warrgamay yirra, this placename is a Warrgamay word, although the place yirram-bolan 'place on Herbert River on Kirrama Road' appears to be in Warrongo territory (Map 3). If it contains yirra and -bolan, it involves m-insertion (2.6-[2]-(a)). But -bulan seems to be absent in Dixon's (1981) work on Warrgamay.

[4] -bayan '(meaning unknown)' Consider the following set of words. gab an (i) 'tree sp.' (same as gaban-gabar/7), (ii) 'grub in a gaban tree'

(This word is phonetically [kaban]. There is a railway station with the name 'Kahan' between Ravenshoe and Herberton. It may have been named after this tree and/or grub.) gaban-~gaban 'ironwood, with red flowers and poisonous honey' gaban-bayan (i) 'a bushy country on Herbert River', (ii) woman's name (one of Alf Palmer's daughters. Her English name is Evelyn Greenwood.) gaban-bila (i) 'place near Ravenshoe, not far from Harding Paddock' (this may possibly be in Warrongo territory), (ii) woman's name (one of AlfPalrner's granddaughters). The meaning of -bayan is not known. It is attested in two more placenames: (i) maji-bayan 'cattle station on Jv.lt. Fox Range (possibly Stony Hill Station)' (this may be in Warrongo territory), and (ii) yirra-bayan 'place on Herbert River on Kirrarna scrub' (this may be in Warrongo territory). The meaning of maji is not known. It is a cran-morpherne. The placename yirra-bayan may possibly involve the Warrgarnay noun yirra 'tooth' (see Dixon 1981: 121). The two placenarnes yirra-bayan and yirram-bolan (mentioned in [2] above) may possibly refer to the same place. As for gaban-bila, it may contain the noun-stem-forming suffix -hila 'with' of Jirrbal and Girramay (Dixon 1972: 222). (Note that the place gaban-bila may be in Warrongo territory. The person with the name gaban-bila is presumably a Warrongo person, since she is Alf Palmer's granddaughter.) [5] -bolo 'a place full of This suffix occurs in three sterns. In two of them, it seems to mean '[a place] which has many [plants, etc.]: (i) daba-bolo 'Black Palm' (a place on Stone River) (probably in Warrongo territory)' (daba 'black palm'), and (ii) dombil-bolo 'a place in the Niagara district' (probably in Warrgamay territory) (dombil 'knot (of tree)'). (However, it is not known if trees in that area have many knots.) (iii) The

Noun morphology {2): derivation

225

meaning of -bolo is not clear ingobi-m-bolo 'wise man, native doctor' (gobi 'wise man, native doctor'). (Note them-insertion; see 2.6-[2]-(a).) Warrgamay has the noun-stem-forming suffix -bu1u 'very, lots of', e.g. wwzyan-bulu 'very lustful' (Dixon 1981: 34). This word occurs in a curse used by Alf Palmer; see (1-12). Both gubi 'clever man, doctor' and gubimbulu 'very clever man' occur in Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 34). This suggests that the Warrongo word gobi-m-bolo may mean 'very wise man'. [6] -barri 'covered with [something unpleasant]' Attached to two nouns of bodily secretion, this suffix means 'covered with [something unpleasant]'· (i) garnyja-barri 'covered with spit all over the body' (garnyja 'spit'), and (ii)jojarra-barri 'wet with urine all over' (jojarra 'urine'). There are at least three other instances, in which -ba"i seems to have a different meaning or function from that observed above. (a) ngani-m-barri 'how many', e.g. (3-175) (fourth H), also 'how much(?)' (ngani 'what'). Note them-insertion; see 2.6-[2]-(a). (b) wanba-l-barri 'frightened' (adjective-like noun) (wanba-L Vi 'fear, be frightened'). Cf. wanba-l-birri and wanba-1-jarri both 'frightened' (adjective-like nouns). (-1 is a stem-forming suffix; see 3.11.1.6-[2]. See (c), [7]-(a) and [13] below.) (c) baja-1-barri 'brave, bold, tough' Cf. baja-L Vt 'bite'. But it is not certain if baja1-barri is related to the verb baja-L. Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 504) has bajalba"i 'stubborn, hard-headed' (Adj) (obviously cognate with the Warrongo baja-l-barn) and baja 'shut, blocked. finished' (Adj). Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 112) has baja Adj 'shut, blocked'. The comitative suffix or the like ('having/with') with the shape of -barri or a similar shape occurs in many parts of the continent (Sutton 1976: 302), e.g. -barri of Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 105) and -barri of Warrwa of Kimberley, Western Australia (McGregor 1998: 175). [7] -jarri '(meaning unknown)' This suffix occurs in three stems, but its meaning is not clear. (a) wanba-1-jarri 'frightened' (adjective-like noun). Cf. wanba-1-barri and wanba1-birri both 'frightened' (adjective-like nouns). Alf Palmer said that wanba-l-jarri is a Jalngoy word. i.e. the avoidance style (1.6.1). (b) walwa-jarri 'bad' (walwa 'bad'). (As noted above, this word is attested with case suffixes.) (c) gaga-jarri 'big' (gaga1 'big, hard (not soft)'. (This involves the insertion or deletion of 1 (2.6-[3]). See also [8] and [9]-(a).)

226

Word classes and morphology

[8] -bara 'intensifier (?)'

-bara (discussed in 2.4-[4]) occurs in a large number of nouns. Its affixation may cause insertion or deletion of the root-finall (2.6-[3]). In a few of them, this suffix appears to have one of the following two functions. (a) To intensify the meaning, e.g. (i) jilhay-bara 'knowing very well' (jilhay 'knowing'), (ii) bonbol-bara and bonbo-bara 'big smoke' (Jalngoy?) (bonbol 'smoke').

(b) To turn a noun into an 'adjective-like' noun, e.g. jami-bara 'fat (not thin)' (an adjective-like noun) (jami 'fat (not meat or flesh)'). However, its function or meaning is unclear in the majority of examples, e.g. (i) yalnggay-bara 'single man' (yalnggay 'single man'), (ii) woron-bara 'water/baby carrier made of woron bark' (woron 'beef wood' and 'water/baby carrier made of woron bark'). (iii) birrgi-bara 'cold weather' (JJirrgil 'cold weather'), and (iv) gaga-bara 'big' (gagal'big, hard (not soft)'). In one pair, the form with -bara and the one without have opposite meanings: gonda-bara 'sky', 'bright (not dark') (gonda 'darkness, night', e.g. (3-18)). In a number of examples, -bara is added to a cran-morpherne, e.g. binyjo-bara 'foot' (Jalngoy ?), jarri-bara 'good', jalnyjan-bara 'Cashmere Station', nyanyjabara 'heavy (of weight)', andyanga-bara 'long' (cf. yanga 'mother'). The suffix -bara occurs in Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 226-228) and Warrgarnay (Dixon 1981: 34), indicating 'comparative', e.g.jala-bara 'shallower' ofDyirbal. It occurs in Gugu-Badhun, too, but its meaning is not clear (Sutton 1973: 103-104).

[9] -baya -baya (discussed in 2.4-[4]) is a variant of -bara. Examples follow. (a) bonbol-bara, bonbo-bara 'big smoke' (Jalngoy?), bonbol-baya 'smoke', bonbobaya 'smoke' (Jalngoy?) (JJonbol 'smoke'). -baya seems to intensify the meaning or derive a Jalngoy word.

(b) jami-bara, jami-baya 'fat (not thin)' (jami 'fat (not meat)'. -baya seems to derive an adjective-like noun. (c) goli-bara, goli-baya 'angry' (goli 'angry'). -baya possibly intensifies the meanmg. (d) gonda-bara 'sky', 'bright (not dark)', gonda-baya 'darkness' (gonda 'darkness, night'). Note that gonda-bara and gonda-baya appear to have opposite meanings. At least bonbol-baya 'smoke'- and possibly a few others as well- occurs in songs only. It is possible, though by no means certain, that words used in songs are more conservative or archaic than those used in ordinary speech. This suggests that -baya is the conservative form, and that -baya changed into -bara, rather than the other way round.

Noun morphology {2): derivation

227

[10] -jala 'maniac'

This suffix occurs in only three stems. It describes a human propensity which may be translated 'maniac' In two stems, it is added to a noun root: wan-ngojala 'a man who badly wants a woman' (warmgo 'woman'), andjombi-jala 'a woman who badly wants a penis, i.e. who badly wants to have intercourse' (jombi 'penis'). In the third stem, it is added to a verb root: goni-:fala 'an aggressive person' (goni-L Vt 'fight'). There are a number of examples of -jala in which its meaning is not clear, e.g. jano-:fala 'short' (jano 'half, a short man'). Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 459) has the noun-stem-forming suffix -jala 'very', e.g. gubi-jala 'very clever' (gubi 'clever'). [11] -ra 'agent' There is only one example, in which -ra is added to a verb root: goni-ra 'fightagent', i.e. 'fighter' (goni-L Vt 'fight'). Gonira is Alf Palmer's uncle's name, and I was given this name (1.5.4.2-[2]). The case inflection of this name is shown in Table 3-3. -ra 'agent' occurs in Biri: balga-ra 'hit-er', i.e. 'policeman' (balga- 'hit') (data from Peter Sutton). Its cognate suffix -rda occurs in Bidyara and Gungabula, e.g. guni-rda~guni-rda 'murderer' (guni- 'hit, kill') (Breen 1973: 141, 205, 206). -ra and -rda exhibit the regular phonological correspondence between !JJ and /qf; see (ii) of Table 1-6. [12] -no '(personal name)' This suffix occurs in four personal names, being attached to a verb root. Two of them derive from a myth about the gigantic eel Yamani (1.5.3, 1.5.4.2-[1]): (i) wambi-no '(man's name)' (wambi-L Vi 'rest'), and (ii) babi-no '(man's name)' (babi-L Vt 'nick'). Wambi-no is also Alec Collins' father's name. The other two names are (iii) boyba-no '(woman's name)' (]Joyba- (class unknown, probably L-class) Vt 'hide'), and (iv) jabi-no '(man's name)' (jabi-L Vt 'stop'). Alf Palmer stated that Boyba-no is his aunt's name. Since his father is an Englishman (1.8.4.1-[1]), this aunt must be a maternal aunt. Jabi-no is the name of Roderick Palmer, who is Alf Palmer's SS. It is not known if these two names have a mythological origin. According to Atkinson (1979: 36-37), Warn bino had a son whose English name is Runaway Harry and whose Aboriginal name is 'Chubino'. Probably this name, too, is Jabino. In Djaru, different suffixes are used between men's names (-yam) and women's names (-ngali or -ngarri). In contrast, the Warrongo suffix -no is found in men's names and also in a women's name. Etymologically, the suffix -no may be a verbal inflectional suffix. (Note that it is attached to verb roots.) The verbal inflectional suffix -nu (i.e. -no) is widely attested among Australian languages (Dixon 1980: 385, 389). Dyirbal (which in-

228

Word classes and motphology

eludes Jirrbal, Girramay and Mamu) has two classes of verbs, i.e. L-class and Y-class, and the unmarkedlnonfuture tense suffix is -n for L-class, and -nyu for Y-class (Dixon 1972: 55). Dixon (1972: 355) postulates that, at some time in the history of Dyirbal, the unmarked/non-future suffix was *-nu for L-class, and *-nyu for Y-class.

modem Dyirbal earlier Dyirbal

L-class 'hit'

Y-class 'come'

balga-n *ba1ga-nu

bani-nyu *bani-nyu

Modern Warrongo does not have a verbal inflectional suffix -no, but it has -n 'nonfuture' (for all of L-class, Y-class, and ZERO-class), and the suffix for one of the participles is -nyo (i.e. -nyu) (Table 3-14). This suggests that (in view of Dixon's internal reconstruction for Dyirbal) the Warrongo non-future -n may possibly have been -no. The names listed above lend supportive evidence to this reconstruction of the Warrongo *-no. The Yamani story (1.5.3) refers to Blunder Swamp, which is certainly in Warrongo territory (Map 3). That is, the Yam ani story as narrated by Alf Palmer is a Warrongo story. (Probably it is shared by other groups, such as Jirrbal people.) This indicates that these names are in the Warrongo language. This, too, supports the reconstruction of the Warrongo *-no. (Furthermore, since the Yamani story may be shared by Dyirbal people, these names may be in the Dyirballanguage. This supports Dixon's reconstruction of the Dyirbal *-nu, too.) [13] -monga 'someone who does X habitually' This suffix is attached to the form of a verb identical with the nonfuture-2 form, and turns it into a noun. The nonfuture-2 suffix is -1 for L-class, -y for Y-class, and -ZERO for ZERO-class (Table 3-14). L-class: (Y-class: ZERO-class:

-1-monga -y-monga) -0-monga

-monga describes habit or inclination: 'someone who does X habitually' It does not seem highly productive. The attested forms are as follows. L-class: (i) baba1-monga 'stinger (e. g. bees)', 'person who is good with a spear' (!Jaba-L Vt 'stab, sting'), (ii) baja-1-monga 'biter, one who is inclined to bite' (!Jaja-L Vt 'bite'), (iii) jaynyja-l-monga 'person who likes to have or habitually has intercourse' (jaynyja-L Vt 'copulate with'), and (iv) goyba-1-monga 'person who tends to give out' (goyba-L Vt 'give'). (There is no example of Y-class.) ZERO-class: wadali0-monga 'someone who runs habitually' (wadali-ZERO Vi 'run'). (-l- may be regarded as a linking interfix.) Examples follow.

Noun morphology {2): derivation

229

(3-187) (AlfPalmer described a man who works in the bakery and cuts bread.) bama-f2J gonba-l-monga-f2J. (AP) man-NOM cut-1-habitual-NOM 'The man [is] a cutter.' (3-188) walwa-f2J wobirri-f2J baba-1-monga-f2J. (AP) bad-NOM English.bee-NOM sting,bite-1-habitual-NOM 'English bees [are] bad. [They are] stingers.' (AlfPalmer's translation is ':Always bite, stingers'.) (3-189) ngona-f2J bama-f2J wadali-f2J-monga-f2J. (AP) that-NOM man-NOM run-ZERO-habitual-NOM 'That man [is] a runner.' The verb gonba-L 'cut' is transitive. It takes the ERG-ACC case frame. In contrast, bama-0 in (3-187) is in the nominative, and not the ergative. This clearly shows that gonba-1-monga is a noun (nominalized from a verb). and no longer a verb. The same is true of baba-1-monga in (3-188). Now, the transitive verb goyba-L 'give' has three case frames, and one of them is 'donor-ERG gift-ACC recipient-DAT' (4.3.3.2-[1]). There is one example of goyba-1-monga. (3-190) rayi-wo yinda goyba-l-monga-f2J. (AP) girl-DAT 2SG.NOM give-1-habitual-NOM Lit. 'You [are] a habitual giver to a girl.' Alf Palmer's translation is 'Too much give it, give it out, very kind'. It is interesting to note that the 'recipient-DAT' (rayi-wo) is retained, despite the fact that goyba-1monga is no longer a verb. That is, the norninalization leaves intact one aspect of the syntax of the verb goyba-L 'give' In all the examples, forms with -monga are used 'predicatively', and they occur in the nominative case (-f2J). They are not attested with a non-zero case suffix. Dyirbal has the suffix -munga, which is added to verb stems and indicates 'someone who habitually or always does X', and the resultant sterns can take a nonzero case suffix (Di.xon 1972: 81). As is common in Australian languages, Warrongo nouns generally do not make a number distinction (1.1, 3.1.2-[2]). But there are a few suffixes that indicate number. They will be discussed in [14], [15] and [16]. [14] -jarran 'two' This is attested with four noun roots with human referents: (i) warrngo-jarran 'two women' (warrngo 'woman'), (ii) rayi-jarran 'two teen-age girls (rayi 'teen-age girl'), (iii)jolhon-jarran 'two married persons' (jolbon 'spouse, married person'), and (iv) yangabara-jarran 'two tall persons' (yangabara 'long, tall').

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Word classes and morphology

Suffixes for 'two' which are the same as, or, similar to, -jarran have a very wide distribution on the continent (Capell [1956] 1966: 61-63, Dixon 1972: 90), e.g. -jarran 'two' of Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 228) and Warrongo, and C-guyarra/ V-wuyarra 'two' of Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 233). Clearly, these suffixes are related to the pan-Australian(?) numeral gujarra 'two' (Capel11966: 61). [15] -nba, -li 'many' These are attested with two noun roots of human referents. (i) 'Many teen age girls' (rayi 'teen age girl'): rayi-nba, e.g. Text 1, Line 62, rayi-li, e.g. (4-147), (4-422), and (ii) warrngo-nba 'many women' (warrngo 'woman'). (Rayi, rayi-li and rayinba were discussed in (2-65) and (2-66), together with rayi-wolnyjo 'good-looking girl'. The meaning of -wolnyjo is not known.) It is not known if goymbinba 'young man (who has gone through the first stage of initiation?)' contains the suffix -nba. (Cf. goymbirra-yi 'tribal cicatrices-COM' (only initiated men had tribal cicatrices, on the chest), e.g. (3-173).) As expected, the forms without any plural suffix can have plural referents 'many', and not just one referent, e.g. (3-65) (warmgo 'women'), (4-578) (rayi 'teen-age girls'). Dyirbal has the plural suffix -nba (Dixon 1972: 241) There may be a semantic link between duality/plurality and reciprocality (Sutton 1976). Therefore, etymologically -nba may consist of-nand -ba (involving the n-insertion; see 2.6-[2]-(b)) and -ba may be related to the reciprocal suffi.x -wa-Y (Recall that Alf Palmer pronounced the forms -wa-n 'RECP-NF' as [ban] (2.10.2).) It is relevant to mention the existence of the following verbal reciprocal suffixes: -ba in Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 49, 74-75) and Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 489), and -(n)barri in Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 92). See Tsunoda (2007: 1432) for a further discussion. [16] -rV 'dual(?), plural/multiple (?)' This suffix (mentioned in 2.6-[1]) is attached to noun roots and verb roots, and its vowel copies that of the preceding syllable. There are three examples of nouns: (i) galbi-ri '(many?) children', e.g. (3-175) (last H), (3-184), (4-489), (4-566), (galbin 'child'; *galbi is not attested), (ii) gando-ro 'many dogs' (dubious) (gando 'dog'), and (iii) bonggo-ro-yi 'knee-rV-COM, i.e. 'on knees' (e.g. (3-158)) (bonggo 'knee'). The suffix -rV seems to indicate plurality or multiplicity in galbi-ri '(many?) children' and gando-ro 'many dogs' (dubious), and duality in bonggo-ro-yi 'on knees'. In addition, -ro may be contained in the adverb bonggo-lnboro 'on knees' (3. 8.1-[1 0]). As expected, galbin seems to be used to refer to any number of child/children. In Warrongo, the only unequivocal plural form of any noun is galbiri 'children'. In Japanese, nouns generally do not make a number distinction, e.g. gakusee 'a student, students'. But the suffi.x -domo or the suffix -tati, both 'plural', can be added to nouns with human referents, e.g. gakusee-domo and gakusee-tati 'student-

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plural', i.e. 'students'. Now, compare ko 'a child, children', ko-domo 'a child, children', and ko-domo-tati 'children' (not 'a child'). This suggests that -domo in kodomo 'a child, children' no longer functions as a plural affix, and another plural suffix (-tati) is added to mark plurality. That is, etymologically ko-domo-tati 'children' contains two plural suffixes. No doubt the double plural-marking in childr-en of English followed the same process. All these suggest the following possibility: if a given language has nouns with plural marking, they will include the noun that refers to 'child'. And if a given language has nouns with double pluralmarking, they will include the noun that refers to 'child'. In Warrongo, there are a few examples in which the plural form galbiri may possibly have a singular referent, e.g. (4-567), (4-598). Cf. ko-domo 'a child. children' of Japanese. The status of gando-ro 'many dogs' as a bona fide Warrongo word is not certain. Probably it was suggested by me and approved by Alf Palmer. Nonetheless, Alec Collins' data recorded by Peter Sutton yield the following words for 'dog'· gando (ordinary style) and gawandoro (Jalngoy). It is possible -though by no means certain - that this word is phonetically [gawandU[U] and phonemically /gandWUJ. If this is the case, gando-ro is a bona fide Warrongo word. There are four verbs that contain the suffix -rV'all, many'; see 3.11.1.4. Outside Warrongo, there is one possible example of -ro, i.e. wulgu-ru. It may possibly mean 'many canoes' (1.5.4.1-[2]-(b)). [17] -gan 'feminine' This occurs in a fair number of stems, e.g. (i) yalnggay-ng-gan 'single woman' (yalnggay 'single man'), (ii) goy-ng-gan [koii]gan] 'female ghost, dead woman' (gowoy [ko:i] 'male ghost, dead man') (cf. (2-73), (iii) jolbon-gan 'woman who runs away from her husband' (jolbon 'spouse, married person'), and (iv) the names of female members of the four sections (1.5.5). Note that yalnggay-ng-gan and goy-ng-gan involve ng-insertion (2.6-[2]-(c-3)). In addition, the names of female members of the four sections involve y-insertion (2.6-[2]-(d)): -y-ng-gan. Other examples of -gan 'feminine'· (i) bimo-gan 'WM (bimo 'FZ, WM) (1.5.7), and (ii) goyo-gan 'daughter-in-law' The meaning of goyo- is not known. Goyo is not attested elsewhere in the language, apart from goyo 'bean, wild grape'. Warrongo nouns generally lack gender distinction (3.1.2-[3]). The forms involving -gan exhibit the only gender distinction in the language. Compare mogoynggon 'term by which to refer to a deceased wife in avoidance of her name' and mogoyo 'sister-in-law' (1.5.7). The word mogoynggon may be divided as follows: mogoy-ng-gon. (Note the insertion of the nasal ng (2.6-[2]-(a).) It is not known if this -gon is related to the feminine suffix -gan. [18] -na 'kin' This is affixed to vowel-final kin roots. (See 1.5.7 for kin terms.) Most of them are disyllabic. (The only exceptions are the trisyllabic roots yaboja 'YB', woribo 'son-

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in-law', and yindala 'woman's daughter (not certain)'.) Consonant-final kin nouns (i.e. gornggal 'husband' (e.g. (3-140)) never take -na. The affixation of -na seems to have no semantic effect But the forms with -na and those without it exhibit the following differences. (a) Morphologically, the ergative suffix allornorph -lois attested only with three kin nouns with -na (3. 2.1. 2-[2]). (b) Syntactically, as a general tendency the forms with -na seem to lack a 'vocative' use, i.e. they seem unable to be used as address terms. In terms of the affixation of -na, vowel-final kin nouns can be classified into three groups. Group A: those which optionally take -na, and both the forms with -na and those without are common. Group B: those which seem almost always to take -na. Group C: those which seem to never take -na. All of them can be used as reference terms. But there is a restriction on the use of the forms with -na as address terms. We shall look at each group. Group A Those vowel-final kin roots which optionally take -na. Both the forms with -na and those without are common e.g. yanga, yanga-na 'M; gaya, gaya-na 'F'; bimo, bimo-na 'FZ, WM'; gamga, galnga-na 'MB'; birgo, birgo-na 'W'; bolo, bolo-na 'FF (and reciprocal)'; gami, gami-na 'FM (and reciprocal)'; ngaji, ngaji-na 'MF (and reciprocal)', and babi, babi-na 'MM (and reciprocal)' Ngaji-na is not attested (Figures 1-1 and 1-2), but almost certainly it is a bona fide Warrongo word. At least four (and possibly five) members of this group exhibit an interesting behaviour regarding the allornorphy of the ergative case suffix. The ergative suffix is generally -nggo for vowel-final sterns. However, it may be -lo for at least the following kin nouns with -na. (i) gaya-na-nggo (e.g. (3-255)), gaya-na-lo 'F-KIN-ERG' (e.g. (3-28), (4-38-A), (4-47)), (ii) yanga-na-nggo, yanga-na-lo 'M-KIN-ERG', (iii) bimo-na-nggo, bimo-na-lo 'FZ/WM-KIN-ERG', (iv) gami-nanggo, gami-na-lo 'FM-KIN-ERG', e.g. (3-191), and also possibly (v) gamga-nanggo, galnga-na-lo. The kin nouns without -na seem unable to take -lo. For example, *gaya-lo 'F-ERG' was rejected by AlfPalrner. (The behaviour of these kin nouns was discussed in 3.2.1.2-[2]. See also Table 3-3.) It is not known if the ergative -lo can be used with any other kin noun with -na of this group, or with any kin noun with -na of any other group. (3-191) gami-na-lo nganya nyaga-n. (AP) FM-KIN-ERG lSG.ACC see-NF '[My] FM saw me.'

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(A-1) Their use as reference terms (A-1-1) Those with -na can be used as reference terms, e.g. (3-64) (gaya-nangga 'F-KIN-LOC', yanga-na-ngga 'M-KIN-LOC'), (3-92) (galngana-0 ':t-vffi-KIN-NOM), (3-139) (bimo-na-ngomany-ja 'WM-KINABL-LOC'), (3-156) (yanga-na-0 'M-KIN-NOM), (4-60) (galngana-0 ':t-vffi-KIN-NOM). (A-1-2) Those without -na, too, can be used as reference terms e.g. (3-122) (gaya-0 'F-NOM'), (3-193) (yanga-0 'M-ACC', gaya-0 'F-ACC', galnga-0 ':MB-ACC'), (4-1013) (birgo-0 'wife-NOM). (A-2) Their use as address terms (A-2-1) Those forms with -na are not attested as address terms. It is not known if this is due to the incompleteness of the data or a meaningful gap in the data. (A-2-2) Those without -na can be used as address terms; they occur in the nominative case. Examples include (2-135) (yanga-0 'M-NOM'), (2136) (gabJga-0 ':ME-NOM). (3-196) (gaya-0 'F-NOM', yanga-0 'M-NOM). (3-192) (gaya-0 'F-NOM), (3-197) (bimo-0 'FZ-NOM), (4-1008-A) (gaya-0 'F-NOM'), Text 3, Line 3 (galnga-0 ':ME-NOM'). GroupE Those vowel-final kin roots which seem almost always to take -na, e.g. mogi-na 'EB', barri-na 'YZ',jorga-na 'EZ', yaboja-na 'YB',jowa-na '(woman's) S, (man's sister's) S' (Jowa-na was translated as 'nephew' by Alf Palmer.) There is one exception:jowa-0 'nephew-NOM' used as an address term; see (3-194) and (3-195). (B-1) Their use as reference terms (B-1-1) Those forms with -na can be used as reference terms, e.g. (3-92), (3-193), (4-60) (jowa-na-0 'nephew-KIN-NOM or -ACC'). (B-1-2) Those without -na are not attested as address terms. It is not known if this is due to the incompleteness of the data or a meaningful gap in the data. (B-2) Their use as address terms (B-2-1) Those forms with -na seem to be able to be used as address terms, but there is only one example: (3-198) (cited from a text) (jowa-na-0 'nephew-KIN-NOM). (B-2-2) Those forms without -na seem to occur in the nominative only and to be used as address terms only. But there are only two examples (given during a discussion): (3-194) and (3-195) (jowa-0 'nephewNOM).

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Groupe Those vowel-final kin roots which seem never to take -na: bolgo 'YZ, EZ', woribo 'son-in-law', yindala '(woman's) D (not certain)'. The information on them is limited, but presumably they can be used as reference terms and as address terms. Additional examples and comments on them follow. (3-192) (An example cited from a text. 'I asked my father, "Where is she from?'")

yinda

jilbay-0 (fall) gaya-0? (AP) 2SG.NOM knowing-NOM father-NOM 'Do you know [her], Dad?'

(3-193) (An example cited from a text. A man says to a woman, 'I took you to see your mother and father. So, this time:')

ngaya

baya---baya

yina

ganyji-lgo

ngaygo

1SG.ERG in.turn-in.turn 2SG.ACC carry-PURP 1SG.GEN yanga-0 nyaga-lgo gaya-0 galnga-0 jowa-na-0 (AP) mother-Ace see-PURP father-Ace uncle-Ace nephew-KIN-Ace 'In return, I will take you so that [you] will see my mother, father, uncle and nephew.' (This sentence is an instance of purposive subordination 'so that may' (4.8).) Note that in (3-193)jowa-na-0 'nephew-KIN' (Group B) has -na, but the other kin nouns, i.e. yanga 'M', gaya 'F' and galnga 'MB' (Group A) do not. Upon playing the tape, I asked AlfPalrner ifjowa, without -na, could be used here, and he stated to the effect thatjowa, without -na, could only be used to address someone, and gave the following examples. (3-194) jowa-0! (AP) nephew-NOM 'Nephew!'

ya"o-wo yani-ya! (AP) (3-195) jowa, nephew this-DAT come-IMP 'C.ome here, nephew!' Alf Palmer's comment just cited indicates thatjowa, without -na, can only be used as an address term, and not as a reference term. (But there are only two examples.) AlfPalrner added the following sentence. (3-196) gaya-0! yanga-0! (AP) father-NOM mother-NOM 'Father! Mother!'

Noun morphology (2): derivation 235

On another occasion, Alf Palmer stated to the effect that bimo 'FZ, WM', without -na, can be used as an address term only, and he gave: (3-197) bimo-0. (AP) FZ,WM-NOM 'Aunt!' (Note that (3-197) would not be used to address a man's WM, for they are in a taboo relationship to each other (1.6.1).) As these examples show, gaya 'F' (without -na), yanga 'M' (without -na) and bimo (without -na) (all Group A) can be used as address terms. (They can also be used as reference terms, as seen in (A-2-1).) There is only one example in whichjowa-na (which contains -na) is used as an address term: (3-198) (An example from a text. A man carne and called out.) jowa-na-0 [ei]. (AP) nephew-KIN-NOM hey 'Hey, [my] nephew!' [19] -nyjarr 'kin' This suffix is exceptional and truly intriguing and. First, it is attested with only two of the kin roots.

gami, gami-nyjarr, both 'FM and reciprocal'. babi, babi-nyjarr, both '1\iM and reciprocal'. Both of them refer to a grandmother, but not a grandfather. -nyjarr is not attested with any other kin terms, such as bolo 'FF and reciprocal' or ngaji 'MF and reciprocal'. Thus, kin nouns such as bolo-nyjarr and ngaji-nyjarr do not seem to exist. Second, gami-nyjarr and babi-nyjarr decline irregularly (Table 3-4). I note in passing that Alf Palmer gave another form, which declines regularly, like other vowel-final sterns (Table 3-2), i.e. gami-nyja (without the suffix-final rr) in: (3-199) gami-nyja-wo ngaya gamo-0 goyba-n. (AP) FM-KIN-DAT 1SG.ERG water-ACC give-NF 'I gave water to [my] FM.' The meaning of -nyjarr is not known for certain. Both gami and gami-nyjarr, for example, seem to mean 'FM and reciprocal'. AlfPalmer stated to the effect that the forms with -nyjarr and those without have the same meaning and that those with -nyjarr are of the avoidance style, Jalngoy (1.6.1). Kin suffixes that have a shape similar to -nyjarr are widely distributed on the continent (Breen 1976: 294 and McConvell 2008). Indeed, the very suffix -nyjarr

236

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occurs in Wanyjirra of Northern Territory (my data). The situation is truly intriguing, in terms of distribution and meaning. Regarding distribution, -nyjarr occurs with gami only, i.e. only gami-nyjarr occurs. (This form is exactly the same as the Warrongo gami-nyjarr.) And it occurred only once (in a text). Affixation of -nyjarr to other kin roots was rejected by two Wanyjirra speakers: Maggie Scott and Dolly. Furthermore, gami does not, and cannot, occur without -nyjarr. (In Warrongo, gami 'FM' and babi 'J\.1M' can occur without -nyjarr, e.g. gami-ngga 'FM-LOC'.) Concerning meaning, the Wanyjirra gami-nyjarr means 'a woman's daughter's child'. Unlike other terms for grandparents/grandchildren, it does not have the corresponding 'reciprocal' meaning, that is, it cannot mean 'MM'. This is despite the fact that McConvell refers to -nyjarr as 'kin reciprocal'. (Wanyjirra has the word jaja 'MM and reciprocal'. It has a reciprocal meaning.)

[20] -warray 'many, each one's' (kin) This is affixed to five kin roots and one kin stem with -na. (The roots involved are vowel-final.) It is translated by AlfPalmer using 'many', 'plenty of', or 'each one's'. The resultant stems decline like banggay 'spear' (NY-group), not like yalnggay 'single man' (Y-group); see Table 3.2. The attested form are the following, accompanied by my tentative glosses based on AlfPalmer's.

gaya 'F', gaya-warray 'many gaya' galnga ':MB', galnga-warray 'many galnga'. bimo 'FZ, WM', bimo-warray 'many bimo'. birgo 'W', birgo-warray 'each one's wife'. gami 'FM and reciprocal', gami-warray 'many gami, each one's gami' bolo 'FF and reciprocal', bolo-na-warray 'many (not certain)/each one's (not certain) bolo' [21] -goway 'all my, lots of (kin) This is suffixed to five kin roots and one kin stem with -na. (Again the roots involved are vowel-final.) It is translated 'all my' or 'lots of by Alf Palmer. The attested forms are the following, accompanied by my tentative glosses based on Alf Palmer's.

yanga 'M', yanga-goway 'lots of yanga' galnga ':MB', galnga-goway 'all my galnga' bolo 'FF and reciprocal', bolo-goway 'all my bolo' ngaji 'FM and reciprocal', ngaji-goway 'all my ngaji, lots of ngaji' babi 'MM and reciprocal', babi-goway 'all my babi' jowa-na '(woman's) S',jowa-na-goway 'all my jowana'.

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(The rootjowa seems to always take -na ([18]).) It is not known if the resultant stems decline like yalggay 'single man' or banggay 'spear' (Table 3-2). But a dative form is attested: ngaji-goway-ng-go 'MF-goway-ng-DAT' Note the presence of -ng-. This suggests that these stems decline like banggay. Recall that, for the dative, banggay has two forms (banggayng-go andbanggay-go), butyalnggayhas only one form (yalnggay-go). This may be due to the incompleteness of the data, but in terms of the roots/ stems to which they are attached, -goway and -warray exhibit a complementary distribution, except thatgalnga ':MB' is attested with both. [22] -giri 'with, having (?)' Warrgamay has the noun-stem-forming suffix -girri 'with', 'comitative' (Dixon 1981: 32), and Nyawaygi has -gi 'comitative' (Dixon 1983: 457). (Etymologically, these Warrgamay and Nyawaygi suffixes may be related to the Warrongo suffix -jil-yi 'the comitative case'. See Dixon (1976b) and Eades (1976) for the possible connection between them.) The suffix -girl (not -girrl) is attested in four words of AlfPalmer's Warrongo. It is not certain if they are Warrongo words. -girl would be expected to mean 'with' or 'having', but its meaning is not clear. (a) [JlawagjUJ.i], tentatively /Jlawagi.Ii/ 'the Nyawaygi language'. This word was discussed in 1.8.4.1-[2]. (b) Mandagirl 'a place in the Warrgamay country' AlfPalmer said that this is the Warrongo name of that place. Also, he said that mandagirr (not mandagirn) is the Warrgamay name of mandagirl. Its locative form is mandagirr-a, and this conforms to Warrgamay morphology; see Dixon (1981: 29). Warrgamay has manda 'penis' (Dixon 1981: 118). Therefore mandagirl and mandagirrmay possibly mean '[a place] with a penis'. (c) Ngalwagirl 'Abergowrie' Abergowrie is in Warrgamay territory (see 1.4.1 and Dixon 1981: xxiv). Dixon (1981: 119) lists ngalwagirri 'Abergowrie' (not ngalwagin), but the meaning of ngalwa is not known. (d) Wangalgirl. Alf Palmer gave three glosses: (i) the Warrongo name of wangalgirra (a Warrgamay name?). which is about 1.5 miles from Cashmere on Herbert River, where the river runs in a boomerang-shape (this appears to be in Warrongo territory), (ii) place near Abergowrie, called [je1awata1u:] (Yellow Waterloo (?)) (this appears to be in Warrgamay territory), and (iii) a boomerang-shaped gut. Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 120) and Warrongo have wangal 'boomerang' Wangalgiri may mean '[a place] with a boomerang'. If mandagirr is a Warrgamay name, then wangalgirra, too, will be a Warrgamay name (in the locative?). Wangalgirra may mean '[a place] with a boomerang'.

238

Word classes and morphology

3.7.2. Reduplication Reduplication involves a repetition of the form 'X', resulting in 'XX' All the attested instances involve full reduplication, and there is no instance of partial reduplication. (Reduplication is shown by means of a tilde; see List of abbreviations and symbols.) Reduplication to form noun stems is of three types: (i) reduplication of a noun root (this is fairly productive), (ii) that of a noun with a case suffix (there is only one example: gobi-yi~gobi-yi 'native doctor-COM-native doctor-COM in [5] below), and (iii) that of a verb root with a stem-form (there are a fair number of examples). We shall look at (i) and (ii) in the following. For (iii), see 3.11.1.6-[5] and 3.11.1.7-[4]. My Warrongo data contains just one instance in which reduplication occurs twice, that is, the resultant word has the form 'XXX': garmboymo~garmboymo·~ garmboymo 'grandfather's grandfather's grandfather's grandfather' (Alf Palmer's gloss; in this gloss, the word 'grandfather' is used four times). As noted in 2.2.3.3, this word has nine syllables, and it is the longest word that is attested in my Warrongo data. See 3.8.1-[4] for its meaning. Reduplication appears to have a few functions, as shown below. [1] Reduplicated stems may have a plural meaning, often indicating 'many', e.g., (i) jolbon 'married person', jolbon-..:jolbon '(many) married persons', and (ii) goman 'different', goman--goman '(many) different ones'. Reduplicated stems such as the following were tmnslated by Alf Palmer by means of English adjectives, e.g. (i) woma 'shade', woma~woma 'shady', (ii) mirgan 'hill', mirgan,...,tirgan 'hilly', e.g. (3-45), (3-182-c), (iii) jorra 'cloud', jorra~jorra 'cloudy', (iv) ngorrmbon 'noise (in particular, undesirable noise)', ngorrmbon-..ngorrmbon 'noisy' These reduplicated stems clearly have the meaning of 'many', and mirgan~mirgan, for example, can be said to mean 'many hills'. [2] Some of the reduplicated stems seem to have an intensified meaning, e.g., (i) gamo 'water', gamo~gamo 'grog' (perhaps 'strong water'), e.g. (4-399), and (ii) yigarra 'freshwater shrimp', yigarra~yigarra 'scorpion' (perhaps 'strong freshwater shrimp'). (No doubt, gamo~gamo was coined employing the existing word gamo 'water', in order to describe a new item that was introduced into the Aboriginal society. Gugu-Badhun has gamu--gamu 'rum' (Sutton 1973: 101), and Kuku Yalanji has gamu.~gamu 'alcohol' (Patz 2002: 54).) [3] This may be due to the incompleteness of the data, but at least about five (and possibly more) adjective-like nouns that describe manner, e.g. ngarrban 'fast, quick', exhibit an interesting behaviour regarding reduplication. First, the reduplicated forms of these nouns are not attested with any non-zero case suffi.x. For example, ngarrban-..ngarrban-do 'fast~fast-ERG' is not attested. In contmst, the non-reduplicated forms can be combined with a non-zero case suffix, e.g. ngarrban-do 'fast-ERG'

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Second. the reduplicated forms are attested in intransitive clauses only, and they are not attested in transitive clauses. In contrast, the non-reduplicated forms are attested in both intransitive and transitive clauses. (Some (though not all) of the derived clauses, e.g. antipassive (4.9), reflexive/middle (4.11) and reciprocal (4.12), are derived from transitive clauses and they are 'surface-intransitive'. See 4.3.2 for the dichotomy of basic and derived clauses.) The distribution of the relevant attested instances is as follows. (a) Non-reduplicated forms (e.g. ngarrban) are attested in: (a-1) intransitive clauses: (a-1-1) basic clauses, cf. (3-19); (a-1-2) derived clauses, such as the antipassive clauses, and; (a-2) transitive clauses, e.g. (3-40), (3-200). cf. (3-20). (b) Reduplicated forms (e.g. ngarrban-ngarrban) are attested: (b-1) in intransitive clauses ONLY: (b-1-1) basic clauses, e.g. (3-201); (b-1-2) derived clauses, such as antipassive clauses, e.g. (3-202), but; (b-2) NOT in transitive clauses. (3-200) ngarrban-do yinda bija-f2J gamo-f2J. (AP) quick-ERG 2SG.ERG drink-IMP water-ACC 'Drink water quickly.' (3-201) ngarrban-ngarrban-f2J jomoboro-f2J yani-f2J wadali-n. (AP) fast-fast-NOM cattle-NOM go-NF run-NF 'The cattle are running fast.' (3-202) nganban-ngarrban-f2J yinda bija-gali-ya. (AP) fast-fast-NOM 2SS.NOM drink-ANTIP-IMP 'Drink (it) quickly.' (3-19) is a basic intransitive clause. (It literally means 'The fast/quick man ran'.) (3-20) is a transitive clause. (It literally means 'The fast/quick man drank water' Note thatnga1Tban is in the ergative case. Similarly for (3-40) and (3-200).) (3-201) is a basic intransitive clause, while (3-292) is an instance of the antipassive construction ('surface-intransitive'). Other adjective-like nouns that appear to behave like the pair of ngarrban 'fast, quick' and ngarrban~nga1Tban include the following.

yoray 'quiet', e.g. (3-203) (basic intransitive), yoray-yoray, e.g. Text 1, Line 42 (basic intransitive). A transitive clause similar to (3-204) was approved by Alf Palmer. yaja 'slow, for a while', e.g. (3-205) (basic intransitive), (3-206) (transitive). yaja-yaja.

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mori, mori-mori 'greedy', e.g. (3-207) (derived intransitive). nyormgo, nyorrngo--nyorrngo 'busy, not looking', e.g. (3-208) (basic intransitive). (3-203) ngali-0 nyina-n yoray-0. (AP) lDU-NOM sit-NF quiet-NOM 'We sat quiet.'

gamo-0 b'{ja-n. (IT) (3-204) bama-nggo yoray-jo man-ERG quiet-ERG water-ACC drink-NF 'The man drank water quietly.' (3-205) ngali-0 yaja-0 jana-ya. (AP) lDU-NOM for.a.while-NOM stand-IMP 'Let's wait (lit. stand) for a while.' (3-206) (Unfortunately, the full sentence was not recorded. The words added by me are indicated by 'TT'.)

yaja-nggo [TT yinda

nganya

mayga-0] (AP)

slow-ERG 2SG.ERG 1SG.ACC tell-IMP '[Tell me] slowly; take time.' (3-207) mori---mori-0 nyawa goyba-gali-n. (AP) greedy-greedy-NOM NEG give-ANTIP-NF '[That] greedy [man] does not give [anything].' (3-208) ('A man was approaching to stab me, but I was not aware of it.')

ngaya

n:yo"ngo---nyormgo-0

nyina-n woma-ngga. (AP)

1SG.NOM not.looking-not.looking-NOM sit-NF 'I was sitting in the shade, not looking.'

shade-LOC

As seen in 3.5.3, there are nouns that seem not to take any non-zero case suffix. That is, they may be said to always have a zero case suffix. They are attested in the predicative use only (and not in the attributive use), and they are assigned to the nominative case (and not the accusative case). (Recall that, with most of the nouns, the nominative and the accusative cases have a zero suffix. See Table 3-2, in particular.) The reduplicated forms discussed above, are likewise assigned to the nominative case (and not the accusative case). However, they are attested in the attributive use (and not in the predicative use). In contrast with the reduplicated adjective-like nouns discussed above, adverbs are attested not only in intransitive clauses, but also in transitive clauses, irrespective of whether or not they are reduplicated, e.g. baya and baya--baya 'in return, in revenge' Examples include (3-217) and (3-218); both of them are transitive clauses and contain baya--baya. Furthermore, there are adverbs that are formed by reduplicating a noun, e.g. nyon.gol--nyon.gol 'one-one', i.e. 'one by one, one for each, one after another' They, too, can be used not only in intransitive, but also in transitive clauses. See (3-219) and (3-320).

Noun morphology {2): derivation

241

[4] There are possibly instances of reduplication that indicates 'addition', i.e. 'X and X' or 'X plus X'; see 3.7.3-[1]. [5] There are many instances in which the function of reduplication is not known. For example, compare gobi 'native doctor', gobi-yi, and the reduplication of the latter gobi-yi~gobi-yi. The semantic difference among these words, if there is any, is not known. (Gobi-yi appears to involve the comitative suffix -yi (3.6.8). That is, gobi-yi~gobi-yi appears to be a reduplication of a noun with a case suffix and it is the only such example.) [6] There are many nouns that appear to exist in the reduplicated form only, e.g. (i) balja-balja 'corpse from which the flesh has been cut off and in which only the bones are left' (song word?), (ii) goyi--goyi 'wrinkle', (iii) jalam~jalam 'big waves, wavy', and (iv)jimi"j"imi 'fighting stick or club with a round head'. Many of them refer to fauna, flora, or places, e.g. (v) bariny-bariny 'sparrow hawk', (vi) jigirr~jigirr 'willy wagtail' (bird sp.) (discussed in 2.12), 'a place on upper Herbert River', (vii) jowal~jowal 'big locust', (viii) raga-raga 'forest ti-tree' (cf. (4-900) (second B), (ix) balgo-balgo 'grass hat' (Jalngoy?), e.g. (4-590), (x) bogon-bogon 'Spring Water Creek (on Herbert River in Wairuna area)', (xi)joda--joda 'a bushy country on Herbert River' Consider the following set: barro-barro 'bent', barro-barro-bi-L Vi 'bend, become bent', barro-barro-nga-L Vt 'bend', and barro---nga-L Vt 'bend'. The root barro can be set up, but it does not seem to be used by itself. There is occasionally a root that is identical to the root that exists in the reduplicated form only, but it is not certain if they are related etymologically. For example: (i) bariny-bariny 'sparrow hawk' and bariny (noun) 'to dodge', e.g. (3-21)), (ii) balgo-~balgo 'grass hat' and balgo 'stone a.xe' (not Warrongo?), and (iii) joda--joda 'a bushy country on Herbert River' andjoda 'big-sized dilly bag'. [7] In the majority of examples, a disyllabic root is reduplicated. At least in two instances, a monosyllable is reduplicated: (i) ngon---ngon 'milk', and (ii) goy-goy 'mosquito'. The roots ngon and goy can be set up. As noted in 2.2.3.1-[1], monosyllabic roots are exceptional in Warrongo. There are adverbs that are formed by reduplicating a noun root. See 3.8.2-[2]. Stress in reduplicated words was discussed in 2.7-[3].

3.7.3. Compounding Compounding involves two different roots, i.e. 'XY' They are of the following types. The first member is always a noun. ('Noun' refers to a 'noun proper', 'Adjective' to an 'adjective-like noun' (3.1.1), and 'Numeral' to a numeral (a type of noun) (3.1.2-[3]).)

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[1] No verb is involved: Noun-Noun, Noun-Adjective, Noun-Numeral, NumeralNumeral, Noun-Adverb.

[2] The second member is a verb: Noun-Verb. Noun-Noun and Noun-Adjective are the most common, and also there are a fair number of examples of Noun-Verb. The relative order of the members within a compound noun may be taken to reflect the 'underlying' word order. See 4.6.1. Compounds have one single intonation contour, and each of them can be regarded as one phonological word. Stress in compound words was discussed in 2.7-[4].

[1] Noun-Noun. Noun-Adjective, Noun-Numeral, Numeral-Numeral, and NounAdverb The meaning of a given compound noun can be generally deduced from the meanings of its constituents, e.g.jolay-nyon.gol'tree-one', i.e. 'One Tree Plain' (a place on Herbert River) (1.5.4.3-[6]). (This is an instance of Noun-Numeral). However, when used in compounds, the words listed in Table 3-12 have- generally, though not always - a different meaning from that they have when they are used by themselves. In compounds, mara 'hand' may have time reference: 'day' or 'week'. Presumably, the concept of week did not exist in the pre-contact days, and it was introduced after contact. There is also mara=goli 'the next day, tomorrow' =goli is an enclitic and it means 'only' See 4.25-[3]. (All of these nouns except for garri 'sun, daytime' are attested in the formation of adverbs by means of compounding; see 3.8.3.) Table 3-12. Meanings of nouns when used in compounds

mara

garri gonda balano woga

when used by themselves

when used in compounds

'hand' 'sun, daytime' 'darkness, nighttime' 'moon' 'asleep, sleep'

'person, day, week' 'day' 'night' 'month' 'day, night'

Among the nouns listed in Table 3-12, mara 'hand' is the most frequently used in compounding, e.g. (i) mara-minya 'hand-game', i.e. 'hunter', (ii) mara-gona 'hand-faeces', i.e. 'lazy person', (iii) mara-nganyi 'hand-face', i.e. 'person who is very swift when fighting', (iv) mara-garo 'hand-all the people', i.e. 'all the people', (v) mara-jalan 'hand-greedy', i.e. 'greedy person', and (vi) mara-ngarra 'handhigh/up (Adv)', i.e. 'leader', e.g. Text 3, Line 15. (Mara-ngarra 'leader' is the only instance in which the second member is an adverb: ngarra 'high/up' (Adv).) (Kuku Yalanji has similar compounds (Patz 2002: 59-61).) There is just one example in which mara 'hand' without compounding seems to mean 'person'. See (3-197). The use of the word for 'hand' in Warrongo and Kuku Yalanji to refer to certain types of people is reminiscent of (i) farm hands of English, and (ii) ka-syu

Noun morphology (2): derivation

243

'song-hand', i.e. 'singer', and kik-i-te 'listen-INFINITIVE-hand', i.e. 'listener', of Japanese. The hand is probably considered representative of all the acts by humans, including those by the mouth, e.g. singing, and those by the ear, e.g. listening. Examples of nouns other than mara 'hand', and also an example of mara, are given below. There are many compound nouns whose second member is the noun goman 'other, another, different', e.g., (i) bama-goman 'man-', i.e. 'different men', e.g. Text 1, Line 5, (ii) wanngo-goman 'woman-', e.g. (4-822), (iii) gogo-goman 'language-, i.e. 'different languages', e.g. Text 1, Line 6, (iv) raba-goman 'fork-', i.e. 'another fork-shaped branch', (v) gaya-goman 'father-', i.e. 'step-father', (vi) yalga-goman 'road-', e.g. (3-209), (vii) garri-goman 'sun-, i.e. 'a couple of day's time', (viii) gonda-goman 'nighttime-', i.e. 'the daytime of the day after', (ix) mara-gomanda 'hand-another-LOC' (always in the locative?) 'a couple of days ago', and (x) woga-goman 'asleep-', i.e. 'the next day (not necessarily tomorrow), the day after tomorrow' (Recall that, in the analysis adopted (3.4.3), nouns cannot indicate 'at, in, on, etc.' or 'to' without a case suffix, but adverbs can.) The noun goman 'another, etc.' is attested with the interrogative ngani 'what', and the demonstratives yarro 'this' and ngona 'that': ngani-goman 'what else', yarro-goman 'this another one', and ngona-goman 'that another one', e.g. (3-209). (3-209) ewe kept travelling.') ngona-goman-da ngali-0 wona-n yalga-goman-da. that,there-other-LOC lDU-NOM sleep-NF road-other-LOC 'We slept on that, another road.' There is a nounjida-da-goman 'morning-LOC-another', 'the next morning (in the last)'. The first root isjidal 'morning', but as mentioned in 3.2.l.l,jida-da is probably reanalyzed as a root, no longer functioning as a locative form. A reduplicated form can be further compounded, resulting in 'XYY' (There is no example of 'XXY'.) This generally involves goman 'another, different, etc.', e.g., (i) balano-goman~goman-go 'moon-another-another-DAT', i.e. 'month after month', (ii) yamba-goman-goman-da 'carnp-another-another-LOC', i.e. 'in different camps', and (iii) gogo-goman-~goman 'language-another-another', i.e. '[many] different languages' in Text 1, Line 2. In the examples of compounding given above, generally the first constituent is modified by the second constituent (and also by the third, if there is one). But there are two types of deviation from this general pattern. Deviation-I: 'addition'

As mentioned in 3.1.2-[3], when requested to translate 'four', Alf Palmer gave bolari~bolari 'two-two' (discussed in (2-105)), and also its variants bolaro~bolaro and bolayi~bolayi. Similarly, for 'five', he gave bolayi-gorrbara 'two-three' and gorrbara-bolaro 'three-two'. (Bolari and gorrbara can each be used by them-

244

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selves, but bolayi and bolaro do not seem to be.) It is not certain if they are traditional Warrongo numerals. Furthermore, each of them may possibly be a phrase, and not a compound word. Nonetheless, if they are traditional Warrongo words at all, then they are instances of 'addition'. That is, bolari~bolari, bolaro--bolaro and bolayi~olayi 'two-two' are the only instances of reduplication that indicates addition, i.e. 'X and X' or 'X plus X' Bolayi-go"bara 'two-three' and gorrbarabolaro 'three-two' are the only instances of compounding that indicates addition, i.e. 'X and Y' or 'X plus Y' There is no example of a compound noun that indicates 'X or Y' Deviation-2: 'possessive compound' The only example is mara-yiga"a 'scorpion' (mara 'hand', yiga"a 'freshwater shrimp'). This word does not mean just 'freshwater shrimp's hands'. Rather, it seems to mean 'something that has a freshwater shrimp's hands, or, something that has hands like a freshwater shrimp's'. That is, it seems to mean 'something that has Y's X, or, something that has X like Y's'. (Here, 'X' refers to the first member of the compound noun, and the 'Y' to its second member.) Mara-yiga"a resembles the majority of compound nouns in that the second member modifies the first But it differs in that the entire compound has the additional meaning of 'something that has ' That is, mara-yigarra is reminiscent of what is called 'possessive compound' in Sanskrit grammar (Iwamoto [1965] 1966: 93-94). There are instances in which the effect of compounding is not known. For example, compare (i) balgara and gaja-balgara both 'full (e.g. basket)', and (ii) jimi---:jimi and gaja-jimi---:jimi both 'fighting stick'. The semantic difference in each pair, if there is any, is not known. There is the noun gaja 'head'. But it is not certain if this noun is involved in these compounds. [2] Instances in which the second member is a verb: Noun-Verb These are names of places and those of animates (a bird and an insect). (a) Placenames. There are five placenames that have the form of a clause: (1-1) (a transitive clause: AVO), and (1-2) through (1-7) (intransitive clauses: SV). The name for 'Turtle Jump' has three variants, and one of them, i.e. (1-5), is attested in the locative case, too (3.2.1.1).

(b) Names of animates. There are two such nouns. Alf Palmer gave (3-210) (OV) for 'rifle-bird', and (3-211) (OV) for 'cricket (of green type)'. These names can be analyzed as follows. (3-210) gima-0 yormtbi-lga. (AP) grub-ACC suck-APPR Tentative translation: '[A rifle-bird] sucks a grub.'

Adverb morphology (2): derivation

245

(3-211) ganyo-0 babi-lga. (AP) round.yarn-ACC nick-APPR Tentative translation: '[A cricket] nicks a yarn.' To be more precise, gima refers to a stage of the growth of a grub in which it starts having wings, in a cocoon. Alf Palmer stated that a rifle-bird sucks the inside of gima. But it is not known if a cricket nicks yarns. Note that the verbs in (3-210) and (3-211) involve the apprehensional suffix ('APPR'). The apprehensional generally indicates that something - often unpleasant -might happen (3.10.11). But it seems to describe a habit, inclination or the like in (3-210) and (3-211). These clause-like placenarnes, and also the names in (3-210) and (3-211) differ from other noun sterns in that they resern ble a clause or part of a clause. Nonetheless, each of them was pronounced by Alf Palmer with one intonation contour, with no clear pause, and at least one of them is attested with a case suffix (i.e. the locative suffix). In these respects, they behave like usual sterns.

3.8. Adverb morphology (2): derivation Derivation of adverbs will be described in terms of affixation of adverb-forming suffixes (3.8.1), reduplication (3.8.2), and compounding (3.8.3).

3.8.1. Adverb-stem-forming suffixes There are a number of suffixes that form adverbs. Most of them are affixed to adverb roots, the latter which can be used as adverbs by themselves, i.e. without any adverb-forming suffix. In a few instances, such suffixes are attested with demonstratives, the interrogative word ngani 'what', numerals, etc. [1] -rri and -rro are suffixed to the interrogative WanJ?ia 'where at/in': wanyja-"i 'which way' (direction), e.g. (3-32), 'how' (manner), 'why' (reason)', wanyja-"o 'where to'. Wanyja 'where at/in' can take a case suffix (Table 3-7), but wanyja-rri and wanyja-"o are not attested with any case suffix. Wanyja-"o 'where-to' occurs in Alec Collins' data. [2] -ngal 'to, towards' (direction) is suffixed to the following. (a) Three adverbs for cardinal directions: (i) gonggarri-ngal 'to north', e.g. Text 1, Line 13 (gonggarri 'in or to north'), (ii) golbila-ngal 'to south' (golbila 'in or to south'), and (iii) gowa-ngal 'to west' (gowa 'in or to west'). There is wanggarri 'in or to east' Wanggarri-ngal 'to east' is not attested, but it is almost certainly a bona fide Warrongo word.

246

Word classes and motphology

(b) A few other adverbs of place, e.g., (i) ngarra-ngal 'to high, upwards' (ngarra 'at or to high, above'), (ii) gola-ngal 'to upstream' (gola 'at or to upstream'), (iii) bada-ngal 'to downstream' (/Jada 'at or to downstream'), and (iv) goyay-ngal 'to across', e.g. (3-157), (3-291), (4-607-a) (goyay 'at or to across [a river or the sea]'). There is nyarrga 'at or to down'. Nyarrga-ngal 'to down, downwards' is not attested, but it is almost certainly a bona fide Warrongo word. (c) The interrogative adverb wanyja 'where at/in', wanyja-rri 'which way, etc.', and wanyja-rro 'where to'· (i) wanyja-ngal 'where to', e.g. (3-235-A), (ii) wanyja-rri-ngal 'which way, where to', and (iii) wanyja-rro-ngal 'where to'. The adverbs that contain -ngal do not seem to take any case suffix.

(d) The demonstrative yarro 'this, here': yarro-ngal 'to this way, hither' (direction/ destination). The following words are not attested, but they, too, are probably bona fide Warrongo words: ngona-ngal 'to that way' (ngona 'that, there') and ngoningal 'to that way' (ngoni 'there, that'). As seen in 3.6.3-[1], the locative case can indicate location or direction/destination, and it has a wide range of meanings such as 'in, at, on, below, above, near, around, into, onto, out of, through, round, across, up, down', and so on. An adverb with -ngal sometimes occurs with a noun in the locative and describes a more specific location or direction/destination. For example, in (3-291), goyay-ngal 'acrossto' and malan-da 'creek-LOC' jointly mean 'across the creek'.

[3] -mali 'on or to the X side of someone or something' is suffixed to the following. (a) One adverb for a cardinal direction: gonggarri-mali 'on or to the northern side of someone or something' (gonggarri 'in or to north'). (b) Other adverbs of place or time, e.g. (i) goyay-mali 'on or to the other side [of a river or sea]]' (goyay 'across [a river or sea]'), (ii) ngogala-mali 'on or to the other side, outside, behind', e.g. (4-561) (ngogala 'on the other side [of a house, etc.], outside, over there'), (iii) ngarra-mali 'on or to top of someone or something', e.g. (3-212), (4-303), (ngarra 'up, above, high'), (iv) nyarrga-mali 'under or below someone or something', e.g. (3-212) (nyarrga 'below, low, down'), (v) ganamali 'underneath' (gana 'below, inside'), (vi) ganba-mali 'in front of, or, ahead of, someone', e.g. (3-213) (ganba 'before (of time, space), ahead (of sequence), in front (of space)', e.g. Text 3, Line 15, (vii) golma-mali 'behind someone or something (of time, sequence, space)', e.g. (3-52), (3-135), (3-140), (3-213) (golma 'behind (of time, sequence, space)'). There is the adverb gowa 'in or to the west' (an adverb for a cardinal direction) and 'high, above (e.g. the sun at midday)'. Alf Palmer gave gowa-mali. He said that it means 'on top' and that it has the same meaning as ngarra-mali 'on top of someone or something'. Presumably, it can also mean 'on or to the western side of something or someone', although this meaning is not attested.

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241

(c) The interrogative adverb wanyja 'at or to where'· wanyja-mali 'on or to what side of someone or something?' (d) Demonstrative nouns: (i) yarro-mali 'on or to this side of someone or something' (yarro 'this, here'), (ii) ngona-mali 'on or to that side of someone or something' (ngona 'that, there'), (iii) ngoni-mali 'over to the other side' (!1goni 'there, that'). (Ngoni-mali occurs in Alec Collins' Warrongo, but it is not attested in Alf Palmer's.) There are goya-ngal 'across, to the other side' and goya-mali 'on the other side'. Goya is not attested elsewhere in the language, but it is no doubt related to goyay 'across [a river or sea]' Two sentential examples follow. Each example contains two adverbs with -mali that indicate an opposite spatial relation. (3-212) ('We were fighting.') ngali-0 galngga-n bolari-0, lDU-NOM fall-NF two-NOM, ngaya ngarra-mali nyola nyarrga-mali. (AP) lSG.NOM above-side 3SG.NOM below-side 'We two fell over. I [was] on top [of him and] he [was] underneath [me].' (3-213) CLet's go now.') yinda ganba-mali yani-ya, ngaya golma-mali. (AP) 2SG.NOM before-side go-IMP lSG.NOM behind-side 'You go in front. I [will go] behind.' Like an adverb with -ngal, an adverb with -mali sometimes occurs with a noun in the locative and describes a more specific location or direction/destination. For example, in (3-52), golma-mali 'behind-side' and jolany-ja 'tree-LOC' jointly mean 'behind a tree' [4] -mo 'from (of space)' is attested in only four words: (i) gonggarri-mo 'from north' (gonggarri 'in or to north), (ii) ganba-mo 'from before' (attested in Alec Collin's Warrongo, but not in Alf Palmer's) (ganba 'before (in time or space), ahead, in front', attested at least in Alf Palmer's Warrongo), (iii) ngoni-mo 'from there' (ngoni 'there, that'), and (iv) wanyja-mo 'from where', wanyja-y-mo 'from where' (wanyja 'at or to where'). Note they-insertion in wanyja-y-mo (2.6-[2]-(d)). Wanyja-mo 'from where' occurs in Alec Collins' data, too. The following nouns contain mo, which may be related to -mo 'from' (a) nyilamo 'new', e.g. (3-156) (cf. the adverb nyila 'today, now, soon', e.g. (4-491)). (b) garmboymo 'grandfather's grandfather' (AlfPalmer's gloss). (c) garmboymo~garmboymo 'all grandfathers', 'grandfather's grandfather's grandfather' (AlfPalmer's glosses).

248

Word classes and motphology

(d) garmboymo---garmbaymo---garmbaymo 'grandfather's grandfather's grandfather's grandfather' (Alf Palmer's gloss). (This word is the only instance in my Warrongo data in which reduplication occurs twice, that is, the resultant has the form of 'XXX' (3.7.2). It has nine syllables, and it is the longest word that is attested in my Warrongo data (2.2.3.3).) Etymologically nyilamo 'new' may have meant 'from now' Gugu-Badhun has galamu 'old' (Sutton 1973: 213). Etymologically it may contain -mu 'from' (Gala does not seem attested in Gugu-Badhun. The adverb gala 'more' is attested in Warrongo, but its etymological connection with the Gugu-Badhun galamu 'old' is not known.) In Alf Palmer's glosses, the word 'grandfather' occurs twice in 'grandfather's grandfather' for (b), three times in 'grandfather's grandfather's grandfather' for (c), and four times in 'grandfather's grandfather's grandfather's grandfather' for (d). The meanings of the words in (b) to (d) are not understood well. AlfPalmer's comments on the words in (b) and (c) indicate that here by 'grandfather' he meant bolo 'father's father' ('FF'; cf. Figure 1-1). Then, judging by Alf Palmer's glosses, (b) garmboymo would mean 'FF's FF', and (c) garmbaymo~garmboymo would mean 'all FF's' and 'FF's FF's FF' Similarly (d) garmboymo.~gamwoymo-garmbaymo would mean 'FF's FF's FF's FF' -mu occurs in the following languages, with the meaning indicated: 'ablative, causal' in Yidiny (Dixon 1977b: 132-133, 164, 202), 'since (of time)' in Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 58, 252-253), and 'ablative, causal' in Biri (my data). There were a language whose name is spelt 'Koa', around Winton, central Queensland. and one whose name is spelt 'Koamu' and 'Guwamu', around St. George, southern Queensland (Tindale 1974: 175, Wurm 1972: 141). Tindale (1974: 42) suggests that the names of these languages contain the word 'goa 'no' of the Moreton Bay language ofBrisbane (more than 1000 km away from Koa, and about 500 krn away from Koarno/Guwarnu.) (The apostrophe in 'goa indicates stress (Tindale 1974: 2).) In my view, there is another possibility. Warrongo has [gowa] lguwal 'west', and this word seems to have a wide geographical distribution (see Tindale 1974: 38). It is possible, though there is no evidence, that Koa is /guwa/ and means 'west', and that Koarnu!Guwamu is /guwa-mul and means 'from the west'. That is, possibly these people were referred to as westerners by the people who lived to the east of them. [5] -mondo 'from (a source in space)' is attested in one word only: goda-mondo '[come] from behind' (gada 'in/at behind'). No doubt, -mondo 'from' is related to -mo 'from' discussed above.

(3-214) ('I went off with a woman, and her father was chasing me.') nyongo gaya-0 goda-mondo yani-0. (AP) 3SG.GEN father-NOM behind-from come-NF 'Her father carne from behind.'

Adverb morphology {2): derivation

249

-mondo is not productive in Warrongo. But suffixes whose shape is the same as, or similar to, -mondo, and which indicate a source and/or cause occur in Gujal (Sutton data), Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 45, 47, 70), and Bidyara and Gungabula (Breen 1973: 68-69). Patz (2002: 70) mentions that Kuku Yalanji has A--udamwuiu 'behind' (i.e. godamondo), and that it could be a fossilized abessive form. It is interesting to note that this form, which could be a fossilized form in Kuku Yalanji, is the only form attested in Warrongo. [6] -ngando 'from (of space), because of('?)' is attested in only three words: (i) goda-ngando '[come] from behind', e.g. (3-215) (goda 'later, behind'), (ii) golmangando '[come] from behind' (golma 'behind'), and (iii) ngani-ngando 'because of what (?)' (ngani 'what') (Alf Palmer's translation is 'What is over?').

(3-215) galnga-na-0

goda-ngando yani-0. (AP) :MB-KIN-NOM behind-from come-NF '[My] mother's brother came from behind.'

-ngando occurs in Gujal (Sutton data) (apparently 'from' (of time)). Bidyara and Gungabula (Breen 1973: 110-111, 205) have gurra 'behind' and gurrangandu 'behind'. No doubt these two words correspond to the Warrongo words godangando and goda, respectively. That is, rr corresponds to d This may be accidental, but all of -mo, -mondo, and -ngando, which all mean 'from', end in the vowel-a. [7] -mara 'very' is attested in four adverbs, and two nouns. Two of the adverbs: (i) gani-mara 'very far, a long way', e.g. (3-129) (gani 'far, away'), and (ii) ganbamara 'a long time ago', e.g., (3-140), (3-233), (4-547) (ganba 'before' (of time), 'in front' (of space), e.g. Text 3, Line 15. -mara also occurs in the following adverbs, but its meaning is not clear: (iii) wanyja-mara 'when' (cf. wanyja 'where'), and (iv) nganimbarri-mara 'how long (of time)' (cf. nganimbarri 'how many') (3.7.1-[6]). (v) In one instance, -mara is added to the noun goman 'other, another' and forms a new noun stem: goman-mara 'another one' (e.g. man, woman, dog). (vi) A song cited in (1-10-f) contains the noun gorra-mara, which was glossed by Alf Palmer as 'last one' In addition, he said that it meant 'younger brother, younger sister' Its etymology is not known, but possibly it contains gorra, which is identical with gurra 'behind' of Bidyara and Gungabula and which corresponds to goda 'later, behind' of Warrongo. If this is the case, gorra-mara may mean 'someone who was born later (later than the other siblings)' Gorra by itself is not attested in Warrongo. [8] -ngal ' time(s), etc.' is attested in four words: (i) nyon.gol-ngal 'once' (nyon. gol 'one'), (ii) bolari-ngal 'twice' (bolari 'two'), (iii) gorroara-ngal 'three times' (gorrbara 'three'), and (iv) nyila-ngal 'again', nyila-ngo-ngal 'immediately, very soon' (nyila Adv 'today, soon'). -ngo is probably a linking interfix. It is used as such in Tables 3-3 and 3.6.

250

Word classes and morphology

[9] -ngomay 'from, after, etc.' is generally used for the ablative-I case, and the resultant sterns can be further followed by another non-zero case suffix (Table 3-10). (The resultant sterns are considered nouns or pronouns.) Thus, they will take the ergative suffix if they modify a noun in the ergative, e.g. (3-126) (ngona-ngomanyjo 'there-ABL-ERG'). However, in the data obtained, where -ngomay means 'after (time)', it is not followed by any non-zero case suffix. This is irrespective of whether the clause in question is intransitive or transitive. The present work classifies the words involving -ngomay 'after (time)' (which are not followed by a non-zero case suffix) as adverbs. This -ngomay is attested at least with the following words. (a) The demonstrative noun ngona 'that, there'. Ngona-ngomay 'that-after' means 'after that', 'and then'. It occurs in the texts very frequently, generally sentenceinitially. It seems to indicate a change in the topic, scene or the like. Examples in an intransitive clause include (3-94), Text 1, Lines 1, 15, 44, 55, Text 2, Lines 1, 13. Examples in a transitive clause include (3-9-a, -c), (3-216), Text 1, Lines 29, 62, Text 2, Line 37. (b) The adverb of time gonda-gorrbara 'for three nights'. See gonda-gorrbarangomay 'after three nights' in (3-216) (a transitive clause). (Gonda 'night' (noun), gorrbara 'three' (noun).) (The formation of gonda-gorrbara will be discussed in 3.8.3.) (3-216) (In a text, someone gives advice to a man who has a sore on his penis: 'Wash your penis with water. Leave her vagina for three nights.') ngona-ngomay I gonda-gorrbara-ngomay yinda I moga-0. (AP) that-after night-three-after 2SG.ERG take-IMP 'And then, after three nights, take [her vagina].' If ngona-ngomay and gonda-gorrbara-ngomay are nouns, and not adverbs, they will modify the A yinda '2SG.ERG' and they will occur in the respective ergative forms: ngona-ngomany-jo and gonda-gorrbara-ngomany-jo. Compare (3-216) with (3-126). (c) The adverb of time garrbala 'tomorrow, next'. Garrbala-ngomay-0 'the day after the next day' in (3-141) (an intransitive clause) was regarded as a noun there. However, possibly it should be regarded as an adverb. [10] -lnboro is attested in just one word: bonggo-lnboro 'on knees'. (This word was discussed in 2.2.3.2-[1] and 2.2.4-[3].) In view of the existence of the nouns bonggo 'knee' and bonggo-ro-yi 'knee-r~':.COM, i.e. 'on knees', e.g. (3-158), -lnboro appears to contain the suffix -rV'dual (?),plural/multiple(?)' (3.7.1-[16]). There are possibly two more adverb-stem-forming suffixes: -goli (4.25-[3]) and -gol (4.25-[4]).

Adverb morphology {2): derivation

251

3.8.2. Reduplication Roughly speaking, reduplication to form adverb stems is of two types: (i) reduplication of an adverb root and (ii) that of a noun root. [1] Reduplication of adverb roots A few adverbs each have both reduplicated and non-reduplicated forms. Sometimes, reduplication appears to intensify the meaning, e.g. birri 'close', e.g. (3-53), birri~birri 'very close', e.g. (4-673), but in most instances, its function is not understood, e.g. wonaja and wonaja~wonaja 'camping out', and baya and baya~aya 'in one's turn, in return', e.g. 'in return for kindness, in revenge for something, in response to an address'. The reduplicated forms wonaja~wonaja and baya~aya do not seem to have an intensified meaning. Nor do they seem to indicate 'repeatedly' The reduplicated form baya---baya, rather than the non-reduplicated form, is generally used. Examples of baya~baya include (3-193), (4-18-b), (4-540-c), and: (3-217) ('While I was sleeping, you were on the watch, so:') yinda wona-ya baya~baya. (AP) 2SG.NOM lie-IJ\.1P in.turn-in.turn 'Sleep in [your] turn' or 'It's your turn to sleep' (3-218) ('I helped him, so:') ngaygo baya---baya (AP) nyola ganyji-n worriba-CJ gajarra-0 3SG.ERG carry-NF bee-ACC possurn-ACC lSG.GEN in.turn-in.turn 'He carried [i.e. brought] bees and possums for/to me in return.' As noted in 3.7.2-[3], the reduplicated forms of certain nouns that describe manner are attested in intransitive clauses only (including 'surface-intransitive' clauses), and not in transitive clauses. In contrast, adverbs can be used in both intransitive and transitive clauses. This is irrespective of whether the adverbs are in the reduplicated form or not Thus, baya---baya is used in an intransitive clause in (3-217), and a transitive clause in (3-218). The following adverb exists in the reduplicated form only: barray--m---barray 'in the morning' (Note them-insertion (2.6-[2]-(a). This word was also discussed in 2.2.6.2-(h).) The non-reduplicated barray is not attested in the Warrongo data, but Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 399) has barray 'next week'. [2] Reduplication of noun roots A few adverbs are fanned by reduplicating a noun root, e.g., (i) nyon.gol"-t1)'on.gol 'one by one, one for each, one after another', e.g. (3-219), (3-220) (nyon.gol 'one'), (ii) ngami·-vngami 'on the lap' (t1gami 'lap (of body)'), and (iii) gonda~gonda 'yesterday, the day before' (Alf Palmer), e.g. (4-58), (4-543), 'last night' (Alec Collins)

252

Word classes and morphology

(gonda 'nighttime' (Alf Palmer)). These adverbs can be used in both intransitive and tmnsitive clauses. Thus, nyon.gol--nyon.gol is used in an intransitive clause in (3-219), and a transitive clause in (3-220). (3-219) nyon.gol--nyon.gol ngana-0 yamba-ngga banda-lgo. (AP) one-one lPL-NOM house-LOC go.out-PURP 'We will go out of the house one by one, or, one after another.' (3-220) jana-nggo nyon.gol--nyon.gol ganyji-n. (AP) 3PL-ERG one-one carry-NF 'They each carried [a possum].'

3.8.3. Compounding Compounding to form adverb stems is of two types: Noun-Noun, and Adverb-Noun. [1] Noun-Noun There are a few adverbs of time that are formed by compounding a noun (of time) with a numeral (bolari 'two' or gonbara 'three') or goman 'another', e.g. (i) wogabolari 'asleep-two', i.e. 'for two nights', e.g. (3-221), (ii) gonda-gorrbara 'nightthree', i.e. 'for three nights', (iii) mara-gorrbara 'hand-three', i.e. 'for three weeks' (note that mara 'hand' means 'week' here; cf. Table 3-12), (iv) balano-gorrbara 'moon-three', i.e. 'for three months, for three nights', and (v) woga-goman 'asleepanother', i.e. 'on the next day or night' As can be seen, all of the nouns listed in Table 3-12 except for garri 'sun, daytime' are attested in the formation of adverbs by means of compounding. (Butgarri is attested in a combination of reduplication and compounding: garri-gomangoman 'sun-another-another' See below.) There are instances that involve both reduplication and compounding, resulting in the form 'XYY', e.g. (i) woga-goman-goman 'asleep-another-another', i.e. 'for many nights, night after night, day after day, month after month', e.g. (3-222), and (ii) garri-goman--goman 'sun-another-another', i.e. 'every day' As is the case with nouns of the type 'XYY' (3.7.3-[1]), the 'Y' is goman 'another' in these cornpound adverbs, too. (3-221) woga-bolari ngona-n-da wona-n. (AP) asleep-two that-LINK-LOC lie-NF '[We] lay [i.e. slept] there for two nights.' (3-222) yani-0 ngaya woga-goman-goman. (AP) go-NF 1SG.NOM asleep-another-another 'I went [i.e. travelled] day after day.'

Verb morphology {1): introduction and inflection

253

[2] Noun-Adverb In a few instances, the noun goman 'another' is added to an adverb root, and the resultant stem is again an adverb, e.g. (i) garrbala 'tomorrow, on the next day', garrbala-goman 'the day after tomorrow, the day after the next day (in past or future)', and (ii) wonaja 'camping out', wonaja-goman 'in, at or for another camping out'. [3] Again on the difference between nouns and adverbs As seen in 3.4.3, the present work distinguishes between nouns and adverbs. Thus, in expressions of temporal location, nouns need to take the locative suffix, while on the other hand adverbs of time need not- in fact, (almost certainly) cannottake the locative suffix. However, this distinction is not really clear-cut. Those words of time which are formed by reduplication or compounding generally do not take the locative suffix to indicate temporal location, e.g. woga-bolari 'for two nights' in (3-221), and woga-goman~goman 'day after day' in (3-222). They are classified as adverbs in the present work. However, at least one such adverb is attested with the locative case suffix as well: woga-goman 'asleep-another' (without the locative suffix) 'on the next day, on the day after tomorrow', and woga-goman-da (with the locative suffi.x -da) 'on the next day, on the day after tomorrow' It will be possible to say that, as far as the adverb woga-goman is concerned, the use of the locative suffix is acceptable, though optional. (There is also the word balano-goman--goman-go (with the dative suffix -go) 'moon-another~nother-DAT', i.e. 'month after month'. Since it takes a case suffix, it may be considered as a noun.) To conclude, the distinction between nouns and certain types of adverbs is not clear-cut. Ideally, each of the border-line cases should be specified as to what case suffix is acceptable, optional, or unacceptable. Unfortunately, however, this is impossible, due to the incompleteness of the data.

3.9. Verb morphology (1): introduction and inflection 3.9.1. Verb roots and transitivity The vast majority of verb roots are disyllabic, e.g. nyina-Y Vi 'sit' and moja-L Vt 'eat'. ('-Y', '-L' and '-ZERO' indicate the conjugational classes of verbs; see 3.9.3.) There are a fair number of verbs whose etymology is not known, and for which a disyllabic root cannot be set up immediately. Etymologically, at least some of them appear to contain a disyllabic root. For example, compare bogara-L Vi 'swell up' (e.g. (4-858-A)), joyora-Y Vi 'slip', and ragara-L Vi 'descend' (e.g. (4-728) (first W)). They may each consist of a disyllabic root and -ra. Also, compare gajorriZERO Vi 'go past', garrogaja-L Vt 'go past [someone]', and the adverb gajarr~ gajarr '[go] past'. The verbs probably contain the disyllabic root gajo- or gaja-.

254

Word classes and motphology

Also, gajorri-ZERO may contain the stem-forming suffixes -rr and -i. (See 3.11.1.7 for -rr and -i.) Nonetheless, there are at least three verbs for which a disyllabic root cannot be set up: bayombi-L Vt '[fish] wave [its tail]' (1.4.5.2-[1]), mayiga- (class unknown) 'cut' (cf. (2-58)), andmirriji-L Vi 'feel itchy' (2.2.3.1-[3]). (There is also mirriji-1-bi-L Vi 'feel itchy' See 4.7.1 for the intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L.) Here, we will have to recognize trisyllabic roots. All of the verb roots are vowel-final. (In contrast, in Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 77), all of the verb roots are consonant-final.) Verbs (to be precise, verb sterns) can be divided, in terms of transitivity, into the following two groups. (a) Transitive verbs (Vt), which can occur with an A NP (in the ERG). (b) Intransitive verbs (Vi), which can occur with an S NP (in the NOM), but not withanANP Transitive verbs and intransitive verbs each include non-derived sterns (they are the same as roots) and derived sterns. See 3.9.2 and 3.9.3. The dichotomy between transitive and intransitive verbs is as a rule clear-cut and the two groups are mutually exclusive. However, there are at least four pairs of exceptions. See 3.9.3. There is a fairly close correlation between transitivity and conjugation types, as shown in 3.9.3.

3.9.2. Verbalization, interrogative verbs, and demonstrative verbs Nouns (including adjective-like nouns), many adverbs, and a few pronouns are attested with the following verb-stem-forming suffixes. (i) -bi-L ('INTR') (4.7.1) for forming intransitive sterns. (ii) -nga-L ('TR') (4.7.2) or -(m)ba-L ('TR') (4.7.3) for forming transitive sterns. Among these verbs, those that contain an interrogative word are interrogative members of verbs, while those that contain a demonstrative word are demonstrative members of verbs (3.1.1). The interrogative members are the following.

ngani 'what' wanyja 'where' WartJ?jarro 'where to' wanyjarri 'which way'

ngam-bi-L Vi 'be what, become what' ngam-nga-L Vt 'do what, do how' wanxja-nga-L Vt 'do what, do how, do to where' wanyjarro-bi-L Vi 'go where' wanyjarri-bi-L Vi 'go which way' (direction), 'do how'

(direction)

(manner)

wanyjarri-nga-L Vt 'do how' (manner) The demonstrative members are the following.

Verb morphology {1): introduction and inflection 255

yama 'so, thus, in such away' yarro 'this, here'

yama-bi-L Vi 'be so, become so, do so, do in such a way' yama-nga-L Vt 'do so, do in such a way' yarro-nga-L Vt 'send/bring/etc. here/hither' yarro-ngo-nga-L Vt 'send here, pull'

Warrongo does not have a verb for 'be' or 'do', but it has verbs for 'be what', 'be so', 'do what', 'do so', etc. (3.1.2-[6]). Verbs formed with -bi-L, -nga-L or -(m}ba-L (including interrogative and demonstrative verbs) often modify another verb. But they may also be used by themselves, without qualifying any other verb. See 4.5.4.1. Verbs formed by means of -bi-L or -nga-L include delocutive verbs. See 4.7.1-[3] and 4.7.2-[4].

3.9.3. Conjugational classes There are three conjugational classes: L-class, Y-class, and ZERO-class. See Table 3-14. The differences among them are clearly seen in the nonfuture-2 (e.g. baba-1 'stab' (L-class), nyina-y 'sit' (Y-class), and wadali-0 'run' (ZERO-class)), and the apprehensional (e.g. baba-1-ga (L-class), nyina-y-ng-ga (Y-class), and wadali-0ng-ga (ZERO-class). (The apprehensional forms involve -ga. Also note the ng-insertion (2.6-[2]-(c-1).) Furthermore, verbs of L-class involve -1- in the future and the stative (-1-ji), affirmative imperative (-1-nga), the negative imperative (-1-mo), and the purposive-! (-1go). Since 1, y and ZERO (0) characterize the respective conjugational classes, they may be termed 'conjugational markers' (Dixon 1980: 279). As noted in 3.9.1, there is a fairly close correlation between transitivity and conjugation types. The details are as follows. (a) L-class (a-1) Roots (they are 'non-derived' or 'basic'). (a-1-1) Alltransitiveroots,e.g.baba-L 'stab',ganyji-L 'carry', wqjo-L 'cook' - except for WO.Y.ii-ZERO Vt 'burn'. (a-1-2) A small number of intransitive roots, e.g. banda-L 'emerge', yodi-L 'swirn',jago-L 'be sorry' (a-2) Derived sterns. (a-2-1) Transitive sterns formed with -nga-L or -(m)ba-L. (a-2-2) Applicative verbs (-ri-L) (4.14) (surface-transitive). (a-2-2-1) Locative verbs (derived from intransitive roots). (a-2-2-1) Instrumental verbs (derived from transitive roots). (a-2-3) Intransitive stems formed with -bi-L.

256

Word classes and morphology

(b) Y-class (b-1) Roots. (b-1-1) No transitive root. (b-1-2) A large number of intransitive roots, e.g.jana-Y 'stand'. (b-2) Derived stems. (b-2-1) Reciprocal verbs (-wa-Y) (4.12) (surface-intransitive; mainly derived from transitive roots). (b-2-2) Iterative verbs (-garra-Y) (4.13) (mostly surface-intransitive but a few may be surface-transitive; derived from intransitive roots and transitive roots). (c) ZERO-class (c-1) Roots. (c-1-1) At least one transitive root: woyji-ZERO Vt 'burn'. (c-1-2) At least four intransitive roots: badi-ZERO 'cry', ragi-ZERO 'hide', yaji-ZERO 'laugh',yodi-ZERO 'swim' (c-2) Derived stems. (c-2-1) Intransitive stems formed with the verb-stem-forming suffixes -1-iZERO (3.11.1.6). (c-2-2) Intransitive stems formed with the verb-stem-forming suffixes -rr-iZERO (3.11.1.7). (c-2-3) Antipassive verbs (-ga-1-i-ZERO) (4.9) (surface-intransitive; derived from transitive roots). (c-2-4) Reflexive/middle verbs (-ga-1-i-ZERO, -1-i-ZERO) (4.11) (surfaceintransitive; derived from transitive roots and intransitive roots). Consider Table 3-13. Regarding both roots and derived stems, L-class is predominantly transitive, while Y-class and ZERO-class are almost entirely intransitive. Concerning roots (excluding derived stems), L-class contains almost all the transitive roots (they are numerous) and only a few intransitive roots, while the roots in Y-class are all intransitive. ZERO-class contains at least one transitive root and four intransitive roots. Table 3-13. Conjugational classes and transitivity L-class

Y-class

ZERO-class

roots and derived stems

predominantly Vt

almost entirely Vi

almost entirely Vi

roots

almost all of Vt roots, a few Vi roots

Vi roots only

at least one Vt root, at least four Vi roots

final vowel

of roots -a-Y only

-i-ZERO only

-a-Yonly

+ZERO only

mostly -a-L, also -i-L and -o-L of derived stems -a-L and -i-L

Verb morphology {1): introduction and inflection

251

Corn rnents on the roots of ZERO-class follow. ZERO-class contains at least one transitive root: WOY.ii-ZERO Vt 'burn'. Its apprehensional form is woyji-ng-ga, spontaneously used in (4-653), and the form -ng-ga indicates that this verb belongs to ZERO-class. ZERO-class contains at least four intransitive roots: badi-ZERO 'cry', ragi-ZERO 'hide', yaji-ZERO 'laugh', yodi-ZERO 'swim' Alf Palmer gave (3-283), which contains yodi-ng-ga 'swim-APPR'. The form -ng-ga indicates that this verb belongs to ZERO-class (cf. Table 3-14). For the apprehensional form of badi-ZERO, I suggested both badi-1-ga (L-class) and badi-ng-ga (ZERO-class), out of which Alf Palmer chose badi-ng-ga (ZERO-class). Similarly, for the apprehensional form of yaji- 'laugh', he chose yaji-ng-ga (ZERO-class) and rejected yaji-1-ga (L-class). For ragi- 'hide', he approved ragi-ng-ga, which I suggested. In ZERO-class, the suffixes shown in (c-2-1) to (c-2-4) can be segmented, as shown above. However, generally they will be left unsegmented in the following. This is in order to facilitate their presentation. There are a large nurn ber of verb roots whose conjugational class is not known. This will be shown by means of a question mark following the root. For each verb root (and also for each verb stern), its class membership is indicated (i.e. -L, -Y, -ZERO (or -0)), as well as its transitivity status (i.e. Vt, Vi)- where information is available. All the roots and derived sterns of Y-class end in a (e.g. nyina-Y Vi 'sit', balgawa-Y 'hit-REC'), while all the roots and derived sterns in ZERO-class end in i (e.g. badi-ZERO 'cry', wada-li-ZERO Vi 'run'). In L-class, most of the roots end in a (e.g. balga-L Vt 'hit'1 but there are a few that end in i (e.g. ganyji-L Vt 'carry'), and also a few that end in o (e.g. wajo-L Vt 'cook'). Derived stems ofL-class consist of those ending in a (e.g. those formed with -nga-L 'TR') and those ending in i (i.e. those formed with -bi-L (INTR'). There is no verb-stem-forming suffix which ends in o. This is shown in Table 3-13. Roughly speaking, the final vowels of verb roots and derived verb sterns show the following tendency: (3-223)

a more common

>

0

less common

The relative order in (3-223) differs from those shown in Table 2-21 in that i is more common than o. Warrongo has the following pairs of intransitive and transitive roots. In each pair, the two roots have the same form. 'S 0' indicates that the S of the intransitive verb corresponds to the 0 of the transitive verb, while 'S .N shows that the S corresponds to the A Most of the pairs exhibit the correspondence of'S 0', rather than 'S K (a-1) jarga-L Vi 'go in, enter', e.g. (4-775). (a-2) jarga-L Vt 'put in, enter', e.g. (3-44), (4-471), (4-684), (4-812-A), Text 2, Lines 14, 20, 21. ('S 0')

258

Word classes and morphology

(b-1) (b-2) (c-1) (c-2) (d-1) (d-2) (e-1) (e-2) (f-1) (f-2) (g-1) (g-2)

gimbi-L Vi '[wind] blow' gimbi-L Vt '[wind] blow' ('S ~) binda-YVi '[something] stand up', e.g. (3-242-b). binda-L Vt 'stand [something] up', e.g. (4-767). ('S 0') wajo-? Vi '[something] burn', e.g. (4-560), (4-561). wajo-L Vt 'burn, cook', e.g. (4-8), (4-473), (4-973-A, -B). ('S 0') wandi-L Vi 'rest [on something]' wandi-L Vt 'hang up', e.g., Text 2, Lines 32, 33-a, 35. ('S 0') ngaba-L Vi 'bathe' ngaba-L Vt 'soak'. ('S 0') nyamba-Y Vi 'dance', e.g. (3-58). nyamba-L Vt 'paint, wet'.

Etymologically, the two verbs in each of (a) to (d) are clearly related to each other. Those in (e) and (f), too, are almost certainly related. Those in (g), too, may be related; people used to paint themselves for a dance. As noted in 3.9.1, the dichotomy between tmnsitive and intmnsitive verbs is as a rule clear-cut and the two groups are mutually exclusive. The verbs in (a) and (b) are exceptions. In each pair, the two verbs are of the same class (L-class) and they differ in terms of transitivity only. That is, in each of (a) and (b), one and the same verb is used both as an intransitive verb and as a transitive verb. The verbs in (e) are both of L-class. Since they are almost certainly related, they are near-exceptions. The same applies to the verbs in (f). (According to Dixon ([1984] 1989a: 78), in Alec Collins' Warrongo, ngaba- 'bathe' is of Y-class; what appears to be the nonfuture-2 form is ngaba-y. For the nonfure-2 form of Y-class, see nyina-y 'sit-' in Table 3-14.) In (c), the intransitive root is of Y-class, while the tmnsitive root is of L-class. (This fits in the general tendency noted above.) That is, they should be considered as two separate verbs. (See also 4.7.2-[6]-(b) for binda-Y Vi 'stand up'.) The same applies to the verbs in (g). In (d), the transitive root is of L-class, but the class membership of the intransitive root is not known. Recall that the verb Vi 'jump' jolba- in the placename 'Turtle Jump' may be either of L-class (jolba-1, as in (1-4)), or of Y-class (jolba-y, as in (1-5)). This suggests thatjolba- is (or perhaps was) undergoing class membership shift The direction of the change - whether it is from L-class to Y-class or the other way round -is not known. (Alternatively, this verb may have had a dual class membership.) There are possibly a few additional instances of class membership shift. See 4.7.2-[6]. The data on Alec Collins' Warrongo are limited, and the class membership of verbs is little known. At least, the tmnsitive verb ngawa-Y 'hear' is of Y-class, although it is ofL-class in AlfPalmer's Warrongo: ngawa-L.

Verb morphology {1): introduction and inflection

259

3.9.4. Verbal paradigms In 3.9.4.1, we shall illustrate the paradigm ofL-class (using roots), Y-class (using a root: nyina- Vi 'sit') and ZERO-class (using not a root but a derived stem: wadali'run'). (Wadali-0 can be segmented into the root wada-L Vi 'play about' and the stem-forming suffixes -1 and -i. See 3.11.1.6-[3].) (There are at least five roots in ZERO-class (3.9.3), but the information on their paradigms is severely limited.) We shall look at the paradigms of other derived stems in 3.9.4.2.

3.9.4.1. Verbal paradigm (1}: L-class, Y-class and ZERO-class The conjugational categories can be classified into three groups (although this classification is not clear-cut). This is shown in Table 3-14. (a) Those that have a finite use only, i.e. used as the predicate of a simple sentence or as the predicate of the main clause of a complex sentence. (b) Those that have a non-finite use only, i.e. used as the predicate of the subordinate clause of a complex sentence. (c) Those that have both finite and non-finite uses. Warrongo does not have a gerund or infinitive (i.e. a verbal form that can be used like a noun, e.g. reading and to read of English). Among the conjugational categories, the following are fully productive or fairly highly productive: nonfuture-1, -2, apprehensional, general imperative-}, -2, and purposive-1, -2. Participle-}, -2 are fairly productive. The other categories do not seem productive - except that nonfuture-3 is highly productive with the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go', i.e. yani-0 'go-NF' Maximum caution is exercised in presenting Table 3-14. (i) Parentheses (e.g. (baba-la)) indicate that this particular form with this particular root/stem was attested, but that such a form does not seem to be productive in this class/subclass. (ii) '(TT)' (e.g. bambo-1-ga (TT)) indicates that this particular form has been composed by me (but was not checked by Alf Palmer). It is probably an acceptable form. It was not attested with this particular root/stem, but such a form is attested with some other roots/stems of the same class/subclass. (iii) A parenthesis plus 'TT' (e.g. (bambo-la TT)) indicates that this particular form with this particular root/stem was not attested, that it was composed by me (but was not checked by Alf Palmer), and that such a form does not seem to be productive in this class/subclass. It was attested with only one root/stem or at most a few other roots/stems of this class/subclass. (iv) Four dots(' ')indicate that such a form does not seem to exist in this class/subclass. (v) A question mark('?') indicates that it is not known if the form in question exists in this class/subclass. The reasons for this maximum caution will be given below.

260

Word classes and morphology

Table 3-14. Verbal paradigm (1): L-class, Y-class and ZERO-class

L-class (1 ): transitive a-final 'stab'

i-final 'cany'

o-final 'shoot'

(baha-la) baba-n baba-1

(ganyji-1a) ganyji-n ganyji-1 ganyji-f2J (ganyji-1-jl)

(bambo-la bambo-n bambo-1

ganyji-1-ga

bambo-1-ga (TT) (bambo-(J) bambo-ya

finite past nonfutme-1 nonfutme-2 nonfutme-3 future stative apprehensional general imperative-! general imperative-2 affirmative imperative negative imperative

(baha-1-ji TT) baba-1-ga baha-f2J

ganyji-ya ganyji-1-nga (IT)

Tn

baba-1-mo

finite and non-finite purposive-! purposive-2 purposive-3 purposive-4

baba-1-go

ganyji-1-go ganyji-yal

bambo-1-go bambo-yal (TT)

baba-nyo (baha-nji TT)

ganyji-nyo ganyji-nji

bambo-nyo (bambo-ryi

?

ganyji-ngo

?

i-final

o-final 'be sorry'

non-finite participle-! participle-2 participle-3 adnominal

Tn

L-class (2): intransitive a-final 'emerge'

'swim,

finite past nonfutme-1 nonfutme-2 nonfutme-3

(banda-/a TT) banda-n banda-/

yodi-n yodi-1 yodi-f2J

future stative apprehensional general imperative- I general imperative-2 affirmative imperative negative imperative

(wanba-l-ji Vi 'fear') banda-1-ga banda-f2J banda-ya

jago-lji yodi-lga yodi-ya

--+

Verb morphology {1): introduction and inflection

261

finite and non-finite purposive-} purposive-2 purposive-3 purposive-4

handa-1-go handa-yal

? yodi-yal

non-finite participle- I participle-2 participle-3 adnorninal

?

? ? ? ?

Y-class (all-a)

ZERO-class (all-l)

Vi 'sit'

Vi'nm'

nyina-n nyina-y

wadali-n wadali-fiJ

nyina-y-ng-ga (nyina-0) nyina-ya

wadali-0-ng-ga

handa-,Yi

finite past nonfuture-1 nonfuture-2 nonfuture-3 future stative apprehensional general imperative-! general imperative-2 affirmative imperative negative imperative

wadali-ya

finite and non-finite purposive- I purposive-2 purposive-3 purposive-4

nyina-yal (nyina-yal-go)

(wadali-1-go) wadali-yal

non-finite participle- I participle-2 participle-3 adnominal

(nyina-nyo T1) nyina-,Yi (T1) nyina-nji-rra (nyina-ngo)

(wadali-nyo IT) wadali-nji

? --+

262

Word classes and morphology

irregular

Vi 'go, come' finite past nonfuture-1 nonfuture-2 nonfuture-3 future stative

apprehensional general imperative- I general imperative-2 affinnative imperative negative imperative

.}'ani-n yani-l (not productive) yani-C!J

yani-1-ga, yani-ng-ga, yani-1-ng-ga yani-ya

finite and non-finite purposive-! purposive-2 purposive-3 purposive-4

(yani-1-go) yani-yal yani-yal-go yani-yi

non-finite particip1e-1 particip1e-2 particip1e-3 adnominal

yani-nji yani-nji-rra yani-ngo

The reasons for the maximum caution mentioned above are as follows. [1] Reason 1. As noted above, the following categories do not seem productive: past, nonfuture-3 (except that it is highly productive with the irregular verb yaniVi 'go'), future, stative, affirmative irnpemtive, negative imperative, purposive-3, -4, participle-3 and adnominal. For example, the nonfuture-3 is attested with only five verbs (three roots and two derived stems): ganyji-L Vt 'carry', yodi-L Vi 'swim', the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come', magan-bi-L Vi 'false-INTR', i.e. 'lie, tell a lie', and wonaja~wonaja-bi-L Vi 'camping.out-camping.out-INTR', i.e. 'camp about'. (-bi-L is an intransitive-stem-forming suffix (4.7.1).) (This may be coincidental, but they are all i-final.) As another example, the stative is attested with only four intmnsitive roots (of L-class), most of which express emotion, e.g. wanba-lji 'be afmid-STAT', e.g. (3-67), (4-139). (The form wanba-lji is listed in the column for banda-L Vi 'emerge' The stative form of banda-L would be expected to be banda-?fi, but it is not attested. This is probably due to a semantic restriction; the meaning 'emerge' is incompatible with the stative.)

Verb morphology (1): introduction and ilif/ection

263

The above suggests the following facts. (i) Not every verb may have a complete paradigm. Indeed, the information obtained on the paradigm of individual verbs is not complete. (ii) Verbs of the same class/subclass may not always possess exactly the same conjugational possibilities. [2] Reason 2. Furthermore, among the categories that seem productive, some are productive only in certain classes or subclasses of verb roots. The following three categories are worthy of note. (a) The general irnperative-1 (-0) is productive with transitive and intransitive afinal roots, e.g. baba-0 Vt 'stab-IMP', banda-0 Vi 'emerge-IMP', and waga-0 Vi 'get up'. But the general irnperative-2 (-ya) is productive with all roots of L-class andY-class and all derived sterns of ZERO-class, except for a-final transitive roots. (b) The purposive-1 (-lgo) is productive with L-class roots. But the purposive-2 (-yal) is productive with all roots of L-class andY-class and all derived sterns of ZERO-class, again except for a-final transitive roots. That is, a-final transitive roots deviate regarding (a) and (b). (c) The participle-! (-nyo) and the participle-2 (-njt) are each attested in all of L-class, Y-class and ZERO-class. But generally the participle-I is more frequently used with transitive verbs (4.15.1.1). (In contrast, the participle-2 is used roughly equally frequently with intransitive verbs and transitive verbs.) [3] Reason 3. As shown above, in L-class, transitive and intransitive roots show slight differences between them. Among the transitive roots, a-finals, i-finals, and a-finals exhibit subtle differences. Similarly, among the intransitive roots, a-finals, i-finals, and o-finals show differences. For the o-final intransitive roots of L-class, it is difficult to find a suitable example. The only examples I have found (jago-L 'be sorry' and gobi-L 'whistle') appear to have the stative form only (see 3.10.7). That is, they have a highly defective paradigm.

It is in view of these reasons that maximum caution was exercised in presenting Table 3-14. As stated above, the following are fully productive, fairly highly productive or fairly productive: nonfuture-1, -2, apprehensional, general irnperative-1, -2, purposive-1, -2, and participle-1, -2. The apprehensional 'something unpleasant may happen' (3.10.11) needs to be commented on. It is used very infrequently (while most of the above-mentioned categories are used frequently). Despite this, it appears to be productive. This is because AlfPalrner produced the apprehensional form for any verb that I presented to him. Such examples were given in 3.9.3. As another example, the intransitive verb bonba-Y 'cry' is almost always used in the nonfuture-1 form of its iterative form (-garra-Y; see 4.13): bonba-garra-n 'cry-ITER-NF' And yet, Alf Palmer was able to give the apprehensional form of bonba-Y: bonba-

264

Word classes and motphology

y-ng-ga. (It is because of the apprehensional suffix -y-ng-ga that I was able to assign the root bonba- toY-class.) Other examples of the apprehensional not listed in Table 3-14 includ.ejana-y-ng-ga Vi 'stand-APPR',joyora-y-ng-ga Vi 'slip' and jojorra-y-ng-ga Vi 'be drowned'. (Incidentally, the above suggests that a conjugational category oflow frequency can be productive, i.e. that frequency and productivity may need to be distinguished) Note the existence of the irregular verb: verb yani- Vi 'go, come' It has two forms that are not attested in any other verb: yani-1-ng-ga 'apprehensional' and yani-yi 'purposive-4' Furthermore, it exhibits the features of both L-class (yani-1 'nonfuture-2', yani-1-ga 'apprehensional') and ZERO-class (yani-ng-ga 'apprehensional'). The apprehensional yani-1-ng-ga is a mi..xture of the two classes. (The verb for 'go' is irregular in Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 55), and - outside Australia Amis of Taiwan (Naomi Tsukida and Yuki Inaida, p.c.), Q'eqchi' of Guatemala (Ken Shibushita, p.c.), Japanese, German, and English. This suggests that the verb for 'go' may be among those verbs which are likely to be irregular.) Note also that yani- 'go' has the purposive-I yani-lgo (but this form does not seem productive). As seen in 1.8.2-[2], William Craig's letter dated 14th July 1898 contains eight Warrongo words, one of which is "yan-ulgoo" 'go'. This word may be analyzed as yano-lgo 'go-PURP' (phonemically /janulgu/). But the verb root yano- is not attested in the data obtained in modern studies on Warrongo. Dyirbal has yanu-L 'go', but its purposive form seems to be yanuli (see Dixon 1972: 55, 68, 251). Therefore, yanulgo does not seem to be a Dyirbal form, either. It is possible that yanolgo existed in a certain variety of Warrongo. In Table 3-14, the suffixes are divided into their constituents, e.g. -1-go 'purposive-!' and -y-ng-ga 'apprehensional' This is in order to show their formation. However, in sentential examples, they are each shown as one single unit, e.g. -lgo and-yngga. There are three nonfutures: nonfuture-1, -2, and -3. In the following, they will be simply glossed as 'NF', e.g. baba-n 'stab-NF' Similarly for the two general imperatives, the four purposives, and three participles.

3.9.4.2. Verbal paradigm (2): derived stems [1] Transitive stems that are formed with -nga-L (4.7.2) or -(m)ba-L (4.7.3) seem to share inflectional possibilities with a-final transitive roots (L-class). [2] Intransitive stems that are formed with -bi-L (4.7.1) in the main inflect like intransitive verb roots of L-class (e.g. banda-L Vi 'emerge'), but they deviate from them at least in the following respects. (a) It is not certain if they have the nonfuture-2 (-1). (But they have the nonfuture-1 (-n), e.g. (3-233) (jolgi-bi-n 'bush-INTR-NF'), and the nonfuture-3 (-0), e.g. (3-253) (magan-bi-0 'false-INTR-NF'), and Text 1, Line 10' (wara-yi-bi-0 'one's.

Verb morphology (1): introduction and iriflection

265

own-INTR-NF').) (In Alec Collins' Warrongo, they have the nonfuture-2. See (3245) (ngani-bi-1 'what-INTR-NF').

(b) They seem to lack the general imperative-I (-0). (c) A participle-I form is attested: ngani-bi-nyo 'what-INTR-PTCP', e.g. (4-604). (d) They are not attested with the participle-2 (-nji). Table 3-15. Verbal paradigm (2): reciprocal verbs; iterative verbs; and antipassive verbs

and reflexive/middle verbs

nonfuture-1 nonfuture-2 apprehensional general imperative general imperative-2 purposive-2 purposive-3 participle-2

reciprocal (Y-class)

iterative (Y-class)

halga-L Vt 'hit'

yqji-ZERO Vi 'laugh'

halga-wa-n halga-wa-y halga-wa-y-ng-ga

.}'aji-garra-n yaji-garra-f2J, yqji-garra-y (?) yaji-garra-y-ng-ga, yaji-garra-ng-ga yaji-garra-f2J (TT) .}'aji-garra-ya (fT) yaji-ganv-yal

halga-wa-_}'a halga-wa-yal hin'a-wa-yalgo halga-wa-rgi

antipassive and reflexive/mickD.e (ZERO-class) haha-L Vt 'stab'

nonfuture-1 nonfuture-2 apprehensional general imperative-2 purposive-2 purposive-3 participle-2

haha-gali-n haha-gali-f2J haha-gali-ng-ga haha-gali-ya haha-gali-yal

?

[3] Applicative verbs (4.14) (surface-transitive) belong to L-class. They can be divided into locative verbs (Vi-ri-L; derived from intransitive roots) and instrumental verbs (Vt-ri-L; derived from transitive roots). Locative verbs seem to share inflectional possibilities with the intransitive verbs formed with bi-L. In contrast, instrumental verbs have the purposive-1 (-lgo) only and possibly the apprehensional (-lga) as well. See 4.14.3.5.1-[2]. [4] Reciprocal verbs (Vt/Vi-wa-Y) (4.12) (surface-intransitive) belong to Y-class. See Table 3-15. For the apprehensional, AlfPalmer gave Y-class forms, e.g. balgawa-y-ng-ga 'hit-RECP-APPR' and birra-wa-y-ng-ga 'talk-RECP-APPR'. The nonfuture-2 (-y) was obtained in elicitation, but it was never used spontaneously. Reciprocal verbs are of Y-class, but their inflectional possibilities seem somewhat more limited than roots of Y-class (represented by nyina-Y Vi 'sit' in Table 3 -14).

266

Word classes and motphology

[5] Iterative verbs (Vt!Vi-gaFTa-Y) (4.13) (either surface-intransitive or surfacetransitive) belong toY-class. See Table 3-15. For the apprehensional, Alf Palmer gave Y-class forms, e.g. yaji-garra-y-ng-ga 'laugh-APPR' and badi-gaFTa-y-ng-ga 'cry-ITER-APPR', e.g. (4-569). Two imperative forms are attested: -garra-0 and -garra-ya. The two nonfuture-2 forms (-gaFTa-0 and -gaFTa-y) are hardly ever used. It is not certain if they are acceptable. [6] Antipassive verbs (Vt/Vi-gali-ZERO) (4.9) and reflexive/middle verbs (Vt/Vi-

gali-ZERO, Vt/Vi-li-ZERO) (4.11) (all surface-intransitive) belong to ZERO-class. The -galt-verbs 'antipassive, reflexive/middle' have the inflectional possibilities shown in Table 3-15. The -li-verbs 'reflexive/middle', too, probably have the same possibilities. (That is, their inflectional possibilities seem to be somewhat limited in comparison with the intransitive verbs of ZERO-class represented by wadaliZERO Vi 'run'. In particular, they lack the participle-2 (-tift).) A voice suffix (i.e. antipassive, reflexive/middle, applicative, or reciprocal) or an aspectual suffix (i.e. iterative) precedes a tense suffix (i.e. nonfuture) or a mood suffix or the like (i.e. imperative, purposive, or apprehensional). Their relative order conforms to the universal tendency pointed out by Foley and Van Valin (1984: 208-234). The preceding has been concerned with the conjugation of verbs of Alf Palmer's Warrongo. The information on that of Alec Collins' Warrongo (recorded by Peter Sutton) is severely limited, but there are differences as well as commonalties between the two idiolects. At least, Alec Collins' has the three conjugational classes: L-class, e.g. (3-244) (miranga-1 'make-NF'), (3-245) (ngani-bi-1 'whatINTR-NF'), Y-class, e.g. (3-246) (nyina-y 'sit-NF'), and ZERO-class. ZERO-class has the following: nonfuture -n, nonfuture -0, purposive -go, and imperative -ya. See 4.9.1. The adnominal -ngo, too, is attested; see (4-798). Additional comments on Alec Collins' data will be given in the following.

3.10. Meanings and functions of conjugational categories Participles are predominantly used in subordinate clauses. They will be discussed in 4.15. The use of the adnominal will be looked at in 4.16.

3.10.1. Past The past (-la) is attested in Alf Palmer's Warrongo, but not in Alec Collins'. It is not productive. It mainly occurs with transitive verbs, e.g. jilwa-L Vt 'kick', jingga-L Vt 'punch', ngawa-L Vt 'hear', and ngarrambi-? Vt 'hear' But it is attested with at least one intransitive verb: ngarba-L Vi 'jump with a fright'. Where

Meanings and functions ofconjugational categories '2f51

information is available, the past -la occurs only with verbs of L-class. Therefore, ngarrambi-? Vt 'hear', too, may be of L-class. All these verbs are roots, with no stem-forming suffix, except for ngarrambi-? Vt 'hear' See 3.11.1 for its formation. The past is generally used in songs, e.g. (1-10-d, -e), (1-11), (4-703), and it is used in the ordinary style very infrequently, e.g. (3-224). (3-224) bama-nggo gando-r2J jilwa-la. (AP) man-ERG dog-ACC kick-PSI 'The man kicked a dog.'

3.10.2. Nonfuture-1 The nonfuture-1 (-n) occurs in both AlfPalmer's and Alec Collins' Warrongo. We shall first look at AlfPalmer's Warrongo, followed by Alec Collins'. In AlfPalmer's Warrongo, the nonfuture-1 is the most frequently used among the three nonfutures. (There is one exception: the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come' Among its three nonfutures, the nonfuture-3 (yani-r2J) is almost always used, the nonfuture-1 (yani-n) is used just occasionally, and the nonfuture-2 (yani-l) is hardly ever used.) Also, the nonfuture-1 is the most frequently used among all the conjugational categories. It is an unmarked category, and it has a wide range of tense/aspect/mood meanings. [1] Time reference In the vast majority of examples, the nonfuture-1 refers to the past time, e.g. (3-2), (3-3), (3-8), or the present time, e.g. (3-4) to (3-7). In a few examples, it refers to 'past in past' or 'before-past' (Jespersen 1924: 256), e.g. (3-225-b) and (4-730) ('Blue Tongue Lizard had died'). (3-225) ('I cooked a possum and gave its head to a dog.') a. gaja-r2J mojan gando-nggo. head-ACC eat-NF dog-ERG 'The dog ate the head.' b. nyongo goyba-n. (AP) 3SG.GEN give-NF '[I] had given [it] to it.' Occasionally, the nonfuture-1 describes a decision, intention, determination to do something in the future, e.g. (3-226-a, b), (3-227), and (4-768) (fourth B). Here, the nonfuture-1 has future reference. It is used as if to state that the event has already taken place.

268

Word classes and morphology

(3-226) (Alf Palmer was planning to visit the mainland, but suddenly he decided not to go. He said:) a. nyawa, ngaya

walwandan-0 yarro-n-da

nyina-n.

NEG 1SG.NOM sick-NOM here-LINK-LOC stay-NF 'No. I am sick [and I] will stay here.

b. nyawa yani-n. (AP) NEG go-NF [I] will not go.· (3-227) (An example from a text. A man found a nice girl and said:) ngaya ganyji-n. (AP) 1SG.ERG carry-NF 'I will take [her with me]!' The conditions under which the nonfuture-1 expresses a decision/intention/ determination are not known for certain. But semantically, it probably describes an action in the near future, and not just in the future. Phonetically, in a few instances the verb has a prominent stress. This applies to ganyji-n of (3-227). This sentence was pronounced with stronger stress than usual. It also has a high and flat intonation contour, unlike most declarative sentences, which generally have a falling intonation contour. In (4-m), the nonfuture-1 expresses counterfactual apodosis: 'If there were no food, we would die' There are four intransitive stems that consist of an intransitive root and the stem-forming suffix -yi 'future (?)' They seem to have a nonfuture-1 form only, e.g. wola-yi-n 'die-yi-NF' They always mark a future intention or future possibility. See 3.11.1.5. The nonfuture-1 can also mark 'generic time' (Jespersen 1924: 259), e.g. (3-228-a, -b), (3-229), and also (4-686), (4-767) (the second clause), and possibly (4-140) and Text 2, Line 6. (3-228) (AlfPalmer seemed to believe that there is an inverse correlation between a man's size and the size of his penis. He used to make the following comment.) a. jangarago-nggo ganyji-n gagabaraa-0. small-ERG carry-NF big-ACC 'Small [men tend to] carry [i.e. have] a big [penis].' b. gagabara-nggo ganyji-n jangarago-0. (AP) big-ERG carry-NF small-ACC 'Big [men tend to] carry [i.e. have] a small [penis].' (Note in passing that the verb ganyji-L 'carry' can be used to describe possession of a body part. See 4.20.8.)

Meanings andfunctions ofconjugational categories 269

(3-229) (When asked to translate 'step child' into Warrongo, AlfPalmer gave the following.) mara-0 gagal-nga-n (AP) hand-ACC big-TR-NF Lit. '[Someone] makes a person big' Recall that the noun mara 'hand' can mean 'person' in compound nouns (Table 3-12). In (3-229), although it is not used in a compound, it seems to mean 'person'. I asked Alf Palmer if this mara referred to 'child', his answer was in the affirmative. This suggests that the noun mara 'hand' can mean 'person', including 'child'. [2] Aspectual meanings The nonfuture-1 can have various aspectual meanings. We shall first look at the aspectual meanings with past reference or present reference (this use is by far the more common), followed by those with future reference (there are not many examples). (The aspectual meanings of the antipassive and the iterative will be discussed in 4.9.10 and 4.13.3.1, respectively.) When the nonfuture-1 has past or present reference, it describes a 'punctual' situation in many instances, e.g. (3-8), (3-9-a, -b, -d, -e). But the nonfuture-1 may describe 'durative' situations, e.g. (3-230). Specifically, it can have aspectual meanings such as the following. (a) Progressive: (i) past, e.g. (3-42), (3-52), (3-166), and (ii) present, e.g. (3-4), (3-16), (3-151), (3-152), (3-160), (3-165), (3-231). (b) Habitual: (i) past, e.g. (3-43), (3-232), (4-764-a), (4-808), and (ii) present., e.g. Text 2, Line 47. Along a similar line, the nonfuture-1 describes a tendency in (3-228-a, -b). (c) Stative: (i) past, e.g. (3-233), and (ii) present, e.g. (3-5), (3-68), (3-92), (3-95), (3-144).

ngawa-n. (AP) (3-230) ngaya 1SG.ERG hear-NF 'I hear [a noise/voice].' (3-231) (When Alf Palmer saw smoke rising, he said as follows.) joga-0 waga-n. (AP) smoke-NOM rise-NF 'Smoke is rising.' (3-232) (Alf Palmer acted as a consultant for R. M W. Dixon's study of Warrgamay (1.8.4.1-[2]. He had a job during the day, and he did the language work after work. He described the language work as follows.) ngali-0 jaymba-wa-n nyara-ngga. (AP IDU-NOM find-RECP-NF light-LOC Lit 'We [i.e. R. M W Dixon and I] used to find each other in the the light', i.e. 'We used to meet in the light [at night].'

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Word classes and morphology

(3-233) (An example from a text. 'White men made a road here, but':)

ganba-mara jolgi-bi-n. (AP) ago-very bush-INTR-NF 'Long ago [this place] used to be a bush.' The nonfuture-1 also has the use of 'perfect' (Comrie [1976] 1978a: 56-61): (i) perfect of recent past, e.g. (3-234), (ii) perfect of persistent situation, e.g. (2-235-B), (iii) perfect of result, e.g. (3-29), (3-33), (3-34), and (iv) experiential perfect, e.g. (3236). (3-234) garri-0 galngga-n? (AP) sun-NOM fall-NF 'Has the sun set [yet]?' (3-235) (A conversation cited from a text.)

A wanyja-ngal yorra-0? where-to 2PL-NOM 'Where [are] you [going] to?'

B. Jtino-n-go ngana-0 yangga-gali-n. (AP) 2SG-LINK-DAT 1PL-NOM search.for-ANTIP-NF 'We have been looking for you. (3-236) (AlfPalmer asked me as follows.)

mojagara-0 yinda

moja-n? (AP)

crab-ACC 2SG.ERG eat-NF 'Have you [ever] eaten crabs?' The nonfuture-1 with future reference has not yielded many examples, but it may describe a punctual situation, e.g. (3-227), and a durative situation, e.g. (3-226-a, -b). [3] Modal and related meanings In the vast majority of instances, the nonfuture-1 is used to make statements. Many examples have already been given. However, it may be used to express a modal or related meanin[g. Examples follow. The nonfuture-1 describes a decision, intention, determination or the like (with future reference) in (3-226-a, -b), (3-227), and (4-768) (fourth B). There is at least one example in which the nonfuture-1 seems to express 'try to' (3-237) (An example from a text. A group ofmenjoined a fight.) a. baba-n baba-n. spear-NF spear-NF Lit. '[They] speared [the enemies]. [They] speared [them].'

b. nyawa! NEG 'No.'

A-leanings andfunctions of conjugational categories 271

c. ngarro-mba-n I ngarro baba-n I (AP) in.vain-TR-NF in.vain spear-NF Lit '[They] did in vain [to them]. [They] speared [them] in vain'. That is, 'They tried to spear them, but they could not.' The adverb of modality ngarro means 'in vain, unsuccessfully, can/could not' (4.24-[9]). -(m)ba-L is a transitive-stem-forming suffix (4.7.3). The verb ngarromba-L (Vt) means 'try to do in vain/ unsuccessfully' or 'try to do, but cannot' Line a literally mean '[They] speared [the enemies]. [They] speared [them].' However, Line c clearly shows that the spearing was unsuccessful. This in turn suggests that the verb baba-n in the nonfuture-1 in Line a means 'tried to spear', and not just 'speared'. (Ryle ([1949] 1951: 150) notes for English that mend can mean 'try to mend'. In Japanese, ake-nl Vt 'open [a door]' and moyas-u Vt 'burn', for example, can mean 'try to open' and 'try to burn', respectively (Ikegami 1985, Miyazirna 1985).) There is one example in which a nonfuture-1 form combined with the enclitic =na 'really' indicates a command. See (4-1018) (waga-n=na 'get up-NF=really' Nonfuture-1 forms may co-occur with various adverbs of modality and have various modal meanings, e.g. (i) nyawa 'negation', e.g. (3-130), (3-226-b), (3-241-c), (ii) ngarro 'in vain', e.g. (3-237-c), and (iii) ngalnga 'prohibition', e.g. (4-930), (4-931). See 4.24 for adverbs of modality. So far, we have looked at the nonfuture-1 of Alf Palmer's Warrongo. The data on Alec Collins' Warrongo (collected by Peter Sutton) are severely limited, but judging by Peter Sutton's translations, the nonfuture-1 seems to have past reference, e.g. (3-123) (woda-n 'pull-NF'), and present reference, e.g. (3-246) (banda-n 'emerge-NF').

3.10.3. Nonfuture-2 The nonfuture-2 occurs in both Alf Palmer's and Alec Collins' Warrongo. The suffix is -1 for L-class, e.g. (3-238) (baba-1 Vt 'spear-NF'), -y for Y-class, e.g. (3-239) (nyina-y Vi 'sit-NF'), and null for ZERO-class, e.g. (3-177) (wadali-0 Vi 'run-NF') and (3-241) (banbarri-0 Vi 'shiver-NF'). We shall first look at Alf Palmer's Warrongo, followed by Alec Collins' In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, the nonfuture-2 is used much less frequently than the nonfuture-1, and it is difficult to generalize about it. But in the main its meanings do not seem to deviate from those of the non-future- I. See (3-277), which contains both the nonfuture-1 wanbali-n 'fear-NF' and the nonfuture-2 wanbali0 'fear-NF' In (3-277), the two nonfutures do not seem to show any difference regarding time reference. Other examples follow.

272

Word classes and morphology

(a) Past reference: (i) L-class: (3-57) (wqjo-1 'cook-NF'), (3-238) (baba-1 ('spear-NF'), (ii) Y-class, e.g. see the comment on (3-333) (wola-y 'die-NF'), TeA1: 2, Line 12 (nyina-y 'sit-NF'), (iii) ZERO-class: (3-122) (gawali-0 'call out-NF'), (3-177), Text 1, Line 44 (wadali-0 'run-NF'). (b) Present reference: (i) L-class: (4-762) (wanba-1 'be afraid-NF'), Text 1, Line 29 (joga-L 'dip-NF', (ii) Y-class: (3-239) and (3-240) (nyina-y 'sit-NF'), (3-241-b) (binda-y 'stand up'), (iii) ZERO-class: (3-96) and (3-242) (banbarri-0 'shiver-NF'). (c) Future reference: (i) L-class, e.g. (3-116) (wanda-1 'leave-NF'), (4-409) (balga-1 'hit-NF'), (ii) Y-class, e.g. Text 2, Line 12 (nyina-y 'sit-NF'), and also see the comments (b-2) below on (3-240).

yori-0 baba-L (AP) (3-238) ngaya 1SG.ERG kangaroo-Ace spear-NF 'I speared a kangaroo.' (3-239) (AlfPalmer commented on a man who was sitting nearby.) jamo nyina-y. (AP) just sit-NF '[He] is just sitting [there].'

(Jamo is an adverb of modality. It means 'just, for no reason, for no purpose' See 4.24-[8].) (3-240) (When Alf Palmer was sitting on the ground, i.e. when he was already on the ground, he said:) ngaya ya"o-n-da nyina-y. (AP) 1SG.NOM here-LINK-LOC sit-NF 'I am sitting here.' (3-241) (AlfPalmer was talking about someone else's penis.) a. nyawa wola-n. NEG die-NF '[It] has not died [yet].' b. binda-y. (AP) stand.up-NF '[It still] stands up [if/when he sees a young girl].' (3-242) (Alf Palmer used to go fishing even in his eighties (1.8.4.1-[1]). One day, he fell into the sea while fishing. On the following day he said to me as follows.) gido-0 ngaya banbarri-0. (AP) cold-NOM 1SG.NOM shiver-NF '[Yesterday] I was cold [and] shivering.'

Meanings and functions ofconjugational categories 273

However, the nonfuture-2 differs from the nonfuture-1 as follows. (a) Unlike the nonfuture-1, the nonfuture-2 has yielded at least one example of 'should' (obligation, advice, or the like): (3-60) ('You should work on one job; don't move from one job to another'). (b) The nonfuture-2 of intransitive roots of Y-class exhibits the following differences from their nonfuture-1 counterpart.

(b-1) Past reference. In Y-class, the nonfuture-1 of intransitive roots has past reference in many examples, e.g. (i) (3-42), (3-166), (3-203), (3-208) (nyina-n 'sit-NF'), (ii) (3-52). (3-158) (jana-n 'stand-NF'), and (iii) (3-2), (3-55), (3-141), (3-153) (wona-n 'lie down-NF'). In contrast, their nonfuture-2 hardly ever has past reference. There is only one possible example: wola-y 'die-NF' See the comments on (3-333). (b-2) Future reference. In Y-class, the nonfuture-1 of intransitive roots does not seem to have future reference. At least there is no example. In contrast, their nonfuture-2 can have future reference. A probable example is Text 2, Line 12 (nyina-y 'sit-NF'). As another example, when the tape recording of (3-240) was replayed to him, Alf Palmer said nyina-y meant 'gonna sit down [i.e. I am going to sit down], not down yet' That is, it has future reference. It may be that, at least in Alf Palmer's introspection (if not in performance), the nonfuture-2 of the intransitive roots of Y-class prefers a future reading to a present reading. Like nonfuture-1, the nonfuture-2 can occur with an adverb of modality, e.g. (3-243) (ngalnga 'prohibition'). See 4.24 for adverbs of modality

goyba-ra-1. (AP) (3-243) ngalnga yinda PROH 2SG.ERG give-many-NF 'Don't give out the food.' (See 3.11.1.4 for the formation of goyba-ra-L 'give out'.) Thus far we have looked at the nonfuture-2 of Alf Palmer's Warrongo. The data on Alec Collins' Warrongo are severely limited. Judging by Peter Sutton's translations (given below), the nonfuture-2 seems to have present reference only, e.g. (3-244) to (3-246) (see nyina-y 'sit-NF' in (3-246)). (The nonfuture-1 seems to have past reference, e.g. (3-123) (woda-n 'pull-NF'), and also present reference, e.g. (3-246) (banda-n 'emerge-NF').) (3-244) wanyo-ngo miranga-1 yinda? (AC) who-GEN make-NF 2SG.ERG 'Who are you making it [a boomerang -TT] for?' (3-245) ngani-bi-1 yinda? (AC) what-INTR-NF 2SG.NOM 'What are you doing'

274

Word classes and morphology

(3-246) ngaya gaybal-da nyina-y, bayin.girra-0 banda-n. (AC) 1SG.NOM fire-LOC sit-NF sweat-NOM emerge-NF 'I'm sitting by the fire and sweating.' (According to Peter Sutton. the word for 'sweat' in Alec Collins' Warrongo is bayin.girra. It contains the cluster -n-g-. In contrast, in my observation of Alf Palmer's pronunciation, this word is bayinggirra. It contains the cluster -ng-g-.)

3.10.4. Nonfuture-3 The nonfuture-3 (-0) occurs in Alf Palmer's Warrongo only, and not in Alec Collins'. As mentioned in 3.9.4.1, it is attested with at least three roots: irregular yani- Vi 'go/come' (see [1] below), ganyji-L Vt 'carry' (see [2]), yodi-L Vi 'swim' ([3]) and two derived stems (magan-bi-L Vi 'false-INTR', i.e. 'lie, tell a lie' and wonaja~wonaja-bi-L Vi 'camping out-camping out-INTR', i.e. 'camp about'). The nonfuture-3 forms, too, may occur with an adverb of modality. [1] Yani- Vi 'go' The nonfuture-3 (yani-0) is used very frequently, and the other nonfuture forms are uncommon, e.g. the nonfuture-1 yani-n in (3-43). The nonfuture-3 may have the following time references. (a) Past reference (this is by far the most common), e.g. (3-18), (3-21), (3-214), (3215), Text 1, Lines 1, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 21, 23. (b) Present reference, e.g. (3-247). (b-1) Present habitual, e.g. (3-155). (c) Future reference (there are many examples), e.g. (3-248), (3-262-A), (3-332), (4763), (4-764-b). (To be precise, yani-0 in (3-248) and (3-326) seems to express future intention or near future.) There is an example of exhortation 'Let's': (3-167) ('Let's go'.) An example involving an adverb of modality (ngalnga 'prohibition') is (3-249). (3-247) golobo-0 ngarra-mali yani-0. (AP) wind-NOM above-side go-NF 'The wind is blowing above.' (3-248) (AlfPalrner talked about two government officers' forthcoming visit to Palm Island.) garroala bolari-0 waybala-0 yani-0 ya"o-wo. (AP) tomorrow two-NOM white.man-NOM come-NF here-DAT 'Tomorrow two white men will come here.'

Meanings andfunctions ofconjugational categories 215

(3-249) ngalnga golmi yani-0. (AP) PROH back come-NF 'Don't come back.' [2] Ganyji-L Vt 'carry' There are very few examples. The nonfuture-3 has past reference, e.g. in (3-250), and future reference in only one example: (3-251). Present reference, too, is probably possible, although there is no example. (3-250) yinda yori-0 ganyji-0. (AP) 2SG.ERG kangaroo-Ace carry-NF 'You carried [a] kangaroo.' (3-251) yarro-wo ganyji-0. (AP) here-DAT carry-NF '[I] will carry (i.e. bring) [it] here.' As seen above, all of the three nonfutures can have future reference. The examples suggest that the nonfutures can have future reference only regarding an event in the near future or an event that is certain to occur. The S/A is often, though not always, the first person.

[3] Yodi-ZERO Vi 'swim' Alf Palmer's data have yielded only one example, i.e. (4-559-a). It is fmgmentary, and difficult to comment on. Dixon (1989a: 77) cites one example from Alec Collins' Warrongo, i.e. (3-252). Again, it is difficult to comment on it. (In Alec Collins' Warrongo, judging by (3-252), yodi- 'swim' is of ZERO-class, as is the case in Alf Palmer's (see (c-1-2) in 3.9.3).)

yodi-0. (AC) (3-252) ngaya 1SG.NOM swim-NF Dixon's translation: 'I swim.' [4] Magan-bi-L Vi 'tell a lie' and wonaja.~wonaja-bi-L Vi 'camp about' The only of example of magan-bi-L Vi 'tell a lie' contains the adverb of modality ngalnga 'prohibition'. (3-253) ngalnga magan-bi-0. (AP) PROH false-INTR-NF 'Don't tell a lie.' (3-254) (Take that woman with you.') wonaja~wonaja-bi-0

yobala-0. (AP)

camping.out~amping.out-INTR-NF

2DU-NOM

'You-two will camp about.'

276

Word classes and morphology

In this sentence, wonaja~wonaja-bi-f2J seems to describe an event in the near future, or possibly advice or the like. When the tape was replayed, Alf Palmer stated that wonaja~wonaja-bi-f2J is the same as wonaja~wonqja-bi-n (the nonfuture-! form).

3.10.5. Future In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, the future (-lji) is not productive. (Future situations are generally described by purposives (3.10.12 to 3.10.15). Also, as seen above, they may be described by the three nonfutures.) The future is attested with at least two verbs: ganyji-L Vt 'carry' and manja-L Vt 'send', e.g. (3-255). They are transitive and of L-class. Alec Collins' Warrongo (Sutton 1973: 151-152) seems to have -yay (not listed in Table 3-14) as well as -lji for the future, e.g. (3-256), (3-257). Probably it is not productive, either. Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 149-151) has -lji, -yay and -yi for the future. Girramay, east of Warrongo, has -[jayl-njay 'future' (Dixon 1972: 55). It may be related to -yay 'future' of Gugu-Badhun and Alec Collins' Warrongo. (-1-jay/-n-jay and -yay were mentioned in 1.4.2.4.)

gaya-na-nggo gambi-f2J manja-lji. (AP) (3-255) ngaygo ISG.GEN F-KIN-ERG clothes-ACC send-FUT 'My father will send [me] clothes.' (3-256) ngaya goman-f2J balga-y'i jida-da. (AC) ISG.ERG another-ACC kill-FUT morning-LOC 'I will kill another one [a kangaroo- TT] in the morning.' (3-257) ngaya nyina-yay yarro-n-da yindogay gada nyola ISG.NOM stay-FUT this-LINK-LOC ? possibly 3SG.NOM banda-lji. (AC) emerge-FUT 'I'll stay here, he might come up and come out here.' The ex:"oC. (3-256) and (3-257) are cited from Sutton (1973: 151, 152). (The glosses have been changed slightly, but the translations are Sutton's.) Sutton does not give a gloss for yindogay. Alf Palmer's Warrongo has the adverb yindo 'somewhere here'. AlfPalmer stated that manja-lji 'send-FUT' in (3-255) means 'might' (i.e. 'My father might send me clothes'). He said, 'You are not sure if you get one or not'. This suggests that manja-[ji marks not just future, but rather future uncertainty. This is in contrast with the future reference of the nonfutures. As mentioned in 3.10.4, the latter seems to have future reference only regarding an event that is certain to occur or an event in the near future.

Meanings and functions ofconjugational categories 277

3.10.6. Comparative notes on tenses: past., present and future Consider Table 3-16. Data on Gugu-Badhun and on Alec Collins' Warrongo are from Sutton (1973: 149-152). The data on Gugu-Badhun are limited, and those on Alec Collins' Warrongo are severely limited. In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, -n 'nonfuture-I' and -1, -y both 'nonfuture-2' predominantly have past and present reference, although they may have future reference. Table 3-16 suggests the following possibility. In what may be considered the proto-language of Warrongo and GuguBadhun, -n had past reference, while -11-y had present reference. Subsequently, the variety of Warrongo spoken by Alf Palmer lost this opposition (not necessarily in his lifetime). This may be due to an influence from Dyirbal; it has the opposition of nonfuture (i.e. past and present) vs. future (Di.xon 1972: 55), and does not distinguish between past and present. (The information on -0 (i.e. nonfurure-2 of ZERO-class of Alf Palmer's Warrongo) of Gugu-Badhun and Alec Collins' Warrongo is very small, and it is excluded from this comparison.) Table 3-16. Past, present and future

Gugu-Badhun

Alec Collins' Warrongo

AlfPalmer's Warrongo

-n

past

past only (?)

-1, -y

past. present

present only (?)

-lji

future

future

predominantly past and present predominantly past and present future

3.10.7. Stative The stative (-lji, identical to the future suffix -b'z) occurs in Alf Palmer's data, but not in Alec Collins'. (The stative -!fi and the future -lji contain the suffix -ji, which is formally identical with one of the two allomorphs of the comitative suffix: C-ji, V-yi (3.6.8).) As mentioned in 3.9.4.1, the stative is attested only with four intransitive roots ofL-class: wanba-L 'be afraid', e.g. (3-67), (3-258), (4-115),jago-L 'be sorry', e.g. Text 1, Line 49 (jago-ljz), ngorga-L 'be embarrassed, ashamed, shy', and gobiL 'whistle' (These four roots are involved in the derivation of a number of verb stems. See 3.11.1.6.) Among these four roots, wanba-L is attested only with the stative and the nonfuture-2 (wanba-1, e.g. (4-762), and no other conjugational suffix. For example, wanba-n 'be afraid-NF' is not attested. The other three roots are attested with the stative suffix only, and not any other conjugational suffix. They appear to have a highly defective paradigm. See the paradigm ofjago-L 'be sorry in Table 3-14.

278

Word classes and morphology

These verbs express a psychological state, except for the action verb gobi-L 'whistle' The stative appears to express the following. (a) Habit in the case of gobi-b'i 'whistle-STAT', e.g. 'always whistling'. Alf Palmer's gloss for it is 'whistle too much'. (b) State of mind in the case of the other three verbs. Time reference is to the past or present. (There appears to be no example with future reference.) An example of wanba-lji 'be afraid-STAT': (3-258) ngaya wanba-lji. (AP) ISG.NOM be.afraid-STAT 'I am frightened.'

3.10.8. General imperatives All of the imperatives - two general imperatives ('IMP'), affirmative imperative ('AFFIMP') (3.10.9), and negative imperative ('NEGIMP') (3.10.10)- occur in Alf Palmer's data, but the affirmative imperative does occur in Alec Collins' data. In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, the general imperatives are fully productive, but the other two imperatives are not productive. The general imperatives can be used both in (i) the affirmative, and (ii), with an adequate adverb of modality, in the negative. They are the unmarked imperatives. [1] Formation The suffix employed is -0 for the general imperative-1, and -ya for the general imperative-2. Each occurs in each of AlfPalmer's and Alec Collins' data. The following account concerns Alf Palmer's Warrongo. (Relevant information in Alec Collins' data is severely limited.) The use/non-use and productivity of the two general imperatives vary from class to class of verbs, and also from subclass to subclass. First we shall mainly look at the general imperative-I (-0). (a) For the following verbs, -0 is the only general imperative, and also it is productive. (a-1) a-final transitive roots and also stems containing -nga-L (4.7.2) or -(m) ba-L 'TR' (4.7.2). They do not have the general imperative-2 (-ya). (b) For the following verbs, -0 is productive, though -ya may be used. (b-1) a-final intransitive roots ofL-class. (See also (g-1) below.) (c) -0 'IMP' is attested with at least one o-final transitive root (of L-class): bambo-0 Vt 'shoot-IMP', e.g. (3-260). But it does not seem productive with ofinal roots. (It is in view of this that bambo-0 Vt 'shoot-IMP' is parenthesized in Table 3-14.)

Meanings and functions ofconjugational categories 279

(d) -0 'IMP' is attested with at least one a-final intransitive root (of Y-class): nyina-0 Vi 'sit-1MP'; see (3-261) and (4-755-b). But it does not seem productive with roots of Y-class (all intransitive). (It is in view of this that nyina-0 Vi 'sit-HvlP' is parenthesized in Table 3-14.) We turn now to the general imperative-2 (-ya). (e) -ya can occur with all the verbs- irrespective of whether they are roots or derived stems (which contain a derivational suffix), except that it is not attested with a-final transitive verbs, irrespective of whether they are roots or derived stems (formed with -nga-L 'TR' or -(m)ba-L 'TR'); a-final transitive verbs seem never to take -ya.

(f) For the following groups of verbs, -ya is the only general imperative, and also it is productive. (f-1) Y-class, including reciprocal verbs (-wa-Y) (4.12) (they are all surfaceintransitive) and iterative verbs (-garra-Y) (4.13) (they are mostly surfaceintransitive). (f-2) ZERO-class, including antipassive verbs (-gali-ZERO) (4.9) and reflexive/ middle verbs (-gali-ZERO, -li-ZERO) (4.11) (they are all surface-intransitive). (f-3) Intransitive sterns formed with -bi-L 'INTR' (4.7.1). (f-4) i-final transitive roots ofL-class. (f-5) Locative verbs (Vi-ri-L) (4.14.2) (they are surface-transitive). The verbs of (f-1) to (f-5) have -ya only, and do not take -0. Instrumental verbs (Vt-ri-L) (4.14.3) (they are surface-transitive) appear to have the purposive (Vt-ri-lgo) only and no other conjugational category, and consequently they have no imperative form. (g) For the following group of verbs, -ya is productive, though -0 may be used. (g-1) a-final intransitive roots ofL-class. (h) For the following group of verbs, -ya is productive, though -0 is exceptionally attested. (h-1) o-final transitive roots of L-class, e.g. (4-75) (wajo-ya 'burn-IMP'). What has been stated above is roughly summarized in Table 3-17. There is a very close association between -ya and intransitive verbs, while there is a fairly close association between -0 and transitive verbs. (We shall comment on the purposives-1, -2 in 3.10.12.)

280

Word classes and motphology

Table 3-17. General imperatives and purposives

L-class

L-class Vi

L-class

Vt -a

Vt

Y-class mostly Vi

ZERO-class Vi

-a

-i, -o

-a

-i

general imperative-I general imperative-2

-f2J

-f2J

-ya

-ya

-ya

-ya

pmposive-1 pmposive-2

-/go

-lgo -yal

-Igo -yal

-yal

-yal

final vowel

[2] Meaning and function No difference has been found between the two general imperatives regarding meaning or function, and they will be treated together in the following. (a) The general imperatives mainly expresses command, order, instruction, advice, request, suggestion, e.g. (3-37), (3-40), (3-62), (3-76), (3-100), (3-103), (3-109), (3111). (3-115), (3-139), (3-195), (3-200), and:

ngaygo nyon.gol-0 goyba-0. (AP) (3-259) gajarra-0 possum-ACC lSG.GEN one-ACC give-IJ\1P 'Give me one possum' or 'Please give me one possum.' (3-260) ('I think they are intending to kill me.')

yinda-0

bambo-0. (AP)

2SG.ERG shoot-IJ\1P 'Shoot [them].' (3-261) (A conversation cited from a text. Person A says, 'I will camp there for a while', to which Person B replies as follows.)

yowo ngona-n-da

nyina-0 jarribara-0. (AP)

yes there-LINK-LOC sit-IJ\1P good-NOM Lit. 'OK, stay there, [being] good.' (This sentence seems to mean something like 'Have a good stay there'.) When the tape was replayed, Alf Palmer confirmed to the effect that the verb nyina-0 has no non-zero suffix. Judging by the context, this verb will have to be considered as an imperative form. There is at least one more example of nyina-0 used as imperative form: (4-755-b). (b) The general imperatives may also express permission, consent, approval, etc., e.g. (3-217), andB in the following:

A-leanings andfunctions of conjugational categories 281

(3-262) (A conversation cited from a text Person A is leaving, and he says to Person B as follows.) A: ngaya yani-0. lSG.NOM go-NF 'I'm going [now].' B: bowoy, yani-ya yinda. (AP) OK go-IMP 2SG.NOM 'OK,yougo.' The nonfuture in (3-262-A) seems to describe intention/decision to do something in the near future; see 3.10.2-[1]. In an extreme case of approval, the general imperatives express approval to what has already been done or said, rather like the English expressions 'Well done' or 'Well said'. Examples include (4-854-M) and: (3-263) (An example from a text. A man says to a woman, 'Let's have sex'. She replies as follows.)

jarribara-bi-ya

yinda

mayga-gali-ya. (AP)

good-INTR-IMP 2SG.NOM tell-ANTIP-IMP Tentative translation: 'Well said.' (3-264) (In a text, a person said the following, in consent to what someone else had said.) yama-bi-ya yinda mayga-gali-ya. (AP) thus-INTR-IMP 2SG.NOM tell-ANTIP-Hv!P Tentative translation: 'Well said.' In (3-263), the intransitive verb jarribara-bi-ya Vi 'do in a good way' modifies the antipassive verb mayga-gali-ya (surface-intransitive), and the sentence litemlly means 'Do in a good way [and] tell.' (See 4.5.4.1 for modification of a verb by another verb.) Similarly for (3-264) and (4-854-M). Alf Palmer's translation for (4-263) is 'Be good. Tell me good way.' This may or may not be significant, but in all the examples of 'Well said!', the verbs are intransitive. The verb may be an antipassive verb, which is surfaceintransitive. (c) In most instances, the general imperative is addressed to second person; see the examples above. But in a number of examples, it is addressed to first person. It generally e"-'J'l'esses exhortation ('Let's'); the first person must be dual or plural, e.g. (3-54) (dual), (3-186) (dual), (3-205) (dual), (4-131) (dual), (4-534 (first B) (dual), Te"-1: 1, Line 48 (plural), and;

282

Word classes and morphology

(3-265) yowo ngali-0 yani-ya. (AP) OK lDU-NOM go-IMP 'OK, let's go.' The following is an unusual example; the S in Sentence B is first person dual, but the general imperative does not express exhortation. (3-266) (A conversation cited from a text.) A: banda-@ yinda! emerge-IMP 2SG.NOM 'Come out!' B: ngali-0 banda-0. (AP) lDU-NOM emerge-IMP '[OK,] we'll come out.' The imperative in (3-266-B) is not a command or the like directed at the first person (i.e. 'Let's'). Rather, B is an answer to A, indicating B's intention to act in accordance with /(s command. Generally, an intention to act is expressed by the purposives (3.10.12 to 3.10.15) and occasionally by the nonfutures (3.10.2-[1], 3.10.3, 3.10.4), and rarely by the future (3.10.5). However, in (3-266), B does not use any purposive, any nonfuture or the future. B simply repeats the conjugational category of A. i.e. the imperative. (The sentence B is reminiscent of an echo question, e.g. A: I saw a dog. B: You saw a DOG?. The term 'echo question' and its example were provided by John B. Whitman (p.c.).) See (4-30) (first B) for a similar use of the imperative in an answer.

(d) In a few instances, the general imperative is addressed to third person; it seems to e"-"press exhortation, permission, non-interference or the like ('Let him/her/ etc. '),or wish. Examples include (4-985), and: (3-267) (Alf Palmer and I used to sit on the ground during an interview, and I often had numb legs. When he saw me in agony, he said:)

nyola

jobi-ya. (AP)

3SG.ERG rub-IMP It is not clear whom the pronoun nyola '3SG.ERG' refers to. AlfPalmer approved my translation 'Let him rub [my numb feet]'. But it may be that this sentence describes the speaker's wish, like the optative: 'I hope he/she will rub [my numb legs]' (3-268) (AlfPalmer characterised mara-gona 'lazy person' as follows.)

nyola

yamba-ngga nyina-ya wona-ya wola-ya

3SG.NOM camp-LOC

goyi-ngomay-0

sit-IMP

lie-IMP

die-IMP

wola-ya. (AP)

hungry-ABL-NOM die-IMP Tentative translation: 'Let him sit and lie in the camp [doing no work] and die from [being] hungry'

Meanings andfunctions ofconjugational categories 283

(See 3.7.3-[1] for mara-gona 'lazy person', literally 'hand-faeces'.) (e) The general imperatives are attested with three adverbs of modality: ngalnga 'prohibition' (4.24-[3]), nyawa 'negation' (to be precise, general negation) (4.24-[2]), and halo 'non-interference' (4.24-[5]). The negative imperative (3.10.10) is not productive. Prohibition ('Don't') is generally expressed by a combination of a general imperative with ngalnga 'prohibition' (used in most examples), e.g. (3-269), or nyawa 'general negation' (used in a few examples only), e.g. (3-270), (4-921). (3-269) ngalnga yinda wanbali-ya. (AP) PROH 2SG.NOM be.afraid-IMP 'Don't be afraid.' (3-270) nyawa yama-nga-CJ. (AP) NEG thus-TR-IMP Lit. 'Don't do in such a way.'

Yama-nga-L, which consists of the demonstrative adverb yama 'thus, in such a way' and -nga-L 'TR', literally means 'do thus, do in such a way' But it often means 'tell', and in the context in which (3-270) was uttered. the sentence means 'Don't tell it'. See 4.7.2-[8] for more on this. The adverb of modality halo 'non-interference' ('Leave [someone] alone, I don't mind') often co-occurs with a general imperative, and the sentence expresses non-interference, approval, or the like. The 'subject' (i.e. S or A) seems to be always third person, e.g.: (3-271) (People are calling out in the distance.) balo=wa jana-CJ=goli gawali-ya. (AP) NONINT=FOC 3PL-NOM=only callout-IMP 'Leave them alone, let them call out. I don't mind.' The enclitic =wa (4-25-[6]) seems to indicate focus. The enclitic =goli (4-25-[3]) means 'only', 'by oneself' or the like. (f) In a few examples, a general imperative occurs in what may be considered a subordinate clause and it expresses condition. See 4.18.6.1. (g) The 'subject' (the S/A NP) of a general imperative may be elliptical. But where it is overtly expressed, all of the pronouns have been attested with the general imperative, except for bola '3DU' (But presumably bola '3DU' can be used with the general imperative in sentences like (3-267), (3-268), or (3-271).) Examples include (i) '1SG'· (4-30) (first B), (ii) 'lDU': (3-186) (S NP), (3-265) (S NP), (iii) '1PL': Text 1, Line 48, (iv) '2SG': (3-37) (A NP), (3-40) (A NP), (3-62) (A NP), (3-76) (S NP), (3-103) (A NP), (3-115) (A NP), (3-139) (S NP), (3-200) (A NP), (3-202) (S NP),

284

Word classes and motphology

(3-213) (S NP), (3-216) (A NP), (3-217) (S NP), (v) '2DU'· (4-490), (4-571), (vi) '2PL'· (4-985), (vii) '3SG'· (3-267) (A NP), (3-268) (S NP), (v) '1PL': Text 1, Line 48; and (viii) '3PL', e.g. (3-271). Among the pronouns, yinda '2SG' occurs with the general imperative the most frequently. (h) As noted above, the S/A NP of a general imperative may be elliptical. However, rather unexpectedly, it is overtly expressed far more frequently than elliptical. Judging by the context, it is almost always '2SG' that is elliptical, e.g. (3-109) (A NP), (3-111) (S NP), (3-195) (S NP). There is just one example of '2PL': (3-100) (S NP). (i) The imperative prototype may be set up and characterized as follows. (i) It is addressed to the hearer, i.e. the second person, and (ii) 'it is meant to influence the behaviour of the hearer' (Jespersen 1924: 313). In terms of the criterion (ii), the use discussed in (a) is prototypicaL and the use examined in (b) is very close to the prototype. In the prototypical use, the general imperative may be either in the affirmative, e.g. (3-259), (3-260), or, in the negative, e.g. (3-269), (3-270). However, the following uses of the general imperatives deviate from the imperative prototype in one respect. (b) 'Well said', cf. (3-263), (3-264). This is addressed to the hearer, i.e. the second person, but it is not meant to influence his/her behaviour. (c) 'Let's', cf. (3-265). This is addressed to the first person, and not the second person. (d) 'Let him/her', cf. (3-267), (3-268). This is addressed to the third person. (e) 'Leave him/her alone', cf. (3-271). This, too, is directed at the third person. In these non-prototypical uses (in contrast with the prototypical use) the general imperative is always in the affirmative; at least there is no example of negation. For example, there is no example such as 'Well not said', 'Let's not', 'Don't let him/her' or 'Don't leave him/her alone'.

3.10.9. Affirmative imperative As noted in 3.10.8, the affirmative imperative occurs in Alf Palmer's data, but not in Alec Collins'. It is attested with only one verb root, ofL-class: garbi-L Vt 'hide'. The suffix employed is -lnga. (3-2TI) garbi-lnga jolay-(!). (AP) hide-AFFIMP stick-ACC 'Hide the stick.' No semantic difference between the general imperatives used in the affirmative and the affirmative imperative is known. The category of affirmative imperative, as distinct from the general imperative and the negative imperative, seems uncommon, and it is not reported for any of the surrounding languages.

Meanings andfunctions ofconjugational categories 285

3.10.10. Negative imperative The negative imperative occurs in both Alf Palmer's and Alec Collins' data. It is attested with six transitive roots in Alf Palmer's data, and with one intransitive root and one intransitive stem formed with -bi-L 'INTR' in Alec Collins' data. They all belong to L-class, and the suffix employed is -lmo. An example from Alf Palmer's Warrongo: (3-273) yinda woda-lmo. (AP) 2SG.ERG pull-NEGIJ\.1P 'Don't pull [out the meat from the fire].' No semantic difference between the general imperatives used in the negative and the negative imperative is known. In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, the adverb of modality ngalnga 'prohibition', i.e. 'Don't', can optionally co-occur with the negative imperative, e.g. (3-274), (4-929). In Alec Collins' data, ngalnga 'prohibition' occurs with the negative imperative in both of the two examples, e.g. (3-275). (3-274) ('I do not want to go.') ngalnga nganya yinda birri-lmo. (AP) PROH lSG.ACC 2SG.ERG send-NEGIJ\.1P Lit 'Don't send me', i.e. 'Don't make me go.' (3-275) ('Don't fight with your husband.') ngalnga jili-0 goman-bi-lmo (AC) PROH eye-NOM another,different-INTR-NEGIJ\.1P Peter Sutton's translation: 'Don't look for another man'. Literally, (3-275) means something like '[Your] eyes should not be another/different.' The use of ngalnga with the negative imperative seems redundant. This is reminiscent of the use of two negation markers in one sentence, observed in a certain variety of English, e.g. I can't get no satisfaction (The Rolling Stones) and We don't need no education (Pink Floyd). In English, this double negation is considered substandard. However, it is considered 'correct' in the standard variety of languages such as Rumanian (Mallinson 1986: 138). The category of negative imperative does not seem common, but it occurs in Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 111) (which includes Jirrbal, Girramay and Mamu), Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 49), and Nyawaygi (Di.xon 1983: 471). In Dyirbal, the suffix contains -m or -mu, and in Girramay in particular, the suffix for L-class is -lmu (Dixon 1972: 111), as in Warrongo. In Nyawaygi, too, the suffix employed contains -m.

286

Word classes and morphology

3.10.11. Apprehensional [1] Formation The apprehensional occurs in Alf Palmer's Warrongo (but its existence in Alec Collins' Warrongo is not .known for certain). It employs the following suffixes. All these forms involve -ga. Some of them involve ng-insertion (2.6-[2]-(c-1).) (a) -1-ga for L-class. (b) -y-ng-ga for Y-class, except for iterative verbs (-garra-Y); see (e). (c) -ng-ga for ZERO-class. (d) -1-ga, -ng-ga, or -1-ng-ga for the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come' (e) -y-ng-ga or -ng-ga for iterative verbs (-garra-Y). (f) For wara-L Vi 'jump', the irregular form wara-n.ga (/wa.~a-nga/) was observed once, in addition to the regular form wara-lga (/wa.Ia-lga/). The irregular form involves In/, and not Ill. Instrumental verbs (Vt-ri-L) (L-class) have the purposive-2 (-lgo) only, and no other conjugational category, and consequently they lack the apprehensional form. [2] Function and meaning (a) The apprehensional predominantly indicates that an event might occur, and it often implies that the event is unpleasant, e.g. (3-135), (4-71), (4-72), (4-653), and: (3-276) ('He got angry, so:')

nganya nyola balga-lga. (AP) lSG.ACC 3SG.ERG hit,kill-APPR '[I thought] he might hit me.' (3-277) (A conversation between a husband (H) and his wife (W).)

W. ngaya

wanbali-n.

lSG.NOM be.afraid-NF 'I am worried.' H. yinda wanbali-0? 2SG.NOM be.afraid-NF 'Are you worried?' W. yowo ngaya

wanbali-n.

yes lSG.NOM be.afraid-NF 'Yes, I am worried.'

H. ngaya wadali-ngga yina wanda-lga. (AP) lSG.NOM run-APPR 2SG.ACC leave-APPR '[You are worried that] I might run [away and that I] might leave you.'

(Wadali-ZERO can mean 'run', and also 'run away, flee, escape'.)

Meanings and functions ofconjugational categories

287

(3-278) ('You had better leave that woman.') bama-nggo yina balga-lga. (AP) man-ERG 2SG.ACC kill-APPR '[Her] man might kill you.' (3-279) ('If you don't behave yourselves:')

ngali-0

yobala-nya wanda-lga. (AP) lDU-ERG 2DU-ACC leave-APPR 'We-two might leave you-two.'

(4-280) ('He is worried.')

yinda

nyonya balga-lga. (AP) 2SG.ERG 3SG.ACC kill-APPR '[He is thinks that] you might kill him.'

(3-281) ('They are annoying, so:')

ngaya

balga-lga jana-nya. (AP)

lSG.ERG hit-APPR 3PL-ACC 'I might hit them.' The apprehensional can be used in the subordinate clause of two types of complex sentences: 'lest should' (4.17) and 'X is afraid that' (4.18.1).

(b) As seen above, the apprehensional predominantly describes a possible occurrence of an unpleasant event. But in a few instances, the apprehensional seems to have future reference, sometimes implying intention. On one occasionAlfPalmer provided the gloss 'by and by' This use of the apprehensional is possibly, though not certainly, confined to the first person 'subject' (S/A) only. It is attested with verbs of Y-class (intransitive), e.g. (3-282), two apprehensional forms of the irregular verb yani- 'go, come' (yani-ngga, yani-lngga), and transitive verbs. (4-254) may contain an additional example (an antipassive verb; surface-intransitive). (3283), in which the S is third person, may possibly have future reference, implying intention. (3-282) (AlfPalmer had been planning to visit the mainland, but he suddenly cancelled the plan.) ngaya nyina-yngga yamba-ngga. (AP) lSG.NOM stay-APPR home-LOC 'I will stay home.' (3-283) (An example obtained in elicitation)

nyola

yodi-ngga. (AP)

3SG.NOM swim-APPR Tentative translation: 'He will swim.'

28 8

Word classes and morphology

(c) There is one unusual example: (3-284) (AlfPalmer was going to ask someone to carry some fish to his home.) nyola ganyji-lga. (AP) 3SG.ERG carry-APPR Tentative translation: 'He might carry [the fish].' Possibly this sentence describes the speaker's wish, like the optative: 'I hope that he will carry [the fish]' There is no other example of this kind.

(d) The apprehensional is used in the name of riflebird and that of cricket See (3-210) and (3-211). Here, the apprehensional seems to describe habit, inclination or the like. It is possible, though by no means certain, that the use of the apprehensional to describe habit, inclination or the like was once productive and that it has survived in these two names. (e) The apprehensional is attested with three adverbs of modality. Here, it does not seem to imply unpleasantness. (i) gada 'maybe, might' (4-25-[6]), e.g. (3-285). (ii) nyawa 'negation', e.g. (3-286) -negative intention/decision (with a first person S/A only'?). (iii) ngalnga 'prohibition', e.g. (3-287) -prohibition (with a second person S/Aonly?).

gonggarri-ngomay-0 nyila yani-ngga gada. (AP) (3-285) bama-0 man-NOM north-ABL-NOM today come-APPR might 'The man from the north might come today.' (3-286) ngaya nyonya nyawa bindaynga-lga (AP) ISG.ERG 3SG.ACC NEG let.go-APPR 'I won't let her go.'

wanda-lga. (AP) (3-287) ngalnga yinda PROH 2SG.ERG leave-APPR 'Don't leave [it].' 3.10.12. Four purposives [1] Formation Alf Palmer's Warrongo has four purposives: purposive-I (-lgo), purposive-2 (-yal), purposive-3 (-yalgo), and purposive-4 (-yz). Alec Collins' Warrongo appears to have two purposives: -lgol-go and -yi. The following account of purposives mainly concerns Alf Palmer's Warrongo, but one example will be cited from Alec Collins': (3-318) (-yz). The four purposives will be simply glossed 'PURP' The purposive-I, -2 are productive, while the purposive-3, -4 are not productive. We shall look at the purposive-1, -2 below. The purposive-3, -4 will be discussed in 3.10.14 and 3.10.15, respectively.

Meanings andfunctions ofconjugational categories 289

The distribution of the purposive-I (-lgo) and the purposive-2 (-yal) in terms of types of verbs is shown in Tables 14 and 15, together with other conjugational categories. The details are as follows. (a) Purposive-I (-lgo) As noted in 3.9.3, the element l is characteristic of L-class. -lgo is productive in L-class, and it is attested with verbs ofL-class only, with three exceptions (two of

ZERO-class, and the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come'). (a-1) (a-1-1) (a-1-1-1) (a-1-1-2)

(a-1-2) (a-1-2-1) (a-1-2-2) (a-1-2-3)

L-class For the following groups of verbs, -lgo is the only purposive. They do not have any other purposive, such as -yal. a-final transitive verbs, including stems formed with -nga-L (4.7.2) or -{m)ba-L 'TR' (4.7.3). Locative verbs (Vi-ri-L) (4.14.2) and instrumental verbs (Vt-ri-L) (4.14.3). (Instrumental verbs appear to take -lgo only, and no other conjugational suffix (or any suffix at all).) For the following verbs, -lgo is productive, though it is not the only purpoSlve, i-final transitive roots. They have -yal as well. a-final transitive roots. They have -yal as well. Intransitive stems formed with -bi-L 'INTR' (4.7.1). They appear to have -yal as well.

(a-2)

ZERO-class -lgo is attested with two verbs of ZERO-class (they are intransitive): magoli-lgo 'work-PURP' and wadali-lgo 'run-PURP', e.g. (3-290). They are the only verbs of ZERO-class that are attested with -lgo. (These -lgo forms are possibly errors.) They have -yal, like other verbs of ZERO-class: magoli-yal and wadali-yal. Their -yal forms are productive.

(a-3)

Irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come' -lgo is attested with the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come' (i.e. yani-lgo), but this purposive form does not seem productive. Yani- has the other three purposives as well: -yal, -yalgo and -yi.

(b) Purposive-2 (-yal) The purposive-2 occurs in all ofL-class, Y-class and ZERO-class- irrespective of whether they are roots or derived stems (which contain a derivational suffix) -and also with the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come' (b-1) L-class (b-1-1) a-final transitive verbs (including stems with -nga-L or -(m)ba-L 'TR'). They do not seem to take -yal. They take -lgo. (b-1-2) i-final transitive roots. -yal is productive, though it is not the only purposive. They have -lgo as well.

290

Word classes and motphology

(b-1-3) a-final transitive roots. -yal is attested, but it is not productive. They take -lgo as well. -lgo is productive. (b-1-4) a-final intransitive roots (L-class). They have -lgo as well. -yal is productive, though it is not the only purposive. (b-1-5) Intransitive stems containing -bi-L 'INTR'. -yal is productive, though it is not the only purposive. They appear to take -lgo as well. Y-class, including iterative verbs (-garra-Y, 4.13) -yal is the only purposive, and it is productive. (b-2-1) Reciprocal verbs (-wa-Y). -yal is productive, though it is not the only purposive. -yalgo, too, is attested. (b-3) ZERO-class, including antipassive verbs (-gali-ZERO) (4.9) and reflexive/ middle verbs (-gali-ZERO, -li-ZERO) (4.11) -yal is the only purposive - except for the two exceptions mentioned in (b-2)

(b-4)

(a-2) above -, and it is productive. Irregular yani- Vi 'go, come' -yal is productive, though it is not the only purposive. Yani- Vi 'go, come' has the other three purposives as well: -lgo, -yalgo, and -yi.

Note that one and the same verb may have both of the purposive-! and the purposive-2, e.g. ganJ!ji-lgo 'carry-PURP' in (3-289-B), (3-297) and ganyji-yal 'carryPURP' in (3-293). What has been stated above is roughly summarized in Table 3-17. In terms of their distribution, although the details are not exactly identical, the general imperative-I (-0) and the purposive-I (-lgo) are similar, while the general imperative-2 (-ya) and the purposive-2 (-yal) are similar. First, there is a fairly close association (i) among the general imperative-!, the purposive-I and transitive verbs, and (ii) among the general imperative-2, the purposive-2 and intransitive verbs. Second, Y-class and ZERO-class lack the general imperative-I and the purposive-I (there are two exceptions; see (a-2)). Third, a-final transitive verbs lack the general imperative-2 and the purposive-2. Fourth, a-final transitive verbs on the one hand and Y-class and ZERO-class on the other exhibit a complementary distribution. [2] Semantics All the purposives are unspecified regarding time reference. Other aspects of their semantics will be discussed in the following.

Meanings and fimctions of conjugational categories

291

3.10.13. Purposive-1 and purposive-2 No significant difference has been found between the purposive-I and the purposive-2 in terms of meaning or function, and they are treated together below. (But there is possibly one difference in their function; see 4.8.5-[3].) The purposive-I, -2 have the following two syntactic functions. (i) Finite use: as the predicate of a simple sentence, or as the predicate of the main clause of a complex sentence. (ii) Non-finite use: as the predicate of the subordinate clause of a complex sentence. The non-finite use will be discussed in 4.8, in particular, and only the finite use will be examined in the following. (a) The purposive-I, -2 primarily express intention, volition, wish or the like. They generally concern a future event, i.e. an intention to do something in the future, e.g. (3-45), (3-61), (3-63), (3-146), (3-157), and also (3-288-B), (3-289-B), (3-290). But occasionally they concern a past event, i.e. someone's intention in the past to do something, e.g. (2-291), (3-292), (4-815). (3-288) (A conversation cited from a text) A: ya"o-n-da yinda wombi-ya. here-LINK-LOC 2SG.NOM rest-I:t>AP 'Have a rest here.' B: yowo, ngaya yarro-n-da wombi-yaL (AP) yes lSG.NOM here-LINK-LOC rest-PURP 'OK, I will have a rest here.' (3-289) (A conversation cited from a text) A: yinda ganyji-ya bola-nya. 2SG.ERG carry-I:t>AP 3DU-ACC 'Take [these] two [women with you].' B: yowo, ngaya ganyji-lgo. (AP) yes lSG.ERG carry-PURP 'OK, I will take [them with me].' (3-290) (I was a middle distance runner, and I used to go for a run every afternoon even during fieldwork. AlfPalmer said the following about another athlete and me.)

yobala-0

wadali-lgo. (AP)

2DU-NOM run-PURP 'You-two will run [together for training].'

292

Word classes and morphology

(3-291) (Alf Palmer told me that his mother was drowned in a river. He described her drowning as follows. Recall that Rachel Cummins (Alf Palmer's DD), too, stated that AlfPalrner's mother was pushed over and fell into a gorge; see 1.7.) malan-da nyola yodi-yal goyay-ngaL (AP) river-LOC 3SG.NOM swirn-PURP across-to 'She intended to swim across a river' (This sentence literally means '

in a river, across', i.e. 'across a river' See 3.6.3 -[1].)

(3-292) (A man had his hand caught by a giant clam, and:) a. mara-0 nyola woda-lgo. hand-ACC 3SG.ERG pull-PURP 'He tried to pull [out his] hand.'

b.

nyola

mara-nggo ngamba-nga-lgo ngona-0 jon.goy-0. (AP) 3SG.ERG hand-ERG half-TR-PURP that-ACC tendon-ACC 'He tried to break that tendon [of the giant clam] with [his] hand.'

(Ngambanga-L means 'break into halves'.) The purposive- I, -2 may be used to inquire about the hearer's intention, wish or the 1ike, e.g.:

ganyji-yal? (AP) (3-293) banggay-0 ya"o-0 yinda spear-ACC this-ACC 2SG.ERG take-PURP 'Do you want to take this spear [with you]?' yinda gamo-0? (AP) (3-294) bija-lgo drink-PURP 2SG.ERG water-ACC 'Do you want to drink water?' In the examples given above, the intention is a human's. But the intention may be a non-human animate's. (3-295) (A group of people left a corpse behind. One of them said:) wajagan-do moja-lgo. (AP) crow-ERG eat-PURP 'The crows will eat [the corpse].'

(b) The purposive-1, -2 may describe the speaker's proposal, suggestion, offer or the like to do something. The S/A NP is (always'?) first person singular.

Meanings and functions ofconjugational categories 293

(3-296) (When someone said, 'He is over there. He is looking for us', another replied as follows.) ngaya gawali-yal? (AP) lSG.NOM call.out-PURP 'Shall I call out [to him]'?' (3-297) ('You have sore feet')

ngaya

yina

ganyji-lgo

wandola-nggo? (AP)

ISG.ERG 2SG.ACC carry-PURP shoulders-ERG 'Shall I carry you on [my] shoulders?' (3-298) ('I have already painted a bark painting for you.')

ngaya

bangga-lgo yino goman-0? (AP) ISG.ERG paint-PURP 2SG.GEN another-Ace 'Shall I paint another [one] for you?'

In (3-298), the genitive case seems to express a beneficiary (3.6.5-[3]). (c) Questions (4.2.1.2) are generally directed at the hearer. But they can be directed at the speaker. When a question contains a purposive verb, it inquires about the speaker's own intention or the like. (3-299) wanyja-nga-lgo ngaya? (AP) where-TR-PURP ISG.ERG 'What shall I do with [this]?' (3-300) (A man went hunting and caught a kangaroo rat. But it was only a small one. He said as follows.)

ngani-nga-lgo

ya"o-0 jangarago-0? (AP) what-TR-PURP this-ACC small-ACC Lit. 'What shall [I] do with this small [one]?'

(Wanyja-nga-L and ngani-nga-L are interrogative members of verbs; see 3.9.2.) Alf Palmer's translation for (4-300) is 'Little one no good'. Other examples include Text 2, Line 24. (d) When the S/A NP is first person dual or plural, the sentence (with a purposive-I or -2) generally means 'We will' or 'Let's', e.g. (3-27) (IDU), (3-110) (IDU), (3-132) (IPL), and: (3-301)

ngali-0

win.gar-go yani-yaL (AP) IDU-NOM fish-DAT go-PURP 'Let's go for fish', i.e. 'Let's go to catch fish.'

294

Word classes and morphology

(e) The purposive-I, -2 may have future reference without implying intention, volition or the like, e.g. (3-302). (3-302) (I used to collect shells when I was on Palm Island. Alf Palmer advised me not to pick up a poisonous shell, saying as follows.) yinda wola-yal. (AP) 2DG.NOM die-PURP '[If you pick up a poisonous shell] you will die [from the poison].' (f) The purposive-I (-lgo) may express obligation, duty, advice, etc. The S/A NP is (always?) second person. (3-303) ('Oh, you cooked the possum without taking out the guts.')

nyawa, bamba-0 woda-lgo

yinda. (AP)

NEG guts-ACC take.out-PURP 2SG.ERG 'No, you should take [or, should have taken] the guts out [before cooking a possum].' (3-304) (Alf Palmer thought that I should do language work only with him, and with no one else. One day, when he found out that I had interviewed another person, he said as follows.)

ngaygo=goli

yinda

moga-lgo. (AP)

ISG.GEN=only 2SG.ERG get-PURP 'You should get [i.e. study] only my [language, and no one else's].' The two examples above involve -lgo. Presumably the purposive-2 (-yal), too, can express obligation, duty, advice, etc., although there is no example.

(g) There is one example in which -lgo appears to describe ability. (3-305) ('Someone is calling out.')

wayi bama-0

ngawa-lgo? (AP)

Q man-ACC hear-PURP 'Can [you] hear the man?' It is not known if other verbs, e.g. nyaga-lgo 'see, look at-PURP', can describe ability. Nor is it known whether this e"-"pression of ability is possible with conjugational categories other than the purposive- I (-lgo). (The verb ngawa-L can also mean 'understand [a language]', and when it has this meaning, it can express ability ('can understand [a language]) in the nonfuture-1 form (ngawa-n 'understand-NF')), e.g. (4-345) to (4-346), and in the two nonfuture forms of the antipassive (ngawa-gali-n, ngawa-gali-0 'understand-ANTIP-NF', e.g. (4-348), (4-349).)

Meanings andfunctions ofconjugational categories 295

Also, the purposive-1, -2 seem to indicate something like 'generic tense', irrespective of the transitivity of the clause, e.g. (i) transitive: (4-286), (4-289-W), (4631), (4-632), and (ii) intransitive: (4-281), (4-287) (all antipassive) and (4-209-B) (balga-wa-yal 'hit-RECP-PURP'). (Reciprocal verbs are surface-intransitive (4.12.1).) The nonfuture-1, too, can describe 'generic tense', e.g. (i) transitive: (3-228), (3-229), and (ii) intransitive: (4-399) to (4-401) (all antipassive). (h) The purposive-I, -2 are attested with four adverbs of modality: nyawa 'negation' (4.24-[2]), ngalnga 'prohibition' (4.24-[3]), halo 'non-interference' (4.24-[5]), and wayi 'question' (4.24-[1]). When used with the purposive- I or -2, nyawa 'negation' and ngalnga 'prohibition' each express the following. (i) When the S/A is first person: intention not to do something, e.g. (3-84) (nyawa), (3-306) (nyawa), (3-307) (ngalnga), (4-549) (ngalnga), (4-712-d) (ngalnga). (ii) When the S/A is second person: prohibition, e.g. (3-308) (nyawa), (3-309)

(ngalnga). (3-306) nyawa ngaya yani-yaL (AP) NEG lSG.NOM go-PURP 'I will not go.'

ngaya bindaynga-lgo. (AP) (3-307) ngalnga ngaygo PROH ISG.GEN ISG.ERG let.go-PURP 'I will not let my [husband] go.' (3-308) yinda nyawa goli-bi-yaL (AP) 2SG.NOM NEG angry-INTR-PURP 'Don't get angry.' (3-309) ngalnga yinda goli-bi-yal. (AP) PROH 2SG.NOM angry-INTR-PURP 'Don't get angry.' (3-84) (involving nyawa) and (3-307) (involving ngalnga) constitute a near-minimal pair. (3-308) and (3-309) constitute a minimal pair. When the S/A is third person, a sentence with nyawa 'negation' appears to describe the S/.N.s negative intention or the like (rather than prohibition), e.g. (3-310). There is no example of ngalnga with third person. (3-310) ('Don't worry.')

nyawa, ngali-nya

nyawa balga-lgo. (AP) kill-PURP

NEG IDU-ACC NEG 'No. They won't kill us.'

296

Word classes and morphology

Examples of balo 'non-interference' include: (3-311) balo [nyola TT,AP] yani-yal. (AP) NONINT [3SG.NOM] go-PURP 'Let [him] go, I don't mind.'

(As it was originally uttered by Alf Palmer, this sentence did not contain nyola. The word nyola was suggested by me and approved by Alf Palmer.) Examples of wayi 'question' with a purposive include (3-305). The purposive-I, -2 are each attested with all of the first, second and third persons.

3.10.14. Purposive-3 The purposive-3 involves -yalgo, which is obviously a combination of the purposive-2 -yal and -go of the purposive-I -lgo. It is not productive. It is attested at least with the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come' and the reciprocal verb bi"a-wa-Y 'tell-RECP' These verbs have the purposive-! (-yal) as well. (-yalgo may be acceptable with some other verbs. For example, on one occasion Alf Palmer gave nyina-yalgo 'sit-PURP', but later he rejected it. It is in view of this that, in Table 3-14, nyina-yalgo is parenthesized.) The purposive-3 is attested in a very few examples. It is used in simple sentences only. It appears to have the finite use only, and to lack the non-finite use (i.e. use in subordinate clauses). It expresses intention to do something in the future (not in the past), in all of the examples, e.g.: (3-312) ngaya yani-yalgo win.gar-go. (AP) ISG.NOM go-PURP fish-DAT 'I will go for [i.e. to catch] fish.'

ngali-0 birra-wa-yalgo? (AP) (3-313) ngani-0 what-ACC IDU-NOM tell-RECP-PURP Lit. 'What shall we tell to each other?', i.e. 'What shall we talk about?'

3.10.15. Purposive-4 The purposive-4 occurs in Alf Palmer's and also Alec Collins' Warrongo. It involves the suffix -yi. It is attested only with the irregular verb yani- Vi 'go, come': yani-yi (phonetically [jani:] in Alf Palmer's Warrongo and probably in Alec Collins' as well). It occurs in a very small number of examples. It is generally used in simple sentences, but there are two examples in which the purposive-4 appears to be used in a subordinate clause.

Meanings and functions ofconjugational categories 291

In simple sentences, the purposive-4 generally describes intention to do something in the future, e.g. (3-314). But it may eA'J'fess intention in the past to do something, e.g. (3-315). It may also express future, e.g. (3-316), or probably future uncertainty, e.g. (3-317), (3-318) (this is the only example in Alec Collins' Warrongo). In the two examples used in a subordinate clause, it seems to express future condition: (3-319) and Text 3, Line 8. (In contrast, the purposive-!, -2 describe (i) purpose or (ii) consequence, successive action, when used in subordinate clauses (4.8.1).) (3-314) garrbala ngaya golmi yani-yi. (AP) tomorrow ISG.NOM back come-PURP 'I will come back tomorrow.' (3-315) (AlfPalmer was planning to go to the mainland, but suddenly he decided not to.)

yani-yi. nyawa. gada ya"o-n-da nyina-yal. (AP) go-PURP NEG maybe here-LINK-LOC stay-PURP '[I] intended/planned to go. [But I will] not. Maybe I will stay here.' (3-316) jana-0 nyila yani-yi. (AP) 3PL-NOM soon come-PURP 'They will come soon.' (3-317) galjabara-0 yani-yi. (AP) rain-NOM come-PURP AlfPalmer's translation: 'Rain might come.' (3-318) yindogay gada yani-yi. (AC) ? ? come-PURP Peter Sutton's translation: 'They might come.' (Alf Palmer's Warrongo has yindo 'somewhere here' and gada 'might, possibly' (4.24-[6]).) (3-319) bola-@ yani-yi, nyina-yal ngali-0. (AP) 3DU-NOM come-PURP sit-PURP IDU-NOM 'When they come, we will sit [down and have a meal with them].' Unlike other verbs, the irregular verb yani- 'go, come' has all of the four purposive forms (yani-yal, yani-lgo, yani-yalgo, yaniyi), but the purposive-2 yani-yal is the only productive form, being used in almost all instances. My corpus containsyaji-yi Vi 'laugh-?', andAlfPalmer's translation is 'smiling' It does not seem to be a purposive-4 form. Etymologically at least, it may be a verb root followed by the comitative -yi (3.6.8): 'having smile'

298

Word classes and morphology

3.11. Verb morphology (2): derivation There are three ways to derive verb stems: (i) affixation of a verb-stem-forming suffix (3.11.1), (ii) reduplication of a verb root (3.11. 2), and (iii) compounding of a noun and a verb root (3.11.3).

3.11.1. Verb-stem-forming suffixes Some of the verb-stem-forming suffixes are added to verb roots/stems only, while others may also be added to roots/stems of some other word class. There are just a few suffixes that derive nouns from verbs, and they are not productive (3.7.1). In contrast, there are two highly productive suffixes for deriving verb stems from nouns, etc.: -bi-L 'INTR' and -nga-L 'TR'. There are five verb-stem-forming suffixes that have a transitivity-changing effect, e.g. forming an intransitive stem from a transitive root, or a transitive stem from an intransitive root (as well as providing an aspectual meaning in some instances). They are were mentioned in 3.9.3, and they will be further discussed in the chapter on synta.x: (i) -gali-ZERO 'antipassive' (4.9), (ii) -gali-ZERO, -liZERO 'reflexive/middle' (4.11), (iii) -wa-Y 'reciprocal' (4.12), (iv) -garra-Y 'iterative' (4.13), and (v) -ri-L 'applicative'· locative verbs (4.14.2), and instrumental verbs (4.14.3). The following suffixes, too, are conveniently discussed in the chapter on syntax: -bi-L 'INTR' (4.7.1), -nga-L 'TR' (4.7.2), and -(m)ba-L (4.7.3). Other verb-stem forming suffixes are examined below.

3.11.1.1. -rra-(y)-mbi-L '(song style?}' -rra-6~-mbi-L

occurs in both Alf Palmer's Warrongo and Alec Collins' (recorded by Peter Sutton). In AlfPalmer's Warrongo, the verbs involving -rra-(y)-mbi-L are found in songs only. All the attested stems are listed below, together with their counterparts used in the ordinary style. ordinary style

songs

'hear, listen to'

ngawa-L (also used in songs)

nga-rra-mbi-L (AP, AC), e.g. (1-10-d, -e), (3-320) (Jalngoy?) nga-rra-y-mbi-? (AP)

'see, look at'

nyaga-L

ya-rra-y-mbi-? (AP) (Jalngoy?)

'fall down'

galngga-Y

nya-rra-y-mbi-? (AP)

Verb morphology {2): derivation

299

In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, these verbs occur in the past tense (3.10.1, -la) only, and their class membership is not known. Alec Collins' data yielded ngarra-mbi-1, with the nonfuture-2 suffix -1. That is, in his Warrongo, this verb belongs to L-class (Cf. Table 3-14). The other verbs, given by Alf Palmer, too, may belong to L-class, though this is not certain. Alec Collins gave (3-320) as a Jalngoy sentence. (3-320) wayi bonya ngaya ngarrambi-1? (AC) Q ? lSG.ERG hear-NF Peter Sutton's translation: 'Who (is talking that) I can hear?' (The meaning of bonya is not known. Jf'ayi bonya may possibly be wanyo-nya 'who-ACC'. If this is the case, this sentence can be translated as 'Whom do I hearT) AlfPalmer considerednga-rra-mbi-L 'hear' andya-rra-y-mbi-? 'see' as Jalngoy (the avoidance style) words, and Alec Collins considered nga-rra-mbi-L as a Jalngoy word. As mentioned in 1.6.1, nga-rra-mbi-L is one of the two words that both Alf Palmer and Alec Collins regarded as Jalngoy words, and it seems certain to be a Jalngoy word. The verbs for songs have the structure shown in (3-321). Except for nga-rrambi-la, they involve the insertion of y (see 2.6-[2]-(d)). -rra- may be a marker of song/Jalngoy words. -mbi- looks like a prenasalized form of -bi-L 'INTR', but it is not known if they are related. (3-321) CV-rra-(y)-mbi-la

Ngawa-L and nga-rra-mbi-L 'hear' have cognates, e.g. ngambi- 'hear' of Freddy Toornba's Gujal (recorded by Peter Sutton), ngarrmi-L 'hear' of Jirrbal Jalnguy (Dixon 1972: 406). ngamba-L Vt 'hear' ofDyirbal (which includes JirrbaL Girramay andJv.lamu) (Dixon 1972: 406), andngara-LIY 'hear' ofNyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 510). It is tempting to speculate how these Warrongo verbs for songs/Jalngoy developed. For nga-rra-(y)-mbi-? 'hear', one possible scenario is the following. Dixon (1980: 409) suggests that the proto-Australian 'had a fair number of monosyllabic verbal roots (more than any modern language)'. Dixon (2002: 117-124) lists 68 sets of verb roots that have a wide geographical distribution on the Australian continent. One set concerns roots for 'hear, understand'. They all start with nga-, i.e. nga:-m [sic], ngara-, ngawa-, ngangga-, ngamba-. The Warrongo ngawa-L 'hear', nga-rra-mbi-L 'hear', and their cognates listed above, likewise start with nga. Then, according to Dixon's hypothesis, all these verbs are reflexes of the original *nga-, and they were each combined with augmenting segments, e.g. wa, rra, mbi, rrmi, mba, ra, ngga. (Although Dixon does not mention this, the consonants of these augmenting segments are confined to peripherals (b, g, m, ng, w) and rhotics (rr, r), and their vowels to a and i.) In Warrongo, the augmenting rra occurs in verbs for songs (and Jalngoy?) only. Also, nga-rra-y-mbi-? involves y-insertion.

300

Word classes and motphology

As for ya-rra-y-mbi-? 'see, look at', the initial ya may be a lenited form of the initial nya- of nyaga-L 'see, look at' For nya-rra-y-mbi-? 'fall down', the following words may be relevant: nyarrga adverb 'down' of Warrongo, and nyarrga'sit down' ofYidiny (Dixon 1991a: 297).

3.11.1.2. -nda-Y 'repeatedly', 'plural actors' This suffix occurs in AlfPalmer's and Alec Collins' data. It is added to verb roots: one transitive and four intransitives. Its affixation does not seem to change the transitivity of the verb concerned. Alec Collins' data yielded baja-nda-y 'bitenda-NF', with the nonfuture-2 suffix -y. That is, this verb belongs to Y-class in his Warrongo. In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, too, presumably (though this is not certain) baja-nda- belongs to Y-class. Also, the four intransitive stems, given by Alf Palmer, appear to belong to Y-class. This is because, for their apprehensional, Alf Palmer approved the forms for Y-class: jana-nda-y-ngga, nyina-nda-y-ngga, wona-nda-y-ngga, wola-nda-y-ngga.

baja-L Vt 'bite' jana-Y Vi 'stand' nyina-Y Vi 'sit' wona-YVi 'lie, sleep' wola-Y Vi 'die'

bqja-nda-Y Vt 'bite [everything], bite [someone, something] about' (AP), (AC) jana-nda-Y Vi 'stand about' (AP) nyina-nda-Y Vi 'sit down about' (AP) wona-nda-Y Vi 'sleep about' (AP) wola-nda-Y Vi '[all] die' (AP)

In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, -nda-Y appears to indicate a repetition of an action by the same actor(s), or a simultaneous occurrence of an action by plural (many?) actors. However, its meaning is not clear in Alec Collins' data. (3-322) ('I went hunting with my dog. It caught goannas.') nyola baja-nda-n ngoni-n-da=wa (AP) 3SG.ERG bite-nda-NF there-LINK-LOC=FOC 'It bit [them all] there.' AlfPalmer's gloss for baja-nda-n in (3-322) is 'bite everything'.

(3-323) rirra-nggo bama-nggo baja-n-dan. (TT, AP) tooth-ERG man-ERG bite-nda-NF 'The man bit [it] with [my] tooth repeatedly.' (As it was uttered by Alf Palmer, this sentence contained ngaya 'lSG.ERG' He approved bama-nggo 'man-ERG' This shows clearly that baja-nda-Y is transitive. Note also the presence of rirra-nggo 'tooth-ERG'.)

Verb morphology (2): derivation

301

(3-324) ('There is a snake there.') baja-nda-y nyola ngona-n-do. (AC) bite-nda-NF 3SG .ERG there-UNK-ERG Peter Sutton's translation: 'Look out he'll bit you.' (Sutton's transcription gives wunando, but judging by the context, it is probably ngona-n-do. I have tentatively replaced wunando with ngona-n-do. Then, a literal translation will be 'It, that [snake], bites [you]'.) As noted in 3.5.3, the noun walwa-ndan 'ill, sick' (cf. the noun walwa 'bad, ill, sick') contains the suffix -ndan. However, it is not known if this suffix is related to the verb-stem-forming suffix -nda-Y.

3.11.1.3. -ya-L 'all; 'all the time' This suffix, attested in Alf Palmer's Warrongo only, is added to two intransitive roots, and it forms intransitive stems, with no change in their transitivity. The derived stems appear to belong to L-class. At least, for the apprehensional of wara-ya-, Alf Palmer approved the L-class form: wara-ya-lga.

yani- Vi 'go, come' (irregular verb) wara-L Vi 'jump'

yani-ya-? (L-class?) Vi '[all] go' wara-ya-L Vi 'jump all the time'

yani-ya-n. (AP) (3-325) ngoni-wo jana-0 there-DAT 3PL-NOM go-ya-NF 'They all went there.' Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 249) has the suffix -ja-Y, which indicates either (i) 'an action is repeated' or (ii) 'an action involves many [participants, either - TT] S or 0' Clearly the Dyirbal -ja-Y and the Warrongo -ya-L are related, with the stop j being lenited to the semivowel y. This correspondence (j - y) is also seen in the pronouns for '1SG': Dyirbal ngaja and Warrongo ngaya (Table 1-5).

3.11.1.4. -rV-L 'plural' ('all: 'many') This suffi.x (also used in the formation of noun stems (3.7.1-[16]) occurs in Alf Palmer's Warrongo only. Its vowel copies that of the preceding syllable (2.6-[1]). [1] In most instances, -rV-L indicates 'many' or 'all'. It is added to verb roots: one intransitive and three transitives, yielding verbs that mean 'many/all actors do here and there', 'many/all actors do something to one', or 'one actor does something to many/all' It does not change their transitivity. Among the derived stems, the tran-

302

Word classes and motphology

sitives belong to L-class. The intransitive jana-ra-, too, appears to be of L-class. For its apprehensional, AlfPalmer approved the L-class formjana-ra-lga.

jana-Y Vi 'stand' balga-L Vt 'hit' goyba-L Vt 'give, throw'

ganyji-L Vt 'carry'

jana-ra-L Vi '[all] stand about', e.g. (4-534), Text 3, Line 19 balga-ra-L Vt '[all] hit [one]', e.g. (3-326) goyba-ra-L Vt 'give out [to many]', e.g. (3-226), (4-26), Text 2, Line 46, 'sell', e.g. (3-327),'throw [many]', e.g. (3-328), '[many] give', e.g. (4-566) ganyji-ri-L Vt '[many] carry, pick up', 'carry, pick up [many]'

balga-ra-n. (AP) (3-326) jana-nggo nyonya 3PL-ERG 3SG.ACC hit-many-NF 'They all hit him.' (3-327) ('The people at the meat work killed the cattle, and now:') jomoboro-0 goyba-ra-lgo ngoni-ngomay-0. (AP) cattle-ACC give-many-PURP there-ABL-ACC '[They] will sell the cattle [i.e. meat] from there.' (AlfPalmer stated that, in this sentence, goyba-ra-lgo means 'sell'.)

goyba-ra-n. (AP) (3-328) gambarra-nggo yamba-0 cyclone-ERG house-ACC throw-many-NF 'The cyclone threw [i.e. blew away] many houses.' This suffix has a possible cognate: 'plural subject marker -ri-' of Gugu Yalanji. It 'is used on intransitive roots or stems' (Patz 2002: 105). [2] In (a) below, the 'underlying' 0 of the transitive verb corresponds to the 'surface' S of the intransitive stem involving -rV-L; they show the correspondence of '0 S'. (Here, the colon indicates 'corresponds to'.) The intransitive stem is an 'anticausative' verb (Comrie 1985: 325). In (b) and (c), the affixation of -rV-L seems redundant. It seems to bring about no change in transitivity (i.e. 'A P.: in (b), and 'S S' in (c)), and no clear change in meaning. (Alf Palmer stated that waga-ra-L Vi 'get up' is a word of Jalngoy, the avoidance style (1.6.1).) All of the derived stems appear to belong to L-class. For their apprehensional, AlfPalmer approved L-class forms: woda-ra-lga, wanda-ra-lga, waga-ra-lga. (a) woda-L Vt 'take out, pull off', e.g. (3-123), (3-303), (3-329), (3-341) (b) wanda-L Vt 'leave' (c) waga-L Vi 'rise, get up'

woda-ra-L Vi 'come out', e.g. (3-330) (0 S) wanda-ra-L Vt 'leave alone' (A A) waga-ra-L Vi 'get up' (S S)

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woda-n. (TT) (3-329) bama-nggo jombi-0 man-ERG penis-ACC(O) take.out-NF 'The man took out his penis' (3-330) ('She has found a possum, up on a tree.')

jombi-0

woda-ra-n. (AP)

penis,tail-NOM(S) take.out-ra-NF Lit. '[Its] tail has come out [from a hollow of a tree?]', i.e. '[Its] tail is hanging [from a hollow of a tree?].'

(Jombi means 'penis (of a man)' and 'tail (of a possum, etc.)' Depending on the context, this sentence may mean 'A penis has come out [from trousers, etc.]' As noted in 3.9.1, -ra- is found in a few other intransitive verbs: joyora-Y 'slip, crawl', ragara-L 'descend', bogara-L 'swell up'. In Warrongo, most of the verb roots are disyllabic, and etymologically these verbs may each consist of a disyllabic root

and-ra-. Bidyara and Gungabula ('B&G'), about 1,000 km to the south of Warrongo, have the verb bugarda 'swell' (Breen 1973: 193). It is clearly cognate with the Warrongo bogara-L. The rd (retroflex stop) of B&G corresponds to r (retroflex approximant or tap) of Warrongo. See (ii) of Table 1-6. Like -ra- of the Warrongo bogara-L 'swell up', -rda- of the B&G bugarda does not seem to be functioning as a suffix. It may be a 'fossilized' suffix that was once productive. AlfPalmer's Warrongo has the word ngayiran 'thirsty' Its word class membership is not known. Etymologically it may be a verb root with -ra and the nonfuture-1 suffix (-n). If it is a noun, then, like walwandan (3.5.3), it does not take any non-zero case suffix. (Alec Collins' Warrongo and Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 223) have wayirra 'thirsty' It appears to be a noun.)

3.11.1.5. -yi-? :future'

-yi-?, attested in Alf Palmer's Warrongo only, is added to four intransitive roots; one is of L-class and the others are of Y-class. It does not change their transitivity. This may be coincidental, but these roots all end in a. (Phonetically, this yi is a short vowel [i], e.g. wara-yi-n [war.ain].) The class membership of the derived stems is not known. In all the examples available, they take the nonfuture-1 suffix (-n) only, and no other conjugational suffix. Despite this, these verbs always indicate intention (to do something in the future) or future possibility.

wara-L Vi 'jump' nyina-Y Vi 'sit, stay' wona-Y Vi 'lie, lie down' wola-Y Vi 'die'

wara-yi-n Vi 'will jump' nyina-yi-n Vi 'will sit/stay' wona-yi-n Vi 'will lie, lie down' wola-yi-n Vi 'might die'

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Word classes and motphology

(3-331) (Even when he was in his eighties, AlfPalmer used to go fishing in the sea (1.8.4.1-[2]). One day he said as follows.) gamo-0 yanv-wo yani-0, wanjan-go ngaya wara-yi-n. (AP) water-NOM this-DAT come-NF raft-DAT 1SG.NOM jump-yi-NF 'When the water [i.e. tide] comes [in], I will jump into the raft [i.e. boat] [and go fishing].' (Note that (2-331) is an instance of subordination. See 4.18.6.1-[2].) (3-332) garrbala ngaya nyawa yani-0. nyina-yi-n. (AP) tomorrow lSG.NOM NEG go-NF stay-yi-NF 'I will not go tomorrow. [I] will stay [here].' (3-333) wola-yi-n. (AP) die-yi-NF AlfPalmer's translation: 'He gonna [i.e. is going to- TT] die. [He is] far too gone.' When asked about wola-y 'die-NF' (cf. 3.10.3) and wola-yngga 'die-APPR' (3.10.11) in connection with (3-333), Alf Palmer gave the following comments: (i) wola-y: 'finished', i.e. the person died, and (ii) wola-yngga: 'you are not sure [if the person- TT] died or not'.

3.11.1.6. -1 and-i In a seminal work on Australian languages, Capell (1966: 66) states as follows: 'The phoneme -1- is a very common and important verbal formative throughout Australia'. The same is true of Warrongo. Thus, 1 characterises verbs of L-class (Table 3-14). Furthermore, -1 is used as a stem-forming suffix, in the derivation of verbs and also nouns, as shown below. In this derivational function it is followed by another stem-forming suffix -i in certain environments. The distribution of -1 and -i is as follows. [1] X-1 (noun) [2] X-1 followed by another stem-forming suffix or a noun [3] X-1-i-ZERO (Part 1) (intransitive verb) [4] X-1-i-ZERO (Part 2) (intransitive verb) [5] X-1-X-l (noun) [6] X-l-X-1 followed by another stem-forming suffix [7] X-1-X-l-i-ZERO (intransitive verb) (Here, a tilde indicates reduplication. See List of abbreviations and symbols.)

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305

'X' represents a root. 'X' is generally disyllabic, with the form of CVC(C)V The only exception is wonaja 'camping out' (see [3] below). It is trisyllabic. The root 'X' is generally a verb root (e.g. gawa-L Vi 'call out' (see [1] below)), but it may be a noun root (e.g. gido 'cold' (see [3] below)) or an adverb root (i.e. wonaja 'camping out' (see [3] below). 'X' may be also a root that is not used by itself. For example, the verb root mago- 'work' is not used by itself. But it has derived stems, e.g. mago-1 noun 'work' (see [1] below), mago-1-i-ZERO Vi 'work' (see [3] below), and the locative verb mago-ri-L Vt 'work with [a co-worker]' (4.14.2.1). Most of the verb roots to which -1 is added, are clearly of L-class. Presumably, the other roots, too, are of L-class. (For three roots at least, Alf Palmer approved the L-class forms of the apprehensional: wada-lga 'play about' ([3]), gimbi-lga Vt, Vi '[wind] blow', and boni-1ga 'be dizzy'.) As shown above, the affixation of -1 (resulting in X-1) and the reduplication of X-1 produce nouns. This derivation of nouns is most conveniently discussed here. It was not discussed in 3.7, where other derivations of nouns are considered. -l and -i have a wide distribution. But their use is not very productive. Unlike -bi-L 'INTR' (4.7.1) and -nga-L 'TR' (4.7.2), the roots to which-1 and -i are added, are not numerous. All of the attested forms are listed below. Note that L, as in wanba-L 'be afraid', indicates that the verb in question is of L-class, and that it does not represent any phoneme. In contrast, l represents a phoneme. Thus, wanba1may be (i) 'be afraid-NF', or (ii) the root wanba- and the stem-forming suffix 1. As seen in 2.6-[3], there are instances of formation of noun stems that may be considered either as deletion or retention of 1. Alec Collins' data yielded a few examples of the derivation involving the suffixes -1-i (see [3], (4)-(a), -(b), -(c) below). We shall now look at each of [1] to [7]. [1] X-1 (noun) X is followed by -~ resulting in a noun:

gawa-L Vi 'call out' gobi-L Vi 'whistle' mago- 'work'

gawa-1 noun 'voice', e.g. (3-334) gobi-1 noun 'whistle' mago-1 noun 'work'

(3-334) ngaya jilhay-f2J nyongo gawa1-go. (AP) 1SG.NOM knowing-NOM 3SG.GEN voice-DAT 'I know his voice.' The word gawal consists of gawa- and -1. However, in a sentential example, the morpheme boundary is not indicated. Similarly for some (though not all) of the words involving -1 or -1-i.

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Word classes and motphology

Mago- is not used by itself. The locative form of the noun mago1 'work' is attested: mago-da; see (3-62). Note the deletion of the stem-final1 (Table 3-2). The 'COM-LOC' form (mago-1-ji-da), too, is attested; see (3-186). [2] X-1 followed by a stem-forming suffix or a noun

X-1 forms a base for further derivation, which may be followed by a verb-sternforming suffix (-bi-L 'INTR' (4.7.1), -nga-L 'TR' (4.7.2), or -(m)ba-L 'TR' (4.7.3)), a noun-stem-forming suffix (-barri (3.7.1-[6]), -jam) (3.7.1-[7]) or -bim) or a noun. The noun may be further followed by a stem-forming suffix. (-bini is not productive, and consequently it was not discussed in 3.7.1.) It may also involve cornpounding.

gobi-L Vi 'whistle'

gobi-1-bi-L Vi 'whistle' (Jalngoy?)

mago- 'work' goman 'other, another'

mago-1-goman noun 'another work'

joga-L Vi 'grow up' joga1 'straight [e.g. of road]

joga-1-bi-L Vi 'grow up' joga-1-nga-L Vt 'grow'

binyji-L Vi 'feel fine'

binyji-1-bi-L Vi 'feel much better, feel really good' binyji-1-goman-bi-L Vi 'feel funny' cf. goman noun 'other, another, different'

jago-L Vi 'be sorry',

jago-1-goman noun 'another person who also feels

e.g. Text 1, Line 49

sorry'

jago-1-nga-L Vt '[ERG] feel sorry for [ACC]', e.g. (4-203)

wanba-L Vi 'fear', e.g. (3-258), (4-762)

wanba-1-bi-L Vi 'fear' wanba-1-nga Vt 'frighten' wanba-1-barri noun 'frightened' wanba-1-birri noun 'frightened' wanba-1-jarri noun 'frightened' (Jalngoy?)

wombi-L Vi 'have a rest'

wombi-1-bi-L Vi 'have a rest'

boji- (not attested)

boji-1-mba-L Vt 'take no notice of [someone]', cf. (4-217) cf. boji-1·...0oji-1-i-ZERO Vi 'take no notice' ([7])

Alf Palmer stated that gobi-1-bi-L Vi 'whistle' and wanba-1-jarri noun 'frightened' are words of Jalngoy, the avoidance style (1.6.1). The nouns listed above that end in -barri, -birri or -jarri are not attested with a non-zero case suffix. They seem to be used as the 'predicate' only. See 3.5.3.

Verb morphology {2): derivation 301

[3] X-l-i-ZERO (Part 1) (intransitive verb)

X-l forms an intransitive verb of ZERO-class. The root to which -l-i-ZERO is added is generally an intransitive root, but it may be a noun or an adverb. The verb root and the verb derived from it generally appear to have the same meaning. banda-L Vi '[person] emerge', e.g. (3-49), (3-266-A, -B),

banda-l-i-ZERO Vi '[person] emerge, [something] crack, burst, explode'

'[something] crack, chap'

gawa-L Vi 'call out' cf. gawa-l 'voice'

gawa-1-i-ZERO Vi 'call out', e.g. (3-122), (3-296) cf. gawa-Y Vi 'vomit', e.g. (4-492), gawa noun, 'stuff vomited', gawa-gali-ZERO Vi 'vomit', e.g. (4-493)

gobi-L Vi 'whistle'

gobi-1-i-ZERO Vi 'whistle'

wada-L Vi 'play',

wada-l-i-ZERO Vi '[person, dog, cattle] run,

e.g. (4-488)

[kangaroo] hop, [person, animal] flee, [water] flow', e.g. (3-177), (3-201), (4-228) cf. wanja-li-ZERO (or wanyja-li-ZERO?) Vi 'run' (Jalngoy?) See below.

wombi-L Vi 'have a rest'

wombi-1-i-ZERO Vi 'have a rest'

cf. mago-1 noun 'work'

mago-1-i-ZERO Vi 'work', e.g. (3-60) to (3-62). (4-496)

joga-L Vi 'grow up'

joga-1-i-ZERO Vi 'grow up'

binyji-L Vi 'feel fine, well

biYIJ?ii-1-i-ZERO Vi 'feel fine, well or good'

or good'

wanba-L Vi 'fear, be afraid', e.g. (4-762)

wan:ba-1-i-ZERO Vi 'fear, be afraid, be frightened', e.g. (3-277-W, -H, -W)

nyinyji-L Vi 'be quiet'

nyinyji-1-i-ZERO Vi 'be quiet', e.g. (3-335)

ngorga-L Vi 'be shy, ashamed' ngorga-1-i-ZERO Vi 'be shy, ashamed, afraid' jago-L Vi 'be sorry', e.g. Text 1, Line 49

jago-1-i-ZERO Vi 'be sorry, quiet', e.g. (3-93) cf.jago-1-nga-L Vt 'be sorry for [someone]', e.g. (4-203)

gido noun 'cold (not hot)'

gido-l-i-ZERO Vi 'get cold' cf. gido-bi-L Vi 'get cold, become cool'

gaga not attested cf. gagal noun 'big, strong

gaga-1-i-ZERO Vi 'get strong, be hard' cf. gagal-bi-L Vi 'grow up, be hard' cf. gaga-bara 'big' (1 absent)

hard, (not soft)' (cf. 2.6-[3])

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Word classes and motphology

gada not attested cf. gada-bi-L Vi '[tree] crack'

gada-l-i-ZERO Vi 'crack [a finger]' cf. gada-nga-L Vt 'crack [a finger]', e.g. (4-469) gadal--gadal noun 'dry', gadal--gadal-bi-L Vi '[tree] crack' cf. gadala noun 'dry', gadala-bi-L 'become dry', gadala-nga-L Vt 'dry'

wonaja adverb 'camping out'

wonaja-l-i-ZERO Vi 'sleep' (Jalngoy ?)

(3-335) yamba-ngga gaji wona-n. yamba-r2J ninyjili-n. (AP) house-LOC maybe lie-NF house-NOM be.quite-NF '[They] might be lying [i.e. sleeping] in the house[, for] the house is quiet.' There is also the following set of words:

joygol 'straight'

joygol-bi-L Vi 'be straight' joygol-i-ZERO Vi 'be straight'

The root (joygol) itself seems to contain~ and -i is added to it. As shown above, morphologically, the sequence of -l-i is analysed as consisting of two morphemes. Phonetically, however, it is pronounced as one unit [le], and not as a sequence of [1] and [e]. (See 2.1.4.3-[2]-(a) for the phonetic realization of /li/.) I stated above that wonaja adverb 'camping out' is a root However, etymologically it may be the locative form of the nonfuture-2 form wona-y Vi 'lie down-NF', i.e. wona-ja 'lie down-LOC'. Recall that the nonfuture-2jolba-y Vi 'jump-NF' in a placename has the locative form :jolha-ja (1.5.4.3-[3], 3.2.1.1). There are a number of other intransitive verbs involving -1-i-ZERO. Etymologically, they may consist of a verb root (intransitive?) and -l-i-ZERO. But synchronically the putative roots are not attested as verbs, and they do not occur elsewhere in the corpus. Such verbs include the following. There may be more.

balgo-li-ZERO Vi 'sleep' (Jalngoy?; used in songs) (AP) bargo-li-ZERO Vi 'lie down, sleep' (used in songs) (AP) bona-li-ZERO Vi 'sleep' (AP) (The reduplicated form bonal---bonali-n 'sleep-sl.eep-NF' was approved by Alf Palmer.)

gan.ga-li-ZERO Vi 'call out' (Jalngoy?) (AP) cf. gawa-l-i-ZERO Vi 'call out' (AP) wanyja-li-ZERO Vi 'run' (Jalngoy?) (AP, AC) cf. wada-1-i-ZERO Vi 'run' wanda-li-ZERO Vi 'run' (Jalngoy?) (AP) (One of balgo-li-ZERO and bargo-li-ZERO may be a mishearing on my part.) Biri hasganggali- 'call out' (my data, see also Terril11998: 101). AlfPalmer stated that gan.ga-li-ZERO is a Jalngoy word. He also stated that wanda-1-i-ZERO Vi 'run'

Verb morphology {2): derivation

309

and wanyja-1-i-ZERO Vi 'run' are Jalngoy words. They appear to be related to wada-1-i-ZERO Vi 'run' of the ordinary style, by phonological changes: d- nd- nyj. Wanyja-1-i-ZERO Vi 'run' occurs in Alec Collins' Warrongo, too, e.g. (2-336). But it does not seem to be a Jalngoy word. (3-336) wanyjali-n yinda. (AC)

run-NF

2SG.NOM

Peter Sutton's translation: 'You run.'

[4] X-1-i-ZERO (Part 2) (intransitive verb) The root is transitive (unlike [3]). The derived stems are of two types: reflexive and antipassive. They are all surface-intransitive. (a) Reflexive verbs. They occur in both Alf Palmer's and Alec Collins' Warrongo. They are listed in 4.11.2.1-[2] and 4.11.3.1-[2]. (b) Antipassive verbs in Alec Collins' Warrongo (though not in Alf Palmer's). See (4-255) to (4-257) and comments on them.

-1-i-ZERO is also involved in the antipassive suffix -gali-ZERO (of AlfPalmer's Warrongo). See 4.9.1. [5] X-1-X-1 (noun) X-1 is reduplicated, resulting in a noun (sometimes an 'adjective-like noun'). The X is generally a verb root., either transitive or intransitive.

giba-L Vt 'scratch'

giba-Z.~giba-1 noun

bari-L Vt 'twist'

bari-1-bari-1 noun 'twisty, hard to understand

'scratch'

[of language]'

bayi-L Vt 'twist'

bayi-1-bayi-1 noun 'cunning'

boji- (not attested)

boji-l-boji-1 noun 'taking no notice' cf. boji-1-mba-L Vt 'take no notice of [someone]' (mentioned in [2] above)

boya-L Vt '[someone] blow'

boya-0-boya-1 noun 'bark chips that are scratched and come off the trunk of a tree' (See 1.5.8-[9].)

jago-L Vi 'be sorry'

jago-1--jago-1 noun 'sorry'

gimbi-L Vt., Vi '[wind] blow'

gimbi-1---gimbi-1 noun 'windy'

ngorga-L Vi 'be shy, ashamed'

ngorga-z......,gorga-1 'shy, ashamed, embarrassed'

(Jago-L and ngorga-L are found with the stative suffix -lji (3.10.7) only, and with no other conjugational category.)

310

Word classes and morphology

The nouns listed in [5] are not attested with a non-zero case suffix. Among them, 'adjective-like nouns' (bari-1~ari-1, bayi-1~ayi-1, boji-1~oji-1, jago-1--;jago-1, gimbi-1·---gimbi-1, ngorga-1---ngorga-l) seem to have the predicative use only. See

3.5.3. [6] X-1-X-l followed by another stem-forming suffix

X-1 is reduplicated, and then is followed by -bi-L 'INTR'. boya-l~oya-1 noun

boya-1-boya-1-bi-L Vi 'chips and dust caused by a possum come off the trunk of a tree'

cf. gobi-L Vi 'whistle'

gobi-1-gobi-1-bi-L Vi 'whistle'

(The reduplicated form gobi-1-gobi-L is not attested.) [7] X-1-X-1-i-ZERO (intransitive verb)

X-1-X-1 is followed by -i, resulting in an intransitive verb of ZERO-class. The X is a verb root, either transitive or intransitive. boji-l~oji-1 noun

'taking no notice' boji-1-boji-1-i-ZERO Vi 'take no notice, do not care'

boni-L 'be dizzy, groggy, mad'

boni-1~oni-l-i-ZERO Vi 'be fairly mad (but not so mad as boni-L)' (boni-1-i-ZERO not attested)

jago-1--jago-1 noun 'sorry' binyji-L Vi 'feel fine, welL good'

jago-1--jago-1-i-ZERO Vi 'be sorry'

gawa-L Vi 'call out' wanba-L Vi 'fear'

gawa-1--gawa-l-i-ZERO Vi 'call out' wanba-1-wanba-l-i-ZERO Vi 'fear'

gobi-L Vi 'whistle'

gobi-1--gobi-1-i-ZERO Vi 'whistle'

binyji-1~inyji-1-i-ZERO

(The following reduplicated forms are not attested:

'feel fine, well, good'

boni-1~oni-1, binyji-l~inyji-1,

gawa-1--gawa-1, wanba-1-wanba-1, and gobi-1-gobi-1.) Alf Palmer stated that some of the words given above belong to Jalngoy, the avoidance style (1.6.1). They are indicated to that effect. However, since he himself admitted that he did not know Jalngoy well, it is not certain if they are Jalngoy words. As can be seen, a number of words may be derived from one and the same root, involving -1 and some other suffix(es). Examples: (a) gobi-L Vi 'whistle': gobi-1-bi-L (Jalngoy?), gobi-1-i-ZERO, gobi-1-gobi-1-bi-L, gobi-1·~gobi-l-i-ZERO Vi 'whistle'

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311

(b) wanba-L Vi 'fear'· (i) wanba-l-barri, wanba-1-birri, wanba-l-jarri (Jalngoy?) noun 'frightened', (ii) wanba-l-bi-L, wanba-1-i-ZERO, wanba-l--wanba-1-i-ZER.O Vi 'fear', and (iii) wanba-1-nga-L Vt 'frighten'. Note that a set of verbs that involve the same root may have apparently the same meaning, e.g. wanba-L, wanba-1-bi-L, wanba-1-i-ZERO, and wanba-1~wanba-1-i­ ZERO Vi 'fear' For members of such a set, Alf Palmer indicated to the effect that there is no semantic difference. The reduplicated forms (e.g. gobi-l-gobi-1-iZERO Vi 'whistle', wanba-1-~wanba-1-i-ZERO Vi 'fear') might be expected to express repetition or continuation. However, AlfPalmer stated to the effect that they do not have such a meaning. Nonetheless, there is one possible difference. That is, one member of a given set- particularly, the one involving -bi-L- may possibly be a Jalngoy word. Thus, Alf Palmer stated that, among the verbs that mean 'whistle' (listed above), gobi-1bi-L is a Jalngoy word. His knowledge of Jalngoy is severely limited (cf. 1.6.1). At least this statement accords well with Dixon's (1971, 1972: 86, 89, 323) description ofDyirbal Jalnguy: the use of verb-stem-forming suffixes (-bi-L 'INTR', -(m)ba-L 'TR') is a very common device for forming verbs ofDyirbal Jalnguy.

3.11.1. 7. -rr and -i -rr, attested in Alf Palmer's Warrongo only, is used in much the same way as -1, except that (i) -rr is less productive than -1, and (ii) the roots to which -rr is added, are never used by themselves. They only occur affixed with -rr. (Their word class status cannot be determined.) This contrasts with -l; most of the roots to which -l is added, can be used as a verb, a noun or an adverb. This may be coincidental, but all the roots to which -rr is added, start withy, with at least one pair of exceptions, shown in [9] below. The distribution of -rr is the same as that of -1. Unlike -~ 'X' is always disyllabic. But like -1, 'X' has the form of CVC(C)V [1] X-rr (noun) [2] X-rr followed by another stem-forming suffix [3] X-rr-i-ZERO (intransitive verb) [4] X-rr-X-rr (noun) [5] X-r,.....X-rrfollowed by another stem-forming suffix [6] X-rr-X-rr-i-ZERO (intransitive verb) All the attested examples are listed below. [1] X-rr (noun) The root is followed by -rr, resulting in a noun. The only example:

yimi-rr noun 'glad'

312

Word classes and morphology

[2] X-rr followed by another stem-forming suffix

X-rr is followed by -bi-L 'INTR': yimi-rr-bi-L Vi 'be glad' yaba-rr-bi-L Vi '[woman] open legs [for sexual intercourse]', e.g. (3-337-b). yamo-rr-bi-L Vi 'hurry' (3-337) (An example cited from a text.) a. (A man wanted to have sex with his wife, and said to her:) yinda ya yaba-rr-i-ya (fall) I wona-ya (fall)/ 2SG.NOM (error) open.leg-rr-i-IMP lie-IMP 'Open [your] legs. Lie down.' b. nyola yaba-rr-bi-n (slight rise)/ wona-n (slight rise)/ (AP) 3SG.NOM open.leg-rr-INTR-NF lie-NF '[Then] she opened [her] legs. [She] lay down.'

[3] X-rr-i-ZERO (intransitive verb)

X-rr is followed by -i, resulting in an intransitive verb of ZERO-class: yimi-rr-i-ZERO Vi 'be glad' yaba-rr-i-ZERO Vi '[woman] open legs [for sexual intercourse]', e.g. (3-337-a) yamo-rr-i-ZERO Vi 'hurry' Morphologically, the sequence of -rr-i consists of two morphemes. But phonetically it is pronounced as a unit, i.e. [.re]. See 2.1.4.3-[2]-(b) for the phonetic realizations of /.riJ and /i.r/.

[4] X-rr-X-rr (noun)

X-rr is reduplicated, resulting in a noun. yimi-rr--yimi-rr noun 'glad', e.g. (4-730), (4-731) The nouns that involve this -rr, i.e. yimi-rr and yimi-rr·-yimi-rr 'glad', are not attested with any non-zero case suffix. They seem to be used 'predicatively' only. See 3.5.3. [5] X-rr-X-rrfollowed by another stem-forming suffix

X-rr-X-rr is followed by -bi-L 'INTR', resulting in an intransitive verb: yimi-rr-yimi-rr-bi-L Vi 'be glad'

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313

[6] X-rr~X-TT-i-ZERO X-rr-X-rr is followed by -i, resulting in an intransitive verb of ZERO-class: yimi-TT-yimi-rr-i-ZERO Vi 'be glad', e.g. (3-92) Vi 'hurry'

yamo-rr~yamo-rr-i-ZERO

Additional remarks on -rr and -i follow. [7] Semantics and register As is the case with verbs formed with -1-i, there are a few sets of verbs that are respectively built on the same root., e.g. yimi-TT-bi-L, yimi-rr-i-ZERO, yimi-rr~yimi­ rr-bi-L yimi-rr~yimi-rr-i-ZERO Vi 'be glad'. Their difference is not known in terms of meaning or register (i.e. the ordinary style vs. Jalngoy). In contrast with his comments on the verbs involving -1-bi-L, Alf Palmer did not say that those with -TT-bi-L were Jalngoy words.

[8] Phonetics and phonology In yimi-rr~yimi-rr 'glad', yimi-rr,...,imi-rr-bi-L 'be glad' and yimi-TT~yimi-TT-i­ ZERO 'be glad', rr and the yi that follows, are pronounced as one unit., e.g. yimiTT·~yimi-rr-i-n [imerimecen] (/jim.icjim.icinl) (-n 'NF'). Almost always there is no pause between the last [c] of the first element (yimi-rr-) and the [i] of the second element (-yimi-rr-i-n). They are jointly pronounced as [ri], rather than as [c (pause) i]. That is, phonologically the cluster /cj/ is recognized. But phonetically /j/ is not realized. See 2.1.5.1.2-[3]-(a-4) and 2.2.6.2-(d). Inyamo-rr--yamo-rr-i-n [jamocjamoren] (/jamucjamurin/), phonetically" and ya are not fused, although there is no pause between them. This difference seems to be caused by the difference in the vowel quality. That is, the root-initial syllable of yimi- is yi ljil [i], while that ofyamo- is ya ljal [ja]. [9] Other verbs Consider the following set of words:

gajo-TT-i-ZERO Vi 'go past' '[go] past' garro-gaja- (class unknown) Vt 'go past [someone]'

gaja-rr-~gaja-rr Adv

Clearly these words are related. (The etymology of garro- is not known.) The root shows an alternation of vowels: o and a. (Gajo- and gaja- do not occur elsewhere in the corpus.) The reduplicated form gaja-rr~gaja-rr is not attested with any nonzero case suffix. It may be considered as a noun or as an adverb. Here, it is tentatively labeled as an adverb. Gajo-TT-i-ZERO 'go past' and gaja-TT-gaja-rr 'past'

314

Word classes and motphology

begin with g, and they are exceptional in that -rr is added to a root that does not begin withy. In addition to the verbs listed above, there are a number of verbs (all intransitive) that contain -rri-ZERO and belong to ZERO-class: banbarri-ZERO 'shiver (with cold, anger)', e.g. (3-96), (3-242),jojorri-ZERO 'be drowned', ngqjirri-ZERO 'wait [for someone]' (later Alf Palmer said that this is a Jirrbal word, but it is not listed in Dixon (1972: 406)), ngalmirri-ZERO 'be kind [to someone]', yobarriZERO 'run away, escape', walmbirri-ZERO 'get up' (later Alf Palmer said that this is a word of the Djabugay language, north of Yidiny, but it is not listed in Patz (1991)), womirri-ZERO 'wait [for woman]' It looks as if they each consist of a disyllabic root and -n--i-ZERO. However, the putative roots (e.g. banba-) do not occur elsewhere in the corpus. However, there is one exception: yobarri-ZERO 'run away, escape' may be related to yoba-y-nga-L Vt 'steal'; see 4.7.2-[6]-(b). That is, the root yoba- may possibly be recognized. Walmbirri-ZERO 'get up' is exceptional in that it contains a tri-consonantal cluster. As noted above, all the other roots and putative roots to which -rr-i-ZERO is added, have the structure of CVC(C)V, and do not contain a tri-consonantal cluster. As seen in 3.11.1.6-[3], there is the verb wonqja-1-i-ZERO Vi 'sleep' (cf. adverb wonaja 'camping out'). Now, there is the verb wonajajarri-'7 (probably ZEROclass) Vi 'camp out, sleep all the time'. It consists of the adverb wonaja 'camping out' and -jarri-. -jarri- may be analysed as -ja plus -rr-i. But -ja cannot be accounted for. This verb may have been used due to an error and it may not be a bona fide Warrongo word. There are two verbs with the same (?) meaning based on the same root: jojomZERO (mentioned above) andjojorra-Y 'be drowned'. [10] Hyphenation and glossing When giving sentential examples, generally -1 and -i are not separated. Similarly for -rr and -i. For example, they will be shown as follows. Regarding -1 and -i (3.11.1.6) [3] X-1-i-ZERO (Part 1) (intransitive verb), e.g. wadali-ZERO 'run'. [4] X-1-i-ZERO (Part 2) (intransitive verb), e.g. balba-li-ZERO 'roll-REFL', wajoli-ZERO 'cook-J.\.1ID' Others, e.g. bonali-ZERO 'sleep'. [7] X-1-X-l-i-ZERO, e.g. wanbal-wanbali-ZERO 'fear-fear' Regarding -rr and -i (3.11.1.7) [3] X-n--i-ZERO, e.g. yimirri-ZERO 'be glad'. [6] X-rr-X-rr-i-ZERO, e.g. yimirr-yimim-ZERO 'be glad'.

Verb motphology (2): derivation

315

[11] History Historically, this -rrmay have derived from the -l discussed in 3.11.1.6. First, as mentioned at the beginning of 3.11.1. 7, they have the same distribution. Second, synchronically Warrongo exhibits an alternation between 1 and rr (2.4-[1]). The following words were discussed in 2.4-[1].

gimbi-L Vt, Vi '[wind] blow'

gimbi-1-gimbi-l noun 'windy' (3.11.1.6-[5]) 'windy' gimbi-rra noun 'wind [of fart]'

gimbi-rr~imbi-rrnoun

The noun gimbi-rra 'fart' is probably related to the verb gimbi-L 'blow' There are two variants of the noun: gimbi-1·---gimbi-1 and gimbi-rr~gimbi-rr. These facts suggest a change from 1to rr in gimbi-rr-gimbi-rr and gimbi-rra. (In actual speech of Alf Palmer, gimbi-rr~gimbi-rr is much more frequent thangimbi-1~gimbi-1.) Third, Dyirbal (Dixon 1972:402) has gaja-L Vt 'pass by without seeing' and garru-gaja-L Vt 'pass by' This suggests that the Warrongo adverb gaja-rr~aja-rr '[go] past' was *gaja-l-gaja-1, with 1 changing torr. (The adverb gajarr-gajarr is not listed in Dixon 1972.) To sum up, it seems likely that this -rr derived from 1etymologically. There is a man's name Bayombirri, which is based on the verb bayombi-L Vt '[fish] wave [its tail]' (1.5.4.2-[1]). Alf Palmer approved the apprehensional form bayombi-lga, so bayombi- seems to be of L-class. It is possible that, originally, the name was Bayombi-li, and that it turned into bayombi-rri.

[12] Cognates Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 80) and Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 498) have the intransitive-stem-forming suffix -mbil-bil-i. -bi is identical with the Warrongo -bi-L 'INTR', while -i is identical with the Warrongo -i, which follows -1 and -rr.

3.11.2. Reduplication of verb roots Reduplication involving 1was discussed in 3.11.1.6, and that involving rr in 3.11.1.7. In the following, reduplication of verb roots is examined. This type of reduplication is not productive, and there are very few examples. Generally, it does not change the class membership or transitivity of the verb concerned. The resultant sterns appear to indicate repetition, prolongation, distributivity, intensitiy, multiplicity, or careful attention. All the attested instances are listed.

nyaga-L Vt 'see, look at' moja-L Vt 'eat'

nyaga--nyaga-L Vt 'have a good look at, watch; mind [someone]', e.g. Text 3, Line 32 moja--moja-L Vt 'have a good feed' (Alf Palmer's gloss), 'eat again and again'

316

Word classes and motphology

wara-L Vi 'jump'

wara~wara-L

ngawa-L Vt 'hear, listen to, think about'

ngawa~ngawa-gali-ZERO

Vi 'jump about' Vi 'think [about DAT]',

e.g. (4-432)

The reduplicated form ngawa---ngawa-L is not attested by itself. It is always followed by -gali-ZERO. The suffix -gali-ZERO has at least two functions: antipassive and reflexive/middle (both surface-intransitive), and ngawa----ngawa-galiZERO 'think' appears to be reflexive; see the comment on (4-432).

3.11.3. Compounding There are at least five compound verbs. They are all transitive. They consist of a noun and a transitive root, with one exception: jili-ngonba-y-nga-L Vt 'show' contains a derived stem, formed with -nga-L 'TR' (see 4.7.2-[6]-(a)). (a) Four compound verbs involve a noun for a body part or body secretion. jili noun 'eye' ngonba- Vt 'point, show' (Y-class ?)

jili-ngonba-y-nga-L Vt 'show, teach, look over at [a distance

bibi noun 'clitoris' baba-L Vt 'thrust, pierce, stab'

bibi-baba-L Vt 'poke [a woman]' (AlfPalmer's gloss), e.g. (3-339)

fiji noun 'a sore' marrga-L Vt 'hurt'

jiji-marrga-L Vt 'poke [a woman]' (AlfPalmer's gloss)

r

Etymologically, these compound verbs may be each based on a clause that contains the following: 'whole-ACC', 'part-ACC' and a transitive verb. (The wholepart relationship is often e"-'J'l"essed by the apposition of the whole and the part in the same case (4.20.5.2), e.g. 'woman-ACC' and 'clitoris-ACC' in (3-338).) For example, compare the following. baba-n. (TT) (3-338) bama-nggo warrngo-0 bibi-0 man-ERG woman-ACC clitoris-ACe stab-NF Lit. 'The man stabbed the woman's clitoris.' (3-339) bama-nggo wamlgo-0 bibi-baba-n. (AP) man-ERG woman-ACC clitoris-stab-NF Lit. 'The man clitoris-stabbed the woman.' (AlfPalmer's gloss for bibi-baba-L is 'poke a woman'.) There is a reflexive verb that is based on the compound verb bibi-baba-L, i.e. bibi-baba-li-ZERO Vi 'clitoris-stab-REFL', '[man] masturbate', e.g. (4-387). The reflexive form literally means '[man] clitoris-poke himself

Verb morphology {2): derivation

317

I first came across the reflexive verb bibi-baba-li-ZERO. On the basis of it, I made up the compound verb bibi-baba-L (cf. (3-339), which AlfPalmer approved. (b) Two compound verbs involve a noun that concerns geography or the like.

galba noun 'sand' baba-L Vt 'thrust, pierce, stab'

galba-baba-L Vt 'wash [e.g. clothes]',

jabo noun 'grave' baga-L Vt 'dig'

jabo-baga-L Vt bury [in a grave?]'

e.g. (3-340), (3-341)

(3-340) ngana-0 gambi-0 galba-baba-n. (TT) lPL-ERG clothes-ACC sand-stab-NF 'We washed the clothes.' (3-341) ('I cooked a possum.')

woda-n gamo-ngga galba-baba-n. (AP) take.out-NF water-LOC sand-stab-NF '[I] took [the guts] out [of the possum and] washed [them] in the water.' Unlike the compound verbs discussed in (a), the compound verbs examined in (b) do not seem to have a corresponding transitive clause. At least I am unable to com pose a transitive clause on which, say, (3-112) may be based.

Chapter4 Syntax

4.1.

Introductory notes

The syntax of AlfPalmer's Warrongo is well documented, whereas the information on that of Alec Collins' Warrongo is severely limited. The following account in the main concerns AlfPalmer's Warrongo. Nonetheless, reference to Alec Collins' Warrongo will be sometimes made. The most outstanding feature of Warrongo syntax is syntactic ergativity, which is largely created by the use of the antipassive construction (4.9). Word order is fairly free, and Warrongo syntax is largely non-configurational (cf. Hale 1983). But it is configurational to a very limited degree; see 4.5.2.2. Also, it is entirely dependent-marking (cf. Nichols 1986). Warrongo discourse is highly elliptical.

4.2.

Types of sentences

Sentences may be classified as follows. (a) Declarative, imperative, interrogative, and exclamatory sentences (4.2.1).

(b) Affirmative and negative sentences (4.2.2). (c) Simple and complex sentences (4.2.3).

4.2.1. Sentence types (1): declarative, imperative, interrogative, and exclamatory sentences On phonetic, morphological, syntactic, semantic and/or pragmatic grounds, sentences may be classified into declarative, imperative, interrogative, and exclamatory sentences. Exclamatory sentences are marginal. Among the other three types of sentences, declarative sentences are the least marked, and they will be discussed last. Imperative sentences (4.2.1.1), interrogative sentences (4.2.1.2) and declarative sentences (4.2.1.3) generally contain a verb, although they do not always do. Exclamatory sentences do not contain a verb (4.2.1.3).

4.2.1.1. Imperative sentences The imperative prototype may be characterized as follows (3.10.8-[2]-(a)-(i)). (i) It is addressed to the hearer, i.e. the second person, and (ii) it is meant to influence

Typesofsentences 319

the behaviour of the hearer. In Warrongo, imperative sentences generally have a verb. But there are a few examples which do not contain a verb but which are best considered imperative sentences. [1] Imperative sentences with a verb The verb is in the main in one of the four imperative forms: two general imperatives (3.10.8), affirmative imperative (3.10.9), and negative imperative (3.10.10). General imperatives are by far the most frequent. Imperative sentences in the affirmative with a verb are generally formed with (almost always) one of the two general imperative forms or (rarely) the affirmative imperative. Examples are in 3.10.8 and 3.10.9, respectively. Negation of imperative sentences is achieved by the use of: (a) a verb in the negative imperative form (its use is uncommon), or: (b) a verb and the adverb ngab1ga 'prohibition' (generally), or nyawa 'general negation' (less frequently). With ngab1ga 'prohibition', the verb is mainly a general imperative, e.g. (3-269), (4-34). But the following, too, are attested: nonfuture-1, e.g. (4-930), (4-931), nonfuture-2, e.g. (3-243), nonfuture-3, e.g. (3-249), (3-253), apprehensional, e.g. (3-287), purposive-1, e.g. (4-43, (4-68), purposive-2, e.g. (3-309). Ngamga may co-occurrather redundantly - with a negative imperative form, e.g. (3-274), (3-275). Verbs used with nyawa 'general negation' indicating prohibition are generally general imperatives, e.g. (3-270), but there is one example involving the purposive-2: (3-308). Imperative sentences are generally directed to second person, as in the examples cited above. But they may be directed to first person - either dual or plural (not singular), indicating 'Let's ... ', e.g. (3-265) (lDU), Text 1, Line 69 (1PL). They may also be directed to third person, expressing 'Let him/her/them '(exhortation 'Let's ',permission, non-interference, or the like), e.g. (3-268), (3-271). Purposives may indicate advice or the like, and they, too, may be considered as a type of imperative sentences, e.g. (3-303), (3-304). The word order in imperative sentences with a general imperative is discussed in 4.6.3.3. [2] Imperative sentences without a verb The few examples include the following. (4-1) (An example cited from a text. A man says to his wife, who has sore feet and cannot keep up with him.) ngarrban-0! yinda nganban-0! (AP) 2SG.NOM fast-NOM fast-NOM 'Fast! Fast!'

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Syntax

(4-2) ('Don't look down when you walk. Look ahead.') ngalnga yinda jili-f2J nyarrga! (AP) PROH 2SG.NOM eye-NOM down (Adv) 'Don't look down.' In (4-1), there is a strong stress on each of the two occurrences of ngariban-f2J, and phonetically, (4-1) may be considered a prototypical imperative sentence. Syntactically, (4-1) may be considered elliptical, with a verb in an impemtive form, say, yani-ya 'go, come, walk-IMP', being understood. See (4-884). (4-2) contains an expression of the whole-part relationship; the apposition of the whole and the part in the same case (4.20.5.2): '2SG.NOM and 'eye-NOM in (4-2). Literally, (4-2) may be tmnslated as 'You eyes should not [be] down'. All the examples of the negation of an imperative sentence without a verb involve ngalnga 'prohibition'. There is no example involving nyawa 'general negation'.

4.2.1.2. Interrogative sentences The interrogative prototype may be characterized as follows. (i) It is addressed to the hearer, and (ii) it seeks information from the hearer (cf. Jespersen 1924: 302). Interrogative sentences may be divided into two types (Comrie 1984): general questions (corresponding to yes-no questions of English) and special questions (corresponding to WH -questions of English). Both types of interrogative sentences genemlly contain a verb, although they do not always. [1] General questions Warrongo has two ways to form general questions: (i) rising intonation and (ii) adverb wayi 'question'. The use of a rising intonation is far more frequent than the use ofwayi. Examples of the use of a rising intonation include (3-234), (3-236), (3-293), (3294), (3-296) to (3-298). The word order of general questions with a rising intonation does not deviate from that of declamtive sentences (see 4.6.3.2). Examples of general questions involving the adverb wayi 'question' include (110-d, -e), (2-130), (3-305), (4-703), and: (4-3) wayi yinda jarribara-f2J? (AP) Q 2SG.NOM well-NOM 'Are you well?'

wayi jarribara-f2J? (AP) (4-4) yinda 2SG.NOM Q well-NOM '(As above.)'

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321

(4-5) ngaygo majowarrgi-0 wayi yinda nyaga-n? (AP) lSG.GEN friend-ACC Q 2SG.ERG see-NF 'Did you see my mate'?' The adverb wayi occurs sentence-initially most often, e.g. (1-10-d. -e), (2-130), (3-305), (4-3), (4-703), but it is also attested in the second position, e.g. (4-4), and even in the third position: (4-5). General questions involving wayi have a falling intonation - except for those in songs: (1-10-d. -e), (4-703). The stress is strongest and the pitch highest on wayi (this is irrespective of the position it occupies), and subsequently they become weaker and lower, respectively. See (2-130). It might be argued regarding (4-5) that ngaygo 'lSG.GEN' and majowa"gi-0 'friend-ACC' constitute an NP and that wayi 'Q' occupies the second position, occurring after the first constituent (ngaygo majowarrgi-0 'my friend'). However, as we shall see in 4.5.2.1.3, in Warrongo a noun and its 'modifier(s)' do not necessarily form an NP in a strict sense, and wayi 'Q' should be regarded as occupying the third (and not the second) position. The adverb wayi is also used in what appears to be a special question. See (4-11) and (4-12) below. There are a very few examples of tag questions, in which the tag question marker [ei] (tentatively phonemicized lay/) is added to the end of the sentence. They have a rising intonation. E.g .. (4-6) ('I think you are agobi ('a native doctor'; cf. 1.5.8-[7]).) jalgor-0 yinda ganba-mara gobi-nggo mojan-n, ay? (AP) flesh-ACC 2SG.ERG ago-very native.doctor-ERG eat-NF TAGQ 'You, a native doctor, ate human flesh a long time ago, didn't you?' The variety of English spoken in Queensland has tag questions that end in something like [ai], and it is possible that Warrongo tag questions with ay were formed due to influence from English. However, as noted above, these Warrongo tag questions have a rising intonation, in contrast with the English tag questions with [ai], which have a falling intonation. [2] Special questions contain an interrogative member of nouns, pronouns, adverbs, or verbs. See 3.1.1 and 3.9.2. The interrogative member tends to occur sentenceinitially, e.g. (3-13-A) (wanyja 'where'), (3-69) (ngani-wo 'what-DAT'), (3-69) (ngani-ngga 'what-LOC'), (3-TI) (ngani-wo 'what-DAT'), (3-106) (wanyo-ngo 'who-GEN'), (3-153) (wanyja 'where', wanyo-ngo-n-ji-0 'who-LINK-LINKCOM-NOM'), (3-175) ngani-ngomay-0 'what-ABL-NOM', wanyja 'where', nganimbarri-0 'how many-NOM'), (3-244) (Alec Collins' Warrongo) (wanyo-ngo 'who-GEN'), (3-299) (wanyja-nga-lgo 'where-TR-PURP'), (3-300) (ngani-nga-lgo 'what-TR-PURP'), (4-7) (!1gani-bi-n 'what-INTR-NF'), (4-27) (ngani-0 'what-

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ACC'), (4-37) (ngani-0 'what-ACC'). But it may occur in the second position (less frequently), e.g. (3-14) (first A: wanyja 'where') (3-74) (ngani-wo 'whatDAT'), (4-8) (wanyo-lo 'who-ERG'), and in the third position, e.g. (3-14) (second A: waey,ja-ngomay-0 'where-ABL-NOM), (4-9) (wanyja-rro 'where-to'). In one example the interrogative member occurs even in the fourth position: (4-10). That is, interrogative members are less frequent as we move away from the initial position. See 4.5.4.1-[3] and 4.8.5-[4] for a further discussion of the position of interrogative members. (A detailed discussion of the position ofWarrongo interrogative members is in Tsunoda 1992.) (4-7) ngani-bi-n yinda? (AP) what-INTR-NF 2SG.NOM 'What have you become?', 'What did you do?', 'What is the matter with you?', etc. (4-8)

ngoni wanyo-lo

bori-0 wajo-n? (AP)

there who-ERG fire-ACC burn-NF 'Who made a fire there?' (4-9)

ngona-0

bama-0

wanyja-rro? (AP)

that-NOM man-NOM where-to 'Where [is] that man [going] to?'

nganya mayga-lgo ngani-wo? (AP) (4-10) nyola 3SG.ERG 1SG.ACC tell-PURP what-DAT 'What will he tell me about?' In a complex sentence, an interrogative member tends to occur sentence-initially. See 4.6.4. As seen in [1] above, wayi is generally used for forming general questions. In addition, in several examples, it seems to form something like a special question, which requires not a 'yes/no' answer, but information on 'how', 'where', etc., e.g. (4-11) to (4-13). In such questions, wayi (always?) occurs in the second position. Recall that it generally occurs sentence-initially when it forms general questions. (4-11) yinda wayi? (AP) 2SG.NOM Q 'How are you feeling?', 'What are you doing?', etc. (4-12) ('My penis is not active.')

yino

wayi? (AP)

2SG.GEN Q 'How [is] yours?'

wayi yarro-ngomay-0 bama? (AP) (4-13) nyola 3SG.NOM Q this-ABL-NOM man-NOM 'Where is he, the man from here?'

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In one example, wayi occurs- rather redundantly- in a sentence that already contains an interrogative word. Here again, it occurs in the second position. (In Japanese, special questions are generally accompanied by the (sentence-final) question particle ka - rather redundantly.) (4-14) wanyja-n-da wayi barrbira-f2J wqjo-lgo? (AP) where-LINK-LOC Q echidna-ACC cook-PURP 'Where shall [I] cook the echidna?' The question adverb wayi, which forms general questions, occurs in GuguBadhun (Sutton 1973: 22), and Warluwarra of Western Queensland (Breen 1971: 259-262). It occurs in Djaru, too, but it does not form general questions. It occurs with an interrogative member (Tsunoda 1981a: 207), rather like (4-14) ofWarrongo. [3] There are at least two types of questions that deviate from the interrogative prototype. In one type, of which there is only one example, i.e. (2-129) (a special question), the question is addressed to the hearer. But the speaker probably knows the answer and he is not seeking any answer from the hearer. (This sentence has a rising intonation, and not a falling intonation.) In the other type, of which there are a fair number of examples, e.g. (3-299), (3-300), (4-14), Text 2, Lines 24, 30 (all special questions), the speaker thinks to himself, 'What shall I do ?', 'How am I going to do ?' Here the question is not addressed to any hearer at all. Furthermore, the speaker is seeking an answer, but he/she is seeking an answer from himself, and not from any hearer. (These sentences generally have a falling intonation.) [4] There is no example of negation of a question, such as 'Don't you like fish?' (a general question) and 'What didn't you shoot?' (a special question). Djaru has the adverb for negative question: wanyja and wayjarra 'why not', as in 'Why didn't you spear a kangaroo' (Tsunoda 1981a: 208). [5] Intonation in questions In Warrongo in general, it is very difficult to generalize about intonation patterns (2.9.1). This is particularly true of questions; it is difficult to decide the number of intonation patterns and the pragmatic effect of each pattern. First, general questions without wayi generally have a rising intonation (see [1] above), but there are instances that have a falling intonation. Second, generally, special questions have a falling intonation, starting with the strongest stress and the highest pitch. This applies to the examples cited above. See also (2-126-A) and (2-127-A). There are, however, deviations from this general pattern. (2-129) is an example; it has a rising (and not falling) intonation. It is not a prototypical question; the speaker probably knows the answer and he is not seeking information. This explains the deviant intonation of (2-129).

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4.2.1. 3. Exclamatory and declarative sentences Exclamatory sentences consist of either: (a) an interjection, or; (b) a noun or the like used to address someone. Interjections are listed in 4.26. Examples of (a) include Text 1, Line 11 (yowo 'OK!'), Line 68 (aa 'I see'), and Text 2, Line 34 (vowo 'OK!'). Another interjection is yagay 'Ouch!' Its second vowel is often long: [jaka:i]. As for (b). as seen in 3.7.1-[18], vowel-final kin roots can be used as address terms, e.g. (3-192), (3-194) to (3-197), but, when combined with the kin suffix -na, generally they cannot be used as address terms. All other sentences than imperative, interrogative and exclamatory sentences are declarative sentences. Many examples have already been given.

4.2.2.

Sentence types (2): affirmative and negative sentences

Negation may be achieved by the use of: (a) negative imperative, optionally accompanied by ngalnga 'prohibition' (3.10.10), or; (b) for other sentences: (b-1) nyawa 'general negation', e.g. (3-226-b), (3-241-a), (3-270), (3-286). (3-306), (3-308), (3-310), (3-332), (4-124) (first B), or; (b-2) ngalnga 'prohibition', e.g. (3-243), (3-249), (3-253), (3-269), (3-287), (3-307), (3-309), (4-2), (4-34), (4-41), (4-43).

Nyawa can be used for negation of existence or possession, as in 'There is no or 'X does not have See 4.20.6. There are also a few adverbs that have some kind of negative sense: nga"o 'in vain, unsuccessfully' (4.24-[9]), ngara 'cannot or could not do easily' (4.24-[10]), warra 'do not or did not properly' (4.24-[11]), and ngalnga 'counterfactual' (4.24[4]), i.e. 'It looks/looked as if ... , but in fact that is/was not the case' Sentences that contain one of these adverbs may be considered negative sentences. The issue of the scope of negation has not been investigated. See 4.8.5-[5] for some discussion. So far we have looked at negative sentences. All other sentences are affirmative sentences. 4.2.3.

Sentence types (3): simple and complex sentences

A simple sentence consists of just one clause. Many examples have already been given. A complex sentence consists of two (or possibly more) clauses. The following

Types of clauses 325

types of complex sentences may be recognized: (i) purposive subordination ('so that may', etc.) (4.8), (ii) subordination with the enclitic =ngomay 'after, if, because' (4.10), (iii) participial subordination ('when', etc.) (4.15), (iv) apprehensional construction ('lest ... should') (4.17), (v) 'X is afraid that ' (4.18.1), (vi) 'X is glad that ' (4.18.2), (vii) 'X knows that ' (4.18.3), (viii) 'X sees/hears Y doing (4.18.4), (ix) 'X tells/asks Y '(4.18.5), and (x) 'if/when' (4.18.6.2).

4.3. 'l)rpes of clauses Clauses may be classified as follows. (a) Intransitive and transitive clauses (4.3.1). (b) Basic and derived clauses (4.3.2). (c) One-place, two-place, and three-place clauses (4.3.3). The classifications of (a) and (c) do not coincide with each other. See 4.3.3.4-[1]. These classifications of clauses concern non-elliptical ones. However, Warrongo discourse is highly elliptical (4.1), and many examples given below are elliptical; it is often difficult to provide non-elliptical examples.

4.3.1. Clause types (1): intransitive and transitive clauses This classification - of non-elliptical clauses - is as follows. (a) Intransitive clauses: (a-1) NOM(S) Vi. (This type contains an intransitive verb.) (a-2) NOM(S) plus some other word(s). (This type is a so-called verbless clause. It lacks a verb.) (b) Transitive clauses: ERG(A) (ACC(O)) Vt. Intransitive clauses contain a NOMNP for the 'intransitive subject' ('S'). (They may contain some other words.) Some of the verbless clauses ((a-2)) may be considered elliptical with the verb understood. For example, in (4-1) and (4-2), yani-ya 'go-IMP' may be considered understood, andyani-n 'go-NF' in (4-9). However, for some other verbless clauses it is difficult to supply a verb, e.g. (4-3), (4-4), (4-11), (4-12), and they will have to be considered genuinely verbless. Unlike some Australian languages such as Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 122-123), Warrongo does not have a verb which functions as a copula verb. All the transitive clauses contain a transitive verb. They contain an ERG NP for the 'transitive subject' ('R). Most of them contain an ACC NP for the 'transitive

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object' ('0'). (They may contain some other words.) But there are (non-elliptical) transitive clauses that lack an ACC NP (0); their case frame is ERG (or ERGZERO); see 4.3.3.4-[1].

4.3.2.

Clause types (2): basic and derived clauses

Those clauses which contain a verb (i.e. (a-i) and (b) of 4.3.1) may be divided into (i) basic (or, non-derived) clauses and (ii) derived clauses. Derived clauses contain one of the following verbs. (a) An antipassive verb: surface-intmnsitive, derived from a transitive verb (4.9). (b) (i) A reflexive verb: surface-intransitive, derived from a transitive verb, or (ii) a middle verb: surface-intmnsitive, derived mainly from a transitive verb and occasionally from an intmnsitive verb (4.11). (c) A reciprocal verb: surface-intransitive, derived mainly from a transitive verb and occasionally from an intransitive verb (4.12). (d) An iterative verb: (i) mostly surface-intmnsitive, derived from an intransitive verb and occasionally from a transitive verb, but also (ii) surface-transitive, derived from a transitive verb in a few instances (4.13). (e) An applicative verb: (i) a locative verb: surface-transitive, derived from an intransitive verb, or (ii) an instrumental verb: surface-transitive, derived from a transitive verb (4.14). A derived verb genemlly corresponds to a basic (or 'underlying') verb, and may be considered as derived from the latter. (However, there are a small number of 'derived verbs' for which the 'basic' verb is difficult to set up. See 4.11.5-[1] and 4.12.5, in particular.)

4.3.3.

Clause types (3): in terms of valency

4. 3. 3.1. Introductory notes We shall look at basic clauses. The valency of derived clauses will be discussed in the sections shown in 4.3.2. Largely on notional - and not really any rigid, formal -grounds, basic clauses may be classified into three place clauses (4.3.3.2), twoplace clauses (4.3.3.3), and one-place clauses (4.3.3.4). The following case-fmmes can be recognized. (a) Three-place clauses: (a-1) Transitive clauses: ERG-ACC-DAT, ERG-ACC-GEN, ERG-ACC-LOC, ERG-ERG-ACC. (a-2) Intransitive clauses: none.

Types of clauses 327

(b) Two-place clauses: (b-1) Transitive clauses: ERG-ACC. (b-2) Intransitive clauses: NOM-DAT, NOM-GEN, NOM-LOC. (c) One-place clauses: (c-1) Transitive clauses: ERG (or ERG-ZERO). (c-2) Intransitive clauses: NOM Intransitive clauses include so-called verbless clauses ((a-2) of 4.3.1). So-called 'equational sentences' often have the form 'NOM-NOM, e.g. (3-24) to (3-26). So do sentences such as (2-135) and (2-136) (both 'I'm here'). Tentatively they are assigned to (c-2). All of the three-place clauses are transitive (i.e. they contain an ERG NP ('Pl)). Two-place clauses are of two types: transitive and intransitive. Most of the oneplace clauses are intransitive, but there are one-place clauses that are transitive, i.e. (c-1): ERG (or ERG-ZERO). Note that the transitive-vs.-intransitive dichotomy (i.e. whether a given clause contains an ergative NP ('Pl) or not) does not coincide with the classification of clauses in terms of valency. For example, there are transitive clauses that are oneplace (i.e. ERG-ZERO), while there are intransitive clauses that are two-place (i.e. (b-2): NOM-DAT, NOM-GEN, NOM-LOC).

4.3.3.2. Three-place clauses There are a fair num her of three-place verbs. [1] Goyba-L 'give' and 'throw'

Goyba-L may mean 'give' or 'throw' When it means 'give', it has the three caseframes shown in Table 4-1. (a) and (b) are each frequently used, but (c) is not. In all the examples of goyba-L 'give', the donor is human and the gift inanimate. The recipient is generally hum an, but occasionally non-hum an animate, e.g. (3-117). Table 4-1. Case frames ofgoyba-L 'give'

donor

gift

recipient

example

ACC ACC

DAT

(3-85), (3-199), ( 4-15), ( 4-16), (4-19), ( 4-20)

(b)

ERG ERG

GEN

(3-117), (3-118), (3-170), (4-17), (4-18-b), (4-19), Text 3, Line 26

(c)

ERG

ERG

ACC

(4-21) to (4-25)

(a)

Examples of (a) include the following.

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(4-15) ngaya yino-n-go goyba-lgo yarro-0. (AP) lSG.ERG 2SG-LINK-DAT give-PURP this-ACC 'I will give this to you.' (4-16) jarra-0 goyba-n goman-go. (AP) leg-ACC give-NF other-DAT '[I] gave [a kangaroo] leg to other [people].' Examples of (b) include the following. (4-17) yinda goyba-0 ngali-ngo manyja-0. (AP) 2SG.ERG give-IMP IDU-GEN food-ACC 'Give us food.' (4-18) ('We had a fight, but let's be good friends.') a. gambi-0 yino goyba-0. clothes-ACC 2SG.GEN give-IMP 'Give [me] your clothes.' b. ngaya baya--vbaya yino gambi-0 goyba-lgo lSG.ERG in.return-in.return 2SG.GEN clothes-ACC give-PURP yarro-ngomay-0. (AP) here-ABL-ACC 'I will give you [my] clothes from here in return.' Note that the genitive yino '2SG.GEN' denotes a recipient in Sentence b, but it does not in Sentence a; it describes a possessor. Examples of (a) and (b): (4-19) gaya-na-wo (or gaya-na-ngo) ngaya manyja-0 goyba-n. (AP) F-KIN-DAT ( F-KIN-GEN) ISG.ERG food-ACC give-NF 'I gave food to [my] father' (4-20) (An example cited from a text. 'Yes, I heard that.') yino ngona-0 gogo-0 goyba-n yino-n-go. (AP) 2SG.GEN that-ACC word-ACC give-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT '[He] gave that word to you', i.e. '[He] said that to you.' In (4-20), the recipient is expressed twice: by the GEN and the DAT. Semantic differences between case-frames (a) and (b), if any, are not known. At least, when the recipient is a noun, it tends to take the DAT, i.e. (a), while, when it is a pronoun, it tends to take the GEN, i.e. (b). Recall that there are very few examples of nouns in the genitive case (3.6.5). (3-117) contains a noun recipient in the genitive:jojam-ngo 'locust-GEN' There is one example in which the recipient in the DAT or the GEN would be e"-'Pected but is difficult to set up. See (4-210) (fourth H) (lit 'give a name [to a tree]).

Types of clauses 329

Examples of (c) include the following. (4-21) ngaya manyja-nggo goyba-lgo bola-nya. (AP) 1SG.ERG food-ERG give-PURP 3DU-ACC 'I will give them-two food.' (4-22) bola-nggo nganya goyba-n manyja-nggo. (AP) 3DU-ERG 1SG.ACC give-NF food-ERG 'They-two gave me food.' (4-23) goymbinba-0 manyja-nggo goyba-n. (AP) young.man-ACC food-ERG give-NF '[They] gave food to the young men.' The recipient, in the ACC, is understood in (4-24), while the gift, in the ERG, is understood in (4-25). (4-24) yarro-n-doyinda goyba-0. (AP) this-LINK-ERG 2SG.ERG give-I:tv!P 'Give [me] this [food].'

yina goyba-lgo. (AP) (4-25) ngaya 1SG.ERG 2SG.ACC give-PURP 'I will give [it] to you.' In the conteA1: in which it was uttered, (4-25) does not mean 'I will give you [to someone]' In my previous writings on Warrongo (e.g. Tsunoda 1988b), I separated the instrumental case from the ergative case. According to that analysis, the caseframe (c) in Table 4-1 will be ERG-INS-ACC. A case frame that is equivalent to (c) occurs in Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 300). This case-frame is analogous to one of the case-frames of English verbs such asfumish, present, provide, and supply, e.g. fumish a person with money. Thus far we have looked at the case frames of goyba-L 'give' When this verb means 'throw', it always(?) uses the case-frame (a), e.g. (3-82), (3-83), Text 2, Line 11. [2] Goyba-ra-L 'give out [to many]' This verb (see 3.11.1.4 for its formation) is attested with (a) and (b), but not (c), of Table 4-1. (b) is far more frequent than (a). An example of (b) is (4-26). Two of the examples involve both (a) and (b), e.g. Text 1, Line 65-d. (4-26)

ti cooked a kangaroo, and cut it up into pieces.') goyba-ra-n

ngaya jana-ngo ngamba-goman-0. (AP) give-many-NF 1SG.ERG 3PL-GEN piece-different-ACe 'I gave out various pieces to them.'

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Table 4-2. Case frames of ngonhaynga-L 'show, teach'

(a) (b)

shown-to,

show-er, teacher

what is shown. what is learnt

learner

ERG ERG

ACC DAT

DAT ACC

example (4-27), (4-28), (4-30-A, -A) (4-29), (4-319), (4-30-B, -B)

[3] Ngonbaynga-L 'show, teach' This verb (see 4.7.2-[6]-(a) for its formation) has the two case-frames shown in Table 4-2.

gambi-f2J nyola ngonbaynga-n ngaygo-n-go. (AP) (4-27) ngani-f2J what-ACC clothes-Ace 3SG.ERG show-NF 1SG-LINK-DAT 'She showed me whatsisname, [her] clothes.' (See 4.21 for ngani 'whatsisname'.)

ngonbaynga-lgo yino-n-go minga-f2J. (AP) (4-28) ngaya 1SG.ERG show-PURP 2SG-LINK-DAT vulva-ACC 'I will show you [my] vulva.' (4-29) yinda ngana-nya ngonbaynga-f2J gamo-wo. (AP) 2SG.ERG 1PL-ACC teach/show-IMP water-DAT 'Teach us about the water', or 'show us water' The following conversation, which is excerpted from a text, nicely illustrates the two case-frames. Person A did not know that a knot of a forest ti tree contains water (cf. 1.5.8-[12]), and asks Person Bas follows. (4-30) A ngaygo-n-go yinda ngonbaynga-f2J. 1SG-LINK-DAT 2SG.ERG show/teach-IMP 'Show/teach [the water] to me.' (case-frame (a)) B. ngaya yina ngonbaynga-f2J. lSG.ERG 2SG.ACC show/teach-IMP Tentative translation: 'Do you mean to say that I should show/teach [it] to you?' (case-frame (b)) A yinda ngaygo-n-go ngonbaynga-f2J. 2SG.ERG lSG-LINK-DAT show/teach-IMP 'Show/teach [it] to me.' (case-frame (a)) B. yowo, ngaya ngonbaynga-lgo yina. (AP) OK lSG.ERG show/teach-PURP 2SG.ACC 'OK, I will show/teach [it] to you.' (case-frame (b))

Typesofclauses 331

This conversation is interesting in two respects. First, the second sentence looks like an imperative sentence directed at the speaker, i.e. first person singular. Imperatives directed at the first person dual or plural mean 'Let's ',e.g. (3-265), but this is not the case with the second sentence above. What is happening here is that, in the second sentence, Speaker B repeats the first sentence (uttered by Speaker A), and the show-er/teacher NP and the shown-to/learner NP exchange their person-plus-plus-number accordingly. The inflection of the verbs (i.e. -0 general imperative- I) remains unchanged. A tentative translation for this sentence is 'Do you mean to say that I should show/teach it to you?' (3-240-B) is a similar example. Second, the case of the 'shown-to, learner' changes from the DAT, to the ACJ:;, back to the DAT, and finally to the ACC. (The NP referring to the water is understood throughout.) The pragmatic effect of this switch in discourse, if any, is not known. The following two points may be worthy of note. (i) Speaker A uses the case-frame (a) consistently, and Speaker Buses the case-frame (b) consistently. (ii) The 'shown-to, learner' is consistently in the DAT if it is first person, and it is the ACC if it is second person. There is an example that means 'show/teach someone how to', i.e. (4-274); the learner is in the ACJ:;; cf. (b) of Table 4-2.

[4]Jilbaynga-L 'let know, teach' This verb consists of the nounjilbay 'knowing' and the transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L; see 4.7.2-[1]-(a). The noun jilbay 'knowing' has the NOM-DAT case frame, e.g. (3-86) and (4-31). What is known about, is in the DAT. In the only example available, i.e. (4-32), the verbjilbaynga-L 'let know, teach' has the caseframe (b) of Table 4-2. That is, what is shown/learnt about, is again in the DAT. (4-31)

nyola

jilbay-0 gogo-wo. (TT) 3SG.NOM knowing-NOM language-DAT 'She knows the language.'

(4-32)

yinda

nyonya jilhay-nga-0 gogo-wo. (AP) 2SG.ERG 3SG.ACC knowing-TR-IMP language-DAT 'Teach her the language.'

[5] Mayga-L 'tell' This verb has the two case-frames shown in Table 4-3. (a) is often used, but (b) is used only infrequently. Examples of (a) include (4-10), which is non-elliptical. The topic (DAT) is often understood, as in (4-33). The hearer (ACC) is understood in (4-34).

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Table 4-3. Case frames of mayga-L 'tell'

(a) (b)

speaker

topic

hearer

example

ERG ERG

DAT

ACC

ACC

DAT

(4-10), (4-33), (4-34) (4-35), (4-36), (4-37)

(4-33) gorngga-do birgo-0 mayga-n. (AP) husband-ERG wife-ACC tell-NF 'The husband told [his] wife [about it].' (The root of the noun 'husband' is the 1-final gornggal. See Table 3-2.)

mayga-0 ngaygo-n-go. (AP) (4-34) ngalnga yinda PROH 2SG.ERG tell-IMP lSG-LINK-DAT 'Don't tell [other people] about me.' Examples of (b) include (4-35), which is non-elliptical. The topic (ACC) is understood in (4-36), while the hearer (DAT) is understood in (4-37). (4-35) ngaya borri-0 yino-n-go mayga-n. (AP) lSG.ERG name-ACC 2SG-LINK-DAT tell-NF 'I told the names [of plants (?)] to you.' (4-36) yinda ngaygo-n-go mayga-0. (AP) 2SG.ERG 1SG-LINK-DAT tell-IW 'Tell [it] to me.' (4-37) ngani-0 nyola mayga-n ? (AP) what-ACC 3SG:ERG tell-NF 'What did he tell [you]?'

Mayga-L 'tell' can also have the frame 'teller-ERG listener-Ace clause' (the topic is expressed by a clause which expresses reported speech). See 4.18.5-[1]. There are examples involving mayga-L 'tell' that mean 'tell someone to do', e.g. (4-241), (4-273). As seen in Table 4-2, ngonbaynga-L 'show, teach' has two case-frames, in which the case of 'what is shown, what is learnt' and that of 'shown-to, learner' are, so to speak, exchanged, between the DAT and the ACC. The same applies to the two case-frames of mayga-L 'tell'; see Table 4-3. It may be thought that sentences that contain such a verb would be confusing - particularly when one of the two NPs was understood; cf. (4-30), (4-33), (4-34), (4-36), and (4-37). However, in actual use, no such confusion is likely to occur. First, generally the context is sufficient for preventing such confusion. Second, in all the examples the 'shown-to, learner' and the 'hearer' are consistently human and 'what is shown, what is learnt' and the topic are consistently inanimate- irrespective of their case.

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333

[6] Birri-L 'send [something, someone]' This verb has the case frames of (a) and (b) of Table 4-1. Examples of (a) (therecipient is in the DAT) include (1-17), and (4-38-B). Examples of (b) (the recipient is in the GEN) include (4-38-A). (4-38) (A conversation cited from a text. Person A: 'I did not steal that woman.') A ngaygo birri-n gaya-na-lo. 1SG.GEN send-NF F-KIN-ERG '[My] father sent [her] to me.'

B. yino-n-go

birri-n? (AP)

2SG-LINK-DAT send-NF 'Did [he] send [her] to you?' [7] Manja-L 'send [something]' This verb has the case frames of (a) and (b) of Table 4-1. There are just a few examples. (4-39) is an example of (a) (the recipient is in the DAT). (4-40) and (4-978) are examples of (b) (the recipient is in the GEN). (4-39) ('Please paint a bark painting for me.')

ngaya

manja-lgo

yanga-na-wo gaya-na-wo. (AP)

1SG.ERG send-PURP M-KIN-DAT F-KIN-DAT 'I want to send [one] to [my] mother [and] father.' (4-40) yarro-0 ngaygo nyola manja-n manyja-0. (AP) this-ACC 1SG.GEN 3SG.ERG send-NF food-ACC 'He sent me this food.' (Recall that the verb root manja- 'send' and the noun manyja 'food' constitute a minimal pair; see (2-87) and the paragraph that follows.) Birri-L can mean 'send [something]' and 'send [someone]' It is not known if manja-L can mean 'send [someone]' as well.) [9] Bindaynga-L 'let [someone] go/come to a person or to a place' This verb (see 4.7.2-[6]-(b) for its formation) has only six relevant examples. It is attested with only (a) of Table 4-1; the recipient/goal is in the DAT. Examples include (3-84), (4-41), (4-42). In the relevant examples, the GEN consistently indicates a possessor, and not a recipient/goal; see ngaygo '1SG.GEN in (4-41) and yino '2SG.GEN' in (4-43). (4-41) ('My husband is a good man.')

ngab1ga ngaygo

ngaya

bindaynga-lgo warmgo-goman-go. (AP)

PROH 1SG.GEN 1SG.ERG let.go-PURP woman-other-DAT. 'I will not let my [husband] go to other women.'

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(4-42) (A conversation cited from a text. Person A: 'Don't take that woman with you. The men might kill you.' Person B: 'No.') B. ngaygo-n-go jana-nggo bindaynga-n. (AP) 1SG-LINK-DAT 3PL-ERG let.go-NF 'They let [her] come to me.' (4-43) ngalnga yimia bindaynga-lgo yino gomggal-0. (AP) PROH 2SG.ERG let.go-PURP 2SG.GEN husband-Ace 'You must not let your husband go.' [10] Goybalnga-L 'send [someone], let [someone] go' This verb (see 4.7.2-[5]-(b-2) for its formation) has only two examples. It is attested only with (a) of Table 4-1; the recipient is in the DAT. (4-44) ('I found two women.') a. yanga-na-wo ngaya goybalnga-lgo nyon.gol-0. M-KIN-DAT 1SG.ERG send-PURP one-ACC 'I will send one [of them] to [my] mother.'

b. gaya-na-wo goybalnga-lgo ngaya F-KIN-DAT send-PURP

goman-0

manyja-wo

lSG.ERG other-Ace food-DAT

wajo-gali-yaL (AP) cook-ANTIP-PURP 'I will send the other to [my] father so that [she] will cook food', or, 'I will I will send the other to [my] father to cook food.' (The second sentence contains a subordinate clause with a purposive verb 'so that may' (4.8.1). Also, the verb in the subordinate clause is an antipassive verb. This sentence is analogous to (4-262). [11] Ganyji-L 'carry, take, bring [someone/something] to a person/place'

Ganyji-L has the case frames shown in Table 4-4. A significant difference from the case frames of the verbs discussed above is that the GEN case often indicates a beneficiary or a possessor, rather than a recipient Whether the GEN form in question describes a recipient, a beneficiary or a possessor depends on the context. (The same applies to the DAT.) For example, in the conteA1: in which (4-48) was uttered, the GEN denotes a possessor, and not a recipient ('He brought my wife to me') or a beneficiary ('He took my wife for me').

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Table 4-4. Case frames of ganyji-L 'carry, take, bring'

(a)

(b) (c)

(d) (e)

(f)

carrier

person/thing carried

destination

examples

ERG

ACC

D.AT

( 4-45), Text 3, Lines 28, 32

carrier

person/thing carried

recipient

example

ERG ERG

ACC ACC

D.AT

( 4-46-a), Text 1, Line 57 (3-218), 4-47-a), (4-49-a)

carrier

person/thing carried

beneficiary

ERG ERG

ACC ACC

GEN

carrier

person/thing carried

possessor

ERG

ACC

GEN

GEN

OAT

(4-46-b), Text 1, Line 57 (3-218), (4-47-b), (4-49-b)

(4-48), (4-49-c)

(4-45) tHe has caught a possum.')

ganJ?ii-lgo

nyola

[gajarra-0 TT] yamba-wo. (AP)

carry-PURP 3SG.ERG [possum-ACC] camp-DAT 'He will carry [the possum] to the camp.' (4-46)

ti took your wife away, but:') ngaya

ganJ?ii-n yino-n-go. (AP) lSG.ERG carry-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT (a) 'I brought [her back] to you.' (b) 'I brought [her back] for you.'

ngali-ngo. (AP) (4-47) gaya-na-lo ganyji-n gajarra-0 F-KIN-ERG carry-NF possum-ACC lDU.GEN (a) '[My] father brought a possum to us.' (b) '[My] father brought a possum for us.' (4-48) CHe stole my wife.')

nyola

ganyji-n ngaygo

birgo-0. (AP)

3SG.ERG carry-NF lSG.GEN wife-ACC 'He took my wife [with him].' (4-49) tHe stole my wife, but:')

warmgo-0

ngaygo

golmi ganyji-n. (AP)

woman-ACC lSG.GEN back carry-NF (a) 'He brought the woman back to me.' (b) 'He brought the woman back for me.' (c) 'He brought my woman back.'

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[12] Boybo-L 'hide' This verb takes ERG-ACC-LOC: 'ERG hides ACC from LOC', e.g. TeA1: 1, Line 50. This case frame is unusual in that it contains the locative case. [13] Banjo-L 'ask': 'enquire' and 'request' Like the English verb ask, bary·o-L may mean 'enquire' or 'request'. (a) When banjo-L means 'enquire', ERG-ACC is attested, e.g. (4-56), (4-95), Text 1, Line 29. In addition, it may be followed by a subordinate clause ('ask X if '); see 4.18.5-[2]. When banjo-L means 'request', it seems to have the case frame 'ERG request ACC for DAT', cf. (4-50). This is in view of the example (4-124) (A: 'I will ask him.' B: 'You will ask him for what?'). (4-50) galbin-do yanga-na-0 banjon-n manyja-wo. (TT) child-ERG M-KIN-ACC ask-NF food-DAT 'The child asked [his/her] mother for food.' Furthermore, 'ERG requests ACC' can be followed by subordinate clause containing a purposive verb: 'ask X to do ' See (4-242). [14] Bi"a-L 'tell' The case frames of this verb will be discussed in 4.12.3-[3]-(c). There is a slight indication that derived verb bi"a-wa-Y 'tell, talk-RECP' may have a four-place case frame. See Table 4-39 and the comments on it. There are clauses that have 'ERG ACC ACC' (X names/calls Y Z), but they are not considered as three-place in the present work. See 4.7.2-[8].

4.3.3.3. Two-place clauses Two-place clauses are of two types: transitive and intransitive. [1] Transitive clauses: ERG-ACC They all contain a transitive verb. They all take the ERG-ACC case frame (unless they are elliptical). Non-elliptical examples include (4-6), (4-8). [2] Intransitive clauses: NOM-DAT, NOM-GEN, NOM-LOC Many of the intransitive clauses contain an intransitive verb, but others are 'verbless' clauses. NOM-DAT occurs with many intransitive verbs and also adjective-like nouns. Those intransitive verbs and adjective-like nouns which take NOM-DAT are listed in 3.6.4-[7].

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337

NOM-GEN almost always occurs with intransitive verbs, e.g. (3-121), (3-122). But it may occur with an adjective-like noun, e.g. (3-119), (3-120). (The NOM-GEN may possibly be a fast speech phenomenon. See 3.6.5-[5].) NOM-LOC occurs only with intransitive verbs that indicate fear, e.g. (3-67), (3-68), and not with adjective-like nouns.

4.3.3.4. One-place clauses [1] ERG (or ERG-ZERO) The clauses with ERG (or ERG-ZERO) are transitive (since they contain an ERG NP ('Pl), although they are one-place. The transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L (4.7.2) can be affixed to nouns and produce transitive verbs. These verbs can have a wide range of meanings, and one of them is 'to make/create [something]' In this use, these verbs take the ERG (or ERG-ZERO) case frame, without an ACC NP (unlike the tmnsitive clauses discussed in 4.3.3.3-[1]).) They already contain 'a notional object' in them, and semantically these clauses may be considered twoplace. But syntactically they are one-place. Examples follow. (4-51) (When Alf Palmer saw a cargo boat approaching a jetty at Palm Island, he said as follows.) warrjan-do jalam~jalam-nga-n. (AP) boat-ERG wave-wave-TR-NF AlfPalmer's translation: 'The boat made big waves.' (4-52) (I was a middle distance runner, and, even while carrying out fieldwork on Palm Island, I used go for a run every afternoon (see (3-290)). One day Alf Palmer saw a group of men working on road maintenance, and he said as follows.) ngoni bama-nggo yalga-nga-n yino-n-go. (AP) there man-ERG road-TR-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT 'There the men are making a road for you.'

(In this sentence, the dative indicates a beneficiary.) [2]NOM Clauses with this case frame are intransitive. Many of them contain an intransitive verb, e.g. (3-2) to (3-7). But, there are also one-place clauses that lack a verb, e.g. (4-1), (4-11), (4-13). The 'so-called nominal sentences' (Jespersen 1924: 120), such as 'equational sentences', may appear to have NOM-NOM, e.g. (4-3) and (4-4). (As mentioned in 3.1.2-[6], Warrongo does not have a copula verb. That is, these sentences/clauses contain no verb.) Dixon (1972: 71) considers the Dyirbal equivalents of (4-3) and (4-4) as consisting of one NP. Unlike Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 122-123), Warrongo

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Syntax

exhibits no syntactic evidence that they consist of two NPs (i.e. NOM-NOM). They are tentatively considered as constituting a subtype of the frame 'NOM.

4.4. Constituents of clauses Classification of the constituents of clauses is not a straightforward matter even in the case of basic clauses, and this is very difficult for derived clauses. This classification concerning derived clauses will not be attempted. Constituents of basic clauses may be classified as follows, only loosely and not rigidly. The cases employed are shown, where relevant. [1] Nucleus: verb. [2] Arguments: (a) S (NOM), 0 (ACC). (b) A (ERG). (c) Other arguments: ERG, DAT, GEN, LOC. [3] Adjuncts: ERG, DAT, LOC, GEN, ABL-2, adverbs with -ngomay 'after', and adverbs with no case marking. Needless to say, not all the constituents listed above will occur in one instance of a clause. For example, regarding [1], there are 'verbless clauses'. Also, the S (NOM) and the 0 (ACC) are incompatible, and they cannot occur in the same clause. Furthermore, recall that Warrongo discourse is highly elliptical (4.1), and one instance of clause will be unlikely to contain many constituents. See Texts 1 and 2. Constituents of clauses in the main consist of one word each. But they may consist of two or more words. Comments on [1], [2] and [3] follow. [1] The nucleus consists of a verb or two. It corresponds to the 'nucleus' of Foley and Van Valin's (1984: 77) framework. [2] 'Arguments' roughly corresponds to the 'core' of Foley and Van Valin (1984: 77). Many examples of [1] and [2] have already been given. (a) The S (NOM) and the 0 (ACC) play a central role in Warrongo syntax. Specifically, Warrongo exhibits syntactic ergativity, involving the S/0 pivot. See 4.9.4 and 4.10.3, in particular. (b) The A (ERG) does not participate in the S/0 pivot. The traditional concept of subject in effect comprised the Sand the A. i.e. S/A pivot (cf. Dixon 1979: 102), although terms such as'/>:., '0', 'S' (which were coined by (Dixon 1972: 50)) and 'pivot' (originally used by Heath (1975: 102, fn. 5, 1976: 606), and subsequently adopted by Dixon (1979: 121, 1994: 11)) were not employed.

Constituents ofclauses 339

In Warrongo syntax, the S/0 pivot plays a crucial role, as mentioned above, and the traditional concept of the subject (i.e. S/A pivot) does not seem relevant to Warrongo syntax. (c) 'Other arguments' are arguments other than the S, the A, and the 0. 'Other arguments' of three-place clauses (4.3.3.2) and two-place clauses (4.3.3.3) include the following. (c-1) Three-place clauses: ERG: (4-21) to (4-23) (gift of giving). DAT: (3-81) to (3-83) (goal); (3-85) (recipient); (4-10), (4-34) (topic); (4-15) and (4-16) (recipient); (4-27), (4-28), (4-30-A) ('shown-to', learner); (4-29), (4-32) (what is shown/learnt); (4-35), (4-36) (hearer). GEN: (3-135), (3-136), (3-170), (4-17), (4-19) (recipient). LOC: Text 1, Line 50 ('hide ACC from LOC'). (c-2) Two-place clauses: DAT: many examples are listed in 3.6.4-[7]. GEN: (3-121) ('angry with GEN'), (3-122) ('call out to GEN'). LOC: (3-67), (3-68) ('afraid of LOC'). [3] 'Adjuncts' in this classification roughly correspond to the 'periphery' of Foley and Van Valin (1984: 77). The division between [2]-(c) 'other arguments' and [3] 'adjuncts' is not clear-cut and admittedly it is perhaps arbitrary in some instances. Examples of adjuncts follow. (a) ERG: (3-35) to (3-38) (instrument). (b) LOC: (3-18) (temporal location); (3-21) (manner); (3-42) through (3-55) (location, movement, etc.); (3-56) through (3-62) (instrument, means, manner); (3-63), (3-64) (company, care); (3-65), (3-66) (cause, reason). (c) DAT: (3-70) through (3-74) (purpose); (3-75), (4-76) (beneficiary); (3-77) (cause, reason); (3-78) to (3-80) (possession, affiliation); (3-81), (3-84) (direction, destination). (d) GEN: (3-111) to (3-114), (4-52) (beneficiary). (e) ABL-2 (-(ngo)ni): (3-123), (3-124) ('out of '). (f) X-ngomay 'after that, and then', etc., e.g. (3-216). (g) Adverbs with no case-marking: (3-248) (temporal location); (4-2) (modality: prohibition); (4-3) to (4-5) (modality: question); (4-6) (temporal location); (4-8) (location); (4-9) (direction, destination); (4-11) to (4-13) (modality: question). Additional comments on adjuncts follow. Nouns and pronouns may be used as arguments (cf. [2] above) or as adjuncts. When used as adjuncts, they must take a case suffix; see (a) to (e) above. Among adverbs, those of modality ((g) above; listed in 4.24) seem to never take a case

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Syntax

suffix. (But there is one possible exception: (4-948).) Also, as noted in 3.4.3-[2], certain adverbs, e.g. garrbala 'tomorrow' (e.g. (3-248), (3-314), (4-119), TeA1: 2, Line 29), do not - and most probably cannot -take the locative case suffi.x to indicate temporal location. The ablative-1 case (-ngomay) (3.6.7) indicates starting point in space/time, origin, source, donor, material, choice ('out of). time 'after', reason/cause, etc. On semantic grounds, the ABL-1 (to be precise, nouns, etc. in the ablative-! case) may be expected to be assigned to adjuncts. However, as noted in 3.6.7, the ABL-1 modifies another noun (or a pronoun), agreeing in terms of case. In view of this, the ABL-1 is considered a modifier of a noun or pronoun, and it is not assigned to adjuncts. However, as seen in 3.8.1-[9], certain combinations of a noun and the suffix -ngomay indicate 'after [a point in time]' They do not modify any noun or pronoun, and they do not show agreement in terms of case. (They are not followed by any other non-zero case suffix.) They are classified as adverbs, and -ngomay is considered an adverb-stem-forming suffix. These words are regarded as adjuncts. See (f) above. On semantic grounds, the comitative case (3.6.8), too, might be expected to be assigned to adjuncts. It marks company, instrument, means, manner, etc. However, like the ablative-1 case, it modifies another noun or a pronoun, showing case agreement, and consequently it is considered a modifier of a noun or a pronoun, and it is not assigned to adjuncts. There are 'adjective-like' nouns that describe manner or the like, e.g. ngarroan 'fast', yoray 'quiet', yqja 'slow, for a while', and mori 'greedy, tight'. These adjective-like nouns are often conveniently translated by means of adverbs into English. However, as their examples demonstrate, they modify another noun or a pronoun, showing case agreement. When they modify the A NP (in the ergative case), they take the ergative suffi.x, e.g. (3-20), (3-40), (3-200), (3-204), (3-206). Consequently, these adjective-like nouns are considered as modifiers of another noun or a pronoun, and they are not assigned to adjuncts. However, as mentioned in 3.7.2-[3], when these adjective-like nouns are reduplicated, they are not attested with any non-zero case suffix; see (3-201), (3-207). and (3-208). They are tentatively assigned to adjuncts.

4.5.

Types of phrases

4.5.1. Introductory notes The following types of phrases may be conveniently set up for Warrongo: noun phrases (4.5.2), adverb phrases (4.5.3), and verb phrases (4.5.4). However, in the main, what are labelled 'phrases' below do not constitute a phrase in a rigid sense. The reason for this is given below. In this connection, a discussion of configura-

Types ofphrases

341

tionality (cf. Hale 1983) is in order. Configurationality may be classified as follows, although authors such as Hale (1983) do not seem to make this distinction. (a-1) Phrasal configurationality, or, configurationality at the phrase level, which concerns the constituents of a phrase, i.e. words. (a-2) Clausal configurationality, or, configurationality at the clause level, which concerns the constituents of a clause, i.e. phrases. (a-3) Sentential configurationality, or, configurationality at the sentence level, which concerns the constituent of a sentence, i.e. clauses. The following two criteria may be proposed as diagnostic tests for configurationality (again, although writers such as Hale (1983) do not seem to set up such criteria). (b-1) Contiguity of the constituents of a given construction. (b-2) Fixed relative order of the constituents.

If a given construction meets both criteria, then it is highly configurational, and if it fulfils neither of them, it is non-configurational. If it meets one of them only, then it is mildly configurational. That is, on this view, configurationality is a matter of degree. At the clause level, i.e. concerning phrases, Warrongo is entirely non-configurational; see 4.6.3.2 and 4.6.3.3. At the sentence level, i.e. regarding clauses, it is partly configurational, and partly non-configurational. See 4.6.4 and 4.20.7, in particular. At the phrase level, i.e. concerning words, in Warrongo, generally the constituents of a 'phrase' are not always contiguous with each other, and they may occur separately. Their relative order is not fixed. That is, Warrongo is in the main nonconfigurational at the phrase level. There are, however, a small number of exceptions. In some of the noun phrases (4.5.2.2.2 and 4.5.2.2.6) and some of the verb phrases (4.5.4.2-[2]), the constituents are contiguous with each other and they are rigidly ordered. Consequently, they may be considered as phrases in a rigid sense. Warrongo is configurational as far as these noun phrases and verb phrases are concerned. But it is non-configurational elsewhere, i.e. in terms of other phrases and also at the clause level and the sentence level.

4.5.2. Noun phrases Noun phrases ('NPs') can be divided into two types: (i) non-configurational NPs (4.5.2.1), and (ii) configurational NPs (4.5.2.2). The former do not constitute NPs in a rigid sense, while the latter do (to varying degrees). The former are common,

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Syntax

while the latter are exceptional. The modifier in the latter is generally a personal pronoun in the genitive. (Warrongo differs from languages such as English and Japanese in that non-configurational NPs, rather than configurational NPs, are the norm or common.)

4.5.2.1.

Non-configurationalNPs

4.5.2.1.1. Constituents ofnon-configurational NPs A non-configurational NP appears to be able to consist of almost any one or more of the following: (i) a 'noun proper' (e.g. bama 'man'), (ii) an adjective-like noun (e.g. jarribara 'good', (iii) an interrogative member of noun (e.g. ngani 'what'), (iv) a pronoun, (v) the interrogative member of pronoun (wanyo 'who'), and (vi) a demonstrative member of adverb (e.g. yarro 'this, here'). However, there is no example in which all of them occur in one NP. Also, ngani 'what' seems unlikely to co-occur with a pronoun and/or with wanyo 'who'. Non-configurational NPs exhibit the following two properties. (a) The constituents of an NP are individually case-marked, and they agree in terms of case. (b) Any one member can stand alone as an NP. Examples of (b) include the following: (i) a noun proper, e.g. (4-52) (bama-nggo 'man-ERG'), (ii) an adjective-like noun, e.g. (3-228) (yangabara-nggo 'talL longERG', jangarago-0 'small-ACC', jangarago-nggo 'small-ERG', yangabara-0 'tall, long-ACC'), (iii) an interrogative member of noun, e.g. (4-37) (ngani-0 'whatACC'), (iv) a pronoun, e.g. (4-36) (yinda '2SG.ERG'), (v) the interrogative member of pronoun, e.g. (4-8) (wanyo-lo 'who-ERG'), and (vi) a demonstrative member of adverb, e.g. (4-24) (yarro-n-do 'this, here-ERG'). Examples ofNP consisting of two or more members are given in 4.5.2.1.2 and 4.5.2.1.3. A noun and/or a pronoun in the genitive, too, can occur in NPs. But they lack the two properties above; this will be discussed in 4.5.2.2.1.

4.5.2.1.2. Types ofnon-configurational NPs On semantic grounds, NPs consisting of two (or possibly more) members can be classified into the following types. [1] Modification: A modifies B. [2] Inclusion: A includes B. [3] Apposition: A, namely B.

Types ofphrases 343

[4] Co-ordination: A and B. [5] Whole-part relationship: this will be discussed in 4.20.5. There is no example of the type 'A orB'. Warrongo has no conjunction that will be equivalent to the English and or or. Examples and comments follow. [1] 'Modification', e.g.. (4-53) ngali-0 nyina-ya jarribara-ngga yamba-ngga. IDU-NOM sit-IJ\1P good-LOC camp-LOC 'Let's sit down in the good camp.' (AP) Many additional examples are in 4.5.2.1.3. [2] 'Inclusion' is shown by the combination of (i) a dual or plural pronoun and (ii) pronoun/noun(s) that indicates a subset of the group referred to by the dual or plural pronoun. Examples include (4-112) (ngaya ngali-0 '1SG.ERG 2SG.ERG'), (4-495) (ngali-0 majowarrgi-0 'lDU-NOM friend-NOM'), (4-496) (bola-0 birgoyi-0 '3DU-NOM wife-COM-NOM), Text 1, Line 35 ('3PL-NOM, including the water rat, the kangaroo rat, '), and: (4-54) ngali-0 yinda majowarrgi-0. (AP) IDU-NOM 2SG.NOM friend-NOM 'We-two, including you, are mates', i.e. 'You and I are mates.'

yinda baba-0. (AP) (4-55) ngali-0 IDU-ERG 2SG.ERG stab-IJ\1P 'Let's stab [him].' (4-56) ngali-nya yina banjo-n. (AP) lDU-ACC 2SG.ACC ask-NF '[They] asked us-two, including you.' (4-57) (An example cited from a text. A: 'Will she be your (SG) wife?') B. ngali-ngo yino birgo-0. (AP) IDU-GEN 2SG.GEN wife-NOM Lit 'She [is] the wife of us-two, including you', i.e. 'She is your wife and my wife.')

ngana-nya nyaga-n. (AP) (4-58) yina 2SG.ACC 1PL-ACC see-NF '[They] saw us, including you.'

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(4-59) ('You and that man had a fight.')

ngona-0 gonda---gonda ngona-n-da

baba-wa-n

yobala-0. (AP)

that-NOM night-night there-LINK-LOC spear-RECP-NF 2DU-NOM 'You-two, including that [man], speared each other there the day before.' (See 3.8.2-[2] for gonda~gonda 'the day before'.)

bola-0 yani-0. (AP) (4-60) nyola 3SG.NOM 3DU.NOM go-NF 'They-two, including him, went.' galnga-na-0 jana-0 yani-0. (AP) (4-61) jowa-na-0 nephew-KIN-NOM MB-KIN-NOM 3PL-NOM go-NF 'They, including [my] nephew and uncle, went.' NPs of 'Inclusion' are common in the NOM (for the S), e.g. (4-54), (4-59) to (4-61). But they are attested in the ERG (for the A), e.g. (4-55), the ACC (for the 0), e.g. (4-56), (4-58), and the GEN, e.g. (4-57). Presumably they can be used in other cases, too. The pronoun that 'includes' a given subset is attested in the first person, e.g. (4-54) to (4-58), the second person, e.g. (4-59), and the third person, e.g. (4-60), (4-61). Probably the most frequently attested combination is the one that contains 'IDU including 2SG', e.g. (4-54) to (4-56). The function of this inclusion seems to be the clarification of the subset. Thus, in (4-61), the inclusion ofjowa-na-0 and galnga-na-0 specifies a subset of 'they' Similarly, the inclusion of nyola in (4-60) presumably makes it clear that 'he', too, went. This inclusion has an interesting side effect. As noted in 3.1.2-[2], pronouns in Warrongo do not have the opposition of 'inclusive-vs.-exclusive'. However, ngali-0 yinda 'IDU-NOM 2SG.NOM' in (4-54), for example, would be able to function as an 'inclusive' form, i.e. 'you and I', as against the putative 'exclusive' ngali nyola 'IDU.NOM 3SG.NOM, 'we-two, including him/her', i.e. 'he/she and I' (Unfortunately, there is no example of ngali nyola, although it is no doubt grammatical.) Similarly for (4-58); it would contrast with, for instance, the putative nyonya ngana-nya '3SG.ACC 1PL-ACC', 'us all, including him/her' (Again, there is no example of this, although it is no doubt grammatical.)

[3] Examples of 'Apposition' include (3-39) (ngaya galbin-do '1SG.ERG childERG'), (4-6) (yinda gobi-nggo '2SG.ERG native. doctor-ERG'), and Text 3, Line 2 (vinda galbin-0 '2SG.NOM child-NOM'). As seen in 3.1.2-[1], with pronouns, the NOM and the ERG forms are generally identical, in contrast with nouns, which have a distinct ERG suffix (Table 3-1). For example, yinda may be either '2SG.NOM' or '2SG.ERG' In (4-6), yinda is in the RRG (and not the NOM). It agrees with gobi-nggo in terms of case. Similarly for (3-39).

Types ofphrases 345

[4] Examples of 'Co-ordination' include (3-64) (gaya-na-ngga yanga-na-ngga 'F-KIN-LOC M-KIN-LOC'), (3-85) (nyongo-n-go ngaygo-n-go '3SG-LINK-DAT 1SG-LINK-DAT'), (3-92) (jowa-na-r2J galnga-na-r2J 'nephew-KIN-NOM uncleKIN-NOM'), (3-181) (bamgan-ji-f2J jondol-ji-r2J yori-yi-f2J 'kangaroo.rat-COM-NOM pademelon-COM-NOM kangaroo-COM-NOM'), (3-218) (worriba-f2J gajarra-fJ 'bee-ACC possum-ACC'), (4-39) (yanga-na-wo gaya-na-wo 'M-KIN-DAT F-KIN-DAT', and (4-62) (nyongo ngaygo). Recall that Warrongo lacks a conjunction for 'and'. (4-62) ngali-r2J wam1go-yi-f2J, nyongo ngaygo. (AP) lDU-NOM woman-COM-NOM 3SG.GEN 1SG.GEN 'We [are] with women (or, we have women). His [and] mine.' Languages such as Djaru have NPs which consist of a generic noun and a specific noun. Examples from Djaru include guyujaji 'game kangaroo', i.e. 'kangaroo' (Tsunoda 1981a: 93). No such examples are found in my Warrongo data. Nonetheless, there are examples in which one noun specifies the type of the other noun, e.g. (4-805) (jomoboro-f2J jalgor-f2J 'cattle-ACC meat-ACC', i.e. 'beef') and also (4-804) (goyjarri-f2J bambo-f2J 'scrub.turkey-ACC egg-ACC', i.e. 'scrub turkey egg'), and (4-808) (gobonbara-f2J mangga-f2J 'palm sp.-ACC flower-ACC', i.e. 'gobonbara flower'). [5] There are NPs that consist of a proper noun and a common noun (cf. Greenberg [1963] 1978: 89-90, 112). There are at least six examples. Four of them involve yamba 'camp, place, country' for the 'common noun', and the 'proper noun' is a placename, e.g. (4-63) to (4-65). The fifth example, i.e. (4-66), involves bama 'man' for the 'common noun', and the 'proper noun' is a noun referring to a group of denizens of a place (yimon-barra 'Yimon-denizen'). (The location of Yimon is not known for certain.) In the sixth example, i.e. (4-208-b), the common noun is warrngo 'woman' and the 'proper noun' is gambil-barra 'westerner' In all of these examples, the 'proper noun' precedes - and immediately precedes -the 'common noun', except for (4-65-b) (the 'common noun' yamba 'place, camp' precedes). Furthermore, they agree in terms of case: the LOC, the NOM or the ACC. (4-63) ('We were travelling.') ngali-f2J

banda-n

gamanda-ja

yamba-ngga. (AP)

lDU-NOM emerge-NF Midway.Creek-LOC camp,place-LOC 'We came out to Midway Creek, to the camp', i.e. 'to the camp of Midway Creek.' (Gamanday is a place near Abergowrie. See Map 3 for the location of Abergowrie. In the locative gamanda-ja, the stem-finaly is deleted; see Table 3-2.)

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(4-64) ('The stockmen will take the cattle to Townsville.')

ngoni-n-da

golbila

balga-lgo jana-f2J

gabilgaba-ngga

there-LINK-LOC in.south kill-PURP 3PL-ERG Townsville-LOC

yamba-ngga. (AP) camp-LOC 'They will kill [the cattle] in the south, in Townsville, in the place/camp', i.e. 'in the place of Townsville'.

(Gabilgaba-nggayamba-ngga may be translated as 'in the city of Townsville'. See 1.5.4.1-[2]-(a) for the etymology of gabilgaba.) (4-65) (This example is cited from the myth about banggarra 'blue tongue lizard'. One of the names of the place where Blue Tongue Lizard hid the water (English name: Cameron Creek) is Banggarra (1.5.4.3-[1].) a. ngoni=wa banggarra-f2J I there=FOC Cameron.Creek-NOM 'Banggarra [is] right there.'

b. yamba-f2J banggarra-f2J. (AP) camp,place-NOM Cameron.Creek-NOM 'The camp ofBanggarra.' (The enclitic =wa seems to indicate focus. See 4.25-[6].) (4-66) ('I left a place called Yimon.')

yimon-da

ngaya

wanda-n yimon-barra-f2J

bama-f2J. (AP)

Yimon-LOC ISG.ERG leave-NF Yimon-denizen-ACC man-ACC 'I left the Yimon people at Yimon.' (Here, bama seems to refer to the people there, and not just the men there.) [6] This does not really concern an NP, but there is one example in which a repetition of a numeral (a subtype of noun) indicates 'each'. (There is an adverb nyon. gol-nyon.gol 'one-one', i.e. 'one by one, one for each, one after another' (3.8.2-[2D.) (4-67) ('You have cooked possums.') a. bolari-f2J bolari-f2J goyba-f2J. two-ACC two-ACC give-IMP 'Give [us] two [possums] each.'

b. ngali-f2J

bolari-f2J. (AP)

IDU-NOM two-NOM 'We [are] two.'

Types ofphrases 341

4.5.2.1.3. Order of the constituents ofnon-configurational NPs As mentioned in 4.5.2.1.1, a non-configurational NP appears to be able to consist of almost (though not quite) any one or more of (i) a noun proper ('N'), (ii) an adjective-like noun ('Adj'), (iii) an interrogative member of noun, (iv) a pronoun, (v) the interrogative member of pronoun, and (vi) a demonstrative member of adverb ('Dem '). In typological studies of the order of the constituents of noun phrases, it is a usual practice to include numeral and genitive (Greenberg 1978: 107-110). In view of this, numeral ('Num') and genitive ('Gen') will be included in the following discussion. (In the present study, numerals are classified as a subtype of nouns; see 3.1.2-[3]. In the examples given below, the genitive form almost always involves a pronoun, and not a noun. As seen in 3.6.5, the genitive case is rarely attested with nouns.) It is also a common practice in typological studies to include statistical information (e.g. Greenberg 1978, Hawkins 1983), and in view of this the following discussion will contain statistical data. The data are based on about one hour's texts (Tapes 72/32 and 72/33), which constitute about one sixth of the Warrongo texts I recorded. As mentioned above, there is no example of NP in which all the types of constituents listed above occur. The longest NP attested (in Tapes 72/32 and 72/33) is in (4-68); it consists of five constituents, i.e. the head noun and four modifiers. The ex. (4-69) contains an example ofNP that consists of four constituents, i.e. the head noun and three modifiers. Text 2, Line 31 contains another example. (4-68)

ngalnga yinda

bindaynga-lgo yino

gomggal-flJ

ngona-0

PROH

2SG.ERG let.go-PURP 2SG.GEN husband-ACC that-ACC nyon.gol-0 jarribara-0. (AP) one-ACC good-ACC 'Don't let that one good husband of yours go.' (4-69)

wowo, ngaygo

ya"o-0 jarribara-0 wobim-0

ngaya

Oh!

1SG.GEN this-ACC good-ACC English.bee-ACC lSG.ERG baja-lgo. (AP) bite-PURP 'Oh! I will bite [i.e. eat] this nice English bee of mine.' The order of the constituents of the NP is 'Gen N Dem Num Adj' in (4-68), 'Gen Dem Adj N' in (4-69), and 'Dem Gen Num N' in Text 2, Line 31. As can be seen, the relative order of NP constituents is not fixed, and it is difficult to generalize about it. This is in sharp contrast, say, with English, where their relative order is fixed, e.g. these three big books ofmine. In this respect, Warrongo deviates from Greenberg's (1978: 111) Universal 20: 'When any or all of the items - demonstrative, numeral, and descriptive adjective -precede the noun, they are always found in that order. If they follow, the order is the same or its exact opposite'

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Among the instances of NPs (in Tapes 72132 and 72/33) in which a noun is accompanied by two or more modifiers, the five most frequent orders and their examples are as follows. (a) Adj Dem N: 5 examples, cf. (4-70)

(b) N Dem Adj: 4 examples, e.g. (4-658) (bori-0 ngona-0 gagal-0 'fire-Ace thatAce big-Ace') (c) Dem N Adj: 4 examples, e.g. (4-990-a) (yarro-wo yamba-wo jarribara-wo 'this-DAT camp-DAT good-DAT) (d) Dem N Gen: 3 examples, e.g. (4-71) (e) Dem Gen N: 3 examples, e.g. (4-72) (4-70) (Two people were travelling. They found a nice hollow in the ground to have a rest.) jarribara-0 yarro-0 banggo-0 (AP) good-NOM this-NOM hollow-NOM 'this nice hollow' (4-71) (Someone caught a possum, and he was advised not to leave it on the ground. He replied as follows.)

yowo, gando-nggo baja-lga

yarro-0 gajarra-0

ngali-ngo. (AP)

yes dog-ERG bite-APPR this-ACC possum-Ace 1DU-GEN 'OK[, I won't]. A dog might bite [i.e. eat] this possum of ours.' (4-72) yarro-0 ngaygo gqjarra-0 baja-lga. (AP) this-Ace 1SG.GEN possum-ACC bite-APPR '[The dog] might bite [i.e. eat] this possum of mine.' In perhaps the majority of the examples, the head noun and its modifiers are contiguous, as shown in the examples above. However, they are not always contiguous, and they may occur separately, as shown below. As alluded to above, instances of NPs that contain two or more modifiers in addition to the head noun, are not numerous. In the following, we shall look at NPs that contain one modifier in addition to the head noun. [1] The head noun and an adjective-like noun as the modifier They are contiguous in (4-73), (4-74), but discontiguous in (4-75), (4-76).

ngaya jarribara-0 gona-0. (AP) (4-73) yowo, baja-lgo OK bite-PURP 1SG.ERG good-ACC young.bee-ACC 'OK, I will bite [i.e. eat] nice young bees.' (4-74) ngalnga bonggorray-0 gagabara-0 goyba-lgo. (AP) PROH snore-Ace big-ACC throw-PURP 'Don't throw a big snore', i.e. 'Don't snore loudly.'

Types ofphrases 349

(4-75) yinda gagal-0 wajo-ya bori-0. (AP) 2SG.ERG big-ACC burn-IMP fire-ACC 'Make a big fire.' (4-76) gajarra-0 nyola ganyji-n goman-0. (AP) possum-Ace 3SG.ERG carry-NF another-ACC 'She carried [i.e. brought] another possum.' [2] The head noun and a demonstrative as the modifier They are contiguous in (4-77), (4-78), but discontiguous in (4-79), (4-80).

(4-77) ngali-0 yani-yal yarro-ngomay-0 jolgi-ngomay-0. (AP) lDU-NOM go-PURP this-ABL-NOM scrub-ABL-NOM 'We will go [away] from this scrub.'

yarro-0 nyina-n. (AP) (4-78) yori-0 kangaroo-NOM this,here-NOM sit-NF 'This kangaroo is squatting.' (4-79) yarro-wo yinda yamba-wo? (AP) this-DAT 2SG.NOM camp-DAT '[Do] you [belong] to this camp?' (4-80) yamba-0 ngaya wanda-n ngona-0. (AP) camp-ACC lSG.ERG leave-NF that-ACC 'I left that camp.' (In (4-80), ngona 'that, there' may be taken to describe a place: 'I left the camp there' See 3.4.3-[1].) [3] The head noun and a genitive form They are contiguous in (4-81), (4-82), but they are discontinuous in (4-83), (4-84). (4-81) ngaygo banggay-0 ngoni yamba-ngga ngaya wanda-n. (AP) lSG.GEN spear-ACC there camp-LOC lSG.ERG leave-NF 'I left my spear there in the camp.' (4-82) ngaya gombo-0 nyongo moga-n. (AP) 1SG.ERG buttocks-ACC 3SG.GEN grab-NF 'I grabbed her buttocks.'

wanyja birgo-0? (AP) (4-83) yino 2SG.GEN where wife-NOM 'Where [is] your wife?' (4-84) yamba-0 gonggarri wanda-0 ngali-ngo! (AP) camp-ACC in.north leave-IMP lDU-GEN 'Let's leave our camp in the north.'

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Syntax

[4] The head noun and a numeral They are contiguous in (4-85), but they are discontinuous in (4-86), (4-87).

nyon.gol-go! (AP) (4-85) yani-ya gajarra-wo go-IMP possum-DAT one-DAT 'Go for [i.e. to get] one possum.' nyaga-n gajarra-0. (AP) (4-86) nyon.gol-0 ngaya one-ACC 1SG.ERG see-NF possum-ACC 'I saw [i.e. found] one possum.' (4-87) bambo-0 jaymba-n nyon.gol-0. (AP) egg-ACC find-NF one-ACC '[I] found one egg.' Although the number of relevant examples is limited, it may be worthwhile

to mention that, among the modifiers of nouns, the numeral appears to behave slightly differently from other modifiers - i.e. adjective-like noun, demonstrative, and genitive - in the following three respects. (The following account includes those NPs which contain two or more modifiers in addition to the head noun.) (a) The numeral follows the head noun more frequently than it precedes. (b) When the numeral precedes, it is discontiguous with the head noun in all the relevant examples. (c) When the numeral follows, it is more often discontiguous with the head noun than it is contiguous with it. A detailed account follows. (a) The numeral follows the head noun more frequently than it precedes, in contrast with the adjective-like noun, demonstrative and genitive, which precede more frequently than they follow. (This tendency is interesting in that it deviates from Greenberg's (1978: 86, 111) Universal18: 'When the descriptive adjective precedes the noun, the demonstrative and the numeral, with overwhelmingly more than chance frequency, do likewise'.) Relevant statistical data follow. The numeral precedes in 2 examples (9%), e.g. (4-86), but it follows in 9 examples (91%), e.g. (4-68), (4-85), (4-87). In contrast, the adjective-like noun precedes in 53 examples (60%), e.g. (4-69), (4-70), (4-73), (4-75), but follows in 36 examples (40%), e.g. (4-68), (474). (4-76), (4-658), (4-990-a). The demonstrative precedes in 79 examples (72%), e.g. (4-69) to (4-72), (4-77), (4-79), (4-990-a), but follows in 30 examples (28%), e.g. (4-68), (4-78), (4-80), (4-658). The genitive precedes in 54 examples (59%), e.g. (468), (4-69), (4-81), (4-83), but follows in 37 examples (41%), e.g. (4-82), (4-84). (b) As just mentioned, the numeral follows the head noun more frequently than it precedes. When it precedes, it is discontiguous with the head noun in all the relevant examples. In contrast, the adjective noun, demonstrative and genitive are attested

Types ofphrases 351

in the position immediately preceding the head noun, e.g. (4-69) (adjective-like noun), (4-71) (demonstrative), and (4-81) (genitive). (c) When the numeral follows, it is more often discontiguous with the head noun (and other rnember(s) of the NP, if any) (5 examples), e.g. (4-69), (4-87), than it is contiguous with it (3 examples), e.g. (4-85). No such tendency was observed with genitive, demonstrative, and adjective-like noun. Warrongo seems unusual in that the numeral behaves differently from the adjective-like noun, demonstrative, and genitive. Cf. Greenberg's Universal 18. No such language seems to be reported by typological studies of word order such as Greenberg (1978) and Hawkins (1983). There are compound nouns (3.7.3-[1]) and compound adverbs (3.8.3-[1]) that consist of (i) a noun proper and (ii) an adjective-like noun or a numeral. In terms of (a) and (b), numerals behave differently from adjective-like nouns. However, in these compound words, a numeral follows just as an adjective-like noun does. Examples involving an adjective-like noun include bama-goman 'man-another' (a noun) and woga-goman 'asleep-another', i.e. 'on the next day or night' (an adverb). Examples involving a numeral includejolay-nyon.gol 'tree-one', i.e. 'One Tree Plain' (a noun) and woga-bolari 'asleep-two', i.e. 'for two nights' and gonda-gorrbara 'night-three', i.e. 'for three nights' (adverbs).

4.5.2.1.4. Additional remarks on non-configurational NPs [1] 'Adjective' as a subtype of noun Morphologically, adjective-like nouns decline like other nouns (Table 3-2). Syntactically, an adjective-like noun can stand alone as an NP (like a noun proper, an interrogative member of noun, a pronoun, the interrogative member of pronoun, and a demonstrative member of adverb) (4.5.2.1.1). Examples ofNPs consisting of an adjective-like noun alone include (3-228) and (4-16) (goman-go 'other-DAT'). Therefore, there are no morphological or syntactic grounds for separating 'adjectives' from nouns in Warrongo. Consequently, adjective-like nouns are considered as a subtype of nouns (3.1.2-[3]). [2] 'Unusual' NPs In the examples examined in 4.5.2.1.3, the head noun is modified by an adjectivelike noun, demonstrative, numeral and/or genitive. There are, however, instances ofNP in which the head noun co-occurs with some other type ofNP mernber(s). For example, an NP may contain an interrogative member of noun or pronoun as well as the head noun, e.g.: (4-88) wanyo bama-0 yani-0? (AP) who-NOM man-NOM corne-NF Lit. 'Who man is corning?', i.e. 'Who is the man that is corning?'

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Syntax

Also, an NP may contain an adjective-like noun as well as a pronoun. (4-89) goyi-nggo ngaya wqjo-n. (AP) hungry-ERG 1SG.ERG cook-NF 'I, [a] hungry [person], cooked [food].'

jangarago-0 yarro-n-da (4-90) ganba-mara ngaya before-very lSG.NOM small-NOM this,here-LINK-LOC waymba-garra-n. (AP) walk.about-ITER-NF 'A very long time ago I, [a] little [child], walked around in this place'. (4-91) (A woman is going to bathe in a creek, and her husband says to her as follows.) nyaga-lga bama-nggo yina balgoro-0. (AP) see-APPR man-ERG 2SG.ACC naked-ACC '[Some] men might see you, [a] naked [person].'

An NP may contain a pronoun and a demonstrative member of adverb.

nyola wola-n. (AP) (4-92) yarro-0 here,this-NOM 3SG.NOM die-NF 'This [person], he died.' In each of (4-89) to (4-92), the adjective-like noun or the demonstrative may be considered to be in apposition with the pronoun (agreeing in terms of case), as alluded to by the English translations given above. Note in particular that, in (4-89), ngaya '1SG.ERG' agrees withgoyi-nggo 'hungry-ERG' in terms of case- as is the case with (4-6)- despite the fact that it does not have a distinct ERG suffix. But the adjective-like noun or the demonstrative may also be considered to be modifying the pronoun. Then, an English translation, say, for (4-89), will be something like 'Hungry I cooked [some food]' (Such expressions, which involve a pronoun modified by an adjective', are common in Japanese.) There is another possibility. That is, in (4-92), for instance, yarro-0 does not constitute an NP with nyola, and, this sentence means 'He died here'. See 3.4.3-[1]. The NPs that have been discussed so far are non-configurational, for they fail to meet either of the criterion (b-1) 'contiguity of the constituents' and (b-2) 'fixed relative order of the constituents' (see 4.5.1).

4.5.2.2. Configurational NPs There are four types of configurational NPs. The modifier is generally a personal pronoun in the genitive, and it is first necessary to describe the behaviour of the genitive in NPs.

Types ofphrases 353

4.5.2.2.1. Genitive in NPs As stated in 4.5.2.1.1, in non-configurational NPs, (a) the constituents of an NP are individually case-marked, agreeing in terms of case, and (b) any one member can stand alone as an NP. The genitive is an exception to these two generalizations. In Australian languages such as Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 105) and Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 66), genitive forms may take an additional, non-zero case suffix and agree with the noun they modify, in terms of case. In contrast, in Warrongo, generally genitive forms do not take an additional case suffix (apart from the exceptions discussed below), and consequently they do not show the case agreement in question. That is, the genitive is an exception to the generalization of (a). For example, regarding the ergative case, sentences such as (4-93) are not attested, and they are almost certainly ungrammatical. Sentences such as (4-94) and (4-95) are used instead; note that ngaygo lacks the ergative suffix. Examples concerning the locative include (4-96). Note that ngaygo 'lSG.GEN' lacks the locative case. An example involving the dative case is (4-97). Note that ngaygo 'lSG.GEN' lacks the dative case.

(4-93) *ngaygo-nggo gando-nggo gamo-0 bija-n. (TT) lSG.GEN-ERG dog-ERG water-ACC drink-NF Intended meaning: 'My dog drank water.' (4-94) ngaygo gando-nggo gamo-0 btja-n. (TT) lSG.GEN dog-ERG water-ACC drink-NF 'My dog drank water.'

nyola ngaygo warrngo-nggo banjo-n. (AP) (4-95) nganya lSG.ACC 3SG.ERG lSG.GEN woman-ERG ask-NF 'She, my woman (i.e. wife), asked me.' (4-96) ngaygo yamba-ngga wanda-lgo ngoni-n-da. (AP) yina. (AP) lSG.GEN camp-LOC leave-PURP there-LINK-LOC 2SG.ACC '[I] will leave you there, in my camp.'

golmi yani-0 ngaygo yamba-wo. (AP) (4-97) ngaya lSG.NOM back go-NF lSG.GEN camp-DAT 'I went back to my camp.' A genitive form with no additional case suffix occurs by itself as the S, e.g. (498), or as the 0. (4-98) ngaygo yarro-wo yani-0. (TT) lSG.GEN here-DAT come-NF 'My [e.g. friend, dog] came here.' However, a genitive form by itself cannot occur as the A If gando-nggo is deleted from (4-94), we will obtain (4-99).

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Syntax

(4-99) ngaygo gamo-0 bi.fa-n. (TT) lSG.GEN water-ACC drink-NF '[Someone] drank my water.' That is, (4-99) no longer means 'My [e.g. dog] drank water' That is, once gandonggo 'dog-ERG' is deleted from (4-94), ngaygo '1SG.GEN' no longer modifies the A The same applies to (4-96) (the locative) and (4-97) (the dative). Compare (4-96) with (4-100), and (4-97) with (4-101). Probably (4-100) makes sense. But it is not known if (4-101) makes sense. Literal and tentative translations are provided. (4-100) ngaygo wanda-lgo ngoni-n-da yina. (TT) lSG.GEN leave-PURP there-LINK-LOC 2SG.ACC '[I] will leave you, [who are] mine, there.' (4-101) ngaya golmi yani-0 ngaygo. (TT) 1SG.NOM back go-NF 1SG.GEN 'I, [who am] mine, went back.' The difference between (i) (4-95) to (4-97) and (ii) (4-99) to (4-101) show that the genitive is an exception to the generalization of (b) that any one member can stand alone as an NP. Configurational NPs are exceptional in a number of respects. In particular, the genitive form does, or, may, occur in all of them, and it takes an additional, nonzero case suffix. To sum up, in Warrongo in general, the genitive is exceptional in that it generally does not take an additional, non-zero case suffix, unlike other mem hers of NPs. However, the genitive in configurational NPs is exceptional among the various uses of the genitive in that it takes an additional, non-zero case suffix. The four types of configurational NPs are discussed below.

4.5.2.2.2. 'One's camp' (1} The genitive forms of the three singular pronouns (though not of non-singulars) are attested with an additional case suffix. The attested cases are the LOC and the DAT; there is no example of any other non-zero case. See Table 4-5. (The form in parentheses, followed by '(TT)', has been made up by me, but it was not checked by AlfPalrner. It is probably acceptable, although this is not definitely certain.) Table 4-5. Locative and dative of genitive singular pronouns

ngaygo 'lSG.GEN' yino '2SG.GEN' nyorzgo '3SG.GEN'

LOC

DAT

ngaygo-ngga yino-ngga (nyorzgo-ngga (TI))

ngaygo-wo yino-wo nyongo-wo

Types ofphrases 355

In the examples available, the genitive form (of a singular pronoun) always modifies a noun, and it does not occur by itself. It agrees with the noun in terms of case, in the LOC or the DAT. In all the examples, the noun is yamba 'camp, house, place, country' No other noun is attested. The genitive form is always contiguous with the noun yamba 'camp'. Furthermore, it immediately precedes. That is, their relative order is fixed. Therefore, in terms of both the contiguity and the fixed order of the constituents (4.5.1-(b-1), -(b-2)), these NPs are configurational.

(4-102) yarro-n-da n:yina-yal yinda ngaygo-ngga yamba-ngga. (AP) here,this-LINK-LOC sit-PURP 2SG.NOM lSG.GEN-LOC camp-LOC 'You will sit inhere, in this camp' (or, 'in this camp of mine'). (4-103) ngona-ngomay golmi yani-0 ngaygo-wo yamba-wo. (AP) that-after back go-NF lSG.GEN-DAT camp-DAT 'After that [I] went back to my camp.' (4-104) CShe is your woman. Don't let her go.') yinda mori-nga-0 ngoni-n-da yino-ngga 2SG.ERG greedy,tight-TR-IMP there-LINK-LOC 2SG.GEN-LOC yamba-ngga. (AP) camp-LOC 'Keep [her] to yourself there, in your camp.' (See (4-144) in connection with mori-nga-L 'greedy, tight-TR'.) (4-105) waybala-0 gonggarri-ngal yani-0 nyongo-wo yamba-wo. (AP) white.man-NOM north-to go-NF 3SG.GEN-DAT camp-DAT 'The white man went north, to his camp.'

4.5.2.2.3. 'One's camp' (2) See Table 4-6. Only the LOC and the DAT forms are attested, and no other case is attested, as is the case with Table 4-5. Also, only si.x forms are attested. In Table 4-5, singular pronouns are attested, but non-singulars are not. In contrast, in Table 4-6, two plural pronouns are attested- i.e. second person plural yorra-yi-d-go and the first person pluralngana-ngo-n-ji-n-da - in addition to the singular pronouns. The forms in parentheses, followed by '(TT)', have been made up by me, but they were not checked by AlfPalmer. They may or may not be acceptable.

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Syntax

Table 4-6. Locative and dative of 'pronoun-LINK' LOC

D.AT

ngaygo 'lSG.GEN' yino '2SG.GEN' nyongo '3SG.GEN' ngali-rt:J 'lDU-NOWERG' yobala-f2J '2DU-NOWERG' hola-f2J '3DU-NOWERG' ngana-f2J 'lPL-NOM/ERG' yorra-f2J '2PL-NOWERG' jana-f2J '3PL-NOM/ERG'

ngaygo-yi-da yino-yi-da nyongo-yi-da (ngali-yi-da (TT)) (yobala-yi-da (IT)) (hola-yi-da (TT)) (ngana-yi-da (TT)) (yorra-yi-da (TT))

(ngaygo-yi-d-go (Tf)) yino-yi-d-go (nyongo-.}'i-d-go (IT)) (ngali-yi-d-go (Tf)) (yohala-yi-d-go (TT)) (hola-yi-d-go (IT)) (ngana-yi-d-go (IT)) yo17'a-yi-d-go

(jana-yi-da (TT))

(jana-yi-d-go (IT))

ngana-ngo '1 PL-GEN'

ngana-ngo-n-ji-n-da

Ngana-ngo-n-ji-n-da is built on the GEN form ngana-ngo '1PL-GEN', and it involves two linking interfixes: -n- (occurring twice) and -ji-. Among the other attested forms, the singulars are based on their respective GEN forms, and they involve linking interfixes: -yi- for the LOC and -yi- and -d- for the DAT In contrast, the second person plural yorra-yi-d-go is built on the NOM/ERG form yorra-0, and not on the GEN form yorra-ngo (see Table 3-6 for the inflection of pronouns). This suggests that the other non-singulars, too, will be based on their respective NOM/ERG forms- if they are acceptable at all. The linking interfi.x C-ji-IV-yi- is formally identical with the comitative-case suffix C-ji/V-yi (3.6.8). As is the case with the COM suffix (see Table 3-ll), the forms involving the linking -yi- decline irregularly, behaving as if they were consonant-final. Unlike the COM suffix, however, the forms with the linking -yi- have only one form for the DAT, i.e. -yi-d-go; the other two variants for the DAT (-yi-go, -yi-1-go) are not attested. (The form involving the linking -ji-, i.e. ngana-ngo-n-ji-, is followed by another linking interfi.x -n-. The resultant ngana-ngo-n-ji-n- behaves regularly, taking the LOC -da, like any other n-final stems (Table 3-2). (In -n-ji-n-da, the first interfix seems to be n rather than ny. But this is not certain.) For convenience, we shall refer to these pronouns as 'pronouns-LINK'. In the examples available, a pronoun-LINK modifies a noun, and it does not occur by itself. It agrees with the noun in terms of case, in the LOC or the DAT. In all the examples, the noun is yamba 'camp, house', as is the case with the NPs discussed in 4.5.2.2.2, and no other noun is attested. The pronoun-LINK is always contiguous with the noun yamba. It may precede, e.g. (4-106), or follow, e.g. (4107), (4-108). That is, their relative order is not fixed. Therefore, in terms of the contiguity of the constituents (though not in terms of their fixed order) (4.5.1-(b-1)), these NPs are configurational.

Types ofphrases

357

(4-106) ngaygo-yi-da yamba-ngga ngali-0 birra-wa-n. (AP) lSG.GEN-LINK-LOC camp-LOC lDU-NOM talk-RECP-NF 'We talked with each other in my camp.' (4-107) ngaya yani-0 yamba-wo yino-yi-d-go. (AP) lSG.NOM go-NF camp-DAT 2SG.GEN-LINK-DAT 'I went to your camp.'

wajo-lgo yamba-ngga nyongo-yi-da. (AP) (4-108) nyola 3SG.ERG cook-PURP camp-LOC 3SG.GEN-LINK-LOC 'He will cook [it] in his camp.' The linking interfix C-ji!V-yi has possible cognates: -jin of Jirrbal and Mamu (Dixon 1972: 105), and -yin in Narrinyeri of South Australia (Taplin 1880: 10, 12, quoted by Dixon 1972: 105). There is just one example of -n-ji-n- in my Warrongo data. During the playback of a tape, Alf Palmer gave the following. (4-109) ngana-ngo-n-ji-n-da yamba-ngga. (AP) lPL-GEN-LINK-LINK-LINK-LOC camp-LOC 'in our camp' As seen in 3.6.7-[3], the ablative-1 case (-ngomay) can describe a possessor, and the possessee is generally, though not always, yamba 'camp, house'. (Recall that the only noun involved in the NPs discussed in 4.5.2.2.2 and here, in 4.5.2.2.3, is the nounyamba. An ABL-1 form may take an additional, non-zero case suffix and show case agreement with the noun modified, e.g. (3-126) and (3-127).) Table 4-Z Cases of'one's camp' LOC

DAT

genitive with no case suffix (4.5.2.2.1)

ngaygo yamba-ngga e.g. (4-96)

ngaygo yamba-wo e.g. (4-97), cf (4-110)

genitive with case suffix (4.5.2.2.2)

ngaygo-ngga yamha-ngga e.g. (4-1 02), cf. (4-1 04)

ngaygo-wo yamha-wo e.g. (4-1 03), cf. ( 4-1 05)

with linking interlix (4.5.2.2.3)

ngaygo-yi-da yamha-ngga e.g. (4-106), cf. (4-108)

yino-yi-d-go yamha-wo e.g. (4-107)

ABL-1 case (3.6.7-[3])

yino-ngomany-ja yamba-ngga cf. (3-139)

yino-ngomay-nggo yamha-wo e.g. (3-138)

There are four ways of saying 'one's camp' in the LOC and in the DAT, at least when the GEN form of a singular pronoun is involved. (Non-singular pronouns are not attested in the NPs discussed in 4.5.2.2.2.) See Table 4-7, where ngaygo 'lSG.

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GEN' or yino '2SG.GEN' is given as an example. The relative order of the GEN pronoun and the noun in Table 4-7 does not reflect the order in actual examples.) The relative order is fi.xed in the NPs discussed in 4.5.2.2.2 and 4.5.2.2.6, but not in those discussed in 4.5.2.2.1, 4.5.2.2.3, 4.5.2.2.4, 4.5.2.2.5, and 3.6.7-[3].

yarro-wo yani-0 nyaga-gali-yal (4-110) nyila=gol ngaya today=only 1SG.NOM this-DAT come-NF see-ANTIP-PURP yamba-wo yino-0 (AP) camp-DAT 2SG.GEN 'For the first time I have come here to see your camp.' (This sentence contains the antipassive construction in purposive subordination (4.9.4). See 4.25-[4] for nyila=gol 'for the first time'.) As mentioned above, genitive forms (of nouns and pronouns) cannot take the ERG suffix as an additional case suffix; see Table 4-5. Also, the forms with linking interfix(es) lack the ERG form; see Table 4-6. Forms such as *ngaygo-nggo '1SG. GEN-ERG' would be expected; see (4-93). However, Alf Palmer rejected ngaygonggo and stated that ngaygo-ngomany-jo '1SG.GEN-ABL-ERG' should be used. This form involves the ABL-1 suffix -ngomay. As an example, Alf Palmer gave a sentence rather like (4-111). (4-111) ngaygo-ngomany-jo gando-nggo 1SG.GEN-ABL-ERG dog-ERG 'My dog drank water.'

gamo-0

bija-n. (TT) water-ACC drink-NF

4.5.2.2.4. 'One's own camp' There are nine relevant examples. They each contain (i) a genitive pronoun with no further case suffix, (ii) the noun warayi 'one's own', and (iii) the noun yamba 'camp'. The attested combinations of these three words are listed in Table 4-8. (The relative order of the words reflects the actual order in the relevant examples.) (As seen in 3.6.8, etymologically warayi contains the comitative suffix -yi, and it declines irregularly.) Examples follow. (4-112) ('Teach me the Gam a dance.')

ngaya

ngali-0=rro

nyamba (pause)

1SG.ERG lDU-ERG=too (error)

nyamba-ri-lgo

yino yamba-ngga warayi-da. (AP) dance-APPL-PURP 2SG.GEN camp-LOC one's.own-LOC Tentative translation: 'We-two, too, can dance to [it] in your own camp.'

Types ofphrases

359

Table 4-8. Cases of 'one's own camp' LOC

(a) (b)

yino 2SG.GEN nyongo 3SG.GEN

yamha-ngga camp-LOC warayi-da one's.own-LOC

warayi-da one's.own-LOC yamha-ngga camp-LOC

(4-112)

ngaygo 1SG.GEN ngaygo 1SG.GEN yamha-wo camp-DAT yamha-wo camp-DAT yamha-wo camp-DAT nyongo 3SG.GEN

warayi-d-go one's.own-LINK-DAT yamba-wo camp-DAT ngaygo lSG.GEN ngaygo lSG.GEN nyongo 3SG.GEN yamha camp

yamha-wo camp-DAT warayi-go one's.own-DAT

(4-114)

warayi-d-go one's.own-LINK-DAT warayi-1-go one's.own-LINK-DAT warayi-1-go one's.own-LINK-DAT warayi-1-go one's.own-LINK-DAT

(1-10-a)

(4-113)

DAT (c)

(d) (e)

(f) (g) (h)

(4-115)

(4-116) (4-117)

(4-118)

(See 4.14.2.1 for the applicative verb nyamba-ri-L Vt 'dance to [music]' See 4.25-[5] for the enclitic =rro 'too, again'. In (4-112), 'we-two' (A) and 'your (2SG)' are not coreferential. This shows that warayi 'one's own' does not have to be coreferential with the A. The same applies to (4-118): 'we' (A) and 'his'. Most probably, it does not have to be coreferential with the S, either.) (4-113) (In the text, (4-113) immediately follows (4-108).) warayi-da yamba-ngga. (AP) (pause) nyongo 3SG.GEN one's.own-LOC camp-LOC 'in his own camp' (4-114) (A man finds two women, and says to them as follows.)

yarro-ngomay-{2} ganyji-lgo here-ABL-ACC

ngaya

golmi ganyji-lgo

carry-PURP back

ngaygo

warayi-d-go

carry-PURP

yamba-wo. (AP)

ISG.ERG ISG.GEN one's.own-LINK-DAT camp-DAT 'I will take [you-two] from here to my own camp.'

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(4-115) ngona-ngomay ngaya golmi ngaygo yamba-wo warayi-go that-after 1SG.NOM back 1SG.GEN camp-DAT one's.own-DAT warayi-go golmi yani-0 banggay-go. (AP) one's.own-DAT back go-NF spear-DAT 'After that, I went back to my own camp for a spear.' (4-116) ngaya ngoni-ngomay-0 yarro-wo golmi yani-0 1SG.NOM there-ABL-NOM here-DAT back come-NF yamba-wo ngaygo warayi (pause) camp-DAT 1SG.GEN (error?) warayi-1-go. (AP) one's.own-LINK-DAT 'From there I came back here to my own camp.' (4-117) nyola golmi yani-0 yamba-wo nyongo warayi-1-go. (AP) 3SG.NOM back go-NF camp-DAT 3SG.GEN one's.own-LINK-DAT 'He went back to his own camp.' (4-118) ngona-ngomay ngana-0 ganyji-n balgan-go=jan nyongo yamba that-after 1PL-ERG carry-NF bark.hut-DAT=? 3SG.GEN camp warayi-1-go. (AP) one's.own-LINK-DAT 'After that, we carried [him] to his own camp.' (See 4.25-[11] for the enclitic =jan.) Except for (4-118), these examples conform to the following two general tendencies in Warrongo. (a) The genitive pronoun is not followed by a non-zero case suffix (4.5.2.2.1). (b) The members of a given NP are individually case-marked (4.5.2.1.1), except for the genitive pronoun. (4-118) is exceptional in thatyamba 'camp' lacks a case suffix, i.e. the dative -wo. It is possible to say that here the dative suffix (-(l)-go) is attached not to the last word of the phrase (warayz), but to the phrase yamba warayi as a whole. In this respect, as far as this example is concerned, it is possible to say that here we are dealing with an enclitic (-(l)=go), and not a suffix. See 2.2.2-(b-2). In all the examples given above, the genitive pronoun, warayi 'one's own', and yamba 'camp' are contiguous with each other (though their relative order is not fixed). In terms of the contiguity of the constituents (though not in terms of their relative order) (4.5.1-(b-1, b-2)), these NPs are configurational.

Types ofphrases

361

4.5.2.2.5. 'One's/this camp' There are only two relevant examples at hand. The head noun is yamba 'camp', and the modifier is either the pronoun yino '2SG.GEN' or the demonstrative yarro 'this, here'. These NPs are attested in the DAT only, and no other case. Examples:

yani-yal yamba yino-wo. (AP) (4-119) garrbala ngali-0 tomorrow lDU-NOM go-PURP camp 2SG.GEN-DAT 'We will go to your camp tomorrow.' yani-0. (AP) (4-120) yarro-wo yamba jana-0 this-DAT camp 3PL-NOM corne-NF 'They carne to this camp.' In (4-120), the demonstrative precedes the head noun, as is generally the case in Warrongo; see 4.5.2.1.3. In (4-119), the genitive follows the head noun, as is the case in 4.5.2.2.6 (Table 4-9), but in contrast with the relative order shown in 4.5.2.2.2 (Table 4-5) and also in contrast with the general tendency in Warrongo (4.5.2.1.3). In these examples, the head noun and the modifier are contiguous with each other, although their relative order is not fixed. That is, in terms of the contiguity of the constituents (4.5.1-(b-1)), these NPs are configurational. In the examples available of this type ofNPs, the head noun is yamba, and no other noun is attested. As for the modifier, the pronounyino '2SG.GEN' is attested. But it is not known if any other pronoun is acceptable here. Also, the demonstrative yarro 'this, here' is attested. But it is not known if the other demonstratives (ngona 'that, there' and ngoni 'there, that') are acceptable here. The modifier is in the DAT. It is not known if any other case is possible here. Regarding (4-119) it is possible to say that here the dative suffix is attached not to the last word of the phrase (yino), but to the phrase yamba yino as a whole. Therefore, it is possible to say that here we are dealing with an enclitic (=wo), and not a suffix. See 2.2.2-(b-2). Similarly, regarding (4-120), it is possible to say that here the dative suffix is attached not to the first word of the phrase (yarro), but to the phrase yarro yamba as a whole. Again, it is possible to say that here we are dealing with an enclitic (=wo), and not a suffix. See 2.2.2-(b-3).

4.5.2.2.6. 'His/her father' The NPs that consist of the noun gaya 'father' and the pronoun nyongo '3SG.GEN' as the modifier exhibit an unusual behaviour. First, the noun gaya 'father' always immediately precedes nyongo '3SG.GEN This is despite the general tendency for the head noun to be preceded by the genitive (and also adjective-like noun and demonstrative); see 4.5.2.1.3. Second, only nyongo, i.e. the last constituent of the NP, takes a case suffix, and gaya does not have any (non-zero) case suffix.:, Again, this

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Syntax

deviates from the general tendency for the constituents of a given NP to be casemarked individually (4.5.2.1.1). This unusual behaviour is observed in the combination of gaya 'father' and YlJ'Ongo '3SG.GEN' only, and it is not attested with any other noun or with any other pronoun.

Table 4-9. Cases of 'his/her father'

NOM/ACC ERG LOC DAT

gaya 'father'

nyongo '3SG.GEN'

example

gaya gaya gaya gaya

nyongo nyongo-n-do (alsoAC) nyongo-n-da nyongo-n-go

(4-121) (4-122) (4-123)

The attested forms are given Table 4-9. (Note the existence of the linking interfix -n.) The NOM/ACC form is included, to make the table more complete. The ergative form gaya nyongo-n-do is attested in Alec Collins' Warrongo as well as in AlfPalmer's. Examples follow. (4-121) banjo-n gaya nyongo-n-do. (AC) ask-NF father 3SG.GEN-LINK-ERG 'His father asked [them].'

gaya nyongo-n-da. (AP) (4-122) banda-n emerge-NF father 3SG.GEN-LINK-LOC '[We] came out to his father.' gaya nyongo-n-go. (AP) (4-123) yama-nga-n nyola 3SG.ERG father 3SG.GEN-LINK-DAT so-TR-NF 'He told [it] to his father.' (For yama-nga-L 'tell', see 4.7.2-[8].) As seen above, the noun gaya 'father' and the pronoun nyongo '3SG.GEN' are contiguous with each other, and furthermore their relative order is fixed. Therefore, these NPs are configurational in terms of both the contiguity and the relative order of the constituents (4.5.1-(b-1), -(b-2)). Regarding (4-121) to (4-123) it is possible to say that here the case suffix in question is attached not to the last word of the phrase (nyongo), but to the phrase gaya nyongo as a whole. Therefore, it is possible to say that here we are dealing with enclitics (=do, =da, =go), and not suffixes. See 2.2.2-(b-2).

Types ofphrases 363

4.5.2.2. 7. Additional examples Consider the following conversation cited from a text. (4-124) (A: 'You and he are going to fight?' B: 'No. I will ask him.') balga-lgo banjo-lgo. B. nyawa ngaya NEG ISG.ERG hit-PURP ask-PURP 'I will not hit [him]. [I] will ask [him].' A. ngani-wo banjo-lgo? what-DAT ask-PURP 'What will [you] ask [him] for?' warrngo-wo. (AP) B. nyongo-n-go 3SG.GEN-LINK-DAT woman-DAT '[I will ask him] for his woman', i.e. 'I will ask him to give me his woman.' Generally, nyongo-n-go is used as 'third person singular dative' (Table 3-6), e.g. (3-82), (3-83). (If this word is used as such, the above sentence will be translated as '[I will ask him] for her, for the woman'.) However, the context indicates that here nyongo-n-go modifies wan-ngo-wo, i.e. it has the genitive meaning and is followed by a further case suffix (the DAT). This use of nyongo-n-go is similar to that in (4123). But it differs in that (i) the noun involved is warmgo 'woman', and not gaya 'father', (ii) the pronoun precedes, and not follows, the noun warmgo 'woman', and (iii) the noun is combined with the dative suffix. I suggested the following to Alf Palmer. (4-125) nyongo-wo warrngo-wo. (IT, AP) 3SG.GEN-DAT woman-DAT Intended meaning: '[I will ask him] for his woman.' Alf Palmer approved it, and stated to the effect that it is the same as the last sentence of (4-124). This use of nyongo-wo is similar to that in (4-105) in that (i) the pronoun is combined with the DAT form and (ii) the pronoun precedes (and immediately precedes) the noun. But it differs in that the noun involved is woman 'woman', andnotyamba 'camp'.

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Syntax

4.5.2.2.8. Discussion and summary ofconfigurational NPs We have seen instances of configurational NPs. These NPs are exceptional in a nurn ber of respects. [1] Restrictions on their formation There are severe restrictions on the formation of these NPs. As far as the attested examples are concerned, the head nouns are (i) only yamba 'camp, house' in 4.5.2.2.2 to 4.5.2.2.5, and (ii) only gaya 'father' in 4.5.2.2.6. (Also, there are two examples in which the head is warmgo 'woman'.) The modifier is (i) only a pronoun on in 4.5.2.2.2, 4.5.2.2.3, 4.5.2.2.6, (ii) only a pronoun and warayi 'one's own' in 4.5.2.2.4, and (iii) only either a pronoun or a demonstrative in 5.5.2.2.5. When a pronoun is a/the modifier, it may be only one of the three singular pronouns in 4.5.2.2.2 and 4.5.2.2.4, and, furthermore, only the singular '2SG' in 4.5.2.2.5 and only the singular '3SG' in 4.5.2.2.6. (In 4.5.2.2.3, a pronoun of any person and any number may possibly be acceptable.) When the modifier is a demonstrative, it is only yarro 'this' in 4.5.2.2.5. The cases attested are (i) only DAT in 4.5.2.2.5, (ii) only LOC and DAT in 4.5.2.2.2, 4.5.2.2.3, 4.5.2.2.4, and (iii) only NOM/ACC, ERG, LOC and DAT in 4.5.2.2.6. In 4.5.2.2.2, 4.5.2.2.3, 4.5.2.2.5, and 4.5.2.2.6, the GEN is unusual in that it takes an additional case suffix. (Nonetheless, as just noted, the range of cases it can take is limited, and severely limited except for in 4.5.2.2.6.) The NPs in 4.5.2.2.5 and 4.5.2.2.6 are unusual in that the head noun is not casemarked. They deviate from the general tendency in Warrongo for members of an NP to be case-marked individually (4.5.2.1.1). Specifically, in (4-119), (4-121) to (4-123), only the last member of the NP (the modifier) is case-marked. In (4-120), only the first member is case-marked. Here possibly we are dealing with enclitics, and not suffixes. (In languages such as Nganhcara of Cape York Peninsular (Smith and Johnson 2000: 421) and Warlpiri of Central Australia (Hale 1967) it seems common for the last constituent only of an NPto be case-marked Gooniyandi of Western Australia (McGregor 1990: 173-174) has twelve postpositions that mark case, e.g. the ergative. They are 'typically occur one per phrase', being 'attached to any word in the phrase'.) [2] Configurationality In terms of the two criteria for identifying configurationality proposed in 4.5.1 ((b-1) contiguity and (b-2) fixed relative order) the NPs discussed above are configurational to varying degrees: (a) 4.5.2.2.2, 4.5.2.2.6: configurational in terms of both (b-1) and (b-2). (b) 4.5.2.2.3, 4.5.2.2.4, 4.5.2.2.5: configurational in terms of (b-1) only.

Types ofphrases 365

There is no NP which is configurational in terms of (b-2) only. The configurational NPs are exceptional among the NPs ofWarrongo. The vast majority of the NPs are not configurational. [3] We have seen that the configurational NPs are exceptional in a number of respects. The cause for the existence of these exceptional NPs is not known. It is possible that their formation was productive previously but that, during the process of language obsolescence, it became non-productive, leaving these exceptions as the only remnants. However, it is also possible that these NPs were exceptions even when the language was fully thriving; every language is full of irregularities. It is also tempting to suggest (although there is no evidence for this) that configurationality was emerging in Warrongo, initially in these exceptional NPs only. It would have been fascinating to see if configurationality would spread to other areas of the language.

4.5.3. Adverb phrases The following types of adverb phrases can be set up. [1] Adverb phrases consisting of one or more adverbs. [2] Those consisting of an adverb and a noun in the LOC or the DAT. That is, an adverb phrase contains at least one adverb. [1] Adverb phrases consisting of one or more adverbs, e.g. (4-3) to (4-5) (wayi 'question'), (4-6) (ganba-mara 'long ago'), (4-8) (ngoni 'there'), (4-9) (wanyja-rro 'to where'), (4-14) (wanyja-n-da 'where'), (4-34) (ngalnga 'prohibition'), (4-59) (gonda~gonda 'last night'), (4-64) (t1goni-n-da golbila 'there in the south'), (4-84) (gonggarri 'in the north'), (4-90) (yarro-n-da 'here'), (4-110) (nyila=gol 'today for the first time'), (4-172) (ngoni gonggarri-ngal 'there north-to'). [2] Adverb phrases which consist of an adverb and a noun in the LOC or the DAT, e.g. (3-53) (gamo-ngga birri 'water-LOC near'), (4-81) (ngoni yamba-ngga 'there camp-LOC'), (4-126) (mongan-go ngarra), (4-491) (nyila gonda-ngga 'today night-LOC', i.e. 'tonight'). (Presumably a pronoun in the locative or the dative, too, can be used in this way, although there is no example.) (4-126) ngaya mongan-go ngarra yani-0. (TT) 1SG.NOM hill-DAT up go-NF 'I went up to the hill.' Adverbs of place/direction/destination and those of time can take the LOC suffix or the DAT suffix (3.4.3), and such a case-marked adverb can occur with a noun with

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Syntax

an appropriate case suffix, e.g. (3-54) (gamo-ngga birri-ngga 'water-LOC nearLOC'), and Text 2, Line 36 (gana-nggayamba-ngga 'inside-LOChouse-LOC'). An adverb with an adverb-stem-forming suffix (3.8.1), e.g. -rri 'to', -rro 'to', -ngal 'to', and -mali 'on or to side of .. .', can occur with a noun in the LOC or the DAT, e.g. (3-52) (jolany-ja golma-mali 'tree-LOC behind-side', i.e. 'behind a tree'), and (3-291) and (4-607-a) (malan-da goyay-ngal 'creek-LOC across-to', i.e. 'across a river'). [3] The members of an adverb phrase tend to be contiguous, e.g. (3-52) to (3-54), (4-96), Text 2, Line 36, but they may be discontiguous, e.g. (3-291), (4-607-a). In the adverb phrases of [2], the adverb tends to follow the noun, e.g. (3-52) to (3-54), (3-291), (4-96), but it may precede, e.g. Text 2, Line 36. In terms of the two criteria for identifying configurationality- (b-1) contiguity and (b-2) fixed relative order (4.5.1)- the adverbs phrases are non-configurational in both respects. They do not constitute phrases in a rigid sense. [4] Noun phrases Nouns and pronouns in the ABL-1 case may modify another noun, agreeing in terms of case (3.6.7). They are regarded as modifiers of the noun, and they are not considered as adverb phrases. The same applies to the nouns and pronouns in the COM case (3.6.8). This is despite the fact that, semantically, the ABL-1 ('from, after') and the COM ('with') may have a meaning similar to that of adverb phrases. Similarly, phrases consisting of two or more nouns and/or pronouns in the LOC or the DAT may semantically look similar to adverb phrases. Consider, e.g. (4-53) (jarribara-ngga yamba-ngga 'good-LOC camp-LOC', i.e. 'in a good camp', (4-990-a) (yarro-wo yamba-wo jarribara-wo 'this-DAT camp-DAT good-DAT', i.e. 'to this camp'). Nonetheless, since they do not contain any adverb, they are not considered as adverb phrases. They are regarded as NPs. (In terms of the classification of the constituents of clauses (4.4), they are adjuncts, and not arguments.)

4.5.4. Verb phrases It is useful to set up the following two types of verb phrases. (a) Verb phrases consisting of two verbs (4.5.4.1). (b) Those consisting of (i) a verb and (ii) a noun or adverb (4.5.4.2). Verb phrases of (a) are not configurational. They do not constitute a phrase in a rigid sense. However, a number of verb phrases of (b) seem to be configurationaL constituting phrases in a rigid sense. In this respect, too (in addition to the configurational NPs, discussed in 4.5.2.2) Warrongo seems to be configurational.

Types ofphrases 361

4. 5. 4.1. Verb phrases consisting of two verbs There are two types of verb phrases: (i) those containing an intransitive verb formed with the intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L and (ii) those containing a transitive verb formed with the transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L or -(m)ba-L. A verb formed by one of these suffixes often occurs with another verb and provides a wide range of semantic modifications. The two verbs agree in terms of transitivity (to be precise, surface-transitivity) and the conjugational category (e.g. non-future). [1] Verb phrases containing a verb formed with -bi-L 'INTR' (see 4.7.1 for details.) Examples include the following. The meaning that the verb with -bi-L provides, is indicated in the parenthesis: (3-263), (3-264) (manner) (the antipassive verb maygagali-ya 'tell-ANTIP-IMP' is surface-intransitive; see 4.9.2); (3-337-b), (4-127), (4-128) (manner); (4-129) (time: duration); (4-130), (4-131) (time: 'until'); (4-132) (frequency: time(s)); (4-133) (direction); (4-134) (manner); (4-150) (destination); (4-258) (manner); and (4-992-A) (manner).

yama-bi-n yaji-garra-n. (AP) (4-127) ngaya 1SG.NOM so-INTR-NF laugh-ITER-NF 'I did so, laughed', i.e. 'I laughed like this/that'. (4-128) nyola magan-bi-n wola-n. (AP) 3SG.NOM false-INTR-NF die-NF 'He did falsely, died', i.e. 'He pretended to be dead'. (4-129) ngona-n-da ngali-0 n:yina-n woga-goman-bi-n. (AP) there-LINK-LOC 1DU-NOM stay-NF asleep-another-INTR-NF 'There we stayed, did another sleep', i.e. 'We stayed there another night.' (4-130) (There was a big fight.)

jana-0

balga-wa-n jidal-go-bi-n. (AP) 3PL-NOM hit-RECP-NF morning-DAT-INTR-NF 'They hit each other [i.e. fought] until the morning.'

(The reciprocal verbs (-wa-Y) are surface-intransitive. See 4.12.) (4-131) yarra ngali-0 nyina-ya garrbala-bi-ya. (AP) here IDU-NOM stay-IMP tomorrow-INTR-IMP 'Let's stay here until tomorrow.'

ngali-0 wona-yal bolari-ngal-bi-yal. (AP) (4-132) ngona-n-da there-LINK-LOC 1DU-NOM lie-PURP two-time-INTR-PURP 'We will lie [i.e. sleep] there twice [i.e. for two nights].' (Bolari-ngal means 'twice' See 3.8.1-[8] for the adverb-stem-forming suffix -ngal 'frequency:

time(s)'.)

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Syntax

(4-133) wanyja-rri-bi-yal ngali-0 yani-yal? (AP) which.way-INTR-PURP lDU-NOM go-PURP 'Which way shall we go'?'

(Wanxja means 'where', and wanxja-rri means 'which way' (direction) in (4-133), and 'in what way', 'how' (manner) in (4-134). See 3.8.1-[1] for the adverb-stemforming suffix -rri.) (4-134) wanyja-rri-bi-n nyola nyina-n? (AP) how-INTR-NF 3SG.NOM sit-NF 'How is he sitting?' [2] Involving a transitive verb formed with -nga-L (see 4.7.2 for details) or -(m)ba-L 'TR' (see 4.7.3 for details.) (a) Examples involving a transitive verb with -nga-L include the following: (4-135), (4-136) (content of speech); (4-137), (4-138) (manner); (4-139) (destination); (4-140) (manner); (4-141) (frequency: time(s)); (4-142) (consequence/result observed in the referent of the 0 NP, i.e. causation); (4-143) (the number of the referents of the 0 NP); (4-185) (causation); and TeA1: 2, Lines 24, 30 (manner). (4-135) ngaya nyonya mayga-n yama-nga-n. (AP) lSG.ERG 3SG.ACC tell-NF so-TR-NF 'You should do so, should tell', i.e. 'You should tell [him] so.'

nyonya magan-nga-n mayga-n. (AP) (4-136) ngaya lSG.ERG 3SG.ACC false-TR-NF tell-NF 'I did falsely, told her', i.e. 'I told her a lie'. (4-137) ('I tried to spear a kangaroo, but I failed, because:') walwa-nga-n ngaya banggay-0 goyba-n. (AP) bad-TR-NF lSG.ERG spear-ACC throw-NF 'I did badly, threw the spear', i.e. 'I did not throw the spear properly.' (4-138) yarro-0 ngani-nga-lgo yinda moja-lgo? (AP) this-ACC what-TR-PURP 2SG.ERG eat-PURP 'You will do what with this, eat?, i.e. 'How are you going to eat this?' (4-139) wanyja-nga-n nyola ganyji-n? (AP) where-TR-NF 3SG.ERG carry-NF 'Where did he carry [it] to?'

(Watzy,ja-nga-L means 'do to where' in (4-139), and 'do how' in (4-140) and Text 2, Lines 24, 30.)

Types ofphrases 369

(4-140) (AlfPalmer asked me how to read Japanese writing.) wanyja-nga-n gogo-0 birri-n? (AP) where-TR-NF language-Ace send-NF Lit. 'Where do [you] send the language?' (This sentence seems intended to mean 'How do you read the language?')

wona-ri-n (AP) [TT nyonya] (4-141) nyon.go-do-nga-n ngaya one-ERG-TR-NF 1SG.ERG lie,sleep-APPL-NF [ 3SG.ACC] 'I did once, slept with [her]', i.e. 'I slept with her once.' (The root for the noun 'one' is nyon.gol. For the formation of its ergative form, see jambal 'snake' in Table 3-2. This ergative form seems to mean ' time(s)'. See 3.6.2-[3]. Wona-ri-L is a locative verb and it is surface-transitive (4.14.2).)

nyonya balga-1-go gowoy-nga-lgo. (AP) (4-142) ngaya 1SG.ERG 3SG.ACC hit-PURP rnale.ghost-TR-PURP 'I will hit him, make [him] a male.ghost', i.e. 'I will kill him' (4-143) ('We need helpers for the fight.')

bolari-nga-0 ngali-0

ganyji-ya golmbal-0. (AP) two-TR-IMP IDU-ERG take-IMP helper-ACC 'Let's do two, take helpers', i.e. 'Let's take two helpers.'

There are a fair number of corresponding (or nearly corresponding) pairs consisting of a verb with -bi-L 'INTR' and a verb with -nga-L 'TR': For example, (i) involving the adverb yama 'thus': (4-127) (yama-bi-L) and (4-135) (yama-nga-L), (ii) involving the noun magan 'false': (4-128) (magan-bi-L) and (4-136) (magannga-L); and (iii) involving the adverb wanyja 'where' or wanyjarri 'which way, how'· (4-133), (4-134) (wanyjarri-bi-L) and (4-139), (4-140) (wanyja-nga-L). (b) There are only a few examples of a verb with -(m)ba-L modifying another verb, e.g. (4-213). [3] Word order within a verb phrase containing a verb with -bi-L, -nga-L or -(m)ba-L As mentioned above, there are only a few examples of -(m)ba-L modifying another verb, and they will be excluded from the following discussion. If the verb with -bi-L or -nga-L is an interrogative verb, then it generally occurs sentence-initially, e.g. (4-7), (4-134), (4-138), (4-139). But this is not always the case, e.g. (4-138). (As noted in 4.2.1.2-[2], an interrogative word tends to occur sentence-initially.) The interrogative verb tends to be discontiguous with the other verb, although this is not always the case. Where the verb with -bi-L or -nga-L is not an interrogative verb, it may be contiguous or discontiguous with the verb it modifies, and their relative order is not fixed.

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Syntax

In terms of the two criteria for identifying configurationality- (b-1) contiguity and (b-2) fixed relative order (4.5.1) -verb phrases consisting of two verbs are non-configurational. They do not constitute a phrase in a rigid sense.

[4] There are a few pairs in which an adjective-like noun can be used (i) in a verbalized form and (ii) as a noun. In the available pairs of examples, the verbalized forms involve -nga-L 'TR', and the verb modifies another transitive verb. When used as a noun, the adjective-like noun is in the ERG and modifies the head noun (also in the ERG). For example, compare (4-144) with (4-145); (4-146) with (4-147); and (4-136) with (4-148). (4-144) yinda mori-nga-n moga-n. (AP) 2SG.ERG greedy,tight-TR-NF hold-NF 'You are holding [it] tightly [or jealously] [lest you lose it].' (4-145) yinda mori-nggo moga-n. (AP) 2SG.ERG greedy-ERG hold-NF '(As above.)' (4-146) ganyji-ya yimia warayi-nga-0. (AP) carry-IMP 2SG.ERG one's.own-TR-IMP 'Carry your own [thing].' (4-147) warayi-do nyola ganyji-n. (AP) one's.own-ERG 3SG.ERG carry-NF 'He carried his own [thing].' (AlfPalmer's translation for (4-147) is 'Owner carried'.) (4-148) bama-nggo magan-do mayga-n. (AP) man-ERG dishonest-ERG tell-NF 'The dishonest man told', i.e. 'The man told a lie.' As these examples show, the transitive verb with nga-L and the adjective-like noun in the ERG seem to have much the same meaning.

4.5.4.2. Verb phrases consisting of a verb and a noun or adl,erb [1] Verb phrases consisting of a verb and a noun At least the following combinations may be regarded as verb phrases consisting of a verb and a noun. (a) woga-0 wona-Y 'asleep-NOM lie (Vi)', i.e. 'sleep', e.g. (3-2). (b) goli-0 waga-L 'angry-NOM rise (Vi)', i.e. 'get angry', e.g. (3-8), (4-149).

Types ofphrases

371

(c) goli-yi-0 waga-L 'angry-COM-NOM rise (Vi)', i.e. 'get angry', e.g. (3-94). (d) goyi-0 wola-Y 'hungry-NOM die (Vi)', i.e. 'be dying for [food-DAT]' (4-149) goli-0 ngaya waga-n. (AP) angry-NOM 1SG.NOM rise-NF 'I got angry.'

In these combinations, generally the noun and the verb phonologically constitute a unit. They have one intonation contour. They have only one main stress, rather than two, and it falls on the first syllable of the first word. Semantically, they seem to constitute a unit Syntactically, in the examples available, the two words are always contiguous and the noun always immediately precedes the verb, with at least one exception. That is, goli-0 'angry-NOM always precedes waga-L Vi 'rise, get up', and furthermore they are almost always contiguous, e.g. (3-8). However, in just one example, i.e. (4-149), they are not contiguous. These verb phrases are configurational (in terms of both contiguity and fixed order) and they constitute phrases in a rigid sense, except for (3-149). [2] Verb phrases consisting of a verb and an adverb (a) Wonaja wona-Y 'camp out'. The adverb wonaja 'camping out' and the intransitive wona-Y 'lie' seem to be configurational (in terms of contiguity and fixed order). constituting a phrase in a rigid sense. See (3-16). (b) Crosslinguistically, 'directionals' seem often (or generally?) to occur next to the verb (cf. Foley and Van Valin 1984: 212). In Warrongo, too, adverbs of direction/ destination are almost always contiguous with the verb, e.g. (3-291) (goyay-ngal 'across-to' immediately follows the verb), (4-177) (ngarra 'up' immediately follows the verb), and Text 1, Line 16 (gola 'upstream' immediately follows the verb). Among adverbs of direction/destination, golmi 'back' and gani 'far, away' need to be commented on separately. Golmi 'back' is almost always contiguous with a verb and it immediately precedes it (In contrast, the adverbs mentioned in the preceding paragraph follow, and not precede, the verb.) There are numerous examples, e.g. (3-249), (3-314), (4-49), (4-97), (4-103). (4-114), (4-116). Most of them involve yani- Vi 'go, come' Note that (4-150) contains two verbs, but that it still conforms to the generalization that golmi 'back' is contiguous with a verb and immediately precedes it (Jolgi-wo-bi-n andyani-0 constitute a verb phrase (4.5.4.1). They in turn form a verb phrase with

golmi.) (4-150) ngali-0 golmi jolgi-wo-bi-n yani-0. (AP) lDU-NOM back scrub-DAT-INTR-NF go-NF 'We went back to the scrub.' However, there is one instance in which golmi is contiguous with a verb, but it follows, and not precedes, it.

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Syntax

(4-151) (An example cited from a text. 'I warned them that my people are waiting to kill people'.) bola-eJ wadali-n (fall)/ golmi yamba-wo (fall) I wanba-Jji (fall). (AP) 3DU-NOM run-NF back camp-DAT be.afraid-STAT 'They-two ran back to [their] camp. [They] were frightened.' (A slash indicates a pause. 'Fall' means a falling intonation. In (4-151), wadali-n and golmi do not form one single intonation contour. It is not known if this explains the reason why golmi follows the verb.) The adverb gani 'far, away' immediately precedes a verb in all the examples available, e.g. gani goyba-L in (4-152) and Text 2, Line 47. (4-152) ('I ate the meat, but I did not eat the bones.') ngaya balban-eJ gani goyba-n. (AP) 1SG.ERG bone-ACC far throw-NF 'I threw the bones away'

(Gani goyba-L can mean 'throw [something] far', but it seems to mean 'discard' in (4-152) and Text 2, Line 47.) To sum up, adverbs of direction/destination are almost always contiguous with a verb, and in terms of contiguity, such an adverb and a verb are configurational. Furthermore, (in the examples available) gani 'far, away' and a verb are always contiguous and their relative order is fixed. They are configurational in terms of both contiguity and fi.xed order. They constitute a phrase in a rigid sense. Also, golmi 'back' and the verb, too, are almost always configurational in terms of both contiguity and fixed order, constituting a phrase in a rigid sense, except for (4-151).

4.6. Order of constituents The order of constituents (cf. Greenberg 1978) can be discussed in terms of words (4.6.1), phrases (4.6.2), clauses (4.6.3), and sentences (4.6.4). (The following discussion is largely repeated from Tsunoda 1990.)

4.6.1. Constituent order in words Warrongo has numerous suffixes, but it has no prefix. Compound words exhibit the following order.

Order ofconstituents 313

(a) Compound nouns (a-1) Noun-Noun, Noun-Adjective, Noun-Numeral, Numeral-Numeral, NounAdverb (3.7.3-[1]). (a-2) Noun(S, NOM)-Vi i.e. SVi (3.7.3-[2]), e.g. (1-3) through (1-7). (a-3) Noun(NOM)-Noun(S, NOM)-Vi i.e. NOM-plus-SVi (3.7.3-[2]), e.g. (1-2). (a-4) Noun(A, ERG)-Noun(O, ACC)-Vt i.e. AOVt (3.7.3-[2]), e.g. (1-1). (a-5) Noun(O, ACC)-Vt i.e. OVt (3.7.3-[2]), e.g. (3-181), (3-182). (b) Compound verbs Noun(O(?), ACC(?))-Vt

i.e. O(?)Vt (3.11.3)

A compound noun of (a-2) corresponds to an intransitive clause of 'SVi'. (a-3) contains a noun in the NOM in addition to the S (NOM), but its function does not seem to be the S. (There is only one compound noun of this type.) (a-4) corresponds to a transitive clause. (There is only one compound noun of this type.) (a-5), too, corresponds to a transitive clause, except that it lacks a noun in the ERG. However, the same may not apply to (b): compound verbs. (They were listed in 3.11.3.) It looks as if they contain an 0 NP (in the ACC) and that consequently they each correspond to a transitive clause, except that they lack an A noun (in the ERG). However, as mentioned in 3.11.3, it is difficult to set up a corresponding transitive clause for them, in contrast with (a-2) to (a-5), each of which has a corresponding clause. That is, these compound verbs do not seem to correspond to any clause. There is a crosslinguistic tendency observed in compounds consisting of a noun and a verb (cf. Corn rie 1978b: 337): 0 > S > A, whereby 0 is the easiest to compound with a verb, followed by S, with A being the most difficult to cornpound with a verb. Compound nouns of Warrongo (though not compound verbs) conform to this tendency. Now, if we are to set up an underlying level for Warrongo at which the cornpounding rule applies, then this language will have the orders shown in (a-1) through (a-5) at this putative level. (Compound verbs are excluded.) Table 4-10. Head and dependent

NPs

head

dependent

IlOliD

adjective mnneral

(a-1) (a-1)

Vi

s

Vt

A,O

(a-2), (a-3) (a-4), (a-5)

IlOliD

clauses

According to the widely accepted head-vs.-dependent dichotomy (see Nichols 1986: 57), the noun is the head, while the adjective and numeral are dependents. The verb (Vi or Vt) is the head, while the A, 0, and S are dependents. See Table

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Syntax

4-10. Then, at the putative level where compounding applies, Warrongo will have the following orders. (a) 'Head-first' order in (a-1), i.e. in noun phrases. (b) 'Head-last' order in (a-2) through (a-5), i.e. in clauses. (The verb is compoundfinal.) That is, there is a discrepancy between these NPs and clauses in terms of the order of head and dependent, as far as this putative level is concerned. My typological survey of constituent orders in 130 languages (Tsunoda 1991: 266-290) looks at the surface level, and not at any underlying level. Among these languages, only Slavey (North America) has exactly the same orders (at the surface level) as in Warrongo (at the 'compounding' level), i.e. noun-adjective, nounnumeral, SV~ and AOVt. The following ten languages, too, have these orders, but they allow some other order(s) in addition to SVi and AOVt: Mizo (India), Diyari (Australia), Omaha-Ponca, Hualapai, Navajo, Eastern Porno, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Dakhota, and Yuchi (all North America). That is, roughly speaking, about 10% of the languages surveyed have noun-adjective, noun-numeraL SVi, and AOVt (and some other order(s)), at the surface level. That is, the discrepancy in Warrongo noted above - between noun phrases and clauses at the 'compounding level' - is crosslinguistically not uncommon at the surface level.

4.6.2.

Constituent order in phrases

The order of constituents in phrases was already discussed: noun phrases in 4.5.2, adverb phrases in 4.5.3, and verb phrases in 4.5.4. In NPs, the numeral follows the noun proper more frequently than it precedes. This tendency conforms to the order of the noun proper and the numeral in a compound noun: (a-1) in 4.6.1. However, the adjective-like noun precedes the noun proper more frequently (as do the genitive and the demonstrative). This tendency does not conform to the order of the noun proper and the adjective in compound nouns: again (a-1). That is, the relative order of the noun proper and the adjective-like noun in a compound noun does not match the more frequent order of these two constituents at the surface level.

4.6.3.

Constituent order in clauses

4. 6.3.1. Introductory notes Clauses of Warrongo can be classified into the following three types, in terms of the dichotomy of simple-vs.-complex sentences (cf. 4.2.3). (a) The only clause in a simple sentence, i.e. an independent clause. (b) The main clause of a complex sentence. (c) Subordinate clause(s) of a complex sentence.

Order ofconstituents 315

We shall exclude subordinate clauses from the following discussion. The reasons for this are as follows. As mentioned in 1.1 and 4.1, Warrongo discourse is highly elliptical. Furthermore, an NP in subordinate clauses is often deleted under coreferentiality with an NP of the main clause; see 4.8.4, in particular. Consequently, subordinate clauses consist of even fewer constituents than independent clauses and main clauses, and this makes it extremely difficult to investigate the order of their constituents. We shall look at the following types of clauses: independent clauses and main clauses that are used as affirmative declarative sentences (4.6.3.2), and clauses that are used as imperative sentences (4.6.3.3). The constituent order in clauses that are used as interrogative sentences was already discussed in 4.2.1.2. Recall in particular that the question marker wayi in general questions and interrogative words in special questions tend to occur initially. Clauses that are used as negative sentences generally involve an adverb for negation, such as nyawa 'negation', ngalnga 'prohibition' or some other adverb which has some kind of negative sense (4.2.2.). Unlike wayi 'question', the position of these adverbs is difficult to generalize about. Examples are given in 4.24-[2],

-[3], -[10], -[11].

4.6.3.2. Constituent order in those independent clauses and main clauses which are used as affirmative declarative sentences

As stated in 1.1 and 4.1, word order in Warrongo is fairly free, and it is very difficult to generalize about. Nonetheless, we shall look at the order of the A NP, the 0 NP, and the S NP in clauses that contain a verb. This is partly in view of the attention that has been paid to the order of these constituents in typological studies (cf. Greenberg 1978). We shall exclude other arguments and also adjuncts (cf. 4.4) from the following discussion. As we saw in 4.5.2 (noun phrases), in 4.5.3 (adverb phrases), and in 4.5.4 (verb phrases), the constituents of what are labelled 'phrases' in the present work may not be contiguous. This makes it often difficult to decide the order of phrases within clauses. We shall exclude from the following discussion those clauses that contain a phrase whose constituents are discontiguous. We shall look at only those clauses in which (i) phrases consist of one word each and/or (ii) the constituents of each phrase are contiguous. We shall first look at intransitive clauses, followed by transitive clauses. (The statistical data provided below are based on the teA'ts in Tape TI/31- about 30 minutes in duration.) [1] Intransitive clauses The orders attested (in the texts of Tape 72131) and the numbers of their examples are as follows.

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Syntax

(a) SVi:

(b) Vi: (c) ViS:

167 examples 99 examples 26 examples

(57%) (34%) (9%)

(As noted above, the other arguments and adjuncts are excluded from consideration.) Between (a) (SVi) and (c) (ViS), (a) is by far the more frequent, and (a) may be considered unmarked. In elicitation, too, (a) is the usual order. Examples of (a), (b) and (c) in Text 2 (Tape 72/28) follow. (a): Lines 1, 2, 6, (b): Line 8, and (c): Line 12. (The present work contains three texts; they follow the main text. Text 2 is an excerpt from Tape 72128.) As noted in 4.6.1, compound nouns that consist of a noun in the nominative (the S) and an intransitive verb have the order of SVi. This order matches the unmarked order of (a) (SVi).

[2] Transitive clauses The orders attested (in the texts of Tape 72/31) and the numbers of their examples are as follows.

(a) Vt: (b) AOVt: (c) AVt: (d) OVt: (e) OAVt: (f) AVtO: (g) VtA: (h) VtAO: (i) OVtA: U) VtO: (k) VtOA:

56 examples 46 examples 42 examples 29examples 19 examples 16 examples 8 examples 7 examples 5 examples 4 examples no example

(24%) (20%)

(18%) (13%) (8%) (7%)

(3%) (3%) (2%) (2%) (0%)

(Other arguments and adjuncts are excluded from considerations.) All of the six logically possible combinations of A, 0 and Vt (i.e. AOVt, AVtO, OAVt, OVtA, VtAO, VtOA) are attested in the texts of Tape 72/31 - except for (k). But this order is attested elsewhere in the texts. Among these si.x orders, (b) (AOVt) is the most frequent, followed by (e) (OAVt), (f) (AVtO), (h) (VtAO), and (i) (OVtA), in this order. Of these six orders, in the two most frequent orders, i.e. (b) (AOVt) and (e) (OAVt), Vt follows A and 0. In the two least frequent orders, i.e. (i) (OVtA) and (k) (VtOA), A follows 0 and Vt. In the two orders in between, i.e. (f) (AVtO) and (h) (VtAO). 0 follows A and Vt. Examples (not necessarily from Tape 72131) include the following. (a) (Vt): (3-9-a, -b). (3-137). (b) (AOVt): (3-30), (3-31), (3-34) to (3-36). (c) (AVt): (3-48), (3-73), (3-101), (3-150). (d) (OVt): (3-9-c, -d, -e), (3-56), (3-64). (e) (OAVt): (3-44), (3-57), (3-102),

Order ofconstituents 371

(3-113), (3-114). (f) (AVtO): (3-28), (3-47), (3-83), (3-110), (3-124). (g) (VtA): (4-64), (4-121), (4-123). (h) (VtAO): (3-116), (4-73), (4-91). (i) (OVtA): (3-29), (3-33), (4-153). U) (VtO): Text 3, Line 23. (k) (VtOA): (4-154), (4-155). (4-153) ('My wife and I were travelling.')

waybala-0

nyaga-n nyola. (A.P)

white.man-ACC see-NF 3SG.ERG 'She saw a white man.' (OVtA) (4-154) (A conversation cited from a text Person A: 'My father gave me this woman.')

B. nyawa, yobaynga-n yarro-0 yinda. (AP) NEG steal-NF this-ACC 2SG.ERG 'No, you stole this [woman].' (VtOA) (4-155) ('I found a honeycomb on a tree. I cut the tree down, and:') woda-n jangal-0 ngaya. (AP) take.out-NF honey-ACC 1SG.ERG 'I took the honey out [of the honeycomb]' (VtOA) As noted above, among the six logically possible orders, (b) (AOVt) is the most frequent In elicitation, too, AOVt is the usual order. For transitive clauses, AOVt may be considered the unmarked order. Also, this is the order that is observed in the compound noun of (a-4) (AOVt), discussed in 4.6.1. Here again, the order in the compound noun matches the most frequent order (among the six logically possible orders). [3] Discussion (a) Non-configurationality at the clause level As seen above, the relative order of the S and Vi, and also that of the A, 0 and Vt are not fixed. (The same applies to the relative orders that include other arguments and adjuncts, although they were not discussed above.) Furthermore, as seen in 4.5.2 (noun phrases), 4.5.3 (adverb phrases) and 4.5.4 (verb phrases), the constituents of a given phrase may be discontiguous (except for a small number of phrases that are configumtional). That is, Warrongo is non-configurational at the clause level.

(b) Conditioning factors for the order of the constituents It has proved extremely difficult to determine factors that may condition the relative order of the constituents - of independent clauses and main clauses that are used as affirmative declarative sentences. For example, an examination of their order in terms of the following factors has not produced any significant result: (i) given-vs.new, (ii) topic-vs.-comment, and (iii) focus. Nonetheless, there is at least one factor that seems to influence their relative order, namely, repetition of the verb.

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Syntax

In the texts, a verb is often repeated to indicate the prolongation of an activity. This is more frequent involving an intransitive verb than involving a transitive verb. Examples involving an intransitive verb include the following. The verb is repeated four times, five occurrences in all, in (4-156); repeated five times, six occurrences in alL in (4-157); repeated five times, six occurrences in all, in (4-712-a). (4-156) ngali-0 yani-0 yani-0 yani-0 lDU-NOM go-NF (AP) 'We went on and on and on.' (SViViViViVi)

yani-0

yani-0.

(4-157) ngana-0 nyina-n nyina-n nyina-n nyina-n nyina-n nyina-n. (AP) 1PL-NOM sit-NF 'We kept sitting [there]' (SViViViViViVi) Other examples include the following. Text 1, Line 54: yodi-n 'swirn-NF' is repeated twice (i.e. occurs three times). ngabagarra-n 'bathe-ITER-NF' is repeated once (i.e. occurs twice). Tex 2, Line 2: yani-0 'go-NF' is repeated once (two occurrences in all). Text 2, Line 12: nyina-y 'sit-NF' is repeated once (two occurrences in all). Text 3, Line 10: nyina-n 'sit-NF' is repeated twice (three occurrences in all). The intransitive verb involved is often, though not always, yani- 'go, come', e.g. (4-157), (4-712-a), and Text 2, Line 2. The verb involved is always(?) in a nonfuture form: the nonfuture-3 (-0) for yani- 'go, come', e.g. (4-156), (4-712-a), Text 2, Line 2, and generally the nonfuture-1 (-n) for other verbs, e.g. (4-157). Text 2, Line 12 is an exception: the nonfuture-2 (-y) is used. The examples above start with SVi. Furthermore, there are instances which start with ViS (not SVi) and in which the verb is repeated. That is, the sentence has the form 'ViSVi(Vi ... )'. Again, the verb involved is often, though not always, yani'go, come' Examples: (4-158) ('I was traveling.')

yani-0 ngaya-0 yani-0 yani-0 yani-0 yani-0. (AP) go-NF 1SG.NOM 'I went on and on and on.' (ViSViViViVi) (4-159) nyina-n ngaya nyina-n nyina-n nyina-n. (AP) sit-NF 1SG.NOM 'I sat for a long time.' (ViSViViVi) Another example is Text 3, Line 21 (balga-wa-n 'hit-RECP-NF'): ViSViViVi. (Reciprocal verbs are surface-intransitive (4.12.1).) So far we have looked at repetition of intransitive verbs. We turn now to transitive verbs. There are indeed instances in which a transitive verb is repeated. But,

Order ofconstituents 319

as noted above, this repetition is less frequent involving a transitive verb than involving an intmnsitive verb. The transitive verb involved is often, though not always, jaynyja-L 'copulate with'. The verb is always ('?) in the nonfuture-1 form (-n). Examples: (4-160) ngaya nvonva jaynyja-n jaynyja-n 1SG.ERG 3SG.ACC copulate.with-NF jayny.Ja-n jayny.Ja-n jaynyja-an. (AP) 'I kept making love to her.' (AOVtVtVtVtVt) (4-161) ('I entered a scrub, and found a tree I wanted.') jolay-f2J ngaya jingga-n .firlgga-n jingga-n. (AP) tree-ACC 1SG.ERG punch-NF 'I hit the tree [with a stone'?] repeatedly.' (OAVtVtVt)

(!ingga-L means 'punch', 'hit with the fist, a stone, etc.'.) (4-162) galnga-na-nya ngaya mayga-n mayga-n. (AP) MB-KIN-ACC 1SG.ERG tell-NF 'I kept telling my uncle.' (OAVtVt) (4-163) ('I found a possum.') ngaya baygo-n baygo-n. (AP) 1SG.ERG bash-NF 'I bashed and bashed [it on the trunk of a tree].' (AVtVt) Another example is (4-751-a) (Jaynyja-n 'copulate.with-NF'): AVtVtVt The examples cited above start with the A or the 0. There are a small number of instances which start with the Vt (more specifically the order is VtAO) and in which the verb is repeated. That is, the sentence has the form 'VtAOVtVt(Vt...)', e.g. (164), (4-165). Again, the verb involved is often, though not always,jaynyja-L 'copulate with': (4-164). (4-164) jayny.Ja-n ngaya nvonva jaynyja-n jaynyja-n jayny.Ja-n copulate.with-NF 1SG.ERG 3SG.ACC jaynyja-n. (AP) 'I kept making love to her.' (VtAOVtVtVtVt) (4-165) (This sentence describes a technique for tracking down a possum; see 1.5.8-[9].) boya-n ngaya boyan boya-n. (AP) blow-NF 1SG.ERG 'I kept blowing at [the trunk of a tree].' (VtAVtVt) Consider Table 4-11, which concerns intransitive clauses that occur in the texts of Tape 72/31. Table 4-11 shows the following. When the order is SVi (167 examples

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Syntax

in all; 100%), the verb is not repeated in 147 examples (i.e. 88%), and repeated in 20 examples (i.e. 12%). In contrast, when the order is ViS (26 examples in all; 100%), the Vi is not repeated in 15 examples (58%), but it is repeated very frequently, namely in 11 examples (42%). That is, there is a fairly close association between the ViS order and the repetition of the Vi Table 4-11. Repetition of Vi in intransitive sentences

word order

SVi

SViVi(Vi ... )

ViS

number of examples

147

20

15

11

percentage

88%

12%

58%

42%

ViSVi(Vi ... )

The situation is different with transitive verbs. First, as noted above, the repetition of a transitive verb is less frequent than is the case with intransitive verbs. Second, on the basis of the small number of examples, there appears to be no association between the VtA order and the repetition of the Vt. Thus, among the seven examples (100%) of VtAO, it is only in one example (14%) in which the verb is repeated; see (4-122). The figure is 42% for the intransitive counterparts; see Table 4-11. Generally the A precedes Vt irrespective of whether the verb is repeated or not.

4.6.3.3. Constituent order in those independent clauses and main clauses which are used as imperative sentences

As seen in 4.2.1.1, imperative sentences do not always contain a verb. Where a verb is contained, it is not always in an imperative form. The following discussion will be concerned with the most common imperative sentences, i.e. those which contain a verb in a general imperative form. The situation is different between intransitive and transitive imperatives. (The texts in Tape 72/31 were examined for the statistical information given below.) As noted in 3.10.8-[2]-(h), the S/A of general imperatives is overtly expressed far more frequently than elliptical. [1] Intransitive imperatives Their word order tendency is much the same as that of declarative intransitive sentences (4.6.3.2-[1]). That is, the SiV order is the usual one. Examples (not necessarily from Tape 72/31) include the following. (i) SVi: (3-139), (3-186), (3-265), (3-288-A), (ii) ViS: (3-54), (3-261), (3-262-B), (3-266-A), (iii) Vi: (3-100), (3-111). [2] Transitive imperatives

As seen above, where an intransitive verb is involved, the SVi order is more frequent than the ViS order in each of declaratives and imperatives. However, the

Order of constituents 381

situation is slightly different where a transitive verb is involved. The number of general imperatives involving a transitive verb is small, but the tendency is as follows. In the main, the relative frequency of the six logically possible orders is the same as in declarative transitives; see 4.6.3. 2-[2]. For example, (i) OVtA and (k) VtOA are the least frequent, and they are not attested in the texts of Tape 72131. But they are attested elsewhere in the texts. However, there is one deviation. In declaratives, (b) AOVt (46 examples) is the most frequent, followed by (e) OAVt (19 examples). In imperatives, this ranking is reversed. OAVt is the most frequent (seven examples), followed AOVt (four examples). (In each of them, the Vt follows the 0 and the A That is, in imperatives, too, the orders in which the Vt follows the A and the 0 are the most frequent among these six orders.) Examples of these six orders (not necessarily from Tape 72/31) follow. (b) AOVt: (3-37), (3-62), (3-166). (e) OAVt: (4-167), Text 1, Line 69, Text 2, Lines 16, 32, 33-a, 36. (f) AVtO: (3-200), (4-17). (h) VtAO: (4-168). (i) OVtA: (4-169). (k) VtOA: (4-170).

ngona-0 moja-0. (AP) (4-166) yinda 2SG.ERG that-ACC eat-IMP 'Eat that.' (AOVt) (4-167) yarro-0 yinda moja-0. (AP) this-ACC 2SG.ERG eat-IMP 'Eat this.' (OAVt) (It seems unlikely that the difference between ngona 'that' and yarro 'this' is the cause for the difference in word order between (4-166) and (4-167).)

ngana-0 jana-nya. (AP) (4-168) yowo, wanda-0 yarro-n-da yes leave-IMP here-LINK-LOC lPL-ERG 3PL-ACC 'OK, let's leave them here.' (VtAO) (4-169) mara-0 moga-0 yinda. (AP) hand-ACC grab-IMP 2SG.ERG 'Grab [his] hand.' (OVtA) (4-170) nyaga--nyaga-0 yalga-0 yinda. (AP) see-see-IMP road-ACC 2SG.ERG 'Watch the road.' (VtOA) (Reduplication of nyaga-L Vt 'see, look at' means 'have a good look at, watch, mind [someone]' See 3.11.2.) Examples of elliptical orders include the following. (a) Vt: Text 1, Line 65-a, Text 2, Lines 10, 15. (c) AVt: (3-40), (3-103), (3-260), (3-267). (d) OVt: (3-109), (3-259).

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Syntax

4.6.4. Constituent order in sentences Complex sentences generally consist of two clauses (the main clause and the subordinate clause), but they may contain more clauses. The following discussion concerns the relative order of these clauses. Warrongo discourse is highly elliptical (1.1, 4.1) and consequently the main clause and the subordinate clause may consist of one word each. Where the two clauses consist of two or more words, in the main, the constituents of the main clause are contiguous, and so are those of the subordinate clause. That is, the two clauses are kept separate. However, there are instances in which a constituent of a clause is not contiguous with the other constituents of the clause; the two clauses are not always kept separate. Details are as follows. (a) The main clause and the subordinate clauses are kept separate. (a-1) In the following types of subordination, the main clause seems always to precede the subordinate clause. (a-1-1) Apprehensional construction ('lest should') (4.17). (a-1-2) 'X is afraid that ' (4.18.1). (a-1-3) 'X is glad that • (4.18.2). (a-1-4) 'X knows that ... ' (4.18.3). (a-1-5) 'X sees/hears Y doing '(4.18.4). (a-1-6) 'X tells/asks Y (4.18.5). (a-1-7) 'If' 'If' and 'when/while' (4.18.6). (a-2) In the following type of subordination, the main clause almost always precedes the subordinate clause. But there are a very small number of exceptions. (a-2-1) Purposive subordination (4.8). The subordinate clause contains a verb in the purposive-1 or the purposive-2, and it describes (i) purpose or (ii) result, consequence, successive action. (a-3) In the following types of subordination, the main clause precedes or follows the main clause. (a-3-1) Subordination involving the participle-I (-nyo) (anteriority, simultaneity, purpose) (4.15.1). (a-3-2) Subordination involving the participle-2 (-tift) (anteriority, simultaneity) (4.15.2). (a-3-3) Subordination involving the participle-3 (-njirra) (simultaneity) (4.15.3). (b) In the following types of subordination, the main clause and the subordinate clauses are not always kept separate. The main clause may precede or follow the subordinate clause and furthermore the subordinate may be even embedded in the main clause. (b-1) Subordination with the enclitic =ngomay (anteriority) (4.10). (b-2) Subordination involving a body partnoun(4.20.7).

Verb formation: -bi-L 'INTR ', -nga-L 'TR ', and -(m)ba-L 'TR' 383

(c) This applies despite (a). ((b) is irrelevant) If the sentence contains an interrogative member, it generally occurs sentence-initially (4.2.1.2-[2]), e.g. (4-246) and (4-982-M) (although this is not always the case: see (4-679)). If the interrogative member is a constituent of the second clause and if the second clause consists of two or more words, then the interrogative word is not contiguous with the other constituent(s), and the main clause and the subordinate clauses are not kept separate. Furthermore, there are occasionally instances such as the following.

yani-0, yinda nyaga-0, ngaygo-n-go. (AP) (4-171) bama-0 rnan-NOM(S) corne-NF 2SG.ERG(A) see-IMP 1SG-LINK-DAT 'Look! A man is corning towards me.' (4-172) yarro-ngomay-0 jana-0, yarro-n-da jana-0 here-ABL-NOM 3PL-NOM(S) here-LINK-LOC 3PL-NOM(S)

nyamba-garra-n, yani-0 yarro-ngomay-0 ngoni=wa dance-ITER-NF

go-NF here-ABL-NOM there=FOC

gonggarri-ngaL (AP) north-to 'They danced here. They went from here to there, to the north.' In such examples, one sentence is inserted into another sentence. There is a slight pause at the sentence boundaries (indicated by a comma). They might be tentatively labelled 'accidental complex sentences'. Complex sentences of the type (a-1) are configurational in terms of both of the criteria set up in 4.5.1: (b-1) contiguity and (b-2) fixed relative order. The main clause and the subordinate clause are contiguous, and their relative order is fixed. That is, they are strictly configurational. Complex sentences of the other types are not.

4.7. Verb formation: -bi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and -(m)ba-L 'TR' Most of the verb-stem-forming suffixes were discussed in 3.11.1. However, the transitive-stem-forming suffixes -nga-L (4.7.2) and -(m)ba-L (4.7.3) are most conveniently discussed in the chapter on synta.x (i.e. Chapter 4), as will become clear in the relevant sections. Verbs formed with -nga-L often exhibit behaviour parallel to that of verbs formed with the intransitive-stem-forming -bi-L (4.7.1), and -bi-L, too, is most conveniently discussed in the chapter on syntax. The verbs formed with -bi-L, -nga-L or -(m)ba-L can be -and often are -used by themselves. In addition, as shown 4.5.4.1, they often occur with, and modify, another verb, agreeing in terms of transitivity and the inflectional category.

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Syntax

4.7.1. Intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L 'be, become' (state, change/inchoation) This suffix occurs both in Alf Palmer's and Alec Collins' Warrongo. It is very productive. It is attested with (i) nouns, including adjective-like nouns and the interrogative member ngani 'what', (ii) adverbs, including interrogative members, demonstrative members, and the adverb of negation nyawa, (iii) interjections, and (iv) verb roots and derived verb stems. The use of (i) is particularly productive. The stems formed with -bi-L are intransitive. They belong to L-class. Verbs that contain a demonstrative member are referred to as demonstrative verbs, and those that contain an interrogative member as interrogative verbs. All of them were listed in 3.9.2. They will be included in the following discussion. Nouns and adverbs to which -bi-L is added, exhibit a very wide range of meaning, including quality, health, dimension, size, number, human classification, human propensity, knowledge, emotion, body secretion, speech, temperature, fire, manner, direction/destination, and time. Perhaps in the majority of the instances, a verb with -bi-L describes state or change/inchoation (or 'inchoative'): 'be X, be like X' (state) or 'become X, become like X' (change). (Some of the verbs with -bi-L are attested with the meaning of 'be', but not with 'become' Some others are attested with 'become', but not with 'be' This is shown in their gloss. Nonetheless, both 'be' and 'become' are almost certainly acceptable for each of them.) But its meaning is somewhat irregular in some instances. For example, it may mean 'do in a X way', 'have X', or 'speak X' Sometimes, -bi-L seems to have no clear meaning, being used simply to form an intransitive stern, e.g. yama-bi-L 'do so' (yama Adv 'so') ([2]-(a) below) and yagay-bi-L 'scream' (yagay 'Ouch!') ([3] below). We shall now look at these verbs in terms of the type of the roots/sterns to which -bi-L is added. [1] Involving nouns (a) When added to a noun, -bi-L is generally added to its root.

jarribara 'good, well'

jarribara-bi-L 'befbcorne good/well, do in a good way', e.g. (3-144), (3-263), (4-854-M), (4-855-b)

(Jarribara possibly contains the suffix -bara. See (3.7.1-[8]). That is, jarribara rn ay not be a root.) wamay 'good' (attested in Alec Collins' data only)

wamay-n-bi-L 'be/become good', e.g. Text 3, Line 32 (AP)

walwa 'bad, ill'

walwa-bi-L 'be/bcorne bad/ill', e.g. Text 2, Line 33-b

goli 'angry'

goli-bi-L 'be/become angry', e.g. (3-308), (3-309)

magan 'false'

magan-bi-L 'tell a lie', e.g. (3-253), (4-128)

jilbay 'knowing'

jilbay-bi-L 'know, get to know, learn'

Verb/ormation: -bi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and-(m)ba-L 'TR' 385

nyando 'ignorant, not knowing'

nyando-bi-L 'do not know, forget'

borrmo 'deaf

borrmo-bi-L 'be deaf, forget', e.g. (3-88), (4-243)

(The ear seems to be regarded as the seat of intelligence. See 1.5.8-[2].)

nyilamo 'new, young'

nyilamo-bi-L 'be young, become young again, look strange'

goman 'different'

goman-bi-L 'be different', e.g. (3-275)

milmorro 'quick'

milmorro-bi-L 'do [e.g. dance] quickly'

yangabara 'long, tall'

yangabara-bi-L 'become long', e.g. (4-901)

(Yangabara may contain the suffix -bara.) marinya 'wet'

marinya-bi-L 'become wet'

(On one occasion in a text, the intransitive verb marinya-bi-L 'be/become wet' was used to describe a penis which was ready for intercourse. In contrast, the noun gadala 'dry' was used to refer to a penis which was not ready for intercourse. See (4-830). According to Dixon (1989a: 150), Dyirbal has the word damga 'dry tree, half-dead and withering' and this word may refer to a penis in such a state.)

rimbo 'heap, big mob'

rimbo-bi-L Vi 'gather'

banta 'man'

bama-bi-L 'be/become a man, be/become like a man', 'come to life', e.g. (4-173)

birgo 'wife'

birgo-bi-L 'become [someone's] wife', e.g. (4-175)

jolbon 'spouse'

jolbon-bi-L 'get married', e.g. (4-685), (4-918)

gowoy 'male ghost'

gowoy-bi-L lit 'become a male ghost', i.e. '[a man] die', e.g. (4-602)

waybala 'white man'

waybala-bi-L 'be/become/do/behave like white man', e.g. 'talk like a white man, i.e. speak English'

wambaworo 'erect penis'

wambaworo-bi-L 'have an erection'

wamgga 'breath, eager'

wamgga-bi-L 'want, like'

gogo 'language, speech'

gogo-bi-L 'talk, speak'

jalngoy 'the avoidance style' (1.6.1)

jamgoy-bi-L 'speak in the avoidance style', e.g. (3-139)

ngormwon 'undesirable noise, noise which one does not other people to hear'

ngormtbon-bi-L 'inadvertently make a noise which one does not want other people to hear'

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Syntax

garogaro (noun) 'shout'

garogaro-bi-L 'shout, call out'

jigobina 'shooting star'

jigobina-bi-L lit. 'become a shooting star' See 1.5.8-[4].

jolgi 'bush'

jolgi-bi-L 'be a bush', e.g. (3-233)

dombil 'knot of forest

dombil-bi-L '[forest ti tree] have knots', e.g. (4-900) (second B)

ti tree'

(Knots of forest ti trees contain water, which was used for drinking by Aboriginal Australians (1.5.8-[12]).)

bomba 'dust, ashes'

bomba-bi-L 'become like dust/ashes', e.g. Text 2, Line 10

nyara 'flame, light'

nyara-bi-L '[fire] flare up, light up'

nyon.gol 'one'

nyon.gol-bi-L 'do once, stay one night'

gorrbara 'three'

gorrbara-bi-L 'do three times'

ngani 'what'

ngani-bi-L 'be/become what', 'What is the matter?', e.g. (4-7), (4-679), (4-901), (4-902), (4-903) (secondS), (4-904)

(4-173) (An example from a text. 'I was killed, but':)

gowoy-ngomay-0

ngaya bama-bi-n. (AP) male.ghost-ABL-NOM 1SG.NOM man-INTR-NF 'After [being a] male ghost [i.e. a dead man], I came to life.'

Another example is (4-175). Compare it with (4-174).

ngaygo birrgo-0. (AP) (4-174) yarro-0 this,here-NOM 1SG.GEN wife-NOM 'This [is] my wife.' (4-175) [nyola TT] birgo-bi-yal ngaygo. (AP) [3SG.NOM] wife-INTR-PURP lSG.GEN '[She] wants to be my wife.' In (4-174), ngaygo and birrgo-0 may be considered as constituting an NP· ngaygo is the modifier and birrgo-0 is the head, i.e. an NP of the type 'Gen N' (4.5.2.1.3[3]). In (4-175), too, semantically birgo can be regarded as modified by ngaygo. However, they can in no way form an NP. Syntactically, ngaygo will have to be assigned to 'Adjuncts' (4.4). That is, ngaygo modifies birgo, a part of a verb, and they do not form an NP. (b) -bi-L is attested with noun stems that contain a noun-stem-forming suffix (3.7.1). Examples follow.

Verb formation: -bi-L 'INTR ', -nga-L 'TR ', and -(m)ba-L 'TR'

387

walwa-jarri 'bad' cf. walwa walwa-jarri-bi-L 'go bad' cf. walwa-bi-L 'be/become 'bad'. (See 3.7.1-[7] for -jarri.) bad/ill' listed in (a) above. gayga-1-bara 'stinking' (See 3.7.1-[8] for -bara.)

gayga-1-bara-bi-L 'be/become stinking'

birrgi-bara 'cold weather,

birrgi-bara-bi-L 'be/become cold'

jami-baya 'fat (as against 'thin')

jami-baya-bi-L 'be/become fat'

(cf.jami 'fat (as against 'meat'). For -baya, see 3.7.1-[9].) yalnyjabara 'crowd, mob'

yalnyjabara-bi-L 'do something in large numbers'

(Yalnyjabara probably contain the suffix -bara.) bajalbarri 'bold, brave'

bajalbarri-bi-L 'be/become bold, brave'

(Bajalbarri possibly contains the suffix -barri. See 3.7.1-[6]-(c).) (c) -bi-L can be added to a noun stem that involves reduplication (cf. 3.7.2) (indicated by a tilde), one that involves compounding (3.7.3), and one that involves reduplication and compounding, e.g.: yoray-~yoray

yoraJ'"''oray-bi-L 'be quiet'

'quiet-quiet' cf. yoray 'quiet'

nyorrngo~orrngo

nyorrngo~orrngo-bi-L

'busy and not looking' cf. nyorrngo '(as above)'

'be busy and not looking', e.g. (4-258) cf. nyorrngo-bi-L '(as above)'

jilmal 'cramp, numbness' (jilma--:jilma1 not attested)

jilmal--j"ilmal-bi-L 'have a cramp or numbness'

jingorra 'snore, sneeze' (noun)

jingorra-jingorra-bi-L 'snore, sneeze'

boji 'fart'

boji....JJqji-bi-L 'pass wind, keep farting', e.g. (4-749-c)

yibirra (noun? verb?) 'dream'

yibirra~yibirra-bi-L

barro~barro 'bent-bent', (barro not attested)

barro~barro-bi-L

woga-goman 'asleep-another', i.e. 'the next day' (3.7.3-[1])

woga-goman-bi-L 'camp one more night', e.g. (4-129) woga-goman-goman-bi-L 'camp night after night'

'dream'

'be/become) bent'

(Woga-goman involves compounding, and woga-goman--vgoman involves reduplication and compounding.)

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Syntax

(d) In a few instances, -bi-L is added to a noun that has a case suffix. (d-1) Dative case (cf. 3.6.4) (d-1-1) 'to' (destination), 'into' or 'for', e.g.jolgi-wo-bi-L 'scrub-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'go into a scrub', e.g. (4-150), biro-wo-bi-L 'gully-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'go down to a gully' in (4-116),gamo-wo-bi-L 'water-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'go to/for water', malan-go-bi-L 'creek-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'go into a creek, arrive at a creek', mongan-go-bi-L 'mountain-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'go up to a mountain', nyara-wo-bi-L 'light-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'go to a light' (d-1-2) 'in' (place). e.g. wora-wo-bi-L 'centre-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'be in the centre of a group of people' (d-1-3) 'until' (time), e.g.jidal-go-bi-L 'morning-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'do until morning' in (4-130), and woga-goman-go-bi-L 'sleep-another-DATINTR', i.e. 'do until the next night'. (d-2) Comitative case (cf. 3.6.8) (d-2-1) jalngony-ji-bi-L 'Jalngoy-COM-INTR', i.e. 'speak in Jalngoy' (1.6.1) (cf.jalngoy-bi-L 'speak in Jalngoy', listed in (a) above). (d-2-2) jingo"a-yi--:jingo"a-yi-bi-L 'snore-COM-snore-COM-INTR', i.e. 'snore, sneeze' (cf. jingo"a (noun) 'snore, sneeze', jingo"a·~ jingo"a-bi-L 'snore, sneeze' (listed in (c) above)). (d-2-3) wara-yi-bi-L 'talk/etc. one's own [language, etc.], e.g. Text 1, Line 10' See 3.6.8 for the etymology of wara-yi. (d-2-4) mangga-yi-bi-L 'flower-COM-INTR', i.e. 'have a flower' in (4-177). (d-3) Locative injida-da-bi-L 'morning-LOC-INTR', i.e. 'do until morning' See 3.2.1.1 for a diachronic discussion ofjidal-go-bi-L 'morning-DAT-INTR', i.e. 'do until morning' and injida-da-bi-L 'morning-LOC-INTR', i.e. 'do until morning'. (4-176) ngana-0 biro-wo-bi-n. (AP) 1PL-NOM gully-DAT-INTR-NF 'We went to the gully' (4-177) jolay-0 waga-n waga-n ngarra ngarra tree-NOMrise-NF rise-NF up up mangga-yi-bi-n. (AP) flower-COM-INTR-NF 'The tree grew higher and higher and had flowers.' [2] Involving adverbs (a) When added to adverbs, -bi-L is generally added to roots.

him 'close' nga"a 'up, above' nya"ga 'down, beneath'

bin-i-bi-L 'go/come close' ngarra-bi-L 'go up' nya"ga-bi-L 'be/become low down'

Verb formation: -bi-L 'INTR ', -nga-L 'TR ', and -(m)ba-L 'TR'

gowa 'in/to the west' golmi 'back' (direction, destination) garrbala 'tomorrow' wonaja 'camping out' yarra 'this, here' yama 'thus, so' nyawa 'no, not'

389

gowa-bi-L 'go to the west' golmi-bi-L Vi 'return' (intransitive) ganbala-bi-L 'do until tomorrow', e.g. (4-131) wonqja-bi-L 'camp out', e.g. (4-178) yarro-bi-L 'come here' yama-bi-L 'do so', e.g. (3-264), (4-127), (4-179) nyawa-bi-L 'have/get nothing'

ngana-0. (AP) (4-178) wonaja-bi-n camping.out-INTR-NF lPL-NOM 'We camped out.' (4-179) 'wowo: yama-bi-n nyola ngaygo-n-go. (AP) Oh! so-INTR-NF 3SG.NOM lSG-LINK-DAT "'Oh!", he said so to me.'

(b) -bi-L may occur with adverbs that contain an adverb-stem-forming suffix (3.8.1). bolari-ngal 'twice', wanyja-rro 'where to' wanyja-m 'which way' (direction), 'how' (manner), 'why' (reason)

bolari-ngal-bi-L 'do twice', e.g. (4-132) wanyja-rro-bi-L 'go where', e.g. (4-180), (4-974-A, -B) wanyja-rri-bi-L 'go which way' (direction), e.g. (4-133), 'do how' (manner), e.g. (4-134)

jana-0? (AP) (4-180) wanyja-rro-bi-n where-rro-INTR-NF 3PL-NOM 'Where are they going to?' (c) -bi-L is attested with at least one reduplicated adverb stem.

wonaja-wonaja 'camping.out-camping.out' cf. wonaja 'camping out'

wonaja~wonaja-bi-L 'camp out about (repeatedly)', e.g. (3-254), (4-989-b) cf. wonaja-bi-L 'camp out' (listed in (a) above)

(d) -bi-L occurs with adverbs that contain the DAT suffix 'until'.

garrbala 'tomorrow' nyila 'today, soon'

ganbala-wo-bi-L 'do until tomorrow/the', next day, e.g. (4-181) cf. garrbala-bi-L 'do until tomorrow' in (4-131) nyila-wo-bi-yal 'wait for a short while' (lit 'do until soon'), e.g. (4-182), cf. nyila-wo 'soon-DAT' 'until soon' in(3-100)

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Syntax

(4-181) yarro bama-0 nyina-n garrbala-wo-bi-n. (AP) here man-NOM stay-NF next.day-DAT-INTR-NF 'The man stayed here until the next day.'

nyila-wo-bi-ya. (AP) (4-182) nyila-wo-bi-ya soon-DAT-INTR-IMP soon-DAT-INTR-IMP 'Wait a minute. Wait a minute.' Recall that, like nouns, adverbs cannot express 'until' without the dative suffix (3.4.3-[2D. Now, consider garrabala-bi-L 'tomorrow-INTR' in (4-131) andgarrabalawo-bi-L 'tomorrow-DAT-INTR' in (3-181). Both mean 'do until tomorrow (or the neA1: day)'. That is, when followed by -bi-L, the adverb garrabala 'tomorrow' can mean 'until' without the dative suffix: (4-131). Presumably the same applies to nyila-wo-bi-L (with the dative suffix) in (4-182), although nyila-bi-L, without the dative suffix, is not attested.

[3] Involving interjections There are two relevant verbs.

gowoy 'Hi, hello!'

gowoy-bi-L 'call out'

yagay 'Ouch!'

yagay-bi-L 'scream, shout', e.g. (3-77)

These two verbs are 'delocutive verbs', i.e. verbs 'derived from locutions' (Benveniste [1966] 1971: 239). (Dixon (1977a) provides a detailed account of delocutive verbs of Dyirbal, and Dixon (2002: 208) supplies a very brief survey of delocutive verbs in Australian languages.) The following two verbs do not involve any interjection, but they, too, appear to be delocutive verbs. They appear to contain an ideophone.

garogaro (noun) 'shout'

garogaro-bi-L 'shout, call out' (listed in (a) above) wayowayo-bi-L 'call out like a dog'

Wayowayo is not attested in Warrongo. But in Dyirbal 'The bark of a Europeantype dog, ... , is imitated by [bawu-bawu-ba.wu]' (Dixon 1977a: 27).

[4] There are a small number of instances that involve or seem to involve a verb. (a) In the following instance, -bi-L is added to a verb root:

nyamba-YVi 'dance'

nyamba-bi-L Vi 'dance'

The addition of -bi-L seems to cause no semantic change. It merely changes the conjugational class membership, from Y-class to L-class.

Verb/ormation: -hi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and -(m)ba-L 'TR' 391

(b) In a few instances, -bi-L is added to a verb root plus the stem-forming suffix -1; see 3.11.1.6-[2], -[6]. Examples: wanba-1-bi-L Vi 'be frightened' (cf. wanba-L Vi 'be frightened') and wombi-1-bi-L Vi 'have a rest' (cf. wombi-L Vi 'have a rest'). Also, in a few instances, -bi-L is added to a verb root plus the stem-forming suffix -rr, see 3.11.1.7-[2], -[5]. Examples: yimi-rr-bi-L 'be glad' (cf. yimi-rr-i-ZERO 'be glad') andyamo-rr-bi-L 'hurry' (cf. yamo-rr-i-ZERO 'hurry'). (c) -bi-L may be added to a reduplication of a verb root plus -1 (3.11.1.6-[6]), e.g. gobi-1--gobi-1-bi-L 'whistle' (cf. gobi-L 'whistle'). -bi-L may be added to a reduplication of a verb root plus -rr (3.11.1.7-[5]), e.g. yimi-rr~yimi-rr-bi-L 'be glad' (cf. the noun yimi-rr~yimi-rr 'glad'.) (d) -bi-L is added to a verb root plus -1 plus the noun goman 'different': binyji1-goman-bi-L Vi 'feel funny, be afraid/annoyed' (cf. binyji-L Vi 'feel fine/well/ good'). See 3.11.1.6-[2].

[5] The etymology of the form to which -bi-L is added, is sometimes uncertain or unknown. For example, the root in the following verbs is not attested elsewhere in Warrongo: da1ay-bi-L 'be/become dry', minda-bi-L 'be(come) weak', ngalnyibi-L 'be kind', warrgara-bi-L '[all] go away', yamba1-bi-L 'become young again, be attractive(?)', and mira-bi-L 'be made/formed, [baby] is born (or perhaps, conceived)'. For mira there is a corresponding transitive verb mira-nga-L 'make' See 4.7.2-[7]-(c). Warrongo has baja-bi-L Vi '[nose] is blocked up', and also baja~baja-nga-L Vt 'finish up' (4.7.2-[7]-(b)). Baja is not attested by itself in Warrongo, but it is found outside Warrongo: (i) bqja 'shut, blocked' in Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 112), and (ii) baja 'shut, blocked, finished' in Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 504). The suffix -bi-L 'INTR' or its cognate is common in the region. It occurs in Warrongo's genetically closest neighbour, i.e. Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 143), and also other neighbours: Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 86), Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 80) and Nyawaygi (Dixon 1983: 498).

4.7.2. Transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L 'make', etc. (causation, creation, etc.)

-nga-L occurs both in Alf Palmer's and Alec Collins' Warrongo. It is very productive. It is attested with (i) nouns, including adjective-like nouns and the interrogative member ngani 'what', (ii) adverbs, including interrogative members and demonstrative members, (iii) an interjection, and perhaps less productively, (iv) pronouns, and (v) verb roots and stems. The use of (i) is particularly productive. -nga-L forms transitive verbs, and the resultant stems belong to L-class. Those which contain a demonstrative member are referred to as demonstrative verbs, and

392

Syntax

those which contain an interrogative member are referred to as interrogative verbs. They were listed in 3.9.2. They will be repeated below. Nouns and adverbs to which -nga-L is added, exhibit a very wide range of meaning, including quality, health, dimension, size, number, human classification, human propensity, knowledge, emotion, body secretion, speech, temperature, geology, fire, smoke, manner, direction/destination, and time. Verbs formed with -nga-L often indicate change: (i) causation (e.g. jarribaranga-L 'good-TR', '[ERG] make [ACC] good'), e.g. (4-184), (4-185), or (ii) creation (e.g. yalga-nga-L 'road-TR', '[ERG] make a road'), e.g. (4-52). They are translated with make of English. (The case of an NP that accompanies a given verb is sometimes, though not always, indicated.) But their meanings are not confined to causation and creation. They can have other meanings, such as manner, direction/ destination, time, etc. (e.g. nyon.go-do-nga-L 'one-ERG-TR', '[ERG] do once'; see (4-141)). They may also specify something, e.g. number, about the patient of the action, (e.g. bolari-nga-L '[ERG] do something to/with two [persons/things/etc.ACC]', such as '[ERG] make two [boomerangs-Ace], [ERG] take two [womenACe, helper-ACC]'; see (4-143)). Sometimes, -nga-L seems to have no clear meaning, being used simply to form transitive stems (e.g. yama-nga-L 'so-TR', '[ERG] do so', e.g. (4-135)). There are many pairs of verbs in which one member involves -nga-L 'TR' and the other contains -bi-L 'INTR', e.g. jarribara-bi-L 'be/become good/well' and jarribara-nga-L '[ERG] make [ACC] good/well'. Verbs formed with -bi-L 'INTR' may describe state or change, e.g. jaway-bi-L 'hot-INTR': 'be hot' (state) or 'become hot' (change). Verbs with -nga-L 'TR', too, can express change, e.g.jaway-nga-L 'hot-TR', '[ERG] make [ACC] hot'. But they do not seem to denote state, such as '[ERG] keep [ACC] hot'. In this respect, -bi-L 'INTR' and -nga-L 'TR' do not seem parallel. We shall now look at the verbs formed with -nga-L in terms of the type of the roots/stems to which -nga-L is added. [1] -nga-L attached to nouns (a) When added to nouns, it is generally affi..xed to roots, e.g.. jarribara 'good, well'

jarribara-nga-L '[ERG] make [ACC] good/well, [ERG] do in a good way', e.g. (4-184), (4-185)

wamay 'good' (attested in Alec Collins' data only)

wamay-nga-L 'make [ACC] good', e.g. Text 3, Line 31 (AP)

walwa 'bad, ill, sick'

walwa-nga-L 'make [ACC] bad/ill/sick, e.g. (4-881) (first A), [ERG] do in a bad way', e.g. (4-137)

wama'mad'

wama-nga-L 'make [ACC] mad'

jora 'alive, well, safe'

jora-nga-L Vt 'cure'

Verb/ormation: -bi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and-(m)ba-L 'TR' 393

morran 'illness, ill, sick'

morran-nga-L 'make [ACC] sick'

marrnyja 'a sore'

marrny.fa-nga-L Vt 'hurt'

ngarrgon 'blood'

ngarrgon-nga-L 'make [ACC] bleed'

bonbara 'wound, wounded person'

bonbara-nga-L 'wound, hurt, spear [ACC] through', e.g. Text 3, Lines 22 to 24

mamon 'mouth piece'

mamon-nga-L 'make a mouth piece, change [ACC] into a mouth piece'

jolbiriny 'with no skin (e.g. cooked animal)'

jolbiriny-nga-L '[ERG] peel the skin of [animal-ACC]'

jilbay 'knowing'

jilbay-nga-L 'make [ACC] knowing, teach, inform', e.g. (4-32)

bormw 'deaf

borrmo-nga-L 'make [ACC] forget'

nyilamo 'new, young'

nyilamo-nga-L 'make [ACC] new', e.g. (4-1019)

magan 'dishonest, not true'

magan-nga-L 'tell [ACC] a lie, pretend', e.g. (4-136), (4-747)

mori 'tight, hard, quiet'

mori-nga-L 'keep, [ERG] hold [ACC] in a greedy way', e.g. (4-104), (4-144), (4-716-b)

rilga 'lust'

rilga-nga-L 'make [ACC] lustful'

gagal 'big, hard (not soft)'

gagal-nga-L 'make [ACC] big, raise [a child]', e.g. (3-229)

yangabara 'long'

yangabara-nga-L 'make [ACC] long(er)'

(Yangabara may contain the suffix -bara (3.7.1-[8].) jangarago 'small'

jangarago-nga-L 'make [ACC] small'

ngamba 'half

ngamba-nga-L 'break/cut/split [ACC] into halves', e.g. (3-9-c), Text 2, Line 9

jon.gal 'narrow'

jon.gal-nga-L 'make [ACC] narrow'

yabala 'flat'

yabala-nga-L 'make [ACC] flat/smooth'

marrgal 'clean'

marrgal-nga-L 'make [ACC] clean'

marinya 'wet'

marinya-nga-L 'make [ACC] wet'

gadala 'dry'

gadala-nga-L Vt 'dry'

jawoy'hot'

jawoy-nga-L 'make [ACC] hot'

binggir 'hot'

binggir-nga-L 'make [ACC] hot, boil'

gido 'cold'

gido-nga-L 'make [ACC] cold'

birgo 'wife'

birgo-nga-L 'make [ACC] [someone's] wife', e.g. (4-188-b)

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Syntax

jolbon 'married person'

jolbon-nga-L 'marry' (X make Y X's spouse), e.g. (4-714-b)

mijirray 'promised wife'

mijirray-nga-L 'promise [someone-Ace as a promised wife ?]'

gowoy 'male ghost'

gowoy-nga-L 'make [man-ACC] a male ghost', i.e. 'kill [a man]', e.g. (4-142), (4-187), (4-761)

barrawo 'bark water-container'

barrawo-nga-L 'make a bark water-container'

nyara 'flame, light'

nyara-nga-L 'light up, blaze up, burn [wood-ACC] without smoke'

joga 'smoke'

joga-nga-L 'make smoke, make [ACC] smoky', (4-909)

jorba 'white clay'

jorba-nga-L 'make [ACC] white'

yalga 'road'

yalga-nga-L 'make a road', e.g. (4-52)

jabo 'hole'

jabo-nga-L 'bury'

rimbo 'heap, big mob'

rimbo-nga-L 'heap up, collect'

jano 'half

jano-nga-L 'cut [ACC] into halves'

gomon 'a place that isclosed up' gomon-nga-L 'shut' mongga 'sound'

mongga-nga-L 'startle'

nyon.gol 'one'

nyon.gol-nga-L 'do once, do once more, do for the first time'

bolari 'two'

bolari-nga-L 'do twice, do [something] with/to [ACC, e.g. two persons]', e.g. (4-143), (4-922), Text 3, Line 24

gorrbara 'three'

gorrbara-nga-L 'do three times, do [something] to/with [ACC, e.g. three persons]'

ngani 'what'

ngani-nga-L 'ERG do what to/with ACC', e.g. (3-300), (4-138), (4-189), (4-225-B), (4-903) (second F), (4-905), (4-906), (4-982-M)

As for the case frames that verbs with -nga-L take, at least the following may be recognized. (There may be more.)

(i) -nga-L 'causation'. (i-1) ERG ACC X(adjective)-nga-L: 'ERG makes ACCX(adjective).' (i-2) ERG ACC X(noun)-nga-L: 'ERG makes ACC X(noun).' (ii) -nga-L 'creation'. ERG X-nga-L: 'ERG makes X'

Verb/ormation: -bi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and-(m)ba-L 'TR' 395

(iii) -nga-L 'other meaning'. (iii-1) ERG ACA.; X-nga-L. (iii-2) ERG ACA.; Vt X-nga-L.

As an example of (i-1), consider (4-184). Compare it with (4-183).

jarribara-0. (TT) (4-183) yarro-0 yamba-0 this-NOM house-NOM good-NOM 'This house [is] good.' (4-184) bama-nggo yarro-0 yamba-0 jarribara-nga-n. (TT) man-ERG this-ACC house-ACC good-TR-NF 'The man made this house good.' Other examples of (i-1) include (3-229), (4-32), (4-481) (first A), (4-1019), and (4-185). (4-185) (In a text, this sentence immediately follows (3-260). 'They are intending to kill me, so shoot them.')

jarribara-nga-0 yalga-0

ngaygo. (AP)

good-TR-IMP road-ACA.; 1SG.GEN 'Make the road good for me', i.e. 'Clear the road for me.' For (ii-2), compare (4-186) and (4-187).

gowoy-0. (TT) (4-186) nyola 3SG.NOM male.ghost-NOM 'He [is] a male ghost, i.e. dead.' (4-187) ngaya nyonya gowoy-nga-n. (TT) lSG.ERG 3SG.ACA.; male.ghost-TR-NF 'I made him a male ghost', i.e. 'I killed him' Another example of (ii-2) is (4-188-b). (4-188) ('My uncle sent me a woman, and he said to me:') a. yinda garoji-ya birgo-0 ngona-0. 2SG.ERG carry-IMP wife-ACA.; that-ACA.; 'Take that wife [with you].'

b. birgo-nga-0 [nyonya TT] yino. (AP) wife-TR-IMP [3SG.ACC] 'Make [her] your wife.'

2SG.GEN

Compare (4-188-b) with (4-175). As is the case with birgo and ngaygo '1SG.GEN' of (4-175), in (4-188-b) semantically birgo can be regarded as modified by yino.

396

Syntax

However, they can in no way form an NP. Syntactically, yino will have to be assigned to 'Adjuncts' (4.4). That is, yino modifies birgo, a part of a verb, and they do not form an NP. The case frame (ii) is transitive, but it is one place (i.e. ERG or ERG-ZERO) (4.3.3.4), e.g. (4-51), (4-52). Examples of (iii-1) include (4-189), (4-193), (4-194), (4-195-B). (4-189) bama-nggo ngani-nga-n ngona-0 yori-0? (AP) man-ERG what-TR-NF that-ACC kangaroo-ACC 'What did the man do with that kangaroo?' Many examples of (iii-2) are in 4.5.4-[2]. In particular, compare (4-142) (an example of (iii-2)) with (4-187) (an example of (ii-2)). Both contain gowoy-nga-L 'male.ghost-TR'.

(b) -nga-L may occur with nouns that contain a noun-stem-forming suffix (3.7.1). gaga-bara 'big'

gaga-bara-nga-L 'make [ACC] big'

(See 3.7.1-[8] for -bara.)

yagi-bara (noun) 'split'

yagi-bara-nga-L 'split'

bqja-1-barri 'bold, brave'

baja-1-barri-nga-L Vt 'make [ACC] bold/brave, confuse'

(Bajalbarri possibly contains the suffix -barri. See 3.7.1-[6]-(c).) (c) -nga-L can be added to a reduplicated root of a noun (3.7.2).

barro---barro 'bent' jalam--jalam 'waves' (4-51)

barro~barro-nga-L Vt 'bend' jalam--jalam-nga-L 'make [big?] waves', e.g.

The non-reduplicated roots barro andjalam are not attested. (d) -nga-L is attested with at least one compound noun.

gaja-balgara 'full (e.g. of basket)' (gaja 'head', balgara 'full')

gaja-balgara-nga-L 'make [ACC] full'

(e) -nga-L is attested with nouns with a case suffix: ERG, LOC, DAT, and COM.

nyon.go-do 'one-ERG' cf. nyon.gol 'one'

nyon.go-do-nga-L 'do once' (cf. 3.6.2-[3]), 'do for the first time', e.g. (4-141)

Verb/ormation: -bi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and-(m)ba-L 'TR'

397

jabo-ngga 'hole-LOC'

jabo-ngga-nga-L 'bury' cf.jabo-nga-L 'bury' (This verb, without the locative suffix, means 'bury'.)

bolo-yi 'belly-COM', 'satiated with food' (3.6.8-[5])

bolo-yi-nga-L 'satiate [ACC] with food'

walngga-yi 'breath/eager-COM' (3.6.8-[5])

walngga-yi-nga-L 'make [ACC] eager'

wara-yi 'one's own-COM' (cf. 3.6.8)

wara-yi-nga-L 'do something to [one's.own.thing-ACC], carry [one's.own.thing-ACC]', e.g. (4-146)

Verbs with -bi-L 'INTR' can mean 'do until Some of them involve the DAT suffix, e.g. (4-181), (4-182), and others do not, e.g. (4-131). In contrast, there is no example of verb involving -nga-L 'TR' -with or without the DAT suffix- that means 'until'. [2] -nga-L attached to pronouns

-nga-L is attested with the following pronouns, two in the DAT and the other two in the GEN (see Table 3-6): ngaygo-n-go '1SG-LINK-DAT'

ngaygo-n-go-nga-L 'send/bring/give [ACC] to me', e.g. (4-190)

yino-ngo-n-go '2SGLINK-LINK-DAT'

yino-ngo-n-go-nga-L 'send/bring/give [ACC] to you'

yino '2SG.GEN' nyongo '3SG.GEN'

yino-nga-L 'make [ACC] yours', (4-192) nyongo-nga-L 'make [ACC] his/hers'

(4-190) nyola manyja-0 ngaygo-n-go-nga-n. (TT) 3SG.ERG food-ACC 1SG-LINK-DAT-TR-NF 'He/she sent/brought/gave me food.' Another example is (4-192). Compare it with (4-191). (4-191) ngona-0 warrngo-0 yino. (TT) that-NOM woman-NOM 2SG.GEN 'That woman [is] yours.' (4-192) (An example adapted from a sentence from a text. An old man advises a young man about a woman.) ngona-0 warrngo-0 yino-nga-0. (TT) that-ACC woman-ACC 2SG.GEN-TR-IMP 'Make that woman yours.'

398

Syntax

It is interesting to compare (4-192) with (4-175) and (4-188-b). In (4-175) and (4-188-b), semantically a GEN form modifies a noun that is a part of a verb. In

contrast, in (4-192) a GEN form that is a part of a verb modifies a noun (which is not a part of any verb). What is common to all of these three examples is that syntactically the noun and the GEN form do not constitute an NP, although semantically the GEN form modifies the noun. [3] -nga-L attached to adverbs (a) -nga-L is added to roots of adverbs. birri 'close'

birri-nga-L 'bring [ACC], gather up [ACC, e.g. wood], fetch'

nga"a 'up, above'

nga"a-nga-L 'lift up'

golmi 'back' (direction, destination) golmi-nga-L Vt 'return' jaymbay 'towards the speaker (?)' jaymbay-nga-L 'give/send [ACC] to the speaker (?)' golbila 'in/to the south'

golhila-nga-L 'send/look/etc. to the south'

gonggarri 'to/in south'

gonggarri-nga-L 'send/look/etc. to the north'

gowa 'in/to the west'

gowa-nga-L 'send/look/etc. to the west'

wanggarri 'in/to the east'

wanggarri-nga-L 'send/look/etc. to the east'

yama 'thus, so'

yama-nga-L Vt 'do so, [ERG] tell [person-ACC]', e.g. (4-135), (4-204)

yawa 'like that, now'

yawa-nga-L 'make [ACC] like that, rum our, evaluate'

yarra 'this, here'

ya"o-nga-L 'send/bring [ACC] here/hither'

nyawa 'negation'

nyawa-nga-L 'get nothing from [ACC], cannot get/find', e.g. (4-193)

wanyja 'where'

wanyja-nga-L 'take [ACC] to where, do how, do what', e.g. (3-299), (4-139), (4-140), (4-194), Text 2, Lines 24, 30

(4-193) ('The girls like you.') rayili-nggo nyawa-nga-n yina. (AP) girls-ERG NEG-TR-NF 2SG.ACC 'The girls tried to get you, but could not.' (4-194) wanyja-nga-lgo ngaya? (AP) where-TR-PURP 1SG.ERG 'What shall I do with [this]?'

Verb/ormation: -bi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and-(m)ba-L 'TR'

399

(b) -nga-L occurs with adverbs that contain an adverb-stem-forming suffix (3.8.1). gana-mali 'underneath/ below-side'

gana-mali-nga-L 'turn over, upset [e.g. a boat]'

ngarra-mali 'up/above-side'

nga"a-mali-nga-L 'turn over [e.g. a boat]'

wanyja-rri 'which way' (direction), 'how' (manner), etc. cf. wanyja 'where'

wanyja-rri-nga-L 'do how', e.g. (4-195-B)

(4-195) (Person A heard Person B say something.) A: yowo, ngaya ngawa-n. (AP) yes 1SG.ERG hear-NF 'Yes, I heard [it].' B: wanyjam-nga-n? how-TR-NF Lit. 'How did [you hear it]?' (4-195-B) seems to mean 'What did you hear?' (c) -nga-L is added to the GEN form of one adverb.

yarro-ngo 'this, here-GEN' (Table 3-5)

yarro-ngo-nga-L 'send [ACC] here, pull'

(d) The following verb is unusual. nyila=gol 'soon, justnow, nyila=gol-nga-L 'do for the first time' for the first time' cf nyila Adv 'today, soon', =gol 'only' =gol 'only' is an enclitic (4.25-[4]). In Warrongo, enclitics generally occur wordfinally. See (2-78). Nyila=gol-nga-L is the only instance in the entire corpus in which a stem-forming-suffix follows an enclitic. It is possible that, in nyila=gol 'soon, just now, for the first time', =gol has lost the status of clitic and has turned into a suffix. See 4.25-[4]. [4] -nga-L attached to an interjection The only attested example is the following delocutive verb.

yagay 'Ouch!'

yagay-nga-L 'make [ACC] scream'

There is also the applicative verb based on yagay-nga-L. It is yagay-nga-ri-L 'make [someone] scream with [something]. See (4-674).

400

Syntax

[5] -nga-L attached to verbs As seen in 4.7.1-[4], there are a small number of instances in which -bi-L 'INTR' is added to verbs. In contrast, -nga-L is attested with a fair number of verbs (a verb root in some instances, and a root-plus-suffix in others); some of them are intransitive and others are tmnsitive. The resultant sterns are all transitive. That is, when attached to intransitive verbs, -nga-L produces transitive verbs. All the attested verbs are listed below. It is often difficult to cite suitable examples that were spontaneously given by Alf Palmer, and, where useful, examples composed by me will be given.

(a) -nga-L attached to intransitive verbs The resultant sterns are of two kinds: 'Causative verbs': 'Applicative verbs':

S 0 S A

(The colon means 'corresponds to'.) With 'causative verbs', the S of the intransitive clause corresponds to the 0 of the transitive clause (S 0). With 'applicative verbs', the S corresponds to the A (S A). The formation of causative verbs and applicative verbs by means of -nga-L is not productive. (Causation can be expressed by means of subordination that involves purposive forms (4.8.5-[1]-(b)) or participle forms (4.15). There is a productive means to form applicative verbs (4.14).) (a-1) -nga-L attached to intmnsitive roots The resultant sterns are 'causative verbs'.

yodi-L Vi 'swim'

yodi-nga-L Vt 'make [ACC] swim, carry [ACC] on a boat', e.g. (4-197)

wola-Y Vi 'die'

wola-nga-L Vt 'extinguish [a fire]', e.g. (4-199)

Cf. also:

gada not attested gada-bi-L Vi '[tree] crack' gadali-ZERO Vi '[tree, finger] crack' (3.11.1.6-[3])

gada-nga-L Vt 'crack [a finger]', e.g. (4-469)

(4-196) galbin-0 yodi-n. (TT) child-NOM(S) swim-NF 'The child swam.'

yodi-nga-n. (TT) (4-197) bama-nggo galbin-0 rnan-ERG(A) child-ACC(O) swim-TR-NF 'The manmade the child swim.'

Verb/ormation: -bi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and-(m)ba-L 'TR' 401

(4-198) bori-0 wo1a-n. (TT) fire-NOM(S) die-NF Lit. 'The fire died', i.e. 'The fire went out.' (4-199) bama-nggo bori-0 wola-nga-n. (TT) man-ERG(A) fire-ACC(O) die-TR-NF 'The man extinguished the fire.' The S of (196) corresponds to the 0 of (4-197). Similarly for (4-198) and (4-199). (a-2) -nga-L attached to an intransitive root followed by a nonfuture suffix: -n 'nonfuture-I' or -1 'nonfuture-2' (It is possible to say that -1 injago-1 and wanba-1 (both L-class) is a stem-forming suffix (3.11.1.6), and not the nonfuture-2 suffix.)

wo1a-n Vi 'die-NF'

wola-n-nga-L Vt 'extinguish [a fire]' Cf. wola-nga-L 'extinguish'

wanba-l Vi 'fear-NF' (L-class)

wanba-1-nga-L Vt 'frighten', e.g. (4-201)

jago-1 Vi 'be/feel sorry-NF' (L-class) jago-1-nga-L Vt '[ERG] be/feel sorry for [ACC]', e.g. (4-203) (4-200) ga1bin-0 wanba-1. (TT) child-NOM(S) fear-NF 'The child is frightened.' (4-201) bama-nggo galbin-0 wanba-1-nga-n. (TT) man-ERG(A) child-ACC(O) fear-NF-TR-NF 'The man frightens the child.' (4-202) galbin-0 jago-1 bama-wo. (TT) child-NOM(S) be.sorry-N man-DAT 'The child feels sorry for the man.'

bama-0 jago-1-nga-n. (AP) (4-203) galbin-do child-ERG(A) man-ACC(O) be.sorry-NF-TR-NF 'The child feels sorry for the man.' Wanba-1-nga-n 'frighten' is a causative verb (S 0), and so is wo1a-n-nga-L 'extinguish'. Jago-1-nga-L 'be sorry for' is an applicative verb (S A). (a-3) -nga-L following the verb-stem-forming suffixes -1 and -i (3.11.1.6)

wada-1-i- ZERO Vi 'run, escape' wada-1-i-nga-L Vt 'take/steal [a woman]'

402

Syntax

Wadali-nga-L is a causative verb (S 0). (It is possible to say that -nga-L is added to the nonfuture-2 form, i.e. wadali-0 'run-NF', since the nonfuture-2 suffix for ZERO-class is zero (see Table 3-14).)

(b) -nga-L attached to tmnsitive verbs As seen above, when -nga-L is attached to an intransitive verb, the resultant stem is either a causative verb or an applicative verb. In contmst, when -nga-L is added to transitive verbs, it is difficult to determine its effect, either semantic or syntactic. The resultant stems genemlly appear to have a causative meaning or something similar. Their transitivity does not change.

(b-1) -nga-L attached to tmnsitive roots bari-L Vt 'twist, turn' baygo-L Vt 'bash' wanda-L Vt 'leave [a person.,a place]' woda-L Vt 'take out, pull out'

bari-nga-L Vt 'twist' baygo-nga-L Vt 'bash, kill' wanda-nga-L Vt 'lose' woda-nga-L Vt 'extinguish [a fire]'

(b-2) -nga-L attached to a transitive root followed by a nonfuture suffix: -n 'nonfuture-1' or -1 'nonfuture-2' (It is possible to say that -1 is a stem-forming suffix (3.11.1.6), and not the nonfuture-2 suffix.)

gonba-L Vt 'cut' goyba-L Vt 'give'

gonba-n-nga-L Vt 'cut up' goyba-l-nga-L Vt 'send, let [someone] go', e.g. (4-44-a, -b)

(c) -nga-L following another verb-stem-forming suffix

goyba-ra-L Vt 'give out [presents, etc.]' (See 3.11.1.4 for -ra.)

goyba-ra-nga-L Vt 'knock over, push over'

[6] Diachronic notes on verbs with -nga-L: L-class andY-class Some of the verbs with -nga-L possibly provide information on diachronic changes, regarding the conjugational class membership, although the evidence is not conclusive. (a) Tmnsitive roots of Y-class (?). As noted in 3.9.3, all the tmnsitive roots are of L-class, with at least one exception: WOJ?ii-ZERO Vt 'burn'. However, there is slight evidence that Warrongo used to have at least two transitive roots of Y-class. (In Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 54), about 90% of transitive roots are of L-class, but the remainder is of Y-class.) Consider the following pairs.

Verb fonnation: -hi-L 'INTR ', -nga-L 'TR ', and -(m)ha-L 'TR'

ngonba-L Vt 'point, show'

403

ngonba-y-nga-L Vt 'show, guide, tell',

e.g. (4-27) to (4-30) wanda-L Vt 'leave [a person, a place]'

wanda-y-nga-L Vt 'let [someone] go' cf. wanda-nga-L Vt 'lose'

Ngonba- is of L-class. Alf Palmer approved the purposive-1 form ngonba-lgo, and he him self said ngonba-lgo. (The purposive-} -lgo is characteristic of L-class (3.9.3).) The form ngonba-y-nga-L 'show, guide' suggests that ngonba- Vt 'point, show' belonged toY-class at an earlier stage of the language. That is, ngonba- has

undergone a change in class membership, from Y-class to L-class (to which the majority of transitive roots belonged, i.e. from a minority class to the majority class). It is not certain whether wanda-L 'leave' and wanda-y-nga-L 'let [someone] go' are related. But if they are related at all, then wanda- Vt 'leave', too, used to belong toY-class, and it, too, has undergone a change in class membership, from Y-class to L-class. (I note in passing that there is a reciprocal verb based on ngonba-L, viz. ngonba-wa-Y 'tell/show to each other' See 4.12.3-[3]-(d).) (Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 223, cf. p. 141) has wanda- 'leave something behind', but its class membership is not known. Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 407) has wanda-L Vt 'hang up, scoop up' It belongs to L-class.) (b) Intransitive roots of Y-class (?). Consider the following pairs. banda-L Vi 'go/come out, crack banda-y-nga-L Vt 'make [fingers] crack' (of chaps), chap', cf. bandali-ZERO Vi 'come out, crack, burst, explode' (3.11.1.6-[3])

As noted in 3.9.3, most intransitive roots are of Y-class or ZERO-class, but there are a small number of intransitive roots that belong to L-class. In modern Warrongo, banda-L is of L-class. However, the form banda-y-nga-L suggests that it was of Y-class and subsequently has shifted to L-class- this time, from the majority class to a minority class. (Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 207) has banda-, but its class membership is not known. Dyirbal has banda-Y Vi 'burst (out)'. Note that it is of Y-class.) Also, consider: binda-L Vt 'stand up' binda-YVi 'stand up'

binda-y-nga-L Vt 'let [ACC] go, pass

[wind]', e.g. (3-84), (3-286), (3-307)

Since binda-y-nga-L Vt 'let go' has a causative meaning, it is more likely to be related to the intransitive binda-Y Vi 'stand up' than to the transitive binda-L Vt 'stand up' (if they are related at all). Indeed, the intransitive binda-Y Vi 'stand up' is of Y-class, as is expected on the basis of the form binda-y-nga-L. Furthermore, consider:

404

Syntax

yobarri-ZERO Vi 'escape'

yoba-y-nga-L Vt 'steal', e.g. (4-154)

If these verbs are related at all (although this is not certain), then yobarri-ZERO 'escape' consists of the rootyoba- and the stem-forming suffixes -rrand -i (3.11.1.7), andyoba- used to belong toY-class. (Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 121) hasyubay 'be away' (adjective), yubay-bi- Vi 'run away', and yubay-ma- Vt 'steal, take'. -bi and -ma are, respectively, intransitive- and transitive-stem-forming suffixes (Dixon

1981: 80-81).) Note in passing that banda-y-nga-L Vt 'make [finger] cmck' is clearly a causative verb. Binda-y-nga-L Vt 'let [ACC] go, pass [wind]' appears to be one. Yoba-ynga-L Vt 'steal' may possibly be one. (c) There are other sets of examples that may involve the same y.

ngonja- (not attested in Warrongo) cf. Dyirbal: ngunja-Y Vt 'blame' (Dixon 1972: 406)

cf. ngonja-nga-L Vt 'blame'

bonja- (not attested in Warrongo) cf. Warrgamay: bunja-Vt, Vi 'shoot' (Dixon 1981: 114), cf. Nyawaygi: bunja-L Vt 'shoot' (Dixon 1983: 506)

bonja-y-nga-L Vt 'smash, crash'

garo- (not attested in any language)

garo-y-nga-L Vt 'hide'

[7] Uncertain or unknown etymology In a fair number of instances, the etymology of the form to which -nga-L is added, is uncertain or unknown. (a) In certain instances, it is not certain if a verb and the same form affixed with -nga-L are related, e.g. (i) wanda-L 'leave' and wanda-y-nga-L 'let go', (ii) binda-Y Vi 'stand up', and binda-y-nga-L 'let go' (both listed in [6]) and:

jago-L Vi 'be sorry'

jago-nga-L Vt 'tie up'

jolba-L,jolba-Y Vi 'jump', cf. (1-4), (1-5)

jolba-nga-L Vt 'bury' cf.jolba-mba-L Vt 'bury' (4.7.3)

(b) The root to which -nga-L is added is not attested in Warrongo, e.g. garo-ynga-L 'hide' (mentioned in [6]-(c)), golmborr-nga-L 'set up [a fence], do neatly', gonyja-bara-nga-L 'split in the middle part of the belly of [ACC, e.g. kangaroo]', maywa-nga-L 'never make a mistake', andyawara-nga-L Vt 'spread'. It seems that these roots have survived in these verbs only. A cognate, or a possible cognate, of the root in question may be found outside Warrongo. See ngonja- and bonja- (mentioned in [6]-(c)), and:

Verb fonnation: -hi-L 'INTR ', -nga-L 'TR ', and -(m)ha-L 'TR'

Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 116): garrgiri Adj 'finished'

garrgiri-nga-L Vt 'finish'

Nyawaygi (Dixon1983: 504): baja 'shut, blocked, finished' (3-150)

baja-nga-L Vt 'finish' baja--baja-nga-L Vt 'finish up', e.g.

Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 112): baja 'shut, blocked'

cf. baja-bi-L Vi '[nose] be blocked up'

405

(c) Mira-nga-L Vt 'make' is used very frequently, despite the fact that the root mira- is not attested anywhere else in the language, except for the intransitive counterpart mira-bi-L:

mira- (not attested in Warrongo)

mira-nga-L Vt 'make', e.g. (3-244), (3-301), (4-256), Text 1, Line 49 cf. mira-bi-L Vi 'be made/formed, [baby] be born [or perhaps, conceived]' (4.7.1-[5D

Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 141, 218) has the verb miranga-LIY 'make' But miraby itself does not seem attested.

[8] Yama-nga-L 'so-TR', 'do so' andyama-bi-L 'so-INTR' 'be/become so'

As noted in 3.1.2-[6], 'speech act verbs', 'mental state verbs' or the like abound in languages such as English, but this is not the case in Warrongo. In view of this, yama-nga-L Vt 'so-TR' (listed in [3]-(a) above), involving the demonstrative adverb yama 'so, in such a way, like this, like that', is interesting. It seems to have the following uses. (a) Used by itself: 'do so', e.g. (3-270), (4-204), (4-608), (4-771), (4-812-B), Text 2, Line 36. (b) Modifying another verb: 'do so', e.g. (4-205). (c) Modifying the verb mayga-L 'tell, say'· jointly 'tell/say so', e.g. (4-135). (d) Used by itself: 'telllsay so', e.g. (4-206-b), Text 2, Line 27, Text 3, Line 9. (e) Used by itself: 'tell, say', without indicating 'so', e.g. (4-123), (4-162), (4-207-a), (4-208-a), (4-1009-A). (f) Used by itself: 'X call/name Y Z', e.g. (4-209) (second A), (4-210) (second W). (g) Used by itself: 'think' (or 'hope'?). Cf. (4-211). (4-204) (An example cited from a text. A man shows his wife how to clean a possum for cooking. Then, he says to her as follows.)

yama-nga-CJ yinda. (AP) so-TR-IMP 2SG.ERG 'Do like this.'

406

Syntax

(4-205) yama-nga-n balga-n. (AP) so-TR-NF hit-NF '[They] did so, hit [him]', i.e. 'They hit him like that.' (4-206) (An example cited from a text.) a. ngaygo. lSG.GEN '[My wife said to me] "[You are] my [husband]"' b. nganya yama-nga-n birgo-nggo. (AP) lSG.ACC so-TR-NF wife-ERG '[My] wife said so to me.' (4-207) (An example cited from a text. 'You want to kill that man.') a. bama-goman-0 yinda yama-nga-n. man-other-ACC 2SG.ERG so-TR-NF 'You said to other men.' b. ngona-0 ngana-0 nyon.gol-0 balga-0 (AP) that-ACC lPL-ERG one-ACC kill-IMP 'Let's kill that, one [man].' (4-208) (An example cited from a text.) a. warrngo-nggo yama-nga-n. woman-ERG so-TR-NF 'The woman said to [me]' b. ngaya gambilbarra-0 warrngo-0. (AP) lSG.NOM westerner-NOM woman-NOM Lit 'I [am] a westerner, a woman.' (The second sentence contains an instance of 'proper noun+ common noun'. See 4.5.2.1.2.) (4-209) (A conversation cited from a text.)

A ngani-0

boron-0?

what-NOM fighting.ground-NOM 'What [is] bororf?'

B. ngona-n-da balga-wa-yal. that,there-LINK-LOC hit-RECP-PURP '[People] hit each other there', i.e. 'People fight there.' A. ngona-0 jana-nggo yama-nga-n boron. that-ACC 3PL-ERG so-TR-NF fighting.ground-ACC 'They call that [place] boron.' A nyarri-0 binda-n (fall)/ boron-@ (rise)/. (AP) name-ACC stand.up-NF fighting.ground-ACC '[They] stood up [i.e. gave] the name boron.'

Verb/ormation: -hi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and-(m)ha-L 'TR' 401

(In B, the purposive-2 seems to describe a habit, practice or the like. In the second

A. it is not known whom 'they' refers to. It is not certain if the third A consists of one sentence. In view of the intonation contour, as shown above, it may consist of two sentences, in which case the boron-@ may be in the NOM and the sentence can be translated '[They] set up [i.e. gave] the name. It is boron' In the third A, binda-L Vt 'stand up' means 'give [a name].) (4-210) (A conversation between a husband (H) and his wife ryv), cited from a text He gives her a piece of gobonbara palm to eat. According to Alf Palmer, this palm is edible and tasty.)

H. yinda moja-0. 2SG.ERG eat-IMP 'Eat [this food].'

W. ngani-0

nyarri-0?

what-NOM name-NOM 'What [is] its name?'

H. gobonbara-0. (palm sp.)-NOM '[This is] a gobonbara palm.'

W. wanyo-lo yama-nga-n gobonbara-0? who-ERG so-TR-NF (palm sp.)-ACC 'Who named/called [it] gobonbara-0?'

H. ngana-0. lPL-ERG 'We [did].'

H. nyarri-0 goyba-n ngana-0 gobonbara-0. name-ACC give-NF lPL-ERG (palm sp.)-ACC 'We gave the name gobonbara.' H. yowo yarro-0 =wa. yes this-NOM=FOC 'Yes, indeed this [is] gobonbara.' H. yamanyon-0 moja-lgo yinda gobonbara-0. (AP) similar-ACC eat-PURP 2SG.ERG (palm sp.)-ACC 'You should eat a similar [piece of] gobonbara', or 'You should eat [piece of] gobonbara like this.' (In the third A of (4-209), binda-L Vt 'stand up' means 'give [a name]' In contmst, in the fourth H above, goyba-L 'give' is used to express 'give [a name]' It is difficult to set up the recipient NP The last sentence contains yamanyon 'similar' It exhibits an interesting behaviour. See 4.23.)

408

Syntax

(4-211) ngaya yama-nga-n 1SG.ERG so-TR-NF 'I think (or hope?) that

(AP)

Regarding (t), there is no suitable example at hand; cf. (4-211). But when asked to translate sentences such as 'I think that • (also 'hope' (?)), Alf Palmer used yama-nga-L 'so-TR', followed by a subordinate clause. This is probably not a traditional use of yama-nga-L. And I suspect that there was no verb for 'think', and that this new use of yama-nga-L 'think' started when the Warrongo language encountered a new culture (i.e. involvement in linguistic field work). The sentences 'X names/calls Y Z' (e.g. (4-209) (second A); cf. also (4-210) (second W; elliptical)) have 'ERG ACC ACC', and they may appear to be of threeplace. However, in the present work they are not regarded as three-place. This is because Z is not referential. With other three-place verbs (4.3.3.2), all of the arguments are referential. Yama-bi-L Vi 'be/become so' exhibits the following uses. No example has been which will be parallel to the use (e), (t) or (g) ofyama-nga-L 'so-TR'. (a) Used by itself: 'be/do so', e.g. (4-685). (b) Modifying another verb: 'do so', e.g. (4-127). (c) Modifying the verb mayga-gali-ZERO 'tell-ANTIP'· jointly 'tell/say so', e.g. (3-264). (d) Used by itself: 'tell/say so', e.g. (4-179). [9] Cognates or possible cognates of -nga-L occur: -nga- 'transitive-stem-forming' of Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 141, 144), -nga-L 'applicative, causative' of Yidiny (Dixon 1977b: 293, 364), and -nga-L 'verbalizing formative' of Gugu Yimidhirr (Haviland 1979: 80, Dixon 1980: 405)

4.7.3. Transitive-stem-forming suffix -(n~)ba-L This suffix (glossed 'TR', like -nga-L) occurs in Alf Palmer's Warrongo, but it does not seem attested in Alec Collins'. Its allomorphy is as follows.

-mba-L following a vowel or a liquid (1, r or rr) -ba-L following the nasal n There are two examples in which -ba-L follows the nasal n: (i) ngorrmbon-ba-L 'make a noise' (see [1] below), and (ii) goynbon~goynbon-ba-L 'feel sorry for' ([4] below). In the distribution of these two allomorphs, the liquids (though not the nasal n) are grouped together with vowels. In this respect, the liquids are more 'vowel-like' than the nasal n, and this is in keeping with the sonority hierarchy as shown in (293), where liquids are considered more sonorous (i.e. more vowel-like) than nasals.

Verb formation: -hi-L 'INTR ', -nga-L 'TR ', and -(m)ha-L 'TR' 409

In my data, n is the only nasal that is followed by -ba-L, and there is no example of any other nasal that is followed by -ba-L. It is possible to derive -ba-L from -niba-L: m is deleted when -niba-L follows a nasal; this will be an instance of dissimilation. Alternatively, it is possible to derive -mba-L from -ba-L: m is inserted when the preceding phoneme is not a nasal; see 2.6-[2] for nasal insertion. The verbs with -(m)ba-L are all transitive, and they belong to L-class. All the attested verbs are listed below. -(m)ba-L is not so productive as -bi-L 'INTR' or -nga-L 'TR'. It is attested with (i) nouns, including adjective-like nouns, (ii) adverbs, and (iii) verbs. It is almost always added to a root, but there is at least one instance in which it follows another stem-forming suffix: goyba-ra-niba-L 'knock over' (see [3]-(b) below). Like verbs with -bi-L and those with -nga-L, verbs with -(m)ba-L may modify another verb, e.g. (4-213), though not as frequently.

[1] -(m)ba-L added to nouns (a root in every example) The resultant stems sometimes (though not always) describe causation or creation.

jabo 'hole'

jabo-mba-L 'bury', e.g. (4-212)

garoji 'shoulders (as means of carrying(?))

ganyji-mba-L 'carry on the shoulders'

(This may be accidental, but there is the verb garoji-L Vt 'carry'.)

ngami 'lap' (also 'belly'(?))

ngami-niba-L 'hold/carry on the lap or the belly'

(The meaning 'belly' is not attested for the noun ngami.)

ngorrmbon 'noise which one would not like other people to hear'

ngorrmbon-ba-L 'inadvertently make a noise which one would not like other people to hear'

jora 'alive'

jora-mba-L 'cure [a sick person]'

gon.ga 'raw, alive'

gon.ga-mba-L 'cure [a sick person]'

(4-212) (An example cited from a text. 'My wife died.') ngoni ngaya jabo-niba-n. (AP) there lSG.ERG hole-TR-NF 'I buried [her] there.'

410

Syntax

[2] -(m)ba-L added to adverbs Here, its function seems to be simply formation of transitive stems, without indicating causation or creation.

ngarro 'in vain, unsuccessfully'

ngarro-mba-L 'try to get [someone, something] unsuccessfully', e.g. (3-237-c), (4-213), (4-777)

gaji 'maybe' (4.24-[7])

gaji-mba-L 'fool, deceive'

(4-213)

('I wanted to make love to her, but:') ngarro-mba-n ngaya banjo-n. (AP) in.vain-TR-NF lSG.ERG ask-NF 'I asked [her] unsuccessfully', i.e. 'I asked her, but I failed'.

[3] -(m)ba-L added to verbs (a) -(m)ba-L added to intransitive verbs (a-1) -(m)ba-L added to intransitive roots. The resultant sterns are causative verbs (S 0), although the semantic correspondence between the two verbs in each pair is not perfect.

waga-L Vi 'rise, get up'

waga-mba-L 'lift, pick up; wake up; choose; adopt [a child]', e.g. (4-215), (4-632)

jarga-L Vi 'enter, go in'

jarga-mba-L 'take in'

(There is the transitive verb jarga-L Vt 'enter, insert, put in'; see 4.9.3. Therefore, it is possible to say that -mba-L is added to the transitive jarga-L, resulting in Vt jarga-mba-L 'take in'.) (4-214) galbin-0 waga-n. (TT) child-NOM(S) rise-NF 'The child got up.' (4-215) bama-nggo galbin-0 waga-mba-n. (TT) rnan-ERG(A) child-ACC(O) rise-TR-NF 'The man lifted/adopted the child.' (a-2) -(m)ba-L added to an intransitive root followed by the stem-forming suffix -1

boji-L (not attested) boji-1-mba-L Vt 'take no notice of cf. boji-l....-boji-1 noun 'taking no notice' (3.11.1.6-[5]), boji-1....-boji-1-i-ZERO Vi 'take no notice, do not care' (3.11.1.6-[7])

Verb/ormation: -hi-L 'INTR', -nga-L 'TR', and-(m)ha-L 'TR'

411

(-lis identical with the nonfuture-2 suffix ofL-class (see Table 3-14), but it is best considered a stem-forming suffix (3.11.1.6). This is because the intransitive verb boji-L is not attested, and consequently the nonfuture-2 boji-1 is not attested.) Semantically, boji-1-mba-L Vt 'take no notice of' is rather like an applicative verb (S . A). Thus, compare:

(4-216) galbin-0 boji-l~boji-1-i-n. (TT) child-NOM(S) take.no.notice-NF 'The child took no notice.' (4-217) galbin-do bama-0 boji-1-mba-n. (TT) child-ERG(A) man-ACC(O) take.no.notice.of-NF 'The child took no notice of the man.' (b) -(m)ba-L added to a transitive verb. In the only instance, it is attached to a transitive stem that already contains a verb-stem-forming suffix. goyba-ra-L Vt 'give out' (See 3.11.1.4 for -rV-L.) cf. goyba-L Vt 'give'

goyba-ra-mba-L 'knock over, heap up', e.g. (4-905)

[4] -(m)ba-L added to roots that are not attested by themselves goynbon-goynbon-ba-L, goynbor-mba-L '[ERG] feel sorry for [ACC]' cf. goynbon-bi-L Vi 'feel sorry', goynbon-goynbon-bi-L Vi 'feel sorry, be sad' golmbo"-mba-L 'set up [a fence]' jolba-mba-L 'bury'

Note that goynbon ends with n (followed by -ba-L), while goynbor ends with r (followed by -mba-L). This is an instance of the alternation !JJ-In! (see the paragraph that follows 2.4-[7]). (Warrgamay (Dixon 1981: 115) has julbamba- Vt 'bury (deeply)', but julba by itself does not seem attested.) Semantically, goynbon-goynbon-ba-L and goynbor-mba-L Vt '[ERG] feel sorry for [ACC]' are applicative verbs (S : A). Thus, compare: (4-218) galbin-0 goynbon-bi-n bama-wo. (TT) child-NOM(S) feel.sorry-INTR-NF man-DAT 'The child felt sorry for the man.' (4-219) galbin-do bama-0 goynbon--goynbon-ba-n. (TT) child-ERG man-ACC feel.sorry.for-NF 'The child felt sorry for the man.'

412

Syntax

[5] In a few pairs, -nga-L and -(m)ba-L appear to be interchangeable, and no semantic difference between the two verbs is known.

jabo 'hole'

jabo-nga-L,jabo-mba-L 'bury'

jora 'alive, well'

jora-nga-L,jora-mba-L 'cure' jolba (not attested) jolba-nga-L,jolba-mba-L 'bury' cf. Warrgarnayjulbamba- 'bury (deeply)' (Dixon 1981: 115) golmborr (not attested) goyba-ra-L Vt 'give out'

golmborr-nga-L, golmborr-mba-L 'set up [a fence]' goyba-ra-nga-L 'knock over' goyba-ra-mba-L 'knock over, heap up'

[6] Cognate suffixes occur in neighbouring languages, e.g. -mba- 'causative (?)' of Gugu-Badhun (Sutton 1973: 142), -ma-LI-(m)ba-L 'causative, applicative' of Dyirbal (which includes Jirrbal, Girramay and Marnu) (Dixon 1972: 86, 95), -ma-l 'applicative, causative' of Warrgarnay (Dixon 1981: 77, 81), and -yma-Liba-L 'applicative' and -ma-L 'causative' ofNyawaygi (Di.xon 1983: 495, 499). In Australian languages, 'Both -nga-1 and -ma-l occur quite widely as transitive verbalisers' (Dixon 1980: 435). AlfPalrner used -ma-? (class unknown) to form a few transitive sterns. However, later he stated to the effect that -ma- is a Jirrbal form and that the Warrongo counterpart is -nga-L, and he gave the following pairs of correspondences.

jano 'half jago (not attested) golmborr (not attested)

Jirrbal jano-majago-magolmborr-ma-

Warrongo jano-nga-L 'cut into halves' jago-nga-L 'tie up' golmborr-nga-L 'set up [a fence]'

The above shows that Alf Palmer was conscious of the differences between Warrongo and other languages- although he may have used the non-Warrongo suffix -ma-? by mistake. (This paragraph has been included in view of the criticism targeted at AlfPalrner's data; see 1.8.4.1-[2].)

4.8.

Complex sentences involving purposive subordination

4.8.1. Introductory notes The use of purposive verbs is a common way to form subordination in many Australian languages (Dixon 1980: 458, 2002: 71, 87, 211). In Warrongo, too, the purposive-I (-lgo) and the purposive-2 (-yal) have two functions.

Complex sentences involving purposive subordination

413

(a) Finite use: used as the predicate of a simple sentence, or as the predicate of the main clause of a complex sentence. (b) Non-finite use: used as the predicate of the subordinate clause of a complex sentence. In their finite use, the two purposives express intention, volition, etc. (3.10.13). The following discussion will look at their non-finite use. In Warrongo, too, the use of the purposive-1, -2 is the most common way to form subordination, and it is utilized very frequently. The purposive-3 (3.10.14) and the purposive-4 (3.10.15) do not seem to be used to form the kind of subordination discussed below. The two purposives in their non-finite use generally express the following. (i) Purpose, e.g. (4-220), (4-221). (ii) Result/consequence or successive action, e.g. (4-222). Subordinate clauses involving one of these two purposives parallel the English so that clauses. The latter, too, may express (i) purpose (so that may) or (ii) result/ consequence ~ so thaf). Additional remarks on the semantics of purposive subordination will be given in 4.8.5-[1].

4.8.2. Combination of clauses In complex sentences involving purposive subordination (though not in every type of complex sentences) the main clause and the subordinate clause can be either transitive or intransitive, independently of each other, so that there are four possibilities. See Table 4-12. Table 4-12. Combination of clauses involving purposive subordination

(a) (b)

(c) (d)

main clause

subordinate clause

the verb of the subordinate clause with-/go with-yal

intransitive intransitive transitive transitive

intransitive transitive intransitive transitive

(4-232) (4-228), (4-229) (4-221) ( 4-234) to ( 4-236)

(4-220), (4-237) (4-230) (4-222), (4-231) (4-235), (4-238)

(4-220) (Advice to a man who is feeling dizzy.)

yinda

nyina-ya bori-ngga gagal-bi-yal

jili-0. (AP)

2SG.NOM(S) sit-IMP fire-LOC big-INTR-PURP eye-NOM(S) [S=S] 'Sit by the fire so that [your] eyes will become sober ([lit. big].'

414

Syntax

(4-221) (A man teased a woman, and he was accused by her. He said:)

jamo ngaya yina yama-nga-n just lSG.ERG(A) 2SG.ACC(O) so-TR-NF goli-yi-CJ waga-lgo yinda. (AP) angry-COM-NOM rise-PURP 2SG.NOM(S) [O=S] 'I said so to you just [for fun] so that you would get angry.' (4-222) ngaya nyonya jingga-n lSG.ERG(A) 3SG.ACC(O) punch-NF nyola yagay-bi-yal. (AP) 3SG.NOM(S) Ouch!-INTR-PURP [O=S] 'I punched him, so that he screamed.' '[S=S]' indicates that the S of the first clause and the S of the second clause are coreferential. Similarly for '[O=S]', etc. (In (4-220), to be strict, yinda '2SG. NOM(S)' andjili-CJ 'eye-NOM(S)' are not perfectly coreferential. They form the 'whole-part' relationship (4.20.1).) As noted in 4.6.4-(a-2), the purposive subordinate clause almost always follows the main clause. See 4.8.5-[4] for details. There appears to be no difference in subordination regarding semantics or syntax between the -lgo purposive and the -yal purposive. But there is possibly one morphological difference; see 4.8.5-[3]. Purposive subordination may contain two (or possibly more) purposive verbs. See 4.9.7-[5].

4.8.3. Coreference and syntactic ergativity As noted in 1.1 and 4.1, the most prominent feature of Warrongo is syntactic ergativity. A phenomenon which treats the S and the 0 in the same way and the A differently (i.e. S/0 vs. A) is ergativity, and one which treats the S and the A in the same way and the 0 differently (i.e. S/A vs. 0) is accusativity. They can be shown as in Figure 4-1. '

A

:

-··-··-··-··-··-··-··-···'

s ergativity Figure 4-1.

0

A

'

:

0

' ···-··-··-··-··-··-··-··-

s accusativity Ergativity and accusativity

Ergativity and accusativity may occur within clauses, i.e. intra-clausal ergativity and accusativity, respectively. They may involve case inflections, adposi-

Complex sentences involving purposive subordination

415

tions, cross-reference, etc. Furthermore, ergativity and accusativity may occur at the inter-clausal level, i.e. syntactic (or inter-clausal) ergativity and accusativity, respectively. (See Comrie (1978b) and Dixon (1979, 1994). Syntactic ergativity was first reported by Dixon (1972) for Dyirbal.) Warrongo exhibits split ergativity at the intra-clausal level, and this involves case marking. Roughly speaking, at this level, nouns show ergativity, and pronouns accusativity. See Table 3-1. Furthermore, it has syntactic (or inter-clausal) ergativity. The terms 'ergativity' and 'accusativity' as used in the present work will be characterized. (They are not used in exactly the same way as, for instance, in Dixon (1994).) Tsunoda (1986, 1987, 1988a, 1988b) proposed to classify coreference patterns involving the A, 0 and S as follows. (a) S/0 patterns: (b) S/Apattems: (c) neutral patterns: (d) aberrant patterns:

S=O,O=S S=A,A=S S=S, A=A, 0=0 A=O,O=A

Ergativity and accusativity are characterized as follows. (4-223) Ergativity and accusativity (a) Ergativity (S/0 vs. A) is manifested by: (a-1) S/0 patterns (S=O, O=S), and; (a-2) neutral patterns (S=S, A=A, 0=0). (b) Accusativity (S/A vs. 0) is manifested by: (b-1) S/A patterns (S=A, A=S), and; (b-2) neutral patterns (S=S, A=A, 0=0) The neutral patterns are neutral as to the dichotomy between ergativity and accusativity. It is in view of this that Tsunoda (1986: 190, 1987: 684, 1988a: 10, 1988b: 609) applied the label 'neutral' to them. In contrast, the aberrant patterns are incompatible with either of ergativity and accusativity. 'Aberrant patterns' are termed as such by Tsunoda (1986: 190, 1987: 684, 1988a: 10, 1988b: 609) because they appear to be universally disfavoured or prohibited in coreferential deletion, irrespective of a given language's preference in deletion patterns. Indeed, coreferential deletion involving an aberrant pattern appears to be prohibited in Warrongo, as we shall see in 4.8.4.

4.8.4. Coreferential deletion in purposive subordination [1] Ellipsis in Warrongo discourse Before discussing coreferential deletion, it is important to reiterate that Warrongo discourse is highly elliptical (1.1, 4.1). For example, consider (4-224-c) and (4-225-A),

416

Syntax

each of which contains a purposive subordinate clause. (A square bracket indicates deletion. The deleted words have been supplied by me, and indicated by means of '[TT]'.) (4-224) ('I had an erection.') a. ngarro-mba-gali-n ngaya. in.vain-TR-ANTIP-NF 1SG.NOM 'I tried to [hide my erection] in vain', i.e. 'I tried to hide my erection, but I could not.'

b. gamo-nggo ngaya

[iombi-0 TT] jilngga-n. water-ERG 1SG.ERG [penis-ACC] pour.water-NF Lit. 'I watered [my penis] with water.'

c. gido-nggo ngaya

[.iombi-0 TT] jilngga-n cold-ERG 1SG.ERG [penis-ACC(O)] pour.water-NF [.iombi-0 TT] wona-yaL [penis-NOM(S)] lie,sleep-PURP ([O]=[S]) Lit. 'I watered [my penis] with cold [water] so that [it] would sleep.' d. nyawa, nyola waga-n. (AP) NEG 3SG.NOM rise-NF 'No. It got up [again].' (The last sentence contains one of the two instances in which the pronoun '3SG' refers to a body part (3.1.2-[2].) (4-225) (A conversation cited from a text. A: 'That white man is looking for an Aboriginal man.')

bama-0? B. ngani-nga-lgo nyola what-TR-PURP 3SG.ERG man-ACC(O) 'What will he do to/with an [Aboriginal] man'?' A. [nyola

bama-0 TT] ganJ!ji-lgo [bama-0 TT] magoli-yal [3SG.ERG man-ACC(O)] carry-PURP [man-NOM(S)] work-PURP nyongo nyongo-n nyongo-n nyongo-n-da. (AP) (error) (error) (error) 3SG-LINK-LOC 'He will take [an Aboriginal man] so that [the Aboriginal man] would work with/for him.' ([O]=[S])

(The locative in (4-225-A) seems to indicate 'in the employment of' (3.6.3-[4].) In (4-224-c), both occurrences ofjombi-0 are understood. In (4-225-A), both occurrences of bama-0 are elliptical. See Texts 1 and 2 for more examples. Also, consider (4-246). According to the analysis adopted, the first occurrence of the two NPs for the A, and not the second occurrence, is understood. Also, the first occurrence of the two NPs for the 0, and not the second occurrence, is understood.

Complex sentences involving purposive subordination

417

Regarding instances such as (4-224-c) ([0]=[0]), (4-225-A) ([O]=[S]) and (4246) ([A]=A, [0]=0), it does not seem meaningful to discuss coreferential deletion. In the following, we shall look at instances in which at least the first occurrence of the coreferential NPs is not elliptical. [2] 'Postcedent'· its retention, pronominalization, and deletion When a sentence contains two coreferential NPs, the one that precedes will be called 'antecedent', and the one that follows will be called 'postcedent'. (The term 'antecedent' is a usual linguistic term, while the term 'postcedent' has been coined by me.) We shall look at a hypothetical language, employing English words. In a given coreference situation, the antecedent may be a noun, as in (4-226), or a pronoun, as in (4-227). In (4-226), the postcedent may be the same noun, as in (4226-a) (i.e. retention of the noun), a pronoun (i.e. pronominalization), as in (4-226b), or a 'zero pronoun' (i.e. deletion of the noun), as in (4-226-c). In (4-227), the postcedent may be the same pronoun (i.e. retention of the pronoun), as in (4-227-a), or a 'zero pronoun' (i.e. deletion of the pronoun), as in (4-227-b). (4-226) a. The man b. Theman c. Theman

the man he 0

(4-227) a. Ilyou/he/etc .... , I/youlhe/etc. b. Ilyoulhe/etc .... , 0

(retention) (pronominalization) (deletion) (retention) (deletion)

In Warrongo, the most frequent method is deletion: (4-226-c) and (4-227-b). However, deletion does not seem always obligatory. There are instances in which the expected deletion does not take place. This will be discussed below in 4.8.4 and in 4.9.11.2. Warrongo has pronouns (Table 3-6), but it does not employ pronominalization commonly, in contrast with languages such as English. ((4-676) contains a rare instance of pronominalization. The antecedent is the noun yori-0 'kangarooNOM(S)' and the postcedent is the pronoun nyonya '3SG.ACC(O)'. (4-676) involves subordination; the subordinate clause involves the participle-1 and it follows the rn ain clause.)

[3] Deletion: ideal patterns and actual patterns When discussing possible patterns in coreferential deletion in Warrongo (and no doubt in many other languages as well), it is important to distinguish between the following. (a) Ideal patterns: they are most clearly observed in, e.g., (i) in sentences given in elicitation, and (ii) a speaker's acceptability judgement of sentences cited out of context. (b) Actual patterns: they are observed in the texts.

418

Syntax

As seen in Table 3-1 and 4.8.3, in case-marking, nouns show ergativity (S/0 vs. A), while pronouns exhibit accusativity (S/A vs. 0) (Table 3-1). In view of this, it is sometimes necessary to distinguish nouns and pronouns when discussing coreferential deletion patterns. Ideal patterns (not actual patterns) in coreferential deletion involving purposive subordination regarding the A, 0 and S are shown in Table 4-13. This applies to both nouns and pronouns, although they have different case marking patterns. (Coreferential deletion involving other arguments and adjuncts does not seem to be syntactically governed, and it has not been possible to set up any syntactic condition for it.) Table 4-13 is concerned with purposive subordination, but this principle of coreferential deletion has a much broader relevance and is very important in Warrongo syntax. Table 4-13. Ideal coreferential deletion patterns involving purposive subordination

SIO patterns

neutral patterns

SfA patterns

aberrant patterns

main clause

purposive clause

s

0

yes

( 4-228) to ( 4-230)

0

yes

(4-231)

Is deletion possible'?

examples

s

s s

A

A

yes yes

(4-232), (4-233) (4-234)

0

0

yes

(4-235), (4-236)

s

A

no

A

s

no

A 0

0 A

no no

As Table 4-13 shows, where ideal patterns (not actual patterns) are concerned, coreferential deletion is possible:

(a) if the coreference is in one of the S/0 patterns (S=O, O=S), or;

(b) if it is in one of the neutral patterns (S=S, A=A, 0=0). But coreferential deletion is not possible: (c) if the coreference is in one of the S/A patterns (S=A, A=S), or; (d) if it is in one of the aberrant patterns (A=O, O=A). This shows that ideal patterns of coreferential deletion manifest ergativity (i.e. S/0 vs. A), and not accusativity (S/A vs. 0). They are in keeping of the case marking pattern of nouns (S/0 vs., A), and not that of pronouns (S/A vs. 0). For pronouns, too, the ideal deletion patterns are as shown in Table 4-13, despite the accusativity in their case marking. Examples include (4-228) and (4-230).

Complex sentences involving purposive subordination

419

The possibilities/impossibilities shown in Table 4-13 are ideal patterns, as reflected in Alf Palmer's introspection. In the texts, deviations from the ideal patterns do occur, as shown in 4.9.4.1 and 4.9.4.2. Nonetheless, clearly they are impossible patterns in Alf Palmer's introspection. A good example to show this is (4-240) in 4.9.8.2.1, cited from a text. It involves a pronoun, and the deletion pattern is 'S=[A]' However, it is ungrammatical in Alf Palmer's introspection, and consequently it is best considered 'a performance error' Examples of deletion in an ideal pattern follow. First, examples of the S/0 patterns (S=O, O=S). S=[O]

(4-228) (A kangaroo was speared.) nyola wadali-n ngoni-n-da 3SG.NOM(S) run-NF there-LINK-LOC gando-nggo [nyonya TT] baja-lgo. (AP) dog-ERG(A) [3SG.ACC(O)] bite-PURP 'It hopped [lit. ran] [away], and the dog bit [it] there.' (S=[O])

(4-229) (AlfPalrner described an old house that was going to be pulled down soon.) yamba-0 jana-n [bama-nggo yamba-0 TT] woda-lgo. (AP) house-NOM(S) stand-NF [man-ERG(A) house-ACC(O) pull.down-PURP Lit. 'The house is standing and [the men] will pull [the house] down', i.e. 'The house is standing to be pulled down.' (S=[O])

(4-230) nyola

gawali-0 yinda [nyonya TT] ngawa-yal. (AP) 3SG.NOM(S) call.out-NF 2SG.ERG(A) [3SG.ACC(O)] hear-PURP 'He called out [to you] so that you could hear [him].' (S=[O]) O=[S]

(4-231) gajarra-nggo

gando-f2J baja-n [gqiaFTa-0 TT] gawali-yal (AP) possum-ERG(A) dog-ACC(O) bite-NF [possurn-ACC(O)] call.out-PURP 'A possum bit a dog and [consequently] the dog [not the possum] yelped.' (O=[S])

Examples of the neutral patterns (S=S, A=A, 0=0). S=[S]

(4-232) bama

yani-f2J [bama-f2J TT] yamba-ngga banda-lgo. (AP) man-NOM(S) go-NF [rnan-NOM(S)] carnp-LOC ernerge-PURP 'The man went and [the man] carne out to a camp.' S=[S]

(4-233) bama-0

yani-f2J [bama-f2J TT] nyina-yaL (AP) rnan-NOM(S) go-NF [rnan-NOM(S)] sit-PURP 'The man went and [the man] sat [down].' S=[S]

420

Syntax

A=[A] (4-234) (AlfPalmer described my work as a linguist as follows.)

yinda

ngana-ngo gogo-@

moga-n

2SG.ERG(A) IPL-GEN language-ACC(O) get-NF Lvinda ngana-ngo gogo-0 TT] ganyji-lgo. (AP) [2SG.ERG(A) IPL-GEN language-ACC(O)] take-PURP 'You are getting [i.e. studying] our language so that [you] can take [our language to Japan].' (A=[A], 0=[0]) 0=[0] (4-235) (The context is the same as that for (4-178).)

yinda

ngana-ngo gogo-0

moga-lgo

2SG.ERG(A) lPL-GEN language-ACC(O) get-PURP

yinda

[ngana-ngo gogo-0]

ganyji-lgo

2SG.ERG(A) [IPL-GEN language-ACC{O)] take-PURP [or, ganyji-yal]. (AP) [or, take-PURP] 'You will get [i.e. learn] our language so that you can take [our language to Japan].' (A=A, 0=[0]) (In (4-235), the second occurrence of yinda is not deleted. However, a version in which it is deleted is preferred; see (4-234).) (4-236) (AlfPalmer described his language work as follows.)

yino

yarro-0 gogo-0

ngaya

goyba-n

ISG.GEN this-ACC language-ACC(O) ISG.ERG(A) give-NF yinda [yarro-0 gogo-@ TT] yarro-ngomay-0 2SG.ERG(A) [this-ACC language-ACC(O)] this-ABL-ACC(O) ganyji-lgo. (AP) take-PURP 'I give [i.e. teach] you this language so that you can take [this language] from here [to Japan].' (0=[0]) To be exact, (4-236) is not a good example of '0=[0]', for the wordyarro-ngomay-0 is part of the 0 NP, and consequently the 0 NP is not completely deleted. Deletion of yarro-ngomay-0 will yield a perfect example of '0=[0]' (Note that (4-236) shows Alf Palmer's dedicated efforts to have his language documented. It is in view this that I cite this sentence, despite the fact that it is not a perfect example of '0=[0]'.)

Complex sentences involvingputposive subordination

421

[4] Obligatoriness/non-obligatiriness of deletion We shall examine whether or not the deletion of the second occurrence of the coreferential NP (hereafter, 'NP2') is obligatory when the pattern is one of the S/0 patterns or of the neutral patterns (cf. Table 4-13). We need to take the following two factors into consideration. (a) The second occurrence of the coreferential NP: pronoun vs. noun. (b) Tightness of clause-linkage. We shall discuss the factor (b) in 4.9.6.1. In the following we shall consider the factor (a). When the NP2 is a pronoun, this deletion is not obligatory. It is retained in a fair number of examples, e.g. yinda '2SG.NOM(S)' in (4-221) (cited from a text), nyola '3SG.NOM(S)' in (4-222) (cited from a text), and yinda '2SG.ERG(A)' in (4-235) (spontaneously given during our conversation). When the NP is a noun, it is almost always deleted - as far as spontaneous examples (given in a text or during our conversation) are concerned. However, this deletion does not seem obligatory. First, there is at least one example (and possibly more) in which the second occurrence of the coreferential NPs is not deleted. See (4-626) (second bolari-0 'two-ACC'). Second, AlfPalmer approved a fair number of sentences which I had composed and in which the NP2 is left un-deleted, e.g. (4-37) and (4-238). Another example is (4-637) (giya-0 'hook-ACC'). (4-237) bama-0 yani-n bama-0 nyina-yaL (TT, AP) man-NOM(S) go-NF man-NOM(S) sit-PURP Intended meaning: 'The man went and the same man sat [down].' (S=S) (4-238) bama-nggo yori-0 baba-n man-ERG(A) kangaroo-ACC(O) stab-NF

bama-nggo

[yori-0] ganyji-yal. (TT, AP) man-ERG(A) [kangaroo-ACC(O)] carry-PURP Intended meaning: 'The man speared a kangaroo and the same man carried it' (A=A, O=[OD In (4-237), the second occurrence of bama-0 'man-NOM(S)' is not deleted. In (4238), the second occurrence of yori-0 'kangaroo-ACC(O)' is deleted, but that of bama-nggo 'man-ERG(A)' is left un-deleted. If sentences such as these- where the NP2 is a noun and it is retained - are acceptable at all, they are almost certainly artificial and stilted. They are not attested in spontaneously given data. No doubt, (4-233) (in which the NP2 bama-0 'man-NOM(S)' is deleted) would be preferred to (4-237). Similarly, (4-239) (in which the NP2 bama-nggo 'man-ERG(A)' and the NP2 yori-0 'kangaroo-ACC(O)' are deleted) would be preferred to (4-238).

422

Syntax

(4-239) bama-nggo yori-0 baba-n man-ERG(A) kangaroo-ACe stab-NF

[bama-nggo yori-0] ganyji-yal. (TT) [man-ERG(A) kangaroo-ACC{O)] carry-PURP 'The man speared a kangaroo and [the man] carried it.' (A=[A], 0=[0]) Deletion/retention of nouns vs. pronouns as NP2 will be further discussed in 4.9.8.2.2, in particular, in [1] and [5].

4.8.5. More on purposive subordination Additional remarks on the semantics, syntax, and verb morphology of purposive subordination are provided. [1] Semantics (a) Purpose, and result/consequence or successive action As seen above, when used in subordinate clauses, purposives generally express (i) purpose, or (ii) result/consequence or successive action. (There are at least two exceptions; see below.) However, this classification is not straightforward. Which reading a given instance has depends on the context. For example, (4-220), (4-221), (4-234) to (4-236) each indicate purpose in the context in which they were uttered. In contrast, (4-228), cited from a text, describes a result/consequence. First, it was not the kangaroo's intention to be bitten by the dog, so the sentence would not have a purpose reading. Second, in that story the kangaroo was actually bitten by the dog, so the sentence should have a result/consequence reading. Similarly for (4-222). In the case of purpose reading, the sentence itself does not specify whether the intended purpose is realized or not. It is realized in most instances. For example, this is the case with (4-234) through (4-236), for I brought the Warrongo language (to be precise, the Warrongo language materials) to Japan. (However, I have started returning the language to Warrongo people (1.9).) But there are also instances in which it is not known whether the intended purpose is realized or not. For example, concerning (4-220) it is not known if 'your eyes' actually became sober. There are at least two exceptions to the generalization that, when used in subordinate clauses, purposives generally express (i) purpose, or (ii) result/consequence or successive action: (4-240) and (4-653).

(4-240) (An example cited from a text.)

ngaya

wadali-n bama-nggo

nganya

balga-lgo. (AP)

1SG.NOM(S) run-NF man-ERG(A) 1SG.ACC(O) kill-PURP 'I ran [away, for] a man was going to kill me.' (S=O)

Complex sentences involving purposive subordination

423

In this sentence, the purposive does not indicate purpose or consequence, i.e. this sentence does not mean 'I ran so that a man could kill me' or 'I ran, so that a man killed me' This is despite the fact that this sentence has the same structure as that of (4-228) to (4-230): intransitive clause+ transitive clause (S=O). One way- admittedly an ad hoc way- to deal with these exceptions is to say that (4-240) and (4-653) do not involve subordination. That is, they each consist of two sentences. (b) Causative 'Any causative situation involves two component situations, the cause and its effect (result)' (Comrie 1981a: 158). As seen above, the Warrongo purposive subordination can express result/consequence, and therefore some of the instances can have a causative reading. For example, (4-231) can be paraphrased as follows: 'A possum bit a dog, and made it yelp' The same applies, for instance, to (4-225-A): 'The white man will take an Aboriginal man to make him work for him' Warrongo does not have any constructions that are dedicated to causatives. Nonetheless, causative situations can be expressed by (i) transitive verbs involving -nga-L (4.7.2), e.g. (4-184), (4-185), (4-187), (4-188-b), (4-197), (4-199), (4-201), (4-203), or those involving -(m)ba-L, e.g. (4-215), (ii) purposive subordination, and also (iii) subordination involving the participle-} (-nyo) (4.15.1), and (iv) subordination involving the participle-2 (-nji) (4.15.2). [2] Syntax (1): 'jussives' and complementation There are many instances of purposive subordination of uses other than purpose, result/consequence, and causative. They are (i) 'jussive' use and (ii) complementation use. The purposive verb employed is intransitive. There is no example involving a transitive verb. (Antipassives, for instance, can be used in 'jussives' and complementation (4.9.7-[2], -[3]). They are surface-intransitive.) The purposive clause follows the main clause, as is the case with purposive subordination generally. (a) 'Jussive use' In the instances of the 'jussive use' or the like Ctell someone to do'), the main clause involves a transitive verb: mayga-L 'tell' ('tell X to do'), e.g. (4-241), (4990-a), Text 3, Lines 5, 6, ngonbaynga-L 'show, teach' ('show/teach X how to do'), or banjo-L 'ask' ('ask X to do'), e.g. (4-242). In the jussive use, the main clause is transitive. As noted above, the purposive subordinate clause is intransitive. The coreference pattern is 'O=S'. (4-241) bama-nggo wamJgo-0 mayga-n [warmgo-0 TT] yani-yal. (AP) man-ERG(A) woman-ACC(O) tell-NF [woman-NOM(S)] go-PURP 'The man told the woman to go.' (O=[S])

banjo-n [wamJgo-0 TT] yani-yal. (TT) (4-242) bama-nggo warmgo-0 man-ERG(A) woman-ACC(O) tell-NF [woman-NOM(S)] go-PURP 'The man asked the woman to go.' (O=[S])

424

Syntax

(b) Complementation use In the instances of the complementation use, purposive verbs are used rather like infinitives of English, as shown in the translations given below. (As stated above, both in the jussive use and the complementation use, the purposive verb is intransitive.) As seen above, in the jussive use, the main clause is transitive. In contrast, in the complementation use, the main clause is intransitive. As noted above, the purposive subordinate clause is intransitive. The coreference pattern is 'S=S'. The main clause may contain an intmnsitive verb, e.g. (4-243), but it may also be a 'verbless clause', e.g. (4-244), and also (4-918), (4-919) (they containjarribara-0 'good-NOM'). (4-243) (In a text, Alf Palmer narrates his (imaginary?) visits to many places. After these visits, at long last he comes to Cashmere Station, where he grew up; see 1.8.4.1-[1]. He says as follows.) ngaya bormw-bi-n [ngaya TT] yarro-wo yani-yal. (AP) ISG.NOM(S) deaf-INTR-NF [lSG.NOM(S)] this-DAT come-PURP 'I have forgotten to come here.' (S=[S]) (See 1.5.8-[2] and 4.7.1-[1]-(a) for borrmo-bi-L 'forget'.) (4-244) ngaya walngga-yi-0 [ngaya TT] yani-yal. (AP) 1SG.NOM(S) breath-COM-NOM [ISG.NOM(S)] go-PIJRP 'I want to go.' (S=[S]) (See 3.6.8-[5] for walngga-yi-0 'eager, keen'.) The following, too, can be used in the main clause for complementation.

ngorga-L 'be embarrassed': 'be embarrassed to do' jilbay 'knowing': 'know how to'. birra-wa-Y 'tell-RECP', 'tell each other'· 'tell each other about doing', i.e. 'discuss doing' The same applies to mayga-wa-n 'tell-RECP-NF' in (4-529). (Reciprocal verbs (4.12) are surface-intransitive.) Semantically, all the uses of purposive subordination (i.e. (i) purpose, (ii) result, consequence, successive action, (iii) causative, (iv) jussive and (v) complementation) share a common denominator: they describe a situation that did/will/may happen after the situation denoted by the main clause, i.e., a situation that is posterior to the event of the main clause. They may be considered as 'relative future'. In contrast, as will be shown in 4.15.3, the participles-I, -2 may be regarded as 'relative nonfuture' That is, the purposives-1, -2 and the participles-!, -2 exhibit a complementary distribution.

Complex sentences involving purposive subordination

425

[3] Verb morphology

As seen in 3.10.12, very roughly speaking, verbs of L-class have the purposive-} (-lgo) as well as the purposive-2 (-yal) (e.g. banda-L Vi 'emerge': banda-yal, banda-lgo), while verbs of Y-class and those of ZERO-class have the purposive-2 (-yal), but not the purposive-I (cf. nyina-Y Vi 'sit' nyina-yal, *nyina-lgo). This applies to derived verbs of Y-class, and those of ZERO-class (cf. balga-gali-ZERO 'hit-ANTIP' (surface-intransitive): balga-gali-yal, *balga-gali-lgo). Now, when purposive subordination indicates (i) purpose, (ii) result, consequence, successive action, or (iii) causative, both purposives are used. (The purposive verbs may either intransitive or transitive.) Examples are in 4.8.2 and 4.8.4. In this respect, there is no difference between the two purposives. In contrast, in (iv) jussive and (v) complementation (where the purposive verb is intransitive), there may possibly be a difference between the two purposives. That is, the purposive-2 (-yal) is attested; see (4-241) to (4-244). (Examples involving an antipassive verb are given in 4.9.7-[2], -[3].) In contrast, the purposive-} (-lgo) is not attested. That is, there is no example such as (4-245). The purposive-} form (banda-yal) is no doubt perfectly acceptable.

mayga-n (4-245) ?bama-nggo warmgo-0 man-ERG(A) woman-ACC(O) tell-NF [warmgo-0]

banda-lgo yamba-ngga. (TT) [woman-NOM(S)] emerge-PURP camp-LOC Intended meaning: 'The man told the woman to come out to the camp.' The absence of the purposive-1 (-lgo) in the jussive and the complementation uses may be due to the incompleteness of the data. However it is also possible that the purposive-I is unacceptable in these uses, in contrast with the purposive-2 (-yal). [4] Syntax (2): constituent order

As stated in 4.6.4-(a-2) and 4.8.2, the purposive clause almost always follows the main clause. (This is in conformity with Greenberg's (1978: 84, 111) Universal 15: 'In expressions of volition and purpose, a subordinate verbal form always follows the main verb as the normal order except in those languages in which the nominal object always precedes the verb'.) However, there are just a few exceptions, in which the purposive clause precedes the main clause, e.g. (3-9-b), (4-641) (baba-ri-lgo 'stab-APPL-PURP'), (4-720). Furthermore, there are a very few instances in which the purposive subordinate clause contains an interrogative word and the interrogative word occurs sentenceinitially. That is, it precedes the main clause, e.g. (4-246), (4-982-:M). (In (4-246), the main clause is underlined with a double line, and the subordinate clause with a single line.)

426

Syntax

(4-246) ('I grabbed her buttocks to tease her, and she got angry. She said to me:')

ngani-nga-lgo

[yinda gombo-0 TT] what-TR-PURP [2SG.ERG(A) buttocks-ACC(O)]

yinda

gombo-0

(~ubordinate)

moga-n? (AP)

2SG.ERG(A) buttocks-ACC(O) grab-NF

.

=========================(mam)

Lit. 'So that [you] could do what with [my buttocks] you grabbed [my] buttocks?' ([A]=A, [0]=0) In passing I note that it might be argued that [yinda gombo-0 TT] should be supplied in the main clause, as in (4-247), and not in the subordinate clause, as in (4246).

gombo-0 (4-247) ngani-nga-lgo yinda what-TR-PURP 2SG.ERG(A) buttocks-ACC(O). - - - - - - - - - - - - - (subordinate) Lvinda gombo-0 TT] moga-n? (AP) [2SG.ERG(A) buttocks-ACC(O)] grab-NF . ~====~==========~~====(mm~

Lit. 'So that you could do what with [my] buttocks [you] grabbed [my buttocks]?' (A=[A], 0=[0]) That is, the deletion of [yinda gombo-0 TT] takes place in the subordinate clause according to the analysis shown in (4-246), and in the main clause according to the analysis shown in (4-247). I prefer the analysis shown in (4-246). There are two reasons. First, in terms of intonation, ngani-nga-lgo has a fall (though very slight) towards the end. Second, there is a pause (though very brief) after nganinga-lgo. That is, the intonation contour and the pause suggest that there is a clause boundary after ngani-nga-lgo. This is reflected in (4-246); the clause boundary is placed after ngani-nga-lgo (with the deleted [yinda gombo-0 TT] intervening). In contrast, according to the analysis shown in (4-247) the clause boundary is not after ngani-nga-lgo. But this analysis does not reflect the intonation contour or the pause. The preceding paragraph has been included to show that, when dealing with deletion in complex sentences, it is not always easy to decide whether the deletion took place in the main clause or the subordinate clause. (According to this adopted analysis, the antecedents are deleted, and the postcedents are not. This does not fit in any of the 'ideal patterns' shown in Table 4-13.) Incidentally, the preceding paragraph also shows that syntactic analysis should not neglect phonetic factors, such as intonation contour and pause. [5] Syntax (3): negation See 4.9. 7-[8].

Antipassive construction

421

4.9. Antipassive construction 4.9.1. Case frames and verbal morphology The antipassive construction occurs frequently in Alf Palmer's Warrongo. As mentioned in 4.1, it plays a crucial role in effecting syntactic ergativity. It appears to occur in Alec Collins' Warrongo, too, although the relevant data are severely limited. We shall mainly look at the antipassive construction in Alf Palmer's Warrongo. Brief notes on that in Alec Collins' Warrongo are added at the end of 4.9.1. Many (though not all; see below) transitive verbs can have an antipassive form. (A full list of antipassive verbs is in 4.9.9.1.) Antipassive verbs contain the stemforming suffix -gali-ZERO. The correspondence between (basic, non-derived) transitive clauses and their antipassive counterparts is shown in Table 4-14. 'Actor' and 'undergoer', taken from Foley and Van Valin (1984: 30), are semantic roles, rather than cases (e.g. ERG, NOM, ACC) or syntactic functions (e.g. A, S, 0). To be more specific, they are macro-roles. 'Actor' includes roles such as 'agent' and 'e"-'Periencer', and 'undergoer' includes roles such as 'patient' and 'theme'. Table 4-14. Basic transitive clauses and antipassive clauses

actor

undergoer

verb

transitive

ERG(A)

ACC(O)

Vt

antipassive-(a) antipassi.ve-(b) antipassi.ve-(c) antipassive-(d)

NOM (d-S) NOM (d-S) NOM (d-S) NOM (d-S)

ERG D.AT GEN ACC

Vt-gali-ZERO Vt-gali-ZERO Vt-gali-ZERO Vt-gali-ZERO

example

(4-249), (4-258) (4-252), (4-253) (4-351), (4-352) (4-354), (3-355)

The actor is the A ('transitive subject') in transitive clauses, but it is changed into the S ('intransitive subject') in antipassive counterparts. The antipassive construction is surface-intransitive; see 4.9.2. The S of the antipassive construction (and also of a few other types of surface-intransitive constructions) will be referred to as 'derived S' Cd-S'), as against the 'basic S' of basic intransitive clauses. (See 4.3.2 for basic and derived clauses.) The case frames (a) and (b) are the most common. Among more than one thousand examples of the antipassive construction, the ACC is generally turned into the ERG (i.e. (a) NOM-ERG) or the DAT (i.e. (b) NOM-DAT). Exceptionally, in about five examples, it is turned into the GEN (i.e. (c) NOM-GEN). Also, in about fifteen examples the ACC remains unchanged (i.e. (d) NOM-ACC). The following discussion is in the main concerned with the two common types: (a) and (b). The GEN of (c) and the ACC of (d) will be discussed in 4.9.9.4. An example of (a) is (4-249). Compare it with the transitive (4-248). An example of (b) is (4-251). Compare it with the transitive (4-1250).

428

Syntax

(4-248) bama-nggo gamo-0 bija-n. (AP) man-ERG(A) water-ACC(O) drink-NF 'The man drank/drinks water.' (ERG-ACC) (4-249) bama-0 gamo-nggo bija-gali-n. (AP) man-NOM(d-S) water-ERG drink-ANTIP-NF '(As above.)' (NOM-ERG)

yangga-n. (AP) (4-250) bama-nggo gamo-0 man-ERG(A) water-ACC(O) search.for-NF 'The man looked/looks for water.' (ERG-ACC) (4-251) bama-0 gamo-wo yangga-gali-n. (AP) man-NOM(d-S) water-DAT search.for-ANTIP-NF '(As above.)' (NOM-DAT) Strictly speaking, there appear to be semantic differences between transitive clauses and their antipassive counterparts. See 4.9.10. Furthermore, there is possibly a pragmatic difference, too. See 4.9.11.2. Nouns have an ERG form distinct from the NOM form (Table 3-2), and the change in the actor NP from the ERG to the NOM is explicit; see (4-248) through (4-251). However, with pronouns (except for '3DU', '3PL', and 'who'), the ERG and the NOM forms are identical (Table 3-6), and the change from the A to the S is not reflected in their form. Thus, compare (4-252) (cited from a text) and (4-253) (composed by me). (4-252) yowo ngali-nya yangga-n nyola=wa. (AP) yes IDU-ACC(O) search.for-NF 3SG.ERG(A)=FOC 'Yes, indeed he is looking for us.' (ERG-ACC) (The enclitic =wa seems to indicate focus or the like. See 4.25-[6].)

yangga-gali-n nyola. (TT) (4-253) ngali-ngo-n-go IDU-LINK-LINK-DAT search.for-ANTIP-NF 3SG.NOM(d-S) 'He is looking for us.' (NOM-DAT) Despite this, there is syntactic evidence to show that the function has changed from the A to the S. See 4.9.2 and 4.9.4.2. (This clearly indicates that it is important to distinguish between form and function.) We turn now to the undergoer NP. Where nouns are involved, the ERG undergoer NP of antipassive-(a) (NOM-ERG) has the same form as the A of transitive clauses (also ERG). Thus, compare gamo-nggo 'water-ERG' of (4-249) and bama-nggo 'man-ERG'(A) of (4-248). However, the ERG undergoer NP is best considered as distinct from the A The main reason is that it does not participate in coreferential deletion in the way the A NP does. (Coreferential deletion involving the antipassive construction will be discussed in 4.9.4 and 4.9.5.) It is best regarded

Antipassive construction

429

as a member of 'other arguments' in terms of the classification of constituents of clauses set up in 4.4. (In my earlier writings on Warrongo, e.g. Tsunoda 1988b, I distinguished the instrumental case and the ergative case, and considered an ERG undergoer NP of the present work to be in the instrumental case.) The DAT undergoer NP of antipassive-(b) (NOM-DAT), too, is best regarded as a member of 'other arguments'. As mentioned at the beginning of 4.9.1, not all transitive verbs can have an antipassive form. (A full list of antipassive verbs is in 4.9.9.1) First, transitive roots can be classified into certain semantic types. Some roots can have an antipassive form, but others seem unable to. This will be discussed in 4.9.9.1. Second, there are three suffixes that form transitive stems: -nga-L (4.7.2), -(m)ba-L (4.7.3), and -ri-L 'applicative' (4.14). The stems formed with -nga-L or -(m)ba-L can be followed by -gali-ZERO, becoming antipassive verbs. In contrast, applicative verbs cannot be followed by -galt-ZERO, and they cannot have an antipassive form. The paradigm of antipassive verbs is given in Table 3-15. Antipassive verbs belong to ZERO-class. The apprehensional form involves -ng-ga (ZERO-class); there is only one example. (4-254) ngaya yarro-n-da ngawa-gali-ngga. (AP) 1SG.NO:M(d-S) here-LINK-LOC hear,listen. to-ANTIP-APPR AlfPalmer's translation: 'I gonna listen [here TT]' (This particular apprehensional verb seems to imply intention (3.10.11-[2]-(b).) The purposive form involves -yal, and not -1-go. The inflectional possibilities of antipassive verbs are limited, compared with those of some other verbs (Table 3-14). For example, they lack participles. Also, their derivational possibilities seem non-existent. That is, they seem unable to be followed by any other stem-forming suffix. Alec Collins' Warrongo (recorded by Peter Sutton), too, has the antipassive construction. The data are limited, but the following verbs are found. (a) Antipassive verbs: the transitive counterparts are attested in Alec Collins' Warrongo. (a-1) wajo-li-f2J 'cook-ANTIP-NF' (NOM-ERG), e.g. (4-255). (a-2) mira-nga-li-0 'make-ANTIP-NF' (NOM-ERG), e.g. (4-256). (See 4.7.2[7]-(c) for the transitive verb mira-nga-L 'make'.) (a-3) woja-li-go 'eat-ANTIP-PURP' (Its case frame is not known.) According to Alec C.ollins, woja-li-go and woja-lgo are Jalngoy words (cf. 1.6.1). (b) Putative antipassive verbs: the transitive counterparts are not attested in Alec Collins' Warrongo. (b-1) yangga-li-go 'search.for-ANTIP-PURP' (NOM-DAT), e.g. (4-257). (b-2) birra-li-go 'talk-ANTIP-PURP' (Its case frame is not known.) (b-3) baya-li-ya 'sing-ANTIP-IMP' (Its case frame is not known.)

430

Syntax

In the antipassive verbs of Alec Collins, the suffix employed is -li-ZERO, and not -galt-ZERO. The case frame NOM-ERG occurs. NOM-DAT, too, seems to be employed. Clearly the verbs listed in (a) are antipassive verbs. For each of them, the transitive counterpart is attested in Alec Collins' Warrongo. But it is not certain if those listed in (b) are antipassive verbs; the transitive counterpart is not attested for any of them in Alec Collins' Warrongo. Regarding conjugational categories, these verbs are attested with -0 'nonfuture', -go 'purposive', and -ya 'imperative' Alf Palmer's Warrongo has woja-L Vt 'eat'; cf. (a-3) above. Alf Palmer said that this is a Jalngoy word. It is not attested in the antipassive form. All the other verbs listed in (a) and (b) are attested as transitive verbs and also as antipassive verbs, with -gali-ZERO in place of -li-ZERO. Examples from Alec Collins' Warrongo:

warrngo-0 wajo-li-0 manyja-nggo. (4-255) ngaygo 1SG.GEN wornan-NOM(d-S) cook-ANTIP-NF food-ERG Peter Sutton's translation: 'My wife is cooking food.' (AC) (4-256) ngaya mira-nga-li-0 wangal-do. (AC) 1SG.NOM(d-S) rnake-ANTIP-NF boomerang-ERG Peter Sutton's translation: 'I'm making a boomerang.' (4-257) galnga-na-0 minya-wo yangga-li-0. (AC) MB-KIN-NOM(d-S) rneat-DAT search.for-ANTIP-NF Peter Sutton's translation: 'My uncle looks for meat (game).'

4.9.2. Transitivity The antipassive construction and antipassive verbs (or, simply and jointly, antipassives) are surface-intransitive, and not transitive. This is shown by the following facts. [1] As noted in 4.9.1, with nouns (which have a distinct ERG form), the case of the actor NP of antipassives is the NOM (which is used for the S, and not for the A), and not the ERG (which may be used for the A). [2] As seen in 4.5.4.1-[1], an intransitive verb formed with the intransitive-stemforming suffi.x -bi-L 'INTR' (4.7.1) may co-occur with, and modify, another intransitive verb. Similarly (4.5.4.1-[2]), a transitive verb formed with the transitivestern-forming suffix -ngal-L (4.7.2) or -(m)ba-L (4.7.3) may co-occur with, and modify, another transitive verb. Now, antipassive verbs are qualified by an intransitive verb with -bi-L, but not by a transitive verb with -nga-L or -(m)ba-L. (In DyirbaL too, antipassive verbs co-occur with an intransitive verb, but not a transitive verb (Di.xon 1972: 150).) Examples include (3-263), (3-264), and:

Antipassive construction

(4-258) bama-0

nyorrngo---nyorrngo-bi-n jojam-bo

man-NOM(d-S) busy-busy-INTR-NF 'The man is busy hitting the locust'.

431

balga-gali-n. (AP)

locust-ERG hit-ANTIP-NF

[3] As noted in 4.9.1, with most of the pronouns, the change from the ERG (for the A) to the NOM (for the S) is not reflected in their form. However, in coreferential deletion involving antipassives, the pronoun actor NP (in the NOJ\1) generally behaves identically with the (non-derived) S NP. That is, although the change from the A to the Sis not reflected in their form, it is reflected in syntax. This will be discussed below, and in 4.9.4.2 in particular. (There are a small number of exceptions to this generalization. See 4.9.8.2.1.) This may not constitute evidence, but it is relevant to mention that antipassive verbs (-gali-ZERO), together with middle/reflexive verbs (-gali-ZERO, -li-ZERO; cf. 4.11), belong to ZERO-class, all the other members of which are intransitive (see 3.9.4.1).

4.9.3. Coreference: antipassives and syntactic ergativity The antipassive construction plays a crucial role in effecting syntactic ergativity, the most outstanding feature of Warrongo. This will be examined in each of the following levels of clause linkage (adapted from Silverstein (1976: 163); cf. also Foley and Van Valin (1984: 269-270)). (a) Subordination (4.9.4): the linkage is strongest. (b) Coordination (4.9.5). (c) Sentence-sequence (again 4.9.5): the linkage is weakest. We shall provide some statistical data. For subordination, we shall look at the purposive subordination. This is because, while the purposive subordination is used very frequently (cf. 4.8.1), the other types of subordination (4.10, 4.15, 4.17, 4.18, 4.20.7) are either very infrequent or do not involve an antipassive verb, and consequently they are irrelevant for this quantitative comparison. The following discussion of coreference- with a focus on coreferential deletion- will be confined to the three arguments: S, 0, and A. These arguments show a systematic behaviour in coreferential deletion. However, coreferential deletion involving other arguments or adjuncts does not seem to be syntactically governed, and it has not been possible to set up any syntactic condition for it. Also, the following discussion of coreferential deletion will be restricted to those instances in which the antecedent in deletion is explicitly mentioned and it is in the immediately preceding clause. Ellipsis with no explicit antecedent does occur and is indeed common in Warrongo discourse (see the attached texts), but

432

Syntax

the conditions under which this occurs have proved to be extremely difficult to investigate, and it has not been possible to set up factors that may govern such ellipsis. The statistics given below (in 4.9.4 and 4.9.5) is based on the texts in Tapes 7/31 to 72/34- approximately 100 minutes, close to one third of the Warrongo texts of six hours. Examples given below include those cited from outside Tapes 72/31 to 72/34, such as those from Text 1 (Tape 72/26) and TeA1: 2 (Tape 72/28).

4.9.4. Purposive subordination We shall first look at the purposive subordination that does not involve an antipassive (4.9.4.1), followed by that involving an antipassive (4.9.4.2).

4.9.4.1. Purposive subordination without an antipassive Table 4-15 shows the numbers of the relevant examples (in the texts of Tapes 72/31 through 72/34) of purposive subordination that does not involve an antipassive. Note that the deletion patterns shown in Table 4-15 are actual patterns, and not ideal patterns (Table 4-12). Table 4-15. Purposive subordination without an antipassive postcedent

deletion

deleted

retained

O=S

1 15

5

neutral patterns

S=S A=A 0=0

16 27 31

0 2 5

74(78%)

SfA patterns

S=A A=S

5 0

3 0

5 (5%)

aberrant patterns

A=O O=A

0 0

3

0 (0%)

S/0 patterns

S=O

total

2

16 (17%)

1

95 (82%)

21 (18%)

95 (100%)

116 (100%)

There are 116 instances of pairs of coreferential NPs. That is, there are 116 instances (100%) of the postcedent. Among them:

Antipassive construction

433

(a) in 95 instances (82%), the postcedent is deleted, cf. (4-228) to (4-236), and; (b) in 21 instances (18%), the postcedent is retained, cf. (4-221) (yinda '2SG. NOM'), (4-222) (nyola '3SG.NOM). Deletion of coreferential NPs (82%) is far more frequent than their retention (18%). As for deletion (see the column 'deletion'), the neutral patterns (74 examples, 78%) are by far the most frequent. The S/0 patterns (16 examples, 17"/o) are far more frequent than the S/A patterns (5 examples, 5%). Since the neutral patterns are neutral as to the dichotomy between ergativity (S/0 vs. A) and accusativ ity (S/A vs. 0) (see (4-223)), ergativity is strongly favoured over accusativity in Table 4-15. (As expected (cf. 4.8.3), there is no example of deletion in either of the aberrant patterns.) Examples of deletion include the following. (i) S/0 patterns: (4-228) to (4-231), (ii) neutral patterns: (4-232) to (4-236), Text 1, Lines 15 (S=[S]), 59 (S=[S]), Text 2, Line 5 (0=[0]), and (iii) S/A patterns: (4-300) (S=[A]) and (4-303) (S=[A]). (Examples of retention include the following: (4-221) (O=S), (4-222) (O=S), (4235) (A=A).) Recall that the deletion patterns shown in Table 4-15 are actual patterns, and not ideal patterns. Indeed, deletion in the 'S=[A]' pattern is attested, despite the fact that it is impossible where ideal patterns are concerned. However, it is clear that the instances of this deletion are 'performance errors' See the comments on (4-300) and (4-303).

4.9.4.2. Purposive subordination with an antipassive Table 4-16 concerns purposive subordination (in Tapes 72/31 to 72/34) in which the main and/or the subordinate clause(s) contain(s) an antipassive verb. In the relevant examples, antipassivization has one of the following four kinds of effect, regarding patterns of coreference. (Recall that the patterns shown in Table 4-16 are actual patterns, and not ideal patterns.) [1] [2] [3] [4]

S/A--+ neutral: aberrant --+ S/0: neutral --+ neutral: neutral --+ S/A:

S=A --+ O=A--+ A=A --+ A=A --+

S=d-S; O=d-S; d-S=d-S d-S=A;

A=S --+ d-S=S A=O--+ d-S=O A=A--+ A=d-S

We shall examine each of these effects. As will be shown below, the changes of [1] and [2] are, so to speak, 'normal', while those of [3] and [4] are 'non-normal' Recall that antipassivization changes the function of the NP concerned, i.e. from the A to the S, to be precise, the d-S. [1] S/A patterns-+ neutral patterns (i) S=A --+ S=d-S, and (ii) A=S --+ d-S=S

434

Syntax

The changes of [1] are by far the most frequent (70 instances, 90%, of deletion). They turn an SIA pattern (S=A or A=S) into a neutral pattern (S=d-S or d-S=S). That is, they help to avoid a coreferential deletion that would otherwise have an S/A pattern. (Recall that, in terms of ideal patterns, deletion in an S/A pattern is impossible.) Table 4-16. Purposive subordination with an anti.passive

effect of antipassivizati.on [1]

S=A ~ S=d-S A=S-+ d-S=S

postcedent

deletion

deleted

retained

68 2

0 0

5 0

0

70 (90%)

O=A A=O

~ ~

O=d-S d-S=O

1

5 (6%)

(3)

A=A

~

d-S=d-S

0

1 (1%)

[4]

A=A A=A

~

d-S=A A=d-S

0 0

2 (3%)

[2]

~

total

78...................... (99%)

1 (1%)

78 (100%)

79 (100%)

When either of these two changes ((i) S=A -+ S=d-S, and (ii) A=S -+ d-S=S) takes place, the postcedent is always deleted (in all of the 70 instances). There is no instance of retention. Of these two changes, the first (S=A -+ S=d-S) is by far the more common. Indeed, this particular change is the most common function that antipassivization has regarding coreferential deletion. As an example, consider (4-260). It may be considered derived from (4-259). That is, the second clause of (4-259) is antipassivized, and subsequently the second occurrence of ngaya in (4-260) (now, in the d-S function, and not the A function) is deleted. That is: S=A-+ S=[d-S]. (As the translation for (4-202) shows, a Warrongo sentence may be translated into English in more than one way. In such a case, often only one translation will be given.)

(4-259) ngaya

yani-0 ngaya baba-lgo yori-0. (TT) 1SG.NOM(S) go-NF 1SG.ERG(A) stab-PURP kangaroo-ACC(O) Intended meaning: 'I went so that I could spear a kangaroo' or, 'I went to spear a kangaroo.' (S=A)

(4-260) ngaya

yani-0 [ngaya TT] baba-gali-yal yori-wo. (AP) lSG.NOM(S) go-NF [1SG.NOM(d-S)] stab-ANTIP-PURP kangaroo-DAT 'I went to spear a kangaroo.' (S=[d-S])

(The examples such as (4-259) and (4-261), which I composed for the purpose of exposition, are most probably grammatical, although they may sound stilted and

Antipassive construction

435

unnatural) The original pattern in (4-259) is S=A (an S/Apattern), and the resultant pattern in (4-260) is S=[d-S] (a neutral pattern). Note that, in antipassivization, the function of ngaya changes from the A to the d-S, although this is not reflected in the case form itself. Recall that most of the pronouns have the same form for the ERG and the NOM (Table 3-6) and a separate form for ACC (i.e. S/A vs. 0). The ex. (4-260) shows that pronouns, too, conform to syntactic ergativity, although their case forms exhibit accusativity. Other examples of deletion involving one of the changes of [1] include Text 1, Lines 44, 54', 63-a, Text 2, Line 13. All of them exhibit 'S=A--+ S=[d-S]' [2] Aberrant patterns --+ S/0 patterns (i) O=A--+ O=d-S, and (ii) A=O --+ d-S=O First recall that, in terms of ideal patterns, deletion in an aberrant pattern is impossible (Table 4-13). Now, the changes of [2] are much less frequent than those of [1]. Nonetheless, they, too, play an important role in effecting syntactic ergativity. That is, they turn an aberrant pattern to an S/0 pattern. That is, they positively bring about an S/0 pattern. (In contrast, the changes of [1] do not create an S/0 pattern, although they help to avoid an S/A pattern.) As an example, consider (4-262). It may be considered as derived from (4-261). That is, the second clause of (4-261) is antipassivized, and subsequently the second occurrence of banta in (4-262) (now, in the d-S function (NOM), and not the A function (ERG)) is deleted. That is: O=A --+ O=[d-S]. (4-261) ngaya banta-0 moga-lgo 1SG.ERG(A) man-ACC(O) get-PURP

bama-nggo

bori-0

gonma-lgo. (IT)

man-ERG(A) wood-ACC(O) cut-PURP Intended meaning: 'I will get a man so that the man will cut wood.' (O=A) (4-262) ngaya banta-0 moga-lgo 1SG.ERG(A) man-ACC(O) get-PURP [banta-0 TT] bori-wo gonma-gali-yaL (AP) [man-NOM(d-S)] wood-DAT cut-ANTIP-PURP 'I will get a man so that [the man] will cut wood.' (O=[d-S]) So far, we have looked at 'normal' changes. We turn now to 'non-normal' changes. [3] Neutral patterns --+ neutral patterns A=A--+ d-S=d-S There is only one example in Tapes 72/31 to 72/34, i.e. (4-264), and the postcedent is deleted. (4-264) may be considered as derived from (4-263).

436

Syntax

(4-263) yina nyola yangga-n 2SG.ACC(O) 3SG.ERG(A) search.for-NF nyola yina nyaga-lgo. (TT) 3SG.ERG(A) 2SG.ACC(O) see-PURP (A=A) Intended meaning: 'He is looking for you so that he can see you.' (4-264) yino-n-go nyola yangga-gali-n 2SG-LINK-DAT 3SG.NOM(d-S) search.for-ANTIP-NF [nyola yino-n-go TT] nyaga-gali-yal. (AP) [3SG.NOM(d-S) 2SG-LINK-DAT] see-ANTIP-PURP 'He is looking for you so that he can see you.' (d-S=[d-S]) The original pattern in (4-263) is A=A (a neutral pattern), and the resultant pattern in (4-264) is d-S=[d-S] (again, a neutral pattern). Since neutral patterns, including A=A, are perfectly acceptable in terms of ideal patterns (Table 4-13) (e.g. (4-234) (A=[A])), the two uses of antipassivization in (4-264) would seem unnecessary. In (4-306) (from outside Tapes 72/31 to 72/34), too, two clauses are antipassivized 'unnecessarily' (The exx. (4-264) and (4-306) involve purposive subordination. There is one example of coordination in which two clauses are antipassivized 'unnecessarily': Text 1, Line 35.) As far as (4-264) and (3-306) are concerned, there is a possible reason for these two 'unnecessary' uses of antipassivization. As will be noted in 4.9.9.1-[2], the verb yangga-L Vt 'search' almost always (though not always) appears in the antipassivized form, i.e. yangga-gali-ZERO. This is indeed the case in the first clause of (4-264). If the second clause of (4-264) were not antipassivized, the resultant pattern would be d-S=A:

nyola yangga-gali-n (4-265) yino-n-go 2SG-LINK-DAT 3SG.NOM(d-S) search.for-ANTIP-NF nyola yina nyaga-lgo. (TT) 3SG.ERG(A) 2SG.ACC see-ANTI-PURP Intended meaning: '(As above)' (d-S=A) This is an S/A pattern, and the S/A patterns are impossible in terms of ideal patterns. Consequently, the second clause, too, is antipassivized, resulting in d-S=d-S. This is a neutral pattern, and, as seen above, the neutral patterns are perfectly acceptable in terms of ideal patterns. Hence, the deletion in the pattern of d-S=[d-S]. The same applies to (4-306); here again the first clause contains yangga-gali-n 'search. for-ANTIP-NF' The above is a possible eA'J'lanation for the two 'unnecessary' uses of antipassivization in (4-264) and (4-306). However, there is no explanation forthcoming for the two 'unnecessary' uses of antipassivization in Text 1, Line 35. This sentence does not containyangga-gali-ZERO 'search for-ANTIP'

Antipassive construction

431

It is in view of the 'unnecessary' uses of antipassivization that the change of [3] is considered 'non-normal', as against the 'normal' changes of [1] and [2].

[4] Neutral patterns--+ S/A patterns (i) A=A --+ d-S=A, and (ii) A=A --+ A=d-S There are only two examples in Tapes 72/31 to 72/34. Contrary to what will be expected in view of ideal patterns, the postcedent is deleted, and not retained, in each of them. One of the two examples is (4-267). It may be considered as derived from (4-266).

win.gar-0 baba-n (4-266) nyola 3SG.ERG(A) fish-ACC(O) stab-NF nyola

win.gar-0 boramo-wo ganyji-lgo. (TT) 3SG.ERG(A) fish-ACC(O) ceremonial.ground-DAT carry-PURP Intended meaning: 'He caught [some] fish and carried them to the ceremonial ground.' (A=A) (4-267) nyola [win.gar-0 TT] baba-n 3SG.ERG(A) [fish-ACC(O)] stab-NF [nyola win.gar-go TT] boramo-wo [3SG.NOM(d-S) fish-DAT] ceremonial.ground-DAT ganyji-gali-yal. (AP) carry-ANTIP-PURP (A=[d-S]) 'He caught [some] fish and carried them to the ceremonial ground.' The original pattern in (4-266) is A=A (a neutral pattern), and the resultant pattern in (4-267) is A=[d-S] (an S/A pattern). The use of antipassivization in (4-267) seems totally unnecessary, for two reasons. First, neutral patterns are perfectly acceptable in terms of ideal patterns. Second, S/A patterns are impossible in terms of ideal patterns. Despite all these, there are examples such as (4-267), although they are very infrequent. It is in view of the 'unnecessary' use of antipassivization that the changes of [4] are considered 'non-normal', as against the 'normal' changes of [1] and [2]. They may be simply errors. Unfortunately I did not ask Alf Palmer if sentences such as (4-267) were correct. Regarding deletion in Table 4-15, the S/0 patterns (16 examples) are preferred over the S/A patterns (5 examples). Indeed, this preference is even stronger in Table 4-16. At first glance, this is not obvious, for there are two examples of the S/A patterns (d-S=[A], A=[d-S]) as against only five examples of an S/0 pattern (O=[d-S]), while the vast majority of examples (70 examples) involve a neutral pattern (S=[d-S], d-S=[S], or d-S=[d-S]). However, such a comparison of figures is not revealing at all. What is crucial about antipassivization is the change it creates in a coreference pattern, and not the resultant pattern itself.

438

Syntax

Thus, consider [1] S/A patterns-. neutral patterns ((i) S=A-. S=d-S, and (ii) A=S -. d-S=S). As seen above, here antipassivization functions to avoid an S/A pattern. This function is observed in as many as 70 examples (90%) of deletion. Also, consider [2] Aberrant patterns -+ S/0 patterns ((i) O=A -. O=d-S, (ii) A=O -. d-S=O). Here antipassivization positively creates an S/0 pattern (in five examples, 6%). We shall refer to the effects of antipassivization in [1] and [2] as 'ergativizing effect'. In sharp contrast, there is no example in which antipassivization functions to avoid an S/0 pattern. Also, it is only in two examples of [4] Neutral patterns -. S/A patterns ((i) A=A -. d-S=A, and (ii) A=A -. A=d-S) that antipassivization creates an S/A pattern. We shall refer to the effect in [4] as 'accusativizing effect'. That is, in coreferential deletion in Table 4-16, S/0 patterns are overwhelmingly preferred to S/A patterns- even more strongly than in Table 4-15- and antipassivization effects this preference, manifesting a classic example of syntactic ergativity. Finally note that, in Table 4-16, antipassivization is used almost always in the second clause (75 instances), rather than in the first clause (4 instances). Furthermore, note that, if antipassivization is used, the postcedent is almost always deleted (in 78 out of 79 instances, i.e. 99%). (We shall return to this point in 4.9.6.1.) That is, the most common patterns in Table 4-16 are those in which the second clause is antipassivized and subsequently the postcedent is deleted. (A similar situation seems to obtain in the use of antipassives in syntactic ergativity ofDyirbal (Di..xon 1972: 66, 74, 80).) We have discussed purposive subordination- without an antipassive (4.9.4.1) and with an antipassive (4.9.4.2). We turn now to coordination and sentence-sequence.

4.9.5. Coordination and sentence-sequence Warrongo lacks conjunctions (except for the conjunction-like enclitic =ngomay 'after', discussed in 4.10). Now, for the purpose of presenting statistical information, I have tentatively characterized coordination and sentence-sequence as follows. Roughly speaking, the flow of discourse is smooth in coordination, but it is interrupted in sentence-sequence. The linkage of clauses in coordination is tighter than that of sentences in sentence-sequence. Their more specific properties are as follows. (a) Coordination An instance of coordination has all of the following three properties. (a-1) It employs parataxis, i.e. juA1:aposition of two (or more) clauses. (a-2) The verbs involved share an identical conjugational category, e.g. (i) 'I go-NF. I sit-NF', and (ii) 'Go-IMP Spear-IMP a kangaroo' In almost all instances, the verbs are both nonfuture forms.

Antipassive construction

439

(a-3) It has one single intonation contour. If a putative instance of coordination has two (or more) separate intonation contours, it is assigned to sentencesequence. (b) Sentence-sequence This includes all the types of clause linkage that do not belong to subordination or coordination. They include the following. (b-1) A sequence of clauses that has the properties of (a-1) and (a-2), but that has two (or more) separate intonation contours. (b-2) Two (or more) successive clauses whose verbs have different conjugational categories, e.g. 'I eat-PURP a fish. I catch-NF it yesterday' (b-3) Two (or more) successive clauses whose second clause starts with the adverb ngona-ngomay 'and then' (3.8.1-[9]). (b-4) Two (or more) successive clauses, such as: (b-4-1) narration and quotation (the quoted part may be a conversation); (b-4-2) within a conversation: (b-4-2-1) statement and response; (b-4-2-2) statement and question, and; (b-4-2-3) question and answer. The classification of clause linkage into subordination, coordination and sentence-sequence (originally proposed in Tsunoda 1986: 188-190, 1988a: 9-10, 1988b: 608) is a modification and simplification of Silverstein's (1976: 163) hierarchy of clause linkage. (The term 'sentence-sequence' was coined by me.) Silverstein's hierarchy concerns the tightness of clause linkage and it predicts that syntactic ergativity (effected by means of antipassivization) will be more likely to occur where the linkage is tighter and that it will be less likely to occur where the linkage is weaker. This is exactly the case in Warrongo, as will be shown in 4.9.6.1. The results of investigation of coreference in coordination and in sentence-sequence are summarized in Table 4-17, together with those regarding subordination. They will be discussed in 4.9.6.1. We shall consider Text 1 and Text 2 for examples of coordination and sentencesequence. Examples of purposive subordination, too, will be referred to. Texts 1 and 2 yield the following examples. (a) Subordination without an antipassive (a-1) deletion: Text 1 Line 15: ngaya '1SG.NOM(S)' = [ngaya '1SG.NOM(S)']. (S=[S]) Line 59: jana-0 '3PL-NOM(S)' = [iana-0 '3PL-NOM(S)']. (S=[S]) Text 2 Line 5: marra-0 'vine.poison-ACC(O)' = [marra-0 vine.poisonACC(O)]. (0=[0]) (a-2) retention: no example in Texts 1 and 2. (But see, e.g. (4-221) (O=S), (4-222) (O=S), and (4-235) (A=A).)

440

Syntax

(b) Subordination with an antipassive (b-1) deletion: Text 1 Line 44: jana-f2J '3PL-NOM(S)' = fjana-f2J '3PL-NOM(d-S)']. (S=[d-S]) Line 54':jana-f2J '3PL-NOM(S)' = fjana-f2J '3PL-NOM(d-S)']. (S=[d-S]) Line 63a: yorra-f2J '2PL-NOM(S)' = [yorra-0 '2PL-NOM(d-S)']. (S=[d-S]) Text 2 Line 13: yinda '2SG.NOM(S)' = [yinda '2SG.NOM(d-S)']. (S=[d-S]) (b-2) retention: no example. (c) Coordination without an antipassive (c-1) deletion: Text 1 Line 42: galo-f2J 'rnouse-NOM(S)' = [galo-f2J 'rnouse-NOM(S)']. (S=[S]) Line 55: jana-f2J '3PL-NOM(S)' = [jana-f2J '3PL-NOM(S)']. (S=[S]) Text 2 Line 2: ngana-f2J 'lPL-NOM(S)' = [ngana-0 'lPL-NOM(S)']. (S=[S]) (c-2) retention: Text 1 Line 63b-63c: ngana-0 'lPL-ERG(A)' = ngana-0 'lPL-ERG(A)'. (A=A) (d) Coordination with an antipassive (d-1) deletion: Text 1 Line 35: jana-f2J '3PL-NOM(d-S)' = [iana-f2J '3PL-NOM(d-S)]. (d-S=[d-S]) Line 41: nyola '3SG.NOM(S)' = [nyola '3SG:NOM(d-S)']. (S=[d-S]) (d-2) retention: Text 1 Line 41: nyonya '3SG.ACC(O)' = nyola '3SG.NOM(S)' (O=d-S). Text 2 no example. (e) Sentence-sequence without an antipassive (e-1) deletion: Text 1 Lines 48-49: ngana-f2J 'lPL-ERG(A)' = [ngana-f2J 'lPL-ERG(A)']. (A=[A]) Lines 48-49: banggarra-f2J 'B.T.L.-ACC(O)' = [banggarra-f2J 'B.T.L.-ACC(O)']. (0=[0]) Lines 64-65a: gamo-f2J 'water-ACC(O)' = [gamo-f2J 'water-ACC(O)']. (0=[0]) Lines 69-70: banggarra-f2J 'B.T.L.-ACC(O)' = [nyola '3SG.NOM(S)']. (O=[S]) Text 2 Lines 3-4: win.gar-f2J 'fish-ACC(O)' = [win.gar-f2J 'fish-ACC(O)']. (0=[0]) Lines 29-30: ngana-f2J 'lPL-ERG(A)' = [ngana-f2J 'lPL-ERG(A)']. (A=[A]) (e-2) retention: Text 1 Lines 1-2: ngaya 'lSG.NOM(S)' = ngaya 'lSG.NOM(d-S)'. (S=d-S) Lines 2-3: nganya 'lSG.ACC(O)' = yinda '2SG.ERG(A)' (O=A) Lines 12-13: ngaya 'lSG.NOM(S)' = ngaya 'lSG.NOM(S)' (S=S) Lines 28-29: ngaya 'lSG.NOM(S)' = ngaya 'lSG.ERG(A)'. (S=A)

Antipassive construction

441

Lines 38-39: nyola '3SG.NOM(S)' = nyola '3SG.ERG(A)' (S=A) Lines 39-40: nyola '3SG.ERG(A)' = nyonya '3SG.ACC(O)'. (A=O) Lines 40-41: galo-nggo 'mouse-ERG(A)' = galo-nggo 'mouse-ERG(A)'. (A=A) Lines 40-41: nyonya '3SG.ACC(O)' = nyonya '3SG.ACC(O)'. (0=0) Lines 53-54': jana-f2J '3PL-NOM(S)' = jana-f2J '3PL-NOM(S)' (S=S) Lines 56-57: gamo-f2J 'water-ACC(O)' = gamo-f2J 'water-ACC(O)'. (0=0) Lines 57-58: gamo-f2J 'water-ACC(O)' = gamo-f2J 'water-ACC(O)'. (0=0) Lines 58-59: bimgga-yi-do 'grey.hair-COM-ERG(A)' = jana-f2J '3PL-NOM(S)' (A=S) Lines 62-63a: rayi-nba-f2J 'girl-many-ACC(O)' = yorra-f2J '2PL-NOM(S)'. (O=S) Lines 65d-66: gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)' = gamo-f2J 'water-ACC(O)'. (0=0) Text 2 Lines 1-2: ngana-f2J 'lPL-NOM(S)' = ngana-f2J 'lPL-NOM(S)'. (S=S)

(f) Sentence-sequence with an antipassive (f-1) deletion: no example. (f-2) retention: yinda '2SG.ERG(A)' =ngaya 'lSG.NOM(d-S)'. (A=d-S) Text 1 Lines 3-4: Lines 32-33: ngana-f2J 'lPL-ERG(A)' = ngana-f2J 'lPL-NOM(d-S)'. (A=d-S) Additional examples of sentence-sequence, cited from outside Texts 1 and 2, include the following. (e)' Sentence-sequence without an antipassive (e-i)' deletion: (4-268) (S=[O]).

(f)' Sentence-sequence with an antipassive (f-i)' deletion: (4-269) (S=[d-S]), (4-270) (S=[d-S]). (f-ii)' retention: (4-271) (S=d-S), (4-272) (A=d-S). (4-268) a. ngali-f2J banda-n lDU-NOM(S) emerge-NF 'We came out [to the camp].'

b. ngona-ngomay banjo-n [jana-nggo ngali-nya TT] (AP) that-after ask-NF [3PL-ERG(A) lDU-ACC(O)] 'Then, [they, i.e. the people there] asked [us].') (S=[O]) (The A of the second sentence is elliptical, with no explicit antecedent.)

442

Syntax

(4-269) ('A group of men are trying to catch me and spear me.') a. yayi

yarro-n-da

jana-f2J

bama-f2J

yani-f2J

(fright) here-LINK-LOC 3PL-NOM(S) man-NOM(S) walk-NF 'Oh, they, the men, walked [around] here.' b. Uana-f2J TT] ngaygo-n-go yangga-gali-n (AP) [3PL-NOM(d-S)] lSG-LINK-DAT search.for-ANTIP-NF '[I think] [they] were/are looking for me.' (S=[d-S]) (The interjection yayi expresses fright or surprise (4.26).) The two clauses of (4269) share the same conjugational category (i.e. nonfuture), as in coordination. Nonetheless, they have separate intonation contours, and consequently they are considered as an instance of sentence-sequence.) (4-270) (A conversation cited from a text.) A: wanyja-rro yorra-f2J where-to 2PL-NOM(S) 'Where [are] you going to?' yangga-gali-n (AP) B: jamo (hesitation) [ngana-f2J] just [IPL-NOM(d-S)] search.for-ANTIP-NF '[We] are just searching.' (S=[d-S]) (In the tape Alf Palmer said yamo. But when the tape was replayed, he replaced it with the adverbjamo 'just; for no particular purpose'.) The sentence A does not contain a verb. Nonetheless, (4-270) is a clear instance of sentence-sequence. It consists of a question and an answer.) (4-271) (A conversation cited from a teA1:) A: wanyja-ngal ngali-f2J yani-yal? where-to lDU-NOM(S) go-PURP 'Where shall we go to?' B: yarro-n-da worriba-wo ngali-f2J yangga-gali-f2J. (AP) here-LINK-LOC bee-DAT lDU-NOM(d-S) search.for-ANTIP-NF '[No,] we are looking for bees here.' (S=d-S) (4-272) (A conversation cited from a text.) A: bama-nggo nganya balga-lgo man-ERG(A) lSG-ACC(O) kill-PURP 'The men are going to kill me.' B: wanyja bama-f2J balga-gali-n where man-NOM(d-S) hit-ANTI-NF 'Where are the men hitting/killing [other men]?' (A=d-S)

Antipassive construction

4.9.6.

443

Summary of coreference

4.9.6.1. Comparison of purposive subordination, coordination, and sentencesequence The relevant figures on coreference in purposive subordination, coordination, and sentence-sequence (in Tapes 72/31 through 72/34) are provided in Table 4-17. Not all of the figures in Table 4-17 were given in the main text above. There is a close correlation among the following: (a) the frequency of antipassivization; (b) the frequency of the ergativizing effect of antipassivization, and; (c) the frequency of the deletion ofthe postcedent They are all highest in purposive subordination and lowest in sentence-sequence, each showing an intermediate figure in coordination. (These figures were not given in the main text above.) (There is, however, just one minor deviation from this general tendency. That is, antipassives are slightly less frequent in coordination (8%) than in sentence-sequence (9%).) (As noted in 4.9.4.2, the ergativizing effect of antipassivization refers to the following types of changes: [1] (i) S=A--+ S=d-S, and (ii) A=S --+ d-S=S, and [2] (i) O=A--+ O=d-S, and (ii) A=O --+ d-S=O.) Table 4-17. Summary of coreference

purposive

coordination

sentencesequence

highest (41 %)

lowest(8%)

(9%)

highest (96%) lowest (2%)

(78%) (7%)

lowest (55%) highest (43%)

(55%) (43%)

lowest (30%) highest (69%) least obligatory/ least automatic

subordination frequency of antipassivization effect of antipassivization ergativizing effect accusativizing effect

deletion/retention of postcedent deletion retention deletion probability

highest (88%) lowest (11 %) most obligatory/ most automatic

clause linkage syntactic ergativity

strongest strongest

weakest weakest

Examples of the ergativizing effect-plus-deletion include the following. (i) Purposive subordination: (4-260) (S=[d-S]), (4-262) (O=[d-S]), Text 1, Lines 44, 54', 63a, Text 2, Line 13 (all involving 'S=[d-S]'). (ii) Coordination: Text 1, Line 35 (S=[d-S]). (iii) Sentence-sequence: (4-269) (S=[d-S]), (4-270) (S=[d-S]).

444

Syntax

Conversely, there is a close correlation between the following: (d) the frequency ofthe accusativizing effectofantipassivization, and; (e) the frequency of the retention ofthe postcedent. They are all lowest in subordination and highest in sentence-sequence. (The accusativizing effect of antipassivization refers to the changes in [4] in 4.9.4.2: (i) A=A--+ A=d-S, and (ii) A=A --+ d-S=A.) That is, in purposive subordination, the effect of antipassivization is almost obligatorily ergativizing (95%). (See Table 4-16. Out of the total of 79 instances, [1] (68+2 instances, i.e. 70 instances) and [2] (5+1 instances) (i.e. 76 instances in all) constitute 95% (76179=0.95).) Also, deletion is very frequent in purposive subordination on the whole: 88%. (This figure was not given in the main text above.) The figure is 82% when no antipassive is used (Table 4-15). Furthermore, as Table 4-16 shows, if antipassivization is used, the postcedent is almost always deleted (99%, in 78 out of 79 instances). That is, deletion is virtually compulsory in purposive subordination. The above shows that, in purposive subordination, antipassivization effects the preference to ergativity in coreferential deletion. In contrast, in sentence-sequence, antipassivization is not nearly as effective in maintaining this preference. Indeed, even without an antipassive, sentence-sequence yields instances of deletion that fit in ergativity, e.g. (4-268) (S=[O]). In addition, while antipassivization has the ergativizing effect in 55% of the examples, cf. (4-269) to (4-271), also it has the accusativizing effect in as many as 43% of the examples, cf. (4-272). (These figures were not given in the main text above.) Furthermore, in sentence-sequence, deletion rate is very low (30%). (This figure was not given in the main text above.) Even where antipassivization is involved, the postcedent is often retained, rather than deleted. In (4-271) and (4-272), the postcedent is deleted. Furthermore in (4-272) the postcedent is retained despite the fact that an antipassive is used and that it has the ergativizing effect. In (4-272), the antipassivization has the accusativizing effect, and (as expected?) the postcedent is retained. That is, deletion is more obligatory/more automatic in subordination, but is less obligatory/less automatic in sentence-sequence. To sum up, in purposive subordination, where clause linkage is strongest, syntactic ergativity, too, is strongest The preference for the use of antipassiv ization and deletion is strongest. In sentence sequence, where clause linkage is weakest, syntactic ergativity, too, is weakest. The preference for the use of antipassivization and deletion is weakest. This is in effect exactly as Silverstein (1976) predicted.

Antipassive construction 445

4.9. 6.2. Crosslinguistic comparison ofsyntactic ergativity Syntactic ergativity, coupled with the use of antipassives, is rare among the world's languages. It mainly occurs in Australia, in particular, in Dyirbal (which includes Jirrbal, Girramay and Mamu) (Dixon 1972) and its neighbouring languages in north Queensland, i.e. Warrongo, Warrgamay (Dixon 1981), Yidiny (Dixon 1977b), and Djaabugay (Hale 1976). It also occurs in three languages from elsewhere in Australia: Kalkatungu (Blake 1979) and Yalarnnga (western Queensland) (Breen and Blake 2007), and Bandjalang (New South Wales) (Crowley 1978). Although the sources do no always mention this explicitly, in these languages, syntactic ergativity appears generally to occur in subordination only (almost always purposive subordination), and rarely to reach coordination and sentencesequence (Tsunoda 1988a: 43, 1988b: 619, 2004: 292). It is (or, appears to be) confined to subordination in Warrgamay, Djaabugay Kalkatungu, Yalarnnga, and Bandjalang. It extends to coordination in Yidiny, but it reaches sentence-sequence in Dyirbal and Warrongo only. See Figure 4-2. subordination

coordination

sentence-sequence

Warrgamay, etc. Yidiny

Warrongo, Dyirba.l Figure 4-2. Intra-linguistic distribution of syntactic ergativity

Syntactic ergativity seems to be attested in a small number of languages outside Australia as well; see Dixon (1994: 175-180). In these languages, too, syntactic ergativity seems to be in the main confined to subordination, and at most, it reaches coordination. But it does not seem to occur in sentence-sequence. Warrongo and Dyirbal appear to be truly unique among the world's languages in that not only they have syntactic ergativity, but also that their syntactic ergativity extends to sentence-sequence.

4.9.7. More on antipassives in purposive subordination Like purposive subordination in general (4.8.5), purposive subordination with an antipassive can: (a) express purpose or result/consequence/successive action (examples were given in 4.9.4.2); (b) have a causative use (see [1] below); (c) have ajussive use (see [2] below), and; (d) have a complementation use (see [3] below).

446

Syntax

Additional comments on the use of antipassives will be provided: [4] switch function and voice distinction, and [5] double expansion by purposive verbs. The deletion in all the examples cited fits in ergativity (cf. (4-223)), except for (4-275).

[1] Causative use Instances such as (4-262) can have a causative reading: 'I will get a man to make him cut wood'. Other examples include (4-293) to (4-296). The coreference pattern is 'O=d-S' [2] Jussive use The main clause involves a trans1t1ve verb: mayga-L 'tell' ('tell X to do'), ngonbaynga-L 'show, teach' ('show/teach X how to do'), or banjo-L 'ask' ('ask X to do'). The purposive subordinate clause contains an antipassive verb (surfaceintransitive). The coreference pattern is 'O=d-S' (4-273) gorngga-do birgo-0 mayga-n husband-ERG(A) wife-ACC(O) tell-NF [birgo-0 TT] wajo-gali-yaL (AP) [wife-NOM[d-S]] cook-ANTIP-PURP (O=[d-S]) '[The] husband told [his] wife to cook.' (4-274) (An example cited from a text. A woman wants to know how to cook a possum nicely, and asks her husband as follows.)

yinda nganya ngonbaynga-0 2SG.ERG(A) ISG.ACC(O) show-IMP [ngaya TT] wajo-gali-yal (AP) [ISG.NOM(d-S)] cook-ANTIP-PURP 'Show/teach me [how] to cook [a possum].' (O=[d-S]) Recall in passing that the verb ngonbaynga-L 'show, teach' has two case frames (Table 4-2): (a) show-er/teacher-ERG topic/subject-ACC learner-DAT, and (b) show-er/teacher-ERG topic/subject-DAT learner-ACC. In (4-274), the learner is in the accusative. AlfPalmer approved (4-275), which I suggested. (4-275) ?yinda ngaygo-n-go ngonbaynga-0 2SG.ERG(A) ISG-LINK-DAT show-IMP [ngaya TT] wajo-gali-yal [lSG.NOM(d-S)] cook-ANTIP-PURP Show me [how] to cook [a possum]. (TT) (DAT=[d-S]) In (4-275), the learner is in the DAT, and not in the ACC. It is not certain if (4-275) is really acceptable. If it is acceptable at all, ngaya 'lSG.NOM(d-S)' is deleted under identity with the DAT ngaygo-n-go. This deletion pattern (DAT=[d-S]) does not fit in any of the patterns listed in 4.8.3.

Antipassive construction 441

[3] Complementation use In the jussive use, the main clause is tmnsitive. In contrast, in the complementation use, the main clause is intransitive. The purposive subordinate clause contains an antipassive verb (surface-intransitive). The coreference pattern is 'S=d-S' The main clause may contain an intransitive verb, e.g. (4-276). In (4-529), the verb of the main clause is mayga-wa-n 'tell-RECP-NF'; it is a reciprocal verb and it is surface-intransitive (4.12). (To be precise, in (4-529), the coreference pattern is 'dS=d-S'.) But it may also be a 'verbless clause', e.g. (4-278) through (4-283).

(4-276) ngaya bonmo-bi-n lSG:NOM(S) deaf-INTR-NF [ngaya TT] banggay-go gany;ji-gali-yaL (TT) [ISG.NOM(d-S)] spear-DAT carry-ANTIP-PURP 'I forgot [literally, was deaf] to carry a spear.· (S=[d-S]) (4-277) ngaya walngga-yi-0 warmgo-wo lSG.NOM(S) breath-COM-NOM woman-DAT [ngaya TT] gany.fi-gali-yal yarro-ngomay (AP) [lSG.NOM(d-S)] carry-ANTIP-PURP here-ABL 'I want to take a woman from here.' (S=[d-S]) (Here, walngga-yi 'breath-COM means 'eager, keen, fond'. See 3.6.8-[5]. YaTTongomay 'this-ABL' would be expected to be followed by the DAT suffix, i.e. yarro-ngomay-ng-go 'this-ABL-LINK-DAT', in agreement with the dative waTTngo-wo. See 3.6.7.)

(4-278) (A woman is looking for her mother, and finds her tracks on the grass. A man says to the woman as follows.) wowo .filbay-0 yinda Oh knowing-NOM 2SG.NOM(S) [yinda TT] borgal-go yangga-gali-yal (AP) [2SG.NOM(d-S)] tracks-DAT search.for-ANTIP-PURP 'Oh, you know how to look for tracks [on grass].' (S=[d-S]) (4-279) (An example cited from a text.) yinda .filbay-0 [yinda TT] ngawa-gali-yal (AP) 2SG.NOM(S) knowing-NOM [2SG.NOM(d-S)] hear-ANTIP-PURP(S=[d-S]) In this context, (4-279) literally means 'Do you know how to hear/listen to [our language]?' It seems to mean 'Do you understand [our language]?'

(4-280) nyola nyando-0 [nyola TT] wa.fo-gali-yal gajaTTa-wo (AP) 3SG.NOM ignorant-NOM [3SG.NOM(d-S)] cook-ANTIP-PURP possum-DAT 'She does not know how to cook a possum.' (S=[d-S])

448

Syntax

(4-281) gornggal-0 yino jarribara-0 husband-NOM(d-S) 2SG.GEN good-NOM [gornggal-0 yino TT] minya-wo ganyji-gali-yal. (AP) [husband-NOM(d-S) 2SG.GEN] game-DAT carry-ANTIP-PURP Tentative translation: 'Your husband is good at bringing game.' (S=[d-S]) (4-282) (AlfPalmer made a flattering comment on my ability as a linguist.)

gaja-0

yino

jarribara-0

head-NOM(d-S) 2SG.GEN good-NOM [gaja-0 yino TT] moga-gali-yal gogo-wo. (AP) [head-NOM(d-S) 2SG.GEN] catch-ANTIP-PURP language-DAT' Tentative translation: 'Your head is good at catching a language. (S=[d-S]) (4-283) (One day AlfPalmer was not feeling well. He said as follows.)

nyawa nyawa ngaya

walwandan-0 I

NEG

NEG 1SG.NOM(S) ill,notwell-NOM [ngaya TT] birra-gali-yaL (AP) [1 SG.NOM(d-S)] tell,talk-ANTIP-PURP 'No, no. I am too ill/weak/tired to talk.' (S=[d-S])

Alf Palmer's translation for (4-283) is 'No good. I'm sick. I can't talk to anyone'. [4] Switch function and voice distinction

As seen above, antipassivization turns the A into the d-S. That is, it effects what Foley and Van Valin (1984: 354-360) refer to as 'switch-function'. As a result, it can create a voice distinction, rather like the active-passive distinction. Compare (4-284) and (4-285). (4-284) bama-0 yani-0 [bama-0 TT] balga-lgo. (TT, AP) man-NOM(S) go-NF [man-ACC(O)] kill-PURP (S=[O]) 'The man went to be killed' or 'The man went and was killed'. (4-285) bama-0 yani-0 [bama-0 TT] balga-gali-yaL (TT, AP) man-NOM(S) go-NF [man-NOM(d-S)] kill-ANTIP-PURP 'The man went to kill [someone]' or 'The man went and killed [someone].' (S=[d-S]) (4-284) was composed by me and approved by AlfPalmer. (It is parallel to (4-229): 'The house is standing to be pulled down' (S=[O]).) His reaction to (4-284) is 'i [i.e. he - TT] want to get killed'. Note that (4-284) has a passive-like reading. In contrast, (4-285) (approved by AlfPalmer) has an active-like reading. (4-284) can in no way have an active-like reading. Alf Palmer stated to the effect that (4-285) needs to be used to express the active-like reading 'He went and killed'. As another pair of examples, consider (4-286) and (4-287).

Antipassive construction

449

(4-286) molgongorro-0 jarribara-0 moja-lgo. (TT, AP) squatter.pigeon-ACC(O) good-ACC{O) eat-PURP Tentative translation: 'Squatter pigeons are nice to eat.'

jarribara-0 (4-287) molgongo"o-0 squatter.pigeon-NOM(S) good-NOM [molgongo"o-0]

moja-gali-yal. (TT, AP)

[squatter.pigeon-NOM(d-S)] eat-ANTIP-PURP Tentative translation: 'Squatter pigeons are good at eating', 'Squatter pigeons eat a lot', etc.' (These two sentences were composed by me and approved by AlfPalmer. They are used for the expository purpose only, and they do not necessarily describe squatter pigeons' nature correctly.) The nouns molgongorro-0 jarribara-0 have the same form (i.e. with a zero suffix) in (4-286) and (4-287). They are ACC (and the 0) in (4-286), since the sentence contains a transitive verb (its case frame is ERG-ACC), while in (4-287) they are NOM (and the S), since the sentence contains an antipassive verb (its case frame is NOM-ERG or NOM-DAT).

[5] 'ADJECTIVE to VERB' construction It may look as if (4-286) is an elliptical version of a transitive clause such as the following. (It is not significant that the A NP is 'IPL'. Its choice is arbitrary.) (4-288) ngana-0 molgongo"o-0 jarribara-0 moja-lgo. (TT) IPL-ERG squatter.pigeon-ACC(O) good-ACC{O) eat-PURP 'We will eat nice squatter pigeons.' However, the meaning of (4-286) is rather different from that of (4-288). (4-286) describes the nature, characteristic, property or the like of the 0 NP In contrast, (4-288) describes an action by the A NP Probably (4-286) should not be considered as an elliptical version of a clause such as (4-288). (It should be noted, however, that, depending on the context, (2-286) can have a meaning parallel to that of (4-288): '[Someone] will eat nice squatter pigeons'.) There are several examples like (4-286). An example cited from a text is (4-289-W, -H). (4-289) (A conversation between a husband (H) and his wife (W).) H. goyjarri-0 moga-lgo ngoni-ngomay-0 jana-nggo. scrub.turkey.ACC catch-PURP there-ABL-ACC 3PL-ERG 'They will catch scrub turkeys from there.' W yowo, [go,Y.,iarri-0 TT] jarrribara-0 moja-lgo? yes [scrub.turkey-ACC] good-ACC eat-PURP 'I see. [Are scrub turkeys] nice to eat?'

450

Syntax

H. yowo, [goyjarri-0 TT] jarrribara-0 [moja-lgo TT]. yes [scrub.turkey-ACC] good-ACC [eat-PURP] 'Yes. [Scrub turkeys are] nice [to eat].' The following, which I composed too late to check with Alf Palmer, too, may be acceptable. (4-290) yarro-0 jarrribara-0 bija-lgo (or nyaga-lgo). (TT) this-ACC good-ACC drink-PURP (or see-PURP) 'This is nice to drink (or to look at).' Sentences such as (4-286) and (4-289) (second H) are reminiscent of the toughconstruction of English. We should probably recognize the following construction for Warrongo. (4-291)

'ADJECTIVE to VERB' construction: Noun-ACC Adjective-ACe Vt-lgo

This may or may not be accidental, but the transitive verb in (4-291) has the purposive-! (-lgo), and not the purposive-2 (-yal), in the examples available. The following words are attested in the 'ADJECTIVE' slot: (i)jarribara 'good', e.g. (4-286), (4-289-H), (4-631), and (ii) gido 'cold', e.g. (4-632) CThis camp is cold to stay in'). [6] 'Good at VERB-ing'/'Good enough to VERB' construction Similarly, for sentences such as (4-287), (4-918) and (4-919), we can set up the following construction type: (4-292)

'Good at VERB-ing'fGood enough to VERB' construction: Noun-NOM good-NOM Vi-yal

In this construction, the verb is intransitive. The verb may be a derived, surfaceintransitive verb, e.g. (4-287). The intransitive verb in (4-291) has the purposive-2 (-yal), and not the purposive- I (-lgo), in the examples available.

[7] Double expansion by purposive verbs As seen above, a clause can be expanded by means of a purposive verb. The examples given above containjust one purposive verb each. But each of(4-293) and (4-294) contains two purposive verbs: an intransitive verb and an antipassive verb. (4-293) jana birri-n nyonya [nyola TT] yani-yal 3PL.ERG(A) send-NF 3SG.ACC(O) [3SG.NOJ\1(S)] go-PURP [nyola TT] goman-go mayga-gali-yaL (AP) [3SG.NOJ\1(d-S)] other-DAT tell-ANTIP-PURP 'They sent him to go to tell other [people].' (O=[S]=[d-S])

Antipassive construction 451

(4-294) ngaya nvonva bindaynga-n [nyola TT] yamba-wo lSG.ERG(A) 3SG.ACC(O) let.go-NF [3SG.NOM(S)] camp-DAT yani-yal [nyola TT] birgo-wo nyaga-gali-yaL (AP) go-PURP [3SG.NOM(d-S)] wife-DAT see-ANTIP-PURP 'I let him go to go to [his] camp to see [his] wife.' (O=[S]=[d-S]) Also, this 'purposive expansion' may involve two antipassive verbs. (4-295) nyola ganyji-lgo nyongo [warmgo-0 TT] 3SG.ERG(A) take-PURP 3SG.GEN [woman-ACC(O)] [nyongo warmgo-0 TT] manyja-wo wajo-gali-yal [3SG.GEN woman-NOM(d-S)] food-DAT cook-ANTIP-PURP [nyongo warmgo-0 TT] gambi-wo baba-gali-yaL (AP) [3SG.GEN woman-NOM(d-S)] clothes-DAT sew-ANTIP-PURP 'He will take his [woman to get her] to cook food and sew clothes.' ([0]=[d-S]=[d-S]) (4-296) nyola [warmgo-0 TT] ganyji-lgo 3SG.ERG(A) [woman-ACC(O)] take-PURP [warmgo-0 TT] gajarra-wo ganyji-gali-yal [woman-NOM(d-S)] possum-DAT carry-ANTIP-PURP [warmgo-0 TT] wajo-gali-yal gajarra-wo. (AP) [woman-NOM(d-S)] cook-ANTIP-PURP possum-DAT 'He will take [a woman to get her] to carry a possum to cook the possum.' ([0]=[d-S]=[d-S]) In passing there is possibly a slight semantic difference between (4-295) and (4-296). In (4-296), the event described by the first clause (i.e. the carrying of the possum) must precede the event described by the second clause (i.e. the cooking of the possum). In contrast, this is not necessarily the case in (4-295); the cooking of the food need not precede the sewing of clothes. [8] Negation As noted in 4.2.2, the scope of negation has not been investigated. Nonetheless, there are at least six examples of partial negation: (4-297), (4-719) to (4-721), (4-925), (4-991-a). In each of them, only the subordinate clause/clauses is/are negated, and the main clause is not negated. Negation is achieved by nyawa 'general negation' or ngarro 'in vain, unsuccessfully' This may not be significant, but in these examples each subordinate clause contains a purposive verb: a transitive verb in the purposive-1 (Vt-lgo) or an intransitive verb in the purposive-2 (Vi-yal). In (4-297), the second purposive-2 verb is an antipassive verb (nyaga-gali-yal 'see-ANTIPPURP'). Needless to say, an antipassive verb is surface-intransitive.

452

Syntax

(4-297) ('I am scared of Gandara' (1.5.8-[8]).) yinda [gandaro-0 TT] mayga-0 (flat)/ 2SG.ERG(A) [Gandaro-ACC(O)] tell-IMP nyawa [gandaro-0 TT] yarro-wo yani-yal NEG [Gandaro-NOM(S)] here-DAT come-PURP [gandaro-0 TT] ngali-n ngali-nyan [ngali-ngo-n-go AP] [Gandaro-NOM(d-S)] (error) (error) [lDU-LINK-LINK-DAT] nyaga-gali-yal (AP) see-ANTIP-PURP 'Tell [Gandara] not to come here to see us.' ([O]=[S]=[d-S]) (When the tape was replayed, Alf Palmer supplied ngali-ngo-n-go.) This sentence has the meaning given above, and it does not mean 'Don't tell [Gandara] to come here to see us'. Alf Palmer provided the gloss 'not to come' (and not 'Don't tell'). The scope of the negation is over the two purposive clauses, and not just the first purposive clause. In the examples mentioned above, only the purposive subordinate clause is negated. But it is possible to negate the main clause only, e.g. (4-729-a). This may be irrelevant, but this sentence, too, contain a purposive subordinate clause.

4.9.8.

Behaviour of pronouns

Recall that, roughly speaking, with nouns, the NOM(S) and the ACC(O) share the same form, distinct from the ERG(A) form (i.e. S/0 vs. A), while, with pronouns, the NOM(S) and the ERG(A) share the same form, distinct from the ACC(O) (i.e. S/A vs. 0) (Tables 3-2, 3-6). Due to this difference, pronouns behave differently from nouns in the following two respects: voice distinction (4.9.8.1), and coreferential deletion and retention (4.9.8.2).

4.9.8.1. ·voice distinction Again, compare (4-286) and (4-287). Both sentences contain nouns only, and no pronoun. Now, consider (4-298) and (4-299), which I have composed for the expository purpose. Both contain the pronounyinda '2SG. NOM(S)/ERG(A)'. (4-298) yinda jarribara-0 moja-lgo. (TT) 2SG.ERG(A) good-ACC(O) eat-PURP 'You will eat nice [food].' (4-299) yinda jarribara-0 [yinda] moja-gali-yal. (TT) 2SG.NOM(S) good-NOM [2SG.NOM(d-S)] eat-ANTIP-PURP 'You are good at eating.' (S=[d-S])

Antipassive construction

453

Unlike (4-286), (4-298) can in no way mean '[Someone] will eat nice you', since yinda '2SG' can only be 'NOM' (for the S) or 'ERG' (for the A), and never 'ACC' (for the 0). The form for '2SG.ACC' is yina. That is, unlike (4-286), (4-298) does not mean 'You are nice to eat'. This is one of the two respects in which pronouns behave differently from nouns. In contrast, (4-299) can have the meaning as given above -like (4-287)- since yinda '2SG' can be 'NOM' (i.e. S).

4.9.8.2.

Coreferential deletion and retention

The other respect in which pronouns behave differently from nouns, concerns coreferential deletion and retention, including performance errors.

4.9.8.2.1. Performance errors

As seen in 4.9.6.1, clause linkage is tightest and syntactic ergativity is strongest in purposive subordination, as against coordination and sentence-sequence. As stated in 4.8.4, like nouns, pronouns generally conform to ergativity (S/0 vs. A) in coreferential deletion in purposive subordination; this is despite their case-marking pattern (S/A vs. 0). Examples include the following. (a) S=[O]: (4-228) and (4-230) (nyola '3SG.NOM(S) = [nyonya '3SG: ACC'(O)]). (b) O=[d-S]: (4-274) (nganya '1SG.ACC(O)' = [ngaya 'lSG.NOM (d-S)']).

(c) S=[d-S]: (c-1) (4-260), (4-277), and (4-283) (ngaya '1SG.NOM(S)' = [ngaya '1SG. NOM(d-S)']). (c-2) (4-278) and (4-279) (vinda '2SG.NOM(S)' = [yinda '2SG.NOM(d-S)']. (c-3) (4-280) (nyola '3SG.NOM(S)' = [nyola '3SG.NOM (d-S)']). This discrepancy, observed in pronouns, between the deletion patterns (S/0 vs. A) and the case-marking pattern (S/A vs. 0) is clearly seen in (a), (b), and (c). In each of them, the postcedent is deleted, although its form is different from that of the antecedent. However, again as noted in 4.8.4, in texts there are exceptions involving a pronoun where coreferential deletion in purposive subordination conforms to accusativity (S/A vs. 0). One example is (4-300). In the context in which it was uttered, it has the reading 'He(S) went and [he(A)] got [food]' (S=[A]). However, a discussion with Alf Palmer during the replay of the tape indicates clearly that (4-300) is a performance error, and that, in his introspection, it means 'He(S) went and [someone(A)] caught [him(O)] (S=[O]), i.e. 'He went and was caught' Specifically, when (4-300) was presented to him, he rejected it for the reading of 'He went and [he] got/caught [someone/something]' He replaced it with (4-301) (S=[d-S]). This

454

Syntax

shows clearly that, in his introspection, (4-300) means 'He went and was caught' (i.e. S=[O], and not S=[A]). (4-300) nyola yani-0 [nyola TT] moga-lgo. (AP) 3SG.NOM(S) go-NF [3SG.ERG(A)] get,catch-PURP 'He went and [he] got [food].' (S=[A]) (3-301) nyola yani-0 [nyola TT] moga-gali-yal. (AP) 3SG.NOM go-NF [3SG.NOM(d-S)] get-ANTIP-PURP 'He went and [he] got [food].' (S=[d-S]) The above shows that these few exceptions such as (2-300) are performance errors. And that in Alf Palmer's introspection, where purposive subordination is concerned. even with pronouns, deletion conforming to ergativity is clearly the norm. (This is shown in Table 4-13.) Compare the following: (a) involving a pronoun: (4-300) (S=[A]) and (4-301) (S=[d-S]), and; (b) involving a noun: with (4-284) (S=[O]) and (4-285) (S=[d-S]). A comparison of (4-300) and (4-284) suggests that these errors were triggered by the case-marking pattern of the pronouns (S/A vs. 0). Recall that, roughly speaking, the case-marking pattern of pronouns is 'S/A vs. 0', while that of nouns is 'SIO vs. N.. Another example of the deletion of a pronoun postcedent in the 'S=[A]' pattern is in (4-303). So far, we have looked at 'performance errors' in purposive subordination. As seen in 4.9.6.1, the requirement on coreferential deletion is weaker in coordination and sentence-sequence than in purposive subordination, and investigation of Alf Palmer's (or any speaker's, for that matter) introspection regarding this issue at the levels of coordination and sentence-sequence would be difficult, although I did not attempt this. In this connection, it is relevant to refer to Yidiny, about 150 krn north of Warrongo. Recall that this language has syntactic ergativity, which occurs in subordination and extends to coordination (see Figure 4-2). According to Dixon (1977b: 388-392), the situation seems to be as follows. Preferred deletion patterns in coordination (but not in subordination) mirror the case-marking pattern. That is, nouns (case-marking: S/0 vs. A) have deletions of S/0 patterns, while pronouns (case-marking: S/A vs. 0) have deletions of S/A patterns. With each of nouns and pronouns, there is congruence between the preferred deletion patterns and the case-marking pattern. Subordination, where the clause-linkage is tighter, seems to exhibit no such difference between nouns and pronouns; pronouns, too, seem to conform to syntactic ergativity. That is, in the coordination of Yidiny, deletions of pronouns in an S/A pattern are not performance errors, but they are well-formed, in contrast with Warrongo.

Antipassive construction

455

4.9.8.2.2. Deletion and retention Table 4-15 concerns coreferential retention and deletion in purposive subordination without an antipassive (in Tapes 72/31 to 72/34). Table 4-18 deals with the same data. But it distinguishes between the instances where the antecedent is a noun and those where the antecedent is a pronoun. Table 4-18 shows that the postcedent is more likely to be deleted when it is a noun (39 out of 42 instances; 93%) than when it is a pronoun (58 out of 76 instances; 76%). In other words, the postcedent is more likely to be retained when it is a pronoun (24%) than when it is a noun (7%). (This tendency was mentioned in 4.8.4.) There is a functional motivation for this difference, as shown below. We shall look at each of these four groups of coreference patterns. Examples (not necessarily from Tapes 72/31 to 72134) will be cited or referred to. [1] S/0 patterns (S=O, O=S) The difference between nouns and pronouns is most clearly seen in the S/0 patterns. A noun postcedent is retained in 14% of the instances (in 1 out of 7). In sharp contrast, a pronoun postcedent is retained in 38% (6 out of 16 instances)almost three times as frequently. Table 4-18. Coreferential deletion and retention in purposive subordination

noun antecedent

S/0 patterns

neutral patterns

S/A patterns

aberrant patterns

subtotal total

coreference pattern

retention

deletion

0 1

1 5

0 2 0

1 32 0

0=0

0 0 0 0 3 'lll-'o

retention

deletion

2 4

0 10

S=S

2 1 1

26 0 16

0 0

S=A A=S

3 0

5 0

0 0

A=O O=A

3 1

1 0

18 24%

58 76%

39 93% 42 100%

pronoun antecedent

S=O

O=S A=A

76 100%

456

Syntax

(a) Relevant examples of a noun postcedent include the following. (a-1) Deletion (a-1-1) S=[O]: (4-229). (a-1-2) O=[S]: (4-231). (a-2) Retention. There is no example. See the comment on (4-302). (b) Relevant examples of a pronoun postcedent include the following. (b-1) Deletion (b-1-1) S=[O]: (4-228), (4-230), (4-630). (b-2) Retention (b-2-1) O=S: (4-221), (4-222). Compare (4-231) (O=[S]), an example cited from a text, and (4-302), to which I added the second occurrence of gando-0 'dog-NOM' and which was approved by AlfPalmer. (4-302) gaja"a-nggo gando-0 baja-n gando-0 gawali-yaL (IT, AP) possum-ERG(A) dog-ACC(O) bite-NF dog-NO.Jv.I(S) call.out-PURP 'A possum bit a dog and the dog yelped.' (O=S) Both (4-231) and (4-302) involve a noun postcedent. Indeed, (4-301) was approved by Alf Palmer. However, in the actual examples involving an S/0 pattern a noun postcedent is always (?) deleted, e.g. (4-231). There is no example of an S/0 pattern. at hand from the texts, that involves retention of a noun postcedent in an S/0 pattern. Now, consider (4-221) (O=S; yina '2SG.ACC(O)' = yinda '2SG.NOM (S)') and (4-222) (O=S; nyonya '3SG.ACC(O)' = nyola '2SG.NOM(S)'). They each exhibit the pattern O=S. Furthermore, they each involve a pronoun postcedent. The postcedent is retained. This is in contrast with (4-231) (O=[S]; gando-0 'dog-ACC(O) = [gando-0 'dog-NOM(S)']), where the postcedent is a noun and is deleted. The tendency for the pronoun postcedent to be more likely to be retained than the noun postcedent is puzzling, since pronouns - particularly, first and second person pronouns, which refer to speech act participants - are contextually given and easily recoverable, and indeed they are often understood in languages such as Japanese. Even in English, where a sentence strongly requires the subject, the pronouns I and we are often deleted in diaries, letters to close family members, and so on. There is, however, a functional motivation behind this puzzle. This higher rate of retention of pronouns than that of nouns seems to be a device for facilitating the comprehension of the sentence in the presence of the discrepancy in pronouns between the ideal deletion patterns (i.e. S/0 vs. A; see Table 4-13) and the casemarking pattern (i.e. S/A vs. 0; see Table 3-6). With most of the nouns, the NOM(S) and the ACC(O) forms are identical, and in a deletion of a S/0 pattern, the recovery of the deleted postcedent is straight-

Antipassive construction 451

forward, e.g. (4-231) (O=[S]; gando-0 'dog-ACC(O) = [gando-0 'dog-NOM(S)']. In contrast, with most of the pronouns, the ACC(O) and the NOM(S) forms are different, e.g. (4-221) (O=S; yina '2SG.ACC(O)' = yinda '2SG.NOM(S)'). Here, if the postcedent were deleted, its recovery would not be so straightforward as is the case with nouns. That is, retention of the pronoun postcedent facilitates the comprehension of the sentence. [2] Neutral patterns (S=S, A=A, 0=0)

As Table 4-18 shows, the noun postcedent is retained in 6% (2/35), while the pronoun postcedent is retained in 9% (4/46). There seems to be no significant difference between nouns and pronouns. Again, there is a functional motivation for this. The neutral patterns are compatible with both the case-marking pattern of nouns (S/0 vs. A) and that of pronouns (S/A vs. 0). (See (4-223).) (a) Relevant examples of a noun postcedent include the following. (a-1) Deletion (a-1-1) S=[S]: (4-232), (4-233). (a-1-2) 0=[0]: (4-235), (4-236), (4-627). (a-2) Retention: (a-2-1) 0=0: (4-626). (b) Relevant examples of a pronoun postcedent include the following. (b-1) Deletion (b-1-1) S=[S]: (4-243), (4-244). (b-1-2) A=[A]: (4-234), (4-627). (b-2) Retention (b-2-1) A=A: (4-235), (4-626).

[3] S/A patterns (S/A, A/S) In Table 4-18, there is no example involving a noun. There are 8 examples involving a pronoun. The pronoun postcedent is deleted in 62.5% (5/8), and retained in 37.5% (3/8). Since there is no example involving a noun, it is impossible to compare nouns and pronouns in terms of deletion and retention. (b) Relevant examples of a pronoun postcedent include the following. (b-1) Deletion (b-1-1) S=[A]: (4-300), (4-303). (b-2) Retention (b-2-1) S=[A]=A: (4-303).

458

Syntax

(4-303) ('I wanted to make love to her.')

wara-n

ngaya

ngarra-mali

jurnp-NF lSG.NOM(S) above-side

jaynyja-lgo

[ngaya

nyonya]

copulate.with-PURP [lSG.ERG(A) 3SG.ACC(O)] jaynyja-lgo ngaya [nyonya]. (AP) copulate.with-PURP lSG.ERG(A) [3SG.ACC(O)] 'I jumped on top [of her] so that [I] could copulate with [her], so that I could copulate with [her].' (S=[A]=A) The first occurrence of [ngaya] 'lSG.ERG(A)' is deleted. resulting in the deletion of 'S=[A]' This deletion pattern deviates from the ideal patterns of deletion (Table 4-13). Nonetheless, the second occurrence of ngaya 'lSG.ERG(A) is retained (or, perhaps added). This is probably in order to compensate for the deletion that deviates from ideal patterns of deletion. [4] Abermnt patterns (A=O, O=A) In Table 4-18, there is no example involving a noun. The pronoun postcedent is deleted in 20% (1/5). It is retained in as many as 80% (4/5), e.g. (4-282). This shows that aberrant patterns strongly prefer retention to deletion. Deletion in abermnt patterns seems to be disfavoured or prohibited cross-linguistically (4.8.4). This is indeed the case in Warrongo, too. See also 4.9.4.1 and 4.9.4.2-[2]. Needless to say, deletion will become acceptable if the A is turned into the d-S by means of antipassivization (4.9.4.2-[2]). Since there is no example involving a noun, it is impossible to compare nouns and pronouns in terms of deletion and retention. (4-304) ('This food is nice. I would like to see you eat it.')

yarro-0

yinda

moja-0

this-ACC(O) 2SG.ERG(A) eat-IMP

ngaya

yina nyaga-lgo. (AP) lSG.ERG(A) 2SG.ACC(O) watch-PURP 'Eat this [food] so that I can watch you [eating it].' (A=O)

[5] Additional notes on pronouns We saw in [1] above that, in the S/0 patterns, a pronoun postcedent is often retained; there is a discrepancy between its case-marking (S/A vs. A) (Table 3-6) and the ideal deletion patterns (Table 4-13). Apart from the S/0 patterns, pronouns are sometime retained even when they fit in one of the ideal patterns, as noted in [2] concerning neutral patterns. As an example, we shall compare pronouns and nouns involving the same coreference pattern: A=A. Consider (4-235) (a sentence spontaneously uttered by Alf Palmer). It involves a pronoun: yinda '2SG.ERG(A)' = yinda '2SG.ERG(A)' The postcedent is retained. That is, here, deletion seems optional. In contmst, where nouns are

Antipassive construction

459

concerned, there is no example available in which the second occurrence of the A NP is retained. It will be almost certainly deleted. Consider (4-238) (bama-nggo 'man-ERG(A)' = bama-nggo 'man-ERG(A)'). This sentence was composed by me and approved by Alf Palmer. The postcedent is not deleted. However, in natural speech, it will be almost certainly deleted (as in (4-239) (bama-nggo 'man-ERG(A)' = [bama-nggo 'man-ERG(A)']). That is, pronouns are more likely to be retained than nouns even when the same coreference pattern (A=A) is involved. This difference between pronouns and nouns- at least regarding the coreference pattern 'A=~ - is intriguing since pronouns tend to mark given/old information, and they would be expected to be more likely to be deleted than nouns. There are languages that have both free pronouns and clitic pronouns, e.g. Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 124-163). In Djaru, clitic pronouns occur in virtually every clause with a finite verb, but this is not the case with free pronouns. In view of this, the situation in Warrongo is even more intriguing; its pronouns are free pronouns, and not clitic pronouns. 4.9.9.

Case frames and semantics

We shall now look at further details of the case frames of antipassives. This requires careful attention to their semantic aspects.

4.9.9.1. Semantic types of antipassive verbs It is useful to introduce the hierarchy of two-place predicates proposed in Tsunoda (1981b, 1985). See Table 4-19. Crosslinguistically, transitive case frames (e.g. ERG-ACC of Warrongo) occur in Type 1, but as we go down the hierarchy, they are less likely to occur, and they tend to be absent or to co-exist with some other case frames (e.g. NOM-DAT and NOM-LOC of Warrongo). Similarly, voice expressions, such as passives, antipassives, reflexives, and reciprocals, are easily acceptable in Type 1, but they are less likely to be acceptable as we move towards the right end (Tsunoda 1981b: 397, 1985: 390-391). These cross-linguistic tendencies are observed in Warrongo as well; see Table 4-20. Table 4-19. Hierarchy of two-place predicates 2

Type

Meaning

direct

effect Examples kill, break, hit, shoot, eat

3

4

5

perception pursuit knowledge feeling, emotion see, hear, find, look, listen, smell

6

7

relation-

ability

ship

search, know, love, like, have, lack, capable, wait understand, want, fear, resemble, proficient, remember, angry corresgood fmget

pond

460

Syntax

Roughly speaking, Warrongo has transitive verbs (ERG-ACC) from Type 1 to Type 4, and also in Type 6. Type 1 is by far the largest group, followed by Type 2, which is much smaller. Transitive verbs in Types 3, 4, and 6 are very few -just one or two in each type. The verb ganyji-L can mean (i) 'carry', e.g. (3-32). (4-296), (ii) 'have [body parts]', e.g. (3-228), (4-889) to (4-893), or (iii) 'be pregnant with [a baby]', e.g. (3-175) (third W). When it means 'carry', it is classified as a three-place verb (4.3.3. 2-[11 ]). Semantically, it is similar to Type 1 'direct effect' When it means 'have [body parts]'/'be pregnant with [a baby]', it is allocated to Type 6 'relationship'. It appears to be the only transitive verb in Type 6. Type 5 'feeling' and Type 7 'ability' appear to contain no transitive verb. They consist of intransitive verbs and adjective-like nouns. Type 5 'feeling, emotion' consists of (i) intransitive verbs, e.g. wanbali-ZERO Vi 'fear' in (3-68), and (ii) adjective-like nouns, e.g. walngga-yi 'fond [of]' in (3-89), (3-90). Type 7 'ability' consists of adjective-like nouns only, e.g. miramira 'smart, good [at]' in (3-97). There is no example of an intransitive verb. Table 4-20. Transitive verbs and voice expressions

1'ype Meaning

direct effect

2

3

4

5

6

7

perception

pursuit

knowledge

feeling, emotion

relationship

ability

ERG-ACC two-place antipassive NOM-ERG NOM-DAT true reflexive

(4.11.2.1, 4.11.3.1) anticausative

~

(4.11.2 .2, 4.11. 3.2) reciprocal

(4.12.2) iterative (4.13.1) -------~ instrumental verbs ( 4.14.3.1) participle-I

(4.15.1.1) participle-2

~

(4.15.2.1)

The distribution of transitive verbs, 1.e. that of the transitive case-frame ERG-ACC, is shown in Table 4-20.

Antipassive construction 461

In terms of valency and semantics, antipassive verbs can be classified as follows: [1] three-place antipassives, and [2] two-place antipassives. [1] Three-place antipassive verbs (See 4.3.3.2 for three-place verbs.) Three-place antipassive verbs include goybagali-ZERO 'give' and 'throw', mayga-gali-ZERO 'tell', ganyji-gali-ZERO 'carry', banjo-gali-ZERO 'ask', and birra-gali-ZERO 'tell, talk'. When gany!fi-L Vt means 'have [body parts]'/'be pregnant with [a baby]', it is assigned to Type 6 'relationship'. It appears to be the only transitive verb of Type 6 'relationship' Its antipassive counterpart is not attested and it seems likely not to exist. If it exists at all, its frequency is extremely low. This seems to confirm the observation mentioned in 4.9.9.1 that voice expressions, such as antipassives, are less likely to be acceptable as we move towards the right end of Table 4-20. [2] Two-place antipassive verbs

It appears that transitive verbs from Type 1 to Type 4 can be antipassivized. The distribution of two-place antipassive verbs is shown in Table 4-20. Two-place antipassive verbs can be classified into four groups: (a) action antipassives, (b) perception antipassives, (c) pursuit antipassives, and (d) one knowledge antipassive. The semantic differences among these four groups of verbs are as follows. They mainly concern the affectedness of the undergoer. (See Tsunoda (1981b: 396, 1985: 389).) With action antipassives, the undergoer may have been affected by the action (cf. 'I caught a kangaroo') or may not have been affected by it as yet (cf. 'I will catch a kangaroo'). With pursuit antipassives (cf. 'I looked for a kangaroo', 'I will look for a kangaroo'), the undergoer is never affected by the action. Perception antipassives are intermediate between action and pursuit antipassives. The undergoer of pursuit is never perceived. (Once it is perceived, the verb to be employed is one of perception, such as 'see' and 'find'.) In contrast, the undergoer of perception may be said to be affected in that it was/is/will be perceived: 'I saw/see/will see a kangaroo' (perception), as against 'I looked/look/will look for a kangaroo' (pursuit). However, it is not affected to the extent that the undergoer of action is. Thus, the act of catching can impinge on the undergoer, but the act of seeing never does. The situation described by the only antipassive of knowledge (i.e. 'understand [a language]') does not involve any action, and it does not affect the undergoer. A list of antipassive verbs in terms of this classification is given. (a) Action antipassives This is by far the largest group. It includes the verbs of Type 1 'direct effect'. Examples are the following.

462

Syntax

balga-gali-ZERO 'kill, hit', galga-gali-ZERO 'put down', woda-gali-ZERO 'pull down, take off [clothes]', giba-gali-ZERO 'dig', gamba-gali-ZERO 'cover', gonbagali-ZERO 'cut', gonma-gali-ZERO 'cut', moga-gali-ZERO 'catch, get', baba-galiZERO 'stab, sew', wajo-gali-ZERO 'cook', moja-gali-ZERO 'eat', bija-gali-ZERO 'drink', baja-gali-ZERO 'bite, chew', baya-gali-ZERO 'sing', jaynyja-gali-ZERO 'copulate with', nyawo-gali-ZERO 'go round [a place, e.g. in a fight]'), and wandagalt-ZERO 'leave [a place]; leave [something in a place]; leave [someone in a place]; forget to take/bring'. Strictly speaking, wanda-galt-ZERO Vt 'leave' may not describe an action, but it is conveniently assigned to the group of action antipassives. Examples include (4-400). There is a transitive verb that is semantically somewhat similar to wandaL 'leave'. It is nyawo-L 'go round [a place, e.g. in a fight]'), e.g. Text 3, Line 17. It has the antipassive form: nyawo-gali-ZERO, e.g. Text 3, Line 16. There is at least one transitive verb that describes an action but that, despite this, is not attested in the antipassive form. The verb is garrogaja-L Vt 'go past [someone] without noticing' (mentioned in 3.9.1). (4-305) nyola garrogaja-n ngali-nya. (AP) 3SG.ERG(A) go.past-NF IDU-ACC(O) 'He went past us, without noticing us.' Therefore, there are at least two transitive verbs whose antipassive form is not attested: ganyji-L 'have [body parts]'/'be pregnant with [a baby]' and garrogaja-L Vt 'go past [someone] without noticing' (Dixon (1972: 65) states regarding Dyirbal that any transitive simple sentence can be antipassivized. However, as can be seen, this does not seem to apply to Warrongo.) (b) Perception antipassives (Type 2) This group is very small. It contains only six verbs: nyaga-gali-ZERO 'see, watch, look at, etc.', nyaga"'nJJaga-gali-ZERO 'watch, look at, look after', jolnyjo-galiZERO 'watch, stare', ngawa-gali-ZERO 'hear, listen to [e.g. a person, voice, noise]',jaymba-gali-ZERO 'find', and balmbi-gali-ZERO 'smell'. Perception antipassives will be discussed in 4.9.9.3. (c) Pursuit antipassives (Type 3) There is only one basic, non-derived transitive verb of pursuit: yangga-L 'search for' Its antipassive counterpart is yangga-gali-ZERO 'search for, look for' There is one verb of pursuit that is derived by means of the transitive-stem-forming suffix -(n~)ba-L (4.7.3-[2]): ngarro-mba-L 'try to get, but cannot', e.g. (3-237-c). Its antipassive counterpart is ngarro-mba-gali-ZERO, e.g. Text 1, Line 35. (Ngarro is an adverb that means 'in vain, unsuccessfully' (4.24-[9]).) Two of the perception antipassives can mean 'search for, look for': nyaga-gali-ZERO 'see' (4.9.9.3.2), and jaymba-gali-ZERO 'find' (4.9.9.3.4).

Antipassive construction 463

(d) One knowledge verb (Type 4) The perception verb ngawa-L Vt 'hear, listen to [e.g. a person, voice, noise]' (Type 2) can also mean 'understand [a language]' (Type 4). Its antipassive counterpart ngawa-gali-ZERO, too, can mean (i) 'hear, listen to' and (ii) 'understand [a language]' They will be discussed in 4.9.9.3.5. According to Evans and Wilkins (2000: 567-568), it is very common in Australian languages for the verb 'hear, listen to' to also mean 'to understand [a language]' In Warrongo, ngawa-L and ngawa-gali-ZERO with the meaning 'understand' appear to be used regarding language only, and do not seem to be used, say, as in 'understand an idea, a concept, a person, etc.' According to Shiho Ebihara (p.c.), the Arndo dialect of Tibetan, spoken in northwest China, has the verb ko 'hear' and 'understand' and the verb nyen 'listen to' Ko 'hear' can mean not only 'understand [a language]', but also 'understand [a concept, idea, the content of a talk]. In contrast, nyen 'listen to' does not mean 'understand'. As noted above, the antipassive version of ngarro-mba-L 'try in vain to get' is attested. As mentioned in 4.9.1, other transitive verbs with -{m)ba-L and also those with -nga-L (4.7.2) can have the antipassive form, although this does not occur often. Examples include mira-nga-gali-ZERO 'rnake-ANTIP' in Text 1, Line 49. In each pair of a transitive verb and its antipassive counterpart, the antipassive counterpart is generally much less frequently used than the transitive verb. However, there is just one exception: yangga-L and yangga-gali-ZERO 'search for, look for' This verb is almost always used in the antipassivized form, e.g. (4-251), (4-264), (4-269-b), (4-270-B), (4-271-B), (4-278). Recall that, in (4-264), it is because of this idiosyncratic nature of yangga-L (to occur in the antipassive form almost always) that the second clause is antipassivized, resulting in the deletion of d-S=[d-S]. This phenomenon does not seem uncommon. Another example is (4-306). (4-306) warrngo-wo ngaya yangga-gali-n wornan-DAT 1SG.NOJ\1(d-S) search.for-ANTIP-NF [warrngo-wo ngaya TT] ganyji-gali-yal. (AP) [wornan-DAT 1SG.NOM(d-S)] carry-ANTIP-PURP 'I am looking for a woman to take [with me].' (d-S=[d-S]) In contrast, there are just a few example of the transitive yangga-L. Indeed, for several months after I had started working with Alf Palmer, I was under the impression that this verb was used in the antipassivized form only until one day when I carne across an instance of the transitive version in a text. Examples of the transitive yangga-L cited from the texts include (4-252), (4-780).

464

Syntax

4.9.9.2.

Case of the undergoer NP

4.9.9.2.1. Introductoty notes The case of the undergoer NP of antipassives is generally the ERG or the DAT. (It is the GEN or the ACC in a very small number of examples; see 4.9.9.4.) There are at least three factors that condition this case-marking of ERG versus DAT. They operate jointly. (a) Animacy of the undergoer in terms of Silverstein's NP hierarchy (4.9.9.2.2).

(b) Affectedness of the undergoer in terms of verb semantics (4.9.9.2.3). (c) Regarding action antipassive verbs: affectedness of the undergoer in terms of the conjugational category (4.9.9.2.4).

4.9.9.2.2. Animacy of the undergoerin terms of Silverstein's NP hierarchy Consider Table 4-21, which incorporates a modification of Silverstein's (1976: 122) NP hierarchy. For the case of the undergoer NP, when it is a pronoun, almost certainly only the DAT is possible for the undergoer. With kin and proper nouns, the DAT is possible, but it is not known if the ERG is possible. With human nouns and non-human animate nouns (simply, animate nouns), the DAT marking is possible and common, and the ERG marking is possible, but not common. With inanimate nouns, both of the DAT and the ERG are possible and common. (A somewhat similar tendency is observed in the DAT vs. LOC marking of the undergoer NP of antipassives of Yidiny; see Dixon (1977b: 277).) Examples and comments follow. [1] Pronouns With pronouns, for the undergoer NP, only the DAT seems acceptable, e.g. (i) '1SG-DAT' in (4-269-b), (4-326), (4-330), (ii) 'lDU-DAT' in (4-297), (4-417), (iii) '2SG-DAT' in (4-264), (4-338), (4-343), (4-390). Table 4-21. Case ofundergoer NP (1): animacy hierarchy

pronmm

kin, proper

human, animate

inanimate

DATonly

DAT ?

DAT (common) ERG (not connnon)

DAT (connnon) ERG (connnon)

The ERG seems unacceptable with pronouns (including the interrogative member wanyo-lo 'who-ERG'). (In Dyirba~ too, what is equivalent to the ERG form of a Warrongo pronoun cannot occur as the undergoer of any antipassive at all. See Dixon (1972: 66).) Thus, compare:

Antipassive construction 465

(4-307) bama-nggo yina balga-n. (TT) man-ERG(A) ACC(O) hit-NF 'The man hit you.' (4-308) *bama-r2J yinda balga-gali-n. (TT) man-NOM(d-S) 2SG.ERG hit-.ANTIP-NF Intended meaning: '(As above.)' (4-309) bama-r2J yinda balga-gali-n. (TT) man-NOM(d-S) 2SG.NOM(d-S) hit-.ANTIP-NF 'You, a man, hit [someone/something].' (4-308) does not mean 'The man hit you'. But this sentence is no doubt acceptable in the reading shown in (2-309). The noun phrase bama-r2J yinda 'you, a man' is an instance of apposition (4.5.2.1.2-[3]). With most of the pronouns, the ERG and the NOM forms are identical. Now, with '3DU' and '3PL', the ERG form can be identical with the NOM. It can also have a distinct ergative suffix. (See Table 3-6.) Now, compare: (4-310) bama-nggo jana-nya balga-n. (IT) man-ERG(A) 3PL-ACC(O) hit-NF 'The man hit them.' (4-311) *bama-r2J jana-r2J balga-gali-n. (IT) man-NOM(d-S) 3PL-ERG hit-ANTIP-NF Intended meaning: '(As above.)' (4-312) *bama-r2J jana-nggo balga-gali-n. (TT) man-NOM(d-S) 3PL-ERG hit-ANTIP-NF Intended meaning: '(As above.)' jana-r2J balga-gali-n. (TT) (4-313) bama-r2J man-NOM(d-S) 3PL-NOM(d-S) hit-ANTIP-NF 'They, the men [or, they, including the men] hit [someone/something].' It seems certain that (4-311) and (4-312) do not mean 'The man hit them' The ex. (4-311) (where the pronoun undergoer does not have a distinct ergative suffix) will be acceptable in the reading shown in (4-313), as is the case with (4-309). However, there seems no way in which (4-312) (where the pronoun undergoer NP has a distinct ergative suffix) can be acceptable. (Ifjana-nggo is deleted from (4-312), the sentence will be perfectly acceptable. See (4-272-B).)

[2] Kin nouns and proper nouns For the undergoer NP, the DAT is attested, e.g. (4-294) ('wife'), and (4-336) ('mother'). But it is not known if the ERG is possible. There is no example of the ERG. On one occasion, the ERG yanga-na-nggo 'mother-KIN-ERG' for the under-

466

Syntax

goer NP of an antipassive was rejected by Alf Palmer. That is, it is possible that, as is the case with pronouns, the ERG of kin and proper nouns cannot occur as the undergoer of any antipassive. Recall that the ergative suffix has an irregular allomorph -lo. It occurs in the interrogative pronoun wanyo-lo 'who-ERG' (Table 3-6) and at least four vowelfinal kinship terms, e.g. gaya-na-lo 'father-KIN-ERG' (Table 3-3). As mentioned in [1] above, wanyo-lo 'who-ERG' seems unacceptable as the undergoer NP Also as just noted, there is no example of a kin noun in the ERG occurring as the undergoer. It then seems that the allomorph -lo of the ergative never occurs as the undergoer NP of the antipassive construction at all. In contrast, other allomorphs are attested in the undergoer NP of antipassives, e.g. -nggo in (4-49) (-nggo in gamonggo) and -bo in (4-258) (-bo injojam-bo). [3] Human nouns Both the DAT and the ERG are attested. The DAT is common, but the ERG is not Examples of the DAT include (4-306) (woman), (4-293) (other people), (4-331) (white man), and (4-367) (young girl). Examples of the ERG include (4-315) (young girl), and (4-324) (woman). [4] Animate nouns As is the case with human nouns, both the DAT and the ERG are attested, and the DAT is common, but the ERG is not. Examples of the DAT include (4-260) (kangaroo); (4-271-B), (4-335) and (4-375) (bee); (4-280) and (4-296) (possum: probably dead, but possibly alive); (4-282) (meat, game: probably dead, but possibly alive); (4-335) (possum: probably alive, but possibly dead). Examples of the ERG include (4-258) (locust), (4-314) ('possum') (probably dead, but possibly alive), and (4-322) ('horse'). [5] Inanimate nouns Here again, both the DAT and the ERG are attested. Both are common, but in contrast with human nouns and animate nouns, the ERG is more common than the DAT. Examples of the DAT include (4-262) (wood); (4-278) (tracks); (4-280) and (4-296) (possum: probably dead, but possibly alive); (4-282) (meat, game: probably dead); (4-295) ('clothes'); (4-317) tscrub turkey's egg', 'egg'); (4-335) (possum: probably alive, but possibly dead); (4-342) ('camp'); and (4-358) ('what'). Examples of the ERG include (4-332) ('foot' (body part)); (4-348) ('Wamin language'); (4-360) ('trousers'); (4-361) ('Gogolo song'): (4-394) ('grass'); (4-400) ('penis' (body part)); and Text 3, Line 16 ('camp'). One and the same noun is attested in both the ERG and the DAT, e.g. (i) 'water': DAT in (4-251), (4-387) and ERG in (4-249), (ii) 'language'· DAT in (4-282), (4-405) and ERG in (4-344), (4-349), (4-415); (iii) 'food'· DAT in (4-320), (4-396), (4-403) and ERG in (4-255), (4-321), (4-402), (4-414); (iv) 'fishing net': DAT in (4-318)

Antipassive construction 461

and ERG in (4-319), (4-370); (v) 'faeces'· DAT in (4-328), and ERG in (4-327); and (vi) 'road'· DAT in (4-333), (4-339), and ERG in (4-334), (4-340). (For a possible semantic difference between the DAT and the ERG for the undergoer, see 4.9.9.2.4, in particular, [2] and [5].) Animate beings, e.g. possums, will be considered animate if they are still alive. If they are dead, they will be regarded as inanimate. See, for instance, (4-280), (4-296) and (4-335) regarding possums.

(4-314) ('He is a good husband.') gajarra-nggo ganyji-gali-n. (AP) possum-ERG carry-ANTIP-NF '[He] brought a possum [for us].' Body parts are best considered inanimate; cf. 'foot-ERG' in (4-332), and 'penisERG' in (4-400). The undergoer NP is attested with each of the three persons (i.e. first., second, and third), and so is the actor NP. Every logically possible combination of persons of the actor and the undergoer is attested in the texts. That is, there is no restriction on the person of the actor NP or on that of the undergoer NP of antipassives, unlike antipassives in languages such as Halkomelem of British Columbia (Gerdts

1980: 304-305).

4.9.9.2.3. Affectedness ofthe undergoerin terms of verb semantics See Table 4-20. In terms of the verb types, NOM-DAT is attested in Types 1 'direct effect', 2 'perception', and 3 'pursuit', while NOM-ERG is attested in Types 1, 2, and also Type 4 'knowledge' Type 3 does not seem to allow NOM-ERG. Table 4-22. Case ofundergoerNP (2): verb semantics

verb type

knowledge (Type 4)

pursuit (Type 3)

perception (Type 2)

action (Type 1)

affectedness ofundergoer

never affected

never affected

less affected

more affected

case of undergoer NP

DATonly

DAT ERG

DAT ERG

pronoun kin, proper human, animate inanimate

DATonly DATonly DATonly DATonly

DATonly D.AT DAT DAT,ERG

DATonly ? DAT,ERG DAT,ERG

ERG

468

Syntax

The case-marking of the undergoer NP of antipassives in terms of the animacy of the undergoer (4.9.9.2.2) and the verb semantics are jointly shown in Table 4-22. Note that, roughly speaking, the DAT is more closely associated with the non-affectedness of the undergoer, while the ERG is more closely associated with its affectedness. The ERG undergoer of the knowledge antipassive is the only exception. The undergoer is always(?) ERG, although it is never affected by any action. As noted in 4.9.9.2.2, with pronouns, the undergoer NP is always DAT. Consequently it cannot be ERG, irrespective of the semantics of the verb concerned. Possibly (though by no means certainly) the same applies to kin and proper nouns. Examples are as follows. (a) Action antipassives: DAT and ERG (a-1) Pronoun: DAT only: (4-326) CJSG'), (4-390) ('2SG'). (a-2) Kin, proper: no example. (a-3) Human: no example. (a-4) Animate (a-4-1) DAT: (4-260) ('kangaroo'), (4-280) ('possum'), (4-281) ('game'), (4-296) ('possum'). (a-4-2) ERG: (4-258) ('locust'). (a-5) Inanimate (a-4-1) DAT: (4-262) ('wood'), (4-282) Clanguage'), (4-233) ('food', 'clothes'). (a-4-2) ERG: (4-249) ('water'). (b) Perception antipassives: DAT and ERG (b-1) Pronoun: DAT only: (4-330) ('1SG'); (4-297), (4-417) ('1DU'); (4-264), (4-338), (4-343) ('2SG'). (b-2) Kin, proper: DAT only(?): (4-294) ('wife'), (b-3) Human DAT only(?): (4-331) ('white man'). (b-4) Animate: no example. (b-4) Inanimate: (b-4-1) DAT: (4-333) ('road'). (b-4-2) ERG: (4-334) ('road'). (c) Pursuit antipassives: DAT only (c-1) Pronoun: (4-269-b) ('1SG'), (4-264) ('2SG'). (c-2) Kin, proper: no example. (c-3) Human: no example. (c-4) Animate: (4-271-B) ('bee'). (c-4) Inanimate: (4-251) ('water'), (4-278) ('tracks'). (d) Knowledge antipassive: ERG only?: (4-348) ('the Wamin language'), (4-349) ('language'). The knowledge antipassive (i.e. ngawa-gali-ZERO 'understand [a language]') has yielded very few examples. The undergoer is always(?) ERG. See (4-348) and (4-349).

Antipassive construction

469

The undergoer of pursuit antipassives, e.g. yangga-gali-ZERO 'search for', and ngarro-mba-gali-ZERO 'try to get, but cannot', is always DAT, and never ERG. There is no relevant example involving a kin noun or a proper noun, but I feel confident that only the DAT is acceptable, and the ERG is not. With action antipassives, the undergoer NP is ERG or DAT depending on the conjugational category employed; see 4.9.9.2.4. Perception antipassives exhibit a somewhat complicated and irregular situation in terms of semantics and case. This will be discussed in 4.9.9.3, together with the knowledge antipassive. Text 1, Line 35 nicely illustrates the contrast between the ERG undergoer NP of an action antipassive (bqja-gali-n 'bite') and the DAT undergoer NP of a pursuit antipassive (ngarro-mba-gali-n 'try to get, but cannot'). The main points are as follows. (a) 3PL-NOM(d-S) (b) 3PL-NOM(d-S)

grass-ERG water-DAT

bite-ANTIP-NF try.to.get.but.cannot-ANTIP-NF

As expected, Alf Palmer rejected the ergative gamo-nggo 'water-ERG' that I suggested for (b) above. For another contrasting pair, see (4-249) (bija-gali-ZERO 'drink', an action antipassive, with gamo-nggo 'water-ERG') and (4-251) (yanggagali-ZERO 'search', a pursuit antipassive, withgamo-wo 'water-DAT').

4.9.9.2.4. Affectedness of the undergoer of action antipassives in terms of the conjugationalcatego~

As noted in 4.9.9.2.3, the undergoer NP of the knowledge antipassive is always (?) ERG. That of pursuit antipassives is always DAT. This is irrespective of the conjugational category employed. The case-marking of the undergoer NP of perception antipassives will be discussed separately, together with the knowledge antipassive (4.9.9.3). We shall look at action antipassives in the following. See Table 4-23. Table 4-23. Case ofundergoer NP (3): conjugational category of action antipassives

affectedness ofundergoer

imperative

purposive

nonfuture

=ngomay 'after'

not affected

affected or not affected

affected

affected

? ? ERG ? DAT, ERG

D.ATonly ? D.AT D.AT OAT, ERG

impossible

? ? ? ? ERG

case of undergoer pronoun

kin, proper human animate

inanimate

? D.AT, ERG ERG ERG

470

Syntax

With antipassives, the conjugational category of apprehensional (Table 3-15) is attested with just one verb. But it is not listed in Table 4-23, for there is no example of any apprehensional antipassive with an undergoer NP. As we shall see in 4.10, antipassive verbs can be combined with the enclitic =ngomay 'after' It may not really be a conjugational category, but the case of the undergoer NP of =ngomay antipassives is conveniently discussed here. We shall look at each of these catego-

nes. We shall look at the affectedness of the undergoer of each category. Recall that here we are dealing with action antipassives only. [1] With the imperative, the action concerned will happen in the future (except for instances such as (3-263), (3-264) and (4-864-:M), which eA'J'l"esses consent/ approval to what someone else has already done). Consequently, the undergoer is not affected by the action as yet. [2] The purposive has the uses and meanings shown below. The undergoer may be affected by the action, or may not be affected by it (a) The finite use: in a simple sentence or in the main clause of a complex sentence (3.10.13): intention, volition, future, etc. (b) The non-finite use: in purposive subordination (4.8.5, 4.9.7): (b-1) result, consequence, successive action; (b-2) purpose, and; (b-3) 'jussive', complementation, causative. In (b-1), if the action occurred in the past (cf. 'The man went and caught a kangaroo'), the undergoer was affected by the action. If the action is occurring in the present or will occur in the future (cf. 'The man is going/will go and will catch a kangaroo'), the sentence does not say whether the undergoer will be affected by the action. Similarly, (a), (b-2) and (b-3) do not state whether the undergoer was/is/ will be affected by the action. To sum up, when a purposive verb is employed, the undergoer may be affected or not affected by the action. [3] With the nonfuture (cf. 'I drank water' and 'I am drinking water'), the undergoer was/is affected by the action. [4] When an action antipassive is combined with =ngomay 'after', the undergoer was/is affected by the action. Examples of action antipassives follow.

Antipassive construction

471

[1] Imperative There are very few examples of imperative antipassives. The attested examples are as follows. (a) Pronoun: no example. (b) Kin. proper: no example. (c) Human, e.g. (4-315) Cgirl-ERG'). (d) Animate: no example. (e) Inanimate, e.g. (4-316) ('food-ERG'), (4-317) ('egg-DAT'), (4-360) ('trousersERG'). For the undergoer, the ERG is attested; see (4-315) and (4-316). The DAT, too, seems possible; see (4-317). (4-315) yinda=goli jaynyja-gali-ya rayi-nggo nyila. (AP) 2SG.NOM(d-S)=only copulate.with-ANTIP-I:t-.AP girl-ERG soon 'Have sex with the girl by yourself immediately.' (4-316) manyja-nggo moja-gali-ya yinda. (AP) food-ERG eat-ANTIP-IJ\1P 2SG.NOM(d-S) 'Eat the food.' (4-317) yinda ngona-gomay giba-gali-ya 2SG.NOM(d-S) that-after dig-ANTIP-I:t-.AP [jarrogan-go or bambo-wo TT, AP] (AP) scrub.turkey's.egg-DAT egg-DAT 'After that, dig [scrub turkey's eggs or eggs].' With human and animate nouns, the ERG for the undergoer NP is not common (4.9.9.2.2-[3], -[4]). (4-315) is uncommon in that the human undergoer NP is ERG. For (4-317), AlfPalmer approved the DAT jarrogan-go and bambo-wo I suggested. That is, the DAT seems possible here. However, he rejected the ERG forms I suggested:jarrogan-do 'scrub turkey's egg-ERG' and bambo-nggo 'egg-ERG' This is puzzling given the tendency for inanimate undergoer NPs to be more likely than human undergoer NPs to be ERG (see Table 4-21). (Warrongo has two verbs that can be translated 'dig': giba-L and baba-L. Giba-L seems to mean 'dig [something from/out of something, e.g. an egg, from/ out of the nest'], as in (4-317), while baba-L seems to mean 'dig [e.g. the ground]', as in (4-398).) [2] Purposive There are many examples of inanimate undergoer, but very few of pronoun. human or animate undergoer, and no example of kin or proper noun undergoer. Examples include the following.

472

Syntax

(a) Pronoun, e.g. (4-326) ('1SG-DAT'), (4-297) ('IDU-DAT'), (4-390) ('2SG-DAT').

(b) Kin, proper: no example. (c) Human: no example. (d) Animate, e.g. (4-260) ('kangaroo-DAT'). (e) Inanimate: (e-1) DAT: (4-262) ('wood'); (4-280) and (4-296) ('possum' (dead?)); (4-281) ('game' (dead?)); (4-282) Clanguage'); (4-297) ('food', 'clothes'); (4-318) ('fishing net'); (4-320) ('food'); (4-328) ('faeces'). (e-2) ERG: (4-319) ('fishing net'), (4-321) ('food'). With purposive antipassives on the whole, both the DAT and the ERG are attested, but the DAT is more common than the ERG. If the undergoer is inanimate, both ERG and DAT are common (although the DAT is more common than the ERG). One and the same noun is sometimes attested with both the DAT and the ERG. For example, the noun mogarro-wo 'fishing net' is DAT in (4-318), and ERG in (4-319). (4-318) (As noted regarding (3-242), even when he was in his eighties, AlfPalmer used to go fishing to provide for his family and friends. He was very concerned with the maintenance of his fishing net.) ngaya baba-gali-yal mogarro-wo. (AP) 1SG.NOM(d-S) sew-ANTIP-PURP fishing.net-DAT 'I will sew [and mend the] fishing net.'

baba-gali-yaL (AP) (4-319) mogarro-nggo ngaya fishing.net-ERG 1SG.NOM(d-S) sew-ANTIP-PURP '(As above.)' The semantic difference between the DAT undergoer and the ERG undergoer, if there is any, is not understood well. Consider:

ngali-0 many;ja-wo. (TT, AP) (4-320) moja-gali-yal eat-ANTIP-PURP lDU-NOM(d-S) food-DAT AlfPalrner's translation: 'We will go and get food to eat.' (4-321) moja-gali-yal ngali-0 manyja-nggo. (AP) eat-ANTIP-PURP lDU-NOM(d-S) food-ERG 'We will eat food.' AlfPalrner approved the DAT manyja-wo 'food-DAT' I suggested for (4-321); see (4-320). He stated to the effect that the DAT form meant 'We will go and get food to eat'. On another occasion, he made the same comment ('go and get') on a sentence from a text that is almost identical with (4-320). This suggests that the DAT undergoer, as against the ERG undergoer, indicates pursuit or goal.

Antipassive construction 413

In contrast, there is some indication that the ERG for the undergoer implies that., when the antipassive verb concerned is in nonfuture, the undergoer has already been affected by the action. Compare (4-327) and (4-328). [3] Nonfuture In the nonfuture, there are many examples of inanimate undergoer, but very few of human or animate undergoer, and no example of kin/proper noun or pronoun undergoer. It is convenient to start this discussion from inanimate nouns, followed by animate nouns and human nouns. Kin and proper nouns will be discussed last. (a) For inanimate undergoers (of which there are many examples), the case is always ERG (and never DAT), e.g. (4-249) ('water'), (4-394) ('grass'), (4-327) ('faeces'), (4-361) ('Gogolo song'), (4-400) ('penis'), Text 3, Line 16 ('camp'). The DAT seems unacceptable. As expected, Alf Palmer rejected the DAT gona-wo 'faeces-DAT' that I suggested for (4-327). (b) For animate undergoers, the case is ERG in the very few examples available, e.g. (4-258) ('locust'), (4-322) ('horse'), (4-382) ('dog'). The DAT seems unacceptable; see the comment on (4-322). (4-322) gorriJara-0 jana-0 ganyji-gali-n [yaFTaman-do TT, AP]. (AP) three-NOM 3PL-NOM(d-S) carry-.ANTIP-NF [horse-ERG] 'They, three [men], are carrying/taking [horses].' AlfPalrner approved the ERG yarraman-do that I suggested for (4-322). However, he rejected the DAT yarraman-go 'horse-DAT' I suggested for it. (c) For human undergoers, the ERG seems possible (see (4-324); the only (?) example), and the DAT is possible (see (4-323); the only(?) example). (The ERG in (4-315) and (4-324) is unusual. As noted in 4.9.9.2.2, the ERG for the undergoer NP is not common with human or animate nouns.) (4-323) is the only example of the DAT for the undergoer NP of an action antipassive in nonfuture. Alf Palmer approved the ergative warrngo-nggo 'womanERG', which I suggested, in place of the dative warrngo-wo 'woman-DAT' of (4323). See (4-324). (4-323) (In a text, Person A says to Person B, 'You stole this woman', to which Person B replies, saying 'No, I did not steal her. My father sent her to me'. Person A says, 'Your father sent her to you!', and continues as follows.)

jarribara-0 gaya-na-0

yino

moga-gali-n

good-NOM father-KIN-NOM(d-S) 2SG.GEN get-ANTIP-NF warrngo-wo. (AP) woman-DAT Lit. 'Your good father obtained a woman [for you].'

474

Syntax

(4-324) jarribara-0 gaya-na-0 yino moga-gali-n good-NOM father-KIN-NOM(d-S) 2SG.GEN get-ANTIP-NF warrngo-nggo. (TT, AP) woman-ERG '(As above.)' (d) Kin noun and proper noun. There is no example. It is not known if they can occur as the undergoer NP of an action antipassive in nonfuture. (e) Pronoun. There is no example. Also, it seems that, when action antipassives are in nonfuture, there is no way a pronoun can occur as the undergoer NP. The pronoun undergoer seems to be unacceptable either in ERG or DAT. First, the ERG. As seen in 4.9.9.2.2-[1], pronouns seem unable to occur as the ERG undergoer. (Possibly the same applies to kin and proper nouns as well; see 4.9.9.2.2-[2].) Second, the DAT. Consider:

ngaygo-n-go balga-gali-n. (TT) (4-325) *bama-0 man-NOM(d-S) lSG-LINK-DAT hit-ANTIP-NF Intended meaning: 'The man hit/hits me.' (4-326) bama-0 yani-0 man-NOM(S) come-NF [bama-0 TT] ngaygo-n-go balga-gali-yaL (AP) [man-NOM(d-S)] lSG-LINK-DAT hit-ANTIP-PURP 'The man came to hit me.' (S=[d-S]) (4-325) was composed by me. It contains a DAT pronoun for the undergoer NP. Alf Palmer rejected (4-325), and he gave (4-326) instead. This indicates that the DAT of a pronoun is unacceptable as the undergoer of an action antipassive in nonfuture. To sum up, pronouns seem unacceptable as the undergoer of an action antipassive in the nonfuture - either in the ERG or the DAT. It should be noted that the antipassive construction with a suppressed undergoer NP are common, irrespective of (i) whether the undergoer is a pronoun or a noun, (ii) the semantic type of the verb, and (iii) conjugational category of the verb. See (4-254), (4-270-B), (4-272-B), (4-317), (4-322), (4-400), (4-401). This applies to action antipassives in nonfuture as well. Therefore, deletion of the DAT NP from (4-325) produces a perfectly natural sentence. Such sentences (i.e. with an action antipassive verb in nonfuture and with a suppressed undergoer NP) are common. See (4-272-B), (4-322), (4-400), (4-401). [4] Action antipassives with =ngomay 'after,' The undergoer is ERG in the relevant example: (4-414) ('food').

Antipassive construction 415

[5] Summary We have seen the three factors that jointly condition the choice of the DAT versus the ERG for the undergoer NP of antipassives: animacy of the undergoer (4.9.9.2.2), affectedness of the undergoer in terms of verb semantics (4.9.9.2.3), and affectedness of the undergoer of action antipassives in terms of the conjugational category (4.9.9.2.4). Regarding animacy (Table 4-20), only the DAT is possible with pronouns, but both the DAT and the ERG are possible - and also common - with inanimate nouns. Concerning affectedness (Tables 4-21 and 4-22), as a general tendency the DAT is associated with non-affectedness, while the ERG is related to affectedness. Alf Palmer gave a near-minimal pair of sentences to show this semantic difference between a DAT undergoer NP and an ERG undergoer NP· (4-327) and (4-328). (4-327) involves an action antipassive in nonfuture with an ERG undergoer ('faeces-ERG'), while (4-328) involves the same antipassive verb in the purposive with a DAT undergoer ('faeces-DAT'). For (4-327) (ERG undergoer), Alf Palmer gave a translation to the following effect: 'Now I am in the toilet and defecating'. That is, the undergoer is being affected. (4-327) ngaya gona-nggo galga-gali-n. (AP) 1SG.NO:M(d-S) faeces-ERG put.down-ANTIP-NF Lit. 'I am releasing faeces', i.e. 'I am defecating.'

gona-wo yani-0 [ngaya TT] galga-gali-yal. (AP) (4-328) ngaya 1SG.NOM(S) faeces-DAT go-NF [1SG.NOM(d-S) putdown-ANTIP-PURP 'I am going to the toilet to defecate.' (S=[d-S]) (In passing I note that the ability to provide a pair of sentences like these illustrates how ingenious Alf Palmer was as a linguistic consultant.) Also, regarding (4-320), which has a DAT undergoer, Alf Palmer stated to the effect that the DAT undergoer implies 'go and get'. Alf Palmer's comments on (4-327) (ERG) and (4-320) (DAT) nicely illustrate the difference: ERG for affectedness, and DAT for nonaffectedness or pursuit/goal. There are just two deviations from the general tendencies shown in Tables 4-20 to 4-22. First, concerning animacy, for (4-317), the inanimate ERG (i.e. 'egg-ERG') was rejected by Alf Palmer. This is despite the fact that the ERG is common for inanimate undergoer NPs (Table 4-20). Second, regarding affectedness, the ERG undergoer is attested with the knowledge antipassive (Table 4-21; see (4-348) and (4-349)), and with the imperative (Table 4-22; see (4-315) and (4-316)). This is despite the fact that the undergoer is not affected in either of them. The differentiation of the case of the undergoer NP in terms of the conjugational category or the like is reminiscent of split case-marking conditioned by tense/aspect/mood (Dixon 1979: 93-98, 1994: 97-101, Tsunoda 1981b: 411-423).

476

Syntax

4.9.9.3.

Perception and knowledge antipassives

4.9.9.3.1. Semantics and case of the wuiergoer NP As mentioned in 4.9.9.2.3, perception antipassives show a somewhat complicated and irregular situation in terms of semantics and case. A perception antipassive may have more than one reading. For example, nyaga-gali-ZERO has readings such as 'see, look at, watch, watch out, meet, search for, look after, take care of (Here, 'watch out' (not just 'watch') means 'watch, e.g., the road for when (also, in case (?)) someone comes'.) Which reading a given perception antipassive has, seems to depend on the following three factors.

(a) The conjugational category or the like of the verb (i.e. imperative, purposive, nonfuture, =ngomay 'after'). (b) The case of the undergoer NP (i.e. DAT or ERG). (c) The animacy of the undergoer NP (i.e. pronoun, human, animate, inanimate). This complexity and irregularity is possibly due to the incompleteness of the data. Nonetheless, it is also possible that this situation obtained even when the language was thriving. Furthermore, the data are not entirely irregular. For example, when nyaga-gali-ZERO has the reading of 'search for', the undergoer NP is always DAT, and never ERG; see Table 4-24. All the attested instances of perception antipassives are listed in Table 4-24. (The number of each of the relevant examples is indicated.) The knowledge antipassive ngawa-gali-ZERO 'understand [a language]' is included in Table 4-24. We shall look at each pair of the transitive verb and its antipassive counterpart. Among the perception antipassives, the most frequently used are nyaga-galiZERO 'see, look at, etc.' and ngawa-gali-ZERO 'hear, listen to' and 'understand [a language]'

Antipassive construction 477 Table 4-24. Perception antipassives

imperative

purposive

nonfuture

when used as a transitive verb

when used as an antipassive (with -ga/i-ZERO)

rryaga-L 'see, look at, watch, meet,

inan-ERG 'watch out'

find'

=ngomay 'after'

pron-DAT 'see, look at, meet' (4-296)

pron,kin, pron-DAT hum-DAT 'see' 'look at, watch' (4-417) (4-330), (4-331), (4-336)

lmm-DAT 'see, meet, search for, look after' (4-294)

anim-DAT 'search for' ( 4-35)

anim-DAT 'look at, search for'

inan-DAT 'watch out' (4-333)

inan-DAT 'look at, search for, watch out' (4-358)

inan-ERG 'look at, watch out' (4-332), (4-334)

inan-ERG 'watch out' nyaga-rryaga-L 'look at, look after, watch out'

inan-ERG 'watch out' (4-340)

inan-ERG 'watch out'

inan-DAT 'watch out' ( 4-339) jaymba-L

'find'

inan-DAT 'find, search for' (4-342)

inan-ERG 'look at, watch out' pron, lmm, anim, inan-DAT 'find, search for' pron, language, inan-DAT 'listen to' (4-405)

ngawa-L 'hear, listen to', 'Wlderstand [language]'

pron-DAT (meaning 1mknown) (4-338)

pron-DAT 'listen to' (4-343)

language-ERG 'listen to' (4-415) language-OAT 'listen to', See the comments on (4-415)

'language'-ERG 'listen to, understand' ( 4-344), (4-348), (4-349) balmbi-L 'smell'

lmm, inan-DAT 'smell'

478

Syntax

4.9.9.3.2. Nyaga-L andnyaga-gali-ZERO 'see, look at, etc.' The transitive verb nyaga-L means 'see, look at, watch, meet', e.g. (i) mainly 'see': (3-191), (3-193), (4-5), (4-58), (4-153), (4-91), (4-304), (ii) mainly 'look at': (4-171), and (iii) mainly 'watch': (3-102), (3-110). It may also mean 'find'; see (4-86) and (4-329).

nyaga-n worriba-eJ. (AP) (4-329) nyola 3SG.ERG(A) see-NF bee-ACC{O) 'He saw [or found] bees.' (ERG-ACC) The antipassive nyaga-gali-ZERO, too, may mean 'see, look at, watch, meet'. It may also mean 'watch out [for when or in case someone comes]' (The meaning 'watch out' does not seem attested with the transitive nyaga-L, although this meaning is possibly acceptable.) For the undergoer NP, both DAT and ERG are attested. As might be expected, the ERG is attested with inanimate undergoers only. Examples include (4-264), (4-294), (4-297) (they all mean 'see/meet [someone]'), and:

nyola nyaga-gali-n. (AP) (4-330) ngaygo-n-go 1SG-LINK-DAT 3SG.NOM(d-S) see-ANTIP-NF 'He is looking at/watching me.' (pronoun-DAT) (4-331) ('I stood behind a tree, and:')

ngaya

nyaga-gali-n waybala-wo. (AP) 1SG.NOM(d-S) see-ANTIP-NF white.man-DAT 'I looked at/watched the white man.' (human-DAT)

(4-332) (Alf Palmer saw a man who was sitting (on the beach?) and watching his own feet, and he said as follows.)

jina-nggo nyola

nyaga-gali-n. (AP)

foot-ERG 3SG.NOM(d-S) see-.ANTIP-NF 'He is looking at [his own] foot.' (inanimate-ERG)

nyaga-gali-n yalga-wo. (AP) (4-333) ngaya 1SG.NOM(d-S) see-.ANTIP-NF road-DAT 'I was watching the road [for when (or in case) someone comes].' (inanimate-DAT) (4-334) yalga-nggo nyola nyaga-gali-n. (AP) road-ERG 3SG.NOM(d-S) see-ANTIP-NF 'She is watching the road [for when/in case ... ].' (inanimate-ERG) Note that the undergoer 'road' is DAT in (4-333), but ERG in (4-334). Alf Palmer approved the DAT yalga-wo that I suggested for (4-334). Regarding (4-333) and (4334), it is not known if there is any semantic difference between the DAT and the ERG. (There appears to be a semantic difference between an ERG undergoer and a

Antipassive construction 419

DAT undergoer when an action antipassive is involved. Compare (4-320) and (4-321), and also (4-327) and (4-328).) The transitive nyaga-L may mean 'watch [someone, something]' For example, (4-329) may mean 'I watched the bees'. When the antipassive nyaga-gali-ZERO occurs with yalga-wo 'road-DAT' or yalga-nggo 'road-ERG', it always(?) implies 'watch out for when (or in case) someone comes', e.g. (4-333) and (4-34). This is reflected in the gloss 'watch out' in Table 4-23. The same applies to the gloss 'watch out' for the antipassive of the reduplicated nyaga-nyaga-gali-ZERO. Furthermore, the antipassive nyaga-gali-ZERO may mean 'search for', e.g. (4-335), and 'look after, take care of, mind', e.g. (4-336). In the examples available, the undergoer NP is DAT (i.e. NOM-DAT). These meanings are not attested in the transitive nyaga-L means 'see, look at, watch, meet' (4-335) ngaya nyaga-gali-0 worriba-wo gajarra-wo. (AP) lSG.NOM(d-S) see-ANTIP-NF bee-DAT possurn-DAT 'I looked for bees and possums.' (animate-DAT) (4-336) yanga-na-ngo-n-go ngaya nyaga-gali-yal. (AP) rnother-KIN-LINK-LINK-DAT lSG.NOM(d-S) see-ANTIP-PURP 'I will look after [my] mother.' (hurnan-DAT)

4.9.9.3.3. Nyaga-nyaga-L 'look at, look after, mind, watch out' and nyaga-nyagagali-ZERO 'look at, watch out' The reduplicated form nyaga--nyaga-L 'look at, look after, mind, watch, watch out [for when/in case ... ]' and its antipassive counterpart nyaga--nyaga-gali-ZERO 'look at, watch, watch out [for when/in case ... ]' show a semantic asymmetry, like most other perception verbs. The reading 'look after, mind' is not attested with the antipassive nyaga--nyaga-gali-ZERO. Examples of nyaga-nyaga-L include (4-170) ('watch the road', i.e. 'watch out'), (4-337), and Text 3, Line 32 ('mind [a wounded person]'). Those of nyaga--nyaga-gali-ZERO are (4-338) to (4-340). Again, the ERG is attested with inanimate undergoers only. Note that (4-339) and (4-340) imply 'watch out'. (4-337) ('The people there are cannibals. So, a friend of mine carne to help me.') nyola nyaga--nyaga-lgo nganya 3SG.ERG(A) see-see-PURP lSG.ACC(O) bama-nggo [nganya TT] balga-lga. (AP) man-ERG [ISG.ACC(O)] kill-APPR 'He will look after [i.e. guard] me in case the men kill [me].' (0=[0]) (This is an example of the apprehensional constructions (4.17).)

480

Syntax

(4-338) (The meaning of this example is not known.) yino-n-go nyaga-nyaga-gali-n. (AP) 2SG-LINK-DAT see-see-ANTIP-NF A tentative translation: '[She] is looking at/watching you.' (pronoun-DAT) (4-339) yalga-wo nyaga--nyaga-gali-ya. (AP) road-DAT see-see-ANTIP-IMP 'Watch the road [for when/in case ... ].' (inanimate-DAT) (4-340) nyaga,...,ryaga-gali-ya yalga-nggo. (AP) see-see-ANTI-IMP road-ERG 'Watch the road [for when/in case ... ].' (inanimate-ERG)

4.9.9.3.4. Jaymba-L 'find' and jaymba-gali-ZERO 'find, search for' This pair, too, exhibits a semantic asymmetry. The transitive jaymba-L means 'find', e.g. (4-87), (4-341), but the antipassive jaymba-gali-ZERO may mean (i) 'find', and also (ii), at least when it in the imperative or the purposive, 'search for', e.g. (4-342). The antipassive jaymba-gali-ZERO is attested with NOM-DAT only, and not with NOM-ERG. (4-341) tryola jaymba-n gajarra-0. (AP) 3SG.ERG(A) find-NF possum-ACC(O) 'He found a possum.' (ERG-ACC)

jaymba-gali-ya yamba-wo. (AP) (4-342) yinda 2SG.NOM(d-S) find-ANTIP-IMP camp-DAT 'Look for the camp.' (NOM inanimate-DAT) Consider Table 4-24. The transitive nyaga-L 'see, find, look at' andjaymba-L 'find' always take the ERG-ACC frame. When the antipassive nyaga-gali-ZERO means 'search for', it takes NOM-DAT. (Nyaga-gali-ZERO does not seem to mean 'search for' when it has NOM-ERG. See Table 4-23.) The antipassivejaymba-galiZERO is attested with NOM-DAT only, and it can mean 'search for' (or 'find'). The transitive yangga-L 'search for', too, always take ERG-ACC. The antipassive yangga-gali-ZERO can only take NOM-DAT. It means 'search for' That is, with antipassives, the meaning 'search for' seems to be compatible with NOM-DAT only, and not with NOM-ERG. Table 4-25. 'See, look at', 'find', and 'search for'

transitive

example

ERG-ACC

nyaga-L jaymha-L yangga-L

'see, find, look at' 'find' 'search for'

antipassive

example

NOM-DAT

(4-329) (4-341) (4-250)

'search for' 'search for' 'search for'

(4-335) (4-342) (4-251)

Antipassive construction 481

4.9.9.3.5. Ngawa-L andngawa-gali-ZERO 'hear, listen to' and 'understand' Both the transitive ngawa-L and the antipassive counterpart have two readings: (i) 'hear, listen to' and (ii) 'understand [a language]' This pair does not exhibit a semantic asymmetry [1] 'Hear, listen to' Examples of the transitive ngawa-L 'hear, listen to' include (3-230), (3-305), (4195-A), (4-350-b), (4-419). Examples of the antipassive ngawa-gali-ZERO 'hear, listen to' include (4-405) and the following. Again, the ERG is attested with inanimate undergoers only, e.g. (4-344). (4-343) ngaya ngawa-gali-n yino-n-go. (AP) 1SG.NOM(d-S) hear-ANTIP-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT 'I am listening to you.' (pronoun-DAT) (4-344) (I used to make efforts to talk to Alf Palmer in Warrongo. One day Alf Palmer commented on the people who were listening to our conversation in Warrongo.) jana-0 gogo-nggo ngawa-gali-n. (AP) 3PL-NO:M(d-S) language/talk-ERG hear-ANTIP-NF 'They are listening to [our] language/talk.' (language-ERG) The suffix -galt-ZERO has the reflexive function in addition to the antipassive function. The reflexive version of the perception verb ngawa-L Vt 'hear, listen to'i.e. ngawa-gali-ZERO,literally 'hear oneself, listen to oneself -means 'think about' (NOM-DAT). See 4.11.2.1-[2]. [2] 'Understand [a language]' Examples of the transitive ngawa-L 'understand [a language]' include (4-345) to (4347), (4-799), (4-960). When the antipassive ngawa-gali-ZERO has this meaning, only the ERG is attested for undergoers. Examples of ngawa-gali-ZERO 'understand [a language]' include (4-279), (the undergoer NP is suppressed), (4-348), and (4-349). (4-345) ngaya gogo-@ ngawa-n. (AP) lSG.ERG(A) language-ACC(O) hear-NF 'I understand [their] language.' (4-346) yorra-0 ngawa-n ngali-ngo gogo-0? (AP) 2PL.ERG(A) hear-NF lDU-GEN language-ACC(O) 'Do you understand our language?' (ERG-ACC)

482

Syntax

(4-347) yinda ngaygo nyawa gogo-0 ngawa-n. (AP) 2SG.ERG(A) lSG.GEN NEG language-ACC hear-NF 'You don't understand my language.'

wamin-do ngawa-gali-0? (AP) (4-348) yinda 2SG.NOM(d-S) Wamin-ERG hear-ANTIP-NF 'Do you understand the Wamin language?' (language-ERG) ngarro ngawa-gali-n gogo-nggo ngali-ngo. (AP) (4-349) nyola 3SG.NOM(d-S) cannot hear-ANTIP-NF language-ERG lDU-GEN 'He does not understand our language.' (language-ERG) (See 1.4.2.2 for the Warn in language.) The verb in (4-279) is in the purposive, while that in (4-348) and (4-349) is in nonfuture. As noted in 4.9.9.1-[2]-(d), ngawa-L Vt and ngawa-gali-ZERO 'understand' appear to be used regarding language only, and do not seem to be used, say, as in 'understand an idea, understand a person'. During the fieldwork in the early 1970s in north Queensland, I sometimes heard expressions such as 'I don't hear-im' and 'I no more hear-im' These expressions mean 'I don't understand the language'. This use of the English word hear in the sense of 'to understand [a language]' no doubt reflects the fact that the relevant word of Warrongo (and other Aboriginal languages of the region) means 'understand [a language]' as well as 'hear' A similar observation was made by Evans and Wilkins (2000: 568). For the pair of the transitive balmbi-L (ERG-ACC) and the antipassive balmbigali-ZERO (NOM-DAT, imperative) 'smell', there are no suitable examples at hand. Probably the transitive verb means 'smell at something' and the antipassive counterpart means 'smell at something' or 'smell for something [trying to find out where it is]' In passing I furnish an additional comment on the semantics of ngawa-L 'hear, listen to' In languages such as Japanese and Cebuano (my own data), the 0 NP of the respective verbs for 'hear, listen to' can be a noun for 'sound', 'voice', 'noise', etc. But it cannot refer to humans. That is, sentences such as 'I heard the man' or 'I heard him' are not acceptable. In contrast, in languages such as Warrongo and English, this 0 NP can be not only 'sound', 'voice', 'noise', etc., e.g. (3-230), but also human, e.g. (3-305) ('man'), and (4-350-b).

gawali-n (4-350) a. ngaya ISG.NOM call.out-NF 'I called out to him.' b. nyola nganya 3SG.ERG ISG.ACC 'He heard me.'

nyongo-n-go. 3SG-LINK-DAT ngawa-n (AP) hear-PP

Antipassive construction 483

4.9.9.3. 6. Additional observations on perception and knowledge antipassives We saw that the affectedness of the undergoer influences its case-marking - in terms of verb semantics (4.9.9.2.3) and conjugational categories (4.9.9.2.4). The undergoer NP tends to be DAT, and not ERG, when it is not affected. In this respect, perception antipassives are interesting. As noted in 4.9.9.2.3, their undergoer is not affected to the extent that the undergoer of action antipassives is. Despite this, the undergoer is ERG in some (though not all) perception antipassives, e.g. (4-332), (4-334), (4-340), (4-344). The knowledge antipassive ngawa-gali-ZERO 'understand [a language]' is even more unusual. The undergoer, i.e. the language, is not affected. Despite this, only the ERG is attested for the undergoer; see (4-348) and (4-349). Alf Palmer rejected the DAT that I suggested for them. Also, compare (4-348) and (4-349). (4-349) is in the negative, while (4-348) is in the affirmative. Despite this difference, both have NOM-ERG. This suggests that -unlike verb semantics and conjugational categories- polarity (i.e. affirmative vs. negative) does not influence the choice ofDAT/ERG for the undergoer NP.

4.9.9.4.

NOM-GEN andNOM-ACC for antipassives

As noted in 4.9.1 and as amply exemplified above, the undergoer of an antipas-

sive is generally ERG (resulting in NOM-ERG) or DAT (resulting in NOM-DAT). However, the undergoer is GEN (i.e. NOM-GEN) in about five examples and it remains ACC (i.e. NOM-ACC) in about fifteen examples (out of more than one thousand examples of antipassives). They will be discussed in the following. [1]NOM-GEN The GEN marking of the undergoer NP is attested with pronouns only, e.g. ngalingo 'lDU-GEN' andjana-ngo '3PL-GEN' Example include (4-351) and (4-352). For comparison, (4-353) ('lDU-DAT', not GEN) is added. (4-351) ngona-0 bama-0 yani-0 ngali that-NOM man-NOM(S) come-NF (error) [bama-0 TT] ngali-ngo balga-gali-yaL (AP) [man-NOM(d-S)] 1DU-GEN hit-ANTIP-PURP 'That man carne to hit us-two.' (S=[d-S]) (4-352) ngona-ngomay jana-0 yani-0 that-after 3PL-NOM(S) come-NF [jana-0 TT] mayga-gali-yal ngali-ngo. (AP) [3PL-NOM(d-S)] tell-ANTIP-PURP lDU-GEN 'Then, they carne to tell us.' (S=[d-S])

484

Syntax

(4-353) ngona-ngomay jana-0 yani-0 that-after 3PL-NOM(S) come-NF Uana-0 TT] mayga-gali-yal ngali-ngo-n-go. [3PL-NOM(d-S)] tell-ANTIP-PURP lDU-LINK-LINK-DAT 'Then, they came to tell us.' (S=[d-S]) (TT, AP) The DAT form of a pronoun is built on its GEN form, involving the linking interfix -n (see Table 3-6). Compare, for example:

ngali-ngo

ngali-ngo-n-go

'lDU-GEN

'lDU-LINK-LINK-DAT'

jana-ngo

jana-ngo-n-go

'3PL-GEN'

'3PL-LINK-LINK-DAT'

(-ngo is a case suffix in the GEN forms; see Table 3-6. But it is considered a linking interfix in the DAT forms.) In all the instances of the GEN marking of the undergoer NP that I checked, the DAT form (involving -n-go) was approved. For example, (4-353) was approved by Alf Palmer. This omission of -n-go is probably an instance of 'fast speech phenomena' (2.9.2-[4]-(c)). (See 3.6.5-[5] for additional possible instances of the omission of -n-go from the dative forms of pronouns.) Then. the GEN marking of the undergoer NP does not seem to have a semantic motivation. in contrast with the choice of DAT/ERG for the undergoer NP, which definitely has a semantic motivation, as seen in 4.9.9.2.2 through 4.9.9.2.4. [2]NOM-ACC The ACC marking of the undergoer NP is found in about fifteen examples. In all of these examples, the undergoer NP is a noun (i.e. the ACC has a zero suffix, like the NOM). It is not changed into ERG or DAT, but remains in the ACC. Examples include: (4-354) ngani-0 nyaga-gali-yal yinda? (AP) what-ACC see-ANTIP-PURP 2SG.NOM(d-S) 'What are you going to look at?' (NOM-ACC) (4-355) win.gar-0 nyaga-gali-yal. (AP) fish-ACC see-ANTIP-PURP '[I] want to see a fish.'

ja"oja-0 woda-gali-ya. (AP) (4-356) yinda 2SG.NOM(d-S) trousers-ACC take.off-ANTIP-IMP 'Take off [your] trousers.' (NOM-ACC) (4-357) gogolo-0 ngana-0 baya-gali-0. (AP) Gogolo.song-ACC lPL-NOM(d-S) sing-ANTIP-NF 'We were singing the Gogolo song.' (NOM-ACC)

(Ja"oja is a loan from the English trousers (2.13.2-[1]-(c)).)

Antipassive construction 485

When used as transitive verbs, these verbs naturally take ERG-ACC. See, for example, (4-329) (nyaga-L 'see'), (4-155) (woda-L 'pull down'), and (4-550) (]Jaya-L 'sing'). In all the examples of the ACC marking of the undergoer NP that I checked, the ERG or DAT was approved by Alf Palmer. Then, it may look as if the ACC marking of the undergoer NP is a performance error. (The antipassive verbs concerned take NOM-DAT or NOM-ERG in other examples, as expected.) For example, Alf Palmer approved ngani-wo 'what-DAT' for (4-354), win.gar-go 'fishDAT' for (4-355), jarroja-nggo 'trousers-ERG' for (4-356), and gogolo-nggo 'Gogolo song-ERG' for (4-357). See the following examples.

yinda? (TT, AP) (4-358) ngani-wo nyaga-gali-yal what-DAT see-ANTIP-PURP 2SG.NOM(d-S) 'What are you going to look at?' (NOM-DAT) (4-359) win.gar-go nyaga-gali-yaL (IT, AP) fish-DAT see-ANTIP-PURP '[I] want to see a fish.'

ja"oja-nggo woda-gali-ya. (IT, AP) (4-360) yinda 2SG.NOM(d-S) trousers-ERG take.off-ANTIP-IMP 'Take off [your] trousers.' (NOM-ERG) ngana baya-gali-0. (TT, AP) (4-361) gogolo-nggo Gogolo.song-ERG IPL.NOM(d-S) sing-ANTIP-NF 'We were singing the Gogolo song.' (NOM-ERG) However, at the same time Alf Palmer stated to the effect that gogolo-0 'Gogolo.song-ACC', too, was acceptable, as in (4-357). This suggests that at least some of the instances of the antipassive NOM-ACC may not be errors. Then, there seems to be an alternation between NOM-ERG and NOM-ACC for baya-galiZERO 'sing-ANTIP' (and also possibly an alternation between NOM-DAT and NOM-ACC for some antipassive verbs). The factor that may condition the ACC marking of the undergoer of antipassives is not known, if there is any. So far we have looked at the case frames of two-place antipassives. We turn now to those of three-place antipassives.

4.9.9.5. Case frames ofthree-place antipassives There is a fair amount of data on the case frames of three-place verbs as used as transitive verbs (4.3.3.2). However, the data on their three-place antipassive counterparts are severely limited. Examples available are often elliptical. Consequently, their case frames are very difficult to ascertain. We shall consider goyba-gali-

486

Syntax

ZERO 'give' and 'throw', mayga-gali-ZERO 'tell', ganyji-gali-ZERO 'carry, take, bring', and birra-gali-ZERO 'tell' [1] Goyba-gali-ZERO 'give' and 'throw' When the transitive goyba-L means 'give', it can have three different case frames, as shown in Table 4-1; they are repeated in Table 4-26. However, with its antipassive counterparts, only two case frames are attested. Furthermore, the evidence for this is not always conclusive. See Table 4-26. Table 4-26. Goyba-L 'give' and 'throw': transitive and antipassive

'give' (a-1) (a-2) (a-3)

transitive anti.passi ve anti.passive

donor

gift

recipient

example

ERG ?NOM

ACC OAT

OAT OAT

(4-362), (4-363) ?(4-364)

?MOM

ERG

OAT

ERG

transitive anti.passive

?NOM

ACC OAT/ERG

GEN

(t>-2) (c-1) (c-2) (c-3)

transitive anti.passi ve anti.passive

ERG NOM ?NOM

ERG COM-NOM COM-NOM

ACC OAT ERG

'throw'

thrower

object

thrown

goal

(d-1) (d-2)

transitive anti.passi ve

ERG NOM

ACC ERG

OAT OAT

(t>-1)

(4-15), (4-236)

GEN (4-21), (4-365) (4-366), (4-367)

(3-82), (4-369) (4-370)

(a-1) transitive: donor-ERG gift-ACC recipient-DAT Examples include the second clause of each of (4-362) and (4-363). (4-362) ngaya yani-{2} 1SG.NOM(S) go-NF

ngaya manyja-0 goyba-lgo gaya-na-wo. (AP) 1SG.ERG(A) food-ACC(O) give-PURP father-KIN-DAT 'I went so that I could give [my] father food.' (S=A) (4-363) 'I am going to give tucker [i.e. food] to the brother' was translated by Alf Palmer as follows.

ngaya yani-{2} 1SG.NOM(S) go-NF yaboja-na-wo mogi-na-wo manyja-{2} ngaya goyba-lgo. (AP) YB-KIN-DAT EB-KIN-DAT food-ACC(O) 1SG.ERG(A) give-PURP 'I am going so that I can give food to [my] younger brother and elder brother.' (S=A)

Antipassive construction 481

(In each of (4-362) and (4-363), (i) the coreferential pattern is S=A, and (ii) the second clause contains a purposive verb. As seen in 4.9.4.2, where (i) and (ii) obtain, the second clause is almost always antipassivized, and the resultant d-S is deleted. That is, we will have S=[d-S], e.g. (4-260). Despite this, in each of (4-362) and (4-363), the second clause is not antipassivized, and no deletion takes place. We shall return to this shortly.) (a-2) antipassive: ?donor-NOM gift-DAT recipient-DAT In antipassivization, the case of the undergoer NP generally changes from ACC to DAT or ERG. If the gift NP (ACC) of (4-362) and (4-363) is turned into DAT and also if the recipient NP remains in DAT, we will have 'donor-NOM gift-DAT recipient-DAT', i.e. (a-2). I suggested (4-364) in place of (4-362). Its second clause is of the (a-2) type.

yani-flJ (4-364) '?ngaya 1SG.NO:tvf(S) go-NF [ngaya TT] manyja-wo gaya-na-wo goyba-gali-yaL (TT) [1SG.NOM(d-S)] food-DAT father-KIN-DAT give-ANTIP-PURP Intended meaning: '(As (4-362).)' (S=[d-S]) Indeed, Alf Palmer approved (4-364). However, he definitely preferred (4-362) to (4-364). That is, (a-2) seems to be only marginally acceptable. Note that (4-364) contains two DAT NPs: a gift DAT NP and a recipient DAT NP. Alf Palmer's definite preference for (4-362) to (4-364) suggests that doubling (cf. Comrie 1974: 11) of these two DAT NPs in an antipassive construction is only marginally acceptable. This may be the reason why the second clause of each of (4-362) and (4-363) is not antipassivized. (a-3) antipassive: ?donor-NOM gift-ERG recipient-DAT

If the gift NP (ACC) is turned into ERG, we will have 'donor-NOM gift-ERG recipient-DAT', i.e. (a-3). It is not known if (a-3) is acceptable. (b-1) transitive: donor-ERG gift-ACC recipient-GEN Examples include (4-15) and (4-236). (b-2) antipassive: ?donor-NOM gift-DAT/ERG recipient-GEN

If the gift NP is turned into DAT or ERG and if the recipient NP remains in GEN, we will have 'donor-NOM gift-DAT/ERG recipient-GEN. i.e. (b-2). Unfortunately, there is no relevant example. (c-1) transitive: donor-ERG gift-ERG recipient-ACe Examples include (4-21) and (4-365). (Here, doubling of two ERG NPs (i.e. donorERG and gift-ERG) is allowed.)

488

Syntax

(c-2) antipassive: donor-NOM gift-COM-NOM recipient-DAT This case frame can be considered corresponding to (c-1). Compare (4-365) (composed by me), a transitive clause, and (4-366) and (4-367), antipassive clauses.

goyba-lgo. (TT) (4-365) bama-nggo win.ga-do yina man-ERG(A) fish-ERG 2SG.ACC(O) give-PURP 'The man will give you a fish.' (4-366) [bama-0 TT] win.gar-ji-0 yino-n-go goyba-gali-yal. (AP) [man-NOM(d-S)] fish-COM-NOM 2SG-LINK-DAT give-ANTIP-PURP '[The man] will give you a fish.'

jombi-yi-0 rayi-wo goyba-gali-yaL (AP) (4-367) yinda 2SG.NOM penis-COM-NOM girl-DAT give-ANTIP-PURP 'You will give the girl [your] penis.' (Probably, (4-367) means 'You will copulate with the girl.') Note that (4-366) and (4-367) have 'donor-NOM gift-COM-NOM recipient-DAT', i.e. (c-2). It is possible to say that the 'gift-COM-NOM' of an antipassive clause corresponds to the 'gift-ERG' of a transitive clause. There is supporting evidence for this view; see 4.9.9.6.1-[2]. If this analysis is adopted, the gift NP changed from ERG to COM-NOM. The recipient NP changed from ACC to DAT. This is shown in (c-2). (c-3) antipassive: ?donor-NOM gift-COM-NOM recipient-ERG (The recipient is in ERG, and not DAT.) It is not known if this case frame is acceptable. The transitive goyba-L can also mean 'throw' When it means 'throw', it has the case frame of (d-1) (thrower-ERG object-ACC goal-DAT), e.g. (3-80), (4-369). Its antipassive counterpart has the case frame of (d-2) (thrower-NOM object-ERG goal-DAT), e.g. (4-370). (4-368) ('She took her clothes off.')

nyola

gambi-0

goyba-n

gamo-wo. (AP)

3SG.ERG(A) clothes-ACC(O) throw-NF water-DAT 'She threw [her] clothes to the water.' (4-369) ngaya yarro-n-da warogay-0 goyba-n lSG.ERG(A) here-LINK-LOC fishing.net-ACC(O) throw-NF goman-go (TT) other-DAT 'I threw the fishing net to other [fish] here.'

Antipassive construction

489

(4-370) ('I was fishing.')

ngaya

yarro-n-da

waroga-jo

goyba-gali-n

1SG.NOM(d-S) here-LINK-LOC fishing.net-ERG throw-ANTIP-NF goman-go. (AP) other-DAT 'I threw the fishing net to other [fish].' The object changed from ACC to ERG, and the goal has remained in DAT. Table 4-27. Mayga-L 'tell': transitive and antipassive

teller

topic

listener

example

ERG

(a-1) transitive (a-2) antipassive

DAT ?

ACC

NOM

DAT

(4-10), (4-33) (4-353), (4-371), (4-372)

(b-1) transitive (b-2) antipassive

ERG

ACC

NOM

DAT

DAT ?

(4-35), (4-36) (4-373)

[2] Mayga-gali-ZERO 'tell' The transitive mayga-L 'tell' has two case frames, as shown in Table 4-3; they are reproduced in Table 4-27. (As noted in 4.3.3.2-[3], (a-1) is often used, e.g. (4-10), but (b-1) is used only infrequently, e.g. (4-35).) All the examples of the antipassive mayga-gali-ZERO 'tell' are elliptical, e.g .. (4-371) nyola ngaygo-n-go mayga-gali-0. (AP) 3SG.NOM(d-S) 1SG-LINK-DAT tell-ANTIP-NF 'He told me [about something].' (4-372) ngona-ngomay ngaya golmi yani-f2J nyongo-n-go that-ABL lSG.NOM(d-S) back go-NF 3SG-LINK-DAT mayga-gali-yal (AP) tell-ANTIP-PURP 'Then, I went back to tell her.' (4-373) ('I do not want them to know about me.')

ngalnga yinda

mayga-gali-f2J

yarro-ngomay-nggo

PROH

2SG.NOM(d-S) tell-ANTIP-NF here-ABL-DAT ngaygo-n-go. (AP) 1SG-LINK-DAT 'Don't tell [them] about me, [who went away] from here.' (Alf Palmer's translation for (4-373) is 'Don't tell on me'.) Given the correspondence regarding the undergoer between the ACC(O) of a transitive clauses and the DAT of its antipassive counterparts, the antipassive (4-371) and (4-372) may be

490

Syntax

considered corresponding to the transitive (a-1) (teller-ERG topic-DAT listenerACe), and (4-373) may be regarded as an antipassive counterpart to the transitive (b-1) (teller-ERG topic-ACC listener-DAT). It is not known what case the topic NP in (a-2) takes. Nor is it known what case the listener NP in (b-2) takes. Consequently, it is not known if doubling of two DAT NPs is allowed here. Furthermore, it is not known if the antipassive mayga-gali-ZERO can occur with any ERG NP at all, either for the listener or the topic. [3] Ganyji-gali-ZERO 'carry, bring, take' The transitive ganyji-L 'carry, bring, take' has two case frames, as shown in Table 4-4. The one relevant to the present discussion (ERG ACC DAT) is reproduced in Table 4-28. The DAT may refer to destination or recipient. Table 4-28. Ganxji-L 'carry, bring, take': transitive and antipassive carrier

person/thing carried

destination

example

(a-1) transitive

ERG

ACC

D.AT

(a-2) anti.passive

NOM NOM

DAT

DAT

( 4-45), ( 4-374), Text 3, Lines 28,32 (4-375)

ERG

DAT

cf (4-376)

carrier

person/thing carried

recipient

example

ERG NOM NOM

ACC DAT

DAT DAT DAT

(4-46-a), Text 1, Line 57 no example no example

(a-3) anti.passive

(b-1) transitive (b-2) anti.passive (b-3) anti.passive

ERG

(4-374) ngana-0 worriba-0 ganyji-yal yarro-wo. (TT) 1PL-ERG(A) bee-ACC(O) bring-PURP here-DAT 'We will bring bees here.'

worriba-wo ganyji-gali-yal yarro-wo. (AP) (4-375) [ngana-0 TT] [1PL-NOM(d-S)] bee-DAT bring-ANTIP-PURP here-DAT '(As above.)' worriba-nggo ganyji-gali-yal yarro-wo. (4-376) ngana-0 1PL-NOM(d-S) bee-ERG bring-ANTIP-PURP here-DAT '(As above.)' (TT) (a-2) is attested; see (4-375). (a-3) is not attested, but it is probably acceptable, cf. (4-376). (b-2) and (b-3) are not attested, but they may be acceptable.

Antipassive construction

491

[4] Birra-gali-ZERO 'tell, talk' The case frames of the transitive birra-L 'tell, talk' will be discussed in 4.13.3-[3](c). The relevant portion of Table 4-40 is reproduced in Table 4-29. Table 4-29. Birra-L 'tell, talk': transitive and antipassive

(a-1) transitive (a-2) transitive (b) antipassive

speaker

topic

hearer

possible example

ERG ERG

OAT

ACC

ACC

DAT ?

(4-512), (4-513) (4-514) (4-377)

NOM

DAT

(4-377) (This is the first sentence in Tape 72127, recorded on the 25th August 1972. At that time, I was recording teA'ts from AlfPalmer almost everyday. At the beginning of Tape 27/27, Alf Palmer thought to himself as follows.) ngaya I ngani(pause)-wo ngaya birra-gali-yal? (AP) lSG.NOM(d-S) what-DAT lSG.NOM(d-S) tell-ANTIP-PURP 'What shall I tell/talk about [today]?' (Incidentally, this sentence immediately precedes (4-283).) It is not known if (b) corresponds to (a-1) or (a-2).

4.9.9.6.

Case ofNPsfor instrument, location, and destination

We shall consider the case of the NPs describing an instrument, of those denoting a location, and of those expressing a destination.

4.9.9.6.1. Case ofNPsfor instrument An instrument or the like may be described by the following cases. (a) In basic intransitive clauses: COM-NOM, e.g. (3-155), (3-157). (b) In transitive clauses: ERG, LOC. (c) In antipassive clauses: ERG (possibly), LOC, COM-NOM. We shall examine (b) and (c) in the following. [1] ERG and LOC In transitive clauses, an instrument or the like can be expressed as follows. (a) The ergative case; see (a-1) of Table 4-30. (b) The locative case; see (b-1) of Table 4-30.

492

Syntax

Evidence indicates that, in certain instances, the ERG instrument of a transitive clause cannot remain in the ERG in antipassivization, and that it may be expressed by COM-NOM instead. In contrast, the LOC instrument of a transitive clause is not affected by antipassivization, and it remains in the LOC. Now, consider Table 4-30. (a-1) transitive: actor-ERG undergoer-ACC instrument-ERG This involves the doubling of the actor ERG and the instrument-ERG. It is acceptable, and it is very common, e.g. (4-378). (a-2) antipassive: actor-NOM undergoer-ERG The undergoer NP is ERG, and the instrument NP is not overtly expressed. This case frame is acceptable, and it is very common, e.g. (4-249), (4-258), (4-314) to (4-316), (4-321), (4-327). (a-3) antipassive: ?actor-NOM instrument-ERG This contains the instrument ERG, but the undergoer NP is not overtly expressed. It may possibly be acceptable. However, there is only one example, namely (4-306), and it is not definitely certain that (a-3) is acceptable. Table 4-30. Case ofNPs for iru;trument actor

undergoer

instnunent

example

ERG

ERG

ACC

NOM ?NOM *NOM ?NOM NOM

ERG D.AJ' D.AJ'

COM-NOM

(3-35) to (3-38), (4-378) (4-249), (4-258), (4-314) See (4-379). See (4-381) and (4-384). See (4-387). (4-390)

(a-7) antipassi.ve

NOM

ERG

COM-NOM

See (4-392).

(b-1) transitive (b-2) antipassi.ve (b-3) antipassi.ve

ERG

ACC

NOM NOM

ERG

LOC LOC LOC

(3-56), (3-57), (4-393) (4-394) See (4-396).

(a-1) (a-2) (a-3) (a-4) (a-5) (a-6)

transitive antipassi.ve antipassi.ve antipassi.ve antipassi.ve antipassi.ve

ERG

D.AJ'

ERG ERG ERG

(4-378) bama-nggo bangga-n nganya jorba-nggo. (TT) man-ERG(A) paint-NF 1SG.ACC(O) white.ochre-ERG 'The man painted me [e.g. in preparation for a dance].'

bangga-gali-n jorba-nggo. (TT, AP) (4-379) bama-0 man-NOM(d-S) paint-ANTIP-NF white.ochre-ERG 'The man is painting [someone] with white ochre.' (Alf Palmer approved (4-379), which had been composed by me. He stated to the effect that this sentence means that the man is painting someone else. The suffix

Antipassive construction

493

-gali-ZERO can produce reflexive verbs (4.11) as well as antipassive verbs. If bangga-gali-n in (4-379) were a reflexive verb, the translation would be 'The man is painting himself with white ochre' Alf Palmer's comment indicates that this verb is an antipassive verb, and not a reflexive verb.) (a-4) antipassive: *actor-NOM undergoer-ERG instrument-ERG This case frames seems unacceptable. That is, the doubling of the undergoer ERG and the instrument ERG seems unacceptable. This is shown by the following two sets of examples. The first set of examples. (4-380) and (4-381) were composed by me. AlfPalrner approved (4-380). Regarding (4-381), he stated to the effect that it does not mean 'The man washed a dog with the water.' This indicates that the doubling of the undergoer ERG and the instrument ERG is unacceptable. Instead, he gave (4-382), which is an antipassive construction and contains a LOC NP in place of an ERG NP. See (b-2) of Table 4-30 (actor-NOM undergoer-ERG instrument-LOC). (The LOC can denote means or instrument in transitive clauses. See (b-1) of Table 4-30 (actor-ERG undergoer-ACC instrument-LOC).) (4-380) bama-nggo gamo-nggo gando-0 baba-n. man-ERG(A) water-ERG dog-ACC(O) wash-NF 'The man washed a dog with the water.' (TT, AP)

gamo-nggo gando-nggo baba-gali-n. (4-381) *bama-0 man-NOM(d-S) water-ERG dog-ERG wash-ANTIP-NF (TT) Intended meaning: 'The man washed a dog with the water.' (4-382) bama-0 gamo-ngga gando-nggo baba-gali-n. man-NOM(d-S) water-LOC dog-ERG wash-ANTIP-NF (AP) 'The man washed a dog in the water.' Note that (4-382) indicates that the LOC instrument is not affected by antipassivization, and that it remains in the LOC. The second set of examples. (4-383) has been composed by me for the present work. (4-384), which had been composed by me, was approved by Alf Palmer. However, he stated to the effect that this sentence does not mean that the man drank water with a leaf, but that it means that the man drank BOTH a leaf and water. That is, both the ERG nouns refer to the undergoers, and not an instrument. This, too, indicates that the doubling of the undergoer ERG and the instrument ERG is not acceptable. In order to describe the leaf as an instrument, Alf Palmer gave (4-385) and (4386). Neither of them contains an antipassive verb. (4-385) involves the ablative-1 case (3.6.7). (4-386) contains an applicative verb. The applicative construction will be discussed in 4.14.

494

Syntax

(4-383) bama-nggo gobo-nggo gamo-0 bija-n. (TT) man-ERG(A) leaf-ERG(O) water-ACC drink-NF 'The man drank water with a leaf.' (4-384) bama-0 gobo-nggo gamo-nggo bija-gali-n. (TT, AP) man-NOM(d-S) leaf-ERG water-ERG drink-ANTIP-NF Intended meaning: 'The man drank water with a leaf.' AlfPalmer's reading: 'The the man drank a leaf and water.' (4-385) gobo-ngomay-0 bama-nggo gamo-0 bija-n. (AP) leaf-ABL-ACC man-ERG(A) water-ACC(O) drink-NF 'The man drank water from a leaf.' (4-386) bama-nggo gobo-0 ganyji-n [bama-nggo gobo-0 TT] man-ERG(A) leaf-ACC(O) carry-NF [man-ERG(A) leaf-ACC]

bija-ri-lgo

gamo-wo.

drink-APPL-PURP water-DAT (AP) 'The man carried a leaf so that [he] could drink water with/from it', or, 'The man carried a leaf to drink water with/from.' (a-5) antipassive: actor-NOM undergoer-DAT instrument-ERG The undergoer NP is DAT, rather than ERG. This case frame is not attested. See (4-387), which I composed. Its acceptability is not certain. This is because, as noted regarding (a-3), cf. (4-379), it is not definitely certain if the instrument ERG can occur in an antipassive clause.

gobo-nggo gamo-wo bija-gali-yal. (4-387) bama-0 man-NOM(d-S) leaf-ERG water-DAT drink-ANTIP-PURP (TT) Intended reading: 'The man will drink water with a leaf.' (b-1) transitive: actor-ERG undergoer-ACC instrument-LOC This was commented on above. It is acceptable. (b-2) antipassive: actor-NOM undergoer-ERG instrument-LOC This, too, was commented on above. It is acceptable. Note in particular that the LOC instrument is not affected by antipassivization, and that it remains in the LOC. (b-3) antipassive: actor-NOM undergoer-DAT instrument-LOC The undergoer NP is DAT, rather than ERG. This case frame is not attested. See (4-388) (which I have composed). It is probably acceptable- at least when the verb is in the purposive form. As shown in Table 4-23, when the antipassive verb is in the purposive, the undergoer is more likely to be DAT than ERG.

Antipassive construction

495

gamo-ngga gando-wo baba-gali-yal. (TT) (4-388) bama-0 man-NOM(d-S) water-LOC dog-DAT wash-ANTIP-NF Intended meaning: 'The man will wash a dog in the water.' [2] COM-NOM (a-6) antipassive: actor-NOM undergoer-DAT instrument-COM-NOM The COM-NOM forms, with no overt case suffix, can mark means or instrument in intransitive clauses, e.g. (3-155), (3-157). In antipassives, too, the COM case is used to mark the instrument in many instances. It is always in the form of COM-NOM (the NOM suffix being zero), and the undergoer NP is DAT (if it is not elliptical), i.e. (a-6) of Table 4-30 (actor-NOM undergoer-DAT instrument-COMNOM). Examples include (4-389) and (4-390). It is possible to say that here the COM-NOM corresponds to the ERG of the transitive counterparts, i.e. the instrument ERG of (a-1) of Table 4-30 (actor-ERG undergoer-ACC instrument-ERG). Recall that, regarding (c-2) of Table 4-26 on the three-place verb goyba-L 'give' (donor-NOM gift-COM-NOM recipient-DAT), we suggested that the 'gift-COM-NOM' of the antipassive version may be considered corresponding to the 'gift-ERG' of the transitive counterpart: (c-1) (donor-ERG gift-ERG recipient-ACe). This indicates that it is possible to say that we have a correspondence of 'COM-NOM - ERG' regarding not only instrument NPs but also gift NPs. According to this analysis, the second clause of (4-390), for example, will correspond to the transitive version (4-391). (4-389) ngaya banggany-ji-0 baba-gali-yal. (AP) 1SG.NOM(d-S) spear-COM-NOM(d-S) stab-ANTIP-PURP Lit. 'I, with a spear, will stab [it]', i.e. 'I will stab [it] with a spear.' (4-390) bama-0 yani-0 [bama-0 TT] banggany-ji-0 man-NOM(S) come-NF [man-NOM(d-S)] spear-COM-NOM(d-S)

yino-n-go

baba-gali-yal. (AP)

2SG-LINK-DAT stab-ANTIP-PURP 'The man came to stab you with a spear.' (S=[d-S]) (4-391) bama-nggo banggany-jo yina baba-lgo. (TT) man-ERG(A) spear-ERG 2SG.ACC(O) stab-PURP 'for the man to stab you with a spear' (Needless to say, (4-391) can be used as an independent clause, like (4-389). In this case, its translation will be 'The man will stab you with a spear'.) (a-7) antipassive: actor-NOM undergoer-ERG instrument-COM-NOM The instrument NP is COM-NOM and the undergoer NP is ERG. This case frame is not attested. A possible example is (4-392) (composed by me). It is probably acceptable. If this is the case, (4-392) may be considered an antipassive counterpart of (a-1) (actor-ERG undergoer-ACC instrument-ERG), e.g. (4-383).

496

Syntax

(4-392) bama-0 gobo-yi-0 gamo-nggo bija-gali-n. (TT) man-NOM(d-S) leaf-COM-NOM(d-S) water-ERG drink-ANTIP-NF 'The man drank water with a leaf.'

4.9.9.6.2. Case ofNPsfor location Location can be indicated by the LOC case, e.g. (3-42) (an intransitive clause) and (4-393) (a transitive clause). Now, consider Table 4-31. Table 4-31. Case ofNPs for location

(a-1) transitive (a-2) antipassi.ve (a-3) anti.passi.ve

actor

mdergoer

location

example

ERG NOM NOM

ACC ERG

LOC LOC LOC

(4-393), (4-395) (4-394) See (4-96).

DAT

(a-1) transitive: actor-ERG undergoer-ACC location-LOC An example is (4-393) (which I composed). (a-2) antipassive: actor-NOM undergoer-ERG location-LOC An example is (4-394) (repeated from Text 1, Line 33). (4-393) yago-0 ngana-0 moja-n yarro-n-da. (TT) grass-ACC(O) lPL-ERG(A) eat-NF here-LINK-LOC 'We eat grass here.' (4-394) yago-nggo ngana-0 moja-gali-n yarro-n-da. (AP) grass-ERG lPL-NOM(d-S) eat-ANTIP-NF here-LINK-LOC '(As above.)' In (4-394), the undergoer NP changed from ACC to ERG, but the location NP has remained inLOC. See the antipassive (4-370): 'actor-NOM location-LOC undergoer-ERG goalDAT' Here, too, the case of the LOC NP for location is left intact. (4-395) and (4-396) indicate that the case of a LOC NP for location, is left intact, as is the case with the LOC instrument ((b-2) of Table 4-30: actor-NOM undergoer-ERG instrument-LOC). (a-3) antipassive: NOM-actor undergoer-DAT location-LOC The undergoer is DAT (not ERG) and the location NP has remained in LOC. This case frame is probably acceptable, although there is no example. Compare the following examples, which I composed.

Antipassive construction 491

(4-395) bama-nggo manyja-0 moja-lgo yamba-ngga. (TT) man-ERG(A) food-ACC(O) eat-PURP camp-LOC 'The man will eat food in the camp.' (4-396) bama-0 manyja-wo moja-gali-yal yamba-ngga. (IT) man-NOM(d-S) food-DAT eat-ANTIP-PURP camp-LOC '(As above.)'

4.9.9.6.3. Case ofNPsfor destination The only relevant example of any antipassive is (4-375) (cf. (a-2) of Table 4-28) (carrier-NOM person/thing carried-DAT (i.e. undergoer-DAT) destination-DAT). Both the undergoer NP and the destination NP are in DAT. The undergoer NP changed from ACC to DAT, but the destination NP has remained in DAT. Here, doubling of two DAT NPs (one for the undergoer and the other for the destination) is allowed.

4.9.9.6.4. Case ofNPs: discussion [1] Doubling ofNPs Doubling of two NPs in the same case is (or seems) acceptable in the following. (a) In transitive clauses: (a-1) Table 4-30, (a-1) (actor-ERG undergoer-ACC instrument-ERG): ERG for actor and instrument. (b) In antipassive clauses: (b-1) Table 4-26, (a-2) (?donor-NOM gift-DAT recipient-DAT): DAT for gift and recipient (not certain). (b-2) Table 4-28, (a-2) (carrier-NOM undergoer-DAT destination-DAT): DAT for undergoer and destination. Doubling is not acceptable in the following. (c) In transitive clauses: No example. (d) In antipassives: (d-1) Table 4-30, (a-4) (*actor-NOM undergoer-ERG instrument-ERG): ERG for undergoer and instrument. It is interesting to note that the doubling of ERG is acceptable in Table 4-30, (a-1) (transitive; actor and instrument), while on the other hand it is not allowed in Table 4-30, (a-4) (antipassive; undergoer and instrument).

498

Syntax

[2] Change of case in antipassivization The following changes of case in antipassivization can be postulated. These changes seem to be obligatory. (a) (b) (c) (d)

Actor: Gift: Instrument: Undergoer:

ERG>NOM. ERG > COM-NOM (Table 4-26, (c-2)). ERG> COM-NOM (Table 4-30, (a-6)). ACC > DAT or ERG (or GEN).

The following NPs are left intact in antipassivization. (e) (t) (g) (h) (i) U) (k)

Undergoer: Instrument: Instrument Location: Recipient: Goal: Destination:

ACC (4.9.9.4-[2]) (but this is exceptional). ERG (not certain) (Table 4-30, (a-3)). LOC (Table 4-30, (b-2)). LOC (Table 4-31, (a-2)). DAT (Table 4-26, (c-2)). DAT (Table 4-26, (d-2)). DAT (Table 4-28, (a-2)).

In terms of the obligatoriness of the change of the case in antipassivization., very roughly speaking it is possible to point out the following general tendency. (1) Case change in antipassivization (1-1) Change is always or almost always obligatory: (1-2) Change hardly ever happens: (1-3) Change never happens:

ERG,ACC. DAT. LOC.

The above can be shown as follows. (4-397) Obligatoriness of case change in antipassivization ERG, ACC > DAT > LOC.

4.9.10. Aspectual and modal meanings Antipassives may exhibit aspectual or modal differences from the corresponding transitive clauses, at least in the nonfuture and the purposive. However, it is difficult to pinpoint any conditioning factor, and the following accounts are inevitably impressionistic. [1] Nonfuture: continuative or progressive(?) Alf Palmer's translations often, though not always, indicated that antipassives emphasize a continuative or progressive meaning in the nonfuture. Thus, for (4-327) Alf Palmer gave a translation to the following effect: 'Now I am in the toilet and defecating' However, transitive clauses, too, can have a continuative or progres-

Antipassive construction 499

sive meaning. An example is (4-252). The context clearly indicates that this sentence has a continuative or progressive meaning. Furthermore, there are spontaneously given instances in which a sequence of a transitive clause and its antipassive counterpart, or a sequence of an antipassive and its transitive counterpart, describe the same situation. For example, consider (4-398). The first clause is an antipassive, while the last clause is transitive. These two clauses describe the same situation, and it is difficult to discern any aspectual difference. (4-398) (AlfPalmer asked me about a man who was working near by.) a. ngani-nggo baba-gali-n? what-ERG dig-ANTIP-NF 'What is [he] digging? b. galba-r2J? galba-r2J baba-n'? sand-ACC(O) sand-ACC(O) dig-NF 'Sand? Is [he] digging the sand?' As another example, consider Text 1, Lines 32, 33. Line 32 is transitive (moja-n 'eat-NF'), and Line 33 is its antipassive counterpart (moja-gali-n 'eat-ANTI-NF'). Again, these two clauses describe the same situation, and it is difficult to discern any aspectual difference. To sum up, in the nonfuture both tmnsitive and antipassive clauses can have a continuative or progressive meaning. It may be that antipassives emphasize this meanmg. [2] Nonfuture and purposive: habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job or the like. Antipassives sometimes describe habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job or the like. The undergoer appears to be always generic or non-specific. Examples involving nonfuture include (4-399) (NOM-ERG). Those involving purposive include (4-402) (NOM-ERG) and (4-403) (NOM-DAT). Possibly due to its generic or non-specific meaning, the undergoer NP is sometimes absent, e.g. (4400), (4-401). ((4-400) can have NOM-ERG. See the comment on it.) (4-399)

(AlfPalmer described a certain drunkard as follows.) gamogamo-nggo nyola bija-gali-n. (AP) grog-ERG 3SG.NOM(d-S) drink-ANTIP-NF 'He drinks grog all the time.'

(See 3.7.2-[2] for the etymology of gamogamo 'grog'.) (4-400) (AlfPalmer described a certain chaste woman as follows.) warrngo-r2J jarribara-r2J wanda-gali-n [iombi-nggo]. (AP) woman-NOM(d-S) good-NOM(d-S) leave-ANTIP-NF [penis-ERG] '[That] chaste woman leaves [i.e. does not seek] a penis.'

500

Syntax

(The wordjombi-nggo was not in the original sentence as uttered by Alf Palmer, but it was added by him when I asked him what the woman left, i.e. what the woman did not seek.) (4-401) (In a text, a man says to another person, who is afraid of Gandara, the imaginary hairy being (1.5.8-[8]): 'Don't be afraid.') [gandaro-0 TT] nyawa balga-gali-n. (AP) [Gandaro-NOM(d-S)] NEG kill-ANTIP-NF '[Gandara] does not kill [human beings].' (The undergoer NP of (4-401) may be bama 'man'. It is not certain whether it should be DAT bama-wo or ERG bama-nggo. See 4.9.9.2.4-[3]-(c).) (4-402)

nyola

manyja-nggo wajo-gali-yaL (AP) 3SG.NOM(d-S) food-ERG cook-ANTIP-PURP Lit. 'She cooks food.' Alf Palmer's translation: 'She's a cook.'

(4-403)

nyola

manyja-wo wajo-gali-yal. (AP) 3SG.NOM(d-S) food-DAT cook-ANTIP-PURP Lit. 'She cooks food.' Alf Palmer's translation: 'She's a cook.'

Alf Palmer's translation of (4-402) and (4-403) clearly shows that these two sentences describe that person's job, rather than what she was doing at the time of speaking. We have seen examples of antipassives that describe habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job or the like. It seems possible that transitive clauses, too, can have such a meaning. However, it is difficult to find an unequivocal example. I have found only two examples. One is (3-228): 'Small men tend to have a big penis. Big men tend to have a small penis'. The other example is Text 2, Line 47: 'Whenever fish and possum meat get rotten, we throw them away' In this sentence, the transitive 'we throw them away' has a habitual meaning. The meanings of antipassives considered in [1], i.e. continuative, progressive, and those examined in [2], i.e. habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job or the like, may be summarized as imperfective (Comrie 1976: 25). That is, Warrongo antipassives seem to show a lower degree of transitivity than transitive clauses in terms of aspect, as predicted by Hopper and Thompson (1980: 257, 268). Specifically, nyaga-gali-ZERO 'search for' (e.g. (4-335)) and jaymba-galiZERO 'search for' (e.g. (4-342)) are imperfective (to be precise, continuative and progressive - and also uncompleted) as against ngaya-L 'see, look at' andjaymba-L 'find'. (The meaning of 'search for' is not attested with the transitive nyaga-L or the transitive jaymba-L) Also, nyaga-gali-ZERO 'look after, mind, take care of [someone]' is imperfective (to be precise, habitual), as against the actual seeing/

Antipassive construction

501

looking denoted by nyaga-L 'see, look at'. (The meaning of 'look after, take care of, mind' is not attested with the transitive nyaga-L 'see, look at'.) (Cooreman (1988: 584) notes regarding Chamorro of Guam and Saipan that the transitive verb atani means 'look at', and its antipassive counterpart means 'take care of', and that the difference between these two meanings is aspectual.) [3] Purposive only (?): careful attention Antipassives sometimes express careful attention or the like- at least when both (i) and (ii) are fulfilled: (i) the verb is a perception verb: ngawa-gali-ZERO 'hear, listen to-ANTI' or nyaga-gali-ZEEO 'see, look at-ANTI', and (ii) the undergoer NP is DAT (i.e. NOM-DAT). For example, Alf Palmer contrasted the following pair of purposives and translated them as shown. Note the inclusion of the word properly in Alf Palmer's translation of (3-405). (The words in a square bracket have been supplied by me.)

ngawa-yal. (AP) (4-404) gogo-0 language/talk-ACC(O) hear-PURP AlfPalmer's translation: '[I] sit and listen [to the language/talk].' (4-405) gogo-wo ngawa-gali-yal. (AP) language/talk-DAT hear-ANTIP-PURP AlfPalmer's translation: '[I] want to listen [to the language/talk] properly.' Both (4-404) and (4-405) involve purposive. It is not known if these antipassives can express careful attention or the like when some other conjugational category (i.e. nonfuture or imperative) is employed. The meaning 'look after, take care of, mind' of the antipassive nyaga-gali-ZERO, e.g. (4-336), may be considered as an instance of careful attention or the like. Now, when in the purposive form, all antipassive verbs can be used in subordinate clauses, and they function to effect syntactic ergativity (cf. 4.9.4.2). When purposive antipassives are used in subordinate clauses: (a) the following meanings seem to be absent: [1] continuative or progressive, [2] habit, tendency, nature, propensity, inclination, job, etc., [3] careful attention,

but: (b) the following meanings appear to be retained: (b-1) nyaga-gali-ZERO 'search for', e.g. (4-335), 'look after, take care of, mind', e.g. (4-336), and (b-2)jaymba-gali-ZERO 'search for', e.g. (4-342). Since the meanings of (b) appear to be retained in subordinate clauses, they may be regarded 'lexicalized'. They have become (so to speak) part of the meanings of the antipassive verbs concerned. In contrast, the meanings of (a) are not 'lexicalized',

502

Syntax

since they seem to disappear in subordinate clauses. That is, they have not become part of the meanings of the antipassive verbs concerned.

4.9.11.

Pragmatics and discourse

4.9.11.1. Introductoty notes As seen above, antipassives differ drastically from transitive clauses in terms of

case frame (i.e. NOM-DAT/ERG vs. ERG-ACC). Furthermore, they play a crucial role in effecting syntactic ergativity (4.9.4.2). Therefore, they will be expected to exhibit a pragmatic function different from that of transitive clauses. However, it has proved extremely difficult to ascertain any pragmatic difference between antipassives and transitive clauses. We shall look at this issue, in terms of continuous mentions of referents (4.9.11.1.2) and focus (4.9.11.1.2).

4. 9.11.2. Continuous mentions of referents Givan (1983) claims that the more continuous/more repeated mentions of a referent correlate with its higher topicality/higher prominence in discourse. In order to see if there is any such difference between transitive clauses and antipassives of Warrongo, we shall look at Text 1. The number of the mention(s) of a given referent is shown in parentheses. (a) Transitive clauses (a-1) Starting with an ERG(A) NP for the actor. (a-1-1) Line 2jana-nggo '3PL-ERG(A)'. (once) (a-1-2) Line 3 yinda '2SG.ERG(A)', Line 4 ngaya '1SG.NOM(d-S)'. (twice) (a-1-3) Line 29 ngaya '1SG.ERG(A)'. (once) (a-1-4) Line 30 yorra '2PL-ERG(A)'. (once) (a-1-5) Line 32 ngana-0 '1PL-ERG(A)', Line 33 ngana-0 '1PL-NOM(d-S)'. (twice) (a-1-6) Line 34 yinda '2SG.ERG(A)'. (once) (a-1-7) Line 39 nyola '3SG.ERG(A)', Line 40 nyonya '3SG.ACC(O'), Line 41 nyonya '3SG.ACC(O)', nyola '3SG.NOM(S), [nyola '3SG. NOM(d-S)]. (five times) (a-1-8) Line 40 galo-nggo 'mouse-ERG(A)', Line 41 [galo-nggo 'mouseERG(A)']. (twice) (a-1-9) Line 46 yinda '2SG.ERG(A)'. (once) (a-1-10) Line 46 banggarra-nggo 'B.T.L.-ERG(A)', Line 47 nyola '3SG.NOM(S)', Line 48 banggarra-0 'B.T.L.-ACC(O)', Line 49 [banggarra-0 'B.T.L.ACC(O)'], [banggarra-0 'B.T.L-NOM(S)'], [banggarra-0 'B.T.LNOM(d-S)'], Line 50 nyola '3SG.ERG(A)' (seven times)

Antipassive construction 503

(a-1-11) Line 48 ngana-0 '1PL-ERG(A)', Line 49 [ngana-0 '1PL-ERG(A)']. (twice) (a-1-12)Line 58 bama-nggo 'man-ERG(A)', Line 59jana-0 '3PL-NOM(S)', fjana-0 '3PL-NOM(S)'], Line 60 fjana-0 '3PL-NOM(S)'], Line 61 fjana-0 '3PL-NOM(S)], Line 62jana-0 '3PL-ERG(A)'. (six times) (a-1-13) Line 63 ngana-0 '1PL-ERG(A)', ngana-0 '1PL-ERG(A)', Line 64 ngana-ngo 'lPL-GEN' (three times) (a-1-14) Line 67. banggarra-nggo 'B.T.L.-ERG(A)'. (once) (a-1-15)Line 69. ngana-0 '1PL-ERG(A)'. (once) (a-2) Starting with an ACA.;(O) NP for the undergoer. (a-2-1) Line 2 nganya '1SG.ACC{O)', Line 3 yinda '2SG.ERG(A)', Line 4 ngaya 'lSG.NOM(d-S)' (three times) (a-2-2) Line 3 gogo-0 'language-ACC(O)', Line 4 gogo-nggo 'language-ERG', Line 5 gogo-0 'language-NOM(S)'. (three times) (a-2-3) Line 29 banggarra-0 'B.T.L.-ACC(O)', Line 30 yorra-0 '2PL-ERG(A)'. (twice) (a-2-4) Line 30 gamo-0 'water-ACA.;(O)' (once) (a-2-5) Line 32 yago-0 'grass-ACA.;(O)', Line 33 yago-nggo 'grass-ERG' (twice) (a-2-6) Line 34 yori-0 'kangaroo-ACC(O)' (once) (a-2-7) Line 39 gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)' (once) (a-2-8) Line 40 nyonya '3SG.ACC(O)', Line 41 nyonya '3SG.ACA.;(O)', nyola '3SG.NOM(S)', [nyola '3SG.NOM(d-S)']. (four times) (a-2-9) Line 43 banggarra-0 'B.T.L.-ACA.;(O)'. (once) (a-2-10) Line 46 gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)', [gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)']. (twice) (a-2-11) Line 48 banggarra-0 'B.T.L.-ACA.;(O)', Line 49 [banggarra-0] 'B.T.L.-ACA.;(O)', [banggarra-0] 'B.T.L.-NOM(S)], [banggarra-0] 'B.T.L.-NOM(d-S)], Line 50 nyola '3SG.ERG(A)'. (five times) (a-2-12) Line 56 gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)', Line 57 gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)', Line 58 gamo-0 'water-ACA.;(O)' (three times) (a-2-13) Line 62 rayi-nba-0 'girls-ACA.;(O)', Line 63 yorra-0 '2PL-NOM(S)', Lvorra-0 '2PL-NOM(d-S)']. (three times) (a-2-14) Line 64 gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)', Line 65 [gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)'], [gamo-0 'water-ACA.;(O)'], [gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)'], [gamo-0 'water-ACA.;(O)']. (five times) (a-2-15) Line 66 gamo-0 'water-ACA.;(O)', Line 67 [gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)']. (twice) (a-2-16) Line 69. banggarra-0 'B.T.L.-ACC(O)', Line 70 [banggarra-0 'B.T.L.-NOM(S)'], Line 71 [banggarra-0 'B.T.L.-ACA.;(O)']. (three times) (b) Antipassives (b-1) Starting wih a NOM(d-S) NP for the actor. (b-1-1) Line 4 ngaya '1SG.NOM(d-S)'. (once)

504

Syntax

(b-1-2) Line 33 ngana-0 '1PL-NOM(s-S)'. (once) (b-1-3) Line 35jana-0 '3PL-NOM(d-S)', [jana-0 '3PL-NOM(d-S)'], Line 36 [jana-0 '3PL-NOM(S)']. (three times) (b-1-4) Line 37 galo-0 'mouse-NOM(d-S)'. (once) (b-2) Starting with a DAT or ERG NP for the undergoer. (b-2-1) Line 4 gogo-nggo 'language-ERG' (once) (b-2-2) Line 35 yago-nggo 'grass-ERG' (once) (b-2-3) Line 35 gamo-wo 'water-DAT' (once) (b-2-4) Line 37 gamo-wo 'water-DAT' (once) (b-2-5) Line 41 gamo-nggo 'water-ERG' (once) (b-2-6) Line 44 gamo-wo 'water-DAT' (once) (b-2-7) Line 49 gamo-wo 'water-DAT' (once) (b-2-8) Line 50 gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)', Line 51 gamo-ngga 'water-LOC', Line 52 gamo-0 'water-NOM(S)'. (three times) (b-2-9) Line 54' gamo-wo 'water-DAT' (once) (b-2-10) Line 63 gamo-wo 'water-DAT', [gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)'], gamo-0 'water-ACC(O)']. (three times) The number of continuous mention(s) is counted as follows. (This counting method is essentially the same as Givan's (1983).) (i)

(ii)

(iii)

(iv)

(v)

The counting starts with an explicit mention (e.g. Line 35, jana-0 '3PL-NOM(d-S)), and not with an elliptical/deleted NP (e.g. Line 35 [jana-0 '3PL-NOM(d-S)]. After an explicit mention, any reference to it is counted as a continuous mention, irrespective of whether it is explicitly mentioned (e.g. Line 33 ngana-0 'IPL-NOM(d-S)') or ellipticalldeleted(e.g.. g. Line 35 [jana-0 '3PL-NOM(d-S)]. After an explicit mention, any reference to it is counted as a continuous mention, even when the NPs do not occur in the same case or the same syntactic function, e.g. Line 32 yago-0 'grass-ACC(O))' and Line 33 yago-nggo 'grassERG' After an explicit mention, any reference to it is counted as a continuous mention, even when the NPs are not of the same person, e.g. Line 2 nganya 'lSG. ACC(O)' and Line 3 yinda '2SG.ERG(A)'. Note, however that 'water' mentioned in Line 49 is different from the water mentioned in Lines 50 to 52. Therefore, these lines are divided into two stretches of continuous mentions: Line 49 (once) and Lines 50 to 52 (three times). The same applies to the mention of 'water' in Lines 64, 65 (five times) and Lines 66, 67 (twice).

The relevant figures are shown in Table 4-32.

Antipassive construction 505 Table 4-32. ContiiUlous mentions of referents

number of instances

average IUlffiber of mentions

transitive clauses actor (ERG(A))

15

2.40

undergoer (ACC(O))

16

2.56

4

1.50 1.40

antipassives actor (NOM(d-S))

undergoer (DAT or ERG)

10

If these figures are indicative of the degree of the topicality of these referents at all, there is a very small difference in terms of topicality between the actor and the undergoer in each of transitive clauses and antipassive clauses. However, the actor and the undergoer are respectively more topical in transitive clauses than in antipassive clauses.

4.9.11.3. Focus

The focus of a sentence concerns 'the essential new information that is presented or asked about in that sentence' (Comrie 1984: 1). Regarding Warrongo, it has proved impossible to find any difference regarding focus between tmnsitive and antipassive clauses. First, as Comrie (1984: 2) notes, 'Perhaps the clearest instance of focus is the interrogative pronoun in a question'. In Warrongo, an interrogative word is attested in the texts for all of the A, 0, and undergoer-DAT/ERG - except that there is no example available involving the d-S. (a) A, e.g. (4-8), (4-153) (wanyo-lo 'who-ERG'); (4-481-A) (ngani-nggo 'what-ERG'). (b) 0, e.g. (2-129), (4-37) (ngani-0 'what-ACC'). (c) d-S: no example. (d) undergoer-DAT/ERG, e.g. (4-358), (4-377) (ngani-wo 'what-DAT'); (4-398-a) (ngani-nggo 'what-ERG'). As noted in (c), there is no example of the d-S involving an interrogative word. It

is not known if sentences such as (4-406) are acceptable. If they are, the d-S can indicate focus, like the A If they are not acceptable, the d-S cannot mark focus, unlike the A, and this will constitute a difference between transitive and intransitive clauses in terms of focus. (4-406) wanyo-0 gamo-nggo bija-gali-n? who-NOM(d-S) water-ERG drink-ANTIP-NF (TT) 'Who is drinking water?'

506

Syntax

Second, consider (4-398), for example. Both the undergoer of the antipassive (ngani-nggo 'what-ERG') and that of the transitive clause (galha-0 'sand-ACC(O)') mark focus.

4.10.

Subordination with the enclitic =ngomay 'after, if, because'

4.10.1. Introductory notes The suffix -ngomay 'from, after' is generally used to form the ablative-1 forms (3.6.7). It is also used to form the adverb ngona-ngomay 'that-after', i.e. 'after that', 'and then' (3.8.1-[9]). This form has a second use. In about twenty examples, it is used to form a subordinate clause, that is, it functions like a conjunction. In two examples, it does not involve any subordinate clause, and consequently it does not function as a conjunction. There is some evidence to regard this form in its second use as an enclitic, rather than a suffix. This was discussed in 2.2.2. (Suffixes are indicated by a preceding hyphen, and enclitics by a preceding equal symbol.) A clause combined with the enclitic =ngomay generally indicates anteriority, i.e. it generally describes a situation that precedes the situation denoted by the main clause, and it may be translated with 'after' or 'because' There is one example of 'if'· (4-405). But it may also be translated like a relative clause-like; see (4-410) and (4-420). The enclitic =ngomay is attached to the following. (See Tables 3-14 and 3-15 for verbal paradigms.) (a) An adjective-like noun (4.10.2) in two examples: (4-411), (4-412). (b) A verb. (b-1) A basic (non-derived) verb (b-1-1) An intransitive verb (4.10.2) (b-1-1-1) A root of Y-class: nyina=ngomay 'sit=after' in (1-10-a). (b-1-1-2) Either a root or the nonfuture-2 form (-0) of ZERO-class: yaji=ngomay 'laugh=after' or yaji-0=ngomay 'laugh-NF= after' in (4-309). (b-1-1-3) Either a root or the nonfuture-3 form (-0): yani=ngomay 'come=after' or yani-0=ngomay 'come-NF=after' in (4-410). (b-1-1-4) The nonfuture-1 form (-n) in (4-413). (b-1-1-5) The nonfuture-2 form ofY-class (-y): (4-407). (b-1-2) A transitive verb (4.10.4) (b-1-2-1) A root: (4-420), (4-421), (4-423). (b-2) A derived verb (b-2-1) Either a stern or the nonfuture-2 (-0) form of the intransitive mago-li-ZERO: magoli=ngomay 'work=after' or magoli-0=ngomay 'work-NF=after' in (4-408).

Subordination with the enclitic =ngomay 'after, if, because' 501

(b-2-2) An antipassive verb (surface-intransitive) (4.10.3): either a stern or the nonfuture-1 form (-0), e.g. moja-gali=ngomay 'eat-ANTIP=after' or moja-gali-0=ngomay 'eat-ANTIP-NF=after' in (4-414) to (4-419). (b-2-2) An applicative verb (surface-transitive): a stem: wona-ri=ngomay 'lie-APPL=after' (see 4.14.2.1). As shown above, in certain instances, a given verb with =ngomay may be considered as the root or stem, or as a nonfuture-forrn with the -0 suffix. 'NF' will not be included in the glosses for the relevant examples. When the suffix -ngomay is used for the ablative-1 case, it can be followed by a case suffix: -ngomay-0 'ABL-NOMIACC', -ngomany-jo 'ABL-ERG', -ngomany-ja 'ABL-LOC', -ngomay-ng-go 'ABL-LINK-DAT' (Table 3-10). In the data available, the enclitic =ngomay is attested in the following combinations: =ngomay-0 (NOM/ACC) and =ngomay-ng-go (LINK-DAT). There is at least one example of =ngomay-ng-go. It is added to a verb root; see (4-420). (To be precise, -ng- and -go in =ngomay-ng-go may have to be considered as enclitics, and not as suffixes, since they follow an enclitic (=ngomay). Then, they will have to be written as '=ng=' and '=go'.) We shall first look at =ngomay clauses involving an intransitive verb or an adjective-like noun (4.10.2), followed by those involving an antipassive verb (4.10.3) and those involving a transitive verb (4.10.4). In the examples the main clause is underlined with a double line, while the subordinate clause is indicated with a single line.

4.10.2. Involving an intransitive verb or an adjective-like noun There are several examples involving an intransitive verb, e.g. (1-10-a), and: (4-407) ngaya 1SG.NO:M(S)

waga-n rise-NF

[ngaya TT] nyina-y=ngomay-0. (AP) [1SG.NOM(S)] sit-NF=after-NOM 'I got up after [I had been] sitting.' (S=[S]) (4-408) ngaya lSG.NOM(S)

walwandan-0 ill-NOM

[ngaya TT] magoli=ngomay-0. (AP) [1SG.NOM(S)] work=after-NOM 'I [am] tired after/because [I] worked.' (S=[S])

508

Syntax

(4-409) (The English sentence 'If I laugh, he will hit me' was translated by Alf Palmer as follows.)

ngaya

yaji=ngomay-0

lSG.NOM(S) laugh=after-NOM

bama-nggo

nganya

balga-1. (AP)

man-ERG(A) lSG.ACC(O) hit-NF 'Ifl laugh, the man [will] hit me.' (S=O) (In this sentence the nonfuture-2 form has a future reference (3.10.2-[1]).) (4-410) ('There is a man coming here behind us. Don't tell it to him.') ngalnga [yinda (TT, AP)] bama-0 mayga-0 PROH [2SG.ERG(A)] man-ACC(O) tell-IMP

[bama-0]

golma-mali yani=ngomay-0. (AP)

[man-NOM(S)] behind-side come=after-NOM 'Don't tell the man who is coming behind.' (O=[S])

(Yinda was supplied by me and approved by AlfPalmer.) There are two examples in which =ngomay is added to an adjective-like noun: walwa 'bad, ill'. (4-411) (Alf Palmer, being in his advanced age - more than 80 years old - often had a headache.)

ngaya

gaja-0

walwa=ngomay-0

1SG.NOM(S) head-NOM(S) bad=after-NOM

ngaya

jarribara-bi-n. (AP)

1SG.NOM(S) good-INTR-NF 'After my head was ill [i.e. after I had a headache] I feel well [now].' (S=S)

[gaja-0 TT] jarribara-bi-yal (4-412) ngaygo 1SG.GEN [head-NOM(S)] good-INTR-PURP gaja-0

walwa=ngomay-0. (AP)

head-NOM(S) bad=after-NOM 'My [head will be] well after [my] head was ill.' (S=S) (Both (4-411) and (4-412) contain an expression of the whole (i.e. 'I') and a part (i.e. ('head'). In (4-411), the whole and the part are in apposition, both being in the NOM. But they are not in (4-412), in which the whole is in the GEN. Expression

Subordination with the enclitic =ngomay 'after, if, because' 509

of the whole-part relationship will be discussed in 4.20. (4-412) is considered as an instance of S=S, rather than [S]=S. This is because ngaygo '1SG.GEN' is best regarded as part of the S NP. That is, the NP ngaygo gaja-r2J is not entirely elliptical.) In the examples involving an intransitive verb or an adjective-like noun, the coreference pattern and deletion/ellipsis vs. retention of the relevant NP are as follows. (a) S=S: (1-10-a), (4-411), (4-412). (b) S=[S]: (4-407), (4-408). (c) S=O: (4-409). (d) O=[S]: (4-410). Now, consider (4-413). (4-413) (As noted regarding (4-52), I used to be a middle distance runner, and, even while carrying out fieldwork on Palm Island, I used to go for a run almost every afternoon. One evening, when Alf Palmer saw me, he asked me as follows.)

yinda

wadali-n=ngomay-r2J? (AP)

2SG.NOM(S) run-NF=after-NOM 'Are you after running?', 'Have you finished running?', or maybe 'Have you been running?' Note that (4-413) is a simple sentence, and does not involve subordination. That is, here =ngomay does not function as a conjunction. ((4-413) is reminiscent of the socalled 'after perfect' oflrish and Scottish English.)

4.10.3. Involving an antipassive verb Among more than one thousand examples of antipassives, there are only about two dozen examples that involve the enclitic =ngomay. Nonetheless, the formation of =ngomay antipassives is probably (though not certainly) not fossilized, but productive. In terms of the semantic types of antipassive verbs (4.9.9.1), there are examples of action antipassives (e.g. moja-gali=ngomay 'eat' in (4-414) and baba-gali- 'stab' in (4-416)) and perception antipassives (e.g. ngawa-gali=ngomay 'hear' in (4-415) and nyaga-gali=ngomay 'see' in (4-417)). But there is no example involving an antipassive of any other type. Nonetheless, probably (though not certainly) there is no restriction in terms of the semantic type of antipassives. We shall now look at =ngomay antipassives in terms of the coreference patterns.

510

Syntax

[1] S/A patterns --+ neutral patterns (a) S=[d-S]: six examples, e.g. (4-414), (4-907-b) (b) [S]=[d-S]: one example, i.e. (4-416) (c) d-S=[S]: seven examples, i.e. (4-415) (d) [d-S]=S: one example, i.e. (4-416) (e) [d-S]=[S]: three examples, e.g. (4-417)

jarribara-bi-n [ngaya TT] (4-414) ngaya ISG.NOM(S) good-INTR-NF [ISG.NOM(d-S)] yarro-n-do manyja-nggo moja-gali=ngomay-0. (AP) this-LINK-ERG food-ERG eat-ANTIP=after-NOM 'I feel well after after/because [I] ate this food.' (S=[d-S]) (Note that the undergoer of this antipassive is ERG. See the column for '=ngomay "after"' in Table 4-23.) (4-415) (AlfPalmer described my work as a linguistic field worker.) yarro-n-da yinda ngawa-gali=ngomay-0 here-LINK-LOC 2SG.NOM(d-S) hear-ANTIP=after-NOM

Lvinda TT] jilbay-bi-n gogo-nggo. (AP) [2SG.NOM(S)] knowing-INTR-NF language-ERG Lit. 'Mter you listen to [my] language here, you become knowing', i.e. 'Because you listen to [my] language, you know [it].' (d-S=[S]) (Alf Palmer's translation of (4-415) is 'While you are here, you learn language'. The undergoer of this antipassive is ERG. In addition, Alf Palmer accepted the dative gogo-wo 'language-DAT' See the column '=ngomay "after"' for ngawa-L 'hear, listen to; understand [language]' in Table 4-24.) (4-416) [jana-0 TT] yani-0 [jana-0 TT] [3PL-NOM(d-S)] go-NF [3PL-NOM(d-S)]

baba-gali=ngomay-0 yani-0 jana-0. (AP) stab-ANTIP=after-NOM go-NF 3PL-NOM(S) a. '[They] went after [they] stabbed [someone]. They went.' b. '[They] went. Mter [they] stabbed [someone], they went.' ([S]=[d-S]=S)

Subordination with the enclitic =ngomay 'qfter, if, because' 511

(4-417) (A man was laughing, so I asked Alf Palmer why the man was laughing. AlfPalmer replied as follows.)

jamo [nyola TT] just

ngali-ngo-n-go

[3SG.NOM(d-S)] lDU-LINK-LINK-DAT

[nyola TT] yaji-garra-n. (A.P) see-ANTIP=after-NOM [3SG.NOM(S)] laugh-ITER-NF

nyaga-gali=ngomay-0

'[He] is just laughing because [he] saw [us].' ([d-S]=[S]) (The adverbjamo means 'just, for no reason' (4.24-[8]).) [2] Aberrant patterns --+ S/0 patterns (a) O=[d-S]: two examples, e.g. (4-418) (b) [O]=d-S: one example: (4-419). (c) [O]=[d-S]: one example.

(4-418) (The young men are watching the dance now.) jana-0 goymbinba-0 [goymbinba-0 TT] 3PL-ERG(A) young.man-ACC(O) [young.man-NOM(d-S)]

nyaga-gali=ngomay-0 ganyji-lgo. see-ANTIP=after-ACC carry-PURP (AP) 'They [i.e. the senior men] will take the young men [to the camp] after [the young men] have seen [the dance].' (O=[d-S])

(4-419) ('When you cut a tree to get bees, be careful') yarro-ngomay-0 ngali-nya bama-nggo here-ABL-ACC(O) lDU-ACC(O) man-ERG(A)

jaymba-lga [bama-nggo

ngali-nya]

ngawa-lga

find-APPR [man-ERG(A) lDU-ACC(O)] hear-APPR

ngali-0

gonba-gali=ngomay-0.

lDU-NOM(d-S) cut-ANTIP=after-ACC 'The men might find [us] and [the men] might hear us, [who are] here, if we cut [a tree].' (O=[O]=d-S) (In (4-419), the ablative-} -ngomay in yarro-ngomay-0 'this-ABL-ACC' seems to indicate location (3.6.7-[2]. It has the zero suffix, and it could be considered NOM or ACC. In this sentence, it modifies the pronoun ngali-nya 'lDU-ACC{O)', and these two words constitute an NP, functioning as the 0 of the transitive verb jaymba-lga 'find-APPR'. Therefore, yarro-ngomay-0 should be considered ACC, and not NOM The same applies to gonba-gali=ngomay-0 'cut-ANTIP=after' It,

512

Syntax

too, has the zero suffix, and it could be considered NOM or Aa:.;. In this sentence, it functions as the 0 of the transitive ngawa-lga 'hear-APPR', and consequently it should be regarded as Aa:.;, and not NOM The same applies to nyagagali=ngomay-0 'see-ANTIP=after-' in (4-418). Note that ngali-0 '1DU-NOM is NOM, and not ACC (the ACC form is ngali-nya). This is despite the fact that ngali-0 '1DU-NOM, too, presumably functions as the 0 of the transitive verb ngawa-lga 'hear-APPR'. That is, the d-S in a =ngomay clause remains in the NOM even when it is part of the 0 NP.

4.10.4. Involving a transitive verb

=ngomay is attested with three transitive verb roots. The first example is: (4-420) ('We forgot to bring our swag. We left it behind.') golmi yani-0 ngali-0 golgorra-wo back go-NF lDU-NOM(S) swag-DAT

[ngali-0 TT] wanda=ngomay-ng-go. (AP) [IDU-ERG(A)] leave=after-LINK-DAT 'We went back to the swag that [we] had left.' (S=[A]) Note the DAT form of wanda=ngomay-ng-go. It modifies golgorra-wo 'swag-DAT', and agrees with it in terms of case. Note also that the coreferential deletion involves S=[A] (an S/A pattern). We shall return to this in 4.10.5-[1].) The second example is: (4-421) ngaya jagoli-n yino-n-go 1SG.NOM(S) be.sorry-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT

[ngaya TT] balga=ngomay-0. (AP) [lSG.ERG(A) hit=after-NOM 'I am sorry for you because I hit [you].' (S=[A]) This sentence is probably an error. (The coreference pattern is 'S=[A]', i.e. an S/A pattern.) In view of examples such as (4-414) to (4-417), it should probably be as follows, involving an antipassive verb. (The coreference pattern is 'S=[d-S]', i.e. a neutral pattern.) (4-422) ngaya jagoli-n yino-n-go 1SG.NOM(S) be.sorry-NF 2SG-LINK-DAT

[ngaya] balga-gali-ngomay-0. (TT) [1 SG.NOM(d-S)] hit-ANTIP=after-NOM Intended meaning: '(As above).' (S=[d-S])

Subordination with the enclitic =ngomay 'aftet~ if, because' 513

The last example is: (4-423) ngona-0=wa wajo=ngomay-0. that-NOM=FOC cook=after-NOM Lit. 'That is after cooking', i.e. 'That is cooked'. Like (4-413), (4-423) is a simple sentence, and it does not involve subordination. In passing, compare (4-423) with (4-424), which I composed on the basis of sentences such as (4-414) (S=[d-S]).

yani-0 wajo-gali=ngomay-0. (TT) (4-424) ngaya 1SG.NOM(S) go-NF cook-ANTIP-after Intended meaning: 'I went after cooking.' (S=[d-S]) Note that (4-423) and (4-424) a type of voice distinction (cf. 4.9.7-[4]). (4-423) has a passive-like reading, while (4-424) has an active-like reading.

4.10.5. Discussion [1] Syntactic ergativity (a) The coreference patterns where the =ngomay subordinate clause involves an intransitive verb or an adjective-like noun, are listed in (a) to (d) in 4.10.2. The relevant NPs are the S or the 0. This conforms to ergativity (see (4-169) for the definition of ergativity). When the relevant NP is deleted (i.e. S=[S] and O=[S]), naturally the deletion pattern conforms to ergativity.

(b) The coreference patterns where the =ngomay subordinate clause involves an antipassive are listed in 4.10.3-[1] (S/A patterns~ neutral patterns) and in 4.10.3-[2] (aberrant patterns ~ S/0 patterns). All of the coreference patterns conform to ergativity. In all of these examples, antipassiv ization has the ergativ izing effect (4.9.4.2). There is no example of the accusativizing effect- in contrast with antipassivization in purposive subordination, e.g. (4-267) (A=[d-S]). In this respect, it may be said that syntactic ergativity is stronger in =ngomay subordination than in purposive subordination. As noted in 4.9.6.1, it is weaker in coordination, and even weaker in sentence-sequence. That is: (4-425) strength of syntactic ergativity stronger

=ngomay subordination

purpos1ve subordination

weaker coordination

sentence-sequence

(c) As noted above, (4-421) (S=[A], an S/A pattern), involving the transitive verb balga=ngomay-0 'hit=after-NOM', is probably an error. (Incidentally this shows

514

Syntax

that a performance error can occur even in a tight clause linkage like =ngomay subordination.) It should probably be as in (4-422) (S=[d-S], a neutral pattern), involving an antipassive verb. (Note that (4-422) conforms to ergativity.) Now, like (4-421), (4-420) has the coreference pattern 'S=[A]' and involves a transitive verb. However, unlike (4-421), (4-420) is probably not an error. This is despite the fact that its coreference pattern is 'S=[A]', an S/A pattern. It does not conform to ergativity. However, there appears to be no way that this sentence can involve an antipassive. Consider: (4-426) golmi yani-0 ngali-0 golgorra-wo back go-NF lDU-NOM(S) swag-DAT

[ngali-0 ] wanda-gali=ngomay-ng-go. (TT) [IDU-NOM(d-S)] leave-ANTIP=after-LINK-DAT

(S=[d-S])

The deletion pattern is S=[d-S], conforming to ergativity. However, this sentence would have to mean something like 'We went back to the swag, to us who had left something'. That is, this sentence does not seem to make sense. That is, (4-420) seems to be exempt from the requirement of ergativity. [2] Configurationality In terms of the two criteria proposed in 4.5.1, sentences involving a =ngomay subordinate clause are non-configurational. (a) Criterion 1: Contiguity of the constituents. In sentences involving a =ngomay subordinate clause, the members of a given clause are generally contiguous. However, this is not always the case. In (4-415), the main clause is embedded in the subordinate clause, and one constituent of the subordinate clause (gogo-nggo 'language-ERG') is separated from the other constituents of the clause. In contrast, in (4-417), the subordinate clause is embedded in the main clause, and one constituent of the main clause (jamo 'just') is separated from the other constituents of the clause. Similarly for (4-418). Therefore, in terms of the contiguity of the constituents, (4-415), (4-417) and (4-418) (which all involve an antipassive verb) are non-configurational. (b) Criterion 2: Fixed relative order of the constituents. The relative order of a =ngomay subordinate clause and the main clause is not fixed. Therefore, in terms of the fixed relative order of the constituents, these sentences are non-configurational. A =ngomay subordinate clause precedes the main clause roughly as frequently as it follows.

Reflexive and middle constructions 515

4.11. Reflexive and middle constructions 4.11.1. Introductory notes Warrongo has the following, two related verb-stem-forming suffixes: -gali-ZERO and -li-ZERO. The former is attested in Alf Palmer's Warrongo only, while the latter is attested in both Alf Palmer's Warrongo and Alec Collins' (the latter recorded by Peter Sutton). Their uses can be classified as follows. Regarding the use of a colon, 'A d-S', for instance, indicates that the A of the transitive clause corresponds to the d-S of the derived clause. (a) -gali-ZERO (AP only) (a-1) Vt-gali-ZERO (a-1-1) antipassive (A d-S) (4.9) (a-1-2) reflexive (a-1-2-1) true reflexive (A&O d-S) (4.11.2.1) (a-1-2-2) anticausative (0 d-S) (4.11.2.2) (a-2) Vi-gali-ZERO: middle (4.11.4) (a-3) Noun-gali-ZERO: middle (4.11.4) (b) -li-ZERO (AP, AC) (b-1) Vt-li-ZERO (b-1-1) antipassive (A d-S) (AC only) (4.9.1) (b-1-2) reflexive (b-1-2-1) true reflexive (A&O d-S) (AP, AC) (4.11.3.1) (b-1-2-2) anticausative (0 d-S) (AP, AC) (4.11.3.2) (b-2) Vi-Ii-ZERO: middle (AP, AC) (4.11.5) (b-3) Vi-1-Vi-li-ZERO: middle (AP only) (4.11.5) (b-4) Noun-li-ZERO: middle (AP only) (4.11.5) (b-5) Adverb-li-ZERO: middle (AP only) (4.11.5) Both -gali-ZERO and -li-ZERO are attested with verb roots. In addition, Alf Palmer's (a-1-1) Vt-gali-ZERO 'antipassive' is attested with stems formed with the transitive-stem-forming suffix -nga-L (4.7.2) or -(m)ba-L (4.7.3). His -gali-ZERO 'middle' may follow a noun (i.e. (a-3)). His -li-ZERO 'middle' may follow a noun (i.e. (b-4)) or an adverb (i.e. (b-5)). All of the sterns listed above belong to ZERO-class. The paradigm of verbs involving -gali-ZERO is given in Table 3-15, and that of the verbs involving -liZERO is given in Table 3-14. They are (surface-)intransitive. They take the S (NOM), and not the A (ERG). Alf Palmer's Vt-gali-ZERO 'antipassive' was discussed in detail in 4.9. Alec Collins' (b-1-1) Vt-li-ZERO 'antipassive' was illustrated in 4.9.1. Antipassives will not be considered in the following, except for (4-443). Other uses will be discussed below.

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Syntax

4.11.2.

Vt-gali-ZERO 'reflexive' (AP)

This occurs in Alf Palmer's Warrongo only, and not in Alec Collins'. It has two uses: true reflexive (4.11.2.1) and anticausative (4.11.2.2).

4.11.2.1. n-gali-ZERO 'true reflexive' ?4&0: d-S) ?4-P)

[1] Initial illustration Compare the following pair of a transitive clause and a reflexive clause.

(4-427) gaya-nggo bama-0 giba-n. (TT, AP) father-ERG(A) man-ACC(O) shave-NF 'Father shaved the man.' (4-428) gaya-0 giba-gali-0. (AP) father-NOM(d-S) shave-REFL-NF 'Father shaved himself.' It is possible to say - although it is not definitely certain if this analysis is adequate (see the comments on (4-431), (4-432) and (4-440)) -that a reflexive clause corresponds to a transitive clause. That is, if the A and the 0 of a transitive clause are coreferential, this will result in a reflexive clause. Hence, 'A&O d-S'. We shall tentatively adopt this analysis, and regard reflexive clauses as derived clauses and their S as derived S ('d-S'). This can be shown as in Table 4-33. Two additional examples:

(4-429) bama-0 ngoni jingga-gali-n. (AP) man-NOM(d-S) there punch-REFL-NF 'The man is punching himself there.' (4-430) (AlfPalmer described someone's suicide as follows.) [bama-0 TT] bambo-gali-n. (AP) [man-NOM(d-S)] shoot-REFL-NF '[A man] shot himself [with a rifle].' (As it was given by Alf Palmer, (3-430) contained a kin noun that referred to a particular person. I replaced that noun with bama 'man', a noun that has generic reference. Accordingly, I inserted 'TT' to indicate this.) All of the reflexive verbs describe a situation of 'A&O d-S', i.e. a situation where the A of the corresponding transitive clause is coreferential with the 0. They are labeled 'true reflexive'. There is no example where the A is coreferential with some other NP, such as 'He cooked food for himself', 'He put a hat on himself', 'He hunted the dog away from himself', etc. The same applies to the other reflexive, i.e. Vt-li-ZERO (4.11.3.1).

Reflexive and middle constructions 517

[2] Reflexive verbs The following reflexive verbs were spontaneously given by Alf Palmer. Many examples are highly elliptical, and it is not always known if a given Vt-gali-ZERO is a reflexive verb or an antipassive verb. (a) Based on two-place verbs In terms of the classification of two-place verbs shown in Table 4-19, most of these reflexive verbs are based on verbs of Type 1 'direct effect', and one (nyaga-galiZERO 'look at oneself') is based on the verb of Type 2 'perception'. There is no example of any other type. In the list below, the gloss for -gali-ZERO, i.e. 'REFL' or 'oneself' is generally omitted. Type 1 'direct effect': giba-gali-ZERO 'shave', baba-gali-ZERO 'spear, wash', baga-gali-ZERO 'wash', jorra-gali-ZERO 'wash', bangga-gali-ZERO 'paint' [i.e. 'apply paint to one's body', and not 'draw a picture of oneself], nyamba-galiZERO 'paint', gamba-gali-ZERO 'cover', garba-gali-ZERO 'cover', garbi-galiZERO 'hide' (or antipassive (?)), bari-gali-ZERO 'twist one's body [e.g. upper arm]', binba-gali-ZERO '[dog, for instance] scratch oneself, moja-gali-ZERO 'eat [i.e. chew or bite] oneself [e.g. finger]', jingga-gali-ZERO 'punch', jilwa-galiZERO 'kick', gonba-gali-ZERO 'cut', bambo-gali-ZERO 'shoot' Type 2 'perception': nyaga-gali-ZERO 'look at' (Alf Palmer later said that baga-L 'dig, wash' is not a Warrongo word. Indeed, Dyirbal has baga-L 'pierce, dig, spear' (Dixon 1972: 398). Therefore, baga-L and baga-gali-ZERO may not be Warrongo words.) In addition to the reflexive verbs listed above, the following reflexive verbs, which I suggested, were approved by AlfPalmer: baja-gali-ZERO '[dog] bite oneself, boybo-gali-ZERO 'spit on', and gonma-gali-ZERO 'cut', cf. (4-464). They belong to Type 1 'direct effect'. As seen in 4.9.9.3.5, the transitive ngawa-L can mean (i) 'hear, listen to' (Type 2 'perception') and (ii) 'understand [a language]' (Type 4 'knowledge'). The antipassive counterpart ngawa-gali-ZERO, too, can mean (i) 'hear, listen to' (NOM-DAT, NOM-ERG) and (ii) 'understand [a language]' (NOM-ERG). Now, ngawa-galiZERO can take NOM-DAT and mean 'think [about]', e.g. (4-431). Similarly for the reduplicated form ngawa---ngawa-gali-ZERO, e.g. (4-432). (The transitive ngawa-ngawa-L is not attested.) (4-431) ngani-wo yinda ngawa-gali-n? (AP) what-DAT 2SG.NOM(d-S) hear-REFL(?)-NF 'What are you thinking about?'

518

Syntax

(4-432) wowo, ngaya ngona-wo walngga-yi-0 I wanja-wo I Oh! 1SG.NOM(d-S) that-DAT breath-COM-NOM hole-DAT ngawa ngawa ngawa.-vngawa-gali-n I (AP) (error) (error) hear-hear-REFL(?)-NF 'Oh. I like that [vagina]. [I] am thinking about the hole [i.e. vagina].' (See 3.6.8-[5] for walngga-yi 'breath-COM', 'eager, fond'.) It is difficult to decide whether ngawa-gali-ZERO and ngawa-ngawa-gali-ZERO, both 'think [about]', are antipassives or reflexives. Dixon (1972: 90, 92) states that, in Dyirbal, ngambayirri- 'hear, listen-REFL' means 'think'. In Djaru (Tsunoda 1981a: 155), buranyang- 'hear, listen to' means 'think [about]' when it co-occurs with the reflexive/ reciprocal clitic pronoun =nynu. In view of this external evidence, I tentatively consider ngawa-gali-ZERO and ngawa-ngawa-gali-ZERO 'think [about]' to be reflexive verbs. If we regard (4-431) and (4-432) as 'true reflexive', they are exceptional in two respects. First, I am unable to set up any corresponding transitive clause for (4-431) or (4-432).) Second, they have the NOM-DAT case frame. Other instances of 'true reflexive' have the NOM case frame. The distribution of these reflexive verbs in terms of the verb types given in Table 4-19 is shown in Table 4-20. (b) Based on a three-place verb There is one Vt-gali-ZERO verb with a reflexive meaning that is based on a threeplace verb: barifo-gali-ZERO 'ask one oneself' (?). (The transitive banjo-L means 'ask'· 'enquire' and 'request'.) (4-433)

nyola=goli banjo-gali-n. (AP) 3SG.NOM(d-S)=only ask-REFL-NF Tentative translation: 'He asked himself.'

AlfPalmer provided the gloss 'himself' for (4-433). [3] Instrument ERG A noun in the ERG referring to an instrument (or simply 'instrument ERG') can occur in (basic) transitive clauses, but it cannot occur in (basic) intransitive clauses (3.6.2). As for the antipassive construction, the acceptability of the instrument ERG is, at best, not certain (see (a-3) and (a-5) of Table 4-30). In contrast, the instrument ERG is perfectly acceptable in reflexive clauses. This can be shown as in Table 4-33. Compare (4-434) and (4-435). Another example is (4-436). Table 4-33. Transitive and reflexive clauses (1): instrument ERG

transitive

reflexive

Actor-ERG(A) Actor/Undergoer-NOM(d-S)

Undergoer-ACC(O)

Instrument- ERG Instrument- ERG

Reflexive and middle constructions 519

(4-434) bama-nggo gamo-nggo gando-0 baba-n. (TT, AP) man-ERG(A) water-ERG dog-ACC(O) wash-NF 'The man washed a dog with water.' (4-435) bama-0 gamo-nggo baba-gali-n. (AP) man-NOM(d-S) water-ERG wash-REFL-NF 'The man washed himself with water.'

ngali-0 gamba-gali-yal (4-436) yarro-n-do this-LINK-ERG lDU-NOM(d-S) cover-REFL-PURP gido-ngga yamba-ngga. (AP) cold-LOC camp-LOC 'We will cover ourselves with this [blanket] in [this] cold camp.'

[4] Body part noun In Warrongo, as in many other Australian languages, expressions of a whole-part relationship (typically involving body parts) generally employ the juxtaposition of the noun (or pronoun) for the whole and the noun for the part, and the whole and the part agree in terms of case (4.20.5), e.g. (4-437) ('woman-ACC upper armACC'). Now, compare (4-437) and (4-438). (4-437) bama-nggo warrngo-0 jorro-0 bari-n. (TT, AP) man-ERG(A) woman-ACC(O) upper.arm-ACC(O) twist-NF 'The man twisted a woman's upper arm.' (4-438) bama-0 jorro-0 [TT, AP] bari-gali-n. (AP) man-NOM(d-S) upper.arm-? twist-REFL-NF 'The man twisted his own upper arm.' (In (4-438), I started the sentence, saying bama-0 jorro-0. AlfPalmer approved it, and added bari-gali-n, to complete the sentence. It is not clear what situation this sentence describes.) In reflexive clauses, the part noun can occur; see (4-438). The part nounjorro0 may be considered ACC(O), since it corresponds tojorro-0 'upper arm-ACC(O)' of the transitive clause (4-437). It may also be considered NOM(d-S), since it (the part) and bama-0 'man-NOM(d-S)' (the whole) may be taken to be in juxtaposition. This situation can be shown as in Table 4-34. Another example is (4-439). (There is no example of a reflexive clause which contains both the instrument ERG and a body part noun.) Table 4-34. Transitive and reflexive clauses (2): body part noun

transitive reflexive

Actor-ERG(A) Actor/Undergoer-NOM(d-S)

Undergoer-ACC(O)

body part-ACC(O) body part-ACC(O) or -NOM(d-S)

520

Syntax

(4-439) nyola=goli mara-@ moja-gali-n. (AP) 3SG.NO:M(d-S)=alone hand-? eat-REFL-NF 'He is eating [i.e. biting] [his] hand [i.e. finger] by himself.' (4-438) and (4-439) contain a body part noun. There is no example (involving a reflexive Vt-gali-ZERO) that contains a possession other than a body part (as in 'He is carrying his own hat' or 'He is eating his own food'.) The same applies to the reflexive Vt-li-ZERO (4.11.3.1). (That is, these expressions involving a possession are confined to 'body part', which occupies the highest position on the possession cline. This is shown in Table 4-45.) The following is an interesting example: (4-440) (A group of men are preparing for a corroboree and painting them selves to look like crows.) wajagan-0 jana-0 bangga-gali-n. (AP) crow-NOM(d-S) 3PL-NO:M(d-S) paint-REFL-NF Tentative translation: 'They, crows, are painting themselves.' Unlike (4-428), I am unable to set up any transitive counterpart for (4-440). [5] The enclitic =goli 'alone, by oneself The enclitic =goli 'alone, only, by oneself (4.25-[3]) may occur in basic intransitive and transitive clauses. Furthermore, in the examples of the reflexive Vt-gali-0 that were given spontaneously by AlfPalmer (in texts, during elicitation or during our conversations), the enclitic =goli is sometimes attached to the NOM(d-S), e.g. (4-333), (4-439). Generally =goli does not seem obligatory for reflexive clauses. See (4-428), (4-435), (4-436), (4-438), (4-440). However, consider the following examples. (4-441) jorba-nggo ngaya bangga-gali-n. (AP) white.ochre-ERG 1SG.NOM(d-S) paint-REFL-NF 'I am painting myself with white ochre.'

bangga-gali-n jorba-nggo. (TT, AP) (4-442) bama-0 man-NOM(d-S) paint-REFL-NF white.ochre-ERG 'The man is painting himself with white ochre.' (4-443) bama-0 bangga-gali-n jorba-nggo. (TT, AP) man-NOM(d-S) paint-ANTIP-NF white.ochre-ERG 'The man is painting someone else with white ochre.'

jorba-nggo bangga-gali-n. (AP) (4-444) nyola=goli 3SG.NOM(d-S)=alone white.ochre-ERG paint-REFL-NF 'He is painting himself by himself.' On the basis of spontaneously given examples such as (4-440) and (4-441), I suggested (4-442) to Alf Palmer, which he seemed to accept with a reflexive reading.

Reflexive and middle constructions 521

However, on the following day, when confronted with (4-443) (same as (4-442)), he stated that it meant that the man was painting someone else. That is, he indicated that it was an antipassive clause, and not a reflexive clause. He then produced (4444) and stated that it meant that the man was painting himself. ((4-443) was cited as (4-379), as an instance of the antipassive construction. Cf. (a-3) of Table 4-30 (?actor-NOM instrument-ERG). But I stated there that its acceptability is not certain.) This suggests that the enclitic =goli 'alone, by oneself is necessary for a reflexive (not antipassive) reading under certain circumstances. However, the conditioning factors are not known. One possible factor is the type of the verb involved, and another is the use of a pronoun (not a noun) for the d-S. We shall examine these two factors. (a) Verbs There are 10 examples of nyaga-gali-ZERO 'see, look at-REFL' (with a reflexive reading), and in all of them the d-S is combined with the enclitic =goli 'only, alone, by oneself', e.g.:

nyaga-gali-n. (AP) (4-445) yorra-0=goli 2PL-NOM(d-S)=only see-REFL-NF 'You-all are looking at yourselves.' (b) Pronouns For the reflexive Vt-gali-ZERO, only pronouns are combined with =goli 'only, alone, by oneself', e.g. (4-433), (4-439), (4-444), (4-445). There is no example involving a noun. (Nonetheless, a pronoun is not always combined with =goli, e.g. (4-436), (4-440).) It is interesting to note that in all of the 10 examples of nyaga-gali-ZERO 'see, look at-REFL' (cf. (a) Verbs), the d-S is a pronoun and that it is combined with =goli (cf. (b) Pronouns). It seems then that, at least under certain instances, the presence of =goli 'alone, by oneself' facilitates the selection of a reflexive reading, rather than an antipassive reading.

[6] Warayi 'one's own' and warayi-bi-L 'one's.own-INTR'

Warayi 'one's own' (see 3.6.8 for its formation) occurs in two examples of thereflexive Vt-gali-ZERO. (4-446) warayi-0 yinda jingga-gali-n. (AP) one's.own-? 2DG.NOM(d-S) punch-REFL-NF 'You are punching yourself.' (4-447) nyola=goli warayi-0 baba-gali-n. (AP) 3SG.NOM(d-S)=only one's.own-'7 wash-REFL-NF 'He is washing himself.'

522

Syntax

Alf Palmer's translation of (4-447) is 'wash just himself' It is clear that (4-446) and (4-447) have a reflexive reading (and not antipassive). Two analyses of the word warayi 'one's own' have presented themselves. First analysis. Warayi 'one's own' modifies a body part noun that is understood; cf. jorro-0 'upper arm' in (4-437) and mara-0 'hand' in (4-438). In this case, a more literal translation of, for example, (4-446) is 'You are punching your own [body part]' As is the case with jorro-0 'upper arm' and mara-0 'hand', warayi 'one's own' may be regarded as either ACC(O) or NOM(d-S). Second analysis. In (4-446) and (4-447), warayi may be considered to be something like an adverb with the meaning 'alone, by oneself In (4-447) the co-presence of both the enclitic=goli 'by oneself and the word warayi-0 'one's own' presumably reinforces the reflexive reading. Warayi 'one's own' can be turned into an intransitive verb by means of the intransitive-stem-forming suffix -bi-L (4.7.1): warayi-bi-L 'be one's own, do to one's own'. It is attested in two examples involving the reflexive Vt-gali-ZERO, e.g.. (4-448) bama-0 (TT, AP) warayi-bi-n baba-gali-n banggany-.fo. (AP) man-NOM(d-S) one's.own-INTR-NF stab-REFL-NF spear-ERG Lit. 'The man did to his own, stabbed himself with a spear', i.e. 'The man stabbed himself with a spear.' In (4-448), I said the first word bama-0, and Alf Palmer said the rest of the sentence. In this sentence, waraJ'i-bi-n modifies baba-gali-n (see 4.5.4.1-[1]). This shows that the reflexive Vt-gali-ZERO is intransitive (cf. 4.9.2 in connection of the intransitive status of antipassives). Inclusion of warayi 'one's own' or its verbalized form warayi-bi-L seems to facilitate the selection of the reflexive reading, rather than the antipassive reading, as is the case with the enclitic =goli 'by oneself But its use is not obligatory for the reflexive reading. Compare (4-448) with (4-435); both involve baba-gali-ZERO 'wash, stab-REFL', and yet (4-435) lacks warayi and warayi-bi-L. [7] Syntactic ergativity It seems clear that all of the reflexive verbs and also middle verbs conform to syntactic ergativity (4.8.3, 4.9.3) (at least when they occur in purposive subordination, where the clause linkage is tightest; cf. Table 4-17), although there are not many relevant examples. There is only one example involving a reflexive Vt-gali-ZERO: (4-449) jorba-nggo ngQ}'a bangga-gali-n white.ochre-ERG lSG.NOM(d-S) paint-REFL-NF

[ngaya]

nyamba-yal. (AP)

[lSG.NOM(S)] dance-PURP 'I am painting myself in order to dance.' (d-S=[S])

Reflexive and middle constructions 523

[8] Semantics The d-S is almost always human (see the examples above), but there are two examples of a non-human animate: dog. An example:

binba-gali-n. (AP) (4-450) gando-0 dog-NOM(d-S) scratch-REFL-NF 'The dog is scratching itself.' The event described by the reflexive Vt-gali-ZERO is generally volitional, as seen above. However, there are two possible exceptions: ngawa-gali-ZERO in (4-431) and ngawa--ngawa-gali-ZERO in (4-432), both 'think'. It is not clear if thinking is volitional. Furthermore, as noted above, it is not certain if these verbs can be considered 'true reflexive'

4.11.2.2. Vt-gali-ZERO 'anticausative' (0: d-S) (AP) (See Comrie (1985: 325) for 'anticausative'.) Only one Vt-gali-ZERO verb is attested with an anticausative meaning: wajo-gali-ZERO '[food] be/get cooked'. The transitive counterpart is wajo-L Vt 'burn, cook'. Compare the following examples. (The meaning of 'burn' is not attested for the anticausative wajo-gali-ZERO.) Both wajo-gali-ZERO and wajo-L belong to Type 1 'direct effect'. There is no example of any other type. This is shown in Table 4-20.

wajo-n. (TT) (4-451) bama-nggo manyja-0 man-ERG(A) food-ACC(O) cook-NF 'The man cooked food.' (4-452) ('I am waiting for the food to be cooked.')

manyja-0 ngona-0 wajo-gali-n? (AP) food-NOM(d-S) that-NOM(d-S) cook-REFL-NF 'Is that food cooked [yet]?' wajo-gali-n. (AP) (4-453) yori-0 kangaroo-NOM(d-S) cook-REFL-NF 'The kangaroo was/is cooked.' (Alf Palmer's translation for (4-453) is 'Kangaroo cook imselr.) The d-S of the reflexive (4-452) corresponds to the 0 (but not the A) of the transitive (4-451). The food does not do the cooking. Hence '0 d-S' The same applies to (4-453). This situation can be shown as in Table 4-35. Table 4-35. Transitive and anticausative clauses

transitive anti causative

Actor-ERG(A)

Undergoer-ACC(O) Undergoer-NOM(d-S)

524

Syntax

In the examples available, the d-S is inanimate, referring to food or a dead animal (e.g. a kangaroo). The event described is non-volitional. We have seen above that the anticausative wajo-gali-ZERO means '[food] be/ get cooked'. As noted above, the meaning of 'burn' is not attested for the anticausative wajo-gali-ZERO. Furthermore, wajo-gali-ZERO is not attested with a true reflexive meaning: '[someone] burn oneself (The anticausative was labeled 'spontaneous' in Tsunoda (2006: 306). The meaning of (4-452) and (4-453) is very similar to passive. Crosslinguistically it is common for reflexive (or anticausative) constructions to have a passive meaning when they have a non-agentive reading (Lyons 1968: 375, Shibatani 1985: 840, Tsunoda 1988b: 738, 2006: 304, 306, 313, 315).) It seems clear that the anticausative Vt-gali-ZERO, too, conforms to syntactic ergativity (at least when it occurs in purposive subordination; cf. Table 4-17), although there are only two examples, e.g.: (4-454) ngaya wanda-n bori-ngga yori-0 lSG.ERG(A) leave-NF fire-LOC kangaroo-ACC(O) [yori-0] wajo-gali-yal. (AP) [kangaroo-NOM(d-S)] cook-REFL-PURP (O=[d-S]) 'I left the kangaroo on the fire so that it would be cooked.' There is one unusual example of Vt-gali-ZERO 'REFL'. (4-455) ('I was cooking a turtle, and waiting for it to be cooked.') ngaya nyina-n wajo-gali-wo. (AP) lSG.NOM(S) sit-NF cook-REFL-DAT A literal translation will be 'I sat [and waited] for the being-cooked (or gettingcooked)'. (The dative suffix is -go following a consonant, and -wo following a vowel; cf. 3.2.1.1-[5].) This example is unusual. First, wajo-gali-wo is the only example in which the dative suffix follows a verb. Second, it is possible to say that -wo is attached to the nonfuture-2 form (i.e. wajo-gali-0 'cook-REFL-NF'), and not to the stem (as shown in (4-455)). If this view is adopted, -wo is not a suffix, but an enclitic (i.e. =wo) here, since it follows an inflectional suffix. See 2.2.2-(b1). (There is possibly another instance in which a form identical with a dative allomorph is used as an enclitic. See 4.10.1.)

4.11.3. Vt-li-ZERO 'reflexive' (AP, AC) This has two uses: true reflexive (4.11.3.1) and anticausative (4.11.3.2). Between the two reflexives, Vt-li-ZERO is attested with a much smaller number of verbs than is Vt-gali-ZERO (4.11.2). But in the main their syntactic behaviours seem to be the same.

Reflexive and middle constructions 525

4.11.3.1. Vt-li-ZERO 'true reflexive' (.4&0: d-S) {AP, AC} This occurs in both AlfPalmer's and Alec Collins' Warrongo. [1] Initial illustmtion: A&O d-S (true reflexive) Compare the following pair of a transitive clause and a reflexive clause. (4-456) bama-nggo manyja-0 garbi-n. (TT, AP) man-RRG(A) food-ACC(O) hide-NF 'The man hid food.' (4-457) ngoni bama-0 garbi-li-n yamba-ngga. (AP) there man-NOM(d-S) hide-REFL-NF carnp-LOC 'There the man is hiding himself in the camp.' The A and the 0 of the tmnsitive clause may be considered as jointly corresponding to the d-S of the reflexive clause. Hence, 'A&O d-S' [2] Reflexive verbs The following are attested. They are all based on a two-place verb. There is no example that is based on a three-place verb. (a) Alf Palmer's Warrongo: bangga-li-ZERO 'paint', balba-li-ZERO 'roll', balgali-ZERO 'hit', garba-li-ZERO 'cover', garbi-li-ZERO 'cover oneself; [person, dog, kangaroo] hide oneself', boybo-li-ZERO 'spit on', baba-li-ZERO 'stab or spear', baja-li-ZERO '[dog] bite oneself Also, there are the following doublets (see (2-56)): bari-li-ZERO, e.g. (4-467), (4-479), bayi-li-ZERO both Vi 'turn around' Cf. bari-L. bayi-L both Vt 'turn, twist' AlfPalmer approved the following:jilwa-li-ZERO 'kick oneself' In addition, there is the compound bibi-baba-li-ZERO '[man, not woman(?)] masturbate' (lit. 'clitoris-stab-REFL'), e.g.: (4-458) yowo, ngana-0 bibi-baba-li-ya mara-nggo. (AP) yes IPL-NOM(d-S) clitoris-stab-REFL-IMP hand-ERG 'Yes, let's masturbate with hand.' Alf Palmer's translation is 'man pull irnself' The etymology of this reflexive verb seems to be as follows. On the basis of the reflexive bibi-baba-li-ZERO, I made up the compound transitive verb bibi-baba-L, and it was approved by AlfPalmer. His tmnslation is 'poke a woman'. See (3-339). In turn, (3-339) is probably related to a version that does not contain a compound verb; see (3-338).

526

Syntax

(b) Alec Collins' Warrongo: gonma-li-ZERO 'cut', ngawa-li-ZERO 'think' (lit 'hear-REFL', but it is not certain if this is a reflexive verb; see the comments on (4-431) and (4-432).) In Alf Palmer's Warrongo, ngawa-gali-ZERO and ngawa---ngawa-gali-ZERO 'think' take NOM-DAT; see (4-431) and (4-432). But the three examples of ngawa-li-ZERO 'think' in Alec Collins' data do not indicate what case frame it takes. (4-459) nyawa gara ngawa-li-0 bama-0. (AC) NEG NEG hear-REFL-NF man-NOM(d-S) Peter Sutton's translation: 'They don't think (i.e. about tribal lore).' I tentatively consider Alec Collins' ngawa-li-ZERO 'think' to be a reflexive verb of Type 2 'perception', as is the case with ngawa-gali-ZERO and ngawa---ngawa-gali-ZERO 'think [about]' (4.11.2.1-[2]). All the other reflexive verbs given by Alec Collins and/or by Alf Palmer belong to Type 1 'direct effect' This is shown in Table 4-20. [3] Instrument ERG This can occur with the reflexive Vt-li-ZERO, as is the case with the reflexive Vt-gali-ZERO (4.11.2.1-[3]). See Table 4-33. Compare: (4-460) yanga-na-nggo galbin-0 garbi-n gambila-nggo. (TT, AP) mother-KIN-ERG(A) child-ACC(O) cover-NF bark.blanket-ERG 'The mother covered [her] child with a bark blanket.' (4-461) galbin-0 garbi-li-n gambila-nggo. (TT, AP) child-NOM(d-S) cover-REFL-NF bark.blanket-ERG 'The child covered himself/herself with a bark blanket.' Other examples include (4-435) and (4-436). The instrument ERG may be a body part noun, e.g. 'hand' in (4-458). [4] Body part noun See Table 4-34. There is no example in Alf Palmer's data, but there are a few examples in Alec Collins' data. Compare: (4-462) bama-nggo nganya mara-0 gonma-n. (TT, AP) man-ERG(A) 1SG.ACC(O) hand-ACC(O) cut-NF 'The man cut my hand.'

gonma-li-n warayi-0 mara-@. (AC) (4-463) ngaya 1SG.NOM(d-S) cut-REFL-NF one's.own-? hand-? Peter Sutton's translation: 'I cut my hand.'

Reflexive and middle constructions 521

AlfPalmer initially rejected (4-4632), but later he approved it and also a couple of analogous examples I composed. Furthermore, there are examples in AlfPalrner's data in which a body part noun occurs with an anticausative Vt-li-ZERO verb. See (4-481) to (4-483). Al