Brassey's History of Uniforms - Napoleonic Wars. Wellington's Army

Brassey's History of Uniforms

Napoleonic Wars Wellington's Army

Current titles

American Civil War: Confederate Army American Civil War: Union Army apoleonic Wars: Napoleon's Army Napoleonic Wars: Wellington's Army English Civil War Mexican-American War 1846-48 Barbarian Warriors: Saxons, Vikings and Roman Army: Wars of the Empire Spanish-American War 1898 World War One: British Army World War One: German Army

By Ian Fletcher ormans

Color plates by Richard Hook

Forthcoming title

British Army: Zulu War to Boer War

About the author

Ian Fletcher is an internationally respected expert on the British army of the apoleonic Wars. A director of Midas Battlefield Tours, he regularly escorts tours to the sites of Wellington's victories in Spain. He is the author of several books of the Peninsular War and edited collections of contemporary writing by Peninsular War veterans.

Series editor Tim Newark

Contents

Copyright 1996, 2000 Brassey's

All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrevial system or transmitted in any form or by any means; electronic, electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without permission in writing from the publishers. First English Edition 1996 First Paperback Edition 2000

6

Introduction

8

The Peninsular War 1802 Dress Regulations Facings and Lace Cavalry Royal Artillery Military Dress on Campaign Weapons Artillery Colours and Rank Distinctions Fighting Spirit

13 37 39 50 57

UK editorial offices: Brassey's, 9 Blenheim Court, Brewery Road, London N7 9NT Tel: 020 7700 7611 Fax: 020 77004552 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.brasseys.com A member of the

Ch~1is Group pic

84 110 113 119

134 137

Ian Fletcher has asserted his moral right to be identified as the author of this work. Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data available British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISB

1-57488-307-0 Paperback

Typeset by Hedgehog Printed in China

F1Wlt covel': Half a battalion of92nd Highlanders defY all enti1'e French division at tbe battle ofMaya in tbe Pymlees, J1IIy 25 1813.

Detail ofpainting by Ricbm'd Hook.

142

Bibliography Napoleonic Wars Directory Index

Introduction

Upon being invited by Tim ewark and Brassey's to write this volume on the uniforms and equipment of Wellington's army, the obvious thought immediately sprang to mind; what more can one possibly add to a subject which has been studied in the most tremendous depth over the last three decades or so? The study of military uniform has generated, and still continues to generate, hundreds of articles and books, most of which cover pretty much the same ground. Indeed, repetition is rife amongst such studies although there continues to be an avid readership eager to glean what few fresh crumbs they can from whatever new books or articles. Much fine work has been carried out over the years by artists and historians on the uniforms and equipment of Wellington's army. The names of Charles Hamilton-Smith and Robert Dighton immediately spring to mind from the Napoleonic period itself, while our own generation has produced fine works by c.c.P. Lawson, WY. Carmen, Gerry Embleton, Don and Bryan Fosten, and Philip Haythornthwaite, to name a few. One has only to dip into any of the works produced by these artists and historians to find complete descriptions of unifonns and equipment worn by Wellington's men. Hence the immediate problem for any author or artist who sets out to add to this vast collection of information. Whether or not this particular volume has added anything new to the subject remains to be seen but it is hoped that by adopting a different approach this may indeed be the case. This different approach has involved taking a look at uniform through the eyes of the men themselves, as opposed to the usual regulation dress so often set out in previous books. Indeed, I was struck rather forcibly by the thought, when copying out the dress regulations; 'I can't believe that Wellington's men looked anything like the sort of chocolate-box type soldier we so frequently see pictured.' Hence the need to offer a different view of the British soldier in the Peninsular and Waterloo campaigns.

6 Introduction

On December nnd 1810, Robert Mercer, an officer in the 3rd Foot Guards, wrote from the Peninsula, 'Every person here dresses as he likes. These fancy dresses occasion much surprise and horror to the martinets who arrive from London.' Within these three lines lies one of the great mysteries of the Peninsular War; what did the British soldier really look like on campaign? I imagine we will never really know. Yes, of course we are all well aware of what the regulations laid down, but as we all know these dress regulations changed drastically once the British arnlY began to get to grips with the extremes of the Iberian climate. Items of clothing and equipment were either lost or damaged or were simply discarded once they were worn out, circumstances which, when combined, contrived to produce a picture of the British soldier far removed from the popular image. An incident on a recent visit with a group to Waterloo confirmed my belief when, having watched a small group of French cavalry re-enactors ride past, one of our guests bent down to pick up a couple ofbunons which had fallen off one of the cavalrymen's uniforms. Given that these re-enactors had ridden just a short distance one wonders just how much equipment was lost in real campaign conditions? We know for a fact that enough clothing and equipment was either lost or wore out to prompt the men to adopt all sorts of nonregulation clothing. It is these non-regulation items of uniform, adopted out of necessity or to satisfy the vain whims of dandy officers, that continue to hold a strange fascination for those of us seeking to discover what life was really like for the British soldier on campaign. The object of this book is, therefore, to endeavour to explore these uniforms through the recollections of the men themselves and to try and discover what it was really like to wear a banered old shako in battle, or how uncomfortable it was to wear a cocked hat in the rain with the water running off the front like a fountain. Or why the boots worn by Sir John Moore's

men had a thin layer of clay between the soles and how British hussars, had they worn fur caps ,vith the same iron protection a their French counterparts instead of soggy cardboard, could have been better protected against enemy sabres. It is, shall we say, the 'face of battle' approach, rather than the view from the parade ground. We shall, of course, deal with regulation uniforms and equipment but the thrust of this book is aimed firmly at anempting to discover how the men viewed their military dress and how it effected their performance in battle and on campaign. The life of a British soldier in the Peninsula, between 1808 and 1814, has been described as long periods of boredom, punctuated by spells of intense activity, pitched battles and sieges occupying just a fraction of each of the years spent in the Peninsula. But mese periods of boredom, during which me men undertook marches, training and fatigues, till took their toll on uniforms and equipment. The quality of British army uniforms and equipment can perhaps be borne out by me reaction of a Frenchman who was shocked by me scruffy, rag-tag army British army that marched down tile Champs Elysees at me conclusion of me Waterloo

The battle of Vimeiro, August 21st 1808, after a painting by Caton Woodville. As usual, Caton Woodville has shown the British troops wearing the 1812 uniform, complete with 'Belgic' shako, whereas it had another three years to go before it was even designed. However, despite the anachronisims of his paintings they remain amongst the most spirited depictions of the war in the Peninsula.

campaign of 1815. If such a short, sharp campaign as Waterloo could reduce a fine looking army to such a state after just a few months, we can only imagine what Wellington's Peninsular army must have looked like at times after such hard campaigns as Salamanca and Vittoria, not to mention Moore's army at the end of me Corunna campaign. This volume will endeavour to answer some of mese questions and will hopefully conjure up such images as to make us understand a little more about Wellington's men in Portugal, Spain, France and Belgium. Wellington once described his army as able to go anywhere and do anything. In addition to mese two fine attributes he should, perhaps, have added mat it was also able to wear anything.

bltrodllctio17 7

'The Peninsular War

The British army under Sir Arthur Wellesley began to disembark at Figujera, Portugal, on August 1st 1808. It was to be the first act in a war that was to last nearly six years and end in triumph in southern France in 1814. The following year, 1815, Wellesley, by then the Duke of Wellington, fought the glorious postscript, Waterloo, although his army there was a mixture of British, Dutch, Belgians, Hanoverians and Brunswickers and other contingents from European states. We will not dwell too long on the campaigns or battles fought by the British army between 1808 and 1815 but it will be necessary, however, to take a brief look at the events which provide the background to

this book on military dress. The British army had arrived in Portugal in response to calls for assistance from both Iberian nations follo\ving the French invasion of the Peninsula in 1807 and 1808. Wellesley fought his first battle of the war - a slcirmish by later standards - at Rolica on August 17th 1808. It resulted in a victory and was followed four days later by a more impressive win over the French at Vimeiro, a victory which sounded ominous warning bells throughout the French Empire and brought the The battle of Corunna, January 16th 1809. Another painting by Caton Woodville, bringing home the ferocity of the fighting in the village of Elvina.

name of Wellesley to the attention of the mighty in the halls of European capitals. The battle resulted in the expulsion of the French army from Portugal following the notorious Convention of Cintra, by which Britain and France negotiated a treaty which allowed the French to sail away with all their accumulated arms and plunder and to sail away in British ships. The Convention caused outrage in Britain and Wellesley was recalled to face a Court of Enquiry, along with Sir Harry Burrard and Sir Hew Dalrymple, both of whom had superseded him and who had been a party to the signing of the Convention. In the meantime, the British army in Portugal was placed under the command of Sir John Moore who was destined to lead the army through one of its most traumatic experiences of the war, the retreat to Corunna. Misled into believing that his Spanish allies would act in support of him, Moore's plan involved a bold move east towards Burgos to threaten Tapoleon's communications with France and in doing so hoped to draw the French army away from Madrid. The capital had already fallen, however, and Moore was left with little choice but to lead his army through the snowcovered Galician mountains, with the French snapping away at his heels, until he finally reached Corunna. On January 16th 1809 Moore was mortally wounded at

8 The Peninsular T#1r

The 23rd Light Dragoons at Talavera, July 28th 1809. The light dragoons are seen tumbling into the dry watercourse which they had failed to notice as they charged forward recklessly. They are correctly depicted wearing their Tarleton helmets.

the battle of Corunna but his army managed to embark in relative safety for England. In April 1809, the British army was back in Portugal under the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley, who had been acquitted of all charges brought against him following the Convention of Cintra. On May 12th 1809 he crossed the Douro at Oporto in one of the boldest operations of the war and expelled Soult and his French army from Portugal. Two months later he fought the battle of Talavera, a hard-won victory which earned him the title 'Wellington'. There was to be no further serious fighting for over fourteen months, during which period Wellington held on grimly to his position on the Spanish-Portuguese border, awaiting the expected French invasion. The summer of 1810 was one of great strain for ''''ellington who had to deal not only with tl1e French but with his own officers, many of whom conducted a 'whispering' campaign against him and questioned the wisdom of remaining in me Peninsula.

Tbe PeninSillm' Wm" 9

The French invasion duly occurred in the summer of 1810, when Massena's army took both Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, forcing vVeliington to retreat into Portugal. Wellington, in fact, had already foreseen this and the previous year had ordered a series of lines of forts and redoubts to be built across the Lisbon peninsula. These formed the famous Lines of Torres Vedras which were to thwart Massena's plans entirely. Wellington stopped only once during his retreat, at Busaco on September 27th 1810, a battle which gave Massena a bloody nose but which did not stop him. The Lines did stop him, however, and after spending a few months in front of them, Massena withdrew in March 1811, his starving army pursued vigorously by Wellington. By the spring of 1811, Opposite top. Robert Craufurd stands up and calls to his men 'Now 52nd, avenge the death of Sir John Moore!' before launching his Light Division at the French columns at the battle of Busaco, September 27th 1810. Painting by Caton Woodville, inaccurately showing bearskin caps and 1812-pattern shakos.

Opposite bottom. The 57th Regiment at the battle of Albuera, May 16th 1811, during the famous firefight which decided the battle.

10 The Peni17su/m' War

A superb painting by James Beadle showing Robinson's brigade at the battle of Vittoria, June 21st 1813. In spite of the 'Belgic' shakos worn by the men and the cocked hat worn by an officer, the painting conveys the chaotic nature of the fighting at Gamara Mayor. Note the cavalry flaying and hacking in the smoke in the background.

Portugal was once more free of French troops. The year of 1811 saw some hard fighting, notably at Fuentes de Onoro, on May 3rd-5th, and at Albuera, on May 16th. This latter battle, won by Beresford in Wellington's absence, was one of the bloodiest and most controversial of the war, centring mainly on Beresford's choice of position. The year petered out in a series of moves and countermoves by both sides until the \vinter of 1811-12 brought an end to campaigning, or so the French thought. On January 8th, Wellington's soldiers arrived before the walls of Ciudad Rodrigo, the French-held fortress that guarded the northern corridor between Spain and Portugal. After just eleven days of open trenches the town was taken by storm. The following month Wellington slipped away to the south and on March 17th began besieging the much tougher fortress of Badajoz. This town was stormed on the night of April 6th but at an atrocious cost and The Peni17Sll/m' Wm' 11

1802 Dress Regulations

When the British army under Sir Arthur Wellesley arrived in Portugal in August 1808 its soldiers were clothed in the manner laid down in the 1802 Dress Regulations. Of course, few, if any, of the men actually had these regulations with them but had they done so I would imagine that these were consigned to the nearest Portuguese gutter once the campaign had got underway and the time for adapting to climate began in earnest. However, as with any study of uniform we must begin somewhere and in the case of the British army of the Peninsular and VlTaterioo campaigns this does indeed mean the 1802 Dress Regulations. The following pages of Dress Regulations are adapted from W.Y. Carmen's fine article that appeared afterwards the town was sacked from top to bottom with extreme violence for a full 72 hours in what has since gone down as one of the great excesses committed by the British army. On July 22nd 1812, Wellington's army crushed the French, under Marshal Marmont, at the battle of Salamanca. It was one of Wellington's greatest victories and was one which raised his level of fame to that of Marlborough throughout Europe. Madrid was entered on August 12th and yet just two and a half months later the British army was on the retreat back to Portugal following its disastrous attempt upon Burgos. As at Corunna, some three years before, the army's discipline dissolved, much to Wellington's fury, as the Commissariat failed and the officers lost control of their men. By the spring of 1813, however, Wellington's army had regained its strength and in May began the advance which was to culminate in the great victory at Vittoria on June 21st 1813. It was the victory which was to prove the most decisive of the war and, indeed, from here on there was no looking back for Wellington, it was simply a matter of when he was to achieve victory. The French were pushed back over the Pyrenees, San Sebastian fell in August 1813 and on October 7th British troops crossed the Bidassoa and at

12 Tbe Peninsulm' f#w

in the VlTinter 1940 issue of the Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research. The regulations are included here merely to lay a background against which we may study the different ways in which A painting by Richard Simkin of the 1st Foot Guards Trooping the Colour in 1814. The privates of the Battalion Companies are wearing their full dress uniform of white pantaloons and gaiters, while the bearskinned Grenadier Company files into position in front of them to the sound of the fife and drum. The NCO and privates of the Grenadier Company appear to dwarf those behind them. In fact, the average height of the Grenadier Company in 1809 was 5 feet 11 inches, compared to 5 feet 7 inches in the Battalion Companies.

The battle of Toulouse, April 10th 1814, showing the attack on the Calvinet Ridge. The battle was fought four days after Napoleon's abdication and need not have been fought at all.

last found themselves fighting in France. The penultimate battle of the war was fought on February 27th 1814 at Orthes and, save for a few smaller actions such as Aire and Tarbes, the war was as good as over. The final battle, at Toulouse on April lOth 1814, need never really have been fought at all as Napoleon had abdicated four days earlier. Even later than this battle were the sorties from Bayonne, on April 14th, during which 1,500 men on both sides became casualties in what was a totally unnecessary action. The Peninsular War had ended but there was still one last battle to be fought before Napoleon was finally defeated. After a period of exile on the island of Elba he escaped and returned to France on March 1st 1815 and so began the Hundred Days which culminated in the battle of Waterloo on June 18th 1815. It was Wellington's crowning achievement as his 'infamou army' of British, Dutch, Belgians and Germans hung on grimly throughout the day until Blucher's Prussians arrived to help complete the Allied victory.

1802 Dress Regulations 13

An 1812 universal shako plate.

Wellington's and Moore's men adapted to the climatic conditions of the Iberian Peninsula and, later on, to the conditions in Belgium in 1815, although the problem faced in the very short \Naterloo Campaign are trifling when compared to those faced by Wellington's Peninsular army over six years of warfare between 1808 and 1814. The regulations apply to the infantry only. Cavalry regiments will be dealt with later, owing to the variety of uniform in 1808, not to mention the changes to uniform that this arm of the army underwent in 1812. Once we have taken a look at how the soldiers looked 'according to the book', we can begin our study of how this altered once the men had landed in Portugal and how it affected their performance in battle. Coats and Jackets General officers, staff and ADCs The Full Dress uniform for a General was of scarlet cloth, long skirts lined with white silk. 0 lapels, small round blue cuffs, short standing scarlet collar, cross pocket flaps, one broad gold lace round the coat and pockets and three rows round each cuff, the

14 J802 Dress Regulations

Shako plate of the 4th (King's Own) Regiment, made of

The stove-pipe shako with universal shako plate and white

embossed brass.

over red battalion company plume. It was this type of shako which was worn by the British army in the Peninsula, even

uppermost of which was to be half the breadth of the two below it but of the same pattern. The narrow lace to go round the collar. Gilt buttons, set at equal distances, ornamented with a sword and truncheon, encircled with a wreath of laurel. The Half Dress uniform of a General was of scarlet cloth, long skirts made to hook back, lined with white ker eymere. Standing collar of scarlet cloth with small blue cuffs. Lapels the same colour as the cuffs, 3 inches in breadth and made to button over the body down to the waist. 0 pocket flaps, embroidered button holes. Ten buttons on each lapel including one on the front of the collar, four on each sleeve and skirt. General's undress uniform was the same as the Half Dress uniform, except the button holes throughout were not embroidered. The Full Dress uniform for a Lieutenant General was the same as that of a full general except that there were only two broad laces round the cuffs, without the third narrow lace above them. Half Dress and undress uniforms for a Lieutenant General were the arne as a Generals except the buttons were set 3 and 3.

after the intrOduction of the 1812-pattem shako.

Full Dress uniform for a Major General was the same as a general except it had just one broad lace round the cuffs, without the narrow lace above it. Half dress and undress unifornl were similar as those for a General except that the buttons were set 2 on 2. The uniform coats for Adjutant General, Quartermaster General and Barrackmaster Generals were the same as the Lieutenant General's undress uniform except that the lace was silver. Deputy Adjutant Generals, Deputy Quartermaster Generals and Deputy Barrackmaster Generals were the same as the Major General's undress uniform except in silver lace. ADCs wore scarlet coats, with long skirts made to hook back lined with white shalloon or kerseymere. No lapels, and were buttoned over the body down to the waist. A falling collar and small cuffs of blue cloth. Ten embroidered buttons on each front of the coat, including one on the collar, and three double embroidered button holes on each sleeve, including

Officer's jacket of the 68th Light Infantry and 1803-pattern sabre, the belongings of Captain Leith, killed in action 1813. Deep green facings and silver lace.

one on the cuff and the same number on each skirt. I 0 pocket flaps and the pockets to open in the plait, two embroidered button holes on each back skirt between the hip buttons. Plain flat gilt buttons were set 2 and 2, excepting one on each cuff and the upper one on each skirt. The ADCs undress uniform was similar to the above except that there was no embroidery except on the epaulette. J 802 Dress Regulations J5

The plain wlifornl coat for Assistant Adjutant Generals, Assi rant Quartermaster Generals, and "lajor of Brigades wa the same a those described for ADCs except \\~th sih-er lace.

Full Ores uniform for officers of the Foot Guards was of carlet cloth \\~th long skirts lined with white shalloon and sewed back. Lapel and cuff were dark blue, the lapels 3 inches in breadth throughout, reaching down in a line with the pocket flap, to be sewn down and not made to button over the body. Ten buttons on the lapels et at equal di rances. Cross pocket flap, on which a narrow gold lace. On the upper part of the flap, and rOWld them on the skirts, a broad gold lace, double the breadth of the narrow, and which nearly covers this part of the kirts. Three buttons set on the skirt and nearly covered by the flap. standing collar of carlet cloth, lined with white silk and laced round with the narrow lace imilar to that on the lower part of the pocket flaps. The button holes on the lapels were looped with the same lace and the outer side of the lapels and skirts were edged with the

same and part of the skirts on both sides were edged to where they met on being sewed back. At the joining of the skirts there was a small oval like piece of blue cloth, richly embroidered. Three laced loopings as button holes as on each of the back skirts, beginning at the hip button and joined to the lace on the skirts. The cuff were roWld and 3't, inches in breadth, 3 button on each and two rows of lace, the lower one broad and similar to that on the lower part of the pockets, the upper row narrow and similar to that on the collar and lapels. Grenadier and Light Infantry officers had laced carlet \~ngs on their coats \~th bullion and fringe besides the epaulettes. Embroidered grenades replaced the blue oval cloth on the kirts of Grenadier officer and bugle horns on those of the Light Infantry. The Frock uniform coat ofthe officers of the Foot Guards was of carlet cloth, lined \~th white shalloon, with long skirts sewn back. Lapels and cuffs were dark blue. The lapels were 3 inches in breadth throughout and made to button over the body down to the waist. Cuffs were round with no slits, 3"1 inches in breadth and the collar was standing of scarlet cloth. There wa

Other ranks' shako plate, 1st Foot Guards, 1815. The plate is

Other ranks' shako plate, 3rd Foot Guards, 1815. Brass, with

Foot Guards

brass with an embossed Star of the Order of the Garter, with

an embossed Star of the Order of the Thistle with a thistle in

GR reversed in the centre.

the centre.

~o.

U:"',

E:iOIlFOr..K 1Ir~4

Two Highland soldiers, both wearing the white plume

REGl:IIE..~TopL,.-pA...~TllT~

(~", ,84....rJ..T ~~MrAl~ raLOCJrl.

rDLOrA .£1UfJ.JLLTT.w ~rrr..l,

An Ensign and Colour Sergeant of the 9th (East Norfolk)

signifying grenadier company. The man on the left is of the

Regiment, 1813. The rank of Colour Sergeant was instigated in

42nd and the one on the right the 92nd. After a drawing by

August 1813. The badge consisted of a single lace chevron,

Hamilton-Smith.

the colour of the regimental facing, above which was a Union Flag below the Royal Crown with two crossed silver swords

no lace on the button holes but the collar and cross pocket flap were laced rOWld with gold lace, the outer edge of the lapel and skirts laced the same to the bottom. The upper part of the skirts were laced on both sides \~th a row oflace from the hip buttons down the plait of the skin to where it joined the part turned back and had an edging of blue cloth on the skirts on each side of the lace. A small oval like piece of blue embroidered cloth was set on each skirt where they met. Officers of Grenadiers had scarlet wings, laced and fringed besides epaulettes and had embroidered grenades on the kirts. Officers of Light Infantry were to have jackets, the short skirts turned back and fronted with white ker eymere. The pocket flap to lope diagonally. The cuffs, collar and lapels imilar, and laced imilar to the Battalion, but bugle horn on the points of the turnbacks of the skirts. mall buttons on the jackets for Light Infantry, large ones on the coats for Grenadiers and Battalions, and to be et at equal distances, 2 and 2, or 3 and 3, according to the regiment.

16 1802 Dress Regulntio1lS

below the flag. The badge was worn on the right arm only. After a drawing by Hamilton-Smith.

The coats for the Sergeants of the Foot Guards were of scarlet cloth lined throughout \~th white serge and were short skirted, the front skirts sewn back and faced \~th serge with an edging of blue cloth c10 e to the lace. There were no lapels but the coat was made to button over the body down to the waist. Both fronts were edged with gold lace and had ten looping of the same sort of lace on each front, except in the 3rd Foot Guards, the looping being 3 inches in length throughout. There were ten buttons on one front and holes on the other. The collar, cuffs and shoulder straps were of dark blue cloth. Standing collar wa 3 inches in breadth and wa laced round. The cuffs were 3"1 inches in breadth and had no lits. There were 4 buttons on each cuff, except in the 3rd Foot Guards, the holes looped with gold lace \\~th one row of lace round each cuff. Cros pocket flaps for Grenadiers and Battalions, opening to the outside, whereas the Light

1802 Dress Regulations 17

The 1st Regiment of Foot Guards The central figure of this plate is a corporal of the 1st Foot

The 1st Foot Guards had two battlions present at

Guards, 1815, wearing the uniform worn by his regiment at

Waterloo on June 18th 1815, the 2nd and 3rd Battalions. The

Waterloo, June 18th 1815. He is a corporal of the light infantry

light companies initially assisted in the defence of

company and wears 'wings' on his shoulders in place of the

Hougoumont before they were withdrawn to the main Allied

normal straps. His 1812-Belgic shako also bears the bugle

position on the ridge above. Perhaps the regiment's most

horn above the shako plate. His grey trousers are tucked into

famous exploit during the battle was its part in the repulse of

his gaiters in the style worn by only the 1st Foot Guards at

Napoleon's Imperial Guard at the crisis of the battle. It was an

Waterloo, the other two regiments of Guards, the Coldstream

achievement which earned the regiment the title, the following

and 3rd Foot Guards, wearing loose white trousers. The figure

year, of the First or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards, in

is surrounded by the following items of uniform and

recognition of its part in defeating Napoleon's grenadiers.

equipment; clockwise from top right; 1812 shako plates, left to

Painting by Richard Hook.

right, 1st Foot Guards, Coldstream Guards, 3rd Foot Guards; 1st Foot Guards, officers' epaulette; Trotter knapsack, with regimental badge of the 1st Foot Guards painted upon it; 1803-pattern infantry officers sabre, and 1796-pattern infantry officers' sword; 1st Foot Guards pouch and bayonet belt, plus 17-inch regulation bayonet; shoulder belt plates, left to right, 1st Foot Guards, Coldstream Guards and 3rd Foot Guards;

Above.

officers' water canteen; other ranks' water canteen, 1st Foot

The 28th (North Gloucester) Regiment at Quatre Bras, June

Guards; forage cap; sergeant's 9-foot pike and India-pattern

16th 1815, by lady Butler. This otherwise superb portrayal of a

musket with older swan-neck cock; stovepipe shako with light

typical British infantry square incorrectly depicts the regiment

infantry company plate; Coldstream Guards officers' gorget;

wearing the 1812 Belgic shako, whereas in fact the 28th wore

front and back view, 1812-pattern Belgic shako, light infantry

their old stovepipe shakos. The correct depiction can be seen

company shako plate; Belgic shako with oilskin cover.

in the painting by Woollen, featured elsewhere in this book.

1802 Dress Regulations 19

and 2, or 3 and 3, according to the regiment. (See Line Infantry for Corporals and Privates coats and jackets.) Line Infantry Officers of Line Regiments of infantry wore scarlet coats with long kirts made to hook back and were lined with white or buff kerseymere or shalloon, according to the Regiment. Lapels, cuffs and collar were the colour of the facings of the regiment. The lapels were 3 inches in breadth throughout and were made to button over the body down to the waist. Cuffs were round, were 3'" in breadth and had no slits. The collar wa turned down. Cross pocket flaps were worn for Grenadiers and Battalions whereas in the Light Infantry they sloped diagonally. There were 10 buttons on the lapels, including one on the collar, four on cuffs and on pockets and were set at equal distances, 2 and 2 or 3 and 3 according to the Regiment. Two worked button holes on each of the back skirts where they break off at the hips. Officers appearing at Court were to have the lapels buttoned back. The jackets for Light Infantry were short Officer's gilt gorget, Coldstream Guards, 1810. The Royal coat

skirted, the front skirts turned back and faced with Cassimere the colour of the lining. Small button were worn on the jackets of Light Infantry and large ones on the coats of Grenadiers and Battalions. Scarlet wings for Grenadiers and Light Infantry with bullion and fringe besides epaulettes. An embroidered grenade was worn on the skirts of the Grenadiers and a bugle horn on those of the Light Infantry. The button holes need not have embroidery or lace but if the Colonel saw fit gold or siker embroidered or laced button holes and epaulette were permitted. The uniform coats for officers of Highland regiments were the same as those for the ordinary Line regiments except that the skirts were short and the part turned back was sewn and fronted with Cassimere like Light Infantry, and on the same colour as the lining, and that they had eight buttons on the fronts and three on sloping pocket flaps. Sergeants of Line Regiments wore scarlet coats lined throughout, the sleeves with linen, the other parts with white or buff serge according to the regiment. They were short skirted. The front skirts were sewn back and faced with serge, with an edging of white lace. There were 10 loops of lace on each front of the coat, with buttons on one front and holes

of arms on the front with the regimental badge on either side. The rosettes are dark blue.

Other ranks' brass shoulder belt plate, 3rd Foot Guards.

lieutenant Colonel Sir Henry SUllivan, Bt., Coldstream Guards. Sir Henry was killed dUring the futile sortie from Bayonne in April 1814. His shako bears the gold banding around the false front which was removed dUring active service. This portrait proves that at least some officers did in fact wear the 1812 pattem shako, as Sir Henry retumed to the Peninsula in March 1814, after this painting had been done. It follows, therefore, that he took this new pattem shako with him. He also carries the 1796-pattem infantry officers' sword.

A rifleman of the 95th Rifles, 1810. Green uniform with black facings edged white. Black leather belts with brass clasp. He is carrying the superb Baker rifle. The brass flap on the butt hides a compartment in which the rifleman's tools were kept.

Infantry pocket flaps sloped diagonally and opened at the plait. There were -+ buttons on each flap, except in the 3rd Foot Guards. The holes were looped with lace with a row of lace round the flaps on the skirts. Each kirt and the turn back of the front skirts were laced to the bottom. There was a diamond of lace under the ,--h_i_p_b_u_tt_o_n_ _ an_d_a_n_o_th_e_r_in_a_h_·n_e_\_\~_·th_th_e_m-=o __n__th:.:. :.:e 20 l802 Dress Regulations

joining of the back kirts which were to fold well over. The Grenadiers and Light Infantry wore blue cloth wings with five darts of lace on each. The wings of the Light Infantry were also laced round and those of the Grenadiers had a row of lace on the bottom. The wings of each likewise had a gold fringe, with gold lace epaulettes with fringe to be worn on each shoulder. One similar sort of epaulette was worn on the right shoulder of sergeants of the Battalions and on the left shoulder a laced strap with gold fringe. The 3rd Foot Guard had 9 buttons on their lapel, and 3 on each cuff and pocket flap. The button on the pocket flaps and hips of the Grenadier and Battalions were large, on the other parts of their coats they were mall, as were all of the buttons on the jackets of the Light -=In::.:..::fa:::n.:.:.:try. The buttons were set at equal distances, 2

--/ 02 Dress Regulations 2/

Officer's gorget, 1st Foot Guards, 1815. It bears the Royal coat

Other ranks' pouch badge, 1st Foot Guards, 1815.

of arms in the centre.

on the other. There were no lapels and the coat was made to button over the body down to the waist. The loops were four inche in length at the top which reduced gradually to three inches at the bottom. The cuffs, collar and shoulder straps were the colour of the regimental facings. The standing collar was 3 inches in breadth and along with the shoulder straps was laced round. The cuffs were 3'" inches in breadth with 4 buttons and loopings on each. Cross pocket Aaps for the Grenadiers and Battalions to open on the outside. In the Light Infantry they sloped diagonally and opened in the plait. On each pocket Aap there were 4 buttons and loopings. The buttons on the cuffs, pocket Aaps and hips of the Grenadiers and Battaljons were large. On other parts of their coat they were small, as they were throughout on the jackets of the Light Infantry. The wings of the Grenadiers and Light Infantry were scarlet with 6 darts of lace on each. Grenadjers also had a row of lace at the bottom of the wings and those for the Light Infantry were laced round. There was a diamond of lace between the hip buttons, over the joining of the back kjrts, which were well folded over. The button were set on at

22 1802 Dress Regulations

equal distances, 2 and 2, 3 and 3, according to the regiment. The sergeants lace was a whjte wor ted brajd. Coats for Sergeants of Highland Regiments were sirrular to those described for other regiments except that they had 8 buttons on the fronts of the coats and 3 on each pocket Aap, whjch opened and sloped diagonally like those for Light Infantry. The lace for the 42nd was white silk instead of worsted. The coats for Corporals and Private men of the Foot Guards and Line Infantry were made of red cloth instead of scarlet and of inferior quality to the sergeants and were exactly the same in respect of the colour of the facings, in the formation, turning back or sloping off the skjns, and in setting of the lace, buttons, shoulder straps and pocket Aaps, as also the wings of Grenadier and Light Infantry, as already described for the sergeants of their respective regiments. The lace wa white worsted ground throughout, with distingujshing stripes or worms as per the general view of the facings. The corporal knots were white silk, varied something like the lace, except in the Foot Guards, whose knots and lace were entirely white. The knots were silk, the lace wor ted and about inch in breadth. The Corporals and Private men of

'I,

A grenadier of the 1st Foot Guards, 1815. In spite of the grey

A black 'time beater' or cymbalist of the 1st Foot Guards, 1815.

service overalls, bearskins were not worn on campaign,

Red jacket with gold stripes, white turnbacks edged gold and

although the few companies of the Guards at Cadiz in 1811

what appears to be the letter 'G' on the turnback. Pointed gold

complained that the shakos were in such bad repair that they

lace loops on lapels, white sleeves with gold chevrons and

had to wear their 'grenadier caps.'

stripes, blue collars and elbows edged gold, blue cuffs with pointed gold lace epaulettes edged gold, white turban with red

the Foot Guards had their coats lined throughout \vith whjte serge. Those in Line Regiments and the Royal Staff Corps had no sleeve linings. In every other respect they were lined, the inside \vith serge or faced with cloth, and the skjrts turned back and faced \vith white or buff serge in a similar fashion as those for sergeants, but were of a coarser quality. The Corporals of Grenadjers and Light Infantry wore two epaulettes or knots. The coats of the Corporals had a silk epaulette on the right shoulder. The coats of the Grenadiers had the usual \vings of red cloth on the point of the shoulder \vith six loops of lace of the same son as the button holes and a border on the bottom. The men's coats were looped with worsted lace but wi th no border, the ground of the lace to be whi te with worsted stripe. The breadth of the lace to make the loop round the button hole was about half an inch. Four loops on the sleeves and four on the pockets, with two on each side of the slit behind. The breadth of the lapels was three inches to reach down to the

top edged gold, with maroon ball decoration at back. Loose white trousers. The sleeve pattern survived for at least 150 years, until the 193Os.

wajst and was not to be \vider at the top than at the bottom. The sleeves of the coat had a small round cuff without any slit, and were made so they could be unbuttoned and let down. The whole to have cross pockets, the Aap to be sewn down, and the pocket to be cut in the lining of the coat. The cuffs of the sleeves which turned up was 3"2 inches deep. Those of the battalion companjes wore one on the right shoulder. The regimental button was white throughout. The Rifle Corps The Full Dress uniform for officers of the lliAe Corps was of dark green cloth, had long skjrts and was lined with white shalloon. The skjrts were turned back and fronted \vith white Cassimere sewn down, and at the join was a circle of black velvet embroidered \vith

1802 Dress Regulations 23

A plate, dated 1808, showing the various gorgets, shoulder belt plates, lace, insignia, etc., of the three regiments of Foot Guards.

silver. Lapels, collars, cuffs and wings were black velvet. The lapels, were rather shon and made to button across the body at the 5th button. They were 3 inches in breadth at the bottom and increased gradually to 3'/, inches at the top. A standing collar was faced with green cloth which, along with the cuffs, was to be 3 inches in breadth. There were no slits in the cuffs. Cross pocket flaps. Ten buttons on each lapel, including one on the collar, three on each cuff and pocket flap. The wings were laced and had bullion and fringe besides epaulettes. The buttons were set at equal distances and were all large except for those on the collar and epaulettes. The buttons were flat plated with a raised bugle horn with a crown over it. The Service uniform of Rifle Corps officers was a jacket of dark green cloth, without lapels or skins, and was made to button over the body down to the waist. The breast was fromed with green cloth and was lined with green silk or shalloon. It had a black velvet standing collar lined with green cloth. Cuffs were black velvet, 2'/, inches in breadth, poimed and made to open with 5 buttons. There was a double row of buttons on one front and a single row with button holes on the other. 22 buttons in each row and the same number of loopings of black silk twist on each front between the rows with a knot on the outer side. The loopings were 7\ inches in length at the top which reduced gradually to 2'/, inches at the bottom, and in which form the buttons were set on. There was a loop of twist on each from of the collar, a row of the same down the seams from the shoulders to the hip buttons, and a double row on the fronts instead of pocket welts. Black velvet wings and straps with bullion and fringe besides which there was a silver chain on the wings and straps. The buttons were of a round form like a ball and were set at equal distances. The lace and epaulettes were silver. The jackets of the sergeants of the Rifle Corps were of dark green cloth without lining, except for the sleeves, although the inside of the fronts were faced Officers' gilt shoulder belt plate, 1st Foot Guards, 1815.

Opposite. Ensign John Rous, Coldstream Guards, 1810. After a painting by Thomas Beach. Note the dark blue piping around the broad gold lace and the dark blue rosettes on the gorget. The buttons are worn in pairs, signifying the 2nd (Coldstream) Guards.

2-1 1802 Dress Regll/otiolls

1802 Dress Regll/otio71S 25

Ensign William Rous, of the Coldstream Guards, after a

Lord Charles Vere Ferrar Townshend, 3rd Foot Guards in the

painting by Thomas Beach. The brother of John Rous, William

uniform of the light infantry company, buttoned across at the

served in the light infantry company and was slightly wounded

top. He wears the serpent and lion's mask belt clasp.

in the face at Bayonne. The two portraits afford us a good opportunity of comparing the different uniforms worn by the battalion and light infantry company of the Coldstream, the obvious difference being the 'wings' of the flank company compared to the normal epaulette of the battalion company.

with green cloth. The skirts were rather short and not turned back, but cut to slope off behind. 1 0 lapels and jackets were made to button over the body down to the waist. They had standing collars which, with the cuffs, were of black cloth and feathered with white. There were three rows of buttons on the fronts of the jackets and 12 in each row; two rows on one side and one row and holes on the other. The buttons were set at equal distances but the rows were 7',] inches apart at the top, gradually reducing to 2',] at the bottom. The cuffs were 2\ inches in breadth and were pointed, opening at the hand with 4 buttons. The pockets were pretty high on the fronts of the jackets and the welts set on sloping. There was a button on each hip and the back skirts were made to fold weLl over. The buttons were small throughout being much raised, with a bugle horn and crown over it, engraved.

26 1802 Dress Regulations

The jackets for Corporals and Private men of the Rifle Corps were of dark green cloth, inferior to that of the sergeants but in formation, colour of the collar, cuffs and shoulder straps, and in the buttons were exactly the same. Each corporal wore two epaulettes of green and black worsted instead of silk. The jackets for Buglers of the Rifle Corps were of dark green cloth. In their form, number of buttons and setting them on, they were similar to those of the rank and file, with the collar, cuff and shoulder straps and wings of black lace. The seams throughout were feathered with white, and there was a black and white worsted fringe on each wing. The jackets for the armourers of the Rifle Corps were of dark grey cloth and in the formation, number of buttons and setting them on were similar to the rank and file. The cuffs and collar were of dark green cloth and the seams throughout were feathered with green.

Guards, and of all Royal Regiments were made of red cloth, similar in quality and colour as those of the rank and file. For those regiments that were faced with red or black the coats were of white cloth and for all other regiments the coats were to be of the colour of the regimental facings and were of a superior quality to the rank and file. The coats were short skirted and lined throughout. Those regiments that were faced with white, red, black or buff, had red linings. The Foot Guards and all other regiments had white linings. The front skirts were turned back and faced as the linings and the edge laced, those of the Foot Guards having a blue feathered edge under the lace. The coats had no lapels but were made to button over the body down to the waist. Both fronts of the coat were looped with lace, and ten buttons (or in proportion for boys) set on one side and holes on the other. The lace was set on the fronts as per the regiment. The cuffs, collar, wings and shoulder straps for the Foot Guards and for all Royal Regiments were dark blue. For all other regiments they were of scarlet cloth. The pocket flaps and buttons were set on as stated for their respective regiments and, where the size of the boys would admit, were to have the same number. The seams of the coats were laced, but the bars of lace on the sleeves were at the option of the Colonel. The cuffs of the Drummers of the Foot Guards were indented, whilst those of all other regiments were round and were without slits. The Drummers of the Foot Guards had three rows of double lace down each front of the coat and two rows of single lace down the back between the rows of lace on the seams. The fronts of the coats were edged with lace (besides the loopings) as were the skirts and pocket flaps, in the same manner as their regiments. The wings of the Drummers of the Foot Guards had darts of white silk lace and along with the collar was laced round with the same sort of lace, besides which both have a white silk fringe. The whole of the other lace on the coats of the Drummers of the Foot Guards Two views of the 1812-pattern 'Belgic' shako with universal shako plate. Note the black tape at the bottom of the false front. This shako was apparently never worn in the Peninsula, save for drafts late in the war or by officers who had them sent out or obtained them when on leave in England. In spite of the apparent white feathers in the plume this shako was worn by a light infantry company. The bugle horn can clearly be seen on the left side of the shako, and the cockade and cords are green. This photograph illustrates one of the varieties of the way in which shakos were worn as regards flank or centre

Drummers and Fifers The coats for Drummers and Fifers of the Foot

companies. Foot Guards light companies wore bugle horns above their shako plate.

1802 Dress Regulatio11S 27

Lieutenant Colonel George Collier, Coldstream Guards,

An unusual variation of officers' headdress worn during the

painted wearing the uniform of a flank company. The rich gold

Peninsular war. The shako is made of strong black felt, with a

lace of the Foot Guards is much in evidence here. Collier was

black ribbed silk band around the bottom, black silk cockade,

killed at the sortie from Bayonne in April 1814 and lies buried

silver half-ball button and green cords, indicating that this was

in the Coldstream Guards Cemetery, Bayonne.

worn by a light infantry officer. It also has an oilskin lining. The feather is not original. The inside of the shako is stamped with

and for the Drummers of Royal Regiments came under the denomination of Royal Lace, and consisted of blue and white, or blue, white and yellow worsted, considerably raised above the common lace. The lace for Drummer of all other regiments was rai ed in the same manner and was a mixture of coloured worsted approaching nearly to the colour of the lace of the rank and file, but the panern of it was various and was at the option of the Colonel. The coats for Drummers in the Highland regiments were similar to those Opposite. Two privates of a battalion company, 1st Foot Guards, 1812, after a drawing by Hamilton-Smith. Both men are wearing their grey trousers tucked inside their black gaiters, the style worn by only the 1st Foot Guards at Waterloo. The Coldstream and 3rd Foot Guards wore white trousers at Waterloo. The plume is white over red, worn with white worsted cotton chain and

tassels. The shako plate is brass and has an embossed Garter Star with a reversed GR in the centre.

28 1802 Dress Regulatio1ls

the inscription, 'Hat for (?). Paid; two shillings, (value 12/-) Makers C. Oliphant, Cockspur Street, London.'

described for other regiments except that there were just eight bunons on the front of the coats and three on each pocket flap, which were to slope diagonally. Waistcoats Waistcoats were plain, without embroidery or lace. For the Full Dress uniform of General Officers and of officers of the Foot Guards, waistcoats were single breasted and were made of white cloth or cassimere. The skirts were rather short and with flaps to the pockets. There were 3 or 4 bunons on the skirts. Those for the frocks or undres uniforms were of a similar material and form but were without skirts or pocket flaps. All other officer of infantry regiments had waistcoats of similar materials and form a tho e of the Generals' ndress, but were to be white or buff according to the regiment. The Full Dress waistcoat

1802 Dress Regulatio1ls 29

Two fine views by Atkinson of a private of the 3rd Foot Guards, 1807, just prior to the Peninsular war. He wears tight white overalls buttoned all the way up the side. He also wears his hair tied back in a much-hated 'queue', a practice abolished in 1808. He has no knapsack but carries his blanket rolled up. The regimental star of the 3rd Foot Guards can be seen on his cartridge pouch. He is wearing the old stove-pipe shako, worn in the Peninsula. Note the buttons, worn in threes, signifying the 3rd Foot Guards. Collar and cuffs are dark blue with white edging.

Opposite.

for officers of the Rifle Corps were white and were of similar materials and form as those for officers of Line Infantry. The service waistcoat for officers of the Rifle Corps were of dark green cloth, like the jacket, cut rather short and without skirts, a standing collar which with the breast were faced with green cloth, and the pockets made at the breast. There were 22 bunons on one side of the front and button holes on the other. The bunons on all waistcoats were small with a uniform button similar to those on the coats. The waistcoats for Sergeants of the Foot Guards and Line Infantry regiments were of cloth nearly

30 1802 Dress Regulotio17S

Sergeant and private, 1st Foot Guards, 1812. Both men are wearing greatcoats and have covered their shakos with oilskin covers. Note the flap at the rear of the cover. From 1808 sergeants were ordered to wear the facing colour of the regiment, dark blue in this case, on their collar and cuffs. Note the black haversacks worn here. Dighton's paintings, which are as good as eye-witness material, shows the Guards with

white haversacks, as do virtually all other sources. Did the Foot Guards also have some sort of foul weather cover for their haversacks? This is the only reference I have found to the Foot Guards wearing black ones. After a print by HamiltonSmith.

1802 Dress Reg/llotio17S 31

or white wore red waistcoats and breeches, and those of all other regiments were of the same colour as the men. Breeches, Pantaloons, Kilts and Trousers The breeches for General Officers, Officers of the Guards, Officers of Line Infantry regiments and for the Full Dress of officers of the Rifle Corps, were of the same materials and colours as their wai tcoats. Officers of the Foot Guards were permitted to wear white leather breeches with regimental button with their frock uniforms. The service dress of the Rifle Corps was dark green pantaloons with a row of black twist down the seams. Officers of Highland Regiments were to wear the kilt, purse and hose similar to their men. Officers of the Royal Staff Corps were permitted to wear blue cloth pantaloons similar to their men. The breeches for Sergeants of the Foot Guards and the Line Infantry were of a similar cloth to their coats and were of the same colour as the lining. They were made to come well up on the hips and below the knees as far as the calf of the leg. They were unlined except the waistbands, the seams covered, in the inside, on the fork, with one pocket on the right side. There was one small regimental button and white tape strings at each knee and another button behind, set above the knee band, to keep up the garters. The breeches for Corporals and Private men of the Foot Guards and Line Infantry were similar to those of the Sergeants and were made from cloth equal in quality to their coats and were of the ame colour a the Sergeants of their respective regiments.

The shako plate, gorget and shoulder belt plate worn by John Rous during the Peninsular war. The shako plate is gilt, and has a silver garter star with a red enamel cross and blue enamel backing. The strap and motto are gilt. The shoulder belt plate is also gilt and has a silver Garter Star with gilt strap, blue enamel backing and a red cross.

imilar to their coats, and were either white or buff as the linings of the coat. They were ingle breasted with small buttons on one side and button holes on the other without lace. They were short and were without pockets or skirts. \ Vaistcoats for Sergeants in

32 1802 Dress Regulations

Highland Regiments were of similar quality to other regiments but were rather shorter on account of the kilt. Sergeants in the Rifle Corps wore dark green kerseymere waistcoats. They were single breasted with 12 buttons on one ide and holes on the other, without loopings. The fronts were rather short and there were no pockets or kirts. The buttons were small and were similar to the ones on the jackets. The waistcoats and breeches for the Drummers and Fifers of all the Royal Regiments were of the same colour as that which were ordered for their respective regiments. Those from regiments faced with red, buff

Greatcoats The Greatcoats for General Officers, Officers of the Guards, Officers of Line Infantry Regiments and of Highland Regiments, were made of dark blue cloth, were double breasted with two rows of buttons and a falling collar of scarlet cloth. Blue cuff with slits to open with 4 small buttons. The pockets opened at the plait. Buttons were similar to their respective uniforms or regimentals. The Greatcoat for officers of the Rifle Corps were of dark grey cloth, were double breasted with 3 rows of buttons, a falling collar, cuffs and slits with 4 small buttons. The collar and cuffs were of dark green cloth. The pockets opened at the plait and the buttons were similar to the large size of the Full Dress coat. COs, drummers, fifers and private men in the Foot Guards and Line Infantry regiments wore greatcoats made of a dark grey woollen stuff kersey wove, loose made, that came well up about the neck. The

coat had a large falling cape to cover the shoulders and reached down to (or below) the calf of the leg. Stocks \\'hite tocks were worn by General Officers and Officers of the Foot Guards in their Full Dress uniforms and black silk stocks when in their frocks or undress uniforms. Black silk stocks were also worn by all other officers either of Line Infantry, Rifle or Staff Corps and by the taff throughout. Black leather tocks were worn by the NCOs, drummers, fifers and privates of the Foot Guards, the Line Infantry and all other regiments and corps. Headdress The uniform cocked hat for officers throughout was to be without lace with a crimson and gold cord round the crown with crimson and gold rosettes or tufts brought to the edge of the brim. A black cockade and their uniform button with a gold or silver lace loop according to the regiment. The officers of battalions wore a white feather with red at the bottom, tho e of the Grenadiers were all white and tho~ of the Light Infantry and of the Rifle Corps were dark green. General Officers and those on the Staff wore a white feather with red at the bottom, with the loop of the hat being gilt or ilver cales. The feather for the whole was the cock's hackle. The officers of the Foot Guards had gold lace and the usual feather when in Full Dress unifoml. The officer of the Highland Regiments wore the Scots Bonnet and black ostrich feather similar to their men. Officers of the Rifle Corps, when in service unifoml, wore cap like their men. Caps made of felt and leather \\~th a brass plate, cockade and tuft were worn by the NCOs, drummers, fifers and privates of the Foot Guards and the Line Infantry, except the Highland Regiments. The caps were made of sufficient size to come completely over the head. It wa worn straight and even and brought well forward over the eyes. The brass plate featured an engraved regimental number on each side of the lion, on the lower part of the brass fronting and those regiments entitled to badges were permitted to bear them in the centre of the Garter. The Grenadiers who were allowed to wear these caps occasionally were also permitted to bear the grenade in the same manner as other regiments wore their badge. The tufts worn by Battalions were white over red, by the Grenadiers all white, and for the Light Infantry dark green. The 5th Regiment claimed the pri~lege of wearing white feathers, a distinction gained at St Lucia in 1 98. All wore the button of their respective regiments in the

1802 Dress Regulations 33

centre of the cockade, except the Grenadiers who wore a grenade. The Rifle Corps wore no brass plate but instead sported a bugle horn and crown with a green cord round the cap. Sergeants, buglers and rank and file wore green feathers. The caps of the Grenadiers were of black bearskin. On the front was the King's Crest in brass on a black ground with the motto 'Nec aspera terrent'. There was a grenade on the back of the cap, with the number of the regiment on it. The Royal regiments and the six old corps had a crest and a grenade. The badges of the regiments were white and were set near the top of the back part of the cap. The height of the cap (without the bearslcin which reaches beyond the top) was twelve inches. The regiments of Fusiliers wore black bearslcin caps and were made in the same manner as those ordered for the Grenadiers, but were not so high, and were not to have a grenade on the back part of the cap. These regiments also wore the felt caps on common parades like other regiments and with similar tufts. Drummers and Fifers wore black bearslcin caps, with the King' Crest on the front in brass on a black ground with trophies of colours and drums. The number of the regiment was found on the back of the cap as well as the badge if the regiment was entitled to wear it. Grenadier officers and officers of Fusilier regiments wore black bearslcin caps, with gilt ornaments. In dimensions and every other respect they were similar to those worn by the men. Officers of Light Infantry wore caps of the same materials as that ordered for the rest of the infantry, but with a dark green feather and a bugle horn in the front. Officers of Grenadiers and Fusiliers wore caps with a white feather and a grenade at occasional parades but when not required were to wear hats as already specified, except for a gilt or silver grenade instead of button, and with a white feather. Epaulettes The straps of the epaulettes for General Officers (except for the Full Dress coa t) were of gold embroidery on scarlet cloth according to the pattern of the button holes, which with a rich bullion and fringe formed the epaulette. Those for their ADCs were to be embroidered on dark blue cloth according to the pattern of their button holes, with a rich bullion and fringe. Those for the Adjutant General, the Quarternlaster General and the Barrackmaster General, and also their deputies, were of silver embroidery on scarlet cloth, similar in pattern to the General Officers. Those for Assistant Adjutant 34 1802 Dress Regulations

Generals, Assistant Quartermaster Generals and Deputy Assistants to both, and of Majors of Brigades, were of silver embroidery on dark blue cloth, with rich bullion and fringe in similar pattern as those for ADCs. Those for Officers of the Foot Guards were of gold lace with rich bullion and fringe. Those for Officers of all other regiments of infantry were of gold or silver embroidery or lace with rich bullion and fringe, according to the patterns approved by their respective Colonels. The Adjutant General, the Quartermaster General of the Forces and the Barrackmaster General in England and their respective deputies were distinguished exclusively by wearing two epaulettes. All other Adjutant Generals, Quartermaster Generals and Barrackmaster Generals, with their deputies, wore one epaulette on the left shoulder. ADCs to General Officers of Cavalry wore one epaulette on the lefr shoulder. Those attached to General Officers of infantry wore one epaulette on the right shoulder. Assistant Generals and Assistant Quartermaster Generals wore two epaulettes and Majors of Brigade one. These were similar to ADCs but were silver. "Then a Major of Brigade was attached to cavalry the epaulette was worn on the left shoulder and when attached to infantry on the right shoulder. Effective Field Officers of the Foot Guards and of Line Regiments and Fusilier Regiments wore two epaulettes. All other officers wore just one epaulette, which was worn on the right shoulder, except for the Adjutant of the Foot Guards who were permitted to wear two, with a small deviation in the bullion, as also were officers of the Grenadier and Light Infantry companies, and all the officers of the Rifle Corps when in Full Dress. The epaulettes for officers of Grenadiers had an embroidered grenade on the broad end of the strap and those of the Light Infantry and Rifle Corps had an embroidered bugle horn. Sashes and Gorgets Sashes for General Officers, Staff Officers and all Officers of infantry regiments were of crimson silk, and were worn round the waist but over the coat, excepting the Highland regiments. General Officers and Staff Officers wore their sashes under their waist belts whilst all others wore theirs on the outside of the shoulder belt, with the knot and ends on the left side. The officers of the Highland regiments wore them across the left shoulder, outside the belt, with the knot and ends on the right side. The sashes for sergeants of the 1st Foot Guards were crimson worsted with a white stripe, those of the Coldstream Guards were crimson worsted throughout, and those of the 3rd

Foot Guards were of three stripes of crimson, white and blue worsted. Regiments of infantry whose facings were red wore crimson sashes with a white stripe. The sergeants of other regiments wore crimson worsted sashes with a stripe in the colour of the regimental facings. Sergeants of the Rifle Corps had sashes of black, crimson and green worsted. Sashes of sergeants of all regiments except Highland Regiments were worn round the waist over the coat and outside the shoulder belt, with the tie and ends hanging on the left side. Highland regiments wore them over the left shoulder with the tie and ends hanging on the right side. Officers' gorgets were of the same size and form throughout, gilt, with the King's Cypher and Crown engraved on the middle and was worn with a ribbon and tuft or rosette at each end which was of the colour of the facings of the regiment, except those which were faced \vith black which were worn with a red ribbon. The gorget was fastened to the upper button and the lower part of it was not to come below the 5th button. Boots General Officers, Staff Officers, Officers of the Foot Guards, Effective Field Officers and Adjutants of regiments of infantry were to wear black topped boots, while officers of the Rifle Corps and Staff Corps wore Half Boots. All other officers, except those of the Highland regiments, wore black cloth woollen gaiters with small white metal buttons which were to be the same as the men's. Officers of the Guards, when in Full Dress, wore white linen gaiters and black silk garters below the knee. On the march or on Out Duties, officers were permitted to wear dark blue cloth pantaloons. No other colour was permitted. Long black woollen cloth gaiters were worn by NCOs, drummers, fifers and privates of the Foot Guards and Line regiments. They came up over the breeches to the edge of the cap of the knee and were rounded off so as to cover the knee band of the breeches behind, without appearing to have a crease or a wrinkle, and were fastened behind to a Regimental button set on sufficiently high above the knee band to prevent any opening from appearing between the gaiters and the breeches. The gaiter buttons were small and were of white metal and set at equal distances. Sergeants of the Rifle Corps wore half boots and the rank and file, buglers and armourers short black woollen cloth gaiters, with small white metal buttons, which came up sufficiently high above the ankles to prevent any opening from appearing between them

Officer's shako plate, 1812, Coldstream Guards. The plate is gilt, with a silver Garter Star and a red enamel cross. The strap and motto are gilt with blue enamel backing.

and the pantaloons. NCOs, drunU11ers and private men of the Royal Staff Corps wore half boots in the same way. Swords, Sword Knots and Belts The uniform sword for General Officers, Officers on the Staff, Officers of the Foot Guards and of Line Regiments, was the same; the 1796-pattern infantry officers' sword. It had a brass guard, pommel and shell, and gilt, with the grip or handle being of silver twisted \vire. The blade was straight and was made to cut and thrust, one inch at least broad at the shoulder and to be 'strong and substantial'. The scabbards were black with gilt mountings. The Officers of the Highland Regiments wore a broadsword, whilst that carried by Officers of the Rifle Corps was a sabre, similar to that of the light cavalry. Sword knots were crimson \vith gold stripes. The hilts of the swords were either gilt or silver according to the colour of the buttons of the regiment. The swords for sergeants of the Foot Guards and of Line Regiments were the same. They had a brass 1802 Dress Regulations 35

hilt with the grip being of brass twisted wire which, with the blades, were of the exact dimensions as those of the officers. The swords were worn above the coat, across the right shoulder in a buff belt of the same width and colour as the men's with a buckle or plate on the breast. Drunm1er's swords had a straight blade, 24 inches long, with the hilt, grip and mounting similar to sergeants' swords. Pikes were carried by the sergeants of the Foot Guards and Line regiments, except light infantry and Rifle regiments. Sergeants of the light infantry carried muskets and bayonets. Their pouches were smaller than the men's but were of the same design and were plain. The belts were the same width as the men's also. Sergeants of the Rifle Corps carried rifles and sword bayonets. The pouch was smaller than the men's and the flap was ornamented with a brass lion's head. The belt was similar to the men's. They also carried a green ivory whistle, Eke the officer's, and a powder flask and horn like the men. The sword belt was worn round the waist and was the same form and width as the 111en's.

Swords were carried in a white belt round the waist, but over the coat, by General Officers and by Officers on the Staff. All other officers, except the Rifle Corps, carried their swords in a buff belt of the same breadth and colour as the men's with a silver or gilt plate or buckle according to their lace. \!\Then on duty the belt was worn on the right shoulder and over the co,n. \!\Then off duty it was to be worn under the coat and over the waistcoat. The Officers of the Rifle Corps carried their swords in a black leather belt round the waist on which the mounting was silver. The belt was the same breadth as the men's. Equipment Sixty munds of ammunition were to be carried by every man of each infantry regiment and by the Foot Guards when upon active service, twenty-four of which were carried in a tin case furnished by the Board of Ordnance. This magazine was covered with black leather and was delivered complete with buff straps and buckles which were fastened to the bayonet belt. The remaining 36 rounds were carried in a pouch in which there was a double box of wood bored with this number of holes. The flap of the pouch was plain, except for the Foot Guards, and the bottom part of the corners were rounded and fastened underneath the

36 1802 Dress Reglllntio11S

pouch by a strap and button. Attached to the pouch and covered by the flap was a small leather pocket, used for carrying spare flints, rurnscrews, etc. The Foot Guards wore their badges on the flaps of the pouch. The belts for the pouches and bayonets were worn crossways over the shoulders and were of buff leather, 2'/1 inches wide. They were coloured white for all regiments except those whose facings were buff. The belts of these regiments were buff. The belt was fastened to the pouch by two small buff straps and buckles lli1der the pouch. The plate of the shoulder belt had the regimental number upon it and was placed so as to cover both belts where they met on the breast. The sling for the musket was of buff leather, 1\ inch wide and was the same colour as the pouch and bayonet belts. The pouch for Rifle regiments had a wooden box for 12 rounds and another capable of holding 24 rOlli1ds. The flap of the pouch had no ornaments and was rounded at the corners and was fastened underneath with a strap and button. The pouch belt was of black leather, 2'/, inches wide, which was fastened to the pouch by straps and buckles similar to Line regiments. They also had a powder horn laying on the outside of the top of the pouch which was suspended by a green cord that passed over the belt and across the left shoulder. A small powder flask was kept on the breast, suspended from the neck by a green cord. The sword bayonet belt was of black leather and was the same width as the pouch belt. It was worn round the waist and over the jacket, to which the carriage for the sword bayonet was fixed, as well as a ball bag which hung almost in front of the body. The sEng for the rifle was of black leather, 1\ inches in breadth. Pistols Officers of the Rifle Corps, besides their swords, carried a small pistol in a pouch worn with a black leather belt across the shoulder, the flap of the pouch ornamented with a silver lion's head and a chain with a green ivory whistle on the front of the belt at the breast. Pioneers Each Pioneer carried an axe, saw and an apron, exclusive of accouu'ements, and arms like the rank and file.

Facings and Lace

The following chart lists the facing colour and lace of those British infantry regiments which served in the Peninsula and at Waterloo. They are adapted from the 1802 Dress Regulations. Although officers' lace is listed there are many contradictions witlUn various sources as regards other ranks' lace. Therefore, only the style of men's lace is shown, e.g. bastion shaped (loops with the outer ends shaped like a bastion), square (square-ended loops), or pointed. The arrangement of the lace is also shown, e.g. pairs or single loops. Note that the 3rd Foot Guards' lace arrangement was in threes, denoting the 3rd Regiment, of course. The Full Dress uniform worn by Lieutenant Colonel William Miller, of the 1st Foot Guards. The gold lace on the front of the coat is extremely broad and is edged dark blue. The facing colour of the collar is scarlet, the cuffs dark blue. The coat is lined with white silk.

Regiment

Fncings

Officers'Lnce Othel' Ranks

1st Foot Guards Coldstream Guards 3rd Foot Guards 1st (Royal) 2nd (Queen's Royal) 3rd (East Ken t) 4th (King's Own) 5th (Northumberland) 6th (1st Warwickshire) 7th (Royal Fusiliers) 9th (East Norfolks) lOth (North Lincoln) 11 th orth Devon) 14th (Bedfordshire) 20th (East Devonshire) 23rd (Royal Welch Fusiliers) Hth (2nd Warwickshire) 26th (Cameroruans)

blue blue blue blue blue buff blue gosling green deep yellow blue yellow bright yellow full green buff pale yellow blue willow green pale yellow

gold gold gold gold silver silver silver silver silver gold silver silver gold silver silver gold silver silver

bastion, single pointed, pairs pointed, threes square, pairs square, single square, pairs bastion, square bastion, square square, pairs square, single square, pairs square, single bastion, pairs bastion, pairs square, pairs bastion, square square, pairs square, pairs

Fncings nnd Lnce 37

---Regiment

Facings

0ffiCl?rS' Lace Otber Ranks

27th (Enniskillen) 2 th Ci"orth Gloucestershire) 29th (\"arcester hire) 30th (Cambridgeshire) 31 st (Huntingdonshire) 32nd (Cornwall) 33rd (1st Yorkshire We t Riding) Hth (Cumberland) 36th (Herefordshire) 37th (North Hampshire) 38th (I st Staffordshire) 39th (Dorsetshire) 40th (2nd Somersetshire) 42nd (Royal Highland) 43rd (Monmouthshire Light Infantry) 44th (East Essex) 45th (1st Nottinghamshire) 47th (Lancashire) 48th (Northamptonshire) 50th (\Vest Kent) 51 st (2nd Yorkshire, "Ve t Riding, Light Infantry) 52nd (Oxford Light Infantry) 53rd (Shropshire) 57th (\Vest Middlesex) 58th (Rutlandshire) 59th (2nd Tottinghamshire) 61st (South Gloucestershire) 62nd (\Viltshire) 66th (Berkshire) 67th (South Hampshire) 68th (Durham Light Infantry) 69th (South Lincolnshire) 71st (Glasgow Highland Light Infantry) 73rd Foot 74th (Highland) 76th (Hindoostan) 77th (East Middlesex) 79th (Camerons) 81 t Foot 82nd (The Prince of Wales's Volunteers) 83rd Foot 84th (York and Lancaster) 5th (Bucks Volunteers) 87th (Prince onVales's Irish) 88th (Connaught Rangers) 91stFoot 92nd (Highland) 94th (Scots Brigade) 9 th (Queen's Germans)

buff bri ouh t .vellow yellow pale yellow buff white red bright yellow go ling green yellow yellow pea green buff blue white yellow deep green white buff black

gold silver silver silver silver gold ilver silver gold sih-er silver gold gold gold silver silver silver silver gold silver

square, single square, pairs square, pairs ba tion, single square, single square, pairs bastion, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, single square, pairs square, pairs bastion, square square, pairs square, single bastion, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, pairs

deep green buff red yellow black white buff yellowish buff yellowish green pale yellow deep green willow green buff dark green white red yellow dark green buff yellow yellow yellow yellow green pale yellow yellow yellow green blue

gold silver gold gold gold gold silver silver silver silver silver gold silver gold gold silver silver gold silver silver gold silver silver gold silver silver silver gold silver

square, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, single bastion, square square, single square, pairs square, single square, pairs sq uare, pairs square, pairs square, single bastion, single square, single square, pairs square, single square, pairs square, pairs bastion, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, pairs sq uare, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, pairs square, pairs

3 Facings and Lace

Cavalry

Three regiments of the Royal Household troops fought under Wellington. The 1st Life Guards, 2nd Life GUf11'ds and Royal Horse Guards The De Bo set Diagrams of 1803 give regimental colours, facings, etc., as follows:

Coat

Facings Lace Remarks

1st Life Guards Scarlet Blue 2nd Life GUf11'ds Scarlet Blue

Gold Loops in pairs Gold Scarlet collar, blue collar patch. Loops in pairs

Royal Horse Guards Dark Blue Scarlet Gold No loops on lapels Wellington directs the battle at Vittoria, June 21 st 1813. Note

Captain Sir William Robert Clayton, Royal Horse Guards, 1816,

the 'mameluke' type sword hanging at his left side. Wellington

wearing his Waterloo medal. He is carrying the Household

himself was quite a dandy and could often be found discussing

cavalry pattern heavy cavalry sword. Dark blue uniform, with

the latest fashions with his servants.

scarlet facings edged gold.

Cavab)' 39

The 16th Light Dragoons at Fuentes de Onoro, May 3-51811.

A private of the 3rd (King's Own) Dragoons, wearing the

The men are still wearing their old Tarleton helmets.

unsatisfactory Grecian type helmet with black and red woollen crest, heavy cavalry sabre and grey overalls.

The drawings done in 1812 by Charles HamiltonSmith show the following changes: 1st Life Guards Scarlet jackets with blue collars and cuffs with gold lace. Square-ended loops in pairs on blue lapels. 2nd Life Guards Scarlet collar with blue patches on fronts. Royal Horse Guards Dark blue jackets with scarlet collars, cuffs and lapels. Gold lace. Yellow buttons, no loops on lapels. Buff breeches. The three Household cavalry regiments did not arrive in the Peninsula until lovember 1812, just as Wellington's army contemplated its disastrous retreat from Burgos. Other than entering the battle of Vittoria towards the end of the fight, the three A private of the 1st Royal Dragoons, 1815, wearing the 1812pattern helmet with black horsehair mane. The regiment

regiments saw little action in the Peninsula, mainly owing to the fact that the country in northern Spain and southern France was unsuitable for cavalry. They did, however, see service during the Waterloo campaign of 1815, where they comprised the Household Brigade. v\Then the Household Cavalry arrived in the Peninsula they were wearing the 1812pattern uniform. Prior to this they wore the large and most cumbersome bicorne hat and white breeches. In the Peninsula they wore the so-called 'first-pattern' heavy cavalry helmet, made of leather with a brass comb and horsehair mane. This was replaced in 18H with a similar type of helmet except that the mane was replaced by a woollen comb. The 1st and 2nd Life Guards wore scarlet jackets with blue facings, whilst the Royal Horse Guards wore dark blue jackets faced with scarlet. Both regiments sported gold lace as well as a gold and crimson girdle. Grey or light blue

captured a French 'eagle' at Waterloo. He is armed with the 1796-pattern heavy cavalry sword and heavy cavalry carbine. The suspension ring on the back of the carbine can just be seen.

40 Cavahy

This portrait of Lieutenant Colonel Sir Henry Webster, 9th Light Dragoons, shows him with a lmameluke' sword, much favoured by light cavalry officers.

Cavahy 41

A print by Andrew Weir, dated 1811, showing a fight between a

The 10th Hussars at Benavente, December 29th 1808. The

British 15th Hussar and a French 8th Dragoon, at Sahagun, on

hussars wear their pelisses in the cold weather. This was the

December 21 st 1808. The British hussar is shown wearing his

occasion when Private Levi Grisdale, of the 10th Hussars,

pelisse slung over his shoulder, rather than actually wearing it

captured General Lefevre-Desnouettes, a favourite of

as he almost certainly did on this extremely cold December

Napoleon himself, who watched the fight from the southern

day. The 1796-pattern light cavalry sabre can be seen cutting

banks of the River Esla.

towards the Frenchman's head. Good detail of the hussar's

, Gold lace for the officers but white loops for the men.

shabraque can be seen also.

overalls were worn on campaign. Five regiments of Dragoons saw service. The 1st Royal Drago07lS, 2ud (Royal North Bl'itisb) Dragoons, 31'd (King's Own) Drago07lS, 4tb or Queen's Own Dragoons and the 6th (bmiskilling) Dragoons.

Facings Laee e.e1l1arks Blue Gold Loops in pairs Blue Gold' Loops in pairs. Men's lace wrute Scarlet Blue Gold Loops in pairs Scarlet Green Silver Loops in pairs Scarlet Yellow Silver Loops in pairs

Regiment Coat Scarlet 1st Scarlet 2nd 3rd 4th 6th

The changes depicted in the Hamilton-Smith drawings of 1812 were: All jackets were shown as red with cuffs and collar of the facing colour. The lace at the front of the jacket went right up to the front of the collar. Lace and girdles had stripes in solid colour.

Regiment Coat 1st Red 2nd Red

Facings Lace Blue Yellow Blue White

GiI'dle Yellow Yellow

This Woollen painting shows some of the equipment carried by the 10th Hussars during the retreat to Corunna. The

42 Cavalry

A private of the 7th Hussars on active service in the Peninsula.

1796-pattern light cavalry sabre, suspended by slings is clearly

This cavalryman is holding his carbine and wears his pelisse

visible, along with black leather sabretache, blanket and mess

slung over grey service overalls, buttoned up the side.

tin.

~

Cavah)' 43

Captain Sir William Loftus Otway, 18th Hussars, painted wearing the 1812 uniform with bell-topped shako. Blue jacket, white facings and but10ns and silver lace. White sash with blue barrels. His grey pantaloons have a very ornate design running down the seams.

3rd 4th 6th

Red Red Red

Blue Green Yellow

Yellow V\'hite Yellow

Yellow VVhite VVhite

p until 1812 the dragoons wore a single breasted jacket with buttons, lace loops and wings. The 1812 jacket was single breasted but had a broad band of lace down both fronts. Cuffs were pointed and were in the regimental facing colour, as were the collars and turnbacks. On active service dragoons wore grey overalls reinforced with leather insides and bottoms. VVhite gauntlets were worn also. The old bicorne hat Opposite. Lieutenant Colonel Henry Francis Mellish, 10th Hussars, and Assistant Adjutant General for a while in the Peninsula. He is carrying the 1788-pat1ern light cavalry sabre. Note the elaborate cap lines and tassels. The theatrical-like plume is worthy of note as is his cap itself. It appears to be very similar to the 'watering' cap or the mirleton but no peak is discernable.

44 Cavalry

A fine portrait of Sir Bellingham Graham, 10th Hussars, 1810. He appears to have the 1788-pat1ern light cavalry sabre. Note the very rich detail of his pelisse which hangs over his left shoulder.

was still worn, and continued to be worn after 1812 until replaced by the 1812 pattern helmet which featured a leather slnJll and peak, protected by metal scales. The front plate bore the Royal Cypher and regimental title. The chinstrap was also covered with metal scales and the whole was surmowned by a black horsetail fixed to a fluted metal crest. A most attractive Cavah)' 45

Regiment 1st 3rd 4th 5th

Coat Fadngs Scarlet Blue Scarlet White Scarlet Blue Scarlet Green

Lace Gold Gold Silver Gold

Rl!1l1m-ks Loops in Loops in Loops in Loops in

pairs pairs pairs pairs

The Dragoon Guards wore jackets with the front edged with a band of vertical lace. The Hamilton-Smith drawings of 1812 showed the following changes: The jackets of all Dragoon Guards regiments were red with facing colour and cuffs_ The collars had red patches on the fronts. Jackets had broad lace down the fronts and worsted girdles with stripes. Breeches were white.

Regimem Coat 1st Red 3rd Red 4th Red 5th Red " Officers' lace was

Facings Lace" Blue Gold vVhite Gold Blue White Green Yellow either gold or silver.

Gil-die Yellow Yellow White Yellow

Save for a few details, such as square cuffs and a different type of lace, the jacket, helmet and overalls worn by the Dragoon Guards was almost identical to that worn by the Dragoons. Armament was similar also, the 1796 pattern Heavy Cavalry sword, Heavy Cavalry carbine and pistol. Four regiments of hussars served in the Peninsula and at Waterloo. They were the ttb (Queen~ Own) Hussars, 10tb or Prince of Wales~ Own Hussars, 15tb Tbe King~ Hussm-s and 18tb King~ h-isb Hussars. The De Bosset Diagrams of 1803 give regimental colours, facings, etc., as follows:

Regiment 7th Hussars 10th Hussars 15th Hussars 18th Hussars Captain the Hon. H. Cecil Lowther, 7th Hussars. Blue jacket, with silver lace and red and gold barrelled sash, white breeches. The 7th wore white fur-trimmed pelisses but Lowther appears to have a dark coloured fur on his.

helmet. The 2nd Royal North British Dragoons, or Scots Greys to give them their more romantic title, wore a black bearskin cap with brass plate at the front, gold or yellow cap lines and a white plume worn on the left side of the cap_ There was a red cloth patch on the rear of the cap bearing the \Vhite Horse of I-Ianover. They were armed with the fearsome, but

46 Cava")'

slightly cumbersome, 1796 pattern Heavy Cavalry sword, with officers' versions having a more ornate hilt. They were also armed with the Heavy Cavalry carbine and pistol. There were four regiments of Dragoon Guards which saw active service in the Peninsula or at Waterloo. The 1st King~ Dmgoon Gum·ds, 31·d (p1-ince of 1¥i7/es~) Dmgoon Guards, 4tb (Royal Irisb) Dragoon Guards and the 5tb (princess Cbm·/otte of 1¥i7/es~) Dmgoon Gum-ds.

Jacket Blue Blue Blue Blue

Facings White Yellow Scarlet \Vhite

Lace Silver Silver Silver Silver A fine painting by Harry Payne of a dismounted private of the

Uniform changes of 1812 were depicted in a chart drawn by Charles Hamilton-Smith, in 1812. All four hussar regiments wore blue jackets and white breeches. Facings, braid and buttons and sash details were as follows:

Regiment Facings Bmid & Buttons 7th Hussars White White lOth Hussars Scarlet White

Sasb \Vhite, Blue barrels Crimson, yellow

15th Hussars_ He is holding his light cavalry carbine in his right hand whilst his light cavalry sabre hangs at his left. Dark blue jacket, white scarlet facings edged white. His white breeches were replaced by grey overalls on campaign.

15th Hussars Scarlet vVhite 18th Hussars White

vVhite

barrels Crimson, white barrels White, Blue barrels

Cavah)' 47

By the time of the \Naterloo campaign of 1815 some changes had been made to the hussars regiments' facings, buttons and lace: The 7th Hussars had blue facings, gold lace and buttons for officers and yellow for rank and file. The lOth Hussars facings were blue (from 18H), gold lace and buttons for the officers, yellow for rank and file. The 15th Hussars wore scarlet facings, silver lace and buttons for officers, white for rank and file. The 18th Hussars had white facings, silver lace and buttons for officers and white for rank and file. All four hussars regiments had worn the fur cap in the Peninsula. This was brown with a red bag although officers of the lOth Hussars apparently wore a grey fur cap with red bag, yellow cap lines and yellow metal chin scales. Rank and file of the lOth Hussars wore the same brown cap as the other three regiments. The 18th Hussars had a bright blue bag with yellow lines and yellow metal chin scales. In 1812, however, the 7th, lOth and 15th Hussars adopted the dark blue and scarlet bell-topped shako, of which Wellington complained so much, it having a very similar appearance to the French shako. The 18th Hussars appear to have worn the fur cap throughout and, indeed, both the 7th and 15th Hussars returned to the fur cap for the Waterloo campaign in 1815. Hussar uniforms consisted of laced jackets and laced pelisses, trimmed with fur. They wore white pantaloons of leather or cloth. Hussar boots were tasselled. Officers' jackets and pelisses were made of fine cloth and, in the traditional hussar fashion had fine gold or silver lace, according to regiment, with fine interlocking braid work and complex knots and braiding at the cuff end of the sleeves. Undress jackets for officers and other ranks were simpler, and less ornate than the service uniform jacket. Blue flannel stable jackets were worn by the rank and file with white duck trousers. According to Hamilton-Smith, Officers' sashes were crimson silk cord for the lOth and 15th Hussars with gold woven barrels and tassel ends. They were wound round the waist about twice and were fastened with a toggle at the back, the tasseled ends being fastened in front. Other ranks of the lOth and 15th wore red sashes with yellow barrels. The 7th and 18th Hussars wore white sashes with blue barrels. On active service hussars wore grey or dark blue overalls, while many artists depict them wearing white pantaloons, particularly those who painted the cavalry actions at Benavente and Sahagun in 1808. The overalls were reinforced with wide black or tan leather seams. Equipment included leather pouch belt, pouch, waist sword belt with slings and sabretache.

48 Cnvnhy

Officers' sabretaches were decorated with regimental devices or badges. A total of eight regiments of Light Dragoons served in the Peninsular War and at Waterloo. They were the 9tb Ligbt Dragoo71S, 11 tb Ligbt Dragoons, 12tb (prince of f#1les's) Ligbt Dragoons, 13tb Ligbt Dragoons, 14tb 01' Ducbess of Ycwk's own Ligbt Dragoons, 16tb 01' Queen's Ligbt Dragoons, 20th Ligbt Dragoons and the 231'd Light Dragoons. The De Bosset diagrams of 1803 give regimental colours, facings, etc., as follows:

Regiment 9th LD 11th LD 12th LD 13th LD 14th LD 16th LD 20th LD 23rd LD

Jncket Blue Blue Blue Blue Blue Blue Blue Blue

Fncings Pale buff Pale buff Pale yellow Pale buff Orange Scarlet Yellow Crimson

Lnce Silver Silver Silver Gold Silver Silver Silver Silver

In 1812 new uniforms were issued. The chart drawn by Charles Hamilton-Smith gives the following details:

Lnce & Buttons 9th LD Crimson Yellow 11th LD Pale buff White 12th LD Yellow

Gil'dle

Regiment Fncings

•

\Nhite, 2 blue stripes Buff, 2 blue strips White Yellow, 2 blue stripes Yellow Buff,2 blue 13th LD Buff stripes 14th LD Orange White Orange, 2 blue stripes White Scarlet, 2 blue 16th LD Scarlet stripes 20th LD Orange Yellow Orange, 2 blue stripes 23rd LD Crimson White Crimson, 2 blue stripes * Officers' lace and buttons either gold or silver.

dragoon helmets caused \Nellingron no end of grief owing to its similarity with the helmet worn by French cavalry. The shako had reinforced rear and tops, possibly as a result of complaints about the hussar fur caps which provided little protection against enemy sword cuts. The shakos had lace bands and braid front ornaments and were either gold or silver with gold or silver chin scales and matching holders for the feather plume. Cap lines were gold and crimson mixed cord. The shako worn by other ranks was basically the same except white or yellow ornaments replaced the fancier officers' versions, plumes were woollen and cap lines yellow instead of gold. Chin scales were brass. Officers' buttons were gilt or silver, other ranks being pewter. Officers' epaulettes were gold or silver, other ranks were yellow or white. Otherwise, apart from a difference in quality, officers' jackets were virtually the same as other ranks. On active service grey pantaloons or overalls were worn, strengthened with either brown or grey leather on the inside leg. Officers' overalls had two stripes of lace running along the outside seams, the colour of their buttons. Other ranks had two stripes on the outside seams which were the same as the facing colour of the regiment. Officers' girdles were gold with two crimson stripes, other ranks being of the facing colour with two blue stripes. Officers' pelisses were almost the same as their jackets, lapels being square cut and the linings being the colour of the regiment's facings. Cloaks were dark blue with linings of the regimental colour. Equipment was fairly similar to Hussars, with officers' pouch and sword belts faced with gold or silver lace. Pouch belt fittings were silver. Sword belt clasps were similar to those worn by the Light Infantry, i.e. snake head. Dress sabretaches had blue facings with a universal design of gold lace edging, the Crown over 'GR' Cyphers and sprays of laurel. Leather pouches with solid silver flaps bearing the Crown and Cypher. Other ranks had white leather pouches and narrow white sword belts, except for the 9th, II th and 13th who had buff leather belts. Pouches had brass fittings whilst the pouches themselves were of black leather, as were the other ranks' sabretaches.

An officer of the 5th Dragoon Guards, 1812, in undress with watering cap. His grey overalls are reinforced extensively with brown leather bottoms and insides.

Cnvnby 49

Royal Artillery

The uniform worn by the Royal Artillery was based on regulations laid down in 1799. Officers' uniform consisted of a blue double-breasted coat with scarlet piping on the leading edge. Collar and cuffs were scarlet with no ornamentation except for the bunons. The coat could be worn open at the top and bunoned back in order to show the scarlet cloth lining. A crimson waist sash was worn, knotted at the left side with tassels hanging down. Breeches were white with black leather boots. The men wore a blue, single breasted, short-tailed coat with red collar and cuffs, edged in yellow worsted tape. Red cord bunon loops were woven on the cuffs. Shoulder straps were red with yellow tape edging and worsted tufts. The front

of the coat was decorated with rows of yellow bastion ended tape. In 1 06 other ranks adopted the infantry shako. The new 1812 Dress Regulations altered the Royal Artillery's dress. The coat remained blue with scarlet collar and cuffs, but it had four gold lace bunon loops on the cuffs and gold lace gorget tabs on the collar. The lapels were turned back to form a plastron front with rows oflace on each side. On December 2-+th 1811 the Belgic shako was introduced with a Norman Ramsay's Royal Horse Artillery at the battle of Fuentes de Onoro, May 3rd-5th 1811. Cut off by French hussars, Ramsay's troop had to ride through the cavalry to make their escape. Another view of the Royal Horse Artillery in action. The officer has drawn his 1796-pattern light cavalry sabre, carried by the artillery. The uniform in general resembled that worn by the light dragoons prior to the introduction of the 1812 clothing. After a painting by Woollen.

black beaver false front for officers and a felt one for other ranks. Lines were of white cord and the plate was a crowned oval with the GR cypher within it and a mortar and two flaming grenade below it. However, like the infantry officer, it is almost certain that few officers actually wore the Belgic shako in the Peninsula. Other ranks continued to wear the 1 99 uniform save for yellow worsted button loop. Royal Horse Artillery The uniform of the Royal Horse Artillery c10 ely resembled that of the light dragoon. The helmet was essentially the light dragoon 'Tarleton' with a crimson turban tied in a rosette at the back. It had a bearskin comb on the top and across the front above the peak was a band in gilt with the words 'Royal Horse Artillery'. A gilt badge sat on the ride side of the helmet with a white plume on the left. In 1799 a shell jacket replaced the old coat, with a fully frogged front in gold for officers and yellow for other ranks. A

----

50 Royal t111:ille,.y

crimson sash was worn round the waist. Other ranks' uniform was almost the same except that a white cross-belt with rwo sword slings was worn along with a brown leather holster which was anached to the waistbelt on the left side. Grey overalls were worn with a broad red stripe down the outer seam of each leg. These overalls were reinforced with brown leather around the bottom of the legs. Corps of Captains, Commissaries and Drivers Prior to 1 96, drivers were drawn by civilian contractors who supplied horses for the artillery. This practice ceased in 1796 with the fornlation of the corps of Captains, Commissaries and Drivers. Their uniform wa very similar to that worn by the Horse Artillery, with a light dragoon helmet with a dark blue turban. A print by Hamilton-Smith shows the Drivers wearing a white plume on the left side, and blue shell jacket with red collar and cuffs and yellow cord frogging on the front. Just prior to the Peninsular \Var, the jacket was altered and the yellow frogging removed and a row of fifteen bunons added instead. \Vhite breeches and black leather riding boots were worn although grey reinforced overalls replaced these on active ervice. \ Veapons carried by the Royal Artillery included the traight-bladed 1796-pattern

Royal Al1:iIlI!1J' 5/

infantry officers' sword and the 1796-pattern light cavalry sabre, which appears to have been the norm for the Royal Horse Artillery. Both carbines and pistols were carried also. Royal Engineers Royal Engineers wore a blue coat with black facings. Yellow metal buttons on the front of the coat, with yellow buttons in fours on the cuffs and on the false pockets. Regulation breeches were white with either Hessian or Hussar boots. Epaulettes were gold lace and were the same order as infantry officers. Crimson sa h, gilt shoulder belt plate bearing the Royal Cypher. The cocked hat bore the white Ordnance plwne. The 1812 uniform changes introduced a new coat of scarlet cloth, faced with 'garter blue' velvet, laced in gold loops at the inner end and at the bottom of the cuffs. ""hite breeches with white embroidered knots on the thighs. 1796 pattern infantry officers' words were worn. Royal Sappers and Miners Service dres consisted of a plain red jacket with blue collar, cuffs and shoulder straps. Blue grey overalls with red stripes at the sides, with a row of regimental buttons. Headdress consisted of a cap made of black leather with flaps to the front and rear. The front flap flap bore the RS&M legend in brass. Full Dress uniform consisted of a red coat with blue facings, even-spaced yellow bastion shaped lace loops, single forward-pointing loop with a single button on each side of the collar, with four loops on the cuffs as well as a yellow stripe. Breeche were white with black knee-length gaiters. Regulation shako with a white Ordnance tuft.

between this W1it and the Corps of Guides, a small body of men raised by the Quartermaster General for the purpose of acting as guides and interpreters. By the end of the Peninsular \ Var, however, the corps was involved in the gathering and transmission of intelligence and even in the preparation of maps. In June 1809, \Vellesley had written, 'I have been endeavouring to form a corps of guides, that is to say, one of officers and non-commissioned officer, who should be interpreters between our people and those of the country, who must show them their roads. \ Ve have got some officers, but we want noncommissioned officers.'

j\ <j)-,\l. AHTII.1.

1-:

l:

r.

Opposite Top left. Two gunners of the Royal Artillery, 1815. Dark blue jackets, with red collar and cuffs edged yellow, white breeches and 1812-pattern shako. Note the white leather cartridge pouch with regimental badge.

Top right. A private of the 9th Light Dragoons, showing the 1812-pattern uniform of which Wellington complained. After a drawing by

Royal Wagon Train Blue coatee with red facings, and white lace.5quare lace loops. Overalls were worn on active service with white breeches and black gaiters on Full Dress. In 1812 the uniform was altered and the jacket was red with blue facings. Officers wore extensive ilver lace on breast and sleeves with a bell-topped shako, similar to that worn by Light Dragoons.

Hamilton-Smith.

Bottom left. A corporal of the 10th (Prince of Wales's Own Royal) Hussars, after a drawing by Hamilton-Smith. Dark blue dolman and pelisse with scarlet facings. The shabraque is scarlet with white shark-tooth edging.

Bottom right.

Staff Corps of Cavalry Basic wliform was a red jacket with blue facings, white piping and red and blue girdle. Overalls were worn on active service with a Light Dragoon bell-top shako with white lace, metal furniture and red plume. The work of the Staff Corps included giving assistance to the Provost Marshal in patrolling camps and dealing with stragglers, etc. There was much overlapping

52 Roynl A17i//C1)

Colonel Peter Hawker, 14th Light Dragoons, 1812. This fine portrait illustrates the elaborate lace worn not only by Light Dragoons but by Hussars. He wears grey trousers with two thin red stripes. The sash is crimson with gold barrels and gold tassels. He also carries the 1196-pattern Light Cavalry sabre, designed by John Gaspard Le Marchant. Hawker fought at Talavera and wrote an account of the campaign. He also wrote Insfructions to Young Sportsmen.

Roynl A17i//C1) 53

Sahagun, December 21st 1808

chasseurs, hurting them backwards and causing the dragoons to turn and run. The British hussars quickly warmed to their

During Sir John Moore's campaign in the winter of 1808-09,

task and hacked and hewed their way through the enemy

two outstanding actions were fought by British cavalry, under

ranks to leave thirteen officers - including two lieutenant

the command of Lord Henry Paget, at Sahagun and

colonels - and 157 men killed, wounded or taken prisoners at a

Benavente. On the freezing morning of December 21 sl, Paget

cost to themselves of just fourteen casualties.

was in the saddle along with the 10th and 15th Hussars bound

The 15th Hussars wore blue dolmans with scartet facings

for Sahagun where he planned to make a surprise attack on a

and siler lace. Pelisses were blue and were most certainly

small force of French cavalry. The French cavalry commander,

worn on this cold winter's morning. Captain Gordon, of the

Debelle, had neglected to post any vedettes other than a

15th Hussars, wrote later that it was so cold during the

guard on the main road. The guard was quickly surrounded

morning that some of the men could not feel their horses'

and taken before it realised what was happening although one

reins or could not handle their sabres property. He also said

French trooper did manage to escape and rode back to

that as many of the 15th Hussars wore cloaks it was often

Sahagun to raise the alarm. Within minutes trumpets stirred

impossible to tell just who was who in the dim grey light of the

the shivering French troopers into life. Paget immediately

dawn. Many of the hussars also wore oilskin covers over their

ordered General Slade to charge into the town with the 10lh

fur caps to protect them from the weather. Painting by Richard

Hussars while he himself took the 15th Hussars and dashed

Hook.

round to the rear of the place in order to sever the French cavalry's escape route. Without waiting for the 10lh Hussars, who had yet to appear, Paget formed his own troopers and with a cheer charged straight into the town. The two French

Above.

regiments, the 8th Dragoons and 1st Provisional Chasseurs,

The crossing of the Bidassoa, October 7th 1813, by James

were still in the act of forming and the sudden appearance of

Beadle. Much detail in the painting including Royal Horse

Paget's sabre-wielding troopers had an unsettling effect on

Artillery, left, Hussars in the centre and a long column of

them. Debelle had twice as many men as Paget but this

infantry. Note also the Spanish guide behind the leading

counted for nothing as the 15th Hussars crashed into the

hussar.

Military Dress on Campaign

The 1 02 Dress Regulations were the basis of all Briti h infantry dre at the time of the beginning of the Peninsular \ Var. However, by the time the men had been exposed to one or two Portuguese storms, and subsequently dried out by a blistering sun, few of them could have looked like the sort of soldier laid out in the regulations. Indeed, I would go so far as to say that, judging from the wealth of eye-witness accounts left to us by \\ ellington's men, few of us today can really have an idea of just what the British soldier looked like on campaign. Red faded to a dusty brick colour, ri£le green faded to black or brown, whilst few jackets were actually patched with the correct colour Opposite. Top left. A fine portrait of an unidentified officer of the 1st King's Dragoon Guards. The broad gold lace is clearly seen here, as is the ornate red and gold waist sash. The officer wears the 1812pattern cavalry helmet which proved unsatisfactory and which was replaced by a second helmet, very similar, except the woollen black and crimson crest was replaced by a black horse-tail mane. It was this second helmet which the King's Dragoons Guards wore at Waterloo. He is leaning on his 1796pattern Heavy Cavalry officers' sword.

Top right. An officer of the 6th (Inniskilling) Dragoons, 1811. This portrait illustrates the so-called 'watering cap', with upturned peak, white over red plume and a star bearing the Castle of Inniskilling motif within it. Note also the very elaborate cap lines. The overalls are grey with reinforced leather bottoms. Two silver or light blue stripes run down the outer seams.

Bottom. A fine painting by Harry Payne of a dismounted private of the 15th Hussars. He is holding his light cavalry carbine in his right hand whilst his light cavalry sabre hangs at his lett. Dark blue jacket, white scarlet facings edged white. His white breeches were replaced by grey overalls on campaign.

56 j\![ilitm) Dress 011 Campaign

cloth, the men being forced in tead to patch their threadbare jackets with whichever colour was available to them. Trouser were likewise far from being regulation, a large number of\Vellington's men being forced to wear improvised trou er made from blankets or from local Spanish cloth. These are not fanciful illusions but are based upon fact, handed down to us by the very men who had to resort to uch methods in their daily fight to pre erve their existence. This chapter is based olely on eye-witness accounts and looks at some of the non-regulation and more unusual items of dress worn by both officers and men during the \ Vaterloo and Peninsular campaigns. part from the colour of the facings, the unifomls worn by the infantry, according to the official dress regulations, were no different from regiment to regiment, namely, a red jacket with either grey or white breeches or trousers. The riflemen of the 95th were the exception, of course, the regiment being decked out in green, as was the 5th Battalion 60th Regiment. However, as the non-practicalities and deficiencies of some items of the uniform became apparent, a great deal of improvisation began to occur, so much so that Robert ,\Iercer, of the Third Guards, wrote on December 22nd 1 10 - still at an early stage of the Peninsular \Nar - 'Every person here dre ses as he likes. These fancy dresses occa ion much surpri e and horror to the martinets who arrive from London.' Mercer's views were echoed later on by John Cooke, of the 43rd, who wrote, 'as to any other uniformity for the officers, it was quite out of the question; the fantastical dresses of those days would have confounded the most ancient or modern di ciplinarians.' These 'fancy dresses', as Mercer calls them, were occasioned by condition in the field, conditions which started almost from the first day of each man's service. After all, whenever the Briti h army landed, particularly on the t1anctic coast of Portugal, they had to jump from their landing crafts into the sea in order to gain the beach. Therefore, iHilitm) Dress 011 Campaigll 57

The 1st Foot Guards embarking for Corunna, September 1808. After a painting by Loutherbourg. This very detailed painting shows the men wearing a variety of legwear including blue trousers, white breeches and loose white trousers. The knapsacks of the men in the boat are brown with the regiment badge painted on them.

their uniform were becoming oiled almost from the word go, in addition to which I imagine the journey from England to the Peninsula was not without some sort of discomfiture and re ulting wear and tear to uniform, cooped up as they were aboard the tran port ships of the Royal I avy. We are fortunate that one or two of\Vellington's men left us detailed descriptions of the clothing and equipment they took to the front. Gleig, of the 85th, arrived in the Peninsula in 1813 with the following items in his portmanteau; 'In one of these portmanteaus, then, I deposited a regimental jacket, with all its appendages of wings, lace, &c.; two pairs of grey trousers; sundry waistcoats, white, coloured, and flannel; a few changes of flannel drawer; half a dozen pairs of worsted stockings, and as many of conon. In the other were placed six shirrs, two or three cravats, a dressing case competently filled, one undress pelisse, three pairs of boots, two pairs of shoes, with night-

58 j\;Iilitary Dress 011 Campaigl1

caps, pocket-handkerchiefs, &c. &c. in proportion.' We are also indebted to George \ Voodberry, of the 18th Hussars, who described his appearance at the beginning of the 1813 campaign that would lead to Vittoria. 'The Regiment paraded in watering order thi morning, when we received our orders respecting the review tomorrow. The lOth and 15 th I understand brought out the whole of their Review Furniture, we had none, therefore, shall not be equal to them in appearance. However, there is one comfort, our dress will be more becoming a Regiment on ervice than either of the other. Most of the day employed myself arranging of packing up my clothes, etc., preparatory to our marching up the Country to join the army under Lord Wellington. Had the whole of my baggage on the mule and find he can carry it well. I take the following articles with me: 2 pelisses; I jacket; I dress waistcoat; 4 regimental pantaloons; 3 white pantaloons; I leather pantaloons; 2 blue waistcoats; 2 white waistcoats; cotton drawers; 2 flannel drawers; 3 flannel waistcoats; 12 hose; 4 black handkerchiefs; 6 pocket handkerchiefs; 2 foraging caps; I hussar cap ,vith oilskin cover; I cap line; I sash; I pelisse line; 3 pair gloves; 2 night caps; canteen, breakfast and dinner service complete; I leather trunk; double saddle bags; basket with socks, etc; spy glass; great coat; flannel

jacket; leather bucker; 15 cakes of soap; boot jack; I dressing gown; 2 blankets; I rug; I bearskin bed; dressing case; writing case; 10 books; I pair hussar pistols; I pocket pistol; I powder flask; 1 pouch belt (plain); dres sword; dress sabretache; plain sword; plain sabretache; sword knots; racing jacket; 2 feathers; 6 pair boots; I pair shoes; 2 pair slippers; I hussar pipe (complete); hus ar horse accoutrement (complete); 2 horse cloths; 2 horse blankets; I plain saddle; 2 plain bridles; pack saddle, bridle, etc. (complete); 3 shoe brushes and black].; 2 clothes brushes; oil skin and straps (to go over the baggage).' It is rather interesting to compare vVoodberry's campaign kit with that ofJohn Spencer Cooper, of the 7th Fusiliers, as he too marched towards Vinoria. Cooper listed his kit, with the weight of each item, as follows; , I Fusee and Bayonet, 14; I pouch and sixty rounds of ball, etc., 6; I canteen and belt, I; I mess tin, I; I knapsack Frames and Belts, 3; I white jacket, \ 2 shirts and three Breasts, 2 1/,; 2 pairs of shoes, 3; I pair trousers, 2; I pair gaiters, 1/,; 2 pairs tockings, I; 4 brushes, bunon stick, comb, 3; 2 cro belts, I; pen, ink and paper, 't,; pipe clay, chalk, etc., I; 2 tent pegs, \.' In addition to this kit Cooper had to carry his rations, consisting of three days' bread (3 lbs), two days' beef (21bs), and a canteen of water (3Ibs). Of

Charles Stadden's painting of the 3rd Foot Guards at Talavera on July 28th 1809. The Guards got carried away with themselves on this occasion and suffered heavily in pursuing beaten French columns. Note the black knapsack with the regimental badge painted upon it. The Guards are wearing loose white trousers, as they did at Waterloo. A corporal stands right foreground with the two white lace chevrons. The bare-headed officer in the centre is Robert Dalrymple, killed during the battle. Note also the sergeants with their pikes guarding the Colours in the background.

course, these rations were all subject to availability which, for the most pan in vVellingron's army, was not a problem, ave for unpleasant episodes such as the retreat from Burgos. One of the first tasks facing a British officer upon arrival in Portugal or Spain was to procure a baggage mule. Every Thursday, at the Rocio, an area on the northern side of Lisbon, a large horse, pony and mule market was held where British officers could be found haggling with Portuguese vendor, anxious to relieve 'Johnny I ewcombe' of hi purse. \Villiam Thornton Keep, of the 2 th Regiment, arrived in Lisbon in ovember 1812 and was one such officer in need of a mule. 'We are in orders to march to join the army by the end of this week,' he wrote to his mother,

Militmy Dress 011 Campaign 59

A British infantry private taking two French officers prisoner in the Peninsula. Grey overalls and stove-pipe shako.

'allowing us these few days to prepare ourselves and provide animals for conveyance of baggage, etc. I have only been enabled to purchase the half of a donkey with Ensign elson, for which we paid 33 dollars, this kind of cattle is in such high reque t here just now. To tell you the truth, I was more choice in my pannier than about the arumal to carry it. These are basket trunks slung across the Donkey's back in equilibrio ( as you may have seen the bags of brick dust convey'd about London). They make them here of various kinds with great ingenuity. I chose one of leather, with a padlock, and it will contain all that is needful. This one donkey serves for two of us, each having a trunk apiece. I hope, nevertheless, to purchase a mule to carry a pair of grey panniers for my own use and by and bye (the great point of ambition among us) £15 or 20 will be necessary to do this.' George L'Estrange, of the 31 st, paid 100 dollars for his pony, and a further 80 dollars for what he called a long-legged ugly mule. \ \ e may like to begin our look at campaign dress in the British army \\~th footwear, for it was during one of the first campaigns in the Peninsula, the ill-fated Corunna campaign, that the wretched boots issued to

the army were exposed for what they were - mi erable, cheap and totally inadequate, so much so in fact that some oldiers said they broke up on the first day of the campaign. During the retreat of Sir John "loore's an11Y through the bleak, snow-covered mountains of Galicia, the British an11Y endured terrible depri\'ations, made worse by the poor footwear worn by the men. Boots and shoes were simply sucked off in the slu hy, muddy roads and hundreds of men were forced to march bare-footed, their sore, bleeding feet leaving bloody red trails as a testament to their boots' inadequacies. The First Guards suffered along with the rest of the army but owing to their superior discipline and esprit de corps they were one of the few units to maintain discipline and as we shall see later, Moore were moved to remark upon their splendid Opposite. The pre-1812 pattern infantry coat, as worn by Ensign Scott, 3rd Foot Guards. The broad gold lace worn by the Foot Guards' officers is clearly seen here, as is the dark blue edging. The rear pockets and diamond-shaped lace in the small of the back can be seen also. Scott was wounded at Talavera on July 28th 1809, and a bullet hole is clearly visible beneath the right shoulder. The epaulette would appear to have been added at a later date.

---

60 ,Hilitmy Dress 011 Campaigll

.\lilitmy Dress 01/ Campaign 61

The 26th Foot at the battle of Corunna, January 16th 1809, showing the sort of uniform worn by the British army in the early years of the war.

appearance when they arrived at Corunna. However, this was not accomplished without pain and suffering and there were more than a few barefooted Guardsmen when the ships of the Royal Navy spirited them away safely to England. When the battered wreckage of Moore's army reached England there was one particularly interested spectator standing on the dock watching in horror as the dishevelled, ghost-like figures dragged themselves along the quayside, their lacerated and festering feet swathed in tattered bloody bandages. The shocked onlooker was Marc Isambard BruneI, the father of the great engineer, Isambard Kingdom BruneI. Marc Brunei was an inventor in his own right and when he saw the miserable wretches coming off the ships he inunediately began to enquire as to just how many men had been lost or had suffered due to poor footwear. The results of his enquiries came as something of a shock as figures revealed that as many men were lost through faulty footwear as from enemy action. Upon examining the boots BruneI found that 62 Militmy Dress on Call1paign

between the thin inner and outer soles there was a layer of clay. Needless to say, as soon as the boot was immersed in water they dissolved. Brunei set to work designing a new improved boot for the army and the following year filed a patent for it. It was to be a further two years, however, before the British government decided to place an order for Brunei to supply all boots for the army but once this had been done production climbed to some 400 pairs of boots per day. The issuing of the new boots came towards the close of the Peninsular War, by which time "'Tellington's men had resorted to several different alternatives to the standard issue army boot, but when Wellington's men defeated Napoleon's army at Waterloo in 1815 they were wearing the Brunei boot. Footwear was a major problem for Wellington's army and his men would try anything to ease the problem, ranging from the wearing of captured enemy footwear to the wearing of cow hides cut to the shape of the feet. On March 28th 1812, Ensign John Lucie Blackman, of the Coldstream Guards, wrote from Abrantes, 'Our reason for staying here so long is that the men may get new shoes and other necessities they may be in want of as they will not have another opportunity till we arrive at Elvas.' And yet by the time of the battle of Salamanca, just four months later,

The 7th (Royal) Fusiliers at the battle of Albuera, May 16th 1811. The advance ofthe Fusilier Brigade turned the tide of the battle. The men here are wearing grey trousers and wear their brearskin fusilier caps. Note also the wings on their jackets.

Blackman wrote that the Foot Guards had 'marched their shoes off' which must rank as something of an indictment of army boot design. 'With no prospect of replacements forthcoming, Wellington's men frequently adopted the mode of footwear used by the Spanish muleteers, raw cattle hides cut into shape and used as a sort of sandal, as John Stepney Cowell, of the Coldstream Guards, recalled: 'Another material consideration on service is the men's shoes. After the battle of Salamanca a circumstance occured to the First Division of the army in relation to this. With no immediate means at hand to supply them with others, they had fairly marched their shoes off; they adopted the system of the Spanish muleteers, and resorted to the raw hides of the freshkilled bullocks, which had been slaughtered for their food. They placed their foot on the warm hide, and cut out a sufficiency to cover this most vulnerable part of a soldier's person, and making a sandal of it marched on with ease and glee. Afterwards, the

difficulty was, when French shoes were taken at the surrender of the Retiro at Madrid, to induce the men to quit the easy, well-fitting, and pliant sandal, for the hard and cumbrous leather shoe.' These 'sandals' were indeed most comfortable to wear, so much so that, as Stepney Cowell stated, when the army entered Madrid many of them could not be persuaded to use captured French shoes that were found in the Retiro, so wellfitting were they. Many of the men were still lacking shoes the following year when they began to embark upon the Pyrenees campaign. Fortunately, they were provided with light hempen sandals which were made and worn by the local people and these were well suited to the steep and slippery slopes of the mountains. John Patterson, of the 50th Regiment, gave his own humorous verdict on army footwear. 'And as for shoes, 0, what a falling off was there! with sole and body in a state of separation, the partnership was Following pages. The storming of San Sebastian, August 1813. Some of the officers are wearing greatcoats as well as the old cocked hat, which by now had been superseded by the shako. The men have left their knapsacks in camp, as was the practice when storming fortresses.

Militmy Dress 011 Campaign 63

64 Militar] Dress 011 Campaign

IHilitary Dress 011 Campaigl1 65

Sergeant Newman, of the 43rd Light Infantry, organising stragglers at Betanzos during the retreat to Corunna, January 1809. Several details can be seen in this picture, including the artilleryman with carbine, stove-pipe shakos, and a bugler with bearskin.

about to be dissolved. They could not be said to have held out to the last, for as they approached their end, they were something like the Irishman's brogues, that were happily supplied with holes to let the water out as fast as it rushed in, and gave our feet the advantage of an excellent portable bath.' Perhaps the flimsiness of contemporary boots can be illustrated by an anecdote from Ensign Rees Gronow, of the First Guards. \¥hen Sir John Shelley went into Hoby's the booonaker of Stjames he complained that his boots had split in several places and upon being asked how thjs had happened, Shelley replied, '\¥hy, in walking to my stable.' Hoby was taken aback. '\Nalking to your stable! I made the boots for riding not walkillg.' On another occasion Hoby wa visited by Ensign Horace Churchill, of the First Guards, who said that ru boots were so ill-made that he would never use Hoby again. Churchjll must have previously spent a large sum of money in Hoby' shop for when he left Hoby said to his assistant, 'John, close 66,\1ilit01) Dress 011 Campaigll

the hutters. It is all over \vith us. I must shut up hop; Ensign Churcrull withdraws rus custom from me.' Other evidence for the short life-span of army boots can be found in various references in the letters of Guards officers reque ring new boots from England, amongst whom were Ensigns John Lucie Blackman and John Rous, both of the Coldstream Guards. Regimental cobblers were bedevilled by the shoddy construction of the army boot wruch kept them busy for most of the time. And, of course, the cobblers, ljke llifleman Benja.run Harris of the 95th, had extra loads to carry in addition to their own kit. They had to carry leather for repair work, se\ving and cutting tools and, worst of all, a smalliapstone which, as Harris rumself said, 'I took the liberty of throwing to the devil.' Towards the end of the Peninsular campaign, by which time Wellington's army had become a finely-tuned fighting machine, 'the finest for its numbers in Europe', as \Vellington himself put it, the problems wruch had be et regimental cobblers like Harris had largely been ironed out. The amlY supply system was second-to-none, and the problems of poor footwear had largely been overcome as we have seen by a combination of improvisation, good supply and by experience, wruch counts for much. \ Vhen Moore's army was pushed back through the Galician

mountains to Corunna it was an army relatively short of experience and the campaign rughlighted not only the deficiencie of bad boot design but also the inexperience of the British soldier, something which had largely disappeared by the time Welljngton's men crossed the Bidassoa into France. Indeed, as we have seen, the men had adopted the local 'sandals', they wore improvised shoes cut from cow hides and, more important, were blessed with an improved upply sy tern which kept them well stocked with the sort of supplies wruch had been sadly lacking in the early years of the war.

Wellington giving orders to a group of officers prior to the storming of Ciudad Rodrigo, January 19th 1812. The two officers are wearing light infantry uniforms whilst the men themselves are wearing greatcoats. When the army marched from Ciudad Rodrigo after the storming, the Coldstream Guards' greatcoats were in such a poor state that they simply left them in the breach!

As befitted the Foot Guards, the officers and NCO took great pride in their appearance but the rigours of the Penin ular campajgn took their toll and before long their uniforms were quite djfferent from ,Hilitary Dress 011 Campaigll 67

tho e worn in Stjames' Street and along Pall ;\lall. Indeed, the overall appearance of the Guards was such that Ensign John Stepney Cowell, of the Coldstream Guards, was moved to write in 1 12 that, 'in the haberdashery line we were all a little like those troops with which Falstaff, from a delicate sense of propriety, would 1I0t march through Coventry.' Changes to the regulation unifornl were made purely out of necessity and although the l\'COs of the Guards did their best to ensure the men looked their best even they, after a couple of Spanish summers and Portuguese winters, were forced to accept that nonregulation items of clothing were part and parcel of campaign life. It was just as well, therefore, that Wellington himself apparently cared little what his men looked like provided they were well stocked with ammunition. Indeed, as early as Tovember 1810, vVilliam Grattan, of the 88th, wrote, 'The army was in the highest state of discipline; and tho e gentlemen who had, or fancied they had, a taste for leading the fashion, had now a fine opportunity of bringing their talents into play. VVith such latitude it is not to be wondered at that our appearance was not quite as uniform as some general officers would approve of; but Lord Wellington was a most indulgent commander; he never harassed us with reviews, or petty annoyances....Provided we brought our men into the field well appointed, and with sixty rounds of good ammunition each, he never looked to see whether their trousers were black, blue or grey; and as to ourselves, we might be rigged out in all the colours of the rainbow if we fancied it. The consequence was, that scarcely two officers were dressed alike! Some with grey braided coats others with brown; some again liked blue; while many from choice, or perhaps necessity, stuck to the "old red rag." Overalls, of all things, were in vogue, and the comical appearance of a number of infantry officers loaded with leather bottoms to their pantaloons, and huge chains suspended from the side buttons, like a parcel of troopers, was amusing enough.....The "cut-down" hat, exactly a span in height, was another rage; this burle que on a chapeau was usually out-topped by some extraordinary-looking feather; while, again, others wore their hats without any feather at all - and indeed this was the most rational thing they did.' The point about \Nellington not being particularly fussy about his men's dre s is borne out by Captain Cavalie .\lercer, of the Royal Horse Artillery, who wrote in 1815, 'The Duke onVellington was so indifferent to the manner in which officers dressed, that they indulged in all sorts of fancies. I remember at this inspection, Ramsay wore the light cavalry belt 68 ,Hili/my Dress 011 Campaign

instead of a sash; Bull wore beard and moustache; 0 did Newland; I wore the moustache. The usual dre of hussars was frock coat open, \vith a red wai tcoat richly laced \vith gold. At that time our regimental pantaloons were pepper-and-salt, with straps of brown leather inside the legs and round the bottom, and a red stripe down the seam.' Not all officer were as relaxed about regimental uniform, as an extract from the diary of George vVoodberry illustrates; 'Cop~' of the Order re pecting the dress of the officer tomorrow for the Review by order of Colonel ;\1urray. Luz, Feb 23 rd 1 13. 'The Regiment \vill as emble at Luz in Review Order tomorrow morning at I,) past 8. Neither officers or men are to wear their cloaks which are to be left at home. As the officers have not their Horse Review Furniture, only the plain blue sharabraque and Regimental sheep skin to be worn, and leather horse collars, and plain Hussar bridles. 'The officers will wear white leather pantaloons, white leather sword and pouch belts. Regimental fur caps, caplines and feathers. Regimental jacket, Hussar sash with three rows of gold knots in front according to order. The Regimental silver sabretache. The officers as well as the men must wear their peli e slung. The order on the subject of officer' dress, being thu fully detailed, no excuse will be taken from any officer appeared dressed in any other manner. 'The Lieut-Colonel trusts that both officer and men will turn out in a manner creditable to the Regiment. If the men turn out ill, they have no excu e whatever for they have everything requi ite for their appearance in Review Order, though the officer have not their Review Furniture, still if they make their servants turn out their plain bridles and furniture well cleaned, they will have quite as soldierlike appearance as the more plendid Review Furniture of the other two Regiments of Hussars.' Obviously, the Lieutenant-Colonel was keen that his men make an effort to smarten themselves up and, reading between the lines, I would suggest that there had been quite a bit of indulgent dressing on the part of his hussars. Wellington himself was considered a dandy and rarely wore his full uniform, choosing instead to don civilian garb, usually a blue coat and buff breeches. The Commander-in-Chief had the benefit of good quarters, servants and valets, but for the majority of his men maintaining one's appearance in the Peninsula was difficult. The follO\ving are just a few accounts which illustrate just how badly the uniform, both officers' and men' , faded. George Sinlffions, a famous diarist of the 95th Rifles, wrote that, 'clothes are expensive and bad. ;\ly jacket is brown instead of

James Beadle's fine painting of the 4th King's Own, storming San Sebastian in August 1813. They were led by Lieutenant Maguire who had worn a white feather in his hat to make himself more conspicuous. Unfortunately it worked too well as the French shot him dead. In a later painting he is shown wearing the cocked hat.

green. Never was seen such a motley group of fellow. I luckily got ome French shirts and other articles, or I hould be nearly naked.' This was in 1811, barely the halfway point of the Peninsular \Nar. That his jacket had gone brown in the bright sun was not an uncommon occurence. In fact, some of the dark green jackets worn by the 95th went extremely dark, almost black. Many of the riflemen of the 95th who had fought in the Peninsula later journeyed to South America to join the partisan armies of Bolivar and San Martin, and fought their old Spanish allies during the savage vVars of Independence. Many of them wore their old Peninsular uniforms which by then had gone completely black, prompting the locals to call them 'the black rifles'. One of Simmons' comrades in the Light Division, James Cooke, of the 43rd, has left us a marvellous account of his adventure in the Peninsula. His writings lend support to the descriptions of threadbare

infantry on the march, something which he noted, also in July 1811. 'Seven regiments of light infantry and riflemen defiled before u \vith their threadbare jackets, their brawny necks loosened from their stocks, their wide and patched trousers of various colours, and brown barreled arms slung over their shoulders.' It is interesting to note the reference to the 'brown barreled arms' which the light infantry carried to stop the sun reflecting on them which often gave their positions away to the enemy. Compare Cooke's de cription with that of his uniform worn at Shorndiffe camp, prior to the war. 'Our uniform was plain, faced with green, but suddenly altered owing to an officer of expensive habits, who ordered a new coat to be made and covered with a profusion of gold lace, in which he appeared at the mess-table, and so captivated his companions by his rich display, that a unanimous burst of admiration broke forth.' Cooke also left us a vivid description of an army on the march in August 1812: 'the officers sleeping as they rode along after the fatigue of the previous night, still dressed in their ball attire, such as crimson, light blue, or white trousers, richly embroidered \vith gold or silver, velvet and silk waistcoats of all colours, decorated in a similar manner; dandies ready alike for the dance and the fight; most of them had received a

,'vlilitmy Dress 011 Campaigll 69

wound, and other more, nor can I call to mjnd one of the officer present at this time, including the enior officer, who had reached twenty-five years of age. Owing to the heat of the weather, it wa the fashion of the times to wear the jacket open, which was the only particle of dress left to denote to what nation we belonged.' The shabby nature of the uniforms of Well ingron's men can best be summed up by the men themselves. Fortunately, the Peninsular \-Var produced an unrivalled crop of memoirs, journals, and letters from which we have been able to glean much useful infonnation as regards clothing. VVilliam \ Vheeler, of the 51st, wrote in January 1812, '\Ne were on duty every other night, our clothes worn thin and wrecked by the fatigues of the former campaign. It was difficult to tell to what regiment we belonged, for each man's coat was like Joseph's 'a coat of many colours.' James Anton's experience was no different, Servi/lg with tbe 4211d High/andel·s, he wrote in December 1813, 'the clothing of the army at large, but the Highlanders in particular, was in a very tattered state. The clothing of the 91st Regiment had been two years in wear; the men were thus under the necessity of repairing their old garments in the be t manner they could; some had the elbow of their coats mended with grey cloth, others had the one half of the sleeve of a different colour to the body; and their trousers were in equally as bad a condition as their coats.' One ofJames Cooke's other accounts of the men in the Peninsula shows us the gritty, earthy side of the soldier's life, the more practical side. 'Previously to our advance, the greatcoats belonging to the soldiers were delivered into store, it being considered that the blanket was a sufficient covering for them at night, the more particularly as tents were served out for the use of the whole anny, in the proportion of three to each company, to be carried by the mules that had fonnerly conveyed the iron camp-kettles for cooking; instead of which a light tin kettle, between every six men, was sub tituted, to be strapped on their knapsacks, and carried alternately on the march. Each man was provided with a reasonable supply of neccessaries, including three pairs of shoes, and an extra pair of soles and heels, in his knapsack. The iron kettles were very heavy, and were carried on the backs of mules, one of which was attached to each company; but, when near the enemy, and the baggage had been ent to the rear, these unwieldy and capaciou kettle were not at all times to be laid hold of. Besides, it occupied the soldiers a considerable time to cook their rations, particularly in the extensive plains, where only stubble could be procurred; and al 0 during the rainy eason, 70 Mi/itmy Dress on Campaign

when the forests were damp. I have often observed these ponderous kettle turned bottom upwards, and encircled by ten or twelve weather beaten soldiers, who, with empty stomachs, stepped forward, one at a time, and each of them in turn rubbing his blackingbrush on the sooty part of the kettle, blacked his dusty shoes, cap-peak, canteen strap, and knapsack.' George Wood, of the 82nd, was another soldier whose uniform suffered at the hands of the Iberian climate. 'Our coats were patched over with different colour cloth, for which purpose we had even cut off our skirts. My own coat was mended with the breeches of a dead Frenchman, which I found on the field - the only trophy I yet had to boast of having retained from the poils of the enemy. In this state we marched for Sali bury, when we were invited to dine \vith the Mayor and Corporation of that town. It so happened that I sat next to a major of the local mjlitia, whose splendid uniform and sparkling epaulettes, contrasted with my thread-worn patched jacket and mud-like looking shoulder-knot, once so brilliant on these parades.' And yet this wa as early as 1 09, when the British anny had hardly been in the country for very long. If the rigours of campaigning took such a toil after just a few months in the field what on earth did the men really look like when they had been in the field even longer. It was a similar case \vith John Patterson, of the 50th. Admittedly, he had taken part in the Corunna campaign of 1808-09, but should just a few torrid months on the march really have taken such a toil on a man's uniform? He wrote, 'Our clothes were worn to rags, the jacket being no better than "a thing of shreds and patches", metamorphosed from red to a sort of muddy claret colour; the other garments were in good keeping; unmentionables, of every shade and colour, were inexpres ibly worn our, and pieced in a manner that would have qualified the wearer to perfonn the part of Harlequin. The whole attire was sunnounted by a nondescript article, vulgarly called a cocked hat, which, glazed with a substance that had once had a polish, formed a good reservoir for rain, its angular point answering the purpose of a waterspout, while the flap hanging over the dorsal region, like that of a London coal heaver, Opposite. A Dighton print dated May 1811, showing Sergeant Patrick Masterson, or 'Masterman' as it says here, of the 87th Regiment taking the 'eagle' 01 the French 8th Line Regiment. Masterman is wearing grey overalls buttoned along the seams. He is armed with the 9-loot sergeant's spontoon and sword. The stove-pipe shako is shown to good effect, with shakoplate, black cockade and white over red plume.

Militmy Dress 011 Campaign 71

imparted to the owner, a look of a most dubious character.' \Vhen the Coldstream and 3rd Foot Guards marched from Ciudad Rodrigo in January 1812 their greatcoats were so badly worn out that they simply left them in the breaches, in pite of the cold weather at the time. \\That a state they must have been in for them to have to resort to such a cour e. \ Villiam Thornton Keep, with the 2 th, had his own greatcoat modified to suit his own taste and left a nice description of his uniform and equipment, and yet another insight of how \Vellington viewed his men's appearance. 'I have had a grey greatcoat made with a few marks of my vanity attached to it, and have set the tailors to work at a forage cap. Our noble commander I must tell you cares little how we equip ourselves, and leaves it entirely to our convenience and option. Among the vagaries this license admits of, I ordered the said article to be made of cloth similar to the coat but in the form of the Westminster Scholar's caps, but after it was finished I was not so proud of it, as I expected to be, and thought it too grotesque and pedantic.' Keep went on to say, 'Delmar has just arrived from England and has brought a forage cap with him....and for that I have gladly exchanged my new and extraordinary one. It is of light grey, \vith a black tassel and broad band of velvet. \Vith this, and said coat, sash round my waist, black belt and sword, grey trousers, shoes and black gaiters, you may figure my equipment, which is the same as worn by one half the officers here. On parade occasions the Regulation cap only is worn, but universally covered up \vith oil skin concealing its ornaments. We all therefore look equipped for bad weather, even in the very finest.' This latter comment about parades is most interesting. It would appear, therefore, that in some regiments, even on parades the non-regulation clothing was worn and, as Keep says, only the shako was obligatory. Even here, he and his brother officers wear an oilskin cover to protect it, even it good weather, whereas we usually associate the oilskin covers with foul weather only. The shapes of shakos and cavalry helmets were, of course, more difficult to retain than any other item of clothing or equipment. nlike a jacket or pair of trousers that simply had to be sqeezed into, a shako or helmet had to stay on the soldier's head. After just a couple of showers, followed by a period of hot sun, hakos were prone to warp badly, often forcing the men to perform balancing acts in order to keep them on their heads. Oilskin cover were provided, of course, but quite often even these, in the long run, could not prevent the sort of damage described by Tomkinson, of the 16th Light Dragoons, in

72 ,Hilit07y Dress Oil Campaigll

September 1810. 'We here received our new helmets from England, and not before they were wanted. The old ones were completely worn out, and so warped by the sun that the men could carcely wear them. They are bad things for a soldier, only looking weU for a few months; the fir t rain puts them out of shape. All the siker to the edging comes off \\~th both men and officer, and the ooner we adopt some other headdress the better.' Tomkinson's wish for a new design came in 1812 when a completely new design of helmet wa i sued to replace the old, and one has to say much more attractive, 'Tarleton' helmet, worn by the Light Dragoons. This, however, was something which iritated Wellington somewhat and he complained that the new helmet looked too much like that worn by the French. It was to be some time, however, before all the cavalrymen were equipped with the new helmet. A new design of infantry shako was also issued in 1812 and was a most attractive headdress. However, it is generally accepted that few soldiers ever wore it, save for drafts which came out to the Peninsula late in the war. The 28th actually wore their old stovepipe shakos at Waterloo. Some officers did, nonetheless, wear the new shako, only because they were able to order it from England at their own expense. John Rous, of the Coldstream Guards, was one such officer. He wrote to home to his parents towards the end of the war requesting the new shako. 'InViUiam [his brother] has not left England before you receive this, pray desire him to bring for me a new cap from Cater's [milliners], plain black cloth with a round peak, a gold band round the cap; mine is completely worn out.' The gold band round the peak can be seen in the portrait of Sir Henry Sullivan, also of the Coldstream Guard , which is featured el ewhere in this book. "Ve know that Sullivan wore his 'Belgic' shako in the Peninsula because his portrait was done during a period of home leave. Sullivan was killed during the sortie from Bayonne in April 1814 and almo t certainly wore hi new shako at the time. \Vhen the new 'Belgic' shako was ordered for 1812, a change in jacket design was likewise issued. To replace the old long-tailed coatee, a short jacket, of the sort already worn by light infantry companies, was to be worn. John Mills, of the Coldstream Guards, received the news of these new designs in October 1811 and did so \vith ome trepidation. 'We are all in consternation at the idea of the dress of the army being altered from cocked hats and coats to cap and jackets. Ye heavens, what \vill become of crooked legs, large heads, and till larger hinder parts?' During the cold winters in the Peninsula many of the Foot Guards

The 52nd Light Infantry on the march to Talavera, July 1809. The stove-pipe shako is much in evidence here, as are the grey trousers. Note the sergeant with his pike. One man, marching with his shako upon his musket, appears to have loosened his stock around his neck.

took to pulling down the sleeves of their long \Vel h flannel shirts over their hands which were then tied to form a sort of crude glove. The officers could not do this and 0 instead a number of them had 'muffatees' sent out from England which were normally knitted by 'the prettiest ladies we know,' according to Ensign John Rous, of the Coldstream. \Vhen he wrote home on September 17th 1813 to ask for some muffa tees, he said they were worn by a few officers but said that the ladies should not knit any for the soldiers as it would make them too tender and added that they would not keep them more than six hours! \Vhen he received the muffatees he wrote home saying, 'You may depend on my taking the greatest possible care of the Muffatees, which \vill be of great use in the \vinter, at the same time you may be as ured that the soldiers will never keep anything that they are not obliged, nor are they permitted on service to have anything in their possession which is not a regimental necessary. One would ea ily be lost, but to replace it would be

difficult, and every soldier has a long welsh flannel waistcoat, with sleeves, and does not suffer at aU from cold in the wrist.' Green, of the 68th, also commented on the length of these flannel shirts, the long sleeves of which were most welcome. 'Arrived in good health at Pedrogo , with about eight hundred new flannel shirts for the regiment; the shirts were full sized, \vith long sleeves, which I have no doubt had a tendency to preserve health more than linen shirts could do.' \Vhen Green was wounded in September 1813 he was sent to hospital and given a white uniform. He described it thus, 'All our regimental clothing was taken from us, and put into the store-room; each man received a complete suit of hospital clothing, consisting of a long coat, a flannel waistcoat, a pair of trousers, and a shirt, to which was added a flannel cap. Our uniform was complete, all being dressed in white.' The extremes of the Iberian weather also caused both officers and men to adopt suitable measures. mbreUas, for instance, were very fashionable amongst the officers of the Foot Guards, not only to keep themselves dry, as witnes ed in the celebrated 'incident of the umbrella' before Bayonne in December 1813, but also to provide shade beneath the blistering summer sun. The weather, of course, paid cant regard to rank or social standing and when

,VIilit07y Dress Oil Campaign 73

The 48th (Northamptonshire) Regiment at Talavera, July 28th 1809. Colonel Donellan, seriously wounded, takes off his cocked hat and gives command of the regiment to Major Middlemore saying, 'You will have the honour of leading the 48th to the charge.' Donellan was still wearing his hair in a 'queue' with a powdered white wig, almost a year after the practice had been abolished.

Moore's army retreated through the mud and snow to Corunna in the terrible winter of 1808-09 one soldier, of the 71st Regiment, made note of a Guards officer, struggling through the appalling weather. 'The officers, in many points, suffered as much as the men,' he wrote, and added, 'I have seen officers of the Guards, and others, worth thousands, with pieces of old blankets wrapped round their feet and legs; the Opposite. A corporal and officer of the 88th (Connaught) Rangers, a regiment of Picton's 'Fighting' 3rd Division. Facings are yellow.

Some good detail in this painting includes a sergeant, complete with pike, stalking through the trees in the background. The officer on foot behind the corporal appears to be carrying a musket. It is possible he might be a 'volunteer', one of the men who came out to the Peninsula and

served much like a private until offered a commission.

74 Militm)' Dress 011 Campaign

men pointing at them, with a malicious satisfaction, saying, "There goes three thousand a year," or, "There goes the prodigal son, on his return to his father, cured of his wanderings." Even in the midst of all our sorrows, there was a bitterness of spirit, a savageness of wit, that made a jest of its own miseries.' Of course, as the war proceeded, and WeLlington's army advanced towards northern Spain, the army was able to be supplied by the ports on the northern coast, rather than from Lisbon with its consequential long trek across hundreds of miles in order to reach the marching army. This meant that the men could be better supplied and clothing and equipment issued far more regularly. Being close to the supply ports also meant that the British officers found it easier to obtain supplies for themselves. One of Wellington's cavalry commanders, Hussay Vivian, wrote home in January 1814 to ask his wife for six shirts, four pairs of net pantaloon drawers, four net under-waistcoats, twelve pairs of thin worsted half stockings, six black neckties, six white waistcoats, half a dozen pairs of nankeen overalls and white trousers for summer wear. Flannel drawers and waistcoats, towels, sheets and pillowcases were also in heavy demand to ease the lot of the British officer on campaign. One wonders what those Foot Guards who had Militll1)' Dress 011 Campaign 75

The 28th (North Gloucestershire) Regiment at Waterloo, 1815. Both officers and men were still wearing their old stove-pipe shako during the campaign instead of the 1812-pattern shako which had long since been introduced.

been at Barrosa looked like by the end of the 1812 campaign in the Peninsula. The Brigade of Guards con i ting of the six companie of the 2nd Battalion First Guards, and three companies each of the Cold tream and Third Guards, was parr of the Allied force defending Cadiz and in 1811 the accoutrements and arms which were new in 1809 were still being worn. The jackets of the Coldstream were said to be 'very shorr in the waist...and not very well fitted .....First Guards also rather shorr in waist and wear the clothes of last year.' Their caps were also in poor condition and when a supply of new ones were ordered only 102 arrived. \Nhen the siege of Cadiz wa raised, the Foot Guards then marched to Seville, on to Talavera, and reached Madrid before retiring to Salamanca, a total of some 640 mile. They then took parr in the retreat to Portugal. One hudders to think how they must have looked after the rigours of this particular campaign, first in the blistering Andalucian sun, across the plains of Leon, and then in the torrential rain and mud of the retreat to Portugal. 76,\1ilitary Dress 011 Campaign

As befits the 'Gentlemen's Sons' there was a great deal of excess campaigning kit and items of clothing sent out from England to the officer of the Guards during the Peninsular and \Vaterloo campaigns but one of the more unusual items worn belonged to the Honourable Orlando Bridgeman, a captain in the First Guards. The garment in question was a fine red silk cloak to which is attached a remarkable story worth recalling. Bridgeman was ser.;ng with the 1st Battalion First Guards who were at the time defending Cadiz. However, following Soult's retreat from Andalucia, the Guards, under General Sherbrooke, marched nearly 400 miles to take Seville in August 1812. After Sherbrooke's men had captured the city, Bridgeman was placed in charge of a group of French prisoners amongst whom was a wounded captain of Chasseurs, named De Marbot. Bridgeman spoke good French and Opposite. The rear view of a private of the Coldstream Guards battling the French outside Hougoumont during the battle of Waterloo, 1815. Note the white trousers, regimental badges on both knapsack and cartridge pouch, and fairly large white haversack. The black tape ties on the oilskin shako cover can be seen also.

MilitOl)' Dress 011 Campaign 77

The Coldstream Guards at Waterloo, June 18th 1815. All but

An officer on the march to Quatre Bras, June 16th 1815. He is

two companies of the 2nd Battalion defended the chateau of

carrying a rolled up blanket on his back and is still wearing his

Hougoumont. After a painting by Dighton. Note the oilskin

white silk stockings and dancing pumps which he wore the

shako cover tied across the front.

Hougoumont, whilst the 7th and 8th companies remained on the ridge with the Colours. Dighton's painting shows them

night before at the Duchess of Richmond's ball. Indeed,

wearing their oilskin covers with black tape chinties.

several officers fought at Quatre Bras wearing their dancing pumps. After a painting by Hillingford.

De Marbot told him that he was due to marry a Mademoiselle de Casteja, her mother being French and her father a Spaniard. He had arranged to meet her in Madrid but now, of course, this was impossible. De Marbot asked Bridgeman that if he was ever in Madrid would he find the lady, tell her of his circumstances and if possible do what he could to help her. Bridgeman agreed and when he found himself in the Spanish capital in ovember of that year he did indeed manage to find Mademoiselle de Casteja. She begged Bridgeman to help her escape from the city which he did, delivering her safely into the hands of some Spaniards who promised to get her to France. As Bridgeman helped her onto her horse at the outskirts of Madrid she took off her small black velvet jacket The rear view of a light company officer of the Coldstream Guards, Hougoumont, Waterloo. He carries the 1803-patlern sabre, suspended by slings and is wearing white gloves and white trousers.

78 Military Dress on Campaign

and her red silk cloak and wrapped herself in clothing more suited to her journey. She asked Bridgeman to accept the jacket and cloak as a token of her appreciation saying it was all she had to give him. Bridgeman duly accepted and no doubt wore the cloak during the rest of the campaign. Bridgeman was later wounded at Waterloo and one wonders whether Bridgeman wore the cloak during that campaign. The Waterloo campaign of 1815 opened in dramatic circumstances with the officers dashing away from the Duke of Richmond's Ball to rejoin their battalions but such was the speed in which the army assembled and marched off to Quatre Bras that many officers found their uniforms packed up and the baggage already strung out along the road and as a result many of them had to fight in their Ball dress. However, it was not only their dress that gave cause for comment. Indeed, this hasty conmlencement of operations caused personal hygiene to suffer also as

A French officer is captured by a Coldstream Guards officer at

there was little time to wash or shave and when Captain George Bowles, of the Coldstream Guards, wrote to Lord Fitzharris on June 19th, the day after the battle of Waterloo, he said he had not washed his face or taken off his boots since the 16th. Beards were also in abundance and two days after tlle battle, when the Guards were on the road to Paris, the order to halt was given and every officer and soldier set to work getting rid of the beards that had grown over the last few days. As Ensign Gronow, of the First Guards relates, this taslC'quickly sparked off the sporting instincts of the Guards officers. 'During this not very agreeable duty, a shout was heard from Lord Saltoun, Following pages. A superb painting by Dighton of riflemen skirmishing in the Peninsula, c.1811. Two officers in cocked hats keep a wary eye on the opposition through their glasses while an officer of the Rifles points out the enemy to his men. He wears the curved 1803 infantry sabre. The men are making good use of their Baker Rifles. Note the sword bayonet of the man on the right and the powder horns carried by the men.

Militmy Dress on Campaign 79

80,Hilitmy Dress 071 Campaign

IHilitmy Dress 071 Campaign 81

who called us to witness a bet he had made with Bob Ellison, that he, Ellison, could not shave off his beard in one minute. Preparations were made, Ellison taking care to bathe his face for a considerable time in water. He then commenced operations, and in less than a minute and without the aid of a looking glass, actually won his bet, (a considerable one) to the astonishment, and I must add, the satisfaction of his comrades. This feat appeared to us all perfectly impossible to accomplish, as he face was covered with the stubble of a week's growth of hair, so dark that it procured for him in the regiment the sobriquet of Black Bob.' When the Peninsular \Var ended, the Foot Guards could look forward to receiving an issue of new clothing upon their return to England. However, if we are to believe that they wore new clothing during the Waterloo campaign we must think again. The 2nd Battalion Coldstream Guards had sent six companies to Holland in November 1813 and were joined in Brussels the following year by a further four companies. They were still stationed there at the outbreak of the Waterloo campaign following 1 apoleon's escape from Elba. The battalion had received an issue of new clothing in 1814, whilst the First and Third Guards were still wearing their 1813 issue in May 1815. By then, of course, the men's clothing was in a very poor condition, particularly the greatcoats which prompted the Quartermaster of the Coldstream Guards to write, 'we shall be very fortunate if they will hang on the men's backs two months longer. It is impossible to make them last near the summer...Many of the men have got them very much patched already.' By early May 1815 the much needed new clothing for all four battalions of Guards in Brussels had still not been packed ready for transportation to Brussels. The Quartermasters of the Coldstream had every confidence in being able to supply the 2nd battalion of their regiment before hostilities broke out but by June 5th the ships had still nOt sailed and it was not until the last day ofJuly that the clothing finally arrived. The Guards certainly cut fine figures in Paris during the occupation but on the great day ofJune 18th they defeated apoleon's men wearing the old, much patched clothing of the year - and in some cases two year - before. Soldiers' trousers were perhap more prone to wear and tear than other garments, the campaigning often involving marches through tall grass, thorn bushes and other natural barries including, of course, rivers and treams. By the end of the war many regiments had been forced to resort to cutting up their blankets in order to make new trousers. \ Vhen the 43 rd reached 82,vIi/itmy Dress 011 Campaign

Bordeaux in 1814 the local inhabitants were taken aback by the hoddy appearance of the men who were on the thre hold of victory over their own countrymen. 'The people flocked to see the Engli h Our clothing was old, and almost the soldiers whole of the men wore blanket trousers. The French expressed much wonder at seeing the troop of the richest nation in the world so threadbare and poorly clad. The soldiers carried their new clothing, which they had lately recei,·ed, and which was not yet altered and made up, on the top of their knapsacks.' That blankets came in very useful besides their intended use is borne out by Patter on, of the 50th, who wrote in October 1811, 'I remember an officer joined our camp ftom England, with a canteen profusely stocked, as well a good kit. He was, moreover, a well dressed young man, apparently fresh from the hands of Dodd, of Stjames's Street, equipped in garments that seemed as if they were pasted on his body, besides a grey frock coat, lined throughout with silk, and adorned with frogs and tassels in abundance. Such a set of poor unfortunate gypsies as we were must have been doubtless held in little estimation by our hero, who viewed ,vith scorn our dingy costume, tarnished and tattered in so vile a manner that even a Jew broker or an Irish beggarman would have scarcely picked them up. We had however each of u a good blanket, (and some had two) that was designed a double debt to pay - "By night a coverlet. A saddlecloth by day." That night the blanket merchants sheltered under their blankets whereas the new officer suffered in the wind and rain and left the camp soon after.' Cadell, of the 2 th, has left us a description of an experiment to find out the most suitable method of wearing trousers, carried out by different officer prior to the Walcheren expedition of 1809. 'Previous to leaving Colchester on the Walcheren e:l:pedition, Colonel Wynch commanding the 4th, Colonel Ros of the 20th, and Colonel Belson of the 28th, agreed to try grey trousers made in different ways. The 4th had them made tight, with black gaiters, the 20th, as overalls, with buttons down the sides, and the 28th loose, with half boots. On our return they were compared; those of the 4th were all torn at the legs, the buttons were off the overalls of the 20th, whilst those of the 28th were nearly as good as when we started. The grey trousers, as first worn by the 28th regiment, were thus adopted throughout the army, to the great comfort of the soldier.' John Kincaid, of the 95th, not only had difficulty in keeping up appearances as regards his tunic but also his 'small clothes as he called them. Towards the end

of I 10, a difficult year for the Light Division, he wrote, '\Ve had the unnost difficulty, however, in keeping up appearances in the way of dress. The jacket, in spite of shreds and patches, always maintained omething of the original about it; but woe befell the regimental mall-clothe, and they could only be replaced by the very extraordinary apologies, of which I remember that I had two pair at this period, one of a common brown Portugue e cloth, and the other, or Sunday's pair, of black velvet. \Ne had no women with the regiment; and the ceremony of washing a shirt amounted to my servants taking it by the collar, and giving it a couple of shakes in the water, and then hanging it up to dry.' In his famous journal of the Waterloo campaign, Cavalie Mercer, of the Royal Horse Artillery, left an account of the post-\Naterloo parade, held in front of the Allied commanders, which demonstrates how much the men's uniforms were affected even by such a short campaign. 'Our infantry - indeed, our whole army - appeared at the review in the same clothes in which they had marched, slept and fought for months. The colour had faded to a dusk), brick-dust hue; their coats, originally not very smartly made, had acquired by constant wearing that loose easy set so characteristic of old clothes, comfortable to the wearer, but not calculated to add grace to his appearance.' Cadell, of the 28th, also left an account of the parade and made particular reference to the knapsacks worn by his regiment. 'He [Emperor Alexander) was much pleased with our brown calf-skin packs, and after minutely examining one, asked their origin. He laughed much when I told him that they were found in a French store we took in Egypt.' Patterson also commented on his knapsack, worn in the Peninsula, writing that, 'Mo t of us had been provided with small knapsacks, holding our kit, together with the haversack, and canteen, lung across the shoulder; of which the two former, (including their contents,) were rendered totally unfit for service, nothing being left for consolation but the brandy, or rum; cordials which were well calculated, and by no means unneccessary, to elevate our drooping spirits.' One often imagines that the British troops fought without their knapsacks which is incorrect. Indeed, as Cooke, of the 43rd, wrote on October 7th 1813, at the time of the crossing of the Bidassoa, 'During the whole night the fatigue parties continued to arrive from Santa Barbara, with their knapsacks, which had been left there. The troops always fought with their knapsacks on; and thi is the only time I ever knew them left behind, except when storming breaches of

fortresses, or escalading forts.' Finally, it is worth noting that it was not just the soldiers' unifomls that suffered from the Iberian climate. I refer to the soldier himself, in the days before effective sun-tan lotions and sun blocks were invented. \Vriting in '\iay 1 II, John Mills, of the Coldstream Guards, told his mother that he was tanned to the colour of a dark boot top, and that his hands, from not wearing glove, to two degrees darker than mahogany. This was after just a short time in the field. \Ne all know just how painful sunburn can be on the unprotected kin and maybe it was just something which the men got used to, although soldiers with ginger or red hair must have felt the pain quite considerably. Some officers took to carrying umbrellas, others, including Sir Thomas Picton, wore wide-brimmed hats to shield their eyes from the glare of the sun. Some, like Dyneley of the artillery, did in fact write home for lip salve, w!Lich obviously existed in the early 19th century. One problem caused by the hot sun was the swelling up of the lower lip which then burst, the trickle of blood then presenting an unsightly spectacle for all to ee. One method of combating this was by placing a leaf between the teeth to give the bottom lip some shade. Light Dragoons often wore oak branches in their helmets to do the ame. So, as with uniforms, the soldier himself must have presented a most unusual sight indeed. The descriptions of British uniforms worn in the Peninsula and at Waterloo are numerous but they all give the same sorry verdict on how badly the rigours of campaign life took their toll on uniforms and equipment. As I have tried to stress throughout this book, I would uggest that we would have some difficulty in recognising \Nellington's army on the march in the Penin ula if we could be transported back to the heady days of 1808-1815. It would appear that the majority of the soldiers' uniforms did retain the look of the 'old red rag', if only as a dusty, redbrick hue, but if we consider that each one of the Peninsula diarists described his uniform as being either threadbare and patched or of all as resembling Joseph's 'coat of may colours', is it not unreasonable to imagine the majority of Wellington's men looking in a similarly tattered state? I end this chapter as I began it, echoing Robert Mercers's words that, almost certainly out of necessity, each man in Wellington's army 'dressed how he liked' and that far from looking like the sort of soldiers we see portrayed in uniform books their 'fancy dress' would indeed surprise the military history 'unifoml' fraternity of today in quite a big way.

iHi/itmy Dress 011 Campaign 83

I

Weapons

There were many forms of the British flintlock musket between the 18th and 19th centuries but the two models which concern us most are the India Pattern, from 1793-1815, and the New Land Pattern, 18021815. vVellington's army in the Peninsula was able to defeat the French as a result of a combination of several important factors. We may look at a superior supply system of purchase, unlike that employed by British Napoleonic firearms. From top to bottom: India Pattern musket; Baker rifle fitted for sword bayonet; Baker rifle, fitted for socket bayonet; 1796 Heavy Dragoon Carbine with Nock's screwless lock; three Baker rifle sword bayonets; Elliot Carbine; Paget Carbine; India pattern musket.

the French who lived off the land. Of course, once the land had been stripped bare of its resources an army had to move on or starve. VVitness Massena's unfruitful sojourn in front of the Lines of Torres Vedras in 1810Il. By the end of the Peninsular War in 1814, Wellington's Commissariat, so inexperienced and inadequate in the early years of the war, had got their operation down to a fine art and it was a bad day indeed if the army ever suffered due to no rations. The work of the Royal Navy in keeping the army well stocked from the ports along Spain's northern coast should not go amiss either. The unyielding support of the people of the two Iberian nations, coupled with the deadly and manpower-draining work of the guerrilla fighters was another major factor, something which Wellington freely admitted at the end of the war that he could not have done without. The key role played by Wellington himself does not need to be dwelt upon here of course, and one could argue that his presence alone was a major factor in the defeat of France in the Peninsula, and indeed at vVaterloo. But at the end of the day both the Peninsular War and Waterloo campaign were decided by what happened on the battlefield, and that inevitably brings us to the British infantryman and the tools of his trade. The popular image of the British infantryman, standing stoic and unmoved in the face of enemy fire or in square formation as French cavalry swarmed all around him, is one of the most enduring aspects of our period. It was something which may have happened only two or three times a year, the rest of the time being spent in camp, on the march or laying siege to an enemy-held fortress. But when Wellington's men did get to grips with the enemy it was usually witl1 the Opposite top. Issue Baker rifle flat lock, with raised pen. Tower markings.

Opposite bottom. Issue Baker cavalry carbine, with flat lock.

84 Weapons

Wenpons85

Issue Baker rifle showing regUlation proof marks. Note browning on barrel.

most resounding success and this has as much to do with his arms as his training. It is not the intention here to go into too much detail about the training and tactical deployment of \ Vellington's infantry. It is a most generalised statement to make, but I'm going to state it anyway, and say that it was the triumph of the Biti h line over the French column which was instrumental in driving apoleon's armies from Spain and Portugal, a tactic which was successfully employed right up until the battle of Waterloo in 1815. Of course, there is far more to it than just a mathematical equation. For instance, \Nellington's choice of ground, his use of artillery and his employment of light troops also come into the reckoning. But it is the tactical deployment of Wellington' troops, i.e. the line, and the weapons used by them that is the particular aspect that this Opposite top. Nock screwless lock fitted to a 1796 Heavy Dragoon carbine.

Opposite bottom. Volunteer Baker cavalry carbine, with frizzen spring roller.

86 WenpollS

chapter deals with. From 1 30 until 1797 the standard British infantry musket was the Land panern musket, the famous 'Brown Bess'. In fact, there were three types of Land Panern musket, the Long Land Panern which sported a 46-inch barrel, the hort Land Panern, with a 42inch barrel, and the Marine & Militia Panern, identical to the Short Land Panern, save for a few cosmetic changes. The musket was a fine servant for the British army and had swept its enemies from many a bloody banlefield during the 18th century. However, when the Corsican usurper emerged on the scene demand was so great for the muskets that a cheaper alternative had to be examined. Indeed, in 1794, the Board of Ordnance possessed just 110,000 muskets with which to arm some 250,000 men. Hence the need for a musket that was not only fast to produce but was also cheaper. It was to the East India Company that the Government turned and to their huge arsenal in particular. Thousands of firearms were brought into service and from 1797 gunsmiths were ordered to produce muskets to the India Panern only. The start of the apoleonic Wars in 1793 coincided most fortuitously with the introduction of the India Panern flintlock musket. During the period from 1793 to 1815 it i e timated that around three

Wenpo71s87

Beadle's great painting 'The Rearguard' shows Robert Craufurd and a group of 95th Rifles during the retreat to Corunna, or in the light brigade's case, to Vigo. The officer on the left wears his greatcoat with crimson sash worn over it. He wears his shako with the peak upturned.

million Indja Panern muskets were produced. It was to be the India Panern musket that was to take \ Veil ingron to victory in the Peninsula and at \ aterloo. There were very few djfferences between the old Land Panern musket and the India Pattern. There were certajnly no techrucal innovations. However, it was cheap to produce. The wood was of an inferior quality and the overall firush was rather poorer on the India Pattern than on its older brother. But it did the job and fulfilled the Government's need for muskets at a time when stocks were runnjng dangerously low. The India Pattern musket undenvent few changes during its period of production except for Opposite top. Paget carbine, showing regulation proof marks. Note sling bar.

Opposite bottom. India pattern mUSket, ring neck cock and regulation proof marks.

8 Weapolls

one major alteration, that being the introduction, in late I 09, of the ring-neck cock which replaced the older swan-neck design. The change djd not make the musket any cheaper to produce but it was considered to be much stronger. The Indja Panem mu ket wa , therefore, a cheap weapon to produce but in the hand of\Vellingron's infantry in the Pellin ula it wa a mo t destructive weapon. \ Vhen one thinks of barues such as A1buera, fought on ;\'Iay 16th 1811, one can only marvel at the sight of British infantry firing away for all they were worth until the French could stand no more. Even the French commander himself, Marshal Soult, was moved to remark that the day was his and yet the English did not know it and would not run. Therein lay a mIghty combination - the British infantryman and the India Panern musket. It is sajd that the French used a much coarser powder in their Charlville muskets which often caused it to jam. Apparently, a common method of rectifying this fault was by urinating down the barrel! One other small, but signjficant advantage that the British had over their French counterparts was that the bore of the Indja Panern musket wa .75 compared to the French .67. This, of cour e, meant that \Vellingron's men could use French ammunjtion when needed, unlike the French who e smaller (comillued 011 page 93)

Weapolls 9

Light Division Camp Scene

soldiers, who, with empty stomachs, stepped forward, one at a

James Cooke served with the 43rd Light Infantry and one of

the sooty part of the kettle, blacked his dusty shoes, cap-peak,

his accounts of life in the Peninsula shows us the gritty, earthy

canteen strap, and knapsack.'

time, and each of them in turn rubbing his blacking-brush on

side of the soldier's life, the more practical side. 'Previously to

The 43rd, along with the 52nd and 95th Rifles, formed

our advance,' he wrote, 'the great coats belonging to the

part of the elite Light Division in the Peninsula. The 43rd were

soldiers were delivered into store, it being considered that the

the real dandies of the army and some of its officers even wore

blanket was a sufficient covering for them at night, the more

pelisses similar to those worn by the hussars. Their uniforms,

particularly as tents were served out for the use of the whole

however, were not to be spared the attentions of the Iberian

army, in the proportion of three to each company, to be carried

climate and Cooke goes on to say that their shakos were often

by the mules that had formerly conveyed the iron camp-kettles

distorted beyond recognition, whilst they too, like many other

for cooking; instead of which a light tin kettle, between every

regiments, were forced to adopt trousers made from local

six men, was substituted, to be strapped on their knapsacks,

brown cloth. The green uniforms of the 95th Rifles were known

and carried alternately on the march. Each man was provided

to have gone almost black, as the dark green cloth became

with a reasonable supply of necessaries, including three pairs

discoloured, whilst George Simmons describes wearing a

of shoes, and an extra pair of soles and heels, in his knapsack.

brown jacket, not that this colour would have done any harm

The iron kettles were very heavy, and were carried on the

as far as blending in with the dusty Spanish terrain. Painting by

backs of mules, one of which was attached to each company;

Richard Hook.

but, when near the enemy, and the baggage had been sent to the rear, these unwieldy and capacious kettles were not at all times to be laid hold of. Besides, it occupied the soldiers a

Above.

considerable time to cook their rations, particularly in the

British troops undergoing drill in their white fatigue uniforms.

extensive plains, where only stubble could be procured; and

The sergeants keep the men in line while officers look on. One

also during the rainy season, when the forests were damp. I

officer wears white breeches, the other grey trousers. The men

have often observed these ponderous kettles turned bottom

still wear their hair in queues and sport the stove-pipe shako.

upwards, and encircled by ten or twelve weather beaten

The officers wear the cocked hat.

90 Weapons

Rifleman Tom Plunket puts a bullet through the head of General Colbert at Cacabelos during the retreat to Corunna. He followed this up by doing the same to Colbert's trumpeter. This position is still used in rifle shooting today.

calibre muskets could not take the larger British ball. The ew Land Pattern musket was yet another fine weapon used by the British anny during the apoleonic \Vars. Dating from 1 02, it boasted a .J.2inch barrel and officially was the ucce sor to the older Land Pattern musket. However, its period of actual u age appears to be restricted to 1 02-04 and 1 1.J.-15. The musket was certainly used during the Peninsular War, by the Foot Guard in particular, but other than these troops it was more likely to have been used by draft from England towards the end of the war. In spite of its effectiveness on the field of battle the Opposite. A famous print of Captain E Kent, of the 95th Rifles. The uniform closely resembles that of a light dragoon, with curved light infantry sabre, dark green pelisse with brown fur trim, and cavalry-style overalls, reinforced with saw-toothed leather, and a black stripe on the outer seam. The peak on his shako is turned up, has a green tuft and black cap lines. The braiding on both his dolman and pelisse is black. A crimson sash.

92 Wenpons

musket was still a cumbersome weapon to load and, in fact, the British Manual and Platoon Exercise listed eighteen different movenmts from shouldering arms to actually firing. Basically, a small charge of powder was poured into the priming pan and the frizzen closed. The ball and the rest of the powder, along with the wadding, was in erted into the barrel with the ramrod which was then replaced beneath the barrel. The half-cock was then pulled back to fuJI-cock and the musket fired. The charge in the pan ignited a fraction of a second before the main charge which then exploded in the barrel, sending the ball flying, hopefully into the head or body of an unfortunate enemy soldier. Trained soldiers were capable of loading and firing three, sometimes four or even five shots per minute. This latter figure, however, was only really achieved by taking a short cut and, instead of priming the pan first, the whole cartridge was poured down the barrel, along with the ball, and the musket banged on the ground. HopefuJly, a small charge of powder would filter through to the pan to provide the charge for the main shot. Of course \vithout having the wadding the ball would often roll out of the barrel. It was aI 0 common practice for infantrymen to stick their ramrods in the ground to ave themselves the time and trouble of drawing and withdra\ving them.

Wenpons 93

Elliot carbine with proof marks and sling bar.

This al 0 improved the rate of fire. However, if by chance the battalion was ordered to change position the ramrod might be left behind in the excitement. Another peril to be avoided was the firing off of one's ramrod which raw recruits, in the heat and excitement of battle were often prone to do. Once the ramrod was fired away the hapless soldier had to wait for one of his comrades to obligingly drop dead or wounded, or, of course, he could resort to the 'banging' technique already described. Physically, the British infantryman must have been very fit, as were all Napoleonic infantry. The weight of the musket, around 10lbs or lUbs with fixed bayonet, was bad enough, even without the weight of ammunition, knapsack and equipment. \iVellington's men rarely went into battle without their packs, save for the storming of fortresses. So when the British anny attacked such positions as the Lesser Rhune, the Bayonet Ridge or the French redoubts along the line of the ivelle, you have to marvel at their stamina. One can only imagine that by the time of these particular fights, late 1813, the men had become extremely fit and well adapted to their tasks under such conditions. In the firing line the biting of so

94 Weapons

many cartridges also presented another hazard, thirst. Where the firing was at its hottest, such as Albuera and Talavera, the men's thirst must have been raging yet few would have been allowed to stop and take a drink. The firepower ofWelJington's line was certainly destructive but it was the long, sharp piece of steel fixed to the end of the barrel of the musket that often delivered the coups de grace. The bayonet issued with the India Pattern musket was triangular and measured about 17 inches in length. It was fixed to the muzzle of the musket by a socket, four inches long. It was the bayonet that was frequently the deciding factor whenever the British and French infantry locked horns with each other. Indeed, the bayonet was a terrible psychological weapon. Attacking French columns would usually be greeted with two or three thunderous volleys from Wellington's men who, after a rousing Opposite top. Baker cavalry carbine. Note back sight and sling bar. The mark on the stock indicates that the weapon was authorised for sale by the government.

Opposite bottom. 1796 Heavy cavalry carbine, proof marks and sling bar.

Weapons 95

New Land Pattern musket, butt plate with markings to the 2nd Battalion, Coldstream Guards.

cheer, would advance with fixed bayonets to complete their victory. More often than nor, their adversaries would not stand around to test the metal of the enemies but would retreat to the relative safety of their own lines. In fact, bayonet fighting in the Penin ular \Var was very rare. Naturally, there was hand-to-hand fighting whenever a town had to be stormed as \Nellington's men set about the defenders on the ramparts or in the breaches, assuming they could pass the obstacles the French usually placed there. And there was bound to be bayonet work done in the wake of any failed French attack as straggler fell behind or turned to fight. \Nhenever villages had to be taken, such as Fuentes de Onoro, there was hard work to be done, but generally speaking bayonet fighting is unusual and, wherever it did occur, such as Roncesvalles in the Pyrenees, it is usually marked by Opposite top. Baker rifle stock, cheek rest.

Opposite bottom. Baker rifle with rounded patch box for tools.

96 Weapons

references to it by eye-,vimesses. 'Bayonet away' was the British exhortation on this occasion. So, the bayonet and the Brown Bess was the corner tone to \"'ellington's success. Rifles The Brown Bess musket was undoubtedly the most famous weapon of the Napoleonic Wars. But not far behind it came the famous Baker Rifle, perhaps the most effective weapon of the wars. Prior to the apoleonic Wars, Britain's flirtation with the rifle had not lasted particularly long. The breechloading Ferguson rifle, used during the American War of Independence, enjoyed just a year's service between 1776 and 1777 before disappearing from the picture. However, the harsh lessons of the war at the hands of the An1erican ri flemen convinced the British army to tread the path already taken by European armies who had employed riflemen for many years. It was not to be until 1 00 that the rifle was officially adopted by the British army but when it was it was given to a corps of troops that was to establish itself as one of the finest fighting units of the period, if not the finest. The somewhat awkwardly-named Experimental Corps of Riflemen was formed in the spring of 1800 by Colonel Coote Manningham,

Weapons 97

Powder horns. The top left horn is believed to have been issued for the Baker rifle.

as i ted by Liuetenant Colonel the Hon. \Villiam tewart. The corps existed for just two years during which it gained invaluable experience, often at great cost to itself, before being brought into the Line in 1802 as the 95th Rifle Regiment. And so was born one of the great elites of the British army. The 95th Rifles were armed with the glorious Baker rifle, a weapon which was to see continuous service with the British army for more than forty years with only a handful of slight modifications. It had a 30-inch barrel and an overall length of 46 inches compared \vith 55 inches for the India Pattern musket and 58 inches for the ew Land Pattern. Its calibre varied from 0.625 to 0.70. The barrel of the Baker was made in plain and t\visted iron and finished in a reddish brown. This prevented too much reflection in the sun which often gave away the rifleman's position, something which the 95th, and indeed the other troops armed with the Baker, could ill afford. The Baker had a rear sight situated about 6 inches ftom the breech consisting of a hinged flip-up sight, the fixed position being for short range and the flip-up ight for longer ranges. A small compartment was cut into

the butt of the rifle with a brass cover, inside which was kept the rifleman's tools, including the torque bar and ball drawer. Tests proved that the Baker was capable of hitting a target some 200 yards away with considerable ease. The India Pattern musket, on the other hand, whil t having a range of 300 yards, wa really only good for volley firing. Indeed, tests howed that only 50% of hots fired at a target 100 yard away actually struck home. The Baker rifle came \vith a vicious sword bayonet, measuring 23 inches by I J/. inches. The bayonet had a bras knuckle guard and was sharpened for 5 inches at the point. Some blades were made with a saw-backed edge, similar to pioneers saws, but were very few. They were used as much for cutting wood as for slaughtering Frenchmen. As nice as the India Pattern is, it seems like a length of scaffolding on a piece of wood when compared to the short, sleek lines of the Baker. Anybody who has had the privilege of handling a Opposite top. Powder horn marked to Percy Tenantry, Duke of Cumberland.

Opposite bottom. Irish scoop fitted to a powder horn.

-----------------------

98 /lVeapol1s

WeapOl1S 99

Standard issue 17-inch socket bayonets and scabbard.

genuine government-issue Baker will know what I mean. It really is a beautiful firearm, wruch rucks neatly into the shoulder and feels every inch a rifle. In the hands of the men of the 95th it was also a deadly one. Witness the exploit of rifleman Tom Plunkett at Cacabelos during the retreat from Corunna in January 1809. As General Colbert picked his way gingerly across the river Cua in attempt to find a way across, Plunkett crept forward and, apparently for a bet, shot the Frenchman straight through the forehead and followed this up by picking off Colbert's trumpeter for good measure. Plunkett acrueved this notable feat by laying upon his back with his Baker rifle resting between his legs, one of which was crossed over the other to steady rus aim. It is no coincidence also, that the riflemen of the 95th were sent forward in rifle pits to pick off the gunners on the ramparts during the Opposite top. New land pattern light cavalry pistol, with swivel ramrod.

Opposite bottom. Various musket balls and grape shot, found at Waterloo, Burgos, Almaraz and Maya.

100 Weapons

sieges at Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz. A dangerous operation but one which suited the 95th down to the ground. John Kincaid, of the 95th, was moved to remark that this mode of operation, and siege warfare in general was a cross between a gamekeeper and a grave-digger as it offered employment with both rifle and shovel! The accuracy of the Baker Rifle can, perhaps, be illustrated by a passage from the memoirs of \Villiam Surtees, who served for twenty-one years in the 95th Rifles. After joining the Rifles in 1802 he quickly began drilling with rus new regiment. 'As recruits,' he wrote, 'we were first drilled at what is termed the horse, i.e. a machine to assist young riflemen in taking aim. At this I pleased my commanding-officer so much the first time I tried, that he ordered me to the front, and told me to load, and fire at the target. I did, and made a pretty good shot, rutting pretty near the bull's eye; on which he made me load again and fire, and hitting that also, he made me go on till I had fired ten rounds, all of which hit the target, and two of which had struck the bull's eye. The distance was only fifty yards, but for a recruit, that is, a person unaccustomed to rifle shooting, he called it a wonderful exhibition, and in consequence he gave me sixpence out of his pocket.' SUTtees went on to add that Major Wade, who gave

Weapons 101

weighed about 8lbs. The bayonet was 15 inches long and weighed a further 13 ounces. Calibre was .75. The following year, many of the carbines were issued with Henry Tock's 'screwless lock', a device by which the trigger mechanism wa hidden behind the locking plate. The carbine was attached to the rider's shoulder belt by way of a ide bar which was affixed to the tock and which clipped on to the belt by war of a spring clip. Light cavalry regiments were issued \vith the famous Paget carbine, the standard light cavalry carbine in the British army of the Peninsular and \ Vaterloo campaigns. It featured a barrel of 16 inches long, had an overall length of 31 \ inches and had a calibre of 0.66. Innovations included a s\vivel ramrod and bolted lock, a sort of 'safety catch' which proved most useful for cavalrymen on piquet duty. In 1803 the lOth Prince of Wales's Light Dragoons were issued with the Baker Cavalry Rifle with a 20inch barrel and an overall length of 35 inches. Calibre was 0.625. Like the infantry version of the rifle, the barrel was browned, it had a rear sight and a small compartment for keeping cleaning tools. The carbine also sported a s\vivel ramrod to prevent it loss in action. A sling bar was fitted to the left side of the carbine which, by way of a spring clip, was attached to the shoulder belt of the cavalryman. variation of the British swords: left to right: 1796-pattern light cavalry sabre, Baker Cavalry Rifle was introduced around 1813 \vith 1796-pattern infantry officers' sword, 1796-pattern heavy a pistol grip stock instead of the usual scroll guard. cavalry sword and 1803 flank company officers' sword. Dimensions were roughly the same as the standard Baker Cavalry Rifle, a 35',]-inch length overall \vith a him the sixpence, was one of the best shots in the barrel length of 20\ inches. The calibre was 0.625. The hort barrels of both the Elliot Carbine, the regiment, and that he and another rifleman, Smeaton, used to hold the target for each other at a distance of Paget Carbine and the Baker Cavalry Rifles did little 150 yards while the other fired at it, so accurate was for the weapons' accuracy but like the Baker rifle, their their shooting. short, neat forms tuck comfortably into the shoulder Other troops armed with the Baker rifle included and feel just right. The men who used the carbine had the 5160th, the Portuguese Cacadores and the rifle different views, however, and thought them pretty useless. They did prove their worth on occasion, battalions of the King's German Legion. It is however. Private Levi Grisdale, of the lOth Hussars, estimated that production of the Baker Rifle did not captured the French general, Lefevre-Desnouettes, at exceed around 40,000 which, when one considers the Benavente on December 29th 1808 after first sending three million muskets produced, accounts for the a shot from his carbine across the Frenchman's cheek. rarity of good Government issue Baker Rifles today. Whether it was the Paget carbine is difficult to say as Carbines it had only been introduced that year. It is quite t the beginning of the Napoleonic Wars, British possible that Grisdale was using the Elliott carbine. In addition to the cavalry carbines, both heavy and heavy dragoons were armed with the very light dragoons and hussars were armed with pistols. cumbersome heavy dragoon carbine, with a barrel These varied from the Heavy Dragoon pistol, with a which measured all of 42 inches. Imagine having to 12-inch barrel to the Light Dragoon model, which load and fire this from horseback. In 1796, however, sported a to-inch barrel. As with the muskets, large the Board of General Officers approved the issue of a new heavy cavalry carbine with a much shorter 26number of pistols were purchased from the arsenals of the East India Company. One of the more attractive inches and inch barrel. Its overall length was 41'"_ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _----J J02 Weapol1s

Sergeants' spontoon or halberd.

pistols was the ew Land Pattern pistol which, like the Paget Carbine, had a s\vivel ramrod to prevent its loss in action. We know that as \vith infantry officers who took their own private sporting guns with them to the Peninsula, cavalry officers too were wont to take their own pistols \vith them. As such, a \vide variety of non-regulation pistols were used on active service, many \vith superb levels of craftsmanship. Infantry Swords The standard British infantry officers' sword, used by Wellington's army, was the very attractive 1796pattern sword. This consisted of a straight 32-inch blade, pointed at the tip, \vith a brass knuckle-bow guard, a ball pommel and side shells, and silver twisted wire grip. The side shells were hinged in order that the sword might lay flat against the officer's side when marching for ease of carrying. The leather scabbard had brass fittings and a thin wooden lining. The sword was worn with a crimson and gold lace sword knot for ease of return in action. The sword was carried by virtually all of the battalion company officers as well as Royal Engineers and Royal Artillery officer throughout the Peninsular War and \Naterloo

Campaign but although attractive was somewhat flimsy in battle. Indeed, it is probably safe to say that it was as much an officer's symbol of authority and rank as it was a fighting weapon. As a means of self defence against cavalry, for example, on the odd occasion when the two foes met in action, the sword would have been fairly useless. Certainly, when one compares the superb Cuirassier's word to the British infantry officer's sword there is little doubt which one would have come off best. The year of 1803 saw the introduction of a much better sword, a sabre in fact, which was designed to replace the old 1796-pattern sword. The 1803-pattern sabre consisted of a much stronger blade, 30 inches long and substantially curved, \vith a lion's head pommel and knuckle-bow guard bearing the Royal Cypher and leather grip. The sabre was carried in a leather scabbard \vith brass fittings including two suspension rings as opposed to a frog which was the usual manner in which the 1796pattern sword was carried. Although the 1803-pattern sabre had been introduced to replace the 1796-pattern sword it appears that it was only ever carried by flank company officers, and by the light company officers in particular. In fact, even before its introduction light company officers were wearing sabres similar to light cavalry sabres. Light company officers appear to have

Weapons 103

Hilt detail, 1803-pattern infantry officers' sabre.

Sergeant Charles Ewart, of the 2nd (Royal North British) Dragoons, or Scots Greys, slashes and cuts his way through

had a peculiar habit of adopting cavalry fa hions, the 43rd even going so far as to wear pelisses. The 1803pattern sabre was a great improvement on the 1796pattern sword although the officers themselves still thought it a clumsy and inadequate weapon. John Kincaid, of the 95th RiAes, one of the Peninsular \Var's most celebrated diarists claimed 'it was good for nothing more than shaving a lady's leg.' Thomas Austin, of the 35th, remarked, quite humourously, that he ent more Frenchmen to the dentists than the grave by way of jabbing away with the hilt at his enemy's

the French 45th Regiment in order to relieve them of their prized Imperial Eagle. An enemy lancer tumbles backwards after feeling the power of Ewart's 1796-pattern heavy cavalry sword across his face.

face rather than cutting away with the blade! There were also many non-regulation sabres within the army, including the 'mameluke' type of sabre used by some light cavalry officers, several examples of which survive today. Again, these appear to have been used mainly by light infantry company officers rather than battalion company officers.

Opposite top left. Hilt details of an officers' 1796 light cavalry sabre.

Top right. Knuckle guard motif on the 1803-pattern infantry officers' sabre.

Bottom left. Hilt detail of the 1796-pattern infantry officers' sword.

Bottom right. Baker rifle sword bayonet, with company markings.

104 Weapolls

Pikes Pikes were issued to sergeants of battalion and grenadier companies from 1792 onwards. This fearsome weapon consisted of a nine-foot long staff made from ash, surmounted by a spearhead screwed into a steel socket and crosspiece. The blade of the spear was around 13 inches long and the crossbar 5't, inches wide. The pike was frequently used by sergeants in keeping the men's ranks straight, particularly in battle. Colour Sergeant Wood, of the 1 t Foot Guards, wrote in his account of the Battle of

Weapolls 105

'The Captive Eagle', a painting depicting the capture of a French eagle by Corporal Styles of the 1st Royal Dragoons. Captain Clark-Kennedy also lay claim to its capture during the battle of Waterloo, June 18th 1815. Styles is carrying the 1796 heavy cavalry sword at his side and wears a plain black leather sabretache.

Waterloo that during the late afternoon such was the intensity of the fight that even the Foot Guards themselves showed signs of wavering. The company Opposite. Top left. Hilt detail, 1796-pattern heavy cavalry sword.

Top right. The 1796-pattern heavy cavalry sword with markings to the Royal Dragoons on the scabbard.

Bottom left. 1796-pattern heavy cavalry sword showing the disc shaped guard.

Bottom right. Heavy cavalry sword scabbard with makings to the Royal Dragoons, B Troop, 27th man.

106 Weapons

sergeants, therefore, were to be seen moving along the rear ranks of the battalion, steadying the men with their pikes. They were, of course, useful weapons in close quarter struggles. When Fort apoleon was stormed during the attack on the bridge at Almaraz, the French commander, general Aubert, refused to give in, despite being surrounded by a group of men of the 50th Foot. Eventually, after refusing all offers to surrender, a disgruntled sergeant of the 50th stepped fonvard and ran Aubert through with his pike, much to the disgust of his comrades. Aubert died of his wounds a few days later. The weapon could, however, prove remarkably clumsy, as Sergeant Cooper, of the 7th Fusiliers, remarked having witnessed a fellow sergeant run himself through with his pike after stumbling. In a way, the sergeant's pike must have drawn similar comparisons with the French lance, its 9-foot length giving the British sergeants a distinct advantage in close quarter fighting. A print by Denis Dighton shows Sergeant Patrick Masterson, of the 87th Regiment, standing over the body of a dead French officer of the 8th Ligne Regiment from whom he had just taken their 'eagle' at the battle of Barrosa on March 5th 1811. It was the first French 'eagle' to be captured by the British army in battle in the Peninsular War.

Weapons 107

Cavalry Swords British cavalry in the Peninsular and \Vaterloo campaigns were armed \\~th two regulation swords, the light cavalry sabre and the heavy cavalry sword, both dating from 1796. The two versions were vastly different with the light cavalry sabre drawing high praise and the heavy cavalry sword attracting nothing but derision. \Vhen the apoleonic Wars broke out the British cavalry were armed with 1788-pattern swords. The heavy cavalry sword was a straight bladed sword with a 39-inch blade, pointed at the tip, and a hilt of half-basket of steel bars. The sword was 47 inches long overall and weighed 3lbs. The design was copied from the sword u ed by the 6th Inni killing Dragoons. Apparently, all heavy cavalry regiments, save for the Household Troops, were issued with the sword. The light cavalry version was six inches shorter overall than the heavy cavalry version and weighed three ounces less. The blade was curved with an iron single-bar stirrup hilt. Compared to the later 1796panern light cavalry sabre, the 1788-panern sword feels much longer and less manoeuvrable, although being a well balanced weapon. \Vhen the Duke of York embarked upon his campaign in Holland in 1 93 one of his officers, a certain Major John Gaspard Le Marchant, noted that hardly any two British cavalry regiments were armed with the same sword. It is evident, therefore, that the standardisation laid down in 1788 had yet to take grip, even five years on. He also made pertinant observations as regards the quality of the swords, adding that the most popular sword used by the troopers was a most cumbersome sword indeed and that it was prone to shaner upon the first blow from an enemy's sword. He also noted that many of the wounds inflicted upon British cavalry were, in fact, self inflicted, usually as a re ult of a lack of proper training. The campaign did not pass \vithout the British cavalry achieving some measure of success, however, but it was the observations made by Le Marchant that had, perhaps, the more lasting effect. Le Marchant came to the conclusion that both heavy and light cavalry should be equipped with the same sword, a curved sabre for slashing and cutting. His design was submined to the Board of Cavalry General Officers in 1 96 but was only adopted in part for the Board decided to continue the practice of issuing different swords to both heavy and light cavalry. Le Marchant' design for the light cavalry sa bre was accepted and adopted as per the General Order ofJune 27th 1796. It had a much more pronounced curve than the old 1788 version, measuring 33 inches, with an iron stirrup knuckle bow

108 Weapons

and leather grip. Officers' abres were often \'err ornate compared to the simpler design issued to troopers. The sabre was carried in a steel or iron scabbard with suspen ion rings for use with a waistbelt. Some officers' sabres had leather scabbards. The broad tip of the blade - it was wider towards the tip than at the hilt - was to draw complaints from French officers after they saw the effects that the sabre had upon their men. Coupled \vith Le Marchant's sabre design came his acclaimed Rules and Regulations for the Sword Exercise of the Cavalry, which was published in December 1 96. The book featured drawings by Le Marchant's brother-in-law, Peter Carey, including one sketch of the famous 'six cuts', a man's face drawn with the required cut across it. Le Marchant's drill required each soldier to stand a few feet from a wall upon which was painted a circle to simulate a man's face. The trooper then went about practicing the six cuts upon it before moving on to doing the same from horseback, a much more difficult proposition. Apparently, so great a success was the book that even small boys could be seen up and down the country practicing the cuts \vith sticks! The sabre was to see ffidespread use in the Peninsula right from the outset. On the retreat to Corunna, Lord Paget's hussars made light work on French hussars at Sahagun and Benavente, whilst the terrible cutting power of the Light Cavalry sabre was demonstrated at Campo Mayor, in March 1811, when Corporal Logan, of the 13 th Light Dragoons, slew the colonel of the French 26th Dragoons with a cut that 'nearly cleft his skull asunder, it cut in as deep as the nose through the brain.' Creditable actions were fought later on at sagre and Villagarcia involving light cavalry. At this laner action, at Villagarcia on April lIth 1812, often refered to mistakenly by some historians as Bienvenida, Conon's cavalry won a tidy little victory over the French after which Captain \Villiam Bragge, of the 3rd Dragoons, was moved to observe that, 'It is worthy of remark that scarcely one Frenchman died of hi wounds, although dreadfully chopped, whereas 12 English Dragoons were killed on the spot and others dangerously wounded by thrusts. If our men had used their swords so, three times the number of French would have been killed.' Here, Bragge is making direct reference to both the heavy cavalry sword and the method of its use. The 1796-panem Heavy Cavalry sword was not of Le Marchant's design and was based squarely on the 1775 Austrian cavalry sword. It had a 35-inch long straight blade, \vith both edges sharpened for the 12 inches near the tip. It had a single knuckle-bow and a

disc-shaped guard pierced \\;th holes. Officer' \'er ions had an ornate hilt compared with the troopers' imple design. One notable feature of the blade was its hatchet point which made it difficult to thrust home and, indeed, by the time of the \ Vaterloo campaign in 1815, troopers of the Royal Dragoons at least were told to sharpen their swords on both sides to achieve a spear point which was much more suitable for the thrust. It was a tremendously fearsome weapon and yet was extremely cumbersome one. Bragge's reference to the method of the sword's use brings us to a subject for which there is no room for discussion in this book. Suffice to say that one school advocated the thrust whilst the other thought the cut to be the only way of using the sword. It is quite ironic that Le :\Iarchant, the designer of the Light Cavalry sabre died in his first major action, at Salamanca on July 22nd 1812, armed \vith his sabre and yet leading the Heavy Brigade which did such devastating work in destroying eight French battalions. Today, the 1796-panern Heavy Cavalry word is a much sought-after beast, due not only to the fictional exploits of Major Richard Sharpe, an officer of the 95th Rifles who, nevertheless, drags the heavy sword

around with him whilst slaughtering Frenchmen left, right and centre, but also to the romance anached to the sword in the wake of the Scots Greys' famous charge at \\'aterloo on June 18th 1815. During the charge Sergeant Ewart captured the 'Eagle' of the French 45th Regiment of the Line. During the fight, Ewart slayed a lancer, an infantryman and the eagle bearer, all of whom perished by way of cuts, rather than thrusts. It is also interesting to note that by killing the enemy lancer, Ewart proved that in spite of their nine-foot lances they were not invincible by any means. It i also interesting to note that Ewart's own word sun"ives today and is one of the original hatchet-pointed swords, not one \vith a spear point. Heavy cavalry officers also carried a dress sword, dating from 1796, which con isted of a straight blade, often very ornately decorated, with a gilt pommel, knuckle bow and boat shells and a silver \vire grip. This was carried in 'a black leather scabbard with brass mounts. Dress sword knots were crimson and gold. The Household Cavalry carried the 1796-panern heavy cavalry sword, although officers carried a straight-bladed, basket-hilted sword, \\~th a brass scabbard.

Weapons 109

Artillery

Throughout his campaign in the Peninsula and at \Naterloo, \Nellington was never blessed with a great deal of guns which to a certain degree dictated the tactics he was to employ. ever one to indulge in counter-battery fire he preferred instead to turn his guns on attacking enemy columns and as such they were grouped together in small numbers, often just twos and threes. At the outbreak of the Peninsular War, the Royal Artillery consisted of ten battalions of ten companies each, although these did not erve over ea together as a complete unit. On active service we find 'brigades' rather than battalions, each brigade consisting of six guns wherever possible. The normal composition of a brigade was six guns, usually five guns and one howitzer, limbers for each, eight ammunition waggons, three baggage waggons, one spare wheel waggon and a field forge. To cart this lot around Spain and Portugal required around 200 draft animals and 100 drivers. The Royal Horse Artillery was formed in 1793 and just prior to the Peninsular War numbered 12 brigades. Troop organi ation was not dissimilar to the Foot Artillery and consisted of 6 guns (five 9-pounders and one 5\-inch howitzer), nine ammunition waggons, spare wheel waggon, baggage waggon and forge, etc. The guns themselves fell into several catagories dictated by the weight and type of shot fired. Initially, Wellington's gunners were armed with the light 6-pounder and the 5112 inch howitzer. 8-inch and lO-inch howitzers were withdrawn during the Peninsular War after proving unsatisfactory. These two pieces dated back to as early as 172 7 and 1719 and had been in constant service with very few changes made to their design. During the course of the war the 6-pounder was replaced by the 9-pounder, although it did remain in service with the Royal Horse Artillery. The 6-pounder had a brass barrel of 7 feet and weighed 12 cwt. The 9-pounder gun, regarded as an excellent field piece, had a barrel 6 feet in length and 11 0 Anillery

weighed in at 13'11 cwt. These were the mo t conunon artillery pieces u ed by Wellington's gunners. For siege work, 18-pounder and H-pounder guns were used. These mighty guns were made of both bra and iron, although the brass guns were so unsatisfactory that they were withdrawn from service in 1811. One of the problems of using bra s guns in siege warfare was that their 9 ft 6 inch and 5 ft 9 inch long barrels were prone to 'droop' after prolonged firing. The iron guns, on the other hand, proved most satisfactory, if somewhat cumbersome. The I -pounder had a 9 foot 6 inch barrel and weighed in at 42 cwt, whilst the 24-pounder boa ted a barrel of between 9 and 10 feet and weighed a much as 52 cwt. Each of these 24-pounder guns was capable of firing its ball twenty times an hour and after each firing had to be dragged about eight feet back to its firing position after recoiling. Firing was only of use in daylight and, unless there was a breeze, it took thirty seconds for the black smoke to clear before it could be loaded and fired again. Accuracy was vital, of course, although the method of aiming the guns was little more than a case of pointing the barrel at the target and adjusting it accordingly. During sieges, each shot wa aimed at a selected spot with the sole purpose of bringing down the wall forward into the ditch at the foot of it. This would mean that not only would there be a breach in the wall but the rubble, in theory, would fill the ditch and enable the stormers to approach the breach somewhat easier up a form of ramp. Standing at the site of the gun positions at Ciudad Rodrigo one is struck by the accuracy of the gunners, given the distance they had to fire and the small nature of the target. Indeed, standing on the Greater Teson, the site of the Lesser Breach appears to be no bigger than one's fingernail. Of course, some guns were wildly off target, as the damage to the Cathedral and some of the neaighbouring buildings testifies. During the siege of Badajoz, in March and April 1812, the 24-pounder guns alone fired 22,367 round shot with a further

Royal Horse Artillery in action, apparently at the battle of Salamanca, JUly 22nd . One gunner stands with his foot upon a dead Frenchman. An enemy lancer appears to be standing behind the gun at right, presumably a prisoner.

24,983 rounds of other calibre shells. Each barrel of powder weighed in at 90lbs and some 2,253 barrels were used at Badajoz. As with the guns themselves there was a \vide variety of ammunition available. The most common ammunition used by Wellington's gunners was round shot, a solid iron ball capable of inflicting terrible damage on enemy troops. \Nhen fired at low trajectory round shot often bounced or ricocheted onwards, sometimes taking out as many as 20-25 men in a single file. These solid iron balls were capable of reducing a human being to mere atoms with ease. Even spent balls, appearing to roll harmless along the ground, were still capable of taking off a man's foot or leg. The terrible wounds inflicted upon both Sir John Moore and VVilliam de Lancey at Corunna and \Vaterloo respectively were done by round shot, each of the e two brave men been plucked from their horses by the force of the balls. It was also possible to see these balls as they came hurtling forwards. Indeed, during the siege ofBadajoz in 1812, Portuguese

artillerymen po ted lookouts to watch for incoming shells. Case, or cannister, shot consisted of a cylindrical tin case containing 40 (for a 6-pounder) or 44 (for a 9-pounder) solid iron balls. Upon firing, the tin exploded and the effect was much like a gigantic shotgun with shot spread, apparently, in a circle of 32 feet diameter for every 100 yards of range. The effect on densely packed enemy columns or on cavalry was devastating. Spherical ca e shot consisted of a shell filled with musket balls, with a lighted fuse which, after exploding in the air, cattered the balls. The origin of spherical case dates back to 1573 but the type used by Wellington's gunners was designed in 1784 by Lieutenant Henry Shrapnell, Royal Artillery. This type of shell is often called' hrapnell', but in error, as it was not until 1852, ten years after Shrapnell's death, that it was finally given that name. Common shell was simply a round hollow shell filled \vith powder and fused so that upon exploding, the casing would scatter itself amongst enemy troops. It was possible, of course, for any particularly brave soldier to pluck the fuse from any common shell which lay spluttering on the ground and in fact Captain Colquitt, of the 1st Foot Guards, performed just such a feat at Waterloo, throwing the shell back in Anillery 111

Colours and Rank Distinctions

The Royal Horse Artillery in action against some French infantry in the Peninsular. One gun has fired whilst another waits to come into action. Note the gun teams and drivers waiting towards the rear.

the direction from whence it had come. Perhaps the most innovative, and yet least used of all artillery projectiles, was the rocket. Introduced mainly as a result of the unstinting efforts ofvVilliam Congteve, the rockets saw action at Copenhagen in 1807 where some 40,000 of them were used during the attack. There were three catagories of rocket; heavy, medium and light. The heavy rockets were 8, 7, and 6 inches in diameter of head and sported sticks of

24,22 and 21 feet. Medium rockets were 42-,32- and 24-pounders, whilst light rockets were 18-, 12-,9- and 6-pounder. They were usually fired from large tripods but it was possible to fire them from small ships at sea. Wellington had little faith in the rocket and at vVaterloo, when a brother officer told vVellington that it would 'break poor Whinyates' heart (commanding the rockets at Waterloo) if he was not allowed to use them. Wellington simply replied, 'damn his heart". They did have their uses, however, and at the crossing of the Adour in February 1814, the first troops to cross did so covered by a battery of rockets, one of which was sent straight into the middle of an approaching enemy column.

The colours of an infantry regiment were its greatest possession, serving not only as a rallying point in battle but also as the symbol of regimental pride in which was embodied the spirit of the regiment. To lose one's colours to the enemy was as great a disaster as a regiment could suffer. The colours were placed in the front rank between the 4th and 5th companies and were guarded by a sergeant, or a colour sergeant from 1813, in the front rank with an additional sergeant in the rear rank. British infantry colours measured 6 feet 6 inches wide by 6 feet deep, mounted on a pike which was 9 feet 10 inches long. On the top of the pike was a spearhead and a metal ferrule. In a strong wind they required great strength to hold them upright, the more so since the ensigns carrying them were generally fairly young men. In order to combat this, therefore, a good deal of the colour would have been wound round the pike. British regiments carried two colours, the King's Colour, which, basically, consisted of the Union Jack, and the Regimental Colour, which bore regimantal devices. As usual, the t11fee regiments of Foot Guards were different. In fact, each regiment of the Foot Guards had three crimson King's Colours; the Colonel's Colour, the Lieutenant Colonel's Colour and the Major's Colour. The colours for the three regiments of Foot Guards were as follows: 1st Foot Guards Colonel's Colour: Crimson, with the Imperial crown in the centre. Lieutenant Colonel's: Crimson, with a small union in the upper canton. Major's Colour: Crimson, as Lieutenant Colonel's, but with gold blaze or 'pile wavy' issuing from the union. Coldstream Guards Colonel's Colour: Crimson, with the Star of the Garter in the centre and the Imperial crown above.

1/2 A/til/elY

Lieutenant Colonel's Colour: Crimson, the same design as the Colonel's Colour but with the union in the upper canton. Major's Colour: Same design as the Colonel's Colour but with a union in the upper canton, with a gold 'pile wavy' issuing from its lower canton. 3rd Foot Guards Colonel's Colour: Crimson, with a red rampant lion of Scotland in the centre on a yellow shield, with the motto 'En Ferus Hostis' below, and the Imperial crown above. Lieutenant Colonel's Colour: Crimson, with, in the centre, a red and white rose with a thorn issuing from one stem with the motto' nita Fortior' below and the crown above. It also has a small union flag in the dexter canton. Major's Colour: Crimson, bearing the badge of a Star of the Order of the Thistle with the motto 'Semper Pararus'. Also has a small union flag in the dexter canton. The Regimental Colour The Regimental Colour was the national flag. Each company of the Guards regiments had a Company or Regimental Colour, distinguished by its own company badge, which was borne in rotation by each battalion. By the time of the \Vaterloo campaign in 1815 the 1st Foot Guards had 24 company badges, in the Coldstream there were 16, while in the 3rd Foot Guards there were 13. The badges were as follows: 1st Foot Guards, Company Badges 1st The Royal Crest in gold, a crowned lion standing on a large crown. 2nd A red rose surmounted by a white rose. 3rd A gold fleur-de-lys. 4th A gold portcullis with hanging chains. 5th A silver rose in a flaming sun. 6th A thistle in full colours. 7th A silver stringed gold harp. 8th A red winged Welsh dragon on a green mound. Cololl1os fllld Rflllk Distillctions 113

Urbes' beneath. 10th A salamander standing amidst flames, with the motto, 'Pascua Nota Mihi' beneath. 1[th A cross of St Andrew on a blue shield. Motto, 'In Hoc Signo Vinces' beneath. 12th A group of war trophies, with the motto, 'Honore Praefero' beneath. 13th A Talbot passant on a green mount, all in a gold shield, with the motto, 'Intaminata Fide' beneath.

9th A silver greyhound with a red collar on a green mound. 10th The flaming sun. 11 th A silver unicorn with a prince's coronet and a chain. 12th A white antelope with a ducal crown and chain standing on a green mount. 13th A white hart, gorged with a ducal crown and chain on a green mount. 14th A white falcon with wings expanded, perched on the barrel of a close golden fetterlock. 15th A red rose with green stalks and leaves. 16th A white swan with expanded wings, gorged with a ducal crown and chain on a green mount. 17th A white falcon with a sceptre standing on a tree trunk with red and white roses sprouting. 18th A trunk of a tree with three leaves sprouting. 19th A golden sceptre and sword proper. 20th A crowned head in a tree on a green mount. 21 st A SWl rising behind clouds. 22ndA beacon or cresset with flames. 23rd Silver ostrich feathers, crossed. 24th A white hart with golden antlers springing from the gate of a golden triple towered castle. Coldstream Guards, Company Badges 1st A white lion on a green mount, surmounted by an Imperial crown. 2nd Three ostich feathers with the motto 'Ich Dien'. 3rd A white and black spotted panther, having flames of fire coming from its mouth, on a green mount. 4th Crossed swords, with points upwards, in silver. The hilt and pommel in gold. 5th St George and Dragon. 6th A red rose with golden seeds and green thorns in a garter. 7th A centaur provided with a bow and arrow on a green mount. 8th Two crossed sceptres in gold. 9th The knot of the collar of the Order of the Garter. lOth A carbunkle in gold. 11 th A white boar, passant, tusked in gold on a green mount. 12 th A dun cow, on a green mount. 13th A red and white rose impaled with a golden pomegranate bearing green leaves. 14th A white horse galloping on a green mount. 15 th The crown of Charlemagne in gold. 16th Three crests of German origin, emanating from Saxony, Brunswick and Hanover.

JJ4 Colours and Rank Distinctions

An officer of the Coldstream Guards. The buttons are paired, as befits the 2nd Foot Guards. Note the broad gold lace and high black stock. His belt is fastened with a serpent and lion's head clasp.

3rd Foot Guards, Company Badges: 1st A red lion standing on an Imperial crown all on a silver shield, with the motto, 'In Defensio' beneath. 2nd A hand grenade with a lighted fuse. Motto, 'Terrorem Affero' beneath. 3rd The red rampant lion of Scotland, with the motto, 'Intrepidus' beneath. 4th The cross with a representation of St Andrew, upon a star of silver, all under a thistle. Motto, 'Nemo Me Impune Laccesit' beneath. 5th A red lion passant and full faced, on a gold shield with the motto, 'Timere Nescius' beneath. 6th A blue griffin on a gold shield, with the motto, 'Belloque Ferox' beneath. 7th A pheonix rising from flames on a green mount, with the motto, 'Per Funera Vitam' beneath. 8th A thunderbolt with silver wings, with the motto, 'Horror bique' beneath. 9th A cannon represented as though in the act of firing a shot. Motto, 'Concussae Cadent

The first battle honours awarded to the 1st Foot Guards were granted in 1811. 'Lincelles' was awarded in June, and 'Corunna' and 'Barrosa' in October. Both these battle honours appear to have been added to the colours in 1814. After the Egyptian Campaign of 1801 the Coldstream Guards were awarded the battle honour 'Egypt' and a Sphinx was added to the colours. The Sphinx was silver, and was mounted on a plinth inscribed with Egyptian heiroglyphics within a circular wreath of golden laurels with red berries. Between the tips of the wreath was the word 'Egypt', in gold roman capitals. The battle honour 'Egypt' was ordered to be painted on the regiment's colours in 1807, although new colours were issued before this was done. It is not clear, therefore, when 'Egypt' was actually added to the colours although by 1811 it had been done. On June 20th 1811 the Coldstream Guards were awarded the battle honour 'Lincelles' and on February 12th 1812 the honours 'Talavera' and 'Barrosa' were awarded. These were painted on to the colours in 1814. Like the Coldstream Guards, the 3rd Foot Guards added a Sphinx to their colours after 1802 which was awarded to them following the Egyptian campaign of the previous year. The battle honour 'Lincelles' was awarded to the regiment in June 1811 and the honours 'Talavera' and 'Barrosa' in February 1812. These honours were added to all the regiment'S colours in 1814. One final note concerns the battle honour 'Peninsula'. This was awarded in April 1815 and it is therefore rather doubtful whether it appeared on the colours of any of the regiments of Foot Guards at Waterloo. It certainly did not appear on the colours of the 1st Foot Guards, as the Major's Colour of the 3rd Battalion had just 'Lincelles', 'Corunna' and 'Barrosa' upon it, and as the 2nd Battalions of the 1st, Coldstream and 3rd Foot Guards were in Holland when the battle honour was awarded it is probable that none of their colours carried at Waterloo bore the honour 'Peninsula', in spite of its being pictured in some paintings, notably Simkin's, painted nearly a century afterwards.

RANK DISTINCTIONS Officers During the Peninsular and Waterloo campaigns the officers of the Foot Guards and Line infantry wore the following rank distinctions. It should be noted that Captains of Grenadier or Light Infantry companies in the Foot Guards wore their epaulettes over the wings. Foot Guards Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels and Majors of Battalion Companies: Two epaulettes witll bullions, with Royal Crowns and the regimental star on the straps of both. Captains of Battalion Companies: Two epaulettes with bullions with only the regimental star on the strap. Captains commanding Grenadier or Light Infantry Companies: Two epaulette"s with bullions which were worn over the wings and with either silver bugle horns or grenades worn above the regimental star. Lieutenants and Ensigns of Battalion Companies: One epaulette \vith bullion worn on the right shoulder only with the regimental star on the shoulder strap. Lieutenants and Ensigns of Grenadier or Light Infantry Companies: A wing on each shoulder decorated with either bugle horns or grenades. Line Infantry In March 1809 Line Infantry officers were given new orders as regards the wearing of badges on their epaulette straps. They were ordered to wear the following badges: Colonels wore two epaulettes with crown and star; lieutenant colonels wore two epaulettes with a crown; majors wore two epaulettes with a star; officers of battalion companies wore single epaulettes, captains wearing a single epaulette on the right shoulder with bullion twisted fringe, and lieutenants and ensigns a single epaulette on the right shoulder with a thin wire fringe. Officers of grenadier companies wore a wing on both shoulders \vith a grenade whilst light company officers wore a wing on either shoulder \vith a bugle horn. Adjutants wore a fringed subaltern's epaulette on the right shoulder and Following pages. Thomas St Clair's picture of the British camp at Villa Velha, Portugal, May 1811. St Clair's pictures contain a wealth of detail as regards uniform, life-style, camp quarters, etc. This particular picture shows a wide variety of activities and is one of his finest pictures.

Colow'S and Rank Distinctions 115

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and corproals was introduced. L1stead of the old shoulder knots and epaulettes, chevrons were introduced both for the Foot Guards and the Line illfantry. In the three regiments of Foot Guards the chevrons were worn as follows: Sergeant Major: four gold lace chevrons on dark blue cloth. Colour Sergeant (from]uly 1813): three gold lace chevrons on dark blue cloth, with a crimson King's Colour placed upon the chevrons with the Royal Crown above and crossed swords below it. Sergeant: three gold lace chevrons on dark blue cloth. Drum Major: same as sergeants. Corporals: two white worsted lace chevrons on dark blue cloth. Chosen Man (Lance Corporal): a single white worsted lace chevron on dark blue cloth. These chevrons were worn on the right sleeve. There is little evidence to show that the sergeants of the grenadier and light infantry companies wore their chevrons on both arms, as was the practice in the Line infantry regiments. TCOS also wore their chevrons on the right sleeves of their greatcoats. Another rank distinction was of course the sergeants' sashes. These were crimson with a white stripe in the 1st Foot Guards, plain crimson in the Coldstream, and crimson with a blue and white stripe in the 3rd Foot Guards. By the time of Waterloo, however, in 1815, all sashes are presumed to have been just crimson. ill the Line illfan try regiments sergeant majors quartermaster sergeants and drum majors all wore four white lace chevrons edged blue on their right arm. Sergeants wore three chevrons on their right am1, and on both arms for flank companies, as did lance sergeants, whilst corporals wore two chevrons on their right arms and on both in flank companies. Chosen men wore a single chevron on their right arm, and on both in flank companies.

118 Colollrs and Rank Distinctions

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Fighting Spirit

A particularly young looking officer of the 10th Regiment, 1815. The bottoms of his grey trousers will not last very long unless he reinforces them with leather, the method favoured by the majority of officers on campaign.

Ever since 1661, when British troops were shipped off to distant Tangier to fight a cunning and clever Moorish enemy, right up until the 1982 Falklands War, British armies have fought and defeated a vast array of different enemies and have achieved dozens of decisive, dazzling victories. The British soldier is indeed a master of the art of fighting and some of the best exponents of this particularly deadly art must surely be those who fought under Sir Arthur Wellesley in the Peninsular War. illdeed, of all the armies that Britain has put into the field during her long and very illustrious martial history, the old Peninsular army must rank very high on the list. Some modern historians have chosen to dismiss the Peninsular War as 'a mere sideshow', comparing it to Tapoleon's campaigns in Europe and Wellington's victory at Waterloo. Try telling this to the men who stormed the bloody breaches at Badajoz, or the men who 'reeled like battleships' in the ferocious firefight at Albuera, the men who crushed the French at Salamanca and Vittoria and who flushed them from their rock)' crags atop the Pyrenees in 1813. Sideshow? I think not. Politically perhaps, but these six years of hard, sustained conflict warrant more respect than to be called a mere sideshow. ill any case, in human terms war never IS. 'The most complete machine for its numbers now existing in Europe', was how Wellington described his army on November 21st 1813, eleven days after his victory at the battle of the ivelle and with his men poised to begin the last leg of their triumphant march that had seen them advance from Portugal to southern France. Wellington was not given to such praise without good reason and, indeed, such a tribute had not been earned without a vast amount of toil, triumph and tragedy. It was also a far cry from Wellington's own estimation of the task facing him when he assumed command of the Peninsular army in 1808, when he said that his job was to do the best he could with the instr1lments that had been sent to assist

him. After six years of hard struggle Wellington finished his job and was hailed a national hero by a grateful British public. However, he was swift to deflect some of the huge amount of praise heaped upon him onto what he called 'the best of all instruments', meaning the British infantryman, for it was largely as a result of the tremendous efforts of that Sir John Moore (1761-1809), commander ofthe British army during its ill-fated Corunna campaign of 1808-09. Although remembered for being mortally wounded whilst saving the army at Corunna on January 16th 1809, his major contribution to the army lay in his training of Light troops at Shorncliffe camp, prior to the Peninsular War.

Fighting Spi1'it 119

The 57th Regiment withstand heavy fire during the battle of Albuera, 1811. Illustration by Lieut. Col. Marshman.

particular 'instrument' that Wellington's laurels were gained. \Vellington's army was, in reality, an AngloPortuguese one, and we should never overlook the part played by the Portugue e army in the Penin ula or the role of the Spani h parti ans and the people of the two Iberian nations. The rea ons, however, behind the British army's success in the Peninsula were not totally dissimilar to those which saw it to victory in other campaigns although during the Napoleonic "Vars, Britain could lean very heavily on her seapower and on the mighty British pound. Aside from these most important factors, the crucial elements in the British Army's victory in the Peninsula were good leadership, motivation, tactics, a sound system and, above all, an imperturbable and brave British soldier. That \"ellington possessed a number of woefully incompetent commanders in the Peninsula it cannot be denied. However, these were far outnumbered by sound, high-quality divi ional and brigade commanders, such as Picton, Graham, Hill, Col borne, Cole, Le Marchant and, even if he was given to hair-

raising antics, Robert Craufurd. These senior army officers were followed by scores of superb regimental officers such as Cameron of the 92nd, Becbvith and Barnard of the 95th and Wallace of the 8th, who were revered by their men and to whom nothing but the highest respect and obedience were given. The British soldier was indeed fortunate that he had such brave men who led from the front. Those who did not, such as Colonel l'iathaniel Peacock of the 71 sr, a coward at the battle of St Pierre, stand out a exceptions to the rule. That the officers led by example and inspired the men can be gauged by men like Colonel Henry Ridge, traditionally the first man to scale the castle walls at Badajoz on the night of April 6th 1812. Ridge gained the ramparts, only to be Opposite top. The storming of the castle of Badajoz by the 3rd Division, April 6th 1812. Although intended as a diversionary attaCk, it was this assault, along with the 5th Division's attack at the San Vincente bastion, which won the town for Wellington after the assaults on the breaches failed.

Opposite bottom. Wellington visits the horrific area in front of the breaches at Badajoz on the morning after the attack.

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120 Figbtillg Spirit

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Figbtitlg Spirit 121

Battle of Albuera,16th May 1811. Illustration by R. Caton Woodville.

shot down shortly afterwards, but his men, following behind, went berserk at the sight of their commander weltering in his own blood and the defender paid a terrible price for their defence of the place. A myth has grown over the years as to the social backgrounds of Wellington's officers, a myth that would have us believe that the army was officered almost entirely by the aristocracy and the landed gentry. This is far from the truth, however, for in 1809 there were just 140 officers in the army who were peers or sons of peers and almost half of these were with either the cavalry or the three regiments of Foot Guards. Indeed, the majority of British officers hailed Opposite Top. The storming of Badajoz, April 6th 1812. British attacking columns move forward in the midst of a veritable volcano of fire from the French.

Opposite Bottom. British cavalry at the battle of Salamanca, July 22nd 1812. The dragoons are shown incorrectly wearing the 1812-pattern helmets which were not yet introduced in the Peninsula.

122 Figbting Spirit

from the profes ional classes which encompassed everybody from the landed gentry to doctors, lawyers and tradesmen. These officer would lead their men to hell and back if need be, as they did at Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz and San Sebastian. And whilst on the subject of ocial cla it i worth noting that one of the Peninsular War' most famous diarists, Kincaid, of the 95th Rifles, bemoaned the fact that more members of the aristocracy did not end their sons to join the army as they were able to command more respect from their men. Of course, the British soldier could count himself fornrnate they he was led, ultimately, by one of the great commanders in military history, namely Wellington himself. ever loved by his men, Wellington was, nevertheless, a man who inspired great confidence in them, never wasting lives and always careful not to fritter away his valuable resources. One has only to look at the example set by Beresford at Albuera, to use perhaps the most obvious one, to gauge the feelings of the men towards the rwo commanders. After the battle, one of the bloodiest of the Peninsular War, Wellington visited the wounded, saying that he was sorry to ee so many of them lying there, whereupon one of them replied that if he had been in command they probably would not have been Fighting Spirit 123

The Household Brigade clash with French Cuirassiers at the Battle of Waterloo. Illustration by Lieut. Col. Marshman

there. The British soldier knew that as long as 'old ~o ey' was with them they had a more than equal chance of victory and, more important, survival. This confidence was borne of the experience of the early year of the campaign, when the British Army was a small and precious one with which \ Vellington could take few risks, lest the doubting politicians at home press for a recall, which they would do until deep into the war. The British soldier has attracted a great deal of bad pre s over the years regarding his conduct, particularly following the sieges and on the retreat to Corunna and from Burgos. Strangely enough, the rank and file had the backing of their commander-in- chief on everal of these unsavoury occasion. Following the sacking of San Sebastian, for example, \ Vellington was quick to defend his men against Spanish allegations made by the Spaniards that the British had torched the town after its storming, but follo\\~ng an internal inquiry \ Vellington found he could attach no blame to his men. He may also, of course, have been busy fending off newspaper allegations concerning his own role in the business. And at the end of the retreat from / U Figbting pirit

Burgos, aid by those who had gone through that particular episode as well as the retreat to Corunna, to be by far the wor e of the two, \\ ellington i ued his infamou memorandum in which he laid the blame fairly and squarely on the officer commanding divisions and brigades. He knew deep down, perhaps, that after having put them through hell at Badajoz, for example, it was too much to expect the battle-crazed survivors to simply 'switch off'. A gallows was erected in the town after the storming but nobody was actually hanged. Furthermore, \\{ellington's anger at the black deeds perpetrated upon the population of Badajoz must have been tempered by the sight of hundreds of British corpses lying warm and still in the ditches in front of the breaches. Discipline was of paramount importance, of course, because, asJohn Keegan has pointed out, an amlY is often just one step away from becoming a rabble and in \"ellington's day it was no different. Hence the need for a sound supply system which, hopefully, would a\'oid having (Contil/ued 01/ page /29) Opposite. Battle of Fuentes de Onoro, 5 May 1811, Captain Home, 3rd Foot Guards, is attacked by three French troopers. Painting by Harry Payne.

Figbting pint /25

The Battle of Maya, 25th July 1813

advance. The 400 Scotsmen performed heroically and held at

The fight at the pass at Maya on July 25th 1813 formed one of

they too were gradually forced back.

bay an entire French division until after about twenty minutes

the three main battles of the Pyrenees, Roncesvalles and

One of the better accounts of the fight at Maya comes

Sorauren being the other two. The battles represented a

from the pen of William Thornton Keep, of the 28th, who

desperate attempt by Soult, commanding the French army in

described how his battalion arrived to find the 92nd sittin9

the Peninsula after Vittoria, to relieve the French-held fortress

down watching the approach of the French. After a while he

of Pamplona. On July 25th, Soult's troops attacked the two

said he was called to carry the colour and even had time to

passes over the Pyrenees between France and Spain at

stop and talk to another soldier about the events of the day as

Roncesvalles and Maya, driving the BritiSh back and

the 92nd carried off their wounded in blankets. Eventually, his

occupying both passes.

battalion was thrust back, leaving him isolated and with a

While the battle for the pass of Roncesvalles was raging

French soldier levelling his musket at him. Keep was forced to

D1Erion's corps, numbering 21,000, advanced against the

jump down a ravine to save himself and the Colour. By this

BritiSh troops holding the equally important pass at Maya.

stage of the war many of the 92nd were wearing sandals cut

At about 6am, O'Erion launched an attack on the eastern

from cattle hides whilst their kilts had been replaced in some

edge of the ridge at Maya, overrunning the 4OO-strong piquet

instances by brown cloth trousers. The 28th were still wearing

placed on the Gorospil hill and thrusting back the British

their stovepipe shakos and would still be doing so two years

troops, the 28th, 34th, and 39th, who had rushed to their aid.

later at Waterloo. Painting by Richard Hook.

Three more British battalions, the SOth, 92nd and 71 st, witnessed the fighting from their positions to the west of the main road and one of them, the lISOth, was sent to their assistance. For a while the SOth held the French in check but they could not be stopped and the Kentish re9iment was thrown back across the main road. At this point Pringle, the local commander, sent forward half a battalion of the 1/92nd to try and halt the enemy

126 Figbtillg pirit

Above.

Black Watch at Bay, painted by W. B. Wollen. Battle of Quatre Bras, 16 June 1815

Saddle of Lt. James Gape, Scots Greys, pierced twice by bullets during the charge of the Union Brigade at Waterloo, he was unscathed. The saddle can be seen at Edinburgh Castle.

the men plunder the Iberian villages in an effort to supplement their rations. By and large the system worked and the British soldier was able to fight the war well supplied from the bases in Lisbon and, later in the war, from Santander and Passages. Indeed, one of the marked differences between the fortunes of the British and French soldiers is that the former was far better supplied. The Spanish and Portuguese, meanwhile, took all of this philosophically - at the end of the day they were left with nothing, the only difference was that the British paid for their supplies whereas the French just took them. This is not to say that the commissariat did not break down occasionally and when it did it often provoked the sort of scenes that prompted Wellington to use such phrases as 'the scum of the earth' when referring to his men. Incidentally, many writers tend to ignore Wellington's lesser known postscript, 'it is wonderful that we should Opposite. British Heavy Dragoons at Waterloo, 1815, by R. Knoetel.

J 28 Figbtil1g Spi1'it

have made them the fine fellows they are.' It is worth noting, however, that Wellington did not add this latter conunent until 1831, in a conversation with Earl Stanhope, whereas he did, in fact, use the phrase 'the scum of the earth', in a letter to Earl Bathurst dated July 2nd 1813. In the letter Wellington berates his men for their conduct and his officers and COs for not being able to control them. 'It is really a disgrace to have anything to say to such men as some of our soldiers are.' It was, therefore, some 18 years before he added the 'fine fellows' postcript. But even during the retreat to Corunna the men may have lost their discipline but they did not lose the will to fight. That much maligned arm of Wellington's army, the cavalry, achieved two of its most notable successes during the retreat, at Sahagun and Benevente, whilst even the exhausted, ragged infantry, dragging themselves through the snow-covered passes of the Galician mountains, were capable of turning on their tormentors occasionally to give them a bloody nose. The British soldier in the Peninsula, and in particular the infantryman, was served by a tactical system that saw him sweep his French adversaries from many a dusty battlefield. Wellington's reliance on the two-deep line against the French colunm, coupled

Figbtillg Spirit J 29

British troops form squares to repel French cavalry, still from 'Waterloo', Columbia Pictures.

with Ills judicious use of ground, was a major factor in his ultimate success. Indeed, the spectacle of long, silent lines of red-jacketed infantry waiting to greet the enemy columns is one of the great images of the war, as is that of the angry, bayonet-wielding Brits, charging forward in pursuit of their Aeeing French adversaries who had wisely declined their invitation to cross bayonets \vith them. Tills is not to say that the French troops were incapable of manoeuvre. On the contrary, the French were considered superior in their movements, as John Mill , of the Coldstream Guards, noted in Ills letters. 'Their movements compared with ours are as mail coaches to dung carts....but at fighting we beat them, and they know it', he wrote. Wellington's use of artillery was also of significance as he forbad any real counter-battery fire, preferring instead to use Ills guns in twos and three against the enemy columns wlllch would have already been greatly annoyed by the tIllck British skirmish line. It cannot be denied that the firepower of the British soldier proved decisive in the majority of battle in the Peninsula, but Ills adaptability proved of equal value. The terrain fought over varied

130 Fighting Spi,-it

tremendously from the vineyards of Vimeiro to the intimidating ridge of Busaco, and from the hot, dry plains of Salamanca to the lofty peaks of the Pyrenee . Indeed, the battlefields of northern Spain and southwestern France are amongst the most picture que in Europe. Yet the British soldier took tills in hi unruffled stride, and all this in the days when a trip to a neighbouring village in England was often the furthest extent of a man's travel. In fact, it has been calculated that the British soldier in the Peninsula marched an average of 6,000 miles during the war. But at the heart of the British soldier's raison d'etre was the regiment. When a man enlisted he not only joined the British Army, he joined a regiment, and that regiment was to become Ills home and his family for the duration of Ills service. If the men of the regiment were its life blood, then the Colours were its heart, for there is something about the sight of a large piece of square cloth, mounted upon a long wooden pole that stirs a man to perform great deeds of heroism. How many times have we read in the annals of British military Illstory the phrase, 'Save the Opposite. Battle of Waterloo. Sergeant Ewart of the Scots Greys captures the Eagle Standard of the French 45th Regiment.

Fighting Spirit 131

ColoursI') Names like .\leh~lIe, Coghill and Souter ring out over the years as examples of such heroism, men who made the ultimate sacrifice in order to sa\'e the spirit of the regiment from falling into the hands of the enemy. In the Peninsula it was no different. Take, for example, Lieutenant Latham of the 3rd Foot (The Buffs). His regiment fornled part of Col borne' ill-fated brigade at Albuera which was ~rtually annihilated by a regiment of Polish lancers, supported by French hussars. In the ensuing carnage the lancers made a determined assault on the Buffs' I(jng's Colour, hacking, hewing and spearing the helpless infantrymen whose muskets had been rendered ineffective by a sudden rainstorm. In the midst of the bedlam Lieutenant Latham could be seen fighting for all he was worth in order to save the Colour. After a desperate fight the enemy cavalry were seen off but at a terrible cost, not least to Latham himself who, despite surviving the onslaught, lost an arm and wa terribly cur up. The Colour was saved, however, as Latham had managed to wrap it round his body. Ensign Furnace, of the 29th Regiment, performed a similar feat of heroism, also at Albuera. 1\vo sergeants had been killed and Furnace, himself wounded, was propped up by the last survi~g sergeant. Another officer offered to take the I(jng's Colour from him but Furnace refu ed. The Regimental Colour, meanwhile, was carried by En ign Vance, who was mortally

wounded and with the last sergeant killed, the colour party had virtually ceased to exist. In an effort to save the Regimental Colour from the French, Vance ripped the flag from its taff and wrapped it round his body. That night both Vance and Furnace were found dead on the battlefield but the two colours were safe, hidden by their guardians before they had died. But this was what wa expected of an officer and it wa to such men that the rest of the battalion looked. Regimental pride was one of the greatest motivations the British soldier had, and always has, and such men as Furnace and Vance were just typical examples of men doing their utmost to maintain their honour. This regimental pride ran through the veins of the men themselves who were no less proud of their adopted family, its traditions and its fighting reputation. There were, of course, a core of bad apples to be found in every regiment that were usually the stimulus and motivating force behind the sort of dark deeds that have tarnished tlle reputation of the greater part of the army and who may well have been called the scum of the earth with some justification. However, in spite of everything that had happened in the Peninsula, Wellington was able to look back and say that the army was in such perfect order he could have gone anywhere and done anything \~th it. I think this stands as perhaps the greatest tribute of all to the fighting prowe s of the British soldier.

Opposite top. The 10th Hussars trying to find their way in the Peninsula by way of a map and a local guide. After a painting by Simkin.

Bottom. An extremely nice painting of a 16th Light Dragoon on patrol in the Peninsula, c. 1811. He is wearing the pre-1812 uniform with the 'Tarleton' helmet. He is also wearing grey trousers and is carrying a carbine in his hands.

J32 Fighting Spi"it

Fighting Spirit 133

I

Bibliography

There is a vast array of literature on the subject of apoleonic military dress to which this modest effort will be added. The number of books on the subject has grown in tandem with the increase of the model soldier and wargaming industry. The real increase in books of the subject of military dress has occurred during the last forty years with such authors as R. Money Barnes, CCP. Lawson and W. Carmen being amongst the pioneers. Indeed, Bill Carmen continues to flourish today. During the last couple of decades authors and artists such as the Fosten brothers, Gerry Embleton, Martin Windrow, Richard Hook, Mjchael Barthorp and, of course, Philip Haythornthwaite have added to our knowledge of the apoleoruc period as regards uniforms and equipment. aturally enough, it is the paintings and pictures of contemporary artists that'are a prime source of information. Probably the most important source we have comes from Charles Hamilton Smith, whose drawings of British military uniforms of the period are the most easily recognisable today. His drawings adorn the pages of scores of books and provide a unique reference work on the uniforms of Wellington's army. Another important source are the superb paintings of Major Thomas St Clair, an officer who served with the Portuguese army in the Peninsula. St Clair could only paint what he saw, of course, and therefore there are very few anachronisms - if any exist at all - in his paintings. The detail in his pictures is wonderful; take for example the camp scene at Villa Vehla, featured in this book. The picture contains a wealth of detail showing camp life as it appeared in the Peninsula. The Waterloo paintings of Denis Dighton are also superb. Again, details are reproduced in this book. The later artists, particularly the Victorian and Edwardian artists like Woollen, Beadle and, of course, Caton Woodville, captured the spirit of the period with their actionpacked paintings of such stirring episodes like the storming of Badajoz, Albuera, Vittoria and Talavera. But, unfortunately, there are far too many

134 Bibliogmpby

anachrorusms in their work to be a reliable source of information. Indeed, Caton Woodville even shows the 1812 pattern shako in his paintings of the battle of Alexandria, 1801 1 However, they do capture something of the flavour of the times and so their work is often to be found in books on the subject. Much of the information regarding the true picture of Wellington's men on campaign lies, namrally, in their memoirs. Unfortunately, the majority of them are priced far beyond the reach of most readers and have become inflated to an extreme by coIJectors an;cious to obtain the missing pieces for their jigsaws. I hold my own hand up here. Moreover, memoirs written during the Perunsular War and Waterloo Campaigns are by far the most desirous of volumes, which doesn't help matters. But there has of late been a move by certain publishers, such as Ken Trotman, Greenhill, Worley and Spell mount, to produce facsimiles of rare books at affordable prices. They may not be first editions, of course, but the information therein is the same and we should be grateful to them for providing the service. Sigruficantly, the steady flow of reprints and facsimiles does not appear to have affected the antiquarian book market. There are still a number of unpublished memoirs in homesteads, museums and archives around Britain, some of which will, undoubtedly, contain new information on military dress. Indeed, the letters of William Thornton Keep, of the 28th Regiment, contain some very graphic descriptions of his clothing and equipment, some brief extracts of which appear in this book. The lists of clothing and equipment given by Gleig and Cooper, given in the chapter on campaign dress appear in their respective memoirs, Gleig's Tbe Subaltel?l, of which several editions are to be found, and John Spencer Cooper's Rongb Notes ofSeven CampaigllS, published in 1869 and 1914 and recently reprinted by Spellmount. Woodberry's list comes from his own manuscript although an edition, curiously in

French, was published in Paris towards the end of the last century. Other worthy memoirs containing uniform description include John Stepney Cowell's Leaves from tbe Dimy ofan Officer oftbe Gum'ds, John Patterson's Adve11tm'es in tbe 50tb Regiment, William Grattan's Adventures hi tbe Connaugbt Rangers, Mercer's ]oumal oftbe H7ate1"l00 Campaign and Cooke's Memoirs oftbe Late H7rI1·. These are just a few, however, and others are listed in this bibliography. In many ways, these memoirs are far more valuable than any book on uniform, this volume included, because these were the men who had to wear the uniforms and are the men who have passed down their verdicts from those heady days of the early 19th century. Dress regulations are fine as a starting point but really should be left to the 'buttons and lace' world of miLitary modelling, for as the eye witness accounts featured in this book amply demonstrate, the difference between regulation clothing and campaign dress appears to be vast. Listed below are some of the best and most important works produced on the uniforms worn by vVellington's army. Couple with this is a very brief selection of memoirs which contain references to uniforms and equipment. These are just a few of the many accounts left to us by Wellington's men and, indeed, if one scans the pages of the majority of memoirs, readers will usually find some references usually complaints - about the quality and standards of military dress on campaign.

GENERAL BAILEY, D. W Bl'itisb Militmy Longarllls, 1715-1815. London, 1971. BRETT-JANIES, A. Life in Wellington's A17J1)'. London, 1972. FLETCHER, Ian & Poulter, R. Gentlemen's Sons; Tbe Foot Gum'ds in tbe Pe11inSllla and at Watel'loo, 18081815. Tunbridge Wells, 1992. FLETCHER, Ian. Wellington's Foot Gu01·ds. London, 1994. FLETCHER, Ian. Wellington's Regiments. Staplehurst, 1995. FOSTEN, Bryan, Wellington's bifm1tly 1. London, 1981. FOSTE ,Bryan, Wellington's bifantly 2. London, 1982. FOSTEI ,Bryan. Wellington's Ligbt Cavahy. London 1982. GLOVER, Mjchael. Wellington's AmI)' in tbe Peninsula. Newton Abbot, 1976.

HAYTHOR1"JTHvVAlTE, Philip. Weapons and Equipment oftbe Napoleonic IMws. Poole, 1979. HAYTHORi"-TTHWAlTE, Philip. Unifimns oftbe PeninSlllm" Wm; 1807-1814. Poole 1978 HAYTHORi"JTHWAlTE, Philip. Unifo17l1S of Watel·loo. Poole, 1974. HAYTHORiVTHWAlTE, Philip. Britisb bifantly of tbe Napoleonic WaJ:r. London, 1987 HAYTHORl T~rAlTE, Philip. Bl'itisb Cavahyman, 1792-1815. London, 1994. HAYTHORiVT~rAlTE, Philip. Wellington's Specialist Troops. London, 1988. HAYTHORNTHWAlTE, Philip. Tbe A17llies of Wellington. London, 1994. LAWSOI ,CCP' A Hist01Y oftbe Unif017IlS oftbe Bl"itisb AmlY. Vol.5. London, 1967. APIER, W Hist01Y oftbe Wal' in tbe Peninsula and in tbe SoMb ofFmnce, from tbe yem' 1807 to tbe year 1814. London, 1828-1845. OMAl'\J, Sir Charfes. Wellington's AI7IlY, 1809- 1814. Oxford,1913. ONlAN, Sir Charles. Hist01Y oftbe PeninS1llm' Wal: Oxford, 1902. ROBSON, B. Swords oftbe Bl'itisb A17ny; Tbe Regulation PattmLS, 1788-1914. London, 1996. ROGERS, Col. H.CB. Wellington's AmlY. London, 1979. VERN . R, Col. Willoughby. History and Campaigns of tbe Rifle Brigade, 1800- 13. London, 1912. ~!ELLER, J. Wellington in tbe PeninS1lla. London, 1962. WINDROW; M. & EMBLETON, G. Militmy Dress oftbe PeninS1llal' Wal: London, 1974. Various issues of Mjlitary Ulustrated, Tradition, The Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, Royal United Services Institute Journal. MEMOIRS CADELL, Charles. Nr!17"ative oftbe CampaiEJILS oftbe Twenty-Eigbt Regiments, since tbeir retll171 from Egypt in 1802. London, 1835. COOKE, John. Me11l0iJ:r oftbe Late War: Comprising tbe PeJ:ronal Nan'ative ofCaptain Cooke oftbe 431"d Regiment ofLigbt bifm1tly. London, 1831. COOPER, John Spencer. Rongb Notes ofSeven Campaigns in P01·tIlgal, Spain, Frmlce and AmeriCfl, dnring tbe Yem:!" 1809-1815. Carlisle, 1869. CO~LL, John Stepney. Leavesfrom tbe Dimy ofan Office1' oftbe Guards. London, 1854. DUNN-PATTISON, R.P. Tbe Hist01Y oftbe 91st Al'gyllsbin Higblandm. Edinburgh, 1910.

BiblioEJI"f1pby 135

DYNELEY, Thomas. Letters w"itten by Lieut.-General Thomas Dyneley, CB. RA., while on active service between the years 1808 and 1815. Woolwich, 1896. FLETCHER, Ian. (Ed). A Guards Officer in the Peninsula; The PeninSlllar Wilr letters oJJohn ROILS, Coldstream Guards, 1812-1814. Tunbridge Wells, 1992. FLETCHER, Ian. (Ed). For King and Country; The Letters and Diaries oJJohn Mills, Coldstream Guards, 1811-1814. Staplehurst, 1995. FLETCHER, Ian. (Ed). In the Service ojthe King; The Letters oj William Th017lton Keep, 1808- 1814, at Hcnlle, Willcheren and in the Peninsula. Staplehurst, 1997. GLEIG, G. The Subaltern. London, 1825. GORDON, Alexander. A Cavalry Officer in the Corunna Campaign, 1808- 1809; The Jou17Ial of Captain Gordon ofthe 15th H1LSSOl"S. London, 1913. GRATT , W Adventures with the Connaught Rangers, 1809-1814. London, 1902. HENEGAN, R. Seven Years' Campaigning in the Peninsula. London, 1848. KINCAID, j. Adventt17'es in the Rifle Brigade, in the PeninS1lla, France, and the ethedands, from 1809 to 1815. London, 1830.

136 Bibliography

LA\VRE TCE, William. Tbe Autobiography of e'"geant William Lawrence, a Hero ofthe PeninSilIOl" and Wilterloo Campaigns. London, 1 86. MERCER, Cavalie. Jo1t171al ofthe Wilterloo Campaign. London, 1927. PATTER ON, john. The Adventtlres ofCaptain John Patte"son, with otices ojthe Officers, &c. ofthe 50th, or Queen's Own Regiment, frcnJl 1807 to 1 21. London, 1837. SIMMONS, George. A British Rifleman. The Jou17lals and Correspondence ofMajor George Simmons, Rifle B"igade, dul"ing the PeninS1llar Wilr and the Campaign ofWilterloo. London, 1899. SURTEES, William. Twenty-Five Years in the Rifle Brigade. London, 1833. TOMKINSO ,Lr.Col. William. The Diary oja Cavalry Officer in the PeninslllOl" and Wate,"loo Campaigns, 1809-1815. London, 1894. WHEELER, William. Tbe Letters ofPrivate Wheeler, 1809-1828. London, 1951. WOO D BERRY, George. The 18th H1lSsars and the Victoria Campaign of 1813. (MSS account, courtesy of Mr Eddie Webb.)

Napoleonic Wars Directory

This directory is a comprehensive guide for apoleonic re-enactors, historians, art collectors, modellers and wargamers. Napoleonic Re-enactment Groups The umbrella organisation for many of the apoleonic re-enactment groups in Britain is the long established apoleonic Association organising events not only in this country but throughout Europe. Over the years the A has grown from a purely reenactment organisation to incorporate research and wargaming sections and members also receive the magazine, Fi'"51 Empire. For details write to the Chairman, Mike Freeman, 5 Thingwall Drive, Irby, Wirral, Merseyside L61 3XN. Winners of Military Illustrated's Best Re-enactment Group award in 1995, the 12th Light Dragoons are one of Britain's finest living history groups. The 12th have high standards of authenticity and horsemanship and pride themselves on maintaining the spirit of the original regiment they proudly base themselves upon. Contact Martin Render, Shepherd's Cottage, Femhill, Glemsford, uffolk, COlO 7PR for details. Another fine cavalry unit is the 15th King's Light Dragoons (Hussars) who are also very exacting in their standards. The 15 th can be contacted through eil Leonard, Rose Cottage, Caledonia, Winlaton, Tyne & Wear, < 21 6AX. The 3rd Battalion 1st Foot Guards portray the elite troops who fought under Wellington through the Peninsula and Waterloo campaigns. The unit is run by Waterloo expert Derek Saunders who can be contacted at the Waterloo Museum, Crow Hill, Broadstairs, Kent, CTI0 lHN. The 2nd Queen's Regiment of Foot recreates the 2nd Foot during the early years of the Peninsular War. Contact G. Brown, 18 Lilac Close, Bellfields Estate, Guildford, Surrey, G I IPB. The 42nd Royal Highland Regiment was formed over a decade ago and its events include displays at

Fort Amherst, Chatham, Kent, Britain's premier Napoleonic fort. Contact R. Prisley, 37 Byron Road, Gillingham, Kent ME7 5QH. The 68th (Durham) Light Infantry has become widely renowned for its painstaking authenticity and recreates one of the fine regiments that fought in the Peninsula. Contact Tony Parker, 213 Bishopton Road West, Fairfield, Stockton, Cleveland, TSI9. Distinct in their green uniforms, the 95th Rifles are always popular at re-enactments and the recent success of the Sharpe television series has created much interest in the e 'specialists'. Contact Les Handscombe, 48 Mutton Place, Prince Of Wales Road, London NWl 8DF (Tel: 01714854942). The Hoch und Deutschmeister are Britain's only apoleonic Austrian regiment standing out at reenactment events in their white uniforms. The unit has been in existence for over 20 years and has also forged strong links \vith other groups in Europe. Contact Ian Castle, 49 Belsize Park, London NW3 4EE. La Garde Imperiale dedicates itself to recreating the glories of apoleon's elite fighting force. The unit is particuJary impres ive because of its live firing displays using full size cannon, at the annual Euro Militaire model show at Folkestone and other events. Because of its reputation, the Garde has taken part in many prestigious events in France and from a foot and artillery group it has now diversified into cavalry, recruiting a group of Garde lancers. Members pay for their uniforms with a subscription of£20 per month. In the north, prospective recruits should contact Derek Mellard on 01924 381 820, Midlands,jim jackson, 01455 449 264, South, jerry Lavender 01323 724433. The geme Demi-Brigade Legere dedicates itself to re-enacting the life and traditions of French soldiers during the revolutionary and apoleonic periods and has become a particularly large unit, counting over 100 chasseurs in its ranks. Members pay £10 per

apoleonic Wars Diuctory 137

month, which covers the cost of their uniforms and travel throughout Britain and Europe. Prospective recruits should be a minimum age of 15 and hold a current passport. Contact 'Louis' at II Birchwood Avenue, Wallington, Surrey, SM6 7HE (Tel: 0181669 0900). The 21eme Regiment De Ligne is another large re-enactment group with a membership of over 100 that always looks impressive at battle displays and living history events. The unit includes sappers, two eagle guards and an eagle bearer. Contact Chris Durkin 22 Swallow Street, Oldham, Lancashire OL8 4LD (Tel: 0161 652 1647). France has an impressive range of re-enactment and study groups, particularly when it comes to the cavalry. One of the best groups is Les Hussards De Lasalle, 7 impasse des Balmes, 78450 Villepreux. Contact Jean Pierre Mir Del Rieu (Tel:(l) 30 56 24 16). Another fine group is Le IOe Escadron de Chasseurs 11 cheval de la garde 48, rue Chapon 75003 Paris. Contact Michel Pourrey (Tel: (I) 48874954). The United States has seen the development of 1 apoleonic re-enacting in recent years. One of the biggest organisations is the Brigade apoleon which has a number of good units and publishes the quarterly magazine Le Ban. Further details about the organisation are available from Brigade apoleon, 18914 Walnut Road, Castro Valley, California 94546. Napoleonic re-enactment suppliers Ages of Elegance at 480 Chiswick High Road London W4 5TT (Tel: 0181 7420730) is run by Dawn Wood, an experienced re-enactor and costume expert whose clients include English Heritage, the 12th Light Dragoons and the Coldstream Guards Museum. Ages of Elegance accepts commissions to make uniforms and they also carry a range of buttons, leatherwork and other items in their shop which is a treasure trove for re-enactors. The Plumery at 16 Deans Close, Whitehall Gardens, Chiswick London W4 3LX (Tel: 0181995 7099) offers a wide selection of Napoleonic shakos from £85 and other headgear accoutrements. The plumery makes plumes for the British army, and with such exacting standards quality is assured. Napoleonic Associations With the success of the Sharpe television series, a fan club has been set up for Sharpe enthusiasts. The club has the approval of Richard Moore who is a consultant on the series and provides plenty of information. For further details contact Chris Clarke, East Lea, Brookfield Drive, Hoveringham, otts, NG 14 7JW.

138 Napoleonic U0rs Direet01Y

The German States Study Group has been set up in the Napoleonic Association to suldy the period of German military history during the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars and sends out newsletters four times a year. For further information write to the Coordinator, John Henderson, 118 Milton Road, Hartlepool, Cleveland. Though not exclusively Napoleonic, La Sabretache, France's long established society and magazine for military historians and collectors has published many excellent articles on Napoleonic uniforms. The Bulletin de la Societe des wlleetionneu1'J de jig/wines Histo1'iqnes, merged witll the La Sabretacbe in the 1970s and many great artists such as Lucien Rousselot and Eugene Leliepvre have been featured In the journal. For further information write to La Sauretacbe 7 Rue Guersant, Paris 75017. The Napoleonic Society of America is well worth joining for all apoleonic enthusiasts. Membership includes a 40 page members' Bulletin with reports on Napoleonic sites and re-enactments and a conference is held every year. For further details write to the Napoleonic Society of Anlerica 5744 W Irving Park Road, Chicago, II, 60634. Another leading society studying the life and times of apoleon is the International Napoleonic Society. Details about the International Napoleonic Society are available from Mr Weider at 2875 Chemin Bates Road, Montreal, Quebec, Canada H35 IE7. The Polish Military Collectors Association takes a strong interest in Poland's role in the Napoleonic Wars. The $50 annual dues include the society's magazine, HetJJlan. Further details from 168 Jackson Mill Road, Freehold I\'TJ 07728, USA. Museums with Napoleonic collections The mecca for all apoleonic enthusiasts is the Musee de L'Armee, Hotel National des Invalides, Paris. A staggering variety of Japoleonic uniforms are on display and the walls are festooned with pictures, many of them by the great French artist Edouard Detaille. Situated close to apoleon's tomb, the museum offers plenty of material for even the most insatiable apoleonic fan. The Musee de L'Emperi at Chateau de L'Emperi Salon-de Provence 13300, is another fine museum featuring an outstanding collections of Napoleonic and Second Empire uniforms painstakingly built up in the Brunon Collection and now owned by the Musee de L'Armee. Caillou, Tapoleon's headquarters at Waterloo has been turned into a museum and you can see the rooms where Napoleon spent a fitful night before the battle

and where he had breakfast on the morning ofJune 18 1815. A selection of battle flags is also on display. The ational Army Museum, Royal Hospital Road, Chelsea, London SW3 4HT, features The Road To Waterloo gallery telling the story of the Napoleonic Wars and incorporates a fine display of original artefacts including a captured French eagle and the hat General Picton was wearing when he was mortally wounded. The Guards Museum at VlTellingron Barracks, Birdcage Walk, London SW41A 2Pvv:.. has good displays on the Guards' Napoleonic service with special emphasis on their legendary defence of Hougoumont and their part in thwarting the attack of the Garde Imperiale at Waterloo. The Museum of Artillery in the Rotunda, Woolwich, London SEI8 4DN has much to offer the Napoleonic enthusiast. Displays include a six pounder cannon used by the Royal Horse Artillery in the Peninsula. ear to the Museum of Artillery is the Royal Artillery Regimental Museum at the Old Royal Military Academy, Red Lion Lane, London SEI8 4D J. In this museum the accent is more on uniforms, campaigns and equipment and a trip to both the Museum of Artillery and the Royal Artillery Regimental Museum, offers an ideal day out. The Royal Regiment of Fusiliers Museum is situated in the Tower of London and again offers a worthwhile day out in conjunction with a visit to the Tower itself. For a taste of the Duke ofWellingron's life and times, a trip to his London residence at Apsley House, 149 Piccadilly, is a must. The house has been recently re-furbished and features a breathtaking display of Napoleonic memorabilia collected by and awarded to the Iron Duke. Stratfield Saye House, near Reading in Berkshire, is the country residence of the VlTellingron family and also has many personal possessions of the first Duke. Also on display, is the first Duke's funeral hearse, made out of metal cast from melted down French cannon captured at Waterloo. The Royal Green Jackets Museum, Peninsular Barracks, Romsey Road, VVinchester, S023 8TS has exhibits on the role of riflemen in the Napoleonic Wars and also features a massive diorama of the Battle of Waterloo, wnich has over 20,000 figures and incorporates a sound and light commentary. The Museum of The Duke of Edinburgh's Royal Regiment - Redcoats in The Wardrobe, 58 The Close, Salisbury, Wiltshire, SPI 2EX has exhibits on the 49th, 62nd and 66th Foot and is housed in a particularly

elegant looking building. Although a comparatively small unit in the Napoleonic Wars, the Royal Marines rendered good service and their story is told at the Royal Marines Museum, Southsea, Portsmouth, Hampshire, P04 9PX. The achievements of the 3rd Foot, The Buffs, one of Britain's oldest regiments who aw many fine moments during the Napoleonic Wars is celebrated in the Buffs Regimental Museum at the Royal Museum, 18 High Street, Canterbury, Kent, CTI 2JE. At Dover Castle in Kent you can see the additional towers added during the Napoleonic VlTars and the inner bailey houses The Princess of Wales' Royal Regiment and Queen's Regiment Museum. The Military Museum of Devon and Dorset situated in the Keep, Bridport Road, Dorchester, has a good selection of Napoleonic artefacts and some fine period paintings. The Durhan'! Light Infantry Museum, Aykley Heads, Durham City, has exhibits on the famed 68th Foot and their heroic actions in vVellingron's Peninsular campaigns. The colours of the regiment are laid up in nearby Durham Cathedral. The Duke ofWellingron's Regimental Museum at the Bankfield Museum Akroyd Park, Halifax, traces the services of the 33rd Foot and 76th Foot and also has some artefacts connected with Wellington himself. The Worcestersnire Regimental Museum at Worcester City i\1useum, Foregate Street, Worcester, mainly concentrates on the history of the 29th and 36th Foot. The VlTorcesters stood firm at Rolica in 1808 and 'Firm' became their regimental motto. Artefacts of the Royal Scots Dragoon Guards, the heroic Greys, whose charge at Waterloo is one of the best known aspects of the battle, are housed at Edinburgh Castle and the Scottish United Services Museum in the Castle has many items of interest to apoleonic enthusiasts. The Black \"'atch Museum at Balhousie Castle, Perth, commemorates the famous 42nd Foot who fought gallantly at Quatre-Bras. The museunl also has exhi bi ts on the 73 rd Foot. The Regimental Museum of the Royal Welch Fusiliers in the Queen's Tower, Caernarfon Castle, Caernarfon, Gwynedd, has some particularly interesting material on the regiment'S servive during the Peninsular campaign. The Regimental Museum of the Queen's Dragoon Guards at Cardiff Castle, has a fine uniform collection including items worn at Waterloo. The fine house of Pias Newydd at Llanfairpwll, Anglesey, Gwynedd, LL61 6EQ, has a military

Napoleonic WfII'S Oil-ectmy 139

r museum with sections devoted to the 1st Marquess of Anglesey, the British cavalry commander at the Battle of Waterloo. Napoleonic Book Suppliers One of the most popular periods of military hi tory, a vast selection of books on the apoleonic period is available both new and secondhand. The following is a list of some of the leading suppliers. Caliver Books, 16-81 London Road, Leigh-onSea Essex SS9 3NH, (Tel & Fax 01702 3986), offer a big election of Napoleonic Books from uniform studies to a selection of Bernard Cornwell's Sharpe novels. Caliver Books are also the publishers of the excellent magazine The Age of apoleon. Hersant's Military Books, whose shop on the Archway Road in North London was a favourite haunt for book enthusiasts, now operate a mail order service from 17 The Drive. High Barnet, Hertfordshire, E 5 4]G (Tel: 0181- 440- 6816, Fax: 0181 +40-6816) and have a good selection of apoleonic books. Francis Edwards the long experienced military history booksellers who were established in 1855 and have their shop at 13 Great Newport Street, Charing Cross Road, London WC2H 7]A, (reI: 0171-3797699 Fax: 0171-836-59 7) offer a range of secondhand apoleonic books for collectors on big and small budgets. Contact them to be put on their catalogue list. Ken Trotman Ltd, nit 11, 135 Ditton Walk, Cambridge, CB5 8PY (reI: 01223211030. Fax: 01223 212317), issues three free catalogues a year, featuring a good apoleonic selection. Victor Sutcliffe, 36 ParkJands Road, London W16 6TE (rei: 0181-769-8345. Fax: 01 1-7696446) is a specialist in the apoleonic era and issues a apoleonic book catalogue. His premises are open by appointment. Chelifer Books at Todd Close, Curthwaite, Wigton, Cumbria CA7 8BE (reI & Fax 01228 711388) offers a choice selection of apoleonic books. Wanted lists are accepted, visitors by appointment. Worley Publications & Booksellers, 10 Rectory Road East, Felling, Tyne and Wear JElO 9D (reI: o19l 469 2414), offer a range of facsimile reprints including The Recollections ofColonel de Gonneville who rose through the ranks of the French army to become a major in the 13th Cuirassiers. Napoleonic Art Cranston Fine Arts, Tonvood House, Tonvoodhill Road, Rhu, Helensburgh, G84 8LE (reI: 01436 820 269) are the agents for widely acclaimed 1 apoleonic

artist Mark Churms and also offer a range of prints of classic paintings by other artists including Caton \Voodville's Defiam Highlander and Wellington lit UIfltel"loo by Crofts. In the United States and Canada, Cranston are represented by Fredericksburg Historical Prints, 829 Caroline Street, Fredericksburg, V 22401 (Tel: 540 373 1861) and the '\1ilitary Art Gallery, 1935 Kelly Road, Harper Woods,,\II 48225 (rei: 313 6521 6420). American artist Keith Rocco is the nited States' leading exponent of painting the Napoleonic period and he's also renowned for his work on the American Civil \ Var. Rocco's recent works include the Lincolnshires in action at Waterloo and portrait pieces of a French Grenadier officer and a Cuiraissier officer. One of the main outlets for limited edition prints of Rocco's work is the Tradition Studio, PO Box 779, Woodstock, VA 22644 (rei: 540459 5469 or 540 459 5951). Ed Dovey whose work has been extensively featured in Militmy Illustrated and other magazines and books offers some of his orginal artwork for sale. write to Ed at 70 Clement Close, Willesden, London 87AN. Bob Cowan, 100 Kiowa Drive South, Lake Kiowa, TX 76240 SA. (rei: 817-668-6420) offer slides and prints of the famous Knbtel range of plates of apoleonic uniforms. Pompadour Gallery 1-3 Fairview Parade, Mawney Road, Romford, Essex RM7 7HH has apoleonic subjects in their vast range of military postcard. Le Cimier, 38 Rue Ginom:, 75015, Paris, feature plates of apoleonic subjects by leading French arti t Pierre Conrad, who e work is fuJI of vigour and very exacting. The Red Lancer Inc, PO Box 8050, Mesa, AZ 85214 SA (reI: 602 9649667. Fax: 602 8909495) offers apoleonic prints and fine art, rare books, military artefacts and medals. Catalogues printed four or five times a year, are available by subscription and cost $12 dollars for America, $20 for Canada and 35 for overseas. Napoleonic Model Soldiers and Wargame Figures Sculptor Maurice Corry produces 120mm resin and white metal Napoleonic models available through his company The Roll Call, 316 Goodyers End Lane, Bedworth, Wanvickshire CV12 OHY (reI or Fax 01203494123). Releases include a Cha seur it cheval of the Imperial Guard, and an ensign of the 1 t Foot, Royal Scots, at Waterloo carrying the regimental colours.

David Grieve run D.E Grieve Models, St Andrews, \Vestwood Road, Betsham Nr Gravesend, Kent DA13 9LZ. Hi work includes a selection of 100mm figures of the Briti h anny at \Vaterloo; and the range includes an officer of the Royal Horse Artillery, and a sergeant of the 79th Cameron Highlander. Poste Militaire feature a range of definitive Napoleonic miniatures in their range of figures, including magnificent 90mm mounted models of a French hussar trumpeter and a trooper of the 2nd Regiment red lancer. Poste Militaire are at Station Road, orthiam, Rye, East Sussex T 31 6QT, Metal Modeles, the French firm run by talented sculptor Bruno Leibovitz, produces some exquiste French apoleonic subjects in 54mm including a mounted dragoon and a range of French light infantry. Leibovitz has also sculpted a magnificent large scale French hussar. Metal Modeles are at BP 66, La Queniere, Route de Mons, 83440 Fayence. Among the range of figures produced by Le Cimier, 38 Rue Ginoux, 75015, Paris, are a range of busts of apoloenic French army soldiers. The range includes a hussar, and a carabinier. Tradition of London Ltd at 33 Curzon Street, Mayfair, London, WlY 7AE (reI: 0171 493 7452, Fax: 01 13551224) and nderTwo Flags, 4 St Christopher's Place, Oxford Street, London WI (Tel or fax 0171 935 6934) both stock a variety of Napoleonic figures. One of Tradition' latest releases is a set of toy figures depicting some of the characters in the Sharpe eries. Napoleonic figures are continuing to grow in the range produced by the Italian company, Pegaso. The list includes a magnificent 90mm hussar of the 1 eapolitan Guard 1812-1815, sculpted by Luca Marchetti. Pegaso Models are at c.P., 99 Siena Centro, 53100 Siena, Italy. Relocated to America from Belgium, Verlinden Productions at the VLS Corporation, 811 Lone Star Drive. O'Fallon, Missouri 63366 are producing some 120mm resin apoleonic figures including an officer of the Polish lancers of the Imperial Guard, a French hussar officer and a figure of the flamboyant French cavalry commander, Lasalle. Fort Duquesne miniatures, 105 Tristan Drive, Pittsburgh PA 15209, USA have a 120mm mounted

French cuirassier, 1812, in their range sculpted by 1\1ike Tapavica. A bust of a 95th Rifleman, sculpted by rising British talent]on Cheeseman, is also available from Fort Duquesne. '\iany of the figure mentioned above and other Napoleonic miniatures are tocked by Historex Agents, \Vellington Hou e, 15 Snargate Street, Dover, Kent, CTI7 9BZ. One of the largest model mail order specialists in the world, Historex Agents also stock the legendary 54mm Historex plastic kits that revolutionised the model soldier hobby back in the 70s and which are still very popular today. British, French, Russian, Prussian and Austrian 25mm warga me figures are part of the vast Napoleonic range produced by Connoisseur Figures at 27 Sandycombe Road, Kew, Richmond, Surrey TW9 2EP (Phone & Fax 01819408156). Bicorne Miniatures have a range of 25mm Napoleonic miniatures and £1 will bring you a price list and a sample figure. Write to Brian Holland, 40 Churrch Road, Uppermill, Oldham, OL3 6EL. Iregular Miniatures of 69A Acomb Road, Holgate, York, Y02 4EP (rei: 01904 790 597) have brought out a range of 42mm apoleonic figures for the wargamer and collector. The range includes French line infantry and British light infantry at the ready. Minifigs, one of the originators of wargame figures, are still producing a wide range of apoleonic figures. For details write to Minifigs at 1-5 Graham Road, Southampton SOI4 OAX. Elite Miniatures of 26 Bowlea e Gardens, Bessacarr, Donca ter, South Yorkshire, D 4 6AP (rei: 01302 530038) produce high quality 25mm apoleonic figures for the wargamer and collector including a particularly fine Peninsula Campaign British foot artillery battery. Wargames Foundry of the Foundry, Mount Street, ew Basford, Nottingham, G7 7HX produce quality 25mm ranges of apoleonic figures from 1805-1815 and also from the French Revolutionary Wars 1789-1802. Dixon Miniatures at Spring Grove Mills, Linthwaite, Huddersfield, West Yorkshire, HD7 5QG (rei and fax: 01484 646 162) include an extensive range of 25mm 1 apoleonic figures in their range of wargaming figures.

apoleonic Wars Direct01Y 141

o

Index

A Aire, 13 A1buera, 11,89,119, 123, 130 Almaraz, 107 Almeida, 11 Anton, James, 70 B Badajoz, 11, 101, 110, 119, 120, 123, 124 Barrosa, 76, 107, 114 Bayonne, 72, 73 Benavente, 101, 108, 126 Bida oa, 13,66,83 Blackman, John Lucie, 62, 66 Bowles, George, 9 Bridgeman, Orlando, 76, 7 , 79 Bragge, William, 10 BruneI, Isambard Kingdom, 62 BruneI, Marc Isarnbard, 62 Burgos, 9,12,4059,124 Burrard, Sir Herry, 9 Busaco, 11, 129 C Cadell, Charles, 82 Cadiz, 76 Carbines; Baker Rifle Cavalry Carbine, 108 Elliiot Carbine, 108 Paget Carbine, 108 Churchill, Horace, 66 Cintra, Convention of, 9 Ciudad Rodrigo, 11,71,101,109,123 Congreve, vVilliam, III Cooke, John, 57, 69, 83 Cooper,John Spencer, 59, 107 Corunna, 7,12,58,66,70,75, 110 114, 124, 126 Cowell, John Stepney, 63, 68

o Da1TYmple, Sir Hew, 9 Douro, 9 Dress Regulations 1802, 13-36 /42 Index

E Ewart, Charles, 109 F Figueira, 8 Fuentes de Onoro, 11,97 G Gleig, George, 58 Grattan, William, 68 Green, John, 73 Grisdale, Levi, 102 Gronow, Rees Howell, 66, 79 H Harris, Benjamin, 66 K Keep, William Thornton, 59, 1 Kincaid,John, 83,101, 105, 123 L Latham, Lieutenant William, 130 Le ~Iarchant,John Gaspard, 10 L'Estrange, George, 60 M Manningham, Coote, 97 Marmont, Marshal Auguste, 12 Massena, Marshal Andre, 11,84 Masterson, Patrick, 107 Mercer, Cavalie, 68, 83 Mercer, Robert, 6,57,83 Mills, John, 72, 83, 129 Moore,SirJohn,9, 75,110 Muskets; Land Pattern, 87, 89, 93 Short Land Pattern, 87 Marine & Militia, 87 India Pattern, 87, 89, 94, 98 ew Land Pattern, 93 N Napoleon, 13 Tive, 13 Nivelle, 13,94

Oportb,9 Orthe , 13 P Patterson, John, 63, 0,82 Picton, Sir Thomas, 83 Pi tis; 1\'ew Land Pattern, 102 Plunkett, Tom, 101 Pyrenees, 13, 119, 129 R Ridge, Henry, 120 Rolica,8 Roncesvalles, 97 Rous, John Edward Cornwallis, 66, 72, 73

S Sahagun, 108, 126 Salamanca, 7, 12,50,62,63,76, 109, 119, 129 San Sebastian, 13, 123, 124 Simmons, Geore, 68, 69 Stewart, William, 97 Sullivan, Sir Henry, 72 Surtees, \Nilliam, 10 1 Sword; 1796 Infantry Pattern, 103 1803 Infantry Pattern, 103 1796 Heavy Cavalry, 10 -109 1796 Light Cavalry, 108 T Talavera, 9, 6, 114 Tarbes,13 Tomkinson, William, 72 Torres Vedras, Lines of, 84 Toulouse, 13 U Usagre, 108 V Villagarcia, 108 Vimeiro, 8, 129 Vittoria, 7, 13, 40, 59, 119 Vivian, Sir Hussey, 75 W Waterloo, 7, 13,36,41,48,57,62,72,76,79,82,83, 84,87,89,105,109,110, Ill, 114 Wellesley, Sir Arthur, 1st Duke of Wellington, 13, 14, 50,56,68,71,87,89, Ill, 119, 120, 123, 124, 126, 133 \Nheeler, William, 70 Wood, George, 70 Woodberry, George, 58, 68

Acknowledgements

A great debt of gratitude must go to Timothy Edwards for allowing me to handle and photograph his very extensive collection of weapons. It is not often that one gets the chance to size up an example of every single personal weapon used by the British army in the Peninsula. Thanks also go to the late lamented Army Museums Ogilby Trust, Wmchester, from where many of the illustrations used in this book originate, and to Peter Newarks Military Pictures (picrures on pages 19, 93,119,120,121,123,124,125,126,128,129,130, 131,132). Thanks also to Robin Smith for providing the Directory and Philip Haythorthornthwaite for coming to my assistance when the cavalry once again got into difficulties. Index /43