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EYE GUIDANCE IN READING AND SCENE PERCEPTION
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Eye Guidance in Reading and Scene Perception
Llbrary
o f Congress C a t a l o g i n g - I n - P u b l i c a t i o n
Eye guldance
In r e a d l n g , G e o f f r e y Underwood. - -
d r l v l n g and scene p e r c e p t i o n 1st ed.
Data / e d i t e d by
ISBN 0 - 0 8 - 0 4 3 3 6 1 - 8 1. Eye--Movements. ( G e o f f r e y D. M.) QP477,5.E916 1998 152.14--dc21
2. V l s u a l
perception.
98-7314 CIP
1998
0 08 043 3618
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“preferred viewing position” of refixations is just right of the word centre (rather than close to the word boundaries) this argues against any special status for refixation landing positions. This does not necessarily mean that a distinction between “inter-word strategies” and “within-word tactics” (O’Regan, 1990) is unjustified, but it does mean that exactly the same eye guidance principles apply in both cases, Another interesting point concerns the landing positions of inter-word regressions. When the landing position function for regressions is plotted, the part for regressive refixations behaves very much like progressive refixations. For every increment in launch distance there is a certain shift in landing position. But surprisingly, for regressive saccades coming back from the next or second next word, landing positions are always clustered at the word centre, with almost no variation due to launch distance or word length. This result implies that regressions are determined by a qualitatively different mode of control, perhaps with more cognitive mediation and certainly with more precision as compared to the control processes for inter- and intra-word progressions and refixations. Whether to move their eyes to the left or to the right is an important decision for readers. There are costs and benefits associated with each, and Vitu, McConkie and Zola investigate the conditions under which regressions occur in reading by analysing a corpus of reading data for fifth-grade children (Chapter 5 ) . Regressions constitute an interruption in the default left-to-right scanning direction that can be caused by problems on several levels: processing difficulties on the semantic or syntactic level, difficulties in word recognition or problems on the level of low-level perceptual or oculomotor mechanisms. An example for the latter are inaccuracies in eye positioning, for example, when the eyes have “accidentally” skipped a word. Within-word regressive saccades may often result from a tendency to make an additional fixation when the initial fixation on a word is mislocated. Vitu, McConkie and Zola’s analyses start with replicating earlier findings that regressive saccades are more likely to occur following longer forward saccades. They then consider the influence of characteristics related to the word passed before the regression, including word length, distance between word and current fixation position, fixation location in the word, word frequency and whether or not the word had been refixated. Most interesting are results relating to regressions to previously skipped words. When saccade length is controlled, skipped words are more often regressed to and regression frequency increases with skipped word length. Instead of being simply a function of the preceding progression amplitude, the likelihood of regressing to a skipped word is systematically related to fixation positions preceding and following skipping. The greater the chance to identify the word before or after skipping, the less likely is a regression. In addition, there is a tendency to regress to less frequent skipped words. The results are less clear for cases where no skipping occurs, which, as Vitu et al. point out, may be due to combined analyses of intra- and inter-word regressions. In summary, there is substantial support for a significant
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Fig. 2. Example of plausible (right panel) and implausible (left panel) conditions for the target rolling pin. Scene exploration for these stimuli would start at the computer in the implausible office background, and at the blender in the plausible kitchen background.
meters for the prime: First fixation duration, first gaze duration (the sum of consecutive fixation durations before the eye first leaves the prime), and first-pass refixations (the number of consecutive fixations in the first gaze). The data relevant to the present discussion were collected from 12 viewers for two stimulus conditions: one in which the wiggled target was plausible as were all the accompanying objects, and one in which it was an implausible singleton. As illustrated in Fig. 2, stimuli were constructed by inserting each of 20 target objects in two different contexts - one plausible, one implausible at approximately the same distance from the initial scene fixation. Thus, targets wiggled at an eccentricity of 7.5" on average which was constant across plausible and implausible targets as verified in a targets x target plausibility analysis of eccentricities, F(1,19) = 0.27). A more detailed description of the stimuli can be found in De Graef et al. (1992). Proportions of direct hits and skips were analyzed in a subjects x target plausibility repeated-measures ANOVA. As can be seen in Table 1, target plausibility did not affect the proportion of direct hits, F(1,I 1) = 0.1. There was a tendency to skip the plausible targets more often but it was not reliable, F(1,ll) = 2.67, p = 0.13, MS, = 0.009. In addition, a subjects x target plausibility repeated-measures ANOVA on delayed hits only showed no reliable effect on the number of fixations required to complete a gaze shift from prime to target, F(1,ll) = 0.04. Prime fixations were analyzed in a subjects x target plausibility x gaze shift type (direct hit vs. skip vs. delayed hit) repeated-measures ANOVA.Table 2 shows that when an implausible target was wiggled extrafoveally the primes received reliably shorter first gazes (F(1,Il) = 11.I 5, p c 0.007, MS,= 63,789) and fewer fixations in the first gaze (F(1,ll) = 11.89, p < 0.006, MS,= 0.386). This effect was qualified by a target plausibility x gaze shift type interaction (F(2,19) = 6.14, p < 0.009, MS,= 34,085, for gaze durations; F(2,19) = 3.05, p < 0.071, MS, = 0.342, for first-pass refixations. Specifically, prime fixations preceding a direct gaze shift towards the
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