Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. ι GLASGOW CAPE TOWN BOMBAY
N E W YORK
TORONTO
SALISBURY
IBADAN
CALCUTTA
MADRAS
K U A L A LUMPUR
MELBOURNE
NAIROBI KARACHI
H O N G KONG
WELLINGTON
LUSAKA
ADDIS ABABA
LAHORE TOKYO
DACCA
GAULISH PERSONAL NAMES A Study of some Continental Celtic Formations
BY
D. ELLIS EVANS
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1967
Oxford University Press ig6y
A
P R I N T E D IN GREAT BRITAIN AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD BY VIVIAN RIDLER P R I N T E R TO THE UNIVERSITY
CYFLWYNIR Y G W A I T H HWN I'R
ATHRO IDRIS FOSTER A'R
A T H R O HENRY LEWIS
PREFACE T H I S study was first prepared as a doctoral dissertation which was submitted to the Board of the Faculty of Medieval and Modern Languages of the University of Oxford for examination in May 1962. It has since then been largely recast and re written. In the process some fresh material has been gathered in from both primary and secondary sources. The beck went to press in November 1964. For that reason only occasional reference could be made to sources which have become avail able since that date and some recent material could not be referred to at all. In preparing the work for publication I have incurred many debts which it is a pleasure now to be able to acknowledge. I offer my thanks to the Trustees of the Rhys Fund (Univer sity of Oxford) for awarding me a grant towards expenses incurred during a visit to various French museums to copy some of the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul. I am also greatly indebted to the Council of the University College of Swansea for making generous and repeated grants to me when I have been reading in Oxford libraries, the Library of the British Museum, and the Bibliotheque Nationale. To the Librarian and his staff in my own College at Swansea I owe a special word of sincere thanks for taking so many pains in meeting my frequent demands. I also wish to thank the authorities of the following libraries for supplying microfilm copies of Caesar manuscripts and for permission to publish variant readings from them in this book: Universiteits Bibliotheek, Amsterdam; Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, Florence; Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence; the British Museum; Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples; the Bibliotheque Nationale; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City; the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna. Further, the Institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes of Paris kindly allowed me an extended loan of microfilm copies and photographic enlargements of certain Caesar manu scripts. A number of scholars gave me valuable advice and informa tion and I have faithfully acknowledged their help in footnotes.
Vlll
PREFACE
Here I should like to mention the following names: M. L. Balsan, Rodez; M. F. Benoit, Marseilles; Professor Κ. Η. Schmidt, Munster/Westf.; Mr. R. J . Thomas, Aberystwyth; Professor J . Untermann, Cologne; the late Professor J. Whatmough, Harvard University; Professor Caerwyn Williams, Aberystwyth. The progress of the work also owes much to the interest and con sideration of Professors T. J . Morgan and Stephen J. Williams of Swansea. For all their help I am most grateful. The adviser to the Clarendon Press made several important and con structive suggestions concerning the layout of the book. I have adopted all these and wish to thank him for his good advice. I gratefully acknowledge my deep obligation both to the Delegates of the Clarendon Press for their generosity in under taking the publication of this book and to the staff of the Press for all the patience and care and accuracy which they have given to its production. It was Professor Henry Lewis of Swansea who with his great learning and boundless enthusiasm first attracted me to this field of study. I wish to express to him my sincere thanks not only for this but also for the great encouragement he has always given me in my researches. My debt to Professor Idris Foster of Jesus College, Oxford, is immense. I only wish I could now describe how patiently he directed my studies. With great diligence he supervised and encouraged me at every stage in the preparation of this work. His advice was generous, his help constructive. But I value even more than all this the exceedingly sympathetic and kind way in which he guided and inspired me when for various reasons progress became slow and difficult. For my wife's unfailing support no adequate acknowledgement is possible. Her care and encouragement sustained me amid many trials and distractions. D. Ε. Ε. August ig66
CONTENTS L I S T OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S
xi
I. I N T R O D U C T I O N A. Scope and Plan of the Inquiry
ι
B. A Survey of Previous Work on Gaulish Anthroponymy
ι
C. T h e Nature of the Sources i. The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul ii. The Commentaries on the Gallic War R E M A R K . O n the Text of the Commentaries on the Gallic War iii. La Graufesenque Graffiti BIBLIOGRAPHY
II. T H E M A T E R I A L : AN SURVEY A.
15 16 21 23 31 34
ETYMOLOGICAL
i. Compounded Names ii. Etymological Survey of the Elements of Com pounded Names R E M A R K . Classification of Name Elements with regard to meaning
B. Uncompounded Names
III. P H O N O L O G Y A N D M O R P H O L O G Y A. Phonology i. Vocalism ii. Consonantism
38 40 127 290 296
390 390 391 397
R E M A R K . O n Gaulish D, DD, £), £>£), Θ, ΘΘ, etc.
410
Note on 'Tau Gallicum'
420
B. Morphology i. Nominal Inflexion ii. Nominal Composition
420 420 428
CONTENTS
iii. Adjectives: Comparison
428
iv. Numerals
428
A P P E N D I X . D O U B T F U L NAMES
430
INDEXES
481
L I S T OF ABBREVIATIONS A.-A.
(also Albenque-Aymard) A. Albenque, 'Nouveaux graffites de La Graufesenque. Γ, REA 53, 1951, 71-81; A. Aymard, 'Nouveaux graffites de La Graufesenque', REA 54, 1952, 93-101; 55, 1953, 126-31. AB Annates de Bretagne. AC Annates Cambriae, ed. E. Phillimore, Cy. 9, 1888, 141 ff. ACL W. Stokes and K. Meyer, edd., Archiv fur celtische Lexicographie (Halle ; 1900-7). AcS A. Holder, Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1891-1913). Addit. J. Rhys, 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul. Additions and Correc tions', Proceedings of the British Academy, 5, 1911-12, 261-360. 1 AE VAnnie epigraphique. AGI Archivio Glottologico Italiano. AHVN Annalen des historischen Vereinsfur den Niederrhein. AI (also IA) 'Itinerarium Provinciarum Antonini Augusti', in Itineraria Romana, vol. i, ed. O. Cuntz (Leipzig, 1929). AJPh American Journal of Philology. AKV W. Meid, Die indogermanischen Grundlagen der altirischen absoluten und konjunkten Verbalflexion (Wiesbaden, 1963). Albenque-Aymard see Α.-A. Alpenworter J. Hubschmid, Alpenworter romanischen und vorromanischen Ursprungs (Bern, 1951). ALSP A. Tovar, The Ancient Languages of Spain and Portugal (New York, 1961). Altillyr. PN. H. Krahe, Lexikon altillyrischer Personennamen (Heidelberg, 1929). AP. I. Williams, Armes Prydein (Caerdydd, 1955). Arch. Anz. Archaologischer Anzeiger, in Jahrbuch des [kaiserlichen] deutschen archaologischen Instituts. Arch. Camb. Archaeologia Cambrensis. ASA Anzeiger fur schweizerische Altertumskunde. ASNP Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. ASS Acta Sanctorum. BA Bulletin arche'ologique. Bagendon E. M. Clifford, Bagendon: a Belgic Oppidum. A Record of the Excavations of 1954-56 (Cambridge, 1961). BaudiS J. Baudis, Grammar of Early Welsh. Part I, Phonology (Oxford, 1924). BB Beitrage zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen. BBC J. G. Evans, The Black Book of Carmarthen (Pwllheli, 1906). BBCS The Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies. BE Bulletin epigraphique. 1 The reprints of Rhys's lectures to the British Academy are cited by pages as numbered in the separate issues.
LIST OF
xii
ABBREVIATIONS
Bechtel
F. Bechtel, Die historischen Personennamen des Griechisclien bis zur Kaiserzeit (Halle, 1917). Benoist-Dosson Jules Cesar. Commentaires sur la Guerre des Gaules. Texte latin . . . par M. E. Benoist et M. S. Dosson (Paris, 1893). BEP Bulletin des e'tudes portugaises et de V Institut frangais au Portugal. BGN Q,· Esser, Beitrdge zur gallo-keltischen Namenkunde, I. Heft (Malmedy, 1884). BIEA Boletin del Institute de Estudios Asturianos. ΒJ Bonner Jahrbiicher. Blanchet (also Blanchet, Trait/, or Trait/) A. Blanchet, Traite des monnaies gauloises (Paris, 1905).
Blanchet, Manuel (also Manuel) A. Blanchet et A. Dieudonne, Manuel de numismatique frangaise, vol. 1 (Paris, 1912). Bodm. The Bodmin Gospels or Bodmin Manumissions, ed. M. Forster, in A Grammatical Miscellany offered to Otto Jespersen (Copenhagen and London, 1930), pp. 77 ff. Boisacq E. Boisacq, Dictionnaire itymologique de la langue grecque3 (Paris and Heidelberg, 1938). Bord C. Jullian, Archives municipales de Bordeaux. Inscriptions romaines de Bordeaux, 2 vols. (Bordeaux, 1887-90). BRAH Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia. BRh M. Richards, Breudwyt Ronabwy allan oyr Llyfr Coch 0 Hergest (Gaerdydd, 1948). BSAF Bulletin de la soci/te des antiquaires de France. BSL Bulletin de la sociiti de linguistique de Paris. BSRC I. A. Richmond and O. G. S. Crawford, The British Section of the Ravenna Cosmography (Oxford, 1949). BSV Boletin de la Real Sociedad Vascongada de los Amigos del Pais. BT J. G. Evans, Facsimile and Text of the Book of Taliesin (Llanbedrog, 1910).
Btr. z> Λ". CA
Beitrdge zur Namenforschung. Carte archeologique de la Gaule romaine dressee sous la direction d'Adrien Blanchet et Albert Grenier et A. Piganiol (Institut de France, Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres et Centre national de recherche scientifique, Forma Orbis Romani) (Paris, 1931-). Cal. J. Rhys, 'Notes on the Coligny Calendar', Proceedings of the British Academy 4, 1909-10, 207-318. CAn. I. Williams, Canu Aneirin (Caerdydd, 1938). Cart. Red. A. de Courson, Cartulaire de Vabbaye de Redon en Bretagne (Paris, 1863). Cat. Besangon J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu, Catalogue des collections archeOlogiques de Besangon IV. Les Monnaies gauloises (Annales UtUraires de I9 Univ. de Besangon, vol. 25 (Archeologie 7)) (Paris, 1959). Cat. Jura J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu and M. Dayet, Catalogue des monnaies gauloises du Jura (Annales littiraires de VUniv. de Besangon, vol. 44 (Archeologie 12)) (Paris, 1962).
Cat. Month/Hard J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu, Catalogue des collections arche'obgiques de Montb/liard. Les Monnaies gauloises (Annales UtUraires de VUniv. de Besangon, vol. 34 (Archeologie 10)) (Paris, 1962).
LIST OF
ABBREVIATIONS
xiii
Celtae and Galli J. Rhys, 'Celtae and Galli', Proceedings of tlie British Academy 2, 1905-6, 71-134·
Celtiberica
M. Lejeune, Celtiberica {Acta Salmanticensia, Filosofia y Letras, Tomo vii, num. 4) (Universidad de Salamanca, 1955). CG (also CG2) T. Rice Holmes, Caesar's Conquest of Gaul2 (Oxford, 1931). CGH M. A. O'Brien, Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae, vol. 1 (Dublin, 1962). CGL Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum (Lipsiae, 1888-1923). CGP J· A. Stanfield and Grace Simpson, Central Gaulish Potters (London, 1958). Chr. bret. J. Loth, Chrestomathie breionne (Paris, 1890). CIA Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum. CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. CIIC R. A. S. Macalister, Corpus Inscriptionum Insularum Celticarum, 2 vols. (Dublin, 1945-9)· CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. CIR Corpus Inscriptionum Rhenanarum. Cis. J. Rhys, 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Cisalpine Gaul', Proceedings of the British Academy 6, 1913-14, 23-112. CL Catdlogo Monumental de Espana. Leon. CLIH I. Williams, Canu Llywarch Hen (Caerdydd, 1935). Constans Cisar, Guerre des Gaulesy Tomes 1-2. Texte etabli et traduit par L.-A. Constans, 5 e ed. (Collection Guillaume Budi) (Paris, 1955). CPh. Classical Philology. Cd Classical Quarterly. CR The Classical Review. CRAI Comptes-rendus de Vacademie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. CSt. A. Klotz, Cdsarstudien nebst einer Analyse der Strabonischen Beschreibung von Gallien und Britannien (Leipzig, 1910). Cy. TCymmrodor. The Magazine of the Honourable Society of Gymmrodorion. Catdlogo Monumental de Espana. Zamora. CZ D. (also JD) J. Davies, Antiquae Linguae Britannicae,. . . et Linguae Laiinae, Dictionarium Duplex. Prius, Britannico-Latinum, . . . Posterius, LatinoBritannicum (Londini, 1632). J. Whatmough, The Dialects of Ancient Gaul, published in five parts on DAG microfilm by University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1949-51. DEB Gildae de Excidio Britanniae, ed. H. Williams, 2 vols. (Gymmrodorion Record Series, no. 3) (London, 1899-1901). DG P.-M. Duval, Les Dieux de la Gaule (Paris, 1957). L. Fleuriot, Dictionnaire des Gloses en vieux breton (Paris, 1964). DGVB DictRIA. (also RIADict.) Dictionary of the Irish Language based mainly on Old and Middle Irish Materials. Published by the Royal Irish Academy (Dublin, 1913-).
Dinneen DN
P. S. Dinneen, Focloir Gaedhilge agus Βέαήα. An Irish-English Dic tionary2 (Dublin, 1927). divine name.
XIV
DNN Dorminger
LIST OF
ABBREVIATIONS
divine names. C. Julius Caesar, Der gallische Krieg, lateinisch-deutsch, ed. Georg Dorminger (Tusculum-Biicherei) (Munchen, 1962). Dottin G. Dottin, La Langue gauloise (Paris, 1920). du Pontet C. luli Caesaris Commentariorum. Pars prior qua continentur libri V I I de Bello Gallico cum A. Hirti Supplemento. Recensuit . . . Renatus du Pontet (Oxonii, 1900). ΕA AH A J. Untermann, Elementos de un Atlas antroponimico de la Hispania antigua (Madrid, 1965). EANC R. J. Thomas., Enwau Afonydd a Nentydd Cymru, Υ Gyfrol Gyntaf (Caerdydd, 1938). EC Etudes celtiques. ECMW V. E. Nash-Williams, The Early Christian Monuments of Wales (Cardiff, 1950). ECNE C. Fox and B. Dickins, edd., The Early Cultures of North-West Europe (Cambridge, 1950). EE Ephemeris Epigraphica, Corporis inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementum (Berlin, 1872-1912). EIHM T. F. O'Rahilly, Early Irish History and Mythology (Dublin, 1946). ELH Enciclopedia Linguistica Hispdnica I (Madrid, i960). ELI I. Williams, Enwau Lleoedd (Lerpwl, 1945). ELISG J. Lloyd-Jones, Enwau Lleoedd Sir Gaernarfon (Caerdydd, 1928). E.-M. A. Ernout and A. Meillet, Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue latine3 (Paris, 1951). EN ethnic name. ENN ethnic names. £riu £riu. The Journal of the Irish School of Learning, Dublin. ES Cesar Moran Bardon, Epigrafia Salmantina (Salamanca, 1922). Estudios A. Tovar, Estudios sobre las primitivas lenguas hispdnicas (Univ. de Buenos Aires, Fac. de Filos. y Letras, Instituto de FiloL: Seccion Clasica, Serie B, vol. iv) (Buenos Aires, 1949). Ethnog. gaul. D. F. L. Roget de Belloguet, Ethnogenie gauloise, vol. 1, Glossaire gaulois avec des tableaux ge'ne'raux de la langue gauloise2 (Paris, 1872). Fachtagung Innsbruck II. Fachtagung fur indogermanische und allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft. Innsbruck, 10-15 Oktober 1961, Vortrage und Veranstaltungen (Innsbrucker Beitrage zur Kulturwissenschafl, Sonderheft 15) (Innsbruck, 1962). Feist S. Feist, Vergleichendes Worterbuch der gotischen Sprachez (Leiden, 1939). FEW W. von Wartburg, Franzosisches etymologisches Worterbuch. Eine Darstellung des gallo-romanischen Sprachschatzes (Bonn u. Leipzig, 1922-). FGH F. Jacoby, Fragmente der gnechischen Historiker2 (Tubingen u. Basel, 1948-). FHRC J. Zwicker, 'Fontes Historiae Religionis Celticae', in Fontes historiae religionum ex auctoribus graecis et latinis collectos . . . v. i (Berlin, 1934), ii-iii (Bonn, 1935- 6 )· Finke H. Finke, 'Neue Inschriften', iy. Bericht der romisch-germanischen Kommission, 1927 [1929], i * - i 0 7 (Nachtrage 198-214, Register 215-33).
L I S T OF
ABBREVIATIONS
XV
Forrer
R. Forrer, Keltische Numismatik der Rhein- mid Donaulande (StraBburg, 1908). Forstemann E. Forstemann, Altdentsches Namenbuch, I. Personennamen2 (Bonn, 1900). fRI J. Whatmough, The Foundations of Roman Italy (London, 1937). FT M. Forster, Der Flufiname Themse und seine Sippe, Studien zur Anglisierung keltischer Eigennamen und zur Lautchronologie des Altbritischen (Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akad. d. Wissenschafien, Phil.-hist. Abteilung, Jahrgang 1941, Bd. I) (Munchen, 1941 [1942]). Fuchs C. Iulius Caesar: Commentarii Belli Gallici cum A. Hirtii Supplemento, ed. Harald Fuchs (Editiones Helveticae, Ser. Lat. I) (Frauenfeld, 1944)· G. J. Lloyd-Jones, Geirfa Barddoniaeth Gynnar Gymraeg (Caerdydd, 1931L. Weisgerber, 'Galatische Sprachreste', Natalicium Johannes Geffcken (Heidelberg, 1931), 151-75. Gamillscheg E. Gamillscheg, Etymologisches Worterbuch der franzosischen Sprache (Heidelberg, 1928). GC1 I. G. Zeuss, Grammatica Celtica, 2 vols. (Lipsiae, 1853). GC (also GC2) I. G. Zeuss, Grammatica Celtica, Editio altera curavit H. Ebel (Berolini, 1871). Gen The Old-Welsh Genealogies, ed. E. Phillimore, Cy. 9, 1888, 141 ff. GEW H. Frisk, Griechisches etymologisches Worterbuch (Heidelberg, 1954-). Gleanings J. Rhys, 'Gleanings in the Italian Field of Celtic Epigraphy', Proceedings of the British Academy 6, 1913-14, 315^69. GMB E. Ernault, Glossaire moyen-breton2, 2 parties (Iitudes grammatical sur les langues celtiques par H. d'Arbois de Jubainville et par fimile Ernault, Tome II) (Paris, 1895-6). GOI R. Thurneysen, Grammar of Old Irish, revised and enlarged edition trans.. . . by D . A. Binchy and Osborn Bergin (Dublin, 1946). GPC Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru. A Dictionary of the Welsh Language, gol. R. J. Thomas (Caerdydd, 1950-). gr. Albenque-Aymard La Graufesenque graffito, edited by Albenque and Aymard. See A.-A. GrDAG J. Whatmough, The Dialects of Ancient Gaul. Grammar, Part I (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1963). gr. Hermet La Graufesenque graffito, edited by Hermet. See Hermet. gr. Loth La Graufesenque graffito, edited by J. Loth in RC 41, 1924, 1-64. gr. Oxe La Graufesenque graffito, edited by A. Oxe in ΒJ 130, 1925, 38-99. Gutenbrunner S. Gutenbrunner, Die germanischen Gotternamen der antiken Inschrifien (Rheinische Beitrage und Hilfsbiicher z. germ. PhiloL u. Volkskunde, 24) (Halle, 1936). HAE Hispania antiqua epigraphica (Supplemento anual de Archivo espanol de arqueologia) (Madrid, 1950-). Hamlin F. R. Hamlin, Le Suffixe -acum dans la toponymie de VHerault. Contribu tion a VStude des noms de lieux du Languedoc. These soumise pour le grade de Ph.D. a l'Univ. de Birmingham . . ., octobre 1959. HB The Historia Brittonum of 'Nennius', ed. Th. Mommsen in Chronica Minora saeculi iv. v. vi. vii., pt. 3. 111 ff. (in vol. 13 of Monumenta Germaniae Historica, ser. 4, Auctores Antiquissimi (Berlin, 1894-8)). Gal. Spr.
xvi Hdb. Hemon
LIST OF
ABBREVIATIONS
R· Thurneysen, Handbuch des Altirischen (Heidelberg, 1909). R· Hemon, Geriadur Istorel ar Brezhoneg. Dictionnaire historique du breton, vol. 1: A ([Brest], 1958), Rann 1: B-bividik, etc. ([Paris], 1959-)· Henry V. Henry, Lexique itymologique des termes les plus usuels du breton moderne (Rennes, 1900). Hering W. Hering, Die Recensio der Caesarhandschriften (Berlin, 1963). Hermet F. Hermet, La Graufesenque (Condatomago), /. Vases sigilUs.—//. Grqffites, 2 vols. (Paris, 1934). Hermet Grqffites F. Hermet, Les Grqffites de La Graufesenque pres Millau (Aveyron) (Rodez, 1923). Hessen Hessen's Irish Lexicon. A Concise Dictionary of Early Irish . . . by Seamus Caomhanach, Rudolf Hertz, Vernam E. Hull, and Gustav Lehmacher S.J., . . . (Halle, 1933-40). rjQ C. Jullian, Histoire de la Gaule, 8 vols. (Paris, 1908-26). Holder (Text) C. Iuli Caesaris Belli Gallici libri VII, A. Hirti liber octavus, recensuit Alfred Holder (Freiburg i. B. und Tubingen, 1882). Homm. Gren. Hommages a Albert Grenier, ed. M. Renard, 3 vols. (Collection Latomus, 58) (Bruxelles, 1962). xj _g V. Hoffiller and B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien (Zagreb, 1938). HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. jA See AL IASB S. S. Frere, ed., Problems of the Iron Age in Southern Britain (Univ. of London Inst, of Arch., Occasional Paper N o . 11) (London, n.d.). IBCh E. Hiibner, Inscriptions Britanniae Christianae (Berlin, 1876). IED Ή . Birnbaum and J. Puhvel, edd., Ancient Indo-European Dialects (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966). IEW J· Pok orn y> Indogermanisches etymologisches Worterbuch, Bd. I (Bern, 1949-59)· jp Indogermanische Forschungen. IFAnz· Anzeiger fur indogermanische Sprach- und Altertumskunde. Beiblatt zu den Indogermanische Forschungen. JQ Inscriptions Graecae. JTQ E. Esperandieu, Inscriptions latines de Gaule (Narbonnaise), 2 vols, (Paris, 1929). ILTG P· Wuilleumier, Inscriptions latines des trots Gaules ( X V I I e Supplement a Gallia) (Paris, 1963). Insc. J· Rhys> 'The Celtic Inscriptions of France and Italy', Proceedings of the British Academy 2, 1905-6, 273-373. Insc. Lang» E· Barry and E. Germer-Durand, Recueil des inscriptions antiques de la province de Languedoc (Histoire ginirale de Languedoc, vol. 15, publ. A. Lebegue, F. Germer-Durand and A. Allmer) (Toulouse, 1892). Insc. Par. P.-M. Duval, Les Inscriptions antiques de Paris, 2 vols. (Paris, i960). JB Jahresberichte des philologischen Vereins zu Berlin. JCS The Journal of Celtic Studies, jj) see D. JRS The Journal of Roman Studies.
LIST OF Keltologie
ABBREVIATIONS
XVU
J. Pokorny, 'Keltologie', in Wissenschaftliche Forschungsberichte, Geisteswissenschaftliche Reihe, hrsg. v. Professor Dr. Karl Honn, Bd. 2 (Bern, 1953). Keltorom. R. Thurneysen, Keltoromanisches (Halle, 1884). Kelt. Wortgut M. Forster, 'Keltisches Wortgut im Englischen', in Texte und Forschungen zur englischen Kulturgeschichte, Festgabe fir Felix Liebermann (Halle, 1921) 119-242. Kelt, Wtk. K. Meyer, 'Zur keltischen Wortkunde', in Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preufiischen Akademie der Wissenschafien 1912-19. KGP K. H. Schmidt, 'Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen', ZCP26, 1957,33-301· Klotz (also Klotz 4 ) C. Iuli Caesaris Commentarii edidit Alfredus Klotz, vol. 1, Commeniarii Belli Gallici, editio quarta (Lipsiae, I952). 1 KMTB V. Ondrouch, Keltski Mince Typu Biatec (Bratislava, 1958). ΚΝ G. W. Gliick, Die bei Caius Julius Caesar vorkommenden keltischen Ν amen in ihrer Echtheit festgestellt und erlautert (Munchen, 1857). KR J- de Vries, Keltische Religion (Stuttgart, 1961). Kraner-Dittenberger C. lulii Caesaris Commentarii de Bello Gallico erklart von Fr. Kraner und W. Dittenberger, Siebzehnte, vollstandig umgearbeitete Auflage von H. Meusel, 3 Bande (Berlin, 1913-20). 2 KSB Beitrage zur vergleichende Sprachforschung, hrsg. v. A. Kuhn und A. Schleicher. KZ Zeitsckrifi fir vergleichende Sprachforschung, hrsg. v. A. Kuhn usw. LBS S. Baring-Gould and J. Fisher, The Lives of the British Saints, 4 vols. (London, 1907-13). LEIA J. Vendryes, Lexique itymologique de Virlandais ancien (Dublin and Paris, 1959-). LEN local and/or ethnic name. LENN local and/or ethnic names. Lex. Caes. H . Meusel, Lexicon Caesarianum (Berlin, 1887-93). Lixico A. Tovar, *Lexico de las inscripciones ibericas (celtiberico e iberico)', Estudios dedicados a Menindez Pidal ii (Madrid, 1951), 273-323. Lg. Language. Journal of the Linguistic Society of America. LHEB K. H. Jackson, Language and History in Early Britain (Edinburgh, 1953)· LL J. G. Evans and J. Rhys, The Text of the Book of Lion Ddv (Liber Landavensis) (Oxford, 1893). LLe R. I. Best, O. Bergin, and M. A. O'Brien, The Book of Leinster (Dublin, 1954-). LIH Llawysgrif Hendregadredd. Copiwyd gan Rhiannon Morris-Jones. Golygwyd gan John Morris-Jones a T. H . Parry-Williams (Gaerdydd, 1933). 1 edition I have used in this book. It was republished in 1957 in the L N This is thelocal name. Teubner series with addenda and corrigenda by W. Trillitsch. 2 This work has been reissued, in three volumes, with 'Nachwort und bibliographische Nachtrage' by Hans Oppermann (Berlin, Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1960-1). 811930 b
xviii
LIST OF
ABBREVIATIONS
LNN LP
local names. H. Lewis and H. Pedersen, A Concise Comparative Celtic Grammar (Gottingen, 1937).1 LSJ A Greek-English Lexicon compiled by H. G. Liddell and R. Scott. New edition revised and augmented by Sir Henry Stuart Jones with the assistance of Roderick McKenzie and with the co-operation of many scholars, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1925-40). LWPh1 J. Rhys, Lectures on Welsh Philology1 (London, 1877). LWPh (also LWPh2) J. Rhys, Lectures on Wehh Philology1 (London, 1879). MA The Myvyrian Archaiology of Wales (Denbigh, 1870). Mack R. P. Mack, The Coinage of Ancient Britain (London, 1953).2 Manuel see Blanchet, Manuel, Meyer K. Meyer, Contributions to Irish Lexicography (Halle, 1906). MG R. Egger, Die Stadt auf dem Magdalensberg—ein Grqfihandelsplatz (Osterreichische Akad. der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Kl. Denkschriften, 79 Bd.) (Wien, 1961). MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Misc. M. Gomez-Moreno, Misceldneas. Historia-Arte-Arqueologia. Primera serie: la Antiguedad (Madrid, 1949). MLI E. Hubner, Monumenta Linguae Ibericae (Berlin, 1893). MM Madrider Mitteilungen. Mnl. G. Dottin, Manuel pour servir a Vitude de VantiquiU celtique2 (Paris, 1915)·
Mots latins MS MSAF MSL MSS Mur.-Chab. ND Nesselhauf
NG jV.-L. NTS OCV
1 2
J. Loth, Les Mots latins dans les langues brittoniques (Paris, 1892). O. Haas, Messapische Studien (Heidelberg, 1962). Mimoires de la societe des antiquaires de France. Mimoires de la soaiti de linguistique de Paris. Munchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft. E. Muret et A. Chabouillet, Catalogue des monnaies gauloises de la Bibliotheque nationale (Paris, 1889). Notitia Dignitatum, ed. O. Seeck (Berlin, 1876). N. Nesselhauf, 'Neue Inschriften aus dem romischen Germanien und den angrenzenden Gebieten', 27, Bericht der romisch-germanischen Kommission 1937 [1939], δ 1 - ^ · H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Noms gaulois chez Cisar et Hirtius De Bello Gallico, Premiere Serie, Les composes dont RIX est le dernier terme (Paris, 1891). N. Nesselhauf and H. Lieb, * Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet', 40. Bericht der romisch-germanischen Kommission 1959 [i960], 120-229. Norsk Tidsskrifi for Sprogvidenskap. E. van Tassel Graves, The Old Cornish Vocabulary, a Columbia Uni versity dissertation (1962), published by University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan.
This work was reissued in 1961 with a Supplement by Professor Lewis. This is the edition I have used in this book. A second edition appeared in 1964.
L I S T OF
ABBREVIATIONS
XIX
Og. Ogam. Tradition celtique. Onom. Goed. E. Hogan, Onomasticon Goedelicum locorum et tribuum Hiberniae ez Scotiae (Dublin and London, 1910). Ο PL M. Palomar Lapesa, La Onomdstica personal pre-Latina de la antigua Lusitania. Estudio linguistico {Theses et Studia Philologica Salmanticensia — X ) (Salamanca, 1957). Oppermann see note s. Kraner-Dittenberger. Oswald (also Oswald, Index) F. Oswald, Index of Potters' Stamps on Terra Sigillata (Margidunum, 1931). Owen Pemb. (also Pemb.) H. Owen, ed., The Description of Penbrokshire, by George Owen of Henllys, 4 parts (Gymmrodorion Record Series, No. 1) (London, 1892-1936). Paulsen R. Paulsen, Die Munzprdgungen der Boier (Leipzig u. VVien, 1933). PBB Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur, hrsg. v. Paul und Braune. Pemb. see Owen Pemb. Petrucci A. Petrucci, 'Per la storia della scrittura romana: i graffiti di Condatomagos', Bullettino deWArchivio paleografico italiano, Terza Serie, 1, 1962, 85-132. PID R. S. Conway, J. Whatmough, and S. E. Johnson, The Prae-Italic Dialects of Italy, 3 vols. (London, 1933). PKM I. Williams, Pedeir Keincy Mabinogi (Gaerdydd, 1930). PMHF P. Lebel, Principes et me'thodes d'hydronymie frangaise (Publications de V Univ. de Dijon, 13) (Paris, 1956). PMLA Publications of the Modern Language Association of America. PN personal name. PN. Lex. H. Krahe, Lexikon altillyrischen Personennamen (Heidelberg, 1929). PNN personal names. Porzig W. Porzig, Die Gliederung des indogermanischen Sprachgebiets (Heidel berg, 1954). Praeromanica J. Hubschmid, Praeromanica. Studien zum vorromanischen Wortschatz der Romania mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der franko-provenzalischen und provenzalischen Mundarten der Westalpen (Romanica Helvetica, 30) (Bern, 1949)· PRIA Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Pughe W. Owen[-Pughe], A Welsh and English Dictionary (London, 17931803). P.-W. Paulys Real-Encyklopadie der klassischen Alter tumswissenschaft, hrsg. v. G. Wissowa u. W. Kroll (Stuttgart, 1894-). Pyrenaenworter J. Hubschmid, Pyrendenworter vorromanischen Ursprungs und das vorromanische Substrat der Alpen (Acta Salmanticensia, Filosofia y Letras, Tomovii, num. 2) (Salamanca, 1954). R (also Richards) Antiquae Linguae Britannicae Thesaurus: being a British, or WelshEnglish Dictionary by Thomas Richards (Bristol, 1753). RA Revue archiologique. RAE Revue archiologique de VEst et du Centre-Est. Rav. 'Ravennatis Anonymi GosmograpmV, in Itineraria Romana, vol. 2, ed. J. Schnetz (Leipzig, 1940).
XX
L I S T OF
ABBREVIATIONS
RC RE REA Recherches
Revue celtique. Revue ipigraphique du Midi de la France. Revue des etudes anciennes. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Recherches sur Vorigine de la propriite fonciere et des noms de lieux habites en France {periode celtique et periode romaine) (Paris, 1890). Redin M. Redin, Studies on Uncompounded Personal Names in Old English (Uppsala, 1919). REL Revue des itudes latines. Rel. Celt. J. Vendryes, 'La religion des Celtes', in Les religions de VEurope ancienne iii {'Mana\ Intro, a Vhistoire des religions 2) (Paris, 1948). REPL L.-F. Flutre, Recherches sur les Elements pre'gaulois dans la toponymie de la Lozere {Annates de I1 Univ. de Lyon, 3 e ser., Lettres, fasc. 30) (Paris, 1957)· REW W. Meyer-Lubke, Romanisches etymologisches Worterbuch? (Heidelberg, 1935)· Rh. Mus. Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie. RHR Revue de Vhistoire des religions. Rh. V. Rheinische Vierteljahrsblatter. RIAContr. Contributions to a Dictionary of the Irish Language. Published by the Royal Irish Academy (Dublin, 1939-). RIADict. see DictRIA. Rice Holmes (Text) C. Iuli Caesaris Commentarii rerum in Gallia gestarum VII, A. Hirti Commentarius VIII, ed. T. Rice Holmes (Oxford, 1914). Richards see R. Richter E. Richter, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Romamsmen, i; Chronologische Phonetik des Franzosischen bis zum Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts (Beihefte zur Zeitschrifl fur romanische Philologie, 82) (Halle, 1934). Riese
A. Riese, Das rheinische Germanien in den antiken Inschrifien (Leipzig and Berlin, 1914). RIGI Rivista indo-greco-italica di Filologia, Lingua, Antichita. RIO Revue Internationale oVonomastique. RLR Revue de linguistique romane. RM J. G. Evans and J. Rhys, The Text of the Mabinogion and other Welsh Tales from the Red Book of Hergest (Oxford, 1887). RN E. Ekwall, English River Names (Oxford, 1928). Rom Romania. RP J. G. Evans, The Poetry in the Red Book of Hergest (Llanbedrog, 1911). RPh. Romance Philology. RPH J. M . Blazquez Martinez, Religiones pmnitivas de Hispania i. Fuentes literarias y epigraficas {Biblioteca de la escuela espanola de historia y arqueologia en Roma, 14) (Gonsejo superior de investigaciones cientificas, Delegacion de Roma, 1962). Sardische Studien J. Hubschmid, Sardische Studien. Das mediterrane Substrat des Sardischen, seine Beziehungen zum Berberischen und Baskischen, sowie zum eurafrikanischen und hispano-kaukasischen Substrat der romanischen Sprachen (Romanica Helvetica, 41) (Bern, 1953).
LIST SBIA
OF
ABBREVIATIONS
xxi
Map of Southern Britain in the Iron Age. Made and published by the Director General of the Ordnance Survey (Chessington, Surrey, 1962). ScGSt Scottish Gaelic Studies. Scherer A. Scherer, 'Die keltisch-germanischen Namengleichungen', in Corolla Linguistica. Festschrift F. Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955), 199-210. Schonfeld M. Schonfeld, Worterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und Volkernamen (Heidelberg, 1911). Schuermans H. Schuermans, Sigles figulins (ipoque romaine) (Bruxelles, 1867). Schulze W. Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen (Berlin, 1904). Seel C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii rerum gestarum, edidit Otto Seel, vol. 1, Bellum Gallicum (Lipsiae, 1961). SIHK (also SVIHK) U . Schmoll, Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen Indogermanen Hispaniens und das Keltiberische (Wiesbaden, 1959). Sitz> Berl. Akad. Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preufiischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. SM O. Parlangeli, Studi Messapici (Milan, i960). Solmsen F. Solmsen, Indogermanische Eigennamen als Spiegel der Kulturgeschichte, hrsg. u. bearb. v. Ernst Fraenkel (Heidelberg, 1922). Spr. alt. Illyr. A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, 2 vols. (Wien, 1957-9). Spr. Aufgl. H. Krahe, Sprachliche Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa {Akad. d. Wissenschaften u. d. Literatur [in Mainz]. Abhandlungen d. Geistes- u. Sozialwissenschafilichen Kl., Jhg. 1959, Nr. 1). SprFK L. Weisgerber, 'Die Sprache der Festlandkelten', 20. Bericht der rbmisch-germanischen Kommission 1930 [1931], 147-226. Spr. Illyr. H. Krahe, Die Sprache der Illyrier. Erster Teil: Die Quellen (Wies baden, 1955). SSVH J. Untermann, Sprachraume und Sprachbewegungen im vorromischen Hispanien (Weisbaden, 1961). Strom H. Strom, Old English Personal Names in BeaVs History (Lund Studies in English, 8) (Lund, 1939). Strukt. alteur. Hydr. H. Krahe, Die Struktur der alteuropaischen Hydronymie (Akad. d. Wissenschaften u. d. Literatur [in Mainz]. Abhandlungen d. Geistes- u. Sozialwissenschafilichen Kl., Jhg. 1962, Nr. 5). Studies R. A. S. Macalister, Studies in Irish Epigraphy (London, 1897-1907). SVIHK see SIHK. Tab. Coniect. H. MeusePs 'Tabula Coniecturarum* in Lex. Caes. ΤΑΡΑ Transactions of the American Philological Association. TB (also Top. bret.) W. B. S. Smith, De la toponymie bretonne. Supplement to Lg. 16/2, April-June 1940 (Language Monograph No. 20). TBC E. Windisch, ed., Die altirische Heldensage Tain bo Cualnge (Leipzig, 1905)· TBDD E. Knott, ed., Togail Bruidne Da Derga (Mediaeval and Modern Irish Series, vol. 8) (Dublin, 1936). Thes. (also TLL) Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Lipsiae, 1900-). Thes. Onom. Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, Onomasticon. Thes. Pal. W. Stokes and J. Strachan, Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, 2 vols. (Cam bridge, 1901-3). Thes. Praerom. J. Hubschmid, Thesaurus Praeromanicus (Bern, 1963-).
xxii
LIST
OF
ABBREVIATIONS
Thr. Spr. D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste (Wien, 1957). TLL see Thes. TLL Onom. see Thes. Onom. Top. bret. see TB. TP Itineraria Romana, romische Reisewege an der Hand der Tabxda Peutingeriana, ed. K. Miller (Stuttgart, 1916) (reprint, Roma, 1964). TPhS Transactions of the Philological Society. Traiti see Blanchet. Trans.Cymmr. Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion. Troude A. E. Troude, Nouveau dictionnaire pratique breton-francais (Brest, 1876). Tr.Z Trierer Zeitschrift. TTP R. Bromwich, Trioedd Tnys Prydein. The Welsh Triads (Cardiff, 1901). UAF H. Krahe, Unsere altesten Flufinamen (Wiesbaden, 1964). Uf&· J· Pokorny, Zur Urgeschichte der Kelten und Illyrier (Halle, 1939). 1 Urk. Spr. W. Stokes, Urkeltischer Sprachschatz, ubersetzt, uberarbeitet und herausgegeben v. A. Bezzenberger (second part of the fourth edition of August Fick's Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen) (Gottingen, 1894). Vallee F. Vallee, Grand dictionnaire francais-breton, 2 vols. (Rennes, 1931), with Supplement (La Baule, 1948). VB L. Fleuriot, Le Vieux breton. Elements d9une grammaire (Paris, 1964). VKG H. Pedersen, Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, 2 vols. (Gottingen, 1909-13). Voc. Corn. *Vocabularium Gornicum', edited in GC 1065-81. Vollmer F. Vollmer, ed. Inscriptions Baivariae Romanae sive inscriptiones provinciae Raetiae adiectis aliquot Noricis Italicisque (Monaci, 1915). VP J. Untermann, Die venetischen Personennamen (Wiesbaden, 1961). VR (also VRom) Vox Romanica. Annales Helvetici explorandis Unguis Romanicis destinati. VSB A. W. Wade-Evans, Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae et Genealogiae (Cardiff, 1944)· VVB J. Loth, Vocabulaire vieux-breton (Paris, 1884). Wagner F. Wagner, 'Neue Inschriften aus Raetien', 37-38. Bericht der romischgermanischen Kommission 1956-7 [1958], 215-64. Walde A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch* (Heidelberg, 1910). Wb. Jhb. Wurzburger Jahrbiicher. Westd. Korrbl. Korrespondenzblatt der Westdeutschen Zutochnfi fur Geschichte und Kunst. WG J. Morris-Jones, A Welsh Grammar, Historical and Comparative (Oxford, 1913)· W.-H. A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch, 3., neubearbeitete Aufl. v . J . B. Hofmann, 3 vols. (Heidelberg, 1938-56). WienStud Wiener Studien. Windisch E. Windisch, Irische Texte mit Worterbuch (Leipzig, 1880). 1 Reprinted from Z^P 20/2, 1935, 315-52; 20/3, 1936, 489-522; 21/1, 1938, 55-204. I cite from the reprint.
L I S T OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S WM WML Woulfe W.-P, WuS ZAW ZCP Zgusta ZONF ZRPh
xxiii
J. G. Evans, The While Book Mabinogion (Pwllheli, 1907). A. W. Wade-Evans, Welsh Mediaeval Law (Oxford, 1909). P. Woulfe, Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall, Irish Names and Surnames (Dublin, 1923)· A. Walde and J. Pokorny, Vergleichendes Worterbiich der indogermanischen Sprachen, 3 vols. (Berlin and Leipzig, 1928-32). Worter und Sachen. JZeitschrifi fur Altertumswissenschaft, Zutschrifi fi*r celtische Philologie. L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Personennamen (Prag, 1964). Zetochrift fur Ortsnamenforschung, Zritohrift fur romanische Philologie,
I INTRODUCTION A. S C O P E A N D P L A N OF T H E
IN0UIRY
THE object of this investigation is to list the Celtic personal names which occur in the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul, in the Com mentaries on the Gallic War, and in the graffiti of La Graufesenque and to make a contribution towards the elucidation of some of the etymo logical, phonological, and morphological problems raised by those names. The Introductory Chapter contains information about pre vious work on Gaulish anthroponymy and about the nature of the sources. Chapter II is devoted to listing the relevant material, with details concerning readings where this is necessary. An attempt is also made to furnish an etymological survey of this material under the headings (A) Compounded Names and (B) Uncompounded Names. The name elements attested in compounded names are discussed separately. Doubtful names are relegated to an Appendix. Chapter III is concerned with an analysis of some of the principal phonologi cal and morphological features presented by the material. B. A SURVEY OF PREVIOUS WORK ON GAULISH ANTHROPONYMY
This survey is intended to be a guide to some only of the most impor tant work of the last hundred years which has a more or less direct bearing on the study of Continental Celtic personal names. It is a brief survey and does not claim to be exhaustive. A complete bibliography of pertinent literature, including work that is intrinsically worthless as well as serious contributions to the study of the subject, both early and recent work, both the briefest of notes and more comprehensive studies—all this would have been impossible within the range of this book. However, it is hoped that the information here given presents a fairly full picture of what has hitherto been attempted in this field and that the survey includes references to works where further details may be obtained. The arrangement is in the main a chronological one. No attempt is made to list all references to discussion of individual 811930
Β
2
INTRODUCTION 1
inscriptions, coin-legends, 2 names on terra-sigillata 3 and in classical texts, 4 etc., or even to all collections of texts.5 I have also had to refrain from including a mass of references to work on local and ethnic names and on divine names, although these are often important for the study of personal names. Details concerning work on neo-Celtic personal names and personal names in cognate languages such as Ligurian, Illyrian, Venetic, or Messapic, and concerning well-known works of reference on grammar, etymology, inscriptions, etc. (works such as VKG, GO I, W.-P., W.-H., IEW, and AE)9 are, as a rule, omitted. Details concerning all such work would fill volumes. There are, of course, very many references to secondary sources of this kind in other parts of this work. This section does not, therefore, list all the relevant sources of information that have been examined. Indeed, many of these were not worth examining, much less worth mention ing, for my immediate purpose. I should add, finally, that only most exceptionally do I refer to sources which I have not myself seen. The earliest extensive and important work devoted to a linguistic study of Gaulish names, local, ethnic, and divine, as well as personal, is Christian Wilhelm Gliick's Die bei Caius Julius Caesar vorkommenden keltischen Namen (Munchen, 1857). Many Gaulish names had been discussed in J . C. Zeuss's Grammatica Celtica (Leipzig, 1853).6 But 1 Therefore, references to articles such as that of L. H. Gray, 'L'Inscription gauloise d'Orgon', Rev. des itudes indo-europiennes 1, 1939, 298-300, or of P. Lebel, 'Texte de l'inscription gauloise des sources de la Seine', RAE 6, 1955, 155-8, do not appear in this survey. 2 Thus all the writings of scholars such as F. de Saulcy, A. Blanchet, R.Forrer, A. Vives, J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu, K. Pink, and K. Christ (see especially his 'Ergebnisse und Probleme der keltischen Numismatik und Geldgeschichte (Bericht 1935-55)' in Historia 6/2, 1957, 215-53), and these writings are very many, are not included. 3 For the graffiti of La Graufesenque see section (C) below. 4 Concerning Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War see section (C) below. 5 Thus relevant volumes of CIL must be supplemented by reference to other collections of inscriptions such as the following: Ephemeris epigraphical CIL supplementum, ed. H. Dessau and others, 9 vols. (Berlin, 1872—1913); P. C£sar Moran, Epigrafia salmantina (Salamanca, 1922) ; E. Esperandieu, Inscriptions latines de Gaule {Narbonaise) (Paris, 1929); H. Finke, 'Neue Inschriften', 17. Bericht der romischgermanischen Kommission 1927 (1929), 1*—107 (Nachtrage 198-214, Register 215-33); H. Nesselhauf, 'Neue Inschriften aus dem romischen Germanien und den angrenzenden Gebieten', 27. Bericht. . . 1937 (1939), 51-134; V. Hoffiller and B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien (Zagreb, 1938); H. Rolland, 'Inscriptions antiques de Glanum (Saint-R6my-de-Provence). Revision et complement du CIL', Gallia 2, 1944, *67-233; F. Wagner, 'Neue Inschriften aus Raetien', 37-38. Bericht . . . 1956-7 (1958), 2 1 5 - 6 4 ; H. Nesselhauf and H. Lieb, 'Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet', 40. Bericht . . . 1959 (i960), 120229; P.-M. Duval, Les Inscriptions antiques de Paris (Paris, i 9 6 0 ) ; P. Wuilleumier, Inscriptions faines des trots Gaules (Paris, 1963). 6 Second edition, edited by H. Ebel, Berlin, 1871. A useful index of the Gaulish
INTRODUCTION
3
Gliick dealt in detail with a selection of names from Caesar's Com" mentaries. His etymological survey includes a discussion of many other Celtic names, both Insular and Continental. The work is still useful and, considering its date, surprisingly reliable. T h e introduction to it reveals how poor in comparison had been some earlier work in the same field. Roget de Belloguet's Glossaire gaulois, which is the first part of his Ethnogenie gauloise,1 is a critical survey of considerable value, covering many forms recorded by ancient authors and in inscriptions and on coins. It includes a comprehensive discussion of elements attested in proper names. Unfortunately, the author's judgement in linguistic matters is frequently unsound. A. Pictet's Essai sur quelques inscriptions en langue gauloise (Geneve, 1859), in which an attempt is made to interpret seven of the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul, is still worth consulting. But more useful and more extensive is his 'Nouvel Essai sur les inscriptions gauloises', published in five parts in RA 15, 1867, 276-89, 313-29, 385-402; 16, 1867, 1-20, 123-40, in which thirteen Gaulish inscriptions are dis cussed and also the inscriptions of Briona (PZD, no. 337) and Todi (PID, no. 339), together with some remarks on morphology at the end. W. Stokes published a study of nine inscriptions in KSB 2, 1861, 100-12, and this was followed by his 'Celtic Declension', published in BB 11, 1886, 64-175, with a section devoted to the study of twentyeight Old-Celtic Inscriptions' (pp. 112 ff.). Although he tended to rely uncritically on the readings of others, and although his inter pretations are sometimes a little too ingenious, his work is still impor tant for those who study the remains of Gaulish. T h e same is true of the Celtic etymological dictionary entitled Urkeltischer Sprachschatz, which he produced, with the collaboration of A. Bezzenberger, as the second volume of the fourth edition of A. Fick's Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen (Gottingen, 1894). 2 The publication of successive volumes of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, with supplements and indexes, commencing in 1862, made available vast collections of material. The Corpus has been a mine of information for the student of Celtic names. J . Becker published in KSB 3, 1863, 162-215, 326-59, 405-43; 4, forms mentioned in this edition was compiled by Tourneur and published in ACL 3, 1907, 109-37. 1 1st ed., Paris, 1858; 2nd ed., Paris, 1872. 2 See also the Addenda and Corrigenda published by Stokes in BB 21, 1896, 122-37; 23> 1&9Ί> 4I_655 3 2 1 anc * the remarks of Prellwitz, BB 22, 1896, 80 if., of Loth, RC17,1896,434-43; ϊδ, 1897,89-99; 20, 1899, 344~55> and of Thurneysen, IFAnz. 6, 1896, 193-6. For other reviews see Stern, Kritischer Jahresbericht iiber die Fortschntte der romanischen Philologie... hrsg. von Karl Vollmoller 4,1898-1900, i. 50.
INTRODUCTION 4 1865, 129-70 an edition of eighteen inscriptions 1 followed by a long commentary which includes a section dealing with proper names. An interesting article, O n Gaulish Names', published in TPhS 1865, 97-139, the work of D. W. Nash, is well worth consulting. A. de Barthelemy published lists of Gaulish coin-legends in RC 1, 1870-2, 291-8 2 and 9, 1888, 26-35. There soon followed more com prehensive and more ambitious work on Gaulish coins. I here list together for convenience of reference the titles of some of the more important works concerning the coins of Ancient Gaul. These are: A. de Barthelemy, 'Etude sur des monnaies trouvees en Poitou et en Saintogne', Memoires de la societe des antiquaires de VOuest 37, 1873 [1874], 493~53 2 ? E. Muret and A. Chabouillet, Catalogue des monnaies gauloises de la Bibliotheque nationale (Paris, 1889); H. de la Tour, Atlas de monnaies gauloises (Paris, 1892); A. Blanchet, Traite des monnaies gauloises (Paris, 1905) ; 3 A. Blanchet and A. Dieudonne, Manuel de numismatique frangaise (Paris, 1912); R. Forrer, Keltische Numumatik der Rhein- und Donaulande (StraBburg, 1908); id., Les Monnaies gauloises ou celtiques trouvees en Alsace (Mulhouse, 1925); R. Paulsen, Die Miinzpragungen der Boier (Leipzig u. Wien, 1933); K. Pink, Einfuhrung in die keltischeMiinzkundein Archaeologia Austriaca 6, Wien, 1950 (2. verbesserte Auf 1. in Archaeologia Austriaca Beiheft 4, Wien, 1960); K. Christ, op. cit., p. 2 n. 2 above. Of the very many writings of Colbert deBeaulieu I note only his 'Chronique de numismatique celtique', EC 8, 1958-9,434-55; 10, 1962-3, 186-209, Catalogue des collections archeologiques de Besangon iv. Les Monnaies gauloises (AnnaL litt. de V Univ. de Besangon, vol. 25 (Arche'ologie 7), Paris, 1959), Catalogue des collections archeologiques de Montbeliard. Les Monnaies gaidoises (AnnaL litt. de VUniv. de Besangon, vol. 34 (Archeologie 10), Paris, i960) and (with M . Dayet) Catalogue des monnaies gauloises du Jura (AnnaL litt. de Γ Univ. de Besangon, vol. 44 (Archeologie 12), Paris, 1962).
Creuly compiled a 'Liste des noms supposes gaulois tires des inscrip tions' in RC 3, 1876-8, 153-67, 297-312, and Thedenat prepared a supplementary list in RC 8, 1887, 378-87; 12, 1891, 131-41, 254-69, 354-68; 13, 1892, 301-33; 14, 1893, 163-87. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville published much on Gaulish names. If we were to gather in references to all the works in which he touched on 1 These include the inscriptions of Todi and Briona, a Latin inscription of Bitburg (CIL 13. 4130), and two inscriptions of Este which are probably not Celtic at all. * C f . / 2 C 2 , 1873-5, 94 ff. 3 Supplemented by Blanchet's 'Chronique de numismatique celtique', RC 28, 1907, 73-78; 29, 1908, 7 2 - 7 9 ; 3°> 1909, 189-97; 3 i , ΐ9 χ ο> 49-59J 32, i g n , 39&406; 34, 1913, 397-405; 39, 1922, 338-47; 48, 193^ 149-62; EC 1, 1936, 134-48; 5, I950-I, 347-51·
INTRODUCTION
5
them we should have to list the greater part of all his publications. We should refer first to his Etudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques, ι ere pt. (Paris, 1881), in which he discusses inter alia Gaulish Magalus, *maros, and the suffix -acos.1 In 1891 appeared his Les Noms gaulois chez Cesar et Hirtius De Bello Gallico. Premiere Serie, Les Composes dpnt RIX est le dernier terme (Paris, Bouillon). This work was inspired by Gluck's earlier treatment of the same subject. This was the first part, and unfortunately the only part published, of a projected series of monographs based on material which de Jubainville, Ernault, and Dottin had collected for the production of a Gaulish Dictionary. 2 An article entitled 'Les Noms hypocoristiques d'hommes et de lieux en celtique', MSL 9, 1896, 189-91, is important. Gaulish personal names are frequently considered in his Recherches sur Vorigine de la propriete fonciere et des noms de lieux habites en France {periode celtique et periode romaine) (Paris, 1890), a bulky volume produced with the assistance of Dottin. Of the volumes which de Jubainville produced himself in the series Cours de litterature celtique the most important for our purpose is the sixth, entitled La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Vepopee homerique (Paris, 1899). Quirin Esser's Beitrage zur gallo-keltiscfien Namenkunde, I. Heft (Malmedy, Im Selbstverlage des Verfassers, 1884), deserves mention. It includes a discussion of the name elements caleto-, recto-, vroico-, dubo-, epo-, samo-, tanco-, canto-, and *-gilum. Of Joseph Loth's many publications perhaps we should single out only the following as having a direct bearing on the study of Gaulish personal names: Chrestomathie bretonne (Paris, 1890), pp. 3-32, listing examples of Celtic inscriptions and some morphological and lexical features of Gaulish; 'Les Noms d'homme en -a long en celtique', BSL 24, 1923-4, 214-18. The publication of Alfred Holder's Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz (Leip zig, 1891-1913) in three volumes (vol. 3. 465-1280 is an addendum and corrigendum to vol. 1. 1-1115) brought together a great mass of testimonia concerning proper names and items in ancient authors and in glossaries—everything which Holder thought deserved considera tion as Old-Celtic'. His achievement was tremendous, notwithstanding the fact that the conventional alphabetical arrangement he adopted was not very illurninating and that in his eagerness not to omit any thing which might be 'alt-celtisch' he let in too many forms the interpretation of which was quite uncertain, with the result that his Dictionary tended to become a medley of forms of multiple linguistic origin. Compare the criticisms of Stern in Kritischer Jahresbericht iiber 1
An excellent index may be found in GMB 749-70. See the notice by J. Loth in Kritischer Jahresbericht iiber die Fortschritte der romanischen Philologie . . . hrsg. von Karl Vollmoller 4, 1898-1900, i. 39-41. 2
β
INTRODUCTION
die Fortschritte der romanischen Philologie . . . hrsg. v. Karl Vollmoller 4, an( I8Q8-IQOO, i. 48 i ^ reviews cited there, to which add Revue critique d'histoire et de litterature, nouvelle serie 77, 1914, 147 f. (Dottin), Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift 35, 1915, 1509-11 (Meyer-Lubke). Emil Hubner collected the linguistic material of Ancient Spain and Portugal in his famous Monumenta linguae Ibericae (Berlin, 1893). Al though he clung to the view that all the remains belonged to the same language and although his method of reading was erroneous, his work is in general valuable and reliable. It was largely corrected and supplemented by Manuel Gomez-Moreno's Misceldneas. Historia-ArteArqueologia. Primera serie: la Antiguedad (Madrid, 1949), where many of the inscriptions found subsequently are gathered. Of Sir John Rhys's publications the most important for our purpose is the series of lectures he delivered to the British Academy and
207-318 · 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul. Additions and Corrections', ^ i q i i - 1 2 , 261-360; 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Cisalpine Gaul', 6, iQiQ-14 23-112; 3 'Gleanings in the Italian Field of Celtic Epigraphy', 6 ιοΐ3-ΐ4> 315—69· Much information may be gleaned from other volumes notably from Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (The Hibbert Lectures 1886), London and Edinburgh, 1888, and Studies in the Arthurian Legend, Oxford, 1891. His work on the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul and Italy has great value because as a rule he took the trouble to inspect the inscrip tions for himself. Later work has shown that his readings are, on the whole remarkably accurate. However, his attempts at interpreting them are, by and large, bedevilled by his inclination to wrest a mean ing from an inscription however fragmentary it may be and however flimsy the evidence in favour of a particular interpretation. 4 Of Georges Dottin's work the following important contributions to the study of Gaulish must be cited: chap. 2, entitled 'La Langue' in Manuel pour servir a Vetude de Vantiquite celtique (Paris, 1906) pp. 52—109 (2me edit., Paris, 1915? PP· 60-139); La Langue gauloise. Grammaire, textes et dossaire (Collection pour Γ etude des antiquites nationales ii, Paris, IQ20) * 'La Langue gauloise dans les graffites de la Graufesenque', REA 26 1924, 73"~77J 'Sur les noms d'animaux dans Ponomastique 1 cf. E. Zupitza, 'Kelten und Gallien', Z^P 4> *903> *-22. 2 cf! de Jubainville, RC 28, 1907, 209; Thurneysen, £CP 6, 1908, 557 f. 3 Cf. Loth, RC 35, I9*4> 37°~5 5 Dottin, Rev. critique d hist, et de litterature, nouv. se>. 78, 1914» n 4 · , , . , . . , . , , , 4 ^ v e r y g 0 od example of this is his bold reconstruction and interpretation, complete with a free rendering into English, of the fragmentary inscription of Lapipe-S6n£ on Mont-Auxois {DAG 165). See Addit. 40-51.
INTRODUCTION
7
gauloise', Melanges bretons et celtiques qfferts a M. J. Loth (Rennes, 1927), 92-98. Dottin is the only scholar who has attempted to write a comprehensive handbook of Gaulish. His La Langue gauloise is written in three parts. The first deals briefly with the history of scholarship in connexion with the Gauls and with Gaulish, describes the nature of the sources, and deals with orthographical, phonological, and mor phological features. The second lists the texts, sixty-four inscriptions from Ancient Gaul, including the Calendar of Coligny, together with extracts from the Endlicher Glossary and the Formularies of Marcellus of Bordeaux. He relies for the readings on the work of earlier workers, chiefly that of Rhys. Each item is accompanied by a good bibliography of relevant literature. The third section is a glossary, arranged in alphabetical order, of Gaulish forms (both reconstructed forms and forms attested in ancient sources). The work, like most handbooks dealing with complex subjects, got a mixed reception. 1 In his 'filaments celtiques dans les noms de personnes des inscrip tions d'Espagne', published in Le Museon. £tudes philologiques, historiques et religieuses, nouv. ser. 8, 1907, 1-40, A. Carnoy discussed a large number of personal names according to their lexical characteristics, dealing with names of animals, colours, physical characteristics, lauda tory and warlike epithets, etc. See also A. Carnoy, 'Les Noms de personnes en Espagne empruntes a des animaux 5 (resume in La Mouvelle Clio 5, 1953, 227 f.) and 'Symbolisme et mysticisme animal dans les noms celtiberiques et latins de l'ancienne Espagne' (resume in Boletin de Dialectologia Espanola 32, 1953, 47). Leo Weisgerber's contribution to the study of Continental Celtic is most valuable. His study of the linguistic remains of the Celts in Asia Minor, entitled 'Galatische Sprachreste 5 and published in Natalicium Joliannes Geffcken (Heidelberg, 1931), 151-75, is the standard work on the subject. His 'Die Sprache der Festlandkelten', which appeared in 20. Bericht der rdmisch-germanischen Kommission igjo (1931), 147-226, is a masterly review of the whole field of Continental Celtic. He deals successively with (a) evidence concerning the Celts and the remains of Celtic in the Hispanic peninsula, in Britain and Ireland, in the middle Danube area and the Eastern Alps, in the Balkans, in Italy and in Alpine regions, in France and in Germany; (i) the evidence con cerning the persistence of Celtic on the Continent in historical times; (c) the problem of distinguishing Celtic from non-Celtic elements; (d) dialectal differences in Continental Celtic; (e) the comparison of Continental Celtic with Insular Celtic. Moreover, a number of lexical, 1 See the criticism passed upon the book by the following scholars: Vendryes in RC 38, 1920-1, 179-85; Loth in RA 5 e s6r. 13, 1921, 108-19 (cf. RC 39, 1922, 387 f.); Jud in Archivum Romanicum 6, 1922, 188-211; Terracini in Rivista di filologia e d'istruzione classica 49, 1921, 401-30; Weisgerber in SprFK 150 f.
8
INTRODUCTION
phonological, morphological, and syntactical features are discussed, and there is a valuable analysis of a wealth of literature listed in the bibliography at the end. 1 Weisgerber emphasized the importance of detailed investigations into the remains of Continental Celtic, based on their distribution in particular regions and especially in particular tribal areas. He himself has published an important series of articles concentrating on the study of the proper names, especially the personal names, of the Rhineland, namely (in order of date of publica tion) : 'Sprachwissenschaftliche Beitrage zur fruhrheinischen Siedlungs- und Kulturgeschichte. Γ, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 289-359 (this article deals with the names of the Treveri); 'Die Sprachliche Schichtung der Mediomatrikernamen', Rh. V. 18, 1953, 249-76; 'Das romerzeitliche Namengut des Xantener Siedlungsraumes', Β J 154, 1954, 94-136; 'Zum Namengut der Germani cisrhenani', Annalen des historischen Vereins fur den Niederrhein 155-6, 1954, 35-61; c Das Namen gut der Bonner Legion', Rh. V. 20, 1955, 192-214; 'Romerzeitliche Namenschicht am Niederrhein', Verh. Arbeitsgemeinsch. f. westdt. Landesund Volksforsch. Kleve, Oktober 1956 (Bonn, 1957) 8-13 ; 2 'Erlauterungen zur Karte der romerzeitlich bezeugten rheinischen Namen', Rh. V. 23, 1958, 1-49; 'Die sprachliche Schichtung der fruhrheinischen Personennamen', VI. Internationaler Kongrefi fur Namenforschung, Miinchen: 24-28 August 1938, Kongrefberichte, Bd. I, hrsg. v. G. Rohlfs (Studia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. II) (Miinchen, i960), 94-104. See also the following articles: 'Zur Inschrift von Nickenich', Germania 17, 1933, 14-22, 95-104; 'Zur Sprachenkarte Mitteleuropas im fruhen Mittelalter', Rh. V. 9, 1939, 23-51; 'Altkeltische Flexionsformen bei Varro?', Z^P 23, 1943. 349-64; 'Nux Gallica', IF 62, 1956, 33-61. Joshua Whatmough has over the last thirty years made a major contribution to the study of the non-Latin or non-Italic dialects of Ancient Italy and Ancient Gaul. He took the lion's share of the work of editing the Prae-Italic Dialects of Italy, 3 vols. (London, 1933). H e edited Part I I I of the work which includes a survey of the remains of the so-called 'Lepontic' texts, found mainly in the neighbourhood of the Italian lakes, the Ligurian glosses, the three Gaulish inscriptions of Italy, and the Gaulish glosses. The local, divine, and personal names of North Italy were tabulated in Part II by Mrs. S. E.Johnson. Com plete indexes are given in vol. 3. The texts have been edited in PID with meticulous care, with all the commentary which the state of knowledge at the time of publication allowed. The same remark is true of Whatmough's later monumental study of the Dialects of Ancient Gaul (published in five parts on microfilm by University 1 Compare the reviews by Vendryes in RC 51, 1934, 120-2 and by Bonfante in Emirita 3, 1935, i84f. 2 Known to me only from the notice in Onoma, vol. 8/1, 1958-9 (i960), 62.
INTRODUCTION
9
Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1949-51 (also available in paper enlargements)), reviewed, somewhat unusually, by the author him self in £CP 24, 1954, 154-6. In this work Whatmough has compiled a huge corpus of ancient testimony concerning the non-Latin dialects of the Alpine Regions (Alpes Maritimae, Regnum Gottii, Alpes Graiae, Vallis Poenina), of Gaul Proper (Narbonensis, Aquitania, Lugdunensis, Belgica, Germania Inferior, Germania Superior), and of the Middle Rhine and Upper Danube (Agri Decumates and Vindelici). The remains are put into their proper geographical location in order to 'make clear . . . the differences that existed in the non-Latin dialects of different parts of Ancient Gaul' (DAG, p. 1). The more im portant inscriptions and graffiti are treated as separate items. Most of these Whatmough had copied after inspection of the originals in 1929. Items of alien or uncertain provenance are given in the Appendixes. The first part of the Grammar of DAG appeared in 1963 (Ann Arbor, Michigan, Edwards Bros.). Unfortunately it was not received by me until well after this book went to press. Before this Whatmough published articles on the grammar of the ancient Alpine dialects between Italy and Gaul, 'Alpes Populique Inalpini', HSCP 60, 1951, 175-85, and on the pre-Roman linguistic situation in the Agri Decumates with the Upper Rhine and Danube regions, Onomastics and Linguistics', VI. Internationaler Kongrefi fur Namenforschung . . . Kongrefberichte, Bd. I. 68-79. 1 His important Pro legomena to DAG were published separately in HSCP 55, 1944, 1-85.2 For the student of Celtic personal names a thorough study of all this work is essential. There are a number of other articles and reviews which deal specifically or incidentally with Continental Celtic, the most important of which for the study of Celtic names are the fol lowing : Review of Hans Krahe's PJV. Lex. in AJPh 50, 1929, 205-8; 'New Keltic inscriptions of Gaul', HSCP 44, 1933, 227-31; reviews of W.-H. in CP/i., from vol. 35, 1940 onwards; 'The Lower Rhine— Language and Archaeology', Archaeology 2, 1949, 91-94; 'Πάρ€ργα\ Die Sprache 1 (Havers Festschrift), 1949, 123-9; 'Gentes variae Unguis', Word 5, 1949, 106-15; 'Gaulish tuddos, auot, ieuru\ JCS 1, 1949-50, 7-10; 'Gaulish vimpV, Lg. 25, 1949, 388-91; reviews of Pokorny's IEW in Lg. from vol. 25, 1949 onwards; review of Hubschmid's Praeromanica in Lg. 26, 1950, 298 f. and of his Alpenworter in Lg. 28, 1952, 268 f. (also in RPh. 9, 1956, 398); 'On an inscription of Nimes', 1 The phonemics of the Celtic dialect of Narbonensis were discussed by Calvert Watkins in Lg. 31, 1955, 9-19. Audrey R. Duckert has dealt with 'The Dialect of Germania Inferior: Phonology' in a doctoral dissertation presented to the Depart ment of Linguistics of RadclifFe College, Cambridge, Massachusetts (March 1959) 2 (seen by me). For another reference see p. 407, n. 2 below.
INTRODUCTION
ΙΟ χ
20
ΚΖ 69, Ι95 5 7 f· \ review of Tovar's Estudios in Lg. 27, 1951, 571-5; Ή ΐ omnes lingua inter se difFerunt', Orbis 1, 1952, 428-41; 'Some lexical variants in the dialects of Ancient Gaul' in Studies presented to David M. Robinson, vol. 2 (Saint Louis, 1953), 477-82; 'Epigraphical L g- 29> χ953> 297-300; 'Genius cucuUatus5, Ogam 5, 1953, 65 f.; 'Gaulish F?\ Celtica 3 (Zeuss Memorial Volume), 1956, 249-55; reviews of Frisk's GEW in CPh. from vol. 50, 1955 onwards; 'Lugdunum and Lugdunensis', Ogam 7, 1955, 353-6; review of Schmidt's KGP in Lg. 33, 1957, 591-5· Of Pokorny's many writings the most important for the study of names, in spite of its defects,1 is undoubtedly his Zur Urgeschichte der Kelten und Illyrier (mit einem Beitrage von R. Pittioni) (Halle, 1938), re printed from ZCP 20/2, 1935, 3 χ 5 - 5 2 ; 20/3, 1936, 489-522; 2 i / i , 1938, 55-204. In this work, by the manipulation of the evidence to be had from nomenclature and archaeological work, he identified the Lausitz-culture characterized by urnfields with people who spoke Illyrian, and a western people who from their type of graves are called the tumulus builders with Italo-Celts. He assumed that the Celts of history were evolved from an admixture of Lausitz-people who moved westwards and southwards. His various hypotheses require us to see Illyrian names over a very wide area ranging from Poland to Spain and from the Balkans to Ireland. This Pan-Illyrianism has rightly been criticized in scathing terms. But Pokorny insisted on defending his theories in later publications. See 'firiu and the Coming of the Goidels', Essays and Studies presented to Professor Eoin MacNeill, ed. Rev. J o h n Ryan (Dublin, 1940), 237-43; 'Zur keltischen Namenkunde und Etymologie', Vox Romanica 10, 1948-9, 220-67; 'Probleme der keltischen Urgeschichte', Congres international des sciences prehistoriques et protohistoriques, Actes de la 5* session (Zurich, 1950 (1953)), 281-4; 'Recent Developments in Celtic Study', The Welsh Anvil 3, 1951, 80-871 Keltologie (Bern, 1953), 103 if. Substantially he maintains these theories still. See now, however, 'Zur irischen Namenbildung und Urgeschichte', Miinchener Studien zur Spraclwvissenschaft, Heft 7, χ 955> 56-67; 'Keltische Urgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft', Die Sprache^, 1959, 152-64; 'The Pre-Celtic Inhabitans of Ireland', Celtica 5, i960, 229-40; 'Die Orts- und FluBnamen der Urnenfeldkultur', VIth International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Miinchen 24-28 August igj8. Reports. . . hrsg. von Karl Puchner, Bd. 3 {Stadia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. 4) (Munchen, 1961), 604-7. 1 See the following reviews: Menges, Rocznik Slawistyczny 13, 1937, 134; O'Rahilly, Irish Historical Studies 1, 1938-9, 3 0 6 - 9 ; Sjoestedt-Jonval, BSL 40, 3, !939> 105-11J Lejeune, REA 41, 1939, 9 3 - 9 5 ; Jackson, Antiquity 15, 1941, 96-100; Childe, ibid. 100-2; Pisani, AGI 34, 1942, 124-7.
INTRODUCTION
I I
In EC 2, 1937, 246-53 A. Blanchet discussed some examples of the persistence of Celtic names in Narbonensis. The most important of Joseph Vendryes's writings for our purpose 1 are the following: 'La Position linguistique du celtique' (The Sir John Rhys Memorial Lecture), Proceedings of the British Academy 23, 1937, 333-71; 'Teutomatos'j CRAI 1939, 466-80; T)eux nouvelles inscriptions gallo-romains', EC 5, 1950-1, 237-47 (see also CRAI 1948, 220-2); 'Note sur la toponymie celtique', Recueil de travaux offert a M. Clovis Brunei, vol. ii (Paris, 1955), 641—50; cLes Inscriptions gauloises de Banassac—La Canourgue', CRAI 1956, 169-86; 'La Route de l'etain en Gaule', CRAI 1957, 204-9. 2 F. L. Alonso-Cuevillas's 'Sobre el onomastico personal prerromano de galecos y astures' in Boletin del Museo Arqueologico Provincial de Orense 2, 1946, 27-33 deals briefly with a small selection of names with reference to their local distribution. See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 18, ELH350. Margit Falkner wrote on 'Die norischen Personennamen auf -u und ihre kulturgeschichtliche Bedeutung' in Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft (Arbeiten aus dem Institut fur allgemeine und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft hrsg. von W. Brandenstein) (Wien, 1948) 39-54. See Pokorny, Keltologie 136. Antonio Tovar has added a great deal to our understanding of the ancient dialects of Spain and Portugal in a long list of studies published during the last twenty years. It is difficult to select from his many publications even for our particular purpose, but the following appear to me to be the most important: Estudios sobre las primitwas lenguas hispdnicas (Univ. de Buenos Aires, Fac. de Filos. y Letras, Instituto de Filol.: Seccion Clasica, Serie B, Vol. IV, Buenos Aires, 1949), a collec tion of studies previously published (excepting chap, iv), with a few corrigenda and addenda; 3 'Les Noms de personnes de l'Hispania pre-romaine', Actes et Mem. du 3* Congres d'onomastique tenu a Bruxelles en juillet ig4g, vol. 1. 74 f., 3. 787-93; 'Lexico de las inscripciones ibericas (celtiberico e iberico)', Estudios dedicados a Menendez Pidal ii (Madrid, 1951), 273-323 (Celtiberian forms listed on pp. 275-86); 1 For a bibliography of Vendryes's publications concerning onomastics see P. Gardette, Onoma 8. 2, 1958-9 (1961), 444-5. 2 Cf. Duval, 'Les Inscriptions gallo-grecques trouv£es en France', Actes du Collogue sur les influences helUniques en Gaule, Dijon les 2g~30 αυήΙ-ιβτ mai, J957 (Publications de I'University de Dijon 16) (Dijon, 1958) 63-69. 3 Reviews: BSL 47. 2, 1951, 78-^80 (Lejeune); Lg. 27, 1951, 571-5 (Whatmough); Boletim de Filologia 12, 1951, 214-23 (Louro); Paideia 7, 1952, 152 ff. (Pisani); Studi Etruschi 22, 1952, 481 ff. (Pallottino); Rev. beige de philol. et d'histoire 30, 1952, 883-6 (Horrent); Emirita 20, 1952, 545 ff. (Michelena); REA 54, 1952, 198-9 and Bulletin hispanique 54, 1952, 165 ff. (Lafon); Revue de philologie 28, 1954, 131-2 (Ernout); Anales del Instituto de Lingiiistica de la Univ. Nac. de Cuyo 6, 1957, 445-9 (Hubschmid).
INTRODUCTION
12
'Nuevas gentilidades y respuesta sobre el tenia de los indoeuropeas de Hispania', Anales de Filol. Clasica, Buenos Aires, 4, 1947-9, 353~6; 'Investigaciones sobre la onomastica de la Hispania pre-romana', Onoma 2, 1951, 36 f.; c La Sonorisation et la chute des intervocaliques: phenomene latin occidental', REL 29, 1951, 102-20; 4Le substrat pre-latin de la peninsule iberique', Actes du ier Congres de la Federation Internationale des associations d'etudes classiques (Paris, 1951) 49-60; T a r a un suplemento al Idg. Etymol. W b . de J . Pokorny', Anales de Filol. Clasica 5, 1952, 151-3; 'Sobre la cronologia de la sonorizacion y caida de intervocalicas en la Romania occidental 5 , Homenaje a Fritz Kriiger I (Mendoza, 1952) 9 - 1 5 ; Έ1 sufijo -ko- indoeuropeo y circumindoeuropeo 5 , AGI (Fest. Bertoldi) 39, 1954, 56 fF.; 'Numerates indoeuropeos en Hispania', £ephyrus 5, 1954, 17-22; 'Sustratos hispanicos, y la in flexion romanica en relacion con la infeccion celtica', Actes et Mem. du VIP Congres Internat. de linguistique romane (Barcelona, 1953 (1955)), 387-99; Cantabria prerromana 0 lo que la linguistica nos ensena sobre los antiquos cdntabros (Publ. Univ. Intern. Menendez Pelayo, 2, Madrid, 1955) ;* 'Los ilirios, de nuevo', £ephyrus 6, 1955, 194-7; 'Metodologia sobre onomastica celtica', op. cit. 197 f.; 'La inscripcion grande de Penalba de Villastar y la lengua celtiberica', Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 159-71; 'Las invasiones indoeuropeos, problema estratigrafico', ^ephyrus 8, 1957, 77-83; 'Indo-European Layers in the Hispanic Peninsula'^ Reports for the Eighth International Congress of Linguists (Oslo, 1957), 1. 168 ff. (also Proceedings of the VIIIth International Congress of Linguists (Oslo, 1958), 705-21); 'Las lenguas primitivas de la peninsula hispanica', Cuadernos de historia mundial 4, 1958, 291-309; 'Das Keltiberische, ein neuer Zweig des Festlandkeltischen', Kratylos 3, 1958, 1-14; 'Las inscripciones celtibericas de Penalba de Villastar', Emerita 2 7> J 959J 349~65 5 'Testimonios antiguos' (The evidence of the ancient Indo-European languages of the Hispanic peninsula), Enciclopedia Linguistica Hispdnica, tomo i (Madrid, 1959), 101-26; The Ancient Languages of Spain and Portugal (New York, 1961) ; 2 'Les Traces linguistiques celtiques dans la Peninsule Hispanique', Celticum VI (Supple ment a Ogam no. 86, 1963) 381-403. The most important of Michel Lejeune's publications dealing with Continental Celtic is undoubtedly his monograph Celtiberica {Acta Salmanticensia, Filosofia y Letras, tomo vii, num. 4, Universidad de Salamanca, 1955). 3 It is devoted to the study of the remains of 1
Reviewed by Palomar Lapesa in EmJrita 24, 1956, 236-8. Reviews: BSL 57, 1962. 65-68 (Lejeune); IF 68, 1963, 317-25 (Untermann). Reviews: BSL 52, 1956, 124-32 (Lafon); Bol. Real Soc. Vascong. Amigosdel Pais 12, 1956, 233-5 (Michelena); EC 7, 1955-6, 439-41 (Vendryes); Paideia 11, 1956, 316-17 (Pisani); Zephynu 7,1956, 104-5 (Palomar Lapesa); Kratylos 3, 1958, 74-75 (Redard); Rev. beige de philologie et dhistoire 36, 1958, 630-1 (Maniet); Celtica 6, 1963, 287-9 (O Cleirigh). See also E. P. Hamp, JCS 2, 1958, 147 ff. 2
3
INTRODUCTION
13
Celtiberian as found in inscriptions (on bronze, stone, and rock) and in coin legends. Mention must be made also of the following articles which deal inter alia with a number of Celtic PNN and with subjects that have a more or less direct bearing on the interpretation of such names: 'L'Isoglosse -7?ζ/-π dans l'occident indo-europeen', REL 29, 1951, 8 6 9 5 ; C L'Inscription gauloise de Briona', Hommages M. Niedermann (Collection Latomus X X I I I , Bruxelles, 1956), 206-15; 'Indications generates sur l'alphabet lepontique', Tyrrhenica. Saggi di Studi Etruschi alia memoria di Bartolomeo Nogara (Milano, 1957), 173-81; (with Roland Martin), 'Stele inscrite des sources de la Seine', RE A 58, 1956, 71-82. In a short article entitled 'Die Personennamen vom Magdalens berg' published in Fest.f. Rudolf Egger (Btr. z. alteren europaischen Kulturgeschichte) (Klagenfurt, 1954), 32-45, Hermann Vetters studies the PNN in the funerary inscriptions of Magdalensberg to try to show how they indicate the intensity of Romanization in the settle ment at the end of the first century B.C. and the beginning of the first century A.D. A. Scherer's study of 'Die keltisch-germanischen Namengleichungen' in Festschrift F. Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955) 199-210 deals mainly with Celto-Germanic correspondences in PNN. Giulia Petracco Sicardi's article entitled 'L'onomastica personale preromana della Valle del Rodaho' in Riuista di Studi Liguri 23, 1957, 223-46 is interesting, although the arguments presented are in general somewhat specious. Three areas are distinguished, viz. the Lower Rhone, the Middle Rhone, and the Upper Rhone. T h e author deals, for example, with the local distribution of patronymics in -ios and -cnos, with the relative frequency of compounded and uncompounded names, with compounded names (a) in -ri#, (b) in -maros, and (c) with a second element other than -rix or -maros. Derivative names are also discussed and an attempt is made to distinguish southern types with a Ligurian or Proto-Celtic (!) origin from northern types of Gaulish or Belgic origin. For Schmidt's important monograph 'Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen', £CP 26, 1957, 33-301, see the Introduction to section A (i) in Chapter I I . It consists in the main part of an alphabetical index and an analysis of names and of their constituent elements. The introductory section deals not only with matters of description and theory concerning compounding but also with a few phonological and morphological features. Manuel Palomar Lapesa's La Onomdstica personal pre-Latina de la
14
INTRODUCTION
antigua Lusitania (Theses et Studia Philologica Sahnanticensia X) (Salamanca, 1957) is the first part of a projected systematic study of all the ancient names of the Hispanic peninsula. The main part of the work is an alphabetical list of names with a wealth of references to sources and to comparable forms. A few remarks are added concerning com position and inflection, and more extensive sections deal with deriva tion and phonology. As an index of ancient forms the work is invaluable. On the linguistic side it tends to rely too much on too few authorities such as Pedersen in VKG (also LP), Pokorny in IEW, and Tovar. 1 See also now Palomar Lapesa's contribution on 'Antroponimia prerromana' in the first volume of Enciclopedia Linguistica Hispanica (Madrid, 1959), 347-88, dealing with both Indo-European and non-Indo-European personal names of the Hispanic peninsula. Of Maria Lourdes Albertos's publications to date, the following deal specifically with personal names: ^ Indoeuropeos ο Iberos en Baleares?', Emerita 26, 1958, 235-40; 'La antroponimia hispanica y " L a composicion en los nombres persohales galos", segun Κ. Η . Schmidt', ibid. 28, i960, 285-308 (an important review of KGP); 'L'indo-europeen et l'anthroponymie iberique', VIth International Con gress o/Onomastic Sciences. Miinchen 24-28 August 1958. Reports . . . hrsg. von Karl Puchner, Bd. 2 {Studia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. 3) (Munchen, 1961), 82-87. A recent publication which has great value for our study is Ulrich Schmoll's Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen Indogermanen Hispaniens und das Keltiberische (Wiesbaden, 1959). After an introduction on the problem of the Ligures of Spain and other general ethnographical questions, Schmoll lists together all the epigraphic testimonia, both inscriptions and coin legends, which contain or may contain Indo-European forms. He then deals with morphology and phonology and ends with an ambitious but short section entitled 'Herkunft und Schicksale des hispanischen Indogermanisch'. 2 Tadeusz Milewski has written on the theme of pride and arrogance in Celtic personal names in an article entitled 'Dumne imiona Celtow' published in Filomata 130, 1959, 19-32. 3 See also his review of KGP in Lingua Posnaniensis 7, 1959, 286-94. Of Jurgen Untermann's publications the most important for the 1 Reviews: Gnomon 31, 1959, 571-3 (Untermann); Revue de linguistique romane 23, I959> ί62 (Gardette); Revue beige de philol. et d'histoire 37, 1959, 858-9 (Lejeune); BSV 15, 1959, 89-93 (Michelena); Estudios Cldsicos 5, i960, 264-6 (Albertos). 2 Reviews: Kratylos 5, 1960, 181-6 (Schmidt); Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 204-8 (Untermann); BSL 55,1960,170-2· (Lejeune); £/£ΡΛ 77,1961,345-74 (Corominas); IF 67, 1962, 303-8 (Hubschmid); Die Sprache 9, 1963, 210-17 (Solta). See also A. Tovar 'Revision del tema de las lenguas indigenas de Espafia y Portugal' in Misceldnea de Estudios a Joaquim de Carvalho, no. 8, 1962, 784-94. 3 For a German summary see Bibliotheca Classica Orientalis 6, 1961, 114 k
INTRODUCTION
15
study of Celtic names, in addition to the reviews mentioned above, 1 are the following: 'Namenlandschaften im alten Oberitalien', Btr. z. jV. 10, 1959, 74-108, 1 2 1 - 5 9 ; 11, i960, 2 7 3 - 3 1 8 ; 12, 1961, 1-30;
Sprachrdume und Sprachbewegungen im vorromischen Hispanien (Wiesbaden, 1961), which includes a study of the local distribution in ancient Spain of the PNN Ambatus, Boutins, Camalus, Do{v)idena, Do(v)iderus, Medugenus (Madii-) and abbreviated forms, Talavus and Talocus, and PNN in am-famm-, clout-\clot-jclut-, pent-jpint-, and tong- {tonget-)\tonc- (toncet-) ; 2 Tersonennamen als Sprachquelle in vorromischen Hispanien', Innsbrucker Beitrdge z. Kidturwissenschqft, Sonderheft 15 [ = II. Fachtagung f. Indogerm. und allgem. Sprachwissenschaft, Innsbruck, 10—15 Oktober 1961, Vortrage und Veranstaltungen] (Innsbruck, Sprachwiss. Inst. d. Leopold-Franzens-Universitat 1962), 63-93. Full bibliographical details about publications concerning Onomastics, classified strictly on a geographical basis with sections in each geographical group devoted to toponymy and anthroponymy, are given in Onoma, Bibliographical and Information Bulletin, published by the International Committee of Onomastic Sciences at the Inter national Centre of Onomastics, Louvain (Belgium), vol. 1- (1950- ). For matters concerning Ancient Gaul, including work on the linguistic remains, Duval's 'Chronique gallo-romaine' published annually in Revue des etudes anciennes is particularly important. For other 'chroniques' see Duval, op. cit. 60, 1958, 349 f.; 63, 1961, 365; 64, 1962, 326 f. C. THE N A T U R E OF THE SOURCES In this section are described some of the characteristics of the primary sources that have been selected for special consideration in this book. When I embarked on the project of discussing a selection of Celtic personal names from Ancient Gaul, I had perforce to decide whether to select, on the one hand, all the Celtic names attested within a cer tain tribal area or group of tribal areas, or some other comparatively small geographical division; or, on the other hand, Celtic names in particular sources, names the local distribution of which would be far more extensive, and for that reason names that would be compara tively difficult to manage—and perhaps less likely to produce quickly valuable results in research. I decided, with considerable misgiving, to follow the latter course because it gave an opportunity to select a wealth of forms which were fairly certainly Celtic and to select forms from a variety of sources. The personal names in the so-called 'Gaulish' inscriptions, found 1
p. 14 nn. 1 and 2. Reviews: IF 67, 1962, 309-12 (Schmidt); Btr. ζ. Ν. 13, 1962, 295-6 and Kratylos 7, 1962, 195-8 (Schmoll). 2
ι6
INTRODUCTION
all over Gaul but most frequently by far in Narbonensis, seemed to be an obvious choice. These texts, mostly funerary or votive, cpntain the names of high and low folk alike. Secondly, names in the Commentaries on the Gallic War of Caesar and Hirtius were chosen for special discus sion as instances of the names of the native ruling classes or nobility of Ancient Gaul. Most of them have been discussed before, but these discussions need revision now in the light of recent discoveries and research. Thirdly, the Celtic potters' names in La Graufesenque graffiti in Aquitania were included as instances of a collection of names of workers in a terra sigillata factory in a Gallo-Roman site, the names of a craftsman class, a class very different from that whose names figure so prominently in the Commentaries on the Gallic War. Throughout the discussion I have been particularly worried by one problem, namely that of the identification of Celtic in Ancient Gaul, of deciding whether a particular proper name is Celtic or not. I t is an old problem which most serious workers in this field have found extremely troublesome. See, for example, the remarks of Weisgerber in SprFK 179 η0., Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 2946°., and Rk. V. 18, 1953, 272 f., Hubschmid in Praeromanica 1, Lejeune in RPh. 8, 1955, 283, Vendryes in Recueil de travaux offert a M. Clovis Brunei par ses amis, collegues et e'leves, vol. ii (Paris, 1955), 643 if., esp. 649 f., and Schmidt in KG? 54. (i) The Celtic inscriptions of Gaul A few remarks are necessary, to begin with, by way of definition. I should first stress that I accept the view carefully expressed by Whatmough in his Prolegomena to The Dialects of Ancient Gaul (pub lished in HSCP 55, 1944, 1 if.) in the following words: Any enquiry . . . into the linguistic situation in ancient Gaul, must take into account any other ancient dialects that may have existed there in addition to the three which Caesar specifies [in BG 1. 1,2] ('Belgic, Celtic, Aquitanian'); and also, granted that one (or more than one) of such dialects (taken all together) belonged to that subdivision of the Indo-European languages which modern philologists, using the ancient name, call Keltic, must take some account, by way of comparison, of related dialects spoken outside of the boundaries of Gaul, as for example in the adjacent territories of Germany, Switzerland, and Italy—not to mention the ancient Keltic dialect of Galatia (pp. 13 f.). Gaul, for my purpose, includes not only the Three Gauls (Aquitania, 1 1 See DAG, pp. 236 ff. See also L. Michelena, 'De onomastica Aquitana', Pirineos, Afio 10, num. 33-34, julio-dicembre 1954, pp. 409-55 (BSL 53. 2, 1957-8, 153-8), and R. Lafon, 'Additions et corrections a la liste des noms aquitains de divinites et de personnes', VIth International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Miinchen 24-28 August 1958. Reports of Congress . . . (Miinchen, 1961), 484-9.
INTRODUCTION
17
2
Celtica/ and Belgica) and the old Republican Province (Narbonensis),3 but also the two Germanies (Germania Inferior 4 and Germania Superior) 5 and frontier districts in Alpine regions (the three military districts, Alpes Maritimae, Regnum Cottii, and Alpes Graiae, and also the Vallis Poenina) 6 as well as the Agri Decumates and adjoining regions. 7 In other words it is the whole area between the Mediter ranean and the Pyrenees on the south, the Atlantic on the west, the English Channel on the north, and the Rhine and the Alps on the east (including areas on the border with Germany, Raetia, and Italy in which there were people who were Celtic in language or extrac tion). The inscriptions from which names have here been selected for special study are in the main lapidary. 8 The majority of these are funerary or votive in character. Some inscriptions on instrumenta or portable objects9 are included, e.g. inscriptions on rings of Reims (DAG 185, 186), of Thiaucourt (DAG 188), and of Alzey (DAG, note 1, pp. 987 f.), on a silver cantharus of Alise-Sainte-Reine (DAG, note xxxii (b), p. 510), on the handle of a bronze pan of Couchey (DAG 161), and on a bronze cooking pot found in the Rhine at Mainz (DAG 225). I have also included Celtic inscriptions on figurines or statuettes such as the figurines of Venus found at Caudebec-les-Elbeuf, Fegreac, Saint-Jean-Trolimon, etc. (DAG 175), the statue of Mercury found at Lezoux (DAG 135), and the female statuette of Mont Ventoux (DAG, note xii, p. 118). Names in a few interesting graffiti have been in cluded, e.g. the graffito on an amphora of Les Baux, Bouches-duRhone (DAG 32), a graffito on a saucer of Saint-Remy-de-Provence (B. du-Rh.) (DAG 42), the famous graffiti of Montans (DAG 88) and Blickweiler (DAG 229), which so clearly resemble those of La Graufesenque. But potters' names, even potters' names with auot,10 and tile-stamps 11 are as a rule omitted. Coin legends also are ignored except, of course, for purposes of comparison and for interpreting the forms selected for special study. Thousands of the Celtic personal names of Ancient Gaul have been preserved in non-Celtic inscriptions. 1 2 DAG, pp. 482 ff. DAG, pp. 662 ff. 3 DAG, pp. 59 ff. ♦ DAG, pp. 844 ff. * DAG, pp. 985 ff. 6 See Whatmough, DAG, pp. 29 ff., id., HSCP 60, 1951, 175 ff. 7 See Whatmough, DAG, pp. 1154 ff, id. VIth International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Munchen 24-28 August 1958, Reports, ed. G. Rohlfs, Bd. I (Studia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. II, Munchen, i960), 68 ff. 8 An inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine {DAG 167, also 168) is on a lead plate and the inscription of Vieil-fivreux {DAG 174) is on bronze. 9 With all portable objects it has to be remembered that the place of their dis covery and the conjectured time when they were brought or deposited there need not coincide w^ith the place and time of their inscription. 10 See, for example, DAG, notes xi, xix, xxxvi, xxxix, xlix, liv, lx. 11 See, for example, DAG, items 205, 217, and 231.
811930
C
ι8
INTRODUCTION
Most of these inscriptions, as one would expect, are Latin. Careful u se has been made of this part of the record too in the sections dealing with the interpretation of individual names. However, it was often difficult to decide whether a particular text should be counted Celtic or non-Celtic. No hard-and-fast rule can be laid down. An inscription can certainly be treated as a Celtic one if the different segments into which it can reasonably be divided agree in their morphological and syntactical as well as their phonological features with what is known about Celtic. Some inscriptions written without word division (e.g. uedzuidiuuognauixuuioni DAG 185, adia | ntun I neni | exue | rtin | inap | piset | u«« DAG 188, auo | mio | toe j n a i I ixu I tio | udr | uto DAG, note lv) may be divided into different parts, some, if not all, of which resemble forms which can be counted Celtic. Although this is not a particularly good criterion, as homonymy can be accidental, I have given such texts the benefit of the doubt and treated them as Celtic. If they show beside clearly Celtic forms a num ber of others which are not Celtic, particularly verbal forms, they must be counted non-Celtic. For example, I should be inclined to class as Latin the interesting text discovered in 1931 at Nickenich (near Mayen) which reads: contuinda esucconis f | siluano ategnissa f | h(eres) ex tes(tamento) f(ecit) (see Nesselhauf, no. 136, DAG, note li). But some inscriptions, e.g. that of Sazeirat, near Marsac (Creuse), read as sacer peroco | ieuru duori|co . u.s.Lm (DAG 142), have a mixed Gallo-Latin appearance which may be misleading. At Sazeirat the tag u.s.l.m. may have been added later to what may have been originally a purely Gaulish text. Inscriptions with only the merest trace of Latin I have usually counted Celtic. Note, for example, the inscription of Beaumont: subroni | sumelj. | uoreto(u) | uirius-f (DAG, note ix); the inscription of Dijon: moni | minto | cacud | iasua | dugeni | ceni (CIL 13. 5502); the inscription of Arpajon: monimentum | nertomari | namantobogi (AE 1949, no. 75); an in scription at Gueret (provenance unknown): bodocenus file · brot[ (DAG 143). There are some short or fragmentary inscriptions of which it is impossible to decide whether they are Celtic at all, let alone whether they contain a personal name. Note, for instance, the inscription of Redessan (Gard) (DAG 60), read as Kpeire, or the two fragments of Alise-Sainte-Reine in the Greek alphabet (DAG 167, 168) read as ]καρομαρο[ and ]outypa[. Forms from a few texts such as this have been included because they may be Celtic P N N ; but when I come to discuss these forms in Chapter I I they are as a rule in cluded in an appendix of 'doubtful' forms. There are other inscriptions which have been badly damaged but are well enough preserved to show their indubitable Celtic character. See, for example, the frag mentary Celtic inscriptions of Lapipe-Sene on Mont-Auxois (DAG
INTRODUCTION
ig
165) and of Vieil-£vreux (DAG 174). In these it is possible to re cognize, albeit uncertainly, a few forms which are probably Celtic personal names. Some inscriptions which are almost certainly Celtic, e.g. an inscription of Nimes on a mosaic fragment discovered in 1742 (DAG 74) and two inscriptions of Beaucaire (Gard) on capitals dis covered in 1809 (DAG 61 and 62), are known to us only from the accounts of people who were not specialists in copying inscriptions of this kind. They have, therefore, been preserved in a more or less garbled form, a fate which not infrequently attends the early dis covery of inscriptions in little-known languages. 1 There are very many texts which are too fragmentary or mutilated or too uncertainly read or too uncertainly interpreted for us to decide whether they are Celtic and whether they contain personal names which deserve consideration here. Note, for example, the following examples: ]tialniarduinn[? DAG, note iv bis; ]a[ ~]v[ ]pei£ ? DAG 36; ]ov οουοπδι,ουι· βρατουτ[ DAG 39 (cf. Rolland, Gallia 2, 1944, 169 f.) ; (a) su (b) σμερ\_ DAG 4 1 ; ]ου€λρου[ ]ηκικ[ DAG 5 5 ; ]ov*p[ DAG 59; (α) μ.στιλλ[ (b) .ινουσώ[ DAG 75; ]ruoni:u[ DAG 146. I have included only a few fragmentary names. Thus the inscriptions on the plaque of lead discovered at Eyguieres in 1899 (DAG, note v), which are very uncertainly read, seem to contain the familiar Celtic name elements -ριξ and σμ€ρ-; but no forms from this text have been selected for special study here. Inscriptions discovered after the publication of DAG2 or just before its publication have been considered in the selection of material. These include the following: an inscription on a stone taken from a wall of the chateau of Bouy in the commune of Champetieres (Puyde-Dome), described by Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 242 if. (see also Fournier and Vendryes, CRAI1951, 131 ff., whence AE 1952, no. 37, ILTG 207); an inscription on a limestone slab discovered in 1947 at Arpajon (Seine-et-Oise), described by Vendryes in CRAI 1948, 220 ff. (whence AE 1949, no. 75) and EC 5, 1950-1, 237 if. (ILTG 335); an inscription on a funerary stele discovered on the old road from Glanum to Cabellio (Cavaillon) referred to by Benoit, Gallia 8, 1950, 124, and Rolland, CRAI 1955, 9 1 ; an inscription on a Vasque de pierre' discovered at Calissane (Bouches-du-Rhone) in the course of excavations south of the Fosse Merueil in 1949, described by Benoit, Gallia 11, 1953, 112 and Gourvest, Ogam 6, 1954, 259 ff. (pll. χ and xi) (see Duval, RE A 57, 1955, 328); an inscription on a vase 1
See Whatmough, KZ 69, 1951, 208. A new Recueil des inscriptions gauloises is being produced by Lejeune and Duval. Colbert de Beaulieu is re-editing the coin legends and M. Pouilloux is studying the script of the Gallo-Greek inscriptions to try to establish their chronology. See Duval, EC 9/1, i960, 20 ff. 2
20
INTRODUCTION
discovered at fitrechy (Cher) in 1949 in the course of excavations in a Gallo-Roman cemetery, reported by Cravayat in Memoires de V Union des societes savantes de Bourges 2, 1949-50, 7-14 (see also BSAF 1950-1, 30 f.) and Louis in Gallia 8, 1950, 172 ff. (figs. 6, ja, yb) whence AE 1952, 77, ILTG 170; graffiti on pieces of pottery dis covered at Banassac (Lozere) in 1953, described by Vendryes in CRAI1956, 169 ff.; two inscriptions on a limestone stele discovered in 1953 in the course of excavations at the source of the Seine (Coted'Or), described fully by Lejeune and Martin in RE A 58, 1956, 71 ff., plates vii and viii (see also Lerat, Gallia 12, 1954, 475 f., Lebel, RAE 6, 1955, 155 ff, 311, Martin, Memoires de la Commission des antiquites de la Cote-d'Or 23, 1956, 149 ff.).1 By far the largest number of our dialect inscriptions come from Gallia Graeca in the southern half of Narbonensis to the east and west of the lower Rhone, in the area now included within the boun daries of the departements of Herault, Gard, Vaucluse, and Bouches-duRhone. Moreover, with hardly an exception, 2 these dialect inscriptions are written in the Greek alphabet. Concerning the distribution of these Gallo-Greek inscriptions and others from Ancient Gaul out side Narbonensis 3 see Duval, 'Les Inscriptions gallo-grecques trouvees en France', Actes du colloque sur les influences helleniques en Gaule. Dijon les 29-30 avril-ier mai, IQSJ (Publications de V Universite de Dijon 16, Dijon, 1958), 63-69 (with a valuable map, fig. 1, showing the dis tribution) and Vendryes, 'La Route de retain en Gaule', CRAI 1957, 204-9. In the transcription of inscriptions I have adopted the system of signs used by Whatmough in DAG. Square brackets are used for conjectural restorations. Ligatures are indicated by ^ beneath the conjoint letters. . . . denote spaces in the inscriptions where letters once stood or may have stood, and each dot as a rule denotes room for one letter. ] or [ indicates places at the beginning or end of lines 1 The two inscriptions on small votive altars of limestone discovered at Glanum and described by Henri Rolland in CRAI 1955, 91-99 and in Homm. Gren. 1345 do not appear to contain any Celtic personal names, but they are both undoubtedly Celtic. News of the discovery of the interesting Gallo-Greek inscriptions of SaintGilles (Gard) and of Sernhac (Gard) (see Duval, BSAF 1961, 148 f., REA 65, 1963, 365, Gallet de Santerre, Gallia 20, 19612, 636 f. (with figs. 21 and 22)), also of Beaucaire (Gard) (see Duval, BSAF 1962, 114 fT., REA 66, 1964, 355, Gallet de Santerre, Gallia 22, 1964, 498), came too late for inclusion in this work. 2 The only certain exceptions are the inscription of Beaumont, nr. Vaison, in Vaucluse, names on the arc of Orange and the defixio of Am61ie-les-Bains (Pyrenees Orientales). See DAG, notes ix, xi, and xv. 3 Note the inscriptions of Alise-Sainte-Reine, DAG 165-8, two of the four inscriptions on the trilingual menhir of Genouilly {DAG 145), and the recently dis covered second inscription on the limestone stele of the source of the Seine (REA 58, 1956, 71 ff.).
INTRODUCTION
21
where letters are or may be missing. | marks the end of a line in the original. 11 marks the end of every fifth line. A dot beneath a letter indicates that it is damaged or otherwise imperfect or uncertain. Interpuncts are noted as they occur in the original, single ·, double : , or other forms », .·., etc. I have seen the following originals and made my own copies from them: DAG 46, 48, 60, 63-71, 74 bis, 170-3, Note xiii. (ii) The Commentaries on the Gallic War T h e Celtic personal names which are attested in the Commentanes on the Gallic War are. without exception, the names of people from the higher classes of the community, people who had power, wealth, and authority, an aristocratic and military caste—tribal leaders or kings, people of noble descent, and people who held high office or who were friends of Rome or of Caesar. These are the very people whose names one would expect to find in a work which purports to give an account of the conquest of Gaul by Caesar. The names of tribal and military leaders are bound to figure prominently in such an account. Opinion concerning the soundness of the manuscript tradition 1 of the Commentanes2 in which these names are preserved varies a great deal, ranging at its most extreme from that of Heinrich Meusel, who thought that it is incredibly bad, to that of Alfred Klotz, who thought that it is in general very reliable. Be that as it may, there can be no denying the fact that even where all the manuscripts agree on the reading of a particular name, we cannot be certain that this was the form originally recorded by Caesar or Hirtius or someone on their staff. Celtic proper names could also quite easily have been incor rectly written down in the original dispatches and annual reports to the senate—the official dispatches or reports which were most 1 Some problems connected with the history of the text of the Commentaries are discussed separately in a Remark below. We cannot enter here into all the prob lems and theories connected with topics such as the composition and publication of the Commentaries (for recent opinion see M. Rambaud, Assoc. Guillaume Bude. Congres de Lyon 8-IJ septembre 1958. Actes du Congres (Paris, i960), 210 ff., Seel xlv-lii), the veracity or credibility of Caesar's narrative (see especially G. E. Stevens, Latomus 11, 1952, 3-18, 165-79, G. Walser, £tudes suisses d'histoire gfnerale 11, 1953, 5-26, M. Rambaud, VArt de diformation historique dans les Commentaires de Cesar, Annates de I9Univ. de Lyon, Lettres, III. 23 (Paris, 1953) (see Duval, Journal des savants 1954, 19-31, 71-84), id., Assoc. Guillaume Bude. . . 216 ff., Seel, Jahrbuck f. frankische Landesforschung 20 ( = Fest. Ernst Schwarz I) i960, 54 if., Oppermann 1. 474 if., 534, id., Gymnasium 68, 1961, 258-69), or interpolation in the text and its dependence on earlier ethnographical literature (see, for example, Klotz 4 χ if., xlviii, Seel lii-lxv, id., Jahrbuch f. frankische Landesforschung 20, i960, 52 if., J. J. Tierney, PRIA 60 c, no. 5, March i960, 189-275, esp. 211 if.). 2 For the significance of the tide see Seel xliii-xliv (with refs.) and cxiv if. See also the literature quoted in Oppermann 1. 469 if.
22
INTRODUCTION
probably speedily worked into Commentaries in 52-51 B.C.1 I t is precisely these forms that would be likely to suffer most corruption in the manuscript tradition of the text. They could become corrupt, for example, through misinterpretation, through the substitution of a name that occurs comparatively often for one that occurs but once, through the incorporation of incorrect forms in the text alongside correct ones, and through confusion of letters and the other multi farious ways in which the written word can be corrupted when it is transmitted from one manuscript (or more than one) to another. Note the confusion which has arisen in the transmission of personal names such as Andecumborius, Correus, Cotuatus, Diviciacus, Donnotaurus, Lucterius, Mandubracius, Sedulius, Tasgetius, Valetiacus, Vertiscus, and Verucloutius. In Chapter I I I have listed full details about textual variants, conjectures, and emendations. 2 I have also listed particulars concern ing the forms of these names from BG as attested in other sources, e.g. in other authors such as Cicero, Orosius, Florus, Livy, Plutarch, and Dio Cassius, and in inscriptions and coin legends. These details are further discussed, and an attempt is made to justify the adopting of particular forms as the ones which are most probably correct. These are not necessarily the true Celtic forms.3 Thus, for example, the coin legend Adietuanus, beside Adiatunnus (vv.ll. Adiat(t)onnus, Adca(n)tuannus> Adsatuannus) in BG, and Vercingetorixs, etc., beside Vercingetorix in BG may represent the Celtic forms more truly than the forms which, I think, must be accepted as correct for BG. In some cases, e.g. with PN Andocumborins, where the manuscripts show variants all of which are acceptable as good Celtic forms although they are not attested elsewhere, one is able to decide in favour of one of them in view of the strong manuscript evidence for it. But with Olloviconis (gen.) in the α class of manuscripts at BG 7. 31. 5 beside Al{l)oviconis in the β class, both good Celtic forms but not attested elsewhere, with the evidence of α evenly balanced against that of /?, no firm decision is possible.4 For previous work on Celtic names in BG see especially Gluck's Die bei Caius Julius Caesar vorkommenden keltischen Namen in ihrer Echtheit festgestellt und erlautert and d'Arbois de Jubainville's Les Noms gaulois chez Cesar et Hirtius De Bello Gallico. Premiere Se'rie, Les Composes dont 1 See p. 21 η. ι above. For the view that the Commentaries represent a succession of official bulletins or reports, see J. Harmand, REA 63, 1961, 31-44 (esp. 43 f.). 2 I have included the names Carvilius, Cassiuellaunus, Cingetorix (attested also in Gaul), ?Inianuvetitius, Lugotorix, Mandubractus, Segovax, and Taximagulus, notwith standing the fact that they are the names of persons from south-east Britain. 3 See C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii. . . ex recensione Bernardi Kubleri, vol. i (Lipsiae, 1893)» p · c x x · 4 For a sensible inclination now to withstand the temptation to make general statements concerning the comparative value of the α and β classes of manuscripts see Seel xxxvii-xxxviii and Oppermann 1. 487.
INTRODUCTION
23
RIX est le dernier lerme (Paris, 1891), both of which are mentioned above in section (B). Gluck's work prompted H . J . Heller to comment on some names in an article entitled cDe nominibus celticis in G. Iulii Caesaris commentariis traditis' published in Philologies 17, 1861, 27087. Holder's edition οϊΒΟ, published in 1882,1 is, as one would expect, particularly important for our purpose, fimile Ernault supplied brief comments on the etymology and meaning of Celtic proper names in BG in an edition by Benoist and Dosson published in 1893, viz. Jules Cesar. Commentaires sur la Guerre des Gaules, Texte latin publie . . . par M. E. Benoist et M. S. Dosson (Paris, 1893). See also T . Rice Holmes, CG 839 ff. For coin legends containing the names of leaders men tioned in BG see F. de Saulcy, c Numismatique des chefs gaulois mentionnes dans les Commentaires de Cesar', Annuaire de la societe frangaise de numismatique et d'archeologie, Deuxieme Annee 1867, 1-32. This is an important study, but it is now far from being reliable. As a partial corrective one should read A. Blanchet, Traite des monnaies gauloises (Paris, 1905), 81-85, and M . A. Changarnier, 'Les Erreurs de M . de Saulcy dans sa Numismatique des chefs gaulois mentionnes dans les Commentaires de Cesar', Memoires de Vacademie de Dijon, Annees 1925-6, 265-78. The whole subject has now been reviewed by Dr. Col bert de Beaulieu in an authoritative and painstaking study entitled 'Les Monnaies gauloises au nom des chefs mentionnes dans les Commentaires de Cesar'. 2 REMARK
On the Text of the Commentaries on the Gallic War. Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic and Civil Wars were combined with accounts of the Alexandrine, African, and Spanish Wars to form the so-called Corpus Caesarianum. The history of the text presents some notable features. These are dealt with here with special reference to the Commentaries on the Gallic War. T h e extant manuscripts of the Commentaries on the Gallic War are very numerous. 3 This abundance shows that the Commentaries must have attained great popularity in the Middle Ages and at the time of the Renaissance. But it was not always so. For Orosius thought that they were the work of Suetonius. 4 The same mistake is found in the work 1 C. Juli Caesaris Belli Gallici libri VII, accessit A. Hirti liber octavtiSj recensuit Alfred Holder (Freiburg i. B. und Tubingen, 1882). 2 Homm. Gren. 419-46, plates xcviii-xcix. 3 See Constans, p. xx. 4 hanc historian Suetonius Tranquillus plenissime explicuit, cuius nos competentes por~ tiunculas decerpsimus, Oros. 6. 7. 2.
INTRODUCTION
24 1
of Sidonius Apollinaris, and a trace of it is preserved in some of the manuscripts. 2 One source of confusion in the attempt to establish a satisfactory stemma to illustrate the history of the text is the subscription found in α manuscripts 3 at the end of the second book of the Commentaries on the Gallic War, namely Flavins Licerius Firmimis Lupicinus legi. The α manuscripts 4 also contain at the end of each book of the Commentaries the subscription Iulius Celsus Constantinus -vc- (sometimes vir clarissimus) legi. to which is added at the end of the eighth book tantu feliciter.5 Therefore, it is likely that a recension made by Celsus took place before the revision of the second book by Lupicinus. Moreover, it appears that this Celsus recension or edition was confined to the Commentaries on the Gallic War. Lupicinus may have been a nephew of Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia, who died in 521. 6 As for Celsus, Bucheler assigned him to the fourth century. 7 Arator states that he read the work of Caesar at Ravenna with Parthenius, a second-nephew of Ennodius. 8 His work is also mentioned by Servatus Lupus of Ferrieres in a letter to St. Jerome 9 informing him that Caesar had really written only the Commentaries on the Gallic War, a copy of which would be sent to him as soon as possible, and noting that the continuation was the work of Caesar's secretary, Hirtius. Charles Beeson, writing in 1940, commented that 'the manuscript problem [of the Corpus Caesarianum] still, after nearly a century of 1
Ep. 9. 14. 7; see Klotz, p. vi. Cf. Seel cxii n. 2. See Constans, loc. cit., n. 3. In ABMSLN. But in L and (partly) in Ν this has been cancelled. 4 The entry is cancelled completely in L in Books I-VI and in Ν in Book III. The cancellation is only partial in Ν in Books I and II. At the end of Book II Q, has Iulii Celsi Constantini viri clanssimi only. The Celsus subscription does not appear at all in S at the end of Book V and in Ν at the end of Book VII. It occurs in the ρ branch of the β family at the end of the seventh book (Iulius Celsus Con stantinus · · relegi) and has been added by the corrector of U at the end of the eighth book (Iulius Celsus Constantinus ·ΰϊ· relegi tantum). See further C. H. Beeson, CPh. 35, 1940, 119 f., Seel xxvii, cxvi fF. 5 In A and Μ (in a later hand). In L tantum only is added. For the entry in U see n. 4 above. In QBSN the Celsus subscription does not occur at all here. 6 See Ennodius, Diet. 8 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctorum Antiquissimorum, torn, vii, Berolini, 1885, P· 7^» 1. 26), Ep. 2. 15 and 23 (Mon. Germ. Hist., vol. cit., p. 68,1. 28 and p. 73,1. 25). This fact was first noted by Sirmond in the *Notae ad Ennodium' (p. 78) of his edition of the works of Ennodius, Magni Felicis Ennodii episcopi Ticinensis opera. lac. Sirmondus . . . emendavit, ac Notis illustravit (Paris, 2
3
1611). 7
Anhang 3 (p. 118) to L. Friedlander's, Juvenal i (Leipzig, 1895), 118. See also Seel xxv f. 8 Epistola ad Parthenium 39-40 (see Migne, Patrologia Latina 68. 250, Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, vol. 72, 1951, 151). 9 Ep. 37.
INTRODUCTION
25 1
study, awaits an entirely satisfactory solution'. But there is sub stantial agreement both as to which are the most important of the extant manuscripts and as to their interrelationship. 2 The chief manuscripts now used to establish the text of the Com mentaries on the Gallic War are the following:3 A : Amsterdam 73, gth/ioth cent. (Bongarsianus/Amstelodamensis) . 4 Q : Paris 5056, 12th cent. (Moysiacensis).5 B : Paris 5763, 10th cent. (Parisinus). 6 M : Vatican 3864, 10th cent. (Romanus/Vaticanus). 7 S: Florence, Ashburnham R. 33, 10th cent. (Ashburnhamianus/ Δ CjV» I-V7 1 **v» V» o tnr\ .οι-»
1
8
CPh. 35, 1940, 114. However, there is still disagreement in regard to the sigla of the manuscripts. I have adopted those of Klotz and Seel. (For Hering's important revision of the whole problem of the interrelationship of the manuscripts see pp. 30 f. below.) 3 I read and copied L in the library of the British Museum and the Paris manu scripts, QBT, in the Bibliotheque Nationale. A M S N V U R (and QBLT as well) I copied from microfilms and G from photographs. For the classification of some secondary manuscripts see the writings of Meusel referred to below (esp. JB 11, 1885, 173 ff.) and Constans, p. xxix. (Hering now gives pride of place as primary manuscripts to AB and T U only, see pp. 30 f. below.) 4 See M. B. Mendes da Costa, Bibliotheek der Universiteit van Amsterdam. Catalogus der Handschriften II, De Handschriften der Stedelijke Bibliotheek met de latere aanwinsten (Amstelodami, 1902), 16. Concerning the loss of this manuscript in the first part of the nineteenth century and its return in 1 8 5 4 t o m e Universiteits-Bibliotheek, see Wochenschriftfirklassische Philologie 16, 1899, 991 f. See further Seelxix, Hering 31 f. 5 See Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae regiae, pars tertia, tomus quadratus (Parisiis, 1744), 35. For a facsimile see fimile Chatelain, PaUographie des classiques latins, Collection de facsimiles, 4 e livraison (Paris, 1886), PI. xlvii. See also now Hering 25 fT. 6 Tenth century according to Holder, Klotz and Seel, ninth to tenth centuries Meusel and Constans, ninth century Beeson. See Catalogus codicum manuscnptorum bibliothecae regiae, vol. cit. 154. Where folia of Β are wanting, Codex Vossianus Leidensis 53, eleventh century, apparently a copy of Β (cf. Seel xx, and see Hering 35» 37> 8°)> 1S used. It is referred to as C. Sections missing in Β are i. 7. 3 pnncipum to i. 20. 5 haec cum, v. 44. 10 convertit to v. 48. 7 Gallus, and vi. 11. 4 antiquitus to vi. 13. 10 parent. Concerning the corrector of Β see Seel, loc. cit. For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. xlvi. See further Hering 32 fF. (Taf. i-iii). 7 Ninth to tenth centuries Beeson. See Dedefsen, Philologus 17, 1861, 649 if., Hauler, Wiener Studien 17, 1895, 122 ff., Ullmann, Philological Quarterly 1, 1922, 17 ff., Hering 10 f. (Taf. iv). For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. liv. 8 Tenth or eleventh centuries according to P. Fabre, Cesar, La guerre civile*, tome i (Paris, 1954), xliv, and A. Bouvet, Cesar, La guerre d'Afrique (Paris, 1949), xli. See Indict e Cataloghi, VIII, I codici Ashburnhamiani delta R. Biblioteca MediceoLaurenziana di Firenze, vol. i, fasc. 1 (Romae, 1887) 7 f. For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. 1. It lacks BG i. 1-29. For some work on the collating of the manuscript see Stangl, Philologus 45, 1886, 216-18, Kubler and Rostagno, Wochenschrift fur klassische Philologie 12, 1895, 1240 ff. SLNj3 contain not only the eight books of the Commentaries on the Gallic War but also the Bellum Civile, the Bellum Alexandnnum, the Bellum Africanum, and the Bellum Hispaniense. See further K. Jax, 'Die Stellung 2
26
INTRODUCTION
L: N: T: V: U: R:
London BM Add 10084, l I t n cent. (Louaniensis). 1 Naples IV. C. 11, I2th/i3th cent. (Neapolitanus). 2 Paris 5764, i o t h / u t h cent. (Thuaneus). 3 Vienna 95, 12th cent. (Vindobonensis) . 4 Vatican 3324, n t h cent. (Ursinianus). 5 Florence Riccardianus 541, n t h / 1 2 t h cent. (Riccardianus). 6
Various groups of related manuscripts are referred to by other sigla. On the one hand there is the α class (AQBMSLN), with the sub-classes χ (AQ) and φ (Β Μ, SLN) ; 7 on the other hand der Kandschriften S und L in der Casariiberlieferung', Wiener Studien 52, 1934, 95-115; Fabre, op. cit. xlvi fF.; J. Andrieu, Cesar, Guerre d'Alexandrie (Paris, 1954), lxvii ff.; F. Cupaiuolo, Osservazioni su tre manoscritti del Bellum Civile', in In Memoriam Achillis Beltrami Miscellanea Philologica (Istituto di Filologia classica Universita di Genova, Facolta di Lettere 1954), 59-67; Seel xxi; Hering 12 ff., 45 ff., 80 ff. (Taf. v-vii). 1 See List of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum in the years MDCCCXXXVI-MDCCCXL (London, 1843) 10. BG i. 1-6, 3 bono animo has been supplied by a later hand. Collation by T. Rice Holmes, CQ, 5, 1911, 137 ff. Its value has been estimated by Meusel in JB 38, 1912, 15-18. See also Constans, Observations sur deux manuscrits de Cesar', Revue de Philologie, N.S. 50, 1926, 34-37; Jax, Fabre, Andrieu, Cupaiuolo, locc. citt.; Seel xxi f.; Hering 8 f., 45 ff., J. Mogenet, *Le "C£sar" de Tournai et la tradition manuscrite du "Bellum Gallicum" ', VAntiquite classique 20, 1951, 305-14, discusses a destroyed twelfthcentury manuscript of Tournai which contained a version of the second book of BG closely related to that of L. 2 Twelfth century Bassi, Constans, Beeson, twelfth to thirteenth centuries Bouvet, Andrieu, Seel. P. Fabre, in Memorial des etudes latines . . . offert . . . ά J. Marouzeau (Paris, 1943) 219, is inclined to the view that it belongs to the thirteenth century. See also id., Ce'sar, La guerre civile, tome i, xlv. Further, see Catalogus Bibliothecae Latinae vetens et classicae manuscriptae quae in Regio Neapolitano museo Borbonico adservatur descriptus a Cataldo Iannellio (Neapoli, 1827) &l f· The manu script was described and first used for establishing the text of BG by Bassi. See C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii de bello Gallico adfidem praecipue codicis Neapolitani nunc primum excussi edidit. . . Domenicus Bassi (In Aedibus lo. Bapt. Paraviae et Sociorum 1921) ( = Corpus Scriptorum latinorum Paravianum, no. 28). Note also Constans, Andrieu, Cupaiuolo, Seel, locc. citt., Fabre, op. cit. xlvi ff, Hering 8 f., 45 ff. 3 Tenth century Beeson, eleventh century Meusel, Klotz, Constans et alii. See Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae regiae, vol. cit. 154 f. For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. xlviii. See also now Hering 38 ff. (Taf. viii). 4 See Catalogus codicum philologicorum latinorum bibliothecae Palatinae Vindobonensis digessit Stephanus Endlicher (Vindobonae, 1836) 32 f. For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. 1. See also Hering 25 f. (Taf. ix). 5 Eleventh century Meusel, Klotz, Constans, Beeson, Andrieu, eleventh to twelfth centuries Fabre, Bouvet, Seel, twelfth century Holder. Concerning U and R see the letters of Meusel and Ramorino in Rivista di Filologia e d'istruzione classica 19, 1891, 127-33. See now Hering 40 ff. (Taf. x). 6 See F. Ramorino, Ί1 Cesare Riccardiano 541', Rivista di Filologia e d'istruzione classica 18, 1890, 250-85 (also the letters of Meusel and Ramorino referred to in n. 5 above), Hering 20 ff. 7 SLN, which contain the Bellum Civile, the Bellum Alexandrinum, the Bellum
INTRODUCTION
27
there is the β class (TVUR) with the sub-classes π (TV) and ρ (UR).' C. Nipperdey, in his famous edition of 1847, recognized that the manuscripts fall into these two classes. The former (a) he called 'integros ve! optimos', the latter (β) 'interpolati'. 2 This evaluation of the manuscripts was challenged by I. Heller 3 in i860 and later by H. Meusel. 4 Meusel traced the pedigree of the manuscripts as follows: X
«
β
X A
Φ Q
3
Μ
* S
Τ
Ρ V
ϋ
R
Africanum, and the Bellum Hispaniense (unlike χ and BM), are grouped together and referred to as σ. See now Hering 45 ff. 1 See, for example, the stemmas of Seel xxv, xxviii. For suggestions concerning some of the places from which some of these manuscripts may have come see Beeson, op. cit. 116, n. 15. 2 C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii cum supplementis A. Hirtii et aliorum Caesaris Hirtiique fragmenta Carolus Nipperdeius recensuit . . . (Lipsiae, 1847), Praef. xxxvii. It is difficult to tell exactly when the division into two families took place. Priscian (GL 2. 352. 6) seems to have an α reading of BG 5. 1.2. See C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii . . . ex recensione Bernardi Kubleri, vol. i (Lipsiae, 1893), vif. (cf. Seel xxvi). Orosius, in his account of the Gallic War (Hist. 6. 7. 2 - 1 1 , 30), agrees with α against β, with β against a, and sometimes differs from both families. It may be, therefore, that in his time the text of BG was corrupt and contained a mixture of α and β readings. But see Seel xli, η. ι (beside xxv). Moreover, if Celsus belongs to the fourth century, the division must have taken place previously. See R. Schneider, JB 11, 1885, 154; H. Meusel, ibid. 20, 1894, 216; A. Klotz, CSt. 215 and his fourth Teubner edition of BG (Lipsiae, 1952), Praef. iv-vi; T. Rice Holmes, CG 201, n. 1; Beeson, op. cit. 115; Seel xxiv ff. M. Boas, discussing Livy's version of BG 1. 43. 4 (Rh. Mus. 80, 1931, 357-67), suggested that the division of the manu scripts into two families may be as old as Livy's day. Klotz (in Mnemosyne 9, 1941, 219 and in his fourth Teubner edition of BG) rightly rejected this assumption. See further E. Kalinka, Jahresbericht iiber die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft,Jhg. 1939. Lateinische Autoren, Bd. 264. 181, and Beeson, op. cit. 115, n. 12. P. Fabre (Char, La guerre civile*, tome i (Paris, 1954), xliii, n. 1) suggested that Boas exaggerated a little the role played by Celsus and Lupicinus. On this point see also Seel xxxix f. See further Hering 88 ff. 3 Philologus 17, 1861, 492 f. 4 A series of valuable contributions by Meusel appeared in JB. See JB 11, 1885, 173-204; 12, 1886, 262-93; 20, 1894, 214-398; 36,1910, 20-75. He gave practical application to his theory in his edition of BG, which appeared in 1894: C. Iulii Caesaris Belli Gallici libri VII, A. Hirti liber VIII recensuit, apparatu critico instruxit Henricus Meusel (Berolini, W. Weber 1894), accompanied by a school edition C. Iulii Caesans Belli Gallici libri VII, A. Hirtii liber VIII, fur Schulgebrauch hrsg. von H. Meusel (Berlin, W. Weber 1894). Meusel also revised the 17th edition of Kraner and Dittenberger's text and commentary: C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii de Bello Gallico erklart von Fr. Kraner und W. Dittenberger, Siebzehnte, vollstandig umgearbeitete Auflage von H. Meusel, 3 Bande (Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung 1913-20). This work has now been reissued in a reprint, with 'Nachwort und bibliographische Nachtrage' by Hans Oppermann, in 3 volumes (Berlin,
28
INTRODUCTION
R. Schneider 1 showed not only that β represented an independent tradition but also that it contained many readings superior to those of α. Β. Kiibler, in a Teubner edition of 1893,2 adopted this view also but failed, in constructing his text, to show the preference for β that one would accordingly expect. Succeeding editors differ only in the extent to which they adopt the readings of the two families. The tendency has been, however, to emphasize the value of β to the detriment of a. R. du Pontet 3 virtually sided with Nipperdey, although he adopted many β readings. A. Klotz 4 even maintained that α was derived from β, and in his text the preference for β reached its climax. He assumed that the α family descended from a β codex into which readings from the ancient Celsus-Lupicinus recension had been introduced. 5 His Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung 1960-1). MeusePs monumental Lexicon Caesarianum (Berolini, W. Weber 1887-93), 2 volumes in 3 parts, was near perfect, but is not now always reliable because the collation of all the best manuscripts was not complete when it was published. It also has now appeared in a second edition 'ex editione anni M D C C G X C I I I lucis ope expressa' (Berolini, apud Weidmannos, 1958), again 2 volumes in 3 parts. His edition of BG in 1894 was the first to have a satisfactory apparatus cnticus. On Meusel's exaggerations see E. Bolaffi, 'Note al testo de i° libro dei Commentarii belli gallici de Cesare', Riv. di Filol. e d'Istr. Class. 1934, 370-85. See also T. Rice Holmes, 'The text of the Bellum Gallicum and the work of H. MeuseP, CQ8, 1914, 156-65. 1 JB 11, 1885, 151-73. 2 C. Iulii Caesaris commentarii cum A. Hirti aliommque supplements ex recensione Bernardi Kubleri, vol. i (Lipsiae, 1893), pp. iii fF. 3 C. Iulii Caesaris Commentariorum pars prior qua continentur libri VII de Bello Gallico cum A. Hirti supplemento recensuit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit Renatus du Pontet (Oxonii, 1900). See T . Rice Holmes, CR 15, 1901, 174ΓΓ.; id., CQ,8, 1914, 158, where it is claimed that du Pontet adopts the readings of β manuscripts 153 times. 4 'Die Caesariiberlieferung', Rh. Mus. 64, 1909, 224-34; Casarstudien nebst einer Analyse der Strabonischen Beschreibung von Gallien und Britannien (Leipzig, 1910); 'Geographic und Ethnographie in Caesars Bellum Gallicum', Rh. Mus. 83, 1934, 66-96. Klotz prepared a Teubner edition of BG, published in 1921. A second edition appeared in 1927, a third in 1938, and a fourth in 1952 (the Preface to this edition is dated November 1948). For reviews of this fourth edition see REL 30, 1952, 461-2 (Marouzeau), Latomus 11, 1952, 499-500 (Fabre), Rev. de Philol. 27, 1953, 192-202 (Ernout), UAntiquite classique 22, 1953, 188 f. (Preaux), CPh. 48, !953> 267-9 (Basset), RE A 55,1953,451 f. (Bouvet), CAN.S. 4 , 1 9 5 4 , 2 6 2 - 4 (Simon), Museum 59, 1954, 48-49 (Enk), Anzeiger fur die Altertumswissenschaft 8, 1955, 109 (Jax). A fifth edition ('editio stereotypa correctior editionis quartae'), with addenda and corrigenda by W. Trillitsch (pp. 261-3), appeared in 1957. Meusel (see JB 38, 1912, 18-21) admits that the pedigree constructed by Klotz may be the right one. For further discussion of his theory see especially E. Kalinka, Jahresbericht uber die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, Supplementband, Bd. 224, 1929, 34 fF., Beeson, op. cit. 118 if., Seel xviii, Hering 28, n. 1, 89 fF. 5 He seems to have modified this view slightly in the Teubner edition of BG. See Beeson, op. cit. 120, n. 25. But in Philologische Wochenschrift 47, 1927, 936 and Mnemosyne 9, 1941, 218-22 he again insists on the importance of j3.
INTRODUCTION
29
interpretation of the manuscript tradition is illustrated by the following stemma:
T. Rice Holmes, 1 like Meusel, preferred in many places the reading of β, but tends to follow α when the two families are at variance and no clear case for preferring one to the other can be made out. Constans 2 in theory gives 'aux deux classes une autorite sensiblement egale', but in practice, perhaps under the influence of editors who have preceded him, accepts far more readings from α than from β. He showed 3 that the archetype of all Caesar's manuscripts was written in columns the lines of which contained twenty letters and that each column con tained fifteen or sixteen lines. He assumed that the β family drew some of its good readings from a source other than that of the immediate archetype of a, and illustrated his analysis of the history of the text by the following stemma : 4 Υ
AQ
BMSLN
TV
UR
Beeson fairly points out that β may have '. . . got its good readings from variants in X, its archetype, for we know that it had variants'. 5 But there may have been more than one line of descent in the text history as represented by the symbols y' and the parallel y" in 1 CR 15, 1901, 175; Caesar's Conquest of Gaul2 (Oxford, 1931), 202. Rice Holmes edited BG in the volume C lull Caesaris Commentarii rerum in Gallia gestarum VII, A. Hirti Commentarius VIII (Oxford, 1914), see especially pp. xi-xv. 2 Ce'sar, Guerre des Gaules, Texte £tabli et traduit par L.-A. Constans, 2 vols. (Collection . . . de Γ association Guillaume Bud£) (Paris, 1926), unfavourably reviewed by Klotz, Philol. Woch. 47, 1927, 933-40. The fifth edition was published in 1955· 3 *Recherches sur le texte et sur les manuscrits de Cesar, Bellum Gallicum', REA 27, 1925, 279-96. Cf. id., Revue de philologie 48, 1924, 131-9. 4 I have substituted Klotz's sigla for those of Constans where this was necessary, s CPh. 35, 1940, 120.
30
INTRODUCTION
Constans's stemma. For Beeson,1 inspired by suggestions made by Holder 2 and Klotz 3 concerning the Insular character of the archetype of the surviving manuscripts, examined manuscripts Β and T, repre senting the two families, and found convincing evidence of the Insular background of those codices. Confusion of letters and symbols, Insu lar orthography, and errors attributable to Insular symbols in both families led him to conclude that 'there can be no doubt, therefore, as to Insular activity in the transmission of the text of the Corpus Caesarianum, whether by one line of descent or two. T h e palaeographical evidence is not sufficient to settle the dispute in regard to the stemma. On the whole, it rather tends to support Klotz's theory.' Otto Seel, in his Preface to the new and conservative Teubner edition of the Commentaries* and in two lengthy articles devoted to the study of Caesar's text and style,5 expresses the opinion that the manu script tradition is in general painstakingly accurate and authentic. He rejects6 the view that α is demonstrably superior to β and points out that there was contact between the two classes at an early date. On the one hand, ρ of the β class has the Celsus subscription. O n the other hand, SLN of the α class, like the β manuscripts, contain the whole of the Corpus Caesarianum. Moreover, S, often in BG vii, almost always in BG viii, agrees with β.7 Seel also rejects the concept of a single archetypal codex to which all the chief manuscripts now used to illustrate the text history of the Commentaries may be traced, 8 and is inclined to minimize the importance of the so-called Celsus 'recen sion'. 9 Wolfgang Hering's Die Recensio der Caesarhandschriften {Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschqften zu Berlin, Schriften der Sektionfur Altertumswissenschqft 41, Berlin, 1963) appeared after this work was ready for printing. It is the result of painstaking research on the manuscript problem. Hering has sought to show that, of the eleven manuscripts 1
*Text History of the Corpus Caesarianum', CPh. 35, 1940, 113-25. Op. cit. (on p. 123). 3 Rh. Mus. 64, 1909, 226; fourth Teubner edition, Praef., p. xiv. 4 C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii rerum gestarum edidit Otto Seel. Vol. I Bellum Gallicum (Lipsiae, 1961). See Hering's important review in Helikon 2, 1962, 345-55, also the reviews of Rambaud in REL 39, 1961, 341-3 and Gnomon 34, 1962, 781-7. 5 'Zur Kritik des Textes von Caesars Bellum Gallicum' in Studi in onore di Luigi Castiglioni (G. C. Sansoni—Editore, Firenze, i960) 897-968; 'Ambiorix. Beobachtungen zu Text und Stil in Caesars Bellum Gallicum' in Jahrbuch f. frankische Landesforschung 20 ( = Fest. Ernst Schwarz I), i960, 49-89. 6 See p. xxvii beside xxxvii f. of his Teubner text. 7 L and Ν also frequently and arbitrarily depart from the readings of the rest of the α class of manuscripts to agree with j3. 8 See pp. xxxi f. beside xli f. Cf. Hering 110 f. 9 See pp. xxxix f. and now Hering 88 if., 99 fF., 111. 2
INTRODUCTION
31
usually used to establish a text of BG, five, viz. MLN, S, and R, are secondary, being copies (direct or indirect) of the four chief manu scripts (AB and T U ) . Q,and V are still important, especially for filling a few gaps in A and Τ respectively. For Hering's views concerning the archetype see pp. 85 if. (summarized pp. n o f . ) . The monograph is an invaluable (though not always convincing) contribution to the study of the text history of BG and of the Corpus Caesarianum as a whole. In this Remark and elsewhere I have unfortunately been able to add only a few references to Hering's revolutionary work. My Remark on the text of BG is necessarily brief. For that reason I add a short list of works where may be found full bibliographical references to recent work concerning the manuscript tradition and the editing of the Commentaries: H. J . Heller, 'Jahresbericht uber C. Julius Caesar und seine Fortsetzer, 1893-94', m Johresbericht uber die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, 89. Band, 24. Jahrgang, 1896, Zweite Abteilung, Lateinische Klassiker 86-119; id., 'Bericht uber C. Julius Casar und seine Fortsetzer, 1895-97', in Jahresbericht... 97. Band, 26. Jahrgang, 1898, Zweite Abteilung, Lateinische Klassiker 220-6; E. Kalinka, 'Casars und seiner Fortsetzer Schriften (1898-1928)', Jahresbericht. . . Supplementband, Bd. 224, 1929, 1-256; id., 'Casar und die Fort setzer seiner Werke. Bericht uber das Schriftturn der J a h r e 1929-1936', Jahresbericht . . . Jhg. 1939, Lateinische Autoren, Bd. 264, 169-256; P. Fabre, 'Vingt annees d'etudes sur Cesar', Memorial des etudes latines offert a J. Marouzeau (Paris, 1943) 215-31; P. Lambrechts, 'Cesar dans l'histoire contemporaine', U Antiquite classique 23, 1954, 126-43; M. Rambaud, 'Cesar', in Association Guillaume Bude. Congres de Lyon 8-10 septembre 1958. Actes du Congres (Paris, i960), 205-38; H. Oppermann's 'Nachwort und bibliographische Nachtrage', in C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii de Bello Gallico erklart von Fr. Kraner und W. Dittenberger . . ., 3 vols. (Berlin, 1960-1). See also S. Lambrino, Bibliographie deV antiquite classique 1896-1914, premiere partie, Auteurs et textes (Paris, 1951), 91-97; J · Marouzeau, Dix annees de bibliographie classique. Bibliographie critique et analytique de V antiquite greco-htine pour la periode 1914-1924 (Paris, 1927), 61-66; J . Marouzeau, ed., UAnnee philologique. Bibliographie critique et analytique de Γantiquite greco-latine (Paris, 1928- ), s.n. Julius Caesar. (iii) La Graufesenque graffiti At La Graufesenque, a small plain about one kilometre square on the left bank of the River Tarn opposite Millau in the Cevennes (just below the confluence of the Tarn and the Dourbie), there was in the first and second centuries A.D. a great terra sigillata factory. It was
32
INTRODUCTION
part of the Gallo-Roman settlement, the Condatomago of the Peutinger table, thirty leagues from Rodez (Segodunum) and twenty-three from Lodeve (Luteva). There are other known sites at which potters worked in Aquitania, e.g. at Montans, Banassac, and Lezoux. But for the study of the dialects of Ancient Gaul La Graufesenque is undoubtedly the most important site. For here have been unearthed (including the discoveries of 1950-2) about sixty texts on fragmentary 'plats' or 'assiettes' of terra-cotta covered with a red varnish. Discarded sherds were used by the potters to keep records of the totals of the lots of pottery they deposited with a kiln-master for firing in a common kiln. 1 These graffiti are scratched in the cursive Latin alphabet of the time. The excavations of Frederic Hermet that brought these graffiti to light began in 1901 and ended in 1906.2 They have been read and edited in full by Hermet himself, by Joseph Loth, by August Oxe, and by Joshua Whatmough. They have aroused great interest, and the bibliography concerning them (see below) is now quite extensive. Excavation work in 1950-2 uncovered at the site nineteen new graffiti, apparently belonging to a different series.3 Yet another came to light in 1953.4 Hermet dated the graffiti discovered earlier to the period A.D. 40-60 (see Hermet, pp. 351 ff.). But Albenque (REA 53, 1951, 80 f., RA 37, 1951, 185 if.) believed that those discovered in 1950 are considerably later. He insisted that the factory cannot have fallen into decadence as early as the time of Trajan, as was once supposed, but was still active at least as late as the middle of the second century A.D. This accords well with the fact that in these recently discovered graffiti the progress of latinization is reflected by the preponderance of Latin words and Latin terminations. Texts similar to the graffiti of La Graufesenque are known from Montans (DAG 88), Rheinzabern (DAG 229, 230), Colmars (DAG 20, 1 This view was first propounded by August Oxe. For Duval's subtle refinement of this interpretation see EC 7, 1955-6, 251 ff. 2 Six short and incomplete graffiti had been discovered previously by Γ abbe" C£res in excavations of 1882-3. 3 This number includes the 'poingon-matrices' (graffiti Albenque-Aymard nos. 10, 11, and 16) inscribed before firing. Names occurring in these (notably Crucuro, ? Fronci or ? Fronici, and Litugenus) are not listed as separate items in Chapter II. They are, of course, mentioned in conjunction with other names. Concerning new 'po^on-matrices' at La Graufesenque see L. Balsan, RA 41, 1953, 137 ff., id., Proc.-verb. des seances de la socie'te des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 37, 1954-8 (1959), 11 f., id., Revue archiologique du Centre 2, 1963, 29 ff. 4 See L. Balsan, Proc.-verb. des sdances de la socie'te' des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron, vol. cit., p. 12. Monsieur Balsan has very kindly informed me in a letter of 23 October 1962 that he has a further graffito of La Graufesenque, the text of which as yet has not been published. It contains several names which were hitherto unknown at the site, e.g. Crescens and Urbanos and the incomplete ]gilliu, ]nillis9 and ]lenos.
INTRODUCTION
33
Remark (e)), Bavay, Montenach, Chemery, and Holdoorn (DAG,. pp. 280 f.). In the various potters' records of La Graufesenque there are the following three elements: (a) a heading consisting of a brief formula— usually Gaulish fa0(0)o.f+an ordinal number (often in its Gaulish form and sometimes abbreviated); instead of the numeral or in addi tion to it there occasionally stands the word luxtos,1 and in perhaps four graffiti (DAG 90, 92, 94, 102) a form which may be a Gaulish official title, cas{s)idan(n)o{s) ;2 (b) the body of the text listing row by row, under four heads, 3 details concerning (i) the name of a potter or the names of two or more potters possibly working together, (ii) the name of the type of vase produced, (iii) an indication of the size of the vase, (iv) the number of vases deposited; (c) a summation (not absolutely correct in every case) of the number of vases deposited for firing as listed in the graffito (insixgraffitionly,ZL4G95,97,100,106,115,124). The mixed character of the language of the graffiti is shown clearly by the potters' names, with which we are primarily concerned here. Those that are Celtic and those that may be Celtic are listed below in Chapter I I and in the Appendix. Some are certainly Latin, e.g. Felix, Fuscus, Macer, Masclos, Primigen., Primo(s), Privates, Secundos (-us), Vitali(s). Some few may well be Greek. See Chapter II (B) s.nn. Coros and Stamulos, Appendix s.nn. [C]elados, Polos, and Sum{m)aco(s), -us. [M]irtilos in gr. Hermet 19, if the restoration is correct, is probably Greek. See Loth, i?C4i, 1924, 52 ff.; Hermet, pp. 313 ff., 317; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 288 ff. I have omitted from the lists both fragmentary forms such as com[ DAG 126, 1. 2 (cor[ Oxe) and lie. .a gr. AlbenqueAymard 1, 1. 3 (see Albenque, REA 53, 1951, 76) and, on the other hand, puzzling forms such as moes DAG n o I (c), 1. 17 (read as Mo[d]es[tus] by Oxe and as (?)PN Moes by Hermet), perauc[ or peraug[ gr. Albenque-Aymard 2, 1. 4 (?Pera Aug[ustalis], see Albenque, REA 53> ^ ΰ 1 ? 73> 76) and sioxti DAG 114 (c), 1. 1 (see Loth, RC 4.1, 1924, 33; Thurneysen, J?CP 16, 1927, 302 f.; Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 113; Weisgerber, SprFK 209; Vendryes, RC 51, 1934, 122; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 289 f.). 1
See Chapter II (B) s.n. Lucterius. Following the heading in DAG 90 and 93, preceding it in DAG 103 and 109, and in the margin in DAG 114, there are certain forms (le[gi]tum[ 90, legit[umg^9 legitum[ 103, autagis · cintux xxx 109, sioxti · albanos · panna · extratud · ccc 114) which Oxe (BJ 130, 1925, 75, 77), Hermet (pp. 310 f.), and Whatmough [DAG, pp. 282 f.) regard as a postscript. In fact, the exact significance of these forms is obscure. 3 The arrangement of the details varies. The potter's name, for example, may come second (after the name of the vase) or last (after the number of the vases); it may be omitted altogether if he deposits more than one type of vase for firing; where no name occurs for several lines it may be that the kiln-master himself was the owner or manufacturer of the vases there listed. 2
811930
D
34
INTRODUCTION
Some of the problems presented by names from terra sigillata have been noted by Whatmough (DAG 88, Remark, p. 271). 1 He men tioned the difficulty presented by bad writing or a hard script or by both, and the extreme difficulty of determining for certain the place where some potters worked. There are other problems too. The close dating of the periods of activity of particular potters is difficult.2 It is also difficult to establish whether a particular name is that of a firm of potters flaunted for advertising purposes, or of an independent crafts man working on his own account, or of a specialist employed by a large concern. 3 BIBLIOGRAPHY Here I have listed details concerning works dealing with the pottery of La Graufesenque in general and especially with the graffiti. A. ALBENQUE, Inventaire de VarcheOlogie gallo-romaine du departement de VAveyron (Rodez, 1947), esp. pp. 83 ff. Les Rutenes. Etudes d'histoire, d? archeologie et de toponymie gallo-romaines (Rodez, 1948). 'Nouveaux Graffites de La Graufesenque I.', REA 53, 1951, 71-81. 'Nouvelles Fouilles a La Graufesenque', RA 37, 1951, 175-90. *Les Nouvelles Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne de 1950)', Procesverbaux des seances de la societe des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 36, 1949-53 (1954), 141-59· D. ATKINSON, Ά Hoard of Samian Ware from Pompeii', JRS 4, 1914, 27-64. A. AYMARD, *La Coramique gallo-romaine de La Graufesenque (Aveyron)', Etudes rigionales pour V enseignement, fasc. 3, 1952, 150-60. 'Nouveaux Graffites de La Graufesenque', REA 54, 1952, 9 3 - 1 0 1 ; 55, 1953, 126-31. L. BALSAN, 'Reprise de fouilles a La Graufesenque (Gondatomagos). Campagne 1950', Gallia 8, 1950 (1952), 1-13. 'Nouveaux Ροίηςοη-matrices de La Graufesenque', RA 41, 1953, 137-47. 1 For a bibliography concerning terra sigillata see F. Oswald and T. Davies Pryce, An Introduction to the Study of Terra Sigillata (London, 1920) 2 4 5 - 7 2 ; F. Oswald, Index of Figure-Types on Terra Sigillata, suppl. to Liverpool Annals of Arch, and Anthrop. 13-24, 1936-7; Hermet, pp. xix fF. (with particular ref. to La Graufesen que); H. Comfort, 'Terra Sigillata', P.-W.} Supplementband V I I (1940), 12951352. See also P. de Schaetzen, Index des terminaisons des marques de potters galloromains sur terra sigillata, Collection Latomus, vol. 24 (Bruxelles, 1956), and J. A. Stanfield and Grace Simpson, Central Gaulish Potters (London, 1958). An excellent bibliography of recent work is the section entitled 'Chronique de ceramologie' in Duval's 'Chronique gallo-romaine' in REA 56, 1954, 4 1 8 - 2 1 ; 57, 1955, 335~8; 58» x 956, 3 0 3 - 7 ; 59» i957> 361-4; 60, 1958, 376-80; 61, 1959, 3 8 6 - 9 ; 62, i960, 411-16; 63, 1961, 4 0 1 - 9 ; 64, 1962, 3 4 9 - 5 4 ; 65, 1963» 373-7; 66, 1964, 372-6. 2 F. Oswald, Index of Potters' Stamps on Terra Sigillata, 'Samian Ware9 (Margidunum, 1931) (republished in 1964 by the Gregg Press Limited, London), is here a helpful but by no means infallible guide. 3 See E. Birley, Latomus 15, 1956, 219.
INTRODUCTION
35
'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne 1951)', Proces-verbaux des stances de la soc. des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 36, 1949-53 ( J 9 5 4 ) J 198-200. 'Les Fouilles de 1952 a La Graufesenque', op. cit. 248-53. 'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne 1953)', Procis-verbaux des seances de la soc. des lettres, sciences et arts de ly Aveyron 37, 1954-8 (1959), 6-15. 'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque. Campagne 1954', op. cit. 65-70. 'Ceramiques inedites de La Graufesenque', Ogam 12, i960, i74f. 'Au sujet de deux poincons de La Graufesenque', Revue archeologique du Centre 2, 1963, 29-34. A. DE BARTHELEMY, 'Rapport sur les fouilles de M. l'abbe Ceres dans la plaine de La Graufesenque', Bull. arch, du ComiU des travaux historiques et scientifiques 1886, 324 f.; 1887. 212 f. A. BERTRAND, Bulletin de giographie historique et descriptive du ComiU des travaux his toriques et scientifiques 1888, 37-39 (an account of the excavations of Cores). H. DE VILLEFOSSE, BSAF 1882, 297-9 ( o n graffiti found by Cores 'a la GrauFezen'). O. BOHN, 'VierunddreiBig neue Topferlisten aus La Graufesenque', Germania 8, 1924, 19-27 (v. RC 41, 1924, 493 f.). E. BONNET, Carte et texte complet du departement de VAveyron {Carte archeologique de la Gaule romaine, fasc. x) (Paris, 1944), no. 40, pp. 9-11. P. F. CERES, Proc.-verb des seances de la socidti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 13, 1880-4, 2 3 * (concerning a request made to Ceres to report on discoveries at the site and to excavate it). BSAF 1882, 297-9 a n c * 1884, 83-86 (see here s.nn. A. Bertrand and H. de Villefosse). Proc.-verb. des seances de la societe des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 14, 1884-7, 62 f. (an account of excavations at La Graufesenque). Memoires de la sociSte des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 14, 1887-93, 22-30 (the same). 'Note sur les poteries celtiques, gauloises et romaines du departement de l'Aveyron et des parties voisines de l'Aveyron et des parties voisines du departe ment de la Lozere', op. cit. 448-58. G. CHENET, 'Die Erforschung der galloromischen Topfereien in den Argonnen seit dem Anfang des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts', Germania 14, 1930, 64-73 (v- RE A 34> 1932, 58). L. CONSTANS, ΒA 1893, xxxv (concerning Gallo-Roman pottery of Aveyron with particular reference to that of La Graufesenque). J. DEGHELETTE, 'La Fabrique de La Graufesenque (Aveyron)', REA 5, 1903, 37-78. 'Les Graffites de La Graufesenque', RA 4 e s£r., 3, 1904, 200-4. Les Vases ceramiques ornis de la Gaule romaine, vol. i (Paris, 1904), pp. 85-92 (with figs. 61-62), pis. xiii-xiv. G. DoTTiN, 'La Langue gauloise dans les graffites de La Graufesenque', REA 26, 1924» 73-77 (ϋ· Glotta 15, 1927, 248). F. DREXEL, 'Romische Sigillataservices', Germania 11, 1928, 51-53 (on the names of vases, etc.). A. ERNOUT, 'Acetabulum' in Classical and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Edward Kennard Rand . . ., ed. Leslie Webber Jones (New York, 1938), 101-3.
36
INTRODUCTION
P. F. FOURNIER, Gallia 9, 1951, 108 f. (on excavations of 1951), 12, 1954, 193-5 ( o n excavations of 1952-3), 13, 1955, 182 f. (on excavations of 1954). J. FRASER, 'The graffiti of La Graufesenque', RC 42, 1925, 93-96 (v. Glotta 16, 1928, 223). A. GRENIER, in T. Frank, An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. iii (Baltimore, I937)> 540-62. 'Sur la "coutume ouvriere" des potiers gallo-romains , J in Fest. f. August Oxi zum 75. Geburtstag . . . (Darmstadt, 1938), 84-89. J. GRIGOURT, 'Les "marques chiffroes intra-docoratives" de La Graufesenque' in Hommages a Albert Grenier, ed. M. Renard (Collection Latomus 58) (Bruxelles, 1962), 763-70. H. GUMMERUS, 'Die sudgallische Terra-sigillata-Industrie nach den Graffiti aus La Graufesenque', in Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum (Societas Scientiarum Fennica) iii/3 (Helsingfors, 1932), 1-21 (v. REA 34, 1932, 58). F. HERMET, Proc.-verb. des stances de la sociiti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 19, 1900-3, 133-6, 188-90; 21, 1906-7, 56-57 (accounts of excavations at La Graufesenque). 'Les Graffites de La Graufesenque', RA 4 e ser., 3, 1904, 74-91. Assoc, frangaise pour Vavancement des sciences. Compte rendu de la 41™ Session (Nimes igi2) (Paris, 1912), 163 f. (notice of a communication on the pottery and graffiti of La Graufesenque). Les Graffites de la Graufesenque pris Millau (Aveyron) (Rodez, 1923) (v. RA 1923, 180 f.). La Graufesenque (Condatomago) I. Vases sigilUs.-II. Graffites, 2 vols. (Paris, 1934), reviewed by Davies Pryce, JRS 24, 1934, 231-4; de Weerd, VAntiquiU classique 3» ^34» 543-7; Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 325-94; Lantier, RA 1937, 121. C. JULLIAN, 'Inscription indigene de La Graufesenque', REA 24, 1922, 250 f. R. KNORR, 'Verzierte Terra sigillata des ersten Jahrhunderts', Germania 21, 1937, 240-7 (v. REA 41, 1939, 35). R. LANTIER, CRAI1950, 420-2 (on new excavations). J. LOTH, 'Les Graffites gaulois de la Graufesenque', RC 41, 1924, 1-64, 493, also 42, 1925, 221 f. (v. Glotta 15, 1927, 248). A. MEILLET, 'Des noms de nombre ordinaux en indo-europeen', BSL 29, 1929, 29-37· A. NICOLAI, Les Officines de potiers gallo-romaines et les graffites de La Graufesenque . . . (Paris, 1927) {v. Hermet, pp. 349 f., Weisgerber, SprFK 151). A. O X E , Die 'Topferrechnungen von der Graufesenque', ΒJ 130, 1925, 38-99 (v RC 43, 1926, 4 4 J ~ 4 ; REA 32, 1930, 261). 'La Graufesenque', BJ 140-1, 1936, 325-94. A. PETRUCCI, 'Per la storia della scrittura romana: i graffiti di Condatomagos', Bullettino delVArchivio paleografico italiano, Terza Serie, 1, 1962, 85-132. R. THURNEYSEN, 'Gallisches', £CP 15, 1925, 379-83 (#C 44, 1927, 249 f.); *Zu den Graffiti von La Graufesenque', Z^P J 6 , 1927, 285-304 (RC 45, 1928, 415); 'Gall, uxsedios "rudis" ', ZCP 20, 1936, 368. J. VENDRYES, 'Remarques sur les graffites de La Graufesenque', BSL 25,1924,34-43. CRAI 1950, 419 f. (on new excavations). L. VIALETTES, 'Sigles figulins relev£s sur les poteries trouv£es dans PAveyron et a Banassac (Lozere)', Memoires de la sociiti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 15, 1894-9» lSG-
INTRODUCTION
37
Η. DE VILLEFOSSE, see s.n. A. Bertrand above. BSAF 1884, 83-86 (on two graffiti discovered by Ceres 'a la Gros-fesenque'). J. WHATMOUGH, JCS i, 1950, 7-9 (on tuOdos).
DAG, items 90-132 (pp. 274-323).
II THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y I N this chapter are listed and discussed the forms which I think should be considered in a study of Celtic personal names in the sources here selected for special consideration. Owing to the nature of the Celtic inscriptions of Gaul 1 it is inevitable that some names of doubtful Celticity are included, some forms which are fragmentary or forms the reading of which is uncertain, and even some forms which may not be personal names at all. References to the sources are kept to the barest minimum. Thus, if an inscription is recorded in The Dialects of Ancient Gaul, reference is not necessarily made to any other sources such as Dottin or GIL· I have, however, included, for the sake of convenience, lists of the relevant item num bers from DAG accompanied by the corresponding numbers from Dottin. 2 Names from the Commentaries on the Gallic War are listed with brief biographical notes on their bearers. Details are given concerning textual variants, conjectures, and emendations, and concerning the forms of these personal names as attested in other sources in antiquity. In listing the forms from the graffiti of La Graufesenque which deserve consideration I quote Whatmough's account of the material in DAG, and refer to other accounts, such as those of Hermet and Oxe, only where they differ from that of Whatmough. Graffiti dis covered during excavations at La Graufesenque in 1950-2, described by Albenque and Aymard, are referred to as A-A. 1, A.-A. 2, etc. For a discussion of some of the peculiar problems presented by these graffiti and by names on terra sigillata, and for a bibliography con cerning the material, see Chapter I (c) (iii). I have appended an index of item numbers from Whatmough's DAG, Hermet's La Graufesenque, and Oxe's Die Topferrechnungen von der Graufesenque* An attempt is also made to interpret the names thus listed. Where necessary the interpretation of a name is preceded by a discussion of the reading. The forms are arranged in groups of Compounded Names (section (A) (i)) and Uncompounded Names (section (B)). T h e 1
See Chapter I (c) (i).
2
See pp. 481-3.
3
See pp. 485-7.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y
39
entries within each section succeed each other in strict alphabetical order, but a great number of cross-references have been given. In section (A) (ii) the elements of compounded names have been dealt with in separate articles. Doubtful names are all discussed together in the Appendix. To make a strict distinction between these doubtful names and those the interpretation of which is fairly certain is not always easy, as will be seen in several cases. It is often not clear in which section a particular name should be placed. See the introduc tion to the Appendix. The Gaulish names, local, ethnic, and divine as Λνεΐΐ as personal, which are adduced as parallels to illustrate the incidence of various names or name elements are taken in the main from The Dialects of Ancient Gaul and Altceltischer Sprachschatz. I have also relied a great deal on other corpora of relevant material such as GIL and PID or less extensive collections such as Tovar's Lexico and Palomar Lapesa's OPL. Moreover, I have, of course, tried to gather in pertinent items in other sources, some of which have come to light since Holder and Whatmough published their collections of material. The criteria used for establishing the etymology of the names fall into several categories. Of considerable importance are the phonetic criteria. The value of phonological observations and of orthographical peculiarities is self-evident. Historical criteria are invaluable, especially with names from BG, although one has always to recognize that the local or ethnic associations of its bearer can never be taken as an absolute proof of the language of any name. Moreover, the local distribution of names has sometimes a direct bearing on the question of their origin, as Weisgerber and Whatmough have stressed and abun dantly illustrated in their published work. Finally, chronological considerations are occasionally (alas too infrequently) of decisive im portance, although the chronology of the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul is still in general uncertain. It goes without saying that many of the etymological suggestions offered in this chapter are tentative and of questionable value. Our knowledge of Continental Celtic personal nomenclature is still very imperfect. A systematic investigation of more Insular Celtic sources is bound to bring much fresh material to light and cause the conclusions reached concerning Continental forms to be revised and modified. On the other hand, one always has to bear in mind that the absence of a clear cognate in the modern Celtic languages is no proof that a particular name is non-Celtic. But it is as a rule dangerous to invent a more or less unconvincing Celtic etymology in these circumstances rather than admit that the etymology is unknown. This is why I have in some cases entirely avoided giving any etymology. Even among those given I fear that some few will appear too far-fetched to be
40
THE M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L
SURVEY
accepted as correct. As Whatmough put it in his Prolegomena to the Dialects of Ancient Gaul (HSCP 55, 1944, 39), c. . . the interpretation of ancient names is usually a matter of questionable etymology, and their evidence often open to more than one seemingly defensible reading'. 1 A certain amount of tentative guesswork is absolutely inevitable. Indeed, the longer one studies the Celtic personal names of Ancient Gaul, and Continental Celtic proper names in general, the more sceptical one feels before the vast material that so frequently defies all attempts at a satisfactory interpretation. But that is not to admit that no reasonable and well-disciplined attempt should be made to inter pret, if not to translate, such names, especially as they form such a very high proportion of the earliest records of Celtic speech that have been preserved for us today. A (i)
COMPOUNDED
NAMES
What little work had been done previously concerning Gaulish com pounded personal names 2 has now been superseded by Karl Horst Schmidt's important monograph entitled 'Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen' published in J?CP 26, 1957, 33-301. For reviews of his work, mostly favourable, see the following: Language 33, 1957, 591-5 (J. Whatmough); Anglia 76, 1958, 430-4 (A. Scherer); Kratylos 3, 1958, 170-4 (J. Pokorny); Lingua Posnaniensis 7> x959i 286-94 (T. Milewski); Emerita 28, i960, 285-309 (M. L. Albertos); J^pravodaj Mistopisne Komise CSAV 1, i960, 229-32 (M. Frydrich). His contribution to the study of Celtic personal names is extremely valuable, and his treatment of his special subject is distinguished both for its soundness and for its clarity. However, I feel that Scherer's main criticism, namely that he has exaggerated the number of meaningful names and thereby suggested highly improbable meanings for some names, is quite justified. In a number of cases this is due to the repeti tion of comparison of quite doubtful or 'ghost' cognates from Insular Celtic sources. It will be seen from my discussion of individual examples of compounding in Celtic personal names that I have relied a great deal on his work. I have carefully acknowledged this in 1
I cannot agree with him in his later insistence, in a review of KGP (Lg. 33, 1957, 593), that 'there is in fact far less uncertainty about the etymology of Gaulish personal names than is commonly realized by those who are not familiar with the material, and with Keltic as a whole'. 2 See, for example, Zeuss, GCl 819 ff., GC2 853 ff.; Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 426 ff.; Holder, AcSpassim; Pedersen, VKG 2. 1 if.; Dottin, Mnl.1 83 ff.; Mnl2 103 ff.; id., La Langue gauloise 105 ff., 358.
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frequent references to KGP. For a systematic analysis of compounding Schmidt's work, particularly the section entitled 'Kompositionslehre' (pp. 55-90), must be consulted. Where I differ from him in matters of interpretation I have indicated my own view below in the discussion of individual names or name elements. It used to be commonly supposed that the Indo-European personal name was characteristically compounded with variously formed simple or hypocoristic derivations. See, for example, A. Ficfc, Die griechischen Personennamen (Gottingen, 1874) lxviff.; A. Hilka, Die altindischen Personennamen [Indische Forschungen 3] (Breslau, 1910), 153 fF.; M . Redin, Studies on uncompounded personal names in Old English (Uppsala, 1919), xxiiff. ;l T. Milewski, Ό pochodzeniu slowianskich imion zlozonych', in / Mi$dzynarodowa Slawistyczna Konferencja Onomastyczna w Krakowie w dniach 22-24 pazdziernika 1959. Ksigga Referatow pod redakcja Witolda Taszyckiego (Wroclaw-Warszawa-Krakow, 1961), 233-47 (v. RIO 14, 1962, 235). But Ernst Pulgram, in an article entitled 'Indo-European Personal Names' (published in Language 23, 1947, 189-206), has now convincingly shown that this supposition is based on faulty and incomplete evidence. His study led him to the following conclusions: (1) The fashion of naming which appears in several Indo-European idioms is not necessarily proved to have been inherited from the parent speech. (2) In accordance with universal traits of nomenclature and in view of the serious gaps in the evidence we possess, we must suppose that the oldest form of name in Indo-European was a simple appellative and not a compound. (3) The prevalence of compounds in available records for some areas is not necessarily typical for any speech-area as a whole, and even less for an entire linguistic family, in view of the socially and historically conditioned partiality of the tradition, which favours the upper classes. See also now Pulgram, 'New Evidence on Indo-European Names', Language 36, i960, 198-202. However, Pokorny has rightly main tained in a review of KGP2 that both the compounded and the originally uncompounded types were doubtless common in the parent language. Some statistical work has been done concerning the incidence of dithematic names as opposed to monothematic names in Continental Celtic, and it is still worth referring to this work. But we must re member Pulgram's warning that statistics of this kind, based on re cords that are so fragmentary, are bound to be misleading because they can tell us so very little about the frequency-ratio of each individual name. Weisgerber (Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 314 ff., see especially 1 Cf. Olof von Feilitzen, The Pre-Conquest Personal Names of Domesday Book (Uppsala, 1937), n f., Hilmer Strom, Old English Personal Names in Bede's History (Lund, 1939), xlii. 2 Kratylosfr 1958, 171 f.
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his remarks on pp. 329 f.) counted 28 compounded Celtic names (with 31 instances) among the Treveri beside 20 (with 27 instances) abbreviated names and 115 (with 132 instances) originally uncompounded names. He counted 23 compounded forms among 238 in stances of Celtic names among the Mediomatrici (Rh. V. 18,1953,267). Schmidt (KGP 39 fF.) claimed that there were in the Commentaries on the Gallic War 32 compounded personal names (the names of 34 per sons), 3 abbreviated names, and 21 originally uncompounded names. 1 According to my calculation there are 34 compounded names in BG (the names of 37 persons), 2 3 abbreviated names, 3 and 21 originally uncompounded names. 4 In BG Celtic personal names are in the main those of tribal leaders and such like, members of a wealthy aristocracy, as the brief biographical details concerning their bearers clearly show. In contrast to this the potters' names in La Graufesenque graffiti are mostly those of the humbler strata of society. Of those names in the graffiti that are probably Celtic only one, Deprosagilos, can be cer tainly classed as compounded, while 23 are uncompounded. 5 In the Celtic inscriptions of Gaul, the vast majority of which are funerary or votive and in which I think we should expect to find as many of the names of the common people as of their more distinguished and power ful leaders, the balance of compounded and uncompounded names is fairly even. In this source I counted 57 compounded as opposed to 55 uncompounded names. 6 Α Δ Γ Ε Ν Ν Ο Ρ Ι Γ . DAG49 (inscriptionofL'Isle-sur-Sorgue, Vaucluse) Rochetin (RE 2, 1884-9, 3 9 ~ 4 ° J n o · 4^3) pointed out that it was uncertain whether a letter was missing at the end of this form and whether the name should be read as Ahyevvopiy (nom., fern.?), Ahy
For some other estimates of the proportion of compounded names, abbreviated names, and simple names in sources from Ancient Gaul, e.g. in BG, in Gallor Greek inscriptions of the Rhone valley, and in certain tribal areas, see G. P. Sicardi, Rivista di Studi Liguri 23, 1957, 229 fF. 2 My count includes Ariovistus and Hnianovetitius but not *Gutuater. Cingetorix, Diviciacus, and Eporedorix are each borne by two persons. 3 Accoy Dumnacus, and Iccius. If Voccio is Celtic (see Appendix s.n.) the total is 4. 4 My list would include Correus but omit Mallios. 5 I have had to ignore the doubtful names listed in the Appendix, e.g. Moretoclatos and iS,Mm(m)a^o(5), which may be Celtic compounded names, Tecci, which may be an abbreviated name, and fifteen other uncompounded names, a number of which may be Celtic. 6 Again I have to ignore the doubtful names of the Appendix. The total of un compounded names includes patronymics in -cno~/-Kvo-. I counted P N N ? ?Εκσιγγος and Escincos as one and similarly P N N Σ€γομαρ[, Segomari, and Σςγομαρος,
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that there were traces of ι after γ in line ι and read accordingly Ahyevvopiyi (hue. 21-22, Addit. 3). Dottin (no. 9) gave the same reading with the comment CL'I final de la premiere ligne n'est pas sur.' Whatmough (DAG 49) read ]α8γ€ννορυγ.} commenting that at the end of line 1 there is 'possibly ι (now apparently a double interpunct)'. Schmidt (KGP 113) lists the name as Αδγεννοριγ(ος). It is possible that the inscription is votive rather than funerary. In line 2 Whatmough read μα[τ]ρ€[βο] and claimed that the text 'prob ably recorded some structure or dedication connected with the cult of the spring [the famous Fontaine de Vaucluse] 5 . Therefore Atyevvopiy. in what is now line 1 may be a divine rather than a personal name. It is clearly a Celtic name compounded of three elements, Α8-γ€ννο-ριγ.. For names of this type see NG 13, Dottin 107, KGP 70-72. The first two elements are to be taken together. The stem vowel -o- is here preserved in the composition joint. The uncertainty con cerning the reading at the end of line 1 of the inscription makes it difficult to determine the case of this form. It may be a dative in -pty[t] like Epadatextorigi and Mayovpmyi discussed below. Schmidt (KGP 71, 74 f.) explained the name element -rix in this name, and in other PNN compounded in the same way, as merely an extension of a dithematic form without the meaning 'Konig, Furst'. See, however, section A (ii) s.v. REG-. For names in adgen(n)- v. s. AD- and GEN-. I am not satisfied that we can be certain about the exact meaning of Ahyevvopiy.. If ahyevvo- is related to W. addien 'fine, fair', then the name may be a compound of adjective+substantive meaning 'fair king' (a compound like LN Noviodunum 'new town'· or PN Dagouassus P'good servant') or, less probably, 'great/rich in fairness/tenderness' or the like (where -piy- is given an intensive or adjectival meaning and where αδγςννο- is understood as a substantive, v. KGP 59, n. 1, 69). ΡΑΔΓΕΝΟΥΙ DAG 70 (a) and ΡΑΔΓΕΝΟΟΥ DAG 70 (c) (inscrip tion of Nimes) The text of this sepulchral inscription occurs on two opposite faces of a rough block of reddish stone. Whatmough thought that he could detect 'traces of writing on a third face, as well as traces of other letters in addition to those now barely visible on faces A and C . O n face (a) F. Mazauric 1 read aSyev. Rhys 2 read αδγ€\νονώ\€δ€βρ, adding that line 3 'is very uncertain, especially the e in both instances'. Dottin 3 read α8γ€\νουι> pointing out that &€&€ βρατονδβ is not probable in a sepulchral text (see also Whatmough, DAG, loc. cit.). Finally, 1 See Les Musses archiologiques de Nimes. Recherches et acquisitions, Annies igo6 et igoy (Nimes, 1908), pp. 15-16. Cf. Rhys, Addit. 18, n. 1, Dottin, p. 157, What mough, DAG, it. 70. 2 Addit. 17 ff. 3 No. 23.
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Whatmough read aSye | . γουι | [. When I saw the inscription in July 1953 I could read only the first four letters, i.e. aSye in line 1; the rest was illegible. There was certainly no trace of ν in line i, as reported by Mazauric. On the opposite face (called face (c) by Whatmough) Mazauric read ahyev\vovl and Rhys a8yev\oov8 with the comment 'The reading of the second line is uncertain except that of the first 0 and that of a big Δ ending the line and beginning ΔΕΔΕ. I looked for an I before the Δ but I could not trace it or find room for it.' Dottin accepted Rhys's reading. Whatmough gives a8y€v\gov, stating that there was neither ν nor δ in line 2. I read aSyev in line 1 but found the traces of letters in line 2 illegible. ?A8y€vovi on face (a) (or ? Aoye.vovt,, the reading in line 2 being quite uncertain) appears to be an 0-stem dative in -ui. In ?A8yevoov on face (c) the ending -oov is difficult and suspect. The exact phonetic value of this combination of symbols is not clear. But we can compare the following forms: PN Βλαν8οονικοννιαι DAG 46 which is usually analysed as a compounded name BXCLVSO-OVLKOWICU (see below s.n.); PN OveviToovra DAG 26 (see below); D N Αν8οοννναβο DAG 63 ; 2 DN Tapavoov DAG 44; roovriovs DAG 57 ; 3 ??μαρ€[οο]vi, Rhys's guess in line 2 of the insc. of L'Isle-sur-Sorgue. 4 D N Tapavoov is particularly interesting. It has been interpreted as an old Indo-European w-stem locative functioning as a dative. See VKG 2. 91, LP 171, GOI 197. Rhys {Insc. 18) took it as a Η-stem dative, shortened from an older *Taranoui. Whatmough, on the other hand (Orbis 1, 1952, 433), described it as a dat. sg. in -w of an 0-stem. See also Duval, EC 8, 1958-9, 54 f., Le Roux, Ogam 10, 1958, 33, 39. I take Tapavoov as a w-stem dative,* as interpreted by Pedersen and Thurneysen, with -oov, therefore, representing [ow]. In the same way A8yevoov may be a M-stem dative as suggested by Rhys (Addit. 18. Cis. io). 6 However, this is doubtful, as there are no other certain examples of names in adgen{n)- occurring as a-stems. A8y€vovi on face (a) may be an o-stem. In any case the form cannot be interpreted satisfactorily on account 1
In line 2 he read νοουΒ teste Rhys and Dottin, locc. citt. This is incorrect. See AcS 1. 150, 3. 619; Rhys, Insc. 4 1 ; Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 12; Scherer in Corolla Linguistica, Festschrift F. Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955), 204. 3 See Dottin, p. 293; Thurneysen, GOI 197; Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 6 4 ; Watkins, ί&· 31» I955> 12-13; Schmidt, MSS, Heft 12, 1958, 57, n. 45. 4 See Insc. 21 f., Addit. 3. Dottin (no. 9) here read μαρζ[ ]υι and Whatmough (DAG 49) restored μα[τ]ρ€[βο]υι[. 5 Cf. D N N Taranucnus DAG 236, 243, Taranuco (dat.) CIL 3. 2804, (or PN) Taranu.n[ Gallia 18, i960, 195 ff. (ECQ. 55, REA 63. 377, 393 f.) and P N Taranutius DAG 182 beside D N TaranisDAG 181, P N Taranis CIL 3. 7437 ( = 6150 = 12346), LN Taranis AcS 2, 1728, 42 (see Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. Ν. 8, 1957, 261), and see Duval, DG 23 i.y EC 89 1958-9, 54 fF.;F. Le Roux, Og. 10, 1958,30-39; 11, 1959, 307-24; de Vries, KR 63 f. 6 Mazauric (op. cit. 16) suggested that it is an o-stem dative. 2
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of the doubtful reading, the uncertainty concerning the value of the symbols in line 2 (if they have been properly read as oov), and the brevity of the inscription which Rhys (AddiL, loc. cit.) perhaps rightly regarded as 'the outcome of a mason's practising his hand or merely amusing himself by ignorantly imitating inscriptions which he had seen'. For aSyev- v. s. PN ASyewopiy. above. ADIANTUNNENI Meurthe-et-Moselle)
DAG
188
(inscription
of
Thiaucourt,
H. d'Arbois de Jubainville (apudC. Robert, CRAI13, 1885, 35) and Stokes {BB 11, 1886, 139) treated this form as an 0-stem dative. This was accepted by Holder {AcS 1. 41). Rhys (Insc. 58 f.) thought that it is a ζα-stem dative, and Schmidt {KGP 113) commented 'wohl Dat. f.'. If it is a woman's name 1 it may be an tf-stem, or, less probably, a zVz-stem, dative in -i. O n the other hand, if it is a man's name it may be an 0-stem genitive in -£. It is noteworthy that exuertini, the second word in the inscription according to Stokes's interpretation, also ends in -i. Moreover, as stressed by Bohn {ASA 26, 1924, 87), the meaning of the inscription as a whole is uncertain. Stokes's rendering ('Nappisetu (gave this) to Adiantunnena (daughter) of Exvertinios'), although it is better than that of Rhys ('The gift of Exuertinos to Adiantunnenia'), may be well wide of the mark. See also PNN Exvertini and Nappisetu. At any rate, the form appears to be a deriva tive in -eno- or -en(i)a of a name *Adiantunnos or the like, compounded of ad- and iant- with an -nn- suffix. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AD- and IANT- and, for adiant~> PN Adiatunnus below. A D I A T U N N U S Leader of the Sotiates BG 3. 22. 1 adiatunnus ^BST 0 , adiatonnus GMLN, adcaiuannus I W , (? a correction of adsatuannus) R, adsatuannus (corrected to adcaiuannus) U ; 22. 4 adiatunnus ^B^-MS, adiattonnus L, adiatonnus CBCN, adcatuannus 7rU, adcantuannus R. The name occurs in a fragment of Nicolaus of Damascus preserved by Athenaeus. It reads Άδιάτομον τον των Σωτιατών βασιλέα.2 It is also attested in coin legends of the Sotiates, invariably as adietuanus, the 1 It has been assumed, e.g. by Robert (CRAI 13, 1885, 33) and Whatmough (DAG 188), that the small size of the ring is an indication that it was intended for a lady's finger. However, Bohn (ASA 26, 1924, 87, n. 1), comparing the inscrip tion on a silver ring found inside the Roman camp at Vindonissa (DAG, Note lv), claimed that it was more probably a boy's ring. For masculine 0-stems see section (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca. 2 See F. Jacoby, Die Fragments der griechischen Historiker, vol. ii, A (Berlin, 1926), P. 379·
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same person as the one named by Caesar, as Dr. Colbert de Beaulieu has now confirmed beyond all doubt. 1 Editors have varied greatly in their choice of form for Caesar's text. Ciacconius suggested reading Adiatomus.2 Becker favoured Adiatunus.3 Nipperdey, Gliick,4 and Rice Holmes 5 accepted the reading Adiatunnus found in the majority of α manuscripts. Meusel, on the other hand, 6 thought that the coin legends were important. He sup posed that Caesar wrote Adiatuanus (with adiat-, rather than adietas in the coin legends, on account of the manuscript readings and Nicolaus of Damascus's graecized Άδι,άτομος). Recent edi tors, 7 following Meusel, read Adiatuanus. Hirschfeld alone 8 has argued in favour of the exact form found in the coin legends. Whatmough, in DAG, it. 87, gives the two forms Adiatunnus and Άδιάτοννος [sic].9 The evidence of the manuscripts is too confusing to press for a firm decision concerning the correct form here. All β manuscripts in both instances show a form in adcat- (adsat- is perhaps corrected to adcatonce or twice and adcant- occurs once). This must surely be erroneous. 10 Of the forms in α manuscripts the best attested is adiatunnus. T h e suffix -unnus is a familiar one in Gaulish proper names. 11 Familiar also is the suffix -onnus found only in C M L N in the first instance and in BCCLN in the second. O n the other hand, it must be conceded that -annus (with -nn-) found in all β manuscripts in both instances of the name beside -anus (with -n-) in the coin legends weighs against a form in -unnus or -onnus and lends strong support to Meusel's view that the text should be emended to read Adiatuanus. Less attractive is the emendation Adietuan{n)us (with adiet-), for which there is no manu script support. For the form which is most probably correct for Caesar's text, i.e. the form which originally occurred in the Latin text, is not necessarily the good Celtic form of the coin legends. The form on the coins (with -iet- beside -iat- in the manuscripts) is not in the least 1 The full legend is rex adietuanusffj sotiota. See Colbert de Beaulieu's account in Homm. Gren. 425-7 (with bibliography 426, n. 1). 2 At BG 3. 22. 4 he would delete cum his adiatunnus.
3 £ 4 W I 8 5 I , 454 f. 5
4
ΚΝι-η.
CG849, text p. 122. 6 JB 1894, 218 f., Kraner-Dittenberger 1. 428. But in his 1894 t e x t ^ e has re tained Adiatunnus. So also Holder (see AcS 1. 41, 3. 507). 7 e.g. du Pontet, Klotz, Constans, Fuchs, Dorminger. 8 Sitz. Bed. Akad. 1896, 431, n. 1. 9 Comparing the coin legends he commented that 'the v.l. at BG 3. 22. 2 [sic] is doubtless wrong'. 10 I know of no other examples of names in adcat- or even in accat- in Ancient Gaul with the sole exception of PN Accaten\_ DAG 87, concerning which see Michelena, Pirineos, Afio 10, nos. 33-34, julio-diciembre 1954, 417, 422. 11 Compare especially PN Adiantunneni DAG 188 discussed above.
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surprising in view of the PNN Adietumarus CIL 3. 10867, lentius CIL 13· 33 I ( V Ientumarus CIL 3. 4731, and Ientinns CIL 2. 4589. The name is a compound of prefix+verb stem (or substantive) with an adjectival suffix. If the name element -iat- is in fact cognate with O l r . it 'emulation, jealousy', etc., then Gluck's rendering of the name as 'cupidus' may still be valid. Perhaps it means 'emulous' rather than 'jealous'. Moreover, ad- may here function as an intensive prefix, a function which Schmidt 2 has properly suggested may be explained by recognizing the influence of similar compounds in at(e)-. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AD- and IANT-. ΑΔΡΕΣΣΙΚΝΟΣ Nimes)
DAG
71
(inscription
of Saint-Gosme,
nr.
The inscription is on a fragment of marble which is broken on the left3 and is read by Whatmough as ~\αδρ€σσίκνοσ\]υίβρατουδ€κα.* J . Guillemaud, who suggested that the text is votive,5 pointed out that line 1 probably contained the name of the person who made the dedication to a god or goddess whose name is lost (except for the ending perhaps at what is now the beginning of line 2). T h e name, an 0-stem nominative, is a patronymic in -/cvo-, i.e. 'son of (?)*Adressos\ See section (A) (ii) s.v. -CJV0-. Rhys (Insc. 39) sug gested that it belonged to other names such as Reso, Ressius, Ressimaros, and Redsomaros. Schmidt (KGP 63) explained it as 'Sohn des Angreifers', a patronymic formed from a nominal derivative of the Gaulish cognate of Ir. ad-reith 'attacks'. 6 αδρεσσ- may well be a com pound of a prefix ad~-\-3. verb stem ret- with a i-suffix. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AD- and RET(T)- and compare PNN Adreticia, -ius> Adretilis, Adretonius, Adrettio, Adrotus (all listed s.v. RET(T)-). We can also refer here to M1W. forms such as the following: aerawt 'gathering, host' ;7 kyuaeret 'to make for, approach'; 8 daerawd 'a giving, a putting by, deposit, tribute, tax', etc., daered 'legal due, tax, tribute, impost', etc., daeredu 'to come, arrive, reach, happen', etc.; 9 dychyfaerawt BT 1
This is de Villefosse's interpretation. * KGP 57, 61, 136, n. 4. 3 Whatmough suggested that this fragment and another inscribed abacus of a capital of white marble discovered in Nimes {DAG 67) may have belonged to the same structure. 4 In July 1953 I read the traces of the first letter in line 2 as ο rather than v. s RA 8, 1886, 360-3. See also Allmer, RE 2, 1887, 258 f., 283 f., Insc. Lang. no. 1786, Rhys, Insc. 39, Dottin, no. 27 (also p. 39). Hardly divide line 1 to give ]α Δρ^σσικνος, a possibility that occurred to Guillemaud. 6 See VKG 2. 598, LP 389, RIAContr. A. i, 67. 7 < *ad-rdt-, unless a derivative of aer 'war, battle'. See G. 13, GPC 37. 8 < *kom-ad-ret·. See G. 199, GPC 675. ' < *do-ad-retlrdt·. See Lloyd-Jones, BBCS 2, 1923-5, 1 if., G. 287 f., GPC 877 f.
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46. 5, 9; 1 gwaered 'a slope, incline, descent'. 2 For -ρεσσ- compare especially PNN Atressa, -us, Ressatu, Ressatus, ]resse, Ressicus, Ressil(l)a, Ressimari, Ressius (listed again s.v. RET( 7*)-). Most of these occur in the Agri Decumates and the Upper Rhine and Danube regions. For the incidence of -1- after -peua- compare PNN Adreticia, -ins, Adretilis, and names in res(s)i- and reti-, Schmidt suggested (KGP 258) that -i- here has replaced -0-, and that this is due to Latin influence. It is more probable, I think, that res(s)i- represents *ret-ti- as suggested by Scherer (Anglia 76, 1958, 432). It seems unlikely that -t- is a spelling for a slurred pronunciation of a vowel such as -0- or -u-, A M B I O R I X Joint leader with Catuvolcus of the Eburones BG 5. 24. 4 gen. ambiorigis (ambioregis S); 26. 1 abl. ambiorige (ambiorite Q J ; 27. 1; 27. 2 nom. ambiorix (ambioris S ) ; 27. 11; 29. 5 ; 3 1 · 6 ; 3 34· 3 ; 3 6 · 1; 3 6 · 3 ; 37· i ; 37· 2 ; 3 8 · I ; 4 1 · 2 ; 4 1 . 4 ; 6 · 2 . 2 ; 5. 1 gen. ambiorigis (amborigis AB); 5. 3 ; 5. 4 dat. ambiorigi (-rigis V ) ; 6. 3 ; 9. 3 ; 29. 4 ; 30. 1; 31. 1; 31. 5 (bis); 32. 1 dat. ambiorigi (ambiorige B 1 , om. V ) ; 33. 3 ; 42. 3 (bis); 43. 4 ; 8. 24. 4 (bis); 25. 1. The name is attested elsewhere as follows: Orosius 6. 10. 1 nom. (v.l. ambior ex), 10. 2 nom. (v.l. ambior ex), 10. 17 ace. (w.U. ambioregem, ambiorixem), 11. 15 gen. (w.U. abiorigis, ambianorum regis)', Livy, per. 106, 107; Frontinus, stmt. 3. 17. 6 abl. ambiorige (w.U. ambiore ge, am buorege); Notae Tironianae 115. 16; Plutarch, Caes. 24. 1 gen. άβρι,όρηγος (v.l. αβριόριγος) whence Suidas (v. Lexicographi Graeci, vol. i, pars i (Lipsiae, 1928), p. 12) άβρώρηξ; Dio Cassius 40. 5, 6, 7, 3 1 ; 32. Compare the foUowing P N N : ?[A]mbiorig[ CIL 13. 2891 (cin via Romana inter AvaUon et Auxerre, prope Sermizelles'); ?[A]mbio[r]i[g.. CIL 13. 2927 (Auxerre); ?Am[bi]ori[g]i (dat.) CIL 13. 1120 (Les Rocheforts on the isle of Oleron, Charente Inferieure); Ambiorix Riese, no. 4611 (whence DAG 244) . 4 The name is compounded, Ambio-rix, probably a tatpurusa com pound of substantive+substantive. But the exact meaning of the 1 Explained by Lloyd-Jones (G. 408) as a 3 sg. pret. from *dychyfaeret 'come, approach'. See also GPC 1118. 2 < *uo-ad-ret-, according to Lloyd-Jones (G. 602), against Morris Jones (WG 438). Cf. W. anwaered, anwared (G. 32, GPC 162). 3 Del. Tittler (v. Jhb.f. Philologie und Pddagogik 81, i860, 506; cf. Vielhaber, £tt. / . die osterreichischen Gymnasien 17, 1866, 235), Prammer, Holder, Meusel (v. JB 1910, 62), Rice Holmes, Klotz, Fuchs, Dorminger. Cf. Seel ad loc. 4 A coin legend from Pannonia may belong here, viz. Amiorix Mur.-Chab. 10155, 10156. But Blanchet (p. 98) read this as AIIIIO and XIR and Kenner {apud R. Forrer, Keltische Numismatik der Rhein- und Donaulande (StraBburg, 1908) 128) as Ainorix (whence DAG 239, KGP 120 q.v.). Compare also perhaps Amior. CIL 13. 10010. 2983*. But there is very litde trustworthy evidence of the sound-change -mb> -m(m)- in Gaulish. See section (B) s.n. Commius and Chapter III (A) (ii) (/).
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name elements here is not certain. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AMBIand REG-.* A N D E C A M U L O S Z > . 4 G i 6 3 (inscription of Nevers, Nievre) Holder (AcS 3. 611) quoted beside this form the potter's stamp And(e)cam(ulos) (RE 1900, avr.-juin, no. 1344, v. RC 21, 1900, 346) and compared another potter's stamp Andocaulo CIL 13. 10010. 122 (v. AcS 3. 618 f., DAG 202). Compare also EN Andecamulenses DAG 148.2 This name is compounded of prefix+substantive. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AJVDE- and CAMUL-, Holder (AcS 1. 140 s.n.) explained it as 'ser [anlich] " d e m Camulus" '. Schmidt (KGP 68) listed it with other bahuvrihi compounds and translated it as 'in dem der Camulus 1st'.3 Hertz suggested to him comparison with Gk. Ζνθος. If Gaul. Camulus is related to Ir. cam perhaps this name means 'a great fighter'. But the etymology of forms in camul-, carnal-, is uncertain. A N D O C U M B O R I U S One of two legates of the Remi, leading men of their tribe, sent to Caesar early in 57 B.C. BG 2. 3. 1 ace. andocumborium xB 1 C 1 MSLN I P R , andecumborium T 2 , andebrogium T V B c U m C m . A number of editors, including Schneider, Nipperdey, Frigell, Diibner, Dinter, and Constans, accept the reading andocumborium. Gluck 4 concluded that andecumborium, with ande- rather than ando-} is preferable, and this is the reading now favoured by Dorminger and Seel. Meusel, 5 Rice Holmes, and Fuchs alone accept the less well attested andebrogium. Holder, quoting coin legends showing the forms andecom and andecombo,6 suggested emending Caesar's text to read andecombogium.7 This form was accepted by Klotz. 8 In his revision of 1 Schmidt compared (KGP 124, 157), for the meaning (he suggested 'der groB ist im Bezirk (oder "groB an Land"?)' KGP 67), P N N Brogimarus CIL 3. 4580, 15151, and Brogimara 3594, 4596, 5101. Compare also PNN Andebrocirix (f.) DAG 83 and Βρογορις CIG 4118 (v. AcS 1. 621, Gal. Spr. 154, 174). Sir Ifor Williams (AP, p. 29, see also GPC, p. 323) would derive W. bre{h)yr 'nobleman, chieftain, lord, baron' from *brogo~rix 'brenin bro\ 2 See Holder, AcS 1. 140, 3. 611, dejubainville, RC 11, 1890, 223; 26, 1905, 198. 3 Cf. Guyonuarc'h Og. 15, 1963, n o and see LEI A A-70. 4 JTJV 31. Gluck thought that this form 'ist . . . unbedenklich vorzuziehen'. s See J-B20, 1894, 218. 6 See AcS 1. 143 f., 3. 613 f., Rhys, Cis. 49, DAG 177 and compare andecob DAG 203, andeco 203 Rem (also 228 (vii)). 7 In the text quoted by him in AcS the name appears as Andocombogium. In his edition of BG he has AndecQmbogium. Schmidt (KGP 127, after Dottin, ]D. 55) gives Andebrogius beside Andocombogius and Andocumbonus as if they were all three manu script variants. 8 See Philologische Wochenschrift 1927, 939.
811930
£
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Kraner and Dittenberger's edition of the Commentaries1 Meusel hesi tated between Holder's emendation and the reading andebrogium. I n the text the manuscript form is retained. Now Blanchet 2 rejected the equation of the person whose name appears in the coin legends and the one named by Caesar. This rejec tion is now supported and commended by Colbert de Beaulieu. 3 Holder's emendation, therefore, need not detain us at all. If any of the manuscript variants is to be preferred it is the form Andocumborius, the form which is so well attested in all the α manuscripts and the ρ branch of β and (with ande-Ί) by the seainda maniis of T, a third β manuscript. Meusel assumed 4 that Andocumborius could not be ex plained as a Celtic name, whereas Andebrogius, less well attested, was of course perfectly acceptable as a good Celtic form.5 But this is a dangerous argument for favouring a particular reading. In any case Andocumborius has the appearance of a Celtic name. The form of the prefix ando- is not a serious difficulty, and need not be interpreted as a slip for ande- as suggested by Gluck. 6 The Gaulish intensive prefix ande-7 does appear as ando- in a few forms as in the personal names Andolatius,s Andocaulo,9 and Andoblatio.10 Gluck11 interpreted the name as 'vallis contrariae incola' (thinking that it contained Gaulish cumb'valley' 7 and wrongly assuming that ande- was cognate with Gk. άντι-). I should prefer to analyse the name as Ando-cum-borius. -cummay be a latinization of Gaulish -com·.7 In fact Gluck lists Andecomborius (with -com-) as a reading attested in one manuscript, and this is the form admitted in Caesar's text by du Pontet. -bonus perhaps con tains a Gaulish name element bor-.7 The name may have been originally a patronymic in -io-, 'son of *Ando-com-boros\ *Ando-comboros could be interpreted as a bahuvrihi compound of prefix+ substantive12 meaning perhaps 'he in whom there is honour (/dignity/ 1
i. 384. In DAG, it. 214, Whatmough put a question-mark beside the form Andebrogius but listed Andecombogius, for which there is no manuscript authority, without the same indication of uncertainty. 2 3 See Blanchet, Traiti 83. See Homm. Gren. 421, n. 2. 4 JB 20, 1894, 2 I 8 , Kraner-Dittenberger 1. 384. 5 It could be explained as a compounded form Ande-brog-ius, originally perhaps a patronymic in -to-. The substantival element -brog- would here be governed by the prefix ande-, and the name in this form could mean 'one who is within the boundary (/territory), a native (?)'. Cf. W. Cymro 'one from the same country (/territory)'. 6 T 2 does appear to show a form in ande-, the form favoured by Gluck himself 7 and now by Dorminger and Seel. See section (A) (ii) s.v. 8 9 CIL 12. 3093 (Nimes). CIL 13. 10010. 122 (Trier, Weisenau). 10 CIL 5. 5832 (Milan), whence PID xiic. 11 See KN 26 ff., also Holder, AcS 1. 1190 s.n. Cumbae, 2. 878 s.v. -orio-, and Dottin, p. 249 s.v. cumborio-. 12 It appears to be a compound of the pattern a-f (b + c), the second and third elements being taken closely together.
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pride/arrogance)' or the like. It is clear that this suggestion is a tenta tive guess of questionable value. The form as a whole may have no meaning at all. In any case it is certainly not permissible here to plump for the less well attested variant, the variant which is more easily explained as a good Celtic form, rather than the far better attested but more baffling variant. A N E U N I C N O and A N E U N O DAG 145 (i), A N E 0 Y H 0 1 DAG 145 (c) (inscriptions of Genouilly, Cher) 1 Inscription (c) on the menhir of Genouilly was read by Whatmough as ]αγ€ουνοσ \ enoei with the comment that av and ο were 'all but illegible'. It is clearly an example of subject+verb, Aveowos being an 0-stem nominative in -ος. Whatmough read inscription (d) as fol lows: eluontiu | ieuru · aneuno | oclino · luguri | aneunicno . There has been some disagreement concerning the interpretation of this inscription. C. de Laugardiere, who first edited the inscription (Bull. arch, du Comite des travaux kistoriques 1894, 127-37, pi. ix, Mem. de la soc. des antiquaires du Centre 20, 1893-4 i1895)5 I _ I 6 ) i treated Aneuno and Aneunicno as datives: 'Elvontiu a fait a Aneunos fils d'Oclos, a Lugur fils d'Aneunos.' See also the remarks of d'Arbois de Jubainville in RC 15, 1894, 236 f. (also apud Plateau, Bull soc. arch., hist, et scient. de Soissons 3 m e ser., 4, 1894 (1897), 61 f.) and Rhys in Insc. 54. However, Thurneysen (Z^P 6, 1908, 558) rendered the inscription as 'Elvontio fecit Aneunus Ocli filius Lugurix Aneuni filius', taking Aneuno and Aneunicno as 0-stem nominatives showing the loss of -s. This explanation is preferable to de Laugardiere's. The latter requires us to assume that -0 has been preserved in Aneuno, Aneunicno, and Oclicno,2 if these forms are datives, whereas it has developed to -w in Eluontiu. It is true that -s is preserved in inscriptions (a), (b), and (c), but (d) is the work of a different mason according to Whatmough and it may have been added at a later date to include the name Luguri Aneunicno. For the loss of -s see Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). Aneunicno is clearly a patronymic, 'son of Aneunos'. See section (A) (ii) s.v. -CJVO-. With these names de Laugardiere compared the personal names 1 The inscriptions seem to refer to members of one and the same family, al though this does not necessarily mean that they were added at the same date. Whatmough suggested that the second and third inscriptions, both of which are in the Greek alphabet (υ. Vendryes, CRAI 1957, 207), form one continuous text although the second is separated from the third by a wider space than it is from the first. 2 D'Arbois de Jubainville (locc. citt.) tried to get round the difficulty by arguing that -0 in these three forms is due to latinization of Gaulish -w.
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Otuaneuni gen. (CIL 13. 1036 ii, Saintes) and Anuni gen. (AcS 1. 163, 3. 638, DAG 156, Remark B). He suggested that Aneuno was a com pounded form and drew attention to PN Eunus on an altar of Bourges. 1 Rhys (Addit. 54) also compared PN Otuaneuni and suggested that Aneuno should be analysed as An-euno 'where an- is presumably the intensive particle'. 2 He further analysed -euno as -eu-no, referring to PNN Eunus and Eunius* with a root *#- which he related to an earlier esu- as in DN Esus.* Accordingly he explained Aneuno as 'partaking greatly of the nature of Esus, very like Esus'. Cf. PN Andecamulos dis cussed above. But all this is mere conjecture; the name is obscure. However, we may perhaps compare also PNN Anonanus DAG 237 and ? ]anuni DAG 214 and D N Anoniredi (dat.) DAG 82. Scherer (Anglia 76, 1958, 434) quoted beside Aneuno and Aneunicno at Genouilly the divine name Ouniorigi (dat.) DAG 213 s and PNN ?Ουνιγατος AcS i· ιΦ9) 54 (whence KGP 282) and Ounicco CIL 3. 11399 (whence DAG 214).6 Aneuno \ Ανζουνος may, therefore, be a compounded name as suggested by de Laugardiere and Rhys ; but while the name lacks a satisfactory etymology its Celticity must remain questionable. A P E T E M A R I DAG 59, Remark (inscription of Buoux, 4 km. south of Apt, Vaucluse) According to Allmer (Bull, de la Drome 1876, 78) the stone, found in 1827, now lost, bore the following inscription: uerbron| ara apetemari f. This was repeated by Hirschfeld (CIL 12. 1148) with the comment 'nota nomina Geltica, scilicet si titulus recte descriptus est'. Holder (AcS 1. 165) listed the name Apetemarus and compared this form s.v. Atepomarus (AcS 1. 257-8). J . Sautel (CA 7. 17. 31) commented 'La pierre, inscrite a t o r t , . . . est maintenant consideree comme douteuse. 5 Whatmough (DAG 59, Remark, also item 83) regarded the inscrip tion as 'certainly genuine'. H e assumed that 'it was beyond the power of a forger to fabricate such genuine Keltic names in 1827' a n d s u g " gested that the text was mis-copied and that it should be read as uebromara Atepomarif. Schmidt also seems to take the form as genuine (v. KGP 132). It is fairly certain that the name (an o-stem genitive in -i) should be identified with the Gaulish PN/DN Atepomarus, with weakening of the stem vowel -0- (atepe- for atepo-) and with either metathesis or an error 1
CIL 13. 1190. See also n. 3 below. See section (A) (ii) s.v. ANDE- and (B) s.n. Anailos. 3 For Eunus see DAG 87, 151, 237, 244 and for Eunius see AcS 1. 1483. Note also PNN Eunandus DAG 182, ? euno 239 and Euntius 217. Cf. PNN Euentius DAG 214 and Euenus 83. ♦ See section (A) (ii) s.n. s cf. PN Onniorix DAG 228 (iv). 6 This form was listed as a Celtic personal name by Weisgerber, Rh. V, 18, I953>266. 2
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1
in inscribing resulting in apete-. I have noted the following examples of names in atepomar- and atpomar-: PNN Atepomari (gen.) CIL 12. 5216; 2 [Ate]pomari (gen.) CIL 13. 3067 ;3 Atep[om]aro, Atepomaro, Atepo mar CIL 13. 10010. 187 ; 4 ?[Atepo]mar(i) CIL 13. 324s; 5 Atpomarus CIL 3. 4580 ; 6 Άτζ-πόμαρος (Γάλλων βασιλεύς) Aristides Milesius ap. Plut. vit. parall. 30, p. 313A; Άτ^πόμαρος (one of the founders of Lyon) ps.Plut. defiuviis 6. 4 ; Atepomarius CIL 13. 2o66 a ; 3 At[ep]umarae (?dat.) CIL 13. 11477 ; 7 ON Atepomari (Apol[l]inis) (gen.) CIL 3. 1318.8 At-epo-marus is compounded of three elements, for which (and for other forms in atep- and atp-) see section (A) (ii) s.w. ATE-, EPO-, and MARO-. However, the exact interpretation is uncertain. Esser (Btr. z* gallo-keltischen Namenkunde, Heft I (Malmedy, 1884), 43) explained names such as Atepo and Atepilos as abbreviations of names such as Atepomarus and Ateporix and gave *atepos an adjectival mean ing ' "sehr stark" (ultra equum scl. validus)'. D'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 120 f.) translated Atepomarus as 'tres grand par son cheval ou ses chevaux'. Ernault (teste Holder, AcS 1. 257. 37 f.)9 interpreted it as a sort of superlative of *Epomaros 'grand cavalier', meaning Valde equis (equo) magnus' and compared for the meaning, DN Amarcolitanos.loDottm (p. 95) translated Atepomarus as 'grand cavalier'. Schmidt (KGP 72) treated it as a compounded name of the pattern a + (b-fc) and again interpreted forms such as Atepo as 'Kurznamen' for names such as Atepomarus and Ateporix. I also think that the second and third elements should be taken closely together rather than the first and second, in spite of the fact that no example of Gaulish *Epomaros is attested. A form *Epomaros would be either a tatpurusa compound, (?)'he who is great by reason of his horse(s)', or an inverted bahuvrihi compound 11 of substantive+adjective, (?) 'he who has a great horse (/great horses)'. In Atepomarus the prefix ate- may have little or no force, unless it is intensive giving the name a meaning 'he who is very great by reason of his horse (s)', 'he who has a very great horse (/very great horses)' or the like. 1 See Schmidt, KGP 91, 93, 132. I have found no other examples of names in apet- in Gaul. 2 3 Whence Atepomarus DAG 83. Whence Atepomarius DAG 182. 4 Cf. Atepomarus DAG 136 and 151. See also Oswald 25, 352. 5 Whence Atepomarus DAG 182. 6 Cf. Add., p. 1045. See also Egger, MG, nos. 133 and 335. 7 Whence At[ ]umara DAG 244. 8 See J.-A. Hild, RC 17, 1896, 34-40. 9 See also Hild loc. cit., O'Rahilly, EIHM 290 ff., Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 460. 10 See AcS 3. 717. 36, DAG 181. Ernault gave this name the meaning 'valde equis amplus'. Cf. Weisgerber, SprFK 192, Fr. Le Roux, Og. 11, 1959, 218, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 12, i960, 200. 11 For this type see Schmidt, KGP 80 if.
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A R I O V I S T U S King of the Suebi who invaded Gaul c. 71 B.C. at the invitation of the Sequani and defeated the Aedui. At Magetobriga he defeated a combined Gallic attempt to eject him. In 58 B.C. the Gauls appealed to Caesar for aid against him· Caesar picked a quarrel with him and after a difficult campaign gained a decisive victory over him BG 1. 31. 10; 31. 12 ace. ariouistum (ariouistus MLN V U ) ; 31. 15; 31. 16; 32. 4 ; 32. 5 ; 33. 1; 33. 2; 33. 5 ; 34. 1; 34. 2; 36. 1; 37. 2 ; 37-4;3 t 7-5;3 8 · l ; 39· 6 ; 40· 2; 40· 8; 4*· 5^ 42. 1; 42. 4 ; 43. 2 {bis, in second instance omitted V R ) ; 43. 3 ; 44. 1; 45. 1; 46. 1; 46. 4 ; 47. 1; 47· 4; 47· 5 ; 47· 6; 48. 3 ; 48. 4 ; 49· 3 ; 50· 2; 50. 3 ; 5 0 . 4 ; 53· 3 ; 53· 4 ; 4. 16. 7 abl. ariouisto QBCL/?, ariouixto AI^M^S, ariouisti M C N; 5. 29. 3 gen. ariouisti MCLN/?, ariouixti xBM x S; 55. 2 ariouisti AQ,2SLNj8, anouisti Q}, ariouisto BM 1 , ariouistico M 0 ; 1 6. 12. 2 ace. ariouistum QM C SLN VU, ariouixtum A, ariobixtum CM 1 , ariobistum T, orio uistum R. This name is attested elsewhere as follows: Frontinus, strat. 1. 11. 3 ace. ariouistum (v.l. ariovixtum), 2. 1. 16, 4. 5. 11; Tac. hist. 4. 7 3 ; Florus 1. 45. 11 gen. ariouisti (w.ll. tario bisti, atio uisti, aristonici); Plut. Caes. 19. 1 ace. άριόβιστον (w.ll. άριόβντον, αριόβυστον), ig. 6 gen. άριοβίστου (w.ll. αριόβυστον, άριβύστου), ig. 12 άριόβιστος (w.ll. άριόβυστος, άριοϋστος); Appian, Celt. I. 3 gen. αριοβίστου, 16 άριόβιστο?, 17; Dio Cassius 38 tit. dat. άριοουίστω (v.l. άριουιστίτωι), 38. 34, 38. 35, 38. 42, 38. 47 ace. αριόουιστον (v.l. οριόουιστον), 38. 48, 38. 50; Livy, per. 104; Julian 320 D αριόβιστον (w.ll. αριόξβιτον, άριώβιξτον, αριόβιξτον); Orosius 6. 7. 6 ace. ariouistum (v.l. ariobistum), 7. 7 (for). The name is clearly compounded, Ario-vistus, but whether it is Celtic or Germanic or Celto-Germanic it is difficult to tell. It is attested not only as the name of the king of the Suebi, a Germanic people, but also as that of the leader of the Gaulish Insubres (ariouisto abl. (w.ll. ario bisto, ariouito, ariouico) Florus 1. 20. 4 ; ariobistonis gen. lord. Rom. 179)2 and of a person who was apparently a doctor men tioned four times in a Latin inscription of Kenchester, Herefordshire (CIL 7. 1320 = 13. 10021. 195). Much (PBB 17, 1893, 166, WuS 6, 1914-15, 219) and Scherer (p. 203), against Forstemann (p. 784) and Schonfeld (p. 28), thought that it was, therefore, a Celtic name. However, this argument, based on very limited information concern ing the local distribution of the name, carries little weight. For the first element, which may be either Celtic or Germanic, see 1
J. Lange (Progr. Neumark 1896, 20 f.) would delete ariouisti . . . transitu in BG 5. 55. 2. See also Meusel, JB 1910, 37, Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 507; Rice Holmes 225; Klotz 132; Seel 170. 2 The Ariouistus of Florus 1. 20. 4 should probably not be identified with the Άνηρόςστος, -της of Polybius (2. 22. 2; 26. 5; 26. 7; 31. 1). See Holder, AcS 1. 152 f., 3. 622, 686; Dottin, p. 227; Whatmough, DAG 19, 244; Schmidt, KGP 131.
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1
section (A) (ii) s.v. ARIO-. The second element, which is not other wise attested as a name element at all, has not been convincingly explained. See, however, Forstemann (p. 1625) a n d Scherer (pp. 203, 207). Scherer would relate it to ONorse visir 'Keim, Sprofi', AS. wise 'Sprofi, Stengel', ModGerm. Wiese 'meadow', Lith. veisti 'sich durch Fortplanzung vermehren' (: IE. *wm- 'spriefien, wachsen' W.-P. 1. 242, IEW 1133, apparently not attested in Celtic). He interpreted Ariovistus as a compound of adjective+verbal participle meaning 'edelgeboren'. 2 A B E P I C C A DAG 186 (inscription of Reims) L. Demaison, who first published the inscription, remarked (BSAF 1907, 228) that oxidization made the reading of some of the letters difficult. Only the beginning and the end were practically certain. Demaison has the following reading: ABEPICCADEF(?)AC(?)NVAVMAYM(?)VIXIO He commented that the second letter appeared to be barred D. This inscription defies all attempts at a satisfactory interpretation. But it appears to contain a personal name Adepicca which may be followed by another Deuacnua.3 The exact relationship of these names to each other and to the rest of the inscription is uncertain. With Adepicca compare especially PN Atepiccus in an inscription of Reculver, Kent (CIL 7. 1325). For other names in atep- and for the interpretation of them see s.n. Apetemari above. Adepicca may be an abbreviation of a compounded name such as Atepomariis or Ateporix with the suffix -icca substituted for the last element. 4 Barred d (see Chapter I I I (A), Remark) may here represent a dialectal pronunciation or some mutation of the unvoiced dental stop.5 Compare perhaps forms in 1 Hardly compare Gallo-Bret. areanos (ace. pi.) Amm. Marc. 28. 3. 8 which has been connected with Ir. airid 'watches, heeds, considers' and airne '(night-)watch'. See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 17; Loth, RC 35, 1914, 113; 47, 1930, 384; Vendryes, LEIA A-81 f. Cf. Pokorny, IEW 818. 2 Compare PN Cintugnatus 'first-born'. For this type see Schmidt, KGP 69. Concerning Ariovistus see further Pokorny, IEW 67; G. Walser, Caesar und die Germanen (Historia, Einzelschriften, Heft 1) (Wiesbaden, 1956) 49 with η. ι ; Schmidt, KGP 134; Menzel, Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 84, n. 27. 3 See Appendix s.n. It is altogether doubtful whether uixio, which is the reading given for the end of the inscription, should be taken as a separate form and as a personal name as suggested by Whatmough {DAG 186), comparing Vixuuioni (DAG 185). 4 In AcS 3. 716 Holder explained Atepiccus as a compound of *Epiccos3 which he compared (AcS 1. 1444) with Gk. ιππικός. 5 Owing to the similarity between Adepicca and Atepiccus it is tempting to suggest that Demaison misread d for / or that the engraver committed an error here. But there can be no justification for accepting either of these suggestions in the mere fact that it gets rid of the difficulty presented by -if-.
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atha-, athe-, and athu- listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-. Demaison (loc. cit.) assumed that the name is that of a woman (presumably an tf-stem nom. in -a). It may, however, be a masculine α-stem.1 A O O E D O M A R I AE 1952, no. 37 (inscription of the Chateau du Bouy, Champetieres, Puy-de-Dome) The name is attested elsewhere as follows: Assedomari (gen.) CIL 3. 5291 (St. Nicolai, nr. Oplotnitz); Addedomaros on British coins AcS 1. 39, 3. 504. 2 It is an o-stem genitive in -i. It is compounded AdOedomari with the stem vowel -0- retained in the composition joint. The pattern of composition is ( a + b ) + c , i.e. addedo- ( < ad-sedo-)-\—mart. For the name elements attested here see section (A) (ii) s.w. AD-, MARO-, and SED-. With addedo-, in addition to the names quoted above, we may compare the forms in adsed-, assed-, ased-> and a0e8(-77-?) or aOed- listed s.v. AD-. D'Arbois de Jubainville 3 assumed that forms in assed-, added-, a6ed-, and adsed- all contained the prefix ad- and sedo- 'siege, demeure, residence'. This is doubtless correct. For the orthographical variation of ds, ss, s, 0, 00, and dd see Chapter I I I , Remark. He explained *ad-sedo-s as 'celui qui a sa residence aupres de', 'le voisin', 'qui assidet\ and Assedo-marus as 'grand voisin, grand habitant'. Vendryes 4 remarked that adOedo- rather meant Tassise, le fait d'etre installe sur le sol' and compared Lat. ad-siduus 'etabli, domicilie, permanent'. With ad-sedo- (prefix-(-verb stem) compare also the Irish causative ad-su{x)di 'stops, fixes, etc.'. 5 However, the precise 1 For masculinefl-stemsin Celtic see the following: d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 23, 1902, 142, iliments de la grammaire celtique (Paris, 1903) 12 f.; Holder, AcS 1. 4, 3. 468 f.; Dottin, p. 114; Vendryes, RC 38, 1920-1, 184; Loth, BSL 24, 1924, 214-18, RC 41, 1924, 52; Weisgerber, SprFK 217 f.; Fokorny, Urg. 43 f., 81 f.; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 574, 737; Schmidt, KGP 232, n. 1, 263, n. 1; Schmoll, SVIHK 42. On Latin masculine forms in -a see Schulze, 63 ff.; E. Fasel, Das grammatische Geschlecht in Etruskischen (Gottingen, 1922) 7, 15 f., 113 if.; F. Solmsen (ed. E. Fraenkel), Indogermanische Eigennamen als Spiegel der Kulturgeschichte (Heidel berg, 1922) 138; A. Nehring, Glotta 17, 1929, n8ff. For masculines with the ending -ua in Raetic see Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, pp. 548, 583, id., HSCP 48, 1937» !92, Must, HSCP 62, 1957, 56. 2 See also G. G. Brooke, Antiquity 7, 1933, 288 f., map xii; D. Allen, Archaeologia 90, 1944, 15-17 (esp. 16, n. 1), map iv, pi. ii, 33-38; Whatmough, DAG 206, Rem.; R. P. Mack, The Coinage of Ancient Britain (London, 1953) 79 f., 82-84, map xiii; D. F. Allen in Ordnance Survey Map of Southern Britain in the Iron Age (1962), p. 21, map 4; id., Problems of the Iron Age in Southern Britain, ed. S. S. Frere (Publ. as Occasional Paper No. 11 at the Univ. of London Inst, of Arch., n.d.),
217 f. 3 See Etudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques, ie Partie (Paris, 1881) 34*, NG 192. He properly rejected {NG 191) a theory proposed by Rh^s concerning adiedoin Celtic Britain (London, 1882) 273 f. (whence AcS 1. 38. 50 if., 39. 1 f.). * EC 5, 1950-1, 247. See also Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 460 f. 5 See RIAContr. A. fasc. i, 72 f. See also Fleuriot, DGVB 75 s.v. assedam.
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meaning of Assedomarus is not at all certain. It may be a tatpurusa compound meaning 'great in steadfastness', 'great in his holding fast to (/his settlement on) his territory(?)' or the like, or else an inverted bahuvrihi compound meaning 'he whose steadfastness is great'. 1 It is probable that some names in as(s)ed-, etc., such as Adsedus, Adsedilus, Asedia, are abbreviations of compounded names such as Assedomarus. ΒΑΛΑΥΔΟΥΙ DAG 50 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) Like Rhys 2 and Gray 3 I take BaXavSovt to be an 0-stem dative form in -ovi representing the old dat. sg. of o-stems in Indo-European. The form is probably a personal name, and may be Celtic, but the analysis and interpretation of it are not at ail clear. If it is a personal name it is quite impossible to say whether it is compounded or uncompounded. As for βαλ-, its precise significance, if it is meaningful at all, is unknown. For Celtic bal(l)- 'white', etc., see section (A) (ii) s.v. BAL-. Moreover, there is no means of deciding whether the function of -αυδ- here is merely suffixal or whether it is an instance of a Celtic name element meaning 'rich, fortunate, blessed, happy' or the like. See section (A) (ii) s.v. AUD-. We can only conjecture, therefore, with very little confidence indeed in the soundness of our conjecture, that BaXavhovi may be a Celtic personal name compounded perhaps of adjective+ adjective. B I L I C E D O N I DAG 134, Remark (ii) (inscription of Lezoux, Puy-de-Dome) One of two inscriptions4 on a vase of Lezoux has been read as follows: uutlobili | cedoni. It probably contains a form of the name Bilicedo which is well known on pottery. But what are we to make of uutlo? Plicque (teste de Villefosse, BSAF 1883, 208) thought that it represented the name of the vase (that, futile). On the other hand, Bohn (CIL 13. 10016. 14) thought that Vutlobilicedoni should be treated as a single form. Both Holder (AcS 3. 458) and Schmidt (KGP 301) listed Vutlobilicedo as a personal name. With de Villefosse (loc. cit.) I take Bilicedoni to be a form apart from the obscure uutlo which precedes it. I t is an η-stem dative of a name Bilicedo which is also attested in CIL 3. 12014. 161 (Bregenz) and 13. 10010. 298 (Riegel).5 For bill- ? 'lucky, good, agreeable' see section 1
If the function of -marus in this form is suffixal, which I think is unlikely (see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-), then the name means simply 'he who is steadfast', 'he who holds fast to (/is setded on) his territory' or the like. 2 3 Addit. 5. See also Holder, AcS 3. 794, Dottin, p. 40. TPhS 1951, 160. 4 There may be in the other inscription under one of the handles a personal name Magiononu (dat.?) as suggested by de Villefosse (BSAF 1883, 207 f.), whence Magiononos AcS 2. 378, Magiononus DAG 151, Remark B. 5 For names in bil(l)iced- and others in bil(l)ic- see section (A) (ii) s.v. BIL-.
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(A) (ii) s.v. BIL-. With -cedo, for which I admit I can suggest no reasonable etymology, l compare apart from other instances of names in bil(l) iced- the following forms: PNN Ced[ DAG 176; Cedoni DAG 136, CIL 13. 1551, 2 Cedonius CIL 9. 162; LN Cedonia in Moesia Inf. AcS 1. 883, 3. 1177.3 However, the name should perhaps be analysed as Bili-c-edo with -c-edo in that case functioning as a suffix4 (? -ic(o)-+ -edon-).5
B I L L I C O T A S CRAI 1956, 181 f., fig. 5 (inscription of Banassac, Lozere) Vendryes (CRAI, loc. cit.), supported by MarichaPs decipherment, gave the following reading of this text: billicotas rebellias | tioinuoru siluanos.6 Billicotas is probably a personal name as suggested by Vendryes. The ending -as, however, is difficult7 and may point rather to an ethnic or local termination. But similarity to other personal names in bil(l)ic-, notably to Bilicatus of La Graufesenque, 8 suggests that the inscription begins with a personal name. Vendryes thought that Billicotas might be a modified form oi*Billicatos and remarked Ί1 est permis de soupgonner une deformation plaisante, pour un motif de familiarite ou de denigrement.' I think that this special explanation is admissible. *Billicatos ( > Billicotas) could be interpreted as a com pounded name, i.e. billi-9+-catos,10 adjective (?)+substantive (?), per haps a determinative noun compound meaning 'lucky in battle' or the like. Of course it may rather be a derivative name *Billic-ato-s. If Billicotas, on the other hand, is a name distinct from Bil(l)icatus, it could be interpreted either as a compounded name, i.e. Billi-cotas,11 or as a derivative, i.e. Billic~otas.lz ΒΛΑΝΔΟΟΥΙΚΟΥΝΙΑΙ DAG 46 (inscription of Gargas, Vaucluse) This reading is certain. However, when I saw the inscription in 1
2 See also Schmidt, KGP 301. Whence PN Cedonius DAG 151. Compare also perhaps Cedattoqa CIIC 206, for which see Macalister Studies, pt. 2, 97 f. Cf. MacNeill, PRIA 27, Sect. C (1908-9) 348. 4 So Holder, AcS 1. 420, 1407, 3. 864. 5 For -ico- see AcS 2. 21 f. and for -edon- op. cit. 1. 1407. 6 There is some uncertainty concerning tioinuoru. 7 See also section (B) s.nn. Αλισο . . ας and Nettas and the Appendix s.nn. ?27ιμιασ[ and Sullias. 8 See Hermet, p. 202, no. 18, Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 381, no. 28, Whatmough, DAG 132. Bilicatus was also perhaps a potter of Montans. See Oswald, p. 4 (whence DAG 89). Cf. CRAI 1956, 171. See also AcS 1. 420, 3. 863 f. s.nn. Bilicatus and Billicatus. For other names in bil(l)ic- see section (A) (ii) s.v. BIL-. I0 9 See section (A) (ii) s.v. BIL·. See section (A) (ii) s.v. CATU-. 11 For Gaulish cot- see section (A) (ii) s.v. 12 Compare perhaps, for the suffix, PN Moiota DAG 244 and see section (B) s.n. ?Βιρακο. 3
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July 1953 I found, as Whatmough had found before me, that κ and (at the end) ai in this form were chipped. The readings βλαοουι- given by Mowat (CRAI1880, p. 260, BSAF 1880, pp. 245-6) after Vallentin and βαλοουι- given by \^allentin (Remie epigraphique 1. 1880, pp. 175-6, no. 209) after Garcin are incorrect. The name is a ζα-stem dative in -tat agreeing with the preceding name Εσκβγγαι,. It is probably patronymic, and the father's name accordingly appears to have been *Βλανδοονικοννος. The first element βλανδο-, in which the stem vowel -o- has been preserved in the com position joint, is, I think, Latin rather than Celtic. See Rhys, Insc. 21, Schmidt, KG? 151. Ernout and Meillet (E.-M. 128) pointed out that PN Blandus occurred frequently in conjunction with Gaulish names and claimed that the derivatives Blandius and Blandinus were likely to be Celtic. 1 Moreover, Palomar Lapesa (OPL 48) noted that the root supposed to underlie Lat. blandus2 is well represented by Celtic forms. He claimed also that the suffix -and- is attested in a number of forms which may be Celtic. 3 The second element appears to be a derivative in -unia-* of a root vie-, for which see section (A) (ii). If this root here means fito fight' the meaning of the name may be something like 'a bland fighter, a courteous warrior' as suggested by Rhys (loc. cit.). I am not happy with this interpretation, but cannot confidently sug gest a different one. 5 B O D O C E N U S DAG 143 (inscription of unknown provenance, now at Gueret, Creuse) The inscription is fragmentary. But it is certain that the first word in it is a personal name Bodocenus, an 0-stem nominative showing the latinized termination -us. The name is compounded Bodo-cenus. We can compare the following PNN: Bodocnous DAG 182; Bodogenes CIL 6. 9602 c. 19; Boduogenus CIL 7. 1292; Boduognatus in BG (see below). Bodo- here represents either earlier boud-o- 'victory, excellence' or the like6 or Gaul, boduo- 'a (royston-)crow'. 7 The second element -cenus probably points to Gaul, cen- 'to be born of, to descend from'.8 It could, on the other hand, be taken as the equivalent of Gaul, -genus with 1 I here list some examples of PNN in bland- from Ancient Gaul: Blanda DAG 83, 237; Blandus 83, 87, 156, 182, 224, 237, 244; Blandinia 182; Blandina 182, -us 83, 237; Blandius 83, 182 ; Blandola 83; Blandula 237. See also Thes. s.n. Blandus and AcS 1. 445 if., 3. 884 f. Compare D N Blanda DAG 181 and blandonia, bladon(n)a 'mullein' DAG 246 (see also W.-H. 1. 108 and J. Andre, Lexique des termes de botanique 2 en latin (Paris, 1956), 54). See W.-H. 1. 108, JEW 718. 3 See AcS 1. 149, 152, 3. 6 2 1 ; VKG 2. 29; OPL 122. 4 For the suffix compare perhaps (?)PN Αιουνιαι discussed in the Appendix. s Are there two forms here, βλανΒοουι. and κουνι,αι (both dative)? See GrDag 6 55, 60, 85. See section (A) (ii) s.v. BOUD-. 7 8 See section (A) (ii) s.v. BODUO-. See section (A) (ii) s.v. CEN-.
6o
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a similar meaning. The name means perhaps 'born of (/descendant of) the (royston-)crow' or 'born of (/descendant of) the (war-)goddess Bodua' 2 or, less probably, 'son of victory' (with bod- representing earlier boud-)? B O D U O G N A T U S Leader of the Nervii in Belgica BG 2. 23. 4 The name is compounded Boduo-gnatus. For boduo- see section (A) (ii) s.v. and for -gnatus see ibid. s.v. GNATO-. Similar names are listed above s.n. Bodocenus. It is a tatpurusa compound of sub stantive +participial form. Like Bodocenus it probably means 'born of (/descendant of) the (royston-)crow' or 'born of (/descendant of) the goddess Bodua'. 4 D'Arbois de Jubainville 5 compared the Greek PN Θίόγνωτος.6
C A M U L O G E N U S A leader of the Aulerci in Lugdunensis BG 7. 57- 3 dat. camulogeno α π ϋ , camulo geneulco R ; 59. 5 nom. camulogenus aTcp, camelogenus T X V; 62. 5 ; 62. 8. The name is also attested in a Latin inscription of Hastings, Camulogeni (gen.) EE 9, 1913, 1310. PN Camulo[ CIL 3. 1465 (Clermont) has been restored as Camuh[geno]. The name may occur in an abbreviated form in a coin legend of the Arverni, namely camulo Mur.-Chab. Q727.7 Note also potters' stamps of Lezoux Camulo and Camuloge (Gallia 19, 1961, 68). The name is compounded Camulo-genus with the stem vowel -0preserved in the composition joint. For the elements in this name see section (A) (ii) s.w. CAMUL- and GEN-. It is a personal name in -genus with a divine name as its first element meaning 'son (/descen dant of) the god Camulus'. Compare PNN such as Dwogen\icL\>
1 See section (A) (ii) s.v. GEN-. See d'Arbois de Jubainville, La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Ve'pope'e homirique (Paris, 1899), 198 f. Cf. id., RC 10, 1889, l&7 s.n. Boduogenos. For Gaulish forms in -cenus, -genus, -gena, etc., with an animal name as first element note PNN such as Matucenos, Matugenus (-10, -ius), Urogenius (-ία), and Urogenonertus, LN Branogenium and EN Cabruagenigorum (all listed in section (A) (ii) s.w. CEN- and GEN-). Note also the Welsh PN Arthen (OW. Arthgen), for which see Lloyd-Jones, G. 43, Thomas, EANC 110, 187. Names such as these suggest that the Celts were fond of representing a child's father as a deified animal. See Duval, DG 10. 3 Compare the OBret. PN BudgenjBudienjBudian. See VB 390 f. ^ See Vendryes, ReL Celt. 283, Schmidt, KGP 68, 152. I prefer the meaning *von der Schlachtkrahe geboren' proposed by Schmidt in KGP locc. citt. to the alternative one, 'mit der Schlacht[krahe] bekannt', mentioned in KGP 68. Holder (AcS 1. 461. 34) equates Boduognatus with a Welsh form Bodnod, presumably a personal name. I know of no example of such a form in Welsh and Holder here more suo does not quote his source. Even if the form is genuine it can hardly corre spond exactly to the Gaulish personal name. s La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Vepopie hominque (Paris, 1899) 199. 7 6 See Bechtel n o . See also AcS 1. 727, 3. 1068, DAG 157. 2
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Esugenus, and Totatigen[u]s listed s.v. GEN-. Gluck (KN 49, 102) re garded the name as the equivalent of Latin Martigena, presumably because the Gaulish DN Camulus was equated with the Roman Mars. See also the following: De Jubainville, RC 8, 1887, 182; 10, 1889, 167; 17, 1896, 309; 19, 1898, 229, La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Vepopee homerique 172 f.; le Nestour, RC 2i 3 1900, 102; Dottin, Mnl. 120, La Langue gauloise 94; Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 263; Schmidt, KGP 160; de Vries, KR 58. Compare PN Camulognaia DAG 182.1 Reine, Cote-d'Or) The inscription is on a piece of lead found at Mont-Auxois in 1909 (see Rhys, Addit. 51 f., pi. vi) and probably formed part of a longer text. Rhys commented that 'the end of the lead is very jagged, and there is nothing left to show whether or not the name had a final C The form is probably complete on the left, but the final letter or letters of the name may have been lost on the right.2 The following are other instances of the name: Caromarus CIL 3. 12014. 185 (Westerndorf); Caromarus, Caromarusf(ecit) CIL 13. 10010. 46i a ~ d (Osterburken, Mainz, Kapersburg, ad Mosellam).3 The name is compounded Kapoμαρο[ with the stem vowel of the first element preserved in the composi tion joint. For the second element see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-. The first should probably be related to Celtic caro- 'to love', for which see ibid. s.v. Here it may have a verbal meaning4 and the name may accordingly be compounded of verb stem+adjective with the mean ing 'he who loves greatly'.5 For this type of name compare PNN such 1
D'Arbois de Jubainville (RC 8, 1887, 182) rendered this name as 'celle qui fait du dieu Camulos Pobjet de son culte habituel'. Schmidt suggested 'die durch Mars Geborene' or 'mit Kampf vertraut' (KGP 68) and 'die im Gotte Camulos Geborene (op. cit. 160). 2 The form may well be a mere fragment of a longer text. Thus it is impossible to be certain concerning the case. Perhaps it is an incomplete o-stem nom. Kapoμαρο[ς~\ or dat. Καρομαρο[υ] or -μαρο[υι\. It is hardly to be divided as ]κάρο μαρο[. 3 See also Oswald 62. The name is listed by Whatmough in DAG 228 (iv) (Names of Potters of Rheinzabern) and 250 (Alien PNN). 4 See Schmidt, KGP 163, n. 2. 5 It is unlikely that the function of 'mams here is merely suffixal. I agree with Schmidt (KGP loc. cit.) that the meaning suggested by Rhys (Addit. 52) is not acceptable. But it is hardly necessary to accept Schmidt's assumption that the name is either a meaningless compound or that caro- is here a form of Celtic carro'waggon' (see below s.n. Καρθι,λιτανιος). In this name and possibly in others caromay rather have an adjectival meaning 'dear, beloved'. According to Schmidt's interpretation of this type of compound (KGP 59, 69) the name would mean 'great in love' or the like. The possibility that caro- in this name is for car(i)ato- or caranto» should not be overlooked.
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as Ecretumaras, Miletumanis, Retimarus andRetom[arus] listed s.v. MARO-. Other names in caro- with an adjective as a second element are per haps PNN (?) Carominius DAG 2501 and Carosenus DAG 83. 2 ΚΑΡΘΙΛΙΤΑΝΙΟΣ DAG 27 (inscription of Alleins, Bouches-duRhone) The name is a ώ-stem nominative in -ιος and a clear instance of the patronymic use of the suffix -zo-. The inscription means 6Κογγ€ννολιτανος son of
Καρθιλιτανος\
For the second element -λιτανιος 'broad, wide' see section (A) (ii) s.v. LITANO-. The first element is more problematic. I think that we should retain the reading καρθι- in spite of the doubt expressed by Whatmough {DAG, loc. cit.) concerning the Very faint' cross-bar of the fourth letter. Rhys {Addit. 29-30) suggested that θ here may represent 'a lisped s' and that καρθι- should be connected with earnin names such as Carsius and Carsidius (for forms in cars- see below). However, he preferred to regard it as representing an unvoiced dental spirant \θ\ and claimed that as in Brittonic the change /rt/ > /r0/ occurred also in Gaulish. H e claimed that it should be connected with cart- in forms such as carti in the inscription of Rom and in names such as Cartimandua (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CART-),* and conjec tured that Καρθιλιτανιος meant cone who is powerful or active far and wide'. L. H. Gray (Lg. 20, 1944, 225, EC 6, 1953-4, 63) gave θ the phonetic value [Θ] and claimed that it arose from earlier [t] through lenition.* C. Watkins {Lg. 31, 1955, 17) also suggested that θ here corresponds to t in a form such as Carti{s)mandaa and that it originated along with other similar modifications in ca tendency toward weaker articulation of single stops in medial position'. Here of course this has occurred between a liquid consonant and a vowel. 5 Schmidt, on the other hand {KGP 102, n. 2, 164), rejected the view that θ in this form resulted from lenition of earlier t. He preferred to include it in a series of variants καρθι-, car six-, carti- showing the alternation Q\st\t. I should add the variant cars- (? > can-, see below) in this series. For the alternation of the symbols Q\st\t\s, etc., in Gaulish forms pointing to a dental affricate or dental fricative or sibilant see Chapter III, Remark. I think that Schmidt's suggestion concerning καρθι- is preferable to 1
For -minius see KGP 243. Whatmough did not quote his source for this form in DAG and I have not seen it quoted elsewhere. 3 See also AcS 1. 817. 4 For the etymology proposed by Gray for καρθι- υ. s. CART-, See also now Campanile, Studi e saggi linguistici 1, 1961, 41 f. (not convincing). s For the development of -rt- in Insular Celtic see LP 47, LHEB 401, 570 fF. For Breton see also R. Hemon, %CP 25, 1956, 59 ff.3 L. Fleuriot VB 101. 2
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that of Rhys, 1 Gray and Watkins. But this does not mean that we can determine the precise meaning of this name element. Perhaps it is related to carsti- and cart- (?< carst-) found in a number of forms in some of which there is probably a cognate of W. carthu 'clean, purge, cleanse', Br. karza, Ir. cartaim (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CART-).2 Καρθιλιτανιος may, therefore, be compounded of a verb stem-f-an adjective with the meaning 'he who cleanses (/scours/ousts) far and wide' (?) or the like.3 On the other hand, if καρθι- should be related to Gk. κάρτος, etc., as was suggested by Gray (Lg. 20, 1944, 225), it may be a tatpurusa compound of substantive+adjective meaning 'he whose strength (/vigour) is great (/extensive)'. 4 It is noteworthy that Καρθίληανιος contains the same second element as Κογγεννολιτανος in the same inscription. We have here an instance of denoting family connexion by variation, i.e. by giving the child a name of which one element is the same as one in the name of his father. ΡΚΑΣΣΙΜΟΤΟΥΛΟΥ DAG 74 (inscription of Nimes, Gard) An inscription on a mosaic fragment said to have been discovered 1
Rhys did see the possibility of connexion with forms in cars-. Compare the following examples of forms in cars-, some of which may belong here: PNN Carsaro DAG 176, Carsia 83, PID xvc, -ius DAG 83; ?Carsiaudia 8 3 ; Carsicios 206 (see Blanchet, 109, 345, fig. 299 AcS 3. 1125); Καρσιχαο[ς?] AcS I. 816; Carsidius DAG 250; Καρσιγνάτου (gen.) Pol. 24. 8 but Cassignatus Liv. 42. 57. 7, 9 (see SprFK 187, Gal. Spr. 155, 171 f.); LEN Carsia, ICharsitanus Cassis DAG 80. However, beside forms in cars- account should also be taken of forms in can-. Note, for example, the following forms: PNN Carrarius DAG 214; Carronis (gen.) CIL 2. 4970. 122; Carrotala DAG 237, Car{r)otalus DAG 198, Carrotalus DAG 196, 237 (see Oswald 6 2 ; cf. Carotalns? DAG 132); Carrucalus DAG 136; ??Ca(n)meatus (-g-) DAG 132, 139; Carrunius DAG 244; Carrus CIL 7. 1336. 248; L E N N : Καρράκα Ptol. 3. 1. 28 (see AcS 1. 808); Carrodunum (v.l. -no-) Ptol. DAG 241 (the name is attested in Germania Magna, ap. Vindelici, ap. Sarmatae, and in Pannonia Superior, see AcS 1. 810, Spr. alt. Illyr. 2. 59, RA 1962/2, 162, Celticum ix, 335); ?Carronenses DAG 179; D N N : ?Carrenio (G-?), v.l. Carrnio, Carpnto DAG 8 6 ; (Mars) Carrus Cicinus DAG 23. For Gallo-Latin carrus 'carriage, waggon' see DAG 240 s.v. (with refs.), where Whatmough has listed a large number of derivatives. He pointed out that carruca is used of a wheeled plough See also DAG 240 s.v. carrago 'saepes carrorum'. M1W. car(r), ModW. car 'vehicle, car', OBret. can gl. vehiculis (DGVB 97), ModBret. karr, Ir. can are cognate with carrus (unless they have been borrowed via Latin) and are related to IE. *kers- 'run', *krso-s 'waggon' (see Urk. Spr. 72, VKG 1. 44. 533, W.-H. 1. 174, 315 if., IEW583 f., Porzig, Die Gliederung des indogermanischen Sprachgebiets (Heidelberg, 1954), 102). Some of the names in can- and possibly some of those in cars- also contain a cognate form. Cano- 'waggon' should be distinguished from *karri- or *kar(r)a 'stone, crag, rock' referred to in section (A) (ii) s.v. CARO-. 3 For this type of compound see above s.n. Καρομαρο[. 4 It is less probable that καρθι- is for καρσί- or καρσο- which should be related to Gaul, cano- ( < *carso-) 'waggon'. Compare Schmidt's interpretation of PN Καρομαρο[ discussed above. 2
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at the Fontaine at Nimes in 1742 may, if genuine, be Celtic rather than Greek. The following text was given in Insc. Lang., p. 779, no. 560: μςθθιλοσ
κασ
| σιμοτουλονσ^γο
\
μανικοσ-κεκονίακζ
This is based on a copy made by the architect Dardailhon and in corporated in the notes of Seguier (1703-84). * Holder referred to this inscription (AcS 2. 494, 1447, 3. 1136) as Verdachtig', and it did not appear in Dottin's list of texts. But Whatmough included it in DAG.2 He was confident that it was genuine and stressed that if it is not Greek it may be Celtic. However, there have been several attempts to inter pret it as Greek.3 A warning that it has often been regarded as a text of doubtful authenticity was given in CA 8, p. 106, no. 85. Assuming that the inscription is genuine, and that it is Celtic, this form should probably be interpreted as a personal name. But the text as it stands is barely intelligible.4 If we here accept the conventional transcription Κασσιμοτουλου, we are tempted to explain the name as a Gaulish ostein dative in ου, presumably the name of the person for whom Μβθθιλος did something referred to in the (?) verb κεκονιακε, the last word in the inscription.5 If the text is Greek the form is naturally explained as an 0-stem genitive.6 Fr. Germer-Durand in Insc. Lang., loc. cit., did interpret it as a genitive meaning 'Cassimotuli filius'. It must be conceded that if Σ€γομανικος (see below) refers to the same person as Μ^θθιλος (see section (B) s.n.) it is difficult 1
In MS. 13802 I 10 in the Bibliotheque Seguier at Nimes. See item 74. Cf. id., O n an inscription of Nimes*, A"^6g, 1951, 207 f. See the following in addition to references given above: M. Menard, Histoire civile, eccUsiastique, et UtUraire de la ville de Nismes, vol. 7 (Paris, 1758), 195 (M£nard gave τ as the thirteenth letter in line 2 ) ; F. Artaud, Histoire abrdgee de la peinture en mosdique suivie de la description des mosaiques de Lyon et du midi de la France (Lyon, 1835), 14; M . Raoul-Rochette, Peintures antiques inidites pricidies die recherches sur Vemploi de la peinture dans la decoration des idifices sacris et publics, chez les grecs et chez les romains faisant suite aux monuments inidits (Paris, 1836), p . 420, n. 3 ; H . Brunn, Geschichte der griechischen Kiinstler, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1889) 210; A. Pelet, Les Mosaiques de Nimes (1522-1864) (Nimes, 1876), pp. 12 ff., no. iv; P. Gauckler, MSAF, s£r. 7, vol. 3, 1902 (1904), 192; G. Lafaye, Inventaire des mosaiques de la Gaule 1, 1909, no. 285. 4 In KZ 69, 1951» 207 f. Whatmough boldly reconstructed the text as μζθθιλος κασσιμοτουλος σ€γομονι and supposed that the rest, of the inscription contained navreva and that 'ScSe may lurk elsewhere'. However, in DAG 74 he rejected these conjectures. 5 This form looks like a Greek perfect and has been rendered as 'a fait cette mosa'ique' or 'tessellavit' (see, for example, Menard and Artaud, locc. citt., Holder, AcS 2. 1447). Whatmough remarked that it was given this meaning 'presumably on the ground that the inscription was associated by its discoverer with a mosaic'. If K€KOVLCLK€ points to Gk. κονιάω (see LSJ 977) it probably means 'plastered' not 'paved'. 6 See section (B) s.n. Καρνομου. 2
3
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to avoid the conclusion that Κασσιμοτουλου which intervenes also refers to him and expresses filiation. The form is compounded Κασσι-μοτουλου. For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. CASSI- and MOT-, Their precise significance in this particular form is quite uncertain. As will be readily seen from the discussion of the name elements, several inter pretations are here possible. I refer to only one, namely that Κασσι μοτουλου may be a bahuvrihi compound of adjective+substantive meaning 'he whose voice is pleasant' or the like. Compare PNN Dumnomotus ?'he whose voice is deep' DAG 1561 and ?Dacomot[ ?'he whose voice is good' DAG 224,2 -μοτονλον may be a derivative of an w-stem. Compare forms such as Couertomotul, Motaacus, Motuidiaca, and the doubtful Tutomotuhis listed s.v. MOT-. Κ Α Σ Σ Ι Τ Α Λ Ο Σ DAG 68 (inscription of Nimes, Gard) The name is compounded Κασσι-τάλος, an 0-stem nominative in -0?. Compare the fragmentary form Cassita[9 restored as Cassita[lt] (gen.) in an inscription of Langres (CIL 13. 5789). 3 For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. CASSI- and TALO-. D'Arbois de Jubainville rendered it as 'qui a un beau front' 4 and as 'au front elegant'. 5 Rhys (Insc. 37) remarked that 'the meaning of cassi- is not at all clear'. Schmidt (KGP 165) interpreted it as a bahuvrihi com pound meaning 'eine gewundene Stirn habend(?)' [sic]. The meaning of the second element is almost certainly 'brow, forehead'; that of the first element is a matter for conjecture. However, it probably indicates some agreeable quality of the second element. Perhaps it means 'holy, pure' or else 'pleasant, pleasing' or the like6 or, less probably 'curly'. It can hardly mean 'hateful' or 'hated'. The pattern of composition is that of a bahuvrihi compound of adjective+substantive. C A S S I V E L L A U N U S Leader of the Britons on the occasion of Caesar's second invasion (54 B.G) b BG 5. 11. 8 dat. cassiuellauno j8, casi- Q}, cassiuellauno A, casuuellauno b Q 2 ; 18. 1 gen. cassiuellauni T/o, casi- Q 1 ^, casiuellauni A, casuuellauni 1
See KGP 199. Beside ?Dacomol[ note PN Sumotus DAG 244. 3 Whence PN Cassitalus DAG 237. 4 Rev. des sociites savantes, 6 e ser., 4, 1876 (1877), 266, whence Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 126, Loth, Chr. bret. 10. 5 NG 188, whence Holder, AcS 1. 828. 6 Compare perhaps for the meaning the Welsh PN Talies(s)in9 the name of a sixth-century poet (see Bromwich, TTP 509 ff.)> and the OBret. PN Taliesin (see Chr. bret. 231, VB 127). See Forster, FT851. 2
811930
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b Q 2 ; 19. 1 cassiuellaunus p, casi- QMLN77·, casuuellaunus BS, casuuellaunus A; 20. 1 abl. cassiuellauno QBMS, casi- LN77-, cassibellauno p} b cassiuellauno A; 20. 2 gen. cassiuellauni QBMSTTU, casi- LN, cassibellauni
b R, cassiuellauni A ; 21. 2 gen. cassiuellauni QBMSTp, cast- LNV, b * cassiuellauni A ; 22. 1 cassiuellaunus S T U , c&rc- Q B M L N V , casiuellaunus b A ; 22. 3 cassiuellaunus 0 2 S T p , owi- Q ^ B M L N V , cassiuellaunus A ; 22. 5 ~~ b dat. cassiuellauno Q?Tp, casi- Q^MLNV, cassiuellauno A, casuuellauno B, cassuuellauno S.
The name is attested elsewhere as follows: Florus 1. 45. 18 ace. casuellaunum Rossbach (casuella, cauelianis codd.); Orosius 6. 9. 6 abl. cassouellauno (v.l. -bellauno), 9. 9 gen. cassouellauni (v.l. -bellauni), whence Bede, HE 1.2 Cassobellaunus; Polyaenus, Strat. 8 . 2 3 . 5 KacoeXXavvos (v.l. Κασόλαυνος); D i o Cassius 40. 2 ace. KaaoveXXavov (v.l. καΐ σουζλλανόν).
Caesar's editors rightly accept the well-attested form Cassiuellaunus, with -ss- as in Vercassivellaunus (q.v.) and many other Gaulish names in cassi-.1 For the elements in this name see section (A) (ii) s.w. CASSI-. and VELLAUNO-. An account of Cassivellaunus' campaign against Caesar was related by Geoffrey of Monmouth, 2 and in the Bruts Geoffrey's Cassibella(u)nus is rendered as Kas(s)wallawn (C-). In Welsh tradition Kaswallawn figures as the legendary son of Beli Mawr.3 Concerning O W . -guallaun, M1W. and ModW.
-{^wallawn\-{g)wallon,
etc., in PNN see section (A) (ii) s.w. VAL- and VELLAUNO-A D'Arbois de Jubainville, 5 in accordance with the etymology he pro posed for the elements in the name, rendered Cassivellaunus as 'elegamment bon', 'superieurement bon'. In view of the doubt concerning the exact interpretation of both elements in this name it would be unwise to attempt to suggest any meaning for it. 1
Schneider (see Gluck, KN 174) accepted the form Casivellaunus, with -j-, which occurs less frequently and is found most often (consistently only in LN) in manuscripts of the α group. 2 See The Historiae Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth, ed. Anton Griscom (London, 1929), 3. 20, 4. 1-11. 3 See Ifor Williams, PKM 217; id. Trans. Cymmr. 1946-7, 41-43; Lloyd-Jones, G. 116; R. Bromwich, BBCS 12, 1948, 14, Studies in Early British History, ed. N. K. Chadwick (Cambridge, 1954), no, n. 2, 132 f., TTi^oof.; P. MacCana, Branwen Daughter of Llyr (Cardiff, 1958), i n if.; E. I. Rowlands, Lien Cymru 5, 1958-0» 55, n. n . 4 In Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 9 Lloyd-Jones rendered Caswallon as *a reola ei gas, ei etymon* or '[a reola] mewn cas' as if -wallon derived from a root *ual- 'to be strong*. Sir Ifor Williams, on the other hand, remarked (AP. 12) that there is no agreement concerning the meaning of cas- in Welsh PNN such as Caswallawn. s NG 186 f., whence Holder, AcS 1. 833.
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C A T A M A N T A L O E D I S Father of Casticus. H e held royal authority among the Sequani for many years and the Roman Senate bestowed upon him the title amicus BG i. 3. 4 gen. catamantaloedis BMN UR C , cantamanta loedis T, catamantalohedis χ, catamante loedis VR 1 , tatamenta ledis L. Caesar's editors accept the form Catamantaloedis. The difficulty con cerning the reading and interpretation of the ending -(o)edis (or -(o)kedis)1 of the genitive cannot be resolved. The variant readings suggest that the name was corrupted here at an early stage. The name is apparently compounded Cata-mantaloedis. T h e first element was equated by Gluck {KNφ)ζ with W. cyd- (see GPC 658). There are obvious phonological difficulties here. It has also been compared with Ir. cet- 'with', OW. cant, M1W. can, gan, ModW. gan, OCorn. cans, MlCorn. gans, Br. gant: Gk. κατά, etc., 3 as if Gaulish cata- were a by-form of Celtic *kanta- 'along, with', for which there is clear evidence in Insular Celtic but none in Continental forms. We can compare the following forms in cata-: PNN Catasextus DAG 136; 4 Catamocus CIL 3. 6480 = 10954 (also Catomocus ibid.); 5 Catamanus ECMW 13 (beside Catumandus DAG 83); EN Catalauni (Cate-), Catu{u)ellauni (Chalons-sur-Marne) DAG 212.4 In all these and in Caesar's Catamantaloedis it is probable that we have -0- in the com position joint in cata- representing earlier -w-. We have to deal, there fore, with Gaul, catu- 'battle', cognate with Ir. cath, W. cad, etc. (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CM 777-). This had long been proposed for Catamanus6 and was suggested for Catamantaloedis by Vendryes (BSL 38, 1937, 113 if., EC 1, 1936, 336 f.) in his discussion of Gaulish mantalo(see below). Schmidt pointed out (KGP 166) that in Catamantabedis, Catamanus, and Catalauni -a- occurred in three successive syllables, and that the middle one might have developed through vowel assimilation. The second element -mantal(o)- has been compared with a similar form in the following L E N N : Mantala DAG 80; Mantalomagensis 1 Commenting on the reading of χ Schwyzer (ZCP 22, 1941, 329) wrote as follows: 'Ich sehe nicht ein, weshalb man diese Form nicht als lectio difficilior gelten laBt. Allerdings scheint mit -(o)hed- so wenig etwas anzufangen zu sein wie mit ~oed-.* I know of no other derivatives in -oed(i)- (?-o-ed·). See Zeuss, GCZ 790. 2 See also Holder, AcS 1. 838, Dottin 106, 243, Zeuss, GC2 903. 3 See VKG 1. 138, LP 48, GOI 501, IEW 612 f., J. E. C. Williams, BBCS 13, 1950, 20 f. Direct relationship with Gaulish cata- in a name such as Catamantaloedis is suggested by Holder, AcS 1. 837, 3. 1145, Dottin, locc. citt., Schwyzer, %CP 22, 1941, 325 fF. (condemned as 'irrig' by Pokorny, IEW 613; see also Keltologie 4 160 f.), and Pinault Og. 15, 1963, 390. See section (A) (ii) s.v. CATU-. s See also DAG 244, KGP 168, 243. • 6 See, for example, Rhys, LWPh1 384; Holder, AcS 1. 838; Ifor Williams, An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments in Anglesey (London, 1937), cxv, id., CAn. 315; Thomas, Ε A NC xxii; Bromwich, TYP 290; Fleuriot VB 391·
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uicus, Mantalomaus Manthelan DAG 148; Petromantalum I A beside Petrum.uiaco TP not far from Paris DAG 179. It was related to OW. menntaul gl. bilance (VVB 184), ModW. mantol 'balance, scale', OBret. montol gl· trutina and libra {DGVB 259), ModBret. mantol. Gluck accordingly compared W. cydfantawl 'aeqiiilibrium' (a ghost word) and rendered Catamantaloedis as 'aequalitas, aequabilitas 5 (see KM φ f., also GC2 766, AcS 1. 838, 2. 410 f., Dottin 269 with n. 1, Schwyzer, loc. cit., Whatmough, DAG, p. 608 s.n. Petromantalum and p. 1362, id., Orbis 1, i952> 437 £)· C. Jullian, on the other hand (REA 19, 1917, no f Vi saw in the variant Petrum.uiaco of the Table of Peutinger beside Petromantalum in the Antonine Itinerary a form meaning 'carrefour, les quatre-chemins'. He therefore suggested that mantalo- meant 'a path' or 'way'. Vendryes (locc. citt.) took Jullian's suggestion a stage further. After insisting that the equation of mantalo- with W. mantol, etc. is unacceptable, he related it to a Celtic root *mantr- 'to tread underfoot, to trample' seen in W. mathru cto trample' and Bret. mantra (see Urk. % . 208, GMB 392, VKG 1. 139, W.-P. 2. 263), compared with Gk. /χατβ'ω as in ματβΐ · 7τατ€Γ Hesychius and /ζάτβισαι Sappho.2 The meaning 'a path' or 'way' suggested for mantalo- may derive from that of a 'voie frayee' (Lat. trlta uia). Vendryes accord ingly suggested the following choice of meanings for catamantalo-: 'qui se fraie une voie au combat', 'qui se tient ferme au combat', 'qui foule aux pieds (l'ennemi) dans le combat', 'qui marche au combat', 'qui foule le sol du combat'. Schmidt {KGP 167) suggested comparing Gaul, mantalo- with Lat. mantisa 'make-weight, a worthless addition' (an Etruscan word teste Paul, ex Fest. 132. 10 f.; but Walde (p. 463, see also Weisgerber, SprFK 204, W-H. 2. 33) claimed a Gaulish origin), and with O l r . meit f. 'greatness, size' and W. maint (see AcS 2. 411, VKG 1. 292 f., 2. 48, GOI 186, IEW 704, DGVB 254). He also compared the com pounded PNN Caramantius CIL 5. 1642 (whence PID viii c, Ven.) and Venimantii (gen.) CIL 3. 3302 (see also KGP 290). 3 H e rendered Catamantaloedis as 'der, dessen Grofie in der Schlacht liegt'. 1 See also A. Grenier, Revue des cours et confirences 32, 1930-1, 713 f., id., ArcheOlogie gallo-romaine, 2 e partie, Uarcheologie da sol (Paris, 1934), 257. 2 See LSJ 10&4 s . w . *μό.ττ\μι (A) and ^μάτημι (Β), and compare Whatmough's remarks in Orbis 1, 1952, 437. The etymology proposed by Vendryes for Gaul. mantalo- was accepted by Pokorny, IEW 726 s.v. 2. men- 'treten, zertreten, zusammendrucken\ See also Fleuriot DGVB 251. 3 Compare also uncompounded P N N in mant- such as the following: Manta OPL 83 (also PID viii c Ven., CIL 3. 7330); Mantai (gen.) OPL, loc. cit.; Mantau OPL 84; Mantia DAG, note xlv (G) (also PID XVB Lig.); Mantidia DAG 214; Mantius DAG 83, 228 (ix) (see also for Mantia, -ius AcS 2. 411 f.); Mantro DAG 8 3 ; Mantua OPL, loc. cit.; Mantus DAG 6 (pp. 42, 480); Mantusa DAG 156. See also D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste (Wien, 1957) 286 f. s.nn. Mavra, Manta, etc.
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Perhaps the following Welsh and Irish forms should also be con sidered : W. mant 'mouth, lip', 1 Mllr. medal, metal, Modlr. meadal f. 'maw, paunch, belly, tripe 5 (see RIAContr. M. 117, Hessen 2. 104, 116, Dinneen 722): Lat. mentum 'chin' and/or Lat. mando Ί chew' (see Urk. Spr. 200, Zupitza, BB 25, 1899, 94, n. 3, Pedersen, VKG 1. 24, Marstrander, £CP 7, 1910, 363 f., 0 Briain, £CP 14, 1923, 318 f., V/.-P. 2. 263, 270, W.-H. 2. 24, 72 f., IEW 726, 732, LEIA M-17, 44, Meid, ZF67, 1962, 118).2 Cata- in the name Catamantaloedis does probably represent Gaulish catu- 'battle'. As for the second element, the etymology proposed by Vendryes still seems to be the most convincing. 3 The local name Petrum.uiaco beside Petromantalum tells in favour of interpreting ~mantalum as a form meaning 'track, path, way', notwithstanding Whatmough's objections {Orbis, loc. cit.). Catamantaloedis may accordingly mean 'he who treads (/tracks down) [the enemy] in battle'. Κ Α Τ Ο ΥΑΛΟ Σ DAG 72 (inscription of the Guirand vineyard at Nimes, Gard) Lebegue's emendation Κατου[λ]λος in IG 14. 25074 should be rejected. The name is an astern nominative in -os. Rhys suggested (Insc. 41) that 'very possibly we have to pronounce the name as Cattialos\ i.e. with -ου-5 a consonantal or non-syllabic /u/ and with a penultimate accent. He compared the form Catuallauna in an inscription of South Shields (EE 4, p. 212, no. 718 s ). Compare also the local and ethnic names Catual[iensis or -inus?] pagus and Catualiam (see DAG 221 and 1 Ir. man{n)t m. (0-stem) 'the gums, jaw' (see RIAContr. M. 57, Hessen 2. 98, Dinneen 707) may be a loan from Welsh. Note also Ir. mantach 'gap-toothed, toothless, etc.' {RIAContr. M. loc. cit., Dinneen 708) beside W. mantach 'toothless' ('edentulus' teste D.; see also D. s.v. edentulns; for W. mant Davies gives the meaning 'maxilla*), Ir. man(n)ta(i)n 'a toothless person, one who has lost some teeth* (see Hessen 2. 99, Dinneen, loc. cit.). Other derivatives of Ir. man(n)t are listed by Dinneen 708. 2 It seems unlikely that Gaulish PNN in mant- can be explained by reference to mantum, -us (-us) 'breue amictum' and mantellum 'mantle', although these forms may ultimately be of Celtic origin (see Whatmough, DAG 158, 178; id., Studies presented to David M. Robinson, vol. 2 (Saint Louis, 1953), 480). 3 Nevertheless one is tempted to urge that the second element is cognate with W. mant, etc., and that the name is a bahuvrihi compound meaning 'battle-mouth' or the like. But this is extremely uncertain. I should add, to complete the record, that Jullian wildly suggested (HG 2. 401, n. 3) that Catamantaloedis 'qui ressemble assez mal aux noms propres personnels' is a nomen gentilicium. 4 See AcS 3. 1155. i4f. Whatmough has listed PN Κατουλλοσ IG 14. 250 [sic] in DAG 83. 5 For another example of the division of -ου- (? syllabic /u/) between two lines, with ο at the end of one and υ at the beginning of the next, compare the form βρατο\υ[8€\ in the Gaulish inscription of Gollias (Gard) DAG 63, 11. 7-8.
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section (A) (ii) s.v. CATU-). Rhys interpreted the form as a com pounded name representing earlier *Catu-ualos and as the Gaulish counterpart of the Irish PN Cathal and the Welsh PN CadwaL Professor Watkins has drawn attention (Lg. 31, 1955, 11) to the fluctuation between noting and not noting the semivowel after syllabic /u/ in the sequence cons.+w+vowel in Narbonensis, and has con cluded that in this position it was non-phonemic. But there is no means of proving from the Gaulish material whether -ου- between a consonant and vowel in a name such as the one in question here represents [uw] or simply [w] (with syncope of the stem vowel -w- in the composition joint). The view that Κατουαλος is a compounded name pointing to Celtic *Catu-uaios is undoubtedly correct. Many similar compounded PNN with their second element related to a root val- 'to be strong, e t c ' are attested in both Continental and Insular Celtic (see section (A) (ii) s.v. VAL-). It is unlikely that the second -a- in Κατουαλος is long and that -ουαλος can be connected with W. gwawl and Ir. fdl (see ibid.). The first element in the name is the familiar Gaulish form catu- 'battle' (see section (A) (ii) s.v.). I t is a tatpurusa compound of substantive+adjective meaning 'he who is strong/mighty in battle' or of substantive+substantive meaning 'battleleader' or 'battle-ruler' or the like (with -ουαλος cognate with M1W. gwal and gwaladyr). As Rhys pointed out (see also Stokes, Urk. Spr. 67, Holder, AcS 1. 848, Schmidt, KGP 168) the name is cognate with W. Cadwal (e.g. OW. Catgual LL 140, M1W. Kadwal RP 578. 30 [cf. LloydJones, G. 92]) and Ir. Cathal (see, for example, Woulfe 174, O'Brien, CGH 535 f.). C A T U V O L C U S Joint leader with Ambiorix of the Eburones BG 5. 24. 4 gen. catuolci ω; 26. i abl. catuulco A, catu uulgo Q,, catuuulco φ, patuulco Vp, patulco Τ ; 6. 31. 5 catuuolcus xBM c S, catauolcus LN, catouolcus j8, catuulcus M 1 . Catuolci in the first instance was emended by Gudius to Catuvolci. It is not uncommon for one u to be lost in the manuscripts where two should occur together. 1 In the second instance initial/?- for initial c- is clearly an error. In -wZa?, -uulco, uulgo at the end there is -a- for -0following the semi-vowel. In the third instance (excepting M 1 which has catuulcus) there is discrepancy only in the stem vowel of the first element. The form Catuvolcus has been rightly accepted as the correct one from Schneider and Nipperdey onwards. The name, which is compounded Catu-volcus, has been variously 1
See Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 469. Concerning the orthography of syllabic [u]-f a semi-vowel [w] in the sequence consonant+[uw]+vowel see above s.n. Κατουαλος.
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interpreted. I quote only a summary of opinion concerning the form. Gliick1 treated it as a Celtic name meaning 'alacer ad pugnandum', relating the first element to Celtic catu- 'battle' and the second to Ir. folg 'celer, velox, agilis, alacer, promptus, expeditus'. But this Irish form is a dictionary word only. 2 In any case there are obvious diffi culties in the way of relating it to Celtic *uolc-, Stokes3 rejected Gliick's interpretation of -volcus and suggested comparison with Lith. wilkti and OChSl. vlesti. But he failed to adduce any Celtic cognates. Much 4 claimed that Catuvolcus was a Germanic name *Hapuwalhaz which had been Celticized by Caesar.5 He maintained that -volcus had no counter part in Gaulish names, whereas Germanic names in walk- were Kelte'. Schonfeld6 rejected Much's view and asserted that both elements in the name were Celtic. Dottin 7 suggested that it might contain in its second element a cognate of Latin lupus, presumably showing a Gaulish (Pdialectal) development of the labio-velar to a velar. This attractive interpretation is a little unsatisfactory, as it is doubtful whether any Celtic cognates of lupus have in fact been pre served. 8 There are certainly no clear Insular Celtic cognates. But one should always bear in mind that the absence of a clear cognate in the modern Celtic languages is no proof that particular forms did not occur in Continental Celtic. Weisgerber 9 again asserted that Catuvolcus (i.e. *Hathuwalhaz or *Kathuwalhaz) was a Germanic name. He com pared O H G . Kaduualah and other OHG. names in walh- and would, like Much, render it as 'der kriegerische Volke' or 'Kampf-Kelte'. 1 AW 47 ff. His explanation was repeated by de Jubainville, NG 23 and Ernault in Benoist-Dosson 664. See also AcS 1. 865, 3. 436, Dottin 300. 2 See J. O'Brien, Focaloir GaoidhilgeSax-Bhearla: or, an Irish-English Dictionary (Paris, 1768), and E. O'Reilly, Sanas Gaoidhilge-Sagsbhearla: an Irish-English Dic tionary (Dublin, 1817) s.v. 3 UrL Spr. 286. 4 PBB 17, 1893, 167; WuS 6, 1914-15, 222 f.; Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften, philosoph.-historische Klasse, Bd. 195, 2. Abhandlung (Wien, 1920), 26 f.; apud J. Hoops, Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde 4 (StraBburg, 1918-19), 423-5· s See also Forstemann 797 s.n. Hathuwal; Holder, AcS 1. 865 s.n. Catuvolcus; G. Neckel, Germanen und Kelten (Heidelberg, 1929), 115; C. S. Elston, The Earliest Relations between Celts and Germans (London, 1934), 99 f., 108 ff. (RC 51, 1934, 306 M.-L. Sjoesdedt). Whatmough remarked in DAG 224 that Catuvolcus is 'usually explained as *Hapu-wulfaz'. 6 p. 62. 7 Melanges bretons et celtiques qfferts a M. J . Loth (Rennes, 1927), 94. 8 See W.-P. 1. 316 f.; W.-H. 1. 836 f.; IEW i i 7 8 f . ; Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 56 f.; Weisgerber, Β J 150, 1950, 186 f., also Hertz, ibid. 189 f. 9 Walhisk, Die geschichtliche Leistung des Wortes 'welsd? (Bonn, 1948) (Sonderdruck aus Rh. V. 13, 1948), 10, 51 f.; id., Der Sinn des Wortes 'deutsch' (Gottingen, 1949), 84 f., 104, 164; id., Deutsch als Volksname (Darmstadt, 1953), 172 f.
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1
Scherer conceded that it could be a Celticized form of a Germanic name. At the same time, however, he objected that the compounding of a form meaning 'battle' with a form related to an ethnic name (Volcae) is best explained as a Celtic construction, not a Germanic one. 2 Finally, Schmidt 3 seems to accept the view that the name was in the first place Germanic. But he suggested that the Celtic soundsubstitution which resulted in Caesar's Catuvolcus may have been assisted by the fact that there was in Gaulish a word which would correspond in form to that which would be substituted for the element in the Germanic name. He thought that the name would come to be associated by a sort of folk-etymology with Celtic uolc- which underlies Olr. file- and W. golch- {v. IEW 1145). Thus the name might be understood in Gaulish to mean c der sich im Kampfe badet'. There is no way of showing conclusively whether it is a celticized form of Germanic * Hapu-walhaz (or *Kapu-walhaz), as claimed by Much, Weisgerber, and others, or a Celtic or Celto-Germanic name, as suggested by Schonfeld and Scherer. Beside -volcus in this name and the ethnic name Volcae* usually related to Germanic *Walhaz (pi. *Walkoz), account must be taken also of certain PNN in vole-. These are Volcius in an inscription of Heidelberg, 5 Volcenius, -ia in Pannonia Superior, 6 Volcinius in Germania Inferior 7 and Volcacius Hospes (com mander of a cohort of Gauls) in an inscription of Busbridge Park, Godalming. 8 There are also the names Valci (gen.) at Aix-enProvence, 9 the incomplete Valc[ at Bonn 10 and the dubious Valci at Bowden, nr. Totnes (Devonshire). 11 I should like to mention the possibility that the second element in 1
pp. 204 f. Cf. Neckel, op. cit. 115, Elston, op. cit. n o . 3 KGP 52, 168 f. Cf. Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 174. 4 For sources see Holder, AcS 3. 436-9, Whatmough, DAG 80 and 241 (also 78, 239, Cat, Month eliard nos. 8 f. for coin legends). For discussion of Volcae and possible Germanic congeners see Weisgerber, Deutsch u. Welsch. Die Anfange des Volksbewufitseins in Westeuropa (Antrittsvorlesung Bonn) (Bonn, [1944]); id., Walhisk. Die geschichtliche Leistung des Wortes 'welsch? (Bonn, 1948) (Sonderdruck aus Rh. V. 13, 1948); id., Deutsch als Volksname (Darmstadt, 1953). Schmidt {KGP 169) thought that the name could perhaps be explained as Celtic, cognate with Ir. folcaid 'washes', etc., and meaning 'die sich Badenden'! For other forms labelled as Illyrian and explained as cognates of Ir. folcaid see Pokorny, IEW 1145, Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 93, 100, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 2. 120 (to the references concerning ούολκαΐα-Ζλη Dio Cass. 55. 32. 3 add Whatmough, DAG 240). Note also EN Volciani Liv. 21. 19. 8 and 19. 11 and perhaps D N Volcanus (-&-) DAG 82, 181,213, 223, 243, ILTG 65 (see further AcS 3. 440 f.). ?Compare LN Vulchalo DAG 80. 5 6 CIL 13. 6410. DAG 244. 8 7 DAG 224. JRS 16, 1926, 240, no. 1. 9 CIL 12. 526. Hirschfeld ci. Valgi. 10 CIL 13. 10017. 867 (whence DAG 224). 11 IBCh no. 30, whence Rhys, LWPhz 401. 2
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Caesar's Catuvolcus is the Gaulish counterpart of W. gwalch 'hawk'. 1 There are numerous examples of this form in early Welsh poetry with the meaning 'a fine soldier, a brave fighter, a nobleman'. It occurs frequently in composition and is found in both personal and local names. 2 Welsh cadwalch {cad-{-gwalch) occurs with the meaning 'a hero, a champion, warrior'. 3 Although I have not found an instance of the form as a personal name, cadwalch may be an exact equivalent of Catuvolcus. The latter may be a Celtic name, a tatpurusa compound of substantive -f- substantive meaning 'battle-hawk, hero, champion' or the like. The suggestion is, however, bedevilled by some uncertainty concerning the etymology of gwalch. Connexion with Latin falco, itself a problematic form, has been both advocated and denied by Celtic scholars. 4 ( i ) C I N G E T O R I X A chief of the Treveri and rival of his fatherin-law Indutiomarus for supremacy. O n the death of Indutiomarus he was appointed chief magistrate of the Treveri BG
5· 3· 2 ; 3· 51 4· 3 d a t · cingetorigi (cingetorii Α) ω; 56. 3 ; 57. 2 ; 6. 8. 9 . The name is also attested in Notae Tironianae 115. 86. (2) C I N G E T O R I X One of four kings of Kent in Britain who attacked Caesar's naval camp BG 5. 22. 1 This name is compounded Cinget-o-rix. For the /-stem cinget-, fol lowed here by the composition vowel -o-,s see section (A) (ii) s.v. 1
I find that Meven Mordiern (i.e. Reno Le Roux) has hinted at this possibility in his Notennou diwar-benn ar Gelted koz (Brest, 1944), 19, n. 6. 2 Compare the OBret. PN Uualcmoel Cart. Red. 25, 60. See Loth, Chr. bret. 171. For W. Gwalchmei see J. Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend (Oxford, 1891), 13. Cf. Jackson, LHEB 449, n. 1. See further Bromwich, TTP 369 ff., and Jackson's remarks in The Welsh History Review, Special Number, 1963: 'The Welsh Laws', p. 85. See also now Rowlands, Lien Cymru 6, 1960-1 (1964), 241 if. 3 See G. 89, GPC 380. 4 L. Diefenbach in Origines Europeae (Frankfurt, 1861) 341-, suggested that W. gwalch reflects the influence of AS. wealhhafoc 'walscher-Habicht'. His suggestion received the commendation of Thurneysen in Keltorom. 59. But Loth (AB 7, 1891-2, 76 f.) thought that this was unlikely. He claimed gwalch as a native form and sug gested that it had nothing to do with Lat. falco. *Je ne serais pas tres eloigne* de supposer que le wealh anglo-saxon ne soit plutot une fausse interprotation du gwalch gallois, qui se pronongait avant le ix e siecle walch. II est fort possible, en outre, que le gallois gwaWh [sic] ait designo une variete d'oiseaux. et falco une autre, et qu'une certaine ressemblance de sons ait amene la confusion.' Is it possible that there is here a form to be related to a root in IE. with an initial labio-velar guh, say *guhel- 'to be bent' seen in Gk. φάλος 'horn (of a helmet)' and φήλος 'deceitful', Lat. fallo, etc. (v. IEW 489 f.) ? Cf. Paul. Fest. 88: falcones dicuntur, quorum digiti pollices inpedibus intro sunt curvati, a similitudinefalcis. For Bret, fale'h and faWhun and OCom.falbun (leg.falhun) see AB 7, 1891-2, 355, OCV 226 f. s See Pedersen, VKG 2. 2.
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CINGO-. Compare PNN Cinges, Cingetissa, Cingetius, and Vercingetorix there listed. For -rix see section (A) (ii) s.v. REG-, It is a tatpurusa compound of substantive+substantive meaning 'king (/leader) of heroes (/warriors)'. 1 C O N C O N N E T O D U M N U S Leader with Cotuatus of a band of Carnutes who rushed into Cenabum in 52 B.C., massacred Roman citizens who were settled there, and plundered their stores BG 7. 3. 1 abl. conconnetodnmno BM, conconetodumno ^S, conconetodumo LN, conetodumno β. Gluck (KN63, also 189 f.)2 preferred the reading Conconnetodumnus. He was followed by Holder and Meusel in their editions of BG, and this is the reading favoured by all recent editors. D'Arbois de Jubainville {NG 52 ff.) preferred the form Congonnetodumnus, comparing PNN Congonnetodubnus (see below) and Congonnetiacus (attested as the name of the son of Bituitus, king of the Arverni, and in an inscription of Bordeaux, see AcS 1. 1100, 3. 1271 f.) beside PNN Congonia CIL 5. 2413, Congonnus 5. 7243, and Congonna 5. 7181. Holder likewise (AcS 1. uoof., 3. 1272) listed this name from BG s.n. Congonnetodubnus, bringing it and PNN Congon[neto]dubni (gen.) CIL 13. 1040 and Congonnetodubni (gen.) CIL 13. 1042-5 of Saintes3 together. See also Dottin, p. 63, Schmidt, KGP 181. Whatmough lists the name in DAG 182 as Conconnetodumnus (-gon-). Perhaps the reading of BM (with ~nn-) is preferable to that of #S because of the form Congonnetodubni.4 However, in view of the potter's name Conetodu[bnus] CIL 13. 10010. 634 s the reading of jS manuscripts should not be overlooked, although of course this form may well have arisen through haplology from Concon(n)etodumnus. Gluck (KN 63 ff.) interpreted the form as a compounded name meaning Valde concors'. He related -conneto· to Ir. conn 'sense, reason' 6 and assumed that con-connet- meant 'consentiens, concors'. 7 D'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 53, n. 3) supposed that Caesar's Conconnetodumnus was the same name as Congonnetodubni at Saintes, and suggested that -gonneto- was related to Ir. gonaid (see section (A) (ii) s.v. GON(N)-).* 1 See de Jubainville, NG 41, Holder, AcS 1. 1018, 3. 1220, Dottin 93, Schmidt, KGP 66, 74, 172, Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 56. Cf. Gluck, KN 75, n. 2. 2 For forms preferred before the publicntion of Gluck's work see KN 63 and 190. 3 See also CIL 13. 1037. 4 Compare, however, PNN such as Congonetiacus and Congonetus (with -n-) listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. GON(N)-. s See section (A) (ii) s.v. DUBNO-. 6 See further section (B) s.n. KovBiXXeos and Appendix s.n. ~\KOWOV. 7 He compared (KN 82 f.) an Irish verb noun conconnid 'consensio' (: conconnim *consentio') ??, and this comparison was repeated by Dottin p. 247 s.v. conconneto-. 8 For the meaning compare the name element ORGETO-.
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He claimed that the name might, therefore, mean 'celui qui tue beaucoup accompagne d'autres guerriers5, 'par [sic] grand collabora t e s aux meurtres'. Schmidt (KGP 219) included Caesar's Conconnetodumnus and the potter's name Conetodu\bnus] in his list of instances of a name element gon(n)o-, gon(n)eto-, which he would explain as forms pointing to an o-grade of IE. *gen- 'to beget'. There can, however, be no completely satisfactory interpretation of this name. There is in fact no reason for supposing that the leader of the Carnutes mentioned by Caesar is the same person as the Congonnetodubnus mentioned in the inscriptions of Saintes. Moreover, there is no need to reject the reading Concon{n)etodumnus which has such good manuscript support. 1 Though I do not think there is enough evidence to be certain, it is probable that -c- in -conneto- is an instance of representing [g] as heard by speakers of Latin. 2 For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. COM-, GON(N)-> and DUBNO-. In view of the incidence of a number of PNN in con-gon(n)- it is likely that the first two elements are to be taken together. For forms in -e-to- compare PNN Cingetorix, Orgetorix, and Vercingetorix, all from BG, and see KGP 100 f. If we accept the etymology proposed by de Jubainville for -gon(n)eto-, then Conconnetodumnus may mean 'he who pierces (/wounds) deeply'. 3 For this type of name see above s.n. Καρομαρο[. This gives a better mean ing than any I can propose by assuming that -gon(ri)eto- should be related to IE. *gen- 'to beget', although that is clearly no reason for rejecting this particular etymology. One could suggest a meaning such as 'one who possesses a great number of kinsfolk'.4 But it would be idle guesswork. The fact remains that the meaning of con-gon(n)etois unknown. Κ Ο Γ Γ Ε Ν Ν Ο Λ Ι Τ Α Ν Ο Σ D A G 2 7 (inscriptionof Alleins,Bouches-duRhone) This name, an o-stem nominative in -ος, is compounded of three elements, κογ-^/βννο-λίτανος. See section (A) (ii) s.w. COM-, GEN-, and LITANO-. The stem vowel of the second element has been pre served. Again the pattern of composition is ( a + b ) + c , with the first two elements to be taken closely together. For other instances of names in con-gen(ri)o- υ. s. GEN-.S The nasal /n/ is probably [η] before 1 Beside the instances of forms in con-gon(n)- listed s.v. GON(N)- compare PN Con-connus CIL 3. 4900. Hardly compare PN C[o]nconius CIL 8. 19099. 2 See Chapter III (A) (ii) (c) for the alternation of c and g. If the suggestion made here is correct then there is no need to suppose that con(n)eto- should be kept apart from gon(n)eto- and to pursue further the etymology proposed by Gliick. 3 If con- here denotes connexion or relationship rather than affirmation or emphasis, then the meaning suggested by de Jubainville may be the correct one. 4 Compare PN Κογγ€νρολπανος below. 5 Holder (AcS 1. 1091), Dottin (p. 247), and Whatmough (DAG 27) compared
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the following stop /g/. Here it is denoted by gamma, and this is the regular orthography for the nasal in this position in forms written in the Greek alphabet. Compare, for example, PNN ?Εκσιγγος, Εσκςγγαι, Εσκβγγορ.ονι,
Εξκιγγορ€ΐξ,
Σκιγγοριου,
and L N *Εξκιγγόμαγος,
all
listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. CINGO-. See VKG i. 149, Dottin 48, LP 51, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 14. But what is the meaning ofcon-gen(n)o-? The etymology proposed by Rhys (Addit. 29) is unacceptable, and the meaning suggested by Schmidt for con-geno- ('der mit dem Genus ist') 1 is questionable (v. s. GEAr-). L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 63) compared the name element -yevvo- with Greek yiwa f. 'descent, birth, origin; offspring, race, family, creation, creature' (v. LSJ 344, cf. Frisk GEW 296 f.) and proposed for Κογγεννολιτανος the meaning 'celui qui possede une vaste parente'. This, I think, is the most satisfactory interpretation of the name, 2 although perhaps one could object that *gen(n)os (?) 'race, family, generation, offspring' (see p . 205 below) is not certainly attested here. Compare PN Conconnetodumnas above. See also s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος. C O N T E X T O S DAG 162 (inscription of Autun, Saone-et-Loire) This is an 0-stem nominative in -os. It is not clear whether Licnos (the name which immediately precedes this form, see section (B) s.n.) and Contextos are the names of one and the same person or the names of two persons, both subjects of the verb ieum which follows.3 The name seems to be a participial form in -to-, an exact cognate of Latin contectus 'covered, protected'. 4 For the two elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. COM- and TECTO-. Stokes's claim (BB 11, 1886, 130) that it 'probably had the active meaning of "protector" ' is surely wrong. The element -textos shows the Common Celtic development of [kt] to \χί]. For the history of Celtic [kt] see the following: Thurneysen, Keltorom. 15; Holder, AcS 1. 1180, 3. 4 6 1 ; de Jubainville, RC 20, 1899, 116; Pedersen, VKG 1. 120 (LP 40); Dottin, pp. 48, 64; Meyer-Lubke, ,£7£PA 45, 1925, 641 ff.; Richter 122 ff.; Pokorny, Urg. 40; Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 229; Thurneysen, GOI 135; Jackson, LHEB 404; Lejeune, Celtiberica 132; Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 16; F. H . Jungemann, La Teoria del sustrato y los dialectos hispano-romances y Κογγεννολιτανος with P N Κογκολίτανος (DAG 19, also 244). For the latter, how ever, see Scherer 209, Schmidt, KGP 67, 80, 182. 1 See KGP 57. He suggested for KoyyewoXiravos the meaning 'der machtig (lit. breit) ist unter denen, die zum genus gehoren* (op. cit. 180). 2 One could suggest an alternative meaning such as *he who is mighty (/influen tial) (lit. broad) by reason of his birth (/race / family)'. 3 Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 130) rendered the inscription as 'Licnos Contechtos made for Anvalonnacos a golden chair'. See also Rhys, Insc. 12. 4 The etymology proposed by L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 68) is not convincing.
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gascones, tr. E. Alarcos Llorach (Madrid, 1956), 2058*.; Schmidt, KGP 98 f.; Lapesa, OPL 144; Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 5 ; SchmoU, SVIHK 96; Lazzeroni, ASNP 30, 1961, 289-98. C O N V I C T O L I T A V I S A young man whose appointment as vergobret of the Aedui in 52 B.C. was confirmed by Caesar. He intrigued against Caesar at the time of the rebellion of Vercingetorix, and in the end declared for the rebel BG 7. 32. 4 ace. conuictolitaaem ^BMS/3, -litauen LN, -litauim π ; 33. 4 ace. conuictolitaaem χΒΜ U, -lictauem S, -litauen LN, -litauim T, conuicta labim lictauicum V, cumuictolitauem R : 37. 1 nom, conuictolitauis aT, cohuictolabis V, conuictolitabis p; 39. 2 abl. conuictolitaui χΒ1ρ, -litauo B 2 CM, -lictauo S, -litaue LN, -litaio T, -littauico V ; 42. 4 nom. conuictoli tauis xB 1 M c LN T 2 , -litauus B c , -litauius CIVPS, -litabis T1/), -litaius T c , -littauicus V ; 55. 4 ace. conuictolitauem AcL7rU, -litabim A 1 QB 1 MS, -litauum B c , -litauim C, -licctauem R, conuiccolictauem N ; 67. 7 abl. conuictolitabi A 1 QBMS, conuictolaui A c Lp, conuictolitaue N, conuicto labi T 1 , conuicto litaio T 2 , conuicto ball V. The editors of 5G accept the form Convictolitavis. At Z?G 7. 39. 2 and 67. 7 the ablative form favoured by Meusel, 1 Rice Holmes, and Fuchs is Convictolitave, but other editors, including Holder, Klotz, Constans, and Seel, admit the reading Convictolitavi. For the elements in this name see section (A) (ii) s.w. COM-, VIC-, and LIT AVI-. The pattern of composition is ( a + b ) + c with the first two elements taken closely together. Compare PN Conuictus CIL 3. i666 b and perhaps the OW. personal name Congueithen LL 188.2 Gluck, in his discussion of the name (KN 84 ff.), compared convictowith W. cyweithi 'association, intercourse, alliance' 3 and cyweithas (subst.) 'society, company, fellowship', (adj.) 'sociable, gentle, kindly', 3 and cognate Cornish forms. All these point to Brittonic *kouekt(: IE. *uegh- IEW 1118 ff.). He complained that the meaning of the name was not clear, but hinted at the possibility that it meant 'societate, comitatu amplus'. Zeuss-Ebel, GC 856, suggested the mean ing 'sodalitate amplus'. Ernault, in Benoist-Dosson 671, gave the meaning as 'qui a uri grand cortege, une nombreuse suite?' Schmidt, on the other hand {KGP 64), rendered con-uicto- as 'Mitkampfer', relating -uicto- to Ir. fichid 'fights'. If we accept Thurneysen's inter pretation of the element -litaui-* the name may mean 'one who fights (/? is fought) far and wide' or the like. If convicto- (? for *con-vecto-) is cognate with W. cywaith, cyweithas, cyweithydd, etc., then the name may 1
See Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 590, 626. Cf. Lex. Caes. 1. 730. 3 Cf. Congueithe LL 199. See GPC s.v. Holder suggested (AcS 3. 1278. 36) that -lit-av-is in this name should be related to W. Hid 'wrath'. 2
4
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c
mean something like he who is mighty by reason of his retinue (/followers /company) 5 or 'he whose retinue is powerful (/whose followers are many)' ? But this again is guesswork. The precise mean ing of the name, if it was meaningful, cannot now be satisfactorily established. C R I T O G N A T U S An Arvernian nobleman who proposed that the Gauls besieged in Alesia in 52 B.C. and confronted by famine should have recourse to cannibalism BG 7. 77. 2 gen. critognati Αζ^φπ, crigtognati Q}, ecritognati p;1 78. 1 gen. critognati QLV 5 egritognati ABCS, ecritognati ΜΝΤ0. 2 The editors read critognati in both instances. However, Schmidt suggested {KGP 185, see also 71, 203) that the variant ecritognati gives a better meaning than critognati. Both Critognatus and Ecritognatus have considerable manuscript support, and both can be explained as Celtic names. All but three manuscripts at BG 7. 78. 1 show a form with initial *-;3 but the text is less reliable 4 than it is at BG 7. 77. 2 where the better attested form is critognati. For the second element -gnatus see section (A) (ii) s.v. GNATO-. With crito- compare the following P N N : Kritasiros Paulsen, p. 4, Κριτασίρω (dat.) Str. 7. 3. II, p. 304, 5. 2, p. 3135s Criticus DAG 237; Crito DAG 156, 216, Remark (p. 871) ; 6 Critobulus DAG 203; Critosomis CIL 11. 2965. This element may be cognate with Ir. crith 'trembling, shaking, shivering' (Meyer 520 f., also Dinneen 265), W. cryi 'trem bling, fig. dread, fear; ague, fever; disease' (GPC 620): Lat. criso, OHG. (h)riddn (see W.-P. 2. 571, W.-H. 1. 292, IEW937, DGVB 123). See Ernault apudHolder, AcSi. 1405 s.v. E-krit, Dottin, p . 249 (whence KGP 185). Critognatus may accordingly be a tatpurusa compound meaning c he who was born in trembling (/fear)' or 'he who is ac customed to fear (/trembling)' or the like. 7 With ecrito- compare the forms Aegritomari (with Aeg- for Ec-?), Ecretumarus, Ecrito, Ekrito, Ecritunius, Ecritus, Ecritusiri, and Inecriturix listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. RET(T)-. Ernault (loc. cit.) suggested 1
Cf. Lex. Caes. 1. 756, AcS 1. 1169. 48 f. Cf. Lex. Caes. loc. cit., AcS 1. 1169. 53 f. 3 The reading of MNTp is doubtless preferable to that of ABCS in view of the variants found at BG 7. 77. 2 and of the incidence of a number of other names in ecrit-. 4 ab . .. sententia discedant aV and ab . . . sententia descidant Tp have been emended to read ad . . . sententiam descendant. s See H. Krahe, ZF 56, 1938, 135 (also Wb.Jhb. i, 1946, 178, ZF 59, 1949, 185, Spr. Ulyr. 57) comparing Messap. kritaboa PID> it. 456, and kridonas PID, it. 518 (see O. Parlangeli, Studi Messapici (Milan, i960), 326 f.), and Gk. Κριτόφυλος (see Bechtel 264). See also Whatmough, DAG 239, 244, Schmidt, KGP 185, 269. 6 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1169. 7 Cf. *von einer Zitternden geboren' or 'mit Zittern vertraut' (Schmidt, KGP 185). 2
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that the initial e- in these forms was for earlier ep- with which he compared Lat. ob. This is not convincing. Neither is Blanchet's sug gestion (RC 28, 1907, 78) that e- is a prosthetic vowel. The most satisfactory interpretation of these forms in ecrit-jecret- is, I think, that which was first hinted at by Thurneysen in £CP 14, 1923, 9.1 H e analysed Inecriturix as In-ec-ritu-rix and gave it the meaning 'Konig der Einfalle, der AngrifTe'. Ec- is probably a variant form of the prefix ex(see section (A) (ii) s.v.) and -rito-l-ritu-j-retu- to be related to the weak grade of IE. *ret(h)- 'run' (v. s. RET(T)-). Thus Ecritognatus may mean 'he who is accustomed to raiding (/attacking)' or 'he who was born of a raider (/an attacker)'. 2 Δ Α Γ Ο Λ Ι Τ Ο Υ Σ REA 58, 1956, 71-82 (inscription of the source of the Seine, Cote-d'Or) Beneath the Celtic inscription in the Latin alphabet 3 on the triangu lar pediment of the stele discovered in 1953 in the course of excavations at the source of the Seine, there is another in the Greek alphabet on the mould at the base (the final letter is on the right-hand moulding). Martin (REA 58, 1956, 76) suggested that it was probably added later, because the stone was not polished to take it as it was for the inscription on the tympan. It is read as follows: δαγολιτονσαουωντ
Δαγολίτους is an w-stem nominative in -ους, with ov for [u] which is normal in Gaulish inscriptions in the Greek alphabet. It is the subject of the verb αονωυτ (? for ανουωτ). The form is compounded Δαγολιτονς with the stem vowel -o- preserved in the composition joint. For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. DAGO- and LITU-. It seems to be a bahuvrihi compound of adjective+substantive. Once again, however, we cannot be certain concerning the precise meaning. It may be 'he whose wrath (/ardour /passion) is noble (/virtuous)' or 'he whose augury (/solemnity /ceremony) is virtuous (/pious? /agreeable?)' or the like. In any case I fail to see how in a name compounded of adjective+substantive we can assume with Guyonuarc'h (Ogam 11, 1959, 284 f.)4 that 8αγο- here has the same intensive meaning as Ir. dag- (deg-) in forms compounded of adjective +adjective. Compare the OBret. PN Dalitoc (see Fleuriot, VB 51). D A N N O T A L I DAG 169 (inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine, Coted'Or) The name is an 0-stem genitive in -i and an instance of the use of the 1 2 3 4
Whence Weisgerber, SprFK 200, Schmidt, KGP 202 f. Cf. *Sohn eines Angreifers ( = Kampfers),J Schmidt, KGP 185. See section (B) s.n. Areos. Guyonuarc'h suggested a meaning 'tres [adonno] aux rites, pieux'.
8o
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genitive in a Gaulish inscription to express filiation. Compare the nomen gentilicium Tanotaliknos (beside Tanotalos) in the inscription of Briona (PID, it. 337). Tanotaliknos was probably at first a patrony mic, i.e. 'Dannotali films'.τ Compare also PN Danotala DAG 83.2 For the elements in Dannotali see section (A) (ii) s.w. DANNO- and TALO-. The stem vowel of the first element has been preserved. T h e name is a bahuvrihi compound of substantive+substantive, meaning perhaps 'he who has the brow of a judge'. 3 D E P R O S A G I , D E P R O S A G I L O S La Graufesenque graffiti ]gsagi DAG 92 (b), 1. 14, sc. depr]osagi[los (0 is damaged); deprosagi DAG 94 (b), 1. 15; depra DAG 94 (b), 1. 16 (depra(sagilos) O x e ) ; de]prosagilos DAG 97 (b), 1. 15; deprosagi DAG 99 (b), 1. 10; DAG 104 (6), 1. 11; deprosagilos DAG 106 (b), 1. 11 (deprosagilos Hermet, Loth, Oxe); deprosagi DAG 109 (c), 1. 11; de]prosagi DAG 111 (b), 1. 3 (pr broken at top); deprosagi DAG i n (6),1. 4 and 1. 5 ; DAG 113 (£), 1. 12; deprosaga DAG 114 (ό), 1. 7 (with the comment 'an -acaV), Hermet, gr. 22, 1. 7 (but deprosagi Hermet, Grqffites, Loth, O x e ) ; deprosagi DAG 114 (£), 1. 15. The name is attested in full in one graffito only (DAG 106), but the ending -ihs is attested in a second graffito (DAG 97). Deprosagi (also ~\osagi, ]prosagi), which occurs eight times in all, 4 is probably an ab breviated form of Deprosagilos. Such abbreviations are common in the graffiti. Compare Depra DAG 94, which also appears to be an abbrevia tion of the same name. Hermet, Loth, Oxe, and Thurneysen all claimed Deprosagi(los) as a potter's name. Whatmough alone (DAG, pp. 289 f.) suggested that it was probably not such. Loth (RC 41, 1924, 55) interpreted it as a compounded Celtic name. He related depro- to OBret. diprim gl. essum (DGVB I44) s and the second element to a Celtic root sag- seen 1 See PID, vol. 3, p. 43. M. Lejeune in Hommages a Max Niedermann (Collection Latomus 23) (Bruxelles, 1956), 209 favours the earlier reading Tanotaliknoi (? nom. pi.)· Compare also Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 116 ff. 2 P. Lejay {Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), no. 3, p. 19) claimed that forms such as this, with single -w-, are mere graphic variants. This view is probably correct (v. s. DANNO-). 3 Schmidt (KGP 188) rendered it simply as 'die Stirn eines Dannos habend'. See also KGP, pp. 66, 275. It is unlikely that de Jubainville's suggestion (RC 11, 1890, 489, AcS 1. 1223) that the name is a compound of adj.+substantive meaning 'front hardi' is correct. 4 This includes deprosaga DAG 114, also read as deprosagi. Hermet's plate (no. 22) does show a clear a at the end. This may be an error for i. See Οχέ, Β J 130, 1925, 61. 5 Note also MlBret. dibry, dibri, dybri 'to eat' (see GMB 163), ModBrct. debri, dibri (Troude 104, 117, Vallee 445, Hemon 276 f.), MICorn. debry, dib(b)ry, dyb(b)ry (R. Williams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum (Llandovery, 1865), 103). Pedersen
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also in Ir. saigid 'approaches, seeks out': Lat. sagire, etc. (see section (A) (ii) s.v. SAG-). He suggested that Deprosagilos was a slave's name meaning 'avide de manger'. This was accepted by Thurneysen in ZCP 1.6, 1927, 296, η. 2.1 See also Weisgerber, SprFK 198; Ogam, vol. 5, no. 27 (mars-avril 1953) 32; Schmidt, KGP 191: Fleuriot, DGVB loc. cit. I see no reason for rejecting the view that Deprosagilos is a potter's name. Moreover, it is difficult to better Loth's very attractive inter pretation of it as a compound meaning 'glutton'. But the equation of depro- with OBret. diprim, etc., 2 in view of the uncertainty concerning the etymology of the latter, is suspect. If Loth's suggestion is correct then compare especially PN Curmisagius DAG 244 (Gaul, κούρμι, curmi 'beer' for which see section (B) s.n. Cervesa). ( i ) D I V I C I A C U S A pro-Roman leader of the Aedui, brother of Dumnorix. He begged the Roman Senate in 61 B.C. to interfere on his behalf against Ariovistus at a time when his own influence among the Aedui had been eclipsed by that of his brother. Caesar restored him to power in 58 B.C. Cicero {de div. 1. 41. 90) stated that he was a famous druid BG 1. 3. 5 gen. diuiciaci χ, diuitiaci BMN/?, diuiciati L; 16. 5 abl. diuiciaco xCM c , deniciaco M 1 , diuitiaco LN TCVRC, deuitiaco 'PRMJ; 18. ι gen. diuiciaci χΟΜ, diuitiaci LN/?; 18. 8 diuiciacus xCV, diuitiacus M L N T p ; 19. 2 gen. diuiciaci χ Μ , diuitiaci LNj8 (bis); 19. 3 ace. diuiciacum χΟΜ, diuitiacum LNj8; 20. 1 diuiciacus χΜΝ, diuitiacus CL/J; 20. 6 dat. diuiciaco χΒ°Μ°Ν, deuiciaco B1M1, diuitiaco Lj8; 31. 3 deuiciacus AB 1 ^! 1 , diuiciacus QM C N, diuitiacus BCSL/?; 32. 1 abl. diuiciaco BCMCL, deuiciaco χΒ^-Μ1, diuitiaco SNTp, om. V ; 32. 3 diuiciacus BCML, deuiciacus χΒ 1 , deuitiacus S, diuitiacus N/?; 41. 4 ace. diuiciacum χΒ1ΜΧ., diuitiacum BCSN/?; 2. 5. 2 ace. diuiciacumxBxMN, diuitiacumBcSLTp, diuiaticumV; 10. 5 ace. diuiciacum QB 1 MSNV, diuitiacum AB c LTp; 14. 1 diuiciacus Q M N , diuitiacus ABSL/?; 15. 1 gen. diuiciaci χΒ χ ΜΝ, diuitiaci BcSLj3; 6. 12. 5 diuiciacus QfMSLN, deuiciacus AQ 1 , diuitiacus β; J. 39. 1 abl. diuiciaco QBMN, diuitiaco ASLU, deuitiaco TR, deuicico V. (VKG 1. i n ) compared the Bret, forms with Gk. hetnvov, %€ΐπν€ω (: *de(i)quafter Brugmann, Gnmdrifi, Bd. I 2 (StraBburg, 1897), p. 609). But the etymology of Gk. het-rrvov itself b quite uncertain (see W.-H. 1. 324, Frisk, GEW 358 *ohne Etymologic'). Loth, on the other hand (loc. cit.), claimed that Gaul, depro- and OBret. diprim pointed to a form with a prefix di-, de-, or perhaps do-. See now Pinault, Ogam 16, 1964, 211-18, Whatmough GrDAG 116. 1 'schon von Loth . . . richtig als "der dem Essen nachgeht", "FreBsack" gedeutet.' 2 Beside Bret, debri, dibri, etc., note Bret, dibr m. *a saddle' (see Hemon 337) and OCorn. diber gl. sella (Voc. Corn., see GC 1081, OCV 412). 811930
G
β2
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This name is also attested in Cicero, de div. i. 41. go: ace. diuiciacum fvv.U. diuitiacum, diuiaticum). (2) D I V I C I A C U S A powerful king of the Suessiones1 BG 2. 4. 7 ace. deuiciacum ^B X MLN 3 diuiiiacum BcSTc/)3 deuitiacum T 1 , diuidam (-clam?) V. This name may also be attested in coin legends of the Suessiones: Seiov
Seiovigua,
deiuicac,
BeLomguagoa,
e t c . Mur.-Chab.
7 7 1 7 ff.,
AcS
1. 1262. 14-34^ Blanchet 115, 377 f., DAG 206. 2 But it is doubtful whether the person named on the coins and Caesar's Diuiciacus were one and the same person. See now Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 420, 423> η · ι· Gluck (KJV 4 f.) quoted the form Divitiacus only. But in general Caesar's editors prefer the form Diviciacus for both the name of the Aeduan and that of the king of the Suessiones. See especially Meusel, JB 1.2, 1886, 26gf., 20, 1894, 220 f., Lex. Caes. 1. 937 f., KranerDittenberger 1. 385, Rice Holmes, CG 843, Holder, AcS 1. 1260 ff.,3 Dottin, p. 59? Whatmough, DAG 214. Diviciacus is probably the correct form. Instances of the name in inscriptions of Lyon (CIL 13. 2081 Diviciac[us]) and Mainz (Finke 216 Diviciaci gen.), 4 other names in dime-, and the coin legends suggest that we have to deal with a form in dime- (with -c-) rather than in divit- (with -f-). s There is good manuscript support for such a form in the manuscripts of Caesar and Cicero. Moreover, the weight of manuscript evidence is balanced in favour of reading divic- (with di-) rather than devic- (with de·). In any case, as stressed by Meusel (JB 20, i8g4, 221), we can hardly assume with Holder that the form occurred in the Commentaries now as Divicia cus and now as Deviciacus. T h e coin legends seem to point to a form in deivic-. This variant orthography may, however, be due to false archaism, and may reflect the influence of Greek and Latin ortho graphy, -ei- being a variant of -i- (or -e~) and probably representing [i:]. SeeForrer iog, Thurneysen, # £ 5 9 , ig32, 15, Schmidt, KGP 53, 190, 260, n. 1.
Thurneysen (ap. Weisgerber, SprFK igg, also KZ, loc. cit., whence Schmidt, KGP 65, ig4) rightly related Gaulish forms in di-vic- (see 1 See Rice Holmes, CG 518 f., Text, p. 69. 2 Perhaps the coin legends eiuici, eiuiciac, eiuiciacos, euiciac, etc., listed by Holder, AcS 1. 1262. 35-44 (whence \d~\eiuiciacos? DAG 177) also belong here. 3 Holder admitted some forms in devic-, e.g. at BG 1. 20. 6, 31. 3, 32. 1, 32. 4, 2.4. 7> 6 · Ι 2 · 5 > 7 · 39· ι4 Whatmough also listed P N Diviciaco in DAG 156, referring to CIL 13. 1048 add. where this form does not occur. 5 I know of no names in diuit- (or deuit-) from Ancient Gaul with the exception of PN Diuitiosa DAG 237 and LENN Diuitia, -tensis, etc., DAG 221 (also 241). These are probably Latin rather than Celtic.
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section (A) (ii) s.w. DI- and VIC-) to Ir. di-Jich- 'punish, avenge'. 1 Diviciacus is a derivative in -acus of a name Divicius (attested in CIL 12. 2028). Compare PN Divico, also attested in the Commentaries (see below). I think that this interpretation is preferable to that previously favoured by de Jubainville (NG 32), 2 who related forms in divico-, etc., to Gaul, devo-, dlvo- 'god5 (see section (A) (ii) s.v. DEVO-). D I V I C O A leader of the Helvetii who commanded the army which defeated L. Cassius Longinus in 107 B.C. and who acted as the principal envoy of the Helvetii in their attempt to negotiate with Caesar in 58 B.C. BG 1. 13. 2 and 14. 7. The name is an η-stem. For this type see Bertoldi, EC 5, 1950-1, 344. For names in divic- see above s.n. Diviciacus* D I U U O G N A DAG 185 (inscription of Reims) The inscription is on one of three rings, formerly in the museum at Reims, which appear to be the work of one and the same craftsman and which were thought to have been found in the vicinity. In CIL 13. 10024. 291 the reading given is VE^ZVIDIWOGNAVIXVVIONI Bohn remarked 'Nomina celtica (fortasse vocabulis Celticis inmixtis) videntur. . . .' L. Demaison, who saw the inscription, commented as follows: II n'y aurait guere de doute que pour les io e , I5 e et I9 e lettres qui ont Paspect d*Υ plutot que de V, et pour la 12e, ou Ton pourrait voir u n G a u lieu d'un G, bien que cette derniere lecon merite, je crois, la preference* (BSAF 1907, 227). Whatmough was doubtless right (DAG 214) in recognizing a name Diuuogna in this inscription. Compare PN ?Deuacnua on one of the other rings of Reims (DAG 186, see Appendix s.n.). 4 The form is probably a personal name, although its exact relationship to the other 1
See VKG 2. 521 {LP 364), RIAContr. dodinta - duus 264 f. See also Ernault ap. Benoist-Dosson 674, Holder, AcS 1. 1260, 1289, Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 12, i960, 312, Fr. Le Roux, Les Druides (Paris, 1961), 4. Cf. Gluck, A*JV*4f. 3 The name is not a hypocoristic formed from a compounded name such as Devogena or Devogenos, as suggested by de Jubainville (RC 20, 1899, 93; see also Holder, AcS 1. 11290). Cf. Bertoldi, loc. cit. 4 It has been claimed that the rings bearing the inscriptions in which are attested the forms Diuuogna and ?Deuacnua are the work of one and the same craftsman. But it does not necessarily follow that the inscriptions contain the same names. The similarity between Diuuogna and ?Deuacnua may be merely accidental. Note also, however ?Vixio DAG 186 beside Vixuuioni DAG 185. 2
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names in the inscription, Vedzui and Vixuvioni (see section (B) and Appendix s.nn.) is not clear. It is an
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seems to me that de Jubainville's ingenious interpretation of the form as a Latinization of Gaulish *donno-taruo- 'taureau noble, princier, royal' or 'taureau brun' (adj.+subst.) is also correct. See section (A) (ii) s.w. DONNO- and TARUO-. De Jubainville drew attention to the striking correspondence with the bull Donn Cualnge of the Irish epic Tain Bo Cuailnge. A rocky island off the south-west corner of Ireland (the 'Toteninsel' about which Kuno Meyer has written) 1 has two names, Tech Duinn 'the house of Donn' and An Tarbh 'the Bull', which connect it with Donn, the Irish God of Death and the bull of the Irish epic (probably an old bull-god). Kate Miiller-Lisowski hinted at the possibility that the two names were originally one, * Tech Duinn Tairbh.1 Caesar's Donnotaurus, which may have been originally a divine name, would be an almost exact equivalent of *Donn Tarbh. The form Domnotaurus found in SLN is paralleled by the variant Domni beside Donni (gen.) in Ovid, Ep. ex Ponto 4. 7. 29. Such forms may be due to confusion with Latin dom(i)nus. See Whatmough, Lg. 26, 1950, 300, Hertz apud Schmidt, KGP 196. Compare the following PNN in dobn-jdomn-: 8οβνο DAG 177 ; 2 Dumnacus in BG;3 Δομν€κλ€ίου (gen.) Strabo 12. 3. 6; 4 Δομνζιων GaL Spr. 155; Domnilaus Caes. BCiv. 3. 4. 5 ; s Δομνο€λλαΰνος;6
Δομ\νόριγος
(?) (gen.) IG 3. 544· 7 In
some of these dobno-jdomno- may be the same as dubno-\dumno- 'deep, world' (v. s. DUBNO-). This lends support to the view that Gaulish /u/ seems occasionally to have been pronounced open. See Schnetz, ZCP 14, 1923, 274 f., Weisgerber, Gal Spr, 170 f., Schmidt, KGP 195 f. Note also the following forms in domn- in the Celtic inscriptions of the British Isles: Domna\c ECMW 365; Domnici ECMW 122; 8 Domngen CIIC 7 3 ; Domnginn CIIC 233. For Domnonia, founded in Brittany by the Dumnonii of Britain, see DUBNO- s.n. Dumnonii. D U M N O R I X An anti-Roman leader of the Aedui, brother of Diviciacus. H e entered into a formal compact with Celtillus and Orgetorix for the conquest and partition of Gaul. In 58 B.C. he commanded the Aeduan cavalry with Caesar's army when he was in fact intriguing against him. He intrigued again in 54 B.C. and was killed by Caesar's cavalry BG 1. 3. 5 dat. dumnorigi χΒ°ΜΝ/?, dumnori B 1 , domnorigiL; 9. 2 ace. 1 2 4
See s.v. DONNO-. 3 See s.v. DUBNO-, See section (B) s.n. See Holder, AcS 1. 1370, Weisgerber, GaL Spr. 155, 170, Schmidt, KGP
172 f., 195. 5 6 7
See Holder, AcS 1. 1303, Weisgerber, locc. citt., Schmidt, locc. citt. See s.v. VELLAUNO-. See Weisgerber, GaL Spr. 155. For PNN Δομνος, Δόμνα in Asia Minor see op.
cit. 171 with n. 1. 8
See Williams, Arch. Camb. 97, 1943, 210 (also 212 for the opinion of Macalister and Nash-Williams).
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dumnorigem ^CMLNTp, domnoriem V ; 9. 3 dumnorix xCMLN/?; 18. 1 ace. dumnorigem ^CMLN/?; 18. 3 ace. dumnorigem ^MLN/J, donno- G; 18. 10 abl. dumnorige A C QCMLN/?, domnorige A 1 , nom. dumnorix ^CMLN/J; 19. 4 abl. dumnorige xCMLNVU, dumnorrige R ; 20. 6 ace. dumnorigem ^ B M L N T T U R 0 , dumnorrigem R 1 , dat. dumnorigi #MLN/J; 5. 6. i , 6 . 2, and 7. 5 dumnorix απ, dubno- ρ; 7. 1 ace. dumnorigem ^ B M L N T T , dumnoriiem S, dubnorigem ρ; J. 3 ace. dumnorigem απ, dubno- p. This name is also attested in Notae Tironianae 116. 9 domnorix (v.l. dumno-). Similar forms are found in coin legends of the Aedui (a) as sociated with the form dubnocov in the legends dubnocovjdubnoreix and dubnocou/dubnorex and (b) associated with the form anorbos in the legends anorbo{s)\dubn(p), anorbo\dubnor{i), anorbojdubnorx, anorbojdub{n). See Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 429-31 with full description and bibliography. 1 These coin legends and Caesar's Dumnorix are usually quoted together. See, for example, Thes., AcS, CG 843, Dottin, p. 59, Whatmough, Lg. 26, 1950, 300. F. de Saulcy long ago claimed that coins bearing legends such as these were issued by Caesar's Dumnorix.2 Blanchet, however, did not support this attribution. 3 But Colbert de Beaulieu now insists that the forms on the coins and the form in the Commentaries are the name of one and the same person. 4 It appears that, in spite of the form in dubno- in ρ which is similar to the forms on the coins, the form of the name with which Caesar was familiar was Dumnorix, the form accepted by editors of the Commen taries.* The name is compounded Dumno-rix, with the stem vowel -0preserved in the composition joint. For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. DUBNO- and REG-. D'Arbois de Jubainville (JVC 70) suggested that the name meant 'grand roi' (literally croi profond, roi eleve, haut roi'). More probably it is a tatpurusa compound of substantive+substantive meaning 'world-king', a synonym of the Gaulish PNN Albiorix and Biturix (v. s. REG-). See Holder, AcS 1. 1358; Pedersen, VKG 1. 35, 487 (LP 3); Vendryes, RC 45, 1928, 122; Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 56; Schmidt, KGP 120, 150, 199. Com pare Whatmough, Lg., loc. cit. 1 Add Holder, AcS 1. 1360 (listing in 1. 46 f. a coin found on Mt. Beuvray with the legend dumnorex), Whatmough, DAG 177. 2 See Annuaire de la socidtifrangaise de numismatique et d'archeOlogie 2, 1867, 8 ff. See also A. J.-B. Changarnier, Mem. de Vacad. de Dijon 1925-6, 266. Cf. K. Pink, Einfiihrung in die keltische Munzkunde2 (Wien, i960) 19. 3 TraitS 81, 408. 4 See Homm. Gren., loc. cit. He concludes (p. 431) as follows: 'La probability de Tattribution [en faveur de Dumnorix] des deux sories ici examinoes, series chronologiquement consecutives, nous semble une des mieux assises de toute la numis matique gauloise.' See also Colbert de Beaulieu, Cat. Besangon, p. 21, no. 34. 5 Rice Holmes, for example {CG, loc. cit.), thought that this was 'certainly what he wrote'. Apart from the coin legends mentioned above compare perhaps PN Δομ\νοριγος (?) (gen.) CIA 3. 544, for which see s.n. Donnotaurus.
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D U R A T I U S A pro-Roman leader of the Pictones. He was be sieged in Lemonum in 51 B.C. by the army of Dumnacus BG 8. 26. 1 gen. durati χΒΜΝ/?, duratii L ; 26. 2 ace. duratium (duratem S) ω; 27. 1 duratio MLN, durati χΒδβ.1 The name is also attested on silver coins of the Pictones: duratjiulios. See Colbert de Beaulieu in Cat. Besangon, p. 19, no. 27, and Homm. Gren. 431 f. Compare the potter's name Durati (gen.) Oswald, Index 1122 and the gloss duratia 'mespola' (-//-) CGL 3. 585. 4· 3 Caesar's Duratius, perhaps a nomen gentilicium, is probably compounded Du-rat-ius (with pejorative du-, beside PN Suratus DAG 2444 with su'good 5 , see section (A) (ii) s.w. DU- and SU-) as suggested by Thurneysen, Hdb. 222, GOI 231.5 The second element is to be related either to Ir. rath 'grace, virtue, gift, good luck, fortune' (: W. rhad) or to W. rhawd 'course, career' (v. s. RATO-). The name accordingly may mean 'he whose course (/career) is luckless (/unfortunate)', 'he whose fortune is bad' or the like. 6 However, we should not altogether overlook the possibility that the name is uncompounded Dur-atius.7 ??ΕΚΣΙΓΓΟΣ DAG 61 (inscription of Beaucaire, Gard) The text of this inscription is extremely uncertain. I t was discovered in the course of excavations conducted to draw water from the Rhone for the canal of Beaucaire. It was copied in 1809 by a M. Mejean who was in charge of this work, and it appears that subsequent copies of the inscription derive from his notes. See the versions given in the 1 At BG 8. 27. 1 the editors read duratio (dat.). Cf. AcS 1. 1379. 11 and see Kraner-Dittenberger 3. 105. 2 See CIL 13. 10010. 831. In DAG Whatmough has listed the forms IDuratus DAG 136 (Potters of Lezoux; cf. Durati{s) DAG 136, Rem. 1 (b) and Duratios, -us DAG 156, Rem. (B) (Potters' Names from Aquitania Secunda)). 3 See DAG 246 s.v. Compare dureta 'solium ligneum' DAG 158, duracina DAG 240. 4 Note also PN Cassis \uratos DAG 177. However, Suratus (-suratos) could be interpreted as uncompounded Sur-atus (see Appendix s.n. Sums). s See also Pedersen, VKG 2. 9. 6 Schmidt rendered the name as 'der, dessen Gliick schlecht ist' (KGP 58), 'Pechvogel' (KGP 198). 7 See Holder, AcS 1. 1379 s.n. Compare other PNN in dur- from Ancient Gaul such as the following: Dura DAG 136, Remark 1 (b); IDurasmeas 237; Durianios(?) 214; Durinius 244; Durio 214, 224, AE 1958. 50; Durises 224; Durissa 244; Durius( ?), Durrius, Duria 244; DuroniaS^, 182, -ins 83, 182, 250; Durotix 204, D]uroti\x 237; Durotus 237; Durra 214, 237; Duru[c]u, Durucu CIL 13. 10010. 833, 834 (see DAG, p. 678, it. 202 Rem Durucu, 203 Duruius); ?Duruinnu DAG 156. For duro- (-durum) 'fortress' a common element in Celtic local names (: Lat. fores, Gk. θύρα, etc.) see Meyer-Lubke, Sitz.-Ber. der kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Kl. 143, 1901, 36 fF.; Philipon, RC 30, 1909, 73 ff.; Meyer, Kelt. Wtk. ix (1919), 377 ff. (no. 191); W.-P. i.87i;Weisgerber,%FA"i85,200,/2A. K23, 1958, 40; Pokorny, ZEW278; Whatmough, DAG 178 s.v. doro; Dauzat, RIO 6,1954,171 f.; Jackson, LHEB 260; Lebel, RIO 14, 1962, 175.
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following works: Cesar Blaud, Antiquites de la ville de Beaucaire (Beau caire, 1819) pi. 7. 2, also p. 26; A. Eyssette, Histoire de Beaucaire depuis la XIII6 siecle jusqu* a la revolution de iy8g, vol. 2 (Paris, 1867), 317, no. 1; E. Germer-Durand, Mem. de Γ Acad, du Gard, nov. 1886-aout 1867 (1868), 249-63; x P. Eyssette, Congres scientifique de France: ^5e session, Montpellier, 1868, vol. 2 (Montpellier, 1872), 383~8; 2 Insc. Lang., no. 106. Whatmough {DAG 61) gave what he thought was possibly the original reading, namely κραυσικνο\σζκσιγγοσ. He commented as follows: '. . . line 2 was carelessly and incompetently copied; the last letter of line 1 appears to have been carried over (by the copyist?) into line 2. I suspect that line 1 might be further emended to read κρασσικνοσ, cf. craxantus ([DAG] 178) and krasanikna (PID 321), line 2 eW-.' See also Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594 s.v. krasanikna. It is quite clear that the reading of this form is extremely doubtful. I give here the form which Whatmough boldly surmised might be the original one, with βκσ- perhaps for βσ/c-. If his conjecture is correct then we have a personal name *Εσκιγγος (o-stem nom.) comparable with PNN Εσκεγγαι, Escengolatis, Εσκ€γγορ. OVL, Escingo, Escincos, Esciggorix, Escigius, Εξκιγγοραξ, and Escingus, and names in ex(s) ring-, excigg-, and exscinc-, all listed in section (A) (ii) s.w. EX- and CINGO-. Such a name would be a compound of prefix+verb stem and could mean 'he who steps out, avenges, attacks, a warrior'. E P A D A T E X T O R I G I DAG 141 (inscription of Neris-les-Bains, Allier)3 There is no means of telling whether this inscription is funerary or votive. Moreover, the word-division and interpretation of the text in lines 5-6 is uncertain. 4 If the text is funerary, Epadatextorigi can be interpreted as a personal name, a g-stem dative indicating the person or one of the persons) for whom the stone bearing the inscription (or the structure to which that stone belonged) was erected. The name is compounded Epad-atexto-rigi. For epad- see below s.n. Epasnactus.5 For the other elements see s.w. AD', TECTO-, and REG-, where a number of names in atect- and ateyt- are listed. Note especially 1
These versions are repeated in CIL 12, p. 356, whence the entry in AcS 1. 877. This version is repeated in CIL 12, p. 832, whence Κρανξι-κνο AcS 1. 1157, KGP 185. 3 The doubt expressed by Mowat (RA 35, 1878, 95; see also CIL 13. 1388 add., Rhys, Insc. 52) concerning the third letter in line 4 (c or £?) has now been dis pelled (see Rhys, Addit. 60, Whatmough, DAG 141). For the fourth letter of line 3 (barred d?) see L.-G.-D. Esmonnot, Neris (Moulins, 1885), pi. 3, no. 6. 4 See further section (B) s.n. Leucullo. 5 Compare also PNN *Εποσόγνατος, Eposognatus, Epotsorouidus (w.ll. -tsio-, -ster~), Epotius, LN Epos(s)ium (all listed s.v. EPO-), showing the alternation -s(s)-9 -ts- (or -st-), -t-. 2
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ala Atectorigiana CIL 3. 12452, 13. 1041, 6. 33032 (also 3. 6154), l and the coin legend Atectori, Atectorix, on coins of the Pictaui and Petrucorii (Mur.-Chab. 4344-52). 2 Compare also perhaps PN Epade[xtorix] CIL 13. 3064.3 Mowat claimed (RA 35, 1878, 97 fF.) that Epadatextorigi was a divine name meaning 'seigneur protecteur, dieu tutelaire des chevaux ou de la cavalerie'. 4 See also Stokes, RC 5, 1881-3, 116 f., BB 11, 1886, 134 f, and de Jubainville apud Holder, AcS 1. 1442. Rhys, who thought that the inscription was funerary, interpreted the form as a personal name meaning 'he who is captain of protecting horsemen 5 . s But -αίβχίο- (itself compounded of ad- and -texto-) is to be taken together with -rigi. However, in view of the doubt concerning the significance of -αίβχίο- in particular, we cannot be at ail certain concerning the precise meaning of this name. 6 EPASNACTUS A pro-Roman Arvernian who, when Lucterius came into his power in 51 B.C., delivered him up to Caesar BG 8. 44. 3 gen. epasnacti QBMLN, epanacti A, epasneti β, om. S; ibid., epasnactus ^BMLN, epasnetus β, eques (aeques?) nactus S. The form epad found on coins of the Arverni 7 is probably an abbreviation of Hirtius' Epasnactus (-netus). There is no means of telling whether Epasnactus in α manuscripts or Epasnetus in β manu scripts is the correct reading. 8 The name is certainly Celtic and is 1 See AcS 1. 254 f., 3. 714 f. Listed as PN Atectorigiana in DAG 156. Whatmough has also listed in DAG 156 a name Atextorix num. [sic] without reference to source. Is this the coin legend atectorix of DAG 157? 2 See also Holder, AcS 1. 254, Blanchet, TraiU 102, Whatmough DAG 157. 3 Listed as P N Epedextorix [sic] in DAG 182. Schmidt remarked (KGP 93, 208 f.) that Epade[xtorix] may have arisen through haplology from Epad- {at) -e [xtorix]. 4 I do not think that we need see here two forms epad Atextorigi, with epad 'cavalier (?)' in apposition to Bratronos JVantonicn, a possibility mentioned by Mowat in RA 35, 1878, 107 (see also Dottin, p. 167). s Rhys {Insc. 53) quotes Jullian's view that the name means 'a knight of the ala Atectorigiana'. 6 Atectorix may mean 'king (/lord) of protection* or the like, in spite of Schmidt's claim {KGP 71 f.) that -rix here may function as a purely intensive element. 7 The coin legends are epad/, /epad and cicedu.bri / epad. See de Saulcy, Annuaire de la soc. frangaise de num. 2, 1867, 27 f., Mur.-Chab. 3884-920, Holder, AcS 1. 1442. 40 fF., Kraner-Dittenberger 3. 117, Whatmough, DAG 157, Colbert de Beaulieu, Cat. Besangon, p. 18, no. 24, id., Homm. Gren. 432-6. Colbert de Beaulieu has shown that some of the coins were struck after the Roman conquest of Gaul. 8 I am inclined to favour the former because the reading of β may represent an earlier form *Epasnaetus misread for Epasnactus. However, the possibility that *Epasnaetus in the archetype was misread as Epasnactus should not be ruled out. In support of a form in -nactus Meusel (see Kraner-Dittenberger, loc. cit.) thought that the reading found in S for the second instance of the name was significant. In BG 8 S agrees with β manuscripts, but here in S the form nactus differs from the ending -netus of j3. See now Hering, 14.
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probably compounded. But it is difficult to know exactly how it should be analysed and interpreted. In addition to the coin legend epad compare the following P N N : Epadatextorigi DAG 141 ;x Epasius 214; Epaticcus 182, 206, Remark; Epato f. 83; Έπατοριξ Gal. Spr. 155; Epatus DAG 8 3 ; Epade[xtorix] CIL 13. 3064.2 These, together with Hirtius' Epasnactus and the coin legend epad, show the alternation of -s~, -d-, -d-, and -/- which suggests that we have here a derivative of Gaulish epo- 'horse' (see section (A) (ii) s.v.) ending in a dental affricate or dental fricative or sibilant (see Chapter III, Remark). 3 Compare PNN in carad(d)-, carad(d)-, carath-, and caras(s)· listed s.v. CARO-. Holder (AcS 1. 1442, 1443, 2. 671) suggested that the name could be analysed either as Epas-nacius or (AcS 1. 247, 1443, 3. 498. 36 beside 3. 707. 48) as Ep-asn-actus.* H e compared -asn- with W. asen 'rib', etc., 5 and suggested that the name meant 'der Rippen eines Pferdes hat'. But this particular interpreta tion is highly speculative and very doubtful. The reading of the name is not quite certain, and elements similar to the alleged -asn- and -nactus are not attested in other names. 6 (1) E P O R E D O R I X A leader of the Aedui in a war against the Sequani before the arrival of Caesar. H e was captured in the battle between Caesar and Vercingetorix which immediately preceded the blockade of Alesia BG 7. 67. 7 eporedorix QfM c SLN, eboredorix AQ^BCM 1 . (2) E P O R E D O R I X A young and powerful Aeduan of noble birth, a rival of Viridomarus and a supporter of Convictolitavis. I n 52 B.C. he reported the treachery of Litaviccus to Caesar and with Viridomarus seized Noviodunum and tried to prevent Caesar from crossing the Loire. H e was one of four generals chosen to command the army organized to relieve Alesia BG 7. 38. 2, 39. 1, and 39. 3 eporedorix] 40. 5 ace. eporidorigem a, eporedorigem β; 54. i abl. eporidorige LN, eporedorige McQf7r, eporodorige />, 1
See above s.n. v. s. Epadatextorigi. 3 De Jubainville (NG 107 f.) compared Epaticcus with Ir. Eochaid (?*Equatix, cf. Urk. Spr. 26; for exx. see O'Brien, CG//613 fF.), and claimed that epad represented an old nom. *epats (stem epat-). Stokes (teste Holder, AcS 1. 1442) compared Gk. Ιππάς (gen. -ahos). See also Dottin 256, Schmidt, KGP 209. 4 Schmidt also listed the name as a compound Ep-asn-actus in KGP 42, n. 1. Compare op. cit. 209. 5 For W. asen, Ir. asna see Pedersen, VKG 1. 85, Pokorny, IEW 783, GPC 219, Vendryes, LEI A A-94 f. 6 If the correct form of the name is Epasnactus we may have here an instance of an element -acto-, See section (A) (ii) s.v. 2
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1
eporidige A, eporide Q , open digne BCM , operedorice S; 55. 4 eporedorix (operedorix QJ ω; 63. 9 eporedorix ω; 64. 5 gen. eporedorigis A c S 1 7rUR c C c , eporedigeris A 1 ^ , eporodigeris BG 1 ^! 1 , eporedigeis S C LNM C , eporedoris R 1 ; 76. 4 abl. eporidorige AQ C S, opt dorige Q}, eporiderige BC, eporedigi MLN, nom. eporedorix β. The manuscript evidence clearly favours the form Eporedorix for both the Aeduans named by Caesar. It is difficult to say what signifi cance should be attached to the variant Eboredorix found only in some α manuscripts at BG 7. 67. 7. In any case it is unlikely that it should be adduced as evidence of internal mutation of /p/ to /b/ in Gaulish as claimed by Gray (Lg. 20, 1944, 225).J In five instances out of nine of the second name all the manuscripts have Eporedorix,2 and in two other instances that also is the reading of β manuscripts. 3 There is no means of telling whether Eporedirigis (gen.) in an inscrip tion of Bourbon-Lancy (CIL 13. 2805) is the same as the young Aeduan named by Caesar, as suggested, for example, by Holder, AcS 1. 1452. 24 f., 1453. 29 f. and Rice Holmes, CG 843. Compare also PN Epore[d]irigi[s] (gen.) in an inscription of Autun (CIL 13. 2728). In these names -redi- may point to Celtic *redi ( < *reidhi~) rather than to Latinization of Gaul, redo- as suggested by Thurneysen ( # £ 4 8 , 1918, 65). Compare Olr. raid (z-stem) 'level, smooth, easy' (RIAContr., R 32 f.) . 4 Apart from the names at Bourbon-Lancy and Autun, compare PN Έπορηδόριξ (Πορηδόριξ ms.) Plut. de mulierum virtutibus 259 A and C. 5 Note also eporediae 'boni equorum domitores' Plin. JVH3. 123 and LN Eporedia mod. Ivrea (Turin) PZD, it. 340A.6 T h e name is compounded Epo-redo-rix with -0-, the stem vowel of epo- and redo-, preserved. For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. EPO-, REDO- and REG-. The first two are to be taken closely together. Epored- seems to have an exact equivalent in W. ebrwydd 'quick, swift, ready'. 7 But this may be more apparent than real, as -rwydd'm ebrwydd is probably an old adjective meaning 'smooth, easy, quick' or the like (? < *reidhi-), whereas redo- in eporedo- is more likely to be a cognate substantive meaning 'course, movement' or the like ( < *reidho~). Cf. Fleuriot, VB 394. 1
See also Dottin, p. 62. In BG 7. 55. 4 Q, alone has a different form. 3 See Meusel, Lex. Caes. 1. 1019, Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 592, Rice Holmes, CG 843. 4 Cf. Stokes, Urk. Spr. 229. 5 See Holder, AcS 1. 1452, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 155. 6 See section (A) (ii) s.v. EPO-. Compare epiraedia Juv. 8. 66, Quint. 1. 5. 68, for which also see section (A) (ii) loc. cit. 7 This was pointed out long ago by Gliick (KN 145) who suggested that epo-redmeant 'celer instar equi* and that PN Eporedirix accordingly meant 'dominus celer instar equi' (i.e. *[dominus] agilis, vegetus, alacer'). Morris-Jones (WG 267) wrongly explained eb- in ebrwydd as a prefix. See Vendryes, RC 35, 1914, 221. 2
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De Jubainville (JXG 103, AcS 1. 1452) rendered Eporedorix as 'roi de la course des chevaux', 'roi de ceux qui voyagent en chars atteles de chevaux 5 , and Ernault (Benoist-Dosson 678, whence Holder^ AcS 1. 1452) as cchef des cavaliers'. Schmidt rendered it as 'reich an Gespannen 5 (KGP 77, 210), equating eporedo- with Ir. echrad 'steeds' and interpreting ~rix as a purely intensive element with an adjectival meaning. 1 It is difficult to tell which, if any, of these gives the correct interpretation. Like Le Roux (Ogam 8, 1956, 380, n. 30), in view of Pliny's eporediae, I tend to prefer Ernault's explanation of the name. Eporedorix, therefore, may mean 'king (/ruler, leader) of horsemen'. ΕΣΚΕΓΓΑΙ DAG 46 (inscription of Gargas, Vaucluse) T h e reading is certain. However, when I saw the inscription in 1953, I found that the second € and the α in this name were chipped as stated in DAG 46 by Whatmough. T h e name is an α-stem dative in -at followed by the patronymic Βλανΰοονικουνιαι also in the dative. It is compounded Εσ-κ€γγαι. For comparable forms in ea/ccyy-, esceng-, escing-, escig(g)-, escinc-, etc., see above s.n. ??Εκσιγγος and section (A) (ii) s.w. EX- and CINGO-. I t is usually explained as a woman's name, but the possibility that it is another instance of a masculine 0-stem2 should not be ruled out. Cf. now Εσκιγγαι Gallia 23, 1965, 74. T h e three PNN Εσκ€γγαι, Εσκβγγορ.ονι,, and Escengolatis, all from Narbonensis, have -e-, not -i-, before a nasal-{-stop consonant. I doubt whether we need see Greek influence here, as suggested by Schmidt, KGP 171. The retention of e before a nasal consonant or a nasal+ stop consonant in Continental Celtic is not uncommon. Instances of this are found peppered all over Gaul. See further Chapter I I I (A) (i) (a). For the noting of [rjg] as double gamma in forms written in the Greek alphabet see above s.n. Κογγζννολιτανος. ΕΣΚΕΓΓΟΡ.ΟΥΙ DAG 35 (inscription of the Pont de la Pistole, Saint-Remy-de-Provence, Bouches-du-Rhone) There is considerable uncertainty concerning the form we have to deal with here. P. Jacobsthal {Schumacher Festschrift (Mainz, 1930), p. 190 (D), pi. xx. 2-3), relying on a photograph and drawing, read lines 3-4 of this inscription as €σκ€γγοπ\ονι. He remarked that the ι was uncertain. J. Whatmough first (HSCP 44, 1933, 227 f.) read €σκ€.γορ\.ου here. 3 Later in DAG 35 he gave a reading €σκ€γγορ\.ουι[ 1 For Ir. echrad see RIADict. Ε 31 f. Schmidt claimed that it first meant 'Fahrt der Pferde'. For -rad see Thurneysen, KZ 48, 1918, 64 f., GO I 170, Pedersen, 2 VKG 2. 14 f. See above s.n. Adepicca. 3 He commented on the reading as follows: *. . . the fourth letter is badly damaged; there is however the trace of the outline of a semicircle on the left hand side of the letter, as if a rounded € or ο had stood there. . . . Of these two, € or 0,
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with the comment 'Before ου in line 4, probably 6 or ο is to be read. . . . Most probably line 4 is incomplete, everything after t being illegible. . . .' H. Rolland {Gallia 2, 1944, 172, no. 6, fig. 4) 1 read €σκ€γγορ\ουι. The last letter in line 3 is probably not π or γ but p. The damaged first letter of line 4 may well be ο judging from the photograph of the inscription in Cahiers d'histoire et d'arckeologie 1933, pi. iii. This fourth line is probably incomplete, as there are traces of lettering after the doubtful i.z There is no means of telling whether any of the letters which are legible belong to a third form following a name in €σι<€γγ-. We can only state, therefore, that PN Σιγο.Όντιορβιξ (q.v.) in this funerary (?) inscription may be followed by a PN in €σκ€γγ-, perhaps Εσκςγγορ. OVL or Εσκ^γγοροουι. Such a form could be interpreted as either an o-stem genitive in -1 (another instance of the genitive express ing filiation) or an o-stem dative in -OVL (perhaps the name of the person for whom the stele was erected),3 which points to a nominative *Εσκ€γγοροουος. The name may, therefore, be a derivative in -orouoof Gaulish escengo-A For ca/ceyy- see above s.n. Εσκ€γγαι. Ε Σ Κ Ι Γ Γ Ο Ρ Ε Ι Ξ DAG 69 (inscription discovered at cLes Garrigues' at Nimes, Gard) The name is a g-stem nominative and is compounded Εσ-κιγγο-ρ€ίξ. Compare especially PNN Esciggorix CIL 12. 2988 (La Foux bei Remoulins, Gard), Exciggorigis (gen.) CIL 12. 548 s (Aix), both with -gg~, perhaps under the influence of Greek orthography. Note also DN Excingiorigiati (Mercurio) (dat.) Nesselhauf 137 (provenance un known). 5 the latter is impossible.. . . After the damaged % comes what appears to be merely the top cross-bar of τ, or the top stroke of y. . . . The ρ . . . is rectangular, but it is not π. . . . In line 3 [rede line 4] one letter has been broken away at the extreme left.' He restored the form as Εσκ€γγορ[ι\ου. 1 See also V. et H. Rolland, Cahiers d'histoire et d'archeologie 1933, pp. 277 f., 294f. and pi. iii; H. Rolland, Counter numismatique, nos. 33-34 (oct.-d£c. 1933), 93 f.; id., Saint-Remy-de-Provence (Bergerac, 1934) 55. I have not seen E. Leroy's account in Bull, de la soc. d'hist. et anarch, de Nimes et du Gard 1934-5. 2 Cf. H. Rolland, Cahiers . . ., p. 278. 3 See L. H. Gray, TPhS 1951, 160 who listed Gaul. Εσκαγγοπουι [sic] with other o-stem datives in -ui. Cf. V. Rolland, Cahiers 292 ff., H. Rolland, Courrier numis matique, nos. 33-34 (oct.-dec. 1933) 94, id., Gallia 2, 1944, 172, no. 6. See further Whatmough, DAG, p. 81 with the comment 'It is hardly possible to take -ι as a genitive sg., for o-stems in -uo- are unknown. If ου is u, then -uos is a possible nom., gen. -ui.' In his further remark that a dative -ui (from -δι) is *not definitely attested for Gaulish (perhaps Cicollui ?)' he has certainly erred on the side of caution. 4 For the combination of symbols oov in Gaulish forms written in the Greek alphabet see above s.n. ?ΑΒγ€νοου. Hardly compare the fragmentary graffito ]orula[ also found at Glanum (H. Rolland, Gallia 2, 1944, 194, no. 77). 5 Listed in DAG 236 as D N Excingorigias.
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For the elements in the name see s.w. EX-, CINGO-, and REG-. The first two are to be taken closely together. The name may mean 'king (/ruler) of attackers (/avengers)', 'king of warriors' or the like. 1 Schmidt (KGP 77), comparing PN Excingomarus (DAG 83, 244), sug gested that -rix in a name such as this is akin in meaning to -moras (see s.v. REG-). E S C I N C O S Z X 4 G i 8 3 (inscription of Bavai, Nord) Mowat read the inscription (GRAI 1880, 250-60), on an 'assiette' of terra sigillata, as uritues \ cingos. This was repeated by Stokes (RC 5, 1881-3, ngf., BB i i , 1886, 134, no. 22), Holder (AcS 1. 1468), and Dottin (no. 56). Bohn (CIL 13. 10010. 209715)2 read VRITVES CIHCOS. Rhys (Insc. 57) remarked that CIP1C0S in line 2 'must have meant CINGOS'. See also Holder, AcS 3. 43. Whatmough (DAG, loc. cit.) read uritues cincos [sic] but in his commentary he assumed that the inscription contained the form Escingos. We may compare a similar inscription from Titelberg in Luxem bourg, read uritues \ cincos by A. Oxe (Germania 22, 1938, 238; see also J . B. Keune, TrZ 8> χ933ί I22 )> a n d t n e inscription uritues on Belgic terra sigillata found at Boulogne (CIL 13. 10010. 2097 s ), Andernach (ibid. 2097°), Ebernburg S. of Kreuznach (Westd. Korrbl. 23, 1904, 135), and possibly at Weisenau (CIL 13. 10017. 839 a ). Whatmough (DAG, loc. cit) also drew attention to a form ujritos recorded at Col chester (Antiqu. Journal 18, 1938, 270) and urit[? on an oculist's stamp at Beaumont, Puy-de-Dome (RA 26, 1927, 165 ( = ILTG557)). The stamp Euritus f (CIL 13. 10010. 871, DAG 228 (iv), also read Euretus, Furitu(s) ?) has been compared. 3 The interpretation of uritues \ cincos, uritues, etc., is disputed, uritu has been explained as a verb, e.g. by Stokes (locc. citt.), d'Arbois de Jubainville (Elements de la grammaire celtique (Paris, 1903) 122-4, whence Holder, AcS 3. 42-43) and Dottin (p. 301, n. 3). 4 Whatmough pointed out that Oswald (Index, p. 77) interpreted the stamp cinge fecit (Bar-le-Duc CIL 13. 10010. 564, DAG 203; cf. Cinges DAG 214, 238 (iv)) as Cinges(s)us of Westerndorf (DAG loc. cit.) but added the following suggestion: '. . . in cingesus and in euritus we have garbled versions of escingus and uritu es respectively,/being added to the latter through sheer misunderstanding, 1 De Jubainville (NG 47, whence Holder, AcS 1. 1468) gave a meaning 'roi de ceux qui sortent pour attaquer rennemi'. 2 See also Schuermans, no. 5930. 3 See Dottin 301, n. 3. Rituarus DAG 176 (also 203, 215, Ritu(arus) 228 (ix)) does not belong here unless it is to be read u\ntu ar(uern)us or the like, v. Whatmough, JCS 1, 1949, 10, DAG, pp. 324, 675. * See now Meid, AKV 82.
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just as uritu gave place to fecit in the Bar-le-Duc stamp and es was overlooked and lost. If so, the true reading in all these would be uritu escingus (-os), preserved completely only in the Bavai inscription' (uritu escincos is also attested at Titelberg, see above). See Whatmough, DAG, pp. 674 f., Orbis 1, 1952, 431, JCS 1, 1949, 10. O n the other hand, uritu has been interpreted as a proper name. See Bohn, CIL 13. 10010, 2097 (suggesting that urituescincos and uritues may be compounded names), Rhys, Insc. 57, Dottin, p. 209, Oswald, Index 346, Whatmough, DAG, loc. cit. See also section (B) s.n. Ουριττακος. In my opinion uritu is certainly recognizable as a verb. Escincos is an o-stem nominative in -os. For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. EX- and CINGO- and above s.nn. ??Εκσιγγος and Εσκςγγαι. It appears to have a graphic variant -cine- for the more usual -ring-. Compare PNN such as Acincouepus, Cincibili, Cinci, Cincissa, and Exscincius (all listed s.v. CINGO-) and especially Escincos at Titelberg. E X V E R T I N I Ζλ4 Dottin, no. 55. 2 Rhys (Insc. 58) mentioned an alternative interpretation of Exvertini as 'an adjective in concord with Adiantunneni and standing for a dative feminine Exuertin{i]i, nominative Exuertinia'. 3 Hardly Ex-uer-tini. See Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 140. 4 This suggestion must be rejected if -orth in eorth (and in M1W. adorth 'ardent, vigorous' GPC 26, kynnorth 'strong, vigorous* GPC 796, dygyuorth 'llidiog, fryrnig, chwerw* G. 419) is to be related to a root *er-j*or- 'rise' (: Lat. orior, etc.) or to Celtic *ort- (< *org~t-: Ir. org-, etc., see VKG 2. 587 if.) as suggested by J. LloydJones in G. 452 s.v. See also Loth, RC 40, 1923, 355, Ifor Williams, BBCS 4, pt. 2, May 1928, 138; 8, pt. 3, Nov. 1936, 234, and GPC, locc. citt.
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*GUTUATER This form is included here from BG 8. 38, although it is in fact not a personal name at all but rather a Gaulish priestly title. However, Hirtius seems to have misunderstood it as a personal name. Concern ing variant readings and the assumption that the same person is referred to at BG 7. 3. 1 see section (B) s.n. Cotuatus. In view of the forms found in Latin inscriptions of Aquitania and Lugdunensis, the reading that should be preferred at BG 8. 38. 3 is probably gutuairum (ace.) pointing to a nominative *Gutuater. Variants in gutru- may have arisen by dittography or metathesis. 1 For the quite plausible interpretation of guiu-ater as a compounded form meaning 'father of invocation' see the full references quoted in section (B), loc. cit. I N D U T I O M A R U S A chief of the Treveri, rival of his son-in-law Cingetorix. In 54 B.C. he reluctantly submitted to Caesar and incited Ambiorix and Catuvolcus to attack Atuatuca. His in tended attack on Labienus was prevented by Caesar's victory over the Nervii and Eburones, but in the end he was outwitted by Labienus, defeated and slain There is discrepancy in the manuscripts only in the reading of the fifth letter, where -i- alternates with -c-. I list only references to manu scripts with a reading inducio·. In manuscripts not mentioned, in each instance of the name, the reading is indutio-. BG 5. 3. 2 inducio- X BMLN R ; 2 3. 4 X MLN R ; 3. 5 QMLN;3 4. 1 Q B M L N R ; 4. 2 Q M L N R ; 4. 4. Q L N ; 26. 2 X LN V R ; 53. 2 A M L N V R ; 55. 1 X L R ; 55. 3 X L V R ; 57. 2 X L T > ; 57. 3 X L V R ; 58. 1 X L V R ; 58. 2 X L V ; 58. 4 X L, om. β; 5 8 . 6 X L V R ; 6. 2. 1 XLVR;8. 8ALVR. There can be no doubt concerning the correct form here, in spite of the variant Induciomarus, found most regularly in X LVR. For the name is also attested as follows in Florus, Orosius, and Dio Cassius: indutiomarus (w.ll. indubio-, indycio-, inductio-, inductione-) Florus 1. 45. 7; 1 If the same person is referred to at BG 7. 3. 1 we could assume with Hirschfeld (see section (B) loc. cit.) that homoeoteleuton caused the omission of cotuatum before gutruatum at BG 8. 38. 3. But there is no trace οϊ cotuatum in the manuscripts. At BG 8. 38. 5 a gutruato makes the sentence syntactically impossible and has properly been deleted by a number of editors. In S the offending forms do not appear at all. If they are retained the text must be emended in the ingenious way suggested by Klotz or in some way similar to that. 2 The fifth letter may well be r in Q1. See Holder (Text), ad loc, and Meusel, Lex. Caes. 2. 159. 3 The name has been omitted here by Ciacconius and Scaliger and by some recent editors, including Holder, Meusel (see Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 451), Rice Holmes, and Constans (see REA 27, 1925, 290).
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Ίνδουτιομάρου (ν.1. ΊνΒυοτιμάραου) (gen.) Dio Cassius 40. 11. if., 31. 2; indutiomarus Orosius 6. 10. 10, -marum (ace.) 10. 11. Moreover, PN Indutiomarus occurs in Cicero, pro M. Fonteio 12. 27, 13. 29 (bis), 21. 46. * The latter appears to be a different person from Caesar's Indutiomarus. See P.-W. and AcS s.n. Note also PN Indutiom\ari\ (gen.) in a Latin inscription of Le Mas-Saint-Pierre, near Beaucaire (Gard), CIL 12. 5884. Indutiomarus is the form rightly preferred by editors of Caesar. See Gluck, KN 78 ff., Meusel, Lex. Caes., loc. cit., K r a n e r Dittenberger 2. 450. The name is clearly compounded and shows at the end the familiar Gaulish element -marus (see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-). But indutiois a problem. We can compare the following names: Indutilli DAG 206 (also 2 O 8 B ) ; 2 Induti(llus) or Indutus? 244; Indutio 194; Indutissa 214; Indutius 203, 208B, 237, Gallia 16, 1958, 388 f. ;3 Indutus DAG 83, 214, 237· 4 But how are these forms, which are usually counted Celtic, to be interpreted? Gluck (KJV, loc. cit.) 5 claimed that indutio-was to be analysed as in—\-dutio-. Holder (AcS 2. 44) also analysed PN Indutus as In-dutus and compared PN Dutia (f.) CIL 2. 341, 352, 447, 2371, 5252, HAE 1203.6 Note also PNN Duta DAG 202, Remark, CIL 9. 349, Dutaius CIL 2. 453, Duteria (Δω-?) DAG 214, Duttius 244, and see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 155 f., 161 for other names in dut-, δ(ο)ντ-. Zeuss (GC1 19, n. 2, 31, n. 1, GC2 16, n. 2, 25, n. 2) and Gluck (KM 78 f.)7 compared the Irish name lonnatmar, londadmar, Iondatmar.s However, the phonological difficulties, presented especially by the difference in vocalism between the Gaulish and Irish forms, difficul ties noticed by Gluck himself and by Schmidt (KGP 226), suggest that the comparison is a false one. One is tempted to compare Lat. indutiae 'a cessation of hostilities, a truce, armistice', for which see 1
Here he is referred to as dux Allobrogum ceterorumque Gallorum, a description which Bake would delete. 2 See also Colbert de Beaulieu, RAE 10, 1959, 78, AB 67, i960, 84, Cat. Besanpon, nos. 164 f., Cat. Jura, no. 63. 3 See also Holder, AcS 2. 44. 4 See also Holder, AcS 2. 44 f. 5 I have not seen Gluck's remarks apud Hefner, Das romische Bayern2 (Munchen, 1852), 6. 6 Holder (AcS 1. 1388) compared with PN Dutia the divine name Menmandutis (dat.) of CIL 12. 4223 (Beziers) for which, however, see Gutenbrunner n o and Whatmough, DAG 82. Palomar Lapesa (OPL 71 f., 138, 142) has quite arbitrarily sought to relate Dutia to IE. *dheu- 'to scatter, whirl* (see IEW 261 ff.). He also mentioned the possibility that Gallo-Lat. dusius 'incubus, daemon inmundus' (see DAG 178; to references given by Whatmough add Weisgerber, SprFK 200, Pedersen, EC 1, 1936, 171, Pokorny, IEW 269) is cognate. With dusius compare dusmus 'diabolus' DAG 233 (see also Whatmough, Lg. 26, 1950, 302). 7 See also Holder, AcS 2. 41, Dottin 262, Og. 8, 1956, 440, Schmidt, KGP 226. 8 See G. O'Conor, Annates IV Magistrorum (Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores Veteres, torn, iii) (Buckinghamiae, 1826), pp. 60, 61. 811930
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W.-H. i. 696 f., E.-M. 564, Ogam, loc. cit. But all this is guesswork. The meaning and etymology of indutio- are unknown. ΛΙΤ0ΥΜΑΡΕΟΣ DAG 34 (inscription of Saint-Remy-de-Provence, Bouches-du-Rhone) The name is a w-stem nominative, a patronymic in -€ος, 'son of *Λιτονμαρος\ Compare PNN Litum[a\ri (gen.) CIL 12. 5749 (SaintMaximin), Litumarus DAG 192 (potter's name found at Rouen), Litumara CIL 13. 4711 (found nr. Monthureux-sur-Saone). Note also Litmarus Limiers (Loiret) in Pouilles de la Province de Sens, ed. A. Longnon (Recueil des historiens de la France publie par l'acad. des inscc. et belles lettres, vol. 4) (Paris, 1904), p. 323 (RC 25, 1904, 359). l For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. LITU- and MARO-. The precise meaning of Litumarus is uncertain. It is com pounded of substantive-f adjective and is either an inverted bahuvrihi compound meaning 'he whose anger (/ardour /passion) is great' (per haps 'he who has a large family') or a tatpurusa compound meaning 'great in anger' or the like. On the other hand, the possibility that the function of -mams here is suffixal should not be overlooked. OW. litimaur gl. frequens (or frequens populis), a difficult form (see Stokes, TPhS 1860-1, 212, Loth, VVB 176 f., Rhys, LWPh2 173) bears a striking similarity to Gaul. Litumarus. But Thurneysen (RC 11, 1890, 93) has suggested emending the gloss to read linmaur 'nombreux' (: Ir. liri). Cf. Jackson, LHEB 650, n. 1, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 604 fF. L U G O T O R I X A leader of the Britons captured by the Romans during an attack on Caesar's naval camp in Britain in 54 B.C. BG 5. 22. 2 abl. lugotorige a, cingetorige β. The editors of the Commentaries adopt the reading of a. C. E. C. Schneider (see Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 467) suggested that the first element in the name was unreadable in the archetype, and that the form was completed in two different ways. However, Meusel argued (Kraner-Dittenberger, loc. cit., see also Klotz and Seel, nn. ad loc.) that, although both forms were possible, the scribe of β most probably wrote down a name which occurred more often and which had been mentioned immediately before as the name of one of the four kings of Kent who attacked Caesar's camp. Meusel's argument in favour of Lugotorix is undoubtedly correct. It is a perfectly good Celtic name, although its precise meaning must, I think, be declared unknown. Holder (AcS 2. 303) listed it as *Lucotorix, suggesting presumably that we have here a compounded name 1 It may be that PN Leitomarus Gallia 16, 1958, 389 (whence AE 1959, 135) also belongs here. Note also now PN Litumarus Gallia 22, 1964, 588.
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Lucot-o-rix, i.e. a form of the Gaulish ί-stem lucot- 'mouse' (see section (A) (ii) s.v.) with -o- as the composition vowel+the familiar Gaulish -rix. Schmidt (KGP 233) also mentioned this possibility. But the manuscripts have lugoto- not lucoto-. One should compare rather perhaps (with Holder, AcS 2. 303. 45) the potter's name Lugetus (AcS 2. 305, DAG 204) and other Continental Celtic forms in lag- (v. s. LUGU-), Lugoto- seems to be a derivative of an 0-stem lugo-. Compare, therefore, perhaps the doubtful Xovyeov 'raven' and the more doubtful λοΰγος 'marsh' mentioned s.v. LUGU-. Hardly compare W. llw m. 'oath, curse', Br. le m., Ir. luighe m.: Goth, liugan 'to marry', liuga 'marriage', etc., for which see Urk. Spr. 257, VKG 1. 98, LP 29, IEW 687, DGVB247.* L U G U R I DAG 145 (d) (inscription of Genouilly, Cher) For the interpretation of inscription (d) on the menhir of Genouilly see above s.nn. Aneunicno and Aneuno. Thurneysen's suggestion (ZCP 6, 1908, 558, see also Holder, AcS 3. 462. 1) that Luguri is a nomina tive form for *Lugurix is probably correct. 2 However, I know of no comparable instance of the loss of final -x (or of final -s which may have developed from final -x) in a Continental Celtic form. But one can compare the fifth/sixth century forms in -ori from Britain discussed by Jackson in LHEB § 180, especially PNN Cantiori CIIC 394 and Icon CIIC 380, which probably point to Celtic nominatives in -o-rix. For the elements lugu- and -rix see section (A) (ii) s.w. LUGU- and REG-, *Lugurix would mean 'he who is a king (/he who is mighty) through the power of the god Lugus' or 'he who is mighty like Lugus'. Com pare the fragmentary form λουγουρ[ in a graffito of Mt. Beuvray (DAG, Note xxxi, Remark (vi)) and PN Lugotorix in Caesar BG (discussed above). For names compounded of a divine n a m e + n # compare per haps the PNN ?Camulori, Camulorigi, and Camuloris and the D N N Camu(l)orici, C(a)mulorig(i) or ~rig(ae), and Camulorige listed s.v. CAMUL-. See also Albertos, Emerita 24, 1956, 294 ff. ΜΑΓΟΥΡΕΙΠ DAG 51 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) Whatmough read lines 2-3 of this text as μαγουρζι \ yiaova with the comment that the text is not in doubt despite recent damage on the left. Rhys (Addit. 2, pi. 1) claimed that it was impossible to be certain whether the first letter in line 3 was y or τ. 3 H e saw here two forms, 1 Cf. Loth, RC 36, 1915-16, 181, J. Baudis, Grammar of Early Welsh, pt. i (Oxford, 1924), 94, Jackson, LHEB 451 f. 2 De Jubainville and Rhys treated Luguri as an /-stem dative. For references see s.nn. Aneunicno and Aneuno. 3 See also Mazauric, Revue du Midi 1910, 49 (whence P. de Brun and A. Dumoulin in Cahiers d'histoire et a*archeologie 1937, 479, no. 1).
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μαγονρςι and γιαουα. Dottin (no. 11) suggested an alternative division, namely μαγουρζιγι αουα. See also Weisgerber, Germania 17, 1933, 16, n. 6, L. H. Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 65, G. P. Sicardi, Rivista di Studi Liguri23, 1957, 241. The word division proposed by Dottin is, I think, better than that proposed by Rhys. 1 There are here probably two forms, a personal name Mayovpziyi (a g-stem dative) and a common noun αουα agreeing with PN Ελονισσα in 1. ι and cognate with O l r . (h)aue m. 'grandson, descendant' (Ogam au(v)i), ue (aue) f.: Lat. aims, aua, etc. (see W.—P. 1. 20, IEW 89, LEIA A-103 f.). For the name elements in Mayovpeiyi see section (A) (ii) s.w. MAGU- and REG-, Compare especially the coin legend Magurix Mur-Chab. 6398 f.2 T h e name is to be inter preted, as suggested by Gray, as a dative. I t means 'king of slaves (/vassals)' or, if the second element here has an intensive or adjectival meaning, 'rich in slaves (/vassals)'.3 Compare the Irish sept-names Mauginrige and Mughanraige discussed by Pr. MacCana in EC 7, 1955-6, 110 if. Kretschmer (Glotta 30, 1943, 186 and 246, KZ 69, 1951, 18), who rendered Gaul. Magurix as 'Knappenherr', compared a Picenian name Magubregra (f.), relating the first element to CeltoGmc. magu- and the second to AS. brego TIerrscher, Furst'. For the meaning compare also perhaps Bret. Mordiern (st.), Plodiern (Fr. Plomodiern), possibly from a name *Maw~diern < *Magu-tigernos (see Loth, RC 30, 1909, 147, Smith, Top. bret. 88 f.). M A N D U B R A C I U S A chief of the Trinovantes in south-east Britain. He fled to the Continent to put himself under Caesar's protection, but during Caesar's second invasion of Britain he was allowed to return to his tribe BG 5. 20. 1 mandubraciiis ^BMLN, mandubratius S, mandrubatius T, mandrusbatius V, mandrubacius p; 20. 3 ace. mandubracium QJBML, mandubratium AS, mandrubracium N, mandrubacium T, mandnisbatium V, mandrobacium p; 20. 4 ace. mandubracium Q/£, mandubratium A, mandrubacium Tp, mandrusbatium V ; 22. 5 dat. mandubracio AB C L C NT, mandubragio Q I ^ M , mandubraccio S, mandubrancio L 1 , mandrusbatio V, mandobracio p. The name is also attested in Orosius 6. 9. 8 abl. andragio (w.ll. androgio, androgorio) , 4 emended to mandubragio by Nipperdey. The editors of the Commentaries now read Mandubracius. Schneider and 1 Rhys (Addit. 2 ff.) would recognize here a personal name Μαγουρα (gen.) and γιαουα, either a personal name to be taken closely with Ελονισσα in line 1 or a common noun meaning 'daughter-in-law' or the like. 2 Macurix Forrer 262. 3 Gray rendered the name as 'roi des esclaves (qui a beaucoup d'esclaves)'. Schmidt (KGP 66) rendered PN Magurix as *Konig der Diener' or *reich an Diener'. 4 Concerning the reading Andragius see Bromwich, TTP 269.
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Frigell, however, adopted the reading Mandubratius found only in S in the first and second instances of the name and A in the second and third. Gluck (KM 132) defended this form. He compared PNN Cassibratias in an inscription of Marguerittes (Gard) (CIL 12. 3003)1 and Brato in an inscription of Nijmegen (CIL 13. 8718). Nipperdey, on the other hand, read Mandubracius. See further Meusel, Lex. Caes. 2. 538, Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 466, Holder, AcS 2. 404 f.3 Schmidt, JTGPi 5 4, 237. The correct reading is undoubtedly Mandubracius, which is well attested in α manuscripts. Variants of this form show the misreading of ί as ί (-b(r)atius), the transposing of r (mandru-, mandro-), and the noting of the stem vowel of the first element mandu- in the composition joint as -0- (mand(r)o-). The name is clearly compounded Mandu- + bracius. However, I am not satisfied that we can be certain concerning the precise meaning of the compound. For Gaul, mandu- see section (A) (ii) s.v. With the element -bracius compare other names in brac(c)such as the following: PNN Bracarus EE 8. 400, no. 112; Bracciatus DAG 228 (ix); Bracdilus 215; Bracio 202; Bracisil(l)us CIL 7. 1336. 175(F), 13. 10010. 350; 2 ?Braccius AcS 1. 508; Bracatus a horse's name AcS 3. 922; LENN *Bracariacum Bragayrac (Haute-Garonne), Bergerac (Dordogne) AcS 3. 922; *Bracaseacum Brissac (Maine-etLoire) AcS 1. 508; Bracciacus, Braciacus Bracy (Yonne), Brassac (Puyde-Dome), etc. AcS 1. 508, 3. 922 ; 3 *Bracconacum Braconac (Tarn) AcS 3. 922; Bracedone Bresdon DAG 153; DN Braciacae (Marti) dat. CIL 7. 176. Perhaps -bracius should be related to Lat. bracae (or -es) 'trousers' which derives from Gaul, braca, itself probably a loan-word from Germanic, where beside the meaning 'trousers' (ON. brdk, AS. brdc, etc.) there seems to occur an earlier meaning 'the posterior, the buttocks' (AS. brec plu., Eng. breech). See W.-H. 1. 113 f., BID 340A, DAG 178.4 Schmidt claimed (KGP 154 f.) that we could assume that in Gaulish as in Germanic there was an old meaning 'Steiss'. 5 1
Whence P N Cassibr[a]tius DAG 83. See also AcS 1. 826, 3. 1135, KGP 165. Whatmough listed the form Bracisilus in DAG 203 and 204. 3 See also Hamlin, pp. 53 f. s.n. Brassac (with refs.). 4 See also Holder, AcS 1. 501 ff., 3. 920 ff.; de Jubainville, RA 1, 1903, 337 ff., id., Les Celtes (Paris, 1904), 696°.; Dottin 236; Schrader, Zts- for deutsche Wortforschung 1, 1900-1, 238 f., id., Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertwnskunde2, Bd. 1, hrsg. v. A. Nehring (Berlin u. Leipzig, 1917-23), pp. 513 f. s.v. 'Hose'; W.-P. 2. 192; Vendryes, i?C 48, 1931, 429; Pokorny, IEW 165; Schmidt, KGP I54f.; Pisani, JCS 1, 1949, 47 ff. (cf. Pokorny, Keltologie 137, id., £CP 25, 1956, 154 f., Schmidt, KGP 154, n. 2 ) ; Treimer, Ogam 9, 1957, 297; Jan de Vries, Kelten und Germanen (Bern u. Munchen, i960), 71 (cf. Schmidt, K^ 66, 1961, 96). Compare tubruciy tibraci trousers' DAG 220 (see also W.-H. 2. 681). 5 In support of this view he noted that we have the Insular Celtic forms W. Corn. Bret, bram 'fart* and Olr. braigid Tarts' which have been claimed as cognates of Gaul, brdca (see W.-P. and IEW9 locc. citt.). 2
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Accordingly he interpreted Mandubracius as a bahuvrihi compound meaning 'den Steiss eines jungen Pferdes habend' (KGP 154), 'das Hinterteil eines jungen Pferdes habend 5 (KGP 237). This ingenious interpretation is attractive, but I am not convinced that we can accept the view that Gaul, brdca did at first mean 'posterior, buttocks'. O n the other hand it seems less probable that one should take account of Gaul, bracts 'malt' (for the manufacture of beer), cognate with W. brag m. 'malt', OCorn. brag gl. bratium, Bret, bragez 'shoot of plant', Ir. mraick, braich 'malt'. 1 D'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 131 f.) did attempt to interpret Mandubracius by reference to this form. He rendered the name as 'fils de celui qui s'occupe du malt', i.e. 'de l'orge a fabriquer la biere'. M A T U G [ (La Graufesenque graffito) See L. Balsan, Proc.-verb. des seances de la societe des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 37, 1954-8 (1959), 12. The graffito was discovered at La Graufesenque in 1953. Balsan reported that it is fragmentary and in 1. 6 read matug This is part of the name of a La Grau fesenque potter, for which see Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 387, no. 150, Whatmough, DAG 132.2 For other instances of names in matu(g)en(t)~ (also in matucen- and ma(i)ducen-), and for the name elements matu- and -genus, see section (A) (ii) s.w. MATU- and GEN-. It means perhaps 'born of (/descendant of) a bear'. 3 See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 8, 1887, 180 f.; 10, 1889, 166 f., 173; 18, 1897, 87? 2I > 1900* 287; 26, 1905, 198, Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 58 ('Wolfsgeborener'), Schmidt, KGP 66, 135, 240. O n the other hand, it may mean 'well born', 'of good (/noble) descent'. See Williams, BBCS 2, 1925, 122, Vendryes, LEIA M-12, 24. Compare Ir. Matgen RC 12, 1891, 80 (also 127), M1W. madyein (also as PN?), madiein (see Lloyd-Jones, BBCS 1, J 2 9 3 J 3 j Williams, loc. cit.; id., CAn. 257; Brynley F . Roberts, Gwassanaeth Meir (Gaerdydd, 1961) 79), the Welsh stream Nant Maden beside Maden(n)i, Meden(n)i (see EAJSiC 162), and the OBret. PNN Matganet, Matganoe, Madganoe (see Chr. bret. 150, VB 314, 376). 1 See Holder, AcS 1. 509, 3. 923; Pedersen, VKG 1. 163, 2. 38; W.-H. 1. 114, 852; 2. 36; Whatmough, DAG 178; Pokorny, IEW 739; Vendryes, LEIA M-66 f.; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 476 ff. Compare Gaul. €μβρ€κτόν 'gravy, sauce* {embractum, imbractum) DAG 158 (see also Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 164, SprFK 202 s.v. inbrataria (La Grauf.); Corominas, £CP 25, 1956, 49; Og. 8, 1956, 439 f.; Guyonuarc'h, loc. cit.). For Gaul. *braco- 'morass, mire' see REW 1258a, FEW 1. 489, H. Grohler, Uber Ursprung u. Bedeutung der franzosischen Ortsnamen i (Heidelberg, 1913), 155, A. Vincent, Toponymie de la France (Brussels, 1937), par. 554, Forster, FT 8, n. 2, Whatmough, DAG, p. 791, Lebel, PMHF, par. 567 (cf. par. 159 and par. 302), Tovar Celticum vi. 389. Compare bracus 'uallis' DAG 178. 2 Cf. Hermet, p. 184, Oswald, Index 196 f., 494. 3 For similar names see above (p. 60, n. 2) s.n. Bodocenus.
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M O R I T A S G U S King of the Senones in Lugdunensis at the time of Caesar's arrival in Gaul. His ancestors had reigned before him. His brother Cavarinus was set on the throne in succession to him BG 5. 54. 2 moritasgus. This form is attested not only in BG as the name of a king of the Senones but also as a divine name, a by-name of Apollo (see DAG 181). It is compounded Mori-tasgus with the stem vowel -i- preserved in the composition joint. For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. MORI- and TASGO-. The first element is commonly inter preted as Gaulish mori- 'sea', and {Apollo) Moritasgus is explained by Jullian, for example (HG 6. 44, η. 6), 1 as a sort of 'Apollon navigateur'. Rhys (Addit. 53) 2 preferred to equate mori- in this name with the first element in the Irish divine name Morrigan (also Monigu) f. (see RIAContr. M. 173), which was interpreted by Stokes (RC12, 1891, 128, Urk. Spr. 211) 3 as cognate with OHG. mara, ASax. mare 'a female supernatural being who settles at night in the breast of those who are sleeping' (Germ. Mahr, Eng. (night-)mare), OChSl. mora 'a witch5 (see W.-P. 2. 277, IEW 736). Rhys accordingly guessed that Moritasgus meant 'a repeller of elves and witches' and that it 'may only have been a local name of the god Lug in the capacity of healer of sundry diseases of the human body'. We can compare also (?)Gaulish mori 'fanum' (or hybrid morifanum) of Vit. Rigomeri (presb. Subligniacensis, sixth century, 'apud Cenomanos') 6, ASS 24. Aug. IV, p. 787c 4 But this form is a problem in itself, as it has no known cognates. See DAG 178 s.v. The second element in Moritasgus may be cognate with Ir. tadhg 'a poet' and one might suggest that it is a tatpurusa compound of substantive+substantive meaning 'temple-poet' or the like.5 But this is very uncertain. N A M A N T O B O G I AE 1949, no. 75 (inscription of Arpajon, Seine-et-Oise) For this inscription see J . Vendryes, CRAI1948, 220-2, fig. (whence AE, loc. cit.); id., EC 5, 1950-1, 237-42, Photo; G. Matherat, Gallia 1 See also AcS 2. 636; BSAF 1910, 333; A. N. Newell, RA 14, 1939, 132-58; J. Carcopino, Manorial d'un voyage . . . des Antiquaires de France en Bhinanie 1953, 183 f. (REA 56, 1954, 407); Schmidt, KGP 245; Le Roux, Ogam 11, 1959, 222 f. 2 See also Vendryes, LEIA M-64. 3 See also de Jubainville, RC 29, 1908,194, n. 3 ; G. Donahue, PMLA 56,1941,6; R. S. Loomis, Wales and the ArthurianL·gend(Cardiff, 1956) 117 ff.; Vendryes, loc. cit.; Bromwich TTP 461. 4 in proximo loco antiquum fanum esse, quod uocabatpopulus morifanum {leg. mori?), quod populus uenerabatur. 5 For suggestions made by Le Roux in Ogam 11, 1959, 2 2 2 *· s e e section (A) (ii) stv. TASCO-, See also Scherer 210.
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7, 1949, i n ; M. Toussaint, Repertoire archeologique da departement de Seine-et-Oise (Paris, 1951), 13 f.; Duval Insc. Par. no. 48. The name is a (i)o-stem genitive in -z. It follows the genitive Nertomari (q.v.), and is probably another instance of the use of the genitive to express filiation. It is compounded Namanto-bogi, substantive+verb stem. For the elements in the name see s.w. NAMANTOand BOGIO-. The first is an wi-stem to which the vowel -0- has been affixed in the composition joint. Vendryes {CRAI1948, 221 f., EC 5, 1950-1, 238 ff.) suggested a meaning 'frappeur (/briseur) de Tennerm'. This attractive suggestion can hardly be bettered. He compared Skt. forms with a similar meaning. Compare also M1W. gelyn-gno 'biting the enemy' RP 1203. 13-14, gelyn-gawd 'angering (/offending) the enemy' RP 1302. 23. N A N T O N I C N DAG 141 (inscription of Neris-les-Bains, Allier) This form appears to be an abbreviation for Nantonicnos as claimed by Mowat, RA 35, 1878, 96 f., Stokes, RC 5, 1881-3, 116, BB n , 1886, 135, Rhys, Insc. 52 f., and others. I t is clearly a patronymic in -cno~ (see section (A) (ii) s.v.), 'son of Nantonos or Nantonios' (cf. PN JVantonius in an inscription of Doncaster CIL 7. 198) or 'son of Nanto' (cf. PN 'iNanto DAG 182). For Gaulish nantu- (nanto·) 'valley, water-course' see section (A) (ii) s.v. N A P P I S E T U DAG 188 (inscription of Thiaucourt, Meurthe-etMoselle) L. Max-Werly (BSAF 1884, 282, also apud Robert, CRAI 13, 1885, 33 f.) recognized in the inscription of the ring of Thiaucourt {DAG 188) the three forms adiantunneni, exuertininappi, and setu. Robert and de Jubainville (CRAI 13, 1885, 34 f.) accepted this word division and interpreted Setu as a personal name, an «-stem nom. sg. in -z7, show ing the familiar Gaulish -z7 for -0. More probably we have here a com pounded name, Nappi-setu, as claimed by Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 139 f., Holder, AcS 2. 688, Rhys, Insc. 59, Dottin, no. 55, Bohn, ASA 26, 1924, 87 f.1 It is probably the name of the person who gave the ring to *Adiantunnena (see above s.n. Adiantunneni). Both elements in the name are obscure. Forms comparable with nappi- (z-stem?) are hard to find. However, compare perhaps Nape CIL 2. 5795 (insc. of Tiermes in Soria). 2 Hardly compare the 1 The doubt expressed by Rhys (Insc. 59, cf. Cis. 45) concerning the second -/>- is probably baseless. But it is remarkable that six faces of the ring bear four letters only, whereas the seventh bears five (\piset\) and the eighth one only (u) followed by an ornamental figure presumably indicating the beginning and end of the insc. Nappisetu is hardly for Nappisetus (w-stem), a possibility mentioned by Rhys (Cis. 45). 2 Rhys's comparison (Insc. 59) of MiW. Neb. (mab Kaw) and Ir. Nechadan is worthless.
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(?)Thracian river name Νάπαρις and the local and ethnic name Νάπουκα, Napoca, Napucenses, Napocensis in Dacia, now Klausenburg, for which see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 327, who compares the names Νάπαι and Νάπης in Diodorus 2. 43. 3-4. For -pp- in forms from Ancient Gaul see Holder, AcS 2. 899. The second element also cannot be explained as Celtic. How ever, compare the following forms: PNN Set[ DAG 83, 176, 237; Setonius 244; Setori CIL 5. 8110. 432; Setosins DAG 5 ; Settus 208c; ??Setu Ogam 11, 1959, 273; Setu, Setubo DAG 78; Setupk PID, it. 335; Setapokios PID, it. 337; Setubogius DAG 214; Setucari (gen.) CIL 13. 1069 (or Losetu- or Etu-?) ;x Setulcia (-eia?) DAG 8 3 ; Setuleia CIL 2. 2306; ?Setundius DAG 244; Setus CIL 2. 4970. 99, 481, 482 ; 2 LENN Σεταντίων (gen.) Ptol. 2. 3. 3 ; 3 Σετβλσίς Ptol. 2. 6. 7 1 ; Setius mons DAG 80; Σζτουάκωτον DAG 241 ; 4 Σ€τονία (v.l. 2ey-) DAG 22i, 241 ;5 D N N Setloceniae (dat.) C/L 7. 393 ;6 Setuaianus DAG 223.7 Stokes (Urk. Spr. 294) posited a Celtic form *seti- 'beendigt, lang' from which he derived Ir. sith- 'long', W. hyd 'length', Corn, hes, Bret. hed. Rhys (Cis. 49) related a Celtic name element setu- (e.g. in PNN Setupokios, Setubogius) to Ir. sith-. See also Dottin, p. 286. But these Insular Celtic forms seem to point to Celtic *situ- or *siti~ rather than to *setu-. See W.-P. 2. 462, IEW 891, KGP 268. N E R T O M A R I AE 1949, no. 75 (inscription of Arpajon, Seineet-Oise) For this inscription see above s.n. Namantobogi. This name is an 0-stem genitive in -z dependent on the preceding form monimentum. It is followed by the name of the father Namantobogi in the genitive (see above s.n.). It is compounded Nerto-mari. For the elements in the name and for other instances of names in nertomar- see section (A) (ii) s.w. MARO- and NERTO-. The stem vowel of the first element is preserved in the composition joint. It is either a tatpurusa compound ofsubstantive+adjective meaning 'great in strength/ power, strong, mighty' or an inverted bahuvrihi compound meaning 'he whose strength is great'. For names of this type with -marus as a second element and with a first element denoting a physical or moral quality see Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 247. Compare Ir. nertmar 1
See Whatmough, DAG 156, Schmidt, KGP 233. See Holder, AcS 2. 1530. Cf. Rhys, Cis. 49. 3 See E. MacNeill, £riu 11, 1932, 130 f., Guyonuarc'h Og. 13, 1961, 592 ff. 4 Pokorny {Urg. 72) compared (?)Illyr. Zerovia (see n. 5 below) and Thrac. ZVri'Saua (see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 434). 5 See Pokorny, Urg. 5, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 302, 2. 105. 6 See Pedersen, VKG 1. 56 {LP 9 ) ; Loth, RC 51, 1934, 12; Pokorny, IEW 890; Jackson, LHEB 325; Schmidt, KGP 66, 216, 267 f. See also Detschew, op. cit. 7 s.n. Σ4τλοτ€ς. See also N.-L. 186 f. 2
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'strong, vigorous' (see RIAContr., N - O - P 37) and nertmaire (ώ-stem) f. 'strength, power' (see ibid.), and M1W. nerthuawr (see, for example, RP 1394. 25). For the meaning compare PN Nertozialus DAG 9. O C L I C N O DAG 145 (d) (inscription of Genouilly, Cher) For the interpretation of inscription (d) on the menhir of Genouilly see above s.nn. Aneunicno and Aneuno. Oclicno is probably an 0-stem nominative showing the loss of -s. It is a patronymic, 'son of *Oclos (?)'.* For -icno- see section (A) (ii) s.v. -CJVO-. *Odos is an obscure form. Compare perhaps the following names: PNN Ocl[ CIL 13. 10002. 372; Oclauia DAG 237; D N N ?Ogl[ DAG 243; Oglius (or Oglaius?) 213; LN Oglanda (-enda) AcS 2. 836. For names in oclat- (note, for example, PNN Oclatia DAG 182,2 Oclatius 214, 224, 237, 244, Oclatio 244,3 Oclatus 139) see Schulze 151, 364. Ernault {teste Holder, AcS 2. 829) would relate *Oclos (? < *(p)ok-lo-) to Ir. 61, Lat. paciscor, Goth. fagrsy etc. But this equation is extremely doubtful. In any case all these forms are not cognate. For the etymology of Ir. 61 m. 'the act of drinking' (v.n. of ibid 'drinks', v. RIADict. N - O - P 131 f.) see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 46, Pedersen, VKG 2. 412, 674, Pokorny, IEW840, Vendryes, LEIA Ο-19. O L L O V I C O Father of Teutomatus, king of the Nitiobroges. He received from the R o m a n Senate the title of Friend BG 7.31.5 gen. olloviconisa, alloviconisT'CVU, adloviconisR, allovico T 1 . The editors read olloviconis. However, Meusel (see Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 582) stressed that it was extremely difficult to decide which was the right reading, since the name did not occur elsewhere and because compounds in alio- were as well attested in Celtic as were compounds in olio-. T h e name is generally listed as Ollovico. See, for example, Holder, AcS 2. 848 (cf. 3. 572), Whatmough, DAG 156, Schmidt, KGP 42, n. 1, 251. Both the reading in olio- and the reading in alio- are acceptable as good Celtic forms. I can see no way of deciding which should be preferred. For the elements in the form Allovico see s.w. ALLO- and VIC-. It would be a compounded name which could mean 'he who fights others (/strangers?)' or the like. For Gaul, olio- 'all, every' or 'ample, great', see section (A) (ii) s.v. Ollovico, could mean 'he who fights all'. But this is sheer guesswork. It is quite impossible to be certain about the precise meaning, especially the meaning of the second element. 1 See Rhys, Insc. 54. In Addit. 55 Rhys suggested that Oclicno 'is derived from Ocli-s or else Oclo-s\ 2 See Weisgerber, Β J 154, 1954, 107, 119. 3 See Weisgerber, Annalen des historisciien Vereins fur Niederr/iein 155-6, 1954, 46.
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O P P I A N I C N O S DAG 160 (inscription of Auxey-le-Grand, nr. Volnay, Cote-dOr) The name is an 0-stem nominative in -os. It is a patronymic in •cno- (see section (A) (ii) s.v.), i.e. cson of Oppianos'. Compare especially the following P N N : Opincnus (for Op[p]ianicnus?) DAG 138, Oppianicus Cic. pro Clu. 4, 1 Oppianus DAG 83, o]phoi\an\kn (for Oppianicnos?) JRS 30, 1940, 189,2 Opianus Gallia 19, 1961, 69. Note also forms in op(p)- such as the following: PNN Opalo, Oppalo, Oppalus DAG 244; ?Opara[ 224; ?Opetius 214; Opiae (gen.) CIL 3. 3144; Opiaus 5. 320, Opia[vi?] (gen.) 3. 13295, Opiavi 3. 10121, Opiavae (dat.) 3. 2900; Opilio DAG 182, PID viiis, XUB; Opillus DAG 136; Opiso 151, Remark (B), 224; Oponius 215; ?Oppet[ 237; 0/^i 224; οππιλλι 245; Qft&atf 151) 182, 244, 250 ; 3 Oppo 151, 176; Opponius 224, Opponiius) N.-L. 201; Oppulo ZL4G 136; ?Opurimus DAG 228 (ix) (also 237); LNN OpiaDAG241 (Btr.z.N. 13,1962,144); Ophiussa (O[i]asso?) ?Oyarzun DAG 84. Hardly compare opulos ace. pi. (trees used for viniculture) Varro, res rust. 1. 8. 3 for which see PID, it. 341 A, W.-H. 2. 217, IEW 19. The personal names Opia, Opiavus, Opiava, Oppius, and Oppia, and the local name Opia have been claimed as Illyrian. See, for example, Pokorny, Urg. 108, Vox Romanica 10, 1948-9, 231, Mayer, op. cit. 248 f. No indication is given of the reason for this view. For Latin (?) Oppius see Schulze 41 with n. 2, 424. PN Oppianicnos also was interpreted as Illyrian by Pokorny in Urg. 166. Schmidt (KGP 251) was inclined to accept this suggestion. However, Rhys (insc. 11) here showed commendable caution when he declared that the etymology of the name is obscure. O R B I O T A L I AE 1952, no. 37 (inscription of the Chateau du Bouy, Champetieres, Puy-de-Dome) The same name occurs in a Latin inscription of Doncaster, Yorks.: matribus M. Nantonius Orbiotal. v.s.l.m. (CIL 7. 198). The form in the Gaulish text is an o-stem genitive in -i depending on the genitive fill which follows,4 and is compounded Orbio-tali. For the elements in the name see s.w. ORBIO- and TALO-. It is probably a bahuvrihi com pound of substantive+substantive meaning che who has the brow of an heir'.s Compare PN Dannotali above. 1
2 See Schulze, p. 18, n. 3. See DAG, Note xlv (C). See also Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 249, for instances of PNN Oppius and Oppia. 4 For the character Θ, an 0 with a point in the middle, which follows Orbiotali, see Vendryes, CRAI1951, 133 and EC 5, 1950-1, 243 f. s Vendryes (EC 5, 1950-1, 244) was a litde dubious about the equation of orbio- with Olr. orbae, orpe, etc., on the ground that the meaning did not suit. But Ir. orb (o-stem, masc.) is attested with the meaning *an heir, scion' (see RIAContr. N-O-P 152). 3
ιο8
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^ « Q g T O R I X A wealthy Helvetian nobleman who was the uthoi* of the plan of the Helvetii to seek a new home in Gaul. υ urL dertook a diplomatic mission to the Sequani and Aedui, nd entered into a compact with Casticus and Dumnorix for the 1 a U est and partition of Gaul BG i· 2 '
I or etor x
^ (orget° ήχ Q J xBMLNjS; 3. 1 gen. orgetorigis " R M L N ^ J 3* 3 g i' ^ B M L N T T R , orgetoris U ; 4. 1 ace. orgetorigem ^ M L N / 9 ; 4· 2 a n d 4· 3 orgetorix χΒΜΙ,Νβ; 9. 3 gen. orgetorigis i c M L N £ ; 26. 4 gen. orgetorigis χΒΜΙ,Νβ. The name is also attested as follows: Όρκζτόρίγος (gen.) Dio Γ ssius 38· 3 1 · 3? Orgetorix Oros. 6. 7. 3 ; Orgetorix Not. Tiron. 117. i
or eior x
6q, 13°· 4 ^' Tt is far from c ^ e a r n o w niuch importance should be attached to tain A e d u a n a n d Sequanian coin legends which preserve the forms t'rix orcitirix, orceti., orcet., or get. See Mur.-Chab. 4800 ff., AcS2. 868, ο gianchet 132, 405 if., DAG 177, JTGP 252.2 De Saulcy, for { mVle9 assumed (Annuaire de la soc.fr. de num. et d'arch. 2, 1867, 6 fH3 that the correct form of the nanie of the Helvetian is accordingly Π ptirix o r Orcetirix. However, Mommsen claimed {Geschichte des ischen Munzwesens (Berlin, i860), 685, n. 71 ) 4 that in none of the f ms on the coins is there attested the name of a person who can be Ή n t i f i e d w ^ Caesar's Helvetian nobleman. D'Arbois de Jubainville (WC 8*0 agreed with Mommsen, and Blanchet (pp. 85, 407) was lined to take the same view. See further R. Forrer, Jhb. d. Gesellh ft /"· lothringuche Geschichte u. Altertumskunde 15, 1903, 130; id., Κ itische Numismatik der Rhein- und Donaulande (Strafiburg, 1908), 2 2 f . Rice Holmes, CG 847; A. Grenier, Les Gaulois (Paris, 1945), fiQ · F· Stahelin, op. cit. 68, n. 4 ; Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 2. Compare also [Orget]orix Orgetori[gis/.] in a Latin inscrip tion of ^ e a u x ( C / L 13· 3024)· The name is compounded Orgeto-rix. For the ί-stem orget-, followed h the composition vowel -o-, see section (A) (ii) s.v. ORGETO-. ι S e £· Taubler, Bellum Helveticum (Zurich, 1924), 24 ff.; id., Tyche: historische j . /j^eipzig» 1926), 137 ff.; F. Stahelin, Die Schweiz in romischer £eit3 (Basel, Q) 66 ff-5 F · Munzer, P.-W. s.n.; W. Hering, 'Caesar und Orgetorix' in w schefl^ Zts- der Universitat Rostock, Jhg. 12, 1963, Gesellschafts- und Sprach.tSSeTlchafiliche Reihe, Heft 2 = Festschrift/. Rudolf Helm (Rostock, 1963), 221-7. W1 2 Vat a bronze coin of Orgetorix discovered near Bern in 1928 see O. Tschumi,
c
2 f
4'See als° "*'» Mittheilungen der antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zurich 7, 1852, 241. τ* Meyer, Beschreibung der in der Schweiz aufgefundenen gallischen Munzen (Zurich,
1863), 14 ff*
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Compare PNN Orgetius, -ia, Orgetei there listed. For -rix see s.v. REG-. It is a tatpurusa compound of substantive-f-substantive meaning 'king (/leader) of killers (/murderers, /warriors)'. 1 R E X T U G E N O S ZI4G 175 (inscription of Caudebec-les-Elbeuf, Seine-Inferieure) The inscription is on what is commonly supposed to be an earthen ware figurine of Venus. 2 It is in letters moulded with the figure itself and is read as follows: rextugenossulliasauuot For the elements in this name and for other names in rectugen-, rectogen-, reitugen-, rhetogen-, etc., see section (A) (ii) s.w. GEN- and RECTU-. The stem vowel of the first element has been preserved in the composition joint. For this type of name, with -genus as a second element and with an abstract noun as a first element, see references to the work of d'Arbois de Jubainville s.v. GEN-. The precise meaning of the name is not clear, but it may mean 'son of right' or the like.3 Concerning both the Celticity and the non-servile character of names accompanying auot see Whatmough, DAG, pp. 114 f., JCS 1, 1950, 9. ΣΑΜ[0]ΤΑΛΟ[Σ] DAG 165 (inscription of Lapipe-Sene on MontAuxois, Alise-Sainte-Reine, Cote-d'Or) This inscription, which appears to be Celtic, was discovered in fragments. Most of these, as the drawings and photographs in Rhys, Addit., pis. 4-6 show clearly, cannot be fitted closely together. No satisfactory interpretation of the inscription as a whole is possible, b u t it is probable that it contains several personal names. Rhys (Addit. 41) read in line 1, on five fragments: σαμ[
]ταλρ[
]αυουωτ[
]ΑΟ>Ο
He reported that de Ricci thought he could fit a small bit in to com plete ο after λ and to produce most of σ after it. Further he commented that 'the fragmentary letter before the first crack suggests a wide M, 1
See de Jubainville, NG 71 ff., Ernault apud Benoist-Dosson 703, Holder, AcS 2. 875, Schmidt, KGP 74, 252 f. 2 = CIL 13. 10015. 85*. Similar figurines with the same inscription are known from Fegreac (Loire Inferieure): rextugenossulliasauuot ibid. 85 b ; on two fragments from Saint-Jean-Trolimon (Somme): \f]extugen\ossullia\sauuo\t] ibid. 85 d ; from Breteuil (Somme): \rextugen\osauuot AcS 2. 1096. 3-7, 3. 780. 45-48. Other speci mens of the same figurine have only PN Rextugenos, one from Angers (Maine-etLoire) CIL 13. 10015, 8s a and another from Corseul (Cotes-du-Nord) ibid. 85°. See further CIL 13. iii, fasc. 2, 1906, pp. 464-6; AcS 2. 1095-6, 1665; 3· 7^° I DAG 175. 3 See de Jubainville, RC8, 1887, 181; 10, 1889, 167; 15, 1894, 22; Holder, AcS 2. 1094 comparing Bret. Rethian (see Chr. bret. 228, also VB 31, 60 f., 368).
no
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and the whole compound would beCAMOTAAOC, which I was able to confirm on re-examining the stone'. Esperandieu (Pro Alesia i, 1906, 43-45, whence CIL 13. 11258) had also suggested that the first word in line 1 was Sam[d]talo[s]. Whatmough (DAG 165) read in line 1: σαμ. . ταλ [οσ] ανονωτ. κνω
He remarked that 'there is space for two or three letters after the restored μ. He expressed some doubt concerning the placing of the fragment bearing [οσ] after λ. Moreover, he claimed that on this fragment cso little is preserved of each letter as to make identification uncertain (o or ρ, σ or o ? ) \ Cf. Rhys, Addit.. pi. 5, photo. 9 b, pi. 6. photos. 9 d-f. Clearly the reading is doubtful. But the suggestion that we should recognize here a personal name Σαμ[ο]ταλο[ς] is fairly sound and attractive. Compare especially PN Samotalns DAG 203, Remark, 1 214.2 The form appears to be an 0-stem nominative, subject of αυουωτ which follows. For the name elements samo- and tab- see section (A) (ii) s.w. It is probably a bahuvrihi compound of substantive+substantive meaning 'he who has the brow of summer' as suggested by Schmidt (KGP 66, 265).3 Compare P N Κασσιταλος above. ΡΣΕΓΟΜΑΝΙΚΟΣ DAG 74 (inscription of Nimes, Gard) For this inscription see above s.n. Κασσιμοτονλον. Σζγομανικος ap pears to be an o-stem nominative, but its relationship to the names which precede it is not clear. It may refer to the same person as Μεθθιλλος at the beginning. 4 It would be idle to discuss at length a form in such a doubtful text. But Σβγομανικος seems to be a Celtic personal name, possibly compounded. For Gaul, sego- see section (A) (ii) s.v. For (?)-μανικος see perhaps Appendix s.n. ΙΙι.ονμαν€ος, where some other forms which m a y contain an element -man(n)- are noted. Compare especially D N N Segomo (π-stem) DAG 181, 243, s and Segomanna DAG 82. 6 1
Potter's name of Le Chatelet. Compare Samoialus (leg. -talus) CIL 13. 10006. 82 (whence 1 Samoialus DAG 214). 2 Samotali (gen.) CIL 13. 4685 (Monthureux-sur-Saone, Vosges). The suggestion that coins of the Sequani bearing the legends q sam and q doci j q doci samf, etc. (see Mur.-Chab. 5393 ff., 5402 ff.; AcS 2. 1333 ff.; DAG 177, 232; Cat. Besangon, nos. 51 ff., Cat. Montbiliard, nos. 37 ff., Cat. Jura, no. 19) contain this name is not convincing. 3 Schmidt rendered Samotalus as 'die Stirn des Sommers habend', i.e. 'sonniges, frohliches, unbeschwertes Wesen habend' which is close to the meaning Thomme au front doux' (relating samo- to Ir. sdim) proposed by de Jubainville (JVG 188, whence Holder, AcS 2. 1347). 4 Hardly divide as Μεθθι,λος Κασσψοτουλους Εγομανικος, three PNN in the nominative (?). 5 See Rhys, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion . . . 33 f., de Vries KR 58. 6 See Rhys, Addit. 27.
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III
Σ Ε Γ Ο Μ Α Ρ [ DAG 32 (graffito of Les Baux, Bouches-du-Rhone) This form is comparable with PNN Σ€γομαρος DAG 57 and Segomari DAG 161 (both listed below), also PNN [Sego]marus DAG 83, [Seg]om[arus] 182, and Segomarus DAG 237, PID viiic. Compare Germanic Segimerus Tac. arm. 1. 71, Σ€γίμηρος Str. 7. 1. 4 Σηγίμβρος Dio Cass. 56. 19, Sigimerus Veil. Pat. 2. 118, ON. Sigmarr, etc. 1 It is compounded σ€γο-μαρ[ with the stem vowel of the first element preserved in the composition joint. For the elements in this name see s.w. SEGO- and MARO-. It may be a tatpurusa compound of substantive-f-adjective meaning 'he who is great in strength (/vigour)' or the like. Compare for the meaning perhaps PN Nsricmari discussed above. But if segohere is the Gaulish equivalent of W. hy} the name may be a compound of adjective+adjective meaning 'daring (/bold) and great 5 or 'great in daring (/boldness)'.2 S E G O M A R I DAG 161 (inscription of Couchey, Cote-d'Or) This is an 0-stem genitive in -iy the name of the father oiDoiros, the name which immediately precedes it. It is, therefore, yet another instance of the use of the genitive to express filiation. For names in sego-maro- see above s.n. Σ€γομαρ[. ΣΕΓΟΜΑΡΟΣ DAG 57 (inscription ofVaison, Vaucluse) An 0-stem nominative in -09, subject of the verb €ΐωρου. For names in sego-maro- see above s.n. Σ€γομαρ[. ΣΙΓΟ.ΟΥΤΙΟΡΕΙΞ DAG 35 (inscription of the Pont de la Pistole, Saint-Remy-de-Provence, Bouches-du-Rhone) There is considerable doubt concerning the reading of line 1 of this inscription after the fourth letter. But the form restored as Σιγο\τ\ουτιορ€ΐξ or Σι,γο[το]ουτιορ€ΐξ by V. Rolland in Cahiers d'kistoire et d'archeologie 1933, 292 ff., pi. iii,3 as Σιγο\τ\οντιορ€ΐξ by H. Rolland in 1 See A. Scherer, Btr. ζ. Λ". 4, 1953, 6, id., Corolla Linguistica (Fest. F. Sommer) (Wiesbaden, 1955), 199, 201, 208, H. Krahe, Sprache und Vorzeit (Heidelberg, I954)> 138 f 2 Ernault {teste Holder, AcS 2. 1447) rendered segomaro- as 'grand par la force', Rhys (Insc. 15) as 'him of great strength or power', V. Rolland (Cahiers d^histoireet dgarcheOlogie 1933, 301) as '(rhomme) grand et fort' or 'tres fort'. Schmidt (KGP 72, 266) rendered it as 'groB an Siegen', assuming that sego- meant 'victory'. He also suggested (KGP 77) that PN Secorix (DAG 203) had a similar meaning, with -rix used merely as an intensive element with an adjectival meaning (see s.v. REG-). Dottin (p. 285) compared Ir. seaghmhar 'ingenieux' (see RIAContr. S. 140, Dinneen
1001). 3
See also Counter numismatique, nos. 33-34 (oct.-dec. 1933), 94, H. Rolland, Saint'R6my-de-Provence (Bergerac, 1934), 55. V. Rolland (Cahiers . . . 292) attributed a similar restoration to P. Jacobsthal. There is no mention of this byjacobsthal in
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1
Gallia 2, 1944, 172, no. 6, may well be correct. It must be remembered, however, that this restoration is conjectural and that others are pos sible.2 What is fairly sure is the view that lines 1-2 contain one personal name in the nominative, the name either of the person who erected the monument bearing the inscription or of the person com memorated by the inscription. See above s.n. Εσκβγγορ.ονυ. The name is compounded Σιγο-[τ]οντίο-ρ€ίξ. Σίγο-, as suggested by V. Rolland (op. cit. 293), may be compared with Gaulish sego- (see sec tion (A) (ii) s.v.). Compare LN Sigobrica Rav. beside Segobriga class., inscc, etc., now Segorbe, Valencia (see AcS 2. 1444 ff.). For the other two elements in the name see s.w. TEUTO- and REG-, The second and third elements are probably to be taken closely together rather than the first and second.3 Compare DN Toutiorigi (dat.) CIL 13. 7564·4 The precise meaning of the name is not certain; but it may be 'a daring king of the tribe' or the like. ΣΙΛΟΥΚΝΟΣ DAG 53 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) The name is an o-stem nominative in -0?. As Rhys saw (Addit. 11) it is a patronymic in ~cno- (see section (A) (ii) s.v.). Holder listed in AcS 2. 1554 instances of PNN Silus and Sila from Latin authors and from inscriptions; but it is impossible to tell whether any of these are Celtic. Compare perhaps PNN Silanus, Silo> Silonius, and Silu[> which are attested in Narbonensis {DAG 83). 5 It would be idle to speculate at length concerning the etymology of this difficult form. We can compare perhaps Ir. sil cseed', W. hil 'posterity' < IE. *se-lo- (: Lat. sew 'I sow', O H G . sden 'sow', etc.). 6 Hardly compare sil (Gallicum) (Plin. NH 26. 42) a plant (saxifrage?) DAG 79, 7 beside halus 'sam phire' (also alus, alum) DAG 158,8 or Isilurus a.fish(sturgeon) DAG 220. his discussion of the insc. in Schumacher Festschrift (Mainz, 1930), 190 (D), where he read τιορ€ΐξ in line 2 and remarked that line 1 was uncertain. Whatmough (HSCP 44, 1933, 227 f.) read nopci in what he regarded as line 1. This he interpreted as an i-stem dat. sg. (whence τιορει GOI193). Later, in DAG 35, he gave the following reading of lines 1-2: σιγο . . .[| ηορ€ΐξ. H e insisted, however, that the inscription was 'very faintly incised' and that the reading of it was uncertain. 1 He commented as follows: 'Gravure superficielle et defectueuse, mutilde au milieu de la premiere ligne.' 2 V. Rolland, for example (Cahiers . . . 293), mentioned the possibility that the name could be restored as Σιγο[κ]υτωρ€ΐξ, comparing cutio(s)jqutio(s) in the Calendar of Goligny (see Appendix s.n. Qutos). 3 V. Rolland (Cahiers . . . 293) took the first and second elements closely together and rendered the name as *roi de la cite puissante', 'du peuple fort* or 'valeureux'· 4 See section (A) (ii) s.v. TEUTO-. 5 Note also PN Sillokui (dat.) in an insc. of Raschlinas, nr. Praz (Jahrbuch der schweizenschen Gesellschaft fur Urgeschichte 47, 1958-9, 178 f.). 6 See Urk. Spr. 295, AcS 2. 1549, VKG 1. 50 (LP 7), IEW 889 f. 7 See also Whatmough, CPh. 48, 1953, 255, Tovar, Celticum vi. 397. 8 See also Whatmough, loc. cit.
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For an alleged IE.(?) root *sll-\*sll~ 'cours d'eau'(?) see Flutre, REPL 249 f.1 S U A D U G E N I DAG, Note lii (a), pp. 988 f. (inscription of Dijon) This inscription reads as follows: moni I minto | cacud | iasua | dugeni | ceni I t doubtless does contain a personal name Suadugeni, although ceni in 1. 6, usually explained as a blunder, a repetition of the end of 1. 5, 2 is problematic. 3 Compare especially PNN Suadugena CIL 13. 11050 and Suadugenu. CIL 13. 2751. This view is more satisfactory, I think, Suadugenus) that we have here ,n/
To Flutre's references add Pokorny, IEW 889. See P. Lejay, Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), no. 137; Mowat, RA 15, 1890, 417; CIL 13. 5502. 3 Whatmough {DAG p. 989) suggested that 'it is worth asking whether we have not a noun (''tumulus") or verb ("posuit") cf. W.-P. 1. 390-99*. 4 Whence Su-bron. . . KGP 272. 2
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'Voretouirius made (this) for Subro Sumelis' (taking Subroni and Sumeli together as the names of one person). Dottin remarked (no. 2 bis) that the inscription is Vraisemblablement latine' and Whatmough (DAG, loc. cit.) that 'in 1. 4 / p r e s u m a b l y stands for fecit, but if the inscription is in Latin it is not easily construed'. Moreover, owing to damage on the right the reading of the final letter in lines 1-3 is in doubt. See further s.nn. Sumeli and Voretovirius. It does appear that there is in 1. 1 a form Subron[ (perhaps Subroni) which may be a Celtic personal (or divine?) name. It seems to be compounded su-bron-. For su- see section (A) (ii) s.v. This form recurs in Sumeli in 1. 2. There is no certain etymology for the second part of the name. Rhys (Insc. 26 f., 76) favoured the interpretation of Subroni as the dative of a personal name *Subro (for older *Subrdn-s, w-stem).1 He was tempted to relate the second element to that seen in Gk. σώφρων, -ov 'sensible, wise', εϋφρων, -ον 'cheerful, cheering', 2 and suggested that the name might mean 'good at thinking, possessed of sound judgement, prudent and wise'. Schmidt (KGP 157, see also 272) rightly rejected this interpretation. 3 S U M E L I DAG, Note (ix), pp. 111 f. (inscription of Beaumont, near Vaison, Vaucluse) All editors of the inscription read the damaged last letter of 1. 2 as i.4 The form Sumeli seems to be a personal (or divine ?) name, although its precise relationship to the rest of the inscription is not clear. It may be nominative like PN Voretovirius (see below s.n.) with which it could be taken as the subject off(ecit), i f / i n 1. 4 stands forfecit. If the form were nominative it would presumably be an z-stem showing the loss of - j . But -s is preserved in Voretovirius. It is hardly an 0-stem genitive in -i to be taken closely with (?) PN Subroni which precedes it (see above) and interpreted as an instance of the genitive expressing filiation. 1 It may, on the other hand, be an 0-stem dative. Compare (?)PN Brigindoni discussed in section (B). 2 For the etymology of Gk. φρήν 'midriff, heart, mind', φρονέω Ί think', σώφρων, etc., see IEW 496. Rhys's attempt to treat W. barn 'opinion, judgement', brawd 'judgement', bryd 'mind, thought', etc. (usually related to IE. *bker- 'bear', see IEW 128 ff.; cf. Wagner, £CP 28, 1960-1, 238 ff.) as cognates of these Greek forms is not convincing. 3 It is unlikely that there is here a cognate of VV. bron 'breast, bosom', etc. (v. GPCs.v.), Corn, bronn, MlBret. bron(n), Olr. bruinne, as the etymology proposed for these Celtic forms by Stokes, Urk. Spr. 184 (see also Holder, AcS 3. 986 s.v. bronda and Dottin, p. 238 s.v. *bronia (cf. Weisgerber, SprFK 195)) might perhaps sug gest. For a more satisfactory etymology of these forms see Pokorny, £CP 13, 1921, 294, IEW 170 f. Compare brun(n)ia 'breast, cuirass' DAG 220. Hardly compare L N (?) Brona Plin. NH 3. 15 (in Hisp. Baet.). See now GrDAG 57, 64. 4 As to the state of preservation of the inscription see Rhys, Insc. 24, and What mough, DAG, loc. cit.
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Becker (KSB 3, 1863, 352) and Pictet (RA 15, 1867, 400 f.) thought that it was a divine name, an z-stem dative. Rhys also (Insc. 25 f.) preferred to take it as an i-stem dative. But Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 136, whence Holder, AcS 2. 1666) accepted the view that it is nominative. Schmidt (KGP 273) has listed it as Sumeli(s). Of all these possibilities the view that it is an z-stem dative is, I think, the most satisfactory. Compare the following PNN in sumel-: Sumelio DAG 214; 1 Sumeliu 244 ; 2 Sumelo 244 ;3 Sumela PID xiic. 4 Note also the local and ethnic name Sumelocenna, -ensis, Σομελοκ€ννήσια (Samul- for Samel- in TP) DAG 241, which, however, should perhaps be analysed Sume-locenna (see DAG. p. 56). The name seems to be compounded Su-meli. For the first element see s.v. SU-.S The etymology of the second element is not certain. However, a number of scholars, including Pictet, Stokes, Rhys, and Schmidt, have interpreted it as a cognate of W. Corn. Bret, mel 'honey', Ir. mil, W. melys 'sweet', Ir. milis, and perhaps W. melyn 'yellow', Corn, milin, Bret, melen :6 Gk. μέλι (gen. -ιτος) 'honey', μέλισσα (Att. -ττα) 'a bee, honey', Lat. mel (mellis) 'honey', etc. (see IEW 723 f., DGVB 253). An element melis(s)o- (iddo-), meli- (melo-) is attested in names from Ancient Gaul 7 and is probably cognate with the neo-Celtic forms quoted above. See most recently Schmidt, KGP 242. 8 Pictet (RA 15, 1867, 400 f.) interpreted Sumeli as a compound meaning 'bene suavis'. Rhys (Insc. 25) thought that it seemed to be a woman's name rather than a man's and suggested that it meant 'one who had the leading attribute of honey, namely sweetness . . . that is 1 =S\u\melioni CIR 1783. = Sumeliu CIL 3. 11783, still listed by Schmidt, KGP 273 (cf. p. 242) from CIL 3. 5604 as Sumeli (dat.?). 3 = Sumeloni (dat.) CIL 3. 5638. 4 = Sumelae (dat.) CIL 5. 6640. 5 ?Compare the following Ogam forms (with pejorative du- ?): Dumeledonas CIIC 368, Dumeli 252, Dumelus 351, and perhaps maqi-Ddumileas 198. Sir Ifor Williams (Trans. Cymmr. 1943-4 (1946), 154) suggested comparing Dumeli with W. Dyfel (or Dywel?) ab Erbin (see G. 432 s.n.). 6 Possibly meaning at first 'honigfarben' according to W.-P. 2. 293, IEW 724. For melinus 'color nigrus' CGL 5. 371. 11, which seems to be cognate with Gk. μέλας, -ανος or a corruption of it, see Whatmough, DAG 178 and 246 s.v. See also DAG 158 s.v. milimindrum 'hen-bane*. 7 It is difficult to say for certain how many of these are in fact Celtic. However, note the following selected examples: PNN Catmelus DAG 250; Comeliddus 156; Melantius 151, Remark (A); Melalio 132; McXiywva Gal. Spr. 155; Melimoni DAG 250; Melindus 214; Melisa 244; ?Melisattius 237; Melissa 83, 182, Melissus 83, 151 Remark (B), 156, 156 Remark, 176, 182, 204, 244, Meliddus 151, 156, 182; Melissaeus 8 3 ; Meliddatius 244; Meliddius 237; ?Melisusus 224; Melito 244; Melosattus 237· 8 Schmidt, following Pokorny (£CP 13, 1921, 295), rightly rejected Dottin's suggestion (p. 272) that Gaul, melo- is cognate with Ir. mil 4an animal', W. mil, etc. (: Gk. μήλον, etc., see IEW 724). 2
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. . . honey-like or sweet-spoken'! Schmidt {KGP 60, see also 273) translated Sumelis [sic] as 'der sehr Sufie'.1 Τ Α Ν Κ Ο Λ Α Τ Ι Σ CRAI 1955, 91 (inscription of Romanin, Bouchesdu-Rhone) F. Benoit reported {Gallia 8, 1950, 124) the discovery of 'un frag ment de cippe calcaire avec inscription grecque du i e s. av. J . - C , coupe aumilieu de la 3 e ligne: TANK||OAAT||ICK(?)OC(?) (les A a barre brisee)'. H. Rolland {CRAI loc. cit.) described the find as follows: . . . il s'agit du sommet d'une stele funeraire trouvee sur la voie antique de Glanum a Cabellio, au quartier de Romanin. Elle porte le nom du defunt TANK|OAAT|IC, suivi d'un deter minatif incomplet, surnom patronymique dont il ne reste que les trois premieres lettres Β Ο Κ Although there is divergence of opinion concerning the reading of 1. 3, it is probable that we have here a personal name Τανκολατις, an f-stem nom. in -ι?.2 It is compounded τανκο-λατις, a tatpurusa com pound of substantive+substantive meaning perhaps 'hero (/lord) of peace'. For the name elements attested in this form see s.w. TANCOand LATI-. T A X I M A G U L U S O n e of four kings of Kent in Britain who attacked Caesar's naval camp in 54 B.C. BG 5. 22. 1 taximagulus ω. The name is compounded Taxi-magulus. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 149 f.) thought that taxi- might be connected with tost- in LN Tasinemeti (TP) in Noricum {AcS 2. 1750 f.),3 and that these forms pointed -to a divine name * Taxis j* Tasis. Accordingly he interpreted Taximagulus as 'esclave du dieu Taxi-s'. Stokes {Urk. Spr. 122) related taxi- to Ir. tais 'weich, sanft', 4 and this has been repeated by Holder {AcS 2. 1778), Dottin (p. 99), Walde-Pokorny (1. 703), Schmidt {KGP 276), and Pokorny {IEW 1055). It seems to me that this equation is quite arbitrary in view of the fact that the etymology of Ir. tais is not at all certain. Moreover, it is unlikely that taxi- should be related to taxea c lardus'(?) discussed in PID 340D and DAG 220, a form which Isidore counted Celtic although it is in fact probably an early 1 He suggested that it was an example of a name compounded of a prefix -f adjective where the prefix merely indicates a degree of intensity of the quality denoted by the second element, with the precise original meaning of this prefix not retained. 2 If Benoit's reading is correct we could perhaps recognize here an o-stem nom. in -os, i.e. Τανκολατισκος (?). 3 Compare rather perhaps (?)Thrac. Tasibastenus (DN), for which see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 494. 4 See RIAContr. s.v. where the meanings given are 'damp, moist; soft, smooth; gentle, kind, easy; weak, feeble, spiritless, timid'.
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borrowing from Germanic. The second element -magulus seems to be a derivative of Celtic magu- 'youth, slave, vassal' for which see section (A) (ii) s.v. Compare especially magulus e cinaedus'(?) Schol. Juv. 2.16, 1 which Whatmough (DAG 178, cf. W.-H. 2. 12) would relate to Celtic magu-. The precise meaning of the name is not at all clear. It may be £a gentle (/kind) youth (/slave)' or 'a weak (/timid) youth . . .'(??). Schmidt (KGP 276) rendered the name as 'Sklave des Weichen 5 , i.e. 'Weichling'. 2 Compare the Greek personal name Άλςίνη listed by Bechtel, p. 487. Personal names do not invariably describe the more attractive of physical or mental peculiarities. T E U T O M A T U S King of the Nitiobroges, son of Ollovico. H e joined Vercingetorix in 52 B.C. with his own cavalry and others whom he had hired from Aquitania, and just managed to escape from Gergovia when Caesar's legions made a surprise attack BG 7. 31. 5 teutomatus BMLN, teutomotus χβ, teumatus S; 46. 5 votomatus χπ\], votomapatus φ, comatus R. The editors read Teutomatus in both instances of the name, accepting in the second instance Oudendorp's emendation. However, Holder read Toutomatus at BG 7. 46. 5 beside Teutomatus at BG 7. 31. 5. See Holder (Text), ad locc, and AcS 2, 1807. See further Meusel, Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 600 (also 2. 582), Pedersen, VKG 1. 54 (LP 8), Schmidt, KGP 240, 278, 280, 300. While there can be little doubt that the rex Nitiobrogum mentioned by Caesar in BG 7. 31. 5 is the same person as the one mentioned in BG 7. 46. 5, the difference in the manuscript readings is a problem. A Gaulish name element teuto- is, of course, well known, whereas votois not. 3 This has influenced editors to follow Oudendorp in emending the text at BG 7. 46. 5 to read a name in teuto-* Both -motus5 and -mapatis6 occur in Gaulish names. But the manuscript evidence, showing a form in -matus in both instances of the name (in different manuscripts in the second instance from those which show it in the first), is slightly balanced in favour of accepting a form in -matus as the one which is most likely to be correct for Caesar's text. It is fairly certain, I think, that we have here to deal with a compounded name 1
Peribomius: nomen archigalli cinaedi quern magulum conspurcatum dicimus. In KGP 59, η. ι he argued that the first element should be translated as a sub stantive and the whole name as 'Sklave der Weichheit\ 3 Note, however, PNN such as Vota DAG 192, Votienus, Voto, Vottona, Voturia, -ius 83, Vot. .i{us) 244, Votla 214 (see also 215 and 237), Votornus 132. 4 Holder's attractive suggestion that we should read Toutomatus (some manu scripts here have votomatus and votomapatus following the form ut) should certainly not be totally ignored as it has been by very recent editors of the Commentaries. * See section (A) (ii) s.v. MOT-. 6 See Schmidt, KGP 244 f. Cf. Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594. 2
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Teuto-matus (or Touto-matus) .* The fullest discussion of the name is that of Vendryes in CRAI 1939, 466-80, dealing in particular with the two elements in the name as important terms in the religious vocabu lary of Western Indo-European. See s.w. TEUTO- and MATU-. As Vendryes has rightly insisted, the meaning of the name is not clear. 2 It seems to be a compound of substantive+adjective, possibly a tatpurusa compound meaning 'he who is good (/propitious) for his tribe (/people)' 3 or else an inverted bahuvrihi compound meaning 'he whose people are fortunate' or the like. 4 O n the other hand, if -matus should be related to Celtic matu- 'bear^?) then the name may be a tatpurusa compound of substantive+substantive meaning 'the bear of his tribe (/people)'. This is all uncertain. T O U T I S S I C N O S Z ^ 4 G i 6 3 (inscription of Nevers, Nievre) The name is clearly a patronymic in -cno- (see section (A) (ii) s.v.), 'son of * Toutissos\5 an 0-stem nominative in -os like PN Andecamulos which precedes it. With * Toutissos, a derivative in -isso- of Gaulish touto-, compare PNN Toutissa and Toutissia (see section (A) (ii) s.v. TOUTO-). For the suffixes -iss(i)o~, and for -iss(i)a and -s(s)~ suffixes in general, see inter alios the following authorities: Bertoldi, BSL 32, 1931, 167-71, £&PA 57, 1937, 163; Weisgerber Germania 17, 1933, 16 f., Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 327 f., AHVJV I55" 6 . 1954, 48 ff., Rh. V. 23, 1958, 24; Pokorny, Urg. 42 ff.; Kretschmer, Glotta 30, 1943, 131; Hubschmid, ELH 464, id., Mediterrane Substrate (Berne, i960), 67 ff., id., VR 19, i960, 124 ff., 245 ff. (esp. 279 ff.); Schmoll, SVIHK 72 f., Btr. ζ. JV. 13, 1962, 299 f. ΟΥΗΒΡΟΥΜΑΡΟΣ DAG 44 (inscription of Orgon, Bouches-duRhone) The name is an 0-stem nominative in -09, subject of SeSe. It is 1
I am not convinced by Schmidt's suggestion (KGP 278, cf. 240) that Teutomatus is uncompounded, a derivative in -ato- of a name such as PN Teutomi (gen.) CIL 3. pt. ii, p. 852 (note also perhaps P N Τςύταμος Diod., Plut., (with v.l. Τευταμάτου gen.) Polyaen. listed in AcS 2, 1805). 2 Although one cannot altogether agree with his comment that the translation of a proper name, especially of Gaulish proper names, is in general only 'un jeu sans port£e' (op. cit. 466) it is tempting to quote here in full his cogent remark concerning compounded names, viz. *I1 ne faut pas oublier que le groupement des deux olements d'un nom propre compose ne comporte pas necessairement une traduction. II peut arriver que ces el£ments soient empruntes chacun a d'autres noms propres, oil meme ils aient un sens, pour etre arbitrairement reunis sans constituer un ensemble pourvu du sens' (op. cit. 480, n. 1). 3 'bon pour le peuple' Ernault ap. Benoist-Dosson 723. 4 This is less satisfactory. Vendryes's suggestion that teuto- here may be a sub stantive meaning 'protecteur' or 'guorisseur' is not convincing. See s.v. TEUTO-. 5 Weisgerber (Germania 17, 1933, 16, n. 7) would prefer to render it as 'son of * Toutissa9.
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compounded ονηβρου-μ,αρος. For the elements in the name see s.w. VEBRU- and MARO-. It is probably a tatpurusa compound of sub stantive -ρ adjective meaning 'great in amber', 'great by reason of his amber'. Rhys's suggestion (Insc. 18) that it is perhaps to be explained as 'one who was great or distinguished for his amber, one who made a display of amber in the adornment of his person' is attractive. Con cerning the use of amber for decoration see Loth, RC 38, 1920-1, 283, Williams, CAn. 78, F. Henry, Irish Art in the Early Christian Period (London, 1965) 109. Compare PN Verbronara discussed below. OYENITOOYTA DAG 26 (inscription of Ventabren, Bouches-duRhone) The correct reading of 1. 1 of this text is ουενιτοουτα as given by H. de Gerin-Ricard and Arnaud Dagnel in CRAI1903, 58 ff. (with dis cussion and drawing by d'Arbois de Jubainville, ibid. 108 ff.).1 The name is compounded OVCVL-TOOVTCL. It is doubtless Celtic and probably an α-stem nominative, possibly masculine. 2 For the elements in the name see s.w. VENI- and TEUTO-. The meaning and etymo logy of the first element are uncertain. If we assume that it is an instance of Celtic ueni- 'family, kindred, tribe, race' the name may be a compound of substantive+substantive meaning 'he whose people are his family (/kindred)' or the like. Compare PNN Virotouta DAG 83, 244, Virotutus 182, D N N Virotuti Apoll[ini] (dat.) 82, Virotutis 181, V[irotuti] (or V[indonno] ?) 213. 3 De Jubainville (CRAI 1903, n o ) rendered the name as 'tribu parente' and L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 64) as 'celle qui a une nation (un grand nombre) de parents'. V E R B R O N A R A DAG 59, Remark (inscription of Buoux, 4 km. south of Apt, Vaucluse) For this inscription see above s.n. Apetemari. Whatmough's sugges tion that the form read as Verbronara by Allmer was miscopied for Vebromara may well be correct. Holder (AcS 3. 130)4 preferred to read Vebrumara here, clearly because of the form Ουηβρουμαρος in the insc. of Orgon with -u- preserved as the stem vowel of the first element (see above s.n.). Whatmough's Vebromara has the merit of being closer to the form recorded by Allmer. If the form given by Allmer is genuine and not the result of miscopying or misreading some other form such as Vebromara, it should 1 See also Dottin, no. 6 bis. I am grateful to M. Fernand Benoit for confirma tion of the reading and for supplying me with a photograph of this inscription. Whatmough's ουενιτουτα in DAG 26 is incorrect. 2 For masculine 0-stems in Celtic see above s.n. Adepicca. 3 For these names see s.v. TEUTO-. 4 See also Schmidt, KGP 285.
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presumably be interpreted as a compound Ver-bron-ara. For ver- see section (A) (ii) s.v. For -bron- compare perhaps the name Subroni in the Gaulish inscription of Beaumont (see above s.n.). For the suffix -ara see AcS i. 170, 3. 648. In any case the Celticity of the form is not in doubt. It is presumably an fl-stem nominative, (?) feminine. V E R C A S S I V E L L A U N U S A leader of the Arverni, cousin to Vercingetorix. He was one of four generals chosen to command the army organized to relieve Alesia in 52 B.C. BG 7. 76. 4 dat. uercassianeiino a> uergasilauno /?; 83. 6 ace. uercassiuellaunum ^BMSL T U , uercassilannum N, uercassilaunum V, uercassiuellacinum R ; 85. 4 ace. uercassiuellaunum a, uercassilaunum Tp, uercasilaunumV; 88. 4 uercassiuellaunus a, cassiuellaunus β. A coin legend uerca/1 has been treated as an abbreviation of the name of the Arvernian leader mentioned in the Commentaries. If it is an abbreviation of the name given by Caesar, it is a particularly severe one. Colbert de Beaulieu is quite properly dubious of this attribution. As he points out, uerca may be an abbreviation of some other shorter name. He also maintains that in any case the style of the coins bearing this legend may be that of a people to the west of the Arverni. 2 The form that is now regularly preferred is Vercassivellaunus. This is no doubt correct, for it is well attested in α manuscripts except in BG 7. 76. 4. Here the emendation uercassiuellaunofirstappeared in 1513 in the Aldine edition of Caesar's Commentaries. See KN 171 ff., CG 850, Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 639, DAG 151. Compare PN Cassivellaunus discussed above, and note that in the Commentaries also PN Vercinge torix occurs beside PN Cingetorix. The name is compounded Ver-cassi-vellaunus. The pattern of com position is a-f-(b+c), with the second and third elements to be taken closely together as found in PN Cassivellaunus.3 See Holder, AcS 3. 183, Schmidt, KGP 70 fF. For the elements in the name see s.w. VER-, CASSI-, and VELLAUNO-. The function of the first element is prob ably intensive, but because of the doubt concerning the precise mean ing of both the second and third elements, the meaning of the name as a whole cannot be established. Ernault ap. Benoist-Dosson 730 rendered it as ctres excellent par sa distinction'; de Jubainville {NG 224, whence Holder, AcS 3. 183) as 'tres superieurement (/elegam1
For sources and literature see Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 444, η. ι. Add Holder, AcS 3. 184; Whatmough, DAG 151, 157; Fournier, Gallia 19, 1961, 366; 2 Bessou, Celticum ix. 182. See Homm. Gren. 444 f. 3 Compare Gluck, AW 174, de Jubainville, NG 13, Dottin 107, who seem to take the first two elements closely together.
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ment, /joliment) bon'; and Milewski {Filomata 130, 1959, 30) as 'lepszy wielka. uroda/. V E R C I N G E T O R I X Son of Geltillus. He raised the revolt against Caesar in 52 B.C. and was chosen king and commander-inchief of the Gaulish confederates 1 The name regularly occurs as Vercingetorix (nom.), -rigis (gen.), etc. Here, therefore, I note only variants of these forms. In manu scripts not mentioned, in each instance of the name, the reading is Vercingetorix, etc. BG 7. 4. 1 uercingecorix S, -uingetorix π, -gingetorix p; 8. 4 ; 9. 1 ;2 9. 6 uergingetorixBM, -cingecorixS; 12. 1 uercingecorix?», uertingetorix V ; 12. 4 gen. uercingecorigis S; 14. 1 uercingecorix S; 15. 6 abl. uergingetorige R; 16. 1 uercingecorix S; 18. 1 ace. uercingecorigem S, -etoriem V ; 20. 1 and 20. 123 uercingecorix S; 21. 1 ace. uercingecorigem S, -etorigen πΌ; 26. 1 abl. uercingetore M 1 , uercincorige S, -cingentorige Ν ; 26. 2 -cingecorigis S, -cingetorix 7rUcR, -cingetoris U 1 ; 4 28. 5 ace. -cingecorigem S; 31. 1 -cingecorix S, -cengetorix V 1 ; 33. 1 abl. -cingecorige S, -cintorige AB, -cingetorie V ; 34. 3 -cingecorix S; s 35. 2 and 36. 2 -cingecorix S; 35. 6 -cingecorix S, -gingetorix Β; 44. 5 abl. -cintorige AQB, -cingecorige S; 51. 4 and 53. 2 -cingecorix S; 55. 4 ace. -cingetorigen CM, -cingecorigem S, -tingetorigem T 1 ; 63. 4; 63. 6 ace. -cingetorigenem M, -cingetoriginem BCS C ; 63. 9 ; 66. 2 ; 67. 5 ; 68. 1; 70. 7; 71. 1; 75. 1; 76. 4 gen. uercingetorigis {-origi S) ω; 81. 3 ; 82. 3 ; 83. 6; 84. ι ; 89. 1; 89. 4. The name is attested in other texts as follows: Livy, per. 107 (abl.) uercingetorige; Strabo 4. 2. 3 C. 191 (gen.) ούερκιγγζτόρίγος, (nom.) -όριξ; Florus, epit. 1. 45. 21 uercingetorix (w.ll. uergingetorix, uergincetoris, uergingetoris, uergingetorris, etc.); Plut. Caes. 25. 5 ούεργεντόριξ (w.ll. ούβργοντόριξ, ούζργεντόρηξ), 2J. ί ο ; Appian, Celt. 21 βρπόρης;6 Polyaen. strat. 8. 23. 9 ου€ρκίγγ€τόρι,ξ (v.l. ου€ργ€τόριξ); Dio Cassius 40. 33. 1 (gen.) ούζρκιγγζτόριγος (w.ll. ούερνινγςτόρι,γος, ούβριαντβτόριγος), 39. I ούερκιγγετόριξ, 40. ι, 41. ι, 43. 19. 4 ; Orosius 6. 11. 1 uercingetorix ( w . l l . uergingetorix, uergen. .\corix, uergingentor ex), 11. 7 uercingetorix ( w . l l . uergingetorix, uergingitorix, uergin\. .torix, uergigento rex), 11. 10 1 See C. Jullian, Vercingetorix (Paris, 1901) [new ed., Paris, 1963], and M. Gelzer in P.-W. Zweite Reihe, Funfzehnter Halbband (Stuttgart, 1955) s.n. 2 H. J. Muller omitted de Vercingetorige here. Cf. Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 259. 553. Recent editors all retain these words. 3 M. Gitlbauer omitted the name here. So also Meusel. See Lex. Caes. 2. 2285, JB 1910, 63, Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 567 f. See further Rice Holmes (Text), Klotz (Text), and Seel (Text), ad loc. 4 uercingetorigis aberant a, uercingetorix habebat β. The editors accept the reading of a. 5 uercingetorix a, a uercingetorige β. The editors again accept the reading of a. See Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 584. 6 See DAG 159, KG? 156, 258.
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aamngetorix (w.ll. uergingetorix, uergingitorix, uergin. . .torix, uergigen tor ex); Not. Tiron. 119. 2 nircingris. Note also the coin legends on gold (also two bronze) pieces of the Arverni: aercingetorixs, uercingetorixis, uercincetorixs, uercingetori[, uercing[9 uercin[> ]torixis} ]torixs, etc.1 The name on the coins is unquestionably that of the famous Arvernian who led the Gauls in revolt against Caesar. See now Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 424 f., 445 f. •x(i)s here may represent Gaulish [-xs]. See Chapter I I I (A) (ii) (a). The name is compounded Ver-cingeto-rix. As in PN Vercassiuellaunus above, the pattern of composition is a + ( b + c ) with the second and third elements to be taken closely together as found in PN Cingetorix (q.v.). 2 For the elements in the name see s.w. VER-, CIJVGO-, and REG·. The function of the first element is probably intensive, and the whole name means ca great king (/leader) of heroes (/warriors)'. 3 I doubt whether Holder's suggestion (AcS 3. 190 s.n.) that it was perhaps a Gaulish official title has any merit. Florus' remark con cerning the name {nomine etiam quasi ad terrorem composito 1. 45. 20) is, as Gelzer remarked (P.-W.2 s.n.), an indication only of the impression the name made on Roman ears. Maigread Ni C. Dobbs has drawn attention to possible instances of this name in an Irish form. She sug gested that the name Vercingetorix was known in Ireland and that it was given to an Irishman in the form Ferchinged an ri, shortened as FerchingA ΟΥΕΡΣΙΚΝΟΣ DAG 68 (inscription of Nimes, Gard) This name, an 0-stem nominative in -os, is clearly a patronymic of the familiar type in -ικνος. See s.v. CNO-. Pedersen's suggestion (VKG 1. 83) that it could be analysed Ου€ρ-σικνος is not convincing in spite of PN Sicnobenus DAG 214 and PN Siena CIL 3. 11896. Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 125 f., no. 8, whence Holder, AcS 3. 242) interpreted the name as cson of Versos', comparing Skt. varsiyas, Lat. verruca, Ion. ονρος, and OSax. wriselik. In Urk. Spr. 274 f. (see also Holder, AcS 3. 241 s.v. *vers-) he suggested that Ir.ferr 'better', fan f. 'a post or prop', and W. gwar m. 'nape of the neck' belonged here. 5 Compare rather PNN 1
For sources and literature concerning these coin legends see Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 445, n. 1, and now especially the very detailed study of Colbert de Beaulieu and Lefevre in Gallia 21, 1963 (1964), 11-75. 2 Compare de Jubainville, NG 13 and Dottin, p. 107, both of whom seem to take the first two elements closely together. 3 'valde fortis dominus' Gliick, KN 75, n. 2; 'le grand chef des guerriers' de Jubainville, NG 224, Ernault ap. Benoist-Dosson, loc. cit.; 'groBer Kriegerkonig* Windisch teste Holder, AcS 3. 190; *supremus militum dux' Holder, loc. cit.; *grand roi des guerriers* Dottin, Mnl.2 121; *GroBfurst der Krieger' Schmidt, KGP 74 (*der groBe KΓiegerkόnig, 291); 'wielki krol wojownikow' Milewski, 4 Filomata 130, 1959, 30. See EC 6, i953~4> x95· 5 See also W.-P. 1. 267, IEW 1152. For other interpretations ofIr.ferr and W. gwell see Pedersen, VKG 2. 121, Thurneysen, GO I 236.
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Versenias DAG 237, Versulatius 224, Versius Sail. hist. 3. fr. 83, Ούερσος Appian Illyr. 25, l and perhaps PNN in aerz- listed in section (B) s.n. Vedzui. Hardly compare PN Varsileos PID, it. 276 (Lep.). 2 Pokorny (Urg. 166)3 suggested that Ον€ρσικνος is Ligurian, and related the name to 'Illyrian' Versos and Verzo. Pokorny was dis inclined to treat the name, with -ρσ-, as Celtic on the ground that IE. rs is supposed to give rr in Common Celtic. See Pedersen, VKG 1. 82 f.5 429, LP 23, Jackson, LHEB 541. Watkins, on the other hand (Lg. 30, 1954, 518), would accept Ουβρσικνος as Gaulish and as an instance of the retention of -rs- which later gave -rr-Λ As he rightly pointed out, the inscription is probably early Gaulish,* and the change -rs- > ~rr~ may have taken place at different times in the various dialects of Ancient Gaul. But the etymology of the name *Ουςρσος to which Ον€ρσικνος undoubtedly points is, as Rhys re marked (Insc. 37), obscure. Whether it belongs to Celtic, Ligurian, Illyrian, or some other dialect we can never tell. But we can at least claim that in this early Gaulish text it may be Celtic. V E R U C L O E T I U S A leader, with Nammeius, of an embassy sent by the Helvetii to Caesar in 58 B.C. to ask his leave to march through the Province BG 1.7.3 uerucloetius QJE^CMLNT 0 , uenicletiiis A, uerudoetiiis B C T 1 V/D. Cf. Gluck, KN 184, Meusel, Lex. Caes. 2. 2289. Nipperdey admitted the form Verucloetins. This was the form also preferred by Gluck, who suggested (UOV, loc. cit.) that a variant Verudoctius [sic], favoured by Schneider, arose through misreading cl as d and e as c. Recent editors of the Commentaries here follow Gluck. 6 Holder listed the name (AcS 3. 250, see also 1. 1045 s.v. -cloetius)7 as * Veru-clout-io-s, with a suggestion that before t there was in the arche type cursive u misread as e. This is an ingenious and attractive emenda tion, and it does seem that in this way a case can be made out for claiming that the correct form is Verucloutins. However, the argument is too uncertain to press for an absolute decision. Verucloetius or Verudoetius cannot easily be interpreted as Celtic, whereas with Verucloutius this does seem possible. This fact alone should clearly not carry too much weight in favour of emending the text. 1
See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 358. See Rhys, Cis. i8f. 3 Whence Schmidt, KGP 293. See also Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 57. 4 PNN in uerr- are attested in Ancient Gaul. Note, for example, Verrea DAG 237, Verria, -ius 83, Verrio 156, Vemtus 224. 5 See also Blanchet, EC 2, 1937, 249. 6 Stokes (Urk. Spr. 272) and Schmidt (KGP 42, n. 1, 173, 293) list the name as , Veru-cloetius. See also Dottin, p. 246. 7 See also Forster, FT 249, Whatmough, DAG 244 s.n. 2
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The doubt concerning the reading cannot be cleared away. All we can state for certain is that we have here a Celtic compounded per sonal name, the first element of which is veru-. Ernault ap. Benoist— Dosson 731 and Stokes {Urk. Spr. 272 s.v. veru- 'weit') 1 suggested that veru- in this name and in the British LNN Verulamium T a c , Ούρολάνιον (leg. Ούζρολάμιον) Ptol., Verolamio (-lami, -lamo) IA, Virolanium Rav., uer, uerl, uirl, uerlamio num. St. Albans (Herts.) AcS 3. 250 f., BSRC 49, and
Ον^ρονβίουμ
(w.ll.
Ον€ροβίουμ,
Ου€ρουίονμ,
Βςρουβίουμ,
etc.)
άκρον ?Duncansby Head (Caithness) Ptol. 2. 3. 4, could be related to Skt. uru- 'wide, far' and Gk. cvpvs (see IEW 1165). However, Stokes recognized that this was doubtful as he could quote no comparable forms from the neo-Celtic languages. 2 This is a serious weakness in his interpretation of the name Verucloetius (-cloutus), but I cannot see how it can be bettered. 3 In addition to the two British LNN mentioned above note the following: PNN Veru[, Veruccius DAG 244; Verucius 8 3 ; Veruclo 244 ; 4 Veruco 182; Verucua 224; Verula 237; Verulia, Verullia 8 3 ; LENN Ovepomov (v.l. Ovepovpiov) in Lusit. Ptol. 2. 5. 6; Verucini DAG 80. The second element in an emended form -cloutius would mean 'famed, renowned'. See s.v. CLOUTO-. The whole name could be interpreted as meaning 'far-famed', 'of great renown 5 or the like. 5 But I have little confidence in the explanation of the first element favoured by Ernault and Stokes. The variant -cloetius was compared with Gk. -κλςιτος by Dottin (p. 246), presumably after Stokes (loc. cit.). 6 Now Gk. κλζιτός seems to point to earlier *kleuetos. See IEW 606, GEW 878. -cloet- may well point to earlier *-clouet-7 or *-clouit- and show the loss of intervocalic [w]. 8 With -doet-, which is well attested in β manuscripts, compare perhaps PNN in doit-, doid-, douit-, douid-, and dobit- listed by Palomar Lapesa in OPL 69, 71 and by Untermann in SSVH 31 f. (with Map 12) . 9 1
See also Holder, AcS 3. 249, Dottin, p. 298, Forster, F T loc. cit. Stokes compared the Greek names Εύρυκλειτός and Εύρυκλής. 3 Gluck's comparison {KN 184) of W. gwer fallow* is not satisfactory. One could perhaps compare Skt. varu-tar- m. *protector, shielder', Gk. Ζρυμα 'a fence, guard, bulwark', etc. (: IEu. *neru-, see IEW 1160 f.). But here again there are no exact cognates in the neo-Celtic languages. 4 Possibly a hypocoristic name based on a compounded name such as Veru cloetius. 5 'a la gloire Vendue' Ernault, loc. cit.; 'weit beruhmt' Holder, AcS 3. 249. 6 See also Ernault, loc. cit., Holder, AcS 1. 1045, Schmidt, KGP 173. 7 Milewski {Lingua Posnaniensis 7, 1959, 223), following Stokes, links Veru cloetius and Gk. Εύρυκλ€ΐτός and interprets the Gaulish name as a patronymic deriving from * Veru-clovetos 'Der weit und breit Beruhmte'. 8 See Chapter III (A) (i) (d). 9 See also id., Fachtagung Innsbruck 69 (Map 17) and Albertos, Eminta 28, i960, 290. (?) Compare PN Doveti CIIC 128, 157. 2
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V I R I D O M A R U S A n Aeduan leader who was a rival of Eporedorix and a supporter of Gotus. Of humble birth, he had been raised to high honour by Caesar on Diviciacus' recommendation. He was one of the four generals chosen to command the army organized for the relief of Alesia BG 7. 38. 2 uiridomarus ^BMLNT C U, uirdomarus S, uaridomarus T X V, uuridomarus R ; 39. 1; 40. 5 ; 54. 1; 55. 4 ; 63. 9; 76. 4 dat. uiridomaro Qjj), uidomaro A, uiridomarus β. The name is also attested in Not. Tiron. 119. 3 : uiridomarus (w.ll. -masus, uirdomasus, uirdomasis, uirdimassus). -A.t J^KJT 7. 7°* 4* ^ lJ ·^ editors accept tiic lorni uiriaumayo. oee j.^.raner— Dittenberger 2. 639, Seel (Text), ad loc. This form is attested not only as the name of the leader of the Aedui mentioned in BG but also, it seems, as that of (a) the leader of the Insubres who in 222 B.C. was defeated by Claudius Marcellus: Vertomarus Liv., Brittomarus (w.ll. Bricto-, Brico-, Brito-) and Virdomarus (v.l. Virodo-) Flor., Virdomarus Propert., Viridomarus Fest., Ampelius, Eutrop., Serv., Βριτόμαρτος (leg. -μαρος) Plut., Virdumarus insc, AcS 3. 380 f.,1 (b) one of the Bituriges Virdomarus GIL 3. 2065 (Salona), and perhaps (c) as a cognomen in an inscription of Pozzo, Virdomaro (dat.) CIL5. 361*. The name is compounded Virido-marus. The second element is the familiar Gaulish -marus 'great 5 (see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-); but the first element is difficult. Virido- seems to alternate with virdo-, not to mention the variants in virdu- and verto- and in brit(t)o-, βριτο-, etc., in the name of the leader of the Insubres. Compare also forms such as PNN Virdacus CIL 5. 3482, Virdius AcS 3. 360, Virdorix Not. Tiron. 118. 94, Viridouix (v.l. vrido-) BG,2 and perhaps Viredios, -etios, -edisos DAG 157, Viredius 83, Viredo 214, 244 and the river name Virdo now Wertach DAG 241 (see also AcS 3. 360 f.). Virdo- may have arisen from virido- through syncope as suggested by Schmidt (KGP 92, 296). O n the other hand, virido- may be a latinized form of virdocreated by analogy with Lat. viridis as suggested by Hertz (ap. KGP 296), or may simply be an instance of the growth of a svarabhakti vowel after -r-. For examples of a suffix -ido- see AcS 2. 26. There is no means of telling whether virido-jvirdo- is a derivative of Gaulish viroc man' or vlro- 'true' or some other form in vir- (see s.v. VIRO-). Per haps we should not overlook Gluck's suggestion (KN 77, n. 2) that W. gwrdd 'strong, secure' may be cognate with virdo-.3 1
2 See also PID, vol. 2, p. 183, KGP 156, 239. See below s.n. For W. gwrdd see Lloyd-Jones, Trans. Cymmr. 1942, 194, G. 703 f. W. gwyrdd, Bret, gwer 'green', also compared by Gluck, are commonly supposed to be loans from Lat. viridis. See AcS 3. 360 s.n. Virdo, VKG 1. 214, WG 90, LHEB 268. Com pare, however, Stokes, Urk. Spr. 281, and Loth, VVB 140. 3
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V I R I D O V I X A leader of the Venelli and commander-in-chief of the allies of the Veneti who were routed by Quintus Titurius Sabinus in 56 B.C. BG 3. 17. 2 uiridoaix απ, uridonix p; 17. 3 abl. uiridouice aT 1 , uiridouici T V, aridouice p\ 17. 5 uiridouix απ, uridonix p; 18. 7 ace. uiridouicem aTm, uridouicem p, om. π. This name is also attested in Dio Cassius 39. 45. ι ονιρώονιξ (v.l. Ιδοΰϊξ) and Not. Tiron. 118. 95 uirduoix (w.U. uerdouix, uerdonix). The correct form is doubtless Viridovix found in απ and (with variants) in Dio Cassius. Compare PN Viridomarus above. It is compounded Virido-vix. For virido- see above and for -vix see s.v. VIC-. The consistency of ρ in giving uridonix is remarkable. Com pare PNN Vrida DAG 151, Remark (B), Vridaus 136, Vrido (or Vrido[) num. Bull. soc. frangaise de numismatique, fevr. 1960, 383 and EC 9, 1960-1, 498-500 (Colbert de Beaulieu), 1 Vridolanos Blanche^ Traite 295·2 2
V O R E T O V I R I U S DAG, Note (ix), pp. i n f . (inscription of Beaumont, nr. Vaison, Vaucluse) For this inscription see above s.nn. Subroni and Sumeli. In lines 3-4 A. Deloye (Bibliotheque de Vecole des Chartes 4, 1847-8, 326, no. 8) read uoreto I uirius · f. Later editors have repeated this reading. But What mough read uoreto (u) \ uirius -J with the following comment: 'The engraver started to put in u at the end [of line 3], then left it incom plete, and put the entire letter into line 4.' The name is a 20-stem nominative and should be taken as subject off(ecit) i f / i n line 4 does stand for Lat. fecit.3 It shows the latinized termination -ius* and is perhaps a patronymic, 'son of * Voretoviros\ as suggested by Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 136 f.).5 It is compounded Vo-reto-virius. For the three elements in question here see s.w. VO-, RET(T)-, and VIRO-. The first two are to be taken closely together. Compare Ir. foreitk 'succours, 1
See also id., Homm. Gren. 423, n. 2. Not Vrdo\n(x), V(i)rido(vix) re(x), or the like (see, for example, F. de Saulcy, Annuaire de la soc. fr. de num. et d'arch., 2e annee, 1867, 19; id., RA 17, 1868, 133; Blanchet, Traiti 84, 294 f.; M. A. Changarnier, Memoires de Vacad. de Dijon 1925-6, 271 f.; Whatmough, DAG 157)· 2 (?) For vir(i)do-. See Holder, AcS 3. 379, Dottin, p. 356. Compare Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 250. Note also perhaps P N N Vrdo DAG 214 and Wredus 194. 3 I think it unlikely that we should recognize two names here, Voreto (dat.) and Virius (nom.) as suggested by Deloye. See also Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 167, 173, etc., esp. 422 f., and Pictet, RA 15, 1867, 400 f. 4 Whatmough remarked that the style of the inscription is early empire. 5 See also Rhys, Insc 24 f., Holder, AcS 3. 446, Dottin, p. 351, Schmidt, KGP 299·
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c
helps', W. gwared to save, deliver', Corn, gueres, MlBret. goret. See AcS 3. 446, VKG 2. 599 fF., Dottin, p. 300, DGVB 198. For Welsh and Breton names in -woret, -guoret, -(w)oret, -u(n)oret see Lloyd-Jones, G. 621 s.v. gwaret (see also id. ib. s.n. Gwaredawc), Loth, Chr. bret. 179 f. s.n. Unoret, Fleuriot DGVB loc. cit, VB 381, 396 f., 399 ff.1 The name has an almost exact equivalent in Welsh in the form gwaredwr 'succourer, deliverer' ( ? < Brit. *uoretouiros). It means, therefore, ca man who helps, succours, supports' or the like.2 A (ii)
ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ELEMENTS OF COMPOUNDED NAMES
In this section I have listed under separate headings the various name elements which are attested in the compounded names discussed in section (A) (i) above. I decided to do this in order to unburden that large section of material that could not be strictly relevant to the dis cussion of individual names. Once this was decided, it seemed to me that not much value could be attached to a separate treatment of these selected name elements without gathering in as many examples as possible (including sometimes forms that could not be proved beyond doubt to be Celtic, and even some that were demonstrably non-Celtic) and without giving due consideration to the various theories concerning the origin, meaning, and function of those ele ments. I need hardly add that the task bristled with painful difficulties and serious dangers. But I have tried consistently to recognize that in matters connected with the etymology of proper names, and particu larly of personal names, opinion as a rule looms larger than fact, and also to refuse to be too dogmatic in favouring particular interpreta tions. Perhaps I should confess that I am very dissatisfied with one hazardous procedure that I had to adopt time and time again, namely the grouping together for discussion of so many forms which are bound to be of multiple origin. This, I fear, was inevitable in any fair com ment on the name elements in question. 1
The river name Forth (Foirthe c. 1150) may point to an old form *Voritia (Bohcpia Ptol. 2. 3. 5, Bodotria Tac. Agr. 23, Bdora Rav. 252). See J. Fraser, Scottish Gaelic Studies 3, 1929-31, 138, Forster, FT 253 f., Macalister, EIHM 528 f., Ifor Williams, BSRC 24, Nicolaisen, Scottish Studies 2, pt. 1, 1958, i n f. The ethnic names Ambiuareti DAG 148, 179 and Ambiuariti DAG 212, 221 probably do not belong here in spite of Loth, RC 37, 1917-19, 311, and Corominas, £CP 25, 1956, 57. See rather Berthoud, Bull, de ge'og. 1927, 47 ff. (REA 31, 1929, 60, SprFK 212), Vendryes, EC 1, 1936, 374, Whatmough, DAG, p. 754, id., Orbis 1, 1952, 439, Schmidt, KGP 100 f. 2 'Man der Hilfe' KGP 70, 71, not 'treu in seiner Hilfe', the alternative meaning suggested in KGP 71. Cf. now Whatmough, GrDAG 65, 85.
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-ACTOAn element -acto- (also -acta, -αχύο-,1 -ato-l-ata-,2 -ado-j-ada-,3 -acthio-fy past participle passive of the root *ag- 'drive, lead' seen in Ir. agait, W. Corn. Bret, a: Gr. άγω, Lat. ago (see VKG 2. 451 if., LP 334 ff., IEW 4. ff., LEI A A-22) is attested in Celtic forms in ambact-, ατϊώαχΐ-, ambat-, ambad-, and ambactk-, all listed below s.v. AMBI-. It may also occur in a few other forms such as PNN Ataayt{i) CIL 13. 10029. 3 2 ^ 5 and Epasnactus DAG 151. 6 ADGaul, ad- (as in P N N Abyevvopiy., Αόρζσσικνος)7 is cognate with Olr. ad- (preverb and nominal prefix: v. GO I 496-7, LEI A A - 1 3 , RIAContr. s.v.)8 and W. a-, add- (preverb and nominal prefix: v. 1 For the Common Celtic development of [kt] to [χί] see section (A) (i) s.n. Contexts above and Chapter III (A) (ii) (g). 2 For names in ambat- see Pokorny, Urg. 40, 173, Schmidt, KGP i n , Palomar Lapesa, OPL 31 f., 144, id., ELH 353, Schmoll, SVIHK 82, 96. Cf. Untermann, SSVH 15, n. 15. 3 For names in ambad- see Tovar, Estudios 134, id., REL 29, 1951, 116, Schmidt, KGP, loc. cit. ♦ In (?) PN Ambacthius, with -th- for -*- or -cth- for -cht-. s See ZL4G 151, 156, Remark (B). 6 See section (A) (i) above s.n. A number of other names from Ancient Gaul may belong here. Note, for example, some names in act- and αχί- such as the following: Act[ DAG 87, Actalus 83, lActanus 151, Remark (B), Actiliona 87, Actius 224, Actulus 83, Axtouri (gen.) CIL 13. 371 (cf. DAG 86 s.n.), Αχίο DAG 156, Remark (Β), Αχϋ 194. 7 The names listed here show quite clearly that there are plenty of examples of the retention of d-\- another voiced stop in Gaulish. Note, however, DN Agganaicus PID x, PN Abuccia DAG 182 (? < *abbucc- < *ad-bucc-)3 PN Abitus AcS 3. 473, DAG 132 (? < *abbit- < * ad-bit-) which may show assimilation of d-g and d-b (v. Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954, 517 and see s. name element GEN-). For the assimilation of ί/-fa liquid to geminate liquid note perhaps PN Alluci beside PNN Adlucca and Adlucus. For assimilation of d+a. nasal to geminate nasal note PNN Annamoris, Annama, Annamus, Annamatus beside PNN in adnam-, PN Annasus beside PN ?Adnas[y PN lAnnatus beside PN Adnatus. For the orthographical variation of dslsslsjejeejdd in PNN Ads(e)deon(is), Adsedi, Adsedili, Assedomari, Asseda..., Asedi, Asedia, αθζδιοσ {-η-?) or a0ediac[os, AOOedomari, Addedomaros see Chapter III, Remark. There are several examples of assimilation of d-\- a voiceless stop to a geminate and then to a single voiceless stop, as in names in atec(t)~, αίεχί-, atreb-, at(t)es(s)-9 atest-y atett-, and PNN Aclutius, Acincouepus. But some of these names in at- and others listed here s. name element ad- may contain ate- rather than ad-. On the other hand some of the names listed s. name element A TE- may rather belong here. Schmidt suggested that assimilation has occurred in PN Auectius DAG 214 (for Aduectius, v. KGP 90, n. 1, 95, 117; cf. PN [Ad]uecti (gen.) ECMW215). Such an assimilation could equally well be assumed for many other names in ausuch as Auena DAG 228 (iv), Auendos DAG 203, Auentina DAG 214, 244, -ia 237, -ius 237, -us 202, 214, 224, AuentusDAG 83, (?) ]auorix DAG 182 ( = CIL 13. 3i85)beside Aduorix (f.) DAG 156, but there can be no certainty concerning any of these forms. 8 For Ir. ad as perfective preverb v. C. Sarauw, Irske Studier (Kobenhavn, 1900), 43, Thurneysen, GOI 344.
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1
WG 263, GPC 31) i Lat. ad, ad-, Goth, at, v. VKG 2. 291-2, W.-P. 1. 44-45, LP 260, W.-H. 1. 11-12, IEW % VB 371. The precise significance of ad- in most of the names I have listed here is not clear. Schmidt suggested that the meaning 'to' may still be present in some names compounded of ad-\- substantive (KGP 56). 2 In names compounded of ad-\-adjective it is probable that ^frequently functions as an intensive prefix, e.g. PN Admanis Very great', PN Admata Very good'. 3 Compounds of ad+a. verb-noun or participle and of ad+a. verb-stem are common, e.g. names in adret(t)~ and αδρ€σσ~ (v. s. Αδρςσσι,κνος), adsed-, etc., atect- and aduect-, PNN: Acincouepus DAG 157 ;4 Aclutius CIL 10. 4876 ;5 Adbitus DAG 83; Adbogius DAG 156 (also 237); Adbucietus DAG 156; Adbucillus DAG 83; Adbugiouna DAG 244; Adbugissa DAG 208A (also 214); Adbugius 156, 237; Adcanaunos 157 ;6 Adcennus DAG 83; Adcenus DAG 151; Adcobrouatis DAG 244; Adcomar[.]i N-L. 102; Adcultus CIL 12. 1304; i4*feri[ ZX4G 8 3 ; ?^rff* (^4
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244, CIL 2. 567; Admatius DAG 83, 182; ?Admetus DAG 224, CIL 2. 3006; Admin. CIL 6. 12594; Adminio (dat.) Suet. Cal. 44; Adnama DAG 151, 244, PID xiic; Adnamata AcS 3. 509. 23-24; Adnamati[DAG 239 ;x Adnamatia DAG 224, 244; Adnamatinia DAG 156; Adnamatius DAG 224, 237, 244, Afo[fl772flfr'ztf] DAG 237 ; 2 Adnamatus 237, 244 ;3 Adn[amatus or -[arm^y ZMIG 237; Adnametus DAG 151, 156, 237; -4rfnamita DAG 156; Adnamius AcS 1. 44; Adnama (f, cf. A $ 3 . 510. 32) Ζλ4β 19, Adnamo (-κ) ZL4G 244; Adnamus DAG 237, 244, AE 1958, 21 ; 4 5 ?^4^ΛΓ[ Z)^4G 237; Adnatus DAG 182, 214; Adnema DAG 9 ; Adnomatus DAG 244; Adraxius DAG 224; Adreito PID xvic; Αδρβσσι/αΌ? ZL4G 7 1 ; Adreticia, -ins DAG 8 3 ; Adretilis DAG 9; ^ISperfp i?£A 65, 1963, 365; Adretonius DAG 83; Adrettio DAG 8 3 ; Adrotus CIL 3. 4886; Afc(*)deon(is) (gen.) CZL 3. 5022; Adsedi (gen.) C7Z, 3. 4847; Adsedili (gen.) C/L 3. 5373; Adtusta DAG 156; Aduetisso DAG 8 3 ; Aduital[ DAG 214; Advocisus DAG 136, 137 ; 6 Aduorix (f.) Ζλ4£ 156; ^4/Zwa Ζλ4£ 204 Remark 3 (? for *ad-luc-; but see s.v. ALLO-); Anadgouoni DAG 157; Anamati (gen.) C7Z 6. 32624^ ; 7 ^4^mo CZL 3. 12014. 113; Annama DAG 244; Annamatus DAG 244; Annamoris AcS 1. 44; Annamus DAG 244; ?Annasus DAG 23J ;?Annatus DAG 182; (?)Asedem (ace.) Egger, Ogtfttz 14. 1962, 446 (also 459 ff.); Aran' (gen.) C7L 2. 6249. 3 ; Asedia CIL 3. 5107; Asseda... CIL 3. 5087; Assedomari (gen.) C/L 3. 5291; Addedomari (gen.) AE 1952, no. 3758 Addedomaros AcS 1. 39, 3. 504 ; 9 Α0€διοσ (-η-?) or A0£o&&:[ay] -CAG 206; Atec. CIL 7. 1336. 97; Atectius DAG 224; A^rfo C7L 3. 11481; (aid) Atectorigiana DAG 156 ; 10 Atectorix 157 ; 10 kites' 228, Remark; Atesiatis 244; Atesios 206; ^4temy 206; Atessas, -atis 83, 237; Atessatia 182, -zztf 182, 237; Atesso 244; ^teyte, Atestatia PID viiB; Atestatis PID xiic; Atestia PID VUB, xic; ?Atettia, -ins DAG 83; Atextorix 156; 10 Atextus 182, -o.y 205; Areifl 156; Atrebia CIL 6. 12689; Attectius DAG 224, 244; Attedonius 2O8D (also 214); Attes[anius] 244; ^few&y 244; Auectius 214; 11 EpaUatextorigi 141; Epade\xUyrix\ CIL 13. 3064. 10 L E N N : Adgentii DAG 80; Admagetobriga 234; Adnamantia ND, Az(/z)tf1
For this coin legend from Noricum see the references given by Holder, AcS i· 43> 3· 5°9J Colbert de Beaulieu, Og. 8, 1956, 244-7, and Schmidt, KGP 115. See also Carinthia I 149, 1959, 122. 2 See also AcS 1. 43, 3. 508. 3 See also AcS 1. 43, 3. 508-9. 4 See also AcS 1. 44, 3. 509-10. 5 See Schmidt, KGP 115, 248, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594. 6 See also AcS 1. 49, 3. 513 f., Oswald 5, CGP 204. 7 For names in an(n)am- see AcS 1. 43 f., 3. 508 ff., Thes. 1. 776 f. 8 See section (A) (i) s.n. ^ See n. 8. 10 See section (A) (i) s.n. Epadatextorigi. 11 See p. 128 n. 7 above.
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matia IA, TP, Rav., v. AcS 1. 156, 3. 628; Adsultus DAG 212; Atrebates, -icus, -ensis Arras DAG 212.1 D N N : Adcenec[us] DAG 213; Adceneicus PID x ; Adganai PID x ; Adsalluta DAG 243 ; 2 Adsmerius DAG 155; Agganaicus PID x. GLOSSES : adarca Plin., ά8άρκη (f.) -77? (m.) -os (m.) -toy (n.) Diosc, G a l , 'salt efflorescence on the herbage of marshes, Scnilfschaum, AcS 1. 38, 3. 502, PID 340c, Gal. Spr. 159, LSJ 20 ;3 &smfo 'sella quadriiugis' DAG 207 ; 4 attegia 'hut' ^ S * 2. 1788, 3. 733.5
AGED-, AGES-, AGID-, AGISGluck (KN 17) connected aged- in L N Agedincum with O l r . aig/tf 'a hill'. 6 Holder, on the other hand (AcS 1. 55), connected aged- in PN Agedillus with O l r . ag
See further DAG 207 s.v. άτραβατ(τ)ικάς. The name is also attested in Britain. See AcS 1. 271, DAG, Note xlv (A). For the interpretation of the name Atrebates see now Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 14, 1962, 595 fF. 2 See Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 50-51, 80. 3 For the etymology of this form v. Pedersen, VKG 1. i n , Vendryes, LEI A A - 1 5 ; cf. Pokorny, £CP 14, 1923, 273; 16. 1926-7, 112 (whence SprFK 191, W.-H. 1. 12, DAG 158, GEW 19, Wagner, KZ 75, 1958, 74-75). See also J. Andre, Lexique des termes de botanique en Latin (Paris, 1956), 18. 4 Whatmough compared άσσώάρως Artemid. oneirocrit. 2. 32 (AcS 1. 1474. 20) and forms in aOed- and added- beside assidarius CIL 13. 1997. s See also AcS 3. 512 (s.v. Ad-tegia), 3. 733 (s.v. Attegia); Dottin, p. 229, Holmer Lg* 23> x947> x33» Corominas, ZCP 25, 1956, 47. Cf. Alvarez Delgado, Misceldnea . . .F. A. Coelho i (Lisboa, 1949) 64-77. 6 See Meyer 36, RIAContr. s.v. 2. aige. 7 See Meyer 31, Windisch 349, Hessen 1. 11, Vendryes, LEI A A-23 f. (cf. Marstrander, Lochlann 2, 1962, 205), RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 84 fF. 8 See Vendryes, LEIA A-23, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 27. 9 See also Meid, IF 66, 1961, 92. 10 This does not necessarily imply that Ir. aged is from a root different from that found in forms in aged- from Ancient Gaul. See now Guyonuarc'h, Og. 17. 164 f. 11 Schmidt (KGP 118) also listed a name element ago- *fight, battle' beside Ir. dg 'fight, battle' and agio- beside Ir. aige 'Wettlauf; a chief, See further section (B) s.n. Agio.
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Beside names in aged- there are also names in aced-, acid-, ages-y agis-, acis-, acit-. Some examples are listed below. Names in aged- pre dominate. For the alternation e/i see Chapter III (A) (i) (a); for cjg see Chapter III (A) (ii) (c); for djt see Chapter III (A) (ii) (i); for djs see Chapter III, Remark. Welsh PNN which may be cognate with a Gaulish element agedare Aedd and Aeddan (e.g. Aet uab Klys MA I57b = Aet uab Klys LIH 62 b , Aedan CAn. 1. 359, Cluir vir Aedan BBC 15. 9, Aiddn map Gabran Cy. 9, 1888, 156, Aethan Durham Liber Vitae, 1 AidanLL 80, 162, 163,208, etc.). 2 On the other hand, some, if not all, of such names may be borrowed from the O l r . names Aed and Aedan? PNN: Acedillus DAG 83; Acedilu (-g-) 156, Remark; Ac[ed\omapas 156; Acidi 194; Acidus 203; Acisillia 214; αγηδ 177, 2o6; Agedia (f.) CIL 6. 31724; Agedilicus CIL η, 1336.25; Agedilio(s), [A]gedilli, Age(e)dil(l)u(s), see section (B) s.n. Agedilios; Agedinius DAG 237 ;4 Agedomapatis 206 ; s Agedovirus 182; Agedi (gen.) CIL 2. 5747, 2. 6257. 9, Agedus DAG 139; Agesillus DAG 196; Agidillus CIL 2. 4456; ?4?i
See Kelt. Wortgut 177, F T 417, n. 2. Aedon BT 68. 11, 69. 5 and archaedon BT 68. 10, 22 were explained by LloydJones (G. 11, 35) as common nouns meaning 'lord*. Sir Ifor Williams also (Trans, of the Anglesey Antiquarian Society and Field Club 1941, 30) took aedon as a common noun meaning 'lord' and archaedon as either 'high lord, chief lord* or, corrected to archadon, an epithet of a lord famed for generous gifts. Later, however, Sir Ifor (op. cit. 1942, 19-24) took Aedon as a personal name. Cf. Lewis Morris, Celtic Remains (ed. D. Silvan Evans, London, 1878), 8 : 'Aeddon ο Fon, his elegy wrote by Taliesin.' 3 See Gluck, KN 15, n. 1, Forster, Kelt. Wortgut, loc. cit., Vendryes, LEI A A-19, Bromwich, TTP 263 ff. 4 = CIL 13. 5929c. Chabouillet read Agedinus. See Holder, AcS 1. 56. 20, 3. 519· 475 See Schmidt, KGP 66, and Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594. 6 Whence Agidius DAG 83. 7 See de Jubainville, RC 1, 1870-2, 272 f., Holder, AcS 1. 56, 3. 519. Vendryes in Recueil de travaux offerts a M. Clouts Brunei . . ., vol. 2 (Paris, 1955), 643 listed this name with others which he thought do not contain any element which may readily be explained as Celtic. 8 See Holder, AcS 1. 20. 3. 483 and compare section (B) s.n. <<4χιτο$. 2
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sunt, ideo autem dicti Allobrogae, quoniam brogae Galli agrum dicunt, alia autem aliud. dicti autem Allobroges, quia ex alio loco fuerant translati. W. allfro subst. and adj. 'foreigner, foreign land' (v. GPC 77) is cognate with Gaul. Allobroges (-ae). For the meaning 'second' note alios (DAG 92) at La Graufesenque 1 beside alos (DAG 93) and Lepontic alios (PID 284).2 Insular Celtic forms representing earlier all-3 are W. all(prefix, 'other', as in allfro, allmon 'foreigner', etc., v. GPC 76), M1W. y neill, ModW. y naill, Corn, yll, an nyl (neyl), W.y Hall (pi. y lleill), arall (pi. M1W. ereill, ModW. eraill), Corn, arall (pi. erell), ModBret. all, arall, Olr. all- (e.g. all-aidchi 'on another night', all-muir 'one from beyond the sea, foreigner') and aill (nom. ace. sg. neut. of axle 'other'), alaill (neut. of alaile).* The meaning 'second' may be expressed in Insular Celtic by a derivative in -to- of the same root *al-: *alios > M1W. eil, ModW. ail,5 O l r . axle (normally meaning Other', but note axle mdth(a)ir 'altera mater' Sg. i58 a 2; conversely all-slige 'a second clearing' Ml. 2a6) beside alaile 'the other' and ind-ala 'the one' (as opposed to 'the other'). For the etymology see Urk. Spr. 22, VKG and LP, locc. citt., GOI 307 ff., W.-H. 1. 30, IEW 24 f., LEIA Λ-31 f., 61. Only a few of the forms listed here may be labelled 'Celtic' with confidence. Some (e.g. PNN Allius and Allia)6 may well be Latin. P N N : Alia CIL 2. 894, 900, 2749 ( = 5774), 5779, CL, p. 35; Allato CHC 250 ;7 Allatus CIL 12. 720; Allecinius CIL 6. 9740, EE 8, p. 12, no. 59, -ia CIL 6. 9740, 11459, Allecinus CIL 8. 9323;* Allectius DAG 224; Alleicea CIL 2. 5241; Alles OPL 29; AXXeTevos DAG 76 ;9 Alleticia DAG 8 3 ; ?Alletorigi (dat.) (-ey- lapis) CIL 12. 3396 ; 10 Allia DAG 151 ;u Allicia OPL 29; Allinus DAG 237; Allio CIL 2. 208 add.; AlliolaDAG 8 3 ; Allipnus PID xiic; Allisikos RE A 54,1952, 58 (cf. VP 142); ?Allisilcini (gen.) CIL 2. 5719; Alliu. CIL 7. 1336. 51, Allius DAG 8, 136, 139, 224, 244 ;12 Alio DAG 244, AcS 1. 96; Alloboesius DAG 151; Allobroxus 1 See Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927, 299, G O / 3 0 9 ; Weisgerber, SprFK 192; Loth, / 2 C 4 i , 1924, 35 f. 2 See Rh^s, Cfo. 4 2 ; Loth, loc. cit.; PID, vol. 3, p. 4. 3 Perhaps from earlier *aln-. See AcS 3. 570, VKG 2. 196 f., LP 225. ♦ See 7A*G 2. 196 f., LP 225, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 116 ff., DGKB 58. s Bret, eil is difficult. Loth (RC 38, 1920-1, 52, 41, 1924, 35) suggested that it derives from *allios. Pokorny (IEW 25) derives Bret, eil from *elius> from a com parative form *alii5s. See also LP 111, F2TG 1. 381, DGVB 155, FB 186, 190. 6 Cf. Palomar Lapesa, OPL 30. 7 Cf. Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 57, Vendryes, LEIA A-59, 62. 8 Cf. PN Allecnus PID xiic, and see VP 91 (n. 152), 142. 9 See section (B) s.n. 10 See Insc. Lang. no. 612, BSAF 1899, 275, AcS 1. 95, 3. 569. Whatmough (DAG 83) gives Alletroris (-ey- lapis). This must be an error. 11 See further PID XIB (also VUA, xxiiiB), OPL 30. 12 See also PID viiic, xiic, OPL 30.
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CIL 6. 28488; Alloni DAG 228 (iv); (v.l. Olio-) DAG 156 ;l Allouira DAG DAG 224, PID xic; Alluci DAG 204, AcS 1. 105, 3. 572, OPL 30; Allurius C/L 2. 1020; Allus(a) DAG 151.
SURVEY
Allontius, -ia DAG 237; Allovico 151; Allounus DAG 244; Allua Remark 3 ; Alluq(u)ius, Alluciiis DAG 83; Alius DAG 132 (G-),
L E N N : Alliacus AcS 3. 569; Allobriges {-it-) DAG 212, 221; Allobrox, -ges (-on-a, -ae), -gicus, -gicinus, Άλλόβριγζς, -βρογςς DAG 80; Allonem (ace.) Mela 2. 6. 9 3 ; Alloniacum DAG 149, Remark; ^λλότ/Η^α? (ace.) Str. 3. 3. 7, p. 155.2 D N N : ,4/fo?zfl[ &E^4 58, 1956, 297; Allobrox DAG 82. For Gaul, alios (DAG 92) and alos (DAG 93), and Lepontic alios (PID, it. 284), see above. AMBIThis is a well-attested Gaulish name element cognate with Olr. imm(intensive prefix), imb\imm (preposition), W. am-/ym- (prefix), am (preposition): O H G . umbi, AS. ymb, ymbe, Skt. abhi < IE. *mbki, cf. Gk. άμφί, Lat. amb-, v. VKG 1. 45, 118, 535; 2. 297, RIAContr. I, fasc. 1. 101-12, GOI 516-18, GPC 79-80, J^.-//. 1. 36, IEW 34-35. In fltfzii- the vowel -i- is preserved whereas in ande-, ate-,3 and 07?- it appears as -e-, v. VKG 1. 41, 256, Loth, -RC36, 1915-16, 148. Some times, however, it is lost through syncope or elision, e.g. PN Ambatus, glosses amblatium, ambactus. Schmidt, KGP 108-9, a l s o assumes the loss of -m- in some names in αέ-, e.g. PN Abigeneo (dat.) CIL 3. 3334; D N Abirenibus (dat. pi.) CIL 13. 8492 = DAG 222; D N Abgatiac[o] Finke 80a, with both loss of -m- and syncope of -z-, beside PN Ambigatus DAG 151; EN Abritanor(um) CIL 5. 942, also with loss of -m- and syncope of -i-. 4 Occasionally amiz- 'around, about' may have an intensive meaning as W. am- (amdlawd 'very poor', amdrweh 'broken, shattered') and Ir. imm- (imlethan 'very broad', imacubur 'intense desire'), e.g. PN Ambisagrus- P'very impetuous', 5 PN Ambirodacus ?'the very red one'. 6 Gaul, ambio- should perhaps be distinguished from Gaul. ambi-. Ambio-7 may be a substantive related to Olr. imbe n. later f. (-ώ- stem), 1
See section (A) (i) s.n. Ollovico. 2 See Coelho, RC 6, 1883-5, 484, Schmidt, KGP 92, 122. 3 Also ati-> v. s. ate-. 4 Other possible examples of this loss of -m- are names such as Abianus DAG 139 beside Ambianus DAG 204; Abicelia DAG 83; Abisonius Celtiberica 35; Abissetus DAG 244; Abitus DAG 132, 156, Rem; LN Abiolica DAG 234. s See KGP 125. 6 See Urg. 173, A"GP, loc. cit. 7 D'Arbois de Jubainville {NG 35 ff.) sees ambio-, ambia- in PNN Ambiorix, Arabia, Ambiavus, EN Ambiani, DNN Ambiomarcis, Abiamarc(is). Cf. GC1 75, GC264,
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v.n. oiim-fen- 'encloses' (v. GOI449, VKG2. 517) meaning (a) 'the act of fencing or hedging', (b) 'fence, hedge', (c) 'weir, dam', (d) in the laws as a gloss to fal, 'a legal bar or barrier' (v. RIAContr. I, fasc. 1. 6 6 67). Ernault (pace Holder, AcS 3.589 s.v. ambi-o- 'umwurf') compares Gk. αμφίον1 and άμφιάζω. Thus PN Ambiorix could be interpreted as a tatpurusa compound, 'king of the enclosure' or 'mighty in (his) enclosure'. 2 Ambiomarcis is translated by de Jubainville (NG 36), along with Abiamarc(is), as 'juments protectrices'. But Schmidt (KGP 124, after Gutenbrunner 166 f.) explains it as a Celto-Germanic hybrid with Celtic ambio- (for ambo- or amba-, equivalent to Gaul. ambi-3 not to Gaul, ambio·) and Germanic -marc(is).3 P N N : Amb[ DAG 214, 237; Ambaci 182, ?Ambacius (-tus) 176; Ambactu(s) 206; Ambacti (gen.) CIL 3. 12690; Ambada CIL 2. 2908, 2909, BRAH 77, 1926, 123 f., -us CIL 2. 5709; Ambaici (gen.) CIL 2. 2935; Ambaris DAG 156, Remark; Άμβατος FGH UB, 257, p. 1187, Ambatus DAG 192, 2O8D,* 214, 228 (ix), 2445s Ambaxius DAG, Note lvi (p. 1165) ; 6 Amb[ (or [M ?) DAG 237; Ambenus DAG 250; Ambianus 204; Ambiauus PID xiic; ??(Am)b(i)catos (Og.) Ammecati (Lat.) CZ/C 500 ; 7 Ambidaui (gen.) C7L 12. 1577, (Am)b(i)davi (gen.) CiL 12. 1603; ^4/?zbidrabo (dat.) 3. 4753; Ambigatus DAG 156; Ambilli, Ambilo[s] 78; Ambillus 8 3 ; Ambilotalus Lambrino, Euphrosyne (Lisboa, 1956), 142; Ambimogidus CIL 2. 2419; Ambini (gen.) OPZ, 32; Ambiorix BG, inscc, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Ambirenus DAG 237; Ambirodacus CIL 2. 4306; (A)mbisasius CIL 5. 4889 ; 8 Ambisauus DAG 244; ?Ambiti 237; ^4mbitoutos 19, Ambitotus, -toutus 204, 214 (see also 2O8A), GA/. 5£r. 154; Ambiurus DAG 244; ?Ambudo. CIL 3. 4941 ( = 11519); Ambudsuilus CIL 3. 4724; ?(A)mbugav(us?) CIL 13. 7156; Ampatus C£, p. 39; 9 Cisiambos DAG 177. AW 18, n. 2. De Jubainville's view is repeated by Holder, A S 3. 589, Dottin, p. 226, Schmidt, A"GP 124. However, Pokorny (£CP 13, 1921, 294) derives ambiofrom *tpbhiviion-l 1 = άμφίζσμα, from άμφί. See LSJs.v. Frisk (G-EM^gg) mentioned that it may be an abbreviation of άμφί€σμα. 2 *roi des remparts', de Jubainville, NG 35; * "Konig der Umgebung", d.h. eines bestimmten, nach auBenhin abgeschlossenen Gebietes', Schmidt, KGP 124. This is all uncertain. 3 Cf. Schonfeld 17. 4 See CIL 13. 3686 and cf. Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 330, 335, Whatmough, DAG 214, Schmidt, KGP no, n. 2. 5 For other examples of PNN Ambata, -us see Holder, AcS 1. 116, 3. 584 f., Palomar Lapesa, OPL 31, id., ELH 352 f., Untermann, SSVH 33, EAAHA 51 f., AE 1961, 96. For the interpretation of names in ambad- and ambat- see s.v. -ACTO-. 6 See also DAG 244. 7 See Jackson, £CJV.E 209, id., LHEB 173, n. 1. 8 Whence PID viiic. 9 See Palomar Lapesa, 2?L// 352.
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L E N N : Ambarri, Ambarrius, Ambariacus vicus Amberieux DAG 179; Ambatia, Ambacia, -iensis Amboise DAG 179; Ambatiq{um) (gen.) BRAH 47, 1905, 305; Ambiani, -ensis Amiens DAG 212; ?Ambibarii Ambrieres DAG
1 7 9 ; 1 Άμβίδραυοι
P t o l . 2 . 1 3 . 2 ; 2 Άμβίλικοι
Ptol. 2.
13. 2 ;2
Ambilatri (v.l. -littri) Plin. NH 4. 108; ?Ambiliati DAG 179; Ambisontes CIL
5. 7 8 1 7 . 14, P l i n . JVH" 3 . 137, Άμβισόντιοι
P t o l . 2 . 1 3 . 2 ; ^4m-
bitaruius (v.l. Ambiatinus?) DAG 209 (also 212, 234); Ambitouti Plin. JV7/ 5. 146; Ambitrebius pagus PID xvii. i; Ambiuareti DAG 148, 179, -uariti
212, 221.
D N N : Ambiomarc{i)ae (or -marci?) (dat. pi. -zV lapis C/L 13. 7789) D^4G 223 ;3 Ambisagnis CIL 5. 790.4 ambacthius DAG 220 = DAG, Note xlvi (xv), p. 860; s ambactus 'senilis' PZD 340A, DAG 178 ; 6 ambannus 'auvent' DAG 79 ; 7 ambascia 'mission' DAG 220; tfmfo: rivo, [interjambes: [inter]riuos DAG 178 ; 8 ambicus name of a fish, amulus (? for *ambulus) 'belonging to, creature of the river', ambiosas 'circulos' DAG, loc. cit. (s.v. ambe), all possible derivatives of ambi-; amblatium 'strap for a plough' Z)AG 240. Note also βττζέ DAG 227 (Cal. of Coligny).9 GLOSSES:
ANDEThe element ande-10 is probably cognate with Ir. and- as in andfocul 1 Holder (AcS 1. 119, see also Schmidt, KGP 123) equated this name with W. am-far *ira plenus'. This Welsh form is, I think, one of Pughe's coinages. See Pughe s.v. 2 See KGP 123. 3 Cf. Abiamarc{is) dat. pi. CIL 13. 7898 (whence DAG 223). This D N is probably the same as the name Ambiomarcis, with abi- for ambi- and with (PGermanic) substitution of -a- for -0- in the composition joint. Cf. de Jubainville, NG 36, Gutenbrunner 166 f., Ihm, P.-W. s.n., Schmidt, KGP 123 f. 4 See PID, vol. 1, p. 247, Schmidt, KGP 125. 5 Ambacthius may be a personal name. See DAG 224. 6 See Pokorny, IEW 4, Schmidt, KGP 122, Palomar Lapesa, 0ΡΖ, 31 f., Vendryes, LEIA A - 6 8 , Fleuriot VB 339. 7 Jud derived this form from ande- and banno-. See Romania 49, 1923, 389. 8 Perhaps cognate with Lat. imber. See ZEW316, LEIA A - 5 . 9 See Rhys, Cal. 6 ff. (cf. Loth, .RC32, 1911, 206); McNeill, Eriu 10, 1926-8, 33 f. (cf. SprFK 192); Whatmough, DAG 178 s.v. flmfo; Pinault, Og. 13, 1961, 465 ff.; Duval, EC 10, 1962-3, 34 ff., 406 ff. 10 Note also the forms and-, with syncope of e (e.g. in Andrecconi, Androun), with elision of e before a vowel (e.g. Andarta); am/o- (v. ΛΛ£ Ι . 148) with 0 by analogy with o-stems (e.g. Andoblatio, Andocaulo, Andolatius), v. Pokorny, Urg. 174, Schmidt, KGP 91, cf. GO I 5 2 1 - 2 ; ? anda- (e.g. Andagelli); ? Α/Ζ
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'habitual saying' and andglondas 'habitual cruelty' (also Olr. ind(e)-} with i- through confusion with the preposition in 'in, into' according to Thurneysen, GOI 521), W. an(n)- as in annerch 'greeting', anrheg 'gift', M1W. anryued (also enryued) 'wonderful, wonder', an(n)weir (also M1W. e?i(n)weir) 'faithful, loyal', anrhydedd (also M1W. enrhyded) 'honour', and en-,1 as in enfawr 'huge', enbyd 'dangerous', MlBr. an{n)- as in an(n)hez, annez 'dwelling-place, habitation'. Zeuss (GC 877, see also Gluck, KN24. f.) compared Gaul, ande- with Ir. ind-, Gmc. and- and Gk. άντι-, Stokes (Urk. Spr. 15) compared Ir. ind-, Bret, ent-, Goth, und, OHG. unt-az. In AcS ι. 1392 Holder stated that ande- expresses motion to and from, intensity and increase, and compared neo-Celtic forms and Lat. ind-, Goth, anda, OHG. ant-, Skt. ddhi, etc. (: IE. *(idhi,and-). Pedersen (VKG 1. 45, 2. 10) also related Gaul, ande- to Ir. ind- (confused with in-, en- 'in, into'), 3 W. an-, en-, to Goth, und 'bis zu', Skt. ddhi: IE. *pdhi; Mod. Ir. an-, as in an-bhog 'very soft', he thought, is borrowed from Brittonic. E. Zupitza (K£ 36, 1900, 70) connected Ir. ind- and Gaul, ande-, Thurneysen (Hdb. 473, GOI 521-2) stated that Gaul, ande-, 'perhaps an intensive prefix', Ir. ind(e)-, and W. an(ne)- could all represent Celtic *(ide, but, on account of Ir. and 'in him, in it' and Italic forms such as Umbr. an-ouihimu 'ind-uito', he thought it more likely that the original form was *andeand that Ir. ind- and Latin endo, indu 'in' were assimilated to the preposition en, in. Dillon (TPhS 1944, 103 fF.) also assumed a Common Celtic form *ande-, perhaps intensive-durative and possibly connected with Goth. anda-A He identified this prefix in Irish in the form andAnteremius, Antubellicus (also Antubelli gen., Antubel). Note also names in ade- (per haps for ande- with loss of -n-) as in Adebugi[ CIL 13. 5491 Germ. Sup. ( = Adebugius DAG 237) (v. KGP log, n. 1, 127, 158) and Adecari CIL 13. 10010. 117 (v. Holder, AcS 3. 504. 54, 612. 14, Schmidt, KGP 127, 163), and compare ado- in Άδοβογιώνα Gal. Spr. 154, perhaps for ando- (v. KGP 65, i n , 153, n. 1, cf. Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 170-1). 1 v. GPC. 104 s.v. an2, intensive prefix in nouns and adjectives, en- may be the result of umlaut and the generalization of an umlaut form. It hardly represents a distinct prefix, as Professor Dillon suggested (TPhS 1944, 104); his suggestion (ibid. 107, n. 16) that there was 'a blend of prefixes *ande- and *eni- is not ac ceptable, for this would not result in W. en-. The alternation an-\en- was common in Middle Welsh and occurs in adjectives as well as nouns and verbs, e.g. anryuedjenryued, an(n)weir/en(n)weir (cf. id. ib. 104). See also Dillon, Lg. 21, 1945, 12. 2 Gray (AJPh 50, 1929, 372, n. 12) thought that Holder's etymology 'seems open to grave doubt'. 3 Pedersen (VKG 2. 11) also suggests that the Ir. prefix in- in adjectives denoting possibility or capability is intensive and that it presumably represents IE. *ndhi, although in Modlr. it is difficult to separate it from in- < *eni-; this confusion between *ndhi and *eni- appears to be early, e.g. in Olr. inricc * worthy' (Mllr. indraic): recc *selling, barter' (v. Thurneysen, £CP 14. 346, Hdb. 211; RIAContr. I, fasc. 2, cols. 242-3). For examples of Ir. in- in adjectival formation v. RIAContr. 1, fasc. 2, cols. 190-9. Cf. now JSriu 20, 1966, 82 ff. 4 v. Feist3 46, Pokorny, IEW 49.
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{ind- in Irish before verbs through confusion with the prefix *eni-).1 In GPC 104 s.v. an-, affirmative prefix, W. an- is also derived, with Corn. an-, MlBr. an-, Gaul, ande-, from Celtic *ande-.2 Beyond this we can not go. It is reasonable only to assume with Thurneysen and Dillon that there was a Common Celtic intensive prefix *ande-.i PNN: Adebugi CIL 13. 5491 ( = Adebngius DAG 237) ; 4 Adecari CIL 13. 10010. 117; 5 Μοβογιώνα Gal. Spr. 154; 6 Anareviseos PID, it. 337; 7 And[ DAG 87, 176; [A]ndagelli (Og.) ECMW 313, Andagelli (Lat.) ECMW 313, 345; Andai[tius] EE 8. 10, Andaitia CIL 2 454; 8 Andami (gen.) OPL 35, AndamioniusCIL^. 8486 ;9AndangiDAG2^y; Andangianius 182; Andarillu 182; ^ί?ζώ[ 87, 156, Remark, Ande 156; Andebrocirix (f.) 83; ? Andebrogius, see s.n. Andocumborius; Andeca DAG 244; -4/ζώcamulos 163; 10 ?Andecanus 214; Andecarius 151, 208A (also 214); A[nd]ecarru2i4;Andecarus 132,182, 203, 204, 2O8A (also 214); Andeco 203, 228 (vii), Andecob 203, Andecombo(gins) 177, lAndecombogius, see s.n. Andocum borius; Andedunis (gen.) 237 (see also 244); Andeen 176; Andegasi, Andegasus Tr. Z- 22, 1958, 56 ff.; Andegenus DAG 136, 176; Andelipae (dat. m.) C7Z 13. 750 (see also DAG 156); Anderca Ο arqueologo portugues 1904. 75; Andere DAG 8 7 ; " Anderedus Ven. Fort. Vit. Radegundis 1. 1 Dillon has argued convincingly ('The Negative and Intensive prefixes in Irish and the origin of Modern Irish an "very, great" ', TPhS 1944, 94-107) that the modern Irish affirmative intensive particle an (Minister ana) has developed from the Ir. negative-pejorative prefix an- (IE. *-n) which ceased to be a living morph in spoken Irish, thus rejecting Pedersen's identification of Modlr. an with Olr. and- (which Pedersen thought was borrowed from Brittonic). Thus Schmidt's suggestion (KGP 126, n. 1) that Modlr. forms with the 'intensivierende ir. Prafix an-9 point to original *ande (rather than *nde), as Thurneysen suggested, is not acceptable. Cf. Vendryes, LEIA A - 7 0 . 2 Cf. WG 269 (W. an(n)- < *ando- < *-ndo: Lat. en-do, in-du. For Lat. -do, -du in endo, indu v. IEW 182), BBCS 16, 1956, 280, DGVB 63. 3 Pokorny (IEW 312) still lists Gaul, ande-, W. an(ne)-, Olr. ind- with Skt. ddhi, OPers. adiy < IE. *ndhi s.v. en 'in'. Cf. Tovar, ALSP 115. 4 With loss of η υ. KGP 109, n. 1, 127, 158. 5 With loss of η v. AcS 3. 504. 54, 612. 14; KGP 127, 163. 6 ? With loss of η υ. KGP 65, 111, 153, n. 1; cf. Gal. Spr. 170-1. 7 ? =
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1
34 (79); Andereni (dat. f.). Andereseni, Anderes, Anderexo, Anderexsq (see RPH 68 f.), Andejresse DAG 87; Andergi (gen.) CIL 2. 2465;* Anderica CIL 8. 2445; Anderitia DAG 87 ; 2 Anderoudo (dat.) C7L 5. 2911; ?[A]nderou[rus] CIL 12. 4577 ;3 Anderus DAG 83; *Andetrogirix;* Andi[ DAG 182; ?Andic[cus] 237; Andilia OPL 35; Andillus DAG 132; *Andiouri (gen.) C/L 13. 7579 ; s Andius DAG 83; ^4/ζώ 83; Άι>8οβάλης Polyb., //ζώέζ*& (/ηώ-) Liv., Ίνδϋβ4λης Diod., Ίνδίβολις Dio JcS 1. 148, 3. 618 ; 6 Andoblatio (f.) P/D xiic; Andobru(s) DAG 206 ; 7 Andoca 89, 156, Remark; Andocaulo 202; Andoco(mius?) DAG 206, Remark; Andocumborius BG 2. 3. 1 ; 8 Andolatius DAG 83; ϋνδοι^όβαλλο^ Schonfeld 20 ; 9 ^/ζώ/Ό^Γο] C7Z, 12. 2876, Andorouri (gen.) C7L 12. 2891 ;10 ?? Andosy Andossic[, Andossus (also [^Jwzawfttj]), Andosinus, Andost[, Andosten, Andostenni, Andostenno, Andoston (v.l. -MOA), Andostonis (gen.), Andoxponni (dat.), Andoxus DAG 87, Andossias ILTG 36 (Aquit.); Andouarto PID xiic; Andrecconi (dat. f.) ZL4G 87 ; n Andreine CIL 2. 902 ; 12 Andrici (? gen.) CZL 12.4716 ; 13 Androuri (gen.) C7Z, 13. 7579 ; 14 Anduarto DAG 78; Anducor DAG 204, 214; Andueia, Anduenna DAG 244 ; IS ?^4tfdunobios (or Dunobios) Celtiberica n o ; 1 6 Andunocnetis (gen.) C/L 3. C vi ; 17 Anteremius DAG 83 ; 18 Antedrigus, Antedrigus AcS 1. 159, 3. 633 ;19 1
Cf. PN Annereni DAG 87 and see Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 291. See Albertos, loc. cit. 3 Whence PN ?Anderourus DAG 83. 4 Quoted by Schmidt, KGP 131 after Thurneysen, GOI521, where it is clearly a misprint for Andebrogirix. 5 Cited by Holder, AcS 1. 147, 2. 1520. See also 77?^. Pokorny (Urg. 162, 5/r. £. JV. 2, 1950-1, 36) also attempts to construct an Indo-European explanation for a P N And(e)iouros. Cf. Hubschmid, Praeromanica 106 f. But Holder deleted the entry in AcS 3. 618. The true reading is Androuri. See KGP 129, Ogam 10, 1958, 437. 6 See Pokorny, Urg. 174; J. Leite de Vasconcellos, RC 21, 1900, 309 f.; Schmidt, KGP 146 f., 205 f., 226; Tovar, Estudios 163 ff., 215, Lixico 15 (s.w. ada, adabels); Whatmough, Lg. 27, 1951, 575, Albertos, loc. cit. See also RPH 156 f. 7 Cf. Schmidt, KGP 127, after Mur.-Chab. 8671 ff., Blanchet 99. See also AcS 1. 149, 3. 618. 8 See section (A) (i) s.n. 9 See Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 124; Schmidt, KGP 126; Scherer 204; Corominas, £CP 25, 1956, 46. 10 Whence PN Andorourus DAG 83. 11 With syncope of -*-? See Schmidt, KGP 92, also 51, n. 1, 129 f., 257. 12 See KGP 129, 130, Albertos, loc. cit. 13 With syncope of -
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Antubellicus CIL 2. 5202, Antubeli (gen.), ES, pp. 31 f., Antubel. CIL 2. 756; l Endruri (gen.) CIL 5. 5013 ; 2 Endubro CIL 5. 4594, 4599, 4958 ;3 Esanekoti PID, it. 337. 4 LENN: Adunicates DAG 2;5 Andautonia (Illyr. ?) DAG 241; Andebriunaco, Andebrenacu, -Andebrinnaco, Antebrin(n)ac(o), etc., AcS 1. 139, 3. 611; Andecamulenses DAG 148; Andecavi (-g-), -ensis, -anus, -inus, Andi- Anjou, Angers DAG 179; Andelaum Andelot DAG 212; Άνδηλος Ptol., Andelonenses Plin., Andelonensis CIL 2. 2963 ;6 Andematunnum Langres DAG 179, 234, AE 1961, 237; ?Anderetiani, A^ndresiacus Andresy(F) DAG 179 (see also DAG 234); Anderitos (v.l. -ridos) JVD, Anderelionuba Rav., And(e)ri(d)a insc. Pevensey (Sussex) ;7 Anderitum AvSepqSov, Andereton {-urn) Anterieux DAG 148; Andes, also Andi(?) DAG 179; Andesagina AcS 1. 146, 3. 616; ?Andesina (or Lindesina) DAG 234 ; 8 Andethanna DAG 209 (also 212); Andomo pag[o] consistentes ZL4G 234; ^δοσύ/ου? (ace.) Polyb. 3. 35. 2 (Fiber.); ϋνδουαίτιον ZL4G 241; Andurensis CIL 2. 1693; Andusia DAG 80; Antobroges (v.l. il/ifc-) Plin. JVi/4. 109.9 D N N : Andab[ REA 59, 1957, 359 ;10 Andarta DAG 82; Andei (or Ander[) deae DAG 86; Anderon. CIL 2. 2598, i?P// 97; Άνδράστη, Άνδάτη(? leg. Άνδάρτη) Dio 62. 6. 7; 11 Λιιώί* (dat. sg. m.; Aquit.) DAG 82 ;12 Ανδοουνναβο DAG 63; Endovellicus, e.g. CZL 2. 127, Endovelicus CIL 2. 132, 138, Endovollico CIL 2. 135, 5208, 6208, 6269, Endovolico CIL 2. 139, 6267, Enobolico CIL 2. 142, Indoveliic CIL 2. 6269^ etc., z>. Holder, AcS 1. 1436-7. 13 1
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 35 f., ELH 373, Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 292. = PN Endrurius PID viiic. Cf. P N N Andorp[uro], Andorouri, and Andronri above. 3 Cf. P N Andobru(s) above. 4 See P / D , vol. 3, p. 20. 5 For *ande-dun-? See Schmidt, KGP 93, 117. 6 See AcS 1. 144, 3. 614. 7 See Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 54 f., L / f £ 5 36, 257, n. 1, 549, η. ι ; BSRC 23. 8 See Favret, BSAF 1937, 140 ff. 9 For *ande-brogesl*ando-. See KGP 132. 10 After D. Rendic-Miocevic in Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku {Bull, d'arch. et d'hist. dalmate) 55, 1953, 245-54 (French resume p. 255). See also AE 1958* 205. 11 See AcS 1. 151, FHRC 84 f., KR 114, 137. 12 See also DAG 79, 86. 13 J. Leite de Vasconcellos (RC 21, 1900, 3 0 8 - 1 1 ; Religioes da Lusitania, vol. 2 (Lisboa, 1905), pp. 122 ff.) explains this name as Celtic, *Ande-vell-ico-s *le tres bon, optimus', with *ande- first becoming *ando-, then *endo-. For the alternation an/en he compares, e.g., AvanticumjAventicum (see ZL4G 241, VR 10, 1948-9, 225 f.; see also Chapter III (A) (i) (ό)). The form in indo- seems to conform with Latin pronunciation. Pokorny (Urg. 174) assumes that this name contains the Primitive Ir. prefix *endi-> *endo- (IE. *pdhi) > Olr. ind (: Primitive Brittonic ande-) with analogical -0- in the composition joint. Tovar (Estudios 164-6, 187-8) also sup poses that endo- represents the IE. 'prefijo de superlativo' *p
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GLOSSES: andabata 'a helmeted gladiator (with visor closed) PID 340c; *ande-banno- > Fr. auvent Rom. 49, 1923, 389 ff.; anderitum *urbem sublimem' Sid. Apoll. (cf. LN Anderitum), DAG 158; ?andosa: 'inuictus' DAG 79 ('presumably Iberian, not Keltic' cf. DN Andose).
ARIO-, AREOThe following are examples known to me of names in areo- and ario-, mostly from Ancient Gaul: P N N : Areobindus (-M-) DAG 237, 244; Areo. AcS 3. 676; Areo[ CIL 3. 925; Areos see section (B) s.n.; Areus DAG 182, 203; An (gen.) CIL 2. 2601, 6290. 6349, Ari.i(?) CIL 13. 10010, 2878a;2 Ario DAG 182, CIL 3. 11502 ;3 Άριόγαισος DAG 244 ; 4 Ariola CIL 13. 4690; Ariomanus DAG 244 ; 5 Ariouistus see section (A) (i) s.n. L N N : Ariolica TP DAG 10 ; 6 Ariolica Avrilly (Loire) Ζλ4(? 148, 179; ? Ariolica (Ab- TP, -rica I A) itinn., Pontarlier DAG 234. There may have been a Gaulish name element ario-lareo-7 'a noble man, a master, a chief (?), cognate with Ir. aire ea noble, a chief, a freeman, a free peasant' (masc, gen. sg. airech, nom. pi. airig, dat. pi. airib)* and with Skt.flrya-Λ'master, chief' 9 : IE. *ario- (?). This name element is probably present in PNN such as Arius, Areos, Ariomanus, and Ariouistus. Scherer (pp. 203 f.) has discussed the problem of arioPNN and ada- (or ata-) in Iberian coin legends. Schmidt {KGP 205-6) explains the first element in the name, together with that in the PNN Endruri, Endubro, as Gaulish with e- for a- (: and-) by analogy with forms in era-. Palomar Lapesa (OPL 35~3^> ^ΰ-^)» after Tovar, would derive endo- from original *nde, as also antuin PNN. See also S. Lambrino, 'Le dieu lusitanien Endovellicus', Bull, des dtudes portugaises 1952, 93-147 (v. A. Grenier, EC 6, i953"4> χ95~7 5 Duval, RE A 58, 1956, 299) and now Blazquez Martinez, RPH 147 ff. 1 Probably with anda- 'blind', not Gaul ande-, v. Pokorny, IEW 41, 112; A. Mayer, Glotta 32, 1953, 302 fF. Cf. now Guyonuarc'h, Og. 15, 1963, 107 ff., Le Roux, Celticum ix, 333 f. See also Haas, MS 163, 174, 187, 209. 2 Whence Anus DAG 176. ?Cf. Aria CIL 13. 10010, 3044d and Ariaua DAG 244. 3 See also PID viiic. 4 See Scherer 204. 5 Compare Arimanus (i.e. -io-) DAG 244. See further Holder, AcS 1. 216, 3. 685; Schnetz, Glotta 16, 1928, 127 (RC 46, 1929, 413 f., Weisgerber, SprFK 192); Thurneysen, ZCP 20, 1936, 353; Pokorny, IEW 6j; Vetters, Fest.f. Rudolf Egger (Klagenfurt, 1954), 40, 44; Schmidt, KGP 134; Vendryes, LEI A A-42. 6 Cf. AcS 1. 202, PID VB, and see Ogam 14, 1962, 516. 7 For the alternation of -io- and -eo- see Chapter III (B) (i) (a). 8 See Hessen 1. 29-30. There is considerable disagreement concerning the interpretation of this form and its equation with Skt. drya-h, notably because it shows some of the features of the guttural stem inflexion. Pokorny maintained that it was originally a|o-stem, v. W.-P. 1. 80, IEW δη (cf. p. 24), Celtica 3, 1956, 308. Cf. Thurneysen, ZCP 20, 1936, 353-5; Vendryes, LEIA A-42; RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 191, 193; Guyonuarc'h, Arrabona 5, 1963, 99. 9 See IEW 67 and H. W. Bailey, TPhS 1959, 71 ff., i960, 87 f.
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as it occurs in some Celtic and Celto-Germanic PNN and has ad duced some evidence which tends to suggest that it is Celtic rather than Germanic. 1 A second possibility must be admitted for some of the forms in ario- and areo-, namely that they contain a Celtic form showing loss of initial p-. For ario- and Ir. aire may be derivatives in -to- or -0- of the form which underlies Gaul, are, are-,2 O l r . ar,3 and OW. ar : 4 Skt. purd, Gk. παρά, etc. (see IEW 81 o). This suggestion is mentioned by Thurneysen, £CP 20, 1936, 354, Pokorny, IEW 24, and Lejeune, REA 58, 1956, 81. Arius, Areos, etc., could, therefore, mean 'he who is before (/in front of)', 'an erster Stelle stehend 5 (Pokorny), 'proche, voisin' (Lejeune), or (like Ir. aire mentioned above) 'a noble, a chief. ATEGaulish ate-s (as in PNN Atedunus, Ateioucus), ati-6 (as in PNN Atismerius, Atioxtus), at- (through syncope or elision, as in PNN Atpomarus, Atpor, Atuindi, Atuirus) is well attested, although its precise force in most of the names listed here is far from clear. Insular Celtic cognates are Olr. aith- {aid-, ath-, ad-), used to denote repetition and also with intensive and pejorative force (see GO 1499 f., LEI A A-53, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 252), M1W. at-, ModW. ad-, ed- (see WG 263, GPC 11): Skt. ati 'over, beyond, exceedingly, very', Lat. at 'but', etc. SeeDottin, p. 229, Pedersen, VKG2. 292, Pokorny, IEW ηο, Schmidt, KGP 136, Vendryes, LEIA, loc. cit., Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 460, 596 ff., Fleuriot, VB 372, DGVB 76.7 Schmidt {KGP 57), influenced by examples of Skt. forms in ati1 He rejected the possibility that ario- in Ariouistus, for example, represented Gmc. *Hario-l*Chario-: Goth, harjis 'army', Gaul, corio-, Ir. cuire (v. IEW 615, KGP 183, Loth, RC 44. 277). 2 See Lejeune, REA 58, 1956, 79 f., Schmidt, KGP 132 ff. 3 See Thurneysen, GO I 498, Williams, Celtica 2, 1954, 305 if., Vendryes, LEIA A-37 f. 4 See Morris-Jones, WG 264, GPC 174, Williams, loc. cit. s With -e- for earlier -i- (IE. *ati-). 6 Some names in ati- may have secondary -i-, v. KGP 91, 100, 136. Note also perhaps ata- in ΑίααχΗ, ato- in Atobiles, atu- in Atunessus, Ahisirus, and, with spirantization (?), possibly athe- in adediac(os) or αθ€διοσ (-η-), atha- in Athamallus, ?A6aricus and athu- in DN Athubodua DAG 82. Forms in att-, as Atturita, Attisaga, may also belong here. 7 Compare Stokes, Urk. Spr. 8-9, distinguishing *ati- 'daruber' and *ati- 're-'. Holder, AcS 1. 253, 3. 713, and Pedersen, VKG 1. 177, relate the Celtic forms to Gk. CTI and Lat. et. But the Gaulish cognates of these forms are eti at La Graufesenque and eti-c in the inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine {DAG 169): IE. *eti, v. Thurney sen, ZCP !6, 1927» 287, n. 1; Loth, RCtf, 1917-19» 27; 41, 1924, 42-43; Οχέ, BJ 130, 1925, 67; W-H. 1. 75, 421 (s.w. at, et); Pokorny, IEW 344. *Ati- may represent a weak grade oi*eti, v. W.-P. 1. 42, IEW 70.
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given by Wackernagel (J. Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik ii. 1 (Gottingen, 1905), 311), suggests the translation 'iiber etwas hinausgehend' for ate- in names compounded of prefix+substantive such as Ateboduus 'iiber die Schlachtkrahe hinausgehend', Atioago 'iiber das Joch hinausgehendV i.e. 'freeman)', Ateratos 6 der iiber das Gluck hinausgeht', i.e. 'the very lucky one'. But we cannot be certain that these names are meaningful at all, or that the precise meaning sug gested by Schmidt is admissible in Celtic forms. The prefix seems to have little or no force in many of the names I have listed. Sometimes, however, the meaning appears to be 're-', as in PN Atespatus: Ir. aithesc 'answer', W. ateb ; 2 PN Ategenta and perhaps forms in ategnat- :3 T vV. adian 'progeny, lineage', adeni 'regenerate', O l r . aihgainiur Ί am reborn, renewed', aithgein 're-birth, renewal; restitution; equivalent, equal'; 4 Atevritus, -a 'der/die (Wieder)gefundene'. 5 In other names it may have a purely intensive force as in Atlondus 'very wild': Ir. lond 'wild, fierce'.6 If PN Atuirus is to be related to W. adwr 'coward, churl', Ir. athfer 'a worthless person, a coward', 7 we have an example of Gaulish pejorative at-, P N N : ?AtaaxtiDAG 151 ; 8 Atacine (dat.) CIL2.4627? Atbil[DAG214; Atbiti KGP i n ; Atdanus DAG 151, Remark B ; Ate[ DAG 156, Re m a r k ; Ateano see section (B) s.n.;10 Ateblinus (rede -ZZ-?) DAG 83; Atebodua CIL 3.5386; Ateboduus CIL 3.4732,5247; llAtecilus Oswald 24; Atecina DAG 244 ; 9 Atecingus FID xiic; Ateclos DAG 136; Ateknati (gen.) PID, it. 339; Atecnudis DAG 176, 203, 214, 228 (ix); Atecurus DAG 244; Atedunae (gen.) CIL 3. 4906, (dat.) 11647; Atedunus DAG 244; Ategenta CIL 3. 4735, n 763; Ategnate (dat.) CIL 3. 4732, -gnatae 3. 5698, -gnati (gen.) 3. 4764; Ategnia DAG 214; AtegniomarusDAG 237; Ategnissa DAG 237 ; 12 Ategnutis (gen.) DAG 151; Ateioucus 83; Atemerus 244; Atepa 214; Atepatus 8 3 ; Atepiccus CIL 7. 1325 ; 13 Atepilla 83; Atepilos 1 Cf. Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594, pointing out that iugo- may also mean 'mountain pass, shoulder, col'. * See VKGi.77, LP 20. 3 Cf. Ir. athgnath LLe. 1. 18284. * See GPC, RIAContr., s.w. 5 See Thurneysen apud Weisgerber, SprFK 214. 6 See Pokorny, Urg. 174 f., Schmidt KGP 139, 233. Cf. Albertos, Emdrita 28, i960, 293. For Ir. lond, lonn see RIAContr. L. 202 f. 7 See GPC 29, Meyer 148 (cf. RIAContr. s.v. aithfer). Compare also W. adwryaeth CAn. 1. 293. The Gaulish PN may, however, contain -uirus 'true'. 8 Cf. Ata\aXtus DAG 156, Remark (B). 9 Cf. D N Ataecina, Adaegina. See Tovar, Estudios 139 f., Schmidt, KGP 136, Blazquez Martinez RPH 141 ff. 10 Cf. Ateanus DAG 176. 11 Cf. D N ?C]athubodua (Ath-?) DAG 82 and see Schmidt, KGP 136. 12 See Schmidt, KGP 139. 13 Cf. Adepicca section (A) (i).
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Ι 77; Atepo 208c, 237; Atepoduae (dat.) CIL 3. 5386; names in atepomar-, see section (A) (i) s.n. Apetemari; Ateponius (or -rus) DAG 208c (also 214); Ateponus DAG 151; Άτβπόριγι (dat.) Str. 12. 3. 37, p. 560, Ατεπορειγος CIG 3. 4039. 23-26, 32-33, ?[Ate]porix DAG 237; Ateporico 182; Atepu PID, it. 259; At[ep]umarae (? dat.) C/L 13. 11477;1 Atepus DAG 140, 203; Ateratos 151 ;2 Atesmeius PID xiic; Atesmerius (or DN) ZL4G 182; Atesmertus 182; 'iAtesmerus 182; Atespatiis 151; Ateua[ CIL 3. 5092^ Atevali (gen.) 5523; ^4^Μ/Λ ZX4G 156, 177, 206; ??Ateuloib 157, 177; Ateuorti CIL 3. 5272, see also ifGP 141; y4teMra (for -/a?) ZL4G 245; Alteurita DAG 182; Ateuritus 156, P/D xiic, \Ate\uritus 214; Atgite, Athamallus 83; ?A0aricus 182; α0εδιοσ (-77-?) or a.Qediac\os~\ 206; ^4/iaif[ 176; Aiianti (gen.) C7L 3. 4985^ Aiidenus DAG 224; Atigenta CIL 3. 5643; Atimalis (? gen.) Oswald 26; Atimeria (gen.) C7L 3. 6496 (cf. p. 1813); Atioucius DAG 244; Atiougo (-onis) 244; ΑΗοχία, Atioxtus 156; Atismaria 83 (source ??); Atismerius CIL 3. 4743; Atlondus CIL 2. 76, 4980; 4 Atnamatus DAG 244 (for adnam-'ϊ); Atobiles 182; Atolisus 83; ?α*βα/ Note liii (p. 1077); i4#i[ 176; ilipzV/x 206, Atpilos 177; Atpomarus CIL 3. 4580, MG, nos. 133, 335; ^#>or (for Ateporix?) DAG 237 ;5 Atratinus 182 ;6 Atreccesianus 244; Atrec[, Atrect[ 244, Atrectus 151, 208Α (also 214), 224, 237, 244 JV.-Z. 155, Wagner 106, -zW jV.-L. 2, Atregtius DAG 244, Atrectinus DAG 2O8A (also 214); Atreius 228 (iv) ;7 Atressa C/L 3. 3380 = 10362; Atressus C/L 3. 3373 = 10354, 3687, 5275, 5498, iTGP 140; Atrestus DAG 228 (iv), Atrestus (-gtus, -tus) DAG238 (i); Atretus, -ius'22& (iv); Atre^stus 237; Atrextus 214, 228 (iv), 238 (i); Atrixtos 237, Atrixto(s) 244; Atrucianus 136; Attisaga CIL 2. 1374;8 Atturita DAG 156; -ktoflZz (gen.) C/L 3. 5488; Atuindi DAG 214; Atuirus 151; Atunessus 156; Atuortes 238 (v); Atusirus 237; Atusonius 244. LENN: Atecotti AcS 1. 254, 3. 714; 9 Atrect(i)ani (Atract-), Alpes Atrectianae DAG 10. D N N : Ataecina, Adaegina RPH 141 ff.; Atepomanis DAG 150; Atesmerius (-smert-?) (or PN) 181 (also 213); Atesmerte (dat.) 213; Athubodua (?[C]ath-) 82. 1
= PN Λ*[ ]amara 2MG 244. See Schmidt, A"GP 57, 140, 257; cf. Whatmough, £ΡΛ. 46, 1951, 248. ? For *ad-ianti. See Schmidt, JTGP 61, 113. 4 ? Leg. Λ/>/-. See p. 143 above with n. 6. 5 See also Ζλ4<7, Note liii (p. 1077). 6 See Schmidt, KGP 140, n. 1. 7 See Schmidt, A*GP 140, 257. 8 See Schmidt, KGP 142. 9 See also Dottin, p. 248, O'Rahilly, Eriu 13, 1942, 167, Vendryes, EC 6, 1953-4, 44^i Pokorny, IEW 70, Schmidt, KGP 137. 2
3
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Concerning the form atenoux in the Calendar of Coligny see de Ricci, RC 19, 1898, 219 f., 21, 1900, 17 ff.; Thurneysen, £CP 2, 1899, 526; 20, 1936, 358, n. 2; Whatmough, Die Sprache 1, 1949, 128; Pokorny, IEW 70; Le Roux, Og. 9, 1957, 338; Pinault, Og. 14, i9 62 > 157· AUD-, -AUDI here list examples of forms in aud-, -aud-, mainly from Ancient Gaul, because it is probable that some of these are Celtic and that they contain a Celtic element cognate with the name element audfound in a number of Illyrian and Germanic forms. We can compare the PNN Audarus, Αύδάτα, Audenta, Αύδωλέων, and the LN Αύδάριστος (EN Audaristenses), which have been explained as Illyrian, 1 and Germanic PNN such as Audoberht and Audowin. This element is sup posed to be cognate with forms attested in Germanic such as Goth. audahafts 'blessed', audags 'id.', O H G . dtac 'fortunate, rich', OE. eadig9 M1E. eadi 'rich, happy, blessed', ON. audr 'riches, wealth', OE. ead 'possessions, wealth, good fortune' (surviving in Eng. personal names such as Edgar and Edmund), and has been connected with a root *au-j*audh- 'weave, bind' assumed to explain forms such as Skt. Stum, Stave 'weave', and Arm. z-aud 'band' (v. W.-P. 1. 16; W.-H. 1. 88; IEW 75-76; W. Porzig, Die Gliederung des indogermanischen Sprachgebiets (Heidelberg, 1954), 130). There may have been a Celtic cognate aud- meaning 'rich, fortunate, blessed, happy' or the like, attested perhaps in names such as Audagus, Audatus, Audilus, AudoluSy and as a second element perhaps in a compounded name such as Βαλανδονι.
Holder compared aud- (AcS 1. 283 s.v.) in some of these forms with -oud- in the divine name Olloudius (v. DAG 82) 2 and in the personal name Velloudius {v. DAG 83). 3 Now Loth explained Olloudius {CRAI 1923, 345 ff.) as 'le dieu qui possede et distribue souverainement biens et bonheur', 'maitre de la destinee' {olio- 'all, every', v. s. OLLO-, and an element identical with Gmc. *auda- 'richesse, bonheur donnee par le destin', a form which is reconstructed on the basis of some of the 1 See H. Krahe, Festschr.f. H. Hirt ii (Heidelberg, 1936) 569, IF 58, 1941, 132, PBB 71, 1949, 227, Das Venetische (Heidelberg, 1950), 25, n. 58, Sprache u. Vorzeit (Heidelberg, 1954), 105, Spr. Illyr. 52, 67-69, Sprachliche Aufgliederung u. Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa (Wiesbaden, 1959), 7-8; A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alien Illyrier, Band I (Wien, 1957), 1. 67-68, 2. 15. 2 i.e. (Marti) Olloudio (dat.) CIL 12. 166 (Antibes) and [Marti Ol]loudio (?) CIL 12. 167 (Vallauris) with which is usually compared Marti Olludio (dat.) CIL 7. 73 (The Custom Scrubs, parish of Bisley, near Cirencester, Gloucs.), with -w- (v. LHEB 306). 3 i.e. Velloudii (gen.) CIL 12. 3288 (Nimes) with which we may compare PN Veludius DAG 5 (i.e. CIL 12. 20 Vence).
811030
L
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Gmc. forms mentioned above). Thurneysen, however, suggested {teste Weisgerber, SprFK 205) that Olloudius is for *Ollo-u(i)dio- 'machtiger Baum5. O. Szemerenyi, in a recent paper on Lat. uber (Glotta 34, 1955, 272-87), τ argued that Gaul, oudo- in Olloudius and Velloadius (beside W. udd 'lord', derived by Loth from *oudo-,2 and Br. ozac'h 'chef dc maison, mari', derived by Loth from *odakkos < *udakkos),3 together with and- in Ulyrian and Germanic names, certain Germanic forms which point to Gmc. *audas 'riches, wealth', and Lat. uber ( < *oudheros or *oudhoros), continues IE. *oudho-, not *audho-. Accordingly he would connect all these forms, and others, to a basic root *eudh-l*oudh'to swell'4 rather than to IE. *au- 'to weave, bind'. Szemerenyi has properly stressed that there are serious semantic difficulties in the way of connecting all the various Germanic forms, notably those that point to Gmc. *audana- 'given by fate, granted', to the root *au-. But the Celtic forms which he believes point to a root *eudh-joudh- 'to swell' are too unsafe a foundation for the view that they are cognates of Lat. uber. Moreover, he has left unexplained a number of old forms in aud-, including some forms from Ancient Gaul listed below. All of these can hardly be kept apart from the Illyrian and Germanic forms in aud·. Some of them are probably Celtic cognate forms. But we cannot assume that IE. *ou here developed to au in Continental Celtic, as Szemerenyi assumed it did in Ulyrian. 5 Aud- in Celtic forms may well be of multiple origin; but in some at least I think it is likely to be cognate with the form aud- found in Germanic and Illyrian, which, therefore, should perhaps not be derived from a root *eudh-j*oudh-. Some of the forms listed of course most probably show a -d- suffix rather than the element discussed above. But they are included as the possibility of identifying this element in them cannot be completely ruled out. P N N : Audagus CIL 7. 295 ;6 Audaleae (dat.) CIL 2. 5008; Audatus DAG 1
Whence Krahe, Spr. AufgL 7, n. 10, UAF 57 f. This etymology was only tentatively suggested by Loth (RC 41, 1924, 2 3 4 - 5 ; see also CRAI1923, loc. cit.). It was repeated by Pokorny IEW 76 (cf. p. 511) and referred to by Vendryes EC 6, 1953-4, 381 (see also id., LEI A A-14). However, it must be rejected in view of the earliest forms attested in W. (iW-, -iud beside OBr. zW-, tea·) which point to IE. *ieudh-, v. WG 40, LP 14, IEW 511, LHEB 345-7· 3 Cf. Stokes, Urk. Spr. 49, Pedersen, VKG 1. 112, Thurneysen, ZCP 11, 1917, 71, Vendryes, LEIA A - 5 5 , Pisani, Og. 11, 1959, 435 f., Hamp, Og. 14, 1962, 376, Pinault, ibid. 618 ff., van Tassel Graves, ibid. 623 f. (also Og. 15, 1963, 103 ff.). 4 This root he related to Pokorny's eudh-, dudh-, udh- {IEW 347; see also W.-H. 2. 739)· 5 He accepts the view that Illyro-Messapic au in certain forms derives from ou. See Krahe, IF 60, 1952, 300 f., Btr. Z- N. 4, 1953, 119, Studia Linguistica in honorem Acad. Stephani Mladenov (Sofia, 1957), 473 f., Spr. Aufgl. 8, 15 ff. See also Szemerenyi, 6 op. cit. 285. See Scherer 209. 2
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228 (ix); Audax DAG 83 (see also AcS 1. 284, 3. 746; cf. Aadagus?); Audemaces DAG 8 3 ; ?Audeo[ 224; Aadeti CIIC 4 9 1 ; Audihis DAG 228 (ix); Audio 176; Audo 139; Audoemis 182; Audolendis 237; Audonius MG, no. 173 (but see note ad loc.); Audoti (gen.) EE 3, p. 193, no. 149 ( = GIL 2. 2696, 5675) ;l Βαλαυδονι DAG 50 ; 2 ?Gecaud 176; Sapaudus 83 (see also AcS 2. 1358 f.).3 L E N N : Audaste uillare 212; Auderienses 234, Aude[riensis] ciuitas 2 4 1 ; Cassauda 80; Sapaudia now Savoie 15.4 BAL-, BALLA few forms in bal(l)-, mainly from Ancient Gaul, are here listed together, not because they can all be shown to be Celtic 5 or because it is possible to distinguish a single Celtic element bal(l)-3 but in order to bring together some of the evidence concerning these forms which are clearly of multiple origin. As stressed by Whatmough (Lg. 25, 1949, 289, DAG 1 s.v. bala)> Celtic certainly had a form bal(i)o- 'white', and the meaning 'peak, crag' appears in (?) Celtic balma, beside which should be noted the name of the mountain peak Balista (? 'white-peaked') in Liguria. 6 The element ballo- in PNN Άνδοννόβαλλος and Βαλλομάριος was equated by Marstrander {NTS 1, 1928, 123 f.)7 with Ir. ball 'a limb, member' 8 and may therefore be Celtic. P N N : Άνδοβάλης, etc., see s.v. ANDE-; Άνδοννόβαλλος see s.v. AJVDE-; 1
See Scherer loc. cit. See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 Compare PN Sapauidus DAG 83 and see s. LN Sapaudia. 4 For this name see Weisgerber, SprFK 208, Pokorny, £CP 20, 1936, 158, Whatmough, DAG 15 and (s.v. sappinus) 79, Duparc, CRAI1958, 371 fF. 5 For forms in bal(l)- counted as Illyrian see Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 53, Romanica, Fest.f. Gerhard Rohlfs, 259 fF., IF 67, 1962, 151 fF., UAF 54, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 74 f., 2. 17 f., 23 f. For forms claimed as Thracian see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 41 f. For Messapic forms see Parlangeli, SM 273 fF. 6 See now Pokorny, IF 65, 1960, 167. 7 See also Weisgerber, SprFK 193, Schmidt, KGP 143, Corominas, ZCP 25, I956> 45 f-> Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 433. 8 See Urk. Spr. 163, IEW 120. Certain W. forms may be cognate according to Pokorny {IEW, loc. cit.). These are ball 'plague, pestilence', balleg 'basket, hamper, purse', boll as in arfoll 'promise, pledge; welcome' as also W. balch, Br. balc'h 'fine, proud, strong, brave' (see GPC 251), Ir. bale 'strong' (see Dottin, p. 230; cf. Urk. Spr. 163). However, W. ball (v. GPC 252), as also OCorn, bal gl. pestis, Olr. (at-)bail 'dies' (see now Meid, Die Spraclie 6, i960, 148 fF., also Pokorny, ibid. 8, 1962, 72 f.) and some other Insular Celtic forms may be cognate with Lat. vallessit 'perierit' (: IE. *g*el- 'pain, death'), see VKG 2. 459, Vendryes, RC 40, !923, 433 fF., LP 340, W.-H. 2. 729 f., IEW 471. Note also M1W. ballauc 'freckled, speckled' CAn. 1. 1251 (see note ad loc.) beside Mllr. ballach 'spotted, bossed' (see Meyer 171, Hessen 1. 77) and see Loth, RC φ, 1929, 145 f. 2
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BalaesusAcS 1. 334, 3. 792 ; Balanos Liv. 44. 14. 1, Balanus BRAH 47, 2 I 9 ° 5 J 69; Balanis Sil. Ital. 3. 378, BRAH 62, 1913, 537; Balatonaua DAG 205; Balatonus 214; Balatulla 237; Balatascun GIL 2. 2795; ΰαλαυδουι DAG 50; 3 Balesini (gen.) C/L 2. 2471; Baliario DAG 182; IBaliens 224; Balinis 237; ?5αΖίο 244; Balius CIL 3. 1629. 3 ; Βαλλαιου ZMG 239 (Illyr. ?); Βαλλομάριος Schonfeld 43 ; 4 Balhica DAG8y; ?Balonia 83; IBalorix (Bai-) 156; Bahamo 250; Baluci DAG, Note i; Baluui (gen.) Z)^4G 151; ?Baluus 224; Dribalo (dat.) CZL 3. 3888.5 LENN: Balatedo Balesme (Indre-et-Loire) ? Z^4G 179; Balatetone Ballan (Indre-et-Loire) ^ G S 3. 793; Balatiacus, Balato, Balatoforum, Balatonium, Balatonna AcS 1. 335, 3. 793; Balissae (Aquae) DAG 241 ; 6 Balista (mons) AcS 1.337; ?Balr[ DAG 241; Balsa, Balsenses AcS 1.338; Bakione (abl.) AcS, loc. cit.; Βαλυσζϊνος DAG 2 4 1 ; Vindobala Rav., -vala, ND BSRC 49. έ<ώ (-anis) 'having a white blaze' (of a horse) ZX4G 1 ; 7 *balakon 'Mauer-Vorsprung' Meyer-Lubke ΑΕΜ^δο,ο;8 βαλαροί 'run aways' PZD, it. 336D; balisca (uitis) apud Bituriges DAG 158; ?balma (1) 'pointed rock, peak', (2) 'grotto' ZL4G 1 ;9 ?balsa 'paludibus . . . cinctum' (Pliny) DAG 158 ; 10 balux, baluca 'gold-bearing sand' DAG 158·11
GLOSSES :
1
See now Untermann, ΕAAHA 67 f. See AcS 1. 335 beside 3. 792. 52, also OPL 47. 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. 4 See Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 123 f., Whatmough, DAG 244, Corominas, ZCP 25, 1956, 46, Schmidt, KGP 143 with η. ι, Scherer 204, id., Anglia 76, 1958, 433. Cf. PN Baldomarus DAG 237. s See Schmidt, KGP 143, 197, Detschew, Thr. Spr. 157. 6 See now Krahe, IF 67, 1962, 151-8. 7 Cognate with bala is W. δα/ *having a white blaze or white spot on the fore head, esp. of a horse' (see GPC 250, cf. IEW 119), MlBr. baill 'qui a une tache blanche sur le front* (see Hemon s.v.). See also Stokes, Urk. Spr. 164, Loth, ACL 1, 1900J 396 f-j Dottin, p. 230, Whatmough, Lg. 25, 1949, 289. Compare Gk. Βαλίος, the name of Achilles' immortal horse, for which see P.-W. s.n., Loth, loc. cit., Whatmough, loc. cit., Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 115, id., Romanica. Fest. . . . Rohlfs 261. 8 See Pokorny IEW 122, id., IF 65, i960, 167. 9 See Loth, RC 39, 1922, 47-58; Weisgerber, SprFK 193; Hubschmied VR 3, 1938, 121 f.; Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 226 f., IF 65, i960, 165 f.; Hubschmid, Alpenworter 16, Rendiconti del Convegno di Studi Apuani (Carrara, 1956), 44 ff.; Flutre, REPL 31-33; Serra, Rendiconti del Convegno . . . 47 ff.; Heiermeier, IF 63, 1958, 301 f. Compare W. bdl 'peak summit' (see GPC 250), Br. bal 'a steep beach, a steep slope' (in the MlBr. local name Bal-r(u)it, see Loth, RC 39, 1922, 52 ff.), and Corn, bal 'a mine, a copper mine, a tin mine' (see Pokorny, IF 65, i960, I0 164-7). See Hubschmid Pyrendenworter 64, ELH 50. 11 See Whatmough, Orbis 1,1952,434; Flutre, ActesetMim. VIIe Congr. Int. Ling. Rom. (Barcelona, 1953 [1955])» 437"44> id-> REPL 36. 2
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BANUThis element is attested in the potters' names Banuus DAG 136 (Lezoux), 137 (Lubie-La Palisse),1 and Barmillus DAG 136 (Lezoux), in the personal names Banui (gen.) GIL 13. 3418 (Reims, see DAG 187, Remark (ii)) and Banuo DAG 237 (Horburg), and perhaps in a form banuabi (?) in inscription A of Negau. 2 It is probably cognate with the following Insular Celtic forms: O l r . banb 'a sucking pig' (v. Meyer 174) ;3 Bret, bano, banv 'truie qui a des petits' (v. GMB and Hemon s.v.); OCorn. baneu gl. sus {v. GC 1075); W. banw 'pig, young pig, pigling, piglet, barrow pig' (v. GPC 255). 4 The etymology of these Celtic forms (v. Urk. Spr. 161, Dottin, p. 231, GQI122) is uncertain. Pedersen suggested {VKG 1. 4 7 ; cf. LP 6) that banb, etc., meant originally 'a female animal' and was therefore related to Ir. ben (gen. mna) 'woman', OW. ben cwife', W. benyw cognate with Gk. γυνή, Goth. qino, etc. (: IE. *giena IEW 473 f.),5 or else, with the basic meaning 'young pig5, was cognate with Arm. kanu-x 'early', amis kanxoc 'mese delle nuove biade'.
BIL-, BILLSome of the names listed here, e.g. PNN Bilicatus, Bilicedo, Bilicius, Mandubili, Robili, probably contain a Gaulish name element bilo-, bill- 'agreeable, good', cognate with Ir. bil 'lucky, blessed, good' (v. Meyer 215, also Hessen 1. 92) which has been related to O H G . billlch 'proper, fitting', ASax. bilewit 'simple, innocent', etc., and billin Germanic PNN such as O H G . Bil(i)-frid and ASax. Bil-suid.6 It is 1 Note also the variant Bannui m(anu) CIL 7. 1336. 132 (Aldborough), CIL 13. 10010. 270 (Moulins). For the potter's name Banmissee also Stanfield and Simpson, CGP 241-3 (plates 139-40) where the potter's period of production is estimated to be c. A.D. 160-95. F ° r other forms in ban- see section (B) s.n. Alibanos. 2 For a bibliography of the Negau inscriptions see Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, pp. 611 f., DAG, it. *247 (ix) (p. 1348), Must, HSCP 62, 1957, 51 ff. 3 For Ir. banb in LNN see P. W. Joyce, Irish Names of Places, vol. 2 (Dublin, 1922), 308. For Ir. Banba, Banbha, a poetic name for Ireland, see M^eyer 174» id., Kelt, Wtk., no. 42, Hogan, Onom. Goed. 95, W. J. Watson, The History of the Celtic Place Names of Scotland (Edinburgh and London, 1926), 231 ff., M. A. O'Brien, £riu 11, 1932, 167 f. See also Watson, loc. cit., on the names Banff and Bamff in Scotland. 4 Cf. T. Parry, Gwaith Dafydd ap Gwilym (Caerdydd, 1952), no. 60, 1. 22, n. The form is also attested in Welsh river names, e.g. Aman(w), Banw, Beinw, Ogfanw (Ogwen). See Lloyd-Jones, G. 51, Williams, ELI. 35, GPC, loc. cit. 5 It is noteworthy that beside banw 'pig' and ben *wife' there is attested in Welsh an adjective banw (pi. beinw, banwiaid) 'female, feminine', as a noun 'woman, daughter, wife', with a variant banwy (also attested in the Welsh PN Myfanwy f.). See GPC 255. 6 See NG 129-31; Urk. Spr. 175; AcS 1. 422, 3. 865; Dottin, p. 234; Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 297; IEW 153; KGP 148; Scherer 209. Compare the OBret. P N N Bill,
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less certain that bil(l)io- in names such as Bil{l)ius and *Billioviagus is cognate with Ir. bile m. 'a sacred or historic tree . . . fig. a scion, a progenitor, a man of distinction' (v. Meyer 215 f., Dinneen 96). l For Ir. bile may represent earlier *belio- rather than *bilio- (v. Urk. Spr. 174, SprFK 194, W.-H. 1. 523 f. s.v. folium, IEW 122). 2 Some forms such as PN Bilisa and L N Bil(l)nbio (qq.w.) have been ex plained as Illyrian. For forms in bil- explained as Iberian see, inter alios, Tovar, Estudios 163 ff., Lexico 25, Palomar Lapesa, ELH 377 f., Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 294, 296, Untermann, EAAHA 71. For Messapic forms see Parlangeli, SM 280 f. P N N : Abillicedo CIL 13. 10010. 11 ; 3 ?Acatibilus (see also s.n. Biliap[) DAG 151, 182; Aesubilini (gen.) CIL 7. 87; 4 Atbil[ 214; Atobiles DAG 182; Bilanu 224; Bilcaisio 83, 237; Bileseton f. C/L 2. 3537; Bilicani (gen.) CZL 7. 1336. 148; Bilicatus DAG 89, 132 ;5 Bilicedo CIL 3. 12014. 161, 13. 10010. 298, Bilicedoni 13. 10016. 14,6 Bilici CIL 7. 1336. 150; Bilicius DAG 244; ?Bililio 182; ΰιλοΌσ 177; i?z7U0 244 ; 7 Biliureto Gallia 18, i960, 241 ff.; ift/zztf Z^4G 208; ?i?z7z,t 244; A7Z[ 182 ; 8 ^ζ7/ώ f. 182; Billicatiis 182; Billicca 182; Billiccatidossus 182; Billiccedni (dat.) 237, Billice[ CIL 7. 1336. i5i a , b ·, Billicedo DAG 136, 214, \E\illicedu 182 ; 9 Billiccissioni AE 1954, no. 195; Billicotas CRAI 1956, 181 f. ; 6 Anau-uili, Con-uili, etc. (cf. KB 194, 213, DGVB 64) beside W. ife/i (see G. 54 f. (to refs. there given add O'Rahilly, EIHM 67, 473 f., Bromwich, Studies in Early British History (Cambridge, 1954), 131 f., TTP 281 f.)) and Ir. Bile (v. de Jubainville, Le Cycle mythologique irlandais et la mythologie celtique (Paris, 1884), 225). Beside Ir. bil 'lucky, etc.' note Ir. bil f. 'a rim, edge, border* (v. Meyer 215, Hessen 1. 92) and bile 'rim, border, lip' (of a jug, etc.) also 'weathercock' (v. Meyer 216, Hessen 1. 92, Dinneen 96), for which see Urk. Spr. 175, Lehmann, £CP 6, 1908, 438, Pedersen, VKG 1. 147 (for W. by I 'edge, rim, brim', which appears to be a late word, see now GPC 363). 1 See Dottin 234; von Wartburg, FEW 1. 364; Dauzat, REA 33, 1931, 377 (RC 50, 1933, 9 6 ; on *Billiomagus see also NG 130, AcS 1. 421, Vendryes RC 51, 1934, 336); Platz, Third International Congress of Toponymy and Anthroponymy, Brussels, 15-19 July 1949, vol. 3, Proceedings and Transactions (Louvain, 1951), 57i~79 (with additions' 580-2). Compare Sc. Gael, bile 'leaflet, blossom', Mllr. billeoc 12L leaf let' (v. Meyer 216, also Dinneen s . w . bileog, billeog). 2 Holder's belion (AcS 3. 833), compared with Sc. Gael, bile in RC 33, 1912, 139 (see also RC 45, 1928, 117; 51, 1934, 336), is a figment (see Weisgerber 194, Whatmough, DAG 178 s.v. belinuntia). Note, however, the following forms: BcXdviov, the name of a plant, DAG 178; belinuntia, bilinuntia (-U-) 'herba Apollinaris' DAG 178 (beside milimindrum 'henbane' DAG 158; see also IEW 120, Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 116); Β€λωκάνδος (?), mulicandos 'herba millefolium' DAG 178. 3 Not Abilicedo as in DAG 224. For Bill-? ^ See Schmidt, KGP 146, 148. For -belini? 5 6 See also AcS 1. 420, 3. 863 f. See section (A) (i) s.n. 7 See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 86, 2. 26 f. 8 = CIL 12. 2908. 9 See also CGP pp. 10 f., Gallia 21, 1963, 237, and note variants in bilked- listed above.
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151
l
Billicuro DAG i3g; Billicas 139, 182; Billiiis CIL 3. 14214. 1, g, (?) B[illius] MG, no. 112; Billo DAG 83, 151, Remark A ; Biluci (gen.) REA 58, ig56, 279; Cincibili Liv. 43. 5. 1; Mandubili CIL 13. 5532 ; 2 Robili CIL 3. 6017. 12, 13; 3 Subilus DAG ig4, 224. LENN: ( ? ?) Bilitio Greg. Tur., Bellitiona Rav. AcS 1. 421; *Billiomagus Billom (Puy-de-Dome) AcS 1. 421, 3. 865;+ Bilubio I A (v.l. -ludio), Billubio TP, \B]ilubiae insc, Βιλουΰιων num., Iulianum Rav. AcS 1. 422, 3. 865.5
BODUOIr. bodb (badb) ca royston-crow, war-goddess, witch, scoid: (see Hessen 1. g8, Dinneen 68) is cognate with a Celtic name element boduo-jbodua- seen in the following names: PNN Atebodua CIL 3. 5386; Ateboduus CIL 3. 4732, 5247; Bodua DAG 182; Boduacius 83; B\o\dua(cus) CIL 13. 10027. IC,8>6 Boduacus PID viiic; Boduia PID xic; Boduisso PID viiic; Boduoc DAG 206, Remark; 7 ΒoduociECMW229; Boduocus DAG 136; Boduogenus CIL 7. 12g2 ; 8 BodnognatusBG, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Boduos DAG 176, 182; Maroboduus DAG 224, 237, 244 ; 9 Soliboduus PID viiic ; 10 TeutoboduusDAG 224 ;XI DN ?Athubodua (C]ath-) DAG 82. 12 Some other names in bod- which have been listed s.v. BOUD- (q.v.) may rather belong here. 13 See Urk. Spr. 176 f.; AcS 1. 461, 3. 8g6; VKG 1. 6 3 ; GOI123; IEW 114 (cf. W.-P. 2. 126, W/-//. 1. gg); KGP 152. Compare ON. bod, OE. έ^ζώ 'battle 5 . For a cognate element in Germanic PNN see Scherer 202 f. For the Irish wargoddess Bodb see J. Rhys, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (London, 1888), 43 f., Sjoestedt-Jonval, EC 1, ig36, 65, Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 283. A cognate element is attested in Welsh and Breton PNN. See Lloyd-Jones, G. 467 s.n. Eluod, Loth, Chr. bret. n o s.w. boduu, bodu, Fleuriot DGVB 88, VB g3, 400. 1
See also AcS 1. 421, 3. 865. See Whatmough, DAG 237 s.n. 3 See also DAG 244 s.n. Robilius and KGP 63, 148, 261. 4 See p. 150 above (with n. 1). 5 See Mayer, op. cit. 1. 86 f., 2. 26, 72 f. 6 See DAG 224, 237. 7 See also AcS 1. 460 f., 3. 896, Bagendon 92 ff., n o f. 8 Compare PNN Bodocenus DAG 143 (see section (A) (i) s.n.), Bodocnous DAG 182, 9 and Bodogenes CIL 6. 9102c, 19. See s.v. MARO-. 10 See Schmidt, KGP 66, 80, 179, 271. Cf. Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 433. 11 See Schonfeld 223 f.; Much, WuS 6, 1914-1.5, 228, id., Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften, philosoph.-histonsche Klasse, Bd. 195, 2. Abhandlung (Wien, 1920), 27; Feist, RC 48, 1931, 430; Sjoestedt, RC 51, 1934, 306; Whatmough, DAG, p. 852; Schmidt, KGP 52, 152, n. 5, 277; Scherer 202, id., Anglia 76, 1958, 433; de Vries, Ogam 9, 1957, 275 f. 12 See s.v. CATU-. Note also D N Cassibodua DAG 213. 13 See? for example, n. 8 above. 2
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BOGIOFor opinion concerning this Celtic name element see Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 117; Loth, Chr. breL n o ; Ernault ap. Holder, AcS 1. 462; Thurneysen ap. Holder, loc. cit. and AcS 3. 896; Rhys, Cis. 49; Dottin, p. 235; Pokorny, Zcp i3> l9*l> 294; Vendryes, EC5, 1950-1, 239-42; Gray, EC 6, 1952-4, 66 f.; Schmidt, KGP 152. Ernault con nected it with Ir. -boing, bongid 'breaks, reaps, wins', 1 and Thurneysen withlr. bag 'battle'. Pokorny, however, rejected Thurneysen's equation on account of the vocalism of bogio- with -0- beside ~d- in Ir. bag. But Vendryes saw no difficulty here, and suggested that there was a varia tion in the root with *bhog- beside *bhdg-. To this root, meaning 'rompre, briser', he related Skt. bhdjati 'he partakes' and bhdga-h, bhagd-h. Skt. bhandkti 'breaks' also belongs here along with the Ir. verb -boing, bongid. He pointed out that this Irish verb is used of a fighter repelling the attack of an adversary, that Ir. bag ( < *bhdgo-) occurs with the meaning 'fight, battle', and that there is a derivative verb bdgim Ί fight'.2 Hence he suggested that Gaul, -bogios may mean 'briseur, vainqueur'. With Gaul, com-bogio- (as in PNN Conbogi, Vercombogius) he compared Ir. verbal forms such as conboing 'breaks, crushes, defeats'. Com-bogio- may, accordingly, mean 'briseur, pourfendeur' and PNN Andecombo(gius) and Vercombogius are the same with an intensive prefix. PN Namantobogius may mean 'briseur d'ennemis'. Vendryes's interpretation, following Ernault, is convincing. How ever, he casts too much doubt 3 on Loth's suggestion {Chr. bret. n o ) that -boe in OBret. proper names (Dosarboe, Erispoe?, Riskiboe) is the same as Gaul, bogio-. R. J . Thomas (BBCS 7, 1935, I 3 2 ) quoted the Old Welsh PNN Conboe LL 199 and Conuoe LL 212 beside Gaul. Conbogiiis* and the Welsh LN Abercwmboi (Abkonvoye 1551, Abercwmfoi 1
For this verb see VKG 2. 339, 477, LP 281, 347, GOI461, W.-H. 1. 503, 541, IEW 114 f. For the relationship to Ir. beg-, bo-n-g-, as in doboing, -tobuing 'levies (tribute, etc.)', see VKG 2. 460 f., LP 340. 2 Pokorny (IEW 115, also W.-P. 2. 130, Stokes, Urk. Spr. 160) still derives Ir. bag from *bhdgh-, a different root from that of Ir. bongid (*bheg-, *bheng- IEW 11415). Beside bongid he quotes Mllr. boimm 'Bissen* (<*bhog-smn) and M1W. di-vwng 'unbeugsam'. For di-vwng v. Loth, RC 38, 1920-1, 155; 43, 1926, 417-18, LloydJones, G. 341; compare dimyngyei CAn. 1. 794 and see note ad l o c , cf. Lloyd-Jones, G. 358; also gordiuwng G. 559. See especially Lloyd-Jones, BBCS 15, 1954, 196-7 s.w. difo (< *di-bog-)ldifwng(< *di-bong-),ymo (? < *mbhi-bog-)lymwng(? < *ηώ1ύbong-). Beside bag Pokorny quotes Gaul, bagaudae (v. DAG 178; cf. PN Bacauda 3 AcS 1. 331, 3. 790). See also Ernault, GMB 177, also now Fleuriot, VB 70. 4 Compare W. cymwy 'toil, stress, grief, affliction, trouble'; v. Sir Ifor Williams, CLIH 199, Lloyd-Jones, G. 241, GPC 773. Loth (ACL 1, 1900, 492) suggests that the meaning 'grief is secondary and that it first meant 'brisement, action de briser* (com-\-bug: Ir. bualaim Ί strike'), quoting in support of this view *y gylchwy dan y gymwy bu adeuawc' ( = CAn. 1. 395, v. note ad loc.) and kymwyat RP 1044. 36 ( = CLIH xi. 14a, v. note ad loc.; GPC 773 s.v. gives the meaning 'one who
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1
1788). Compare also PN Guernabui LL 75, 80, 164, GuernapuiLL 166,2 L N Gwern abwy RM 130. 14, 15, PNN Gwenabwy (-auwy) G. 659, Ronabwy BRh 2. 5, Canapoi VSB 128. 26 (Cunhape 130. 2, Cynabwy Owen Pemb. 3. 201), Hunabwy R M n o . 8 {Huabwy WM 466. 2), Hunapui LL 275, Iunabui LL 73, 74, 77, 165, 192, Iunapius 72, 76, Innapeius 72, 115, 163, 164, 165. Sir Ifor Williams thought (C4?z. 151) that there was fairly strong evidence in favour of taking -abwy in these Welsh names as a mutated form of -apwy. This is extremely doubtful. Ekwall (RN 454) suggested that -abwy in Welsh names is cognate with Gaul. Adbogius. We cannot say whether this equation is correct, 3 although Professor Jackson (LHEB 451) has traced the various possible stages in the development from adbogio- to -aboej-abwy. P N N : Abrextubogius 237; Adbogius DAG 156 (also 237); Άδοβογιώνα f. AcS 1. 44, 3. 510 f. ; 4 Andecombo(giits) DAG 177 ; 5 Anokopokios PID, it. 337 ; 6 Bogionius CIL 6. 2382 ( = 32638); Conbogi (gen.) CIL 3. 494s; 7 ?Combogiomarus Liv. 38. 19. 2; 8 Namantobogi (gen.) ^4£" 1949, no. 75 ; 9 Setubogius DAG 214, Setupokios PID, it. 337 ;10 Toutobocio(s) DAG 177;" Vercombogius, -bogio, -bogus DAG 244. E N N : Τολιστοβώγιοι
(Τολοστο-, -βόγιοι,
e t c . ) , ToAtaroaytot (Τολοστο-)
Α ί 2 , 1872-5. 12 harasses and torments others, warrior'). Loth also compares MlBret. discomboe from Buez Santes Nonn, analysing it as dis- + -comboe ( = W. cymwy), cf. Emault, G M 5 177. Pokorny (ZEW 115) beside W. cymwy compares Ir. combdg 'combat, conten tion, contest* (v. Meyer 434, Windisch 440). Compare also Ir. combach ( < *kombhogo-m) n. 'a breaking, pounding, smashing* (v. Meyer, loc. cit.) and W. dyuwy BT 60. 11 explained as 'cynnwrf, cythrwn" by Lloyd-Jones, G. 415. The W. form bwyo 'schlagen' quoted by Pokorny (loc. cit.) appears to be a ghost-word. There is, however, a W. verb pwyo 'to batter', e.g. Rhyddiaith Gymraeg, TrAil Gyfrol (Caerdydd, 956)> 183. 27; see J D s . v . 1 G. O. Pierce, 'Astudiaeth ο Enwau Lleoedd Cantref Dinas Powys', M.A. (Wales) thesis 1953, pp. 46-48, considers this LN in his discussion of the LN Wenvoe. 2 Also Guenopoui LL 163, Guinabui 122, Guorabui 200, Guorapui 210, Guorhaboe 202, Guorhabui 199, Gurabui 207, Guraboi 209, Gurpoi 205. 3 Hardly compare W. abo 'prey, carcass' (see GPC 3) or abwy 'carcass' (see 4 GPC 4). See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154, 170 f., Schmidt, KGP 153, n. 1. 5 See section (A) (i) s.n. Andocumborius. 6 Usually explained as Andocombogius. See Rhys, Cis. 49, PID, vol. 3, p. 5. 7 Error for Combogi (?). See KGP 178, 179. 8 This is the form given by Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 241. But the MS. reading is Comboiomarus (v.l. Combolo-). See AcS 1. 1071, Gal. Spr. 155, KGP 178. Scherer (Anglia 76, 1958, 434) believes that comboio- here stands for combogio-. Cf. Fowkes, 9 Z,£. 16, 1940, 291. See section (A) (i) s.n. 10 See Rhys, Cis. 49, PID, vol. 3, p. 41. 11 For -c-l-g- see Chapter III (A) (ii) (c). Cf. EN Triboci DAG 234, PNN Tribocia CIL 13. 4046 (not Tribocius as in DAG 214) and Tribocus DAG 228 (ii) and (ix), and perhaps some other forms in boc- such as βωκιοσ DAG 77(/) and 78. 12 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 172, Schmidt, KGP 279.
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BOR. A number of the names in bor(r)-, bors- listed here are probably Celtic. We can compare Mllr. borr adj. 'puffed, bloated, big, proud 5 , subst. 'swelling, lump, bunch, grandeur, pride' (v. Meyer 240 f., Hessen 1. 101, and, for Modlr., Dinneen i n ) , OCorn. bor gl. pinguis (Voc. Corn., v. OCF404), W. bwr(r) cfat, strong, big' (v. Ifor Williams, BBCS, vol. 7, 1935, 35 f., GPC 354). With W. bwr(r) compare W. bwr? 'fort, stronghold' (one example only: 'ny seuis na thwr na bwr bu krein' LIE 51. 25; v. Pughe s.v., G. 84, GPC 354). P. Quentel (Ogam 6, 1954, 23 f.; see also Vendryes, EC 4, 1948, 310 if.) suggested that this is the same word as W. bwr{r) 'fat, strong, big'. But the meaning of bwr is uncertain and the vowel is probably long. Quentel also noted (after J. E. Gover, Antiquity 2, 1928, 325) l that Cornish LNN such as Borlase may contain the same element as well as Bret, forms such as bourbell 'qui a de gros yeux' (v. Ernault, GMB 76, Hemon 134) and Bret. L N N such as Borlagadec, Borenis, and Bormene. For W. bwr(r) in PNN note Dunawt wr uab Pabo RM 301 beside Deinyoel m. Dunawt vwrr m. Pabo LBS 4. 369 (z/. Ifor Williams, loc. cit.) and Bledgur burr LL 265. Note also M1W. byrryat 'humerus, arm' (see Williams, loc. cit., GPC 366); W. byrllofiog, byrllawiog 'squandering, extravagant' (see GPC, loc. cit.); byrllysg 'rod, wand, sceptre, mace, etc' (see Williams, loc. cit., comparing Ir. borr-slatt, GPC, loc. cit.); M1W. keinvwr RP 1240. 5, but keinwr MA 285a 10 ; 2 cymyrredd 'esteem, respect, reputation, arrogance, haughtiness' (see G. 242, GPC 775 f.). Loth (RC 34, 1913, 147) derived W. cymyrredd from Brit. *kom-borriid, comparing OCorn. berri gl. pinguedo (see OCV 405), Modlr. buirre 'pride, pomp'. Perhaps the Gaulish PN Andocumborius discussed in sec tion (A) (i) above contains a cognate form. Holder (AcS 1. 493, see also 3. 913) suggested that PN Borsus may belong to Ir. borr, OCorn. bor (: IE *bhorso-), unless it corresponds to Basque bortz 'five'. Pedersen (VKG 1. 83) seems to prefer the latter suggestion.3 For the etymology of Ir. borr, etc., see Strachan, BB 14, 1889, 315; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 173; W-P. 2. 131 ff.; W.-H. 1. 461 f.; Vendryes, loc. cit.; Pokorny, IEW 109. Names in Borm-, Boru-, and Borb- have been often discussed. There has been some disagreement concerning the dialect or dialects (Celtic 1 Cf. A. H. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, pt. 1 (English Place-Name Society, vol. 25), Cambridge, 1956, 42. 2 'noblement fier, au bel orgueiP or *a la belle prestance au beau port de tete* according to Vendryes, loc. cit. Cf. Lloyd-Jones, G. 124 s.v., suggesting the mean ing 'hardd ei dudded'. 3 See also, inter alios, Michelena, Pirineos, Αϋο ίο, num. 33-34, julio-diciembre 1954, 436; Lafon in Gascogne gersoise, Actes des XIIe et XVe Congres tfitudes rationales tonus a Lectoure les /, 2 et $ mat 1959.
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or Ligurian or Illyrian) to which they belong, and concerning their etymology. They have been connected, on the one hand (e.g. by Stokes, de Jubainville, and Pokorny), with the IE. roots *bheru- 'to boil' (W. berwaf, Ir. berbaim: Lat. ferveo, fervo) and *bher- 'to be agi tated' (W. (di)fem, (go)fer: Lat. fermentum), and, on the other hand (e.g. by Kretschmer and Whatmough), with the IE. root *g™her*hot, warm' (W. gori 'to brood': Lat. formas). See Rhys, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, 2 5 ; Holder, AcS 1. 492; 3. 912, 914; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 172; de Jubainville, Les Premiers habitants de VEurope, vol. 2 (Paris, 1894), 117 ff., RC 20, 1899, 381; 22. 1901, 240; Kretschmer, K% 38, 1905, 113 f.; Dottin, p. 235; Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, pp. 156, 164, 590, vol. 3, p. 10, FRI144 f., DAG 82 (s.n. Borbanus), 179 (s.n. Aquae Bormonis), Orbis 1, 1952, 436, Og. 5, 1953, 65f.,Z,£. 25, 1949, 289; 28, 1952, 2 6 6 ; O e h l , < O j V F i i , 1935, 103-11; 12, 1936, 53-64; Pokorny, Urg. 78, 94 ff., IEW 133, 144; W.-H. 1. 483, 487, 533; Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 228; Menendez Pidal, Toponimia prerromanica hispana (Madrid, 1952), 93 ff; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 164 ff; Fr. Le Roux, ibid. 220 f.; M. and P. Vauthey, ibid. 455 ff.; Tovar, ALSP117; de Vries, KR 72 ff, 141; Blazquez Martinez, RPH 171 ff. It seems to me that the arguments in favour of connexion with W. berwqf, etc., are the more convincing. The alternation -i-/-m-/-w- in these names has also been variously explained as being due to lenition (e.g. by Pedersen, Loth, and Whatmough) or to a dif ference in suffixes (e.g. by Much and Pokorny) or to dissimilation (e.g. by Kretschmer and Meyer-Lubke). See Pedersen, VKG 1. 168, 436 (LP 55); Duvau, RC 22, 1901, 81 f.; Kretschmer, loc. cit.; Much, Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akad. der Wissenschqften, philosoph.-historische Klasse, Bd. 195, 2. Abhandlung (Wien, 1920), 43 ff; Jud, Archivum Romanicum 6, 1922, 204; Meyer-Lubke, £RPh 42, 1922, 332 f.; Loth, # C 3 9 , 1922, 50; Pokorny, Urg. 95, VR 10, 1948-9, 258 f., IEW 144; Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 119; Gray, loc. cit. The selection of names listed below are, of course, of multiple origin. They are brought together for convenience of reference. Linguistic labels such as 'Celtic', 'Aquitanian', 'Ligurian' or the like cannot confidently be attached to each and every one of them. P N N : Andocumborius BG, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Bor[ GIL η. 1336. i66, 13. 10025. x345 B°ra DAG 237; Boraides 244; Boram[ 214; Borei[ DAG 87; Bori 224; Borias 214; Boriedo CIL 7. 1334. 15; Borili DAG 244; Boril(l)us 136, 151, Remark B, 182, 228 (viii) ;T Borinius 2O8B, 214; Bono 136; Borissa 214; Borissus 224; Boritus 237; Bonus 151, Remark B> J955 2 0 °5 2 ° 2 ( o r -lus)9 228 (viii) and (ix); 2 Bonus 202 (or -ius), 1 2
See also AcS 1. 490 f., 3. 911 f., Oswald 46 f., 361, 424, CGP 271. See also AcS 3. 912.
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228 (iv); Borroconis (gen. m.) DAG 87; Borsei (gen. m.), Borso> Borsus 87 ;x Bortossi 87; Boru[ 214; Boruias 182; Boruonicus 237; Bonis {-his) 244; Borusi CIL 7. 1336. 173; Borustus DAG 83. LENN: Boratiolae saltus praediaque PID xvii (iii); Borbetolego (loc. sg.?) DAG 221 ; 2 Borbetomagus Worms DAG 234 ; 3 Borbona Bourberain (Cote-dOr), Bourbonne-les-Bains DAG 234; Boresti Tac. -4gr. 38 ; 4 Borma Vormes? DAG 148; Borman(n)i oppidum DAG 80; Βόρμανον Borszod Ptol. 3. 7. 2, 8. 11. 3 ; 5 Borveriacum (or Bormer-) AcS 1. 493; Aquae Bormonis Bourbon-Lancy Z)^4G 179; Bormiae (Aquae) Cassiod. var. 10. 29, 1; Borodates (consacrani) DAG 80, 84: Boronus fl. Bouzon ZL4G 149, Remark. DNN: Borbanus, Bormanus, Bormana, Bormo, Boruo DAG 82, 155, 181, 236; Bormanico (dat.) CIL 2. 2402, 2403 ( = 5558) ; 6 Borienno deo DAG 86; Boruoboendoa and -boedoa DAG 223 (also Note xlviii, p. 864). BOUDOlr. buaid n. Victory, profit, excellence' (Hessen ι. 117),7 W. έζ/Λί m. 'profit, gain, blessing, favour, advantage' (GPC 345), OBret. bud gl. bradium ( F F B 61), ModBr. buz 'victory, profit, gain', point to Celtic boud-, which is well attested as a name element in a number of the forms listed below, forms in boud- (e.g. Bouda, Boudus, Boudicca, Boudillus), in bod- (e.g. Bodicca, Bodied)^ and perhaps in bud- (e.g. Budacius, -us).s See JTjV*53, n. 2 ; Urk. Spr. 175 f.; Atf 1. 456, 458, 497; 3. 893, 894, 916; VKG 1. i n ; Dottin 235; W.-P. 2. 186; IEW 163; KGP 154. For a cognate element in Welsh and Breton PNN see Lloyd, Τ Cymmrodor 9, 1888, 43* and Loth, Chr. bret 112, Fleuriot, DGVB 91 m
The element baudi- in the Germanic DN Baudihillia found in an 1
See DAG p. 1374. For names in bors- see p. 154 above. See also Whatmough, DAG, Note xlviii (p. 863), Orbis 1, 1952, 440. 3 See Pokorny, Urg. 119, VR 10, 1948-9, 258; Whatmough, DAG, p. 192, Lg. 25, 1949, 289; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 164; Krahe, Spr. Aufgl. 17. ♦ See Diack, RC 38, 1920-1, 115; O'Rahilly, EIHM 529. 5 See Holder, AcS 1. 491. 6 See J. M. Blazquez, Og. 9, 1957, 212, RPH 171 ff.; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959» 165. 7 See also Meyer 282, Dinneen 133. 8 It appears that Palomar Lapesa (OPL 49, 50 f., 142) would also include here examples of forms in bout- (e.g. Boutea, Boutia, Boutins) and bot- (e.g. Botilla). See also Untermann, SSVH 15 (with n. 15), 31 and Map 11, id., Fachtagung Innsbruck 67 (with Map 3), id., EAAHA 72 f. Compare the Welsh PN But in the inscription of Towyn (Merionethshire) ECMW 287 (see Ifor Williams, Arch. Camb. 100, 1948-9, 167). See also R . J . Thomas, BBCS 7, 1935, 121 s.n. Bidno. 9 For the interesting M1W. personal name Budvan (vab Bleidvan) CAn. 1. 291 see Ifor Williams's note ad loc. For M1W. Budic, ModW. Buddug beside forms in boudic- and bodic- listed below see Lloyd-Jones, G. 83. 2
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inscription of Housesteads on Hadrian's Wall (JRS 11, 1921, 237. 6) 1 probably belongs here. See Gutenbrunner 4 3 ; Polome, Og. 6, 1954, 158; Scherer 206. For Germanic PNN in -baudes, -boudis, see Scherer 206 f. (also id., Btr. ζ. Ν. 4, 1953, 10, Happ, Btr. z- JV. 14, 1963, 20 f ) .
Not all the forms listed below contain a form of Celtic bond- with the meaning 'victory', 'excellence', or the like. Gaulish forms in bodin particular are probably of multiple origin. Apart from forms in BODUO- (q.v.), to which bodo- in some of the forms listed below may correspond (e.g. Bodocenus, Bodocnous, Bodogenes, Bodorigi), some of them may contain an element cognate with Lat. fodio (: IE. *b!iedh~j *bhodh-, v. IEW 113-14). 2 There may also be here Celtic cognates of Skt. bodhati, bddhate, Gk. πβνθομαι, etc., related to a root *bkeudhwhich is well represented in Insular Celtic (see W.-P. 2. 147-8, IEW 150 ff.). See also the note s.n. Bodiocasses below. P N N : Bodaro DAG, Note (xlviii), p. 864 (also it. 224); Boddib[ (Og.), Bodibeve (Lat.) ECMW 169 (cf. CIIC 378); Boddi (gen.) CIL 2. 6297, 6298; 3 Bodecius CIL 2. 2633, 2707 (gen.); Bodeni CIL 7. 3 ; Bodero CIL 2. 5711, Bod(ero?) 2. 5732, Bode(ri?) (gen.?) 2. 2707 = 5729; Bodi[ DAG 6 (p. 1374); Bodica DAG 244; Bodic(ca?) CIL 13. 7519,4 \Bodi\cca CIL 7. 13, Bodicca CIL 8. 2877 ;5 Bodiccius CIL 3. 3256; Bodico DAG 237 (also 244); Bodicus Greg. Tur. AcS 1. 457; Bodi[l]icus DAG 237; ?Bodilo Greg. Tur. AcS, loc. cit.; Bodionius PID xvic; Bodiues(i) (gen.) CIL 2. 5711 ;6 Bodlius AcS 3. 895; Bodo AcS 1. 460; Bodocenus DAG 143 ;7 Bodocnous DAG 182 ;8 Bodogenes CIL 6. 9602°. 19; Bodorigi (dat.) PID xxivc; Bodus DAG 195 (also 214); Bouda DAG 83, 214, -us 83, 195, 237, AE 1955, no. 107 ; 9 Boudia DAG 83, 182, CIL 6. 13340, -ius DAG 8 3 ; Boudica (or -as) f. CIL 2. 455 ; 10 Boudicca T a c , Βονν8ουΐκα Dio AcS 1. 497 f.;11 Boudilla DAG 83; [Bo]udillus CIL 12. 1231. i b , Boudil{l)us DAG 195, Boudillus DAG 196, 214, 237, Boudillu(s) DAG 244: 12 Boudinna (-enna?) CIL 2. 5274 (== 625); Boudion{is) (gen.) CZL 3. 10795 5 Budacius DAG 176 = Budacus 1
Whence iX4G, Note XIVB and it. 223. See Krahe, B/r. 2. N. 14, 1963, 180 if., also Tovar, Celticum vi, 389. 3 Boddus DAG 237 is probably Germanic. 4 Whence Bodicca DAG 237. 5 See JAS'2, 1912, 21 ff. 6 See Schmidt, KGP 152, 294, Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 294, 302. 7 See section (A) (i) s.n. 8 See Loth, Chr. bret. 84, RC 18, 1897, 93. 9 See also AcS 1. 498 f., 3. 917 f., Oswald 47, 361. 10 See OPL 50, Euphrosyne 1 (Lisboa, 1956), 142, also HAE 1090, 1209. 11 See now Jackson ap. D . R. Dudley and G. Webster, The Rebellion of Boudicca (London, 1962), 143. 12 See also AcS 1. 498, 3. 916 f., Oswald, locc. citt. 2
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DAG 182; Budaracus DAG 151; Budares Liv. 33. 44. 4 ; Βονδορις (Γαλατή) DAG *247 (χ) ι1 Eniboudius CIL 5. 7865, 7866 ; 2 ?Mellobo[di] DAG 182. L E N N : Bodatius nicus DAG 212; Bodetia IA AcS 1. 456; Βόδβγκος Pol., Bodincus Plin. now the river Po AcS 1. 456, PID VA (p. 236) ; 3 Bodincomagus, -ensis PID XUIA; 3 Bodiocasses Plin., Ούαδικάσιοι Ptol., Bagocassis Auson., Baiocasses ND', Baiocassensis Greg. Tur., Baiocassini Sid. Apoll., 2taz'0£^ij· ASSBayeuxZ^G 179 ;*Bodiontici DAG 21; Bodobrio(?) HohenBudberg D^4G 221; Bodonias DAG 179; Bodotria T a c , Booepla Ptol., j&fora ifay. the Firth of Forth A S 1. 460 ; 5 Bodungo DAG 241; Baudobriga (Boud-, Bod-) itinn., JVD, Bodorecas Rav., now Boppard (St. Goar) DAG 234; 6 Budenicenses Besouce or Bezuc? CZL 12. 2972;? Βονδορίς Buderich DAG 221 (also 241); Βουδόριγον Brieg DAG 241; Segobodium Seveux DAG 234; Toutobodiaci Plin. jVH 5. 146.8 D N N : £
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 156. Compare PN Enaboudia [sic] PID XVB. 3 See PID, it. 336A and vol. iii, p. 10 s.v. bodinco- 'fundo carens'; Schmidt, Kratylos 7, 1962, 67. 4 Bodio- in this name has been related to Ir. buide 'yellow* and (?)Lat. badius 'bay, chestnut' (of horses). See Urk. Spr. 176; de Jubainville, RC 15, 1894, 233; 26, 1905, 279 (cf. id., BSAF 1890, 266); AcS 1. 458 s.v. Bodiocasses; Vendryes, RC 40, 1923, 172; Dottin, p. 235 s.v. bodio- (cf. id., Mnl. 109); W.-P. 2. 105; W.-H. 1. 9 2 ; DAG 158 s.v. badius-, IEW 92 (cf. Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 174); A. Heiermeier, Indogermanische Etymologien des Keltischen, Bd. II, Wurzburg, 1956, 166 fF.; KGP 143, 151-2. 5 See Diack, RC 41, 1924, 128-30, Watson, The History of the Celtic Place-names of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1926), 52. Compare J. Fraser, ScGSt 3. 138 (whence Forster, FT^253 f., Williams, BSRC 24). See p. 127, η. ι above. 6 Compare Baudobriga (-c-) itin., Bodoureca Merov. num., Bupprich (near Trier) DAG 212 and see Schmidt, KGP 43, Weisgerber, Rh.V. 23, 1958, 40. 7 Not Budencicenses as in DAG 80. 8 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158, 169. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 152, n. 2. 9 Cf. brogilus (broialos A.D. 572, whence Fr. breuil) 'grove, clearing, lucus' or 'park, estate, fundus' DAG 79 s.v. broga (see also AcS 1. 619 f., 3. 984); LN Broilus Breuil-sur-Vesle (Marne) DAG 2 1 2 ; breialo gl. caio DAG 178. Whatmough also suggested {DAG 79 s.v. broga) that Messapic broge {PID, it. 546c, cf. PID, vol. 3, p. 11) may be the same as Gaul, broga. 2
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5
the Latin fines Gaulish broga properly meant 'border , then 'territory'. See J u d , Archivum Romanicum 6, 1922, 193, Weisgerber, SprFK 183, Whatmough, DAG, loc. cit. For Romance forms related to it see Jud, loc. cit., also id., Romania 47, 1921, 482; 52, 1926, 347. l Brog- (brogi-, brogo-) occurs in a number of Gaulish proper names. It represents earlier *mrog-. Insular Celtic cognates are Olr. mruig (Mllr. bruig, brug, Modlr. brugh, bruigh) masc. (z-stem) ca piece of inhabited or cultivated land, a country-side, a march* (RIAContr. Μ 177), W., Corn., Bret, bro 'district' : 2 Lat. mar go, Goth, marka, AS. mearc. See Gluck, iDV 26 f.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 221; Holder, AcS 1. 619, 3. 983; Pedersen, VKG 1. 43, 97 (LP 29); Dottin 238: Thurneysen ; GO 147 f.: Jackson, LHEB 445; Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 141, n. 3 (cf. Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 264 £ ) ; W.-H. 2. 39; E.-M. 689; W.-P. 2. 283 £ ; Pokorny IEW 738; Tovar in Romanica. Festschrift fur Gerhard Rohlfs (Halle, 1958), 449 ff. For the cognate Germanic name element *mark'frontier, territory' see Scherer 208. 3 P N N : Andebrogius (v.l. Andocumborius) BG 2. 3. 1 ; 4 Andebrocirix (f.) DAG 83 ;s Brogimara CIL 3. 3594, 4596, 5101, -marus 4580, 15151; Brogitarus, Βρογίταρος AcS I. 620 f., 3. 985 f. ;6 Βρογορις CIG 4118 (see AcS ι. 621). 7 D N N : Allobrox DAG 82; Urobrocis (dat. pi.) DAG 82. 8 L E N N : Allobrox, ~ges (-on-a, -ae),9 -gicus, -gicinus, Άλλόβριγζς (-jSpoyec) DAG 80 ; 10 AUobriges (-Λ-) DAG 212, 221 ;10 Antobroges Plin. JVi/4. 109 ; Latobrigi BG, -bogii Oros. DAG 2 4 1 ; " Nitiobroges (-ig-), Nisiobrox ? 1
See also REA 33, 1931, 381 f. For W. bro see GPC 329 f. Occasionally it may mean border, limit, boundaiy, march' as, for example, in heilyn achubyatpob bro CAn. 1. 574 (see note ad l o c ) . 3 Scherer points out that Persian marz 'Landstrich, Mark* occurs in the com mon personal name Marz-pdn Orenzschutzer'. See F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch (Marburg, 1895), x 97 f· So-called Illyrian names such as EN Μοργητ€ς and LN Μοργαντιον have also been connected with the same root as Gaul, brog-, Lat. margo, etc. See Krahe, Glotta 20. 189 f., Pokorny, Urg. 12. LN Morginnum (Maurogena) DAG 80, however, does not belong here. See Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 149, 151, n. 15 and compare Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 266. 4 See section (A) (i) s.n. Andocumborius. 5 For the alternation ofV and g see Chapter III (A) (ii) (c). Not to be connected with P N N in broc(c)~ such as Broc[ DAG 151, Remark B, 176, 237; Brocchia PID x i c ; Brocchilo PID xiic; Brocchus DAG 83, 237, 244, PID XUA; Broccius (or Brocchus) DAG 214; Broccus DAG 244, PID viiic, XUA. 6 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154. 7 See Weisgerber, op. cit. 154, 174. 8 For ~broc- see n. 5 above. O'Rahilly (EIHM 534) would derive -broc- in Urobrocis from *uroik- 'heather', comparing D N Vroicis [DAG 82). 9 See Housman, CR 37, 1923, 60, Thurneysen, GOI201. 10 For -briges in ENN see Schmidt, KGP 156. 11 Whatmough compared Λατόβριξ (v.l. Άλω-) gl. Ptol. 3. 10 'where apparently we have Βριτολάγαι for BpiyoXaraiV See also AcS 1. 550, 2. 155, KGP 156. 2
i6o
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Nisiobroges DAG 153; Tembrogium fl. (ace.) Piin., Tymbri (abl.) Liv., Τέμβρι,ος Orpheus Argon. AcS 2. 1793.1 CAMULGamul- occurs in PNN in Gaul and Britain, in D N N (notably in Camulus, assimilated to the Roman Mars, in Gaul, Britain, and Rome), 2 and in LENN in Gaul, Spain, Galatia, and Britain. Much has been written concerning these forms. Gluck (KN 101, n. 1), for example, suggested that Camulus meant 'potens, fortis', comparing Ir. camh 'potestas, potentia', cam and cama cpotens, validus, fortis', and the Irish PN Cumhal and Carnal (noting that there are Celtic forms in carnal^ as well as in camul-). D'Arbois de Jubainville (teste Holder, AcS 1. 727, see also Dottin, p. 240) related Ir. camus 'territoire soumis a Pautorite d'un roi' to the same root as that reflected by Camulus. Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 133) suggested that Camulus was represented perhaps by Ir. Cumal (gen. Cumail) and cumal (gen. cumaile) 'a sheslave5.3 In Urk. Spr. 69 f. he also listed Ir. cuma 'grief, Corn, cavow, Bret, cqffou, under a root *kam- csich muhen, sorgen5.4 In AcS 3. 1069 Holder quoted Vendryes's interpretation of the name as 'celui qui se donne la peine (pour combattre)', deriving it again, with Stokes, from the same root as Skt. samnite and Gk. κάμνω and comparing Ir. cam 'Kampf \ 5 Camulus, according to Holder, was originally a 'nomen agentis' with the suffix -lo-.6 The name has sometimes been thought to correspond to ON. Humli, attested in Scandinavian royal genealogies 1
See Weisgerber, op. cit. 159. On the expansion of the Camulus cult see J. Lindsay, Latomus 20, 1961, 731 fF. Cf. Duval, REA 64, 1962, 369 f. See also D e Vries, KR 58. 3 See also Holder, AcS 1. 727. De Jubainville (NG 16) rendered Camulorix as 'roi de Camulos' or 'roi des servantes' comparing Ir. cumal *a slave-girl'. The same scholar {Les Celtes depuis les temps Us plus anciens jusqu'en Van 100 avant notre ere (Paris, 1904), 52 f.) and Hubert {Les Celtes depuis Vipoque de la Tene et la civilisation celtique (Paris, 1932), 286 f.) repeat a suggestion made by Rhys {Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (London, 1888), 39, LWPh2 400) that as a personal name Camulus has an etymological equivalent in Cumail, father of Finn and king of Ireland. But Meyer {RC 32, 1911, 391) claimed that the true form is Umall, and that Cumail arose in the name Finn mac Umaill owing to a mis understanding. See also E. Windisch, Das keltische Britannien (Leipzig, 1912), 119; Dottin, p. 240; Polome, Ogam 6, 1954, 157; de Vries, KR 58. Rhys (locc. citt.) related Camulus to Germ. Himmel, Gk. καμάρα, etc. His speculations and com parisons are not convincing. 4 He compared Lat. camillus, -a. For these forms see W-H, 1. 147. For Ir. cuma, Corn, cavow, etc., see Pedersen, VKG 1. 47, 361, where no mention is made of Camulus. 5 Concerning Ir. cam he added the comment 'wenn nicht aus lat. campus entlehnt'. See further J. Vendryes, De hibernicis vocabulis quae a latina lingua originem duxerunt (Paris, 1902), 120 and cf. W. camp GPC 404. See also VKG 1. 237. 6 There is nothing new in W.-P. 1. 387 f., IEW 557, KGP 160, OPL 58, KR 58. 2
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161
as the father of the eponymous hero Dan. See Polome, Og. 6, 1954, 157 f., Treimer, Og. 9, 1957, 291, Lindsay, Latomus 20, 1961, 736. Etymological speculation here is both dangerous and uncertain. The most likely Insular Celtic cognate is perhaps Ir. cam 'fight, quarrel, duel', if or when this is a native Irish form. See Meyer 310, Hessen 1. 133, Dinneen 156. The comparison with the Irish PN Cumal is also uncertain. It is doubtful whether forms in carnal-, attested most frequently in Spain, 1 retain an older vocalism than those in camul·. See Holder, AcS 1. 725. 20, Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 9. With forms in carnal· compare perhaps the (PGermanic) divine name Gamaleda DAG 213, 2 for which see Gutenbrunner 109 f., Scherer, Btr. z. jV. 4, 1953, 24. PNN: Andecamulos DAG 163 ;3 Camalus, -α, Κάμαλος, Carnal. AcS 1. 707 f., 3. 1054, OPL 57 f., SSVH 29, EAAHA 85 f.; Camolatia (-u-) DAG 182; [Ca]molius (?for \Cd\mulius) MG, no. 272; Camul[DAG 156; Camula[ DAG 83; Camula DAG 182, 224, 237, καμουλα Note liii; Camulaeus 250; Camulata 83, -us 83, 237, 238 (in); Camulatia 83, -ius 182; Camulatucus 156; Camuledu 151; Camulia 156, 182, CIL 3. 4887; Camulianus DAG 244; Camulilia ILTG418; Camulinius 2O8B (also 214); Camulinus 136, 156; ?[Ca]mulinus Wagner, no. 102; ?Camulioli (gen.) ILTG 188; Camulirilis (-gis) DAG 140; Camulissius DAG 2O8B (also 214); Camulixus 136 (p. 1359); Camul{l)ia, -ins 83; Camulo[ 151; Camulo, Camuloge Gallia 19, 1961, 68, Camulo[genus] DAG 157, Camulogenus DAG 182, Note (xlv) C; 3 Camulognata DAG 182; ?Camulori ECMW 349, Camulorigi ECMW 403, Camuloris (bis) ECMW 27; Camulus DAG 87, 156, 214, 231, 237, Note xlv (C); Leucamulo CIL 3· 5329·4 LENN: Andecamulenses DAG 148; Camala AcS 1. 707; Camalatrum Front, strat. 2. 4. 7; ?Camaloc[ CIL 2. 170; Camulates CIL 2. 4967. 34; Καμουλιανά AcS 3. 1067;* Camulodono Rav. PSlack (Yorks.) BSRG 27; Camulodunum (v.l. Camalo-) Colchester (Essex) ^GS1 1. 725 f., 3. 1068; Camulosessa Rav. Castle Greg (Midlothian) BSRC, loc. cit. D N N : Camu{l)orici (dat.) CIL 13. 4709 ;6 C(a)mulorig(i) or -rig(ae) CIL 13. 11216, Camlorige CIL 13. 3460; 7 Ca[mulus?] DAG 243, Camulus DAG 211, 213, 223, 236, CiL 7. 1103, CiL 6. 46. 8 1 See Palomar Lapesa, 0ΡΖ, 57 f., Untermann, SSVH 14 f., 29 (with Map 8), id., Fachtagung Innsbruck 67 (with Map 6). 2 Or personal name. See DAG 214. 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. 4 For *Leuco-camulo by haplology? See RC 17, 1896, 300, AcS 2. 192, KGP 93» 231. 5 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 159. 6 Whence DN Camulorix DAG 213. 7 Cf. D-dG 181 and 213 s.n. Camidoriga, also DAG, Note xl (i) (pp. 678 f.). 8 See AcS 1. 727 f., 3. 1069.
811030
Μ
l62
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CAROA great number of the names listed below (e.g. PNN Andecarus, Caromams, Iovantucarus, Sucarus) contain a Gaulish name element carocognate with Olr. caraim Ί love', W. caraf, Corn, care, Br. karet, re lated to Lat. cams 'dear', Goth. Iwrs 'adulterer', etc. (: IE. *ka- c be fond of, be covetous' IEW 515). 1 In compounded names it is rarely attested as a first element. Concerning the verbal character of carosee Schmidt, KGP 163, n. 2. See also section (A) (i) s.n. Καρομαρο[. Some forms have cara-, perhaps by assimilation of vowels in forms such as Caramallus and Caramantius. With forms in carat- compare W. carad 'loved'; with forms in caratac- compare Ir. carthach 'loving', M1W. karadawc, Bret, karadek; with PN Cariatus compare W. cariad 'love; lover, sweetheart', Bret, kariad 'ami'. For the alternation of d\dd\d\dd\ th/s/ss in names such as Caradouni, Caraddounius, Carado[, Caradiionu[, Carad(d)ouna, Carathounius, Carasounos, and Carassonius see Chapter I I I , Remark. Some forms in carant- also point to the same root and are cognate with Ir. cara (gen. carad) m. and f. 'a friend, a beloved one, a relative' (Dinneen 164), W. car (pi. carant, cerynt, ceraint) 'kinsman, relative, friend, companion, e t c ' (GPC 422), Corn, car (pi. kerens), Bret, kar (pi. kerent). See CRAI 1890, 262; Urk. Spr. 7 1 ; AcS 1. 766; Dottin 242; GOI 119, 207-8; Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 238; IEW, loc. cit.; KGP 163. See further section (B) s.n. Carantanae. Gaulish car (0)- is, however, of multiple origin. It was, therefore, extremely difficult to decide, especially with uncompounded names, which forms to include in the list given below. Moreover, some instances of one or two names such as Cara and Cams may be Latin rather than Celtic I have in the main included only forms which I thought could belong here, especially those from Ancient Gaul. 2 Account should be taken, however, of the probability that many of the names are cognate with forms of a different origin from that of Ir. caraim^ cara, etc. For this reason only I draw attention here to other forms some of which point to a Gaulish (if not necessarily a Celtic) origin: caracalla 'cape, cloak (with a hood)' DAG 178 (see also DAG 246); caragus, caragius 'fortune-teller' DAG 178; carenum 'sweet-wine, nectar' DAG 220; caris(s)a 'uafer' PID, it. 340D (see also vol. iii, p. 12).3 Note also cararia (can-) careria {can-) 'lapicidinae' PID 336D; karite PID 300 (see also vol. ii, p. 554, iii, p. 12) ; 4 cariedit in the Calendar of Coligny DAG 227 I 49, the meaning of which is obscure (see, however Rhys, Celtae and Galli 13, Cal. 5 ; Dottin, pp. 45, 1
See also Urk. Spr. 70 f., AcS 1. 801, 3. 1113, Dottin 242, KGP 163-4. For names from Spain see now EAAHA 92 f. 3 See also W.-H. 1. 169, DAG 246. 4 Compare Rhys, Cis. 86, Gleanings 30. 2
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122, 175; cf. Loth, RC 32, 1911, 206). For a (?) pre-IE. * karri or *karra 'stone, crag, rock?' see (with references) J. Hubschmid, Sardische Studien 108 ff.; Pokorny, IEW 531 f. s.v. *kar- 'hart'; Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 118, Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 327 ff., UAF 58 f.; Flutre, REPL 84 ff. s.v. *karri- 'rocher'. See also now J . Hubschmid, RPh., vol. 13, no. 1, August 1959, 31-42, discussing pre-IE. *kar(r)~ 'Stein' ( > 'Schale'). Some forms in car- may also be cognate with Olr. caire f. 'blame, fault5, W. caredd f. 'transgression, sin, lust, love', cerydd m. 'rebuke, chastisement, blame, sin, etc.', Bret, karez f. 'blame', related to Gk. κάρνη-ζημία Hesych. (: IE. *kar- 'to rebuke' IEW530).l Others with -r- for -rr- may point to Gaul, carro- 'waggon', for which see section (A) (i) s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος. See also section (B) s.nn. Carilo(s)} Carletisoniy Καρνομου, ??Κ]αρταρ[ος, and Carvilius. P N N : Adecari (gen.) GIL 13. 10010. 17; Andecarius DAG 151, 208A, 214; A[nd]ecarru. DAG 214; Andecarus DAG 132, 182, 203, 204, 208A (also 214); Batacarii (gen.) CIL 4. 2254; Bicarus DAG 244; Bitucar[ DAG 214 (cf. Bitucarus 224, also Bitucaro 228 (ix)); Cara DAG 151, Remark B, PID xiic, Kara RPH 210; Cara[ DAG 132, 176, 244; Carabella DAG 182; Caracco DAG 224; Caracilli (gen.) ILTG 363; Caracus DAG 237; Καρακνλαιαν (ace.) CIG 4030 ;2 Καρακουττις IG 14. 1683 (also -tot» gen.); Caragonius DAG 244; Carah[ DAG 176; Carat (gen.) CIL 2. 625 = 5274; Caraisioun[ DAG 237; Caramallus DAG 244; Caramantius PID viiic; Caran[ DAG 151, 237; ICaranaci CIIC 499; Caranenus DAG 176; ?Carania DAG 182, Caranius Caraniusa (?) Ιλ4£ 214; Caranitanus DAG 237; Caranta DAG 237; Carantacus ECMW 143; Carantanae AE 1952, no. 77 ;3 Carantedo DAG 136; Carantei (gen.) ECMW285; Caranti (? gen.) C/7G 514; Gzra/ζώζ Ζλ4£? 83, 182, 2O8B, 214, 237, 244, PZD xve; Carantiana DAG 83, - ^ 2X4G 83, 151, Remark B, 182, 237; Caranticconus DAG 83; Carantila DAG 214, -ilia DAG 156, 182, 214, 237, -illus DAG 214, 237; Cara;tfm[i]ztf CZL 13. 4239 (whence DAG 214), Carantinius CIL 13. 7279 (whence Z)^4G 244); Carantinus DAG 19, 136, 182, 208B (also 214), 244, Carantina DAG 182 (see also AcS 1. 768-9, 3. 1092-3); Carantius DAG 83, 151, 182, 214 {-us?), 224, 237, 244, AE 1963, 102; Caranto DAG 83, 237, CIL 2. 2286; Carantodius, -ia DAG 214, 237, ILTG 371, 441; Carantolo (?) ZX4G 228 (ix); Carantorius ECMW 198; Carantus CIL 7. 1033, DAG 214, 228 (iii), 237, 244, Note xlv (C), JV.-Z., no. 153, ZLTG 441 (see also AcS 1. 770J IO 9 5 ) ; Carantusa DAG 214; Carantusarus (?) Z^4G 214; Caranus 5 3· DAG 228 (iv); ?Carasaou DAG 244; Carasari (gen.) C/L 3. 12014. 220: Carasius DAG 237; Carasoua DAG 156; Carasounos DAG 151, Remark B ; Carassonius DAG 151; Carassonus DAG 237; Ctf7Utf0ww[ £^4G 214; 4 1
See also t/rA:. £/>r. 71, Dottin 242. See F. P. Garofalo, RC 23, 1902, 71, 73. 4 3 See section (B) s.n. Recte Carasoun[. 2
164
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Carassouniiis DAG 83, 237, Carassouni{ps) DAG 214; Carassounus DAG 138, 151, 237, 244; Carasus DAG 237; ?Caradeann[ (leg. Caraddoun\ius) DAG 244; Caraddounus DAG 214; 1 Caradouni, Caraddouni DAG 237; ?Caraditonu DAG 174; 2 Carad[d]ouna, -us DAG 214; Caraddounius DAG 214; Carado[ DAG 237; Carathounus 214, 237; Carato iX4G 83, 208B (also 214), 237, ILTG 443; ?Caratacul[ DAG 244 (also Carataculus 238 (iii)); Caratacus Tac. AW/Z. 12. 33, etc., DAG 237, ILTG 441 (see ^ S 1. 771-3, 3. 1096); Caratan[ DAG 176; Caratedo DAG 136; Caratila DAG 214, -ώ ZX4G 244; Caratilla DAG 151, 237, Caratil(l)us 136; Caratinus DAG 244; Caratius DAG 83, 237, ]caratius DAG 214; Caratodius DAG 237; Carattia PID viiic; Carattinn CIIC 230; Caratuc(c)us DAG 156, Remark, 176, Caratuccus DAG 182, 214; Carata/Ztf Z>;4G 214, 237, -&y ZX4G 214, 237, 244; Caratun[ DAG 237; Caratus DAG 136, 136, Remark ι (α), 182, 214, 237, Z£,7G 441; Carcaz C7Z, 13. 3716, Kareia PID viic, Kareius DAG 24, 83, Careius DAG 237, 2 44 ( s e e also A S 1. 784-5, 3. 1101); ?Carenta DAG 237; Cares (-entis) DAG24.4; Caresus DAG 83; Caretenus DAG 8 3 ; Caretis (gen.) Z)^4G 224; Caretosa f. C/L 2. 3307, EE 8, p. 216, n. 880; Careti (gen.) ££■ 9, p. n o , n. 292; Careus DAG 244; ICareuus DAG 224; ?Cari CIIC 67; Clana PID xvc; Cariacus CIL 6. 2379*30; CarianusDAG 14, 214, CiZ, 2. 5241 ; 3 Cariassis PID viiiB; Cariatus DAG 203, 214, 215, 228 (vii) (ix); Cariaus PID viic; Cariccus DAG 244; Caricus DAG 182, 224, C/L 2. 899, 2928, 2954 (see also AcS 1. 786, 3. 1103); Carigenus CIL n . 1147, p. 213; Carigo PID viiic Add.; Carigus DAG 151; Can[ DAG 214; ?Carilic[ DAG 224; Gzn7/a D.4G 83, CZL 2. 2865, Caril(l)usDAG 132 ; 4 iTan/fcz ZL4G 87, Cfln/fcz DAG 156, Note xlv (G) ; s Carinianus PID viiic; Karino DAG Note xlv (C); Carinius, -iaDAG 237, ^LB 1956, no. 79 = JV.-Z,., no. 153; Carinnius DAG 151; Carintianus DAG 8 3 ; Carinus DAG 139, 237, P/D xiic; 5 Cano CZL 2. 819; ΛΑΠΟ PZD xiic; Cariolus -a DAG 214; Carisia DAG 83, CiL 2. 351, 2592, 2740, 5233, -ius DAG 83, 78, 151, 224, 228 (ii) (iv), 237, CIL 2. 2583, 2592, 2802, EE 8. 118, Car(isius?) DAG Note xlv (C) (see also AcS 1. 788-9, 3. 1105-6); Carisianus CIL 2. 1064 (see also AcS 3. 1105); Carissa DAG 151, καριθα DAG 177, Carissus DAG 250; Carisso (-ius) DAG 195, -0 215, 237; Caristanus DAG Note xlv (C); Caristus PID viiic; Karita DAG 244; Clarite PID xxivc; Cflnfo (-&y) DAG 203; Caritosus DAG 205, PZD viiic; Caritus DAG 8 3 ; Can&r C/L 13. 1001 o. 3038 e ; 6 Can* DAG 140, 151, 151, Remark Β ;CaroDAG 204, 214 (see also AcS 1. 801, 3. 113); Karodius DAG 244; Καρομαρο[ 1 2 3 4 5 6
Cf. ILTG 388. See section (B) s.n. Cf. Palomar Lapesa OPL 59-60. See section (B) s.n. Carilo(s). For Carina, Carinus see AcS 3. 1104-5. Cf. CIL 13. 10010. 3139A
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DAG 167 ;l Caromarus DAG 228 (iv), 250 (see AcS 3. 1114); Carominius DAG 250; Karonius DAG 237; Carosa, -us AcS 1. 802, 3. 1114-15; Carosenus DAG 8 3 ; Carotalns? DAG 132 ; 2 Carotinn ECMW 125; Carnca CIL 7. 247; ??Ca(n)rucatus (-g-) DAG 132 (see also Oswald 57, 365); Carucenus DAG 182; Carugenus DAG 224; Candirus DAG 214; Carulli CIL 7. 1336. 246; Camillas DAG 244; Carunai DAG 216; Karus DAG 83, CarusDAG 132,136,204,228 (iv), Gallia 18, 1960,241 ff.,RPH210; Carusa, -usDAG 182; Carusia\nus'\ PID viiic; Carussa DAG 136, 182, 214; Caruti[ DAG 182; Diocarus DAG 139; Diocharus CIL 13. 11154; Ducarius Liv. 22. 6, 3, Sil. Ital. 5. 645-8 ;3 Iovantuc[a\ro (dat.) C7Z, 13. 10024. 6; 4 ?Losetucari (or Etucari?) DAG 156; 5 Netacari CIIC 4 7 ; Oxicaro (dat.) C/L 8. 4725 ;6 Senocarus DAG 156; Senucaris AcS 2. 1503; Sucaria DAG 83, -z'&f Z)^4G 83, CZL 2. 5787; Sucarus DAG 214; Venicarus (-ne-) DAG 228 (ii) (iv), Venicarus DAG 237, 244; 7 Venocari (gen.) C7Z, 7. 693; Vinicarus DAG 237; Vocar CIL 7. 1336. 1135, Ζλ4<9, Note liv (#), p. 1078,8 Vocara DAG 215, 224, 237, FOflzrafl[fttf or [Λ Ζλ4£? 2O8A (see also 206), 9 ΡΟΛΖΠ ZX4G 203 (see also 214).10 L E N N : Caracotinum DAG 179; ICarambucis fl. (mouth of Elbe or of Thames) DAG 2 2 1 ; Carantani AcS 3. 1092; Carantomagus Cranton (?) DAG 148 ;u Carantonis {-us) fl. Charente DAG 153 ;12 Caranusca Garsch ZMG 212; I 3 Carasa (Garris) Zk4G 84; Caratiaco loco Gharce DAG 148; ?Caresfl.Chiers (?) DAG 212; Cariacus Chirat-l'figlise DAG 148; ?Carifes DAG 179; Cariolon (v.l. G<2r-) 2λ4(? 234; Canj (-us) fl. Cher ZX4G 148; Καρίταμοί (v.l. -J>OI) Zk4G 241; Caro uicus Chervix DAG 148; Carobriae Chabris DAG 148; Carontomago Charenton DAG 149, Re mark; 1 1 Caruces (pagus Carucum CIL 13. 4143), in Middle Ages Carouuascus, Carascus DAG 212 ;14 Carus uicus AcS 3. 1129. 7. 1
See section (A) (i) s.n. Compare PNN Car{r)otalus DAG 198, Carrotalus DAG 196, 237, Carrotala DAG 237. 3 See Dottin 253, Schmidt, KGP 198. Compare Loth, RC 41, 1924, 56, Whatmough, PID 340A, vol. 3, p. 18. 4 Listed as DN in DAG 236. See also Finke 15-19, CIL 13. 4256 (whence DAG 2
211). 5
Or Setucari, see Schmidt, UTGP 233. See Schmidt, KGP 254. 7 See also Holder, AcS 3. 169; Whatmough, ZL4G, p. 993, CPh. 50, 1955, 284; Schmidt, KGP 289. See further s.v. VENI-. 8 From ΒJ 142, 1937, 44 (listed also in DAG 228, Remark). 9 See Mur.-Chab. 8822-4, Blanchet, TraiU 146, Forrer 265, Og. 6, 1954. 91. 10 Compare PN Vacarus DAG 244, for which see Schmidt, KGP 94, 299. 11 See Lebel, PMHF, p. 288. 12 See Lebel, PMHF, p. 317. " See Flutre, REPLy p. 87, Lebel, PMHF, p. 350. 14 See also DAG 209 and Weisgerber, ΛΛ. V. 23, 1958, 19, 24. 6
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DNN: Caraeciquaelicqus RPH 209; Caraedudius RPH 76; Cart.. .beflacis RPH 76; Carinnae (nymphae) DAG 82; Cariocieciis RPH 115 f.; Carus RPH 209; Iouantucarus DAG 211. l CARTDottin (p. 243) suggested that carti and cartaofit in the inscription of Rom (DAG, Note xxvi, pp. 391 ff.)2 might be related to W. carthu 'clean, purge, cleanse' and Bret, karza, with which may be compared Ir. cartaim Ί cleanse, scour, oust' (see VKG 2. 616, Hessen 1. 137). T h e interpretation of forms in cart- in the inscription of Rom is quite un certain,3 but some of the forms in cart- listed below may well be Gaulish cognates of W. carthu, Bret, karza, and Ir. cartaim. These Insular Celtic forms may be related to Skt. kasati 'rubs, scratches, scrapes', Lat. carro CI card (wool)', etc., from a root *kars- 'scratch, comb, card', for which see IEW 532 f.4 The name element cart- may, therefore, point to earlier carst-. In this connexion PN Carstimari (gen.) CIL 3. 14632 is particularly interesting. See further section (A) (i) s.n. Καρθιλίτανως.
PNN: Anarkartos PID, it. 325;* Cart[ DAG 224; ??[Κ]αρταρ[ος] DAG 67 ;6 Carti(s)mandua (regina Brigantum) Tac. ann. 12. 36, 12. 42, hist. 3. 4517 Cartivel num. IASB 259, 261; Cart[ius?] DAG 176; Cartoval[ 1 CIL 13. 4256. Cf. P N Iouantuc[a]ro above. For the etymology of this name see BSAF 1896, 95, SprFK 202, KGP 227, Ogam 10, 1958, 216. 2 Where previous editors read cartaont Whatmough read cartaoont. See further n. 3 below. Nicholson's conjectures concerning these forms in £CP 3, 1901, 314 are worthless. Rhys (Celtae and Galli 37 f.) conjectured that carti was an adjective mean ing 'powerful', without presenting any argument in support of this. Haas (ZCP 23, 1943» 291 f*.; 27, 1959, 217) would relate carti and cartaont to Lat. curtus and curtare. See also Haas, Bulletin de la societd des antiquaires de VOuest 1961, 54 f. 3 See now the fresh reading and interpretation proposed by Egger in Ogam 14, 1962, 431 ff. 4 See GPC433, DGVB 98, Schmidt, KGP 164. These Celtic forms may, however, be related to IE. *(s)ker- 'schneiden' (see IEW 938 if.) with which compare the root *(s)kert~s~ (underlying Gk. 4γ-κάρσως 'athwart, oblique', etc.) listed in IEW 049 f. (see also Detschew, Thr. Spr. 229 s.n. Καρζοαζος, 232 s.v. Καρσί-). Beside I E . *kars- 'scratch' note also *her(s)- 'Borste, steifes Haar; starren, rauh und kratzig sein' IEW 583. L. H. Gray {Lg. 20, 1944, 225, EC 6, 1953-4, 6 3) would relate carti- in names such as Carti(s)mandua, Cartinicum, Cartius, and ΚαρθιΧιτανιος (with καρθι- perhaps from earlier καρη- through lenition) to Skt. kirti- 'gloire' (: IE. *kare- 'praise' W.-P. 1. 353, see now IEW 530). But, as Schmidt pointed out (KGP 164, n. 4), there are no Insular Celtic cognates to support this particular etymology. In Lg.9 loc. cit., Gray suggested that carti- might alternatively be related to Ionic and Epic κάρτος, Attic κράτος 'strength, vigour', Gk. κρατνς 'strong, mighty', Goth, tiardus 'hard, strong', etc. (: IE. *qare- 'hard' W.-P. 1. 354, see now IEW 531 f. and references quoted in this work s.v. CARO-). 5 See AcS 1. 818. 31 f., PID, vol. 3, p. 4. 6 See section (B) s.n. 7 See I. A. Richmond, 'Queen Cartimandua', JRS 44, 1954, 43-52 (esp. p. 43).
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CIL 7. 425; Cartulla DAG 87, 214, -us 151; Cartus DAG 138, 244. L E N N : Cartimitanus, -a (inscc), Certima (Liv.) Cartama AcS 3. 1126;1 Καρτσλίας (Str.) Cartala (Liv.) in Hisp. Tarrac. AcS 1. 816; Cartare insula Avien. ora marit. 255 ; 2 ? Carter [ C7Z, 2. 4402; Cartusa DAG 234, 241. D N : Cartouallenses DAG 223. For the gloss cartamera, cartalamon ή όλη κατασκευή (or παρασκευή) του πβριζώματος see Whatmough, DAG 79, who suggested that Varro learnt the word perhaps from Narbonensis or Galatia. He compared Midlr. csirile f. 'a ball cf yarn' (see also VKG 2. 54, W.-H. 1. 174, 286). Compare cartallus (-ell-) and -um 'basket' (in LXX) DAG 240. The word is usually considered to be Greek, but Whatmough re marked that the ending suggested to him the same source as caballus (DAG 178). See now Frisk, GEW 794. CASSI-, CASSES The etymology of cassi-jcasses is not at all clear. I first of all sum marize various opinions concerning this problem. Gluck (KN 163) quoted beside EN Veliocasses3 a number of names in cassi- such as Cassibratius, Cassignatus, and Cassiuellaunus, and drew attention to Ir. cais, caise 'love, hatred' and cas 'passionate, swift, nimble', and W. cas 'hatred; hateful, hated' and casau 'to hate'. However, he added the comment 'Was nun aber das fragliche Wort in den alten Namen [in Veliocasses, etc.] bedeutet, ist schwer zu ermitteln.' D'Arbois de Jubainville discussed the origin and meaning of cassi- in NG 184 if.4 He connected it with Ir. cais 'propre, pimpant, bien mis, agreable' and regarded it as a derivative in -ti- of a root *kad- 'se distinguer, etre superieur aux autres' which he claimed was also represented by Sanskrit and Greek forms.5 Moreover, he recog nized this root in the divine name Belatucadrusfi He concluded as follows: 'Cassi- est done le theme d'un adjectif qui exprime l'idee Concerning the v.l. cartis- see Pedersen, VKG 2. 2, and for L. H. Gray's conjectures concerning carti- in this name see above. 1 See Whatmough, DAG, p. 162 s . w . cartamera, cartalamon. 2 See Lambrino, BEP 19, 1956, 17 f., 20 f. (also Duval, ECS, 1958-9, 232). 3 References to the sources for forms mentioned here will be found in the list of names given below. 4 See also d'Arbois de Jubainville, jfitudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques, premiere partie (Paris, 1881), 33*~34*. 5 A similar etymology is mentioned by Stokes, Urk. Spr. 67-68, and Holder, AcS 1. 824. See also Jackson, LHEB 532. 6 For the divine name Belatucadrus, -cairus, -caurus, etc., see AcS 1. 367-8, 3. 823, DAG, Note (X1V)B, JRS 47, 1957, 228. Concerning the etymology of -cadrus, etc., see most recently Pokorny, IEW 51η, 534; Jackson, LHEB 4 3 0 - 1 ; Schmidt, KGP 145, 159; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 462.
i68
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d'une elegance superieure a celle d'autrui; "superiorite" est le sens primitif de la racine en grec et en Sanscrit; *'elegant" est la significa tion moderne de l'adjectif irlandais.' Thurneysen (teste Holder, AcS ι. 458) related EN Bodiocasses to Ir. budichass 'blondlockig 5 . See also Holder, AcS 1. 825 s.v. cassi-, Hessen, ZCP 9, 1913, 18. Rhys remarked (Insc. 37) that the meaning of κασσιin PN Κασσιταλος is 'not at all certain'. Dottin (p. 243) listed beside the form -cassi- Ir. cats 'amour, haine', cass 'boucle', and cas 'agreable'. Vendryes (RC 40, 1923, 172; see also ^ 4 9 , 1932, 284) conceded that -casses in ethnic names is obscure, but wondered whether one should compare Ir. cass 'pointe, piquant' (Windisch, TBC, p. 935) or sup pose an older form *kas~to 'signe, embleme 5 which gave cassi- in com pounded forms. He compared the name of the dii Casses whose cult apparently centred on the Rhine district. In Rel. celt., pp. 248-9, 259 also Vendryes discussed ethnic names in -casses together with the name of the dii Casses. He suggested that the latter were war or battle gods and drew attention to D N Catubodua (recte ?[C]athuboduae dat., v. s. ATE-, BODUO-, CATU-) beside D N Cassibodua with the comment: O n serait tente de donner a cassi- un sens analogue, sinon identique, a celui de catu-; cf. peut-etre irl. cats 'haine', a cote de cath "combat".' Concerning cas(s)idan(n)o(s) in the graffiti of La Graufesenque (see DAG 90, 92, 94, 102, 125), 1 probably a Gaulish official title rather than a potter's name, see Loth (RC 4.1, 1924, 54), who suggested that cassi- here represented earlier *cad-ti- 'remarquable'. Oxe (BJ 130, 1925, 76) compared the form casamo 'adsectator' (Quint. 1. 5. 8). 2 Thurneysen (ZCP 16, 1927, 288 ff.) remarked: '. . . gibt der Titel keine Auskunft daruber, was die Bedeutung des in Namen so haufigen Stammes cassi- war. 5 Marstrander (NTS 1, 1928, 106) compared E N Veliocasses (-cadi) with PN Cassus and the Irish PN Cass* Weisgerber (SprFK 196 f.) repeated the view that the etymology of cassi- was obscure. He remarked that Thurneysen's equation of E N Bodiocasses with Ir. budichass was probably correct, but that Ir. cass did not explain every instance of Gaul, cassi-jcasses, which must after all be of multiple origin. 4 1 Compare cassidar. in an inscription of Reims (v. BSAF 1922, 226) and see Whatmough, DAG 187, Remark (i) (p. 681). 2 See PID, it. 340D, vol. iii, p. 12; DAG, it. 246. Cf. VB 356. Oxe repeated Zeuss's comparison (GC2 1062) of OW. casgoord gl. satellites with Gaul, names in cassi-; but this is not helpful, as casgoord should be related to W. cosgordd 'retinue* (see VVB 65, GPC 569, DGVB 120). 3 Note, for example, Caiss (gen.) Windisch, TBC 11. 4590, 4638, cethri Caiss 1. 2675, and see O'Brien, CGH 534. 4 For Weisgerber's discussion of PN Cassignatus (Liv.) beside Καρσιγνάτου (gen., Polyb.) see Gal. Spr. 171 f., SprFK 187.
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1
Whatmough claimed (DAG 178 s.v.) that the gloss caddos (i.e. caddos, casso-?) 'sanctus' of CGL 5. 493. 30 furnished an explanation of di Casses as well as of Velio-, Vidu-, Bodio-casses, and perhaps both of cas(s)idan(n)o(s) at La Graufesenque and of the DN Catharus (Iuppiter) of FHRC 296. 27 (DAG 181).2 Stokes compared caddos with Ir. cd(i)d Venerable, holy, pure' 3 (BB 29, 1905, 169; see also Pokorny, IEW 517 s.v. *kad- 'glanzen, prangen, sich auszeichnen'). Whatmough pointed out that words for water often imply sanctity, and suggested that L y d i a n ΚαΒοας
(see DAG 2 4 6 S.V. κοαδαμα-
ποταμογζίτων
D i o s c 4 . IOO)
might belong here. Schmidt cautiously remarked (KGP 165) that cassi-Jcasses were still unexplained, and compared the name element cas-, e.g. in PNN Casdenius, Casdianus, EN Casmonates, explained as Illyrian by Krahe. 4 Although Whatmough claimed that he found the explanation for a number of forms in cassi- in the gloss caddos 'sanctus' (with -dda variant of -dd- or -ss-),5 I think that Weisgerber's remark that cassiis of multiple origin must be stressed again. Account must be taken not only of (?) Gaulish caddos but also of some of the Insular Celtic forms which were compared by Gluck, de Jubainville, Thurneysen, and others, as outlined above. The most likely cognates seem to be the following: Ir. cais(s), cais(s)e f. 'love, hatred' (Meyer 307, Hessen 1. 131), cas 'pleasant' (Meyer 320 f.), W. cas (subst.) 'bitterness, hatred enmity', (adj.) 'hateful,hated; disagreeable, nasty, unkind, surly' (GPC 435) ;6 I r · cais(s) 'eye' (Hessen, loc. cit.) ;7 Ir. cas(s) 'curly, crooked, winding, twisted; cross-grained, passionate, lively and pleasant?' (Meyer 323, Hessen 1. 137, Dinneen 167), cas, -a, -anna 'a fold, a plait, curl, twist, anything twisted or convoluted; a spiral' (Dinneen 167). The possibility that some forms in cass- are cognate with (?) Gaulish cassano- 'chene' (as in LNN Casinomago DAG 84; Cassanomum uicaria (? < *Cassanomagos), Cassinomago T P now Chassenon DAG 153 (also 148)) should not be overlooked. For cassano- see Hubschmied, RC 50, 1
See also Whatmough, DAG, it. 179, s.v. Cassiciate, Orbis 1, 1952, 438, Lg. 33, 1957» 593· 2 He also compared {DAG, p. 661) the coin legend cassi(s) DAG 177. See below s. PN Cassis\uratus. 3 See Meyer 299, Hessen 1. 126, Dinneen 146. * See PN. Lex. 154 f.; IF 58, 1942, 226; Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 178; Spr. Illyr. 56. See also Detschew, Thr. Spr. 233 s.v. Κασ-, 233-4 s.n. Κασ€ΐπορις. 5 Cassi-, with, -ss-, is the regular orthography in the names which are in question here. But VeliocaOi, with -Θ-, beside Veliocasses tends to confirm the view that caddos is cognate with at least some forms in cass-. Compare also perhaps beside D N Catharus DAG 181 the ENN Catt(h)ar(i)enses, Cadd-, etc., DAG 234, 241. 6 For the etymology of Ir. cais(s), W. cas see Stokes, BB 19, 1893, 53, Urk. Spr. 68; W.-P. 1. 3 4 1 ; IEW 517; Vendryes, EC 6. 381. 7 See O'Glery, RC 4, 1879-80, 379; de Jubainville, Etudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques, premiere partie 35*, Stokes, BB 19, 1893,. 53.
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!9335 263; Vincent, Toponymie de la France (Bruxelles, 1937), 133; Flutre, REPL 92-93; Hubschmid, Sardische Studien 80 ff. κασσίτερος 'tin' (for which see W.-H. 1. 178, 855; DAG 158; R. Dion, Latomns 11, 1952, 306-14; Champaud, Annates de Bretagne 64, 1957, 54, n. 18; Frisk, GEW 798) is probably not connected with the forms in cassi- listed below. See further section (A) (i) s.nn. ?Κασσιμοτονλου, Κασσιταλος, Cossivellaunus, Vercassivellaunus, and section (B) s.n. Casticus. PNN: Cassa DAG 182; Cassatus DAG 204; Cassauus DAG 237 ;l Cassia DAG 87, 182 ; 2 Cassianus DAG 182, 244 ; 3 ICassibodua DAG 214; 4 Casnbr[a\tius DAG 83 ;5 Cassicia, -ins DAG 8 3 ; Cassicus DAG 83, 202; Cassignatus Liv. 42. 57. 7, 57. 9, Καρσιγνάτου (gen.) Polyb. 24. 14, 6; 6 ?Cassi[g]netus DAG 83,? Cassignetns DAG 136; 8 Cassilins DAG 8 3 ; Cassillus DAG 83, 87, 214; Cassimara PID xiic; ?Κασσιμοτουλον DAG 74 ; 9 Cassiola DAG 182, -us DAG 83, 182; Κασσιταλος DAG 68 ; 9 Cassitalus DAG 237; ?C[a]ssitt[o]s CIIC 81 ; 10 Cassis\uratus DAG 177; 11 Cassiuellaunus BG;9 Cassius DAG 18, 132, 182, 201, 203, 208, 214, 224, 228 (ii), 237, 244 ;12 Cassli DAG 214; Cassognati DAG, Note (liii) (p. 1077); Cassus DAG 132, 214, 228 (ii), 244; Cassutus DAG 197; Vercassiuellaunus BG.9 L E N N : Bodiocasses PI., Ούαδικάσιοι Ptol., Bagocassis Auson., Baiocasses JVD, Baiocassensis Greg. Tur., Baiocassini Sidon. Apoll., Baiocensis ASS Bayeux DAG 179; Cassangita Rav. Gansingen DAG 241; Cassauda DAG 80; Cassi BG 5. 2 1 , 1 ; Cassiciate DAG 179 (q.v.) ;13 Cassiliacum JVD, Kisslegg DAG 241; Sue (c) asses DAG 84; Tricasses, -inus Troyes (Aube) DAG 179; 14 Tricastini, Tricassini, -stiniensis, Tricastrina (Tricastin, St. 1
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 60. See also AcS 1. 832-3, 3. 1138-9, REA 58, 1956, 279, CGP 251. See also AcS 3. 1135, and Gallia 19, 1961, 267 f. 4 = [C]assi[b]oduae (gen.) CIL 13. 4525. 5 = Cassibr[a]tio (? dat.) CIL 12. 3003. Cf. Insc. Lang., no. 1452. 6 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 171 f., SprFK 187. 7 = ?Cassi. neti CIL 12. 5686. 191. 8 See also CIL 13. 10010. 473, Oswald 64, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr., loc. cit. 9 See section (A) (i) s.n. See further Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 302. 10 See Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 107. 11 See Mur.-Chab. 10384, Blanchet, Traite 109, Manuel 80, Schmidt, KGP 165, 251, 273. Cf. Whatmough, DAG, p. 661. 12 See also AcS 1. 832 f., 3. H38f., PID, vol. 3, pp. 91, i n . For some other examples of P N N Cassius, -ia, see Wagner 102, JV.-L. 14, 66, AE 1959, 203, Germania 39, 1961, 488 if. Note Weisgerber's remark concerning names like Cassius in Rh. V. 18, 1953, 262. Cf. id., BJ 160, i960, 113 f., 121 f. 13 Whatmough is uncertain whether this name is local or divine. See also SprFK 197, DAG, p. 633. 14 See also AcS 2. 1944 ff., Schmidt, KGP 102, 281, 2
3
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!
Paul-Trois-Chateaux ?) DAG 80; Veliocasses cl., insc, -cadis num., 2 Velcassinus, Vil-, Vilg-, Vulcasinus (AcS 3. 147. 21), le Vexin DAG 179 (q.v.) ; 3 Viducasses Vieux (Calvados) DAG 179 (pp. 612, 1375). D N N : Casses, Cassi DAG 211; Casses, bonis Cassubus DAG 236; Casses DAG 243; Cassibodua DAG 213; Cassiciate DAG 181. 4 CATUGaulish catu-, cognate with Ir. cath 'battle' (Meyer 324), W. cad (GPC 374), Corn, cos (: ON. hod ca fight', O H G . hadu- 'battle', ? Skt. sdtayati 'cuts in pieces, makes to fall off', satru- 'victor, enemy') 5 is well attested as a name eiement. In compounded names it occurs most frequendy as the first element, but there are examples of catu- as a second element (e.g. PNN Maddacatus, Igocatus, Vellocatus) .6 I have listed below a number of forms in cat(t)- which may be Celtic, but it is impossible to tell exactly in the case of most of them whether they do in fact point to catu- or to some other element which may in some forms be non-Celtic. However, catu- is probably attested in some instances of the simple form Catus and in a number of derivatives such as Catucius, Catucus, Catuinus, Catul(l)ianus, Catul(l)inus, Catullinius, Catul(l)us, Catunius, Catunia, Catuos, Catus(s)a, Catus(s)o. Some forms in catt- probably show hypocoristic doubling of -t-. For cad- (ced- through z-affection) in Welsh PNN see Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 44, Thomas, EANC 131, 183, Lloyd-Jones, G. 89-93. For cat- in Old Breton PNN see Loth, Chr. bret. 115, Fleuriot, VB 40, 391, 396.7 I should add and stress that, in considering many of the forms in cat{t)- listed below, account must be taken not only of Gaulish catubut also of other forms such as cateia, caterva, cattus, catta, catulus, and catus, for all of which see the list of glosses. 1
See also Holder, AcS 2. 1948 f., Pokorny, Urg. 165, Schmidt, KGP 102, 281. Recte VeliocaOi Mur.-Chab. 7354-6, 7360-1, Blanchet, Traite 143, 341, fig. 288, Manuel p. 89, no. 369. 3 Note also now Veliocassinia (civis) AE 1961, 68, ILTG 251. 4 See p. 170, n. 13. 5 SeeKNtfff.;NG22-34; Urk. Spr. 66-67; AcS 1. 847-8, 3. 1155; VKG 1. 132; Dottin, pp. 112-13, 244; J E W 5 3 4 ; KGP 167; DGVB 98. 6 Catu- was an «-stem like the neo-Celtic forms quoted above. In some com pounded forms the stem vowel appears as -0- (e.g. in PN Catomocus), in others as -a- (e.g. in PN Catasextos), and in others as -i- (e.g. in PN Cathing\ius\). In some forms such as PN Catmelus the vowel appears to have disappeared completely through syncope. 7 A cognate element is attested in a number of non-Celtic PNN, e.g. Ven. Katusiahios PID, it. 152 (see PID, vol. 3, p. 12, Untermann, VP 152), ? Lep. kat PID 330 bis (see PID, vol. 3, p. 12), Thrac. Κατομαρος, Μαρυκατος (see Detschew, Tkr. Spr. 235), Gmc. Catualda, Catumerus (see list of PNN below), Iran. Katui, and Scyth. Καδουίδας (see Mayrhofer, KZ 71, I954> 240). 2
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1
PNN: Abucatus DAG 83, 157; Avicat[us?] ECMW 175 = CIIC 377; Bil(l)icatus, Billiccatidossus v. s. BIL-; Billicotas (? for *Billicatos) CRAI 1956, 181-2; 2 Biracatus DAG 237 ; 3 Ca(n)rucatus (-g-) DAG 132 (see also Oswald 57, 365); Cata JRS 46, 1956, 150, n. 28; Catabar CIIC 303; Catacius DAG 204, 214; Catacus ECMW 54; Catalia DAG 8 3 ; CVzfol(os) DAG 177; Catamantaloedis (gen.) £G 1. 3,4 ; 4 CatamanusECMW 13; Catamocus CIL 3. 6480 ( = 10954); Catandioni (dat.) CiL 3. 24255s Catasextus DAG 136 ; 6 Catavignus PID xvic; 7 Catello DAG 136, 195, Catellus AE 1959, no. 4 6 ; Catenas DAG 139; Catena DAG 182; Caterto DAG 244; Cathirig\ius] (or Cathirix ?) Z^4G 214; Catho[ DAG 224; Ctoa Z)^G 83, 182, P / D xiiB; Catianus DAG 83, 136, 182, Note (xlv) C, 237, PZD xiiB (see A S 3. 1147 f.); ?Catica DAG 224; Catiiccus DAG 214; Caticnos Og. 14, 1962, 446 ; 8 ??Caticorix Gallia 20, 1962, 375; Caticuus ECMW 346; Catidia DAG 151, Remark B, 182; Catielus DAG 244; Catilia, -ius DAG 156, 237 (see also AcS 3. 1149); Catilla DAG 182, -WJ DAG 136, 139, 214; Catilo DAG 8 3 ; Catilus DAG 214, 237; ?Catinai(us) CIL 2. 6109; Catinia DAG 83, PZD xvc, C / i 2. 111, -ZMJ C/L 2. 1301, AE 1955, no. 2 1 ; Catio RE A 63, 1961, 408 (no. 67), 64, 1962, 352 (no. 18), Cationi (dat.) CIL 3. 4928, Cation[ CIL 7. 189; Catiola DAG 182, 237; Catiri ECMW 66; ICatirius DAG 208; Ctoiriitf ZL4G 8 3 ; Catius DAG 83, 151, 156, 182, 237 ; 9 Catius DAG 139; CatmeluslAv. 41. 1. 8; Catnea, -eus DAG 250; C0/0 ZL4G 136; PGzfottwf C/Z, 2. 4357; CVzfoTWdgf/i] ECMW 297; Catomocus DAG 244; Catonianus DAG 182; Catonius DAG 214, 224 ; 10 Catonos DAG 202, Remark, 214; Catotigirni ECMW 229; ίΓατουαλο? ZX4G 72 ;XI Catranus DAG 224; Catroni (dat.) C/L 3. 11568; Ctoro[ C/L 3. 4785, Catronia f. C/L 3. 4867; Cato D^G 182, PZD xiic; 1 2 Cattabbott CIIC 46; Cattabus (-uus) DAG 250; Cattaesi (gen.) CZZ, 3. 11734; Cattaini DAG 228 (ix); Cattaius DAG 83; Cattanus DAG 244; Cattara DAG 224; Cattaus DAG 244; Ctfitaz (Cato?) ZL4G 182; Cattedius CIL 6. 5066; Catfz ZUG 206, Remark; 1
2 See A £ 1. 11, 3. 475, A*GP 109 (Abuc-atos?). See section (A) (i) s.n. 4 See section (B) s.n. Birac[i]. See section (A) (i) s.n. 5 See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 181, 2. 59 f. 6 See Schmidt, KGP 163, n. 1, 167, 268, Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 434, Fleuriot, DGVB 208. 7 See Schmidt, KGP 167, Untermann, Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 302. 8 Compare Rhys, Celtae and Galli 37 f. (caticato), Insc. 95; Dottin, no. 52 (caticnto); Haas, £CP 23, 1943, 290 ff. (caticnato), 27, 1959, 206 ff. (ca/z c/zafo 'Cati films'); Whatmough, DAG, Note (XXVI)A, 1. 2 (caticat.); Guyonuarc'h, 0^. 14, 1962, 461 f.; Pinault, Og. 15, 1963, 388 ff. 9 See also Mayer, op. cit. 1. 182, 2. 59 f. 10 Weisgerber (Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266) listed PN Catonio (dat.) CIL 13. 4517 with other names of the Mediomatrici (including Catiola, Catulini (gen.), Catulla, Catulliano (dat.), Catullinus) which are likely to be Celtic. 11 See section (A) (i) s.n. 12 See also AcS 1. 846, 3. 1154, Mayer, locc. citt. 3
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Cattia DAG 83, 182, 244, -ius 83, 156 (see also AcS 1. 844 f., 3. 1152); Catti[ CIL 3. 14211. 8; Cattianus DAG 228 (iv); Cattilius CIL 7. 1330. 9; Cattina CIL 8. 20608; Cattini CIIC 153, 157; Cattio DAG 136 (see AcS 3. 1152); Catto DAG 136, 83, PID xiic, CIL 2. 2401; ?Κατ(τ)οιον Gal Spr. 155; Cattonius DAG 2O8B, 237 ;x Cattos DAG 177; Cattosa AcS 1. 847; Ctota[ Z>^4G 8 3 ; Cattubuttas CIIC 58; CtfttwZtf, -us AcS 3. 1154; Cattuni (? dat.) CZL 3. 5042; 2 CatturaDAG 83, 250; Ctote 214, 244 (see also Atf 1. 846, 3. 1154, AE 1956, 239, ILTG 445); Cattuvir CIIC 268, Cattuvvir CIIC 250; Cafa[ ZL4G 182; Catvalda Tac. on». 2. 62, 63 ;3 Catucia, -ius AcS 1. 848; Catucus DAG 195; ?Catuellaunus DAG 237; Catuenus CIL 2. 431. Ca[i]MflMtf 2. 855. Catuen. 2. 780 ; 4 Catvesio (dat.) C/L 5. 7655;* Catuganis DAG 151, Remark B, 182; Κατούγνατος DAG 8 3 ; Catuinus DAG 204 (see also ZMG 214); Catulatio (? dat.) CZL 5. 2594^ Catulianus DAG 182, (-U-) 237 (see also A S 1. 850, 3. 1156); Catulina Gallia 18, i960, 352, -us DAG 237; Catulius AE 1959, no. 130; CatullaDAG 182, 224, -iaDAG9>% 182, 214 -2KJ 182, 208B, 214, 237, -tonus 214, -I/M'MJ 224, (-nus?) 237, -m^y 6,136, 182, 214, 224, 237, 238 (iv), 244, ILTG 393 (see also AcS s.nn.); Catullus DAG 83, 136, 156, 182, 224, 228(iv), 237, 244, 250, ILTG 308, PID xiiB (see also AcS 1. 853 if., 3. 1159 if.); Catulo DAG 237; Catulus DAG 136, Remark 2, 176, 182, 224, 237, 244, PID XUB; Catumandus DAG 83; Catumarus DAG 244; Catumerus (v.l. Auctu-) Tac. awn. 11. 16 f.;7 Catunius DAG 2375 s Catuoconi (gen.) ECMW 301; ?Catuoppus DAG 151; Cafaflj Z)^4G 214; ?Catuper (-pris gen.) DAG 83; ?CaturDAG 244; CK 170 ; 12 Cafan CIL 3. 2 7 7 9 ; " Cato DAG 25, 83, 132, 151, 202, 204, 208B, 214, 228 (iv), 237, 244, PID xiic; 1 4 1
See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 319. See M. Falkner in Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschqft. . . hrsg. v. W. Brandenstein (Wien, 1948), 42. 3 Cat- may here be a Gelticized form of Gmc. hadu-. See Schonfeld 62, Scherer 207-9, Schmidt, KGP 168. 4 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 61, Untermann, EAAHA 96 f. s See P/D xvc. 6 See PID viic, A"GP 167, 229. 7 See Schonfeld 61 f. 8 See also AcS 1. 858 and compare A £ 3. 1162. 9. 9 See also AcS 1. 859, OPL 61. 10 See OPL, loc. cit. 11 See OPL 61, 62, AE 1959. 82, i960. 156, EAAHA loc. cit. 12 I3 Cf. CIIC 379. See Mayer, op. cit. 1. 183. 14 Note also Catu(s) DAG, Note (xlv)c, Catu[s] AE 1956, no. 246 ( = N.-L. 214) and see Holder AcS 1. 861 f., 3. 1164, de Jubainville, NG 32. 2
i74
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Catusa DAG 151, Remark B ; Catuseg[ DAG 244; Catusius DAG 214, 244; Catusminianns EE 7. 278, no. 827; Catuso DAG 8 3 ; Catussa DAG 136,1 182; Catusso DAG 224; Catusus DAG 199; Catuviq[qa] CIIC 184; Catvvirr 221; Catavolcus DAG 224 ; 2 Coddacatus DAG 237; Divicatus DAG 136 ;3 Dunocati CIIC 327 ( = ECMW43), 457; Ebicatos CIIC 496, 500; Ebthocatus DAG 2 O 8 D ; Igocatus DAG 151; Ivacattos CIIC 19; Lovocatus AcS 2. 294 ; 4 Maddacatus DAG 237; ?Ricati CIIC 461 ;5 Riochatus Sid. Apoll. */>trt. 9. 9. 6; 6 Trenaccatlo (Og.), Trenacatus (Lat.) 2?CMW 127; Vellocatus DAG 214; Fi?r^toi)^G83;7 Vindicates DAG 83. L E N N : Catabolon DAG 179 (also 234); ?Catalienses DAG 248; ΚατουράKTOVLOV (v.l. -p/5-) Ptol., Caiaractoni {-one) IA, CactabactonionRav., Caiaracta (also Cataractone) Bede Catterick, Yorks., A S 1. 858-9, 3. 1162; 8 Catenates, Cattenates DAG 2 4 1 ; «Κα0[ου]λΛ:οι Ζλ4β 2 2 1 ; ?Catora AcS 1. 842-3; Catorissium, Cantourisa (?) Z^4G 80; ?Κατραλ€υκός Ptol. in Lusitania A S 1. 843; Cattharenses (numeri), Caddar-, Catthar- or Catther-(enses), etc., ZX4G 241 (also 234); Catual[iensis or -ZHHJ?] pagns, Catualium DAG 221 ; 9 Catuiacia DAG 21 (also 80); Catuonne(n)ses ILTG 308; Caturiges, -ensis, Caturigomago, -ensis Ghorges (Hautes-Alpes) Z^4G 7 ; 10 Caturiges (-rr-) (between the Remi and the Leuci) ZX4G 212; Caturniacus vicus AcS 1. 8 6 1 ; Catusaniani fundi AcS 1. 862; Catusiacum (ap. Remos?) DAG 212; Catuslugi (v.l. Cato-) Plin. jV// 4. 106;» Catu(u)ellauni, Catalauni (Cate-) Chalons-sur-Marne (Marne), ethn. -z'otf and -*/m> DAG 212 (see also ibid. s.v. Durocatelauni) ; 12 ίΓατουβλλαυνοί Ptol., Catuvellauni, Catvallauna inscc. in Britain A S 1. 864-5. D N N : ?Cathubodua (Ath-?) DAG 82 ;« CaturixDAG 236, 243, JV.-i. 40. 1 See CGP 257. See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 Perhaps this name should be analysed as Divic-atus. See section (A) (i) s.nn. Diviciacus, and Divico. 4 See Pokorny, Urg. 133, Jackson, LHEB 442. Note also from the same source the name Catihernus, for which see LHEB 454. 5 See Jackson, LHEB 456, 459. 6 See Smith, Top. bret. 112, Schmidt, KGP 100, 169, 259. 7 See Holder, AcS 3. 184 and compare Schmidt, KGP 291. 8 The name is probably a derivative of Lat. cataracta (Gk. καταράκτης). See Ifor Williams, Τ Beirniad 1, 1911, 76-77, C4/z. xxxii-xxxvi, BSRC 2 6 ; Forster, F T 118, n. 4, 249-50; Jackson, op. cit. 409, η. ι, 564. 9 T o the references given by Whatmough add P. L. M. Tummers, Og. 9, 1957, 381-3, L. Weisgerber, Β J 154, 1954, 98, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 19, 40. 10 See also PID IXA (and vol. i, pp. 364-5, 379, n. 2) and DAG 234 s.v. Caturiges. 11 Not Catuslogi as in AcS 1. 862, DAG 212. 12 See now P. Lebel, 'Sur le nom de Chalons-sur-Marne et celui des "champs catalauniques , , ', RAE 8, 1957, 349-54 (REA 60, 1958, 355). G. Bonfante (EC 4, 1948, 365-8) claimed that the modern name Catalogue also pointed to an ethnic name Catalauni. See further ALSP 120, 126. » = [C]athuboduae (dat.) CIL 12. 2571 (q.v.). See now Schmidt, KGP 136, n. 2, 167, Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 14, 1962, 461. 2
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l
GLOSSES: catanns 'juniper (?)' DAG 79\ cateia 'telum Gallicum' PID 340B, DAG 220 ; 2 ?caterua 'legio' PID 340B ;3 catta a bird ZL4G 246 (see also ibid. s.v. gattula 'blackcock'); catthi 'Scotti' DAG 207; c[h]attica spuma 'soap' DAG 220; Late Lat. cattus m., catta f. 'cat' A S 1. 845 f., 3. 1152 ff., W.-H. 1. 182 f., 855, E.-M. i88f.;4 Lat. ^to/wj m. 'the young of animals' W.-H. 1. 183, E.-M. 189, IEW 534.; Lat. ttzto, -a, -am 'sharp (to the hearing), clear-sounding; clear-sighted, intelligent, wise' Urk. Spr. 67, W.-H. 1. 183 f., E.-M. 189.5
CENThe element cen- in many of the names listed below represents the IE. root *ken- 'to spring from, to issue from' seen in Ir. cinim Ί am born, spring, descend from', O l r . cenel 'race, lineage, kindred', W. cenedl 'nation, tribe, clan, kindred', etc. [v. s. -CNO-). In some cases, of course, c~ in cen- may represent hypercorrect orthography for [g] or [g] as heard by speakers of Latin. For the alternation of c and g see Chapter III (A) (ii) (c). For Gaulish GEN- see section (A) (ii) s.v. Forms with geminate -n- may represent hypocoristic doubling. 6 For 1
Compare calocatanus 'papauer siluestre' DAG 158 and see Flutre, REPL 94-97· 2 T o the references given by Whatmough add Pokorny, £CP 20, 1936, 428, Egger, Ogam 8, 1956, 1716°. For W. catai bludgeon' v. GPC 439. 3 See W.-H. 1. 181-2, E.-M. 187-8, IEW 534. 4 Compare Olr. catt m. 'cat', W. cath, OCorn. kat gl. cattus vel murilegus, Bret. caz which may be native Celtic forms, not loans from Late Lat. cattus, catta (cf. VKG 1. 234, LP 62). Some PNN in catt- (notably Catta, Cattos, Cattus) may belong here. See Thurneysen, Keltorom. 62; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 67; de Jubainville, NG 116; Holder, AcS 1. 846, 3. 1154; Weisgerber, SprFK 197, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 329; Vetters, Fest. f. Rudolf Egger. Btr. z. alteren europaischen Kulturgeschichte (Klagenfurt, 1954), 4 2 ; Grilho, RAE 9, 1958, 128-36 (REA 60, 1958, 359 f.). Compare also catta *a bird' DAG 246 (see above). s Compare Ir. cath Vise, holy'(?) (see Windisch 414; Meyer 324; Stokes, ACL 1, 1900, 243, 285, id., RC 20, 1899, 264; Vendryes, De hibernicis vocabulis quae a Latina lingua originem duxerunt (Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1902), 123. Compare, however, Windisch, Meyer, and Hessen s.w. caith, cdid, cad). The cognomen Cato may belong here (see Schulze 310, n. 11, 418) and also some other PNN in cat- (e.g. some instances of the name Catus). 6 Forms in cenn- which can be related to IE. *ken- *to spring from, etc.' are certainly not as rare as Hamp seems to think they are (BBCS 18, pt. 3, Nov. 1959, 274 s.v. W. bachgen). However, it is possible that cenn- in some forms is cognate with Ir. cend, cenn 'head', Modlr. ceann, W. pen, Br. penn, for the etymology of which see Zupitza, KZ 37- 403, Pedersen VKG 1. 157-8, W.-P. 1. 398, W.-H. 1. 308. Com pare pen(n)- in the following forms: PNN Ilewoovivhos DAG 206; ?Pennus AcS 2. 966 (DAG 250); L E N N Poeninus (also D N ) , -a, -ae (Pen(n)-) AcS 2. 1021 ff. (also FRI 158, DAG 15, 17, 243); Pennocrucium Penkridge (Staffs.) AcS 2. 965; Pennolucos (-elocos, -us) DAG 15 (s.n. Ebrudunum; see SprFK 207); GLOSSES, arpennis, arepennis, arapennis DAG 158; pennum DAG 1. For -cenna in local names see de Jubainville, MSL 9. 190, RC 10, 1889, 172; Holder, AcS 1. 981, 3. 1200; Schnetz, Z^P x3> ^ i , 94 ff. (whence Weisgerber,
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the interpretation of ceno- in forms such as LENN Cenomani and Cenomanni see note s.n. below. I have included in the lists below re ferences to some forms in cin- where I thought that cin- might be cognate with a corresponding element cen-.1 See Chapter I I I (A) (i) (a) for the alternation of e and i. For forms in cent- and cint- see section (A) (ii) s.v. CINTU-. PNN: Adcennas DAG 8 3 ; Adcenus DAG 151; Atecina DAG 244; Bodocenus DAG 143 ; 2 Carucenus DAG 182; Cen[ DAG 224; Cenalus DAG 156, Remark B ; Cenetus DAG 83; ICenia DAG 214; 3 ?Ceniamus (-71-) DAG 238 (v), Cenianis DAG 193, Cenian\us DAG 156, Remark B; 4 Cenicus DAG 140(F), 176, 224; Cenillo DAG 136; ?Ceniobes DAG 193, 203; ?Ceniratus DAG 237; Ceniter DAG 8 3 ; Ceniuria DAG 87; Cenna DAG 228 (ix); Cennatus DAG 132, 139 ; 5 Cennia, -ius AcS 1. 982; Cenno DAG 228 (iv); 6 Cennu[ DAG 224; Cennus DAG 228 (ix); Ceno DAG 140 ; 7 Cenocantus DAG 244; Cenomania PID viic; Cenopi[llus] DAG 214; CWzflj (f.) ZX4G 151; Cenoveli (gen.) CZZ 12. 25 ;s?CenratinsDAG228,Remark; Cen.rino (dat.) CZL 13. 4378; 9 Censoin[ DAG 87; Censonia DAG 208D (also 214), -ίΗί ZX4G 2Ι4, 9 244; ?Concennus (Congennius) DAG 83 ; 10 Cunacena CIIC 199; Cunacenni (Og.), Cunocenni (Lat.) ECMW 70 ( = C/7C 342), JI Demecenus DAG 244; names in deocen- and diocen-, v. s. DEVO-; Enicenius PID vine; Inucenus DAG 156; names in madicen-, ma(i)ducen-, and matucen-, v. s. AL4777-; Meducena OPL 85; ?[Af]^^«iwj £/>rFA* 197); Dottin 245; Whatmough, D^G 1 s.v.pennum, 207 s.v. cennum, Ogam 5, 1953» 66, OrHi 1, 1952, 440, !,£. 33, 1957, 594; Vendryes, Recueil de travawc offerts a M. Clovis Brunei par ses amis, collegues et Sieves ii (Paris, 1955), 646; Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 12, i960, 194-5. It is unlikely that cenn- in any of the names listed in this section is cognate with Olr. ceinn ^kin, scale', W. cen{n) 'skin, hide, scale', OBr. cennenn gl. membrana, etc., for which see W.-P. 2. 563-4, W.-H. 2. 489, ZEW 929-30, DGVB 102. 1 Beside these note the following forms in -gin(n)-: PNN Adgini[ DAG 237; Adginna DAG 244; Adginnius DAG 182, 237; Conginna DAG 244 (see Meyer, Kelt, WtL, no. 72); MeXlyivva Gal. Spr. 155, 174; Tenagina m. PID viic; Tiotigino (dat.) C/L 3. 4350; Volaginius Tac. Λΰ*. 2. 75; DNN Adaegina RPH 142; Diginibus DAG 223. For similar forms in ~cen{n)- and -gen{n)- see this section and s. name element G£Af-. 2 See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 Cf. PNN Cinia DAG 156, Remark B, 214, -ius DAG 214. See AcS 3. 1221. 4 Cf. PN Cinianus DAG 203, Remark, 208D, 214. 5 Cf. Cinnatu DAG 44, Remark (v), p. 94. 6 Cf. PN Cinno DAG 214, also listed as Cinno[ DAG 224. 7 Cf. PN Cino DAG 237. 8 Not Cenovilius (with -£-) as in iX4G, it. 5. 9 Listed with other names of the Mediomatrici which may be Celtic by Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266. 10 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1091, Schmidt, KGP 180. Compare OW. Concenn ECMW 182 and see Lloyd-Jones, G. 248 s.n. Kyn-gen. " See Jackson, LHEB 185.
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177
l
(or ?[R]etucenos) Lexico 11 ; Ne?netocena DAG 156; Nitioceni DAG 176; ?Pixticenus DAG 156; Riocenus DAG 151, Remark B ; Samocenus DAG 156 ; 2 Saticenus DAG237; Senocenna DAG 224, 237; Velacena? PID xiic. L E N N : Cenabon, Genabum, Κψαβον Orleans DAG 179 ; 3 Kevcwov DAG 241; Cenimagni AcS 1. 980, 3. 1200; Κενίωνος (gen.) fl. Ptol. 2. 3. 3 ; ?Cenni DAG 241; Cenomani AcS 1. 982 ff., 3. 1201, PID VA; Cenomanni (Aulerci) cl., Cenomannicus, -ensis in late authors, afterwards Ceromanni and Celemanni, whence Le Mans, cf. Maine DAG 179 ; 4 Nemetocenna Naurpeel (Oise) ? DAG 212 ; Sumelocenna, -ensis, Σομ€λοκ€ννΎ\σια (Samulfor Summel- in TP) D^G 241.s D N N : Adcenec[us] DAG 213; Adceneicus PID x; 6 Setloceniae (dat.) CZL 7. 393· GLOSS : cennum 'acutum' DAG 207. 7
CINGO-, CINGETOThe stem cingo- and its derivatives is well attested in Continental Celtic personal names. It is probably cognate with the Irish verbal stem ring- 'to go, to step' (see VKG 2. 491 f., LP 352) and with W. rhygyngu 'to amble'. It occurs in composition most frequently with the prefix ex- (also in the form es- and exs-, see section (A) (ii) s.v. EX-). Excingo- accordingly means c he who steps out, attacks, avenges, a warrior'. 8 It is also attested with the prefixes ate- (PN Atecingus) and ad- (PN Acincouepus). Some forms appear to have cine- for ring- (PNN Acincouepus, Cincibilus, q q . w . ) . Others have cengo- (PNN Εσκβγγαι, Escengolatis, Εσκ^γγορ. out) where the change of e to i before a nasal-fstop consonant is not noted. 9 For cige- see s. PN Cigetoutus. With the 1
2 Cf. PN Meducinus DAG 6. Cf. names in Samocen-, -gen- (p. 253). See fi. Thevenot, Les £duens rCont pas trahi (Collection Latomus, vol. 50) (Bruxelles, i960), 183-92 {REA 63, 1961, 378). 4 cen{o)- in the names Cenabum, Cenomani and Cenimagni was equated by Gliick (AW 58 ff.) with Ir. cian 'far, distant, long' (v. Meyer 364, Dinneen 188). See also 2 GC 18; Urk. Spr. 75; AcS 1. 982 s.v. *ceno- (also 3. 1201. 9); Dottin 245; W.-H. 406. Compare Schmidt, KGP 170. 5 Whatmough {DAG, p. 56) hints at the possibility of analysing the name as Sumeloc-enna? beside LN Pennelocus (see above), a Celtic equivalent of Lat. Summolaco. 6 Compare DNN Adganai and Agganaicus, also from Gallia Transpadana {PID x), and Ataecina RPH 141 ff. 7 Compare pennum {pinnum) Scutum' and pen{n)is 'caput' DAG, it. 1. 8 'celui qui sort, qui part pour attaquer l,ennemi,) d'Arbois de Jubainville, NG 44, 'der ausschreitet, Krieger, Angreifer', Schmidt, KGP 171. Cf. Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 126. 9 For the development off from e in cing- see Pedersen, VKG 1. 37, Thurneysen, GOI49, Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 180. Schmidt, loc. cit., suggested that -e- in PNN Escengolatis and Εσκζγγαι (both from Narbonensis) may be due to Greek influence. See further section (A) (i) s.n. Εσκεγγαι. 3
811930
Ν
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/-stem cinget- (as in PNN Cinges, Cingetorix, Vercingetorix) compare Ir. ring, gen. ringed, τη. £a champion' (Meyer 371, see also ibid. s.w. Cing, cingid; Dinneen 190). See Schmidt, KM 75 f.; d'Arbois de Jubainville, NG 41 ff.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 77; Holder, AcS 1. 1017 f., 3. 1220; Zupitza, KZ 37, 1904, 388; Pedersen, VKG 1. 187; Dottin 93, 244, 245; W.-P. 1. 588; Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 248; W.-H. 1. 216 f.; Pokorny, IEW 438 f., 565; Vendryes, EC 6, 1953-4, 381; Schmidt, KGP 171 f. PNN: Acincoaepus v. s. AD-; Atecingus PID xiic; 1 Cigetoutus DAG 136, 176, 203 ; 2 Cincibili (gen.) Liv. 43. 5. 1 ; 3 Cinge DAG 83, 203; Cingen[ DAG 244; 4 Cinges DAG 214 (-etisgen., lapis); 5 Cinges, Cingessus DAG 238 (iv); Cingetissa CIL 7. 203 = EE 9, p. 683; Cingetius DAG 83, 208B = 214, 244; Cingetorix (BG) ; 6 Cingiiis DAG 83 ; 7 Cingonius DAG 250 ; 8 ??Εκσιγγος DAG 61 ; 6 Εσκβγγαυ DAG 46 ; 6 Escengolatis DAG 8 3 ; Εσκ€γγορ.ουί DAG 35; 6 Escingo K. Pink, Numismatische £ts. 74, 1951, 52, id., Einfiihrung in die keltische Miinzkunde (2. verbess. Aufl.) (Wien, i960), 44, 52 ; 9 Escincos DAG 183 ;10EsciggorixDAG 8 3 ; EscigiusDAG 8; Εσκυγγορ€ΐξ DAG 69 ; 10 Escingiis DAG 156, PZD XUB ; Excingillius DAG 83; Excingilla DAG 83, -ζω Z)^4G 83, 214; Excingius DAG 224; £#cingomarus DAG 83, 244; Excingon(ius) DAG 208c; Exciggorigis (gen.) CZL 12. 548 a ; Excingus DAG 9, 83, 182, PID XUB ; Exscincius DAG 228, Remark (p. 1072); Exscingius DAG 224; Σκιγγοριου (gen.) Gfl/. S^r. 155; 11 Vercingetorix (BG).I0 LENN: ?Cfaga fl. in Hispania citerior AcS 1. 1018, 3. 1220 ; 12 Έξκι,γγόμάγος, Scingomagus Exilles(?) DAG 7 ;13 ?Vorocingus le Pont de Prouzen (Gard) ? AcS 3. 447, DAG 80 (Voroc-ingus?). D N : Excingiorigiati (dat.) 0. s. REG-. 1
See Schmidt, iTGP 137. Perhaps we should compare other P N N such as Cigemma DAG 224, CY
♦ = C H ^ « I ( I I I J ) CIL 13. 6484. 5
= CIL 13. 4422 (not -^«/w, gen. sg. as stated by Whatmough). See section (A) (i) s.n. 7 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1019, 3. 1220. 8 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1019 f., 3. 1220 f. 9 See also Colbert de Beaulieu, Og. 8, 1956, 244 if. 10 See section (A) (i) s.n. 11 See also Gal. Spr. 173, Reinach, RC 30, 1909, 65. 12 Cf. ?Cinga DAG 80 (also p. 1361) and ICinginnia AcS 1. 1019. 13 See also Reinach, RC 30, 1909, 66, Holder, AcS 1. 1468, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158, 173. 6
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Concerning the problematic form cingos (or sonnocingos) in the Calendar of Coligny (DAG 227, col. ix, 1. 2) 1 see S. de Ricci, RC 19, 1898, 220; 2i 5 1900, 14,23, Loth, RC25, 1904, 119; 36, i9i5- l 6 >397> Dottini?C38, 1921, 313 (cf. Pokorny, £CP 15, 1925, 291), Weisgerber, SprFK 209.
CINTUGaulish cintu- is cognate with Olr. cet-, cetu-, cetn(a)e 'first', 2 W. cyn 'before, previous to', cynt 'earlier, sooner, previous, rather (than)', etc.: Goth, hindumists 'hindmost', OChSl. ζαίφ, 'begin', etc. (IE. *ken'to spring from, issue from, begin 5 ). 3 See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 76 f.; Holder, AcS 1. 1021, 3. 1222; Pedersen, VKG 1. 37, 2. 292 f. (LP 41, 261); Dottin 246; W.-P. 1. 397 f.; W.-H. 2. 423 f.; IEW 564; Schmidt, KGP 172; Fleuriot, DGVB 107. See further section (B) s.nn. ? Cintu, Cintusmus. Cintu- points to earlier centu~, and some in stances of names in cent- appear to be Celtic and may belong here, e.g. PNN Centaretus AcS 1. 988 f., ?Cento DAG 182, Centogenea f. AcS 3. 1203, Centugeni CIL 2. 6254. 12, Centusmia DAG 182, Centa DAG 204, Centus DAG 176, 204, LN Centobriga AcS 1. 989,^ DN ?Centondis PID xiv. There is no .means of proving whether IE. e has been preserved in any of these names in cent- or whether e before the nasal and stop consonant is secondary. 5 For the alternation of i and e in Gaulish forms see Chapter III (A) (i). For Thracian names in κςνθ-, centh-, cent-, κινθ-, cinth-, cint-, see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 239 f.6 PNN: Cint[ DAG 151, Remark B; Cintia DAG 83; Cintii (gen.) CIL 3. 5464; 7 CinticatusDAG 156, Remark; Cintio DAG 136; Cintirio CIL 7. 1336. 310; Cinto DAG 156, 182, 214, 244; (??) Cintonnus 182; Cintri (gen.) DAG 237; ?Cintu CIL 13. 10010. 566 ; 8 Cintu[ CIL 7. 1336. 311; Cintua DAG 156; Cintucnatus DAG 156; ?Cintucnu AcS 1. 1022; Cintucra DAG 156, Remark; Cintugena, Cirijtugena, Cintugenus, v. s. GEN~\ Cintuginatus DAG 156; Cintugnatus, -a v. s. GNATO-; Cintullius DAG 1 Whatmough remarked that 'the sixth and ninth letter [in sonnocingos] are identical in the original'. Compare the form sonna[ in the same document (DAG 2 227, col. i, 1. 7). Cf. Celtica 2, 1954, 146 if., 335 ff. 3 For this root see also section (A) (ii) s.v. -CJVO-. 4 See also AcS 3. 1203, Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 10, 1958, 171. 5 Schmidt suggested (KGP 170) that in PN Centogenea the first element cento(for Celtic cintu-) may be due to latinization. 6 Cf. A. Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 431 beside Schmidt, KGP 170 concerning Thracian names in -centus, -centhus. For Sudecentus (?) CIL 5. 900 see beside Schmidt KGP 171, 274 the criticism of Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594 and Scherer, loc. cit. 7 Compare the Welsh PNN Cinhi LL 275, Cynhi LL 277, Cini CIIC 971, etc., for which see Ifor Williams ap. An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments in Anglesey (London, 1937), cxiv (cf. Jackson, LHEB 502, n. 1). 8 See section (B) s.n.
ιδο
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L 1
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2
2371 Cintulliis DAG 83, PID XUB; ?Cintuma[rus (or Cintu[s]ma?) DAG 237; Cinturi DAG 231; Cintiis DAG 156, 228 (Hi), (or ?Cintusmiis9 ICintusma) 224, 237^ Cintusmina, -ius DAG 182; C]intu[s]minus DAG 214; CintusmaDAG 156, 182, 214, 237, CintusmusDAG 140, 151 (-o(s), -us), 156, 182, 195, 214, Note (xlv) C, (or Cintus?) 224, 228 (iii), (iv), 237, 244, A.-A. 1, 2; 4 Cintussa DAG 136, 237 ; 5 Cintussia DAG 244; Cintussus DAG 214; Cintutus DAG 140, 176. For the ordinal «Vzta in the graffiti of La Graufesenque, gr. Oxe, nos. 27 (cintux gr. Hermet and gr. Loth, no. 23, Whatmough, DAG, it. 109) and 28 (cintuxo gr. Hermet and gr. Loth, no. 12, cintuxg[ What mough, DA.G go), see Vendryes, BSL 1924, 38 f., Loth, RC 41, 1924, 34 f., Oxe, BJ 130, 1925, 71, Thurneysen, Z^P 16. 1927. 297 if., Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 10, 1958, 172 ff., Pokorny, Keltologie 135. CLOUTO-, CLOTO-, CLUTOThis Celtic name element should probably be related to the IE. root *kleu- 'to hear' (with a -£- suffix) seen in W. clywed 'to hear', O l r . rocluinethar 'hears': Skt. Sfnoti 'hears', Gk. κλέω I tell of, celebrate', etc. (v. IEW 605 ff.). Cluto-6 has its exact equivalent in W. clod 'praise, fame' (subst.), 'famous, renowned' (adj.) (v. GPC 503) and Ir. cloth 'fame, honour' (v. Meyer s.v.): Skt. srutd- (part.), Gk. κλυτός 'famous', Lat. inclutus, and an element (h)lot-, hlop-, etc., found in Germanic names. See Scherer 209. As Schmidt (KGP 172 f.) has stressed, proof of the existence of a Gaulish word for 'fame, praise' seems to be afforded by Caesar's Domnilaus (PN) BCiv. 3. 4. 5 and Strabo's Δομνοκλζίου (ΡΝ, gen.) 12. 3. 6. Examples: PNN:7 Aclutius CIL 10. 4876 ; 8 Cloti (gen.) CIL 2. 690, 2617; Clotuali CIIC471; Clou[t], CIL 2. 873; ?Clou[ CIL 2. 5347, 5619; Cloutai (gen.) 1
Compare Centullius (? leg. Cin-) CIL 5. 1121, Cintullia PID xxiiic. See also AcS 1. 1023, 3· 1224. 3 See also AcS, locc. citt., Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 156, n. 4. 4 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1024 f., 3. 1224 f., Oswald, Index 78 f., R. Cloastre, AB 61, 1954, 316, G. Chenet and G. Gaudron, La Ceramique sigilUe d'Argonne des IIe et IIIe siecles (Suppl£ment a Gallia VI, Paris, 1955), 126 f., P. Merlat, AB 63, 1956, 20, Stanfield and Simpson, CGP 272 ff., section (B) s.n. Cintusmus. Compare PN Citusmus CIL 13. 4685 and see Vendryes, CRAI1956, 183, Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 10, 1958, 171. Note also Cintu(s)mus Germania 41, 1963, 48. 5 See Holder, AcS 3. 1225. 6 It is possible, of course, that some forms in cluto- have long -«-, i.e. cluto- < cloto- < clouto-. See Fleuriot, DGVB 109, 201. 7 For instances of PNN in clout-, clot-, clut- (also dud-) from the Iberian peninsula see Palomar Lapesa, OPL 65 f., ELH 357 f., Untermann, SSVH 14 f., 28 f, (with Map 7), Fachtagung Innsbruck 67 (with Map 7, p. 79), EAAHA 102 f. 8 For *Ad-clutius? See Schmidt, KGP 95, n o , 173. 2
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CIL 2. 2543, 2657; [C]l[o]uti[a] BRAH 77, 1920, 405, ES, p. 6; Cloutina OPL 66 j 1 Cloutine EE 8, p. 499; Cloutuis CIL 2. 64ο,2 2633, 2781, 5368, 5563, BIEA 8, 1954, 461 ff. (nos. 11, 54), OPL 66, CIL 3. 2016, 11497; [Cl]utami[lla?] EE 2, p. 387, no. 713; 3 Clutami (gen.) CIL 2. 2584, 2633, 3. 2016 ; 4 Cluta[ri] (Og.), Clutori (Lat.) ECMW 353 ; s Clutimoni (dat.) CIL 2. 2465, add., p. 706; Clutorigi ECMW 315; Clutosi (gen.) Emerita 11, pp. 419 f.; CluttiusDAG 182 (Cf- ?), C/L 5. 3570; Veniclutius DAG 8 3 ; Verucloetius BG.6 D N : Ctoozfla (also - ώ , for -ώ) ZL4G ι8ι.? -CNOFor various opinions concerning this Celtic name element see the following: A. Pictet, Essai sur quelques inscriptions en langue gauloise (Geneve, 1859), 39 if., id., RA 15, 1867, 390; Stokes, KSB 2, 1861, 111, BB 11, 1886, 115; Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 426 flf.; de Belloguet, Ethnog. gaul. 366 f.; Ernault, RC 7, 1886, 107 f.; Loth, Chr. bret. 7; de Jubainville, RC8, 1887, 180 f.; 10, 1889, 166 f., Recherches 129 f.; Rhys, RC 2, 1873-5, 332? Insc. 6, 1 1 ; Strachan, TPhS 1891-4, 229 f.; Holder, AcS 3. 1242; Pedersen, VKG 2. 27; Meyer, Kelt. Wtk. ii, no. 33; Thurneysen, Hdb. 168, GOI174; Dottin, p. 246; Whatmough, RC 39, 1922, 350, PID, vol. 3, p. 47 s.n. trutiknos; Ogam 6, 1954, 306; 7, 1955, 282; Pokomy, IEW 375; Schmidt, KGP 174; Sicardi, Rivista di Studi Liguri 23, 1957, 227 f.; Solta, Die Sprache 5, 1959, 188 (with n. 9 ) ; Untermann, KP 89 ff.; Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 14, 1962, 461. That -cno- functions as a patronymic suffix is shown clearly by the bilingual inscription of Todi (PID, it. 339) 8 with trutikni (a, 1. 6) beside 1
See also Palomar Lapesa, ELH 358. Or Clouius. See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 65, ELH 357 f. 3 Cf. Holder, AcS 3. 1241. 16. 4 Compare PNN Cludamus cited by Palomar Lapesa, OPL 66 and Clodamenis CIL 2. 2642 = 5611. With these names compare PN Cludia DAG 83. See also Tovar, Estudios 140 f., Albertos Firmat, Emerita 26, 1958, 237. 5 Jackson suggested {LHEB 624) that the Ogam form should be restored as 6 Clutar[igas]. See section (A) (i) s.n. 7 The river name Clota Tac. Agr. 23, Κλώτα Ptol. 2. 3. 1, mod. Clyde, and insula Clota I A 509. 1 (see AcS 1. 1046) may belong to IE. *ileu- *to wash, to clean' seen perhaps in W. clir 'clear', Gk. κλύζω Ί wash', OLat. duo 'purgo', Lat. cloaca 'sewer, drain', etc. See Stokes, UrL· Spr. 102, Pokorny, IEW 607. See also R. J. Thomas, EANC 8 ff., 135. 8 It is noteworthy that forms in -en- are found peppered all over Gaul, but that they occur most frequently in Aquitania and Narbonensis. I have counted 22 examples of -ten-, 7 of -ucn-, 5 of -ocn-9 4 of -acn-} and 1 of -ecn-. For the use of patronymics as proper names, having lost their patronymic force, e.g. Ructicnus, Tanotaliknos (or -οϊ), Λουκοτικνος, see Whatmough, RC 39, 1922, 350, id., PID, vol. 3, p. 43 s.n. tanotaliknos, Lejeune, Hommages Niedermann (Coll. Latomus, vol. 23) (Bruxelles, 1956), 212. 2
l8'2
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druti.f (1. 2) and trutikni (b, 11. 7-8) beside drutei.f (1. 3). There is no satisfactory means of deciding whether or how -en- is related to -gnin both Continental and Insular forms. I am inclined to the view, first suggested, I think, by Stokes, that -en- may be related to the root *ken*to spring from, to issue from', seen in W. cenau 'cub, whelp, puppy' (see GPC φι), Mllr. cano, cana 'young wolf (Celt. *kanaud-), OW. cenetl, ModW. cenedl 'nation, tribe, clan, kindred, generation', 1 OCorn. kinethelgl. generatio, O l r . cenel 'race, lineage, kindred' (Celt. *kenetlo-), Mllr. cinim Ί am born, spring, descend from', ciniud 'race, generation, tribe'. See Pokorny, IEW 563 f.2 The fact that -en- is not attested in Insular Celtic forms (except perhaps in Biokno, Mainacnus, and Ovevνίκνιοι) may be due to the fact that it generally fell together early with -gn-, resulting in Irish in the vocalization of -g- between a vowel and the sonant -n- (followed by its loss with compensatory lengthening) and in Brittonic in a vocalization of -g- which caused diphthongization with a preceding vowel. 3 PNN: Αδρ€σσικνος DAG 71 ; 4 Allecnus Ρ ID xiic; Aneunicno DAG 145 ; 4 ?Αρηκνου (gen.) CIG 3. 4039. 38; ??Αυουωτ.κνω DAG 165; Biokno CIL 7. 1336. 154; Biticnus DAG 244; Caticnos v. s. CATU-; ?Cintucnu AcS 1. 1022; Krasanikna PID, it. 321; Κραυσικνος DAG 61 ; 5 Disocno (dat.), Disocni (gen.) CIL 3. 5076; ?Gobannic7i(o) (also read Gobannilno, -ilo) DAG 9 ; 6 Λουκοτικνος (or -ρικνός) DAG 77 ( / ) , 78; Mainacnus DAG 137, 151 Remark B ; Note (xlv) C (see also AcS 2. 390); Malucnus DAG 151; Metelikna ΡID, it. 321; Nantonicn DAG 141 ; 4 ??Occocnus, ??Ociocnus DAG 176; Oclicno DAG 145 ; 4 Ollocnus (-£-) DAG 176; Opiucnus DAG 138; Oppianicnos DAG 160 ; 4 Ripcicnus DAG 182; Ructicnus DAG 244; Σιλουκνος DAG 53 ; 4 Tanotaliknos (or -02) PZD, it. 337 ; 7 Tee6icniu(s) DAG 8 3 ; Toutissicnos DAG 163; 4 Trutikni (bis) PID, it. 339 ί Ονβρσικνος DAG 68 ; 4 Vlatucnos DAG 151, Remark B, 156, Remark; ? ]MTZZ Ζλ4(3 194. 1 Cf. Williams, BBCS 7, 1935, 36 ff., Loth, RC 48, 1931, 336. Note also the etymology proposed by Hamp for W. bachgen 'boy' in BBCS 14, 1952, 295 f. (see also 18, i960, 274). 2 See also Urk. Spr. 76 f., W-P. 1. 398, W.-H. 2. 423 f., Og. N.S. 24 (Dec. 1952), 307. Cf. now GrDAG 82. 3 See Pedersen, VKGi. 125 (-LP 43); Thurneysen, G O / 7 8 ; Jackson, L/ZEB 412, 460; Kurylowicz, Studies Presented to Joshua Whatmough on his Sixtieth Birthday, ed. Ernst Pulgram ('S-Gravenhage, 1957), 131 if. W. -an, as in P N N Cynan, Cwyfan, instead of -aen which one would expect to develop from Brittonic -agno- or -akno-9 has been variously explained. Lewis and Pedersen [LP 32) suggest that -an arose in post-tonic syllables, i.e. presumably after the accent-shift to the new penult in Welsh (see Jackson, LHEB 461). R. J. Thomas [EANC 34) and Pokorny (teste Forster FT 856) suggest that it is borrowed from Olr. -an. This view Jackson (loc. cit.) rightly finds unacceptable. 4 s See section (A) (i) s.n. See Appendix s.n. 6 7 See section (B) s.n. Gobannitio. See section (A) (i) s.n. Dannotali.
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183
L E N : OV€VVLKVLOV άκρον ( w . l l . -ίκνβιον, -ίκον) P t o l . 2. 2 . I 3 OV€I>VLKVLOL 2. 2 . 2 , OvevviKVLovs ( w . l l . *Εννικνίους> *Εννικίονς) ( a c e . ) 2 . 2. 4 , M a l i n
Head (Ireland). Note also the form celicnon ??'tower' or 'sanctuary' Z^4G 169,1 with which compare now celicnu in an inscription of Banassac (see Vendryes3 CRAI1956, 180). This is the only Gaulish common noun showing the suffix -icno-, and here, unless it has a diminutive force, it seems to be distinct from the patronymic -icno-. The form may well be non-Celtic in origin. The c Illyrian' PN Andunocnetis (gen.) CIL 3. G VI may be compared. For this form see s.v. ANDE-. For Venetic forms see Untermann, loc. cit. Lejeune {Word 11, 1955, 25) thought that -kno- in Venetic PNN was borrowed from Gaulish, and Vetter (Glotta 15, 1927, 12) regarded the suffix -cno- in Lepontic as a loan from Celtic. C O M - , C O N - , CO-, C O V - ( C O V I - ) , ?COBThe prefix com- is well attested in Gaulish names. It also occurs very frequently as con- and co-.z Some forms in cov- and cob- in Gaulish have been discussed by Schmidt, KGP 96-98. He rightly insists that names in Covrun- and Cobrun- represent earlier *Com-runo-, cognate with W. cyfrin2 and Goth, garunar. He further supposes on the one hand that Celtic -mr- here developed medially to -br- in PN Cobrunus as it did regularly in initial position in Gaulish and Brittonic, and on the other hand that -m- developed to -U- between a vowel and a liquid consonant in PN Covnertus as it did in Brittonic. 4 He suggests that names in Comnert-, Cobnert-, Covnert-, and Covinert-5 are all to be related to the basic form comnert-, cognate with W. cyfnerth subst. 'help, aid', adj. 'strong, firm' (v. GPC 703) and Ir. comnert 'equal strength, a great effort' (Meyer 450), with -v- in covnert- as in covrun-, with covi- as a later secondary development, and with -b- in cobnert- through dis similation. Thus he rejects the view that names in cob- in Gaulish, as Cobnertus and Cobrunus, contain in their first element a Gaulish cognate of Ir. cob 'victory'. 6 This is correct. But I think that it is probable that 1 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 165 f.; Vendryes, RC 49, 1932, 300; Feist, 310 f.; Pokorny, IEW 544; Treimer, Ogam 9, 1957, 298; Schmidt, KGP 174, n. 1, id., MSS, Heft 12, 1958, 49 ff. 2 Co- occurs far oftener than Pokorny suggests in VR 10, 1948-9, 240: Έίη urspriingliches altkeltisches co- neben com- ist nichts als ein Phantasiegebilde; nur an ein folgendes anlautendes u- oder s- wird der Auslaut des Prafixes assimiliert.' 3 See GPC 717 where MlBret. queffrin 'mystery, secret' and Ir. comrun *a common secret* are compared with it. 4 Schmidt, KGP 98, n. 1, qualifies this statement with the comment *sofern in dem gall. Wort nicht vulgarlat. EinfluB vorliegt.' 5 Add Conert-, in PN Conerti (gen.) CIL 3. 5646. See also Loth, RC 40, 1923, 379. 6 This has been the view of a number of scholars from Zeuss (GC 40) onwards. See Cagnat, RC 9, 1888, 87, de Jubainville, RC 14, 1893, 387, Holder, AcS 1,
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both -0- and -έ- in forms such as Covrunus and Cobnertus are attempts to represent a sound or sounds which developed through a lax articula tion of ~m- between a vowel and a nasal or liquid consonant, perhaps a (?nasal) bilabial fricative or labiodental fricative. See Chapter I I I (A) (u) (j); Concerning Insular Celtic and other cognates see: Holder, AcS 1. 1052, 1068, 3. 1243; Pedersen, VKG 1. 64, 284; Morris-Jones, WG 265; Dottin 2461*.; Dinneen 217, 233; W-H. 1. 2 5 1 ; Jackson, LHEB 659; Pokorny, IEW 612 f.; GPC 673; Fleuriot, VB 374 ff. The prefix, used with nominal, adjectival, and verbal forms, denotes in Gaulish: (a) connexion or relationship or participation, as in PN Contoutos 'qui est du meme pays, compatriote' (v. Loth, RC 41, 1924, 55) ;l PN Comargus 'KameracT = c mit seiend als Gefahrte' or 'mit dem Gefahrten seiend' (v. Schmidt, KGP 57); PN Contextos P'cognatus' (v. Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 68); (i) equality or similarity in condition, quality, size, etc., as, perhaps, in PNN such as Comeliddus 'equally sweet'; Combara ?'equally high/noble'; 2 (c) affirmation, emphasis on the form to which it is prefixed, as in PN Couirus: W. cywir 'correct, sincere, honest, loyal'; PN Cobnertus: W. cyfnerth 'strength, help', 'strong, firm, resolute'; Cobrunus: W. cyfrin 'privy to a secret or mystery, that is in the secret, participant, accessory, secret, etc.', 'person who is privy to a secret, confidant, e t c ' (v. GPC 717). Examples :3 CO·: Anokopokios PID> it. 337; Coaeddus (or Coneddus) DAG 244; Coberatius DAG 214 (cf. AcS 3. 1244), (rede -us) 237; Coberillus DAG 214 1054 f., 3. 1244, Pedersen, VGK 2. 2 (cf. 1. 116), Dottin, p. 246 (also suggesting that cob- may be a variant οι com-), W.-P. 1. 457 f., IEW 610, Schmidt, KGP 174 s.n. Vercobius. In forms in cobnert- Schmidt does admit the possibility of the in fluence of a Gaulish cognate of Ir. cob. See also Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 173. 1 'der zum Volke Gehorige' (Schmidt, KGP 57). 2 It is extremely difficult to say exactly when the prefix has this equative func tion. It is certainly well attested with this function in the system of comparison or grading in Celtic as in W. cyfliw 'of the same colour', cyfnaws 'congenial, of the same nature, homogeneous', cyfoes 'contemporary', cyfuwch 'as high as', cystal 'as good, equal* (cf. W. cyflym 'swift, intelligent, keen', cyflawn 'complete, full, perfect', cyfagos 'close, near', etc., where the equative meaning is not present), and in Irish comdlaind 'equally beautiful', combinn 'equally melodious', commor 'equally great', comruad 'equally strong' (cf. comrigin 'very stiff', comglass 'all blue', comldn 'complete, perfect' or 'equally numerous'). For the equative in Celtic v. Pedersen, VKG 2. 118-19, Thurneysen, GOI 237-8. Schmidt {KGP 61-62) is too much inclined to reject the meaning 'equally' for com- in PNN such as Comarus, Comatilla, Comatus, Comeliddus (v. Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594). He argues that Latin does not show this use of cum-, nor does Sanskrit oisdm- nor Greek of συν-. In com pounded names of com- + adjective in Gaulish he suggests that the prefix functions rather 'als eine Art "Fullung" zur Verlangerung des Namens'. 3 I have listed only a few of the many PNN containing com-, con-, and co-, but all the possible forms in cov- (covi-) and cob- are included.
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l
(cf. AcS loc. cit.); Cocestlus DAG 239 ; Comanus DAG 83; Comatius, -ia DAG 244; Comato DAG 244; Comatuia DAG 244; Comatul[lus or -[la DAG 182, ComatuUus DAG 244; Comatumarus DAG 244; Comatus DAG 244; Comerta DAG 156; 2 Conerti (gen.) CZL 3. 5646; Cotutos (La G r . ) ; Covirius DAG 208B = 214; Couirus DAG 202, Remark, 208B = 214. C05^: Cobiatia PID xvc; CoW[ 2λ4;4G 228 (vii); Comagius DAG 83, 156; Comagus DAG 228 Remark; Comargus CIL 3. 3i58 a ; Comartiorix DAG 156; Combata DAG 140; Combarillius, -us DAG 83, Comba[rillus DAG 87; Combaromarus DAG 182; Comboiomarus (v.l. Combolo-) Liv. 38. 19. 2; 8 Κόμβοντις Pausan. 10. 22. 2 f. ;9 Combricus DAG 151; Comnertus DAG 156; Vercombogius, -bogus, -bogio DAG 244. CON-'. Conbogi (gen.) C/L 3. 4945; 10 Concaoni (? -/*£-) C/I 7. 857; ?Concennus (Congennius?) DAG83;11 Conconnetodumnus (BG) DAG 182; 12 Conconnus CIL 3. 4900; Condannossus DAG 87; Condarillus DAG 202, 214, 215; Condarus DAG 202; Condatie DAG 244; Condatius DAG 244; Canarc^ ZMG 83; Condexua PID xiic; Congenetia PID viic; Congenio (dat.) CiL 11. 7584; Congenncia DAG 83; Congenniccus DAG Note (xlv) C, 8 3 ; Congenno DAG 8 3 ; KoyyewoAn-ai/os Z>^4G 27 ; 12 Congonetus DAG 244; Congonia PID viic; Congonius CIL 3. 1203; Congonna PID xiic; Can non (Λ) *Ji0fltf Liv. qfa'f. 61, Z^4G 151 ( = C7Z, 8. 21024), 156 ( = CiL 13. 800); Congonnetodubnus DAG 156 ;13 Congonnus PID xiic \Conteddius 1 Or Cogestlus, v. Holder, A S 3. 1251. 39, Pokorny, 7Λ 10, 1948-9, 239-40, Schmidt, A"GP 175. 2 See Holder, A S 1. 1054. 34, 3. 1245. 37-38, Schmidt, ΛΪ7Ρ 176. 3 See A S 1. 1054-5, 3. 1245-6 and 7XL Onom. s.nn. Cobnertus, -a. 4 See Schmidt, A*GP 177, 262. 5 = CIL 13. 1474. Schmidt (KGP 177) gives Cobrunni '(wohl Gen.)'. 6 See TXL 0/zom. 2. 155. Note also DN Cobledulitauus DAG 155. 7 See section (A) (i) s.n. Andocumborius. 8 Seep. 153, n. 8. 9 See Schmidt, KGP 178. 10 Error for Combogi? See Schmidt, KGP 178, 179. 11 See Schmidt, KGP 180. 12 See section (A) (i) s.n. 13 See section (A) (i) s.n. Conconnetodumnus.
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DAG 237; Contedio (dat.) CIL 13. 2843; Contei{d)ios DAG 151, 151, Remark Β; Contessia, -ius DAG 8 3 ; Contesilo PID viiic; Contessilo PID xiic; Contestus DAG 182; Contexts DAG 162 ;2 Contoutos DAG 157; Convictolitavis BG.2 COV-: Covinerti (gen.) CIL 3. 4999; 3 Covnertus, -a AcS 1. 1054 f., 3. 1245 f-> -D^G 224, 244, and TLL; Covrunus DAG 214, 237, 244^ For PN Andocumborium (ace.) BG 2. 3, 1, with -cum- perhaps for -com-, see section (A) (i) s.n.
COT-, COTTIn a number of the names listed here, e.g. Atecotti, Gotta, Cottalus, Cottius, Cottus, Esanekoti, the element cot(t)- has been related to OCorn. . coth gl. senex (Voc. Com, OCV 107)5 and Bret, coz 'old' (v. Rhys, Celtic Britain (London, 1882), 275; Stokes, BB 11, 1889, 118; Holder, AcS j . 1143 s.v. Cotta, 1. 1148 s.v. cotto-s;6 Kretschmer, A*< 38, 1905, 125; Whatmough, PID, vol. iii, p. 20 s.v. Esanekoti; Schmidt, KGP 184). T. F. O'Rahilly (£riu 13, 1942, 166-7) further claimed that O l r . coth 'food', Mllr. cothad 'sustenance', cothaig 'sustain, nourish' 7 should be referred to the same Celtic root as OCorn. coth, Bret, coz, and Gaul, forms in cott-, namely *ket~l*kot- (with gemination *kett-l*kott-) 'living, lasting', which he thought could be identified with the IE. root *ket-, *kot- ' "Wohnraum" (urspr. "Erdloch als Wohngrube")' listed in W-P. 1. 383~4.8 All this is quite uncertain, particularly the identifica tion with IE. *ket-, *kot-. However, the semantic development sug gested for Olr. coth 'food' is somewhat similar to that assumed for Ir. biad 'food' beside betha 'life, livelihood' and bith 'world, life, age' (in composition 'ever-lasting, always'). Whether we should distinguish another name element cotu-, coto-, of a different origin in names such as Cotuatus, Cotuconi, Cotulo, Cotus, 1
Not Contedoius [sic] DAG 182 after Holder, AcS 1. 1107. Cf. AcS 3. 1276. 43-46. See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 4 Cf. PN Covinaerta in the same insc. ?Cf. PN Gouruna DAG 244. 5 OCorn. coth was taken to be a Welsh form, e.g. in the dictionaries of Dr. John Davies and Thomas Wiliems. See G P C s . w . cot1, coth. 6 Holder (whence Dottin, p. 248) listed a Welsh form Coth, presumably a per sonal name. I know of no example of such a name. Note, however, the river name Cothi (Carmarthenshire) for which see Thomas, Ε A NC 134-5. 7 He also claimed that other forms with a different vowel grade belonged here, namely the Irish mythological names Cett and Cethern. He thought that the former was identical with the Gaulish PN Cettus, for which v. AcS 1. 1002, DAG 136 (note also other PNN such as Cettus DAG 216, Cetus AcS, loc. cit., DAG 136, 237, ICeU tinius DAG 182, Cetturo DAG 237). He derived Cethern from *Keternos, comparing Ir. cethern *a troop or company of foot-soldiers' (Meyer 359). With the latter com pare W. cethern (G. 138, GPC 471) and see Loth, RC 42, 1925, 84-85. 8 See also W.-H. 1. 176, 182, ZEW 586-7. 2
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Κωτουάντιοί, is also uncertain (v. Dottin, p. 248, Fraser, RC 42, 1925, 95). What is certain, however, is that Rhys's remarks on the etymology of such an element [Addit. 46) are worthless.1 In the following lists I have included only the forms in cot(t)~ which I think may be Celtic. A number of these probably show hypocoristic gemination of -£-. P N N : Cot[ DAG 214; Cotal DAG 194; Coteus (or Coteiiis) DAG 237; Cotilius DAG 214; Cotilhis DAG 83, 203; Cotilus Mart. AcS 1. 1142; Cotina DAG 214; Cotinius CIL 3. 5625; Cotinus DAG 214,2 224; Cotira DAG 214; Cotis DAG 151; Cotius DAG 136, 182 (see also AcS 1. 1143); Ccioniae CIL 3. 4888; Coioio DAG 136, Remark 1 (d); CoiiaDAG 182, PID viiic; Cottaiio (dat.) CiZ, 3. 5067; Cottal(i) DAG 244, Cottalus DAG 214, 228 (iv), CIL 13. 5466 ; 3 CotfAioj DAG 228 (vii); Cotfw PID xvc; Cottilus DAG 83; Cotfww 2λ4β 206; Cottio DAG 244; Cotakr DAG 9, 136, 182, 202, Remark, 224, 237, 244, PID XUB (see also AcS 1. 1144-8); Cotto DAG 132, 139, 204, 214, 244 (see also AcS 1. 1148); Cottro DAG 193, 204; Cottulla(?) DAG 8 3 ; Cottus DAG 214, 244 (see also AcS 1, ,1148); Cotu (m., f.) AcS 1. 1148-9; Cotuatus DAG 182 ; 4 Cotuconi (f.) C/L 3. 5389; Cotulia CIL 3. 5040, 5107; C0/Z//0 {-us) ? ZX4G 132; Κοτύος (gen. sg.) Ζλ4(? 244; Cotus DAG 182 ; 4 Cotutos (La Graufesenque graffiti) ; 4 Esanekoti PID 337; Venicotenius DAG 83. L E N N : Atecotti in Britain A S 1.254, 3. 714 ;5 Coiza ( - « J ) silua CuiselezCompiegne (Oise) DAG 212; Cotiacus Cussy DAG 179; Κωτίνας (ace.) in Hisp. Baet. Str. 3. 2. 3, p. 142 ;6 Cotini DAG 80 (see also AcS 1. 1142), 241; Cotiriqum Celtiberica 34 gen. pi. ? (see also ibid., p. 20); Κοτταιόβριγα (v.l. Κοτταγο-) Ptol. 2. 5. 7; Cottiae, Cottianae (Alpes) D^4G 7;flrfCottias PID ixc, p. 315 (s.n. Guttiae); Cottion DAG 80, 148; Κωτονάντιοι Str. 4. 6. 8, 206c (P/D xxvc, Z^4G 241). 1 W. cwd 'pouch, bag' points to a Celtic form in *kut- and is probably cognate with Gk. κύτος 'the hollow (of a shield or breastplate); a vase, jar, urn', σκντος 'a skin, hide' Lat. cutis 'skin; hide, leather', Eng. hide, etc. (v. W.-H. 1. 320,IEW 952, GPC 635), whereas W. cod, with a similar meaning, is either a parallel form or an English loan word (v. Loth, RC 42, 1925, 79-80, GPC, loc. cit.). 2 Weisgerber included this name as well as Cotira and Cottalus in a list of the personal names of the Mediomatrici which he thought could be explained as Celtic (Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266). 3 See Schmidt, A"GP 141, 184. 4 See section (B) s.n. s See s.v. ATE-. 6 For a non-Celtic or pre-Celtic (Mediterranean??) origin proposed for this name and others (e.g. LENN Κοτταιόβριγα, Cottiae (Alpes), and PN Cotta), by re ference to Basque kotor, Catalan cot 'rock, hill', etc., see inter alios R. Menondez Pidal, RPh. 6, 1952, 1-4 (whence id., Toponimia Prerromanica Hispana (Madrid, 1952), 269-75); J. A. Delgado, Actes et Memoires. V*me Congr. int. de toponymie et d'anthroponymie Salamanca 12-15 avril 1955 . . . (Salamanca, 1958), 177-81; Tovar, ALSP 121.
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CUMBIn the gloss cumba (locus imus navis, quod aquis incumbat) Isidor or. 19. 2. ι and cumba (locus [imus] navis) Gloss. Placidi, 1 in cumba (the name for a (Pbulgy, bellied) type of vessel) in inscriptions of Magdalensberg, 2 and in LNN Cumba, Cumbae AcS 1. 11891*., at least3 we have Gaulish cognates of Mllr. comm Vessel', cummal 'cup, shell', W. cwm 'a deep narrow valley, coomb', Br. komm 'trough' : 4 Gr. κΰμβη 'hollow of a vessel, drinking cup, bowl; boat; sack, wallet', κυμβίον, κύμβος 'cup', Eng. hump, Skt. kumbha-h 'pot'. See Gluck, KJV 28; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 9 3 ; Holder, AcS, loc. cit.; Pedersen, VKG 1. 119; Dottin 249; W.-P. 1. 562; W.-H. 1. 298, 305; Whatmough, DAG 158 and 178 s.v. cumba', Pokorny, IEW592. DAGO-, DACODago- and the graphic variant daco- (see Pokorny, WuS 12, 1929, 305 and Chapter I I I (A) (ii)) s are cognate with W. da 'good, beneficial, e t c ' (GPC 866 f.), Corn, da, Bret, da,6 Ir. dag (later deg) 'good' (in comp. with foil, noun or adj. 'good, noble', also with intensive mean ing Very', see RIADict. D-degoir 7 fF., Dinneen 313 ff.). See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 140, Holder, AcS 1. 1214, Pedersen, VKG 1. 39, Thurneysen, # £ 5 9 , 1932, 6, n., id., GOI54, O'Brien, Celtica 3, 1956, 183, Schmidt, KGP 186 f., id., Stadia Hibernica 3, 1963, 173 if. See also section (A) (i) s.n. Ααγολίτους. Examples: P N N : Bitudaccus DAG, Note (xlv) C, Betudaca, Bitudaga DAG 156; ?Dacomot[ DAG 224; Dacotoutus DAG 182; Dacouassae (dat.) AE 1951, 64; Dacovir DAG 194, 203, R e m a r k ; Dagania DAG 224; DagidiusDAG 83; Da[g]illus (Da[c]-?) DAG 214, Dagillus ILTG 435; Dagionius DAG 224; Dagissius DAG 2 O 8 B ; Dago CIL 3. 12014. 241, Dago uassus 1
See Glossaria Latina, vol. iv, ed. J. W. Pirie and W. M. Lindsay (Paris, 1930), 18. See Egger, MG, nos. 12, 74, 82, 91, 93, 106, etc., and remarks (p. 29). Also perhaps in PN Arecumbu DAG 151 (also 151, Remark B). For PN Andocumborius BG see section (A) (i) s.n. ? Compare PNN Combudouatus (-tic·?) DAG 182 (with comment 'or divine name?'; the form, attested in CIL 13. 2583, has been variously read; see DAG, Note xxix (c), p. 488 where it is suggested that it may be taken as a name Cambudouatus; see also Holder, AcS 1. 1072, 3. 1259, Schmidt, KGP 178) and Combulius CIL 5. 2220. 4 See Ernault, GMB 114. Br. komb 'valley' is a loan from Fr. combe, itself derived from Gaul, cumba. See Thurneysen, Keltorom. 55, Dottin 249; Gamillscheg 238; Meyer-Lubke, REW, no. 2386; Tovar, Celticum vi, 394. 5 For Degouexi (dat.) CIL 13. 4506 (?DN), with dego-, see Gutenbrunner, %&* 20, 1936, 279, Whatmough, DAG 213, 214, Schmidt, KGP 189 f., Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 434 (comparing DN Degante (dat.) CIL 2. 5672). Apart from Ir. deg (deg-) compare perhaps W. dewr 'brave, valiant, etc.,' (GPC 942), OBret. deurr gl. acri < Britt. *degouiros (see Urk. Spr. 140, VKG 1. 39; cf. W.-P. 1. 784, DGVB 136). 6 Attested in the OBret. PNN Damarhoc Damarcoc, and Dalitoc. See Loth, Chr, bret. 122. See also Ernault, GMB 140, 212, Fleuriot, VB 367, 376. 2
3
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[sic] DAG 244 (but Dagouassus DAG 237) ;l Dagobiti (gen.) CIL 7. 31, Dagobitus DAG 204; Dagobiucomarus AcS 2. 433. 1; Dagobius DAG 156; Dagodabnus DAG 136; Dagodurnus CIL 3. 12014. 242, 3. 14115. 2 1 ; Δαγολιτονς RE A 58, 1956, 71 ff.; Dagomarus, Dagomari, Dacom[> Dacomaras z/. s. MARO-; Dagonus DAG 224; Dagorix DAG 244; Dagot[ou]ti (gen.) i L i E 14, 1963, 337 ff.; Dagus DAG 204, 237, -uus 2 O 8 B ; Ollodagus 214; Viriodacus 176, 203, 224, 228 (vii); Voltodaga 237. DANNOThis name element is attested in a number of Gaulish P N N : Dannadinnis (gen.) 2λ4£7 87 ;2 Dannia DAG 83, -ins DAG 83, 182, 2083, 244 ; 3 Dannicus (Rauricus) DAG 237; Dannissa DAG 2O8B; Dannomarus DAG 83 ; 4 Dannonia, Dannonus, Dannorix DAG 87 (-n* also DAG 204); Dannotali DAG i6g; s Dannumara DAG 208A (also 214); Dannus DAG 182, 208B (also 214). Uncompounded dannus in an inscription of the Treveri in Belgica (per dannum Giamillum CIL 13. 4228) has been explained as a title. 6 For other occurrences of dannos in compounded forms note the following: cas(s)idan(n)o(s) in the graffiti of La Graufesenque (DAG 90 (casidanalone), 92, 94, 102), probably a Gaulish official title rather than a personal name; 7 platiodanni (nom. pi.) at Mainz (CIL 13. 6776), another title; 8 arcantodan (for arcantodan[(n)os~] ?) in coin legends of the Lexouii, Meldi, and Mediomatrici (DAG 177 with Remark, 206), probably the person charged with supervising the production or the distribution of coins.9 Compare also dan 'iudicem' 1 = CIL 13. 7754. See also Whatmough, DAG, Note (lvi) (p. 1168), Schmidt, KGP 187 (also 59, n. 1, 285). Compare PN Dagouassae (dat. f.) in an inscription discovered in a villa between Brucknendorf and Parndorf, east of Carnuntum, reported by Saria in Burgenlandische Heimatblatter 13, 1951, 49 fF. (see Ogam 9, 1957, 201, AE i960, 377, EC9, 1961, 576). 2 For Iberian names in tanne- which may contain a cognate element see Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 304. 3 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1222 f. 4 Compare P N Danomarus DAG 83 (source?), 214 ( = CIL 13. 3349). 5 Compare P N N Danotala DAG 8 3 ; Tanotaliknos and Tanotalos PID, it. 337 (also yol. iii, p. 43). See section (A) (i) s.n. Note also the following P N N : Atdanus DAG 151, Remark B ; Dan[, Dann[ DAG 237; Dania PID xvc, -ius DAG 182; Dano DAG 136; Danu DAG 182; Danuacus DAG 204; Danus DAG 214, 244, PID xiic. For Thracian names in -danus, -Savoy, etc., see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 116. 6 See the full bibliography of discussion of this form listed by Whatmough, DAG9 Note (xli) (b) (p. 685). 7 See Loth, RC 41, 1924, 5 4 ; Οχέ, Β J 130, 1925, 76; Τ. Frank, An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. iii (Baltimore, 1937), 560 (also 540). 8 See Weisgerber, SprFK 198, Germania 17, 1933, 21, n. 2 3 ; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 858, 992. 9 See Mur,-Chab. 7684-90; Blanchet, Manuel 78; Holder, AcS 1. 182 f., 3. 659; Forrer 4 2 ; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 141; Pedersen, VKG, 1. 104, 533; Loth, RE A 21,
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in the Endlicher Glossary (613. 4) concerning which see Stokes, TPhS 1868-9, 2 5 2 ? Academy 30, 1886, 43, Thurneysen, IF 42, 1924, 144, Whatmough, DAG 178 s.w. dan, rko, roth. The gloss danea 'area' DAG 220 and the hypothetical IE. *dann- ??'river' (underlying the river name Danuuins, etc.) 1 do not seem to be related. Stokes suggested that dan (or danus) 'judge' in the Endlicher Glos sary was cognate with Gk. θέμις 'custom, right, law5, Goth, ddm-s, etc. (: IE. *dhe- IEW 235 ff.). See also Holder, AcS 1. 1224. D'Arbois de Jubainville (RC 11, 1890, 489)2 thought that danio-jdannio- in Gaulish names was identical with Mllr. ddnae 'stout-hearted, courageous, daring, e t c ' (RIADict. D-degoir 79 ff., see also Dinneen 306). Loth {REA 21, 1919, 263 ff.) would relate -dan in arcantodan 'directeur de la monnaie', 'magister monetae', and danno- in platiodanni {OIL 13., 6676) and dannum (13. 4228) to Ir. dan m. 'a gift, e t c ' (RIADict. fasc cit. 70 ff.), W. dawn 'talent, gift, e t c ' (GPC 906): Lat. donum (IE. * etc., may well be of multiple origin. But I think that the etymology proposed by Stokes for dan 'a judge' should hold the field. Attested uncompounded as a title and in com pounds which are Gaulish official titles, dan(n)o- means 'a judge' or 'an official' or the like. But account should also be taken of Ir. ddnae f bold, brave' and of Ir. dan 'gift, talent' and W. dawn. The objection raised by Schmidt (KGP 188, n. 2) that the element in question occurs regularly in Gaulish with geminate -π- is not valid. It is attested with single -n-, and a number of instances have been listed above. However, Schmidt rightly stressed that the explanation proposed by Pokorny for Gaulish -dan in arcantodan is suspect in view of the fact that he failed to quote any Insular Celtic correspondences. See further section (A) (i) s.n. Dannotali and (A) (ii) s.v. DONNO-. 1919, 263 ff., RC 39, 1922, 50; W.-P. 1. 763, 853; Thurneysen, IF 42, 1924, 144; Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 266, IEW 64, 176; Schmidt, KGP 132, 187 f. See now Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 9, 1960-1, 121 fF. 1 See DAG 241, 243, 244, p. 1366. T o Whatmough's references add W.-P. 1. 763; Thurneysen, KZ 59> 1932, 13 f.; Forster, FT 141 fF.; Pokorny, IEW 175; H. Krahe, Sprache und Vorzeit (Heidelberg, 1954), 130, UAF 93, 103; Vendryes, Recueil de travanx qffert a M. Clovis Brunei ii (Paris, 1955), 648; Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. Ν. 8, 1957, 245 ff. 2 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1222; Dottin 250. Concerning Ir. ddnae see Thurney sen, KZ 59, 1932, 13 f. (against Pokorny ZCP 16, 1927, 452). For the river name Rhodanus, R\K\odanus, etc., see DAG 15, 80, 179, 212, 241. To the references given by Whatmough in DAG 80 s.n. add Hubschmid, Praeromanica 108 f., Pokorny, IEW 334, Vendryes, op. cit. 646 f., Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 12 f., 17. 3 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1224, Dottin, p. 250.
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DEVOGaulish deuo- is cognate with Olr. dia (gen. de) 'god' (see RIAContr. degra—dodelbtha 53 f ) , OW. duintit (VVB 114), M1W. dwyw, dwy, dyw, duw (G. 398 ff., 402), * ModW. duw, OCorn. day gl. deus (Voc. Corn. OCV 32), MIGorn. dev, du, Bret, done: Skt. devd-h, Lat. deus (IE. *deiuo-s). See FA*G 1. 59 (LP 10 f.); Dottin 251; GO I 36; /E^K 375; LHEB 375. Beside *fe/0-2 note also diuo- (as in Diuogena, Diuona, etc.). It has been frequently assumed that the appearance of -I- for -e- in this form is due to latinization. See, for example, d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 17, 1896, 9 3 ; 19. 1898, 232; 29, 1908, 81, Holder, AcS 1. 12 75· 5°5 Vendryes, RC 48, 1931, 435 f. But Gaulish e (from IE. ei) probably had a very close pronunciation, which could account for the -£- in a form such as Diuogena quite apart from analogy with a Latin form such as diuus.3 See Thurneysen, uf< 59, 1932, 15 f, Heiermeier, Deutsche Literaturzeitung 72, 1951, 340. Whatmough (DAG 158 s.v. Diuona) suggested that the alternation of e and ϊ (from earlier ei) was 'possibly dialectal5.* Compare the development of *rlno-j*reno- from *reino- discussed by Hubschmid, Praeromanica 115 fT.5 Forms in deo-, dio- show the loss of-w- (see Schmidt, KGP 99 f., 191).6 In the personal name TeiuoreiCis in the inscription on the bronze of Luzaga, Tovar claimed that Teiuo- represented deiuo- (see Estudios 35, n. 1, 49 f., 125, 183, Lexico 8, Kratylos 3, 1958, 4, 9). But Lejeune {Celtiberica 45) and Schmoll (SVIHK 76, 87) hint at the possibility that it represents deuo- or diuo-. For deio-, δηιο- ( < * deiuo-) in PN Deiotarus, Δψόταρος (note also Δζιζταρος, Δψοταριανος) see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 144, de Jubainville, RC 20, 1899, 375, Schmidt, KGP 190. Compare Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 172. P N N : AeUrapos Gal. Spr. 154, Deiotarus, Δψόταρος AcS I. 1250 ff., TLL Onom. I l l , fasc. 1, 84 f.,7 Δψοταρίανος, ΔηιοτηρΙανος, Deiotariana ibid.; 8 TeiuoreiCis SVIHK 22, no. 14; Deocena EE 9, no. 292; Deomartus DAG 204, 224, 237; Deoratus DAG 224; Deotitano DAG 244; deua (?), δηυα, deuila DAG 239; Deua DAG 244; Deua... 1 For -dwy in Welsh river names see R. J. Thomas, BBCS, vol. 7, pt. 2, May 1934, 119 f. 2 Compare deui- in PN Deuignata and see Dottin 60, Schmidt, KGP 91, 191. Instances of the feminine Deua, etc., attested especially in river names, are included in the lists below. 3 For Gallo-Latin e see C. H. Grandgent, An Introduction to Vulgar Latin (Boston, 1907), 83 f. 4 In DAG, p. 1366 he wrongly concluded from Thurneysen's remarks that 'it is evident that the development of e from ei is not universal in Gaulish*. s See also Hubschmid, £ C P 24, 1954, 83 f., Gorominas, ZCP 25> ι9Φ> 32, 53* 6 Krahe, UAF 95 f. See also DN Deanefa. 1 For the coin legend δψοταρου see Blanchet, Rev. beige de numismatique 1933, 11 ff. 8 See also Gal. Spr. 155, 172, DAG 237.
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CIL 7. 1334. 24; Devaliae) (dat.) CIL 3. 10234; ?Deua[lis DAG 237; Deuas DAG 2O8B (see also 209); Deuaus DAG 151, Remark A ; Deuia DAG 182; Devignata CIL 3. 11646; Deuillia, -ins DAG 208B, 214, 237;Δβυι,οςAcS 1. 1275;DeuognataCIL3. 5101;DeuoniaDAG244; Deuontia DAG 244; Ztewtttf DAG 244; Z)^Z/J Z)^4G 202; Diocaitus DAG 244; DiocarusDAG 139; Diocati (dat?) C7Z, 3. 14434; Dioceni (-geni?) DAG 151; Diocharus CIL 13. 11154; Dioda\t]us CIL 2. 5331; Diogensis DAG 136; Diona CIL 2. 6253; Diopantus DAG 151; Dioran(n)us DAG 156 (also 156, Remark B ) ; Diorata DAG 156; Dioratus DAG 140, 176, 182; Diorix DAG 156, Remark; Diovicus CIL 7. 1017; ??Jioua00[i2iL4 62, 1960, 62 if. ;l Diuilla DAG 237; Diuogen[ia] DAG 156; Zhwoj- Ζλ4(? 214, 224; Diuuogna DAG 185 ;2 ?Sacrodiuus DAG 237. LENN: Deobensis pagus DAG 80; Δεοβρίγα Ptol. 2. 5. 7; Δζοβρίγα Ptol., Deobriga IA, Sobobrica Rav., AcS 1. 1266; Δέοβριγούλα Ptol., Deobrigula, -cula (v.l. Deobrica) IA, Tonobrica Rav., AcS, loc. cit.; J^oua Ptol. fl. (in Hisp. Tarrac.) now Deba ^aS 1. 1273; Δηονα Ptol., Ztez/a ώ ώ Rav., Deva IA, De(uensis or -vae) EE 9. 1274, the river Dee, Chester-on-Dee AcS 1. 1274, BSRC 31 ;3 Δηονα Ptol. the river Dee in Scotland, Δηονάνα Ptol., Devoni Rav., a river name (mod. Don) applied to a town (mod. Aberdeen) AcS 1. 1274, BSRC 31 f. ; 4 Devales fl. Pomp. Mela ^&S* 1. 12745s Deventiasteno in Devonshire BSRC 31; Devionisso in Devon BSRC 31; Δηουονα DAG 241; *Diodurum now Jouarre (Seine-et-Marne) Z^4G 179; ?Diolindum DAG 148; Dionantis {Deo-) Dinant DAG 212; Diuio, -onensis, Dibio Dijon DAG 234; Diuoduron now Metz iX4G 212; Diuon{n)a, Deuona DAG 148.6 D N N : Deanefa EE 9, no. 280 ; 7 Deuiatis (dat.) Z)^4G 82; D ^ o n (Ermaei) Emerita 24, 1956, 294 ff. (Maria L. Albertos) ; 8 Diiona DAG 82 (for Diuona?); Diocraro (dat.), or Dio Craro? Me]diocraro? DAG 82; Diuanno DAG 82.* Note also ώζ>ο Nodenti (dat.) C/L 7. 140. For ώΉο in the Vita Symphoriani Augustodunensis see Thurneysen, £CP 14, 1923, iof. For the obscure deuoriuo or deuo riuo in the Calendar of Coligny (Dottin, p. 177, now read deouuori-uo (sc. deou uori.uo) by Whatmough, DAG 227 I I , 1. 14 q.v.) 10 see de Ricci, RC 19, 1898, 220; 1
See Schmoll, KZ 78, 1963, 50. See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 See also E. Ekwall, English River Names (Oxford, 1928), 117 f., Forster, FT 233 f-> 389 f-> Jackson, LHEB 375, 629. * See also Forster, FT 179 f., O'Rahilly, EIHM 383, Jackson, The Problem of the Picts, ed. F. T. Wainwright ([Edinburgh] Nelson, 1955), 136, 162. * For *deua in river names see Lebel, PMHF 289. 6 See also Weisgerber 199 s.n. Divona, Whatmough, DAG 158 s.n. Diuona. 7 See Schmoll, SVIHK 87, 100. 8 9 See Schmoll, op. cit. 51 (with n. 1), 87. See Krahe, IF 67, 1962, 217. i° Cf. now Duval, £C 10/1, 1962, 32 (also 24, fig. 5) {REA 65, 1963, 364). 2
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21, 1900, 17; Thurneysen, £CP 2, 1899, 533, 540; Rhys, Celiae and Galli 33, Cal. 136°., 30 ff. (RC 32, 1911, 206); MacNeill, Eriu 10, 1926-8, 23, 36, 39; Pinault, Ogam 13, 1961, 449 ff. For 8LOVL(??) in an inscription of Saint-Remy (Dottin, no. 3, DAG 39) see GIL 12, p. 127 (whence Holder, AcS 1. 1285), Rhys, Insc. 33, Addit. 11, V. Rolland, Cahiers d'histoire et d'arche'ologie 6, 1933, 301, H. Rolland, Gallia 2, 1944, 169 f. In the inscription on the lead tablet of Rom (DeuxSevres) (Dottin, no. 52, DAG, Note (xxvi)) Egger now reads didonem(ni) (ace.) (Ogam 14, 1962, 431 ff.) where earlier editors recognized a form dibona (see Jullian, RC 19, 1898, 176, Rhys, Celtae and Galli 40 f., Haas, ZCP 23> I943» 2 95? 27? 1958-9: 2 I 8 ) . DIThis prefix seems to be attested in only a few Gaulish names, examples of which are listed below. It is cognate with Olr. di-, di(de-) (intensive and negative prefix), di, de (prep.) 'of, from' (GOI 504 ff.),1 W. di- Out, very, extreme; without' (intensive and negative prefix, see GPC 943 s.w. di-z, rfz-4) :2 Lat. de, etc. See Urk. Spr. 143; AcS 1. 1277; VKG 2. 294 {LP 261 f ) ; A. Sommerfelt, De- en italoceltique (Christiania, 1921) (Videnskapssebkapets Shifter I I , Hist.-filos. Klasse, 1920, no. 4); Dottin, p. 251; W.-P. 1. 7696°.; W.-H. 1. 325 f.; IEW 181 fF.; Fleuriot, DGVB 136, 332, VB 376 f. P N N : Dibugius DAG 244 ; 3 Diginianus DAG 237; Dimarius DAG 8 3 ; ?Dimiono DAG 140, 151, 151, Remark B ; Diveca DAG 244; Toutodiuicus, -diuicis and names in dime-, diuict-, άηάχϊ- listed s.v. VIC-.* D N N : Digenibus DAG 82; Diginibus DAG 223. Concerning the form diuertomu in the Calendar of Coligny (DAG 227 ii. 64, iii. 32, 128, iv. 64, 128, xii. 96, xvi. 64, 128, diuertiomu i. 116, diuortomu v. 64, vi. 32, diuortom vii. 128, diuirtomu xi. 128, xiv. 64) see de Ricci, RC 21, 1900, 17, Thurneysen, £CP 2, 1899, 527, id., GOI 452, Dottin 252, MacNeill, £riu 10, 1926-8, 36 f. (whence Weisgerber, SprFK 199), Whatmough, DAG, p. 1002. For -8e in βρατου8€ in Gaulish inscriptions of Narbonensis (DAG 44, 6 7 , 6 8 , 7 1 , βρατ]ουδ€
7 3 , βρατου[
3 9 , βρατου[.
. 6 3 , βρατουτ[
6 6 , βρ[
65, βρατον[ Gourvest Og. 6, ΐ954> 2 59 (Ρ^· x ) ) s s e e t n e following: Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 125, ACL 1, 1900, 108 s.v. knes; Ernault, RC 1
See RIADict. D-degoir 128 ff., RIAContr. degra-dodelbtha 51 f. For Welsh prepositional forms deriving from IE. *de see J. E. C. Williams, BBCSy vol. 13, pt. 1, Nov. 1948, 1-10, D. Simon Evans, Grammar of Middle Welsh (Dublin. 1964) 201-3. 3 See Bertoldi, RC 46, 1929, 23, Weisgerber, SprFK 195, Schmidt, KGP 157 f., 4 193. See also section (A) (i) s.nn. Diuiciacus and Diuico. 5 See also F. Benoit, Gallia 11, 1953, 112 (whence AE 1954, no. 105), Duval, REA 57, 1955, 328. 2
811030
Ο
194
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7, 1886, 108 f.; d'Arbois de Jubainville, Rev. des societes sava?ites, ser. vi, 4, 1876, 266 ff., jRCg, 1888, 295; 11, 1890, 249 ff.; 18, 1897, 318 ff., Elements de la grammaire celtique (Paris, 1903), 1761!.; Breal, RA 31, 1897, 104 ff.; Holder, AcS 1. 514, 3. 926; Thurneysen, Miscellanea linguistica in onore di Graziadio Ascoli (Turin, 1901), 38 f., GO I 197 f., 505; Rhys, Insc. 19, Addit. 26; Sommerfelt, op. cit., p. 30; Dottin, pp. 35 ff.; Weisgerber, SprFK 158; Gray, Revue des etudes indoeuropeennes 1, 1939, 298; Pokorny, IEW 182. Cf. now Heinrich Wag ner, ZCP 28, 1960-1, 235 ff. DONNOThis name element is cognate with Irish donn 'brown, dark' (see RIAContr. s.v. i.donn) with its homonym donn explained in O'Davoren's Glossary as uasal no brithem no righ 'noble, or a judge, or a king' (see Stokes, Three Irish Glossaries (London and Edinburgh, 1861), 77; id., ACL 2, 1904, 310, no. 700 (also 311, no. 704); RIAContr. s.v. 2. donn), MIW. dwnn 'dun, dusky, dark' (see G. 401, GPC 1105)1 beside MIW. dwn ??'noble' (see W. J. Gruffydd, Math vab Mathonwy (Cardiff, 1928), 320; Ifor Williams, PKM 268 f.).2 See H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, NG 66 f., RC 12, 1891, 162 f.; 19, 1898, 248 f., RA 36, 1900, 66 ff. (RC 21, 1900, 253 ff), La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Vepopee home'rique, 28 f.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 152; Holder, AcS 1. 1307; Dottin 252; W.-P. 1. 847; W.-H. 1. 572; Ogam, vol. 5, no. 28 (Sept. 1953), 6 3 ; Pokorny, IEW 2ηι; Schmidt, KGP 196. For the bull named Donn in the Irish epic Tain Bo Cuailnge and for the old Gaelic God of Death Donn see Kuno Meyer, 'Der irische Totengott und die Toteninsel', KgL Preufi. Akad. der Wissenschqft., Sitz.-Ber. 1919, 537-46; Kate Muller-Lisowski, 'Contributions to a study of Irish Folklore', Bealoideas 18, 1948 [1950], 142-99, 'Analecta et Additamenta', Anthropos 47, 1952, 287 f, 'Donn Firinne, Tech Duin, An Tarbh', EC 6, 1953-4, 21-29. Hertz (teste Schmidt, KGP 196) suggested that the incidence of Donn an Tarbh in the Tain and of Donn the God of Death in Irish folk-lore facilitated the development of the meaning 'noble, judge, king' attested for the Irish word donn. Moreover, Whatmough pre sumed that in an inscription of Susa (M(arcus) Iulius regis Donni f(ilius), Cottius praefectus ceivitatium quae subscriptae sunt CIL 5. 7231) rex translated or paraphrased donnus. He also pointed out that in progenies altifortissima Donni (Ovid, Ep. ex Ponto 4. 7. 29) altus equalled 1
For W. Dwnn as a personal name see G. H. Hughes, Ύ DwniaicT, Trans.
Cymmr. 1941, 115 ff.
2 Compare Lloyd-Jones, BBCS, vol. 1, pt. 1, Oct. 1921, 4, who related -dwn in the Middle Welsh PNN Bleidwn, Hydwn, and Hychdwn to Ir. donn 'pregnant* (ACL i3 1900, 77, RIAContr. s.v. 5. donn).
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the Irish uasal of O'Davoren's Glossary, and that Gaul, donnas appears invariably accompanied by other names. He implied that it became established as a cognomen meaning 'king' or the like, and claimed that it was at first 'regularly the name of well-placed individuals'. See DAG, p. 46, Lg. 26, 1950, 299 f., HSCP 60, 1951, 184, Orbis 1, 1952, 429. It is clearly impossible to tell whether Celtic donno- 'noble, king' was originally the same form as donno- 'brown, dark'. T h e Gaulish evidence suggests at least that the former is attested early and perhaps also that it is distinct from donno- 'brown, dark'. In FID, vol. 3, p. 43 s.n. tanotalos Whatmough compared beside Gaulish danno(see section (A) (ii) s.v.) the personal name Donnus. But the difference in vocalism between danno- and donno- makes comparison difficult. See Thurneysen, IF 42, 1924, 144, n. 1, Weisgerber, SprFK 198 s.v. danno-.
See further section (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurus. P N N : Άνδοννόβαλλος Schonfeld 20 ;l Donna DAG 214 ; 2 Donnadu DAG 157; Donnaucus DAG 136; 3 Donnedo FID xiic; Donnetius (or -tus) DAG 214 = Donnetus DAG 244; Donnia DAG 83, 87, -ins DAG 83,182, 237 ; 4 Δοννίας DAG 182; Donnicius CIL 3. 4726 ; s Donnoc[atius?] DAG 244; Donnomarcu (nom. ?) CIL 13. 4355 ; 6 Δοννωναταί€υς (Γαλάτης) DAG *247 (χ) ; 7 Αόννος, Donnus DAG 9, 78, 83, 87, 151, 156, 214, 245, FID xiiB (also xxivc) ; 8 Donnotaurus DAG 83 ; 9 Matidonnus DAG 237; Senodon{nos) DAG 177, 206; Senodona, -donna DAG 156; Surdonedonus DAG 237. D N N : (Mars) Beladon(n)is DAG 2 3 ; Donnia (Minerua) DAG 181; Vagodonnaego (dat.) CIL 2. 2636.10 DUA pejorative prefix du-, cognate with O l r . ώ-, du- W. dp-: Skt. dus-, dur-y Gk. δυσ-, Goth, tuz- (see Thurneysen, GOI231; Pedersen, VKG 2. 9; Morris-Jones, WG 267; Pokorny, IEW 227; Schmidt, Studia Hibernica 3, 1963, 173 ff.; Fleuriot, VB 377) may be attested in one or 1
See s. ANDE-. * = CIL 13. 4301. Cf. Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266. 3 See Holder, AcS 1. 1305, Oswald n o , 383, CGP 40 ff. 4 See Holder, AcS 1. 1306. Compare Don{i)us DAG 140, 176, 203, 237, 244. 5 Compare Donico DAG 244, Doni[cus DAG 156, Remark, Donicus DAG 214, Note (xlv) C, 244. Note also other names in don- such as Donicat\ius DAG 208B (also 214), Donicatus DAG 89, 237, Donilla DAG 208B (also 214), Doninas DAG, Note (xlv) C, IDonis DAG 182, Donis[ia DAG 182, Donissius DAG 208B (also 214). 6 See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266. Two words? Listed as Donnus by What 7 mough in DAG 214. See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 156. 8 9 See Holder, AcS 1. 1306 f. See section (A) (i) s.n. 10 See Gutenbrunner 110; Tovar, Estudios 77 f., 193; Schmidt, KGP 47, 196, 284; Albertos, Emerita 28, 1960, 307 f.; Blazquez Martinez, RPH 164^ 2
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two Gaulish PNN, viz. Ducarius Liv. 22. 6. 3, Sil. Ital. 5. 645 ff. ;x Durat Mur.-Chab. 4478-82,2 Duratius (BG) DAG 156,3 Durati (gen.) Oswald, Index 112.4 Note also Dumeledonas (Ogam) CIIC 368, Dumeli (Ogam) CIIC 252,5 Dumelus (Lat.) CIIC 351 beside PNN in sumellisted in section (A) (i) s.n. Sumeli.
DUBNO-, D U M N O The name element dubno- 'deep, world', which gave rise to dumnoby assimilation,6 is well attested in Gaulish personal names. It is cog nate with Ir. domhan m. 'the world' (Olr. domun), doimhin, domhain 'deep' (Olr. domain), W. dwfn (f. dofn) 'deep', annwfn, annwn m. 'the under-world, the other world, hell, the abyss, the deep' (GPC 146), 7 Corn, down, Bret, donn: Lith. dugnas 'bottom', O H G . tiqf 'deep' (IE. *dheu-b-, *dheu-p- 'deep, hollow'). See Gluck, KN 68 ff.; d'Arbois de Jubainville, JVC 51 ff., -RC22, 1901, 2 4 1 ; Holder, AcS 1. 1357, 1369 f.; Pedersen, VKG 1. 35 (LP 3); Vendryes, MSL 18, 1914, 306 ff; Dottin 62, 253, 254; W.-P. 1. 847 f.; W.-H. 1. 565; GO 146, 70, 118; Ogam 5, 1953, 9 5 ; Jackson, LHEB 418, 484, n. 3 ; Pokorny, IEW 267; Schmidt, KGP 199 f. For some instances of Welsh PNN containing a cognate element see Gluck, loc. cit., Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 45, J . Baudis, Grammar of Early Welsh, pt. i (Oxford, 1924), 55, 57, LloydJones, Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 12 and G. 412, Ifor Williams, Arch. Camb. 97, 1942-3, 210. For Breton names see Chr. bret. 127, VB 41, 135. P N N : Cogidubnus DAG 156,8 [Co]gidubni CIL 7. 11, Cogidumno (dat., v.l. Togidumno) Tac. Agr. 14. 2 ; Conetodu[bnus\DAG 156, 156 Remark; 9 Conconnetodumnus BG,10 Congon[neto]dubni CIL 13. 1040, Congonnetodubni CIL 13. 1042-5 ; u Dagodubnus DAG 136; Dubna DAG 156, 214, 244; 1 Compare P N N Sucaria DAG 83, -ius DAG 83, CIL 2. 5787, Sucarus DAG 214, and see Appendix s.n. ?Duca. 2 = durat{ios) DAG 157. See most recently Colbert de Beaulieu, AB 64, 1957, 44, n. 91, Cat. Besangon, p. 19, no. 27, Homm. Gren. 431 f. 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. for discussion of this name and of others in durat-. 4 In DAG Whatmough gives the forms IDuratus DAG 136 (Potters of Lezoux; cf. Durati{s) DAG 136 Remark 1 (b)) and Duratios, -us DAG 156 Remark Β (Doubtful Potters' Names from Aquitania Secunda). 5 Sir Ifor Williams (Trans. Cyrnrnr. 1943-4 [χ946]> x 54) compared the Middle Welsh PN Dyfel ab Erbin (see Lloyd-Jones, G. 432 s.n. Dywel). Beside the three forms in dumel- listed here note maqi-Ddumileas (Ogam) CIIC 198. 6 Cf. Duvau, RC 22, 1901, 79, 83. 7 See Ifor Williams, PKM 99 f., id., CAn. 382 s.v. dwuyn. See also Lloyd-Jones, G. 400 s.v. dwf(y)nL; GPC 1104. 8 — [Cojgidubnus CIL 13. 1040. 9 Cf. Conetodus DAG 140, Conetodu, Conetodubnus DAG 176, cone[ ]d (i.e. conetodubnos?) DAG 177. 10 See section (A) (i) s.n. 11 = Congonnetodubnus DAG 156.
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Dubna.cus.DAG 83; Dabnia DAG 244; [D]ubnissi (gen.) CIL 3. 5421; ~\dubno DAG 151; Dumnorix BG, dubnoreix, -rex, dubn(o), dubnor(i), dubnorx, dub(n), diimnorex num. ;l dubnocou, dumno-, -coiieros, -couiru DAG 177; 2 Dubnotalus DAG 214; Dubnovellaunos, Dubnovella, etc., num., Dumnobellau[nus] insc. ;3 DumnacusBG;4 IDumnane, Dumnana CIL 9. 306; Dumnedo[rix] DAG 237; Dumnia DAG 83 ;5 dumn(p) num. Mack, pp. 127, 131 (nos. 461-2) ; ό Dumnogeni IBCh 209; Dumnomotus DAG 156; Dumfjionius) CIL 7. 8 5 ; Dumnotalus DAG 237 (also 244); Eridubnos, -us DAG 176; Oxidubna DAG 244; ??Segodumnus AcS 1. 1370. 4 - 5 ; Τογόδονμνος Dio 60. 2o. i, 2i. i ; Vercondaridubnus DAG 182; Veriugodumnus DAG 214; Verodumna CIL 3. 3410: Λάιιπιηο CIL 2. 4431· 7 L E N N : Dumna Plin., Δοϋμνα Ptol. ins. (Lewis) ^ 4 ^ 1. 1368; Dumnissus Denzen? DAG 221 (also 234), ?Dumno DAG 212; Dumnonii, Dumnonia, Domnonia, etc., JcS 1. 1370 f. ; 8 Dumnotonus (-ni-, -a) uilla Auson. DAG 153; ??Geidumni DAG 212 ; 9 ??Pinpedunni (w.ll. -dumni, pinde-) Plin. JVH4. 108.10 EPOep(o)-11 (0-stem) is a common Gaulish name element, cognate with O l r . ech 'horse', W., OCorn. ebol, Br. ebeul 'colt': Skt. dsva-h, Gr. ίππος, Lat. έ?^&Γ (v. KN 42; BGJSi 4.1 ff.; ZM. .%. 26; jVG 106-44; A S 1. 1446; Dottin 256; ZEW 3 0 1 ; iT(?P 209; DGVB 154). Some of the forms in -qu- listed here (e.g. Equaesus, Equesus, Equirus, Equonus) may be Celtic, and may point to the sporadic alternation with -ku- (v. Palomar Lapesa, OPL 72-73, 144). Loth [Memoires de VAcademie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 43, 1925, 113 ff., v. RC 44, 1927, 410) argued that epo1 See section (A) (i) s.n. Dumnorix. Concerning coin legends in the Greek alpha bet, δουβνο, hovvo, 8oj8vo, δοβ, δονο, etc., see Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 9, 1960-1, 486. Cf. id., Homm. Gren. 430, n. 1. 2 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1357 f.; Colbert de Beaulieu, AB 64, 1957, 45, Cat. Besangon, p. 21, no. 34, Homm. Gren. 429 ff.; Mack, pp. 127, 131 f. (nos. 463-5); IASB 260 f.; SBIA 30; section (A) (i) s.n. Dumnorix. 3 See section (A) (ii) s.v. VELLAUNO-. 4 See section (B) s.n. 5 = Dumniae (dat.) Esperandieu, RE 5, p. 164, no. 1628, ILG, no. 396. Schmidt (KGP 271) gives Solidumniae (compounded) from this inscription. 6 See also IASB 260, SBIA 30. 7 For names in domn- which may belong here see section (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurus. 8 See Forster, FT648; Smith, TB 44 s.n. Domnonie; O'Rahilly, EIHM 92 ff.; Ifor Williams, BSRC s.n. Dannoni; Jackson, LHEB 275, 488, 675. For the Welsh Dyfneint see Lloyd-Jones, G. 412 s.n. 9 See Gluck, KM 102 f. 10 See Οχέ, ΒJ 130, 1925, 71; Whatmough, DAG 84; Schmidt, KGP 256. 11 With syncope in forms like Atpomarus, Atpilos, and with hypocoristic doubling in Eppo, Eppia, Eppius, etc.
198
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was the 'cheval attele' whereas the lexical variant marca1 was the 'cheval monte'. Other Gaulish lexical variants are caballus, -a (see DAG 178, van Windekens, KZ 76, 1960, 78 ff.); mannas ca pony or small horse' (see PID, it. 340D, vol. 3, p. 30, DAG 240, IEW 729, LEIA M-38) ;paraueredus 'palfrey' (see DAG 79 and pp. 661, 793, IEV/861, 1106); iieredus ca post-horse' (see PID, it. 34ου, DAG 79, Note (xxvii) Remark (p. 398), LeRoux, Ogam8, 1956, 367 ff.). T h e Indo-European cognates of Gaulish epo- are frequently used in PNN over a wide area. See, for example, S. Feist, Kultiir, Ausbreitung und Herkunft der Indogermanen (Berlin, 1913), 157, and W.-H. 1. 412 s.v. equus. P N N : Apetemari DAG 59, Remark; 2 Adepicca DAG i86; 2 names in atep-, also ?atped, Atpi[, Atpilli, Atpilos, Atpomarus, Atpor, all listed s.v. ATE-; Epa DAG 194; Epacus 176; Epad 157;3 Epade[xtorix] CIL 13. 3064; 3 Epadatextorigi DAG 141 ; 2 Epasins 214; Epasnactus 151 ; 2 Epaticcus 182, 206, Remark; Epato (f.) 8 3 ; Έπατόριξ Gal. Spr, 155; Epatus (m.) DAG 8 3 ; Epaxlae (dat.) CIL 13. 4371;+ €πψοσ, epenos DAG 177; Epetinus CIL 3. 2423; Epetina 3. 2388; Epi DAG 206; Epia 8 3 ; Epilius 244; J5)fo7/a 237; Epillico (?dat.) AE 1954, 16; Epillius CIL 10. 3965; Epillia EE 8, p. 83, no. 298, p. 84, no. 299; Epil{l)os DAG 157; Episi 194; isjbzw 182; Epi(us) 156, Remark; ££ο[ 83, ILTG 350; 2?/>o 244; Epodunac 206; Epomeduos 157 ; 5 Έπονη Gal, Spr. 155; ?Epon(ius) DAG 224; Eporedirix 182; Έπορηδόρι,ξ Gal. Spr. 155; Eporedorix DAG 182 ; 2 i^itf 151, 157; Έποσόγνατος Polyb. 21. 37. I ff., Eposognatus Livy 38. 18. 1 ff.; Epotius DAG 8 3 ; Epotsorouidus (w.ll. -too-, -jter-) ZL4G 156; €7Γ7τα Ζλ4(? 245; Eppamaigus DAG 87; 6 Ερραχία (-xia?) DAG 214; 7 £#>ώ Z>,4G 89; Eppillus Mack 43, 93 ff., L4S5 213 f., Z>,4G 206, Rem., 1 καλ ιππον το όνομα ίστω TIS μάρκαν οντά ύπο των Κζλτών Paus. ΙΟ. Ι9· H } V. DAG 178, 240, / E W 700, LEIA M - 1 9 f., D G F S 251. Compare τριμαρκισία DAG 178. It occurs also in LNN, e.g. Marcodurum DAG 221, Marcomagus ibid., Marcotaxon (Scotland) ifaz;. 225 (v. BSRC 40) and PNN, e.g. Marcomarus DAG 244, Marcosena PID VUB, U. Atf 2. 417, Schmidt, A"GP 237, Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 261. March is attested as a PN in Welsh, e.g. LL 225, 235, and in compounded names such as Marchudd, Marchleu, Marchlwyd, Cynfarch, Elfarch, Gwyddfarch, and OBr. Conmarc, Helmarc, v. EANC 75, 162, BBCS 7, pt. 2, May 1934, 122, Chr. bret, 27. W. marchwellt means 'tall, coarse grass' and marchwiail means *big sticks' (v. Ifor Williams, ELL 51 comparing Eng. horse-chestnut, horse-radish). G. O. Pierce ('Astudiaeth ο enwau lleoedd Cantref Dinas Powys', M.A. (Wales) Thesis, 1953, p. 238) notes other possible examples of march- with a similar meaning and sug gests that it may have been used as a hypocoristic element in PNN. 2 See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. Epasnactus. 4 = PN ?Epaxta DAG 214. * See Puhvel, Lg. 31, 1955, 353 f. 6 = Eppamaigi (gen.) CIL 13. l i o n , but Epamaigi (gen.) CIL 13. 268. SeeKGP 210. 7 = Eppaxiae (dat.) CIL 13. 4372. Cf. Weisgerber, Rh, V, 18, 1953, 266; Eppaxile [sic] in KGP 209 should be corrected to Eppaxiae,
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1
136; Eppimns DAG 156; Eppius DAG 83, 89, 182, 244, AE 1959, i59(i); Eppo DAG 156, 237, 244; Epponina ( T a c , €μπονή Plut., Πβπονίλλα Dio Cass.) DAG 237; Epponus DAG 132. LENN: Epamanduodurum (-mantiidnrwn) Mandeure DAG 234; ?Epanterii montani DAG 2; Epaona, Epaunon fivienne (Valois) or (?)Yenne (Savoie) 80; Epatiaci (Aep-) portus 212; Epocessa Rau. BSRC 34; Epoisso IA, Epuso JVD, Eposium Greg. Tur., etc., now Yvois, Ipsch (Ardennes) AcS 1. 1454, DAG 209, 212; Eporedia PID LXA, p. 311 (cf. PID, it. 340A, and see below s.v. eporediae); Epotius pagus DAG 80. DNN: Atepomarus DAG 150; Epona PID 340A, DAG 38, 181, 211, 213, 223, 236, 243.2 : ebulcalium 'ungula caballina' CGL 3. 582. 35, epocalium ibid. 589. 63 ;3 epiraedia Juv. 8. 66, Quint. 1. 5, 68 ; 4 eporediae 'boni equorum domitores' Plin. NH 3. 123 and LN Eporedia mod. Ivrea PID, it. GLOSSES
340A.S
EQUP N N : Equaesus OPL 72; Equas(ii?) DAG 182 ; 6 ?Equatia DAG 8 3 ; ?Equeisuique insc. of Penalba de Villastar Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 165 f. ;7 Equesus CIL 2. 2968 ; 8 Equirus DAG 176; Eqaonius DAG 237.* L N N : Equabona IA, Abona Rav. AcS 1. 52 ; 10 ?Equosera Rav., now Tortoles (Burgos) AcS ι. 1456.11 Equi and Equos in the Calendar of Coligny {DAG 227) have been related to Gaulish forms in ep- and equated with Lat. equus 'horse'. 12 1
See also Oswald 115, CGP 181 f. For full references see Holder, AcS 1. 1447 ff.; Rene Magnen, Iipona: diesse gauloise des chevaux protec trice des cavaliers, and Emile Thevenot, Inventaire des monu ments a Iipona, 1 vol. (Bordeaux, 1953), also a two-page supplement by Thevenot {v. REA 58, 1956, 295). See further Duval, DG 46 if., de Vries, KR 123 ff. (cf. Og. 14, 1962, 643). 3 See DAG 178, also Whatmough, Lg. 28, 1952, 267, Pokorny IEW 524, and compare the gloss calliomarcus: equi ungula (i.e. colt's foot) DAG 158. 4 See Holder, AcS 1. 1445; W.-H. 1. 410; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 372, n. 16; Schmidt, KGP 209, n. 1; B. L. Ullman ap. Hommages a Lion Herrmann (Coll. Latomus, vol. 44) (Bruxelles, i960), 745 ff. 5 See Holder, AcS 1. 1450 ff.; Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p. 20; Pokorny, IEW 861; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 372, 379 f.; Schmidt, KGP 209 f. 6 Cf. PN Equasia PID viic. 7 See also Tovar, Estudios 41, 124, 201. Cf. Lejeune, Celtiberica 16 f., Schmoll, 8 SVIHK 33 f. See Pokorny, Urg. 174, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 72 f. 9 Cf. Eqoa\ CIIC 129, Eqoddi 186, Eqqegni 230, Echadi 366. Pokorny (MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 57) explained Eqoddi (gen.) as *der mit dem Pferde vertraute'. 10 See Pokorny, Urg. 174, VR 10, 1948-9, 236 f., MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 67. Cf. de Jubainville, RC 12, 1891, 478. " See Pokorny, Urg., loc. cit. 12 See Rhys, Celtae and Galli 30; de Ricci, RC 19, 1898, 219; Thurneysen, %CP 2 1899, 535 (cf. de Jubainville, RC 20, 1899, 108); Dottin, p. 256; Vendryes, EC 1 2
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Finally, many modern LNN have been restored as *Eqaoranda (also *Aequo-, *Egui-, *Igui-, *Eui-) see AcS i. 1485, 2. 24, 2. 45). The problems they present have given rise to endless discussion. See Weisgerber, SprFK 202, Whatmough, HSCP 55, 1944, 51, DAG, pp. 484 f.5 1361 f.1 ESU-, E S U S For instances of the Gaulish divine name Esus see DAG 170 (d), 181, 2 211, 3 223. 4 This form, or a form cognate with it, occurs also in the following names: PNN Eso OPL 73; Esu[, Esuac[DAG 139; ?ησοναγ€γι 177 ;5 Esuateros 136; Esuc(cius) 214 ; 6 Esucco 237 ; 7 Esuccus 237 ; 8 Esugenus DAG 182 ; 9 jEyqggi (gen.) C/L 13. 3487; 10 &wi DAG 214; Esumagius 182 ; n ?Esumaro 135 ; 12 Esumopas 182 ;13 Esumus 139, 151, Remark B ; i936> 356; Pokorny, £/r£. 155 f.; Whatmough, HSCP 55, 1944, 51, ZL4G, p. 485, 0£- 5» !953> 66 > Λ/%· 9, 1956, 352, Celtica 3, 1956, 255; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 28 ff.; Pinault, Og. 14, 1962, 150; Duval, EC 11, 1964-5, 14. 1 For more recent work see the following: Whatmough, Orbis 1, 1952, 438, Og. 7, I955> 355; Alessio, RIO 2, 1950, 247 ff.; Lebel, RAE 5, 1954, 344 ff.; 9, 1958, 171, RIO 14, 1963, 183; Corominas, £CP 25, 1956, 57 f., also ap. Romanica. Fest.f. Gerhard Rohlfs (Halle-Saale, 1958), 106 ff.; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 15 ff; 9, 1957, 146; Quentel, Ogam 8, 1956, 329 ff.; A. Dauzat, La Toponymie frangaise (Paris, i960), 122 ff.; Vincent, Acad, royale de Belgique. Bull, de la classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques 46, i960, 386-400; Tovar, Celticum vi. 396. 2 Lucan, Bell. Civ. 1. 445 Esus (v.l. Haesus); Lucani Commenta Bernensia ad 1. 445, p. 32. 9 ff. Hesus nom. (see Zwicker, FHRC 50. 6), Hesum ace. (see Zwicker, op. cit. 50. 12); Lactantius, Div. Inst. 1. 21. 3 Esum (ace). See also Zwicker, op. cit. 51. 18, 52. 29, 55. 12, n. For Hesus in Petron. Satyr. 104 see J. Gricourt, Latomus 17, 1958, 102 ff. (REA 60, 1958, 358 f.). Compare Hesui? DAG 243 (also Note (lvi),p. 1164). Note also some other forms such as the following: Aisus, Aisa, Haesus OPL 26; Aesarius DAG 182 (also 224); Aesilus 8 3 ; Aesini (gen.) CIL 12. 5686, 1056; Aesi CIL 13. 10010, 3095; Aesiua DAG 2 O 8 D ; Aesubilini (gen.) CIL 7. 8 7 ; aesu Mack, p. 122, no. 432 (see also IASB 267, Bagendon 92, SBIA 3 0 ; compare esup/asu IASB 259, SBIA 30 (cf. AcS 1. 1479, DAG 206, Remark), and eisu Mack, p. 111, no. 389 (also IASB 252 ff, Bagendon 92 ff, SBIA 3 0 ) ) ; Aesica ND, Esica Rav., Great Chesters (Northumberland) BSRC 34, ILTG 573; Αΐσω now Isona Ptol. 2. 6. 71 (see AcS 3 3. 516). CIL 13. 3656 with ad. 4 CIL 13. 1328*. See Whatmough, DAG 223 s.n. IMars Esus. 5 6 7 See Mur.-Chab. 7139 f. CIL 13. 3322. Nesselhauf 136. 8 CIL 13. 5366*. Compare P N N Esuggi (gen.) CIL 13. 3487, Aisogius (i.e. Esu-) DAG 244, Isugius (?Ais-) 8 3 ; ?Isucc[ CIL 13. 11549. 9 This name (?'born of Esus', descendant of Esus') has been treated as the Gaulish counterpart of both the Irish PN Eogan and the Welsh PN Owein. See, for example, Morris-Jones, WG 102, Pedersen, VKG 1. 73 (also 212, LP 17), W.-P. 1. 161, Lloyd-Jones, BBCS 4, 1929, 48, Jackson, LHEB 324, 370, n. 1. Compare, however, Rhys, Cal. 5 1 ; Bergin, jSriu 12. 224 f.; Pokorny, ZCP 14, 1923, 298, IEW 342, Celtica 3, 1956, 306 ff.; LP, Supplement, p. 4 ; Bromwich, TTP 477 f. (cf. Jackson, The Welsh History Review (Special Number 1963), 'The Welsh Laws' 86). 10 See above n. 8. 11 I2 See Holder, AcSi. 1478, Schmidt, KGP6j, 211, 235. See Appendix s.n. 13 See Rhys, Addit. 61 ff, Loth, RC 33, 1912, 371, Schmidt, KGP 66, 211, 245, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594.
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201 2
Esunertus 237 ; Esuo[ 182; Esuuius 151 ( = esu(u)ios 157, 177) ; ENN Atesui (or Es[s]ui?), Esuuii, Esui 179. Many attempts have been made, some quite unsatisfactory and none altogether convincing, 3 to provide an etymology for Gaul. Esus. I refer here to some of the relevant literature of recent years, a literature which is very extensive indeed. 4 D'Arbois de Jubainville (RA 21, 1870, 408 ff. (RC 1, 1870-2, 259)) 5 related the name to Skt. is- 'wish, desire'. 6 Later, however, d'Arbois related it to Skt. is- 'send, set in rapid motion, impel', Gk. Upos, Lat. ira, etc. (RC 20, 1899, 89 f.).7 Rhys (Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by Celtic heathendom (London, 1892), 61), after Pictet and others, com pared Skt. asii- Vital spirit', ON. ass, AS. 5s, etc. 8 Stokes (Urk. Spr. 43) suggested that if the name is Esus (with short e)v it may be cognate with Avest. ahu- 'master', Lat. era (earlier esa) 'mistress', eras 'master' to which according to some authorities Gk. ivs 'good, brave, noble', €v, ev-, also belong. 10 Pedersen (VKG 1. 56, also LP 9) related it to O l r . des, dis, oes, ois n. 'life, age' and m. 'world, people', W. oes f. 'age', OCorn. huts gl. seculum, MCorn. oys : Gk. αιών, Lat. aeuum, etc. 11 Certain Italic forms in ais-jes- (e.g. Volsc. esaristrom 'piaculum', Paelign. aisis 'diis', Marruc. aisos 'dii', Umbr. esono- 'divinus, sacer') have also been equated with Gaul. Esus, (H)aesus. See, for example, de Belloguet, Ethnog. gaul. 371, Bugge, Rh. Mus. 40, 1885, 475, Holder, AcS 1. 1479, Devoto, Studi etruschi 5, 1931-9, 312 ff., Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 70, Duval, RE A 64, 1962, 329. However, these Italic forms are commonly supposed to be Etruscan in origin. 12 Finally, the name has been compared with Germ. Ehre 'honour', ON. eir, Gk. αϊδομαι, 1
See Holder, AcS 1. 1478 f., Schmidt, KGP 211, 249. See also Holder, AcS 1. 1476 ff. 3 Note the scepticism expressed, for example, by O'Rahilly (£riu 14, 1943, 6), Le Roux (Og. 7, 1955, 52 f.), and de Vries (KR 98 ff.). 4 I have not attempted to survey all the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century theories concerning the name. This would lead us far away and into another difficult but fascinating field of study, namely the history of Celtic scholarship. * Cf. id., RC 20, 1899, 89 f. 6 See W.-P. 1. 13, W.-H. 1. 19, IEW 16, 342. 7 See W.-H. 1. 419, 717 f., IEW 299 ff, also O'Rahilly, £riu 14, 1943, 5 f. 8 See also Stokes, Urk. Spr. 4 3 ; Pokorny, IEW 48 s . w . ansu-, ysu- (not quoting Gaul. Esus), Polome, Etudes germaniques 8, 1953, 36-44. 9 In fact the vowel is probably long. 10 See also Dottin, p. 256; W.-P. 1. 161; W.-H. 1. 419, 863; E.-M. 359; Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 263; Pokorny, IEW 342; Og. 6, 1954, 104; Le Roux, Og. 7, 1955, 5 2 ; Duval, EC 8, 1958-9, 51. 11 See W.-H. 1. 2 1 ; Pokorny, IEW 11, 17; Vendryes, LEIA A-21. 12 See, for example, W.-H. 1. 20, 419, 844; Pokorny, IEW 16, 301; E. Vetter, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte (Heidelberg, 1953), 362 s.v. aesar; H. L. Stoltenberg, Etruskische Gottnamen (Leverkusen, 1957), 11 f.; A. Ernout, Le Dialecte ombrien (Paris, 1961), 84. 2
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Goth, aistan. See, for example, Feist 27 f.; de Vries, Og. 5/2 (no. 27), 1953, 20, n. 7; Og. 6, 1954, 104; Pokomy, IEW 16, 342. Concerning this god Esas see further the following: S. Reinach, RC 18, 1897, 1371!., id., Cultes, mythes et religions 1 (Paris, 1905), 233 ff; de Jubainville, RC 19, 1898, 2456°.; Ihm, P.-W. s.n.; Czarnowski, RC 42, 1925, 1 ff.; de Vries, Og. 5/2 (no. 27), 1953, 16 ff., id., KR 97 ff.; Le Roux, Og. 7, 1955, 33 ff.; Duval, DG 29 ff, id., EC 8, 1958-9, 51 ff.; Deonna, Og. 10, 1958, 3 ff.; Thevenot ap. Hommages a W. Deonna (Coll. Latomus 28) (Bruxelles, 1957)3 442 ff.; Ross, EC 9, 1960-1, 405 ff.; Hatt, RE A 67, 1965, 90 f. EX-, E X S - , ES-, E C The Gaul, prefix ex- is cognate with O l r . es{s)- (as(s)-) Out o f (prep, a, as), M1W. eh- (prep, ech): Lat. ex, Gk. εξ (IE. *eghs). See Holder, AcS 1. 1487; Pedersen, VKG 2. 294 f. {LP 262); W.-H. 1. 423 f.; Thurneysen, GOI 507 ff; Pokorny, IEW 292 f.; Schmidt, KGP 212 f.; DGVB 154, 165. For the variant orthography in the forms exs- and es- see Rhys, Insc. 20, Cis. 59, Holder, AcS 3. 460, Dottin 63, Watkins, Lg. 31,1955,16 and see Appendix s.n. ??Κρανσικνος. Thurneysen (£CP 14, 1923, 9, whence Weisgerber, SprFK 200, Schmidt, KGP 202) recognized a variant form ec- before a consonant in the form which he read as tomezeclai (?ponit (or posuit) me) in an inscription of Voltino (see PID, it. 249 with commentary) and in the coin legend Inecriturix. I have included forms in ec- in the lists below. See also section (A) (i) s.n. Critognatus. Examples: P N N : Aegritomari (gen.), with aeg- for ec-, and names in ecret-jecrit-, all listed s.v. RET{T)-; ??Εκσιγγος DAG 61 ;l Esanekoti PID, it. 337; 2 Εσκεγγαι,1 Escengolatis, Εσκεγγορ.ονι,1 Escingo, Escincos,1 Esciggorix, Escigius, Εσκιγγορζιξ,1 Escingus, Excingillius, Excingilla, Excingillus, Excingius, Excingomarus, Excingoniius), Exciggorigis (gen.), Excingus, Exscincius, Exscingius, Σκιγγοριου (gen.), all listed s.v. CINGO-; ?Escornb[ (for Escobnus?) DAG 8 3 ; ?Escupius 237; Esopnio PID, it. 303 ; 3 Exapia CIL 3. 5028; Exapila DAG 8 3 ; Exobna 244, -us 214, 244; Exomn 203; Exomna 224 ; 4 Exomnacius PID xvic add.; Exomnianius DAG 224; Exomnius 182, 214, 224, 237, 244, MG, no. 6, CIL 5. 7832; Exomnus DAG 14 (see also 83), PID xiic; Exouna DAG 244; Exsobinno 2O8A; Exsobno 176 (also 238 (v)); Exsomna CIL 5. 7445; Exsomni DAG 216; Exsomnia PID xic; Exsomnus DAG 237; Exuertini 188 ;l Inecriturix 206. 1 2 3 4
See section (A) (i) s.n. 'Exandecotti' ? See PID, vol. 3, p. 20. See also PID, vol. 3, p. 20. See now Guyonuarc'h, Og. 17, 1965, 144.
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LEN : ' Εξ κιγγό μάγος, Scingomagiis Exilles(?) DAG 7.1 D N N : Excingiorigiati (dat.) 5 v. s. REG-', ?Exprcennio deo DAG 86. For exacum 'centaurium' Plin. NH 25. 68 see Whatmough, DAG 246, Pokorny, IEW 5, 18. G E N - , -GEN(N)This name element is well attested in Gaulish, and is usually con nected with Ir. gainithir 'is born', 'begets' (see RIAContr. G 25 f.)5 W. geni 'to give birth': Skt.jdnati, OLat. geno, Gk. yeveadau (IE. *gen- 'to beget', see Urk. Spr. 110 f., IEW 373 ff., Og. 6, 1954, 305 f.).2 For dis cussion of the various other forms that may be related to this root in Gaulish see Gluck, KN 168 ff., Schmidt, KGP 216 ff., and the name elements -CNO-, CEN- (for forms in cen-, -cin-, -gin-), GNATO- (for forms in -gnat-, -cnat-, -gnut-), GNO- and GON(N)- (for forms in -gon(n)-, -gon(n)eto-, -conneto- and -coneto-). See now EAAHA 194. However, it is extremely difficult to distinguish Celtic from nonCeltic forms in the lists of examples given below. Some of the forms in gen- are likely to be Latin rather than Celtic. -gen{n)us and -gen(n)a occur frequently as the second element in compounded names in Gaulish. Like Latin -genus, -a, -urn (as in caprigenus 'descended from a goat' and nubigena 'cloud-born') these conform with the inflection of 0-/fl-stems, whereas Greek -γζνης (: γένος 'race, stock, family') and Sanskrit jana-h 'man, person, creature', pi. 'people, folk, race' are ^-sterns (v. KGP 91, 216). Latin genus 'birth, descent, origin; race' is an j-stem. H . d'Arbois de Jubainville discussed the use of -genus in Gaulish names. See NG 157, RC 8, 1887, 180-1; 10, 1889, 166 ff.; 19, 1898, 229-32; La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Γ epopee homerique 172-9. He argued that names in -genaj-genus expressed 'une filiation mythologique', and that 'la filiation normale' was indicated by names in -gnosf-cnos. The first element could be a divine name (as in Camulogenus), an abstract noun (as in Boduogenus?), a river name or the name 1
See p. 178, n. 13. It should be noted that Olr. gen 'a smile, a laugh', also W. given (occurring as a PN, see Lloyd-Jones, TGeninen 44, 1926, 10, id., G. 659), are sometimes connected with Gk. γανάω *glitter, gleam, make bright', γάνυμαι *be glad', and quite un certainly related to a root *gen- ^mile'. See Urk. Spr. n o , VKG 1. 96 {LP 28), Og. 6, 1954, 305. Cf. Urk. Spr. 270, W.-P. 1. 258 f., W.-H. 2. 753 (see also 1. 584, 656), EC 3, 1938, 42 f. (Vendryes), IEW 1147, Og. 15, 1963, 116 ff. (Guyonuarc'h). Moreover, IE. *gen-, *gne-, *gnd- *erkennen, kennen', seen in Ir. gni-n*to know' (as in itargninim) and W. adwaen *I know' (: Skt. jdndmi *I know', Goth. kunnan, etc., see Urk. Spr. 116, VKG 2. 546 ff., LP 371 f., IEW 376 ff. and section (A) (ii) s.v. GNATO·), should not be overlooked. 2
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for the sea (as in *Morigenos > OW. Morgen), an animal name (as in Matugenus), the name of a tree (as in Vernogemis) or of a mineral (as in *Isarnogenos > OBret. Hoiarngen). Schmidt (KGP 67, n. 4) suggested that -genus as a second element in PNN such as Suadugemis and Ogrigenus may be only ceine vollere Form . . . die dazu dient, um eine Person nach einer bestimmten Eigenschaft als 4t der Sufie, Kalte usw." zu benennen'. This is a fair and perhaps a correct interpretation of such forms. On the other hand, perhaps we should understand the radical meaning c to be born' in Suadugemis (?'sweet-born') 1 and Ogrigenus (P'cold-born', i.e. born in a cold season), 2 as in Cintugenus ('first-born'), Samogenus (? c born in summer'). This name element occurs frequently in neo-Celtic PNN. I give a few examples only from Brittonic languages: W E L S H : OW. Anaugen LL 204. 8 ; Arthgen AC807, Gen. xxvi; Catgen LL 131. 28, 276. 21, etc.; Guerngen LL 212. 26, 225. 29; Gueithgen LL 144. 26; Guidgen LL 131. 30, etc.; Haerngen LL 207. 3 ; Morgen LL 170. 20, M1W. Morien, Moren; OW. Sulgen LL 154. 5, etc., ModW. Sulien; OW. Urbgen HB c. 63, ModW. Urien. From the Cartulaire de Redon: OBret. Anaugen; Budien; Congen; FestgenfFestien; Hoiarngen\Hoiarnien; Ridgen\Ridien\Ritgen\Ritien; Toritkgen/ Torithien; Urbienj Urien; Urbmgen/ Urumgen. See Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 4 6 ; Lloyd-Jones, Υ Geninen 44, 1926, 13; Loth, Chr. bret. 132; d'Arbois de Jubainville, locc. citt.; Og. 6, 1954, 305. See also now Fleuriot, DGVB 174, 175, VB 368.
BRETON:
The local distribution of forms in -gen(n)- with the prefixes ad- and con- shows a notable concentration of examples in Southern Gaul. Adgenn- occurs most frequently in Narbonensis (v. Schmidt, KGP 55, 112-13, 220, n. 1), although PN Adgennonius is attested in Italy and PN Adgennus in Germania Inferior (as well as in Narbonensis and Aquitania Prima). Note also PNN Adginna DAG 244 from Noricum, Adginnius DAG 182 from Lugdunensis, and Adgonna DAG 83 from Narbonensis. Adgen- occurs in an inscription of Nimes (DAG 70) and in Aquitania Prima and Lugdunensis (DAG 140, 151, Rem. B, 176). Note also ?Ad]gentius DAG 237 in Germania Superior, Adcenus DAG 151 in Aquitania Prima, Adgini[ DAG 237 in Germania Superior. 3 1 Cf. Schmidt, KGP 59, n. 1. Palomar Lapesa, OPL 115, discussing -gen- in compounded PNN from Lusitania, gives the meaning 'hijo de* alone. 2 Cf. Schmidt, loc. cit. 3 Compare D N N Adcenec\us\ DAG 213 in Belgica, Adceneicus PID χ in Gallia Transpadana, and Adganai PID χ ( = Adganais dat. pi. CIL 5. 5671) beside Agganaicus PID x ( = Agganaico dat. CIL 5. 6409), both in Gallia Transpadana. The
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Congenn- is well attested in Narbonensis. Note also Congenniccus DAG, Note (xlv) C in Britain (as well as in Narb.), 1 Congenetias in Venetia, Congenio (dat.) in Centum Cellae. For forms in Congon(n)~ v. s. name elements con- and -gon(n)-. For the doubling of η, v. Holder, AcS 2. 668-9, Dottin, pp. 65, 259. Rhys (Addit. 19, 29) would derive -gen(n)o- in names such as Adgenmis and Κογγζννολιτανος from an earlier form *gendo-. But the only example of gend- which he can adduce is Gendilli [sic] in an inscription of Steynton, Pembrokeshire. 2 He relates *gendo- to the IE. root *ghend- seen in O l r . ro-geinn 'finds room in', 'is contained', W. genni, Gk. χανδάνω 'seize hold of, Lat. praehendo (see Urk. Spr. i n , GOI353, IEW437-8, Og. 6, 1954, 305). Schmidt {KGP 56) lists the name Adgenus as an example of a com pounded name of the pattern prefix+substantive with the prefix governing the second element. He translates this name as 'der zum Genus Gehorige' (pp. 56, 71) and 'zum Geschlechte gehorig5 (p. 112). Similarly he translates Congenus as 'der mit dem Genus ist', Enigenus as 'in sich das Geschlecht habend', and Vogenus as 'unter(halb) (des) dem Genus seiend' (pp. 56-58). Although *genos 'Geschlecht' appears to be attested in Celtic, 3 it is questionable whether it is proper to assume such a form in the analysis of names such as Adgenus, Congenus, etc. However, W. addien 'fine, fair' may contain a clue concerning the meaning, if not the etymology, of Gaulish names in adgen{n)-. In GPC, p. 33 the form is derived from Brittonic *ad-gen(n)-, and the Gaulish PNN Adgenn-ia, Adgennius, and Adgennorix are compared with it. There is also a W. adjective addiain 'gentle, merciful; glorious, noble', derived in GPC (loc. cit.) from Brittonic *ad-gani-S Here we can com pare also the OBr. and MlBr. PNN Adgan and Adgant (see Chr. bret. 105, 186) beside the OW. PN Adgan in the inscription of Towyn retention of the cluster -dg- in forms in Adgen(n)-f etc., is noteworthy. The assimila tion of d+ another voiced stop was not complete in Continental Celtic as it seems to have been in Brittonic (v. LHEB, par. 70). See further C. Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954, 517, noting examples of the retention of -db-. For other examples, such as PNN Adbogius DAG 156, 237, Adbucietus DAG 156, Adgatus DAG 176, v. s. name ele ment ad-, 1 Compare W. Concenn ECMW 182 = CIIC 1000. W. Cingen ECMW 287 ( = CIIC 1033) was read Cunben by Sir Ifor Williams {Arch. Camb. 100, 1949, 168). For W. IKyngenjKyn-gen v. Lloyd-Jones, G. 223, 248. 2 Nash-Williams (ECMW 404) read Gendili (Og.), Ge[ndili] (Lat.). Rhys refers to a Welsh PN Gennillin; see also Lloyd-Jones, G. 528 s.n. Genillyn. 3 See Fleuriot, DGVB 174 s.v. (3) gen (also 175 s.v. gent). 4 Note also M1W. adyan 'progeny, lineage' which may be connected with the root of the verb gent 'to be born'. See G. 8, GPC 21, LHEB 439. Lloyd-Jones (G., loc. cit.) compared Ir. aithgein 'rebirth, renewal* (v. RIAContr.). For W. anion 'nature* see LP 31, GPC 130, LHEB, loc. cit., Hamp, BBCS 16, 1956, 279 f.
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(Merionethshire) (ECMW 287) which Sir Ifor Williams suggested (Arch. Camb. 100, 1949, 165) may be related to W. addien. P N N : Abigeneo (dat.) CIL 3. 3334; names in adgen(n)~ and adgent-, all listed s.v. AD-; ?Adnadgenus DAG 139; Aiiogemis CIL 2. 2774; Andegenus DAG 136, 176; Aprogeni (gen.) CIL 3. 14909; Apaye{yov?) DAG 182 (see Appendix s.n. Apaye[); Arragenus DAG 224 ;* Ategenta CIL 3. 4735, 11763; Atigenta CIL 3. 5643; Bodogenes CIL 6. g6o2 c ig; Calogenitus Cassiod. var. 10. 8. 2; Camuloge, Camulo[genus], Camulogenus, v. s. CAMULO-; Καντολγούνιος OPL 59 ; 2 Canigenus DAG 182, 224; Catuenus, Ca[t]uenus, Catuen., v. s. CATU-; Centogenea (f.) Atf 3. 1203; Centugeni CIL 2. 6254. 12; Cintugena DAG 156, \Cin\tugena 237; Cintugenus 137, 156 ; 3 ?Concennus (Congennius?) DAG 83 ; 4 names in congen(n)-, κογγ€νν-, ν. s. CON-; Ditugenius CIL 3. 835; Divogen\ia\ DAG 156; Emogenia CIL 3. 2697; Enigenus DAG 6; Esugenus 182; Gtftt
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geni (dat.), Rhetogenis (gen.)) Val. Max.jRhoecogene (abl.) Flor./ 'Ρητογένης Appian (see AcS 2. 1094. 43-1095. 15), ?Retugemis GIL 2. 2324, [R]eTuCenos (or [M]eTu-) Lexico 11, ?Rexs[tug]e[niana] DAG 182, Rextugenos DAG 175 (also 182) ;* Ritogeniis Oswald 265 f., 416, DAG 136, 244; Rologeni (gen.) GIL 7. 1336. 932 ; 2 Salicogenna DAG 237; Samogenus DAG 136, 214, (-z) DAG 244; Satigenus DAG 182; Suadugena DAG 156, -genusDAG 182, -geniDAG,Nott (lii) (A) ; 3 Sugent[DAG237; Totatigen[u]s CIL 6. 2407; Τωνγενος DAG 244; Valagenta DAG 244; Veiagenus {Vel-?) ZL4G 237 (also 244); Velagenius CIL 5. 7850. 5 and 8; 4 Velagenus DAG 6 (see also p. 480), 9, 83, PZD xiic; Vepogeni (gen.) C/ZC 495; Vilagenio (dat.) C7L 5. 7635 ;s Vogene. CIL 13. 10010. 2079 ; 6 Urbigenae (dat.) C/L 5. 4608 ; 7 Urogenius, -ia, Urogenonertus DAG 182. L E N N : Artigeni (fundi) ninth century AcS 1. 227. 45 f.; Branogenium Rau., Βραν(ν)ογ€νιον Ptol., in the territory of the Ordovices BSRC 25; Cabruagenigorum (gen. pi.) CIL 2. 2633; Genabum Garnutum DAG 179 ; 8 Genua, Genaua, Genuensis, etc., mod. Geneve, Geni DAG 80 ; 9 Morginnum (Maurogena) DAG 80; 10 Orgenomesqui v. s. PN Orgena above; & ώ genacus AcS 2. 1432; jtag&s· Verbigenus DAG 241.IX D N N : Digenibus (dat.) ZL4G 82 ; 12 Gazazuz i)^G 82; Geniscus DAG 181. The form ££7Z£fo in an inscription of Autun {DAG, Note (xxxi) {b), p. 495) and in an inscription of Sens {DAG, Note (xxxi) {g), p. 496) may also belong here. It has been related to W. geneth 'girl 5 (? < *genetta). See Loth, CRAI 1916, 171 {RC 38, 1920-1, 87, Dottin 259, IEW 374), 13 and compare the Welsh PN Genethawc Β Τ 4.8.5 {v. Lloyd-Jones, G. 527, comparing lago m. genedawc Cy. 8. 85 and Genittac[ CIIC 30).
GNATOThere are two homonymous Gaulish name elements gnato-. The first is cognate with Skt. jata-h c born' and Lat. natus 'born', (subst., m.) 'son', or perhaps with Skt. jndti-h m. 'kinsman' and Gk. γνωτός m. 'kinsman, brother' (: IE. *gn-to-s, *gnd-to-, *gno-ti-, related to the root *gen- 'beget', v. Urk. Spr. 111, AcS 1. 2029, W.-P. 1. 576 f., 1 Cf. CIL 13. iii, fasc. 2, 1906, pp. 464-6, AcS 3. 780 and P N Rextugenos in sec tion (A) (i). 2 Roto·? See Holder, AcS 2. 1233. 31 f. 4 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. = PN Velagenia PID xvc., s = PN Vilagenia PID xvic. 6 Cf. Vogen(us) Oswald 344, Vogenus DAG 136. 7 = PN Vrbigena PID viiic. 8 Possibly a variant of Cenabon, Genabum, Κήναβον DAG 179. See also RC 48, 1931, 434 f., and p. 177 above. 9 Cf. Urk. Spr. i n , VKG 1. 156, Dottin 259, ZEW381, DGVB 175. 10 See Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 266. 11 See Pokorny, op. cit. 251. 12 Cf. D N Diginibus (dat. pi.) DAG 223. 13 See also now Humbach, MSS 7, 1955, 55.
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W.-H. i. 598, TEW 373 f., KGP 218). l It is attested in a number of the Celtic PNN listed below. Note also Gaul, gnatha daughter 5 DAG 164; 2 gnatus 'films' PID 340A, D ^ G 178; nate 'fili' ZL4G 178.3 For Gaul. gen- see section (A) (ii) s.v. The second is cognate with Ir. gndth (adj.) 'customary, usual, familiar, well-known', (subst.) 'custom, wont, usage' (RIAContr. G. 116-17) and MIW. gnawt {nawt) (adj.) 'customary, usual, frequent' (subst.) 'nature, manner, custom, usage' {G. 538), 4 beside Skt.jnatd-k 'known', Gk. γνωτός, Lat. notus (: IE. *gnd-to- 'known', related to the root *gen- 'to recognize, to know', v. Urk. Spr. 116, W.-P. 1. 579, W.-H. 2. 177, Og. 7, 1955, 281-2, IEW377, DGVB 177). In compounded names -gnatus, -#, etc., is attested only as a second element (possibly as a third element in PN Eposognatus). Knowledge of the meaning and function of the first element in these names as a rule indicates which of the two homonymous elements follows.5 For -γνητος, γνωσι-, and -γνωτος in Greek PNN see Bechtel 109-11. P N N : Ategnate (dat.) CIL 3. 4732, Ategnatae CIL 3. 5698, Ategnati (gen.) CIL 3. 4764^ Bellognatus DAG 237; Bitugnata DAG 156 (also 156, Remark B) ; 7 Boduognatus BG;S Bussugnata DAG 244; Camulognata DAG 182; Cantognatus DAG 214; 9 Καρσιγνίτου (gen.) Pol. Gal. Spr. 1 W. nawt ?'kinsman, relation, companion' B T 3 1 . 17 may belong here. See Ifor Williams, Τ Beirniad 6, 1916, 2 7 5 - 6 ; Loth, RC 48, 1931, 3 6 4 - 5 ; Lloyd-Jones, G. 337 s.v. gnawt1 {nawt). This form probably accounts for Pokorny's MIW. gnawt 'Verwandter' IEW 374. 2 See H. de Villefosse, Bulletin archeologique 1914, 490, Loth, CRAI1916, 182-3. 3 Compare de Jubainville, RC 8, 1887, 182-3, w n o suggested emending nate in Endlicher's glossary to nato(n) 'thread'. See also Whatmough, Lg. 25, .1949, 390, DAG, Note (xxxi), CPh. 45, 1950, 202. Thurneysen (ZCP 14, 1923, 9) suggested a meaning 'filia' or 'filiola' for a form which he read as natina in the bilingual inscription of Voltino. Compare, however, Whatmough, PID, it. 249 b. 2 (also PID ii, pp. 549 f.). Otto Haas (ZCP 27, 1959, 211, 216; cf. id., £ C P 23, 1943, 292, 295) claimed that the inscription on the lead plate of Rom contained Gaul, cnato 'son'; but it is questionable whether the reading and interpretation are here cor rect (Whatmough, who saw the inscription himself, read cat. here, without n and with the comment that there was 'no trace of 0 after -cat.*, v. DAG, Note (xxvi) A, 1. 2 ; Egger now reads nemetoncaticno in line 2 of the inscription on face A, v. Og. 14, 1962, 441). 4 Compare Ir. gnds f. 'intercourse, companionship, frequentation; custom, usage, practice, manners' (RIAContr. G. 115), MIW. gnaws (naws) m. 'nature, manner, custom, behaviour' (G. 538-9), Br. neuz 'appearance' (cf. Loth, RC 22, 1901, 336542, 1925, 371-2). 5 De Jubainville wrongly insisted (RC 8, 1887, 181 if., also RC 26, 1905, 187) that -gnatus should be related without exception to the root *gen- 'connaitre'. He claimed that its proper meaning was 'habitue a' but that in some names it meant 'celui qui rend ordinairement un culte a une divinito'. 6 Compare PNN Ateknati PID 339 (gen.), Ategnutis DAG 151 (gen.). 7 8 Compare PN Bitugenitus DAG 244. See section (A) (i) s.n. 9 Cf. PN Cantocnato (dat.) CIL 13. 11652, not Cantognatus (with -g-) as in DAG 237.
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l
155, 171 f., Cassignatus Liv. 42. 57. 7 and 57. 9 ; Κατούγνατος DAG 8 3 ; Cintugnatus DAG 25, 83, 87, 156, 195, 228 (ii), (iii), (iv), (v), -a DAG 8 3 : 2 Critognatus BG;3 Devignata CIL 3. π 6 4 6 ; Devognatae (dat.) CIL 3. 5101 ; Diddignatus DAG 237; EposognatusYAv. 38. 18. I ff., Έποσόγνατος Polyb. 21. 37. 1 ff.; Gnata PID xiic, DAG 182, 208B, 237; Gnatus 151, 199 (-οή, 237 ; 4 Gnatia DAG 83, -ius DAG 83, 199, 237, ILTG 369;* Gnatilla DAG 208, 214, -us DAG 237; 6 Gnatusius DAG 156; Λ ^ ί ί ignatkis DAG 244; Meddugnatus DAG 214; Ollognatus DAG 208A (also 214); Ollognatius DAG 2O8A (also 214); Samognatius DAG 208A (also 214, 244); Senognatus DAG 182,* Tedsicnatus DAG 244; Tugnatius DAG 244. GNOThis element seems to represent a zero-grade of IE. *f*tf- cto beget 5 (see section (A) (ii) s.v. GEN-). A cognate form is found in Lat. privignus 'a step-son', benignus 'kind, friendly', malignus 'ill-disposed, wicked', Gk. veoyvos 'new-born', Goth, niuklahs 'unmundig', Av. d-zna- 'innate, natural', (?)Illyr. Voltognas (PN) CIL 3. 13402. See W.-H. 1. 600; VKG 2. 27; ZEW375; Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 62; Solta, Die Sprache 5, 1959, 188, n. 9. See also section (A) (ii) s.v. CNO-. In certain names, as in PNN Enignus and Regtugnus, for example, -gno- may have arisen from -geno- in Gaulish itself by syncope. The element is well attested in the early inscriptions of the British Isles. P N N : Aiciognuis) DAG 182; 7 Ategnia DAG 214; Ategniomarus DAG 237 ; 8 Ategnissa (dat.) DAG 237 ; 9 Ategnutis 151 ;10B[aid]agni CIIC 24.1 ;11 BattigniCIIC215; Brocagni CIIC 372;12 CatavignusPIDxvic;13?Celiognis PID viiic (Ven.) ; 14 Coimagni CIICji, 166, 434; I S Colomagni CIIC 6 3 ; Corbagni CIIC 98, 246, 357; Covagni CIIC 41, 289; Cunegni CIIC 374; Cunigni CIIC 362; Curcagni CIIC 441, Curcagnus CIIC 369; Daimagni CIIC 282; Dalagni CIIC 119, 230; Diuuogna DAG 185 ;16 Dobagni, 1 Cf. ?Cflwi[£]n*taJ ZL4G 83 ( = ?Cassi.neti CIL 12. 5686. 191), Cassignetus DAG 136. Note also PN Cassognati DAG p. 1077. 2 Cf. PNN Cintuginatus DAG 156, Cintucnatus DAG 156. 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. 4 Concerning the interpretation of forms such as Gnatus see Weisgerber, ΛΛ. F. 5 18, 1953, 262. Cf. PN CTwtfwj D4G 237. 6 7 Cf. PN Cnatillus DAG 237. See A"GP 120. 8 See AcS 1. 2030 s.v. *gnio-n, KGP 138, 139, n. 1. 9 See Germania 16, 1932, 286; 17, 1933, 14 ff.; KGP 139 (with n. 1). 10 Compare Atecnudis/-tis DAG 176, 203, 214, 228 (ix), and (Briua) Sugnutia DAG 179. 11 I2 Compare Baidani (Lat.) ibid. Compare Brocann CIIC 187. 13 See KGP 167. Cf. Untermann, Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 302, n. 104. 14 See KGP 170. 15 See Jackson, LHEB 312 beside Williams, Trans. Cymmr. 1943-4, I 54· 16 See section (A) (i) s.n.
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x
Dovagni CIIC 432; Enigmis DAG 244 ; Eqqegni CIIC 230; Gattagn[i] CIIC 307; Giragni CIIC 69; Grilagni CIIC 85; Grimiggn\i CIIC 114; Lacavagni CIIC 132; Laddigni CIIC 138; Losagni CIIC 236; Maglagni CIIC 353 ;2 Mailagn(i) CIIC 60, Mailagni CIIC 160, 258; Mescagni CIIC 457 (.ω Zdg.); Λίσώώσφ] CZfiC 307; Nisigni CIIC 287; Ofog7zf CIIC 6 1 ; Olugnia (Teol-, EtoWi) DAG 224; 3 Q,arign[i] CZ/C 6; Qenilocgni CIIC 192; Regtugniis DAG 224 ; 4 \maq\i-Rodagni CIIC 75, maqi-Rodagni CIIC 87; Sagragni, Sagrani CIIC 449 ; s Scilagni CIIC 85; Sicogniniis DAG 214; Talagni CIIC 181; Tasegagni CIIC 28; Tessignius CIL 5. 805 ; 6 Velugni DAG 228 (ix), Velugnius DAG 214, 7 Velngnus DAG 237; Vlatugni CIL 13. 10010. 2073 a - b - d ·; 8 Ulcagni CIIC 467, 472, Ulcagnus 370, Ulccagni 100; Vendogni (Ogam), Vendagni (Lat.) ECMW 298 ;$ Viragni CIIC 70; Vocagni CIIC 304. D N : FigmztfZ^G 2 i i 3 213. 10 The function of -£7Z0- in many of these names is suffixal, probably diminutive rather than patronymic. GON(N)I first list instances of a name element gon(n)~, gon(n)et~ (con(n)et-). PNN: Adgonna DAG 8 3 ; [Cjaedagonins, Caedago[nius] CIL 3. 10720; Cow^toi&[4«Mj] a. s. DUBNO-iConconnetodumnusBG;11 Congon[neto]dubni CIL 13. 1040, Congonnetodubni CIL 13. 1042-5; Congonetiacus (Biturix) ZL4G 151; Congonnetiaci CIL 13. 800 (= DAG 156), Congonnetiacus Livy per. 6 1 ; Congonetus DAG 244; Congoniae (dat.) C/L 5. 2413 ; 12 Congonius CIL 3. 1203; Congonna PID xiic; Congonnus PID xiic; ?yovoa ZL4G 245.13 Note also the ethnicon or divine name Vosugonum (gen. pi.) Nesselhauf 43. 1 4 Some of these names may not be Celtic, e.g. Caedagonins from Pannonia Superior and Congonia (3 exx.) from C/L 5. But 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
45 f-
Compare PN Enigenus DAG 6 and see AC 10, 1889, 170, A"GP 206 ff. Compare Maglani CIIC 317. See A"GP 139, n. 1. Note also Ollognus (-en-) DAG 136, 176. Whatmough remarked 'i.e. Rectugenus\ See also A"GP 51, 257. Compare Sagranui CIIC 489. = Tessignia [sic] PID viic (Ven.). See KGP 219, 278, beside AcS 2. 1787. See Weisgerber, Annalen des historischen Vereinsfiir den Niederrhein 155-6, 1954,
8 See also Oswald, i/^fe* 343. Compare Vlatucni CIL 13. 10010. 2073°. What mough gives the form Vlatucnos only {DAG 151, Remark B, 156, Remark). 9 Macalister read \V\endogni in the Latin alphabet (CIIC 422). Cf. Vendoni CIIC 328, 429· 10 See Schmidt, KGP 219, 285. Compare Dottin 296 s.v. vegnio-, Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 292. Note also PN Vegnatius DAG 244. 11 See section (A) (i) s.n. 12 = P N Congonia PID viic. 13 See Holder, AcS 3. 1275. 14 See Whatmough, DAG 209, 211, Schmidt, KGP 219 (and n. 2), 300.
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
211
there is no reason to doubt the Celticity of names such as Adgonna, Congonnetodubnus, Congon(n)etiacus, Congonna, Congonmis. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 53, n. 3) suggested that -gonnetomight be related to Ir. gonaid 'pierces, wounds, kills' (RIAContr. G. 134 f.): Gk. φόνος 'murder', Skt. kdnti 'slays' (IE. *guhen- 'slay'). 1 See also Holder, AcS 1. 2032; Dottin, p. 260; Gray, Lg. 16, 1940, 293; section (A) (i) s.n. Conconnetodumnus. K. H. Schmidt, on the other hand (KGP 219 ff), preferred to relategon(n)- and also perhaps gon(n)et- to IE. *gen- 'beget' (see section (A) (ii) s.v. GEN-). He noted that names in ad-gen(n)o- are attested beside ad-gonno- and in con-gen(n)o- beside con-gon(n)o-.2 The develop ment of forms in gon(n)~ would be assisted not only by analogy with Greek forms in -γόνος but also perhaps by a misunderstanding of the function of-conns, -conius in names such as Matuconus, Matuconius (DAG 5, 6), and Tarconins (CIL 3. 2360). In these the function of -conns, -conius is most probably suffixal (compare, for example PNN Matuco DAG 244 and Tardus DAG 83), but they could easily be mistaken for a name element which might be related to the common elements -cenus, -genus (compare, for example, PNN Matucenos DAG 206, Matugenus DAG 83, 89, etc.). The explanation proposed by Schmidt is the more attractive, especially, I think, on account of the incidence of forms in ad-gennbeside PN Adgonna and of con-gen(n)- beside con-gon(n)-. However, d'Arbois de Jubainville's view should not be overlooked. Gaulish gon(n)-, gon(n)eto- may well be of multiple origin. It has also been suggested that con(n)eto- (gon(n)eto-) is cognate with W. coned (also conedd) m. 'glory, honour, pride, pomp' (as adj. 'glorious, splen did'), gogoned (also gogonedd) m. 'glory, honour, fame', etc., with which are compared PN Conetoci CIIC 477s and the Old Welsh PN Conet LL 180. See Lloyd-Jones, BBCS 2, 1925, 6 ff., G. 549, 550; Thomas, BBCS 7, 1935, 132; GPC 550; DGVB 329. All this is unsatisfactory. There are obvious phono logical difficulties.
IANT-, IAT-, IET-, IENT-, IOTGluck (KN 6-7, s.n. Adiatunnus) compared Gaul, forms in adiat-, adiant- with W. addiad, addiant 'desiderium'. Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 140, Urk. Spr. 222) distinguished between Gaul, iatu-, cognate with the second element in W. addiad 'desiderium' (: Skt. yatuna- 'strebsam', ydtate 'zustreben', Gk. ζητέω 'ich suche'), and Gaul, iantu-, cognate with Olr. it 'zelus' and the second element in W. addiant 'hiraeth'. Holder (AcS 1. 41, 2. 8, 3. 507) repeats the view put forward by Stokes. 1
See Pedersen, VKG 1. 108, 2. 548 (LP 34, 372); W.-P. 1. 679 ff.; W.-H. 1. 2 332 f.; Pokorny, IEW 491 ff. See Holder, AcS 1. 1101. 35. 3 See Rhys, LWPh, no. 96, Loth, Chr. bret. 44.
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY Rhys (Insc. 58-59) vaguely connects Gaul, adiantunn- and Gaul. adianton-, deriving both from a stem *ad-ianto- represented in W. by addiant 'a longing, a wish or desire', just as Gaul, adiat- (as in PN Adiatunmis) is probably represented in W. by addiad, of much the same meaning as addiant. T h e W. forms 'are probably derived from the strong and weak cases of one and the same stem represented by the Gaulish ad-iant- and ad-iat-\ Rhys adds, however, that one would expect eiddiant and eiddiad in Welsh. Dottin (pp. 115, 224, 263) adds nothing. He treats adiatu- as an z^-stem, and adiato- as a variant due to Latin influence. Pedersen (VKG 1. 64-65, LP 13) accepts Stokes's equation, adding (VKG 1. 40, 65) that Gaul, iantu- and W. addiant are examples of a Gallo-Brittonic change of ie- to -ώ-. Thurneysen (GOI 122, 127)1 quotes W. addiant beside O l r . et, comparing Gaul. Iantumanis, Ientumarns, Ientullus. Olr. it could be derived from either *iantor *ient- (v. GOI 126). Weisgerber (Gal. Spr. 168, n. 3), with good reason, remarks that 'Der Wechsel von adiat- u. adiant- ebenso wie der von -tat/taut- u. -ietlient- lafit sich kaum mundartlich auswerten, namentlich solange das Nebeneinander von ky. addiant u. addiad nicht o-eklart 1st.5 Pokorny (IEW 507) s.w. *iet- 'worauf losgehen, streben, eifrig angehen' and *iet~uno-s c strebsam' again quotes Skt. forms such as yatuna- 'strebsam',yatna- 'Bestrebung', Av■. yateiti,yatayeiti 'setzt sich in Bewegung, bemiiht sich eifrig5 beside W. addiad 'Sehnsucht', Gaul. Adietumarus, Adiatunnus, Adietuanns, and, with nasal infix, W. addiant 'Sehnsucht', Ir. it (Modlr. ead) 'Eifer, Eifersucht', also O l r . itu (ace. itith), Mod. Ir. iota 'Durst', possibly for *ietu-tut-s.2 Schmidt (KGP 222-3) points out that this name element occurs in uncompounded forms (in Gaulish and Irish only, and probably in no other IndoEuropean language) with an infixed nasal without exception. 3 Com pounded forms, notably with ad- as prefix in Welsh and Gaulish only, appear more often, at least in Gaulish, as Ad-iat- than as Ad-iant·. He assumes that there are no compounded forms in Irish and no uncompounded forms in Welsh, while in Gaulish both are attested. His conclusions are: (a) in Common Celtic there was a form with a nasal infix *ient- corresponding to an IE. form *iet-, and this was preserved in Irish; (b) later ient-jiant- were compounded with adand the nasal tended to disappear, probably under the influence of a strong initial accent; (c) this composition and the loss of the nasal must be later than the separation of Irish from Gallo-Brittonic and, 1 See also #<#. 118, 125. 2 In W.-P> 1. 197 the IE. root is given as tat- and certain Germanic, Lithuanian, and Lettish correspondences are rejected. See also F. Solmsen, IF 14, 1903, 436-7, Schmidt, KGP 222. For OBret. see now Fleuriot, VB 398. 3 But what are we to make of the uncompounded P N N Iateus, Iatinius, Iatta, lattiy Iattosa?
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y
213
if Pedersen's law is valid, before the change of -ie- to -z
I wish to thank my colleague, Mr. Gerallt Harries, for his kindness in provid ing me with a transcript of the relevant entries in this manuscript. 2 The source is given as kyndelw i owain /G/. 3 The source here is given as Gann hen wr. 4 See Gronoviana. Gwaith y Parchedig G. Oweny gol E. Jones ac O. Williams (Llanrwst, i860), 67. 5 So also Rhys, Insc. 58, η. ι. 6 I have not been able to trace any examples of such a form in Welsh.
214
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addiad with the meaning longing, earnest wish', quoting a couplet from the work of Tomos Prys of Plas lolyn (1564?-! 634): Tri gelyn ar derfyn digjtrwy addiad draw i eiddig, translated by Pughe as Three enemies angry in the extreme with the jealous one, and full of longing'.1 This form is included in later dictionaries. See, for example, D. Silvan Evans, A Dictionary of the Wehh Language, vol. 1 (Car marthen, 1893), 60. 2 It is highly suspect. In any case one would expect W. eiddiad, not W. addiad, to correspond to Gaul, adiat-.3 PNN: Adiania (-ianta?) CIL 3. 15211; Adiantoni (dat. f.) CIL 13. 5278 ; 4 Adiantunneni DAG 188 ; 5 Άδιατόριξ, Adiatorix AcS 1. 41 ; 6 Adiatullus CIL 3. 5350, 11535 (gen.), 11571 (gen.); Adia[t]umar(us) DAG 2 O8A
= 214; Adiatunnus (BG),5 Άδιάτουνος DAG 87; Adiaturix DAG
244; Adiatits DAG 8 3 ; Adietuanus(?) DAG 157; Adietumarus DAG 244; Atianti (gen.) CIL 3. 4985 ; 7 11 Ianta (m.) 8. 1589; Iantasio DAG 202, Rem.; llanthus CIL 10. 2643; Iantinus PID viiic; *Iantouesi;s Iantu[ DAG 244; lantui DAG 228 (ix); lantulla DAG 244, PID viiic; lantullus DAG 244; Iantumalius DAG 244; Iantumar DAG 239 ; 9 Iantumara DAG 244; Iantumarus DAG 237, 244; Iantuna DAG 244; Iantura CIL 3. 3594; Iateus DAG 138; Iatinius DAG 237; Iatta DAG 228 (iv); Iatti (gen.) CIIC 401; Iattossa DAG 208c; Ient[ DAG 176; Ientinus CIL 2. 4589; 1 W. Rowlands in Barddoniaeth Thomas Prys (a 1912 thesis in the National Library of Wales), p. 135 has this couplet: tri gelyn ar derfyn dig / trwy addiad traw i eiddig. Mr. R. J. Thomas, the editor of GPC, in a letter concerning this form, has kindly confirmed that this is the only known example of addiad, for which 'edrywydd, trywydd, trywyddiaid' is suggested in the dictionary's slip. 2 It is noteworthy that it does not occur in G. and GPC or in earlier dictionaries such as JD and R. 3 Pughe does give eiddiad 'a taking to, a possessing', and this is repeated else where. But this form appears to be a late derivative of W. eiddo. Compare W. aidd 'zeal, zest, ardour', explained in GPC as a late back-formation from W. eiddig, eiddigedd. The first and only example quoted in GPC is that of Pughe's dic tionary. For a lot of misguided discussion of the etymology of aidd see Gluck, KN 14, Stokes, Urk. Spr. 45, Henry 213, W.-H. 1. 15, Pedersen, VKG 1. 57, Forster, Kelt. Wortgut 177, Pokorny, IEW 11. Cf. Rh^s, Insc. 58, n. 1. The proper explana tion is doubtless that offered in GPC s.v. Mr. R. J. Thomas has informed me that he knows of no examples of a Welsh form eiddiad other than that given by Pughe and, further, that he too has not found any examples at all of Welsh *eiddiant. * Whatmough's Adiantanus in DAG 237 must be an error, s See section (A) (i) s.n. 6 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154. 7 With at- for ad- perhaps by analogy with forms in at-, ati-, ate-. See Schmidt, KGP 61. 8 See Mur.-Chab. 2537-43, AcS 2. 8, Forrer 101 f., PID, it. 331. Recte iailkouesi, ialikouesi, iailkove, liailkouasi, lialikouasi, ialkouesi. See Herbig, Glotta 3, 1912, 281 ff.; Vendryes, RC 32, 1911, 512; PID, loc. cit. and vol. 3, p. 24; Schmidt, KGP 222; Qg. 9> 1957, 3359 Cf. Lauumarus (-om-) for iantu-? DAG 239, and see Ondrouch, KMTB passim (esp. 45)·
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y
215
Ientins DAG 214; Ientumaro (dat.) DAG 244; Iotacabo (or DN?) DAG 182; Iothur DAG 139, 151, Remark B, 224; Iotobito DAG 228 (vii); Ioturix, Iotuirix RC 1, 1870-2, 296; 9, 1888, 32 ;* ?Iotuos (or Sequanoiotuos one word?) DAG 232 ; 2 ?Suietius CIL 13. 7911. LN Ίάτι,νον πόλις Ptol., Fixtinnum (leg. Iatimim (?)) 7 P , #/>. Meldos, mod. Meaux (Seine-et-Marne) DAG 179.3 LANOWe have to deal here perhaps with two homonymous elements: (a) an element cognate with Ir. Ian 'full5, W. llawn, Br. leun: Lat. cognate with Lat. phnus 'level, even, flat', Lith. plonas 'thin, slender' (see IEW 806, 0^. 12, i960, 403 f., 531 f.). One or the other may be attested in some of the following names. In LN Mediolanum it has often been assumed that we have the second rather than the first. However, see the authorities quoted here s.n. P N N : lArsulana DAG 224, * llnulani (gen.) CIL 13. 8090; 5 Lana DAG 87; Lanianus DAG 203, Remark; Lanicus DAG 224; Laniogaisus DAG 237 ; 6 ?Lanipendia DAG 87; Lanins (or L.Anius or Ianius) DAG 182; ILannio DAG 228 (iv); Lannoberga DAG 182; Lano FID xiic; Lanuccus DAG, Note (xlv) C ; Laratf DAG 237; Visulanius DAG 244; Vridolanos Blanchet, Traite 295, n. 2. L E N N : Z,0H0 BSRC 36; Mediolanum, -lanium, -lan(i)ensis Milano PZD IXA; Mediolanum (Biturigum) Chateaumeillant DAG 148; Mediolanum (Santonum) DAG 153; Mediolanum (Aulercorum), Mediolannenses DAG 179 (see also 174); Mediolanum (Segusiauorum) Le Miolan(?) DAG 179; Mediol[anum), Med, Medlu perhaps R u Melaine (Oise), dis tinguish Mediolanum Medelingen(P) DAG 212; MeScoXaviov Ptol. 2. 11. 13, Metelen or Mylen (nr. Gellep) ? DAG 221; MehioXaviov DAG 2 4 1 ; Mediolana ND in Moesia secunda AcS 2.521; Mediolano Rav., Medialano, Mediolano IA in Cheshire, nr. Whitchurch BSRC 40. 7 D N : Lanovalus DAG 82. 1
See Holder, AcS 2. 1198. 13 (s.v. rix), repeated by Schmidt, KGP 227. See AcS 2. 66 (s.v. iotuo-), Cat. Besangon no. 42, Cat. Jura no. 16. 3 4 See P.-W. s.n. Iantinum, Og. 9, 1957, 335. See Schmidt, KGP 135, 229. 5 6 See Schmidt, KGP 227, 229. Compare DAG 250. 7 See further for sources and the distribution and etymology of Mediolanum the following authorities: A. Longnon, RC 8, 1887, 374 ff«> id.* Les Noms de lieu de la France (Paris, 1920-9); Stokes, Urk. Spr. 236; Holder, AcS 2. 497 ff.; Loth, REA 17, 1915, 193 ff., id., RC 37, 1917-19, 142 ; Dottin 264; Berthoud, Pro Alesia 9-10, 1924, 234 ff.; W.-P. 2. 61 f.; A. Dauzat, Les Noms de lieux (Paris, 1926), 105; Jullian, REA 29, 1927, 306; Whatmough, PID, it. 340A; Weisgerber, SprFK 204; P.-W. xv/i. 91 ff.; A. Vincent, Toponymie de la France (Bruxelles, 1937), 102 f.; Vendryes, Recueil CI. Brunei, vol. 2 (Paris, 1955), 644; Og. 12, i960, 403 f., 531 f.; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 13, 1961, 142 ff.; Le Roux, Og. 13, 1961, 169 f. 2
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LATIA Gaulish element lati- seems to be attested in a number of names such as those listed below. It has been explained as the Gaulish equivalent of Ir. laith 'hero, warrior'. See de Jubainville, NG 47, Holder, AcS 2. 150 s.v. lati- (also 153 s.v. latio-, 154 s.nn. Latins, -ia)> Dottin, p. 265, Schmidt, KGP 229. For Ir. ld(i)th (1) 'warrior', (2) 'heat, rutting' (of animals), see now RIAContr. L. 58 f. See also Og. 13, 1961, 533 ff., Carinthia I 151, 1961, 436 ff., VB 131. P N N : Andolatius DAG 8 3 ; Αηεχύαύ 244; ?Catulatio (dat.) CIL 5. 2594; Escengolatis DAG 83 ;* Ίστολατίου Diod. Sic. 25. 10. 1; Segolatius DAG 83, 176, 224, (Seglatius) 237 (also 244), -ia 8 3 ; Solatius 250; Τανκολατις CRAI 1955. 91 (see section (A) (i) s.n.); ?Venilatus DAG 8 3 ; Volatei (gen.?) AE 1937, 54; 2 Volatia PID xic. D N N : Edelati deo, Horolati DAG 86; ??deae Lati CIL 7. 938, 1348. Some uncompounded PNN such as Laticcus DAG 83, Latti 231, Lattius 83, Lat(t)o 83, 204, may also belong here, not to mention some other names such as Latobici, -uici DAG 241 (EN), and Latobius DAG 243 (DN), 3 which have been variously interpreted. T h e precise etymology of all these, as well as of the PNN and DNN listed above, is, in my opinion, quite uncertain. LITANOCeltic litano- is attested in the names listed below. It is cognate with Ir. leathan 'wide, broad', W. llydan, Corn., Bret, ledan: Gk. πλατύς 'wide, broad', πλάτος η. 'breadth, width', Skt. prathati 'spreads out', prtkurh 'broad, wide'. See KN 85 ff.; Urk. Spr. 246; AcS 2. 242 f.; Dottin 266; VKG 1. 42 f.; GOI131, 138; ΖΕΤ^ 833; KGP 232. P N N : Βηπολίτανός Plut. muL virt., p. 259; 4 Καρθιλιτανιος DAG 27; 5 Κογγζννολιτανος DAG 27 ; s Κογκολίτανος DAG 19 (also 244) ; 6 Litania PID xic; Litano[ DAG 87; Smertulitanus DAG 182 (also 237). L N N : Litana BSRC 38 ; 7 Litana silua AcS 2. 243 ; 8 Litanobriga DAG 212 ;9 Volitanio BSRC 50. 1 Cf. Og. 13, 1961, 373. * Cf. CIL 9. 1592. 3 See most recently Guyonuarc'h, Carinthia I 151, 1961, 436 ff. 4 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154, 168 f., Schmidt, KGP 148. 5 See section (A) (i) s.n. 6 See Scherer 209, Schmidt, KGP 67, 80, 182. 7 Compare LN Litinomago Rav. (in Scotland) BSRC, loc. cit. 8 Note especially Livy 23. 24. 7 silua erat uasta, Litanam Galli uocabant, etc., and see Whatmough, PID, it. 340A, Dunbabin, CR 56, 1942, 69. 9 See G. Matherat, Mim. presentes... ά Γ Acad, des inscr. et belles-lettres xiv. 2.1951, I-Go, P, Durvin, BSAF 1959, 92 ff.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L
D N N : Amarcolitanus DAG Apollo DAG 1502.
SURVEY
217
181 ;x Bassoledulitanus (or Bassus Led·?)
LITAVIThis name element is attested as follows: P N N : Convictolitavis (BG) DAG 182;3 ?Litauat[iis DAG 182; Litaiiiccas DAG 182 (BG)* 214, 237; Litauus DAG 182; L E N N : Letauia, i.e. Armorica DAG 179;* ?Litauicrari (loc. sg.?) Z)^4G 234; 6 D N N : Cobledulitauus DAG 155; Litauis 181, 236. Thurneysen (ZF 4, 1894, 84 f.) connected it with Skt. prthivi f. 'earth' and Gk. 77λάταια, from the same root as Ir. leathern "wide, broad', W. llydan, etc. (v. s. LITANO- above), and claimed that Letavia (OW. Litau, ModW. Llydaw, Mllr. Lethd) really meant 'breites Land, Festland'. See also d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 16, 1895, 116; Pedersen, VKG 1. 60 {LP 11); Dottin, p. 266; Specht, £"£64, 1937, 8; Vendryes, EC3,1938, i77;0'Rahuly,i?nz/14, 1943, 13; Guyonuarc'h, Og- 9> I957J 116, n. 1; Pokorny, IEW 833; Schmidt, KGP 232, Thurneysen's etymology is more satisfactory than that proposed by Stokes {Urk. Spr. 248 f.)7 who would connect litaui- with Lat. litus n. 'sea-shore, coast' or with lis (gen. litis) f. 'strife, quarrel, lawsuit'.
LITULitu- (w-stem)8 is cognate with Ir. lith (w-stem) 'festival, festivity, luck, prosperity' (RIAContr. L. 168 f.; see also Dinneen 667), Bret, lit, lid 'solennite, ceremonie, religieuse ou non, caresse, bon accueiP (Troude 401). See Ernault, Le Mystere de sainte Barbe (Paris, 1888), 327, id., GMB 370; Bezzenberger, Urk. Spr. 247; Zimmer, £ts.f. deutsches Alterthum u. deutsche Literatur 32, 1888, 284 f.; Thurney sen, Festschrift Whitley Stokes (Leipzig, 1900), 20 ff.; Holder, AcS 2. 247; Pedersen, VKG 1. 132 f.; Fraser, £CP 10, 1915, 78; Dottin, pp. 115, 267; W.-P. 2. 394; Feist 329; Schmidt, KGP 232 f, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 605 f., Fleuriot, VB 51. For Welsh forms see J. MorrisJones, Cy. 28, 1918, 184; Ifor Williams, BBCS, vol. 5, pt. 1, Nov. 1 See Weisgerber, SprFK 192; Schmidt, KGP 66, 80, 122; Le Roux, Og. 11, 1959, 218; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 12, i960, 200. 2 Compare D N Cobledulitauus DAG 155 (v. s. LITAVI-). 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. 4 See section (B) s.n. Compare the coin legends lita, litau, litauicos, AcS 2. 245, DAG 177, Homm. Gren. 436 f. s See Holder, AcS 2. 243. Compare OW. Litau (Lettau), M1W. and ModW. Llydaw, Ir. Lethae (see Jackson, LHEB 375 f.). 6 The form may be personal rather than local. See DAG 237, KGP 232. 7 See also Gluck, KN 120 f. and compare W.-H. 1. 815 s.v. litus. 8 The stem vowel appears as -0- in the composition joint in some names, e.g. Litogene(s), Litouir.
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a;zw
IQ2Q, 6 f-j ^ . , ^ Taliesin (Caerdydd, i960), 84. W. Hid m. 'wrath, . jj^nation, passion' is not cognate with these forms as Zimmer and Pedersen (ll.cc.)1 thought. Thurneysen (loc. cit., see also SprFK 203, Loth, RC 40, 1923, 358, whence Schmidt, KGP 233 f.) was convinced that it was a different form, and claimed that it was cognate with Ir. luth 'motion, strength, power, vigour, joy 5 (see RIAContr. L. Dinneen 689) and with a Gaulish name element lutuQ f fe £· m PN Lutumarus DAG 237, 244). See also Mots latins 182, Urk. Stir. 257, Fraser, loc. cit., W.-P. 2. 415, IEW6QI. Sir Ifor Williams proposed {BBCS 8, 1937, 230, whence Pokorny, IEW 680) that W. Hid pointed to a root *let- ? c rut, heat', then 'anger, ardour, passion'. There is no means of telling for certain whether any of the examples of names in litu-, lito- listed below contain a Gaulish equivalent of this Welsh form. See, however, section (A) (i) s.nn. Δαγολιτους, ΛιτούpNN: ?Agillito DAG 228 (ix); Δαγολπονς RE A 58, 1956, 71 if.; Litoeena, Litogene(s), Litogeni, Litugena, -ius, -us see GEN-; Litorius DAG 182 214 (see also AcS 2. 246); Litouir DAG 87; Littiossa DAG 151; Littus DAG 140, 156; Litu DAG 244; Litua CIL 3. 11686; Litubiri CIIC ! 01; Litucca PID xiic; Lituccia DAG 83, CIL 2.5379, -ius DAG 83; Litucrjis DAG 83, 151, Remark B, 214; LituciDAG 156; Litugius DAG 83; Litullina DAG 244; Litumara DAG 214; Λιτουμαρβος DAG 34; Zitomflfltf DAG 83, 192 ;2 Zifttf PID xiic (also viiic Ven.); Litussius DAG 182' Lituui DAG 229; Loculiti ECMW 95; Soriolito DAG 156.
LUCOTA J-stem focoi- c mouse' cognate with Ir. luch (gen. Olr., Mllr. lochad, luiche, Modlr. luiche) 'mouse', W. llyg 'shrew', llygoden (pi. llyzod) 'mouse' (see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 244; Holder, AcS 2. 303; Peder sen VKG 1. 376, 2. 101; Thurneysen, GOI206; Schmidt, KGP 233; Machek, £CP 28, Heft 1/2, i960, 70 f. ;3 Fleuriot, DGVB 244) appears to be attested in a few Gaulish forms: pN: Αουκοτι,κνος (or -ρικνός) DAG 77 ( / ) , 78; PN Lucotios DAG 206 (also 2O8B) ; LN *Lucoteiacus uicus AcS 2. 303; LN Lucotion Rav. in S. Scotland BSRC 38. The ancient name of Paris, Lucotecia {-toc-)> Lutecia (4ic-)> 'ti°"> Lucoticius DAG 179, has been the subject of much etymolorical speculation including the suggestion that it is the abode of Lucotios 'the mouse-god(?)'. See Whatmough, DAG, p. 512, Lg. 30, iqrA 400, P.-M. Duval, Paris antique (Paris, 1961) 75 f., 79. Compare Vendryes, Recueil Clovis Brunei ii (Paris, 1955), 643. See also now Schmittlein, RIO 17, 1965, 280 ff. 1 See also Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 284. 2 See also section (A) (i) s.n. Λίτουμαρ€ος. 3 Also id-, Studia . . . Lehr-Splawinski ([Warszawa], 1963) 114.
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LUGUGaulish lugu-, which is well attested, 1 has been the subject of much etymological speculation. The divine name Lugus (pi. Lugoues)2 is re lated to the Irish divine or hero name Lug(h) (gen. Loga, Logo, Luga) and the Welsh hero name Lieu, and these are related to MIW. lieu 'light' (subst. and adj.), goleu, Corn, golow, Bret, goulou, etc. 3 See the following authorities: H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Le Cycle mythologique irlandais et la mythologie celtique (Paris, 1884), 137 ff., 174 ff., 204 fF., 293 fF.; id., Etudes sur le droit celtique (Paris, 1895), 3°5 ^ Ι ^ . , RC 27, 1906, 319 fF.; Rhys, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (London, 1892), 383 fF.; id., Celtic Folklore, Wehh and Manx 2 (Oxford, 1901), 656 fF.; id., Cy. 21, 1908, 3 fF.; Holder, AcS 2. 345; Loth, Les Mabinogion 1 (Paris, 1913), 195, n. 1, RA 24, 1914, 205-30 {RC 37, 1917-19, 141); W. J . GrufFydd, Math vab Mathonwy (Cardiff, 1928) passim; Ifor Williams, PKM 275 f., CAn. 119; M.-L. Sjoestedt, Dieux et hews des Celtes (Paris, 1940) xi, 58 fF.; A. G. van Hamel, Mythe en Historie in het Oude Ierland (Amsterdam, 1942) (see Pokorny, Keltologie 127); O'Rahilly, EIHM 513 f.; Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 278 f., 313; Arzel Even and F. Le Roux, Og. iv/7 (no. 24), 1952,289 fF., 306; Arzel Even, Og. 5, 1953, 309 fF.; 8, 1956, 81 fF., 416; Gricourt, Og. 7, 1955, 63 fF., 65 fF.; A. Audin and P.-L. Couchoud, Revue de Γ hist, des religions 1955, 44 fF.; Dumezil, EC 8, 1958-9, 283, n. 1; de Vries, Og. 10, 1958, 278 fF., KR 50 ff.; Blazquez Martinez, RPH 89 ff.; Le Roux, Og. 14, 1962, 639 ff.; A. Audin, Homm. Gren. 152 ff. The local name Lug(u)dunum has also been the subject of repeated conjecture, both in ancient and in modern times. Perhaps the most satisfactory view is still the one that has found favour with modern etymologists who interpret the name as 'the fortification/fortress of the god Lugus/Lug'. 4 But the name has been explained in other ways. In ps.-Plut. de fluuiis 6. 4 it was related to a form λοΰγος 'raven'. This 1
Instances are listed below. Whatmough wrongly claimed (Og. 7, 1955, 354) that this divine name is not attested in the singular in Continental Celtic. 3 See Rhys, Lectures on the origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom 408, Cat. 26, Cy. 21, 1908, 3 ff.; Pedersen, VKG 1. 98; Morris-Jones, WG 109 (cf. Loth, RC 36, 1915-16, 157); W.-P. 2. 410; LP 29. Compare Pokorny, Urg. 132 f., IEWQos, and see Jackson, LHEB 441, Fleuriot, DGVB 197. Loth (RC 47, 1930, 166 ff.) would connect Gaul. Lugus and Ir. Lug(h) with Mllr. lug 'lynx, warrior RIAContr. L. 235), which he sought to relate to MIW. llewyn 'fox', llewynawcy llwynein (plu., ms. llwyuein), ModW. llwynog. For llewyn and llwynein see now Sir Ifor Williams, CAn. 324, and for llwynog see D. M. Jones, TPhS 1953, 43 ff. See further, concerning Lugus, van Tassel Graves, Og. 17, 1965, 167 ff. 4 See, for example, de Jubainville, locc. citt.; Vendryes, RC 35, 1914, 384-7, CRAI1940, 55, Recueil CI. Brunei ii (Paris, 1955), 646. 2
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IEW 696; Weisgerber, SprFK 204; Feist 339; Jackson, LHEB 440 f.; Scherer 209; Vendryes, LEIA M - 7 0 ; Fleuriot, DGVB 249 f. P N N : Magulla DAG 250; Magunia DAG 83, 237, -ius DAG 8 3 ; Magunna DAG, Note (xlv) C ; (?)Maguno CIIC 272 ;x Magunt[DAG&<$; Magunus DAG 214; 2 Μαγουρζιγυ DAG 51 ;3 Magurio DAG 214; Magiirins DAG 244 ; 4 Magurix DAG 177 ; s Magus DAG 182 ; 6 Magusatia DAG 182; Magusius DAG 8 3 ; IMayovn DAG 54; 7 Taximagulus BG* D N : Magusanus DAG 213, (?)223·8 Note also the gloss magulus c cinaedus'(?) Schol. Iuv. 2. 16 which Whatmough (Z)^4G 178 s.v.) compared with Celtic magu-. See further section (A) (i) s.nn. Μαγονρειγι and Taximagulus and Appendix s.n. ?Μαγουτι. For names in mac(c)- see section (B) s.n. Μακκαριουι and Appendix s.n. Sumaco. Some of the Insular Celtic forms quoted above seem to point to an w-stem mogu-, a by-form of Celtic magu-; but it is quite uncertain whether any Continental names in mog(u)~ belong here, names such as Mogulus OPL 87 (PN),* Mogounus DAG 213, 236 (DN or PN (DAG 214)), I0 Mogontia DAG 213 (DN) or Moguntiacum (-ont-)> -enses ZL4G234(LEN)." MANDUNames in mand(u)- listed below are doubtless of multiple origin. A number of them are probably to be related to the form mannus 'a pony' or 'a little draught horse' first attested in Latin by Lucretius 3. 1063 (dimin. mannulus Plin. ep. 4. 2. 3) and claimed as Celtic by Consentius (ed. H. Keil, Grammatici Latini, vol. 5 (Leipzig, 1923), 364. 9). For sources see Holder, AcS 2. 409 f. Basque mando 'mulus' is interpreted as a loan word from this form. It has been suggested that it came into Latin from a non-Celtic northern dialect, possibly Illyrian. See the following: W.-P. 2. 232 f.; Meyer-Lubke, # £ ^ 5 2 8 9 ; Whatmough, PID, it. 340, vol. 3, p. 30, id., Foundations of Roman Italy (London, 1937), 156, 1
Macalister translated maguno as 'boy'. Compare PNN Magunus, -onus PID viiic (Ven.). 3 See section- (A) (i) s.n. 4 Compare PN Macuri (-g~) DAG 244. 5 See section (A) (i) s.n. Μαγουραγι. 6 For the coin legend magus (or macus?) see Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 8, 1958-9, 149 ff. Note also PN Macus DAG 132. 7 See Appendix s.n. 8 Cf. Macusano DAG, Note (xlviii), 7, and see Schmidt, KGP 235, 265, Weisger 9 ber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 40 (: Gaul, -magus?). Cf. PN Mogolius ibid. 10 See Pisani, KZ 72> !955» 215 f., Le Roux, Og. 11, 1959, 222, de Vries, KR 73. 11 Cf. Loth, RC^o, 1923, 380, Krahe, Sprachliche Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa (Wiesbaden, 1959), 18. 2
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id., DAG 240, id., Lg. 27, 1951, 574 f.; Weisgerber, SprFK 204; Krahe, Fest. f H. Bulle (Stuttgart, 1938), 205 f., Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 189, 202, Spr. Illyr. 70, 84, 115; W.-H. 2. 29 f.; E.-M. 684; Tovar, Estudios 154 ff., ALSP 128, Celticum (Supplement to Ogam, no. 86, 1963), 395; Hubschmid, Pyrenaenworter 28 f., ELH 143; Lejeune, RPh. 8, 1954-5, 282, n. 1; Pokorny, IEW729 (see also 699); Schmidt, KGP 236 f.; Vendryes, LEIA M-38. However, d'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 127 f.) claimed that Gaulish mandu- (in names such as Mandubracius, Mandubilus, and Manduessedum) should be related to the root *mendh~ seen in Gk. μβνθήρη- φροντίς, μανβάνω Ί learn', etc. (see IV.-P. 2. 270 f., IEW 730), and that the form pointed to an 'adjectif preceltique mndhu-s "qui reflechit a", "qui se preoccupe de", en gaulois mandu-s\ See also Holder, AcS 2. 404 s.v. mandu-, Ifor Williams, An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments in Anglesey (London, 1937), cxv s.n. Catamanus,1 id., CAn. 315. PNN: Carti{s)mandua (regina Brigantum) v. s. CART-; Catumandus DAG 83; Mandalonius DAG 208D, 214; Mandatus DAG 83, 87, 237; Mandelana PID xic; Mandia DAG 224; Mando DAG 151, Remark B; Mandonius, Μανδόνως AcS 2. 402 ff.; Mandu[ DAG 182; Mandubenos DAG 177; Mandubilus (-bius?, -blius?) DAG 237; Mandubracius BG;2 Manduilla, -us AcS 2. 405; Manduilus DAG 132; Manduissa DAG 208B; Manduli[o] (or -ull[o] (dat.?)) CIL 2. 4516 = 6147; Melmandus CIL 2. 5790·3 LENN: Epamanduodurum (-mantudurum) Mandeure DAG 234; Mandubii DAG 179; Manduessedo (v.l. -esedo) I A Mancetter (Warwicks) AcS 2. 405 ;4 Sextanmanduus pagus DAG 179; Viromandui, Vero-, Vermandois DAG 212. Some names in mann-, e.g. PNN Mann[ DAG 244, Mannia PID XIB, Mannius DAG 2O8D, 224, Manno[(?) DAG 237, Manno DAG 244, Mannus DAG 203, LN Mannaritium DAG 221, D N Mannus DAG 223, s may also belong here. MAROThis is one of the commonest name elements in Gaulish, particu larly in PNN. For collections of examples see Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 432-5, Zeuss-Ebel, GC 16, n. 2, d'Arbois de Jubainville, Etudes grammaiicales sur les langues celtiques (Paris, 1881), 5* if., Holder, AcS 2. 432 f., Schmidt, KGP 237 ff., Sicardi Rivista di studi Liguri 23, 1957, 1 2 3 4 5
For this name see also section (A) (i) s.n. Catamantaloedis. See section (A) (i) s.n. See Tovar, Estudios 156, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 86 f. See Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 58 s.n. Some of these may be Germanic. See W.-P. 2. 266, IEW 700.
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233, and the lists below. It occurs, almost without exception, 1 as a second or third element. Maro- 'great' is cognate with Ir. mor, mar 'great', W. mawr, Co. Br. meur: OHG. -mar2 in names such as Volkmar and Hlodomar, Goth. merian 'to praise, to make known', OSax. mdrian, O H G . mdren, Goth. -mers 'famous', O H G mdri, Gr. -μωρός,3 Slavonic -mer* (IE. *mero-/ *mdro- 'great, important'). See KJV 76 fF., Urk. Spr. 201 f, AcS 2. 432, VKG 1. 49, Dottin 270, 357, W.-P. 2. 238, J . Kurylowicz Etudes indo-europeennes 1 (Krakow, 1935) 99, W-H. 2. 14, GO 136, LEW JOA, KGP 77-80, 238, LEIA M-18. As Schmidt pointed out [KGP 67), compounds of substantive+ -mams may be either tatpurusa or inverted bahuvrihi compounds. Thus PN Nertomarus, for example, may be rendered as either 'great in strength' or 'he whose strength is great'. The further possibility that -marus often functioned as an adjectival suffix in such forms in Gaulish had been noticed by Gluck (KJV 77, n. 5), Pedersen (VKG 2. 15), and Vendryes (EC 5, 1950-1, 238). It was assumed that the cognate neoCeltic forms often functioned in this way in certain types of com pounds such as W. nerthfawr 'strong', Ir. nertmar, ithemar 'greedy', and e'tmar 'jealous'. Schmidt accordingly argued and stressed (KGP 72-73) that the function of -mams in most of the compounds of this type was suffixal. He pointed out in his argument that -marus was used as a second name element far more frequently than any other Gaulish adjective, and that it occurs very often in hybrid compounds. But it is extremely difficult to tell, even with compounds in -favor in ModW., for example, whether the adjective is functioning as a suffix, and whether its meaning, 'great, big, large, etc.', is obscured. It is my impression that this is not often the case in Welsh, and the same may be true of Gaulish. Even in hybrids such as PNN Iuliomarus and Auctomarus, which, I think, are by no means as numerous as Schmidt suggests, there is no need to suppose that -marus functions as a suffix. In compound names of the type preposition+adjective and adjective+ adjective Schmidt concedes that the common meaning of -marus is 1 2
For possible exceptions see the list below. Note also -merits in P N Catumerus Tac. arm. 11. 17. Cf. Schonfeld 61 f., Scherer
207. 3 In €γχ€σίμωρος (Homer, v. LSJ 476), Ιόμωρος (Homer, v. LSJ 832), and νλακόμωρος (Homer and Nonnus, v. LSJ 1847). Compare σινάμωρος (Hippocrates, Anacreon, etc., v. LSJ 1599) and σονμωρος (Hesychius, v. LSJ 1621). See C. D . Buck, A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages (Chicago, n.d.), 8 7 9 ; C. D. Buck and W. Petersen, A Reverse Index of Greek Nouns and Adjectives (Chicago, n.d.), 346; Schmidt, KGP 78; Frisk, GEW 440. 4 Possibly borrowed from Germanic. See now Schmidt, KGP 77-80. See further Scherer Anglia 76, 1958, 433, Milewski Lingua Posnaniensis 7, 1959, 291, J. Svobody, Zpravodaj Mistopisni Komise CSAV 1, i960, 109 f.
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preserved. However, he explains PNN such as Dagomarus and Viromarus as 'grofi an Giite5 and 'grofl an Mannern', and is disinclined to explain them as dvandva compounds (cf. J . Schnetz, Glotta 16, 1928, 131). But the latter interpretation may be the correct one. Schmidt in fact concedes that PN Marovirus may be a dvandva com pound (see also KGP 69). For -marus in names compounded of three elements, v. KGP 70-72 and υ, s. PN Apetemari in section (A) (i). Vendryes remarked (EC 5, 1950-1, 247) that in names which have -marus as a second element, the first element frequently denotes a physical or moral quality, e.g. nerto-, iantu-, elvio-. For Welsh PNN in mor- v. Lloyd-Jones, Υ Geninen 44, 1926, 13 (cf. Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 50-51). For Breton names v. Chr. breL 153. For Germanic *mera- see Scherer 199, 208. For Thracian -marua, -mora see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 289. For Slavonic -mer see above. PNN: Adia[t]umar(us), Adietumarus, v. s. IAJVT-; Admarus AcS 1. 43;' Assedomari (gen.), Addedomari (gen.), Addedomaros, v. s. AD-;2 Agiomarus RC 3, 1876-8, 154 ;3 ?Agomarus Oswald 102 ; 4 ?Aiotemarus AE 1961, 96; Aleasiumara DAG 83; Aneytlomarus DAG 182 (also 237); Apetemari, see section (A) (i) s.n.; names in atepomar-, atpomar-, at[ep]umar-, see sec tion (A) (i) loc. cit.; Ategniomarus DAG 237; 1Auamacimaria DAG 244; Auctomari (gen.) CIL 3. 5272; Avitianomara DAG 237; Aulricmar(a) CIL 3. 10351; Βαλλομάριος, v. s. BAL-;5 ?Bardomarus AcS 2. 432. 46; Belatomar(us) AJA 52, 1948, 237 (Neudorfel) ;6 Belatumarae (dat.) CIL 3. 5589 ;7 Bomar(us) CIL 2. 2324^ Brigomarus CIL 3. 13975; Βρπόμαρις (or -μαρτος) DAG 182 ;9 Brogimarus, -a 244; Bussumarus KMTB 47 ;10 Caromarus DAG 228 (iv), 250, Καρομαρο[ DAG 176;11 Carstimari (gen.) CIL 3. 14632; Cassimara BID xiic; Catumarus DAG 244; Chimarus CIL 10. 6649; Χιομάρα Polyb. 21. 38; 12 Cimarus CIL 7. 131; Cimarius DAG8$;U Clumarius 182; Cobromara, -us 244; Cobrouomar(us) 1
See KGP 73, 114. See also section (A) (i) s.n. Αθθβαοτηαή. 3 See section (B) s.n. Agio. * See IEW 4, KGP 118, n. 2, 119, Meid, IF 66, 1961, 92. s Cf. PN Baldomarus DAG 237. 6 Not Belatumarus as listed in DAG 244. 7 = Vollmer, no. 34. Not Bellatumara as listed in DAG 244. 8 Cf. Albertos, Ετηέήΐα 28, i960, 294. 9 Cf. PNN Viridomarus, Virdomarus, Virdumarus below. Note also PN \lBrit\omarti CIL 13. 7068 (whence PN Britomartus DAG 237). 10 See also Whatmough, DAG 239, Schmidt, KGP 47, 55, 67, 74, 80, 158, Ondrouch, KMTB passim. 11 See also AcS 3. 1114, Oswald 62, and section (A) (i) s.n. Καρομαρο[. 12 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 174. « CIL 12· 3728. See Schmidt, KGP 171, n. 1. 2
811930
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23911 Comarius CIL 5. 5997 ; 2 ?Comarus CIL 6. 8879; Comatimara CIL 3. 3621; Comatumarus DAG 244; Combaromarus DAG 182; Comboiomarus (v.l. Combolo-) Liv. 38. 19. 2 ; Comiumara CIL 3. 3690; Condomarus AcS 2. 432. 54; Coromarae (dat.) CiL 3. 10783; Coudomarus DAG 244; Cowzflfm^ntf] 239 ;x Cunomori (gen.) CIIC 487^ Dagobiucomarus AcS 2. 433. 1; Dagomarus, -mart (Dacomarus, Dacom[, etc.) ZL4G 136, 182, 237 ; 4 names in dan(n)omar-, dannumar-, v. s. DANNO-; Diassumarus DAG 244; Diastumarius) CIL 3. 5144 s ; Dimarius DAG 8 3 ; Docnimarus 244 ; s Dunomarus PID viiic : 6 Ecimaria, -ius DAG 83 : Ecretumarus CIL 9. 3899; Aegritomari (gen.), with aeg- for *<>?, Cicero, Gz^. 20. 67, Verr. 2. 2. 47 ; 7 Egitumarius AE 1958, 1; ?Elcimar. AcS 1. 1413; lEliamarus DAG 87 ; 8 Eliomara, -us DAG 244; Elviomar(os) Mur.-Chab. 10029; lEsumaro DAG 135 ; 9 Excingomarus DAG 83, 244; Garomarus DAG 244; names in iantumar-, ientumar-, v.s. IANTU-\ Ibliomarus DAG 182, 208, 10 10 12 13 2 0 8 A , 1 1 214, N.-L. 15, Ibliomarius DAG 244, Ibliomaria DAG 208A, 14 15 244, [Ib]liomari(a)e (dat.) jV.-L. 15 ; Iliomarus DAG 83, 182, 237, Illiomarus 83, 136, 182,16 /ZZwmfarwj] C7L 13. 1606; 17 Indutiomarus, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Ioimarus DAG 214; lltmarus AcS 2. 433. 11; luliomarus KGP 228; Iutumari (gen.) C7Z, 3. 5522; Iuimarus (Iuu-?) DAG 182; 18 ??Launomarus AcS 2. 159; ?Lavomarus 2. 433. 12 f.;19 Lauumarus (-om-) (for iantu-?) DAG 239; Leitomarus Gallia 16, 1958, 1
See Ondrouch, ΚΜΤΒ passim (esp. 45). Cf. Comflnfl P / D xic. 3 See Rhys, LWPA 403, Loth, Chr. bret. 49, Smith, TB 37, Bromwich, 7ΎΡ 444 f· 4 See also -dcS 1. 1215, 7XZ, s.nn. Dagomarus, Dacomarus, Oswald 102, 380. Pokorny (MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 56) translated Dagomarus as *der sehr GroBe*. See further KGP 187, n. 2 (cf. 69, 73 f.). 5 Note also Docniman (gen.) CIL 3. 11733 (whence Docnim[ DAG 244). See A-GP 195. 6 See Schmidt, KGP 200, n. 1, 201, Untermann, Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 303. 7 See DAG 250, A"GP 71, 203. 8 See also AcS 1. 1414. 9 See Appendix s.n. 10 Beside Nesselhauf 54, referred to here by Whatmough, see Tr. Ζ χ3> Ι938> 262. 11 Beside Finke 26, listed here by Whatmough, see AE 1941, 169. Whatmough also gives here PN Ibliomara. Is this from CIL 13. 2839 (Ibliomar[) ? 12 See also CIL 13. 6018 (with add.), whence PN Ibliomar(i)us [sic] in DAG 237, and 13. 11313. iv. 19. 13 See now Wagner 105. 14 Whatmough's reference should be corrected to read Finke 224. Is For names in ibliomar- see Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 323 f., Koethe, Rh. V. 9, 1939, 10, n. 50, Schmidt, KGP 224 f. 16 T o Whatmough's references add CIL 13. 2469. For names in il{f)iomar- see Oswald 144, Schmidt, KGP 225. 17 Whence PN Illumarus DAG 151. 18 See AcS 2. 111 and compare luima DAG 228, Remark. 19 Compare A. de Bartholemy, RC 1, 1870-2, 296. 2
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l
389; Leucimara DAG 244; Liamari (gen.) CIL 13. 2615 ; Ligomarus CIL 3. 14632; Liomarus DAG 151, Remark B ; names in litumar-, λιτονμαρ-, v. s. LITU-; Lutumariis DAG 237, 244; Madman (gen.) CIL 3. 3644, -us CIL 3. 3377 ;2 Magemari (gen.) CIL 3. 5255; Magimari (gen.) CIL 3. 5272; Magimarus CIL 3. 10352; Magiomarus DAG 244; ?Marcomarus DAG 244 ; 3 Matomarus, Matumarus, Miletumarus DAG 244; Mocetimari (gen.) CZL 12. 378; Mogitmarus DAG 244; Mogitumarus 8 3 ; [N]antimaro, v. s. NANTU-; ?Nemetomarus AcS 2. 433, 19; Nertomarus DAG 182, 205, 237, 2 4 4 / -/a 244, -zW 224, 244; ?Nuomarus AcS 2. 433. 20; Posimarus DAG 244; ?Rectomarus AcS 2. 433. 20; Redsomarus, ReidomamSy Ressimarus, Rsstumarus DAG 244; Rsiimzms CIL 3. 3645; ife/0/7z[/zr&s·] DAG 224; Ricaamaariu{s) AcS 2. 1182. 20 f.; Riomarus DAG 132, 151, Remark B ; Ritomarus(?) DAG 132; Ritumara DAG 244; Ritu(m)arusDAG 237; Sauumarus DAG 239; names in segomar-, σςγομαρ-, v. s. SEGO-; Siluimarus DAG 244, PZD viiic; Simomarius DAG 151; Sinomarus DAG 244; Σμερτομαρα AcS 2. 1593 ; 5 Solima(ros) num. ZX4G 157,6 Solimara DAG 151, Solimari 244, Solimario 83, Solimarius 83, Ϊ56, 156, Remark, 214, 237, Solimarus 83, 182, 237; 7 Solitum(arus?) DAG 214; SpumarusDAG 244; Sumariae (dat. f.) CZL 3.4755 ( = 11492); Sumarius DAG 244; Sumaro DAG 208A,8 214; Sumaronius DAG 224; T€/cro/Lia/)o[i>] GW. 6^r. 160; Togimarus DAG 151; Trogimarus, -a DAG 244; Troucetimarus DAG 244 ; 9 Troucleimarus AE 1950, 116; Vadomarius, Βριτομάριος (Βου8ο~) DAG 237; ?Valmarus DAG 244; Ουηβρονμαρος DAG 44; 1 0 Vectimarius DAG 24,11 [V]ectimarus DAG 2O8A (also 214), ?[Γψ^77ζ<2η^ ZLG 171; Venimara DAG 25 (also 83), -&r 83, 244, AE 1954, 100; Verbronara DAG 59, Remark; 1 0 Victimariae (dat.) C/L 12. 344, -2&Γ ZL4G 224; Viridomarus leader of the Aedui Z^4G 182 ; 10 Fi?rfomflrzty Liv., Brittomarus (Virdo-) Flor., Virdomarus Prop., Virido- Fest., Ampelius, Eutrop, etc., leader of the Insubres AcS 3. 380 f. ; 12 Virdomarus (Biturix) C/L3.2065; Virdomaro (dat.) CZL5.361*; Viromarus 1
Whence Liomarus [sic] DAG 182. Whence P N Macimarus DAG 244. 3 See Schmidt, KGP 237, n. 1. Cf. Scherer 203, id., Anglia 76, 1958, 433. 4 To Whatmough's references (cf. DAG, p. 1375) add AE 1949, 75 (Nertomari, see section (A) (i) s.n.) and H.-S. 25. See also AcS 2. 725 f., KGP 249. 5 Cf. PN Ζμ€ρτομαρος Gal. Spr. 155 and see Schmidt, KGP 77, 270, 238, n. 2 beside Detschew, Thr. Spr. 192 f., 289. 6 Cf. σολιμα, solima DAG 177, solima 232, and see Colbert de Beaulieu, RAE 7, 1956, 148 ff. (REA 59, 1957, 337), 10, 1959, 92, Cat. Besancon, nos. 150 f., Cat. Montbiliard, no. 120, Cat. Jura, no. 61. 7 For fuller references to names in solimar- (including some instances not men tioned by Whatmough) see AcS 2. 1604 ff., KGP 271. 8 See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 321. I0 • See AcS 2. 1970, KGP 282. See section (A) (i) s.n. 11 See also Leglay, Homm. Gren. 999. 12 See also PID, vol. 2, p. 183, KGP 156, 239, and section (A) (i) s.n. Viridomarus. Cf. PN Βριτόμαρις above. 2
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DAG 214; Vismarus Liv. 24. 42. 8; Ussomar(i) (?gen.) CIL 13. 10010. 543· 1 L E N N : Solimariaca, -ensis, Sol\imariaca (or Sol[icid) DAG 212 (also 234). 2 D N N : Αηβχύοτηαταβ (dat.) Finke 94, 3 Anex[tlomaro](?) (dat.) C7L 13. 319ο, 4 Αηβχίιοτηατο (dat.) £!£" 7, p. 439, no. 1162 ; 5 Atepomarus DAG 150; Bussumarins, -ras DAG 243 ; 6 Dinomogetimarus DAG 8 2 ; Solimara DAG 150. MARO- as first element: PNN Maroboduus DAG 224 (also 237, 244)7 a n d Marovirus DAG 2O8A; 8 L E N N Μαρόβονόον DAG 2 4 1 ; Maroialus, Marogilum, etc., A S 2, 434 f.;9 Maromago Rav., in S. Scotland BSRC 40 ; 1 0 Marosallenses uicani, Marosallo Marsal (Lorraine) Ζλ4£ 2Ι2. 11
MATU-, MATO-, ΜΑΤΙ Α fair number of the examples of names in mat(t)~ listed below, chiefly from Ancient Gaul, 12 seem to point to a Celtic name element matu-, mato-, mati-. 1
Cf. DAG 140, 156, Remark, 176, 238 (v). Cf. PNN in solimar- and DN Solimara. 4 See DAG 243 s.n. Whence DN ?Anextlomarus DAG 181. 5 See Haverfield, Roman Inscriptions in Britain 3, 1892-3 (Exeter, 1894), P· 2 2 J no. 141; Hartmann, Glotta 9, 1918, 243; Cart ASA 17, 1915, 271 ff.; 21, 1919, 15. 6 See also Schmidt, KGP 158. Compare the coin legend Bussumarus (PN) listed above. 7 For sources see further Schonfeld 163, AcS 2. 434. R. Much (references given in KGP 237) argued that this name represented Germanic Maerabadwaz. See also Zeuss, GCZ 22, 857, Holder AcS s.n. Compare Schonfeld, loc. cit.; Weisgerber, SprFK 180, Sjoestedt, RC 51, 1934, 306 f., Scherer 202 f., id., Anglia 76, 1958, 433, Schmidt {KGP 238) argued that it is not a Gaulish name on the ground that maroas afirstname element in Gaulish would be exceptional. Scherer {Anglia, loc. cit.) pointed out, however, that in Germanic also mero- as afirstname elemen is excep 8 tional. See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 314, Schmidt, KGP 74. 9 Thurneysen {GOI 230) translated Maroialus as 'Great-field', Holder {AcS 2. 434 f., also Schmidt, KGP 238) explained Maroialus, Marogilum, etc., as forms pointing to the name Marus rather than the adjective maro- 'great'! 10 Rendered as 'the great plain' in BSRC, loc. cit. Ifor Williams compares maroialum, which he translates as 'the great clearing'. 11 See also Holder, AcS 2. 436, Lebel, RIO 14, 1962, 183, id., Homm. Gren. 972. I have not here included uncompounded names, as it is extremely difficult to decide which in fact point to Celtic maro- 'great'. However, it is very probable that some few names (e.g. PNN such as Mara, Marila DAG 83, Maricca, Marilio PID xiic, Marillus DAG 176, 215, Maros 228, Remark, Manilla 151, 156, -us 83, 87, 176, 182, 208 (B), etc.) do belong here. 12 For examples from Spain and Portugal see Palomar Lapesa, OPL 85 (also 23 f., 61), Untermann, SSVH, pp. 15, 32 f., id., Fachtagung Innsbruck 68 (with Map 13, p. 85). But Palomar Lapesa and Untermann have included instances of names in medu- medi-, meidu·, and metU. On this see the remarks of Schmoll in Btr. ζ. Ν. 13, 1962, 295 (with n. 4). See also Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 299. 2
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1
O l r . math (gen. matho) masc. 'bear' points to Celtic matu-. See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 200; Holder, AcS 2. 479; d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 10, 1889, i66, 175; 26, 1905, 198, id., Les Driiides et les dieux celtiques a forme d'animaux (Paris, 1906), 160 if.; Dottin 271; Schmidt, KGP 239; Watkins, £riu 19, 1962, 114; Meid, IF 67, 1962, 117. O l r . maith (maid) (z-stem) 'good, excellent, profitable' 2 points to Celtic mati-. It is cognate with W. mad,* Corn, mas, Bret, mad, and a Gaulish equivalent is doubtless preserved in the abbreviated form m, mat, matu (neg. anm) in the Calendar of Coligny (DAG 227) . 4 See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 199, Loth, Chr. bret. 131, 150, Holder, AcS 2. 462, Dottin 93, 271, Schmidt, KGP 239, Pokorny, IEW 693. I n PN Matomarus (cf. PNN Comatumarus, Matumarus) the stem vowel of the first element appears in the composition joint as -0-. Concerning the difficulty of determining whether mato- as a second element should be regarded as representing matu- 'bear' («-stem) or mati- 'good' (z-stem), see the remarks of Schmidt, KGP 239. His words suggest that he assumes that matu- invariably means 'bear' and that mati- invariably means 'good'. But it is possible that matu- in some examples, as well as mato- and mati-, should be treated as an adjective meaning 'good, fortunate, propitious, favourable' or the like. J . Vendryes, in his discussion of the name Teutomatus in CRAI 1939, 466 ff. (see also id., LEIA M. s.w. maith and math), claimed that 1 See RIAContr. s.v., Vendryes, LEIA M - 2 4 . Various Welsh forms have been cited as cognates of this Irish form, namely madyn 'fox' (v. Rhys, Celtae and Galli 4), madawc 'fox' (Dottin 271, Schmidt, KGP 239), and maden 'eine kleine Fuchsin' (Stokes, Urk. Spr. 200). Of these three forms madyn 'fox' is well attested in W. texts (e.g. Gwaith Dafydd ap Gwilym, gol. Thomas Parry (Caerdydd, 1952), p. 64, Cywyddau Iolo Goch ac Eraill, gol. Henry Lewis et alii (Bangor, 1925), 317). Madawg, madog as a subst. meaning 'fox' is less certain. Exx. of the form with this meaning are quite scarce. W. Owen-Pughe gives in his A Welsh and English Dictionary an example of madawg in the following couplet where the meaning 'fox* is possible: Llwyd dy glog, fy llatai glan / Madawg was bywiawg buan (I. ab Rhys ab Morus). Mr. R. J. Thomas has kindly informed me that this example is known to him only from Pughe's Dictionary, but he has drawn my attention to the following example from Mr. Brinley Rees's M.A. (Wales) thesis Rhai Agweddau ar Ganu Rhydd Cynnar 305: [0] ble i daethost ti madog gochrudd [ ]wn panog. Mr. Thomas is satisfied that there is quite a strong case for recognizing both W. madyn and madog as forms meaning 'fox'. Their etymology is obscure. Maden 'a little she fox, a vixen' appears to be one of Pughe's coinages. No other exx. of the form are known to the editor of GPC. 2 See RIAContr. s.v., Vendryes, LEIA M - i 2 f . , Schmidt, Stadia Hibernica 3, 1963» 175 f· 3 See Ifor Williams, BBCS2, 1925, 121 ff.; 4, 1929, 3 4 1 ; PKM224; CLIH S$f.; CAn. 224, 257. 4 See, for example, Thurneysen, %CP 2, 1898-9, 525; Rhys, Celtae and Galli 4, Cal. 3 3 ; Dottin 270; MacNeill, £riu 10, 1926-8, 3, 34, 39; Vendryes, LEIA A - 7 0 ; Alwyn and Brinley Rees, Celtic Heritage (London, 1961), 86 f.; Og. 15, 1963, 386.
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th which is only one of the names for the bear in Irish, 1 (far· ' m e use of the adjective math ( < matu-) to describe the jgrive ^ & ι to which flattering epithets are often applied. \)t&\ ^n s -m matt-, showing hypocoristic doubling of -t-, compare ^ w 1Λ personal name Math. See Loth, RC 46, 1929, 295 (beside the τ Guffydd, Math vab Mathonwy (Cardiff, 1928), 168 if.), and n
mes in admat-, v. s. AD-; Comatia, -ius DAG 244; Comaiillae ^ \ CIL <*· ι χ 7 ° 5 ' Comaiimara (f.) C7L 3. 3621; Cornalo, Comatuia ^ r A · Comatul[lus] or -[/α] 182; Comatullus 244; Comatumarus 244; ^ t(daX) CIL 2· 4 I 5 5 ' C o 7 r ^L t o ] 2. 5141, Ccwflto (dat.) 3. 5417, C / L n ) 3. " 7 " > 3· 12012. 3 3 ; ?^to- ES, p. 26;* Mate (or C to?) ^ G 2 3 7 ; ? A f f l t o H u b n e r > M i / x i v ; 3 MatacusQ) DAG 224; jflWflflf ; fgen.) Gallia 20, 1962, 472; Mataris DAG 237; Mataura ^atanMateclanus AE 1961, 156; AfateMtf ZL4G 203; ? Matera, Materia, 2 ^ ' · Materia 244; Materilla 182; Afafo'[ 87; Μαίί 244; Μαώζ 182, ^am°^aticeius AE i956> 5 ° ; A&rfiattj Z>.4G 83, 244, -w 244; Matico 244' . r-fl jr Xj 224; Matidonnus 237; Matiera 244; s Matinus 182, 228 "7 228 (iv); ^ ^ 224 ; 6 Matislius 8 3 ; Matisoni 182; Matiticius H'-'ldato 83, (?)!56> χ76> i82, 208, 208B, 237, 244, C2L 2. 926;? rus DAG 244; Matona 214; Matonia PID xic; Matorinus 203; ^/Tntf 203; A ^ J 203> R e m a r k ; Afato 151, 182, 214, 224, 237(?), 8 Mattato, -us 228 (iv); Matteius 237; Mattia 83, PZD xic, -iiu 83, 24 t 182 228 (viii), 237, 244,(Ata(f)tttf) 250; Afettio 228 (viii), 1 r ιι,-Μ 244; A ^ t o 83> ^ Remark B, 214, 228 (iv), 237, 238 (iv), U 7mtonms 182, 237; Mattoria PID xvc; Mattos DAG 2 1 4 ; " 2 44» Afo/to 244; Mattunus 195; Mafaa (Natua?), -us 156; ί ΐ α ί ί 202; Afoto«ii (gen.) BIEA 8, 1954, p. 485, no. 52," Matu• ... η AG 83, Matucenos (-£-) 206 ; 12 Matuci 176; Matucia 182; Κ Meyer, AV/ί. W7A;. iii, par. 43 (Site, i . Ag/. />ra//?. Λ4£Λ
nf Untermann, W 122, 158. s Cf. Untermann, VP, locc. citt. ! ^Weisgerber, £ 7 i54> i954> m , ΛΛ. ^ 23, 1958, 29. ς Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 320; Vetters, Fest.f. Rudolf Egger (Klagen7 e ^ *8; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 23, 84, 124. ^ S l e Vetters, op. cit. 40 f., Weisgerber, AHVN 155-6, 1 9 5 * 46. „ c , Weiseerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 320, Rh. V. 18, 1952, 266. 10 S Weisgerber,^. V. 18, 1952, 266. 11 See also # * £ 784> Albertos, £fn*ite 28, i960, 299. c Cat Besanfon, no. 163. Beside names in matucen- compare PNN Madicenus, 12 Ma{i)duc{eni) listed by Untermann in ΕA AH A 127 f. See also ^ 5 2. rr?2i6, 234, 0P£ 6 l > 83, 85, 142, Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 298 f. It is 369> rtain whether any other names in mad- (e.g. P N N Madi[ DAG 83, Madi ^ S / w 244 (cf- Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 216, 2. 78), Afofti C/L 5. 4^37 (cf-
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Matuco 244; Matuconius 5; ?Matuconns 6; Matucus 237, 244, CIL 7, 1336. 682; Mataenus SSVH33,1 Matng[ at La Graufesenque, see section (A) (i) s.n., Matugen[a or -[us DAG 237, Matngenia 244, Matugenus 83, 89, 132, 156, 195, 203, 228 (iv), 244 ; 2 Matugenti (gen.) CIL 3. 4962a ;3 Matui[, Matuia DAG 244; Mataicco 214; Matuiia 151; Matiiilo 8 3 ; Matuinus 208 (also 2O8B) ;*■ Matuio 19; Matullina 151; Matullo 8 3 ;
Matumarus 244; Matuna 244, C/L 2. 1209; 5 Matunus DAG Note (xlv) C ; Matur 244; Matura 83, 237, -ζω· 83, 136, 182, 228 (iv), 237, 244; 6 Maturcus 182; Matitria 237, -izw 237, Gallia 18, 1960, 3 2 1 ; Maturinius 224; Maturix 237; Maturovius Euphrosyne 1 (Lisboa, 1956), 142; Matus DAG 214; Matuso 8 3 ; Matussius 182: Matutina. -us 237 ; 7 Matutinius 214; Matutio 156, 224; Teutomatus {BG) 156; 8 Vihirmatis (gen.) 224; Vinomathus EE 3, p. 316, no. 193. L E N N : Andematunnum itinn. (-α/ζ£- TP), ϋνδο- Ptol., now Langres ZL4G 234; Matantes pagus Le Mantois (Rennes) ? Z)^IG 179; Matauo, Matauonium, pagus Matauonicus DAG 80; Matisco (-asc-), Matiscensis (~asc-, -esc-), Matisconensis and Materconensis Macon i^4G 179; Matilo TP, Matellio Rav., now Roomburg ZL4G 221; Matisonenses DAG 241; Matouion in Scotland BSRC 4 0 ; Mattiaci, Mattiaci Gallicani, ciuitas Mattiacorum, Aquae Mattiacorum, etc., Z)^4G 241 (also p. 1158); Mattium Tac. ZX4G 221 ; 9 Matucaio TP AcS 2. 479; Matu[e]niq(um) ES 42. 10 D N N : Maglo\matonio (dat., or two words?) ZL4G 155; Mattiaca (Diana) ZM1G 243; (Apollinis) Matuicis (gen.) JB&4F 1959, 263 ;XI
Matuno (dat.) C/L 7. 995. 12 Mayer, locc. citt., Albertos,Ετηέτ'ύα 28, i960, 298, Untermann, FP158), Madico CIL 5. 4602 (z/. Mayer and Albertos, locc. citt.), Madicua DAG 214, 224 (u. Weisgerber, AHVN 155-6, 1954, 46), Afado ZX4G 176, 203, Μαώ C/L 3. 8376 (z/. Falkner, Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft, hrsg. W. Brandenstein (Wien, 1948), 43; cf. Mayer, locc. citt.), Madui OPL 81, Maduio DAG 224) should be included here as variants of Celtic mat-. 1 See also OPL 24, 61, Albertos, Emorita 28, i960, 299. 2 For names in matugen- see further AcS 2. 480 f., Oswald 196 f., 404, KGP 240, Insc. Par., no. 52(1), and section (A) (i) s.n. Matug[. Cf. PN Matneni above and EN Matu\e]niq(ym) below, both perhaps showing loss of -g-. See, e.g., Tovar, Estudios 141 f., AEZ, 29, 1951, 118; Palomar Lapesa, OPLy24, 141; Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 299. Note also PN Maigeni (gen.) C/L 2. 847, for which see A*GP 217, 235, OPL 83, 142, Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 298 f. Finally, compare names in matucen3 listed above. See Vetters, op. cit. 36, Schmidt KGP 217, 240. 4 s See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 320. See OPL 24, SSVH 33. 6 See also AcS 2. 482 f., OPL 24, 84, 124, 128. 7 See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1952, 262 (also 259). 8 9 See section (A) (i) s.n. See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 37. 10 See Tovar, Estudios 141 f., REL 29, 1951, 118, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 61. 11 See also REL 37, 1959, 62 (AE i960, 319 c), REA 63, 1961, 377, 393, Gallia I9> 1961, 399 f12 See de Vries, AT? 109. DN Ratamatus AcS 2. 1075 is a misreading of CZL 13. 2583. See DAG 181.
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The names I have listed are of multiple origin and certainly not all Celtic. Account should be taken in some cases of forms other than Gaul, matu-, mato-, mati- discussed above, e.g. mataris (-er-), madaris 'telum graue Gallicum' PID, it. 340c, 1 μάταξα, μεταξά 'thread' and 'raw silk' DAG 240, matta ??'threads' DAG, Note (xxxi) (d) (p. 49s), 2 mat(t)us, -a, -um c drunk'(?) W.-H. 2. 53, 3 and the very doubtful μαηκαν of DAG 45. 4
MORIGaulish mori- 'sea' is cognate with W.Corn.Br. mor 'sea', O l r . muir (gen. mora): O H G . mare, men, OChSl. morje, etc. Pedersen (VKG 1.32) claimed that Celtic -0- in this form represents IE. -0- and sug gested that -β- in Lat. mare, etc., is secondary. 5 In W.-P. 2. 234 s.v. *mari 'Meer' it was claimed that -0- arose in Celtic under the influence of the preceding labial consonant 'unter noch zu bestimmenden Bedingungen'(?). See also Thurneysen, GOI 5 1 ; Whatmough, Lg. 29, 1953, 4 8 3 ; Schmidt, KGP 245; Krahe, Sprachliche Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa (Wiesbaden, 1959), 23 f.; A. Nehring, Festschrift fur Franz Rolf Schroder . . . hrsg. von W. Rasch (Heidelberg, 1959 [i960]), 122-38; Vendryes, LEIA M-73 (Meid, IF 67, 1962, 119). T h e gloss muria 'brine, pickle' (see W.-H. 2. 130, IEW 742, cf. DAG 79) probably does not belong here. Dis tinguish also ?mori 'fanum' DAG 178 and see section (A) (i) s.n. Moritasgus. P N N : Moria DAG 156, 203, Remark; ?Moricam(ulus) Oswald, Index 211; Moriconis DAG, Note (liii) (p. 1077); Moncus DAG 182, 202; Moridic ECMW 61 ; 6 Moriena DAG 237; Morinus DAG 136, 151, Remark A, 182, 204, CIL 2. 5812; Moriregis (gen.) CIL 7. 409; Moritasgus BG; Moritex DAG 224 (or common noun, see Glosses below); Morius DAG 214; Vindomoruci (gen.) CIL 7. 948. L E N N : Aremorici, Armorici, -a, -icanus DAG 179 (cf. Glosses below); Μορικάμβη (Μοριακάμβη) Ptol. 2. 3. 2 Morecambe Bay (Lanes.); Moriduno Rav., IA., \M6\ridumo for \M6\riduno in Devon BSRC 41 ; 7 1
See also PID, Indexes, p. 30, DAG 240, IEW 703. See Whatmough, Lg. 25, 1949, 391. 3 Whatmough (Lg. loc. cit., CPh. 45, 1950, 202) suggested that this form more properly meant 'dizzy'. 4 See Rhys, Insc. 32; Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 65 f.; Vendryes, LEIA M-23, 24 f. 5 See also Pokorny, W.-P. 2. 234, n. 1, IEW 748, Krogmann, ZCP 20, 1936, 287, n. 1. 6 Compare PN Mo[re]dic ECMW 147. 7 Compare Muridono I A 482, 9, Muriduno 483. 7 and Maplhovvov (v.l. Μορί-) Ptol 2. 3, 12 beside ?Mari[duno] Haverfield, Athenaeum 1 Aug. 1896, p. 86 = id., EE 9, 1913, p. 634. See Holder, AcS 2. 427, 629, Forster, FT248, Jackson, JRS38, 1948, 58, LHEB 34. 2
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Morincum Moirans-du-Jura (Jura) AcS 2. 630; Morini DAG 212; Morionio Rav. in West Dorset BSRC 4 1 ; Vindomora I A Ebchester (Durham) AcS 3. 347. D N : Moritasgus DAG 181. 1 The ethnic name Aremorici is explained in the Endlicher Glossary as 'antemarini, quia are ante, more mare, morici marini 5 , see DAG 178. For morimarusa 'mortuum (i.e. congelatum) mare' Plin. NH 4. 95 see PID 340B, DAG 220. For moritex (negotiator Britannicianus) in an inscription of Cologne Β J 92, 1892, 261 = GIL 13. 8164a (possibly a common noun meaning 'sailor') see DAG 207 and p. 1360 (with refs., to which add Pedersen, VKG 2. 648, LP 401). GLOSSES:
MOTSome of the names in mot(t)~ listed below may be Gaulish cognates of one or other of the following Irish forms: (a) moth m. (0-stem) 'amazement, stupor'; (b) moth (mod) m. 'membrum virile; a male being, a man' beside toth 'membrum muliebre'; 2 (c) moth .i. guth ( = Voice'). See RIAContr. M, col. 175, Hessen 2. 133, Schmidt, KGP 245. PNN: Bimottia DAG 208D (also 214) ; 3 ?Κασσυμοτουλου DAG 74 ; 4 Couertomotul Blanchet, Manuel p . 81; 5 ?Dacomot[ DAG 224 ; 6 Dumnomotus DAG 156; ?Motrus 244; Mot(t)ius, Mottus 196, Motti 237; Mottia DAG 208D,7 Gallia 20, 1962, 712; Mottio DAG 2O8D, (also 214) ; 7 Mottius DAG 244; Motto (dat. f.) 2 O 8 D ; 7 Motto f. DAG 244;» Mot(t)ucus DAG 197; Mottus DAG 208D (also 214) ; 7 Motuacus DAG 214, 237; Motuca DAG 237; Motucius DAG 208D (also 214) ; 7 Motucus DAG 182, 214; Motuidiaca Mur.-Chab. 3990-4005 ; 9 JWbta· Z^4G 139, 228 (iv); ?Motuso DAG 214; 10 Sumotus DAG 244; 1
See section (A) (i) s.n. Moritasgus. For the etymology of Ir. moth Membrum virile' and toth Membrum muliebre' (RIAContr. to-tu- col. 265) see Strachan, KZ 33, 1895» 304, M. O'Briain, £ C P 14, 1923» 325» Thurneysen, Rh. Mus. 77, 1928, 335. Cf. W.-H. 2. 138, E.-M. 757, Vendryes, LEIA M-65 f. 3 See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 331, 339, 354, n. 1. Compare section (B) 4 s.n. Βψμος. See section (A) (i) s.n. 5 Whatmough's Counertomotul DAG 245 must be an error. 6 Quoted by Holder, AcS 1. 1213 after Schuermans 1836. 7 These names were included by Weisgerber in a list of the names of the Treveri the language of which could not be precisely determined (Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 331, also 354, n. 1). See also note 3 above. 8 See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 342, Pokorny, Urg. 125. 9 See also AcS 2. 647, Blanchet, TraitS 129, Gourvest, Og. 11, 1959, 227, Colbert de Beaulieu, RAE 10, 1959, 45-48, id., Cat. Jura, no. 7. Not motuidiacos as listed by Whatmough in DAG 151 and 157. 10 Read Motusu? See Holder, AcS 2. 647. 27 f. 2
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Tarcondimotus, Ταρκον8ίμοτος AcS 2. 1732-3 ;* Tutomotulus AcS 2. 647. 23, 2. 1732. 49 (without reference to source). 2 N A M O - , N A M A N T O - , etc. Gaulish namo- and namio- and derivatives such as namato- and namanto- are attested in a number of names, as listed below. These names are probably of multiple origin. In many of them namo-, etc., may be related to one or other of the IE. roots distinguished by Pokorny, IEW 763 f. as (1) *nem- 'allot, take' seen in Gk. νέμω fi I distribute', νόμος 'custom, law, ordinance', Lat. numerus 'number', etc., and (2) *nem- 'bend' seen in Skt. ndmati 'bows, bends', Gk. νέμος 'wooded pasture, glade', Lat. nemus 'wooded pasture, grove', Gaul. νβμητον 'shrine, sanctuary?' DAG 57 (Insc. of Vaison), 3 Mllr. neimed 'sanctuary' (RIAContr. N - O - P 21 ff.), M1W. nyuet (see Ifor Williams, PKM 298 ff.),4 etc. It is tempting to suggest that W. naf'lord' (used, especially in addressing God) belongs here. 5 It may be an exact cog nate of Gaulish namo-, Namanto- in PNN Namantins, Namantus, Namanto and Namantobogius was related by Dottin (p. 274) and Vendryes (CRAI 1948, 221, EC 5, 1950-1, 238, Corolla Linguistica Festschrift F. Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955), 229) to Mllr. ndma(e) (ί-stem, gen. namat) 'enemy'. Pokorny {IEW 763) suggested that this Irish form might be related to the root *nem- 'allot, take'. However, Micheal O'Briain {ZCP 14, 1923, 321 f.) interpreted it as a 'participle in -nt from the verb am = "to love" with the negative prefix ne-\6 Forms in namato(notably in compounds with the prefix ad-) beside forms in namantomay show loss of -n-, possibly by analogy with a form such as Gaul. carato-, a form of contrasting meaning (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CARO-).7 1
See Schmidt, KGP 275 s.n. A. Scherer (Anglia 76, 1958, 434) suggested that -motus in Gaulish P N N might be a form of -mogetus showing the loss of intervocalic -g- (see Albertos, Eminta 24, 1956? 294 ff.). But if -g- were to disappear in this form we should expect to find forms in -moetus or -moitus rather than in -motus. I know of no such forms in Ancient Gaul. 3 Compare Galatian Spvvepcrov (-ναίμ-) 'place of assembly' Strabo 12. 5. 1. 567c (see Gal. Spr. 159 f., DAG 246, Og. 12, i960, 195); nimida (i.e. nemeta), nemet 'woodland or mountain shrine' DAG 79 (with refs.); uernemetis (abl. pi.) 'fanum ingens' DAG 158, Og. 12, i960, 195 f.; nimidi SVIHK, no. 123. 4 See also Loth, Chr. bret. 154 s.v. nimet, id., 'Fanum et simulacrum dans la vie la plus ancienne de Saint Samson', RA 20, 1924, 4 9 - 6 3 ; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 12, i960, 185-97. 5 This involves the rejection of the ingenious etymology proposed for naf by Loth in ACL 3, 1907, 39 and supported by Fowkes, JCS 2, pt. 1, 1953, 2. 6 See also Vendryes, LEI A N - 2 (Meid, IF 67, 1962, 119), Szemerenyi, Fachtagung Innsbruck 206. * See Schmidt, KGP 246 f. Schmidt claimed that a nasal was lost before -t- in forms in ad-namat- owing to a shift in the accent caused by the prefixing of ad- (see also KGP 98). 2
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On the other hand, it is quite possible that namato- and namanto- are distinct, the one with an old Celtic -ί-suffix, the other with an old -/z/-suffix. Schmidt claimed {KGP 247) that namo- is an abbreviated form of namanto-, pointing out in support of this view that namooccurs in composition only as a second member. But there is no need to assume that namo- is invariably an abbreviation of a longer form such as namanto-. Many of the names listed below probably reflect a Celtic 0-stem namo which did not arise through abbreviation. Forms with -mm- may show hypocoristic doubling. P N N : Names in adnam-, an(n)am-, see section (A) (ii) s.v. AD- ;x Nama f. CIL 12. 2356; Namantius DAG 83; Namantobogi (gen.) AE 1949, no. 75 ? Namanto DAG 203 = 224; Namantus DAG 203, 228 (ix); Namatius DAG 151, 156, 159, 182, 83 ; 3 Nameria DAG 182, -ius DAG 8 3 ; Nametus DAG 182; 4 Namia DAG 151; ?Namicus DAG g; ?Namidia DAG 8 3 ; Namilianus DAG, Note (xlv) C, 136; Namilius DAG 8 3 ; Namio AcS 2. 676. 3g; Namiorix DAG 244; Namita DAG 203; Namm[ DAG 244; Namma DAG 244; Nammauos DAG 2O8B, 244; Nammeius BG;5 Nammia DAG 83, 156, 214, -ius 83, 151, 237 ;6 Nammiola DAG 156; Nam(m)o DAG 202, Remark, 2^;Nammoni (gen.) CIL 3. 11584; Nammota DAG 214; Namnis DAG 237; Namonius CIL 5. 6048; ?Namroni DAG 87; Namuni (dat.) PID xiic; Namu AcS 2. 681. 24; Namus DAG 132; Namusa AcS 2. 6 8 1 ; Namuso DAG 244; Namuta DAG 8 3 ; Namuto AcS 2. 682. L E N N : Adnamantia ND, An(n)amatia ΙΑ ΤΡ Rav., v. AcS 1. 156, 3. 628; Namare TP (Noricum) AcS 2. 674; Namarini Plin. NH 4. i n (Hisp. Tarrac.); Namucum (-£-), Namon now Namur DAG 212, 221. D N : IN am daemon, Nammutum at Namur DAG 213. For ναμασατ[, να/χαυσατ[ DAG 78 and ναμανσικαβο DAG 67 with ναμ- beside ?ν€μαν[ DAG j8,7 Nemausus (-m), Νέμαυσος (-οι>), Νζμαύσιοι, Nemausensis (-iensis), Nemuso Nimes (Prov. Nemze) DAG 80 (see also 82), 8 Νςμωσσός capital of the Aruerni DAG 148,9 and PN Nemausina 1 Compare PNN Adnema DAG 9, Adnomatus DAG 244 and see section (A) loc. cit., s.n. Adnema, KGP 249 f. s.n. Adnomatus. 2 See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 See also AcS 2. 675. 4 Compare perhaps the ordinal nametlos] 'ninth' of La Graufesenque (DAG 104 (b), 1. 1, wrongly read as naumet\os\ by Loth, RC 41, 1924, 8). See Loth, RC 41, 1924, 38, Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927, 300 f., GOI 250, Meillet, BSL 29, 1929, 32, Weisgerber, SprFK 205. For PN Adnametus DAG 151, 156, 237 see Schmidt, KGP 247, n. 2. 5 6 See section (B) s.n. See also AcS 2. 677. 7 See also Ogam 14, 1962, 131 ff., EC 11/1, 1964-5, 64 ff. 8 See Sablou, Le Vieux Nimes 1958, no. 27, pp. 1-16 (REA 60, 1958, 364), Lafon, Actes ier Congr. Int. Lang. Litt. Midi de la France (Avignon, 1957), 297-301. 9 See Whatmough, DAG, pp. 126 f., id., Die Sprache 1. 1949, 127.
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DAG 83 with nem-, νεμ-, see Pictet, RC 2, 1873-5, 6, Rhys, Insc. 16, Pokorny VR 10, 1948-9, 220, id., <ΐ?Ρ 24, 1954, 105. l EN Namnetes DAG 1792 is problematic. Note also LN Namnasa Pomp. Mela 3. 1. 15.
NANTUGaulish nantu- {nanto-) is cognate with W. nant Valley, water course, stream 5 , 3 Corn, nans,4 pointing to IE. *nm-tu- with a weak grade of the root *nem- 'bend 5 seen in Skt. namati 'bends, inclines', natd-, etc. (see above s.v. NAMO-). See Holder, AcS 2. 687, Pedersen, VKG 1. 149, Weisgerber, SprFK 205, Hubschmid, Praeromanica 107 f., Pokorny, IEW 764, Schmidt, KGP 247 f.,s Lebel, PMHF, parr. 43, 197, 328, 581. The meaning 'valley, water-course' is confirmed by nanto c ualle', trinanto 'tres ualles' in the Endlicher Glossary 613. 8 (see DAG 178 with refs.). Pokorny (Urg. 166) suggested that Celt, nantuwas Illyrian in origin. Like Whatmough {DAG, p. 577) I doubt whether there is a different nanto- {nantu-) in the divine name Nantosuelta as has been suggested by some scholars.6 P N N : ?Conantius AcS 1. 1089;? Nant[DAG 214; Nanthinus Greg. Tur. h. Fr. 5(36); Nantil{us) DAG 237; [N]antimaro (dat.) REA 58, 1956, 279; Nantiorix (f.) DAG 237 ; 8 Nantironius DAG 237; Nantius DAG 156, 237, Nant{ius) 2O8B (also 244); Nantia DAG 237; ?Nanto DAG 182; Nantonicn DAG 141 ;9 Nantonius CIL 7. 198; Nantu[ ILTG 334 bis; Nantuas (ethn. ?) or Nantuasius DAG 237; ?Nantuirn{u)s REA 61, 1959, 397· L E N N : ?Dionantis {Deo-) Dinant DAG 212; ?Nantes ciuitas DAG 234; *Nantiacus Nancy (Meurthe-et-Moselle), etc., AcS 2. 684; Nantiniaca uallis AcS 2. 684; Nanto AcS 2. 685; Nantoialus, Nantogilum, Nantollus, etc., AcS 2. 685 f.; Nantua uilla DAG 149, Remark; INantuadis Nantua (Ain) AcS 2. 687; Nantuates DAG 15 (also 241); ?Voginantus now Saint-Denis-sur-Loire (Loire-et-Cher) AcS 3. 435. 1 See also Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 180 concerning P N N Adnamu and JVamzotf. 2 See also Holder, AcS 2. 677 ff., Pedersen, VKG 1. 167, Smith, 7 3 89, Vendryes, Recueil de travaux qffert a M. Clovis Brunei vol. 2, 643. For a recendy discovered instance of the name see AE i960, 291 (also Gallia 19, 1961, 412). 3 See Vendryes, RC 44, 1927, 256, Thomas, EANC 50. 4 See R. Williams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum (Llandovery-London, 1865), 263. 5 Schmidt claimed that names such as Conatius DAG 228 (iv), Κονάτος DAG 250 (cf. conat, κονατ DAG 177, Conatius DAG 214), Conatus DAG 139, 244, and Vonatorix DAG 224 belong here. But this is highly speculative. Other interpretations of these names are possible. 6 Vendryes (LEIA N-7) hints at the interesting possibility that Gaulish names in nantu- (nanto-) show an element cognate with Olr. niit *combat, battle*. See also de Jubainville, RC 10, 1889, 229 and refs. s.n. Nantosuelta. 7 Cf. AcS 3. 1266. 40. See Schmidt, KGP 176, 248. 8 9 See AcS 2. 684, KGP 75, 247, DAG, p. 627. See section (A) (i) s.n.
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D N : Nantosuelta DAG 213 (also p. 1352) with bibliography to which add P. Lambrechts, Contributions a V etude des divinites celtiques (Bruges, 1942), 100 ff., F. M. Heichelheim and J . E. Housman, LAntiquite classique 17, 1948, 305-16, Vendryes, ReL Celt. 274, de Vries, KR 94. NERTOGaulish nerto- 'strength, might, power' is cognate with Ir. nert, W. Corn, nerth, Bret. nerz. See AcS 2. 723, VKG 1. 136, Dottin 275, IEW 765, LEIA N-10, DGVB 266. PNN: names in cobnert-, comnert-, coneri-, cou(i)nert-, v. s. COM-; Esunertus DAG 237 ;l Nert\_ 244; Neriz 156, 2 C 8 E ; Nsrtacus 151; Nertecoma RE A 58, 1956, 71 ff.;2 ?Nertes DAG 182, 244; Nertilla CIL 3. 2806 ;3 Nertinius DAG 156, 244; Nertinus 151, 182; Nertius 151 (-us?), 182; names in nertomar-, v. s. MARO;4 Nerton[ CIL 3. 5190, Nertonio (dat.) CIL 6. 3435, Nertonus CIL 13. 8792 ; 5 Nertoualus DAG 9; Nertus 83, 156, 176, 202, 228 (ix), 237, 244; ?]nertus 224; Urogenonertus 182. L E N N : Neprepeovot 241; Nertobriga AcS 2. 723 ff. (three names). D N : ?Nerta DAG 243 (s.n. Auert[entes?]).6 OLLOAn element olio- has been interpreted as the Gaulish equivalent of Ir. oil 'great, ample', W. oil 'all', Corn, ol, oil, Bret. oil. See Stokes, BB IC /> J 893, 100 comparing Gk. πολλός, id., Urk. Spr. 52 f. comparing Lat. pollereJ In W.-P. 1. 85, IEW 24, on the other hand, 8 it was sug gested that Ir. oil is cognate with Lat. ollus (IE. *olno-). See also A. Carnoy, Origines des noms des communes de Belgique (Louvain, 1948-9), 511, Flutre, REPL 210. Vendryes wisely remarked in LEIA Ο-21 s.v. oil Έ η somme rien de sur'. In the divine name Ollogabiae (see below s.n.) olio- may be a hyper-Celticism for Germanic al(l)a- 'all'. Finally, in names such as Condollus, -ius, Couxollius, and Cicollus, -oll(i)o- may be an 1(1) -suffix and therefore may not belong here. P N N : Bituollus DAG 203, 215, 224 ; 9 Condollius DAG 237, 244, Condollus 1
See Holder, AcS 1. 1478 f., Schmidt, KGP 211, 249. See Appendix s.n. 3 See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 241. 4 See also section (A) (i) s.n. Nertomari. 5 Not Nertonius as in AcS 2. 726. 9. 6 DN Nerthus f. Tac. Germ. 40. 2 does not belong here. See Whatmough, DAG 223, Ροΐοηιέ, Latomus 13, 1954, 167 ff., Schroder, Die Sprache 6, i960, 135 ff. 7 See also Holder, AcS 2. 847, Dottin 276, Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 289, What mough, Lg. 33, 1957, 595. 8 See also W.-H. 2. 206 f., 332, Thurneysen, GOI 48, 500, Scherer, p. 208, Schmidt, KGP 250. 9 See Schmidt, KGP 67, n. 3, 92, 150, 251. 2
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DAG 136, 151, Remark Β, 208Α 244 ;l Couxollius DAG 83 ; 2 Ollecnos (rede, -us) DAG 228 (ix) (also DAG 237); Ollia DAG 244; Olliadu DAG 176; Ollilos DAG 228 (ix); Ollius\cus (?) DAG 224; Ollognus (-en-) DAG 136 (also 176) ; 3 Ollodagus DAG 214; 4 Ollognatus, -ius DAG 208A (also 214) ; s Ολλοωρω DAG *247 (i); Ollosinus AcS 2. 8 4 7 ^ Ollouico (JBG) DAG 156^ Olluna DAG 8 3 ; Ollus DAG 237.» ΌΝΝ iCicollus (-ui dat.) ZX4G 181, 236, JV.-L. 5 4 ^ OllogabiaeDAG 236, 243 ; 10 Ollototae matres DAG, Note (xlv) B; 1 1 (Marti) Olludio (dat.) C/L 7· 73> (Marti) Olloudio (dat.) CZL 12. 166, [Afartz OFjloudio? CIL 12. 167.12
ORBIOA Celtic (?) name element orbio- (also orbo-, orbi-?), cognate with Olr. orb (0-stem) m. 'a patrimony, landed estate; an heir, scion', orba(e), orpe, etc. (/0-stem) n. and m. 'a patrimony, heritage, real estate' (see RIAContr. N - O - P 152): Gk. ορφανός 'orphan', Lat. orbus, etc., seems to be attested in some of the following forms: P N N Orbia DAG 83, 151 ; 13 Orbiacianius CIL 2. 311 ; 41 0[rbi]ana CIL 2. 4080; Orbici (gen.) CIL 5. 1851; [0]rbieni (gen.) CIL 2. 5694; Orbiotal. CIL 7. 198, Orbiotali (gen.) AE 1952, no. 37 ; 7 Orbissa DAG 214; L E N N : Orbaniacus Orbigny (Indre-et-Loire) DAG 179 ; IS Orbicusfl.AcS 2. 864; Orbis fl., Orobus, "Οροβι,ς, now O r b ZL4G 80. See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 40; Holder, AcS 2. 864; Pedersen, VKG 1. 118 (LP 39); W.-P. 1. 183; GO/ 39, 219; W.-H. 2. 219 f.; /EPK 781 f.; Treimer, Og. 9, 1957, 1
See O'Rahilly, JEfflAf 230 f., Schmidt, KGP 66 f., 91, 182, 251. The interpretation proposed by Schmidt, KGP 185, is highly speculative. 3 See also Oswald, Index 224. Compare PN Olugnia (Teol-, Etol-?) DAG 224 (see Schmidt, A*GP 139, n. 1). 4 See Schmidt, KGP 69, 250. * See Schmidt, KGP 59, n. 1, 69, 251, Scherer 208 beside de Jubainville, RC 8, 1887, 182. Compare PN Olognato? DAG 140 (also Olognatus DAG 156, Remark B). 6 Whence Schmidt, KGP 251. Compare PN Olosinus DAG 151, Remark B. 7 See section (A) (i) s.n. 8 Latin? Compare PN Olus DAG 244, jV.-L. 106 (see also AcS 2. 849) ? 9 See Weisgerber, 5/>rFA" 197; Thurneysen, £CP 20, 1936, 379, GOI 181; Specht, Λ"£ 64, 1937, 8; Bertoldi, EC 2, 1937, 28 ff.; Vendryes, EC 3, 1938, 176. Whatmough (DAG, p. 628) compares the gloss cicolus (v.l. ciculus) *cuckoo' (see DAG 158 s.v., where, however, Whatmough discounts any connexion with Cicollus). For another doubtful etymology proposed by Whatmough see Og. 5, 1953, 65. See also Schmidt, KGP 66, 171, 251. 10 Compare DN Alagabiae DAG 223. See, with references, Gutenbrunner 156 f., Whatmough, DAG, pp. 852, 1352, Schmidt, KGP 250 f., id., IF 66, 1961, 270. 11 See Dottin 292, n. 1, Gutenbrunner 154, Schmidt, KGP 251. 12 See section (A) (ii) s.v. AUD-. « For PNN Orbia, -ius see also AcS 2. 865. 14 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 89. " See also Holder, AcS 2. 864. 2
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297 f. It is unlikely that the OW. personal name Urbagen, Urbeghen, Urbgen (M1W. Uruoen, Urien), and OBr. Urbgen contain a cognate element. 1 Vendryes (EC 5, 1950-1, 244, see also id., LEIA Ο-27 f.) claimed that forms in urbi-2 also belonged here, and that these should perhaps be related to forms in uerb-juorb-.3 This view, I think, as Schmidt (KGP 252) does also, is wrong. Forms in urbi- may well be Latin or, as Hertz suggested (ad Schmidt, KGP, loc. cit.), Latinized forms of Celtic orbi-S Forms in uerb-juorb- are rather cognate with Gk. ράμνος (a name of various prickly shrubs), Lat. verbera 'a thrashing, flogging', Eng. warp, etc. (: IE. *uerb(h)- 'turn, bend'). See Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 251., IEW 1153. Some of the names in orb- cited above may, on the other hand, point to the IE. root *erb-j*orb- found in words denoting dark colours and possibly in Gaul, eburo- (< *erburo- ?) . s See W-P. 1. 146, Pokorny, VR, loc. cit., IEW 334, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr.
1. 2 4 9 , 2. 12.
ORGETOGaulish orgeto- is attested in the following personal names: Orgetorix DAG 182,6 244 (BG),7 orcetirix, orcitirix, orceti[, orcet[, orgetirix, orget[ DAG 177; 8 Orcetius, Orgetia 244;^ Orgete(i) GIL 3. 5191. It is ap parently a /-stem (cf. Gaul, cingeto-, see Chapter I I I (A) (ii) s.v. CINGO-) to be related to the verbal form orge 'occide' oiCGL 5. 316. 70 and to Insular Celtic forms such as O l r . orcaid 'kills, slays', OBret. orgiat gl. caesar (leg. caesor), treorgam gl. perforo: Arm. harkanem 1
See Nicholson, £CP 3, 1901, i04ff.; Williams, BBCS 7, 1935, 388; Forster, FT 826, n. 2 ; Jackson, LHEB 436, n. 2, 439, 648; id., Studies in the Early British Church, ed. N. K. Chadwick (Cambridge, 1958), 285; Vendryes, LEIA Ο-27 f.; Bromwich, TYP 516 ff.; Fleuriot, VB 47. 2 Note, for example, P N N Urbicius DAG 214, 237; Urbicus DAG 214, 224, 237, 244; Urbilus DAG 136; Urbo DAG 244; LENN Urba fl. Orbe DAG 234, 2 4 1 ; Urbia fl., Urbiensis Orge DAG 179. 3 Note, for example, P N N Verbacius CIL 3. 3381, Vorbia GIL 3. 1765°; LENN Verbannus locus, Verbanus, Ου€ρβανός PID IXA; pagus Verbigenus DAG 241; Verbinum I A, Vironum (Viruinum?) TP, Vervins (Aisne) DAG 212; DN(?) Verbeiae (dat.) CIL 7. 208. 4 On the other hand some forms in orbi- may point to Latin urbi-. Moreover, one must reckon with the incidence and influence of the Latin z-stem orbi- in proper names. 5 For eburo- see section (B) s.n. Εβουρος. 7 6 == Orgetori[ CIL 13. 3024. See section (A) (i) s.n. 8 See section (A) (i) loc. cit. The stem vowel in the composition joint here is -i-. Concerning the alternation of -g- and -c- see Chapter III (A) (ii) (c). It is doubtful whether any other names in ore- (e.g. P N N Orcio DAG 199, Orcopril 177, Orcos 224, 228 (vii)) are cognate. These may be related to Ir. ore (o-stem) m. *a young pig* (see IEW 841, LEIA Ο-28) or to the gloss orca (a sea-monster, a large jar, dolium) DAG 158. 9 See CZL3. 5630, 11803.
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Ί strike'. See VKG 2. 587 ff., W.-P. 2. 42 f., LP 386 f. (comparing Hitt. harganu 'to destroy'), KGP 252 f., IEW 819, LEIA O-30, DGVB 277. Although orgeto- is not an exact equivalent of OBr. orgiat it is probably identical in meaning, i.e. 'killer, murderer' or the like. PN Orgot(i) (gen.) in an inscription of Lugdunum Convenarum reported by Duval, REA 59, 1957, 353 after Labrousse 1 may also belong here, and also other PNN in org- such as Orgesa DAG 83,2 Orgilus DAG 237, Orgius DAG 151, 182, 224. Moreover, the element orgeno- in the ethnic name Orgenomesqui (in Cantabria) AcS 2. 874 f. has been interpreted as a derivative of Celtic org- 'to slay, kill' and related to Ir. organ, orcun (tf-stem) f. 'the act of slaying, murdering; murder' (v.n. of orcaid). See Thurneysen, GOI100, Schmidt, KGP 70, 242, 253, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 595 ('in view of -qu- not Keltic'), Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 300, Vendryes, LEIA O-30. Compare now D N Orgeno (dat.) discussed by G. C. Susini in Homm. Gren. 1449-53. Schmidt also suggested that PNN Origena CIL 2. 6298 and Origanionis (gen.) CIL 13. 1412 show a svarabhakti vowel between -r- and -g- and point to Celtic orgeno-. Cf. Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 301 and see s.v. GEN-.
RATOA name element rato- cognate with Ir. rath 'grace' (see RIAContr. R. 15 f.), W. rhad (see Thurneysen, GOI 131 beside Pedersen, VKG 1, 144, 2. 34, LP 49), 3 or, less probably, with W. rhawd 'course, career' (: Ir. ra{i)the 'a period of three months, a quarter of a year, a season', see IEW 864) 4 may be attested in some of the names listed below (e.g. PNN Ateratos, Cassisuratus, Duratius, Suratus). Gaulish forms in rat(o)-, rati- are, however, certainly of multiple origin. For account must also be taken of -rate, -ratum, which is well attested as a second name element in LENN (e.g. Argentorate, -ratum, Carbantorate) and by itself in the form ratin (ace.) 'rampart' in the Gaul, inscription of VieuxPoitiers (Vienne) DAG 152. This element is cognate with Ir. ra(i)th c an earthen rampart surrounding a chief's residence, a fort, rath' (RIAContr. R. 17 f.),s W. beddrawd 'grave, tomb, cemetery' (GPC 268), MlBret. bezret 'cemetery': Lat. pratum 'a meadow'. See W.-P. 2. 86, f x See Annales du Midi 68, 1956, 140 ff. For a comment by Lafon see Vlth Inter national Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Munchen, 24-28 August 1958, Reports of Congress, ed. Karl Puchner, vol. 3 (Munchen, 1961)5 487. Cf. CIL 13. 288. 2 ?Compare PN Origesus DAG 228 (ix) with svarabhakti vowel. 3 See also DGVB 293 and section (A) (ii) s.v. RET(T)-. * See also Hertz apud KGP 256. 5 Compare Ir. rath *a surety, guarantor; suretyship, a guarantee, pledge' {RIAContr. R; 16 f.). See Thurneysen, Die Burgschaft im irischen Recht {Preufi. Akad. der Wissensch. 1928, Phil.-hist. Kl. 2), 3, 34, 35 f., id., £CP 18, 1930, 364 ff.; D. A. Binchy, Crith Gablach (Dublin, 1941), 102 ff.
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W.-H. 2. 358 f., IEW 843 f. Distinguish Gaulish ratis 'fern' (Marcell. de medic. 25. 37) beside Ir. raith (z-stem) f. 'fern, bracken' (RIAContr. R. 6), W. rhedyn, OCorn. reden gl. filex {Voc. Corn., v. OCV 288), Bret. radenn. See W.-P. 2. 21, W.-H. 2. 420, DAG 158 s.v. rath, IEW 850. P N N : Ateratos DAG 151 ;x COMW| uratos DAG 177;2 Diorata DAG 156, -rato- 140, 176, 182 ; 3 Z)z/rai Mur.-Chab. 4478-82, Duratius (BG) DAG 156, Durati (gen.) Oswald, ώώ,γ ι ΐ 2 ; 4 ?Messirato Oswald, ώ ώ * 203; Ratiagro (dat.) C/Z, 10. 4969; Ratiatus DAG 156, Remark B, 204; itawKtf DAG 228 (ix); Arf£rc[ DAG 214 ; 5 Aziw[ ZX4G 237; Ratulla DAG 237; ?Ratumediae (dat.) CZL 5. 4457; Suratus DAG 244^ L E N N : Argenioraie itinn., Ptol. (-τον), Amm., -«?/ζώ. . . now Strassburg DAG 234 ; 7 Carbantorate Meminorum, Carpentorate, Carpen tora{c)tensis Carpentras DAG 80; Ratecorion Rav., 'Pare Ptol., Ratas, Ratis IA, (a) Ratis insc, now Leicester BSRC 44; Ratensis pagus (Greg. Tur.) Retz DAG 179; Ratiaria {Rait-) DAG 241 ; 8 Ratiaton {-ate), Ratiatensis DAG 153 ;9 Ra [tis], Ratis, Radis DAG 80 (also 153); Radasbonensis {-is-), -bona, Ratisbon DAG 241 ;10 Ratumagus, Rot{h)omagus, -enses, Ratumacus Rouen DAG 179 (also 177); Ratum[agensis'i'] DAG 212; ?]ioratenses CIL 13. 2464." D N N : Rata, Ratis DAG Note (xlv) Β ; ?Ratum[ DAG 213 (or local, see above s.n. Ratum[agensis?~\). The divine name Ratamatus listed by Holder, AcS 2. 1075 is a misreading οι CIL 13. 2583 s .
RECTUGaulish rata- (w-stem) in PNN such as Atrectus and Rectugenus (see below) is cognate with Irish rarAi (w-stem) m. 'law', M1W. reyth f. 'compurgation, body of compurgators' (also OW. cymreith, cyfreith, M1W., ModW. cyfreith f. 'law'), Bret, reiz f. 'order, arrangement, e t c ' : Lat. rectus, Eng. right, etc. See, inter alios, Esser, Btr. z. gallokeltischen Namenkunde 3 ff., Stokes, Urk. Spr. 231, Holder, AcS 2. 1094, Pedersen, VKG 1. 123 {LP 42), Dottin 94, 281, Thurneysen, GOI 119, 195, Pokorny, IEW 856, Schmidt, KGP 257 Fleuriot, KB 60. It 1
See section (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-, See section (A) (ii) s.v. CASSI-. 3 See Schmidt, KGP 194. Cf. PN Deoratus DAG 224. 4 See section (A) (i) s.n. Duratius. 5 = Ratiscu[ CIL 13. 4338. Weisgerber (Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266) listed this form with other names of the Mediomatrici which he thought may be Celtic. 6 See Thurneysen, Hdb. 222, GOI 231, Pedersen, VKG 2. 9, Schmidt, KGP 58, 257» 273. 7 See also Holder, AcS 1. 211 f., 3. 681 f., P. L[ebel], RAE 4, 1953, 192. 8 See also AcS 2. 1075 f. Cf. Detschew, Thr. Spr. 390 f. 9 See Holder, AcS 2. 1076 f., Diack, RC 39, 1922, 164. 10 See Holder, AcS 2. 1070 s.n. *Radas-b5nd, Pedersen, VKG 2. 2. 11 ?Br]ioratenses Briord DAG 179. Cf. Holder, AcS 2. 1075. 31-33. 2
811030
R
0412
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appears most frequently in compounded names, as a second element with at(e)- as a first element, and as a first element with -genus as a second element (see section (A) (i) s.n. Rextugenos). In some instances (e.g. Rectogenis, Rhetogenes) the stem vowel appears as -0- in the com position joint. The examples below show in this element the regular development of [kt] in Gaulish to [χι], as in Atrextus and Rextugenos, and to [jt], as in Adreito1 and Reitugenus. For bibliography concerning the development of [kt] see section (A) (i) s.n. Contextos. For retu-, as in [RjeTuCenos, Retugenos and ?ReTuCevo, see Tovar, Lexico 11, 12, Kratylos 3, 1958, 5, Lejeune, Celtiberica 56 (with n. 134), 106, 132, Schmidt, KGP 51, 99, Schmoll, SVIHK 96. For PN Regtugnus see Schmidt, KGP 51, 257. Schmidt claimed {KGP 257) that PNN Atreccesianus DAG 244 and Andrecco DAG 87 belong here, and that Gaul, recco-2 is a hypocoristic form of recto-. But Andrecco2 should be related rather to *andera, -os 'a young woman; andiron' for which see section (A) (ii) s.v. AJVDE- (note ad n. Andere). PNN: Abrexta DAG 140, 156, Remark Β, 176; Abrextubogius DAG 237; Adreito PID xvic; Atrec[, Atrect[, Atrectinus, Atrectius, Atrectus, Atregtius, Atrextus, for all of which see section (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-;* Rectogenis, [R]e[ci]ugenus (or Meidu-), Rectugeni (gen.), [Retuge]nei (gen.), [R]ectug[e]ni, Reitugenus, RhetogenesjRhoecogenef'P^oyiv^, Retugenus,5 [R]eTuCenos (or \M\eTu-), lRexs\tug\e\niand\, Rextugenos, for all of which see section (A) (ii) s.v. GEM-; Rectunus Emerita 28, i960, 301; Retucmo SVIHK, no. 26 ; 6 ?Rectomarus, v. s. MARO-. -REDOThe element -redo- (-redi-, redd) is attested in Gaulish in the following forms: PNN ?Anderedus Ven. Fortunat. Vit. Radegundis 1. 34 (79); tCurredia f. CIL 11. 1724; 7 Eporedirix DAG 182, Έπορηδόρι,ξ Gal. Spr. Ί55, Eporedorix (BG) DAG 182 ; 8 Redillus DAG 136^ LENN Eporedia PID ixA (p. 311; cf. it. 340A and see below s.v. eporediae); Redones, 1 Ligurian ? Compare the Venetic divine name Rehtiiah (or Reitiiai) PID, items 2, 3, 5, etc. (see PID, vol. 1. 85 if., 2. 547, 3. 39; Kretschmer, Glotta 30, 1943, 155; Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 203), and personal name Reita PID viiic and Rhaetic Reite PID, it. 227. See Untermann, VP 163. 2 ?Compare PN Recca DAG 151. 3 See Michelena, Pirineos, afio 10, num. 33-34, julio-diciembre 1954, pp. 416, 417 f. * Note also PNN Atrexstus, Atrestus, Atrixtos, Atrixto{s) listed ibid. With the last two compare PNN Rictus DAG 176, 182, IRixtius DAG 182. s Or EN Retugenor(um). See CIL 2. 2324. 6 See also Tovar, LJxico 12, ALSP 81 ; Lejeune, Celtiberica 106; Schmoll, SVIHK, pp. 33, 96, 102; Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 301. 7 ICur-redia. See Schmidt, KGP 186, 257. 8 See section (A) (i) s.n. Eporedorix. 9 Compare PN Re(i)dillus DAG 195. Note also PN Reidomarus DAG 244.
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243
x
Ried-, later Rh-, Rennes DAG 179; GLOSSES: epiraedia Juv. 8. 66, Quint. 1. 5. 68 ;2 eporediae 'boni equorum domitores' Plin. PID, it. 340A ;2 paraueredus 'palfrey' DAG 79 (pp. 167 f., 661) ;3 ueredus 'a posthorse' PID, it. 340D, DAG 79 ; 4 raeda 'travelling coach', raedarkis PID 340B.5 It is cognate with Ir. reid 'level, smooth, easy', W. rhwydd 'easy, fast', etc.: Eng. ride, etc. (IE. *reidh- 'to travel, to be in motion'). See Gliick, KN 143 fT.; de Jubainville, NG 103 fT.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 228 £ ; Holder, AcS 2. 1102; Pedersen, VKG 1. 141 {LP 10); W.-P. 2. 348; Pokorny, IEW 861; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 367 ff.; Schmidt. KGP 257; Fleuriot, DGVB 300. Note the following Old Breton P N N from the Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Redon which appear to contain a cognate element: Roetanau 102, {Ran) Roedlon 196, Roidoc 89. See Loth, Chr. bret. 162. R E G - , R I C - , R I G - , -RIG-, -RIG-, -ΡΕΙΓ-, - R I X , - R E X , - R E I X , - R I S , -RI This is one of the most common name elements in Celtic, corre sponding to Ir. ri (gen. rig) 'king', 6 W. rhi,7 cognate with Skt. raj-, Lat. rex, etc. (: IE. *reg-s). See Urk. Spr. 230, Dottin, p. 282, W.-H. 2. 426 f., 432, 434 £, IEW 854 ff. I have included some forms in reg- {rec-) and in rig- {ric-) in the name lists, although it is particularly difficult to be certain as to how many of them should be admitted as Celtic. For the alternation -i-\-ei-\-e- as in -rixj-reixj-rex and -i-j-e- as in reg-[rig- see Chapter I I I (A) (i) {a) s. ι, ι; for the alternation -g-f-c- as in rig-fric- see Chapter III (A) (ii) {c). For names in -risj-ri see section (A) (i) s.n. Luguri. The name element has been often discussed. D'Arbois de Jubain ville (assisted by Ernault and Dottin) devoted a whole volume to this subject.8 Most recently Schmidt {KGP 74-77) has dealt with the use 1
See Holder, AcS 2. 1102 ff.; Loth, Mem. de Vacad. des insc. et belles-lettres 43, 1925, 134; Smith, TB 112; Blanchet, EC 5. 1950-1, 8 3 ; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 381 f.; P. Merlat, AB 65, 1958, 97, η. ι ; G. Lizop, Annales du Midi 69, 1957, 159 ff. concerning Rennes-le-Chateau (Aude) (REA 60, 1958, 364). 2 See section (A) (ii) s.v. EPO-. 3 See LP 10, W.-H. 2. 425, 757, Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 367 ff, Pokorny, IEW, 861, 1106. For sources see AcS s.v. 4 See Holder, AcS 3. 206 ff, W.-H. locc. citt., DAG, pp. 398, 859, Le Roux, loc. cit., Pokorny, IEW 861, Tovar, Celticum vi. 400. 5 See Holder, AcS 2. 1096 ff, Le Roux, loc. cit., Pokorny, loc. cit. 6 See RIAContr. R. 52 f. For Ir. ri(g)- in compounds with the meaning 'pre eminent of its kind, great, immense' see op. cit. 64-66, also Dinneen 898 f. 7 For the loss of -ks ( < IE. -g-s) in Ir. ri and W. rhi see Pedersen, VKG 1, 244 Thurneysen, GO I 11 o. 8 Les Noms gaulois chez Cesar et Hirtius De Bello Gallico, Premiere sirie, Les Cornpose's dont RIX est le dernier terme. For other collections of examples see Holder, AcS 2. H 9 7 f . ; Schmidt, KGP 260 f.; Sicardi, Rivista di studi Liguri 23, 1957, 2 3 3 ; Albertos, Eminta 28, i960, 302.
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and significance of -rix in compounded names. H e distinguishes three types, the second and third of which, he says, are derived from the first, all three being attested in the remains of Continental Celtic from the very outset. These types are: (i) names such as Albiorix and Cingetorix, where -rix is determinative and is to be translated 'Konig uber etwas, Fiirst von etwas'; (2) names such as Adgennorix and Atectorix, with -rix added merely as an extension to a dithematic name without the meaning 'Konig, Fiirst'; (3) names such as Dagorix and Secorix, where -rix is used as a purely intensive element with an adjectival meaning 'machtig, grofi oder reich an oder durch etwas'. He argues that this third meaning is to be assumed in many names because (a) an adjective corresponding to Ir. rige 'ruling, kingship, sovereignty' ( < IE. *regio-), Lat. regins, and Skt. rqjya-, with the meaning 'koniglich', then 'machtig', may also be assumed for Conr tinental Celtic, and seems in fact to be attested in a few examples (v. Holder, AcS 2. 1185-6, and the name lists which follow); moreover, it appears that Germanic took over the Gaulish equivalent of I E . *regio-; (i) the double meaning, 'Konig, Fiirst' and 'machtig, grofi, reich', is also found in Germanic, 1 and the name element was probably borrowed with this double meaning; (c) -marus and -rix occur frequently as second elements in names which have a common first element, which tends to support the view that they are akin in meaning; (d) in some -rix compounds the adjectival interpretation is the more satisfactory. There can be no doubt concerning the first type distinguished by Schmidt. The meaning 'king, ruler' is certain. However, I do not find his arguments concerning the second type convincing. The examples he gives of -rix with mere intensive meaning or as a mere extension of dithematic names are inconclusive. The precise meaning of PN Adgennorix is uncertain (see section (A) (i) s.n. Αδγβννοριγ). Annamoris may mean 'king (/ruler) against enemies', not merely 'der gegen die Feinde ist', and Atectorix may mean 'king (/lord) of protection'. T h e fact that -rix occurs in hybrid compounds and in names of women 2 does not necessarily imply that its proper meaning in Gaulish, even when it was so used, was often lost sight of. Schmidt has properly recognized, in his third type, that -rix may have an intensive or adjec tival meaning. Indeed, it seems to function occasionally as an honorific suffix. I think, however, that Schmidt does give just a little too much prominence to this type, and that he has, accordingly, suggested doubtful meanings for some names. For example, PNN Ioincorix and 1
See Scherer, Btr. z. JV. 4, 1953, 7. As in PNN Advorix, Andebrocirix, Bellorix, Nantiorix, Tancorix, Visurix. See Vendryes, RC 49. 1932. 306, Whatmough, DAG 181 (s.n. Ascafotorix), Schmidt, KG? 75. 2
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Senorix, I think, do not mean 'reich an Jugend' and 'reich an Alter' (KGP 59, 77, 227, 267) but rather 'he who rules over (/king of) the young/old', or simply 'young king' and 'old king'. PN Dagorix means 'good king' or 'he who rules over (/king of) the good' rather than 'reich an Gut (Gute)' (KGP 77, 187), just as PN Dagovassus means 'good servant' or, less probably, 'servant of the good'. 1 For the concept of kingship among the Celts see, inter alios, the following authorities: Dottin, Mnl. 227 ff.; Jullian, HG 1. 360; D. A. Einchy, Criih Gablach (Dublin, 1941), 104 f.; id., Early Irish Society, ed. Myles Dillon (Dublin, 1954), 52 ff.; id., rLriu 18, 1958, 113 if.; id., Proceedings of the International Congress of Celtic Studies held in Dublin, July 6-10, ig^g (Dublin, 1962), 122 ff.; E. Thevenot, Histoire des Gaulois (Paris, 1946), 112 f.; L[e] R[oux], Og. 4, 1952, 225-31, 235-40, 245 f, 263, 270, 278 f., 286; 5, 1953, fasc. 1, 334-7, fasc. 3, 81-84, fasc. 5, 106-10; T. G. E. Powell, The Celts (London, 1958), 79 f.; de Vries, KR 234 ff.; Nora K. Chadwick, Celtic Britain (London, 1963), 81 ff. For r(ti)i-, -ri, in Welsh and Breton PNN see Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 51, Loth, Chr. bret. 159 f., Lloyd-Jones, Υ Geninen 44, 1926, 11. For Ir. -rige in ethnic names see MacNeill, £riu 3, 1907, 46, O'Briain, £CP 15, 1925, 222-33. For this name element in Illyrian PNN see Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 183, id., Spr. Illyr. 1. 62. A. Scherer, in Corolla Linguistica, Festschrift F. Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955), 199, points out that in Ger manic this name element appears as an a-stem, *nkaz. In Celtic it is a guttural stem. There was contamination of Germanic *rek~ with Celtic *rig: Goth, reiks 'Herrscher, vornehm, machtig' is supposed to be a loan from Celtic *rig-s; ON. rxkr 'machtig', O H G . rihhi 'reich; Reich, Herrschaft', and Goth, reiki are supposed to be loan words from Celtic *rigio~. See de Jubainville, RC 17, 1896, 72; C. S. Elston, The Earliest Relations between Celts and Germans (London, 1934), 160 ff.; J . Trier, Nachrichten von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philol.-hist. Klasse, Jhg. 1943, Nr. 14, 535-82; Polome, Og. 6, 1954, 161, 164; Scherer 205, 208; Schmidt, KGP 75 f.; Pokorny, IEW 856; Treimer, Og. 9, 1957, 295; de Vries, Kelten und Germanen (Bern u. Munchen, i960), 69-71. P N N : Αδγβννορι,γ. DAG 49; 2 Μιατόρι,ξ, Adiatorix AcS 1. 41 ; 3 Aduorix (f.) DAG 156; Ainorix DAG 239 ; 4 Αίοιόριξ Gal. Spr. 154; Albiorigius (or Albiorigi u.s.?) DAG 8;s Άλβιόριξ Gal. Spr. 154; ?Alletorigi (dat.) {-ey1 3 4
Cf. KGP 59, n. 1, 187. See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154. See KMTB passim.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
s Cf. DAG 7 bis, Schmidt, KGP 120.
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l
lapis) CIL 12. 3396 ; Ambiorix BG, inscc, ?Amiorix num., see section (A) (i) s.n. Ambiorix; Aminorix DAG 182, 237; A?idebrocirix, ?Anderica (f.), ?Andrici (?gen.), Antedrigns, Antedrigus, v. s. AjYDE-; Annamoris, Atectorigiana, Atectori(x), Αίβχίοήχ, v. s. AD-; Άτ€ττ6ρνγι, -petyo?, ?[Ate]porix, Ateporico, Atrixto(s),2 v. s. ATE-; Attaiorix DAG 87; Attiorix DAG 204 (also 214); Aucirix DAG, Note (xlix) (a) (i) (p. 872); Aviaricus DAG 132; Amtori CIIC 396 ; 3 Avitoria {Avittoriges Og.) C7/C 362 ; 4 i4wrar CIL 13. 3185;* Balorix (Bai-) DAG 156; Belheiorix DAG 87; BeUatoricis (gen.) ZL4G 237; Bellorix DAG 237: Biborigi (dat.) C/L 13. 11127 ; 6 ?BituriDAG 202, Remark, BiturixDAG 136, 214, 237, 244; Bloturigi (dat.) D^4G 214; Bodorigi (dat.) C/L 11. 867 ;7 Boiiorix DAG 182, i&zon* 224; 8 Bonnoris DAG 87; Bpoyop{e)is CIG 4118^ Bussurigius DAG 244; ?Butturicus CIL 7. 1336. 188 ff.; Buturicus CIL 8. 5507; Camulirilis (-gis) DAG 140; ?Camulori ECMW 349; Camulorigi ECMW 403 ; 10 Camuloris (bis) ECMW 2 7 ; " Cafifwri i C M W 103 ; 12 Cantorix DAG 19, 177, 232; Carantorius ECMW i
See further s.v. ^4LI0-. ?From *Ate-rig-to-s. Cf. names in atrect-, atregt-, atrext-, listed s.w. Λ7".ΖΓ- and RECTU-. 3 See Jackson, Z,#E£ 185, 186, 625. 4 See Jackson, op. cit. 182, 185 f., 188, 456, 625. 5 See Schmidt, KGP 143. Whatmough gives ]awrix in ZX4G 182. 6 In DAG 151 Whatmough suggests reading Bituo-, but in A"GP 148 Schmidt has Biborigi 'Dat. wohl f.\ Cf. Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 432. 7 8 See P / D xxivc. See Schmidt, KGP 153, Scherer 205, 207 f. 9 See also AcS 1. 621, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154, 174, Zgusta 129. 10 See Jackson, op. cit. 626. 11 See Jackson, op. cit. 619, 625, 627, 633. 12 See Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 55, LHEB 624, 625. « See Jackson, LHEB 625 ff. 14 Caturugi CIIC 379. See Jackson, op. cit. 620, n. 3, 626. Ifor Williams {Trans. Anglesey Antiquarian Soc. and Field Club 1939, 33) treats this form as a mistake for Caturigi. 15 In DAG 140 Whatmough has Coticorix. 16 See also Celtiberica, p. 102. Cf. Gomez-Moreno, Misc., p. 313, no. 97, Tovar, Lixico 281, Schmoll, SVIHK, no. 27. 17 See Jackson, op. cit. 625. 18 I9 Cf. AcS 1. 1224. 37 f., Oswald 103. See also DAG 177, 232. 20 See Thes. s.nn., AcS 1. 1300, Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 350, n. 9, Schmidt, KGP 195, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 70, Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 297, 302. 21 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 155. 2
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DumnorixBG, dubnoreix, -rex, dubnorx,dumnorex,etc., num., v.s.DUBNOand section (A) (i) s.n. Dumnorix; Dunohorix DAG 87; lEarairix [sic] DAG 239 ;l Elvorix DAG 214; Epade[xtorix], Epadatextorigi, Eporedirix, Έπορηδόριξ, Eporedorix, v. s. EPO-; Εσκιγγορ€ΐξ see section (A) (i) s.n.; Esciggorix DAG 8 3 ; Eiiorigi ECMW 6; 2 Euoiurix DAG 239; 3 Euroricis (gen.) CIL 13. 2530; 4 Exciggorigis (gen.) CIL 12. 548*; Γαιζατοριξ Gal. Spr. 154, Gesatorix DAG 239; Icori, Icorigas ECMW 84; s Inecriturix DAG 206; Ioincorix 228 (iv), 237; Ioturix, Iotuirix, v. s. IAMT-: Lugotorix, Luguri, see section (A) (i) s.nn.; Magiorix DAG 214, 237; Μαγονρβιγι, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Magurix DAG 177; Maturix DAG 237; Monedorigi ECMW 272 ; 6 Moriregis (gen.) C/L 7. 409; Munerigio CIL 2. 2834; Nantiorix (f.), 0. s. NANTU-; Orgetorix, orcetirix, orcitirix, orgetirix, etc., z/. s. ORGETO-; Oviccorigis (gen.) C/L 12. 1147; 7 Ouiorix DAG 224 (also 237); Rega DAG 244, -&r 237 (also 241); Regalis DAG 136, 156, Remark, 228 (iv), 237; 8 Regallia DAG 237; Regenos DAG 94,9 -us 132, 151; Regilius DAG 244, -&r 250; Regina DAG 151, 214, 224, [R]egin[i?] ECMW 141,10 Regimes DAG 136, 182, 208, 224, 228 (iv), (v), 237, 238 (iii), (v), Wagner 88, ILTG 183 ;11 Reginia DAG 224, -ins 182, 237, 244; ?Regiso DAG 224; Regula DAG 224, -us 136, 214; Regulinus DAG 136, 228 (iv); Regulius DAG 182; Λ££&Μ[.Ζλ4(? 182; Rianorix CIL 7. 411; Ricaamaariu AcS 2. 1182 ; Ricant[ DAG 78; Ricati CIIC 461 ; 12 ?Riccim[ DAG 2 5 0 ; " /&«κί Ζλ4JG 237; Samorix DAG 182, 214; Secorix 203, -£- 83; Senorix 83, 214; ΖΊ}/ο. οντιορ€ΐξ, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Σινόρι,ξ, Συνό- Gal. Spr. 155 ; 17 Sintorix DAG 2O8A; Smertorix AcS 2. 1593; Solirigus DAG 83; Solirix DAG 83, 182; Suadurigius 1 itarte Fariarix or Fabiarix. See Λ<;£ ι. 1393, A"GP 202. Cf. Ondrouch, KMTB 45 f., Colbert de Beaulieu, £ C 9, 1960-1, 112, n. 1. 2 See Jackson, op. cit. 456, n. 1, 626. 3 See Ondrouch, op. cit., passim. 4 Cf. Hertz ap. Schmidt, KGP 212. 5 6 See Jackson, op. cit. 186, 624 f. See Jackson, op. cit. 671. 7 See Schmidt, KGP 253. In DAG 83 Whatmough has ]ouicorix. Sicardi (Rivista di Studi Liguri 23, 1957, 233) lists the name as Iouiccorix. 8 Cf. PN ?Recalem DAG 237? 9 See section (B) s.n. 10 See Jackson, op. cit. 445. " Cf. PN Recinus DAG 244? 12 See Jackson, op. cit. 456, 459. 13 I4 Cf. AcS 2. 1182. See also AcS 2. 1182. 16 " Cf. Ricom[ DAG 231. Cf. PID, vol. 3, p. 39. 17 See also ibid. 174, Schmidt, KGP 268 f,
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DAG 83; Suadur(i)x DAG 182 (see also 237); Tancorix (f.) GIL 7. 355; Tincorix DAG 8 3 ; Togirix DAG 177, 232, 237, 244; Toutannorix DAG 87; Vassorix DAG 214, 237; Vecorix DAG 204; Vectirix DAG 8 3 ; Vendiricus GIL 2. 5747; Vercingetorix, see section (A) (i) s.n.: Virdorix Not. Tiron. 118. 9 4 ; Visurix (f.) DAG 237; Vitousurix DAG 83; Villaorix (perhaps read Vlidorix?) DAG 182 j 1 Wocorix EC9, 1960-1, 112, η. ι ; Vonatorix DAG 224; Vortipori (voc.) ΖλΕϋ? 31 ; 2 Voteporigis (Lat.), Votecorigas (Og.) ECMW 138 ;3 ]arcngui ZL4G 8 3 ; ]7ro/>€tf ^4£ 1954, no. 105 ;4 ]/>€t£ £ ^ G 36; ~\rica DAG 87, ]ricus DAG 250; ?]n'«3tf DAG 8 3 ; ]rigaDAG 182. LENN: ϋλλοτρι^α? (ace), z>. s. ALLO-; Bituriges Cubi, Biturix Cubus, Biturix, Bituricus, -igicus, -igenses, mod. Bourges, Berry, Berrichons DAG 148; Bituriges Viuisci, Bituricus, -rigensis, -rigicus, Biturexf. DAG 153 (see also 241); Καρβαντορίγιον Ptol., Carbantium Rav., in south-west Scot land AcS 1. 782 f. ; s Caturiges, -ensis, Caturigomago, -ensis Chorges (Hautes-Alpes), v. s. CATU-; Caturiges {-rr-) (between the Remi and the Leuci) DAG 212; Δουρότριγζς Ptol., in Britain AcS 1. 1387; Icorigium (v.l. Ego-) DAG 209 (also 212); Reg{a)nus fl. now Regen DAG 241 (but see UAF 104 f.); Regiates PID xvii Intro, (p. 379); Reginca (-ea) Ranee DAG 179; Reginum, Castra Regina, now Regensburg v. s. Reg(a)nus; Regium Lepidum PID XXIA; Ricciacum, -0 DAG 209 (also 212); Ricina (w.U. Rignea, Riginea, Ricnea) Plin., 'Ρικίνα Ptol., Regaina Rav., usually equated with Rathlin (Ir. Rechru) AcS 2. 1183 ; 6 Ricomagus, v. s. Rigomagus; Rigodulum (ap. Treueros), now Riol (nr. Trier) DAG 209 (also 212); 'Ρι,γόδοννον in Britain Ptol. 2. 3. 10; Rigoialus, Rioilus, now Rueil (Seine-et-Oise) AcS 2. 1187; Rigomagus (at Barcelonette ?) DAG 7; Rigomagus, -ensis, Riom DAG 148 ; 7 Rigomagus Remagen i)^G 2 2 1 ; Rigomagus PID ixc; 8 'Ριγόσαγβ? GAZ. S^r. 158; Rixamarum Martial 4. 55. 16;9 Segorigienses DAG 221. 10 DNN: Albiorice (dat.), Albiorigi (dat.) 2X4G 82, Albiorix DAG 7 for;11 1 See Thurneysen . SprFK 213, Schmidt, A*GP 77, 298, Pokorny, TEW 1137. 2 See Jackson, op. cit. 624 ff., 631 ff. 3 See Jackson, op. cit. 169, 456, 627, 633, Pokorny, IEW 1059. Cf. now MacCana, BBCS 19, 1962, n 6 f . * See Appendix s.n. s Cf. BSRC 27. 6 Cf. BSRC 44. For another LN Ricina in Picenum see AcS 2. 1183. 18 ff. 7 Also Ricomago, -magensis, etc. See AcS 2. 1188. 7 ff. β See further AcS 2. 1188 f. 9 See Holder, AcS 2. n 9 9 , Pedersen, VKG 2. 123 {LP 185). 10 Holder, AcS 2. 1451, also gives Se(go)ri(gium) (Durno)ma(gus) from Rav. See DAG, loc. cit. π Concerning the divine name Albiorix see now Barruol, Og. 15, 1963, 356 ff., Guyonuarc'h, ibid. 369 ff.
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Aruernorix DAG 243; Ascafotonx (f.) DAG 181; Βονσσονρίγτου (read -ριγίον) (gen.) ^GS* 3. 1010; 1 Camu(l)orici ( d a t ) , C(a)midorig(i) or -rigiae), Camidorige, v. s. CAMULO-; Caturix, v. s. CATU-; Deaori, v. s. DEVO-; Excingiorigiati (dat.) Nesselhauf 137 ; 2 Ouniorix DAG 213; ifc^o ΛΡ/7 123; tRicagambeda DAG, Note (xlv) Β (also 213, 223) ;3 ?Ricoria DAG 82; Λ^α (m.) DAG, Note (xlv) B ; Rigisamo (Marti) (dat.) CIL 7. 61 j 13. 1190 (whence DAG 150); Toutiorix DAG 243. R E T ( T ) - , R E D S - , R E S T - , RES(S)-, R O T ( T ) - , R I T ( T ) T h e IE. root *ret(h)- 'run' is well attested in Celtic. See VKG 2. 597 if. (LP 389 f.), W.-P. 2. 368, IEW 000Λ The £-grade of this root appears in a number of the names listed here, e.g. PNN Adreticia, Adretonius, Atretius, Atretics, Retimarus, Retom[arus], Voretouirius. Many of them may contain a form of this root plus a /-suffix. This at least would account for the variation -s(s)-l-ds-l-t(t)-l-st- in the orthography, as in Resillus, Resia, Α8ρ€σσικνος, Atressa, Atressus, Ressimari, Ressona, Redsatus, Redsomarus, Adretonius, Adrettio, Atrestus, Restumarus. See Insc. 39, KGP 258, VB 96, and Chapter I I I , Remark. But it is far from cer tain how many of these names properly belong here. The o-grade of the root (as in Ir. roth 'wheel', W. rhod: Lat. rota) may account for some names in -rot- in Gaul, e.g. LN Rotomagus, PNN Adrotus, ?Rotama.s The weak grade of the root underlies Olr. riuth, rith ( < *?tu-: gen. retha, retho) v.n. of rethim. Some Gaulish forms in rit(t)- (ritu-, rito-)6 also may represent this grade of the root, e.g. PNN Rita, Ritus, Rittius, Ritogenus, Ritomarus, Ritukalos, Ritumara, Ritu(m)arus, and the gloss petorritum (v. W.-P. 2. 368, W-H. 2. 444, cf. ibid. 2. 298) J With forms in rit-, ritu-, however, account must also be taken of other Insular Celtic forms: W. rhyd 'ford', OCorn. rid, OBret. rit gl. vadum, 1
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 171, Schmidt, KGP 158. Not Excingorigias as in DAG 236. 3 See Gutenbrunner 105 f., Polome, Og. 6, 1954, 155. 4 It occurs in Ir. rethim Ί run', W. rhedaf, also perhaps in the abstract suffix -red in Welsh, as in brithred *confusion' and gweithred 'deed', and -redl-rad in Irish, as in aigred 'ice* and etrad 'lewdness'. See Thurneysen, GO I 169, Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 225, Fleuriot, DGVB 295. Cf. Pedersen, VKG 2. 52. Loth {RC 43, 1926, 143), comparing Ir. gaimred 'winter(time)' and samrad 'summer(time)' beside M1W. gaeafrawd, supposed that there was here an ό-grade form of the root. Thur neysen (loc. cit.) seems to favour a similar explanation, but Pokorny (loc. cit.) prefers to think that an analogical *reto- would account for the Irish suffix. 5 The J-grade is represented by W. rhawd 'course' (cf. Loth, RC 15, 1894, 98), which also appears in compounds such as gaeafrawd 'winter(time)', by Ir. rd(i)the 'quarter (of a year)' ( < *rdtio-)9 by OW. guaraut ( < *upo-rdt-e) 3 sg. pret. of gwaredaf, and Olr. fundith 3 sg. pret. oiforriuth. 6 For ritu- v. Vendryes, EC 7, 1955-6, 16, Schmidt, KGP 91. 7 This form, however, may be a Latin loan word from Gaulish *petruroto- or *petorroto-, v. E.-M? 893, 1020, IEW 866. 2
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PMidlr. -rith, cognate with OHG. furt, Lat. portiis ca house' (XII Tables), 'harbour', porta 'door', IE. *ftt- (v. IEW 817). In LENN such as Abritanor(um), Anderitum, Aiigustoritam, Ritumagus, Ούαγόριτον, at least, we have rit(u)-, rito- 'ford'. For the alternation -£-/-z- v. Chapter III (A) (i) (a). PNN: Αδρζσσικνος DAG 71 ;2 Adreticiay -ius 83; Adretilis 9; Αδρζτιο, v. s. AD·; Adretonius, Adrettio DAG 83; Adrotus CIL 3. 4886; Aegritomari (gen.) Cicero Caec. 20. 67, Verr. 2. 2. 47 (with Aeg- for Ec-, v. DAG 250, KGP 203); ?Anderitia DAG 87; Atressa CIL 3. 3380 = 10362; Λ/rarjitf CiL 3. 3373 = 10354, 3687, 5275, 5498, KGP 140; Atrestus DAG 228 (iv), 238 (i); Ecretumarus CIL 9. 3899; Ecrito DAG 83, Ekrito DAG 232 ; Ecritunius DAG 214; Ecritus DAG 156; Ecritusiri DAG 239; Inecriturix DAG 206; ?Oi>€pcar. DAG 48 ;3 Redsatus DAG 244; Redsomarus DAG 244; ?Resatus DAG 244; Resillus CIL 10. 6178; Zferifl C/L 5. 6782, -ewi· Ζλ4£ 83, 237, 244 (see also ^GS 2. 1176), ifon DAG 192; i?&ro D^4G 182, 192; Ressatu (f.), -WJ· ZL4G 244; Ressicus CIL 3. 5697; Ressil(l)a DAG 244; Ressimarus DAG 244; Ressius DAG 244; Ressona DAG 244; itoto ΐλ4£ 214; ?Resteoris DAG 182; Λ&τώζ Z)^(G 237; ifoyfr'0 ZL4G 228 (iv), 244; Restiola DAG 182; ifofo CIL 3. 12014; Restumarus DAG 244; ifoto· ZX4G 83; Retecius DAG 214; Reticiana DAG 2O8B; Reticintis DAG 244; Reticius DAG 83, 182, 244; Reticus DAG (?)203, 244; RetillusDAG83; RetimarusCIL 3. 3645= 10578; ]retisonis (gen.) Ζλ40 237; -R*ftwfl[entf] Z>^4G 224; Retonius DAG 244; i?z7[ ZL4G 182; Rita DAG 151, Remark B; Ritius CIL 2. 674; Ritogenus DAG 136 (CGP 230), 244; Ritomarus DAG 132; Rittius DAG 237, 244; Rituarus DAG 176, 203, 215, Ritu[arus) DAG 228 (ix); Rituca DAG 83; Ritukalos PID, it. 280 ;*■ Ritulla DAG 244; Ritumara DAG 244; Ritu(m)arus DAG 237; Ziifttf ZX4G 228 (iv); Rituscia DAG 202, Remark, 215, 224, 237; ?Rotama DAG 224; Rotania DAG 83; Rotanus DAG 83; ?Rotsuindte DAG 208; ?Rottalus DAG 136, 182 ;* /totfio ZL4G 182; Voretouirius DAG, Note (ix) (pp. u i - 1 2 ) . 6 LENN: Abrettenus DAG 241; Abritanor(um) CIL 5. 942; ?Anderetiani, Andresiacus Andresy(?) DJG 179 (see also DAG 234); Anderitos (v.l. -πώλτ) JVD Andereclionuba Rav., And(e)ri(d)a insc. Pevensey ; 7 Anderitum, Άνδερηδόν, Andereton (-urn) Anterieux DAG 148; Augustoritum, -on, Augustoredo DAG 148; Bandritum DAG 179; ?*Camboritum DAG 179, Cflmέοπϊο (ΙΑ) AcS 1. 715 f, 3. 1060 f.; Λοκόριτον Lohr DAG 241; 1 e.g. in LN (H)umamth, v. Meyer, RC 16, 1895, 89-90, Hogan, Onom. Goed. 2 680 (s.v. umarrith). See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 4 See Appendix s.n. See PID, vol. 3, p. 40. 5 Cf. Holder, AcS 2. 1234, Schmidt, KGP 141, 184, 261, 274. 6 See section (A) (i) s.n. 7 See Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 54 f., LHEB 36, 257, n. 1, 549, η. ι ; BSRC 23.
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l
Relom[agus ?] DAG 2 2 1 ; Ritona fl. (recorded only as DN) Rieu DAG 8 0 ; 2 VPLTTIOV Ptol., Bittio TP, RittilA, RictiND, in Pann. Inf. AcS 2. 1195 ; Ritumagus Radepont (?) DAG 179 (also p . 1361); Ratumagus, Rot(h)omagus, -enses v. s. RA TO-; Ούαγόριτον Ptol. (cf. Bagaridon Rav.) DAG 179. D N N : Reii[?DAG82; RitonaDAG82,181,211,249,5^^1957,126 ff. Note also anderitum 'urbem sublimem' Sidon. Apoll. DAG 158 and petorritum 'a four-wheeled waggon or carriage' RID 340 Β (see above). SAGA number of Gaulish names in sag-, -sag-, examples of which are listed below, may contain an element cognate with Ir. saigid 'ap proaches, seeks out, e t c ' (RIAContr. S. 20 if.), M1W. haedu 'to reach, deserve', ModW. haeddu 'deserve': Lat. sagio Ί perceive acutely', Gk. ήγέομαι Ί lead', Goth, sdkjan 'to seek'. See Urk. Spr. 288; AcS 2. 1285; VKG 2. 606 ff. {LP 391 f.); Dottin, p . 2 8 3 ; Loth, RC 41, 1924, 5 5 ; W.-P. 2. 449; SprFK 198; W.-H. 1. 4 6 5 ; IEW 876 f; KGP 263 f. A cognate form may also occur in the Irish agent suffix -aige ( < *sagio-: Pedersen, VKG 2. 23, Marstrander, £CP 13, 1921, 53, Thurneysen, GOI 172) and in the suffix -ag{- (-ig*-) in Irish denominative verbs (GOI 337 f.) beside -(h)a- in such verbs in the Brittonic dialects (WG 383 f., GOI, loc. cit., VB 317 f., 337). See now Og. 17, 1965, 154 if. Account should also be taken perhaps of Gallo-Latin σάγος, sagum (-us) -ulum 'tunic, cloak'. 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. Deprosagilos. P N N : Attisaga CIL 2. 1374; Consagioni (dat.) CIL 3. 11571; Curmisagius DAG 244; Deprosagi, Deprosagilos see section (A) (i) s.n.; Sagarins DAG 237; Saggo DAG 244; ?Sagila DAG 182; Sagillia DAG 244, -ius DAG 250; Sagil[lus] DAG 237; Sagiro DAG 176; ?Sagitti DAG 8 3 ; Sagius DAG 237; ?Sagurus DAG 224. L E N N : ΑΙγοσάγας (Τεκτοσάγας ci. Casaubon) (ace.) Polyb. 5. 77. 2, 78. 6; 4 Sagonna fl. le Sagonnin, Sagonna, -onium Sagonne DAG 149, Remark; Τςκτόσαγζς (in Galatia) Polyb. 5. 53. 3, 21. 39. 2 ; s Tectosages, -i DAG 80 ; 6 ? Vosagensis pagus 148. 1
Or PN or DN. Cf. PN Retom[arus] above. See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 286. 3 AcS 2. 1289 f., PID, it. 340B, Di4G 178 (also 79 s.v. sagarius). See further Urk. Spr. 289; Dottin 283; W.-P. 2. 448 (Vendryes, RC 45, 1928, 344); ΜΛ-//. 2. 464; Pokorny, Urg. 66, /£PK 887. 4 See AcS 1. 50, 3. 524, KGP 119, 0^. 17, 1965, 152 ff. 5 See Holder, AcS 2. 1189, 1780, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158 (with n. 1). In Polyb. 5. 53. 3 the manuscripts show 'Ριγόσαγ€ς. This has been emended to read Τ€κτόσαγ€ς, without good reason according to Weisgerber. See also Schmidt, KGP 6 259. See Holder, AcS 2. 1781 ff., Schmidt, KGP 70, 264, 277. 2
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DN: Sagae (dat.) CIL 2. 731.1 SAMOAn element samo- 'summer' may be attested in names such as Samogenus, Samognatius, Samotalus, and others listed below. It is clearly cognate with Ir. samh m. 'summer', W. hqf, Bret, hanv: Skt. soma '(half-)year, season', OHG. sumar, etc. See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 290, Dottin 284, W.-P. 2. 492 f.5 Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 122 ff., Pokorny, IEW 905, Schmidt, KGP 264 f.5 Fleuriot, DGVB 206. Com pare especially the form samoni (samon, samm> sam) in the Calendar of Coligny (DAG 22η)2 and perhaps samolus (-urn?) a plant (DAG 178), samauca the name of a fish (ibid.),3 and samera {-ara) 'semen Atiniae ulmi' (PID 341B).4 The forms in the lists below are doubtless of multiple origin, and not all of them can be counted as Celtic.5 A num ber of the personal names show the hypocoristic doubling of -m-. Account should be taken of the possibility that some of these names contain an element cognate with Insular Celtic forms such as Olr. samail (i-stem, fern.) 'likeness, similarity',6 amal 'as, like', and W. hafal 'equal, like', or Olr. sam, sdim 'calm, peaceful, easy', samae (iastem, fem.) 'peace, tranquillity'. 7 See Q,. Esser, Btr. z. gallo-keltischen Namenkunde i (Malmedy, 1884), 53 ff.; de Jubainville, NG 12, 188; Holder, AcS 2. 1335, 1345, 1347; Dottin 284; Thomas, EANC 118. See also Rhys, Addit. 44 who suggested that samo- 'summer' is related to Olr. sam, samae. PNN: Sam[ DAG 156, 237 (or DN), 244; Sama 205, CIL 2. 6257, 172; Samaria CIL 2. 764, 844^ Samaconius DAG 244; Samai DAG 224; Samaius CIL 2. 3679; Samahis CIL 2. 745;9 ISamaria DAG 244; S\amax[a DAG 237; Samel[ DAG 237; Samia DAG 139; Samianta DAG 244; Samicantu DAG 244; Samicins DAG 83, 237, -ia PID xic; Samicus DAG 83; Samih[? DAG 83; Samillus DAG 136, 239, -a 182, 237; Samilus DAG 139; Saminia DAG 224; Samio (-ius?) DAG 237; Samis 1
Cf. Blazquez Martinez, RPH 70. See Thurneysen, £CP 2, 1899, 532; Loth, RC 25, 1904, 130; Rhys, Celtae and Galli 32; Dottin 284; MacNeill, jSriu 10, 1926-8, 41; Arzel Even, Og. 8, 1956, 91; LeRoux, Og. 9, i957> 338; 13, 1961, 486, n. 22; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 13, 1961, 474 ff.; Pinault, Og. 14, 1962, 143 f., 469; Duval, EC 11/1, 1964-5, 9. 3 Cf. Pokorny, IEW 905 and see Tovar, Celticum vi. 397. ♦ See also PID, vol. 3, p. 41, SprFK 208, Duval, EC 8, 1958-9, 182. 5 For references concerning the widespread incidence of names in sam(m)- in antiquity see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 417. 6 See RlAContr. S. 47 f. ι See RlAContr. S. 45 f. For the etymology see Urk. Spr. 290, W.-P. 2. 488 ff., GOI500 Ϊ., IEW 902 & 8 See Palomar Lapesa, Ο PL 95. 9 See OPL 57> 96· 2
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DAG 83(F), 237, 244; Samitus DAG 176; Samius DAG 156, 182;x Samm[DAG 237; Sammia DAG 83, 182, -ius 83, 151, 182, 224 (Stru mitis or Ammius?); Samminius DAG 250 (p. 1358); Sammio DAG 244; Sammiola DAG 182; Σαμμιοσ DAG 83; Samm(i)us DAG 224; Sammo DAG 83, 182, 224 (or Auuo?), 237, 244; 2 Sammo[ DAG 244; Sammola DAG 244; Sam(m)onicus DAG 156; Sammonius DAG 237, -z
Note also [S]amius MG, no. 250· Whatmough here refers to CIL 3. 11732. This should read CIL 3. 11734 which 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. Σαμ[ό]ταλο[ς]. has PN Sammuni (dat.). 4 ?Compare the gloss samera (-ara) above. 5 Also DN(?). PCompare the gloss mentioned in n. 4. 6 On the vocalism of Ir. said-jsed- see Thurneysen, KZ 59, 1932, 6, GOI53 f. Cf. O'Brien, Celtica 3, 1956, 182 ff. 7 See AcS 2. 1433, Dottin 285, W.-P. 2. 483 ff., IEW 884 ff., KGP 265. 8 See also Holder, AcS 2. 1428 ff., Mayer, Spr. alt, Illyr, 1. 2Q7. 2
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Oswald 290, DAG 136; Sedatia DAG 182, 237, -ius DAG 182, 237, 244j 1 Sedatinae (dat.) CIL 3. 5065; Sedalini (gen.) EE 4, p. 341, no. 9 2 1 ; Sedauo DAG 224, 237; Sedecennis (f.) AcS 2. 1432; Sedianus DAG 182; Sedicius DAG 224; &ώ'ώ ZX4G 244 ;2 Sedia, -ius DAG 182; ?Sedila CIL 3. 6 i i 5 a ; 2 Sedillus AE 1959. 113; ?&Λκ DAG 176; & ώ form ZX4G 2 3 1 ; Sedulat[us] DAG 250; Sedule DAG 2 3 1 ; ΛώΖώ DAG 182, -iaj 151, 237 ; 3 Sedulix DAG 157 ; 4 Sedul(l)os DAG 157,* Sedullus DAG 151 ;3 SWa/itf D^4G 83, 182, 224, 228 (iv), p . 1358. 6 L E N N : Coriossedens\es~\ (Gollias?) DAG 8 0 ; Manduessedo (v.L -esedo), v. s. MANDU-; Metlosedum, -dunum (or Metio-) Meudon or Melun (Meclo-) ? Ζλ4<3 179 ; 7 Sidoloco, -louco, Sedelaucum, Sauiieu (Cote-dOr) DAG 179; Sediarum (gen.) C/L 7. 1262; Sedibouiates? DAG 84; Seduni, Sedunensis DAG 15; Sedusii (for Eudusi?) DAG 234; Tarvessedo TP3 Tarvesede IA ZL4G 241. 8 D N : Λ ώ ^ τ Ζλ4
SEGOAn element sego- is well attested in a n u m b e r of Celtic names. I t seems to be cognate with Ir. seg, sed m. 'strength, vigour, etc.' (v. RIAContr. S. 138)" and W. hy 'daring, bold' (v. Jackson, LHEB 446, 1
See also Holder, AcS 2. 1428. See Detschew, 77ir. Spr. 428. 3 See also Holder, AcS 2. 1433 f. and Appendix s.n. Sedulius. 4 See Appendix s.n. Sedulius, s See Gourvest, Og. 11, 1959, 227 f., Colbert de Beaulieu, RAE 10, 1959, 213 fF.5 Homm. Gren. 439 if. 6 See also AcS 2. 1434 f., ILTG 340. 7 See also DAG 80 s.n. Metlosedum, 179 s.n. Meclodunum. Concerning these names see de Jubainville (after Mommsen), RC 16, 1895, 115, (after Sieglerschmidt) RC 27, 1906, 121 f., Vendryes, MSL 13, 1903-5, 225 fF. (RC 25, 1904, 370, LEIA M 45), A. Dauzat, La Toponymie frangaise (Paris, i960), 169 f. 2
8
9
See also PID XXVB.
See Mayer, Spr. alt. lllyr. 1. 297 f. 10 See further s.v .AD·. 11 See Chabouillet, BSAF 1867, 114 ff., Vendryes, RC 47, 1930, 200 f., Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 68, Whatmough, DAG, pp. 494 f., Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 340 ff., Tovar, Celticum vi. 397. 12 It is not clear whether the following items belong here: monomalesedlin(?) CIL 6. 2844 (AcS 2. 625); ussedati(?) DAG, Note (xxxi), Remark (ii); uxedia (uxs, ux) in the graffiti of La Graufesenque (see Loth, RC 41, 1924, 39-42; Oxe, ΒJ 130, 1925, 70, 77; Weisgerber, SprFK 212; Hermet, pp. 309 f.; Thurneysen, £CP 20, 1936, 368; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 286 f.). 13 The doubt expressed, for example, by Stokes, Urk. Spr. 297 and Weisgerber (after Thurneysen), SprFK 209 concerning the authenticity of this form seems to be ill-founded. ComDare Weisererber. Rh. Mm. 8A. TOCI*. Q20 (with n. 2).
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H a m p , BBCS 16, 1956, 277) : Skt. sahate 'masters, is capable, endures', Gk. Ζχω Ί hold, possess, have', Goth, sigis n. Victory', etc. See Gliick, KN 149 ff.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 297; Holder, AcS 2. 1444; Dottin, p. 2 8 5 ; W.-P. 2. 481 f.; Weisgerber, locc. citt. p. 254, n. 14; Schmidt, KGP 265 f.; Pokorny, IEW 888 f.; Untermann, SSVH 18 ff., 34 f. (with M a p 19), id., Fachtagang Innsbruck 68 (with M a p 12); Tovar, ALSP 119. Sego- usually occurs as a first element. Compare, how ever, names in voseg- (p. 289 below). T h e precise meaning is not clear. It m a y be 'strength, vigour' or 'bold, daring 5 or, like Germanic *segaz. Victory'. 1 See further section (A) (i) s.n. Σ€γομαρ[. For a cog nate element in Germanic P N N such as Segimerus and Segimundus {DAG 224) see Scherer, Btr. ζ. N. 4, 1953, 6, 7 f., id., Corolla Linguistica (Fest. F. Sommer) (Wiesbaden, 1955), 199, 201, 208. 2 Once again it should be declared that not all the names listed are necessarily Celtic. Some few have been claimed as non-Celtic. More over, some Celtic names which properly belong here have, I fear, been omitted altogether. 3 See now EAAHA 157 f. P N N : Sega DAG 83 ; 4 ?Segaecinus Misc. 239; (Neta-)Segamonas (Og.) CIIC 263, 300, (Neta-)S\egam\onas CIIC 292; Segauianus DAG 250; Segei (gen.) CIL 2. 2698; Segellius DAG 8 3 ; Segestis DAG 224; 5 Seget(ius) EE 8, no. 163 (p. 425), Segetius CIL 11. 1711 ; 6 ?Seggues OPL 971 Segia OPL 97 ; 7 Segia - - ΡID xiic; Segileius CIL 13. 6013 ; 8 Segillius DAG 237; Segilu(s) CIL 2. 4338, [Se]gili CIL 2. 6118; Segis[ SSVH 3 5 ; Segisami (gen.) CIL 2. 5713; ?Segisu DAG 177; Segius DAG 250, OPL 9 7 ; Segia DAG 8 3 ; Seglatius 237 (also 244) ; 9 ISegodumnus AcS 1. 1370. 4 f. ; 10 Segolatia DAG83, -ius 83,176,224; ?SegoliaCIL2. 2902 = 5 6 6 7 ; " Segolmettus DAG 156; ?Σ€γομανυκος DAG 74 ; 12 Σ€γομαρ[ 32, 12 Segomari 161, 12 Σ€γομαρος 57, 12 [Sego]marns 83, [Seg]om[arus] 182, Segomarus 237, PID viiic; Segonius DAG 182; Segontilieses 224; Segontius (-c-) AcS 2. 1
Cf. Schmidt, IF 67, 1962, 312. See also J. Descroix, 'Sur la racine celto-germanique "seg-sieg" et ses survivances dialectales', Bull, philologique et historique du Comite des travaux historiques et scientifiques 1951-2 (Paris, 1953), 265-8 (RIO 6, 1954, 315 f.)· 3 Some names in sec(c)-, sic(c)-, and sig-, for instance, should perhaps have been included, e.g. PNN Seccia DAG 83, 244, -ius 83, 214, 237, Secco 176, 182, 195, 205, 208c, etc., Secia 83, -ius 237, Secolasia 83, Sica, Siga OPL 98, Sicco DAG 214, 237, 244, •Simula C/L 2. 3671, -ifl £Έ 8, p. 442, ISicedunin Ldxico 46, Sigilius DAGy Note (xlv) C, Sigin[ DAG 151, DN Sfcmiu RPH 124. + Cf. PN Sega PID viiic. 5 Compare PN Segessa PID viiic and LENN in segess-jsegest- listed below. 6 See also Meyer, Kelt. Wtk. v, no. 91 (p. 637) and compare PN Seget· - PID viiic add. 7 See Albertos Firmat, Emdrita 26, 1958, 236, 238. 8 Whence Sigileius (recte Segi-) DAG 237. 9 I0 Cf. Seclatu(s) DAG 176, 203. No reference to source. 11 I2 Cf. CL 14 f. and see SSVH 35. See section (A) (i) s.n. 2
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THE MATERIALMAN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
I45°5 OPL 96 f., SSVH 34 f.; Segorix DAG 83 ;x Segovax 214; 2 Segovesus 151 ;3 Segovetis (gen.) CIL 2. 2855; Segndia DAG 8 3 ; Segunion 244; Segusiaua 8 7 ; Segasians 245. 4 LENN: Σ€γίδα Str., Z e y ^ a App., Segidenses Flor., etc. in Celtiberia yfoS1 2. 1437 f.,5 & £ ϊ ώ Restitnta Mia Plin., Σεγίδα (v.l. ZeriSa) Ptol., Segedensis insc., in Hisp. Baetica ^aS 2. 1438 f., Segida (Augurina Turdulorum) Plin., Σ€γίδα (v.l. Ζβτι'δα) ^cS 2. 1439 ; 6 Segeduno ND, Serduno Rav. BSRC 4 5 ; Σςγηία €ίσχυσις (v.l. Σζγψατίς
χυσις) fl., Ptol.
A S 2. 1439; Segelociy Ageloco IA, S{egelocum) insc, now Littleborough ^aS 2. 1439; Segessera TP, now Bar-sur-Aube Z)^4G 234; Σζγςστική Str., Segesta Plin., Σ€γ€στιχή, Σεγαστανοί App., now Sisak A S 2. 1439 f.,7 &£*yta (Tigulliorum) Plin., now Sestri Levante AcS 2. 1439 f., PZD xiiic, Segestica (ciuitas) Liv., in Hisp. ult. AcS 2. 1440 ; 8 Segnstero(n), Segesterii, Segestericus, Sistaricensis, etc., Sisteron (Basses-Alpes) AcS 2. 1458 ff., DAG 80 ; 9 Segestrum (-us-) monasterium, now Saint-Seine (CotedOr) AcS 2. 1459, i^4G 1 7 9 ^ aquae Segetae TP, Rav. DAG 179; 10 Segienses Plin., Σζγία (v.l. Σζτία) Ptol., Seglam. Rav., Secia i n s c , etc., in Hisp. Tarrac. AcS 2. 1 4 4 1 ; " Σίγισα (v.l. Σέγηδα) Ptol., now Cieza A S 2. 1442 ; 12 Segisama Iulia Str., Plut., Plin., Flor., etc., in Hisp. Tarrac. A S 2. 1442, Segisama Brasaca CIL 2.4157 ; 13 Segisamo Sasamon (Burgos) AcS 2. 1442 f. ; 14 Segisamonculum among the Autrigones in Hisp. Tarrac. AcS 2. 1443; Segobodium Seveux DAG 234; Segobriga Segorbe (Castillon) AcS 2. 1444 if. ; I S Segobrigii (-es) AcS 2. 1446, DAG 80;Segodunum DAG 148, ΣςγοδοΰνονDAG 241 ; 16 Segolmettius (or -ttsus?) DAG 153 ; 17 ??Σ€ργονντία Str., Saguntia Liv., Secontia Plin., Σ^γοντία Ptol, Σαγοντία App., Segontia IA, etc., Sigueza (Guadalajara) A S 2. 1448 f.,18 Segontia IA now R u e d a (between Saragossa and Nertobriga) AS 2. 1449, Σζγοντία ΠαραμΙκα Ptol. among the Vaccaei or Varduli 2 1 Compare PN &«>r£* Ιλ4
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AcS 2. 1449, Secontia FYm., Segonlinens(is) insc. AcS 2. 1450; Segoniiaci BG in Britain AcS 2. 1450 ;l Segontio I A, Seguntio Rav. BSRC 4 5 ; Segora DAG 153; Segorigienses DAG 2 2 1 ; Segosa DAG 84; Segossoq\_ CIL 2. 5790; Segouellauni DAG 80; Segoaia (Arevacorum) Liv., Plin., etc., Segovia AcS 2. 1452 f., Segovia BAlex., Segoviensis insc. in Hisp. Baet. AcS 2. 1453 ; 2 Segouiorum (gen.) CZL 5. 7231; Segusiaui DAG 179 ; 3 Segusio DAG 7, 80, PZD ixA.* D N N : &g*ta ZX4G 181; Segomanna DAG 8 2 ; SV^mo DAG 181, 243. SUGaulish 5!i- 'good' is cognate v/ith O l r . Λί-, JS-, M o d l r . JS-, O W . Ai-, Λ*-, /zo-, hu-, M1W., ModW. Ay-, OCorn. he-, MIGorn. he-, hy-, OBret. ho-, he-, hu-, ModBret. he-: Skt. sa-, Gk. o-yi^s- 'sound, healthy', etc. See Gluck, KN 48, Stokes, Urk. Spr. 304, Ernault, GMB s.v. hu-jho-, Rhys, i/ztt. 25 f., Holder, AcS 2. 1641 f., Pedersen, VKG 1. 284, Dottin 289, W.-P. 2. 512, Thurneysen, GO/ 231, Jackson, LHEB 659, Schmidt, KGP 272 f., &κώα Hibernica 3, 1963, 173 ff., Pokorny, IEW 1037 f, Fleuriot, FB 380 f. Some names m a y show a variant so- for su-. See below s.nn. Eposognatus, Socondannossus, Solatius. In view of the great uncertainty concerning the correct analysis of a number of forms which may contain Gaulish su-, it should be stressed that no attempt has been made to see to it that the lists of examples compiled here are complete. Indeed, a number of the forms that have been included may not belong here at all. P N N Sucinius and Suconius, for example, should perhaps be analysed Suc-inius and Suc-onius rather than Su-cinius and Su-conius. P N N : Cassis\uratos DAG 177; 5 Έποσόγνατος Polyb. 21. 37. 1 fF., Eposognatus Livy 38. 18. 1 ff. ; 6 Socondannossus DAG 87 ; 7 Solatius DAG 250 ; 8 Suagria, -ius (Sy-) DAG 83, 159, 182, Note (xlv) C ;9 Suausia DAG 1
Compare the British coin legend sego. See Mack, pp. 53, 55, IASB 219, 222 f. See also AcS 2. 1453 s.nn. Segovia (3) and (4) and DAG 221 and 241 s.n. Σζτουία. 3 See Renaud, Celticum ix. 318 ff. 4 Compare the item segusius, iyovaia (a kind of dog for hunting) PID 340c (see also Whatmough, HSCP 42, 1931, 145, CPh., loc. cit., Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 228, beside Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 254 f.) and see Lebel, PMHF, §§ 588 f., 629. s See s.v. CASSI-. 6 ?Epo-so-gnatus 'well accustomed to horses'. See Pictet ad Holder, AcS 1. 1453, Pedersen, VKG 1. 35 (cf. LP 6), Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 170 f., Pokorny, MSS, Heft 2
7» *955J 56. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 68, 103, 210. 7
See Schmidt, KGP 51, 94, 183, 270. But the inscription in question here (CIL 13. 324) contains perhaps Condannossi (gen.) rather than Socondannossi (.. . Anderexso Condannossi f. uxor p.). 8 See Schmidt, KGP 229, 273. 9 See Holder, AcS 2. 1644 ff·* Schmidt, KGP 272, Whatmough, Celtica 3, 1956, 253.
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237; Subarum (ace.) CIL 11. 1147, ii. 4; Subilus DAG 194, 224; Subroni DAG, Note (ix) (pp. 111 if.) ;2 names in sucar-, v. s. CARO-; Sucinius DAG 203; Sucomus 204, 244 ;3 ?Sudecentus CIL 5. 900 ;4 ?Sudecronis (gen.) CIL 2. 2183 ; 5 ?Sueta DAG 9, -ZWJ* CZL 13. 7911 ;6 Sugasis CIL 5. 4927 ;7 Sugent[ DAG 237; Sum(m)aco(s) (La Graufesenque) ;8 names in sumar-, v. s. MARO-; Sumatrius DAG 224; Sumelae (dat. f.) C/Z 5. 6640; «SK/W*/Z ZL4G, Note (ix) (pp. i n f.) ;9 Sumelio DAG 214; Sumeliu, -melo 244; Sumenu 151; Sumotus 244 ;10 Suobnedo 136, 176, Suobnus 136, Suobnillus 136, Suobnilliniis 176;11 Suratus 244 ;12 Vitoiisurix 83.13 LENN: Suc(c)asses 84 ■ ?i?7w Sugnutia Breves (Nievre) 179; Sumslocenna, -ensis, etc., 241. DN: Sucellus 82, 211, 213, 236, 243, 249.14 Note also the gloss .n/fl/>te 'fittingly' JD^IG 158 (hybrid). SUADUGaulish suadu- 'sweet', cognate with Skt. svddu-, Gk. ήδνς, Lat. ,τ^ζζώ, etc. (see AcS 2. 1643, VKG 1. 74, iTGP 273 f., IEW 1039 f.), is attested in a number of personal names: Consuadullia DAG 83.; Suadeuillus or Suadullius 228 (iii), (iv), 237; Suadinus 244; Suaduanus 224; Suaducco 83, 244; Suaducia 244; Suadugena 156, -gtf/Ktf 182, -gtf/zz Note (lii) (a); 15 Suaduilla 83; Suadulius 83; Suadulla 151, 237, 244; Suadurigius8$,Suadur(i)x 182 = Suadurx (for-n#?) 237 ;16 Suadutio 151. 1
P'schon-ohrig' Stokes, ZM. £/>r. 4. See also ikS 2. 1650, 7A*G 1. 51 (LP 9), A*GP 58, 142, 272, IEW 785, Z,£L4 A-103. 2 See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 See Schmidt, KGP 182, 272. 4 ?Su-decenttis, not Sude-centus (so Schmidt, A"GP 171, 274). See Whatmough, Lg. 33> J957> 594? Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 431. 5 ?For *Su-derconis teste Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958,431. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 185, 274. 6 See Schmidt, KGP 203 n. 1, 211, 272. 7 Whence PID viiic (Ven.). See Schmidt, KGP 215, 273. 8 See Appendix s.n. 9 See section (A) (i) s.n. 10 See Schmidt, KGP 246, 273. 11 See Schmidt, KGP 57, 250, 273, and 294 (s.n. Vesomnius). 12 See Pedersen, VKG 2. 9, Thurneysen, GOI 231, Schmidt, KGP 58, 257, 273, id., Studia Hibernica 3, 1963, 176, n. 13. 13 See Schmidt, KGP 53 f., 273, 298. 14 See Keune, P.-W.2 iv. 1932, s.n.; P. Lambrechts, Contributions a VStude des divinite's celtiques (Bruges, 1942), chap, vi; M. F. Heichelheim and J. E. Housman, UAntiquiU classique 1948, 305 ff.; Duval, DG 60 ff.; Pokorny, IEW 546; Schmidt, KGP 272; M. Chassaing, Analecta Archaeologica. Festschrift Fritz Fremersdorf (1961), 133 ff. [REA 64, 1962, 364 f.); de Vries, KR 91 ff. 15 See section (A) (i) s.n. Suadugenu 16 See Thomas, EANC 153, Schmidt, KGP 59, n. 1, 92, 274.
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TALOA number of the names listed below 1 contain a Gaulish cognate of Ir. tul, tanl n. (orig. w-stem) ca protuberance, projecting part, swelling, e.g., boss (of a shield), forehead, crest of a wave, e t c ' (see RIAContr. to-tu cols. 374 ff.),2 W. tal 'forehead, front, edge, end, boss (of a shield), etc.', Corn. Bret. tal. These forms may be cognate with Ir. talam (gen. talman) m. 'the earth, the world; earth, ground' (see RIAContr. T-tnuthaigid cols. 6 0 - 6 2 ) : Skt. tala- n. 'flat surface, etc.'. See Urk. Spr. 124; VKG 1. 132; AcS 2. 1707 s.v. *tala-mo-, 2. 1711 s.v. *talo-s; J . Vendryes, Miscellany presented to Kuno Meyer, ed. Osborn Bergin and Carl Marstrander (Halle, 1912), 286 if.; Dottin, p . 290: W.-P. 1. 710, 740; W.-H. 2. 6 5 5 ; SprFK 210; Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 2 4 5 ; Pokorny, IEW 1061, 1081-2; Schmidt, KGP 274. See also Whatmough, DAG 158 s.w. ?talamasca 'larua de cortice arboris facta', talutium (w.ll. talutatium, alutatium) 'gold-bearing earth' Pliny JVH33. 6 7 ; Hubschmid, Praeromanica 69-89 (esp. 81 f.), Pyrendenworter 22 ; 3 Flutre, REPL 257 f. s.v. *tala 'terre; surface plane'. A cognate element is attested in Insular Celtic personal names as in W. Talan, Talyrth, Talhaearn, and Taliesin, OCorn. Talan, OBret. Talan, (Saint·)Dalouarn. See, for example, Loth, Chr. bret. 231, Wil liams, CLIH 96, 243, Forster, FT 851. For Pictish Talorc, Talorg, Talorgan, -gen, Talorgg, Talorggan, etc., see Stokes, TPhS 1888-90, 413-14, MacNeill, Yorkshire Celtic Studies 2, 1938-9, 16,23, Jackson The Problem ofthePicts, ed. F. T . Wainwright (Edinburgh, 1955), 145, 164. P N N : Aegiotalus AcS 2. 1711. 5 (without ref. to source); 4 Ambilotali L a m b r i n o , Euphrosyne 1, 1957, 142; Axrotalus DAG 214; 5 Argiotalus DAG 182 (also 237); Arrotala (or Anotia) DAG 237; 6 Assutalus DAG 176 (not Talass-, Taluss-?), 182, 214; Attalio DAG 83, Attalus DAG 224, 237, Atta(lus?) DAG 194; 7 Canotala DAG 237; Car(r)otalus DAG 198, Carrotalus 196, 237, ?Carotalus 132; Κασσιταλος 68, 8 Cassitalus 237; Cottalus 214, 9 228 (iv), Cottal{i) 1 It is quite impossible to tell which of the uncompounded forms in tal- which have been listed contain this element. Moreover, not all compounded names in -talus are easily explained by assuming that they contain Gaulish -talus 'brow, forehead, front' or the like. See Rhys, Insc. 5. In Gaulish compounded personal names -talus is attested, apparendy without exception, as a second element. 2 See also VKG 1. 132; GOI52; Dinneen 1276. 3 See now Thes. Praerom. 2. 121 f. 4 s See Schmidt, KGP 117 f. See section (B) s.n. Acco. 6 = CIL 13. 5647. Cf. KGP 135. 7 See also AcS 1. 273, 3. 732. Holder suggested that some instances of the name Attalus might be Celtic. See further KGP 141, OPL 44 f. 8 See section (A) (i) s.n. 9 This name was listed by Weisgerber with other names of the Mediomatrici which, he thought, may be Celtic. See Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266.
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Stokes (Urk. Spr. 123)1 related it to Ir. tara c tatig, lebhaft' (quoted from E. O'Reilly's Irish-English Dictionary).2 But this Irish form ap pears to be a ghost word, and Gaulish taro- 'swift' has been rightly condemned as a figment by Weisgerber (SprFK 182).3 It is unlikely that Celt, taruo- or Lat. taurus or elements cognate with these are involved in all the names in taur- and tar(u)~ listed below. 4 For an alleged (??) Mediterranean *taura- c montagne (arrondie) 5 see Flutre, REPL 265 ff.s See further section (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurns. PNN:BrogitaruSyBpoyiTapos AcS 1. 620f. ; 6 Con[t]ari(gen.) CIL2.2497;? Αειεταρος, Deiotarus, Αηιόταρος, Ληιοταρίανος, Δηιοτηρίανος, Deiotanana, v. s. DEVO-; Donnotanrus, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Γησοτα[ρ]ου AcS I. 2016; ?Tarbelionios, see Appendix s.n.; Τάρβον (ace.) Dio 71. I I . ι ; 8 ?Ταρβούλα AcS ι. 1731; Tarbunis (gen.) CIL 3. 2053; 9 Taruacus (-£-) DAG 204, 238 (iv), 244; Taruco DAG 214; Taruenus AE 1950, 117; Taruiacus PID xiic; Taruillus DAG 215, 224; Tarns DAG 89, 204; TarnsinsPID xiic; Taruti[JRS47, 1957, 233; 1 0 TarunsAcS2. 1743; Tauratis DAG 156; Taure 8 7 ; Tauren(i)us, ?Taurentius (L-?) 182; Taun[ 182; Tauri 194; Tauria 182; Taur(io?) (dat.), Tflw[r(w) (gen.) Gfl/Ζώ 19, 1961, 413 ( = ILTG 174); Taurianus DAG 136, 156, 182, Gallia, loc. cit.; Taurica DAG 156, -&y 87 (also p. 1375 and ILTG 17), x 36, 156, 182, 214, 237; Tauricianus 182; Tauricius 182, 224, JV.-L. 2 2 1 ; Taurilla DAG 151; Taurina DAG 83, ZLTG 530, PZD xiic, -WJ ZL4G 83, 87 (also p. 1375 and ILTG 17), 136, 182, 224, 237, 244, Note (xlv) C, AE 1951, 116; Tauriscus DAG 6; Taurocutius CIL 2. 5556; Taurou (?Tavpov) DAG 250; Tlwztf ZL4G 83, 87, 136, 151, 182, 224, 228 (iv), 237, 244, ILTG 168, PID xiiB.11 L E N N : ?Ambitaruius uicus (v.l. Ambiatinus) DAG 209 (also 212, 234); nXevravpovs (ace.) Str. 3. 3. 7; 1 2 Tarba, Tama (-lua), ?Turba, now 1
See also A S 2. 1738 s.n. Tarns, Dottin, p. 291. See E. O'Reilly, Sanas-Gaodhilge-Sagsbhearla: an Irish-English Dictionary (Dublin, 1817) s.v. tara. 3 See also Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 173, Whatmough, DAG, p. 1367, Schmidt, KGP 275 f., Krahe, IF 65, i960, 119, n. 22. For an alleged Mediterranean *tar(o)'eau rapide* (?) see Flutre, REPL 262 ff. See also Pokorny, IEW 1074 f., Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 328 f., 2. i n f . , Krahe, IF 65, i960, 113 if. (s.n. Autariatae), id., Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 53. 4 See, for example, Whatmough, DAG 79 (s.v. taurus 'carduelis'). 5 See also W.-H. 2. 651 f., Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 331 f., 2. 112 f. 6 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154. 7 8 See Holder, AcS 1. 1107 s.n. Cf. Mayer, op. cit. 1. 329. 9 See M. Falkner in Fruhgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft, hrsg. v. W. Brandenstein (Wien, 1948), 46. 10 ?Cf. PN Tarutia PID viic add. " See AcS 2. 1772 f. 12 See Schmidt, KGP 256, 276. Compare Pokorny, FM-sgribhinn Eoin Mhic Ndill (Dublin, 1Q40), 239, id-> VR 10, 1948-9, 227. 2
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Tarbes, Tarbelli (Tere-), Tarbellicae Aquae DAG 84; Ταρόοουνον Zarten DAG 241 ;x Ταρουαννα Ptol., Taruenna IA, Teruanna TP, Taruanensis ND, Therouanne (Pas-de-Calais), Terwaen DAG 212; Ταρονηδουμ Ptol. 2. 3. 1, 3. 4 ; 2 Taruessedo TP, Taruesede IA DAG 241 ; 3 ?Taruisium, Taruisanus, Taruisianus, Taruisinus PID VA (p. 239) ; 4 ? Tarns fl. T a r o AcS 2. 1738; 5 Ταυρασια AcS 2. 1757; Tauredunum, Tauredunensis mons (-tun-), Taurodunum DAG 15, 241 ; 6 ?Taurici AcS 2. 1759; Taurini AcS 2. 1760 ff.; Taurisci DAG 241 ; 6 Tauroentum, Ταυρόςις, Ταυροζντιον mod. Tarente ZL4G 8 0 ; ? Tauronia DAG 2 4 8 ; Taurus palus (fitang de T h a u ) Z)^G 80.6 D N N : tamos trigaranns DAG 170 ; 7 Fir&r Aeterni Taurobolio PID χ (also P/Z>xivadd.,Z>i4Gi8i).e Note also ?ταρβηλοθά8ιον (ν.1. ταρβηλοδάθιον) Diosc, tarbidolotius (w.ll. -slotius, -lopius, -lopium) ps.-Apul. DAG 158.9 Compare ταυρουκ 'pond-weed' DAG 178 and taurus 'carduelis' DAG 79. Hardly com pare thauori 'camomile' (?) SprFK 211. TASCO-, TASGOThere is no means of telling whether forms in tasco- are different in origin from forms in tasgo-, and whether in that case they should be kept apart, as suggested by Schmidt, KGP 276. I have listed them separately below, although it is possible that in some cases if not in every one the difference is merely graphic. For the tendency to con fuse voiced and unvoiced consonants in Gaulish forms see C. Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 18 who remarked that ' I n the case of the velars, where the confusion is most frequent, careless writing also plays a p a r t : the stonecutter forgot or neglected to a d d the little hook that distinguishes G from C See further Chapter I I I (A) (ii) (c). A Gaulish or Galatian τασκός c peg' is deduced from the explanation of the name of the Galatian Christian sect Τασκο8ρουγΐται given by Epiphan. resp. adepist Acacii etPauli 2/1, 14 (A.D. 374-5): καλούνται 81 δια τοιαυτην αιτίαν Τασκοδρουγΐται. Τασκος παρ9 αύτοΐς πάσσαλος καλείται, οροΰγγος δέ μ,υκτήρ, €ΐτουν ρύγχος καλείται. Και άπο του 1 2 3
See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 24, 1903, 212 f. (^4^ 2. 1736). See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 21, 1900, 254; 26, 1905, 194 (AcS 2. 1741). Also PID XXVB (p. 451). See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 21, 1900, 254 (AcS
2. 1741). 4 See Pokorny, Urg. 41, IEW 1083; Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 221, Spr. Illyr. 109; Porzig 106. 5 See Krahe, IF 65, i960, 115, Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 53. 6 See Flutre, REPL 269. 7 To Whatmough's bibliography add Maugard, Og. 11, 1959, 427 ff.; Duval, Insc. Par. no. 2; Ross, EC 9, 1960-1, 405 ff.; de Vries, KR 177 ff. 8 For tauropolium CIL 12. 4323, 4328 f. see Whatmough, Orbis 1, 1952, 431. Q See also J. Andr£, Lexique des termes de botanique en Latin (Paris, 1956), 311.
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1
question is not attested in Celtic at all. Finally, Schmidt (KGP 277) connected ter.to- with Ir. techt 'possession(s), property', which may be a shortened form of techtad m. 'possessing, taking possession o f (v.n. of techtaid 'has, possesses', see RIAContr. T-tnuthaigid 100 fF.). For the etymology of these forms see W.-P. 1. 715, IEW 1057 f. Of all these suggestions the most satisfactory, I think, is still that of Gliick and Stokes relating tecto- to IE. *teg- 'to cover'. However, Schmidt's interpretation of the ethnic name Tectosages as 'die auf den Besitz losgehen' may well be correct. See further section (A) (i) s.nn. Contexts, Epadatextorigi.
TEUTOThis is one of the most common name elements in Gaulish. I t is cognate with Ir. tuath (α-stem) f. 'people, tribe, nation, country, territory, etc.', 2 W. tud 'country', 3 Corn, tus, Bret, tud4 : Osc. τωρτο, touto, Umbr. totam ( a c e ) , Goth, piuda, OHG diot(a), OLith. tauta, etc. See Holder, AcS 2. 1804; Pedersen, VKG 1. 54 {LP 8 ) ; Dottin 292, 293; W.-P. 1. 706 fF.; Schmidt, KGP 277 fF.; Pokorny, IEW 1084f. Concerning the development of Gaulish /eu/ exemplified in forms containing this element, which appears as teuto-, touto-, toto-, and tuto-> see the references quoted by Schmidt, KGP 100, 277. See also Dottin, p· 97> Whatmough, DAG, p . 1367, Watkins Lg. 31, 1955, 13, Beeler, Collection Latomus 23, 1956, 42. For names in taut- such as P N N Τάνταλος and Tautius5 in the Hispanic peninsula see Palomar Lapesa, OPL 137 and Schmoll, SVIHK 89 f.6 For a cognate element in Welsh and Breton P N N see Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 52 f., Loth, Chr. bret. 169 f, 235, Lloyd-Jones, Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 11. T h e element is so well attested in other West-Indo-European dialects that it is often difficult to distinguish Celtic from non-Celtic forms. 7 Thus in the lists pre sented below some of the names may not be Celtic at all. T h e element occurs, for example, in forms claimed as Illyrian (see Krahe, PJVLex. 113 f., Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 181, Spr. Illyr. 60 f., Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 1 Pinault (Og. 14, 1962, 622) suggests that Ir. techtmar, an epithet of Tuathal, king of Ireland (see RIAContr. T-tnuthaigid 104), and W. teth 'teat', Br. tezh, belong here. But it is not clear how exactly he would derive the Welsh and Breton forms from IE. *tek-. There are obvious phonological difficulties here. 2 See RIAContr. to-tu 348 f. 3 For M1W. tut 'tribe' see Ifor Williams, CAn. 210, id., Canu Taliesin (Caerdydd, i960), 80. * ModBret. tud (also tudou 'groupe de gens', tudennou 'quelques personnes') is the plu. of den 'man'. See P. Trepos, AB 63/2, 1956, 72. 5 Note also PNN Tautinnus DAG 87 and Tautissa DAG 182. 6 Cf. Tovar, ^/>Ayntf 1, 1950, 33 ff. See also id., Kratylos 3, 1958, 12, Emerita 28, i960, 339» ALSP 99> n o . 7 It should be remembered that the term is not exclusively or even typically Western Indo-European. See, for example, Szemerenyi, Fachtagung Innsbruck 195.
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334 ίΓ., 337; 2. 115 f.), as Thracian (see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 495), as Germanic (see Schonfeld 225 ff.),1 and as Venetic (see Lejeune, Revue de Philologie 78 (3, ser. 26), 1952, 211). 2 See also H. Krahe, Sprache und Vorzeit (Heidelberg, 1954), 65 if.·, id., Saeculum 8, 1957, 8 f., id., Spr. Aufgl. 21 ff., Porzig 200, Ipsen, Zis-f- die gesamte Siaatswissenschaft 114, 1958, 374, F. Lochner-Huttenbach, Die Pelasger (Wien, ιφ0)> J 53 5 d e Simone, IF 69, 1964, 27 ff. Loth (RC 33, 1912, 258)3 interpreted DN Virotatis (Apollo) as ccelui qui guerit les hommes 5 , comparing Ir. tuath 'northern, left, wicked' 4 and a M1W. form tut, tud, which he claimed could be rendered as 'magicien' or 'medecin'. 5 This interpretation received the full commendation of Vendryes in his discussion of the name Teutomatos in CRAI 1939, 466 ff.,6 where he sought to show that Ir. tuath 'northern, left, wicked' a n d tuath 'people, tribe' have a common origin. 7 But Schmidt (KGP 297 f.) rightly criticized and rejected Loth's treatment of this divine name. The meaning 'good' claimed for Celtic teuto- cannot be established by appealing either to Ir. tuath with the opposite meaning or to the fictitious W. *tud 'magician'. 8 P N N : Ambitoutos DAG 19, -totus, -toutus 204, Ambitoutus 214 ( = Am[bi]toutus 2 O 8 A ) , Gal. Spr. 154; Cigetoutus DAG 136, 176, 203; Contoutos 157; Cotutos (La Graufesenque) ;9Dacotoutus, Dagot[ou]ti, v. s. DAGO·; Helvitutiae (dat.) CIL 6. 19282 ; 10 Ilateuta CIL 5. 8 7 4 0 ; " Σνγο. ουτιορ€ΐξ (leg. Σιγο\τ\ουτιορ€ΐξ) DAG 35 ; 12 Teuta DAG 244; Teutagonus 250 ; 13 Teutalus, Teutamatos 250; ?Teutana 244; Teutius 244; Teuto 214, C£, p. 3 0 ; TeutoboduusDAG224 ; 14 Teutomalius8^; Teutomatus 156 ;12 Teutomus 1
Cf. Scherer 208, n. 19. Cf. BSL 49, 1953, 52, Pellegrini, Studi Etruschi 23, 1954, 281 if. 3 Whence Dottin 294. See also Rhys ad Holder, AcS 3. 396 s.n. 4 See RIAContr. to-tu 349 f. 5 He recognized this form especially in the name Morgan Tut of the medieval Welsh romance Gereint ac Enid (RM 261, 286 f.). But this is perhaps the least satisfactory of a number of attempts to interpret this name. Cf. Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend (Oxford, 1891), 391; Loth RC 13, 1892, 496 f.; Lot, Romania 28, 1899, 3 2 2 ff· 9 R· S. Loomis, Wales and the Arthurian Legend (Cardiff, 1956), 155, n. 126; I. LI. Foster, Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, ed. R. S. Loomis (Oxford, 6 1959), 195. See also Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 273. 7 Cf. Stokes, Urk. Spr. 131 and for tuath 'northern, left, wicked* see W.-P. 1. 705 f., IEW 1079 f., AJwyn Rees and Brinley Rees, Celtic Heritage (London, 1961), 381 ff. See also Fleuriot, DGVB 325. 8 No more convincing than Loth's interpretation of Virotutis is Scherer's sugges tion (Anglia 76, 1958, 434) that it is a derivative in -tut' of Gaulish uiro-, and that it corresponds to Lat. Virtus. See now Guyonuarc'h, Og. 18, 1966, 311-23. 9 10 See section (B) s.n. See Schmidt, KGP 205, 282. 11 See Schmidt, KGP 225, 278. 12 See section (A) (i) s.n. 13 See Scherer 203, 208, n. 19, Schmidt, KGP 277, n. 4. 14 See Scherer 200 ff., 208, n. 19. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 277. 2
268
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
244; Tota 151; Tota[, Tolates Gallia 19, 1961, 365 f.; Totatigen[u]s CIL 6. 2407, col. i, 1. 3 ; Totavali (gen.) ECMW 166; Totia DAG 208B (also 214), CIL 3. 8337, -ins Val. Max. 3. 8. 7; Totulo DAG 244; Totus 224; Touta 8 7 ; Toutannorigis (gen.) 87 ;x Toutaronia 87; Toutedo 182; Toutilla 83, 151, 182; Toutillus 83, 176; Toutio 237; Toutiopovo Bull. soc.fr. de num., oct. 1960, 462 ff.; Toutissa DAG 136, Remark 2, 140, 151 Remark B, 156, 176, 182, 4a 214; Toutissicnos 163 ; 2 Tbwfo 83, Zephyrus 1, 1950, 34; 7cwfo[ Z)^4G 250; Toutobocio(s) 177; Toutodiuicis (gen.) 8 3 ; Toutodiuicus 8 3 ; 71?wii?w[ 244, Toutona 182, Toutoni (gen.) C7L 2. 440, / M E 930, 1063, 1082, 1344, -iusDAG 182, -us HAE 927, 1113 ;3 Toutos, -us DAG 136, 214, Tbwiz (gen.) C/L 3. 4906, ^4 History of the County of Somerset, ed. W. Page (in Tfo Victoria History of the Counties of England), vol. 1 (London, 1906), 271, no. 17; 4 Tritoutus DAG 244; ? 7irf[ 244; Tutano CIL 2. 5745; ? Tutellus DAG 182; ? Tufewz ZLTG435; TutiaDAG 208B, 214, -ZWJ· 2445 s Tutiani (gen.) C/L 7. 1315; Tuticanius DAG 244, -z^ 237 ; 6 Tuticius, -ia AcS 2. 2022 ; 7 Tutinatia DAG 182; ?Tutinus 237; Tz/ft'o 244; Tutuia CIL 3. 5664 ( = 11807); Tutula DAG 244, -WJ JV.-L. 1 0 9 ; T t t t o Ζ λ 4 £ 6, 156, l 8 2 , -a 83 ; 8
Oveviroovra
26 ; 3 Virotouta 83, 244; Virotutus 182; Vogitoutus 244. L E N N : Ambitouti Plin. JV/f 5. 146 ;* Corionototarum (gen. pi.) C/L 7. 481 ; 10 Teutoburgiensis saltus DAG 221, 241 ; H Teutones or -i 221, Toutoni 2 4 1 ; Teutoniciani laeti 234; Tevrovodpoc (-ουάριοι?) 241 ; ΤωυyeW 241 ; 12 Tout[iacus'] />0£Μ5- Toucy (Yonne) 179; Toutobodiaci Plin. Λ Ϊ / 5 . Ι46. 1 * D N N : Crougintoudadigoe (dat.) C/L 2. 2565; 1 4 Ollototae matres AcS 2. 8 4 7 ; ^ feutates DAG 181 (withrefs.), Toutati (dat.) CIL 3. 532ο, 16 1
See Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 306. See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 See also OPL 105. 4 See also AcS 2. 1898 f., DAG 83, 182 for Towft'wj, -i*. 5 See also A;S 2. 1898, 2022. 6 See also AcS 2. 2022. 7 ?Cf. Tu(o)ticius DAG 176, 182. With the latter compare PN Tuoata HAE 1172. 8 See also AcS 2. 2023. 9 See Weisgerber, Gfl/. S/>r. 158. 10 See RC 44, 1927, 498; Jackson, Z,//E£ 307; Schmidt, KGP 184, 280. 11 Compare LN Τβυτοβούργιον Ptol., Teutiburgio IA, Teutiborgio (?v.l. 7Vw/zbarcio) ND, Tittoburgio TP, Clautiburgium Rav. in Pannonia Inferior, for which see Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 336 who claims it as Illyrian. 12 ?For *Τωυτο-γ€νοι. See also DAG 244 and Schmidt, KGP 93, 279. Cf. E. Howald and E. Meyer, Die romische Schweiz (Zurich, 1940), 356 f. 13 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158; Schmidt, KGP 152, 280. 14 See Tovar, Estudios 137, 206, Blazquez Martinez, RPH 77. 15 See Dottin 292, n. 1, Gutenbrunner 154, DAG, Note (xlv) B, Jackson, LHEB 307, Schmidt, KGP 251. 16 Whence DN T(i)outatis DAG 243 (see also DAG 211 s.n. Sinquas). 2
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269
7. 84, 6. 31182, l Tot{atis Mortis?) EE 3, p . 313, no. 181, Tutati (dat.) EE 3, p. 128 ; 2 Toudopalandaigae (dat.) BRAH 64, 1914, 306 ;3 Toutenus DAG 236; Toutiorix 243 ; 4 Virotuti Apoll\ini~\ (dat.) 82, Virotutis 181, V\irotuti (or V\indonno) 213. 5 Note also the following items: τοουτιου? -EL4G 57, I. 3 ; 6 τωντι[(?) DAG 165, 1. 3;7 toutio(?) PID, it. 337, 1. n ; * [*]ota A. GansserBurckhardt, Gesellschaft Pro Vindonissa, Jahresbericht 1955-6, 53 if. {REA 59, 1957, 359 f., AE 1958, 206). VAL-, VALLA name element which points to a Celtic root ual- 'to be strong, powerful' is well attested in both Continental and Insular Celtic names, e.g. Gaulish P N N such as Atevalus, Κατοναλος, and Nertovalus listed below, Old Welsh P N N such as Congual, Catgual, and Dumngual (see, for example, Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 46 f., Lloyd-Jones, G. 607 s.v. gwal1), OBret. P N N such as Butgual, Clutuual, and Conuual (see VB 41, 344), and Irish P N N such as Cathal and Tuathal (see Woulfe 174, 203). 9 This Celtic root is cognate with Lat. valeo, Gothic waldan, etc. (see Urk. Spr. 262; AcS 3. 97; Dottin 295; W.-P. 1. 219; W.-H. 2. 727 f.; KGP 284; IEW 1111 f.; Porzig 200 f.). T h e following Insular Celtic forms are related to it: Ir. follnaithir 'rules, reigns, holds sway' (RIADict., fasc. iv. 271 f.); Ir.faith f. (f-stem; < *ulati-) 'lordship, 1
See DAG 236 s.n. ?Medru. See DAG 213 s.n. Cocidius. Cf. perhaps LN Tutatione I A {Totastione TP) in Noricum AcS 2. 2021 (see Kenner, Og. 9, 1957, 197). See also AE 1961, 1. To the references concerning DN Teutates given by Whatmough add the following: d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 1. 451-5, 14. 249-53; Loth, RA 1925, 222 (SprFK 211); Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 264 f.; Duval, DG 25 fT.; id., EC 8, 1958-9, 41 ff. (REA 60, 1958, 358 f.); de Vries, KR 45 ff.; RPH 30 f. 3 See RPH 82 f. 4 See Holder, AcS 2. 1897, Schmidt, KGP 280 and compare Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 273 (also Le Roux, Og. 11, 1959, 223), whose suggestion is not convincing in view of the doubt concerning Loth's interpretation of DN Virotutis (see above). Compare PN Σιγο.ουτιορειξ DAG 35. 5 See commentary preceding these name lists. 6 See Dottin, p. 293, Thurneysen, GOI197, Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 64, Schmidt, MSS, Heft 12, 1958, 57. 7 See section (B) s.n. ?Βφακο. 8 See also PID, vol. 2, p. 556, 3, p. 47 and compare Lep. toutioio(?) PID, it. 324c (see vol. 3, p. 47). M. Lejeune (Hommages . . . Niedermann, Coll. Latomus xxiii, Bruxelles, 1956, 207 ff.) read toutas[ in the insc. of Briona. This he would interpret as touta (nom.) s[ or toutas (gen.). 9 Rhys (LWPh2 379 f., 406) suggested that names such as Cunovali in a Cornwall inscription (CIIC 468), W. Cynwal, and Ir. Conall contained in their second element a cognate of Eng. wolf. But this interpretation must be rejected, as Rhys himself conceded later on (Hibbert Lectures 1886, (London, 1888), 539 with η. ι ; see also Loth, Chr. bret. 171, n. 2, Dottin 295, n. 3). 2
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sovereignty, rule; a ruler, prince' (op. cit. iii. 160), W. gwlad 'country, land' (see G. 689), OCorn. gulat, MCorn. gidas, MBret. gloat, ModBret. glad 'fortune, biens; territoire, pays; fief; Ir. flaithem ( < *ulatiamo-, cf. ulatiami CIIC 185) 'a ruler, prince' (see RIADict. iii. 161), MIW. gwledic (see G. 690) ;x MIW. gwalad(y)r 'chief, lord, leader' (see G. 608),2 which Lloyd-Jones (G., loc. cit.) suggested to be a derivative of MIW. gwdl 'leader, ruler'. See Lloyd-Jones's remarks in G. 607 concerning other forms which may be related, including the second element of Welsh PNN such as Bydwal, Kadval, Kynwal, etc. I have included in the lists below examples of names in ual(l)-, chiefly from Ancient Gaul, which may be Celtic. It is extremely diffi cult to tell how many of these, especially of the uncompounded forms, contain Celtic ual- meaning 'to be strong, mighty; a ruler, leader' or the like. In compounded names ual- is certainly attested only as a second element. It is also quite uncertain whether names in uallbelong here. For PNN Vallaunus and Vallaunius beside OW. -guallaun, Ml. and ModW. -(g)wallawnl-(g)wallonyi etc., see section (A) (ii) s.v. VELLAUNO-. It seems unlikely that account should be taken of the form uallus 'reaper' Pliny NH 18. 296 (in Gaul, see AcS 3. 96), which is probably the same as Latin uallus 'a pole, stake': Goth, walus 'staff, etc. Compare, however, Ir. fdl m. (o-stem, < ualo-) 'a fence, hedge, enclosure' (see RIADicL, fasc. iii. 35 f.) and its Welsh counterpart gwawl f. 'wall, fence, hedge, circle, rim, region' (see Lloyd-Jones, G. 636).4 See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 275 f., ACL 3. 192; Loth, RC 41, 1924, 1 See also Bromwich, TTP 453 f., Chadwick, BBCS 19, 1962, 225 ff. Some Gaulish names in ulat(t)- probably belong here. Note, for example, the following: PNN Ateula (num.) DAG 177, 206 (for Ateula{tos) ?, see AcS 1. 261; 3. 420, 719 f., KGP 141, Colbert de Beaulieu, Cat. Besangon, nos. 106 ff., Cat. Montbiliard, no. 100, Cat. Jura, nos. 33 f., EC 10/1, 1962, 207; see also DAG 156); Vlatcani DAG 151; Vlatos (num.) DAG 177, 206 (see refs. quoted above s.n. Ateula; cf. Vlati CIL 13. 10027. 127 whence Vlatos/'-us DAG 228 (vii), 237 and Vlati DAG 182); Vlatti AE 1956, 164, Vlattia DAG 8, 156, 182, -ius 5, 6, 83, 151, 156, 182; ulattu 177 (see also AcS 3. 21); Vlactucnij-ugni CIL 13. 10010. 2073 (whence Vlatucnos DAG 151, Remark B, 156, Remark); Vlatuna DAG 6 ; EN TriulattiAcSo.. 1961 (see KGP 281 f., 298). Note also ulaten DAG, Note (xv) (b) and Holder, AcS 3. 20 ff. s.nn. in vlat{t)-. 2 Compare the MIW. PN Kadwalad(y)r (see G. 92) and OBret. PNN in -uualatr, -uualart (see Chr. bret. 171, RC 15, 1894, 224 ff, DGVB 193, VB 218, 344). 3 In Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 9 ff. Lloyd-Jones rendered the Welsh PN Cadwallon as 4 yn rheoli mewn brwydr', Caswallon as 'a reola ei gas, ei elynion' or '[a reola] mewn cas', Dyfnwallawn as *a reola fyd', Idwallawn as 'a reola fel tywysog* and Rhiwallawn as *yn rheoli fel brenin', as if -wallon (-awn) was cognate with -wal in PNN such as Cynwal, Dyfnwal, and Idwal and derived from Celtic ualo- 'to be strong, etc.* See also now Fleuriot, VB 41. 4 Gwawl is also attested in Welsh as the name of Hadrian's Wall and as a per sonal name. See Lloyd-Jones, G., loc. cit; s.nn. Gwawl1, Gwawl2; Ifor Williams, Armes Prydein (Caerdydd, 1955), 61, Canu Taliesin (Caerdydd, i960), 103. Beside W. gwawl 'wall, fence, etc.' note gwawl 'light' (G. 635 f.). O'Rahilly (EIHM
THE
380 ff.; W.-P.
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1. 3 0 1 ; W.-H.
SURVEY
2. 730; DAG 246 s.v. uallas;
271
IEW
1142.
See further section (A) (i) s.n. Κατουαλος, (Β) s.nn. Valetiacus and OVCLXLKLO.
P N N : Aenovales (w.U. -valatos, -valaus, Innovalaus) Fredegar. chron. 4. 87 (a. 641) ι1 Atevali (gen.) CIL 3. 5523 ; 2 iitoa/ί (gen.) CiL 3. 5488; Bovalus CIL 2. 2485^ Cartoval[ CIL 7. 4 2 5 ; Χατουαλο? DAG 72 ; 4 Clotuali CIIC 4 7 1 ; Cunovali CIIC 4 6 8 ; Martoualus (Me·) AcS 2. 4 4 8 ; Nertovalus DAG 9 ; Reovalis Greg. T u r . h.F. io, 15; Suvallos CIIC 158; Totavali ECMW 166; Valagenta f. D^iG 244 ; s Valamni CIIC 125; Valatonius DAG 214; P W ZL4G 224; Fafeifl IX4G 244; Valetiacus (BG) DAG 182, [ζ/ΑΖ]*ώζφί) ? ZL4G 177 ; 6 Valicinia DAG 8 3 ; Ουαλι/αο Z M G 4 8 ; 6 Valicius DAG 151; Walirmus DAG 8 3 ; Valis DAG 139, 204; Fiz/z^z CZ/C 240; Vallaunius CIL 7. 126; Vallaunus DAG 244; Vallesia DAG 244; Val(l)ia, Vallius DAG 83 ; 7 Vallicius CIL 2. 4173; FizZ/io C/L 13. 1976; 7flZZ
ZL4G 237; OuaAos, PW&y ZMG 8 3 ; FizZwco Z)^4G 139; Valuvi CIIC 302; Viniuallia DAG 8 3 ; Vinovaleius DAG 83. L E N N : Coriouallum IA, Cortouallio TP Heerlen (or Kerten) DAG 221 ; 8 Luguvallo {-valid) IA, Lagubalium Rav. Carlisle BSRC 36 ; 9 ?Naharuali DAG 2 4 1 ; Valentia, -inus Valence DAG 80 ; 10 Vallatum DAG 2 4 1 ; " Vallebana DAG 153. D N N : Anual(l)os DAG 181; Anualonnacu DAG 162; Lanoualus DAG 8 2 ; ?Vallabneihiae matronae, Valabneiae, Vallamaeneihiae DAG 223. 521, n. 1) suggested that these forms were originally the same word, as also Ir. Fal, which he claimed meant 'light' in certain phrases, ana fal *a fence, etc.' In BSRC 37 s.n. Lagubalium Sir Ifor Williams strangely maintained that IT. fal 'hedge, fence' and W. gwawl were borrowings from Lat. vallum. Note also Ir. foil {fail) 'a circlet for the arm, a ring', 'an enclosure, shelter (for animals), lair (esp. a pig sty)' (RIADict., fasc. iii. 20 if., iv. 245) beside W. gwdl 'lair, bed, den, a sleeping place for animals' (G. 607), MlBret. goalenn 'a ring' (GMB 264), and see Urk. Spr. 276, RC 33. 473, EIHM 307, n. 2, IEW 1142. 1
2
See A*GP 118, 284.
Compare PN ,4toi[ CIL 3. 5092b. Beside Schmidt, KGP 153 compare Holder, AcS 1. 500, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 49. 4 See section (A) (i) s.n. 6 s See KGP 284. See section (B) s.n. 7 For examples of PNN Val(l)ius, -ia, claimed as Illyrian, see Krahe, PJV. Lex. 122, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. I. 351. 8 See Weisgerber, Β J 154, 1954, 98 f., Rh. V. 23, 1958, 46 f., Tummers, Og. 9> x957> 3 S l ff-> Krahe, Spr. Aufgl. 14 f. * See Jackson, JAS 38, 1948, 57, LHEB 39. 10 See also AcS 3. 89 f. for Valentia now Valencia in Spain. These names may well be Latin rather than Celtic. 11 See also AcS 3. 94 s.n. Vallata. 3
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VEBRUA name element vebru- (vebro·) is attested in a number of Gaulish P N N as follows: Vebro DAG 237; Verbronara (for Vebromara?) DAG 59, Vebru, F^raZ/wj-atLaGraufesenque, Remark; 1 ΟυηβρουμαροςDAG44;J Vebrul [CIL 13. 11237, Vebrulli (gen.) iLG 95, (?)[V]ebrulli (gen.) JXG 171 ; 2 Vebrumna DAG 151; F
VELLAUNOThere is little certainty concerning the interpretation of this element in Gaulish names, although much has been written about it. I first list a selection of opinion concerning the form and concerning other forms which have been discussed in conjunction with it. Gliick discussed together s.nn. Vellavii and Vercassivellaunus6 (KjY 1
See section (A) (i) s.n. See section (B) s.n. Vebrullus. Whatmough listed in DAG 83 without reference to source a PN Vebruius. This is presumably taken from AcS 3. 130 where the inscription quoted as Rustica Vebruii f(ilia) is the one read as Rustica vebrulli f. in ILG 95. 3 Chadwick would relate the river names Wipper (Turingia), Weaver (Cheshire) and Waver (Cumberland) to Celtic *uebro-. For Wipper see F. Solmsen, Indogermanische Eigennamen als Spiegel der Kulturgeschichte (Heidelberg, 1922), 49, Schnetz, ZCP 15, 1925, 214 ff., id.j ZONF 1, 1925, 15. For Weaver and Waver see A. H . Smith, English Place-Name Elements pt. ii (Cambridge, 1956), 235 f., 248. 4 Perhaps the text reflects an earlier *gwevrvawr, which could be interpreted as a personal name corresponding to Gaul. Ουηβρουμαρος. 5 Concerning trade in amber in the Celtic period see J. Skutil, Celticum vi. 215 ff. See also A. Spekke, The Ancient Amber Routes and the Geographical Discovery of the Eastern Baltic (Stockholm, 1957). 6 For forms quoted here without reference to source see the list of names grouped 2
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164 f., 178 ff.) a number of forms in uell- (e.g. PN Vellocatus and E N Vellates) and uellauno-, and compared with the latter Insular Celtic names which he considered to contain a cognate element (e.g. the Welsh P N Cas{s)wallawn beside Cassivellaunus) ,l Rhys (LWPh1 197 f., LWPh2 187, 194) also related Gaul, uellauno- to the element -wallawnj -wallon in Welsh P N N and to the divine name Vallaunius of Caerleon. Moreover, he claimed that the E N N Vellates and Vellauii and velio- in E N Veliocasses might belong here. I n Celtic Britain (London, 1882) 281-2 Rhys suggested that forms in vel(l)aun- and vallaun- contained a root *ual- also found in W. gwlad, Iv.flaith, Lat. valere, etc. 2 D'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 27-28) treated uellauno- as a derivative of uellauno-, whence uellauio- (as in EN Vellavii). I n these forms he recognized a root uell-, which he claimed also underlay Welsh and Breton gwell 'better'. 3 Stokes (Urk. Spr. 276) quoted forms in uellauno-, E N Vellavi, D N Vallaunius together with OBret. -uuallon beside Gaul. velio- (as in E N Veliocasses). H e assumed that velio- developed to velio-, and that this was the source of W. gwell, etc. All these forms were quoted s.v. *vel- 'wahlen, wunschen' as cognates of Lat. volo, Eng. will, etc. J . Leite de Vasconcellos, in his discussion of D N Endouellicus (RC 21, 1900, 309), linked uelle- ( < *uel-no-) in this name and in others with Gaul, uellauno-, and again related these forms to W . gwell. Pedersen, on the other hand (VKG 1. 54), analysed uellauno- as ue-llauno- and compared OBret. P N N such as Cat-uallon and Haeluuallon.4 H e related -llauno- to Ir. log, luach 'price, value, wages, pur chasing' 5 and W. golud 'wealth': Gk. απολαύω, etc. (v. IEW655).6 together below for convenience of reference, although they are probably of multiple origin, as the commentary which precedes them shows clearly. 1 See also Zeuss, GCl 102-3, GC2 &7> w ^ ° a ^ 0 regarded Welsh and Breton names in -guallaun, -guallon, -wallon, etc., as cognates of Gaul, vellauno-. See further Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 47, Loth, Chr. bret. 171 f., Baudis, Grammar of Early Welsh, pt. i (Oxford, 1924), 15-16. 2 He did concede that -aun- in uellaun- may be different in origin from -awn/On in W. -wallawnj-wallon. See further E. Zupitza, £CP 3, 1901, 594; Loth, RC 51, I934> 11; Jackson, LHEB 306; Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954, 517; 31, 1955, 13. His attempt to connect uellauno- with Og. Walamni ( = Valamni CIIC 125) is not con vincing (see also de Jubainville, NG 29, n. 1). 3 In NG 211 he claimed that Gaul, uerno- sometimes meant 'bon' and was cog nate with IT. fern, positive of IT. ferr 'better' beside W. gwell. He did not account for the difference between the final -rr of IT. ferr and the final -// of W. gwell. He seems to be suggesting, however, that these forms point to earlier *uel-no-. See also J. Leite de Vasconcellos, RC 21, 1900, 309, Pedersen, VKG 2. 121. Cf. Strachan, IF 2, 1893, 370, Morris-Jones, WG 153, Thurneysen, GOI 236. 4 He claimed that these forms arose through analogical change. He did not, however, explain the nature or the cause of this analogical change. 5 See RIAContr. L. 182 ft0. 6 Pedersen quoted the forms Ue-llauno-dunum, Cassi-ue-llaunus, and Cata-launi. As
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fell 'deceit, treachery' see IEW 1140, and for W. gweli 'wound' (subst.), Corn, goly, Bret, gouli (: Lat. vulnus) see IEW 1144-5. l See further section (A) (i) s.nn. Cassivellaunus and Vercassivellaunus. P N N : Cassivellaunus BG;2 ?Catuellaunus DAG 237; Cenoveli (gen.) CIL 12. 25 ;3 Dubnovellaunos, Dumnovellaunos, Dubnovellaun, Dubnov, Dubn, Dumnove, num. Mack, pp. 81 f., 87 f., 127 (nos. 275-8, 282-91, 466 f.), 4 Dumnobella[unus~\ and Αομ[νο]ο[υ€]λλαΰνος CIL 3, pp. 798, 799 (Mon. Ancyr. c. 32. 6. 2, (Greek) 17. 2) ; 5 Nic\t]ovelius CIL 7. 1091; Vel[ DAG 83; Velabel[Fjius 5, Velabellius 83; 6 Velacena PID xiic; Velacosta PID xvic (Lig. ?) ; 7 Veladus DAG 8 3 ; Velagenus 6 (see also p . 480), 9, 83, PID xiic; 8 Velagostius CIL 5. 7729^ 7
Cf. Loth, /2C4i, 1924, 208. 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. Not Cenovilins as in Z)^4G 5. 4 See also Allen, Archaeology 90, 1944, 30 ff., id., L4££ 215 f., 261; 5J5L4, Maps 4, 6. 5 See also Atf 1. 1361, 7XL Onom. vol. 3, fasc. 2, col. 270. 6 For compounded names in z/*/fl- see Schmidt, A*GP 287 f. Compare Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 431 f. Perhaps the gloss uela listed below should not be overlooked in a study of such names. 7 Compare PN Velagostius below with n. 9. 8 Compare PN Veiagenus CIL 13. 6240 which should be read Vela-, perhaps. See DAG 237 and 244 s.n., KGP 287. 9 Listed in PID xvc as Velagostia (Lig.) See Scherer 209, Schmidt, KGP 184, 287 f. Compare PN Vilagosti (?dat.) CIL 5. 7837 ( = Vihgostes PID xvic Lig.). 10 Whatmough suggested reading [&]w*[nAr] and Lic(i)nus of Lezoux. 11 See Thurneysen, Die insche Helden- und Konigsage 1 (Halle, 1921), 66, n. 4, id., GOI 58, Pokorny, IEW 1136. Possibly a common noun. ?Cf. Veleda above. 12 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 109. 13 See Vendryes, LEI A A-14. Cf. PN Veludius. See also p. 146 above. 14 Not Vellorius as in DAG 214. ?Cf. PN Veluor\ia\ 15 See Weisgerber, AHVN 155-6, 1954, 45 f. 16 ?Cf. PN Velorius above. 2
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2
see AcS 3. 141 ; Velauni CIL 5. 7817. 45 ; (σνμβοΧον προς) OveXavνίους IG 14. 2432 ; 3 Veliocasses, etc., v. s. CASSI-; Ον€ΧΧαδίς (Ptol.) in Lusitania AcS 3. 148; Vellates DAG 84; Vellaui, OveXXaCoL, -orum ciuitas, Vellauensis, Vellauus, mod. Velay DAG 148 ; 4 Vellaunodunum BG, per haps Ghateau-Landon (Seine-et-Marne) ? DAG 179 ; 5 Vellau(u)us pagus Veluwe DAG 221 (also 212); Well-ica AcS 3. 151; Velunia Rav., a fort on the Antonine wall BSRC 48.6 D N N : Endovellicus, Endovelicus, Endovollico, etc., v. s. ANDE-; Icovellauna DAG 211 (also 213); Macniaco Vellauno (corr. for ueil-) DAG 8 2 ; Ocelo Vellaun\o\ (dat.) EE 9. 1009. 7 VENIA name element vent-, as in P N N such as Venicarus, Venimara, Venimarus, and OVCVITOOVTOL, has been related to IT. fin- mfingal f. 'wound ing or slaying a relative' and Ir. fine (ία-stem, f.) 'family, kindred; progeny, descendants, clan, tribe, race' (v. RIADict., fasc. 3 s.w.), OBret. coguenou gl. indegena (v. VVB 77), ModBret. gouenn 'race', 'espece' (v. H e m o n 1005). See d'Arbois de Jubainville, MSL 7, 1892, 294f, id., CRAI 1903, n o ; Holder, AcS 3. 160, 168; Dottin, p. 297; Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 328; Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 6 4 ; Scherer 210; Schmidt, KGP 289 f.;« Pokorny, ZEJ>K 1147; Fleuriot, DGVB 112. Concerning Irish fine and other forms claimed as cognates see also Loth, RC 13, 1892, 506 fF.,10 Stokes, Urk. Spr. 270,11 Pedersen, 1
Whence Velatudurum [sic] DAG 234. See AcS 3. 141; PID xiiiB (p. 364); Vendryes, CRAI 1957, 207 f. 3 See AcS, loc. cit.; Whatmough, DAG 80; Vendryes, loc. cit. 4 See Gaidoz, RC 6, 1883-5, 116 f. Compare the Breton local name Go'elo, for which see Smith, Top. bret. 54 (whence Whatmough DAG 180, Remark, p. 622). See also ILTG 216. 5 See Bull. arch. 1921, 39-51 (RC41, 1924, 286 f.), Bull. soc. arch, de Sens 40, 1937, 123-8 (VAnnie philologique 15, 1940-1, 355). Cf. Vendryes, CRAI 1957, 208. 6 Also Veluniate (loc.) JAS 47, 1957, 229 f. (no. 18); 50, 1960, 85 (fig., p. 93) (AE 1958, 105, 1962, 249). 7 See Whatmough, DAG, Note (xlv) Β and it. 223. For a recent notice of the inscription see Nash Williams, BBCS 15, 1954, 83 ff. 8 See Whatmough, DAG 178 and 246, J. Andro, Lexique des termes de botanique en latin (Paris, 1956), 325 f. 9 Schmidt claimed {KGP 289, 296) that veno-, with -0- for -i- (as in PN Veno-cari CIL 7. 693), vini-, with vowel assimilation (as in PN Vinivalliae (dat.) CIL 12. 4022 and Vervini (gen.) CIL 12. 1680) and vino- (as in PNN Vinomathus EE 3, p. 316, n. 193 and Vinovaleius CIL 12. 4007) also belonged here. 10 Loth related fine to Ir. fian (a-stem, f.) *a band of hunters or warriors' (v. RIADict., fasc. 3 s.v.) and Bret, gouenn *race, semence, extraction' ( < *uein~na, *vein-da). Concerning IT. fian see also Zimmer, JZts.f. deutsches Altertum 1891, 1 ff., Stokes, Urk. Spr. 265, de Jubainville, RC 28, 1907, 249, n. 3, Thurneysen, £CP 15, 2
1925, 262. 11
Stokes and other scholars after him (e.g. van Hamel and Pokorny) have
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VKG 1. 156, W.-P. 1. 258 ff., van Hamel in Melanges linguistiques qfferts a Holger Pedersen (Kobenhavn, 1937), 103 ff., Binchy, Eriu 17, 1955, 78? Szemerenyi, Fachtagung Innsbruck 200 ff. See further note s.n. Venicarus below, and now Ε A AH A 187 f. T h e examples of names listed below, especially those in uenn-, are quite clearly of multiple origin. Not all of them point to a name element cognate with IT. fine or fian or Bret. gouen(n), and certainly not all of them can be counted as Celtic. They have been selected for inclusion here because a number of them may be such and could be adduced as part of the evidence for a Celtic n a m e element veni'family, kindred, race' or the like. P N N : Vena DAG 8 3 ; Venaesia, -ius 8 3 ; Venatius 237; Vene[? 215; Venecrius 83; Venedius 250; Venesi[ 176; Venetus 182, 244 ;* Venextos 177; Veni[ 244 ;2 ?Venia PID, it. 3 2 1 ; Veniala PID x v c ; Veniann[ DAG 244; Veniantus 228 (ii), 244 ; 3 Veniati (gen.) OPL 109; Venica OPL 109; Venicarus (-ne-) DAG 228 (ii), (iv), Venicarus 237, 244; 4 Venicia HAE 907; Veniclutius, Venicotenius 8 3 ; Venidius DAG 224, 244; ?Veniena CIL 2. 2882; Venilatus 8 3 ; Venilla 151; Venimantii (gen.?) CIL 3. 3302; names in venimar-, v. s. MARO-; Venini (gen.) C/L 3. 4227; Veninia DAG 8 3 ; Venireius CIL 5. 7918; Venirus DAG 176; Fi?rcw· 194; Ρ!?Λ2ΛΖ 244; Venisama 244; P^m^o 228 (iv); Venissius CIL 5. 7196; Ουζνιτοουτα DAG 26 ; 5 Veniuallia 8 3 ; FiawMj 8 3 ; Venixama (~ema, -iema) 244; claimed that W. gwen 'a smile, a laugh' is cognate with IT.fine.However, concern ing this Welsh form see above s.v. GEN- where a different etymology is mentioned. Distinguish W. gwen P'prayer, supplication, wish, song' (see G. 659), which could perhaps be related to the root *uen- 's'efforcer, aspirer' postulated by van Hamel. 1 For other instances of PN Venetus, claimed as Illyrian, see Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 357. See also note s. EN Veneti below. 2 See also AcS 3. 168 s.n. Veni. . .; Gallia 19, 1961, 382 (?Venus). 3 See also AcS 3. 168 s.n., Oswald 328. 4 See also AcS 3. 169 s.n. Gliick (KN 167, n.) suggested that ueni- in this name might be cognate with W. gwen 'a smile, a laugh'. Other scholars related it to Ir. fingalyfine, etc. De Jubainville, for example (MSL 7, 1892, 295), rendered the name as 'cher a ses parents' (see also AcS 3. 169, KGP 289). Whatmough {DAG, Note (lii) (q), p. 993) stated that in this name ueni- 'friend' is either Celtic or Germanic, and interpreted it as a hybrid compound of Celtic or Germanic ueni- and Latin -cams. In Studies presented to David M. Robinson ii (Saint Louis, 1953), 482, on the other hand, he regarded the name as a hybrid compound of Germanic and Celtic. Finally, in CPh. 50, 1955, 284 he treated it as a binominal intensive compound "dear, dear", i.e. "very dear" '. Thurneysen (ZCP 14, 1923, 10, see Weisgerber, SprFK 155, 212, 217, Schmidt, KGP 147, n. 3) suggested 'nur mit aller Reserve' that an alleged uen[a] in a stamp of Lezoux (CIL 13. 10012, 19, cf. Dottin, nos. 43 and 43 bis, Whatmough, DAG, Note (xxi) (pp. 330 f.)) might be a lenited form of Celtic *bena (: Ir. ben 'woman'). Whatmough's mention (DAG, p. 993) of the possibility that we have a similar element ueni- 'woman' in Venicarus need not be taken seriously. Cf. PN Vinicarus DAG 237. A number of interesting forms in vinhave been omitted from this list. s See section (A) (i) s.n.
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Venixamus 237; Venixsama, Venixxamns 156: Venixsamus 151; Vennian[ 244; Venno PID xiic; Vennonia DAG 182, -ius 8, 83, 87, 224, 244; Venna, V[ennus] 9, Vennns 8 3 ; Vennenns 224; ?Venni... 24; F
Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 356 f., 2. 123 f.; Merlat, Μέτη. de la soc. d'hist. et d'arch. de Bretagne
39, 1959, 5-40 (REA 62, i960, 388); Pokorny, IEW 1146, id., VI. Internationaler Kongrefi fur Namenforschung, Munchen 24.-28 August 1958, Kongrefibenchte, Bd.
Ill,
hrsg. Karl Puchner (Munchen, 1961), 604 f.; Kuhn, Westfalische Forschungen 12, 1959, 41 fF.; G. Devoto, Origine indeuropee (Firenze, 1962), 316 f. (cf. Lejeune, REA 64, 1962, 415 f.). 2 See also AE 1959, 129. 3 ?Raetic. See PID XXVA (p. 446), vol. 2, p. 56, and compare perhaps uennu{n)cula (uitis or uua) DAG 240.
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'greyhound' (lit. 'swift-footed') of Arrian cyneg. 3. 6 and Grattius cyneg. 203 discussed in DAG 178. For Celtiberian ueramos (ace. ueramorn) 'chef, princeps, (uir) summus'(?) see Tovar, Estudios 55 ff.,1 126, etc., Whatmough, Lg. 27, 1951, 574, Lejeune, Celtiberica 29, 31, Schmoll, SVIHK, pp. 27 (nos. 99, 100, 102), 31, 32, 44. Examples :2 PNN: Ricoueriougus DAG 156; Venermidus (read Vernemidus?) DAG 136 ;3 Veransatus 214 (also 224, 237); ?Verbronara 59, Remark; 4 Verbugia 244; Vercassivellaunus BG ;4 Vercingetorix BG ;4 Vercobius DAG 203, 214; Vercombogius, -bogio, -bogus 244; Vercondaridubnus 182; Vercondarius 24 Veriucus (-g-) 83, Veriugus 136, 208A, 244; Veriugodumnus 214 (or DN); Vertamaca 136, Remark 3, 151, Remark B; s Vertamica 136, Remark 3, 151, Remark B, 1565s Vertecillus 151, Remark B; Vertecissa 151, Re mark Β; 6 Vertougus 139; Veruecco (-us?) 214; Veruic[8j; Veruicci 194; Veruicia 156, 244; Vervicius 214; Veruico 194; Veruicus 203, 244; Veruinius 83. LENN: Varagri, Veragri DAG 15; 7 Verlucione (abl.) 14 486. 4 ; names related to uernemetis (see above), Atf 3. 218 f., Whatmough, Ζλ4<2, p. 477, Guyonuarc'h, O?. 12, 1959, 195 f., Lebel, Λ/0 14, 1962, 179; Vertamocoris (w.ll. -tamacoris, -tacomacoris) (abl. pi.) Plin. JVTf 3. 124.5 D N : Veriugodumnus DAG 213 (or PN). VERTO-, VORTOThis element is probably cognate with the Irish verbal root fert-f fort- (e.g. Olr. adferta gl. auersatur, adbartaib gl. aduersariis, andyor£-+ <ώ- 'pour, pour out'): Skt. udrtati 'turns', Lat. i^rfo (IE. *uer-t-\*uor-t'turn', see FTG2.526, W.-P. 1.274 f., W.-i/. 2. 763 ff., IEW1156 ff.).* 1 Gomez-Moreno (Misc. 207 f., 327, n. 5) read uoramos in one of the rock inscriptions of Penalba de Villastar, and Tovar accepted this reading. See further Tovar, Emfrita 27, 1959, 355, no. 5; 28, i960, 339. Concerning PN Vramus CIL 2. 364 (?*ueramos) see Palomar Lapesa, OPL 112. 2 For other collections of examples see Zeuss-Ebel, GC2 859 f., Holder, AcS 3. 179, Schmidt, KGP 290 ff. 3 4 See also Whatmough, DAG, p. 477. See section (A) (i) s.n. 6 s See Fleuriot, EC 10/1, 1962, 182 ff. Cf. PN Verticissa (leg. -tec-) 136. 7 See KGP 93, 290, Og. 17, 1965, 149 ff, and section (B) s.n. Agio. 8 W. gwerthyd Spindle' (G. 672), OCorn. gurhthit gl. fusus (OCV 361), OBret. £ΗΓ/ΝΖ# (FFJ5 148, cf. DGK5 201),guirtitou gl. fusis (DGVB 193), ModBret. gwerzhid, Ir. /*rfcw 'shaft, spindle' (RIADict., fasc. 3. 95 f.) are also cognate and point to Celtic uerU. For Ir. fri (preverb frith-), W. (g)wrth, Corn. or/Λ, Bret. 0 ^ (: IE. *&rf-) see LP 5, GOI 515, ZHEB 337, DGVB 203 beside Hamp, ,Β^Ο^ 15, 1954, 124 f-> Pokorny, £CP 27, 1958-9, 317. W. gwerth 'worth, price, value', Bret, gwerzh, and W. gwerthu 'sell', Corn. gwerthey Bret, gwerzhan may also belong here. See Pedersen, F7TG 2. 526. But these forms have been explained as loan words from Germanic. See Thurneysen, Keltorom. 82, Holder, AcS 3. 247, Dottin 298, W.-P. I. 275, Pokorny, IEW 1157. Compare Stokes, Urk. Spr. 273 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 329.
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Most, if not all, of the examples which follow belong here. PNN: Ateuorti (gen.) CIL 3. 5272; Couerthi DAG 202, Remark; ?Co]uertina DAG 83; Couertomotul Blanchet, Mnl. 124 ;x Exuertini DAG 188 ;2 Vert[CIL 13. 10010. 2016; Vertacus DAG 250; Vertano DAG 182; ?farterZX4G 83, 156; VertiaDAG 176; farfrco ZL4G 83, 214; 3 Vertiscus DAG 214; 3 Verto CIL 13. 10010. 2018,4 Vertoni (dat.) C/L 12. 1234; Vertos DAG, Note (liii) (p. 1077); Vertougus DAG 139 ;5 F^rircij· CIL 13. 10003. ^ 7 · 6
LENN: ?Triuortium Trevoux (Ain) DAG 179;7 Vertavus Vertou (LoireInferieure) ^GS1 3. 243; Vertevia in Devon BSRC 49 ;8 WertigovJ.es DAG 179; Vertillenses uikani, Vertello (12th cent.), i.e. *Vertillum, Vertault DAG 234; Vertis BSRC 49. For diuertomu (-tiomu, diuortomu, diuortom, diuirtomu) in the Calendar of Coligny v. s. DI-. VIC-, V I C T - , VEC-, V E C T I have listed together a number of examples of forms in wV-, vict(also wyt- and -vix), vec~, and zwtf- in this section, in spite of the fact that they are certain to be of multiple origin. Owing to early con fusion of the various name elements it is all the more difficult to deter mine the origin of most of these forms and to list them under the appropriate name element. Some of these may well be nonCeltic. Olr. fichid 'fights' (DictRIA., fasc. 3. 123-4),9 do-fich 'punishes, 1
Compare DAG 245, where Whatmough's Counertomotul must be wrong. See section (A) (i) s.n. 3 See section (B) s.n. 4 For Vertougus? 5 See Holder, AcS 3. 247 (whence Schmidt, KGP 279, 292). Cf. AcS 2. 891. 36. 6 See DAG 176, 182. 7 See Holder, AcS 2. 1961. 8 Compare Verterae I A, Veneris ND, Valteris Rav., now Brough-under-Stainmore, Westmorland, and the interpretation suggested by Sir Ifor Williams in BSRC 48 s.n. 9 Distinguish Olr. fichid (ί-stem) *boils, seethes, bubbles; ?bursts, explodes' (DictRIA., fasc. iii. I24f.; see Pedersen, VKG 2. 521, Vendryes in Mil, ling, offerts a M. Holger Petersen (Kobenhavn, 1937), 289). Stokes (Urk. Spr. 279 s.v. viko *ich kampfe') also quoted OW. guichr and guichir (see VVB 137), later gwychr 'courageous, fierce' (G. 728 f.), and W. gwych 'strong, fine, splendid, brilliant' (G. 727 f.). See also RC 38, 1920-1, 299, IEW 1129, DGVB 190. For a different etymology of these Welsh forms see VKG 1. 75, 122 f. {LP 3, 18) (cf. Zupitza, KZ 35, 1899, 258), GOI 316, and Lloyd-Jones, G. 727b. 2 ff., 728b. 7. For other W. forms which may be cognate with IT. fichid 'fights' see Loth, RC 41, 1924, 390; K.Jackson, Early Welsh Gnomic Poems2 (Cardiff, 1961), 51 f.; Williams, CAn. 348; Lloyd-Jones, G. 679 s.w. gwic2 and guigiat. 2
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avenges' 1 are cognate with Lat. uineo, Goth, weihan, etc. (: IE. *ueikv. IEW 1128-9) and point to Celtic uic-. Whitley Stokes, for example, claimed {Urk. Spr. 279) that Gaulish -vix and -vices (as in ζλκζσοονιξ, Viridovix, Brannovices, and Ebarovices) are also cognate. 2 A number of other forms in vic(c)- (for example, Βλανΰοονικουνιαι, Vicatus, Viccia, -ius, Vicio and Vico) m a y belong here. Ir.fecht (DictRIA., fasc. 3. 53-55) and M1W. gweith (G. 651-2) in the meaning 'a raid, fight, attack, battle' probably derive from the same root as fichid 'fights' and therefore point to Celtic *uikta. See, for example, Urk. Spr., loc. cit., where Stokes also quoted as forms point ing to earlier *uikt- O W . guith and guithlaun3 and OBret. uueith- and uueth- in personal names. 4 Some Gaulish names in met- and, with spirantization of -c-, in υίχί- probably belong here, for example Convictolitavis, Mediuixta, Victimaria,-ius, Victum[arius], Vixtu[, and names in diuict- and diuixt-. It is not clear whether there are any Celtic cognates of Lat. vicus, Greek οΐκος, etc. (: I E . *ueik-, *uik-, *uoiko- v. IEW 1131); for Iv.fich 'a village, a rural district, an indefinite stretch of land' (DictRIA., fasc. 3. 122), W. gwig 'wood', etc. (G. 678), have been explained as loan words from Latin vicus (see Loth, Mots latins 175; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 279 ; 5 V. Henry, Lexique etymologique des termes les plus usuels du breton moderne (Rennes, 1900), 153; J . Vendryes, De hibernicis vocabulis quae a latina lingua originem duxerunt (Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1902), 142; Holder, AcS 3. 281 s.v. *vico-; Loth, RC 4 1 , 1924, 390-3 ; 6 W.-P. 1. 231). Some instances of -vie- in names listed below, especially -vicus] -vici, if not -vices, in local and ethnic names, may belong here. Ir.fecht and M1W. gweith (ModW. gwaith)7 also mean 'turn, time, 1
Names in diuic{t)-\diui\t- in particular (for uict-Juixt- see below) may be com pared with Ir. do-fich. See SprFK 199 and section (A) (i) s.nn. Diviciacus and Divico. 2 See also Holder, AcS 3. 281 s.v. vico-, 3. 419 s.v. -vix; Dottin p. 299 s.w. -vie-, -vico-, p. 300 s.v. -vix; W.-H. 2. 792; KGP 286; IEW 1129. 3 See GC1 1088 ( = GC2 1058), KN 89-90, VVB 141, 142-3. Compare the etymology proposed for W. gwyth *anger, wrath' by Morris-Jones (WG 144). 4 See Loth, Chr. bret. 173-4, a l s o Fleuriot, DGVB 189 f. For the W. personal name Gweith see G. 652. Note also the following Welsh names: Gweithvoed G. 652, Gweithen ibid., Catgueithen, Congueithen, Marchweithian (listed in G. s.v. gweithen {-yen), where the Cornish name Cantgueithen (-gethen, CangueSen) is compared). In addition to Stokes, loc. cit. see A S 3. 283 s.v. uicto-, Dottin 296 s.v. vecti-, 299 s.v. victo-, W.-H. 2. 792, IEW 1129. See also VB 61, 353. 5 He quoted the names Borco-vicus, Lato-vici, and Cambo-vicenses s.v. viko-s, viku-s Dorf. 6 With Loth's treatment of M1W. gwyhwic compare that of Ifor Williams, Pedeir Keincy Mabinogi (Caerdydd, 1930), 210-11. 7 This W. form should be distinguished from M1W. gweith (ModW. gwaith) 'work, act, deed' (v. G. 650-1). For the etymology of the latter see Morris-Jones, WG 156, 367. The two forms are confused or treated as one by Gluck, KN 88 fF., PA^AI-CATI VKCl τ. τ99 (cL LP Δ.2). Holder, AcS 3. 132, Pokorny, IEW 1119
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occasion' ( = Fr.fois, Germ. Mai) and 'course, journey, expedition', and in this meaning are probably cognate with Skt. vdhati, Lat. veho, etc. (: I E . *uegh- IEW 1118 ff.), and point to Celtic *uekto-\*uekta. In Urk. Spr. 266 Stokes maintained that the name Vecturius was Gaulish and that it belonged here. This view was repeated in VKG 1. 124, W.-P. 1. 250, and IEW 1119. 1 Other names in vect- may well contain a cognate element, e.g. ?[Ad]vecti, Vecticia, -ius, Vectimarus, -ius, Vectirix, Vectissusy and Vectit[.2 T o sum up, it is clear that vic(c)- and vict- (νίχί-) in some of the forms listed below point to a Celtic root cognate with that of Lat. vinco. A few forms in vie- may, however, contain an element cognate with or borrowed from Lat. vicus. Vect- in these forms probably points to a root cognate with that of Lat. veho (IE. *uegh-) although it is possible that in some cases it points to a root cognate with that of Lat. velum (IK*ifeg.). T h e case of forms in vec{c)- is more problematic. Schmidt main tained (KGP 287) that veco- should hardly be kept apart from vico-. H e drew attention to the pairs DivicolDiveco, RouicusjRoueca, Verviciusj Vervecco, and suggested that veco- could be explained by reference to a formula uicto-: vico-:: vecto-: veco-.31 should prefer to think that some at least of the forms in vec(c)- listed below are Gaulish cognates of Insular Celtic forms such as Ir. feccaid 'bends, stoops' (DictRIA., fasc. 3. 51 -52), 4 which is probably cognate with Skt. vdncati, Lat. convexus, etc. (v. Zupitza, KZ 36, 1900, 236; W.-P. 1. 246; W.-H. 1. 2 6 8 - 9 ; IEW 1134-5). Forms in vict- and vect- and in vie- and vec- were bound to become confused and possibly to fall together. This could result, on the one hand, in the combining of the meanings of the roots from which the (repeating W.-P. 1. 250), and Schmidt, KGP 285 (Schmidt wrongly condemns Morris-Jones's etymology of gweith 'work' as 'sehr unsicher'). Cf. DGVB 186 f. 1 Gaul, couinnus 'war-chariot' DAG 207 (see also W.-H. 1. 282, IEW 1119) is also cognate with Lat. ueho. Compare ueheia DAG 178 (s.v. uehiegorum). 2 It is fair to note that Ir. -fecht (passive preterite: fig- *to weave', v. LP 364, GOI 438, DictRIA., fasc. 3. 131) also points to Celtic *uekto- (: IE *ueg- v. IEW 1117). 3 Pokorny (Kratylos 3, 1958, 174) suggested that these variants reflect Indo European vowel gradation (*ueik-j*uik-). 4 Note also \x.fec(c)aidecht (?)'flexibility, compliancy' (DictRIA, fasc. 3. 52) and forfeccaid (?) 'backslider' (DictRIA, fasc. 4. 334), and see further s.nn. Segovax, Vacaca, and Voccio. Vec(c)- in some forms, if we assume that -e- in these is long, may be cognate with Ir. fiach (σ-stem) 'an obligation, a debt' (DictRIA., fasc. 3. 108-9), f° r which see de Jubainville, MSL 4, 1881, 364, Osthoff, IF 6, 1896, 39-40 (whence AcS 3. 138 s.v. *veico-s, *vecos, W.-P. 1. 235, W.-H. 2. 782, IEW 1131). Distinguish Ir. fiach (disyll. in Olr.) 'a raven' (DictRIA., fasc. 3. 109), for which see Marstrander, Festskrift til Prof. Alf Torp (Kristiania, 1913), 248 and Vendryes, RC 35> 1914» 87-91 (deriving it from *ues-ako- 'vorace', against Stokes, Urk. Spr. 263). See further s.n. Vecorix below.
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various elements were derived (witness the case oilr.fecht and M1W. gweith),1 or, on the other hand, perhaps in the blurring or eventually in the complete loss of their meaning. P N N : ?[Ad]uecti (gen.) ECMW 215 ; 2 Βλαν^οουικουνιαι DAG 4 6 ^ Bravecci ECMW 122; Brigovicis (gen.) CIL 5. 4710; 4 Calunovic\a\ CIIC 273; Catuviq[qd] CIIC 184; ?Cexauicti DAG 237 (also 244) ; s Convictolitavis BG;3 Convictus CIL 3. 3 i 6 6 b ; Cunovicodu AcS 1. 1196; Degovexus DAG 214; Denavec\a CIIC 279; Diovicus CIL 7. 1017; Diueca DAG 244; Diuica DAG 156; Diuicatus DAG 136; 6 Diuicia, -ius DAG 214; 7 DiuiciacusDAG 182, 214, 237 ; 3 Diuiciana DAG 214, 8 -us DAG 19, 237, Diuicianu(s) CIL 6. 2407; Diuico BG;3 Diuitta PID xiic; Diuicus DAG 136, 182, 237 (see also AcS 1. 1290); Diuixta DAG 156, 182, 214, 237, AE 1963, 1 2 0 , - ^ 1 3 6 , 1 5 1 , 156,182, ΐ 9 5 , 2 θ 8 ( Ζ ) ^ ζ χ [ ί ] ^ ) , 2 ΐ 4 , 2 2 4 (Di[ui]xtus)y 228 (iv), 237, 244; 9 ?Diuixtianns 156; Diuixtilla 214; Diuixtius 237; Diuixtui 215; Diuixtullus 215, 244; Diuixxtus 151; Ελκεσοουιξ (-ζ) DAG 177 ; 10 Ercaviccas CIIC 196; Icouicus DAG 228 (iv); JzVzflw^^) 157; Luguvvec CIIC 221; Luguvvecca CIIC 140; Mediuixta (or J9z#-) ZX4G 214; Megaravico (abl.) Flor. 1. 34, 4 ; Ollovico BG ; 3 Ragavvecc CIIC 257; IRanuici CIL 13. 11036. 6 7 ; Rittuvvecc CIIC 2 1 1 ; Rituvvecas CIIC 250; Roueca, Ροουικα DAG 78, 177 (see also 2 3 9 ) ; " ?Rouicus 83 ; 12 Sollouico AcS 3. 2 8 1 ; Spiruiconis (gen.) CZL 3. 4909; Toutodiuicus, -is DAG 8 3 ; ?F«ra P / D , Note xvii (6) ; « F ^ t o P/D XUB ; Veccinius DAG 237; F DAG, Note (xlv), Remark (p. 842), and CGP, pp. 207I0 10, plates 115-16. See Blanchet, Traite 119, Manuel p. 82, no. 160. 11 Compare anna roueci DAG 206 (see AcS 1. 156, 2. 1236, 3. 138, 628) and see Colbert de Beaulieu, RAE 10, 1959, 67-71, 92, n. 58, EC 9, 1960-1, 121 f. 12 ?Cf. PN Roucius DAG 83. I4 See P/D, vol. 2, p. 553. *3 See PID, vol. 3, p. 49. 15 Pokorny {IEW 1129) claimed that PNN Vectirix and Vecorix contained a form of the normal grade of the IE. root *ueik-. With Vecorix he equated the Old Irish PN Fiachrai (gen. Fiachrach) and the Og. form Pfora [jfc]. For the latter see Macalister, Studies 2, p. 123, no. 117. Compare Og. Veqreq (Macalister, Studies 3, pp. 140 f., no. 189). See further Stokes, BB 23, 1898, 61 s.n. Fiacha. Compare names in veic- such as PNN Veico DAG 244, Veicus 196, Veicius CIL 2. 5670.
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marius DAG 24 ;* \V\ectimarus 208A (also 214); Vectinia 5; Vectirix 83 ; 2 Vectissus 214 (also 237); Vectit[ DAG, Note (iv) (p. 69) ;3 Vecti (gen.) CIL 2. 2956; Vecto DAG 244; ?[Ve]ctumarus ILG 171 ;4 Vecturius AcS 3. 1345s Vekuso (for -£i-?) Ζλ4£ 238; ?Veqreq CIIC 118; 6 Veruecco (-us?) DAG 214; Veruic[ 87; Vended 194; Vendcia 156, 244, -z&r 214; 7 Veruico 194; Veruicus 203, 244; ?Vicana CIL 7. 72; ?Vicanus DAG 140, 156, Remark B, 176, Vikanus JV.-L. 52; Vicariae (dat.) CZL 3. 4974*; Vicarius DAG 244, Vicarus 89 ;8 Vicasius 244; Vicatus CIL 13. 10010. 2034; Fimtf ZL4G 83, Jahreshefte des osterr. arch. Instituts in Wien 44. Beiblatt, 1959, 174 f. (/Z£!^ 63, 1961, 375); Viccision(is) (gen.) C7Z, 2. 2524; Viccius DAG 182. 228 (ii). (ix): Fzrcw C/L 3. 10990; ?Viccns (f.) ZX4G 244; Vicdicius, Vicdiccius 224; ?Vicinia Gallia 20, 1962, 674 f.; FzVzfl Z)i4G 139; Vicixtillus 151, Remark Β ; Γάτο 2Ο8Β (also 214); Vicorlius 8 3 ; ?Victeati 224; Fiwtfi CZZC 510; Victimariae (dat.) CZL 12. 344, -i&y Λ4£? 224; Viction. CIL 3. 1629. 18; Wictisirana (f.) A 5 2. 1577 (source?); Victulliena PID xic; ?Victum[arius] DAG 244; Fz*£fanzj Z>^4G 214, 237; F * o ^ C/7C 506; Viridouix BG ; 9 Ήηαώ Ζλ4(? 2 1 5 ; Fz'x/w[ 2)^iG. 8 3 ; Volouicus DAG 244. L E N N : Borcouicio ND, Velurcion Rav., Ver- EE 7. 1041 now Housesteads BSRC 48; Brannovices Brionnais DAG 179; Delgouicia IA, Devovicia Rav. BSRC 32; Eburovices, later Ebroici, Ebroicini, mod. f/vreux (Eure) DAG 179 ; 10 Ercavica in Hisp. Tarrac. A £ 1. 1458; Γαβραντοουίκων (v.l. Γαβραντοίκων) gen. pi., Ptol. 2. ^.^;llLatouid9 LatobiciDAG241 ; 12 Lemouices, Λζμοουίκζς, Λψονϊοι,, Lemouicus, -uicinus, -uicensis Limoges, Limousin ZL4G 148 ;13 Ordovices Όρ8ούικζς AcS 2. 870 f. (cf. ?Ord(ovix) CIL 7. 231) ; 14 Ούηκτίς, Vectis, Vecta Isle of Wight Atf 3. 132 ff.;1* Vicinonia {-tin-) fl. Vilaine Ζλ4(3 179; 16 Victium fl. ^ S 3. 282; Victohali, Victoali, Victouali DAG 241; Victumulae Liv., Plin., Ίκτούμουλαι Str. PVigevano P / D IXB. 1 ?
D N : Vicinnus (Mars) ZL4G 181. 18 1
See also Leglay, Homm. Gren. 999. See above s.n. Vecorix and compare ZEW 1119. 3 4 See section (B) s.n. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 168. 5 6 Cf. ZL4G 178 s.v. uecturium. See above s.n. Vecorix. 7 8 See also AcS 3. 252. See also AcS 3. 276. 9 See section (A) (i) s.n. 10 See further section (B) s.n. Εβουρος. 11 See Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 57. 12 See Holder, AcS 2. 154 f., Schmidt, KGP 148, 229, 230, 295, Guyonuarc'h, I3 CaHnthia 1151, 1961, 436. Add AE 1961, 56. 14 See Schmidt, KGP 202, 252, 295, Vendryes, LEIA Ο-29, Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 300. J s See &SflC 50. 16 See Corby, Og. 15, 1963, 101 f. Cf. DN Vicinnus. 17 l8 See also iicS 3. 288. Cf. Vicinoniafl.above. 2
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THE MATERIAL! AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
VIROHere again I have listed together a number of examples of names which are bound to be of multiple origin. It would be extremely difficult to arrange these forms in vir- under the appropriate name element, as the etymology of so many of them is not known. Forms are quoted below which may be cognate with the elements in ques tion here, but it is not implied that all the names listed may be explained by reference to one or other of these forms. Indeed, some of the names may well be non-Celtic. A number of them probably contain an element viro~ 'man' cognate with Ir.ferm. 'a man', W. gwr : Skt. νϊτά-, Lat. vir, etc. See JVG 137 f., AcS 3. 387, VKG 1. 41 f. (LP 4), W.-P. 1. 314 f., KGP 296 ff., IEW ii77f. A common noun viros 'man5 seems to be attested in an in scription of Pefialba de Villastar.1 See Tovar, Estudios 55 f., 126, Kratylos 3, 1958, 12, Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 4, 1958, 302. For a cog nate element in Welsh and Breton names see Lloyd-Jones, Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 10, Loth, Chr. bret. 178 f., 180, Fleuriot, DGVB 201. Others may contain an element viro- 'true' cognate with Ir. fir 'true', W. gwir: Lat. vents, OHG. war. See NG 1388*., AcS 3. 388, VKG 1. 50 (LP 7), KGP, loc. cit, IEW 1165 f. It is doubtful whether account should also be taken of viriae (Celtiberice), viriolae (Celtice) 'bracelets' Plin. NH 33. 39 f., etc. See, for sources and etymology, AcS 3. 362 f., W.-P. 1. 226, SprFK 213, DAG 158, IEW 1122, OPL nof., Delgado, Actes et Me'moires, Vime Congr. int. de top. et d'anthr. Salamanca 12-15 avril ig$5 (Acta Salmanticensia. Filosofiay Letras ix/2) (Salamanca, 1958), 181 ff., Hubschmid, RPh. 15, 1961-2, 251 ff., Tovar, Celticum vi. 400.2 PNN: Agedouirus DAG 182; Allouira 151; ?Aruiragns (Schol. Arbiragus) Juv. AcS 1. 244; Atuirus DAG 151; Canuviris (?gen.) CIL 13. 4484; CatvvirrCIIC 221 ;3 Covirius DAG 2O8B (also 214), Covirus 202, Remark, 208B (also 214) ; 4 Dattovir 83; ?Dumviranns CIL 3. 5111; Sacrouir DAG 1 For a correction of the reading of this inscription see Tovar, Emerita 27, 1959, 356, num. 6. 2 Gliick (KN 186 s.n. Viromandui) thought that a name element viro-, with short -i-, could be related to a Welsh form gwyr 'recens, vigens, validus, luxuriosus, viridis', which presumably derives from the entry gwyr 'a. (gwy-yr) that is pure, fresh; lively, vigorous, luxuriant, verdant* in W. Owen[-Pughe]'s A Welsh and English Dictionary. Compare guyr 'neat, handsome' in Edward Lhuyd, Archaeologia Britannica (Oxford, 1707), 217. Note also gwyra 'kroyw ne ir, fresshe' in A Dietionary in Englyshe and Welshe by Wyllyam Salesbury (1547) ([reprinted for the Cymmrodorion Society, 1877). Gliick's equation is untenable, as W. gwyr 'pure, fresh, new' should probably be connected with W. gwyry(f), gwyrf, for which see 3 See also CIIC 250, 268. Lloyd-Jones, G. 751. 4 Compare the coin legends dubnocou, dumno-, -coueros, -couiru listed s.v. DUBNO-. Concerning Gaul, couiro-jcouero- see Pedersen, VKG 1. 50, 64, 166, 533 {LP 7,
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83, 182, 214, 237, Sacronini[, Sacrouinis 136, 237 ;l Senoidr 83, 214, 237;* Sunnovira 182; Viva 176, PID xiic; Viradius DAG 216, R e m a r k ; Viragni CIIC 70; ?Viralira (Viraria?) DAG 237; ?Viramis 132; Virate 244; Viratia CIL 3. 5 4 8 4 = 11752, 9155; Viratilus 228 (iv); Virato 202; Viratus PID xiic; Virauus DAG 228 (ii); names in vir(i)d-, vired-, and urid-y see section (A) (i) s.nn. Viridomarus and Viridovix; Vire[DAG 237; Virecus 139; FiraVz 83, 182, -sky 13, 83, 237; Viretios 157; Firatf 244; Viriacius CIL 2. 601; ?Viriaemo (dat.) 2. 2547; ViriaicusDAG 214; Viriana PID XUB, -&$· P / D XUB ;3 ?Virianto Gallia 20, 1962, 655; Viriassiu DAG 203, 214; Viriata PID xiic; Viriatis HAE 239, 240; Viriatius DAG24.,4 Viriatus, Viriathiis, Ούιρίαθος, Ούιρίατθος, Ύρίατθος, Βορίανθος AcS 3. 365 **·> £ * ^ I I 0 5 -C^4G 25, 244; 5 Viriaucus DAG 237; ?Viriciu, Virici, Viricio n u m . ^ 4 ^ 3. 378 f. ; 6 Virico, Vir(r)i, Vir, etc. (also Veric(a), Veri), num. ΛΛ? 3. 215, 379, 397 ; 7 ΡίηΤώ J D ^ G 8 3 ; Virico CIL 5. 4594; ?Viricorb CIIC 3 0 3 ; names in viril(l)~, ουιριλλ-, see Appendix s.n. Virillios; Viri. Jo[DAG 182; Virinius CIL 2. 1251; Virino (dat.) CZL 13. 588*; Virio CIL 2. 5994; 8 Viriodacus DAG 176,203, 224, 228 (vii); Viriodu[ 182; Viriola 250; Viriondagicane (dat. f.) CZL 3. 4996; (?) FirwrK ZL4G176; Viriota\li ?] C7L 4 . 2 4 5 1 ; ? Virion DAG 151, R e m a r k ; Viris[i)mi DAG 2 0 5 ; Viritus 244; FznVz, -ins DAG 83, 156, Remark, 208, 208B, 237, 244, PID xiA, XUB and c, 9 AE i960, 283, CIL 2. 5250, 5748, HAE 1185 ; 10 FirZwj i ) ^ G 176; Virocantus PID xiic; ? Virodu[ DAG 78; Virolo 244; Viromarus DAG. 214.; Vironianus, Vironic.ui 244; Fzronin(i)? (gen.) C/L 7. 1336. 1187, Vironiiis BRAH 61, 1912, 138, Vironus AcS 3. 395, Z>^4G 176, OPZ, 111, / M E 1344; ?Virosbicrius DAG 8 3 ; Virodu 203, 214; names in virotal-, v. s. TALO-; Virotius 237; names in virotout-lvirotut-, v. s. TEUTO-; Virotus DAG 214; Viruico 215 ; ! I Fi'rar n u m . A S 3. 388, 12 Fzntf Z)^4G 83, 224, J A S 50, i960, 237, no. 8. 13 i3),Pokorny 3 £CP 11. i6,ZEH/6i3, 1165, Williams, £ £ 0 £ 3 , 1927, 55 f., Thurneysen, GOI123, Schmidt, KGP 177. 1 See Schmidt, A"GP 59, n. 1, 263, 298, MSS, Heft 12, 1958, 59, 60. 2 ?Cf. Senourus DAG 83. See Schmidt, KGP 59, n. 1, 267, 298, MSS, locc. citt. 3 See also PID viiiB. 4 From C/L 12. 1514 also containing PN Viriatia. Compare PN Viriatius CIL 5. 3842, whence PN Viriatia PID viic. s See Delgado, loc. cit. (p. 286 above), also EAAHA 189 f. The Welsh PN Gwriad (see Bromwich, 7ΎΡ 396, Lloyd-Jones, G. 710) may reflect an earlier Vinatus. 6 See also DAG 206. Cf. Vericiu, -to AcS 3. 215. 7 See also DAG 206, Remark, Mack, nos. 109-32, IASB, pp. 211 f., SBIA, Map 5. 8 See Albertos Firmat, Emdrita 26, 1958, 239. 9 Also PID VUA, viiic, XVA, xxiiic. 10 See also AcS 3. 386 f., OPL n o , £^L4i£4 189 f. 11 Compare names in veruic(c)-\veruecc- listed s.w. VER- and VIC-. 12 Whence wfro(j) DAG 206. " See also AcS 3. 387 f.
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L E N N : Virdo fl. now Wertach DAG 241 ;x Viriacus 149, R e m a r k ; 2 Virinn[ Vedrinnes DAG 8 0 ; ?Virisionenses Vierzon 148; Ονφίτιον 2 4 1 ; Ούιροκόνιον Ptol., Urioconio, Viroconium, Viriconio I A, Utriconion Rav., now Wroxeter (Shropshire) BSRC 4 7 ; Virodunum (Ver-), -ensis Verdun (Meuse) DAG 212 ; 3 ?Virolouicium 241 ; 4 Viromagus, Vromagus (Br-) Oron(?) or Broye fl. DAG 15, 241 ; 5 Viromandui, Vero- Vermandois DAG 212 ; 6 Viromenicor(u)m CIL 2. 5 7 4 1 ; Vironigoru(m), Vir[oni]cum OPL 111; Virosido ND, Brough by Bainbridge (Yorks.) AcS 3. 395 f.; Virouiacus IA, Virouino TP, Werwick, Vervicq (W. Flanders) DAG 212; Ούίρουνον Ptol., Varuno TP, Viruno IA, etc. in Noricum AcS 3. 399 if. D N N : Viradectis (sthis, -cdis) dea DAG 213, (Viradecthis, -esthis) Note (xlv) B, (Viradecdis) 223, (Virodactis) 236, (?Viradec]dis, Virodacdi) 243; 7 Viroddis 243 ; 8 names in virotut-, v. s. TEUTO-. VOGaulish z/o- 'under 5 9 is cognate with Ir.fo-,fu(fa-), O W . guo-, gu-, M1W. £zw-, gwa-, go-, ModW. go-, gwa-, Corn, go-, gwa-, Bret. £0M-, gwa-: Gk. υπό, Goth, M/*, Skt. upa, etc. See Holder, AcS 3. 421, Pedersen, P7TG 1. 92, 2. 295 (LP 26, 262 f.), Thurneysen, GO/511 ff., Schmidt, A"GP 63, 299 f., Pokorny, IEW 1106 £, Fleuriot, VB 385 f. T h e analysis of several of the names listed below is doubtful. Not all these forms can be shown certainly to contain vo-. Moreover, a num ber of other names in which one could recognize (less certainly, perhaps) the prefix vo- are not mentioned at all. For possible instances of Gaul, vo- 'two' or 'double' see footnote below s.n. Vocontii. P N N : Advocisus and Advorix, v. s. AD-; names in vocar-,10 v. s. CARO-; Voconi (gen. ?) CIL 7. 554, Voconius DAG 244; Bocontia (i.e. Voc-) 87, Vocontius (B-) 83, 244; ?Voconus HAE 14, BEP 20, 1957, 101 ff.;" 1
See also AcS 3. 360 f. See also AcS 3. 363 f. 3 See also AcS 3. 389 ff. 4 Cf. PN Virolo above and see also Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 40. 6 s See Thomas, EANC 27. See also AcS 3. 392 ff. 7 See Gutenbrunner 104f., i n , n. 1, Schmidt, KGP 297. 8 See Gutenbrunner i n , n. 1. 9 In paraueredus 'palfrey' and ueredus 'a post-horse* (for these v. s. REDO-), uemay have arisen from Gaul, vo- 'under', through analogy with ver- or through vowel assimilation. See Pedersen, VKG 1. 35, 438; Holder, AcS 3. 129 (cf. 3. 206 s.v. ve-redo-s); Dottin, p. 296; Schmidt, KGP 285 (he assumed that PN Vesmeri (gen.) CIL 12. 2923 and DN Vegnio (dat.) CIL 13. 4049 show Gaul, ve- 'under'; his analysis of the latter, if not of the former, is hardly correct); Pokorny, IEW ι ιο6; id., Kratylos 3, 1958, 174. The British local name Bereda Rav. (Voreda IA), now Plumpton or Old Penrith, Cumberland, may also contain be- (for ve-), < vo'under'. See, however, BSRC 24 f. s.n. 10 Cf. PN Vacarus DAG 244 and see Schmidt, KGP 94, 299. 11 See Blazquez Martinez, RPH 138. 2
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
'2U(J
Vocorix(?) EC 9, 1960-1, 112, n. 1; Vocula DAG 214, 224, 237; Vocunilios 177;1 ?Vocurtum (ace.) CIL 6. 9349; Vogene., v. s. GEN-\ Volatei (?gen.) AE 1937, 54 ;2 Volatia PID xic; Vonatorix DAG 224; ?Vopiscns PID viiic (Lig. ?) ;3 Voretouirius Note (ix) ; 4 Vorvodisius CIL 5. 4547;s VosecunnusCILy. 1336. 1220, 13. 10010. 2085; 6 VosegusDAG8%, 237; Vose(nos) DAG 206, Remark; 7 ?Vosonicus 237; Votecongas ((?£.), Voteporigis (Lat.) £CMW 138.8 LENN: Vobergensis iuuentus DAG 234 (also 241) ;9 Vocara 234; Vocetius mans 241 ;10 VocladumASS, Vogladensis Greg. Tur., Vouille-sur-Auzance (Vienne) A S 3. 435 ; n Voclannionum uicus DAG 209 (also 212) ;9 Vocontii DAG 80: 12 Volitanio, a fort on the Antonine Wall JSSBC 5c; Vosagensis pagus DAG 148; Vosegusmons (v.l. Fflg^Kj), Vosagus, Vogesen, Wasgau, Vosges ZL4G 234 (also 212); Voseto Vrouzay?DAG 149, Remark; Fiw0luia, Vosouia Oberwesel DAG 234; 9 Vosugones DAG 209 (also 211).13 DNN: Vosegus DAG 2361 Votecuet[DAG 181. I
2 See also A. Philippon, Og. 8, 1956, 327. Cf. CIL 9, 1592. Note also PN Fo[/?waty] ZL4G 237. Vendryes tried to explain the name as vo-piscus 'qui a deux ames'. See Misceldnea scientifica e literdria . . . J. L·^ de Vasconcellos (Coimbra, 1934), 430 f. (EC 1, 1936, 367, DAG, p. 1359). 4 See section (A) (i) s.n. 5 Listed as Venetic in PID viiic. See Schmidt, KGP 194, 299, 300. 6 Whence PN Vosecunnus DAG 214. Compare Vosecun(n)us DAG 176. See Schmidt, KGP 265, 299. 7 See Schmidt, KGP 63, 300, Mack, pp. 88, 93, SBIA, Map 4, IASB, p. 214. 8 See s.v. REG-, Compare PN Vortipori (voc.) DEB, chap. 31, probably the same name. See, for example, Jackson, LHEB 625, n. 1. Compare also DN Votecuet[ 9 below. See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 41. 10 See AcS 3. 425, VKG 1. 57 (LP 10). II See Vendryes, EC 1, 1936, 367, id., Recueil de travaux qffert a Clovis Brunei, vol. 2 (Paris, 1955), 647. 12 It has been claimed that vo- in this form (also in PN Vopiscus and LN Vocladum) should be interpreted as an element meaning 'two' or 'double'. Vocontii has been related to W. ugain (M1W. ugein(i)) '20* and compared with Gallo-Latin tricontis in the phrase omnibus tricontis (abl. pi.) 'in all the months with thirty days' in a Latin inscription of Geligneux (or -ieux) CIL 13. 2494 (see Loth, CRAI1909, 24). Further an alleged Vocorio (see AcS 3. 433, DAG 206, Remark; recte corio, see Mack, pp. 107, 112, Allen, Bagendon 93, id., IASB, p. 255, SBIA, Map 6) has been compared with the ethnic names Tricorii DAG 80 and Petruconi DAG 153. See, inter alios, Loth, AB 20, 1904-5, 542; Jullian, REA 9, 1907, 172 ff.; Holder, AcS*. 422> 433 > Dottin, p. 300; Pedersen, Le Groupement des dialectes indo~europe'ens (Kobenhavn, 1925), 22 f.; Vendryes, RC 40, 1923, 172, id., Recueil de travaux offert a Clovis Brunei vol. 2, 647; Whatmough, DAG 80 s.n. Vocontii-, Pokorny, IEW 229 (cf. Whatmough, Lg. 26, 1950, 301 f.); Schmidt, KGP 299, id., IF 67, 1962, 84 f. Oswald Szemerenyi in Studies in the Indo-European System of Numerals (Heidelberg, 1961), 55, n. 70 (see also 170, 171) now casts some doubt on this interpretation of Gaul. Vocontii. He remarks that, if the name has been correctly derived from a form *uo-kont- '20', then '-kont- for Celt, -kant- is strange, quite apart from the semantics'. 13 See, for instance, Schmidt, KG? 219, 273, 300, Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 23 f. 3
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REMARK Classification of name elements with regard to meaning It may be interesting to consider here the lexical characteristics of the name elements. For not many attempts have been m a d e to examine systematically Continental Celtic personal names with regard to the meaning of the elements contained in them. 1 Dottin is the scholar who appears to have paid most attention to this matter. See Mnl.1 95 f.? Mnl.2 120 f., La Langue gauloise 91 ff. See also Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 328 f.5 Rh. V. 18, 1953, 267 f., Meven Mordiern, Notennou diwar-benn ar Gelted koz (Brest, 1944), 286 ff., and the works of Schmidt and Milewski already referred to (pp. 13, 14, 40 f.). As one would expect, discussion of the contents of Gaulish names is often included in work dealing with Insular Celtic names. See, for example, the following: A. Pictet, 'Comparison of Irish and Gaulish personal names', OUter Journal of Archaeology 7, 1859, 73 ff.; A. Macbain, O l d Gaelic system of personal names', Trans, of the Gaelic Soc. of Inverness 20, 1894-6 [1897], 279 ff., 'Early Highland personal names', op. cit. *22, 1900, 152 ff., 'The Study of Highland personal names', The Celtic Review 2, 1905, 60 ff., Etymology of the Principal Gaelic National Names, Personal Names and Surnames (Stirling, 1911); J. E. Lloyd, 'The per sonal name system in Old Welsh', Cy. 9, 1888, 39 ff.; E. McClure, 'Early Welsh in relation to other Aryan personal names', Arch. Camb. (5th ser.), 7,,1890, 257 ff. ^ . As one might expect, the list of elements is fairly comprehensive, and covers a wide variety of details and a great number of semantic variations. 2 My list is, of course, confined to the elements attested in - l I do not attempt to deal here with the function of the name elements in com pounded names. This is discussed in sections (A) (i) and (A) (ii) above. In any case it does not appear that the distinction between first and second elements is as important in Celtic as it is for instance in Germanic names. 2 For a useful survey of some attempts to classify the sources of PNN in other languages such as Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, German, and English, see pp. 155 if. of Ernst Pulgram's monograph 'Theory of Names' first published in Btr. z. N. 5, 1954, 149-96 (also published separately by the American Name Soc. in Berke ley (Calif.) 1954) and reviewed by Hamp in RPh., vol. 9,1955-6, 346 ff., by New man in Lg. 31, 1955, 247 ff., and by De Witt in Names 3, 1955, 52 ff. Concerning the fragmentary record of personal names of peoples of ancient civilizations (chiefly Near Eastern, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman) see also the remarks of Huntington Harris in The Theory of Personal Names (a Columbia University Dis sertation) (Ann Arbor, University Microfilms 1950 [1951], Publication No. 2111), pp. 38-47. Harris's dissertation tries to relate the human behaviour involved in the practice of naming to human behaviour in general. He formulates and tests a general sociological theory of personal names and of the process of naming.
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the sources selected for investigation in this book. I n many cases the meaning is obscure, e.g. in P N N Catamantaloedis (A), 1 Mandubracius (A), Verucloetius (A), Viridomaras (Α), Καβφος (Β), Cacudia (Β), Commius (B), etc. W i t h other name elements, e.g. CAMBO-, OLLO-, TASCO-, TECTO-, it is difficult to decide exactly where they should be included in the scheme. I have tried to refrain from making it too complicated, and have attempted only to offer a brief survey of the possibilities. T h e decision concerning the classification of a number of the name elements is, therefore, bound to appear somewhat arbitrary. Several of them have been placed under tv/o or more headings where two or more different interpretations are possible. 1. The realm of the gods (a) DEVO- 'god'. 2 (b) Divine names Bodua, boduo-: Ir. Bodb, v. s. BODUO-. Names in borm-, boru-, borb-: D N N Borbanus, -manus, -mana, Bormo, Boruo, etc., v. s. Β OR-. Names in camul-, carnal-: D N Camulus, v. s. CAMUL-. ONESUS(A) (ii). Names in lug-: D N Lugus (pi. Lugoues), v. s. LUGU-.3 2. The realm of nature (a) Plants and trees *alisa 'alder', 'service-tree', v. s. ?Αλισο. .eas (B). See also (c) below. bil{l)io- 'a sacred or historic tree'(?), v. s. BIL-, BILL-. *bosco- c wood' 5 v. s. PN Buscilla (B). cassano- c chene', v. s. CASSI-. eburo- 'yew\ v. s. PNΕβουρος (Β). lisco- c sedge'(?), v. s. PN Liscus (B). onn- c ash'(?), v. s. PN ?Owa (B). (b) Animals barm- 'pig', v. s. BANU-. boduo- 'a royston-crow', v. s. BODUO. Cf. 1 (b) above. caruo- 'deer, stag', v. s. PN Carvilius (B). catta 'a bird', cattusy -a 'a cat', v. s. CATU-. 1
(A) and (B) after names mentioned in this Remark refer to sections of Chapter II. (App.) refers to the Appendix. 2 Forms printed in italic capitals are name elements discussed separately in articles in section (A) (ii). 3 Note also perhaps mod- 'temple^?) (v. s. Moritasgus (A)) and casso- 'sanctus'P) (v. s. CASSI-).
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epo- 'horse', v. s. EPO-. lucot- 'mouse', v. s. LUCOT-. Names in mand-, mann-: mannas ca pony' or ca little draught horse', v. s. MANDU-. matu- 'bear', v. s. MATU-, Μ ΑΤΟ-, MATI-. taruo- 'bull', v. s. TARVO-. vole- 'hawk'(?)5 0. s. PN Catuvolcus (A).1 (c) Minerals *alis- 'stone, rock, escarpment'(?), v. s. ?Αλισο. .€ας (Β). Cf. (a) above. *karri-, *karra 'stone, crag, rock', v. s. CARO-. vebru- 'amber', v. s. VEBRU-. (d) Other elements arnbio- 'enclosure, hedging, fencing'(?), v. s. AMBI-. cam- 'heap, cairn', v. s. Καρνομου (Β). leuco-, louco- 'light' (subst.) or 'light, bright, clear' (adj.), v. s. PNN Leucullo (B) and Luceo (B). mori- 'sea', v. s. MORI-, The element ώώτζο-, dwm/zo- 'deep, world' (v. s. DUBNO-, DUMNO-) should perhaps be mentioned here. 3. Time and the seasons ?rato- 'course, career', 'season'(?), v. s. RATO-. samo- 'summer', v. s. SAMO-. vect-, vict-, etc. 'turn, time, occasion' etc.(?), v. s. VIC-, VICT-, VEC-, VECT-. 4. Birth v. s. CEN-, CNO-, GEN- {-GEN{N)-), GNATO-, -GNO-, GON(N-). 5. Time of life: kinship bratr- 'brother', v. s. PN Bratronos (B). cot- 'old', v. s. COT-, COTT-. magu- 'youth' or 'slave, vassal', v. s. MAGU-. orbio- 'an heir' or 'patrimony, heritage', v. s. ORBIO-. seno- 'old', v. s. Σζνικιος (Β). veni- 'family, kindred, race', v. s. VEJVI-. Names indicating ethnic relations, e.g. Celtillus (B) and Rutenica (App.), should be included here. Note also perhaps PN Lucterius (B): 1
Perhaps an element corn- 'a horn, antler' or the like (v. s. Cornutos (B)) should be included here. See further A. Carnoy, VII* Congres International de linguistique romaine, UniversitSde Barcelone 7-10 avril 1953, Actes et M/moires 2 (Barcelona, 1955), ATQ-27.
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? VV. llwyth 'tribe, lineage, stock'. For teuto- 'people, tribe' see section (A) (ii) s.v. 6. Geographical features lano- 'level, even, flat', v. s. LANO-. nantu- (nanto-) 'valley, water-course, stream', v. s. JVAJVTU-. See also s.w. BROG- 'border, territory', CUMB-, LITANO-, LIT AVI-.
and
7. Physical characteristics and parts of the body ?agedo- 'face', v. s. AGED-, AGES-, etc. hallo- 'a limb, member', v. s. BAL-, BALL-, cassi- 'eye'(?) and/or perhaps 'curly' (?), v. s. CASSI-. See also PNN Casticus (B), Crispos (App.). ?lam- 'hand', v. s. ?Λαμι or Λαμιεινουι (App.). mot- 'voice', v. s. MOT-. See also *Gutuater (Α), ?Γαρμα (App.). talo- 'forehead, front', v. s. TALO-. See also s.nn. Cauarillus (B) (: W . cawr?); Correus (B) (: W. corr or Ir. corr); Criciro (B) (: W. cry^); Dercillus (B) (: O l r . derc, Bret. ώπτ'λ); Gfl/ia (B) 'very fat'(?); JVammeius (B) 'qui a un defaut physique'; Tecci (App.) (: W. teg?). 8. Man and the human mind (a) viro- 'man', v. s. VIRO-. (b) Intelligence ?cato- 'wise, intelligent, clear-sighted', v. s. CATU-. ?condo-/conno- 'sense, reason', v. s. PN Κονδιλλζος (Β). ?mandu- : Gk. μανθάνω, etc., z>. s. MANDU-. meddu-, meddu-, etc.: Olr. m^tt, 0. s. PNN Μεθθίλοσ, [M]e9eilos (B). 1 (c) Character; temperament condari- (condario-) 'rage, anger, fury', z;. s. .απο (App.). dago- (daco-) 'good, noble', v. s. DAGO-, donno- cnoble'(?), v. s. DONNO-. druto- 'brave, proud, fierce, angry'(?), v. s. PN Druto (App.). ia(n)t-, ie(n)t-y iot- 'jealous, jealousy', 'lust, lustful' or the like, v. s. IANT-. matt- (mato-, matu) 'good, excellent', v. s. MATU-. melis(s)o- (-iddo-) 'sweet', v. s. PN Sumeli (A). ?samo- 'calm, peaceful, peace, tranquillity' v. s. SAMO-. suadu- 'sweet', v. s. SUADU-. veil-: Ir.ferr, W. gwell, etc., v. s. VELLAUNO-. See also 12 {Battle) below. 1 Compare perhaps druto-: Ir. druth 'mad, foolhardy, furious', etc. But see (c) below.
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MARO- 'great'. OLLO- 'all, ample, great5. rato-: Ir. rath, W. rhad, rati- (rato~): Ir. ra(i)th, v. s. RATO-. RECTU- 'law, order, arrangement, etc.'. -REDO- 'smooth, easy, fast' or the like.. ret- 'to run', v. s. RET{T)-, REDS-, etc. SED- 'to sit'. too?- cpeg'(?), v. s. TASCO-, TASGO-. Cf. 10 above. TECTO-, of multiple origin. VERTO-, VORTO- 'to turn'. FZKO- 'true'. Cf. 8 (a) above.
Β U N C O M P O U N D E D NAMES Alongside compounded names there existed in Celtic also uncompounded or simple personal names. For the view that the simple appellative may have been the oldest form of name in Indo-European, and for some statistics concerning the relative frequency of com pounded and uncompounded names in Continental Celtic, see the introduction to section (A) above. To a compounded or dithematic name (Germ. Vollname) there sometimes corresponded a shortened uncompounded form, a pet name or hypocoristic name (Germ. Kurz- or Kosename). Concerning hypocorism see Redin, pp. xxviii ff., Strom, pp. xxxvii if., and litera ture there quoted. The hypocoristic name was formed by abbreviating the compounded name. Frequently a termination or suffix was added. 1 PNN Dumnacus and Litauiccus discussed below may be examples of this. Consonant-doubling is a characteristic feature of hypocoristic names. Concerning this see Zimmer, KZ 32, 1893, 172 ff.; Pedersen, VKG 1. 477, 2. 62 f.; Redin xxxff.; Solmsen, 131 f.; Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 315 f, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 268; Whatmough, DAG 208c; Schmidt, KGP40; Kurylowicz, Onomastica 10-11, i960, 187-92. For examples see PNN Acco, Iccauos, Iccius, and Ουριττακος below and perhaps Tecci and Voccio in the Appendix. PN Acco (also perhaps PN Mommu, Momo in the Appendix) may rather be an instance of a lallname. In such names the doubling of consonants is often found. See 1
Usually it was the first element in the compounded name that was used in the abbreviated name. A special case in neo-Celtic PNN is that of the honorific pre fixes mo- and to-. See Loth, MSL 6, 1885-9, 69 f-> id., AB 2, 1886-7, 4 2 3 = ^ r · bret. 168; Stokes, The Academy, 27 Feb. 1886, 151 f.; Zimmer, KZ 32, 1893, 182 if.; C. Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae 2 (Oxford, 1910), 344 f.; Meyer, Zur keltischen Wortkunde ii, par. 33; Thurneysen, Z,CP 19, 1933, 354 ff.; H. Lewis, ^CPao, 1936, 138 ff.
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Schuize 520, Redin xxxi f. Gemination is by no means a criterion of abbreviated or hypocoristic names. See, for example, s.n. Sennilo below and literature there quoted. Some of the simple names discussed below should perhaps be classed as by-names or nicknames, e.g. PNN Cervesa and Correiis. I have not here attempted a systematic and detailed classification of uncompounded names with regard to form, as it is so often very difficult to determine whether names formed by means of a suffix1 should be interpreted as abbreviated names (or as derivatives of such names) or as names not shortened from compounds. But it is evident that a fairly large proportion of them probably belongs to the second category. For Gaulish is particularly rich in suffixes and suffixal derivatives, and m a n y Celtic names appear to be originally uncom pounded, names such as those which may be classed in the following categories: (a) some P N N connected with DEVO- 'god 5 (e.g. Deua, Deuua, Deuns) and names which are also attested as D N N (e.g. Bodua, Camulus), see Remark, section 1 above; (b) names derived from the names of plants, trees, animals, and other elements in the realm of nature, e.g. Buscilla (Β), Εβουρος (Β), Banui (Β), Carvilius (Β), etc., see Remark, section 2 ; (c) names indicating kinship or ethnic relations, e.g. Bratronos (B), Celtilltis (B), Lucterius (B), ?Rutenica (App.); (d) names denoting physical characteristics, intelligence or the lack of it, tem perament, various h u m a n conditions, etc., e.g. Cauarillus (B) (: W . cawr), Criciro (B) (?: W. cryg), Galba (B) Very fat'(?), Catus 'wise, intelligent'(?) (v. s. CATU-), Dagus 'good' (v. s. DAGO-), Donnus 'noble'(?) (υ. s. DONNO-), Melissus (-iddus, iddius, etc.) 'sweet' (v. s. P N Sumeli (A)), etc.; (e) names denoting an occupation or a title, e.g. P N N Gobannitio, Dannns, Donnus, see Remark, section 10; (/) names which may be connected with various numbers, see Remark, section 1 1 ; (g) names denoting colours, see Remark, section 13; (A) lallnames, see above. I have not devoted a special section to the classification of uncom pounded names, as distinct from compounded names, in order to illustrate fully their various categories of meaning. So many of them are quite obscure with regard to their meaning that I fear such an attempt would have had no great practical value. However, I did include references to many uncompounded names that are reasonably intelligible in the Remark following section (A) (ii) above. A G C O Leader of the Senones BG 6. 4. 1 nom. acco β, acico ^BMS T c , accico L N ; 6. 44. 1 abl. accone φβ, acone χ ; 7. 1. 4 gen. acconis ω. T h e correct form of this name is almost certainly Acco, not Aco or 1
This is also true of many monothematic names that have no suffix.
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Ac(c)ico.1 It shows the regular terminations of a Latin τζ-stem. T h e n a m e may be Celtic, but its origin is uncertain. Compare P N Acco DAG 156, Remark B, 176, 203, 216, Remark, CIL 2. 361, 2 2734, 2771, BRAH 65, 1914, 130 f., CIL 6. 2583 (?). It occurs as a woman's n a m e in CIL 2. 937 (Acc[o]), CIL 3. 4831. Note also the following P N N : Accu DAG 156, Remark B ; Acca DAG 228 (ix), CIL 2. 2808, 5771, BRAH 62, 1913, 539 a n d 63> ΐ9*3> 234> 85> x924> 24; i4«> -D-4G 83, 156, R e m a r k B, 176, 177,3 203, 206, 3 216, Remark, 237, CIL 2. 2635(F), BRAH 63, 1913, 238; Acu DAG 156, R e m a r k B. Acco, Acca, etc., probably arose in more ways t h a n one. T h u s Acco m a y be a shortened form of compounds in ac-.4 O n the other hand it m a y have arisen as a 'lall-name' 5 similar to the Latin Acca Larentia, Gk. Άκκώ (beside Gk. άκκώ (gen. -ους f.) 'bogy' (according to some Vain woman', whence Gk. ακκίζομαι Ί dissemble, I am prudish')). 6 I n any case 'affective' names in -0 of this kind are well attested in Gaulish. 7 See further U n t e r m a n n , EAAHA 43 f. A G E D I L I O S , [ A ] G E D I L L I L a Graufesenque graffiti agedilios DAG 92 (4), 1. 2 ; agedilio DAG 94, 1. 3 ; \a\gedilli DAG 102 (b), 1. 3.'*' These three forms may be one a n d the same name. Oxe noted (BJ 130, 1925, 76) t h a t in gr. O x e 29 ( = DAG 94), where he read 1 If the variants acico and accico in α manuscripts and T c in the first instance only are important, we could assume perhaps that we have here a shortened hypocoristic name derived from some longer name such as PN [Aci]carus DAG 214 or (?)Άκιχώρως (Κιχώρως?) DAG 250. See Holder, AcS 1. 16, Schmidt, KGP 42, n. 2. Hardly compare PNN such as Acica, -us DAG 83 and Acicia PID xic add. 2 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 22. 3 Cf. Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 9, 1960-1, 484 f. 4 Compare note 1 above. For IE. *ak- 'sharp, pointed, angular', also 'stone', see Pokorny, IEW 18 ff. This root may well be reflected in PNN such as A\rotalus DAG 214 (see Dottin 223, Whatmough, Lg. 25, 1949, 287, Schmidt, KGP n o , Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 51, Pokorny, IEW 21) and Akeras (Og.) (gen.?) CIIC 124 (see Pokorny, loc. cit., cf. Vendryes, LEI A A - n ) , and in the following glosses: Gallorom. *akaros, *akarnos 'maple' Hubschmied, RC 50, 1933, 263 f. (whence IEW 20); ?άκαστος' ή σφίνΰαμνος (Hesych.) DAG 79 (s.v. acerabulus); acatus 'skiff' DAG 158; acaunum (or -us) 'a stone' DAG 178; acaunumarga 'stonemarl' DAG 178; acerabulus: mapuldur (OE.) DAG 79; ?acona 'whet-stone' DAG 178 ( = Gk. άκόνη?). See also s.n. Αχιτος. 5 Concerning 'lall-names' see pp. 296 f. The names Acco, Akko, Acca, etc. in Continental Germanic have been variously interpreted. See Forstemann 14 f. For PN Acca in Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica and other OE. sources see Strom 58. ^ See W.-P. 1. 34> W.-H. 1. 5, LSJ 50, IEW 23, GEW 53. 7 They are common on terra sigillata. See Whatmough, DAG, p. 272. 8 The sherd is broken before g. Hermet and Loth also restored the form as [a\gedillu Οχέ has Agedilli{ps).
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casidani tri ?non[tanos] \ agedilio(s) mater (nos) in 11. 2-3, there occur the three names mon[tanos],1 agedilio(s), and mater (nos), who were three cassidanni,2 while in gr. Oxe 30 ( = DAG g2) 3 and 3 i ( = DAG 102) 4 there are two, Montanos and Agedilli(os) [sic]. He remarked (op. cit. 89) that the three cassidanni m a y have gained independence and marked pottery with their own names. T h e marks of pottery-owners tends to confirm this view. T h u s Agedillus, for example, in CIL 13. 10010. 59 may be identical with Agedilio(s)5 in the graffiti of La Graufesenque. Loth (RC 41, 1924, 57) a n d H e r m e t (pp. 313, 315) also treated the forms as one name, Agedilios or Agedillus, although nothing is said of the difference in the suffixes. If Agedilio(s) is distinct from [A]gedillib it is a name confined to La Graufesenque graffiti alone. Compare, however, Agedilici CIL 7. 1336. 25 (London and Colchester) and Agedilu CIL 13. 10010. 59 b,e -s· (Poitiers, Heeraple, Vechten). 7 Age(e)dillus is attested elsewhere. Oswald (Index y)s distinguished two potters of this name, one at La Graufesenque and one at Lezoux. Compare also P N N Acedillus DAG 83 (Boutae), Agidillus CIL 2. 4456 (Iborra), and (?)Acodillus DAG 139 (Potters' Names of 'South Gaul'), 9 and see Holder AcS 1. 55 f., 3. 519. Agedilios and \A\gedilli appear to be derivatives of an uncompounded name Agedns. For Gaulish aged- see section (A) (ii) s.v. AGED-, A G I L L I U S L a Graufesenque graffito For this graffito see section (A) (i) s.n. Matug[. In 1. 3 Balsan read Agillius. T h e name is not otherwise attested at La Graufesenque. Cf. perhaps P N N Agileius DAG 83, 1 0 Agilio 203, 215, Agillito 228 (ix), Agilo 237, and D N ?Acilus (or Aciludeus) 82. See further s.n. Agio below. 1
mor[ Hermet, mor[ Whatmough. Oxe interpreted cassidannos as 'Aufseher, Verwalter, Procurator'. See further section (A) (ii) s.v. CASSI-. 3 ]allos: casidano[ | ]ontano* agedilios DAG 92 (b), 11. 2-3. 4 tuflos-sextametos | cassidanno montanos | a]gedilli canastri s= cccxx DAG 102 (b), 11. 1-3. 5 For the lack of-J in Agedilio see Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). 6 This form is either an abbreviated form of *Agedillios or an o-^'o-stem genitive in -ι. Compare cosoi DAG 99 (b), 1. 16, ~\psagi 92 (b), 1. 14, deprosagi 99 (b), 1. 10, 104 {b), 1. I I , 109 (c), 1. 11, i n (b), 11. 4, 5, 113 (b), 1. 12, dejprosagi i n (b), 1. 3, ?sioxti 114 (c), 1. 1, tecci 106 (b), 1. 9, t]riti 105 (b), 1. 10, .erti i n (b), 1. 14, terti 94, 1. 17 (all from La Graufesenque graffiti), and potters' names in -i (gen.) in the graffito of Blickweiler {DAG 229. See Bohn, Germania 7, 1923, 65, Loth, CRAI 1924, 68 f.). 7 Whatmough has Acedilu {-g~) in DAG 156, Remark (B). 8 So also Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 365. See further DAG 132, 136, 156, 228 (i). 9 Hardly compare the potter's name Acadillus [sic] DAG 156, Remark B. 10 Compare PN Acilius DAG 83 and see Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 17. 2
300
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
AGIO La Graufesenque graffito agio DAG 115 (II), 1. 2. ]gios in DAG 102 (b), 1. 15 may represent the same name with a lost before g owing to damage to the surface of the sherd.1 Agio is probably to be explained as a zo-stem nominative (showing loss of -J·?) 2 rather than as an w-stem nominative.3 The name does not otherwise occur among the potters' stamps at La Graufesenque. To speculate concerning the language and etymology of this form would be risky. But we may perhaps compare some names. Note, for example, PNN Agio DAG 8 3 / Agiomarus RC 3, 1876-8, 154,5 Coinagius (?-us) DAG 156 (also 237), Coinnagius (?-us) 182, 214, Comagius 83, 156,6 Vlagius 237 (see also 244), EN Τολιστοάγιοι AcS 2. 1872.7 Note also (with agi-, ago-, -ago-) PNN Agillito DAG 228 (ix), Agomarus Oswald 102,8 Agorix DAG 214 (also 224), Arviragus (Schol. Arbiragus) Juv. AcS 1. 244, Comagus DAG 228, Remark, 9 ?Vnagus 156. In Olr. there are attested the forms ag 'battle, fight, danger' 10 and aige 'pillar, column' (also used metaphorically with the meaning 'leader, chief'),11 usually connected with the IE. root * j j - 'drive, set in motion, lead'.12 Note also Olr. ag (gen. aige) 'bovine animal; stag, deer'; 13 ag (gen. dig) 'fear', (ad-)dgathar, (ad-)digethar 'fears'; 14 aige 1 See Hermet, p. 313. Oxe (no. 31) suggested that there was here a form which might be restored as [Deprosa]gi(l)os. 2 See Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). 3 Cf. PN Agionis (gen.) (n. 4 below). 4 This is Agionis (gen.) ILG 510. Note also PN Agionis (gen.) AE 1956, 169. 5 First attested, as far as I know, by Creuly in RC, loc. cit., then by Stokes in Urk. Spr. 6 and KZ 38, 1905, 458. See also W.-P. 1. 35, Vendryes, EC 1, 1936, 381, Schmidt, KG? 118, n. 2, Meid, IF 66, 1961, 92. 6 Cf. PN Comacie (gen.) CIL 3. 5650. 7 8 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158, 172. See section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-. ^ Cf. PN Comacus (-g-) DAG 228 (vii). 10 See Meyer 30 f., Hessen 1. 11, LEI A A-22 f., RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 83. 11 See Meyer 36, Hessen 1. 11, LEI A A-28, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 108 f. " See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 6f., KZ 38, 1905, 458, W.-P. 1. 35 ff., IEW 4 ff., KGP n 8 f . The ethnic name Varagn/Veragri DAG 15 and the PNN Suagria, -ius (Sy~) (see section (A) (ii) s.v. SU-) and Ratiagro (dat.) CIL 10. 4969 have also been quoted in connexion with this root. See Urk. Spr. 7, Dottin 224, IEW 6, KGP 119, LEI A A-82. For British river names which may belong here see Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. Ν. 8, 1957, 243 f. Krahe (Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 178, Spr. Illyr. 57; see also Mayer Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 197, 2. 66 f.) quotes the form Κορράγος (see /W. Lex. 32) as a com mon Macedonian PN which he explained as *qori-a'gos 'Heer-fuhrer'. He compares Greek PNN such as Λόχ-αγος, Στράτ-αγος, and Λαγός (see Bechtel 11 f.), and Illyr. Λάσαγος (see Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 179, Spr. Illyr. 57, Mayer, op. cit. 1. 205). For (?) Illyr. Lucagus see Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 57, n. 127. 13 See Meyer 31, Hessen 1. 10, Urk. Spr. 7, IEW 7, LEIA A-22, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 82 f. 14 See Pedersen, VKG 2. 454 f., Z^ χ 8, 1930, 306; Hessen 1. 11; LEIA A-23; RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 27.
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301
'limb, joint of meat 5 ; 1 dige cpoint of time, fixed date'; 2 aigen 'flat or shallow vessel, pan' ;3 aigen ? 'entrain, joie, gaiete' ;4 ail 'blame, reproach, disgrace' ; s dl 'litter, brood' possibly related to W. ael 'litter of pigs', aelaw 'wealth, abundance', from a root *agh- 'pregnant (animal)'. 6 For Olr. aged 'face' see section (A) (ii) s.v. AGED-. But we cannot possibly tell now whether PN Agio at La Graufesenque and some of the other names compared above show an element cognate with any of these Insular Celtic forms. See further Og. 17, 1965, 152 ff. A L B A N O , A L B A N O S , A L B A N U S La Graufesenque graffiti albano DAG 98 (6), 1. 7; albanos 99 (έ), 1. 6, 112 (6), 1. 2, 114 (έ), 1. 4, (c), i. 1, 118, 1. 11; albanus 90 (0), 1. 6. alba[ in DAG 120 (c) (ii) is probably incomplete and may, therefore, belong here.7 See also s.n. Alibanos below. Albano shows loss of -s.s It is noteworthy that only one instance shows the latinized o-stem nominative singular termination -us. With Albano(s) at La Graufesenque compare Albinus and ?[A]Ibuslisted below. Hermet and Loth regarded potters' names in alb- at La Graufesenque as Latin. But there may have been Celtic as well as Latin albo- 'white'^ although it has been objected10 that there is no exact cognate of albo- in Insular Celtic. However, W. elfydd11 is probably cognate with Albio(ri), an old name originally referring to the British Isles as a whole and then restricted to Scotland,12 and with the Gaulish name element albio- as in PN Άλβιόριξ, DNN Albiorice (dat.), Albiorigi (dat), Albiorix 'world-king' (synonymous with PNN Dumnorix, -rex, Dubnoreix, -rex, 1
See Meyer 31, Hessen 1. 11, LEIA A-23, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 108. See Hessen 1. 11, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 109. 3 See Meyer 36, Hessen 1. 15, LEIA A-28, RIAContr., loc. cit. 4 See LEIA A-28, RIAContr., loc. cit. 5 See Meyer 37, Hessen 1. 16, LEIA A-29, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 113 f. 6 See VKG 1. 103 (LP 32); Loth, ACL 1. 448, RC 38, 1920-1, 55; Vendryes, RC 42, 1925, 392; W.-P. 1. 36; IEW 7; GPC 36. Cf. LEIA A-58. 7 See Hermet, p. 313 and gr. Hermet, no. 27, gr. Οχέ, no. 33. 8 See Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). 9 See Pokorny, IEW 30 f. for IE. *albho- 'white'. 10 See, for instance, Dottin, p. 225, n. 2, Vendryes, RC 45, 1928, 122, Jackson, JRS 38, 1948,54. 11 Lloyd-Jones (G. 467 f.) gives the meaning 'daear, tir, bro' and notes the derivative eluyhen 'daear, tir, gwlad, ardaP. For the etymology of W. elfydd see Rhys, Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (London, 1888), 42; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 22; I. Williams, BBCS6,1933,134; H. Lewis, Brut Dingestow (Caerdydd, 1942), 209; Jackson, loc. cit.; GPC 1205. 12 Note, for example, Brytaen oreu o'r enyssed, er hon a elvyt er Enys Wen (Lewis, op. cit. 2. 1), A'r amser hvnnv y gelwit hiy Wenn Tnys (Lat. erat tunc nomen insulae Albion) (ibid. 19. 12). See Fraser, ScGSt. 5, 1938-42, 72 ft.; Lewis, op. cit. 209, 213; O'Rahilly, EIHM 385 ff., 539; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 625 f.; 15, 1963, 369 ff.; Le Roux, Homm. Gren. 1052; RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 284. 2
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THE M A T E R I A L : AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
Dubnorx, etc., and Biturix).1 Weisgerber 2 drew attention to the fact that there is no exact cognate of W. elfydd in Irish. For the semantic shift from 'white' to 'world' Pokorny 3 compared OChSl. sveto 'Licht, Welt' and Russ. svet 'Licht, Helle, Welt', άλβολον, *albuca, albucrarense* alica 'spelt, spelt-grits' or a 'drink prepared from spelt' DAG 178, αλιζα 'white poplar' DAG 178, and alutia 'metallum aurarium' DAG 158 may all contain the same root. This stem * albho- is probably to be distinguished from the alp-j albseen in local and ethnic names such as Alpes, Άλβια, Άλπεις, Alpini, Άλπεια listed below, 5 although there is but little certainty concerning the etymology of these forms. I n antiquity the 'Alps' were interpreted as 'high mountains' (alti monies Serv. ad Aen. 4. 442) or 'white mountains' (a candore nivium Paul. Fest. 4). Modern discussion of the name Alpes and other widely dispersed names of a similar formation is quite extensive. See the following: Stokes, Urk. Spr. 21 (positing one root *albh- 'weifilich'); Briich, KZ 46, 1914, 363; Pokorny, Z^P *5> l9*5> l9T> IEW 30; W.-P. 1. 9 3 ; Boisacq 588 s.v. λόφος (see also Williams, BSRC 22 s.n. Alabum); Bertoldi, BSL 32, 1931, 148, £i?P/z 56, 1936, 179 ff. {EC 3, 1938, J 99) 5 Solmsen 46, n. 2 ; Hubschmied, Festschrift Louis Gauchat (Aarau, J 926), 435ff-> VR 3> l9?fi> J 37 (cf. Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 221 ff., 262 f.); W.-H. 1. 27, 32, 8 4 5 ; Whatmough, HSCP 42, 1931, 144 f., 152; 60, 1951, 179, 182, DAG 1 (s.v. alpes probably a 'pre-Keltic' word), Lg. 28, 1952, 268; Hubschmid, Praeromanica 27, Alpenworter 8 f., 40-47 (esp. p. 44, positing a Gaulish *alpis 'meadow' or 'upland/ mountain pasture' < IE. *al- 'nourish', on which see, for example, Whatmough, Lg., loc. cit., RPh. 9, 1955-6, 398, Messing, Lg. 30, 1954, 496); Krahe, Btr. z. N. 4, 1953, 40 ff., Spr. Illyr. 97, Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 308 ff.; Widmann, Btr. z. JV. 5, 1954, 281-318; Straub, Β J 155-6, 1955-6, 136-55; Flutre, REPL 1-6; Lebel, PMHF, parr. 595-7; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 437-40; H a m p , RPh. 13, 1959-60, 387-9. See also ELH 467 f.3 Thes. Praerom. 2. 93, UAF 52 f. Examples : 6 (A) A L B P N N : Alb[ DAG 1
176, 214; Alba 244; Albanius 224,
[Alb]anius
For references concerning all these names see section (A) (ii) s.v. REG-. For the meaning see Vendryes, RC 45, 1928, 122; 48, 1931, 434; Williams, PKM 100; 2 Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 263. See also p. 248, n. 11. Gal. Spr. 169. 3 4 VR 10, 1948-9, 263, IEW 30. For these forms see the lists below. 5 The variant Σαλπίων (gen.) with s-, attested by Lycophron, beside Alpes, etc., without J-, may represent a dialect variant. See Vendryes, RC 49, 1932, 304; Whatmough, PID 340A (s.v. alpes), CPh. 48, 1953, 255. Note also the variant "Ολβια (Posid.) with -0- and -b-. 6 I have noted, as a rule, forms in alb-falp- from Ancient Gaul only. Many such forms are attested outside Gaul. See, e.g., PID, Indexes, EAAHA 47-50.
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303
AE
1953, 9 9 ; Albanus DAG 9, 83, 132, Note (xlv) C, 224, 237,
244,
AE
1953,
141,
1954,
107,
MG
86,
135,
304,
310,
JV.-L.
172;
Albarinus DAG 8 3 ; Albess[ 244; Albi[ 214; Albilla 156, 156, Remark B ; Albillius 182; Albillas 199, Note (xlv) C, 228 (viii); Albina 87, ILTG 4 8 ; Albinianus DAG 139; Albinius 214, AE 1952, 86; Albinus DAG 87, 114,1 132, 136, 139, 214, 224, 228 (iv), 228 (viii), 238 (iv), UAntiquite classique 17, 1948, 21 f. (whence ILTG 545), RE A 59, !957> 353> 6 6 , 1964, 367> ^ G 78, 87, 221, 229, 266, N.-L. 147, 151, ILTG 4, 48, 62, 150, 552; Albio DAG 244; Albiorigius (or Albiorigi u.s.?) DAG 8; 2 Άλβιόριξ Gal. Spr. 154; Attwie i M G 83, 237; Albiunus AE i960, 20; Albius AE 1958, 225, Carinthia 1149, 1959, 131 (no. 31), 133 (no. 42), MG 248; Aiboinus DAG 8 3 ; Albucia AE 1951, 94; Albucianus DAG 136, Note (xlv) C, -a PZD xiic; Albucillus PID xiic; Albucinus DAG 244; Albucius 136, 194, 244, CGP 214, PZD XUB (also viiic); Albula DAG 87; ^ / έ ^ DAG 117,1 136, PZD xiic. L E N N : Alba (or -ΰ) fl. Aube DAG 179, 234; ^4/έα Heluorum, ciuitas Albensium, mod. Aps DAG 8 0 ; ^/£α fl., Aubetin (Seine-et-Marne) DAG 212; A/έα, v. s. ^λπεια ορτ? below; Albaniana {-in- I A) TP Alfen DAG 2 2 1 ; Albenno, Albinnum, Albinnenses Albens DAG 80; Albenses DAG 179; ^4/έ^Λ fl., Aubois 148; Albianum 2 4 1 ; Albic(c)i, Άλβίοικοι 8o ; 3 Albienses mod. Albi 80 (Albiga, Albigenses 8 0 ; Albigi, -ensis, Albi[ 148) ; 4 Albinumno Rav. BSRC 2 2 ; ?Albiobola (-anus) DAG 221 and Note (xlviii) (p. 863); Albion, Άλβίων, Άλβιον, Άλονίων AcS ι. 83 f., 3. 555, DAG, Note (xlv) A ; Albios DAG 2 2 1 ; Albis fl., Elbe 2 2 1 ; Albisi 234; Alburnus 241. D N N : ?Albarinus 82; Albiahenae 2235 s Albiorice (dat.), Albiorigi (dat.), Albiorix, see section (A) (ii) s.v. REG-; Albius 181; Albocelo CIL 2. 239415;6 Albruna (v.l. Aurinid) DAG 223. G L O S S E S : *albispinus >aubepinej. Andre, Lexique des termes de botanique en latin 2 2 ; άλβολον 'pennyroyal' I M G 1; *albuca c white, marly earth', albucium DAG 1 (s.v. αλβολον) ; 7 albucrarense (metallum) apud Callaecos DAG 158.
(B) A L P P N N : Alpicus DAG 208, 214; ilZjpwie 9, 83, 87, 151, 237, -us 83, 87, 151, 182, 202, 228 (ii), 228 (ix), 237, 244, ILTG 4 8 ; Alpinia DAG 244, -iztf 136, 202, 214, 237, 244; Alpinula, -us 244; Alpius (v. s. Vlpius) 224; Alpnius 244; ?^4λπρου[ ZL4G, Note (xii) (p. 118) ; 8 Alpuni 156; ^4//?MJ· 244. 1
2 See p. 304. See p. 245, n. 5. y See Barruol, Rev. d etudes ligures 24, 1958 [i960], 228-56. «■ See Negre, RIO 13, 1961, 121 ff. (REA 63, 1961, 384 f.). 5 See Krahe, Btr. z. JV. 13, 1962, 271, 276. 6 See RPH 71 f. * See also Flutre, REPL 313 ff. 8 See Appendix s.n.
3
304
THE
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ETYMOLOGICAL
SURVEY
L E N N : Άλπζυα 6ρη, Alba (Swabian) Alps 241, Alpes (Maritimae), Άλπεις, Alpicus, 'Όλβια, Άλβια, Σάλττια 2, Alpini 241. D N N : Alpes 17, 243. See also DAG 1 and 240 s.v. alpes and PID 340A s.w. alpes and alpo-. A L B I N U S L a Graufesenque graffito albinus DAG 114 (b), 1. 10. Compare DAG 109 (c), 1. 7. Whatmough's comment reads 'apparently a-lbinos, possibly ailbinos(?)\ Hermet and Oxe here read albinos; Loth read albanos. But i after b is certain. 1 We have here yet another instance of the alternation of the Gaulish and the Latinized o-stem nom. sg. termination. For names in alb- see above s.n. Albano. For the alternation of the suffixes -anus and 'inns compare also from La Graufesenque the potters' names Siluanus and Siluinus {DAG 132). ? [ A ] L B U S L a Graufesenque graffito In DAG 117 (b), 1. 4 W h a t m o u g h read ] Jbus. The sherd is defaced before /. Hermet and Loth restored [A]lbus but Oxe suggested reading [Ba~\lbus. If Hermet and Loth's restoration is correct, there is here another example of an uncompounded name in alb- at La Graufesenque which may be Celtic, again showing the latinized 0-stem nom. sg. ending. For instances of the potter's stamp Albus (or Alms ?) at La Graufesenque see Hermet, p . 201, no. 4, Grqffites n o , no. 4, Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 380, no. 7. For alb- see above s.n. Albano. A L I B A N O S L a Graufesenque graffito alibanos DAG 100 (b), 1. 7. no are damaged owing to a break in the sherd. 2 I n DAG 109 (c), 1. 6 W h a t m o u g h read alibanos with the fol lowing comment: 'a clear i, short as usual, after al; possibly to be read al.banos'.3 Hermet listed Alibanos as a n a m e distinct and separate from Albanos, but it may be merely a graphic variant 4 of the latter. 5 It is, therefore, highly unlikely that it should be treated as a compounded form rather than as an uncompounded one. However, compare P N Alibill[us] DAG 182 beside P N N Albilla, Albillius, and Albillus.6 Note also PN Alibletus DAG 2047 and E N ?Άλίβωκοι (-οίκοι?) DAG 80 (beside 1
See Hermet, Grqffites, no. 23. 3 Loth here gives albanos. Hermet, Loth, and Oxe here read albanos. Other noteworthy variant forms from La Graufesenque are ?Corntos DAG 115 beside Cornuto 90 and Cornutos 113, 114, 129 (see this section s.n. Cornutos) and Masclos 98 beside Masculus 132. See Whatmough, DAG, p. 290. 5 See above s.n. Albano. 6 For sources see above s.n. Albano. Holder (AcS 3. 564) compared PN Alibill\us'\ 7 with Ir. Ailbhel See KGP 121. 2
4
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SURVEY
305
Albic(c)i ibid, and Alebece (Alaebaece) DAG21). For aliberga CIL 12. 2404 (A.D. 523) see DAG 78, Remark (iv). 1 ? Α Λ Ι Σ Ό . . Ε Α Σ DAG 76 (inscription of Montagnac, Herault) This inscription is read in one continuous line with no interpuncts. H. de Villefosse (BSAF 1899, 273-5), a^ttT information supplied by L. Noguier, read the inscription as follows: αλλ€τινοσκαρνονουαλιιιισοΐιιΐ€ασ. He commented: 'Je ne puis dire si les espaces ombres dans la copie de M. Noguier indiquent la place de deux lettres manquantes ou des defauts de la pierre.' L. Noguier (RE 4, 1899-1902, 83, no. 1326) read at the end αλίσο.βας. H e admitted that both the reading and the interpretation of this form were difficult. In his transcription he has Αλισο[ν]€ας. This was repeated by Holder (AcS 3. 568). Dottin (no. 32, bis) transcribed the form as Αλ(ήσο(ν)€ας. Whatmough read αλισο. . €ασ with the following comment: T n At the iota is broken at the top but τ could not have stood here. Space for two letters before -βασ at the end.' 2 There is no proof that the inscription is Celtic, although it probably is so. De Villefosse, Noguier, Holder, and Dottin all assumed that it contained three proper names, the third commencing with αλ- after καρνομον. T h e traditional division of the words is, I think, correct. 3 But the reading and interpretation of the third remain uncertain. D e Villefosse treated it as 'Nom a completer qui doit etre celui de la 1
For (?)-banus compare PNN Banasius DAG 238 (v), Banilli 203, Banillus 176, 194, Banio 214, Banna (-nua?) 214 (also 237), 244, Banni 194, Banogalis 237, Banoluccus 136 (see Schmidt, KGP 144), Banona 83, 244, Cabriabanus (-ntus?) EE 9, no. 1289 (DAG, Note (xlv) C, KGP 144, 159, 214). For PNN in banu- see this section s.n. Banui. For the (?)IUyr. PNN Acrabanis CIL 3. 4367, Acrabanus CIL 3. 1775, and Malabanus CIL 5. 150 see Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 176, 180, Spr. Illyr. 51, 58, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 35, 2. 3. Note also LENN Banna Rav., insc, Banniess. (CIL 7. 830) mod. Bewcastle BSRC 24, AE 1950, 56; Bannaventa AcS 1. 342, 3. 801; Bannovalum BSRC 24; Banonum DAG 21; DN Bana RPH 207. For DNN in bandsee RPH 51 ff. (see also AE 1955, 256, 1956, 155, 1957, 322, i960, 278, and compare PNN Bandinus DAG 83, Bandulia 237). Finally, compare the following glosses: ambannus 'auvent' DAG 79 (with banno- 'horn'); Ρβάνατα an article of clothing DAG 240; baniaricia 'calmes* DAG 207; bandus (-m) 'standard, sign', bannus (-m) 'ban, banns; edict, penalty* 220; bannasta (be-) 'basket* DAG, p. 792; benna 'genus uehiculi', conbennones 'in benna sedentes' PID 340B; ben(n)a 'canna agrestis' DAG 207. Gaul. banno-jben(n)o- 'horn, peak* must be distinguished from benna 'vase' and benna 'waggon'. 2 Jacobsthal (Arch. Anz. 45, 1930, 235 f.) thought that the Greek alphabet of this text belonged to the third rather than the second century B.C., and stated that, to his knowledge, it was the oldest Celtic inscription. Whatmough agreed about the alphabet and also claimed that this was 'one of the oldest, if not die oldest, of our extant Keltic inscriptions'. 3 See further s.nn. Αλλετενος and Καρνομον in this section.
306
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personne ayant fait elever le monument'. Noguier thought that it was rather an ethnic name c dont on a peut-etre une forme moderne plus ou moins rapprochee dans les deux noms de localites Alzonne et Alzon, situees la premiere dans l'Aude et la seconde dans le Gard', while Holder listed it as a personal name (masc.) derived from a L N Aliso{n), *Alisu. Dottin (p. 225) listed it with Alisiia, Alisanos, and Alisincum s.v. *alisa, *aliso (OFr. alis 'alise'). Perhaps the forms should, therefore, be restored as A\ioo\y\eas or as Αλισο[ντ]<ζας. I t may be a personal name. But the ending -eas is difficult and may point to an ethnic or a local termination in -as or -ias1 in a name which may be derived from a personal name. 2 For αλίσ- compare the following forms: P N N Aleasiumara DAG 83 ; 3 Alesso 203, 237 ; 4 Aliso Ammian. 26. 8, 9 - 1 0 ; L E N N Alesia, Άλησία, Alisia, Alisiia (169), Alixie (144), Alisiensis, Alisensis, Alsinsis 179; *Alisa fl. Auze Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 310; *Alisa (Elisa 983) fl. ibid.; ?Aliseio Auxey (?) DAG 179; Alisincum Anizy 179; Alisinensis ciuitas fl. Elsenz 2 4 1 ; Aliso (in Corsica) DAG, Note (ii) (p. 4 3 ) ; Aliso, Άλβισος DAG 2 2 1 ; Alisocum SVIHK, no. 4;* Alisontia fl. DAG 212 ; 6 D N N ?[Al]isanus 82, Alisanu 161, Alisanos 181, 243 ; 7 Glosses alisum 'un leavened bread 5 CGL 3. 597. 14 ; 8 άλιζα 'white poplar' DAG 178.9 A form *alisa, which probably first meant 'alder', then 'servicetree', has been posited to explain names such as Alisia, Alisincum, and Alisontia, the source of Fr. alise and containing the same root as O H G . elira (with metathesis erila), M H G . Eller, Erie, and Lat. alnus. D'Arbois de Jubainville {Les Premiers habitants de VEurope, 2 e ed., vol. 2 (Paris, 1894), 201 ff.) and Holder (AcS 3. 565) regarded *alisa as Ligurian and Germanic, Bertoldi (ZCP 17, 1927-8, 184-92, RLR 3, 1927, 2 6 3 82, St. it. fiL cl. 7, 1929, 259 f.) as pre-Celtic (PMediterranean), Pokorny (Urg. 93, 102, IEW 302) as Illyro-Ligurian. 10 See also the following: 1
See AcS 1. 244, 250, 3. 703, 711, also now GrDAG 48, 85. See also this section s.n. Nettas and the Appendix s.nn. ?Σιμιασ[ and Sullias. 3 See Schmidt, KGP 121. 4 Compare PN Alefius DAG 237 and see Whatmough, Celtica 3, 1956, 253. 5 See also Celtiberica, pp. 67, 103, and SVIHK, p. 57. 6 See Krahe, Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 310. To Krahe's references add Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 12, 14, Schmid, Btr. z. JV. 13, 1962, 211. 7 Compare Mars Buxenus DAG 82 (Buxea silua 153, Boxs\ant] 80, Boxum 179, boscus *wood' 79), Fagus, Sex arbor 86, Siluanus 82, and see Dottin, p. 359, What mough, DAG, p. 193. To Whatmough's references concerning deus Alisanus {DAG, 8 p. 493) add Meid, Btr. z. N. 8, 1957, 108. See DAG 178 s.v. alica. 9 See above s.n. Albano. To Whatmough's references add Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 43, Frisk, GEW 1. 73. It is given by Hesychius as Macedonian, but, as Whatmough suggests, it may have been Celtic. 10 In IEW, loc. cit. (s.v. el-) Pokorny hinted at the possibility that the root reflected in this form was, in origin, identical with the root *al~ * white* seen in IE. *al-bho-. 2
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Kretschmer, Glotta 15, 1927, 305; Dottin, p. 225; Loewenthal, ZONF 4, 1928, 270 f.; A. Longnon, Les JVoms de lieu de la France (Paris, 1920-9), 23 f.; Bottiglioni, Elementi prelatini nella toponomastica corsa (Pisa, 1929), 29 ff.; Weisgerber, SprFK 187, 191 f., Rh. V. 23, 1958, 12, 14; A. Dauzat, La Toponymie francaise (Paris, 1939), 184, id., La Toponymie frangaise (Paris, i960), 76; W.-P. 1. 151; W-H. 1. 31, 8 4 5 ; Krahe, PBB 70, 1948, 454-9, Btr. ζ. Λ'. 3, 1951-2, 165-70, Saeculum 8, 1957, 13; Mayer, Glotta 32, 1952-3, 46 f.; Lebel, PMHF, parr. 387, 427, 598-602; Morel, Og. 10, 1958, 155-62; Hubschmid, ZRPh 79, 1963, 359 ff. (Btr. z.N. 15, 1964, 301), ELH 137.1 Gaul, alis- has also been derived from earlier *palis-, from the same root as Skt. pdsdna- (masc), pdsyd- (fern.) 'stone', Gk. πέλλα'λίθος (Hes.), Germanic *falisa ( O H G . felis τη.,/elisa f., N H G . Feb) borrowed as falisia into Gallo-Romance, whence OFr. falise, faleise, ModFr. falaise. O l r . ail (fern.), all (neut.) c rock, escarpment', are quoted as cognate forms. 2 Α Λ Λ Ε Τ Ε Ν Ο Σ DAG 76 (inscription of Montagnac, Herault)^ H . de Villefosse (BSAF 1899, 273-5), afterL.Noguier,readaAAerivos' or αλλζγινος. A space between t and v, he said, 'indique peut-etre un defaut de la pierre'. Noguier, in RE 4, 1899-1902, 83 f. (no. 1326), read αλλζτινος. Whatmough read αλλετβνος with the following com ment : 'The third letter is probably λ, not a, but damage to the stone makes it uncertain. Then, after τ, either e or 77, not t, for the cross-bars are clear (E or B).' T h e correct reading is doubtless αλλετβνος (or -ηνος). As suggested by de Villefosse (BSAF 1899, 275) it may be the 'nom du defunt', an o-stem nominative in -os and a derivative in -enos (or -enos) of an uncompounded *Alletos (or *Allet-s?). But it is not clear how other forms 1
It is worth quoting Diodorus' explanation of Alesia (4. 19. 1): 6 δ'
'Ηρακλής CKTLG€ πάλιν €νμ€γ4θη την όνομασθβΐσαν από της κατά την στρατ€ΐαν άλης
Άλησίαν. Whatmough commented {DAG 178 s.v. αλιζα) that modern theories are hardly any better than this ancient one, adding himself re Alesia the strange remark 'Hardly to be compared with *arg- ''white", i.e. r:l (*a%-)M Pokorny {IEW 27 f.; also W.-P. 1. 87 f.) gives the root *AZ- 'planlos umherschweifen, irren; auch geistig irre sein', for which see also W-H. and E.-M. s.v. ambulo, Frisk, GEW s.w. άλάομαι and 2. άλία. For possible Celtic cognates see Ifor Wil liams, ELI 36 f. 2 See Holder, AcS 1. 90, 3. 565; Vendryes, RC 38, 1920-1, 184; 45, 1928, 343; 49, 1932, 285; EC 4, 1948, 202; 7, 1955-6, 437; LEIA A-29f., 61; Dauzat, RE A 42, 1940, 611; Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 67; Pokorny, IF 65, i960, 162 f. Cf. Urk. Spr. 20; W.-P. 3. 66 f.; IEW Soy. Schnetz {ZCP 14, 1923, 41) suggested that there might be a connexion between alts-, as in Alisontia, etc., and Skt. arusa 'ruddy'. See also Krahe, Btr. z. N. 3, 1951-2, 168 f., C. Rostaing Essai sur la toponymie de la Provence (Paris, 1950), 41, n. 3. 3
Concerning this inscription see above s.n. ^4λισο. . ζας.
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in the inscription 1 should be related to it. For names in al(l)et-,2 allotand allai- see section (A) (ii) s.v. ALLO-. Thus diet (ο)- m a y be con nected with Gaul, alio- 'other' or 'second 5 . A N A I L O S DAG, Note (xxxvi), Remark, p p . 526 f. (inscription of Meaux) This name occurs in an inscription on a fragment of a mould found at Meaux. See G. Gassies, REA 2, 1900, 142-4; OIL 13. 10015. 1. T h e inscription, cut after firing, was read in GIL (lcc. cit.) as follows: ateano \ sacrillos auot \ anailos. I t has been thought t h a t the object belonged to Aquitania because the names found in t h e inscription belong to Toulon-sur-Allier, near Moulins. See GIL 13. 10015. 1 and 3 8 0 - i ; DAG 136, R e m a r k 1 (p. 340), Note (xxxvi), Remark (pp. 526 f.).3 I t is not clear why there are three names on the object and what their exact relationship is to each other. See Gassies, REA 2, 1900, 144. Like P N Sacrillos the name Anailos appears to be a n uncompounded personal name, an o-stem nominative in -os. There is n o means of deciding whether it is Celtic or not. Compare PNN lAnailus DAG 224, Anaillius 224, Anaillus 136 (also 208), 214, ILTG 533.* A R E O S REA 58, 1956, 71-82 (inscription of the source of the Seine, Cote-d'Or) This form occurs in 11. 3-4 of the Celtic inscription in the Latin alphabet on the triangular pediment of a limestone stele discovered in 1953 in the course of excavations a t the source of the Seine. Lejeune and Martin (REA, loc. cit.) read this inscription as follows a | rese | quania | reosiourus | luceonertecoma. T h e word division adopted by Lejeune as the most plausible is are Sequani areos iourus Luceo{n) Nertecomairi). This he interpreted as 'apud Sequanam propinqui erexerunt Lucium Nertecomari f.' H e claimed that iourus is a 3rd pi. pret. verbal form corresponding to the better attested 3rd sg. pret. ieuru. Areos may be a plural subject, a n old 0-stem nom. pl. in -5s and perhaps a derivative of Gaul, are (: O l r . airy meaning 'proche', Voisin5, 'riverain' or the like. Lejeune also conceded that Areos might be a personal name, subject of the verb. I prefer this interpretation. T h e verb iourus is here pre ceded by a personal name Areos as subject, an 0-/z0-stem nom. sg., in 1 2 3 4
See this section s.nn. Αλισο. . €ας and Καρνομου. Note here PN Alles (gen. Alletis) OPL 29 (also 124). Cf. M. Durand Lefebvre, Gallia 4, 1946, 182 f. See further CIL 7. 1336. 64, 12. 5686. 42, 13. 1397, 13. TOOIO. 115 (AcS 1. 134,
3. 603 s.n. Anaillus), Oswald 16. s See section (A) (ii) s.v. ARIO-JAREO·.
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the same way exactly as ieuru is preceded by a PN subject in a number of other Gaulish inscriptions.1 For -ds ( > -us) as an 0-stem nom. pl. termination is not otherwise attested in Gaul.2 lourus3 has to be ac cepted as the verbal form in this inscription, although the precise function of -s in the form is uncertain.4 For names in areo- see section (A) (ii) s.v. AREO-JARI0-. A T E A N O DAG, Note (xxxvi), Remark, pp. 526 f. (inscription of Meaux) For this inscription see above s.n. Anailos. G. Gassies (REA 2, 1900, 142-4) read Atilano.5 But in CIL 13. 10015. 1 the reading Ateano is preNote (xxxvi), Remark. Cf. M. Durand Lefebvre, Gallia 4, 1946, 182 f. I think we must accept the view that this form should be read as Ateano, the same as Ateano at Toulon-sur-Allier {CIL 13. 10015. 12).6 The function of the name in the inscription is not at all clear. Gassies (REA 2, 1900, 144) considered the possibility that it could be re garded as 'le datif du nom d'un artisan melde du mouleur pour lequel Sacrillos aurait fabrique le moule'. If it is not an 0-stem dat. in -0 then it may be an 0-stem nom. in -0 with final -s not noted (possibly because the following word commenced with s-).7 The etymology is obscure, but it appears to be an uncompounded name.8 ΑΧ1Τ0Σ DAG 31 (inscription of Les Baux, Bouches-du-Rhone) The inscription of Les Beaux read as αχιτοσ may be incomplete, as 1
See DAG 57 (cicopou), 135, 142, 152, 160-3. ^n DAG 145 ieuru is followed by PNN as subjects/and in DAG 183 uritu is followed by PN Escincos (see section (A) (i)s.n.). 2 See, for example, Lejeune, Celtiberica 127, Schmoll, SVIHK 34 f., Schmidt, IF 66, 1961, 2. 3 One could hardly treat iouru as the verbal form here. Forms in si- in Gaulish are very rare. 4 Lejeune {REA 58, 1956, 78) compared karnitus in the inscription of Briona {PID 337), which is preceded by several subjects and usually supposed to be 3rd pl. corresponding to a 3rd sg. such as karnitu in the insc. of Todi {PID 339) and καρνιτου (or καρνι,τον[?) in the insc. of Saignon {DAG 45). See PID, vol. 3, p. 12. καρνιτουσ should also perhaps be read in 1. 1 of the incomplete insc. of St.-Martinde-Castillon {DAG 47). Compare also luritus {?iur-[) at La Graufesenque {DAG 130). For this last form see this section s.n. Ουρπτακος. 5 His comment reads as follows: 'Le trait inferieur de la lettre L a ete produit par un glissement de la pointe. On pourrait aussi bien lire II come E . . . . II fait lire alors ATEANO, mais, ayant examine de nouveau Pobjet, apres une hesitation nous pensons qu'il faut s'en tenir a ATILANO.' Cf. Atilianus DAG 136, 237. 6 See also CIL 13. 10015. 13 and 10015. 22 a and AcS 2. 64 (s.n. loppillo), 3. 714 (s.n. Ateanus), 3. 733 (s.n. Atteanus), DAG 176. 7 Compare PN Luceo below. Concerning the lack of s see Chapter III (A) (ii) (A). In PNN Sacnllos and Anailos in this inscription final -s is noted. 8 Perhaps it is a derivative in -ano- of Gaul. ATE- (see section (A) (ii) s.n.). See CIL 13. 10015. 12, AcS 3. 630. 44. Cf. At{t)ianus DAG 132, 136, 182, etc.
3io
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suggested by Whatmough (DAG 31). Αχιτος by itself appears to be a personal name, an o-stem nom. in -ος. It is less certain that this n a m e is Celtic, as was first supposed by Lenormant. 1 We can compare the coin legend Axitos DAG 157 which Holder (AcS 1. 18 s.n.) compared with Gaul, acito- (see below) as in L N Acitodunum mod. Ahun (AcS 1. 20, 3. 483, DAG 148). See also W h a t mough, Orbis 1, 1952, 433, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 17. T h e Greek letter χ in Αχιτος and Axitos probably represents a lax or weak pronunciation of the single voiceless stop /k/. 2 Beside the local n a m e Acitodunum note also the following: P N N Acita OPL 23 and Aciti (gen.?) CIL 3. 14336. 4 ; EN Acitauones AcS 1. 20; 3 L N Acitoriziaco T P (in Galatia) AcS 1. 20, 3. 483. 4 The interpretation of (?)Gaul. acito- is uncertain. Holder (AcS 1.20) related it to O l r . achad (o-stem) c a field'. 5 It may, however, be a derivative of a root ac-, cognate with ac- in Lat. acuOy Gk. άκή, etc. (: IE. *ak- 'sharp, pointed, angular 5 , also 'stone', see IEW 18 ff.), which is supposed to explain a number of Celtic forms.6 On the other hand, in view of the instability in the writing of Celtic proper names, 7 it is just possible that αάίο-Ιαχιτο-Ιαχύο- is (in PNN at least) a variant of agedo-jagido-* B A N U I DAG 187, Remark (ii) (inscription of Reims) This name is an o-stem genitive in -z and an example of the use of the genitive to denote the father's name. For the name element barmsee section (A) (ii) s.v. ΒΙΜ Μ Ο Σ DAG 34 (inscription of Saint-Remy-de-Provence, Bouchesdu-Rhone) Lenormant, who first published the inscription (Rh. Mus. 21, 1866, 223 f, no. 4), read in 1. ι βινυμοσ. Aures (Congres archeologiqae 43, 1876, 523) read βιμυμοσ. Allmer (RE 1, 1878, 1) also read βιμυμοσ with the comment 'La premiere Μ de BIMVMOC (?) jointe par Pextremite inferieure de son dernier jambage a |, de maniere a former avec lui 1
Lenormant (Rh. Mus. 21, 1866, 223, no. 2 ; see also de Villefosse, Bull, monu mental 45, 1879, 53 and Benoit, CA 5. 202, 521) read αχηοσ with the comment 'Nomen gallicum'. Kaibel (IG 14. 2478) remarked concerning this item 'Videtur inter notas Lenormantii fraudes referenda, sed spuria si non est, Graeca non magis videtur esse.' 3 2 See Chapter III (A) (ii) (g). See also PID, vol. 1, p. 364. 4 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158 f. s See RIAContr. s.v., Vendryes LEI A A-10. Vendryes compared (?) Lat. acnua, agnua, a land measure, and a doubtful by-form acina (see Whatmough, DAG 158 s.v. agnua), which seem to point to a root *ak- denoting an area of land. 6 See this section s.n. Acco. 7 See, for example, Whatmough's remarks in Lg. 25, 1949, 287. 8 See section (A) (ii) s.v. AGED·. See also Reinach, RC 15, 1894, 4X7 s - n Acedomapas.
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un V, n'etant pas une lettre grecque, rend la lecture incertaine.' De Villefosse {Bulletin monumental 5, 1879, 39, no. 26) and Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 127, no. 10) read βιμμοσ. Hirschfeld (CIL 12, p. 127) has B I / W M O C , whence?NBim-umo-sAcS 1. 422 (cf. 3. 866. 3). D e j u b a i n ville (teste Holder, AcS 1. 422. 30 ff.) proposed a reading βίμαμοσ. Rhys (Insc. 32 f.) suggested βινναμοσ. He interpreted the ligature / W as w and conjectured that Μ had ca line joining its first two limbs so as to make it into a ligature for AM'. He assumed that 'this line was overlooked by the inscriber who had not carefully scanned the text given him to carve'! Holder (^4^ 3. 866. 25 ff.) accepted this reading and Dottin (no. 5, see also p. 41) transcribed the name ζ.$Βιν{να)μος. Jacobsthal (Schumacher Festschrift (Mainz, 1930), 190E) read βιμμοσ with the comment cAuf der Photographie . . . der dritte Buchstabe ist ein Μ und seine funfte Hasta ist sinnloses Verschreiben.' There is a full discussion of the reading by V. Rolland in Cahiers d'histoire et d'arche'ologie 1933, 290-2 (with plate ii). 1 Rolland thought that the most reasonable reading would be βιμιμοσ. Finally, Whatmough (DAG 34) again read βιμμοσ with the comment 'μ, is / W (third letter) and Μ (elsewhere); b u t the fifth stroke of that μ may be accidental, or (less likely) the re mains of the St. Andrew's cross deliberately cut deeper in modern times'. T h e perplexing character Λ/V which follows the second letter may represent AAt, λν, /χι, or w. If it is not a ligature the symbol must be read as /x, as proposed by de Villefosse, Stokes, Jacobsthal, and What mough. I think that there can be no question of reading the following ligature M° as anything but μο, which seems to rule out the possibility t h a t the preceding (?) ligature represents λν or w. W e are left, there fore, with three possible readings: ΒιΧλιμος, Βιμιμος, and Βιμμος. For forms in BILL- see section (A) (ii) s.v. With Βιμιμος or Βιμμος com pare P N N ?Bim[ CIL 12. 5686. 1168, Bimio (dat.) CIL 9. 278, Bimius CIL 13. 10010. 3095^, ?Bimottia DAG 208D (also 214), and ]bimmius DAG 83. I tend to prefer the reading Βιμμος; for I am not satisfied t h a t the fifth stroke in / W can be interpreted as a ligatured t. T h e form is clearly an uncompounded name and an 0-stem nominative in -os. But its origin is obscure, and we therefore cannot claim it as a Celtic n a m e with any confidence, in spite of the fact that it is followed by a clearly Celtic patronymic n a m e Λιτουμαρβος. B I R A C [ I ] DAG, Note (iv), p . 69 (inscription of Ventabren, Bouches-du-Rhone) T h e inscription may be incomplete on right. H . de Gerin Ricard and A r n a u d Dagnel (CRAI 1903. 60) 2 read biraci in 1. 2. In DAG, Note 1 Whence H. Rolland, Gallia 2, 1944, 171 f. (fig. 3). See also CA 5. 204, 527 and Og., nos. 26-27 (Supplement to nos. 34-35, avril-juillet 1953), 5 f. 2 See also Esperandieu, RE 5, 1903, 1 f. (no. 1519), ILG, no. 97, d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 24, 1903, 119.
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(iv), Whatmough gives a reading birac[i. Presumably he found the sixth letter damaged or otherwise imperfect or uncertain. In ILG, no. 97 Esperandieu suggested that the form is either an 0-/zo-stem genitive in -z depending on Lc\t.f(iliiLs) which has been lost due to the break in the stone on the right, or else part of a name which may be restored as Biraci[lli] (also depending on a lost Lat.f(ilius)). As the inscription is fragmentary there is no means of telling for certain whether the name is incomplete or not. If it is incomplete the most reasonable resto ration would be that suggested by Esperandieu. We can compare a number of other examples of the personal names Biracus (-ius) and Biracillus as well as other forms in izr(r)-: PNN: Bir[DAG 224; Biraca ILTG 402; Biracadus DAG 151, Remark B; Biracatas 237; 1 Biracautus2i^;Biraci[2^y;Biracia[CIL 2. 6257. 31; Biracicus DAG 237 ;2 Biracillus DAG 132, 134, 151, Remark B, 237 ; 3 Biracius 237 ; 4 Biraco CIIC 89; ?Βφακο DAG 165 ; 5 Biraconis (gen.) CIL 3. 5698; Biracus DAG 182, 237, Germania 41, 1963, 39 (gen.); 6 Birarcus 151, Remark B; Birius 214, 228 (iv); Biroi galli (2 words?) 151; Birr[ CIL 12. 2594; Birrantin[i] CIL 13. 10010. 309; Birrantus DAG 136, 228 (i); 7 Birria 83, -ius 83, 237 ;8 Birrio PID xiic; Birro DAG 25 (also 83), PID xiic; 9 Birrus DAG 136, 244; Biruta (or Briuat) 194. LENN: Βυράκζλλον Ptol. 3. 1. 43 ;10 Biricianae {-a) DAG 241; Birila (v.l. Ririla) Rav. BSRC 25. βίρρος Νερβίκός DAG 207; birrus ca hooded cape' (deriva tives birretum and also probably birrica) 158.11
GLOSSES:
De Jubainville (AcS 1. 423) I2 explained biraco- as a derivative of Birus, a variant of Birrus. Whatmough supposed that it was Celtic; 1
Note also Biraca\tus~\ CIL 13. 10010. 304. 3 See also CIL 13. 10010. 306. See also AcS 1. 423, 3. 867. 4 s Also PID viiic. See this section s.n. 6 Holder (AcS 1. 423 s.n. Biraco-s) compared PN Aruiragus (rex Britannorum) Juv. 4. 127 (Schol. Arbiragus). Compare Lep. or Gallic Pirakos, Pirako, Pirak PID, it. 323 (see also PID, vol. 2, pp. 132 f., vol. 3, p. 36); Lep. Pirauixes(?) PID, it. 261 (see also PID, vol. 2, p. 552, vol. 3, p. 36; cf. Rhys, Cis. 26 f., no. 4 ) ; Raet. Pirikanisnu PID, it. 214 (see also PID, vol. 2, p. 546, vol. 3, p. 36). For modern LNN which may derive from biraco- see Holder, loc. cit. and A S 3. 867. 7 See also AcS 1. 424, 3. 868, CGP 171. 8 See also AS* 1. 424 f., 3. 868. 9 I0 Also PID viic, viiic. See AcS 1. 423, 3. 867. 11 For sources see TLL s.v., AcS 1. 425 f., 3. 869. Compare burra 'coarse garment' DAG 158 (also IEW 134). See now Wild, Antiquity 37, 1963, 193 ff. 12 Thurneysen (TLL, loc. cit., Aufsatze zur Kultur- und Sprachgeschichte, E. Kuhn gewidmet (Breslau, 1916), 82) compared Ir. berr, W. byrr 'short', for which see below. On birrus see also SprFK 195, W-H. 1. 107, E.-M. 126, Whatmough, Studies presented to David M. Robinson, vol. 2 (Saint Louis, 1953), 480. 2
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for he listed it with other familiar Celtic elements attested in forms found on terra sigillata. 1 The etymology proposed by Rhys 2 for biracois not satisfactory. However, the comparison he draws between Gaul. Biracos and Ir. Berach is noteworthy. 3 Birac[i] in the inscription of Ventabren may, therefore, be Celtic, although no convincing etymology can be suggested for it. I t is probably a derivative in -aco- of a name Bir{r)us or, less probably, a hypocoristic or abbreviated form in -aco- substituted for a com pounded name. I t may point, along with some other forms in bir{r)~ listed above, to the same root as that which underlies Ir. berr 'short', OCorn. ber gl. breuis (GC 1081), W. byr(f).* But this is quite uncertain. PBIPAKO DAG 165 (inscription of Lapipe-Sene on Mont-Auxois, Alise-Sainte-Reine, Cote-d'Or) This inscription, which appears to be Celtic, was discovered in fragments. Most of these, as the drawings and photographs in Rhys, Addit., pis. 4-6 show clearly, cannot be fitted closely together. N o satisfactory interpretation of the inscription as a whole is possible, b u t it is probable that it contains several personal names. At the beginning of 1. 3 there may be one such form. This line was read by Esperandieu 5 as βφακοτωντιο[ ]αννο[. He restored the text as Biraco tooutio[us Alisi]anno[s], i.e. 'Biraco, magistrat supreme d'Alise'. Holder, 6 fol lowing Esperandieu, has listed the form Βφακο(ς) as a personal n a m e . Rhys 7 read βφακοτωυτισ[αβ]αννω. [α/J] in this reading occurs on two small fragments which Rhys suggested could be fitted in here. He took Βφακοτωυ as the dative of a personal name *Biracotus (w-stem). Dottin 8 pointed out that the word-division Βφακο τωυτι(ς) [sic] is also possible. Finally, Whatmough 9 read βφακοτωυτι[.α]ννο with [.a] on one of the fragments placed here by Rhys. H e suggested reading α] (λισ)αννο at the end of the line. I n view of the fragmentary condition of the inscription, it is 1
See DAG, p. 272. Addit. 46, also Cis. 26. He compared Ir. bi(u)r 'a spit, a spear', W. bSr : Lat. ueru, for which see W.-H. 2. 766, IEW 479. 3 For Berach see W. Stokes, Filire Oengusso (London, 1905), 74, 242; Meyer 202 (also Berrach, op. cit. 206); Hogan, Onom. Goed. i n (also Barach 96, Berrech 113); Woulfe 172; O'Brien, CGH 518 f. Compare Olr. berach, birach 'pointed, sharppointed, sharp-beaked, snouted' (Meyer 202, 218, Hessen 1. 88), which may, however, be a derivative of bi(u)r *a spit, a stake, etc.'. See also Lloyd-Jones, ELISG 120 s.nn. Barach Fawr, Barach Fach, Thomas, EANC 2 f. s.nn. Barach, Berach. + For these forms see Urk. Spr. 173, VKG 1. 352, W.-P. 2. 160, GPC 364, Bergin, Eriu 12, 1938, 216, Fleuriot, DGVB 82. s Pro Alesia 1, 1906, 43 ff., pi. xi. 6 AcS 3. 867. See also CIL 13. 11258. 8 ^ Addit. 40 if. No. 35. * DAG 165. 2
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extremely difficult to establish the proper word-division, and quite impossible to tell whether line 3 begins with (a) a personal n a m e βιρακο, (?) an 0-stem nominative showing loss of -s, or (b) Βιρακοτων, either a derivative in -otu- of a name Biracus1 or a compounded name, 2 (?) an w-stem dative, or (c) an incomplete (?) compounded n a m e βφακοτωυτί[.3 I am inclined to favour the first possibility, for P N Biracus is well attested elsewhere, b u t I know of no certain examples of compounded names in bir- or biraco- in other sources. For names in biraco- and other forms in bir(r)- see above s.n. Birac[i], B R A T R O N O S Z ^ 4 G i 4 i (inscription of Neris-les-Bains, Allier) The name is an 0-stem nominative in -os, a derivative in -ono- of the Gaulish stem bratr- 'brother', cognate with Ir. brdthair, W. brawd, MICorn. broder, Bret, breur (Vannetais brer): Lat. frater, Eng. brother, etc. (see IEW 163 f.). This interpretation of the name was first sug gested by R. Mowat in RA 35, 1878, 95.4 H e compared Lat. patronus beside pater.* It is the only certain example of the stem bratr- in Gaulish. Compare, however, PN [Brdjtroni (?) CIL 13. 10017. 1055 (Jublains). 6 B R I G I N D O N I DAG Volnay, Cote-d'Or)
160 (inscription of Auxey-le-Grand, nr.
This name is probably complete, b u t it should be noted that Whatmough (DAG 160) read brigindoni[. and remarked that there was room for one letter at the end. 7 Brigindoni has been explained as a divine name by several scholars. See, for example, Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 406; Pictet, RA 15, 1867, 390; Rhys, Hibbert Lectures (London, 1888), 75, Insc. 11; Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 69. It follows the verb and is probably the indirect object. 8 1
Compare perhaps PNN such as Biracatus DAG 237. (?)Βφα-κοτωυ. For names in cot(t)- see section (A) (ii) s.v. COT-, 3 It is more probable that τωυπ[(?) in this inscription is the beginning either of another name or of a common noun meaning 'magistrate' or the like. Compare TOOVTLOVS DAG 57 and see section (A) (ii) s.v. TEUTO-. Hardly divide as ]j3ipa 2
Κοτωυτι[.
* See also Stokes, RC 5, 1881-3, 116, BB 11, 1886, 134 f. (no. 23); Rhys, Insc. 52 f.; AcS 1. 514; VKG 1. 48, 2. 45; Dottin, p. 236. 5 Note also matrona beside mater. 6 This restoration was proposed by Mowat in Congr. arch. 45, 1878, 266. 7 Guyonuarc'h (Og. 11, 1959, 288) reports that Duval now reads Brigindone 8 For other inscriptions with ieuru and an indirect object compare especially DAG 57 (€Lwpov), 135, (?)i42, 145, 161, 162. Brigindoni is probably followed by the direct object cantalon (cantaion Hirschfeld, CIL 13. 2638; cantabon de Belloguet, Ethnog. gaul. 290), the meaning of which is quite uncertain in spite of all that has been written concerning the form. See Stokes, locc. citt.; Rhys, Celtae and Galli 31, Insc. 11; Dottin, p. 241; Vendryes, RC 45, 1928, 331 f., 51, 1934, 176; Weisgerber,
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This does not preclude the possibility that Brigindoni is a personal name, and that is why it is included here. T h e r e is a suggestion in the literature concerning the inscription that the stone on which it is cut may have been the lid of a small sarcophagus. See, for example, P. Lejay, Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), 40. T h e inscription may be funerary rather than votive. If Brigindoni is a complete and correct reading the form is best explained as dative, either an α-stem dative in -i pointing to a nomina tive *Brigind-onal or an rc-stem dative pointing to a nominative *Brigindu.2 Compare especially the fragmentary PN Brigin[ DAG 214 ( = CIL 13. 4691 Soulosse) and ?LN BriginnT CIL 12. 3362 (Nimes) mod. Brignon or Brienne? beside Aquis B[riginnensibus] CIL 12. 2913 (Le Serre de Brien sur la commune de Brignon, Gard). 3 There are many instances of Celtic forms in brig-. Note, for example, L E N N such as Brigantes AcS 1. 534 f., 3. 936 ; 4 Βριγάντιον, Brigantio Briangon DAG 7; Brigantium, -ia, -inus lacus, Brigantienses, Βριγάντιοι Bregenz DAG 2 4 1 ; L N N in -briga such as Admagetobriga DAG 234 and Ν€μετοβρίγα Ptol., Nemetobriga IA, Rav. AcS 2. 711 ; 5 DN Brigantia AcS 1. 535 f., 3. 937, DAG, Note (xlv) B ; 6 some P N N such as Briganticus DAG 224, Βριγατου Gal. Spr. 154,7 Brigino DAG 176. In names SprFK 196; Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 69; Pokorny, IEW 527; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 143, 491, 873; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 288 ff.; 14, 1962, 153, Hubschmid, Thes. Praerom. 2. 82 ff. 1 See Thurneysen GOI188, 200, Lejeune, REA 58, 1956, 80, Schmoll, SVIHK 41. See further Chapter III (B) (b) a-/za-stems. 2 See Pictet, loc. cit., Lejay, loc. cit., Stokes, locc. citt., Rhys, Insc. 11, Dottin, pp. 40, 119. 3 See AcS 1. 542, 3. 942, DAG, it. 80. Bertoldi (BSL 32, 1931, 158, n. 2) listed Briginn[ CIL 12. 3362 (which he restored as Briginn[oni]) beside Brigindoni in the inscription of Auxey-le-Grand as a possible example of the ? (dialectal) soundchange ~nd- > -n(n)- in Gaulish. 4 See Lehmacher, Rhein. Jhb.f. Volkskunde 4, 1953, 125 fF. The origin of Gaul. brigantes *uermiculi in oculis' DAG 158 (see also Weisgerber, SprFK 195; Williams, CAn. 389 s.v. gwre; Pokorny, IEW 1152, MSS, Heft 14, 1959, 6) is different. Compare briginus (bricumus Marcell.) 'artemisia, wormwood' DAG 158 (see also Weisgerber, loc. cit., Vendryes, EC 8, 1958-9, 182). 5 For examples of names in -briga (-brica) 'height, hill, highland, mountain' see MLI xcviii, AcS 1. 533, 3. 935 f. For recent discussion of this well-known element see the following: H. Rix in Festschrift fur Peter Goessler, hrsg. v. W. Kimmig (Stuttgart, 1954), 102 ff.; Schmidt, KGP 43-45, IF 67, 1962, 311; Tovar, Zephyrus 8, 1957, 82, ALSP n 8 f . ; Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 172; Schmoll, SVIHK 73-75; Sangmeister, Madrider Mitteilungen 1, i960, 94 ff.; Untermann, SSVH 13 ff, 26 f. (Map 3); Hubschmid, ELH 487 f.; Lebel, Homm. Gren. 966 ff, RIO 14, 1962, 172. Loth claimed (RC 19, 1898, 211, 28, 1907, 337) that W. and Br. brig 'top, summit' are cognate with Celtic -brica. 6 See N. Jolliffe, Archaeological Journal 98, 1941, 36-61; I. A. Richmond, Roman Britain2 (Harmondsworth, 1963), 197 f.; Hogg, Antiquity 39, 1965, 53 ff. 7 See Reinach, RC 22, 1901, 2 ff, Garofalo, RC 23, 1902, 72 f., Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. I74f.
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such as these brig- may be cognate with W., Corn., Br. bre 'hill', 1 Ir. bri (gen. breg) f. 'hill', 2 and Germ. Berg (IE. *bheregh- 'high, exalted', etc., IEW 140 f.). Compare also W. bri 'honour, esteem, fame, dis tinction', Corn, bry Value', Bret, bry 'egard', Ir. brig 'power, strength, vigour, virtue' which may be cognate with brig- in some Celtic forms, e.g. P N N such as Brigo DAG 237, Brigomarus CIL 3. 13975, Brigovix BID viiic, and Brigomaglos CIIC 498 in which, if the equation is cor rect, we must assume that -i- in brig- is long. See Gluck, KN 126 f., Stokes. Urk. Spr. 185. Holder, AcS 1. 534, 543. 3. 942, Dottin. p . 237, Pokorny, IEW 477, Schmidt, KGP 155 f., Tovar, Celticum vi. 389, Fleuriot, DGVB 89, 90. I t is impossible to tell whether Brigindoni continues Gaul, brig- 'high, exalted' or brig- 'power, strength, honour' or is derived from some root such as I E . *bherdg- 'brilliant, white' {IEW 139 f.). Rhys 3 compared it with the divine name Brigantia (see above) and the Irish Saint Brigit of Kildare, whose name m a y also ultimately be that of a goddess. 4 R. A. Fowkes 5 suggested that the name should be read as Brindoni (i.e. with internal mutation of -g-), making the text 'perfectly octosyllabic'! But attempts to treat the text as verse 6 are not at all convincing. ΡΒΡΙΤΟΥΛΩΥ DAG 165 (inscription of Lapipe-Sene on MontAuxois, Alise-Sainte-Reine, Cote-d'Or) See Appendix s.n. ? Κοβριτουλωυ. B U S C I L L A DAG 144 (graffito of Seraucourt, Bourges, Cher) This name appears to be an α-stem nominative (see Dottin, p . 117), subject of the verb legasit, a n d probably a woman's name. Pictet (RA 16, 1867, 14 f.) treated it as a derivative in -ilia, and thought that it should be connected with a n u m b e r of P N N in buss- beside which he quoted O l r . bus, explained as gleor no glaine in O'Davoren's Glossary (Stokes, ACL 2, 1904, 230, no. 202). 7 Stokes, on the other hand {BB 11, 1
For W. bre (adj.) 'high, elevated* see GPC 313 s.v. See Thurneysen, KZ Φ, 1918, 65, GOI203. 3 Hibbert Lectures (London, 1888), 75, Insc. 11. 4 See LHEB 702. For heathen namesakes of St. Brigit see Rhys, Hibbert Lectures 74 if., Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae (Oxford, 1910), cxxxvi, n. 3. Concerning the name Bngit see Loewenthal, WuS 10, 1927, 169, Vendryes, Corolla Linguistica, Festschrift Ferdinand Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955), 231, Pokorny, MSS, Heft 14, 1959,11. 5 Lg. 16, 1940, 291. His suggestion received L. H. Gray's commendation in Lg. 20, 1944, 224. 6 See also Rhys, Insc. 11, Gray, AJPh 63, 1942, 443. 7 See also Meyer s.v. 1. bus 'glass, crystal', Hessen 1. 122 s.v. bus (gen. buis) 'glass, glass vessel'. Note also Mllr. bus (gen. buis) m. 'lip' (see Meyer s.v. 2. bus, Hessen s.v. 1. bus) with which has been connected a Gaulish name element bussu'lip, mouth, kiss' (see IEW 103, KGP 158, Tovar, Celticum 6, 390) as in PNN 2
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1886, 137, no. 25), claimed that it was a diminutive 'from a root the same as that of Lat. fiiscus'. But fuscus probably points to an earlier initial dft-, not bh-. See W.-H. 1. 572 s.v. Whatmough suggested (Die Sprache 1, 1949, 124) that metathesis of -cs~ to -sc- has occurred in Buscilla, and that the name can be con nected with forms in box- and bux- from Ancient Gaul 1 which he claimed pointed to a form *bosco- 'wood', 2 the precursor of Fr. bois. He pointed out that P N N meaning 'wood' are common enough (e.g. Eng. Wood, Germ. Wald, Fr. Du Bois), and that the Busciacus uilla listed by Holder (AcS 1. 643, 3. 1009) implies a personal name *Buscins.* Whatmough's explanation of Buscilla is the only one which oc casions no great difficulty. If it is correct the name is a diminutive in -ilia of a stem *box-j*bux- (*bosc-\*busc-) 'wood'. However, it is im possible to declare whether this stem is Celtic, as there are no satis factory cognates in either neo-Celtic or non-Celtic languages. Κ Α Β Ι Ρ Ο Σ DAG 52 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) T h e n a m e is an 0-stem nominative in -ος. Compare especially the following P N N from Ancient G a u l : Cabin (gen.) CIL 13. 8342 (Cologne)* and CIL 13. 10017. 241 (Wiesbaden),s Cabirius DAG 83 (Valence-sur-Rhone), and Καβιριο CIL 13. 10027. 2 5 5 (Cologne).* Holder {AcS I . 665, 3. 1025) also cited the modern L N Chabrac (dep. Correze) s.n. Cabiriacas together with the Merovingian coin legend Cabiriacofi Bussugnata DAG 244, Bussurigius 244, and DNN Busswnarius, -rus DAG 243 (see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-) and Βουσσουρίγτου (read -ριγίου) (gen.) AcS 3. 1010 (see Gal. Spr. 171, Schmidt, KGP 158). Note also other PNN in buss- such as Bussenilis DAG 250, ]bussia 237, Bussieni 194, Bussullus, -a 9, Bussuro 244, Bussus 193, 203. Compare the form buddutton{?) '(little) kiss' DAG 164 (see Loth, CRAI 1916, 183 ff.; Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 182, id., Poetic, Scientific and other forms of Discourse (Univ. of California Press, 1956), 51) and PNN such as Butiro (-uro) DAG 132, Butturrus 136, IButtuncus CIL 7. 1336. 188-91, Buturicus CIL 8. 5507, Busturo DAG 244. For the orthographic variation ssldd/tltt/st see Chapter III, Remark. 1 LNN Boxs[ani] uicani Buis (Drome) DAG 80; Boxum Buis DAG 179; Buxea silua now Boixe, Boisse DAG 153; Buxido Boissy-Maugis (Orne) DAG 179; Buxuillare Buchsweiler DAG 234; Buxarias uilla perhaps Buxi£res? DAG 212; DN Buxenus (Mars) DAG 82 (v. Meid, Btr. z. JV. 8, 1957, 150). Note also PN Buxa CIL 3· " 5 3 1 · 2 For references to instances of boscus 'wood' in a number of medieval Latin texts (ninth to eleventh centuries) see DAG 79 s.v. 3 It may be worth noting that Vendryes drew attention (RC 46, 1929, 369 f.) to a local name Busca discussed in Joan Biletchi-Albescu's study cCel$ii in toponomastica Romaniei' in Orpheus (Revista pentru cultura clasica) 4, 1928. Concerning PN Boiscus DAG 83 see DAG 80 s.n. Boxs[ani~\ uicani. 5 ♦ Whence DAG 224. Whence PN Cabirus DAG 237. 'Compare LN *Capriacus AcS 1. 761, 3. 1087 and see Smith, TB n o s.n.
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Rhys {Addit. 7) suggested that Καβιρος was the singular of the nonHellenic, probably Phrygian or Thracian, deities Κάβειροι or Κάβιροι, for which see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 220. l However, the evidence ad duced by Rhys concerning the spread to Gaul of the cult of the Cabiri and the Dioscuri (with which the Cabiri were confused) is very slight. Καβφος is followed by Ουι,νδιακος, a name which is probably Celtic (see below), but Καβφος itself is not easily explained as Celtic. We could compare the form caballus, the name of the horse, especially the heavy draught- or pack-horse (also caballa, with numerous deriva tives). But this form is itself an old puzzle. 2 Compare also perhaps cabarus, the name of an insect or reptile, listed in DAG 246 (q.v.). Whatmough compared with this form Celtic *cabrosj*gabros 'goat' and Gallo-Latin *cabrostos 'honeysuckle, privet' postulated by Bertoldi, RC47, i93°> 184-96.3 C A B U R U S C. Valerius Caburus was the father of C. Valerius Procillus (see below s.n. Troucillus), who was sent by Caesar in 58 B.G. with M . Metius to confer with Ariovistus. C a b u r u s was granted Roman citizenship by C. Valerius Flaccus 4 BG 1. 47. 4 c-ualerii caburi A, conualerii caburi Q,, c. ualeri caburi BST, conualeri caburi M, conualeri cabuli L, cat ualeri caburi N, c · ueleri cambuli V, c.ualeri caburi U, celsi ualeri caburi R ; 5 7. 65. 2 caburifilio a, cabuli filio T c , duumuiro T x Vp. Concerning the text in the second instance of the name, note the following comment in Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 622 : Caburifiliosieht nicht aus wie eine Interpolation; auch ist eine derartig Quebriac (whence Whatmough, DAG 180, Remark). For forms in cabur- see below s.n. Caburus. 1 To the references given by Detschew add Dossin, La Nouvelle Clio 5, 1953, 199-202. For Loth's opinion concerning Rhys's explanation of Καβι,ρος see RC 33, 1912, 367. 2 Concerning caballus see most recently Whatmough, DAG 178, Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 115, Flutre, REPL 315-16, A. J. van Windekens, KZ 76, i960, 78-80. 3 See Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 131, n. 3, Pokorny, Urg. 9, IEW 529, Thurneysen, GO I 79, 139, Schmidt, KGP 159, 214. Names in cabr- and gabr- probably belong here. Note, for example, PNN Cabra DAG 214; Cabriabanti (gen.) CIL 7. 1238 (cf. EE 9, 1913, 1289; see also KGP 144, 159, 214); Cabrilio (dat.) CIL 2. 2682; Cabrilla DAG 214, -us (G-?) AcS 1. 666, 3. 1026; Cabruni OPL 53; Cabrus, v. Gabrus; Gabr[ DAG 151; Gabra DAG 208B (also 214); Gabrie[ DAG 237; Gabrila DAG 237, 244; Gabrilla DAG 182, 208B, 214, 244, -us DAG 198, 224; Gabrinus DAG 136; Gabritius DAG 250; Gabrius DAG 224; Gabrus DAG 195 (see AcS 1. 1511); LENN: Cabruagenigorum (gen. pi.) CIL 2. 2633; Gabrae Gievres DAG 148; Γαβραντοουίκων (v.l. -οίκων) gen. pi. in Britain Ptol. 2. 3. 4 (see Schmidt, KGP 214, Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 57); Γαβρήτα AcS 1. 1510; *Gabriacus, source of mod. LNN such as Gabriac (Herault) AcS 1. 1510; Gabris Chabris? DAG 153 (cf. AcS, loc. cit.); Gabromagus DAG 241; Gabrosenti ND, Gabrocentio Rav. BSRC 35. 4 s See R. Syme, CQ 32, 1938, 41. ualerii R 2 , .c. (for celsi) R m .
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kecke Interpolation dem Schreiber von α nicht zuzutrauen.—Duumviro kann eher eine erklarende Randbemerkung zu principe civitatis sein, die neben dem echten principe civ. in den Text gekommen sein kann. Seel (see note ad loc.) hinted at the possibility that duumidro arose from the writing of domnotauro twice over. But domnotauro is omitted in ρ! T h e name Cabiirns has been treated as Celtic, 1 although Celtic philology throws no clear light on it, any more than it does on Καβφος discussed above. Compare the following forms: PNN ?Cabn[ HAE 9 3 1 ; Cabura HAE 1066, OPL 52 f.; Cabiirena CIL 2. 2500, HAE 1381; Caburia HAE 930; Caburius CIL 2. 3669; Caburn. CIL 2. 2501; CaburusCIL 13. 10003. ^1 LENN Caburatsiq. BRAH62. 539, Caburiq., BRAH 62. 536 f, Caburoniq. BRAH 62. 536 ; 2 Caburriates (w.ll. Cub-, Cuburiates, Euburiates) PID xiiic (p. 366), Cabur(rum) Cavorre PID IXB (p. 314) ; 3 D N Vacocaburius RPH 113.4 Zeuss (GC 137) s.n. OBret. Courantgen5 compared O l r . cobir 'help' and Caesar's Caburus. For O l r . cob(a)ir 'help', however, seeThurneysen, ZCP 22, 1941, 25-27. 6 See also Palomar Lapesa, OPL 52 f., Blazquez Martinez, RPH 109. Hertz suggested to Schmidt (KGP 159) that -caburius in D N Vacocaburius might be connected with Gaul, cauaro-.1 But this is very uncertain, as there are obvious difficulties in the vocalism of cabur- (with -w-), not to mention the problem presented here by the alternation of -b- and -v-, C A C U D I A DAG, Note (lii) (a), pp. 988 f. (inscription of Dijon) P. Lejay 8 expressed some doubt concerning the sixth letter, but the reading Cacudia was retained by Mowat. 9 T h a t also is the reading of CIL 13. 5502. T h e name appears to be that of a woman, a ζα-stem nominative or dative. It may be attested in CIL 13. 5495, but this is very doubtful. Moreover, Whatmough claimed that Cacudia turns u p as Cacussonis (gen.) in CIL 13. 6125 (Ruppertsberg), presumably suggesting that an alternation -d-j-ss- is the one familiar to us in attempts to represent 1
See, for example, Holder, AcS 1. 667, Schmidt, KGP 42, n. 3. See Tovar, Estudios 105, 134, n. 2, 213. 3 See also AcS 1. 667, 3. 1026. 4 Note also DN Cabuniaeginus RPH 109. For instances of names in cabur- see Albertos (Firmat), Emirita 26, 1958, 237; 28, i960, 295. 5 See Cart. Red., Index, pp. 645, 721. 6 Compare Pedersen, VKG 1. 119, whence LP 40. 7 Compare PNN Cabarcus CIL 2. 5739; Caabaariuios Tovar, Lexico 6 (see also Estudios 26, 32, 124, 199, Celtiberica 106, SVIHK 22 (no. 25), 31), Cabarsus CIL 5. 5134 (Cabarsa PID xic); DN Cabar. CIL 2. 403 (see RPH 208 f.). For Gaul, cauarosee this section s.nn. Cavarillus and Cavarinus. 8 P. Lejay, Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), no. 137. 9 RA 15, 1890, 417. 2
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the Gaulish dental affricate or dental fricative or sibilant. 1 T h e divergent spellings may indicate, however, that the two names are distinct. In any case one is a z'<2-stem, the other an /z-stem. W i t h Cacudia compare, apart from PN Cacussonis, the following names in cac{c)-, mostly from Ancient G a u l : P N N : Cacale. CIL 2. 5 5 8 1 ; Cacalo CIL 2. 153, 995 ; 2 Cacasus DAG 136; Caccanus 203; ?Kaccil. CIL 3. 12012. n o ; Caccosa CIL 2. 1512; Cacculla DAG 151; Caccuro 238 (iv); Caccuso 244; Cacetius (v.l. Cass-) 214; Caciliomis 182; Cacirus {-g-) 237; Cacora PID xiic: Cacossa HAE 588; ?Qacosus BRAH 68, 1916, 164; 2 Caculii Latomus 15, 1956, 39 f.; Cacunius DAG 215: 3 Cacuo 214; Cacurdae (gen.) CIL 3. 5425; Cacurio DAG 244; Cacurius PID xiic ; 4 Cacuronius DAG 182, 2O8D, 214; Κάκνρος Diod., App. AcS 1. 669; Cacur DAG 89, 244, CZL 2. 6257. 34 ; 5 Cacusius PID xiic, DAG 83, ZLTG 411, CIL 3. 5028; Cacussius DAG 214; L N (?)CewfliarwDiiG8o. T h e etymology of Cacudia is unknown. But, along with some of the other names listed above, it may well be Celtic. Gluck {teste Holder, AcS 1. 668) related P N Cacetius to Skt. sakta 'strong', from a root sak'posse, valere'. For I E . cognates of this root, including O l r . cecht 'power', see Pokorny, IEW522 s.v. *kak- [*kek-?) Vermogen, helfen'. Pokorny quotes Celtic forms also s.v. *kak-: *hk- . . . 'springen, hervorsprudeln, kraftig sich tummeln' (IEW 522 f.). Palomar Lapesa suggested that this root, with infixed nasal, appears in instances of the personal name Cancilus of Caceres and Leon in the Hispanic Peninsula (OPL 58). T h e root *kak- (with infixed nasal *kank-) 'bough, branch, peg', *kakha 'a bent branch, a plough' is also well represented in Celtic (see IEW 523). 6 For Icacabasia (the name of a plant) see AcS 3. 1027, DAG 246. PNN in cac- are hardly cognate with Gk. κακός, -ή, -όν (adj.) 'bad', κακόν η. (subst.) 'evil, ill', etc., for which see Pokorny, IEW 521, Frisk, GEW 758 f. See further Detschew, Thr. Spr. 222 s.v. -κακής.
PKAMBO DAG, Note (xli) ( / ) , p . 686 (graffito of Pommiers, nr. Soissons) Fragments of. pottery bearing the graffiti (α) καμβο and (b) κοιια are reported in CIL 13. 10017. 94· 7 O n account of the coin legend 1 See Chapter III, Remark, DAG, p. 989. Apart from Cacudia and Cacussonis compare also PNN Cacusius, Cacussius, and Caccuso listed below. 2 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 53. 3 4 See Holder, AcS 3. 1028. See also CIL 11. 1039 and PID xxiiic. s See Holder, AcS 1. 669, 3. 1028, Oswald 52. 6 To the forms quoted by Pokorny add perhaps late Latin cectoria 'boundary', for which see Vendryes, EC 2, 1937, 131 if., Whatmough, DAG 178 s.v. 7 Whence AcS 3. 1252. 29 f., 1058. 45 if.
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1
κοιιακα (Mitr.-Chab. 7490-2) it is suggested that (b) should be read as κοαα[κα].2 In DAG 214 Whatmough lists καμβο j /coua(?) [sic] with other P N N of Belgica. I t seems to me that the form καμβο should be kept apart from Koua, although καμβο itself may be incomplete. It is probably a per sonal name or part of a personal name (possibly a potter's name). We can compare the following names: Cambo CIL 13. 10010. 41315 (Bockingen), 3 13. 10011. 170 a-b- (Osterbarken) and [Frankfurt mus.], 13. 4627 (Jouy-devant-Dombasle) ; 4 Cam[bo?] CIL 3. 5 6 6 0 = 11804 (Mauer an d. Pielach); Cambo CIL 13. 6091 (Impflingen S. of Landau) ; 5 Cambi (gen.) CIL 3. 12014. 176 (Stein am Anger), Cambus 7. 1336. 221 (London), 8. 21517 (Mediuna), 12. 5686. 163 (SaintColombe), 6 13. 10010. 4ΐ4 3 ·-ΐ· (Poitiers, Vichy, Moulins, Trion, Macon, [Rouen], Hermes [Oise], Langres). 7 ?Καμβο at Pommiers and the other forms listed above are probably Celtic, cognate with Ir. camm ( O l r . camb) 'crooked, false, pervert, squinting?', (subst.) 'crookedness' [Hessen 1. 133; see also Meyer 311, Dinneen 156), W. cam 'crooked, bent, hunch-backed, one-eyed, wrong 5 , etc. (GPC 396), OCorn. camhinsic gl. iniustus (also gl. iniuriosus), cam gl. strabo, Bret, kamm, related to Gk. σκαμβός 'crooked, bent' (: I E . *(s)kambh- 'to bend, to curve' ZEPK918). 8 Compare also the following forms: P N N : Cambad[ DAG 237; Cambaria, -ius 8 3 ; 9 Cambavius CIL 2. 5629; Καμβανλτ] (dat.) Pausan. 10. 19. 5 f.; Cambia DAG 83, CIL 8. 19215; Cambicio (dat.) CIL 6. 14294, -ia ibid., -ins 6. 14295; Cambil[ DAG 157 ; 10 Cambioui 244; Cambius CIL 8. 12700; Cambosa CIL 9. 5575; Cambotre DAG 157; 11 Cambrianus CIL 3. 8322, 10. 1 4 0 3 ^ . 4 ; 1 2
See also Blanchet, EC 5, 1950-1, 85, Whatmough, DAG 177 and p. 983. But in DAG, Note (xli) (/) Whatmough states that the usual restoration is
JCOUCL[JCOS].
3
See also CIL 13. 10010. 4i3 a . Whence PN Cambo DAG 214. See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 265. s Whence DAG 237. Whatmough also listed PN Cambo in DAG 200 (Potters' Names of Eschweilerhof) and 228 (viii) (Potters' Names of Blickweiler). 6 See also CIL 12. 5683. 243 (Genf). 7 Whatmough gives PN Cambus in DAG 136 (Potters' Names of Lezoux) and 138 (Potters of Vichy). 8 See also Stokes, Urk. Spr. 78 f.; Holder, AcS 1. 714, 3. 1058; Pedersen, VKG 1. 45 f., 119 (LP 40); Dottin, p. 86; Pokorny, KZ 50, 1922, 42 £ ; Thurneysen, IF 42, 1924, 145; W.-P. 2. 539 f.; Daville, REA 31, 1929, 42 ff. (SprFK 196); Grenier, Rev. des cours et conferences 32/1, 1931, 713 f.; Aebischer in Melanges A. Duraffour (RomanicaHelvetica, vol. 14) (Paris, 1939), 80ff.; Fowkes, Lg. 16,1940,288; Schmidt, KGP 160; Tovar, Celticum vi. 391 f.; Lebel, RIO 14, 1962, 171; Fleuriot, DGVB 9 94 f., 166. Note also PN Cambarus PID viiic. 10 See also Holder, AcS 1. 713, 3. 1058; Philippon, Og. 8, 1956, 327. 11 Possibly an abbreviation of EN Cambolectri. See Colbert de Beaulieu, Og. 8, 1956, 421-4, Schmidt, KGP 160. 4
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1
Cambrus DAG 204, 214; Cambulus CIL 8. 1167; Cambuxae (dat.) DAG 87. L E N N : 2 Cambate (-**-) Kembs 2 3 4 ; Κάμββτον (v.l. Κάμβαιτον) Cambezes AcS 1. 711, 3. 1057; Cambiouicenses TP, Cam[ num. ChambonDAG 148; Cambodunum insc, Καμβόδοννον (v.l. Κανδόβοννον codd.) Str., Ptol., Camboduno TP, Cambidano JVD, Campodnno (w.ll. -6-, -dono) I A, Cambidonno (-oino) a n d Camdonno n u m . (Merov.), mod. Kempten PID XXVA, DAG 239, 241 ; 3 Camboglans CIL 7. 1291, Cambog[lan(n)i]s
ILTG 573, \_C\amboglanna JVD, Gabaglanda Rav., PBirdoswald on Hadrian's Wall BSRC 3 4 ^ Cambolectri (Atlantici) DAG 8o, Cambolectri (Agessinates) 84 ; 5 Camborito I A 474. 7 (in Britain), *Camboritum DAG 179; 6 Cambroianna in south-west Scotland BSRC 2 7 ; Μορικάμβη (Μοριακάμβη) Morecambe Bay (Lanes.) Ptol. 2. 3. 2. G L O S S E S : cambajgamba 'fetlock', a d j . gambosus (also cambita (cf. cam[b]ites) 'felloe', cambut(t)a (w.ll. cambota, cabuta) 'bishop's staff, crozier') ZX4G 207; cambiare 'rem pro r e dare' 178 ; 7 cambortus 'hedgepole' 220.
? C A M R I A G A CRAI Lozere)
1956, 184, fig. 7 (inscription of Banassac,
The inscription, on a fragment of the base of a circular vase dis covered in 1953, is incomplete. Vendryes (CRAI 1956, loc. cit.) gave the following reading: camriaca | ]ridru | ]roca The reading of the fourth letter in line 1 is uncertain because the exact significance of the curious symbol ~|, possibly an abbreviation, is u n known. I t is transcribed by Vendryes 'faute de mieux' as r. Line 2 may be incomplete. I n line 3 c could also be read as t. Thus Camriaca m a y be the only complete form in this text. I t is perhaps a proper name, as suggested b y Vendryes, possibly t h e name 1
See Holder, AcS 3. 1061. See Daville, RE A 31, 1929, 42-50 {SprFK 196). Daville argued that cambomeant *bend (of a river)' and that from the general meaning of *bending' it acquired the meaning 'peninsula* and possibly also 'spur' and 'valley'. For Welsh cam 'crooked' in local names see Thomas, EANC 46 f. 3 See AcS 1. 714 f., 3. 1059 f. Compare the coin legends cambiduno, cambodunnon DAG 239. 4 Possibly the same as LN Camlann AC 537. See, inter alios, Diverres, BBCS 7, 1935, 273 f., Jones, BBCS 17, 1958, 238, Jackson, LHEB 437, Bromwich, TTP 5 160 ff. Seep. 321, n. 11 above. 6 See also Holder, AcS 1. 715 f., 3. 1060 f., Lebel, RIO 14. 1962, 171. 7 See Thurneysen, IF 42, 1924, 145; W.-H. 1. 145 f.; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959. 294· 2
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of a woman. But in view of the fragmentary nature of the inscription this must be regarded as highly speculative. Etymological groping concerning such a form would lead us nowhere. 1 In any case I fail to see how the label 'Celtic' can be fully justified here. However, it is noteworthy that the inscription was discovered by Dr. Morel at Banassac along with three other inscriptions on pieces of pottery, inscriptions which show unmistakably Celtic features. All four were found near the spot where Ceres found in 1871 a vase bearing another important Gaulish inscription. 2 ΚΑΜΟΥΛΑΤΙ DAG 37 (inscription of Glanum, nr. modern SaintRemy-de-Provence, Bouches-du-Rhone) T h e inscription is on a fragment of an altar. Formige (BSAF 1931, 192) gave the following reading: καμοφλατι \ασντρονι \νινά
Η . Rolland {Gallia 2, 1944, 170, no. 3) 3 read καμονλατι | a. vrpovi [ |. viv. [
with the comment Ί 1 semble manquer une lettre entre A et Υ de la 2 e ligne, une ou deux a la fin de cette meme ligne, et une ou plusieurs a la fin de la 3 e . ' H e proposed the following interpretation: Ά Camoulas A.utron[ios] (fils) de Nin. . . .' Whatmough {DAG 37) read καμονλατι\αουτρονι.
| ,νινοσ
with the comment Ί take the second letter of line 2, like the fifth (and first) of line 3, apparently mere puncts, as o, which in line 1 and line 2 (sixth letter?) is much smaller than the other letters. I n line 3 w h a t looks like a double punct stands before the first v.' I accept Whatmough's reading of 11. 1-2. I am not satisfied, how ever, that we can be certain about the reading of 1. 3· 4 There is also some doubt concerning the word-division in 11. 1-2. I t is probably either Καμονλατι Αουτρονι or Καμουλπτια Ουτρονι. Either is possible b u t I prefer the former. 5 I t is hopeless to attempt to interpret the text 1
1
Perhaps a vowel has been lost after m. Compare the following names from Ancient Gaul: PNN Camar[DAG 205; Camars 83; Camenanus 151; Camerinus 237; Camerius CIL 13. 6005 (see Rh. V, 18, 1953, 265); Camorinus DAG 228 (ix); Camurius 224, 244; Camurrus 83; LN Camaracus, -ensis Cambrai, Kameryk (Nord) 212 (see also AcS 1. 708 f., 3. 1054 f.). For instances of forms in cambrsee above s.n. Καμβο. 2 This is CIL 13. 10016. 13 (Dottin, no. 44, DAG, it. 133). See now Vendryes, EC 7, i955-6>· 9-i7 ? CRAI1956, 172 if. 3 Cf. V. Rolland, Cahiers d'histoire et d'archiologie 1933, 295 ff., no. 4 (with correc tion in Coumer numismatique, no. 33-34, 7e annee (oct.-dec. 1933), 94). 4 It is not clear whether what appears to be a punct or double punct before the first ν is really a small o. The reading after the second ν is quite uncertain. 5 I prefer it merely because forms in vtr- are very rare indeed in Gaul. Note,
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as a whole in view of the uncertainty concerning the reading in 1. 3 and the fact that one, possibly two, letters (-0 or -ος ?) have been lost at the end of 1. 2. But 11. 1-2 probably contain two proper names. W e cannot tell whether Καμονλαη is a personal name, a divine name, or an ethnic name. With one exception (EN Camulates) examples of names in camidat- elsewhere are all personal (Camulata, -us, Camulatia, -ius, Camulatucus). For these examples and others in camul- see section (A) (ii) s.v. CAMUL·. T h e following interpretations of Καμονλαη are possible: (a) dat. of a stem καμονλατ- or καμονλαη- pointing to a nominative *Καμονλας or *Καμονλαης; (b) dative of an a-j id-stem pointing to a nominative * Καμονλατ(ι) α; (c) gen. of an 0-/z0-stem pointing to a nominative * Καμονλατ (ήος.1 C A R A N T A N A E ILTG
170 (inscription of Etrechy, Cher)
T h e inscription is on a vase discovered at fitrechy in February 1949 in the course of excavations in a Gallo-Roman cemetery. P. Cravayat (Me'moires de Γ Union des societes savantes de Bourges 2, 1949-50, 10 f. with photo) 2 gave the following reading: etionacarantanaeisosaegnatohiduae|mercuri[o]. .ortiumni This he interpreted as a dedication by Etiona, daughter of Carantana, to the goddess Isosa, and by Gnato, son of Hidua, to Mercurius M. .ortiumnis. Cravayat was doubtless right in recognizing a name Carantanae in this inscription and in suggesting that it is probably a feminine personal name. 3 But the precise relationship of the name to other forms in the text is not clear. T h e function of the termination -ae here is doubtful, as it is also doubtful in the forms Isosae and Hiduae. It may be an α-stem genitive with a Latin ending, an instance perhaps of the use of the genitive to denote filiation. O n the other hand, -ae may be an α-stem dative termination, either the Latin or the Celtic termina tion -ae ( < di). See further Chapter I I I (B) (b). For other instances of P N N in carant-, which is related to Ir. cara, however, the potter's name Vtrianus DAG 156 Remark, (Vet-?) 176. Camulatia is, of course, attested elsewhere. 1 H. Rolland (Gallia, loc. cit.) compared the form καμουλα in a graffito of Vertault. For this graffito see Lorimy, Bull. arch, du Comite des travaux historiques et scientifiques 1926 [1927], 139 (whence Whatmough, DAG, Note (liii), p. 1076). If we recognize καμονλαηα here the form is an fl-/fi-stem nominative or dative. 2 See also (after Cravayat) R. Louis, BSAF 1950-1, 30 f., id., Gallia 8, 1950, 174 f. (with figs. 6, 7 a and b), also AE 1952, no. 77, 1954, n o · 3^5 Duval, REA 58, 1956, 298 and ILTG 170. Louis pointed out that this insc. was difficult to read because the vase was broken by the workmen and had to be repaired in several places. There are no interpuncts. 3 For masculine a-stems see section (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca.
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1
W. car, etc., see section (A) (ii) s.v. CARO-. Compare PNN such as the following: O W . Carantocas (with Lat. termination) VSB 142-6, Carantauc and Karantoc VSB 148, later Carannawc, Carannog,2 beside the Gaulish personal name Carantacus; Cerentiri (gen., with Lat. termination) LL 184, Cerennhiro (dat., with Lat. termination) 200, Cerenkir 212-17, Cherenir 239, Cerennhir 240, beside PN Carantorius ECMW 198 ; 3 OBret. P N N from Cart. Red.: Carantcar 53, 215, Carantnou 155, Carantoer 9, 16, 27, etc., Caranton 131, Kerentin 103, Kerenin 104. Concerning the suffix -nt- in Celtic forms see most recently Vendryes, Corolla Linguistica. Festschrift F. Sommer 229 ff.: A. Heiermeier, Indogermanische Etymologien des Keltischen ii (Wurzburg, 1956), 23 ff. ; 4 G. R. Solta, Gedanken iiber das nt-Suffix (Osterreichische Akad. d. Wissenschqften, Philos.-hist. Klasse, Sitzungsberichte, 232 Bd., 1. Abhandlung) (Wien, 1958), 27 ff.; Pokorny, MSS, Heft 14, 1959, 5 ff.s ? C A R A f ) I T O N U DAG 174 (inscription of Vieil-Evreux, Eure) T h e inscription is fragmentary 6 and therefore has not been satis factorily interpreted. Editors, from Pictet to Whatmough, have con tended that it is a Celtic text containing some Latin forms, notably in 11. 6-7. Line 4 is read in CIL 13. 3204 as ].o caraditonu. Rhys (Insc. 2 f.) gives ~\do caraditonu[ with the following comment: Line 4 begins with an imperfect D followed by 0, but there is nothing to suggest that the whole word was DO. . . . Then comes a space followed by CARABITONV, the V of which comes so close to the fracture that one cannot say whether the word as we have it is complete or not. All the editors give -itonu at the end, excepting Whatmough (DAG 174), who has -iionu. He read line 4 as ] . 0 caradiionu[ with the comment 1 This form should be distinguished from the alleged pre-Indo-European (or 'alteuropaisch' or 'Ilr/nan') *carant- £Fels, felsig', for which see, for example, Krahe, Btr. z. JV. 3, 1952, 1238 ff., Spr. Illyr. ιi8, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 2. 57 f. The latter is assumed to explain a number of names, especially LNN, in carant- (e.g. Carantomagus Cranton [?] and Carantonis [-us] fl. Charente), and is related to Italian (Venetian) caranto 'tufo arenoso, terreno arido*. See also Lebel, PMHF 287 f., 316 f., Nicolaisen, Btr. z. JV. 8, 1957, 247 ff. Compare E. Kranzmayer, Ortsnamenbuch von Karnten i (Klagenfurt 1956), 22 ff., ii (Klagenfurt, 1958), 116 s.n. Karnten *Ort der Freunde*. With names in carant- compare PN Carintianus DAG 83. 2 See Lloyd-Jones, G. 111 s.v. carannawc, also GPC 422 s.v. carannog. 3 See Bromwich, TTP 308. 4 For Pokorny's scathing criticism see ZCP 26, 1957, 315 f. 5 For -nt- in European river names see Krahe's series of papers on 'Alteuropaische FluBnamen' in Btr. z. JV., vols. 1-6, his Sprache und Vorzeit (Heidelberg, 1954), 55-57, and UAF 64. See also Nicolaisen, Btr. z. JV. 8, 1957, 266, Schmid, Btr. z. JV. 13, 1962, 209 ff. 6 Whatmough remarked that 'perhaps less than half of the original has sur vived'.
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'before 0 [at the beginning], either s or d{?); u breaks at the broken edge of the bonze'. Whatmough's typescript may well be wrong. T h e probability that the true reading is caraditonu[ should not be overlooked. Part of the reading caraditonu[ m a y have belonged to a form which was completed by the lettering lost on the right in 1. 4. W e cannot tell which form exactly we have to deal with here. Is it Caraditonu or Caraditon or Caradito or Caradi ? If it is Caraditonu, has part of it been lost at the end? T h a t the line does contain a Celtic PN 1 is made probable by the incidence of so many Celtic PNN in carad{d)~, carad(d)~, οαταθθ-,2 carath-, and caras{s)- elsewhere in Ancient Gaul. See section (A) (ii) s.v. CARO-. For the alternation d{d)ld{d)iee'jthjs{s) see Chapter I I I , Remark. Compare, for example, epad- in the name Epadatextorigi {DAG 141)3 beside Gaul, epo-* C A R I L O S , C A R I L Ο L a Graufesenque graffiti Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read carilos in both lines 1 and 5 of graffito H. 28. But Whatmough {DAG 121) here read catilos, in line 1 with the comment V (for i) appears to be an error', in line 5 with the comment 'an carilos?'. Similarly where Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read carilo in graffito H . 29 Whatmough read catilo in DAG 123 I I (iv) with the comment c not carilo\ But in these three instances Hermet's Plates show r, not t.5 As for ca[ in DAG 120 {c) (i), it is impossible for us to say for certain whether it belongs here. T h e potter's stamp Carilli (gen.) attested at La Graufesenque 6 may be the same as the name Carilos/Carilo in the graffiti.7 For instances of the name Carillus see the following: CIL 7. 1336. 242; 12. 5686. 364; 13. 10010. 456; 13. 11386; AcS 3. 1104. 13-15. Note also Caril[ CIL 13. 10027. n o ; 8 ?Carilic[ CIL 13. 10010. 3279°; 9 Carilla CIL 2. 2865; Carill{a) 12. 1616, Carillae (dat.) 12. 1679, 2286. 10 Note also L E N N Cariliacenses and Cariliacus AcS 1. 787, 3. 1103 f. 1
Holder {AcS 1. 765. 10 ff.) treated Caraditonu as a divine name (dat. sg.). Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 134, no. 21) and Gray {TPhS 1951, 160) also regard it as a dative form. In CIL 13. 3204 the name is restored as Caraditonu]/] [sic] (whence Holder, AcS 3. 1090. 44). 2 See ILTG 388. 4 3 See section (A) (i) s.n. See section (A) (ii) s.v. 5 Concerning the letter r in La Graufesenque graffiti see Petrucci 109 f. 6 See Hermet 202, no. 26; Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 382, no. 47 (also p. 91). 7 In DAG 132 (Potters of La Graufesenque) Whatmough lists the name as Caril(l)us. Although he preferred to read catilos and catilo in DAG 121 and 123 he still included Carilo(s) [sic] in a list of noteworthy' names from the graffiti. See DAG, p. 290. See also Οχέ, Β J 130, 1925, 91, Oswald 61, 367. 8 Whence DAG 214. 9 Whence DAG 224. i° Whence DAG 83.
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1
Carilo(s) is probably a Celtic name, one of the many derivatives of Celtic caro- listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. For the lack of -s in Carilo see Chapter I I I (A) (ii) (a). KAPNOMOY DAG 76 (inscription of Montagnac, Herault) For this inscription see above s.n. ?^4λί,σο. .eas. L. Noguier (RE 4, ι δ θ θ " 1 ^ , 83 f., no. 1326)2 read καρνονου. But Whatmough (DAG 76) read καρνομου with the following comment: 'Before ου, almost cer tainly μ, not v\ there are three strokes surviving, thus Ν (not N , as elsewhere in this insc), followed by a broken surface of stone, where the final stroke of μ must have come.' 3 1 accept Whatmo'ugh's reading here. The form appears to be an o-stem dative in -U pointing to a nominative *Καρνομος. However, its precise relationship to the other forms in the text 4 is not at all clear. T h e inscription is near the lower edge of the capital, b u t none of the editors suggest that it is incomplete. Καρνομου may even be a divine rather than a personal name. L. Noguier (loc. cit.) 5 interpreted it as the name of the father of AXXerevos and as an instance of the genitive expressing filiation. Presumably he assumed that it showed the Greek o-stem genitive termination. 6 T h e name is a derivative 7 of a stem car-n(o)~. Compare the following forms: P N N : Carnarus DAG 214; Carnatus 2 0 3 ; Carneolus 156; Carnunt[ 224; Camus 214; Carnutenas 182; L E N N Carnacus, mod. Carnac (Morbihan), etc. AcS 1. 791, 3. 1107 f. ; 8 Carnariis DAG 2 4 1 ; Carni, Iulium Carnicum and Iulienses Carnorum ΡID VA; 9 Carnona castellum, Carnonensis pagus Chenehatte (?) DAG 179; Καρνονάκαι (v.l. Kapvoves) Ptol. 2. 3. 1
See O. Bonn, Germania 8, 1924, 22. In Rh. V. 18, 1953, 265 (also 268) Weisgerber listed PN Carillus CIL 13. 11386 with other names of the Mediomatrici which he claimed could be explained as Celtic. 2 See also H. de Villefosse, BSAF 1899, 273 ff. 3 In DAG 178 s.v. κάρνυξ (also p. 513) he referred to the form as ?καρνονον. 4 See this section s.nn. ?Αλισο. .βα? and Αλλ€Τ€νος, 5 See also H. de Villefosse, BSAF 1899, 275. 6 H. de Villefosse (BSAF 1899, 275) remarked that the capital which bears the inscription is Greek, and that the monument 'doit remonter a Tepoque ou Tinfluence de Marseille etait preponderante dans le sud de la Narbonnaise'. See also Jacobsthal's remarks in Arch. Anz. 45, 1930, 235 f. 7 The suffix -o-mo- is rare in Gaulish forms. See AcS 2. 851, quoting only PN Teutomus. In GrDAG 36, 48, 85 καρνομου is interpreted as a verb. 8 See Smith, TB 26 s.n. Carnac (also s.n. Carnoet). Note here the river name Carnum, Carnun in Cart. Red. 31, 32, 63, 143, 160, 321, also Carnun (sclusa) ibid. See further Holder, AcS 1. 793, 3. 1108, 1109 s.nn. *Carneum} *Carniacus, Carnida silva, also Flutre, REPL 87 f. s.v. "karri. 9 See AcS 1. 791 ff., 3. 1108 s.nn. Carni, Carnia, Carnicus,
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8 · Carnuntum DAG 241 ;* Carnutes, -tiis, Camutenus (-inus) Chartres 179; ΏΝ Cameo {dat.) CIL 2. 125. Cam- in these forms may be connected with the verbal forms karnitu PID 339' karnitus PID 337, and καρνιτου (or καρνιτου]) DAG 45,* which are probably cognate with Ir. earn 'a heap, a cairn 5 (Dinneen i6q) W- fl"71 {GPC 429), OCorn. (ewin-)carn gl. ungula ( O C F 64), Bret torn. See AcS 1. 794, 3- 1109; FifG 1. 156 (LP 52 f.); W.-H. 1. 8. 2 7 6 ; / £ ^ 5 3 2 , 576; £ G K B 97.3 Beside the forms in earn- quoted above compare also the following: κάρνον ' την σάλπιγγα * Γαλάται Hesychius ; 4 κάρνυξ 'trumpet' DAG 1 7 8 ; carnuata DAG 229 I I , 1. 6; 5 carnotina (the name of a bird) Polem. Silu. MGH auct. ant. 9. 543. 22. T h e following names in cern- may also be connate with some instances of Gaul, earn-: D N N Cernenus DAG 243 beside .ern.nno.(?[C]ern[u]nno[s]) 172(a); 6 Cernone Ά. Sanon 2 1 2 ; P N N O n M i 7 6 5 C*n«tf i39> i93· F o r Gaulish corn- see this section s.n. Cornntos. ??ΚΊΑΡΤΑΡ[ΟΣ DAG 67 (inscription of Nimes) Whatmough read line 1 of this inscription as follows: κ]αρταβ\οσι~\λ\ανουιακοσ^€θ€. T h e restorations are based on both the early account of the inscription by the architect Dardalhion, recorded in a m a n u 1
See AcS 1. 794ff-53· H ° 9 ^ J s-inn' Carnuntem (ace.) Liv. 43. 1. 2 in Illyricum a n d Carnunto (abl.) Veil. 2. 109. 5, etc., in Pannonia. See also AE 1956, 47. For the interpretation of these names see Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 102; Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. f 2 . 57**·; E. Swoboda, Carnuntum: seine Geschichte und seine Denkmaler3 (Graz-Koln, 1958), 15, 192. 2 ονιτουσ should also perhaps be read in 1. 1 of the incomplete inscription of St.-Martin-de-Castillon (DAG tf). "3 Yotkarnituis), καρνιτου 'built a cairn'(?) see Stokes, KSB 3, 1863, 72, BB 11, 1886 115; Thumeysen, ZCP !5> 1925» 382; Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p . 12; Wagner, tm 19, 1962, 87 f.; Duval, REA 64, 1962, 330. The etymology first proposed by Stokes is not improved upon by L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 66) w h o suggested that karnitu, etc., should be connected with Gk. κραίνω *Ι accomplish, fulfil' For the alleged coin legend καρνιτοσ see now Colbert de Beaulieu, Bull, de la socfr de numismatique, dec. I959> 3^3 **·> EC 9, 1960-1, 1246°. ♦ See LSJ 1· 879> Frisk, GEW 790. s SeeBohn, Germania 7, 1923» 66; Loth, ^ 4 2 , 1925, 222. 6 g e e aiso Duval, Insc. Par., no. 2, ILTG 331. For the Gaulish god Cernunnos see I h m , P.-W. 3, 1899, 1984; AcS 1. 993, 3. 1206; TLL Onom. 2. 348; Dottin 245; SprFK IQ7J Vendryes in Essays and Studies presented to Prof. Eoin MacNeill (Dublin, 1940), 162,' id., Rel. Celt. 253, 282; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 513, 517; P. P. Bober, American Journal of Archaeology 55» I95i> 13-5 1 1 L e Roux, Og. 5/1 (nos. 25-26), 3 2 4 - 9 (cf. Lebel, RAE 5, 1954, 183 if.); Deonna, Og. 7, 1955, 3-14; Gaudron, Congris prihistorique de France, Compte rendu de la XVe session, Poitiers-Angouleme 15-2 Juillet 1956 (Paris, 1957), 510-23 (REA 60, 1958, 361); Duval, DG 33 f.; Blasquez Martinez in V. Congreso nacional de arqueologia, Zaragoza, 1957 (1959), 190-3 (&EA 63, 1961, 421 f.); Petru, Situla 4, 1961, 31-48; de Vries, KR 104 ff.
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script of the public library of Nimes, and the older editions. T h e reading of the first letter is extremely uncertain. Dardalhion copied it as L (see also Boudard, RA 15, 1858, 44, Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 162, no. 1). Others have supposed that it was γ (see Colson, Mem. de Γ Acad, du Gard 1850-1 [1851], 75 ff., after Germer Durand, cf. Proces-Verbaux 254 ff.; Pictet, RA 16, 1867, 1 ff.; Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 124 f., no. 7). Rhys (Insc. 3 4 f ) 5 'without any reason of special force'(!), con jectured that it was κ. See also I?isc. Lang., no. 67. T h e sixth letter has been read as ρ (e.g. by Rhys, after Dardalhion), as t (see Boudard, loc. cit.; Becker, loc. cit.; CIL 12, p . 383), and as β (see Colson, loc. cit.; Diet. arch, de la Gaule, Inscc. gaul. no. 1; Insc. Lang., loc. cit.; Stokes, loc. cit.). Holder (AcS 3. 1127) and Dottin (no. 19) have καρταρος.
I saw the inscription in July 1953 and read line 1 as follows: .~\αρταρ[. . .]λλανουιακ·ρσδ€δ€. I could trace only the perpendicular of p, the sixth letter. [Κ]αρταρ[ος] (or [Κ]αρτα[ρος]) is therefore a very doubtful conjecture, and Duval was right in insisting (EC 8, 1958-9, 232) that it should be recognized as such. Speculation concerning the etymology of the various readings that have been proposed would be idle. If the restoration of -o? is correct, the name is an 0-stem nominative like the (?) patronymic [Γ\λλανουιακος which immediately follows it. For forms in cart-\carst- which may be Celtic see section (A) (ii) s.v. CART-. See also section (A) (i) s.n. ΚαρθιΧίτανιος.
C A R V I L I U S O n e of four kings of K e n t in Britain who attacked Caesar's naval camp BG 5. 22, 1 caruilius. Carvilius is attested as a Latin name, 2 but the name recorded by Caesar is doubtless Celtic. It can be explained as a derivative of Celtic caruo- 'deer, stag', cognate with W. carw m. 'deer, hart, stag (fig. of lord, nobleman, patron, etc.)' (GPC 434), OCorn. caruu gl. ceruus (OCF252), ModCorn. carow, MlBret. earn (GMB100), ModBret. karo: Lat. ceruus m. 'stag, deer', cerua f. 'a hind', Gk. Kepaos 'horned', etc. T h e root-meaning seems to have been 'a horned (animal)'. See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 79; Holder, AcS 1. 820, 3. 1129; Pedersen, VKG 1. 5 2 ; Dottin 2 4 3 ; Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 66 ff. (esp. p. 69 claiming that *karuos was the Gaulish n a m e of the 'Hirschgott'); W.-H. 1. 208; Pokorny, IEW 576 f.; Porzig 175 f.; H a m p in Studies presented to 1
Siguier MS. 13802 I 10. See TLL Onom. ii. 219 f. PN Carbilitis CIL 2. 2825 is compared in TLL, loc. cit. and in AcS 1. 820. Compare also PN Carbili CIL 2. 2787 and see AcS 3. 2
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Joshua Whatmough, ed. Ernst Pulgram (VGravenhage, 1957), 86, id., KZ 76, i960, 280. Compare forms such as the following: PNN Cameicionius DAG 244; Caruici (gen.) EE 9, p. 184 (no. 431); Camilla PID x i c ; Caruiliena xic; Caniinns DAG 193, 203 ;x Caruonia 244; Camus 214, 224, 244 ; 2 L E N N Καρονάγκας die Karawanken 241 ; 3 Carvetior(um) CIL 7. 325 ; 4 Caruium (ad molem) Herwen DAG 221 (with refs., to which add JV.-L. 258) ; 5 Caruo(ne) 221. 6 For caruo 'hospitali^?) in the inscription on the bronze of Luzaga see Tovar, Estudios 179 f.? For Gallo-Latin ceruesia, ceruisa 'beer' see this section s.n. Cervesa. C A S T I C U S A Sequanian, son of Catamantaloedis, persuaded by Orgetorix to seize royal authority which his father h a d held before him BG 1. 3. 4 castico AQf B M L N j8, castigo Q} (dat.). T h e name appears to be a derivative in -ico-s of a name Castus, and may be Celtic rather than Latin. 9 Compare especially the following forms: P N N Κασηκο[σ], -y- DAG 78 ; 10 Castici (gen.) CIL 3. 14364;" Casticia and Casticus PID xiic. 12 Note also the following forms from Ancient G a u l : P N N ?Castauricia DAG 182; Costilla 244; Castina 8 3 ; 1
See also Insc. Par. 52 (36). See Weisgerber, AHVN 155-6, 1954, 45 f, ΒJ 154, 1954, 101. For instances of PNN such as Caruus, Caruius, and Caruanius claimed as Illyrian see Krahe, PN. Lex. 28, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 180 f., 2. 58 f. 3 See E. Kranzmayer, Carinthia I 140, 1950, 181 f.; id., Ortsnamenbuch von Karnten, I. Teil (Klagenfurt, 1956), 21 f., II. Teil (Klagenfurt, 1958), 116; Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 102. 4 Sir Ifor Williams (CAn. 316) compared the Welsh PN Carwet and LN Carwed Fynydd (Lloyd-Jones, G. 115; Ellis Davies, Flintshire Place-Names (Cardiff, 1959), 96). 5 See Weisgerber, ΒJ 154, 1954, 100 f., Rh. V. 23, 1958, 42, 47; Krahe, Spr. Aufgl. i4f. 6 See Weisgerber, ΒJ 154, 1954, 100 f., Rli. V. 23, 1958, 42, 47; Krahe, Spr. Aufgl. 14, n. 4. 7 See also Tovar, Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Linguists (Oslo, 1958), 713 ; Lejeune, Celtiberica 53, 60 f., 99; Schmoll, SVIHK 34, n. 1, 39, n. 2, 44. Compare also car in inscriptions of Monreal de Ariza and Villavieja, for which see Tovar, Estudios 170 f., Lejeune, Celtiberica 101 f., Schmoll, SVIHK, pp. 22 (nos. 12, 16), 39, n. 2. 8 For -ico-, an Indo-European suffix widely used in derivative PNN see, for example, Holder, AcS 2. 21 f.; Schulze 29; Krahe, PN. Lex. 149; Must, HSCP 62, 1957, 55; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 122 f.; Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 2. 235 ff.; Untermann, Btr. z. N. 11, i960, 287 f., id., VP 75 ff.; Schmoll, SVIHK 51 ff. 9 There is no need to accept Pokorny's suggestion in Urg. 165 that the name is Illyrian. Schmidt (KGP 42, n. 3) still lists it as a Celtic uncompounded name. 10 See Blanchet, Traite 137, 240. Compare κοσ\τ€γοσ DAG 208. 11 See Vetters in Festschrift fur Rudolf Egger (Klagenfurt, 1954), 44. 12 Compare PNN Casticus PID viiic and ka.s.t.ko PID, it. 175 (also PID, vol. 3, p. 12). See further Untermann, Btr. ζ. Ν n , i960, 287, VP 15, 152. 2
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Castinus 182, 244; Castius 83, 237; Castoniiis 237; Κάστος 244; Castus 132, 197 {Cas(s)tus), 228 (iv); 1 L E N N Tricastini, Tricassini, -stiniensis, Tricastrina (Tricastin, St Paul-Trois-Chateaux?) 80. 2 PN Castas is probably Celtic as well as Latin. 3 For possible Celtic cognates such as Ir. cas(s) 'curly, crooked, e t c ' and Ir. cais(s) (com pared by Holder, AcS 1. 835 s.n. Casti-co-s) see section (A) (ii) s.v. CASSI-. C A V A R I L L U S An Aeduan nobleman placed in command of infantry a n d captured by the Romans in the battle between Caesar and Vercingetorix which immediately preceded the blockade of Alesia BG 7. 67. 7 cauarillus. Compare, apart from PN Cavarinus also attested in BG, the following names in cauar-: P N N Cauaria DAG 156; Cauarius 156, 244 ; 4 Cauarianus 156; E N N Cauares, Cauari in Narbonensis DAG 80. 5 These names may be related to W. cawr m. 'giant, mighty man, hero, champion' (GPC443), OCorn. caur{-march) (OCV 246), ?MlIr. coar 'hero, champion' (pi. nom. coraid)6: Skt. satiira- 'strong, mighty', Gk. κνρος 'power, authority', etc. See Zeuss-Ebel, GC 129; d'Arbois de Jubainville, Introduction a Vetude de la litterature celtique (Paris, 1883), 299 ff. (also MSL 5, 1884, 121 ff.); Stokes, Urk. Spr. 84, id., The Martyrology of Oengus, loc. cit.; Holder, AcS 1. 872 f, 3. n 73; Pedersen, VKG 1. 62, 307, 2. 101; Morris-Jones, WG 105; Pokorny, K% 45> 1913, 72, id., IF 38, 1917-20, 191,7 ZCP 14, 1923, 2 9 1 ; Thurneysen, KZ 48, 1918, 70 f., £ C P 13, 1921, 105, GOI 5 1 ; Kretschmer, Glotta 1
Oswald, Index 65, listed Castus as a potter of La Graufesenque and of Rheinzabern. Twenty of the graffiti of La Graufesenque bear the stamp of Castus. 2 See section (A) (ii) s.v. CASSI-. We can compare with Casticus perhaps the PNN Cassicia, -ius, -us and the LN (or DN) Cassiciate, all of which are listed s.v. CASSI-. 3 See E. Forcellini, Totius Latinitatis Lexicon, vol. 5 Onom. (Padua, 1940), 345; TLL Onom. 2. 251 f.; Holder, AcS 1. 836, 3. 1144. Hermet (p. 315) and Whatmough (DAG, p. 288) both regarded Castus at La Graufesenque as a Latin name. See further Detschew, Thr. Spr. 256. 4 For other instances of PNN Cauaria, -ius (e.g. in CIL 3. 2454, 5. 3042) see AcS 1. 874 f., 3. 1173. Note also PN Cauarasia, -ius CIL 5. 3710, 3911; Καύαρος (των Γαλατών βασίλ€υς) Polyb. 4· 4^· 4» etc * ( s e e AcS I. 873 f., 3. 1173); Kavapav (ace.) Parthenius, erotica 8. 1 (see AcS 1. 872); Ven. kavaroms PID, it. 168 (see PID, vol. 3, p. 12; Lejeune, REA 54, 1952, 268, n. 5; Untermann, VP 20, 120, 152). 5 See also AcS 1. 872 f., 3. 1173 and note the coin legend cau[ares?] DAG 78. 6 See Meyer 487 ; W. Stokes (ed.), The Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee (London, 1905), 313 s.v. corad; Thurneysen, £CP 13, 1921, 105. 7 Here Pokorny regards names in caur- (note, for example, PNN Caura DAG 202, Remark, 214, 228 (ix), Caurius 18, Caurui. 244; Caurinus CIL 3. 5381; Caurus CIL 5. 725) as forms shortened from cauar-. See also Pokorny, £CP 14, 1923, 291; Weisgerber, SprFK 215.
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28, 1940, 241, n. 1; Jackson, LHEB 266; IEW 593 f.1 See also now Guyonuarc'h, Og. 17, 1965, 147 fif., Schmidt, Og. 18, 1966, 100. Recently Heinrich Wagner (K£ 75, 1958, 72, n. 2) hinted at the possibility that PN Καΰαρος and E N Καούαροι might point to I E . *kapero- (: Lat. caper, etc.), but conceded that this was uncertain in view of the interpretation of the forms as cognates of Skt. sdvlra-, etc. H e also claimed that W. cawr could derive from earlier *kapros. But the development of IE. -pr- in Celtic is far from certain. Cf. Thurneysen, ZCP 13, 1921, 106 f, GOI139. C A U A R I N U S K i n g of the Senones in Lugdunensis. His ancestors had reigned before him. H e was set on the throne by Caesar in succession to his brother, Moritasgus. I n 54 B.C. he was con demned to death by his own people and, as he contrived to escape, declared an exile. I n 53 B.C. Caesar, after forcing the submission of the Senones, b a d e him accompany him with a con tingent of cavalry BG 5. 54. 2 cauarinum ω (ace.); 6. 5. 2 cauarinum xBMSj3, cauironum L, cauirinum Ν ( a c e ) . T h e manuscript evidence clearly favours a form Cauarinns. For the interpretation of names in cauar- see above s.n. Cauarillus. C E L T I L L U S Father of Vercingetorix. H e held suzerainty over all Gaul and was p u t to death by his countrymen because he aimed at seizing royal power BG 7. 4. 1 celtilli (gen.). T h e name is a derivative (Pdiminutive) in -illus of an uncompounded name Celtus or Celta or the like. Compare P N N Celtilli (gen.) 13. 5260 (Kaiser-Augst), 2 Celtilla 12. 646 (Miramas, Bouches-du-Rhone), and Celtiliu(s) ILG 156 (Cadenet). Many names in celt- have been listed by Holder in AcS 1. 888 fF., 3. 1182 ff.3 Several attempts have been made to explain the form celt-, but none of these can be said to be quite conclusive. Perhaps the most satisfactory is still that of Gliick (KSB 5, 1868, 97 f.), who explained the ethnic name Celtae as 'die erhabenen, hervorragenden', 4 a parti cipial form in -to- of a root *kel- 'to exalt' seen in Lat. celsus 'high, 1 In Notennou diwar-benn ar Gelted koz (Brest, 1944), 114, n. 10, 312, n. 73 bis, 318, n. 2 Meven Mordiern claimed that Bret, keureug m. 'saumon-coureur, poisson* (see Le Gonidec, Dictionnaire breton-frangais (Saint-Brieuc, 1850), 192) and kerluz m. 'loche de mer, sorte de poisson de la grandeur et de la figure d'un hareng, mais un peu moins plat' (see Le Gonidec, op. cit. 191) contained a form cognate 2 with W. cawr, etc. Note also PN Ciltillus (Celt·?) DAG 237. 3 A lot of other names in celt- have, of course, come to light after Holder com piled these lists. 4 He added the remark 'Da indefs aus dem begriffe der erhebung leicht der des muthes hervorgeht, so kann Celtae auch die muthigen, tapferen (fortes) bedeuten.'
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eminent', etc. To the same root he would relate the form celicnon found in the inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine (Dottin 33, DAG 169). 2 Rhys {Celtic Britain (London, 1882), 2, 283) favoured comparison with O N . hilar f. 'war, a war-goddess', Lat. (per)cello 'beat down, strike', etc. (: IE. *kel- 'strike, hew', v. W.-P. 1. 436 if., IEW 545 ff., A. Johannesson, Islandisches Worterbuch, Lief. 2-3 (Bern, 1952), 24s). 3 Holder (AcS 3. 1182. 18 f.) recorded an etymology which he attri buted to Zimmer, 4 connecting Celtae (rendered as 'die mantel . . . tragenden') with Ir. celt 'a cover, dress, raiment, hair' (see Meyer 336; id., Zur keltischen Wortkunde i, no. 16 Sitz. d. kgl. preufi. Akad. d. Wissenschqften 38, 1912, 797; Hessen 1. 143). H u b e r t (loc. cit.) suggested that celt- might be related to the root seen in Ir. immcella 'surrounds' (v. RIAContr. I, fasc. 1, 134) and timchell 'the act of going round, surrounding, e t c ' (v. RIAContr. T-tnuthaigid 169 ff.), Skt. carati 'goes, wanders', Lat. ihcola 'inhabi tant', etc. (: IE *kuel- 'turn', see VKG 2. 485, W.-P. 1. 514 f., IEW 639 f-)·5 C E R V E S A La Graufesenque graffiti ceruesa DAG 99 (i), 1. 13, 114 (i), 1. 11. ce[ (or ci[ or cu[?) A.-A. 14, 1. 4 may also belong here. See Aymard, REA 55, 1953, 127. Loth (RC 41, 1924, 54) claimed that this form was Celtic, either a potter's name or simply a common noun, 'la cervoise', indicating the content of the pottery. Hermet listed it as a Gaulish potter's name (p. 317). See also Fraser, -RC42, 1925, 94, Oxe, Β J 130, 1925, 90, Bertoldi, EC 2, 1937, 30, n. 1. T h e form may be compared with the Gallo-Latin cerues {i) a, ceruis (i) a, etc., 'beer' AcS 1. 995 if., 3. 1207 f, TLL s.v. cemesia, and its deriva tive ceruesarius CIL 13. 597*, 10012, 7 a - b ·,* 11319, 11360, Finke 4 1 . 7 * See W.-P. i.433f.,/£W/ 5 44. See also de Jubainville, Introduction a Vetude de la litte'rature celtique (Paris, 1883), 4, n. 1; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 83; Holder, AcS 1. 888; H. Hubert, Les Celtes et Vexpansion celtique jusqu'a Vipoque de La Tene (Paris, 1950), 27, n. 3; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 63; Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 295. On celicnon see further section (A) (ii) s.v. -CNO-. 3 See further d'Arbois de Jubainville, BSL 5, 1881-4, 100 ff.; id.,L·sPremiers Habitants de VEurope, vol. 2, 396; Holder, AcS 3. 1182. 14 η0.; Meven Mordiern, Notennou diwar-benn ar Gelted koz 53, 265. 4 See also Rhys, Celtic Bntain2 (London, 1884) 287; P. W. Joyce, A Social History of Ancient Ireland, vol. 2 (London, 1903), 203; Hubert, loc. cit. 5 See also Supplement to Og. nos. 24-25 (N.S.), 32-33 (nov.-dec. 1952), pp. iff. 6 Whatmough has included Ceruesarius from this source with the comment *as pers. name?' in DAG 151 (PNN of Aquitania Prima). The reading given in CIL is a · ceruesar[y b · ]esar[. See now Whatmough, DAG, p. 559, Duval, Insc. Par., no. 49 {a) (esp. p. 129). 7 See Rostovtseff, CRAI 1933, 250-6. Note also cer]uesa[ri(?) DAG 230 bis (Rheinzabern) and see DAG3 pp. 559, 759 f. 2
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For the etymology of these forms see VKG i. 168 {LP 55), W.-P. 1. 419, W.-H. 1. 207, 287 f., Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 228, Whatmough, DAG 178. They are usually thought to be cognate with the undoubtedly Celtic κοΰρμι 'beer' (Diosc), κόρμα (Posid. ap. Athen.), curmi (gen., Marcell.), for which see AcS 1. 1202 f., VKG, loc. cit. {LP, loc. cit.), Gray, loc. cit., Whatmough, DAG 158, Pokorny, IEW 572. x -ru- in ceruesia, etc., beside -rm- in κοΰρμι, curmi, etc., has been regarded (e.g. by Pedersen, Gray, and Whatmough) as a possible case of Celtic lenition. A. Mayer, on the other hand (Κίζ 66, 1939, 79), suggested that ceruesia might be related to Lat. ceruus, and his suggestion has received high commendation from Pokorny in his attempt to explain away forms which have been quoted as evidence for lenition in Gaulish (VR 10, 1948-9, 259, IEW576). Pokorny maintained that ceruisa was the 'hirschfarbenes, braunes Getrank', and that Marcellus' potionem cervisae aut curmi (see AcS 1. 1203), where ceruisae and curmi occur together, suggested that the former could hardly be a derivative of the latter. 2 I do not find this particular argument convincing. T h e view that ceruisa is related to ceruus also may be wrong. Ceruesa at La Graufesenque, therefore, may be a Celtic form to be connected with ceruesia, etc. There is no means of proving whether it is a potter's name, but it may well be such. It may be a nickname or a comic name as suggested by Loth, loc. cit. (see also Fraser, loc. cit.). It may be that such a name would be applied to persons of low rather than of high status in the factory, although-they need not necessarily have been slaves, as Loth seems to have thought. For masculine names in -a see section (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca. ? C I N T U CZL 13. 10010. 566 (stamps of Saint Bonnet, nr. Moulins, and of Autun) It seems likely that these stamps contain a Celtic name Cintu. In CIL (loc. cit.) the stamp of Saint Bonnet is read as cinuieru and that of Autun as cin..eru with the comment 'Fortasse Cin[t]uieru legendum est.' Holder {AcS 3. 1 The following are lexical variants which may be cognate: crama n. pi. 'cream' (Ven. Fort, and Gl.) W.-H. 1. 284, Pisani, JCS 1, 1950, 52, Whatmough, DAG 158; celia, caelia and cerea 'a fermented drink' in Spain (Plin.) AcS 1. 675, DAG 158, OPL 54. See further Whatmough in Studies presented to D. M. Robinson, vol. 2, 479 f., quoting also the lexical variants camum 'beer' (in Pannonia, see DAG 240) and sabaia (or -urri) 'beer' (in Pannonia, Illyr.?, see DAG 240, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 287 f., 2. 96). 2 This suggestion had already been made by d'Arbois de Jubainville in NG
29, n. 1.
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1224) suggested reading Cintu ieuru. Whatmough also thought that ieru might be for ie(u)ru 'fecit5.1 Compare uierui CIL 13. 3097 0 (Provencheres, nr. Craon, Mayenne, on a tubulus), which Whatmough suggested should be read as 'cint\u ie[u]ru(i)? or the like' (DAG, Note (xxxiv) (1), pp. 520 f.). Mowat (see CIL, loc. cit.) seems to hesitate here between the readings Vierui and Utervi, and to have treated it as a name. Compare Holder, AcS 3. 55 s.n. Ut-ervus, 3. 315 s.n. Vierui., and Whatmough, DAG 182 s.nn. ? Vierui and ?Vteruus. Cintu could be either a w-stem nominative or a Latinized o-stem nominative showing the loss of final s.2 I t is probably a monothematic name rather than a shortened or hypocoristic one derived from a dithematic name such as Cintugenus or Cintugnatus. For Gaulish cintu- see section (A) (ii) s.v. C I N T U S M U S L a Graufesenque graffiti cintusmus A-A. i, 1. 4, 2,1. 8. For ci[ (or ce[ or cu[?) A.-A. 14,1. 4 see above s.n. Cervesa. For this name see Albenque, REA 53, 1951, 75 together with the references quoted in section (A) (ii) s.v. CINTU-. Whether Cintusmus at La Graufesenque should be distinguished from the East Gaulish and Central Gaulish potter of the same name I cannot tell. The name is not otherwise attested at the site.3 It is an 0-stem nominative show ing the Latinized termination -us. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville (teste Holder, AcS 3. 1224) interpreted the name as a superlative (*cintu-isamo-s) of*cintos. See also Pedersen (VKG 1. 87, 2. 123 (LP 185)) and Thurneysen (ZCP 16, 1927, 298), who both suggested that Cintusmus was a superlative form cognate with W. cyntqf* and that it contained a Celtic superlative suffix -samo-s, with -a- lost in the penult. Such an interpretation seems to be consistent with a Gaulish antepenultimate accent. 5 T h e name may, therefore, mean c the swiftest, quickest, first, foremost, chief or the like. 6 C O M M I U S Chief of the Atrebates, appointed king of this tribe by Caesar in 56 B.C. H e acted as cavalry leader and diplomatic 1
See DAG 140, Remark (p. 349) and note the entries Cintu DAG 156, Remark Β beside Cintuieru 176 and Cintuieru, Cin{ier)u 203. 2 See Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). 3 For cintu in the graffiti of La Graufesenque see section (A) (ii) s.v. CINTU·. 4 For W. cyntaf 'swiftest, quickest, first, foremost* beside Corn, kensa, MlBret. quentaf, ModBret. kenta see also Morris-Jones, WG 170, Lewis, BBCS 10, 1941, 299, GPC 800. 5 For some British evidence concerning syncope of the penultimate syllable see Jackson, LHEB 266 f. For the suffix smo- see AcS 2. 1594. 6 Guyonuarc'h (Og. 10, 1958, 177) suggested the meaning Taine, l'ancien, le plus vieux\ See also id., Og. 17, 1965, 358 f.
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agent, especially in Britain. H e joined the revolt of 52 B.C., evaded attempts at capture and assassination, and in the end re tired to Britain where he founded a dynasty (the British Atre bates) 1 BG4.. 21.6 commium (ace.); 27. 2 ; 35. 1; 5. 22. 3 commium {comium Q J ω (acc.); 6. 6. 4 commium {comium R) (ace.); 7. 75. 5 commio B C M C SLN/?, comio Q,, cominio A, communio B 1 , comunio M 2 C (abl.); 76. 1 commii (conmii Q ) ω (gen.); 76. 3 commio Αφ, comio Q , commius β; yg. 1 commius Α™φβ, comius A 1 ^ ; 8. 6. 2 ; 7. 5 ; 10.4 commius {comius Q J ω ; 21. 1; 23. 2 ; 23. 3 commium {commius V) ω (acc.); 23. 5 commii {comix Q J ω (gen.); 23. 5 commii Αφ, comii Q , commium β; 23. 6 commium {comium Q J ω (acc.); 23. 6 commius {comminus N) a T U , om. V R ; 47. 1; 47. 2 ; 48. 2 ; 48. 3 ; 48. 5 ; 48. 8. The name is attested in other sources as follows: Dio Cass. 40. 42. 1 Κομμών (w.U. Κόμιον, Κομίκιον) (acc.); Frontinus, strat. 2. 13. n commius. For forms on Belgic coins in both Belgica and Britain see Holder, AcS 1. 1077 f., 3. 1262; Allen, Archaeologia 90, 1944, 4 ff. (with M a p II), id., IASB 208, id., SBIA 20 (with M a p 2 ) ; Whatmough, DAG 206, R e m a r k ; Mack 31-33, 41 (no. 9 2 ) ; Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 427 f. As Colbert de Beaulieu has reaffirmed, there are reasonable grounds for attributing the coins of the Atrebates of Gaul bearing the legend com{m)i{i)os to the Commius of Caesar. T h e British coins also, the first inscribed coins found in Britain, are now thought to have been issued by the Commius mentioned by Caesar. See especially Allen, SBIA, loc. cit. The correct form is clearly Commius. Compare some other P N N such as the following: Comio DAG 83, 204; ?Comius 224; Comma 176, 182; Commio 176; Commius 204; Com{m)o 140, 176, 203; Commuos 176, 182; Commas 204, 214, 215; Comus 203, 204, 214. T h e name is uncompounded and probably Celtic. But, as far as I know, Rhys alone has ventured to suggest an etymology. I n Cis. 15 f. (s.v. ]rkomui)2 he com pared Irish P N N in comm-jcumm- which he thought might be deriva tives of Ir. coimm c a cloak, covering, shelter, protection', 3 and claimed that Commius might mean One who is arrayed in fine raiment'! But this is pure conjecture and altogether uncertain. 1
See Rice Holmes, CG 724 f. Cf. G. Hawkes and G. C. Dunning, Archaeological Journal 87, 1930, 291-4. 2 See PID, it. 268 and compare the Lepontic name Komoneos PID, it. 275 con cerning which see Holder, AcS 1. 1085, Rhys, Cis. 18, Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, P· 15· 3 See Meyer 417. Rhys quoted the etymology proposed by Stokes, Urk. Spr. 79. If both the etymology of Stokes and the equation of Rhys are accepted we must assume that -mb- had developed to -m(m)- in Gaulish in Caesar's time. This will not do.
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Κ Ο Ν Δ Ι Λ Λ Ε Ο Σ DAG 69 (inscription discovered at 'les Garrigues' at Nimes, Gard) I saw the inscription in July 1953. T h e reading is certain. T h e mis reading KovheiXkeos goes back to the Seguier M S . no. 13802 at Nimes. See Mowat (after Germer Durand), CRAI 1880, 259, BSAF 1880, 245 f.; CIL 12, p. 3 8 3 ; Insc. Lang., no. 108; Stokes, RC 5, 1881-3, 120, A S i i 3 1886, 126. T h e name is a 20-stem nominative, a patronymic in -co?, 'son of *Κονδίλλος\ For cond- compare PNN such as the following: Condai (gen.) DAG 8 7 ; Condianus 83, 182; Condo 83, 156, Remark; Condollius 237? 244? ~u* *3^ {CGP 173)5 *5*i Remark Β, 208Α, 2445 : Condolus 83? Condus 83, Condi (gen.) C/L 7. 1336. 3 4 1 ; Senocondus CIL 13. 7301, Senoc[ondi], \Seri\ocondius CIL 12. 3028, Senucondius, Senocondi 12. 3029 ; 2 Vaericondi (gen.) C/L 5. 3664.3 Note also L E N N Ancondei CIL 2. 2520 ; 4 Κον8οργίς DAG 241.5 D'Arbois de Jubainville (JVC 58 f.) related condo- in P N N Condus, Senocondus, Condollius, and ίΓοι/διλλβο? to Ir. cond 'citoyen, homme en jouissance de la plenitude des droits civils'. 6 See also Thurneysen ap. Weisgerber, SprFK 198 (whence Schmidt, KGP 182 f.), who related condo- to Ir. cond 'Verstand'. For the etymo logy of Ir. cond 'sense, reason' see Pedersen, VKG 2. 502, W-P. 1. 458, Szemerenyi, Fachtagung Innsbruck 183, beside O'Rahilly, EIHM 281 f., 514 f. O'Rahilly, discussing the Irish proper name Conn, suggested that two names had fallen together, one corresponding to Gaulish Connos7 and one to Gaulish Condus. H e also remarked that conn (cond) had the two meanings 'sense, reason' and 'head, a chief', 8 and that with the first meaning the form might point to Celtic *konno-9 while with the second it might point to a different Celtic form *kondo- (: Skt. kanda, Gk. κόνδυλος).10 1
See O'Rahilly, EIHM 230 f., 515; Schmidt, KGP 66 f., 91, 182, 251. See also DAG 83, 237, 244 and O'Rahilly, EIHM 282, 515, Schmidt, KGP 69» 9l> l%3> 266. 3 Whence PID viiic. See KGP 53, 183, 284. 4 See AcS 3. 608, SprFK 198, KGP 58, 126. Cf. Emerita 28, i960, 290 f. 5 See AcS 3. 1270. Schmidt (KGP 183, also 51, 94, 270) included PN Socondannossi CIL 13. 324 (?or Condannossi, see DAG 87) in his list of names containing condo-. But this name may not be Celtic at all. See p. 257, n. 7. 6 See Meyer 464 s.v. 1. cond. See also AcS 1. 1097 s.v. *condo-s, Dottin 247 s.v. condo-. D'Arbois also explained PNN CondaHllus, Tarcondarius, and Vercondaridubnus by reference to Ir. cond. But these names probably do not belong here. See Appendix s.n. lario. 7 For this name and others in conn- see the Appendix s.n. ]κοννου. 8 See Meyer 464, Dinneen 244. 9 He suggested that a derivation from IE. *kom-dho- ( > *kondo-) should be abandoned. But he failed to quote cognates for his Celtic *konno-. 10 See Stokes, ACL 2, 1904, 277; W.-P. 1. 390 ff.; IEW 558 f. 2
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C O R N U T O S La Graufesenque graffiti cornutos DAG 113 (έ), 1. 2 (the sherd is defaced after the first 0 and r is slightly blurred; at the second 0 there is a break in the sherd); cornutos 114 (£), 1. 3 ; Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read corntos, explained as corn(u)tos, in gr. H. 39 where Whatmough (in DAG 115, I I , 1. 3) hesitated between corntos a n d cornutos;1 cornuto DAG 90 (b), 1. 3 ; cornutus DAG 129, 1. 10 (u is damaged by a break in the sherd, b u t the reading is certain); (?)]nutos DAG n o , I (c), 1. 6. 2 Where Hermet, Loth, and Whatmough read com[ in gr. H . 32, 1. 2. Oxe read cor[nutos]. For the potter's stamp Cornuti see Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 383. T h e name can be explained as Gaulish or as Latin. It is an o-stem nominative showing both the Gaulish termination -os (once -0, with -s lacking) 3 and the Latin -us. Compare the following forms: P N N Cornaiius DAG 8 3 ; ?Corneola 156; Corni (gen.) OIL 3. 5485; Cornicus DAG 156; ?Cornuir 203, R e m a r k ; Cornutus AE 1954, 102, Gallia 20, 1962, 6 2 8 ; L E N N Cornac[, Cornacates, Cornacenses (-iens-) DAG 234, 241 ; 4 KopvaovLOL, KopvavLoi, Cornovii, Cornovia, Cornubia, etc. AcS 1. 1130 f. ; 5 Cornutius uicus DAG 179; Durocornovio IA, Purocoronavis Rav., in Cornwall BSRC 44. Note also perhaps the item κόρνα 'argimonia' DAG 178. If Cornutos is Celtic then corn- may be the Gaulish equivalent of Ir. corn ca horn, a musical instrument; a roll', 6 W . corn 'horn, antler; corn, callus; drinking-horn, horn, etc.', 7 Corn. Bret, corn, beside Lat. cornu, Eng. horn. But these Insular Celtic forms have been explained as loan words from Latin. See Loth, Mots latins 152; Vendryes, De hibernicis vocabulis quae a Latina lingua originem duxerunt 131; Pedersen, VKG 1. 194 (LP 56); Morris-Jones, WG 87. Compare, however, Urk. Spr. 79, W.-P. 1. 407, IEW 576, and see Fleuriot, DGVB 118 f. s.v. corn. For the suffix -uto- see AcS 3. 56. C O R O S La Graufesenque graffito coros DAG 120 (V) iv. This name, attested once only in the graffiti, was claimed as Celtic by Loth {RC 41, 1924, 55). H e compared the root *kor- 'to place, put, 1
He remarked on the one hand (DAG 115) that conjoint letters occur elsewhere in La Graufesenque graffiti and on the other hand (DAG, p. 290) that Corntos [sic] beside Cornutus is 'perhaps a merely graphic variant'. See also this section s.n. 2 Alibanos. ]eutos Hermet, Loth, Οχέ. 3 See Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). 4 Cf. Holder, AcS 1. 1129; Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. ig6f. s See also Atkinson, CR 38, 1924, 146 (JRS 14, 1924, 244, no. 5, RC 43, 1926, 250). For discussion of the various forms, with bibliography, see Jackson, LHEB 376 fF. See further now I. A. Richmond in Culture arid Environment: Essays in honour of Sir Cynl Fox, ed. I. LI. Foster and L. Alcock (London, 1963), 251 ff. 6 See Meyer 490, Dinneen 248. ^ See BBCS 1, 1923, 109 f., 2, 1925, 48, GPC 561 f.
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throw' which is well represented in Insular Celtic (see VKG 2. 498 ff., LP 354ff.), 1 and suggested for Coros the meaning c qui place ou lance?'. Fraser, on the other hand (RC 42, 1925, 94), claimed that it may be a Greek name meaning 'glutton, one who always eats to satiety' (: Gk. κόρος). We can only state that the name, an o-stem nominative in -os, may be Celtic and compare a few other P N N in cor- such as the following: Cora (?) DAG 182; Coradus 228 (iv); Corai (gen.) CIL 2. 861 ;* Coralus 2. 5629; Coranus DAG 237; Corasia 8 3 ; Corellius 244; Corentius 156; Coresus (?) 244; Coria OPL 6 8 ; ICoriaca OPL 6 8 ; Corin[DAG 156; Corio 214; 3 ICoriro 204; Corisula 182, 237, -us 137; Koptovos Jfhb. des bernischen hist. Mus. 34, 1954, 2 2 1 ; Coris(s)o, -isus DAG 202, 204; Corius 8 9 ; Cow 156, R e m a r k ; Corobilius 237, 244; Corobilla 156, -zztf 208 D ; Corobus 214; Κοροκόττα Dio Cassius 56. 43. 3 ; 4 Corocuta CIL 2. 550 ; 4 Corolamus Liv. 33. 36. 4 ; Coromarae (dat.) CZE, 3. 10783; Coroneri (gen.) C/L 2. 5595; Corotures DAG 237; Cantf 194. C O R R E U S A leader of the Bellovaci. W i t h Commius he headed a rebellion against Caesar in 51 B.C., and was killed during Caesar's campaign against his tribe BG 8. 6. 2 corbeo a> correo Tp, toreo V (abl.); 7. 4 correo ^BM 1 STp, corbeo M c , coribeo LN, 5 correV (dat.); 17. 1 corbeum xB 1 MSLN, correum BcjS (ace.); 18. 3 corbeus a, correus j9; 19. 1 wrfoo ALN, correo QBMS/? (abl.); 19. 8 corbeus a, correus β; 20. 2 corfofl a, £0rra? β (abl.); 21. 4 corbeus a, correus β. T h e n a m e is also attested in Orosius 6. 11. 12 correo (v.l. chorreo) (abl.), 11. 14 correus (v.l. chorreus). T h e variant corbeus, found fairly consistently in α manuscripts only, is not satisfactory. For occasionally some α manuscripts and all β manuscripts agree in giving a form with -rr-, not -rb-, and Orosius has Correus.6 W e can compare a few other P N N in corr-: Corradi (gen.) in an inscription of Nimes {CIL 12. 3437), Corritia (f.) in an inscription of 1
See also Lloyd-Jones, BBCS 1, 1923, 1 f., id., G. 164 s.v. *cor2; Loth, RC 44, 1927, 272 ff.; Pokorny, IEW 934 f.; GPC 554 f. s.w. cor1 and cor*; Fleuriot, £>GKB 2 117. See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 67 f. 3 For Gaul, corio- (as in PNN Cono, Corius, LENN Petrucorii DAG 153, Tricorii 80, etc.), usually regarded as the equivalent of Ir. cuire m. *a group, band, bevy* (: Goth, harjis 'army', Lith. karias), see Holder, AcS 1. 1126, Pedersen, VKG 1. 362 {LP 104), Dottin 248, Pokorny, IEW^615, Scherer 209, Schmidt, JTGP 183, Mayer, £/>r. alt. Illyr. 2. 66 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 118. It may be that coro- in PNN such as Corobil(l)ius, Corolamus, and Coromarae is cognate. Cf. Schmidt, A*GP, loc. cit., and see Fleuriot, DGVB 117. 4 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 68; Delgado, Actes et Mem. Vhne Congr. int. de topon. et d'anthrcp. Salamanca 12-15 avril igtf (Salamanca, 1958), 177 ff.; Tovar, ALSP 121. 5 6 See Hering, 11, n. 2. See Kraner-Dittenberger 3. qo.
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Saintes (CIL 13. 1066), Corn (gen.) in an inscription of Baugy (Cher) (ILTG 166), Corrodu (f.) in an inscription discovered near Augsburg (CIL 3. 5801), and perhaps the incomplete ?Corr...is of Bordeaux (DAG 156).1 The name is probably Celtic,2 although it lacks a satis factory etymology. It may be a nickname or comic name. Compare perhaps W. corr m. 'dwarf, pigmy, spider'3 or Ir. corr Odd, queer, uneven, rounded'. 4 C O T U A T U S Leader with Conconnetodumnus of a band of Carnutes who in 52 B.C. massacred Roman citizens in Cenabum and plundered their stores. He is probably the same person as the one whose surrender Caesar demanded in 51 B.C. He was cap tured and flogged to death, and had his head cut off BG 7. 3. 1 cotuato ω (abl.); 8. 38. 3 gutuatrum QBCM, gutruatrum A, gutruatum LN, guttruatrum TXU, guttruatum T C V, guttuatrum R, maturatum S (ace.); 38. 5 a gutruato A 1 QBCMLNT, a gutruatro Ac, a guttruato VU, (?)gutatruato R 1 , guttruato R c , om. S. The editors have assumed that the same person is referred to at BG 7. 3 as at BG 8. 38.5 The text has, therefore, been variously emended. At BG 7. 3. 1 Ciacconius, Oudendorp, Nipperdey,6 Dinter, Gluck,7 Meusel, Holder,8 Klotz, and Fuchs emended the reading cotuato found in all the manuscripts to read gutruato. On the other hand, at BG 8. 38. 3 Frigell emended the text to read cotuatum. Meusel, Dorminger, and Seel accepted this emendation. Nipperdey, followed by Gluck and Holder, read gutruatum here. 9 Later editors, including Rice Holmes, Klotz, Constans, and Fuchs, read gutuatrum. At BG 8. 38. 5 T. Bentley and Oudendorp deleted a gut(r)uat(r)o. In this they were followed by Holder, Meusel,10 Constans,11 Fuchs, and Seel.12 But Klotz" emended 1 Hardly compare corroco (a salt-water fish) Auson. ep. 4. 59 (see AcS 1. 1135, DAG 158, 207). Perhaps PN Corsius DAG 8, 83 (cf. ICorsui DAG 182) belongs here. 2 Schmidt has omitted it in his count of Gaulish PNN in BG (KGP 42). 3 See GPC 555, Pokorny, IEW 945, Fleuriot, DGVB 119. 4 See Zupitza, Κ Ζ 36, 1900, 58, η. ι, Pedersen, VKG 1. I2i, Pokorny, IEW, loc. cit. Beside this form note also Ir. corr f. 'a projection, snout, peak, bill' (Dinneen 249), corr f. 'a worm, a reptile; young of gannet', etc., and corr f. 'crane, heron, stork, bittern', etc. (Dinneen 250; but see Pokorny, IEW 568, Wagner, ZCP 29, 1962-4, 301 ff.). 5
Schneider (Commentarii de bellis C. Iulii Caesaris recens. et illnstr. Car. Ern. Christ.
Schneider, pars ii (Halis, 1849-55), p. 329) rejected this assumption. 6 C. Julii Caesaris commentarii, Garolus Nipperdeius recensuit. . . (Lipsiae, 1847), 7 Prolegomena 87 f. KN 110 f. 8 Cf. AcS 1. 1149. See also Meusel, JB 12, 1886, 270 f., Lex. Caes. 1. 750, 1394, Tab. coniect. 26. 9 10 11 13
Schmidt lists PN Gutruatus [sic] from BG in KGP 42, n. 3. See Kraner-Dittenberger 3. 112. I2 See REA 27, 1925, 291. See note ad loc. CSt. 177, n. 2. Cf. de Witt, ΤΑΡΑ 6g, 1938, 322, n. 12.
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the text by adding the form concitati after a gutuatro. This emendation was accepted by Rice Holmes. Dorminger emends the text to read cotuato. I n showing preference for the forms gutiiatrum and gutuatro at BG 8. 38, the editors were influenced by the following forms of what appears to be the title of a certain class of priests in Gaul, attested in Latin inscriptions of Aquitania and Lugdunensis: gutuater (nom.) CIL 13. 1577 (Le Puy-en-Velais, Haute-Loire) ;l gutuatri (gen.) CIL 13. 2585 (Macon, Saone-et-Loire) ; 2 gutuater (nom.) CIL 13. 11225-6 (Autun). 2 Much has been written concerning these forms. An etymo logy attributed to Zeuss by Holder 3 would connect gutu- with Ir. guth Voice, sound',4 Loth 5 suggested that the second element -aterj-atrpointed to IE. *pdte(r) 'father', and that the title meant 'pere de l'invocation'. It has been claimed inter alia that the gutuater had some of the functions of the famines or fetial priests at Rome. J a n de Vries 6 now suggests that the name may be related to Goth, gudja and Skt. hotar. I n addition to the works already referred to note the following: E. Desjardins, Geographie historique et administrative de la Gaule romaine 1 (Paris, 1876), 415, n. 2, 2 (Paris, 1878), 511 with n. 3 ; Mowat, Revue de philologie, N.S. I , 1887, 274 f.; Hirschfeld, Sitz. der phil.-hist. Klasse der Akad. der Wissenschaften (Wien) 103, 1883, 313, n. 7, id., Sitz. der BerL Akad. 9 Dez. 1897, 1117; 7 d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Celtes depuis les temps les plus anciens jusqu'en Van 100 avant notre ere (Paris, 1904), 32 f, id., RC 26, 1905, 359, id., Les Druides et les dieux celtiques a forme d'animaux (Paris, 1906), 2 - 6 ; G. Dottin, La Religion des Celtes (Paris, 1904), 41, id., Mnl. 82, 365, id., La Langue gauloise (Paris, 1920), 229, 261; Rice Holmes, Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius Caesar (Oxford, 1907), 293, n. 2, id., CG 831 f.; Jullian, HG 2. 108, n. 12 (RC 29, 1908, 8 2 ) ; Pokorny, The Celtic Review 5, 1908-9, 2 (RC 30, 1909, 106), id., IEW413, 829; Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 242, 3. 54, 112; Weisgerber, SprFK 2 0 1 ; Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 304 f.; Whatmough, DAG 134, Remark (i), 178, CPh. 46, 1951, 248; Og. 8, 1956, 350; Schmidt, KGP 141, 2 2 1 ; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 18, 1966, 104 ff. T h u s at BG 8. 38 it does look as though Hirtius has recorded 1
See DAG, Note (xxiv) {d) (p. 358). See DAG, Note (xxix) (d) (pp. 488 f.). 3 AcS 1. 2046 s.v. gutu-atro-s. ♦ See RIADicL, G. 177 f., IEW 413. s AB 20, 1904-5, 550, RC 28, 1907, 119-21, RA 20, 1924, 59 with n. 3, 21, 1925, 221. Cf. Vendryes, MSL 20, 1918, 268 f., Jullian, REA 6, 1904, 256, n. 3, What mough, DAG 178 s.v. gutuater, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 18, 1966, 109. 6 KR 213 ff. {Celtica 6, 1963, 280). 7 = O. Hirschfeld, Kleine Schnften (Berlin, 1913), 82, n. 7, 206. 2
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a Gaulish priestly title which he probably understood as a proper name. See section (A) (i) s.v. *Gutuater. But we cannot tell for certain whether the person mentioned by Hirtius is in fact the same as the Cotaatus of Caesar's manuscripts at BG 7. 3. 1. Even if we assumed that he is the same, the assumption in my opinion would not justify emend ing the text at BG 7. 3. 1 to read gutuatro (or gatruato) or at BG 8. 38 to read cotuatum. A personal name is expected in the text at BG 7. 3. 1 to accompany Conconnetodumnns. T h e form Cotuatus, found in all the manuscripts, is not in any way suspect. It is an uncompounded form Cotu-atus. For Celtic names in cotu- see section (A) (ii) s.v. COT-.1 C O T U S H e contended with Convictolitavis for appointment as vergobret of the Aedui in 52 B.C. H e was a descendant of a very old family, a m a n with great personal influence a n d numerous family connexions. Caesar made Cotus resign his claims to office. He was captured by the Romans in the battle which immediately preceded the blockade of Alesia BG 7. 32. 4 cotum (cottum V) ω (ace.); 33. 3 cotwn (totum T C V) ω (ace.); 39. 2 cotto xBMS T U , coto LN, cotta V, coito R (abl.); 67. 7 cotis χ, cotys BCMS, cotas LN/? (nom.). The form that has most manuscript support is Cotus. At BG 7. 39. 2 the incidence of a form with -tt- in so many manuscripts (including the four now preferred by Hering) suggests that an error h a d crept into the archetype here. 2 T h e fact that Cottus was well attested in the ancient world as a personal name may have helped in the perpetua tion of the error. T h e graphic variation at BG 7. 67. 7 is a familiar one. For names in coto-jcotu- see section (A) (ii) I.e. I n AcS 1. 1150 Holder has collected other (PCeltic) examples of the personal name Cotus, in CIL 6. 5429 (Roma), 10. 6461 (Sezze), and Β J 88. 100 (Koln). For Thracian P N N Κοτος/Cotus, KorvsjCotys, D N Κότυς, and other similar names see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 257 ff. C O T U T O S L a Graufesenque graffiti cotutos DAG 98 (b), 1. 4 ; cot.[ ibid., 1. 2 (with comment 'perhaps cotu9; Hermet and Loth gave cotu. and Oxe cotuitos)); cotutos DAG 99 (b), 1. 12; 100 (b), 1. 4 and 1. 1 1 ; 103 (c), 1. 4 ; 104 (b), 1. 9 ; cotuto 114 (b), 1. 12 (Hermet and Loth gave cotutos, Oxe cotuto (s)); cotu 114 (i), 1. 18 (Hermet and Loth gave cotu, Oxe cotutos; Hermet's plate shows a damaged c followed by otu only). In gr. H . 14 Hermet a n d Loth read 1 F. de Saulcy {Annuaire de la soc.fr. de num. et d'arch. 2, 1867, i5f.; see also Holder, AcS 1. 848, whence κατυατ DAG 177) thought that a coin legend which he read as katu referred to the same person as Caesar's Cotuatus. But the reading katu x s erroneous. See Mur.-Chab., no. 6337; Blanchet, Traitd 83 f.; Holder, AcS 3. 1x 46; Changarnier, Memoires de Vacademic de Dijon 19125-6, 270 f. z See Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 590.
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cotutos where Oxe (no 17, 1. 11) read [?nasu]eto(s) and Whatmough (DAG 112 (b), 1. 11) ...eto. This is a name peculiar to La Graufesenque. 1 It is an 0-stem nomina tive showing regularly the termination -os (perhaps once with -o).2 Loth (RC 41, 1924, 53) thought that it was probably identical with P N Contoutos DAG 157,2 which he explained as 'qui est du meme pays, compatriote'. 4 If this is right, then Cotutos is a compounded name. For co- and -tut- see section (A) (ii) s.w. COM- and TEUTO-. However, I think it more likely that it is uncompounded, a derivative of cotu-j coto- seen in names such as Cotuatus, Cotuconi, Cotus, and Κωτουάντιοι. See Fraser, RC 4.2, 1925, 95 and section (A) (ii) s.v. COT-. C R I G I R O L a Graufesenque graffito criciro A-A. i, 1. 13. T h e name is also attested on the pottery of Banassac, Lezoux, and Treves.* Moreover, note Criciro, Criciru, Crigiru DAG 182, Cricirus 237, and the coin legends crier, cricru, criciro, cricuro (-u), criciru DAG 206 (usually attributed to the Suessiones). 6 Compare the name Crucuro, which is well attested on La Graufesenque pottery, 7 and perhaps PN Cricconia DAG 208D (also 214). Criciro is an η-stem nominative showing the Latin or Latinized termination -0 rather than the Gaulish -u found in some other in stances of the name referred to above. For other instances of-fro com pare P N N Saciro DAG 132, 136, 151, Remark B, 182, etc., Vaciro CIL 7. 1336, 1142, Vaci\f]o CIL 3. 4558. The name is probably Celtic, although it has no reliable etymology. I can compare only W. cryg 'hoarse, harsh, raucous, stammering 5 (G. 182, GPC 621) 8 and OCorn. creg gl. balbus (OCV i68).o 1
Compare Cotto DAG 132 (La Graufesenque) and see Oxe, ΒJ 140-1. 383, no. 69 beside Hermet, p. 202, nos. 38-39. 2 For loss of -s see Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). Cotu in DAG 114 (b), 1. 18 is probably an abbreviation for Cotutos. 3 See also Mur.-Chab. 4316-24, Blanchet, Traite 112, id., Manuel p. 80, no. 119, Holder, AcS 3. 1277. 4 See also Gluck ap. Holder, AcS 1. 1109, and compare Schmidt, KGP 57. 5 See Oswald, Index 96, 97, 378, Whatmough, DAG 134, 136, 202. See also now CGP2iof. (pi. H7f.). 6 See Blanchet, Traiti 114, etc.; Vauville, Rev. num. 1906, 117-31 (RC 28, 1907, 75 f.); Colbert de BeauHeu, Cat. Besangon, p. 43, no. 119 (with bibliography). 7 See Hermet, p. 202 (no. 46), Οχέ, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 393 (no. 8). To the forms listed by Hermet and Oxe add now the one recorded by Aymard in REA 54, 1952, 98 (no. 10). Albenque (REA 53, 1951, 75, n. 2) and Aymard (REA 54, 1952, 98, n. 6) insisted that Crucuro and Criciro are the names of two distinct potters. See also Holder, AcS 1. 1178, Oswald, Index 98 f., 379. 8 See Thomas Parry, Gwaith Dafydd ap Gwilym (Caerdydd, 1952), 549 f. This form is well attested as an epithet in Welsh PNN. For the etymology of cryg see Morris-Jones, WG 156, Loth, RC 43, 1926, 153, W.-P. 1. 414, Pokorny, IEW 570. 9 Holder, AcS i, 1166 s.n. Criciro compared an Irish personal name Crich-idh.
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D E R C I L L U S DAG 88 (graffito of Montans) This graffito of Montans, to quote Whatmough {DAG, loc. cit.), 'is identical in all the characteristic features' with the graffiti of La Graufesenque. 1 T h e name Dercillus is an 0-stem nominative showing the Latinized termination -us as in the graffiti discovered at La Graufesenque from ig50 onwards. It is a derivative in -Mo- of Gaulish derco-, probably the equivalent of O l r . derc 'eye', Bret, derc'h subst. 'aspect, apparence', adj. 'beau, p u r ' : Gk. Sep/co/xcu, Skt. dadarsa (IE. *derk- e to look'). 2 See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 148 f.; Holder, AcS 1. 1266 (RC 16, 1895, i i 2 f . ) ; Dottin 2 5 1 ; W.-P. 1. 806 f.; Pokorny, Urg. i6g, IEW 213 (Whatmough, Lg. 26, igso, 300); Og. 5, fasc. 2 (no. 27, mars-avril 1953), 3 2 ; Schmidt, KGP i g 2 ; Fleuriot, DGVB 135. Compare the following forms: P N N Andergi (gen.) CIL 2. 2 4 6 5 ^ Condercus DAG 8 3 ; D[e]rci Gallia 18, ig6o, 241 fF.; Δβκρία (for Δερκ-Ϊ), Derceia DAG 8 3 ; Dercinio CIL 2. 6338^; Dercinus DAG 204 ; 4 Derco 83, PID xiic;s Dercoiedus DAG 214; Dercomogni (gen.) i g o ; Je/o/αίλοσ 8 3 ; AepKwos 6 ; Inderca 156; Inderci[ 237 ; 6 Indercillus 136, 156; Indercus 244 (see also 243); L N N Conderco JVD, Condecor Rav., now Benwell on Hadrian's Wall £57?C 2g; Dercenna fl. Martial 1. 4g. 17; D N Dercetio (dat.) C7L 2. 58og. 7 Note also the form dercomarcos in the formularies of Marcellus of Bordeaux {DAG, Note (xxv), Remark). 8 D O I R O S DAG 161 (inscription of Gouchey, Cote-d'Or) T h e name is an 0-stem nominative in -os. I t is the only example of the name known to me. Stokes^ suggested that it was cognate with 1 Whatmough further remarked: '. . . far as the products of La Graufesenque were carried, it does not appear that the graffiti, which are potters' accounts, written on broken and discarded plates, not bills of lading, were exported, unless that has happened by accident in these two instances' [i.e. in the graffiti of Montans and Blickweiler DAG 88 and 229]. 2 Note also OBret. camdirh gl. strabo DGVB 94; ini dirha gl. uernat DGVB 223; erder(h), erdirh, erdrerc DGVB 162 f., W. ardderchog 'fine, excellent, famous', etc. (GPC 187), the Welsh PN Arherch {G. 37), Olr. airdirc, airderc, etc., 'visible, clear, conspicuous, famous' {LEIA A-41); Olr. adcondarc Ί have seen' (VKG 2. 487 f.); the Welsh PN Rhydderch (TTP 504 f., VB 37 f.). 3 For *Anderci teste A. Coelho, RC 11, 1890, 510 (see also ^4^ 1. 145). Cf. Schmidt, KGP 126, 192 and see Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 291 (also quoting PN Anderca f. Ο Arqueologo Portugues 1904, 74). ♦ Cf. PN Dercina CIL 6. 8279, also perhaps Drecinus DAG 156, Remark (cf. Lambrino, BEP 19, 1956, 29 if.). s Note also PN Dercelonis (or -eio-) (gen.) CIL 5. 910 (whence PN Dercelo PID 6 viiic). See also DAG 237 s.n. Indercilea. ^ See Blazquez Martinez, RPH 88. 8 See Vendryes, RC 38, 1920-1, 68 f. 9 BB 11, 1886, 131. See also P. Lejay, Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), no. 62, Holder, AcS 1. 1301.
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Lat. dims, Gk. Sewos, Avest. dvaetha (: IE. *duei- 'fear' IEW 22η L). But there are no certain Celtic cognates of this name at all.1 More satisfactory, perhaps, is Rhys's comparison (Insc. 10) with an Irish personal name Doir, Dair, Dair (nom. and gen.) in Irish annals. But we should concede that Doiros has no certain etymology. D U M N A C U S A leader of the Andes in Lugdunensis who besieged L e m o n u m in 51 B.C. Compelled to raise the siege, he hurried to escape across the Loire but was overtaken by Fabius and twice defeated BG 8. 26. 2 dumnaco χΒπ, dunaco M, deunaco L N , deonaco S, domnaco ρ (abl.); 26. 3 dumnacus χΒΜΝττ, deunacus L, domnacos S, domnacus ρ; 27. 2 dumnacus ABMNV, dumnatus Q , deonacus S, deunacus L, domnacus T p ; 27. 5 dumnaci ^BMNV, domnaci ST1/), domnati T c , deunaci L (gen.); 29. 1 dumnacus ^BMNV, domniacus S, domnacus Tp, deunacus L ; 31. 1 dumnaco χ Β Μ ν , domnaco ST/>, deunaco L, dunnaco Ν (abl.); 31. 3 dumnaco χΒΜΝ, domnaco STU, deunaco L, domnoco V, damnaco R (abl.); 31. 5 dumnacus ^ B M V , domnacus STp, deunacus L, dunnacus N . This name is also attested in Orosius 6. 11. 19 domnacum (v.l. donacum) (ace). W e cannot be absolutely certain about the correct form here, although it does look as though it should be Dumnacus, the form ac cepted by the editors. T h e manuscript evidence seems to be slightly balanced in favour of this form. It occurs consistently in χΒ and is well attested in Μ, N, and (once Domnocus) V, twice only (in the first two instances) in T. But Domnacus, found also in Orosius, occurs consis tently in ρ and is well attested in ST. This variant would be perfectly acceptable as a Celtic name. 2 With Dumnacus compare especially P N N Dubnacus CIL 12. 2356 (Saint-Alban nr. Vienne, Isere) and Dubnaci (gen.) CIL 3. 12031. 19 (Deutsch-Altenburg). These names are probably hypocoristic forms of a longer compounded name such as Dumnorix or Dumnomotus or Dumnotalus. See section (A) (ii) s.v. DUBNO-IDUMNO-. See further de Jubainville, NG 55, id., MSL 9, 1896, 190; Dottin, p. 107; Vendryes, EC 1, 1936, 377. T h e Welsh PN Dyfnog (M1W. Dyfnawc), examples of which are listed by Lloyd-Jones, G. 412, is the exact counterpart of Gaul. Dumnacus.3 1
Stokes (Urk. Spr. 158) claimed that Ir. doel, dael 'great dread, horror' (*duoilo-) and doel 'a black beetle' could be related to *duei- 'fear'. Here, however, he did not mention the name Doiros. Cf. Boisacq 169, n. 2. For Ir. doel 'beetle' see Pokorny, KZM, 1916, 167 f. (also W.-P. 1. 772, IEW 184), RIAContr. s.v. 2 For discussion of Gaul, domno- see section (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurus. 3 See Gluck? KN 69. See also Jackson, LHEB 227, 292, 486.
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Ε Β Ο Υ Ρ Ο Σ DAG 42 (graffito of Saint-Remy-de-Provence, Bouchesdu-Rhone) This is a graffito of one word, a personal name in the nominative, an 0-stem nominative in -ος. Greek ου here represents syllabic /u/. Celtic eburo- is well attested. Compare the following names :* P N N : Ebredus DAG 156, R e m a r k Β (also 176, 228 (ix)) ; 2 lEbrovaccus (Brou-) 83 ; 3 ?Εβρυζ€νις 244; Ebur[ 2O8B ; 'Εβουρψα, 'Εβονρψος Gal. Spr. 155; Ebures DAG 156; Eburia 83, 208B, PZD x i c ; Eburianus CIL 2. 2764^ Έβουριανος Gal Spr. 155; Eburii[ DAG, Note (liii) (a), p. 1076 (pers. ?); Eburila DAG 151; Eburio 238 (v); Eburius 83, 156 (or -us) HAE 744, PZD xiic; 4 Eburo DAG 237; Eburus 228 (viii), 244, Εβουρος AcS 1. 1402, 25.5 L E N N : Aeburam (ace.) Liv. 40. 30. 3 ; 6 ?Eborum (gen.) C/L 5. 8745; Eboriacus DAG 212 ; 7 Eborolacensis praedii 148; Ebrodunum {Eburo-) E m b r u n 7; Ebrudunum Sapaudiae 15; Έβόρακον Ptol., Eburacum I A, Rav., etc., York ifcSSC 33 ; 8 Eburanco CIL 2. 2828; Eburelia (-or-) 11. 1147 (i. 45, ii. 6^-7); Αίβονροβι,σνγγησία (i.e. i?i-) ZL4G 24.8; Eburobriga TP, I A Avrolles (Yonne) 179; 9 Eburobrittium Plin. JVH 4. 113, Mela 3. 1. 7; Eburocaslum Rav. BSRC 3 3 ; Eburodunum, -dunenses Yverdun ZL4G 2 4 1 ; Έβουρόδουνον Ptol., in Germ. Magna, now Brunn 241 ; 10 *Eburoialos mod. fibreuil (Allier) AcS 1. 1400;" Eburomagus (Ebro-) DAG 80 ; 12 Eburones, Έβουρωνοί 212 (also 221) ; 13 Eburouices, Aulerci [Ebu]r(ouices), later Ebroici, Ebroicinus fivreux (Eure) 179; 14 D N N : Eburnicae (matrae) Yvours 181 ; 15 ?Munidieberobriga RPH 81 f. 1
Forms related to Celtic eburo- are listed by Holder, AcS 1. 1395 ff. and by Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 39 ff. Occasionally this element appears as eboro(with -o- for -u-) and as ebro- (with loss of -u-). 2 ?For *Eburedus. 3 CIL 12. 2584. See KGP 202, 284. 4 Also PID viiic. See AcS 1. 1398 s.n. s Celtic? 6 See R. Menendez Pidal, Toponimia prerromdnica Hispana (Madrid, 1952), 218 f. See also AE 1959, 86, Tovar, ALSP 119. 7 See also AcS 1. 1397 f. s.n. Eburiacus. 8 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1395, ILTG 141, Forster, FT"249, Jackson, LHEB 39, ^55J Guyonuarc'h, 0£. 11, 1959, 42, Binchy, Studia Hibernica 2, 1962, 85. 9 Cf. DN Munidieberobriga. 10 Compare "Εβουρον Ptol. 2. n . 14 and see Holder, AcS 1. 1400, Whatmough, P/D, vol. 1, p. 453, DAG 241. 11 See Whatmough, Lg. 28, 1952, 266, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 40. 12 See Holder, AcS 1. 1400. 13 See Holder, AcS 1. 1400 ff., Whatmough, DAG, p. 850, Schmidt, KGP 202. 14 Note also eburo[ DAG 78, *£wro 177, eburouicum (rede eburouico) (also ibruixl, recte ebruix) 177, leburouix 245, and see Holder, ^ S 1. 1402 f., Schmidt, KGP 202, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 40, Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 9, 1960-1, 112, 491 f. 15 See Williams, Τ Beirniad 5, 1915, 64, Thomas, BBCS 8, 1937, 29 f.
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T h e meaning of eburo- is virtually implied by BG 6. 31. 5 {Catuuolcus rex dimidiae partis Eburonum . . . taxo cuius magna in Gallia Germaniaque copia est se exanimavit). It is clearly cognate with O l r . Mllr. ibar, ibhar, M o d l r . iubhar (0-stem) m . 'a yew, yew-wood'. 1 But account must also be taken of the following Welsh and Breton forms which point to Celtic eburo-: W. efwr, ewr meaning 'cow-parsnip, hogweed' not ' y e w ' ; 2 MlBret., ModBret. evor 'bourdaine'. 3 Sir Ifor Williams maintained 4 that eburo- originally meant 6γ^\ν\ that the form occurred frequently because that tree was a common one, and that the use of the form as a name for other trees, plants, or shrubs was a later development in the neo-Celtic languages. Concerning eburo- and its etymology see further: Holder, AcS 1. 1402; Dottin 255, id., Melanges bretons et celtiques offerts a M. J. Loth (Rennes et Paris, 1927), 94 f.; N . Jokl in Symbolae grammaticae in honorem Joannis Rozwadowski 1 (Cracoviae, 1928), 242-7; Bertoldi, WuS 11, 1928, 145 ff., id., Colonizzazioni neW antico mediterraneo occidentale alia luce degli aspetti linguistici (Napoli, 1950), 126 fF.; V. Tourneur, Mel. Paul Thomas (Bruges, 1930), 661 ff.; Weisgerber, SprFK 200; C. Hernando Balmori, Anales del Instituto de Literaturas Cldsicas l > x939> 67 ff.; 2, 1944, 181 ff.; Whatmough, DAG 207 s.v. eburo-; Og- 5> !953> 124; Pokorny, Urg. 50, VR 10, 1948-9, 251, Z E W 3 3 4 ; Schmidt, KGP 202; Wagner, KZ 75, 1958, 7 1 ; Guyonuarc'h, Og. " > x959> 39 ff· Ε Λ Ο Υ Ι Σ Σ Α DAG 51 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) According to Rhys (Addit. 2, with pi. i), e 'at the beginning is so damaged that nothing is left except the three extremities'. See also Mazauric, Revue du Midi 24, 191 o, 49 and Whatmough, DAG, loc. cit., both affirming that the text is not in doubt. T h e name is an β-stem nominative (or dative?), a derivative in -issa of Gaulish elu-. It is probably a woman's name. 5 Compare the following P N N : Elvisianus DAG 244, Elvissa 202, Elvissus 224, Elvisso 1
See RIAContr. I/i. 41 f., Dinneen 618 f. The form is attested in proper names and in plant names. 2 See G. 446, GPC 1173. For discussion of this Welsh form, and of Welsh and Irish proper names which belong here, see Phillimore, Cy. 11, 1890,44 if., Williams, Τ Beirniad 5, 1915, 63 f., id., ELI 50, Thomas, loc. cit. 3 See Ernault, GMB 228, also Williams, Τ Beirniad 5, 1915, 63 f., Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 41 f.5 Hemon 736. 4 Τ Beirniad 5, 1915, 64. 5 See Weisgerber, Germania 17, 1933, 16, n. 6. L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 65, see also Dottin, no. 11) recognized at the end of the insc. a Gaulish form aova (fern. ?), the Gaulish equivalent of Olr. (h)aue 'grandson' (masc, cf. Og. av(v)i)9 for which see Pokorny, IEW 89, Vendryes, LEI A A-103. See also p. 100 above.
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244. Gaulish elu- in these names is probably cognate with Ir. il 'many, numerous': 3 Goth, filn, etc. (IE. *pelu~ IEW 800). A cognate element is well attested in Insular Celtic PNN. See Rhys, Gleanings 13 ff., Thomas, BBCS 8, 1937, 30 f. This interpretation is preferable to that first suggested, I think, by Hubschmied (VR 3, 1938, 83 f.), who related the modern river name lifts (trib. of the Emme) to the Gaulish personal name Elvisia* (or Elvissa) which he thought derived from Gaulish *eluo- 'yellow'. H e suggested that O H G . elo. Swiss Germ, elw, elb 'fahlgelb' might be borrowed from Gaul. *eluo-, and compared the use of Gk. ζανθός in proper names. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 65) proposed a similar etymology for Ελονισσα without reference to Hubschmied's work. Pokorny seems to have accepted the validity of Gaulish *eluo- 'yellow'. See Keltologie 173, IEW 302.5 But this etymology is extremely doubtful in view of the apparent lack of any clear Celtic cognates. Stokes, on the other hand, equated a Gaulish name element *eluo- with W. elw 'gain, profit'. See Urk. Spr. 43 and also Dottin, P· 2 55 5 Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 267. This suggestion must not be overlooked, and certainly should not be completely rejected as it has been by Schmidt in KGP (p. 204). For W. elw (?:Ir. ealbh(a)) 'a flock, herd, drove' see Loth, RC 45, 1928, 187 ff. Cf. GPC 1108. See also section (A) (i) s.n. Μαγονρζιγι. E L U O N T I U DAG 145 (d) (inscription of Genouilly, Cher) For this inscription see section (A) (i) s.nn. Aneunicno, Aneuno, and Ανζοννος. T h e form is almost certainly a personal name. C. de Laugardiere and d'Arbois de Jubainville 6 interpreted it as a nomina tive, subject of ieuru, presumably an w-stem nominative showing the Celtic development of -0 to -w. Thurneysen 7 treated it as dative, indirect object of ieuru, presumably a zo-stem dat. sg. in -zzZ. As has been shown in the discussion of the inscription in section (A) (i) loc. 1 Compare also AE 1964, 148, and perhaps other PNN such as Elisa(?) DAG 182, Elissi(?) 176, Elussius 140 (also 151, Remark B, 156, Remark B). 2 For some other Gaul, names which may contain the same element see Thurney sen, £CP 14, 1923, 11 f., Schmidt, KGP 203 ff. 3 See RIAContr. I/i. 55 if. 4 Source ? Compare PN Elvisianus above. 5 In IEW, loc. cit. Pokorny compared with Skt. arund-h 'reddish, golden yellow', OHG. elo, etc., the Gaulish ethnic names Helvii and Helvetii (see AcS 1. 1419 ff., DAG 80, 234, 241). For the etymology of these names see Thurneysen, loc. cit., Weisgerber, SprFK 200, Schmidt, KGP 203 f., 222, Vendryes, Recueil CL Brunei ii (Paris, 1955), 646, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 595. 6 For references see section (A) (i) loc. cit. See also Holder, AcS 1. 1432; Rh^s, Insc. 54, Addit. 55; Ernault, RC 28, 1907, 409; Vendryes, RC 31, 1910, 102. 7 ZCP 6, 1908, 558, Hdb. 174, GOI 181. See also Lejeune, REA 58, 1956, 77 f-, 79·
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cit., the latter suggestion is the more satisfactory. For elu- see above s.n. Ελουισσα. For the suffix -nt- see this section s.n. Carantanae. ΗΛΟΥΣΚΟΝΙΟΣ DAG 35 (inscription of Saint-Remy-de-Provence, Bouches-du-Rhone) T h e name is a patronymic in ~ios (w-stem nom.) meaning 'son of *Elusconos\I *Elwconos seems to be a derivative in -uscono- (-u-sco--\-o-no) of Gaulish elu-, for which see above s.n. Ελουισσα. Rhys (Insc. 32) interpreted the form as a patronymic 'son of Elusco or Elusconos', b u t later (Gleanings 13) tried to analyse it as a com pounded name, ehi- 'much, very'-fj/w^- 'shining, brilliant, . . . con spicuous', cognate with W. ysgwn ?'conspicuous, famous, notorious 5 (related by Rhys to O H G . scdni 'schon', etc.). 2 However, M1W. ysgwn (subst. and adj.) is itself a quite puzzling form, 3 and Rhys's conjecture is not convincing. G A L B A A king of the Suessiones, who in 57 B.C. commanded the army of the Belgae which was defeated by Caesar BG 2. 4. 7 galbam (balbam S1) ω (ace.); 13. 1 galbae ABSLM, galbe
COT (gen.). Dio Cassius 39. 1. 2 has a form αοράν (v.l. άορόν) (ace). It seems probable that he refers here to the king of the Suessiones mentioned by Caesar. T h e form was corrected by Xylander and Bekker to read γαλβάν. See Holder, AcS 1. 185, 3. 663, Rice Holmes, CG 658. 4 For many examples of this well-attested name, the cognomen of the R o m a n gens Sulpicia, see Holder, AcS 1. 1621 ff. T h e first Galba known to us was a consul of 211 B.C.5 Suetonius 6 recorded the view that galba was Gaulish, meaning 'praepinguis' and also 'worm, borer'. Quintilian 7 compared cognomina such as Rufus> Longus, Plautus, Pansa, 1
See Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 127; Holder, AcS 1. 1418 ('son von *Elusc-u-); V.
Rolland, Cahiers d'histoire et d* archiologie 6, 1933, 290. See also H. Rolland, Counter
numismatique, 7e annee (no. 33-34, oct.-d^c. 1933), 94, id., Gallia 2, 1944, 170Γ; 2 Sicardi, Rivista di Studi Liguri 23, 1957, 236. See IEW 588. 3 Sir Ifor Williams (CLIH 76 f.) suggested for ysgwn the meaning 'ready, swift, strong, brave, stubborn'. 4 The comparison of the coin legends ?caloua, calou, calu (AcS 1. 705, 3. 1051) with Caesar's Galba, proposed by de Saulcy (Annuaire de la soc.fr. de num. et a*arch.
2, 1867, 18 f.), has been abandoned. See Blanchet, Traite'84; Holder, ^ ^ 3 . 1051; Changarnier, Memoires de Vacad. de Dijon 1925-6, 275 f.; Whatmough, DAG 206. 5 P. Sulpicius Galba (Liv. 25. 41. 11). 6 Qui primus Sulpiciorum cognomen Galbae tulit, cur out unde traxerit, ambigitur. Quidam putant, quod oppidum Hispaniae frustra diu oppugnatum inlitis demum galbano facibus succenderit; alii, quod in diuturna valetudine galbeo, id est remediis lana involutis, assidue uteretur; nonnulli, quod praepinguis fuerit visus, quern galbam Galli vocent; vel contra, quod tarn exilis, quam sunt animalia, quae in aesculis nascuntur, appellanturque galbae. 7 Galba 3. 1. Inst. Or. 1. 4. 25.
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and Scaurns. The question of the etymology is difficult. But Galba may be Gaulish in origin, a cognate of Lat. globus 'a ball, sphere', gleba 'a lump of earth, land, soil', O N . kalfi 'thigh, calf (of the leg)', Goth. kalbo c young cow', etc. See Urk. Spr. 107; AcS 1. 1621; W.-H. 1. 577.; E.-M. 472; IEW 359 f.; Whatmough, PID 340D,1 DAG 207; Og. 6, 1954, 143 f · Note also the following items: (a) galbiis 'pale green, yellow' (gaulus 'merops' Isid., galbinus 'pale green, yellowish' Petron. and later writers), for which see W-H. 1. 578 f., 585, 867, E.-M. 472, 477, Whatmough, Die Sprache 1, 1949, 127, DAG 158, 220, Pokorny, IEW 4 2 9 ; (b) galbanum (Celsus and later writers) 'the resinous sap of an umbelliferous plant in Syria', for which see W.-H, 1. 578, 867, E.-M. 472, DAG 207. G N A T Ο ILTG 170 (inscription of fitrechy, Cher) For this inscription see this section s.n. Carantanae. Cravayat was probably right in recognizing here a personal name Gnato. According to his interpretation of the text the name is nominative. But this is entirely conjectural. I a m not satisfied that we can determine the relationship of the name to other forms in the inscription. If it is an /z-stem it is nominative; if it is an 0-stem it is either dative or (with loss of s) nominative. For Gaulish gnato- see section (A) (ii) s.v.2 G O B A N N I T I O Brother of Celtillus. I n 52 B.C. he tried to re strain Vercingetorix in his efforts to rouse popular enthusiasm for rebellion BG 7. 4. 2 gobannitione (gobannicione Q,) a, gobannitino T R 1 , gobatnitino V, gobannitio UR C (abl.). Gobannitione, with -nn- rather than -w-, has been rightly preferred by Gluck 3 and the editors of BG* on account of the personal name Gobannicno (also read Gobannilo, -ilno) in an inscription preserved in the abbey of Saint-Just, near Suze, 5 and the British local name Gobannio IA ([Go]bannio Rav.), now Abergavenny. 6 T h e reading of Q i s clearly an instance of confusion of c and t. T h e variants in β manuscripts point to a name *Gobannitinus or *Gobannitius.7 T h e suffixes -ito- or 1 Whatmough thought that the suffix -a might point to an Etruscan or Illyrian source rather than a Celtic one, and remarked 'If really Keltic, it is probably also Cisalpine.' 2 Compare especially PN Gnatus. 3 AW" 107 ff. 4 In Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 550 (giving the variants gobannitione a, gobanniti{n)o β only) Meusel remarked 'Der Name kommt sonst nicht vor. Das eine durfte ebensogut moglich sein wie das andere.' See also Hering, 28, n. 3. 5 CIL 5. 7290, 7230. See de Jubainville, RC 10, 1889, 231 ff.; AcS 1. 2030; VKG 1. 86; GOI209; DAG 9; KGP 221. 6 See AcS, loc. cit.; de Jubainville, RC 24, 1903, 228; EANC 144 f.; BSRC 24. 7 The variant in V seems to have arisen by a form of dittography or metathesis.
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-itio- and -ino- are common in Celtic PNN. But the consensus of evidence in α manuscripts perhaps favours the form Gobannitio (w-stem). In any case the name is a derivative of a Gaulish stem gobann-, cognate with O l r . , M l l r . goba(e) 'smith' (gen. gobann), M o d l r . gabha, W. gof, OGorn. gof gl. faber uel cudo, Bret, gof, gov (Vannes go). See Holder, AcS 1. 2030; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 114; de Jubainville, RC 23, 1902, 162; Pedersen, VKG 1. 86, 2. 112 (LP 176, 180); Dottin 93, 260; T h u m e y sen, GOI209; Og. 7, 1955, 282 f.1 Note also PN (or DN?) Goban[(?) in a fragmentary inscription found at Ford, nr. Canterbury. 2 T h e form gobedbi in a Gaulish inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine {DAG 169) has sometimes been quite arbitrarily connected with Ir. goba, etc. See Foisson, RC 33, 1912, 101 fF. (also id., Bull, de la soc. de geogr. de Rochefort 30, 1908, 263 (RC 32, 1911, 119 f.)), Dottin 260. 3 An element cognate with Gaul, gobann- is well attested in Insular Celtic names. Beside the Welsh local and river name Gafenni, Gefenni (also Abergafenni, Eng. Abergavenny mentioned above), 4 note also the Welsh river name Gafenni (Carms.) {EANC 143) and the personal name Gofannon (G. 545), s the Cornish L N N Trengoff, Trengove,6 Rosgothe, Rosgof7 Castle-goff* the Old Breton P N N Rangof Riuuorgou, Uuorgouan* MlBret. and ModBret. Goff, (Le) Goff, Le Gouff™ and the local name Rosgo.11 Note also Ir. Gob(b)dn, Gobban Saer,12 and Goibniu.13 I C C A U O S DAG 160 (inscription of Auxey-le-Grand, nr. Volnay, Cote-d'Or) T h e name is an 0-stem nominative in -os, subject of ieuru. Compare 1
There are no certain cognates outside Celtic. See Fleuriot, DGVB 177. The remarks of Henry {Lexique etymologique des termes les plus usuels du Breton moderne (Rennes, 1900), 136), of Morris-Jones (WG 160), and of Macbain (An Etym. Diet, of the Gaelic Language (Stirling, 1911), 200) are not convincing. 2 JRS 24, 1934, 219 f., no. 4. 3 But opinion concerning this form has varied greatly. See, intei dlios, Ebel, KSB 5, 1868, 79; Pictet, RA 15, 1867, 325 f.; Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 132; Lejay, Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or 20; Zimmer ap. GIL 13. 2880; Rhys, Insc. 8 f.; Jullian, REA 10, 1908, 353 (also 11, 1909, 258; 13, 1911, 467); Thurneysen, %CP 6, 1908, 558; Haas, £CP 23, 1943, 289 f.; Schmidt, MSS 12, 1958, 56, n. 41, IF 66, 1961, 271, n. 11; van Tassel Graves, Og. 15, 1963, 227. 4 Prof. I. LI. Foster has kindly drawn my attention to another local name Gqfilon, also in Monmouthshire. 5 See W. J. Gruffydd, Math vab Mathonwy (Cardiff, 1928), 145 ff., Williams, 6 PKM 272. See T. F. G. Dexter, Cornish Names (London, 1926), 25, 68. 7 8 See Dexter, op. cit. 35. See Dexter, op. cit. 47. 9 I0 See Loth, Chr. bret. 133. See GMB 278, Og., loc. cit. 11 See Smith, TB 115. 12 See RIADict. G. 128, also Gruffydd, op. cit. 146, O'Rahilly, EIHM 526, T. P. Cross, Motif-Index of Early Irish Literature (Bloomington, Indiana s.a.), p. 6, A 143. 13 See RIADict., G. 129, also C. Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae (Oxonii, 1910), 1. clxiv, n. 7, Gruffydd, loc. cit., O'Rahilly, op. cit. 314 ff., 525 f., Cross, op. cit., p. 6, A 142.
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especially PN ?Icca{u)us DAG 83 and the following names: P N N Iccalus DAG 140; Iccia, -ius, see below s.n. Iccius; Iccianus 8 3 ; Iccinus 8 3 ; Iccnus 156, R e m a r k ; Icco 156, 192; Icconius CIL 3. 6417; L E N N *Icciacus mod. Issy-1'Eveque (Seine-et-Loire), etc., AcS 2. 17; Icidmago TP, Icutmageon Rav., for Ic{c)iomagus? Usson? DAG 148 ; 2 Ic{c)iodurus {-durum) Greg. T u r . Yzeures-sur-Creuse (Indre-et-Loire) 179. 3 T h e local distribution of these names makes it probable that at least some of them are Celtic. See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 320. T h e etymology of these names is obscure. 4 Iccauos seems to be a derivative in -auos5 of an uncompounded n a m e in ice- showing the consonantal gemination which is characteristic of pet-names. I t may be worth comparing here also some other names, chiefly from Ancient Gaul. References to various attempts to interpret some of them are given in footnotes: P N N : Ic[ DAG 136; lea (masc.) 156; Icarus 83, 244; 6 Icelus 83, 2 0 3 ; Iclius 182; Icnus (?for Lic(i)nus) 192; 7 Icomius 182 ; ?Icoppi 224; Icorigas (gen.), Icon (nom. or gen.) ECMW 84; ?icot DAG 2 0 5 ; Icotasgus 182 ; 8 Icovicus 228 (iv) ; 9 Icuco 176; Icum[ 214; Icurisi, ?Icusisi 176; Icurm[ or Icurn[ 214, Icurnus 228 (ix); Icurori 194; Icus 244. 10 L E N N : Icara Rav. {AcS 2. 16) for Incara (Anger)? DAG 148; Icarus, trib. of the Rhone, now Aygues AcS 2. 16 ; n Icauna {-g-) fl., Yonne DAG 179; 12 Iceni in Britain AcS 2. 19 f.;» *Iciacus (fundus) Yssac-laTourette en Auvergne (Puy-de-Dome), etc., AcS 2. 20 f.; Iciniqcum TP, now Itzing Z)^4G 2 4 1 ; Iciodorensis uicus Issoire DAG 148; Iconii 8 0 ; Icorigium {Ego-) nr. Trier (Iunkerath) 209 (also 212); νίκοταριου (gen.) Gal. Spr. 159; Iculisna, Ecolisnenses, Aquil- Angouleme DAG 153. 13 I Whatmough listed this form after C. Marteaux and M. Le Roux, Boutae 2 (Annecy, 1913), 322. See also Holder, AcS 2. 18. 3 See Holder, AcS 2. I7f. 4 The alleged Gaul. ico~ 'water' is dismissed by Vendryes (RC 46, 1929, 362) as a form without basis in Celtic. The etymology proposed for PNN Iccius and Iccauos and EN Iceni by Pokorny in Urg. 161 is purely hypothetical. He has failed to quote any certain Celtic cognates. 5 See Holder, AcS 1. 316, 3. 777 f.; Daville, REA 26, 1924, 230 ff.; Marchot, Rev. beige de phil. et d'hist. 1, 1922, 641 ff.; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 118 f. 6 See also Holder, AcS 2. 16, Lejeune, Celtiberica 104, 123. 7 Cf. Iccnus above. 8 Whatmough added in parenthesis the remark 'or two words'. See Schmidt, 9 KGP 225, 276. See Schmidt, op. cit. 225, 295. 10 See Pokorny, Urg. 161; Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 201, Spr. Illyr. 83; Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 164, 2. 52 f. (cf. Scherer, Kratylos 8, 1963, 51). II See Pokorny, loc. cit. 12 See Pokorny, loc. cit.; Og. 8, 1956, 437; Vendryes in Recueil de travaux qffert a M. Clovis Brunei 2. 643. 13 See Vendryes, loc. cit.; Chastang, Bull, et τηέπι. de la soc. arch, et hist, de la Charente i960, 97-107 (REA 64, 1962, 332).
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2
D N N : Icae (dat.) CIL 3. 3031 ; Icauna (or -is) DAG 181 ; Ucotiis 8 2 ; Icouellauna 211 (also 213). 3 I C C I U S A leader of the R e m i sent with Andocumborius to inform Caesar of the conspiracy of the Belgae in 57 B.C. BG 2. 3. 1 siccium xB 1 MS c NTp 3 sicium V, soccium S 1 , iccium BCL (ace.); 6. 4 iccius aU, iaius T 1 , luius V, ictius (or ittius?) R, zVfrW T c ; 7. 1 iccio B C M C SLN(?)R 5 icco A O B W , wfto A C T C U, iaio TXV (abl.). T h e correct form is probably Iccius. N o satisfactory case can be made out for preferring any of the other variants. At BG 2. 3. 1 the initial s- in the variant sic (c) turn which is so well attested must have arisen through contamination with the ending of the form legatos which immediately precedes. 4 It is unlikely that coins bearing the legend eccaio{s) should be attributed to Caesar's Iccius.s Compare rather the following forms: Icci (gen.) CIL 13. 3717 (Trier); ?Ic(ci) (gen.?) 13. 10036. 5 2 ; 6 P . Iccius Veratianus 12. 1335 (Saint-Roman-deMalegarde, Vaucluse); M. Iccius Mummius 12. 1705 (Au Pegue, nr. Valreas, Vaucluse); M. Icci Soterichi (gen.) 12. 3226 (La Coste, nr. Nimes, G a r d ) ; M. Iccius Gallia 18, 1960, 201 f., no. 6 (Montelegier, D r o m e ) ; Iccius A. Piganiol, Les Documents cadastraux de la colonie romaine d'Orange (Paris, 1962), p. 281, C. 310 (also 282); Icci (voc.) Horace, carm. 1. 29. 1, epist. 1. 12. i. 7 See also CIL 12. 5686. 592 b (Vienne), 593 (Nimes). Compare PN Icciae CIL 12. 1733 (Saint-PaulTrois-Chateaux, Drome). For other names in ice- see above s.n. Iccauos. Iccius in BG is probably a Celtic name, possibly a hypocoristic formed by shortening a compounded name such as Icorigas/Icori ECMW84. or Icovicus DAG 228 (iv). It shows the characteristic feature of consonant gemination. 1
See Holder, AcS 2. 16; Pokorny, Krahe, Mayer, and Scherer, locc. citt. CIL 13. 2921 (with add.). 3 See Linckenheld, Annuaire de la soc. d'hist. et d'arch. de la Lonaine 38, 1929, 135 ff. (RC 46, 1929, 362; 47, 1930, 461), Schmidt, KGP 225. 4 See Kraner-Dittenberger 1. 384. 5 For this attribution see F. de Saulcy, Annuaire de la sociite frangaise de numismatique 1867, 23, Forrer, Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft fur lothnngische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 21, 1909, 97 fF. (RC 32, 1911, 401). Compare Mur.-Chab., p. 172; Holder, AcS 1. 1404; Blanchet, Traite', p. 84; Changarnier, Mim. de Vacad. de Dijon 1925-6, 276 f.; Colbert de Beaulieu, Og. 8, 1956, 248-51, RAE io, 1959, 76, EC 10, 1962-3, 203; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 27, n. 33 (also p. 437); Karl Pink, Einfuhrung in die keltische Munzkunde2· (Wien, i960), 44, 51, 52, pi. viii (no. 114); Duval, Paris antique (Paris, 1961), 91, n. 24, 93, n. 27 bis. 6 The inscription is read as (a) gicicati and (b) . icic... with the comment 'G. Ic(c)i Cati(lli?) videtur etsi interpunctionis signa desunt.' 7 The M. Iccius of Cicero, Phil. 3. 10. 26 is doubtful in view of the variant readings of the manuscripts. 2
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?[Ι]ΛΛΑΝΟΥΙΑΚΟΣ DAG 67 (inscription of Nimes, Gard) For this inscription see this section s.n. ?[Κ]αρταρ[ος], The first letter is a restoration based on Dardalhion's account and on early editions such as that of Colson. T h e damaged ν has also been read as t (e.g. by Dardalhion), and the doubtful ι which follows it has (more under standably) been read as τ (e.g. by Colson) and as γ (v. Diet. arch, de la Gaule, Inscc. gaul., no. 1). Lengthy speculation concerning these various readings would not be profitable. T h e form listed here, with ι restored at the beginning, may well be correct in view of PN Illanuonis (gen.) CIL 13. 8409 (Koln), P N Illanuissae (gen., masc.) CIL 13. 4301 (Metz), 1 and perhaps the fragmentary PN(?) ]illanis of CIL 13. 183 (Montousse). 2 For other names in ill- see below s.n. Illios. Stokes 3 interpreted the form as a genitive expressing filiation and pointing to a nominative *Illanuiax. He also compared the Irish P N Illann Find of the story of Deirdre and the sons of Uisneach. 4 However, as Rhys rightly insisted, 5 there are no comparable instances of genitive forms in -acos in Gaulish, and it seems preferable to treat -α/cos- as suffixal. Its precise function in this form is uncertain. It could be the ending of a hypocoristic or a local name. But it is tempting to think that its function here is patronymic. 6 T h e name m a y be an o-stem nomina tive in -os in agreement with a personal name (subject of δβδβ) which preceded it, a name which is very uncertainly read as [Κ]αρταρ[ος], But the text of line 1 of the inscription is so doubtful that no wholly satisfactory interpretation is possible. I L L I O S La Graufesenque graffito illios DAG 115 I I , 1. 4. ]lios D A G 115 I (a), 1. 12 may also belong here. 7 T h e name is a ώ-stem nominative in -ios. Compare the following P N N : Hiatus DAG 244; Ilidius 8 3 ; Il(l)iomarus and Illum[arus], see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-; ]iliouico(s) DAG 157; Ilius, -ia 244; Ilia 176; Illaesesi JRS 47, 1957, 232; Illai (gen., m.) DAG 8 7 ; Illi{a)nus 1 Or Lanuissae? See Whatmough, DAG 214 and compare Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266. 2 See DAG 87, also Appendix s.n. Inianuvetitius. 3 BB 11, 1886, 124 f., 333. C . GrDAG 85, suggesting a dat. ]ιλλανουι. 4 See The Death of the Sons of Uisneach (ed. W. Stokes), 11. 488 ff. in Irische Texte, ii/2 (Leipzig, 1887), p. 141. Note also Illand Ilarchless mac Fergusa TBC, 1. 4306 (see p. 612, n. 3); Illann in Scela Mucce Meic Datho (ed. R. Thurneysen) (Dublin, 1935), 21. 13; Illand mac Fergusa in Fled Bricrend (ed. G. Henderson), Irish Texts Society ii (London, 1899), par. 12 ; Ulan in Facsimile of Ms. Rawlinson Β 502 (Oxford, 1909), 84b. 9 ff. See further O'Brien, CGH 665. s /^c. 35. 6 See de Jubainville, RC 11, 1890, 248, Sicardi, Rivista di studi ligun 23, 1957, 227, 234. 7 The sherd is broken on the left and this form is therefore incomplete. Oxe" (no. 11) restored the form as [Il]lios.
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193; Illio 151, Remark Ε ; Illius 156, 156, Remark B, -ia 158; Ilio 151; Illos 203, -us 132,1 244; ?Illusus 224. For PN [Ι]λλανονιακος 67 and other P N N in Ulan- see above. Note also perhaps EN ?Ambiliatos (ace.) BG3. 9, ίο.* Gaulish il{l)io- in some of these names (e.g. in P N N Il(l)ius, Hiatus, Il(l)iomarus, and in EN ?Ambiliati) has been treated as a cognate of W. ζ7ώ 'to ferment 5 and iliad 'fermentation'. These Welsh forms have in turn been related to Lat. ilia 'part of the body between the ribs and thighs', Gk. ΐλια- μόρια (δώρα ms.) γυναικβΐα, ΐλιον το της γυναικός εφήβαιον δηλοΐ. και κόσμον γυναικεΐον παρά Κωοις Hesych., and to
a n u m b e r of Germanic forms such as AS. He 'sole of the foot', ON. il. See first Gluck, KM 21 s.n. Ambiliati, then Stokes-Bezzenberger, Urk. Spr. 46 s.w. ilio-, illio-, Holder, AcS 2. 31 f. s.w. il-io-, illio-, Dottin, p. 262 s.v. Mo-, See further F . C. Diack, RC 39, 1922, 152; W. J . Watson, The History of the Celtic Place-Names of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1926), 8 7 ; W.-P. 1. 163 f.; W.-H. 1. 678; W 4 9 9 ; Og. 8, 1956,439; Schmidt, KGP 225. However, I am not satisfied about the comparison with W . Mo and iliad. They appear to be late forms. II and ilio occur in W. glossaries and dictionaries as follows : 3 HI [il] New ale' in E. Lhuyd, Archaeologia Britannica (Oxford, 1707), 218; '//, [il] Diod yn yr il, new ale, while it is working' in Thomas Richards, Antiquae Linguae Britannicae Thesaurus (Bristol, 1753); 'diod yn yr IV s.v. new ale, or ale in the kive in J o h n Walters, An English and Welsh Dictionary (London, 1770-94); 'il s. f.—pi. t. -ion that is in motion; progression or state of producing; a ferment, cwrwynyril ale in the fermentation' Pughe; 'ilio: rhoi kwickyn' in a Peniarth glossary (c. 1588), see BBCS 2, 1925, 146; 'Uestr ilio* s.v. lacus in D.; 'Maw v.a. (il) to put in motion, to ferment. llestyr Maw a fermenting vessel' in Pughe. 3 Instances of these forms in texts are rare. 4 Note the following: 'MaVv mor ο lawer m a n ' Gwaith Tudur Penllyn ac Ieuan ap Penllyn, gol. T h o m a s Roberts (Gaerdydd, 1958), no. 48, 1. 44 (see apparatus criticus and note ad loc.); Welsh Leech Book, ed. Timothy Lewis (Liverpool, 1914), 3 3 ; 'dilio ag ilio galwyn' (Edward Morris) Mostyn M S . 96. 5 8 ; Gwaith Prydyddawl y diweddar Rice Jones ό*τ Blaenau, gol. R . J o n e s Owen (Dolgelleu, 1818) 310; 'mynd i'r il a barilo / nes yfed y cwbl drwbl dro' ( i 6 t h - i 7 t h centuries) Cefn Coch MSS, ed. J . Fisher (Liverpool, 1899), 227; c fe droe'n Iuddew, drwyn eiddil, / 1
See Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 385, no. 104. ambiliatos a, ambianos β, ambiuaritos Oros. 6. 8. 8. See Rice Holmes, CG 367; Kraner-Dittenberger 1. 417. 3 I am much indebted to Mr. R. J. Thomas, editor of GPC, for supplying references to most of these examples. 4 Pughe also gave the forms iliad 'a fermenting, fermentation' and iliawg 'being fermenting, fermented'. I have not seen any examples of these forms in a Welsh text. 2
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ar Air, ond cael Cwrw o'r iV (Lewis Morris) Diddanwch Teuluaidd, gol. Hugh Jones (Llundain, 1763); £Ac i fwlch y Stwnt il j Ac i Nant y BariP Dafydd Jones, Cydymaith Diddan (Chester, 1766), 80. II appears to mean 'vat' or 'brew'. I t is not an old word in Welsh, judging from the instances of the form known to me. 1 Therefore, com parison of Gaulish forms with W. ilio and iliad is not satisfactory. 2 I think that we must accept the view that il(l)io- is one of a number of well attested Gaulish n a m e elements which have no certain counter parts in Insular Celtic at all. 3 Ι Τ Ο Σ DAG 166 (inscription of La Fanderolle on Mont-Auxois, AliseSainte-Reine, Cote-d'Or) T h e inscription is read as ντοσαυον\ωτ
It is tempting to treat it as it stands; as simply subject (Ιτος)-f-verb (αυουωτ). But we must note t h a t it is also possible that the text is in complete. 4 Ιτος, therefore, m a y be a personal name, an o-stem nominative in -o?. T h e n a m e is most probably Celtic. I t would be rash to propose a definite etymology for such a form. But we can compare names such as the following: P N N : ?Itacus DAG 182; Itaiccus 214; Itamon 237; Itavus 83 ; 5 Itero 8 3 ; Ites Note (liii) (p. 1077); Ithacius 214; Iti[ 8 3 ; Itius 140, 176; Itocns(?) ECMW 148; Itosius DAG, Note (xlv) C ; Itotagi OIL 4. 2 4 5 1 ; Itta, Itto, Ittu,6 ItulusDAG 244; Ittixonis (gen., m.) 8 7 ; ?Ituraeus 237; Ituveri (gen.) CIL 8. 9060.7 L E N N : ciu. Itiiu[DAG 1
2 4 1 ; "Ιτιος (w.ll. Εΐτιος, Ίτνος, Ίτήου)
(gen.)
In any case the etymology proposed by Gluck and all those who have fol lowed him is hardly tenable. For a recent attempt to find a different etymology for W. il and ilio (: Skt. puyati 'putrifies, stinks', Lith. puliai pi. 'pus', Eng. foul, etc., IEW 849) see R. A. Fowkes, Lingua Posnaniensis 6, 1958, 106 f. 2 It should be noted that Holder (AcS 2. 33) assumed that there was an element cognate with Gaul, illio- in the Welsh PN Illiman, Iliman. This is presumably the personal name Iliman of LL 203. 3 See Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 431. 4 Whatmough {DAG, loc. cit.) commented that the text may be incomplete both right and left in 1. 1, right (Irecte left) in 1. 2. But he declared that 'the existing text is intelligible'. See also Rhys, Addit. 37 f., pi. iv/8; CIL 13. 11259; Dottin, no. 34. 5 See Holder, AcS 2. 82, comparing Bret, eteo 'fire-brand' ( < *pitaui-s) and OGorn. itheu gl. ticio (OCV 382). See Loth, RC 17, 1896, 440; 42, 1925, 58 ff.; Lloyd-Jones, G. 493 s.v. etewyn {ett-); Og. 9, 1957, 101; Vendryes, LEI A A-ioo; Fleuriot, DGVB i67f.; Hemon,7io; GPC 1252. 6 See M. Falkner in Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft (Arbeiten aus dem Institui f. allgemeine und vgl. Spr., hrsg. v. W. Brandenstein, Graz) (Wien, 1948), 43. 7 Germanic? See Schmidt, KGP 228, 293.
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Ptol. 2. 3. 111 Itiusportus, "Ιτιον άκρον Ptol., nr. Boulogne DAG 212 ;2 ?Itocae[ ciuit. 212; Itucodon Rav., in south Scotland BSRC 36 ;3 Ίτούνα fl. Eden Ptol. 2. 3. 2 ;4 ?Iturium ins. (v.l. Sturium) DAG 80. Ι0ΥΠΛΛ1ΑΚ0Σ AE 1954, 105 (inscription of Calissanne, Bouchesdu-Rhone) The inscription is on a 'vasque de pierre' discovered at Calissanne in the course of excavations south of the Fosse Merueil in 1949. It was reported by J. Gourvest (Og. 6, 1954, 259-61, pis. x-xi) 5 who read, on the side, πορζιξιουγιΧλιακοσΰς&ςβελζινο
This he interpreted as 'GILLIACOS (fils) de POREIXIOS A DONNE A BELEINOS'. Above the last word, on the flat edge, he read BPATOYI, which he suggested was for βρατουδζ. He assumed that πορςιξιου and γιλλιακος were Celtic PNN. 6 But Duval (REA 57, 1955, 328) rejected this interpretation. He adopted a suggestion made to him by Henri Rolland. ποραιξ at the beginning is to be interpreted as a PN in the nominative. It is followed by ιουγιλλιακος cun surnom "patronymique, local ou hypocoristique" \ Moreover, Duval drew attention to the possibility that one letter, perhaps e, should be re stored before π at the beginning, as the stone is broken at this point.7 The word division proposed by Gourvest is not acceptable. There is probably here a personal name Ιουγιλλιακος. Compare a similar votive inscription of Nimes (DAG 67), where a PN in the nominative together with another name in -ιακο? precede the verb SeSe* The same doubt 1 The name has been related to Olr. ethaid 'goes', etc. (IEW 295). See Stokes ap. Holder, AcS 2. 82; W. J. Watson, op. cit. 45; Forster, FT 244; Thomas, BBCS 8, 1937, 42. 2 Also Goessler, P.-W. xxii/i (1953) s.n., Dion, Latomus 22, 1963, 203. 3 Itu- has been related to Olr. ith 'corn, grain', W.yd: Skt. pitu-, Eng.fat, etc. See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 45; Watson, op. cit. 243; E. Ekwall, English River Names (Oxford, 1928), 143; Pokorny, IEW 794; Og. 9, 1957, 101; Thomas, loc. cit.; Fleuriot, DGVB 167 s.v. (2) {et). 4 Compare the forms Tunnocelum ND, Iuliocenon Rav.y and see the following: Ekwall, op. cit. 142 f.; Forster, FT 225, n. 1, 247, 325; BSRC 36; Jackson, LHEB 554, 578, 673. L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 67) claimed that Iros was probably hypocoristic, and quite arbitrarily suggested comparing Skt. pita- 'yellow'. This Sanskrit form is entirely without etymology. It has no clear cognates in Celtic. s See also F. Benoit, Gallia 11, 1953, 112, whence AE 1954, loc. cit. 6 With the former he compared Ateporix AcS 1. 258; with the latter he compared the LN Gilly-les-Citeaux (Cote-d'Or), cited by Holder, AcS 1. 2021 s.n. Giliacus, and ]λλιακο? in an inscription of Notre-Dame-du-Grozeau, nr. Malaucene (Vaucluse) (Dottin, no. 2). (This inscription has been much mutilated, and the reading in line 2 is by no means certain. See DAG 56.) 7 See Og. 6, 1954, pi. xi/sa. 8 See this section s.nn. ?[Ε^]αρταρ[ος] and [Ι]λλανουιακος. See also the frag mentary inscription of Notre-Dame-du-Grozeau referred to above.
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arises concerning the function of the suffix -(ι)ακος here as with the name in the Nimes inscription. It may well be patronymic in both cases.1 Ιουγιλλιακος is, therefore, probably an o-stem nominative in -os· in agreement with a P N in -ρ€ΐξ (nom., subject of δεδβ) which precedes it. 2 T h e name is not known elsewhere, and it is hard to see how it is to be explained. Perhaps it is a derivative of Gaulish iougo-jiugo- (iouco-j iuco~) 'a yoke' (: W. iau, Bret, ieo, cognate with Lat. iugum, etc.) 3 seen in a number of Gaulish names. Note the following: P N N Ateioucus DAG 83;* Atioucius, Atiougo (-onis) 244; Ricoveriugus 156 ; 5 Veriucus 8^,6 Veriugus 136, 2O8A, 244; 7 D N Veriugodumnus 213 (or PN, see 214). 8
See further Appendix s.n. ?Ixutiou. L E U C U L L O DAG 141 (inscription of Neris-les-Bains, Allier) T h e inscription is probably funerary. But some authorities have treated it as votive. Stokes 9 claimed t h a t there was in 11. 4-5 a D N Leucullosu followed by a verbal form iorebe from the same root as ieuru.10 Holder, following Stokes, listed a D N Leucullosos in AcS 2. 196. Mowat 1 1 thought that the name in 1. 4 was Leucullo, a divine name, dat. sg., and confessed t h a t 11. 5-6 were to him obscure. Rhys 1 2 treated Leucullo as a PN, dat. sg., and claimed t h a t it was followed in 1. 5 by a form suiorebe 'to or for two sisters' (dat. dual). T h e word-division favoured by M o w a t and Rhys should be pre ferred. We probably have to deal here with a name Leucullo, a per sonal name rather than a divine name. I t is an 0-stem dative showing 1
2 See Sicardi, locc. citt. See Appendix s.n. Ίττοραξ. 3 See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 224; Holder, AcS 2. 66; Dottin 263; Pedersen, VKG 1. 98 (LP 29); Morris-Jones, WG 109; W-H. 1. 728; Pokorny, IEW 508 f.; Jackson, LHEB 441; Schmidt, KGP 227; Og. 10, 1958, 436 f. 4 See Schmidt, KGP 139, 227. s See de Jubainville, NG 61, Schmidt, KGP 69, 71, 258. 6 See Schmidt, KGP 227, 291. 7 See Oswald, Index 331 and, for the interpretation of the name, de Jubainville, loc. cit., Schmidt, KGP 227, 291 f. 8 See de Jubainville, NG 60 f., Schmidt, KGP 292. The (hypocoristic?) names luccosa DAG 214 and luccus 228 (ix), showing unvoiced geminate beside voiced simplex in iug(o)-3 may belong here. Note also perhaps PNN 1 Iucgumattius DAG 224, Iucius 6, Iuciussicus 196. Hubschmied claimed (Schweizensche Lehrerzeitung, 27 Feb. x 933 CflC 5X> T 934J X 49)) that the name of the Alpes Iuliae (with *iiilo- < *ieug-slo, or *iug-slo-) belonged here also. His suggestion was accepted by Whatmough in Foundations of Roman Italy (London, 1937), 177 with n. 3 (see also id., Lg. 33, 1957, 594). Compare W.-H. 1. 729, Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 248. 9 RC 5, 1881-3, 116-19, BB 11, 1886, 134-6. 10 In CIL 13. 1388 add. it was claimed that there was an interpunct after su in 1. 5. Stokes's interpretation was not accepted by Zimmer (teste CIL, loc. cit.). See Ix also Dottin, no. 48. RA 35, 1878, 94 ff. 13 Celtae and Galli 38, n. 2, Insc. 53, Addit. 60. See also Og. 10, 1958, 215 and, for suiorebe, VKG 1. 532, 2. 106, GOI 182. Cf. GrDAG 109, 124, beside 123.
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the Latin or Latinized termination -5. Leuco-jlonco- is well attested as an element in Celtic names, examples of which are listed below. It is related to the IE. root *leuk- 'to light' seen in W. Hug 'light', O l r . luchair 'glittering, bright; brightness, renown', Uichet 'lightning, bright ness', etc., and in Skt. rocate 'shines', Gk. λευκός 'light, bright, clear, white', Lat. lux 'light', etc. See Mowat, RA 35, 1878, 101 if.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 242 ff.; Holder, AcS 2. 195, 2 9 1 ; VKG 1. 54; W.-P. 2. 408 ff.; Dottin 265, 267; Wartburg, FEW s.w. *leuxos and *leuka; Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 8 7 ; W.-H. 1. 823 ff.; Pokorny, IEW687 ff.; Schmidt, KGP 2 3 1 ; Fleuriot, DGVB 247. P N N : Leuc[ DAG 205: Leuca 199; Leucadius Gallia 20. 1962, 676; fig. 35, PID xiic; Leucamulo (dat.) CIL 3. 5329 ;x ?Leucanus DAG 250; Leucena 244; Leucimara 244; Leucis (-as?) 250; Λεύκωνα (ace.) App. hisp. 4 6 ; Leuconia, -ius DAG 8 3 ; Leuconicus 250; Leucus 182; Loucinius CIL 2. 781, 5031, Louc. 2871, Louci (gen.) 2487 ; 2 ΙΛοΰκις DAG 182; Loucita f. CIL 3. 5289; ?[Lou]citta DAG 208. L E N N : Leuca Rav., Leucaro IA, Loughor BSRC3J ; 3 Leuca urbs (Tullum) DAG 212; Λζυκάριστος 241 ; 4 Leucata Mela 2. 5. 8 2 ; Leuceris Lecco AcS 2. 193; Z^wa DAG 212 (also 234); Leuciana IA AcS 2. 195; Leucomago Rav. BSRC 3 7 ; saltus Veluiae Leucomelius, saltus Veluiae Leucumellus PID xvii (iii) ; 5 Leucono I A AcS 1. 196 ; 6 Leucus mons DAG 148. D N N : Leucetius (Louc-), Loucius(?) DAG 181, 211, 213, 236, 243, 249 ; 7 Mars Leiicimalaciis PID xiv ; 8 Louci luteri RPH 89 f.; Lougestericus RPH 90. 9 See also section (B) s.n. Luceo. For the W. river name Llugwy, Eng. Lugg (Radnorsh., Salop, Heref.), also W. LlugwyjLligwy (Anglesey, Caerns., Merioneth) see E. Ekwall, English River-Names268 f., Thomas, BBCS8, 1935, 33 ff. L I C N O S DAG 162 (inscription of Autun, Saone-et-Loire) An o-stem nominative in -os, subject ofieuru. Concerning its relation ship to PN Contextos which immediately follows it see the discussion of 1
See section (A) (ii) s.v. CAMUL-. For these and other names see OPL 79, EAAHA 123 f. 3 See Thomas, BBCS 8, 1935, 34; Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 57. 4 Illyrian? See Pokorny, Urg. 7, 37, 79; Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 207 f., 2. 69 f. 5 See Pokorny, op. cit. 79, 96, Schmidt, KGP 231. 6 See Mayer, op. cit. 1. 208. 7 See Holder, AcS 2. 193; Dottin 265 (cf. Vendryes, RC 38, 1920-1, 184 f.; for W. lluched, etc., see now Fleuriot, loc. cit. beside Bergin, iZriu 12. 215); LP 8; Whatmough, PID 340D; Behrens, Mainzer Zts· 36, Ϊ941? 14 £> Vendryes, Rel2
Celt. 2 7 1 ; Klumbach, Limes-Studien. Vortrage des 3. Internationalen Limes-Kongresses in
RheinfeldenjBasel ig^y (1959), 69 fF. (REA 62, i960, 407); de Vries, KR 21, 58, 60, 136, 141. Compare DN Candidas DAG 181 (also AcS 1. 494. 4 f., DAG p. 1351). 8 See Ernault ap. AcS 1. 195; Pokorny, Urg. 79; Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 595. 9 Cf. DN tucoubu\Lucubu RPH 90 and see section (A) (ii) s.v. LUGU-,
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that name in section (A) (i). Compare PNN Licnus DAG 83, PID xiiA,1 CIL 7. 1336. 559 b ; Licnus (-£-) DAG 132;2 Licnio? 202, Remark, Licnius 214.3 Strachan4 equated Gaul. Licnos with the Irish PN Le'n.5 The name is probably Celtic, but I think that we must concede with Rhys 6 that it is of obscure origin. L I S C U S An Aeduan vergobret who in 58 B.C. concluded an agree ment with Caesar and undertook to feed his army. He disclosed to Caesar the intrigues of Dumnorix BG 1. 16. 5 lisco (abl.); 17. 1; 18. 1; 18. 2. The name is likely to be Celtic, but I can offer no linguistic proof of this. Compare PN Liscius CIL 13. 3707 (Trier) ;7 LN Lisse (Marne) derived from *Liscia by Holder, AcS 2. 239. Hardly compare PN Lisco PID viiic add. (Ven.). Duval has suggested8 a connexion between Caesar's Liscus and a gloss lisca (-ae) f. 'sedge' (CGL 5. 617. 25, 617. 26, 564. 33).9 L I T A V I C C U S An Aeduan nobleman who in 52 B.C. persuaded an Aeduan infantry contingent under his command to declare for Vercingetorix BG 7. 37. 1 litauiccus QBMU, -icus SLN, -ictus A, litauius T, littauicus V R ; 37. 7 litauiccus A c QBLNp, tali uiccus M, litauicus ST, littauicus V, 1
Note also PNN Licnos PID ivc, Licnus viiic, Licno viiic add. See CIL 13. 10010. 1145. For this name at La Graufesenque see CIL, loc. cit. i i 4 5 e l (Lignus), ii45 e · 2 {Lien.), Oswald, 163 ff., 396, 427. 3 See AcS 2. 211, CIL 13. 10010. 1144. 4 TPhS 1891-4, 229, whence Holder, AcS 2. 211, Pedersen, VKG 1. 125 {LP 43). 5 See W. Stokes (ed.), Lives of the Saints from the Book ofLismore (Oxford, 1890), xxxi. Cf. Ir. ten RIAContr. L. 97 f. 6 Insc. 12. There can be no question of relating Licnos to Ir. leaca (gen. leacan), derived by Stokes {IF 2, 1893, 172, see also Windisch, KB 8, 1876, 439 f., Zupitza, KZ 36, 1900, 233, Holder, AcS 2. 211) from Celtic *lek-non and related to OPr. laygnan 'cheek' and OChSl. lice 'face'. For Thurneysen {Hdb. ii. 84, K£ 48, 1918, 67) has shown that the old nom. sg. is lec{c)on (see Hessen 2. 59 s.v. leccann), i.e. *lethconn 'HalbkopF. Cf. W.-P. 2. 395 f. and see W.-H. 1. 797. For Celtic(?) and Illyrian names in lie- related by Pokorny to IE. *leig- 'biegen' see IEW 669. Cf. Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 210 f., 2. 71 f. Is lien- here a variant of licin-? 7 Whence PN Liscius DAG 2O8B (also 214). Weisgerber {Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 325) counted the name to be Celtic, as also PN Liscus in BG. He rightly condemned as 'sehr unsicher' Krahe's relating of Liscus to PNN Laiscus CIL 3. 13860 and Loiscus CIL 3. 3059 = 10070. See Krahe, PN. Lex. 61, 68, also Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 203, 2
212. 8
ECS, 1958-9, 182. Andre, Lexique des termes de botanique en Latin 189, lists lisca as a form of uncer tain origin. But see Hubschmid, ^CP 24, 1954, 81 ff., RPh. 15, 1961-2, 252, claiming that Lig., Piem., Lomb. lisca 'sedge' beside Fr. laiche, for example, reflect Celtic *leiska >{ *liska) beside Celtic *liska. See also von Wartburg, FEW 5, 1950, 372 ff. 9
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1 1
litaiiictiis A ; 38. 1 litaidccus vBMLNTp, -icus S, littauicus V ; 38. 4 litauiccus BMLNTU, lictauictus A, lictauiccus Q,, littauicus SVR; 38. 6 litauiccum BMLNTU 3 -uicum S, lictauictum A, lictauiccum Q,, littauicum VR (ace.); 39. 3 litauicci A1QBMSL/o3 -wza NT, littauici V, litauicti A c (gen.); 40. 3 litauicci AcBMLNTp3 -wzVz S, lictauicci Q 1 , lictauicici Q 0 , littauici V, litauicti A1 (gen.); 40. 6 litauicci A c QM c LNTp, -wia S, litiuicci BM1, /zYtoa V3 litauicti A 1 (gen.); 40. 7 litauiccus M c LNTp, -wzotf A 1 QBM 1 S, littauicus V, litauictus A c ; 42. 1 litauicco A c BMLNp, -wzft? ST, litouicco Q , littauico V, litauicto A 1 (abl.); 43. 2 litauicci AXQBC MLNTp, iitauicci B1, litauici S, littauici V, litauicti A c (gen.); 54. 1 litauiccum BMLNTp, litauictum A, litauicum QjS, littauicum V (ace.); 55. 4 litauiccum QBMLNTp, -uicum S, litauictum A, littauicum V (ace.); 67. 7 litauicci A C QBMLNTU, -wza V, litauicti A1, litabicci S, littauicci R (gen.). This name is also attested as follows: Λιταονίκου (gen.) Dio Cass. 40. 37. 1; Zzta, Zitaw, litauicos in coin legends of the Aedui (^ftS 2. 245, 2λ4(? 177).2 Compare PN Litauicci (gen.) in an inscription of Monthureux-sur-Saone (CZL 13. 4711) and PN Litauicco in an inscrip tion of Langres (C/L 13. 5797). The reading of the name is certain except for the termination -iccus or -iV&y. The evidence of the manuscripts of BG and of the names found in inscriptions mentioned above clearly favours accepting a form in -iccus. This is the form admitted by the editors.3 But the coin legends show several examples of the name in -icos, and some of the manu scripts also (chiefly S and V) have variants in -icus. M1W. Letewic^ ModW. Llydewig, and AS. Lidwiccias (w.U. Lidwicas, Lidwicingas) in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle* should not carry great weight in considering 1 It should be noted that the reading of the eighth letter in the name (c or t ?) is problematic in A. It is occasionally quite difficult to decide whether c has here been corrected to t or t corrected to c. 2 Concerning the coin legends see most recently Colbert de Beaulieu, Rev. beige de numumatique 101, 1955, 67 (fig. 67), Cat. Besangon 21 f. (no. 35), Homrn. Gren. 436 f. 3 See, inter alios, Holder, AcS 2. 244 f., Meusel, Lex. Caes. 2. 467 f., Rice Holmes, CG 844. Gliick (AW" 31, 119-21, 191), conceding that both Litauiccus and Litauicus are admissible, also preferred the form with -cc-. In favour of a form with -c-, Gliick compared the coin legends and the form found in Dio. This was the form preferred by Nipperdey. On the other hand Gliick argued that Litauiccus was found in an inscription, that the doubling of -c- was not uncommon, and that the form with -cc- was well attested in the manuscripts. The variants litauictus and lictauictus, with -ct- for -cc- through reading -t- for -c~, also pointed to a form Litauiccus. 4 e.g. PN Glythmyr Le\te\wic RM 134. 26, Glythuyr Ledewic 135. 1, Glythmyr Letewic 138. 11. 5 See Two of the Saxon Chronicles, ed. C. Plummer and J. Earle (Oxford, 1892-9), 885A, 910D, E, 915D, 91 8A. Forster (Archivf. d. Studium d. neueren Sprachen 146, 1923, ! 33 f·) compared the AS. variants Lidwiccas and Lidwicas with Gaul. Litauiccus and
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the form of the n a m e of the Aeduan. If we accept the reading Litauiccus it can be explained as a hypocoristic form, as suggested by Jackson {LHEB 568, η. i ) . 1 Compare PN Litauicrari (gen.?) CIL 13. 5708, I I . 11. 2 However, it is more probable, I think, that -ic(c)us* here is an adjectival suffix. For litaui- see section (A) (ii) s.v. L I T U V I DAG 229 (graffito of Blickweiler) This is the reading given by Bohn in Pfalzisckes Museum, Pfalziscke Heimat 1923, 39 f. and Germania 7, 1923, 64 η0.4 If this is correct the form may be a potter's name. It could b e a genitive in -z like the other names Carletisoni a n d Saqanoli in the same graffito and unlike the names in the graffiti of L a Graufesenque, which are nominative. Bohn and Loth 5 related the name to Gaul, litu- seen in names such as Litugenus and Litumarus (see section (A) (ii) s.v.). I t is probably a derivative in -uo~ of this Gaulish stem. L U G E Ο REA 58, 1956, 71-82 (inscription of the source of the Seine, Cote-d'Or) For this inscription see this section s.n. Areos. T h e r e is some d o u b t concerning the text in 1. 5.6 It is improbable that we can read here a form Luceos. Both Luceoi and Luceo a r e possible. T h e form is most probably a personal n a m e , and m a y be t h e n a m e of the person whose M1W. Letewic, suggesting that -cc- in Lidwiccas was borrowed as -cc-. However, Jackson pointed out (LHEB 568, n. 1, 653) that ModW. Llydewig derives from *Litauikos. 1 His alternative suggestion, that Litauiccus is a scribal error, is not convincing. 2 See DAG 237, KGP 232. Perhaps the name is local, not personal. See DAG 234. 3 See AcS 2. 19, 21 f.; Og. 8, 1956, 438; Sicardi, Rivista di Studi Liguri 23, 1957, 239; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 121, 122, 143; Schmoll, SVIHK 52 f. 4 See DAG 229 for a detailed bibliography. Whatmough read licuui with the comment 'perhaps licuias?9 If this is correct then it appears that there is here not a potter's name but a form of the name of the vase type licuias, for which see Loth, RC 41, 1924, 50, Fraser, RC 42, 1925, 93 f., Oxe, BJ 130, 1925, 84 f., Vendryes, BSL 76, 1924, 41, Thurneysen, Z^P l^> I 9 2 7> 293, Weisgerber, SprFK 203, Hermet 321. 5 CRAI1924, 68, RC 42, 1925, 222. 6 Martin's commentary (REA 58, 1956, 76) reads as follows: 'apres le 0 de luceo figure une haste verticale dont les extremity sont incertaines: faut-il lire luceoi uertecoma, ou luceos uertecoma, ou encore luceo nertecoma? Vers le bas, un oclat de la pierre ne permet pas de reconnaitre si un retour est amorce pour dessiner une lettre s semblable a celles des 1. 2 et 4 ; en haut, la haste verticale s'arrete sans rejoindre la branche oblique de la lettre suivante, mais on ne voit pas non plus Γ amorce du retour oblique qu'exigerait un s; luceos nous parait la lecture la moins vraisemblable; luceoi n'est pas exclu; pour lire luceo ner-, il faut admettre que la branche gauche de η n'a pas ete soudee a la haste mediane, ce qui n'est pas impossible, car, a la 1. 3, cette meme jonction est tres faiblement marquee; seule l'otude philologique peut permettre de choisir entre les trois lectures.' Cf, Lebel, RAE6, 1955, 157.
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head is carved in high relief beneath the triangular pediment bearing the inscription. It could be either dative or accusative. For this reason Lejeune rightly preferred the reading Luceo. Like Lejeune I believe that this form is accusative rather than dative, 1 with final -n not noted possibly because the following word commenced with n-. For the ending in -eo(n), with -eo- for -ώ-, compare P N Areos in this same inscription. Lejeune assumed that the name was the accusative of the Latin Lucius. But Lucius may well be one of those names which were common to Celtic and Italic (?: I E . *leuk- 'to light'). 2 See especially Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 262. For some instances of P N Lucius in Ancient Gaul see DAG 83, 139, 224, Note (xlix) (c) (p. 874), Note (xxvii) bis (p. 420). Note also the modern French L N N listed by Holder, AcS 2. 298 f. s.n. Luciacus* and compare the following P N N : Lucceius DAG 83, 132, 224, 237, 238 (iv),' Lucceia 182, Luccia 151, Luc(c)ios 157, Luccius 224, 244.4
L U C T E R I U S Leader of the Cadurci sent by Vercingetorix in 52 B.C. to deal with the Ruteni. I n 51 B.C., pursued by Caninius, he took refuge in Uxellodunum. He escaped slaughter only to be delivered up to Caesar by a renegade Arvernian BG 7. 5. 1 lucterium ω (ace.); 7. 1 lucterius LN/?, lucretius ABMS, lucrecius Q ; 8. 1; 8. 30. 1 (om. QJ ; 32. 1; 32. 2 lucterius (? lueterius R ) ω ; 34. ι ; 34. 2 ; 35. 1; 35. 2 ; 35. 5 ; 39. 1 lucterio Q,cMcSLNj8, luterio AQ^BM 1 (abl.); 44. 3 lucterius {lucterium S) ω. T h e name is also attested on silver and bronze coins found among the Arverni and the Cadurci. They bear the legend luxterios. See de Barthelemy, RC 4, 1879-80, 317 ff., Bull, scientifique de la Correze 3, 1881, 319 f.; Mur.-Chab. 4367-9; AcS 2. 304; DAG 157; Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 437-9 (with full bibliography). Colbert de Beaulieu now confirms the identity of the person named on the coins and Caesar's Lucterius. Compare the forms Lucter[io] (dat.) and Lucterii (gen.) in an inscrip tion of Pern, nr. Cahors {OIL 13. 1541) a n d Lucterio (dat.) and \L\ucterii (gen.) in a parallel inscription of Lyon (REA 56, 1954, 3 3 8 1
If it is dative it would have to be accepted as an instance of a p-stem dative showing a Latin or Latinized termination. 2 See section (B) s.n. Leucullo. For Lat. Lucius see E.-M. 654, 663, W.-H. 1. 823 f., 825 f. For Geltic(?) lucius 'pike' see W.-P. 2. 411, Whatmough, DAG 207, Og. 5» *943> 66, Lg. 30, 1954, 400, W.-H. 1. 825 f., Duval, EC 10, 1962-3, 296. 3 See d'Arbois de Jubainville, Recherches 258 if. 4 For names in luce- see, however, Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 327, Watkins, Lg- 31» J955> l6> Schmidt, KGP 233, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 595 (strangely maintaining that *Lucco- is -euc-\ i.e. for leuc-?).
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40, pi. xxii). 1 Note also the dubious [Lu]cter[ius] in an inscription of Perigueux (CIL 13. 1024). T h e editors of BG read Lucterius. See CG 844, Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 551. The name is no doubt Celtic, and the coin legends probably represent more accurately the development of Common Celtic [kt] to [#t]. 2 But the etymology is quite uncertain. It has been compared with O l r . luchtaire gl. lanista. 3 See d'Arbois de Jubainville, £tudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques (Paris, 1881), 39*, RC 20, 1899, 116; Stokes, Urk.Spr. 257 (whenceHolder, AcS2.304) s.v. lukterio-s 'Ringer'. 4 We can compare also the form luxtos found in L a Graufesenque graffiti {Ιηχϊολdos DAG 90 (ό), 1. 2 ; 5 lu[.tos] 93 (i), 1. 1; luxtos 109 (c), 1. i ) . 6 This form has been connected with M l l r . lucht, locht (gen. lochta, luchta) 'what belongs together, contents (of a vessel, cauldron), load, crew, multitude, people', 7 W . llwyth 'tribe, lineage, stock, load, burden'. See Loth, RC4.1, 1924, 3 9 ; Fraser, RC42, 1925, 9 5 ; Thurneysen, %CP 16, 1927, 289, GOI 197; Fleuriot, DGVB 214 s.v. holoit, 246 s.w. (2) loit and loitret Caesar's Lucterius may well be cognate. See GC 68, 156, VKG 1. 123 ( £ ^ 4 2 ) , W.-P. 2. 412, IEW 686. However, the caution shown by Fraser, who stated (loc. cit.) t h a t the connexion between the name and these forms is uncertain, should not go un heeded. MAKKAPIOYI DAG 50 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) T h e reading of this form is certain but the interpretation is not. I t may be a (i)o-stem dative (see Thurneysen, GOI 181) agreeing with P N BaXavhovi which precedes it 8 and pointing to a nominative *Μακκαριος, i.e. a patronymic in -10? 'son of *Μακκαρος(?)\9 Compare 1
Whence AE 1955, 212, ILTG 223. See section (A) (i) s.n. Contextos. See W. Stokes, Irish Glosses, A Mediaeval Tract on Latin Declension (Dublin, i860), no. 10. See also Kuno Meyer, Aislinge Meic Conglinne (London, 1892), 185; RIAContr. L. 234. 4 He compared the Gaul, and Ir. forms with Lat. lucta, luctor, luctator. Cf. W.-P. 2. 412, W.-H. 1. 826. 5 Whatmough suggested that this might be read luxtos tudos. Compare Loth, RC 41, 1924, 56, reading Luxtodos and treating the form as a potter's name. Thurneysen (£CP 16, 1927, 289) suggested that luxtodos was an adjective derived 6 from luxtos. See Whatmough, JCS 1, 1950, 8. 7 8 See RIAContr. L. 232 f. See section (A) (i) s.n. 9 See Sicardi, Rivista di studi liguri 23, 1957, 237. It is hardly an o-stem genitive in -t pointing to a nominative *Μακκαριουος (with the genitive expressing filiation). Rhys (Addit. 6) did suggest that it is a genitive of this kind, and interpreted the whole name as a compound Macca-rivi. He equated the second element with a form which he recognized as a DN in the Calendar of Coligny, namely Riuos (see Celtae and Galli 34, Cat. 13 ff., Insc. 40 f., cf. Loth, RC 32, 1911, 206, Pinault, Og. 13, 1961,449 ff., Duval, EC 10, 1962-3, 410 f.). But all this is very wild specula tion. 2
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the following P N N : Macareus, Macaria DAG 8 3 ; ?Macaritini ECMW 268 ;x Macar(i)us DAG 156, R e m a r k B, Macarius 244, Macar\ins] ILTG 159; Maccaras DAG 132, 250, AcS 2. 363 f.2 It is tempting to interpret some of these names as Greek; 3 but most, if not all, of them are probably Celtic. Holder (AcS 2. 363) compared s.n. Macarius the Bret, form mager 'nourrisseur, eleveur 5 (: Br. magan 'to breed, nurse, nourish', W. magu, Corn, maga).* More satisfactory,, perhaps, for the interpretation of Μακκαριουι is Rhys's comparison (Addit. 6) of W. mach m. 'surety, bail, a bond or pledge; one who ensures fulfilment', 5 although this form is itself problematic. 6 For W. names in mach-, meek- which m a y belong here see Thomas, BBCS 7, 1935, 122; 8, 1937, 36. I t is possible, of course, that some names in mace- are hypocoristics with unvoiced geminate consonant beside names in mag- with the corresponding voiced single consonant. 7 See also Appendix s.n. Sumaco. M A R T A L O S L a Graufesenque graffito martalos DAG 96 (b)> 1. 8. * In his first edition of the graffiti Hermet read mas[ in graffito H . 14, 1. 1; in the second he hesitated between this and a reading mar[. Loth read mas[, Oxe mar[ (restored as Mar[talos?]), and Whatmough 1
See also DAG 214. Note also the following PNN in mace- from Ancient Gaul: Maccalus DAG 136 (also Note (xlv) C); Maccaus 244; Maccia 83, -ius 83, 132, 136, 182, 214, 244, N.-L. 50, (num.) REL 38, i960 [1961], 49-50 (see also Ondrouch, KMTBpassim, Colbert de Beaulieu, Bull, soc.fr. de num. 1959, 331 ff., EC 9, 1960-1, 106 ff.); Maccianus DAG 83; IMaccha 156; Macciiu[ 182 (see Insc. Par. 52, no. 15); Macao DAG 237; Maccira (-iril(l)a) 83, 140, 176, 203; Maccirra 136; Maccis 83; Macco 83, 214, 237; Macconius, Maccono 195. 3 Compare Gk. μάκαρ 'blessed, happy' and the PNN Μακάριος Bechtel 507, Μακαρ€Ος id. 574. + See LEIA MS; IEW 709; DGVB 250. 5 For the cognate Irish mace see Thurneysen, Die Biirgschaft im irischen Recht (Berlin, 1928), 4 ; RIAContr. M. 8 f.; Binchy, TPhS 1959, 19; Vendryes, LEIA M-2 f. For OBret. cognates see now Fleuriot, DGVB 249 s.v. (1) (mach), 253 s.v. meic. 6 Williams (BBCS 10, 1941, 39 ff.) has claimed that W. mach 'surety' is different from the first element of OBret. machtiern 'chief, prince' ('prince, seigneur he>£ditaire' teste Loth, RC 47, 1930, 392), W. mechdeyrn 'high king, overlord', Corn. mychtern. Cf. Fleuriot, DGVB 249, loc. cit. For another Celtic mace- seen in W. machteith 'a girl', OCorn. mahtheid gl. uirgo, MICorn. maghteth, maghtyth, Bret. matez Servant-girl', Ir. maccdacht 'childhood, early youth' see VKG 1. 127 f. (LP 44), IEW6g6, LEIA M-3. 7 For the root *mag- 'great, powerful' and derivatives of this root in Celtic forms see Weisgerber, SprFK 204, Pokorny, IEW 708 f., Schmidt, KGP 235 f., Vendryes, LEIA M-8 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 249. For Celtic magu- 'youth, slave, vassal' see section (A) (ii) s.v. For an alleged Mediterranean *mag- 'hauteur, elevation, montagne' see Flutre, REPL 167 ff. 2
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]ma..[ (DAG 112 (£), 1. 1). If the correct reading is mar[, which is uncertain as the letters are damaged at the top owing to a break in the sherd, there may be here, therefore, a fragment of the name Martalos as suggested by Oxe. 1 T h e name may be Celtic as claimed by Hermet (p. 317), although there is no certainty concerning the etymology. Compare some other P N N in mart- such as the following: 2 Βρυτόμαρις or -μαρτος DAG 182,3 Britomartus 237 ; 4 Martasas 237; Marthas 228 (iv); Martialis 151, 182, (Martial]) 201, 214, 237, ILTG 23, 49, 556; Martialius DAG 244, Martialiius) N.-L. 157; Martianus DAG 136, 203, 244; ?Martiaqs, ??Martiaqnos ZAA: Martidia (-lia?) 151; Martilimis RPH, pp. 141 f.; Martilla DAG 237; Martinianus N.-L. 227, PID XUB; Martinus DAG 137, 182, 228 (iv), (gen.) ECMW 92, -a DAG, Note (xlv) C, PID XUB ; Martio DAG 132, 237; Martiola 83, 176; Martionius 244 ; 5 Martina PID XUB ; Martisano[ DAG 214; Martins 132, 195, 228 (iv), 237, N.-L. 131, i L T G 151, 552, PID xiic, -ta DAG 214, Note (xlv) C, 237, ILTG 316, PZD xic, XUB, ? HAE 934; Martna (-in-) DAG 182; Martoualus (Me·) 250; Marturius 159, CZL 2. 2487; Marius DAG 87, 214, (gen.) £ C M J ^ 270, -A C/L 2. 2282, 3483, 3507, £ £ 8. 271, 6 PID XUB. Loth 7 assumed that Martalos was a derivative of Gaulish mart-, cognate with Ir. mart c an ox or cow slaughtered for meat, an ox(cow-)carcass, a living ox or cow'. 8 Fraser 9 interpreted it as a name meaning c weasel', comparing MILat. martalos 'mustelae species' 10 and grouping it with other 'comic names designed to indicate the less praiseworthy characteristics of persons to whom they were applied'. This interpretation received the commendation of Weisgerber. 11 1 But account must also be taken of other potters' names of La Graufesenque such as Mannus, Marosus, Marsus, Martio (or Martius). See Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 387, Whatmough, DAG 132, and compare Aymard, REA 54, 1952, 96 f. 2 Some of these are, of course, clearly Latin rather than Celtic. 3 See PID 340A. Compare the Greek DN Βρπόμαρτις (Βριτά-, Βρυτό-), concern ing which see Tiimpel, P.-W. 3. 880 ff., Pokorny, IEW 739, Schmidt, KGP 156. For Thracian -μαρτος see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 289. 4 This is PN ?[Brit]omarti CIL 13. 7068. s Cf. EE 9. 261 b. 6 7 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 84. RC 41, 1924, 56. 8 See RIAContr. M. 64 f. and Pedersen, VKG 1. 195, Dottin 270 s.v. -marto-. Compare Ir. mart m. *death, slaughter, massacre' RIAContr. M. 64, LEI A M - 2 1 . 9 £ C 4 2 , 1925, 95. 10 The form is quoted after W.-H. Maigne d'Arnis, Lexicon manuale ad scriptores mediae et infimae latinitatis (Paris, 1890), col. 1388. See also Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis . . . Carolo du Fresne Domino du Cange 5 (Niort, 1885), 2^8, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus, composuit J . F. Niermeyer, fasc. 7 (Leiden, 1959), 658 s.v. martur. Compare maptola (leg. martola?) 'felis' CGL 3. 259. 27, which, however, has been claimed as Germanic (see W.-H. 2. 46, DAG 220). 11 SprFK204..
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Compare also perhaps W. marth 'wonder, surprise, woe?', 1 Corn, marth 'wonder, marvel, miracle, prodigy 5 , 2 Bret, marz 'merveille, miracle', 3 which Sir Ifor Williams 4 would relate to I E . *(s)mer- 'to think, to remember' seen in Gk. μβριμνάω, Lat. memor, Goth, maurnan, etc. 5 Hardly compare martensis (a fish) Marcell. med. and martisia plu. (in mortario ex pisce fiunt) Isid., for which see W.-H. 2. 46, DAG 79 (s.v. muria). M E L I G I A [ L a Graufesenque graffito For this graffito see section (A) (i) s.n. Matug[. Balsan reported a form Melicia[ in 1. 5. This is presumably a potter's name (Pincomplete), not otherwise attested at La Graufesenque. 6 I t may be an abbreviated form of some compounded name such as PN Μελίγιννα (Gal. Spr. 155). For Gaulish mel(i)- see section (A) (i) s.n. SumelL Μ Ε Θ Θ ΙΛΟ Σ DAG η\ (inscription of Nimes, Gard) If the inscription is genuine, and if it is Celtic rather than Greek, 7 this form, the reading of which is apparently not in doubt, should be interpreted as a PN, an 0-stem nominative in -0?. It is identical with the potter's name of La Graufesenque listed below. Compare the following P N N : Medillos DAG 151, Remark B ; Meddila 244; Medilotamica 136, Remark 3 ; 8 Medilus 214; Meddil[ (recte Meddil[?) 237 (also ILTG 439); Meddillius 237, 244; Meddillus 156, 156, Remark B;<> Medsillus Ρ ID xiic; 1 0 Mesillus DAG 1 3 6 ; " Messilia 3. 2791 ; 12 Messilla CIL 3. 1872, 1901, 3105, 3990 ;12 Messillus 5. 1438, Messili (gen.) 5. 4536. 13 These show the alternation eeieiddldlddldldslsslsfit. These symbols, here as elsewhere, seem to re present a dental affricate or dental fricative or sibilant. 14 This may have 1 See Ifor Williams, BBCS 4, 1929, 141 ff., id., CAn. 68, Morgan Watkin, Tstorya Bown de Hamtwn (Caerdydd, 1958), 127. 2 See Robert Williams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum (Llandovery and London, 3 1865), 247. See Loth, Chr. bret. 497. * BBCS, loc. cit. See also W.-H. 2. 67. s See IEW 969 f. 6 Compare perhaps the potters' names Melainus, Melus, and (?)Melatio of La Graufesenque. See Hermet, pp. 204, 275, Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 388, Whatmough, DAG 132. 7 See section (A) (i) s.n. Κασσιμοτουλου. 8 9 Compare PN Medlotama ibid. See also AcS 2. 494. 10 See Untermann, Btr. ζ. Ν. 10, 1959, 147, n. 48; 11, i960, 276, 281, id., VP 159. 11 Compare PN Meoilli (recte Mes-?) DAG 216, Remark. 12 Listed as Illyrian by Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 228. 13 See Untermann, Btr. ζ. Ν. 10, 1959, 136, n. 26, VP, loc. cit. Compare also perhaps PNN such as Missillus CIL 2. 5812, Metilia DAG 182, Metilius 182, 244, Metillius 237, and see Appendix s.n. MereXcuog. 14 See Chapter III, Remark.
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arisen from the coming together of two dental consonants. D'Arbois de Jubainville 1 related Gaulish meddu-, meddu-, etc. (in P N N such as Meddu DAG 201, 238 (i), Meddngnatus 214, Messulus 83) to O l r . mess (ez-stem) m. c the act of judging, a judgement, opinion, etc.' 2 derived from the root *med- 'to measure, j u d g e ' (seen in Gk. μ&ομαι, Lat. meditor, etc.) with the affix -fa-.3 Names in meddi-, τηβθθί-, etc., such as Meddignatius DAG 244, Messirius 195, Μβθθιλος, may contain the same root with the affix -iz-.4 However, this must be regarded as altogether uncertain. I n any case there is no need to assume with Schmidt (KGP 240) that meddi-, etc., arose from meddu- through Latin influence. In Addit. 11 f. Rhys rightly suggested that P N N such as Meddillus or Missillus or Μισσονκος (see below) may be hypocoristic forms of a dithematic n a m e such as Meddignatius. [ M ] E 0 0 I L O S La Graufesenque graffito I n graffito H. 41, 1. 3 H e r m e t and Oxe read [m]e96ilos where Loth read \m\eddilos and W h a t m o u g h (DAG 117 (b), 1. 3) ] . ddilos. T h e sherd is broken before the first 0, and only a part of the letter which pre ceded it has been preserved. However, ] . ddilos may confidently be restored as [M]e6eilos. For the potter's stamp Meddilus at La Grau fesenque see Hermet, p . 204, no. 100 (pi. 108, no. 6), Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 388, no. 151, Whatmough, DAG 132. For the interpretation of this name see above s.n. Μζθθιλος. ΜΙΣΣΟΥΚΟΣ DAG 53 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) T h e inscription is probably funerary, containing only this name (an o-stem nom. in -0?) followed by the name Σιλουκνος (see section (A) (i) s.n.). Compare PNN such as Misionius DAG 237, Misius 199, IMiddei (gen.) 214, 5 Musillus CIL 2. 5812, and names in me9(0)-, med(d)-9 med(d)-, meds-, and mes(s)- such as those listed above s.n. Μζθθιλλος. For the suffix -u-co- see Holder, AcS 3. 15, Sicardi, Rivista di studi liguri 23, 1957, 235. It may be a hypocoristic form of a compounded name as suggested by Rhys, Addit. 11 f.6 Compare, for example, P N Meddugnatus DAG 214. 1
iZtudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques, ifere partie (Paris, 1881), 34*. See also Stokes, Urk. Spr. 204; K. Brugmann, Grundnfi der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen2, Bd. 1 (StraBburg, 1897), 685; Holder, AcS 2. 494 s.n. Meddu, 577 s.v. *messu-s; Rhys, Gleanings 4 1 ; Schmidt, KGP 240; Albertos, Emirita 2 8, i960, 299. 2 See RIAContr. M. io9f. 3 See IEW 705 f., LEIA M-42 f., DGVB 252. Vendryes suggests (LEIA M-43) that Olr. mess f. 'a fosterling' (RIAContr., M. 110 f.) may be cognate ( < *med-ta). 4 s Compare Rhys, Gleanings 41 f. See also id., Cis. 58. Cf. 244. 6 There is no need to assume with Rhys that μισσου- is of the same origin as Lat. mens- in mensus, mensor, mensura, etc.
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N A M M E I U S A leader, with Verucloutius, of an embassy sent by the Helvetii to Caesar in 58 B.C. to ask his leave to march through the Province BG 1 . 7 . 3 nammeius ^ B M L N T, nameius p, namproeius V. T h e correct reading is undoubtedly JVammeius, the form favoured by the editors. 1 For names in nam(m)- see section (A) (ii) s.v. NAMO-. Ernault [GMB 439) compared this name in connexion with Bret. nam 'defect, blemish, fault, vice' (cognate with W. and Corn, nam).2 In Benoist-Dosson, p. 700 he rendered Nammeius as 'qui a un defaut physique'. N E T T A S DAG 225 (inscription of Mainz) T h e inscription, in punched ('punktierte') letters, is on a bronze cooking-pot, a cauldron or kettle, 3 a portable object dredged from the Rhine at Mainz in 1892. It is brief but apparently complete. Korber 4 read nettas | mucurus Bohn included a drawing of the inscription in CIL 13. 10027. 90 with the following comment: Nomina sunt Celtica; de priore cf. Holder, [AcS] II. 738. Fortasse intellegendum est Nettas Mucuru (filius); sequitur signum incertum (vix littera S ut Koerbero visa est) aut interpungendi aut ornandi causa positum.—Praeterea impressum est sigillum fabri aerarii lectionis incertae. Rhys 5 thought that the 'signum incertum' as represented by Bohn looked like an e, which might represent enigenos 'son'. Like Bohn, he did not favour the view that the doubtful character was an s*. Dottin 6 and Whatmough 7 also give € at the end of line 2. W e can only guess that the text is Celtic, for the interpretation is far from certain. It may contain two PNN. Nettas in 1. 1 seems to be a Celtic name, but Mucurus or Mucurue in 1. 2 is more doubtful. 8 The ending -as is difficult here. I t may be an old 0-stem genitive ending 1
Gluck (KN 140) thought that this was the right reading. See Fleuriot, DGVB 263. 3 'Bratpfanne' Korber, 'cacabus* Bohn. 4 See K. Korber, Inschriften des Mainzer Museums (Mainz, 1900), 130, no. 152, Abbildung 102, no. 1. He suggested that the stamp which accompanies the inscrip s tion is umidi...?. Addit. 77 fT. 6 No. 57. In fact Dottin gives the text of the inscription as NIITTAS DVGVRV€ [sic] (corrected (p. 359) as follows: *au lieu de: MVGVRVE [sic], lire DVGVRG [sic]9), transcribed as Nettas Mucuru with the comment *Le dernier signe est incertain; on a lu 6, F ou S.' 7 DAG, loc. cit. In DAG 237 Whatmough listed from this source PN INettas and TN?Mucuru(s). 8 See Appendix s.n. Mucurus. 2
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(IE. *-£y) or, less probably, a /-stem nominative (IE. *-a-ts).1 Com pare the following forms: P N N : IMe.ta CIL 13. 10017. 79; 2 Netaci (PN?) CIL 2. 2539; IMetelia DAG 8 7 ; Metis CIL 3. 8979; D N Melon (ace.) Macrob. ,ταί. ι. 19. 5, Meto CIL 2. 365, M[etonis] (gen.?) C/L 2. 3386, jtefom (dat.) C/L 2. 5278.2 Note also the following forms from Og. inscriptions: Cunnetas CIIC 300; Meta (or Metacagi) and Metacari 4 7 ; jV>fo (or Metattrenalugos) 120; Metacunas 105, 261, (?)278; Metasegamonas 263, (?)2g2, 300; Metavroqi 2 7 1 ; PJV^tozfVz&y] 315 ; 4 Metialaminacca 163; Metiasagru ECMW 300 ; 5 Mettaslogi CIIC 109; Mettavrecc 26. For O g . net(t)a-, related to Ir. πώ(*) 'a warrior, a champion', see Rhys, ^ i ^ i i . 71 if., MacNeill, PflL4 27, sect. C, no. 15, 1909, 369 f.,6 Pokorny, £CP 10, 1915, 405 ff., IEW 760, Vendryes, RC 46, 1929, 265 ff., LEIA N - 1 5 f.7 T h e divine name *Metos\Meto has also been interpreted as a cognate form. See, for example, Pokorny, IEW 760, Vendryes, locc. citt. One can only suggest that Mettas (with hypocoristic -tt~ ?) may also belong here. ?ONNA DAG 54 (inscription of Gavaillon, Vaucluse) Whatmough read this text as follows: ]atrecr«aT|€jL6ayo|t>Tf
·οννα\κουι
Cf. Mazauric, Revue du Midi 1910, 50, no. 4 ; Rhys, Addit. 7-11, pi. ii; Loth, REA 20, 1918, 38-42. T h e inscription as a whole cannot be interpreted satisfactorily in view of the doubt concerning the reading in line 1 and the possibility that a p a r t has been lost at the top of the stele. T h e word-division is extremely uncertain. I n line 4 KOVL* was explained by Rhys 9 as an enclitic, the equivalent of Lat. -que 'and', and by Loth 1 0 as the equivalent of koi in Og. inscriptions. I t may, however, be the end of a form which commenced 1
2 See Rhys, Addit. 71. See Rhys, loc. cit. See RPH 94. Compare (?)DN Netaciveilebrica CIL 2. 2539 (RPH 93). 4 The form has also been read as Nettaci. Rhys (Addit. 76) compared M1W. (Penn uab) Nethawc RM 134. 10. 5 Macalister has Nettasagri in CIIC 426. 6 Cf. Thurneysen, £CP 8, 1912, 185. See also id., ^CP 12, 1918, 254, GOI207. 7 De Jubainville's interpretation of netta- mentioned by Holder, AcS 2. 738. 52, 739> 5-6 ^ wrong. 8 The reading of the first letter is doubtful. Mazauric (Revue du Midi 63, 1910, 50, no. 4) read it as σ; Rhys (Addit. 8), Loth (REA 20, 1918, 39), Dottin (no. 14), and Whatmough (DAG, loc. cit.) read it as an imperfect κ. 9 As for Rhys's interpretation (Addit. 10) see also Tovar, Estudios 48, What mough, Lg. 27, 1951, 574» MacWhite, £CP 25, 1956, 16. 10 REA 20, 1918, 40 f. See also Dottin, no. 14, Pokorny, IEW 609. Concerning Og. koi see MacNeill, PRIA 27, sect. C, 1909, 364 f., Pokorny, Erasmus 1, 1947, 83, Keltologie 140, IEW, loc. cit.; Tovar, ALSP 38; MacWhite, £CP 28, 1960-1, 298, 3°3> 3° 8 · 3
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in the preceding line. Therefore, we have here perhaps either a P N Ovva (possibly an α-stem nom.) 1 or Οννακουι (?Οννασουι) (possibly an o-stem dative). Rhys 2 compared oi>e-(?) in P N Ovepear. in the in scription of St-Saturnin-d'Apt 3 and (??) Ονοουοπο in an inscription of Saint-Remy (DAG 39). 4 T h e form is probably Celtic. Compare the following forms: P N N Onna, (?)Onnaca AcS 2. 857, Onnio DAG 151, R e m a r k B, 5 Onniorix 228 (iv) ; 6 L N N Onna and Onno BSRC 4 3 . 7 I can suggest no satisfactory etymology. One could of course compare W. onn-en (phi. yrai, onn) 'ash-tree', OCorn. onn-enn, Bret, ounn-enn, O l r . (h)uinnius : 8 Lat. ornusy etc. (v. IEW 782). with which Thurneysen 9 tentatively suggested t h a t the item onno 'flumen' in the Endlicher Glossary 613. 11 10 m a y be connected. T h e existence of Gaulish (or pre-Celtic?) on(n)a 'stream, water', 1 1 in spite of Endlicher's onno 'flumen', is extremely doubtful. See the repeated warnings of Vendryes in RC 39, 1922, 369; 44, 1927, 256; EC 1, 1936, 377 and 7, 1955-6, 437. See also M . Niedermann in Sache, Ort und Wort (Fest. Jud) (Geneve-Zurich, 1943), 139 ff. 1 Loth {REA 20, 1918, 39) went as far as to claim that it is a woman's name. Rhys's suggestion (Addit. 10) that ovva is genitive and represents older ovvas, an old fl-stem genitive in -as, is a very wild guess. 2 Addit. 1 of. Rhys also compared (Cis. 48) a form in the inscription of Briona (PID 337) which he read as onakuites. But as Loth remarked (REA 20, 1918, 42) it is not at all clear that there is such a form in the inscription. Compare Whatmough, PID, loc. cit. See also Lejeune in Hommages a Max Niedermann (Coll. Latomus 23), 209, who read 1. 1 as . . .]£[.. .~\esasonokeni (possibly -opo- for -ono- and -ani for -eni) and mentioned the possibility (p. 214) that there is at the end a compounded name onokeni (i.e. On(ri)o-geni) or asonokeni (i.e. As{s)ono-geni). Loth's suggestion that on(n)a, if it exists at all in the insc. of Briona, is a common noun meaning '(tomb-)stone' or the like, cognate with Olr. ond *a stone or rock' (see now Ven dryes, LEIA Ο-23 f.; compare perhaps ontax 'genus marmoris' CGL 5. 377. 3 (see DAG 158, 246 s.v.)) should probably be discounted. 3 See Appendix s.n. 4 The word-division and interpretation of this difficult text, now lost, are quite uncertain. See V. Rolland, Cahiers d'histoire etd'archeOlogie 6,1933, 301, H. Rolland, s Gallia 2, 1944, 169 f. See AcS 2. 857, CIL 13. 10010. 1464. 6 Compare DN Ouniorix DAG 213. 7 Apart from the forms compared by Rhys compare also perhaps forms in onsuch as the following: PNN Onalisus DAG 83, Onatedo 156, ?Oninit[ 224, Oninni(?) 228 (ix), Onoiic[ 224, Ononi 176, EN Onobrisates (v.l. -briuates, -busates) 84, DN Onuaua 155. Note also (?) onobiaCRAI 1956, 180 f. (Insc. of Banassac) and onodieni DAG, Note (xxv), Remark, no 18 (p. 390) (Marcellus of Bordeaux). 8 Compare Ir. onn (o-stem) m. 'the pine-tree, etc.', for which see now Vendryes, LEIA Ο-25. 9 I0 IF 42, 1924, 146. See DAG 178 s.v. with refs. 11 See Reinach, RA 1924, 248; Dauzat, REA 28, 1926, 157 ff., id., La Toponymie frangaise (Paris, i960), 118 ff.; Aebischer, RC 44, 1927, 327; Longnon, Les Noms de lieu de la France (Paris, 1929), 54 f.; Pokorny, Btr. z. N. 2, 1950-1, 137, Keltologie 173, IEW 807; Flutre, REPL 211 ff.; Carnoy, Dictionnaire itymologique du protoindoeuropeen (Louvain, 1955), 137.
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P E R O C O DAG 142 (inscrip on of Sazeirat, nr. Marsac, Creuse) This inscription has been var )usly interpreted. With u.s.l.m. at the end it now has the appearance >f a Latin text. But Whatmough may well have been right in his su£ ^estion that this Latin formula 'may have been added later, thus gving a mixed appearance to a text which otherwise would pass as ■ xaulish'. Pictet (RA 13, 1866, 214) reidered the text as 'Sacer Peroco fecit porticum', claiming that Peroco i ι a Gaulish personal name to be taken closely with the Latin Sacer an i comparing other PNN in per-. See also id., RA 15, 1867, 397, wher : it is suggested that duorico is ace. plu. neut. 1 and that names in per- 1 lay be related to W. per 'sweet'. He compared for the meaning nanes such as Gk. Γλυκός, Lat. Suavis, Dulcitius, etc. Vallentin, on the >ther hand {Bull, epigraphique 1, 1881, 38-40), interpreted duorico as a divine name. 2 Rhys also (Insc. 42 ff.) preferred to regard it as a divine name, and rendered the text as 'Sacer Peroco made (this) for Ε ioricos'.3 He declared that Peroco was 'of obscure origin'. Of all the attempts to interpr t the text there is not one that can be regarded as certain. In most of 1 le Gaulish inscriptions containing the verb ieuru, the verb is precede< by a personal name as subject and followed by the indirect object ii the dative.4 Therefore the interpreta tion favoured by Rhys may be c >rrect, although the exact significance of duorico (PN or DN or commc 1 noun) is altogether uncertain. Sacer and Peroco may be the names c f one and the same person, as Pictet and others have argued; but th 5 also is not certain. Peroco itself seems to be an /z-stem nominative sho^ ring the Latin or Latinized termina tion -0 rather than the Gaulish -w (see section (B) s.n. Criciro).5 The etymology is not clear. Compai e perhaps PNN in per(r)- such as the following: Pera DAG 228 (ix) ?Perasis, ?Pere[ 244; ?Perecarni 216; Perecati (gen.) CIL 2. 764; Pen DAG 214; Perrichius DAG, p. 1358; Perrius DAG 237, 244; Perms 13:, 134, 224, 244 ;6 Peruia 182; Peruincus 224, 228 (iv), -ius 224; Peruia ·. 24 ; 7 Perus 83.* Pictet's suggestion of a connexion with W. per, the ety nology of which, I think, is unknown, 1
See also Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 13 no. 19. Perhaps duorico is ace. dual. See also Holder, AcS 1. 1390, Do in, pp. 40, 164, Pokorny, IEW 279. 3 He also mentioned the possibilit; that Peroco is dative and that the insc. is to be rendered 'Sacer made for Peroco: this porticum9, only to reject this version on the ground that duorico can hardly )e interpreted as an ace. form. - However, Lejeune (REA 58, 1956, 79, 81) sti! mentions the possibility that duorico is an o-stem ace. sg. showing the loss of -π. 4 See Lejeune, REA 58, 1956, 78 f and section (B) s.n. Areos. 5 On the other hand it may be a . o-stem nominative showing loss of -J (see 6 See also AcS 2. 970, Chap. I l l (A) (ii) (a)). 7 ?Thracian. See Detschew, Thr. & r. 364. 8 See also AcS 2. 971. 2
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is not convincing. More satisfactory perhaps is comparison with PN Per(r)as, a form which is supposed to underlie Sp. perro and Fr. pierrot, i.e. *per-ros ( < *petr-pods) 'Merry Andrew, clown' (properly 'quadruped'). See C. Hernando Balmori, Rev. de Filologia Hispdnica 3, 1941, 43-50, EC 4, 1948, 48-54, Meyer-Lubke, REW, no. 6449, Whatmough, DAG 158 s.v. perms. Compare EN Pemicori on coins (DAG 78, 157) beside Petmcorii now Perigueux (DAG 153). Note also PNN ?Piroc[ DAG 176 and Piro 224. R E G E N O S L a Graufesenque graffito regenos DAG 94,1. 6. This name is probably Celtic as suggested by Whatmough (DAG, p. 289). It is an o-stem nominative in -os. Compare the potter's stamp R(e)geni (also from La Graufesenque) in the list of Ceres and Vialletes (whence CIL 13. 10010. 1617^ Hermet, p. 212, Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 390, no. 196). See also CIL 12. 5686. 741 and 1008, 13. 1413, 13. 10006. 72, 13. 10010. 1617, and section (A) (ii) s.v. REG- where instances of similar PNN such as the following are listed: Regina, -tis, Reginia, -ius, Rigenus, -inus. Note also PNN Ricenus DAG 208D and Ric.ina 237. For [S]*gifl[i] in an inscription of Cynwyl Gaeo (Carms.) ECMW 141, and the OW. personal name Regin (late OW. Rein) and gloss regenaul (VVB 209), see Jackson, LHEB 445, 453. 1 R E M I DAG 174 (inscription of Vieil-fivreux, Eure) Concerning this inscription see section (B) s.n. Caraditonu. Rhys noted (Insc. 3) that 1. 6 'begins with a wide space followed by REMI FILIA' followed by an interpunct. Whatmough read the same line as ]remi filia[. Judging from Rhys's remark it is likely that Remi is com plete. In Celtae andGalli 49 and Insc. 3 he treated it as a Celtic personal name, gen. sg., to be related to the ethnic name Remi. This view may well be right. Remi, preceding the Latin filia, seems to be an 0-stem gen. sg. Compare the following forms: PNN Rematia DAG 83; Remi 205; Remico 244; Remicus 204; Remigius 151, Remark A, 237; Rem[o 87, Remo 156; Remulla 83, 182; Remus 182, 203 ; 2 EN Remi Reims, 212.3 Zeuss (GCl 1104, GC2 1067 s.v. OCorn. ruifanaid gl. regnum Voc. Corn.)* suggested that the ethnic name Remi was related to W. rhwyf 'ruler, lord' and derivatives of this form.5 See also Stokes, Urk. 1
See also Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 58 s.n. Regni. See also AcS 2. H26f. For Etr.-Lat. Remus see Schulze 219. For Lepontic Remu (?nom. sg. masc.) see Rhys, Cis. 29 f., PID, it. 258 and vol. 3, p. 39. 3 For the coin legends remo, remos (DAG 206) see now Colbert de Beaulieu, Cat. Besangon, nos. 120-2. 4 Note also OCorn. guailen ruifanaid gl. sceptrum, ruifanes gl. regina, gurhemin ruif gl. edictum, all from Voc. Corn. See OCV 66, 93, 97 f. s See Ifor Williams, CAn. 246 f., Thomas Parry, Gwaith Dajydd ap Gwilym (Caerdydd, 1952), 458. See also Ernault, GMB 579 s.v. roe. 2
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Spr. 229 s.v. preimo-y Holder, AcS 2. 1116 s.n. Remi, Vendryes, RC 30, 1909, 206 (beside Pedersen, VKG 1. 51), id., EC 5, 1950-1, 247, id., Recueil de travaux qfferts a M. Clovis Brunei ii. 646, Dottin, p. 281. 1 However, it seems to me quite uncertain whether the Insular Celtic forms mentioned by these scholars, forms which may point to protoGeltic *preimo- or *prisamo-, are in fact related to the alleged Gaulish *remo- cognate with Lat. primus (? < *prismo-).2 See further Guyonuarc'h, Og. 10, 1958, 169, n. 2. S C O T A La Graufesenque graffiti scota DAG 90 (£), 1. 7 ; 3 scota 91 (£), 1. 10; s[cot]a 103 (c), 1. 15 ; 4 scota 105 (£), 1. n ; 108 (i), 1. 12; 109 ( 0 , 1 - 9 ; i n (*),1- 15; J I 2 (*),1-9; 113 (ft), 1. 10.
T h e name is probably Celtic, as recognized by Hermet (p. 317). For masculine
Loth 8 related Scota to the form scotta 'ferrum anceps' of Acta Austregisili i. 2, 15, ASS, 20 May, v, p . 2 3 i * F , for which see Whatmough, DAG 158,9 comparing PN Scot(t)ius at La Graufesenque and noting that a number of other P N N appear also as common nouns. 10 For attempts to construct an etymology for the ethnic name Scotti and P N N such as Scottus11 and Scottius, see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 310 (whence AcS 2.1406) and E. MacNeill, Phases of Irish History (Dublin, 1919), 144 ff.12
1 Forster (FT 853) suggested that IRuymjRuim, an old name of Thanet, may be connected with EN Remi. Cf. Jackson, LHEB 239. 2 See W.-P. 2. 34, W.-H. 2. 363, E.-M. 946 f., IEWZii. For Ir. nam *antea' see Thurneysen, Hdb. 478, GOI528. 3 Loth here read kola, but Whatmough stressed that scota is 'quite certain*. 4 The sherd is badly shattered, but the restoration of s\cot]a here after summaco' ell·, given also by Hermet, Loth, and Oxe, is probably correct. 5 See Hermet, p. 205, no. 154, Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 391, nos. 218-20. 6 See also AcS 2. 1413 f. 7 See also AcS 2. 1414. 8 RC 41, 1924, 56, whence Weisgerber, SprFK 208. 9 ? Compare scotica (scutica) 'whip' DAG 158. 10 See Whatmough, Die Sprache 1, 1949, 127, CPh. 48, 1953, 255, also Appendix s.n. Drappes. 11 Jullian suggested (REA 30, 1928, 309) that the name Scottus was introduced to the Continent from Ireland. 12 Concerning Scotti see also Gougaud, Revue des questions historiques 83, 1907, 539 fF.; Ekwall, Namn och Bygd 41, 1953, 168 ff.; Weisgerber in Aus Geschichte und Landeskunde. Forschungen und Darstellungen. Franz Steinbach zum 65. Geburtstag . . . (Bonn, i960), 731; Binchy, Studia Hibernica 2, 1962, 137.
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S Ε G O V A X O n e of four kings of Kent in Britain who attacked Caesar's naval camp in 54 B.C. BG 5. 22. 1 segouax (segouox Q,1, seuogax V). It is not clear whether this P N is compounded or uncompounded. Its Celticity is not in doubt. D'Arbois de Jubainville 1 suggested that the name is a derivative of Gaulish sego-2 formed, like the local name Segovia,2 with the aid of two suffixes, the first of which is common to both the personal and the local name. Thus Caesar's name could be analysed as Seg-ov-ax. For examples of -ax see AcS 3. 781. T h e ac cumulating of suffixes is common in Celtic names. On the other hand, some scholars such as Gluck KJtf ΙΛΟ Holder AcS **. 80 s.v. voxo-^ and Schmidt, KGP 266, 284, have treated the form as a compounded name Sego-vax, and have quite arbitrarily assumed that -vox m a y be connected with Celtic forms in vac(c)o- such as PN ?Ebrouaccus (Brou-) DAG 83, E N N Bellouaci 212, Ούακομάγοι Ptol. 2. 3. 8, and D N Vacocaburio (dat.) CIL 2. 5666, for which see Appendix s.n. Vacaca. I know of no other comparable names in -vax. Σ Ε Ν Ι Κ Ι Ο Σ DAG 64 (inscription of Uzes, Gard) I saw the inscription at the Musee archeologique et epigraphique de Nimes in 1953. The reading is certain: aevLKioa V αβρω[
T h e text is probably complete on the left, but may be incomplete on the right. See Rhys, Addit. 20, DAG, loc. cit. This form, a ώ-stem nominative in -to?, is complete and appears to be a personal name. There is no means of telling for certain whether it is Celtic, b u t it may be a derivative in -icio- of Gaulish seno- 'old', cognate with Ir. sean, W.Corn.Bret. hen : Skt. sdna- 'old', Lat. senex 'old man', Goth sineigs VpeajSJrepos'.4 Compare especially the fol lowing P N N in senec-, senic(c)- from Ancient Gaul: Seneca DAG 83, 203, 224, 237, 244 ; 5 Senecian[t] AE 1955, 212 = ILTG 223, Senecianii DAG 244, Senecianiu[s] N.-L. 115, Senecianus DAG 151, 156, 176, 208, 214, 244; Senecio 83, 132, 156, 182, 2O8B, 214, 224, 237, 244; Seneciolum
(ace.) Og. 14, 1962, 4 4 1 ; Senecionius DAG 237, 244; Senecius 182, 244, AE 1955, 106, 1959, 192, ILTG 179, -ia DAG 244; Seneconius DAG 1
RC 15, 1894, 27. See section (A) (ii) s.v. SEGO-. 3 In AcS 3. 781 s.v. -ax he listed it as an ethnic name 'Segov-ax (oder Sego-vaxl)\ 4 See AcS 2. 1482, Dottin 286, IEW907 f., KGP 266 f., DGVB 208. Compare the items sena 'priestess* DAG 178 (perhaps simply 'old woman') and senoca, seneca (-en), sinocus 'inveterate, chronic' DAG 240 ('presumably Keltic or Latin'). 5 The name has sometimes been claimed as Celtic. See, for example, Tovar, Estudios 148 ff., 215; Pokorny, IEW 908; Palomar Lapesa, ΟPL 97. Compare Vendryes, EC 7, 1955-6, 438 and see Meyer-Lubke, REW 7816. 2
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2O8B, 214; Senectius, Senicatius 214; Senicatus 8 3 ; Senicco 8 7 ; Seniccus 244; Senicianus 237; Senicio 132, 182; Sennicia 237. S E N N I L O L a Graufesenque graffito sennilo DAG 131, 1. 2. T h e graffito of La Graufesenque in which this name occurs appears not to be a potter's account. Hermet read trit I sennilo | tviii? In 1. 3 Whatmough read tusi with the comment that the line is c all but illegible'. T h e name is probably Celtic, as claimed by W h a t mough (DAG, p . 289). Compare the following P N N : Senil[ DAG 237; Senila 136; Senilennis (w.ll. Senitennis, Senhennis, Senipennis) gen. CIL 13. 125; Senilic[DAG 244; Senilius 83, 208B (also 214), 237, 244, -ia 244; Senilla 244, CIL 2. 1696, Senil\l\a CIL 2. 1283; Senilius DAG 151, 182, 244; Senilus 83, -os 182; ?Senilus (or Selnius?) CIIC 483. I t is to be related to Gaulish seno- 'old'. 1 P N N in senn~, with geminate -/z-, are well attested (e.g. Senna DAG 208c; Sennaius 237; Sennaucia, -ins 237; Sennianus 224; Senno 83, 182, 244). I t is now recognized that gemina tion of consonants is by no means a criterion of abbreviated names, and that the arrangement - G C - G - (as in Sennilo) alternates in proper names with - C - C C - (as in Senilius, -a) and - C - C - (as in Senilus, -a). See Schulze 462 if., Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 316, Whatmough, DAG, p. 746, id., Lg. 33, 1957, 592, Schmidt, KGP 4.0. Sennilo, there fore, may be a derivative of an uncompounded name such as Senus.2 In view of the incidence of other P N N such as Senilius, Senilus, a n d Senilos, the name doubtless is to be interpreted as an 0-stem nomina tive showing the loss of final -s3 rather than as an w-stem nominative showing the Latin or Latinized termination -0. 4 S T A M U L O S L a Graufesenque graffito stamulos DAG 112 (b), 1. 7. ]mulo in the same graffito (112 (b), 1. 8) is restored as \std\rnulo{s) by Loth and Oxe and is listed s.n. Stamulos by Hermet. Hermet (p. 317) claimed that the name, an o-stem nomina tive in -os, was Gaulish. But there is no certainty concerning the etymology. Loth 5 suggested that it is a derivative of Celtic *stam- seen in W. sefyll c to stand' Bret, sevel, and M l l r . samaigid (: IE. *sta- 'stand, 1
See above s.n. Σενικιος. For examples see DAG 156, 244. 3 Compare other potters' names such as Agedilio, Agio, Albano, Carilo, Cornuto, and Trito from La Graufesenque, and see Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). 4 But compare PNN such as Magilo DAG 224 and Maiuddilo 83, 176. s RC41, 1924, 57. 2
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2
place'). Fraser, on the other hand, compared Gk. στωμνλος 'wordy, talkative' and translated the name as 'chatterbox'. He recognized the difference in vocalism between the name and the Greek form and remarked that 'if this equation is correct, δ was still being changed to a at the time the word was introduced into Gaul'. Compare PN Polos, with -0-(?)5 in another graffito of La Graufesenque, which Fraser would relate to Gk. πώλος 'foal'. 3 The fact that some potters' names in the graffiti may be explained as Greek 4 and t h a t there are no other comparable names in Ancient Gaul tells in favour of Fraser's sugges tion, in spite of the difficulty concerning the vowel -a-. But it seems just possible that the name is Celtic. S T A T I L O S L a Graufesenque graffito statilos DAG 112 (b), 1. 5. This name also, another 0-stem nominative in -os, was claimed as Gaulish by Hermet (p. 317). Loth 5 suggested comparison with W. cystadl ( > cystal) 'as good, as well, equivalent' ( < Celt. *kon-statlo~).6 Compare rather perhaps Bret, steudenn 'tenon de mortaise, rangee, file, serie', steud 'file, rangee', W.ystawd 'swath, arrangement, com position' : Lat. status, etc. 7 But Loth also recognized that it may be a form of the Latin name Statilius, for which see Schulze 236, Solmsen 149. For the suffix -ilo- in Celtic names see Holder, AcS 2. 35. T A R T O S DAG 187, R e m a r k (ii) (inscription of Reims) Whatmough (DAG, p . 681) may well have been right in suggesting t h a t this name, an 0-stem nom. in -os, may be a variant of Gaulish Tritos 'third' ( < IE. */rfay(?)).8 If this view is correct we have here an exceptional (? dialectal) development of ar from r. Compare P N N Tartus DAG 228 (ii), Tartonius 244, ?Tarto Ρ ID viiic. Note also perhaps the following names in tirt-, with ir from r(?), from the Hispanic Peninsula: Tirdai (gen.) BRAH49, 1906, 411 (PN), 9 Tirtanos Arch, esp. de arq. 21. 284 ff. (PN), 1 0 Tirtalico(m) CIL 2. 6 3 3 8 / (EN). 11 See Tovar, ^ephyrus 5, 1954, 18, Kratylos 3, 1958, 3, 8 ; Lejeune, Celtiberica 58, 108, 123; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 107, ELH 3 6 5 ; Albertos Firmat, Emerita 26, 1958, 236, 239. Cf. Schmoll, SVIHK8, 47, 83. This is cer tainly more convincing t h a n Whatmough's comparison of Osc. trutom, 1
See WG 393, W.-P. 2. 606 f., LP 50, LHEB 530, 604, IEW 1008, DGVB 301. 3 RC 42, 1925, 95. See Appendix s.n. 4 See section (B) s.n. Coros and Appendix s.nn. [C~\elados and Sum(m)aco{s). 6 s RC 41, 1924, 57. See GPC s.v., IEW 1007. 7 See Loth, RC 43, 1926, 154 ff., Pokorny, IEW 1006. 8 9 See below s.n. Tritos. Compare PN Tritai (gen.) CIL 2. 2953. 10 Compare the PNN Tritano and Tritanus (beside Tritanerus) claimed as IIlyrian, e.g. by Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 61, 66 and Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 344, 2. 119. 11 Compare Tritalico(m) CIL 2. 5077, Tritalicum EE 8, p. 414. 2
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which scholars used to translate as 'quar.tum' ( < *turto-). Both the meaning and derivation of this Oscan form are now considered to be quite uncertain. 1 T A S G E T I U S A p r o - R o m a n nobleman of the Carnutes whose ancestors had been kings of the tribe. I n recognition of his merit and devotion Caesar restored to him his ancestral throne. H e was assassinated in 54 B.C. in the third year of his reign BG 5. 25. 1 tasgetius B M L N T C U, tasgecius ^C, asgetius T W , tasgescius R, tas genus S; 25. 4 tasgetium Q/£TU, tasgecium AC, tasgentium R (ace.) om. V ; 29. 2 tasgetii ΑφΤ, asgeti V, tasgeti />, tasgaecii Q , tasgecii C (gen.). Bronze coins of the Carnutes bearing the legend eXKesoovLs/tasgetios (Mur-Chab. 6295-305) n a m e the same person, and this may also be true of bronze coins bearing the name tasgetio only (Mur.-Chab. 6306-7). See now Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 442 f. (with bibliography). There is no doubt, therefore, concerning the correct reading of this name. I t is Tasgetius, the form accepted by the editors, a derivative in -et~io-2 of Gaulish tasgo-, for which see section (A) (ii). Compare especially L N [murum] Tasg[aetium], uik[ani] Tasg[aetini], Ταξγαίτιον Eschenz DAG 241 (with refs.).
T R I T O S , T R I T O , T R I T U S , T R I T I , T R I T La Graufesenque graffiti tritos DAG 90 (A), 1. 8 ; ] Jos 91 (A), 1. 15 ; 3 tritos 94, 1. 12; trito· 94, 1. 14 ;* tritus 95 (A), 1. 11 ; s tritus 95 (A), 1. 13 ; 6 tritos 96 (A), 1. 9 ; 96 (A), 1· 15; 98 (*), 1. 13; 99 (*)> !· I 0 ; I 0 ° (*)> 1· l5'>trit0 I 0 3 00> L lI I t r i t o s 103 (c), 1. 13; tritos 104 (A), 1. 12 ; 7 \t\riti 105 (A), 1. 10; 8 trito 108 (A), 1. 16; tritos 109 (<;), 1. 10; m (A), 1. 12; tritos 112 (A), 1. 12 ; 9 trito- 112 (A), 1. 13; 1 0 tritos 114 (A), 1. 14; frit 131, 1. 1. I n graffito H . 15, 1. 13 Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read ]itos, sc. [Tr]itos, where Whatmough 1
See W.-H. 2. 399, IEW643, Untermann, Kratylos 1, 1956, 65, O. Szemerenyi, Studies in the Indo-European System of Numerals (Heidelberg, i960), 79, n. 61. 2 See Holder, AcS 1. 1481, Pokorny, Urg. 47. 3 Hermet and Lodi here read ~\itos or ]etos where Oxe read ]tos (sc. [Masue]tos). 4 tritos Hermet, Loth, Oxe. Hermet's plate shows an interpunct after 0 rather than an s. 5 tritus Hermet, Loth, Oxe; / is certain, but r and i are incomplete owing to a break in the sherd. 6 The sherd is broken before /, and this letter has itself been slightly damaged. 7 The sherd is broken on the left, and / is slightly damaged, but certain. 8 So also Oxe, triti Hermet and Loth; the sherd is broken before r, which is slightly damaged. 9 / is damaged by a break in the sherd on the left. 10 tritos Hermet, Loth, trito{s) Οχέ; Hermet's plate shows an interpunct after 0 rather than an s.
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379
c,
(DAG 102 (b), 1. 14) read].£to with the comment | (i.e. || e) before tos, i.e. ~\etos not ]itos\ This name, although it corresponds in form to the Greek ordinal τρίτος 'third', is probably Celtic rather than Greek. Whatmough (DAG, p . 290) 1 counted it as Celtic, whereas Thurneysen (ZCP J6> ι 9*Ί> 297) 2 preferred to regard it as Greek. Hermet (p. 317) listed it as Latin. I n the graffiti the name occurs most regularly, thirteen times in all, 3 in the form Tritos, an o-stem nominative in -os. I t occurs four times as Trito, without -s, and twice as Tritus with the Latinized termination -us. If the restoration of [T]riti in DAG 105 (b), 1. 10 is correct, this may be an instance of the name in the genitive, although this would be unusual at La Graufesenque. It may even be an ab breviation for a name *Tritios.4 Compare PN Tecci listed in the Appendix. I n DAG 131, 1. 1 trit is probably not a potter's name at all. tr[ (for tr[itos] ?) followed by tudo in DAG 94, 1. 1 is clearly a fragment of the Gaulish ordinal ^ r d ' and not a name. In the'same graffito (1. 2) tri, following casidani, is probably the cardinal form ' 3 ' , possibly for tris. See Thurneysen, J?CP 16, 1927, 288, Oxe, BJ 130, 1925, 63, 64, Weisgerber, SprFK, loc. c i t , Whatmough, DAG, p. 588 s.v. tri. For tidres (or tidrus) DAG 130 (b), 1. 3 see Thurneysen, ZCP 15, 1925, 380, GOI 246, Cowgill, Lg. 33, 1957, 341 ff. Names in trit- are well attested in Gaul and in the Hispanic peninsula (see now EAAHA 175 f.). Note the following examples: P N N : TritaDAG237, CL, p. 21, -us DAG 136, 199, 203, (-os, -us) 204, 214, 217, (-os, -us) 224, 228 (ix), 244, CIL 2. 4970, 508 ; 5 Tritai (gen.) 2
2
·
953J
Tritanerus DAG
2445, 5275, ES 3 8 ; 1
244 ; 6 Trites CIL
Tritia ES 42, HAE
2. 5556;
Triteus 2.
914, 7 -ius DAG
182,
Vendryes's remarks in BSL 25, 1924-5, 37 also imply that Tritos is Gaulish. See further Loth, RC 41, 1924, 36. . 2 See also Weisgerber, SprFK 211 s.v. tri-, 3 This tally does not include the doubtful instances in DAG 91 (b),L 15 and 102 (b), 1. 14· 4 Compare terti in graffito DAG 94 (b), 1. 17 and .erti (sc. [t]erti?) in DAG 111 (b)9 1. 14, also presumably genitive or abbreviated for Tertius. Perhaps Whatmough was right in suggesting {DAG, p. 290) that Terti(us) in the graffiti may be a Latin rendering of Celtic Tritos. The stamp of Tertius occurs at La Graufesenque. See Hermet, p. 206, nos. 167 ff., Οχέ, Β J 140-1, 1936, p. 392, nos. 242 f. Other exx. of PN Tertius in Ancient Gaul are listed in DAG 214, 224, 237, 244. Note also Tertus 201, 214, Tertic[ 244, Tertinius 182, 214, 224, 237, 244, -inus 237, 244, Tertiolus 83, Tertullus 87. 5 Some of these examples and others of Trita and Tritus as well as PNN Ettritus, Tritanerus, Tritano, Tritan{n)us, and Τριτνμαλλος have been claimed as Illyrian. See, for instance, Krahe, PN. Lex. 117 f., Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 179, 181, 182, 189, Spr. lllyr. 55, 61, 71, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 142, 344; 2. 119. 6 See n. 5 above. 7 Compare PN Tridiae (dat.), with -d-, 0 Arqueologo portugues 29, 1930-1, 157 if. (pi. xi), concerning which, and concerning PN Tridallus CIL 2. 5715, PN Tirdai
„8o
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(Trition (ace.)) Og. 14. 1962. 441, 1 CIL 2. 666, (? [Tjritius) 674^ (? [Tjritius) 767,2 5304, BRAH 77, 1920, 407, ES, pp. 23, 35, M. facias, Epigrafia romana de la ciudad de Astorga (Orense, 1903), p. 167, C& PP· x4> 39> C ^ M ) 28> ΗΑΕ 205, (Triti (gen.)) 1157; Tritogeno DAG 151 (see also 182).3 LENN: Tritalicum EE 8, p. 414, no. 142, Tritalico(m) CIL 2. -0yy-4 Tritecufjri) ES 34; Tritium (Autrigonum) Plin., Mela, IA, in jjisp. Tarrac. AcS 2. 1959; Τρίτιον Τουβορικόν Ptol. now Motrico (?) AcS, loc. cit.; Τρίτων MiraXXov (leg. ikfayaAAov) Ptol., Tritium IA, Tritienses, -is inscc. now Tricio AcS 2. 1959 f.; Tritolli DAG 8o. s DNN: Γπώι RPH 215 f.; ?[7]rifo (dat.) D^G 23ο; 6 Triitia 82; Jnto/to (Mars) 150. For Tritianum (genus) ( a variety of cabbage) Plin. see DAG 158. Olr. tress (tris) 'third5 derives from *tri-sto- and corresponds to Lat. testis and Osc. trstus. W. trydydd, Corn, trysse, trege, Bret. Jrafe point to earlier *tritiio-. See FJTG 2. 135 (LP 192), GO/ 249 f., IEW 1091, J)GVB 320. For *tr-to-j*tri-to- 'third' represented by Gaul. Tritos, Illyr. into-, Alban. trite, trete, Gk. τρίτος, Toch. A fn'J, Βfrztesee Porzig 203, Szemerenyi, op. cit. 81 ff. (esp. the tables on pp.92 fF.). Szemerenyi argues that -to- was a late ordinal suffix, and that *tri-to- was a postIE. innovation.7 He insists that *triio- (i.e. *tri-o-) was the most archaic formation for '3rd5 in Indo-European, and that *tri-to- arose by analogy with *kuetur-to- '4th'. TROUCILLUS G. Valerius Troucillus, a prominent man in the province of Gaul and an intimate friend of Caesar. He acted as Caesar's interpreter during his interview with Diviciacus in 58 B.C. BG 1. 19· 3 troaucillum ^CMLNp, traucillum π (ace.).8 Holder emended the text to read troucillum, comparing PN Troucilli teen.) CIL 3. 5037, 5. 7269, 7287, to which are added in AcS 2. 1970 \T]roucil[lo] CIL 12. 2497 and PN Troucilli (gen.) CIL 12. 3944. This
(gen.) BRAH 49, 1906, 411, EN Tridiauorum (gen.) CIL 2. 2633, and Tridoniecu Misc. 204, see Tovar, Estudios 139, REL 29, 1951, 116, Zephyrus 5, 1954, 17 f. Schmidt's suggestion (KGP 187) concerning Tridallus is attractive. 1 See Guyonuarc'h, Og. vol. cit. 466. 2 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 95, 106, 112, ELH 364. 3 For names in tirt- (tird-) and tart- see this section s.n. Tartos. 4 Compare EN Tirtalico(m) CIL 2. 6338#. s For Tridiauorum (gen.) aud Tridoniecu see p. 379, n. 7. 6 See also DAG 211 s.n. ?[C]reto ( [ 7 > ? ) . 7 He is disinclined to posit an Indo-European form *t{to-, β itaque priusquam quicquam conaretur, Diuiciacum ad se uocari iubet [Caesar] et cotidiani interpretibus remotis per C. Valerium Troucillum, principem Galliae prouinciae, familiarem swan, cut summam omnium returnfidemhabebat, cum eo conloquitwr.
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emendation was accept the emendation procillu editors now tend to thii 4 1 and 1. 53. 5, 2 was a tainly thought that he s berger's objection 5 to ic the way in which Cae that he had not referrc calls the latter a young ι sion given in BG i. 19. However, Jullian 6 and Procillns and Troucillns 1 to Dittenberger, remarl called aprinceps does nc coincidence that both w to the Provincia; that C that he described each c desfreien deutschen Hochs Troucillus') argued alo Whatmough presumab] 83 s.n. Troucillus he ren Munzer expressed the \ should be separated. Η weak, b u t at the same them completely. Holder's emendation the instances of P N ϋ listed. 11 But it is not at confer with Ariovistus, 1 · 53· 5> is the same as t 1 Caesar sent him and Μ uisum est Gaium Valenum F uirtute et humanitate adulescent propter linguae Gallicae scientic et quod in eo peccandi GermanL· hospitio Anouisti utebatur. 2 C. Valerius Procillus [ua traheretur, in ipsum Caesarem i 3 See CG 652, Kraner-D 4 See his note on BG 1. ] 6 HG 3. 192, n. 8. 9 C. Valerius Donnotaun Procillus. See Kraner-Ditte (i) s.n. Donnotaurus. 10 P.-W* viiiA, 1 (i955)> 11 Note also PN Trougilli 1
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later editors. D u Pontet alone accepted Aldus Manutius (1459-1515). But most it C. Valerias Procillus> named in BG 1. 47. rent person. Meusel 3 and Constans 4 cer1 not be identified with Troucillus. Ditten/ing the two is based on the view (a) that escribes Procillus in BG 1. 47. 4 implies him before and (b) that the fact that he adulescens) seems to contradict the impresat Troucillus was well advanced in years. e Holmes 7 were inclined to think that Dne and the same. Rice Holmes, in reply tat '. . . the mere fact that Troucillus was ve that he was old. . . . it is a remarkable imed Gaius Valerius; that both belonged had the utmost confidence in b o t h ; and ι asfamiliarem suurn.' F . Adami in Jahrbuch ) i i , 259-64 ('Casar und sein Schutzling ζ same lines. Syme 8 was non-committal, aght that they were the same, for in DAG i c add BG 1. 19, 47, 5 3 ; 7. 65'.* Finally, that it is very doubtful whether the two aght that Dittenberger's objections were conceded that it is impossible to refute 2 1. 19. 3 is doubtless correct in view of lus attested in the inscriptions he has ;ar whether the envoy sent by Caesar to d C. Valerius Procillus in BG 1. 47. 4 and Valerius Troucillus oiBG 1. 19. 3, Caesar's Metius to confer with Ariovistus: commodissimum ι \ualcillum V ] , Gai Valeri Caburi fdium, summa is pater a Gaio Valerio Flacco ciuitate donatus erat, et multa iam Ariouistus longinqua consuetudine utebatur, ton esset, ad eum mittere et una Marcum Metium, qui V], cum a custodibus in fuga trinis catenis uinctus mitatu insequentem incidit. rger 1. 122. 5
Kraner-Dittenberger 1. 353. 8 CG 652. CQ 32, 1938,41. 7. 65. 2) was probably a brother of G. Valerius τ 2. 390, Constans 1. 39, η. ι and section (A) 7
34 * CIL 13. 6432, 7101.
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interpreter during his interview with Diviciacus. No decisive argu m e n t concerning this has been put forward, unless we consider to be decisive Dittenberger's claim that the way in which Procillus is re ferred to at BG 1. 47. 4 implies that he had not been mentioned before in Book I. 1 If they are the same person, then there is a clear case for reading C. Valerius Troucillus in the second and third instances of the n a m e , as suggested by Munzer. I n addition to the P N N in trouC'/troug- already mentioned compare the following: Trouces, Trouceteius DAG 83 ; Troacetimarus 244; Troucetissa 208B (also 214); Troucisa AE 1957, 164; Troucissa CIL 3. 4146; Troucleimarus AE 1950. 116. Note also the following names in trog-: Trogianus AcS 2. 1967; Trogimarus, -a DAG 244; ?[T]rogeL CIL 2. 421 ( = EE 9, p. 23); Troginus DAG 250; Trogius, Trogom[ 8 3 ; Trogus 83.2 A Gaulish n a m e element trougo-jtrogo- may be cognate with Ir. truag (Olr. trog) 'wretched, pitiable, miserable, sad; thin, lean', 3 O W . (mor) tru gl. eheu, 4 M1W. tru, truan,5 OCorn. troc gl. miser, 6 etc., concerning which see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 138, Holder, AcS 2. 1967; Pedersen, VKG 1. 101 (cf. LP 31), Dottin, p . 294, W.-P. 1. 732, Thurneysen, GOI 40, Jackson, LHEB 448, 458, Schmidt, KGP 282, Pokorny, IEW 1073, Fleuriot, DGVB 324. Forms in trouc- probably contain the same element, with -c- either a graphic (?) variant of -g- 7 or representing a Celtic £-formant. V A L E T I A C U S An Aeduan, brother of Cotus. H e was the vergobret of the Aedui for the year 53-52 B.C. BG 7. 32. 4 ualetiacus T, ualeciatus A, ualeciacus Q V , altiacus U , ataacus R. F . de Saulcy (Annuaire de la societefrangaise de numismatique et d'archeologie 2, 1867, 11 f.)8 assumed that this name could be recognized in a coin legend €H A (Mur.-Chab. 5049). But this is extremely unlikely. See the criticisms of Blanchet (Traite 82 f.) and Changarnier (Memoires de Vacad. de Dijon 1925-6, 269). T h e correct form is probably that of T. For the confusion of t and c 1
But see Adami, op. cit. 261. See also AcS 2. 1967 f. The name Andetrogirix listed by Schmidt (KGP 131, 260, 282) after Thurneysen (GOI 521) is clearly a misprint for Andebrogirix. 3 See RIAContr. s.v. 6 See OCV 167. * See VVB 189. « See CAn. 165. 7 See Dottin, p. 63, Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 317, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 17 f., Schmidt, KGP 101, 157, n. 4, 282. Compare PNN Troccius (beside Trogius) DAG 83 and Troccus 87, with geminate -c-. See Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 16. This is hardly an instance of the sound-change CVuC > GVCG established by Whatmough in Die Sprache 1, 1949, 126 f. (see also id., HSCP 60, 1951, 180, Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954, 517). With these names in trocc- compare PNN Trocili DAG 244, ITrocinoia 83, and Trocina, -us AcS 2. 1962 f. 8 See also Holder, AcS 3.92 s.n. Valetiacus and Whatmough, DAG 177, 182. 2
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in Caesar's manuscripts compare the variant readings listed s.nn. Diviciacus (1) and (2) in section (A) (i). For names in val- see section (A) (ii) s.v. Stokes 1 saw in P N Valetiacus an element cognate with Ir. fdilid, fdilid 'glad, cheerful, joyful', fdilte, failte f. 'joy, happiness', 2 and W. gwawl 'light'. 3 Pokorny 4 rejected this view because he claimed that Ir. fdilid contained an old diphthong. See also Pokorny, KZ 50, 1922, 49 fF., with Thurneysen's cautious comment (GOI 43) that the evidence concerning the presence or absence of a diphthong in forms such zsfailid and failte is 'hardly sufficient to warrant a definite con clusion'. Ο Υ Α Λ Ι Κ Ι Ο DAG 48 (inscription of St-Saturnin-d'Apt, Vaucluse) Whatmough 5 read ουαλικιο | ovepear.
| αιουνιαι
H e commented as follows: ' T h e stone is broken on right edge; hence the last letter of line 1 (after which nothing is missing) may have been o, as generally taken, or σ; line 2 lacks one letter at end, in line 3 there is space for one letter at the end.' I saw the inscription in 1953 and confirmed Whatmough's reading. It is not clear whether there ever was a letter after ι at the end of line 3. See further Appendix s.nn. Αιουνιαι and Ovepzar. . Stokes 6 suggested that the text may be Greek, whereas Rhys 7 was inclined to favour a Celtic interpretation. It is doubtful whether an altogether satisfactory interpretation is possible. Like Rhys, I think that it is probably Celtic, but there is no means of deciding whether it is funerary or votive. 8 Ουαλικιο9 (hardly read Ουαλικις) is a personal name, possibly a zo-stem nominative showing the loss of -i\ 10 Compare PNN Valiciniae (dat.) CIL 12. 2402 (Saint-Genix-d'Aoste), Valid (gen.) CIL 13. 1572 (Brugers, Lozere), and Vallicius CIL 2. 4173 (Tarragona). For names in val(l)- see section (A) (ii) s.v. VAL·. Gray (i?C6, 1953-4,65) stated categorically that Ουαλικιο is formed from the root *uale- [sic] 'to be strong 5 seen in Lat. ualeo, Goth, waldan, etc. 1
Urk. Spr. 262. See also Holder, AcS 3. 87 s.n. Valentia, Dottin 295 s.vv. valentia2 and valetiaco-. See RIADict. s.w. 3 Concerning VV. gwawl see section (A) (ii) s.v. VAL·. 4 ZCP *3J Ι92 I, 295. See Weisgerber, SprFK 212. 5 See also de Villefosse, BSAF 1879, ^ 7 - 9 ; Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 126, n. 3; Hirschfeld, CIL 12, p. 137; Esperandieu, Musee Calvet (Avignon, 1900), 12, no. 4; Rhys, Insc. 19-20; Dottin, no. 8; CM 7. 15. 6 BB 11, 1886, 126, n. 2. 7 8 Insc. 20. Whatmough claimed that it is funerary. 9 I2 So de Villefosse, BSAF 1879, 9 and Esperandieu, op. cit. 12, no. 4. Holder's Valicic... (AcS 3. 92) is surely an error. 10 Rhys (Insc. 19) thought that it might be an w-stem nominative in -to.
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V E B R U L L U S L a Graufesenque graffiti uebrullus A.-A. 1, 1. 7; 15, 1. 6; uebrull[ 2, 1. 6; 1 uebrul[ 9, 1. 4. Albenque 2 claimed that prior to the discovery of the name in the graffiti unearthed at La Graufesenque in 1950 and 1952 Vebrullus was unknown, at least as a potter's n a m e . But it is attested in an inscription of Les Martigues (Bouches-du-Rhone) (ILG 95), and perhaps an in scription of La Bastide-des-Jourdans (ILG 171). However, there is some doubt concerning the latter, as only ]ebrulli (gen.) has been pre served. 3 Albenque also drew attention to the potters' stamps [vjebruo and vebruof of La Graufesenque. 4 H e suggested that these should be interpreted as Vebru o(f)., and hinted at the possibility that Vebru is here an abbreviated form of Vebrullus.5 Aymard 6 was inclined to accept this suggestion, and it is, no doubt, correct. Aymard further drew attention to the name Vebrul[oiCIL 13.11237 (Nuits-en-Bolard), 7 and was tempted to recognize in the potter's stamp Vibruiu AcS 3. 1308 a name comparable with the Vebrullus of La Graufesenque. I t is noteworthy that in the two instances of the name preserved in its full form in the graffiti the 0-stem nominative ending is the Latin or Latinized -us, which is regular in the new graffiti of L a Graufesenque. 9 For Gaulish vebru- (vebro-) ' a m b e r ' see section (A) (ii) s.v.10 V E C T I T [ DAG, Note (iv) (p. 69) (inscription of Ventabren, Bouches-du-Rhone) T h e inscription is incomplete on the right. This form has been quite arbitrarily restored as Verities].11 But there is no means of telling what has been lost after the sixth letter. For names in vect- see section (A) (ii) s.v. VIC-. 1 Albenque commented on the reading as follows (REA 53, 1951, 73); 'la derniere lettre peut etre / ou u. Mais le doute sur l'interpretation est sans impor 2 tance, a cause de [graffito A.-A.] 1, 1. 7.' REA 53, 1951, 75 f. 3 Jullian (BA 1916, cxviii) suggested restoring \K\ebrulli here, not [V]ebrulli. 4 See Hermet, p. 206, no. 174 (pi. 113, no. 174); Οχέ, Β J 140-1, 1936, 392, no. 249. 5 In DAG 132 (Potters' Names of La Graufesenque) Whatmough listed the name as Vebrus. Albenque also mentioned the fragmentary"\rulliof the graffito of Blickweiler (DAG 229). But this form, as he admits, is probably for [Pet]rulli. 6 REA 54, 1952, 94 f. 7
See Esperandieu, Recueil ge'ndral des bas-reliefs, statues et bustes de la Gaule romaine 3
(Paris, 1910), 158, no. 2060. Whatmough listed this form as Vebrullius in DAG 182. Cf. Vebrul[BA 1932-3 [19363,628. 8 See also Gallia 6, 1948, 335 (fig. 47, B. 98), 336 (nos. 97-100), DAG 176. • See Chapter III (B) (i) (a). 10 Albenque's comparison of Lat. vibro (REA 53, 1951, 76) is not helpful. 11 See Esperandieu, RE 5, 1903-8, 2, no. 1520, ILG, no. 97; de Jubainville, RC 24, 1903, 119, 340 (AE 1903, 183); Holder, AcS%. 134; Whatmough, DAG, loc. cit. and it. 83. Hardly a verb, as suggested in GrDAG 85.
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385
V E D Z U I I X 4 G i 8 5 (inscription of Reims) For this inscription see section (A) (i) s.n. Diuuogna. Demaison's account of the text,1 giving a reading verified 'avec le plus grand soin'!, does not show any uncertainty concerning the third letter in this form. But where Demaison read D Bohn2 read § and Holder 3 gave a reading Verzui. The form is probably a personal name, but its exact relationship to the other names in the inscription is not certain. With the ending -ui it may be an 0-stem dative. If Demaison's reading is correct, then we may have in the symbols dz an attempt to represent the Gaulish dental affricate (or fricative or sibilant), sometimes written ds or ts. but more often d, dd, d, dd> s, ss, st, etc. See Chapter III, Remark. Compare perhaps PNN such as Vesus DAG 83, Vesuca 214, Vesuccia 83, Vesuins Note (xlv) C, Vessonius 83, or Vestonius 8. But as the reading is doubtful, and as one could not be certain concerning the phonetic nature of the phoneme (or phonemes) represented by dz} it would be idle to speculate concerning the etymology. Forms comparable with the alternative reading Verzui are not hard to find. Note forms in uerz- such as PNN Verzaiio (dat.) CIL 3. 13832, Verzo Jahreshefte des osterreichischen archaologischen Instituts in Wien 12,
Beiblatt 202, Verzoniis) (gen.) CIL 3. 1269, 9056, Verzonis (gen.) CIL 5. 1956, DN Verzobius CIL 9. 1640, 1685, 2123, counted as Illyrian by some authorities. See, for example, Krahe, PN. Lex. 136, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 203, Spr. Illyr. 74, 86, IF 67, 1962, 154, and Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 358 f., 2. 124, 177.4 Beside these note names in tiers- and uerrmentioned in section (A) (i) s.n. Ονβρσυκνος. V E R T I C O A Nervian deserter. Quintus Tullius Cicero, during the siege of his winter camp in 54 B.C., employed him to dispatch messages to Caesar BG 5. 45. 2 uertico (nom) ω ; 49. 2 uerticone (abl.) a, uerticonem (ace.) jS.s 1
2 BSAF 1907, 227. CIL 13. 10024. 291. AcS 3. 253. 43 s.n. Verzu., 420. 29 s.n. Vixuvio(n). In DAG 185 Whatmough has nedzui with the comment 'The third letter was perhaps r' (in DAG 214 this form is 4 listed as Verzu). See also Borgeaud, Museum Helveticum 4, 1947, 230 f. 5 The form of the name in BG 5. 49. 2 is not in doubt, but the passage in which it occurs has been variously treated by the editors. Meusel, for example (KranerDittenberger 2. 111, 500), accepted Nitsche's emendation Galium Galium) ab eodem uerticone and repetit (found in late manuscripts) at the end. Du Pontet and Klotz kept the reading of α and repetit at the end. In his apparatus criticus Klotz suggested the emendation eundem a uerticone. Rice Holmes read Galium (eundeni} ab eodem Verticone. Constans transposed data facultate Galium, placing it after demonstrauimus. He and Seel kept ab eodem uerticone and repent. Fuchs would delete ab eodem uerticone quern supra demonstrauimus. 3
386
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T h e name appears to be a derivative in -ico (w-stem)l of Gaulish vert-, for which see section (A) (ii). It is also attested in a Latin in scription of Nimes (CIL 12. 3981). V E R T I S C U S A chief magistrate and cavalry commander of the Remi, killed in 51 B.C. during the campaign against the Bellovaci and their allies BG 8. 12. 4 uertisco ^BMS, uertisco aerutio T U , uertisco uerucio R, uerrotio V, uertico L c , uertisa N m , om. L^N 1 (abl.). T h e editors admit only the form Vertiscus, attested in α manuscripts with no other form in uer(r)- following, uerutio I uerucio/uerrotio, incor porated in the text in β manuscripts after uertisco, are probably corrupt variants oiuertisco itself.2 T h e name is a derivative in -isco-3 of Gaulish vert-, for which see section (A) (ii). ΟΥΙΝΔΙΑΚΟΣ DAG 52 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) Mazauric 4 and Rhys 5 read OVLVSLOLKOS. Rhys remarked that t (after ν at the end of 1. 1) is 'a little bit faint', and that a, which is A in this inscription, is joined to the ι which precedes it. Whatmough read OVLVSLXLKOG.6
Examination of the photograph in AddiL, pi. ii suggests that the correct reading is t h a t of Rhys. There appear to be faint traces of a damaged bar joining the two arms of an α (with a ligatured t pre ceding). On the other hand, as Whatmough pointed out, there are (? accidental) traces of a stroke joining the lower ends of these two arms. However, I find it hard to accept his suggestion that ι was either accidentally omitted here or added beneath, and that the ligature should be resolved as LXL (or ιλ<ι». 7 T h e form is likely to be a personal name, an 0-stem nominative in 1
See AcS 2. 22. See, for instance, the remarks of Seel in his note ad loc. Cf. Kraner-Dittenberger 3. 95. 3 For the suffix -isco- see de Jubainville, RC 17, 1896, 307; 22, 1901, 139; 27, 1906,162; Holder, AcS2. 78. See also Pokorny, Urg. 46, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 120; Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 2. 249 ff.; Schmoll, SVIHK 61 f. (Schmidt, Kratylos 7, 1962, 68, Hubschmid, IF 67, 1962, 305). 4 Revue du Midi 43, 1910, 49 f. (no. 3). 5 Addit. 6 f. (pi. ii, photo 3), whence Dottin, no. 13. 6 He commented that ι at the end of 1. 1 is 'chipped at top', and that where Rhys read ta the stone has | Δ . Concerning this lettering he wrote: 'This cannot be read ια, for a is A not Δ · Accordingly I take the symbol as ligatured for ιλι or assume the accidental omission of t (thus tA
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-os like the name Καβφος which precedes it. T h e precise function of the suffix -ιακος is not clear. As in P N N ?[Γ]λλανονίακος and Ιονγιλλιακος (see this section s.nn.) a n d in ]ναλιακος (see Appendix) it may well be patronymic, and the n a m e could perhaps be rendered as 'son of * Ονιν8ιος\ O n the other h a n d we must concede that it may be a local rather t h a n a personal n a m e . 1 I n any case, as Rhys 2 and Gray 3 have stated, it doubtless points to the familiar Gaulish vindo- 'white' 4 cog nate with Ir. fionn, W. gwyn, Corn, guyn, Bret, gwenn: Gk. ίνδάλλομαι, Ί appear', Skt. vinddti 'finds', etc. See VKG 1. 41 (LP ^), W.-P. 1. 237, IEW 1125, DGVB 192. V I N D U L O S , - U S L a Graufesenque graffiti uindulus DAG 99 (b), 11. 15 and 16 ; 5 uindulus 104 (£), 1. 12 ; s uindulos 114 (A), 1. 16.6 I n all four instances of this name Hermet's plates show cursive d after n, 7 and W h a t m o u g h was doubtless right in insisting (DAG, p . 289), after Oxe and Grenier, that the name is Vindulos (Celtic) rather t h a n Vinoulos (Latin). I t is a derivative (diminutive ?) in -w/o(AcS 3. 26) of Gaul. Vindus. For names in vind- see above s.n. CW8iaκος. Compare especially P N N Vindulon(is) (rc-stem, gen.) CIL 12. 3198, Vindullus (freedman of Cn. Pompeius Magnus) Cic. epist. ad Att. 6. 1. 1 Compare the modern local names Vanzac (Charente-Inferieure), Vanzais (Vendee), Vanzau (Deux-Sevres), etc., quoted by Holder in AcS 3. 339 s.n. *Vindiacus, and Vindey (Marne) quoted in the same work (3. 329) s.n. *Vind-acus. 2 3 Insc. 6. EC 6, 1953-4» 65. 4 This element is well attested in Gaulish names. I list some examples of PNN only: Aicovindo CIL 13. 1551 (see KGP48, 119 f., 294, still listed as Alcouindus (with -/-) in DAG 151); Contuinda (dat.) DAG 237 (? cf. Contobouiouindillus CIL 4. 1838); Maciovind(i) CIL 3. 11530; Trevvoomvhoa DAG 206; Vindos, -a 151, Remark B, 224, 237, 244, ?Vind[d] CIL 7. 509, Vindus DAG 140, 195, 244 (see also AcS 3. 342 f.); Vindac(ii) (gen.) CIL 7. 1320 ( = 1 3 . 10021); Vindaina {-ania) DAG 244; Vindaluco 237; Vindama 182; Vindamai 237; Vindauscia 83; Vindedo 237, 244; Vindeliaus 237, Vindel[icius?], [V\indelec[, Vindelicus, -a, 244, Vin[deli]cus MG 37, ?[Vinde]licus 230 (cf. LENN Vindelici, -ia, Vindol[, Vindolici, -al-3 etc., DAG 241, Ουινδελαα, Vindeleia AcS 3. 330, and see Schmeja, Btr. z. N. 12, 1961, 286 ff.); uindia, ουινδια DAG 206, Vindi 156, Vindius 83, 244 (see also AcS 3. 341 f., Vetter, Btr. ζ. Ν. 12, 1961, 215); ?Vindilicus DAG 176; Vindilius 244, -ilus AcS 3. 340 f., Carinthia I 148, 1958, 168, -il[[]ius DAG 244, -illius CIL 13. 6215, Vin[dillus?~\ DAG 237, -illus 214, 244, PID xiic, Vindilla DAG 244 (also AcS 3. 340); Vindio DAG 244; Vindo 83, 244 (see also AcS 3. 343 f.); Vindobius DAG 244; Vindoinissa 214; Vindona PID xic; Vindonius DAG 151, 244 (also -id) AcS 3. 349; Vindorisus DAG 244; Vindoroici (gen.) CIL 3. 4604; Vindu 3. 11705, Vindunis (gen.) MG 23; names in vindul(l)-, see this section s.n. Vindulos; Vinauro DAG 176, 182. s With conjoint us. Οχέ also read uindulus here where Hermet, Loth, and Bohn read uinoulos (uinoulus in graffito DAG 104). 6 uindulus Οχέ, uinoulus Hermet, Loth, and Bohn. Hermet's plate here shows conjoint letters, either os or us, most probably the former. 7 In graffito H. 2,1. 12 it could easily be mistaken for 0,
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125. For the alternation of -os and -us in the o-stem nominative see Chapter III (B) (i) (a). ΟΥΡΙΤΤΑΚΟΣ DAG 33 (inscription of Saint-Remy-de-Provence, Bouches-du-Rhone) The name is an o-stem nominative in -ος showing the familiar Celtic suffix -dcos. It seems to be a derivative of a name *Ονριττος. ονhere before /rV/ may well be a semi-vowel [w], as it seems to be, for example, in DN Vroicis (dat. pi.) DAG 82,* if this is correctly related to Olr.froich 'heather' and W. grug.2 See Holder, AcS 3. 42, 454, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, I Q f· Watkins3 compared PN Ruittacus in an in scription of Gresy-sur-Aix, Savoie (CIL 12. 2476), in which, as in PN Ruittius (DAG 204), rw- may represent a metathesis of initial [wr]. Compare also the following forms: PNN ?Akevritti CIIC 155; Ateurita, -us, see section (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-? ?Vrit[RA 26, 1927, 1655s Vritea DAG8^;?V]ritos The Antiquaries Journal 18,1938,27ο;5 Vritti[DAG 176, 238 (v), Vrit(t)ia, -ius 83, Vrittia 182, -ius 156, 182, 203 ;6 Vritto 83J For references to sources and to discussion of instances of Gaul, uritu (in inscriptions of Bavai, Titelberg, etc.) and the stamp euritusfsec section (A) (i) s.n. Escincos. The etymology of the name, which is probably Celtic, is not certain. Several possible interpretations have been suggested, but not one of these can be claimed beyond doubt as the correct one. Mowat8 claimed that, along with PNN such as Vrittius and Ateuritus, it con tained a root *wr- 'facere' which he recognized in Gaulish uritu, ieuru, and €ΐωρου and in Latin urceus and urna. However, it is by no means clear whether or how uritu, which I think must be accepted as a verbal form, should be related to Gaulish ieuru,9 ζιωρον,10 iourus,11 and perhaps some other forms such as eurises in a Paris inscription12 and iuritus(?) 1 T o the references given by Whatmough s.n. add Holder, AcS 3. 454 f., Whatmough, CPh. 54, 1959, 188. 2 See GOI123, LP 11, IEW 1155, G. 594. 3 After Allmer, RE i, 1878, 2 and Holder, AcS 3. 42. 24. 4 P N Ateu[ DAG 244 (see also AcS 3. 720. 24) may belong here too. 5 See section (A) (i) s.n. Escincos, 6 See also AcS 3. 42. 7 It may be that account should also be taken of forms such as the following P N N : Vris[ DAG 2 1 4 ; Vriwulius 208B (also 214) (see Pedersen, VKG 1. 5 3 2 ; Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 3 1 7 ; Vendryes, EG 5, 1950-1, 2 4 6 ; Schmidt, KGP 101); ?Ονρίθθου (or Ουριθθουριγου) Gallia 20, 1962, 636 f. (also BSAF 1961, 148 f.). 8 CRAI 1881, 258. See also Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 127, Holder, AcS 3. 42. 19 f., Dottin 301, n. 2. I0 9 DAG 135, 142, 145» 152, 160-3. DAG 57. 11 See Martin and Lejeune, REA 58, 1956, 71 ff. and this section s.n. Areos. 12 DAG 171 (b), Insc. Par., no. 2 (p. 11). See, for example, Dottin 123, What mough, DAG, p. 674. Cf. Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 69.
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(lur- on the sherd) at La Graufesenque. 1 Unfortunately, although the literature concerning these verbal forms is quite extensive, 2 I doubt whether even now a completely sound and satisfactory interpretation has been proposed for any of them. Ernault 3 suggested the possibility of relating Gaulish writ- to Ir. -frith 'found'. 4 Thurneysen also 5 interpreted -unto- in P N N Atevritus, -a, as 'der (Wieder)gefundene', comparing O l r . fo-frith 'he was found'. T h e form -frith has been explained as a cognate of Gk. €υρίσκω and derived from IE. *ureto- or *unto-.6 Ernault also thought 7 of the alternative possibility of relating vritto W. gwrid-o 'to blush'. For a suggested etymology of gwndo (: Skt. vrida- 'embarrassment, shame', Lat. rideo Ί laugh', etc.) see WG 84, W.-P. 1. 278.8 1 DAG 130. See Loth, RC 41, 1924, 44 f., CRAI1924, 74; Thurneysen, £CP 15, 1925, 379 fF.; Weisgerber, SprFK 203; Meid, AKV 83 f. Note also perhaps iounu PID, Note xxi (ii) (inscription of Adria), eniorosei (bis) in the large inscription of Penalba de Villastar (see Tovar, Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 162 f., Emdrita 27/2, 1959, 354), and uiriou GIL 13. 10024, 3 0 1 ( s e e Whatmough, DAG, p. 324). 2 See Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 123 f.; Holder, AcS 2. 28 f.; Dottin, pp. 37 f., 122, 263; Whatmough, JCS 1, 1950, 10 (cf. Watkins, £riu 18, 1958, 92, n. 2), GrDAG 51,85, 112, 113, 116, 118; Gray,£C6, 1953-4, 64; Lejeune, REA 58, 1956, 78; Wagner, £nu 19, 1962, 87 f.; Meid, AKV 83. 3 Cited by Holder in AcS 3. 42 s.n. U(V?)rit-ea. 4 See RIADict., fasc. 4, s.v. fo-gaib. 5 Cited by Weisgerber, in SprFK 214, whence Schmidt, KGP 301 (also 64, 141). 6 See Pedersen, VKG 2. 533, Thurneysen, GOI 428, 438, Pokorny, IEW 1160, Frisk, GEW 591 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 158. 7 See Holder, AcS, loc. cit. 8 According to Holder, AcS 3. 42. 26 it was Ernault also who would relate PN *Vrittos, from which PN Vrittius may derive, to an alleged W. gwrith 'apparent*. This Welsh form clearly derives from the entry 'gwrith s.m. (rhith) "that is ap parent" ' in Pughe. Pughe quoted ef gwrith, ef dadwrith, ef gwrith ieithoedd (from Kat Godeu BT 26. 18 f.), which he has seriously misinterpreted. See Lloyd-Jones, G. 302 s.v. datwrith, 696 s.v. gwrith, 712 s.n. Gwrrith.
Ill PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY IN spite of some claims to the contrary,1 the study of the remains of Gaulish does not on the whole add greatly to our knowledge of Celtic. It confirms some hypotheses already arrived at by the methods of comparative and historical grammar, but does not present us with a clear outline of the phonology and morphology of the various branches of Continental Celtic itself.2 A linguistic study of a small selection of the Celtic personal names of Ancient Gaul certainly cannot tell us a great deal about the grammar of Gaulish. The diffi culty of establishing a certain text in many of the sources, which are often mutilated, the almost entirely conjectural character of the in terpretation everywhere (except where well-attested name elements are in question), the uncertainty of many of the comparisons on which these conjectures rest, suggest that the most useful service will be to indicate in a summary way in this final chapter a little of what is most certain, or at least probable, in the phonology and morphology of the most clearly attested and most satisfactorily interpreted forms. A full and comprehensive survey of the orthography, phonology, and morphology of the Celtic dialects of Ancient Gaul would require a careful study and comparison of all the sources available. This task could not be performed within the range of this book. A few of the meagre results that can be gleaned from the study of some of the personal names only are therefore listed below. I deal first with phonology (with an excursus on the evidence concerning Gaulish d, dd, 0, 00, d, dd, etc.), and then list some morphological features (chiefly those concerning nominal inflexion). A. P H O N O L O G Y For some attempts to gather together a few of the facts concerning phonology that can be picked up from studying Continental Celtic, see the following authorities :3 Dottin, pp. 95 if.; Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 1
See, for example, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 591. See Dillon, Chambers9s Encyclopaedia, new ed., vol. 6 (London, 1950), 190. 3 I do not include here standard works on Celtic grammar such as VKG and GOI, nor do I refer to all the writings of scholars such as Weisgerber, Whatmough, and Tovar. For the important Grammar of DAG see p. 9 above. 2
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
391
169 ff., SprFK 216 f.; Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, pp. 591 f., HSCP 60, 1951, 180 ff.; Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 285 ff.; Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 223 ff.; Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 9 ff.; Lejeune, Celtiberica 130 ff.; Schmidt, KGP 90 ff.; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 133 ff.; Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 3 ff., ELH 104 ff.; Schmoll, SVIHK 75 if. (i) VOCALISM
(a) Vowels IE. α as a rule remains unchanged in Gaulish. See, for example, section (A) (ii) s.w. AD-1, ALLO-, CATU-, and section (B) s.n. Albano. For the alternation of a and e, e.g. in forms in nam- such as να/χασατ[, ναμαυσατ[, and ναμαυσικαβο beside forms in nem- such as Nemausus, Ν€μαύσιοι, etc., see the references quoted s.v. NAMO-. See also What mough, Orbis 1, 1952, 437, and s. /below. For the alternation of a and δ in Gaulish, e.g. Alpes : "Ολβια (ν. s. Albano (Β)), 2 αδε? . ττόδβίτ (Hesych.) DAG 178, κάρνυξ t r u m p e t ' DAG 178 beside some forms in corn- (v. s. Cornutos (B)), see Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 180, Orfor 1, 1952, 437, Studies presented to David M. Robinson, vol. 2, 481, Lg. 29, 1953, 4 8 3 ; 30, 1954, 399 f. I E . /regularly remains. See, for example, s.w. EPO-, EX-, -RET( T)-, SED-, SEGO-, and P N N Deralius (Β), Σενικιος (Β), and Sennilo (B). For the alternation o f / a n d a, v. s. a. Pedersen (VKG 1. 38 ff.) listed possible examples of a in Celtic forms representing an old e, as W.OCorn.Bret. garan 'crane' and Gaul, -garanus beside Gk. γερανός, W.Corn.Bret. da 'good 5 , O l r . dag-, Gaul, dago- (also dego-) beside O l r . deg- and W. de-wr 'brave'. 3 Moreover, he mentioned a develop ment of ie to ia in Brittonic and Gaulish only 'unter noch zu untersuchenden Bedingungen'(?), seen, for example, in W. ia beside O l r . aig (gen. ega) and W . addiant and addiad and Gaul, iantu- (also ientu-) beside O l r . et.* Thurneysen, dealing with the interchange o f / a n d a in Old Irish forms ( # £ 5 9 , 1 9 3 2 , 1 ff., G O / 5 3 ff.), claimed that e was often replaced by a before palatal consonants 'due to a tendency to differen tiate e more sharply from the following palatal sound'. Fluctuation be tween a and / before non-palatal consonants is explained as the result of analogy with other forms. 5 Holmer tried to show {EC 3, 1938, 71 ff.) 1
Forms quoted in capitals in this chapter are name elements discussed in Chapter II (A) (ii). 2 A capital letter in brackets following a name refers to the sections of Chapter II. 3 (App.) refers to the Appendix. See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. DAGO-, * See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. IANT-. 5 M. A. O'Brien (Celtica 3, 1956, 182 ff.) has attempted to explain away the alternation before palatal consonants as due partly to the influence of the nonpalatal final of preceding proclitics and confusion between pre-verbal particles, and partly to analogy with other forms.
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that the tendency to change e (and o) to a in many cases should be explained as reduction (a) before the penult, which he supposed was accented 'a Pepoque de l'unite des langues brittoniques et gaeliques' (possibly even in Common Celtic) and (b) in proclitic position. e appears to have been a closed vowel (and ι an open vowel) in more than one region where Celtic is attested on the Continent. 1 Holder has listed a n u m b e r of examples of the alternation eji in AcS i. 1392 and 2. 2. See also Dottin, pp. 58, 96, 356, 357. Note, for example, Beleno castro DAG 80. 153. 179, Bel(l)enus (-inns, -innns) 82, Belenus 155, 181, Βιλινος 177; Cessorinius 224, -inus 151, 156, 244, Cissorina 182; Lexouii\Lixouii 179; roueca 78, 177, 239, ροουικα 78, 177. See also the name elements AGED-, CEN-, REG-, RET(T)-. The alternation of ζ and
See Dottin, p. 58, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 173 f., Corominas, ZCP 25, 1956, 2 52 f., Schmidt, JTGP 100. Cf. Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 174. 3 Weisgerber (SprFK 207, 216) thought it unlikely that Gaulish names in pent-, with -e-, are to be connected with the numeral 'five'. Pokorny (Urg. 171, n. 1) suggested that -ent- (as in forms in pent-) may be Illyrian, while -int- (as in forms in pint-) may be Celtic. Compare Tovar's comment in ZePhyrus 5, 1954, 19, n. 3 and see Palomar Lapesa, OPL 91, 92, 134, ELH 360 f., Schmoll, SVIHK 47 f., 4 Untermann, EAAHA 147, Solta, Z>*> Sprache 9, 1963, 216. Z,£. 30, 1954, 516.
PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
393 that [e] and [i] were not distinctive phonemically before a nasal +stop, and rightly insisted that the change e > ϊ 'may not be said to have been completed in the Common Keltic period'. The change of e to ϊ before a single nasal is by no means as regular as it is before a nasal+stop. 1 For the loss of initial e before sk- in Σκιγγοριου (gen.) Gal. Spr. 155 and Scingomagus DAG 7 see Gal. Spr. 173 and HSCP 60, 1951, 180. IE. ϊ normally remained in Gaulish, e.g. in MORI- 'sea', viroc man' (v. s. VIRO-), and -is in the nom. sg. of i-stems (see Chapter III (B) (i)). For the alternation of ϊ and e, v. s. e above. Unaccented -z became -e in Gaulish are (see DAG 178, also REA 58, 1956, 179 f), are- (as in Arelate DAG 80, arepennis DAG 158, etc.), in ATE- (also ati-), in more DAG 178 beside mori- (as in Moritasgus, moritex, etc., v. s. MORI-), and perhaps inprenne DAG 178 and in ANDE-, but not in AMBI-. See VKG 1. 40 f, 256 {LP 4, 68), Loth, RC 36, 1915-16, 148, Dottin, p. 357, Whatmough, Orbis 1, 1952, 437. IE. δ normally remains, e.g. in BODUO-, BOGIO-, BROG-, COM-, OLLO-, ORBIO-, V0-,2 and in -osj-ios in the nom. sg. ofo-jio-stems (see Chapter III (B) (i)). For the alternation of δ and a, v. s. a. For a number of quite doubtful instances of this alternation in the Hispanic peninsula see Schmoll, SVIHK 78 ff. IE. u remained, e.g. in CATU-, CUMB-, ESUS, MAGU-, NANTU-, etc., and in -us in the nom. sg. of w-stems (see Chapter III (B) (i)). Gaulish u may occasionally have been pronounced open. This might explain, for example, some instances of forms in dobno-\domnobeside forms in dubno-jdumno- (see Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurus and (A) (ii) s.v. DUBNO-) and perhaps one or two instances of soinstead of su- (see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. SU-). See Schnetz, %CP 14, 1923, 274 f, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 170 f., Schmidt, KGP 94, 195 f. The IE. weak-grade vowel appears in Gaulish as a, e.g. in are, are(see IEW 812), LITANO-, forms in bal- and nam- (see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. BAL{L)- and NAMO-). Gutuater (see Chapter II (B) s.n. Cotuatus) has a < IE. d. IE. a remained, e.g. in Bratronos (B) and in the case-endings of o-/zfl-stems, as in the nom. sg. in -(i)a, the gen. sg. in -ias, and perhaps in the dat. sg. in -at and -a (see Chapter III (B) (i)).3 For possible examples of the development of a to au and q in late 1
For a tendency to change e to ϊ before single nasals in Primitive Welsh see Jackson, LHEB 278 f. 2 For possible instances of Gaul, vo- 'under' > ue-, v. s. V0- in Chapter II (A) (ii). 3 There is no means of telling whether the originally long a had in final syllables been reduced to a short vowel.
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Gaulish see Hubschmied, RC 50, 1933, 261 and Vox Romanica 3, 1938, 84 ff. IE. e normally gave ι. See, for example, DI-, viro- 'true' (v. s. VIRO-), and PN Σιλουκνος (A) (?with GLX- from *se-l~). On account of graphic variants such as Dubnoreix and Dubnorex (with -ei- and -*-) in coin legends (see s.n. Dumnorix (A)) Pedersen supposed (FAG 1. 51, see also LP 7) that the change e > ϊ had not occurred in certain unaccented non-initial syllables. 1 Lejeune also admitted the possibility of the retention of original e in a non-initial or final syllable in historical times in Celtic. See Celtiberica 22 and 138 f. H e drew attention to the traditional interpretation of Gaulish βρατουδε as the equivalent of Latin ex iudicio with -δε perhaps representing original *de. H e suggested that uique and que que in graffiti of Pefialba may be old oblique (instrumental?) cases in -e; he thought that ConTerPia (Lexico 7, Celtiberica 96) m a y contain a form of Celtic *treb-,2 and CuiroreCiios (Celtiberica 83 f.)3 the form *regio-. See also his remarks (Celtiberica 100, 137) on the form TeiuoreiC(i)s (?nom. sg., for *Deiuorlx) in the inscription on the bronze of Luzaga (Celtiberica 98 ff.). 4 This evidence in fact amounts to very little, and I think that we can fairly state that there are no certain examples of the retention of I E . e in Continental Celtic. T h e writing of ei (ei) or e in forms such as Άτζπορειγος CIG 3. 4039, 23-26, 32-33, dubnorex, dubnoreix (v. s. Dumnorix (Α)), Εσκιγγορζιξ (Α), Μάγουpeiyi (Α), Σιγο .ουτιορζιξ (Α), ]πορ€ΐξ (Αρρ.), ~\ραξ DAG 36, and TeiuoreiC(i)s (see above) beside i in forms such as Άλβίόριξ Gal. Spr. 154, Cantorix DAG 19, etc., does n o ; by any means amount to a proof of the occasional retention of e. Here i, ei, and e are probably graphic variants all denoting Gaulish l, and are best explained as being due to the influence of Greek and Latin orthography. 5 IE. ϊ was retained in Gaulish, as, for example, in the termination of the (z)o-stem genitive (see Chapter I I I (B) (i)). For Gaulish ϊ < I E . e, and for the variant orthography i\ei\e, v. s. e above. 1 See Vendryes, RC 30, 1909, 206. Thurneysen also claimed (Hdb. § 86, GO/§ 90, also Meid, AKV 72) that some Old Irish forms reflected the retention of e in old final syllables, e.g. in -the ( < *-thes) in the 2 sg. deponent. See also Pokorny, IF 35, 1915, 172 ff., suggesting that the genitive Avittoriges in the Og. of Eglwys Gymyn (ECMW 142) is another instance of e remaining unchanged in a final syllable (cf. Thurneysen, GO I 188, Jackson, LHEB 185 f.). Compare Jackson's comment in LHEB 304, η. ι. 2 See now Untermann, MM 5, 1964, 108 f. 3 Or iroreCiios. See Tovar, Lexico 9, Schmoll, SVIHK, no. 27. 4 Cf. Tovar, Lteico 8, Estudios 35, n. 1, 41, 49 f., 125, 183, Kratylos 3, 1958, 3, 6, 8, and Schmoll, SVIHK, p. 76 (suggesting that it should be read as Deuorex [sic]). 5 See Rhys, Insc. 38, Schmidt, KGP 53, 260. See also Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. Diviciacus.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
395
IE. δ became a in Common Celtic. See, for example, s.vv. GJVA TO-, MARO-, and RATO-. In final syllables IE. δ tended to give ύ in Gaulish. Note, for example, -(i)u in the nom. sg. of /z-stems1 and -uij-u in the dat. sg. of o-stems (see Chapter I I I (B) (i)). 2 IE. ΰ remained in Gaulish, 3 but I found no clear examples of this among the forms studied in this work. (b) Syllabic nasals and liquids I E . m and η gave am and an in Gaulish. See, for example, AMBI-, ?ANDE-, ?MAjYDU-, NANTU-, and TANCO-. Therearesomedoubtful traces of (Pdialectal) variant developments, e.g. in PN Cimberius (App.), with -im- perhaps from earlier -m-, and in D N Endovei{i)icus, Endovot(l)ico, Enobolico, Indoveliic, etc., with en and in perhaps from earlier nA See Weisgerber, SprFK 185 f, Whatmough, GrDAG, 59 f., 93, 1 io, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 135 f, Schmoll, SVIHK81 f. I E . r and / gave Gaulish ri and li as, for example, in LITANO-, LIT AVI-, some forms in rit- (v. s. RET(T)-), and perhaps names in trit- (v. s. Tritos (B)). There may be a variant (Pdialectal) development of ar and ir from r in a few forms in tart- and tirt- (v. s. Tartos (B)). s For possible instances of IE. r > Celt, ar, I E . 2 > Celt. Id, I E . ή > Celt, na, see s. n n . Carvilius (Β), Λαμί (App.), a n d s.v. GJVATO-. (c) Diphthongs T h e separate spellings of the IE. diphthongs au, eu, and ou, which eventually all fell together in Goidelic and Brittonic, are clearly visible in Gaulish. There is probably an example of IE. au remaining in the n a m e element AUD- (q.v.). For instances of the spelling au see Holder, AcS 1. 281, 3. 742. See further Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 180, Lejeune, Celtiberica 138, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 137, Schmoll, SVIHK 88. Note. For the tendency for a consonant+a vowel (notably a or 0) followed by w+consonant to become consonant+vowel+geminate consonant (or single consonant possibly with lengthening of the vowel), see Whatmough, Die Sprache 1, 1949, 126 f., HSCP 60, 1951, 180, Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954, 517; 313 1955, i2f. Examples: Alaucus DAG 83, 136, -os 177: Alacca 8 3 ; Alaunium 21, Alaunius 23, Alaunus 1 Instances of -0 here are probably due very largely to the influence of Latin. For Latinization here in British forms see Jackson, LHEB 302 (with n. 1). 2 For possible examples of the retention of unaccented δ in Spain, not all of them convincing, see Lejeune, Celtiberica 17, n. 37, 21 f., 139. See also Schmoll, SVIHK 78. 3 Note, for example, Gaul, -dunum, an element which is well attested in local names. See LP 7, IEW 263. 4 See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. ANDE-. To the literature there cited add Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 3, Schmoll, SVIHK 82, Whatmough, GrDAG 79, 93, 122. s Forms in tirt- might, of course, develop from forms in trit- by metathesis. Schmoll {SVIHK 8, 47, 83) prefers to see Iberian(?) contamination in forms in tirt-.
PHONOLOGY AND M O R P H O L O G Y
r
planus 140, 151; Boutins 83, 203, 208 D (also 214): Bottus 8 3 ; nucus 83, 89* 15$> χ 82 : Draccius 83, 176, 182 ; / W o 2O8D: Patto 136. There was a tendency for *M to be replaced early by ou.1 There fol1 ed a gradual replacement of ou by δ and later by U. See Chapter I I CL0UT and (A) (U) s ' w · B0UD°-> °-> TEUTO-, for example, and 1 0 the following authorities: Pedersen, VKG 1. 53 f. {LP 8 ) ; Dottin, 60 97; Vendryes, i2C 38, 1920-1, 181; Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 169, %FK'216; Thurneysen, iT£ 59, 1932, i s f . ; Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 86 ff; Whatmough^D^G, p. 1367; Watkins, Z^. 31, 1955, 1 3 ; τLejeu ieune Celtiberica 138; Schmidt, A*GP 100, 277; Palomar Lapesa, ΛΡΙ nPL IS7 1^7 f-; Schmoll, 5Ρ//ΗΓ 89 f. In names in cauar- such as Cauarillus (B) and Cauarinus (B) (qq.v.) Vi re may be examples of the development of an from earlier ou before hv assimilation. See the literature cited s.n. Cauarillus (B). There are no certain examples of IE. at in the forms selected for dv unless esu- as in ?Esumaro (App.) derives from earlier aisuA shows Gaul, e for IE. ai. But the etymology of Gaulish Esus (Hesus (H)aesus) is quite uncertain. See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.n. T h e V uthong appears in Gaulish forms as ai (ae) or e9 as in gaiso-lgaeso-: τ pae 'a spear, javelin', W. gwaew, etc. (see literature s.n. Gisaci or (ΚΌΌ·))> * n KaLTtfP^ Ptol·* Cetobricca Rau. (Catobrica IA) AcS 1. 02 and perhaps Vocetius mons DAG 241 : W. coed, Br. koat (see VKG - £ # £ # 325, IEW519, DGVB 120).2 I n suffixes such as -aio-, as in PN MereKuos (App.), the diphthong ai is probably secondary. For the A t s£. of a'/ia-stems in -(ι)<"> -az, -a*, -a, and -i see Chapter I I I (B) (i). For instances of the development of IE. ei to e and ΐ in Gaulish see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. DEVO- and -REDO-, See further Tovar, Estudios 35, n. 1, Kratylos 3, 1958, 4, Hubschmid, £ C P 24, 1954, 81 ff. I so 83, n. 2), Lejeune, Celtiberica 21, 137, Schmoll, SVIHK 86f. For the development of IE. -δι in the dat. sg. of 0-stems see Chapter III (B) (i) b e l o w · (
(A) (0 s - n ·
?i4 €V00i;
^
·
2 For some uncertain evidence concerning the monophthongization of ai to e •formsfrom Ancient Spain see Lejeune, Celtiberica 137, Palomar Lapesa, OPL g Schmoll, SVIHK 86. There was a tendency to merge ai and e in Vulgar Latin, «d this fact should be borne in mind in interpreting some Continental Celtic forms showing the alternation of ai (or ae) and e.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
397 VENI-,
JAJfT-, Ιουγιλλιακος (Β), LITAVL·, VAL-, VELLAUJVO-, VERTO-, VIRO-. However, there is a tendency to lose u between vowels, as in forms in deo- and dio- (see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. DEVO-).1 See further Whatmough, Orbis i, 1952, 437, Schmidt, KGP 99 f, Lejeune, Celiiberica 134, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 137, Schmoll, SVIHK 104. There are many instances of the graphic alternation of ν and b representing u. Some examples are listed in the Appendix s.n. Voccio. See also Dottin 61 f, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 139, Schmoll, SVIHK 104, and Chapter III (A) (ii) under m. For the view that i and u were not phonemically distinctive after i and u respectively in the sequences consonant+z+vowel and consonant+M+vowel, s e e Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 11 f. See also Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. Κατοναλος, Appendix s.n. Vixuvioni, and Chapter III (B) (i) concerning -eos in the nom. sg. of o-/z0-stems. In PN Diuuogna (A) there is an instance of the spelling uu for inter vocalic u. (ii)
GONSONANTISM
(a) IE. s IE. s was normally preserved initially2 and medially between vowels,3 as, for example, in SAMO-, SED-, SEGO-, and SU-, and in gaiso-jgaeso- (v. s. Gisaci (App)).
Final -s is commonly retained in Gaulish. See, for example, the lists of examples of 0-/z0-stem nom. sg. forms in -ios and -eos in Chapter III (B) (i) below. But there are also quite a number of examples of forms showing the loss of -s. Apart from instances of 0-/z0-stem nom. sg. forms in -oj-io listed in Chapter III, loc. cit., note the following examples taken from the coin legends of Ancient Gaul: 4 abudo, conno (KOVVO), ~\iliouico, DAG 157, δονβνο, δοννο, δοβνο, dubno, δονο, eburo, lixouio, toutobocio DAG 177, ambactu, andobru, uaceco, uiro DAG 206, boio, eccaioy eiccaio, titto DAG 239. See also PNN Subroni (A) and Sumeli (A),
which, if they are i-stem nominatives singular, show the loss of -s. 1
Some forms in taro- beside taruo- may show loss of u after r. See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. TARVO-. 2 Whatmough drew attention (HSCP 42, 1931, 144 f., CPh. 48, 1953, 255) to some variants with s~ on the one hand and with h- or zero on the other, e.g. segusius: ίγούσια PID 340c and salix: halicem ^alicem' (Plin. NH16. 177). See also Vendryes, RC 49, 1932, 304, Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 228, Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, nof. Com pare Pokorny's criticism in VR 10, 1948-9, 254 f. and see Schmoll, SVIHK 101. 3 Compare Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 108 if. and Pokorny's criticism in VR 10, 1948-9, 257. For an apparent (Pgraphic) alternation of/and J, both initially and medially (between vowels and in consonant clusters), see Whatmough, Celtica 3, 1956, 253 f. Cf. Schmoll, SVIHK 100. 4 The possibility that some of these forms are abbreviated or clipped should not be overlooked. See Dottin, p. 66.
398
PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
T h e following forms from the Celtic inscriptions of Gaul may be further examples of this loss of -s: ματρφο ναμανσικαβο DAG 6η, αν8οουνναβο 63, (?)suiorebe 141 (see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.n. Leucullo), gobedbi 169, and perhaps tecuanboebo 130 (v. s. Tecci (App.)). This tendency to lose -s has received little attention from Celtic scholars. See, however, d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 11, 1890, 1251; 18, 1897, 320, 1 Holder, AcS 2. 817. 1-7, Thurneysen, ZCP 6> ^ 0 8 , 558,2 GOI 182, Dottin, p . 66, Schmidt, IF 66, 1961, 271 f., Glotta 4 1 , 1963, 1 ff.3 It seems to me that no simple explanation to cover all instances is possible. For the general tendency to weaken Indo-European final -s see A. Meillet, Caracteres generaux des langues germaniques1 (Paris, 1949), 81, M . Grammont, Traite de phonetique (Paris, 1932), 364. I n the Latin of Gaul -s was generally maintained. 4 But forms without -s are cer tainly not hard to find in Ancient Gaul in texts other than the Celtic inscriptions, especially in potters' stamps. 5 For a general discussion of -s in Latin see Stolz-Schmalz, Lateinische Grammatik5 (ed. Leumann and Hofmann (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft ii/2)), i (Munchen, 1928), 175 f. and literature there cited, to which add the following: R. L. Politzer, 'Final -s in the Romania', Romanic Review 38, 1947, 156-66; V. Vaananen, eA propos de Vs final dans les langues romanes', Miscelanea de Filologia, Literatura e Historia cultural a memoria de Francisco Adolf0 Coelho ii (Lisboa, 1950), 3 3 - 4 0 ; L. Michel, Etude du son V en latin et en roman (Montpellier, 1953), 98 ff.; E. P. H a m p , 'Final -s in Latin', CPh. 54, 1959, 165 ff.; R. A. Hall, 'Latin -s (-es, -as, -5s) in Italian', RPh. 15, 1961-2, 234-44. I*1 t n e Celtic forms referred to above the loss of ~s may have been due to both the model of Latin epigraphy and a tendency to weaken ~s in Celtic itself. I E . su- is preserved, for example, in the name element SUADU-. I E . -ps- is represented in Gaulish by -χ-, -xs-, i.e. [xs], as in P N N Crixius, Crixsia, Crixsius, Crixsus, etc., beside Lat. Crispus. See Appendix s.n. Crispos. IE. ghs occurs in the Gaulish prefix ex-, exs-, es-, ec- (: IE. *eghs), concerning which, a n d concerning the variant orthography x, xs, s, c, see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. EX-. See also Appendix s.n. 1 De Jubainville argued, unconvincingly, that loss of -s in ματρεβο ναμαυσικαβο was an Italic phenomenon, conforming with a tendency (referred to by Cicero, Orator 161) to suppress -s in Latin before a word beginning with a consonant. 2 Whence Pedersen, VKG 1. 1245 {LP 64), Hernando Balmori, EC 4, 1948, 49. 3 For a few forms from Ancient Spain which may show loss of -s see Palomar Lapesa, OPL 140. 4 See C. H. Grandgent, An Introduction to Vulgar Latin (Boston, 1907), 126; E. Bourciez, Elements de linguistique romane* (Paris, 1946), 51; Μ. Κ. Pope, From Latin to Modern French2 (Manchester, 1952), 97 f.; L. H. Gray, Melanges de philologie de littirature et d'histoire anciennes qfferts a J. Marouzeau (Paris, 1948), 207 fT.; Michel, op. cit. infra, 99; Politzer, op. cit. infra, 161, 163. 5 For some evidence concerning the loss of -s in the Latin of Britain see Jackson, LHEB 192 f.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
399
(?) Κραυσικνος, where forms showing the variants xs, xs, xx, x, ss, s are listed. I E . gs is represented in final position by -χ, -xs, -s, and zero in the various forms of the common name element -rix, -r%xs, -rex, -reix, -m, -ri (: IE. *reg-s). See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. REG-. I t is clear that Gaulish [xs] is of multiple origin, is spelled x, xx, xs, xs, and becomes assimilated to Gaulish [ss]. See Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 16. 1 PN Buscilla (B) probably has -sc- by metathesis from -ks-. I n P N N Viriddvix (A) and Segovax (B) final -x is of uncertain origin. T h e tracing of the development of IE. st, ds, and ts in Continental Celtic is particularly complicated by the fact that there is great divergence in orthography where dental affricates or dental fricatives or sibilants derived from these earlier clusters and from combinations of dentals are concerned. See the excursus on Gaulish d, dd, θ, ΘΘ, d, dd, etc., in Remark below. For a possible instance of the retention of initial st- see P N Statilos (B) (less certainly P N Stamulos (B)). For earlier ds represented as ΘΘ in PN AQdedomari (A) (q.v.) beside ds, ss, s, Θ, dd in other forms in adsed-, assed-i ased-, α0εδ- (or aded-), and added- see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. SED-. For Gaulish cart-jcarst-JKapd- see Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος and (A) (ii) s.v. CART-. There is some evidence which suggests that rs was retained in early Gaulish. Later it appears as rr. See Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Ονζρσικνος, where forms in uers- beside forms in uerr- are listed. With the former compare perhaps forms in uerz- listed s.n. Vedzui (B). See also Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος for forms in cars- beside forms in car(r)-, and II (A) (ii) s.v. BOR- for some forms in bors- beside forms in bor(r)-.2 In forms in tasgo-, -s- may be voiced before the following voiced stop and may represent an early, perhaps an Indo-European, voiced dental sibilant. See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. TASCO-.
{b)TE.p For instances of the regular disappearance of IE. p in Gaulish forms see Chapter I I (B) s.n. Cotuatus, I I (A) (ii) s.w. ARIO-, LANO-, OLLO-, RET{T)-, VER-, and VO-, I I (B) s.nn. ?Αλισο. .tas and Ελουισσα, and Appendix s.n. ?Λαμι. For -ps- see (a) above. (c) IE. gh, g, gh, g All these gave Proto-Celtic g which is commonly preserved in Gaulish forms. For examples see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.w. AGED-, 1
Account should, of course, be taken in some forms of the influence of the Vulgar Latin spelling of* for \s\. See Jackson, LHEB 522, n. 1. 2 See also Tovar, Estudios 82 ff. on Barscunes, Bascunes (cf. Untermann, MM 5, 1964, 112 f.) and Schmoll, SVIHK 84, 101 on PNN Burrus, etc.
400
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
B0GI0-, BROG-, CINGO-, DAGO-, GEN-, GNATO-, GNO-, LUGU-, ORGETO-, REG-, SAG-, SEGO-, etc. There is, however, a tendency for intervocalic g to disappear. This suggests that in medial position it was sporadically weakened in articulation. Examples: 1 names in no- beside names in rigo- (see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. REG-, Appendix s.n. Ριονμανζος) ;2 Ρ Ν Comboiomarus: names in B0GI0- (q.v.); P N N Catuenus, Catuen., Matueni (gen.), EN Matu[e]niq(um): names in GEN- (q.v.): Caia DAG 237, καιαντολου 78, Caiatius Note (xlv) C, Caiaucus 83 : Cagius 237; Coionius 83, coios 177 iCogiacus (see Appendix s.n. ?κοαα); Maeilo, Maela, Madia, Maelo, Maelonius, MaeloniaiMagilo OPL 81 f.; Maionus DAG 83, Maiorena 224, Maiorix 8%:Magia 83, Magius 83, 2O8B, Magiacus 83, Magianns 244, Magiatius 214, Magiona 2O8B, Magiorix 214, 237; ΤΆώ, -us 83, Taietius 8 3 : Tagia, -ius 214, Tagidius 83, Tagonus 228 (ix). There are also very many instances of the interchange of
See Holder, AcS 2. 1191, Dottin, p. 65, Loth, RC 39, 1922, 50, Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 290, Gray, op. cit. 20, 1944, 225 f., Tovar, REL 29, 1951, 118, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 17, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 141, Schmoll, SVIHK 92. 2 Note also M. L. Albertos's explanation of DN Deuori HAE 398 as an old dat. sg. showing the loss of medial -g- ( < *Deuorigi). See Emirita 24, 1956, 294 ff., RPH133K 3 See Holder, AcS 1. 650, 1504; 3. 1013, Dottin 63, 101, Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 224, Tovar, REL 29, 1951, ii4f., Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 17 if., Palomar Lapesa, OPL 141, 143 f., Schmoll, SVIHK 9i,Whatmough, GrDAG 45 ff., 67 f., etc.
PHONOLOGY AND M O R P H O L O G Y
40 r
largely with that of the evidence for or against supposing that Gaulish possessed a system of lenition comparable with that of Insular Celtic. Opinion concerning this is hopelessly divided. It ranges from the confident claims of scholars such as Gray,1 Martinet,2 and Tovar,3 on the one hand, that lenition is a Common Celtic phenomenon, clearly attested in the remains of Continental Celtic as well as in the new Celtic languages, to that of Pokorny,4 on the other hand, who insisted that there is no real evidence at all in favour of assuming the presence of lenition as a characteristically Celtic phenomenon in Gaulish. Another writer, Dr. Calvert Watkins,5 thought that Gray's attempt to prove the case for lenition in Gaulish was a failure. He recognized in the evidence only c. . . the beginning of the phonetic process, the relaxing of obstruents between vowels which is a necessary precursor of systematic morphophonemic lenition'. I have selected for special mention the apparent alternation of voiced and unvoiced velars because it is with the velars that confusion occurs most frequently. We should first summarize a little of what has been said in attempts to describe and explain this confusion. Holder listed in AcS 1. 650, 1504, 3. 1013 some examples of the alternation of c and g. These are mostly examples of c written for original /g/.6 Dottin (p. 63) repeated some of Holder's examples. He remarked (n. 1, see correction on p. 356) that they reflected in the main a hardening or devoicing of /g/ to /k/.7
1 See his study entitled 'Mutation in Gaulish' in Lg. 20, 1944, 223-30. He con cluded that 'Even allowing for scanty evidence and faulty transcription and transmission one seems justified in holding that Gaulish, like all the other Keltic languages, possessed mutation . . Λ 2 See the article 'Celtic Lenition and Western Romance Consonants' in Lg. 28, 1952, 192-217 and the revised French version of that article which appeared as chap. 11, 'La lenition en celtique et les consonnes du roman occidental', in his Jiconomie des changements phonitiques. Traite de phonologie diachronique (Berne, 1955) in which he remarked (p. 263): 'Dans I'ensemble les donne'es du gaulois renforcent plutot qu'elles ne refutent l'hypothese que la lenition est un phenomene du cel tique commun.' 3 See especially 'La sonorizacion y caida de las intervocalicas y los estratos indoeuropeas en Hispania' in Estudios, pp. 127-47; 'Sobre la cronologia de la sonorizacion y caida de intervocalicas en la Romania occidental', Homenaje a Fritz Kriiger i (Mendoza, 1952), 10 fF.; 'La sonorisation et la chute des intervocaliques: phenomene latin occidental', REL 29, 1951, 102 fF.; ALSP 80, 88. 4 See VR 10, 1948-9, 254-67, Keltologie 135. 5 In his study of the phonemics of the Celtic dialect of Narbonensis published in !*£' 31» IC/55> 9 ff· See also Campanile, Studi e saggi linguistici 1, 1961, 33 fif. 6 A few exx. have g written for original /£/, as htiovvyuayos [sic] beside Diviciacus and -agosj-agus beside -acos\-acus. 7 He also suggested that the alternation of c and g could be compared with the
40 2
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
Loth also stated (RC 39, 1922, 50, n. 2) that forms like arcantodan and vercobreto seem to show the devoicing of/g/ after /r/. 1 Gray, in his attempt mentioned above to prove that Gaulish pos sessed a system of lenition, listed a number of instances of the change g > c2 beside only a few late (6th~7th centuries) examples of the change c > g and c > (g) > zero. Pokorny (locc. citt.), after attempting to explain away a number of forms which have been used as evidence for assuming the presence of some form of lenition in Gaulish, claimed (pp. 266 if., after J u d , Archivum Romanicum 6, 1922, 192 in a review of Dottin) that forms such as arcantodan, with -re-, and arkant (AcS 1. 183. 4, cf. 3. 659. 25 ff.), with -rk-, beside Gaul, arganto-, with -rg-, are evidence of a phonetic change that is altogether different from that which occurred through lenition in this environment in Brittonic. 3 Whatmough (HSCP 60, 1951, 182) listed forms showing the alterna-r tion of c and g in the remains of the non-Latin dialects of the Alpine regions. This alternation, and that of p and b and of t and d, he sug gested (op. cit. 185, n. 13) 'may represent an attempt to write a Keltic pronunciation as heard by speakers of Latin'. 4 Tovar {REL 29, 1951, 114 f.) compiled an impressive list of examples of forms with intervocalic -g- representing earlier /k/. H e draws his examples from Gaulish a n d Celtiberian texts, from the Latin in scriptions of the Celtic West (Gallia Cisalpina and Transalpina, the Germanies, and north-west Spain), and from literary texts. This is part of the evidence he assembled to support his view t h a t a Celtic substratum accounts for the voicing of consonants in the Western Romance dialects and t h a t this pre-Romance voicing should be identified with lenition in Celtic. H e also recognized t h a t there are many instances of c written for /g/. These he would interpret as examples of hypercorrect orthography. 5 Watkins (op. cit.) also listed examples of the interchange of c and situation in Old Irish where the voiced stops could be represented by c, t, p or by gg, dd, bb. See GOI 22 ff. 1 His suggestion that this might represent the first stage in the development of rg to rch, as in Breton and Cornish (see LHEB 466 ff.), is highly improbable. 2 The divergence in orthography in many of his examples is, I think, purely graphic. 3 He rejected (pp. 264 ff.) Hubschmied's claim (VR 3, 1938, 139 ff.) that there is evidence for the change of rg to ri in late Gaulish. 4 See also Whatmough's remarks on the alternation of/? and b in Orbis 1, 1952, 430 f. He suggested, for example, that p~'m ars prossana (DAG, Note (xxviii)) re presents b- as heard by a Latin speaker. See now GrDAG 45 ff. 5 Tovar maintains the same position in his recent contribution to volume i oiELH (p. 105). Palomar Lapesa (OPL 141 ff.) and Schmoll (SVIHK 90 f.) adopt Tovar's interpretation of these phenomena. Cf. Lejeune, Celtiberica 132, par. 9.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
403
g, in most of which he recognized original /g/. Moreover, he proposed an interesting explanation for the tendency to confuse voiced and unvoiced stops. His suggestion is that in Gaulish as in Latin the geminate voiceless stop was fortis and the single voiced stop a lenis. But whereas the single voiceless stop was probably fortis in Latin it was apparently a lenis in Gaulish. 1 This could easily cause much confusion in the spelling of the Gaulish stops. Schmidt (KGP 51) noted that the alternation of voiced and un voiced consonants is especially common in Aquitania and Spain. This, he said, was due to a failure to distinguish the voiced and (p. 100) that the alternation of g and c is particularly common. Like Watkins I conclude that the tendency to confuse unvoiced and voiced stops in the remains of Gaulish, which is reflected especially frequently by the interchange of c and gy may be due to a very large extent to the fact that single or short voiceless stops were lenis con sonants in Common Celtic. 2 Latin speakers, especially native speakers of Latin or people taught to write by native speakers of Latin, would tend to confuse these voiceless stops with the corresponding voiced stops which were also lenes, the single voiceless stops in Latin being probably fortes, not lenes. I n some areas of Ancient Gaul, notably in the south-west, there was probably a failure to distinguish voiced and unvoiced consonants by speakers of dialects which were neither Latin nor Celtic. A tendency to confuse c and g in writing would easily lead to writing c sporadically for original /g/ or g for original /k/ in Celtic forms. Of Celtic lenition in the technical sense, how ever, there is no definite trace. As for denoting the velar stops, it should be noted finally, as both Watkins (Lg. 31, 1955, 17) and Schmoll {SVIHK 91) have pointed out, that the confusion between g and c is all the more apparent because copyists and stonecutters could be careless about including the little hook of G, and because the weathering of inscribed stones can cause difficulty in distinguishing G from C. I n forms such as congen(n)o- and cingo-jcingeto-, -ng- probably re presents [rjg]. I n Gallo-Greek inscriptions it is represented by double g a m m a . See P N N yop.om, Εξκιγγορ€ΐξ, 1
Κογγζννολίτανίος, ?Εκσίγγος, Εσκβγγαι, Εσκεγall discussed i n C h a p t e r I I (A) (i). N o t e also
Cf. Feist WuS 11, 1928, 47. It should be noted that Professor Jackson in LHEB, § 132 (see also now Celtica 5, i960, 127 ff.) recognized in Common Celtic a threefold series of voiceless stops, viz. '. . . comparatively long or fortis consonants in absolute initial; short or lenis consonants intervocally, both in absolute inlaut and in external sandhi after a proclitic ending in a vowel . . .; and geminates internally arising from IE. or Common Celtic groups . . .' (op. cit. p. 127). 2
AnA
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
404
PN Σκιγγοριου (gen.) Gal. Spr. 155 and LN Έξκιγγόμαγος DAG 7.1 Compare PNN Cigetoutiis DAG 136, 176, 203 and Escigias DAG 8 (with -£-) beside PN Esciggorix DAG 83 (with -gg-). See Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. Κογγ€ννολιτανος and II (A) (ii) s.v. CINGO-. 0 0 IE. £"Λ For possible instances of Celtic g- representing IE. guh- see Chapter II (Α) (ϋ) s.v. GON(X)-. For the development of the voiced labiovelar aspirate in Celtic see now Professor Binchy's remarks in Celtica 3, 1956 (Zeuss Memorial Volume), 229 f. Concerning the chronology of the development of the IE labiovelars in Celtic see Schmidt, Studia Hibernica, no. 1, 1961, 70 ff. He argues that IE. guh first became gh, and that this took place before IE. gh had become g in Celtic. (e) IE. ώ, d IE. dh and IE. d became Celtic d. For examples in the material studied here see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. AD-, ANDE-, AUD-, BODUO-, BOUD-, DAGO-, DEVO-, DI-, DU-, DUBNO-, -REDO-, SED-,SUADU-. Concerning earlier ds represented as ds, ss, s, ΘΘ, etc., in names in adsed-, assed-, etc., see (a) above. For the development of dental affricates or dental fricatives or sibilants in Celtic from combinations of dentals, see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. CASSI- and RET(T)-, II (B) s.nn. Μεθθιλοσ, [M]eeeilos, and Remark below on Gaulish d, dd, θ, ΘΘ, d, dd, etc. For examples of the retention of rf+another voiced stop or a nasal or liquid consonant across morpheme boundaries see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. AD-. A few examples are listed there of the assimilation of d-g, d-b d-n2 and perhaps of d-l as well as of the assimilation of d-\a voiceless stop to a geminate and then to a single voiceless stop. Original nd is commonly preserved in Gaulish as in vindo- 'white' (see Chapter II (B) s.n. Ουι,νδιακος). But there is evidence for sup posing that in some cases nd gave n(ri) by assimilation. Note, for example, Gallo-Latin mannas 'a pony' < *mandos (v. s. MANDU-); benna 'genus vehiculi', conbennones 'in benna sedentes' PID, it. 340B;3 PNN Anokopokios, Esanekoti and Anareuiseos PID, it. 337.4 See also Chapter II (B) s.nn. Anailos and Κονδιλλζος and Appendix s.n. 1 Add now Εσκιγγαι Gallia 23, 1965, 75. 2 For a possible instance of d-m > mm note PN Ammatiacus beside PN Admatius DAG 83,182. 3 Distinguish ben{n)a *canna agrestis' DAG 207 and bermo- 'horn, peak' as in Cantobermicus DAG 148. 4 See PID, vol. 2, pp. 59 1 and 592.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
405
1
]κοννου. On the other hand, it is possible that there was a Gaulish (?) dialectal (?) development of nn to nd as evidenced by the history of forms such as arepennis (arpennis, arapennis) > Fr. arpent DAG 158, *Equoranda (* Aequo-, *Egui-, etc.) v. s. EPO-, Glannatina (or -ud) civitas, mod. Glandeve DAG 2. See Weisgerber, SprFK 186 f., Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 183, Orbis 1, 1952, 437, Schmoll, SVIHK 102 f. (/) I E . bh, b I E . bh and the rare IE. b2 gave Celtic b. For examples see BAL(L)-, BANU-, BIL(L)-, BODUO-, BOGIO-, BOR-, BOUD-, BROG-, ORBIO-, Albano(s) (B), Bratronos (B), Brigindoni (B), Buscilla (B), Εβουρος (Β). For the assimilation of bn to mn v. s. DUBNO-. Note also the alterna tion of bn and mn in the following forms: PNN in ex(s)omn- and ex(s)obnlisted s.v. £ Z - , PN Suobnillus DAG 136 and PN Suobnillinus DAG 176. See Pedersen, F7TG 1. 49, Dottin, p. 276, Schmidt, KGP 250, Vendryes, LEIA Ο-22. mb is retained in Gaulish. See, for example, Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. AMBI- and CUMB- and I I (B) s.n. ?Καμβο. T h e r e is little or no trustworthy evidence of the assimilation oimb to m(m). See Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Ambiorix and I I (B) s.n. Commius. Compare Tovar, Estudios 143 with η. ι and Schmoll, SVIHK 103. See further (j) below. (g) I E . k, k I E . palatal and velar k became k in Common Celtic. For examples see CAMUL-, CARO-, CART-, CASSI-, CATU-, CEN-, CWGO-, C/JVTf/-, etc. For the tendency to confuse unvoiced /k/ and voiced /g/ see (c) above. In PN Αχιτος (Β) χ 3 may represent a lax or weak pronuncia tion of original intervocalic /k/. Compare perhaps the form γλανιχου Actes du Congres de Nimes, Paris, 1932 (Assoc. Guillaume Bude), p . 137, beside the coin legend γλανικων Mur.-Chab. 2247 and (ματρζβο) γλαν€ΐκαβο on an altar of Glanum (see H. Rolland, CRAI1955, 91 if., id., Fouilles de Glanum ig^-ig^e, Paris, 1958 (Supplement X I of Gallia), p . 114, pi. 43). Note also the doubtful form ουενιχοι (or OV€VLKOL) on a silver cup of Belgentier (Var) (DAG, Note (iii), p. 63). I t is uncertain whether there is evidence in any of these forms of sound substitution. Watkins (Lg. 31, 1955, 16 f.) hinted at the possibility 1 Note the name Vindius mons (v.l. Vinnius) Flor., Vinnius mons Oros. beside Ούίνδως Ptol. in Hisp. Tarrac. See AcS 3. 342. 2 There are no certain exx. of IE. b in the material studied here. Note, however, the Gaulish form bussu- mentioned s.n. Buscilla (B). 3 Concerning χ in Gaulish forms see Whatmough, CPh. 48, 1953, 255, Lg. 25, 1949, 287, Jackson, LHEB 407.
4·ο6
PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
that χ here represented the velar fricative. See also Whatmough, Orbis i, 1951, 433, GrDAG 78. Celtic /k/ (including /k/ arising from earlier /g/, as perhaps in TECTO-) after a vowel and before /t/ appears frequently as # or χ which probably denotes a fricative [x]. 1 For examples see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. -ACTO-, RECTU-, TECTO-, VICT-, and I I (B) s.n. Lucterins. There is scant and rather inconclusive evidence in the onomastic record studied here 2 concerning a vocalization of [x] in this environment, resulting in [jt] comparable with the development of [jt] in Gallo-Latin 3 and of [j0] in the three Brittonic languages. 4 For literature concerning the development of [kt] in Gaulish see Chapter I I (B) s.n. Contexts. Concerning forms in retu- and regtu- beside rectu-, v. s. RECTU-. For forms in ambat- (also ambad-) beside forms in ambact- and αττώαχί- (once ambacth-), see -ACTO- and AMBI-. (A) I E . ku, ku I n the Celtic dialects of Gaul, as in Brittonic, I E . ku and ku5 as a rule gave/?. As it happens there are b u t few forms among the names studied here which may be traced back to these Indo-European sounds. But see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. EPO- and I I (B) s.n. Peroco (?with p from earlier ku). O t h e r forms showing Gaulish p deriving from I E . ku are mentioned s.v. CEN- (forms in penn-) and s.n. Kovahpovvia (App.) (forms inpetru-, petro-).6 Gaulish etic in an insc. of Alise-Sainte-Reine [DAG 169), 7 and per haps ~KOVL(?) in an insc. of Cavaillon (DAG 54), 8 beside -cue, -que, -ce, -goi(?) in Celtiberian 9 and -pe in the Lepontic insc. of Ornavasso {PID, it. 304a), 10 may reflect a different development of ku in the I E . enclitic *kue 'and' (see IEW 635 f.). 11 These forms apart, there is in Ancient Gaul in forms which are probably Celtic some evidence of 1
Compare the development of the group /ks/ (including /ks/ arising from earlier /gs/). See (a) above. 2 Note especially PNN Adreito (?Ligurian) and Reitugenus listed s.v. RECTU-. Schmidt (KGP 99) claimed that PN Cospeitus CIL 13. 2539 (?: Lat. Conspectus) belongs here. 3 See Richter 122 ff. * See Jackson, LHEB 404 ff. 5 See Whatmough, 'Indo-European Labiovelars* in Melanges linguistiques qfferts a M. Holger Pedersen (Copenhagen, 1937), 45-56. 6 Some forms in alp-, listed s.n. Albano(s), -us (B) (with literature), may have/» from earlier ku. 7 See Thurneysen, £CP 16. 287, n. 1, GOI549 f., LP 44. Compare now Hamp, KZ 74> x956j 237 and Binchy, Celtica 5, i960, 82. 8 See Chapter II (B) s.n. lOvva. 9 See Tovar, Estudios 47 ff., Lixico 279 f., Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 165 f., Kratylos 3, 1958, 11; Whatmough, Lg. 27, 1951, 574; MacWhite, £CP 25, 1956, 16 f.; Schmoll, SVIHK 49. 10 See PID, vol. 2, p. 112, vol. 3, p. 35. 11 Compare E. P. Hamp, 'IE. Enclitic *-*', KZ 74, 1956, 236-8.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
407
u
a q(u) reflex of IE. k and ku (written q, qu, or c). There are in fact far more traces of this than those usually detected only in the Calendar of Coligny (e.g. equos, quimon, qutio{s)jcutio{s)) and in a few names such as E N Qiiariates now Queyras DAG 7, L E N Seqaana, Sequanus, Sequani, now Seine DAG 179 (alsoDN, see DAG 181, 236), and D N Sinquas, or Sinquatis (-tes) DAG 21ι, 213. 1 See especially Whatmough, 0 ^ . 5 , x 955> 6 5 f-> Lg- 3°> J 954 5 400> a n d compare Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9* 235 ff. In the personal names selected for special study in this work, PN Kovahpovvia (App.) may have initial /kw/ reflecting IE. ku-. But the name may not be Celtic. See also P N N Qiitos (App.) and Saqanoli (App.). For forms in equo- v. s. EPO-. For a fair amount of evidence concerning the incidence of q forms in the Celtic remains of the Iberian peninsula see Pokorny, Urg. 173 f.5 Tovar, Estudios 47 if., Lejeune, Celtiberica 132 (cf. H a m p JCS 2, 1958, 148), Palomar Lapesa, OPL 144 f., Schmoll, SVIHKg^ff. Professor Whatmough remarked (Lg., loc. cit., cf. id., Og., loc. cit., and ad H u g h Hencken, Indo-European Languages and Archaeology [American Anthropologist, vol. 57, no. 6, pt. 3, Dec. 1955), p . 21) that in the contrast^ :<7, examples of which are '. . . scattered indiscriminately all over the m a p ' , there is c. . . an extreme case of coexistent phonematic system, which regularly appears just as a language is dying out'. For more recent comment on the complicated problems presented by this contrast see Hencken, op. cit., p p . 7 if., quoting in addition to Whatmough's opinion that of Jackson and of Hull. See also E. MacWhite, £CP 25, 1956, 12 ff.2 A t present I can only re-echo MacWhite's plea that Ά careful analysis of Continental Celtic qu forms, certain or suspect, with special attention to the date of the source, whether epigraphical or literary, is badly needed' (p. 15). (i) I E . i, th IE. t and th gave Celtic t> which normally remains in Gaulish. See, for example, -ACTO-, ATE·, CATU-, CIJVTU-, CLOUTO-, GJVATO-, LITANO-, LITU-, TALO-, TARVO-. For some evidence concerning the confusion of t and d in Continental Celtic see Tovar, Estudios 133 ff., REL 29, 1951, n 6 f . , Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 182, Watkins, Lg, 31, 1955, 17 ff, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 145 f. O n the confusion of voiceless and voiced stops in general see (c) above. For instances of the spelling th and Θ, apparently corresponding to t else where, in forms in athe- and ade- or αθε~ (also perhaps atha- and athu-) see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-, This probably indicates that /t/ here 1
See, for example, Weisgerber, SprFK 184 f. Cf. E. P. Hamp, Lochlann 1, 1958, 211. See now Whatmough, Proceedings 0^ the Second International Congress of Celtic Studies held in Cardiff, 6-13 July, 1963 (Cardiff, 1966) 104 ff. (also Greene, ibid., 123), GrDAG 64 f., 69 f. 2
4θ8
PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
had a lax or weak pronunciation. I t does not necessarily point to the development of a dental fricative /#/. Compare PN Adepicca (A) (q.v.) beside P N Atepiccus CIL 7. 1325. It is unlikely that PN Καρθάιτανως (A) (q.v.), with -ρθ-, is evidence of the change /rt/ > /r0/. For the development of dental affricates or dental fricatives or sibilants in Celtic from t+t (as from d+t) see Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Αδρζσσικνος, I I (A) (ii) s.v. RET(T)-, and R e m a r k below. For st and ts see (a) above and for kt see (g) above. (j) IE. r, Z, Λ, m (a) Liquids For examples of IE. r see ARIO-, BOR-, BROG-, CARO-, CART-, MARO-, etc. For rs see (a) above. Gaulish VELLAUNO- (q.v.) may show the assimilation of rl to //. But this is far from certain. For examples of IE. I see LANO-, LATI-, LITANO-, LIT AVI-, LITU-, LUGU-, VAL(L)-. I n ALLO- and OLLO- (qq.v.) -//- may have developed through assimilation from earlier -In·. (β) Nasals For examples of IE. η and m see BANU-, CINTU-, GEN-, GNATO-, LANO-, MAGU-, MARO-, MORI-, NAMO-, NANTU-, NERTO-, SAMO-, etc. For some examples of the tendency for the nasal to be assimilated to the following stop consonant see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.w. COM- and NANTU-. Concerning the writing of Celtic [qg] as ng, yy, etc., see (c) above. Between a vowel and a stop consonant it seems that a nasal con sonant is occasionally lost, as apparently in forms such as Adebugi[ and Adecari, with ade- for ande-, and Abigeneo (dat.) and Abirenibus (dat. pi.), with abi- for ambi-. See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.w. ANDE- a n d AMBI-. For nd in Gaulish see (e) above, and for mb and the assimilation of bn to mn see (/) above. Concerning nasals in final position in Gaulish see Lejeune, 'L'lsoglosse -m\-n dans l'occident indo-europeen 5 , REL 29, 1951, 86-95. l Examples in the material studied here are rare, but P N Luceo (B) (q.v.) may show loss of -n or -m or, more probably, simply the failure to note the final nasal before the following word which commenced with n-, IE. mr- and ml- gave br- and bl- in Gallo-Brittonic from the earliest period. See Pedersen, VKG 1. 163 {LP 54). For instances in this work see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. BROG- and perhaps I I (A) (i) s.n. BXavSoovLKowiai. Note also some other forms such as Gaul, bracem (ace. sg.) 'genus farris' DAG 178 beside W. brag m. 'malt' and Ir. mraich, braich (see PN Mandubracius (A)) and L N Blatomago, Blatomo, 1
See also id., Celtiberica 20, 49 f., 135, REA 58, 1956, 81.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
409
mod. Blond (Haute-Vienne) AcS 1. 450, 3. 887 beside the British local name Blatobulgio (v.L -burgium) AcS 1. 449 f, 3. 887, in both of which blato- may be cognate with W. blawd m . 'meal, flour' and Ir. mlditky bldith 'smooth, soft' (: IE. *ml-to-l*ml-ti-, see IEW 716). 1 Schmidt suggested (KGP 96 ff.)2 that in PNN°in cobrun- and in P N Cobluto there is indisputable ('unbestreitbar') evidence of the change -mr- > -br- and -ml- > -bl- in Inlaut. See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. COM-, where I have listed other instances of PNN in which -bl- and -br- may represent earlier -ml- and -mr-.3 But I think that these should probably be explained differently. 4 Pedersen (VKG 1. 167, see also LP 55) did not admit examples of the development of -mr- and -mlto -br- and -bl- in Inlaut corresponding to that in Anlaut. Compare, however, the account given of the development of IE. mbr and mbl in Celtic in VKG 1. 119 (LP 40). s As Schmidt himself conceded, P N Cobluto is unexplained; but the equation of names in cobrun- (and in covrun-) with W. cyfrin, etc., is probably correct. 6 If the few examples in question do point to a tendency for -mr- and -ml- to become -br and -bl- (even across morpheme boundaries) in Inlaut as in Anlaut, it should be emphasized that there is evidence only of a tendency to change in this way and not of a regular change. There are numerous examples of the alternation of b and m and of b, m, and υ in Gaulish forms. 7 No thoroughgoing investigation of the relevant evidence has hitherto been attempted paying the necessary attention to the local distribution and to the dating of forms.8 More examples must be collected and studied in this way. Without the sup port of a solid and well-ordered body of evidence it would be idle to draw general conclusions here. However, it does seem probable that these alternations occasionally prove that medially between vowels (also between a vowel and a nasal or liquid or between a nasal or liquid and a vowel) m was weakened in articulation. There is no proof that it became a (Pnasal) bilabial or labio-dental fricative. In any case 1
Cf. Thurneysen, GO 135 and Williams, PKM 201. A similar suggestion had been made before by Gutenbrunner in £CP 20, 1936, 393 in a discussion of the divine name Gebrinius. 3 Note, for example, PNN Coblanuo, Coblucia, Coblunius, Cobricius, Cobromara, -us, Cobronia, Cobrouius, Cobrouomar{us). 4 Cobricius, for example, should probably be analysed as Co-bricius, and Cobronia as Co-bronia. 5 See also Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 133 if. Cf. Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 242 f. 6 Names in cobnert- are also probably cognate with W. cyfnerth. The influence of a Gaulish cognate of Ir. cob 'victory* (v. s. COM-) may have helped the develop ment of forms such as Cobnertus and Cobrunus, with -br-, 7 For the alternation of b and ν see (d) above. Here as elsewhere in the relics of Gaulish there is probably reflected a tendency to conform to the sound-patterns of the Vulgar Latin spoken in Gaul. Concerning -b- > -v- and v- > b- in Vulgar 8 Latin see Richter 60 ff. Note Vendryes's plea in RC 50, 1933, 86. 2
4io
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
it is probably wrong to think, as suggested by scholars such as H u b schmied, 1 Gray, 2 Tovar, 3 and Whatmough, 4 that there is here evidence of Celtic 'lenition' in the technical sense. Compare (c) above. Note the following selection of examples: names in borm- beside names in borb- and names in boru-, concerning which see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. BOR- a n d literature there cited; Gallo-Latin ceruesia, ceruisa, etc., 'beer 5 a n d the derivative ceruesarius beside Celtic κοΰρμι (Diosc), κόρμα (Posid. ap. Athen.) and curmi (Marcell.), concerning which see Chapter I I (B) s.n. Cervesa; L N Cebenna (Mela, Lucan, Plin., etc.), Ceuenna (v.l. Cebenna) (Caes.), Κ4μμ€νον (Str.), now Cevennes (AcS i. 880 if., 3. 1176 f., DAG 84, 148), s in which the alternation of b, my and υ has been explained as being due either to dissimilation (see, for example, Meyer-Lubke, £i?P/z 42, 1922, 332 f., Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 258) or to lenition (see, for example, Pedersen, VKG 1. 165 (LP 54), Loth, RC 40, 1923, 379, Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 122, Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 183) ; 6 milimindrum 'hen bane' (Isid.) beside Β€λ€νουνηαμ (Diosc.) DAG 158; acaunumarga 'stone marl' a n d acaunum (or -us) 'stone' (for earlier *acamn-) DAG 178; avallo 'poma' (Endlicher Glossary) DAG 178 beside L N Aballo (-u-) now Avallon DAG ΐ79;Β€λίοκάνδος(?) (Diosc.) beside mulicandos (ps.-Apul.) 'herba millefolium' DAG 178; bascauda 'conc[h]a aeria' (Mart.), bascaudas (ace. pi., w.ll. mascaudas, Juv., vascaudas, Gloss.), etc., DAG 207; ??names in alb- (v. s. Albano(s) (B)) beside names in aim- (e.g. L E N N Alma DAG 2 and Almanticensis DAG 80). Note also some forms from Spain such as wouaiuticun (?) 'Numantinorum' (Gomez-Moreno, Misc., no. 89), in which T o v a r (JCS 1, 1950, 16, n. i ) 7 suggested that Υ u 'could be a lenition of intervocalic m\ and saba (Hubner, MLIxxxv, 1. 7) which Tovar quite arbitrarily claimed (Estudios 182 f.)8 could be for *sama 'same'. REMARK
On Gaulish D, DD, £), £)£), Θ, ΘΘ, etc. The evidence concerning a dental affricate or dental fricative or 1 See VR 3, 1938, 117ff.Cf. Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 258 ff. 2 See Lg. 20, 1944, 228. 3
See Estudios 27 f., 182 f., 200, n. 1, Kratylos 3, 1958, 5, ELH 105. * See, for example, HSCP 60, 1951, 183, Studies presented to David M. Robinson ii. 479, DAG, pp. 455, 464 f., 542, etc., GrDAG 32, 60, 66. s Note also cimenice regio (Avien.) DAG 79 and compare LEN Cemenelenses, Cemenelum PID, vol. 1, p. 358 (see also DAG, p. 39). 6 Cf. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, MSL 11, 1899-1900, 324 ff., RC 22, 1901, 237 ff., L. Duvau, RC 22, 1901, 79 ff. 7 = Estudios 200, n. 1. See also id., Lixico 11, Kratylos 3, 1958, 5, ELH 105, Lejeune, Celtiberica 56. Cf. Whatmough, Lg. 27, 1951, 574, Schmoll, SVIHK 102. 8 See also id., Lexico 12, Kratylos, loc. cit.? ELH, loc. cit.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
411
sibilant in Gaulish arising from combinations of dentals, from st, ds, and ts, is still problematic. Firstly I list the various possible symbols or combinations of symbols which may represent these sounds in Gaulish, and I then give examples of the variant orthography in one and the same name or name element. T h e symbols a r e : D, DD, D, DD, Θ, ΘΘ, TH, TTH, DS, TS, S, SS, SD, SS, Τ, TT, Examples: 1 names in adret-, adrett-, α8ρ€σσ-, atress-, atrest-, res-, ress-, reds-, rest-, listed s.w. AD- and RET(T)-; names in adsed-, ased-, assed-, added-, added-, aded- (or ade8-), listed s.v. AD-', P N Anareuiseos PID, it. 3372 beside a name such as Epotsorouidus (w.ll. -tsio-, -ster-) DAG 1563 (-uis-l-uid-); P N N Atesos DAG 206, Atessas 83, 237, Atettia, -ius 83, Atestatis (-iat-?) 244; buddutton(?) DAG 164^ P N N Butiro (-uro) 132, Batturrus 136, Busturo 244, Bussullus, -a 9 ; names in carad-, caradd-, carad-, caradd-, carath-, caras-, carass-, listed s.v. CARO-; forms in cadd-, cas-, cass- (κασσ-), cast-, -cas-, -cass-, -cast-, -cad-, listed s.v. CASSI- and in Chapter I I (B) s.n. Casticus;5 P N N Diasulos DAG 177, ?Diasenius 224, Diassumarus 244, Diastumarus C / L 3 . 5144*; names in epad-, epad-, epat- (enar-), epos-, epos- (ζποσ-), epots- (st-), epot-, listed s.v. EPO-; P N N Ed[, Essius, Esdius DAG 83, Estius 151, Remark B, 214; names in medil-, meddil-, meddil-, μβθθίλ-, medxll-, medsil-, mesill-, messil-, listed in Chapter I I (B) s.n. Μςθθιλος ; 6 names in melidd-, melts-, meliss-, melit-, listed in Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. Sumeli; E N Praesamarchi Pomp. Mel. 3. 1. n , Praestamarci Plin. NH 4. 1 1 ; names in sebodd- and sebos- listed in the Appendix s.n. Seboddu; 1
Holder has listed some examples in AcS 1. 1211 f., 2. 1259 f«> 3· 4-6°· With ^|<] s. For the symbols ^ , M 5 ^ J ^> a n d the name Anareuiseos, see below. 3 'celui qui sait dormer de Tardeur aux chevaux', de Jubainville, NG 143. See also Diack, RC 38, 1920-1, 131, Schmidt, KGP 295, Whatmough, GrDAG 113. 4 See Chapter II (B) s.n. Buscilla. 5 Note also perhaps ENN Cattharenses, Caddarenses DAG 241 (q.v.) and DN Catharus 181. 6 Note also PNN such as Metthiatus DAG 202, Mes&ionia, -ins 208c, Metilius 182, 244, Mettius 136, 182, 194, 224, 237, 244, Meddicus DAG 203 (beside Messicus 244). 2
412
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
DNN Dirona DAG 155, Dirona 155, 181, 21 $>Sirona 155, 181, 211, 213, 236,243;* PNN Teddiatus DAG 208B, 237, ΤβθθιΙΙα 182, Tese[ 83, Tessiatus 237, Tetius 132, Tettius 83, 224, 244; PNN Fkfttf, Vessonius DAG 83, Vestonius 8; PNN Virodu, Virodu, Virodd[, Virotus DAG 214; PNN Vradarus DAG 214, Vradsarius CIL 5. 5896, Vrassia DAG 83.2 Pedersen3 stated that IE. ^i in conjunction with a vowel in Celtic developed for the most part to ts, while in neo-Celtic it gave s(s). In Gaulish, he said, ts was written £>. He assumed that Og. Ζ w a s th e equivalent of this sound. As an example of initial D in Gaulish he quoted DN Dirona beside Sirona (see above) and Ir. ser 'star', W. seren, Corn.Bret. steren: Lat. stellaA He further suggested that the use of 0, which occurs both single and geminate in Gaulish forms recorded in both the Greek and Roman alphabets, was the result of Greek pronunciation, /0/, and that D was presumably an imitation of the Greek letter 0. Loth5 tried to show that there is some slight evidence for the late survival in Brittonic of a dental affricate [ts]. He listed the earliest forms of the W. personal name Essyllt, viz. Etthil,6 Ethellt,7 and EtiL* He explained these early forms by supposing that 'la graphie tthfss represente un son qui a disparu et que les Gallois ne savaient trop comment traduire: c'est une sorte d'affriquee ts, tout a fait analogue a l'affriquee gauloise sortie de st (indo-europ. Vi), et du vieux celtique ts et qui a ete traduit de tant de facjons a Pepoque gauloise . . Λ9 He also noted beside the W. personal name Elisse(d) the early forms Elitet10 and Elized.11 With Essyllt he compared the W. personal name 1 See also AE 1957, 114, 197; 1958, 193 ( = ILTG 169). 2 Compare PNN in writ-, vritt- (ουριττ-), vris[, vri&-, ?ou/u00-, listed in Chapter II (B) s.n. Ουριττακος. 3 See VKGi. 78,532 {LP 20). * See also Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 246, de Vries, KR 134 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 307. 5 RC 32, 1911, 414-18 ( = J. Loth, Contnbutions a Vitude des romans de la Table Ronde (Paris, 1912), 24-27). 6 In Harleian 3859. See Cy. 9, 1888, 169. 7 In Jesus 20. See Cy. 8, 1887, 87. 8 In The Life of Gruffydd ap Cynan. See A. Jones (ed.), The History of Gruffydd ap Cynan (Manchester, 1910), p. 102. See also BBCS 18, i960, 237, 248. 9 See also Loth, RC 41, 1924, 32 s.v. tud{d)os. He remarked t h a t f ) ' . . . represente habituellement st (st indo-europ. et indo-europ. tst), susceptible de devenir ts. Dans les inscriptions en caracteres grecs, il est repr£sente par deux theta. II parait se r£soudre generalement en deux ss. . . . En ηέο-brittonique . . . il semble que les scribes aient toujours eu quelque difficulte" a representer le son t-s.' " In Harleian 3859. See Cy. 9, 1888, 181. 11 In Harleian 3859. See Cy., vol. cit. 175.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
413
Seissyll(t), noting that the name appears as Sitsyll in Brut Ieuan Brechfa.1 He suggested that this affricate was known to speakers of Breton and Cornish. In MlBret. a sound deriving from t/d+s was written cc, cz, e.g. daczon 'echo' < *dat-son.2 Dottin3 listed some examples of the variant orthography with the comment that cces diverses notations doivent representer soit des variantes dialectales d'un son originairement un, soit des essais de transcription d'un seul meme son'.4 Marstrander, in his discussion of possible correspondences between Runic writing and the neighbouring Celto-Latin alphabets of Alpine regions,s argued that the North-Etruscan symbol M, retained notably in inscriptions of Lugano and Sondrio, represented the same phoneme or phonemes as commonly represented by Dy £>, etc., in Continental Celtic. He concluded that the exact nature of the phoneme or phonemes represented in this way must remain uncertain, and in this connexion suggested that we have to deal with a spirant or an affricate.6 Weisgerber7 drew attention to the fact that examples of # are only found among the Treveri. 8 Pokorny9 suggested that the suffix -issa in Gaulish masculine PNN may be derived from an older -ista which could be related to -ista in 1
MA, p. 718. There is considerable doubt concerning the authenticity of Brut Ieuan Brechfa. See G. J. Williams, Iolo Morganwg i (Caerdydd, 1956), 308, 398 f. As Professor Foster has kindly pointed out to me, other examples of -ts- for -s- in this name are attested, e.g. Sitsilt in John Williams, Llyfr Baglan or the Book of Baglan compiled between the years 1600 and ι6ογ, transcribed by J. A. Bradney (London, 1910), pp. 275 f. See also J. A. Bradney, History ofMonmouthshire (London, 1904-23), 1. 244 f., 2. 14, and Τ Bywgrqffiadur Cymreig hyd 1940 (Llundain, 1953), s.n. Cecil. In any case the interchange of -ts- and -s- in this name is probably due to the influence of Anglo-Norman orthography. See Μ. Κ. Pope, From Latin to Modern French (Manchester, 1952), 459. 2 For MlBret. ς, cc} eg, cz, zc, zs, zee, ccz, sec, scz, etc., see Ernault, RC 11, 1890, 353-6; 15, 1894, 154, GMB s.v. ace, AB 20, 1904-5, 504 if., Miscellany presented to Kuno Meyer, ed. Bergin and Marstrander (Halle, 1912), 112, 117-19, RC 37, 1917-19, 99 f.; 40, 1923, 467; H. Lewis, Llawlyfr Llydaweg Canol (Caerdydd, 1935) 6; Hemon, Ζ also occurs in Paelignian (see Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, p. 510). s NTS 1, 1928, 103 ff. 6 He suggests (p. 107) that Prim. Celt, dtjtt first developed to an affricate \tQ\ or jtsj before developing to jssj. 7 Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 317. He stressed that a closer study of the incidence and distribution of the symbols used to represent the Gaulish affricate or spirant is necessary. 8 PNN Messionius, -ia Finke 45, Vnwulius CIL 13. 3649. 9 Urg. 42 ff.
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PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
Illyrian masculine forms.1 He remarked that st was sometimes pre served in Gaul, sometimes developed to ts, then to [Θ] and then to ss which is normal in Caesar's time. Vendryes2 thought that we have to deal with a sound with no exact equivalent in Greek and Latin, denoted at first by θ (generally doubled), by #(£>), and also by SS, more rarely S. It is difficult to say whether these three different symbols were used at one and the same period in an attempt to represent a difficult sound or whether they represent a phonetic development from a sound first denoted by θ(θ) or £>(£>) to a double sibilant. He assumed that certain dialects preserved the sound represented by £)(£)), etc., for a longer period than others. If we assume that Pedersen's equation of DN Dironaj Sirona with W. seren, etc. is correct then D-/S- here represented an old dental affricate [ts]. He emphasized that the adoption of Greek θ proves nothing and that the invention of other special symbols such as £)(£>) or £f tends to prove that there was no direct connexion between θ and the sound it represented. Moreover, forms such as Vradsarius and Epotsorouidus, with ds and ts, confirm the view that there was a dental affricate in Gaulish, also represented by B{B), etc. Whatmough3 speaks of ss in PN Bussullus DAG 9 as 'the Keltic affricate [my italics] (also written id, e.g. buddutton, buddumo) arising from combinations of dentals, from ~st~ and -ts-\ In his discussion of the linguistic value of forms recorded on terra sigillata he states4 that 'in the symbol d (or Θ) . . . we have evidence of a dental continuant (fricative or affricate) that is characteristic of Gaulish'. Jackson5 had dealt with the development of IE. st and Celtic st (from IE. tt, etc.) in Celtic languages, particularly in Brittonic. He re marked that the Gaulish 'dental affricate or sibilant written f)-, -£>-, etc' seems to occur also in Britain in the form Addedomarus on coins.6 Moreover, he pointed out in the Addenda 7 that there is some evidence, as Loth first suggested, for the late survival, possibly in dialect only, of a dental affricate 'as a bye-form, in parts of Wales only, and probably in certain words only'. His only examples are two of the PNN mentioned by Loth, viz. M1W. Es(s)yllt (also written Etthil, 1
Cf. Kretschmer, Glotta 30, 1943, 131. See also Og. 9, 1957, 99. Pokorny also drew attention (Urg. 56) to the fact that in forms such as Brit.-Lat. ormesta and W. gwystl dental-fdental have resulted in st, which has been preserved. See now Jackson, LHEB 529 ff., and, for W. gormes and gwystl and cognates, Fleuriot, DGVB 204, 278. 2 EC 5, 1950-1, 245-7. 3 HSCP 60, 1951, 182. See also JCS 1, 1950, 8 f. * DAG, p. 273. See now GrDAG 31, 43 f.^73, 97, 105, 118. s LHEB 529-34· 6 See Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. Αθθβάοτηαή. ' LHEB, pp. 708 f.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
415
1
Etkellt, and Etil) and Elisse{S) (also written Elized and Elitei).2 Jackson suggests that the exact value of the affricate rendered as z, /, and tth by the scribe of Harleian 3859 was tths [sic]. Moreover, he assumes that Brittonic ss and st arose from ts which in turn arose from earlier st, tt, etc. H e adds the fair comment that 'the exact position off) in the scheme is hardly clear'. Watkins 3 is convinced that the phoneme represented by £>(&)> etc., was distinct from /s/ and t h a t its exact phonetic nature was [ts]. T h e fact that the phoneme is represented in Gaul by £)(£)) and ss tends to indicate that it 'was perceived as phonetically close to a dental stop and to a sibilant, but distinctively different'. I t was the same as the tau Gallicum of Roman antiquity. 4 This probably denoted what the Romans considered a peculiar way of pronouncing t. Vergil 5 satirized T . Annius Cimber for his Gaulish accent by including in five lines five instances of the Latin cluster st, which he here intended to be pronounced in the Gaulish fashion by replacing it with tau.6 Watkins assumes that 'the simplest interpretation is that [st] is replaced by [ts]' and concludes that there was a Gaulish dental affricate, probably voiceless, and, since it is so often represented by a double letter, perhaps equivalent to a long consonant. Schmidt 7 tends to accept the view that DD, DD, etc., often represent [ts] or [ds], but refrains from drawing the firm conclusion that it is a dental affricate. 8 H e refers to DD as 'dieses dentale Afrikaten- oder Spirantengebilde'. Moreover, he argues that examples of the preservation of st in Celtic are confined to Brittonic (where they are exceptional) and Gaulish (where they occur mostly in southern Gaul, which was more exposed to Illyrian influence) to the exclusion of Irish. Most examples of medial -st-, -dd-, -ss- in Gaulish result from the coming together of dental consonants, particularly in forms with a i-suffix. I t is here perhaps that we should refer to one or two other combina tions of symbols which may represent a dental affricate or fricative or a sibilant in forms from Ancient Gaul which are very probably Celtic. First, DZ occurs perhaps in the form uedzui in an inscription of 1
See above and Lloyd-Jones, G. 491. Jackson suggests a derivation from Brit. *Adsiltia 'she who is gazed at', 'Miranda'. See now Bromwich, TTP 349 f. (cf. Jackson, The Welsh History Review (Special Number 1963), 'The Welsh Laws' 85, Rowlands, Lien Cymru 6, 1960-1 [1964], 240). 2 See above and Lloyd-Jones, op. cit. 470. 3 Lg. 31, 1955, 15 (see also now GrDAG 43 f.). 4 5 See Note on 'Tau Gallicum' below. Catalepton 2. 4. 6 7 See Tenney Frank, AJPh 56, 1935, 254-6. KGP 101-3. 8 Whatmough (Lg. 33, 1957, 593) wrongly suggests that he accepts 'the wellestablishedf!] view concerning the affricate variously written as ss, ΘΘ, dd or barred s that it is [ts]9.
4i6
PHONOLOGY AND
MORPHOLOGY
1
Reims (DAG 185). W e can compare, for the combination -dz-, P N Dzoni (dat.) PID xiic. For examples of ζ in Gaulish see Holder, AcS 3. 463. 2 In uedzui -dz- may be a variant of -s(s)-, so t h a t we could reasonably compare here forms with - ώ - such as P N N Adsedili, Redsomarus, and Vradsarius referred to above. Secondly, in the forms mid and (?)mzd*3 in the Calendar of Coligny (: Ir. mi 'month 5 , W . mis, etc.), 4 ~d and -dx m a y represent an a t t e m p t to denote a sibilant or (less probably) a fricative. Now the letter Μ (and the variants &|<J, | X | " , Χ . Μ, Μ), usually transcribed as s, occurs in the Celto-Ligurian and Gaulish inscrip tions of Italy 5 as follows: koisa (M) PID 266; askoneti ( ΐ χ Γ ) 274; asoip (M) 300 bis;6 asouni (M) 3 0 2 ; ciposis (M) Note xvii; 7 nasom ( X ) 304; 8 amasiu (^<|) 307 ; 9 maesilalui,10 asmina (M) 3 2 1 ; pesu ( X ) 334; 1 1 anareuiseos (fcM) 337112mezunemusus (M) 338; I3 flrtozi (Μ) 339; 1 4 1 There is some doubt concerning the reading. See Chapter II (B) s.n. Vedzui. 2 For ζ = s in Greek authors see Holder, loc. cit., Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 116, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 168, n. 4. For a possible variation of z and s in Raetic see Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, pp. 581, 582, Must, HSCP 62, 1957, 55. Haas's remarks (£CP 27, 1959, 219, Bull, de la soc. des antiquaires de VOuest 1961, 62) on z in the inscription of Rom (see now Egger, Og. 14, 1962, 431 if.) are not helpful. But it is noteworthy that Rhys (Gleanings 41 f.) suggested that the first element in the form mezunemusus (dp z) in the inscription of Zignago (PID 338) is related to forms such as Messalus, Meddulus, etc., with which compare also PN Medsillus PID xiic (with -ds-). For -ds- in Messapic Λαδσβλυ see PID, Note xxxiv (2) b (vol. 2, p. 362). >-#/f z is not reliably attested in Og. inscriptions. See G. Calder, Auraicept na n-£ces (Edinburgh, 1917) liii, Thurneysen, £CP 17, 1927, 296, GOI 10. For the corresponding Irish letter name s(t)raiph, s(t)raif, see Thurneysen, £CP, loc. cit., PBB 61, 1937, 206 ff., O'Rahilly, triu 13, 1942, 185, n. 3, Meroney, Speculum 24, 1949, 31, RIAContr. S. 391. 3 Whatmough read mid samm [sic] in DAG 227, col. i, 1. 52, and meidx[ in 1. 3 of the-same source (with commentary). See also Rhys, Cal. 86, n. 1, LeTloux, Og. 13, 1961, 638 with n. 2 (reading midx[iii], i.e. mid x[iii]), 640. 4 See de Ricci, RC 19, 1898, 221; Rhys, Cal. 5 f., 86; MacNeill, £nu 10, 1926-8, 39; Jackson, LHEB 543; Pinault, Og. 15, 1963, 387 f. Compare Loth, RC 25, 1904, 130, Dottin 272. 5 6 PID, vol. 2, chaps, ii and iii. See PID, vol. 2, p. 630. 7 PID vol. 2, p. 108. In PID, vol. 3, p. 14 the remark is made that Ί here 8 probably has the value οϊ d\ See PID, vol. 3, p. 32. I0 9 See PID, vol. 3, p. 4. Rhys, Cis. 57 f., Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p. 29. 11 Rhys, Gleanings 24, Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p. 35. 12 Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 118, Holder, ^S" 1. 135, Rhys, Cis. 50, Dottin 227, Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, pp. 4 f. 13 Vendryes, RC 34, 1913, 423; Rhys, Gleanings 37 ff.; Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p. 31; M. Lejeune in Tyrrhenica, Saggi di Studi Etruschi alia memoria di Bartolomeo Nogara (Milano, 1957), 174 (excluding PID 338 from the number of Celtic inscriptions in Italy). 14 Stokes, KSB 3, 1863, 72, BB 11, 1886, 115, RC 7, 1886, 126; Rhys, Insc. 73; Pedersen, VKG 1. 86, 152; Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, pp. 6f.; Thurneysen, GOI 189; Jackson, LHEB 542.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
417
l
ases (M) 329. Whatmough thought that fc|<] was borrowed from the Lepontic alphabet (where it occurs normally as N ) and that this form in turn derives from M, the Etruscan san.2 He also referred to the use of D, £), etc., in Gaulish inscriptions. 3 What is not clear, however, is the precise phonetic nature of the phoneme represented by s in the Celto-Ligurian and Gaulish forms. Lejeune maintained 4 t h a t s was a 'siffiante forte'. H e pointed out that s and s occur side by side in one and the same text. 5 Further, he listed the various positions where each occurs and suggested that this pointed to some functional difference 'au moins jusqu'a l'epoque ou Tinfluence latine a com mence a rendre l'orthographe moins rigoureuse a cet egard'. s tended to replace i, as, for example, in Esanekoti, in the inscription of Briona (PID 337), with s where one expects s (for earlier ks if esane- is for Celt. *eks-ande-). Then M, usually transcribed as s or s (deriving ultimately from Phoenician sade), also occurs in the Hispanic peninsula alongside < , φ , etc., transcribed as s (from Phoenician samech), and £ , ^ , etc., transcribed as s (sometimes s) (from Phoenician shin). 6 Beltran sug gested, 7 after Zobel, that ^ in the Iberian alphabet might represent a fricative [0] or [3], if caisesa (s £) Le'xico 1278, SVIHK no. 89 is the equivalent of Καισά8α Ptol. 2. 6, 57, 8 and if arse (s £) Lexico 291 is 1
Also perhaps a (?Lepontic) coin legend ases (first s Μ , second s Μ ?). See PID vol. 2, p. 138, vol. 3, p. 6, Lejeune, Tyrrhenica 175. 2 See C. Pauli, Altitalische Forschungen 1 (Leipzig, 1885), 59 (cf. vol. 3 (Leipzig, l &91) *59) anc * M. Hammarstrom, Beitrage zur Geschichte des Etruskischen, Lateinischen und Griechischen Alphabets (Helsingfors, 1920) {Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae 49/2), 4. For the name san see PID, vol. 2, p. 514, n. 1. Concerning the spread of pre-Roman alphabets in Northern Italy see G. B. Pellegrini in Spina e UEtruria Padana (Atti del I Convegno di Studi Etruschi (Ferrara, 8-11 settembre 1957)), Supplem. a Studi Etruschi 25 (Firenze, 1959), 181-96. 3 See PID, vol. 2, pp. 505, n. 1,510, where he suggested that D (and Θ, tth, etc.) was used in Gaulish to represent a sibilant or a dental fricative, and that it was perhaps a modification of Θ (unlike the curiously similar Paelignian D, which he thought should be regarded as a modification of D, not of © ) . In DAG, p. 1371 he claimed that D (along with φ and χ) in the Latin alphabet of Gaul represented Greek(!) influence. 4 Hommages Niedermann (Collection Latomus, vol. 23) (Bruxelles, 1956), 210, Tyrrhenica 171, 179 f. 5 PID 274, 304, 321, 337, 339. Compare also the form sasadis in the bilingual inscription of Voltino (PID 249), where s ^ , to quote Whatmough, *clearly represents a non-Latin sibilant'. 6 See Gomez-Moreno, Misc. 275, id., La Escritura Bastulo-Turdetana (Madrid, Ϊ962), 75; Tovar, ELH, Cuadro i (facing p. 8), ALSP 16 f., 25, ZePhrus χ 2, 1961, 193 ff.; U. Schmoll, Die siidlusitanischen Inschriften (Wiesbaden, 1961), 23 f. 7 See Tovar, Estudios 27, n. 3, also Michelena, Emirita 23, 1955, 2656°. 8 Compare Caisaca (sic Lejeune, Cadaca Gomez-Moreno, Caraca Tovar) on a tessera from Sasamon. See Celtiberica 73, 81 ff., 95 f., 104 SVIHK, no. 131 (also p. 101), Untermann, MM 5, 1964, 135 (also pp. 97 f. for arse).
4·ΐ8
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
related to Ardea Liv. 21. 7. 1. Tovar 1 maintained that there was no phonetic difference between s and s in Iberian. However, Lejeune 2 tried to show that there was a phonemic distinction between s and s in Celtiberian forms. Initially before a vowel there are examples of s only; s occurs medially between r and a vowel beside s between a vowel and a stop consonant; in absolute internal position between vowels both s and / occur; 3 in final position the situation is compli cated by the effect of analogy and the position of a form in a phrase or sentence. 4 T h e phonemic opposition of s, c un signe de sifflante normale', and s, 'un signe de sifflante forte 5 , must be recognized, therefore, only medially between vowels and in final position. However, Lejeune concedes that medially the dual graphic representation is trouble some, especially as Celtic forms recorded in the R o m a n alphabet also show the variation s/ss. Moreover, in final position the distinction is partly neutralized by analogy and by change of environment. T h e fact remains, however, that we cannot be certain about the exact phonetic value of the phonemes represented by these various symbols. A close study of the incidence and distribution of the sym bols, for example, in the different parts of Ancient Gaul, necessary a n d worthwhile though that would be, would not in itself give us a great deal of help in establishing the phonetic nature of particular phonemes. It does appear that -st-, -dd-, -ss-, etc., in some forms result from the coming together of two dental consonants. It is, there fore, necessary and useful to bear such a point as this in mind in attempting to analyse other forms containing these symbols. But there is here a danger t h a t the reconstruction of forms and etymological speculation may play an unduly large part in our study, and that the whole thing may become a circular argument. For it is tempting to assume a certain etymology merely because precisely that assumption requires to be m a d e to support a particular analysis. 5 In etymology, unfortunately, opinion looms larger than fact, and I readily concede t h a t it is a matter of opinion whether all the forms in some of the lists of examples included at the beginning of this Remark, as Teddiatus, TeOdilla, etc., and Redsomarus> ?Resatns, etc., contain the same n a m e element. Nevertheless, we m a y now state the following conclusions: (1) The use of special symbols such as £>(£>) and SS in Gaulish 1
Estudios 26 f. See also ALSP 25. Celtiberica 46-49. Cf. Hamp, JCS 2. 150, Michelena, loc. cit. 3 A notable example of -s- (M) is usamus beside UxamajΟϋξαμα (see AcS$. 59 f.). See Gomez-Moreno, Misc. 272, Tovar, Estudios 27, n. 3, Lixico 286, Lejeune, Celtiberica 48, 93, Schmoll, SVIHK 96, Untermann, MM 5, 1964, 112, 145. 4 Cf. Michelena, Emirita 23, 1955, 269 (also Zephyrus 12, 1961, 8). 5 See Whatmough, CPh. 53, 1958, 203. 2
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
419
forms, and the retention of symbols such as Μ and Μ (i), suggest that there may have been in Continental Celtic certain phonemes which had no exact equivalents in non-Celtic languages such as Latin, for example. (2) Some of the symbols appear to be restricted in use to certain districts. Thus SS is found only among the Treveri in Belgica; TS is quite rare, and perhaps the only notable example is PN Epotsorovidus in Aquitania Secunda; DS occurs in PNN Medsillus and Vradsarins in Gallia Transpadana and in PNN Adsedili, Ads(e)deon(is), Adsedi, and Redsomarus in Noricum. (3) We have several examples of identical names showing the orthographical variation S[S)\ST\D{I))\&[&), etc., as TediiatusjTessiatus, Addedomarus\Af}Qedomaros\Assedoman, DironajDironalSirona, DiassumaruslDiastumarus. (4) The development of Celtic st in Gaulish, as in Brittonic, is extremely complex and uncertain, and may have been subject to dialectal fluctuation. We cannot hope to solve the problems connected with its development until a special study of Gaulish forms containing st beside forms with ss, dd> sd, etc., has been undertaken. Particular attention would have to be paid, wherever possible, to the local distribution and dating of the forms. The problem of distinguishing Gaulish forms from non-Gaulish ones in such a study would be an exceptionally thorny one. (5) £)£>, ΘΘ, SS9 and other divergent spellings often seem to have represented in Gaulish a dental affricate (voiced or voiceless),1 a den tal fricative (voiced or voiceless),2 or a sibilant (perhaps a strong or sharply hissed sibilant). Lejeune has shown that the phonetic opposi tion between a normal and a strong sibilant in Celtiberian appears in some forms and iii some positions to have been phonemic. (6) This divergence in orthography implies that occasionally the alphabets used were richer than the phonemic systems of the Celtic dialects which they recorded. 1 I find it difficult to accept Watkins's conclusion that ΒΒ/ΘΘ^/ΤΤ^Τ/ΞΏ, the variant spellings occurring in the examples he gives from the Celtic of Narbonensis, all represent a phoneme with the phonetic value [ts]. A sound 'close to a dental stop and to a sibilant' need not always have been a dental affricate. Frank's theory concerning tau Gallicum in Vergil, Catalepton 2. 4 has been given rather too much prominence in Watkins's reasoning concerning the dental affricate. The evidence for the survival of a similar dental affricate in Britain is very slight. 2 Rhys speaks of 'a lisping pronunciation' in Gaul of ss in forms like Meddilus. See Addit. 11, n. 2. See also id. ib. 29, Celtae and Galli 13, Insc. 3, Cis. 58, Gleanings 41. For other early discussions of £)£), etc., see Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 207 ff.; 4, 1865, 162 ff., Zeuss-Ebel, GC 77 f., H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, litudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques, premiere partie (Paris, 1881), 31* ff.
420
PHONOLOGY AND
MORPHOLOGY
Note on Tau Gallicum Tau {Gallicum) is recorded in antiquity as follows: tau Gallicum min et sphin ut male illi sit, Vergil, Catalepton 2. 4 ap. Quintilian 8. 3. 2 8 ; die quid significent Catalepta Maronis ? in his al Celtarum posuit, sequitur non lucidius tau, Auson. Technopaegn. 13. 5 f.; tunc etiam in subita contempla tion parietes vel domorum vel ecclesiarum signari videbantur, unde a rusticis hie scriptos tau vocabatur, Greg. T u r . h. F. 4. 5 (at Aries). Tenney Frank (AJPh 56, 1935, 254-6) l maintained that the best text tradition gives thau in Vergil, Catalepton 2. 4. H e argued that this t(h)au Gallicum was the same sound as that represented by Θ, £), £)£), etc., in Ancient Gaul, and was the Celtic name of a sound 'which certainly was not very near to t and is often represented by theta or a modified d in Latin', a fricative or lisped s. Whatmough (PID, it. 340B s.v. al), discussing Ausonius' al, suggests that it m a y be for alpha, which is followed by tau in spelling out κατά λεπτόν (κατάλεκτα). Of tau Gallicum in the Catalepton he says (ibid, s.v.) that it is 'perhaps the Gallic £> (SS) which as a peculiar Gallic sound, yet a dental, has its own symbol'. Of Gregory's tau he says (DAG 79 s.v. t(h)au 'the letter V ?) that it is 'either a letter of the alphabet -J- or Τ . . . or else the Keltic *tauos "silence" '. H e also comments (ibid.) t h a t 'if a letter of the alphabet is intended by tau Gallicum, then p or 3 does occur in Narbonensis CIL 12. 686, 2882, 5682, 5686'(?). A. Blanchet (MSAF, 9th series, vol. 3, Recueil publie a Voccasion du cent cinquantenaire de la Societe i8o4~ig^4, Paris (n.d.), 93-96) suggested that tau {Gallicum) was a symbol for T-shaped scars or marks on the sinciput of the skull. It acquired a religious significance 'qui s'est developpee et affirmee en se combinant avec d'autres croyances peutetre encore obscures'. Thus Τ m a y have been the symbol of the Celtic god Taranis, as it was also of the Cross and of the Passion of Christ. Compare C. Jullian's account {REA 31, 1929, 176) ofWickersheimer's discussion of 'La signe tau' in Strasbourg medical, Nov. 1928. Tau in Petronius (Sat. 62. 9) was regarded by Blumel 2 as merely an interjection. Miller 3 has emended it out of existence. B. M O R P H O L O G Y (i) N O M I N A L
INFLEXION
The personal names which occur in the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul are a valuable source of information concerning nominal * Cf. REA 38, 1936, 200; EC 2, 1937, 4°3-45 Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 15. Philologus 82, 1926-7, 471 f. 3 CPh. 37, 1942, 319-21. See also the apparatus cnticus in Petronii Arbitri Cena Trimalchionis, Testo critico e commento a cura di Enzo V. Marmorale (Firenze, [1948]), 125. 2
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
421
inflexion in Celtic, in spite of the fact that the interpretation of so many of these inscriptions is quite uncertain and that these particular forms can shed light on the singular declension only. Names in La Graufesenque grafHti are important only for the nominative singular, as potters' names here are given, as a rule, in that case form (sometimes in an abbreviated form). Little use can be m a d e of names from the Commentaries on the Gallic War, because these are made to conform in declension with the Latin system. For some attempts to list systematically the evidence concerning nominal inflexion that can be gleaned from the remains of Continen tal Celtic, see the following authorities: 1 Rhys, Insc. 75 f.; Dottin, pp. 113 ff.; Whatmough, PID 2. 592, HSCP 60, 1951, 183; Tovar, Estudios 32 ff., 123 ff., 199 ff., Lexico passim, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7 f., ELH 107 ff.; Lejeune, Celtiberica 125 ff.; Schmoll, SVIHK 31 ft. (a) Stems in -0- and -ioNom. sg. T h e Gaulish ending -osj-ios is well attested in the inscriptions and the graffiti. Note the following examples: -or. (from inscriptions) Αδρ€σσικνος (A), AXXerevos (B), Anailos (B), Andecamulos, Ανβουνος (Α), Αχιτος (Β), Billicotas (?for Billicatos) (A), Βψμος (Β), Bratronos (Β), Καβφος (Β), ??Κ]αρταρ[ος (Β), Κασσιταλος (Α), Κατοναλος (Α), Κογγεννολιτανος (A), Conteytos (Α), ??Κρανσικνος (Αρρ.), Crispos (App.), Doiros (Β),Εβονρος (Β), ??Εκσιγγος (Α), Escincos (A), Iccauos (Β), ?\Τ]Χλανουιακος (Β), Ιτος (Β), Ιουγιλλιακος (Β), Ααδος (App.), Licnos (Β), MereXaios (Αρρ.), Μεθθιλος (Β), Μισσουκος (Β), Oppianicnos (A), Rextugenos (Α), Σαμ[ο]ταλο[ς] (Α), Σ^γο μανικός (Α), Σζγομαρος (Α), Σιλουκνος (A), Silvanos (App.), Tartos (Β), Toutissicnos (Α), Ουηβρονμαρος (Α), Ουερσικνος (Α), Ουριττακος (Β). 2 (from graffiti) Albanos (Β), Alibanos (Β), Carilos (B), [C]elados (Αρρ.), Circos (App.), Cornutos (Β), Cows (Β), Cotutos (B), Deprosagilos (A), Martalos (B), [M]e66ilos (B), Moretoclatos (App.), Polos (App.), Qutos (App.), Regenos (B), Siluinos (App.), Stamulos (B), Statilos (B), SumacosjSummacos (App.), Tritos (B), Vindulos (B). 3 1
As in Chapter I (B) I do not include standard works on Celtic grammar such as VKG, LP, and GOL These are, of course, important, but do not deal with Gaulish in particular. See also now Whatmough, GrDAG 84 f., 123 f. 2 In inscriptions in the Greek alphabet the -o-/-io-stem nom. sg. is invariably -ος/-ως. For instances of -eos and -o/*|0, see below. 3 In the graffiti Hermet (1923 ed., pp. 172 f., 1934 ed., p. 348) noticed that the majority of the o-stem names showed the Gaulish ending -os, not Latin or Latinized 'Us. Even Latin names end in -os, e.g. Privates, Primos, Secundos, etc. In all the graffiti he counted 186 examples of -os and only 21 of -us. The same name appears at one place with the ending -os and at another with -us. Indeed, both endings
422
PHONOLOGY
AND
MORPHOLOGY
-ios: (from inscriptions) Καρθιλιτανιος (Α), Εκονλιος (Αρρ.), σκονιος (Β), Σζνικιος (Β), Tarbelionios (App.). (from graffiti) Agedilios (B), Illios (Β), Lousios (App.). -eos: (from inscriptions) Areos (B)5 KovStXXeos (Β), Λιτουμαρεος Ριονμανςος (App.), Oi^AAoi/eos" (App.). 1
Ηλου-
(A),
There are also examples of -ο/-ώ here showing the loss of -s (see section (A) (ii) a b o v e ) : (from inscriptions) Aneuno and Aneunicno (A) 3 ??Ateano (B), ??Βφακο (Β), ?Καρομαρο[, Gnato (Β), ??Mio (v. s. Auomio (App.)) 3 Oclicno (Α), Ουαλι/αο (Β), Ουιριλλιο (Αρρ.). (from graffiti) Agedilio, Agio, Albano, Carilo, Senniio, Trito (all in (B))> Sumaco\Summaco (App.). A few forms in the inscriptions show the Latinized ending -usj-ius, viz. Bodocenus (A), ?Verinus (App.), and Voretouirius (A). Instances of -usj-ius in graffiti are m o r e numerous: Albanus (B), Albinus (B), ?[A]lbus (B), Cintusmus (B), Cornutus (B), Cosoius (App.), Dercillus (B), Lousius (App.), Summacus (App.), T n t o (B), Vebrullus (B), Vindulus (B). Perhaps Cfafa (B) (showing loss of -s) belongs here. Ace. sg. Luceo (B) (q.v.) m a y be a 20-stem ace. sg. with -n or -m not noted. appear in one and the same graffito. In the potters' names stamped on the vases, on the other hand, -us is the regular ending. Hermet notes only two exceptions, Sasmonos and Celeros. A. Oxe (BJ 130, 1925, 59, see also Whatmough DAG, p . 1372, Aymard, REA 54, 1952, 94, n. 2) attributed the graffiti to four different hands, each of which, he maintained, is characterized by a peculiar form of the letter A. In names in his Group A graffiti {DAG 95, 124, 129) the ending -us appears to the exclusion of -os (Malcio also appears for Malciu in DAG 129). But he admits that -us turns up in other graffiti Ohne erkenntlichen Grund' (p. 62). Compare now the remarks of Petrucci, pp. 90-95. In the graffiti unearthed at La Graufesenque in 1950-2 no examples of -os in potters' names have been found, but there are fifteen examples of Celtic and Latin names in -us. Albenque (REA 53, 1951, 77, RA 37, 1951, 185 f.) suggested that this was an indication of the progress of Romanization and Latinization in the area. 1 Probably the best explanation of the writing of -eos for -ios is that offered by Dr. Calvert Watkins in Lg. 31, 1955, 11. There he maintained that the writing of t, e, ii, ei before a syllabic in the dialect of Narbonensis represents an attempt to spell an allophone [ij] of a non-syllabic /i/. Here are some of his exx.: Anteae DAG 80 beside Anteiae 80, Appeus 83 beside the Latin PN Appius, Burrea 80 beside Byrria 83, Λιτουμαρ€ος 34 beside Marius 83, Macareus 83 beside Macaria 83. Similar variant spellings in the same environment occur elsewhere in Gaul and beyond it. Note, for example, Areos REA 58, 1956, 71 ff. jAreus DAG 182 jArio 182 in Lugdunensis, Atteius 214 jAttianus 214 in Belgica, Laureia 87 j\JL\aurias 87 in Aquitania, Nammeius 244 \Nammia 83, 156, 214, -ius 83, 151, 237, Alisiia 169 \Alesia 179, BouteajBoutius, -ia OPL 50 f., TriteusjTritius, -ia OPL 106 f. For other discussions of this matter see Holder, AcS 1. 1442, Rhys, Insc. 15 (quite unconvincing, cf. Cis. 7), Lejeune, Celtiberica 134, id., REA 58, 1956, 81, Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p . 15, GrDAG 39 f., Palomar Lapesa, OPL 140, Schmoll, SVIHK 50.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y Compare, for example, canecosedlon DAG 162, cantalon DAG νβμητον DAG 57, neramom Schmoll SVIHK no. 102.l
423 160,
Gen. sg. The regular ending is -f. Note the following examples from the inscriptions: Adiantunneni (A), Apetemari (A), Addedomari (A), Banui (B), ?Birac[i] (Β), ?Καμονλατι (Β), Carletisoni (App.), Dannotali (A), ??ELVOVL (App.), ?Εσκ€γγορ.ονι (A), Exuertini (A), Litavi (B), Namantobogi (A), Nertomari (A), Orbiotali (A), i?£7ra (B), Saqanoli (App.), Segomari (A), Suadageni (A), ?Subroni (A), ?Tocnai (App.). Concerning this Italo-Celtic 0-stem genitive in -? see most recently A. Bloch, iC£ 76, i960, 182-242, Watkins, IED 37 fF. Ζλζί. .sg.
T h e ending -& appears in a number of forms, viz. Ahyevovi (A), .Βαλαυδουί, (Α), ?Εσκ6γγορ.ονί (A), ??ELVOVL (or Λαμιζινουι) (App.), ?Μακκαρίονι (Β), ?Οννακονι (or Οννασουι), ζ/, s. Owa (B), Vedzui (Β). 2 It may represent the old true dative of 0-stems in Indo-European, i.e. -oz (Gk. -OH, Osc. -zh', O L a t . -oi). T h e ending -3/-w seems to occur in a few forms, e.g. Κασσιμοτουλον (Α), Καρνομον (Β), Eluontiu (Β). 3 It may have arisen through loss of final -f. See, for example, Rhys, Cis. 9 f., Thurneysen, GO/ 181, Whatmough, DAG, p. 735. O n the other hand, it may represent either the old instrumental form in -0 in Indo-European (Skt. vrkd 'by the wolf') or the old Indo-European ablative in -od (OLat. Gnaiuod). See Pedersen, VKG 2. 83, LP 166, Gray, TPhS 1951, 159 f. If the ending represents the form of the old instrumental or ablative, its function is that of the dative. For the close relation of the dative, instrumental, locative, and ablative in Celtic see Pedersen VKG 2. 74 ff., LP 162 fF., Lejeune, Celtiberica 22 f.4 There are no certain examples of a Gaulish 0-stem dative in -0 which might represent the old instrumental or ablative. I E . -J tended 1
See M. Lejeune, 'L'isoglosse -m/-n dans Γ Occident indo-europeen', REL 29, 1951, 86-95. His claim that brivatiom, with -m, in the Gaulish inscription of VieuxPoitiers, is certain should be corrected, because Whatmough after inspection of the original now reads brivatiomu in DAG 152. Cf. GrDAG 117, 123. 2 Compare perhaps DN Cicollui DAG 181, 236 (also p. 81). For Lepontic -ui see PID, vol. 2, p. 587 and for Celtiberian forms see Lejeune, Celtiberica 127, Schmoll, SVIHK 33 f. (Solta, Die Sprache 9, 1963, 214). 3 Compare other forms such as DNN Alisanu DAG 161, Anualonnacu 162, ?Brixantu 181, Magalu 144. 4 Cf. Schmoll, SVIHK 34, n. 2 and see the discussion of Indo-European Con crete* cases and of case syncretism by J. Kurytowicz in chap, viii of his study of The Inflectional Categories of Indo-European (Heidelberg, 1964).
424
PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
to give -ύ in Common Celtic. See VKG i. 49, GO I 58, LHEB 301 f. Formal syncretism in Latin resulted in the ending -0 functioning as dative and ablative, and this ending may have affected the form of some Gaulish 0-stem datives. 1 (b) Stems in -d- and -idNom. sg. T h e regular ending is -af-ia as in Adepicca (A), Buscilla (B), Cacudia (B), Cervesa (B), ?Deuacnua (App.), Diuuogna (A), ?]druta (App.), ?Duca (App.), Ελονισσα (Β), Etiona (App.), ?Owa (Β), Κοναδροννια (App.), Scota (B), Vacaca (App.), OVCVLTOOVTOL (A), Verbronara (A). For masculine as terns see Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca. Gen. sg. For one possible instance of -ias see the Appendix s.n. Sullias. See also s.n. Nettas (B). Dat. sg. T h e Indo-European dative ending was -ai (Gk. χώρα, Lat. terrae, Goth, gibax)? Gaulish Αιουνιαι (Αρρ.),Βλανδοονίκουνιαι (Α), ζχιάΕσκεγγαι (A) may contain this ending. But Thurneysen (Hdb. 181, GOI 188) and Whatmough {DAG, p. 734) suggested that -at in these forms is the result of Greek influence. 3 In the dat. sg. of ζά-stems with old nom. in -i Old Irish has pre served an ending -z, as in insi, se'itchi, and bliadn(a)i, pointing perhaps to an earlier ending -idi (see VKG 1. 251, LP 67). W. blynedd 'year', 4 also (with numerals) 'years', MIW. erllynedd, ModW. y llynedd, llynedd 'last year', and Bret, warlene represent oblique case forms of W. blwyddyn 'year' and Bret, blizenn. These point to earlier forms con taining -a- in the termination. Blynedd 'years', for instance, may represent an old ace. pi. *blidniids, and blynedd 'year' either an old ace. sg. *blidniiam denoting a space of time or an old temporal dative *blidniidi. As Whatmough has pointed out in a remark on ά-stem . l For a few forms in -0 from the Hispanic peninsula which have been rather uncertainly explained as o-stem dative or instrumental or ablative forms, see Tovar, Estudios 32, 124, 200, Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 163, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7, ELH 107; Lejeune, Celtiberica 127; Schmoll, SVIHK 33 f. 2 A. Meillet in Melanges H. d Arbois de Jubainville (Paris, [1905]), 229 if. argued that there were two distinct inflexions for α-stems in Indo-European, one without and the other with j", in most of the singular case forms. For the instr. sg., for example, he assumed the endings -A and -jVi, and for the dat. sg. -ai and -iai. Cer tain features in the Celtic declension appear to lend some support to his arguments, e.g. an old fl-stem gen. sg. in -ids. See Appendix s.n. Sullias. 3 Forms such as Carantanae (B), Hiduae (App.), and Isosae (App.) in the insc. of fitrechy (Cher) may show a Latin or Latinized α-stem dat. sg. termination. Com pare Tocnai (App.) with -ai. For forms in -ai, -ae in Spain see Schmoll, SVIHK 41. 4 byrr vlyned en hedydynt endaw CAn.l. 59. See note ad loc.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
425
datives in Gaulish (DAG, p. 735, see also Word 5, 1949, 114 f.)5 this scrap of Brittonic evidence should be taken into account. O n the other hand, syncretism of dative and instrumental and also perhaps of locative and ablative could result in a Gaulish α-stem dat. sg. in -a. Dat. sg. forms in -a may, therefore, be Celtic. See W h a t mough, locc. citt., Thurneysen, GO I 188. Note, for example, P N Ελουισσα (Β). 1 In Narbonensis, however, where instances of datives in -
This name may be an α-stem nominative. The dat. sg. in -a is not uncommon in the Latin inscriptions of Italy (see DAG, P. 737). 3 PNN Diuuogna (A) and Cacudia (B) from Belgica and Germ. Sup. respectively may be dative. Note especially the form Alisiia DAG 169, perhaps an old fJ-stem locative (or a Latinized form?) beside Alixie DAG 144, again apparently locative (with -e for -ai?). M. Lejeune thought that there was in the long insc. of Penalba a form uta which could be explained as instrumental singular. See Celtiberica 18 (also 23 and 126 f.). But this is very doubtful indeed. Cf. Tovar, Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 163. 4 Pedersen, VKG 2. 86 suggested that this was due to analogy with consonantal stems. 5 This name may rather be an o-stem gen. Compare Weisgerber, Germania 17, 6 1933, 101. Possibly an η-stem dative ? 2
426
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
look for a different origin for Gaulish -z, possibly a locative form in -ai.1 T o sum u p : (a) -(i)ai may represent the old Indo-European dativelocative ending or may be, in Narbonensis at least, the result of Greek influence; (b) -{i)a may have developed from the old dative -{i)di or may have resulted from case syncretism; in certain areas perhaps Italic and (?)Germanic interference should be recognized; {c) -i may represent a (?dialectal) development from earlier -ai. NOTE In a number of names the function of the -20- {-id) suffix is clearly patronymic. Note, for example, Βλανδοουικοννιαι (Α), Καρθίλίτανιος (Α), Κονδιλλβος (Β), Ηλουσκονιος
(Β), Λιτονμαρςος
(A), and Ουιλλονβος
(Αρρ.). T h e suffix -ius was also used in patronymics in Latin, and from such patronymics developed the nomina gentilicia. See Solmsen 136 ff., Stolz-Schmalz, Lateinische Grammatik5 (ed. Leumann and Hofmann {Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft'uJ2)) i (Munchen, 1928), 207. {c) Stems in -fNom. sg. T h e regular ending -is (see VKG 2. 94, GOI 192) is preserved in Τανκολαης (A). Note also P N Convictolitavis (A) in BG. It is not clear whether Subroni (A) and Sumeli (A) belong here. For other instances of -is see Holder, AcS 2. 1 f., Dottin 118, Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, p. 592, Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7, Lejeune, Celtiberica 128. Dat. sg. There are no certain examples of the z-stem dative among the names discussed unless Subroni (A), Sumeli (A), and ??Λαμί (Αρρ.) are such. Compare DN deo Ucueti (dat., ?Gallo-Latin) in a Latin insc. CIL 13. 11247 beside Ucuete (dat.) and Ucuetin (ace.) in a Gaulish insc. of Alise-Sainte-Reine {DAG 169). 2 See Pedersen, VKG 2. 94, Pisani, RIGI 17, 1933, 69 f., AGI 27, 1936, 168 f., Thurneysen, GOI 193, Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 67. Tovar suggested t h a t cevei on the bronze of Luzaga (Schmoll, SVIHK, no. 14) represented an old z-stem loca tive (or ablative?). See Estudios 41, 179, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7, ELH 108 1
For the development of IE. -ai in Celtic see Thurneysen, GOI 59, Pedersen, VKG 1. 248, 2. 86, Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 64.**· For Boeotian -ai compared by Thurneysen in GOI 189 see E. Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik i. 2 (Munchen, 1939), 558 f., who thinks that it is secondary, and not due simply to the shortening of an earlier -ai but also to analogy with the o-stem dative in -oi. See also Albert Thumb, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte, 2. Aufl. von A. Scherer (Heidelberg, 1959), 35. 2 Compare PN Vcoetixix DAG 87, also perhaps LENN Vcetia and Vcetiensis DAG 80. For Ucueti see DAG 181. See now van Tassel Graves, Og. 15, 1963, 225-8.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
427
beside Lejeune, Celliberica 99, 129. Compare perhaps ]ovei and ]
See s.n. Atyevoov (A).
2
See Tovar, Emerita 27, 1959, 357, no. 9.
428
PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
For the appearance of-J in the Rhineland as the dat. sg. of -orc-stems when these are feminine, see Oxe, Tr.Z 8, 1933, 50-58, Weisgerber, ZCP 23, 1943, 360 ff., Rh. V. 18, 1953, 268, Whatmough, Word 5, 1949, ii4f., Orbis 1, 1952, 439, DAG, pp. 734 f. (β) Stems in -£- (-A>) Nom. sg. Some compounded names with -rix ( < IE. *reg-s, see s.v. REG-) as a second element are attested in the nominative in the inscriptions. N o t e Εσκιγγορειξ
(Α), Σιγο.ουτιορζιξ
(A), and probably
]πορςιζ
(App.).1 PN Luguri (A) may show the loss of final -s or ~xs ( < -ks). Dat. sg.2 A clear example of a dative singular is Epadatextorigi (A). Another fairly certain example is Mayovpeiyi (Α). Αΰγεννοριγ. (A) may also belong here. Compare perhaps the divine name Deuori in HAE 398, which M. L. Albertos now explains {Emerita 24, 1956, 294-7) a s a n ° ^ dative singular showing the loss of medial -g- ( < *Deuorigi) and mean ing 'rey de los dioses'. (ii) N O M I N A L
COMPOSITION
See Chapter II (A) (i) and (ii). (in)
ADJECTIVES: COMPARISON
PN Cintusmus (B) (q.v.) probably contains a form of the Celtic superlative suffix -(i)samos. For an interesting discussion of the evidence concerning the morphology of the adjective in names found in the Hispanic peninsula, see Schmoll, SVIHK 44 ff. See further Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 99 f., Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 183, GrDAG 125. (iv)
NUMERALS
A little information about the forms of numerals and ordinals may be gleaned from some of the names and name elements studied in Chapter II and in the appendix. 'First': see s.v. CINTU- and s.nn. Cintu (B) and Cintusmus (B). See also s.n. Remi (B). 1
Tovar explained TeiuoreiCis on the bronze of Luzaga (SVIHK, no. 14) as nom. sg. (?for Deiuorix). See Estudios 41, 125, 183, Kratylos 3, 1958, 8, ELH 108. See also Schmoll, SVIHK 42 with n. 2,76. However, Lejeune, Celtiberica 130 would interpret it as gen. sg. 2 Professor Jackson, in a review published in Speculum 23, 1948, 335 ff., has rightly contradicted the statement made in GOI 200 that 'there is no certain example of the dative form of a consonantal stem in Gaulish' (p. 338).
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
429
'Second': see s.v. ALLO-. For possible examples of vo- 'two' or 'double' see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v.1 'Third': see s.nn. Tartos (B)2 and Trito{s) (B). 'Four': see s.nn. Peroco (B) and KovaSpovvca (App.). See Whatmough, GrDAG 82, ιοί, 123. For evidence from Spain see especially Tovar, £ephyrus 5, 1954, 17-22, Schmoll, SVIHK 46-48. 1
For an alleged di- 'two, twice' see GrDAG 79, 82. For the view that Tartos means 'fourth* see now Whatmough, Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Celtic Studies held in Cardiff, 6-13 July, ig6j (Cardiff, 1966) 120. 2
APPENDIX
DOUBTFUL NAMES I N this section are listed together and discussed forms which I have termed 'doubtful' names, forms the interpretation of which is uncer tain for one or more of a number of reasons. Many of the forms dis cussed are fragmentary, e.g. Αβρω[, ?Αλπρου[, Apaye[, .ario, ]κοννου, ]druta, Me8a[, ]νακνος, ]ναλιακος. Here we assume that we may have to deal with the beginning or the end of forms which may be personal names. There are many others the reading of which is quite uncertain, e.g. ??Κραυσίκνος, ?Deuacnua, ?Inianovetitins, ?Tarbelionios. With a num ber of the names discussed we are not confident that they are personal names at all, e.g. Αιουνιαι, Kpeire, Rutenica, ?Σψίασ[; but they are included in this section because they may be such. With very many others which are certainly personal names and the reading of which is not in doubt, e.g. Carletisoni, Cimberius, Cosoins, Crispos, Drappes, Εκνλιος, Louri, MereXdLos, Polos, Κοναδρουνια, etc., there is no means of demon strating or proving that they are Celtic. Finally, in many inscriptions the word-division is quite uncertain, and we cannot, therefore, be sure that all the forms recognized in such inscriptions, e.g. Avomio, ?Αοντρονι, ?Connoucasu, Druto, ?Esumaro, ?Ixatioii, ?Ααμί, are the right ones. T h e r e may be many forms in this section which, it could be argued, either should not have found a place in this work at all or perhaps should have appeared in Chapter II, section (A) or (B). There may be others in Chapter II t h a t should have been included in this Ap pendix. It was extremely difficult to decide which names to reserve for this 'doubtful' category. It would have been far simpler to dis pense with it altogether. But this would have meant both the inclu sion of too many fragmentary or doubtful forms among names the reading and interpretation of which were comparatively certain, and the complete rejection and the omission of many forms which in spite of their doubtful character deserved some consideration in this work. Α Β Ρ Ω [ DAG 64 (inscription of Uzes, Gard) For this inscription see s.n. Σ€νικιος (Β). This form may be incom plete on the right. Rhys 1 suggested that it m a y have been Αβρωνιος or Αβρωνικνος or the like. I t is quite impossible to say whether it 1
Addit. 20.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
431
represents a PN or part of a PN, whether it is Celtic, or even whether it is a proper name at all. However, if it is personal we can compare P N N such as Abro DAG 214, Abronius 237, Abronus AcS 1. 10 and Abrosus DAG 244. Compare also L N Άβρόστολα Ptol., Abrostola TP, Rav. AcS 3. 475. I can suggest no certain etymology. As pointed out b y Whatmough, 1 -br- in Gaulish is of multiple origin. Rhys 2 suggested t h a t -β- in Αβρω[ c may be either original or stand for an earlier μ, as in COBREXT- (in the Coligny Calendar) for comrecht, Welsh cyfreith, cyfraith, " l a w " \ 3 H e thought it seemed to be related to the Ir. adjective amrae 'wonder ful, splendid'. 4 I n Welsh afr- occurs as an intensive prefix5 beside abar-, amar- in Middle Irish, both 6 of which have been connected with Goth, abrs ιίσχυρός\ adv. abraba Very', and Olcel. afar- Very'. See Holder, AcS 1. 10, 3. 4 7 5 ; Loth, RC 42, 1925, 64, ACL 1. 397; W.-P. 1. 177; Pokorny, Urg. 108 f., IEW 2 ; Krahe, Festschrift fur Herman Hirt, hrsg. v. Helmut Arntz, vol. 2 (Heidelberg, 1936) 569; Wagner, KZ 75, 1958? 62 if.; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 22. 7
] A I O Y E I DAG 45 (inscription of Saignon, Vaucluse) Allmer, after Garcin, 8 read XLOVCL at the beginning of 1. 3 of this 1
DAG 158 s.v. cantabrum. See also now, on αβρω[, GrDAG 55, 61, 75. Loc. cit. 3 The correct interpretation of tiocobrextio, -brixtio, tiocobr, etc. in the Calendar of Coligny (DAG 227, i. 47, iv. 48, vii. 48, ix. 53, x. 41, 112, xii. 104) is far from certain. See further Rhys, Celtae and Galli 16 f., Cal. 5 (cf. Loth, RC 32, 1911, 206), Pinault, Og. 13, 1961, 460-5. For possible examples οι cob- for com- before -r- in Gaulish forms v. s. COM-. Note also here that ab- in some forms may represent AMBI- (q.v.). 4 See Dinneen 40, Hessen 1. 49, Vendryes, LEI A A-68. Rhys also compared the Irish PNN Amra, Amrae, Amargen (Thes. Pal. 2. 316), Amirgenns (ibid. 2. 262), later Amhairghen 'wonder-child' (note, e.g., Amairgin TBDD 11. 971, 1536, and see Windisch, TBC, p. 682, n. 6, O'Brien, CGH 508 f.), in Welsh Abrgen (LL 143. 25). In Welsh also we find PN Ebrdil (daughter of Peibio, mother of St. Dubricius) LL 78. 25. Cf. insulam Ebrdil LL 76. 5, inis Ebrdil 79. 28, 80. 19; Lann Ebrdil (in Here fordshire) 192. 27; Lann Emrdil (in Monmouthshire) 159. 1, Lann Efrdil 159. 5 ; dilicatfinnaunEfrdil 173. 6; aperfinnaunEmrdil 264. 7; aperfinnaunEfrdil 264. 10; LN Euyrdil, Euirdil (a stream in Carmarthenshire) 78. 9; PN Euyrdyl (Urien ap Cynfarch's sister) RP 1040. 22, Euerdil Cy. 19, 1906, 26. For these Welsh names see Lloyd-Jones, G. 445, Bromwich, TYP 340. s See GPC 44, 45. 6 See Hessen 1. 1, Meyer 84. 7 But H. S. Falk and Alf Torp, Norwegisch-danisches etymologisches Worterbuch 1 (Heidelberg, 1910), 38, would connect Goth, abrs, etc., with Olcel. afl 'Korperkraft, Macht', O H G . avalon 'zuwege bringen' from a Germanic root *ab- seen also in Goth, aba 'άνήρ\ See also Feist 1 s.v. aba (also 579), 1-2 s.v. abrs (also 579), Merger, KZ 65, 1938, 122 f., Vendryes, op. cit., A-6 f. s.v. abar-. 8 RE 1, 1878-83, 366 f., no. 409, whence Hirschfeld, CIL 12, p. 822. 2
432
APPENDIX.
DOUBTFUL
NAMES
1
difficult inscription. Rhys read aiorei or ανοτει. Whatmough, who appears to be uncertain whether 1. 3 is incomplete, has ]aiov€i.2 It is in all probability merely a fragment of a longer name as sug gested by Rhys, 3 either a personal name or a divine name, possibly dative. Compare ]ovei in 1. 2 a n d see GrDAG 55, 85. AIOYNIAI DAG 48 (inscription of Saint-Saturnin-d'Apt, Vaucluse) For this inscription see s.n. Οναλικιο (Β). T h e text has been variously interpreted. 4 Rhys 5 treated it as a votive inscription and recognized in 1. 3 a form ALOWLOLL which he would interpret as 'probably a dative of the name of a goddess',6 either (a) an 0-stem dative in -e (represented here by -at) of a name derived from Aiuno-s (Aiuna, Aiuno-n) of the same origin as the PNN Aio or Alio quoted by Holder, with -unos perhaps a variant of -onos, or (b) (with the ending -at as before representing -e) a Gaulish D N borrowed from Gk. αΙωνία, or (c) the Greek dative αΙωνία (in spite of the spelling with -ου-). H e was inclined to favour the first of these three possibilities. Dottin 7 listed this form as an example of a dat. sg. in -ai. Gray 8 interpreted it as 'emprunte et corrompu, avec ov au lieu de ω (cf. Dottin, p. 60), comme epithete d'une deesse, au grec αιωνία (tres douteux?)'. Early editors of the inscription thought that the pillar on which it occurs was part of an altar, but W h a t m o u g h thought that it belonged to a funerary monument. T h e text as a whole defies satisfactory interpretation. See further s.nn. Οναλικιο (Β) and Ovcpear. (App.). If it is funerary rather than votive and Celtic rather than Greek, Αιουνιαι may be a Celtic PN, an a-/z#-stem dat. sg. 9 I t is probably uncompounded and may contain an rz-suffix -unia, as in PN Βλανδοονικουνιαι (A). 10 Compare especially P N Aiunus CIL 13. 3280 (Reims) (whence DAG 214) and Aiunete... lio AcS 3. 544 (Bais, Isle-et-Vilaine) (whence DAG 182).» 1
Insc. 30-32, whence Anoti-s AcS 3. 632. See also Dottin, no. 16. 3 He remarks that the first letter is α or λ. Insc. 31. 4 See de Villefosse, BSAF 1879, 127-9 (whence Hirschfeld, CIL 12, p. 137) proposing the word-division OvaXuao(s) Ovepearaiov.. ?; Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 126, n. 2 suggesting that the text is Greek; E. Esp£randieu, Musie Calvet (Avignon, 1900), 12, no. 4 reading OVCLXLKLO(S) Ovepearaiovviai *Valicius a la fille dOnerestaius'; Sautel, CA 7. 15. 5 6 Insc. 19 f. Whence D N Aiunia AcS 3. 544. 8 7 See also Thurneysen, GOI188. EC 6, 1953-4, 65. 9 The fact that another letter should have followed the final t at one time should I0 not be forgotten. Or two forms, βλανΒοουι and κουνιαι? 11 Hardly compare P N N such as Aiu CIL 13. 4948 ( = 11522), Aiiu 3. 11481, Aiuni (dat.) 3. 14364 (see Vetters in Festschrift fur Rudolf Egger. Btr. z. alteren europaischen Kulturgeschichte (Klagenfurt, 1954) 44), Aiunis (gen.) Jahreshefte des osterreichischen archaologischen Institutes in Wien, Bd. 38. (1950), Beiblatt 120. For this 2
APPENDIX.
DOUBTFUL
NAMES
433
? Α Λ Π Ρ Ο Υ [ DAG, Note (xii), p. 118 (inscription of Mont Ventoux, Vaucluse) Comarmond 1 listed an inscription 'gravee sur le derriere d'une statuette de femme emmaillottee, a tete voilee . . . en hematite rougeatre, decouverte au pied du mont Ventoux (Vaucluse)'. T h e reading he gave was AVCTAATTPOY. This was repeated in CIL 12. 5689. 3 with the comment c corrupta videtur 5 . Blanchet 2 also remarked O n pourrait meme avoir quelque doute au sujet de l'authenticite.' Whatmough read αυοταλπρον[. H e compared other figurines with letters moulded with the figure itself from a number of sites in Lugdunensis (DAG 175). T h e texts on these figurines contain PNN with auuot. He also compared other inscriptions with au(u)ot3 and suggested that αλπρου[ was 'probably not a Greek gen. sg., but an incomplete Keltic name'. I n GrDAG 85 it is listed as a dative. Comarmond's entry may have been a forgery. If not, Whatmough's suggestion may well be correct. For names in alp- in Narbonensis v. s. Albano(s), -us (B). I have found no other examples of forms in alpr-. Speculation as to the etymology of this doubtful and perhaps incom plete form would be useless. Whether it is Celtic and whether it is a personal name it is impossible to say. Α Ρ Α Γ Ε [ DAG, Note (xxxii) (£), p . 510 (inscription of Alise-SainteReine, Cote-d'Or) T h e inscription, in Greek cursive script on the base of a silver cantharus, is read in CIL 13. 10026. 24 as /ze8a apaye with the com ment 'titulus Celticus est litteris graecis scriptus: Μ€8α(μον?) Apaye(νου) sc. filii'. Whatmough has μ,βδ[ | apaye[A It appears that Bohn (CIL, loc. cit.) was influenced by the form of PN Arrageni (gen.) CIL 13. 8317 5 in restoring Apaye(vov) here. De Villefosse6 and W h a t mough also compared this name. Whatmough further compared Άρηγενουα fl. Ptol. mod. Argenou, Arguenon (DAG 179). 7 We could type of name in -u, -unis, see Falkner in Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft (Arbeiten aus dem Institutfur allgemeine und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, hrsg. v. W. Brandenstein, Graz) (Wien, 1948), 39 if. 1 A. Comarmond, Description da music lapidaire de la ville de Lyon (Lyon, 1846-54), 2 3 431, no. 68. CA 7. 20, 45. DAG, Note (xxxvi), pp. 525 if. <■ Cf. P N Αραγζ(νου?) 5
DAG 182, Αρα-γ^νου]
KGP 135.
This name is usually analysed Arra-geni. See, for example, Holder, ^IcS 1. 220 and Schmidt, KGP 135. Schmidt compared the form Arragina Rav., quoted s.n. Orgenomesqui by Holder (AcS 2. 874). Palomar Lapesa (OPL 41) suggested that Arrageni represented an earlier form *arr-ac-en-i with gemination of -r- and voicing of -c- to -g-. See Also Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 292, Estudios clasicos 5, i960, 265. 6 MSAF 5, 1904-5, 260. 7 Holder ( ^ S 1. 190 s.n. Aregenua) and Whatmough also quote the local name Araegenue TP, mod. Orne (?). See now Corby, Og. 15, 1963, 95 f.
434
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
compare other P N N such as Araganie DAG 237, Argenus 156, Aricantus 238 (v), Arrecinius 237. All we can safely say is that this form may be an incomplete Celtic PN. 1 One could conjecture that it may have been Apaye(νου), -γβζντον), -γε(νιου), or the like (in the genitive case, as suggested by Eohn). Further speculation would be idle. 2 ]ARIO
La Graufesenque graffito
In graffito H . 1, 1. 9 Hermet read ]ario with the comment that it corresponded to the name Dario listed by Ceres and published by Vialettes in Mem. de la soc. des lettres* sciences et arts de VAveyron 15. 1894-9, 11. 3 Bohn 4 read ]arig. Oxe and Gummerus read ]ario, which they would restore as [M]ario(s).5 Whatmough 6 read .ario. The sherd is broken before a, but it appears that only one letter has been lost. It is possible, therefore, that this form should be restored as [D]ario, a potter's name which some authorities 7 recognize elsewhere at La Graufesenque. Compare P N N in dor-, -dar-, such as the fol lowing: Condarillus DAG 202, 214, 215; Condarus 202; Dara 157; Daribitus 132; Darionus 215; Daris[ 203, R e m a r k ; Darius 176; Darra 132, 214; Darrantus 83, 176, 228 (vii); Tarcondarius Caes., ΣαωκονΒάρον (gen.) Strab. AcS 2. 1732; Vercondaridubno (abl.) DAG 182. condari- (condario-), as in Condarillus, Tarcondarius, and Vercondaridubnus, has been related to W. cynddaredd 'rage, anger, fury', 8 OBret. 1 Inscription (b) on the same object (see CIL 13. 10026. 24), which editors have failed to read, may contain a clue to the interpretation of the inscription in which αραγ€[ is attested. 2 Note the divergence of opinion (quoted above) concerning the interpretation of PN Arragenns. For -ye(vov) see perhaps s.v. GEN-. A form ar(a)- 'eau, cours d'eau, eau courante' (: ? IE. *ord, related to a root *er- 'sich in Bewegung setzen' W.-P- 1. 136 ff., IEW 326 ff.) has been often assumed to explain many European river names. I list references to some recent discussions: Pokorny, Urg. H2f., VR 10, 1948-9, 220 f.; A. Dauzat, La Toponymie frangaise (Paris, 1939), 131-41 ; Forster, F T 408, n. 2 ; H. Krahe, Sprache und Vorzeit (Heidelberg, 1954), 49 f., Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 314 ff.; Flutre, REPL 9 ff.; Lebel, PMHF 213 f.; Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. Ν. 8, 1957, 224 f., 228 if.; Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 11. Note the healthy criticism by Vendryes, RC 44, 1927, 257. There is no suggestion that this doubtful or (a)- occurs in PNN. 3 See also Bohn, CIL 13. 10010. 750 a ; Loth, RC 41, 1924, 7, n. 5; Whatmough, DAG, p. 289, it. 132. Compare Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 383 s.n. Dario, 386 s.n. Labio. 4 Germania 8, 1924, 20. 5 Marios is not otherwise attested as a potter's name at La Graufesenque. 6 DAG 99 (b), 1. 9. 7 See n. 3 above. This has been contested by Oxe. See loc. cit. for references. 8 See G. 245, GPC 779. This form may point to a Brit, form in *kuno- rather than in Hon·. See AcS 1. 1241 s.v. *dari-, VKG 1. 422 {LP 125), WG 261, KGP 179, DGVB 125 (also 129). Lloyd-Jones (G., loc. cit.) compared VV. penddar, penddaredd 'giddiness', which John Davies (see D. s.v.) thought contained the same root as
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
435
1
cunnaret gl. rabies, ModBr. kounnar, konnar, and dart-, as in Daribitus, to W. dar (subst.) 'tumult', (adj.) 'wild, fierce'.2 See Holder (after Ernault), AcS i. 1092, 1241, Dottin, pp. 247, 250, Schmidt, KGP 179.3 T h e form dar (11)- 'an oak-tree', as perhaps in names such as Daroeda BSRC 31 and (less certainly) Δαρουέρνον Ptol. (Duroaverus TP, Duroverno IA) AcS 1. 1242 f.,4 has been related to Ir. dam (gen. daro) 'an oak-tree' (besidedair (gen. daro, darach)),5 W. dar (pi. deri, deiri),6OCorn. dar7: Gk. δόρυ, Skt. dam, etc. 8 Even if we assume that the restoration [D]ario is correct here, we must declare that the etymology is unknown. 9 T h e form appears to be an uncompounded name and may be Celtic. 10 Stokes 11 related PN Darios12 to IE. *do- 'to give', quoting also PN Daari from an inscrip tion of St. Nicholas (Pembs.), 13 Ir. Dare,14 and the Greek name element -δω/nos·.15 It may, on the other hand, be derived from the same root as some of the Celtic names mentioned (Condarillus, Daribitus, etc.) or some other root such as I E . *der- seen in W., Corn., Bret, darn : Gk. Sepco.16 See further Og. 17, 1965, 417 if., 18, 1966, 164 f. P A U O M I O DAG, Note (lv), p . 1163 (inscription on a ring found inside the R o m a n camp at Vindonissa) This text, on an octagonal silver ring, was read by Bohn 17 as follows: auo I mio | toe | nai | ixu | tio | udr | uto cynddaredd. For Welsh names in dar- which may contain this root see Thomas. I BBCS 7, 1935, 133. See DGVB 125. ' 2 See G. 245 s.v. kynhareh, 297 s.v. dar, GPC 891. 3 De Jubainville (NG 58, 60) analysed condari- as cond-ari-, relating cond- to Ir. cond (v. s. KovhiXXeos (B)). 4 See Urk. Spr. 148. Cf. GC2 7, AcS 1. 1242, F T 250. s See RIADict., fasc. 1, 30 f., GOI 204. 6 See G. 297, GPC 890 f. ? OCV 292. 8 See Urk. Spr. 147^, IEW214.^., Og. 12, i960, 49ff. (Guyonuarc'h), DGVB 129. 9 P. de Schaetzen, Index des terminaisons des marques de potters gallo-romains sur terra sigillata (Coll. Latomus, vol. xxiv) (Bruxelles, 1956), p. 32, listed only Dario and Mario (from La Graufesenque?) as instances of names in -ario. As instances of names in -arius (pp. 50-51) he listed the names Amarius, Ianuarius, Marius, Nenarius, and Varius. Of these only Marius (i.e. [M]ario(s)) or Varius (i.e. [V]ario(s)), not otherwise attested at La Graufesenque, would fit here. 10 Whatmough included Dario (s) at La Graufesenque in a list of potters' names which he thought 'must be Keltic* (DAG, p. 289). 11 I2 Urk. Spr. 140. Cf. LN Δαριόρπον (Darto- TP) DAG 179. " CIIC 451 ( = ECMW401). See Rhys, LWPh* 211. 14 For the Irish PN Ddire (z'o-stem) see RIADict., fasc. 1. 34 f. and de Jubainville, Tain bo Cualnge 1 (Paris, 1907), 36, n. 1 ( = RC 28, 1907, 150, n. 1), Pokorny, ZCP 24, 1954, 109, O'Brien, CGH 580 f. For PN Dair, Darius see RIADict., fasc. 1. 31, and for the Welsh PN Dar Darius see G. 297. 15 See Bechtel 144-7 δ · ν ν · Δώρο-, -8o>pos. 16 See IEW 206 ff. " ASA 26, 1924, 86-88.
43^
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
H e recognized that there was no means of deciding where the in scription begins, but suggested two interpretations: (a) Auomio Tocnai (filio) Ixutioudruto, (b) Auomio Tocnai (filio) Ixutiou(cius) Druto(nisfilius). H e claimed that it contained clearly Celtic name elements. Ernst Howald and Ernst Mayer 1 also thought that it was a Celtic inscrip tion, and suggested that auo was for Celtic auot 'er machte'. I n the same way Whatmough 2 wondered whether auo stood for auot. c If s o / he said, 'it should be the last, not the first word.' Indeed, later on 3 he favoured the word-division mio tocnai ixutiou druto(s) auo(t), which he boldly translated as 'Drutus m a d e me for Ixutios Tocna'. But in DAG 244 he has P N ?Auomius [sic] from this inscription. I t is just possible that auo is for auot. In that case mio must be ex plained separately, probably as the first word in the inscription. I t could be a personal name, an π-stem nominative or an 0-stem nomina tive (showing loss of-J"), subject of auo (?). 4 But I should prefer to take auo with mio as suggested by Bohn. A form Auomio could be a P N (fa-stem nom., showing loss of -s?) similar to some other P N N such as Auonius DAG 224 and Auonus 176, 196. I n view of the great uncer tainty concerning the interpretation of the whole text we will not speculate concerning the etymology. 5 See further s.nn. Druto, Ixutiou, a n d Tocnai below. A O Y T P O N I DAG 37 (inscription of Glanum, nr. modern SaintRemy-de-Provence, Bouches-du-Rhone) For this inscription see s.n. Καμονλατι 1
(Β). We probably have to
Die romische Schweiz (Zurich, 1940), 338, no. 427. 2 DAG, loc. cit. 3 See VI. Internationaler Kongrefi fur Namenforschung. Miinchen: 24-28 August 1958, Kongrefi berichte, Bd. I, hrsg. v. G. Rohlfs {Studia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. II) (Miinchen, i960), 71. 4 Compare PNN ?Miogmius DAG 83; Miono 151, Remark B, 237; ?Miori 214. Note also IMio Schuermans, no. 3615 (whence AcS 2. 599). I am not impressed by Whatmough's latest interpretation of the text. How one could justify the explaining of mio as the accusative of the first singular personal pronoun I do not know. Further, Whatmough's rendering does not really tell us what is the relationship between *Ixutios and * Tocna. 5 Bohn (ASA 26, 1924, 88) thought that Auomius [sic] might well be a Celtic name. For auo-, etc., in names such as Auo fl. Ave AcS 1. 315, Άουόβριγα Ptol. AcS 1. 316 f., Aveda Aveze (Gard) IEW 78, Avisione portus DAG 2, Auantici DAG 80, Auenticum DAG 241, Auentia DAG 243, Auentio BSRC 24, see Pokorny, Urg. 93, 159, 169, VR 10, 1948-9, 225 f., Keltologie 174, IEW, loc. cit.; W.-H. 1. 81 f.; Krahe, Sprache una Vorzeit 50, Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 320 ff.; Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. Ν. 8. 1957, 233; Flutre, REPL 19 ff. Cf. Aebischer, RC 47, 1930, 63 ff. and see I[for] W[illiams], BSRC, loc. cit. For the name element aui-, as in the Gaulish DN Auicantus DAG 82, and in Germanic and Illyrian names, see Pokorny, IEW 77, Krahe, IF 58, 1942, 227-9, Spr. Illyr. 51, 63, Scherer 209, Schmidt, KGP 143. For Welsh and Breton names m eu- (< *aui- or *esu-?) see Loth, Chr. bret. 129, Thomas, BBCS 8, 1937, 32, Fleuriot, DGVB 168 f. (with full refs.), VB 380.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
437
deal here with a name Αουτρονι. Whether part of it is missing at the end of 1. 2 (and at the beginning of 1. 3?) we cannot tell. 1 Compare other names such as the following: PNN Aetrins DAG 237; Aeironia Β A 1 9 3 2 _ 3 [ ! 935]3 u§? Autricu\s\ DAG 182; Antonius 237; Troni(?) 237; Vbilaironia, [Vbila]iro 83; L E N N Αϋτρακα a town of the Vaccaei Ptol. 2. 6. 49 ; 3 Autricum TP, ND, Αύτρίκον Ptol. Eure DAG 179; 3 Autrigones in Hisp. Tarrac. AcS 1. 303, 3. 765; ?Autrium Autrecourt DAG 212; ? D N Audrinekae, Audr-, Authr-, Autriahenae DAG 223. 4 O f course, Αουτρονι m a y be Latin 5 rather than Gaulish. At any rate there is no convincing Celtic etymology. 6 C A R L E T I S O N I DAG 229 (graffito of Blickweiler) T h e name is probably complete, in spite of the break on the right. 7 As suggested by Bohn, it may be a genitive in -i like P N N Lituvi (B) (q.v.) and Saqanoli (App.) in the same graffito. Bohn assumed t h a t Carletisoni was Celtic, but was able to compare only the suffixes -onoand -onto- as listed by Holder. Loth, 8 with greater circumspection, remarked 'De Carletisoni on ne peut dire qu'une chose, qu'il peut etre celtique.' I can only re-echo Loth's remark. 9 [C] Ε L A D O S L a Graufesenque graffito I n DAG 118, 1. 7 Whatmough read \c\elados with the remark t h a t d is quite clear. But Hermet, Loth, and Oxe here read \c\elados. T h e restoration of the first letter is based on the incidence of the potters' 1
One is tempted to think of a form Αουτρονι[α], Αουτρονι\αϊ\, or Αουτρονι\ας\. 2 Cf. GrDAG 85, sect. 28. Not Aetronius as in DAG 83. 3 See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 15, 1894, 33» Pokorny, Urg. 170. 4 See Finke 280 ff., Gutenbrunner 185, 190, 193, 205, 210, Krahe, Btr. ζ. Ν. 13, 1962, 278. 5 See Schulze 257, 337. 6 Sicardi (Rivista di Studi Ligun 23, 1957, 236) listed this name as *Αουτρονι[ος] with other Celtic names in ~ono-l-onio- from the lower Rhone valley. For Gaulish au- in autagis 'διάτα^' (?) in a graffito of La Graufesenque {DAG 109 (b)) see Vendryes, BSL 25, 1924, 36 (whence Weisgerber, SprFK 193), Pokorny, IEW 72, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 10, 1958, 175, n. 19, Whatmough, GrDAG n o . 7 See Bohn, Pfdlzisches Museum, Pfdlzische Heimat 1923, 39 f., Germania 7. 1923, 64 ff. 8 CRAI1924, 68. 9 Could it be a compounded name which arose through syncope from earlier *caro-letison-? Gaulish forms in CARO- (q.v.) are of multiple origin. Perhaps we should compare forms in let- such as the following: PNN ?Letba[ DAG 182, Letina GIL 2. 1067, 3. 2618, Letius DAG 83, Lettius 208D (also 214), Coniletus 237; LNN ?Letoce 80, Letus mons 80. Some of these may be cognate with W. lied 'breadth, width, (?) side', Corn, les, Bret, led, Olr. lethaid 'spreads out, stretches', etc., which point to Celtic *let- (IE. *plet-). See Fleuriot, DGVB 241, 333. See further s.w. LITANO-, LIT AVI-, also perhaps LITU-. Moreover, compare LN [L]etoceto I A Lectoceto Rav., now Lichfield, for which see BSRC 37, LHEB 332 ff., 563 f.
438
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
stamps Celadi m. and Celadi man. at La Graufesenque. 1 ?ce[ (or ?ci[ or ?cu[) Α.-A. 14 may also belong here. 2 Compare the following P N N : Celadianns DAG 182; Celadio ILTG 508; Celadus CIL 12. 4640, 4893, 5069, 5263, DAG 182, ILTG 566; ?Celaedo DAG 8 3 ; Celatiani (gen.) CIL 2 . 6 1 8 1 ; CelatusDA.G 83, 228 (ix), 244, Wagner 62. 3 Note also Celadus fl. (in Spain) Pomp. Mel. 3. 10. There is no way of proving whether \C\elados is Celtic or not. Loth 4 seems to have assumed that it is Celtic. He compared the Irish suffix -de and the Welsh -eidd\-aidd ( < *-adios\*-adia).s If the correct reading here is [C]elados, as Whatmough insists,6 the exact phonetic nature of -d- must remain uncertain. 7 As for eel-, if the form is Celtic, there are several Insular Celtic forms with which it could perhaps be connected. Note, for example, O l r . celim Ί hide', W. celqf (: IE. *kel- 'hide, cover'), 8 O l r . colainn f. 'body, flesh', W. celain f. 'corpse, carcass' (: IE. *(s)kel- 'cut'), 9 and see Chapter I I (B) s.n. Celtillus. On the other hand, Hermet 1 0 and Fraser, 11 reading [C]elados, thought that the name was Greek. 12 This may well be correct. Other potters' names in the graffiti which have been explained as Greek are Mirtilos and Sum(m)aco(s).13 C I M B E R I U S U n d e r his command a n d that of his brother Nasua the Suebi, according to a report made to Caesar b y a delegation of the Treveri in 58 B.C., encamped on the eastern bank of the R h i n e and tried to cross the river BG 1. 37. 3 cimberium (cmberium Q ) aV, cymberium ρΎ (ace). α and β manuscripts are at variance. But Cimberius, the form ac cepted by the editors, is probably the better reading. The Celticity of the form, the name of a Suebian leader, is quite uncertain. I t has been compared with the ethnic name Cimbri AcS 1. 1015 f., 3. 1219, 1
See Hermet, p. 202, no. 30 (pi. n o ) ; Oswald, Index 69 f., 370,425; Oxe, ΒJ 130, 1925*92; 14ο-1» ^ S 6 , 382, no. 52; CIL 13. 10010. 513; DAG 132. 2 But this fragment may be the beginning of some other name such as Cervesa or Cintusmus or Circos. See Aymard, REA 55, 1953, 127. 3 See also Holder, AcS 1. 884, 3. 1178. 4 RC4.1, 1924, 54. 5 See VKG 2. 28, WG 256, GOI 220 ff. For instances of the suffixes -ado- and -adio- see AcS 3. 507, 510. 6 This is doubtful, judging from Hermet's plate. 7 The letter -d- could be a variant of -s(s)-9 -st-, -d-, etc. (see Chapter III, Remark), but I know of no forms similar to [C]elados showing this variant ortho graphy ; for I doubt whether the names in celad- and celat- listed above are useful for comparison here. 8 See IEW 553 f. 9 See IEW 923 f. 10 p. 317. » RC 42, 1925, 94. 12 For Greek KiXaBos see Bechtel 599. 13 For this name see p. 472 below.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
439
1
DAG 241, and the D N N Cimbrianus DAG 236, 243 and Cimbrhis 243. 2 Concerning these names see, inter alios, the following authorities: W. Stokes (ed.), Sanas Chormaic. Cormacs Glossary translated, and annotated by the late John O'Donovan (Calcutta, 1868), 39S.V. cimb ; C. MullenhofF, Deutsche Altertumskunde 2 (Berlin, 1887), 116 fF.; Much, PBB 17, 1893, 214 f., 20, 1895, 13 ff., ap. Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, hrsg. Johannes Hoops, 3 (Strafiburg, 1915-16) 42-44 (esp. 43), Zts.f. deutsches Alter turn. 65, 1928, 7; Holder, AcS 1. 1015, 3. 1219; Ihm, P.-W. 3, 1899, 2551 f.; H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Celtes depuis les temps les plus anciens jusqu'en Van 100 avant notre ere (Paris, 1904), 207 f.; Schonfeld 6 3 ; Solmsen 104; S. Feist, Germanen und Kelten in der antiken Uberliefening (Halle, 1927), 1 1 ; Τ . Ε. Karsten, Die Germanen (Berlin u. Leipzig, 1928), 80, 148; C. S. Elston, The Earliest Relations between Celts and Germans (London, 1934) 121 f.; Whatmough, PID, it. 340A s.v. cimbri; Gutenbrunner 52 ff.; Beckers, Rh. Mus. 88, 1939, 80; Pisani, Die Sprache 1, 1949, 140; G. Walser, Caesar und die Germanen (Historia: Einzelschriften, Heft 1) (Weisbaden, 1956), 4 9 ; Menzel, Btr. ζ. Ν. n , i960, 83 f.; Melin, op. cit. 64 ff. I include Cimberius3 here because it is just possible that it and the names mentioned above are Celtic. 4 D'Arbois de Jubainville, for instance, 5 prompted by a statement recorded by Paulus Diaconus, 6 thought that the name Cimbri could be connected with O l r . cimb "tribute, ransom, silver', cimbid 'a. prisoner, a captive'. 7 These Irish forms have been related to Gaulish cambiare 'rem pro re dare' 8 and the Gaulish name element cambo-.9 But in fact there is no way of knowing whether the names Cimberius, Cimbri, etc., are cognate with these Celtic forms. If they are cognate, and if the etymology proposed for Ir. cimb and cimbidIs correct, then perhaps the names show a (? dialectal) 1 For the historical and archaeological background of the Cimbri see Schulz, Germania 13, 1929, 139-43; H. Hubert, Les Celtes depuis Vepoque de la Tene et la civilisation celtique (Paris, 1932), 123 fF.; Beckers, Rh. Mus. 88, 1939, 52-92, 101-22; A. Grenier, Les Gaulois (Paris, 1945), 93 ff.; de Vries, Og. 9, 1957, 273-85; T. G. E. Powell, The Celts (London, 1958), 162 f.; B. Melin, Die Heimat der Kimbern (Upp sala, i960). 2 It is doubtful whether the ethnic name Cimbios (w.ll. Cimbros, Cimbim, Umbrosy Ambros) (ace.) Liv. 28. 37. 1 belongs here. Concerning this name see Hubner, P.-W. 3. 1899. 1895, 2546, Lambrino, BEP 19, 1956, 19 (EC 8, 1958-9, 232). 3 For the suffix -erio- see AcS 1. 1463. 4 It is worth noting perhaps that the names of a number of the leaders of the 5 Cimbri appear to be Celtic. See Melin, op. cit. 65 ff. See loc. cit. 6 cimbri lingua Gallica latrones dicuntur Paulus Diaconus ex Fest., p. 37. See W. M. Lindsay, Glossaria Latina 4 (Paris, 1930), 144. Cf. Plut. Marius 11, Strabo 7. 2. 2, p. 293c. 7 See Meyer 369, Stokes, ACL 2, 1904, 253, Dinneen 190. 8 Endlicher Glossary 613. 13. See AcS 1. 711 f., 3. 1057 *·> DAG 178. 9 See Chapter II (B) s.n. ?Καμβο.
440
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
variant development of -im- from earlier -m- beside -am- in cambiare and cambo-.1 C I R C O S La Graufesenque graffito circos DAG 120 (b) i, 1. 3. This form was listed as a potter's name by Loth, 2 Oxe, 3 and Hermet. 4 Whatmough, on the other hand,* suggested that it may not be such. However, compare Circus DAG 176 (Names on terra sigillata found in Lugdunensis), and see Oswald, Index 79. T h e form shows the familiar 0-stem nominative termination -os, but we cannot tell whether it is Celtic or not. Hardly compare circins, cercius 'the mistral' DAG 79, 6 which has been connected with Lat. circum and compared with W. cyrch m. 'goal, resort, haunt, attack, etc.' 7 and Ir. cercenn c a cycle of time'. 8 ? KO11 AD AG, Note (xli) ( / ) , p . 686 (graffito of Pommiers, nr. Soissons) For this graffito see Chapter I I (B) s.n. ?Καμβο. I a m not satisfied that the restoration of this form as κοαα[κα] or KOUCL[KOS] is justified. Compare the coin legends KOUOG (κωιοσ??), coios DAG 1779 and P N N Coins DAG 83, 139, 244, CIL 3. 6305, 2. 5331, 10 and ?Coeiius DAG 224. I t is quite uncertain whether any of these forms show the disap pearance of intervocalic -g~ and that the coin legend κοαακα, for example, 11 is to be compared with the local name Cogiacus12 as sug gested by Holder. 13 1
Guyonuarc'h (Og. 11, 1959, 294) complained that we have no 'explication particuliere pour Γ existence en gaulois d'une forme goidolique supplementaire'. A not dissimilar dialectal variation in the development of # in Gaulish has been postulated to explain certain other forms. See Weisgerber, SprFK 185 f., What mough, DAG, p. 780, Orbis 1, 1952, 434, Schmoll, SVIHK 81 f. In any case it is quite wrong to suggest that a name such as that of the Cimbri is evidence for a Goidelic sound-change in Gaulish. 2 RC 41, 1924, 54. 3 Β J 130, 1925, 52. 4 ΡΡ· 3Σ3> 3 ^ . s DAG, p. 290. 6 To the references there given add Whatmough, Lg. 32, 1956, 718. 7 See GPC 806 where cyrch is compared with Ir. crech f. 'a raid, foray, plunder booty* (Meyer 508). Cf. Loth, loc. cit. 8 See Meyer 348. This form is probably a loan from Lat. circinus. 9 See also AcS 1. 1062 f., 3. 1252 f. 10 See also AcS 1. 1063, 3· Ι 2 53· 11 See Chapter II, loc. cit. 12 Cuigy-en-Bray (Oise), Cougeac (Haute-Loire) AcS 1. 1061, 3. 1251. Cf. LN Coiacus Coyecques (Pas-de-Calais) AcS 1. 1062. For cogi- in PNN (e.g. Cogidumno (v.l. Togidumno) dat. Tac. Agr. 14. 2, [Co]gidubni gen. CIL 7. 11, [Cojgidubnus CIL 13. 1040) see de Jubainville, NG 62, n. 1, Holder, AcS 1. 1061, Schmidt, KGP 175. " AcS 1. 1062. See also Lg, 31, 1955, 17, GrDAG 56, 58, 77.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
441
Κ 0 Β Ρ 1 Τ 0 Υ Λ Ω Υ DAG 165 (inscription of Lapipe-Sene on MontAuxois, Alise-Sainte-Reine, Cote-d'Or) For this inscription see Chapter I I (B) s.n. ?Βιρακο. In line 4 there may be a form Κοβριτονλων or Βριτονλων. This line was read by Esperandieu 1 as κοβριτονλω.[ ]β:ατ.ο; he suggested that there was here a Celtic personal name element brito-, comparing forms in britlisted by Holder. Rhys 2 read κοβριτονλων [βαρ. .]β:ατγο; he treated κοβριτονλων as a personal name (z/-stem, dat.). See also Holder, AcS 3. 1246 s.n. Cobritulns. Whatmough 3 read κοβριτονλων[ρα] .β:ατο. Like Holder (loc. cit.) he compared with βριτονλων the river name βρίγονλος which occurs in ^s.-Plut. Huv. 6.^ In view of the fragmentary condition of the inscription it is im possible to be certain about the word-division in what has been pre served. It is idle to speculate concerning the etymology of such a very doubtful form as Κοβριτονλων. T h e reading of υ (after ω), if not of β and λ, is uncertain. It is very hesitatingly included here simply because it may be a Celtic name. I am not at all confident that the worddivision is correct and that the form we have to deal with is a per sonal name at all. 5 ]KONNOY DAG 65 (inscription of Collorgues, Gard) Allmer, after Lombard-Dumas, 6 read ~\κολλονργ[ in line 2 of this fragmentary inscription. His text was repeated by Hirschfeld, 7 with the following comment: 'Titulus Celticus, ut videtur, de cuius sinceritate mihi tamen non constat; fortasse fictus ad nomen vici Collorgues illustrandum.' Blanchet 8 also expressed serious doubt concerning the authenticity of this text. However, Rhys 9 read κοννουβρ[9 noting that 1
Pro Alesia 1, 1906, 43-45 (pi. xi). Addit. 40-51 (whence Dottin, no. 35). In the lacuna he read βαρ on an in scribed fragment which he thought should be placed here. He conjectured that there followed, before β, the two letters τι. 3 He remarked that the reading of the fragment placed in the lacuna by Rhys is uncertain, and that if the fragment belongs here there is space for only one letter before β. * See AcS 1. 544, 3. 942, DAG 179. 5 Holder (AcS 3. 1246) listed it as a divine name. If it is a compounded name perhaps it should be analysed in one of the following ways: (α) κο-βριτουλωυ, i.e. co- (see s.v. COM-) -\-brit- (for some Celtic forms in brit- see AcS 1. 550 f., 3. 945 ff., and see EIHM 451 f., KGP 156 f., GrDAG 61); (b) κοβ-ριτουλωυ, i.e. cob- (a variant of com-?) +rit- (v. s. RET(T)-). The analysis proposed by Rh^s (Addit. 47 f.) is not convincing, but he may have been right in interpreting the form as an ω-stem dative. On the other hand, it is possible of course that we have here an uncompounded name βριτουλωυ. Compare PN Brittula DAG 87 and see DAG 220 s.v. ?brit(t)ia *cressa', 233 s.v. ?bnttola 4cepa minuta'. 6 RE 2, 1884-9, 82 f., no. 519. 7 CIL 12, p. 832. 8 CA 8, p. 184, no. 270. 9 Insc. 38. 2
442
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
what he has transcribed as w is Λ^ Λ^ and that this might also be tran scribed as yy. Later 1 he interpreted κοννον as an ζί-stem nominative and suggested restoring the form /3p[arou8e] after it. W h a t m o u g h read ]κοννονβρ[, noting that ν is Λ7, and, like Rhys, suggesting that if the inscription is votive, ιβρ may be expanded to βρατονΰζ. The inscription, the authenticity of which is not in doubt, 2 is frag mentary, and it is dangerous to recognize particular forms in such a brief sequence of letters. But it is not unreasonable to suggest that there appears to be here a name (or p a r t of a name) κοννον (or ]κοννον). Whether it is personal we cannot tell. 3 We can compare the following P N N in conn-: Conconnus CIL 3. 4900; Κοννακόριξ AcS 1. 1103; 4 Connia DAG 83, 182, ~ius 24, 83, 182, (?)2i4; Connil[ 8 3 ; Con(n)imarc[ 182; Conniola 8 3 ; conno, κοννο 157 ; 5 Κοννόβαν (ace.) App. hisp. 68; Connonia CIL 3. 5114, -ius DAG 182; ?Connoucasu DAG, Note 1 (pp. 987 f.). 6 Rhys 7 compared the Irish n a m e Conn (gen. Cuinn) and suggested that ] κοννον was 'probably a nominative of the u declension for earlier Κοννονς or Κονννονς\ See also the remarks of Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 67. For Irish Conn and conn (cond) 'sense, reason, e t c ' see s.n. Κονδυλλβος (Β). P G O N N O U C A S U DAG, Note 1, p p . 987 f. (inscription of Alzey) This inscription, on a ring 'an der Lotstelle geplatzt', was read by Finke after Behrens 8 as follows: ue <& rinus <&. con <& nou φ ca <& su <& ua <& sal H e suggested that it should be interpreted perhaps as Salverinus con[iugi] Nov[..] Ca[....] suua[e] or as Salve Rinus con[-curri] Nov. . . . Ca. . . suua. Dessau suggested Verinus Connoucatuua, comparing PN Combucouatus CIL 13. 2583.9 W h a t m o u g h thought that the forms Verinus Connoucasu uasal should be recognized here. 10 No wholly satisfactory word-division has so far been suggested to account for the whole inscription as read by Finke. It may contain a personal name Verinus11 followed either by two names Connou and Casuua (or Casu) or by one name Connoucasu (or Connoucasuua or Connouca). But this is guesswork. For names in conn- see above s.n. ~\κοννον, and with (?) Casuua compare perhaps P N N Casua DAG 224 (also 237) 1
Addit. 22. I saw the inscription at Nimes in 1953 and confirmed Whatmough's reading. I doubt whether the inscription, on part of an oil or wine jar, is votive. 4 See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 155, Schmidt, KGP 182. s See also AcS 1. 11041*., 3. 1275, DAG 239, Og. 8, 1956, 327, 11, 1959, 227 f., RAE 10, 1959, 212 fF. (esp. 214, n. 3), Homm. Gren. 439 ff. 6 7 8 See below. Addit. 22. Finke, no. 178. 9 For this name see s.v. CUMB-. 10 But in DAG 237 he has listed PN Connoucasuua(?) [sic] from this inscription. 11 See p. 477 below. 2 3
A P P E N D I X . DOUBTFUL NAMES
443
and Casuatb[ 182. For a derivative name in -onco- compare PN Seloucus CIL 12. 5015. l C O S O I U S La Graufesenque graffito cosoius DAG 129, 1. 8. T h e same name is attested in cosoi DAG 99 (6), 1. 16.2 Compare the potters' names Cosoi DAG 204 and ?Cosoiuia 176,2 and at La Grau fesenque Cosius DAG 132. 4 T h e name is an 0-stem nominative showing the Latin or Latinized termination -as. Only Whatmough 5 has identified it as Celtic. Apart from the potters' names mentioned above compare FNN such as the following: Cosa DAG 244; Cosaxtis 136; Cosius 157; Cosos 204; Cossa 156, 204, -us 151, 204, 208c and D, 214, 237, 244; Cossia 182, 2O8D, -ius 156, 208c and D, 237, 244; Cossacionius 214; Cossattio, Cossetio, Cossianus 237; Cossicus 194; Cossillo 2O8D; Cos{s)il(l)us 198, 214, 237, 244; Cossinius 244; Cosso 244; Cossous 204; Cossula 2O8D; Cossumino ILTG 161; Cossutius 83, 182, -us 237. For P N N and D N N in cos(s)- from the Hispanic peninsula see OPL 68, RPH 117 if. For the suffix -oio- see AcS 2. 841. No etymology. ??ΚΡΑΥΣΙΚΝΟΣ DAG 61 (inscription of Beaucaire, Gard) T h e reading of this form is extremely doubtful. See Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. ??Εκσιγγος. I have adopted for want of a better form the one which Whatmough quite arbitrarily thought might be the original. However, it appears t h a t Holder 6 was the first to give the second letter in the form as p. Moreover, Whatmough alone has given the fifth letter as σ (where Eyssette read ξ) and has assumed that there was a σ (the final letter of this form) carried over into the second line of the inscription. I t would be wrong to speculate concerning the origin of such a hopelessly uncertain form. All editors of the inscription agree that it contains -κνο-, which suggests that it may be a patronymic name. 7 W e could compare with Whatmough the gloss craxantus (-ss-) 'toad' DAG 178 s and the Lepontic PN krasanikna PID, it. 321. 9 1
See AcS 2. 1462. Hermet, Loth, and Oxe also read cosoi here, but Gummerus read coscios. 3 See Holder, AcS 1. 1139. Cf. Oswald, Index 91. 4 5 See Hermet, p. 202, Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 383. DAG, p. 289. 6 AcS 1. 1157, whence Schmidt and Whatmough. ^ See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. -CNO-. 8 See A. Thomas, Archivum latinitatis medii aevi 3, 1927, 49 if. (RC 47, 1930, 463 f., SprFK i98). 9 See Rhys, Cis. 57 if., Gleanings 25; Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p. 15, comparing inter alia the Latin PNN Crassus and Crassicius; Untermann, VP 140. See also 2
444
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
Compare also perhaps PNN such as the following: Crasarcimis DAG 237; Crasia, -ins 83; Crasisa 156, Remark (also 176); Crasonius 216; Crassiaciis 228 (iv); Crax[ 83, 156, 215; Craxa 83; Craxallus 237; Craxanius 83; Craxantus 151; Craxanus 237; ?Craxaucus 151; Craxsantus CIL 3. 4815 ;* Crax{s)ius (-##-) DAG 83; Cra#0 (or -WJ?) 83; Craxxillus 156.2 KPEITE DAG 60 (inscription of Redessan, Gard) I saw the inscription in July 1953. The reading is certain and the text, apparently, complete. The form was explained by Maruejol3 as a woman's name, a nominative Kpeire for Κρήτη, the name cf the island of Crete.4 He suggested that its bearer was born on the island! He dated the form on epigraphical grounds as not earlier than the second century A.D. Then Rhys 5 claimed that it recalled the Irish woman's name Cre'd (also Cre'ide).6 But this is pure conjecture. No comparison can be made with any of the names of Ancient Gaul to throw a clear light on this puzzling form.7 C R I S P O S DAG 174 (inscription of Vieil-fivreux, Eure) Concerning this fragmentary inscription see Chapter II (B) s.n. Caraditonu. Some scholars have held the view that Crispos is Gaulish, the equivalent of W. crych 'wrinkled, crumpled, curly', Bret, crech. See, for example, Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 337, Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 133, Rhys, Celtae and Galli 49. But the name is more probably the Latin Crispus showing the Gaulish o-stem nominative termination -os. The inscription, according to Whatmough, is in a Latin alphabet of the early empire. Proto-Celtic -sp- would not be preserved in this period. A number of other forms in crisp- are attested in Ancient Gaul, 8 but these also are to be related to Latin Crispus. The Gaulish equivalent of Schulze 173 s.n. Grasinius and compare the Thracian local name Κρασαλοπαρα Thr. Spr. 266. 1 See Vetters in Festschrift fur Rudolf Egger. Beitrdge zur dlteren europdischen Kulturgeschichte 33 f. 2 For the variant orthography xs/xs/xx/xls/ss see Rhys, Cis. 59, Holder, A S 3. 460, Dottin 63, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 16, Whatmough, GrDAG 68, 87. 3 BA 1891, 280 f., RA 1892, 49 f., whence Holder, AcS 1. 1158. See also E. Esperandieu, Le Musie lapidaire de Nimes. Guide sommaire (Nimes, 1924), 37, no. 137; CAS, p. 139, no. 106. 4 Compare Κρήτη Έφεσία IG 2. 2890. 5 Insc. 39. See also Cis. 89. 6 See S. H. O'Grady, Silva Gadelica (London, 1892), 1. i n , 2. 498. 7 Whatmough {DAG 60) suggested comparing the coin legend ecntusiri DAG 239 (cf. p. 78 above). See also Whatmough, GrDAG 54. 8 Note the following PNN: Crispianus DAG 244; Crispina Wagner 124, -us DAG 89> l3&> 244, MG 158, ~ius DAG 237; Crispus DAG 132, 214, 217, 237, 244, N.-L. 82. Note also the LNN listed by Holder, AcS 1. 1168 f.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
445
W. crych, Bret, crech is preserved in the following PNN in crix-, crixs-: Crixsia DAG 182, -ius 182, 244, Crix(i)us, Crixsus 140, 151, 214, 228 (vii) and (ix).1 For the etymology of W. crych, Gaul. Crixiis, etc., see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 95, 332,2Duvau, MSL 8, 1894, 258 f, Pedersen, VKG x - 75> 533 {.LP J9)> Osthoff, ZCP 6, 1908, 409,n. 1, W.-P. 2. 572, Marstrander, NTS 3, 1929, 247, W.-H. 1. 293, Jackson, LHEB 529, 536, Pokorny, IEW 938, Whatmough, GrDAG 120. P D E U A C N U A Z)i4G 186 (inscription of Reims) For this inscription 0. s. Adepicca (A). The uncertainty concerning the readiner of both the third letter (? /"Demaison, ? u Whatmough) and the fifth in this form, and concerning the interpretation of the inscription as a whole, accounts for my relegating it to this Appendix. If the reading and word-division favoured by Whatmough are correct the form can be interpreted as a personal name, possibly a Celtic β-stem nominative (or dative ?). Like Adepicca (q.v.) it may be a mascu line β-stem.3 Perhaps it contains a form of the Gaulish stem devo- cgod' and the element -cn(o)-A See further s.n. Diuuogna (A).5 D R A P P E S A leader of the Senones. With Lucterius he set out in 51 B.C. to plunder the Roman Province. Pursued by Caninius he took refuge in Uxellodunum and after stealing out in an attempt to procure supplies was surprised and captured. He then starved himself to death BG 8. 30. 1 drappetem ABMLN, drapetem Q , oraptem S, draptem π, drapte ρ (ace.); 32. 1 drappes ABMLN, drapes QC, oraptes S, draptes β; 32. 2 drappetis BMLN, drapetis χ, raptis S, draptis β (gen.); 34. 2 (also 35· 1; 35- 2; 36. 5; 44. 2) drappes {prapt{a)es S) a, draptes β; 36. i drappete (orapte S) a, drapte β (abl.); 39. 1 drappete ABMLN, trapete Q,1, drapete Qf, orapte S, drapte β (abl.). The name is attested in the form Draptes in Orosius 6. 11. 20. It is difficult to tell whether Drappes, the reading of all α manuscripts (except S) in most instances of the name, or Draptes, found consistently in β manuscripts and in Orosius, is the correct form.6 The name does not occur elsewhere, but we can compare the following PNN: Drappus DAG 202, 208D, 214; Drappo 214, 237; Drapon 228, Remark (p. 1072), Draponi 2 3 η.η Note also the modern local name Drap (Alpes-Maritimes) 1
2 See also AcS 1. 1171 f. Compare id., IF 2, 1893, 168. For some instances of the ending -ua see AcS 3 . 5 . ^ See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. 5 Hardly compare agnua, acnua a land measure, for which see AcS 1. 60, 3. 523, W.-H. 1. gf., 843, E.-M. 12, DAG 158, LEIA A-10 (cf. Lochlannz, 1962, 202). 6 See Kraner-Dittenberger 3. 107, Dottin, p. 55. 7 See CIL 13. 10010. 818. The name is listed in DAG 203 as ?Drapo (F-). With 3
44-6
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
related by Holder 1 to an earlier form Drappus. Compare espe cially the gloss drappus ca towel' DAG 178 ('cloth, fabric, drape 5 DAG 240), 2 claimed as Celtic ( < *drapno- : Lith. drdpanos fern. pi. 'clothing') by Bruch 3 and as Illyrian by Pokorny. 4 Thurneysen 5 sug gested that Ir. brat(i) 'coverlet, cloak' may be an inversion of Con tinental drapp-. But Whatmough 6 remarked concerning drappus that '"P(P)~ IS n a r d l y possible as a Keltic representative of IEu. -pn-\ and concluded that 'the word must be pre-Keltic'. The use of a common noun as a personal name is of course not unusual. I can see no way of proving the Celticity οι Drappes or Draptes, but it is included here because it may b e a Celtic name. 7 In BG it con forms with the declension of ί-stems. If the correct form is Drappes then the name may be a derivative in -et- of PN Drappus. D R U T O DAG, Note (lv), p . 1163 (inscription on a ring found in side the R o m a n camp at Vindonissa) For this inscription see s.n. ?Auomio above. Druto may be a Celtic personal name or part of such a name. But it is not clear how it should be related to the rest of the inscription. 8 Compare the following P N N : ?Druta DAG 8 3 ; Druta m. 182 ; 9 Drutalus 83, 140, 176; 10 Drutedo 156; Druti (gen.) PID, it. 339 (a) 2, Drutei (gen.) ibid. (J?) 3, Trutikni ibid. (a) 6, (b) 7 f., Trutiknos ibid, (b) 9 f.;11 Drutiqidi CIIC 8 7 ; Druttia [D]ru[ttius?] CIL 2. 3121; Drutus DAG 244. Some, if not all, of these names may be cognate with Ir. druth 'mad, foolhardy, furious, wild, these names in drap(p)- compare perhaps PNN in dracc- such as Dracc(i)us DAG 83, 176, 182, Homm. Gren. 875 f., and Dracco 159. But see Whatmough, Die Sprache 1, 1949, 127, GrDAG 69 and Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 12. 1 AcS 1. 1315. 46 ff. See also RC 24, 1903, 211. 2 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1315; Meyer-Lubke, REW 2765; von Wartburg, FEW 3. 156. 3 Z&Ph 41, 1921-2, 687 ff. See also Dottin 252, W.-P. 1. 802, W.-H. 1. 373, E.-M. 329. 4 Urg. 69. In VR 10, 1948-9, 229 Pokorny claims it as 'Gallo-rom.', in IEW 211 as 'gallorom. . . . wohl ven. ill. Lw.\ s Hdb. 88, GOI 93. Compare Pedersen, VKG 1. 160 f. {LP 53), Lane, Lg. 7, 1931, 279 f. See also Fleuriot, DGVB 90 f. 6
7
Studies... Robinson 2. 481.
Schmidt (KGP 42) has omitted the name in his count of Gaulish PNN in BG. For the opinion of Bohn and Whatmough see s.n. Auomio. It seems to be either an o-stem nominative showing loss of -s (subject of auo(t) ?) or, less probably, an o-stem dative (name or part of the name of the person for whom the ring was made or to whom it was given). See further s.nn. llxutiou and Tocnai below. 9 Source? This is presumably ]druta in the inscription of Vieil-fivreux (Eure) DAG 174, for which see below. 10 Drut-al-us or Dru-talus? See Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p. 47, Pokorny, IEW 215, Schmidt, KGP 66, 197 f., 274, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 12, i960, 53. 11 Also perhaps [Drut]ei ibid, (a) 1. See Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 115; Rhys, Insc. 72; PID, vol. 3, p. 47 s.n. trutiknos. 8
A P P E N D I X . DOUBTFUL NAMES
447
1
fickle, unchaste', W. drud 'brave, proud, fierce, angry, cruel, mad, foolhardy, reckless, etc.'. 2 See Thurneysen, Keltorom. 566°.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 157 (AcS 1. 1354) ; 3 Pedersen, VKG 1. 496, 508; Dottin 253; Loth, loc. cit.; J u d , Archivam Romanicum 6, 1922, 313-39 (SprFK 183, 199, Urg. 63, W.-H. 1. 694); Pokorny, IEW 215. For river names usually related to earlier druto- (: *dreu- cto run') see H . d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Premiers Habitants de Γ Europe 2 2 (Paris, 1894), 154.4 ] D R U T A DAG 174 (inscription of Vieil-Evreux, Eure) Line 7 of this inscription is incomplete both on the left and on the right. This part of the text has been interpreted as a mixture of Celtic and L a t i n : ]druta Gisaci ciais Sues[sionis]. See Dictionnaire archeologique de la Gaule, Inscc. gauloises, no. 8 ; 5 Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 133; Holder, AcS 1. 1354; CIL 13. 3204; Rhys, Insc. 3 f., Celtae and Galli 49. With Gisaci compare deo Gisaco in CIL 13. 3197 (also from Vieil-fivreux). 6 E. Desjardins, on the other hand, 7 seems to have taken Drutagisaci as one name. But we may rather have here two forms, Druta and Gisaci, both of which could be interpreted as personal names. 8 In view of the fragmentary state of the inscription we cannot tell how ~\druta should be related to the rest of the text. It may well be the end of a name the beginning of which was lost with the break in the bronze on the left. For names in drut- see s.n. ?Druto above. ? D U G A L a Graufesenque graffiti. I n graffito 41, 1. 1 Hermet read . .daca where Oxe (no. 13) read 1 See Loth, RC 38, 1920-1, 174 ff., RIAContr. dodenta—duus 416. Note also Ir. druth (σ-stem) m. 'professional jester or buffoon, imbecile' {RIAContr., loc. cit.). 2 See G. 390, GPC 1086. See also Ifor Williams, I Ddifyrnfr Amser ([Caernarfon], 1959), 89. Note the incidence of drud in the OW. personal name Drutguas LL 277. 26, MIW. Drutwas TTP, no. 46 (a) (see TTP, pp. 327 ff.), also in MIW. Drudluid BBC 28. 5 (a horse's name; but see G. 391 s.n.). 3 Stokes listed s.v. drouto-, druto- 'traut' the 'Gaulish' names Drusos (Latinized Drusus), comparing LENN Condrusi (DAG 221) and Drusomagus (DAG 15), and PN Drausus Suet. Tib. 3. For drusus, drausus 'patiens, rigidus, contumax?' see PID, it. 340c, vol. 3, p. 18, DAG, it. 207. 4 Whence Holder, AcS 1. 1354, Pokorny, IEW 205, Krahe, Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 324. See further Stokes, Urk. Spr. s.v. dru-; W.-P. 1. 795; Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. .Μ 8, 1957, 233 f.; Krahe, op. cit. 322 ff., UAF 55. s Here there is an indication that there were traces of a letter before the d of ]druta. 6 See also Holder, ^^S* 1. 2023 s.n. Gis-acum, Whatmough, DAG 179 (LN Gisacum), 181 (DN Gisacus). 7 Geographie historique et administrative de la Gaule romaine 2 (Paris, 1878), 497, n. 1. 8 For Gisaci see p. 451 below.
448
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
[ ]duca and Whatmough (DAG 117 (b), 1. 2) ].-duca. In graffito 22, 1. 16 Hermet and Loth read duca where Oxe (no 15) read duci and "Whatmough {DAG 114 (b), 1. i6) duci with the remark that 'there is a slight scratch over the i\ In this second instance the reading of Hermet and Loth is probably incorrect. In the first instance there may be a potter's name as supposed by Hermet and Loth, probably a masculine α-stem nominative.1 We can compare the following PNN: Ducani DAG 156; Ducarias, v. s. CARO-; ?Ducatrici (dat.) CIL 3. 2252; Duccenus (Doc-?) DAG 214; Duccio 244: Duccia 83, \D\uccius CIL 2. 5032, Duccius CIL 7. 243; Ducconia PID xic; Ducenius DAG 83 ;2 Ducia 237; Duciauus 140:3 Ducius 140, 228 fix), 228, Remark; 4 Duco 224; s Sanducca 87 ;6 Suniducus 214; 7 Verducc[ CIL 5. 7956 ; 8 Verduccio (dat.) 5. 7899.° A number of these are doubtless Celtic. Compare perhaps W. dygof'I take, bring, steal': Lat. duco, Goth, tiuhan.10 But this is mere speculation.11 ΕΚΥΛΙΟΣ DAG 63 (inscription of Collias, Gard) VVhatmough read this inscription as follows: €κνλ(,ο\σριον\μαν€\οσαν.
|δοουι>| \ναβοδ\€Βφρατο\ν.
.καν\τ€να
Concerning this text he said 'In line ι ΞΚ (e/c); then I read ΥΛ, the ν not uncertain, but faint and worn, as are all the letters marked with .' I saw the inscription in 1953 and was able to confirm Whatmough's reading.12 It seems unlikely that anything has been lost before 1. 1. 1 Duca is to be distinguished from the form duci which occurs in the graffiti. For duci see Oxe, Β J 130, 1925, 41, 65 ff., Thurneysen, ZCP 16, 1927, 287, GOI 506, Weisgerber, SprFK 199, Pokorny, IEW 181, Whatmough, GrDAG 125. 2 Compare PNN Ducenia PID VUB, XVC and see AcS 1. 1363. 3 Compare PNN Duciavae (dat.) CIL 5. 4881, Dugiava 5. 4883 ( = PID, it. 249), (dat.) 4887. 4 Compare PNN Duci (gen.) CIL 5. 6908, Dugius 5. 4282, 4283, (dat.) 7306. 5 This is PN Duconis (gen.) CIL 13. 8095. See Schmidt, KGP 199, n. 1. 6 See Weisgerber, AHVN 155-6, 1954, 61. 7 See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 267, Schmidt, KGP 198, 274. β See Schmidt, KGP 198, 291. 9 Cf. PN Verduccia PID xvc (Lig.), presumably from the same source. See Schmidt, locc. citt. 10 See Loth, RC20,1899,79; Pedersen, VKG2.4.J4.L (LP 346); Morris-Jones, WG 80; W.-P. 1. 780 f.; W.-H. 1.377; Pokorny, IEW 220; Schmidt, KGP 198 f.; GPC !!29 f.; Fleuriot, DGVB 153. Compare Stokes-Bezzenberger, Urk. Spr. 153 s.v. duk. π In view of Schmidt's note in KGP 199 perhaps we should add that the gloss ΰουκωνί 'dwarf elder* (Diosc), ducone (ps.-Apul.) beside odocos (Marcell.) is not helpful here. Concerning this gloss see Weisgerber, SprFK 199; Whatmough, DAG 158 s.v. odocos (to Whatmough's references add W.-H. 2. 203; Bertoldi, EC 5, JQ50-I, 344; Pokorny, IEW 289; van Tassel Graves, Og. 14, 1962, 623 f., 15, 1963, 103 ff., Andr£, Ldxique des termes de botanique en latin 121, 123, 224). 12 F. Germer-Durand (BE 4, 1884, 253) read lines 1-4 as ξκολίο\σριου\μαν\€υαν. Mowat (BSAF 1884, 266 f.), after Germer-Durand, gave the first letter as e, not ξ.
APPENDIX.
DOUBTFUL
NAMES
449
T h e name is a zo-stem nominative. There is no means of proving its Celticity; for it is completely without etymology. 1 Hardly compare L N Ecolisnenses, Iculisna, Aquil- Angouleme (Charente) DAG 153 2 or P N N such as Ecua 224, Ecum[ Note (xlv) C, Ecusius 136 (see also 182), Egus (w.U. Ecus, Ascus) Caes. BC 3. 59. 1, 79. 6.3 For the suffix -uliosee AcS 3. 24. PEINOYI v. s. ?Λαμι or ϊΛαμιεινουι below. P E S U M A R O DAG 135 (inscription of Lezoux, Puy-de-Dome) T h e inscription, on the back of a statue of Mercury, was read by Rhys 4 as apronios | ieuru · sosi[ | esu[ H e commented that u in line 3 was possibly 0 and thought that there were traces of η or m after the u. Later, assisted by Jullian, 5 he sug gested reading esomaro in line 3· 6 Finally, Whatmough read apr[onios | ieu[ru · s]o[sin | esum[aro with the following comment: O f the letters enclosed in square brackets there are only the merest traces; the letters not so enclosed can with difficulty be made o u t ; the rest, pace Rhys and Jullian, is pure conjecture. I n line 3, hardly esiom[(?).' T h e reading of this form, therefore, is quite doubtful, and the interpretation of the inscription in which it occurs uncertain. But if Rochetin (BE 5, 1885, 188 ff.), who supposed that two lines had been lost before what is now treated as line 1, read €κολιο\σρωυ\μαν\ΙΙΙ/αν. He remarked concerning the ligature at the beginning 'Nous ignorons ce que signifie cette sigle. Allmer [in a letter to Rochetin] croit que ce pourrait etre un Ξ joint indument au Κ par la maladresse du graveur et serait tente d'y voir la derniere lettre d'un nom d'homme . . .' (p. 190). He supposed that κολιοσριου was a form in the genitive containing the name of the spring at the bottom of the valley where the inscription was found. Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 128) commented that the inscription 'seems to begin with the name (E)xcolios' (whence *Ex-kol-io-s AcS 1. 1488, (Ε)ξ-κολιος KGP 175, 213). See also Germer-Durand, Memoires de Vacademie de Nimes 11, 1888 [1889], 55-59; Allmer, RE 2, 1884-9, 404-6, no. 754; Insc. Lang., no. 1509. 1 Stokes (loc. cit., see also Holder, AcS 3. 1255. 46 f. beside 1. 1066. 15 f., 18, 1188. 10, 1488. 42 f.) compared Gaul, colisatum Plin. JVH34. 163 (a kind of vehicle, see DAG 178 s.v.), and Schmidt (KGP 175, 213) interpreted the form as a com pounded name (Ε)ξ-κολως 'der Makellose' (: Ir. col 'incest, lust, sin* which, how ever, probably points to Celtic *kulo-, not *kolo-} see W.-H. 1. 304, 2. 492, GPC639 s.v. cwl1, Fleuriot, DGVB 99). See also Schmidt, Og. 18, 1966, 100. 2 See ^cS 2. 24 f., ΒA 1932-3, 345, 605 ff., Bull, et mem. de la Soc. arch, et histor. de la Charente i960, 97-107 (see REA 64, 1962, 332). 3 See Meusel, Lex. Caes. 1. 1003, id., Tab. coniect. 81; Holder, AcS 1. 1409 f., 4 5 3. 526; Whatmough, DAG 83 (also 182). Insc. 56. Addit. 60 f. 6 Jullian thought he could detect before e another letter, ? c or g.
450
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
the conjectures of Rhys and Jullian are correct there may be in line 3 a name Esumaro or Esomaro.1 Whether the name is personal we cannot tell. Indeed, there may be here simply a fragment of the familiar Gaulish divine name Esus. For only the two letters es have been read with certainty in this line. 2 T h e conjectural form Esumaro or Esomaro could be interpreted per haps with Rhys as an 0-stem dative, 3 a name compounded of esu--{-marus.4 I t could accordingly m e a n 'he who is great on account of Esus' or 'he who is great as Esus'. E T I O N A ILTG
170 (inscription of fitrechy, Cher)
For this inscription v. s. Carantanae (B). If Gravayat's reading and word-division are correct we m a y have here a woman's n a m e (fl-stem nominative?). But there is no means of proving that it is Celtics P F R O N C U L a Graufesenque graffito In graffito 29, 1. 2 Hermet read froncu and suggested in Les Graffites de La Graufesenque, p . 89 that this was for fron[i]cus.6 Loth 7 also read froncu here with the comment ' L a premiere lettre de ce n o m est douteuse, on pourrait penser hfrontu, mais le c est net.' Oxe (no. 35) gave frontu in the text of the graffito with the comment 'Froncu ? Schreibfehler fur Frontu\ See further Bohn, Germania 8, 1924, 22, Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927, 295, Whatmough, DAG 123 I (ii), 1. 1, 1 I am discounting the possibility mentioned by Rhys (Addit. 60) that there is here a name Cesomaro or Gesomaro 'great at spear throwing', 'he who has a great spear', or the like. 2 See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 28, 1907, 209, Vendryes, ReL Celt. 285, n. 1, Duval, EC 8, 1958-9, 51. 3 But there are no certain examples of such datives in -0 in Gaulish inscriptions* * See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. ESUS and MARO-. 5 One could assume that the text begins with Gnato and interpret etiona as the Gaulish conjunction eti 'and' (in La Graufesenque graffiti {DAG 90, 94, 98, 103, 109, 112, 114, 129, et 105, 112), see Thurneysen, ZCP 16, 1927, 287, Loth, RC 41, 1924, 42 f., Pokorny, IEW 344)+PN Ona (cf. PN ?Ovva (B)). But this is an extremely plausible guess which I mention with all reserve. 6 Hermet (see p. 203, no. 55, pi. i n , no. 55) was doubtless wrong in assuming a potter's stamp Fronicus for La Graufesenque. The stamp ofronici points rather to a name Ronicus. See Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 390, no. 199, Whatmough, DAG 132. See further Hermet, La Graufesenque: Texte (Paris, 1934), pp. 296 (wrongly at tributing to Oxe the view that i has been omitted in froncu), 316, 348; Bohn, CIL 13. 10010. 1650; Oswald, Index 127, 267, 387, 416. The form which Aymard (REA 54,1952,98-100; cf. postscript on p. 101) read on a 'poinson-matrice' (gr. A.-A. 11), faute de mieux, as fronici orfronci is extremely doubtful, as Balsan's photograph in REA 54, 1952, pi. ix, no. 11 shows quite clearly. 7 RC 41, 1924, 24, n. 2, also 56.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
451
all favouring the emendation frontu. This emendation is made all the more attractive by the fact that Whatmough read ]ntu in the same graffito (DAG 123 I I (iii), 1. i ) . 1 The name would then be the Gaulish form of the Latin personal name Fronto.2 If Froncu is not an error for Frontu there is nothing to show that it is Celtic. 3 ? ΓΑΡΜΑ DAG 165 (inscription of Lapipe-Sene on Mont-Auxois, Alise-Sainte-Reine, Cote-d'Or) For this fragmentary and difficult inscription see s.n. ?Βφακο (Β). I n line 2 Esperandieu 4 read on four fragments first σβσι, then λαμ,αι, then ιγαρμα, and at the end σ. Rhys 5 read σ€σ[, then ]αλ/χα[ (or ]λα/χα[, or ]λλ/χα[), and then yap/χα. H e claimed that σ beneath ο at the end of line 1 belonged to that line rather than to line 2. Whatmough read line 2 as σεσρ. . λάμα: γαρμα. σ with the comment that before σ at the end there was perhaps κ. Esperandieu suggested that there was here a PN Γαρμανος, while Rhys interpreted Γαρμα as a woman's name. Clearly this is very doubtful. I n any case there is no means of telling whether Γαρμα is Celtic. I t may be incomplete and not a personal n a m e at all. Nothing can be gained from speculation concerning the etymo logy. It is included here merely because it could be counted a Celtic personal name. 6 G I S A C I DAG 174 (inscription of Vieil-fivreux, Eure) For the uncertainty concerning the word-division and interpreta tion of names in line 7 of this inscription see above s.n. ]druta. If there are here two forms ~\druta (or Druta) and Gisaci, we can compare with the latter the divine name Gisaco (dat.) of OIL 13. 3197 (another inscription of Vieil-f/vreux). 7 Note also D N GesacusDAG21% (Amiens), 1
But Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read ~\ciu sc. Malciu (q.v. below) here. Compare PNN Fronto (-u) DAG 87, 89, 140, 152, 156, 214, 224, 237, 244, Note (xxxvi) (d), ILTG 87, 248, 336, Frontaccus 87, Frontiniana 176, Frontinus 244, Frontonius 214. 3 Hardly compare PN Fronia.c[ CIL 13. 450. For forms with/- in Ancient Gaul see especially Whatmough, Celtica 3, 1956, 249 if. See also the odd comment in GrDAG 109, 121. 4 s Pro Alesia 1. 43 if. (pi. xi). Addit. 41 f. 6 Compare perhaps PNN Carmanius DAG 237, Garmo (C-?) 244, Garmullns 214, Carmens, -ae- (or Garm-?) 244, and the coin legend garmanos (car-) DAG 206. Com pare also Ir. gairm *a call, summons, cry', W. Corn. Bret, garm: Gk. γήρυς 'voice', Lat. garrulus 'talkative' (see LP 49, 308 f., W.-H. 1. 583, IEW 352, G. 521 f., Celtica 3, 1956, 198 if., DGVB 173), and the Welsh personal name Gannon G. 522 (for the etymology see Jackson, LHEB 281 beside Williams, Trans* Cymmr, 19467,53). 7 See DAG, Note (xxxv) (p. 523) and it. 181, 2
452
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
LN Gisacam 179,1 and PN Gisaco 244 (Augsburg).2 Rhys3 interpreted Gisaci as a personal name in the genitive, the name of the father of Druta. The form may be personal, but this is quite doubtful in view of our imperfect understanding of the inscription and the fact that a divine name in gisac- is clearly attested in another inscription of Vieil-£vreux and in gesac- in an inscription of Amiens. Further, a number of local names point to earlier gisac-. The etymology of all these names is unknown.4 H I D U A E ILTG 170 (inscription of Etrechy, Cher) For this inscription v. s. Carantanae (B). If Cravayat's word-division and interpretation are correct there is here a personal name Hiduae (gen.). For the ending -ae see s.n. Carantanae. No useful comparison can be made with anything in the record of the names of Ancient Gaul to show whether the form is Celtic, or indeed to show whether it is a personal name at all.5 P I N I A N U U E T I T I U S Father of Mandubracius. He had been king of the Trinovantes in Britain before he was killed by Cassivellaunus Both U (one of the four manuscripts now regarded as primary by Hering) and R show a form inianuuetitius at BG 5. 20. i, 6 whereas V has inianuuetutiis. Moreover, Β (one of the two primary manuscripts of the α class according to Hering) has inlano uitus in the margin here. In early editions of the Commentaries the form is given as imanuentitts,7 although this is not a variant attested in any of the chief manuscripts now used to establish a text. Nipperdey omitted it, but Schneider 1
Whatmough, like Holder, AcS 1. 2023, here presumably regards Gisaci in the inscription of Vieil-fivreux as a local name. Holder and Whatmough mention s.n. Gisacum the modern local name Gisay-la-Coudre (Eure). See further d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 26, 1905, 271, Dauzat, La Toponymie frangaise 271. Concerning the authenticity of CIL 13. 359* {Gisaci, gen.) and 13. 360* (uico Gis[acd], abl.?) see the notice of Besnier, Normannia 1929, 340 in REA 31, 1929, 36. 2 Note also PN Giseda[ ibid. 3 Insc. 3 f. 4 It seems unlikely that there is any connexion with Gaul, gaiso-jgaeso-: IT. gae c a spear, javelin', W. gwaew, etc., for which see Thurneysen, IFAnz. 26, 1910, 25, GO/43, VJ.-H. 1. 575 f., 867, Descroix, REA 47, 1945, 153 ff., Whatmough, DAG 1, Pokorny, IEW 410, Lloyd-Jones, G. 603 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 204. 5 If Λ- is inorganic here (as it appears to be in names such as Haedui, Helvetii, and Hercynid), compare perhaps the potter's name Iducinus listed by Whatmough in DAG 228 (ix) with 'the gravest doubts' concerning the reading (see DAG, p. 1069). 6 Mandubracius . . . cuius pater Inianuuetitius in ea ciuitate regnum obtinuerat interfectusque erat a Cassiuellauno. 7 See, for example, Oberlin's edition of Caesar's works, The Delphin Classics, vol. χ (London, 1819), p. 1097.
APPENDIX.
DOUBTFUL
NAMES
453 1
restored it. H . J . Heller's ingenious but far-fetched explanation that it is a gloss on the name Mandabraciiis is not convincing. Meusel thought that inianmietitius or a similar form was unlikely to be a Celtic name, and suggested that it arose from the writing of in ea ciuitate twice over. With only one exception recent editors 2 of the Commentaries have followed Meusel in omitting the form, and Seel 3 now also recog nizes inianuuetitius or the like as a corrupt 'double' reading which, he claims, is typical of the β class of manuscripts. Klotz alone has failed to follow Meusel here. He retained Inianuuetitius in his text, thinking that there is here a genuine Celtic name. A Gaulish personal name, he said, 4 would not be interpolated. Moreover, Caesar, when he refers to the father of a Gaul, regularly gives his name. This is true of Casticus, Teutomatus, and Vercingetorix.s But Klotz wisely conceded that one should hesitate about the precise form of the name. Here, it seems to me, Klotz's judgement is sound. It is probable that four of the manuscripts (at least two of which are likely to be of primary impor tance) have preserved variant forms of one and the same Celtic personal name. I am not convinced by Meusel's suggestion that these . forms arose from the corrupt 'double' writing of in ea ciuitate. T h e name is probably genuine. But it is quite impossible to determine its correct form from the variants available. Similar forms are fairly hard to find, b u t this consideration alone should certainly not be decisive in emending the form out of existence. O u r knowledge of Continental Celtic personal nomenclature is still very imperfect, and Seel's complaint that we cannot produce a meaningful name here should carry little or no weight. However, one could quite tentatively compare some forms, e.g. the incomplete Inia[ of Limoges, 6 PN Inulani (gen.) of Bonn, 7 and perhaps PNN Ulan- mentioned s.n. [/]λλανουια/<:ο9 (Β). Gaulish lano- is well attested. See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. Also, names in vit{t)-s abound in Ancient Gaul, if not in Britain. 1 Philologies 17, 1861, 281. He would expand i.ma.n.v.e.-tius (or -ntius) as in margine nostri vetens est -tius (vel -ntius), showing that Mandubrantius is a variant of Mandubracius and that this gloss was misunderstood as a proper name which was incorporated in the text by some scribes and suppressed altogether by others. 2 e.g. du Pontet, Rice Holmes, Gonstans, Fuchs, Dorminger. 3 Praefatio xxxiv, Studi in onore di Luigi Castiglioni (Firenze, [i960]), 923. 4 Philologische Wochenschrift 1927, 938, Text, p. i n . s SecBG 1. 3. 4, 7. 31. 5, 7. 4. 1. 6 See Esperandieu, Inscriptions de la Cite' des Lemovices (Paris, 1891) 59. 6 (p. 139), whence AcS 2. 46, DAG 151. 7 CIL 13. 8090. See KGP 227, 229, Og. 12, 1960, 403. 8 e.g. P N N Vittia DAG 83, Vittino, 205, Vittio 214, 224, 244, Vitto 83, * O 8 D , Vittuo DAG 237 (also 244), Vitubena 214, Vitus 83, 228 (iv). Note also L N Vitudurum now Winterthur DAG 241, D N ?Vituus (or Visucuus?) 236. The form uitus 'felloe' (ιϊτυς, avTuf Edict. Diocl. (written βίτος, βιτωτός, etc.) CIL 3, pp. 1920 f. (see Ernault ap. Holder, AcS 3. 412, 4 1 5 ; W.-P. 1. 224f.; DAG 178; W.-H. 2. 8 0 8 ;
454
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
Further, if the β manuscripts showing forms in -vetutus and -vetiihis are at all reliable here, one could compare PNN in vet^t)-,1 at least some of which are likely to be Celtic. We have here, therefore, to recognize an instance, and clearly a troublesome instance, of a name which has been corrupted in the manuscript tradition and corrupted to such an extent, perhaps, that it almost disappeared altogether in the α class of manuscripts and left traces only in four manuscripts—traces which it is now impossible to interpret convincingly. But the form is not significantly more difficult to interpret satisfactorily than several other PNN in the Commentaries which are usually counted Celtic. It should certainly not be dismissed as hopelessly corrupt, or ignored as it has been by most editors of Caesar. I S O S A E ILTG 170 (inscription of £trechy, Cher) For this inscription see s.n. Carantanae (B). If Cravayat's reading and word-division are correct there is here a name Isosae. The precise relationship of the forms in the inscription to each other is not clear. I include the name in this Appendix, although Cravayat suggested that it is the name of a goddess. The form does not occur elsewhere, and there is no means of demonstrating that it is Celtic. For the end ing -ae v. s. Carantanae. No etymology. ? I X U T I O U DAG, Note (lv), p. 1163 (inscription on a ring found inside the Roman camp at Vindonissa) See above s.n. ?Auomio. There is much uncertainty here concerning the word-division. Ixutiou may be a personal name or part of a per sonal name as suggested by Bohn. Perhaps Ixutiou should be taken together with Druto (q.v.). On the other hand it may be an abbreviated form of some other name. There are clear indications that the inscrip tion contains Celtic elements, but whether this form is Celtic we can not tell. Compare perhaps PN ?Ixisoncitis CIL 13. 2731. For the ending -ou see Chapter III (B) (i) (d) dat. sg. ΛΑΔΟΣ DAG 58 (inscription of Cadenet, Vaucluse) Maruejol2 interpreted the inscription as Greek. But Rabiet 3 claimed that it was probably Gaulish, pointing out that Cadenet was in an KGP 298; IEW 1122)) may be Celtic (: W. gwden 'withe, coil', Mllr. fithe 'woven, plaited, fenced', see Loth, RC 40, 1923, 356 f.5 Lloyd-Jones, G. 637). 1 e.g. PNN IVeta DAG 244, Vethonianus 83, Veticus 237, Vetidius 244, Vetius 224, -ia 237, Vettidia CIL 3. 11601, Vettidi\us] AE 1955. 224, Vettius DAG 25, 214, 224, 237, Vettonianus 83, Vettulenus 224, 244, Vetu[, Veturius 244, Vetulenus 214, 244, Vetul(l)ia 83, Vetta CIIC 510, Ilvveto 342 (see Rhys, LWPh 384). 3 MSAF48, 1887, 337 f. * RA 1892, 51 f.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
455
area in which other Gaulish inscriptions written in the Greek alphabet have been found. 1 Hirschfeld 2 remarked that he was uncertain whether it should be counted Celtic. Holder included PN Μζτζλαιος from this text in AcS, but did not mention Λαδος. Dottin did not mention the inscription at all. However, the text m a y well be Celtic and, as Whatmough remarked, funerary rather t h a n votive. It appears t h a t there are here two personal names, Λαδος and Μετελαιος (q.v. below). As for Λ<ώος I know of no comparable forms in Narbonensis. Watkins 3 seems to have treated it as Gaulish, a n d hints at the possibility that PN Lattiiis DAG 83* (hypocoristic ?) is related, with unvoiced geminate beside voiced simplex in Λαδος. Compare also perhaps P N N Lada DAG 224, Ladanus (Lau-Y) 151, and (?)Laddigni CIIC 138.5 ΡΛΑΜΙ or ΛΑΜΙΕΙΝΟΥΙ DAG 68 (inscription of Nimes, Gard) I saw this inscription in 1953 and read at the end (11. 4-5) • Λ Α · I Ml · EINO / VI Μ may be transcribed as either μ or vi> b u t it is most probably the former. In lines 2 and 3 υ is Υ; V in 1. 5, it seems, is also to be tran scribed as v.6 W h a t was taken to be a second t at the end 7 appeared to me to be an accidental scratch. 8 T h e interpuncts are clear, but, as Whatmough suggested, they may not be original. T h e inscription contains the formula δβδβ βρατονδζ and may well be votive rather than funerary. One would expect accordingly to find in it a divine name. Such a name or such names may follow Kavreva in 11. 4 - 5 . Rhys 9 suggested that there were here two names Λαμι and ELVOVL, c a god and his paredra 5 or, better, ca goddess and her son', whereas Holder 1 0 listed from this source a personal name Lamieinu. I include Λαμι (or Λαμιεινονι) in this Appendix because it is just possible that we have to deal with a personal name (or personal names) rather than a divine name (or divine names). There can be no certainty concerning the interpretation. If we have to deal with one name only, i.e. Λαμιεινονι, we probably have here an 0-stem dative in -ui.11 If there are two names, yla/xt and Ewovi, and I think that this is probably the case, the former may be a n 0-stem or an 2-stem dat. sg., the latter either an o-stem dative (nom. *Einos or *Inos) or an o-stem 1
2 See p. 20. CIL 12, p. 137. 3. 3 Lg. 31, 1955, 16. Note also PNN such as Latti DAG 231, Lat(t)o 83, Latto 204, Lattus ΡID xiic, and see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. LATI-. Cf. GrDAG 45, 87. 5 Hardly compare PNN Ladauoni (gen.) CIL 5. 3652 (whence Ladauonia PID viic) and Ladienus CIL 2. 2827, and DN (loin) Ladico (dat.) CIL 2. 2525 (see Blazquez Martinez, RPH 88 f.). 6 It was taken, with u, as a numeral vii by Bertrand, BSAF 1876, 97. 7 See Bertrand, BSAF loc. cit., Whatmough, DAG, loc. cit. 8 See Hirschfeld, CIL 12, p. 833, Rhys, Insc. 36. I0 AcS 2. 130. " See Gray, TPhS 1951, 160. 9 Insc. 37. 4
456
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
genitive (nom. *Einuos or *Inuos??) with the genitive expressing filiation. The etymology of Λαμι is not known. However, compare the fol lowing forms: P N N Corolamus Liv. 33. 36. 4 ; 1 ??/Ια/χα DAG 165, 1. 2 ; 2 Lamadilicci CIIC 8 3 ; Lamatutus (-toutus?) DAG 136; Lamenus, Lamila OPL 76; Land (gen.) CIL 5. 8112. 5 5 ; Lamia DAG 244; ?Lamma 237; Lamus Sil. Ital. 16. 4 7 5 ; Nettalaminacca CIIC 163; L E N N Λάμα Ptol., Lame(n)sis inscc., town of the Vettones in Lusitania AcS 2. 128; Lamaticom CIL 2. 416 (p. 695) ; 3 Lamatis TP, Rav., ?[La]matinos (ace.) insc. AcS 2. 129, DAG 2 4 1 ; *Lameacon [Lamaecum) now Lamego in Portugal AcS 2. 129 f.; Lametii campus now Champlemy (Nievre) AcS 2. 131; Laminitanus Plin., inscc, Λαμίνιον Ptol., Lamini, ~io IA, Lamini Rav., now Fuenllana (Ciudadreal) AcS 2. 130; Lamis Laimnau in Wurttemberg AcS 2. 131; ?Lamizonipada Rav. fl. ZL4G 241 (cf. 221); Verulamium, Ού[€]ρο[υ]λαμιον Ptol., Verolamio IA (also -/amz, -lamo), Virolanium Rav., uer, uerl, uirl, uerlamio num., now St. Albans AcS 3. 250 f., BSRC 49. These names are clearly of multiple origin, and a few (e.g. Lamaticom and Lamizonipada) are probably not Celtic at all. However, some of them may preserve a Gaulish cognate of Ir. lamh 'hand', W. Haw (: Lat. palma).4 Others (e.g. Lamaticom and Verulamium) may point to (?)Lat. lama 'loam, marshy ground'. 5 Rhys 6 compared /la/zt, with O l r . rulaimur gl. audeo and W. llafasu 'to dare'. 7 ELVOVI also is an obscure form. Compare perhaps PN (or LN) Einodegiugo DAG 182. If €t- here represents [i:] compare PNN such as the following: Inoci DAG 156, R e m a r k ; Inoreixs 244; Inua 8 7 ; Inucenus 156; Inulani (gen.) CIL 13. 8090; Indus 83, 156, Remark, 176; Inus 83, 204. Note also .ivovaiS[DAG 75 (έ). 8 Cf. GrDAG 57.
L O U R I L a Graufesenque graffito louri A-A. 2, 1. 3. Albenque 9 compared Lousios and Lousius on other La Graufesenque graffiti,10 also Lou on pottery from Germany. 1 1 As he suggests, Louri 1
2 See Schmidt, KGP 183 f., 228. See p. 451 above s.n. ?Γαρμα. 3 See also DAG *247 (iv), Whatmough, Lg. 29, 1953, 483. 4 See Pedersen, 7A*G 1. 53; Thurneysen, GO I 131; Pokorny, IEW 806; Guyonuarc'h, 0^. 11, 1959, 35 f.; Og. 12, i960, 131 ff. 5 See DAG 240. To Whatmough's references add E.-M. 603; Pokorny, TEW 653; A. Carnoy, Dictionnaire itymologique duproto-indo-europien (Louvain, 1955), 123. 6 Insc. 36 f. 7 For these forms and others which may be related see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 240, Pedersen, VKG 2. 560 f. {LP 376), Loth, RC 32, 1911, 304 f., 39, 1922, 67 f., Pokorny, IEW674, Ogam 12, i960, 134. 8 ]ivouei8[ teste Bonnet {Μέτη. de la soc. arch, de Montpellier, 2 e ser. 9, 1928, 93 ff., also Monspeliensia 1, 1930, 79 ff.) with a form in -ouct interpreted as a dat. sg. and δ interpreted as δ|>δ€]. Cf. Rhys, Addit. 28. I0 9 REA 53, 1951, 76. See below. 11 See Oxe, ΒJ 130, 1925, 90 f., also DAG 151, Remark B, 176.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
457
may be an abbreviation of Louri(ps) or Louri(us). If it is Celtic, Ir. luar i. borb (ACL i, 1900, 270, 313) may be cognate. In any case, compare the following P N N : Leuri (gen.) EE 9. 105, BRAH 36, 1900, 9; 1 Lora (Iora?) DAG 244; Loreia 8 3 ; 2 Lorinus 8 3 ; Lorius 203, 214; Loro[ 237; Luratecus CIIC 480; Lurio DAG 224; Luna 224, -ius 83, 224, 237, 244. For modern French L N N pointing to earlier *Luriacum ( < *Louriacum), a form probably derived from a per sonal name *Lourius, see Holder, AcS 2. 350, Vendryes ap. RE A 53, 1951, 76. Hardly compare luritus (?iur-) in another graffito of La Graufesenque, a graffito which is not a potter's account. 3 L O U S I O S , L O U S I U S L a Graufesenque graffiti ΖΟΚΛΟ* Ζλ4£ 111 (b), 1. 18; lousius DAG 129, 1. 9. T h e one shows a Gaulish nominative ending -ios, the other a Latin ending in -ΰω\ T h e name is entirely without etymology. Whatmough 4 included it in a list of potters' names found in La Graufesenque graffiti which he thought 'must be Keltic'. T h e name may be Celtic, but I can see no way of proving it.
Compare the following n a m e s : P N N Lausic[ DAG 214; Lausus 83, -os 194; Leusius 208; Lousi (gen.) CIL 7. 600, 680, Lousius AE 1953, 136 ; 5 L E N N Leusonna, Leusonnenses, Lousonnenses, -oeusona (?) (or Leusona CIL 12. 2040), lacus Losonne, Lausonna, Lausonius itinn., Lousonna DAG 241 ; 6 Leusaba IA, Lausaba Rav. and Leusinio I A, Leusino TP claimed as Illyrian by Mayer Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 208, 2. 70.7 For a mare's nest of names in λουσ-, lous-, and lus- claimed as Celtic by Scarlat Lambrino, see his paper entitled cLes Lusitaniens' in Euphrosyne 1, 1956, 117 ff.8 ΡΜΑΓΟΥΤΙ DAG 54 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) For this inscription v. s. ? Owa (B). T h e reading in line 1 is extremely uncertain. T h e first letter in line 2 is damaged and is either e or σ. 1 See de Jubainville, RC 21, 1900, 129 (comparing Ir. lour 'enough', for which, however, see Thurneysen, GO I 119, 125, Pedersen, VKG 1. 61), Palomar Lapesa, 2 OPL 77. For PNN Loreia, -eius see also AcS 2. 287. 3 For this form v. s. Ουριττακος (Β). 4 DAG, p. 289. s See also AcS 2. 292. 6 See also N.-L. 26, 28, 30. As to the etymological possibilities see Whatmough, DAG 241, also DAG, it. 158 s.v. lausiae 'flag-stones' (sec Spr. alt. Illyr. 2. 70, Celticum 6, 394) and p. 1204. To his references add Aebischer, Rev. a"hist. Suisse 11, 1931, 265 ff., Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 102 f., Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 13. 7 One could compare a number of other names in los(s)-/lus(s)- (e.g. PNN Losagni CIIC 236; Losetucari(?) DAG 156 (or Etu- or Setu-?); Lossa 202, 208, 244; Lossio Note (xlv) G; Lossius 214; Lusa 136; Luse 237; Αυσέτου 224; Lusia 214, -ius 224, 244; Lusseorianus 244; Lussius 224), but it is doubtful whether any of them are related to the names in lous-jleus- cited above. 8 See RE A 59, 1957, 332, EC 8, 1958-9, 232 f.
4^8
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES 1
Rhys claimed that there was here (in 11. 2-3) a personal name Μαγουτι, which he interpreted as a ώ-stem genitive. This interpreta tion was accepted by Loth, 2 who suggested that the name was a derivative of Gaulish MAGU- (q.v.). But there is no means of telling whether the word-division is correct. W h a t m o u g h recognized Areaayovri (dat., z-stem) here. See GrDAG 57, 85. M A L C I O , M A L G I U L a Graufesenque graffiti malciu DAG 120 {b) v ; malcio 129, 1. 2 ; ~\ciu 91 (i), 1. 9 ; ]lciu 97 (b), 11. 8, 9, I 2 · 3 With this name compare the potter's name Malcio DAG 156, Remark B, and 204 and P N Malcioni (dat.) CIL 3. 2777. It may be Celtic, an η-stem nominative showing both the Latin or Latinized termination -to and the Gaulish -iu. Ernault 4 related it to Ir. malcaim Ί rot 5 . Concerning this alleged Irish form 5 see Strachan, IF 2, 1893, 370, Stokes-Bezzenberger, Urk. Spr. 203, Pedersen, VKG 1. 130, W.-H. 1. 508, Pokorny, IEW 719. M A L S O La Graufesenque graffito
maboDAGu^ib),^*· Hermet 6 suggested that this name is Celtic. I can see no way of defending this view. However, compare P N Malsonis (gen.) in a Latin inscription of Steiermark {CIL 3. 5698). 7 The name at La Grau fesenque, therefore, may be an τζ-stem nominative in -0. ΜΕΔΑ[ DAG, Note (xxxii) (£), p . 510 (inscription of Alise-SainteReine, Cote-dOr) For this text see above s.n. Apaye[. I t is suggested in CIL 13. 10026. 24 that this is for Λί€δα[/χου?].8 Lejay, on the other hand, 9 suggested reading MeSa[rt]. But the name, if indeed it is a name, may be complete as it stands. Compare the following P N N : Meda DAG 140; Medalus 244; 10 Medamus CIL 2. 774, 2402, 2520, 4980, 5594, OPL 85, 1 Addit. 10.
3 REA 20, 1918, 39· 3 For ]ciu in graffito H. 29, 1. 6 see p. 451, η. ι above. 4 Teste Holder, AcS 2. 394. s Only malcad m. 'rotting, putrefying?' is listed in RIAContr., M. 50 (after O'Reilly, An Irish-English Dictionary (Dublin, 1817) and Hibernica Minora, ed. K. Meyer (Oxford, 1894), 66, para. 9). 6 See Hermet, p. 317· 7 See Holder, AcS 2. 399 s.n. β See de Villefosse, MSAF, 7e ser., 4, 1905, 256 fF., Whatmough, DAG 244. 9 p. Lejay, Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), no. 27. See also Holder, AcS 2. 493, Whatmough, DAG 182. 10 Compare Medalo CIIC 279?
A P P E N D I X . DOUBTFUL NAMES
459
DAG 224, -a CIL 5. 980 ( = 1766 add.), 1428, (?) 2. 9 1 1 ; M[e\danica (f.) CIL 2. 2955. Further speculation concerning such a doubtful form would be worthless. Μ Ε Τ Ε Λ Α Ι Ο Σ DAG 58 (inscription of Cadenet, Vaucluse) There is some doubt concerning the reading of the fifth letter (λ or δ) l in this form. I know of no comparable names in Narbonensis. However, compare the following P N N : Metelui (dat. sg. m.) and Meielikna (nom. sg. f.) in the Lepontic insc. on the Carcegna vase PID 3 2 1 ; Metela PID x v c ; Metelia PID xic, x i x c ; Metella viic, xic, xixc, xxiiic a d d . ; Meteilia PID xvc, xxiiiB. Note also P N N Metiiia DAG 182, PID viiB, xxiiiB, -ius DAG 182, 244, PID xiic, Metilianus PID xiic, Metillius DAG 237. Μζτζλαιος is doubtless a personal n a m e (gentile?), b u t as with P N Λα8ος (q.v.) which follows it its Celticity is doubtful. 2 M O M M U , M O M O L a Graufesenque graffiti mommu DAG 115 Ι (Λ), 1. i 6 ; momo 129, 1. 5. I follow H e r m e t in listing these forms together. T h e y are probably one and the same name. Mommu\Mom{m)o (rc-stem) is a well attested potter's n a m e of L a Graufesenque. 3 T h e forms in the graffiti are 1 C. A. Roland's account in Cadenet historique 1, 1837, 261 (whence Sagnier, Mem. de Vacad. de Vaucluse 3, 1884, 26, Rabiet, MSAF 48, 1887, 337 f., no. 5, CIL 12, p. 137. 3) suggests that it was λ. But Sallier {teste de Villeneuve, Statistique du departement des Bouches-du-Rhone, vol. 2, Marseille, 1824, 235) gave δ here. As for the seventh letter Whatmough {DAG 58) remarked that τ is a possible reading for t. It should also be noted that Allmer {Mem. de Vacad. de Vaucluse 4, 1885, 112, n. 3) thought that the sixth letter was miscopied as a. It should be λ, and the name we should recognize here accordingly would be MercAAios, not MereXaios. Unfor tunately the monument on which this text was attested has been lost or de stroyed. ^ 2 Rhys {Cis. 57) claimed that names like Metelui, Metelikna, and Metela were Celtic, and thought that they contained the same root as that seen in W. medi 'to reap', Br. midi, medi, W. medel 'a reaping, a reaping-party', OCorn. midil gl. messor, Mllr. meithel, cognate with Lat. meto Ί reap' (see W.-H. 2. 83, Williams and Jones, BBCS 13, 1950, 23 ff., IEW 703, LEIA M-45). Whatmough in PID, vol. 3, p. 30 f. s.n. Metelui compared not only PNN Metela and Metilius (Lat. ?) but also Lat. Metellus (see Schulze 188, 293), Gaulish Medillus (see Chapter I I (B) s.n. Μεθθιλος), and Lep. Maesilalui (dat.) PID 321 (see Rhys, Cis. 57 f., Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p. 29). See also Untermann, VP 158 f. For a bold attempt to recognize another Celtic root met- {: Ir. methas, -us m. 'frontier, boundary' RIAContr., M. .119, see Urk. Spr. 205, IEW 709, LEIA M-45) in Continental forms see Corominas in Romanica, Festschriftfur GerhardRohlfs (Halle, 1958), 111. MaruejoPs attempt {RA 1892, 51 f.) to prove that MereXaLos is Greek is not convincing. 3 See J. Dechelette, Les Vases ceramiques orne's de la Gaule romaine 1 (Paris, 1904) 86 f., 287 f.; Atkinson, JRS 4, 1914, 31 f.; Hermet, pp. xiv, 204 (no. 106), 227 ft., .PL 112 (no. 106); Bohn, CIL 13. 10010, 1374; Oxe, ΒJ 130, 1925, 92, 140-1, !936, 388 (no. 159), 394 (nos. a. 18, b. 10); Whatmough, DAG 132.
46θ
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
doubtless nominative, which is usual in South Gaul.1 Hermet2 claimed the name as Celtic. This may be correct, but I can think of no reason able etymology to support this view. Perhaps it is an abbreviated, hypocoristic name. Compare PN ?Mommo DAG 2143 and the following PNN: Mometus DAG 182, Momilus 136, Mominto, Μώμορος 182, Momma, Mommeius, Mommius,4 Momns, Μωμω 244, ?Mommolenus 156 (also 237). M O R E T O C L A T O S L a Graufesenque graffito moretoclatos DAG 98 (b), Ι. η. Loth5 regarded this form as a cnom hurnoristique d'esclave'. Ke thought that the first element moreto- was probably the Latin moretum 'a country dish composed of herbs, oil, cheese, wine, etc.', the etymo logy of which is uncertain,6 and hinted at the possibility that the name was for Moreto-c(a)lathos (a Latin/Greek hybrid). But Weisgerber7 and Hermet, 8 also treating the form as a potter's name, claimed that it might be Celtic. See also Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927, 301, n. 2, Schmidt, KGP 245. Whatmough, on the other hand, 9 may well have been right in suggesting that the form is probably not a potter's name at all (see now GrDAG 115, 121). If it is a potter's name, and if it is Celtic, its origin is as yet altogether obscure. MUCURUS DAG 225 (inscription of Mainz) For this inscription v. s. Nettas (B). The doubtful character following the sixth letter in line 2 is hardly an interpunct or ornament, as suggested by Bohn. I think we must read it as s. Korber's drawing, reproduced by Bohn, does suggest that it may be e rather than s.10 But e is 11 in line 1 not 8. Both Nettas and Mucurus may be genitive, the second rather than the first expressing filiation. A reading Mucuriis could be inter preted as a Gaulish (or Latin or Latinized?) w-stem genitive in -us. Compare especially the local name Pennolacus Rav., beside Pennolucos 7P, Pennelocos I A (AcS 2. 965), which has been explained as a 1 It is noteworthy that a number of the stamps show a form which appears to be a genitive Momi pointing to a nominative *Momus. 2
p. W-
3 SeeCIL 13.4135· 4 Rede Mommas, See CIL 3. 5523. Cf. PN Mommius AE 1951. 194. s RC41, 1924» 56· 6 See W.-H. 2. 112, E.-M. 736, J. Andre, VAlimentation et la cuisine a Rome (Paris, 1961), 158. 7 SprFK 205. 8 Seep. 317. 9 DAG, p. 290. See also Οχέ, ΒJ 130, 1925, 75. 10 In any case Rhys's suggestion that an e here could be an abbreviation for Gaul, elnigenos) or e(nignos) 'son' is not convincing.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
461
compound of Gaul, pernio- 'head' and the gen. sg. of the w-stem *locu'lake'.i I can see no way of proving the Celticity of Mucurus. Comparable forms are hard to find. Compare, however, the local name Muccurum, now Makar, claimed as Illyrian by Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 234, 2. 80, and related by him to a stem *mukura- 'SchlupfwinkeP (: IE. *meukh'hineinschlupfeln', seen in Gk. μυχός c nook, corner', etc.). 2 Compare also perhaps Og. Mocumiti CIIC 240. 3 ] Ν Α Κ Ν Ο Σ DAG Vaucluse)
47
(inscription
of
Saint-Martin-de-Castillon,
Allmer, after Garcin, 4 and Deloye 5 read ]ναρνος in line 2. Deloye attempted to explain the whole inscription as Greek, and claimed that it was funerary rather than votive. Hirschfeld 6 also read ]ναρνος, b u t Rhys 7 read ]νακνος, perhaps [λα]νακνος or [μα]νακνος with ligatured av. Whatmough read ~\νακνοσ[ with the comment c . . . / c has been c 'emended" into fc\ T h e form is probably incomplete. It may be part of a Celtic personal name, an 0-stem nominative in ~ος showing the familar patronymic suffix -CNO- (q.v.). ] Ν ΑΛΙ Α ΚΟΣ DAG 56 (inscription of Notre-Dame-du-Grozeau, nr. Malaucene, Vaucluse) Allmer, teste Rochetin, 8 read ]ναλ(,ακος in line 2. Rochetin himself9 preferred to read]AAiA/cos\ Ernault 1 0 and Rhys 11 thought that there was here a form ]ιλλυακος. Dottin (no. 2) gave ]AAta/cos. But Sautel 12 again read ]ναλιακος, and Whatmough read . .^αλιακρσ.13 1
See Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927, 289, GO I 51, 197; Weisgerber, SprFK 207, 218, Rh. V. 13, 1939, 46 f.; Pokorny, Urg. 156 f., IEW 653; Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 52 ff.; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 51 s.n. Ebrudunum, 55, 56, HSCP 60, 1951, 181, Og. 5, 1953, 65 f. ^ See IEW 745. 3 For Lat. Mucius and Mucianus see Schulze 194 f., and for Thracian names in μουκα-, muca-, μόκα-, μοκκα- see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 312 ff. ♦ RE 1, 1878-83, 333, no. 370. 6 CIL 12, p. 822. s BE 6, 1886, 69 if. 7 Addit. 16 f. (whence Dottin, no. 17). Cf. Rhys, Insc. 22 f. 8 BE 5, 1885, 199. 9 Op. cit. 202 f. See also Hirschfeld, CIL 12, p. 824, de Villefosse, BSAF 1884, 187 ff., 297 ff. 10 RC 7, 1886, 104 ff. Cf. id., Bull, de la Faculte des Lettres de Poitiers 1885 [1886], 86 ff. (reading]tAAta/ieo[s]). See also id., BB 11, 1886, 127, no. 12. " Insc. 27 ff. 12 See J. Sautel, Vaison dans VantiquitS 2 (Avignon, 1926), p. 3, no. 1, 3 (Lyon, 1926), plates i-ii. 13 His commentary reads as follows: '. . . before a worn α (A?), an upright, possibly t, more likely v, not λ. There are faint traces of the slanting stroke before it. The second α was left incomplete, A (for A ) ; οσ are crowded in at the end of the line, ο (worn) is certain, σ altogether doubtful.9
462
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
This form also is probably incomplete. Whatmough's transcript suggests that two letters have been lost before the v. We have here no doubt part of a personal name QVCLXLOLKOS or (?)]iaAia/cos·), an o-stem nominative in -os showing the ending -ta/cos·.1 Compare especially the names ?[Γ\λλανουιακος (Β) and Ιονγιλλιακος (Β). N E R T E C O M A i?&4 58, 1956, 71-82 (inscription of the source of the Seine, Cote-d'Or) . For this inscription v. s. Areos (B). For the doubt concerning the reading in line 5, v. s. Luceo (B). The reading nertecoma adopted by Lejeune seems preferable to the alternative nertecoma.2 Lejeune as sumed that there is here only one form and that this form is a personal name. Following Luceo (ace. ?) one would perhaps expect to find the father's name, either in the genitive expressing filiation or with a patronymic suffix. Nertecoma shows neither of these features. Analysis of the form is difficult. Nert- is probably to be related to the familiar Gaulish NERTO- (q.v.). But there are no other instances of nerte-. Perhaps nerteco- arose from nertoco- by assimilation of the vowels of the first two syllables. Alternatively nert- may be followed by an affix -eco~.3 Lejeune is tempted to suggest that the form is an abbreviation, that the last word in the inscription had to be left incomplete owing to lack of space at the end of the last line of the text.4 He claimed it could be expanded as Nertecoma[rx) (gen.) {Nerte-co-ma(ri) or Nert-ecoma(ri) ?) or Nertecomaireon) (ace.) or the like. Owing to the doubt concerning the interpretation of what comes after nert- the form is relegated to this Appendix of 'doubtful' names. 0 Ν Ε Ρ Ε Σ Τ. DAG 48 (inscription of Saint-Saturnin-d'Apt, Vaucluse) For this difficult text see Chapter II (B) s.n. Ουαλικιο and this Appendix s.n. Αιουνιαι. The view expressed by de Villefosse and Esperandieu that lines 2-3 contain one form only is hardly acceptable. Rhys 5 pointed out that a letter has been lost at the end of line 2, and identified in that line a personal name Ovepear.. He would restore the form as Ον€ρ<-στ[ϊ\ and interpret it as an o-stem genitive in -z, an instance of the genitive expressing filiation after Ουαλικιο. This is a reasonable suggestion, but unfortunately there is no trace of the 1
It follows another personal name in line i, a name ending perhaps in ]λους (i/-stem nom. ?). 2 With nertecoma compare perhaps PNN such as Vertecillus and Vertecissa DAG 136 (not -tic-), 151, Remark B, and Vertico 83 (see Chapter II (B) s.n.), 3 See AcS 1. 1404, 1405. 4 Compare PN Nantonicn (A) ? Perhaps the broad ΛΛΛ ma (conjoint) at the end tell against the view that we have here an abbreviated form. 5 Insc. 19 f.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
463
letter that is lacking, and there is no guarantee that Rhys's restoration is correct. However, Rhys was probably right in claiming that there is here a Celtic personal name. It may be compounded ove-pear-. For ρζστ- see s.v. RET(T)~. ove- is obscure. But see s.n. ?Owa (B). P O L O S La Graufesenque graffito polos DAG 99 (i), 1. 2. This form was claimed as a potter's name and a Celtic name by Hermet. 1 Loth also 2 treated it as a potter's name, and compared P N (Teponia) Poloita in an inscription of Sens. 3 But Fraser 4 suggested that it might be the Gk. πώλος ca foal, young horse'. 5 This may well be correct, as other potters' names in the graffiti have been explained as Greek. See this Appendix s.nn. \C~\elaios and Sum(m)aco(s), Chapter I I (B) s.n. Coros. At the same time it should be noted that Whatmough lists Pol(l)io, -ius among potters' names of La Graufesenque (DAG 132). 6 In any case it seems unlikely that Polos is to be explained as Celtic. But compare other names mpolfj)- such as the following: Pola DAG 244; Pol{l) ia PID XIB ; Polianus DAG 228 (iv); Polinus, Politta, Pollia, -ius, Pollianus, Pollinus 244; Polla 205, 224; Πωλλΐνα 237; Pol(l)io 182, 228 (iv); Pollionia 237; ?Pollus 83. None of these are necessarily cognate with Polos at La Graufesenque, and none can be shown to be Celtic. For P N N Pola and Polla claimed as Illyrian see Krahe, PNLex. 96, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 277, 2. 90, and for Messapic forms inpoliiy see Parlangeli, SM 352 f. ] Π Ο Ρ Ε Ι Ξ ΑΕ 1954, no. 105 (inscription of Calissanne, Bouches-duRhone) For this inscription see s.n. Ιουγιλλιακος (Β). Duval's suggestion that ]πορ€ίξ at the beginning is incomplete and that one letter, possibly c, should be restored before π, where the stone is broken, is convincing. With the form restored as \Ε\πορ€ΐξ compare the names Άτ€πόρίγι} Ατ€πορ€ίγος, ?[Ate]porix, and Ateporico listed s.v. ATE-. See also Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Apetemari. A form \Ε\πορζιξ could be inter preted as a P N in the nominative, subject of 8e8e and a tatpurusa compound of substantive+substantive meaning 'king of horses, lord of horses' or, if -ραξ here has an adjectival meaning (z;. s. REG-), 'rich in horses' or the like. Κ Ο Υ Α Δ Ρ Ο Υ Ν Ι Α DAG 26 (inscription of Ventabren, Bouches-duRhone) T h e correct reading in line 2 is κουα8ροννια as given by H. de 1
2 p. 31?· -KC^1* 1924, 53*56. 4 3 See AcS 2. 1030, whence DAG 182. RC 42, 1925, 95. 5 For an example of a Greek personal name Πώλος see Bechtel 586. 6 See Oswald, Index 242, Hermet, pp. 208, 258.
464
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
Gerin-Ricard and Arnaud Dagnel. 1 D'Arbois de Jubainville 2 claimed that κοναδρουνια, on account of the initial κου- /kw-/, was Ligurian corresponding to Latin Petronia3 of U m b r i a n origin. 4 Gaulish forms for the numeral '4' with initial p- from the IE. labio-velar ku are, of course, well known. 5 Note, for example, the form petru- (petro·) in P N N Petrucidins CIL 2. 4967. 1, tPetrosidius {-usi-) AcS 2. 977, 6 Petrucilus DAG 244, Petrusonia 83, EN Petrucorii now Perigueux DAG 153, L N Petromantahim I A (Petrum .uiaco TP) DAG 1 79? 7 petrudecameto CIL 13. 2494.8 T h e form is no doubt a personal name, a ώ-stern nominative to be interpreted perhaps as a patronymic after the clearly Celtic com pounded PN Oveviroovra which precedes it. W e cannot say whether it belongs to Celtic. It would be risky to affix a linguistic label to such a form as this. It is included here because it may be Celtic in spite of the initial /kw/. I n Orbis 1, 1952, 433, in a brief description of the dialectal features of Narbonensis, W h a t m o u g h suggested that /kw/ in Kovahpowia 'may be explained as due to non-Keltic influence'. H e compared the Latin name Quadronia.9 Similar forms from Ancient Gaul are hard to find. Note perhaps the Latin personal name Quadratus DAG 156, [Qujadratus AE 1954, 33, also L N ?Quadriburgium 1
CRAI 1903, 58 ff. See also cTArbois de Jubainville, ibid. 108 ff. There is an error in the transcript of line 2 as κουαδρονια by Dottin and Whatmough. I wish to thank M. F. Benoit for sending me an excellent photograph of this inscription. 2 I.e. See also id., RC 24, 1903, 119, 167, Bonfante, Emerita 2, 1934, 100. 3 For examples of PNN Petronaeus, Petronia, -ins, etc., see Schulze 209, 319 f., PID, vol. 3, pp. 98, 130, DAG 87, 156, 244, AE 1957, 127, 218, N.-L. 71, 198. 4 For Umbrianpetrunia-per Tab. Iguv. ii a, 21, 35 (mis-spelled -pert), see E. Vetter, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte (Heidelberg, 1953) ad loc, J. W. Poultney, The Bronze Tablets qflguvium (Amer. Philol. Assoc, 1959), para. 105 d, n. 2, A. Ernout, Le Dialecte ombrien (Paris, 1961) 66. See also Vetter, op. cit. for Umbr. ptrnio (para. 234), Paelign.-Lat. ptruna (para. 215 q), and Fal. petrunes (para. 322 c). For Etruscan petruna see G. Devoto, Studi Etruschi 3, 1929, 278 f., Tabulae Iguvinae2 (Roma, 1940), para. 196, Gli antichi Italici2 (Firenze, 1951), 97 f., i77f. s See in general W.-P. 1. 512, W.-H. 2. 394 ff., 400 f., IEW 642 ff., O. Szemerenyi, Studies in the Indo-European System of Numerals (Heidelberg, i960), 10, 15 ff. See also Albertos Firmat, Emerita 28, i960, 304. 6 See also Schmidt, KGP 255, 268. 7 See s.n. Catamantaloedis (A). 8 See Loth, CRAI 1909, 23 ff., Lewis, BBCS 5, 1931, 94. Compare Hertz ap. Schmidt, KGP 255, n. 1. Note also the glosses petraria 'framea' DAG 178 and petorritum 'a four-wheeled waggon or carriage' PID 340B (see VKG 1. 176, 2. 129, Meringer, KZ 40, 1907, 220, W.-H. 2. 298, IEW 643, also p. 249 above). For petrones 'rustici' (Fest.), petrullus (Varro ap. Non.), petro ca fat ram' (Plaut.), etc., see Hernando Balmori, EC 4, 1948, 50 f. 9 See R. S. Conway, The Italic Dialects, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1897), it. xxxviiic (p. 349). See also GrDAG 36, 58, 87.
A P P E N D I X . DOUBTFUL NAMES
4·65
1
Qualberg DAG 221, LN and DN Qiiadruuiae (-riii-, -rim-, etc.) DAG 2 2 1 , 2 2 3 , 236, 243.2
Q U T O S La Graufesenque graffito qutos DAG 115 I (a), 1. 14. A potter's name? Compare, however, GrDAG 115, 125. It has been suggested 3 that it is a form of the Latin 4 n a m e Quintus, a form which is attested as a potter's name at this site. 5 More satisfactory perhaps would be comparison with the month-name Qutio(s)l&itio(s) in the Calendar of Coligny. 6 But this name itself, showing the alterna tion qjc, is a puzzle. 7 For instances of names in cut it)- (e.g. PNN Cutaius, n«,*~~>:«.<> c«,+ (*\:~ η..*;*.ι~ η~.+:..~ Γ*..*;Ί:«.Λ „ 0 0 υ . υ
α
-
Λ„Ο ,
,~rpc
Detschew, Tkr. Spr. 265. Compare also perhaps cucutium 'head-dress, h o o d ; praeputium' DAG 178 (s.v. cucullus)s and carracutium 'twowheeled carriage with high wheels' SprFK 196, W.-H. 1. 173. ΡΙΟΥΜΑΝΕΟΣ DAG 63 (inscription of Collias, Gard) For this inscription see above s.n. Εκυλιος. T h e name Ριουμανζος, following PN Εκυλιος, seems to be a patronymic in -eos meaning 'son of *Ρωνμανος\ a w-stem nominative. It may be a compounded name, but the interpretation is not clear. If we have here an element ριου-, this may represent either [riw-] or [riow-], hardly [riu-]. 9 Rhys 10 1
See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 282, Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 36. Compare LN Petromantalum above. Hardly compare the fragmentary PN Quad[ of CIL 13. 11313 (see DAG, it. 208D and p. 752) and PN Quadus DAG 139 beside the ethnic name Quadi DAG 241 (a German tribe of the Suebi, see Schonfeld 181 f., Kaspers, PBB (Halle) 80, 1958, 405 f.). 3 See Hermet, Grqffites 89, Hermet 205. Compare Loth, RC 41, 1924, 56. 4 Weisgerber suggested (Rh. V. 18, 1953, 262) that PN Quintus (see DAG 237; note also PNN in qui(n)t- such as Quintianus, Quinto, Quito 237, Quintio, Quita 244) may occasionally point to Celtic CINTU- 'first'. 5 See Hermet, p. 205 (no. 136 a), Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 390 (no. 194), DAG 132. 6 See DAG 227. ii. 57, 73, 74, 82, 83, 84; viii. 82, 83, 84, 89, 97; ix. 28, 29, 33. 45; xi. 121; xii. 18, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26; xv. 18, 19, 20, 25, 33. 7 For discussion of this name, all of which is inconclusive and some quite far fetched, see de Ricci, RC 19, 1898, 218521, 1900, 16 f.; Rhys, Celtae and Galli 28 f.; E. W. B. Nicholson, Celtic Researches (London, 1904) 123 f.; de Jubainville, RC 27, 1906, 107; Thurneysen, ZCP 2, 1899, 534; MacNeill, £riu 10, 1926-8, 35; Pinault, Og. 14, 1962, 147 η0., Duval, EC 11/1, 1964-5, 11 f., CRAI 1966, 272. 8 See also Whatmough, Orbis 1, 1952,431, CPh.tf, 1952, i n , Og. 5, 1953, 65 f. 9 There can be no question of the incidence of an element no- here, a form attested in a number of PNN such as Riocenus DAG 151, Remark Β (see also 156, Remark B), Riochatus Sid. Apoll. ep. 9. 9. 6, Riomarus DAG 132, 151, Remark B, Riomonus 203, 214, Riotalus AcS 2. 1711, ?Riouercus DAG 83, and sometimes explained as a later form of Gaulish rigo- (: REG- q.v.). See, for example, Holder, AcS 2. 1191, Dottin, p. 65, Loth, RC 39, 1922, 50, Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 290, Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 226, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 17, Jackson, LHEB 457. Schmidt (KGP 259), prompted by the entry s.v. *ri-io- in AcS 2. 1189, was tempted to relate rio- in names such as those quoted above (including PN Ριου-μαν(ος) [sL·]) to W. I0 rhjdd 'free' (IEW 844). Cf. Pinault, Og. 13, 1961, 455. Insc. 40 f. 2
466
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
suggested tha.tpt,ov- is to be identified with the obscure forms riuo (DAG 227. ii. 5) and deuoriuo or deuo riuo (read dequuorvuo by Whatmough, DAG 227. ii. 14)1 in the Calendar of Coligny. 2 But this is guesswork. Schmidt 3 suggested that this name, and others such as PNN Ariomaniis DAG 244, Catamanus ECMW 13, Comanus DAG 83, EN Cenomanni 179, and DN Segomanna 82, 4 contained an element cognate with Lat. mdnus 'good', 5 with which Loth 6 sought to equate M1W. mawn- 'good, favourable'(?) in mawnwynt MA 438 and Ir. mon~ in mon-genar ACL 2. 415, no. 1240 (O'Davoren's Glossary). But this is extremely uncertain, not only because of the doubt concerning Loth's interpretation of the Welsh and Irish forms but also because some of these names can be explained by reference to other forms, e.g. to the name element MANDU- (q.v.). 7 Account should be taken perhaps of μανιακής 'the torques of Gallic warriors' PID 340D.8 W h a t m o u g h (GrDAG 20, 50) sees a palatalized r- in Ριουμανεος ('i.e. Rum-, Rom·'?). R U T E N I C A CRAI 1956, 180 f., fig. 3 (inscription of Banassac, Lozere) T h e inscription is on a vase discovered by Dr. C. Morel at Banassac in 1953. Vendryes, after Marichal, gave the following reading: lebi rutenica onobia | tiedi ulano celicnu The only form which is readily identifiable as a name (ethnic or personal?) is Rutenica. As Vendryes remarked, 9 it appears to be a derivative of the ethnic n a m e Ruteni (-aini, -aeni), Ψουταινοί (-ανοί), etc. Rodez, le Rouergue DAG 148. Compare P N Rutenus DAG 136 w i t h R e m a r k i (b) and (c), and the very doubtful RuteniCIIC 232. Itis Vendryes again who has pointed out 10 that there is no way of proving the Celticity of a name such as that of the Ruteni. Perhaps we should note t h a t Pokorny 11 related Brit. Rutupis Rav. ΓΡουτούπιαι Ptol, Rutupias A m m . M a r c , etc. now Richborough 1 2 * s
Compare now Duval, EC 10, 1962-3, 32 (also 24, fig. 5) (REA 65, 1963, 364). See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. DEVO-. 3 KGP 236. Compare also perhaps PN ?Σζγομανικος (A). See W.-H. 2.26 ft, IEW 693. 6 RC 37, 1917-19, 314 f· See also SprFK 204, BBCS 21, 1966, 41. 7 This element is itself perhaps of multiple origin. Compare Schnetz's inter pretation (Glotta 16, 1928, 127 ff.) of the second element of PN Ariomanus (for refer ences concerning this form see s.v. ARIO-). Dottin's mano-: OBret. -man 'homme' (p. 269, presumably after Rhys, LWPh2 305, Loth, Chr. bret. 150) is fantastic. β See VKG 1. 33, SprFK 204, IEW 747, LEIA M-72. β CRAI 1956, 180. 10 See Recueil de travaux offerts a M. Clovis Brunei, vol. 2, 643. The etymology men tioned by A. Albenque in Les Rutenes (Rodez, 1948), 24, suggesting that Ruteni is a Celtic name meaning *les blonds' (: Germ, rot) on account of Lucan, Pharsalia 1. 402 soluunturflauilonga statione Ruteni, is not convincing. 11 Urg. 130, VR 10, 1948-9, 229.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
467
BSRC 44), (?)Lig. Rulanus (PID xvic), Rutuba fl. {PID XUIA), 1 and certain Venetic PNN in rut- to Skt. rata- 'to batter', Gk. €ρνσί~χθων 'turning up the earth', Lat. ruo, etc. 2 But Sir Ifor Williams 3 related rut- in Ratupis Rav. to W. rhwd now meaning 'rust', earlier meaning 'filth', 4 and compared the river n a m e Rutuba. S A Q A N O L I DAG 229 (graffito of Blickweiler) Like other names in this graffito 5 Saqanoli appears to be a genitive in -i. Bohn 6 and Loth 7 both claimed the name as Celtic, comparing PN Saqua CIL 2. 2487 ( = £"£'4, p . 16). See also Whatmough, Og. 5, 1953, 66. However, it is perhaps unwise to attach a definite label of this kind to the name. We could compare names in sap (J))- such as the following: P N N Sapalonis (gen.) DAG 83, 8 7 ; Sapaudus, Sapauidus 83 ; 8 Sapidius 244; ?Sapito 228 (ix); Sapo 214; Sappiena 182; Sappius 8 3 ; Sappo 237; Sappossa 182 ; 9 Sappulo (or -us), -a 2O8B, 1 0 214; L N N Saponaria uicus, Sauonariae portus now Savonieres 179; Saponis a western isle BSRC 45. But in interpreting some of these names account must perhaps be taken of forms such as sapa 'must, syrup' DAG 220 (see also p. 1375), σαττανα a variety of anagallis (Diosc.) DAG I78, 1 1 sapo 'a bleach for the hair, soap5 DAG 220, 11 and sappinus 'pine-tree' DAG 79. 12 S E B O D D U i ) ^ G i 7 4 (inscription of Vieil-Evreux, Eure) Concerning this fragmentary inscription see s.n. Caraditonu (B). Seboddu may well be a personal name, but the case and gender of the form and its relationship to the rest of the inscription cannot be deter mined. 13 I t is probably Celtic. Rhys 1 4 rightly compared PN Sebosus and 1
2 Cf. Untermann, VP 164. See W.-P. 2. 351 if., IEW 868 ff. BSRC, loc. cit. For other attempts to interpret this name see Jackson, LHEB 661 f. Cf. Pokorny, Z^P 27, 1958-9, 317. 4 For W. rhwd see Morris-Jones, WG 135; Loth, RC 36, 1915-16, 137 f.; Ifor Williams, ELI 46; Thomas Parry, Gwaith Dafydd ap Gwilym (Caerdydd, 1952), 464; Meid, IF 65, i960, 38, n. 9 (cf. Pokorny, ibid. 263). 5 See s.nn. Lituvi (B) and Carletisoni (App.). 6 7 Germania 7, 1923, 65. CRAI1924, 68. 8 Compare LN Sapaudia now Savoie DAG 15 and see references quoted s.v. AUD- (p. 147 above). 9 See Duval, Insc. Par., no. 28. 10 See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 325, 329. 11 See Andre, EC 7, I955~6, 34 8 "55 {REA 60, 1958, 355, 360 f.). 12 This form may be Gaulish, or at least Gallo-Latin, and may point to pro toCeltic *sakVo-, See SprFK 208, DAG, loc. cit., W.-H. 2. 473. 13 Rhys (Celtae and Galli 49) treated it as a feminine Celtic name. See also Holder, AcS 2. 1421, Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 245. In Insc. 3, on the other hand, Rhys suggested that it was a masculine o-stem dative. See also Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 134. Dottin (p. 115, see also Falkner, op. cit. 45) listed it as an η-stem nominative. 14 Insc. 3. See also Vendryes, loc. cit. 3
4 68
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
ala Sebosiana (-ussi-) AcS 2. 1421 f. (also DAG 224, 237). l Compare also perhaps some other names in seb- such as the following: P N Sebbaudus DAG 151, Remark A ; L E N N (?)Sebagini 10; Sebatum 2 4 1 ; Sebuini uicani PID IXB. In Celtica 3, 1956, 253, η. 1 2 Whatmough hints at the possibility that Seboddu may be connected with forms in seg-, in view of variants such as Sebusiani and Segusiani in BG.3 This depends on whether we can occasionally assume an alternation g : b in Gaulish corresponding to the alternation c (q) :p. Guyonuarc'h 4 quite arbitrarily suggests a connexion with M l l r . soeb, saeb 'crooked, false, unjust 5 , etc.,5 M o d l r . saobh 'perverse, foolish, mad'. 6 S E D U L I U S A commander a n d chief magistrate 7 cf t h e Lernouices 8 killed in 52 B.C. in the fighting which occurred d u r i n g the final stages of the siege of Alesia BG 7. 88. 4 asedullus (asedullus Q ) a, sedulius β. It is now thought unlikely that the person named here by Caesar should be identified with a person bearing the name Sedulius which, accompanied by the forms conno epillos, is found on a n u m b e r of coins of Ancient Gaul, one of unknown origin, one from Poitiers (Vienne), one from Montpaon (Bouches-du-Rhone), one from La Meilleraie-Tillay (Vendee), and two from Fondettes (Indre-et-Loire). 9 T h u s the old emendation sedulius favoured by Meusel, 10 Holder, 11 Klotz, Constans, Fuchs, and Seel need not detain us. 1 For the alternation of -dd- and -s(s)- see Chapter III, Remark. See also Whatmough, DAG 80 s.n. Libica and Og. 5, 1953, 65 f. 3 See AcS 2. 1453 f., Dottin, p. 55, DAG 179, Og. 16, 1964, 402 ff., Celticum 9, 318 if. ♦ Og. 16, 1964, 199-207. 6 s See RIAContr. S. 6. See Dinneen 940. 7 Lat. princeps. See Rice Holmes, CG 533, n. 2. 8 dux et pnnceps remustum χΒΜ1 (remorum LNMC, lemouicum β). The ethnic name is generally read as Lemouicum. In early editions the name is taken to be Germanorum. But G. E. C. Schneider (see Lex. Caes. 2. 450, 1690) read Lemouicum Armoricum and Constans (see Revue de philologie 1924, 136-9) Lemouicum Aremoricorum. See KranerDittenberger 2. 654. 9 See de Saulcy, Revue de numismatique 1865, 137 ff., Annuaire de la soc.fr. de num. et d'arch. 2, 1867, 25 f.; Mur.-Chab. 4578-80; Blanchet, Traito i n , 291 f., Manuel 1. 46, 80, 87; Chauvet, Memoires de la soc. des antiquaires de VOuest 1922, 682 f.; Philippon, Og. 8, 1956, 327 f., Bull, de la soc. arch, de Touraine 31, 1956 [i957l· 475 ί Morichon, Og. 10, 1958, 322; Gourvest, Og. 11, 1959, 226 f.; Colbert de Beaulieu, Og. 7, 1955, 393, RAE 10, 1959, 213 if., Homm. Gren. 439 if. For a coin legend CEDVLIX (i.e. sedulix or cedulix?) from Felletin (Creuse), at one time thought to be the name of the same person as the one named by Caesar, see Holder, AcS 2. 1434. 36 ff., Whatmough, DAG 157, GrDAG 99, 101, Morichon, loc. cit., Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 9, 1960-1, 111 f. (reading CEDVVIX and suggesting that the coin belongs to the Merov. period). i° See Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 653 f. In his 1894 edition of the Commentaries he read Sedulius. See also Lex. Caes. 2. 1810. i1 AcS 2. 1434. In his 1882 edition he read Sedulius. 2
A P P E N D I X . DOUBTFUL NAMES
469
1
I think that the ingenious suggestion that asedullas represents a ( = alii) sedulius may be correct. But I can see no means of telling whether Sedulius (β)2 or Sedulius (a) should be preferred. For references to other instances of P N N in sedid(l)- see s.v. SED-. Both -ullo- and -ulio- were productive suffixes in Gaulish. 3 But in view of Lat. sedulus 'busy, diligent, industrious' the name m a y be Latin rather than Celtic* See further GrDAG 92, 99. P S E L A N I DAG 174 (inscription of Vieil-fivreux, Eure) For this fragmentary text see p. 325 above s.n. ?Caraditonu. T h e com mentaries cf Rh^s^ and ^Vhatmou°"h^ seem to tell in favour cf the reading ]n ia selaniseboddu in line 5. Before (?)PN Seboddu7 there seems to be a form Selani, less probably Iaselani* which may be a personal name. With ?Selani, the case and gender of which cannot be established, 9 compare perhaps some other forms in sel- such as the following: PNN Sel[ DAG 176, Seleucus, -ou- 83, Selia8%(?), ι82,-ζ&$·182, YSNSeleucusmons (Montsaleon) 80. 10 T h e form m a y be Celtic, but this also is quite uncertain. 1 See Kraner-Dittenberger, loc. cit. I doubt whether Asedullus can be accepted as the correct form here in spite of the incidence of other names in as(s)ed-, adsed-, etc. (see s.w. AD- and SED- and s.n. AQQedomari (A)). 2 This is the reading favoured by du Pontet, Rice Holmes, and Fuchs. 3 See AcS 3. 24, 25. 4 Whatmough (Celtica 3,1956,253) noted beside PN Sedulius in BG the (? graphic) variants Fedula DAG 214 and Sefulae DAG 212 (also read Seeuiae, Steuiae, Seluiae), but hardly Sefiniacum DAG 234. Lambrino (BEP 19, 1956, 10 if., esp. 15 (see REL 35, 1957, 387 f., REA 59, 1957, 332)) would relate to the ethnic name Sefulae the ethnic name Sefes of Avienus, ora marit. 195, 199. Whatmough (loc. cit.) considered that Sefulae was Italic, and suggested that the accepted etymology of Lat. sedulus (W.-H. 2. 509) was Erroneous'. 5 Insc. 2 ff. 6 DAG, loc. cit. Compare Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 133, no. 2 1 ; Dictionnaire archiologique de la Gaule, Inscriptions gauloises, no. 8 ; Hirschfeld, CIL 13. 3204. 7 See p . 467 above s.n. 8 Compare perhaps Gallo-Latin PNN such as Iasa DAG 192, 237, Iasatus 192, Iasetus, Iassia, -ius 214, lasso 196, 197, Iassa 208B, 214, 224, -us 182, 196, 197, 204, 208B, 214, 224, 228 (iv), 237, 238 (iv), Iasus 237, 244. 9 In CIL, loc. cit. it is suggested that it is a genitive dependent on Lat. filia (a form which has to be supplied and presumably a form referring to Seboddu (fem. ?) which follows). This is very rash guesswork. It is hopeless in view of the present state of the inscription to try to determine the relationship of the form to the rest of the text. 10 Hardly compare selago (a plant name) Plin. NH 24. 103, the etymology of which is uncertain (see DAG 178, 246, W.-H. 2. 511, E.-M. 1080) or selio (-onis) *a strip of ground for sowing' DAG 240 (with reference to Jud, Festschrift K. Jaberg (Zurich, 1937), 131-92 (summarized EC 4, 1948, 181 f.)). For Gaul. -selua, see p. 470 below s.n. Silvanos.
470
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
S I L V A N O S CRAI Lozere)
1956, 181 f., fig. 5 (inscription of Banassac,
For this inscription see s.n. Billicotas (A). There is no means of telling whether the name Silvanos here is personal or divine. It may be merely the Gallo-Roman Siluanus, god of uncultivated land, whose name is well attested in Ancient Gaul. See, for example, DAG 82, 181, 213, 236, 243, AE 1955, 112, 1958, 307, JY.-L. 126, 249, ILTG 21, 22, (?) 130, 191. 1 Note also P N N Silaana DAG 87, ILTG 155, -usDAG 87, 132, 214, 224, ILTG 174, 248, -ius DAG 87, 237, ?[S]iluani[anus] ILTG 248. On the other hand it is possible that the name points to a form *seluanos, cognate perhaps with Ir. selban (o-stem, m.) 'a flock'2 and related to the element -selua (beside O l r . selb f. 'property, pos sessions'3 and W. (h)elw m. 'profit, gain' : 4 Gk. eXew c to take', Goth. saljan 'to sacrifice, offer up', etc.) 5 seen in P N Luguselua DAG 156 and possibly in EN Siluanectes, -ensis, etc., Senlis (Oise) DAG 212. 6 See also d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 26, 1905, 282. 7 S I L U I N O S La Graufesenque graffito siluinos DAG 120 (c) iii, 1. 1. T h e sherd is broken on the right; 0 is certain, but there is little or no trace of s in Hermet's plate. This name may well be Latin rather than Celtic. 8 For names in silv- see above s.n. Silvanos. T h e name is otherwise attested at La Graufesenque in potters' stamps. See Hermet, p. 206, no. 163; CIL 13. 10010, 1814; Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 392, no. 237; DAG 132. Compare PNN Siluina DAG 87, -us 87, 136, 151, 201, 228 (v), 238 (v), -ins 224, 244, ILTG 436, and L N *Siluiniacus mod. Sauvigny-le-Bois (Yonne), etc., AcS 2. 1564 f. ?ΣΙΜΙΑΣ[ DAG 62 (inscription of Beaucaire, Gard) This inscription was discovered in 1809, like DAG 61, 9 during the excavations conducted to draw water from the Rhone for the canal of Beaucaire. The text was copied by a M . Mejean who was in charge of the work, and subsequent copies appear to derive from his notes. 1 2 See Duval, DG 79 f. See RIAContr., S. 166. 3 See RIAContr., S. 162 ff. 4 See G. 470, GPC 1208. s See AcS 2. 1462, VKG 1. 64, 354, 2. 623 (LP 13), Dottin 285, KGP 266, IEW 899, DGVB 157. 6 See d'Arbois de Jubainville, MSL 13, 1903-5, 71 f.; Vendryes, ibid. 394; W-P. 1. 129, IEW 317; Lewy, £riu 19, 1962, 120. But compare Piganiol, CRAI 1959» 450 ff-> Gallia 19, 1961, 302 ff. (REA 64, 1962, 331, ILTG 357, DGVB 332), Roblin, Journal des savants 1963, 65 ff. (REA 65, 1963, 364, 378). 7 For PN Seluanus see DAG 237. 8 Hermet (p. 317) claimed it as Latin. For Lat. Silvinus see Schulze 371. 9 See Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. ??Εκσιγγος.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
471
1
E. Germer-Durand reports a reading ClMlACi.- Whatmough has σιμιασ[ here. T h e first letter of this fragmentary text should probably be tran scribed as σ; the sixth may be ο rather than σ. There may be a proper n a m e or part of a proper name here, but it is quite impossible to tell whether it is Celtic and whether it is personal. S U L L I A S DAG 175 (inscription of Caudebec-les-Elbeuf, SeineInferieure) For this and other similar inscriptions see s.n. Rextugenos (A). jnertz s suggestion 2 uiat tnis is a personal name anu an ostein genitive in -ids may well be correct. T h e names Sacrillos Carati are compared, presumably from the text auotform Sacrillos Carati CIL 13. 10015. 38(a) where form is usually expanded as form[as) or form(am) and where Carati appears to be genitive. T h e inscription of Caudebec-les-Elbeuf may be another auot text with one P N in the nominative (subject of the verb) followed by another in the genitive (expressing filiation). In O g a m inscriptions there are genitive forms in -&r, -ia(s), -eas, and possibly -a.3 Thurneysen 4 was of the opinion that the ascription of some of these to α-stems (his Class I I I ) was correct. H e suggested that the genitive ending -ids at first belonged to zo-stems with an old nominative in -z (his Class V), and supposed that it spread early to ά-stems. 5 For Celtiberian forms interpreted as d-1 id-stem genitives in -ds a n d -ids see Tovar, Estudios 40, 124, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7, Lejeune, Celtiberica 126, Schmoll, SVIHK 40 f. Some authorities, however, have thought of the possibility of inter preting Sullias as a local or ethnic name. 6 In any case the etymology is not clear. It may be simply the Latin Sulla.7 Compare PNN Sulla DAG 156, 224, Sullius 244. Note also the following names in sul(l)-: PNN Sul[ DAG 237, 244; ?Sul.. TO (gen.) CIL 7.1336.1099; SulaDAG 177, CIL 2.5326; Sule[DAG 244; Sulia CIL 2. 757 ; 8 Sulinus 7. 37, 43, 443, DAG, Note (xlv) C, 224 ; 9 1 Μέπι. de Vacad. du Gard, nov. 1886-aout 1867 [1868], 249 ff. See also P. Eyssette, Congres scientifique de France, 35* session, Montpellier 1868, vol. 2 (Montpellier, 1872), 387 f.; Insc. Lang., no. 106; CIL 12, pp. 356, 832; AcS 1. 1017, 2. 1565. * See Thurneysen, GOI188. 3 See MacNeill, PRIA 27, sect. C, 1908-9, 343, 357 ff. 4 GOI, loc. cit. 5 See also K. Brugmann, Grundrifi der vgl. Grammatik der idg. Sprachen2· ii/2 (StraBburg, 1909-11), 154; Pedersen, VKG 2. 87 {LP 168); Meillet in Mil. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville (Paris, [1905]), 229 ff.; Pokorny, Κ Ζ φ, Χ9Χ4> 281-7· 6 See ^4^ 2. 1665; CIL 13, part iii, fasc. 2, p. 465; DAG 179 (also 182) s.n. 7 Sullias. See Schulze 372. 8 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 98. 9 See Holder, loc. cit., Schmidt, KGP 270.
472
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
Suloleno DAG 151; Suloni (dat.) CIL 2. 4404; Sulorigiano(?) DAG 151; ?Suuli(us) CIL 3. 2760 ( = 9858) ;* LENN Suits TP (Morbihan) DAG 179; Sulloniacis Brockley Hill (Middlesex) I A 471. 4; DNN 5M/ (Minerua) Solinus 22. 10, CIL 13. 6266, 7. 39-44, EEg, 1913, 994 ff.5 AE 1924, 92, Z4 486. 3; 2 Suleu(i)a, Suleu{i)ae AcS 2. 1663 f., -D^G 82, 181, 213, Note (xlv) B, 223, 236, 243. SUM(M)ACO(S), S U M M A C U S La Graufesenque graffiti sumaco DAG 90 (b), 1. 7; ]ma. . . 93 (£) ,1. 13^ summacus 95 (4)31. 10 ;* summac[o] 98 (i), 1. 10 ;5 \s\ummacos 100 (δ), 1. 13; summaco 103 (c), 1. 15 sumaco 103 (c), 1. 16; sumacos 105 (4), 1. 12 ;6 summacos 108 (4), 1. 13; summacos 109 (*;), 1. 8. All these forms probably represent one name only showing the alternation of m and mm. Only three instances show -m-. In one graffito (DAG 103) both -m- and -mm- are attested. Forms without -s are further evidence of the instability of final -s in Gaul. One form only shows the Latinized o-stem nominative termination -us. The name is usually treated as a form of the Greek Σύμμαχος.7 However, Schmidt8 mentions the possibility that Sumaco (s) is a Gaulish compounded name. Gaulish SU~ 'good' (q.v.) is well attested. Also, -maco\s) could be Gaulish, although its precise meaning and etymology cannot be determined. For names in mace- see s.n. Μακκαρωνι (Β). Schmidt suggests that -maco(s) may be related to Gaul, mag- 'great, powerful'.9 The alternation c\g is certainly a common one in Gaulish.10 Sumaco(s) could accordingly mean 'he who is great (powerful) in a good way', 'he who is very great (powerful)' or the like. But all this is highly speculative and not very convincing. The fact that a few other potters' names in the graffiti can be explained as Greek11 tells in favour of the view that Sum(m)aco(s) also is Greek. S U R U S An Aeduan leader of noble birth who was still in arms when he was captured by Labienus in the country of the Treveri in 51 B.C. BG 8. 45. 2 surum (suo me remedium S) ω (ace). 1
See Holder, AcS 2. 1665. Concerning the temple oiSulis (Minerua) at Bath see Richmond and Toynbee, JRS 45, 1955, 97 ff. See also DAG 213 and 236 s.n. and, for an alleged etymology, Holder, AcS 2. 1661 f., A. Scherer, Gestirnnamen bei den indogermanischen Volkern (Heidelberg, 1953) 49, n. 1, Schmidt, KGP 270, de Vries, KR 79. 3 ]macos Hermet, Loth, Oxe. 4 The letters marked . are damaged but not uncertain. 5 summaco Hermet, Loth, Oxe. Whatmough remarks that [0] is 'lost in the stamp'. 6 The sherd is broken on the left, but s is certain. 7 See Loth, RC 41, 1924, 52, Fraser, RC 42, 1925, 94, Hermet, p. 317, What 8 mough, DAG, p. 288. KGP 273. I0 « See p. 365, n. 7 above. See Chapter III (A) (ii) (c). 11 See this Appendix s.nn. [C]elados and Polos and Chapter II (B) s.n. Coros. 2
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
473
Other instances of this name occur in abundance. For examples from Ancient Gaul see DAG 83, 87, 89, 224, 237, 244. Note also PN Sura 6, (?)i56, 237, 244.1 Holder2 assumed that some instances of Sams might be Celtic. But Schmidt omitted the name in his analysis of the Gaulish PNN of the Commentaries.* I doubt whether any par ticular label can safely be given to this particular name. But it is included here because it may well be Celtic. For instances of PNN in sur- claimed as Latin see Schulze 235, 296. See also Krahe, PN. Lex. 107 ff.: Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 326; Detschew, Thr. Spr. 470 ff.4 Con cerning the river names Sura Sure/Sauer (trib. of Moselle) DAG 212 and Sura Sauer (trib. of Rhine) DAG 234 see Holder. AcS 2. 1672 f.. Pokorny, Urg. 118, IEW 1039, Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 17. P T A R B E L I O N I O S DAG 152 (inscription of Vieux-Poitiers, near Cenon, Vienne) Hirschfeld, who appears to have studied only a cast of the stone bearing this text, read the name as Tarbelsonios.5 Rhys favoured the reading Tarbeisonios.6 But Whatmough, reporting that the letters were 'much weathered and moss-grown, so as to be almost illegible', read Tarbeliqnios. There is, therefore, considerable disagreement concerning the read ing. I have seen all the extensive literature concerning the inscription.7 But it is improper and impossible on this basis to decide which, if any, of the three readings I have mentioned is the correct one. In view of this, once again, it would be idle to speculate at length concerning the etymology. But the form is unquestionably a personal name, and it is also probably Celtic. Following the name Frontu it is likely that it is a patronymic in -ios (nom.). Beside Tarbelionios note PN Tarbellus CIL 2. 3876, LENN Tarba, Tama (-lua), ?Turba now Tarbes, Tarbelli (Tere~), Tarbellicae Aquae* 1
For some other examples οι Sums, -a see AcS 2. 1678ff*.,PID, Indexes, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 99. 2 3 AcS 2. 1678. See also GC2 24. KGP 42. 4 Detschew suggested that Celtic and Illyrian names in sur- were borrowed from Iranian and/or Thracian names, which he claimed were cognate with Skt. sura- 'mighty, bold; hero', Av. sura- 'strong, powerful' (: IE. keu-, see IEW 592 ff.). 5 CIL 13. 1171 (also Pars iv, p. 12). This is the reading accepted in AcS 2. 1731, 6 Dottin, no. 51, KGP 275. Insc. 44 f. 7 For detailed references concerning this text see Esperandieu, £pigraphie romaine du Poitou et de la Saintogne (Paris, 1888), no. 34; CIL 13. 1171 (with Add.); Dottin, no. 51; DAG 152. 8 E. Taillebois (Bull, de la soc. de Borda (Dax, 1884), ll ff) suggested that the name in question here meant' 'tTarbellien,,, c'est a d., de la cite d'Aquae Tarbel licae (Dax)'.
474
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
and the gloss ταρβηλοθάδιον (v.l. ταρβηλοδάθων) Diosc., tarbidolothis (w.U. -slotius, -lopins, -lopium) ps.-Apul., listed s.v. TARVO-. T h e name could be interpreted perhaps as a derivative of Gaul. TARVO- 'bull' 1 rather than as a compounded name Tar-belio?iios, with an element tar-, possibly cognate with O l r . tar 'across, o v e r ' , 2 + a second element in bel-. Concerning the reading Tarbeisonios see Pictet, RA 15, 1867, 394 f.5 interpreting it as a compounded name Tarbeisonios meaning 'taurina voce praeditus', i.e. a derivative of Gaul. taruo~-\-&n element cognate with Lat. sono Ί sound 5 . 3 See also Rhys, Insc. 46, comparing L N Tarvisium, for which see s.v. TA.RVO-. For discussion of the reading Tarbeisonios see especially Ernault, Bull, de la Fac. des Lettres de Poitiers 1890, 122 f., interpreting the name as a compound Tar-bels-on-io-s and comparing P N N Belsus* and Belsa* L N N Belsa uilla now Beauce 6 and Belsinum? and the gloss belsa 'campus' of Virg. gramm. (Tolosanus) epit. 4. 20, 21. 8 T E C C I L a Graufesenque graffito tecci DAG 106 (b), 1. 9. This form appears to be a potter's name, and may well be an abbreviation for Teccios or Teccius as suggested by Hermet. 9 Whatmough 1 0 included it, followed by a cautionary question mark, in a list of names from the graffiti which he thought 'must be Keltic'. Compare the following P N N in tec(c)-: Tecci (gen.) CIL 2. 4970. 508, AE 1954, 9 9 ; Tecco DAG 214, 237; Teccuni (gen.) CIL 11. 1206; TecessiDAG 151 (also 156, Remark Β and 176 (~us), 182); Tecini (gen.) CIL 5. 2210; ?Τ€κουσι(ος?) DAG 224; Tecuri (gen.?) ECMW 41. Note also the puzzling tecuanbo ebo (or tecuan boebo or tecuanboebo??) in a graffito of La Graufesenque engraved before firing and apparently not a potter's 1
See Whatmough, DAG, p. 513. Cognate with Skt. tirdh, Lat. trans, etc. See GOI 530 f., IEW 1075 ff. This element is sometimes recognized in PNN Tarcondarius Caes. BC 3. 4. 5 (cf. ΣαωKovhapov (gen.) Strab. 12. 5. 3 (568)), Ταρκόνδημοε Plut. Anton. 61, and Tarcondimotus Cic. epist. 15. 1. 2, etc. (^4GS 2. 1732 f.). See, for example, Holder, AcS 2. 1725 f., Schmidt, KGP 275. 3 Nicholson also (£CP 3, 1901, 308) translates this form as 'who bellows like a bull'. 4 AcS 1. 396, 3. 844, DAG 156, Remark B, 228 (ii) and (iv). s AcS, locc. citt., DAG 136, 156, Remark B, Note (xlv) C, CGP 229. 6 DAG 179. 7 DAG 84. 8 See DAG 158, /EPK 119, Corominas in Romanica, Festschrift fur Gerhard Rohlfs (Halle, 1958), 119. Albertos now interprets Tarbeisonios as a hybrid meaning 'toro negro', comparing for the meaning PN Donnotaurus for which see Chapter II (A) (i). See Emerita 28, i960, 305. He would relate tar- perhaps to Gaul. tar(v)o- and -bels- to Basque and Iber. beltz, bels, beles *black\ I do not find this convincing. 9 See Hermet, p. 206. " DAG, p. 289. 2
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
475
1
account (DAG 130), and the gloss tecco (a fish) in Polem. Silu. 544. 15. 2 Tecci, with geminate -c-, may be a hypocoristic name. But the etymology is not clear. 3 P T O G N A I DAG, Note (lv), p . 1163 (inscription on a ring found inside the R o m a n camp at Vindonissa) For this inscription see above s.nn. ?Auomio, ?Drato, and ?Ixutiou. No satisfactory interpretation of the text has so far been suggested. W e can only guess at the word-division and the relationship to each other of the forms attested in it. It seems to me that Tocnai may be a 20-stem genitive, an instance of the genitive denoting filiation.4 O n the other hand it could be an α-stem dative in -ai.5 No etymology. V A C A G A La Graufesenque graffito uacaca DAG 129, 1. 11. This name also was claimed as Celtic by Hermet. 6 As suggested by Loth, 7 it is probably a masculine α-stem.8 There are no other instances of thename. Loth 9 compared Υτ.fochain, fachaini. 'bickering, fighting5,10 Sc. Gael, fachail 'strife', and other names in vac-, notably PN Vacaccia CIL 2. 5896. Note further the following examples: P N N ?Ebrouaccus, (Brou-) DAG 8 3 ; Vacaia BRAH 61, 1912, 526; Vacarus DAG 244; Vacasatus 194, 214, 224; Vaccia, -io 2 1 4 ; u Vaccul(us) 228 (ii); Vaccura 228 (iv); -uro 204; Vaccus 195; Vaccuui 238 (v); Vaceco(s) 206; Vacemor[q]. CIL 2. 3053; Vacia CIL 7. 739, EE 7. 1083; Vacisi (gen.) CIL 2. 5353 5 VacouiaES, p . 16 ; 12 Vacus DAG 151, Remark B, 237; Vacustinus !93 5 2 0 3 ; Vacusus 8 3 ; L E N N : Aravaci, Arevaci AcS 1. 179 f., 3. 656 f. ; 13 1 See Thurneysen, Z^P τ5> x 925, 381, GO I 182, 201; Weisgerber, SprFK 210; Gray in Melanges . . . qfferts a J. Marouzeau (Paris, 1948), 209; Whatmough, DAG, loc. cit., GrDAG 116. 2 See W.-H. 2. 653, DAG 178, Zaunick, Festschrift F. Dornseiff (Leipzig, 1953) 375-84· 3 Compare perhaps W. teg 'fair, fine, beautiful' ( < Celt. *teko-, see IEW 1057 f.). 4 Whatmough lists a personal name Tocnaius in DAG 214. But there must be an error here. No such name occurs in Finke 63, the source given by Whatmough for this entry. In his index Finke lists the name we are discussing here as Tocnaius, with reference to item no. n o ( = DAG, Note (lv)). 5 Indirect object of auo(f) ? 6 See Hermet, p. 317. 7 RC 41, 1924, 52. 8 9 See s.n. Adepicca (A). Op. cit. 57. 10 In RIADict., fasc. 3 s.v. 3. fochain it is suggested that fochain and fachain reflect a misunderstanding of some example of Ir. fochonn m. 'cause, occasion'. 11 Compare PN Voccio {BG) discussed below (pp. 478 f.). 12 See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 108 f., Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 307. 13 See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 15, 1894, 2 0 · Compare Pokorny, Urg. 168, Corominas in Romanica, Festschrift fur Gerhard Rohlfs (Halle, 1958), 105, n. 1, Albertos, op. cit., 292, 307, Guvonuarc'h. Arrabona ^. IQ6Q. QQ. Q8.
4/6
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
Bellouaci cl., -ugai Oros., -ensis Beauvais DAG 212 ;l Vacalus fl. Caes., Vachalis Sidon. Apoll., Vahalis T a c . now Vaal DAG 221 ; 2 Vaccaei in Hisp. Tarrac. AcS<$.73 ff.; Vacoeci ΒRAH 4.2, 1903, 398; Ονακομάγοι Ptol. 2. 3. 8; 2 Ουα/coi/Ttov Ptol. 2. 15. 4 ; 3 Ούακόριον Ptol., Vocario TP AcS 3. 8 0 ; Fiza/tf fl. in Lusit., now Vouga AcS, loc. cit.; D N N Vaccalinehae, Vacall-, Vocalline(i)hae DAG 223 ; 4 Vacocaburio (dat.) CZE, 2. 5666 ; s Vacodonnaego CIL 2. 2636. 6 P O Y E P E T . DAG4.9 (inscription of L'Isle-sur-la-Sorgue, Vaucluse) I n line 2 Allmer, after Rochetin, 7 read ovp€T////xa/oe////m. He inter preted this as a personal name a n d as a genitive in -t. Hirschfeld 8 read oveperel^ape/vi. Rhys 9 suggested reading oveptroj/'/μαρβοουι. He thought t h a t the letter after τ might be ο and commented on the rest of the line as follows: Then comes a gap where there should be perhaps two letters. Then I jotted down some strokes in which I fancied I found a Λ and an A, but I concluded that Hirschfeld's Μ A cover the space and the traces of writing more satisfactorily. After the second Ρ Ε I seemed to see a C or the begin ning of 0 0 , which would fill the gap before Yl. H e supposed that Hirschfeld's oveptre could be completed as Ovepert[ov] (dat.) beside Mapeoovi (also dat.). Later 1 0 he read ouepereft] /xape[oo]ut and interpreted OuepeTe[i] as a genitive. Finally, WhatH e claimed that there were mough 1 1 read ovpere.μα[τ\ρ€[βό]νι[. originally at least four lines of text, and that a part of the inscription may have been lost above w h a t is now line 1. Concerning his reading of line 2 he commented as follows: c. . . there is space for letters as 1
See d'Arbois de Jubainville, loc. cit.; Vendryes, Recueil de travaux qfferts a M. Clovis Brunei 2. 643; Schmidt, KGP 147, 284. 2 Pokorny (ZCP 18, 1930, 437, whence Weisgerber, SprFK 212, Schmidt, KGP 283 f.) would connect ουακο- with the river name Vacalus and relate both to Lat. vaccilare. He suggested that vaco- meant 'curved'. See also Pokorny, WuS 12, 1929, 304, Urg. 118, IEW 1135. Concerning Vacalus see Gutenbrunner, Z^ 20> IO<36> 450 f.; Hertz ap. Schmidt, KGP 284, n. 1; Krahe, Btr. z. JV. 3, 1952, 156; 6, 1955, n o , Spracheund Vorzeit (Heidelberg, 1954), 128, Spr. AufgL 13 f., UAF97; Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 17. 3 Claimed as Illyrian by Mayer, Spr. alt. Elyr. 1. 351. 4 Compare the river name Vacalus above and see Gutenbrunner 178 ff., Weis gerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 21, Krahe, Btr. ζ. Ν. 13, 1962, 271. s See RPH 113. 6 S e e 0PL 109, RPH 164 f. 7 RE 2, 1884, 39 f., no. 483. On p. 79 the reading favoured is ou€per[o]/xap€[o]ui. Rochetin, after Cerquand, thought that this could be identified with PN Viridomarus (see Chapter II (A) (i) s.n.). See also Rochetin, BE 4, 1884, 189, Mim. de Vacad. de Vaucluse 4, 1885, 1 0 5 - n . Mowat (BE 4, 1884, 190) compared PN Veretus of Mount-Beuvray (CIL 13. 2803). See further id., BSAF 1884, 241 ff. 8 CIL 12. 5828. 6, p. 822 (whence Schmidt, KGP 293 (cf. 238, n. 2)). 9 I0 Insc. 21 f. (whence Vereto-mar-eo-s AcS 3. 212). Addit. 3. 11 DAG, loc. cit. In GrDAG 85 he boldly lists ovpere as a verb.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
477
indicated, b u t the stone is damaged and the writing all but illegible. . . . the seventh letter appears as € superimposed upon an erroneouslyrepeated τ.' 1 T h e reading is too doubtful for us confidently to adopt a particular interpretation. It is possible, however, that there is here a Celtic personal name in oveper-, with which we may compare per haps PN Veretonus in an inscription of Le-Mas-d'Agenais (Lot-etGaronne) CIL 13. 10010. 2011 and P N Vereti (gen.) in an inscription of Mont Beuvray CIL 13. 2803. These forms may have arisen by vowel assimilation 2 from earlier voret- (as in PN Voretouirius (A)). V E R I N U S DAG, Note 1, p p . 987 f. (inscription of Alzey) For this inscription see above s.n. ?Connoucasu. It is clear that it contains a personal name Verinus as listed by Whatmough in DAG 237. Compare P N N Verina DAG 83, 87, 224, -us 83, 214, Note (xlv) C, 224, 228 (iv), AE 1962, 101, -ia DAG 87, Wirino (dat.) CIL 13. 588*.3 T h e name may be Latin rather than Celtic. 4 ΟΥΙΛΛΟΝΕΟΣ DAG 57 (inscription of Vaison, Vaucluse) This name is a io-stem nominative a n d appears to be a patronymic in -€ο?. Compare the instances of P N N Ονιλώνιος, Vilonius, and Villonius cited by Schulze 267 (names which may be Etruscan in origin), and the modern L N N cited by Holder, AcS 3. 319 s.n. Villon-issa. Compare also P N Villio or Villo DAG 139. As with PN Verinus above there is no way of showing that the n a m e is Celtic. 5 V I R I L L I O S DAG 145 (
2 OU/DCT- is an error for oveper-, Compare p. 288 n. 9 above. See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 267. Compare PN Vinnius CIL 2. 1251. 4 See Schulze 278. Cf. Weisgerber, BJ 162, 1962, 113. 5 Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 123, see also AcS 3. 319 s.n. Vill-o{n)) thought that it might be connected with Olr. fell (o-stem, masc.) 'a horse', which he assumed could be derived from earlier *uillos. But this form is probably a variant of Ir. pell (o-stem, masc.) 'a horse' (see RIADict. s.v. fell). 6 In the inscription in the Greek alphabet the final -ς is wanting. Rhys (Insc. 54) remarked that the inscriber left no room for it, and Whatmough (DAG, loc. cit.) suggested that it may be wanting by accident. See Rhys, Addit., pi. viii· 3
47g
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
8 Q · Virillia 83, -ius 83, OPL i n , PID viiic; 1 Viril(l)iena PID x i c ; yiril(l)io DAG 83, 237, 244, ILTG 121, PZD XHA. 2 See also Holder, A S 3. 382 f· s - n - Viriliacus, Dauzat 5 Za Toponymiefrangaise (Paris, i960) 900 s.n. Viriliacum. V I X t J V I O N I £^4G 185 (inscription of Reims) For this inscription see s.n. Diuuogna (A). I t appears that there is here a name Vixuvioni, but its relationship to the other forms in the text namely Vedzui (B) and Diuuogna (A), is not clear. It m a y be an fl-stem dative pointing to a nominative * Vixuviu, or (less probably) an A-stem dative pointing to a nominative *Vixuvicna. Both Holder 3 and Whatmough 4 listed the form as a personal name Vixuuio. Compare PNN F * * ^ (£) AcS 3. 420,5 ? 7 » ZMG 186,6 Vixus 151, R e m a r k B,? LN fltffe^ Fi#z7fo (abl.) in Pann. Inf. CIL 6. 2544.8 Holder also listed s n . Vixil'i0? the modern local name Vezelise (Meurthe-et-Moselle). For the suffix -uvio- see AcS 3. 58. Compare -uio- AcS 3. 20. 10 A glide Twl tends to develop after the vowel /u/ in the sequence C + / 1 1 / + V . 1 1 No etymology, and no proof that the form is personal and Celtic. V O C C I O Brother of one of Ariovistus' two wives, a w o m a n from Noricum BG i· 53· 4 ν000™11™ QB^MLNp, uoctionis Απ, boccionis SBCC (gen.). Q E. C. Schneider and Nipperdey both adopted the variant voctionis, but Gluck 12 dismissed this form as false. In voctionis t has been readforc. A form with -cc- is attested in all b u t one of the α manuscripts and in the ρ branch of the β class, and this is the form accepted by all recent editors. T h e third variant, boccionis, is an instance of the alternation of initial b- and v-, an alternation which is fairly common in Ancient Gaul. 13 With Voccio we can compare some other P N N in voce- such as Voccius in Narbonensis (DAG 83), and Dalmatia (DAG 1 See also C/Z. 13. 1350, 1458· 2 See also Rolland, Gallia 6, 1948, 159. 3 AS 3· 420· . .. * DAG 214. s jjolder quotes his source as 'Inschrift von Virieu'. 6 ^ ^ is another inscription on a ring discovered at Reims. See s.nn. Adepicca (A) anaWeuacnua (App.). 7 Compare Holder, AcS, loc. cit. 8 Qaimed as Illyrian by Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 361, 2. 126. 9 AcS, loc cit. 10 Note especially perhaps, with -ui(i)us, PNN Vesuius DAG, Note (xlv) C, and IViswtoDAG 214. I2 " SeeWatkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 11. KN 187. 13 Note, for example, PNN Vecco DAG 83, 244, Becco 83; Bocontia 87, Vocontius (B-) 8
A P P E N D I X . DOUBTFUL NAMES
479
2
4 4 V Vocco in Germania Superior {OIL 13. 6362), Voccilus in Lugdunensis {DAG 182), and Vocconianus in Aquitania {DAG 151, also J 56)· 2 There is no clear etymology for Caesar's Voccio and certainly no proof that it is Celtic, although it is usually counted such. e.g. by Holder and Schmidt. With geminate -c- it may be a shortened or hypocoristic name deriving from some other name such as Vocara, Voconius, Vocula, or Vocunilios.* Gluck's wild guess 4 that Voccio meant 'efficax, fortis' is based on comparison of an alleged W . gogi 'agitare' and gogwy 'efficax'. Both forms are presumably taken from W. Owen[-Pughe]'s A Welsh and English Dictionary* Both reflect hopeless misinterpretation. 6 Here Giuck is not at his best. A linguistic label should not be confidently affixed to such a name as this. I t may be Celtic. More than that we cannot say. T h e mere fact that Caesar referred to Voccio as a brother of a woman from Noricum 7 should perhaps p u t us on our guard against blindly assuming that this name is bound to be Celtic. 1
See also AcS 3. 424. Note also PNN Voconis (gen.) RPH 138, ?Voccareca CIL2. 2714=5732, ?Vocc[ 7· 256. In view of the occasional alternation of vo- and va- in Gaulish (see Pedersen, VKG 1. 35, Loth, RC 37, 1917-19, 311) compare also perhaps some PNN in vaccsuchas Vaccia, Vaccio, Vaccura, Vaccuro, Vaccus, Vaccuui (all listed s.n. Vacaca (App.)). 3 For these names see s.v. VO-, 4 KN 188. 5 See Pughe s.w. 6 See Lloyd-Jones, G. 160 s.n. Cogwy, 698 s.v. Igwodi. 7 According to the reading of β manuscripts (altera Norici regis Voccionis soror beside altera Norica regis soror in a) Voccio himself is referred to as a man from Noricum. 2
INDEXES I.
INSCRIPTIONS1
are the inscriptions in which PNN selected for special dis cussion are attested. The item numbers are followed by references to pages of this book. These are as a rule confined to discussion of PNN. Where a text occurs in both DAG and Dottin cross-reference is made to Dottin. A further concordance of item numbers is arranged in the order of Dottin's edition. THESE
(a) Item Numbers Dottin 6 bis
DAG 26
6
27 3i 32 33 34 35 36 37 39 42 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 5i 52 53 54 56 57 58
4 5
44, 119,463-4 62-63, 75-76 309-10 17, i n 349, 388 98, 310-11 92-93, m - 1 2 394
3 1
16 10
17 8 9 12 II
323-4, 436-7 193, 349, 371 17, 346 44, 118-19, 193,396,427 232, 309, 328, 427, 431-2 21,44,58-59,92 309, 328, 461 21, 383,432,462-3 42-43, 44, 476-9 57, 364-5 99-ΪΟΟ, 347-8
317-18, 386-7 112-13, 368 370-1, 406, 457-8 2 357,461-2 44, 111, 269, 388, 396, 423, 477 7 454-5, 459 59 Remark 52-53, 119-20 60 18, 21,444 3i 61 19, 87-88, 443, 470 62 19, 470-1 32 21, 44, J 40, J 93, 396, 398, 448-9, 63 465-6 1 The indexes and concordances included here are intended to facilitate re ference only to the formations and sources selected for special discussion. Full indexes of the many and various other forms and sources mentioned have not been •
«
»
1
13 15 14
..ι
- . . « . . U Via irt*i~ir l*»northv.
INDEXES
64 65 66 67 68 69 70 7i 72 73 74 74 bis 75 76 88 134 Remark (ii)
Dottin
26 29 24 19 20 21
23 27 30 28 22
21
18 32 bis
456
48
H3
4i
145 152 160 161 162 163 164 165
47 45
42
144
170 171 172 174
51
38 37 39 40
59 35 34 36 36 33 50 50 50
49 175 183 185 186 187 Remark (ii) 188 225 227 229 N o t e iv Note ix Note xii
305-8, 327-8 17, 344
57
135 140 Remark 141 142
166 167 168 169
21, 3 7 5 , 4 3 0 21, 193, 441 21, 193 21, 47, 193, 235, 3 2 8 - 9 , 354, 357 21, 65, 122-3, *93, 4 5 5 - 6 21,93-94,337 21,43-45 21, 47-48, 193 69-70 193 19, 63-65, 110, 367
58 56
55 57 53
2 bis
17, 3 8 8 , 4 4 9 - 5 0 334-5 8 8 - 8 9 , 104, 314, 3 5 8 - 9 , 398 18, 372-3, 388 18, 59-60 306, 3 1 6 - 1 7 , 4 2 3 , 4 2 5 20, 51-52, 99, 106, 3 4 8 - 9 , 477 388, 451, 473-4 107, 3 J 4 - i 6 , 3 5 1 , 388, 423 17, 1 1 1 , 3 0 6 , 3 4 4 - 5 , 3 8 8 , 4 2 3 76-77, 254, 271, 3 5 9 - 6 0 , 388, 423 49, 118, 388 316,411 6, 19, 20, 109-10, 182, 269, 3 1 3 14, 316, 441, 451 20, 356 17, 18, 20, 61-62 17, 18, 20 79-80, 142, 183, 306, 333, 351, 398, 406, 422, 425, 426 2 1 , 200, 263 21,388 21,328 17, 19, 325-6, 373, 444, 447, 45h 467-8, 469 17, 109,471 9 4 - 9 5 , 388 17, 1 8 , 5 5 , 8 3 - 8 4 , 3 8 5 , 4 7 8 17,55-56,83,445 310, 377-8 17, 1 8 , 4 5 , 9 5 , 104-5 17, 3 6 9 - 7 0 , 4 6 0 - 1 136, 145, 162, 179, 193, 199, 229, 252, 407, 416, 465, 466 17,32,362,437,467 311-13, 384 18, 20, 113-16, 126-7
483
INDEXES Dottin Notexiii Note xxxii (b) Note xxxvi Remark Note xli ( / ) Note 1 Note Hi (a) Note lv AE 1954, 105 CRAI 1955, 91 1956, 180-1 1956, 181-2 1956, 184 R£A 58, 1956, 71-82 DAG
ILTG
170 (AE 1952, 77) 207 (AE 1952, 37) 335 ( ^ £ 1949, 75)
25
21 17,433-4,458-9 308, 309 3 2 0 - 1 , 440 17,442-3,477 113, 3 ^ - 2 0 18, 45, 435-6, 446-7, 454, 475 19, 193, 357-8, 463 19, 116 20, 4 6 6 - 7 20, 58, 470 20, 322-3 20, 79, 3 c 8 - s , 3 6 2 - 3 , 388, 333, 425, 462 20, 3 2 4 - 5 , 350, 450, 452, 454 19, 56-57, 107 18, 19, 103-4, 105-6
(*) Dottin: DAG Dottin 1 2
2 bis 3 4 5 6 6 bis 7 8 9 10 II 12
13 Η 15 15 bis 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
23 24 25 26 27 28 29
DAG 44 56 Note ix 39 33 34 27 26 57 48 49 46 5i 50 52 54 53 55 45 47 75 67 68 69 74 bis 70 66 Note xiii 64 71 73 65
Dottin 3i 32 32 bis 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 4i 42 43-43 bis 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 5i 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61
DAG 60 63 76 169 166 165 167-8 161 160 162 163 142 135 Note xxi 133 145 146 144 141
174 170-3 152 Note xxvi 227 226 188 183 225 175 164 Note xxvii Note ν
484
INDEXES
(c) Index of Sites Alise-Sainte-Reine DAG ifi e °5-<), Note xxxii (b). Alleins DAG 27. Alzey DAG Note 1. ArpajonZLTG 335. Autun DAG 162. Auxey-le-Grand, nr. Volnay DAG 6 Banassac CRAI1956, 180-3 iR Bavai 2X4G 183. ' 4' Beaucaire DAG 61-62. Beaumont, nr. Vaison DAG Ν t · Blickweiler ZL4G 229. ° t e lx· Buoux, nr. Apt DAG 59 Remark
Neris-les-Bains DAG 141. NeversZMG 163. Nimes DAG 67-74 ^ · Orgon DAG 44. Paris ZL4G 170-2. Pommiers, nr. Soissons DAG Note xli
ωRedessan Ζλ<4(? 60. Reims ZMG 185-6, 187 Remark ii. Romanin CRAI 1955, 91.
Cadenet DAG 58. Calissane AE 1954, 105. Caudebec-les-Elbeuf DA G 75. Gavaillon DAG 50-54. Champetieres ILTG 207. Coligny DAG 227. Collias Z^G 63. Collorgues DAG 65. CoucheyZMG 161.
Saignon DAG 45. Saint-Bonnet, nr. Moulins DAG 140 Remark. Saint-Martin-de-Castillon DAG 47. Saint-Remy-de-Provence Ζλ4<2 33-37, 39, 42. Saint-Reverien ZX4G 164. Saint-Saturnin d'Apt DAG 48. Sazeirat, nr. Marsac DAG 142. Seraucourt DAG 144. Source of Seine REA 58, 1956, 71-82. Substantion DAG 75.
Dijon DAG Note lii (A). fitrechy ILTG 170. Gargas Z^4G 46. Genouilly DAG 145. Grozeau DAG 56. Gue>et (origin unknown) DAG
Montmirat/X4G66. Mont Ventoux DAG Note xii.
ThiaucourtZUG 188.
43-
Les Baux DAG 31-32. L£zoux ZMG 134 Remark ii, i Q L'Isle-sur-SorgueZ)^G49. ' S5'
UzesZ)^G64. Vaison DAG 57. Ventabren ZX4G 26, Note iv. Vieil-Evreux DAG 174. Vieux-Poitiers, nr. Genon DAG 152. Vindonissa (mod. Windisch) DAG Note lv.
Mainz DAG 225. Meaux DAG Note xxxvi Remark Montagnac DAG 76. Montans ZL4G 88.
II. T H E C O M M E N T A R I E S ON T H E GALLIC WAR References are confined + 1 1 1 . manu cn variant readings. Page n U rnK° P Tl " ί ^ Τ * Pis *how δ "umbers of this book are printed in italics. Book 1: 3. 3,108, 4, 67) 330> 7- 3, «3».3*; 9- 2, 3, to;
5j l6
' °5> 7
18. 3, 1, 81,380-2,4, 5/, 3 , ^ 8 , 5 /as , ;I020. , 86\x\ J' 8i, fT\ * I59
8r, 86; 31.3,81, 12,54; 32. l> 3» **; 37· 3, 438; 4 1 · 4> 47#-2>5,3<^2· .>/\
0/-0 ·
INDEXES 81; 6. 4,353; η. ι, 353\ 10. 5, Si; 13. 1,340; 14. 1, 81; 15. 1, 5/. Book 3: 17. 2, 3, 5, 126; 18. 7, 126. Book 4: 16. 7, 54. Book 5: 3. 2, 4, 5, 96; 4. 2, 4, 95, 3, 73; 6. 1, 2,86; 7. i , 3 , 5 , f l £ ; n . 8, 65; 18. 1, 65-66; 19. 1, 66; 20. 1, OS, 7oo5 452-4, 2, 66, 3, 4, zoo; 2 1 . 2 , 66; 22. x , Φ , 375, 2, 5<9, 3, 6S, 336, 5, 6S, 100; 24. 4, 48, 70; 25. 1, 4>37#; 26. 1, 4<9, 70, 2,$tf; 27. 2, 4<9; 29. 2,J7<9, 3, 54; 31· 5, 70; 45· 2, 385; 49. 2, 355; 53· 2, 06: 55. 1. 3.96, 2. 54: 57. 2 ; 3. * Stf; 58. 1, 2, 4, 6, 5& Book 6: 2. ι,,ο£; 4. ι, 297; 5. 1, 4, 4<9; 6. 4, 33^; 8. 8, p£; 12. 2, 54, 5, <9i; 32. 1, 4#; 44. 1, 297. Book 7: 1. 4, 297; 3. 1, 74; 4. ι, 121, 2, 35o; 7· ι, 3 Φ ; 9· 6> ' * ' ; I 2 · 1, 4» 727; 14. 1, 4, 727; 15. 6, 727; 16. 1, 727; l 8 . I, 727; 20. I, 12, 727; 26. I, 2, 727; 28. 5, 727J 31. I, 727, 5, 22, 706, 777; 32. 4, 77, 342, 3S2; 33· i> 121, 3, 342, 4, 77; 34. 3, 727; 35. 2,
4»5
6, / 2 / ; 36. 2, /:?/; 37. 1, 77, 360, 7, 3&>-J; 38· i, 5^> 2, 125, 4, 6, 3 6 / ; 39. 1, 5/, 365, 2, 77, 5^?, 3, 3 6 / ; 40. 3, 6, 7, 36/, 5, 90; 42. 1, 361, 4, 77; 43. 2, 361; 44. 3, 363, 5, 72/; 46. 5, 1/7; 51. 4, 72/; 53. 2, 727; 54. 1, 90-91, 361; 55· 4, 77» 9*> I2I> 3*>*'> 57. 3, 60; 59. 5, 60; 63. 6, 121; 64. 5, 57; 65. 2, £4, 3 ' # - ' P ; 67. 7, 77, 90, 342, 361; 75. 5, 336; 76. 1, 3, 336, 4, 91, 120, 121, 125; 77. 2, 7#; 78. 1, 7<9; 79. 1,336; 83. 6, 720; 85. 4, 720; 88. 4, 72o; 468-9. Book 8: 6. 2, 33,9; 7. 4, 33.9; 10. 4, 336^; 12.4,386; 17. 1,335; 18· 3, 339J *9· 1, 8 , 3 3 9 ; 20. 2, 339; 21. 4, 339; 23. 3, 5, 6, 336; 26. 1, 87, 2, 87, 345, 3, 345; 27. 1, 87, 2, 5, 345; 29. 1, 345; 30. 1,363,4451 3 1 · x , 3 , 5 , 345; 32. ι, 445, 2, 363, 445; 34. 2, 445; 35. 1, 445; 36. I, 5, 445; 38. 3, 5, 96, 34Ο-2; 39. I, 445J 44. 2, 445, 3, 89; 45. 2, 4/2·
I I I . LA G R A U F E S E N Q U E
GRAFFITI
Beside the item numbers from DAG cross-reference is made to the corresponding numbers in the editions of Hermet 1 and Oxe. These item numbers are followed by references to pages of this book where potters' names (also a few other forms) from the graffiti are discussed. For ease of reference two other concordances are given, the first arranged according to Hermet's order, the second according to that of Oxe. (a) DAG: Hermet: Oxe, A.-A.9 etc. 1AG
Hermet
Oxe
90
12
28
9i 92
24 17 16
21
93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 1
II
9 20
30 26 29 1 20
19
5
8
22
1 21
Η 8
33, 168, 180, 189, 301, 338, 364, 374, 378, 450,
472 374, 378, 379, 458 33, 80, 133, 168, 189, 298-9 3^4, 472 33, 80, 133, 168, 189, 298-9, 373, 378, 379, 450 33,378,472 365, 378 33, 80, 458 301, 342, 378, 392, 450, 460, 472 80, 301, 333, 342, 378, 387, 434, 443, 463 33, 304, 342, 378, 472
10 13 Item numbers in Loth's account of the graffiti (RC 41, 1924, 7-30, nos. 1-43)
486 DAG 102
H e ^ *^t
10
^ ^ 3 δ 5^ y ^ ^ ^ *<*. 4 ^
3 10 4 IQ 5 106 10 7 108 109 110
in 1I2 1!
3 114 115
INDEXES 0 χ έ
31 25 16 23 4 6 24 27 32 19 17 18 15
38χ *§ y *x ^ ^ %y *$ ^ ^ *$ 3* 3^ 3^ 3<^ 3> 3§ 3$
116
"7 118 IX 9 120 121
122 123 12 4 125 126 12 7 128 129 *3 0 χ χ 3 A A l '~ -
11-12 7 13 36 37 33 34
41 35 2 38 9 39 40 3
2
Hermet ^ 2
3 4 5
374, 378, 472 33, 80, 180, 304, 364, 374, 378, 472 338 80, 374, 378, 379, 457 301, 3 4 2 - 3 . 365-6, 374. 376, 377. 450 80,338,374 33. 80, 301, 304, 338, 342, 378, 387, 448, 450, 458 33, 300, 338, 354, 459, 465 304,368,447 301,437 301,338,440,458,470 326-7 326-7, 450-1, 458 33 168 338
338, 443, 450, 457, 458, 459-60, 475 379, 388-9, 398, 457, 474-5 376, 378, 379 335, 343, 3 8 4 335, 384. 456 384 450 343 333, 335. 438 384 205
3 09,
10 9 11 14 J 5 16 Proc.-verb. des seances de la soc. des lettres, scienCe *e et arts de VAve^ 37. 1954-8 0 8 * ^ j
1
33. 189, 2 9 8 - 9 , 300, 378-9 33, 342, 374, 378, 450, 472 80, 168, 342, 378, 387 374, 3 7 8 - 9 , 450, 472 33. 104, 474
I
2
32, 102, 299, 367
(*) Hermet: DAG: Oxe G
^ ^ 9 ^ 4 > 5 1 *
Oxe 14 16 23 19
Hermet 6 7 8 9
DAG 106 108 98 95
Oxe 4 24 22 1
487
INDEXES
Hermet
DAG
11 12
94
13
101 112 102
Η 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 or»
23 24 25 26 27
90
Oxe
Hermet
DAG
29 28
28 29 30 3i 32
121
10
17 3i 26 30
93 92 116
7
33 34 35 36 37 38 39
123 107 125 126 127 128 131 130 129 115 115
Oxe 34 35 6 38 9 39 40
97 96
20
100
8
114 109 9i 124 118
15 27
40 4i 42
no
21 2
122
32 13 4i
36
43
119
37
120
33
5
117
3 II 12
(c) Oxe:Hermet: DAG Oxe
Hermet
DAG
Οχέ
Hermet
1 2
9
95
22
25
124 129 106
23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 3i 32
8 3 7
3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12
37 6
97
19 30 18
107 116
21
100
32 13
126
38 39
101
13
4i
115 115 117
Η
1 22 2
114 104
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
99
Η 5 4
113
20
96
24
91
112 III
33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 4i
10
16 23 12 II
17 15 40 27 28 29 26
DAG
98 105 108 103
93 109 90
94 92 102
no 120 121
33 34
123 118 119 125 127 128
42
122
43 3i
IV. PERSONAL NAMES These are the formations selected for separate discussion in this book. Bold type indicates main references. Αβρω[ 4 3 0 - Ι . Acco 42, 295, 296, 297-8· Αδγζννορι,γ. 4 2 - 4 3 , 128, 129, 204, 205, 206, 244, 245, 428. ?Atyevov<. 43-45, 129, 204, 205, 206,
?Αδγ€νοου 43~45> 93> χ29> 204,205,2θ6, 396, 427· Adianturmeni 45, 46, 95, 104, 129, 2 1 1 , 212, 213, 214, 423, 424. Adiatunnus 22, 4 5 - 4 7 , 129, 211, 212, 213, 214..
4«3 ο ο INDE XES Αορζσσικνος 47-4°, I 2 o , i^ J Cacudia 113, 2 9 1 , 319-20, 424, 425. 250, 408, 421. 182, 249, ?Καμβο 295, 3 2 0 - 2 , 405, 439. Agedilios, [A]gedilli 132, 2 9 ^ 9j ICamriaca 3 2 2 - 3 . Agillius 229. 3 7 6 , 422. Καμονλατί 3 2 3 - 4 , 423, 425. Agio 132, 3 0 0 - 1 , 376, 422. Camulogenus 6 0 - 6 1 , 161, 204, 206. ALOWICLI 59, 424, 430, 433, Carantanae 162, 163, 294, 3 2 4 - 5 , 424. Albano{s), Albanus 295, 3 0 ^ ?Caraditonu 164, 294, 325-6. 405, 406, 410, 4 2 1 , 422. *> 376, 3 9 1 , Carilos, Carilo 164, 294, 326-7, 376, 4 2 1 , Albinos 303, 304, 422. 422. ?|>4]/fotf 3°3, 304, 422. Carletisoni 362, 4 2 3 , 430, 437. Alibanos 304-5, 421. Καρνομου 64, 292, 3 2 7 - 8 , 423. ?Αλισο. .€CLS 291, 292, 305 Καρομαρο[ ΐ 8 , 6 1 - 6 2 , 63, 75, 162, 165, AXXcrevos 133, 307-8, 4 * 1 . 7 ' 399225, 294, 422. ?ΑλπΡου[ 303. 430, 433. ?[Κ]αρταρ[ος] 166, 3 2 8 - 9 , 354, 4 2 1 . Ambiorix 48-49, x 35, 246, ^ Καρθιλιτανιος 6 2 - 6 3 , 163, 166, 167, Anailos 308, 404, 421. 5· 2 l 6 , 399, 4 0 8 , 422, 426. Andecamulos 49, 52, 138, ΐβ χ Carvilius 2 9 1 , 297, 329-30, 395Andocumborius 22, 4 9 - 5 1 , *3$ * 5 1 · ?Κασσιμοτουλου 6 3 - 6 5 , 170, 233, 423. 154, 155, 159» 185, l 8 6 , ' *39, 153, Κασσιταλος 6 5 , HO, 168, 170, 259, 42 L ΰ Aneunicno 51-52, 182, 422. ° · Cassivellaunus 6 5 - 6 7 , 120, 167, 170, 273, AneunOy Ανεουνος 5 Ι - 5 2 , 431 274, 276. J Apetemari52-53, 44, 198,2^ ^ 2 . Casticus 293, 3 3 0 - 1 , 4 1 1 . 5ϊ .4pay€[ 430, 433-44-23, 4 6 3 . Catamantaloedis 6 7 - 6 9 , 172, 291. Areos 141, 142, 308-9, 363 $ Κατοναλος 6 9 - 7 0 , 172, 269, 2 7 1 , 397, ArioOistas 42, 54*55, Η 1 * ^ ^ * 421. i4kflw 143, 309, 422. Catuvolcus 7 0 - 7 3 , 174, 292. Adepicca 55-56, 143, 198, ^ Cavarillus 293, 297, 3 3 * - 2 , 39 6 · Addedomari 56-57, 128, i 3 o > 4 2 4 . J 3 Cavarinus 3 3 1 , 332, 396. 399, 4 H , 419, 423. * 5 , 253, [Qelados 377, 4 2 1 , 4 3 7 - 8 . ?Auomio 422, 427, 430, 4 3 5 ^ Celtillus 292, 297, 3 3 2 - 3 , 438. Αουτρονι. 430, 436-7. Cervesa 294, 297, 333~4, 4*0, 4 2 4 , 438. -4χιτο!> 3 ° 9 - 1 0 , 4°5, 4 2 1 · Cimberius 395, 430, 438-40. ΒαλαυΒουι 57, 145, 147, 3 ^ Cingeiorix 22, 42, 73-74, 75, I 2 o , 122, Banui 149, 297, 310, 423. ' 4 ^ 3 . 178, 244, 2 4 5 . Bilicedoni 57-58, 149, 150, ?Cintu 179, 3 3 4 - 5 , 422, 427, 428. Billicotas 58, 150, 172, 421, ' · Cintusmus 180, 3 3 5 , 422, 428, 438. Βιμμος 3 i o - i i , 4 2 i . Circos 4 2 1 , 4 3 8 , 440. 2 Birac[i] 3 " - i 3 , 4 ° ° , 4 3 ? Κοβριτουλωυ 4 4 1 . ?Btpa/co 58, 312, 313-14, ^ ?Koua 400, 440. 5 BXavhoovLKovvicu 44, 58-»^ 4 ^ 7 . Commius 2 9 1 , 3 3 5 - 6 , 405. 284, 408, 424, 426, 432. J 9 2 , 282, Concormetodumnus 7 4 - 7 5 , 185, 196, 210. Bodocenus 59-60, 102, 15! KovhiXXcos 74, 293, 337, 404, 422, 426. 422. ' * 5 7 , 176, Κογγ€ννολι.τανος 62—63, 75-76, g2, 185, Boduognatus 60, 151, 208. 205, 206, 216, 4 0 3 - 4 , 421. Bratronos 89, 292, 297, 3 ^ ?Connoucasu 430, 4 4 2 - 3 . 421. ' 393, 4 o 5 , Contextos 7 6 - 7 7 , 184, 186, 265, 4 2 1 . Brigindoni 114, 294, 3*4^*6 Convictolitavis 7 7 - 7 8 , 186, 217, 282, 284, 426. 427. ' 4°5> 425, ΙΒριτουλωυ 316. Cornuto(s), -us 292, 338, 376, 3 9 1 , 4 2 1 , £taa7&i 291, 297, 316-17, 3 Q Q 422. y, 4o5j424> Corar 3 3 8 - 9 , 377, 4 2 1 . Καβφος 291, 3 ΐ 7 - ι δ , 421. Correus 293, 297, 339-40. Caburus 318-19. Cosoius 422, 430, 443.
INDEXES Cotus 186, 187, 342. Cotutos 185, 187, 267, 3 4 2 - 3 , 421. ?Κραυσικνος 88, 182, 399, 421, 430, 443-4· KP€LT€ l 8 , 430, 444. Criciro 293, 297, 343, 427· Crispos 293, 398, 4 2 1 , 430, 444-5Critognatus 7 8 - 7 9 , 202, 209, 295. Δαγολιτους 79, 189, 2 l 8 , 427. Dannotali 7 9 - 8 0 , 107, 189, 260, 423. Deprosagi, Deprosagilos 42, 8 0 - 8 1 , 251, 294, 3 0 0 , 4 2 1 . Dercillus 293, 344, 391, 422. < ?Deuacnua 5 5 , 8 3 , 400, 424, 430, 445. Diviciacus 22, 42, 81-82, 193, 282, 284, 383,394,400,401. Divico 83, 193, 282, 283, 284. Diuuogna 8 3 - 8 4 , 192, 209, 397, 400, 424, 425. Doiros 3 4 4 - 5 , 4 2 i Donnotaurus 22, 8 4 - 8 5 , 195, 262, 3 8 1 , 474. Drappes 374, 430, 445-6. Druto 293, 430, 436, 446-7. ?Duca 424, 4 4 7 - 8 . Dumnacus 42, 8 5 , 197, 296, 345. Dumnorix 8 5 - 8 6 , 197, 246, 301, 345, 394. Duratius 87, 196, 240, 241. Εβουρος 2 9 1 , 297, 346-7, 4 ° 5 , 4 2 L ?Εκσιγγος 76, 8 7 - 8 8 , 178, 202, 403, 4 2 1 . Εκυλιος 422, 430, 448-9. ?ELVOVL 423, 449, 455-6·
Ελουισσα 295, 3 4 7 - 8 , 399, 4 2 4 , 425Eluontiu 5 1 , 3 4 8 - 9 , 423. Ηλουσκονιος 349, 422, 426. Epadatextorigi 8 8 - 8 9 , 90, 131, 198, 265, 428. Epasnactus 88, 8 9 - 9 0 , 128, 198. Eporedorix, 42, 9 0 - 9 2 , 198, 242, 247. Εσκίγγαι 59, 76, 88, 92, 177, 178, 202, 403,424. Εσκ€γγορ.ουι 76, 88, 92-93, I I 2 , 177, 178, 202, 4 0 3 , 423. Escincos 88, 9 4 - 9 5 , 178, 202, 4 2 1 . Εσκιγγορ€ΐξ 76, 88, 93-94, 178, 202, 247, 394, 4 0 3 , 428. lEsumaro 200, 226, 396, 430, 4 4 9 - 5 ° . Etiona 324, 424, 450. Exvertini 4 5 , 95, 104, 203, 281, 4 2 3 .
489
Galba 293, 297, 3 4 9 - 5 ° . ?Γαρμα 293, 451. Gisaci 396, 397, 447, 4 5 1 - 2 . Gnato 324, 350, 422, 427, 450. Gobannitio 294, 297, 3 5 0 - 1 . *Gutnater 42, 96, 293, 3 4 0 - 2 , 393. Hiduae 324, 424, 452. Iccauos 296, 3 5 Ϊ - 3 , 4 2 i Iccius 42, 296, 352, 353. ?[Ι]λλανονιακος 328-9, 354, 355, 3 8 7 , 421,453,462. Illios 354-6, 422. Indutiomarus 96-98, 226. ?Inianuvetitius 22, 42, 430, 452-4. Isosae 324, 424, 454. Ιτος 3 5 6 - 7 , 4 2 1 . Ιουγιλλιακος 295, 3 5 7 - 8 , 387, 397, 4 2 1 , 462. llxutiou 358, 430, 436, 454. Aahos 421, 454-5· ?Λαμι or ?Λαμι.€ΐ,νουι 293, 395, 399, 423, 425, 426, 430, 4 5 5 - 6 . Leucullo 292, 358-9. Licnos 76, 359-6o, 4 2 1 . Liscus 291, 360. Litaviccus 217, 296, 360—2. Λιτουμαρ€ος 98, 218, 227, 422, 426. Lituvi 218, 362, 423. Louri 430, 456-7. Lousios, -ius 422, 457. Luceo 292, 359, 3 6 2 - 3 , 408, 422. Lucterius 22, 292, 297, 3 6 3 - 4 , 406. Lugotorix 22, 98-99, 220, 247. Luguri 5 1 , 99, 220, 247, 428. Μακκαριουι 364-5, 423, 472. Μαγουρ€ΐγι 99-100, 222, 247, 394, 428. ?Μαγουτί 222, 4 5 7 - 8 . MalciOy -iu 427, 4 5 1 , 458. Malso 427, 458. Mandubracius 100-2, 223, 291, 408, 453. Martalos 365-7, 4 2 1 . Matug[ 102, 206, 2 3 1 . Μ € δ α [ 4 3 0 , 458-9Melicia[ 367. Μζθθι,λος 64, n o , 293, 3 6 7 - 8 , 404, 4 1 1 , 421. [M]edeilos 293, 368, 404, 4 2 1 . MereAaios 367, 396, 4 2 1 , 430, 455, 459.
490 INDEXES
Mon\ M U
AIomo 295, 296 42 7 459 -60.
r% i
' ''
Mon^latos 42, 421, 460. Muck^gus 103, 232, 265. j^ ^369,437,460-1.
'
IZ^obogi 103-4, 152, 153, 234, 235, Nam?* Mnt*ius 235, 293, 369, 422. Napkin 89, 104, 182, 236, 462. Mrt^tu 45, 9 5 , I 0 4 - . 5 , 427. Nerhjna 237, 362, 462. jVett^ <*ri 105-6, i n , 224, 227. ^95, 3 6 9 - 7 0 , 424· Λ f. Oclic^ Ollo^ 5 i , 106, 182, 422. 0v^° 2 2 , I 0 6 , 134, 238, 284. ? 0 n ^ >. 250, 371, 432, 462-3. Oppi^ 5 9 1 , 3 7 0 - 1 , 423, 424, 450. 0rbi<>tllcnos 107, 182, 421. 0rget£!i I O ? , 238, 260, 423. P ^ C
0
^
7 5 J I 0 8
-
9
'
2 3 9
'
2 4 7
·
Polo* ^ 9 5 , 3 7 2 - 3 , 406, 427, 429. >7,42i, 430,463. 43^ Α °ι>ηα 295, 4θβ, 407, 424,429, a
Qyto* 463-5. ^^465. D ΛΛΛί
^ 5 4 7 , 373, 42i. Λ*Χ^&5, 373-4, 423, 428.
PiOV^^los I O g 5 2 0 7 , 2 4 2 j 4 2 i . Rutot^sos n o , 247, 400, 465-6. _ , °Q 2 9 2 , 2 9 7 , 4 3 0 , 4 6 6 - 7 . Saqa>^>Q.\0[s-] 109-10, 253, 421.
^ f % * 362, 407, 423, 467. Sebo$p±y 424. ^^411,467-8. ? 2 7 ^ 22, 254, 468-9. *«y°itt Vt*°s 64, n o , 255,421. ^ 0 ^ P [ 4 2 , 1 1 1 , 2 2 7 , 255· * \*1 42, i n , 227, 255, 423. Segoi*f>°s 42, i n , 227, 255, 421. ?Sekhi 52, 256, 375, 399.
Σ γ
Statilos 377, 399, 421. Suadugeni 113, 204, 207, 258, 423. Subroni 113-14, 120, 258, 397, 423, 426. Sullias 424, 4 7 1 - 2 . Sumeli 114-16, 258, 293, 367, 397, 411, 426. Sum(m)aco(s), Summacus 33, 42, 365, 377, 421,422,472. Surus 87, 472. Τανκολατις I I 6 , 216, 261, 426. ?Tarbelionios 262, 422, 430, 4 7 3 - 4 . Tartos 295, 3 7 7 - 8 , 380, 395, 421, 429. Tasgetius 22, 265, 378. Taximagulus 22, 116-17, 222, 294. Tecci 42, 293, 296, 474-5· Teutomatus 117-18, 231, 267. ?Tocnai 423, 424, 436, 475. Toutissicnos 118, 182, 268, 421. Trito(s), Tritusy Triti, Trit 295, 376, 377, 378-80, 3 9 5 , 4 2 1 , 4 2 2 , 4 2 9 . Troucillus 294, 3 8 0 - 2 , 400. Vacaca 424, 4 7 5 - 6 . Valetiacus 22, 271, 3 8 2 - 3 . Ουαλικιο 2ηl, 383, 422. Vebrullus 272, 384, 422. Ουηβρουμαρος I l 8 - i g , 227, 272, 421. Vectit[ 283, 285, 384. Vedzui 84, 123, 385, 399, 4 I 5 - i 6 , 423. Ουενιτοουτα 44, n g , 268, 277, 278, 396, 424. Verbronara 119-20, 227, 272, 280, 424. Vercassivellaunus 66, 1 2 0 - 1 , 170, 272, 276, 280. Vercingetorix 22, 74, 75, 120, 121-2, 178, 248, 280. ?Ov€p€T. 476—7.
Verinus 422, 442, 477. OvcpGLKvos 122-3, I 8 2 , 385, 399, 421. Vertico 281, 3 8 5 - 6 . Vertiscus 22, 281, 386. Verucloetius 2 2 , 1 2 3 - 4 , 1 8 1 , 2 9 1 . OmXXoveos 422, 426, 477. OVLVSLCLKOS 295, 318, 3 8 6 - 7 , 404.
.fcwty** 292, 3 7 5 - 6 , 391, 421. ^y%*97,376,391,422. 39<, b -r t 0 p € t f 9 3 , n i - 1 2 , 247, 267, Σιλο^ζ 4 2 8 . Silva^os 112-13, 182, 394, 421. #Κ>*42ΐ,470. *ΣιΙ\ 4 2 i , 47o. Stamk£[ 4 3 o , 4 7 0 - 1 .
Vindulos, -us 3 8 7 - 8 , 421, 422. Viridomarus 125, 126, 225, 227, 287, 291, 476. Viridovix 125, 126, 282, 285, 287, 399. Virillios, Ουι/κλλιο 287, 422, 4 7 7 - 8 . Vixuvioni 55, 83, 84, 397, 427, 478. Voccio 42, 296, 397, 475, 4 7 8 - 9 . Voretovirius 114, 126-7, 249, 250, 289,
INDEXES Ουριττακος 95, 2g6, 3 8 8 - 9 , 412, 4 2 1 . ]aiouet 431~*2· .flrfo 293, 430, 434-5· ~\κοννου 74, 4 ° 5 , 427, 430, 442-2.
491 6
]druta 424, 430, 4 4 , 447]νακνος 4 3 ° , 4 ^ χ · ]vaAta/cos 387, 43°, 4β1"2' ]πορ€ιξ, 248, 358, 394, 428, 463.
V. N A M E E L E M E N T S These items are the ones discussed under separate headings in Chapter II, section (A) (ii). Bold type indicates the main references in that section. -acio-$o, 128, 1 3 5 , 4 0 6 , 4 0 7 . <*d- 43, 4 5 . 47, 56~57, 88, 89, 128-31, 204, 391, 404, 4 1 1 , 469. aged-, ages-, agid-, agis- 131-2, 293, 2 9 8 9, 301, 310, 392, 399, 400. alio- 106,132-4, 2 9 5 , 3 0 8 , 391, 408, 429. ambi- 48-49, 128, 134-6, 292, 393, 395, 405, 406, 408, 4 3 1 . ande-50, 52, 1 3 4 , 1 3 6 - 4 1 , 393, 395, 404, 408. ario-, areo- 5 4 - 5 5 , 141-2, 294, 3 0 8 - 9 , 399, 408. «fr- 47, 53, 5 5 - 5 6 , 128, 129, 134,142-5, 309, 393, 407· and-, -aud- 57, 145-7, 294, 395, 4°4· bal-, ball- 57, 147-8, 293, 295, 393, 405. W 149, 291, 310, 405, 408. bil-, bill- 5 7 - 5 8 , 149-51, 291, 294, 405. boduo- 59-60, 151, 157, 291, 393, 404, 4
5
cingc-, cixgstc- 73~74, 58, 92-95; l<2<2> 177-9, 239, 295, 392, 400, 403, 4 0 4 , 405. cintu- 179-80, 295, 334"5, 392, 4 0 5 , 407, 408, 428. clouto-, cloto-, cluto- 15, 124, 180-1, 294, 396, 407. -cno- 13, 42, 47, 104, 106, 107, 112, 118, 122, 175, 181-3, 203, 209, 292, 4 4 3 , 461. com-, con-, co-, cov- (covi·), Icob- 50, 75, 76, 77, 183-6, 204, 343, 393, 4 0 8 , 409, 4 3 1 , 4 4 1 · ^t-, cott- 58, 186-7, 292, 294, 314, 342, 343· cumb- 50, 188, 293, 393, 405. daco.
ώ 4oo, damo_
79) l 8 8 - 9 , 293, 297, 3 9 1 , 404. 8 Q J j e g - g o , 294.
. ° · bogw- 103-4, 152-3, 295, 393, 396, 400, 4°5bor- 50, 154-6, 2 9 1 , 294, 399, 405, 408,
devo- 8 3 , 84, 191-3, 291, 297, 396, 397, 4 o 4 , 445. di- 8 2 - 8 3 , x 9 3 - 4 , 394, 4°4, 4 2 9domo_ 85J I94_5J 2g3j 294i 295J 297#
A 4J°' a a o a bond- 59-60, 151, 156-8, 295, 396, 404, 405· brog- 50, 158-60, 293, 393, 400, 405, 408.
du
camul- 49, 6 0 - 6 1 , 1 6 0 - 1 , 291, 3 2 3 - 4 , 405· caro- 61-62, 90, 162-6, 234, 292, 294, 324-7, 405, 408, 4 1 1 , 437. cart- 6 2 - 6 3 , 1 6 6 - 7 , 2 9 5 , 328-9, 399,4°5> 408. cassi- 65, 66, 1 2 0 - 1 , 167-71, 291, 293, 294, 3 3 1 , 4 ° 4 , 4 ° 5 , 4 1 !· catu- 58, 67, 69, 70, 7 1 , 72, 73, 171-5, 291, 293, 295, 297, 3 9 1 , 393, 405, 407.
4°7, 4 1 1 esu- 52, 2 0 0 - 3 , 291, 393, 396, 450.
8 ?> I X 5 , 195-6, 4 8 6 j 345, 393, 404, 405.
'
1Q6^}
2g2>
Φ>- 5 3 , 8 8 - 9 1 , 197-200, 292, 391, 406,
<*-> exs'> es'> ec' 79, ««, 92-95, *77, 2 0 2 3 , 3 9 1 , 398. gen-, -gen(n)- 4 3 , 5 9 - 6 1 , 75, 102, 109, 113, 175, 203-7, 209, 292, 400, 4 0 8 . gnat°' 60, 78, 203, 207-9, 292, 295, 350. 395, 400, 407, 4 ° 8 . gno-84, 1 8 2 , 2 0 3 , 2 0 9 - 1 0 , 2 9 2 , 4 0 0 . gon{n)- 74, 75, 203, 210-11, 292, 295,
492 INDEXES
iant-, ι
*L 293 > *' 3QI
Ut
>
->
ient
~>
iot
-
45-47, 211-15,
397.
lano- ^ lati- \χ^> 3 9 3 j 2 9 5 ) litarw,^ 2xS} 2 g 5 j
399> 4o8i 40
453.
8.
,· 39^ d ^ 3 ' 75, 2 1 6 - 1 7 , 293, 295, 393, litavi- *>7, 4 o 8 # 408. 7, 217, 293, 3 6 0 - 2 , 395, 397, litu- 7Q lucot- ' 9 8 , 2 I 7 - J 8 , 294, 362, 407, 408. lugu- ^ 3 i 8 , 2 9 2 . 1 * * 9 - 2 i , 2 9 1 , 400, 408. magu-s 393 0 ( ^ 116-17, 2 2 1 - 2 , 292, 365, mana\^ ^ 8 , 4 5 8 > 4 °^dRo°^2' maro- χ <*>b.
222
-3,
292, 293, 395,
86, 8 8 - 8 9 , 9 ! " 9 2 , 93-94, 9 8 - 1 0 0 , 109, 112, 122, 243-9, 294, 373, 392, 399, 400, 428, 463, 465. rit(t)ret(t)-, reds-, rest-, res(s)-, rot(t)-, 4 7 - 4 8 , 7 8 - 7 9 , 126-7, 2 4 9 - 5 1 , 296, 391, 392, 395, 399, 404, 408, 411, 441, 4 6 3 . sag- 8 0 - 8 1 , 2 5 1 - 2 , 400. samo- n o , 2 5 2 - 3 , 292, 293, 397, 408. sed- 5 6 - 5 7 , 2 5 3 - 4 , 296, 391, 397, 404, 469· sego- n o , i n , 112, 254-7, 294, 375, 391, 397. su- 87, 113-16, 257-8, 393, 397, 472. suadu- 113, 258, 293, 398, 404.
6
> ϊ ? ; 5 3 , 5 6 - 5 7 , 6 1 - 6 2 , 97, 98, 105^ d ^ U ^ I 2 5 , 2 2 3 - 8 , 244, 296, matu-K*,^ 2 9 ^ * t o - , mart- 102, 117-18, 228-32, mon- ^ 93. mo/- ^ 3> ^ 3 2 - 3 , 2 9 1 , 292, 393, 408. 1 7 , 233-4, 293. namo. ^1 391, ^nto103-4, 234-6, 294> 369, nantu. ^ 9 3 , 408. 3 9
mrt0
i ^ s ^ 3 6 - 7 , 293, 393, 395, 408· ' ^ 6 , a 3 7 ) 2 9 4 , 4 Q 8 , 462. olio- >ΛΛ % , 3 . " > d A 0 1 4 5 ' 2 3 7 " 8 , 291, 296, 393, ~
orgeto, *1> 2 3 8 - 9 , 292, 393, 405. >> 108-9, 2 3 9 - 4 0 , 295, 400. rato- § w t a - w ^ o - i , 292, 296, 395. redo- ^ y> 2 4 i - 2 j 296, 406. reg-, ^ , 2 4 2 - 3 , 296, 396, 404. ~re\ 4 .riS'> -rig-, -ric-, -peiy-, -rix, "***, -ris, -ri 13, 43, 48-49, 74,
talo- 65, 80, 107, n o , 259-61, 293, 407, tanco- 116, 2 6 1 , 294, 395. tarvo- 85, 2 6 1 - 3 , 292, 397, 407, 473-4· tasco-, tasgo- 103, 263-5, 291, 294, 296, 378, 399, 400· tecto- 76, 8 8 - 8 9 , 265-6, 291, 296, 406. teuto- 112, 117-18, 1 1 9 , 2 6 6 - 9 , 2 9 3 , 3 1 4 , 343, 396. val-, vail- 66, 70, 269-71, 294, 383, 397, 408. vebru- 119, 272, 292, 384. vellauno- 66, 120-1, 270, 272-7, 293, 397, 408. veni- 119, 2 7 7 - 9 , 292, 397· ver- 120-2, 2 7 9 - 8 0 , 399. verto-, vorto- 9 5 , 2 8 0 - 1 , 296, 386, 397. vie-, vict-, vec-, vect- 59, 77, 8 2 - 8 3 , 106, 126, 2 8 1 - 5 , 292, 295, 384, 392, 406. viro- 125-7, 2 8 6 - 8 , 293, 296, 393, 394, 397™- 126-7, 2 8 8 - 9 , 393, 399, 429, 479,
