Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia: The Impact of Globalization Processes on Language

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

Advances in Sociolinguistics Series Editors: Professor Sally Johnson, Professor of Linguistics, University of Leeds, UK Dr Tommaso M. Milani, Senior Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa Since the emergence of sociolinguistics as a new field of enquiry in the late 1960s, research into the relationship between language and society has advanced almost beyond recognition. In particular, the past decade has witnessed the considerable influence of theories drawn from outside of sociolinguistics itself. Thus rather than see language as a mere reflection of society, recent work has been increasingly inspired by ideas drawn from social, cultural, and political theory that have emphasised the constitutive role played by language/discourse in all areas of social life. The Advances in Sociolinguistics series seeks to provide a snapshot of the current diversity of the field of sociolinguistics and the blurring of the boundaries between sociolinguistics and other domains of study concerned with the role of language in society. Discourses of Endangerment: Ideology and Interest in the Defence of Languages Edited by Alexandre Duchêne and Monica Heller Linguistic Minorities and Modernity, 2nd Edition: A Sociolinguistic Ethnography Monica Heller Language, Culture and Identity: An Ethnolinguistic Perspective Philip Riley Language Ideologies and Media Discourse: Texts, Practices, Politics Edited by Sally Johnson and Tommaso M. Milani Language in the Media: Representations, Identities, Ideologies Edited by Sally Johnson and Astrid Ensslin Language and Power: An Introduction to Institutional Discourse Andrea Mayr Language Testing, Migration and Citizenship Edited by Guus Extra, Massimiliano Spotti and Piet Van Avermaet Multilingualism: A Critical Perspective Adrian Blackledge and Angela Creese Semiotic Landscapes: Language, Image, Space Edited by Adam Jaworski and Crispin Thurlow The Languages of Global Hip Hop Edited by Marina Terkourafi The Language of Newspapers: Socio-Historical Perspectives Martin Conboy The Languages of Urban Africa Edited by Fiona Mc Laughlin

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia The Impact of Globalization Processes on Language

Edited by Viniti Vaish

Continuum International Publishing Group The Tower Building 80 Maiden Lane 11 York Road Suite 704 London SE1 7NX New York, NY 10038 www.continuumbooks.com © Viniti Vaish and contributors 2010 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: 978-1-8470-6183-6 (Hardback)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

Typeset by Newgen Imaging Systems Pvt Ltd, Chennai, India Printed and bound in Great Britain by the MPG Books Group

Contents

Notes on Contributors 1.

Introduction: Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia Viniti Vaish

2.

Global Mandarin Goh Yeng Seng and Lim Seok Lai

3.

Muslim Education and Globalization: The Re-(de)positioning of Languages and Curriculum Content in Southeast Asia Sa’eda Buang

4.

5.

6.

vii 1 14

34

Language Idealism and Realism in Globalization: Exploring Homogeneity Beliefs in Japan Masakazu Iino

61

Linguistic Capital, Study Mothers and the Transnational Family in Singapore Phyllis Ghim-Lian Chew

82

Globalization and English Teaching in Sri Lanka: Foreign Resources and Local Responses Kaushalya Perera and Suresh Canagarajah

106

7.

Pedagogy, Culture and Globalization in India Viniti Vaish

120

8.

Flows of Technology: Mandarin in Cyberspace Shouhui Zhao

139

9.

Globalization and South Korea’s EPIK (English Program in Korea) Mihyon Jeon

10. Globalization and Language-in-Education Policy Shift in Malaysia: Challenges of Implementation Saran Kaur Gill, Radha M. K. Nambiar, Noraini Ibrahim and Tan Kim Hua

161

180

Contents

11.

vi

Globalization: Medium-of-Instruction Policy, Indigenous Educational Systems and ELT in Sri Lanka Indika Liyanage

206

Index

231

Notes on Contributors

Sa’eda Buang, a senior lecturer at the Asian Languages and Cultures Academic Group, was the guest co-editor of the Asia Pacific Journal of Education Special Issue: Muslim Education – Challenges, Opportunities and Beyond in 2007. She has written articles and chapters for refereed journals and books, respectively, on the madrasah or madrasahrelated issues. Suresh Canagarajah is Kirby Professor in Language Learning at Pennsylvania State University. He teaches courses in World Englishes, ethnography and academic discourse. He is the author of Resisting Linguistic Imperialism in English Teaching (OUP, 1999), Geopolitics of Academic Writing (University of Pittsburgh Press, 2002) and Critical Academic Writing and Multilingual Students (University of Michigan Press, 2002). Phyllis Ghim-Lian Chew is Associate Professor at the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University. She has published widely in the areas of education and linguistics, comparative religion and women’s studies, her latest book being Emergent Lingua Francas: The Politics and Place of English as a World Language (New York: Routledge, 2009). She is also active in civic life and sits on the board of several NGOs both in Singapore and abroad. Saran Kaur Gill is Professor of Sociolinguistics in Multi-Ethnic Nations, at the School of Language Studies and Linguistics, FSSK, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. She researches and publishes in the area of language policy and planning with a focus on managing ethnic, national and global identities. She is also Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Industry and Community Partnerships). Goh Yeng Seng is currently an Associate Professor and Head of the Asian Languages and Cultures Academic Group (Chinese) at the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University. He received his B.A. in Chinese language and literature from National Taiwan University and a Ph.D. in linguistics from the School of Oriental vii

Notes on Contributors

and African Studies, University of London. His teaching and research interests have been concerned primarily with phonological theory, Chinese linguistics, Chinese lexicography, teaching Chinese as a second language, global Mandarin and varieties of Mandarin, bilingualism and multilingual societies, contrastive linguistics and translation studies, Chinese-English language policies and language education, and Chinese diaspora. Tan Kim Hua is Associate Professor of Applied Linguistics at the School of Language Studies and Linguistics, FSSK, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Her research interests are in the area of technology-enhanced language studies, corpus informed studies and e-lexicography. Noraini Ibrahim is Head, Unit of Foreign Languages and Translation, School of Language Studies and Linguistics, FSSK, UKM. Her main areas of interest and research are forensic linguistics, institutional discourse, ESP and CLIL. Masakazu Iino is Professor of Sociolinguistics at the School of International Liberal Studies, Waseda University, Japan. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania and his research interests include language planning and language policy, and intercultural communication. Mihyon Jeon is an assistant professor at the Department of Languages, Literatures and Linguistics, York University, Toronto. Her research interests include diaspora and language issues, global English, and language education program and policy. Lim Seok Lai is currently a Lecturer with the Asian Languages and Cultures Academic Group (Chinese) at the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University, where she received her Diploma in Education, B.A. and M.A. in Chinese language and literature. Her research interests are in the fields of CL2 acquisition, CL2 curriculum design and the development of online teaching materials for CL2 learners. Indika Liyanage is a senior lecturer in applied linguistics & TESOL in the Faculty of Education, Griffith University, Australia where he researches and trains ESL teachers. He also works as an international consultant on TESOL in the Pacific.

viii

Notes on Contributors

Radha M. K. Nambiar is an Associate Professor with the School of Language Studies and Linguistics, FSSK, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Her research interests include the area of academic literacies, learning strategies and language acquisition. She is especially interested in understanding how learners learn and what can be done to make learning more efficient and effective. Kaushalya Perera is a Lecturer at the English Language Teaching Unit, University of Kelaniya in Sri Lanka. She has a B.A. in English Literature and Language, and an M.A. in Linguistics. Her research interests are in language planning and policy and reading in a second language. Viniti Vaish is Assistant Professor at Singapore’s National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University where she is affiliated with the Centre for Pedagogy and Practice and the English Language and Literature Department. She has published in World Englishes, Linguistics and Education, Language Policy and numerous other journals. Shouhui Zhao is professional language teacher. He has taught Chinese language and culture at seven universities and in five countries for the past 22 years. His recent work was published by Springer (2008) and Cengage Learning (2010) and his papers appear in Current Issues in Language Planning, Language Policy, Asia-Pacific Education Researcher and Pedagogies: An International Journal and many other journals.

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1

Introduction: Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia Viniti Vaish

It is serendipitous that a book about globalization is being edited by someone working in Singapore which is, quite simply, the most globalized country in the world. This book began with my hunch that despite the homogenizing effects of globalization, Asia shows some unique aspects of language and culture which have not been given adequate air time in applied linguistics journals. When I received chapters from my contributors, who are all bilingual insiders conducting research in Asian countries, I realized that, indeed, there was some basis for my hunch. The fact that books on globalization (see Rubdy, 2008) invariably organize themselves around countries signals that the most important aspect of the juggernaut of globalization is its local avatars. This book presents chapters from India, China, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Singapore, Japan and Korea. In keeping with the animal metaphors favoured by economists, these countries include lumbering elephants like India and China, and the fast paced tigers of South East Asia. In addition there are chapters on Mandarin and Arabic, which are languages of immense cultural and spiritual capital, and, in the case of Arabic, not country specific. Other Asian countries, like Indonesia, Vietnam and Cambodia are not represented, which is a shortcoming of this book. Is globalization, then, the process of homogenization, regionalization or syncretism? How can globalization be measured in the social sciences, especially in Applied Linguistics? Most importantly what are the unique aspects of globalization in Asia? Are you, as a reader, for or against globalization? And finally, what is the contribution of Applied Linguistics to a topic which is dominated by the disciplines of economics, sociology and anthropology? In this extended essay I explore answers or, as the case may be, non-answers, to these questions while at the same time introducing the ensuing chapters and indicating how the chapters contribute to our understanding of this topic. 1

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

Defining the nature of globalization The economist Bhagwati (2004) takes a position in his book In Defense of Globalization, a position that is shared by Nobel laureate in economics, Amartya Sen (2004). I will discuss this stance in the section titled ‘are you for or against globalization’. Suffice it here to state Bhagwati’s definition: ‘Economic globalization constitutes integration of national economies into the international economy through trade, direct foreign investment (by corporations and multinationals), short term capital flows, international flows of workers and humanity generally, and flows of technology . . .’ (2004, p. 3). Bhagwati uses the word ‘flows’ in his definition which is also used by the cultural anthropologist Arjun Appadurai (1996) in his definition of the term globalization. The significance of ‘flows’ lies in its directionality: globalization is not a linear process from West to East; the flow can be any direction. Cultural anthropologist Pieterse (2004) defines globalization as ‘an objective empirical process of increasing economic and political connectivity, a subjective process unfolding in the consciousness as the collective awareness of growing global interconnectedness, and a host of specific globalizing projects that seek to shape global conditions’ (p. 17). An interesting aspect of this definition is that globalization is defined as both an empirical and a non-empirical process. Economic connectivity can be measured on the basis of the amount of remittances that migrant workers send back to the home country, and the amount of money that is traded in a 24-hour period on stock exchanges. However, ‘awareness of . . . global interconnectedness’ is hard to measure and I will come back to this issue in the section on the methodologies for researching globalization. In his book on the cultural aspects of globalization, Pieterse (2004), somewhat simplistically, clusters the vast literature on this sub topic into three distinct paradigms. The first is the paradigm of cultural differentialism, which separates the world into civilizational units in conflict with each other, and for which Samuel Huntington (1996) has been severely critiqued. In Pieterse’s (2004) critique Huntington’s theory is a ‘crude rendition of civilizational difference’ which spreads fear in the West by highlighting the threat of two main forces: Islam and the ‘yellow peril’ of the Chinese. The second paradigm is based on the sociologist Ritzer’s (2008) theory of McDonaldization which refers to the homogenization of the world in terms of fashion, eating habits, housing styles, lifestyles, etc. This is problematic not only because it is Americacentric instead of polycentric, but, more importantly, because it denies agency to those being globalized. The third paradigm, which Pieterse (2004) promotes, is that of hybridity or ‘global melange’, which, in a 2

Introduction

moment of extreme simplicity, he defines as ‘the synthesis that acts as the solvent between these polar perspectives’ (p. 57). Appadurai’s (1996) definition is that globalization is the flow of ideas, images, people, technology and money which can be both centrifugal and centripetal and, most importantly, highly unpredictable. For instance the idea of nationalism and the concept of India as an independent nation state were imbibed by freedom fighters in India like Rabindranath Tagore and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi because of their experience of studying in and through English. This is an illustration of ideas and images flowing from the West to South Asia. When Gandhi formulated his ideas of organized non-violence, symbolized in the powerful image of a half-naked wiry man striding forward with a staff, and this was embraced by Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King Jr, it was a flow of ideas and images flowing back to the West from South Asia. Today the anti-globalization movement has taken the idea of organized non-violence from M. K. Gandhi (Sklair, 2006) which is another illustration of the flow of ideas from South Asia to the West and beyond. In Applied Linguistics Ritzer’s idea of Mcdonaldization manifests itself as linguistic imperialism and the spread of global English. This is linked with its own anti-globalization movement of linguistic human rights in which English and the processes of cultural globalization are seen as eroding indigenous languages and cultures. These positions are well documented, as are their critiques, thus I do not plan to discuss them here except to make the link between Applied Linguistics and globalization literature. (For a succinct statement on these positions and their critiques see Pennycook, 2006). The central concerns of applied linguists vis a vis globalization are the increasing use of English as medium of instruction in national school systems and the spread of global English with the concomitant loss of indigenous languages and cultures (though it has never been conclusively proven that the rise of English and the loss of mother tongues are in a cause and effect relationship). In this book the chapters by Viniti Vaish and Saran Kaur Gill et al. explore English as one media in dual medium education in India and Malaysia respectively. Whereas Saran Kaur Gill et al. emphasize the challenges facing Malaysia’s national school system due to this language in education policy, Viniti Vaish emphasizes that globalization is increasing access to the linguistic capital of English for the urban disadvantaged in India. Mihyon Jeon’s chapter on the English Program in Korea situates Korea in a postcolonial theoretical framework. The author thinks that Korea is hegemonized under American neo-liberal policies and that Korea is an illustration of the spread of global English in East Asia. Though Viniti Vaish finds 3

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

postcolonial theory impoverished and outdated for discussing English Language Teaching (ELT) in India, Mihyon Jeon finds it a good fit for ELT in Korea.

The measurement of globalization Economists and political scientists have well placed quantified measures of this phenomenon. For instance the annual A. T. Kearney/ FOREIGN POLICY Globalization Index ranks 62 countries. The rankings are based on four dimensions: economic integration, personal contact, technological connectivity and political engagement. The methodology and data sources for these rankings are available online (www. ForeignPolicy.com; www.ATKearney.com). What is interesting is that Singapore, the tiny tiger of Asia, has consistently come out number 1 in this prestigious index in both 2006 and 2005. The other Asian countries in the top 30 are Malaysia, which ranked 19 in 2006, Japan which ranked 28 and South Korea which ranked 29. Philippines lost the 30th position to Romania and was ranked 31. Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia and India are at the bottom of this list of 62, though, in the inexorable march to globalization, they have done better than countries which did not make it to the list at all. Census results, or sociolinguistic surveys, which have been used in the past to measure language loss and shift, are still a good measure of globalization. They can provide figures for the spread of English and the loss of mother tongues, though, as I pointed out earlier, these phenomena cannot be presumed to be in a cause and effect relationship. Census results can also provide valuable information on how family structure is changing due to high levels of mobility amongst people, which, according to Giddens (2002) is an important indicator of globalization. These quantitative measures have always been available to researchers; however, such measures tend to document change only after it has become substantial so that large-scale surveys can pick it up with significant effect sizes. On the other hand, small scale in-depth studies, like the one presented by Phyllis Chew in this book, about study-mothers in Singapore, are a powerful method of exploring changes due to globalization that are discernable in family structure. There remain enormous knowledge gaps in the methodology for measuring globalization especially in Applied Linguistics. Quantitatively we still do not have a reliable gauge for the languages in which users access the World Wide Web. This measurement is imperative because the new frontier for the spread of languages is not the national boundary but cyberspace. In a chapter aptly titled ‘Flows of technology’ Shouhui Zhang explores technological challenges in using Mandarin 4

Introduction

on the computer. Due to socio-political differences between hanzi using countries, like China, Japan, Taiwan, etc., there is, as yet, no standardized form for Chinese characters on the computer. Though there is great attention paid to English in globalization studies, other languages which are proliferating rapidly, like Mandarin and Arabic, have been ignored, a gap that this book tries to bridge. There is a need for ethnographies, cases, area-studies and observations of globalization with a focus on how languages and cultures are affected in communities by the inflow and outflow of people, images, ideas, technology and money. Blommaert (2003) calls for more ethnographic studies which are sensitive to the scale and speed with which linguistic variation and language shift takes place. Thus there needs to be a paradigm shift in looking at the ethnography not as the study of small things but as illustrations of global trends in language. However, most measures or indicators of globalization privilege a quantitative approach. For instance the sociologist Guillen (2001) measures globalization from 1980 till 1998 on the basis of 4 indicators: economic, financial, social & political, and bibliographical. For each of these indicators the author offers a quantitative figure. Quantitative figures, for instance those which measure the growing numbers of tourists and migrants, are woefully inadequate for measuring the cultural and linguistic aspects of globalization.

Globalization in Asia We now turn to the heart of the matter: what exactly are the unique aspects of globalization in Asia that sets this part of globe apart from the rest of our world? The first, I think, is the resilient and strong nationstate model. Secondly there are challengers to global English like Mandarin, Hindi and Arabic not only in the number of speakers but also in the cultural and spiritual capital that is associated with these languages. Thirdly, aspects of Asian culture like Bollywood and Japanese anime are spreading across the globe with consequences in the way that Asians perform identity. And finally the Western economic model of unbridled, unregulated capitalism is under serious attack due to the global financial crisis of 2008 which is making the Asian Financial Crisis of 1998 look like a ripple compared to a tsunami. The processes of globalization are supposed to weaken the state and Appadurai is convinced ‘that the nation-state, as a complex modern political form, is on its last legs’ (1996, p. 19). Even in his later work, Appadurai (2001) insists that ‘I am among those analysts who are inclined to see globalization as a definite marker of a new crisis for the sovereignty of nation-states’ (p. 4). However, countries like Singapore and Malaysia, both of which get a high rank in the A. T. Kearney 5

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

Globalization index, are reputed to have a strong state with tight regulations in most sectors including the economy and mass media. These highly globalized Asian countries have put paid to Appadurai’s view. Singapore and Malaysia are environments of dirigisme where governments exercise considerable control on the economy, mass media, education and language planning. According to Gopinathan (2008) the East Asian developmental state is still the model that Singapore follows, as do the countries of Taiwan, South Korea and Hongkong, in which the state governs the market instead of being governed by it. ‘Singapore has also aligned itself to the view that the neo-Confucian ideology is a sensible alternative framework for socio-economic and political organization’ (Gopinathan, 2007, p. 59), which is an ideology in which discipline and hierarchy play a key role in people’s behaviour towards the state. Goh Yeng Seng and Lim Seok Lai in this book raise awareness about the increasing numbers of Mandarin learners in the United States of America. Though the number of Mandarin speakers in the world outnumber native English speakers (as do the number of Hindi speakers ) they point out that Mandarin may not be considered ‘global’ because the bulk of Mandarin speakers live in and not out of China. However, the impact of the large number of Mandarin speakers can be seen on language use on the internet, which has led Dor (2004) to speculate that in future English will be surpassed by other languages on the internet. I surmise that as languages like Arabic, Mandarin and Hindi become more computerfriendly, there will be an increasing number of users who google, game and blog in these languages rather than English. Sa’eda Buang in her chapter in this book explores the religious importance of Arabic in South East Asia, a topic rarely seen in Applied Linguistics journals. Through primary and secondary research she documents that though English and Malay have changed their roles, Arabic has held its status as the language of immense spiritual capital for Muslim people. In addition its domains are expanding as it becomes the language in which business is done with the Middle East. A similar claim for the entrenchment and preservation of Arabic is documented ethnographically by Rosowsky (2006). In this study of a South Asian Muslim community in the UK, the spoken language at home is Mirpuri Punjabi, with English and Urdu as languages of literacy. Arabic is the language of liturgical literacy being acquired in mosques by adults and children. In this community language attitudes favour the learning of Arabic over that of learning Mirpuri Punjabi or Urdu thus affirming the importance of Arabic and religion. That English is a world language because of its econocultural properties and the agentive acceptance of the colonies (Brutt-Griffler, 2002) is yet another triumphalist view. The term ‘econocultural’ for English is problematic: I do not see that that world economy is linked via English. 6

Introduction

What about the Chinese, German and Japanese economies? Are these linked via English? And I do not believe that there is such a thing as world culture. The gaze in applied linguistics and related fields needs to shift from English to new ideas like the increasing numbers of Mandarin learners, how Arabic unites Islamic peoples as a global language and the entrenched nature of Hindi in India despite the fact that English is its co-official partner. Though the spread of English is written about ad nauseum, the entrenched nature of Hindi and its resistance to the spread of global English despite a rapidly globalizing India has gone unnoticed. A look at the figures for Hindi in the census of India from 1971 till 2001 shows that the number of Hindi speakers is rising at an average of about 25 per cent every decade. There are currently about 422 million Hindi speakers and if the trend continues this number will surpass the half a billion mark by 2011. The decadal increase in Hindi speakers existed before India started globalizing in 1991 and is continuing, thus showing that globalization has not affected India with the penetration of English as it has in certain other parts of the world. One of the reasons for this is that globalization is about multinationals penetrating large local markets through local languages, a strategy that supports additive bilingualism (Vaish, forthcoming). Quite simply, if the COKE Company advertises in English in India it will reach 2 per cent of one billion people; if it advertises in Hindi, nearly half a billion. A similar sociolinguistic situation exists in Japan. Masakazu Iino in his chapter in this book documents two phenomenon happening simultaneously. The first is the spread of English in elementary schools as a compulsory subject even though English is not really used by the Japanese for communicative purposes. The other is the teaching of Japanese to inbound immigrants and their children who are increasing in number and are being encouraged to become the residents of Japan, an immigration policy which is resulting in a disturbing rise in national pride. Thus the examples of India and Japan show the entrenchment of languages despite, or because of, globalization. Cultural globalization has numerous nodes in Asia like Bollywood movies made in Mumbai, the Japanese anime cartoons and Kung Fu movies made in Hong Kong which are subtitled in as many as 17 languages and distributed to specific diasporas. These cultural spaces, which are dominated by languages like Hindi, Japanese and Mandarin, ignore and challenge the spread of English. Vaish (2007) has shown how Chinese and Indian children in Singapore are networked into the pan-Chinese and pan-Indian culture through their engagement with Canto-pop music and Tamil movies respectively. She thus empirically challenges the idea that Asian youth are passive victims 7

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

of cultural globalization, or what Brutt-Griffler (2002) calls ‘world culture’ that emanates from the West. Finally, we come to the global financial crisis of 2008 which has upstaged the Asian financial crisis of 1997–1998. It is not my area of expertise or the purpose of this introduction to give an economic interpretation of these crises. More importantly, having lived in Singapore through both these crises, I want to point to some cultural impressions of the same. In 1997–1998 the International Herald Tribune and the Economist magazine carried numerous articles which berated the ‘crony capitalism’ of East Asian countries and held it responsible for the near collapse of countries like Indonesia. There was a sense that the Western capitalist model had been imperfectly supplanted in East Asia, thus resulting in the crisis. The global financial crisis of 2008 has, ironically, made Asian economies look better, though they are by no means totally unaffected by the crisis. However, the protectionist policies of governments in developmental states, which earlier were berated as part of a patriarchal neo-confucianist system, are now considered sensible as they have prevented banks from collapsing. Once again the gaze is on Asia, this time on nationalized banks and businesses, which are part of a patriarchal culture in which the government controls the market. Now the unbridled market capitalism of the West and the mythical selfcorrecting nature of this market are under attack.

Are you for or against globalization? If there was a debate in which the motion was: ‘this house believes that globalization is a benign process which can benefit both rich and poor countries’, would you be for or against? In academia this seems a trite question to ask as academics are above taking positions. However globalization is one topic that makes many scholars take a stance and argue from their point of view. Scholars are divided between those who see globalization as a benign process (Bhagwati, 2004; Sen, 2004; Friedman, 2005) and those who see globalization as a process that will harm the environment and deepen the existing divide between the rich and the poor, the technologized and non-technologized (Shiva, 2004; Sklair, 2006). Sen (2004) persuades that globalization is not particularly Western and it is not a process that makes the poor poorer. He gives numerous examples from history to show how ideas from the East spread to the West through trade, travel and migration, like the decimal system which was developed in India between the second and sixth centuries and was carried to the West by Arab traders. Bhagwati (2004) substantiates Sen’s contention that the poor do not become further disenfranchised 8

Introduction

because of the processes of globalization, and attempts to prove that globalization can benefit all social classes if it is managed. For both these economists market capitalism must go hand in hand with public policies in education, land reform, microcredit facilities and appropriate legal protection for labour. Thus the real issue is the equitable distribution of globalization’s benefits through appropriate public policy. Both these economists are well aware of the shortcomings of globalization. Bhagwati writes that ‘A dramatic example of mismanagement of globalization . . . is the imprudent and hasty freeing of capital flows that surely helped to precipitate the Asian financial and economic crisis starting in 1997’ (p. 35). Thus he asserts that ‘globalization must be managed so that its fundamentally benign effects are ensured and reinforced’ (Bhagwati, 2004, p. 35). My own work on globalization and English language education in India draws extensively on the work of Bhagwati and Sen (Vaish, 2008). I find that a postcolonial doom and gloom view of English in India is not productive because there is high demand for this product from the disadvantaged who should be given equitable access to this linguistic capital. The reason for this demand is the burgeoning of new employment sectors, like call centres, which employ English-knowing bilinguals. The government school system is rising to meet this challenge and my book, Vaish (2008), is the story of one such school. At the same time I acknowledge that these changes in India are not across the board and large parts of rural India are not seeing the effects of globalization. In his research on Bangladesh Bruthiaux (2002) rightly comments that English language education is of no use for the poorest of the poor because they do not have access to the global economy. Yet, globalization can bring new employment opportunity to the disadvantaged and when coupled with appropriate public policy, in this case a dualmedium language in education policy, it can create what Friedman (2005) calls a level-playing field or a ‘flat world’. My concern is not that English spreads, and neither is it, I think, the concern of most Asians. My concern is that English has been spreading along class lines. Opponents of globalization are not convinced. In a polemical essay on the environment Shiva (2004) argues that ‘Globalization is not the cross-cultural interaction of diverse societies. It is the imposition of a particular culture on all others . . . It is the predation of one class, one race, and often one gender of a single species on all others’ (p. 422). Though his tone is more neutral Guillen (2001) agrees that ‘Globalization . . . is also an ideology’ which is loosely associated with neoliberalism and with technocratic solutions to economic development (p. 236). Shiva’s negative view of global institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund is echoed by Kushalya Parera and 9

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

Suresh Canagarajah in their chapter on Sri Lanka in this book. Their perspective, which is similar to the postcolonial stance taken by Indika Liyanage in his chapter, is that the educational policies of the World Bank in Sri Lanka privilege English-speaking countries and disenfranchise indigenous languages and educational practices of Sri Lanka.

Globalization and Applied Linguistics Applied Linguistics does not have a strong voice on the topic of globalization which is dominated by economists, sociologists and anthropologists. In measuring globalization through bibliographic indicators Guillen (2001) records the annual entries in sociological abstracts, economics literature, politics & international relations, historical abstracts, anthropological literature and books in print. He completely bypasses abstracts in applied linguistics though he acknowledges that the alleged rise of a global culture has to do with whether or not a global language is emerging (p. 254). And to substantiate his claim that there is no global language as yet, he quotes Mazlish (1993), who is a historian!. Similarly Appadurai (1996) in his interdisciplinary book on globalization references historians, literary critics and economists but does not even mention language and does not reference a single applied linguist. Bruthiaux (2008), in a trenchant review of papers published between 2001 and 2004 in applied linguistics journals regarding globalization, finds that applied linguists are not interdisciplinary in their research and rarely reference economists. They tend to have a negative view of globalization’s linguistic and a positive view of its cultural consequences. Though they use the word as a keyword in their papers they do not grapple with its definitional and ideological nuances. As Blommaert (2003) rightly points out, ‘when sociolinguistics attempts to address globalization, it will need new theory’ (p. 607) and this theory has yet to emerge. Specifically the new theory will have to re-examine traditional concepts like that of the homogeneous speech community because mobility of people has thrown speech communities into disarray. All these reasons contribute to other disciplines not looking at applied linguistics for direction in research on globalization. My own concern is that the enormous influence of postcolonial theory makes applied linguists unable to differentiate between colonialism and globalization though they are always ready to report similarities. For instance Kumaravadivelu (2006) calls the two ‘twins’ implying that they not only look the same but also have the same ominous origins. He comments that ‘the projects of globalization and empire have always been intricately interconnected’ (p. 3). Though certain geographical locations in the world could definitely provide a case for the continuity 10

Introduction

between the processes of colonization and globalization, the differences are not so well emphasized. For instance the centre–periphery dichotomy prevalent in postcolonial studies is not sustainable in an era of globalization. Also, the perception of youth about English as a colonial imposition in the postcolony is very different from that of theorists. And finally, the doom and gloom postcolonials do not take into account the view of those economists, journalists and applied linguists who are more upbeat about globalization.

Conclusion On 31 January 2009 the title of the BBC show ‘Newsnight’ was ‘globalization in retreat’. The program showed Joseph Stiglitz, the famous economist, saying that though Americans hate the ‘n’ word, there will be a move to nationalize American banks. The anchor went on to comment that this was one of the steps of deglobalization taking place due to the world financial crisis of 2008. What the effect of deglobalization will be on language and culture remains to be seen. Before I close, a few words about the contradictions between the stances and/or theoretical foci of the contributors and their styles are in order. The chapters bring diverse perspectives to globalization: some authors see it as a benign process, others as the ideology of neo-colonialism. There are postcolonial theory buffs here and those who find this theory dated. Many of the chapters do not conform to the strait-jacket of sub-headings imposed on us by journals: methodology, data-collection, discussion, etc. I have not insisted on this as I want to privilege national scholars who might not, as yet, have started on the treadmill of producing text for journals. Thus the book promises theoretical promiscuity, contradictory views of globalization, and unpredictable styles.

References Appadurai, A. (1996), Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. —(2001), ‘Grassroots globalization and the research imagination’, in A. Appadurai (ed.), Globalization. Durham: Duke University Press, pp. 1–19. Bhagwati, J. (2004), Defense of Globalization. Oxford: OUP. Blommaert, J. (2003), ‘Commentary: a sociolinguistics of globalization’, Journal of Sociolinguistics, 7 (4), 607–623. Bruthiaux, P. (2002), ‘Hold your courses: language education, language choice, and economic development’, TESOL Quarterly, 36 (3), 275–296. —(2008), ‘Dimensions of globalization and applied linguistics’, in P. K. W. Tan and R. Rubdy (eds), Language as Commodity: Global Structures, Local Marketplaces. London: Continuum, pp. 17–30.

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Brutt-Griffler, J. (2002), World English: A Study of Its Development. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Dor, D. (2004), ‘From Englishization to imposed multilingualism: globalization, the internet, and the political economy of the linguistic code’, Public Culture, 16, 97–118. Friedman, T. (2005), The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Globalized World in the 21st Century. London: Allen Lane. Giddens, A. (2002), Runaway World: How Globalisation is Reshaping our Lives. UK: Profile Books. Gopinathan, S. (2007), ‘Globalisation, the Singapore developmental state and education policy: a thesis revisited’, Globalisation, Societies and Education, 5 (1), 53–70. Guillen, M. F. (2001), ‘Is globalization civilizing, destructive or feeble? A critique of five key debates in the social science literature’, Annual Review of Sociology, 27, 235–20. Huntington, S. P. (1996), The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon & Schuster. Kumaravadivelu, B. (2006), ‘Dangerous liaison: globalization, empire and TESOL’, in J. Edge (ed.), (Re) locating TESOL in an Age of Empire. UK: Palgrave, pp. 1–27. Mazlish, B. (1993), ‘An introduction to global history’, in B. Mazlish and R. Buultjens (eds), Conceptualizing Global History, Boulder, CO: Westview, pp. 1–24. Pennycook, A. (2006), ‘Postmodernism in Language Policy’, in T. Ricento (ed.), Language Policy: Theory and Method. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, pp. 60–76. Pieterse, N. (2004), Globalization & Culture: Global Melange. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Ritzer, G. (2008), The Mcdonaldization of Society 5. Los Angeles, CA: Pine Forge Press. Rosowsky, A. (2006), ‘The role of liturgical literacy in UK Muslim communities’, in T. Omoniyi and J. A. Fishman (eds), Explorations in the Sociology of Language and Religion. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 309–325. Rubdy, R. (2008), ‘English in India: the privilege and privileging of social class’, in P. K. W. Tan and R. Rubdy (eds), Language as Commodity: Global Structures, Local Marketplaces. London: Continuum, pp. 122–145. Sen, A. (2004), ‘How to judge globalism’, in F. J. Lechner, and J. Boli (eds), The Globalization Reader. 2nd Edition. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, pp. 16–22. Shiva, V. (2004), ‘Ecological balance in an era of globalization’, in F. J. Lechnerand J. Boli (eds), The Globalization Reader. 2nd Edition. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, pp. 422–430. Sklair, L. (2006), ‘Capitalist globalization and the anti-globalization movement’, in S. Dasgupta and R. Kiely (eds), Globalization and After. London: Sage, pp. 293–319.

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Vaish, V. (2007), ‘Globalization of language and culture in Singapore’, International Journal of Multilingualism, 4 (3), 217–234. —(2008), Biliteracy and Globalization: English Language Education in India. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. —(forthcoming), ‘Globalization and multilingualism: text types in the linguistic ecology of Delhi’, in Applied Linguistics.

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2

Global Mandarin Goh Yeng Seng and Lim Seok Lai

Chapter summary Due to the emergence of China as an economic powerhouse, Mandarin, as the officially recognized standard language of mainland China and Taiwan, and the lingua franca of the overseas educated Chinese diaspora, is widely believed to be the most likely candidate among the world’s languages to attain the status of a language second only to English. This chapter explores the following issues: 1. defining the global status of a language, 2. the impact of China’s resurgence, 3. the global spread of Mandarin, 4. the current status of Mandarin, 5. defining Mandarin: problems of nomenclature, 6. barriers to the spread of Mandarin, 7. teaching Chinese as an international language and 8. future prospects: challenges and opportunities.

Along with the economic rise of Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRICs) in the new millennium, the ecology of world languages is undergoing a major restructuring, with Mandarin competing alongside Spanish, Hindi–Urdu and Arabic for global language status after English, the first acclaimed world language. As noted by Crystal (2003: 9), ‘A language does not become a global language because of its intrinsic structural properties, or because of the size of its vocabulary, or because it has been a vehicle of a great literature in the past, or because it was once associated with a great culture or religion.’ It also has little to do with the number of native speakers who speak it. To progress as an international medium of communication, a language needs to have a strong power-base, be it political, military or economic. Examples are numerous throughout the history of mankind. Languages such as Greek, Latin, Chinese and Spanish spread to the Middle East, Europe, Japan, Korea and Vietnam and America during different periods in history for the same reasons: the political, military or economic might of their native speakers. English, the first acclaimed global language, spread around the globe in the nineteenth century as a result of British colonial imperialism and continued its global presence when America emerged to become the de facto superpower by the end of the twentieth century. 14

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Since its re-emergence as an economic powerhouse at the turn of the new millennium, China has been exerting immense influence politically, economically, as well as linguistically, in the international arena. Mandarin, being the officially recognized standard language of the People’s Republic of China (henceforth China) and the Republic of China (henceforth Taiwan), and the lingua franca among the educated Chinese diaspora, is widely believed to be the most likely candidate amongst the world’s languages to attain the status of a language second only to English. This chapter discusses the key issues in relation to the future of Mandarin as a global language. We begin the discussion with a definition of exactly what makes a language a global language. Thereafter we discuss China’s resurgence and its impact on world markets, as well as the consequent effect on its language and culture. This is followed by a discussion on the global spread of Mandarin over the past two decades, its current status, and the problems encountered. The challenges and opportunities faced by the Teaching of Chinese as a Foreign Language (henceforth, TCFL) industry, in pursuance to the world-wide proliferation of Chinese as a Foreign Language (henceforth, CFL) learners, are discussed next. The last section summarizes the future prospects of global Mandarin.

Defining the global status of a language To attain a global status, a language needs to fulfil 2 requirements. First it should receive due official recognition within the international community. According to Crystal (ibid.: 3), a language achieves global status when it develops a ‘special role that is recognized in every country’. This special status can be achieved either by making it an official language of the country or by requiring it to be studied as a foreign language. Second it needs an expanding number of non-native users. As mentioned earlier, a language does not achieve global status through the sheer number of native speakers. Such a numerical definition of global status would mean that Latin could never have been an international language throughout the Roman Empire for the simple fact that the Romans were less numerous than the peoples that they had conquered. English would never have been considered a global language if it had only been spoken in the United Kingdom. Mandarin, based on the sheer number of native speakers, would have long been considered a global language, a claim that would have been deemed absurd in the years of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (from 1966 to 1976). Rather, the global status of a language is determined by its degree of penetration into or prevalence within the community of non15

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native speakers. There is nothing great about a language being widely used among its own native speakers, no matter how numerous they may be. It is only when even non-native speakers likewise seek to learn the language that the language has a legitimate claim to global status. The number of non-native speakers, which is a point that we will take up subsequently for the case of Mandarin, is indeed a very important indicator or barometer of the level of global status of a language. As noted by Graddol for the case of global English, ‘Native speakers may feel the language “belong” to them, but it will be those who speak English as a second or foreign language who will determine its world future.’ (2000: 10).

The impact of China’s resurgence In the 1980s, after the prolonged period of the Cultural Revolution which resulted in extreme social instability and economic stagnation, the Chinese government – in an attempt to revive its economy – made major adjustments to its policies in order to achieve economic reconstruction. In the 20 years that followed, under the effect of sound economic policies in a rapidly globalizing world, China emerged, rather miraculously, as an economic powerhouse at the turn of the new millennium. In 2007, China’s GDP exceeded US$3 trillion, ranking it behind the USA, Japan and Germany, as the world’s 4th largest economy. A recent report by economist Albert Keidel of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (9 July 2008; 2008a and 2008b) predicted that China’s economy – backed by strong domestic demand – will overtake that of the USA in 2035 and its GDP will hit an impressive US$82 trillion in 2050, compared with US$44 trillion for the United States, making it the world’s number one economy. The speed and scope of China’s economic development over the past two decades have indeed been remarkable and its effects have been felt globally. International economic expansion has transformed China in many ways. During the initial stage of its resurgence when international trade and a global market was taking form, China adopted an open-door policy, inviting foreign manufacturers to set up mega-scale factories within its confines. Over a span of 20 years, China has moved dramatically from the paradigm of qianlongwuyong ‘a hidden dragon’ (closeddoor policy) to that of feilongzaitian ‘a flying dragon’ (open-door policy) and has now become an important driving force behind the world economy. Lured by low operation and labour costs, foreign investments streamed in and in no time, China emerged as the ‘factory of the world’, benefiting from the influx of foreign funds, technologies and expertise. 16

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As its economy grew and its people became wealthier, China, with its population of 1.3 billion, gradually morphed from the factory of the world into an enormous world consumer market. Over time, backed by a booming economy, local manufacturing made tremendous progress and China’s position shifted swiftly from a technology-import nation to a product-export nation, further promoting its economic impact worldwide. In recent years, fuelled by a large-scale expansion of foreign investments overseas, China’s economic supremacy has been widely acknowledged and the resulting massive economic growth has led to a stronger than ever Renminbi (RMB), the official currency of China. As observed by Crystal in the case of global English (ibid.: 10), ‘Any language at the centre of such an explosion of international activity would suddenly have found itself with a global status.’ The current economic rise of China has indeed laid a solid foundation for its language and culture to flourish globally.

The global spread of Mandarin A paradigmatic world view: the three concentric circles of Mandarin users As China and its people venture out internationally, the Chinese diaspora gradually expands and its language spreads to different parts of the world. As China’s economy expands and its currency strengthens, the global status of its language ascends and people around the world are attracted to the language for its economic benefits. The complex situation arising from the spread of global Mandarin can be represented using Kachru’s model of three concentric circles (1985), namely, the Inner Circle, the Outer Circle, and the Expanding Circle, which takes into consideration the different ways in which a language has been acquired and is currently used in different countries and regions (see Figure 2.1): The Inner Circle of native users The Inner Circle refers to the traditional Zhongyuan (Central Plains) base of Mandarin, which includes mainland China and Taiwan, where it has served not only as a dominant working language of administration (in both the public and private sectors), education, law, mass communication, science, technology, commerce and so on, but also as a common language of a linguistically heterogeneous country. Based on figures reflected in the China Population and Employment Statistics Yearbook 2008 and the data released by the Department of Household 17

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Expanding circle

Outer circle

Inner circle Zhongyuan Zone Overseas Chinese Zone Foreign Language Zone

Figure 2.1 The three concentric circles of Mandarin users

Registration of Taiwan (http://www.ris.gov.tw/version96/statis_111), the combined population of the Inner Circle adds up to 1.35 billion. Despite its return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, Hong Kong is not placed within the Inner Circle. Instead, it is placed in the Outer Circle as its sociolinguistic situation, with a history of British colonization, is rather complex. To date, English still enjoys a prestigious status and continues to function as the dominant administrative language of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region; Cantonese is the de-facto official dialect and remains the preferred tongue for daily communication for the vast majority of its people; Mandarin, though gradually rising both in terms of number of users and social status, has yet to play any significant role in Hong Kong. The steadily expanding Outer Circle of second language users The Outer Circle represents overseas Chinese communities around the world, formed during different periods of time as a result of migration, where Mandarin has been used as a lingua franca since the early days of settlement and continues to spread through the medium of education. According to the latest figures listed in the online New World Encyclopaedia (http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Overseas_ Chinese retrieved on 10 January 2009), the population of the Chinese diaspora is estimated to be close to 40 million. Martin Jacques, a visiting research fellow at the Asia Research Center, London School of Economics, commented that one distinct characteristic of the Chinese diaspora is that ‘it is numerically large and spread all around the globe, from 18

Global Mandarin

Africa to Europe, East Asia to the Americas’. He gave the following estimation on regions with a significant Chinese population in various parts of the world: there are now at least half a million Chinese living in Africa, most of whom have arrived very recently. There are more than 7 million Chinese in each of Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, more than 1 million each in Myanmar and Russia, 1.3 million in Peru, 3.3 million in the US, 700,000 in Australia and 400,000 in Britain – about 40 million in all, which is almost certainly a considerable underestimate. (http://chinadaily.cn/opinion/2008-06/18/)

Jacques also pointed out that ‘China is already a global power and is still developing. And as its rise continues, as Chinese worldwide interests grow exponentially, the Chinese diaspora is likely to expand greatly.’ Due to differences in the historical development of overseas Chinese communities in the provision of Chinese education and their degree of closeness with the Inner Circle, Mandarin now plays a very diverse role in these multilingual settings and the level of mastery of their speakers varies accordingly. In overseas Chinese communities in the USA and the European countries, Thailand, the Philippines, Myanmar and other territories where Mandarin is not the dominant language of their countries of residence, the use of Mandarin is typically confined to the home domain or within the Chinese community itself. Chinese language classes are not included in the main-stream education system and are conducted mainly on a voluntary basis in ‘Chinese schools’ set up by non-official organizations outside curriculum time. Teaching materials are usually provided by overseas Chinese organizations and the contents are either inclined towards Taiwan or mainland China. In states such as Singapore and Malaysia, where Mandarin is a common language within the Chinese community, the teaching of Chinese language is either fully administered by a government ministry (e.g. the Singapore Ministry of Education) or by a non-official independent local federation of the Chinese community (e.g. United Chinese School Committees’ Association of Malaysia). Emphasis is placed on the transmission of Chinese culture and traditional values rather than the mastery of linguistic skills. Within the Inner Circle, Singapore stands out as the only nation that places a lot of emphasis on the teaching and learning of Chinese language. In Singapore, Mandarin enjoys the status of an official language alongside English, Tamil and Malay, and is made a compulsory academic subject for ethnic Chinese students from primary up to secondary or pre-university level for a span of 10 to 12 years. 19

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The proliferation of the Expanding Circle of non-native users The Expanding Circle involves those regions of non-native users, where the language is recognized as an increasingly important international language. It includes Japan, South Korea, North America, European Countries and an increasing number of other regions where Chinese is taught in educational institutions as a foreign language. In the past decade, with a sharp rise in demand for CFL courses, the TCFL has been flourishing within and outside the borders of China. The growing popularity of the subject is evident in the number of students wanting to learn it. In 1997, the number of foreign students enrolled in CFL courses in mainland China was estimated at 43,000. In 2005, the figure expanded to 140,000, marking a threefold increase. Recent data indicated that ‘there are more than 330 colleges offering TCFL programs in China, receiving about 40,000 foreign students to learn Chinese every year’ (www.wei.moe.edu.cn retrieved on 10 January 2009). The prospects of the TCFL overseas are promising. The economic and linguistic expansion of China has prompted many governments and nongovernmental organizations around the world to realign their language perceptions and to recognize Mandarin as a language of opportunity. The US government implemented a series of policies in favour of the teaching and learning of the language, including the ‘National Flagship Language Initiative’, which classified Chinese as a ‘critical need language’. In 2006, the College Board officially established the AP Chinese Language and Culture course, listing Chinese as an important foreign language at high school level in the USA. An increasing number of schools in all parts of the world have since included the TCFL in their curriculum. The number of non-native learners taking Chinese as a foreign language in higher institutions across the globe and undertaking the Hanyu Shuiping Kaoshi ‘Chinese Language Proficiency Test’ administered by Guojia Hanyu Guoji Tuiguang Lingdao Xiaozu Bangongshi ‘The Office of Chinese Language Council International (OCLCI), Beijing, China’, has multiplied over the past decade, indicating the growing international status of Mandarin. The ‘Language Situation in China Report: 2005’ estimated that by 2005, the number of foreigners learning Chinese as a foreign language is close to 30 million. Extrapolating from current trends, OCLCI projected that the number of CFL learners will exceed 100 million by 2010. The development of global Mandarin in the Outer and Expanding Circles is further enhanced by China’s adoption of a new ‘peaceful development’ strategy that includes the setting up of the Confucius Institutes (CI), modelled on the British Council, German Goethe Institute and French Alliance Française, via OCLCI in 2004 with the stated 20

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mission of ‘making the Chinese language and culture teaching resources and services available to the world’ and ‘meeting the demands of overseas Chinese learners to the utmost’. (http://hanban.edu.cn retrieved on 24 June 2009) According to figures provided by OCLCI on the above official website, by April 2009, a total of 326 CIs have been set up in 81 countries and regions. No official figure has been provided about its current student population but a rough estimation made earlier by Dou (2008) suggests that a total of 46,000 students worldwide had enrolled in courses provided by 125 CIs by the end of 2007 (http://kbs.cnki.net/ forums/45205 retrieved on 10 January 2009). As the number of CIs has more than doubled over the past year, its student population can also be expected to be steadily expanding. The sudden sharp rise in the population of CFL learners worldwide in conjunction with China’s economic upturn over the past decade supports Crystal’s argument that the shift in economic relations has a profound effect on the popularity and use of a language. It is thus clear that the major force underlying the spread of a language is more often external than internal. Learners of a foreign language are usually motivated by external factors – in the case of Mandarin, economic ones – which provide access to personal betterment or lucrative markets; they are less likely to learn a language on the basis of internal language-specific factors such as aesthetic qualities, literary power or cultural heritage, which in Crystal’s words, ‘can motivate someone to learn a language, of course, but none of them alone, or in combination, can ensure a language’s world spread.’ (Crystal, 2003: 9). The Expanding Circle may be a good measurement of the global status of a language but it is often the Inner Circle that is the cause or explanation for the rise of that language. The degree of global status of a language is determined by the degree of power projected by native speakers of the Inner Circle into the Outer and Extending Circles. Power is projected in mainly military or economic dimensions. The recent ascent of global Mandarin is clearly a result of economic forces. The Outer Circle has now been recognized by many to be an economic force to be reckoned with. However, the Outer Circle per se does not have the global clout to uplift the international status of Mandarin. It is the economic rise of the Inner Circle that is the pivotal factor for the ascent of global Mandarin.

Advancement in CL-operated information technology Outside the realm of TCFL, a number of recent significant development trends in other domains also demonstrate the wide use of Mandarin 21

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across the globe. In the field of information technology – traditionally dominated by English – Chinese has entered the world of computers with the rapid development of many Chinese-rich computer tools such as the Chinese Internet, Chinese search engines (e.g. Chinese Yahoo, Chinese Google, Yam, SOHU, Baidu) and the Chinese version of all major American programs, including the Windows operating system and Microsoft word-processors. The IT industry’s exploration and development of software and IT-related technologies using Chinese as the language medium has 2 important implications. First, it indicates that the pulling power of the vast lucrative Chinese market is strong enough to steer the Englishdominated IT industry to channel resources and make linguistic accommodation for their products to cater to the needs of the Chinese users. From here, we can conclude that Mandarin, the language behind an emerging Chinese economy, no longer functions simply as a means of communication. In fact, it is in itself a market, a profit-generating commodity whose existence is increasingly valued in the world. Secondly, the break-down of the close linkage that once existed between computers and English and the current development in internet technology have broken geographical barriers and reinforced the use and accelerated the dissemination of the Chinese language – as well as other regional languages – across the globe. The effect is twofold. For the fast-expanding overseas Chinese diasporic communities, advancement in CL Internet technologies makes it possible for community members to keep in close contact with their motherland, as well as with one another, through the establishment of a virtual ‘language zone’ (Dor, 2004: 111) via the Chinese language, thereby expanding and reinforcing its use. For the non-native communities, as the internet becomes more accessible and more widely used, those looking for business opportunities in China or with China can now gather relevant first-hand information and communicate directly with their Chinese counterparts via the World Wide Web, a function that was traditionally monopolized by English. As clearly pointed by Hancock (1999), proficiency in the language of the business partner will put one in an advantageous position in the increasingly globalized, competitive business world: The World Wide Web has accelerated the trend to globalization, and globalization requires companies to form partnerships or more structured alliances with local companies. Cross-border mergers, acquisitions and collaborative projects are increasingly common and their success relies partly on good personal relations and communications between individual participants. Good relations and communications in turn rely partly on the parties being

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familiar with each other’s languages. Internal documents or local regulation and practices will be clearer if the language is understood; ideas and inspirations will be more easily shared. Not even attempting to speak the local language could alienate other parties. (1999: 35)

There is an emergent literature documenting the spread of the Chinese language as well as other regional languages on the World Wide Web. Based on the estimated and projected figures of internet users provided by Global Reach (n. d.), an online marketing firm, Dor (2004: 99) predicts that the internet is going to be a predominantly non-Englishlanguage medium as virtual communities, particularly that of global businesses, gradually recognize the needs of an evolving global consumer market and begin to adopt a multilingual strategy ‘to penetrate local markets in their own languages’ (ibid.: 102). The latest statistics released by the Internet World Stats (http://www.internetworldstats. com retrieved on 24 June 2009) strongly support Dor’s observation and clearly signal a speedy expansion in the number of non-English internet users over the past decade. Spanish, Portuguese, Chinese, Russian and Arabic are the five fastest growing internet languages on the Top 10 list which have registered strong growth of between 619 per cent and 1,545 per cent from 2000 to 2008. Chinese, which is ranked second on the list in terms of number of users, records a total of 321 million users, as compared to 463 million English users, and registers a remarkable percentage growth of 894.8 per cent.

Mass media Mandarin TV channels Since the 1990s, as part of its concerted effort to exert its influence over various regions, beginning with South East Asia and later moving on to Africa and beyond, China has been making its presence felt through the infiltration of its soft power, a term coined by Joseph Nye in the late 1980s, which was subsequently used widely in academic and political circles. On the basis of Nye’s discussion, Joshua Kurlantzick (2006) examined the growth of China’s soft power in a broader manner and defined it as ‘China’s ability to influence by persuasion rather than coercion’. According to Kurlantzick, China crafted a ‘more nuanced strategy reinforcing the concept of peaceful development’ through efforts like the establishment of Confucius Institutes, expanding CCTV’s international broadcasting and increasing the provision of Chinese language teachers to the region (http://www. carnegieendowment.org/files/PB_47 retrieved on 10 January 2009). 23

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Recent development in the realm of television has indeed signalled China’s emergence and the massive global spread of the Chinese language and its culture. The development comprises two phases. The first phase which started in the mid 1990s saw the establishment of global Mandarin channels – such as Chinese MTV and Chinese Cable TV – that were based in mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong, the so-called ‘Greater China region’. Examples include China’s CCTV4, Taiwan’s TVBS and CTN, and Hong Kong’s Phoenix TV. These Mandarin TV channels offer a broad mix of programmes ranging from information (e.g. news reports, current affairs and documentaries) to entertainment (e.g. movies, variety shows and MTV) for a world audience via satellites. Although the content and focus of the various Mandarin TV channels may differ, the underlying goal is a common one: to reach out to a pan-Chinese audience, offering them greater diversity and a Chinese perspective in the global information flow and most importantly, penetrating the media world with the soft power of the ‘Greater China region’. The second phase began roughly at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It is represented by the establishment of numerous regional Mandarin TV channels – USA’s SinoVision Inc., China Star TV and The Chinese Channel/World Today Television; Australia’s Channel 31; Thailand’s TCTV and Japan’s CCTV DAIFU – all aimed at servicing the steadily expanding Chinese diasporic communities located in different corners of the world. The dynamic development of the global and regional Mandarin TV channels reinforces our observation that with China’s outward venture, overseas non-native second language communities are fiercely expanding and there is tremendous demand and hence a vast market for Chinese TV media worldwide. This development for Chinese TV media has an important supporting role to play in the global spread of Mandarin and of Chinese culture. Print media The history of overseas Chinese print media can be traced back to the 1900s. To date, about 500 newspapers/magazines are in active publication, out of which 100 are daily or weekly newspapers and about 230 are magazines. Over the past decade, the most significant development of Chinese print media is the emergence of corresponding online websites which are capable of publishing and releasing news and information to a worldwide audience as and when it happens, hence overcoming the inherent time and geographical limitations of its hard-copy counterparts. Some examples include www.people.com.cn (Renminwang), 24

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www.nanfangdaily.com.cn/southnews/ (Nanfangzhoumo), www. zaobao.com (Lianhezaobaowang), www.yzzk.com (Yazhouzhoukan) and www.chinatimes.com (Zhongguoshibao) retrieved on 25 June 2009. An emerging trend worth observing is the establishment of the online Chinese versions of traditionally non-Chinese publications, the most prominent being BBC Chinese.com, which aims at offering Western perspectives to the massive Chinese audience both within and outside China’s borders. Apart from signifying the existence of a worldwide market for online Chinese print media, the above rapid developments also lead to the establishment of a cross-border, cross-cultural Chinese information platform which has an important role to play in elevating Mandarin’s global status.

The current status of Mandarin The growing dominance of China and its language has been strongly felt in the global community, leading Newsweek (9 May 2005) and Time magazine Asia (26 June 2006) to feature special reports in recent issues to highlight the future upward prospect of the status and use of Mandarin, emphasizing the growing importance of mastering the language. In its cover story: ‘China’s Century’, Newsweek examined all aspects of China’s rise as a powerful global force and how it may challenge US pre-eminence. Special Correspondent William Lee Adams reported that as China rushes towards superpower status, the State Department has designated Chinese a ‘critical language’ and in response to this, American students are rushing to learn Chinese, as is evident in the sharp increase in enrolment for Chinese classes in public schools. Time magazine Asia, in its cover story entitled ‘Get Ahead! Learn Mandarin!’, observed that millions of people worldwide are rushing to learn Mandarin as it is currently seen as ‘a key skill for people hitching their futures to China’s economic rise’. Quoting the words of David Graddol, who noted that ‘In many Asian countries, in Europe and the USA, Mandarin has emerged as the new must-have language’, the report speculated that Mandarin is en-route to becoming the world’s other lingua franca. In a similar vein in ‘A Bull in China’ (2007), American investor and financial commentator Jim Rogers tells readers that ‘The very best advice of any kind that I can give you is to teach your children or your grandchildren Chinese. It is going to be the most important language of their lifetimes.’ Assuming that China’s growing dominance in international economic and political scenes is maintained, it would be reasonable to predict that not too far off in the future, Mandarin will attain a global 25

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status. It might be premature at this point in time – when the world is in the early stage of economic, political and demographic transition – to speculate on the possibility of Mandarin displacing English to become the sole global language in the world. Nevertheless, it is certainly a worthy candidate to take note of, with the potential to compete alongside English to be one of the world’s dominant languages. The two-decade affair of China’s economic development explains why the rise of global Mandarin is only a recent event. Hence global Mandarin as a worldwide phenomenon is still relatively in its infancy and many teething problems remain to be solved. It is to these problems that we now turn.

Defining Mandarin: problems of nomenclature The nomenclature of language used in different Chinese communities is a complex issue. Not only are different varieties called different names in different regions, but to complicate matters, different terms are used to distinguish spoken and written versions. Mandarin, the spoken standard that belongs to one of the seven major groups of Chinese languages (Yuan et al., 1960), is an internationally recognized standard language, officially defined as ‘the common language of China based on the northern dialects, with the Beijing phonological system as its norm of pronunciation’ (Norman, 1988, Zhou, 1997). However, this spoken version is referred to as Putonghua (‘the common language’) or Hanyu (literally ‘the language of the Han’, used also to refer to its written form) in mainland China; Guoyu (‘national language’) in Taiwan; and Huayu (‘the language of the Hua = Chinese’) or Zhongguo yuwen (literally ‘the language of China’, referring to both the spoken and written forms) in overseas Chinese communities. The corresponding written forms are termed Guowen in Taiwan and Huawen beyond China. The proliferation of names for the Chinese language is a result of a particular set of historical nuances and continues to carry sociolinguistic overtones. It is a complex and sensitive topic requiring special attention which will not be the focus of our discussion here. However, we point out that the lack of a common term for the Chinese language, especially within the realm of Chinese linguistics and sociolinguistics, poses problems, and impedes discussion of the language’s use, as it often results in misconception and difficulties in establishing common platforms. As such, for the benefit of our discussion here, ‘Mandarin’ is used to refer to the standard spoken forms of the Chinese language that exist in all parts of the world. On the other hand, ‘Chinese language’, which includes both the spoken and written forms, is used 26

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when discussing issues pertaining to the teaching and learning of CFL, the internet or the mass media.

Barriers to the spread of Mandarin Even though the momentous economic rise of the Inner Circle and increasing globalization across the world have provided propitious conditions for the spread of Mandarin, pending cross-strait language issues and other external factors are impeding the language’s global spread. First, as an international medium of communication, global Mandarin faces some orthographical barriers resulting from the historical confrontation and diverging political ideology of the governing parties of mainland China and Taiwan. These orthographical barriers include competing standards of Jiantizi ‘simplified Chinese characters’ versus Fantizi ‘complex Chinese characters’, and Hanyupinyin versus Zhuyinfuhao phonetic transcriptions. China has adopted the simplified character and Hanyupinyin systems while Taiwan opted for the complex character and Zhuyinfuhao systems. As such, books, magazines, newspapers, dictionaries and teaching materials from the two regions come in different versions reflecting the said orthographical variations. From the perspective of language education, the above man-made differences might not have much impact on first language learning but they will certainly cause confusion in, and impose unnecessary difficulties on, the learning of Chinese as a second or foreign language, which will in turn affect the learning outcome and the effectiveness of cross-border communications. The above differences in orthographical standards have also been reflected in computer encoding systems, and gave rise to GB2313, the first simplified Chinese character encoding system launched by China in 1980, and shortly thereafter, the Big 5, its complex Chinese character counterpart developed by Taiwan. This topic has been dealt with in detail by Shouhui Zhao in his chapter in this book. As these two systems are incompatible, when internet users from the two sides of the Taiwan straits use different operating systems to access one another’s websites and email systems, they run into encoding problems and are greatly inconvenienced. In recent years, although China has successfully developed GB18030, the upgraded version which has solved the 3-decade long problem of incompatibility between simplified and complex Chinese characters, the new system has yet to be formally accepted by Taiwan. The conflicting orthographical variations, if not standardized, will handicap global Mandarin in its role as an international medium of communication. The question of which standard to adopt is beyond the dictates of any single individual. In the end, the present orthographical 27

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barriers can only be removed via a political solution which entails tactful negotiations between mainland China and Taiwan. Secondly, unresolved external issues arising from the standardization of the regional varieties of Mandarin in the Outer Circle have given rise to hurdles in the path of global Mandarin. The formation of regional varieties is the inevitable result of a language’s spread to nonnative environments, giving rise to both a variety of forms and a diversity of cultural contexts within which the language is used in daily life. Regional varieties arise out of differences in social lives and are sometimes a result of differing social ideologies. Take the naming of traditional Chinese music in different territories as an example: in China, it is termed minyue (ethnic music); in Taiwan, it is called guoyue (national music); in Hong Kong, it is referred to as zhongyue (China music) and in Singapore, it is known as huayue (Chinese music). Another oftenquoted example is the varying names used in different regions for the term ‘taxi’. In Taiwan, it is known as jichengche (calculate-distance-vehicle); Hong Kong and Singapore each coined a translated version based on its English pronunciation and call it dishi and deshi respectively; in China, it is either called mianbaoche, which literally meant ‘bread-car’ or chuzuche (rent-car, a term which is used to refer to ‘rental car’ in Singapore!), and the act of taking taxi is referred to as dadi, a newly emerged term which is difficult to comprehend in both its spoken and written forms. As is evident from the above examples, these regional variations, if left untackled, can pose difficulties in cross-border communication and language learning. However, as language is known to be closely tied to territory, and to cultural identity, the standardization of regional varieties has long been a contentious issue that has proven to be easier said than done. As is the case for English, the attempt to fix and ‘ascertain’ the English language began as early as the eighteenth century but was never entirely successful (Graddol, 2000). When dealing with the standardization of regional varieties of Mandarin, the conflicting issue of national loyalty versus international intelligibility needs to be carefully considered and tactfully dealt with. However, one developing trend worth noting is that the forces of globalization are challenging the long existing close bond between language, territory and cultural identity, making a significant impact on the global use of a language. Modern communicative tools such as the internet have made it easier for language users from all regions to overcome geographical barriers and come into frequent, wider and closer contact. Over time, as the identity of global citizens gradually evolves and territorial differences diminish, it is possible that the regional varieties of a language will slowly go through a process of self-adjustment and eventually coalesce to become a hybrid language that supersedes all regional 28

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varieties and is commonly accepted and widely used in the global community. The possible emergence of such a hybrid Mandarin, which may seem idealistic at this juncture, will help to eradicate territorial and identity barriers and serve as the driving force behind its global spread. The third barrier that needs to be overcome relates to a set of teething problems currently faced by the global Mandarin language service industry, in particular, insufficient quality control over CFL courses and the professional quality of Chinese language instructors, as well as the lack of a set of common guidelines and international standards in the administration of Chinese language proficiency tests. The CFL teaching industry, which is still in the early stages of development, has been caught unprepared by the sudden surge in demand. As a result, there is a worldwide shortage of qualified instructors to effectively run CFL courses. Due to the absence of an independent professional body to monitor the Chinese language service industry, the quality of courses varies greatly and so does the learning outcome. If left unchecked, this might have a negative impact on the learning of the Chinese language and impede the global spread of Mandarin. Apart from conducting Chinese language courses, service providers around the world are also competing intensely in the administration of Chinese language proficiency tests. These tests, which aim to assess the Chinese language proficiency of non-native speakers, usually form part of the requirements for college admission or employment. As it is a newly explored avenue which is capable of generating substantial revenue, a growing number of organizations and universities are designing and administering their own version of Chinese language proficiency tests, some of which are listed in Table 2.1 below: Without a set of internationally recognized standards to fall back on, the assessment criteria and grading systems adopted by the various organizations vary considerably. As a result, the tests are somewhat ‘localized’ in nature and their results are usually recognized only in the country or region where they are administered. From the perspective of CFL learners, the lack of a widely accepted proficiency test – like the TOEFL test – for the Chinese language is a great drawback in the globalizing world where movement across different lands in search of better education or job opportunities is quickly becoming a norm. In order to clear the path for Mandarin’s spread, common guidelines and internationally accepted standards need to be set.

Teaching Chinese as an international language From its start in the 1950s, TCFL only began to take off in the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution, after China started adopting a suite of 29

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Table 2.1 Types of Chinese language proficiency tests Name of test Hanyu Shuiping Kaoshi

Acronym HSK

SAT II

Beijing Language and Culture University, China Steering Committee for TOP-Huayu, Taiwan College Board, USA

AP Chinese

College Board, USA

CPT

Centre for Applied Linguistics, USA International schools worldwide Japanese Association of Chinese Language Certification, Japan Japanese Association for Chinese Language Exchange, Japan

Test of Proficiency – Huayu TOP Scholastic Assessment Tests II Advanced Placement Test – Chinese Chinese Proficiency Test

Organization/Country

International Baccalaureate Chinese Chinese Proficiency Test – Japan

IB Chinese

Test of Communicative Chinese

TECC

CPT–J

open-door policies. In the 1980s, the first batch of renowned Chinese universities, including Beijing Language and Culture University, Peking University, Beijing Normal University, Fudan University, East China Normal University, Xiamen University, Sun Yat-Sen University and Jinan University, either resumed or began to set up CFL courses, recruiting foreign students on a large-scale. After a decade or so of speedy development, a comprehensive programme structure, curriculum and corresponding pedagogical resources were put in place, laying the foundation for the brand-new qingjinlai ‘welcome’ era of TCFL, in conjunction with China’s economic rise. The ‘welcome’ era saw a sudden rush of foreign students – mainly teenagers and adults from the Outer and Expanding Circle – to China, wanting to learn more about the country and its language. It had the following characteristics: First, learners were highly motivated to learn and their goals were clear-cut: they were either learning Mandarin to facilitate communication with their Chinese business counterparts, or to attain a level of proficiency that would allow them to live, study or make a living in China. Second, they were immersed in a favourable social environment that provided ample support for the learning of Mandarin, 30

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as there was plenty of out-of-classroom language input as well as authentic situations for conversational practice. Blessed with such favourable conditions, the learning outcome was, more often than not, favourable. As China continues its economic expansion in the twenty-first century, the status of Mandarin rises accordingly and is creating strong demand for Mandarin courses in the Outer and Expanding Circles. TCFL has shifted from the qingjinlai ‘welcome’ era to the zouchuqu ‘venture out’ era. The international market for the teaching and learning of CFL, as discussed earlier, is indeed a massive one. However, it must be strongly emphasized that as the make-up of learners, and the learning conditions and social environments of the various Circles are distinctly different, the successful teaching and learning experiences of CFL conducted in the Inner Circle might not be directly relevant to that of the Outer and Expanding circles. Take the teaching and learning of Chinese language in Singapore for example. As a result of the successful implementation of educational and language policies, Singapore – despite being the only multi-ethnic nation with a Chinese-majority population in the Outer Circle – has undergone a massive language shift over the past 4 decades. English has emerged as the dominant language in all formal domains of daily life and is fast becoming the dominant language in many homes (MM Lee Kuan Yew’s speech on 17 March 2009, www.news.gov.sg/public/sgpc/en/media_ releases/agencies/mica/speech/S-20090317-1). Under the bilingual education system of Singapore, all ethnic Chinese pupils – regardless of their home language backgrounds – are required to study the Chinese language for a minimum of 10 years right from the day they enter primary one. As about half of today’s primary one school cohort comes from English-speaking homes (Singapore Ministry of Education Press Release, 11 February 2008), when teaching the Chinese language, teachers inevitably have to deal with the issue of language interference and negativetransference from English. In addition, as Chinese Language is the only major academic subject that is taught using Mandarin as the medium of instruction, there is insufficient exposure to the language as well as limited scope for its use. This is made worse by the fact that the social environment is English-dominant. Chinese teachers informally surveyed have expressed concerns over the declining proficiency levels of their students. They are also facing new challenges in the classrooms as children from English-speaking homes who are handicapped in Mandarin see little relevance in mastering the language and are often unmotivated. It can thus be concluded from the experience of Singapore that the outcome of teaching Chinese language in foreign lands is dependent on a range of factors which differ from one place to another. Transferring the teaching and learning experiences of CFL in the Inner Circle to 31

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the Outer and Expanding circles might not produce the expected positive outcome. It is thus absolutely vital for educators and curriculum designers to explore and design different learning packages that share a common core curriculum and yet also take into consideration various regional social and communicative differences, and apply learning strategies which will suit the varying needs of different types of learners under different circumstances.

Future prospects: challenges and opportunities Mandarin is challenging the monopolistic position of English as a global language. However, although the speed of Mandarin’s spread is remarkable, it is unlikely that Mandarin will ever displace English to become the sole global language as ‘the position of English has arisen from a particular history which no other language can, in the changed world of the 21st century, repeat’ (Graddol, 2000: 58). As pointed out by Graddol (ibid.: 4), there is a growing belief among language professionals that the future will be a bilingual, if not a multi-lingual one, in which an increasing proportion of the world population will be proficient in at least one second language in addition to their mother tongues. Keeping in mind the global financial crisis of 2008, which has also affected China, we are aware that the prospects for the global spread of Mandarin will be dependent on the future economic development trajectory of the Chinese economy. If China continues to expand at the economic pace of the past two decades, the rise in its language status and consequent strong demand for Chinese as a second or foreign language course will further strengthen the global position of Mandarin, thereby granting it a competitive edge in the world language ecological system of the twenty-first century. The rise of global Mandarin represents a tremendous challenge to specialists and educators in the teaching of Mandarin throughout the world. They should not only seek to understand the variant features of the respective circles of Mandarin users but also design different effective teaching strategies to meet the needs of different types of learners so as to accelerate the speed of the globalization of Mandarin.

References Albert Keidel (2008a), ‘China’s economic rise – fact and fiction’, Policy Brief, no. 61, at http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pb61_keidel_final.pdf retrieved on 25 June 2009. Albert Keidel (2008b), ‘China’s economic rise – a technical note’, at http://www. carnegieendowment.org/files/Technical_Note.pdf retrieved on 25 June 2009. Crystal, D. (2003), English as a Global Language (Second Edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Dor, Daniel (2004), ‘From Englishization to imposed multilingualism: globalization, the internet, and the political economy of the linguistic code’, Public Culture, 16, 97–118. Dou, Delong (2008), Kongzixueyuan zai haiwai heyi fazhan Xunsu (Reasons behind Confucius Institutes’ speedy expansion overseas) (in Chinese), Jiefang Ribao, China, 13 February, at http://kbs.cnki.net/forums/45205 retrieved on 10 January 2009. Graddol, D. (2000), The Future of English? A Guide to Forecasting thePopularity of the English Language in the 21st Century. London: The British Council. Guojia Yuyan Ziyuan Jiance yu yanjiu zhongxin (Chinese Linguistic Resources Monitoring and Research Centre) (eds) (2006), Zhongguo yuyan shenghuo zhuangkuang baogao 2005 (2006), Language Situation in China Report: 2005. Beijing: Commercial Press. Hancock, John (1999), ‘The language of success’, Director, 53 (4), 35–36. Kachru, B. B. (1989), ‘Standards, codification and sociolinguistic realism: the English language in the outer circle’, in R. Quirk and H. G. Widdowson (eds), English in the World: Teaching and Learning the Language and Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 11–30. Kurlantzick, Joshua (2006), ‘China’s charm: implications of Chinese soft power’, Policy Brief, 47, at http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/ PB_47 retrieved on 25 June 2009. Martin Jacques (2008), ‘Chinese diaspora flexes its muscles worldwide’, China Daily, China, 18 June, at http://chinadaily.cn/opinion/2008-06/18/ retrieved on 25 June 2009. Ministry of Education, Singapore (2008), ‘Enhanced programmes by Special Assistance Plan Schools to enrich students’ learning of Chinese language and values’, Singapore Ministry of Education Press Release, 11 February. National Bureau of Statistics of P. R. China. (2008), China Statistical Yearbook 2008. China: China Statistics Press. Norman, J. (1988), Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rogers, J. (2007), A Bull in China. New York: Random House Publishing Group. Yuan, Jiahua (ed.) (1960), Hanyu fangyan gaiyao (An outline of Chinese dialects) (in Chinese). Beijing: Wenzi Gaige Chubanshe. Zhou, Youguang (1997), Zhongguo yuwen de shidai yanjin (The temporal development of the Chinese language) (in Chinese). Beijing: Qinghuadaxue Chubanshe.

Online resources (retrieved on 25 June 2009) http://hanban.edu.cn http://www.internetworldstats.com http://www.news.gov.sg/public/sgpc/en/media_releases/agencies/mica/ speech/S-20090317-1 http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Overseas_Chinese http://www.ris.gov.tw/version96/statis_111.html

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3

Muslim Education and Globalization: The Re-(de)positioning of Languages and Curriculum Content in Southeast Asia Sa’eda Buang

Chapter summary This chapter is about the socio-historical development of Malay, English and Arabic languages in Muslim education and its polemics and paradoxes in relation to globalization. Though I explore the politics of all three languages, my focus is on the reemergence of Arabic as the ‘new’ global language. A survey of the madrasah system in Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia will be presented as a case study to analyze the re-(de)positioning of the curricular content of the madrasah schools in the face of their ever-increasing micro and macro challenges. I argue that the more prominent use of English language in religious education does not necessarily mean the devaluation of Arabic language in the madrasah education system, although the same cannot be said about the Malay language. Arabic language in the madrasah schools, whether for Islamization of knowledge or to serve growing socio-economic demands and pragmatism, has outgrown its main religious domain in the face of globalization.

Introduction My topic requires specific qualifications of terminologies to avoid misinterpretations, misdirected discourse and conclusions. First, I wish to differentiate between two imperatives which are extensively used but not interchangeably in our discussion, namely, ‘Islamic education’ and ‘Muslim education’. While ‘Islamic’ pertains directly to the faith and its doctrines – a realm of ideals and theory, ‘Muslim’ refers to the interpretive works and acts by followers of Islam in approximating those ideals (Douglas and Shaik, 2004). 34

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To go a step further, Muslim education may also entail the education to, for, of and by the Muslims. Rukhsana Zia’s (2006) attempt, for instance, to study general education for the general population – Muslims and non-Muslims inclusive – made available by Muslim leaders in Muslim-majority countries such as Malaysia, Turkey, Iran and others may be categorized under the more general term of Muslim education. However, due to the scope of this chapter, I limit my discussion to the Muslim educational institutions, namely the madrasah, loosely defined as Muslim religious schools, and to a certain extent the pondok and pesantren, in Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia for the Muslim community in the said countries. In a nutshell, I am looking at the education provided by the madrasah which is traditionally known for its strong religious curriculum inclusive of Arabic language, and its development in the face of globalization in Southeast Asia. Based on the statistics of the three countries, the madrasah students constitute a small fraction of the total student population in relation to those attending national schools. There were 4,148 full-time madrasah students in 2007 (Singapore, Education Statistics Digest, 2007), constituting about 21 per cent from the total Malay/Muslim students (Primary, Secondary and Pre-University/college levels) or 0.77 per cent out of the total student population in Singapore. Madrasah students in Indonesia were estimated at 5,995,191 or 16.4 per cent in contrast to their 36,522,648 counterparts in national schools in 2006 (Department Pendidikan Nasional, Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan, Pusat Statistik Pendidikan, 2005/2006). Out of this figure, it was estimated that 2 million children were studying in the country’s 11,000 to 14,000 pesantrens (South China Morning Post, 31 October 2006; The Advertiser, 11 August 2007). There were about 65,087 madrasah students in Malaysia in 2005 attending Sekolah Agama Negeri (state’s religious school) or SAN and Sekolah Agama Bantuan Kerajaan (government aided religious school) or SABK at the Primary and Secondary levels, or 2.9 per cent of the total student population in that country (Ministry of Education, Malaysia, 2007). The madrasah figure in Malaysia is very modest if we were to consider the presence of 126,000 students attending 500 Sekolah Agama Rakyat (People’s religious schools, which are privately run) or SAR in 2003 alone (New Straits Times, 22 January 2003). In the beginning of 2005, as many as 94 SARs (Primary and Secondary) were re-registered as SABK following a decree by the Malaysian government (Ministry of Education, Malaysia, Pelan Induk Pembangunan Pendidikan 2006–2010; 2006: 21) but I suspect that many more remained outside SABK and are not captured in the statistics. The socio-religio-historical background of the Muslims that has shaped the objectives, content and pedagogy of Muslim education 35

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curriculum needs to be briefly discussed to set the stage for our discussion on the positioning and re-(de)positioning of the said three languages. I approach globalization as a continuum of man’s sociopolitical experiences and historical narratives. I focus on four significant socio-religio-historical experiences of the Muslims in this region; viz. the coming of Islam; the rise of the reformist movement; the Islamization movement, and the postmodern era that witnesses wide-spread phenomenon of globalization. The impact of colonization, education policies of the three countries and global events are discussed as integral parts of the said socio-religio-historical experiences. The positioning of Arabic, Malay and English languages along, against and during the said four major events is the main discourse of this chapter.

The coming of Islam and the place of education If the transfer or flow of ideas and migration from one end of the globe or one civilization to another partly characterizes globalization (Appadurai, 1996: 28), the coming of Islam that transformed the faith, culture and weltanschauung of the once animist–Buddhist–Hindu Malays in the Malay Archipelago can be construed as the product and process of early globalization. It has been documented that the presence of Muslim religious education precedes other forms of educational institutions in early Singapore, Malaysia (Chelliah, 1947: 35; Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir Munshi, 1939: 14–22) and Indonesia. The origins of Muslim education in Malaysia and Indonesia are well documented (Abdullah Zakaria bin Ghazali, 1979: 196–238).1 In fact, the existence of scores of Muslim religious clerics in twelfth-century Aceh, has led many historians to conclude that Islam must have come to Aceh even earlier (Mahmud Yunus, 1985: 10; Azyumardi Azra, 2005: 8). As a result of the early Islamization process, Indonesia is now the country with the world’s largest Muslim population. Eighty-seven per cent of its 218.9 million people in 2005 (Statistics Indonesia, 2005) are Muslims, and 55 per cent of Malaysia’s 26.7 million people in 2005 are adherents of Islam. Unlike the Muslim majority of Indonesia and Malaysia, the Malays in Singapore numbered only 490,600 or 13.7 per cent of the total residents figure of 3,583,100 in 2007,2 making them a minority in the Chinesemajority city state. The Malay/Muslims of the three countries mainly use Malay language; a language indigenous to Peninsular Malaysia, Singapore, Sumatera, and the group of islands south of Singapore, better known as the Riau-Lingga Archipelago. Malay is recognized as the national language – a language officially designated the language of a nation usually for cultural, political and/or ethnic reasons (McArthur, 1998) – for the three nations albeit it is merely ceremonial in the case of Singapore. 36

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It is also the city state’s official language (that is used in its government and administration), alongside Mandarin, Tamil and English. Al-Attas (1972: 5) reports that Islam came to the Malay Archipelago3 couched in Sufi metaphysics and that it was through tasawwuf (metaphysics), the highly intellectual and rationalistic religious discipline, rationalism and intellectualism were imbibed into the Muslim minds. The Muslims in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore are largely Ash’ari’s adherents, who uphold Shafi’i fiqh or Islamic jurisprudence and followers of Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah, or the Sunnis, indicating those who follow the way (sunnah) of the Prophet Muhammad and hold fast to the unity of Muslims (jama’ah). These theological perspectives shaped the religious orientation of the Muslims and consequently, the curriculum content of the early Muslims’ education in the region. Theology as a primary science constitutes the depth and breadth of the curriculum adopted by the Muslims in early-nineteenth century and supported by auxiliary sciences that promote moral values or adab. Essentially, the curriculum was based on the notion of taxonomy of knowledge, where disciplines are stratified or given differing status according to their assumed importance, usually from the perspective of religion. Consequently, in communities where multiple languages are available as media of instruction for these disciplines, these languages are also consciously or subconsciously stratified. Due to the extensive influence of the taxonomy of knowledge on religious orientation of the Muslims and the status of the languages, a brief discussion on this aspect is necessary.

The taxonomy of knowledge and its place in religious education In determining the types of knowledge to be learned in the madrasah and its hierarchy, Muslims in this region were influenced by the taxonomy of knowledge promulgated by Al-Ghazali (AD 1058–1111), a prominent Muslim scholar of the thirteenth century. Al-Ghazali distinguishes knowledge into two bodies, religious sciences or sacred knowledge and non-religious sciences or profane knowledge. He epitomizes shari’ah or religious sciences, particularly on tauhid (knowledge on the unity of God) which includes the essence and attributes of God, at the apex of the strata of knowledge and labels shari’ah as fard ‘ain. Other sciences such as usul fiqh or principles of jurisprudence, arithmetic and natural sciences are regarded as praiseworthy or profane knowledge or fard kifayah, the auxiliary sciences. The Quran as the primary source of tauhid and shari’ah are included in the realm of fard ‘ain, and consequently Arabic language, the language of the Quran has higher importance in the strata of knowledge. 37

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The taxonomy of knowledge and its impacts on languages a. The premier position of Arabic Arabic belongs to the Semitic language family which has a recorded history going back thousands of years. It took root and flourished in the Tigris–Euphrates river basin and in the coastal areas of the Levant.4 That the Quran is sent down to mankind in the Arabic language becomes the primary basis of its commanding position in the religion of Islam. Verses pertaining to the Arabic language as the chosen tongue for the Quran are numerous (The Holy Quran, Chapter 12: 2; Chapter 13: 37; Chapter 41: 44; Chapter 42: 7; Chapter 43: 30; Chapter 17: 103). Arabic language is taken to be synonymous to the language of Islam. The Quran is embraced as a divine guidance for mankind. The need to place those words of guidance close to the heart of the Muslims, and when taken in its literal sense, gives rise to the close observation of zikr and hafz (memorization). Both are the key pedagogies of reading the Quran. Zikr means ‘mention’, or ‘reminder’ or ‘recollection’ and has very wide significance in both Quranic and devotional usage. To repeat the words of the Quran verbally is, therefore, by Islamic faith a sacramental participation. The second primary source of shari’ah, viz. hadith, or a collection of texts on the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad, was originally recorded in Arabic. In addition, the recital of compulsory daily prayers or solat and the rites of pilgrimage are explicitly practised in Arabic language. The classical Islamic religious canons covering important branches of knowledge such as jurisprudence, philosophy and tauhid are also written in Arabic; hence, the language has taken a premium position, above and beyond, all other languages, including Malay language, the indigenous language of the Malay Archipelago. Conclusively, its premier function as a medium of instruction in religious education was established. b. The promotion of Malay language and its functional use However, Arabic was foreign to the new Muslim converts and a new medium had to be found through which Islamic literature could be presented. To fill this role, Malay language, according to Al-Attas (1972: 36–37), was purposefully and categorily chosen by the early missionaries partly because ‘it was used as a lingua franca in a limited sense in trade and in relevant parts of the Archipelago’, and mainly because it ‘was not an aesthetic religious language like the Javanese’. Unlike Javanese, Malay language was at that time relatively less cluttered with terminologies of the early religions’ traditions. The teaching of the concepts and terminologies of Islam via Malay language was therefore, considered less difficult. In defending his theory of language selection for 38

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religious dissemination via Malay language, Al-Attas equates the ‘purity’ of Arabic language with Malay language which he believed was not loaded with myths, superstitions and extremely complicated metaphysics of the early religions’ traditions; a condition found in the Javanese language (Al-Attas, 1972). Malay language, in other words, contains less ‘interferences’ to disfigure the new religion’s terminology and conceptions in their original and ‘pure’ form. Asmah Haji Omar (2005), on the other hand, comments that Malay language, before the coming of Islam and until the fourteenth century and beyond, had achieved the status of high language (H-language), functioning as the language of governance and diplomacy, and acting as a vehicle in the spread of Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam. It was a lingua franca in the region, used in daily communication among the populous, royal court deliberations, business transactions, state’s political affairs and religious studies. Due to using Malay as the medium of instruction for religious studies, its status was reinforced. In another but related development, the old Malay script of Indian derivation was substituted by a new script. Jawi script was introduced, which consists of all the 29 letters of the Arabic alphabet together with five newly invented non-Arabic letters to suit the tongue of the Malays, viz. (cha), (nga), (ga), (pa) and (nya). By AD 1303 the new alphabet was completely formed (Omar Awang, 1980: 55). With the new script, the Malay language flourished and was elevated from oral tradition to literary status, particularly from and since fifteenth century with the emergence of a large body of Malay translated religious texts or kitab jawi. Kitab jawi (jawi scriptures) are mostly translations, adaptations from the original Arabic texts on Islam or hashi’ah (critiques) of the original texts, with the views and interpretations of the local ulama (religious scholars or clerics) prominently presented. It was extensively used in religious classes as reading materials to explain difficult religious concepts and Arabic terminologies. The heavy use of Arabic loan words prominently in these classical texts contributes to the adaptation of more Arabic terms in Malay language which lends more importance to the language. To illustrate the extensive use of Arabic application in the Malay community’s life, I introduce Za’ba’s (1895–1973), a leading linguist in the circle of Malay literati, categorization of the multitude of Arabic loan words into six domains, viz. religious concepts; religious sciences and philosophy; thoughts and emotions; laws and regulations; customs and cultural traditions; and codes associated with daily events (Za’ba, 2002: 274–276). Conversely, kitab jawi promotes the importance of Malay language in the study of religion. To argue further, I support the views of Al-Attas (1972) and Asmah Haji Omar (2005) that the active transfer of Islamic religious ideas and practices in the early period of 39

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

Malay development further raised Malay language from the language of daily utility to H-language, capable of articulating higher order concepts and discourses. Thus socio-historically, both Arabic and Malay languages’ function and purposes are intertwined in the domain of religion and religious education. However, due to the commanding presence of the Ghazalian taxanomy of knowledge, the two H-languages do not have the same status in the taxonomy, as echoed in Munsyi Abdullah’s personal accounts in 1840 (Abdullah, 1939: 32): In the mind of the people it is not necessary to study Malay language, our own mother tongue language. Furthermore, since the olden days there was never established a Malay language class, but only the Quranic classes and the learning of the Arab language; the only useful language for religion and the hereafter, and the most respectable language among the Muslims.

While the formal study of Arabic language was relentlessly pursued, in the early community’s consciousness, Malay language acquisition was a natural process and inherent quality of the community, sufficiently developed via the process of socialization at the informal and nonformal levels, at home and within the community’s circles of educational and socio-cultural activities. In other words, although it was Malay language that lends meaning and context in the study of religion, the study of the language in a formal setting is less urgent in relation to Arabic language. I am aware of the presence of Malay scholars specializing in the writing of Malay classical texts, be it religious (in the form of kitab jawi) or literature (hikayat). Munsyi Abdullah in 1840s was reported to humble himself at the feet of two accomplished Malay linguists in Malacca, Datok Sulaiman and Datok Astur (Abdullah, 1939: 32–33) to inquire about the intricacies of Malay language. Nonetheless, Munsyi Abdullah’s learning of the language was based on individual effort, done singly and out of the prevailing norms. In contrast, upon hearing of the presence of a Quranic scholar from Yaman in Malacca, Abdullah and about 50 male adults of Malacca collectively persuaded the scholar to teach and oversee them in perfecting the mechanics of Quran recital for about a year in the 1840s despite having gone through Quran classes for many years in their early years of education (Abdullah, 1939: 45). c. The peripheral position of English language English language, on the other hand, was seen as the language of and for colonization and Christianization, simply because it was the tongue of the colonial masters whose interests were purely to reap the wealth of 40

Muslim Education and Globalization

the land for imperialism. It was unthinkable therefore to use the imperialists’ language to decode Islamic texts at that time in the history of the Malay Archipelago. Except for one Malay-vernacular school, English was not even included in the syllabus of the colonial-sponsored Malay vernacular schools until 1950s (Frisby, 1950: 12).

The brief emergence of the reformist movement and the (re)positioning of languages The early 1900s was a critical period when a significant wave of inflow of reformist ideas from Egypt 5 to the Malay Archipelago via the journal Al-Manar and returning students mostly from Cairo, Egypt took place. The goal was to liberate the Muslims from prevailing socio-political apathy, economic and educational backwardness, and cultural– religious decadence through educational and religious reforms. A group of local Muslim reformists led by Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, in 1907 set up the Madrasah Al-Iqbal in Singapore and made an unprecedented move to liberalize religious curriculum by including three languages, Arabic, Malay and English, in the madrasah’s syllabus. Going against the prevalent religious educational institutions’ and the Muslim majority’s traditional beliefs and practices, subjects such as geography, history, health education, general science and arithmetic were also included to equip students with necessary knowledge and skills to counter colonization and face new socio-economic challenges. By including other languages, Al-Iqbal did not alter the premier position of Arabic but instead buttressed it further. The madrasah strongly advocated the study of Arabic language as the primary source of Quranic, hadith and religious knowledge, a critical instrument in defining true conception and practices from the false, and to counter ‘blind obedience’ or taqlid in religion. In the same breath, the reformists also acknowledged the importance of establishing a standard grammar of Malay language. The importance of English language was recognized as the language for science and technology and as a means for socio-economic advancement (Abu Bakar Hamzah, 1991: 372–375). However, the call for reform fell on deaf ears and the repositioning of Malay and English was rejected and worse, the madrasah was shunned, criticized and finally had to be closed down after a year in operation. As in the past, Arabic remained the only language considered worthy of being learnt in most madrasahs in Singapore and Malaysia, except a handful of reformed madrasahs such as Madrasah Al-Masyhur in Penang, in 1918, which was run by the same Al-Hadi who established Al-Iqbal in Singapore earlier. However, in a slightly better position than in Singapore and Malaysia, popular reformist religious organizations 41

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

like Muhammadiyah of Indonesia went one step further by providing two parallel systems of education, one that was run similar to government schools with additional religious subjects, and another that was fundamentally religious with some secular subjects in its curriculum. In both instances, Malay and Dutch languages were offered. Generally, and outside the limited circle of influence of the reformists, a state of status quo for Arabic, Malay and English language was re-established in the early 1900s of Pre-independence era. Not only did English language have no participatory role in religious education, it was to stay out of the madrasah curriculum in totality. The madrasahs continued to offer Arabic and claimed Arabic language as the medium of instruction. By virtue of this characteristic, these schools were also known as Sekolah Arab (Arabic school). From 1949 until 1958, the Department of Education Annual Report by the Colonial Office in Singapore used the term ‘Arabic schools’ in their survey of Miscellaneous Private Schools, indicating the widely perceived notion, rightly or wrongly, that Arabic was the only primary and premier language of instruction in the madrasahs.

The rise of government-sponsored schools and its impacts on the madrasahs’ curriculum contents The 1950s saw the rise of vernacular and English schools run by the newly independent governments of Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia. This event had prompted the madrasahs to offer subjects along the line of national schools to maintain their relevance. My survey involving 30 madrasahs prevalent in Singapore in 1958 confirmed this trend (Sa’eda Buang, 2009). Except for 6 full-time madrasahs, all are now defunct. All the 30 madrasahs investigated offered Arabic language and Diniah (religious knowledge). This proved the continuation of uncontested superior position of Arabic language as a H-language and formal subject. Has the situation changed since nineteenth century and earlier with regard to Malay language? My research shows that the tradition of using Malay as a language of religious instruction was continued. Twenty-four madrasahs or 80.8 per cent conducted Diniah in Malay only or both Malay and Arabic interchangeably (see Figure 3.1). Thus the unwritten, yet widely accepted policy of using the Malay language to comprehend complex religious concepts was maintained. My findings are contrary to the popular belief that Arabic language was the single or predominant medium of instruction in relation to other languages in madrasah (therefore the institution was known as sekolah Arab). Interestingly, out of 30 madrasahs, only 6 madrasahs indicated Arabic as the only and official medium of instruction. The 42

Muslim Education and Globalization

rest reported that they used both Malay and Arabic languages. The six madrasahs are Aljunied, Alsagoff, Al-Ma’rif, Al-Diniah, Hidayah and Sekolah Ra’yat Bustanul Arifin. Instead, Malay language was predominantly used as the medium of instruction for many subjects, other than Diniah. For example, Malay language was utilized more frequently by 55 per cent of madrasahs as the medium of instruction in relation to Arabic (40.3 per cent) and English language (4.7 per cent) for the eleven subjects offered. Out of eleven subjects, as reflected in Figure 3.1, Malay language was chosen by 24 madrasahs as the medium of instruction for 9 subjects, while Arabic was exclusively utilized by only 6 madrasahs for six subjects. Taking each subject individually, 6 madrasahs or 50 per cent of madrasahs offering History used Malay language, while 13 out of 15 madrasahs offering arithmetic employed Malay as the language of instruction. Out of 6 madrasahs offering Geography, 5 or 83.3 per cent taught the subject in Malay. Malay language was solely used to instruct less popular subjects such as Hygiene, General Knowledge, Physical Exercise and Sewing.

The rise of nationalism and further strengthening of Malay language Parallel to the rise of vernacular and English schools, Independence for both Malaysia and Indonesia in 1945 and 1957 respectively, saw the 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Arabic

Diniah History Arithmetic Geograph Writing English Hygiene

G.K

P.E

Sewing

6

0

0

0

0

0

5

19

0

1

1

1

1

0

0

0

6

0

0

0

0

15

6

25

6

1

1

1

1

Arabic instruction

30

6

6

2

Malay instruction

0

24

6

3

English instruction

0

0

6

Total no. of madrasah

30

30

12

1

Figure 3.1 Subjects offered in madrasah according to medium of instruction, 1958. Notes: P. E. denotes Physical Exercise and G. K. refers to General Knowledge. Data is based on each madrasah’s records, 1958. Source: Sa’eda Buang (2009).

43

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

emergence of Malay language as a tool to heighten nationalism, nationbuilding and socio-political unification among many races and tongues in both countries. The rise of Malay language phenomenon that occurred in both countries was also evident in religious educational institutions in Singapore. Based on the same survey, I observed that 19 madrasahs or 65.5 per cent offered Malay language but under a different name, viz. Writing and Grammar (see Figure 3.1). The content of the syllabus was very much fashioned after the teaching and learning of the Malay language in Malay schools then (including using similar textbooks). Thus Malay language was gaining more prominence at both the academic and functional levels (as a formal academic subject and medium of instruction); a direct contrast to its early position in the nineteenth century, in the realm of religious education as a direct or/and indirect result of nationalism and political independence. Although offered by only 6 madrasahs (20 per cent), which indicates that the functional role of English language for socio-economic progress was dismal, English was increasingly recognized by the madrasahs. At any rate, such a small step reflects the changing perception of madrasah’s fraternity towards the language. As a result of the liberal democracy movement in Indonesia, from 1950 onwards, a decree was passed by the government to replace Dutch language with Malay or Bahasa Indonesia as the language of instruction in all vernacular schools, except those special schools attended specifically by Dutch children (Redja Mudyahardjo, 2001: 388). The repositioning of Malay and English languages was strengthened in this instance, but the curriculum space of religious subjects reduced due to the imposition of another new education policy. For example, during the reign of New Order under the leadership of Suharto in 1966, in Indonesia, the minimal percentage allocation of 30 per cent ‘secular’ subjects and 70 per cent religious subjects for all madrasahs was decreed leading to the shrinking of curriculum spaces for religious subjects. Nonetheless, such policy changes did little to dent the Arabic language’s long-established socio-religious domains. At least in one study on the significance of Al-Azhar University of Cairo in the religious development in Indonesia (Abaza, 1993: 23), the presence of a large number of Egyptian Azharites, a title given to the graduates, students and academics of the Al-Azhar University, who were sent as missionaries, teachers and preachers in 1989 in Indonesia, as well as the thousands of Indonesian students studying in the said university, indicated that the positioning of Arabic as the super-H language in the religious domain was maintained. In the case of Malaysia, under the National Education Policy, two major initiatives were introduced which changed the position of Arabic language and consequently, weakened the madrasah (Rosnani Hashim, 44

Muslim Education and Globalization

1996; Hassan Langgulung and Che Noraini Hashim, 2005: 10). One initiative was the use of Malay language or national language instead of Arabic as the medium of instruction for religious and non-religious subjects. The second was the introduction of more non-religious subjects such as Malay language, English, Mathematics, Geography, History, and General Science, thus displacing religious subjects to make room for new non-religious subjects. Unlike in Singapore where the madrasahs are private institutions with their own set of curricula, most madrasahs or Sekolah Agama Rakyat (people’s religious schools or SAR) in Malaysia have been under the official purview of the government since 1930s, and therefore, directly impacted by the Policy. The Education Act of 1961 which was based on the Razak Report (1956) and Rahman Talib Report (1960) issued directives for the inclusion of Islamic religious subjects and moral education in the national schools from 1962 onwards. With these initiatives, the madrasah was seen to be relinquishing its power as the sole supplier of Islamic knowledge and Arabic language. English language was offered as a compulsory subject, but its position remained a status quo, viz. peripheral in the realm of religious curriculum. However, all was not lost for Arabic from this change of events. While the central positioning of Arabic seemed weakened and taken over by Malay language due to the undercurrent of nationalism, the importance of religious knowledge was elevated to an exceptional height both by general and madrasah education in order to produce a ‘wholesome’ man, as reflected in the newly formulated educational philosophy: Education in Malaysia is an on-going effort towards further developing the potential of individuals in a holistic and integrated manner, so as to produce individuals who are intellectually, spiritually, emotionally and physically balanced and harmonious, based on a firm belief in and devotion to God. Such an effort is designed to produce Malaysian citizens who are knowledgeable and competent, who possess high moral standards, and who are responsible and capable of achieving a high level of personal well being as well as being able to contribute to the harmony and betterment of the society and the nation at large. (Malaysia, Ministry of Education, Curriculum Development Centre, 1983; quoted from Rosnani Hashim, 1996: 150)

Blurring the lines of domains and re-(de)positioning of languages as the impacts of globalization The current reallocation of large-scale economic investments by Western industrial giants from their countries of origin to the eastern 45

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

region of the globe has been seen as another wave of globalization that has affected significantly the economy of most nations. It poses a set of new challenges for madrasah education which is perceived by the Muslim community as a ‘threat’ to morality and religious values, along with the re-expansion of economic bullying by wealthy nations over poor and developing states. At the same time, many acknowledge that globalization necessitates the teaching and learning of new and relevant knowledge to get one ready for the knowledge-based economy and fluidity of information in a fast-paced and borderless world (Kamar Oniah Kamaruzaman, 2005; Saqib, 1981; Ali Riaz, 2008). The influx of information is seldom apolitical, or acultural, and its negative influences on the Muslims captures the imagination of Muslim educators. Madrasah education faces globalization at two fronts: economy and values-orientation. The national schools in Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia that offer general, technical and/or vocational education were more than ready to absorb the impacts of globalization on the economy and knowledge development by reconstructing their curriculum to include knowledge and skills on information technology with equally up-to-date school infrastructure. Muslim education, on the other hand, tackled the issue and challenges of globalization by taking a more philosophical stance and approach, viz. via Islamization of knowledge.

The madrasahs’ varied strategies in facing globalization a. Islamization of knowledge In 1970s, calls for the reconstruction of madrasah curriculum based on Islamization of knowledge approach captured the centre stage of many discourses on Islamic education. ‘Islamization of knowledge’ was the buzz phrase particularly after it was presented and accepted, both as a concept and educational framework, at the First World Conference on Muslim Education held in Mecca in 1977. To face the challenges of globalization, the taxonomy of knowledge long held by the madrasahs now needs reevaluation. The concept of the unity of knowledge, where both religious and non-religious knowledge are constituted as one body of knowledge, originated from the same source, viz. the Almighty, was reemphasized and strengthened. The call for more sciences, such as philosophy, the art, and modern science and technology to be embraced by Muslim education was made, but with a twist. The traditional classification dividing fard ‘ain and fard kifayah, or naqli (knowledge based on revelation) and ‘aqli (knowledge accrued from man’s reasoning and experiences), was now blurred. All knowledge is to be embraced but by 46

Muslim Education and Globalization

using the filter of Islam. Islamization of knowledge requires the reinterpretation of knowledge from the perspectives of Islam. b. Pragmatism and the reforms in curriculum content The 6 surviving full-time madrasahs 6 in Singapore, regardless of the Islamization of knowledge blueprint, made a pragmatic calculation and went ahead to reconstruct their curriculum content to replicate that of the national schools’ that have long been preparing its students for knowledge-based economy and globalization. Since 1971, madrasahs took the initiative to prepare their students in subjects such as Mathematics, Geography, English language and Malay language for the nationalstandardized examinations, the General Certificate of Education ‘O’ (Ordinary) and ‘A’ (Advance) level examinations as private candidates. With good nationally and internationally recognized academic qualifications, the madrasahs realized that their graduates stand a good chance in the competitive labour market. Majlis Ugama Islam of Singapore (MUIS), a central governing body of Muslim affairs in Singapore, spear-headed the efforts to equip madrasah students with information technology skills by implementing the Information Technology Master Plan (ITMP), including the setting up of IT infrastructure in madrasah, the creation of IT culture via an IT resource centre and integration of IT into the madrasah curriculum, and the wide-based application of IT skills by teachers and students teaching and learning (Warita Kita, Nov–Dec, 1998). The Compulsory Education (CE) Act which was enacted by the parliament in Singapore in 2000 had directly or indirectly reconstructed the madrasah curriculum further. Under CE, 6 years primary education in national schools is mandatory for all Singapore citizens and who are residing in the country. Six full-time madrasahs, and a San Yu Adventist School, were exempted from the Act so long as their affected cohort of students achieves the average aggregate score in the national-standardized examinations: The Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE).7 The traditional allocation of curriculum period of 30–70 for Primary level (30 per cent non-religious subjects and 70 per cent religious subjects) was abolished to make way for more instruction in Mathematics, Science, English and Malay, in keeping with the number of curriculum hours allocated by the national schools for the said subjects. In the case of Singapore, pragmatism and externally coerced measures had affected changes in curriculum content that led to the reduction of religious subject instruction, at least at the Primary level where the allocation of 30–70 or even 50–50 can no longer hold. 47

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

Short of being classified as Islamization of knowledge in approach but better-known under the concept of integration of knowledge, MUIS as the governing body of the madrasahs in Singapore launched its $8 million new religious curriculum project by commissioning Bostonbased Iqra’ International Educational Foundation to design a new syllabus for religious subjects from Primary to Secondary level under the Curriculum Development Project (CDP) scheme in 2000. Each religious subject which has been traditionally taught discretely is now seen as supplementing and complementing other subjects, hence it is combined with one or two more subjects to achieve more impactful and unifying results.8

The rise of English language and the depositioning of Malay language The madrasahs continue to function as the repository of Arabic and religious knowledge. Under the new curriculum, the emphasis on learning to recite the Arabic text fluently with tajwid and tartil, as well as the development of the Quranic vocabulary has not diminished. While the understanding and application of the messages of the Quran is now emphasized, the traditional practice of memorization remains, ‘in keeping with the tradition of tahfiz ul-Quran from the days of the Prophet’ (MUIS, Quranic Studies Syllabus, 2003: 8). Essentially, the positioning of Arabic language as the ‘language of Islam’ is maintained. However, a ‘face-off’ occurred between the Malay and English language which has transformed the positioning of both languages. To respond effectively to globalization and knowledge-based economy, Malay language’s traditional function as the medium of instruction for religious knowledge is now conferred to English language. English is widely accepted as a universal language, deemed better able to equip students with communicative skills for future economy and technological advancements. The new syllabus, inclusive of Islamic Social Studies and Quranic Studies, among others, uses English as the medium of instruction. MUIS took this bold step to keep pace with the Muslim community’s increasing trend of using English as the dominant language at home. The Population Census of 2000 shows that 7.9 per cent of the Malay/ Muslim community in 2000 observed English as the dominant language at home; an increase of 1.8 per cent from the figure of 6.1 per cent in 1990. In contrast, 91.6 per cent of the community in 2000 use Malay as the dominant language at home in relation to 93.7 per cent in 1990 (Leow Bee Geok, 2001); indicating a 2.1 per cent decline. My survey conducted in 2005 and 2006 involving 287 madrasah students establishes that Malay as the sole and dominant language at home is still 48

Muslim Education and Globalization

vastly observed by 92.4 per cent of the students (See Figure 3.2). Significantly, my findings demonstrate that such percentage is relatively higher than the national census figure of 91.6 per cent (in 2000), and even higher than the Ministry of Education Survey in 2005 that records 71.4 per cent of Malay students using Malay as the dominant language at home (Singapore Ministry of Education Survey, 2005). It is evident from Figure 3.2 that Malay still stands as the most frequently used dominant language at home by 92.4 per cent of students in relation to English (5.3 per cent), Arabic (1.8 per cent), and Urdu/Tamil (0.5 per cent). I confirmed the findings by asking 50 parents whose children participated in the survey to indicate their dominant language used at home. The findings are similar. Malay as the dominant language is also observed by 81 per cent of parents, followed by English (15 per cent), and Arabic (4 per cent) (Sa’eda Buang, 2009: 290). Conclusively, the use of English as another dominant language at home is on the increase within the Malay community as shown by the National Census 1990 and 2000. Based on such calculation, MUIS believes that English language in the realm of religious education would be more readily accepted by the majority of madrasah students and hence, helpful in increasing their level of comprehension in and appreciation of religious knowledge. Rules of pragmatism also drive the decision which MUIS hopes would enhance students’ mastery of English and improve the performance of Malay children in academic subjects and examination performance. Impressed with the ‘balanced’ curriculum designed by MUIS and its emphasis on English, a deal was reached between the Yayasan 100 80 60 40 20 0

Primary

Secondary

Pre-U

Total %

Malay

35.7

33.5

23.2

92.4

English

1.8

1.5

2

5.3

Arabic Tamil/Urdu

1.8 0.3

0 0.2

0 0

1.8 0.5

Figure 3.2 Distribution of dominant languages used at home, by level, in percentage. N = 287 students. Source: Students survey, 2005/2006 (Sa’eda Buang, 2009)

49

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

Parahyangan Satya (YPS) of Indonesia and Madrasah Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiah of Singapore to set up a Singapore affiliated madrasah near Bandung, Indonesia in 2008 (The Straits Times, 17 January 2007). The new school will adopt the same curriculum designed by its sister school in Singapore with the hope that ‘its graduates can choose either to further their studies in the religious field or move on to enroll in the polytechnics in Singapore or elsewhere’(The Straits Times, 17 January 2007). Another international religious school in Magetan, East Java will be opened by the same Madrasah Al-Irsyad following its Indonesian partner’s request. Other than the ‘balanced’ curriculum and Singapore madrasah’s links to Al-Azhar University in Cairo and Cambridge University in Britain, another factor that attracts the Indonesian partners is ‘that English will be the main medium of instruction, something that many Indonesians want to be proficient in today’ (The Straits Times, 26 August 2008).

The solidification of English language’s position despite differing socio-religio-cultural perspectives Despite MUIS’s success in some educational sectors in Indonesia, the decision to adopt English as the main medium of instruction has been considered a radical shift from the traditional practice of using Arabic and/or Malay and has created some tensions at various levels. First, the reorientation of the community’s long-standing perception with regard to Arabic language as the divinely chosen language of Islam. Theoretically and traditionally, Arabic language has been the medium of instruction for religious subjects in all the present-day full-time madrasahs. Such deviation from tradition is earth shattering for some Muslims particularly when the premier position of Arabic in the scheme of religion has been deeply entrenched in the mind of the Muslim community. A madrasah teacher, Hifni bin Muhd Ali (2000: 81) offers five reasons to justify the all-out efforts to maintain the supreme position of Arabic language, particularly in the teaching of religion: (a) Arabic is the language of the Quran, (b) it is the language of Hadith, (c) it is the language of renowned Islamic classical texts, (d) it is the lingua-franca of the Muslim ummah and (e) it is an international language. Second, Malay, which is the mother tongue language, is regarded as the natural and obvious choice in the teaching and learning of religion, outside Arabic. To replace Malay language with English requires some reorientation. Such reorientation or mental shift proved challenging because historically and culturally, and as I have discussed earlier, Malay language has been the medium of instruction in religious teaching in the Archipelago and Singapore since the coming of Islam in the fourteenth century or earlier via kitab jawi. 50

Muslim Education and Globalization

Third, to the Islamization of knowledge purists, unless the language is Islamized or given its literal meaning from the perspective of Islam, English language may pose a challenge in delivering Islamic concepts and messages effectively and succinctly primarily because language is never acultural or apolitical. For instance, the term ‘worldview’ must not be delimited to the world of sense and sensible experience as perceived by the secular Western scientific conception but must be expanded to cover both al-dunya (temporal world) and al-akhirah (the hereafter) (Al-Attas, 2005: 11). Heavily loaded with Western values and cultures – usually associated with Christianity and Westernization – English language, therefore, may pose difficulties to convey Islamic concepts well. This strategy may run counter with the very concept of Islamization of knowledge that the new syllabus wishes to achieve unless the methodology of Islamization of language as proposed by Al-Attas precedes Islamization of knowledge (Al-Attas, 1980). Fourth, staff redeployment is necessary to replace teachers who are currently teaching the subjects but not able to communicate effectively in English, hence, loss of opportunity to teach the subject of his or her specialization. Worse, it incurs humiliation and sense of loss that affects the teacher’s self-worth. Fifth, the teaching effectiveness of teachers in using English as a medium of instruction requires considerable thought, and sixth, the acceptance and comprehension level of the students is another major area of concern which needs immediate attention. Only 3 out of the 6 full-time madrasahs in Singapore are adopting the syllabus partly because of the unsettled issue of the medium of instruction. The implementation of the new curriculum therefore requires effective human resource and human strategies to mitigate these tensions. At any rate, such a major shift in language policy requires an in-depth investigation due to its huge impact on the educational, psychological, socio-religious conception and development of learners, teachers and the community at large. Other studies confirmed that there is a slight but conspicuous shift in language use in religious teaching and learning domain in Singapore (Mohd. Aidil Subhan, 2007; Kamsiah Abdullah and Bibi Jan Ayyub, 2005; Rohan Nizam bin Basheer, 2007/2008). Rohan’s (2007/08) survey on the use of English in part-time religious classes called ‘Tweens aLive’ (for 12–14 years old) and ‘Teens aLive’ (for 14–17 years old) held at three mosques in Singapore, involving 108 respondents; 52 from ‘Tweens aLive’ and 56 from ‘Teens aLive’ programmes also observed similar phenomenon. In contrast to my survey, all Rohan’s respondents are attending national schools where the emphasis on bilingualism – English as first language and Malay as mother tongue – is a critical foundation of national educational policy. Rohan’s survey shows that 51

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

63 per cent of the respondents prefer Islamic teaching be delivered in English, while 36.1 per cent opt for the Malay language. This figure confirms the language shift phenomenon in the domain of religious teaching, where Malay language was beginning to loose its traditional position to English language. When asked for their language of preference should students require further explanation from teachers to affirm their understanding in religion, 57 per cent respondents prefer re-explanation to be done in Malay, while 42.6 per cent respondents prefer English language. Although slightly lower by 14.8 per cent, the latter group’s preference indicates a growing distancing from Malay language as ‘language of translation’. However, a remarkable 83.3 per cent of the respondents prefer to use Malay language when conducting personal supplication (outside the compulsory recital of verses in Arabic), and 16.7 per cent in English. Such responses indicate the unchallenged position of mother tongue, in this case Malay language, when one needs to be within one’s personal space and closer to the Divine Power. When one steps out of the enclosure of personal space and moves into social spaces, English language is considered more effective medium for more and varied interlocutors.

The rise of Arabic language With language shift phenomenon as a backdrop in Singapore, what is the place of Arabic and Malay language in the madrasah students’ learning scheme? In another study on language and identity among the madrasah students, majority of students consider Arabic as absolutely important in the transmission of belief in Islam and that Arabic is related to a religious Islamic identity (Rukhaidah Sahid, 2001: 40–41). But in the realm of ‘learning about Islam’, other than Arabic, more respondents consider English to be absolutely essential as compared to Malay. English is seen as a more universal code that allows more exchanges of knowledge and ideas between more and varied interlocutors. Obviously, although the encroachment of English language in madrasah education is pervasive, Arabic language continues to remain essential in the study of Islam. In the Malaysian educational experience under the Fundamentals of National Vision Era 10-Year Plan (2001–2010), a key initiative, called ‘j-QAF’ was introduced by the government in 2005 to ensure that all Muslim students (attending national or religious schools) are equipped with communicative skills in Arabic, Jawi, Al-Quran and fard ‘ain (Pelan Induk Pembangunan Pendidikan 2006–2010, Ch. 2: 19–20). The resultant outcome of the initiative would be a huge cohort of students and future job market employees who are capable of using Arabic 52

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effectively for religious education, higher studies, socio-cultural interactions or/and future careers. In Singapore all studies mentioned earlier in this chapter converge on the idea that English language is encroaching into the realm of religion and slowly, yet persistently taking over the position of Malay language as the medium of instruction for Islamic knowledge, and that Arabic language remains relevant and important in the study of religion. However, globalization has brought changes to the way people perceive the domains of Arabic language. Audi Yudasmara (1999/2000: 53) discovers that a growing number of parents 9 are sending their children for Arabic lessons due to reasons other than religious, such as to gain knowledge and travel, other than instrumental and integrative-related orientations such as the desire to belong in the ummah (Muslim global community). The trend of using Arabic beyond the sphere of religion and madrasah classrooms and premises is increasingly observable particularly in the domain of the economy. Realizing the importance of Arabic in the sphere of economic growth, Ministry of Education, Singapore has included Arabic in its third language programme as one of the options (The Straits Times, 8 March 2007). The option was taken up by 30 students from government-run schools, a majority of whom are nonMalays, in the following year. A keen interest in the language, outside the realm of religion and in this case in socio-educational sphere, was also demonstrated in a letter in a local daily (The Straits Times, 24 September 2007). The writer of the letter went a step further to propose that each university in the country should set up Middle East studies, inclusive of Arabic, Farsi and Urdu, as a strategic move to ‘liaise with businesses and schools in this large part of West Asia and North Africa’. Such pleas will no longer be necessary when the National University of Singapore launches its ‘Modern Standard Arabic as a foreign language’ modules for its undergraduates beginning from January 2009.10 Earlier, a plan was drawn by the Singapore government and the Arab Association in Singapore, supported by Yemen, to start an Arab cultural heritage centre whose main function is to teach contemporary Arabic language, and also to host cultural events and be a hub for research on the Hadhrami diasporas (The Straits Times, 26 May 2007). Separately, an Arabic language centre will be set up in 2008 by a local organization, Jamiyah, with help from the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ISESCO) based in Morocco. The new centre hopes to train ‘aspiring Arabic language teachers from South-east Asia’ and ‘to deepen links with the Middle East’ (The Straits Times, 26 June 2007). Such a pragmatic, calculated move which is driven by economic returns in relation to the study of Arabic is expected when Singapore, and for that 53

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matter the region, has been actively pursuing lucrative billions of US dollars investment projects and economic partnerships with Abu Dhabi (The Straits Times, 20 November 2008), Bahrain (The Straits Times, 9 October 2008), and the rest of the Middle East (The Straits Times, 20 June 2005). As aptly suggested by one writer, for the investments to take off they should be preceded with ‘talking’. To skilfully be able to communicate in Arabic is the key to good understanding and working relationship in businesses (The Straits Times, 20 June 2005). Thus while the prevailing opinions and most studies see the relevance of Arabic language in the realm of religious and values-transmission, the government and a growing sector of general population values the socio-economic worth of the language.

Conclusion The development of languages on the basis of their changing functions and domains of usage characterizes the four significant socio-religiohistorical events and the educational experiences of the Muslims. Malay language positions itself from strength to strength from the language of religious instruction since the coming of Islam on the shores of the Malay Archipelago, to a tool for nationalism, social reunification and socio-economic progress in modern Malaysia and Indonesia. Although the rise of the Malay language has its spill-over effects in Singapore education in general and the madrasah in particular, mainly at the onset of the country’s Independence, the language faces a downward turn in the face of globalization that champions English language as a widely accepted universal language. Although Malay language is important in preserving and transmitting Malay culture and values, at least in Singapore, English language looks set to seize the traditional role of Malay language as medium of instruction for religious education. Globalization cannot be denied as one of the key players to have de-positioned Malay language that is inching towards the periphery of Muslim education in Singapore. In contrast to the fate of Malay language, Arabic is re-emerging strongly to become another valuable ‘commodity’, in the domains of economy, education and socio-cultural ties. But the rise of one language does not necessarily mean the descending of another, as I have presented in the parallel developments of both English and Arabic. Essentially, the growing relevance of Arabic and for that matter English, in non-traditional language domains is the critical factor that leads to its prominent position. Arabic has outgrown its religious domain. Such realization has brought the madrasah and Muslim education to reemphasize their position as the repository of Arabic language by 54

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restructuring their curriculum. Yet, with heightening interests in the language by many sectors, including ‘secular’ higher institutions in Singapore, and by nations for instance, such claim may no longer hold true in the not so distant future.

Notes 1. See Abdullah Zakaria bin Ghazali (1979: 196–238). The author has listed 257 titles pertaining to works on the origin and development of Islam in Malaysia, which includes its neighbouring countries such as Singapore, Brunei and Indonesia as well. 2. Resident population comprises Singapore citizens and permanent residents. See Singapore residents by age group, ethnic group and sex, end June 2007, Monthly Digest of Statistics, Singapore, at http://www.singstat. gov.sg/pubn/reference/mdsaug08.pdf retrieved on 19 July 2008. 3. The Malay Archipelago arbitrarily constitutes the territories of Indonesia; Luzon, Mindanao and Visayan islands of the Philippines; Singapore; Brunei; Malaysia; East Timor and most of Papua New Guinea. For more details, please see Britannica Online Encyclopedia at http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/359679/MalayArchipelago#tab=active~checked%2Citems~checked&title=Malay%20 Archipelago%20-%20Britannica%20Online%20Encyclopedia retrieved on 19 July 2008. 4. Levant, which simply means East or ‘the land of the rising sun’, covers the eastern Mediterranean nations of Lebanon, Syria, Israel, Jordan, Palestinian territories, Iraq, Cyprus, and parts of Turkey and Egypt. 5. Jamaluddin al-Afghany (1838–1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905) and Rashid Rida (1865–1935) are among Middle Eastern most influential reformist figures whose modernist ideas have impacted the religious and socio-political views and practices of the local reformers. 6. There were 69 full-time madrasahs recorded up to 1966 in Singapore. Currently, there are only six surviving full-time madrasahs. See Sa’eda Buang, 2009: 392–393. 7. The pace-setters for the madrasahs are Malay students in the national schools studying English, Malay, Science and Mathematics. 8. Instances of the integration are the combination of aqidah, fiqh and akhlaq studies; and sirah and hadith studies. Islamic social studies and Quranic Studies are still taught individually. With the new syllabus, to a certain extent, curriculum substance and practice of religious education has diverged from the traditional contents learned and disseminated from the pre-twentieth century to the early twenty-first century, while preserving the core content knowledge traditionally learned in fard ‘ain. Under the thematic study of the Quran, the following syllabus was offered: Islam, Quran, Iman (faith), Arkan, ‘Ulum al-Quran (for Primary Five); personal development, communication with others, development and nurturing of the Muslim community, the human family, shura or mutual consultation,

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and rights and responsibilities of a Muslim towards neighbours, community and country (for Primary Six). 9. No specific figures are given by Audi Yudasmara. 10. The course is conducted by the Centre for Language Studies, National University of Singapore. Please see http://www.fas.nus.edu.sg/cls/Job/ LECTURER_ARABIC.pdf retrieved on 20 June 2008.

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the context of Southeast Asian Islam’, in K. S. Nathan and Mohammad Hashim Kamali (eds), Islam in Southeast Asia – Political, Social and Strategic Challenges for the 21st Century. Singapore: Institute of South East Asian Studies. Britannica Online Encyclopedia, ‘Malay Archipelago’ at http:// w w w. b r i t a n n i c a . c o m / E B c h e c k e d / t o p i c / 3 5 9 6 7 9 / M a l a y Archipelago#tab=active~checked%2Citems~checked&title=Malay%20Archipelago%20--%20Britannica%20Online%20Encyclopedia retrieved on 19 July 2008. The Business Times, Singapore, 9 October 2008, ‘Sembawang finds the going good in UAE and Bahrain’, at http://web.lexis-nexis.com.libproxy.nie. edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aeeb5c8650c7200837c7e1b0104ee29 &wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e689e537f0079a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 10 December 2008. Chelliah, D. D. (1947), A History of Educational Policy of the Straits Settlements. Kuala Lumpur: The Government Press. Department Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia, Badan Penelititan dan Pengembangan, Pusat Statistik Pendidikan 2005/2006, at http://www. depdiknas.go.id/statistik/0506/bukusaku_0506.pdf retrieved on 23 February 2008. Douglas, S. and Shaik, M. A. (2004), ‘Defining Islamic education: differentiation and applications’, Current Issues in Comparative Education, 7, 5–18. Fatimi, S. Q. (1969), Islam Comes to Malaysia. Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute. Frisby, A. W. (1950), Singapore Ministry of Education Annual Report 1949. Singapore: Ministry of Education, Colonial Office. Hassan Langgulung and Che Noraini Hashim (2005), ‘Islamic religious curricula in Muslim countries: the experiences of Indonesia and Malaysia’, in Proceedings of the International Seminar on Religious Curricula in the Muslim World: Challenges and Prospects, 6–8 September 2005, Kuala Lumpur: International Islamic University of Malaysia. Hifni bin Muhd Ali (2000), ‘Kepentingan bahasa Arab dalam memahami agama Islam’ (The importance of Arabic language in understanding Islam), in Pasuni Maulan (ed.), Madrasah Aljunied – A Tradition of Excellence, a Commemorative Magazine to Inaugurate the Official Opening of the New Building. Singapore: Madrasah Aljunied. Kamar Oniah Kamaruzaman (2005), ‘Expanding scope of religious curricular in response to globalization’, in Proceedings of the International Seminar on Religious Curricula in the Muslim World: Challenges and Prospects, 6–8 September 2005, Kuala Lumpur: International Islamic University Malaysia. Kamsiah Abdullah and Bibi Jan Mohd Ayyub (2005), ‘Malay language issues and trends’, in S. Gopinathan et al., Language, Society and Education in Singapore: Issues and Trends. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Academic, pp. 179–190. Kuo, C. Y. (1980), ‘The sociolinguistic situation in Singapore’, in E. A. Afendras and C. Y. Kuo (eds), Language and society in Singapore. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

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Leow Bee Geok (2001), Census of Population 2000 – Education, Language and Religion. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Leyden, J. (2001), Sejarah Melayu (The Malay annals). Kuala Lumpur: Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. McArthur, T. (ed.) (1998), Concise Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. National Institute of Education, at http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY. html?subview=Main&entry=t29.e819 retrieved on 2 July 2009. Mahmud Yunus (1985), Sejarah pendidikan Islam di Indonesia (The history of Islamic education in Indonesia). Jakarta: Hidakarya Agung. Ministry of Education, Malaysia, Curriculum Development Centre (1983), The integrated curriculum for secondary schools (ICSS). Kuala Lumpur: Ministry of Education. —(2007), Pelan Induk Pembangunan Pendidikan 2006–2010 (Key plans for developments of education 2006–2010). Kuala Lumpur: MOE, at http:// www.moe.gov.my/galeri_awam_manual/pipp2010/moe_pipp_02.pdf retrieved on 24 January 2008. Mohd. Aidil Subhan (2007), ‘Planning for Malay language in education: lessons of history and present ecology’, in V. Vaish et al. (eds), Language, Capital, Culture: Critical Studies of Language and Education in Singapore. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. MUIS (1998), Warita Kita, Nov–Dec 1998 issue. —(2003), Quranic Studies Syllabus. Singapore: MUIS-IQRA’ International Educational Foundation. National University of Singapore, Centre for Language Studies, ‘Modern standard Arabic as a foreign language’, at http://www.fas.nus.edu.sg/cls/ Job/LECTURER_ARABIC.pdf retrieved on 20 June 2008. The New Straits Times, Malaysia, 22 January 2003, ‘Government willing to run SAR if states turn over administration’, Nation; p. 3. Omar Awang (1980), ‘The Trengganu inscription as the earliest known evidence of the finalization of the Jawi alphabet’, Federation Museums Journal, v. 25, New Series. Redja Mudyahardjo (2001), Pengantar pendidikan – sebuah studi awal tentang dasar-dasar pendidikan pada umumnya dan pendidikan di Indonesia (An introduction to education – a preliminary study on general educational policies in Indonesia). Jakarta: PT RajaGrafindo Persada. Rohan Nizam bin Basheer (2007/2008), ‘Peralihan bahasa Melayu dalam domain agama: satu kajian kes di Singapura (Malay language shift in religious domain: a case study in Singapore)’. Unpublished MA thesis, Akademi Pengajian Melayu, Universiti Malaya. Roksana Bibi Abdullah (2003), Bahasa Melayu di Singapura – pengalihan dan pengekalan (Malay language in Singapore – shift and maintenance). Singapore: Deezed Consult. Rosnani Hashim (1996), Educational Dualism in Malaysia: Implications for Theory and Practice. Kuala Lumpur; New York: The Other Press. Rukhaidah Sahid (2001), ‘Language and identity among Singapore madra-

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sah students’. Unpublished academic exercise, Department of English Language and Literature, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, National University of Singapore. Rukhsana Zia (2006), Globalization, Modernization, and Education in Muslim Countries. New York: Nova Science Publishers. Sa’eda Buang (2007), ‘Madrasah and Muslim education: its interface with urbanization’, in W. T. Pink and G. W. Noblit (eds), International Handbook of Urban Education. USA: Springer, pp. 321–342. —(2009), ‘The evolution of madrasah education in Singapore: with special emphasis on its curriculum development’. Unpublished PhD thesis, Asian Languages and Cultures Academic Group, Nanyang Technological University of Singapore. Saqib, G. N. (1981), ‘Modernization of Muslim society and education: need for a practical approach’, in M. W. Khan (ed.), Education and Society in the Muslim world. Great Britain: Hodder and Stoughton, pp. 45–60. Singapore, Department of Statistics, Monthly Digest of Statistics, at http://www. singstat.gov.sg/pubn/reference/mdsaug08.pdf retrieved on 19 July 2008. Singapore, Education Statistics Digest 2007, at http://www.moe.gov.sg/ education/education-statistics-digest/esd-2008.pdf retrieved on 8 August 2008. Singapore, Ministry of Education (2005), ‘Proportion of home language of students’, in MOE Survey 2005, at http://www.moe.gov.sg/press/2005/ pr20051117.htm#annex-c retrieved on 15 January 2007. South China Morning Post, 31 October 2006, ‘Islamic schools fill educational void’, at http://web.lexis-nexis.com.libproxy.nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_ m=7aeeb5c8650c7200837c7e1b0104ee29&wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2 b3784e689e537f0079a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 10 July 2008. Statistics Indonesia at http://www.bps.go.id/ retrieved on 10 July 2008. The Straits Times, Singapore, 20 June 2005, ‘Good ties start with talking’, at http://web.lexis-nexis.com.libproxy.nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aee b5c8650c7200837c7e1b0104ee29&wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e6 89e537f0079a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 10 July 2008. —17 January 2007, ‘S’pore madrasah to set up school near Bandung; A tieup with local foundation, it will use S’pore Islamic school curriculum’, at http://web.lexis-nexis.com.libproxy.nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aee b5c8650c7200837c7e1b0104ee29&wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e6 89e537f0079a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 10 July 2008. —8 March 2007, ‘3-minute roundup’, at http://web.lexis-nexis.com.libproxy. nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aeeb5c8650c7200837c7e1b0104ee29& wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e689e537f0079a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 10 July 2008. —26 May 2007, ‘S’pore to get Arab cultural heritage centre; it will be research hub, teach Arabic language and host cultural events’, at http://web.lexisnexis.com.libproxy.nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aeeb5c8650c720083 7c7e1b0104ee29&wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e689e537f0079a3c b8c1133463 retrieved on 10 July 2008. —26 June 2007, ‘Arabic language centre here next year’, at http://web.

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lexis-nexis.com.libproxy.nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aeeb5c8650c72 00837c7e1b0104ee29&wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e689e537f007 9a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 10 July 2008. —24 September 2007, ‘Local unis should have Middle East expertise’, at http:// web.lexis-nexis.com.libproxy.nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aeeb5c865 0c7200837c7e1b0104ee29&wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e689e537 f0079a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 1 August 2008. —26 August 2008, ‘S’pore Islamic school in Java tie-up; madrasah teams up with Muslim boarding school in Indonesia to boost education quality’, at http://web.lexis-nexis.com.libproxy.nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aee b5c8650c7200837c7e1b0104ee29&wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e6 89e537f0079a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 4 January 2009. —20 November 2008, ‘S’pore firms urged to expand into Abu Dhabi’, at http:// web.lexis-nexis.com.libproxy.nie.edu.sg/scholastic/doclist?_m=7aeeb5c865 0c7200837c7e1b0104ee29&wchp=dGLzVlz-zSkVk&_md5=2b3784e689e537 f0079a3cb8c1133463 retrieved on 4 January 2009. Za’ba (2002), Ilmu mengarang Melayu (Techniques of Malay writing). Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

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4

Language Idealism and Realism in Globalization: Exploring Homogeneity Beliefs in Japan Masakazu Iino

Chapter summary Globalization of economic, political and cultural activities is further accelerated by recent emerging economies of two most populous countries in the World; China and India. The increasing mobility of human resources and flux of information and commodities within the Asian region is inevitably affecting various aspects of behaviours of more people in every day life, including their use of language. Although it is unquestionable that English is playing a larger role as a lingua franca in the Asian region than ever before, not only in the former British colonies but also among other parts of the region, educational policies and people’s attitudes towards English in each country/region have been rather ambivalent. In the Japanese context, where its identity as a leading economic power in Asia has been shaken in the past decade under its sluggish economy, discussions on English have been embracing both nationalism and globalism. Idealistic/conservative movements to defend and purify Japanese language and realistic/progressive movements to respond to strong demand for English have been simultaneously propagated in academic and political discourse. This chapter will examine recent language attitudes of Japanese people by analysing discussions on the policy change regarding the introduction of English language education in Japanese elementary schools. Such discussions represent multi-dimensional ideological orientations on language and culture in globalization.

Introduction Globalization of economic, political and cultural activities in the past few decades has brought about high mobility of people around the world, the scale and speed of which seem unprecedented in history. Emerging economies in Asia, in particular, are further accelerating this movement. The increasing mobility of human resources along with the 61

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expansion of information and commodities is inevitably affecting various aspects of people’s behaviours, including the use of language. When people move, their languages and cultures are not left behind. Japan, contrary to the long-held homogeneity myth, is not an exception. The ideology of a single Japanese ethnic group intentionally ignored the existence of minority groups and their language use in the past (Noguchi and Fotos, 2001; Weiner, 1997). This chapter will illustrate recent language issues in Japan – Japanese language itself, English language education for Japanese people, and migration and language, focusing on a new policy proposal of the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party, the current ruling party) committee on migration issues, in order to develop a contemporary picture of the Japanese language environment and discuss its future direction. These issues are situated within the processes of globalization, specifically the processes regarding migration leading to a perception of a threatened nationalism.

Language contact in Japan Japan had a long and extensive trade history with the Northeast Asian region, as a result of which the system of law, technology and religion were brought into Japan. It is said that kanji (the writing system using Chinese characters) arrived in Japan around 100 BC, and kanji were used to transcribe the spoken yamato kotoba (words of Japanese origin) which had no writing system before contact with kanji. In the ninth century, hiragana was invented from parts of kanji and came to be used in literature and daily life. The kanji culture was nevertheless dominant in political and official domains. The sakoku (seclusion from the outside world) policy was introduced in the seventeenth century by the Tokugawa shogunate which controlled trade for the next 200 years. The main purpose of sakoku was to repel Catholic propagation brought by Portuguese missionaries. However, there were some parts of Japan that were systemically open to the West. For instance, Dejima, an isolated island in Nagasaki, was built in 1635 to keep the door open in a controlled manner to the West through Dutch merchants. The Japan–US Treaty of Amity and Commerce (1858), by which US–Japan diplomatic relations officially began, was probably the most important incident to shape Japan as a modern nation. Japan changed its isolation policy to open up to the West during the Meiji era (1868– 1912), and foreign languages were viewed as a path to the advanced knowledge of European nations. Foreign language education was thus motivated largely by pragmatic needs to build a modern nation. In the 1890s, a foreign language education system was formally established for middle and higher secondary school and English became the main 62

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foreign language (Butler and Iino, 2005). After Japan’s victory in the Japan–Sino War (1894–1895) and the Japan–Russo War (1904–1905), an emerging nationalism suppressed interest and education in foreign languages. In the early 1900s, foreign texts and foreign teachers were gradually replaced by Japanese texts and teachers (Kitao and Kitao, 1995). English was learned as an academic pursuit mainly as a tool of screening processes for elite education where practical communicative needs were not perceived as the goal of education. After World War II, the modern Japanese education system was established by the US occupation government, in which English was introduced as a subject in the educational reforms of 1947 and the communicative aspects of English were reinstated. However, as the competition to enter prestigious Japanese universities intensified during the economic recovery period, English was once again regarded as an academic measurement rather than a tool for communication. The Action Plan of 2003 (a 5-year plan to cultivate Japanese with English abilities; MEXT, 2003) was proposed in response to the strong demand by industry to produce more communicatively competent English speakers and thus to be more competitive in the age of globalization (see Butler and Iino, 2005). As briefly outlined above, internationalization for Japan after the Meiji era was synonymous with Westernization. Although Chinese civilization had played a far more significant role in building foundations for Japan in the past, the discourse of datsua nyuou (leaving Asia and entering Europe) became dominant in transforming Japan into a modern European-style nation in the Meiji period. In fact, the resulting advances in technologies and industrialization have led Japan to become a major economic player in the world. After Japan’s defeat in World War II, the United States of America came to be seen as a model country for many multinational companies and countries. The introduction of democracy together with the influx of American products reinforced the Japanese young population’s image of the United States of America as a destination for Japan’s future. All the cultural products including food, sports, movies and music that attracted many Japanese youth and textbooks of English reflected images of middle-class American lifestyle. However, the trend seems to have changed after the late 1980s when the exchange rate of the Japanese yen against the US dollar was substantially modified in the Plaza Accord to reflect Japan’s economic growth. In the 1990s and 2000s after the end of the Cold War, symbolically marked with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the EU integration enhanced by the adoption of the Euro in 1999, the US 9/11 disaster in 2001, and the recent emergence of new economies in Asia have all led 63

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many Japanese people to view the relative status of the USA as less dominant. Losing the idealized model and suffering from an economic downturn together with an ageing population, Japan is now facing a major challenge – the third kaikoku (opening of a nation) after the Meiji restoration and World War II.

Recent language issues in Japan There are at least three major language issues actively discussed in academia and the government: the Japanese language itself, English education for Japanese people, and language policy for immigrants. These three policy debates are seemingly unrelated, but in fact share a common and inter-connected theme, that is, how to implement policies in response to the fear of erosion of national identity while maintaining and enhancing Japan’s competitiveness during the current process of globalization.

The Japanese language and nationalism Standardization and simplification of the Japanese language were the main goals of Japanese language corpus planning after the Meiji period. A series of implementations of the national curriculum in education, modifications of the writing styles to match the spoken style (genbun ittchi), and reduction in the number of kanji taught in school and used by the media are the major outcomes of this corpus planning. Some progressive proposals during the Meiji era include the abolishing of kanji by Hisoka Maejima (‘kanji haishi no gi’, a proposal to stop using kanji, 1866), the control of the number of kanji to be used by Yukichi Fukuzawa, and even the replacement of Japanese with English by Arinori Mori (cf. Coulmas, 2002; Iino et al., 2003). In particular, discussions on what to do with kanji (kokugo kokuji mondai) were the core topic in the history of kokugo shingikai (the Council for Japanese language, dissolved in 2000 to become a sub-committee of the Agency for Cultural Affairs) where the hyo-on ha (pro-phonogram) and hyo-i ha (pro-ideogram) were ideologically polarized between realism/ pragmatism and idealism/traditionalism. Yasuda (2007) used the notions of ‘genjitsu-ha (realism/pragmatism)’ and ‘rekishi-ha (pro-history/ traditionalism)’ for this ideological dichotomy. After World War II, despite the proposal of the GHQ (General Headquarters) to stop using kanji entirely, the Council announced the list of toyo-kanji (1,850 kanji) to be used for the time being. Toyo-kanji, using simplified fonts recommended by an ophthalmologist to reduce shortsightedness among people (Nomura, 2006: 30), was considered a transitional step to further 64

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reduce the number of kanji in the near future for the sake of building a democratic nation through mass education. In 1965, Morito, the chair of the Council, made an announcement that the council would continue discussions based on the assumption that Japanese language is written with a mixture of kanji and kana (phonogram used in Japanese, i.e., hiragana and katakana) and would not consider abolishing kanji (Nomura, 2006). Since then, the movement to eliminate or reduce kanji gradually faded out. In 1981, the new joyo-kanji list (commonly used 1,945 kanji, about 96 per cent of daily-use kanji, Nomura, 2006: 266) was introduced as a guideline for use in public domains. Later, the so-called IT revolution, at its early stage in the 1980s, was expected to eventually eliminate the use of kanji because keyboard input devices for computers were not adequate for non-phonological and non-alphabetical writing systems (Unger, 1987). Contrary to Unger’s projection, computers have made advances to allow easy conversion from roman-alphabetically typed Japanese sounds into kanji. The unintended consequence was that people started using more complicated kanji which could not be easily written by hand. The computer can now display 11,223 kanji according to JIS (Japanese Industrial Standards). In 2000, the 1,044 hyogai-kanji list (kanji beyond the joyokanji list) was announced by the Council to reflect the demand from the media which claimed that these hyogai-kanji are easily produced by computers and more easily recognized by the readers. In 2004, the number of jinmeiyo-kanji (kanji to be used for names in koseki, family registers, controlled by the Ministry of Justice) was increased from 285 to 983. Currently, in 2008, the Council is discussing creating a new list of joyo-kanji, possibly adding more kanji for recognition only, the conclusion of which will be announced in 2009 for public comment. The current trend seems to be that the Japanese language is adding more kanji to be used in official and public domains in order to authentically reflect the original kanji of proper names, resulting in an expansion of once-controlled kanji. Kanji kentei (examination for kanji certificate), Nintendo games to learn kanji, and books on kanji are now attracting more and more people in Japan. Along with what I call the ‘kanji boom’, the ‘utsukushii nihongo (beautiful Japanese language)’ movement represents another recent purification/idealization trend in Japanese corpus planning. This trend coincides with the ‘beautiful Japan’ movement proposed by former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (2006–2007) who succeeded Junichiro Koizumi (2001–2006), both known as nationalists. Komori (2002) observes that sales of books on Japanese, in particular, guides to correct usage, tend to increase during economic recession because people seek for a substitute for pride as well as nostalgia (cited in Gottlieb, 2005: 65

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

93). The Council members, including scholars of classical Japanese literature, artists such as poets, traditional theatre performers and writers, have been discussing reintroduction of classical language arts in the national curriculum from the elementary school level. From 2003 to 2006, the National Institute for Japanese Language also proposed that words of foreign origin borrowed into Japanese written in katakana should be translated into newly fabricated kanji-based Japanese words (e.g., ‘infoomudo konsento (informed consent)’ became ‘nattoku shinryo’, which literally means medical treatment upon agreement). One of the rationales for this move in corpus planning was to avoid misunderstanding across generations, as elderly Japanese people tend to use less katakana words as compared with the younger generation. Creating new Japanese words relying on kanji, while controlling the influx of foreign words (Kaiser, 2003) and corresponding new concepts represented by katakana, is based on the assumption that language use can be, and should be, controlled by the government rather than being propagated freely among the civilians. The normative concept of utsukushii nihongo undermines sociolinguistic values of vernacular Japanese, regional dialects and the creative vitality of language itself by labelling them ‘midare’ (Gottlieb, 2005; Jorden, 1991) or ‘ozomashiki’ nihongo (deviant and fearful Japanese). Such purist corpus planning contradicts the real picture of the linguistic landscape in Japan, and reinforces the inferior status of ‘deviant’ language use as well as the speakers of it.

English language education for Japanese people In 2007, after long and heated debates, the MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology) finalized a policy to introduce English education in elementary schools starting in 2011 (cf. Butler, 2007 for details). English has been taught to fulfil the compulsory foreign language requirement which begins in the first year of junior high school (although the national curriculum does not specify a particular foreign language for the requirement, English is taught in almost all schools in Japan). The proposal was largely initiated by industry, with the support of an overwhelming majority of parents to produce a more globally competitive work force and better employment opportunities in the future. Ninety-two per cent of parents support the English activity in elementary school, according to the MEXT survey in 2004 (cited in Torikai, 2006). Butler (2007) summarized some driving forces: (1) the power of English in the global economy; (2) the generally positive attitude towards the English language among most Japanese; (3) a prevailing sense of dissatisfaction with existing English language 66

Exploring Homogeneity Beliefs in Japan

education; (4) the role of English as a measure of one’s academic abilities within the Japanese educational system; (5) the role of English as a political tool to attract votes for some local government officials; (6) the role of English as an attractive ‘selling point’ for certain schools under the school choice system in selected areas; (7) the (unwarranted) perception of English as a potential solution for communication-related behavioural problems; and (8) growing concerns about ensuring equal access to EES (English at elementary schools) in different regions and among different socio-economic groups. On the other hand, opposing opinions regarding the effectiveness of EES include ideological, cognitive and pragmatic reasons such as positioning of English in the context of the multilingual and multicultural ideology of Japan, the cognitive importance of the native language (Japanese) foundation, and readiness of teachers and teaching materials. In addition, a new type of cultural nationalism, as also seen in the debate over the idea of officializing English as Japan’s second language around 2000 (Funabashi, 2000; Iino, 2000; Iino, 2002), fostered a belief that expanding larger domains of English use in Japanese society would result in chasing out pure language and culture in the form of linguistic and sociolinguistic alteration (cf. Inoue, 2001). Despite the fact that the introduction of EES has been debated for almost two decades and the outcome has been so limited in scale, in tertiary education, some universities have inaugurated programs where English is the medium of instruction for both Japanese students and international students during the early 2000s. For example, while Jochi University (Sofia University) and ICU (International Christian University) in Tokyo used to be among the few universities in Japan which have carried out English medium programs in the past, in 2000 Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, in 2004 the School of International Liberal Studies of Waseda University (cf. Gourd and Iino, 2006) and Akita International University were established where almost all the subjects are conducted in English. GP (‘Good Practice’ government funding to ‘educate Japanese people to use English in work’) funding was awarded to these new programs. After completing the goal of accepting 100,000 foreign students in 2003 (the goal was set in 1983 under the Nakasone administration), Japan is now undertaking a new goal. The former Fukuda administration proposed to increase the number of foreign students to 300,000 in the next 5 years and the LDP is discussing further increase to reach 1 million by 2025. Waseda University, for example, is planning to increase international students up to 8,000, about 20 per cent of its enrolments, in 5 years. Thus implementations of new language policies at private institutions are moving at a much higher speed than the national curriculum for elementary and secondary education. 67

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

Although it is unquestionable that English is playing a larger role as a lingua franca in the Asian region than ever before, not only in the former British colonies but also among other parts of the region, educational policies and people’s attitudes towards English in each country/ region have been rather ambivalent. In the Japanese context, where its identity as a leading economic power in Asia has been shaken in the past decade under its sluggish economy, discussions on English show a tension between nationalism and globalism as described above. Idealistic and conservative movements to defend and purify the Japanese language as well as realistic and progressive movements to respond to the strong demand for English have been simultaneously propagated in academic and political discourse.

Migration and language a. Outbound migration – Japanese nationals residing outside Japan One of the processes of globalization is people’s mobility across increasingly porous national borders. As the number of Japanese people residing outside Japan has been continuously increasing, the numbers of their children who are at the compulsory education level (students of elementary and junior-high schools) are also increasing as shown in Figure 4.1. (People) 800000 Overseas Residents, 701969 700000

600000

500000

400000

300000

200000 Number of Children in Compulsory Ed. Age, 55566

100000

0 1971

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

(Year)

Figure 4.1 Japanese overseas residents and their children (compulsory education level). Source: MEXT (2006)

68

Exploring Homogeneity Beliefs in Japan

(People) 25000 Asia, 21954 N. America, 20218

20000

15000

Europe, 11231 10000

5000 Pacific, 2394 C&S America, 1225 Middle East, 713 Africa, 569

0 1971

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

(Year)

Figure 4.2 Japanese children residing outside Japan (compulsory educational level) by region. Source: MEXT (2006)

As seen in Figure 4.2, the number of Japanese children abroad at the compulsory education level is rapidly increasing in the Asian region, surpassing a comparable figure in the United States of America in 2005, while the numbers residing in other areas are fairly stable. This movement is largely due to the increase of direct investment by Japanese industries in the Asian regions, particularly in China. The Japanese school in Shanghai marked the largest number of students in the world in 2006, followed by Bangkok, Singapore and Hong Kong (MEXT, 2006). Based on the number of children studying and residing outside Japan, it is clear that kikokusei (returnees) will keep increasing in Japanese higher education and society at large. Those Japanese people who have gone through non-traditional education outside Japan, in addition to those who study abroad on a short-term basis, are expected to have a substantial influence on Japanese society, including linguistic matters (cf. Kanno, 2003). b. Inbound migration – foreign nationals residing in Japan Japan, where homogeneity has been mythically claimed to be thehallmark of its culture in the past, is not an isolated exception in 69

Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia

the wave of globalization. It is now becoming a new destination for an increasing number of people. The number of foreign nationals entering Japan has significantly increased in the past few decades: 1 million in 1978, 2 million in 1984, 3 million in 1990, 4 million in 1996, 5 million in 2000, and 8 million in 2006. The recent increase is largely due to the ‘Visit Japan’ campaign by the government, promoting tourism with visa exemption for visitors from neighbouring countries in the midst of the economic boom in Asia. More than 90 per cent of foreign nationals staying in Japan are temporary visitors (Ministry of Justice, 2007). The visitors are increasingly visible in large cities and tourist destinations. While the number of entries shows the ‘flow’ of foreign nationals, the number of registered foreign nationals indicates the ‘stock’ – those who live a settled life in Japan for education, employment or marriage. As seen in Figure 4.3, the number of registered foreign nationals Changes in the number of registered foreign nationals and its percentage of the total population in Japan

(People)

(%)

2,500,000

1.80 Registered foreign nationals Percentage of the total Population

1.63 1.50

2,000,000

1.55

1.40 2,084,919

1.45 1.40 1.33 1.18 1.20 1,500,000

1.60

1.57

2,011,555

1.23

1,973,747

1.20

1,915,030

1.12

1,851,758

1.08

1.00

1,778,462 0.71 1,000,000

0.69

0.68 0.67 0.67 0.67

0.70

1,686,444 1,556,113

0.87

0.80

1,512,116 1,482,707

0.60

1,415,136 782,910 751,842

500,000

1,362,371 1,075,317 850,612

0.40

708,458 665,989

0.20

650,566 0 641,482

0.00 1995 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 (Year)

(*1) "Number of registered nationals" as of December 31 each year. (*2) The "Percentage of the total population in Japan" is calculated based on the population as of October 1 every year from "Current Population Estimates as of October 1, 2004" and "Summary Sheets in the Population Census" by the statistics Bureau, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications.

Figure 4.3 Changes in the number of registered foreign nationals and its percentage of the total population in Japan. Source: Ministry of Justice (2007)

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Exploring Homogeneity Beliefs in Japan

has been increasing, hitting a new record high of 2 million in 2006, which is an increase of 47 per cent from 1996. It should be noted that the proportion of registered foreign nationals to the total Japanese population has also been increasing, reaching a record high of 1.63 per cent in 2006 (based on the current population estimates as of 1 October 2006 by the Statistics Bureau of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications) as shown in Figure 4.3. The percentage is significantly higher in larger cities (e.g., 9.9 per cent of residents are non-Japanese nationals in the Shinjuku ward of Tokyo in 2007, Shinjuku-ku, 2007), and marriages between Japanese nationals and non-Japanese nationals are also increasing (6.1 per cent in 2006, Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, 2008; Kokusai Bunka Shinkou Kyokai, 2008). As seen in Figure 4.4 the number of registered foreign nationals by nationality (place of origin) as of the end of 2006, Koreans represented

Changes in the number of registered foreign nationals by major nationality (place of origin)

(People) 800,000

681,838

700,000

688,144

Korea

666,376 638,828

677,959

625,422

613,791

607,419

598,687

598,219

600,000 519,561

560,741

China

487,570

500,000

462,396 424,282

400,000

Brazil

300,000 272,230 222,991

268,332

274,700

286,557

302,080

312,979

Philippines

193,488

Peru

195,334 222,217

200,000 137,499

176,440

185,237

199,394

53,649

55,750

169,359

187,261

147,803 100,000

84,397 62,218

74,297

105,308

38,925 0

18,897 2,135 553 1986

14,528 4,121 1989

31,051 1992

36,269 1995

41,317 1998

51,772 2002

2003

2004

57,728

2005

58,721

2006

(Year)

Figure 4.4 Changes in the number of registered foreign nationals by major nationality (place of origin). Source: Ministry of Justice (2007)

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the largest proportion followed by Chinese, Brazilian, Filipinos and Peruvians. The number of Koreans with the status of Special Permanent Resident (Zainichi Koreans) has been decreasing and is expected to decrease because almost 80 per cent of them marry Japanese citizens, hence their children will be granted Japanese nationality on birth (Lee, 2008). As the number of registered foreign nationals is increasing, the number of children who require education in Japanese as a second language is also increasing. As of 1 September 2006, the total number of such students was 22,413 (elementary school level 15,946; junior-high school level 5,246; high school level 1,128; and special education for the hearing and speaking impaired 72). Out of the total 22,413 students, those with Portuguese background are the largest group (8,633), followed by those with Chinese (4,471) and Spanish (3,279) backgrounds. It should be noted that these children are widely spread across school districts and a high concentration in any particular school is rarely seen. The so-called ‘newcomers’ largely comprise Japanese-Brazilian, Chinese, Filipino and Peruvian immigrants, and their language backgrounds are different from old comers (i.e., mainly Chinese and Korean). In sum, it is becoming more and more unrealistic to maintain an ideology based on inbreeding for Japanese society, genealogically, socially or linguistically. Meanwhile, the entry of nurses and health care workers from Southeast Asia is now beginning. It is critically important to give them full support for Japanese language study, and the certificate examination that they have to take after 3 years in Japan should be adjusted with respect to their language needs. Otherwise, Japan will lose valuable human resources from outside simply because of the language issue. Japanese language is not a property monopolized by Japanese nationals, and the Japanese language itself needs to be internationalized (Tanaka, 1989; Kato, 2004). c. LDP Nakagawa plan The LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) has begun discussing a new proposal to increase the number of immigrants to Japan, possibly up to 10 million in the next 50 years, which is projected to represent 10 per cent of the Japanese population (the current number of residents with non-Japanese passports in Japan is about 2 million). Japan is experiencing an ageing population and a lower birth rate which will lead to a significant decrease in the projected population – a decrease of one-third in the next 50 years. The proposal (LDP, 2008) in discussion, which was compiled by Jiyuu minshutou gaikoku jinzai kouryuu 72

Exploring Homogeneity Beliefs in Japan

suishin giin renmei (federation of parliament members for promoting exchange of foreign work force, LDP) comprised of about 80 lawmakers led by former LDP Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa, recognizes the need to accept immigrants and to make Japan a multi-ethnic society. The focus of the proposal is to emphasize the importance of the education rendered to the immigrants to increase their skills and to help them settle into the Japanese community as naturalized Japanese citizens. Japanese people are also expected to raise their awareness and respect for the minority cultures that are joining them. The types of immigrants that the LDP is considering are highly skilled workers with university degrees, skilled labourers trained in Japan, students, immigrants’ family members, immigrants seeking humanitarian consideration and investors. The core of the proposal is to increase the number of students from abroad. Students include not only university-level students but also those to study in vocational schools for agriculture, manufacturing, fishery and other specialized training schools. In order to accomplish this goal, 300,000 international students will be accepted in the near future, the number of which will be increased to one million by 2025. By providing them with resident visas, 70 per cent of the graduates are expected to stay in Japan. There are two important items mentioned in the proposal; one is to introduce ‘jus soli = right of soil’ (citizenship is granted based on the physical birthplace of a person), and the other is to establish the ‘social integration law’. So far, Japan has adopted the ‘jus sanguinis = right of blood’ (citizenship is granted based on the person’s parent(s)’ nationality) principle, which has functioned to reinforce the ideology of ‘blood purism’ of being Japanese. The ‘uncontaminated’ blood stream from Japanese senzo (ancestors), particularly from the paternal line, is one of the core ideologies that Japanese people strongly cling to in the formation of their identity, as symbolically represented in the Imperial Family line. In fact, it was not until 1985 that the law was revised to modify the paternal line policy, thus granting the maternal line equal importance in becoming Japanese. In other words, after 1985, either the father or mother could be Japanese for their children to become Japanese. In this regard, the possible change of the nationality law in the proposal is critically important to deconstruct the homogeneity belief shared among many Japanese people. Demystifying the core ideology is expected to dramatically change the people’s attitudes towards how to deal with language and culture. The proposal places Japanese language education for immigrants in an important role to enable them to actively and fully participate in Japanese communities and work places so that they can advance to 73

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better socio-economic positions. To improve their situation, Japanese language education is highly prioritized. Speaking Japanese is also regarded as a positive sign of willingness to join the society. Native language support will be provided by trained social workers from various language backgrounds. In addition, education for Japanese people to coexist with immigrants will be incorporated in the national curriculum. Careful attention should be paid to the educational issues that newcomers, particularly from South America, are facing. Although native language support is suggested by some scholars (e.g., Nakajima, 1998), NGOs and volunteers, their activities are not necessarily implemented as effectively as expected (Sugino, 2008). The immediate reactions to the proposal were mixed (about 70 per cent in favour of the proposal, Nikkei Business, 7 July 2008). While it was positively reported by the Korean media as ‘epoch-making (kakkiteki)’ (Chosun Online, 2008), concerns were expressed by a large number of Japanese people regarding the danger of contamination of Japanese linguistic and cultural purity, an increase in crime, and the negative economic outcome for Japanese citizens losing their competitiveness against low-wage labourers supplied by the newcomers, according to Sakanaka (2008), Director of Japan Immigration Policy Institute (cf. Japan Times, 2008). Japan is, in fact, changing. Coulmas (2002: 221) comments that ‘during the past decades Japanese society has become more open and more accommodating to outsiders’. The proposal, as a vital sign of such change, is most likely to go through a turbulent process of gaining support in a series of committee debates in the LDP and the Parliament. It is too early to predict the outcome, but the proposal nevertheless will show us the underlying issues that Japan needs to address regarding how to deal with migration and the languages that immigrants bring into Japan.

Discussion Japan is now experiencing a major transition, as it did in the Meiji restoration and post-World War II, which is often called the third opening of the nation (kaikoku). In the first wave of kaikoku during the Meiji era, the import of Western technologies was the first priority, resulting in an emphasis on European languages such as English, German and French in elite education. In the second wave, the purpose of kaikoku was to export Japanese products to the world to establish its economic power, with strong emphasis on English as a lingua franca for international trade. English has become the lingua franca in Asia, not only in the former British colonies, but also in north Asia. In a more extreme view, English and local languages in Asia are seen as a case of diglossia 74

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(Fishman, 1972, 1980) in the language environment of many multinational companies; English being the high variety, while local languages are the low variety. If the current transition is defined as the third wave of kaikoku, it is important to examine what the goal is and what language policy should be implemented to deal with such a ‘worldwide social diglossia’ (Wright, 2004: 14). First, the ideological conflict regarding the ‘spread of English’ and ‘multilingualism’ must be critically revisited (cf. Fairclough, 2006). These sociolinguistic phenomena correspond to two-language policy options – the ‘diffusion-of-English paradigm’ and the ‘ecology-of-language paradigm’ in the globalizing world (Tsuda, 1994; Phillipson and Skutnabb-Kangas, 1996). While the former looks at English as a driving force for globalization, closely associated with capitalism, economic neo-liberalism, modern science and technology, the latter puts more emphasis on the human rights perspectives and promotes the maintenance of local languages and cultures. Since Japanese is a vital and major language, Japanese–English bilingualism is assumed to be the solution for communication problems associated with globalization. However, what appears salient from the statistics shown in the previous section is its deeper integration with the Asian region, involving ‘large-scale diasporas’ (Appadurai, 1996: 154), both the outbound and inbound flow of people. Although English is playing an important role as a lingua franca in Asia, it is also important for Japanese people to be more exposed to Asian languages in educational settings. The role of language education to cultivate globalized citizenry is yet to be discussed. With regard to this point, Malaysian former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad once said: Learning the English language will reinforce the spirit of nationalism when it is used to bring about development and progress for the country . . . True nationalism means doing everything possible for the country, even if it means learning the English language. (Mahathir Mohamad, The Sun, 11 September 1999; cited in Gill, 2002) We believe that a nationalist is someone who has acquired all the knowledge and mastered all the skills and is capable of contesting against the rest of the world. But they (some Malaysians) think that just being able to speak Malay makes you a nationalist, and that is wrong. (Mahathir Mohamad, New Straits Times, 29 December 2000; cited in Gill, 2002)

Based on Mahathir’s pragmatic views of English as an instrumental language, Malaysia implemented a new language policy in 2003 to introduce English as a medium of instruction for maths and the 75

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sciences at all levels (cf. Gill, 2006; Tay, 2007; Iino, 2008). Mahathir’s pragmatic ideas correspond to the ideology of wakon yosai (Japanese spirit, Western style) held by Japanese during the Meiji era when the nation-building effort was the highest priority. The English boom seen in China, Korea and Taiwan in recent years appears to be in the same vein of the language-as-instrument view represented by Mahathir. In other words, such pragmatic views see ‘language as commodity, displaced from its historical situations, a tool to be developed for particular national interests’ (Ricento, 2005). After the so-called ‘lost decade’ (Hashimoto, 2007) of Japanese economic depression, a series of political and governmental scandals, and the declining safety myth in the 1990s and early 2000s, Lebra (2004) pointed out that ‘many Japanese are in a depressive mood, feeling that their country is “collapsing” ’ (cited in Hashimoto, 2007). History tells us that such social anxiety can be exploited leading to harmful nationalism by boosting people’s egos, and that ‘most nationalist movements in the world view the language of their group as a key marker establishing the group’s boundaries’ (Arel, 2002: 92). Many people in the industry are well aware of the economic and political crisis that Japan is facing and they are calling for a more pragmatic solution as seen in the Action Plan 2003 (cf. Butler and Iino, 2005) or the recent migration proposal by the LDP’s committee. Inward-looking nationalism, giving the essentialist linguistic and cultural norms paramount status and resisting the reality of pluralism, is not only unproductive but also dangerous for the society. Second, the Japanese language itself needs to be revisited by Japanese people. Japanese has been taught for the use of Japanese people themselves. The concept of Kokugo (national language) as a school subject includes not only the Japanese language but also teaching of Japanese history, morality and arts as necessary ‘literacy’ to become a genuine Japanese person. Kokugo includes kanbun (classical Chinese poems and literature, as read in a classical Japanese style), kobun (classical Japanese literature), and shigin and shiika (classical poetry) which are reminiscent of the high variety of the diglossic (Ferguson, 1959) Japanese language. Belief in the superiority of the elite variety is even viewed as ‘a conspiracy of the elite establishment to maintain power’ (Spolsky, 2004: 27). The dualism of kokugo and nihongo is reinforcing the ideology of the uniqueness of Japanese language and culture shared among Japanese people. Japanese language constantly requires maintenance to be userfriendly and to be functionally efficient to meet the changing language environment. Japanese as a second language or Japanese as a foreign language for non-native speakers should receive more focus and be 76

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systematically managed and supported, as Japanese is expected to function as an empowering drive for foreign nationals joining Japanese society. Hybridization (Bhabha, 1994) of languages and cultures is a product of new encounters of people with different backgrounds. Native speakers need to be more tolerant towards deviant language use by non-native speakers in order to accommodate the social integration of newcomers. The concept of purism is strongly associated with Shinto beliefs in Japan. Ancient myths that the Japanese imperial line traces back to gods who descended from heaven were strategically used as a political device to unify ‘previously strong regional identities’ (Noguchi, 2001: 6) for 80 years until the end of World War II. The ideology of a single ethnic group which shares a common ancestry was implemented ‘not only to create a feeling of consanguinity, but also to argue the superiority of the Japanese people and culture’ (ibid.). Linguistic purism assumes that ‘language and culture are a spiritually inherited tradition rather than the product of social interactions’ (Iino, 2000: 85). Purism of language and culture, under the name of ‘beautification’, could potentially hinder the creative aspects of positive and enriching creolization processes. Purism is simply a ‘belief system’ (Schiffman, 1996: 62). Global ‘hybridity’ of language and culture is claiming that cultures are never ‘pure’ (Tomlinson, 1999; cited in Fairclough, 2006: 24), or simply what Appadurai (1996: 77) calls ‘imagined nostalgia’, nostalgia for things that never were. Too much emphasis on artistic and aesthetic aspects of language can create an unnecessary divide among language users. In the wake of globalization, no language and culture is immune to the ‘contamination’ of others. Changing identities through creolization is inevitable and deserves positive evaluation. The traditional type of nihonjinron, a discourse that celebrates the uniqueness of Japanese culture and people, needs serious updates in this context (cf. Yoshino, 1992; Iino, 1996; Noguchi and Fotos, 2001; Kubota, 2002; Sugimoto, 2003).

Conclusion Facing globalization external and internal to Japan, Japan is now struggling to find its own way to cope with language issues. Systematic and strategic language policy for Japan is yet to be discussed. Any language policy and planning should be realistic to serve and benefit users of languages, not turning users into servants of the language. Language has so much to contribute to creating a new direction of social integration of ‘others’ in Japanese society, calling for a departure from the idealism of moulded traditional norms to a more organic integration 77

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of diversities, even from within Japanese cultures. The LDP proposal, whether it be passed or rejected in the political arena, will provide us with opportunities to raise people’s awareness about multilingual and multicultural issues over which Japan cannot afford to hesitate in the globalization era. Globalization and nationalism are not mutually exclusive. Simple dichotomization is theoretically misleading and covers up a deep-rooted mentality of xenophobia. Language, an empowering pragmatic instrument as well as a symbolic identity marker, in this regard, plays an important role in shedding new light on the concept of coexistence and pluralism in Japanese society.

References Appadurai, Arjun (1996), Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press. Arel, D. (2002), ‘Language categories in census: backward-or forwardlooking?’, in D. I. Kertzer and. D. Arel (eds), Census and Identity: The Politics of Race, Ethnicity, and Language in National Censuses. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bhabha, H. K. (1994), The Location of Culture. New York: Routledge. Butler, Y. G. (2007), ‘Foreign language education at elementary schools in Japan: searching for solutions amidst growing diversification’, Current Issues in Language Planning, 8 (2), 2007, 129–147. Butler, Y. G. and Iino, M. (2005), ‘Current Japanese reforms in English language education: the 2003 “ACTION PLAN” ’, Language Policy, 4 (1), 25–45. Chosun Online (2008), at http://www.chosunonline.com/article/ 20080609000029 retrieved on 15 June 2008. Coulmas, F. (2002), ‘Language policy in modern Japanese education’, in J. Tollefson (ed.), Language Policies in Education. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 203–223. Fairclough, N. (2006), Language and Globalization. London: Routledge. Ferguson, C. (1959), ‘Diglossia’, WORD, 15 (2), 325–340. Fishman, J. A. (1972), The Sociology of Language. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. —(1980), ‘Bilingualism and biculturalism as individual and as societal phenomena’, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 1, 3–15. Funabashi Y. (2000), Aete eigo kouyougoron (dare to make English as an official language). Tokyo: Bungeishunjuu. Gill, S. K. (2002), ‘Language policy and English l anguage standards in Malaysia: Nationalism versus pragmatism’, Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, 12 (1), 95–116. —(2006), ‘Medium of Instruction Change in Higher Education in Malaysia: The Reality of Attitudes and Implementation’. Focus paper presented at Invitational Symposium on Language Issues in English-medium universities across Asia, 8–9 June 2006, University of Hong Kong.

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Gottlieb, N. (2005), Language and Society in Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gourd, K. and Iino, M. (2006), ‘The Power of Language: Challenging Attitudes and Affirming Identities’. Paper presented at the 1st World Congress on the Power of Language Conference, Bangkok, 25 May 2006. Hashimoto, K. (2007), ‘Japan’s language policy and the “Lost Decade” ’, in A. B. M. Tsui and J. W. Tollefson (eds), Language Policy, Culture, and Identity in Asian Contexts. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 25–36. Iino, M. (1996), ‘ “Excellent Foreigner”: Gaijinization of Japanese language and culture in contact situations – an ethnographic study of dinner table conversations between Japanese host families and American students’. Doctoral dissertation. University of Pennsylvania. —(2000), ‘A discourse analysis of discussions promoting English as an official second language in Japan’, Journal of Liberal Arts, 109, December 2000. The Liberal Arts Research Center, The School of Political Science and Economics, Waseda University, 77–87. —(2002), ‘Language and English Education in Japan’, in English Language Education in China, Japan, and Singapore. National Institute of Education. Nanyang Technological University, pp. 79–97. —(2008), Language Policy in a Multilingual Society – Inquiries on English Use in Malaysia. Report for Grant-in-aid for Scientific Research. Iino, M. , Ommura, Y. Sugita, H. and Moriyoshi, N. (2003), Shinsedai no gengogaku (Linguistics of the new generation). Tokyo: Kuroshio shuppan. Inoue, F. (2001), Nihongo-wa ikinokoreruka (Can Japanese language survive?). Tokyo: PHP shinsho. Japan Times (2008), Radical Immigration Plan under Discussion, at http:// search.japantimes.co.jp/print/nn20080619f1.html 19 June 2008, retrieved on 25 June 2008. Jorden, E. (1991), ‘Overview’, in S. Ide and N. McGloin (eds), Aspects of Japanese Women’s Language. Tokyo: Kurosio, pp. 1–4. Kaiser, S. (2003), ‘Language and script in Japan and other East Asian countries: between insularity and technology’, in J. Maurais and M. A. Morris (eds), Language in a Globalising World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 188–202. Kanno, Y. (2003), Negotiating Bilingual and Bicultural Identities: Japanese Returnees Betwixt Two Worlds. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Kato, H. (2004), Nanno tameno nihongo (What’s Japanese for?). Tokyo: Chuko shinsho. Kitao, K. and Kitao, K. S. (1995), English Teaching: Theory, Research, Practice, 3–20. Tokyo: Eichosha. Kokusai Bunka Shinkou Kyokai (2008), nihon no kokusai kekkonn toukei (Statistics of international marriage in Japan), at http://www.npo-icpa.or.jp/db/ kokusai_kekkon.html retrieved on 20 June 2008. Komori, Y. (2002), ‘Japanese language booms and nationalism’, Japanese Book News, 40, 1–2.

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Kubota, R. (2002), ‘The impact of globalization on language teaching in Japan’, in D. Block and D. Cameron (eds), Globalization and Language Teaching. London: Routledge, pp. 13–28. LDP (2008), Jinzai kaikoku! Nihongata imin seisaku no teigen (Opening the country to human resources! A proposal for a Japanese style immigration policy), 12 June 2008. Lebra, T. S. (2004), The Japanese Self in Cultural Logic. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Lee, S. (2008), ‘Naturalization Policy in Japan, presentation at “Migration in East Asia: Case studies from Japan, China and Taiwan” ’, 20 June 2008, Waseda University Doctoral Student Network. MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Science and Technology) (2003), Action Plan to Cultivate ‘Japanese with English Abilities’, at http://www. mext.go.jp/English/topics/03072801.htm retrieved on 15 March 2004. —(2006), Kaigai shijo kyoiku no gaiyo (Overview of education of Japanese children outside Japan), at http://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/shotou/ clarinet/004/001/001/001.pdf retrieved on 1 June 2008. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2008), Statistics of population change, at http://www.mhlw.go.jp/toukei/saikin/hw/jinkou/tokusyu/ gaikoku07/index.html retrieved on 20 June 2008. Ministry of Justice. (2007), at http://www.moj.go.jp/NYUKAN/nyukan67–2.pdf retrieved on 20 June 2008. Nakajima, K. (1998), Bairingaru kyoiku no houhou – chikyuu jidai no nihonjin ikusei o mezashite (ways of bilingual education: towards educating Japanese in the age of globalization). Tokyo: ALC. Nikkei Business. (2008), ‘Gaikokujin rodosha no ukeire sokushin (on the proposal to accept foreign workers)’, 7 July 2008, p. 152. Noguchi, M. G. (2001), ‘Introduction: the crumbling of a myth’, in M. G. Noguchi and S. Fotos. (eds), Studies in Japanese Bilingualism. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Noguchi, M. G. and Fotos, S. (eds) (2001), Studies in Japanese Bilingualism. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Nomura. T. (2006), Kokugo seisaku no sengo shi (The post war history of the Japanese language policy). Tokyo: Taishukan. Phillipson, R. and Skutnabb-Kangas, T. (1996), ‘English only worldwide or language ecology?’ TESOL Quarterly, 30 (3), 429–452. Ricento, T. (2005), ‘Problems with the “language-as-resource” discourse in the promotion of heritage languages in the USA’, Journal of Sociolinguistics, 9 (3), 2005, 348–368. Sakanaka, H. (2008), Gaikokujin tono kyousei to nihongo (Coexisting with foreign nationals and Japanese language). Conference presentation at the Japan Association for Language Policy, 14 June 2008. Schiffman, H. F. (1996), Linguistic Culture and Language Policy. London: Routledge. Shinjuku-ku (2007), at http://www.city.shinjuku.tokyo.jp/division/ 210101kikaku/kihonnkousousoan/jinkou.pdf retrieved on 18 June 2008.

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Spolsky, B. (2004), Language Policy: Key Topics in Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sugimoto. Y. (2003), An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sugino, T. (2008), Oya no kyoiku gengo sentaku no yoin: nihon no burajirujin gakkou to beikoku no ratino no baai (Elements for parents’ choice of medium of instruction: cases from Brazilian school in Japan and Latino schools in the USA). Presentation at Japan Association for Language Policy, 31 May 2008 Tanaka, K. (1989), Kokkago o koete (Beyond a national language). Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo. Tay, S. H. S. (2007), ‘An evaluation of teaching and learning of Science in English in a rural school in West coast of Sabah’. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Universiti Malaysia Sabah. Torikai, K. (2006), Ayaushi! Shokakko eigo (Beware! English in elementary school). Tokyo: Bungeishunju. Tsuda, Y. (1994), ‘The diffusion of English: its impact on culture and communication’. Keio Communication Review, 16, 49–61. Unger, M. (1987), The Fifth Generation Fallacy: Why Japanese is Betting Its Future on Artificial Intelligence. New York: Oxford University Press. Weiner, M. (1997). Japan’s Minorities: The Illusion of Homogeneity. London: Routledge. Wright, S. (2004), Language Policy and Language Planning from Nationalism to Globalisation. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Yasuda, T. (2007), Kokugo Shingikai – meisou no 60 nen (The council for Japanese language – 60 years of turmoil). Tokyo: Kodansha. Yoshino, K. (1992), Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan. New York: Routledge.

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Linguistic Capital, Study Mothers and the Transnational Family in Singapore Phyllis Ghim-Lian Chew

Chapter summary This study has as its subjects, Korean and Chinese (PRC) study mothers in the Republic of Singapore, known in their respective countries as ‘wild goose mothers’ (kirogi omma) and ‘study mothers’ (pei du mama). What is the nature of linguistic migration – who, what is involved and how and to what extent is the English language involved in this? What are the sociolinguistic circumstances behind the buying and selling of linguistic capital? This chapter explores answers to these questions on the basis of interviews with 15 Korean and Chinese mothers who are in Singapore for the education of their children. Following Bourdieu’s (2001) metaphors, this chapter is segmented into ‘The sellers: strategies’, ‘The buyers: linguistic motivations’ and ‘The costs and rewards of linguistic migration’. The specific aspect of globalization that this chapter addresses is the transnational family. The split-household transnational family, is a novel family type that has emerged as a result of the rise of English in the globalized economy. As globalizing forces become even more acute, enfranchised mothers will begin increasingly to ‘vote with their feet’ and in so doing spawn multifarious and novel sociolinguistic practices within the realm of the family.

Introduction While technological inventions and new communications media such as the smart phone and the internet contribute to the death of distance and bring people together in a ‘global village’,1 one significant fact emerges and that is, as the world shrinks, people are thrown together more and more, necessitating the need for a lingua franca. Globalization is intricately intertwined with the emergence of international auxiliary languages such as English, Mandarin and Arabic. Foremost amongst these emergent global languages is English for while it is a familiar phenomenon for one language to serve as lingua franca over a large 82

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area of many languages, for example, Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Arabic and French, what is unusual, however, is that never before has a single language spread for such purposes over most of the world as English has done in this century. According to a British Council Report, 3 billion people, or just under half of the world’s population, will be able to speak English in 2015 (quoted in the Straits Times, 10 March 2004).2 The widespread use of English has also resulted in its increased commodification, as is evident in the vast numbers of people who leave their country temporarily or for good for the primary reason of mastering it. For Bourdieu (2001), capital takes three principal forms: economic capital which creates and maintains wealth and which is immediately convertible to money and property; cultural capital such as educational qualifications, which entails accumulated knowledge and skills which are potentially convertible into economic capital; last but not the least, social capital which is made up of group membership, social obligations or group connections, also potentially convertible into economic capital. In this study, language may be regarded as ‘linguistic capital’ which possesses value and is a means by which people (and nations) may achieve varied goals relating to research, finance, manufacturing and public relations. The language with the highest currency today may be said to be English since it is not only intimately linked to modernity, technology, economic and scientific know-how but also manifested in the service, fashion, advertising and entertainment industries. Like styles of dress, dance, sports and music, English is part of the upmarket ‘design’ and the ‘brand’ associated with niche marketing and customer service (Wee, 2006). While linguistic capital is a much desired commodity, unfortunately for most, it is not usually available in the aspirants’ own country and has to be sought across the seas – hence I put forward the concept of ‘linguistic migration’, an increasingly common phenomenon in a globalized world. Before, the pursuit of capital was directly linked to business and commerce; today however, capital is acquired more indirectly, usually through the prior possession of a premium language, which is then exchanged for economic capital. In the global context, migration is also both quantitatively and qualitatively historically different from what it was before. Quantitatively, there is much more migration today as evidenced in the well-targeted remittances, investments by migrants, the diasporas of refugees and the emergence of transnational communities globally (Levitt and Nyberg-Sorenson, 2004). Qualitatively, the numbers of transmigrants, that is, people who stay or work in a country temporarily, outnumber significantly the number of migrants (Yamanka, 2005). These transmigrants frequently cross national boundaries to work and build their lives in several places beyond their country of 83

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origin. They claim multiple political and religious identities, just as they claim national and transnational identities. They work, play, and express their political interests in several contexts rather than in a single nation-state. This contrasts sharply to past scenarios where the immigrant leaves the country of origin to reside permanently in the country of arrival. Another qualitative difference is the feminization of migration as seen in transnationals working as maids, nurses, entertainers, and of particular interest in our study, as ‘study mothers’. Yeoh and Devashayam (2008) show that a greater proportion of migration streams are made up of women and that the amount of autonomous movement in which they have been the key decision makers is increasing exponentially. The Philippines, for example, is a country where given the lack of opportunities at home, the notion of the ideal wife/mother is conflated with that as a good manager and provider through the provision of an income to supplement her husband’s earnings (ibid.). In contrast, in the past, the migration of indentured labourer, to colonial administrators and empire builders were usually male. While many women leave the country of origin to escape poverty, war and famine, others leave it to pursue wealth. My study will focus on one group of transnational migrants, study mothers, who accompany their children while they are studying in a foreign country and whose main aim is the pursuit of linguistic capital, hitherto unavailable in their home countries. Once their linguistic goals are attained, they may return to their home countries or journey onwards to other parts of the globalized world trading their capital in their flexible sojourns.

Review of literature Despite increasingly vast numbers of linguistic migrants, only a handful of studies have examined this recent phenomenon.3 Published materials on linguistic migration are mainly centred on marketing strategies, catering to the profit-driven global education industry (cf. Collins, 2008). There have been some notable studies on ‘astronaut husbands’ (professional parents who sought to relocate their families in ‘safe havens’ such as Canada and the United States) and ‘satellite kids’ (children who remain in the host country even when their parents have returned to country of origin) as a means of attaining economic and social capital for the family by Waters (2003, 2005), Salaff et al. (2007) and Matthews and Sidhu (2005). However, these studies are on economic migration rather than linguistic migration per se; and are more concentrated on the geographical aspect of spatial dislocation and on the cosmopolitan 84

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identities emerging through the desire for international education. Closer to our research interests, Chee (2003) and Yeoh et al. (2005: 311) have researched transnational families, whom they term ‘sacrificial mothers’ hoping to accomplish projects ‘to enhance family well-being’. However, their main focus is on the changing sociological role of mothering rather than on the linguistic experience. Hence, a vacuum exists with regard to the issues of ‘linguistic capital’, ‘linguistic mothering’ and ‘linguistic migration’ and this study is a preliminary attempt to address this knowledge gap. This chapter focuses on the pursuit of linguistic capital by study mothers within the larger backdrop of a study of language, globalization and culture. Linguistic migration is a migration necessitated primarily in search of a ‘linguistic capital’, relating usually to ‘premium’ languages such as English, which is readily exchangeable in the marketplace for other kinds of capital. Such linguistic pursuits are seldom impulsive or random actions. On the contrary, they are well-planned and carefully calculated projects. This study has as its subjects, Korean and Chinese (PRC) mothers in the Republic of Singapore, known in their respective countries as ‘wild goose mothers’ (kirogi omma) and ‘study mothers’ (pei du mama). It aims to uncover the conditions existing prior to such linguistic migration in the sense that these conditions constituted a problem that migration was meant to solve. What is the nature of the linguistic migration – who are the players? How and to what extent is the English language involved in this? What are the sociolinguistic circumstances behind the buying and selling of linguistic capital? Following Bourdieu’s (2001) concepts, this chapter is segmented into ‘The sellers: strategies’, ‘The buyers: linguistic motivations’ and ‘The costs and rewards of linguistic migration’.

Methodology I drew on four focus group discussions (hereafter, Groups 1 to 4) conducted at the end of 2007 of 8 Korean and 7 Chinese mothers aged between 28 and 46 with their average age being 38. Between them, they had 21 children in Singapore from ages 8 to 16. I asked the 15 mothers to narrate, discuss and reflect on their own migratory and childrearing experiences. These stories, which were told in Korean and Mandarin respectively, were tape recorded, translated, transcribed and analysed using thematic and narrative analysis. There were four separate groups. While members of each group knew one another, each individual group did not know the other groups. Hence, 4 focus group discussions on four different occasions each lasting an average of 2 to 3 hours were conducted. Total recording time was slightly over 11 hours. Each of the 85

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group discussions took place after dinner. This methodology enabled participants to be relaxed in each other’s company and they were, indeed, I perceived, comfortable to discuss issues relating to their personal conditions with an outsider (that is, myself), in an atmosphere that at times became personal, reflective and sometimes emotional/excitable. Through the assistance of a Singaporean friend from a religious/ charitable organization who had been nurturing for several years close friendships with study mothers as part of her group’s outreach programme, I was able to befriend some of these mothers as a matter of course. This friend suggested 4 separate dinner-cum-social events whereby the 4 groups could be invited, a continuation of what she had already been doing in the previous years. Hence, the mothers in my research were informed that on some of these occasions, the host’s university friend would join the group as part of a research project. My friend assured them that their privacy would be respected, identities undisclosed and that the discussion would be linguistic in nature. Relative to the Korean mothers, the Chinese were heterogeneous in social-economic backgrounds. The Koreans belonged to the educated middle class in Seoul and Busan and had absentee husbands who were generally well-paid professionals (cf. Leow, 2006). They could therefore afford to stay at home looking after their children on a ‘full-time’ basis. They lived in rented condominiums. Three out of the eight Korean mothers could also financially afford placing their children in international schools. They indicated an intention to stay in Singapore for at least 2 to 3 years before taking stock of their situation again. Attending the Korean-speaking church was their chief pastime. They also tended to congregate together as seen by their preference to send their children to similar government schools in Singapore. On the other hand, the seven Chinese mothers come from various provincial cities in China and were of different dialectal backgrounds and therefore spoke Mandarin with varying accents. Their children were in unrelated government schools and it was not important for them to congregate in the same schools or vicinity. All the Chinese mothers had graduated from tertiary institutions with an annual average income of 90,000 yuan.4 However, due to the higher cost of living in Singapore, most were living just above the poverty line in Singapore. All except one were living in government flats where they had rented a single room. Three out of seven were divorced making them effectively single mothers. Unlike the Koreans who had an average of two children, the Chinese mothers had only one child. The monthly remittance they received from their spouses was insufficient and all (except for one) had to find ways of supplementing their income in Singapore. As for duration of stay, ‘it all depends on opportunities’ was the stock reply. 86

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In the small group discussions, participants were allowed to interrupt each other whenever they wished or to nominate alternative topics. They were invited to speak in a round-table fashion which was semi-structured by the following questions: Getting to know your questions z z z z

Why and how did you come to Singapore? Has your family life been affected in any way then and now? What were you doing daily before you came here & what are you doing here now? Any plans after Singapore? Language-focused questions

z z z

What languages did you speak in (a) home country (b) Singapore; to whom, where and when? What are the language strategies that you and your child employ with regards to English, Singlish and Mandarin? Recount some memorable conversations you had with your child(ren) in Singapore?

I also drew from newspaper reports and commentaries as key secondary sources, not least because being pro-establishment, Singapore newspapers being generally reliable sources of government-speak in Singapore. The media are also key mouthpieces for carrying state rhetoric since the state rarely releases information any other way. They carry all important government announcements on state policy and other official information, not easily available elsewhere.

The seller(s): strategies For decades, we have seen international students pursuing higher education abroad but now this trend is supplemented by younger students journeying abroad with their mothers, ostensibly to prepare themselves for college education later in life. Numbers are increasing in both categories and close to half of these students come from Asia – notably China, Korea, Malaysia, India and Japan (cf. Mena, 2008). This recent phenomena accounts for the rising number of private (English) language centres all over the world such as New Zealand, Australia, Canada and the United States (Collins, 2008). One such seller is Singapore, which announced in 2002, its intention to attract 150,000 foreign students by 2012, and that like the City of Boston, it would also aspire to be a ‘Mecca for Education’ (Ko, 2004). This statistic is set to challenge the vast continent of Australia which 87

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currently has about the same number of overseas students (Duhamel, 2004). This is no mere rhetoric for Singapore is well on its way to exceed its target (MOE, 2008a) as seen by the industry’s contribution to gross domestic product in 2007 which doubled from 1.9 per cent, or $3 billion, in 2002 to 3.8 per cent, or about $8 billion (Ho, 2007). While traditionally, Malaysian and Indonesian students formed the largest foreign student groups in Singapore, Chinese students now form the vast majority (Ho, 2007). Where study mothers are concerned, there were approximately 7,000 Chinese mothers and 5,000 Korean mothers in 2007 (Toh, 2008). Singapore’s publicity blitz includes (1) Englishmedium schools, (2) high academic standards, (3) a Mandarin-speaking population, and other advantages such as (4) cost-effective pricing, cosmopolitan character, global connectivity and safety. The first draw is that of English as a medium of instruction. Since independence, in 1965, the Singapore government has been careful not to indulge in the linguistic nationalism and rhetoric of many post-colonial countries but to instead walk the pragmatic path (Chew, 2009). A foreign language, in this case English, was thus positioned and nurtured from the time of independence in 1965 to become the working language of the Republic. Such linguistic capital, it was believed, would give the fledgling state an edge in education, academic achievement, international trade and business. Hence, by the 1970s the original 4-languagestream schools (Tamil, Mandarin, Chinese and English) had given way to English-medium schools where English is taught effectively as the first language though it is not the dominant home language of many of the children in schools. To ensure standards, schools continue to groom students for the more internationally recognized British ‘0’ and ‘A’ level certificate school leaving examination administered by the University of Cambridge Examination syndicate in UK. This view of the English language as linguistic capital, and the mother tongues as cultural or symbolic capital, has been ingrained for two generations and successfully implemented, remarkably, without violence or controversy. There has since developed through the past 5 decades an affinity with the English language – resulting in a linguistic offshoot, Singlish (the basilectal form of Singapore English) which is the lingua franca of the street, with its own distinctive grammar, lexis and vocabulary. However, the Republic’s ambition to be part of the profitable English-exporting industry meant that low-value Singlish would have to be suppressed. Hence, in 1999, then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong (PM Goh) warned: ‘We cannot be a first-world economy or go global with Singlish . . . Poor English reflects badly on us and makes us seem less intelligent’ (Goh, 1999). A year later, at the launch of the ‘Speak Good English Movement’ (SGEM), he elaborated: ‘Investors will not 88

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come if their supervisors and managers can only guess what our workers are saying. It will be hard for Singapore to be a financial center. TV programmes and films will be difficult to succeed because foreigners do not understand Singlish – this will affect the first-world economy we hope to achieve’ (Goh, 2000). Colonel Wong, Chair of the SGEM in 2000 reiterated: ‘It is important that while we develop a brand of English which is uniquely identifiable with Singapore, it should not be a Singlish type’ (Straits Times, 31 March 2000). This perception ties in neatly with the aspiration of the study mothers: We discourage our children from speaking local forms of English although we hear it around us so – one reason why my child is in international school. (Korean, Gp 1) We understand the value of Singlish in Singapore but certainly not what we want. (Chinese, Gp 3)

Market supremacy requires a primary orientation to customer needs and wants and, like any campaign, SGEM must consider how it can persuade Singaporeans to switch to a better brand, in this case, ‘Local Standard English’ (LSE) (Alsagoff, 2007). While SGEM itself does not conduct courses, its many partners provide expertise in various areas of learning English – from basic English courses to business communication, and from storytelling to teaching children to read. Each year, there are hundreds of activities and programmes on good English at schools, libraries and community clubs. At the same time, the mass media has discreetly cut down on its use of Singlish, especially in popular television sitcoms. Singapore is thus poised to export its own variety of LSE, in keeping with the practice of ELT-exporting nations such as United States, Britain and Australia. The second draw for study mothers is that Singapore schools are known to be academically challenging, something which ambitious Asian mothers desire for their children. Indeed, immigration agencies in China and Korea make it known to potential foreign students that Singapore students have consistently won prizes in science and Mathematics in the international Olympiads (Lee, 2008b). Singapore students consistently rank high in Mathematics and Science competitions, reading literacy skills and other international measures of performance (Tan, 2005).5 As a study mother puts it: Singapore has a good record in Maths and Science – and even better this is taught in English. (Korean, Gp 1) The Singapore certificates are better recognized in western countries – so I am confident I’ve done the right thing. (PRC, Gp 3)

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The high standards are maintained in part by the Confucian state ideology which places family and examinations, the competitive ranking of schools and the ability-grouping of children at an early age as important measures of excellence. Singapore students are ability-grouped first at the end of their fourth year and again at the end of Grade 6 when they sit for the nation-wide primary school leaving exam. In secondary schools, the more able pupils are placed in 4-year ‘special’ or ‘express’ courses while the remaining pupils are put into 4- or 5-year ‘normal’ academic course. The Confucian emphasis on rigour and education also adds to Singapore’s appeal: I go to Singapore and not Australia because there is more homework here so more similar (to my home country). (Korean, Gp 1)

In addition, there is a bonus for the linguistic migrants – the widespread use of Mandarin – a language which also commands a high premium due to the recent emergence of China as a super power (Chew, 2007). This, what I would call a ‘buy-one-get-one-free’ phenomenon, places Singapore in an advantageous position compared to other English-exporting countries such as Australia and New Zealand. As China is Korea’s top trading partner, there is also a desire for Koreans to master Chinese: spending half of my income on tuition in Seoul and not getting much results, I desperately want to improve . . . (Korean, Gp 2)

For Chinese mothers, the presence of Mandarin enables them to feel at home in the Republic and allows them to adapt quickly and easily to the local culture. In China, we also learn English and Chinese but in Singapore it is the other way round – Chinese and English – and this is better . . . because I already speak to my child in Chinese so what we need is more English and less Chinese . . . (Chinese, Gp 4)

However, according to Park and Bae (2008), while Korean mothers openly proclaim that the availability of Mandarin immersion is one of the draws, in practice, most if not all of their resources and time are spent in learning English rather than Mandarin, as seen in the books they buy and the tutors they engage. This is probably due to the lack of time, since the mastery of English does require a lot of time and effort. The third draw for foreigners is the increasingly cosmopolitan nature of Singapore. Singapore is the world’s most globalized country according to the A. T. Kearney/Foreign Policy Globalization Index.6 In recent years, its population has increased significantly through net migrational surpluses, a factor which adds to its globalized appeal. In a survey of migrant population, Singapore leads with 42.6 per cent, 90

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followed by Australia at 20.3 per cent of overall population (Lambert, 2007: 24–25) . . . Singapore feels like another hometown of mine . . . and the climate and food is easy to adjust to. (Chinese mother, Gp 4) . . . there is a good mix of Western and Eastern culture and we are not uncomfortable at all. (Korean mother, Gp 3)

The Republic welcomes foreigners liberally and is open to huge increases in population. Indeed, there has been a novel suggestion by Parliament in 2004 to double Singapore’s current population of 4 million to 8 million so as to gain a competitive edge. It is a proposal not to be taken lightly, being already in quiet practice even before its official announcement. For example, Singapore’s population grew from 2.4 million in 1980 to 3.1 million in 1990 and to 4 million in 2000 (Dept. of Statistics, 2001). In other words, between 1980 and 1990 the population grew by 29 per cent and between 1990 and 2000, it grew by yet another 29 per cent – a total of 67 per cent in 20 years.7 Yet this doubling is not a result of the natural birth rate, since fertility had reached below replacement level as early as 1975, and currently is one of the world’s lowest at 1.26 in 2007 (Dept. of Statistics, 2008). Population growth has therefore come from migration, notably from China and India. The proposal is indeed unique, since no country in the world has ever wittingly sought to make its citizens a minority in the name of economic growth.8 Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew (MM Lee), the father of modern Singapore, explains: ‘We are multiracial. So absorbing new migrants of different races and religions and cultures doesn’t worry us. In fact, it makes us more attractive as a cosmopolitan center, and makes us more relevant to the world’ (Straits Times, 22 December 2004, p. H6). Many scholarships are offered to bright foreign students, notably from China and India. Such largesse is deemed essential since foreigners provide the fuel both in the school and the workplace, and serve as a means to encourage Singaporeans to raise their standards at work and play.9 They also serve to entice more foreigners to consider planting roots in the republic. This has prompted the Singapore press to debate whimsically whether by 2020, there might be ‘a Singaporean Prime Minster born in China?’ (Quek, 2007). As Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew explained: ‘If one out of four foreign students from China or India stayed behind in Singapore, . . . Singapore’s talent pool would outweigh that of any neighboring country’ (Today, 14 October 2004). There are other services that Singapore provides for foreign students. Since 2004, a foreign Student Tracking System has been established to provide regular reports to highlight key trends to allow for timely decision-making by the government. In 2005, an accreditation council as 91

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well as CaseTrust, a hallmark of trust in student protection and welfare, was also established (Ko, 2004). Recently there has been built a culturally vibrant student Bohemia in a notable part of the city, as well as an International Student Center. Family host programmes are also present to support the industry. Last but not the least and of special concern to this study, is the introduction of long-term social visit passes available for female social visitors whose child/grandchild is studying in Singapore on a student’s pass.10 Finally, at some point in the discussion, we also found that our mothers, belonging to the increasingly mobile, educated middle-class, were informed or assisted by other Koreans or Chinese who had visited Singapore before either as tourists and exchange students. The cumulative experiences of past migrants and their networks also propelled them towards Singapore. We’ve been to Singapore twice as tourists. My cousin also worked here . . . so we feel it is a safe place. (Korean, Gp 1) I was here in 2006 on a 3 month course sent by my company and I know I can settle here and I have also made some friends the last time. (Chinese, Gp 3)

Park and Abelmann (2004) has also described transmigrants, such as our mothers, as leading a life clearly evolving around a ‘cosmopolitan striving’.

The buyers: linguistic motivations The seekers of linguistic capital are usually those who cannot find it at home, The mothers in my study are keenly aware of the changing conditions of the world, especially with regards to globalization, the greater interdependencies between nations and the relentless restructuring of the world economy. They are highly literate and have done their share of travelling in other countries. In this section, we focus on the push factors for linguistic migration such as globalization, the growth of the middle class, migrants’ high regard for education and the lack of linguistic resources in their home communities. The primary push factor is, of course, globalization which has brought in its wake vast population mobility, the emergence of multi-cultural societies in many places, and an exponential increase in international human interactions. The capital market policies accompanying globalization have expanded the role of transnational corporations which own many production facilities outside their home countries. The ubiquitous presence of multinationals worldwide has erased the novelty of linguistic migration. For example, in Korea, two thirds of the top 700 companies in 92

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Korea have branches or regional offices abroad (Ok, 2005). The IMF crisis of 1997 also saw many Korean banks bought over by foreigners which led to the end of Korean insularization, as evident in the subsequent introduction of the global language – English – in elementary school (where before it was only introduced in middle school). Similarly, in China, most if not all of the world’s 500 largest corporations have obtained ‘a foothold’ there – and these multinationals want employees who speak English. Many businesses, especially export-oriented ones, require candidates for the most sought after positions to have top grades in English and to complete job interview in English. Even in the most isolated rural communities, parents understand that the study of English is crucial to children’s social mobility. See note #5 at the end of the chapter. Another push factor is that education is highly prized in these Confucian-based societies and economic success closely affiliated to educational success. Children have been and still are regarded primarily as the wealth of the family and part of the family’s economic capital. For example, South Korea’s private tuition market is estimated to be 33.5 trillion won (SGD 54.3 billion) – about 4 per cent of the nation’s gross domestic product – fuelled by families who spend 700,000 won a month on tuition (Lee, 2007). As educational opportunities in Korea have expanded – universities churn out 530,000 graduates but there are only about 400,000 new jobs – the pressure on middle-class families to succeed in the local education system has correspondingly increased (Jeong, 2004). Competition to get into the best schools and the best universities is fiercer than ever before. In a calculated gamble to possess linguistic capital, our respondents admitted to spending a large chunk of their disposable income on their children: the hiring of tutors, enrolling in supplementary classes, purchase of extra guide books and making sure that children structure their lives around school and schoolwork (Kim, 2007). East Asian parents have a tradition of prizing children’s achievements highly, with the low birth rate, with the only child syndrome in both societies upping the stakes. Despite their difference in social and economic background, the two nationalities spoke the common language of mothering – which is ‘to make a good living for our children’: Our children have similar standards of Maths and Science back home but we do not have English; which is necessary if our children are to do well in the university. (Korean, Gp 2)

Correspondingly, in China, the past decade has seen kindergartens and first grade children studying English, which alongside Mathematics and Chinese, is one of three core subjects that anchor the curriculum of 80 million secondary school pupils (Liu, 2007). China has also recently 93

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decreed that all universities under the Ministry of Education are to use English as the main teaching language in courses such as information technology, biotechnology, new-material technology, finance, foreign trade, economics and law (Wen and Hu, 2007).11 In 2001, English was made compulsory in all Chinese primary schools – this move elevated English to a position of ‘universal skill’ rather than as merely ‘another foreign language’ (Graddol, 2006: 72). Privately funded education which vanished since 1949 is making a comeback. At the end of 2005, 15 million students were enrolled in 77,000 non-state schools i.e. 8 per cent of the 197 million Chinese children aged 5 to 14 (Straits Times, 2007: 26)1. The Economist (12 April 2006) reported that up to one fifth of the population is learning English and that in view of such statistics, the English-speaking population in China will outnumber the native speakers in the rest of the world in two decades. The speed of the reforms has led to a huge shortage in qualified English teachers. Indeed, English teaching capabilities are stretched to breaking point in colleges and universities where enrolments are increasing. This situation is not helped by the fact that both China and Korea are ‘expanding circle/EFL nations’ (Kachru, 1985) and few learners have real-life contexts where they can communicate with speakers from outside the PRC or Korea. Such a situation has led to the emergence of private businesses outside regular schools and universities particularly in big cities. Nunan (2008: 110) reports that in Korea/China there may be approximately 600,000 new enrolments in private English conversation schools every 4 to 6 months. According to Nunan (ibid.), although the latest syllabus is based on a relatively modern functional/notional view of English and while concepts such as communicative language teaching and learnercentredness are referred to frequently, there is no way to find out how much classroom realities affect rhetoric. Thus a key push factor for linguistic migration is the phenomenon of demand-outstripping-supply in both Korea and China and the fact that more and more families are faced with the mismatch between their own rising expectations and the realities of language learning opportunities in their own countries. Most Korean English teachers are not fluent so how can we expect our children to be good in English? There are not enough native speakers to go around in Korea. (Korean, Gp 2) . . . no opportunity to practice English in my hometown so best way is to go to a school which uses English as a medium of instruction. (Chinese, Gp 1)

For example, while South Korean children learn English throughout their 12 years in school, most are shy to speak it. Indeed, a report by 94

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the Hong Kong-based Political and Economic Risk Consultants ranked South Korea lowest among 12 countries in East Asia in 2003 where fluency in English was concerned (Lee, 2008a). One way to counter this is the strategy by Korean and Chinese nationals to defer for one or two years their university degree programme, in order to obtain an English certificate abroad, which they know will give them an advantage when applying for a job (Cho, 2004: 34). Moreover, the growth of a new middle class population with higher disposable income and technical expertise as a result of the industrialization in Korea from the 1960s and in China from the 1980s has led to a rising demand for English language higher education (Duhamel, 2004). Assuming that an income of about USD 9,000 per annum is necessary to be considered middle class, present estimates of middle class in China will range from 100 million to 247 million. With one hundred new megacities which will be built in China by 2015, each with more than 10 million residents (Canton, 2006: 304), the China State information Center expects 25 per cent of the populace to qualify as middle class by 2010.12 The rise of the middle class is often correlated with a rising demand for education, especially English education (Wen and Hu, 2007). Bearing in mind that half of China’s population is below the age of 25 and that undergraduate applications to Peking university in the past few years have over a million applicants for very limited places (Canton, 2006: 307), structural mechanisms are in place for the rise in the numbers of study mothers. Hence, parents in rapidly expanding numbers in both countries are seeking to give their children an edge by helping them become fluent in English while sparing them and themselves, the stress often experienced in studying in their own countries’ education system. This new urban middle class is not afraid to seek temporary or permanent migration as a solution to the structural and cultural imbalances between their expectations of upward mobility and their lack of means to realize them in their own country. In the words of the study mothers: We will get a ‘leg up’ when my son goes back to Korea . . . (Korean, Gp 1) There are too many geniuses in China . . . the only way to compete with them is to learn English. (Chinese, Gp 3)

The costs and rewards of linguistic migration Of my 15 discussants, 13 were satisfied with their children’s progress; only 2 expressed concern that their child experienced difficulties in coping with linguistic, general academic and social demands. As a 95

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result, they were toying with the idea of moving to another school or country (Malaysia and/or Philippines) in the hope that the changed environment (and in the case of the Chinese mothers – lower cost of living) would provide a solution to their problem. The high success rate resonates with reports that while foreign students make up ‘zero to 20 per cent of educational institutions, they are disproportionately visible in their achievements in and out of the classroom, for example, 6 out of the top 17 Primary School Leaving Examination candidates were born in China’ (Nirmala and Soh, 2004: 23). Similarly, in local universities, although foreign students comprised less than 10 per cent of the course enrolment, 30 per cent of the Honours class was foreigners (Quek, 2007). In the GCE ‘0’ levels examinations, half of the 25 students who scored 9 A1s were foreign students, particularly, from China (ibid., 2007). This is something worth further investigation in view of the fact that current research views the switching of the medium of instruction to English as a ‘costly and dangerous remedy that ignores the research of educational linguistics and the clear evidence that students require 6 or 7 years to reach a level of proficiency in a new language that will make teaching and learning efficient’ (Spolsky, 2008: 98). Hence, the so-called wild geese phenomenon is ‘ill-advised popular demand’ and one that will lead to detrimental academic and emotional performance overall (ibid.). When mothers were asked to share the study strategies that could have led their children to receive acceptable grades in school despite their lower competencies in English compared to Singaporean students, the following are typical comments: My son spent his first month in Singapore when he was 15 memorizing all the vocabulary. He had a notebook and everywhere he went, he would take down notes. He also joined all kinds of activities and clubs so that he would be forced to learn and use English. (Her son scored an A2 for O-level English within 2 years.) (Chinese, Gp 4) We have always realized that this is a swim-or-sink situation. (Korean, Gp 1) We don’t have families here, so we can give our total commitment. (Chinese, Gp 3) Studying is not a burden because back in China, we study everyday from 7 am to 7 pm. (Chinese, Gp 4)

The study mothers and their children live seemingly harmonious and ordered lives, organized around the strong focus of study and social mobility: 96

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My children’s hours are full and ordered. They are in school from 8 am to 3 pm. When they come back they usually do homework until 10 pm. English and Maths tuition takes place from 4 pm to 6 pm. On weekends, they attend Korean classes and in these sessions, we keep us with news from home. (Korean, Gp 2) My child studies past midnight every day – there is no rest day. (Chinese, Gp 4)

My discussants were generally thankful for the rewards that came with linguistic migration. For example, in the processes of overseeing their children’s education, they confessed to unexpectedly acquiring an inner happiness due largely in part to the sacrifices which they admitted to acquiring. Although confessing that life was physically and mentally more taxing in Singapore than back home, they felt charged, focused and motivated compared to past helplessness and desperation. This may be attributed in large part to feelings of on course or ‘directness’ in view of the extended educational opportunities which were available for their children and which were absent in their home countries. What we give to the children will come back to us says a mother categorically. They themselves also admitted to becoming more cosmopolitan through the attainment of a vast reservoir of intercultural knowledge and skills. Their sense of oppression which they had experienced in the first year in Singapore gradually transformed as they found new friends and as their English language skills gradually improved. They were also unexpectedly pleased with the unexpected bonus of finding a critical mass of similar people like themselves in Singapore, with which they could identify and befriend. Thus the discussants within each of my four groups were friends and fellow sojourners. However, it was evident from the conversations that these women paid a heavy price – such as loneliness and insecurity – in their quest for linguistic capital. This loneliness can be attributed to separation from their families as well as inadequate communication skills in English. A lot of the mothers come from places where people do not normally speak English. For example, none of the Korean mothers I spoke with appeared to know more than 100 words of English even though half of them had stayed in Singapore for over two years. The Chinese mothers knew a little more English and could communicate in Singlish if they wanted to, although all preferred to communicate in Mandarin. The relative fluency of Chinese mothers vs. Korean mothers may be due to the fact that the former had more opportunities to practice their English since they needed to leave the confines of their homes to supplement their income. This is in sharp contrast to the more confined 97

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Korean mothers who were full-time homemakers – staying at home predominantly with their lives centred on their children and activities organized by the Korean-speaking evangelical churches that have sprung up in Singapore to cater to their needs. The Korean mothers had a strong preference for speaking Korean, and confessed apologetically to knowing few Singaporeans. Hence – and ironically – while churches helped solve the problem of loneliness and insecurity by providing Korean mothers an opportunity to mingle with others like themselves, they have also lessened their opportunities for acquiring the linguistic capital which they so much desire for their children. The study mothers face two types of insecurity: financial and social. Social insecurity results from the insecurity of being in a new place, often without friends: The problem is that we often do not know how hard it is for us and our children to adapt to the local society and to make friends. (Korean, Gp 2)

Separated spouses are often very lonely relying mainly on virtual intimacies through the use of the telephone, email and Skype as a means of solace and comfort (cf. Wilding, 2006). Some mothers alluded to the commonality of extra-marital affairs by both spouses in their respective places of residence. When these become public, marriage ties dissolve and divorces are often the result. Hence, it is ironical that while linguistic migration was seen initially as a means of strengthening the family, it has often led to their break-up. Some mothers confess to bouts of crying: My heart is broken when I hear some bad news from home as I am too far away to be of help. (Korean, Gp. 1) My son cries when he sees fathers of his classmates bringing them to eat and shop. (Chinese mother, Gp 3)

While social hardships are equally shared by mothers, Chinese mothers face the added hardships of financial insecurity. Unlike their Korean counterparts, Chinese mothers suffer a drastic drop in the standard of living due to the significantly higher costs of living in Singapore. First, their English competency is poor and their tertiary education qualifications are often not recognized by employers in Singapore, factors which have driven a considerable number of them to work in sleazy massage parlours and other hard menial jobs (Toh, 2008). I have an accounting degree. However I found that I cannot get any office job although I’ve relevant experience in China. So, I’ve been working as a foot reflexologist for the last two years. (Chinese, Gp 4)

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My husband gives me some money but it is not enough as we have parents to support. So I supplement my income by giving Chinese tuition but I do not have enough students, so I also do housecleaning and waitressing. (Chinese, Gp 3)

The little headway Chinese mothers make in English is not so much due to the lack of contact but more due to the large numbers of Singaporeans who they converse with in Mandarin; and the fact that the menial jobs they undertake often do not require English. As the study mothers industry is largely unregulated, all of the mothers (except for two who had prior relatives or friends in Singapore) have had to employ an agent to help them with the paper work. Such free-lance agents are often unreliable and I had more than half of my mothers complaining that they were brought to Singapore at the wrong time of the year where government school admissions were concerned, that they could not get in to the school of their choice and that they had to (unexpectedly) temporarily enroll their child in a private school where the fees were high and the teaching was poor. Returning to their home is also not an option, considering their immediate response, which was, typically: It would be worse in Korea (or China). Or ‘it will be a disgrace to give up after all your efforts. In the first place, they had left because they perceived that it would be impossible for their children to compete in their own educational system; hence it was a case where returning home was of greater difficulty than journeying forward.

Conclusion and implications I have used the terminology of Bourdieu (2001) for the conceptual framework of this chapter. The presence of study mothers in many parts of the world and their single-minded desire for linguistic capital may be said to represent a strikingly new phenomenon in both migration and linguistic studies. In addition, the accumulation of various kinds of capital may also be understood in the context of a more general childcentred familial strategy of capital accumulation in East Asian families and also in terms of the increasing feminization of decision making in and outside the family (cf. Yeoh and Devashayam, 2008; Adams and Kirova, 2007). I have also shown that such migration have been directly conditioned and motivated by pull and push factors – by the educational and interactional constraints of the source country as well as the ideological and material conditions of the destination country. The backdrop of democratization and increased materialism as well as the simultaneous advancement in transportation and communication technology have also made such individual initiatives viable. 99

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More significantly, the phenomenon of study mothers may be seen as widely symbolic of a globalization which has brought in its wake a general destabilization affecting all societies, vast population mobility, the emergence of multi-cultural societies in many places, and an exponential increase in human interactions. These transnational families are both modern and traditional. Modern because they are cognizant of the latest transnational and communication technologies and use them to maximize children’s opportunities. Traditional because of an emphasis on education and parental sacrifice, which is strongly childdirected and child-beneficial. The split-household transnational family, viewed today as temporary and novel may become, with time, a typical and relatively mundane feature of the evolving globalized landscape. Implications abound for language planners. First is the eradication of the assumption that national borders are impermeable and that people will live their lives always in one place. Nation-states can no longer prescribe and/or prohibit access to and use of their political language of choice for their citizens. In other words, globalization has lessened the capabilities of nations to direct linguistic preferences. Next, when migrants live their lives generously across political borders, they challenge many long-held assumptions about membership and linguistic identity. Geographic mobility, professional change and vagaries of life give a person multiple social identities that get played out alternatively on the complex framings and reframing of daily encounters. In short, multiple social, geographical, political and religious identities cannot help but influence language use (cf. Omoniyi and White, 2006). The phenomenon of study mothers has also made it obvious that people do not primarily leave their country to learn a foreign language because of the desire to travel and be enriched as was traditionally assumed. Instead, it is more likely that the majority of international students leave their country to pursue economic, cultural and social capital. According to Graddoll (2006), the learning of English is now regarded more as a ‘skill’ and a ‘tool’, much in the same way as one would regard learning how to drive a car, a worthwhile life skill; the acquisition of which would aid its owner in the exchange of other kinds of capital. The type of globalization discussed in this chapter has enormous implications for classrooms which are becoming very diverse. The English language teacher is facing an increasingly multicultural setting in her class. She sees in the children’s faces the economic and political pressures behind the transnational migration of parents, as well as the subtle and sharp diversities of cultures and values. How then can she use the varied backgrounds of the students to stimulate learning about themselves, about communication techniques, about the cultures they 100

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represent, and about other cultures around the world? Study mothers are only one small aspect of today’s varied discoursal communities which are identified with atypical linguistic resources and social strategies in their efforts to learn and use language. In this sense, Jenkins (2007) attempts to find a pedagogical core of phonological intelligibility so as to prioritize features which are more relevant and realistic to learning targets becomes increasingly relevant in a world where sellers are non-native and where the majority of transactions in English take place entirely between non-native speakers rather than between native and non-native speakers.

Notes 1 Global village is a term coined by Wyndham Lewis in his book America and Cosmic Man (1948). 2 English is rapidly becoming integrated so deeply into the curriculum that it will cease to be a foreign language for many, perhaps, most, of the world’s citizens (quoted in the Straits Times, 10 March 2004). 3 For example, more than 40,000 South Korean school children are believed to be living outside South Korea with their mothers in what experts say is an outgrowth of a new era of linguistic migration (Lee, 2008b). 4 The China State Information Center considers those earning 50,000 yuan (USD 6,227) per year to be middle class,see at http://www.wikinvest.com/ concept/Rise_of_China’s_Middle_Class retrieved on 19 September 2008. 5 In July 2008, Singapore students clinched a total of 17 medals at four International Olympiads for Science and Mathematics, see at http://feeds.feedburner.com/singapore-education/press retrieved on 4 October 2008. 6 See http://www.atkearney.com/main.taf?p=5,3,1,143,3 retrieved on 10 December 2008. 7 Singapore’s population hit 4.84 million in June 2008, a 5.5 per cent increase from the 4.59 million in 2007, despite a resident total fertility rate of only 1.29 in 2007 – attributed mainly to more PRs taking up Singaporean citizenship (Dept. of Statistics, 2008). 8 It is estimated that in 20 years’ time, Singapore’s population will increase to 6.5 million (See Singapore gearing up for 6.5 million population; Straits Times, 20 February 2008). 9 See Scholarships for foreigners – we take some, we give some. Straits Times, 27 March 2008. 10 See http://www.country-stdies.com/sinapore/population.html retrieved on 9 September 2008. 9 See http://app.ica.gov.sg/serv_visitor/student_pass_app.asp retrieved on 9 September 2008. 11 See http://english.people.com.cn/92824/94785/index.html retrieved on 9 September 2009. 12 Assuming that China grows at 10 per cent per year (triple the US growth rate), as it has done in the past decade, it will be second only to the United

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States in 2020 (Canton, 2006: 304). Using this as a benchmark, China could have over 600 million middle-class citizens by 2015. 1 Blooomberg news report ‘Boom time for private education in China’, Straits Times, 14 March 2007, p. 12.

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Nirmala, M. and Soh, W. L. (2004), ‘Foreign talent, a new class act’, Straits Times, 24 April 2004, Nunan, D. (2008), ‘The impact of English as a global language on educational policies and practices in the Asia Pacific Region’, in H. W. Lee (ed.), Festschift to Lee Hyo Woong on the Occasion of His Retirement from Korea Maritime University. Pusan: Korea Maritime University, pp. 104–130. Ok, K. Y. (2005), ‘Discourses of English as an official language in a monolingual society: the case of South Korea’, Second Language Studies, 23 (2), 1–44. Omoniyi , T. and White, G. (eds) (2006), The Sociolinguistics of Identity. London: Continuum. Pang, A. (2004), ‘Beyond Mandarin: Singapore as language center’, Straits Times, 2 Dec 2004. Park, J. S. Y. and Bae, S. (2008), ‘Learning to be transnational: experiences of diversity among Korean Jogi Yuhak families in Singapore’, International Workshop on Migration and Diversity in Asian Contexts, 25–26 September 2008. Asia Research Institute, Singapore. Park, S. J. and Abelmann, N. (2004), ‘Class and cosmopolitan striving: mother’s management of English education in South Korea’, Anthropological Quarterly, 77, 645–672. Quek, Y. T. (2007), ‘Flip side of foreign students topping exams’, Straits Times (Singapore), 13 February 2007. Salaff, J. W., Greve, A. and Chen, X. (2007), ‘Motherhood shifts when Chinese families relocate: Chinese women’s education work in Canada’, in T. Devashayam and B. S. A. Yeoh (eds), Working and Mothering in Asia: Images, Ideologies, Identities. Nordic Institute of Asian Studies: National University of Singapore Press. Silver, R. E. (2005), ‘The discourse of linguistic capital: language and economic policy planning in Singapore’, Language Policy, 4, 47–66. Spolsky, B. (2008), ‘Teaching English in the context of educational linguistics and language policy’, in H. W. Lee (ed.), Festschift to Lee Hyo Woong on the Occasion of His Retirement from Korea Maritime University. Pusan: Korea Maritime University, pp. 83–103. Tan, E. S. (2005), ‘Globalization, nation-building and emigration’, in B. Lorente, N. Piper, H. Shen and B. Yeoh (eds), Asian Migrations: Sojourning, Displacement, Homecoming and Other Travels. Singapore: Asia Research Institute, pp. 87–98. Toh, M. (2008), ‘Tough life for study mamas’, Sunday Times, 28 August 2008. Tokita, A. (2006), ‘Kirogi omma and Korean overseas students in Melbourne’. Paper presented at the 16th Biennial conference of Asian Studies Association of Australia in Wollongong, 26 June to 9 July, 2006. Waters, J. L. (2003), ‘ “Satellite kids” in Vancouver: transnational migration, education and the experiences of lone children’, in M. Charney, B. Yeoh and C. K. Tong (eds), Asian Migrants and Education: The Tension of Education in Immigrant Societies and among Migrant Groups. London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, pp. 165–184.

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—(2005), ‘Transnational family strategies and education in the contemporary Chinese diaspora’, Global Networks 5, 359–377. Wee, L. (2006), ‘English in South Korea: managing the presence of a global language’. Plenary paper presented at a conference on ‘Language policy, use and education’. University of Seoul. (Available from the author). Wen, Q. and Hu, W. (2007), ‘History and policy of English education in mainland China’, in H. C. Yeon and B. Spolsky (eds), English Education in Asia: History and Politics. Seoul: AsiaTEFL. Wilding, R. (2006), ‘Virtual intimacies? Families communicating across transnational contexts’, Global networks 6, 2, 125–142. Yeoh, B., Huang, S. and Lam, T. (2005), ‘Trannationalizing the “Asian” Family: imaginaries, intimacies and strategic intents’, Global Network 5, 4, 307–315. Yeoh, B. S. A. and Devashayam, Theresa W. (2008) (eds), Working and Mothering in Asia: Images, Ideologies and Identities. Singapore: NUS Press.

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Globalization and English Teaching in Sri Lanka: Foreign Resources and Local Responses Kaushalya Perera and Suresh Canagarajah

Chapter summary English teaching has been a site of friction in Sri Lanka from the time it became a British colony. In the last several years, English has become the focus of language policies, both planned and unplanned, resulting from increased globalization. Many universities in Sri Lanka have undertaken ESL courses geared towards the employment sector while private companies have become more involved in ESL education in the country. Public discourse about education is increasingly centred on the role of English as paving the way to professional development and a tool for accessing the global. In this context, we will examine the motivation behind increasing interest of private (and sometimes international) organizations in ESL teaching for an ideology that ties English with globalization. While globalized organizations (such as privately owned corporations) invest in ESL courses, ground level organizations are necessary for such implementation. The tension arising from a conflict in the ideologies between these two levels will bring out important findings on pedagogical intervention, social reproduction and linguistic resistance.

Introduction Language planning and policy endeavours are generally talked about at the macro-level by many scholars. Literature in the fields of ELT as well as in minority language education has concentrated on the powerlessness of the individual or the community in decision making (see Phillipson, 1992; Ricento, 2006). However, such a deterministic perspective was not always reproduced in colonial subjects, since there were also situations where the subjects engaged positively with both the local and the colonizing languages (Canagarajah, 1999). Such instances – which were called instances of ‘resistance’ – showed the need for micro-level analyses through ‘grounded theory’ (Canagarajah, 106

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1999: 5). In his text, Resisting Linguistic Imperialism in English Teaching, the second author of this chapter uses the example of English Language teaching in the Tamil community in northern Sri Lanka as a the case study to put forward his proposal for a theory grounded by the lived experiences of the community. The necessity for critical and contextualized accounts of globalization and what it entails has similarly been elaborated by the second author and other scholars (Canagarajah, 2005b). He points out that local knowledge is denigrated as descriptions of phenomena move away from the details – ‘thickness’ – of local texture (2005a: 5). Not only the global, but the local is also constructed fluidly, making a collection of articles such as Canagarajah (2005b) where scholars contextualize globalization by focusing on phenomena that have changed the course of languages in various communities important. The specificities of the language policy changes in Malaysia (David and Govindasamy, 2005) and the tensions between expert knowledge and local knowledge in ELT in Brazil (Rajagopalan, 2005) resonate particularly well because they deal with stresses that are common to the South Asian context as well. For many nation-states English is the colonial linguistic inheritance, initially learnt for and by the exercise of power. Robert Phillipson (1992) demonstrates how English language teaching (ELT) – disguised in acronyms such as TESL, TESOL, TEFL, ESL, EAP, ESP 1 – has been fed by transcontinental economic (and other resource) flows to the postcolonial developing world (1992). Other scholars have shown that this rise in the status of English would not have been possible without the collusion of local communities (Canagarajah, 1999; Dharmadasa, 1996). Many nation states are still trying to reconcile the status of English with their other languages. It appears, therefore, that there is a certain tension in the relations among globalization, English and education in the local contexts. Sri Lanka is a particularly good example in which to situate the analysis of these tensions. Most definitions of globalization focus on the imbalance in goods, services and funds, benefiting certain states and communities but not others. While these definitions think of globalization as the carrier of ideologies, it would be more fruitful to concur with Guillen that globalization is an ideology in itself (Guillen, 2001). It is a system of beliefs about the social and political realities that are entailed by the word ‘globalization’, including a vision of development relating to technological advancement achieved through a linguistic tool – English. English is the medium of the ‘exchange’. The World Bank, one of the biggest supra-state actors and almost synonymous with globalization in certain domains, has become a key figure in English language learning (and 107

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teaching) in Sri Lanka by becoming the biggest donor for education in the last decade. This chapter will explore the local in the context of globalization, discussing the contradictory and not always complementary ways in which the global and the local work. Specifically we look at the debilitating role of one of the key agents of globalization: The World Bank. With a focus on both school and tertiary education we try to show how World Bank policies on financing education privilege English while marginalizing indigenous languages. We look at the way these policies are slipped in through state machinery and how ‘professionalism’ is made out to be a result of linguistic ability. It is colonialism of the new order as the former colonial language is now considered the global language which is a must for all academic and professional work. In this chapter, we try to analyse the particular changes that are under way in the Sri Lankan education system, and the specific ways in which a particular programme was designed to resist the globalization process as well. The first author of this chapter has been personally involved with the program that we use as a case study. She was in charge of implementing an ESL course for school teachers in the government school system in 2004–2005. While coordinating the course, she also taught on the course, and was responsible for the preparation of lesson material and teaching of reading and literature. Field notes were collected of the meetings held prior to the course, and during the course, of the reading sections and literature sections that were taught by the second author. These field notes, as well as documents related to World Bank activities in Sri Lanka, are used for this chapter.

The place of English in Sri Lankan education The consequences of colonialism and the effects of globalization on education in Sri Lanka are considerable. The system of school education as we know it now is by and large a product of Western European colonial expansion, which replaced indigenous education systems.2 In some cases, the imposition of literacy, and dependent educational and economic features, also meant the erasure of the community’s history that was encapsulated in oral traditions (e.g., as it happened in many Native American and African communities (McCarty and Zepeda, 1999; Obeng and Adegbija, 1999) as well as the Vanniyala Eththo – the indigenous people – in Sri Lanka (Rajapakse, 2008)). Tertiary education in Sri Lanka was once known to produce fluently English-speaking graduates, but has now become a bone of contention because of its perceived inability to produce graduates employable in the corporate sector. 108

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Before we discuss the workings of global ‘representatives’ in Sri Lanka, a brief detour is necessary to look at the factors that marked the course of education there. Sri Lanka is known for free education in accordance with a policy of ‘education for all’ (Ministry of Education, 2003a). Alongside the public education system exist a limited number of private schools and a much-debated international school system.3 By 2002, the public education system catered to 4,027,075 students. There are 66 private schools in the country, which are mostly located around the larger cities of Colombo and Kandy. In addition to these schools, there are over 500 pirivenas which are centres of learning for Buddhist priests (Ministry of Education, 2003a). There are no census data on the international schools as they do not come under the purview of the state ministries concerned with education. There are also numerous colleges that have sprung up offering distance education from Northern American, European and Australian tertiary educational institutions, catering to affluent students who are usually not part of the public university system. By the time Sri Lanka gained independence from Britain in 1948, English was the sole language of administration throughout the island. Education in English was for students in a limited number of feelevying schools whereas public schools taught in Sinhala and Tamil. English was not taught as a second language in these public schools. The English-educated Ceylonese were employed in the coveted administrative service of the country, referred to euphemistically in the World Bank funded IRQUE project’s website as ‘good opportunities in the government sector’. However, a change in government and the ascendancy of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike as Prime Minister in 1956 brought about a change. The Official Languages Act, or to use its better-known ‘label’ the Sinhala Only Act, became law in 1956 making Sinhala, the language of the majority, the sole official language. This was not a sudden shift in the politics of Sri Lanka (or Ceylon as it was then). In Buddhism Betrayed? Tambiah (1992) locates the Sinhala Buddhist thrust in local politics well before the 1940s. This shift in policy removed English from the official language position, but parallel educational reforms made sure it survived as the second language. This shift in policy had already been advocated prior to 1956 by educationists. At present, school children from Grade 3 onwards have 5 hours of instruction for English language per week (Lo Bianco, 1999). Some schools were allowed to conduct subjects such as science and mathematics in English medium in secondary school, but were cautioned not to do so in the primary schools (Circular, 2003/18). The teaching of subjects in English medium however has been hindered by problems with resources of teaching and training. As Jo Lo Bianco 109

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points out there is no coherent national plan in the education system with regard to teaching languages, as policies on teaching English as a second language are not integrated with teaching the national languages (Sinhala or Tamil as the language medium of the school maybe) (1999). Teaching English and in English have become particular problems as English as spoken in Sri Lanka has undergone changes and become standardized as a native variety (Gunesekera, 2005). Since Sinhala and Tamil became the languages of education, sections in the bilingual middle-class who passed it on as a home language became the elite. English is now the best indicator of social class in the country, with an urban, middle-class minority claiming gate-keeping rights over ‘Standard Sri Lankan English’ from others who speak it as a second language (see Gunesekera, 2005 and Fernando, 2008 for linguistic descriptions of class differences). Privileges accorded to English speakers are a prime reason for the high demand for ESL in the country as we will see reflected in the discourse of the state. In 1978, a change of government and subsequent constitutional reforms brought back English as ‘the link language’. This did not include any changes to the official role of English in schools.

The agents of globalization in Sri Lanka The World Bank’s first ‘bank mission’ to the country was in late 1951. The first funding followed soon after in 1954. However, it was only in the last decade that the education sector received an unprecedented amount of attention. The General Education Support to schools started in 1998 with the objective of improving information communication technology (ICT). Other funding (details given later) followed for teacher education and teacher development projects (Ministry of Education, 2003a). Under the theme of ‘Increasing equitable access to basic and secondary education’, the schools in rural and estate areas will be reformed ‘. . . to increase equity of access to the full school curriculum, especially science, English and technology subjects’ (Sri Lanka Country Overview, 16 May 2007, emphasis added). In tertiary education, one of the most important projects by the World Bank is titled Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE). It aims to expend a total value of US$51 million for universities and university programs under two major components: (a) institutional strengthening and capacity building; and (b) improving relevance and quality (IRQUE website, emphasis added). Both components include improving English language and IT skills for undergraduates. Universities submitted project proposals to compete for these grants, of which a 5-year grant would have a maximum value of SLR 110

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100 million (= US$ 1 million) (Ministry of Tertiary Education and Training, 2003). As of June 2006 the education sector of Sri Lanka maintains a credit nearing US$ 200 million (Sri Lanka Country Overview, 16 May 2007). The World Bank ‘supports’ 3 projects targeted to improve the school education system: First General Education Project, Teacher Education and Teacher Development Project and Second General Education Project. These three projects were given a credit amount totalling US$ 183.4 million (Ranaweera, 2000: 191). These Projects are mainly supposed to build infrastructure and enhance the training of teachers. It is clear that these large credit amounts by the World Bank are given with the explicit expectation that education moves towards more economically fruitful reforms as defined by globalizing agencies, i.e. employable presumably by the corporate sector. The language used in these documents make it clear that English and Science/Technology (especially ICT) are to all extents and purposes the building blocks of the proposed educational reforms. By coupling these two subjects, the World Bank has already decided that English is the medium of globalization, and as an extension, that other languages of Sri Lanka are not suitable for science, technology and the globally connected world. Increased attention on South Asia by the United States of America was seen in 2006–2007. The US Ambassador to Sri Lanka has stated this explicitly in an interview held in 2007 with a local television channel when he said ‘our universities are like our corporations’ in that they are awake to the ‘opportunities’ present in investing in Sri Lankan higher education (MTV Interview, 2007). This is only making explicit the similarities between higher education institutions and corporations, as can be seen from this excerpt of another speech by the Ambassador: Preparing Sri Lanka’s education system for the twenty-first century will require, in my view, a four-pronged approach: Enhancing the role of private universities in Sri Lanka; Expanding Englishlanguage training; Training teachers to teach the skills employers really want; and the important alternative of study abroad. (Blake, 2006, emphasis added)

The century is associated here with private universities and study abroad along with the expansion of the English language. The US vision for Sri Lankan education is clear: local languages and education systems are devalued and are inept in helping the Sri Lankan student to face the ‘21st century’. It is the first world that decides where the resources of the developing world will head. 111

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This help and World Bank resources are given with the express purpose of ‘Increasing equitable access to basic and secondary education’, whereby the schools in rural and estate areas will be reformed ‘. . . to increase equity of access to the full school curriculum, especially science, English and technology subjects’ (World Bank, emphasis added). The terms ‘equitable’, ‘relevance’, and ‘quality’ are insistent concepts in World Bank literature in relation to education grants, making it appear that the reforms initiated by the state at this stage will be universally relevant when it becomes obvious that with these reforms in education are geared towards a narrow and myopic end which will not be universally applicable to all students or their diverse aspirations.

Local responses The colonial encounter with the British and the munificence of the World Bank are not sole factors in the present hunger for English in Sri Lanka. Similar to many other countries, Sri Lanka too has been swept along in the worldwide desire for English. In addition to the institutions that Ashley Halpe mentions (2007) – universities, media, school system – we can mention the myriad private tuition classes for ‘spoken’ English, the number of speech instructors running elocution classes, as well as code-switching billboards and TV shows which use code switching, as signifiers of the desire for English. The most noticeable trend in education at present is the reversal to English medium education, which can be seen as a local response to the management of global capital. As we have shown above, English is a compulsory subject in the public school system. In the national school system English is not taught in Grades 1 and 2. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that urban schools like to include English in their pre-Grade 3 syllabi as well. Tertiary education, however, has had to bear the brunt of the need for English medium education. The IRQUE funding projects can be seen as a prime example of how universities have succumbed to the need for English medium education in tertiary education, as a large part of their funding goes towards improving English under the guise of improving relevance and quality. There is a consensus being built by a sizeable portion of the society that English equals quality education. Recently, the Director of a think tank on education policy and research reminisced that A right to education then [colonial days] meant that an education in the local languages was available free to all but a quality education in the English medium was available only to the children of the elite and a handful of the talented poor. (Gamage, 2008: 1, emphasis added)

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Though by making sure that all entrants have access to English, universities are aiming for equity, it is also a fact that by this move towards English medium education and the hype surrounding it, there will be less demand for tertiary education in the local languages. It is also problematic that a language is seen as the purveyor of professionalism and quality because it lowers the value put on Sinhala or Tamil medium education. Local languages are here held up as the foil to English medium education in this excerpt, which is considered to be of a qualitatively higher nature. It can be argued that in a state which offers tertiary education in the English medium only (as it used to be immediately after independence) it was considered necessary to offer an option of secondary education in English. However, for a long time now, Sri Lankan universities have been offering education in the local languages as well, and the profile of the present-day Sri Lankan nonurban undergraduate is that of a Sinhala/Tamil educated person. Even though acquisition planning development has been ongoing in Sinhala and Tamil to deal with previously untaught subject matter in universities, the present discourse on university education tells us that we have regressed to an ideology that English is the only language that will enable people to take part in modernity and development. In this context, the urge to have English medium education goes back full circle to colonial times. Two of the leading universities in Sri Lanka recently proposed starting or promoting English medium lecture sessions and examinations. The Department of Commerce, Finance and Management at a long-standing national university started teaching in English medium from 2006 onwards, accepting that ‘students who are poor in English skills might lag behind or in worst cases drop out of the degree’ (IRQUE proposal for English course, emphasis added). By teaching in English even with the realization that they are putting at risk students with low English proficiency, the university recognizes that English and business opportunities will be limited to those with higher English proficiency, i.e. from a middle-class, urban, English-speaking home environment. The introductory paragraph in the IRQUE website represents this class ideology best: In the early years of university education in Sri Lanka, there was a good education, numbers entering the university were small and they came from the upper strata of society, English was the medium of instruction, funds were available, and good job opportunities were available in the Government sector. Today the situation is very different. Much larger numbers of students are being admitted and they come from all backgrounds, Sinhala/Tamil is the medium

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of instruction, funding is limited, and state sector employment is minimal. The consequence has been a decline in standards and a major problem of unemployed graduates.

It is not only the subtle coercion from World Bank– or the availability of funding – to teach English that is driving the reforms. It is also the nostalgia to get back to a past when undergraduate education was ‘good’ that is colluding with the changes that are being put in place enthusiastically. This excerpt also brings up the earlier ‘upper strata’/ English speaking/employable students as polar opposites of the ‘all backgrounds’/Sinhala- or Tamil-speaking/unemployable students of the present day. Note the use of the adjective ‘good’ to emphasize the deterioration of quality in the products of universities, which appears to be related to issues of social class and availability of funding. Additionally, the discourse surrounding the plight of graduates of these universities and the quality of their education emphasizes words such as ‘professionalism’, ‘modern’, ‘global outlook’ and most importantly, ‘private’ or ‘corporate’ sector. It seems, that professionalism is a concept aligned with the corporate sector. It is this context that must be taken into account when we think of the mounting concern over the English language proficiency of these graduates. Their inability to express themselves in English is often cited as a major reason for their unemployability. This could be a reason for the vast amount of funds that have been borrowed from the World Bank and other funding agencies to ‘develop’ education in the country. In addition, in post-2003 selected schools started teaching subjects such as Mathematics, Social Studies and, most notably, Science and Technology in English from Grades 6–10 (Ministry of Education, 2003b). This is a direct step backward in terms of corpus planning (and status planning) as students had been taught Mathematics, Science and Technology for the past several decades in the national languages Sinhala and Tamil. Additionally, textbooks, teaching guides and study guides had necessitated the development of a linguistics word base on these subjects in Sinhala and Tamil as well. Besides, the lack of resources for English teaching makes this an ambitious task. As a consequence of the change in language policies, there has been a dearth of proficient English speakers in the school teaching profession from the 1950s. At present, any individual who has obtained a credit 4 for English language in the Grade 10 national examination is qualified to be an English teacher. Even so, there is a lack of English teachers in the education system. Given this situation, attempting to teach other subjects in English will be a Herculean, and disastrous, endeavour. However, the fact that the state is still going ahead with its plans is proof of the power of 114

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English, and the choice of technology as the most suitable subjects to be taught in English medium makes it clear that this is done within the discourse of globalization. The process of globalization, with attendant English, has been equalled to a juggernaut. However, as Henry, Lingard, Rizvi and Taylor (1999) state, communities can come up with their own ways of negotiating and appropriating the globalizing process for their own purposes and interests. Though their article does not mention Sri Lanka or even South Asia, the notions brought up in it are useful for the present context of Sri Lanka. It points out that unlike in previous eras of history, nation-states cannot control the market-forces or other forces that influence education. Since the education system is important in building social capital, it is difficult to move it away from nation-building as well. The authors require a more political involvement from groups with micro-level involvement, giving as examples community groups and unions (Henry et al., 1999). We use the case study presented here as another such point of political involvement but in a different way: that of converting a globally funded course into a locally textured course. In the following section the Diploma in English for Teachers of English (DETE) course that took place in 2004–2005 in the University of Kelaniya is described as an example of such a negotiated space.

Local responses: Diploma in English for Teachers of English (DETE) An English language course for English teachers of primary and secondary schools was considered a necessity because of the low proficiency they showed in English. The course was proposed to the English Language Teaching Units (ELTUs)/Departments of English of Sri Lankan universities by the Ministry of Human Resources, Education and Cultural Affairs in 2003. A common diagnostic test would be held for all participants 5 who applied for this course, which would be limited to non-graduate trained teachers of English. Only participants who scored between 35–90 per cent would be chosen for the course, as it was felt that participants scoring beyond 90 per cent would not need a proficiency course. Separate arrangements were made by the Ministry to conduct a residential course for participants scoring less than 35 per cent (field notes, September 2003). Following the entrance test, the various universities would conduct separate DETE courses in 2004–2005. The course was free for the participants as a result of being funded by the World Bank. The course was proposed as a 320-hour course with the following components: Reading, Writing, Listening and Speaking, Structure of English, and Literature in the English language. 115

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Each university would prepare lesson materials independently, putting into use the knowledge that universities have gained working with the school system and the specific needs of teachers in the Sri Lankan school system. The course would be conducted on a weekly (one whole day or two afternoons of the weekend) basis (field notes, September 2003). The University of Kelaniya held one of the biggest DETE courses, with 200 participants. From the beginning, the course was designed to go beyond language teaching. This was because some of the teachers of the course felt that language proficiency alone did not account for the poor quality of English teaching in schools. It was well-known that ongoing teacher-training was rare in schools, and it was therefore decided to incorporate teacher training, foundational linguistics and presentation skills into the course in the second half, while the first half would consist of the components suggested by the Ministry. This was a space for the ELTU to utilize foreign funds towards a ‘localized’ course for teachers in local schools. Efforts were made to ‘tweak’ the course to local needs by lessons planned to integrate material and skills useful for their teaching practice. For example, the reading skills session had discussions on making reading lessons, and on how reading lessons could be taught in the schools. Lessons were designed to train teachers in various student-centred activities that could be used in large classrooms with few physical resources (field notes, December 2004). A guest lecture and follow-up sessions discussed Sri Lankan English (SLE) and its status with the participants. This was felt to be a necessary component since many teachers identified British English as the variety spoken and taught in Sri Lanka (Gunesekera, 2005). The literature section included entries from post-colonial writers, such as Shyam Selvadurai and Jhumpa Lahiri, and was taught with the intention of developing critical thinking skills as well as an appreciation of literature (field notes, February 2005).

Conclusion The DETE is an instance of the appropriation of a globalizing agency’s agenda to suit the specificities of local requirement. The vast amount of money that was made available for universities in Sri Lanka would not have been possible outside a context of coercion by the World Bank and other interested parties (such as the USA) to regress to English Only education in a multilingual country. The constant pressure to produce an English-speaking work force creates the necessary compulsion to accept the World Bank’s loans in fashioning an educational sector that is ‘relevant’ to the programmes of the agencies. However, global 116

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agencies cannot operate at ground level without the presence of local institutions which create the space for local tempering of the agenda. This space is a shifting ground that developing nations need to be able to see to utilize. The DETE saw its space for manipulation of foreign resources when planning syllabus and lessons. It also interpreted the regulations regarding the course to suit what they felt to be urgent for their own needs, which were different from those articulated by the foreign agency. This space for negotiation is visible and available when the local becomes conscious of their own agency in manipulating the near-invisible threads of influence that supra-state institutions such as the World Bank are spinning. Our stance in this chapter is to highlight the negative consequences of engaging in ELT projects which do not take into consideration the finer points of the socio-political contexts they exist in. Engagement with the activity while ignoring the ideology of the World Bank in pushing English to the forefront could result in further marginalizing speakers of Sinhala and Tamil as well as other languages in Sri Lanka. As ELT practitioners it is important that we recognize our space as a politically important space and that in a multilingual space changing the status of one language also affects the other languages. Such an awareness brings about a realization that global agendas can be pulled into shape to suit the specificities of South Asian social and cultural contexts, thereby benefiting our students.

Notes 1. TESL (Teaching English as a Second Language), TESOL (Teaching English as a Second or Other Language), TEFL (Teaching English as a Foreign Language), ESL (English as a Second Language), EAP (English for Academic Purposes), ESP (English for Special Purposes). 2. The statement that colonialism took away other forms of education should not be taken to also mean that we romanticize the problematics of previous education systems, such as a bias for males of higher caste in South Asian learning communities. 3. International schools function outside the purview of the Education Ministry, range widely in terms of quality of education and facilities offered, and offer both national and foreign secondary school examinations. Since there is no provision to found new ‘schools’ under state law, the international schools are instituted under the Companies Act of Sri Lanka and come under the purview of the Board of Investments. 4. The highest grade which can be obtained is a D (distinction; 75–100 points), which is the grade above a C (credit; 60–75 points). 5. The students of the DETE course will hereafter be termed participants, to prevent confusion between the teacher-students of the course and the teachers on the course.

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References Blake, R. (November 2006), The United States and Sri Lanka, Mutual Strategies in Development and Security, Sujata Jayawardena Memorial Oration, Colombo, Sri Lanka, available at http://srilanka.usembassy.gov/sujata.html retrieved on 20 April 2007. Canagarajah, A. S. (1999), Resisting Linguistic Imperialism in English Teaching. Oxford: OUP. —(2005a), ‘Reconstructing local knowledge, reconfiguring language studies’, in A. S. Canagarajah (ed.), Reclaiming the Local in Language Policy and Practice. London and New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 3–24. —(ed.) (2005b), Reclaiming the Local in Language Policy and Practice. London and New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Circular 2003/18, ‘Teaching in English medium’, Ministry of Human Resources Development, Education and Cultural Affaires, Battaramulla, Sri Lanka. David, M. K. and Govindasamy, S. (2005), ‘Negotiating a language policy for Malaysia: local demand for affirmative action versus challenges from globalization’, in A. S. Canagarajah (ed.), Reclaiming the Local in Language Policy and Practice. London and New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 123–146. Dharmadasa, K. N. O. (ed.) (1996), National Language Policy in Sri Lanka: 1956 to 1996. Three Studies in its Implementation. ICES Occasional Papers 6. Kandy, Sri Lanka: International Centre for Ethnic Studies. Fernando, S. (2008). ‘When is a ‘hall’ a ‘hole’?: issues and guidelines in Sri Lankan English pronunciation’, in D. Fernando and D. Mendis (eds), English for Equality, Employment, and Empowerment. Selected Paper from the 4th International Conference of the SLELTA. Colombo Sri Lanka. August 2006. Colombo: SLELTA, pp. 71–82. Gamage, S. (2008), ‘Right to education is meaningless without accountability in the public education sector’, LST Review, 18 (248), 1–8. Guillen, M. F. (2001), ‘Is globalization civilizing, destructive or feeble? A critique of five key debates in the social science literature’, Annual Review of Sociolinguistics, 27, 235–60. Gunesekera, M. (2005), The Post-Colonial Identity of Sri Lankan English. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Katha Publishers. Halpe, A. (2007), ‘Fifty years of language policy in Sri Lanka – the state of the English language’, Dialogue (NS), 34, 105–109. Henry, M., Lingard, B., Rizvi, F. and Taylor, S. (1999), ‘Working with/against globalization in education’, Journal of Education Policy, 14 (1), 85–97. IRQUE website, at www.irque.lk retrieved on 16 May 2007. Little, A. (2000), ‘Primary education in Sri Lanka: Towards a distinct identity’, in A. Little (ed.), Primary Education Reform in Sri Lanka. Battaramulla, Sri Lanka: Educational Publications Department, pp. 15–35 Lo Bianco, J. (1999), Training Teachers of Language and Culture. Melbourne: Language Australia.

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McCarty, T. L. and Zepeda, O. (1999), ‘Amerindians’, in J. Fishman (ed.), Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity. New York: OUP, pp. 197–210. Ministry of Education, Sri Lanka (2003a), ‘Historical overview of education in Sri Lanka’, at http://www.moe.gov.lk/modules.php retrieved on 16 May 2007. —(2003b), Teaching in English Medium. (Circular No: 2003/18). Ministry of Tertiary Education and Training, Sri Lanka. (2003), Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Programs (IRQUE). Quality Enhancement Program. (Guidelines for Comprehensive Proposal Submission). Colombo, Sri Lanka: Ministry of Tertiary Education and Training Obeng, S. G. and Adegbija, E. (1999), ‘Sub-Saharan Africa’, in J. Fishman (ed.), Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity. New York: OUP, pp. 353–368. Phillipson, R. (1992), Linguistic Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rajagopalan, K. (2005), ‘The language issue in Brazil: When local knowledge clashes with expert knowledge’, in A. S. Canagarajah (ed.), Reclaiming the Local in Language Policy and Practice. London and New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 99–122. Rajapakse, S. (2008), ‘The human right to education of the Vanniyala-Etto community (the forest dwellers) in Sri Lanka as an empowerment right’, LST Review, 18 (248), 16–32. Ranaweera, M. (2000), ‘Donors and primary education’, in A. Little (ed.), Primary Education Reform in Sri Lanka. Battaramulla, Sri Lanka: Educational Publications Department, pp. 190–202. Tambiah, S. J. (1992), Buddhism Betrayed?: Religion, Politics, and Violence in Sri Lanka. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. The World Bank (2007), ‘Sri Lanka Country Overview’, World Bank website, at http://web.worldbank.org/ retrieved on 16 May 2007.

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Pedagogy, Culture and Globalization in India Viniti Vaish

Chapter summary This chapter, based on a critical ethnography, analyses the processes and outcomes of recent ELT policy in India: English medium education for the urban disadvantaged in government schools. It points to the shortcomings of the postcolonial lens in analysing ELT in India, a theoretical argument outlined in the introduction to this book. Based on evidence from a government school in Delhi the author shows the strengths and weaknesses of ELT pedagogy while emphasizing the former. She explores how culture can impede pedagogical reform and how some students overcome this impediment. The chapter takes a positive stance towards the way globalization is manifested in the lives of the community in focus.

Introduction The processes of globalization were unleashed in India in 1991. According to Das (2002) that was the year that P. V. Narasimha Rao, India’s Prime Minister, implemented policies to restructure the economy from a socialist model to a more market-driven one. An indirect consequence of this is that now there is a tremendous demand for English linked to new sectors of employment emerging in metropolitan areas. Key among these sectors are those related to types of Business Processes Outsourcing (BPOs), like call centres, which are proliferating all over Delhi and its satellite cities. The demand for human resource in these sectors far exceeds supply consequently they are trying to recruit English-educated bilinguals from all social classes including the urban disadvantaged. The surging demand for English has brought about a bottom-up change in the traditional Three Language Formula (TLF), India’s language in education policy. The TLF mandates that all school-going children will learn three languages: their mother tongue, English, and either a classical language (e.g. Sanskrit) or another regional standard language which is not the mother tongue of the child. Instead of offering 120

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English only in secondary school, as required by the TLF, government schools in Delhi are offering English from nursery itself as one of the media of instruction. More importantly, though in the TLF English was taught as a second language, it is now being used as one of the media of instruction in a dual-medium program. Before this change in language in education policy, only fee-paying private schools offered 12 years of English medium education. These changes have enormous implications for teacher training, textbook creation, building teacher capacity and, of course, pedagogy. This is the story of English language pedagogy in one such school in Delhi: the Rajkiya Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalay (State Sarvodaya Girls School, henceforth RSKV) located in East Vinod Nagar. The RSKVs are a chain of government schools run by Delhi Administration which service the poorer sections of the metropolis. There are 250 Sarvodaya Schools in Delhi. These along with 1,840 other government primary schools run by the Municipal Corporation of Delhi, and other government schools like the Kendriya Vidyalayas, provide education for 75 per cent of Delhi’s children (Delhi: Human Development Report, 2006). Though there is a wealth of literature on the politics of English in India (DasGupta, 1993; Annamalai, 2001; Viswanathan, 1989; Krishnaswamy and Burde, 2004), data-rich classroom studies of English language pedagogy among diverse social strata are not prolific in international journals. For instance studies like those of Tickoo (1996) and Khubchandani (2003) are valuable insights into how bilingual children learn English but without the illustration of transcripts from classrooms. A few exceptions are Vaish (2005; 2008) who works on government schools and Bhattacharya, Gupta, Jewitt, Newfield, Reed and Stein (2007). Vaish’s work analyses one of the latest language in education changes that is taking place in India due to globalization: English as medium of instruction in dual-medium education. This change is taking place in government schools which service the majority of Indian children. Bhattacharya, Gupta, Jewitt, Newfield, Reed and Stein (2007) explore the ‘textual cycle’ at three sites, Delhi, Johannesburg and London, in Grade 9 English classrooms. The textual cycle refers to ‘the selection of texts, and the pedagogic processes and practices within which texts are embedded and through which they are realized by individual teachers’ (p. 466). The lessons observed in Delhi are from an English medium government school which services disadvantaged children, many of whom are from the lower castes. Ramanathan’s (2005) work is both highly political, situated in postcolonial theory, and founded on data from college English classes in the state of Gujarat in Western India. Though Ramanathan’s book does not use the national school system as a site of data collection I am 121

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reviewing it here because Ramanathan’s topic is the same as mine: ELT pedagogy and its cultural and political implications. However English in tertiary education does not touch the lives of the majority of Indians as only about 7 per cent of Indians enrol in colleges (Grigorenko, 2007). For the rest formal education comes to an end by Grade 12 after which they enter the workforce. Though she also emphasizes the way practitioners try to bridge the chasms between English medium and Vernacular medium education in tertiary education, Ramanathan’s story is essentially one about the divisive nature of English along the lines of class, caste and gender. For instance she points out that since many undergraduate courses, especially in the natural sciences, are offered only in English medium in Gujarat, those students who come from Vernacular medium schools find it difficult to cope and many drop out. Ironically, given the fact that only 7 per cent of Indians reach college, Ramathan is looking at a privileged social class despite the fact that some of them have come into tertiary education through the vernacular medium stream. My stance is that globalization in India is providing more equitable access to the linguistic capital of English through the subsidized national school system than has been the case in the past. I take this stance despite enormous challenges facing the new 12-year ELT policy initiative and the fact that this change is only being implemented in the major metropolises and not in rural India. The argument herein concurs with Kumaravadivelu (2002) that English language education in India must no longer be looked at from the postcolonial lens which makes it a colonial language. Rather, when looked at from the perspective of globalization, English is an empowering tool which allows the urban disadvantaged earlier and longer access to linguistic capital. However, Kumaravadivelu’s (2002) essay does not provide any data or acknowledge the latest change in the TLF which is an egalitarian initiative to supply English to the majority instead of gate-keeping it for the middle classes. In a similar position Rubdy (2008) summarizes both the postcolonial and globalization theoretical foci well. She comments that the former presents a doom and gloom picture of English in India whereas the latter supports a more positive view. The main difference between colonization and globalization, in terms of English language education in India, is that though in the former it was a top-down language policy, in the latter it is a bottom-up demand. Macaulay’s ubiquitous comment that through English medium education in India he wanted to create a workforce of petty functionaries who were English in habits has been quoted extensively precisely because of the postcolonial lens to which Indian sociolinguists are particularly partial. This prevents them from shifting the gaze to more important 122

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changes taking place in India and, to put it simply, just ‘moving on’. As the economist Gurcharan Das (2002) points out, one of the main contributions of globalization is that it is increasing the size of the middle class by including more English-knowing bilinguals from disadvantaged sections of society. What remains a challenge is improving the quality of education so that students can truly benefit from the extra 6 years of ELT. Hannum and Fuller (2006) show that in the field of the Sociology of Education there are studies demonstrating that social class and not school reform is the main reason for differential academic achievement and life pathways. However they also emphasize that there are equally convincing studies that point towards school reform that can break the deterministic constraints of social class. This chapter is a story about how students are trying to break this cycle of social reproduction.

Site and data collection The RSKV, East Vinod Nagar The RSKV of East Vinod Nagar is located on a main road immediately after a bustling market, two Hindu temples and a large Gurdwara (place of worship for Sikhs). Facing the school are government housing blocks and behind the school a labyrinth of lanes constituting the Mandavalli slum. The only transport into these narrow lanes, where most of the children who attend this school live, is a cycle rickshaw or a two wheeled scooter. The RSKV has two streams: the Hindi and English medium. There are two sections for each class, A and B, one Hindi and the other English medium. For the English medium classes, Science, Maths and English are in English and Hindi and Social Studies (SSt) are in Hindi. For the Hindi medium sections Science and Maths are also in Hindi and the children study English as a second language thrice a week. The teachers of the A and B sections of one class are considered ‘partners’ and divide the subjects among themselves. The home language of most of the children is standard Hindi though some speak either Punjabi, or a dialect of Hindi. The Muslim children speak mainly Urdu and Punjabi at home. From class 6 to 12 the students have to take a third language which is taught every day for 40 minutes. The RSKV offers a choice of Sanskrit, Urdu and Punjabi as third languages. The children who attend the RSKV live in the slums of Mandavalli. Only a few come from government housing in front of the school. The household income of the children in such schools is about Rupees 5,000 per month (USD 100/mo). The fathers of the children, most of whom have had education till secondary school, are involved in work 123

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like chauffeuring, carpentry or other skilled manual labour. Many of the mothers have not had formal schooling; some have had schooling till secondary school. A sizable number of children are first generation learners and neither of their parents have had formal schooling.

Data collection I collected data from the RSKV from January 2000 till December 2006. The data consist of observations of 26 lessons in all the grades for a varying number of hours (a double period is nearly 2 hours; revision classes don’t have a set time). As least one English language lesson in each of the grades from 1–12 was observed. In addition there are 30 interviews with parents, teachers, students, policymakers, and agents/management in one call centre, each ranging from half an hour to about 1 hour. The data are in the form of audio and video files, field notes, photos, literacy artefacts in and out of the classroom, training materials from the call centre, and text books with students’ notes written in.

Presentation of transcripts My method of transcription is based on Johnstone (2000) in that I look at broad patterns in teacher and student talk. Johnstone (2000: 115) calls this the ‘play script’ way of transcribing where the minutiae of conversation like overlaps or latching have been omitted. Transcription is always a partial representation of talk because it involves choices on both practical and theoretical bases. ‘This way of transcribing the excerpt makes it look as if one person had spoken at a time, waiting to start until the last person was finished and there was a pause’ (Johnstone, 2000: 115). The reason for this choice in transcription is because the focus of my attention is on broad patterns in pedagogy discernable from large data sets for which, as Johnstone emphasizes, microscopic Conversational Analysis is not suitable. In each of the three transcripts that follow Hindi is transliterated in italics, English is shown in standard font and translations are in brackets. The reader should keep in mind that transliteration of Hindi in Roman script is not standardized. All names are pseudonyms.

Describing pedagogic practice Transcript 1: 8 April 2004, Grade 3 Mrs. Amarjeet is teaching Grade 3 a lesson from their English text book called ‘Keep Fit Miss’. The lesson is about a girl called Cheena 124

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who has been selected for the school play but falls sick before the final performance. 1

Mrs. Amarjeet

Main read karoongi. Aap sunna. Main Hindi mein bhee bolongi. Theek hia? Samajh mein aa gaya? Baat nahin karoge. Bas sunoge. Keep fit miss (I will read. You listen. I will also speak in Hindi. OK? Have you understood? No talking. Only listening. Keep fit miss.)

2

Class

Keep fit miss

3

Mrs. Amarjeet

I have

4

Class

I have

5

Mrs. Amarjeet

Good news

6

Class

Good news

7

Mrs. Amarjeet

Mere paas ek achchi khabar hai. Cheena aai aur boli Mummy Mummy ek achchi khabar hai. What is it? (I have good news. Cheena came and said, ‘Mummy Mummy, there is good news.’ What is it?)

Transcript 2: 15 October 2005, Grade 12 Mrs. Renu, English teacher for Grade 12 (Commerce stream) is teaching essay writing. She has chosen a topic from an article in The Times of India on how the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) is planning to go soft in marking spelling mistakes in the upcoming exams. CBSE will concentrate more on content. The assignment is to write an essay, called ‘guided composition’ by the teachers in RSKV, on this topic.

1

Mrs. Renu

I have already given you verbal inputs. Actually this topic is related to these children only. Achcha aur kisne kiya hai (yes and who has done this)? So let us discuss this topic. So you are a reporter from The Times of India and now you have to write that

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report to jo headings maine aapko diye the . . . (so those headings that I had given you . . .)

2

Class

3

Mrs. Renu

She turns to the board and starts to write the headings. As a group of overlapping voices the class gives her the headings. Now as a reporter we had a discussion. And what were the parts of the discussion? Uske aapko jo verbal inputs diye the those were . . . first kyat tha? Ye hammara introduction part hua. Ok? The report will be done in three parts. That is the introductory part. Introduction. Introduction is nothing but the title. Aapne koi bhi topic le liya . . . Iske baad jo aapka ayega . . . Next part would be content. So you write the name of the reporter over here. Uske baad ‘New Delhi’. Thiik hai? Yahaan likhne ke baad line lagaa deni hai. Ye jo hai, this part carries . . . Yeh aapka one mark ka hota hai. Uske baad jo aapka main part hai . . . this is the content. Yeh aapka main part hai. Aur iske marks hote hain, content ke, 4 marks hote hain. Thiik hai? Expression carries 5 marks. Total 10 marks. (Now as a reporter we had a discussion. And what were the parts of the discussion? For that you were give ‘verbal inputs’ and those were . . . what was the first? This is our introduction part. OK? The report will be done in three parts. That is the introduction part. Introduction. Introduction is nothing but the title. You can take any topic . . . after this you will have . . . next part would be content. So you write the name of the reporter over here. After that ‘New Delhi’. OK? After this you must draw a line. This is the part that carries . . . this is for 1 mark. This is your content part. And for this the marks are, for content, there are 4 marks. OK? Expression carries 5 marks. Total 10 marks)

Transcript 3: 17 October 2006, Grade 11 In this transcript Mrs. Charu is teaching Grade 11 a lesson from the English text book about Albert Einstein. This transcript, which is from a video, is coded for the wait time of the teacher. 126

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1

Mrs. Charu

And what did he tell him? Silence: 3 seconds What did he tell him? Silence: 10 seconds Bolo (Speak) Silence: 8 seconds What did he say? Silence: 3 seconds Did he compliment him? Did he say well done? You have given a very honest answer? Instead what did he say? Silence: 3 seconds Look in your books and tell.

2

Student

Get your father to take you out of the school.

3

Mrs. Charu

4

Class

Haan (yes). Get your father to take you out of the school. And ask him to follow the Albert Einstein theory of education. So when he says that what is he doing? Silence: 18 seconds. Kya tone adopt kar rahaa hai? Kiss tone mein baat kar rahaa hai vo? Shabaashi de rehaa hai? (What tone is he adopting? What tone is he talking in? Is he congratulating the child?) No Ma’am.

5

Mrs. Charu

6

Class

To kya kar rehaa hai? Ek word use kia hai usne. Lekhak ne ek word use kia hai. Startingwith ‘s’. (So what is he saying? He has used a word. The writer has used a word. Starting with ‘s’.) Silence: 5 seconds. Top line mein word hai. Kya word hai? (In the top line. What is the word?) Sarcasm

7

Mrs. Charu

Sarcasm. What is sarcasm?

8

Student 2

Gussa, naraazgi (anger, anger)

9

Mrs. Charu

Gussa, naaraazgi kuch aur? Ek mocking tone istemaal karne ki koshish kar reha hai. Taunt karne ki koshish kar rehaa hai. Isn’t it? Agar teacher directly aapko gusse mein kuch bolta hai, uska meaning kuch aur hota hai. Agar teacher kuch aur tone mein baat karta hai . . . agar aap properly dress up hoke nahi

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aaye. Aapke baal nahin bane hain. Agar teacher bole badi heroine ban ke aayi ho. Is it the same as directly scolding the child? It’s not. That is sarcasm. (Anger, anger, anything else? He is trying to use a mocking tone. He is trying to taunt. Isn’t it? If the teacher says something directly to you in anger that has a different meaning. If the teacher speaks in a different tone . . . If you have not come properly dressed. Your hair is not combed. If the teacher says ‘you have come like a heroine’. Is it the same as directly scolding the child? It’s not. That is sarcasm.)

Discussing culturally contextualized pedagogy Choral recitation In Transcript 1, where Mrs. Amarjeet is teaching Grade 3, from turns 1–6 (and onwards in my full transcript) the class is engaged in choral recitation. This recitation is loud, high pitched and its echoes ring through the verandahs of the school signifying an on-task class. In an interview at the end of this lesson Mrs. Amarjeet described her pedagogy. She tells the class to read the lesson at home but most of them do not do so. Because the children do not hear any English in their homes and neighbourhoods Mrs. Amarjeet insists on this reading practice so that students can hear the pronunciation and model it after her through choral recitation. From the perspective of ELT in communities where English is taught and learned as a first language choral recitation might look like mindless chanting without comprehension. However, this is a culturally situated pedagogy that is ecologically harmonious with the contexts of biliteracy that the children bring to the classroom (Hornberger, 2003). In the oral-literate continuum, which is part of the media of biliteracy, both ends are highly respected in the Indian context. The Vedic and Koranic traditions valorize correct pronunciation and chanting of shlokas or verses. In Amarjeet’s classroom we see a pedagogic practice that is rooted in a 5,000 year old tradition of chanting and ‘learning’ which in this case is practising enunciation through repetition. Thus Alexander (2000) rightly comments that there is a longevity in culturally situated pedagogies that can be seen in many countries even in today’s classrooms. Martha Wright (2001) finds a similar pedagogy in the Grade 1 and 2 classrooms of Ghinda, Eritrea, and concludes that analysing such a practice from a Western lens is not constructive. Pedagogic practice of choral recitation, according to Wright, allows the children to practice new words, encourages discipline, fosters camaraderie 128

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and creates a non-evaluative forum where the child is not scared to practice saying new words. No doubt there are differences between the pedagogy of choral recitation in ELT and learning through the chanting of shlokas in Sanskrit. One of the differences is that perfect pronunciation is imperative in Sanskrit. According to the Vedas if the shlokas are pronounced correctly then they have immense power, to the extent that they can make a god or goddess appear. Amarjeet is not correcting the pronunciation of the children; however she is providing a forum for children, who hardly use English outside the classroom, to practise saying and hearing English words.

Translation Simultaneous translation is central to pedagogy in the primary classes. This practice changes in the higher classes showing a systematic developmental sequence. In Transcript 1, turn 7, Mrs. Amarjeet interrupts the rhythm of the recitation and translates what the children have just recited. Mrs. Amarjeet has already assured her class in turn 1 that ‘Main Hindi mein bhee boloongi’ meaning ‘I will also translate/speak in Hindi.’ Throughout this lesson Amarjeet keeps interrupting the recitation to translate. Ramanathan (1999) has pointed out that the pedagogy of translation disenfranchises students as it inhibits communicative competence which is a requirement of the workplace. Though this argument is borne out my research, the situation is complex because the pedagogy valorizing translation is the result of culturally contextualized teacher belief. The following comment by Mrs. Dhingra, a high school English teacher, elucidates this:

I’m in favor of translation method. . . . Go from known to unknown. But you cannot go from unknown to known. Small communication is OK. What’s your name. My name is . . . Rattafication* can be done at this level. But not when you have to answer ‘why’ questions. I tell you even though our girls are passing English by taking 35 marks or 38 marks but they cannot utter even a single sentence of their own. They cannot face any interview because they don’t think in English. But they know how to think in Hindi. If they know how to translate that would have been better for them. I don’t think in government school we can do without translation method…. (March 15, 2005). * Hybrid word made from ‘ratta’ in Hindi meaning rote learning fused with the English suffix ‘fication’. Such hybrid words are common in the informal speech of Hindi–English bilinguals.

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Here Mrs. Dhingra explains why she uses the translation method. She says that students find it easier to go from the known which in this case is Hindi, to the unknown – English. Her view of rote learning is that it can aid in simple communicative events. However if the student is asked a ‘why’ question, which is a more challenging communicative event, rote learning is not adequate. Here translation can be quite helpful as the student can think through the answer in Hindi and then translate. This is the pedagogy of ‘postmethodism’ in which teachers develop their own pedagogical paradigms given the cultural contexts within which they have to work (Kumaravadivelu, 1994). More importantly postmethodism ruptures ‘the role relationship between theorizers and practitioners by . . . encouraging teachers to theorize from their practice. . . ‘ (Kumaravadivelu, 2002: 56), which is what Mrs. Dhingra is doing. One of the challenges for this new English medium policy for schools is the competence of the teacher herself. Though Mrs. Charu has excellent fluency in Hindi and English, Mrs. Dhirgra is not so confident in English though both are Trained Graduate Teachers (TGTs). Mrs. Dhingra admits: Mein jhooth nahin boloongi. Kuch words mejhe bhi nahi samajh mein aate. Antaryami to hum bhi nahin hain. I used to keep a dictionary with me. (March 15, 2005) (I will not lie. Some words even I don’t know. I am not the ‘all knowing’. I used to keep a dictionary with me.)

However, even teachers who are fluent in English, like Mrs. Charu, agree with the recommendations of Mrs. Dhingra about using the translation method.

Mother tongue as resource There is no simultaneous translation in the high school classes of Mrs. Renu and Charu (Transcripts 2 and 3) as there is in the primary class of Mrs. Amarjeet (Transcript 1). However, Hindi is used in higher classes to explain key lexical items. For instance in Transcript 3 Mrs. Charu thinks it is important for the class to know the exact meaning of the word ‘sarcasm’. In turn 8 the class has offered two words as synonyms of ‘sarcasm’, one in Hindi (Gussa) and one in Urdu (Naraazgi) both of which mean ‘anger’. Mrs. Charu does not accept this. In turn 9 she switches to Hindi and weaves a narrative about a girl who comes to school untidily dressed and is taunted by her teacher. Through this narrative Mrs. Charu leads her class to a more precise meaning of the word ‘sarcasm’. This pedagogy of emphasizing word meanings is also 130

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documented by Bhattacharya et al. (2007). The easing off of simultaneous translation from primary to high school in the RSKV shows a change in pedagogy as teachers try to match the enhanced listening skills of the learner.

Teacher centredness The teacher frontedness of these classrooms is apparent from the fact that the students do not produce extended oral narratives, ask detailed questions in either Hindi or English or control classroom talk. For instance in Transcript 1 Mrs. Amarjeet controls and guides student talk through choral recitation. In the interview soon after this class Mrs. Amarjeet explains that after she has translated the entire lesson in Hindi, she makes the children underline the difficult words, gives them the Hindi meanings of the words and makes them memorize the same. Thereafter she starts the question and answers. First she translates the question and supplies the answer in Hindi. Then she writes the answers on the board in English and makes the children copy into their notebooks. In this literacy practice the children make numerous mistakes which she corrects. Finally Mrs. Amarjeet makes the class memorize the answers (8 April 2004). Similarly in the case of writing a composition Mrs. Renu has full control. In Transcript 2 she tells the class how they must approach this essay. In turn 1 the first point Mrs. Renu makes is about the writer’s voice emphasizing that they must assume the persona of a reporter. She goes on to write the main parts of the essay on the board which she has already supplied to the class in the form of ‘verbal inputs’. In turn 2 Mrs. Renu explains what should be the parts of the essay down to the minutest detail. She tells the class how they must write their name and where they must draw a line. All this the class copies into their note books. She emphasizes the marks for each part of the essay so that the class can prepare accordingly. This ‘guided composition’ is very different from process writing where the student has ownership and control of her writing. The reasons why process writing is not possible in schools like the RSKV were explained to me by Mrs. Charu (October 18, 2006). Most of the composition topics that appear in the exam are available in the form of readymade study guides, many of which are full of grammatical and content errors. The students buy these guides where all the questions are answered, then memorize and regurgitate them in the exam. Given this literacy practice which is entrenched among students Mrs. Charu prefers to do the ‘guided composition’ in class. In this method though all the key points in the content of the essay and the main vocabulary 131

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are provided by the teacher the students do write the composition by themselves. Thus they learn more and produce a better essay than they would have had they only used study guides. Using process writing in classes like those of the RSKV will disenfranchise and alienate the children as ‘From the point of view of these student groups and communities, process methods are based on the linguistic needs of the dominant community (in L1 contexts) whose students have the required codes/skills and simply need to develop higher level skills of usage through active interaction and participation’ (Canagarajah, 2002: 139). Similarly Delpit (2001) rightly points out that children in disadvantaged groups lack the physical resources, like the requisite texts and audio-visual aids, and the very codes required to participate in such pedagogies. Thus they first need a firm grounding in basic skills, which may in fact be through product-oriented literacy practices. There is minimal student participation in the RSKV classrooms. In Transcript 3 I have coded the wait time of the teacher to show that though she has adequate wait time, the students still do not participate. In turn 1 of this transcript Mrs. Charu asks, ‘And what did he tell him?’, referring to what the teacher said to Albert Einstein. Despite waiting first for 3 seconds, then repeating the question and waiting for 10 seconds, Mrs. Charu does not get a response. She does not get the desired response even after she gives a prompt in Hindi, ‘bolo’ (speak), which signals that she is open to answers in any language, and waits for another 8 seconds. At this point she offers a list of possible answers in the form of questions: ‘Did he compliment him?’ etc. and then gets a short oral response from a student who reads a line from the text book. Teacher centredness is part of Indian pedagogic culture where the teacher is considered a guru and there is a hierarchical distance between teacher and student. In the RSKV the students follow many aspects of the guru–shishya relationship, for instance, in misty winter mornings I have seen girls sweeping the area between buildings to keep the school clean as was the practice in ‘gurukuls’. Also, it is not uncommon for teachers to send the students out for various errands like bringing tea. When a teacher addresses a student in the corridors the child stands respectfully with her hands behind her back. Mrs. Lalita, a high school English teacher who has been working in this RSKV for over 10 years, reports that often ex-students come into the school and touch her feet as a mark of respect for all the knowledge that she has given them.

Tensions between educational goals and outcomes Culturally contextualized pedagogies like choral recitation, translation, guided compositions and teacher centredness have the drawback 132

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of not developing communicative competence in students. Mrs. Charu agrees that the school has not equipped students with communicative competence for the workplace. The students confirm this as many of them have told me: ‘Ma’am hame English aati hai par hum bol naheen sakte’ (Ma’am we know/understand English but cannot speak it). However many of the graduates take an English-speaking course after school and improve tremendously. Thus according to Mrs. Charu schools like the RSKV do provide the necessary and sufficient conditions on the basis of which students with initiative and resources can buy training packages in English communicative competence outside school (October 17, 2006). As such, since English medium education from primary school onwards is a relatively new policy initiative, Mrs. Charu thinks it is empowering for disadvantaged students who used to have access to English only in secondary school. The English teachers I have interviewed often compare their English medium with Hindi medium students; the latter start English only in Grade 6. In these comparisons the teachers report that the 6 extra years have greatly improved the listening, reading and writing skills of their English medium students. For instance though they are able to let go the scaffolding of translation in the higher classes of the English medium stream, they are unable to do so for the Hindi medium. The concern of teachers like Mrs. Charu is that despite 6 extra years of English language learning the government school system is unable to provide high quality communicative competence in English.

Supplementing English provided by the school A graduate of the RSKV, Vimla, has taken such an English-speaking course. Vimla’s father, who earns less than Rupees 5,000 per month (USD 100/mo), is a cook in an Army Officers’ Mess. Her mother, a homemaker, has not had formal schooling. When Vimla graduated from school in 2003 she immediately joined The British School of Language in South Extension, New Delhi. This was a 3-month course and she joined to improve her spoken English. In The British School of Language they started with grammar, went on to vocabulary and then taught spoken English through topic-based group discussions. Vimla improved a lot while taking the course but thereafter she regressed as she did not have the opportunity to use what she had learned. The course cost Rupees 2,500 which Vimla saved from the online marketing job that she has on weekends. To get this online marketing job Vimla first had to take a computer course. Vimla reports that the English she has learned in her school is adequate because during this computer course she did not have any problem understanding the 133

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content which was mainly in English though the instructor also used Hindi when necessary. Vimla’s income is currently nearly double that of her father. She not only helps with the expenses of their house but also bears the cost of educating her three younger siblings. Though it is not possible to generalize from this one case, Vimla’s story is an illustration of the empowering nature of language policy in the RSKV (28, 29 March 2005). Dev, whose late father was an auto-rickshaw driver, is a computer operator in the general office of a middle-class condominium in Delhi. He graduated from the Government Boys Secondary School in Nandnagar. Dev always liked English; it was and still is his favourite subject. He writes a personal diary in English, and reads The Times of India, an English daily. As he was not satisfied with his spoken English Dev joined an English-speaking class for 5 months in St Stephens Hospital where he had a part time job when he was in high school. In this class he learned to speak English through a text book called ‘English in Context’. Like Vimla, Dev reports that he improved tremendously in spoken English during those 5 months. However in his current job all the speaking is in Hindi, though most of his writing is in English, thus his spoken English has deteriorated. Dev aspires to work in a bank and is saving up money to take another English-speaking course (24 September 2005).

Reforming pedagogy The pedagogies of the RSKV emphasize choral recitation, translation, the ‘indirect method’, and product-oriented literacy in a teacher-fronted classroom. On the other hand the non-formal sector like The British School of Language uses different pedagogies like topic-based group discussions which provided Vimla with communicative competence in English. There is, though, an issue with the sustainability of this new found communicative competence because both Vimla and Dev report that after their course they experienced attrition in their communicative skills. Despite the fact that English is still largely learned for instrumental purposes by Indians, its uses have changed. Tickoo (1996) comments that English is a library language which prepares Indian students for going on to tertiary institutes; this was certainly true in the previous decades. As such the pedagogies of the RSKV were perfectly suited to the students’ educational needs. However, in a globalizing economy new employment sectors like Business Processes Outsourcing (BPOs) and the fast growing fitness industry, all require communicative competence in English. 134

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How can pedagogy in the national school system be reformed when it is not only entrenched due to teacher belief but also culturally contextualized? Discussing large-scale intervention focused on pedagogical reforms in the District Primary Education Program (DPEP) which covered almost half the districts in India, Clark comments ‘An outcome of the cultural constructedness of teacher thinking and teaching is the embeddedness of practice and its resistance to change’ (2003: 29). The DPEP was implemented in 226 districts in 18 states in India. Clark’s paper focuses on intervention in the Kolar district of the southern state of Karnataka. On the basis of a massive dataset – survey results, interviews with 234 teachers and observations of their math and language lessons, Clark hypothesizes that four cultural constructs underlie pedagogic practice in India: holism, Karmic duty, hierarchy of relationships e.g. the guru–shishya relationship, and a view of knowledge that it is accumulated then transmitted. A holistic world view accepts regulation and rules of interdependence as the natural order of things. Karma, a difficult word to translate, refers to a set of duties that every individual must follow in his/her capacity as parent, wife, student, etc. In this case it is the karma or duty of the teacher towards his/her students that is in focus. Of these constructs results of the DPEP show that only holism and conceptions of karmic duty are conducive to reform while the other two are resistant to change. Due to a holistic world view teachers are open to change and are willing to be regulated by the state. They do not see the intervention as something to be resisted. The intervention in the DPEP required the teachers to use teaching aids instead of textbooks and introduce tasks which would create an atmosphere of joyful learning. Though the teachers did this due to the hierarchical nature of social relations in India, they had a problem in socializing with the children on an equal footing. In another program the Central Institute of Education in New Delhi is trying to reform pedagogy by training teachers in new interactional patterns for the bilingual classroom. In interviews with Professor Anita Rampal (17, 18 June 2005) I learned that the Central Institute of Education, at Delhi University runs an innovative program initiated in 1994 called the Bachelors of Education in Elementary Education. Dr. Rampal’s view is that reform in teacher training must be indigenized and grounded in local practices instead of being imported from English-speaking countries. This bilingual program in English and Hindi offers courses on language and education and language across the curriculum which sensitize teacher trainees to linguistic, age and income disparities in the classroom. In an innovative course called ‘Theatre in Education’, teachers are trained to use gestures and facial 135

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expressions in the primary school English classroom to communicate. Professor Rampal, who has been instrumental in designing the program, agrees that the mother tongue is essential for the bilingual classroom and that the teachers of the RSKV are doing a good job. However, she also asserts that this pedagogy can be improved and recommends that instead of relying totally on translation, teachers should add theatre to their pedagogical repertoire to communicate with children. Teacher training for the primary English class, in a program that develops communicative competence in the target language and not merely skills so that English remains a library language, is a challenge for the Indian education system. There is a need to create pedagogical realignment because globalization has changed the needs of English language learners. The needs of learners in postcolonial India, which had a socialist economy, were not as tightly coupled with the market as they are now in an era of globalization. At the same time the enduring effects of culture and its resistance to change cannot be ignored. Research from Hong Kong shows that even after 20 years of communicative language teaching in primary and secondary schools, children in Hong Kong are not known for their communicative ability in English. Ironically the pedagogical reasons provided are exactly what I have found in India: teacher-fronted classrooms valorizing the transmission mode of knowledge dissemination (Luk, 2005). Thus what is required is not importing Communicative Language Teaching methodology but devising new methods based on local knowledge which is what The Central Institute of Education is attempting.

Conclusion This chapter has shown how globalization, and its key sub-process for Applied Linguists, increasing use of English as medium of instruction, is manifested in the everyday lives of the urban disadvantaged. I have pointed to the shortcomings of the postcolonial lens in analysing English language education in India because this lens tends to present a doom and gloom view of the divisive nature of English in India. This chapter has discussed some of the latest trends in ELT in India with specific reference to the government school system which services the urban disadvantaged, and indeed, the vast majority of Indian children. The specific language in education policy of providing ELT in a dual medium program in government schools from primary school onwards is barely 10 years old. The pedagogies are culturally contextualized in the linguistic ecology of the RSKV; however, the problem is that they do not lead to the educational outcomes expected by the students and their parents in terms of communicative competence in English. Graduating 136

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students have to supplement the English provided by the school with communicative skills, which they learn through non-formal education. This sociolinguistic situation demands pedagogical realignment, where pedagogy capitalizes on the strengths of both the communicative and more traditional methods of ELT. This is a challenge within the national school system though the Central Institute of Education is making some progress towards this end. Though this paper has taken a positive stance towards globalization with a focus on how this economic process has indirectly resulted in increased access to the linguistic capital of English, I am well aware of the limitations herein. First, this increased access is only for the urban disadvantaged and does not include the rural poor. Secondly, the cases of Vimla and Dev are not generalizable to all who graduate from schools like the RSKV. The expectations of disadvantaged children are that communicative competence will be taught within the school, not outside. My purpose has been to highlight the good news stories while keeping the problems in full view.

References Alexander, R. (2000), Culture and Pedagogy: International Comparisons in Primary Education. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Annamalai, E. (2001), ‘Managing multilingualism in India: political and linguistic manifestations’, in Singh and Dasgupta (eds), Language and Development – Vol. 8. New Delhi: Sage. Bhattacharya, R., Gupta, S., Jewitt, C., Newfield, D., Reed, Y. and Stein, P. (2007), ‘The policy-practice nexus in English classrooms in Delhi, Johannesburg, and London: teachers and the “textual cycle” ’, TESOL Quarterly, 41 (3), 463–487. Canagarajah, S. A. (2002), ‘Globalization, methods, and practice in periphery classrooms’, in D. Block and D. Cameron (eds), Globalization and Language Teaching. London: Routledge, pp. 134–151. Clark, P. (2003), ‘Culture and classroom reform: the case of the district primary education project, India’, Comparative Education, 39 (1), 27–44. Das, G. (2002), India Unbound: The Social and Economic Revolution from Independence to the Global Information Age. New York: Anchor Books. Dasgupta, P. (1993), The Otherness of English: India’s Auntie Tongue Syndrome. New Delhi: Sage. Delhi: Human Development Report 2006. New Delhi: OUP. Delpit, L. D. (2001), ‘The silenced dialogue: power and pedagogy in educating other people’s children,’ in K. Halasek and N. P. Highberg (eds), Landmark Essays on Basic Writing. New Jersey: Lawrence Earlbaum Associates, pp. 83–101.

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Grigorenko, E. L. (2007), ‘Hitting, missing, and in between: a typology of the impact of western education on the non-western world’, Comparative Education, 43 (1), 165–186. Hannum, E. and Fuller, B. (eds) (2006), ‘Children’s lives and schooling across societies’, in Research in Sociology of Education, Vol. 15. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Hornberger, N. H. (ed.) (2003), Continua of Biliteracy: An Ecological Framework for Educational Policy, Research, and Practice in Multilingual Settings. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Johnstone, B. (2000), Qualitative Methods in Sociolinguistics. New York: Oxford University Press. Khubchandani, L. (2003), ‘Defining mother tongue education in plurilingual contexts’, Language Policy, 2, 239–254. Krishnaswamy, N. and Burde, A. S. (1998), The Politics of Indians’ English: Linguistic Colonialism and the Expanding Empire. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kumaravadivelu, B. (1994), ‘The postmethod condition: (e)merging strategies for second/foreign language teaching’, TESOL Quarterly, 28 (1), 27–48. —(2002), ‘From coloniality to globality: (re)visioning English language education in India’, Indian Journal of Applied Linguistics, 28 (2), 45–61. Luk, J. C. M. (2005), ‘Voicing the ‘self’ through an “other” language: exploring communicative language teaching for global communication’, in S. A. Canagarajah (ed.), Reclaiming the Local in Language Policy and Practice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, pp. 247–269. Ramanathan, V. (1999), ‘English is here to stay: A critical look at institutional and educational practices in India’, TESOL Quarterly, 33 (2), 211–31. Ramanathan, V. (2005), The English-Vernacular Divide: Postcolonial Language Politics and Practice. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Rubdy, R. (2008), ‘English in India: The privilege and privileging of social class’, in P. K. W. Tan and R. Rubdy (eds), Language as Commodity: Global Structures, Local Marketplaces. London: Continuum, pp. 122–145. Tickoo, M. L. (1996), ‘English in Asian bilingual education from hatred to harmony’, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 17 (2–4), 225–240. Vaish, V. (2005), ‘A peripherist view of English as a language of decolonization in post-colonial India’, Language Policy, 4 (2), 187–206. —(2008), Biliteracy and Globalization: English Language Education in India. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Viswanathan, G. (1989), Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Wright, M. W. (2001), ‘More than just chanting: multilingual literacies, ideology and teaching methodologies in rural Eritrea’, in B. Street (ed.), Literacy and Development: Ethnographic Perspectives. London: Routledge, pp. 61–78.

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Flows of Technology: Mandarin in Cyberspace Shouhui Zhao

Chapter summary Since the mid-1980s a series of language planning (henceforth LP) measures have been taken in the official discourse to make the Chinese language (henceforth CL) and its writing system adaptable to the new technological environment. This chapter is about the impact of globalization on the survival of CL and culture in the digital era. It focuses on the Chinese government’s efforts to enable CL to keep up with technological developments and making the traditional heritage, inherent in Chinese characters, flourish in cyberspace. The outcome of these efforts will determine whether CL reaches its potential as an international language. This chapter shows that, while on the one hand, globalization has brought about an unprecedented potential for the spread of CL, on the other hand, the information technology revolution, the major manifestation of globalization, has posed a serious challenge to CL’s growth in power and influence. Drawing upon the perspectives of LP, I explore the socio-political and cultural implications intertwined with the official efforts to tackle the conflict occurring between the latest technological advances and the world’s oldest surviving writing system.

Introduction Globalization is a highly complex process that has made an enormous impact on multidimensional aspects of human life; one salient aspect of these dimensions is linguistic life, as the strong globalizing and unifying tendencies of social and cultural life are bound to find their expressions in remaking the prowess of modern language. In this chapter, the impact of globalization on the digital survival of CL is being examined for two reasons. On the one hand, globalization has brought about an unprecedented potential for the spread of CL and culture along with China’s rise as an economic and political power. This topic has been discussed in detail by Goh Yeng Seng and Lim Seok Lai in another chapter in this book. On the other hand, the technology revolution has 139

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posed a serious challenge to CL’s growth in power and influence. This is simply because a language lacking a strong presence in the borderless information flow cannot be called a language with international influence in an increasingly digitalized world. Barriers to the growth and spread of CL vary according to different modes: spoken and written. Although at the turn of the last century CL has seen a successful transformation from its classical to a modern form through a vernacularization movement, its writing system has run into a never-ending struggle with the latest technological advances. Ever since the computer’s advent, the Chinese IT industry has been plagued by immense constraints from the deficiencies of the Chinese character (hanzi) writing system. Specifically, hanzi’s ineffectiveness in computer input and online transmission, the major stumbling blocks for processing information in Chinese, has hindered the development potential of China’s IT industry (e.g., Li, 2003). Faced with this technological impasse in an increasingly digitalized world, a number of hurdles concerning the CL writing system must be overcome before it can become sufficiently computer-friendly to grow beyond its geopolitical borders. Broadly speaking, the conflict between computers and hanzi occurs at two levels. The first level concerns modern hanzi that are currently in use, the so-called ‘characters-in-use’. The second level involves archaic characters, including two major types of characters: one being paper-based characters, that is, characters existing in classical texts, which have become obsolete in modern life, also known as ‘characters-in-storage’. The other type is the antique scripts, found on a wide range of non-paper writing mediums such as animal bones, bamboo slips, stone tablets and metal utensils that were preserved and handed down through Chinese history, or discovered/unearthed in modern times. Unlike paper-based characters that have a somewhat standardized form, these antique handwritten characters, albeit their multifarious forms are scattered in a variety of ancient artefacts and objects, have played a vital role in preserving Chinese traditional heritage and indigenous knowledge. Thus, making them electronically accessible in a computer ubiquitous world has attracted increasing interest from both professional individuals and relevant governmental institutions. In this chapter, while I will focus on the first-level conflict between computerization and the modern Chinese hanzi, the more complex task of digitalizing antique hanzi is also treated as an integral part of the ongoing efforts of resurrecting and spreading Chinese culture in cyberspace. Related to this issue, the regional collaborative efforts in encoding Chinese characters in cyberspace – an issue that will affect Chinese-mediated data transmission over the international network – is 140

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also explored from a multilingual computing perspective. These ideas are discussed within a language-planning framework in which various countries that use forms of Chinese characters, like China, Japan and Taiwan, are seen to be in political and cultural conflict with each other.

Hanzi and technology Hanzi is a writing system characterized by enormous physical variations, a complex structure and an instability in the total number of characters. These features make the Chinese writing system one of the most difficult scripts for mechanical application. Its existence and transmission in cyberspace is realized by the two opposing processes of inputting and outputting. The first is a process to input hanzi into computers through encoding or reproducing either hanzi’s structural components or sounds. The other is the outputting process, which involves decoding the input or encoded hanzi digitally, so it can be represented and viewed or displayed via the optical hardware. To ensure the processing cycle runs efficiently and smoothly, humans are required to abide by a series of protocols and conventions. For instance, an inaccurate spelling of the pronunciation or a wrongly placed ordering of hanzi components would result in reproducing uncommitted characters, or simply end up as a failed operation. In terms of outputting, if the same hanzi is represented in different code systems on different application platforms, the decoding process will be impossible. As will be seen in the subsequent discussions, this is what is happening to Chinese character users today, despite great efforts by both Chinese-speaking IT professionals and their international counterparts in unifying the coding systems developed in the East Asian hemisphere since the 1970s. In discussing the difficulties encountered in encoding and decoding hanzi in cyberspace, Zhao and Baldauf (2008) conclude that Chongma and Luanma are the two main quandaries for hanzi computerization. The former can be defined as accidental homophonic occurrence in hanzi computer input, typically found when using phonetic input programs, the dominant input method for entering hanzi into a computer. The latter refers to a string of unintelligible gibberish that occurs when hanzi are decoded by different platform applications or during the transmission of Chinese-encoded information over international electronic telecommunication networks. Chinese scientists embarked upon the hanzi computer input problem at the end of the 1970s. It is no exaggeration to say that there is probably no other country besides China that has spent a comparable amount of money and brainpower on just inputting its script into the computer. 141

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During the 1980s and the 1990s, there were no less than half a million people engaged in devising input schemes, and every fortnight a new scheme came into being, resulting in an effect of ‘input scheme pollution’ (Mair, 1991). As a result, consumers have to choose from a bewildering variety of schemes if they want to type characters on their PCs. Various self-defined standards of hanzi, pinyin (the official phonetic transliteration system of Chinese characters in Romanization) and keyboard arrangements by maverick input scheme devisers have exacerbated public confusion and resentment. As pointed out by Zhao and Baldauf (2008), it is not uncommon that the same character is described in different ways in the classroom, in the dictionary and on the keyboard; or that the same hanzi component is named differently by different groups of people. Students feel particularly lost when they are trying to reproduce characters on the computer with ideograph-based input programs, because the operating procedure required by software vendors is different from the writing knowledge and writing convention they were taught in the classroom. Even for more typical phonetic input systems, or sound-based systems, users hit a snag, because of variability in pronunciation. Understandably, this chaotic state is blamed on not having a standardized public norm. This situation of a plethora of co-existing incompatible schemes, each with its supporters and detractors, has created chaos in the IT industry. After a confusing situation of nearly a decade during the 1980s and 90s, the consensus is that without going through considerable optimization and vigorous standardization, Chinese will not become compatible for computers. In a digital society, information is seen as a kind of soft power; language and script issues have never been as relevant to the national fate as at present. Therefore, language policy that deals with the standardization of characters has been both a tool and a target of the nation-building and the modernization processes in China. In order to combat technological challenges, a major restructuring of the highest authority in the language administration was undertaken during the 1980s–1990s. A ministerial-level language agency, called the State Commission of Language Work (SCLW), was established in 1986 to succeed its predecessor, the Commission of Script Reform (CSR), that existed since the early 1950s. Subsequently, to give the agency more executive power in enforcement and legislation, its affiliation was transferred from the State Council (Chinese Cabinet) to the Education Ministry in 1998. Two specialist offices, the Department of Language and Information Management and the Department of Social Use of Language and Script, were added, charged with the task of carrying out the LP programs with computer-oriented script standardization as its core task. Now it has come to a point where no major advances in 142

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hanzi computerization can be expected until the infrastructural work about the use of hanzi is done to fine tune its uniformity in structure and stability in number. Therefore, to enhance the computability of Chinese characters, China’s language administration authorities have been battling with hanzi standardization issues since the mid-1980s. The focus of the standardization activities has been centred upon the so-called ‘Four Fixations’, which aim at settling the four most unstable attributes of hanzi, namely the number of hanzi, their ordering, shape and pronunciation. Since the beginning of the new millennium, national language planners have dramatically speeded up the pace of hanzi standardization, setting in motion a quiet revolution. This article focuses on two governmentendorsed projects. One aims to formulate a future-oriented comprehensive table of standardized characters for the general purpose of improving hanzi’s all-round qualities through fixing its shape, pronunciation, ordering and the total number. The other is to launch a series of research programs to overhaul Chinese ancient scripts as a preparation to digitally represent China’s visual cultural heritage in cyberspace.

The Comprehensive Table of Standardized Characters (CTSC) – giving Hanzi a computing environment The centre of Chinese language administration has been characterized by a top-down language policy. Over the past half century, to keep CL and script on track, 101 decisions on the use of language, including tables/lists, laws, regulations, directives and guidelines, have been made and issued by governmental LP agencies in conjunction with other relevant offices (SCLW, 2004). Since 1955, when the First Table of Verified Characters with Variant Forms was formulated, the central government of China has produced numerous specialist tables about hanzi, for instance, the General List of Simplified Characters (1964, 1986, 2,234 characters), and the General List of Print Fonts of Chinese Characters (1965, 6,196 characters). As Shen (2008) aptly points out, these tables – which have been in use for nearly half a century and often contradict each other in many ways, but prescribe some standards that have become outdated – are increasingly incompatible with modern society. Moreover, the focus of hanzi standardization has shifted over the last two decades, let us first look at the transformation from handwriting to computer processing. Over recent years, the focus of standardization has moved to the hanzi as a medium of international telecommunication, a form of globalization requiring not only effective hanzi input, being processed at locales 143

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within the polity borders, but also instant dissemination and comprehension in cyberspace. Furthermore, previous government-mandated standards for hanzi were purely for human convenience. Some discrepancies and irregularities in the composing elements of hanzi are either minuscule, undetectable differences to the human eye, or they made no difference in recognition, thanks to contextual tolerance. Nowadays, the way that hanzi function as a written medium has changed, communication has become less man-centred and more mechanical. In other words, physical uniformity and stability are prerequisites for the computer to process characters. As machines are sensitive and poor at accommodating non-standard elements, they have zero-tolerance towards divergences and deviations. Even the subtle variations in hanzi’s physical make-up can easily result in either a recognition failure, or create an unnecessary waste of valuable hardware space, essential for developing stroke-based input schemes. According to statistics (Fei and Xu, 2004), out of 7,000 characters listed in the Table of Common Chinese Characters (1988), there are over 400 characters (6%) that need to be re-standardized if they are to serve the IT industry well. Believing that the obstruction to the country’s information industry can be partially corrected by linguistic solutions, the Chinese IT community has been eager to have a table that can technically standardize all aspects of hanzi, putting a straitjacket on the arbitrary treatment of hanzi structures by software developers. The ongoing CTSC is actually a summary of the numerous tables and lists of hanzi, consecutively promulgated by official LP authorities or technical standard departments. The composition of a complete inventory of hanzi started in earnest as early as the 1960s, but yielded no final result for the first two attempts due to political interference, and this is the third time that it has been formally established as the key LP research project at the national level. Being the foremost national language task for many years to come, the plan has been implemented according to well-defined research objectives, an overall framework and fieldwork operational principles. Since its high-profile inception in April 2001, task research teams have been in full operation. Nationwide conferences have been organized, pilot projects, such as hanzi for personal names and geographic names (see Zhao and Baldauf, 2007), have largely been completed and undergone the final approval process after completion of opinion solicitation from the public. Furthermore, a few draft tables of separate standards were presented to academics across the country for comment (Research Team, 2006). However, the projected completion by mid-2004 seems to be running much behind schedule, showing that the difficulty of formulating such a sophisticated character table was much underestimated. This is understandable, 144

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given the complex nature of hanzi and the Table’s significance in the long term, for not only the graphic life in China proper, but also the wider implications beyond the geopolitical borders. The final products of the CTSC should be a complete table, stipulating the fixed standards for the hanzi sequencing order, graphic shape, pronunciation, stroke number and order, which are to be listed under each character. The CTSC, the most significant LP undertaking since the 1950s, was planned to be formally enacted by the State Council. Presumably, when formally promulgated, all previous tables of various standards in conflict with this master table, will become automatically invalid. With the single clear aim to control the laissez-faire state of the language-related software market, LP decision-makers hope the fullfledged enforcement of the CTSC is going to push hanzi standards to a higher level, thereby greatly facilitating Chinese IT development. Having discussed the Chinese government’s dynamic participation in preparing a computing environment for Chinese characters’ future development in digital society through state power, I now turn to another, even more ambitious LP infrastructure project – the Corpus of Whole Chinese Characters (CWCC).

Corpus of Whole Chinese Characters (CWCC) – encoding the past for the future As shown earlier, the compilation of the CTSC aims at the computerization of modern hanzi. In a broader sense, however, according to Li Yuming (2003), Chinese characters in China proper also include: (a) Chinese ancient scripts (antique characters); (b) about 20 hanzi-derived scripts of non-Chinese minority languages that have either always existed in China or are still in limited current use; and (c) a huge number of characters created to transliterate a myriad of regional dialects. Ancient scripts preserved in voluminous classical texts and other forms of documentation have a very high cultural value. They are inextricable components of Chinese culture, some perhaps being real gems of Chineseness. Society is progressing from being paper-based to being computerbased. In this revolutionary transformation, the majority of these three categories of characters, plus other unorthodox folk hanzi and culturespecific symbols, are facing extinction. This is a serious real-life challenge for Chinese written culture. Unicode, which was born because of the need to employ a single set of numerical codes to accommodate the entire world’s scripts digitally, provides Chinese computer specialists with the hope that a viable solution can gradually be found to overcome the plight of identifying, processing and viewing all Chinese hanzi on computers, regardless of their physical complexity. Foreseeing that we 145

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are rapidly approaching a Unicode-based society in which a lack of standards is fatal for the survival of a script system, it was agreed that the best way of combating the increasing obsolescence of hanzi is to deal with it through standardization, i.e., to store them in electronic records by means of building a corpus of whole characters via a unified set of coding standards. The implications of traditional visual heritage digitalization would not be readily comprehended without a reference to the socio-political context. Traditional heritage was seen as a culprit that needed to be revolutionized prior to and during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). However, from the 1990s onwards, China has been characterized by its rising nationalist ideology, and nationalism almost always goes hand in hand with traditional culture. After discarding orthodox Marxist and Maoist dogmas, the Chinese Communist Party needed to find a new ideology for the nation. In 1995, former president Jiang Zemin promoted the preservation of a ‘cultural link’ between the past and the present. Encouraged by the Party, the revival of traditional culture has become fashionable. A number of scholars have made their fortunes by publishing books or delivering public speeches to popularize Confucianism and other ancient doctrines. With an emerging positive attitude towards the past roots, popular sentiment of returning to traditional things rose, and this trend was fuelled by political manipulations that created blind admiration for everything that had existed in the past. As Bakken (1999: 6) notes, ‘the Party has in fact returned to the memories of the Chinese past, old forms of control have been subsequently modernized, redeployed, augmented and refined in order to “bind” or “stabilize” a potentially disorderly population’. Therefore, the primary thrust behind the renewed interest in established traditions was the official favour attached to emerging nationalist sentiment. Cultural issues have always played a unique and important role in shaping the country’s political landscape. Party propagandists have tried to tighten the reins on society through the glorification of indigenous cultural achievements and China’s past greatness. Revitalizing traditional culture is the theme of the Party’s Patriotism Education propaganda campaign, launched in the aftermath of the 1989 Democracy Movement. On the other hand, after entering the new millennium, as China basked in the success of economic development, it faced mounting social challenges through the search for cultural identity. In recent years, the promotion of traditional culture and indigenous knowledge has seen a transformation from being used as a propagandistic antidote for counteracting undesired Western influence to serving national identity and cultural values. This also signifies that the forthcoming years will see a well-regulated exercise to promote traditional culture. 146

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It is in this context that Li Yuming (2003), Director of the aforementioned Language and Information Management Department, conceived projects with the aim of building a platform to standardize all Chinese characters not included in the CTSC, to secure their place in the future extension of Unicode. Zhao (2005: 365) has observed that the ultimate aim of the CWCC is to Assemble all signs and symbols that have ever existed, and then to standardize them in a systematic framework. It is hoped that one day, through the overhaul and integration into an international standard, scholars will be able to turn all characters from oracle bones, bronzes, silk and bamboo, into a magnetic and optical format of a Unicode system.

Traditional heritage digitalization includes ancient texts as well as ancient scripts, and the Chinese mainstream culture of the Han nationality has brought into modern times a gigantic volume of written heritage. This heritage was recorded in different, distinct character shapes; in many cases, these graphic features carry important and valuable cultural information in their own right. The hanzi form we are using today took shape in or around 220 CE. The various forms before this, starting from Oracle Bones (1711–1066 BCE) or even earlier, had developed over nearly 2,000 years. These embryonic and undeveloped forms of ancient scripts, archaeological implications aside, still have an extensive presence in modern life; for the general public their artistic value is important, and for academics they are of etymological significance. Most of these forms, predominantly oracle bones and bronze inscriptions (1066–256 BCE), Zhuan Script and Li Script (206 BCE–220 CE), are unique to certain original sources. The question is how to keep them alive and readable over the long term, in a computer-based medium and in their original graphic appearance. If these distinct features are glossed over by a one-size-fits-all character set designated for information exchange, such irreplaceable cultural treasures will consequently be lost in cyberspace. China has achieved a great deal in converting ancient classics into software media. Hong Kong and Taiwan have also established a sizeable presence on the internet in the field of promoting ancient Chinese civilization (see, Zhang, 2006 for details). However, all of these efforts, either dealing with ancient texts or ancient scripts, were accomplished through their own proprietary platform encodings short of Unicode support and are, therefore, not readily transmittable across worldwide networks for end users. For example, according to Wu’s (2002; 2008) surveys, there are 90 university institutions within mainland China that specialize in classical text research, most of them dealing with text and script digitalization. Moreover, by the end of 2004, more than 147

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70 databases of classical text digitalization had been constructed online (Hao et al., 2007). In addition to this there is a host of companies in the marketplace that develop software capable of processing ancient texts by using their own coding systems (e.g., GB, Unicode-based, Big 5, HTML and XML) and file formats (e.g., TXT, DOC, EXE, PDF, WDL, PDG, EBK, EDB), numbering over 20 coding schemes in all. In other words, the hanzi digitalized via these format-specific encoding and decoding programs are locale-dependent, thus recognizable and displayable merely in the platform provided by the developers. While they are only locally viewable (also printable), they cannot be universally processed. That is to say, they are not transmittable and decodable in other applications with different encoding systems over the internet. As a result of using a multiplicity of coding systems, all these characters end up as garbage in the course of online transmission, posing a potential calamity in resource sharing by different end users. This causes a chaotic situation for their clients and public users, consequently leading to repeated calls by both academics and industrial professionals for urgently undertaking unification and standardization ventures.

Exploring solutions Unicode, which is rapidly becoming the internet standard, will be the natural choice to spread these electronic products unrestrictedly. It has, for the first time, brought all concerned together to work out an initial agreement on the number and forms of hanzi, and the ways they should be encoded. The difficulty is, on the one hand, that standardization is the prerequisite for any script to be unicoded, that is, to establish code points in Unicode – a standardization-oriented overhaul is the first step to transferring the paper-based data to a magnetic and optical format (Jordan, 2002). On the other hand, as a pluricentric script, where the same orthography serves as writing system in more than one polity (Clyne, 1995), Chinese hanzi have grown into a huge and complex writing system, used in different geopolitical regions of Asia. As will be seen later, any proposal for standardization will end up nowhere without regional and international collaboration and without coordination among all the interest groups and polities. Unfortunately, more often than not, activities concerning script unification and encoding standardization collapse into a political abyss, which is why so little has been accomplished so far. In light of what has been described above, it is pragmatic to think that concrete measures must be taken to reach a consensus among the concerned within China, including IT professionals, Chinese script 148

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researchers and software vendors. The first step is to study every character or symbol, regardless of whether it is paper-based or non-paperbased. The process involves identification, comparison, categorization, verification and standardization for encoding purposes (see Liu, 2004). Unlike the CTSC, which has been well-coordinated by a centralized leadership and carried out by an ad hoc research team, CWCC, although launched in 2004 as one of the working agendas of SCLW, seems to be too ambitious to produce any concrete outcomes in the near future. The relevant projects have been spread over a number of universities and research institutions across the country, and they are being carried out in a piecemeal manner by researchers with a range of academic backgrounds (Research Team, 2006; Liu, 2004). So far only Women’s Script and Tao’s (Taoism is an indigenous traditional religion of China) hexagram symbols (i.e., ☯) have been encoded in Unicode. The ambitious plan of CWCC, characterized by its wholeness and inclusiveness of marshalling all existing characters, has been conceived on the basis of a large enough space provided by Unicode, with its new versions (last, version 5.0) being expanded to a greater coverage of minority scripts and historical characters. Technically, the implementation of CWCC will present many unprecedented challenges to Chinese linguistic experts. The first will be what kind of sorting rules should be applied to put such a large mass of unorganized aggregate signs and symbols into a meaningful framework, so that they can be conveniently processed by computers. Clearly, there is a necessity to analyse and categorize every character by application of typology, which inevitably involves an in-depth investigation of all stock of ancient texts, both paper-based and non-paper-based. In this sense, the CWCC is indisputably the most important infrastructure creation ever done for the Chinese writing system. Nevertheless, because of Chinese hanzi’s pluricentric nature, the accomplishment of the standardization within a Chinese visual border is only half the battle to guarantee trouble-free flow of online information in Chinese characters. For most nation-based writing systems, standardization can be successfully done without causing much trouble in relation to legitimacy and ownership, but in pluricentric languages, the possibility for hostile confrontations arises because of inherent ideological antagonisms or historical complications. On the one hand, Chinese is a pluricentric language with several interacting centres, each providing a national variety with at least some of its own (codified) norms. On the other hand, as computer-mediated languages in a digitally designed linguistic environment know no borders, Chinese character computerization has increasingly become a remarkably multi-national activity and has reached a level that goes beyond the framework of any single 149

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country. This situation naturally leads us to the question of how each LP authority’s collaborative efforts to meet the needs of international standards will impact on the complex relationship between these nation-states. The following topic will deal with this issue.

Pursuing the ‘common script’ across cyberspace – an international perspective Common script (shutongwen) is a controversial work, which arouses passions both historically and currently. The term was first used in reference to the script unification that occurred after the establishment of the Qin Dynasty (221BCE–206 BCE, the first centrally unified nation-state in Chinese history), when, acting on the tenet ‘one nation, one script’, the previously uncontrolled use of writing was unified in a highly standardized form called Xiaozhuan (Small Seal Script). Thereafter, all Chinese governments have regarded setting official standards through state mandate as one of the most important measures to effectively control and rule over the vast Chinese territories. In modern times, after the simplification movement on the Mainland in the 1950s, the writing system became polarized across the Taiwan Strait. In political terms, the choice between traditional and simplified forms of characters has been related to the issue of legitimate ownership of Chinese culture, and traditional characters are seen as more symbolic of Chinese traditional culture. Therefore, for the Nationalist Party (ruling party of Taiwan since 1949, except 2000–2008), which sees itself as the saviour of Chinese traditional culture and the owner of the national language, the common script and traditional characters were chosen as a weapon to culturally reclaim the Mainland. The term shutongwen has thereby gained political momentum.

The limitation of technology: what Unicode can and can’t do The fact that the information age is characterized by a rapid move into the Unicode era gives rise to the hope that the historical aspirations of the common script can at last be technologically fulfilled in cyberspace, across the whole region of the so-called hanzi cultural rim, through assigning a single numerical code to each character that is used in all areas. However, this seemingly straight forward technical undertaking has proven to be a political tug-of-war at the interface of cyberspace and politics. Because of the difference in both state interest and cultural inclinations of the different hanzi-using communities, this difference is intensified by the practical limitations of the technological handling process. 150

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Regional disparities of hanzi’s shape in major hanzi-dependent polities are well-known. For instance, there are visible differences among Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong/Macau on the one hand, due to ideological reasons, and between these three Chinese-speaking polities and Japan and Korea on the other, because of the different linguistic environment. Apart from structural differences in hanzi’s physical make-up (e.g., complex form vs simplified form), another important difference lies in their handling of the several variant forms of the same character having the same or similar meaning and pronunciation, known as yitizi. Absolute yitizi are purely duplicates without any functional role in semantic and/or phonetic differentiation from their standard counterparts; however, a large number of them were created to signify discernible but subtle semantic or phonetic dissimilarities born out of the requirement of meeting accuracy in expression. Therefore, as Zhao and Zhang (2008) have argued, ‘doing away with yitizi is in effect a matter of striking a balance between the distinctness in meaning and the cutback in number’. People’s perceptions and tolerance of yitizi can contribute to the amalgamation/differentiation of yitizi, resulting in a big difference in character set standards for information processing or dictionary/character listing. In some dictionaries, yitizi can account for 40 per cent of the total. For example, of 47,035 characters in the Kangxi Dictionary (1716), over 20,000 are yitizi. During the aforementioned character optimization exercise in the 1950s, 1,053 carefully selected yitizi were eliminated from the First Table of Variant Forms in 1956 (some 26 have been restored since then). In other polities, however, language planners are very conservative in their treatment of yitizi as compared to the radical view of their Chinese counterparts. This kind of human attitudinal difference permits the development of various character sets in cyberspace that are independent of each other, with little mutual awareness of the problem in the different countries. GB2312–80 (official standard in China, 6,367 characters) and Big Five (industry standard in Taiwan, 13,060 characters) are the two character sets for information exchange that are most used in the Chinese world. Both were projected to serve the general public; however, the latter features twice as many characters as the former, and the roughly 72,000 encoded unique ideographs constitute by far the largest chunk of Unicode (Bishop and Cook, 2007). From the 1980s to the 1990s, requirements from Unicode, concerning the computer-designated standard, have spurred a flurry of activities in formulating hanzi standard encoding sets from different governments in adjacent countries in the East Asia region, including Mainland China, Taiwan, Japan, Hong Kong, Korea and Vietnam. They share, on the one hand, commonalities in script issues and similar cultural backgrounds; 151

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on the other hand, each is characterized by a different political system, economic structure and social development. Over 20 Chinese character sets for information exchange were released by governmental authorities and major computer industries around the East Asian region, but no single encoding system was versatile enough to allow the reliable representation of all what Mair (1991) called Sinographic signs encoded in even a few of the finite number. Unifying these encoded standards calls for input from Unicode experts, IT engineers, language educators and linguistics researchers. In due course, it will inevitably involve more fundamental and complex socio-political factors. In contrast to people’s expectations of unity in cyberspace, it appears that the wider use of computers and the internet has not overcome the physical differences of hanzi. Rather, as a result of differentiating emphasis, all developers have promoted their own features and identity when drawing up their standards; thus, differences in the national character sets of each individual country are being perpetuated. The large number of pre-existing standards in East Asia was perhaps the most complex aspect that the Unicode consortium had to deal with, underpinning the need for compatibility with existing character standard sets through what was called Han (Chinese character) unification – an international standardization activity to unify all of the Chinese character sets into a single large character set. This can be done through the process of assigning single code points to the characters, with the resulting repertoire of coded ideographs referred to as Unihan. To carry out Han unification, two international organizations, composed of IT experts from hanzi-dependent polities, were set up consecutively: the Chinese/Japanese/Korean Joint Research Group (CJK-JRG), in 1990–1993, and the Ideographic Rapporteur Group (IRG), after 1993. These two organizations had to work with the over 20 character sets and telegraphy codes introduced by the USA, Taiwan, China, Japan and Korea, which existed when Han unification started. In total, 121,403 characters were encoded in these standard sets. Unicode applies two rules to identify a valid character in their Han unification efforts: the Han Unification Rule and the Source Separation Rule, as outlined in the various versions of the Unicode working principles. The former is a process of eliminating redundant characters, through merging of characters that have identical or near identical structures and the same meanings, so more of the otherwise wasted space can be freed up. The source separation rule states that unification of two characters cannot take place if they have different encodings within a single standard set source (in the case of CJK, there are four sources from which the Unicode hanzi set 152

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is derived). Ken Lunde (1999: 49–53), manager of CJKV Type Development at Adobe Systems, gives the following example to illustrate the separation rules: the Japanese character ࠷ (ken in Japanese and jian in Chinese) has five yitizi (variant forms): ࡅࡡࡨࡦ䟐, each having its own unique encoded position in JIS X 0208-1990 (one of the above-mentioned 20 standards), and as such, they are not unified. Source separation ensures that the characteristics of any characters are not glossed over round-trip conversions for cross-locale Unicode fonts. Considering the immensity and complexity of the work to identify and unify such a large number of characters from so many character sets, it is not surprising that during the unification process problems developed. Complaints about over-unification have been frequently raised by users – mostly by users and software developers from the East Asian cultural hemisphere. Resistance to these changes remains particularly high in Japan, as the subsequent discussion indicates. One of the most acute problems is the inability of Unicode to address the issue of the differences between character and glyph. Glyph is a term used in typography, referring to a particular graphical representation of the character; being an element of writing, it is a concrete unit of text in typography. Unicode encodes characters rather than glyphs. This means that Han unification unifies the codes for abstract characters instead of the concrete characters per se (glyph), ignoring the fact that although the original character in CJK languages may develop from the same root, the glyphs in common use for that character may be different in evolution. A large number of new characters were independently invented in each country, some ‘stylistic variations in print or handwriting gradually crystallized into hard irreconcilable difference’, as Cook (2001: 4) observes. Apart from the technological limitations of Unicode, the separation rules are just a high conceptual ideal. Due to various reasons, their operating efficiency cannot always be firmly adhered to or strongly enforced. For example, in many cases, the unification/separation is determined by the sights of unifiers and the version of the standard used (Wada, 1991). This means that the appearance of the character in the code tables of a given version of standard sets plays a role in character identification. As Zhao and Baldauf (2008) point out, despite the alleged involvement of IRG’s Asian members, the unification has been frequently criticized for lacking native familiarity and orthographical comprehension of the subtle variations by hawk-eyed native users. Because of constraints within source separation rules, necessary distinctions, or variants of the same characters at the glyph level, were typographically unified and then rendered as one ‘character’, so that they could be assigned 153

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a single code point. That is to say, different forms (glyph in Unicode typology) in the real world or on paper that should actually be assigned more specific code points (as they might be in their respective source standard sets), were all put together in Unicode. Some of these differences are admittedly minuscule and are unidentifiable to most users in one community, though a user in another community will be able to spot them, particularly, in processing inscriptional ancient text produced in different historical times, where the maximal details of graphical expression are supposed to be preserved. For example, to ancient canon researchers and digital library/museum developers, this kind of unification is parallel to some letters on the keyboard being missing for alphabetic language speakers. This is presumably the major reason for the refusal of the East Asians to fully embrace Unicode. Preliminary research shows that, at least for the 21,204 Unihan ideographs (Unicode version 2.1) in the portion of BMP (Basic Multilingual Panes), roughly 50 per cent of CJK characters need more than one glyph representation (Meyer, 1999). In other words, in order to discern minuscule differences, demanded by traditionobsessed individuals and those developers involved in the digitalization of East Asian ancient heritage, Unicoders need to represent the Sinographs of the different Asian locales in a culturally adequate and typographically correct way. A process of what Meyer (1999) called ‘Unihan disambiguation’ has to be applied by Unicode to de-Unihan, or to disambiguate, seemingly superfluous but sometimes necessary subtle distinctions. People in general often feel irritated when they see alien fonts on the screen, partly because these characters are less recognizable, but more probably for sentimental reasons. The analogy given by a Unicode critic (i.e., Goundry, 2001: 12) is that it is like being compelled in a Western language setting to use the French alphabet to write German, or to force the English to use the French. Although all three languages are written in Roman script, an uproar would ensue if any of the language-specific diacritics/accents and characteristic letters were omitted in a unified Roman script, or some letter forms in a particular language were abandoned, on the grounds that they were redundant or merely arcane, and modern speech did not need them. The discussion above shows that Unicode is far from being an ultimate solution to serve CJKV script users with their diversified requirements, even with some cross-locale font technologies that have been proposed and advanced (e.g., Open Type, Meyer, 1999; Typological Encoding, Cook, 2001), and were envisaged either to rival or supplement the Unicode. Furthermore, to gain cyberspace freedom for hanzi, there are some non-technological issues that have to be addressed, which I shall touch upon in what follows. 154

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Socio-political dimensions: the pros and cons of the two giants of Chinese character users Concerning the promotion of Unicode in East Asia, according to Zhao and Baldauf (2008), Japan stands as the fiercest opponent to its adoption for two reasons. Culturally, Japan’s unhappiness with Unicode is due to Unicode’s inability to accommodate variations of hanzi’s details. As Unihan focuses only on the shape of Chinese characters, instead of on the concrete typological representation (glyphs), this resulted in an ‘it’s-not-my-character’ sentiment among culture-conscious Japanese users. Japanese people’s care about kanji’s uniqueness is demonstrable from the government’s failure to persuade the population to sacrifice any details of the physical variation of kanji for technological convenience (He, 2001: 162). While Japan’s JIS standards prescribe the shape of the glyphs for each character, Unicode has been criticized as ‘being little more than an exercise in cultural imperialism on the part of Western computer manufacturers’ (Searle, 2004: 21) and perceived as ‘destroying Japanese culture with Anglo-centric thinking’ (Goundry, 2001: 4). The second reason for the lukewarm support from Japan is political and economical. Unger (1991: 134) says, ‘Because national standards are ultimately political in nature, the promulgation of UNICODE will probably do more to delay than to hasten genuine international standards, even if giants like IBM decide to opt for it’. As the leader in technology in the East Asian area, and possessing a couple of welldeveloped Japanese systems that were precursors and prototypes of subsequent standard sets formulated by other hanzi-dependent polities, it is understandable that Japan is eager to take the lead in counteracting the influence of Unicode. Some Japanese achievements, such as the TRON character code and its TRON Multilingual Environment, are threatening Unicode by vying for worldwide acceptance. There is general acknowledgment that TRON does have some features that make its approach to multilingual processing unique and superior to Unicode. It is not only more East-Asian-script friendly, the TRON character set is also infinitely extendable, thus it is capable of including all scripts that have ever been used, and will accommodate even new scripts that have yet to be invented (Sakamura, 1992). Nevertheless, so far TRON’s application has been confined mainly within Japan, ‘because it has not been given the blessing of certain American software houses that want to control operating system software far into the future’ (Searle, 2004: 19). Japan is a member of the IRG, but it warns that even if Unicode were to become the international standard, it ‘will be solely for multilingual 155

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application, not for domestic use’ (Wada, 1991: 2, 5). This implies that, at least within Japan, all software made in Japan will be preinstalled with a Japanese coding system; when Unicode has to be used, the system will be operable only in an isolated environment. As the only country in East Asia that has strongly resisted Unicode from the very beginning, Japan’s negative attitude towards Unicode, at both governmental level and in industry circles, is in stark contrast with China’s enthusiasm for it. In opposition to Japan, China, being the homeland of Chinese characters, is the most important stakeholder and naturally feels obligated to play the leading role in this process. However, China did not draw up its own big set of standards during the 1980s (the series of GB-2312’s supplementary sets were not put in use until much later). Taiwan had developed good standards, but for political reasons it is clearly impossible to promote Taiwanese standards on the Mainland. Turning to international ones, China prefers Unicode to the Japanese standard and its TRON system. Zhao and Baldauf’s (2008) study shows that Chinese computer experts and language planners are strong believers in Unicode and have vigorously supported Unicode promotion since the beginning of the 1990s. China has spared no effort in striving to make its various internal standard encoding sets compatible with Unicode conventions, in order to push internationalization of the standard. Japan has been very disappointed about China’s extraordinary enthusiasm in promoting Unicode’s spread outside the Unicode group (Wada, 1991: 1). As the preceding discussions show, in an attempt to make China’s rich traditional heritage globally digitally deliverable, China hopes that Unicode will provide the platform for uploading its gigantic set of Chinese classic and archaic characters. Unicode has also been widely adopted in academic and private sectors in China. There have been serious commercial commitments to the use of Unicode for encoding a good part of the Chinese classic canons and ancient human knowledge with Unicode characters. For instance, Siku Quanshu (1772), which has 79,337 volumes and is the country’s largest surviving Chinese encyclopedia, has been unicoded for a number of years using original character forms (Zhang, 2005). In sum, the problems found with Han unification, continually encountered by its clients, confirm that the consensus must occur across human communities before any unification in cyberspace can take place. Over the last few decades, both IT professionals and language planners across the world have gone to great lengths to build a unified encoding platform around the Unicode, providing an enabling environment for cross-script information transmission through an international network system, i.e. cyberspace globalization. However, the world has 156

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yet to see any serious international cooperation, coordinated well and robust enough to produce the desired result of unifying hanzi’s forms in hanzi-using communities. Quality assurance and system stability in viewing online information, written in Chinese characters, has become a bottleneck for easy web browsing in all Sinographic countries and regions, indicating that China, long plagued by its mechanically awkward writing system, has a long way to go in disseminating its language and culture in cyberspace.

Concluding remarks The electronic innovation we are caught up in is understood as the third revolution in the use of language (in addition to the invention of writing and printing), and the effect of this revolution on language is very difficult to predict (Reid, 2003). Situated in this context, this chapter has shown China’s governmental efforts in enabling the historically attested writing system to keep up with technological advances. In order to expand the traditional heritage in a new environment, Chinese characters’ must survive in cyberspace, the emerging front in the globalization of language and culture. I first provided a short introduction to the development of Chinese character computerization, which outlined the main problems encountered by Chinese IT professionals in their efforts to make ideographical hanzi computable and compatible with modern computers. This was followed by a section dedicated to the articulation of further problems concerning the digitalization of visual cultural heritage, which highlighted the government’s determination and participation in overcoming technological challenges through the modus operandi of LP. Two ongoing LP undertakings, one concerning a series of script standardization activities, and the other a more ambitious venture aiming at overhauling the whole set of characters, were described in regard to ancient text and script verification. Since globalization is defined by a borderless flow of information, a significant segment of this chapter has been devoted to the international collaboration and competition in cyberspace among the respective hanzi-reliant societies, with a focus on Unicode’s role in unifying a wide variety of existing information exchange-oriented character sets. The chapter then concluded with a brief revisit of the complex situation of hanzi’s difficult move towards internationalization in the digital era. Revolving around issues related to Chinese character computerization and the promotion of traditional culture, as well as its spread via modern communication means, the chapter has examined the interacting dynamics between technological progress and traditional culture 157

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maintenance on the one side, and between the socio-political reality and the technological world on the other. Increasingly, the internet is a tool whereby the modern nation-state tries to maintain cultural distinctiveness. To keep in step with the ubiquitous trend towards computing, Chinese language planners are fully aware of the necessity of seizing the new technology to empower Chinese culture to survive in Englishdominated cyberspace. To pursue script-use uniformity by means of state power is a strategic consideration of LP policy makers. The completion of the two ambitious projects targeting hanzi standardization will give China a competitive edge in promoting Chinese culture to the world through the electronic media. However, with China’s power growing beyond its geopolitical borders, its cultural promotion has proved to be far more difficult than its economic development, due to the inefficiency of its writing system. In the last few decades, the danger of each polity choosing its own system, without policy coordination in formulating the standard sets, has been recognized internationally. There have been increasing discussions about the possibility to unify all code set standards for hanzi, so that an agreement on a universal standard can be achieved within the region. Unicode provides a starting point for international collaboration and there has been considerable progress since it came into being, but the hope of achieving only one global standard in cyber life, for an unrestrained flow of information, still remains an unfulfilled aspiration.

References Bakken, B. (1999), The Exemplary Society: Human Improvement, Social Control, and the Dangers of Modernity in China. New York: Oxford University Press. Bishop, T. and Cook, R. S. (2007), ‘A character description language for CJK’, Multilingual Computing and Technology, 91 (18/7), 62–68. Clyne, M. G. (1995), The German Language in a Changing Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cook, R. S. (2001), ‘Typological encoding of Chinese characters, not glyphs’, in Proceedings of 19th International Unicode Conference. September, San Jose. Fei, J. C. and Xu, L. L. (2004), ‘Guifan hanzi yinshua Songti zixing biaozhun hua (On the standardization of Song-Style Printing Font Characters), in B. Li (ed.), Hanzi Zixing Yanjiu (Studies on Chinese Character Shape). Beijing: Shangwu Yinshuguan (The Commercial Press), pp. 139–54. Goundry, N. (2001), ‘Why Unicode won’t work on the internet: linguistic, political, and technical limitations’, at http://www.hastingsresearch.com/net/04unicode-limitations.shtml retrieved on 18 March 2006. Hao, S. D, Zhang, L. and Feng, R. (2007), ‘Guji shuzihua de fazhan gaishu’ (Developing course of classical text digitalization), Qingbao Tansuo (Information Research), 117 (7), 11–17.

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He, Q. X. (2001), Hanzi zai Riben (Chinese Characters in Japan). Hong Kong: Shangwu Yinshuguan (the Commercial Press). Jordan, D. K. (2002), ‘Language left behind: keeping Taiwanese off the World Wide Web’, Language Problems & Language Planning, 26 (2), 111–127. Li, Y. M. (2003), ‘Dajian Zhonghua zifu da pingtai’ (Building the big platform of China Character Set), Journal of Chinese Languages and Computing, 13, 57–63. Liu, Z. J. (2004), ‘Mianxiang jisuanji wenzi chuli de gu wenzi ziyang diaocha zhengli de gouxiang’ (The prospect of investigation and verification of the shape of archaic characters used for computer processing), Yuyan Wenzi Yingyong (Applied Linguistics), 12 (4), 120–123. Lunde, K. (1999), Understanding Japanese Information Processing. Sebastopol, CA: O’Reilly and Associates. Mair, V. H. (1991), ‘Foreword Preface: building the future of information processing in East Asia demands facing linguistic and technological reality’, in V. H. Mair and Y. Q. Liu (eds), Characters and Computers. Amsterdam: IOS Press, pp. 1–9. Meyer, D. (1999), ‘Unihan disambiguation through font technology’. Paper presented at the 15th Unicode International Conference, in ‘Proceedings of the 15th Unicode International Conference’, August/September. San Jose, CA. Reid, A. (2003), ‘Technology and language: negotiating the third revolution in the use of language’, in J. Lindsay and Y. Y. Tan (eds), Language Trends in Asia. Singapore: Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, pp. 11–20. Research Team (2006), ‘Yuyan wenzi xinxi guanli gongzuo zhuangkuang’ (Current situation of language and script information management), in the Research Team of the Annual Green Paper of Linguistic Life in China (ed.), Zhongguo Yuyan Shenghuo Zhuangkuang Baogao: 2005 (Language Situation in China: 2005). Beijing: Shangwu Yinshuguan (The Commercial Press), pp. 121–139. SCLW (2004), ‘Zhengce fagui he guifan biaozhun’ (Langauge policies, guidelines, regulations and standards), at http://www.china-language. gov.cn/jgsz/content18.asp retrieved on 8 May 2007. Sakamura, K. (1992), ‘The TAD language environment and multilingual handling’, in Collected Papers on BTRON Multilingual Processing with an Appended BTRON1 Introductionary Operation Manual. Tokyo: TRON Association Publication. Searle, S. J. (2004), ‘A brief history of character codes in North America, Europe, and East Asia’, at http://tronweb.super-nova.co.jp/characcodehist. html retrieved 30 August 2006. Shen, K. C. (2008), ‘Shi tan hanzi guifan yu Zhongwen xinxi chuli yong hanzi zifuji de Guanxi’ (On the relationships between Chinese character standardization and Chinese character set for the Chinese information processing characters), Yuyan Wenzi Yingyong (Applied Linguistics), 16 (1), 141–144. Unger, J. M. (1991), ‘Minimum specifications for Japanese and Chinese alphanumeric Workstations’, in V. H. Mair and Y. Q. Liu (eds), Characters and Computers. Amsterdam: IOS Press, pp. 131–140.

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Wada, E. (1991), ‘International standardization of Chinese character sets’. Keynote address delivered at the 5th AFSIT, 23 October 1991. Tokyo, Japan. Wu, D. X. (2002), ‘Guji shuzihua: xianzhuag, wenti yu qushi – Cong shiyongzhe de jiaodu kan’ (Ancient classics digitalization: Current situation, problems and trends – From the perspective of the user). Paper presented at the ‘Han Culture Alliance’ Second International Conference on Chinese Cultural Database, September 2002, Macau. —(2008), ‘Xinxi shidai guji zhengli de kunjing yu duice’ (The dilemma and strategy of managing classics in the information age), at http://www. xiangyata.net/data/articles/f03/365.html retrieved on 30 May 2008. Zhang, C. X. (2006), ‘Shi shu hulianwang dui Huayu shijie de yingxiang’ (On the impact of the internet on the Chinese world), in H. M. Tan (ed.), Han Yuwen Zou Xiang Shijie (Chinese Language Goes towards the World). Singapore: Global Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd., pp. 309–341. Zhang, Z. C. (2005), ‘Zhongwen dianji shuzihua zouxiang zhi lice’ (Predicting the future direction of Chinese classics digitalisation). Paper presented at Third Forum on Digitalisation in Four Regions across the Strait. Taipei, December. Zhao, S. H. (2005), ‘Chinese character modernization in the digital era – A historical perspective’, Current Issues in Language Planning, 6 (3), 315–378. Zhao, S. H. and Baldauf, R. B. Jr (2007), ‘Language planning, naming and character use in China’, Current Issues in Language Planning, 8 (3), 283–304. —(2008), Planning Chinese Characters: Evolution, Revolution or Reaction. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer Publishers. Zhao, S. H. and Zhang, D. B. (2008), ‘The totality of Chinese characters – A digital Perspective’, Journal of Chinese Language and Computing, 17 (2), 107–125.

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Globalization and South Korea’s EPIK (English Program in Korea) Mihyon Jeon

Chapter summary This chapter demonstrates how the EPIK (English Program in Korea) program is an example of Korea’s active response to the globalization process through which Korea not only accommodates external demands but also strategically pursues national interests through equipping its citizens with the command of English and proving its image in the world. Since the former president of South Korea, Kim Young Sam, declared that the country had entered an ‘era of globalization’ in 1995, globalization has become a major topic of discussion in South Korea. In the ‘era of globalization’, one of the major challenges Korea faces is how to equip students with English proficiency, since English is the language of international communication. The Korean Ministry of Education has implemented a series of English language education reforms as a part of Korea’s globalization policy one of which is the English Program in Korea. EPIK, affiliated to the Korean Ministry of Education, was established in 1995 with the mandate to improve the English-speaking abilities of students and teachers in Korea and to reform teaching methodologies in English. EPIK also aims to cultivate open-minded and wellrounded Korean individuals capable of advancing Korea, to foster strong ties between Korea and other countries by developing cultural exchanges, and to better Korea’s image in the age of information and globalization. After presenting an overview of EPIK, this chapter highlights that the South Korean government has responded to and actively participated in the global spread of English by adopting and implementing the EPIK program. Furthermore, the ideology of the native English speaker as the ideal teacher, readily adopted by the Korean government and people does not grant native English teachers legitimacy as teachers in their everyday interactions with local Korean teachers of English and Korean students. This chapter demonstrates that the dichotomy of native speaker of English as superior teacher and non-native speaker of English as inferior teacher is too simplistic to explain real life experiences of EPIK teachers.

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Introduction South Korea’s ‘wild geese fathers’ manage a reunion with their children, and often wives, just once a year after seeing them off for study abroad, invariably to learn in English. They are, contends a new government zealous to reform, symptomatic of a damaged state education system that forces parents to throw money at private tuition and prevents Asia’s fourth-largest economy from leaping to the world’s top league . . . South Koreans, anxious to ensure their offspring are well-schooled, spend around $5 billion (2.5 billion pounds) a year to educate them abroad – equivalent to nearly 20 percent of the annual total allocated to education by the government. At more than 100,000, South Koreans outnumber any other foreign student group in the United States . . . Kang Ji-hyun sends her five-year-old to an English speaking kindergarten which costs around $800 dollars a month for a three-hour day, which is fairly average cost for a pre-schooler.

This recent newspaper article (Thatcher, 2008) clearly demonstrates an ‘English fever’ (Jeong, 2004) among South Koreans, an obsession with attaining a better command of English. As Block and Cameron (2002) persuasively argue, globalization alters the conditions in which language learning and teaching take place. One of the most prominent impacts of globalization on language learning and teaching practices is the rise of the importance of English in different parts of the world, even in countries like South Korea where English is not necessarily used in everyday life. English is central to the ongoing process of globalization (Phillipson, 2003) through the rise of transnational corporations, the increase in the number of international organizations, and the predominant use of English on the internet (Gray, 2002). In the twentyfirst century, it is unquestionable that English has the status of a global language. South Korea is no exception when it comes to the influence of globalization and its impact on English language education. English is seen as closely tied to the economic survival of South Korea within the context of globalization. Koreans place great importance on English, even though the society remains highly monolingual (Baker and Jones, 1998). While there is no absence of speakers of other languages in Korea, such as the diasporic Chinese and migrant workers from China, South-East Asia and other countries,1 the majority of Koreans are rarely in regular contact with speakers of languages other than Korean, and practically all aspects of life are conducted in Korean (Park, 2004). Nonetheless, English is seen as an important key to success and upward social mobility. The importance of English is especially prominent in the domains of education and the labour market. English test scores play a large part in college entrance and access to 162

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employment in white-collar jobs. English as an economic commodity has a high value in Korea, since people with English proficiency have an economic advantage in society. The importance of English as ‘linguistic capital’ (Bourdieu, 1991) in South Korea and in the world, combined with the importance accorded to education by Korean families, has resulted in a seemingly excessive phenomenon of sending young children to English-speaking countries in the hope that early exposure to an English-speaking environment will give them native speaker-like fluency. This phenomenon, which started appearing in the mid-1990s, created family separation and financial burden for parents and for society at large. This form of transnational family separation, which is well-expressed by the newly coined terms, ‘wild geese fathers’ or ‘wild geese family’, occurred in the context of the South Korea government’s active implementation of the globalization policy in conjunction with its admission to membership in the OECD in 1996 (Lee and Koo, 2006). In 2008, the wild geese fathers are estimated to number about 200,000 nationwide (Kim, 2008). Parents who cannot afford to send their children abroad rely on the private sector, where they pay steep costs. As a response to globalization and the ever increasing (perceived and real) importance of English, and to counteract the obsession with English and the high expenditure on English education abroad and in the private sector, the South Korean government has proposed and implemented various language policies. One example, which is the focus of this chapter, is EPIK (English Program in Korea), a government sponsored program which recruits native speaking English teachers (NSETs) in elementary and secondary schools in Korea. This chapter situates the EPIK program as a policy response to globalization and a site where global resources are realized locally. In particular, this chapter seeks to question the popular view of the superiority of native English teachers in ELT (English Language Teaching) by examining an under-researched topic: the lived experiences of EPIK teachers.

Methodology The data presented in this section are mainly from my participation as an observer at the 2007 EPIK reunion and are supplemented by subsequent interviews with EPIK coordinators and teachers in July and August 2008. My participation in the EPIK reunion and interviews are part of a large-scale ongoing investigation into the experiences and participation of native English teachers in East Asia. The study focuses on the participation of native English teachers in three official Asian government-sponsored English language teaching programs, each of which recruits, trains and administers native English teachers: the Japan 163

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Exchange and Teaching program (JET), the English Program in Korea (EPIK), and Hong Kong’s Native-speaking English Teachers program (NET). The four main questions which guide the research are (1) what implications do the different policies and institutional structures in the three Asian countries have on the participation of native English teachers?; (2) what issues of identity and attachment arise for these English teachers, and what impact do they have on program retention and future participation?; (3) what implications do interactions between the local Asian teachers/students and native English teachers have for building intercultural understanding?; 4) what kinds of national and international policies and agreements can improve the quality of the participation of native English teachers? A multi-method and three-phase data collection process, one which utilizes both qualitative and quantitative tools, such as online survey, in-depth interviews, focus group and onsite observations, has been and will be adopted to gain multiple viewpoints on the research questions from a variety of stakeholders. My participation in the EPIK reunion, conducted at the initial stages of data collection, was realized through the approval of EPIK coordinators with whom I met in April 2007 at York University, Toronto. They visited York University as a part of their promotion tour of the EPIK program in Canada. My participation in the reunion enabled me to gain insights into EPIK teachers’ experiences and concerns, which in turn informed the design of the online survey and interview questions. The reunion was held on 21–22 December 2007 in Yousung, a mid-sized city in central Korea, and brought together from different parts of Korea about 50 EPIK teachers who had started teaching in September of that year. The two-day gathering was organized by the EPIK program, and consisted of three EPIK teachers’ presentations and an open discussion forum on the first day and a Q & A session and fieldtrip to a local temple on the second day. In total, 4 hours of the event were both audio- and video-recorded. The informal conversations with EPIK teachers during the mealtime and the field trip were recorded in my field notes afterwards. I also draw on the interviews 2 conducted in July and August 2008 with each of the following participants: three former and present EPIK coordinators, two current EPIK teachers, and two Korean teachers of English. The interviews lasted from forty minutes to one and a half hours. All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed for analysis.

Global English and Korea’s response This section presents first a theoretical framework for globalization and second its relationship with language teaching in order to lay out a 164

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conceptual background for the discussion of ELT in Korea. Discussions on the highly contested term ‘globalization’ entail much debate and disagreement. Globalization is inseparably linked with developments and demands of neoliberal capitalism. Emphasizing the cultural dimensions of globalization, Appadurai (1990) characterizes globalization as a dense and fluid network of global flows, including: (1) ‘ethnoscapes’ (flows of people); (2) ‘technoscapes’ (flows of technologies, machinery and plant); (3) ‘financescapes’ (flows of money); (4) ‘mediascapes’ (flows of images and information through media); and (5) ‘ideoscapes’ (flows of ideas associated with state and counter-state movement ideologies) (p. 296). Appadurai maintains that ‘the new global cultural economy has to be understood as a complex, overlapping, disjunctive order, which cannot any longer be understood in terms of existing center-periphery models (even though that might account for multiple centers and peripheries)’ (p. 126). Appadurai’s perspective on globalization resonates with Hall’s conceptualization of contemporary globalization as ‘postmodern’. Hall (1997: 183) distinguishes ‘modernist globalization’ from ‘postmodern globalization’. The former occurred during periods of Western colonization and was characterized by unilateral exertion of influence from center (the global) to periphery (the local). In contrast, contemporary globalization is characterized by more complex, multilateral forces and varied local realization of global resources (Hall, 1997: 183). The acknowledgment of the complexity of contemporary globalization, however, does not negate the existing continuity of colonial influence. For example, although UK- and US-based institutions do not by any means ‘run the show’ globally, they continue to be disproportionately influential. While globalization is perceived as a homogenizing process by the dominance of the global over the local (Gray, 1998; Ritzer, 1998), it is also seen as a process which entails a synergetic and dialectic relationship between the global and the local, as proposed in the concepts ‘glocalization’ (Robertson, 1995) and ‘hybridization’ (Pieterse, 1995). To understand the complexities involved in contemporary human interaction, the seemingly contradictory conceptualization of globalization as both a homogenizing and hybridizing process can be helpful because of the paradoxical nature of globalization (Kubota, 2002), as expressed in Appadurai’s assertion that ‘the central problem of today’s global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization’ (1990, p. 295). In the subsequent analysis of the EPIK program as the South Korean government’s response to the spread of English in the global market, I examine the broader global, social, political and economic structures and widely circulating ideas about English and its native speakers in 165

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which the EPIK program is situated. Then, in analyzing the EPIK teachers’ position in ELT, I focus on globalization as a hybridizing process and examine how, in the process of the particularization of the globally circulating ideologies of English and native English speakers, these very ideas and images of ‘self’ and ‘other’ are altered in specific contexts. As one of the consequences of globalization, languages have been treated as economic commodities (Block and Cameron, 2002). Heller (2003) argues that in the new globalized economy language and identity become marketable commodities. English has the highest value as linguistic capital among the languages of the world. Why and how has English gained the status of a global language, an international language, or a lingua franca? There are different approaches to explain the global spread of English, from an apolitical view treating English as a neutral tool (Kaplan, 2001; Crystal, 2003) to more critical perspectives linking the global spread of English to linguistic imperialism (Phillipson, 1992), linguistic neoimperialism (Phillipson, 2008), a threat to linguistic human rights (Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000), and colonialism/postcolonialism (Pennycook, 1994, 1998; Shin and Kubota, 2008). These critical approaches have in common a conceptualization of the spread of English, linked to wider political issues, as inherently problematic and a perception that ELT practices are not value-free (Gray, 2002). The values and discourses attached to English have been constructed within specific historic and sociocultural contexts. In relating current ELT theories and practices to colonialism, Pennycook (1998) argues: The history of the ties between ELT and colonialism has produced images of the Self and Other, understanding of English and of other languages and cultures that still play a major role in how English language teaching is constructed and practiced: from the native speaker/non-native speaker dichotomy to images constructed around English as a global language and the assumptions about learners’ cultures, much of ELT echoes with the cultural constructions of colonialism. (p. 19)

Echoing Phillipson (1992), Pennycook (1998) asserts that colonialism should be understood as the context in which current ideas about English and ELT were framed, by laying a foundation for ‘the maintenance of structural and cultural inequalities between English and other languages in the post-colonial age’ (p. 123). As Shin (2006) argues, a post-colonial analysis can be useful in understanding the place of English in South Korea, although the postcolonial analytical framework developed within the context of multilingual post-colonial societies such as India (Kachru, 1983, 1994) can be of only limited use (Park, 2004), because of Korea’s unique linguistic situation (e.g., high monolingualism in Korean). Although Korea has never 166

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been colonized by an English-speaking country, the neo-colonial influence of the United States of America on Korean history since the end of Japanese colonial rule has made South Korea to some extent comparable to former colonies of English-speaking nations (Park, 2004; Shin, 2006). The US intervention started with its military government’s rule over South Korea between 1945 and the establishment of the Republic of Korea in 1948. Justified by the military tension between North and South Korea since the Korean War (1950–1953), the hegemonic role of the US in the political, economic, and cultural spheres in South Korea has continued up to the present (Park, 2004; Shin, 2006). The association of English with (post-) colonialism in South Korea is well-reflected in the following commentary by Hea-chul Shin, a singer. It was made on the policy proposal for English immersion education programs advocated by the then President-elect Lee Myung-pak’s transition team – if the government wants everyone to speak English, it would be better to become the 51st state of the US or to become voluntarily a colony [of an English-speaking country] (‘English to be used’, 2008). Shin’s commentary raised a controversy, and many Koreans shared a similar negative view of the government’s plan. This proposal itself was later dropped. In the process of the global spread of English, the nation-state is not a passive victim of linguistic globalization but an active participant. Although some theorists conceptualize globalization as an external force which undermines national sovereignty (Sonntag, 2003), others such as Cohen (2001) argue that ‘globalization over the decades has been the product of the actions of the state and the use of its sovereign authority, not the cause of its demise’ (p. 80). Following the East Asian model of development, which has resulted in the ‘tiger’ economies, Korea, as an agentive state, has been a successful and active participant in the globalization process. In fact, South Korea, which took a clearly interventionist role in economic development, was widely admired as one of the most successful ‘tiger’ economies of Asia (Kim and Hong, 2000). As South Korea’s national economy has grown, so have the South Korean government’s expenditures on education (Shin, 2004). South Korean education has been controlled by a state-led centralized management system (Shin, 2004), and South Korean government has considered education as a tool for the state to accomplish its own goals. Therefore, I pay attention to the Korean government’s role in the process of globalization and language education by creating and maintaining the EPIK program. The following section surveys how the South Korean government has responded to and thus participated in the global expansion of English. The South Korean government has actively responded to globalization. In 1995, the Korean government announced a strong drive towards 167

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globalization under the slogan of ‘㎎Ἒ䢪’ (‘segyehwa’ globalization in Korean) in order to enhance Korea’s global competitiveness (Kim, 2000). Through this globalization campaign in the 1990s, accompanied by South Korea’s international exposure through hosting the 1986 Asian Games and the 1988 Olympic Games, English has gained increasing significance in South Korea (Yim, 2007). As part of the ‘segyehwa’ effort to globalize and further the growth of the South Korean economy by reforming education, the government developed the sixth National Curriculum which was implemented in middle schools in 1995 and in high schools in 1996 and focused on developing fluency and communicative competence rather than accuracy (Shin, 2007). Since the inception of official English education in Korea in 1883 (Kwon, 2000), grammar translation and emphasis on grammatical knowledge had been the dominant method in English teaching in Korea, remaining so throughout the Japanese colonial period and up until the sixth National Curriculum. In addition to this shift in teaching method, the Korean government adopted a policy to start mandatory English language education in the third grade of elementary school, 4 years earlier than the previous policy of starting English classes in the first grade of middle school (Jung and Norton, 2002; Park, 2004). The government’s decision to teach English from grade three onward, which was implemented in 1997, further reinforced Koreans’ obsession with English (Jeon and Lee, 2006). After the Asian financial crisis in 1997, the importance of English was further enhanced (Park, 2004), as English was recognized as a tool for enhancing South Korea’s competitiveness in the global market and for thus rebuilding the economy. Thereafter, in 2001, the Korean Ministry of Education proposed that English be taught through the use of English, a proposal which frustrated a majority of local English teachers. (See Shin, 2007 for an in-depth discussion about the policy and local English teachers’ responses.) In line with the government’s policies for English education and its globalization effort, some candidates for the 2002 election of city and province officials made campaign pledges to establish ‘yeongeomaul’ (‘English village’) which would provide an English immersion environment (Park, 2004). In 2004 the first English villages opened in Gyeonggi province and in Seoul. (For more on English villages in Korea, see Shin, 2006.) Since, a half-dozen more English villages have opened in different cities, including Paju (2006), Yangpyung (2008), Daejeon (2008), and Jeonju (2005). These English villages are sponsored by provincial governments. The advent of English villages shows not only the extent of Korean parents’ and students’ investment in learning English, but also how the discourse of English education can be adopted as a political issue in local elections. 168

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In its continued effort to facilitate English education, the Korean Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development announced, in May of 2005, a ‘Five Year Plan for English Education Revitalization’ (Jeon and Lee, 2006). The plan would place a native-speaking English teacher (NSET) at each junior high school by 2010 (a total of 2,900 teachers nationally) and promote a ‘one NSET per school policy’ at the elementary and high school levels. In the long run, the government plans for each elementary and high school to have at least one native English speaker teacher. The rationale for the plan is that interaction with NSETs will provide students with more English input, a more authentic English environment, and greater cultural understanding. This plan emerged as a result of the significant economic loss incurred by sending students abroad to study and as a response to increasing criticism about and mistrust of the public English education system among Koreans (ibid.).

English Program in Korea (EPIK) This section will situate the EPIK policy in the process of globalization and demonstrates how South Korea has responded to and participated in the global spread of English. Affiliated to the Korean Ministry of Education, EPIK was launched in 1995 and promoted as part of the education reform task under the slogan of ‘reinforcing foreign language education’ and ‘reinforcing globalization education’ (http://epik.ied. go.kr/). According to Soo-Taek Rhee, president of the National Institute for International Education Development, the goal of EPIK is to improve the English-speaking abilities of Korean students and teachers, to develop cultural exchanges, and to reform English teaching methodologies in Korea (ibid., original in English). Rhee maintains that ‘through EPIK, English language education will cultivate open-minded and well-rounded Korean individuals capable of advancing Korea in this age of information and globalization’ (ibid.). During the period of operation between 1995 and 2007, more than 1,992 teachers have joined the program. The EPIK program specifies the following eligibility requirements for prospective teachers: (1) citizenship in one of the following countries: Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, the USA and South Africa; (2) a BA degree; (3) good mental and physical health; (4) good command of English; and (5) ability to adapt to Korean culture and living. Applicants must have studied from the junior high level (7th grade) and resided for at least 10 years or more in the above-listed countries. An EPIK teacher’s duties include: conducting English conversation classes for Korean teachers and students, preparing teaching materials for 169

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English language education, assisting in developing teaching materials, assisting with activities related to English language education and other extracurricular activities, assisting Korean teachers with English classes and/or jointly conducting English classes, and performing other duties as specified by the host POE (Provincial Office of Education) (ibid.). Salaries range from US$1,900 to US$3,000 per month, depending on the candidate’s eligibility, the location of the school, and the contract period. In situating the EPIK program within the processes of globalization, I adopt Appadurai’s characterization of globalization as a network of global flows of people (ethnoscapes), money (financescapes), technology (technoscapes), images (mediascapes) and ideas (ideoscapes). The willingness of EPIK teachers, as guestworkers or temporary migrant workers, to move to South Korea for at least a year and sometimes longer makes the EPIK program possible. The very idea of temporarily working in a foreign country such as South Korea is facilitated by the rapid flow of people who constitute the shifting world. The flow of EPIK teachers is also influenced by financial flows. The transfer of money from the Korean government to EPIK teachers and eventually their countries of origin is an incentive for EPIK teachers to move to Korea. In the long run, the Korean government aims to secure a counterflow of money from foreign countries to Korea by strengthening Korea’s competitiveness in the global market through developing the Korean people’s English skills. The flows of people and money through the EPIK program include TESOL (the Teaching of English to Speakers of Other Languages) teaching materials, examinations (e.g., TOEFL, GRE, etc.), know-how, and teachers, which are significant export items for the countries from which EPIK teachers come (Phillipson, 2008). The flows of people and money through the EPIK program are also facilitated by flows of technology. The advertisement and recruitment processes rely heavily on the internet, and EPIK teachers make use of information about teaching resources and materials available on the internet. In terms of flows of images, the EPIK program was founded on the reality of the global spread of English that has been accompanied by the spread of an image/ideology of English as a Global Language and English speakers as global citizens. The EPIK program also demonstrates that Korea is a part of the flow of ideas in the ‘ideoscapes’ of the globalization process. The rationale behind the policy of hiring native English speakers to teach English in Korea is that English should be taught monolingually by native speakers. Native English teachers who are not bilingual in both English and Korean have of course no choice but to teach English only through English. This rationale is not specific to the South Korean government; it is a commonly held belief in 170

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many teaching and learning situations in the field of ELT. Pennycook (1998), citing Auerbach (1993), argues that ELT theories and practices, including the exclusive use of English, need to be understood not so much in terms of pedagogical rationalizations but rather in terms of the ideological implications that emerged as part of British neocolonial policy (Phillipson, 1992). Such ELT practices, which are assumed to be pedagogically grounded, can be summarized by the following statement: ‘English is best taught monolingually, by native speakers, as early as possible, and as much as possible, and preferably to the exclusion of other languages’ (Pennycook, 1998: 158). These discourses are consequences of the perpetuation of colonial constructions of the images of superior ‘self’ and inferior ‘other’ in theories and practices of ELT. Such ideologies of ELT are taken up by the South Korean government and materialized in the EPIK policy, which in turn contributes to the spread of such ideologies to its citizens. South Korea plays an active role in the circulation of the ideology of the native English speaker as the ideal teacher, since both the government and its citizens actively subscribe and contribute to further the circulation of the ideology.

Superior teachers vs. ‘performing monkeys’ In current global flows of images (mediascapes) and ideas (ideoscapes) of ELT, including in Korea, English is seen as the most powerful language, and native English speakers are positioned as superior while non-native teachers of English are positioned as inferior. Shin (2006) maintains that colonial discourse surrounding English and its various speakers leads Koreans to assume the superiority of native English teachers and the inferiority of local Korean teachers of English. My interaction with EPIK teachers at the reunion showed that the superior position of native English teachers was not always realized in their lived experiences. Of course, the Korean government’s subscription to the discourse of native English speakers as ideal English teachers made it possible for some EPIK teachers without teaching certificates or backgrounds in education to teach at Korean public schools as long as they held BA degrees and were citizens of the one of the seven inner circle countries. This requirement reveals that the South Korean government privileges only inner circle varieties of English and holds a narrow definition of what constitutes English(es) and native English speakers, which has been abandoned by the paradigm of World Englishes (Brutt-Griffler, 2002; B. Kachru, 1992; Y. Kachru, 2004). The linguistic capital they possessed as native speakers of very limited and specific varieties of English guaranteed EPIK teachers full time teaching positions regardless of their qualifications as teachers. However, the 171

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lived experiences of EPIK teachers demonstrate that the dichotomization of ‘native English speakers as superior teachers vs. non-native English speakers as inferior teachers’ is too simplistic and rigid to reliably reflect the complexities involved in interpersonal interactions between EPIK teachers, Korean teachers of English, and Korean students. The experience of Mike, an EPIK teacher from the United States, provides an illustration of this complexity. He expressed his position as an EPIK teacher in his school and his role in English education in Korea in the following comment during the open discussion forum (21 December 2007): We want to plan class together, but co-teachers are too busy. They have a lot of paper work . . . Teachers are wonderful but there is disconnect between what we were told and what they were told. I was a JET [a Japan Exchange Program participant] before. I had the same problem. Co-teachers go, ‘Great teachers! You have great ideas. But you’re here only one hour per week. We are here until sixty-two years old. No, thanks.’

There were similar comments from other teachers such as: ‘Most native English teachers do not know the curriculum requirements their co-teachers follow nor have they seen their students’ textbooks’ (Clair, presentation, 21 December 2007). As illustrated in the previous extracts, many EPIK teachers experience their place in Korean English education in marginality and isolation. Although Mike hoped to contribute to the improvement of Korean English education by sharing his ideas, local English teachers ignored his advice. As Clair, an EPIK teacher at a middle school, added, ‘We simply show up one day a week as an isolated entity with our own lesson entirely separate from whatever it is our classes do the rest of the time.’ EPIK teachers’ lack of integration in the regular curriculum tends to be more prevalent in middle and high schools than in elementary schools (interviews with Hazel, 23 July 2008 and Janice, 8 August 2008, both EPIK teachers; an interview with Ms Lee, an EPIK coordinator, 1 August 2008). Janice, an EPIK teacher at an elementary school, reported that she taught one quarter of a lesson unit, while her co-teacher taught the rest. But her team-teaching worked out with only one of the two Korean co-teachers, because of the lack of cooperation of the other co-teacher (interview, 8 August 2008). This shows that an individual EPIK teacher’s experience in team-teaching can vary according to the Korean co-teachers. Janice ascribed the lack of interest of the co-teacher in team-teaching to the low English proficiency of the teacher. My interview with Mr Park, who served as a local English teacher at an elementary school, revealed that his administrative duties and the lack of time prevented him from planning team-teaching with an EPIK teacher at 172

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his school, although he was very interested in team-teaching and his English proficiency was sufficient (interview, 26 July 2008). Janice also shared the experiences of her colleague EPIK teachers who taught in middle and high schools in that they rarely team-teach with Korean co-teachers, which echoes the experience of Clair who taught at a middle school. Given the fact that EPIK teachers were assigned middle schools first, high schools next, and elementary schools last (interview with Ms Lee, an EPIK coordinator, 1 August 2008), the majority of EPIK teachers experience the lack of integration in the regular curriculum, which is reinforced by the lack of implementation of team-teaching. Choi (2001) also found that team-teaching, which was intended to be a key notion in EPIK, was not widely enforced in practice. In her presentation during the open discussion forum (21 December 2007), Sharon, an American, voiced her response to the EPIK teachers’ subsidiary position in Korean English education: Why are we hired? I don’t know. They pay me $2000 a month . . . But we’re here as ‘performing monkeys,’ like what we do is we stand there, we do a dog and bunny show for 45 minutes. Everybody laughs and giggles, having a good time. We sit around in front of a computer. That works for me. Two grand for that? You’re kidding. I have my job. It’s brilliant. It could be done differently. I am not here to fix the problems. It’s not my country. I’m not here to change the world. I love my job. It’s a nice, great country. Love it.

Echoing Sharon, William pointed out that EPIK teachers as performers have ‘entertainment value’ (personal communication, 22 December 2007). ‘Performing monkeys with entertainment value’ is a metaphor for EPIK teachers’ position in which they have limited power to improve Korean English education by contributing to the students’ learning of English. Without the reward from making things better as a teacher, ‘fixing the problems’ in her own words, Sharon found the value of her work in the good salary that she earned for a relatively easy job as ‘a performing monkey’ and by ‘spending time in front of a computer’ during her downtime. Like Sharon, John also implied that the work was overpaid, since he taught only 22 hours per week. The economic benefit of the job is, of course, one of the major motivations for EPIK teachers to teach in South Korea.

Discipline and power The presentations made by Mike and Sandra (21 December 2007) showed how they were received by Korean students, which further reveals EPIK teachers’ lack of legitimacy. Mike shared common class management problems that he faced, such as: (1) frequent cell phone 173

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use; (2) sleeping during the class; (3) looking at mirrors; (4) spitting; (5) throwing things out of the windows; (6) vandalism of the air conditioner; and (7) coming to the class without pens, books and dictionaries. He added that one lesson per week was too short to implement discipline. Regarding sleeping during class time, his students always gave him the excuse that they had had to stay up late studying for a test. But Mike added that his students gave him the same excuse even when they did not have a test. Except for spitting and vandalism, most EPIK teachers shared Mike’s experiences. Sandra, a Canadian said, ‘At my first day at the school, my students did everything but listen to me. They were using cell phones, listening to music, drawing, talking to each other, or sleeping. These things never happen in Canada, because teachers don’t allow it. I cried and thought about going back to Canada the following day’ (presentation, 21 December 2007). These class management issues arise in the specific context of English ‘conversation’ classes led by EPIK teachers. Another EPIK teacher, Jennifer, rightly pointed out the main reason for the class management problems: Korean students did not consider her English class a real class, because what she taught was not on their tests. She added that Korean public education has a test-centred curriculum in which tests determine what is taught in class. In this system, the local Korean teachers of English who are in control of assessment and examinations can exercise more power in English language teaching in general and student management in particular than can EPIK teachers who do not have such control. Even in the case of Janice, who taught one quarter of each lesson unit, she was not given a chance to see the tests and the final grade of each student, except that she was asked to evaluate the students’ oral proficiency (interview, 8 August 2008). Thus, the management problems are less a result of individual performance, such as the inabilities of EPIK teachers and misbehaviours of Korean students, than the structural issues that situate the relationship between EPIK teachers and Korean students. Even with this systemic and structural marginalization of EPIK teachers, there are some EPIK teachers who have tried to make changes and succeeded in part. For example, Jennifer, to overcome her limitations as an EPIK teacher, memorized over 600 students’ names using flash cards with photos matched to the names. Sandra also surmounted her initial difficulties by using incentives, such as copies of $5.00 bills and group points, and by adopting games in her class. Based on his observations on team-teaching and interviews with EPIK teachers and local teachers in Korea, Carless found some positive impacts of team-teaching on students (2004) and described an example of good practice of 174

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team-teaching between a local teacher of English and an EPIK teacher (2006). Some EPIK teachers intended to build their careers as EFL/ESL teachers. For example, David, who used to be a substitute teacher in California, planned to pursue his MA online in TESOL while in Korea. These individual success stories, however, cannot validate the structural and systemic contexts in which EPIK teachers find themselves having limited legitimacy as teachers. What, then, does the South Korean government gain in exchange for the funds spent to hire EPIK teachers? The ‘entertainment value’ of native English teachers alone does not adequately justify the significant costs of running the EPIK program. Rather, hiring native English speakers serves as a political tool for (re)gaining the trust of parents who sent their children abroad or to private English language institutes (e.g., English kindergartens). The local realization of the global resource of English as linguistic capital, and the local adoption of the discourse of the native English speaker as superior English teacher are complex processes. Ironically, in real classrooms the EPIK teachers’ assumed superiority as native speakers of English does not guarantee local acceptance; Korean teachers of English and Korean students do not perceive EPIK teachers as legitimate teachers. Neither does the position of EPIK teachers in Korean ELT automatically grant local Korean teachers of English more legitimacy as English language teachers. Dichotomizing native speakers of English as superior teachers and non-native speakers of English as inferior teachers is too simplistic to explain the real life experiences of EPIK teachers, local Korean teachers and Korean students.

Conclusion In the analysis of South Korea’s EPIK program, this chapter has focused on the broader global, social, political and economic structures and widely circulating ideas about English and its native speakers in which the EPIK program is situated, while also paying attention to how the globally circulating ideologies of English and its native speakers are realized in the particular context of EPIK. The macro-level analysis of the EPIK program in relation to globalization has highlighted the South Korean government’s response to and active participation in the global spread of English by adopting and implementing the EPIK program. Description of the EPIK policy has demonstrated that the South Korean government adopted the ideologies of English as a global language and the native English speaker as the ideal language teacher. While intended to enhance its citizens’ command of English, South Korea’s English language policies have contributed to the spread of such ideologies to 175

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its citizens and resulted in the active participation of both the South Korean government and citizens in the further circulation of such ideologies. The South Korean government, parents and students willingly and zealously invest resources to obtain linguistic capital by learning English. The South Korean case is one of the numerous examples of symbolic power in use (see Phillipson, 2003, 2008 for the case of English in EU), showing active complicity (Thompson, 1991) on the part of South Koreans in subscribing to the legitimacy of English and native speakers of English in ELT. The ideology of the native English speaker as the ideal teacher, readily adopted by the Korean government and people does not, however, grant native English teachers legitimacy as teachers in their everyday interactions with local Korean teachers of English and Korean students. The lived experiences of EPIK teachers have illustrated that the dichotomy of native speaker of English as superior teacher and non-native speaker of English as inferior teacher is too simplistic to explain real life interactions of EPIK teachers, local Korean teachers and Korean students. The experiences of EPIK teachers, positioned as language teachers with limited legitimacy, illustrate how local adaptations of English language policy have altered the images of superior ‘self’ vs. inferior ‘other’. Instead of attempting to prove or disprove the truthfulness or falsehood of particular ideologies regarding English and the native English speaker, this chapter has focused on the ways in which these ideologies are constructed, appropriated and reconstructed at the macro-level of educational policy and at the micro-level of everyday interactions among EPIK teachers, local Korean teachers and Korean students. Before we can start to talk of change, resistance, opposition and counter-discourse, we need to pay attention to the complexities of the contemporary reality of the lives of the diverse people involved in ELT in a post-colonial, globalized and market-driven world. ELT in Korea can benefit from an enhanced understanding of these complexities.

Acknowledgements 1. The research project reported in this chapter was funded by two grants: (1) a Faculty of Arts Research Grant, York University, in 2007 to 2008 and (2) a policy research grant from Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada in 2008 to 2009. 2. I wish to acknowledge and thank the volume editor, Viniti Vaish, for her guidance, encouragement, and critical comments on the earlier versions of my chapter. I want to express my gratitude to the EPIK teachers, local Korean teachers of English, and EPIK coordinators for their kindness, honesty, and unbound voices.

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Notes An earlier version of the paper was published in Jeon, M. (2009), ‘Globalization and Native English Speakers in EPIK (English Program in Korea)’, Language, Culture and Curriculum, 22 (3), 231–243. The data for the current chapter is from a research project funded by the grants from the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada and the Faculty of Arts, York University. 1. According to the Korean National Statistical Office, in 2007, among 765,746 registered foreigners who reside in Korea for more than 3 months, 708,474 were from Asia; 310,485 were Korean Chinese (ethnic Koreans who live in China); 111,008 Chinese; and 67,197 Vietnamese (http://www.index.go.kr/ egams/default.jsp); 34,083 were from North America. In the same year, there were 223,464 unregistered foreigners in Korea. 2. The interviews were conducted in part by my colleague, Eve Haque, and myself.

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Globalization and Language-in-Education Policy Shift in Malaysia: Challenges of Implementation Saran Kaur Gill, Radha M. K. Nambiar, Noraini Ibrahim and Tan Kim Hua

Chapter summary Among the many measures taken by Malaysia to face the demands of global competitiveness is a major shift in language policy from Bahasa Malaysia to English for Science and Mathematics at various educational levels, from primary to secondary and higher education. This chapter will have the dual thrust of unravelling the main reasons for the change in the language policy as well as examining the challenges for the implementers on the ground, the teachers. For a nation that has been using Bahasa Malaysia as the language of education for the past 30 years, this shift to English as the language of instruction for Science and Mathematics has inevitably brought about a number of challenges. Immediate steps were taken by the Ministry of Education of Malaysia to address these challenges. One of the education initiatives taken was the development of a national programme on English teaching for Science and Maths (ETeMs), by the English Language Teaching Centre (ELTC), a teacher education division entrusted with the task of retraining teachers. This initiative, in turn, faced new challenges, in particular, varying levels of English competency among Science and Maths teachers, compressed scheduling of in-service training, lack of networking after training, underutilization of self instructional materials, and the less than successful collaboration among the Science and Maths teachers with the English Language teachers. The evaluation of the language-in-education policy shift is currently underway. Six years after its implementation, the fate of the English language as a medium of instruction for Science and Mathematics lies very much in the hands of the policy makers. The literature on the challenges faced tends to suggest that it is perhaps too early to evaluate

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the success of the shift in the medium of instruction from Bahasa Malaysia to English for the teaching and learning of Science and Mathematics. Hence more time is needed for a fairer evaluation of the change in language in education policy.

Introduction Post-colonial nations manoeuvred freedom from the shackles of colonial powers through political, educational and socio-cultural re-affirmation. Through the educational systems, one of the most common assertions of national identity was the establishment of a national language in place of the colonial language. Malaysia, after being colonized in the eighteenth, nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries, gained independence from the British on 31st August 1957. One of the earliest integral initiatives for this young nation was the replacement of the colonial official language of English with Bahasa Melayu. This initiative was impacted by the spirit of nationalism and for the dominant ethnic group (for whom the language was their mother tongue) to reaffirm their identity and to provide them with a strong sense of recognition and legitimacy among the various other ethnic communities in Malaysia (Emerson, 1960: 152; Horowitz, 1985: 185). This change also provided a platform for a common language to be legislated as the official language for both educational and administrative purposes and which over the years, would function as the linguistic means for the promotion of unity among the various ethnic groups in Malaysia. There was a need to create space and recognition for Bahasa Melayu in the post-independence period because English had already established itself as the language of economic opportunity and social mobility in the pre-independence period. As Asmah explained, ‘the introduction of English created two classes of people based on education – those educated in English (i.e., predominantly Chinese, urban Indians and Malay elites) with the connotation of high education, high office and socioeconomic power and those educated only in the vernacular languages (i.e., commoner Malays and labouring Chinese and Indians) with the connotation of peasantry, cheap labour and petty trading’ (Asmah Haji Omar, 1995: 159, cited in Kaplan and Baldauf, 1997: 197). To rectify this social and economic imbalance, the Malays felt strongly that the institution of Bahasa Melayu as the national language, its legislation as official language and its development as language of knowledge was necessary to provide it with educational and administrative capital that would lead to its development as a language of higher status. Therefore, having mastery of this language would provide the Malays with linguistic capital of greater value for economic 181

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opportunity, which would then lead to social and professional mobility. Through the landmark recommendation of the Razak Education Commission in 1956, the Government implemented the National Education Policy, which stipulated that Bahasa Melayu becomes the medium of instruction in schools (Report of the Education Committee, 1956: 4). The aim of this policy was to remove the identification of a particular ethnic group with school achievement and reduce the inequality of opportunity among ethnic groups. As a consequence, during that post-independence period, English, which used to be the medium of instruction in the educational system and which had a powerful status not only nationally but also internationally, through its economic and technological power and roles, was given less importance than Bahasa Melayu. From its role as medium of instruction it became a subject in the school curriculum, a subject that was compulsory to take but not to pass. If its status had not been reduced, then Bahasa Melayu would not have had the opportunity to develop its status in competition with such a powerful language. A crucial element in the success factor of the implementation of the language as the language of knowledge is the need for published/translated materials in the native language. Gonzalez depicts this by arguing that in the Philippines context for the native language to be taken seriously as language of knowledge, it has to be cultivated to a higher level of intellectual development, which is usually done at the tertiary level through the writing of books in the native language. If this is not done, and there is insufficient published text material in the native language, then in turn, the school-based programmes will be limited in their development and children will be disadvantaged (Gonzalez cited in Kaplan and Baldauf, 1997: 200). Therefore, in the same light, for Bahasa Melayu to be taken seriously as an intellectual language and to truly gain educational capital, it needed to be modernized and academics needed to be encouraged to write or translate specialized knowledge in the native language. Therefore, amidst the various challenges, the first thing that needed to be done was to modernize the language. Given its multifunctional value and importance, many resources were injected to facilitate the implementation of both status and corpus planning to develop and establish Bahasa Melayu as the national language, the language of administration and the language of education over a period of 30 years, from 1952 to 1982 (see Asmah, 1979 for details on both status and corpus planning for the development of Bahasa Melayu). After 30 years of the legislation and implementation of Bahasa Melayu in the education system, and all the efforts at modernizing it, the 1980s signalled the onset of the knowledge economy driven by science and technology. This led to the nation needing to develop an 182

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innovative culture in the information age. This means that ‘the forces that shape every company – industrial, service and financial – will be of an information nature; the competitive advantage will go to those who can make best use of the information they have or can find, those who can distribute information and knowledge most freely through the executive, managerial, technical and product/service-making workforce, and those who deliver the fruits of this knowledge to customers throughout the world’ (Daniels and Daniels, 1993: xxii). One of the greatest effects of globalization anchored in information technology communication is the emergence of a new world order, which is most distinctly captured in the emergence of the knowledge economy (Kenway, 1996; Feguson, 1997). It has an impact on the changing structure of the economy and the transformation of society from an industrial to a post-industrial society. The features of the new economy, which has variously been called the information and knowledge economy, is the process of innovation and creativity to generate profits and drive businesses. The information technology revolution, which forms the base of the knowledge economy requires a new breed of workers for the new century, and these workers are best described as knowledge workers. Knowledge workers are global citizens because their expert knowledge is in demand all over the world, particularly by countries which are steaming ahead to be in the forefront of this competitive information era. Their strengths that make them internationally viable are not only their technical expertise but also linguistic competence in English, which facilitates communication, whether face-to-face or technology-based. Therefore, nations around the globe were facing the challenges of globalization and the newly emerging knowledge economy and the impact of these factors on education, language choice and human resource development. These new challenges brought along with them contrasting decisions, decisions that reversed earlier ones concerning languagein-education policy. Many post-colonial nations began re-examining the language policies that had been implemented in the throes of linguistic nationalism in the post-independence period. This was largely because of the winds of change driven by forces of globalization and the knowledge economy which were affecting the economic and knowledge-driven priorities of many nations around the globe. In these times of critical dependence on the knowledge economy and technology ideologies nations needed to develop human resource that is able to access and use knowledge and information in the field of science and technology, which is largely in English. Thus languages began to be viewed as ‘economic commodities’ possessing ‘linguistic capital’ rather than ‘symbols of ethnic or national identity’ (Block and Cameron, 2002: 5). 183

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As a result, language policies began to be driven by forces of pragmatism, based on the need to develop knowledge economists and innovators in various fields of science and technology. Thus, this led in 2003, to a major change in Malaysia’s language in education policy. This was a change from Bahasa Melayu to English for Science and Maths. This leads us to the following sections of the chapter, which focus on both the political reasons for and the impact of the change on pedagogical perspectives, focusing on teachers. The need to adopt this approach is emphasized by Tollefson and Tsui when they say, ‘In analyzing medium-of-instruction policies, it is always important to include both pedagogical and political perspectives’ (2004: 292). This chapter has a two-pronged focus. First, it explicates the underlying reasons for the change in language policy and secondly, it moves onto the challenges for its implementation. We begin by briefly unravelling the main reasons for the change in language policy, focusing largely on the viewpoints of the person who was instrumental for the change, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Mahathir. Thereafter we examine the research literature on the challenges faced by the stakeholders integral for the implementers of any language-ineducation policy, i.e., the teachers. This will involve describing and examining the training and support provided for the teachers to equip them with skills and knowledge to cope with this change. This incorporates the theoretical underpinnings and the different phases of the national programme developed by English Language Teaching Centre (ELTEC) aimed at enhancing the language proficiency of Science and Mathematics teachers and their continuing professional development. It then moves onto the challenges faced in the training of the Science an Maths teachers. The second half of the chapter draws in voices from society and provides space for them to express their support and dissent against the language policy. This is supported by research on the pedagogical impact of the policy on the ground and the socio-political reasons for the change.

A top-down approach: reasons for change in language policy A sudden change in the language of instruction was announced in the mass media on the 11th of May 2002 (Mahathir Mohamad, New Straits Times, 11 May 2002: 1). This led to the reinstitution of English as the medium of instruction for Science and Maths in the national schools in a staggered fashion – beginning with Primary One, Secondary One and Lower Six. 184

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This was a top-down decision on language policy, driven largely by the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Mahathir Mohamed, who had mainly practised a form of ‘autocratic democracy’ in his decisionmaking processes during his 22-year term as Prime Minister. ‘Top-down’ language planning is carried out by people with power and authority (many of whom make up the government) who make language related decisions for the nation, often with minimal consultation with the grassroot language learners and users (Kaplan and Baldauf, 1997: 196). Therefore, it was crucial to obtain from him, first hand, the reasons for which the policy change had been instituted. As part of a research project (Gill et al., 2003–2005) during which he was interviewed, when he was asked why the change had to take place, he said, Education is for the purpose of acquiring knowledge. The most important thing is the acquisition of knowledge. If you have to use a language which makes the knowledge more easily accessible, you should use that language . . . Our education system is like any other education system. It’s meant to enable us to acquire knowledge. If we have the knowledge available in the national language, by all means, do . . . but the fact is that in science the research that is being done is moving at a very fast pace. Everyday literally thousands of papers on new research is being published and practically all of them are in English. To translate English into Bahasa, would require a person with 3 skills. Skill in the 2 languages and skill in the subject that is to be translated and we don’t have very many people who are qualified to do that or who wish to do that. That is why it is easier if you learn English and the students can have direct access to all the knowledge that is available in English. (personal communication, 16 June 2005)

It must also be kept in mind that this was made against the backdrop of the aim of the nation to be an industrialized nation by 2020. In this context, the issue of developing relevant human capital becomes critical. This needed to be human capital, which has the capacity not only to acquire knowledge but also to innovate particularly in the fields of science and technology. Therefore, given the gargantuan proliferation of knowledge published in English in the field of science and technology, it was essential for Malaysians to be able to access this with immediacy (The reasons for the change are explicated in greater detail in Gill (2005) and David and Govindasamy (2005)). In arguing a case for the need to reinstitute this change in language policy and to garner support for it, Mahathir redefines the concept of nationalism by asserting that, ‘We need to move from the extreme form of nationalism which concentrates on being a language nationalist only, not a knowledge nationalist, not a development-oriented nationalist. 185

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I feel that we should be development-oriented nationalists. We want our people to succeed, to be able to stand tall, to be respected by the rest of the world. Not to be people with no knowledge of science and technology, very poor, very backward, working as servants to other people. If we have no knowledge we will be servants to those with knowledge’ (personal communication, 16 June 2005).

Examining the challenges for teachers It must be remembered though that the successful implementation of a new language policy can only be carried out if the teachers are provided with clear guidelines as to the policy and the structural support and resources needed for its implementation. This should include being informed of the reasons for the change, provision of training to assist teachers to cope with the change, helping to develop the linguistic competency of teachers and the educational resources needed for the implantation of language policy. Teachers of Science an Maths have been teaching in Bahasa Melayu since the latter was instituted as the medium of instruction in the education system since post-independence days. In parallel, with the marginalization of English, exposure to the English language has become much reduced, compared to when it was the language of education. All of these decisions resulted over the years in the development of a generation of students and teachers who were more fluent in Bahasa Melayu than in English. This is not surprising given that the teaching of content subjects in the national language provided students with an environment in which they were immersed in the language. Immersion facilitated acquisition and competency of Bahasa Melayu for teachers and students of various multi-ethnic communities. This greater competency in Bahasa Melayu than in English raises one of the major challenges facing the recent change in medium of instruction policy, that is, the competency of the teachers of Science and Maths in the English language. Can teachers who have been teaching Mathematics and Science in Bahasa Melayu for decades now use the English language to deliver content? A sampling of literature in this area provides us with an idea of the challenges faced by teachers in implementing this policy. Yeow (2003: 1) states that ‘while these teachers are pedagogically competent, some of them would face difficulties in teaching Maths and Science through another language.’ Similar views are presented by Pillay and Thomas (2003: 29) who posit that these teachers ‘display inadequate proficiency in English for content delivery’ and Kon (2005: 46) who maintains ‘teachers were skeptical about their own confidence and capabilities in delivering the subject matter in English’. 186

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Research among teachers supports the importance of and need for teacher preparedness and readiness to facilitate the switch in medium of instruction. Pandian and Ramaiah (2004) discuss the language inadequacies among teachers and how this is an obstacle in helping to bring about the required changes in their learners. Kon (2005) working with primary school Science teachers, concluded that while the teachers had oral fluency and could use the English language to teach Science, they expressed less confidence in pronunciation of words and terms in Science. Noraini Idris et al. (2007) highlight the fact that many teachers perceived they needed more training in preparing themselves to speak and deliver in English, conduct question and answer sessions, and guide students to use English in class itself. Choong (2004) states that teachers who cannot articulate their thoughts in the English language will find it impossible to develop conceptual understanding in their learners. The task of retraining teachers was left to the teacher education division which appointed the English Language Teaching Centre (ELTC) to develop a national programme aimed at enhancing the language proficiency of Mathematics and Science teachers (Pandian and Ramaiah, 2004; Choong, 2004). We now move on to tracing the implementation challenges in instituting the language-in-education policy change for Science and Maths in the Malaysian education system by examining the training and support provided for the teachers.

Theoretical underpinnings of programs conducted by ELTC The theoretical underpinnings of the training programme developed by ELTC rested on the development of content knowledge in English (Choong, 2004). Instrumental to the design of the programme was Cummins’ work (1979, 1981), although the aforementioned work focused on learners and not teachers. Cummins’ proposal on the development of cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP) can be applied to teachers to ensure that they have the required proficiency to make sense of academic language in context-reduced situations. Cummins (1979) posits that there are two differing language proficiencies – basic interpersonal communication skills or BICS and cognitive academic language proficiency or CALP. Most speakers acquire BICS or the ‘surface’ skills fairly quickly as these are the social skills that enable them to interact with other speakers. CALP however, is used for formal academic learning. Cummins (1979) further states that it is possible to attain native speaker fluency within 2 years of learning a target language while it can take as long as 7 years for academic 187

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language to develop. This is because academic language is cognitively demanding as new ideas, concepts and language are taught simultaneously. What is important to know is that what is learned in the L1 can be transferred to the L2 because conceptual knowledge developed in one language helps make input in the other language comprehensible (Cummins, 1981). Hence the learning of academic content in English for Mathematics and Science can be made easier when academic language is nurtured and developed simultaneously. Cummins’ BICS and CALP have formed the basis for many language programmes to help improve proficiency. One such programme is the Sheltered English programme that helps develop content area knowledge, academic skills and improved proficiency in the English language. This programme provides opportunities for learners to learn English by using it to understand content knowledge. Using clear, direct and simple English, teachers communicate meaningful input in the content area to students using a variety of methods like extralinguistic cues (pictures, charts, maps) props (physical objects) and body language (Parker, 1985); linguistic modifications during speech (Parker, 1985); interactive lectures, cooperative learning strategies (Kagan, 1989); employing a focus on central concepts using a thematic approach; and developing of suitable strategies to develop thinking (Langer and Applebee, 1985). The various methods employed here illustrate how the communication process can be enhanced and meaningful input put forth for learning. ELTC was designed along similar ideas as the Sheltered English programme because it stressed the idea that using English to develop content knowledge could lead to better proficiency in the language itself. Pillay and Thomas (2003: 27) posit ‘the premise is that cognitively challenging and complex academic content can be taught in a linguistically simplified manner by ensuring that the material is taught in “context embedded environments” that is an environment where the teaching and learning is fully supported by the use of various media.’ The effectiveness of Sheltered English depends on the teacher’s ability to teach in English without altering the content, that is, there should be no watering down of course content. At the same time the teacher must ensure students have opportunities to develop their academic language which means there must be effort to enhance communication in English in class. Teachers can do this by using simple structures in the early stages and then move on to more complex structures when content is more comprehensible. This integration of content and language seems to be what the training division and ELTC had in mind when they designed the training programme which will be discussed below. 188

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ETeMS The training programme developed by ELTC is known as English for Teaching Mathematics and Science (ETeMS). The programme had a two fold thrust – to enhance language skills of Mathematics and Science teachers for effective teaching using English as MOI and to enhance teachers’ continuing professional development (EteMs, 2004). This training programme was made available to all Maths and Science teachers throughout the nation and was conducted in the various states to enable all teachers to attend the training. A total number of 50,000 teachers underwent training to equip them with skills and competencies to deal with the change in MOI. ELTC recognized that focusing on the development only of content knowledge was insufficient as the change in medium of instruction necessitated a fundamental understanding of both content and language issues (Choong 2004). Hence the training of teachers should focus on both productive and receptive skills to ensure the development of language skills. The underlying premise here was that teachers should already possess the content area knowledge and pedagogical skills and needed to develop the basic proficiency to enable them to deliver this content effectively in the target language. The programme had as its underlying focus the development of language for accessing information, for teaching Mathematics and Science and for professional development. According to Pillay and Thomas (2003) ‘The programme had to incorporate elements of activating teachers’ English language proficiency as well as developing a specialist language to cope with teaching mathematics and science in English.’ ETeMS centred on 240 hours of instruction and adopted a 5-pronged strategy comprising – Interactive Phase 1 (language-based with subject content) – Interactive Phase 2 (language and subject with technology) – Self-instructional package for self-directed studies (print and non-print) – Internet based learning through freeware (material available for use on the internet) – Buddy support system Phase 1 – ETeMS Thirty per cent of Phase 1 was focused on developing language for accessing information while 70 per cent focused on language for teaching Mathematics and Science. It was hoped that this would provide teachers a head start in developing basic language skills needed to begin 189

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teaching in English for content subjects. This phase was delivered by means of 5 modules distributed over a period of 5 weeks involving a total of 60 hours. Each module took place over 2 days of face-to-face interaction. Thereafter there were 30 hours of a 5-day module and finally 30 hours of a self-instructional package. The 5 modules in this phase consisted of a series of sessions over a period of 2 days and comprised text labs, language labs, stand and deliver and back to the future sessions. The text lab was to help teachers develop reading skills based on Maths and Science texts. Using the texts as a stimulus for a lesson teachers learn how to exploit the texts for vocabulary skills, grammatical, discoursal and linguistic features. Teachers are encouraged to use English to discuss how they could structure their lessons thereby helping to develop their confidence levels. The language lab sessions provided opportunities for teachers to develop language competence with skills like explaining concepts, describing, etc. with a reference to accurate grammatical structures. The stand and deliver sessions were avenues for teachers to practise the language learned in the earlier two sessions in simulation exercises. The back to the future sessions enabled teachers to reflect on their learning experience and look ahead to future goals. At the end of each module teachers are encouraged to assess their own self-development to see how much of progress they have made and also to develop confidence in their abilities. The selfinstructional package helped supplement the delivery provided through the modules and were to be used by teachers for self-access learning. The 5-day module provided a means of sustained immersion in the English language as it was delivered at a live-in training venue for teachers. This module entailed cohorts of trainees developing and practising scripted lessons which would go into a bank and be made available for all teachers. The aim of the intensive practice was to help prepare teachers for classroom instruction. Phase 2 – ETeMS Phase 2 was developed from the feedback received from Phase 1 and also involved 90 hours of face-to-face interaction supported with selfinstructional materials. The first part of Phase 2, involving the faceto-face interaction had 3 modules – Alpha, Beta and Gamma – to further develop teachers’ competence in relation to the pedagogical aspects of teaching of Mathematics and Science (Facilitator notes, ETEMS Package, 2004). The Alpha Module focused on note making and task design while grammar and vocabulary were developed concurrently. The Beta Module set out to educate teachers on the use of the multimedia courseware 190

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supplied by the Ministry of Education and helped build on teachers’ ability to write test items. The Gamma Module focused on helping teachers with classroom presentation skills and developed their pronunciation abilities. The second part of Phase 2 – the development of self-instructional materials – involved active participation of the teachers in the development of a portfolio of materials they could use in their own classrooms and inherently build on their confidence to extend their mastery of English independently. The Buddy Support System While there was a good training program designed by ELTC to assist teachers cope with the switch in the medium of instruction for the teaching of Maths and Science, there was also awareness that teachers still needed a resource in their individual schools to help them. This additional support was the buddy system where another member of staff would serve as a critical friend and help Maths and Science teachers with language problems. This collaborative support structure was based on the understanding that there was a critical friend who could be either an English subject teacher or a Maths and Science teacher who was competent with the use of English to teach. This critical friend would act as a buddy and assist the teacher in the use of language to teach Maths and Science. Ideally of course if the critical friend could also be a Maths and Science teacher who was competent in the language then help could be provided in both the content and language as well. Selected language teachers underwent training as master trainers to equip them with the skills for helping their fellow buddies back at school. The master trainers were equipped with training skills through the MaSTT (Mathematics and Science Trainer Training), a training programme developed for master trainers in Malaysia through the collaboration of the Teacher Education Division of the Education Ministry and the College of St Mark and St John, United Kingdom. The MaSTT, which builds upon the experiential learning model, is designed to make the master trainers think about training and develop critical thinking skills. These trainers are also trained to think and reflect upon the kinds of materials used as well as the needs of the people they are training.

The challenges of the training of Maths and Science teachers ETeMS, which is a comprehensive training programme, has been in existence for 5 years now since 2003, and given the timeline, it would 191

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be appropriate to examine the challenges that it has faced. Research carried out on the ETeMs programme and opportunities provided for teachers to voice their views (Subramaniam and Mardziah, 2007) have seen a number of issues being raised on the effectiveness of the training in helping teachers and also in enhancing their professional development. These issues are the varying levels of English competency among the Maths and Science teachers, the compressed scheduling of in-service training, the absence of opportunity for professional development among teachers, the underutilization of instructional resources, the not so friendly buddy system and finally the neglect of the recipients or learners. These were all issues that clouded the implementation of the ETeMS project (Subramaniam and Mardziah, 2007). We will now examine these issues in the following sections.

Varying levels of English competency It was discovered that training the teachers was not a clear-cut matter because of the varying levels of English competency among teachers. This was because most of them had completed their education in the national language, Bahasa Malaysia. This in turn meant their proficiency in English was largely inadequate. At the same time, there were teachers, who were senior and had been through the English medium of education. Due to different exposure and background, these teachers had good language competencies. Hence trainers had difficulty pitching their modules appropriately due to the varying levels of proficiency among the Maths and Science teachers. Norzita (2004) (cited in Khiruddin Ahmad, 2007) surveyed 86 Maths and Science teachers of Form 1 classes in an urban school in Seremban, the capital of the state of Negeri Sembilan, and found their level of proficiency and competency was low and even with training they needed continuous support. Kamsilawati Kamlum (2005) reminds us that many teacher trainees are not interested and do not have the ability to teach in English, so it is unrealistic to expect them to implement the change in MOI. Using a questionnaire, she investigated Maths and Science teacher trainee perceptions of their readiness to teach ETeMS by focusing on their proficiency and support and facilities provided by the school. Her research found that the reality of the situation is that they are struggling to learn terms in English and in addition they have to familiarize themselves with instructional language in English. This places both teachers and learners in a very disadvantageous situation. A teacher can be highly knowledgeable in content knowledge but if this knowledge cannot be communicated to the students then nothing is taught and the teacher is seen to have failed. 192

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Compressed scheduling of in-service training The original plan was to minimize disruption in schools by reducing the number of hours teachers left their classes for training. This led to the provision of in-service training over the weekend. However the usual practice of a week-end training stint has proven to be of little value, more so if the aim is to help improve proficiency. This is because of the lack of opportunity for any hands-on-learning during the weekend stints. Hence the Ministry of Education opted for a 5-day training package simply because it was easier to organize logistically. The difficulty of getting all the trainers and teachers together in one place at one time, finding a suitable training site, ensuring there was sufficient software for the teachers to obtain hands-on-training and of course, the costs incurred proved too challenging to coordinate.

Lack of networking (post-training) When training is conducted according to specific time intervals over a period of time, teachers have the opportunity to try and apply what they have learnt from the session and discuss with other teachers techniques that were successful in the classroom. But when teachers only meet once or twice for training and do not have any further contact they have no avenues to talk about their experiences and share them with members of the group. Choong (2004: 5) explains what is lacking. She says that, ‘The need for face-to-face interaction and some time for socialization and learning for an extended period during “immersion” is critical for language learning to be of any impact especially for this target group of teachers who share the same subject knowledge.’ This meant there was no opportunity to share experiences on what was feasible and what was not and the outcome of this was the absence of ongoing professional development for the teachers. Bearing in mind that the ETeMS programme set out to enhance teachers’ professional development, the lack of opportunity for the teachers to share personal experiences and form networks to exchange ideas was unfortunate. When the programme does not allow teachers to spend some time talking to each other and sharing their reflections, they have no opportunity to improve on their pedagogy.

Underutilization of self-instructional materials Self-directed learning resources in the form of a self-instructional package, grammar books and dictionaries were given to teachers to help them enhance their knowledge in their respective fields. Even with the 193

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provision of laptops for each Science and Mathematics teacher, teachers were not optimizing the self-instructional package. The findings from the Malaysian English Language Teaching Association’s (MELTA) National Colloquium on Teaching of Mathematics and Science in English held on 11 December 2007 highlighted a number of reasons why teachers have not fully utilized the instructional material (Subramaniam and Mardziah, 2007). Many teachers claimed that the textbooks, for both Mathematics and Science were inadequate in that they did not provide enough examples and only carried brief descriptions of the content. This meant the teacher and the students had to do a lot of reading outside the classroom which was seen to be burdensome to both groups especially since the readings were in English (Pandian and Ramaiah, 2004). This is indeed a sobering thought because if teachers find it burdensome to read materials in English they must clearly lack language competencies. The multimedia courseware was also unsuitable as students with low proficiency said they were not able to understand the language in the courseware. Tajul Ariffin and Nor’Aini (2002) (cited in Kamsilawati, 2005) state that while the more senior teachers could cope, the younger teachers (who had been trained in Bahasa Melayu) were struggling with the courseware themselves and also with having to explain the language to the students.

Collaboration through the buddy system Collaborative teaching between Maths and Science teachers and English teachers was not always feasible owing to a number of constraints. The lack of time and heavy workloads prevented teachers from wanting to form such partnerships. In addition, low levels of competency in English resulted in a situation which left a lot to be desired. Choong (2004) states that senior Maths and Science teachers were suspicious of the involvement of English language teachers as trainers. Many of these content teachers considered themselves proficient in English and were not so receptive to the idea that they would have to undergo training to teach in English. In addition they were resistant to being grouped with other Maths and Science teachers who were not proficient in English. When they were made to go for the training they ended up being critical of everything and were disruptive to the training. Khiruddin Ahmad (2007) reveals that language teachers are willing to help but they are not so confident that they can assist the Maths and Science teachers translate terms which they themselves were not so sure about. These language teachers themselves learnt Maths and 194

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Science in Bahasa Melayu and their limited ability to understand the subjects in English was an obstacle to them helping the Science and Maths teachers. Hence, once again, poor competency level was an obstacle to collaboration among teachers.

Voices for and against ETEMS Amidst mounting pressure from several quarters, the Ministry of Education organized roundtable discussions to which select parties were invited. These were closed-door affairs. The invited parties included representatives from the National Union of the Teaching Profession (NUTP), educationists from the main political groups, Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs), members of the academia and key members of language-based organizations. The Minister of Education, Hishamuddin Hussein explained the aim of these sessions, which was, ‘to review various studies undertaken to assess the programme’s implementation before the ministry announces its decision in December 2008 on whether to continue with teaching the two subjects in English’ (New Straits Times, 10 July 2008: 8). Subsequent to these announcements, in the months of July, August, September and October 2008, there were numerous articles and letters written to the print media arguing in some cases, for support of and in others, arguing against the implementation of teaching Science and Maths in English. Due to the lack of published academic material, an analysis of some of the articles/letters published in the print media will be carried out to assess society’s responses to this very important issue. The voices are based on two ideological approaches for and against the use of English for Science and Maths. The voices against are based on the premise of linguistic nationalism and the advantages it brings to particularly students from the rural areas, who largely constitute those of the dominant ethnic community, the Malays. This is similarly articulated by Tollefson and Tsui when they analyse the Malaysian situation. They say, ‘In Malaysia, Bahasa Malaysia remains strong, particularly among the educational elite, as a symbol of Malay nationalism’ (2004: 291). The voices supporting the policy are based on developmentoriented nationalism (as originally stressed as one of the reasons for the reversal of medium of instruction from Bahasa to English) and the fact that the use of English facilitates direct access to knowledge and information in English, adds value to the educational system and assists with the development of the human capacity that the nation needs in the face of international competition. The underlying premise of this approach was ‘a result of perceived inadequacies of Bahasa Malaysia in science and technology . . . to prepare learners for higher education in 195

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English’ (Tollefson and Tsui, 2004: 292). It must be stated that this is a challenge that not only Bahasa Malaysia faced but many other national languages faced as well – the challenge of keeping up with translation of the gargantuan proliferation of knowledge in English in the field of science and technology. One of the key articles titled ‘Revise policy for 3 reasons’ written by Rosnani Hashim (28 September 2008), from the International Islamic University, stresses that it is important to revert to Bahasa Malaysia as the language of Science and Maths for the following reasons: ‘firstly, for the simple pedagogical reason that our teachers have not been trained in English and they are not proficient to teach the subjects in the language . . . Second, Bahasa Malaysia has been the language of democratization of higher education in this country, as our history has shown it acts as an equalizer . . . the Education Policy has helped narrow the gap between the rich and the poor and created a bigger base of middle class, which is a stabilizing factor in society . . . Third, this policy, if continued right from primary school-level will slowly cause the death of Bahasa Malaysia as the language of intellectualism’ (Star Education, 28 September 2008: E4). Teachers constitute the most important element in the implementation of language policy. Whether it is just or unjust, they are the human resource that most impacts on the development of the human capacity needed for the nation. Therefore, in the case of change of language policy, they are the ones who have to carry most of the burden of implementation. If they are not convinced of the reasons for the need for change and do not put their heart and soul into improving their proficiency levels, then the policy is doomed to fail. This is the message that is being disseminated via this article as well as research that has been conducted and presented at the round-table dialogues. One research project that was made public and immediately received much attention was a study led by Isahak Haron et al. (2008) of the Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI) (translated this is the University of Education, Sultan Idris). Broadly, the findings revealed a rather dismal scenario as a result of the implementation of the policy. Two of the main findings will be mentioned here. The first is, that ‘70% of the students from the primary schools “do not/ barely comprehend” their teachers’ teaching of Mathematics and 80% find it “difficult/fairly difficult” to learn Mathematics and Science in English’. And secondly, on the use of the English language as the medium of instruction, more than 80 per cent of the students reported that the teacher code-switched from English to Bahasa Malaysia and vice versa as a strategy to promote teaching and learning. It thus calls for a review of the policy and for the use of Bahasa Malaysia to be reinstated for the two subjects. 196

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Unlike Haron et al. (2008) not all research presents a picture of doom and gloom. In a study that employed a questionnaire survey involving 575 teachers randomly selected from the whole of Malaysia, Hamidah Ab Rahman et al. (2005) enquired into the teachers’ competency in the teaching of Mathematics and Science as a result of the training programs that were aimed at preparing them for the classroom as well as boosting their confidence. The project also investigated ‘whether or not the training given was adequate and relevant to the needs of the teachers’ (p. 31). The findings reported that the implementation of the teaching was satisfactory, that the teachers felt that they have improved their command of the English language and that their level of confidence to teach Mathematics in English have also improved. As this study was survey-based, it is difficult to form a holistic picture of what was really happening in the classroom. Further, in the concluding remarks, the researchers end by stating that, ‘It is now very clear to us that a number of life-long programmes need to be carried out in order to improve teachers’ command of English’ (p. 37). This remark is rather contradictory because if the situation was really satisfactory, then the recommendation is redundant. But the issue is, is improving teachers’ command of English enough? Or should the training provide guidance as to how to integrate content and language for the teaching of these content disciplines? And who should train the teachers? Do we have competent and pedagogically sound content-cum-language specialists with the right approach and strategies (to explain processes and detailed steps in English) to share with the teachers? Nursherrina bte Basir Ahmad (2005) inquired into the ‘teaching strategies’ of teachers teaching Mathematics and Science in English based on the training attended at ETeMs and English language competencies of teaching preparation. In line with Brinton et al. (1989) and Clegg (2003), strategies are defined as teaching practices, teacher’s preparation, materials development and learning features. The research found that teachers do prepare themselves by upgrading competence as well as preparing lessons before coming to class; preparing transcripts individually and through discussions with colleagues. However, despite the training, Nursherrina bte Basi Ahmad (2005) reported that teachers suffer from lack of confidence in speaking to colleagues. This is of no surprise because the teachers believe that they are linguistically challenged. In terms of register, the teachers are not aware that Science uses the language of observation characterized by identifying, describing, investigating and explaining, while Mathematics uses logical connectors to explain similarity, contradictions, cause to effect and chronology or sequence. In other words, the study showed that 197

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teachers teaching Maths and Science in English are neither adequately aware nor sensitive to the specialized language. The issues above highlight the challenges faced in the training programme for the teachers, particularly those whose language competencies need to be worked on and who constitute the main players in instituting this change in medium of instruction for Science and Maths. Following on from this, it would be necessary for longitudinal research to be conducted to trace the background of these teachers who have undergone the training, the nature of attitudes they have in relation to the change in medium of instruction, the efforts they themselves have devoted to improve their language competency levels and then to examine the nature of the teaching that takes place in either the Science or the Maths classes. Only then can we know for sure where the specific ongoing challenges lie with regards the change in medium of instruction and what needs to be done to work at ensuring a refinement of or an adjustment to the implementation. Finally, in spite of all the attempts by the Ministry of Education, perhaps what is missing from the chain of causation for success is a recognition of the importance of the human factor. In a study conducted in a school in Sabah, Pang (2005) advocated the idea that to succeed, TeSME must get the direct involvement of school principals, increased supply of resources to teachers to build up item banks and teaching modules and increased monitoring strategies from the Ministry. In short, for TeSME to succeed, the entire teaching profession must come as a whole and not as discrete parts waiting to be put together. It has now been 6 years since the implementation of this policy and there has been mounting pressure from a number of quarters to revert to the old language policy of using Bahasa Malayu as MOI. There have been stronger voices opposing the policy change who have stated unequivocally that the policy change has disadvantaged the rural students tremendously. There has been a groundswell of bottom-up reaction from some members of society to the top-down policy (Hassan, 2008; Concerned Mum, 2008; Gomez, 2008). At the same time, there are voices who say that it is too soon to abort the policy and that any change in language policy requires more time for the process of implementation before evaluation can take place (Subramaniam, 2008; Very afraid Parent, 2008; Azimah Ibrahim, 2008; Sabanayagam and Illi Liyana, 2008). Therefore, the country is presently at a linguistic crossroads in having to decide what to do with regards the medium of instruction for Science and Maths subjects. It would be pertinent at this stage to remind ourselves of the change that took place in the post-independence period when English was replaced by Bahasa Malaysia as the medium of instruction. In a letter 198

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in the print media a teacher who has been involved in both phases of change wrote: Much has been said about this subject. All I have to add is that when the system was first changed from English to Bahasa Malaysia about 30 years ago the literary environment was only about 10–15% in Bahasa Malaysia. There were only about three Bahasa Malaysia advertisements over TV, one Malay movie per week, the daily news – warta berita, and limited choice of books, newspapers and magazines in bookshops. Moreover, there were no financial incentives or anything provided by the Education Ministry to ease the teachers and students into the change. It was only after 30 years that we managed to achieve high proficiency in Bahasa Malaysia in the field of education. Right now we are flooded with English books, cable television, movies, Internet etc. which will certainly help in achieving a high proficiency in English. The change to English from Bahasa Malaysia took place six years ago. In my opinion, it’s too early to make an assessment that may result in reverting to BM. We need more time as the effort and money spent on various programmes by the MOE will only see results within the next five years . . . I can say that the progress made by teachers who are willing to change their teaching to English has been very good. A few of them are slow and are not putting enough effort or the financial incentive to good use.

Let’s give teaching Science and Mathematics in English more time (JU PPSMI, Ipoh in The Star, Friday 19 September 2008: N56). Good quote. We believe that decisions on language policy are largely political in nature. The reality in most nations, is that the decision is based on the needs of the dominant ethnic group of the nation. As articulated by Rosnani Hashim above, the second reason for reverting to the old language policy of Bahasa Malayu as MOI is that ‘Bahasa Malaysia has been the language of democratization of higher education in this country, as our history has shown it acts as an equalizer . . . the Education Policy has helped narrow the gap between the rich and the poor and created a bigger base of middle class, which is a stabilizing factor in society.’ We believe that though this is very true for that phase of the nation’s development but Hashim’s cry completely ignores the reality that this time around the change was being instituted because the dominant ethnic group was being disadvantaged by weak competencies in the English language. It must be realized that any major change from Bahasa Melayu (the national language and the mother language of the 199

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dominant ethnic group) would not have been instituted if the dominant ethnic group had not been in a position of disadvantage. This dilemma facing the dominant ethnic group is articulated clearly by Lowe and Khattab (2003) when they say: The success in having a national language resulted in the Malays – the race it was designed to help – being disadvantaged. The current policy, therefore, had to be substituted with one which, in fact, was directly opposed to the earlier policy. English now has to be propagated amongst a population schooled only in Malay and with a vested interest in its continued dominance. With English being used as a commercial world language, as well as functioning as a gateway to the ICT world, large segments of the Malay population which had been insulated from such world changes were being denied access to it. (p. 219)

To understand the development of the disadvantaged position of the dominant ethnic group one needs to refer to the forces of globalization impacting on higher education. Since the 1990s, the government planned to develop Malaysia into a regional centre of education. This was because of two factors: first, the Asian economic crisis and second, the need to increase the number of knowledge workers in order to meet with Malaysia’s aspirations to become an industrialized nation (Gill, 2004: 140). While public universities have been doing an excellent job of contributing to the human resource development of the nation, they will find it difficult to drastically increase the number of students without over-extending their existing services and facilities. This led to a consideration of encouraging the private industry to provide for tertiary education to meet with national human resource needs. Therefore in 1996, the Private Higher Educational Institutions Act (PHEIA) was passed by Parliament. This led to the liberalization and privatization of higher education to achieve the Government’s economic goals in higher education. The liberalization of higher education enabled private institutions of higher learning to use English as medium of instruction for their various courses. This was a strong pull factor to enable the private sector to attract foreign students to Malaysia as well as provide Malaysian students, who might instead have gone abroad, with the opportunity to study in English in Malaysia. The business sector took this opportunity to set up colleges of higher education. This resulted in a bifurcation of higher education leading to public universities using Bahasa Melayu as medium of instruction and private universities using English as medium of instruction. These complexities were further compounded by the issue of employment. With the bifurcation of higher education, large numbers of Malay graduates from public universities faced challenges in 200

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obtaining employment. Mustapha Mohamed, the then Executive Director of the government-sponsored National Economic Action Council, articulates the reasons for this problem when he says: ‘This is basically a Malay problem . . . It has to do with . . . Their poor performances in, and command of, the English language’ (Mustapa, 2002: 1–2). This was because private sector employers looked for graduates who had English language competencies. Therefore this meant that graduates from private institutions of higher learning, who were mainly Chinese, were sought after as they were more confident and fluent in the English language. If this situation was allowed to progress with no change in language policy, the dominant ethnic group would have been impacted negatively and would have led to political and social instability in the nation (Gill, 2004). Despite the above considerations, the government has felt that the dominant ethnic group has been disadvantaged even more with the institution of English as medium of instruction policy. After 6 years of the implementation of the English medium policy for Science and Maths, the government has once again reversed the policy. On the 9th July 2009, the Deputy Prime Minister, Muhiyuddin Yassin, who is also the Minister of Education announced that Maths and Science will be reverted to Bahasa Malaysia in stages beginning 2012. English will be given prominence with greater support systems to enhance the teaching of the language from next year. In Chinese and Tamil national-type primary schools, Maths and Science will be taught solely in Chinese and Tamil respectively and no longer bilingually as has been the practice since 2003 (Back to BM, Star, 9 July 2009: 1) (Husna Yusop, The Sun, 9 July 2009: 1). Naturally, as with any change in policy, there has been again varying responses to this decision. The Malay linguists felt this was the right decision given that ‘the lack of proficiency in English among the teachers had resulted in ineffective learning among the students’ (Chapman and Zulkifli, 10 July 2009: 2). On the other hand, there is a group of parents who feel very strongly that the choice of which medium of instruction to use should be left to the parents and the school. They are working towards appealing to the Minister of Education to provide them with the option of choice – the choice of affordable English medium education, for Science and Maths (Tamarai Chelvi, The Sun, 27 July 2009: 2).

Conclusion Therefore what needs to be done? Malaysia is at linguistic crossroads and has to work out this dilemma in deciding what is best for the nation and its peoples to enable it to engage with the challenges of 201

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globalization and its aim of becoming an industrialized nation by 2020. Would it be possible to give government schools the freedom of choice of the medium of instruction that they feel would be advantageous for them? After all, the government has liberalized the education system and there are private schools and international schools which use English as the medium of instruction. How does a nation decide on what is best for its people and for the long-term development of the country – how does it balance between the needs of linguistic nationalism and that of development-oriented nationalism? For now, these are the language policy dilemmas and challenges facing Malaysia.

References Asmah, H. O. (1979), Language planning for unity and efficiency: A study of the language status and corpus planning of Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Azimah, I. (2008), ‘Continue teaching in English’, Views, The Star, Tuesday, 9 September, p. N45. Back to BM. (2009), The Star, Thursday, 9 July 2009, p. 1. Block, D. and Cameron, D. (eds) 2002, Globalization and Language Teaching. London: Routledge. Brinton, D. (1989), The Use of English as a Medium of Global instruction, at http://www.tesol.org/s_tesol/sec_document.asp?CID=1426&DID=9871 retrieved in January 2007. Chapman, K. and Zulkifli Ab. Rahman. (2009), ‘English not neglected – Govt to hire retired teachers proficient in language’, The Star, Friday, 10 July, p. 2. Choong Kam Foong (2004), English for the Teaching of Mathematics and Science (ETeMS): From Concept to Implementation, at http://eltcm.org/eltc/ download/paperbank/PDF/English retrieved in April 2008. Clegg, S. (2003), ‘Learning and teaching policies: contradictions and mediations of practice’, British Educational Research Journal, 29 (6), 803–820. Concerned Mum (2008), ‘Save English for secondary school’, The Sun, Tuesday, 9 September, p. 13. Cummins, J. (1979), ‘Linguistic interdependence and the educational development of bilingual children’, Bilingual Education Paper Series, 3 (2) (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 257 312). —(1981), ‘The role of primary language development in promoting educational success for language minority students’, in Schooling and Language Minority Students: A Theoretical Frame-work. Los Angeles: Evaluation, Dissemination, and Assessment Center. Daniels, J. L. and Daniels, N. C. (1993), Global Vision: Building New Models for the Corporation of the Future. New York: McGraw-Hill. David, M. K. and Govindasamy, S. (2005), ‘Negotiating a language policy for Malaysia: local demand for affirmative action versus challenges from globalization’, in A. S. Canagarajah (ed.), Reclaiming the Local in Language Policy and Practice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 123–145.

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Emerson, R. (1960), From Empire to Nation: The Rise of Self-assertion of Asian and African Peoples. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Ferguson, K. (1997), ‘World Information Symposium Flows and the Impact of New Technology – Is There A Need for International Communication Policy and Regulation?’ Paper presented at International Symposium on Technology and Society – Technology and Society at a Time of Sweeping Change, pp. 209–218. Gill, S. K. (2004), ‘Medium of instruction policy in higher education in Malaysia: nationalism versus internationalization’, in J. W. Tollefson and A. B. M. Tsui (eds), Medium of Instruction Policies: Which Agenda? Whose Agenda? Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 135–152. Gill, S. K. (2005), ‘Language policy in Malaysia: reversing direction’, Language Policy, 4 (3), 241–260. Gill, S. K., Hazita Azman, Norizan Razak and Fadhil Mansor (2003–2005), Two year government funded research project on ‘Language policy and planning in higher education in Malaysia: responding to the needs of the knowledge economy’. Programme/Project number: 07-02-02-0028-EA251). Gomez, J. (2008), ‘Teaching of Science and Mathematics in English: revert to Bahasa, urge writers’, New Sunday Times, 14 September, p. 16. Hassan, A. (2008), ‘Time to drop linguistic shackles’, The Sun, Friday, 5 September, p. 16. Hamidah Ab Rahman, Aziz Nordin, Mukheta Isa, Fatimah Puteh, Faruk Muhammad, Norazman Abd. Majid, Aminah Ahmad Khalid, Siti Fatimah Bahari, Hj Shufaat Tumin and Zurihanmi Zakariya (2005), ‘Teacher’s Competency in the Teaching of Mathematics in English in Malaysian secondaray schools’. Paper presented at The Mathematics Education into the 21st Century Project Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Reform, Revolution and Paradigm Shifts in Mathematics Education Johor Bahru, Malaysia, 25 November–1 December 2005. Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, pp. 31–37. Hishamuddin, H. (2008), ‘Talks to review programme’, New Straits Times, Thursday, 10 July, p. 8. Horowitz, D. L. (1985), Ethnic Groups in Conflict. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Husna Yusop (2009), ‘It’s back to BM’, The Sun, Thursday, 9 July, p. 1. Isahak Haron, Abdul Latif Hj. Gapor, Md. Nasir Bin Masran, Abdul Halim Bin Ibrahim and Mariam Bte Mohamed Nor (2008), Kesan Dasar Pelajaran Matematik dan Sains dalam Bahasa Inggeris Di Sekolah Rendah (Translated: The Impact of Policy of the Teaching of Science and Maths in English for Primary Schools. Research Report UPSI: 03-12-95-05, at http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/NST/Monday/Letters/2349629/ Article/index_ht retrieved on 26 September 2008. JU PPSMI (2008), ‘Change from BM to English needs more time’, The Star, Friday, 19 September, p. N56. Kagan, S. (1989), ‘Cooperative learning resources for teachers’. San Juan Capistrano, CA: Resources for Teachers. Kamsilawati K. (2005), ‘Teachers’ perceptions of their level of readiness

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in teaching Mathematics and Science in English (ETeMS)’. Masters of Education thesis. Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia: Bangi. Kaplan, R. B. and Baldauf, R. B. (1997), Language Planning from Practice to Theory. Clevedon UK: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Kenway, J . (1996), ‘The Information Superhighway and Post-modernity: The Social Promise and the Social Price’, Comparative Education, 32 (2): 217–231. Khiruddin, A. (2007), ‘English language teachers collaborating with Science and Mathematics teachers in the ETeMS project in primary schools’. Masters of Education thesis. Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia: Bangi. Kon, Y. H. (2005), ‘Teaching efficacy beliefs of primary school teachers in using English to teach Mathematics and Science’, Jurnal IBPA, 3 (2), 45–49. Langer, J. and A. Applebee (1985), ‘Learning to write: learning to think’, Educational Horizons, 64, 1, 36–39. Lowe, V. and Khattab, U. (2003), ‘Malaysian language planning and cultural rights in the face of a global world’, in A. Goonasekera, C. Hamelink and V. Iyer (eds), Cultural Rights in a Global World. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, pp. 217–222. Mahathir Mohamad, New Straits Times, 11 May 2002, p. 1. Mustapa, M. cited in Patvinder Singh (2002), ‘Tailor courses to market needs, NEAC: institutions must ensure graduates are employable’, New Straits Times, 14 March, pp. 1 & 12. Noraini Idris, Loh, S. C., Norjoharuddeen Mohd Nor, Ahmad Zabdi Abdul Razak and Rahimi Md Saad (2007), ‘The professional preparation of Malaysian teachers in the implementation of teaching and learning of Mathematics and Science in English’, Eurasia Journal of Mathematics, Science & Technology Education, 3 (2), 101–110. Nursherrina bte Basir Ahmad (2005), ‘The Strategies of Teachers Teaching Mathematics and Science in English in Rural Secondary Schools’. Unpublished Masters in Education (TESL) thesis. Faculty of Education, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Pandian, A. and Ramaiah, R. (2004), ‘Mathematics and Science in English: teacher voice’, The English Teacher, XXXIII. Pang, V. (2005), ‘The readiness on the use of English in the teaching of Mathematics and Science in Sabah: a case study of primary schools in a rural district’, in Pandian, A., Muhammad Kamarul Kabilan and Sarjit Kaur,(eds), Teachers, Practices and Supportive Cultures. Serdang: Universiti Putra Malaysia Press, pp. 36–44. Parker, D. (1985), ‘Sheltered English: theory to practice’. Paper presented at inservice workshop. San Diego, CA. Pillay, H. and Thomas, M. (2003), ‘A nation on the move: challenges in the implementation of major change in language policy’, Asian Englishes, 6 (2), 26–43. Rosnani, H. (2008), ‘Revise policy for 3 reasons’, Comment, Star Education, Sunday, 28 September, p. E4.

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Sabanayagam, N. and Illi Liyana, M. (2008), ‘Teaching of Science and Mathematics in English – give schools option to teach in English’, New Sunday Times, 14 September, p. 16. Subramaniam, G. (2008), ‘Consider methodology and opportunity’, In the Learning Curve, New Sunday Times, 28 September, p. H14. Subramaniam, G, and Mardziah Hayati Abdullah (2007), ‘Concerted effort needed’, The Star, 23 December, at http://thestar.com.my/education/ story.asp?file=/2007/12/23/education retrieved in June 2008. Tamarai Chelvi (2009), ‘School PTA votes for Science, Maths in English’, The Sun, Monday, 27 July, p. 2. Tollefson, J. W. and Tsui, A. B. M. (2004), ‘Contexts of medium-of-instruction policy’, in J. W. Tollefson and A. B. M. Tsui (eds), Medium of Instruction Polices – Which Agenda? Whose Agenda? Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 283–294. Very afraid parent (2008), ‘Failure not in language but in teachers’, Views, The Star, Friday, 19 September, p. N56. Yeow, P. W. (2003), ‘How critical are critical friends? An initial study on the implementation of the buddy support system’. Paper presented at the ETeMS Conference: ‘Managing curricular change’. Pearl International Hotel, 2–4 December, at http: //www.eltcm.org/eltc/resource_pabank.asp retrieved in June 2008.

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Globalization: Medium-of-Instruction Policy, Indigenous Educational Systems and ELT in Sri Lanka Indika Liyanage

Chapter summary This chapter, which is about ELT in Sri Lanka, is divided into two sections. In the first section, with a brief introduction to the demographic composition of the country and its indigenous educational systems, the chapter explores the processes of globalization and their effects on medium-of-instruction policy and ELT pedagogic practices in the country. In doing so, this chapter establishes the following: (i) Sri Lanka’s medium-of-instruction policy needs to be informed of the outcomes of former policies and able to accommodate the ground level realities, and (ii) pedagogic practices have not been sensitive to the indigenous educational systems of the country. This lack of sensitivity has resulted in a divide between those who are and are not proficient in English. In the second section, findings of an empirical study are presented, furthering the idea that ELT practices need to be sensitive to the indigenous educational ethos in Sri Lanka and looked at ‘bottom-up’ and a deeper level.

Introduction Over several centuries, the processes of globalization have resulted in social changes that have affected indigenous educational systems. Modes of thinking and learning vary according to social practices and cultural traditions of different communities (Canagarajah, 1999), and in Sri Lanka these practices and traditions echo ethos conditioned by indigenous educational systems of the Sri Lankan people, whose modern history dates back a few thousand years. However, the aspects discussed in this chapter point to the fact that changes to the educational system are mostly only superficial; the inherent values of the indigenous educational systems have withstood the forces of globalization, 206

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at least at a deeper level. Within such context, how the indigenous educational systems continue to shape the educational preferences of its students in the country need to be looked at from a ‘bottom-up’ approach. Some developing countries rely substantially on international aid agencies such as the World Bank (WB), International Development Association (IDA), International Monetary Fund (IMF), Department for International Development (DFID) and Asian Development Bank (ADB). These agents of globalization with their policies and practices have a hegemonic effect and continue to shape the economic, political and educational policies and practices of these countries. As far as the hegemony exerted on educational practices is concerned, it is most pronounced in the progressively dominant status of English as the medium of instruction in those educational systems and pedagogical practices associated with English Language Teaching (ELT) and English language teacher training. It may be suggested that in exerting hegemony on educational systems, these forces continue to deemphasize the primordial ties of people (Appadurai, 1996; Levine, 1996) based on race, language, ethnicity and religion, and the indigenous educational systems based around and within these ties (although the concept of primordial ties is controversial; see Cahoone, 2005; Jones, 1997; Shils, 1957). However, there are other former colonies that do not depend on international aid agencies for sustenance of their educational systems. In those countries, for example India, processes of globalization are seen as conducive to the progression of education especially in the case of disadvantaged communities (Vaish, 2008). Sri Lanka, however, is a former colony and developing country that depends largely on the assistance provided by the international aid agencies since the 1970s (Lakshman, 1985). This chapter discusses the hegemonic nature of globalization in terms of medium-of-instruction policy planning and ELT practices in Sri Lanka and is presented in two sections. In the first section, with a brief introduction to the demographic composition of the country and its indigenous educational systems, this chapter explores the processes of globalization and their effects on medium-of-instruction policy and ELT pedagogic practices. In doing so, this chapter establishes: (i) that outcomes of previous policies and ground level realities should inform medium-of-instruction policy planning, and, (ii) pedagogic practices have not been sensitive to the indigenous educational systems of the country and, as a result, the outcomes have suffered, creating a divide between those who are and are not proficient in English. In the second section, findings of an empirical study are presented, furthering the idea that ELT practices need to be sensitive to the indigenous educational ethos in Sri Lanka. 207

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People and indigenous educational practices Sri Lanka has a diverse ethnic composition with three ethnic groups – Sinhala,1 Tamil and Muslim2– that make up to 99 per cent of the population. According to government statistics (Sri Lanka Government, 2008), the majority community, Sinhala, comprises slightly less than three fourths, or 74 per cent, of the people. The Tamils comprise two groups: Sri Lankan Tamils, who are long-settled descendents from south-east India; and Indian Tamils, most of whom are migrant workers brought to Sri Lanka under the British colonial rule (Somasegaram, 1969). These two groups comprise 18 per cent of the population. Muslims, who arrived in the country with the Arab traders in the seventh and eighth centuries (Azeez, 1969; De Silva, 1977), comprise 8 per cent of the country’s population. The other minor ethnic groups include Burghers, a community of mixed European descent, and Veddas, who are regarded as the aboriginal inhabitants of the country. These groups account for less than 1 per cent of the population. The pointers of identity among the main ethnic groups are language and religion, pervading many aspects of life and constituting a basic element of diversity. The Sinhalese use Sinhala, which is an IndoAryan language, as their mother tongue, and more than 90 per cent of them are Buddhists. The sociocultural history of the Sinhalese is inseparably intertwined with the religious practices of Buddhism in the country. The Tamils speak the Dravidian language, Tamil, and are overwhelmingly Hindus whose ties are closely related to the distinctive cultural systems of neighbouring Tamil Nadu.3 The Muslims usually prefer to speak in Tamil and are all strong adherents of Islam. They have preserved the religious doctrines derived from the Middle-East, while adapting to the social environment of South Asia. The followers of Christianity, who form approximately 7 per cent of the population, are from among the Sinhalese, Tamil and Burgher communities. Sri Lanka was colonized by various imperial powers during its modern history. Among them, three nationalities – Portuguese (1517– late 16th century), Dutch (1638–1796), and British (1803–1948) – placed their mark firmly on Sri Lanka by introducing it to their socioeconomic, political and cultural practices. Of the three nationalities, the British, who occupied the country for over 150 years, had the most influence on Sri Lanka’s culture, languages and education. The country then known as Ceylon received independence from the British on 4 February 1948. Towards the beginning of the nineteenth century, all traditional and religious educational practices had gradually been replaced with the modern school system, which originated in the West on the basis 208

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of Platonic views and Western culture and history, and spread to the other parts of the world during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Shinil, 1996). In Sri Lanka, too, traditional educational practices were replaced with the Western school system after the country was colonized by the British – a system that still prevails throughout Sri Lanka for all students. In Sri Lankan Government schools and universities, education has been free up to the end of the first university degree since 1945 (Mehrotra, 2004).

Buddhist educational practice Buddhism and its associated cultural practices were introduced to Sri Lanka 250 years after the death of the Buddha. With the introduction of Buddhism, religious beliefs formed the background of the society and permeated the lives of the people of the day (Ariyapala, 1969). Temples were constructed in every village and became the nucleus of culture and learning. Social practices of the lay people were built around, and were encouraged in the same direction as, those of the Buddhist monks. Buddhist temples never operated aloof from society; they had a strong mutual relationship with the Buddhist communities within which they were situated. In fact, temples became the centres of Buddhist village life. The Buddhist temple was the exclusive place for formal education for both monks and laymen alike, and a number of general themes characterized Buddhist educational practice. Instruction was primarily oral, although an introduction to basic literacy was also provided. Memorization of texts and debate were key methods in the teaching and learning process (Hevawasam, 1969; Reagan, 2000). Along with Buddhist philosophy and Pali, the language through which the doctrine had to be taught, such related subjects as grammar, prosody and rhetoric were also taught. Methods of teaching employed in the temples were similar; classes were conducted through lecture and discussion methods, and the chief mode of learning was listening. Tremendous importance was placed on the students’ ability to memorize; ‘The frequent repetitions in the texts which irritate the modern reader had been purposely introduced to facilitate memorising. They had often to memorise long texts, and were quite equal to it’ (Hevawasam, 1969: 1120).

Hindu educational practice The beginnings of a separate Hindu cultural tradition in Sri Lanka can be traced to the increasing migrations from South India to the northern part of Sri Lanka during AD ninth and tenth centuries (Somasegaram, 209

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1969). These migrants brought Hinduism, together with its culture and educational practices, to Sri Lanka. Given the long history of Hinduism, traditional Hindu educational practice has taken various forms within its numerous sects. However, there are some important aspects that are common to all different forms of Hindu educational practice (Reagan, 2000). As outlined in the Upanishads,4 the process of learning in Hindu educational practice is based on three important acts which follow in sequential order. They are shravana, manana and nididhyasana (Mookerji, 1951). Shravana, which is an aspect of oral tradition, means listening, that is, listening to the teacher with the purpose of committing to the memory. It is this act that mainly provides the content knowledge of the subject. Shravana leads to the second act, manana, during which learners are expected to reflect upon what they had heard (shravana). Manana leads to the last step, nididhyasana, during which learners are expected to realize self and truth, and which opens the avenues for this end. The majority of Hindus in Sri Lanka today belong to the Siddhanta school of Saivism, which is dominant in South India (De Silva, 1977). Although Hindus generally consider Vedas as the source of all religious knowledge, the Tamil Saivites consider thirumurais5 the sacred body of religious literature (Flood, 2002). Usually every Saivite is taught selections from this collection at home. As indicated earlier, the principles of shravana, manana and nididhyasana are the basis for every different form of Hindu educational practice (Reagan, 2000). Hindu temples are the nucleus of cultural activity and a prominent part of Hindu life in all parts of Sri Lanka.

Islamic educational practice The holy Qur’an occupies a place in Islam that finds no parallel in other religions of the world, because to the Muslims the holy Qur’an is not only a book of religious maxims or a collection of devotional hymns, but also a code of life, laying down the correct pattern of conduct (Kysilka et al., 1997). For the followers of Islam, education may bear no significant meaning if it is placed outside their religious context (Reagan, 2000). In Islam, religious and secular education cannot be differentiated; they are inseparable and neither should be emphasized at the expense of the other. The ultimate goal of Islamic education lies in the inculcation of the concept of Allah in the minds and souls of Muslims (Reagan, 2000). Although different forms of traditional Islamic educational systems can be found in different times and geographic locations, there is a common core of such practices that allow us to talk about the Qur’anic 210

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education in general. The basis of traditional Islamic education is the kuttab, or Qur’anic school, which developed after the Prophet and became widespread by AD eighth century (Reagan, 2000). The primary schools were called maktab6 and the secondary schools were called madrasa.7 The curriculum of madrasa comprised grammar, literature, logic, Islamic law, principles of Islamic law, Qur’anic commentary, mysticism and religious philosophy. The teacher in traditional Islamic education is a figure looked upon as a model to be imitated. For this reason, in Islam he is required not only to be a man of learning but also to be pious (Husain et al., 1979).

ELT and globalization While globalization and colonization are understood to refer to two different phenomena (see Friedman (2005) for discussion of why the two terms cannot be used interchangeably), some of the processes within them have similarities. Those similar processes as they apply to ELT during the periods of colonization and modern day globalization are discussed in this chapter, as it is difficult to understand the present policy directives and ELT practices in the country without knowing their colonial roots. The British colonial legacy and its associated processes are most pronounced in the use, teaching and learning of the English language. Educational developments since the arrival of the British in 1796 led to the formation of four school systems in the country (Ruberu, 1969; Warnasuriya, 1969): English schools for the upper and upper middle class European and native students who were children of the colonial administrators, Anglo-vernacular schools for the lower middle class Sinhalese and Tamil students (Perusinghe, 1969), and vernacular schools for the large number of Sinhalese and Tamil masses who had also realized the importance of English education. In general, all English schools that prepared students for positions in the colonial administration were regarded as providing a superior education, while vernacular schools were seen as inferior, a distinction made on the basis of the social status of the parents rather than students’ intelligence (Wijetunga, 1969). With the expansion of colonial government administration, there became available more and more jobs for which the only requisite qualification was proficiency in the English language (Ruberu, 1969). This situation created an increased demand for English schools from the upper classes for their children. The demand was so great that a fourth system of schools – private schools – came into existence to supply the demand. Thus, during the British colonial times in the country there were two distinct traditions in education as far as ELT is concerned: one for 211

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the privileged few, leading to affluence and positions of prestige, and the other designed to reconcile the poor to their poverty (Perusinghe, 1969). This distinction in turn resulted in a huge division between those who knew English and were socially and economically capable, and those who did not know English and were socially and economically disadvantaged. Sri Lanka’s participation in modern globalization began with the introduction in 1977 of its ‘Free Trade Policy’ or ‘Open Economy Policy’ (Kelegama, 2006) in an attempt to liberate the collapsing economy in the country at the time. Since the introduction of this economic policy, Sri Lanka has been an active participant in the processes of modern day economic, political and cultural globalization (see Lakshman, 1985 for a detailed discussion of these). As in colonial times, these socioeconomic, sociopolitical, and sociocultural effects of globalization on education and the teaching and learning of English in the country have been immense.

Global agents, education and ELT It is no secret that the World Bank (henceforth WB) and Western corporate policies have a vested interest in shaping the educational policies in postcolonial territories towards a capitalist agenda (Phillipson, 2001). In such territories, education is hardly a means to people’s rights, liberation and empowerment, but a profitable investment (Brock-Utne, 2000). Detailed discussions of the evidence of input from the Western agencies (see Mosback, 1984; Parish and Brown, 1988; Lo-Bianco, 1999b; Hayes, 2000) and the ideological and sociopolitical reasons for and implications of such contributions (see Hanson-Smith, 1984; Canagarajah, 1993; Canagarajah, 1999; Hayes, 2000 for discussions and examples of these) in Sri Lanka have been well-documented in the literature. Examples of how processes of globalization, through economic and financial agencies such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the WB, are changing and reforming the educational policies in Sri Lanka have also been discussed elsewhere in the literature (see Punchi, 2001). The Ministry of Education in Sri Lanka (Ministry of Education Sri Lanka, 2008) reports on six projects which have been funded by the WB and other donors: the General Education Project (GEP) and the Teacher Education and Teacher Deployment Project (TETDP), funded by IDA and WB; the Secondary Education Modernisation Project (SEMP) by ADB; the Primary Mathematics Project (PMP) and the Primary English Language Project (PELP) by DFID; and the Basic Education Sector Programme (BESP) by the German Technical Cooperation (GTZ). 212

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A recent WB report (The World Bank, 2008a) indicates several other funding schemes. Some of these schemes are extensions of the projects mentioned above or funded within those schemes. These include the Education Sector Development Program (ESDP), the Education Sector Development Framework and Program (ESDFP), the Program for School Improvement (PSI), Increasing Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE), the Higher Education Project (HEP) and the Second General Education Project (2GEP). The IRQUE has been dealt with in detail by Kaushalya Perera and Suresh Canagarajah in their chapter in this book. The ADB has also funded the Secondary Education Development Project (SEDP), the Education for Knowledge Society Project (EKSP) and the Skills Development Project (SDP). Several other projects are currently being negotiated. The influences of global forces on teacher training and material development throughout the history of ELT in Sri Lanka are also pronounced. Wijemanne (1969) documents (20 years after decolonization) how Western countries have been involved in ELT in the country. During the last ten years or more, teams of specialists in collaboration with foreign experts have been busy in revising the syllabuses, in preparing new schemes and reading material, and issuing hand-books to teachers with a view to achieve the objective in teaching English as a second language in our schools. (Wijemanne, 1969: 960)

Thirty years later, Canagarajah (1999) also discusses how global powers were influencing the ELT practices of the country. Currently, the agents of globalization are involved heavily in ELT in Sri Lanka with the objectives of training English teachers and English teacher educators, developing materials and reconstructing curricula. These objectives are achieved through the lending of millions of dollars through many of the projects named above, either as they are or under various components attached to them. Following are some cited examples of such projects: GEP – Provision of training for English-language teachers in secondary schools and preparation of ELT textbooks and materials TETDP – Provision of training for English-language teachers and teacher educators, and promotion of English-language teaching and learning through the provision of expertise, infrastructure, and ELT materials PELP – Provision of training for English-language teachers in primary schools, provision of textbooks, and curriculum restructuring 213

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ESDFP – Provision of training for English-language teachers, expansion of English-medium education, and, provision of co-curricular activities in English SEMP – Provision of training for English-language teachers in secondary schools and production of ELT materials 2GEP – Provision of training for English-language teachers and teacher educators at the National Institute of Education (NIE) at Maharagama, and implementation of reading camps to popularize English under the English Language Action Plan EKSP –Establishment of the Centre of Excellence in English Education (CEIEE) at Peradeniya to improve the quality of ELT in the country. Detailed descriptions of how these projects have contributed to ELT in Sri Lanka are available from the following sources: for information regarding the WB, see the World Bank (2008a and b; 2006a and b; 2005 and 1997); for information on HEID, see Little (2003); and for information regarding the ABD see Mathews (2002) and the ADB (2007a, b, and c).

The proficiency divide With all the expertise, directives and financial donations Sri Lanka has received from the agents of globalization, Sri Lanka still has much progress to make in educating the masses to communicate competently in the English language (de Souza, 1969; Goonetilleke, 1983; HansonSmith, 1984; Canagarajah, 1993). Sri Lankan students achieve very low proficiency rates after approximately 8 years of formal studying of the English language in the state school system (Murdoch, 1994). The majority of students, while being able to read simple English, cannot cope with the level of reading demanded of them at the university level (Raheem and Ratwatte, 2001). Most of them can recognize only some spoken language and cannot maintain a simple conversation in the English language; they are afraid of making any structural or pronunciation errors and, when spoken to, instead of conversing, they retreat in embarrassment (Brodkey, 1974). Students who gain admission to the few universities available in the country after approximately 8 years of English language instruction in the state school system are provided with general English language courses conducted by the University Grants Commission (Samarakkody and Braine, 2005). However, some universities do offer English for Academic Purposes Instruction (EAP) targeting only a small number of students compared to the numbers enrolled in universities in a given year. 214

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Fernando’s (1977) report of the three socially distinct bilingual patterns in the country is indicative of the divide between the very small number of people who are proficient in the English language and the vast majority who are not. Those who belong to pattern one speak a uniform variety of English regardless of their race (i.e., Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim or Burghers), lead a highly Anglicised life, belong to the top and middle of the social scale, and are more proficient in the English language than in their native languages. Those belonging to pattern two are usually of lower-middle or working class origin and are generally more fluent in their respective native languages than in English. Their use of English would naturally brand them as different from the individuals who belong to pattern one. However, some individuals belonging to pattern two may be proficient in English in addition to the two native languages (Sinhala and Tamil) (Canagarajah, 1999) and show linguistic capabilities similar to pattern one individuals. The third pattern comprises people belonging to the same social background as those of pattern two with very little fluency in the English language. The individuals that belong to patterns two and three far outnumber the number of bilinguals in pattern one. The latest census report of the Government of Sri Lanka (2001) is also indicative of the huge divide that still exists in the country in terms of people’s proficiency in the English language. According to this report, nearly 17 per cent of the population can read and write English, and is less able to speak English than to read and write English. The others (83 per cent) are the vast majority who rarely use English for communication because of their low proficiency; their use of English is typically limited to the English period in the classroom. The English Language Teaching (ELT) in Sri Lanka is most often desired by this vast majority, who represent the three ethnoreligious groups and their intertwined dynamics. The highly competent users of English who belong to Fernando’s (1977) first group are very few in comparison to the population of the country and their discernable accent is the only difference between their English and that of the educated native speakers of prestigious varieties of English. This privileged class generally comprises the well-connected and affluent families whose ancestors were educated in English schools under the British and who have continued to maintain the language at home by speaking in it and studying in it overseas. These families and their children enjoy the majority of prestigious employment opportunities both in the public and private sectors, and it will be a while until their level of competence is achieved by the masses, who learn English as a second language in the state system in Sri Lanka. 215

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These distinctions are significant signs of the inadequacy of Englishlanguage instruction in the island state in making its students communicatively competent in the English language. In terms of the gap between those who are and are not proficient in English, the outcomes of the teaching of English in the country did not differ much between colonial and postcolonial times. During colonial times, the access to learn English was denied to the masses and the benefits of learning it were purposely curtailed. In postcolonial times, where access to English education is not denied, the lack of recognition of the shortcomings of language policy and pedagogy covertly deny the masses the potential advantages of English education.

Medium-of-instruction policy and ELT pedagogy During the colonial and postcolonial history of Sri Lanka, the country has witnessed four important phases in terms of its language policy planning (Lo-Bianco, 1999a). Phase one marked the period (1945–1976) of progressive officialization of English by the British during which there was no value attached to the teaching of vernacular languages in English and Anglo-Vernacular schools (De Alwis, 1969). Educationists in the colonial government believed not only that Sinhalese and Tamil literature were full of ‘filth’ and were not conducive to the moral and spiritual well-being in the country, but also that the teaching of them would have a negative effect on the acquisition of ‘good English’ (De Alwis, 1969; Perusinghe, 1969). Phase two marked the replacement of the English language with Sinhala and Tamil languages (1945–1948). The Sinhala and Tamil nationalistic movements, which fought hand in hand against the denigration of their native languages by the colonial powers in phases one and two, disagreed with one another on the recognition and superiority of one language over the other. The third phase was the announcement in 1956 of the ‘Sinhala Only Act’, under which Sinhala was declared as the official language of the country. This act is seen as a move that aggravated the situation and widened the boundaries between the two ethnic groups and thus had disastrous consequences (Brann, 1985; Lo-Bianco, 1999a). The fourth phase, in which Sinhala and Tamil languages as official languages and English as a link language were recognized in 1978, is seen by many as a remedial step to rectify the mistakes of the third phase. Sri Lanka has gone the full circle to phase one of colonial language policy and is in the process of imparting all content-area instruction in the medium of English in the state schools. The Ministry of Education (2008) states that a pilot programme was launched in 2001 in some 216

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schools to teach certain subjects in the English medium in grades 6 and 7, and was extended to grade 8 in 2004 and to grade 10 in 2007. The work that the agents of globalization have done to this effect is substantial. The significance of this work is evident in various completion reports and review documents of the projects described earlier. One of the salient recommendations of such reports is to make English the medium of instruction. A recent WB study (2005) entitled ‘Treasures of the education system in Sri Lanka: restoring performance, expanding opportunities and enhancing prospects’ states the following: English language skills and fluency enjoy strong demand in the national labour market. In addition, English language competency opens job prospects in the global economy. In consequence, developing English language skills constitutes a central element of the education policy framework to improve the labour market orientation of the school system. Important development initiatives for the future include: (a) allowing private schools to provide students a choice of English as a medium of instruction, along with Sinhalese and Tamil, from grade 1 upwards; (b) introducing English as a medium of instruction in government schools in stages, as and when adequate teachers become available; . . . (d) training teachers, including re-training ‘excess teachers’ in the system, to teach in English as a medium of instruction . . . (p. 70)

In the same document the findings of four case studies conducted in Sri Lanka are discussed. In discussing the findings of one study, the report further establishes the benefits of using English as the medium of instruction. Although the idea that teachers’ competence in English could benefit students is acceptable, the manner in which the use of oral English could benefit students’ first-languages learning is contentious. The use of oral English in teaching contributes favorably not only to English language scores, but also to first language learning and mathematics achievement. This can be attributed to the ability of teachers conversant in English to access ideas and general information better than teachers lacking English language competency. Improving the English language capabilities of teachers, hence, could yield broad benefits to students. (p. 60)

The WB, IDA and ADB reports cited in this chapter admit repeatedly that there are insufficient English teachers in the country, and the majority of them are under-qualified and demonstrate suboptimal proficiency in the English language. This low level of English-language ability among English teachers suggests that teachers of other subjects would have poor English-language skills. One way of addressing this issue is through privatization of education, a directive of global agents 217

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which had to be abandoned due to mass protests by people and a directive that global agents are still trying vehemently to implement. ADB sector report (2007b) states that ‘The political economy context of Sri Lanka also makes it impossible to invest in private universities, although there is no explicit legal barrier’ (p. 3). The report also mentions that Sri Lanka’s compliance with major loan-recovery covenants was successful, with the exception of some. Among covenants with which Sri Lanka did not comply was ‘. . . costsharing through the charging of fees, which was not politically feasible because the introduction of fees required a major policy change in a country where tuition-free public university education has been the norm’ (p.13). Ironically, however, the same report admits the benefits of the free education policy of the country and urges the government to privatize education in order to recover costs. The strategic government decision to introduce free education, scholarships for disadvantaged students, mid-day meals, free textbooks, free uniforms, and subsidized transport enabled Sri Lanka to achieve an adult literacy rate of 90.7% in 2001 from 87.2% in 1981 (both census years). (p. 1) Through policy dialogue, ADB had urged the Government to improve efficiency through good governance, and sustainability of the education system through cost recovery and partnerships with the private sector. (p. 14)

Private schools will enjoy the same status that their counterparts enjoyed during colonial times. Therefore, the move to change the medium-of-instruction policy through privatization of educational establishments will recreate the discrepancies in terms of educational outcomes that were prevalent during colonial times between the few who know English and are socially and economically capable, and the many who do not know English and are socially and economically disadvantaged. It is my contention that pedagogies and their applications in ELT are adopted without respect for the culturally situated practices of learning. As far as the ELT pedagogic practices in Sri Lanka are concerned, teachers have long been negligent of the language learning styles and strategies of learners and thereby have failed to conceptualize how they are situated within their indigenous educational heritage. Instead of acknowledging and respecting the strategic preferences prompted to students by the educational ethos prevalent in the country, pedagogic practices have been implemented as and when they became fashionable. The fact that an approach has worked well in one part of the world 218

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and was preferred by those upon whom it was tried does not necessarily mean that it would work equally well with communities in other parts of the world. For example, Canagarajah’s work (1999) explored in detail the pedagogic choices of ESL learners in Jaffna, and established the preferred pedagogic preferences of learners to be ‘product oriented’ rather than ‘process oriented’. Within the two pedagogic orientations to ELT, different kinds of learning strategies are promoted to and expected of the learners, an aspect that I have dealt with in detail in relation to the Sri Lankan ESL learners elsewhere (Liyanage, 2003). My intent is not to establish the superiority of one approach over the other, but to make clear that pedagogic adoptions need to be considerate of ground realities and grow bottom-up rather than top-down. For bottom-up approaches to be implemented, training of language teachers needs to be sensitive to the sociocultural contexts in which they practise (Liyanage and Bartlett, 2008) and based on the primordial ties and the indigenous educational ethos prevalent in those contexts. The training of English teachers and teacher trainers, and the development of ELT materials with the aid of global agents, seem to disregard those ground-level realities. For example, the programmes geared towards teacher training and material development clearly favour a ‘process oriented’ approach. For example, the completion report of TETD (The World Bank, 2006a) states that an Activity Based Oral English (ABOE) programme was sponsored to train 1,831 teachers up to June 2005, and another programme to train 25,000 teachers was being processed. Therefore, a forceful imposition of pedagogies that represent the interests, cultures and ideologies of those countries and communities that produce them (Delpit, 1995; Muchiri et al., 1995; Canagarajah, 1999) and misinformed choices have led to the existence of a wide gap between people who are and are not proficient in English. In the following section of this chapter, the findings of an empirical study (Liyanage, 2004) that explored the relationship between Sri Lankan ESL learners’ ethnoreligious backgrounds, as demarcated by their indigenous educational heritage, and their preferred language learning strategy choices will be discussed to validate the importance of inherent educational ethos in pedagogic choices.

Indigenous educational practices and Sri Lankan ESL learners Language-learning strategies by definition are ‘. . . the special thoughts or behaviours that individuals use to help them comprehend, learn or retain new information’ (O’Malley and Chamot, 1990: 1) or the ‘specific 219

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actions taken by the learner to make learning easier, faster, more enjoyable, more self-directed, more effective and more transferable to new situations’ (Oxford, 1990: 8). Therefore, by definition, language learners’ use of strategies is deliberate and conscious and, hence, reveal or mirror the preferences of how the learners venture to learn a target language. A group of almost 1,000 ESL students in six government schools in Sri Lanka comprised the participants for the study. These schools belong to and operate under a Ministry of Education in the Sri Lankan government. The participants comprised approximately an equal number of males and females from the country’s three dominant subcultures, as demarcated by ethnicity, language and religion. The instrument used for the investigation of language-learning strategy preferences was an adapted version of Chamot et al.’s (1987) Language Learning Strategy Inventory (LLSI), which was translated into Sinhala and Tamil. The instrument gathered information on 7 metacognitive, 15 cognitive, and 4 social/affective aspects in five learning contexts: speaking in class, listening in class, speaking and listening outside class, reading and writing. For a detailed description of reliability statistics and statistical analyses see Liyanage (2004). The findings indicated that there is a significant (p < 0.001) association between the students’ ethnoreligious backgrounds and metacognitive, cognitive and social/affective strategy types. Variations in preferred strategies among the three groups indicate three preferred ways of learning. The estimated marginal means for metacognitive, cognitive and social/affective strategies indicate that Muslim subjects use all three strategy types more than do Tamil and Sinhalese participants, and Tamil subjects report using all three strategy types more than do Sinhalese subjects. The marginal means for ethnicity and language learning strategy types are graphed in Figure 11.1. When the individual strategies that form the three strategy types were investigated in relation to ethnicity/religion, five metacognitive strategies, eight cognitive strategies, and two social/affective strategies were significantly (p < 0.001) associated with ethnicity/religion. Students’ reported frequent use of the metacognitive, cognitive and social/affective strategies that are significantly associated with ethnicity/religion is tabulated as percentages in Table 11.1. For example, 81.8 per cent of the Sinhalese who are Buddhists, 85.9 per cent of the Tamils who are Hindus and 86.7 per cent of the Muslims who are adherents of Islam preferred self-evaluation as a metacognitive strategy in learning to write in English. It is not within the scope of this chapter to discuss all strategy preferences in relation to learners’ ethnoreligious identity. For a detailed 220

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3.2

Average scores

3.0

2.8

2.6

Ethnicity / Religion

2.4

Sinhalese (Buddhism) 2.2 Tamil (Hinduism) Muslim (Islam)

2.0 Metacognitive

Cognitive

Social-affective

Language Learning Strategies

Figure 11.1 Relationship between ethnicity and language learning strategy (av) scores.

Table 11.1 Ethnicity/religion and reported use of metacognitive, cognitive and social/affective strategies Learning Context

Language Learning Strategy

Ethnicity Sinhala Tamil Muslim Buddhist Hindu Islam

Metacognitive

Speaking in class

Listening and speaking outside class

Organizational Planning

70.0%

86.2%

86.05

Self-monitoring

83.5%

79.5%

81.0%

Self-management

73.6%

78.4%

88.7%

Organizational Planning

34.7%

70.7%

71.0%

Self-evaluation

55.1%

71.0%

74.3%

Advance Organization

63.4%

76.3%

76.0%

Self-management

69.0%

73.5%

84.3%

Self-evaluation

81.8%

85.9%

86.7%

Organizational planning

42.6%

84.1%

88.0%

Reading

Writing Cognitive

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Table 11.1 (Continued) Learning Context

Listening in class

Language Learning Strategy

Ethnicity Sinhala Tamil Muslim Buddhist Hindu Islam

Note taking

53.1%

54.1%

76.35

Repetition

4.6%

30.0%

37.0%

Transfer

17.2%

56.2%

51.7%

Translation

40.6%

55.5%

61.0%

Rehearsal

82.2%

67.1%

72.3%

Translation

41.6%

55.8%

59.7%

Repetition

53.1%

54.1%

76.3%

Note taking

59.4%

68.65

80.0%

Rehearsal

41.6%

55.8%

59.7%

Translation

4.6%

30.0%

37.0%

Deduction

82.2%

67.1%

72.3%

Resourcing

38.9%

63.6%

65.7%

Social Affective Questioning for clarification Self-talk

39.3%

49.8%

61.3%

34.7%

60.8%

65.0%

Listening and speak- Questioning for ing outside class clarification

65.3%

44.5%

39.7%

Writing

34.7%

60.8%

65.0%

Speaking in class

Reading

Writing

Listening in class Speaking in class

Cooperation

discussion of how strategy preferences are related to students’ ethnoreligious upbringing, readers are referred to the original study (Liyanage, 2004). However, in the ensuing paragraphs, a few of these strategies are discussed in relation to learners’ indigenous educational backgrounds. Advance organization involves ‘previewing the main idea and concepts of the material to be learned, often by skimming the text for the organising principle’ (Chamot et al., 1987: 136). Advance organization is a strategy that is in harmony with the teaching practices in the indigenous educational systems, and the preference for this strategy is an influence of these systems on the learning process. Buddhism, 222

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Hinduism and Islam all have three religious texts: the Tripitaka, Vedas and Qur’an. Up until the present day school system was introduced to the country, it was believed by the followers of all three religious faiths that all they had to learn was written in these sacred books, and anyone who knew them was regarded in the highest esteem. The contents in these sacred texts are arranged in a sequential order and learning of these contents was also done in a sequential order. The preference for advance organization indicates the students’ need and willingness, as conditioned by these ideals, to learn the content material sequentially and systematically. This finding is also in line with other studies (Canagarajah, 1996) that found Sri Lankan students’ compliance with organized, structured teacher-directed lessons. All three groups show a preference for note taking as a cognitive strategy while listening in class and reading. Note taking involves writing down key concepts during a listening or reading activity. As mentioned earlier, in traditional Buddhist, Hindu and Islam educational practices, listening has an important place. Both Buddhist and Hindu religions and their educational practices were passed down through the oral tradition. Imparting of knowledge was primarily through teacher talk. Students were expected to listen and remember. For example, one of the mottos of Buddhist educational practice is ‘Suna`tha, Dha`retha, Chara`tha’. This motto, the translation of which means ‘listen, remember, and put into practice’, again emphasizes the sequential order in which the students are expected to learn and listen with a view to remembering. As has been discussed earlier, in Hindu educational practice the emphasis on ‘shravana’, ‘manana’ and ‘nididhyasana’ also indicates the expectations of sequential learning and an emphasis on listening with the idea of remembering. Note taking is a strategy that helps students memorize new information. The preference for this strategy both in listening and reading can be interpreted as a result of a possible impact those religious educational traditions may still have on students. Repetition involves the exact imitation, including oral or silent practice, of a language model. Of the three groups, Muslims indicated the highest preference for repetition while learning to read. In particular, the Islamic expectation that students should memorize the Qur’an by reciting it over and over again to a rhythm (Khusro, 1981) may explain why Muslims prefer this strategy more than do the members of the other two religions. Also, in general, a higher preference for this strategy by all three groups may result from how students were educated in religious texts before the Western school education system was introduced to the country. The only way to measure students’ learning was to measure how much they could remember. Thus, students learnt these religious and other accompanying literary texts through various 223

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means that helped them remember information. One of the favourite ways to remember is through frequent repetition, and this strategy was constantly encouraged in the traditional educational practices. For example, in Dhammapadaya,8 repetition while reading is encouraged as ‘Asajjhya mala` mantha`’, meaning that ‘one that is not repeated gathers rust’. Indigenous educational ethos is deeply rooted in the Sri Lankan community, and the findings indicate that students adopt ways (strategies) that are promoted to them by the indigenous educational systems. An important question to consider is whether teaching methods can enable effective language learning without considering the strategies students utilize in learning a target language. These indigenous educational practices based on primordial ties are however downplayed by the agents of globalization. For them, these educational practices are old, counterproductive, and not conducive to individual development, and, therefore, should be replaced. ADB in its Sri Lanka Country Assistance Program Evaluation report (ADB, 2007b) expresses these sentiments as follows: . . . the traditional rote learning process in schools has seen little change but a beginning has been made . . . (p. 16) A major problem in secondary education has been the piecemeal introduction of changes in the curriculum that have not impinged qualitatively on the teaching-learning process and on teacher education. The rote learning process therefore continues, providing little space for activity-based teaching and learning that will, inter alia, develop generic personal skills and human values, which will impact positively on both individual development and employability. (p. 25)

Conclusion These findings once again remind us that pedagogical approaches should not only grow within the sociocultural contexts of the learners and incorporate aspects indigenous to the particular culture to which they belong, but also recognize the socially situated modes of learning. The aim of such approaches would be to maximize and benefit the process of target language learning through strategies naturally preferred and sought by the students, as pedagogical approaches may not be as effective as they are intended to be when they centre on strategies that are not naturally favoured by students. Therefore, instead of going back and implementing medium-ofinstruction policies that should partly be blamed for the ELT situation in the country, and succumbing to the demands and policies of the 224

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super powers, we need to wake up to the realities and mistakes we have made ever since we became a republic and seriously ask such questions as whether those policies can narrow the existing gulf between those who are and are not proficient in English; that is, we need to ask whether these policies can provide an equitable education in the country. The medium-of-instruction policy (English medium) failed during the period of the British in the country, at least in the case of the majority Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim population. The failure at the time was due partly to lack of resources and insufficient qualified personnel – shortcomings that still exist in the country. Therefore, the reimplementation of a failed policy to comply with the directions from global forces would mean the deprivation not only of English to its masses, but also of the knowledges of other content areas. If this happens, in implementing the global directives, local aspirations will undoubtedly suffer.

Notes 1. In literature, the words ‘Sinhala’ and ‘Sinhalese’ are used interchangeably to refer to the language group and ethnicity. 2. Sri Lankan Muslims’ ethnicity is Moor. However, in Sri Lanka their ethnic and religious identities are essentially the same and are interchangeably used. In this chapter the word ‘Muslim’ is used to refer to their ethnicity. 3. Tamil Nadu is the southernmost Tamil state in India which is very close to the Jaffna peninsula of Sri Lanka. 4. The Upanishads (in Sanskrit, upa means ‘near’, ni is ‘down’, and sad is ‘sit’– ‘to sit down near to’, that is, to sit at the feet of the guru) comprise the final portion of the revealed part of the Vedas (Stepaniants and Behuniak, 2002: 107). 5. ‘The Thirumurais consist of the Thevaram and Thiruvacakam and the philosophical texts. The Thevaram and Thiruvacakam are collections of hymns of the Saivite saints of the sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth centuries A.D. written in simple, easily understood language’ (K. M. De Silva, 1977: 390). 6. ‘. . . a primary school often attached to a mosque, the chief business of which is to instruct boys (and girls) in those portions of the Koran’ (Aeez, 1969: 1147). 7. State-supported secondary schools (Azeez, 1969). 8. One of the 15 textbooks that belongs to Khuddhaka Nikaya in the Buddhist Pali Canon.

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Ministry of Education Sri Lanka (2008), ‘Recent developments in education in Sri Lanka’, at http://www.moe.gov.lk/Education_his_2.html retrieved on 30 October 2008. Mookerji, R. K. (1951), Ancient Indian Education (Brahmanical and Buddhist). Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Mosback, G. (1984), ‘Making a structure-based course more communicative’, ELT Journal, 38 (3), 178–86. Muchiri, M. N., Nishidi, G., Mulamba, G. and Deoscorous, B. (1995), ‘Importing composition: teaching and researching academic writing beyond North America’, College Composition and Communication, 46 (2), 175–98. Murdoch, G. (1994), ‘Language development provision in teacher training curricula’, ELT Journal, 48 (3), 253–65. O’Malley, J. M. and A. U. Chamot (1990), Learning Strategies in Second Language Acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Oxford, R. L. (1990), Language Learning Strategies: What Every Teacher Should Know. New York: Heinle & Heinle. Parish, C. and R. W. Brown (1988), ‘Teacher training for Sri Lanka: PRINSETT’, ELT Journal, 42 (1), 21–27. Perusinghe, E. A. (1969), ‘English versus the national languages’, in U. D. I. Sirisena (ed.),. Education in Ceylon (from the Sixth Century B.C. to the Present Day) – A Centenary Volume. Colombo: Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs, pp. 473–480. Phillipson, R. (2001), ‘English for globalisation or for the world’s people?’, International Review of Education, 47 (3–4), 185–200. Punchi, L. (2001), ‘Resistance towards the language of globalisation – the case of Sri Lanka’, International Review of Education, 47 (3–4), 361–378. Raheem, R. and H. Ratwatte (2001), ‘Teaching English: possibilities and opportunities’, in D. Heys (ed.), Selected Papers from the 1st International Conference of the Sri Lanka English Teachers’ Association. Colombo: The British Council, pp. 23–36. Reagan, T. G. (2000), Non-Western Educational Traditions: Alternative Approaches to Educational Thought and Practice. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Ruberu, R. T. (1969), ‘Early British educational activities’, in U. D. I. Sirisena (ed.), Education in Ceylon (from the Sixth Century B.C. to the Present Day) – A Centenary Volume. Colombo: Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs, pp. 359–374. Samarakkody, M. and G. Braine (2005), ‘Teaching English in Sri Lanka: from colonial roots to Lankan English’, in G. Braine (ed.), Teaching English to the World: History, Curriculum and Practice. London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 147–157. Shills, E. (1957), ‘Primordial, personal, sacred and civil ties: tome particular observations on the relationships of sociological research and theory’, The British Journal of Sociology, 8 (2), 130–145. Shinil, K. (1996), ‘“Learning perspective” in the Asian viewpoint’ (ED401407). Retrieved 15 February 2002, from E*subscribe/ERIC Reproduction Service database.

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Somasegaram, S. U. (1969), ‘The Hindu tradition’, in U. D. I. Sirisena (ed.), Education in Ceylon (from the Sixth Century B.C. to the Present Day) – A Centenary Volume. Colombo: Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs, pp. 1131–1143. Sri Lanka Government (2008), ‘Sri Lanka facts’, at http://www.gov.lk/info/ index.asp?mi=19&xp=0&xi=52&o=0&t=&xl=3 retrieved on 3 November 2008. Stepaniants, M. and Behuniak, J. (2002), Introduction to Eastern Thought. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press. Vaish, V. (2008), Biliteracy and Globalization: English Language Education in India. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Warnasuriya, W. M. A. (1969), ‘Secondary education’, in U. D. I. Sirisena (ed.), Education in Ceylon (from the Sixth Century B.C. to the Present Day) – A Centenary Volume. Colombo: Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs, pp. 811–824. Wijemanne, E. L. (1969), ‘Development of the curriculum’, in U. D. I. Sirisena (ed.), Education in Ceylon (from the Sixth Century B.C. to the Present Day) – A Centenary Volume. Colombo: Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs, pp. 945–964. Wijetunga, S. (1969), ‘Government effort and missionary enterprise in education’, in U. D. I. Sirisena (ed.), Education in Ceylon (from the Sixth Century B.C. to the Present Day) – A Centenary Volume. Colombo: Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs, pp. 447–461. The World Bank (1997), Implementation completion report Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka for a General Education Project (Credit 2072 CE). South Asia Region: Population and Human Resources Division, The World Bank. —(2005), Treasures of the Education System in Sri Lanka: Restoring Performance, Expanding Opportunities and Enhancing Prospects. Human Development Unit, South Asia Region, The World Bank. —(2006a), Implementation Completion Report (IDA-28810) on a Credit in the Amount of SDR44.0 Million (US$64.1 Million Equivalent) to the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka for a Teacher Education and Teacher Deployment Project. South Asia Region, Human Development Unit, The World Bank. —(2006b), Implementation Completion Report (IDA-30140) on a Credit in the Amount of SDR51.4 Million (US$70.3 Million) to the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka for a Second General Education Project. Human Development Sector Unit, The World Bank. —(2008a), International Development Association and International Finance Corporation Country Assistance Strategy for the Democratic Socialist Republic of SRI Lanka for the Period FY2009–FY2012. South Asia Region, Sri Lanka Country Office, the International Finance Corporation and South Asia Department, The World Bank. —(2008b), Project Information Document (PID) Appraisal Stage. The World Bank.

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Index

Note: Numbers in bold refer to tables and figures.

Abaza, M. 44 Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir Munshi36 Abelmann, N.92 Abu Bakar Hamzah41 ‘A Bull in China’ 25 Activity Based Oral English (ABOE) programme219 Adams, L. D.99 ADB see Asian Development Bank (ADB) Adegbija, E.108 Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah, followers37 Akita International University67 al-akhirah (the hereafter)51 Al-Attas, S. M. N.37–9 Al-Azhar University of Cairo44 al-dunya (temporal world)51 Alexander, R.128 Al-Ghazali37 non-religious sciences or profane knowledge (fard kifayah)37 religious sciences or sacred knowledge (shari’ah)37 Ali Riaz, 46 Alsagoff, L.43, 89 Anglo-vernacular schools211, 216 Annamalai, E.121 anti-globalization movement3 Appadurai, A.2–3, 5–6, 10, 36, 75, 77, 165, 170, 207 Applebee, A.188 applied linguistics3, 10–11 colonialism10

global language10 journals10 Arabic language and Diniah (religious knowledge)42 The Holy Quran38 Jawi/Al-Quran/fard ‘ain52 jurisprudence/philosophy/ tauhid38 justification, five reasons50 ‘language of Islam’ 48 rise of 52–4 Semitic language family38 shari’ah or hadith38 in South East Asia6 third language programme53 zikr and hafz (memorization)38 Arel, D.76 Ariyapala, M. B.209 ‘Asajjhya mala` mantha`’ 224 Asian Development Bank (ADB)207, 212–14, 217–18, 224 Asian financial crisis5, 8, 168 Asmah, H. O.39, 181–2 Auerbach, E.171 ‘autocratic democracy’ 185 Azimah, I.198 Azyumardi Azra.36 Bachelors of Education in Elementary Education135 Bae, S.90 Bahasa Malaysia192, 195–6, 198–9, 201

231

Index

Bahasa Melayu181–2, 184, 186, 194–5, 199–200 Baker, C.162 Bakken, B.146 Baldauf, R. B.181–2, 185 Baldauf, R. B. Jr.144 Bartlett, B.219 Basic Education Sector Programme (BESP)212 basic interpersonal communication skills (BICS)187–8 Basic Multilingual Panes (BMP)154 BBC Chinese.com25 Bhabha, H. K.77 Bhagwati, J.2, 8–9 Bhattacharya, R.121, 130–1 Bibi Jan Mohd Ayyub51 Big Five151 bilingual education system31, 151 Bishop, T.151 Blake, R.111 ‘blind obedience’ or taqlid41 Block, D.162, 166, 183 Blommaert, J.5, 10 ‘blood purism’ 73 Boli, J.125 Bourdieu, P.83, 99, 163 Braine, G.214 Brann, C. M. B.216 Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRICs)14 Brinton, D.197 British neocolonial policy171 Brock-Utne, B.212 Brodkey, D.214 Brown, R. W.212 Bruthiaux, P.9–10 Brutt-Griffler, J.6–8, 171 Buang, S. 6, 34–55 Buddhism, 39, 109, 208–9, 209, 221–3 Buddhist educational practice223 Burde, A. S.121 Business Processes Outsourcing (BPOs)120, 134 Butler, Y. G.62–3, 66, 76 ‘buy-one-get-one-free’ phenomenon90

232

Cahoone, L. E.207 Cameron, D.162, 166, 183 Canagarajah, S. A.106, 132, 214 Canton, J.95 Carless, D. R.174 census report of the Government of Sri Lanka (2001)215 Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE)125 Centre of Excellence in English Education (CEIEE)214 Ceylon, 109, 208 Chamot, A. U.219–20, 222 Chapman, K.201 Chee, M. W. L.85 Chelliah, D. D.36 Che Noraini Hashim44–5 Chew, G. L. P.4, 82–101 China/Chinese16–17 century25 character computerization149, 157 character encoding system GB2313 27 GB18030 27 Communist Party146 critical language20 Cultural Revolution15 diaspora15, 17–19 economy16 ‘factory of the world’ 16 hanzi140, 145, 148 open-door policy16 powerhouse, economic16 -rich computer tools22 soft power23 sovereignty18 State information Center95 supremacy, economic17 writing system141 China Population and Employment Statistics Yearbook200817 Chinese as a Foreign Language (CFL)15, 20–1, 27, 29–32 Chinese/Japanese/Korean Joint Research Group (CJK-JRG)152 Chinese languages (CL)26, 139 linguistics and sociolinguistics26

Index

major academic subject31 ‘Mandarin’ 26 proficiency tests, 20, 29 spoken and written, barriers140 Cho, B. E.95 Choi, Y.173 Choong Kam Foong187, 189, 193–4 choral recitation128–9, 131–4 Clark, P.135 Clegg, S.197 Clyne, M. G.148 cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP)187–8 Cohen, A.167 COKE Company7 Cold War63 Collins, F. L.84, 87 colonialism, 63, 108, 166–7 Commission of Script Reform (CSR)142 comprehensive table of standardized characters (CTSC)143–5, 147 Compulsory Education (CE) Act, 47, 68, 69, 147 computer encoding systems27 Confucius Institutes (CI)20, 23 “context embedded environments” 188 Cook, R. S.133, 151, 153–4 Corpus of whole Chinese characters (CWCC)145–8 Chinese characters in China145 Unicode145 corpus planning and status planning64–6, 114, 182 Coulmas, F.64, 74 ‘crony capitalism’ 8 Crystal, D.14–15, 17, 21, 166 cultural globalization3, 7–8, 212 cultural homogenization/ heterogenization165 Cultural Revolution15–16, 29–30, 146 Cummins, J.187–8 Curriculum Development Project (CDP) scheme48 cyberspace globalization156

Daniels, J. L.183 Daniels, N. C.183 Das, G.120, 123 Dasgupta, P.121 David, M. K.25, 107, 175, 185 De Alwis, E. H.216 decimal system8 decoding process141 Delpit, L. D.132, 219 Democracy Movement of 1989146 Department for International Development (DFID)207, 212 Department of Language and Information Management142 Department of Social Use of Language and Script142 De Silva, K. M.208, 210 de Souza, D.214 Devashayam, Theresa W.84, 99 Dharmadasa, K. N. O.107 ‘diffusion-of-English paradigm’ 75 Diploma in English for Teachers of English (DETE)115–16 Director of Japan Immigration Policy Institute74 District Primary Education Program (DPEP)135 Dor, D.6, 22–3 Dou, Delong21 Douglas, S.34 Duhamel, D.88, 95 Dutch language42, 44 ‘ecology-of-language paradigm’ 75 ‘economic commodities’ 166, 183 economic globalization2 economic migration see linguistic migration Economist1, 2, 4, 8–11, 16, 94, 123, 184 Economist magazine8 Education Act of1961 45 in English, 109, 113 Foreign language62 free ‘education for all’ policy in Sri Lanka109

233

Index

Education (Cont’d) in Malaysia45 Education for Knowledge Society Project (EKSP)213–14 Education Sector Development Framework and Program (ESDFP)213–14 Education Sector Development Program (ESDP)213 Einstein, A.126 Emerson, R.181 English education173 common class management problems173–4 ‘English fever’ 162 English for Academic Purposes Instruction (EAP)107, 214 English for Teaching Mathematics and Science (ETeMS)180, 189–91 Buddy Support System191 Phase1 – ETeMS 189–90 Phase2 – ETeMS 190–1 Alpha, Beta and Gamma module190–1 5-pronged strategy189 English (language)6–7, 40–1, 49 ‘conversation’ classes174 dominant language31 dual-medium education121 in elementary schools7 ‘English in Context’ 134 first global language14 first language choral recitation128 international language or lingua franca166 Japan’s second language67 language entres87 language skills217 as ‘linguistic capital’ 163 medium education113 ‘premium’ languages85 as ‘the link language’ 110 English language teaching (ELT)3–4, 107 English Language Teaching Centre (ELTC)180

234

English Language Teaching Units (ELTUs)115 expert knowledge and local knowledge107 English Program in Korea (EPIK)161–76 reunion164 teachers’ requirements169 ‘entertainment value’ 173, 175 ‘epoch-making (kakkiteki)’ 74 ethnic groups, Sri Lanka Muslim208 Sinhala Indo-Aryan language208 Tamil208 Dravidian language208 Indian Tamils208 Sri Lankan Tamils208 ethnography5 Fairclough, N.75, 77 Fei, J. C.144 Ferguson, C.76 Fernando, C.215 Fernando, S.110 First Table of Variant Forms143, 151 First World Conference on Muslim Education46 Fishman, J. A.74–5 ‘Five Year Plan for English Education Revitalization’ 169 ‘flat world’ 9 Flood, G.210 ‘Flows of technology’ 2, 4–5, 139–58 see also Mandarin, global foreign Student Tracking System91 Fotos, S.62, 77 ‘Four Fixations’ 143 ‘Free Trade Policy’ 212 Friedman, T. L.8–9, 211 Frisby, A. W.41 Fukuda administration67 Fuller, B.123 Funabashi Y.67 Gamage, S.112 Gandhi, M. K.3

Index

GB2312–80 151 General Education Project (GEP/2GEP)212–14 General List of Print Fonts of Chinese Characters143 General List of Simplified Characters143 ‘genjitsu-ha (realism/pragmatism)’ 64 Giddens, A.4 Gill, S. K.3, 75–6, 180–202 global English3, 5, 7, 16–17, 164–5 global financial crisis5 census results or sociolinguistic surveys4 Guillen, indicators by5 rankings dimensions4 globalization165 and applied linguistics10–11 in Asia5–8 aspects of globalization5 processes of globalization5 benefits8–9 benign process8 era11 ‘ethnoscapes’ 165 ‘financescapes’ 165 homogenizing process165 ideology9 ‘ideoscapes’ 165 ‘mediascapes’ 165 mismanagement of9 nature, definition see nature of globalization, defining ‘technoscapes’ 165 Global Mandarin14–32 barriers to spread of27–9 national loyalty vs. international intelligibility28 orthographical barriers27 teething problems29 China’s resurgence, impact of16–17 current status25–6 global spread17–23 global status of language, defining15–16 numerical definition15

requirements15 mass media23–5 problems of nomenclature, defining Mandarin26–7 teaching Chinese (international language)29–32 global market165 ‘global outlook’ 114 ‘global village’ 82 principal forms, three cultural capital83 economic capital83 social capital83 ‘glocalization’ 165 Goh, C. T.88 Gomez, J.198 ‘good English’ 89, 216 ‘Good Practice’ (GP) government67 Goonetilleke, D. C. R. A.214 Gopinathan, S.6 Gottlieb, N.65–6 Goundry, N.154–5 Gourd, K.67 government school system9, 108, 133 Govindasamy, S.107, 185 Graddol, D.16, 25, 28, 32, 94, 100 Gray, J.162, 165–6 Grigorenko, E. L.122 ‘grounded theory’ 106–7 Guillen, M. F.5, 9–10, 107 Gunesekera, M.110, 116 Gupta, S.121 Hall, S.165 Halpe, A.112 Hamidah Ab Rahman197 Han (Chinese character) unification152 Hancock, John22 Hannum, E.123 Hanson-Smith, E.212, 214 hanzi writing system antique scripts140 ‘characters-in-use’ 140 computer input problem141 cultural rim150

235

Index

hanzi writing system (Cont’d) encoding and decoding hanzi in cyberspace141 input hanzi into computers141 language policy142 outputting process141 paper-based characters or ‘characters-in-storage’ 140 pinyin142 standardization143 Hao, S. D.148 Hashimoto, K.76 Hassan, A.198 Hassan Langgulung44–5 Hayes, D.212 Heller, M.166 Henry, M.115 He, Q. X.155 heritage digitalization, traditional147 Hevawasam, P. B. J.209 Hifni bin Muhd Ali.50 Higher Education Project (HEP)213 high language (H-language)39 Hindi speakers6–7 Hindu educational practice209–10 Siddhanta school of Saivism210 thirumurais210 upanishads210 shravana, manana and nididhyasana210 hiragana (phonogram)62 Hishamuddin, H.195 Ho, A. L.88 Hong Kong’s Native-speaking English Teachers program (NET)164 Hong, U. H.167 Hornberger, N. H.128 Horowitz, D. L.181 Huntington, S. P.2 Huntington’s theory2 Husain, S. S.211 Husna Yusop201 Hu, W.94–5 hybridity or ‘global melange’ 2–3 ‘hybridization’ 77, 165 hybrid Mandarin29

236

hyogai-kanji list65 hyo-i ha (pro-ideogram)64 hyo-on ha (pro-phonogram)64 ideograph-based input programs142 Ideographic Rapporteur Group (IRG)152 Iino, M.7, 61–78 Illi Liyana M.198 Imperial Family line73 Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE)109–10, 112–13, 213 India120–37 culturally contextualized pedagogy choral recitation128–9 educational goals and outcomes132–3 English supplementation by school133–4 mother tongue as resource 130–1 reforming pedagogy134–6 teacher centredness131–2 translation129–30 pedagogic practice, describing Transcript1: 8 April2004, Grade3, 124–5, 125 Transcript2: 15 October2005, Grade12, 125–6, 125–6 Transcript3: 17 October2006, Grade11, 126–8, 127–8 site and data collection data collection124 presentation of transcripts124 Indonesia, Muhammadiyah of42 information communication technology (ICT)110 information technology (IT) revolution22, 183 Information Technology Master Plan (ITMP)47 Inoue, F.67 ‘input scheme pollution’ 142 international aid agencies207 International Christian University (ICU)67

Index

International Development Association (IDA)207, 212, 217 International Monetary Fund (IMF)9–10, 207, 212 Internet World Stats23 Isahak Haron196 Islam and place of education educational practice210–11 kuttab, or Qur’anic school211 madrasa, secondary school211 maktab, primary school211 Islam or hashi’ah (critiques)39 knowledge in impacts on languages37 knowledge in religious education37 Arabic language38 English language40–1 Malay language and function38–40 Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ISESCO)53 Islamization process36 IT see information technology (IT) revolution Japan/Japanese coding system156 inbound migration69–72 major nationality71 total population70 Japanese–English bilingualism75 Japan–Russo War (1904–1905)63 Japan–Sino War (1894–1895)63 LDP Nakagawa plan72–4 outbound migration68–9 children residing outside Japan69 overseas residents and their children68 school in Shanghai69 teaching7 Japan Exchange and Teaching program (JET)163–4 Javanese language39

Jenkins, J.101 Jeong, Y-K.93, 162 Jeon, M.161–77 Jewitt, C.121 jinmeiyo-kanji65 Jochi University (Sofia University)67 Johnstone, B.124 Jones, S. P.162, 207 Jordan, D. K.148 Jorden, E.66 joyo-kanji65 ‘j-QAF’ 52 Jung, S.168 ‘jus sanguinis = right of blood’ 73 ‘jus soli = right of soil’ 73 Kachru, B. B.94, 166 Kachru’s model17 native users, 17–18 Zhongyuan (central plains)17 non-native users, 20–1 CFL courses20 TCFL, prospects of20 second language users, 18–19 lingua franca18 Mandarin19 overseas Chinese communities18 Singapore and Malaysia19 Kachru, Y.171 Kagan, S.188 kaikoku, third64 Kaiser, S.66 Kamar Oniah Kamaruzaman46 Kamsiah Abdullah.51 Kamsilawati K.192, 194 Kangxi Dictionary151 kanji62 boom65 kentei (examination for kanji certificate)65 yamato kotoba62 Kanno, Y.69 Kaplan, R. B.166, 181–2, 185 Karma or duty135 katakana65

237

Index

Kato, H.72 Kearney, A. T./Foreign Policy Globalization Index5–6, 90 Keidel, A.16 Kelegama, S.212 Kenway, J.183 Khan, M. W.59 Khattab, U.200 Khiruddin, A.192, 194 Khubchandani, L.121 Khusro, S. A. M.223 kikokusei (returnees)69 Kim, K. S.93 Kim, S. S.163, 167–8 King, A. D.3 Kirova, A.99 Kitao, K. S.63 Ko, K. H.87, 92 Kokugo (national language)76 council for Japanese language64 kanbun (classical Chinese poems and literature)76 kobun (classical Japanese literature)76 shigin and shiika (classical poetry)76 Kokusai Bunka Shinkou Kyokai71 Komori, Y.65 Kon, Y. H.186–7 Koo, H.163 Korea/Korean globalization policy161 government167–8 industrialization in95 insularization93 Ministry of Education161 War167 Krishnaswamy, N.121 Kubota, R.77, 165 Kubota, Y.166 Kumaravadivelu, B.10, 122, 130 Kumaravadivelu’s essay122 Kurlantzick, Joshua23 Kwon, O.168 Kysilka, M.210 Lakshman, W. D.207, 212

238

Lambert, B. H.91 Langer, J.188 language and culture, Asia1–11 globalization and applied linguistics10–11 globalization in Asia5–8 globalization measurement4–5 nature of globalization, definition2–4 see also globalization Language and Information Management Department147 language idealism and realism61–78 language contact in Japan62–4 recent language issues in Japan English language education66–8 language and nationalism64–6 migration and language68–74 language-in-education policy183 Language Learning Strategy Inventory (LLSI)219–20, 220 cognitive220 metacognitive220 social/affective strategies220 language proficiency114 ‘Language Situation in China Report: 2005’ 20 ‘language zone’ 22 ‘large-scale diasporas’ 75 ‘learning about Islam’ 52 Lebra, T. S.76 Lee, H. W.95 Lee, S.25, 31, 72 Lee, T. J.93 Lee, Y.-J.163, 168–9 Leow Bee Geok48 Levine, D. N.207 Levitt, P.83 Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)62 Nakagawa plan72–4 Lingard, B.115 linguistic migration83 ‘astronaut husbands’ studies84 feminization of migration84 ‘safe havens’ 84 ‘satellite kids’ 84 ‘linguistic mothering’ 85

Index

linguistic neoimperialism166 Linguistic purism77 literature (hikayat)40 Little, A. W.214 Liu, J.93 Liu, Z. J.149 Liyanage, I.10, 206–25 Li, Y. M.140, 145, 147 Lo Bianco, J.109–10, 212, 216 local education system93 ‘Local Standard English’ (LSE)89 ‘lost decade’ 76 Lowe, V.200 Luk, J. C. M.136 Lunde, K.153 madrasah (Muslim educational institution)35 Al-Iqbal in Singapore41 Al-Masyhur in Penang41 economy and values-orientation 46 six madrasahs43 students in Indonesia35 students in Malaysia35 students in2007 (Singapore)35 Mahathir Mohamad75, 184 Mair, V. H.142, 152 Majlis Ugama Islam of Singapore (MUIS)47 Malaysia/Malay language38–9, 44, 49, 180–202 buddy system194–5 challenges for teachers186–7 change in language policy184–6 ELTC programs189 English competency192 in-service training193 lack of networking (post-training) 193 ‘language of translation’ 52 Malay/Muslims36 MaSTT 191–2 or national language45 self-instructional materials193–4 voices for and against ETEMS 195–201

Malaysian English Language Teaching Association’s (MELTA)194 Mandarin, global lingua franca15 spread, 15, 18 CL-operated IT 21–3 native users17–18 non-native users20–1 second language users18–19 see also Kachru’s model see also global Mandarin Mandarin in cyberspace139–58 ‘common script’ across cyberspace150 CTSC 143–5 CWCC 145–8 exploring solutions148–50 Hanzi and technology141–3 limitation of technology150–4 socio-political dimensions155–7 Mandarin learners awareness6 language use on internet6 Martin Jacques 18 mass media Mandarin TV channels23–4 print media, 24–5 Mathematics and Science Trainer Training (MaSTT)191 Mathews, B.227 Matthews, J.84 Mazlish, B.10 McArthur, T.36 McCarty, T. L.108 ‘Mecca for Education’ 87 Mehrotra, S.209 Meiji era62 Mena, M. M.87 Meyer, D.154 Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew (MM Lee)91 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT)66 driving forces, Butler66–7 survey in2004 66

239

Index

Ministry of Education Survey49 ‘modernist globalization’ 165 Mohd. Aidil Subhan51 Mookerji, R. K.210 moral values or adab37 Mosback, G.212 Muchiri, M. N.219 ‘multilingualism’ 75 Munsyi Abdullah’s learning40 Murdoch, G.214 Muslim community48 Muslim education34–54 fard ‘ain/fard kifayah/naqli and ‘aqli46 Islam and place of education37–41 re-(de)positioning of languages 45–52 reformist movement and (re) positioning of languages42–5 rise of Arabic language52–4 Mustapa, M.201 Nakajima, K.74 Narasimha Rao, P. V. India’s Prime Minister120 National Education Policy44, 182 ‘National Flagship Language Initiative’ 20 National Institute for International Education Development169 Nationalist Party150 national school system3, 112, 121–2, 135 National Union of the Teaching Profession (NUTP)195 nation-based writing systems149 Nation wide conferences144 native speakers14–16, 21, 77, 94, 161, 163, 165–6, 170–1, 175–6, 187, 215 native speaking English teachers (NSETs)163, 169 nature of globalization, defining2–4 Arjun Appadurai definition2–3 Bhagwati’s definition significance of ‘flows’ 2

240

Pieterse (cultural anthropologist) definition2 cultural aspects of globalization2 empirical/non-empirical process2 paradigms2 Newfield, D.121 Newsweek25 Nirmala, M.96 Noguchi, M. G.62, 77 Nomura, T.64–5 non-native speakers15–16, 29, 76–7, 161, 166, 176 Noraini Idris, Loh, S. C.187 Norman, J.26 Norton, B.168 Nunan, D.94 Nursherrina bte Basir Ahmad197 Nyberg-Sorenson, N.83 Obeng, S. G.108 Office of Chinese Language Council International (OCLCI)20–1 official language15, 19, 37, 109, 181, 216 Ok, K. Y.93 O’Malley, J. M.219–20 Omar Awang39 Omoniyi, T.100 open discussion forum164, 172–3 open-door policy16 ‘Open Economy Policy’ 212 oral English, use of217, 219 Oxford, R. L.220 Pandian, A.187, 194 Pang, V.198 Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs)195 Parish, C.212 Parker, D.188 Park, J. S. Y.90, 92, 162, 166–8, 172 Party’s Patriotism Education propaganda campaign146 ‘peaceful development’ strategy20, 23 Pedagogic practice 124, 128, 135, 207, 218

Index

Pennycook, A.3, 166, 171 Perusinghe, E. A.211–12, 216 Philippines4, 19, 71, 84, 96 Phillipson, R.75, 106–7, 162, 166, 170–1, 176, 212 phonetic input systems, or sound-based systems142 Pieterse, J. N.21, 165 Pillay, H.186, 188–9 ‘play script’ way124 post-colonial age166 ‘postmodern’ globalization36, 165 post-World War II, (kaikoku)74–5 Pre-independence era42 Primary English Language Project (PELP)212–13 Primary Mathematics Project (PMP)212 Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE)47, 96 Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong (PM Goh)88 Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad75–6 print media24–5 Private Higher Educational Institutions Act (PHEIA)200 ‘private’ or ‘corporate’ sector114 ‘process oriented’ approach219 ‘professionalism,’ 108, 113–14 Program for School Improvement (PSI)213 props (physical objects)188 Provincial Office of Education (POE)170 public school system112 Punchi, L.212 purism, ‘belief system’ 77 Qin Dynasty150 qingjinlai ‘welcome’ era of TCFL 30–1 Quek, Y. T.91, 96 Quranic vocabulary48 Raheem, R.214 Rahman Talib Report45

Rajagopalan, K.107 Rajapakse, S.108 Rajkiya Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalay (RSKV)121 ‘gurukuls’ 132 guru–shishya relationship132 Hindi and English medium123 ‘indirect method’ 134 occupation 123–4 Ramaiah, R.187, 194 Ramanathan’s book121–2 Ramanathan, V.129 Ranaweera, M.111 Rattafication129 Ratwatte, H.214 Razak Education Commission182 Razak Report45 Reagan, T. G.209–11 re-(de)positioning of languages45–52 English language’s50–2 madrasahs’ varied strategies Islamization of knowledge46–7 pragmatism and reforms47–8 Malay language48–50 rise of English language48–50 see also Muslim education Redja Mudyahardjo44 Reed, Y.121 reformist movement and (re)positioning of languages42–5 government-sponsored schools42–3 nationalism and Malay language43–5 subjects offered in madrasah43 see also Muslim education Reid, A.157 ‘reinforcing foreign language education’ slogan169 ‘reinforcing globalization education’ slogan169 ‘rekishi-ha (pro-history/ traditionalism)’ 64 Renminbi (RMB), currency of China17 Resisting Linguistic Imperialism in English Teaching107

241

Index

Ricento, T.76, 106 Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University67 Ritzer, G.165 Ritzer’s (2008) theory of McDonaldization2 Rizvi, F.115 Robertson, R.165 Rogers, J.25 Rohan Nizam bin Basheer51 Rosnani, H.44–5, 196, 199 Rosowsky, A.6 Rubdy, R.1, 122 Ruberu, R. T.211 Rukhaidah Sahid52 Sabanayagam, N.198 ‘sacrificial mothers’ 85 Sakamura, K.155 Sakanaka, H.74 sakoku policy62 Salaff, J. W.84 Samarakkody, M.214 Saqib, G. N.46 ‘sarcasm’ ‘anger’ 130 Hindi (Gussa)130 Urdu (Naraazgi)130 Schiffman, H. F.77 School of International Liberal Studies of Waseda University67 Searle, S. J.155 Secondary Education Development Project (SEDP)213 Secondary Education Modernisation Project (SEMP)212, 214 Second General Education Project (2GEP)213 ‘segyehwa’ globalization168 Sekolah Agama Rakyat (SAR)35, 45 Sekolah Arab (Arabic school)42 Sen, A.2, 8–9 Shaik, M. A.34 Shen, K. C.143 Shin, H.166–8 Shinil, K.209

242

Shin, J. S.167 Shinjuku-ku, 71 Shiva, V.8–9 shlokas in Sanskrit129 in Vedas129 shutongwen (common script)150 Sidhu, R.84 Siku Quanshu156 Singapore, 82–101 buyers: linguistic motivations92–5 costs and rewards of linguistic migration95–9 group discussions85–6 methodology85–7 neo-Confucian ideology6 pan-Chinese/pan-Indian culture7 seller(s): strategies, 87–92 ‘Sinhala Only Act’ 216 Sinhala or Tamil medium education113 Sinographic signs152 Skills Development Project (SDP)213 Sklair, L.3, 8 Skutnabb-Kangas, T.75, 166 ‘social integration law’ 73 socialization process40 Sociology of Education122 Soh, W. L.96 Somasegaram, S. U.208–10 Sonntag, S. K.167 Southeast Asia34–54 see also Muslim education South Korea161–76 EPIK 169–71 discipline and power173–5 global English and Korea’s response164–9 methodology163–4 private tuition market93 ‘Speak Good English Movement’ (SGEM)88–9 spoken style (genbun ittchi)64 Spolsky, B.76, 96 ‘spread of English’ 75 Sri Lanka206–25

Index

Buddhist educational practice209 ELT and globalization211–12 global agents/education/ELT 212–14 Hindu educational practice209–10 indigenous educational practices and ESL learners219–24 ethnicity and language learning strategy221 metacognitive/cognitive and social/affective strategies221–2 Islamic educational practice210–11 medium-of-instruction policy and ELT pedagogy216–19 Ministry of Education in212 General Education Project (GEP)212 people and indigenous educational practices208–9 proficiency divide214–16 Sri Lankan English (SLE)116 Sri Lanka’s education system106–17, 111 agents of globalization110–12 local responses DETE 115–16 place of English108–10 staff redeployment51 ‘Standard Sri Lankan English’ 110 State Commission of Language Work (SCLW)142 Stein, P.121 ‘study mothers’ (pei du mama) 82, 84 Asian mothers89 Chinese mothers86 financial and social insecurity98 Korean mothers86 Singapore’s publicity88 study mothers industry99 see also Singapore Subramaniam, G.192, 194, 198 Sugimoto. Y.77 Sugino, T.74 ‘symbols of ethnic or national identity’ 183

Table of Common Chinese Characters (1988)144 Tagore, R.3 Tamarai Chelvi201 Tambiah, S. J.109 Tanaka, K.72 Tan, E. S.89 tauhid37 ‘taxi’ 28 chuzuche, rent-car (Singapore)28 dadi (taking taxi)28 dishi and deshi (Hong Kong and Singapore)28 jichengche (Taiwan)28 mianbaoche, ‘bread-car’ (China)28 Taylor, S.115 Tay, S. H. S.76 Teacher Deployment Project (TETDP)212–13 teaching Chinese (international language)29–32 Chinese language proficiency tests, types30 Chinese universities30 Teaching of Chinese as a Foreign Language (TCFL)15 Teaching of English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL)107, 170, 175 team-teaching175 technology revolution139–40 ‘Teens aLive’ programmes51 television development24 Chinese TV media worldwide24 Mandarin TV channels24 regional Mandarin TV channels24 two phases24 tenet ‘one nation, one script’ 150 Tertiary education67, 98, 108–13, 122, 200 ‘textual cycle’ 121 Thatcher, J.162 The Straits Times50, 53–4, 83 The Times of Indi, 125, 134 Thomas, M.186, 188–9 Thompson, J. B.176

243

Index

Tickoo, M. L.121, 134 Time magazine Asia25 Toh, M.88, 98 Tollefson, J. W.184, 195–6 Torikai, K.66 Toyo-kanji64 traditional Chinese music28 huayue (Chinese music)28 minyue (ethnic music)28 zhongyue (China music)28 traditional Three Language Formula (TLF)120 Trained Graduate Teachers (TGTs)130 transnational family, Singapore see Singapore Tripitaka223 Tsuda, Y.75 Tsui, A. B. M.184, 195–6 ‘Tweens aLive’ 51 ulama (religious scholars or clerics) 39 ummah (Muslim global community)50, 53 Unger, J. M.65, 155 Unicode145 glyph153 Han Unification Rule152 hexagram symbols149 Japanese character153 Source Separation Rule152 Women’s Script and Tao’s149 ‘Unihan disambiguation’ 154 Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI)196 University of Cambridge Examination88 University of Kelaniya116 Vaish, V.1–11, 120–37, 207 Vedas223 vernacular schools and education41, 44, 122, 211, 216 ‘Visit Japan’ campaign70 Viswanathan, G.121

244

Wada, E.153, 156 Warnasuriya, W. M. A.211 Waseda University67 Waters, J. L.83 WB report, funding schemes213 Wee, L.83 Weiner, M.62 Wen, Q. F.94–5 Westernization51, 63 Western school education system223 White, G.100 Wijemanne, E. L.213 Wijetunga, S.211 ‘wild geese fathers’ or ‘wild geese family’ 162–3 ‘wild goose mothers’ (kirogi omma)82, 85 Wilding, R.98 World Bank107 first ‘bank mission’ 110 funded IRQUE project’s109 General Education Project111 Teacher Education and Development Project111 World Bank and the International Monetary Fund9 ‘world culture’ 7–8 ‘worldview’ 51 World War II 63–4, 74, 77 World Wide Web4, 22–3 Wright, M. W.128 Wright, S.75 Xiaozhuan (Small Seal Script)150 Xu, L. L.144 Yasuda, T.64 Yayasan Parahyangan Satya (YPS)49–50 Yeoh, B. S. A.84, 85, 99 ‘yeongeomaul’ (‘English village’)168 Yeow, P. W.186 Yim, S.168 yitizi, 151, 153 Yoshino, K.77

Index

Yuan, Jiahua26 Zainichi Koreans72 Zepeda, O.108 Zhang, C. X.147 Zhang, D. B.151

Zhang, Z. C.156 Zhao, S. H.141–2, 144, 147, 151, 153, 155–6 Zhou, Youguang26 Zhuan Script and Li Script147 Zulkifl i Ab. Rahman201

245