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Bi

icalArcaeol

A Publication of the American Schools of Oriental Research

TheMiracleChurchof Tabgha on theSeaof Galilee

Volume 48 Number 4

Dccenmbci 1985

SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL AMERICAN RESEARCH ADMINISTRATIVE 4243SPRUCE PA19104 OFFICE, ASOR,

JamesA. Sauer,President Eric M. Meyers,First Vice Presidentfor Publications William G. Dever, Second VicePresident for Archaeological Policy GeorgeM. Landes,Secretary KevinG. O'Connell,Assistant Secretary Charles U. Harris,Tfeasurer ElizabethB. Moynihan,Chairmanof the Boardof Trustees Mitchell S. Rothman,Administrative Director Susan Wing,Bookkeeper Stephen M. Epstein, Coordinatorof Academic Programs

STREET, PHILADELPHIA,

W.E AlbrightInstitute of ArchaeologicalResearch(AIAR). P.O. Box 19096, 91 190 Jerusalem,Israel. SeymourGitin, Director Thomas E. Levy,Assistant Director JosephA. Callaway,President First Vice JoyUngerleider-Mayerson, President CarolMeyers,Second Vice President KevinG. O'Connell,Secretary-TReasurer

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BaghdadCommittee for the Baghdad

School.

McGuireGibson, Chairman OrientalInstitute, University of Chicago, 1155East 58th Street,Chicago, IL60637. AmericanCenter of OrientalResearch

ASORNewsletter; JamesA. Sauer,Editor Biblical Archaeologist;EricM. Meyers, Editor Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research;WalterE. Rast, Editor Journalof CuneiformStudies;Erle Leichty,Editor

(215)222-4643

(ACOR).

P. O. Box 2470, JebelAmman, Amman, Jordan. David W.McCreery,Director Gough W Thompson, Jr.,President LawrenceT. Geraty,Vice President Nancy Lapp,Secretary Anne CabotOgilvy, Treasurer

CyprusAmericanArchaeological ResearchInstitute (CAARI). 41 KingPaul Street,Nicosia, Cyprus. StuartSwiny,Director Charles U. Harris,President LydieShufro,Vice President Ellen Herscher,Secretary AndrewOliver,Jr.,Tleasurer Damascus AdvisoryCommittee. GiorgioBuccellati, Chairman Center for MesopotamianStudies, University of California,405 Hilgard Avenue,LosAngeles, CA 90024.

Biblical Archaeologist NC 27706 (919)684-3075 P.O.BOXH.M.,DUKESTATION, DURHAM, Biblical Archaeologist (ISSN0006-0895)is published quarterly(March,June,September, December)by the American Schools of Oriental Research(ASOR),a nonprofit, nonsectarianeducational organization with administrativeoffices at 4243 Spruce Street,Philadelphia,PA 19104. Subscriptions.Annual subscriptionrates are $16 for individuals and $25 for institutions. There is a special annual rate of $14 for students and retirees.Subscriptionorders and correspondenceshould be sent to ASOR SubscriptionServices, Department BB,P.O.Box 3000, Denville, NJ 07834. Single issues are $6; these should be orderedfrom Eisenbrauns,P.O. Box 275, WinonaLake,IN 46590. Outside the U.S., U.S. possessions, and Canada,add $2 for annual subscriptions and for single issues. Second-classpostagepaid at Philadelphia, PA 19104and additionaloffices. Postmaster:Send addresschanges to ASOR SubscriptionServices,Department BB, P.O.Box 3000, Denville, NJ 07834.

Editor Associate Editor ExecutiveEditor Assistant Editor Book ReviewEditor Art Director AdvertisingDirector

EricM. Meyers LawrenceT. Geraty MartinWilcox KarenS. Hoglund PeterB. Machinist LindaHuff KennethG. Hoglund

EditorialAssistants Melanie A. Arrowood Thomas Grey Nephi W BushmanII JenniferP Heald David W Sisk KathrynE. Dietz EditorialCommittee A. T Kraabel LloydR. Bailey BaruchLevine JamesFlanagan Carole Fontaine David W McCreery VolkmarFritz Carol L. Meyers SeymourGitin JackSasson David M. Gunn Neil A. Silberman JohnWilkinson Composition by LiberatedTypes,Ltd., Durham, NC. Printedby PBMGraphics, Inc., Raleigh,NC. Copyright? 1985 by the American Schools of Oriental Research.

Advertising.Correspondenceshould be addressedto the ASORPublicationsOffice, P.O.Box H.M., Duke Station, Durham,NC 27706 (telephone:919-684-3075). Biblical Archaeologist is not responsible for errorsin copy preparedby the advertiser. The editor reservesthe right to refuse any ad. Ads for the sale of antiquities will not be accepted. EditorialCorrespondence.Article proposals, manuscripts,and editorial correspondenceshould be sent to the ASOR PublicationsOffice, PO. BoxH.M., Duke Station, Durham, NC 27706. Unsolicited manuscriptsmust be accompaniedby a self-addressed,stampedenvelope.Foreign contributorsshould furnish international reply coupons. Manuscriptsmust conform to the format used in Biblical Archaeologist,with full bibliographicreferencesand a minimum of endnotes. See recent issues for examples of the properstyle. Manuscriptsmust also include appropriate illustrations and legends.Authorsare responsiblefor obtainingpermission to use illustrations.

BiblicalArchaeolog

A Publication of the American Schools of Oriental Research Volume 48 Number 4

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The Miracle Church of Tabghaon the Sea of Galilee Bargil Pixner

196

Searchingfor the New 'TestamentSite of Bethsaida Bargil Pixner

207

Since the fourth century a succession of churches has been built at Tabghato commemorate the multiplication of the loaves and fish.

S1 -

December 1985

-

, '

Although it is frequently mentioned in the Gospels, the precise location of Bethsaidahas often been the subject of debate among scholars. FatherPixner presents the insight that he has developedduringyears of investigation in the Galilee. The Museum Trail

The LuxorMuseum of Ancient EgyptianArt Lisa and Fattah Sabbahy

217

The Use and Abuse of Archaeology in Current One-volume Bible Dictionaries James C. Moyerand VictorH. Matthews

222

Luxor,the site of the ancient city of Thebes, is in a region where much important archaeologicalwork has been done. The museum collects objects discoveredthere and includes an impressive rangeof items, from minor arts to monumental sculpture.

There are more than twenty one-volume Bible dictionaries currently on the market. Rangingin price from under $3 to over $50, they come in a wide variety of formats and take diverse approachesto the material. How extensive and accurate is the archaeologicalinformation each supplies? Literary Sourcesfor the History of Palestine and Syria

Contacts Between Egypt and Syro-Palestineduring the ProtodynasticPeriod Mary Wright

240

Introducingthe Authors Fromthe Editor'sDesk BookReviews

194 195 254

Did Egyptcontrol Syro-Palestinemilitarily duringthis period, or did the two engage in reciprocaltrade?

Biblical Archaeologist is published with the financial assistance of

Page 940

the Endowment for Biblical Research,a nonsectarian foundation for the study of the Bible and the history of the Christian Church.

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

193

Authors

Introducing the

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MaryWright BargilPixner

BargilPixneris a German scholar and priest in the Benedictine orderwho is now living in the Benedictinemonasteryof Tabgha on the northwestern shore of the Sea of Galilee. He teaches topographyand archaeologyof the Holy Landto the Dormition Abbey'stheological faculty on Mt. Zion in Jerusalem.In recent yearshe was involvedin excavationson Mt. Zion'ssouthwestern corner. Lisa K. Sabbahyhas a doctoratein Egyptologyfrom the University of Toronto.In 1983/1984she taughtEgyptianarchaeologyas a Visiting Lecturerat the University of California,Berkeley.Dr. Sabbahyknows the Luxorareawell since she has participatedin the excavationsof the Akhenaten Templeand the Mut Temple at Karnakin southern Egypt. Fattah M. Sabbahy is the Chief Inspector of the Egyptian Departmentof Antiquities. From1973to 1976he was the Chief Inspectorof the WestBankof Luxorand oversawthe excavation of many pieces that are now in the LuxorMuseum collection. Beforecoming to the United States in 1979 to pursue his doctorate in Egyptologyat the University of California,Berkeley, he was the Director of the LuxorMuseum.

194

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

James C. Moyer is Chairmanof the Religious Studies Department at Southwest Missouri State University. He coedited Scripture in Context, II: More Essays on the Comparative Method (WinonaLake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1983) and he is currently working on a guide to biblical archaeology and an introductorytextbook on Old Testament. Victor H. Matthews is Associate Professorof Old Testamentat SouthwestMissouri State University.His publications include PastoralNomadism in the Mari Kingdom (ASORDissertation Series number 3). He is also at work on a revisededition of E H. Wight'sMannersand Customs in the Bible. Mary Wright is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at the University of Chicago'sOrientalInstitute.Her dissertationis a cross-cultural, comparativestudy of divine kingship in the ancient Near East, focusing on Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the United Monarchy period of ancient Israel. She has taught such courses as "Old Testament Parallels to Ancient Near Eastern Myths" and "EgyptianArchitecture and RoyalIdeology"to members of the Institute.

From

the

Editor's

issue of the BiblicalArchaeologistmarks

This

the conclusion of our celebration of the eightyfifth year of the American Schools of Oriental Research.During this special anniversaryyear BA has reflected the broad interests of ASOR, with articles covering Israel, Jordan,Syria, Iraq, and Egyptthe rangeof the entire ancient Near East- and concerned not only with archaeology but also with such topics as epigraphy,sociology, numismatics, andhistorical geography-in short, any topic relevant to understanding the history of the region.BAhas also taken careto addressthe generalas well as professionalreader.Weare gratifiedthat this varied approachhas been enthusiastically received and we appreciatethe support our readershave shown. As one of ASOR'sprimary means of informing the public of its work and of promoting an interest in it, BA will continue to present this rangeand quality of papers. Wewill offermore papersin our series on literarysources for the history of Palestine and Syria,as well as initiating new series on historical geography and chronological periods. And of course we will go on publishing the best in reports on sites and topics. In this issue we feature five fine articles. We begin with two by FatherBargilPixner on cities of Jesus'ministry aroundthe Seaof Galilee. A text critic andhistorical geographer of considerable recognition, Father Pixner discusses Tabgha and Bethsaida, two important New Testament sites about which there has been very little written in English. We also present an evaluation of the archaeological

A NEWPUBLICATION from

content of current one-volume Bible dictionaries. The authors,JamesC. Moyerand Victor H. Matthews, arethe same who wrote a companion piece on Bible handbooks that appearedin our Septemberissue (volume 48, number 3). Wehope these articles will providea helpful guide to publishers, clergy, scholars, students, and lay readers who so often must depend on this referencematerial. Finally, this issue includes two articles related to Egypt. The first, by Mary Wright in consultation with Dennis Pardee, is meant to help students and teachers alike enter the literature on the contacts between Egypt and Syro-Palestine in the protodynastic period (about 3100 to 2700 B.c.).The second illustrates that Egypt's museum treasures are not limited to Cairo. Lisa and Fattah Sabbahydemonstrate that the museum at Luxor surely deserves the attention of anyone interested in the history of this important areaof the ancient Near East. ASOR in its eighty-fifth year is a dynamic organization. As BA approachesits fiftieth year of uninterrupted publication, we are pleased to be playing a role in its important and exciting work.

Eric M. Meyers Editor

TELL ES-SA'IDIYEH

Excavations on the Tell, 1964-1966 James B. Pritchard

TheUniversity Museum

ofArchaeology/Anthropology

Also Available The Cemetery at Tell es-sa'Idiyeh, Jordan James B. Pritchard.

University Museum Monograph no. 41. (1980). xii+ 104 pp. 66 illus. Bibliog. Softbound.

$16.00 Remittance must accompany orders from individuals. We pay postage and handling on pre-paid orders. Make checks, drawn on U.S. banks. payable to Museum and send to: Publications The University The University Museum, 33rd and Spruce Streets. PA 19104 USA. Philadelphia.

Desk

Division.

The findings from three seasons of excavations (1964-1966) at a prominent mound in the central Jordan Valley are presented in drawings, photographs and descriptive text by the excavator. Seven strata of occupation are distinguished, extending from the late 9th century B.C. through the Roman period, and each is described in terms of its architecture, pottery and other artifacts. Among the unique features of the city of about the middle of the 8th century is the evidence for city planning, to be seen in twelve houses built as a unit, each of the same plan and size. The domestic area of the 8th century city was later utilized for the storage of grain in 98 pits and 2 rectangular bins. The city was protected by massive defensive walls and a stepped tunnel that in times of siege allowed access from inside to the springs at the base of the tell. Ninety-five of the steps of this water system were found. Public buildings of the Persian and Hellenistic periods are studied in detail in this first complete publication of the results of excavations that document the culture of this little-known area of Jordan. $60.00 University Museum Monograph no. 60. (1985). 216 pp., 191 figures ISBN 0-934718-60-1

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

195

Facadeof the Churchof the Multiplication, built at Tabghaby the Germansin 1980. This is a reconstruction of a fifth-century Byzantine church that originally housed the mosaic of the loaves and fish (shown below). The famous mosaic was found directly in front of the stone altar that accordingto tradition servedas the table where Jesusperformedthe multiplicationr miracle.

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196

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

"Andthisis thefield wheretheLordfed thepeoplewiththe five loavesandthetwofishes.Infact thestoneon whichthe Lordplacedthebreadhasnowbeenmadeintoan altar."

Tabghahas

ontheSeaofGalilee

long been considered of three New location the Testament events- the

miracle of the multiplication of the loaves and fish, the Sermon on the Mount, and the appearanceto the apostles by the resurrectedJesus. The modern name, Tabghaor etTabgha,is Arabic and derives from the ancient Greekname, Heptapegon, which means place of the seven springs. During the fourth century the exceptional Spanish nun Egeria' made a pilgrimage to Heptapegon. Her description of the site has been preservedin the collection of ancient documents on the Holy Land assembled by the Monte Cassino librarianPetrus Diaconus in 1137 (Weber1965: 98). The following is Egeria'saccount of the site made during her visit around A.D.390.2 Not far away from there [Capernaum] are some stone steps where the Lordstood [see John 21:4].And in the same place by the sea is a

grassy field with plenty of hay and many palm trees. Bythem areseven springs,each flowing strongly.And this is the field where the Lordfed the people with the five loaves and the two fishes. In fact the stone on which the Lordplacedthe breadhas now been made into an altar.People who go there take awaysmall pieces of the stone to bring them prosperity, and they are very effective. Past the walls of the church goes the public highway on which the Apostle Matthew had his place of custom (Wilkinson 1971:196-200).

The First Church Accordingto Egeriaa church had been built over the rock traditionally linked to the feeding of the

multitude, and the rock itself was being used as an altar.This church,

the first one on the site, must have been erected about the year A.D.350.

A simple structurebuilt in the Syrian style, it lay parallel to the roadand did not face east as became customary later. A story providedby Bishop Epiphaniosof Salamis may reveal the name of the church'sbuilder. Around the year 370 Bishop Epiphanios made the acquaintance in Scythopolis (Beth-shan)of a certain Judeo-Christiannamed Josepos,who recounted his life story to him (Migne 1863:410 and following). Bornin Tiberias of a respected Pharisee family, Joseposhad been sent to collect the offerings of the Jewish communities in Asia Minor. While on that mission, he came to know and esteem a Christian bishop

(1)Churchof the Multiplication (2)AncientSanctuaryof the Sermonon the Mount (3)PossibleLocationof the Sermonon the Mount (4)SacredGrotto (5)ByzantineWaterTower (6)CrusaderChurch (7)Sanctuaryofthe Primacy

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1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

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TheJudeo-Christian in community threeseparaterock Capernaum regarded in Tabghaas thesitesof certain formations relatedto theEremos. Gospeltraditions

The

Eremos

of

Jesus

he Greek term eremos is used in the Gospels* to describe the secluded place where Jesus liked to retire (Riesner 1984b: 353 and following; Niccacci 1984: 227-30). He and his disciples went there after receiving the shatteringnews that Johnthe Baptisthad been executed (Matthew14:13).The crowds that were looking for Jesus in Capernaum, however,perceived the directionhis boat was headingandthey hastenedalong the shore to the lonely bay near Tabgha,arriving there ahead of the vessel (Mark6:31-33). After landing, Jesuspatiently instructed the crowdsuntil late in the day,and then miraculously fed them with five loaves of bread and two fish (Matthew 14:14-21; Mark 6:34-44). Paradoxicallythis place of solitude became the focus of a miracle performedfor a multitude of people. There are many reasons for identifying Tabghaas the Eremos. It was alwaysa favoritelandingplace for fishermen because the warm waters of the seven springsof Tabghaemptying into the lake attractedvast numbersof fish, especially in Marchand April. Therefore,it would have been well known by Jesus' disciples, many of whom were local fishermen. Also the crowds followingJesuscould easily havereachedTabghaon foot (Mark6:33),since the Via Maris,the majorcaravanrouteleadingfromEgyptto Damascus,passedby Tabgha(Pixner 1985) and Capernaum.The close proximity of Tabghaand Capernaumis also attested by FlaviusJosephuswho, when commenting that the copious springsgreatly contributedto the fertility of the district, simply referredto the springsas Kapharnaoum(Thackeray1967:723). The identification of Tabghaas the Eremosis supportedby early historical referencesandby stronglocal traditions.Forinstance, Jerome,who visited Tabghawith St. Paulain 386, called the place the solitudo (Migne 1877:889; Baldi 1955:275), which is synonymous with the biblical Greek term eremos topos. One of the most significant pilgrim reports during the late fourth century is by the Spanish nun Egeria,whose account of the stone altar at Tabgha,which was believed to be the original table used during the multiplication miracle, has been corroboratedby archaeological evidence (see accompanyingarticle). The Judeo-Christiancommunity in Capernaum(Bagatti1971a:128 and following;Corbo 1972;Testa1972),which lived in the districtfromthe time of Christ until the fifth century, regardedthree separate rock formations in Tabghaas the sites of certainGospel traditionsrelatedto the Eremos.The first feeding of the multitude (Matthew 14:13-21;Mark 6:31-46) was commemoratedneara rockymass close to the Via Maris;the location of the Sermonon the Mount (Matthew 5-7; Luke 6:17-49) was believed to be at a cave on the nearby hillside; and the appearanceof the resurrectedChrist (John21) was thought to have takenplace at the rocky steps leading down to the lake. All of these considerationssupportTabghaas being the Eremosof Jesus.

T

*Matthew14:13andMark6:32;Matthew14:15,Mark6:35,andLuke9:12;Mark 1:35and Luke4:42;Mark6:31;Mark 1:45and Luke5:16.

198

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

This modern icon, which is displayed in the newly reconstructedchurchat Tabgha,is of Josepos,a Jewish convert to Christianity who built severalchurches in the Galilee, including, it is likely, the fourth-centurychurchat Tabgha.

from whose library he borrowed the New Testament. Josepos thus gained a knowledge of Jesus and applied for baptism. He later came to the attention of Emperor Constantine, who conferred upon him the title of comes, or count. The Emperor allowed Josepos to build churches in the Judeo-Christian communities of Galilee: Sepphoris, Nazareth, Tiberias, and Capernaum. Since no church had been erected over the house of Peter in Capernaum by the midfourth century (Corbo 1972), confirming Egeria's statement that the walls of this house "were standing until this day as they were" (translated from Baldi 1955: 299; Wilkinson 1971: 194), we can assume that Constantine's license to Josepos to build a church in Capernaum was actually implemented on the outskirts of the town at Tabgha. Moreover, the first tentative excavations in 1911 at Tabgha by Paul Karge of Miinster, Germany, revealed "under the main entrance, serving as threshold to the cloister, a large basalt slab bearing the funerary

There

Was

One

Multiplication Miracle

or

Two?

The hill of TelKhader,which is traditionallyregardedas the location of the second feeding of the multitude, is shown here. The roundedmemorial stone at the top of the hill presently marks the site.

antiquity of the tradition that the first feeding of the multitude took place at Tabghais supportedby the Judeo-Christianpresence at Capernaum, where for four centuries the traditionallocation of the event had been orally transmitted from parent to child until it also was recordedby Western pilgrims (Bagatti1981).The first miracle of the multiplication of the loaves and fish (Matthew 14:13-21;Mark6:30-46), where twelve baskets were filled with leftover pieces, was, according to ancient tradition, intended for the twelve tribes of Israelas the first recipients of the divine message. The second feeding (Matthew 15:32-39; Mark 8:1-10) took place on the eastern shore of the Sea of Galilee near Bethsaida,possibly on the hill called TblKhader.It is presently marked by a memorial stone, and the site rises above the newly developedGolan Heights Parkat the lakeshore. In Matthew and Mark a distinction is made between the eremos topos (lonely place) of the first feeding and the eremia (desert,wilderness, solitude) of the second feeding (Matthew 15:33;Mark 8:4)on the rarelyvisited wasteland of the eastern shore. The second miracle of feeding, located on the borders of the heathen Decapolis (see Mark 7:31), was intended for the Gentiles who hadonce been displacedby Israelbut who werenow to participate in salvation. On this occasion the seven baskets of remainingpieces of bread were meant for the seven heathen nations (Deuteronomy7:1;Acts 13:19). The evangelists Matthew and Mark report two miracles of feeding, whereas Luke (9:10-17)and John(6:1-14)combine both stories into one. Disregardingthe contrast between Israel (12baskets)and the nations (7 baskets), which is also expressed by the oldest Gospel commentaries like Origen (Migne1862:967-71) or the second century Discourse of Barsabbas(Esbroeck 1982),the latter two evangelists telescope the two events by placing the first feeding in the geographicalsetting of the second. ForLukeit is a desert place near Bethsaida (9:10),and for Johnit is the eastern side of the Sea of Galilee (6:1).Forboth Matthew (15:29)and John(6:3)the miracle takes place on a hill near the lake. Therefore,it appearsthat the biblical tradition that mentions two feedings is corroboratedboth by topographyand by the localizations transmitted by the early Judeo-Christians.

The

inscription in Greek of a certain Josepos"(Schneider 1937:33). Unfortunately,in spite of repeated searches, the memorial stone, which presumably came from the first church, has not been found again. The Byzantine Church of Patriarch Martyrios During the second half of the fifth century the church that markedthe site of the multiplication of the loaves underwent extensive structural alterations. It is unclear whether this became necessary because the church had been destroyed by an earthquakeor because the small Judeo-Christianshrine was unable to accommodate the great number of pilgrims who visited the site. Architecture.As a first step the new church was given a propereastward orientation in keeping with the standardpractice at the time in ecclesiastical architecture.Consequently, the rock of the multiplication, which had been used as an altar in the first church, was no longer located at the

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

199

center of the building. The rock formation to which the venerated E o stone originally belonged (exposed in the most recent excavations in 1979)lay in the middle of the presbytery of the fourth-centurychurch. In the later church the altar was erected a few feet to the east and ir r, coincided with the wall of the first I shrine'sapse. The veneratedstone was removedfrom its rock setting and installed under the new altar where it replacedthe customary reliquary.It was found in that position by the excavatorsin 1932 (Mader1934; Schneider 1937)and it lies there to this day. The three-navechurch was also I; I given a new atrium with a narthex, a prothesis (today'schapel of the sacraNorth ,s i. ment), and a diaconicon (now the ! The two latter rooms were sacristy). ! connected by a corridorrunning ! behind the apse. The builders of the second church tried to preservethe traditional site of the miracle, as is demonstratedby their readiness to make the north wall of the prothesis abnormally oblique on account of the public roadthat ran close by and "I~ which was mentioned by Egeria? . The wedge-shapedroom further to the west, formed by the road and the wall of the church, was adaptedfor olive oil production. Since it was a a a common practice among eastern pilgrims to acquire a small quantity of oil at the holy places they visited, we may assume that some of the oil producedat Tabghawas purchased by pious Christian visitors who anointed the sacred stone with a few Thisplan shows the position of the smaller fourth-centurychurchsuperimposedon the ground plan of the reconstructedchurch.It is a simplified versionof the architecturalplan drawn by dropsand carriedthe remainder Anton and FritzBaumannin 1983. home with them. An olive mill and press now stand in the courtyard of the church. The church's T-shaped plan may have been derived from a North African model. No other churches in Palestine during this period possessed transepts. The only contemporary parallels existed in Algeria, southern Egypt, and Nubia. Remarkable Mosaics. The most admirable feature of the Byzantine

200

Goergen

church is to be found underfoot.The largely intact floor mosaics are imaginative, lively in conception, and of high artistic quality. The oldest and best date from the second half of the fifth century.More than one artist'shand can be discerned in them. The first craftsman,wishing to

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

depict flora and fauna found near lakes, drew extensively on Egyptian motifs, presumably because he himself was an Egyptian.He must have been a great lover of nature, as well as a keen observer.His representation of a pair of ducks sitting comfortablyon a papyrusplant is particularly charming. Rather terrifying

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Above:Plan of the Byzantine churchof patriarchMartyrios, built in the fifth century.This drawingis based on a plan in Stanislao Loffreda'sScavi di Et-Tabgha (1970).Right: Detail from the mosaic floor of the fifth-centurychurch shown highlighted on the accompanyingplan. Drawing by Alice and Oxford Sancey,courtesy of JeromeMurphy-O'Connor University Press.

is the depiction of a ruthless combat between a flamingo and a serpent. Severalmedium-sized cormorants raise themselves aloft at the sight of the dreadfulduel while a tiny bird hovers above the battle twittering imperturbablytowardsthe sky. Nearby a swan arches its long neck against two reeds while a duck, crouching below, watches a heron stalk past. Many of the scenes are quite humorous, like that of two partridgestaking great pains to present a garlandof flowers, or the one of a timid and helpless little badger,wearing a collar like a domestic pet, trying to defend itself against the attack of an insolent and angry shorebird. A second mosaic artist, who worked not long afterwardsbut with slightly largerstones, does not seem to have been very well acquainted with Greek spelling. One of his mosaic inscriptions, located in the

northern transept in front of the entrance to the prothesis, reads: "Lord,remember Saurusin this holy place (topo)."Tbpois written with two omegas and the name Saurusis incorrectly written with the OY ligature instead of a simple Y.If Saurus was the artist'sname, as seems likely since the donor is named in the second inscription, the misspelling is rathersurprising. The second mosaic inscription, which is found to the left of the high altar,is important for determining the chronology of the mosaics. Although a few letters are missing on the right-handand bottom margins, the content of the inscription is certain: "Tothe memory and the repose of the sponsor, the holy Patriarch Martyrios."Although only two letters, M and T, of the patriarch'sname have been preserved,there is no doubt that the inscription must have referredto Martyrios,who was patri-

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Reconstructedplan of the fourth-century church shown within that of the fifthcentury basilica.

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

201

A heron (left)and a pair of ducks on a papyrusplant (above)are two details fromfloor mosaics of the fifth-centuryByzantine church. The mosaics contain many Egyptianmotifs, suggesting that the chief artisan was a native of Egypt.

arch of Jerusalemfrom 478 to 486 and founder of the Martyrios monastery east of Bethany.4Since the inscription at Tabghamentions the repose of PatriarchMartyrios, who was the donor of the mosaic floor and presumablyalso the founder of the church, the mosaic must have been laid out shortly after 486, the year of Martyrios'death. It is known that the patriarch lived in Egyptwhen he was a young monk (Migne 1903:667). If we assume that he broughta prominent Egyptianmosaicist of his acquaintance to Tabgha,it would account for the Egyptianinfluence manifest in the older layer of mosaics. Much in the mosaics is reminiscent of the Nile landscape.Forexample, there are depictions of birds commonly found along the Nile perched on stylized papyrusplants, and there is a representationof a nilometer, a pillarlike structure that the authorities employed to measure the level of the Nile. The Egyptianorigin of

202

the artist would also explain the appearanceof birds common to Egyptbut rarelyor never seen near the Sea of Galilee. The same mosaicist (Saurus?) who laid out the two inscriptions fashioned the famous mosaic of the loaves and fish that was in front of the sacred stone. The History of the Church St. Sabas,who along with Martyrios had been a disciple of St. Euthymios, visited the church at Heptapegon duringthe fifth century accompanied by monks from the celebrateddesert monastery in the KidronValley. About the year 530 Theodosius, recordinggeographyrelated to the holy places, mentioned that the seven springs were two miles from Magdalaand Capernaum.He even claimed that it was the place Jesus baptized the apostles (Baldi1955: 276). Around 570 the anonymous pilgrim from Piacenza reportedthat he visited the site of the feeding of the five thousand and saw there extensive fields and grovesof olive and palm trees (Baldi1955:276). The basilica was destroyed sometime during the first half of the seventh century during the Persian (614)and Arab (635)invasions that brought an end to the Byzantine

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

Modernicon of bishop Martyrios.The bishop, who is shown in clerical garb, was the donor of the mosaic floors and the probable founder of the fifth-centurychurch. The small church he holds in his left hand signifies that he was the church'spatron. Martyrioswas also the patriarchof Jerusalemfrom A.D.478 to 486 and founderof a monastery east of Bethany

epoch in the Holy Land.The Gaulish bishop Arculf, who passed that way about 670, found no building standing, only a few fallen columns in the vicinity of the spring (Baldi1955: 276). The great basilica of Hep-

Thebasilica remainedcoveredby earthand rubble for almostthirteen hundredyears. tapegon, like so many other edifices, had been vandalized by the Persians. What continued to exist was the unpretentious hillside monastery with the Chapel of the Beatitudes and the simple sanctuary of Mensa Domini, which commemorated the appearance of Jesus to the apostles following the resurrection (Loffreda 1970a: 48-105), on the shore of the lake. In all probability the two remaining holy places of Heptapegon were never destroyed but gradually fell into decay after Islamic Bedouin claimed the land and Christian pilgrims became more and more infrequent. A tower built by the Crusaders to the north of the Mensa Domini site also fell into ruin soon afterwards. The basilica itself remained covered by earth and rubble for almost thirteen hundred years.

The Church of Heptapegon Rediscovered During the late nineteenth century Europe witnessed a gradual growth of interest in the Holy Land. Long neglect obscured the locations of sacred sites around the Sea of Galilee. Even the site of Capernaum, the setting of Jesus' adult life and activity, was scarcely known (Kopp 1963: 171-79; Riesner 1984a). In order to search for Capernaum the Italian Society for the Holy Land, in collaboration with the Franciscan custodians of the holy places, purchased an approximately 2.5-kilometer-long strip of land stretching from Tabgha to Tell Hum (Capernaum). Further to the west the area of Ard es-Siki, with the bay of Minet en-Nachleh and the hill of Tell el-coreme, was

The

Sacred

Grotto

the beginning of the fifth century a monastic community was established at Tabgha.The monastery buildings were erected next to the Church of the Multiplication and extended up the steep slope of the hill just north of the church. A chapel was built adjoining the highest part of the monastery in orderto commemorate the Sermon on the Mount. The chapel was excavated in 1935 by the Franciscan archaeologist Bellarmino Bagatti (1937).Under the small edifice he discovereda plastered,rock-hewncistern 3.5 meters deep,4 meters long, and 2.2 meterswide. The cistern, however,can hardly be identified with the Cave of the Beatitudes mentioned by Egeria (Wilkinson 1971:200), for it is unlikely that the monks would have converted a cave that they regardedas sacredinto a domestic water reservoir. Running directly eastwardfrom the monastery ruins for approximately 200 meters there is a natural grotto that appearsto have been venerated in antiquity.The grottoprobablyservedas a hermitage in Byzantine times, as is suggestedby hewn basalt slabs (two still in situ) belonging to the enclosure wall foundations,by a cross engravedin the back wall of the cave, and by the ceramic warefoundat the site. Donato Baldi(1935:354) identified this grotto as the one mentioned by Egeriaand he noted that the grotto belonged to the Franciscan Custody of the Holy Land and that the local Arabs called it Magharet'Yub. Just below the cave an abundant spring of:fresh water, which in the Byzantine period was surroundedby a wall (Loffreda1970a:125-37), gushes out of the ground.The level areaabovethe cavewas probablyidentified as the setting of the Sermonon the Mount (Matthew5:1;Luke6:17),while it might have been thought that the cave itself was where Jesus engaged in solitary prayerafter the first feeding of the multitude (Mark6:46). Laterthe site became associatedwith the healing of the leper (Baldi1955: 282). That event, as related in Matthew 8:1-4, took place following Jesus' descent from the site where he had delivered the Sermon on the Mount. In Moslem times the leper became identified wth Job,who was believed to have enduredhis bodily afflictions and desolate state in that cave.Consequently,it became known in Arabic as the Cave of Job(Magharet'Yub)(Bagatti1971b: 89-91). Accordingto Moslem legend Jobwas healed after he followed God's instructions to coverhis body with the earthof the caveand immerse himself seven times in the nearby spring (Hammam 'Yub).Even today Druze and Bedouin come from throughout the surroundingdistrict to bathe in Job's spring.This is a classic example of how legends arise, areadaptedto changed conditions, and are even appropriatedby other religious communities.

At

acquired in 1889 by Franz Keller for the German Palestine Society from an Arab effendi residing in Safed and from the Bedouin. The legal validation of the purchase, however, involved a great deal of trouble. In 1891 a Luxembourg priest, Zepherin Biever, who had been residing at Madaba in Transjordan and serving as chaplain to the Bedouin, came to take over the directorship of the new foundation. The following years were filled with hard work- clearing

the land, plowing, sowing, and building. Bedouin camped regularly on a corner of the property near the great spring En et-Tabgha (also called Ali ed-Daher). As they pulled out their tent pegs, broken fragments of mosaics emerged. The famous engineer G. Schumacher, planner of the HaifaDamascus highway and builder of the first hospice at Tabgha, made a survey of the newly acquired German property in July 1889 and indicated

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

203

the location of the mosaics and ruins on a corner of his map. In 1911ProfessorPaul Kargeinvestigated the site. He uncoveredthe groundplan and the place of the altarwith the veneratedstone as well as some of the Byzantine mosaics, including the famous mosaic of the breadbasketand fish. Professor Karge'sexcavations,however,were interruptedby the Turkishgovernment and had to be abandonedP Resumption of the work was stymied for a long time by a dispute between the German and Italian societies concerning boundaries.Not until 1932 did the archaeologists Fathers AndreasE. Maderand Alfons Maria Schneidersucceed in overcoming all the obstacles, enabling them to carry out serious excavations (Mader1934: 10-15, 41-66; Schneider 1934: 8 and following). They uncoveredthe wall and mosaics of the fifth-century Byzantine church but knew nothing of the earlier edifice. Only in 1936, in the course of the restorationof the mosaics by BernhardGauer,were the foundations of the older church accidentally revealed.While digging for a firm foundation to place the mosaics that he had restored,he found the apse of the older church. In 1970 the remains of the earlier, fourth-centurychurch were freshly examined by the Franciscanarchaeologist Stanislao Loffreda(1970b). The New GermanChurch of the Multiplication A temporarychurch was erected overthe site in 1933 in orderto protect the mosaics from damage.This church was visited by Pope Paul VI on his pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1964. But the emergency structure, built mainly of timber, grew rickety and unstable. In spite of numerous repairs by volunteer workers, the process of deterioration continued. Visitors frequently remarked that it was inappropriate that one of the oldest and most significant of the holy places should be housed in a decrepit wooden shed. Finally the

204

Innercourt of the atrium of the reconstructedchurch.

committee of the German Society for the Holy Land,in conjunction with the Benedictines of the Abbey on Mount Zion, who in 1939 had taken overresponsibility for Tabgha from the LazaristFathers,resolved to create a center of Christian life at the site that would serve the numerous pilgrims who visited it as well as local ArabChristians. Thus there arose at the lakeside the eremos topos, a serene place of meditation intended for celebratingthe Eucharist, for Scripturereading,or for quiet contemplation. Particularlyfelicitous was the decision to construct the church as a three-navebasilica in the same Byzantine style as the original and to preservethe groundplan of the fifth-century architecture.Two architects from Cologne, Anton Goergenand Fritz Baumann,were entrusted with carryingout the project. They began by familiarizing themselves with the unaccustomed Byzantine style. They visited churches dating from the same period in the Negev and elsewhere and made a thorough study of relevant literature.

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

What the architects createdis a masterpiece of purity and simplicity of line. They had sought to retain, and as far as possible to utilize, whatever was still extant of the original building. A section of the wall that had still been preservedin the apse, in the northern transept, and in the prothesis became the base for the new northwesternwall. The altar was reconstructed in accordance with the design of columns still available;one stone from the cornice of the original apse was the model and keystone of the whole series, and the foundation wall of the fourth-centurychurch was made visible in two places through panes of glass. The restoration of the mosaics, carriedout in collaboration with experts from the IsraelMuseum, was undertakenwith great attention to accuracy.E Nastas, a native sculptor from Bethlehem, carvedthe capitals of the columns out of marble broughtfrom Carrara,Italy,using as a pattern a capital from the Byzantine cathedralof Hippos. The ceremony marking the laying of the foundation stone of the new church of Heptapegontook

The inner court of the new German church, shown from the archway of the western entrance hall of the atrium. Behind the adjacent northernarchway,seen in the backgroundof this photograph,is an area that is now used as a souvenirshop.

place on May 23, 1980. Exactly two years later the Archbishop of Cologne, JosefCardinalH6ffner, solemnly consecrated the completed church and presented it with a magnificent processional cross that is now beside the high altar. Conclusion Upon the site where the JudeoChristians of Capernaumcommemorated the miracle of the multiplication of the loaves and fish, the Byzantines erected a splendid church. Foryears the site and its church was a place of pilgrimage, until it was destroyedin the seventh century. The rubble and debris that hid this holy place has now been archaeologically investigatedand the site has been regeneratedby the building of an admirablereplica of the church that once again attracts pilgrims from many lands. Acknowledgement I am grateful to Dr. Rainer Riesner of the University of Ttibingenfor his assistance with this article, especially in regardsto the literary references.

Notes 'Some scholars have referredto her as Silvia or Aetheria,but her correctname is Egeria(see Marval1982:16-27). 2Marval(1982:27-39) dates Egeria'svisit from A.D.381 to 384 while Bagatti(1968) prefersa later date of around410. 3Thatirregularityhas been incorporated into the modem restorationof the church. 4Episodesof St. Martyrios'life arereportedin "Lifeand Deeds of St. Euthymios"by Cyril of Scythopolis (Migne 1903:675 and following).The excavationof the Martyrios monastery,directedby Y.Magenof Israel's Departmentof Antiquities, is one of the most impressivedigs in recent years.It will soon be open to the public and can be found in the center of the new Israelisettlement Maale Adumim. sUnfortunatelya reportwas neverpublished (see Karge1917:321 and Schneider 1934: 11).

Bibliography Bagatti,B. 1937 LaCappellasul Monte delle Beatitudini: Scavodella Custodia di Terra Santa.Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 14:43-91. 1968 Ancora sulla datadi Eteria.Bibbia e Oriente 10:73-5. 1971a The Churchfrom the Circumcision. History and Archaeologyof the Judaeo-Christians.Translatedby EugeneHoade.Series:Publications of the Studium Biblicum Francis-

canum. Smallerseries 2. Jerusalem: FranciscanPrintingPress. 1971b Antichi villaggi cristiani di Galilea. Series:Publicationsof the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum.Smaller series 13. Jerusalem:Franciscan PrintingPress. 1981 Dove avvenne la moltiplicazione dei pani?Salmanticensis 28: 293-8. Baldi,D. 1935 EnchiridionLocorumSanctorum. Documenta S. EvangeliiLocaRespicientia Collegit Atque Adnotavit, first edition. Jerusalem:TypisPP Franciscanorum. 1955 EnchiridionLocorumSanctorum. Documenta S. EvangeliiLocaRespicientia Collegit Atque Adnotavit, revised edition. Jerusalem:TypisPP. Franciscanorum. Corbo,V. 1972 The House of St. Peterat Capharnaum. A PreliminaryReportof the First TwoCampaignsof Excavations, April 16-June 19, September12November26, 1968, translatedby SylvesterSaller.Series:Publications of the StudiumBiblicum Franciscanum. Small series 5. Jerusalem: FranciscanPrintingPress. Esbroeck,M., Van,editor and translator 1982 Introduction,Idition du Texte Georgieninedit et TraductionFranqaise. Pp.229-31 in Barsab'e de Jerusalemsur le Christet les Eglises. Series:PatrologiaOrientalisvolume 41, fascicule 2, number 187.Turnhout, Belgium:Brepols. Karge,P. 1917 Rephaim.Die Vorgeschichtliche KulturPalastinas und Ph6niziens. Archiaologischeund Religionsgeschichtliche Studien. Collectanea Hierosolymitanavolume 1. Paderborn:E Sch6ningh. Kopp,C. 1963 The Holy Places of the Gospels, translatedby RonaldWalls.NY: Herderand Herder. Loffreda,S. relazione finale 1970a Scavi di Et-Tabgha; della campagnadi scavi 25 marzo20 giugno 1969. Series:Pubblicazioni dello StudiumBiblicum Franciscanum. Smallerseries 7. Jerusalem:Tipografiadei PP.Francescani. 1970b Sondaggionella chiesa della moltiplicazione dei pani a Tabgha.Liber Annuus 20: 370-80. 1978 The Sanctuariesof Tabgha,second edition. Translatedby ClaireFennell. Jerusalem:FranciscanPrintingPress. Mader,A. E. 1934 Die Ausgrabungenauf dem Deutschen Besitz et-Tabghaam See Genesareth.Das Heilige Land 78: 1-15, 41-66, 89-103, 129-49.

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Marval,P. 1982 Egerie-Journal de voyage(Itindraire). Series:SourcesChrdtiennes 296. Paris:Editions du Cerf. Migne, J.P.,editor 1862 Patrologiaecursus completus. Series graeca. Volume 13. Paris:J.P Migne. 1863 Patrologiaecursus completus. Series graeca.Volume41. Paris:J.P.Migne. 1877 Patrologiaecursus completus. Series latina. Volume 22. Paris.J.P Migne. 1903 Patrologiaecursus completus. Series graeca. Volume 114.Paris:J.P. Migne. Niccacci, A. 1984 Trenteans de fouilles du Studium Biblicum Franciscanumet 1'exegese du Nouveau Testament.Bibbia e Oriente 26: 225-42. Pixner,B. 1985 Les route de J6susautour du Lac.Le monde de la Bible 38: 14-16. Riesner,R. 1984a Die Synagogevon Kafarnaum.Bibel und Kirche39: 136-8. 1984b Jesusals Lehrer.Eine Untersuchung zum Ursprungder EvangelienUberlieferung.Series:Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungenzum Neuen Testament2, 7. Tiibingen:J.C. B. Mohr. Schneider,A. M. 1934 Die Brotvermehrungskirche von etTabghaam Genesarethseeund ihre Mosaiken. Series:Collectanea HierosolymitanaIV.Paderborn:F. Sch6ningh. 1937 The Churchof the Multiplyingof the Loavesand Fishes. Tabghaon the Lake of Gennesaret,and its Mosaics, edited by A. A. Gordon. London:A. Ouseley. Testa,E. 1972 Cafarnao.VolumeIV:Graffitidella casa di S. Pietro.Series:Pubblicazioni dello StudiumBiblicum Franciscanum 19. Jerusalem:Franciscan PrintingPress. Thackeray,H. St. J.,translator 1967 JosephusII: The Jewish War,Books I-III. Series: Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press and Heinemann. Weber, R. 1965 Petri diaconi Liber de locis sanctis. Pp. 93-103 in Itineraria et alia geographica. Series: Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina 175. Turnhout: Typographi Brepols Editores Pontificii. Wilkinson, J. 1971 Egeria's Newly Tanslated Travels. with Supporting Documents and Notes. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (S.P.C.K.).

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PIXNER BYBARGIL

Next

for the Searching

New Site

toJerusalem and

Capernaumthe town most frequently mentioned in the Gospels is Bethsaida-the birthplace of the apostles Peter and Andrew (Schnackenburg 1972:313) and home of the apostle Philip (John1:44and 12:21). Bethsaidawas also considered the home of the fisherman Zebedee and his sons Jamesand Johnby Theodosius, who wrote aroundA.D.530 (Baldi1982: section 381, page 266; Wilkinson 1977:63). As partof the socalled evangelical triangle (Tabgha, Chorazin, and Bethsaida,with Capernaumthe midpoint of the triangle'sbase), Bethsaidawas situated in that northern areabordering the Sea of Galilee where Jesuswas most active (Matthew 11:20-24; Luke 10:13-15). It was there that a blind man was healed (Mark8:22-26), and in its vicinity the second feeding of the multitude took place.' In the latter miracle JesusrequestedPhilip and Andrew,who knew the bakeries of nearbyBethsaida,to buy breadfor the people (John6:5-9). In another episode we are told that the Hellenes approachedthese two apostles, who have Greek names and must have been familiar with the Greek language in their partly hellenized hometown, with their request to see Jesus (John12:20-22). Despite Bethsaida'sprominence in the New Testament, many people today are not familiar with its name. One reason for the neglect of so

Testament

of Bethsaida

Although et-Tellhas not yet been excavated, architecturalremains indicate that it was inhabited in antiquity and is probably the location of Bethsaida-Julias.Top:Remnants of a wall, and possibly a postern gate, on the southern slope of the site. Below: A carved lintel found at et-Telland now displayed in the nearby JordanPark.

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

207

Chorazin*

* et-Tell

SArmdj Capernaum Tabgha

S, ' 4..-

prominent a biblical site is the hesitancy of scholars to identify its precise location. The site of Bethsaida, although difficult to reach, was a recognized place of pilgrimage for many early Christians. Around A.D.530 Theodosius still knew its precise location: From Seven Springs [Tabgha]it is two miles to Capernaum. From Capernaumit is six miles to Bethsaida, where the apostles Peter,Andrew,Philip, and the sons of Zebedee were born. FromBethsaidait is fifty miles to Panias:that is the place where the Jordanrises from the two places Ior and Dan. (Wilkinson 1977:63) The monk Willibald, later to become the first bishop of Eichstaett in Bavaria, recorded his visit to this inhospitable and dangerous area in the year 725. The account of his travels says, from there [Capernaum],they went to Bethsaida, the city of Peter and Andrew: there is now a church there in the place where originally their house stood. (Wilkinson 1977:

128)

The church mentioned in Willibald's text may have been a successor to the prayer house that was supposedly erected by the apostle Philip as mentioned in an account ascribed to the Syrian author Simon of Bassora (Abel 1967: 195). During the Crusader period the identification of the site became confused. After the thirteenth century, however, pilgrims to Bethsaida visited a spot near Khirbet el-Minje (which is in the vicinity of the big

208

et-Telf(Bethsaida-Julias) ose • -

:

.

es-Sak;/

* Araci (Bethsaida in Galilee) ...

Todaytherearethreemaincontenders for thesiteof ancientBethsaidaMessadiye, Aradj,andet-Tell. pumping station of the Israel water supply, Mobil Haarzi) ? It was not until the Anglican archbishop Pococke's visit to Palestine in 1738 that a new discussion arose over the location of Bethsaida (Pococke 1743/1745: 72). Today there are three main contenders for the site of ancient Bethsaida (Kopp 1963: 184-86). They are

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

the Bedouin village of Messadiye, the little ruin-field of Aradj, and the site of et-Tell. Messadiye and Aradj have the advantage of being on the Sea of Galilee (ideal places for a fishing village and, therefore, possible locations for the homes of the fishermen Andrew and Peter), while et-Tell lies 2 kilometers from the seashore. Moreover, the few topographers of

An

Analysis

of

the

Battle

of of

Josephus' Report Bethsaida-Julias

n A.D. 67 Gamala- the rockboundfortress overlookingthe Valleyof Daliot -and Seleucia-on the eastern shore of LakeHuleh-were the only towns to the east of the JordanRiverthat were still in revolt against AgrippaII,who continued to support his Roman allies. Agrippa hoped that by besieging Gamala he would compel its defendersto submit to the Romans. But it was only in November of A.D.67 that three Roman legions under Vespasian succeeded in breakingthe resistanceof Gamalain one of the fiercest battles of the JewishWar(Thackeray1968:3-27). The town indeed deservedthe title of Masadaof the North. At the onset of the siege king Agrippasent his commander,Sylla, to cut off the supply routes from Galilee leading to Gamala (Schlatter1893:310 and following). To do that, Sylla pitched camp on a probablysemicircular terrace some five stadia (about 1 kilometer) north of Bethsaida-Julias.Fromthere he could oversee the traffic moving from the direction of Capernaumilong the Via Maris (the ancient highway that connected Egyptand Damascus) and he also could send out a guardto patrolboth the route runningnorth to Seleucia and the one branchingoff from there and ascending the north flank of the WadiDaliot to Gamala. At the time of the battle of Bethsaida-Julias,Josephus'headquarterswere located at Tarichea-Magdala, the hometown of MaryMagdalene.Toreducethe pressureon his beleagueredallies in Gamala, Josephussent his commander, Jeremias,to their aid. The latter set up camp at a distance of just one stadium (184 meters) from Bethsaida-Julias,on the western bank of the JordanRiver. The encampment, consisting of 2,000 men, could have been located at the mouth of a ravine (pharagx),which can be identified with WadiQilaci. (These four topographicalfeatures- the pharagx,the camp,the JordanRiver,and the site of Bethsaida-Julias- must havebeen close to one another and oriented in an east-west line. Therefore, according to Josephus' description, neither Messadiyeor Aradjarelogical sites for the city of Bethsaida-Julias,for there is no ravineor valley in the plain surroundingeither site.) Eventually Josephusarrivedat Bethsaida-Juliaswith 3,000 fresh troops. During the night he placed a largecontingent of his men in the ravinenot far from his camp. (This ravine may be identified as the WadiQilaci, which was an ideal place to set up an ambush because it would have been well hidden from the view of the men in Sylla'scamp.Towardsthe end of the dryseason the JordanRiver,which divides here into severalbranches,could easily havebeen fordedeven by foot soldiers.)The next morning Josephusbegan his strategic maneuver to draw Sylla's forces from their camp. Sylla's troops advanced towardsJosephuswho feigned a retreatandwithdrew towardshis camp.Then suddenly emergingfrom the ravine,where they had been concealed, the rebel soldiers attacked Sylla'smen on their flank, throwing them into disarray.At that time Josephusturned his troops aroundand chargedthe enemy. Unfortunately his horse lost its footing in the marshyterrainof the riverbankand threw him to the ground, causing him to wrench his wrist. Seeing their commander injured, Josephus'troops became discouraged and broke off pursuit of the enemy. Josephuswas carriedto Capernaumwhere physicians treatedhim and then sent him off to Tarichea. In the meantime Sylla reorganizedhis forces and planned an offensive attack. Under the coverof darknesshe set up an ambush of horsemen beyond the JordanRiver,and at daybreakled the bulk of his troops towardsJeremias' camp. Jeremias'men came out of the camp and preparedfor battle on the

Jordanplain. (At present there is no plain [podion]on the west bank of the river,but if the es-Saki lagoon was the Jordanestuary duringthe first century,a largeplain would have existed between the Galilean hills and the river.)Without warning, Sylla'shorsemen stormed down the river valley and attacked Jeremias'troops on their flank. Once again the battle remained undecided because Sylla was forced to withdraw his troops.News reachedhim that a large contingent of rebel soldiers dispatched by JosephusfromTaricheaby boat, had landed at Bethsaida-Julias.(In my opinion the esSaki lagoon formed the natural harbor of the town at that time.) BargilPixner

the past 150 years who picked up samples of pottery from et-Tell'sruins were unable to find any ceramic evidence that the hill was occupied during Roman times. In the mid 1960s Clemens Kopp, quoting E. Zickerman, concluded, concerning the location of Bethsaida: It is possible "thattoday its ruins lie beneath the alluvium of the river, which for thousands of years has been depositing masses of earth and gravel."(Kopp1963: 185) Today, however, there is growing evidence that et-Tell is indeed the site of ancient Bethsaida.

Jewish Sources on the Location of Bethsaida Situated in the territory of Philip the Tetrarch (one of the sons of Herod the Great- see Luke 3:1), the town of Bethsaida was located close to the point where the Jordan River entered the Sea of Galilee? Josephus Flavius recorded an important event in the history of Bethsaida that took place during the rule of Philip: He [Philip]also raisedthe village of Bethsaida on Lake Gennesaritis

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

209

Aerial view of the Jordandelta taken from the north looking south. (1)The Sea of Galilee; (2) the modern JordanRiver;(3) the Jordan'sancient riverbed;(4) the es-Saki lagoon;(5)Aradj(Bethsaidain Galilee); (6) et-Tell(Bethsaida-Julias);(7) the springof Bethsaida-Julias;(8)modern JordanPark;(9)possible location for the camp of Sylla; (10)possible location for the camp of Josephus;(11)Romanroad of the first or second centuryA.D.;(12)Mount of Beatitudes;(13)Capernaum;(14)Tiberias;and (15)the Golan Heights. ? PictorialArchive.

210

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

elimination of the prefix "beth"and the addition of the final "n").Such variations of names are frequent at sites in Galilee (Klein 1915: 168).Indeed, in the Greek text of Mark 6:45 and 8:22the site is called Bethsaidan.4 Severalother referencesplace Bethsaidanear water and suggest that the town was dependent on the (which began in the year 4 B.C.), good fishing in the area. The Jerubecause Juliawas banished to the salem Talmud,for instance, comisland of Pandateriaby her father in piled aroundthe fifth century A.D., 2 B.C.(Schuirer 1979: 172). indicates that Saydanwas close to The decision to elevate Bethsaida doubt, a mixture of Jews,Syrians, the entry of the Jordaninto the Sea and Greeks (Alt 1953:448). Josephus of Galilee may have been made because of its (Shekalim 6.2), and even also noted that Philip built himself a the name Bethsaida excellent location beside the Sea of (which in AraGalilee, which enabled Philip to pro- splendid sepulcher at Bethsaidamaic is something like beyt zajda' vide his territory with a harbor,just Julias and was eventually buried 1963: or beyt zayyadah there when he died following a peace- [Bauer 1968:277] as his brotherAntipas did twenty may be translated [Schalit 27b]) ful reign of forty years (Feldman years later by building the city of as Huntingtown or Fishertown and 1965: 77). That tomb, however,has Tiberias on the opposite western reflects the reputation the area not yet been discovered. shore. Its proximity to one of the seems to have had, and still has, for The Jewishscholar Samuel Klein both wild most important roads in antiquity, game and fish. According believed that Saydan,which is menthe Via Maris (which led from to MidrashKohelet (2.8),Rabbi tioned frequently in rabbinic CaesareaMaritima to Damascus), Yehoshuaacquiredpheasants from was also advantageous.The insources, is an alternate form of the Saydanfor the table of Emperor ancient name of Bethsaida (with the Hadrian.The rich habitants of Bethsaidawere, no variety of fish in its waters is also attested by Rabbi Shimon ben Gamaliel: 15 OnedayI happenedto be in Saydan 14 when they presentedme with a 12 13 bowl of three hundredspecies of 3 4 2 3 5 small fishes. (JerusalemTalmud, 3 11

[theSeaof Galilee]to the statusof citybyaddingresidentsandstrengtheningthe fortifications.He named it afterJulia,theemperor's daughter. (Feldman1965:25) The beginning of the transformation of a village (Bethsaida)into a city (Bethsaida-Julias)must have taken place at the outset of Philip'sreign

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Jewishlife continued to flourish in this district at least until the third century. Where was Bethsaida-Julias? Since 1967, when the region northeast of the Sea of Galilee again became accessible to researchersby the construction of new roadsand

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bridges over the Jordan River, notable progress has been made in the scientific investigation of the BethsaidaJulias area. I believe there can no longer be any reasonable doubt that Philips' city is on and around the hill of et-Tell. Ceramic Evidence. For many years topographers were hesitant in identifying et-Tell as Bethsaida because of the lack of Roman pottery on the hill (Albright 1928: 7; McCown

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

211

1935).Between 1948 and 1967, however, the Syrianarmy crisscrossed the hill (which rises some 25 meters abovethe plain of the JordanRiver) with trenches and bunkers,permitting easy access to lower ceramic strata.A survey conducted by the Israelis in 1967 and 1968 produced Canaanite, Israelite, Roman, Byzantine, and Ottoman sherds (Kochavi 1972:276). From 1981 to 1984 some of my friends and I gatheredsamples of pottery,especially from the trenches dug on the highest point of et-Tell.FatherStanislao Loffreda,an expert ceramicist, believes the tell shows evidence of an accumulation of Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, and Arabicpottery similar to the one at Capernaum.Forthis reason, we believe that during the time of Jesus there was a settlement at et-Tell. ArchitecturalRemains. In 1937 Albrecht Alt wrote the following about et-Telland its vicinity: Thescarcityof the discovered ruins testifies... to the modestdevelopment and durationof this settlement(thatis, Bethsaida-Julias). (Alt 1937:85, note 3)

I believe that this opinion, which contradicts Josephus(Feldman1965: 25), was made prematurely.While inspecting the base of the southern slope of et-Tell,I discoveredmany dressed stones that comprise a large section of an impressive wall of the type that surroundedGamala.PIn the wall there seems to be a postern that led to a nearbyspring (aboutten meters away),from which there is an abundantand uninterruptedflow of water. Such a feature made a large

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settlement on et-Tell possible. Other architectural evidence from et-Tell includes a large, exquisitely worked lintel that was recently discovered at the site (and is now lying at the northern foot of the hill in the newly developed Jordan Park) and an unhewn basalt stone with an engraved cross at its center that I found there in February of 1982. The latter seems to testify to a Christian presence on this hill.

212

Aerial view looking towards the northeast. (1)The Golan Heights; (2)et-Tell(BethsaidaJulias);(3) the present flow of the Jordan River;(4) the es-Saki lagoon; (5) the Jordanis ancient riverbed;and (6)Aradj(Bethsaidain Galilee). ? Pictorial Archive.

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(approximately3.7 acres)and provides the only possible location for a fortified settlement in this vicinity. The aboveevidence thus supports Dalman'sopinion that the ancient acropolis of Bethsaida-Julias and Philip'spalace can be searched for on et-Tell(Dalman 1924: 173 and following). The Battle of Bethsaida-Julias. Another very convincing argument against the possibility of Aradjor Messadiye having been the main site of Philip'scity derives from Josephus' account of the battle of BethsaidaJulias. The battle took place in the late fall of A.D.66 between the rebel This heart-shapedlimestone column was discoveredat Aradj (the possible location of Bethsaida in Galilee) in 1983 by the author and Mr.Mendel Nun. forces led by Josephusand the army of Sylla, the commander of the I would like to suggest that the More systematic excavations at ettroops of AgrippaII. A report of the Tell might one day unearth vestiges es-Saki lagoon, during the time it battle was composed by Josephus of the church visited by the monk communicated with the JordanRiver himself, who had an intimate knowlWillibald. and when it most likely extended edge of the area.Josephus'description Access and Proximity to the Sea of further north (as proposedby the of the battle fits in beautifully with Galilee. As mentioned before, aceminent topographerGustaf Dalthe et-Telllocation. (Seethe accomcording to Josephus,Bethsaida-Julias man-1924: 174),once formed a panying sidebar,"AnAnalysis of was situated on the shore of the Sea natural harborfor et-Tell,thus in Josephus'Reportof the Battle of effect putting the site on the shore of Bethsaida-Julias.") of Galilee (Feldman1965: 25) and apparentlyhad a harbor (Thackeray the Sea of Galilee. This would not be an unusual situation; one can cite 1966: 149). Since today et-Tellis What about Bethsaida in Galilee? 2 numerous examples aroundthe about kilometers from the shore, The book of Johnnotes that the world where a harboris located many scholars have dismissed the apostle Philip was from "Bethsaidain some distance up a river from a Galilee"(John12:21).Many scholars possibility of its being Bethsaidaof water. have major body questioned whether this site Julias.6 If this suggestion is correct,then should be distinguished from the These scholars, however,have not taken into consideration the fact et-Tell,Aradj,and Messadiye all fit Bethsaidawhere the blind man was the description of the riverpassing that the topographyof the areahas healed and the second feeding of the most likely changed during the past close by Bethsaida-Julias.When one multitude took place. Examination considers the following evidence, few hundredyears. I believe there is of Josephus'account of the division evidence that the JordanRiver once of Herod'slands among his sons and however,et-Tellbecomes the best choice. ran to the east of its present course. the flow of the JordanRiver during Near Aradjthere is a very large, Josephusseems to indicate that the first century may yield an exthe river entered the Sea of Galilee deep lagoon called es-Saki. A geoplanation for the place-name Bethmorphologist, Moshe Inbar,has pro- not at Bethsaidabut somewhat below saida in Galilee. it (Thackeray1967: 721).This best When Herod the Great died in 4 posed to me in a private communifits the location of et-Tell. cation that this lagoon could have his territory was divided among B.c. In addition, the ruin-fields of been the formerbed of the Jordan three of his sons (Thackeray1967: River;in fact, Charles W.Wilson Aradjand Messadiye are too small 357). Herod Antipas was made for a city that was the head of a made the same suggestion when he tetrarchover Galilee and Pereawhile was working on the survey of western toparchy (Sherwin-White1963: 131). Philip received Gaulanitis and In fact, there is some question Palestine (Wilson 1877: 13).In supBatanea.The JordanRiver was the whether Messadiye existed at all port of this, I think that traces of a dividing line between the territories now-dryriverbedcan be discerned duringthe first century A.D. The plain of these two sons. If the village of north of the lagoon. on et-Tellmeasures 1.5 hectares Bethsaidawas spreadout for some

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

213

distance and settled on both sides of the river,then the area that Philip built up and renamed BethsaidaJuliaswould be on the east bank and in the territoryof Gaulanitis and the remaining village on the west bank of the riverwould have been located in Galilee. The location of Bethsaidain Galilee may be found at Aradjon a spur of land near the lakeshore. Litteredacross the site are traces of ancient buildings, including sections of basalt architraves,a heart-shaped limestone column that Mendel Nun and I discoveredin 1983, several capitals that Mr. Nun keeps in the gardenof his kibbutz at En Gev, and mosaic pieces shown to me by a family that lives next to the site.

Thestoneof Bethsaida commemorates the miracleof the blindman. Indication of a settlement at Aradjduring the time of Jesuswas providedby Gustaf Dalman (1924: 173)who found and identified Roman pottery at the site. Some scholars think Aradjwas the ancient Jewish fishing village, whereas the Hellenistic town was located on the nearby hill at et-Tell(M6llerand Schmitt 1976: 110).If the es-Saki lagoon was the ancient Jordanestuary,Aradj would have been situated to the west of the Jordan,remaining in the territory of the Galilee, while parts of Bethsaidato the east of the river and concentrated at et-Tellwere elevated to the honor of a city by Philip. The JordanRiver did not constitute the borderbetween territories for long because under AgrippaI and View of et-Tell,probablythe location of Bethsaida-Julias. IIboth riverbanksof the Jordanwere in the same territory.If the Jordan

214

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

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Basalt stone with petroglyphs,located at the northernentrance to et-Tell.The symbols carvedinto the stone include two eyesone open and one closed- symbolizing the miracle of the blind man who regainedhis sight at Bethsaida (Mark8:22-25); a tree branch,which is a Judeo-Christiansymbol for the tree of Jesse, indicating Jesus'descendancy from David; and the cross with a rainbow overit, representingfor Christians God'ssuccessive covenants with man.

River did flow next to et-Telland Aradjduring the time of Jesus,this would explain why the Gospel of Johndistinguishes Bethsaidain Galilee from the city of Bethsaida. Conclusion As one enters the site of et-Tellfrom the north, there is an unusual basalt stone prominently displayed.The stone is carvedwith several symbols including two eyes that are meant to commemorate the miracle of the blind man that was believed to have taken place in this vicinity. There is also a beautiful park in the area between the JordanRiver and the hill of et-Tellthat was recently established by the Israeli government. The locations of Bethsaida-Julias and Bethsaidain Galilee will, how-

ever,continue to be debated, especially since little archaeological researchhas been done at some of the most likely locations. At present, I believe examination of surface artifactual evidence, literary references, and the geomorphologyof the area indicate that during the time of Jesusthe little fishing village of Aradjwas known as Bethsaida in Galilee and the site of et-Tellbecame Bethsaida-Julias. Acknowledgments I am grateful to Dr. Rainer Riesner (University of Tubingen)for suggestions on literary referencesand his help in preparingthis article. I am also indebted to Dr. Zevi Maoz for graciously supplying me with information for this article.

Notes 'Unlike most exegetes,I believe that the feedingsof the five thousand and the four thousand arenot doublets.There was a feeding on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee near Tabgha(Matthew14:13-21;Mark 6:30-44) and another at the eastern shore, perhapsat Tell Khader(Matthew15:32-39; Mark8:1-10).Luke9:10-17 and John6:1-13 combine the two stories, narratingthe first feedingin the topographicalsetting of the second. (Seemy article "TheMiracle Church at Tabghaon the Sea of Galilee"in this issue of Biblical Archaeologist.) 2Duringthe nineteenth century many scholars maintainedthat the Khirbetel-Minje location was ancient Bethsaida.A summary of this discussion is in Kopp1959,pages 239-43. Todaythis opinion has almost completely lost scientific support.A rareexception is Pace (1979). 3SeeThackeray1967:721;Feldman1965: 25; and Thackeray1966: 147. 4Thepropername, Bethsaidan,is indeclinable. See Bauer 1963:277 and following.

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

215

5GustafDalman wrote the followingafter he visited the site in April of 1912:A vestige of the town wall was perceptiblein the northeast (Dalman 1912:48). 6Ina formerarticle I suggesteda lakeshore close to et-Telland strongalluvion (Pixner1982)but see Inbar1974.

Bibliography Abel, F.M. 1967 Geographiede la Palestine. Volume 2: Geographiepolitique. Les villes. Series:Etudesbibliques. Paris: Gabalda. Albright,W.E 1928 Among the CanaaniteMoundsof EasternGalilee. The Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research29: 1-8. Alt, A. 1937 Galilaische Probleme.III:Hellenistische Stadteund Domanen in Galilia. Paldstinajahrbuch33: 52-88.

1953 Die Statten des WirkensJesuin Galilia territorialgeschichtlich betrachtet.Pp. 436-55 in Kleine Schriftenzur Geschichte des Volkes Israelvolume 2. Editedby Martin Noth. Munich:C. H. Beck. Baldi,D. 1982 EnchiridionLocorumSanctorum. Documenta S. Evangeliiloca respicienta collegit atque adnotavit. Third edition. Jerusalem:TypisPP. Franciscanorum. Bauer,W 1963 Griechisch-deutschesWorterbuch zu den Schriftendes Neuen Testaments und ihbrigenurchristlichen Literatur.Fifth edition. Berlin:A. Topelmann. Corbo,V. 1977 Il Mausoleo di Cafarnao.Liber Annuus 27: 145-55.

Corbo,V.,and Loffreda,S. 1976 Sarcofagoe PietraMiliare di Cafarnao.LiberAnnuus 26: 272-76. Dalman, G. 1912 BethsaidaJulias.Paldstinajahrbuch 8: 45-48.

1913 Golgathaun das GrabChristi. Paldstinajahrbuch9: 90-123. 1924 Orte und WegeJesu.Series:Beitrage zur F6rderungChristlicherTheologie 4/1. Third edition. Giitersloh:C. Bertelsmann. Feldman,L. H., translator 1965 JosephusIX. JewishAntiquities, Books XVIII-XX.Series:The Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge,MA and London:HarvardUniversity Press and William Heinemann Ltd. Inbar,M. 1974 RiverDelta on LakeKinneretCaused by Recent Changesin the Drainage

216

Schurer,E. 1979 The history of the Jewishpeople in the age of JesusChrist,volume 2. Edinburgh:T. andT. Clark. Sherwin-White,A. N. 1963 Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament.The SarumLectures, 1960-1961. Oxford:Clarendon Press. Thackeray,H. St. J.,translator 1966 JosephusI. The Life.Against Apion. Series:The LoebClassical Library. Cambridge,MA and London: Klein, S. HarvardUniversity Press and 1915 HebraischeOrtsnamenbei Josephus. William Heinemann Ltd. MonatsschriftfforGeschichte und 1967 JosephusII. The Jewish War,Books Wissenschaftdes Judentums59: I-III. Series:The LoebClassical 156-69. Library.Cambridge,MA and LonKochavi,M., editor don:HarvardUniversity Press and 1972 Judaea,Samariaand the Golan. William Heinemann Ltd. ArchaeologicalSurvey1967-68 1968 JosephusIII. The Jewish War,Books (Hebrew).Jerusalem:The ArchaeIV-VII.Series:The LoebClassical ological Surveyof Israelby Carta. Library.Cambridge,MA and LonKopp,C. don:HarvardUniversity Press and 1959 Die Heiligen Statten der Evangelien. William Heinemann Ltd. Regensburg:FriedrichPustet. 1963 The Holy Places of the Gospels. Wilkinson, J. 1977 JerusalemPilgrimsBeforethe Translatedby RonaldWalls.New Crusades.Warminster,England: York:Herderand Herder. Aris and Phillips Ltd. Loffreda,S. 1982 A Visit to Capharnaum.The Holy Wilson, C. W 1877 The Sites of Taricheaeand Bethsaida. Places of Palestine.Jerusalem:FranPalestine ExplorationFund. ciscan PrintingPress. QuarterlyStatement 4: 10-13. McCown,C. C. 1935 Correspondence.Palestine Exploration Fund. QuarterlyStatement 33: 144-45. C., M11ler, and Schmitt, G. 1976 SiedlungenPaldstinasnach Flavius Josephus.Series:Beiheft zum TubingerAtlas des Vordereen Orients 14. Wiesbaden:Reichert. Pace,G. i 1979 Lap;ima moltiplicazione dei pani. nli~~l O'lldll ' Nl•il IIIN'TID Topografia.Bibbia e Oriente 21: Basin.Pp. 197-207 in Geomorphologische Prozesseund Prozesskombinationen in der Gegenwart unter verschiedenenKlimabedingungen. Reportof the Commission on Present-DayGeomorphicalProcesses. Editedby Hans P6ser.Series: Abhandlungender Akademieder Wissenschaftenin Gdttingen, Mathematisch-PhysikalischeKlasse 3, 29. G6ttingen:Vandenhoeckand Ruprecht.

85-91.

Pixner,B. 1982 Putting Bethsaida-Juliason the Map. ChristianNews FromIsrael 27: 165-70. 1985 The MiracleChurch at Tabghaon the Sea of Galilee. Biblical Archaeologist, this issue. Pococke,R. 17431 A Description of the East and some 1745 other countries. Volume 2. London: Printedfor the author. Schalit, A. 1968 Namenwbrterbuchzu Flavius Josephus. A Complete Concordanceto Flavius Josephus.Editedby K. H. Rengstorf.Leiden:Brill. Schlatter,A. 1893 Zur Topographieund Geschichte Palistinas. Stuttgart:Calwer. Schnackenburg,R. 1972 Das Joharinesevangelium1. Third edition. Freiburg:Herder.

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

The Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem The Bible Lands Museum is looking for the following senior scientific staff: 1. Curator, having postgraduate experience with objects of ancient Near Eastern art, especially Mesopotamian. 2. Assistant Curator,with specialization in Bible studies and ancient Near Eastern history. Knowledge of Hebrew desirable. Applications should be sent to Mr. Gideon Shomron, Executive Director, Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem, 28 Nayot, Jerusalem 93704, Israel

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Above left: Red granitehead of king Sesostris 111(18781843 B.c.). During the Middle Kingdomroyalportraiture underwent a profoundchange:Instead of depicting the king in a youthful, idealized fashion, the sculptors producedrealistic portraitsof their rulers.In this example Sesostrisis shown with heavy eyelids, sunken cheeks, and creases underhis eyes and aroundhis lips. This may reflect the tremendousresponsibility of kingship that was upon the pharaoh. The fragmentarysculpture,showing the king wearing the double crown of Upperand Lower Egypt,is 80 centimeters high and was found in 1970in front of the FourthPylon of the Amun Templeat Karnak. Above right: Stridingstatue of king Thuthmose III (1490-1436B.c.).Discoveredin the so-called Cachette in the court of the SeventhPylon at Karnak,this graywacke statue is an idealized likeness of the great empire-builder of the EighteenthDynasty. Thuthmose III is shown wearing the royalheadcloth with uraeus(a representation of an asp), the false beard,and the royalkilt. The statue is 90.5 centimeters high.

by Lisaand FattahSabbahy n 1975anewmuseumwasopenedforvisitorstothe

southern Egyptiancity of Luxor.Its collection, with one exception, is entirely composed of artifacts discovered in the region of Luxor, the site of the ancient city of Thebes. The museum was designed by the renownedEgyptianarchitect Dr. Mahmud el-Hakim and displays approximately one hundred objects- ranging from the minor arts to monumental sculpture-within the museum, while additional sculpture and reliefs are exhibited in the front garden. Luxorhas a very rich and long historical background. Although the area was inhabited during the prehistoric

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period, it did not become prominent until the sixteenth century B.C.with the beginning of the New Kingdom.At that time Thebes was a capital of Egyptand cult center of the state god, Amun-Re. The city spanned both sides of the Nile, with the city of the living on the east and the city of the dead on the west. The temple complexes of Karnakand the temple of Luxorwere built on the east bank. On the west bank were the royal burials in the Valleyof the Kingsand the Valleyof the Queens, the royal mortuarytemples, and the tombs of the nobility. Luxoris thus the richest and most concentrated area of archaeological remains in all of Egypt and well deserving of a museum of its own. Since the collection draws from the remains of

218

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BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

Thebes) Thebes),*.

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ancient Thebes, most of the artifacts date from the city's period of prominence, the New Kingdom. No period of habitation is neglected, however, and the displays cover from predynasticto Islamic times. The following is a description of highlighted artifacts from the majorperiods of ancient Egyptian history beginning with the Middle Kingdom. In 1970, only five years prior to the museum's opening, a magnificent granite head of the Middle Kingdom pharaoh Sesostris III (1878-1843 B.c.)was discovered at the Temple of Karnak.It is now on display in the Luxor Museum. This pharaoh is easily recognizable by the realistic style of his portraiture. Note the heavy-lidded eyes, the deep lines in the cheeks, and the severe carving

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around the mouth. It is thought that Sesostris is purposely depicted as weary and burdened by carrying out his responsibilities as king. Another piece in the Luxorcollection is of enormous importance for our understanding of Egyptian history duringthe SecondIntermediatePeriod,a time of political disunity in Egypt.This is the Great Stela (also called the Second Stela) of King Kamose (around 1560 B.c.), dis-

covered in foundations at Karnak.The text of the stela relates the struggle of the Seventeenth Dynasty Theban ruler,Kamose, against the Hyksos invadersin the Egyptian Delta. The Hyksos, a Western Semitic people from Syro-Palestine,had entered the EgyptianDelta at the end of the Middle Kingdom and ruled over that part of Egypt until they were finally expelled from the land by Ahmose (1558-1533 B.c.), the first king of the Eighteenth Dynasty

and possibly Kamose'sbrotheror son. The stela contains an account of Kamose's battle againstthe Hyksos at their capital in the Delta, Avaris,as well as the text of a letter intercepted by Kamose. The letter was written by the Hyksos ruler,Apophis, and was being sent to the King of Kush in Upper Nubia. This Kushite ruler had taken over LowerNubia, an area colonized by the Egyptians in the Middle Kingdom. The Egyptian king, Kamose, was surroundedby Kushites at his southern borderand Hyksos to his north. In the letter Apophis urges the Kushite king to come north to Egypt and help him defeat Kamose: Auserre,Son of Re, Apophis,greetsthe son of the Rulerof Kush.Whydid you becomerulerwithout causingthatI know?Do you see whatEgypthasdone againstme?Therulerwho is in it, Kamose-the-Brave,

Painted sandstone blocks from a temple built by Amunhotpe IV (1363-1347B.c.).This wall was originally a part of a sun temple at Karnakthat was erected by the infamous king of the EighteenthDynasty, Amunhotpe IV (laterknown as Akhenaten). The temple was dismantled by one of the successors of Amunhotpe IV and used as fill to build the Ninth Pylon. The reconstructedwall is composed of 283 blocks (ortalatat)that are carved and painted with scenes of worship and daily activity. It is 17.17meters long by 2.97 meters high.

given life, attacks me upon my ground. I have not attackedhim like all that he has done againstyou. He has chosen the two lands to afflict them, my land and yours. He has destroyedthem. Come northward!Do not be afraid!Behold, he is here with me; there is no one waiting for you upon this Egypt. See here, I will not give him a way until you have arrived.Then we will share the towns of Egypt.Nubia will be in joy!

The Kushiteking neverreceivedthis letter, of course, andKamosewas victoriousin his attackupon the Hyksos. It was not, however, until the following dynasty-the Eighteenth Dynasty-that the Hyksos were driven from Egyptian soil. This dynasty emerged as one of empirebuilders. One of the most powerfulpharaohsduring the Eighteenth Dynasty was Thuthmose

III (1490-1436 B.c.),

depicted in a magnificent graywackestatue discoveredin 1904in the so-called Cachette in the court of the Seventh Pylon at Karnak. It was discovered in a large pit that contained over eight hundred statues and seventeen thousand smaller pieces that had been removedfrom the main temple and then buried during antiquity. This statue is an example of the traditional, idealized rendering of the pharaoh.Thuthmose IIIappearsserene, majestic, andgodlike comparedwith the humanistic portraitof Sesostris IIIdiscussed above. Laterin the Eighteenth Dynasty, the son and successor of Amunhotpe III-Amunhotpe IV (who reignedfrom 1363-1347 B.c. and later changedhis name to Akhenaten) -built at least four sun temples at Karnakbeforemoving to his new capital at Tell el-Amarna. These temples, dedicated to the sun-god Aten, were dismantled by later

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

219

Chronological Table Period

Approximate Dates 3100-2705 B.C. 2705-2200 B.C.

Protodynastic Old Kingdom

Dynasties 0-2 3-6

FirstIntermediate

2200-2040 B.C.

7-11

Middle Kingdom

2040-1786 B.c.

11-12

Second Intermediate

1786-1558 B.C.

13-17

New Kingdom

1558-1085 B.C.

18-20

Third Intermediate

1085- 664 B.C.

21-25

Saite Renaissance

664- 525 B.C.

26

Late Dynastic

525- 330 B.C.

27-31

Conquest of Alexander Macedonian/Ptolemaic

332 B.C. 332- 30 B.C. 30 B.C.

Roman Conquest

rulers who considered the worship of Aten heretical. The temple blocks, called talatat, were used as fill in the continuing construction of the Karnak and Luxor temples. Close to sixty thousand of these talatat are now known, many of which were removed from the interior of the Ninth Pylon at Karnak. The methodical way that they were laid down in ancient times and removed in modern times allowed reconstruction of a wall from one of Akhenaten's temples. This wall now stands in the Luxor Museum along with a number of other talatat and two colossal heads of the pharaoh Akhenaten. The museum also has a few pieces from the tomb of Tutankhamun (1347-1338 B.C.).The largest is a representation of the head of a cow-goddess found in front of the

Canopic box and jars of Pady-imenet,a priest who lived in the Twenty-secondDynasty (around860-840 B.c.).Each of the four canopic jars contains an internal organ that was removedfrom the body beforemummification. The Egyptiansbelieved four deities, known as the sons of Horus, were in chargeof the jars. The humanheaded god Imsety protected the jar containing the stomach and intestines; Duamutef, representedwith a jackal'shead, guarded the heart and lungs; the ape-headedgod Hapy was responsiblefor the small viscera;and Qebehsenuf, shown with the head of a falcon, watched over the liver and gall bladder.This canopic box, measuring 41 centimeters high, was found during the 1932/1933excavations of Queen Hatshepsut'sTempleat Deir el Bahari.

who was the wife of a priest of Amun. Paintedcartonnagemummy case belonging to the "Mistressof the House, Shep-en-Khonsu," The cartonnagewas formed by the mummy being wrappedin layers of linen and gesso. It was modelled in human form and then brightlydecorated. The mummy case was found on the west bank of Thebes in 1957 and dates to the period between 1080 and 750

B.c. It is 1.75 meters long.

220

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

see the collections of the Coptic Museum in Cairo and the Graeco-RomanMuseum in Alexandria,the Ptolemaic, Roman, and Coptic pieces in the LuxorMuseum offer a small glimpse into the wealth of objects found in Egypt fromthese laterperiods.Thereare also beautifulexamples of Islamic pottery belonging to the Mameluke period at the beginning of the fourteenth century A.D. The modern design of the Luxor Museum and the beautiful display of the artifacts in its collection form a nice contrast to the antiquity of the site with its many outstanding monuments. Visitors to the Luxor area, canopic shrine in the treasury of the tomb. Other pieces especially those who are enthusiasts of Egyptianart, will include model boats and two pairs of Tutankhamun's greatly benefit from examining the impressive architecsandals. Another piece that may date to the reign of tural fragments, sculpture, painting, and minor arts Tutankhamunis a small sphinx from the Mut Temple at exhibited in the LuxorMuseum of Ancient EgyptianArt. South Karnak.The style of the facial features and the cutting of channels for inlay on the beardand headcloth suggest a date at the very end of king Akhenaten'sreignor The LuxorMuseumis locatedon the LuxorCorniche in the short reign of his successor, Tutankhamun. just north of the EtapHotel. It is open in the late afterThe later pieces in the museum are equally impresnoon and early eveningwhen the monumentshave closed. A guidebook, The Luxor Museum of Ancient Art, sive, although perhapsnot so familiar to the visitor. From and a catalog of the collection, The LuxorMuseum of the Third Intermediate Period (1085-656 B.c.), a time Ancient Egyptian Art, Catalogue (Cairo: American when the high priests of Amun ruled supreme at Thebes, ResearchCenter in Egypt, 1979),are available. are two beautifully painted religious papyri, a colorful and a cartonnage mummy case, wonderfully preserved canopic box with viscera jars.Forthose visitors unable to

A smallsphinxfromtheMut Templeat Karnakmay date to the reignof king Tutankhamun.

EGYPT with the EXPERTS FattahSabbahy

ChiefInspector, EgyptianDeptofAntiquities

Former Museum Luxor Director,

Lisa Sabbahy,Ph.D.

Professor of EgyptianArchaeology, UCBerkeley

See LuxorMuseumarticleby Dr.Sabbahyin this issue. e Tutankhamun * Karnak Luxor * Giza * Abu Simbel

Feb 3-18, 1986 (16 days) Nov 11-26, 1986 (16 days) March17-April6, 1986 (21 days)

alsoincludesSinai,Alexandria, Dendereh

Feb24-March16, 1986 (21 days) MiddleEgypt

Sinai Camping& Nile Felucca

Calcite sphinx, possibly of the boy-kingThtankhamun(1347-1338 B.c.).Although partly damaged, enough of this sphinx has been preservedto indicate that human hands instead of lion paws were represented.Originallythey probablyheld an offeringintended for a god. The eye cavities, eyebrows,chin strapfor the beard,and channels of the headcloth were originally inlaid with coloredglass or paste. The sculptureis 53 centimeters high.

MonthlyDepartures Freebrochureand catalog

WILDERNESS TRAVEL 1760-AX SolanoAve.Berkeley, CA94707 (415)524-5111 (800)247-6700

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

221

e

mP

The

Use

and

Abuse

of Archaeology

LLl

Dicionary ctona

AM-

-

LIL

j'11.1i-kol

ilt

Current

One-volume

hie t

in

I

Bible

Dictionaries

BYJAMES ANDVICTOR H. MATTHEWS C.MOYER

n the previous issue of Biblical Archaeologist (September 1985, volume 48, number 3, pages 149-159), we evaluated the archaeologicalinformation contained in currentBible handbooks and found it to be disappointingly brief, mostly out of date, and frequently silent on controversialissues. This made us wonder if the same were true of other study aids, so we turned to the next level of completeness in Bible reference works-the one-volume dictionary. We have evaluatedmore than twenty such dictionaries that are currently on the market and our findings are presentedhere. In the first part of this paperwe summarize the strengths and weaknesses of each volume, pointing out the use or abuse of archaeologicaldata. In doing this we note how this data can enhance the reader'sunderstandingof the Bible, and we occasionally make

222

suggestions for improvements.(Because one-volume Bible dictionaries basically fall into two categoriesthose that attempt to be comprehensive, or encyclopedic, in their coverage, and those that attempt to be concise or merely survey information-we have divided this part into two sections. Within each section the dictionaries are presented in alphabeticalorder.) In the second part of this paper we look at the archaeologicalcompetence demonstratedby each dictionary in respect to a representative topic-the Exodusand the Conquest. We then conclude with some general comments and specific recommendations. Conmprehensive /Encyclopedic Dictionaries One approachtaken by Bible dictionaries is the encyclopedic listing of all currently availableinformation

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

on biblical topics. Most of the dictionaries we review here fall into this category.

Davis

Dictionary of the Bible

Davi'sDictionary of the Bible (:1972) J.D. Davis'Bible dictionary has been a standardwork for many years and has gone through severaleditions and many reprintings.This 1972 reprint of the 1924 edition is updated with fifty new photographsand nineteen color maps. The articles,

Davis is not particularly useful to readersinterested in recent developments in archaeology.

words, each in alphabetical order. The preface states: "The emphasis is on sheer information- accurate,up-

demonstrates a reasoned approachto scholarly discussion of archaeology and the Bible.

' I

however,have not been updatedto include archaeologicalinformation garneredsince the beginning of this century. As a result, and despite the wealth of data explaining biblical terms and events, this volume is not particularlyuseful to the modern readerwho is interested in the most recent developments in archaeology and biblical studies. Evidence of just how dated this volume actually is can be found in its equating Hammurabiwith Amraphel (page 10),the use of Edward Robinson'slocation of Hazor at Tell Khureibehwithout mention of even JohnGarstang'ssoundings (page307), and the citing of the 1888 excavations of the pool of Bethesda (page 94). The illustrations that have been addedto the 1972 reprint contain some new material (see pages 636638 for the section on Philistine pottery and other artifacts),but the articles on the sites mentioned, such as Beth-shan (page98), make no mention of modern excavation and very often speak of the mounds as simply containing the ruins of ancient cities. In the case of Lachish (page461), the article identifies the site as Tell el-Hesy and the picture on the same page gives Tell el (sic) Duweir as its location. Eerdmans'Family Encyclopedia of the Bible (1978). This volume is written by conservativeBritish scholars but it is a refreshingcontrast to the polemics of some other conservative works. It is not arrangedalphabetically like other Bible dictionaries and it is not really comprehensive enough to be an encyclopedia despite the use of that term in the title. It has two parts that take up various topics and three additional sections on people, places, and Bible

Eerdmans'Family Encyclopediaof the Bible

""4

to-date and factual-presented in a simple, straightforward,interesting and exciting way."This is supported by over 500 photographs(most in color) and drawingsin the style of Eerdmans'Bible Handbook. Varioussections of the book deal with archaeology,environmental conditions, geography,religion, and everydayfamily life. Alan Millard is responsible for the excellent section on "Archaeologyand the Bible."He deals with the history of archaeology,the work of excavation, and the methodological approach. Having established that as a frame-

Multivolume Bible

work, he illustrates his point on the values and limitations of archaeology in relation to the Bible with a discussion of YohananAharoni'sposition on the date of the patriarchs.He argueseffectively against Aharoni's view that the patriarchsmust be dated after 1200 B.C., and thereby

demonstrates a reasoned approachto scholarly discussion ratherthan the defensive approachfound, for instance, in Unger'sBible Dictionary. Overall, the quality of the articles is very good. The organization makes for easy reading,but one has to use the index in orderto find all the comments on any given topic. Unquestionably, the strongest part of the book archaeologicallyis the special chapterdevotedto archaeology written by Millard.

Dictionaries

ne-volumeBible dictionariesare valuablebut they are also limited. SeriousBible students may want to considerthe more substantialmulti-

Thebestone availablein Englishis unquestionably volumeBibledictionaries.

the Interpreter'sDictionary of the Bible (G. A. Buttrick, editor, Abingdon, $112).Writtenfrom a mainstreamperspective,it appearedas a four-volumeset in 1962 with a one-volume supplement added in 1976. The supplementary volume was particularlydesigned to bring the archaeologicalmaterial up to date and it succeededquite well in doing this throughthe mid 1970s. On the conservative side is the five-volume Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopediaof the Bible (M.C. Tenney,editor, 1975,$129.95).Despite the use of in the title, it is not as substantialin its coverageor as up to date "encyclopedia" as the five volumes of the Interpreter'sDictionary of the Bible. Another conservative work is the revised edition of the International Standard Bible Encyclopedia (G. W. Bromiley,editor). Eerdmanspublished volume 1 in 1979 ($32.50)andvolume 2 in 1982($35).These two volumes cover articles fromA-J. The final two volumes arestill forthcoming.This will make it moreup to datethan the Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, but it probably will not be as valuableif the first two volumes are any indication.

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

223

BIBLE DICTIONARY

o~~~,?.

The Everyday Bible Dictionary 1967). This is a reprint (1967) of a nineteenth-century work by E N. Peloubet. Like another nineteenthcentury work by M. G. Easton (see the review of the Illustrated Bible Dictionary below), it is filled with information; it is so out of date, however, that it can serve as little more than a collector's item. Its back cover also promises more than it should to the modern reader: It brings to the great body of teachers and intelligent Christian households a work fully abreast of the latest modern scholarship.It has no room for detailed speculations and debatable theories, but devotes itself to the facts of the Bible itself. The only aspect of this volume that approaches modernity, though, is a few photographs added to this edition. The excavations that they

The Everyday Bible Dictionary is so out of

date that it is little more than a collector's item.

portray are never mentioned in the articles. In one case where mention is made of an excavation the information is simply wrong and has not been updated: Lachish:Its identification with Tell el-Hesy is practically certain. Excavationhas laid barethe wall of the ancient city, as well as later constructions,believedto belong to the time of the Divided Kingdom. Ten

224

towns seem to have occupied the place in succession. (page351) Harperks Bible Dictionary (1985). This newly published volume is the work of 180 scholars who are members of the Society of Biblical Literature. It contains the most recent information on archaeological excavations at biblical sites and is marked throughout by the balanced perspective of mainstream scholarship. There are numerous helpful illustrations and drawings, some in color but most in black and white (a few badly focused). A full set of color maps is found at the end of the volume, and there are several indices listing contributors, manuscripts related to the biblical text, and map locations.

L. mlL~L .e IS

Articles are written in a generally nontechnical style but do contain enough information that the volume will be able to serve the needs of religious professionals. There are also numerous expository articles, set in larger type, on important sites and subjects like "Archaeology, History, and the Bible," "The Bible and Western Art,""Jerusalem," "Pottery,"and "The Sociology of the Old and New Testaments." Longer articles contain bibliographic entries, but for the most part shorter articles only cross-reference their information to other articles in the volume. Archaeological information contained in the articles is currently up to date and makes note of the uses and limitations of archaeology in reference to biblical studies. The importance of archaeology is high-

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

lighted in two complementary articles by Philip King and William Dever. Each describes the history of the science and the transformations it has gone through during the last century. Methodology is also discussed in detail, especially in regard to the development of systematic analysis of stratigraphic remains and the introduction of "field study" and "interdisciplinary research" teams in modern excavation efforts. King especially puts emphasis on the use of archaeological reconnaissance methods, stating: Instead of concentrating exclusively on an isolated mound, archaeologists are combining the excavation of the multiperiod tell with a study of its surroundings.Regional study is invaluable in understanding the economic and demographic relationships of an urban center with the territoryunder its control. (page51) He points out the problems created by the Albright school of archaeology, which attempts through excavation and interpretation to reconstruct the history of ancient Israel: Interpretation ... is fraught with dangerbecause the artifacts are always mute and the literary sources often ambiguous. ... Historical interpretations are not to be made on the results of limited excavations .... The archaeological data must be controlled and unambiguous. The correlation of archaeological evidence and written sources must be based on many sites, never on a single site. (page52) Dever concurs with this view, explaining that William F. Albright's efforts grew out of a reaction to the literary-critical discussion of the Bible in his time and his desire to give it a "historicity" and thereby greater "credibility."The present difficulty with this approach, Dever notes, is that the popular notion of archaeology that grewout of this approach- and continues to prevailamongmuch of the American public-was that archaeology's primary function is to "provethe Bible true."(page53)

reevaluationthat has taken place in regardto the Solomonic gate, walls, and stables (page624). The New Testament articles also contain updated material, although in a few cases they tend to carry their speculation on sites farther than the Old Testament articles do. Forinstance, Charles H. Miller, in the Capernaumarticle (page155), makes note of the differingopinions on the date of the synagoguefound at the site. He adds to the discussion mention of the 1981 excavation of a On the whole, Harper's is first-centurysynagogue,stating that the best comprehensive, it is "probablythe very synagoguein one-volume Bible which Jesuspreached."Bruce Schein also attempts to tie biblical events to dictionary now on the specific site locations in the Jerumarket. salem article (page470). In his discussion of the quarryuncoveredin the vicinity of the LutheranChurch of the Redeemer,he identifies one section of Golgotha that was owned along..., an understandingof the phenomenon of cultural process and by Josephof Arimathea as "probably ... the burial place of Jesus." change"(page56). Dever goes on to describe what On the whole, this is the best he calls the "secularization"of comprehensive, one-volume Bible "biblicalarchaeology."In part, he is dictionary now on the market. It building the case for the term "Syro- contains reliable and up-to-date Palestinian archaeology,"which he information, is readable,has ample prefersinstead of the more common illustrations and maps, and provides the Bible student and religious pro"biblicalarchaeology."Probably,in fessional with a well-balancedand all fairness, he should have given some indication that this remains generally cautious approachto the text and the applicability of archaean unresolved issue. ological research.Of all the volumes Throughout the remainderof we have surveyed,only the New this volume the articles generally follow the approachdescribed above Bible Dictionary approachesthis work in scholarship and usefulness of objective evaluation of archaeto the modern reader. Excavations information. ological are cited (often the entire excavation Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible history of a mound) and opinions are (1963). This volume is the most ennoted- many times mentioning pre- cyclopedic of any of those surveyed, viously held positions that have now although it has no illustrations and been discounted because of more re- uses extremely small print. In its cent or more complete excavations. first edition at the turn of the cenThe article on Lachish (page541),for tury it had the benefit of the best team of scholars available at that instance, contains an extensive excavation report including the debate time. This second edition has an excellent team of mainstream authors between David Ussishkin and John to from the 1950s and 1960s. While it the of level 3 over dating Holladay Sennacherib'sconquest in 701 B.C. is not really polemical in its treatAnd the Megiddo article points out ment of positions that are not the succession of excavatorsand the accepted by the authors, there is a

In Dever'sview, archaeologyexperienced a revolution in the late 1960s when the policy of "totalretrieval of the material remains"of a site began to be used. This movement awayfrom the old concentration on monumental structures and the reconstruction of political history allowed archaeologists to "getat what they had really sought all

Hastings' is the most encyclopedic of any Bible dictionary surveyedbut its informationis out of date.

tendency to dismiss them as "wrong" and then go on to explain "modern" positions. Since the second edition was issued in 1963, it is now out of date. Many of the references to "recent" excavations are 30 or more years old, and it is disappointing to see an article end with a statement that excavations have just startedwhen they have now gone through many seasons and producedmuch new information (see page 327 on Gezer). The price of this volume ($55)is far higher than any other one-volume dictionary,and although it has a great deal of very useful information, it seems that a price like this deserves a third, illustrated edition. Archaeological information in this volume is highlighted by the general article on archaeologywritten by Kathleen Kenyon.She states quite well the values and limitations attached to the use of archaeology: For the period before written history,it must serve as a substitute in establishing, as faras its limitations allow, the sequence of events and the way men lived. Once these events are available from written documents, it can both fill in details and provide the background by showing how the common man, in whom history is often not interested, lived. (page50)

Kenyonalso points out the changes in interpretationthat occur as new excavations uncover a more complete picture of a site. She does this by quoting (on page 50) the statement made by R. A. S. Macalister in the first edition of this dictionary that "notrace"of Palestine'shistory can be found until "about3,000 B.c" and then by pointing out the Paleolithic remains that have shown

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

225

occupation in this area stretching back many thousands of years. This dictionary will appeal most to the religious professional because of its detailed information. Badly needed, however,is a revision that will update the information of 20-30 years ago and add illustrations and maps. Undoubtedly,the Harper's Bible Dictionary will quickly take its place.

ILLUSTRATED

BIBLEDICTIONARY

nineteenth century is pleasant reading but it is terribly misleading at best and totally wrong at worst. The article on Capernaumis typical: It has been identified with Tell Hum, about2 miles south west of where the Jordanflows into the lake. Here are extensiveruins of wallsandfoundations,andalsothe remainsof what must havebeena beautiful synagogue,which it is conjecturedmayhavebeenthe one builtbythe centurion(Luke7:5),in which our Lordfrequentlytaught (John6:59). (page129)

MacKenzie'sDictionary of the Bible (1967).Published in 1967, this volume is an example of mainstream/ Catholic scholarship of the 1950s and 1960s. It is unusual in the sense that it is the work of a single author,

>1t M.CG. Easton

Illustrated Bible Dictionary 1983). This volume is a 1983 reprint of a nineteenth-century classic work by M. G. Easton. There is no mention of excavationsfrom the twentieth century; the sites of biblical cities are mostly described as little more than ruins and the traditional identification is taken for granted.The back cover,however,states that this dictionary "makessuch subjects as doctrine, history, biography,and ar-

MacKenzie'shas a limited value as a referencework for the religious professional and serious Bible student.

but this adds to its consistency of style and statement. It is fairly well illustrated, with most of the drawings and pictures portrayingitems of everydayinterest and use. There is a four-pagebibliography,but no citation is more recent than 1963 and there are no maps or indices. The The Illustrated Bible style of writing is quite good, concise Dictionary is a reprintof a where conciseness is permissible nineteenth-century clasand lengthy where needed. There is sic. Its value is limited. a good deal of archaeologicalinformation contained in the articles, but it is mostly out of date. Like most of the other volumes we are reviewing chaeology readily understandableto here, it could benefit from a new edition. layman and student."The average The article on archaeologytakes laypersonwould not know the difference between this information and a cautious view of archaeological more recent findings and thus would data, emphasizing that a site is rarely be misled about the discoveries that completely excavatedand that those have been made in this century. areas that are uncoveredare The traveloguestyle of many of carefullydug,measured,andphotothe books written on the Bible in the graphed,andthe dirtis siftedforar-

226

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

tifacts,whichareclassifiedaccordingto theplaceof discovery... The entireresultsof the explorationare published.... Onlythenareevaluation and interpretationpossible. (page51)

There are similar statements made in the articles on "Pottery"(pages 685 and 686) and "Tell"(pages871 and 872), including a detailed discussion of the use of ceramics and stratification in determining chronological identifications. The style of this volume matches that of Young'sBible Dictionary and The New WestminsterDictionary of the Bible (althoughthe articles are somewhat more detailed),while maintaining the more objective, scholarly viewpoint found in the New Bible Dictionary or Harper's Bible Dictionary. It is availablein a paperbackedition and is therefore less expensive. Despite the dated nature of its archaeologicalcitations, it has a limited value as a reference work for the religious professional and serious Bible student.

--

NewBible Dictionary

CC-

I - - - -- -

The New Bible Dictionary (1982). This volume follows the encyclopedic style but goes beyond it with attention to scholarly debate, hypothetical reconstruction, and useful illustrations. The balance and consistency of the second edition (1982) of this multiauthored volume is excellent. In addition to good editing, this may be because most of the 164 contributors are from Britain and specifically from the evangelical movement in that country. As was the case with another project of these scholars, the Eerd-

mans' Bible Handbook, D. J.Wiseman and Alan Millard are the principal contributors on ancient Near Easternhistory and on archaeology. They do an excellent job of pointing out both the values and limitations of archaeological research.In the article on "Pottery"Millard provides a carefully worded statement on ceramic chronology: Carefulobservationof the stratigraphicalrelationshipof fragments foundon one site enablesa distinctiontobemadebetweenthe earliest piecesandthe latest.... Recordsof potteryfinds from severalsites in Palestinehaveenableda sequence of formsto be drawnup whichcan be dated by other evidence.... It is

dangerous,however,to give a date morepreciselythanapproximately 50 yearseither way solely on the evidenceof pottery.(page954) There are other authors who also deal with archaeological information but none attempts to use the text; archaeologyto "prove" rather it is used to help illuminate aspects of life mentioned in the text. An example of this is found in Wiseman'sarticle on 'Amulets": evidencerevealsthe Archaeological commonuse of ornamentsin the shape of the sun disk or inverted mooncrescent,a symbolofthegoddessIshtar-Astarte wornbywomen oranimalsto increasetheirfertility (Jdg.8:21).(page34) Primaryfeatures of this volume include the identification, where possible, of all sites (with mention of previous and now-discounted identifications and any debate on this), with a brief history of the site down to the Roman and Crusader levels where relevant (see page 66 on Arad). This volume also contains long expository articles on theological topics like "Resurrection" and "Canon,"as well as a nine-page article (pages 70-78) on "Archaeology." In most cases, there is a conscious attempt to give the history of excavations at sites from the earliest efforts in the nineteenth century to modern (1970s) times. There is also a good summary of New Testament archae-

The New

The New Bible Dictionary is clearly the best one-volume Bible dictionary written from a conservativeperspective.

WESTMINSTER

DICTIONARY of the

BIBLE

Fdited by Herry SnyderGehmar I;lut'tio• Lditedby Robeit BWrigtt

ology by J.P. Kane,on pages 76-78, beginning with the Hellenistic period. Except for the briefest entries, most articles conclude with a brief bibliography(sometimes annotated). No other one-volume dictionary includes as much bibliographicinformation. There is, however,no reference more recent than 1980 (see the Eblaarticle on page 295) and William E Albright, Nelson Glueck, Kathleen Kenyon,and Yigael Yadindominate the archaeologicalreferences.There are no photographs,but there are some very good line-drawingsillustrating inscriptions, genealogies, and architecture (see page 417 for Gezer'sgate complex). Maps and charts appearthroughout the volume and are quite useful to the reader(see pages 952 and 953 for an excellent chart of pottery types from the Neolithic period to the Roman period). This is clearly the best onevolume Bible dictionary on the market written from a conservative perspective. It may be too technical for the more casual Bible readerand it lacks the flashy style of the extensively illustrated volumes, but for serious Bible students, Sunday school teachers, and religious professionals, it providesa wealth of valuable information. The New WestminsterDictionary of the Bible (1982).This volume, committed to mainstream theology and scholarship, takes a very balanced approachto most of the sensitive issues, devoting long articles to the Pentateuch, Documentary Hypothesis, and canonical process. Illustrations are good and are used in many cases in lieu of archaeological dis-

cussion (see page 56, "Israeliteshrine at Arad,"and page 62, the bas-relief of a wheeled ark from the synagogue at Capernaum).In some cases the captions under the pictures have more up-to-dateinformation than the articles (see, for instance, page 388, the "HighPlace"at Gezer).

Committed to mainstream theology, The New Westminstertakes a very balanced approachto most of the sensitive issues.

Throughout the volume modern site names and locations are given or are hypothesized, with severalpossibilities often supplied (forexample, Hazor,page 370). This may confuse the readerat times, and it would probablyhelp if some preliminary statement was made in the introduction explaining the difficulties inherent in identifying sites. There is no general article on archaeology, and readersmust thereforedraw conclusions on methodology and on values and limitations from individual articles and illustrations. Forthe most part the articles reflect the scholarship of the 1950s and 1960s, and cite William E Albright andNelson Glueck repeatedly. New Testament articles contain some archaeologicalinformation, although it is frequently quite dated: In 1931-32 excavations a few hun-

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

227

dredyardsnorthof the Templesite laid bare the pool of Bethesda, whichcoveredanareaof over5,000 squareyards.(page108)

Although no revision is ever perfect, Today'sis a fairly good Bible

nar-v, di"ctio

II [ *;10mDAYS.le ,]l~ ,:

bday• Dictionary of the Bible

S1982)T. A. Bryantattempts to update and revise M. G. Easton's Illustrated Bible Dictionary in this volume published in 1982. As is stated in the preface,there are "references to the latest discoveries in archaeology,"including cautious mention of Ebla,Mari, and Ugarit. There are cases, however,where Easton's articles remain intact with their quotations from nineteenth-century scholars, such as Sayce and Rawlinson. There has been some attempt to update the pictures as well, but again many of Easton'sfuzzy ones remain, including an etching of Charles Warren's1867 excavation at Tyre (page632). There is a useful index of names and severalgood maps at the end of the volume. In his Jerichoarticle Bryant makes the sound point that "archaeology ... is essentially a limited and inexact science highly dependent on the interpretationof mute evidence. Scripturecannot be nor does it need to be 'proved'by archaeology"(pages 335 and 336). There is also an article especially designed to explain the use of archaeologyin biblical researchon pages 47-49. Here he describes the types of objects used to date the levels uncoveredin the mounds and takes a neutral position on the findings at Ebla.

228

Many of the articles have been updatedwith new information. For instance, in his treatment of Capernaum Bryantqualifies what Easton had originally said: However,excavationson the site of the synagoguehave shownthat it wasbuiltno earlierthanthe second centuryA.D.andmaynot havebeen starteduntil as late as A.D.350. (page 116)

There are also occasional instances in which the updatingprocess falls short. Forexample, Bryanthas retained intact Easton'sarticles on "Beer-sheba" (page84), "Camel"(page "Deluge" 111), (page177),and "Exodus"(pages223 and 224). Obviously,no revision is ever perfect. This is actually a fairly good Bible dictionary,fitting into a marketing category abovethe Bible Companion in scope and below the New Bible Dictionary or Harper's Bible Dictionary in quality and approach.

-Iw;

Unger i Bible Dictionary (1961),

This extensive, one-volume Bible dictionary is a partial revision of Barnes'sBible Encyclopedia of 1900 and The People'sBible Encyclopedia of 1913.Revisions were made in this 1961 edition to update some of the

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

most antiquatedmaterial, including the archaeologicaldata. Overallthis information is based on the Albright consensus of the late 1950s, although it is very often polemical in its defense of conservativepositions. For instance, in the article on archaeology the limitations of archaeology are describedin terms of its inability to "supplantfaith"(page79), but it then goes on to attack the "extreme theories and false assumptions that used to be paradedin scholarly circles as settled facts." Archaeology is seen here as a force for good when "legitimately handled"by the scholar who is also a

The data in Unger's is used in a defensiveand polemical fashion to supportthe conservati e viewpoint of the late 1950s.

"devoutbeliever."Throughout the volume the conservativeviewpoint is upheld- as in the case of the date of the patriarchsand the date of the Exodus.Some of the New Testament articles do not appearto have been updated;the article on Ephesus,for instance, lacks any mention of excavations or discoveries. While this Bible dictionary contains a great deal of information, it is quite dated, especially since it goes back to earlierworks of the 1900s. Even the revisions of Unger only take the material up to the late 1950s and thus the archaeological information that is included is well over 25 years old and thereforenot reliable. Furthermore,this data is utilized in a defensive and polemical fashion to support the conservative viewpoint of the late 1950s. Zon~dervanPictorial Bible Dictio

nary (1,969).This work is an example of a team effort that was not well coordinated.The style, content, and perspective of the articles are frequently inconsistent, reflecting

many diverse and sometimes conflicting viewpoints. The volume is well illustrated, as the title suggests, but some of the captions are sugges-

f;ibli'

goo.

tive of out-of-datetheories. There is a good index and some of the best color maps availablein any of the dictionaries. It is therefore an attractive volume, but like most of the other dictionaries it is badly out of date. No reference is dated later than 1962, although many of the articles are well documented. Many of the controversies addressedby the authors are those of the 1940s and 1950s. Present-dayreadersmay become confused, irritated, or frustratedas they try to sift through arguments that are no longer at issue for most scholars.

The Zondervan Pictorial Bible Dictionary is an example of a team effort that was not well coordinated.

towers."Most of Free'scitations are to Albright'swork and center on Scriptureas the ultimate source of information. One example of this is found in his statement on the stables uncoveredat Megiddo: Somearchaeologists havesuggested thatthesestablesdateto the timeof Ahab,ratherthan Solomon,and a similar view was set forth in the springof 1960by Y. Yadin,Israeli archaeologist.However,as W. F Albrightobservedin earlieryears, the stableswerebuilt by Solomon, andusedbysucceedinggenerations downinto the time of Ahab.(page 62) Other authors dealing with archaeological information are a bit more cautious. JohnRhea, in his article on "Pottery," does a fairly good job describing archaeological methodology, but the dated nature of his material is seen in his "recent" discovery: On the seconddayof excavationin 1953 the WheatonArchaeological Expeditionverified that Dothan was settled in Joseph'stime (Gen 37:17)by unearthingorangeand black burnished juglets and a double-handled juglet, exactly similarto HyksosAgejugletsfound in the 1930sat Megiddo.(page674) This dictionary was obviously designed to appeal to the conservative market;it is also scholarly enough to appealto students and religious professionals. It is fighting the battles of the 1950s, however, and does not have the benefit of archaeological discoveries of the last 30 years. In addition, inconsistency of opinion and polemical attacks against "liberal,critical"scholars

In JosephFree'slong article on make it only marginally useful. "Archaeology"the approachis one that hinges on whether to accept Scriptureas the ultimate source of Survey and Concise Dictionaries historical information or whether to In contrast to the encyclopedia apdeviate from Scriptureand accept proach, some Bible dictionaries give the physical evidence uncoveredby concise statements and illustrations archaeologists. His statements are designed to provide casual readers very critical of those who disagree Swith enough information for limited with him, especially Kathleen needs without either boring them or Kenyonand those he identifies as confusing them with details of scholarly debates. "highercritics"in their "ivory

The Bible Companion (1985). This volume is a combination of Bible aids, including an introduction to the study of the Bible by W.Barclay,

*d

?

,- j.

Iti7s a Bible dictionary,and a concordance. Perhapsbecause it is trying to do so many differentthings in one volume, space becomes a problem and certain aspects of biblical research are treated in a woefully inadequate manner. This is especially the case with the archaeological information contained in the dictionary section. In the Bible dictionary section there are short articles (most are less than 100 words)on most of the cities, personalities, animals, plants, and theological concepts found in the

The Bible Companion, attempting to address itself to a popular audience, is basically superficial in nature.

Old and New Testaments.Forthe most part, archaeological data appears in the articles on biblical cities, and in some cases (forexample, on Hazor,page 133)the information is out of date. The style of writing is directed to a popular audience; this leads to oversimplification and lack of detail. Forinstance, the article on the New Testament city of Tarsus simply states, "Inthe modern city of Tarsusin Turkeyin 1947, archae-

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

229

ologists excavateda Roman building decoratedwith Mosaics"(page242). One bright note is found in a chronological table starting on page 265. This annotated time line mentions most of the extrabiblicaltexts related to the history of ancient Israel, including Mari, Nuzi, El Amarna, and the Cyrus cylinder, among others. There is also a useful appendixsection on weights and measures from biblical times. What is lacking is the depth of information found in the more encyclopedic volumes as well as the sense of caution that is necessary when using archaeologyto reconstruct aspects of biblical history. There is no mention of stratigraphy, chronology,or the aid given by affiliated sciences in the article on archaeology (page64). This is typical of the basically superficial nature of the entire volume. It attempts to addressitself to a popular audience and cannot really go beyond this.

topics such as "Archaeology," "Christ," "Names of God,""Jeru"Geography," salem,""Paul,"and "Salvation." As far as archaeologicalinformation is concerned, it is well distributed in articles on individual cities as well as in articles dealing with everydaylife. The two best contributions, however,are long articles on "Archaeology" by Anson Rainey and on "Jerusalem" by Edwin Yamauchi.

that cannot readilybe disturbed. There is also an attempt made to update previously held views: The so-called"Jebusite tower"and "Jebusite ramp" excavated by Macalister and Duncan in 1923-25

on the brow of Ophel have been shownby Kenyonto be Hellenistic. (page337)

One excellent aspect of this article is the emphasis on New Testament archaeology.He coversall of the majorJerusalemsites, updating information and making note of the ongoing excavations led by Nahman Avigadand Yigal Shiloh. Young'shas a good The viewpoint in this work is selection of articles on the definitely conservative, as in the archaeologyof individual case of the flood article which gives cities. no archaeologicalinformation and simply states that since it was spoken of by Jesus (Matthew 24:38), "its reality cannot be questioned, In an eleven-pagearticle, Rainey even if its scope and area coveredare describes archaeology as "theschol- debated"(page217). This view is balarly investigation of past human life, anced, however,in the discussions of items from everydaylife (pottery, especially as it is revealedthrough relics."He makes the point that arlamps, houses) that include information from recent excavations and in chaeological investigations "havea which there is no attempt to bring legitimacy of their own ... apart from the connection with biblical theological arguments into play. The print is quite large in this tradition,"and he emphasizes the study of "thetotal environment of volume; this is an advantagewhen ancient man"(page47). There is also comparedto the tiny print in a great deal of space given to the Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible. Of course the corollary is far less inforhistory of archaeologyand to the advancements in methodology. mation and reducedusefulness for As he is sometimes prone to do, the religious professional. There are Rainey strongly criticizes non-Israeli no illustrations and no maps in the scholars. He criticizes Kathleen text. Instead, there is a pull-out map, and map coordinates,along with site Kenyonfor her interpretationof the Young'sBible Dictionary (1984). On "geologyof the site,"calling it "exidentifications, are given throughout the dustcoverof this newly published treme,""doctrinaire," and diverging the text. The map is good quality, from reality (pages54 and 55). He but anything unattached like this dictionary there is the claim that it contains "thelatest findings of onalso takes to task those who use can very easily be lost. site researchteams."The team of their theoarchaeologyto "prove" Pocket-concise edit:ons. There are authors (mostly Israeli)are able to several pocket-sized, concise editions logical assumptions and warns that "methodsof excavation and other re- of Bible dictionaries now on the uphold this claim in most cases searchwill naturallybe shapedto suit market (briefly described in our throughout the volume, and, prethe goals of the project"(page56). dictably,there is support for Israeli inset). They are big sellers (ZonderYamauchidoes a fine job of sur- van's Handy Dictionary of the Bible viewpoints such as Aharoni'sview that Geraris Tell Abu Hureirah veying the excavations and discover- has 520,000 copies in print) and are For it is the most ies at Jerusalemoverthe last century. designed to fill the portion of the part (page247). written in a concise style, but it also He points out the problems for armarket aimed at young people, Suncontains contributions of long archaeologists caused by inhabited day school classes, and the casual ticles (upto 21 pages)on selected sites, quarrying,and veneratedruins reader. Their low price is also attrac230

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

city of Jerichomay havebeen detive, and they do offer tantalizing stroyedby earthquakeand fire a pieces of information that could centurybeforethe time of Joshua whet a student's appetite for more andthen rebuilt.(page152) detailed study.In fact, this may be one Davis Dictionary of the Bible. of the reasons for their existence, Davis predatesmodern archaeologisince readersmay well decide to cal excavations at the crucial sites of purchase the larger,more detailed Bethel, and Jericho.There is no Ai, and expensive Bible dictionary from mention of Garstangor Kenyonor the same publisher who produced the controversysurroundingthe dattheir concise edition. ing of these events. The attempt is The articles in all of these edimade to establish a date for the tions are superficial, and, for the Exodus (in Merneptah'sreign)based most part, they do not give space to on a comparison of Egyptian solely controversiesor scholarly debate. Of and Assyrian regnal dates with those examined, only the Westastronomical data (page 139). minster Concise Bible Dictionary gave any attention to the problems of excavations at Ai and Jericho.It represents a concise edition of mainOne way of evaluating a stream scholarship,while the Handy Bible dictionary is to Dictionary of the Bible and Unger's examine its treatment of Concise Bible Dictionary represent the conservative position

-

though

all of them are generally superficial. Archaeological Treatmentof Exodus/ConquestPeriod One of the best ways of determining the approach,objectivity, and inclusion of recent archaeological information of a particularBible dictionary is to examine its treatment of the Exodus and Conquest periods. This topic has been a major source of debate among scholars and a dividing line in many cases between mainstream and conservative positions. Recent archaeological information (or,more properly,lack of information)has complicated this topic for everyone.What follows is a summary of each of the dictionaries surveyed and how they treat this subject. Te Bible Companion. There is nothing in the very concise article on Jericho to suggest the controversies that surround it and the dating of the Conquest. It simply states that archaeologistshave alwaysbeen interestedin the city. It was excavated long before science was as developed as it is today. For this reason much valuable evidence is lost. Huwever,many scientists think one

the Exodus and Conquest periods.

Eerdmans'Family Encyclopedia of the Bible. The section on "Placesin the Bible"has only sketchy mention of archaeologyand says nothing about the problems concerning the fall of Jericho.In an inset on pages 114 and 115,however,which deals with the Conquest of Canaan,there is a straightforwardstatement about the problem of Jerichoand Ai: Theruinsof Jerichohavebeenworn awaybywindandrain,leavinglittle traceof.some earliertimes in the city's life. The city had been destroyedand rebuilt a number of times beforeJoshua's day.Ai seems to havebeen desertedfrom about 2500 B.C.until after 1200 B.C.It may

be that a Canaanitearmyused the oldfortificationsas a strongholdin theirfightagainstthe Israelites. EverydayBible Dictionary. nothing about any archaeological excavations having been made on the site in the Jerichoarticle; however,there are two pictures on pages 300 and 302 from the 1908 German expedition.

Harper'sBible Dictionary. The articles dealing with the Exodus and Conquest period are consistent in their placement of these events in the thirteenth century B.C.Joel F. Drinkard'sarticle on Ai (page 18) mentions both Albright'ssuggestion that the story of Ai's capturewas confused with that of Bethel by the writer of Joshua8 and JosephCallaway'sproposalthat the Israelite capture of Ai fits the evidence of destruction found in the unwalled Iron Age village on this site. Kevin O'Connell points out in the article on "Exodus"(page289) that "most scholars tend to date the (final)Exodusfrom Egypt early in the reign of PharaohRamesses II (ca. 1290 B.C.),"but he also makes men-

tion of the alternateview dating it to the fifteenth century B.C.based on

the statement in 1 Kings 6:1 that there were 480 years between the Exodusand the building of Solomon's temple. He does not agreewith this latter dating, stating that the "figure (12 generations of 40 years)is too exact and probablysecondary." Finally, in LawrenceE. Toombs' article on "Jericho"(page460) the difficulties of verifying a date of the conquest of this city are noted: believedthatthe ruinof J.Garstang a massivemud-brickwall, the destructionofwhichhe datedto about 1400 B.C.,was the wall in question

laterexcava[Joshua 6].Dr.Kenyon's tion showedthat this "wall"wasin fact partof two EarlyBronzeAge walls, many centuriesolder than the time of Joshua. As for the remains of the Middle BronzeAge city, "theforces of erosion had removed all the vital evidence." Toombs notes that Kenyon attempted to date the conquest period to the last half of the fourteenth century, "on the basis of the pottery of five Late Bronze Age tombs." He does not consider this conclusive, however, saying that "the more commonly accepted date of around 1200 B.c. is not ruled out on the basis of the Jericho evidence."

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

231

Hasting' Dictionaey of the Bible. Depending on mainstream scholarship, this volume puts more weight on archaeological findings than on ultimate reliance on the biblical record. Kenyon, in the archaeology article, states: The latest Bronze Age occupation of Jericho apparently came to an end in the 2nd half of the 13th cent. B.C., a datewhich does not fit the views either of the proponents of a date for the entry into Palestine c. 1400B.C.,or of those of a laterdate, c. 1260 B.C.... Archaeological evidence is... emphatic that there was no major cultural break until after 1200 B.C.Archaeologywould therefore supportthe view that there was a gradual infiltration in comparatively small numbers, and only a gradualassertion of supremacyover the Canaanites. (page51) The Bethel article cites Albright's and Kelso's excavation findings of a late-fourteenth- or early-thirteenthcentury destruction, and the article on "Chronology" discounts the 1 Kings 6 dating of the Exodus as 480 years before the building of the Temple as "obviously the artificial reconstruction of a late pious antiquary, like such specific numbers in the P source of the Pentateuch" (page 159). i; The arH1i1stratedBible Diction.ar in this all which ticles volume, predate both Garstang's and Kenyon's

MacKenzie Dict:ionary of the Bible, MacKenzie refutes the use of the biblical account for dating the Exodus, saying: The figure 480 was in all likelihood reached by computing 12 generations of 40 yearseach.... The Israelites cannot be identified with the Habiruof the Amarna letters, who invaded Canaan in the reign of Amenhotep IV, Ikhnaton (13771358).(page257) He goes on to mention the Merneptah inscription and the association with the cities of Pithom and Rameses for justification that "many scholars find a date of 1290-1260 for the Exodus." In regard to Jericho, he says: Earlier hypotheses about the site wereprovedfalse;there was no trace whatever of any settlement which could be dated about 1250 B.C.Dr. Kenyonexplains this by the erosion of the site, which showed frequent traces of upper levels, which had been washed to a lowerpoint on the slope or completely down to the base of the tell. (page425) eBiblDictionar In respect to the topic in question, there is some difference of opinion in the various

relevantarticlesin this volume.

Kenneth Kitchen, in the article on "Chronology,"states: At Jerichothe broadtruth seems to be that Joshuaand Israel did their work so well that Jericho'sruins lay open to the ravagesof nature and of man for five centuries until Ahab's work,readlike a time capsulefrom Age levanotherage.Inthe articleon"Jericho" day,so that the LateBronze were almost els, lying uppermost, it states: entirely denuded. (page191) There are three different Jerichos, D. J.Wiseman,however,takesa on three differentsites -the Jericho more cautious position in the of Joshua,the Jerichoof Herod,and "Archaeology" article: the Jerichoof the Crusaders .... Dr. Tracesof the Israelite attack under Bliss has found in a hollow scooped Joshuahave been seen in the burnt out for some purpose or other near of Hazor,Bethel, Beit Mirsim ruins the foot of the biggest mound above andLachish,but it is impos(Debir?) the Sultan's spring specimens of sible to substantiate this claim.... Amorite or pre-Israelitish pottery At Jericho the town has been found identical with what he precisely to have been abandoned c. 1325 BC, haddiscoveredon the site of ancient but the fallen walls once to thought Lachish.He also tracedin this place belong to this LBperiod (Garstang) fora short distancea mud brickwall are now known to have been dein situ, which he supposes to be the stroyed in EB (Kenyon).(pages 71 very wall that fell before the trumand 72) pets of Joshua.(page380)

232

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

New Westminster Dictionary of the Bible. Albright's interpretation that the "story of the conquest of Bethel was transferred at a later time to Ai" (page 25) sets the stage for dating the conquest in the thirteenth century in most of the other articles. The disagreement between this date and Garstang's 1400 dating of the destruction of Jericho does appear in the articles on "Canaan,""Egypt," and "Jericho."The author, for the most part, attempts to separate himself from these opinions, although in the Jericho article there is some speculation on the biblical account: It seems reasonableto suppose that God'spurposewas accomplishedby an earthquakethat occurredat that time by divine intervention and threw down the walls. (page461) .bday S Dictionary of the Bible. Bryant attempts to present both the mainstream and conservative views, although he occasionally shows his preference for the latter. In his article

on "Jericho" he states:

Garstangstirredup ... excitement with his identification of an ash layeranda doublewall that he dated to 1385 B.c. and identified as the Jerichoof Joshua.Though since discreditedby the morepreciseworkof Kathleen Kenyon,his claim is still circulated in some circles .... Kenyon found little evidence of occupation and no city walls for the entire LB Age (1550-1200), a date range that would include both the early andlate dates for the Exodus... this ... does illustrate the weakness of a position that looks to archaeology to proveScripture.(page335) In his "Book of Joshua"article, Bryant takes no stand while presenting varying views: At present, many evangelicalscholarscouldbe foundwho would champion the later date, and an equal number would support the early date.As it is not a matter that bears on Christian faith, it is probably best to adopt a cautious attitude about either date, recognizing that the Bibledoesn'tprovidethe answer and archaeology is still divided on the subject. (pages359 and 360)

Unger's Bible Dictionary. The article on the dating of the Exodus takes a very conservative approach, insisting

on 1441 B.C. The article on

"Jericho"tends to emphasize Garstang's work though it is acquainted with Kenyon's excavations. In the article on Ai there is recognition of the lack of evidence for destruction in the period between 2100-1200 B.C. and citation of Albright's opinion that the Joshua 8 narrative originally referred to the destruction of Bethel. However, this etiological explanation is rejected by Unger, saying in the article on Bethel: The destruction of Bethel in the 13th century B.C. by tremendous

conflagration,shown by the excavations of the site in 1934.... underthe leadership of ProfessorAlbright, is to be connected with the later decimation of the tribe of Joseph,quite some time after Joshua'sdeath. It has nothing to do with the conquest that occurred shortly after B.C. 1400. (page 139)

Young'sBible Dictionary. As in Unger'sBible Dictionary, there is

more than one opinion expressed in the article about the Conquest. For example, on page 244, in the article on the "Conquest of Canaan," it states: Manyarchaeologistshave concluded that it took placein the 13thcentury B.C. on what they say is the evidence from excavated sites. I Kings 6:1 ...

as the text standswould put it in the 15th century. Lines are sharply drawnon this point between "liberal"and "conservative"scholars and the argumentsof each may be found in many volumes. Then in the article on Jericho, on page 332, the author simply restates the biblical account. In contrast, the "Judges"article, on page 340, states: The period of time in which the events recorded took place is also difficult to determine since there is so much differenceamong scholars as to the date of the conquest of Israel, all the way from about 1380 B.C. to 1220 B.c., both dates being

held by leading conservative scholars. Secular and liberal scholars

quite uniformly hold the latter date.

Zondervan Pictorial Bible Dictionary. The articles that deal with the subject of Exodus and Conquest are a jumble of contradictions. In E. Thiele's article on "Chronology,"he cites G. L. Harding's 1958 article in the Palestine

Exploration Quarterly for evidence "ofa sedentary occupation of TransJordan from the end of the Middle Bronze Age, c. 1550 B.C., to the end of

the Late Bronze Age, c. 1250" to make the case for a fifteenth-century date for the Exodus (page 167). In contrast, C. F. Pfeiffer states in the "Exodus" article: There are ... serious difficulties in

the matter of accepting the early date. ... Advocatesof the early date suggestthat the name Ramesses is a modernization of an older name... an increasing number of Biblical scholars have come to accept a date in the 13th century. (page267)1 Pfeiffer goes on to say concerning Jericho: The earlier suggestion of evidence that Jericho fell about 1400 B.C.--

put forth by Garstang-has been questioned by recent expeditions there, under the direction of Dr. Kathleen Kenyon.The excavations at Hazor by Y. Yadin also tend to point towarda 13th century date for the Exodus, as did earlier excavations at Lachish and Debir. ... This

view is acceptedby many who hold to the full inspiration of the text of Scripture.

It is wise to avoid a

.... dogmatic approach. (page268) Again, these statements are in stark contrast to those made by J.B. Payne in the article on "Israel"on page 399: This date (1441)has been reducedby a number of critical scholars to about 1290 B.C.Scripture, however,

is explicit in placing the Exodusin the 480th yearbeforethe beginning of Solomon's Temple in 966 B.C. (IKgs6:1);and the 15thcentury date is then confirmedby other scriptural testimonies (compareJudg11:26; Acts 13:19). One final contradiction is found in J.G. Graybill's "Jericho"article on page 415:

Much that has been written on this subjectpriorto 1952-often written with the best intentions to "prove" the truth of the Bible- is now outmoded. Many scholars now believe that the Jerichoof Joshua'sday was little more than a fort. Summanry.What is called for in treating this subject is caution and a balanced approach. The issue of the dating of the Exodus and Conquest should be confronted honestly as one which at this time cannot be solved conclusively with currently available archaeological information. A history of the excavation of sites like Jericho, Ai, Bethel, and Hazor would be useful, but most important is an attempt to base conclusions on the most up-to-date information-without prejudice or In multiauthored works, polemics. all articles dealing with this subject should be consistent in their approach, and in all volumes a balanced style and approach is essential. Naturally, in the concise editions, a full treatment of the subject cannot be expected, but lack of space does not excuse poor scholarship or misleading statements. Final Thoughts and Recommendations In conducting this evaluation of onevolume Bible dictionaries, we discovered a wide variety in format, price, and quality of presentation. Nearly every facet of the market is addressed, including, as we've indicated, the needs for encyclopedic and general information. The nature of a dictionary is also determined by the following factors: (1) the number of authors-whether it was written by a single person or a team; (2) its theological position- conservative or mainstream; and (3) its target audience-young people, laypersons, or religious professionals. With regard to the archaeological information, it is obvious that the more comprehensive a dictionary, the more complete will be its treatment of all subjects, including ar-

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

233

One-volume Bible Dictionaries Reviewed Title

Author

The Bible Companion

Pages Date 480

1985

Price

Publisher

Comment

$17.95

Abingdon

Concise style limits available archaeological data.Popularaudience addressed without reference to scholarly questions or discussions. Reprintof fourthedition (1924).Predates most modern archaeological excavations, although illustrations added to this edition do provide some useful data. Balanced conservative approach, well illustrated. Different (more readable)format than dictionaries - division into categories, which requiresthe use of the index to find all relevant informatioh. Good emphasis on history and methods of archaeologywith brief information on most sites. Reprint of early-twentieth-century work.Predatesmost modernarchaeological excavations and is thus of little use to the modern reader. Extensive collection of available information from a balanced mainstream approach.Excellent presentation of up-to-date archaeological informationwith verylimited bibliographic data even in the longest articles. Fairlywell illustrated(afew in color),andwritten by manyof the leading scholars in their fields. Newly published, the best onevolume Bible dictionary available, although the New Bible Dictionary is a close second. Mainstream scholarship, encyclopedic style. Limited by lack of illustrations and reliance on archaeological informationfrom the 1950s and 1960s. Reprint of nineteenth-century work. Perspectiveon archaeologyis of another era (prescientific)and is of no use to the modern reader. Mainstream scholarship, Catholic perspective.Has the consistency of the single-authored work, but archaeological data comes from the Albrightconsensus of the 1950sand 1960s.

Davis Dictionary of the Bible

J.D. Davis

888

Eerdmans' Family Encyclopediaof the Bible

P.Alexander

328

EverydayBible Dictionary

E N. Peloubet, editor

799

Harper'sBible Dictionary

P.Achtemeier, editor

1178

1985

$27.50

Harper& Row

Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible

J.Hastings, editor

1059

1963

$55.00

Scribners

Illustrated Bible Dictionary

M. G. Easton

755

MacKenzie's Dictionary of the Bible

J.MacKenzie

954

234

1972 $24.95 reprint

1978

Baker

$18.95

Eerdmans

1967 $14.95 reprint paper

Zondervan

1983 $12.95 reprint paper 1967

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

$14.95 paper

Baker

Macmillan

New Bible Dictionary

J.D. Douglas, editor

1326

1982

$24.95

Tyndale

The New Westminster Dictionary of the Bible Today's Dictionary of the Bible

H. S. Gehman, editor

1027

1982

$22.95

Westminster

T. A. Bryant

678

1982

$15.95

BethanyHouse

Unger'sBible Dictionary

M. E Unger, editor

1192

1961

$22.95

Moody

Young'sBible Dictionary

G. D. Young, editor

640

1984

$14.95

Tyndale

Zondervan Pictorial Bible Dictionary

M. C. Tenney, editor

916

1969

$21.95

Zondervan

chaeology. Unlike articles on theology or doctrine, however, those containing specific archaeological findings are more likely to be out of date even before they are in print. This means that authors should be careful to mention the limitations and possible problems inherent in archaeological interpretation. It also means publishers should realize that they have a responsibility to their readers to bring out new editions, with fully updated information, at least every 10 years. In most cases,

this is not being done at present, and therefore most of the volumes currently available are 20 to 25 years out of date. Ideally, Bible dictionaries should be completely objective in their use of archaeological data. They should not give the impression that archaeology can or will "prove"the truth of the Bible. Polemical language should never be used to describe conflicting views, and both sides of each major issue should be given comparable space and sensitive treatment.

Extensive collection of availableinformation from a balanced, conservative approach.Excellent presentation of up-to-datearchaeologicalinformation with good bibliographies (a few are annotated) in the longer articles. Extensively revised and one of the best one-volume Bible dictionaries available. A beautiful, color-illustrated version with the same revised text is available in three volumes as The Illustrated Bible Dictionary (Tyndale, 1980, $99.95). Balanced, mainstream approach, but the archaeologicalinformation is generally out of date. Revision of Easton, balanced, conservative approach,awareof values and limitations of archaeology.Uneven revision in some articles. Partial revision of Barnes's Bible Dictionary of 1900and The People's Bible Encyclopediaof 1913.Archaeological entries are usually (except for some New Testament articles) revisedto include informationfrom the 1950s. Extensive coverage,but very conservative (often polemical) approach. Concise style and conservative approach.Benefits fromrecent archaeological information and Israeli perspectives. Well illustrated,generallyconservative approach. Inconsistent treatment of some topics and out-of-date archaeologicalscholarship of 1950s and 1960s limit its usefulness.

Wherever possible, simplistic generalizations should be avoided and consistency of approach, especially in multiauthored dictionaries, should be a major goal. Features that greatly enhance the value of the archaeological statements made in the articles (especially those regarding everyday-life items like pottery, furniture, and architecture) are illustrations and photographs. Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, for instance, contains a wealth of useful information but loses a

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

235

One-volume Dictionaries Not Reviewed Title

Author

Pages Date

Dictionary of Bible and Religion

W.C. Gentz, editor

ca. available 1,000 1986

Handy Dictionary of the Bible

M. C. Tenney

Nelson's New Compact Illustrated Bible Dictionary New Compact Bible Dictionary

Al Bryant

20th Century Bible Dictionary

Price

Publisher

Comment

?

Abingdon

Illustrated, multifaceted volume covering Bible knowledge, contemporaryreligion, world religion, the history of Christianity, and Christian doctrine. Pocket-sized volume contains a small amount of generally out-ofdate archaeological information, and what is included is too superficial to be of use to any but the most casual reader. Tiny volume (vest-pocketsize) emphasizes everyday-lifeinformation, avoids scholarly debate, and does not contain articles on many topics (Ai, archaeology,Hazor,and pottery are all omitted in this volume). Sparsearchaeologicaldatagenerally from the 1940s and 1950s. Little comment on scholarlydebates;conservativeapproachthroughout. Scanty archaeological data, most based on Albright consensus. Emphasis on everyday-lifearticles and doctrinal terms. About to go out of print. Conservative approach mentions the "confusingevidence"of archaeology at Ai but makes no mention of excavations at Jerichoor other importantsites. Articles areso concise that readers will actually be confused sometimes. Best attempt in concise form to demonstratevalues and limitations of archaeology,briefly pointing out scholarly debate on Jerichoand Ai. Has useful data on everyday-life topics and a good set of maps.

167

1965

$3.95 paper

Zondervan

314

1978

$2.45 paper

Nelson

621

1967

$9.95

Zondervan

278

1982

$5.50 paper

Abingdon

Unger'sConcise Bible Dictionary

M. E Unger

202

1974

$5.95 paper

Baker

Westminster Concise Bible Dictionary

B. Smith

161

1981

$5.95 paper

Westminster

reader's interest by not having even a single picture to aid one's imagination of life in ancient times. Maps should also be plentiful, clear, and, wherever possible, in color. One final essential feature is the inclusion of indices to aid in the use of the more detailed volumes. Our survey has turned up two volumes that are far superior to all

236

the others. They are the Harper's Bible Dictionary (HBD) and the New Bible Dictionary (NBD); we heartily recommend either one. Both are up to date with broad coverage of most aspects of biblical archaeology. The treatment of all issues is accurate and fair with adequate attention given to differing viewpoints.

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

We conclude this review with a comparison of these two volumes. HBD is more recent and up to date by about 3 years. Furthermore, even though the archaeological articles of the NBD were updated, not all of the other articles were fully revised. HBD has a little broader coverage, with individual articles on the Bronze Age and Iron Age, for example. NBD

includes a survey of this material in HBD the article on "Archaeology." has many more illustrations (though a few are fuzzy). Finally, HBD represents mainstream scholarship. For all of these reasons we would give a slight edgeto HBD,although NBD is a close second choice and has strengths of its own. It represents conservative scholarship,which would be important for many readers.It has consistently longer and more helpful bibliographical information. The article on "Archaeology"by D. J.Wiseman and J.P.Kane is a more convenient and relevant summary for the Bible student. There is a comprehensive index at the end of NBD that provides all the references on a topic beyond just the main entry. Finally, NBD has 148 more pages, though we still consider HBD to have a little broadercoverageof archaeological material. Readerswill have to choose for themselves between HBD and NBD. Since they represent two different viewpoints, they would make for very beneficial comparisons. Both are superbchoices and provideexcellent value for the money.

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BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGISTIDECEMBER 1985

237

Contacts Between

and

t

Syro-Pa

During the

Period Protodynastic

by Mary Wright edited by Dennis Pardee

artifacts foundin Egypt oththeSyro-Palestinian

and the Egyptianartifactsfound in Syro-Palestine clearly indicate commercial contacts between these two regions from the late fourth millennium B.C. (or the end of the predynastic period) through the protodynastic period when the first pharaohsbegan ruling Egypt. Unfortunately, there are very few written documents or inscribed objects that bear witness to the political nature and extent of their relationships. In addition to the scarcity of such material, almost all of the inscriptional evidence at our disposal presents serious historiographical problems, particularly in identifying the Syro-Palestinianplaces mentioned in the Egyptian texts. Yet despite these problems, many conclusions about the political history of Syro-Palestineduring the EarlyBronzeAge have been written based on these Egyptian sources. This article will discuss, in chronological order,the individual pieces of Egyptianliterary evidence relating to Syro-Palestine history; specifically, I will examine the archaeological contexts in which the sources were found,where the sources arepublished, and the various historical reconstructions that scholars have derivedfrom them. The ProtodynasticPeriod Although contacts between Egypt and Syro-Palestine were alreadyestablished in the predynasticperiod, it was not until the inception of the protodynastic period (around 3100 to 2900 B.C.),' when writing first developed

in Egypt, that the first literary sources documenting these contacts appeared.Since Egyptianwriting was only

240

Egyp

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

The of Palette King Narmer Bothartistically andhistoricallythepalettemarks thetransition fromthepredynasticto thehistoricperiod. One of the most significant artifacts to have been

preservedfrom the protodynasticperiod in Egyptis the cosmetic palette of Narmer.Discoveredin 1897/1898 at Hierakonpolis,the paletteis madeof slate, measures63 centimeters long by 42 centimeters wide, and dates to approximately3100 B.c. Both artisticallyand historically this artifactmarks the end of the predynasticage and the beginningof Egypt'shistoric epoch. The tradition of decorating cosmetic palettes in Egyptbeganduringthe Badarianperiod(around4000 B.C.) with the productionof stone palettes whose entire surfaces were used as grindingstones to produceeye paint. Later,during the Naqada II period (also known as the Gerzeanperiod, which lasted from around3400 to 3100 B.C.), the grindingarea of such palettes was reducedto a small depressionon one side,with the remainingsurfaces carvedin decorativerelief.Narmer'spalette,createdas the NaqadaIIperiodcame to a close, can thus be seen as the culmination of a predynastictradition. The palette also looks ahead to subsequent artistic practices.Its rich decorationis frequentlysingled out as one of the earliest examples of classical Egyptian art. Many of the motifs depicted on the palette became conventionalformulasthat were used for thousandsof years. For instance, note the distinctive, and completely unnatural, composite view of the human body-with the person'shead, waist, legs, and feet shown in profilewhile the shouldersandhips areshown froma frontalview. (The composite view, which was used in most royalEgyptian art, was considered desirablebecause it portrayedeach part of the body at its most beautiful angle.)

Descriptionand Interpretation Like many of these artifacts,Narmer'spalette may have been madeforceremonialpurposes.The traditionalinterpretationof the decorationof this palette is that it commemorates the unification of the two lands of EgyptUpper,or southern, Egyptand Lower,or northern,Egypt -by a king. On the top section of both sides of the palette there arehieroglyphs(acatfish and a chisel) that identify the king representedin the palette as Narmer.The glyphs areflankedby representationsof the goddessHathorwith ears and horns of a cow. The obverse is divided into three major zones or registersof decoration.The top register shows a procesit includes Narmer,who is sion led by standard-bearers; shown wearingthe distinctive red crown of LowerEgypt. He is portrayedproportionatelymuch larger than the others, indicating his greaterimportance.Holding a flail and a mace, he is marching barefoottowardsa group of deadenemies who areshown, from a bird's-eyeview, with their severedheads between their feet. This scene may representNarmer'sexamination of a battlefield or execution of his enemies following his coronation as king of LowerEgypt. The central zone is dominatedby the representation of two hybrid creatureswhose intertwined necks create the bordersof the grindingdepression.Some scholarsbelieve this scene, probablyborrowedfrom Mesopotamian art, symbolizes the unification of the two lands of Egypt. The lower zone shows the king, symbolically representedin the shape of a bull, trampling an enemy while he battersthe fortifiedwalls of a hostile city. In this continued on page 242

1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

241

case it is unclear whether the city is meant to represent a place in LowerEgyptor a fortressin the Sinai, Israel,or Mesopotamia. The reverseof the palette is divided into two main zones. (The lower one is describedin the accompanying article by Mary Wright.)The main scene in the upper zone is a familiar one to students of Egyptianart: The pharaoh,this time wearing the white crown associated with Upper Egypt, is shown triumphantly graspingthe hair of his prostrateenemy with one handwhile he raises a mace in his other hand, preparingthe final blow. This literal renderingof the king of UpperEgyptdefeatingthe chief of Lower Egypt is symbolically portrayedin the upperrightcornerof the composition. Herethe king is in the guise of the falcon-godHorus (the pharaohwas considered the incarnatedform of Horus among the living) and is shown leading by the nose (compareIsaiah 37:29) the head of a captive that rises out of the hieroglyphfor land. Stalks of papyrus (the floral symbol for Lower Egypt) are shown growing out of the glyph for land, leading many to interpretthis scene as a symbolic representation of Narmer subjugating the people from the land of the papyrus,or LowerEgypt. The palette of Narmer is generally accepted as the earliest document recording the unification of Egypt. This interpretation,however,has been challenged by a number of scholars including Werner Kaiser, who believes that the unification took place during the late predynasticperiod (about3250 B.C.),possibly a century and a half prior to the reign of Narmer. He suggests the scenes of Narmer'spalette representthe repressionof a rebellion or a reconquest of LowerEgyptby the ruler of Upper Egyptrather than the original annexation of the area (Trigger1984: 46). If Kaiser'stheory is correct, this would explain the advanceddevelopmentof the palette's iconographyrelating to the unification theme (Trigger 1984: 48). The motifs carved on the palette are not rudimentarybut must have been precededby an experimental and developmental period. Although Narmer's palette is usually discussed as a historical document, it may also be considered a ritual object. As Mary Wright has noted, the individual registerson the palette may be interpretedas scenes of the king maintaining the universe by fighting the enemies of Egypt and keeping out

in its earliest stage of development and was used only for brief notations, the word literary is used in its broadest application: any written document or inscribed Egyptian artifact that provides evidence for the political history of Syro-Palestine. In other words, even a single Egyptian hieroglyph on an object will be, for the purpose of this article, categorized as literary. Before examining the evidence itself, a few of the general Egyptian archaeological problems relating to the assessment of Egyptian/Syro-Palestinian relations should be outlined. Perhaps the most difficult problem lies in

242

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

the forces of evil. The final result, whether it was intended to commemorate the unification or not, is a masterpiece of ancient Egyptianart. Bibliography:R. T. Ridley, The Unification of Egypt as Seen Througha Study of the Major Knife-Handles,Palettes and Maceheads (Deception Bay,Australia:Shield Press, 1973).B. G. Triggerand others, Ancient Egypt:A Social History (New York:CambridgeUniversity Press, 1983). KarenS. Hoglund

the excavation of sites in the Egyptian Delta. While it was previously thought that the Delta was uninhabitable swampland during the predynastic and most of the protodynastic periods (Wilson 1960: 129), it is now known that it was settled and at least two-thirds of the area was ecologically suitable for farming and grazing (Butzer 1976: 25). Given the Delta's close proximity to southern Palestine and the large amount of Egyptian pottery that has been found in Palestine and the northern Sinai region, the Delta would thus be expected to yield much information concerning Egyptian/Syro-Palestinian con-

Detail of Narmer'spalette (around3100 B.c.).The lower decorative zone on the reverseside of the palette shows two naked, semiprostrate men and two enigmatic hieroglyphs.Interpretationof this scene continues to be debated among scholars. Drawing is by LindaHuff.

tacts. Nearly ten meters of silt, however, have been deposited in the Delta over the last six thousand years (Butzer1976:25);many sites arenow submergedbecause the present-daywater table has risen (Butzer1974: 1049); and other sites are now covered by modern villages. Archaeological investigation of ancient Delta sites has thus been virtually impossible. Consequently, there is very little in the way of an archaeologicalrecordfrom the Delta for the protodynasticperiod. Most of the early habitation sites were located on the Nile floodplain in the region between Cairo and the first cataract and are now buried under meters of silt or have been washed awayby changes in the course of the Nile. The few early sites that have survived were built on the higher ground of embankments or scarps and therefore "haveaccidently escaped the annual inundations of recent centuries and the lateral expansion of cultivation" (Butzer1960:1621).Thus it is impossible to determine to what extent the archaeological evidence from the surviving protodynastic sites represents a normal sampling of Egyptian/Syro-Palestinianrelationships. Regrettably,these factors offer us limited prospects for attaining an accurate picture of Egyptian/SyroPalestinian relations in the protodynasticperiod,for they force assessments to be based on a severely circumscribed corpus of Egyptian literary sources. Therefore, caution must be exercised in the examination of the literary evidence at hand and conclusions drawnfrom this material must be viewed as tentative. Narmer'sPalette The earliest Egyptianliteraryevidence that has been used to reconstruct Syro-Palestinian history is the famous commemorative slate palette of king Narmer (approximately 3050 B.c.),now housed in the Cairo Museum. The palette was discoveredin the so-called Main Deposit cache buried in the temple of Hierakonpolis by JamesE. Quibell in 1897 (Quibell 1900:10, plate 29; Adams 1974).

Egyptologists are divided as to whether Narmer was the last king of Dynasty 0 or the first king of Dynasty 1 and, more significantly, whether his palette indicates that he was responsible for the political unification of Egypt?In any event it appearsthat he was the last of a series of kings to rule at Hierakonpolisbefore the capital was moved to Memphis at, or shortly after, the beginning of the First Dynasty (see discussion and bibliographyin Drioton and Vandier1962: 161-62; Emery 1961:32-37). Since many descriptions and interpretations of Narmer's palette have been published, only a brief description of the lower register on the reverseside will be offered here. This register consists of two naked, semiprostratemen, both depicted with beards and long hair. Over the left figure is the hieroglyphic sign for a fortified enclosure-a small rectangle with bastions on all four sides. The sign over the right figure is a somewhat rectangular-shapedloop from which descends two vertical lines graduallysplaying apartat approximatelythirty degrees. An interpretationof this scene was presented at the Twenty-ThirdInternational Congress of Orientalists in 1954 by Yigael Yadin, who proposed that Narmer's palette, in part, commemorated a military campaign into Palestine, the Transjordan,and Mesopotamia (Yadin 1955).Since Mesopotamialies outside the subject matter of this article, only the first two areaswill be considered. Yadin'sfirst premise is that not all of the scenes on the palette referto the unification theme as Egyptologists have traditionally assumed (see accompanying sidebar). Rather, since a horizontal line separates the bottom registeron the reverseside of the palette from the larger middle register just above it, Yadinbelieves the bottom scene must be dedicated to another subject. He also assumes that the two men depicted in this register are Asiatic enemies and the two signs above them are "pictures of buildings or enclosures characteristic of the lands of the two enemies and thus indicate their nationality"(Yadin1955:4). The key to his argument,therefore, rests on the identification of these two signs. Although most Egyptologistsagreethat the sign over the left figurerepresentsa fortifiedenclosure, identifying the other sign has been more difficult. Claiming that no exact parallel is known among the true hieroglyphic signs, Yadinsuggests that this sign represents one of the "desertkites" found exclusively in the southern Transjordan:These consist of stone walls that enclose a kiteshaped area. They probablyfunctioned either to enable herdsto be quickly gatheredandprotectedfrom raidersor were perhapsused to hunt gazelles (Meshel 1974: 134). Since the desert kite, accordingto Yadin,represents the Transjordan,he claims the fortified enclosure must represent Palestine, which was known to have been heavily fortified during this period (Yadin 1955: 10). Drawing upon no other evidence, Yadinconcludes that

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

243

"the lower field of the palette records Narmer's domination of the two main highwaysbetween Egypt,Syria,and Mesopotamia: the 'sea road' and the 'king's way.' The former cut its way through the most fortified section of Palestine, while the latter ranthrough the less inhabited and much less fortified plateau of the Transjordan" (Yadin 1955: 10). In an attempt to add further support to Yadin's theory, Samuel Yeivin proposes that the inhabitants representedby the fortified enclosure and the desert kite could be further identified by terms known from later Egyptian texts. Yeivin theorizes that the Palestinian fortresspeople were the settled agriculturalistsknown as the mntyw (which he translates as winnowers) from whom the Egyptians exacted forced labor for mining operations, while the desert kite people were the seminomadic pastoralistsknown as the hryw-'e (translatedas "thoseupon the sand")(Yeivin1965). Noting that Yadin'stheory of Narmer's imperial ventures into Syro-Palestinehad received considerable acceptance, W Ward convincingly argues that such a theory is untenable based upon the present archaeological evidence (Ward1963: 11-16; 1969). First, regarding Yadin'scontention that the lower register is meant to be separatedfrom the main theme of the palette, it is clear from other examplesof protodynasticart that the division of scenes into registers does not imply a separation of theme from the total composition (Ward1963: 12). Although opinions of interpretation differ,most Egyptologists concur that everyscene on Narmer'spalette contributes to a single, dominant theme (Ward1969:209). The weakest, but nevertheless most crucial, factorin Yadin'sargumentis the identification of the sign overthe right figure as a desert kite. By his own admission, Yadin states that there is no evidence of desert kites occurring priorto the pre-Safartic(Hellenistic) period.YetYadininsists on redatingthem three thousand yearsearlierto the latter half of the fourth millennium B.c.(Yadin1955: 10). In addition to the severe chronological problem associatedwith the desert-kitetheory,Yadin'scontention that the sign has no exact hieroglyphic parallel has been proven to be false. Keimer suggests that it represents a papyrus plant with an open blossom and two stalks (Keimer 1929: 99-100) while Kaplony proposes that the sign represents a w3h/sk hieroglyph (Kaplony 1966: 156). Both of these interpretations have better paleographical resemblances to the Narmer palette sign than do Yadin's theory of desert kites based on aerial photographs. The fortified enclosure sign also has an Egyptian parallel, specifically to the word inb-the Egyptian name for the city of Memphis (Kaiser 1964: 84 and following). It is, therefore, unnecessary to look for the identification of these signs in the foreign context of Palestine and Transjordan (Ward 1969: 210). Another problem in connection with the desert kite

244

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

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is Yadin'scontention that they are known to exist only in the Transjordan,thereby furnishing a positive reference to this area. In recent years desert kites have been discoveredin the Sinai as well (Meshel 1974).Thus, even if one assumes that the sign in question is a desert kite and that they existed as early as Yadinsuggests, the fact that they may represent another area-the Sinai-further diminishes the plausibility of his conclusions. Other supporting references to Yadin'stheory, such as the alleged Semitic features of the two naked figures

lit

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d

1191

4

/

Ostraca discoveredin stratum 5, area D at TelGath. Farleft: The name of Narmerincised in a serekh (see note 3) on this sherd is the earliest definite evidence of contact between Palestine and Egyptat the end of the fourthmillennium B.C. Left:Another sherd'sincised design has been interpretedas a schematic representationof Narmer'sname within a serekh- but this suggestion is doubtful.

0"

(Yadin 1955: 10), have also been shown to have sound Egyptian parallels for representing people from the eastern Delta (Ward1969: 210, note 5). Yeivin'ssupplementary argument for the identification of these people as mntyw andhryw-Ke(Yeivin1965)is based on questionable philological analysis (Ward1969:209, note 4), not to mention the historiographicalproblems of attempting to apply terms whose uses are not attested to until five hundredyears later. A critical reexaminationof Yadin'stheory shows that the conclusion that the palette representsNarmer'sinvasion and subsequent imperial domination of Palestine and Transjordanis not supportedby the evidence. If the palette is indeed a historical document, then its interpretation most probably lies within the traditional boundaries of Egypt. Narmer Ostracaat Gath In 1959 excavatorsat Tel Gath, located in south-central Palestine, discovered among other intrusive Egyptian pottery,a potsherdbearingthe name of Narmer incised in a serekh3(Yeivin 1960).The importance of this ostracon was that it was found in a stratified context (stratum 5, areaD), providingthe first definite link between Palestine and Egyptat the end of the fourth millennium B.c. In the 1960 season anothersherdwas discovered(Gat D 60/403/60) in the same stratum and area, and when it was comparedto a Narmer ostracon from Hierakonpolis in Egypt, it also was interpreted as bearing the "highly stylized" name of Narmer on an "abbreviated"serekh (Yeivin 1963: 205-06). Although the first Tel Gath sherd indisputably belongs to Narmer, his identification with the second sherd is doubtful, and the ostensive name seems to bear greater similarities to Egyptian potters' marks (Ward1969:216-17). Commenting on their broaderhistoricalsignificance, Yeivin contends that these two sherds, along with the assemblage of Egyptianpottery from Tel Gath, represent more than cultural exchange between Egypt and SyroPalestine. He believes that the fact that the Egyptian pottery suddenly appearsin stratum 5, in an otherwise undisturbedcultural continuity between strata4 and6, is too sudden, short-lived,and abundantto be the productof

trade. To the contrary "it seems that the assemblage in question can only be explained as a result of short-lived domination of southern Canaan"(Yeivin 1960:200). First,the appearanceof a single royalname and some Egyptian pottery does not summarily indicate foreign domination to the exclusion of other forms of contact (Ward1961:132;1963:13-14; 1969:220; Amiran 1974:11). Second, regardingthe Gath evidence being categorized as too sudden, abundant, and short-lived to have been only the product of trade,one has only to recall the situation of the Old Assyrian tradersin Anatolia around 1900 to 1800 B.c.to see that the presence of foreignersin a land is not always because of political domination. Similar to Syro-Palestinein the Early Bronze Age, Anatolian political organizationwas a system of independent towns governedby local princes. Here the Assyrians lived and traded in Anatolia without exercising any political domination in the area.The Assyrian traderswere taxed by local Anatolian princes in exchangefor the protection of their caravansand goods. This arrangementbenefited both parties for approximatelythree generations.During this relatively short time thousands of clay business tablets were accumulated in the archives of the major Assyrian merchant colony in Anatolia called the Karum at Kanesh.With the advent of serious political changes in both Anatolia and Assyria, this trading arrangement abruptly ended (Hallo and Simpson 1971:93-97; Orlin 1970).This, of course,is not meant to suggest that there is evidence for this sort of arrangementbetween Egyptand Syro-Palestine.The purpose of this example is to show how the presence of Yeivin'sthree categoriesin the situation of the Assyrian traders in Anatolia clearly can be attributed to a trade relationship without necessarily implying political domination or imperialism. The most recent criticism of Yeivin'sinterpretation of the Egyptian data from Tel Gath comes from James Weinstein (1984).After examining the photographsand line drawings of the pottery from area D, Weinstein concludes that Yeivin is not justified in maintaining that Egyptianpottery is restricted to stratum 5. On the contrary,Egyptian(and/orEgyptianizing)pottery is found in strata 4 through 10, which spans the entire EarlyBronze I and part of the Early Bronze II periods. According to

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

245

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Weinstein, the large quantities of Egyptianpottery and the Narmerostraconfound in strata5 indicate the expansion of an already established commercial relationship rather than a sudden occurrence of Egyptian political domination. Narmer Ostracafrom Arad A second example of the name of Narmer was discovered on ostracafrom the 1973 excavationof Aradin the Judean Negev (Amiran1974).The name is incised on four sherds that when assembled depict a serekh with the top horizontal compartment containing a crudelywritten hieroglyph of a catfish (nar, the first half of the pharaoh's name). Standingon top of the serekh frame is the Horus hawk4 Likethe Narmer ostraconfound at Gath, the Arad sherds were discoveredin a stratified context. The discovery of the ostraca is not only valuable for determining the chronology of the Arad site and its synchronologywith Egyptbut also for the overallpicture concerning the characterof the relations between Egypt and Arad. Upon comparing the Arad Narmer ostraca to other analogous evidence, Ruth Amiran concludes that this evidence cannot support the widely held theory of Egyptian political domination in Syro-Palestineduring this period. According to her analysis, the Egyptianvessels were brought from Egyptto Syro-Palestine(Canaan) so that their contents could be tradedin local Canaanite markets. The presence of the name of Narmer on one of the vessels merely implies that at least some of the trade was carriedout under royalcommission (Amiran 1974). The KefarMonash Hoard In 1962 a hoardof thirty-fivecopperimplements plus approximately eight hundred small, thin, corrugatedcopperplates, a few beads, and a piece of silver sheeting were discovered at KefarMonash, located a few miles southeast of TellHefer in the plain of Sharon.Furtherinvestigation of the site and the surroundinghillside provedthe find to be totally isolated.-Giventhe absence of an archae-

246

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

Farleft: KingNarmer'sname is also attested on ostraca fromArad. Whenfour sherds discoveredin 1973 were assembled, it became apparentthat the hieroglyphsfor Narmer's name (a catfish and a chisel), part of a serekh, and the hawk that representsthe god Horus had been quickly incised on the jar.Phoiographcourtesy of the IsraelExploration Society.Left:This pointill6 design was found on a coppersaw blade from KefarMonash. It has been described as the head of the cowfaced goddess Hathor, with stars decorating her forehead and tops of her horns, or as a scorpion-possibly representingthe sign of the king who preceded Narmer.Courtesyof the IsraelExplorationSociety.

ological context, the analysis of the hoardmust be based on typology.Numerous parallelsfrom both Palestine and Egypt date these objects to the Early Bronze I or Early Bronze II periods (approximately 3200 to 2750 B.c.), which arecontemporarywith the late predynasticperiod and First Dynasty in Egypt (Hestrin and Tadmor 1963: 286). This hoard has been used as evidence for Egyptian military involvement in the plain of Sharonshortly after the reignof Scorpion(thatis, at the beginningof Narmer's reign) (Yeivin 1968:40 and following). Of particularinterest is a serratedsaw blade bearing a shallow pointille design. Although partof the left side is missing, Ruth Hestrin and Miriam Tadmor (who originally published the contents of the hoard) believe the remaining traces of this design representthe head of the cow-faced goddess Hathor in an astronomical aspect, with stars decorating her horn tips and forehead5(1963: 273-75). They maintain that the similarities between the Kefar Monash implements and corresponding implements from both Palestine and Egypt indicate intimate ties between Canaanand Egyptin the EarlyBronzeI and EarlyBronzeIIperiods. The nature of these implements suggest that they were the tools andweapons of a groupof woodcutters.The plain of Sharonwas still wooded at this time and may have been a closer source of timber for Egypt than was Lebanon. The mark on the saw might thereforeindicate that timber was being cut for export to Egypt, perhaps showing Canaan was at that time an important wood supplier to Egypt (Hestrin and Tadmor 1963:288). Samuel Yeivin, however, reconstructs the damaged design on the saw blade as a scorpion, suggesting that it represents the name of king Scorpion, the immediate predecessor of Narmer. He explains that the starlike projections on the alleged pincers and body of the scorpion aremeant to representthe divine, celestial nature of the king, specifically as the god Horus. After reassessing Hestrin and Tadmor'sanalysis of

\,

Chronological Table

TheKefarMonashhoardhas beenusedas evidencefor Egyptianmilitary involvementin theplain of

Predynastic Period (circa4000-3100 B.C.)

BadarianCulture Culture NaqadaI (Amratian) Culture NaqadaII(Gerzean)

8

Sharonaround3200 B.C.

Protodynastic Period Dynasty 0

Io

0000

9

(circa3100-3050 B.C.)

Scorpion(?)

1000 3

0000

4

? ?-3050 B.C.

1. Narmer

Dynasty 1 (circa3050-2859 B.C.) 2. Aha 3050-3016 3016-2970 3. Djer 4. Djet (Wadji) 2970-2963 2963-2949 5. Den (Wedimu) 2949-2897 6. Anedjib 2897-2889 7. Semerkhet 2889-2859 8. Qa (Ka'a)

10 B.C. B.C. B.C. B.C. B.C. B.C. B.C.

11

Dynasty 2

6

(circa2857-2705 B.C.) B.C. 9. Hotepsekhemwy 2857-? ?-2815 B.C. 10. Re-neb(Nebre) 2815-2778 B.C. 11. Nyneter 2778-2751 B.C. Weneg (?) 2751-2732 B.C. 12. Peribsen 2732-2705 B.C. 13. Khasekhemwy

12

0

m

12

The Old Kingdom Dynasties 3-6 (circa2705-2200 B.C.) 7

13

The hieroglyphicnames of the kings are shown in their distinctive serekh enclosures with the falcon-godHorus (numbers1 through11) or a combination of both Horus and the animal-god Seth (numbers 12 and 13)fixed at the top. Drawings 2 through 13 are from W.B. Emery'sArchaic Egypt(1961),courtesyof PenguinBooks Ltd.

the individual items in the hoard, Yeivin agrees that many of the implements were indeed woodcutting tools, but instead of belonging to woodcutters he claims they were used by soldiers to clear paths as they advanced through the wooded region of the southern Sharon. According to Yeivin the components of the hoard indicate the "presenceof a unit of the Egyptianarmy in the southern Sharon, apparently not at the time of King

Scorpion,but shortly after the close of his reign"(Yeivin 1968:47-8). Although Yeivin insists that this conclusion is "definitelyestablished"(Yeivin 1968: 48), many flaws in his argument and more plausible alternative interpretations point to the contrary.Yeivin'sprimary error is in identifying the pointill6 design as symbolically rendering the name of Scorpionin a divine manifestation. This error arose from the assumption that the stars represented the celestial nature of the king as the god Horus.It is unlikely that a king's divinity would have been graphically renderedby star motifs (assuming that the artist was in fact attempting to depict stars). Our earliest knowledge concerning the king's association with stars comes from the PyramidTexts that date to the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties.' In these texts it is explicitly stated that the king joins, becomes, or is identified with stars only afterhis death (Faulkner1969:42, utterance 215, and 58, utterance 245). In view of this religious belief, it would be inappropriateto refer to a living king's divinity in this manner.Accordinglythe god Horus is not mythologically associated with the stars but rather to the sun and the moon (Clark 1978:223-24; Morenz 1973:262). Wardand others have attempted to discredit Yeivin's conclusion from a differentperspectiveby proposingthat the implements are of Palestinian origin ratherthan the equipment of an Egyptianarmyunit (Ward1969:211-15; Ben-Tor1971; Watkins 1975). Central to the argument proposedbyWard,for instance, is the identification of the eight hundredthin copperplates. These were assumed by Yeivin (1968:43) andHestrin andTadmor(1963:284) to be scales of armor.Wardpoints out more than one problem with this identification. The most obvious is that since the scales were not alreadyattachedto some sort of jacket they could not possibly have been assembled for any immediate use by an army unit. In addition, body armor was generally not used in Egyptianarmies until the New Kingdom (sixteenth to eleventh centuries B.C.), and even then only sparingly.It is doubtful that copper would be used in this manner during the time of Narmer when copper was still so rare.Lastly,the scales are too thin to have been effective as body armor (Ward1969: 213). Insteadof military equipment Wardarguesthat "itis much more reasonableto suppose that the KefarMonash

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period, however,Setiet also included the Sinai peninsula (Gardiner,Peet, and Cereny 1955: 2 and following) and, therefore, is too broad a term to refer specifically to Syro-Palestine. A similar referenceis mentioned in the year-nameof king Den (or Wedimu who reigned in the middle of the

n

First Dynasty around 2963 to 2949 B.c.), which reads

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:

This ivory docket was discoveredin king Den's tomb in Abydos (2963-2949 B.c.). Thehieroglyphson the object read "Thefirst time of smiting the Easterners"and may be a referenceto Egyptianmilitary activity in Syro-Palestine.The drawingis from Newberryand Wainwright1914.

objects are either a means of barter for use in ordinary commerce or simply a reserve supply of metal" (Ward 1969:213).The many Egyptianparallels in the hoardcan be explained by the fact that the Syro-Palestinianswere far ahead of Egyptin metallurgy.This resulted in "ProtoUrban influences which supplied many of the shapes characteristic of the Early Egyptian repertoire of tools and weapons"(Ward1969: 215)7 In light of the doubt cast on associating king Scorpion with the design on the saw blade as well as the uncertainty of the function and origin of the other implements, Yeivin's contention that the Kefar Monash hoard evidences Egyptian military involvement in the plain of Sharonappearsto be less than "definitelyestablished."

"Smiting of the Iwntyw (Easterners)"(Newberry and Wainwright1914;Breasted1906:59, section 104).Easterners is a vague term that seems to designate people living to the northeast of the Delta. It is not known whether this included any part of southern Palestine (Gardiner1966: 414; Helck 1962: 13-14). The Ivory Docket from Abydos Another referenceto the Easternerswas found on a wellpreserved ivory docket that was excavated from king Den's tomb in Abydos (Amelineau 1899:plate 33). This docket shows Den killing a man who has Asiatic features. The enemy is depicted kneeling on ground, marked by grains of sand, while Den stands over him on unmarked ground,presumablyrepresentingfertile soil. The accompanying hieroglyphs read "The first time of smiting the Easterners"(Spiegelberg1897).Whether or not this is the same event mentioned on the Palermo Stone cannot be determined. The clear depiction of sand undoubtedly indicates that the Egyptians identified the Iwntyw as inhabitants of a desert or aridenvironment. Unfortunately, this still does not adequately identify the exact location nor the particularpeople. The juxtaposition of the two types of soil may indicate that the event recordedon the docket occurredon the Egyptianborder.

The PalermoStone The PalermoStone is the largestof a groupof fragmentsof royal annals now housed in the Palermo Museum in Seal Impressions from cEn Besor Sicily. Other fragments,which areeither partof the same stone or other monuments exactly resembling it in scale cEn Besor is located on a mound in the northern Negev, and arrangement, are in the Cairo Museum (Gardiner approximately fifty-five miles due east of Arad. When 1966:62). Compiled in the FifthDynasty (around2524 to Ram Gophna began to excavatethis site on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities in 1970 he found it 2400 B.c.), it records the reign of each king from the predynasticperiodto Neferirkare(approximately2505 to badly damaged by erosion, modern construction, and 2495 B.c.), the third king of the Fifth Dynasty. Starting Bedouingravesdug into the ancient remains. Most of the from the beginning of the FirstDynasty, it also chronicles mound's summit, however, was undisturbed, revealing other noteworthy information concerning the Egyptian three EarlyBronzeAge strata (Gophna 1976a: 1-2). In the summit area lumps of clay bearing Egyptian kings and their reigns, such as the names of the kings' mothers, the individual years of their reigns (which were seal impressions were discovered, along with numerous named after an outstanding event that took place that fragments of Egyptian pottery dating to the First Dynasty. The majority of seals was discovered on the floors of a year),and the heights of the Nile inundation. Although most of the events mentioned on the Paler- stratum-3 building (Gophna 1976a: 6). Except for a seal mo Stone are religious in character,there are occasional impression found during excavations of Toshka in Nubia, references that may have historical significance. One is the cEn Besor seal impressions are the only protodynastic the entry under king Djer (who reigned during the early seal impressions found outside of Egypt (Schulman 1976: part of Dynasty I around 3016 to 2970 B.C.), which reads 16, note 2). "The Yearof Smiting Setjet (Stt)."Setjet is the Egyptian With a few possible exceptions (seal numbers 11 and geographic designation for Asia, and consequently has 39) the seals can be dated to the First Dynasty. Most seem been used as further evidence for Egyptian military to belong to private individual officials, including district activity in Syro-Palestine (Lapp 1970: 121-22). In this administrators and priests. The number and variety of

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1985 BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER

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1

ED A

416

B

seal impressions indicate the presence of a diverse group of Egyptianofficials at cEn Besor (Schulman 1976:25). In addition to private seal impressions, several royal seals and a sherdincised with the name of king Den were discoveredat the site. The earliest royal seal impression may belong to king Djet (Wadji),who ruled in the early part of the First Dynasty (around2970 to 2963 B.C.). This seal impression (number42) is damagedbut the remaining traces probably represent a serekh with a d serpent (which is the only hieroglyph used to write his name) in the name compartment. It should be mentioned that if the seal is turned upside down, it could be interpreted differently and the traces would no longer indicate the serpent hieroglyph used in king Djet's name (Schulman 1980:31-32). Djet's successor, Den, is attested on the incised potsherd mentioned aboveand is probablypreservedon seal number 26 as well. This seal impression is also damaged. The traces show what appearsto be a name compartment of a serekh in which there are two almost completely preservedn (water)hieroglyphs. Above these two hieroglyphs is a short horizontal line slanting slightly toward the right, which could easily be part of a d (hand)hieroglyph. The hand and water hieroglyphs would constitute the standardwriting of king Den (Schulman 1980:24). Alan Schulman arguesthat Den's successorsAnedjib (approximately 2949 to 2897 B.c.) and Semerkhet (approx-

imately 2897 to 2889 B.c.) are attested on seal impressions numbers 35 and 39 respectively (Schulman 1980: 24). Although his reconstructions are plausible, both are too fragmentaryfor certain identification. In their historical summaries both Schulman (1980: and Gophna (1976a:9) agreethat the Egyptianpottery 31) and seal impressions attest to Egyptianuse of cEn Besor as a permanent staging post during part of the First Dynasty. Their conclusions concerning this kind of Egyptian presence in Palestine, however, are different. Schulman, an Egyptologist, contends that the seal impressions belonged to Egyptian officials who were not permanent residents but were "responsiblefor dispatching provisions fromEgyptin sealed bags or jarsfor the use

The abovephotographis of the limestone stele of king Diet, from his tomb at Abydos in UpperEgypt.The drawings are of designs found on objects from cEn Besor that have been interpretedas the names of kings reigningduring the FirstDynasty: (A) The glyphs for king Den (2963-2949 B.c.), the serekh, and a portion of the Horusfalcon were preservedincised on a potsherd;(B)a damaged seal impressionmay bear the traces of king Diet's (2970-2963 B.c.)name (written solely as a serpent- see photographabove)over a schematic serekh; (C)markings on a seal impression that may have belonged to king Anedjib (2949-2897 B.c.);and (D) another seal impressionmay bear the name of Anedjib'ssuccessor, king Semerkhet(2897-2889 B.c.). Drawings are courtesy of cAtiqot.

of Egyptians stationed at cEn Besor or passing through this staging post" (Schulman 1980: 33). The discovery of some names of First Dynasty kings indicate that cEn Besor was a royal installation on one of the routes between Egypt and Canaan and may have been similar in nature to the Egyptianpresence in Gath and Arad in the earlier part of the dynasty (Schulman 1980:32-33). Gophna, a Syro-Palestinianarchaeologist, contends that the Egyptian station at cEn Besor "proves"that the Egyptianscontrolledthe southernborderareasof Canaan during the First Dynasty. The area between the Nile Delta and Canaan"servedin this period as a springboard

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for Egyptian commercial and military expeditions to Canaan"(Gophna1976a:9). Accordingto Gophna,Egypt's interest in southern Canaanwas "chieflyfor the purpose of economic exploitation" (Gophna 1976a: 9; also see Mellaart 1979: 18). Ivory Game Piece of King Qa A second reference to Stt (Asia) is carved on an ivory gaming piece found in the Abydos tomb of king Qa (or Ka'a,one of the last kings of the First Dynasty who reigned from around 2889 to 2859 B.c.). Depicted under the word Stt is the single figure of a bound captive. While this piece is often claimed as evidence for Egyptian hostility toward Syro-Palestine(Drower 1971:357; Lapp 1970: 122), as in the case of Stt on the Palermo stone, it cannot be used as an exclusivereferenceto Syro-Palestine, because the term also includes references to the Sinai peninsula. The Inscriptions of Peribsen Several inscriptions of king Peribsen (who possessed alternate names of Sekhemib-Perenmaat and SethPeribsen and who reigned in the Second Dynasty from around 2751 to 2732 B.c.)have been heralded as further evidence for Egyptian military activity in Palestine. A number of the inscriptions come from fragmentsof stone vessels found amongthousands of uninscribedfragments that were found on the north side of the Step Pyramidat Sakkara. It is believed that the dump fragments were originally from vessels placed inside the pyramid but were removed later in antiquity (Gunn 1928: 153, 160). On the individual fragments (Cairo JdE59143, 55287, 55266)is one of the alternatenames of Peribsen(SekhemibPerenmaat)followedby the wordsin b3st, which havebeen of foreignlands"(Gunn 1928:160). translatedas "conqueror on some seal Similarly, impressions from his tomb at is other alternatename (Seth-Peribsen) Peribsen's Abydos followedby in Stt, which has been translatedas "conqueror of Palestine"(Petrie 1901:plate 22; Naville 1914:plate 10). These inscriptions have been viewed as historically important referencesfor Egyptianmilitary aggressionin Palestine in the latter part of the Second Dynasty (Anati 1963: 356; Lapp 1970: 122; Drower 1971: 357). Two other possible interpretations of Peribsen's inscriptions, however, challenge this view. The first, offered by G. Godron (1958), claims that the term ]3st originally designated the mountainous desert area bordering the Nile Valley and that Stt probably referred to the island of Sehel just south of Aswan in the first cataract. Both terms would thus be referring to the areas directly adjacent to the Nile Valley and Nubia rather than Palestine. The second interpretation, offered by Ogdon (1982), questions the original translation of Peribsen's inscriptions on philological grounds. He points out that the

250

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

fi

I( I

I

ii

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C

Above left: A bound captive with the Egyptianhieroglyphsfor Asia decorates an ivory game piece found in the Abydos tomb of king Qa (2889-2859 B.c.).It is believed that game pieces of this type were used as throw sticks, which functioned as dice. This obiect has been used as evidence for Egyptianhostility towardsSyro-Palestine. The drawing is from Petrie 1900.Above right: One of the alternate names forking Peribsen (Sekhemib-Perenmaat),followed by the words meaning "conquerorof foreignlands," was found on several stone fragmentsat Sakkara.These have been seen as evidence of Egyptianmilitary aggressionin Palestine during the end of the Second Dynasty (27512732 R.c.).Drawing is from Gunn 1928. Below: Seal impression from Peribsen'stomb at Abydos. The king'sother alternate name (Seth-Peribsen)appearson the seal impression and is followed by words that have been translatedas "conquerorof Palestine." Drawing is from Petrie 1901.

'hb (ceD,) -.

___

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Egyptian infinitive verb in, which primarily means to fetch or carryoff and hence stands for conqueror,can also represent produce, gift, or tribute (Ermanand Grapow 1926:90-91). The inscription would then be translatedas "produceof foreignlands"and "produceof Asia."Since all of the inscriptions come from a funerary context, these designations would be labeling the origin of the contents of the funerary vessels instead of expressing political dominion over Palestine (Ogdon1982). Khasekhemwy Stone Fragmentfrom Byblos The only protodynasticliteraryevidence from the Levant was found in the port city of Byblos, located just a few miles north of modern Beirut. The evidence is provided on a single fragmentof a stone vessel bearingthe name of the last king of the Second Dynasty, Khasekhemwy (around2732 to 2705 B.c.),in a serekh. Perchedabovethe serekh arethe two EgyptiangodsHorus and Seth (Dunand 1939:26-27, number 1115;Montet 1928:271).This piece was found on the surface in a rubbish heap. Because it lacks a stratified context, it cannot be determined whether the vessel was transported during Khasekhemwy's reign or was brought to Byblos at a later date (Saghieh 1983: 130-31). Summary This survey of Egyptian literary evidence pertaining to Syro-Palestinianhistory has shown that the interpretation of most of the evidence falls into two major categories. The first categoryincludes scholars who believe that the Egyptian evidence, either singularly or collectively, reflects Egyptianmilitary control or imperialism in this area (Yadin 1955; Yeivin 1960, 1963, 1965, 1968; Lapp 1970; Drower 1971; Anati 1963; Mellaart 1979; Oren 1973; Perrot 1979; Albright 1971; Gophna 1976a; and Hennessey 1967). The other category includes scholars who maintain that the evidence represents a reciprocal trade arrangementwithout implicating Egyptian political domination in Syro-Palestine (Ward 1963, 1969; Schulman 1976, 1980;Amiran 1969, 1974;Kantor 1965; and Helck 1962). The proponents of the first category usually base their view on one or both of two considerations: 1)They accept Yadin'sinterpretation of Narmer's palette and consider the evidence of Egyptian presence in SyroPalestine and the "historical"Egyptiandocuments mentioning Syro-Palestineas further confirmation of Yadin's theory; and 2) they hold that trade implies a two-way movement: The scarcity of Egyptianartifactsof commercial value in Syro-Palestine indicates that Egypt must have exploited Syro-Palestineby force. It should be mentioned, that with few exceptions, most of the scholars whose work falls under this category are Syro-Palestine archaeologists-there is no significant representationby Egyptologists.

Those in the second category argue that Yadin's interpretation of Narmer'spalette is untenable and that none of the geographicalnames mentioned on the Egyptian documents, that is Stt or Iwntyw, can be used as specific referencesto Syro-Palestine.They also note there is no evidence of large-scaledestruction in Syro-Palestine during the protodynastic period, nor have any Egyptian weapons been discoveredthere (Ben-Tor1982: 12-13).The scarcity of Egyptiantradegoods in Syro-Palestinemay be attributed to the fact that Egypt exported perishable goods that would not be detected in the archaeological record(Helck 1979:361). The most compelling argument in favorof trade has been proposedby Itzhaq Beit-Arieh.His recent survey of the southern Sinai "has brought to light a network of Canaanite settlements whose material culture testifies to close and regularties in the Early Bronze II with the south of Canaan, and particularlywith Arad StrataIII-I" (Beit-Arieh 1984: 20). If Syro-Palestine was under Egyptianrule it is unlikely that the Egyptianswould have allowed the Canaanites to exploit the Sinai mines. Rather,one would expect that the Egyptianswould have taken over the Sinai as well, thereby profiting from its resources directly. The fact that the southern Sinai settlements show no trace of Egyptian influence or presence severely weakens the interpretation of the Egyptianpresence in Syro-Palestineas military control and economic exploitation (Beit-Arieh1984: 23).

This is the firstin a seriesof articlesbyMaryWrighton interconnectionsbetween Egypt and Syro-Palestine. Future articles in Biblical Archaeologist will cover the

relationsbetweenthesetwoareasduringtheOldKingdom throughthe New Kingdom.

Notes 'The chronology of Egyptand the synchronologybetween Egyptand Syro-Palestinearepolemical issues. Scholarsuse different chronologicalschemes that sometimes varyby hundreds of years.In this article the dates given in the chronologicaltable will be used. EarlyBronzeI in Syro-Palestineis equivalent to the late predynastic period through the first half of the First Dynasty, and EarlyBronzeII is equivalent to the second half of the first Dynasty through the Second Dynasty. 2In the late predynasticperiodEgyptwas divided into some forty-two nomes or districts. Eventually the country was unified by one king, Menes, the traditionalfounderof the First Dynasty. The identification of Menes with a known historical figure is still uncertain, but many scholars believe the best candidatefor the unifier of Egyptwas Narmer. 3A serekh is a rectangular frame that encompasses the Horus name of a king and a design of recessed panelling that is

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

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a stylized representationof the facadeof a royaltomb or palace. 4Accordingto Egyptianbelief, the king was divine and was an earthly incarnation of the falcon-godHorus. 5For other references to this kind of representation of Hathor,see Arkell 1955. 6ThePyramidTextswere inscribedin some Fifth and Sixth Dynasty pyramids(around2430 to 2261 B.C.).Compiled by the priests of Heliopolis, these texts consist of hymns, prayers,and magical incantations intended to insure the king's safe passage into the netherworld. 7Ben-Torand Watkins also believe that the tools are of Canaanite origin but present different arguments for their conclusions.

Bibliography Adams,B. 1974 Ancient Hierakonpolis.Warminster,England:Aris & Phillips Ltd. Albright,W.F 1971 The Archaeologyof Palestine. Gloucester,MA: PeterSmith. Amelineau, E. 1899 Les nouvelles fouilles dAbydos (1895-98). Volume 1. Paris: E. Leroux. Amiran,R. 1969 A Second Note on the Synchronisms between Early Bronze Age Arad and the First Dynasty. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 195:50-53. 1974 An EgyptianJarFragmentwith the Name of Narmer from Arad.Israel ExplorationJournal24: 4-12. Anati, E. 1963 Palestine Before the Hebrews. A History from the Earliest Arrivalof Man to the Conquest of Canaan.New York:Knopf. Arkell, A. J. 1955 Brief Communications. Journalof EgyptianArchaeology 41: 125-26. Beit-Arieh,I. 1984 New Evidence on the Relations between Canaan and Egypt during the ProtodynasticPeriod. Israel ExplorationJournal 34: 21-23. A. Ben-Tor, 1971 The Date of the Kfar Monash Hoard. Israel Exploration Journal21: 201-06. 1982 The relations between Egyptand the Landof Canaanduring the ThirdMillennium B.C.Journalof JewishStudies 23:3-18. Breasted,J.H. 1906 Ancient Records of Egypt. Historical Documents from the Earliest Times to the Persian Conquest. Volume 1. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Butzer,K. 1960 Archaeology and Geology in Ancient Egypt. Science 132: 1617-24. 1974 Delta. Pp. 1043-52 in Lexikon der Agyptologie, volume 1. Editedby Helck and E. Otto. Wiesbaden:O. Harrassowitz. W. 1976 Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt,A Study in Cultural Ecology.Chicago:The University of ChicagoPress. R. Clark, T. 1978 Myth and Symbol in Ancient Egypt. London:Thames and Hudson. Drioton, E., and Vandier,J. fourth 1962 Lespeuples de lorient mediterraneen,part 2, L'Egypte, edition. Paris:Presses Universitairesde France. Drower,M. 1971 Syriabefore2000 B.C.Part6. Egyptiansin Sinai and Palestine.

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Pp.351-62 in The CambridgeAncient History,volume 1,part 2. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press. Dunand,M. 1939 Fouilles de Byblos. Volume 1. Paris:PaulGeuthner. Emery,W.B. 1961 ArchaicEgypt.Harmondsworth,England:PenguinBooksLtd. Erman,A., and Grapow,H. 1926 Worterbuch der Agyptischen Sprache: im Auftrage der deutschen Akademien herausgegeben. Volume 1. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs. Faulkner,R. O. 1969 The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Gardiner,A. H. 1966 Egyptof the Pharaohs.New York:ClarendonPress. 1973 Egyptian Grammar.Being an Introduction to the Study of Hieroglyphs.London:OxfordUniversity Press. Gardiner,A. H., Peet, T. E., and Cereny,J. 1955 Inscriptionsof Sinai. Part2. Series:EgyptExplorationSociety Memoir 45. London:EgyptExplorationSociety. Godron,G. 1958 ttude sur 1'epoqueArchaique.Bulletin de l'Institut frangais d'archeologieorientale du Caire57: 143-55. Gophna,R. 1976a Excavationsat cEnBesor.cAtiqot (EnglishSeries) 11:1-9. 1976b EgyptianImmigrationinto SouthernCanaanduringthe First Dynasty. TelAviv 3: 31-37. Gunn, B. 1928 Inscriptionsfrom the Step Pyramid.Annales du Service des Antiquites de l'Egypte28. Hallo, W, and Simpson,W.K. 1971 TheAncient Near East:A History.New York:HarcourtBrace Jovanovich,Inc. Helck, H. W 1962 Die Bezeihungen Agyptens zu Vorderasienim 3. und 2. Jahrtausendv Chr.Wiesbaden:O. Harrassowitz. 1979 EinigeBetrachtungenzu den FriihestenBeziehungenzwischen Agyptenund Vorderasien.Ugarit Forschungen11:357-63. Hennessy,J.B. 1967 The Foreignrelations of Palestine during the Early Bronze Age. London:BernardQuaritch. Hestrin, R., and Tadmor,M. 1963 A Hoard of Tools and Weapons from Kfar Monash. Israel ExplorationJournal13:265-90. Kaiser,W 1964 EinigeBemerkungenzur iigyptischenFrUihzeit. Zeitschriftfir dgyptischen Spracheund Altertumskunde 91: 87-109. Kantor,H. J. 1965 The RelativeChronologyof Egyptandits ForeignCorrelations Beforethe LateBronzeAge. Pp. 1-46 in Chronologiesin Old WorldArchaeology. Edited by R. W. Ehrich. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Kaplony,P. 1966 Kleine Beitriagezu den Inschriftender igyptischen Friuhzeit. Wiesbaden:O. Harrassowitz. Keimer,L. 1929 Bemerkungenund Lesefrtichtezu Altagyptischen Naturgeschichte. Kemi 2: 84-106. Lapp,P 1970 Palestine in the EarlyBronzeAge. Pp. 101-31 in Near Eastern Archaeology in the Twentieth Century:Essays in Honor of Nelson Glueck. Editedby JamesA. Sanders.GardenCity, NY: Doubleday. Mellaart,J. 1979 Egyptianand Near EasternChronology:A Dilemma? Antiquity 53: 6-18.

Meshel, Z. 1974 New Data about the Desert "Kites."TelAviv 1: 129-43. Montet, P. 1928 Byblos et I'Egypte,Quatre Campagnes de Fouilles a Gebeil, 1921-1924. Paris:Paul Geuthner. Morenz,S. 1973 Egyptian Religion. Translatedby Ann E. Keep. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Naville, E. H. 1914 The Cemeteries of Abydos. Volume 1. London:The Egypt ExplorationFund. Newberry,P.E., and Wainwright,G. 1914 KingUdy-muand the PalermoStone.Ancient Egypt1: 148-55. Ogdon, J.R. 1982 Studies in Archaic EpigraphyIII. G6ttinger Miszellen 60: 81-84. Oren, E. D. 1973 The OverlandRoute Between Egyptand Canaan in the Early BronzeAge. Israel ExplorationJournal23: 198-205. Orlin, L. 1970 Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia.Series:Studies in Ancient History 1. The Hague:Mouton. Perrot,J. 1979 SyriaPalestine I: Fromthe Origins to the BronzeAge. Translated by JamesHogarth.Geneva:Nagel. Petrie,W M. E 1900 The Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty. Part 1. London:The EgyptExplorationFund. 1901 The Royal Tobmbs of the First Dynasty. Part 2. London:The EgyptExplorationFund. Quibell, J.E. 1900 Hierakonpolis.Part 1. London:BernardQuaritch. Saghieh,M. 1983 Byblos in the Third Millennium B.C. Warminster,England: Aris & Phillips. Schulman, A. R. 1976 The EgyptianSeal Impressions from cEn Besor.cAtiqot (English Series) 11:16-26. 1980 More Egyptian Seal Impressions from cEn Besor. cAtiqot (EnglishSeries) 14: 17-33. 1983 On the Dating of the Egyptian Seal Impressions from cEn

Besor.Societyforthe Studyof EgyptianAntiquities 13:249-51. Spiegelberg,W. 1897 Ein neues Denkmal aus der Friihzeit der agyptischenKunst. Zeitschrift fiir dgptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 35: 7-11. Thompson, T. L. 1975 The Settlement of Sinai and the Negev in the Bronze Age. Wiesbaden:Reichart. Ward,W. 1961 Egyptand the East Mediterraneanin the early second millennium B.C.Orientalia N.S. 30: 129-55. 1963 Egyptand the EastMediterraneanfrom PredynasticTimes to the End of the Old Kingdom.Journalof the Economic and Social History of the Orient6: 1-57. 1969 The Supposed Asiatic Campaign of Narmer. Mdlanges de l'Universite Saint-Joseph45: 205-21. Watkins,T. E 1975 The date of the KefarMonashHoardAgain.PalestineExploration Quarterly 107:53-63. Weinstein,J.M. 1984 The Significanceof Tell Areini for Egyptian-PalestinianRelations at the Beginning of the Bronze Age. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research256: 61-69. Wilson, J. 1960 Civilization without Cities. Pp. 124-64 in City Invincible:A Symposium on Urbanization and Cultural Development in the Ancient Near East held at the University of Chicago, December 4-7, 1958. Edited by C. H. Kraelingand R. M. Adams. Chicago:The University of ChicagoPress. Yadin,Y. 1955 The EarliestRecordof Egypt'sMilitary Penetrationinto Asia? Israel ExplorationJournal5: 1-16. Yeivin, S. 1960 EarlyContactsbetween CanaanandEgypt.IsraelExploration Journal10: 193-203. 1963 Further Evidence of Narmer at "Gat."Oriens Antiquus 2: 205-13. 1965 Who were the Mntyw? Journalof EgyptianArchaeology 51: 204-06. 1968 AdditionalNotes on the EarlyRelationsbetween Canaanand Egypt.Journalof Near EasternStudies 27: 37-50.

Egyptological Studies in Honor of Richard A. Parker Edited by LEONARD H. LESKO This well-rounded collection honors Richard Parker, one of the world's foremost Egyptologists. Reflecting some of Professor Parker's specialties as an epigrapher, demotist, and chronologer, the essays also go well beyond these areas to embrace almost all the fields and periods covered by Egyptology. Included are articles on history, chronology, literature, religion, and art, while discussions involve texts in Old, Middle, and Late Egyptian, as well as Demotic and Coptic. Special features include a complete bibliography of Parker'sworks and an astronomer's assessment of his contribution to ancient chronology. Contributors are BernardBothmer, Jacques Clare, Eugene Cruz-Uribe, Herman De Meulenaere, I.E.S. Edwards, Hans Goedicke, M. Heerma van Voss, George Hughes, Jac. Janssen, Janet Johnson, Barbara Lesko, Erich Liiddeckens, Georges Posener, Donald Redford, Alan Schulman, Anthony Spalinger, and R. A. Wells. 25 illus. $35.00

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The New InternationalDictionary of Biblical Archaeology,edited by E. M. Blaiklock and R. K. Harrison,485 pp. + 4 black-and-whitemaps, 33 color maps and plans, and 28 color photos. Grand Rapids, MI:Zondervan, 1983;$24.95. Reviewinga dictionary or an encyclopedia is not an easy task for,at least, two reasons. First, since the entries are written by differentcontributors,they are inevitably uneven in scope and quality. Second, one does not sit and read such a book but picks and chooses here and there. In this respect I might do injustice to the present volume, but I have tried to look at as many entries as possible and skim throughthe book hoping to get the full flavorof it. At first glance the book under review appearsto be an attractivevolume presentingentries on specific topics like sites, personalities, and terminology,and on general topics like ideas, trends,and theories, with a largenumber of illustrations. Indeed,I can say without hesitation that the overallappearanceof this book is very pleasing. Unfortunately, when I starteddealing with individual entries I discoveredthat although most of them have a bibliography,the latest entries date to 1975, as if the book came to a halt in that year.Only a very few exceptions, like the article on "Tell Mardikh,"have bibliographicalentries later than 1975. Evenmore surprising,in such a recent book, is that archaeological work at sites like Tell Hesi is completely ignored:Indeed,the latest bibliographical entry given for Hesi is dated to 1960, though, curiously, the photographaccompanyingthis entry is dated to 1971. Another problem is the listing of sites that have the element "tell"in their names. There is no uniform arrangement that will enable the readerto find these sites easily. Some of them arelisted accordingto the second element in the name; others are listed accordingto the differentform of the definite article, like "al,""el,""esh,"and so on. This problem is

very disturbing,since this book deals with many Near Easternsites that include these elements in their names.

254

A third difficulty with the book is its adherenceto old theories, such as the identification of Tell Beit Mirsim as biblical Debir, or of Tell el-Khuweilifeh as Ziklag, without mentioning other possibilities. The maps attached at the end areyet another problem.Either they are too small to serve any purpose or what they are trying to show is inadequatelyor unclearly presented.For example, the map titled "BiblicalSites in the Holy Land"does not make any distinction between modern names and biblical names (TellNagila is listed side by side with Ziklag),nor does it differentiate sites by the periods in which they were occupied (thus Caesareaseems to have been as old as Arad). Although severalof the entries are good and are presentedin a well-rounded manner, on the whole I am very disappointedwith this book. Copyrighted in 1983, it is alreadyoutdated. Oded Borowski EmoryUniversity Josephus:The Historian and His Society, by TessaRajak, 256 pp. Philadelphia: FortressPress, 1984;$24.95. Josephus,The Jewish War,by Gaalya Cornfeld,general editor, and Benjamin Mazar and Paul L. Maier,consulting editors, 526 pp. GrandRapids, MI, ZondervanPublishing House, 1982;no price listed. The life and works of Flavius Josephus have intrigued scholars and the literate public since the first century.Thanks to Louis H. Feldman'ssweeping annotated bibliography,Josephusand ModernScholarship 1937-1980 (Berlin,1984),it is easy to see how much grist this ancient writer has providedfor modern synthesizers, analysts, and polemicists. Each of the two works here reviewedattempts to fill a real and long-standingneed, and while each partially succeeds, there still appearsto be plenty of room for the inevitable next roundof contributions. Tessa Rajak'sbook seeks to "reinterpret"Josephusfor nonspecialists as well as scholars,giving special emphasis to his early careeras a Jewishleader and writer of TheJewish War.Rajakacknowledges at the outset that this volume despite its title-will not be a generalintroduction,yet the decision is regrettable

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

because a broaderscope of inquiry might have made her work not only more thorough but also more persuasive.Indeed,a replacementfor H. St. JohnThackeray's classic Josephus.The Man and The Historian (New York,1929)is long overdue. Rajak,lecturer in classics at the University of Readingin England,correctof Josephus' ly observes that the "glare" alleged testimony about Jesus,his accounts of the battles of Jotapataand Masada,and the controversiessurrounding the Dead Sea Scrolls have tended to detach Josephusfrom his historical context. She accordinglycomments at length about his priestly lineage, aristocratic station, and Jewishand Greek education beforeplunging into a lengthy analysis of his participantand observerroles in relation to the Jewishrevolt against Rome in 66-73 C.E.Her recurrentevaluation is that from his youth onward Josephus'Jewishfeatures and loyalties seem to outweigh his Greco-Romanattributes and bias. Rajakexhibits considerableerudition and builds a case that seems plausible in general, certainly by comparison with the more usual condemnations of alleged treacheryand sycophancythat skew modern presentations of Josephus and the revolt. Three portraitsemergeof the young Josephuswithin the context of prerevolutionaryJudeannobility, of his military debacle in a war brought about by the collapse of the Jewishruling class, and of his literary efforts as an isolated individual trying to justify both himself and his people. The analysis is strongestwhen it is cautious, for example in recognizingthe problem of possible anachronismsin rabbinicliteratureand in admitting that "thereis no chance of reachinga secure verdict about the literary relationship" (page146)between Josephus'Lifeand The Jewish War.Less convincing are the occasional flights of conjecture,forexample regardingthe use of Greek in Jerusalem and concerning the careerof Yohanan Ben Zakkai at Yavneh,which seem to be of only marginalrelevance.It is to be hoped that Rajakwill have more to say about The JewishAntiquities and Against Apion, which barely are treated here and probablywould have contributed to her basic thesis. Finally,the absence of indices and a bibliographyis most regrettable. GaalyaCornfeld'svolume is far

more ambitious, and its flaws, too, are more evident and consequential. An editor and publisher whose previous works include severalillustrated volumes, he enlisted the supportof archaeologist Mazarand historian Maier to producethis edition of The Jewish War, subtitled Newly Translatedwith Extensive Commentary and Archaeological BackgroundIllustrations. Unfortunately, the project,while conceptually exciting and potentially quite useful as a whole, is seriously marredby weaknesses in each of its parts. Firstof all, the translation is serviceable but hardlyan important contribution. G. A. Williamson'sPenguin edition, a nonliteral paraphraseof the Greek, remains the most accessible version for the nonspecialist, and Thackerayin the LoebLibraryGreek-Englishedition is the most useful for serious students. Cornfelddoes not say what Greek text he is following, and he habitually replaces pronouns in the original with propernames. The translation may be "new"but it is not improved,unless, perhaps,in comparisonwith William Whiston'sclassic, now more than two centuries old. The annotations do add much information- far more than the Loebedition, for example- but there is no coherent focus or consistent style overall. Sometimes one finds factual clarifications, sometimes views of scholars who are cited, but often there are opinions stated as fact and without documentary support. Inexplicably,only a very narrow groupof scholars,preponderantlyIsraelis, arerepresentedin the commentary;missing entirely from the authors quoted or cited are such eminent specialists as Louis Feldman,Louis Finkelstein, Jonathan Goldstein, Martin Hengel, A. H. M. Jones,RichardLaqueur,RalphMarcus, JacobNeusner, Cecil Roth, Mary Smallwood, H. St. J.Thackeray,and Solomon Zeitlin! The illustrations-charts, maps, and photographs(most in black-and-white) -also make this edition distinctive and more instructive than its predecessors. But here, too, quality-controlis lacking. Credit rarelyis given in captions, and there is no comprehensive list of illustrations in the volume. Maps and charts have no consistent format and photographsare reproducedin uneven quality. Sometimes illustrations are apt, but

anachronisms abound:How does a silver PersianTorahcase from 1764 relate to a first-centurystory about one of the soldiers of the Romangeneral Cumanus profaninga Torahscroll (TheJewish War,book 2, chapter 12)? With a picture of Masadaon the front jacket, the WesternWallon the back, and an appendixon the alleged Testimonium Flavianum (fromJosephus' The JewishAnquities!) inside, this volume seems to be aimed at the very issues whose "glare" Rajakhas attempted to counteract. Cornfeldand his colleagues had an interesting and presumably marketableidea, but the book falls short both in message and in medium. David Altshuler GeorgeWashingtonUniversity PalestinianJudaismand the New 'Testament, by Martin McNamara,M.S.C. Good News Studies 4, 279 pp. Wilmington, Delaware: Michael Glazier, Inc., 1983; $12.95 (Paper). This book is really an introduction to severaltypes of Jewishliteratureand their relevanceto New Testamentstudy. The first chapterreviews the history of scholarship in Jewishliteratureand the New Testament;the second sketches the history of the postexilic period down to 200 B.C.E.,and briefly describes the liter-

atureof the period.The next fourchapters treat apocalypticliterature,the Dead Sea Scrolls, rabbinicliterature,and the Targums.In each of these chapters McNamarapresents the Jewishmaterial followedby concreteexamplesof relationship to the New Testament.The style is clear, and technical terms are explained. It is written for nonspecialists who are familiar with the New Testament.Important scholarly disputes aredescribed clearly and given a balancedassessment. Basic bibliographyis providedin the notes. McNamara,who has published two previousbooks and numerous articles on the Targumsand the New Testament, has done a competent job with materials that are rife with problems,especially when appliedto the New Testament.At times, particularlyin the third chapter, which is on apocalypticliterature, summaries of numerous works come at a breathless pace andbecome too scattered

for the readerto absorbeasily, though eschatological themes common to apocalyptic literature and the New Testament are properlystressed. Broadsimilarities between the Qumrancommunity and the New Testamentare treatedwith propercaution, and illuminating comparisons are made. The chapteron the Targumspresents both sides of the dispute overwhether they may be used for elucidation of the New Testament,with McNamarafavoringuse because he assumes that many Targumictraditions are early-that is, of the period of the New Testament- even if the final products are much later. McNamara'snuanced positive position on the Targumsenjoys much support,though this reviewerstill finds Targumicevidence for Jewishtraditions so difficult to date that they are more useful for tracinglater Jewish tradition than in elucidating the New Testament. Severedifficulties plague McNamara's reconstruction of the development of Judaismand its traditions.In the second chapterand again in the fifth chapter,the scribes are proposedas importanttransmitters of these traditions.Though the groupor class is neverprecisely defined, it is describedas an authoritativebody of interpretersof the law and Scriptures with an institutionalized training and recognizedleadershiprole among the people. Unfortunately,history provides little direct evidence for the nature and function of this probablyimportant group.McNamara'sappealto authority and canon partakeof later Christian categories ratherthan Jewishsocial realities in which the canon of Scripture was still flexible and the role of authoritative interpreterof Scripturewas in dispute. The most unsatisfactorychapteris on rabbinicliterature.Since all this literature in its present form comes after the New Testamentperiod, its use for the New Testamenthas been seriously challenged. McNamarais awareof the problem but asserts strongly that rabbinic traditions carryon the pharisaic traditions of the first century.He sees some laws in the Mishnah as deriving from that period, and the Tractateof the Fathers(Abot),on the handing on of the tradition, as pharisaicrecollection. Most astonishingly,he sees Jesusas being in conflict with "onewell-definedform of Judaism,not with a multiplicity of

BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/DECEMBER 1985

255

groups or sects"(page160),and that form is pharisaic.In all his discussion he ignores the work of JacobNeusner (to whom he fails to refer)on pharisees and the Mishnah, as well as other scholars who persuasively arguethat the pharisees were a sectlike groupwith limited influence in society. If any one groupwas dominant and official, it was the chief priests associated with the Templeand recognizedby the Roman authorities, not the pharisees or scribes. Despite these defects, the latter part of the chapterdoes communicate the common cultural milieu of the New Testament and the later rabbinicwritings.

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WE'VE BEEN TALKING ABOUT IT FOR YEARSAND ALL OF OUR BACK ISSUES ARE NOW AVAILABLE! AND ANCIENTHISTORYis published SCATASTROPHISM twice yearly, in January and July [ISSN 0-733-8058]

1/1. JOHN H. FERMOR, "Paleoclimatology and Infrared Radiation Traps: Earth's Antediluvial Climate." MARVIN ARNOLD LUCKERMAN, "Problems of Early Anatolian History." DONOVAN A. COURVILLE, "The Chronology of the Late Kings of Egypt." 1/2. GEOFFREY GAMMON, "The Chronology of the Early Egyptian New Kingdom." LESTER J. MITCHAM, "A Question of Logic." MARVIN ARNOLD LUCKERMAN, "The Danunians and the Velikovsky Revision." II/1. DONALD W. PATTEN, "A Comprehensive Theory on Aging, Gigantism and Longevity." JOHN H. FERMOR, "The 360 Day Year: An Ambiguity Resolved." 11/2. ARIE DIRKZWAGER, "Heracles and Velikovskian Catastrophism." ZECHARIA SITCHIN, "When Earth Was Not Yet Created: An Account of Sumerian Cosmogony." MARVIN ARNOLD LUCKERMAN, "A Different View on the Chronology of Hazor." III/1. LESTER J. MITCHAM, "The End of Mitanni and Some Related Problems." ARIE DIRKZWAGER, "Pharaoh So and the Libyan Dynasty." CHARLES H. HAPGOOD, "The Punctuation Marks of Geological History." III/2. BRONSON FELDMAN, "Freud and Velikovsky, Part I." DONOVAN A. COURVILLE, "Are the Peleset Philistines or Persians?" ARIE DIRKZWAGER, "Herodotus on Thutmoses III and Amenophis II."

IV/1. BRONSON FELDMAN "Freud and Velikovsky, Part II." LESTER J. MITCHAM, "Syria and Ugarit." GUNNAR HEINSOHN, "The Israelite Origins of Monotheism and the Prohibition of Killing." IV/2. PHILLIP CLAPHAM, "Hittites and Phrygians." MARTIN SIEFF, "The Road to Iron: 8th and 7th Century Metallurgy and the Decline of Egyptian Power." DONALD W. PATTEN, "Maturation of V/1. PHILLIP CLAPHAM, "Ebla and Near East Chronology." FRANK DACHILLE, "Meteorite Impacts of Geological Significance: A Human Perspective." ARIE DIRKZWAGER, "Velikovskian Catastrophes in the Revelation of St. John." V/2. STAN F. VANINGER, "Abraham to Hezekiah: An Archaeological Revision, Part I." BARRY PAGE, "Assyria, Karduniash, Babylon: A Rational Chronology." JOSHUA KORBACH, "Dirkzwager's Revision Questioned." VI/1. STAN F. VANINGER, "Abraham to Hezekiah: An Archaeological Revision, Part II." ALFRED DE GRAZIA, "The Founding of Rome." HERB A. STORCK, "Hereditary Monarchy in Assyria and the Assyrian Kinglist." VI/2. HERB A. STORCK, "The Hittite Raid." DONALD W. PATTEN, "The Scars of Mars, Part I." LESTER J. MITCHAM, "The Synchronistic Chronicle-A Critique."

Proceedings of the First C&AH Seminar (1982)-Partial contents: DONOVAN A. COURVILLE, "The Albrecht/Glueck-Aharoni/ Rothenberg Confrontation: Who was Right and Who was Wrong about What?" DONALD W. PATTEN, "The Cyclic Nature of Ancient Catastrophes." GUNNAR HEINSOHN and CHRISTOPH MARX, "Were the 'Sumerians of the Third Millennium' in Reality the Chaldeans of the First Millennium?" BRONSON FELDMAN, "Sidelights on Velikovsky's Ages in Chaos." Proceedings of the Second C&AH Seminar (1983)-Partial contents: MARTIN SIEFF, "The Oracle of Cadmus." DONOVAN A. COURVILLE, "The Problem of Adjusting the Date Limits of the Archaeological Ages to Meet Velikovsky's Revision." BRONSON FELDMAN, "The Blind Pharaoh." DONALD W. PATTEN, "The Two Major Censuses in the Book of Numbers." LESTER J. MITCHAM, "Dating the Kings of Dynasties XXI, XXII, and XXIII." TOM CHETWYND, "A Brief Summary of the Evidence for a Gap in the Bible and Much Earlier Dates for Many of its Major Events." DETACH AND SEND IN TODAY!

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Searching for the New TestamentSite of Bethsaida, The LuxorMuseum of Ancient Egyptian Art, The Use and Abuse of Archaeology in Current One-volume Bible Dictionaries, ContactsBetween Egypt and SyroPalestine during the ProtodynasticPeriod