Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

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Second Language Attrition in Japanese Conte ts

EDITED BY LYNNE HANSEN

New York Oxford Oxford University Press 1999

Oxford University Press Oxford New York Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogota Buenos Aires Calcutta Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris Sao Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw and associated companies in Berlin Ibadan

Copyright © 1999 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Published by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Second language attrition in Japanese contexts / edited by Lynne Hansen p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-19-512304-2 1. Language attrition—Japan. 2. Linguistic change. I. Hansen, Lynne, 1940- . P40.5.L28S43 1999 99-22791 495.6'8—dc21

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

For Jadyn, Gabe, Rachael, Tiana, and Tora-chan with boundless affection

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Foreword

Research topics seem to have their own life-cycle: It takes quite some effort (or the support of high-status colleagues from neighboring disciplines) to get a topic on the research agenda. Then the people working on the topic have to show that what they do is relevant, theoretically interesting, and sufficiently embedded in established paradigms to get their grant proposals through. It is in those early stages that the theorizing is generally rather wild and ambitious, since few data are available to restrict the hypotheses' space. In the next phase results from empirical research begin to have their impact, and early truths are replaced by new doubts, redefining what the major issues are. If a topic gets through this phase, it is likely to become part of the larger field of research. Language attrition research as a subdiscipline of the field of applied linguis tics has already gone through the early stages, and there is consensus about what the real issues are at the moment. Three issues and their interaction now define the field: the what, the how, and the why of language attrition. Although the questions are simple, answering them is far from easy, given the specific problems encountered in attrition research and the fact that almost every study explores unknown territory with all the methodological uncertainty that entails. At the same time this "newness" makes the field of language attrition a fascinating field, in which a shared interest in learning is more prevalent than paradigmatic clashes. Indeed, in contrast to other subfields of the language sciences, such as language acquisition, there still is space for everyone who wants to work on it, and there is a group of nonorthodox devotees willing to share their expertise with colleagues from other parts of the world. A strong part of this group is represented in this volume. The articles in this volume present a unique set in the sense that they all have one language in com-

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Foreword

mon. Japanese is studied in various situations of attrition and relearning in different circumstances of language contacts, and it is studied with learners and losers of different ages. The linguistic focus of most of the contributions leads to rich descriptions of language use and detailed analyses of specific constructions, which allow for comparisons with other processes of language change, such as first language acquisition and language pathology. One of the main conclusions is that language attrition is not an endstage of a process, but a normal part of changes in proficiency over time, both in the first language and in the second language. The studies also show that language attrition is gradually becoming a part of the field of second language acquisition (SLA). There are remarkable parallels with respect to the topics studies: the roles of cross-linguistic influence, age, individual differences, language setting, social-psychological factors such as attitudes and motivation in language attrition. There is also a fairly recent interest in the psycholinguistics of language attrition, which links the topic with the long-established one of memory research in psychology. One may wonder why there is so much interest in language attrition in Japan. Is language so much a part of the Japanese soul that losing it is regarded as something extremely dramatic? Or is it the contrast between Japanese and languages like English that attracts researchers to study it? Maybe the reasons are more mundane, like more generous allowances for sabbaticals at Japanese universities. For the present volume the explanation is probably a very simple one: Lynne Hansen has been working on language attrition with Japanese for a long time, and she has no doubt been a source of inspiration to other researchers in this field. The development of language attrition as a serious research topic so far has been marked by a number of edited volumes. There is little doubt that this volume marks another step in its evolution, and, it should be added, a significant step. Kees de Bot University of Nijmegen

Contents

Contributors

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1. Investigating Second Language Attrition: An Introduction 3 Lynne Hansen and Anita Reetz-Kurashige Part I: The Loss of English as a Second Language by Japanese Children 2. Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills: Changes in Verb Usage over Time 21 Anita Reetz-Kurashige 3. The First Stage of Second Language Attrition: A Case Study of a Japanese Returnee 59 Machiko Tomiyama 4. On the Loss of English as a Second Language by Japanese Returnee Children 80 Asako Yoshitomi Part II: The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language by Adult Foreigners 5. Lexical Maintenance and Attrition in Japanese as a Second Language 114 Robert A. Russell

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Contents 6. Not a Total Loss: The Attrition of Japanese Negation over Three Decades 142 Lynne Hansen 7. Testing the Regression Hypothesis: The Remains of the Japanese Negation System in Micronesia 154 Brenda Hayashi 8. Learning and Losing Japanese as a Second Language: A Multiple Case Study of American University Students 169 Sumiko Nagasawa

Referenc Index

Contributors

Lynne Brigha Brenda Hayashi Miyagi Gakuin Women's College Sumiko Nagasawa Kurume University Anita Reetz-Kurashige UCLA Extension, American Language Center Robert A. Russell Brigham Young University Machiko Tomiyama International Christian University Asako Yoshitomi Tokyo University of Foreign Studies

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Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

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1 Investigating Second Language Attrition: An Introduction Lynne Hansen and Anita Reetz-Kurashige

Language loss affects all of us. It occurs in every corner of the world, taking its toll among young and old alike. Only recently, however, has the forgetting of language attracted much scholarly attention. During the past three decades a new area of study examining language regression has grown out of the converging efforts of researchers from several fields. The facts they deal with are relevant to the various disciplines because they relate not only to what is being lost (the focus of linguists) but also to how it happens (the focus of psycholinguists and neurolinguists) and why it happens (the focus of sociolinguists, sociologists, and anthropologists). In these several approaches to the study of language loss, a number of terms are used to refer to the same or related themes: language attrition (Seliger & Vago 1991; Waas 1996; de Bot & Weltens 1995) and language regression (Hyltenstam & Viberg 1993); language loss (Fase et al. 1992; Pauwels 1986), and language shift (Fishman 1964; Gal 1979); codeswitching and code mixing (Heller 1988; Eastman 1992; Myers-Scotton 1993, 1997); and language death (Dorian 1981; Schmidt 1985; Grenoble & Whaley 1996) and language obsolescence (Dorian 1989). These terms have proved useful in referring to the gradual waning or disappearance of language in individuals or groups, and each represents a different emphasis. The primary concern of this volume is second language (L2) attrition, the disintegration or loss of the structure of a language learned after the mother tongue (L1). A person who experiences such loss, a language attriter, is by definition bilingual.1 The disappearing second language does not simply vanish, leaving a vacuum; rather, the communicative functions it previously filled are taken over by a different language, most often the attriter's L1. As a language is forgotten, it is replaced by another. In each of the studies that follow, Japanese is either the attriting language or the replacing language. Part I reports studies of Japanese 3

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Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

returnee children who had learned English while living abroad and then returned to their homeland. Part II looks at several groups of adults who had learned Japanese as a second language in a natural milieu in Japan or at school. Language loss is a natural outcome in language contact situations, given the dynamism and variability of linguistic phenomena. Any living language is constantly changing, either progressing or regressing. Our linguistic knowledge is not static. As a language is learned or lost, it is merely adapting to the ever changing constraints of the speaker's mind and to the conditions of the social milieu. Whether in individuals or in speech communities, whether in acquisition or in attrition, language change involves "the same functional and formal parameters of linguistic structure, and is embedded in the same matrix of sociocultural and neuropsychological determining factors" (Hyltenstam & Viberg 1993:25). This outlook is elucidated most fully in Hyltenstam & Viberg 1993; also in Andersen 1982, 1983; Jakobson 1941; Rickford 1991; Slobin 1977. The study of language attrition, then, brings to light one aspect of this pervasive linguistic dynamism and variability. Others are found in such areas of research as dialectology, sociolinguistics, historical linguistics, pidgin and Creole languages, indigenized World Englishes, languages in contact in bilingual communities, bilingualism in individuals, and language acquisition. Language attrition constitutes part of the larger picture of linguistic dynamism as it adds essential information to our understanding of how the various manifestations of language change relate to each other in their sociocultural as well as their neuropsychological dimensions. Within a sociocultural perspective, language attrition research contributes to a comprehensive account of language progression and regression in different societal situations. Investigation of the environmental conditions that foster language loss in the individual is needed to complement a growing number of societal studies that explore the cultural determinants of language shift (Dorian 1981; Gal 1979; Grenoble & Whaley 1998; Hill & Hill 1986; Moore 1988; Schmidt 1985; Kulick 1992; Woolard 1989). Within a neuropsychological perspective, the constraints of the human brain in processing linguistic dynamism are seen in the universal developmental sequences found in both L1 and L2 acquisition. In language loss, the regression hypothesis, the idea that linguistic distinctions will be lost in an inverse order to which they are learned, provides a theoretical framework for examining these neuropsychological constraints as revealed in language attrition (for a discussion of regression theory in language attrition research, see "Processes in Attrition" in this chapter). Among the areas of study that examine linguistic dynamism, that of L2 attrition is the most recent to develop. The earliest groundwork for the new field was laid by a conference on language loss held at the University of Pennsylvania (Lambert & Freed 1982). A second conference in 1986 in the Netherlands presented state of the art inquiries on British, Dutch, Israeli, Swedish, and North American research (Weltens, de Bot & van Els 1986). In the intervening period, investigations of L2 loss have steadily accumulated. The L2 attrition research published in English has reported on a wide spectrum

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of languages, including English loss by Hebrew L1 speakers (Berman & Olshtain 1983; Olshtain 1986; 1989); French loss by Dutch native speakers (Weltens, van Els & Shils 1989; Weltens 1989) and by English-speaking Canadians (Gardner, Lalonde, Moorcroft & Evers 1987); German loss by Turkish native speakers (Kuhberg 1992), and by English native speakers (Godsall-Meyers 1981); L2 Hindi-Urdu by English speakers (Hansen 1980; 1983); L2 Portuguese by English/Hebrew bilinguals (Cohen 1986), and L2 Spanish by English speakers (Bahrick 1984a, b). These studies tested theoretical constructs to further our understanding of the universal dynamics of language loss. This volume continues in the same vein of hypothesis testing while documenting features of loss that have significance for linguistic comparison. We have assembled research on the loss of L2 English by bilingual Japanese children and the loss of L2 Japanese by English and Ponapean speaking adults in order to test fundamental hypotheses and to identify the particular influences of the Japanese language in the dynamic circumstances of language shift in individuals. While the Japanese language is not a main independent variable in these studies, our research documents the processes of language change in subjects whose L1 or L2 is Japanese. Thus we offer a body of evidence on language loss that has theoretical and comparative value. Through these studies, we see better the patterns of linguistic interface between Japanese and English in the backand-forth flow between acquisition and loss. We document how three sets of variables influence second language maintenance: personal characteristics, language acquisition history, and attrition circumstances. Applications of research findings in these three areas will be considered at the conclusion of this chapter. First, however, in the following section, we wish to highlight some of the initial findings and fundamental issues in the second language attrition field, with a view toward setting a background to the various topics addressed in the volume. Overviews of the papers then follow. Finally, the reader is invited to contemplate potentials of the study of second language loss as we outline future applications.

Findings and Issues in Second Language Attrition Variables Affecting Attrition In this section we will introduce three variables that have been found to relate to second language attrition: age, proficiency level, and attitude/motivation. The Age Advantage A sharp distinction between child and adult language attrition is noted in numerous anecdotal accounts in the literature. For example, in the dissertation study of one of the authors, L2 Hindi-Urdu data were collected longitudinally from two pre-school American children during three sojourns of the family on the Indian subcontinent (Hansen 1980). In India and Pakistan the children came frequently to be judged as native speakers of their second language; their mother was far

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Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

less proficient. Back in the United States, between L2 exposure periods, both children each time suffered what seemed to be a complete loss of their HindiUrdu within a few months; the mother noticed no decline in her second language skills. Today, over twenty years after the family's final departure from South Asia, the children, now in their mid-twenties, comprehend not a word from recordings of their own animated conversations in Hindi-Urdu; the mother still understands much of them. The importance of age as a variable in child language attrition has been substantiated in several longitudinal case studies (Cohen 1989; Hansen 1980; Hansen-Strain 1990; Kaufman & Aronoff 1991; Koike 1990; Yukawa 1996), leading to the conclusion that the younger a child, the more rapid the pace of language attrition. Cohen (1989), Hansen (1980), Hansen-Strain (1990), and Yukawa (1996), looking at language loss by siblings together in the same linguistic environment, losing L2 Portuguese, L2 Hindi-Urdu, L2 Japanese, and L1 Japanese, respectively, found that the younger siblings lost their language skills more quickly than the older. A single exception to this in the case study literature is Kuhberg's (1992) report of the L2 German attrition of two Turkish children, ages nine and seven. The more rapid attrition of the nine-year-old is explained by the researcher as due to the "stronger pressure for the older child to give absolute priority to Turkish" (Kuhberg 1992:145). Group studies of child language attrition are also beginning to accumulate. In a study of Israeli children who had learned English abroad, Olshtain (1986, 1989) found that her younger subjects, ages five to seven, suffered more loss of their second language than did the older children, ages eight to fourteen. In another cross-sectional study of L2 English loss, Yoshida & Arai (1990) measured the listening comprehension of Japanese returnee children. In tasks that included repetition of increasingly complex sentences, the researchers found that the younger groups made significantly more errors. Although rapid attrition of unused language skills is the rule for young children, retention is a common outcome for adults. For those who attain relatively high levels of proficiency, an initial plateau of several years is reported, during which skills are relatively unaffected (Edwards 1977; Hansen 1996; Schumann, van Os & Weltens 1985; Snow, Padilla & Campbell 1984). Such is the case for Dutch students who learned French at school, according to a series of research reports from the Netherlands (Grendel 1993; Weltens 1989; Weltens & Grendel 1993; Weltens, van Els & Schils 1989). Weltens (1989), for example, reports that general receptive L2 proficiency was not susceptible to loss after four years of disuse by former students of French. When students attain lower levels of proficiency, however, a different outcome has been reported. In an American context, for example, Bahrick's (1984a) large-scale study of 773 former high school and college students of Spanish found significant L2 attrition during the first five or six years following training. The loss leveled off then, and knowledge tended to remain stable over several decades. Explanations for differences between groups of adult attriters have been sought in a number of variables, a key one being the L2 proficiency level before the onset of attrition.

Investigating Second Language Attrition

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Proficiency Level: Inverse Hypothesis and Critical Threshold Hypothesis In a review of the L2 attrition literature, Vechter, Lapkin, & Argue (1990) state that "the higher the degree of attainment, the lower the degree of attrition." This inverse hypothesis postulates that there is an inverse relationship between proficiency level prior to the onset of attrition and the rate and/or amount of loss. High levels of proficiency predict better survival of L2 German skills over time according to Godsall-Myers (1981). Especially receptive skills like vocabulary recognition and reading comprehension show high correlation between advanced L2 learning and L2 maintenance (Bahrick 1984a; Olshtain 1989; Weltens 1989). For mature second language speakers, as for mother tongue speakers, there seems to be an initial period when little attrition is observed despite language disuse. In fact, in cases of both children and adults, "residual learning" or apparent improvement of second language skills during periods of diminished use has been documented (Cohen 1975; Hansen-Strain 1992; Scherer 1957; Weltens et al. 1989). In his study of L2 Spanish attrition, Bahrick (1984a) concludes that the amount of content to be lost during the first five years following training "becomes a progressively smaller portion of total knowledge with higher levels of training" (116). He further reports that the bulk of the loss of Spanish knowledge (reading, vocabulary, idioms, grammar, and word order) occurs within a few years after training, but "the remainder is immune to further losses for at least a quarter of a century" (111). Bahrick coined the term permastore to refer to L2 content that is accessible and recognizable for the long term (up to 50 years!). In response to Bahrick's (1984a) findings, Neisser (1984) offers a different interpretation from a cognitive psychological perspective. He explains that Bahrick's subjects, instead of acquiring a set of isolated items, have discovered a structured system of relationships for Spanish, also called a schema, a structured mental representation of complex information. For example, the recall of a Spanish word is not a simple reproduction of a previously memorized item, but, rather, it is like a problem-solving response that involves deeper processes of memory retrieval. Thus, information tied into this extensive and redundant cognitive structure is resistant to forgetting, while less well connected pieces of information are vulnerable to loss. Neisser postulates that "some response strengths reach a critical threshold during learning; beyond that threshold they become immune to interference or decay" (33). His argument is based on Ausubel's subsumption theory, a process of relating new material to an existing cognitive field, thus making learning more meaningful and more resistant to loss (Brown 1987:65-69). Language attrition research supports Neisser's idea of a critical threshold, a point at which the learner has a stable enough mental representation of some linguistic elements and/or structures that they, at least temporarily, are resilient to loss. For example, as mentioned above, several studies of the L2 French learned in Dutch schools found little L2 attrition of recognition skills among the subjects, all very competent in the L2 (Grendel 1993; Weltens 1989; Weltens &

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Grendel 1993; Weltens, van Els & Schils 1989). Clark and Jorden (1984:58) recommend large scale studies to determine more precisely the "critical point in overall language proficiency below which attrition is rapid and extensive, but above which a large proportion of the initially acquired material is retained." Level 3 on the Foreign Service Institute (FSI) scale, according to FSI language instructors' informal observation, may be that point, the researchers add. Attitudes and Motivation At the first conference on language loss in 1980, Gardner proposed that social factors be included as predictor variables in attrition research. Citing Edwards's (1976, 1977) work on second language retention among Canadian government workers in Ottawa, the researcher argued that attitudinal/motivational factors are related to maintenance, in that they influence the degree to which individuals seek out opportunities to use a language (Gardner 1982). In Canadian bilingualism research, social factors, particularly attitudinal/ motivational variables, have been integral parts of the study of language progression and regression. Motivation was claimed to have two aspects: integrative and instrumental. A language learner with integrative motivation learns another language because of "a sincere and personal interest in the people and culture represented by the other language group," whereas a learner with instrumental motivation is more interested in "the practical value and advantage of learning a new language" (Lambert 1974:98). Growing out of this work (e. g., Gardner & Lambert 1959), numerous studies conducted in many parts of the world indicate varying degrees of relationship between L2 learning and attitudes and motivation. The effects of attitudes, motivation, and language use on L2 attrition have been studied by Gardner, Lalonde & MacPherson (1985) in Canadian students who had taken intensive French courses in Quebec. Less favorable attitudes and lower language use among the subjects correlated with the attrition of speaking and understanding as reported in "can-do" scales, but not to reading. The researchers suggest that attitudinal/motivational factors may exert their greatest influence on attrition primarily during the acquisition period by influencing the level of competence acquired. A subsequent study (Gardner, Lalonde, Moorcroft & Evers 1987) examined the role of motivation and use in L2 attrition in high school students of French over the summer vacation. While the best predictor of retention was found to be the level of proficiency attained, the researchers conclude that attitude and motivation are important indirect influences. 2 Processes in Attrition We now turn to accounts of several processes that have been examined in second language attrition research: the regression hypothesis, influence from the replacing language, and retrieval failure.

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The Regression Hypothesis The most widely used theory for describing the nature of the attrition process is the regression hypothesis. Dating back to Jakobson (1941), the hypothesis describes the path of language loss as the mirror opposite of acquisition. This proposition holds true at the interlinguistic skills level: receptive skills precede productive skills in acquisition and the reverse is true in attrition. The progression of both receptive skills (from listening comprehension to reading comprehension) and productive skills (from speaking to writing) is largely mirrored in attrition. Bahrick (1984a), Weltens (1987), and Yoshida et al. (1989), among others, have found support for the regression hypothesis at the level of interlinguistic skills. At the intralinguistic level (within morphology, syntax, the lexicon), documenting that the stages of development are reversed in attrition is more difficult. Tracking both acquisition and attrition is time consuming, and a universal or predictable development ladder has been established for only a limited number of linguistic structures. However, Berman & Olshtain (1983), Cohen (1975), and Olshtain (1986) have demonstrated through testing that the regression hypothesis holds. In a longitudinal study of the acquisition and attrition of negation in Hindi-Urdu by two American children, Hansen (1980) concludes that "the forgetting data from both children could be interpreted as a recapitulation in reverse of the acquisitional sequence." Kuhberg's (1992) longitudinal L2 acquisition and L2 attrition study of three Turkish children's German found that "attrition was largely a mirror image of acquisition": First-learned, basic syntactic patterns were retained longest. Yoshitomi (1992:295) concludes that "the generalizability of reverse order [the regression hypothesis] at the intra-skills level is limited, however, because the hypothesis has been tested only on a limited number of specific syntactic structures." Influence from the Replacing Language In both L2 acquisition and attrition, L1 transfer can be viewed as a resource actively used to restructure a linguistic system in transition. The extensive literature on L1 influence in L2 learning spans several decades (Gass & Selinker 1992; Odlin 1989), and suggests a number of constraints on the process: linguistic markedness (Eckman 1977); psycholinguistic markedness (Kellerman 1983); frequency (Anderson 1982); transfer more likely to occur if L1 and L2 are perceived as being close (like Japanese and Korean) than if they are perceived as being distant (like Japanese and English) (Kellerman 1983; Ringbom 1987); and similarity between L1 and L2 structures necessary for transfer to occur (Cowan 1986; Wode 1978; Zobl 1980). In the L2 attrition field the interference theory of memory loss holds that forgetting is actually interference between the replacing language and the attriting language (Weltens & Grendel 1993:137), but the transfer that occurs in the process has just begun to engage the attention of researchers. In a pioneering study of features of first language (Hebrew) transfer in second language (English)

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Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

attrition, Berman and Olshtain (1983) found that structural properties in which the attriting language differs quite markedly from the dominant language showed the greatest attrition. Additional work on the attrition of English as a second language by Hebrew speakers led Olshtain (1989) to suggest that typological universals affect interference from the dominant language in the use of the more restricted one. Further L2 attrition studies can be expected to shed new light on the constraints on linguistic dynamism which und lie the processes of language learning and loss. Retrieval Failure Theory The retrieval failure theory of language loss follows an information pro cessing approach whereby forgotten information is not gone, but has become inaccessible. Forgetting is said to be "much like being unable to find something that we have misplaced somewhere. Forgetting occurs because the information we seek is temporarily inaccessible; if only we had the right retrieval cue, the information we seek could be successfully retrieved" (Loftus & Loftus 1976). A decrease in accessibility to one's knowledge of a language is evidenced by strategies such as "progressive retrieval," a strategy in which a learner, in search of a certain target item, starts with an inappropriate form but eventually arrives at the correct form (Sharwood-Smith 1983; Cohen 1986, 1989; Olshtain 1989), circumlocution (Olshtain & Barzilay 1991; Turian & Altenberg 1991) and other hesitation and repair behaviors (Russell 1996; Hansen, Gardner & Pollard 1998, Kenny 1996). In the retrieval failure view, a critical element in measuring language attrition is, of course, processing time. An early symptom of attrition is an increase in the time needed to retrieve linguistic items (Olshtain 1994). Thus, while spontaneous speech is probably the most relevant data for research on language acquisition, in language attrition research it needs to be supplemented with well-controlled, timed experiments that force subjects to apply rules they are uncertain about (de Bot & Weltens 1995).

Overview of This Volume Part I of this collection examines language attrition in children, Japanese nationals who returned home following residence abroad. As an introduction to this section, Reetz-Kurashige defines the population and elaborates on the conditions of drastic reduction of English input back in Japan. She then reports on her own study which tracks changes in the L2 verb usage of 18 returnees over a year's time. Tomiyama's contribution next summarizes her 19-month case study of one returnee, with comparative data from two additional children. Rather than a focus on a single linguistic skill, the broader scope of this investigation allows for the examination of the differential attrition of lexicon, morphology, and syntax, and of productive skills versus receptive skills. Finally, Yoshitomi reports on her longitudinal case study of four girls over a year's time. Again, a broad

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focus in the research questions leads to comparative information on the attrition of several linguistic subskills, and, more important in her view, on the ability to coordinate them. The subjects of the three studies were all elementary school children who had spent from one to seven years in an English-speaking country and had been back in Japan for as long as a year and a half at study onset. Although the English proficiency levels of the subjects in the three studies cannot be compared using the same standardized measure, each of the researchers relates her attrition findings to subjects' age, length of residence abroad, L2 proficiency at study onset, and period of L2 disuse. Together the investigations report the accumulated effects of attrition of such subskills as fluency, lexical retrieval in speaking, accuracy in phonology, morphology, and syntax, in addition to assessing global attrition in speaking skills. With regard to the age variable, the quantitative and qualitative evidence from the three studies confirms the proposition that, for children, language retention increases with age. There is also agreement that the amount of loss is somewhat proportional to the subjects' level of L2 proficiency. The more these children knew, the more they were likely to retain. A further shared finding is that as length of disuse increases, the linguistic characteristics of loss change. Tomiyama specifies in her chapter that initial reduction in fluency and lexical retrieval precede morphosyntactic loss. In her observations of a highly proficient eight-year-old, she was unable to find any notable change in performance in phonology, morphology, receptive lexicon, and syntax over a 19-month period. The significance of her report lies not only in the loss that was observed but also in the loss that was not observed. Subsequent reports of the child's attrition over an additional two-and-a-half-year period (written and reported while this manuscript was being reviewed) show that the subsequent period of retention is followed by a stage of stability in productive lexicon and attrition in syntax. Evidence of morphological attrition starts to appear at this stage showing fluctuation in performance rather than a steady decline (Tomiyama 1995). Finally, in the third stage, we see the deterioration in his overall command of English, as seen in discourse skills. Phonology and receptive lexicon remain stable throughout the latter stages (Tomiyama 1996). By including 18 subjects in her study, Reetz-Kurashige was able to document a range of individual differences in patterns of retention/attrition of English verbs. Age and length of residence abroad emerged as interdependent factors. Children older than eight years who lived at least two years abroad retained 80 percent or better accuracy of verb forms. The most striking finding in the study was evidence of a threshold in attrition, a level of proficiency in speaking that mitigated against morphosyntactic loss. The study found that accuracy and clarity (as measured by targetlike use) in storytelling at the beginning of the study were strong predictive factors for retaining target like use of verb forms. On a comparative linguistic level Reetz-Kurashige's work supports Olshtain's (1986, 1989; Berman & Olshtain 1983) claim that typological and pragmatic similarities between the L1 and L2 lead to positive reinforcement for L2 retention,

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Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

whereas L1 and L2 dissimilarities lead to interference and attrition. A distinctive difference between Israeli and Japanese children is reported: the widespread use by the Asians of the English verb stem rather than analyzed forms. This appears to reflect a typological feature of Japanese grammar and may be attributable to the frequent use of the base form, shuushikei, in Japanese. After documentation of the accumulative effects of the English attrition of four subjects, Yoshitomi draws an original point from her analyses: "Overall, the measure of general accuracy (frequency of error-free clauses) exhibited attrition much more clearly than any other syntactic or lexical measurement." Thus she concludes that language attrition first appears in a reduction in the overall ability to coordinate linguistic subskills spontaneously and communicatively in real time. Erosion in specific linguistic subskills becomes apparent only subsequent to this loss in coordinative competence. Thus, Yoshitomi argues that maintenance programs for returnees should include opportunities for spontaneous interaction in order to utilize this competence. Part II of this volume examines the second language attrition of Japanese in adults. In the first two contributions the focus is on the L2 loss of Americans in the United States who had learned Japanese while working in Japan (Russell, Hansen). The concluding chapters look at the loss of L2 Japanese that had been learned in two very different educational settings: one in primary schools in Micronesia (Hayashi); the other in various classroom settings in the United States, as well as in Japan in combination with L2 exposure outside of class (Nagasawa). Russell's study examines the Japanese lexicons of L1 English speakers who had learned Japanese as missionaries in Japan. Production data, collected three times over a two-year period, is examined separately for two subgroups differentiated by the amount of formal L2 instruction they had received after leaving Japan. Significant differences are not found between the instructed and uninstructed groups. Using 26 dependent variables, the researcher finds only subtle evidence for loss over the first five years of reduced L2 Japanese use, lending support to claims for an initial plateau in the L2s of highly proficient attriters. The results are also consistent with the retrieval failure view: lexical skills are not so much lost as they are simply more difficult to access in real time. Russell's findings confirm those of previous studies that have found reports of decreasing vocabulary size under conditions of disuse but which, at the same time, have failed to find evidence for significant changes in lexical variability or density. Hansen examines the loss of negation in the same population of American adults as Russell, after 25-35 years of Japanese disuse. Acquisition data collected from learners in Japan had established the acquisition sequence for negation and had demonstrated that the negated structures are learned by this population during their sojourn in Japan. The attrition data support the regression hypothesis. The results are explained in a linguistic framework, including a discussion of structural salience and a consideration of the naturally occurring high frequency of verbal negation in Japanese. Significantly greater retention for

Investigating Second Language Attrition

13

attriters who had spent more time in Japan suggests that a critical threshold for second language maintenance may be crossed by learners who spend three years in intensive L2 use. Together, these two chapters provide a partial attrition profile of the returned missionary population. Little loss is found during the first few years of L2 disuse. There is considerable loss after several decades, however, with sizable individual differences in retention, particularly among those who had experienced shorter L2 exposure periods (the women). In the next chapter, Hayashi, documents the remains of L2 Japanese in elderly Micronesians who learned the language as school children during the Japanese occupation of their islands. With the analytical focus again on negation, the interview and elicitation data that are reported suggest the same constraints in the acquisition/attrition of Japanese negated structures as have been reported in previous studies of the progression (Kanagy 1991) and regression (Hansen & Iwata 1992; see also Chapter 6, this volume) of Japanese L2 negation. Hayashi also comments on the robustness of formulaic expressions and pragmatic markers of negation (e.g., dame, iya, chigau) in the L2 Japanese of her subjects. Nagasawa's subjects were seven American graduate students who had spent the summer in Japan. She followed them during the subsequent year back at the university in circumstances of greatly decreased L2 input, relating their retention/attrition of Japanese to proficiency level, attitudes and motivation, and language learning background. The study differs from the previous ones in that, rather than a discontinuation of second language input, all of these students continued regular L2 exposure (albeit very much reduced) over the observation period, including two 80-minute Japanese courses each week. Thus, in Nagasawa's careful longitudinal analysis, more than in those of the previous researchers, we see the ebb and flow of linguistic dynamism. Oral proficiency was tracked by Nagasawa through Oral Proficiency Interview (OPI) data over a seven-month period. In addition to ratings using the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (ACTFL) scale, the interviews yielded data for the analysis of Japanese particle use, sentence structure, and fluency. The major findings were (1) an advanced-high rating (that is, 2+) or higher on the ACTFL scale appeared to be a threshold level for resisting L2 attrition; (2) the four subjects who maintained their high motivation for learning Japanese also maintained their proficiency to a greater extent than the three who did not, with retentive power in either instrumental or integrative motivation; (3) the four subjects in the maintenance group had instruction prior to (or simultaneously with) their language contact, whereas the three attriters had experienced extensive contact in Japan (19-36 months) before their formal instruction in Japanese. Although Nagasawa takes a cautious approach in interpreting and generalizing her findings, the results of her study do point to a hypothesis for future studies: in the initial stages of second language learning, classroom instruction better leads to subsequent retention of the second language than does immersion without instruction.

14

Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

The Language Attrition Puzzle: Research and Applications Amassing and Assembling the Pieces Some evidence from empirical research on language attrition may appear contradictory to findings from other research. For example, the relationship of proficiency level to attrition reported by Reetz-Kurashige (see Chapter 2, this volume), seems to run counter to Weltens's (1989) findings, which indicated that attrition is independent of training level (de Bot & Weltens 1995:153), and to Bahrick's conclusion that "the total amount of content to be forgotten during the five years following training is relatively constant for individuals at different levels of training" (Bahrick 1984a:116). Why such apparent contradictions? The answer lies in the study designs and instruments. Measurement of attrition in productive skills consistently shows more attrition than measurement of recognition skills. Subjects' age and level of L2 competency at study onset also influence attrition, so that, in the above example, the younger and less competent subjects of Reetz-Kurashige's study retained less than either Welten's highly competent or Bahrick's older subjects. Repeated measures of the same subjects permits tracking individuals' loss patterns, which comparisons between groups does not allow. Tomiyama's (1996; see also Chapter 3, this volume) evidence of decreased fluency and increased code switching in her subjects revealed aspects of loss that comparisons between groups cannot show. Similarly, tracking productive use of language can provide evidence like Reetz-Kurashige (Chapter 2, this volume) and Yoshitomi's (Chapter 3, this volume) data on incremental downward shifts toward use of simpler syntax; or it can provide evidence like Nagasawa (Chapter 8, this volume) and Tomiyama's (1996) data on the fluctuating nature of language change in highly proficient L2 attriters. Thus, when we look closely at task, age, levels of language competency, amount of time over which attrition is measured, and the design of time series assessments (repeated measure or comparisons between groups), we find that the separate study results are like pieces of a puzzle that we are still putting together. We hope that the chapters in this volume will be viewed as a modest contribution toward sorting and assembling some of the pieces. As we fit findings from individual studies into the larger picture of language attrition, a consideration of task—for example, the language abilities assessed —is particularly important for distinguishing common, complementary, and contrary results. The initial important distinction in task is between the testing of productive versus recognition/receptive skills. The common finding reported by Weltens's literature review (1987:23) and confirmed in this volume (see Chapters 3 and 8) is that productive skills are vulnerable to long-term loss, whereas recognition skills are much less so. Within the separate areas of recognition and productive skills, we must further specify the type of task as the following examples show. Single-word recall is easier when subjects are prompted in L2 to recall L1 than when prompted in L1 to recall L2 vocabulary items (Bahrick 1984a; Kroll et al. 1993); story retelling after hearing a tape compared with storytelling

Investigating Second Language Attrition

15

from pictures demonstrates that the latter is more prone to error (Chapter 2, this volume); in assessing conversational skills, subjects' recall of common idioms is relatively immune to attrition, whereas recalling grammatical structures typologically different from their L1 is candidate for loss (Olshtain 1989). In order to bring unambiguous evidence to bear on hypotheses in the language attrition field, we need reliable measurements of linguistic ability. The more precisely we define and measure attrition, the more congruent our findings appear and the better the puzzle pieces fit together. Inasmuch as no tried-andtrue test battery for measuring language proficiency is yet available, a variety of instruments is needed to investigate declining L2 proficiency from many different perspectives. In addition to syntactic and lexical skills which have most often been studied, future research should develop reliable instruments for the measurement of phonological, pragmatic, and discourse skills. This broadened focus of attrition research, coupled with the extension to larger samples of the approaches exemplified in this volume, can give us a more complete picture of the dynamism that underlies language loss. Applications of Research on Second Language Attrition

In considering the applications of second language attrition research, we again point out the three sets of variables involved in L2 loss: characteristics of the acquisition process, the attrition period, and the attriter. As our understanding of them and of their interaction in the language attrition process is expanded through research, applications can be made in the areas of L2 instruction, language maintenance programs, and strategy training for language retention. L2 Instruction In relating language teaching to subsequent maintenance of the language, one of the most fundamental questions is whether particular teaching methods are superior to others in terms of the long-term retention of the acquired skills. So far, a very tentative conclusion is that explicit teaching engenders more durable skills than immersion or direct methods. One source of evidence for this, cited by Weitens & Cohen (1989:128) with respect to young children is their "rapid and apparently total loss of L2 competence acquired under natural circumstances in the L2 environment once the learners return to the L1 environment again" (Burling 1978; Hansen 1980). Since these children were pre-school age, however, maturity is recognized as a confounding variable. It remains to be seen the extent to which the reported age differences in attrition accrue from the fact that the older subjects learned explicit grammar, whereas the children did not. Nagasawa's (Chapter 8, this volume) interesting finding is that adults who initially had classroom instruction experienced less attrition than adults who had no explicit instruction in the initial stages of exposure to Japanese. In order to make claims about the superiority of one exposure type or teaching method over others, however, we need to test empirically the impact of various learning histories on the language maintenance of larger groups of attriters.

16

Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

The emphasis given to particular language skills in the L2 classroom is another variable to include in studies of the effects of learning conditions on subsequent language attrition. The important dichotomy here is between productive and receptive skills. Since the latter appear more durable, we should look at the effects on retention of an emphasis in instruction on listening and reading as opposed to speaking and writing. Given the differences found so far in the development and maintenance of comprehension and production abilities, we may find differences in retention between students whose instruction focused mainly on oral productive skills and those whose instruction stressed primarily reading and listening. The extent to which literacy anchors linguistic knowledge is an area just beginning to be addressed (Hansen & Newbold 1998; Hansen & Chantrill 1998). In a recent study of the attrition of Japanese as a second language by American adults, Hansen & Newbold (1998) found that the level of Japanese writing that had been attained by the subjects was a strong predictor of their subsequent retention of the language. While several earlier reports of child language attrition also show a positive relationship between language retention and the attainment of reading and writing skills (Hansen-Strain 1990; Ohlstain 1989; see also Chapter 2, this volume), the designs of these studies result in a confounding of the literacy variable with both age and the original level of L2 proficiency. The effect on language retention of the intensity of the training program is still another area remaining to be examined in attrition research. The literature on language acquisition, however, indicates that students enrolled in more intensive programs make more progress than those in non-intensive programs with the same amount of time in the classroom (Edwards 1976; Stern 1976). Thus, it may be that language acquisition in intensive and nonintensive programs do involve different processes which result in differences in subsequent loss of the language. It would be useful for educators to know whether the language learned in a particular number of hours in an intensive course would have the same staying power for students (over a vacation period or for the long-term) as would the language learned in the same number of hours spread over a longer time. Language Maintenance Programs Although t so ubiquitous around the world as second language teaching programs, pioneering programs for second language maintenance do exist and should be the object of applied classroom research. In Japan, for example, contributors to the present volume are familiar with programs designed to help returnees maintain their English skills. In the Saturday classes available to the children, little chance is given them to use their second language in communicative situations. As of now, only activities involving local skills or individual subskills seem to be included, such as spelling tests, memorization games, and simple listening or reading comprehension exercises. Few activities include interactive production exercises that involve communication gaps and the use of global language skills (Yoshitomi 1992). Thus, since the returnees' ability to use subskills erodes more slowly than

Investigating Second Language Attrition

17

their global ability (see Chapter 4, this volume), their successful performance in these activities is likely to give them, their teachers, and their parents a false impression that the children are retaining English quite well. This underestimation of the children's L2 attrition may have a negative effect on language maintenance as it masks the need to use English communicatively in order to retain the ability to coordinate linguistic subskills. Allotting some time in class for students to talk with a competent speaker one-to-one, even infrequently, is considered by Yoshitomi (Chapter 4, this volume) to be more beneficial than making them work on "shallow" activities that do not necessitate the coordination of their language skills. What applied classroom research needs to investigate, then, is whether or not the increase in maintenance programs of class activities that involve real-time spontaneous interaction aids language retention more than activities involving individual subskills. In addition to face -to-face interaction, technology offers exciting and innovative options for supporting communication-based language use (Fotos 1996). Worldwide correspondence networks which include e-mail, chatrooms and computer lined classrooms now provide opportunities for spontaneous communicative practice. This technology has handed returnees around the world an immediate and inexpensive means to communicate with native speakers of languages learned abroad. Interactive Computer Assisted Learning (CAL) programs can be designed to utilize the global language skills of students for use in maintenance programs as well (Otto 1988). Applied research should explore the effects on retention of such communicative on-line uses. Training in Language Retention Strategies During this decade many language teachers have recognized one of the most valuable gifts they can give their students: help in learning how to learn. Materials for teaching strategies for successful language learning have proliferated (Brown 1989, 1991; Ellis & Sinclair 1989; Rubin & Thompson 1994), based on a substantial L2 research literature that examines the characteristics and strategies of the "good language learner" (For reviews see Dickenson 1992; McDonough 1995; O'Malley & Chamot 1990; Oxford 1990). Similarly, as we enter a new century, the work of language attrition researchers can provide a foundation for teaching learners to maintain their language effectively (Berko Gleason 1988). While much less is known about language attrition than about language acquisition, one feature they clearly share is the enormous difference between individuals in their success in learning or keeping a second language. Some are able to maintain language skills, while others with similar learning histories and attrition circumstances lose them. Just as language acquisition researchers during the 1980s attempted to understand the characteristics and strategies of "the good language learner," so now language attrition researchers in the new millennium and beyond have the challenge of finding the characteristics and strategies of "the good language keeper."

18

Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts

Notes 1. The definition assumed here is the one current in the literature on bilingualism as detailed by the following entry from The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language (Crystal 1993:362). What is a bilingual? The obvious answer is: someone who speaks two languages. But this answer will not suffice. It does not allow for those who make irregular use of one or other language, or those who have not used the language at all for many years (so-called "dormant" bilinguals). Nor does it allow for the many people who have developed a considerable skill in comprehending a foreign language, but who do not speak it; or those who have learned to read in another language, but who cannot speak or write it. ... And above all, this definition says nothing about the level of proficiency that has to be attained before speakers can legitimately claim to be bilingual. The notion of proficiency raises some very complex issues. Again, the "obvious" answer is to say that people are bilingual when they achieve native-like fluency in each language. But this criterion is far too strong. People who have "perfect" fluency in two languages do exist, but they are the exception, not the rule. The vast majority of bilinguals do not have an equal command of their two languages: one language is more fluent than the other, interferes with the other, imposes its accent on the other, or simply is the preferred language in certain situations.. . . Scholars now tend to think of bilingual ability as a continuum: bilingual people will find themselves at different points on this continuum, with a minority approaching the theoretical ideal of perfect, balanced control of both languages, but most being some way from it, and some having very limited ability indeed. 2. Although Gardner stood by his statistics that support his socioeducational model, in the face of academic criticism (Au 1988), he admitted that "association" is the more accurate description of the relationships between attitudes, motivation, and language proficiency, rather than "causality" (Gardner 1988).

PART I

The Loss of English as a Second Language by Japanese Children

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2 Japanese Returnees' Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills: Changes in Verb Usage over Time Anita Reetz-Kurashige

This study tracked the English-speaking ability of 18 school-age Japanese returnees for a period of 12-18 months. The data included interviews, free talking, and storytelling. We measured the changes in the subjects' retention of ability to tell or to retell stories and specifically examined children's changes in verb forms over their first three years back in Japan. The purpose of the research was to provide pedagogically useful information on attrition, highlighting verb forms.

The Problem and Its Setting Returnees Returnees, called kikoku shijo in Japanese, who are the main subject of this study, need to be defined. Tetsuya Kobayashi of Kyoto University (1983:i) has described kikoku shijo as those who have had the experience of being born in Japan and brought up in the mainstream of Japanese culture. When they reached a certain age, they went overseas with their parents. While they were being brought up overseas, they received some influence from the local culture. After a few years, they returned home and were brought up in the mainstream Japanese culture once again. Over 10,000 kikoku shijo have returned to Japan each year since 1988 (Shoowa:63). As Figure 2.1 shows, the 1992 volume of returnees reached 13,219. The number of returnees was steady through the early 1990s, totaling 12,000 to 13,000 between 1992 and 1996. The annual number of returnees is expected to remain above 10,000 through this century.

21

22

The Loss of English as a Second Language

Figure 2.1 Annual Numbers of Returnees by School Level Consistently, the school-age returnees tend to be young. Through the 1980s and early 1990s, slightly over 60% of the returnees were in elementary school, just under 25% in junior high school, and a relatively small 15% in high school. While the tendency has been for children to attend high school and university in Japan, two new trends in education have helped push up the proportion of high school students going abroad with their parents. First, the Japanese Ministry of Education (Mombushoo) has advised Japanese high schools to recognize academic credits earned in high schools abroad. Secondly, an increasing number of private colleges and universities have introduced a separate kikoku shijo entrance examination or special admissions considerations for high school graduates who have spent three years of high school overseas with their parents. 1 Nevertheless, the preponderance of younger returnees is not expected to change, given the relatively young age of the adults sent abroad. English has emerged as the preferred language of instruction for Japanese children studying abroad. In 1992, over 96% of Japanese children on a prolonged stay in North America attended local schools, as opposed to Nihonjin gakkoo (Japanese schools) administered abroad by the Japanese Ministry of Education. In Europe, 65% of resident Japanese children attended local schools (Mombushoo 1993:5). The importance of acquiring English as a second language is not lost on the parents of returnees. After Mandarin Chinese, English is the most widely spoken language in the world, with an estimated 440 million native speakers. 2 English is spoken as a first or second language in at least 45 countries, or one-third of the world. By focusing this study of returnees' L2 on English, we address the most widely acquired L2.

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23

Problem of Returnees L2 Maintenance Returnees face the problem of trying to keep their English once they return and are surrounded by and actively engaged in daily communication in Japanese. Understandably, drastic reduction in L2 input and interaction creates circumstances for L2 loss." Input frequency, an environmental factor, modifies linguistic knowledge," according to Yoshitomi (1992:304) because items that are frequent in input are neurologically processed and stored differently from items that are processed infrequently. The problem is that the returnees function in a stunningly different language environment in Japan, where English-language speakers are scarce and the opportunity for spontaneous and natural interaction in English is even scarcer. Parents of bilingual children frequently experience frustration in trying to recreate a social setting that would bring learner and native speakers together. Although English as a Second Language (ESL) scholars like Kyoko Yashiro and others are working to introduce foreign language study at the upper elementary school (koogakuen) level (see Yashiro 1991), the Ministry of Education has resisted expansion of the curriculum because it runs counter to the current objective of eliminating Saturday classes to give a full two-day weekend. In 1993, however, a few target elementary schools throughout Japan were selected to begin teaching foreign languages, including English, in the fifth and sixth grades. Because this is a pilot effort, we expect families to remain still largely on their own in the task of encouraging their children's L2 abilities. Accordingly, the desire to develop a curriculum for returnees' L2 maintenance has stimulated the need to explore the ESL attrition process of these children. Issues in Returnee Attrition Research No complete model of attrition has been accepted to date. The regression hypothesis, which postulates L2 loss occurring in the reverse order of L2 acquisition has received qualified support in studies by Cohen (1975), Berman & Olshtain (1983), Jordens, de Bot & Trapman (1989), Hansen (1980), HansenStrain (1990), Hansen & Shen (1999), Kuhberg (1992), and Olshtain (1986, 1989). Olshtain's (1989) attempt to trace changes in linguistic features of Israeli returnees' ESL attrition found no clear regression patterns. However, she documented linguistic features that are prime candidates for attrition and found extensive evidence of change in verb forms. The critical threshold notion, that attainment of some level of L2 competence mitigates against loss, has also been partially supported in studies by de Bot & Clyne (1989), Weltens (1987), Weltens et al. (1989). Bahrick's (1984a) survey, Fifty Years of Second Language Attrition, which plotted plateaus of recall and recognition remains the benchmark study. Specification of threshold levels of ESL proficiency in listening, speaking, reading, writing, and various syntactic components has never been completed.

24

The Loss of English as a Second Language

In the past ten years, case studies of returnees' L2 maintenance by Kuhberg (1992), Olshtain (1989), Tomiyama (see Chapter 3), and Yoshitomi (see Chapter 4), have documented the sequence of loss of at the intraskills level, including code switching, lexical retrieval, fluency, phonology, morphology, and syntax. Although based on a limited number of subjects, these studies provide a base of evidence for generalizing on patterns of returnees' L2 retention. A major two-volume study of Japanese returnees' ESL retention was published in 1989 and 1990: Kikoku shijo no gaikokugo hoji ni kansuru choosa kenkyu hookokusho (A survey on the foreign language retention of returnees) by the Kaigai Shijo Kyooiku Shinkoo Zaidan (Japan Overseas Educational Services, JOES). The survey reported on differences in returnees' retention and related these to personal characteristics of age and time elapsed since return. In one study, Yoshida & Arai (1990) measured listening comprehension in tasks that included repetition of increasingly complex sentences. The responses were evaluated for correctness of morphemes and grammatical structure. In the grammatical analysis, they found that the younger groups had higher errors, most frequently omissions and substitution. The youngest children who had been back the longest (over two years) also had the highest rate of substitution of words and phrases. Older children who had been back the longest showed the highest accuracy in repetitions. Yoshida & Arai identified linguistic weaknesses in the returnees' speech through error analysis and found that inaccurate verb substitution ranked the highest. The above studies point to a number of unsolved issues. The regression hypothesis has proved difficult to assess for lack of documentation on acquisition patterns (Olshtain 1989). The critical threshold notion has not been quantified for ESL. Documentation on Japanese returnees' loss of ESL is still fragmentary. The bulk of attrition research to date has been building from the bottom up, documenting retention of specific skills and charting changes over time. This study continues that effort. Attrition is admittedly an incremental process, and there is no clear distinction between acquisition and attrition. This presents a hidden problem in study design. Studies that group subjects by the time elapsed since the end of L2 training and the onset of testing, and then test for proficiency and draw conclusions on retention, make the implicit assumption that all subjects learn about the same amount over the same acquisition period. However, studies of L2 acquisition (Wong Fillmore 1976, 1991) have shown that children of similar age and length of time in the L2 environment vary considerably in their L2 competence. There is a pedagogic need to distinguish between failure to acquire and attrition because relearning a second language may take less time than initial learning (Hansen 1980). Furthermore, there is a need to develop longitudinal tracking evidence and compare it with evidence from cross-sectional or between groups study designs. Accordingly, in this study I investigated attrition patterns by comparing each subject with his or her own previous performance. In this way, this study can distinguish between language loss and failure to ever acquire some forms, and, more important, it can document actual shifts in language use.

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Purpose and Scope of Study This study takes a close look at returnees' verb usage, which Olshtain (1986, 1989) and Yoshida & Arai (1990) identified as highly susceptible to change and error, in order to shed light on several unanswered points. First, we have not yet answered what changes in language occur over time in Japanese returnees' speech. Specifically, we want to ascertain if there are any patterns of change in verb usage. Then, we can examine whether any personal characteristics of the children relate to their retention patterns, and, if so, what factors predict L2 retention. The following research questions have been framed to assess returnees' competence over time in using verbs in storytelling. (1) What common changes and shifts over time occur in returnees' use of verb forms in ESL narrations? Can any patterns of change over time be identified? (2) Do the personal characteristics of returnees' age, length of time abroad, length of time back, and proficiency level at study onset relate to their retention/attrition in using verbs? If so, what factors relate favorably to (are predictive of) L2 retention? Method The investigation through storytelling included two tasks and three subject groups. Storytelling included a retelling after a tape and an original story told from a picture book. The three subject groups were 18 returnees, 10 Japanese children of elementary school age living in Honolulu and attending local English speaking schools, and 14 native English speakers in the same range. These three groups were compared in lexical and morphosyntactic assessments. Then the study assessed the returnees individually at two or three times during approximately 12-19 months. Narrations were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively. Measurements included type-token counts and ratios to determine vocabulary diversity and targetlike usage (TLU) assessments of accuracy in morphology. Qualitative analysis focused on comparisons between subjects' initial and final descriptions of the same story pictures. Subjects Three groups of elementary school age children comprise the subjects of this study: returnees whose L2 was measured for change in Japan, a baseline group of Japanese children whose L2 narration was recorded in Honolulu, and a native English-speaking group recorded in Honolulu. Table 2.1 (see Appendix) contains the personal data on age, length of residence, and length of schooling. The average age of the children was nine years old. Returnees had lived abroad for an average of 2.4 years, compared with the baselines' 3.5 yrs.3 The native English speakers had lived in the United States continuously and attended school there. The following section contains additional information of each group.

26

The Loss of English as a Second Language

Returnees Tables 2.1 and 2.2 (in the Appendix) sh ow the personal and test characteristics of the returnees. At study onset, the eighteen returnees had lived from 1-5 years abroad and had attended school in English from 1-4 years, 2.2 years being the average (Table 2.1). In Table 2.2, returnees are grouped by time elapsed between return and study onset (incubation period). As shown, twelve children were back less than three months at study onset, and six children had been back from 8-22 months. I deliberately included subjects who had been back over a year in order to gather evidence on plateaus or thresholds of retention. Table 2.2 shows that all subjects had an initial and a final assessment, and eleven had an interim one also. Initial and final assessments varied from 7 months for Subjects 1 and 3, to 18 months for Subject 17. Eleven of the returnees were interviewed three times and the other seven were interviewed twice. The returnees took a qualifying literacy test; Table 2.2 also shows those scores. Subject eligibility required scoring 50th percentile or better on the language section of the Stanford Achievement Test, Abbreviated, Primary 1, Form J, (Psychological Corp., Harcourt, Brace, and Jovanovich, 1988), and a primary -level (grade 1) reading test. The purpose of a literacy requirement was to avoid mixing in preliterates whose attrition behavior is known to be different; Berman & Olshtain (1983) and Hansen-Strain (1990) clearly associated literacy with stability of knowledge. Initial arrangement of data in Table 2.2 by incubation period is consistent with cross-sectional analysis and allows us to chart changes for subjects within the framework of time lapsed since their return. After the verb analysis, subjects are ranked by retention levels, and it is in that format that we later examine the relationship between subjects' retention and their personal characteristics. Baseline Subjects The purpose of the baseline group was to obtain examples of levels of competence reached by children relative to their length of residence and schooling abroad. We examined their proficiency and L2 learner errors. Through these baseline data we can identify language variations in vocabulary, morphology, and syntax that may also occur in the returnees' speech. Their language variations inform us that some structures have not yet been acquired. The ten Japanese children, ages eight to eleven, in this group were attending the Rainbow School, a Saturday Nihongo gakkoo in Honolulu. Native Speakers of English We evaluated the returnees against same-age native English speakers rather than against a standard norm of (adult) English speakers because research has shown that linguistic and discourse features change significantly with age. Children's vocabulary and syntax develop during their first decade as they learn to handle more detail and narrative complexity. Children's use of verb tense and aspect (Ellis 1987), pronouns (Clancy 1982), and lexical and syntactic complexity

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

27

(Slobin 1990) develop incrementally. The immature storyteller often switches apparently randomly from past to present tense and back, whereas the older child shows a more definite time sense, usually selecting the past tense for narration (Ellis 1987; Slobin 1990). It would be unfair to assert that a young returnee lacks stability in verb tense if native English-speaking youngsters lack the same skill. This subject group consisted of 12 students, ages six to twelve, who were attending elementary school in Honolulu. Storytelling Storytelling was the task selected to measure changes in verb use primarily because it offers repeatability and comparability. In addition, the particular stories used in this research have been used in other studies of bilingual children's L2 attrition. Frog, Where are You? by Mercer Mayer (1969) and A Boy, A Dog, and A Frog by the same author (1967) are picture books with detailed drawings and no text. They are companion books that have the same three characters (a boy, a dog, and a frog) and many development sequences that invite variety in vocabulary and syntax. Because there is no text, a child must rely on his or her own recall abilities. The frog stories were used in attrition studies by Berman & Olshtain (1983), & Olshtain (1986, 1989), and Yoshitomi (1994). The Book is a set of 19 drawings with no text; but an accompanying audiotape in English provides approximately one explanatory sentence per picture. The tape includes many phrasal verbs, a negative verb, and a passive voice. The Book was used in Hansen-Strain's (1990) study of English-speaking children remembering and forgetting Japanese. Testing Procedures For the first task, The Book was given each child, who looked at the pictures while listening to the English tape. Those pictures were put aside and the child was then given Frog, Where Are You? and told to look at all the pictures and afterward tell the story in English. Then storytelling and taping began. When the child finished, he was asked to look again at the pictures for The Book and retell that story. The nonsequential procedure is meant to diminish short-term recall of the exact words on the tape. Before the second taping, I reviewed the returnees' first stories and identified vocabulary weakness and failure to complete constructions or to describe images. Some subjects had skipped over details in the more complex pictures. I wanted to hear if they could formulate a proper sentence based upon a prompt. Through informal trials, I found that some subjects could integrate a prompt into the narrative, indicating that they knew the semantic and syntactic use of the prompt. Other subjects simply repeated the prompt and did not integrate it into the narrative, suggesting that the lexical item and/or its use were beyond their knowledge. Subjects who ignored the prompt totally provided no clear information. To explore further, an interventionary approach was adopted for subsequent storytelling as follows:

28

The Loss of English as a Second Language

(1) Warm up period to review the two stories with the subject before storytelling begins. The interviewer invited the subject to ask the names of anything before taping began. (2) During storytelling, if the subject asked for a word, paused more than 10 seconds, or repeated herself several times for want of a word, the interviewer supplied it.4 (3) If the subject skipped a picture or an explanation, which other children usually explained, the interviewer probed further, with something like, "What's happening here?" Samples of the prompting are (a) The subject below picked up on a prompt: Returnee: he was going down a steep hill Interviewer: cliff Returnee: cliff. And the deer stopped/and the dog fell down the cliff. (b) Conversely, another subject ignored a prompt: Returnee: he has worried look. Interviewer: Yes, he looks worried. Returnee (later referring to the same frog): * is again worried look. After the initial storytelling, we faced the problem that subsequent telling of the same story becomes familiar, so the task may involve less language creation and more recall of one's previous performance. As a check on this practice effect, four subjects (7,11,16, and 14) who had been back in Japan for different lengths of time, from less than a month to 19 months, were asked to tell the companion story, A Boy, A Dog, and A Frog in the second session (Time 2). There was no discernible effect that this story change had on these subjects' subsequent (Time 3) narration of Frog, Where Are You? Data Analysis All narrations collected through testing were transcribed according to a modified version of Slobin's (1989) Frog Story Procedures. (See the notes for transcription notation). The following measures were obtained from the data. Measure of Vocabulary Diversity Based on Type-Token Counts "In mathematical linguistics the total number of words in a text may be referred to as the number of text tokens and the number of different words as the number of text types. The ratio of different words in a text to total words in the text is known as the lexical density or Type-Token Ratio" (Richards, Platt & Weber, Dictionary of Applied Linguistics 1988:300). Overall lexical density is calculated by: [different words (types) total words (tokens)]. The analysis is carried one step further in this study by classifying all types and tokens by part of speech (verbs, nouns, articles and so forth). This breakdown provides an additional

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

29

qualitative measure of speech production that relates to the grammatical composition of each narration. Verb Analysis: Targetlike Usage Measured Over Time The methodology in the verb analysis followed these steps: (1) Count verb phrases as one unit and classify the unit by type. Actual types included present, past regular and past irregular tenses; present and past progressive aspect; negatives; passive voice; infinitives; and past participles. tried to touch was broken got stuck did not come hear singing was able to get up

tried - past regular, to touch = other (infinitive) passive voice, was = past irregular, broken = other (past participle) passive voice, got = past irregular, stuck - other (past participle) negative, did = past irregular, come (verb stem) hear = present tense, singing = other (present participle) was = past irregular, able = adjective, to get up = other (infinitive)

(2) Apply the TLU formula as set forth in Pica's (1983) methods of morpheme quantification : No. Correctly Supplied Morphemes/Forms in Obligatory Context = SOC No. Obligatory Contexts + No. Supplied in Nonobligatory Context = OC + SNOC The numerator is a count of the number of verbs correctly supplied by a subject in his/her story. It is labeled SOC for supplied in obligatory contexts and it indicates accuracy. The denominator counts the subject's total verbal production, correct and incorrect, per story. It combines OC, or obligatory contexts, and SNOC, supplied in non-obligatory contents. OC indicates the number of verbs that the subject supplied for correct verb usage given the context of the narration. SNOC indicates the number of verbs the subject supplied in addition to the number of verbs required for the given context. Consider the sample calculation of one subject's sentences: The bee chasing the dog. The owl chased the boy, and the boy fall of from the tree. (Correct forms: The bee was chasing the dog. The owl chased the boy, and the boy fell off the tree.) Employing the TLU formula for past regular (chased) - 1/1 or 100%; for past irregular (fall instead of fell) = 0/1 or 0%; for past progressive (chasing) = 0/1 or 0% because the auxiliary is missing. The overall TLU = 1/3 or 33%. In counting correctness (SOC) the general rule is, if the sentence is grammatically correct and the verb forms are correct on the sentence level, the verb is counted as correct. This rule allows for shifting of verb tense in the narrative and is consistent with tense shifting among the native speakers of elementary school age. There are some instances, however, in which, a correct form at the sentence

30

The Loss of English as a Second Language

level has not been accepted as correct: for example, when the narrator has established consistency in using the past tense and then abruptly shifts to the present tense for one or two verbs. the boy and dog caught the frog .. . they watched the frog . .. while boy and dog sleep the frog slip out next morning boy and dog saw the frog was not in the jar In this example, slip is an error because it is incorrect as either the present or past form. Sleep is arguably correct as a present tense form at the clause level but incorrect at the narrative level because TLU would normally call for the past tense form, slept. I counted sleep as incorrect here because past tense had been established as the narrative form. When this type of shift occurred it was also footnoted. The following section summarizes the study results and elaborates on the findings. Results Overview In the initial comparison of the three groups, type-token counts indicated that the recent returnees resembled the baseline group in vocabulary diversity. This implied that discernible loss in productive vocabulary had not set in for youngsters who had returned within three months. From the quantitative TLU analysis and from qualitative comparison of each child's stories over a period of approximately 12-18 months, we found that the 18 subjects demonstrated some common changes and shifts in their language patterns and specifically their use of verbs. These changes could be generalized best by ranking subjects in terms of TLU accuracy at final assessment. Some changes and errors appeared to occur sequentially and were characteristic of particular levels of ESL competence: 1. Shifts in tense and aspect occurred from past to progressive and from past progressive to present progressive. These changes were made by lowretention speakers whose stability of language was eroding. 2. Common errors in morphology included dropping the bound -ed morpheme in the past tense, the -s for the third person singular, omitting the auxiliary in the progressive, or failing to have the auxiliary agree in number with the subject. Moderate-to low-retention speakers lost bound and free morphemes. 3. Use of the verb stem was a particularly prevalent feature of attrition for low-retention speakers. These interlanguage speakers showed instability

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

4.

5. 6.

7.

31

in tense and morphemes from study onset and increased their reliance on unanalyzed forms over time. Returnees' use of negatives over time showed few word order errors, some shifts to simpler forms, and progressively increasing errors in bound and free morphemes. This suggests an attrition pattern of morpheme loss occurring before reduction in complexity and reductions in complexity (which constitute a type of compensatory strategy) occurring before syntactic errors. Simplification often appeared to be an attempt to avert syntactic errors. Most subjects who scored high in TLU accuracy and retention still showed declines in vocabulary diversity and/or increased redundancy. Lexical loss appeared be a precursor to morphosyntactic loss. Qualitative comparison of each subject's stories over time documented shifts in usage that occurred without error: reduced vocabulary, increased redundancy, "downshift" in verb tense, and selection of simpler forms, particularly in forming or avoiding negation. Initial proficiency scores were the best predictors of retention. Age and length of residence emerged as interdependent in that children over eight years old and with at least two years of school abroad retained over 80%TLU. Children who were either under eight years old or had less than two years of schooling abroad showed 30%-79% retention of TLU. Both conditions of being over eight years old and having over two years study abroad needed to be met for over 80%TLU to continue for more than twelve months.

Elaboration of Results Vocabulary Diversity of Subject Groups The three subject groups were compared for vocabulary diversity using the first storytelling of The Book. Table 2.3 in the Appendix shows average type-token counts overall and by parts of speech for all subjects. As we can see, the tape of The Book had a type-token ratio of .43 compared with a similar .44 for native speakers, baselines, and recent returnees. Returnees back the longest had the lowest, .39. The tape, however, contained the highest absolute vocabulary diversity, with a total of 213 words tokens and 92 different word types. In contrast, native speakers averaged only 185 tokens and 86 types. Recent returnees and the baseline group were nearly identical, with a typetoken ratio of .44 (62/142) and .44 (64/145), respectively. The type-token counts by parts of speech (in bold print in the table) as well are nearly identical for the baselines and recent returnees. Groups 2 and 3, returnees who had been back longer, showed lower vocabulary diversity of .41 (62/152) and .39 (52/132), respectively. We recognize the strong similarity of the ratios for each subject group, that is, the strong overall similarity of the groups in lexical density. Noteworthy is the almost identical type counts of the baselines and recent returnees.

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The Loss of English as a Second Language

This aggregate analysis of The Book is the clearest demonstration we have that the narrative speech of the recent returnees and baselines who are still living abroad are virtually indistinguishable on the point of the lexical density by parts of speech. This evidence suggests that for some recent returnees, productive vocabulary did not decline immediately upon leaving the English-speaking environment. Because their vocabulary corresponds so closely with bilinguals still in the L2 environment, these limitations indicate failure to acquire rather than lexical loss following return. In the following subsections we examine changes over time in targetlike usage of verbs forms, including negative forms and relate the results again to the subjects' personal characteristics. Tracking Targetlike Usage of Verbs In both tables, the subjects are listed from high to low retention based on their overall score (SOC no. verbs) at final testing. The overall fraction score is equivalent to accuracy productivity and, hence, is more meaningful than the %TLU. Change over time (Change/time) in the tables, compares each subject's final %TLU with his/her initial %TLU. Interim scores were ignored in this calculation but presented in the tables and included in the discussion. These tables break down accurate use by tense and aspect (e.g., present, past regular, irregular; present and past progressive), giving the SOC and %TLU for each category. They do not show errors explicitly. There are two reasons for this: the nature of the errors themselves and the nature of the TLU calculation. It was impossible to determine if an error like he jumping should be classified as past or present progressive, or an error like he fall, under simple present or simple past. Additionally, unless the subject supplied at least one (SOC) verb correctly to generate a numerator, the identifiable mistakes counted in the denominator (OC SNOC) could not be reflected in %TLU (e.g., 0 5 = no. TLU score). Thus, Tables 2.4 and 2.5 (see Appendix) focus on changes in accuracy only since no credit was given for erroneous but still communicatively competent language. The tables also include a final column of notes, which itemizes specific characteristics of each subject's narrations. These notes, made during preparation of TLU tables, were not quantified. I tried, but could not confidently order the occurrence of errors in a sequential (or a regression) pattern because there were only two or three assessments per subject. The interviews were exhaustive rather than frequent. So, notes 1-10 below summarize evidence of the subjects' strengths and weaknesses, the latter in the form of information on types of errors. Tables 2.4 and 2.5 (see Appendix) relate the enumerated notes to the subjects (i.e., notes are listed for each returnee whose stories showed evidence of the characteristic). 1. Used verb stem in place of analyzed verb form 2. Missed third person singular -s

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

33

Missed auxiliary in progressive aspect Failed to have progressive auxiliary and subject agree in number Used inappropriate lexical choice; verb overgeneralized in meaning Relied on present tense (50% of total verbs) Shifted from past to present tense Shifted to progressive aspect Relied on past tense (50% of total verbs) Used stable TLU of verbs (80% + accuracy)

Tables 2.4 and 2.5 rank subjects by their overall score (SOC total no. verb) at final assessment and place subjects into three categories: high retention, moderate retention and low retention. The highest scorers all had 80-100%TLU, the moderate group measured approximately 50-79%TLU at final assessment, and the low retention group all had under 50%TLU at final testing. The characteristics of subjects in the three groups will be discussed after we examine the linguistic information in the two tables. The following three examples from Table 2.4 (Subject 13 in high retention, 2 in moderate retention, and 16 in low retention) illustrate interpretation of the data. The top scorer, Subject 13, had an overall score of 28/28 initially and 29/29 finally, so no change over time in accuracy. From first to final assessment, Subject 13 never used the present tense. The subject consistently and accurately relied the past tense and showed decline in SOC for regular past tense but increase in SOC for irregular past. The notes indicate that Subject 13 relied on the past tense (note 9), and showed stable use of verb forms (note 10). If we look at Subject 2, in the moderate group, we see output increased but accuracy decreased over time with 21/21 in Time 1 and 17/25 in Time 3, with a very high 32% loss in TLU over 12 months. Present tense use did not expand over time. The subject continued to rely on the past tense, but with less accuracy: past regular score dropped from 100%-40% accuracy and past irregular from 100%-81%. The notes indicate Subject 2 relied on the past tense (note 9) and only initially showed stable use of verb forms (note 10). Next, with Subject 16 in the low retention group, we see a precipitous drop in overall accuracy from 20/28- 9/26, a 36% decline over 12 months. Except for 66%TLU of past tense initially, the subject scored 50% or less accuracy for all tenses used. Without positive SOC scores we lack information on errors, however, the notes on Subject 16 provide details. Subject 16 used verb stems in place of present and past forms (note 1), missed third person singular -5 (note 2), missed auxiliaries in the progressive (note 3), and finally, failed to have progressive auxiliary and subject agree in number (note 4). Thus, we can conclude that differences became progressively marked over time in these three subjects' abilities to access accurately verb forms to describe the action in the stories. In the following section we will take a detailed look at common changes in verb usage and associate them where relevant, with subjects' rank order in proficiency (i.e., with the three levels of retention).

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The Loss of English as a Second Language

Patterns of Change in Verb Usage In response to the first research question (Can any patterns of change over time be identified?) the study found that certain changes in verb usage were common in the attrition process. The following paragraphs describe these findings. (1) Shifts in tense and aspect occurred from simple past to past progressive and to present progressive. Tables 2.4 and 2.5 indicate that Subjects 18, 11, 1, and 6, from the high-and moderate-retention groups, made this shift (note 8). Subject 18 was a competent speaker who doubled her use of the present progressive aspect. Subjects 6, 1, and 11, ranked in descending order, were moderate-level speakers whose stability in regular and irregular past verb forms eroded. Increased errors in past verb forms and shift to progressive forms, not always accurately, occurred in the their Time 2 and Time 3 narrations. The examples below compare the subjects' descriptions of the same segments of the stories. They show that the more competent speakers, Subjects 18 and 6, made a tense shift without error, but the less capable, Subjects 11 and 1, dropped the auxiliary in the process. Subject 18 (age 13;9, abroad 1.0 year, high retention, auxiliary correct)7 back < 1 month

back 12 months

the boy ran from the owl and climbed up on a rock and he grabbed something

the boy is trying to get away the boy climbed up a rock and he is holding to a tree

Subject 6 (age 8;7, abroad 2.3 years, moderate-high retention, auxiliary correct) back > 1 month

back 5 months

when the boy went to sleep the frog got out of the bottle they were going to find the frog in the woods

while the boy and the dog is sleeping the frog got out of the jar the boy and the dog is looking the frog

Subject 11 (age 10;5, abroad 1.6 years, moderate-low retention, no auxiliary) back 19 months

back 35 months

boy saw (= looked) at the tree hole

and he looking in the hole

Subject 1 (age 6;6, abroad 1.6 years, moderate retention, auxiliary difficult to distinguish) back < 1 month he's going to climb up the rock

back 7 months the boy still calling the frog

(2) Common errors in morphology included omitting the auxiliary in progressive and failing to have the subject and auxiliary agree in number. As shown in Tables 2.4 and 2.5, errors of omission or agreement of the auxiliary in the progressive

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

35

aspect (notes 3 and 4) were made by subjects in the moderate and low retention groups: in descending order of ranking, Subjects 1, 15, 9, 7, 16, and 5. There were no discernible differences among these two levels of subjects who made these two different errors. All these subjects initially showed evidence of omitting the auxiliary in the progressive (evidenced by SOC of 0 for progressive aspect). Their use of the auxiliary was unstable at study onset, which was within a month of return for Subjects 16 and 1, and within three months for Subjects 15 and 9. The following comparisons of subjects' initial and subsequent descriptions illustrate increasing error over time. Subject 15 (age 11 ;6, abroad 2.10 years, moderate retention, past irregular and progressive auxiliary errors) back 3 months

back 11 months

the boy fell from the tree

the boy surprised and fall from the branch the bee chasing the dog

and bees chasing the dog

Subject 16 (age 11;6, abroad 1.6 years, low retention, auxiliary missing) back < I month

back 19 months

and the b e e s . . . [go] went down bees chasing with dog

bees house fell down in ground and bees chasing dog

Subject 1 (age 6;6, abroad 1.6 years, moderate retention, shift in tense, subject and auxiliary don't agree) back < 1 month

back 7 months

the boy and the dog was looking the frog

the boy and the dog is looking the the frog

(3) Two bound morpheme errors that occurred over time were ropping -ed for the past regular and -s for the present third person singular. Errors in the past tense are reflected only in %TLU scores. Subjects with moderate to low retention (in descending rank order: 6, 2, 10, 11, and 16) showed reduced accuracy in the regular past. Dropping the -s morpheme for the third person singular was also a common error for subjects of moderate retention (in descending rank order with 4, 10, 1, 11, 7, 9, and but we are less sure that this morpheme was solidly in place at study onset. The examples below show that the -ed was initially used correctly, whereas the -s morpheme was not always in place initially. Subject 10 (age 9; 11, abroad 1.0 year, moderate retention, -ed for past used erroneously) back 2 months

back 14 months

he wanted to get the book he tried to pay for this book

he buyed the book but he didn't have money . . .

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The Loss of English as a Second Language

Subject 11 (age 10;5, abroad 1.6 years, moderate retention, -ed dropped) back 19 months

back 35 months

he dropped the book again and the man picked up the book and handed it to Mr. S

in the bus he drop his book and the nice man pick up his book he take it for him

Subject 9 (age 9; 10, abroad 2.10 years, moderate retention, shift from past to present and -s omitted) back 3 months

back 11 months

and he drops the book again and he dropped the book and the nice man picked his book up and the nice man pick it up and handed it to Mr. Sakamoto and hand [him] it to him and he [sitting on a chair] sat on a and he noticed that a page of the chair book was XXX look the book [the book] XXX Subject 4 (age 7;10, abroad 2 years, moderate retention, dropped -s morpheme) back 9 months

back 14 months

he drops the book . he took the book and he got a bus

he drops that book he pick up the book and he go on the bus

(4) Increasing use of the unanalyzed verb stem wa a prevalent feature of attrition for low-retention speakers. Data in this study point to a single form, the verb stem, as a basic "chunk" that the least proficient speakers recalled and relied on. Pienemann et al. (1988) informed us that learners acquire mastery of the third person -s morpheme rather late in syntactic development. When the -s is not supplied, the "unanalyzed" simple present (verb stem) is used. As the following examples show, it is impossible to say which analyzed verb form, present or past, the subject failed to provide. Subject 15 (Time 3) the boy surprised and fall from the tree branch Subject 9 (Time 3) 'owl stop the chasing/boy climb up the rock We want to relate these increased errors to personal variables and indicate where relationships are strongest. Initially, I grouped the subjects by time back in Japan and arrayed the erroneous use of verb stem in that format. Then I arranged the subjects by TLU scores and showed verb stem data in that format. By comparing

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

37

these two formats, it was clear that errors were not strongly related to time elapsed since return, but they were strongly related to subjects' TLU score. Data in Table 2.6 (see Appendix) show that the number of verb stems that subjects used erroneously usually increased over time and increased disproportionately for the less proficient speakers. The implication of this to the threshold notion is discussed below. The following examples illustrate limitations in vocabulary and syntax that constrained the subjects who made verb stem errors. Subject 15 (age 11;6, abroad 2.10 years, moderate retention, verb stem errors) back 3 months

back 11 months

and the boy fell from the tree

the boy surprised and fall from the tree branch the boy get up the rocks deer stand up

so he climbed on the wall and the deer pick him up

Subject 7 (age 9;1, abroad 2 years, moderate-low retention, verb stem errors) back 8 months

back 23 months

frog went ou boy looked at (= looked for) the frog

the frog go out boy wake and look at the bin (= jar)

Subject 16 (age 11 ;6, abroad 1.6 years, low retention, verb stem errors) back < 1 month

back 12 months

he found his book that he w a n t . . . but he got card, money card

he find book that he want but he have a credit card

Reverting to the verb stem in place of simple present or past forms may reflect a typological feature of Japanese grammar. Japanese verbs have no morphemes to distinguish person or number. The plain form shuushikei 8 is used conversationally by Japanese to convey both present and future tense, specifically to convey intent, action, or states that will occur from now. So the wide use of shuushikei combined with infrequent use of subject and object pronouns makes it easy or natural for Japanese interlanguage speakers to rely on the verb stem in English. (5) Negatives showed few word order errors, some shifts to simpler forms and progressively increasing morpheme errors. Word order errors did not increase noticeably over time. For negative constructions as well as positive, there was some "downshifting" from past to present tense by Subjects 17, 10, 15, 7,and 5 (in descending order of competence in Tables 2.4 and 2.5), which indicates that simplification was an adjustment made by all levels of all speakers. (See also Tables 2.4 and 2.5, note 7.) Shifts from doesn't + verb to no + noun, called nofronting, were made by Subjects 8 and 4, in the high- and moderate-retention groups, respectively. The most obvious changes were increased errors in bound

38

The Loss of English as a Second Language

morphemes (i.e., -ed on past tense), free morphemes (i.e., agreement of subject and in auxiliary number), and in lexical choices. (See also Tables 2.4 and 2.5, notes 3, 4, and 5.) At the point of one year after their return, the returnees' syntax of negative sentences was not noticeably affected. At two years after return, only one proficient speaker (Subject 14) showed signs of syntactic decline with word-order errors. Of the three subjects tested at three years after return, one, the oldest returnee (Subject 17), once shifted from negative to positive phrasing in mid sentence as a corrective measure, and the youngest (Subject 5) had an increase in errors and made the most errors overall. The following examples illustrate changes in phrasing and increases and decreases in accuracy over time. Subject 14 (age 11;1, abroad 5.5 years, high retention, word order errors) back 11 months

back 26 months

but he couldn't find it/the frog it wasn't there

the frog was not in the jar ... nowhere was the frog nowhere the frog came the frog wasn't anywhere

Subject 17 (age 12;3, abroad 3.10 years, high retention, negation abandoned, switched to positive sentence) back 17 months

back 35 months

he realized that he forgotten the wallet at his house

but [he didn't have a] he forgot his wallet at home

Subject 2 (age 7;4, abroad 2.10 years, moderate retention, lexical and article errors) back < 1 month

back 14 months

he noticed he didn't have any money he thought he didn't put a money to the pocket Subject 4 (age 7;10, abroad 2 years, moderate retention, shift to no-fronting) back 9 months

back 21 months

I don't have a money

he has no money

Subject 7 (age 9;1, abroad 2 years, moderate retention, shift to present, lexical + morpheme errors) back 8 months

back 23 months

but he ... didn't have the money he remember

but he don't (= doesn't) have the money he forgot the pillow (= purse) at house

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

39

Subject 5 (age 8;7, abroad 1.10 years, increased free morpheme errors) back 17 months

back 33 months

frog was not there frog is not there he has not (= no) money

dog's head don't (= didn't) get out there aren't a frog there is not (= no) money

Subjects continued throughout their testing to attempt to produce relatively difficult, complex clauses with negatives and showed surprisingly little loss of syntax. The interview process itself was stimulating and encouraged subjects to try their hardest. For the subjects of this study, over the first year to a year and a half after return, their syntax was sturdier than their lexicon and morphology. A lot of infrequently used words dropped out of the returnees' vocabulary, and their morpheme errors increased over time, but grammatical structures that were properly in place at the time of their return were retained. The apparent robustness of syntax is further considered in the following discussion. Personal Fa ors and Their Relation to Loss We need to show the range of retention in verb usage for the 18 subjects before we can relate the independent variables of age, time spent abroad, time back, and TLU scores at study onset to the dependent variable of retention. By ranking the subjects according to their TLU scores in Tables 2.4 and 2.5, we establish the basis for evaluating the personal variables later. The results of Tables 2.4 and 2.5 are summarized in the more concise Tables 2.7 to 2.9 (see Appendix), which present the overall TLU scores and percentages for both stories (refer to Tables 2.4 and 2.5 for base data). The subjects separate into three groups: (1) > 80% TLU over the assessment period indicates high retention and near native speakers; (2) 50%-79% TLU at final assessment describes moderate retention and interlanguage speakers; (3) > 50% TLU at final assessment indicates low-retention and interlanguage speakers with unstable syntax. Tables 2.7 to 2.9 show the data for groups 1-3, respectively. The division between the subjects in Tables 2.7 and 2.8 is somewhat arbitrary because subjects scored differently on the two stories. Scores tended to be higher on The Book, which had an accompanying tape, than on Frog, Where Are You ? which required original storytelling from pictures. For example, the performance of Subject 6 is borderline, scoring high retention on the retelling of The Book but only moderate retention on Frog, Where Are You? (1) < 50% TLU indicates high retention by near native speakers. As shown in Table 2.7, these children maintained TLU scores at over 80%, indicating a high level of communicative ability. Their speech continued to be characterized by idiomatic, nativelike phrasing, although five out of six experienced either decline in vocabulary or increase in redundancy. The same five out of six increased their requests for vocabulary to be supplied; however, it is important to recognize that they continued to incorporate quickly and accurately any prompts given. Five subjects with residence abroad of 2.6 years or longer (14,

40

The Loss of English as a Second Language

12, 13, 17, and 8) maintained stable use of the past tense in narrative, whereas Subject 18, with residence abroad of under two years, shifted over time to the present tense. This group generally had error-free syntax, accurate use of two-word verbs, and prepositions. Only Subject 14, who was back over two years, made errors in word order. (2) 50%-79% TLU indicates moderate retention by interlanguage speakers. Generally, the following features characterize this group. They maintained communicative ability and use of idiomatic and formulaic expressions. There seems to be a threshold level even at this intermediate level of L2 acquisition at which the subjects' English has an internal cohesiveness. Erosion in vocabulary, however, led to overuse of common verbs (especially get in phrasal form, e.g., get on, get up, get to). Bound and free morpheme errors already occurred in the speech of these returnees at study onset. Bound morpheme errors included omission of -s morpheme for third person singular, omission of -ed in past regular; free morpheme errors included omission of the auxiliary in the progressive, failure to produce a correct irregular past tense, and failure to have subject and progressive auxiliary to agree in number. The evidence is clear that children of comparable age, time abroad, and time back varied widely in proficiency at both the beginning and the end of the study. Table 2.8 shows that the moderate retention group had the widest variation. Initial TLU scores ranged from 48% to 100%, and final scores from 47% to 83% at study onset. Retention had the widest variation in this group: from 28% gain (Subject 10) to 32% loss (Subject 2). We found through parent and subject interviews that the quality of educational experience these children had abroad also varied from excellent elementary schools and close rapport with teachers to never getting out of an ESL class where English input was primarily from nonnative speakers. The differences in educational experiences coupled with interlanguage speakers' characteristically unstable command of some morphosyntactic structures probably explain much of the variation. (3) > 50% TLU indicates low retention and unstable interlanguage speakers. The test results for this group are summarized in Table 2.9. The striking characteristic of returnees with low retention scores of > 50% TLU was the instability of their syntax at study onset, which was within a month of one subject's (16) return to Japan. These children (9, 16, 3, and 5) had not acquired sufficient knowledge to maintain communicative ability outside the L2 environment. It appears that they had failed to reach a critical threshold of speaking competency. Their attrition was an accelerated version of loss experienced by returnees with moderate retention. This group had a very limited vocabulary, was uncertain of grammar, and put full attention to producing a relatively fluent story with no apparent concern for accuracy. For these subjects, reversion to the verb stem in place of a correct present or past form was most extreme. Like a spinning top losing speed, their English showed ever increasing variation and instability. We should not. however, dismiss children in this group because of low scores. These youngsters struggled to communicate in English. They were inventive in their use of English, and with determination and composure they carried off storytelling that was clearly difficult for them.

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

41

Thus, in response to the second part of the research questions, Do personal characteristics of returnees' age, length of time abroad , length of time back, and proficiency level at study onset relate to their accuracy in using verbs? If so, what factors relate favorably to (are predictive of) L2 retention? We can see from Tables 2.7-2.9 that high competence at study onset was the most predictive factor of L2 retention. Short time elapsed since return was not a common characteristic of subjects with high retention. Also, contrary to Yoshida & Arai (1990) findings, being older did not guarantee high retention. I concluded that it is not one factor but a combination of factors that predict strong retention. Near native-speaking English ability was virtually a requirement for minimal attrition. Children over eight years old, with literacy skills in English built up over two years in school abroad, were the returnees with highest L2 retention. Children under eight years and children with less than two years schooling abroad experienced attrition of 30% to 79% in accuracy of verb forms. Thus, the factors of age and length of stay are interdependent. The significance of these findings to the critical threshold notion is considered in the following discussion.

Discussion This study of 18 returnees found common changes and shifts in use of the English verb in storytelling. Specific changes could be related to particular levels of proficiency as measured by TLU of verb forms. Evidence of these changes has both theoretical and pedagogical implications. On the theoretical side, the study findings support the inverse hypothesis that the higher the subject's proficiency, the lower the degree of attrition. It also substantiates the notion that attaining a critical threshold of competency mitigates against language loss. The study further found that more than age or length of time abroad, proficiency in speaking was the best predictor for retaining accuracy in speaking. This finding that links retention patterns to proficiency contradicts Weltens's 1989 conclusion that "attrition is independent of training level" (de Bot & Weltens 1995:153). Weltens's results agreed with Bahrick's massive study in which the amount forgotten over a five-year period following training was "relatively constant for individuals at different levels of training" (Bahrick 1984a:116). How can we explain this apparent contradiction? The answer, as described in the Introduction to this volume, lies in the study designs. First, this study measured speaking skills, whereas most of Weltens's and much of Bahrick's measured reading and listening. Productive skills, as research has shown, are more susceptible to attrition than recognition skills. Second, this study focused on children whose L2 competency was much below Weltens's college students' or Bahrick's adults'. Third, this study reported individual loss patterns through tracking the same subjects over time, whereas Weltens and Bahrick both measured attrition by comparing groups. Thus, a closer look at task, subject characteristics, and measurement design resolves the apparently contradictory findings of this study and Weltens's and Bahrick's. Although these results also support the notion of a critical threshold level that secures retention, given the limited time frame of this study, a question

42

The Loss of English as a Second Language

arises about the relative robustness of syntax. Does it reflect structural stability of the returnees' L2 or simply that a much longer period must elapse before syntactic attrition sets in? Considering research by Weltens (1989) and Bahrick (1984a), we believe that long-term syntactic stability probably characterizes returnees who have achieved a high level of speaking competence. A longer tracking period, however, would be the definitive way to answer this question. Comparing this study with related research from the Kikoku shijo no gaikokugo hoji, this study extends the findings of Yoshida & Arai (1990), which reported characteristics of retention but not patterns of change. This study sheds light on what happens to verb usage over time; what is altered or lost and how it is altered or lost. Many differences that Yoshida & Arai found in speaking ability between younger and older children were substantiated in this study. Both studies agree on the influence of age on retention, the wide gap between recognition and recall abilities, and the susceptibility of vocabulary and morphology to loss versus the relative robustness of syntax that has stabilized at some threshold level. On a comparative linguistic level, Japanese children's English attrition followed patterns similar to Israeli children's English attrition as reported by Berman & Olshtain (1983) and Olshtain (1986, 1989). There were, however, distinctive differences. This study supports Olshtain's claim that typological and pragmatic similarities between the L1 and L2 lead to positive reinforcement for L2 retention, whereas L1 and L2 dissimilarities lead to interference and attrition. Japanese children's erroneous use of the English verb stem in place of analyzed forms may be attributable to the wide use of the base form shuushikei in Japanese. Turning to the pedagogical implications of the findings, our comments on assessing competencies, defining instructional goals, providing appropriate-level L2 input, and designing classroom tasks may be useful to ESL teachers of returnees. In assessing competencies, teachers need to be aware that current measures go beyond the four skills to assess fluency: accuracy in vocabulary, expressions, and grammar; idiomatic usage; discourse responsiveness; and motivational factors. Defining instructional goals for returnees requires considering the wide discrepancies between their receptive and productive abilities. Yoshida & Arai (1990:25) made the point that listening ability is easy to keep and should be used as a key to retain and build up other skills. Reading is also an important anchor for the literate child to retain the L2. Building up productive or speaking skills requires intensive practice, but recognition skills require virtually no effort for retention. Providing L2 input at the appropriate level is essential. In teaching, we know that vocabulary, idioms, grammatical complexity, and speed of discourse need to be appropriate for each child's level so that the L2 input fits, yet reasonably challenges, each child's abilities. The experience of prompting subjects during this research made it clear that children will pick up only cues that fit their language level. Prompting a returnee who hesitates in speaking can jog his or her memory and ability to say nearly forgotten words and phrases. Speed and complexity of input must also match the learner's level.

Japanese Returnees' Retention of English-Speaking Skills

43

In designing classroom tasks, naturally, the instructional needs of near-native speakers are different from the needs of less competent speakers. Instruction of high-level students should maximize contextualized speaking practice, and "real" discourse in the classroom should have some time pressure. Less proficient speakers with unstable syntax need more explicit instruction, including grammatical explanations. In many areas, the interlanguage speaker needs to relearn rather than recall. Time constraints are not appropriate for hesitant speakers. Both high-and low-proficiency students benefit from conversational practice that resembles "on line" discourse. Yet, reliance on short responses will fail to build grammatical, syntactic complexity. Exercises that require explanations, comparisons, and complicated descriptions will challenge returnees to produce clauses rather than phrases and complex rather than simple sentences. Although this study used TLU as an analytical tool that measures only accuracy, it should be emphasized that some returnees who used inaccurate or erroneous language are still successful storytellers. They are able to convey their ideas even with very limited vocabulary and rudimentary grammar. Teachers working to improve returnees' ESL skills need to encourage communicative ability more than accuracy. It is hoped that understanding some of the dynamic processes of language retention and attrition will increase teachers' and parents' awareness and ability to make their own personal observations and to help keep returnees' L2 abilities. I want to point out that dropping efforts to maintain a second language is also an option for returnee families who put their priority in other areas. There is a choice. There is no right or wrong. Our time is limited and we want to be effective.

Appendix Table 2.1. Subjects' Personal Data Age1

Subjects

(Years)

School3 (Grades)

LOR2 (Years)

Months since Return

Returnees

18 17

16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7

6

5 4 3 2 1 Avg.

13.7 12.2 11.5 11.5 11.1 10.8 10.8 10.4

9.9 9.8 9.2 9.1 8.6 8.6 7.8 7.5 7.3 6.5 9.8

7 1-5 (1/2) 4-6(1/2) 2-4 K-3 1-4 1-4 1-2 3 1-3 1-3 1-3(1/2) K-2(l/2) K-l K-l 1-2(1/2) K-l (1/2) K-l (1/2) 2.2 yrs

1.0 1.8 1.5 2.8 5.4 4.7 4.7 1.5 1.0 2.8 3.6 2.0 2.2 1.8 2.0 1.5 2.2 1.5 2.4

Baseline

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Avg.

11.8 10.5 10.0

9.5 9.5 9.3 8.9 8.8 8.7 8.3 9.5

1-6

5.5 3.0 3.0 4.5 1.5 2.6 2.3

2-5 2-5 1-4 2-3 2-3 1-3 1-3 1-3 1-2 3.5 yrs

6.6 3.6 2.2 3.5

Native Speakers

14

13 12 11 10 9 8 7

6 5

11.8 11.5 11.5 11.3 10.3

9.8 9.6 8.9 8.9 7.8

11.8 11.5 11.5 11.3 10.3 9.8 9.6 8.9 8.9 7.8

K-6 K-5 K-5 K-5 K-4

K-4 K-4 K-3 K-3 K-2

44

<1

17 <1

3 11 <2 <2 19 3 3 <2 8 <1

17 9 <1 <1 <1

Table 2.1. (continued) Subjects

4 3 2 1 Avg.

Age1

LOR2

School3

Months since

(Years)

(Years)

(Grades)

Return

7.8 7.0 6.8 6.8 9.3

7.8

K-2

7.0 6.8 6.8 9.3

K-2 K-l K-l 2.9

Notes: 1Age and time periods are in decimals; 5.5 - 5 years, 6 months. -LOR = Length of residence in L2/L1 country. Given for L2 country for returnees and baseline. 3 Years in L2 school for returnees and baseline; for L1 school for native speakers.

45

Table 2.2. Returnees' Interview Times and Literacy Scores Subject

(ID no.)

Age

LOR-L2

(Years)

(Years)

Literacy Test1 Time 1

Time 2

Time 3

(percentile score)

Group 1 (Recent Returnees Back 0-3 Months)

18

16 15 13 12 10 9

8 6 3 2 1 Avg.

13.7 11.5 11.5 10.8 10.8

9.9

9.8 9.2 8.6 7.5 7.3 6.5 9.8

1.0 1.5 2.8 4.7 4.7 1.0 2.8

3.6 2.2 1.5 2.2 1.5

2.5

<1 1 3 <2 <2 2 3 <2 <1 <1 < 1 <1 <2

nd2 6 nd 5 5 5 nd 5 5 7 5 7 5.6

12 12 11 10 10 14 11 10 14 nd 14 nd

82 99 99 99 99 79 98 99 68 88 66

11.8

89.6

26 23 21

95 99 79

23.3

91.0

99

Group 2 (Back 8-11 Months)

14 7 4 Avg.

11.1

5.4

9.1 7.8 9.3

2.0 2.0 3.1

11 8 9 9.3

17 14 14 15.0

Group 3 (Back 17-19 Months)

17 11 5

12.2 10.4

Avg.

10.4

8.6

3.8 1.5 1.8 2.4

17 19 17 17.7

nd 25 nd 25.0

35 35 33

99

34.3

88.7

88 79

Nates: The grouping of subjects in Table 2.2 is not intended to indicate especially logical groupings of subjects according to anticipated retention patterns, The study findings on subjects' relative ranking on a retention-attrition continuum, presented later in Tables 2.4—2.9, does group the subjects by L2 accuracy in verb forms and permits further analysis of the personal variables of age, length of time abroad, and accuracy of verb forms at study onset. 1 Literacy test was the Stanford Achievement Test, Abbreviated, Primary 1, Form J (Psychological Corp., Harcourt, Brace & Jovanovich 1988). 2 nd means no test data for test time shown.

46

Table 2.3. Vocabulary Diversity in Storytelling: (The Book) Comparison of Returnees, Baselines, and Native Speakers

Tape token ratio = .43

Overall

Verb

Noun

Articles

Pronoun

Preposition

Conjunc.

Modifiers

Others

Type Token

Type Token

Type Token

Type Token

Type Token

Type Token

Type Token

Type Token

Type Token

92

213

29

45

19

46

3

21

8

39

13

26

8

17

7

11

5

11

17 25 18

2

3

6

4

5

1 3 2

2

6

4

9 23 15

4

10 6

4 10 7

0 2 1

0 3 2

13 10 13

4 1 3

5 1 4

3 0 1

4 0 1

9 27 16

2 5 4

2 4

1 4 4

2 7 3

12 33 20

2 15

2 16 7

1 11 4

2 18

Returnees' Range: low high Avg. ( n = l l )

46 70 62

113 165 142

13 19 18

20 32 29

13 17 16

23 27 29

Range: low high Avg. (n = 3)

59 64 62

125 178 152

16 22 19

28 33 30

13 17 16

28 47 4

Range: low high Avg. (n = 3)

38 62 52

124 139 132

18 15 17

26 26 26

18 13 15

35 27 32

Range: low high Avg. (n = 10)

48 82 64

110 199 145

12 24 19

21 39 29

15 24 18

24 41 31

Group 1 : Back 0-3 Months (Type-token Ratio =.,44) 3 39 3 2 10 3 22 4 16 7 33 7 13 2 14 5 28 6 13 5 2 Group 2: Back 8-11 Months (Type-token Ratio = .41) 5 5 19 3 22 58 3 4 20 4 24 6 15 2 4 12 19 3 23 7 12 Group 3: Back 17-22 Months (Type-token Ratio == .39) 2 17 7 25 6 13 3 2 21 3 26 2 10 2 20 5 23 6 12 3 2 Baselines (Type-token Ratio = .44) 10 3 10 6 12 2 2 7 4 25 8 33 15 27 4 16 5 27 8 18 3

6

6

Native Speakers (Type-token Ratio = .44) Range: low high Avg. (n = 14) 1

55 116 116 254 86 185

Note: Returnee data are from first testing

18 32 25

21 51 36

15 26 18

24 51 38

11 23 17

11 23 15

3 9 6

25 44 35

5 13 9

11 27 19

8 4

6

5

6

Table 2.4. Returnees' Targetlike Usage" of Verb Morphemes and Tense over Time for The Book Subjects (High to low retention)

Overall Change/ LOR/L2 SOC Time Present Age (Yrs) No. Verbs %TLU T1-T3 SOC %TLU

Past Reg. SOC %TLU

Past Past Other Present Irreg. Prog. Prog. (Infin. SOC %TLU SOC %TLU SOC %TLU Participles)

Notes

High Retention 13.timel:<2 mo. time 2: 5 time 3: 10

10.8

14. timel: 11 mo. time 2: 17

11.1

12. time i: < 2 mo. time 2: 5 time 3: 10

10.8

17. time 1: 17 mo. time 2: 35

12.2

6. time 1 : < 1 mo. time 2: 5 time 3: 14

8.6

8. time l:< 2 mo. time 2: 5 time 3: 10

9.2

4.7

5.4

4.7

3.8

2.2

3.6

— — —

13 10 8

100 100 100

12 15 16

100 100 100

0

0%

0 0 0

0%

0 0

— —

7 8

100 100

15 18

100 100 100

0%

0 2 0

— 100 —

10 10 6

100 100 100

16/21 22/26

76 85

9%

0 0

— —

6 9

30/30 21/23 21/25

100 91 84

0

—

26/27 21/21 20/24

96 100 83

28/28 28/28 29/29

100 100 100

24/24 28/28

100 100

24/24 24/24 24/24

1

3

9,10

— —

0 0

—

2 2

9,10

— —

3 2 1

100 100 100

— —

0 0

—

1

2 2

100

100 100

0 0

11 10 17

100 100 100

0 0

55 82

10 13

77 87

0

0 0

1 1

100 100 100

— —

0

0 0

0

9,10

0 0

9,10

5,9,10

100 100 66

16 10 12

100 100 92

0 0 0

— 1

1

100 100

-16%

66 —

9 8 2

2

2 0

—

2

100

3 0 5

— — —

10 7 2

100 100 50

15 14 14

95 100 78

0

— — —

0 0 3

—

0

-13%

0 0 0

0 0

100

1

1

9,10

Moderate Retention timel1:
7.3

4. time 1:9 mo. time 2: 14

7.8

10. time 1:2 mo. time 2: 5 time 3: 14

9.9

l. time 1: 1 mo. time 2: 7

6.5

2.2

2.0

1.0

1.5

11. time 1: 19mo. 10.4 time 2: 25 (BDFb) time 3: 35

1.5

15. time 1: 3 mo. time 2: 11

11.5

2.8

7. time 1:8 mo. time 2: 14 time 3: 23

9.1

2.0

—

-32%

0 0 0

-30%

56

18/30 22/43

60 51

21/28 11/24 12/25

75 46 48

13/22 12/24

60

13/20 19/27 12/21

65 70 57

21/21 13/16 17/25

100 81 68

31/35 17/29

89 59

16/26 16/25 14/25

61

100

16

—

4 3 2

100 71 81

0 0 0

— —

40

10 13

11 11

100 50

4 1

100 100

12 5

83 100

0 0

— —

0 3

-5%

2 2 2

50 50 100

3 3 3

100 40 38

9 9 9

100 50 60

0 0 0

— — —

1 8

50 44

2 3

22

-9%

15 7

83 70

0 1

4

5 14 1

83 3 20

9

50

75 7

6

6

60

50

—

60

-27%

3

44 1 19

1 5

50 50

6 2

75

-10%

— —

4 6 6

50

-8%

0 0 0

60 66 75

1 0 2

9,10

— 100

3 0

1,2 7,8

2 2 0

100 100 —

0 0 0

2,9 2,3,9

— 20

0 2

— 66

0 1

2,3

60

0 64 0

— 0 —

0 — 0

— 0 —

3 — 2

0 1,2,5

4

60 100

0 0

— —

0 0

— —

0 1

6 6 5

75 60 63

0 0 0

— — —

0 1 -2

— 100 0

1 6 1

0 0

— —

0

9

1,3,7

2,5,7,8 1,2,3,4

(continued)

Table 2.4. (continued) Overall Subjects (High

LOR/L2

to low retention)

Age

(Yrs)

9. time 1: 3 mo. time 2: 1 1

9.75

2.8

Change/

SOC

Past

Time Present

No. Verbs %TLU

T1-T3

Reg. SOC %TLU

Past

Present

Past

Other

Irreg.

Prog.

Prog.

(Infin.

SOC %TLU

SOC

%TLU

SOC

%TLU

Participles)

— —

0 0

SOC

%TLU

1

100 80

3 2

50 30

5 2

45 30

0 0

— —

0 0

4 3 3

66

12 9 4

66

0

0

0

33 —

50 33

0 0

0

0

0

0

Notes

Low Retention

16. time 1:< ! mo. time 2: 6 time 3: 12

11.5

5. time 1:<1 mo.

7.5

1.5

time 2: 33 a

50

20/28

71 50

13/26 9/26 1.5

time 2: 7 3. time 1: 17 mo.

9/18 9/26

8.6

1.8

6/20 4/21 14/24 15/22

35

35

-15%

0 1 -36%

50

1,3,5

2 0 2

2 1,2.3

1

0 2

—

—

18

5 1

25 18

0 0

— —

0 0

— —

1 0

1,2,3 1,2,3

1 9

33 74

2 0

40 —

10 2

83 100

0

10%

— —

1 2

100 66

0 2

4,5,6,7

0

58 68

0

37

1,

-11%

30 19

5

Notes: TLU = Targetlike usage. Formula = SOC (OC + SNOC). See explanation on p. 29. b BDF means subject told the companion story, The Boy, the Dog, and the Frog. 1. Relied on verb stem in place of present and past forms. 2. Missing third person singular s morpheme. 3. Missing auxiliary in progressive. 4. Failure of progressive auxiliary to agree in number with subject. 5. Inappropriate lexical choice/overgeneralization of verb meaning. 6. Relied on present tense. 7. Shift to present from past tense. 8. Shift to progressive aspect. 9. Relied on past tense. 10. Stable TLU of verb forms (high or low).

0

Table 2.5. Returnees' Targetlike Usagea of Verb Tense and Aspect over time for Frog, Where Are You? Subjects (High to low retention)

Age

Overall LOR/L2 SOC (Yrs) No. Verbs

Change/ Time Present %TLU T1-T3 SOC %TLU

Past Present Irreg. Prog. SOC %TLU SOC %TLU

Past Reg. SOC

%TLU

100 76 100

28

5

Past Prog. SOC

%TLU

Notes

High Retention

14. time 1: 11 mo. time 2: 17 (BDF) time 3: 26

11.1

12. time l: < 2 mo. time 2: 5 time 3: 10

10.8

18. time 1: < 1 mo. time 2: 12

13.7

13. time 1: < 2 mo. time 2: 5 time 3: 10

10.8

17. time 1: 17 mo. time 2: 35

12.2

8. time 1 :< 2 mo. time 2: 5 time 3: 10

9.2

5.4

4.7

1.0

4.7

3.8

3.6

43/43 44/57 65/68

100 77

40/41 48/50 43/45

99 96

50/60 63/68 35/37 40/42 36/39

96

96

0 -4%

39/42 46/51

93

36/41 26/27 33/37

88 95

90

89

1 2

100 100 100

100 55 100

3 2

75 100

95

11 1 10

100

10 16 13

3 1

20 7

100 95 100

13 24 21

100 90

14 27

100 78

96

5

10

-3%

4

10%

7 23

70 96

5 7

83 100

26 16

93 100

8 15

98 79

2

100

5 11 6

100 100 100

13 17 15

100 100 100

10 9 10

90 100 83

1 0 0

100

-3%

3 3 1 1 9

100

-3%

100

14 13

93 93

22 21

96 87

1 1

100 100

1 3

100 100

5.7.10

— —

7 11 5

64 100 83

26 13 22

92 100 92

0

1%

0 0 0

— —

3 2 3

100 100 75

9,10

95 95 92

100 94

100 100 100 80

83 93

0 8 19

5 4

100 100

0 0

0 1

9,10

33 100

10

9,10

(continued)

Table 2.5. (continued) Subjects (High to low retention)

Age

Overall LOR/L2 SOC (Yrs) No. Verbs

Change/ Time Present %TLU T1-T3 SOC %TLU

Past Reg. SOC

%TLU

Past Present Irreg. Prog. SOC %TLU SOC %TLU

Past Prog. SOC

%TLU

Moderate Retention 8.6

2.2

6. time 2: 5 time 3: 14 10. time 1:2 mo time 2: 5 time 3: 14

9.9

4. time 1:9 mo time 2: 14 time 3: 21

7.8

11. time 1:19 mo time 2: 25 (BDF) time 3: 35

10.4

2. time 1: < 1 mo time 2: 5 time 3: 14

7.3

1. time 1: 1 mo time 2: 11

6.5

1.0

2.0

1.5

2.2

1.5

38/38 31/33 38/50

100 94 75

23/61 38/54 41/54

48 70 76

26/46 25/30 25/36

57 83 69

26/39 29/35 15/25

66 83 60

20/24 27/32 22/38

83 84 58

19/32 19/38

50 50

0

0

— — —

11 11 7

100 100 87

25 18 22

100 100 88

25 78

60

13 21 14

52 68 77

0

—

0

33 —

2 1 7

100 100 87

5,9

1

50 0 100

5 3 1

45 75 100

7,9,

1

-25%

0

50

28%

3 0 8

80

1 14 10

60 100 56

1 4 8

33 80 73

13 8 11

72

12%

10 9 5

80 80

0 5 1

0 83 33

1 0 0

14 — —

1,2,3,6

16 48 14

3 5 5

75 83 83

12 9 4

86 90 50

8 1 5

66 100

-6%

1 11 1

70

0 0 0

— —

7 8

-25%

0 2 0

—

6 6 0

100 85 nd

10 13 19

77 93 83

0 5 0

nd 100 —

1 5 3

50 100 37

4,5,9

50

2 3

22 100

15 5

83 70

1 2

50 17

1 1

0 100

1,2,3,6

-5%

0 8

100

1 0

Low Retention 9. time 1: 3 mo time 2: 11

9.8

7. time 1: 8 mos time 2: 14 (BDF) time 3: 23

9.1

16. time 1: < 1 mo time 2: 6 (BDF) time 3: 19

2.8

2.0

9/19 17/36

47 47

19/25

76 57 47

20/35

15/42 11.5

1.5

22/34

16/29 8/22

3. time 1: 1 mo time 2: 7

7.5

5. time 1: 17 mo time 2: 33

8.6

1.5

27/36

17/35 1.8

22/37

6/20

0%

0 2

— 100

2 1

50 17

6 9

50 60

0 0

— —

1 5

33 38

25 29 0

6 4 4

86 80 44

8 5

-29%

1 2 0

10

80 42 50

1 3 1

100 50 33

2 0 0

100 — —

1,2,3,5 1,2,3,9

4

66 32 100

3 2 4

75

7 5 -14

78 62 0

4 1 1

66 17 100

2 0 2

50 —

5

100

1,2,3,4

75

7 7

100 54

5 7

71 80

0

—

16 1

80 25

1 1.00

100 33

0

65 55 26

-39%

6 1

74 50

-24%

12 1

100

3 I

60 30

-30%

1 3

100 30

4 0

Nates: "TLU = Targetlike usage. Formula: = SOC 4 (OC + SNOC). See explanation on p. 29. "BDF means subject told the companion story, The Boy, the Dog, and the Frog. 1. Relied on verb stem in place of present and past forms. 2. Missing third person singular s morpheme. 3. Missing auxiliary in progressive. 4. Failure of progressive auxiliary to agree in number with subject. 5. Inappropriate lexical choice/overgeneralization of verb meaning. 6. Relied on present tense. 7. Shift to present from past tense. 8. Shift to progressive aspect. 9. Relied on past tense. 10. Stable TLU of verb forms (high or low).

66 80 50 50

30

0

i

—

2,3,5

1,2,5

0 33

1,2,3,5

Table 2.6. Verb Stem Errors in Storytelling Number of Verb Stems Used Erroneously 1

Subjects

Initial Stories

Final Stories

High Retention

14 12 18 13 17 8

0 1 2

0 0 2 0 3 3

0 5 0

Moderate Retention

6 10 4 2 11 15 1 7

1

0 19 7 2 10 11 22 7

21 10 7 17 14 20 19 Low Retention

9 16 3 5

15 12 28 14

13 2 21* 5*

Notes: Number of months subjects had been back in Japan varied; number of months between subjects' initial and final stories varied. *indicates low output 1 Subjects ranked by targetlike usage scores.

54

Table 2.7. High Retention: < 80% Targetlike Usage" Returnees' Verb Accuracy in Storytelling over Time Frog, Where Are You?

The Book

Subjects

14. back: 11 mo.

back: 17 (BDF1) back: 26

12. back: < 2 mo. back: 5 back 10

SOC Total Overall Change Verbs %TLUa %TLU

Total Verbs

Overall %TLUa

100 100 nd2

43/43 44/57 65/68

100

100 100 100

40/41 48/50 43/45

99 96

-3

nd nd

50/60 63/68

83 93

10

28/28 28/28 29/29

100 100 100

35/37 40/42 36/39

95 92

-3

16/21 22/26

76 9

39/42 46/51

93 90

-3

26/27 21/21 20/24

96 100

95

-13

36/41 26/27 33/37

24/24 28/28

24/24 24/24 24/24

18. back: < 1 mo. back: 12 mo.

13. back: < 1 mo. back: 5 back: 10

17. back: 17 mo. back: 35

8. back: < 2 mo. back: 5 back: 10

soc

85

83

Change %TLU

11.1

5.4

10.8

4.7

13.7

1.0*

10.8

4.7

12.2

3.8

9.2

3.6

77 96

-4

96

95

88 89

Notes: *See Tables 2.4 and 2.5 for complete data. TLU - Targetlike usage. Formula: = SOC - (OC + SNOC). See explanation on p. 29. 'BDF means subject told The Boy, the Dog, and the Frog in Time 2. -nd means no test data for test time shown

55

Age LOR-L2 (Yrs.) (Yrs.)

1

Table 2.8. Moderate Retention: 50-79% Targetlike Usagea Returnees' Verb Accuracy in Storytelling over Time The Book

Frog, Where Are You?

SOCSubjects

6. back: < 1 mo.

Total Verbs

back: 5 back: 14

30/30 21/23 21/25

100 91

10. back: 2 mo. back: 5 back: 14

16/26 16/25 14/25

61 60

4. back: 9 mo.

31/35 17/29

89

back: 14 (BDF1) back: 21

2. back: < 1 mo. back: 5 back: 14

nd2

84

56

59

21/21 13/16 17/25

100 81

21/28 11/24 12/25

75 46

13/22 12/24

60

1. back: < 1 mo back: 7

18/30 22/43

60

7. back: 8 mo.

13/20 19/27 12/21

65 70

11. back: 19 mo. back: 25 (BDF) back: 35

15. back: 3 mo. back: 11

back: 14 (BDF) back: 23

SOCTotal Verbs

Overall %TLUa

-26

38/38 31/33 38/50

100 94 75

-5

23/61 38/54 41/54

48 70 76

26/46 26/30 25/36

57 87 69

20/24 27/32 22/38

83 84 58

26/39 29/35

66 83

Overall Change %TLUa %TLU

68

48

50

51

57

-30

-32

Change %TLU

-5

19/32

21/42

60 50

-10

19/25 20/35 15/42

76 57 47

-8

Notes: *See Tables 2.4 and 2.5 for complete data. TLU = Targetlike usage. Formula: = SOC - (OC + SNOC). See explanation on p.29. 'BDF means subject told The Boy, the Dog, and the Frog in Time 2 3 nd means no test data for test time shown.

56

1.0

7.8

2.0

7.3

2.2

10.4

1.5

11.5

2.8

6.5

1.5

9.1

2.0

-25

55 50

-9

9.9

12

21/38 19/38

-10

2.2

28

-6

15/26

8.6

-25

60

-27

Age LOR-L2 (Yrs.) (Yrs.)

-29

Table 2.9. Low Retention: > 50% Targetlike Usagea Returnees' Verb Accuracy in Storytelling over Time The Book

Subjects

SOCTotal Overall Change %TLUa %TLU Verbs

SOC Total %TLUa

9/19 17/36

47 47

22/34 16/29

65 55 26

-39

9. back: 3 mo. back: 11

9/18 9/26

50

16. back: < 1 mo.

20/28 13/26 9/26

71 50

3. back: < 1 mo. back: 7

6/20

30

5. back: 17 mo.

14/24 15/22

back: 6 (BDP)

back: 12

back: 33

Frog, Where Are You?

35

35

4/21

58

68

-15

8/22

-36

27/36

Overall Change %TLU (Yrs.)

LOR-L2

Verbs

9.8

2.8

11.5

1.5

7.5

1.5

8.6

1.8

0

-7

17/35

74 50

-24

10

22/37 6/20

60 30

-30

Notes: *See Tables 2.4 and 2.5 for complete data. TLU = Targetlike usage. Formula: = SOC 4- (OC + SNOC). See explanation on p. 29. 'BDF means subject told The Boy, the Dog, and the Frog in Time 2.

57

Age (Yrs.)

58

The Loss of English as a Second Language

Notes Notation Used in Transcription Stories were transcribed clause by clause following a modified version of D. I. Slobin's (1989) Frog Story Procedures, (unpublished procedures manual). Each line is a clause, providing the subject uttered a subject and verb. /

End-of-clause line where the text format was limited and run-on line was used [word] Subject's self-correction; the word given is the subject's intended word (I:...) Interviewer's comment XXX Indecipherable or garbled word The sentence has a grammatical or lexical error, e.g., finding" (looking for)—the * indicates a lexical error, the word in ( ) was not used by the subject, but is a possible and correct lexical choice). Underlining is added to draw attention to a particular word.

1. While schools differ in their admissions procedures, kikoku shijo eligibility is typically restricted to applicants whose families went abroad because of a parent's job. 2. Campion's Interactive Encyclopedia [CD ROM] 1994. In English. 3. The one-year longer average length of stay in the L2 environment of the baseline group compared with the returnees deserves comment. The baseline group provided a frame of reference for L2 lexical and grammatical development against which the returnees could be compared. The more advanced lexicon and grammatical competency in English of the baseline group indicates their steady linguistic development in English. However, their inaccuracies also dispelled any notion that three years in the L2 school system produces near-native competency in speaking English. This baseline group still showed evidence of L2 learner errors. The baselines' stories replete with learner errors demonstrates the near futility of trying to distinguish between failure to acquire language and language loss. The baseline data, in fact, make the best case for using longitudinal tracking to assess language loss. 4. Subjects' repetitions of prompts were not counted in vocabulary or output tallies. 5. T-tests on these (% change in TLU) results showed there was > 2.75 difference in tvalue between the means of the two tests, indicating that both instruments (The Book and Frog, Where Are You?) measured the same thing. The difference in measurement results of the two instruments was not significant at 99%. 6. No credit was given for erroneous but still communicatively competent language. 7. Age 13;8 means 13 years, 8 months; abroad 1.0 year means child resided in L2-speaking country one year. 8. Shuushikei is commonly used for the following types of exp -essions: a Boku ga yobu yoo: (male speaker) I'll call you/her/him/etc. b. Tsukau (rising intonation): Will you/she/he/etc., use it? c. Issho ni iku (rising intonation): Will (someone) go/comewith/you/me/her/ etc.? [or] Shall we go together? d. Gakko nu iku: I/you/she/etc., will go to

3 The First Stage of Second Language Attrition: A Case Study of a Japanese Returnee Machiko Tomiyama

Despite a short history of language attrition as a field of linguistic research, we have witnessed new insights being accumulated, hypotheses being generated, and evidence and counter evidence being provided. However, as young a field as it is and the methodological paths to the inquiry being multifold, many areas still remain basically unexplored. The present study is devoted to one such area, namely, a longitudinal study—in a genuine sense, of natural second language (L2 English) attrition within an individual in the first language (L1 Japanese) environment. Previous empirical research that has contributed significantly to the literature of L2 attrition has been based mostly on cross-sectional data of foreign language skills loss in adults (e.g., Godsall-Meyers 1981; Bahrick 1984; Myers 1984a,b; Moorecroft & Gardner 1987; de Bot & Clyne 1989; Weltens et al. 1989). These employ tests and self-reports or both, as measures to assess attrition. Longitudinal studies that deal with the attrition of naturally acquired L2 of younger children have been limited to investigations of specific grammatical structures (e.g., Olshtain 1989; Reetz-Kurashige this volume) or a subset of skills (e.g., Cohen 1989). While Yoshitomi's pioneering work (1994) on the attrition of Japanese returnees provides a wealth of information on various linguistic features as well as on subskills of English, the data are drawn from comparisons of four necessarily different individuals to represent the variables selected for investigation. Kuhberg's longitudinal research (1992) probing into the question of regression hypothesis is a study methodologically and typologically similar to the present study but deals with L1 Turkish, L2 German. Other longitudinal studies, such as the one by Kaufman & Aronoff (1991) and another by Turian & Altenberg (1991) deal with L1 attrition observed in younger subjects (two to three years of 59

60

The Loss of English as a Second Language

age at the onset). The former focuses on the morphosyntactic attrition, whereas the latter focuses on the attrition of compensatory strategies. This continuing project was launched in 1992 with the purpose of tracking the same individual's overall change in naturally acquired L2 when this individual was placed in an environment where L2 input and opportunities for use were deprived. The present contribution focuses on the first stage of the overall developmental attrition process of one child, which covers the period 2-19 months after being removed from the dominant language environment. At present, the tracking has extended over four years. (For the subsequent stages, see Tomiyama 1995, 1996, 1998). A longitudinal observation of the same individual in a natural setting (as opposed to cross-sectional data based on tests and self-reports, or both) is valuable in the following ways: 1. It is possible to establish the fact of acquisition and subsequent attrition; in attrition research, caution must be exercised in distinguishing between non- acquisition and loss; 2. It is possible to avoid the assumption taken by cross-sectional studies that the length of instruction or residence can be equated with the level of acquisition; with this assumption, the cross-sectional approach examines the degree of attrition by comparing the subject's levels of proficiency and elapsed time after being away from the L2-rich environment; 3. It is possible to integrate isolated linguistic behavior from a macroscopicpoint of view. Since this contribution is based on a case study classified as qualitative research, it should be understood that the main thrust of the project is to describe as fully as possible what was observed or not observed and to provide insights and directions for future large-scale experimental studies. At this stage of development in the study of language attrition, when no complete theory has been advanced nor relevant factors have been discerned from the irrelevant, it is crucial to document any notable phenomena with an open mind. Based on previous research, however, the following questions were highlighted for the study: 1. Are phonology, lexicon, morphology, and syntax differentially affected? 2. Are productive skills more susceptible to attrition than receptive skills? 3. How is the speed of attrition? 4. How is fluency affected? 5. How does the subject compensate for the skills he is losing? 6. Can individual differences be observed?

Method Subject's Profile The subject was a Japanese boy who will be called Ken. Ken comes from an upper-middle-class family. His parents are well educated and proficient in

The First Stage of Second Language Attrition

61

English. He left Japan at the age of 1;3 when his father was transferred to San Jose, California, and returned home when he was 8;0. During his seven years in the San Jose area, he went through a local preschool, kindergarten, and elementary school up to the second grade. As a rule set by his parents, only Japanese was to be spoken at home, but according to his mother, English became his dominant language by the final year. His report card for the second grade showed "outstanding" achievements in reading, spelling, and language arts. His playmates were English-speaking children in the neighborhood. Upon returning to Japan, he entered a local public school in Tokyo as a second grader. Naturally, L2 input became very limited. Table 3.1 lists chronologically the time of data-collecting sessions, classroom-type input, and miscellaneous L2 input events. Watching videos or other L2 activities, which could not

Table 3.1. Summary of Input

Stage

I

Total Hours

Month

Months after Returning

May/92 June

2 3

1

July

4

2

Aug.

5

Sept.

6

3

Oct.

7

4

Nov.

8

5

Dec.

9

Jan./93

10

6

Feb. March April May June July Aug. Sept..

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

7

Oct.

19

Data Collecting Session

Structured Input

Misc. Input

1 Computer lesson (1 hr.)/week 1 Computer lesson (1 hr.)/week 1 Computer lesson

Reading

(1 hr.)/week

1-2 Computer lessons (1 hr.)/month

1-2 Computer lessons

(1 hr.)/month 1-2 Computer lessons (1 hr.)/month 1-2 Computer lessons (1 hr.)/month 1-2 Computer lessons

(lhr)/month

8 9 10

11 12

13

16.5

3 English lessons (80 min.)/month 3 English lessons (80 min.)/month 24

Visitors Visitors Visitors

62

The Loss of English as a Second Language

be documented, were excluded from the list. The information was based on the report from the subject's mother. Starting from three months after his return, Ken went to a computer lesson once a week, one hour per session, for two months. This was a private lesson taught by an English-speaking teacher in English. There was a break for two months, and from six to ten months after returning to Japan, he went to the lesson sporadically once or twice per month. Other than the data-collecting sessions, there was a blank period for about seven months. At the point of 18 months after his return, he enrolled in a group English lesson for returnees. The lessons were 80 minutes per session, which he attended three times a month on the average. Miscellaneous events pertaining to L2 input were also limited. There were a couple of occasions when English-speaking visitors came to Ken's home and conversed with him in English. Reading in English stopped at about two months after returning to Japan. Approximately, there was a total of less than 16.5 hours of data-collecting sessions and 24 hours of English instruction over the period of a year and a half. The figures show that the total exposure hours of L2 drastically decreased from what he had experienced in the United States, even considering the undocumented input hours. According to his mother, he has adjusted well to Japanese life and is doing well in school, both academically and socially. He is a very mature, bright, and cooperative child. Data Collection Data collection began two months after Ken returned to Japan. The data reported here are based on those up to 19 months, hereafter labeled Stage l. 1 The data from the subject were gathered monthly, with a few exceptions, by the researcher visiting the subject's home (see Table 3.1 for the data-collecting schedule). Each session lasted for about one hour per subject, which was videotaped and audiotaped. The taped materials were then transcribed. In a typical session, a game was played in the beginning, mainly as a warm-up and to establish rapport in English. This was usually followed by free conversation to record spontaneous speech. Elicited speech was also collected at various points. As formal measures, the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT) and the Bilingual Syntax Measure (BSM) were used in the beginning to formally assess his English proficiency, and to determine the baseline for receptive lexicon and morphology, respectively. The PPVT and BSM were used repeatedly at later sessions to examine the progression of attrition. A picture book, A Boy, A Dog, A Frog, and A Friend (Mayer 1971) was employed as another elicitation device. This frog series by Mayer is now commonly used by attrition researchers. The book has a series of detailed pictures but no written text, and the subjects are free to produce a story along the pictured story line in any way they wish. Wacky Wednesday by LeSieg (1974) was used to systematically elicit his productive

The First Stage of Second Language Attrition

63

vocabulary and to examine his morpheme use as well as sentence structur in a controlled environment; that is, to force the subject always to refer to certain objects or notions whenever speech is elicited. The task was to find out and describe all the wacky things in the pictures. In general, in order not to sacrifice naturalness for the convenience of data gathering, every effort was made to secure an environment that made the subject feel at ease and enjoy himself. Baseline Data In the first session (i.e., two months after the return), Ken showed no signs of difficulty in expressing himself and sustaining a conversation with the researcher for a long period of time. He would respond to the researcher's English in English right from the beginning, and he would continue to do so throughout the session. His mannerisms and pronunciation were nativelike. Formally, his raw score on the PPVT was 101, an age equivalent of 9;3, when his chronological age wa's 8;2. He measured Level 4 (intermediate English) on the BSM. The reason he did not measure Level 5 (proficient) was that he had not acquired conditionals.

Findings A Precursor Up until five months after returning, Ken would react to the researcher in English right from the beginning of the session. However, at the sixth-month session, he did not respond in English even when the recording had started. The whole discourse of the first twelve minutes was the researcher speaking in English and Ken responding in Japanese or talking to himself in Japanese. At seven months Ken rebounded. He responded in English immediately from the beginning without codemixing or codeswitching. There was hardly any noticeable change from the sessions prior to the one at six months. At that point the sixth-month session appeared to be an exception. However, at eight months, instances of codeswitching started to appear. The sixth-month session, where there was a chunk of Japanese discourse, was indeed a precursor to a more regular attrition pattern. Codeswitching Codeswitching is an oft-observed phenomenon in the process of L2 attrition (e.g., Olshtain 1989; Kuhberg 1992) as well as L1 attrition (e.g., Kaufman & Aronoff 1991; Turian & Altenberg 1991). Kuhberg (1992) claims that for his subjects, codeswitching is "the developmentally most relevant feature in the

64

The Loss of English as a Second Language

attrition process" (p. 148). He therefore divides the attrition stages from the perspective of codeswitching as follows: Stage 1: No codeswitching Stage 2: Predominantly free morpheme codeswitching and some bound morpheme codeswitching Stage 3: Increased codeswitching; some free morpheme codeswitching and predominantly bound morpheme codeswitching Ken's codeswitching observed at this stage was all free-morpheme switching. No instance of bound-morpheme codeswitching was found. For Ken, however, a more notable pattern emerged when the type of switched utterances was focused for analysis: The switched utterances were concentrated on interjections, conversational fillers, and emotional utterances such as expressing frustration and excitement. The following is an example taken from the transcript2 of the eighth month session. (1)

1 R: Woo. Tough, tough, tough. 2 K: ee wakannai yo [= What? I can't figure it out!] 3 K: ee wakannai <even more frustrated than before> [= What? I can't figure it out!] 4 R: Where's the answer? 5 K: aa atte-ru [= Wow! It's correct!] 6 R: Is that correct? 7 K: <mumbles something to himself> 8 R: Huh? 9 K: Uh, huh. Let's do this one. [K05]

Another example is onaka hetta na [= I'm hungry!] right in the middle of a storytelling task later in the same session. Conversational fillers were also susceptible to codeswitching as in (2). (Japanese fillers are underlined.) (2) 1 2 3 4 5

K: R: K: R: K:

And went to the, uh, uhm, to the king. Mm. Palace. Uh, huh unto ne (2 sec) de (5 sec) eeto ne [= uh, well, uhm]

The First Stage of Second Language Attrition

65

6 R: Yeah. 7 K: And he gave it to the king. [K05] (See also [3], [5], [11], and [12] for other instances of fillers indicating hesitation.) As shown above, interjections, fillers, and emotion-laden utterances were very likely to be switched to L1 at this stage. Lexical Attrition Lexical Retrieval

Difficulty

Codeswitching is one observable surface phenomenon with possibly multiple motivations for its use. One apparent motivation for Ken's codeswitching was to compensate for his lexical retrieval difficulty. From the eighth month on, there were many examples of his switching to Japanese to request a particular English word. He even had trouble with a seemingly familiar word like English. Below are some examples: (3)

1 K: There was uhm (4 sec) to eigo-tte nan te iu n dakke [= Uhm, how do we say English?! 2 R: English. 3 K: English. [K05 = 8 months after return] (4) 1 K: sangatsu-tte May to March dotchi dakke [- Which was March. May, or March?] 2 R: March. 3 K: March? 4 R: Yeah. You're gonna move in March? [K07 =11 months after return] (5) 1 K: <whispers> eeto (1 sec) nawatobi-tte nan te iu n da [= U h m , . . . how do you say jump rope?] 2 R: Jump rope. 3 K: Yeah, jump rope. [K07] Previously, when he had encountered difficulty in locating the exact word, he would prompt himself in English or request the researcher in English as in (6) and (7). (6)

1 K: Uhm (2 sec) the gold fish is in the what. Lotion. Lotion bottle. [K03 = 6 months after return] (7) 1 K: Huh? The table (2 sec) what, what do you call it, legs? 2 R: Yeah. One of the legs. [K03]

Lexical retrieval difficulty also manifested as long pauses as in (8), which is also taken from Wacky Wednesday data:

66

The Loss of English as a Second Language

(8)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

K: R: K: R: K: R: K:

And there- (5 sec) there's (6 sec) Yeah, there's (3 sec) You wanna talk about this one? Yeah. Do you know the name for it? denshinbashira [= utility pole] [K08]

This example clearly shows that he was looking for the word pole, which was accessible to him six months before as shown in (9), and that he was waiting for the word to come to him. (9)

There's not the pole here. [K03]

Even though Ken started to experience trouble with immediate retrieval with some words, they were' not completely lost. Examples (10) and (11) show that with chanting and prompting, he was able to recover what was not readily available to him. (10) 1 R: But, uh, she'll be coming soon, you said, to make guacamole. 2 K-: Uhm (2 sec) in (2 sec) <whispers> gogatsu-tte nan da eeto [= What is May? Uhm] 3 R: January 4 K: February, March, April, May. 5 R: Right. 6 K: She's coming in May. [K09] ( 1 1 ) 1 R: Do you know how to say this? 2 K: eeto [= uhm] 3 R: It starts with an F 4 K: The faucet is upside down. [K08] Tracking of Lexical Items As shown in (8) and (9), the development of attrition of lexical items can be observed clearly by looking at the data taken from the controlled environment of Wacky Wednesday. Unlike spontaneous data, this type of data ensures that a certain vocabulary item indeed existed initially (i.e., acquisition confirmed through his spontaneous use) and enables the tracking of each item over time. Quantitatively, there were 83 items, including objects and concepts that were possible to keep track of in his use. In Stage 1,13 items (16%) were seemingly lost.3 Qualitative change can be observed in terms of how a particular situation or an item was referred to. Table 3.2 provides examples of the change over three sessions. It lists items that were used spontaneously in the third session (at six months) and their subsequent change in the expression to refer to the same object or phenomenon. It also shows the strategies Ken used to compensate for the difficulty

The First Stage of Second Language Attrition

67

Table 3.2. Examples of Lexical Attrition No. 3 (6 Months)

pole driver's seat

leg sideways piled

No. 8 (12 Months)

denshinbashira [switching] [avoidance]

feet, foot sideway going up [paraphrase]

No. 12 (17 Months)

stand [approximation] untenseki ga aru tte (= How do you say there is a driver's seat?) [direct request in L1 ] foot wrong [paraphrase] this way [diexis]

Notes: Compensatory strategies are given in [ ]. Japanese utterances are given in italics.

in lexical retrieval: codeswitching, approximation, avoidance, direct request in L1, and paraphrase. All of these strategies are very much in common with those cited in L2 acquisition (e.g., Faerch & Kasper 1983), L2 attrition (e.g., Olshtain 1989), and L1 attrition (e.g., Turian & Altenberg 1991) studies. In addition, Ken frequently used deixis when the word was not available to him, as in (12). To express three houses being piled up, he said: (12)

The three houses. Uh, has to be (7 sec) doesn't belong this way. <points upward> [K12]

In short, Ken's attrition in productive lexicon was evident in Stage 1. His lexical retrieval difficulty manifested in various aspects, including long pauses, codeswitching, and employment of other compensatory strategies.

Fluency In parallel with codeswitching and lexical attrition, there was a change in Ken's fluency. Indications of his nonfluency were abundant in spontaneous speech starting at the eighth month. However, to obtain more tangible evidence of attrition in fluency, quantitative data from the storytelling sessions are provided below. Pauses, repetitions, and self-repairs were selected as features manifesting his nonfluency. Table 3.3 lists the number of occurrences of pauses, repetitions, and self-repairs as well as the total length of pauses in seconds. The figures are based on the data taken at nine months, thirteen months and seventeen months from the storytelling task using A Boy, A Dog, A Frog and A Friend. Since the total number of words for each storytelling was of course not the same, the number of occurrences was converted to a percentage figure showing how many times or how many seconds he paused or made repetitions per 100 words.

T

T h e L o E s o s s f n h a i g a s l e c o n d L a n g u a g e

Table 3.3. Deterioration of Fluency Session No. 6 (9 Months)

No. 9 (13 Months)

No. 12 (17 Months)

Pauses: Sec. No.

23.0% 6.6%

24.0% 8.6%

40.0% 10.5%

No. of repetitions

1.6%

2.9%

3.0%

Self-repairs: Specific no. No. of wrong words

4

0 0

2

Storytelling Features

0

6

1

As the table shows, except for the difference between nine months and thirteen months for the total length of pauses, Ken progressively paused more and paused longer each time. He also made more repetitions as time progressed. For self-repairs, not only the number of instances but also the nature of each repair was examined. At nine months, all of his repairs were instances of making the statement more specific or accurate; for instance,

(13)

the turtle was (2 sec) the boy thought the turtle was dead. [K06]

On the other hand, at 13 months and 17 months his repairs were mainly for the instances where he made a wrong choice of word as in (14), or where he made a change in the sentence structure (false start) as in (15). (14) (15)

his right hand, right, right foot [K09] the boy (1 sec) was trying, when the boy (1 sec) was trying to (2 sec) put the fishing pole [K09]

Also, his repairs were sometimes unsuccessful, as in (16). (16)

and the dog (2 sec) were, and the tur- and s- the thing that (he) the thing (3 sec) the thing (2 sec) that pulled (he) the dog's tail and the dog (2 sec) got in-to the water, [K09]

In sum, Ken's fluency as defined by pauses, repetitions, and self-repairs deteriorated progressively.

Morphological Attrition Compared to the attrition of productive lexicon and fluency, attrition of morphology was less evident. The grammatical morphemes examined were regular plural,

69

The First Stage of Second Language Attrition

third-person singular, progressive, auxiliary (both singular and plural), copula (both singular and plural), possessive, regular past, and irregular past. The BSM data and spontaneous speech data elicited at the initial data gathering session (two months) served as the baseline of Ken's performance (i.e., acquisition). "Acquisition" was operationally defined as supplying the morphemes 90% of the time or more in obligatory contexts. At the first session at two months—Ken had attained the criteria for all of the above morphemes (as shown on Tables 3.4 and 3.5). The BSM data elicited subsequently at 9 months and 16 months showed that all of these morphemes were supplied 100% of the time for each obligatory context except for one time when he missed the plural for nose at 16 months (see Table 3.4). The spontaneous speech data, on the other hand, revealed that the plural and the irregular past dropped to less than 90% at 13 months and 17 months (see Table 3.5). Even so, these morphemes were supplied over 80%, which is the criterion some researchers use in L2 acquisition (Ellis 1994; Huebner 1983).The storytelling data supplement the BSM and spontaneous speech data where the number of occasions was small or particular morphemes were not elicited. These data show a similar pattern (see Table 3.6). However, a drop from 100% level at 13 months to 69% at 19 months for the irregular past may call for a more detailed analysis. There were three irregular verbs that were correctly used at 13 months but incorrectly used at 19 months: make, take, and bite. In other words, for these verbs, attrition, not nonacquisition, could be confirmed. At 19 months, make occurred twice. For both times the zero morph was used. Take occurred six times altogether. Of those six times, the irregular past was supplied four times, while the zero morph was used for the other two occasions. Bite occurred twice. For one occasion, the -ed form was used and for the other, the correct irregular form was used. It appears that the supply of the correct form had become rather unstable around the end of Stage 1. Qualitatively, in the spontaneous speech data, Ken's self-repair of irregular verbs could be observed. Example (17) observed at 13 months, and (18), at 19 months, show these repairs.

Table 3.4. Accuracy of Morphemes BSM-—Data Session

Plural Third person Progressive Auxiliary Copula Possessive Regular past Irregular past

No. 1

No. 6

(2 Months)

(9 Months)

100(11/11) 100 (2/2) 100(11/11) 100(10/10) 100(11/11) 100 (2/2) 100(1/1) 100(3/3)

100 (7/7) 100(1/1) 100(6/6) 100 (6/6) 100 (9/9) 100(1/1)

100(4/4)

No. 11 (16 Months) 86 (6/7) 100(1/1) 100 (5/5) 100(6/6) 100 (6/6) 100(3/3) 100(2/2) 100(3/3)

The Loss of English as a Second Language

70

Table 3.5. Accuracy of Morphemes—Spontaneous Data Session

Plural Third person Progressive Auxiliary Copula Possessive Regular past Irregular past

No.l (2 Months)

No. 9 (13 Months)

100(16/16) 100 (6/6)

83(15/18) 100(1/1) 100(9/9) 100(10/10) 100(18/18) 100(6/6)

100 (47/47) 100 (4/4) 100(5/5) 100 (27/27)

89(8//9)

No. 1 (17 Months) 80(16/20)

100 (4/4) 100 (4/4) 100 (42/42) 100 (2/2) 86(19/22)

Note: A dash shows a structure was not elicited.

(17) Get, got uhm,... [K09]

(18)

There's two boys come, came from America or something. [Kl3]

In brief, although morpheme attrition was not as evident as lexical attrition, irregular past and plural had started to show possible signs of instability by the end of Stage 1. Syntactic Attrition In the area of syntax, there was even less evidence to claim that attrition took place. Word order and other frequently studied structures in acquisition research such as negatives and interrogatives were all unaffected. However, a glimpse of indication was found in the relative clause structure. The baseline data of spontaneous speech at two months showed that he had acquired the relative pronouns: He spontaneously used the relative clause structure six times, and the relative pronouns were supplied 100% of the time for all those occasions. Examples of his spontaneous use are given in (19) and (20). Table 3.6. Accuracy of Morphemes—Storytelling Data Session

No. 6 (9 Months) Plural Third person Progressive Auxiliary Copula Possessive Regular Past Irregular past

— — 100 (3/3) 100 (3/3) 100(7/7) — 100 (3/3) 100* (17/17)

No. 9 (13 Months)

No. 13 (1 Months)

— — 100 (8/8) 100 (8/8) 100 (8/8) —

— — 100 (3/3) 100 (3/3)

100 (5/5) 100(16/16)

Note: A dash shows a structure was not elicited.

100 (7/7) — 100 (6/6) 69(18/26)

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(19) (20)

Roy got a cap that says Roy. [ KO1 ] Or whatever flavor that she liked. [KO1]

Starting at around 13 months, however, a few instances of missing relative pronouns could be observed: (21) (22)

There's two boys come, came from America or something? [K13, spontaneous speech] There was a boy, had a dog and a frog pet. [K09, storytelling]

These sparing instances may prove to be a prelude to a more regular pattern of attrition. Receptive Lexicon A very clear case of nonattrition was the receptive lexicon. Ken's receptive skill was virtually unaffected within Stage 1. As shown in Table 3.7, Ken's raw score on the PPVT was 101 at the start (i.e., two months after his return). At 12 months he scored 101 again, and at 17 months he scored 105. In light of the definite lexical retrieval difficulty Ken was undergoing, the differential attrition of productive versus receptive skills in the lexicon was evident. Phonological Attrition Another unaffected area was Ken's phonological skills. There were very few instances of phonological problems, the entire list short enough to be given in Table 3.8. The first item is a performance type of mistake, in as much as all other instances of / / were pronounced correctly. Interestingly, the other items are all loan words in Japanese, and therefore the mistakes possibly reflect cases of phonological transfer. It should be noted, however, that since there was no baseline information for these three items, they may simply be cases of nonacquisition.

Table 3.7. Receptive Vocabulary—PPVT Scores Session

Score

No.l (2 Months)

No. 8 (12 Months)

No. 12 (17 Months)

101

101

10

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The Loss of English as a Second Language Table 3.8. Phonological Problems Session

Item

No. 9 (13 Months)

then model

/zen/ /m del/

No. 12 (17 Months)

hotel cottage

/houtel/ /kouted/

Pronunciation

Individual Differences In order to examine whether Ken's pattern of attrition reflect individual differences, two other returnees with backgrounds and experiences similar to Ken's will be introduced briefly here for comparison. The returnees, Eugene and Lily, were also involved in the author's investigation on L2 attrition (see Tomiyama 1994). They are siblings and moved to Connecticut at the age of 5;8 and 2;8 and returned home when they were 10;0 and 7;0, respectively. Eugene is an active, outgoing, and sociable child, whereas Lily is a bit shy and cautious but extremely mature for her age. Their overall attrition process showed much the same pattern. Productive lexicon, morphology, syntax, and receptive lexicon were differentially affected. Lexical retrieval difficulty and its consequences for fluency were similar for both. Eugene's codeswitching pattern and timing were similar to Ken's, although perhaps Eugene's progression was a bit swifter and more condensed. Eugene's attrition of morphology and syntax were even less evident than Ken's. The biggest individual difference could be found in Lily's data with respect to codeswitching. Ken and Eugene used the strategy of codeswitching to compensate for their attrited productive vocabulary. On the other hand, Lily did not revert to L1; instead, she used a strategy of waiting. In other words, very long pauses could be found in her data around the same time when instances of codeswitching appeared in the boys' data. Example (23) is taken from the spontaneous speech data showing Lily's long pauses at six months. (23) 1 2 3 4

R: L: R: L:

What do you do? If I, you and I are going to play this game. You just (11 sec) Yeah. (2 sec) Like (2 sec) I was it and I tag you (3 sec) then somebody uhm (2 sec) tags you then you're free. [A04]

Other data from Wacky Wednesday also showed a number of instances where she became silent due to lexical difficulty. On the other hand, in the data from as late as 16 months no instances of codeswitching could be found. She never reverted to using L1 unless the researcher directly asked her to switch to Japanese. Moreover, there was a difference in the manifestations of nonfluency. Naturally, the manifestation of Lily's nonfluency was most evident in an increase

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in pauses. On the other hand, Eugene's nonfluency became conspicuous in terms of repetitions. The following is a typical example of Eugene's repetition from the spontaneous speech data. (24) 1 E: You can't go to the uhm, you can't go to the uh, you can't go to, the, let's say there's like uhm, a problem, but you can't go to the problem first, because you have to, there's like a story and you have to read a long story, 2 R: Mmhm. 3 E: and then you have to, uhm, answer 4 R: Yeah, the questions? [A04] Differences in the use of compensatory strategies may have come from their differences in personal style. As mentioned above, Lily is a very cautious child. She aims at perfect utterance every time, no matter how long it takes, and there is both hesitation on her part to ask for assistance and a strong inhibition against using L1. In speech performance, this translates to her being a "pauser" and a "noncodeswitcher." On the other hand, Eugene will utter whatever comes to his mind first, however imperfect the sentences may be. This makes him a "repeater," and since there is no strong inhibition on his part against using L1, he codes witches. Lily's sense of inhibition against using L1 combined with her desire to produce perfect utterances and to provide accurate information also manifested itself as frequent employment of the avoidance strategy. Compared with the boys' utterances, Lily's response was abundant with "I don't know" and "I forgot" routines. She often used these expressions to avoid facing the task of verbalizing in L2. The following examples illustrating this are all from the same session dealing with the topic, her favorite things. (25) 1 2 3 4 5

R: L: R: L: R:

What was your favorite cartoon in America? I don't know. You don't know? You didn't watch cartoons at all? Yeah, I did, but I liked them all. You liked them all? What kinds of cartoons did y u watch. Do you remember? 6 L: (6 sec) Bugs Bunny. 7 R: What about Disney ones. Disney cartoons? Donald Duck? Mickey Mouse? 8 L: I forgot? 9 I 10 R: What's your favorite okazu? (= dish). 11 L: (9 sec) I don't know. [A04]

In sum, the overall progression of attrition for the three children was very similar. However, the surface realizations of attrition, their choices of compensatory strategies in particular, were sometimes different, reflecting their personal styles.

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Discussion Differential Attrition of Subskills It was observed that different linguistic skills (i.e., phonology, lexicon, morphology, and syntax) were not affected in the same way by the attrition process. For Ken, attrition first manifested as lexical retrieval difficulty. Some indications of attrition in morphology and syntax were present, but phonology and receptive lexicon remained quite robust throughout the course of the observation. Kaufman & Aronoff (1991) report a similar pattern. They studied longitudinally the process of a young child's L1 (Hebrew) attrition in the L2 (English) environment. The subject's productive lexicon was affected initially, but syntax was unaffected. This stage was followed by a disintegration of morphosyntax. On the other hand, Kuhberg (1992) reveals a different pattern in his longitudinal L2 attrition research. From two Turkish children's German attrition data, he found that the morphemic level was affected first. It was only from the second stage onward that the lexicon was negatively affected. The fact that syntax (in terms of word order rules) was intact is the same as in the present study. Studies concerning the attrition of a school-learned foreign language by adults, such as those by Moorcroft & Gardner (1987) (L1 English, L2 French) and Weltens et al. (1989) (L1 Dutch, L2 French) report the same pattern as Kuhberg's study. In her literature review, Yoshitomi (1992) relates the differential order among the subskills to the subjects' initial proficiency level. She summarizes that more proficient students lose more vocabulary than grammar, while the pattern is reversed in less proficient students. This is because advanced students have a relatively stable knowledge of grammar and a larger amount of lexical knowledge. She also adds that in L1 attrition, lexicon is affected more than grammar. This attests to the assumption that the more stable the knowledge, the better it is retained, because native speakers presumably have acquired the grammar of their L1 thoroughly. The initial proficiency level may explain the present results and those from the above-mentioned studies. The proficiency level of Ken was very high; he was on par with his native-speaker peers academically and socially. It can safely be assumed that his achievement in L2 acquisition was far more advanced than that of students who participated in the above-mentioned studies of foreign language attrition. Kaufman & Aronoff's subject, although very young, was "a fluent speaker of Hebrew (L1), whose level paralleled that of her Hebrew speaking peers" (1991:176). On the other hand, Kuhberg's results cannot be sufficiently explained by the difference in proficiency alone. His subjects' proficiency levels seem to be as high as those of the subjects of the present study. According to Kuhberg, their fluency, communicative competence, and syntactic patterns were almost nativelike; yet deviant morphological patterns appeared before difficulty in lexicon. However, equating the proficiency levels of Kuhberg's subjects to the present study's might be a risky assumption. Due to the lack of an adequate L2 proficiency measure for children in each language, none of the subjects involved in

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these studies was assessed objectively by standardized tests across all skills. Assessments such as "nativelike" and "parallel to native-speaker peers" are subjective and may indeed reflect different levels of proficiency. Other possible factors for explaining the differing results are the influence of the language that is being lost, the influence of the dominant language used in the environment, and the interactive effect between the two languages. Andersen (1983), along with Weltens et al. (1989), have noted that these factors play an important role in the attrition process. The languages involved in Kuhberg's study were Turkish (L1) and German (L2), whereas there was a common language, English, involved in Kaufman & Aronoff's (1991) and the present study. On the other hand, Kaufman & Aronoff's focus was L1 attrition, whereas the present study was focused on L2 attrition. As more cross-linguistic data become available, the influence of these factors on the attrition process will be more precisely discerned. Productive versus Receptive Skills The present result supports the previous findings regarding the lag between productive and receptive skills (Weltens 1989; Yoshitomi 1992). The subjects' productive skill in the lexicon was first to be affected in the process as evidenced by their lexical retrieval difficulty. On the other hand, their receptive skill was virtually unaffected throughout the observation. This is in accordance with studies which report long-term retention of receptive vocabulary, such as those of Weltens et al. (1989), Bahrick (1984), and Cohen (1989). The Speed of Attrition Studies based on longitudinal data are in agreement with respect to the onset of attrition. Kuhberg (1992) reports no substantial change in any areas for five months. Kaufman & Aronoff's study (1991) shows the first sign of attrition at seven months. The present subject also showed little change for seven months. The onset of attrition, therefore, is assumed to be quite similar in L2 attrition and in L1 attrition, occurring at around six months after removal from the dominant language environment. On the other hand, the speed of attrition was more rapid for the subjects in Kuhberg's study than for the present subject. By the 15th month, one of Kuhberg's subjects became ashamed of her L2, which led him to terminate the study. The attrition of Kaufman and Aronoff's subject was also swifter. They report that by the 12th month, the subjects' L1 verbal system started to disintegrate with increasing unwillingness to speak in L1. At 19 months, however, Ken was still speaking spontaneously and willingly with morphology being relatively unaffected despite lexical retrieval difficulty and decreased fluency. It is possible that Ken was at an "initial plateau," that is, "a period of a few years during which skills are relatively unaffected, before attrition actually sets in" (Weltens & Cohen 1989:130). However, this notion is based on data mostly

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from adults experiencing attrition of a foreign language, and whether it is applicable to children losing their naturally acquired L2 is subject to further investigation. Differences in the absolute speed of attrition are likely to be attributed to a number of interacting factors such as chronological age, initial proficiency level, amount of use and input of attriting language, motivation, and pressure to conform to the hosting environment, to name a few. Fluency Deterioration of fluency marked by slower speech, more frequent hesitations, pauses, repetitions, and self-repairs is commonly noted as the first sign of attrition in longitudinal studies, including the present study and Kuhberg's (1992). In their study of child L1 (Russian) attrition, Turian & Altenberg (1991), also report that "reduced ability to be quick and easy and expressive" was one of the salient features when initial change was noted. Whether as a result of lexical retrieval difficulty or morphological difficulty, loss of control in any subskill is very likely to affect fluency, which can be achieved only through successful coordination of well-functioning subskills. Compensatory Strategies Strategies for compensating for the affected skills employed by the subject were very similar to the ones reported in L2 attrition research such as Olshtain (1989) and Cohen (1989). In the area of L1 attrition, Turian & Altenberg (1991), also cite similar strategies that are common to the ones observed in L2 acquisition (e.g., Faerch & Kasper 1983). A variety of strategies, including codeswitching (L1 based strategy4, paraphrase, and approximation (L2-based strategy), direct appeal (cooperative strategy) as well as avoidance (functional reduction strategy) appeared in the corpus of the present data. The result of this study, therefore, is to add another piece of evidence to support Turian & Altenberg's conclusion that "the cause of incomplete linguistic knowledge (process of acquisition versus attrition) is not a factor in selecting the strategies that are used to cope with the deficiency" (1991:216). Individual Differences Based on the data from Ken and two other returnees referred to (Eugene and Lily), it can be assumed that the pattern of attrition is similar across individuals. Although literature that alludes to individual differences is scarce, Kuhberg (1992) also emphasizes the similarity of the attrition pattern that his two subjects underwent. A notable difference observed in this study was the choice of compensatory strategies. To accommodate for their lexical retrieval difficulty, the boys resorted

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mainly to codeswitching, while Lily opted for avoidance. Their choice seems to reflect their personal style and their attitudes toward facing a task. Yoshitomi (see Chapter 4, this volume) cites personality and proficiency level as two factors influencing the choice. An individual difference that Kuhberg (1992) observed in his study was the speed of attrition. The attrition of one of the girls was faster, which Kuhberg attributes to the amount of pressure to give priority to L1 and her willingness to give in to the pressure. In either case, personal variables seemed to play an important role in the entire process of attrition. The results of Yoshitomi (see Chapter 4, this volume) as well as the present results concur with that observation. Affective Factors Previous literature suggests that "very frequent and/or pragmatic-laden items such as closed class vocabulary, idioms/fixed expressions, and interjections and fillers (e.g., urn)" (Yoshitomi, 1992:297) are immune to loss despite lack of use. However, it was noted in this study that switching to L1 began with emotionladen utterances, interjections, and conversational fillers. In her own research, Yoshitomi (see Chapter 4, this volume), also points out that contrary to what previous research claims, these items were indeed susceptible to loss. One possible interpretation of the present results is that these items are not lost or even forgotten but that the subject no longer feels natural expressing those emotions in L2. In other words, as the attrition progresses, speaking in L2 becomes much like a performance on stage, which makes him feel unnatural and takes much energy. Speaking in L1, on the other hand, is an off-stage natural everyday behavior where he can feel relaxed and express his genuine emotions. He takes a break by expressing his emotions and filling pauses in L1. Therefore, it is precisely these emotion-laden utterances that are most appropriate and natural to be expressed in L1. Some evidence to support these on-stage/off-stage acts can be found in the data. Ken's conversational fillers in L1 were often uttered in a whisper or low volume (See example [5]). When he switched to L1 for a direct appeal for a wanted word, he also tended to whisper (see example [8]). Data from the 17th month session revealed that 46% of conversational fillers and 55% of requests for a word were whispered. Ken's altering of speech volume could be interpreted as a reflection of how he perceived the act of speaking in L2 and in L1 at that stage of attrition. Speaking in L2 is an on-stage performance, whereas speaking in L1 is a natural behavior.

Concluding Remarks This study provided a brief account of the overall process of young children's L2 attrition over a period of 19 months. The first stage of attrition could be characterized by loss of fluency and codeswitching caused primarily by difficulty in

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lexical retrieval. Some signs of attrition in morphology and syntax were present, but they did not yet show definite attrition patterns. Phonology and receptive lexicon remained stable throughout the stage. The present study also suggested directions for further investigation. Interactive effects among variables on the speed, degree, and manner of attrition should be more clearly discerned. Among the more notable variables are: languages involved, initial proficiency level, amount of use, and personal factors such as motivation, affect, and styles. Although age factor was not specifically addressed in this study, chronological age and literacy, which usually parallel age, are also significant. Classroom-oriented research, namely, application of L2 attrition findings to language maintenance programs and its effect, needs to be launched. Although limitations of case studies should be recognized, longitudinal research is valuable in documenting the details over time as well as providing previously unacknowledged phenomena. It is also advantageous particularly for attrition research in which nonacquisition and attrition must be clearly distinguished. Further attrition research would benefit from both qualitative and quantitative types of data. From a larger perspective, attrition studies, in line with L1 and L2 acquisition, should continue to be recognized as a field that will help us better understand how the human mind deals with language.

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Notes 1. The stages were divided, in retrospect, according to Ken's characteristic attrition pattern of lexicon, morphology, and syntax. 2. The following symbols are used in the transcription: ? I (xsec) (xxx) < > [=] Underlining

downward intonation upward intonation cut off conversational turns omitted pause in seconds pause less than one second transcriber unsure of words uttered explanation of situation English translation is used for emphasis in Japanese text.

3. These items were "seemingly" lost since some were recovered later at Stage 2. See Tomiyama (1995) for the details of Stage 2. 4. The categorization of strategies given in parentheses are from Faerch& Kasper (1983).

4 On the Loss of English as a Second Language by Japanese Returnee Children Asako Yoshitomi

In the last two decades, the number of Japanese families going abroad to English-speaking countries on business has increased dramatically as a result of the growth in the country's economy. Consequently, the number of children in such families who spend several years during their youth exposed to a second language (L2 English), acquiring the L2 fairly naturally, and later suffering L2 attrition after their return to Japan, has increased considerably. There is thus a rising need in Japan to develop language maintenance programs for both the first language (L1 Japanese) and second language (L2 English) of such children. Knowledge about the language attrition process itself, upon which such programs should be based, is insufficient at present. Although previous research in the field has provided tentative answers to some key issues in L2 attrition (see Chapter 1, this volume), it is apparent that qualitative case studies that examine the language attrition process from a more holistic perspective are lacking; that is, studies that examine not only the linguistic aspects of language loss but also the factors that affect the process, such as differences in personality and aptitude as well as various developmental, psychological, cognitive, sociological, and sociopsychological variables. This chapter reports some of the key findings of a case study that was conducted as research for a dissertation.'The case study was a preliminary attempt to take such a holistic perspective by carefully examining the linguistic and sociopsychological attributes of the process of L2 (English) attrition of four Japanese returnee children from English-speaking countries. Because no complete theory or model is currently available to guide researchers to "test" specific questions, a hypothesis-generating type of approach was taken, in which the nature of the data served to guide analysis.2 The purpose of this chapter is twofold: (1) to verify whether some of the main findings in the field can be supported by the data obtained in the case study 80

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on Japanese returnees; and (2) to discuss the pedagogical implications the results may have on improving language maintenance programs in Japan.

Method Subjects Speech data from four female Japanese returnee children were examined.The girls differ in age (i.e., older versus younger) and incubation period (shorter versus longer) at the time of initial data collection. A description of the subjects' age at initial data collection, length of stay in the United States, length of incubation period, and siblings are given in Table 4.1 in the Appendix. Henceforth these subjects are referred to as JYS (Japanese girl, younger group, shorter incubation), JYL (Japanese girl, younger group, longer incubation), JOS (Japanese girl, older group, shorter incubation), and JOL (Japanese girl, older group, longer incubation), respectively. The Japanese returnee children come from families of middle to upper-middle social class. They all lived in large metropolitan areas in America. Their fathers, businessmen in a relatively large corporation, are well educated. All mothers, except for JOL's, were graduated from a university. JOL's mother finished high school. Family size is relatively small, varying from three to five. The Japanese children and their parents were all aware that they would return to Japan after a stay of two to five years in America. Hence, all children went to local American schools on weekdays and attended supplementary Japanese schools on Saturdays. After returning to Japan, they started to go to Englishmaintenance classes on Saturdays, as do the majority of returnee children in Japan. In addition, JYS and JOS attended English classes for returnees at their regular Japanese elementary schools once a week for one hour. The children might choose to use English in the family as well, although infrequently. Despite the children's willingness to maintain their English skills, their opportunities to use English are fairly limited. They will not start receiving formal English education until they enter junior high school. Obviously, the availability of subjects severely restrict the possible number of individual cases that could be included in a single study.3 This study limits itself to the analysis of four returnees for a span of one year, who were chosen because they met the following criteria regarding sex, age, length of stay, and length of incubation period. Sex. To avoid possible differences attributable to sex, all subjects were female. Age. The selection of children under age twelve was made to avoid the inclusion of an additional variable that is introduced by the start of formal English education in Japanese junior high schools. Length of stay. The subjects were children whose lengths of stay in the United States were three to four years. Nomoto (1973; cited in Minoura 1981) found that for most children, English becomes the dominant language after two to four years of stay.

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Incubation period. The subjects' incubation periods were either zero months or longer than 12 months. Previous studies imply an initial "plateau" of language loss. In other words, L2 acquirers, especially highly proficient acquirers, resist attrition for a while even after they discontinue their use of English. Because the study was to be conducted for only one year, linguistic samples beyond one year of incubation could be collected only in this manner. Ma

ials and Procedures for Data Collection

Data collection consisted of several different observation procedures in order to collect data on different aspects of language use and to decrease the bias that might result from the application of a single task. The five tasks that were adopted are described below: Free interaction. The core of the data are the free speech samples collected through a free conversation between the subject and a native-English-speaking examiner. The examiner initiated the conversation by laying out semiplanned topics that were believed to be relevant and interesting to the child (e.g., school and friends; family; English and experience with English; the future or imaginary situations); the child was free to expand or to move to other topics of her interest. Story description. Following the free interaction, each subject was asked to describe stories by looking at picture books. All the picture books used include pictures with a clear story line but no written text. The subjects described the same two picture books (Sunshine and Frog, Where Are You?) every session and a different third book in session two (A Boy, A Dog, A Frog, and A Friend), session three (Frog Goes to Dinner), and session four (One Frog Too Many). This method was adopted so that the subjects' linguistic performance on the same two stories could be compared across sessions and so that possible practice effects resulting from describing the same stories repeatedly could be complemented by examining the subjects' performance on a new story line each session. The child looked through the whole book once, then went back to the first page of the book and described the story from the beginning at her own pace. When she was finished with one book, she went on to the second book and followed the same procedures. Planned speech. After the story description, the subject was asked to think about a topic that was discussed during the free interaction, expand on that topic, and plan a short speech about it. She was given as much time as she wanted to prepare the speech and was allowed to make notes and rehearse the speech if she wished. Listening comprehension. As the final English task in each session, a controlled listening comprehension test was given, using Comprehensive Language Evaluation (CYCLE) developed by Curtiss & Yamada, specially made to measure children's formal linguistic knowledge. The children's task is to select a picture out of a set that corresponds to the sentence they hear. The sentences differ syntactically in that the only difference between two sentences, for example, may be a single bound morpheme such as the plural noun marker -5.

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Interview and questionnaire. Finally, interviews were conducted in Japanese between the researcher and the child, and then between the researcher and the parents, respectively. The aim was to obtain supplementary information on socioeconomic, educational, sociopsychological (i.e., motivational and attitudinal), and personality factors both from the returnees themselves and from their parents as second-party observers. Parental interviews were based on the replies they gave on a questionnaire they filled out while the data were collected. Questions included those that asked the parents to rate their children's English abilities as well as their own, to describe their child's personality, and to report on how frequently their child uses English and what kind of attitude they and their child have toward the use and maintenance of the English language. The children were also interviewed in Japanese and asked to self-evaluate their English language skills and to answer questions concerning their L2 use in general, their attitudes toward maintaining and using English, and their motivational intensity as to how much they are willing to retain their English skills. All tasks except for the interviews were conducted by a female nativeEnglish speaker in English. Each session was approximately 150-180 minutes long and was videotaped. The interviews with the children and their parents were administered by the researcher in Japanese at the end of each data-collecting session. Data were collected every three months for one year, resulting in a total of four data sets for each subject. The first data sets obtained from the two returnees with shorter incubation periods (i.e., JYS and JOS) were collected within one month after their return to Japan. Hence these sets of data were considered baseline data, where the attrition process started. The other sets of data obtained from the two returnees with shorter incubation periods and all data obtained from the two returnees with longer incubation periods (i.e., JYL and JOL) were thus compared with the baseline data.4

Data Analysis All speech samples collected through production tasks in English (i.e., free interaction, story description, and planned speech) were transcribed and analyzed by the use of the Codes for the Human Analysis of Transcript (CHAT) transcription and coding format and Computerized Language Analysis package of analysis programs developed by Brian MacWhinney and his colleagues (MacWhinney 1991). The returnees' English speech data were analyzed in terms of accuracy and fluency. Accuracy was assessed in terms of measurements (A) through (H), fluency was assessed in terms of measurements listed in (I), and supplementary data for interpreting the speech data were collected through measurement (J), respectively listed below: A. Scores of CYCLE and comprehension errors or difficulties (defined here either as the difficulty in comprehension, resulting in a query or a misunderstanding of what the examiner said) during free interaction.

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B. Production errors in phonology during free interaction and story description. C. Use of verb morphology during free interaction and story description. (The verb morphology examined included copula be, auxiliary be, simple verbs in their base form, the third person singular -5 marker, past regular and irregular forms of simple verbs, and modal auxiliaries. The percentage of contexts in which verb morphology was supplied in obligatory contexts (%SOC) and the percentage of verb morphology used in a targetlike manner (%TLU) were calculated across the four data sets. %SOC was calculated as the percentage of correct verb morphology supplied in linguistic contexts in which the verb morphology is required. %TLU was calculated as the percentage of correct forms used among the total verb morphology). D. Use of definite and indefinite articles during story description and planned speech. (The %SOC and %TLU were calculated for the definite and indefinite articles, respectively.) E. Type-token ratio of total vocabulary and open-versus closed-class vocabulary items used during free interaction and planned speech. F. Types and frequency of communication strategies used during free interaction and story description. (The terminology used to discuss the use of communication strategies was based on Tarone's [1980] classification.) G. Use of complex syntactic structures during free interaction and story description. (The frequency and correctness of complex structures, the percentage of attempted complex structures among total clauses uttered, and the percentage of successful end products as a result of the attempts were calculated. A complex structure is defined as two or more clauses in which one or more of the clauses is embedded in the main clause. Examples of complex structures are clauses embedded through the use of relative pronouns and subordinate conjunctions.The passive construction is also regarded as a complex structure. Structures including subordinate clauses introduced by "I think," "He said," and the like were excluded because such embedding involves a mere juxtaposition of simple clauses. Complex structures were considered deviant whenever an error was included in any one of the clauses constituting the complex structure. Only the end products were examined.) H. Frequency of error-free clauses during story description and planned speech. (Errors included all types; that is, grammatical, semantic, and lexical errors. If a clause included any type of error, it was regarded as an error clause. Only the end products were examined.) I. Amount of speech per time unit, calculated as the average number of words uttered per minute, and the frequency of false starts and repairs, calculated as the average number of clauses in which one repair, false start, or filler occurred (i.e., a repair or false start or filler occurred once in every X number of clauses) during the story description task.5 (It was considered that the decrease in the amount of speech per time unit and/or the increase of repairs, false starts, or fillers used was an indication of less fluency.6)

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J. Replies obtained from the interview and questionnaire. (This set of data

was used as supplementary information to guide interpretations of the speech data and to examine aspects of the attrition process that were difficult to tap through an analysis of speech data from English tasks alone. The children's and their parents' replies from the interview and questionnaire were tallied. These results were taken into consideration whenever they seemed to provide useful clues to an interpretation of the children's linguistic performance. The results of the analyzes were compared across subjects and across tasks wherever possible).

Summary of Results In this section, the results obtained from measurements (A) through (J) above are briefly summarized. Analysis of Accuracy (A) Scores of the listening comprehension task did not render evidence of attrition (see Appendix, Table 4.2). Although JOS's scores on the CYCLE test are slightly better than those of the other three girls, the difference is not considerable.7 If there is any change over time at all, it is the improvement of performance observed in JOL, JOS, and JYL. At the same time, there were indications that CYCLE was not discriminative enough to measure the returnees' loss in listening comprehension skills. Such an interpretation finds support in the fact that difficulties and mistakes in comprehension were more apparent in the subjects' performance in the other linguistic tasks, especially in the free interaction. The number of such comprehension errors during free interaction were, nonetheless, rare. Even JOL, who seemed to have lost English relatively severely compared with the other returnees, did not show so many difficulties in understanding English. When she did have difficulties, they appeared to be due more to local errors (i.e., lack or loss of a particular vocabulary item) than to global errors (i.e., the inability to comprehend the sentence structure as a whole). This result implies that English listening skills are relatively immune to attrition at least for the first year of incubation, which is in accordance with the claims made in the literature that comprehension skills are generally maintained better than production skills, and that there is an initial plateau of regression. (B) In general, production errors in phonology occurred infrequently in all four subjects' speech (see Appendix, Table 4.3). There may be a very slight decline in productive phonological skill within the first year of incubation, which is seen in JYS's case, but the level of skill stabilizes after the initial regression and stays relatively intact. At least 8 among the total of 16 errors observed in the subjects' speech appeared to be clear cases of phonological

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The Loss of English as a Second Language

errors. All of these errors seem to be influenced by the returnees' L1. Six involved difficulty in distinguishing a number of minimal pairs that are typically considered difficult for Japanese learners of English, including [s] versus [ ], [z] versus [ ], [1] versus [r], and [b] versus [v]. The remaining two involved words which, in Japanese, are loan words from English. These words were pronounced by JOL according to the Japanese accent and mora system. (C) Only a slight increase in errors in the returnees' use of verb morphology was observed over the sessions during both the free interaction and the story description (see Tables 4.4 to 4.7 in the Appendix). The result may be due to the fact that the data for each morpheme were somewhat limited. Nonetheless, possible indications of attrition were found in all four returnees' spontaneous speech samples, which involved an increase in the number of verbs used in their base forms without obligatory morphological markers. The increase in errors was generally more noticeable with subjects with longer incubation periods (i.e., JOL and JYL) than with those with shorter incubation periods (i.e., JOS and JYS), suggesting that the attrition rate seems faster after an incubation period of one or more years. Although the result suggests that syntactic skills may be more vulnerable to loss than phonological skills, indications of English attrition in verb morphology were generally not considerable. (D) Although slightly more errors in the use of definite and indefinite articles in story description and planned speech were observed toward the later sessions, all four returnees seem to have acquired the English article system well and retained it fairly well (see Appendix, Table 4.8). As in the case of verb morphology, it was found that attrition was more clearly evidenced by the difference between returnees with shorter and longer incubation periods than by the difference observed over time. In other words, if there were any decline in the returnees' ability to use articles at all, it occurred before the data collection started while the returnees (i.e., JYL and JOL) virtually had no opportunities to interact with a native speaker on an individual basis. (E) Type-token ratio of open versus closed class vocabulary used during free interaction, and planned speech did not indicate clear evidence of attrition (see Appendix, Table 4.9). Although the ratio of open-class vocabulary items in the speech of the returnees with longer incubation periods tended to decrease slightly, the overall use of the vocabulary items did not provide any clear evidence of attrition. Differences were observed more between the returnees with shorter versus longer incubation periods than over time, suggesting again that the returnees were able to maintain vocabulary more or less over the data collection sessions during which they had the chance to interact with a native speaker of English. Lexical errors in terms of word choice were occasionally observed in the returnees' speech. Most frequent were lexical errors where short, simple verbs were overgeneralized to cover a wide variety of verb meanings, and where incorrect word choice was made either in terms of verb transitivity or parts of speech. Incorrect selection of anaphora was also observed. More Japanese expressions (mainly nouns and interjections) were found to be mixed in the free interaction toward the latter data-collecting sessions.

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(F) There were some noticeable differences in the use of communication strategies due to levels of English proficiency (see Appendix, Tables 4.10 and 4.11). JOS, the returnee who seemed to retain the highest English proficiency, had little need to rely on communication strategies. The other returnees increasingly made use of communication strategies over time, reflecting their decreasing accessibility to lexical items. In general, the less proficient, the more the use of communication strategies was observed. The returnees increasingly had to use paraphrase, namely approximation, word coinage, and circumlocution or exhibit progressive retrieval in order to convey their messages. They began to mix more Japanese in spontaneous speech over time as well. As attrition became severe, as in JOL's case, different types of communication strategies, such as the use of the L1, nonverbal appeals for assistance, explicit requests for help, and avoidance became dominant. Apparently, with further attrition, the ability to compensate for lost vocabulary items starts to erode as well. (G) The percentage of attempts to use a complex structure among total clauses increased with JOS and JYL, decreased with JYS, and stayed more or less the same with JOL (see Appendix, Table 4.12). While JOS and JYL attempted more frequently to use complex structures over time, their success rate tended to decrease. A clear decline in the success rate was observed with JYS as well. In contrast, the success rate of JOL's attempts to use complex structures increased over time, but the frequency of her attempts was low compared with that of the other returnees. The result suggests that in terms of the ability to use complex structures in spontaneous speech, all the returnees except for JOL regressed over time. JOL perhaps had already declined in her ability to use complex structures before the data collection started, and she actually benefited from the data collection by having the opportunity to use knowledge that was becoming difficult to access. This measure revealed a clearer case of regression in the returnees' syntactic skill than did the assessment of their ability to use verb morphology or articles. It should be noted that the measurement of embedded clauses differs from the other two in that the assessment of the returnees' ability to use verb morphology and articles involve only one subsystem of their syntactic skill. In the assessment of their ability to use complex structures, however, the returnees' ability to use various subsystems, including the use of subordinate conjunctions, relative pronouns, passive constructions, and other grammatical structures is combined. (H) Frequency of error-free clauses during story description and planned speech revealed more evidence of loss. All the subjects declined to some degree in their accuracy in using English in that the percentage of error-free clauses among the total number of clauses uttered generally decreased over time (see Appendix, Table 4.13). The decline was larger with returnees with longer incubation periods. Especially with JOL, almost every clause included some kind of grammatical error in the story description task. As already observed in the other measurements of accuracy, such as the use of verb morphology and articles, the difference between the returnees with shorter incubation periods and those with longer incubation periods was larger than the difference across the four data collecting sessions.

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(I) The amount of speech per time unit decreased only in JYS's speech. In the other three returnees' speech, the amount of speech per time unit either stayed approximately constant or even increased, as in JOL's and JYL's cases (see Appendix, Table 4.14). In terms of the amount of speech per time unit, therefore, no attrition was observed. When the amount of speech per time unit was compared among the returnees, however, the returnees with shorter incubation periods again spoke more than the returnees with longer incubation periods. The average number of clauses per filler exhibited no attrition, but rather showed improvement over time. In JOS's and JYL's cases in particular, the average number of clauses per filler increased considerably. This, together with the finding that the amount of speech per time unit increased in JYL's speech, implies that not only did JYL speak faster, but she also used fillers much less frequently in her speech over time. The only measurements that indicated possible signs of attrition were the average number of clauses per repair and the average number of clauses per false start. The average number of clauses per repair decreased for JOS and JYS, whereas the average number of clauses per false start decreased for JOL and JYS. In other words, all the returnees except for JYL exhibited a small degree of regression in fluency, in that the frequency of repairs or false starts in their speech increased over time. While the returnees produced approximately the same amount of speech over the sessions, the content of their speech came to include an increasing number of repairs or false starts. As for JYL, all four measures of fluency indicate improvement of performance, contrary to the prediction that all returnees would exhibit some indication of decreased fluency in English. As will be mentioned in result (J) below, JYL's personality and attitude may have had positive effects on her maintenance (or even improvement) of her fluency in English. Replies to the Interview and Questionnaire

(J) Replies to the interview and questionnaire showed that all returnees wish to maintain their English skills more or less but self-evaluate loss especially in vocabulary. Despite some loss in vocabulary, the returnees reported using paraphrase or circumlocution to compensate for such lack of ability. The use of such strategy may camouflage lexical loss to a certain extent. There were differences in the returnees' use of vocabulary due to the returnees' personalities, in that the more talkative returnees produced more types and tokens of vocabulary items and seemed to benefit more from planning. Personality seems to be involved in the use of communication strategies as well. The more talkative returnees used paraphrase and progressive retrieval much more frequently than transfer or avoidance, whereas the less talkative returnees resorted more to transfer and avoidance than paraphrase and progressive retrieval.

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JYL is a risk taker who used the largest number and the widest variety of communication strategies most frequently among the four subjects. She seems to have high communicative competence, being able to convey her intended messages effectively despite considerable regression in accuracy over time. She is talkative and fluent and shows the strongest motivation to retain her L2. Her attitude toward the data-collecting sessions was highly positive. JOL, on the other hand, seems to be a non-risk taker and aborted messages even when she had little need to resort to strategies to express her ideas. She is social, but her command of L2 has declined to the extent that her ability to communicate effectively has become severely limited. Her attitude toward data collection was positive but not particularly active. JYS is talkative and fluent. JYS, together with JYL, offered a large amount of speech data in most tasks. JYS in general seems more proficient than JYL, possibly reflecting the difference in the length of incubation periods. JYS's personality seems to resemble JOS's in terms of extroversion, strong motivation, and favorable attitude toward the data-collecting experience. JOS is the fluent but quiet girl who seems to take few risks if any. In general, JOS's speech data were usually smaller in quantity, making it difficult to interpret her language ability. The questionnaire reveals that she is less outgoing than the other three returnees. She was also the only subject who was unwilling to experience the same kind of data-collecting sessions she experienced in this study in the future. This, together with the fact that the limited speech she offered was generally more normative than the other returnees, suggests that the quantity of JOS's speech may be limited, not because of lack of ability or attrition, but because of her quiet personality and rather negative attitude toward the data-collecting experience. It seems there is not one type of personality in particular that is strongly linked to better retention of English proficiency. It does seem that extroverts with positive attitude toward the situation of language use are better in communication and are willing to make the most out of the opportunities to use English. Such willingness, in turn, appears to have positive effects on language retention. According to the replies to the questionnaire, the returnees parents attribute the biggest cause of their children's loss in English skills to the disuse or rare use of English in everyday life. All returnees reported that they scarcely use any English in their daily lives other than at language maintenance schools or during supplementary English activities at school, adding up to a maximum of three hours of contact with English per week, among which less than thirty minutes is spent on one-to-one interaction in English. Parents support their children's wish to maintain English, and were glad that the data collection sessions offered their children an opportunity to use English. Despite such positive attitude towards English use and retention, they mostly do not tell their children to make any specific kind of effort. In general, the returnees express their willingness to retain their English abilities, but seem to make little "real" effort other than reading English books once in a while.

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Discussion Since limit in space does not allow for a detailed discussion of all the results summarized above, I will restrict myself to discussing what I consider the most important findings of the case study. Put very simply, the results can be further reduced to the following three points: (A) The returnees exhibited little language attrition over the data collection sessions. Although high retention in phonological skills was predicted, the retention observed in the returnees' ability to use other language subskills in production, including verb morphology, articles, and lexicon was better than expected. (B) Indications of language attrition were more evident in the regression in the returnees' ability to combine the language subskills. The returnees made more errors in their use of complex structures and produced less error-free clauses over the sessions. More subtle indications of loss were exhibited in terms of their decrease in fluency and the change in their use of communication strategies. (C) Language attrition seemed to have taken place while the returnees had little or no opportunities to interact with a native speaker on an individual basis. The returnees with longer incubation periods seemed to have lost more during the period before data collection than over the data collection sessions despite the overall- increase in incubation period. Similarly, the returnees with shorter incubation periods seemed to have lost less over the data-collecting sessions than the returnees with longer incubation periods did during their first year of incubation. Assuming that JOL and JYL had roughly the same level of English proficiency as JOS and JYS when they left the United States, we can say that JOS and JYS did not lose as much of their English proficiency as JOL and JYL did during the first year of their incubation periods. There are at least three possible reasons for this finding. One is that the assumption itself is wrong; that is, JOL and JYL were never as proficient as JOS and JYS: They started out at a lower level. The second possible reason is that it would take a few more months for JOS's and JYS's English to erode to a level equivalent to JOL's and JYL's English at session one. Data collection started when the incubation periods of JOL and JYL were 15 months and 13 months, respectively. In the cases of JOS and JYS, less than one full year had passed since their return to Japan at the time of session four. Hence attrition might have been more evident if data were collected from the returnees for a longer period of time. Perhaps JOS's and JYS's English would have eventually eroded to the level equivalent to JOL's or JYL's. The third possible reason is that the very act of collecting English speech data from these returnees gave them the opportunity to use English, and therefore helped them to maintain their English skills to a certain degree. Although all four returnees attend English maintenance schools on Saturdays, they rarely have a chance to speak with a native speaker on a one-to-one basis in their daily lives. Hence the chance provided by the data collection, although only once every three months, may have affected the rate or amount of language attrition. This may account for the fact

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that JOS and JYS did not lose as much of their English proficiency as JOL and JYL within the one-year incubation period. The third reason is the most probable. This I base on my experience of having dealt with more than 100 returnee children in the JOSEF project (See Nakazawa [1989 a,b]; Nakazawa & Yoshitomi [1990]; Seya [1990]; Yoshida & Arai [1989]; and Yoshida et al. [1990] for detail), knowing more than 60 friends who are returnees, having taught nearly 300 university students who are returnees, and being a returnee myself. Three of four returnees reported that they became more motivated to maintain their English after data collection started. Especially for the two returnees with longer incubation periods, the initial data collection made them realize how much English proficiency they had lost. Although they thought they had a basic idea of how much English had already been lost during the incubation periods, by talking to a native speaker they discovered that they had lost more than they had initially thought. Such a "shock" may have triggered them to think more seriously about making efforts to maintain their English. This reaction appeared to apply especially in the case of JYL, who started reading more books in English and joined an English pen pal club after the data collection started. In fact, JYL's loss is relatively small, given the fact that her incubation period was more than 13 months at session one. Indications of positive consequences of the data collection process were also observed in the slight improvement of productive phonology by JOL, the increase in JOL's success rate in attempting to use complex structures, the increase of the frequency of attempts to use complex structures observed with JOS and JYL, and some improvement in fluency measures seen in the form of increase in the amount of speech per time in JOL and JYL's cases, and the decrease of frequency in using fillers in JOS and JYL's cases. Again, my interpretation is that the difference between the returnees with shorter incubation periods and those with longer incubation periods represents the "real" attrition that possibly occurs within approximately one year of incubation, and it appears that the relatively small amount of regression or improvement unexpectedly exhibited by the returnees was a consequence of the practice offered by the datacollection process itself. What is lost, then? What should be noted is that when the returnees' lexical skills or particular subsystems of syntactic skills, such as their use of verb morphology and articles, are examined, attrition is exhibited only slightly; but when error rates are calculated all together, attrition becomes much more evident. This finding suggests that although the regression in the individual subskills of English is not considerable, the small degree of regression in various parts of their linguistic skills has a cumulative effect on the returnees' overall linguistic performance. As a result, their increased difficulty in producing in English only becomes evident when they face a situation in which they must coordinate all their subskills simultaneously and spontaneously. Such difficulty can be "measured" only when their overall linguistic performance is examined rather than their ability to use individual skills or subsystems. Perhaps what is being lost initially is their ability to coordinate all the linguistic skills rather than their ability to use the linguistic elements within a particular linguistic subskill.

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Such finding suggests a potential danger in measuring the returnees' subskills as a means of assessing their overall linguistic proficiency; by doing so, the general regression is overlooked, and thus the returnees are judged to have lost very little of their English proficiency, when actually their linguistic knowledge is gradually but surely eroding. The fact that most returnees seem optimistic in their estimation of their English loss may also be due to the same reason. When asked to work on a listening comprehension task, they perform well. When their grammatical performance is assessed, they show little regression. When their vocabulary skill is investigated, only a limited degree of decreased accessibility can be detected. Both the examiner and the returnees conclude from the returnees' performance that attrition is not severe. But by the time their attrition can be observed clearly in terms of measurements on individual sub-skills, the returnees have lost a considerable amount of English proficiency. It should also be noticed that much of what may be affected first in the process of attrition is not easily assessable in terms of common linguistic measures. For example, the returnees may not be able to remember a specific lexical item in a given situation. They might resort to a communication strategy such as paraphrase or they may avoid using the item, in which cases the returnees' strategy is not necessarily detectable, especially when the degree of attrition is slight and the returnees are able to use the strategies effectively. The returnees may pause more than they used to, but their interlocutor may judge that they are merely thinking of what to say and not how to say something. The returnees may also decide to say only what they are able to say and not risk attempting to say other things. As a result, their speech production will render few errors and few pauses, and they are judged as being quiet or shy, rather than having lost the ability or confidence to use English. Their decreased confidence may show up in terms of sentence stress and intonation, but not in terms of the actual linguistic forms used in their speech. In all the examples given above, the returnees are the only ones who are aware, at least subconsciously, of their attrition. That such a phenomenon commonly exists is evident by the fact that many returnees, especially adults, report a sense of insecurity or lack of confidence in using English when native English speakers who know them say their English is "perfect." The returnees' self-evaluation is often considered a reflection of their modesty, when in fact what they are reporting is their attrition. Lack of fluency in turn discourages the returnees from forcing themselves to practice for fear of feeling embarrassed by making mistakes or pausing in search of an expression that they know they used to have in their linguistic knowledge but which has become inaccessible or difficult to access. Especially in a linguistic environment where the returnees almost never have the need to use English, the effect of such fear could virtually deprive the returnees of what few opportunities remain in their daily lives to use English. Eventually, decreased accessibility would result in complete loss. It is only at that point or at the point at which accessibility has become noticeably low that the regression shows up in terms of a linguistic measurement of English subskills.

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Conclusion In conclusion, I would like to return to the research topics raised at the beginning of this chapter, namely: (1) Can the main findings in the field be supported by the data obtained in the case study on Japanese returnees; and (2) What are the pedagogical implications of the case study on improving language maintenance programs in Japan? In order to provide the answer for the first question, I need to clearly state my beliefs as to how language attrition takes place. As stated in Yoshitomi (1992), I support the concept that language knowledge is regarded as consisting of the connections and associations of information (Schumann 1990; Jacobs & Schumann 1992). According to this view, a regression in one part of the connection or association would definitely affect other parts. In this sense, attrition is least likely to take place in an isolated portion of knowledge. Particular groups or subsystems of connections certainly may be affected more, or earlier, than others, but language is a multimodal system in which no one subsystem can be used in total disconnection with others. This is why it is virtually impossible to single out a particular subskill of language and examine it, much less regard the result of a measurement assessing particular subskills to reflect the actual language proficiency of the language learners. I consider the result of the present case study to be insightful in that it precisely illuminates the point that language attrition initially occurs as accumulative effects of erosion in various subsystems of the returnees' linguistic knowledge. The study found that it is only through an examination of the speakers' ability to utilize and to coordinate their linguistic knowledge fully and to produce the most effective and expressive linguistic forms and structures in spontaneous speech that their regression is likely to be accurately measured, especially in the early stages of attrition. These initial stages, in which erosion reveals itself only in the form of accumulative defects, are commonly overlooked in language attrition studies. I believe, however, that it is precisely the coordinative language ability that should be measured if one wishes to accurately assess the language proficiency of language learners and attriters. Unfortunately, a reliable measure is yet to be developed. In light of this view toward language attrition and based on the result obtained in the present case study, I maintain that previous studies offering some answers to the questions raised in the field (see the introductory chapter of this volume) call for reinterpretation. Here I would like to focus on four claims made in the field; namely, the loss of one type of skill over another, the regression hypothesis, the existence of an initial plateau, and the occurrence of residual learning. First, previous findings in the field suggest that loss in production skills occurs faster and to a greater extent than in receptive skills. What the literature shows, however, may be that when the returnees' English proficiency does erode to the extent that it is measurable, it is in the assessments of production skills that the regression first becomes more evident. Most probably, productive skills are more vulnerable than receptive skills. What must not be overlooked, however,

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is that the receptive skills, although not necessarily measurable in terms of individual assessments, erode simultaneously. Perhaps defects in productive skills are merely easier to detect than defects in receptive skills. Obviously, production calls for much more planning and coordination on the speaker's side than does comprehension, so that breakdowns in linguistic abilities are more likely to become apparent in the measurement of productive skills than in that of receptive skills. Linguistic skills are interrelated, and particular skills will unlikely erode in total isolation. As attrition progresses, regression in receptive skills will most likely accelerate the erosion of productive skills. Similarly, reports have been made that lower-level skills seem to be more vulnerable than global skills. Global skills, however, result from the cumulative conduct of lower-level skills and thus cannot be treated as totally isolated from lower-level skills. Naturally, when there is only slight regression in a particular lower-level skill, the defect is unlikely to be discovered in terms of global skills. But the fact that the regression is hard to measure does not mean that attrition is not taking place. Claims have also been made that vocabulary tends to be lost more than grammar in the cases of highly proficient, naturalistic L2 acquirers. Such a claim is problematic because losing one grammatical rule and one vocabulary item certainly cannot be regarded as the same "amount" of loss, so a simple comparison is meaningless. Furthermore, the process of attrition is gradual, from decreased accessibility to total loss, so that it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine at any given time that a certain grammatical rule or vocabulary has totally eroded from the learner's linguistic repertoire. Speakers always have the choice to abort, using an uncertain rule or word and instead use different expressions to convey their messages. As long as they use "safe" rules and words, they will be regarded as having maintained the language. Second, intuitively appealing ideas such as the regression hypothesis should be reinterpreted. To the extent that many aspects of language knowledge become affected by the regression of certain portions of knowledge, attrition can be regarded as taking place simultaneously and uniformly. To the extent that a certain regression triggers another, attrition can be regarded as having some kind of order. One would be tempted to say that whenever learners fail to use a linguistic form that is considered difficult from the researcher's point of view, that which is learned later is lost first. The linguistic knowledge represented in the learner's brain, however, may simply not be in the form of common grammar rules or syntactic descriptions thought up by linguists. In other words, regression may very well take place in reverse order of acquisition, but the order may not be in the form of digital stages, consisting of prescribed linguistic rules, but in the form of analog stages, consisting of the weakening and eventually disappearing neuronal connections that each carry simple and overlapping linguistic knowledge. Third, the notion of initial plateau must be regarded with care as well. Although returnees do seem to lose less in the initial stages of attrition than later on, it is highly unlikely that they would exhibit total resistance to loss, even during the very first period of L2 disuse. Most possibly, their attrition involves the aspects

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of language use that are difficult to assess through common linguistic measurements. As a result, the returnees may seem superficially immune to loss at the beginning. My belief, however, is that there is no such thing as a real initial plateau: Attrition sets in as soon as language use is discontinued, but initially only in the form of erosion in the ability to coordinate various linguistic subsystems simultaneously and spontaneously. Finally, residual learning, by the same token, may be a mere consequence of a particular linguistic element being overlooked in initial measurements but being successfully assessed in later assessments. The fact that attrition starts in the form of decreased accessibility conflates the problem, because it is always possible that a certain task or measurement would give the learners an opportunity to reactivate their eroding association, thus providing a chance to perform as if they have learned something residually. Regarding the second research question raised in this chapter, I would like to stress that the use of English in an interactive situation, in which the returnees are forced to speak spontaneously and to coordinate their linguistic subskills, is crucial in maintaining English proficiency. Unfortunately, such opportunity seems to be seldom provided in language maintenance programs offered in Japan at present. It is usually the returnees themselves who first realize how serious the degree of their language attrition has become, at the point where a common linguistic measurement of particular linguistic subskills would not overtly detect much regression. What happens then is that the returnees increasingly lose confidence in their use of English, while their parents or teachers notice little loss. Less confidence presumably results in fewer attempts to use or to interact in English. This creates the vicious cycle of further decreasing the returnees' opportunities to use English. With less practice, the returnees gradually lose fluency, making more false starts and repairs. Hence, it is important to regard the slightest decrease in confidence and fluency on the part of the returnees as indications of language loss. It is at this point that returnees should definitely be given an opportunity to interact intensively with a native speaker on a one-to-one basis. I believe that even a couple hours of such opportunity per month would be much more effective in maintaining, or slowing the attrition of, the returnees' L2 than merely making them participate in nondemanding classroom activities in a group for two hours every week. At present, maintenance classes seem to offer activities involving only local skills or individual subskills. Few activities seem to consist of interactive production exercises which involve the use of global language skills. Some activities are communicative in nature, yet they are not made to force the returnees to utilize their language skills to the fullest, much less encourage them to extend or to stretch their abilities. In essence, the maintenance programs lack activities involving comprehensible input i + 1 as well as comprehensible output i + 1, (Swain 1985, 1995, 1998). It is important for the teachers and the parents to become aware that the returnees' L2 starts to regress immediately after they return to Japan. Underestimation of their degree of L2 attrition has a negative effect on their language

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maintenance, since unawareness of attrition may deprive the returnees of their incentive to make the most out of their limited opportunities to use English despite their positive attitude and motivation to maintain the L2. Especially in the case of children, it would be essential for the teachers and parents to acknowledge their language loss, and provide them with more effective exercises. With the development of technology, it may also be feasible to set up a correspondence network between the Japanese returnees in Japan and the nativespeaking children in the United States so that the returnees will be offered the chance to use English for real communicative purposes with native children of their age. The potential effect of such a network can be explored in future applied research.

Appendix Table 4.1. Subject Description Younger children (4th grade) [Y]

Older children (5th grade) [O]

Japanese, shorter incubation from [JS]

9:7 yrs. old Lived in U.S. for 3:8 yrs, 5:10 to 9:6 Returned 3 weeks before initial data collection Only child

11:3 yrs. old Lived in U.S. for 4: 11 yrs, from 6:3 to 11:2 Returned 4 weeks before initial data collection Has one elder brother

Japanese, longer incubation [JL]

9:6 yrs. old Lived in U.S. for 5:5 yrs, from 3:0 to 8:5 Returned 13 months before initial data collection

11:3 yrs. old Lived in U.S. for 3:3 yrs, from 6:9 to 10:0 Returned 15 months before initial data collection

Table 4.2. Results of the Listening Comprehension Task Level Session

6

7

— P P

P P P P

8

9

65 55 P 70

65 55 75 —

65 — — 35

60 — — —

65 60 55 50

65

— — —

50 65 70 70

— — — —

JOS

1

2 3 4

—

JOL

1 2 3 4

—

78 P P

P 76 73 P JYS

1 2 3 4

— P — —

P P P P

1 2 3

P P — —

78 P P P

JYL

4

Note: P(ass) = 80 points or more among 100

97

Table 4.3. Number of Phonological Errors JOS

JOL

JYS

JYL

1 2 3 4

0

0 0 0

0 2 1 2

2 1 0 3

2 2 1

Total

0

5

6

5

Session

0

Table 4.4. Summary of Verb Forms Used by JOS During Free Interaction Session %SOC %T-L

1 100

92

Copula (is) 2 3 4 100 100 (100) 100 100 (100)

Session %SOC %T-L

1 100 100

Copula (was) 2 3 4 (100) 100 100 (100) 100 100

Session %SOC %T-L

1 89 93

Session %SOC %T-L

1 100 100

Verb Stem 2 3 100 88 100 97

4 100 100

Past (regular) 2 3 4 (100) 100 88 (100) 100 100

Copula (are) 2 3 4 100 (100) 100 100 (100) 100

1 57

100

1 (100) (100)

Copula (were) 2 3 4 (100) — (100) (100) (100) —

3rd Person Sing, (-s) 2 3 4 95 (100) 83 (100) 79 (67) 63 (100)

1

Past (irregular) 2 3 4 100 95 100 100 100 100

1

96 100

During Story Description Session %SOC %T-L

Copula (is) 2 3 100 (100) (100) 80 (100) (100)

1

4 (0) (0)

100 100

Copula (was) 2 3 4 100 100 100 100 91 70

1 100 100

Auxiliary (is) 2 3 100 (100) 91 (100)

1 — —

Session %SOC %T-L

(100)

85

Copula (were) 2 3 4 (50) 25 33 (100) (100) (100)

Session %SOC %T-L

1 100 100

Auxiliary (was) 2 3 4 90 100 95 100 78 100

1

98

1

4 (0) (0)

Auxiliary (were) 2 3 4 (100) 33 (100) (50) (100) (100)

Table 4.4. (continued) During Free Interaction 3rd Person Sing, (-s) Session

%SOC %T-L

1 71 100

2 86 100

3 57 100

Verb Stem

4

1

(100) (100)

(100) (100)

4 97 97

1

Past (regular) Session

%SOC %T-L

1 100 86

2 100 100

3 100 93

96 100

2 0 (100)

4 3 100 (100) 33 (100)

Past (irregular)

2 100 100

3 96 100

4 98 100

Notes: Verb morphology with little or no data across all sessions was excluded from the table. Dashes (—) indicate no data. Percentages in parentheses indicate that there were less than three occurrences of the form in the data.

99

Table 4.5. Summary of Verb Forms Used by JOL During Free Interaction Session %SOC %T-L

1 99 96

Copula (is) 2 2 3 4 100 93 100 91 82 75

Session %SOC %T-L

1 77 80

Verb Stem 2 2 3 4 85 100 0 65 68 0

Session %SOC %T-L

PAST (regular) 2 2 3 4 1 50 (100) 0 0 (100) (0) 0 (0)

1 100 75

Copula (are)

2

— —

3

4

— —

(0) (0)

Copula (was) 1 14 (100)

2

3

4

50 33 (33) (100) (100) (100)

3rd Person Sing, (-s) 1 2 3 4 (0) 25 (0) — (0) (100) (0) —

1 70 59

PAST (irregular) 2 2 3 4 63 62 46 92 93 100

During Story Description Session %SOC %T-L

1 100 83

Copula (is) 2 3 4 2 80 100 100 62 69 50

Session %SOC %T-L

1 (100) (100)

Auxiliary (is) 2 3 4 2 64 88 82 100 100 90

Session %SOC %T-L

1 (100) 5

Verb Stem 2 3 4 2 73 92 100 19 24 33

Session %SOC %T-L

1 (0) (0)

Past (regular) 2 3 4 2 — 18 — — (100) —

Copula (are) 2 1 2 3 4 (50) (50) (0) (33) (50) (100) (0) (100)

1 — —

Auxiliary (are) 2 3 4 2 (100) 25 (0) (100)(100) (0)

3rd Person Sing, (-s) 32 3 4 2 1 0 7 14 0 0 50 86 0

1 44 100

Past (irregular) 2 3 4 2 34 11 15 100 (100) (100)

Notes: Verb morphology with little or no data across all sessions was excluded from the Cable. Dashes (—) indicate no data. Percentages in parentheses indicate that there were less than three occurrences of the form in the data.

100

Table 4.6. Summary of Verb Forms Used by JYS During Free Interaction Session %SOC %T-L

1

100 100

1

Copula (am) 4 2 3 100 (100) (100) 100 (100) (100)

97 90

Copula (is) 2 3 100 97 96 91

Copula (are) 2 3 67 57 100 100

4 67 100

1 94 97

Copula (was) 4 2 3 100 100 100 94 100 100

\

2 100 100

Auxiliary (am) 3 4 100 (100) 100 — (100)

Session %SOC %T-L

58 100

Session 1 %SOC %T-L

Copula (were) 3 4 100 (100) 86 100 (100) 100

2

(0) (0)

Session %SOC %T-L

Auxiliary (is) 4 2 3 — (100) (100) (100) — (100) (100) (100)

Session %SOC %T-L

Auxiliary (was) 4 2 3 100 (100) — (100) 100 (100) — (100)

Session %SOC %T-L

Modal (could) 2 3 100 (100) 100 (67) 100 100

1

1

1

Session %SOC %T-L

100 93

Verb Stem 2 3 98 97 99 97

Session %SOC %T-L

1 95 97

Past (regular) 2 3 100 83 100 83

1

1

Auxiliary (are) 4 1 2 3 (50) — (100) (100) — (100) (100) (100)

1

100 100

4

1

(0) (0)

(100)

4 100 96 4 100

88

4 100 88

(100)

Modal (can) 4 2 3 92 100 100 80 100 100 Modal (will) 4 2 3 100 — (100) 75 100 —

3rd Person Sing. (-s) 4 2 3 85 100 96 100 100 89 92 100

1

Past (irregular) 2 3 4 94 82 98 91 100 100 100 100

1

During Story Description Session %SOC %T-L Session %SOC %T-L

1 95 95

Copula (is) 2 3 100 100 92 100

4 100

83

Copula (was) 1 2 2 33 4 (100) 100 91 100 (100) 86 100 63

1

101

Copula (are) 1 2 3 (50) (67) 100 (100) (100) 100

4 (0) 0

Copula (were) 1 22 3 3 4 4 (100) (25) (100) (50) (100) (100) (33) (100) (continued)

Table 4.6. (continued) During Free Interaction Auxiliary (is) Auxiliary (are) Session 2 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 %SOC (100) 91 100 100 (100) (33) 71 (100) %T-L (100) 95 91 100 (100) (100) 100 (100) Auxiliary (was) Session 2 1 2 3 %SOC — 100 100 (100) %T-L — 88 100 (100)

session % SOC %T-L

Third Person Sing, (-s) 4 1 2 3 94 100 95 75 100 96 100 100

Session %SOC %T-L

1 100 100

4

Verb Stem 1 2 3 4 100 (33) (100) (100) 75 (100) (100) 40 1 (100) (100)

Past (regular) 2 3 4 100 (100) 100 100 (100) 88

Past (irregular) 3 2 4 83 100 96 100 96 100

Notes: Verb morphology with little or no data across all sessions was excluded from the table. Dashes (—} indicate no data. Percentages in parentheses indicate that there were less than three occurrences of the form in the data.

102

Table 4.7. Summary of Verb Forms Used by JYL During Free Interaction Session %SOC %T-L

Copula (am) 2 3 1 4 (0) (100) — 78 — (100) — 100

1 98 98

Copula (is) 2 3 97 97 98 89

4 99 93

Copula (are) 3 2 100 67 94 (100)

89 89

Session %SOC %T-L

1 67 (100)

4 69 92

1 100 100

Copula (was) 3 2 88 89 94 93

Session %SOC %T-L

Copula (were) 3 2 1 4 (0) (50) (50) (100) (100) (100) — —

1 — 100

Auxiliary 2 100 —

4

(am) 3 4 — — — —

Auxiliary (are) 4 3 2 (0) — 67 (0) — 100

Session %SOC %T-L

1 — —

Auxiliary (is) 2 3 4 100 — (100) 80 — (50)

1 (100) (100)

Session %SOC %T-L

1 — —

Auxiliary (was) 4 2 3 100 — (100) 100 — (100)

1 100 67

Modal (can) 3 2 100 90 100 100

4 97 100

Session %SOC %T-L

1 33 (0)

Modal (could) 4 3 2 — 100 100 — 93 78

1 — —

Modal (will) 3 2 — 100 — 100

4 90 90

Session %SOC %T-L

1 100 77

Verb Stem 2 3 96 87 74 78

4 96 87

Session %SOC %T-L

1 33 80

Past (regular) 2 3 67 88 73 75

4 63 56

3rd Person Sing, (-s) 4 3 1 2 — 59 80 8 — 83 100 (100) 1 89 100

Past (irregular) 3 2 4 82 79 73 100 97 87

During Story Description Session %SOC %T-L

1 (100) (100)

Session %SOC %T-L

1 100 100

Copula (is) 3 4 2 — 83 (100) — 100 (100) Copula (were)

2

(0) (0)

3

— —

4 0 (0)

1 100 100

Copula (was) 33 22 44 100 95 100 83 91 69

Auxiliary (was) 22 3 34 4 82 95 100 (100) 100 83 100 (100)

11

(continued)

103

Table 4.7. (continued) During Free Interaction Verb Stem

Session

%SOC %T-L

Session %SOC %T-L

11 22 (0) (100) 0 10

1 100 71

33 44 (50) (100) 8 8

Past (regular)

3rd Person Sing, (-s)

111 0 (0)

2

3

4

11

100 65

94 80

98 84

85 100

222 0 (0)

3 33 4 44 31 0 100 (0)

Past (irregular)

22 84 100

33 100 100

4

4

85 100

Notes: Verb morphology with little or no data across all sections was excluded from the table. Dashes (—) indicate no data. Percentages in parentheses indicate that there were less than three occurrences of the form in the data.

104

Table 4.8. Articles Used in Obligatory Context JOS a/an

the

a/an

the

a/an

the

a/an

Used Required %SOC

74 74 100

0 0

14 22

1 4

137

59 61

1 8

(50)

59 10 100

96.7

87.5

Used Required %SOC

110 112

3 3

Used Required %SOC

119 120

Used Required %SOC

110 111

Data

1

3

4

JYL

JYS

the

Session

2

JOL

98.2

99.2

99.1

140

63.6

(25)

57 82

3 11

69.5

27.3

2

55

2

75

5 10 50

163 165

2 6

102 104

(100)

(100)

2 2 (100)

73.3

59 75 78.7

33.3

97.9

201 203 99.0

98.8

98.1

16 20

92 121

80.0

76.0

25 26

62 80

96.2

77.5

12 13 92.3

98 112 87.5

Note: Percentages in parentheses indicate that there were less than three occurrences of the form in the data.

105

16 18 88.9

1 3 (33.3)

4 9 44.4

Table 4.9. Types and Tokens of Vocabulary Used during Spontaneous versus Planned Speech Session

Data

JOS

JOL

JYS

JYL

Free Interaction

1

2

3

4

Type Token Ratio

483

349

785

484

2,085

2,159

5,267

2,582

Type Token Ratio

248

258

511

459

2,875

1,623

3,063

2,717

Type Token Ratio

1,227

Type Token Ratio

.28

291

.19

.17

.16

.17

256

486

448

1,594

2,713

2,535

.24 255 895

.15

.16

.23

.18

.16

.18

271

500

448

1,899

2,624

3,158

9

14

.29

.14

Planned Speech

1

2

3

4

Type Token Ratio Type Token Ratio

63 119

.53

85

101

249

234

79

38 59

Type Token Ratio

48 82

.65

.30

86 190

95

299 .55

59

66 .30

106

84 210

44

71

.47

.45

.32 838

.44 126 266

37 57

47

159 .46

Type Token Ratio

.43

.34

172

71 161

.67

.40 67 118 .57

Table 4.10. Types and Frequency of Paraphrase Used by the Returnees Session

Paraphrase Types

JOS

JOL

JYS

JYL

1

Total Clauses Approximations Word Coinages Circumlocutions

346 5(1.4) 0(0) 0(0)

306 11(3.6) 0(0) 1 (0.3)

556 10(1.8) 0(0) 1 (0.2)

832 45 (5.4) 1 (0.1) 10(1.2)

2

Total Clauses Approximatio Word Coinages Circumlocutions

224 5(2.2)

254 17 (6.7) 0(0) 2 (0.8)

656 17(2.6) 2 (0.3) 1 (0.2)

573

Total Clauses Approximations Word Coinages Circumlocutions

278 3(1.1)

239 23 (9.6) 0(0)

534 44(8.2)

2 (0.8)

570 13(2.3) 0(0) 8(1.4)

Total Clauses Approximations Word Coinages Circumlocutions

224 4(1.8) 0(0) 1 (0.4)

262 21 (8.0) 0(0) 3(1.1)

563 11 (2.0) 4 (0.7) 0(0)

492 69(14) 2 (0.4) 4(5.8)

3

4

0(0) 0(0)

0(0) 0(0)

48 (8.4) 1 (0.2) 2 (0.3)

3 (0.6) 7(1.3)

Note: Numbers in parentheses indicate the percentage of respective paraphrase type that occurred among the total number of clauses.

Table 4.11. Frequency of Japanese Used JYS

JYL

Session

Japanese (J) Usage

JOS

JOL

1

J Words J Word as Error/Strategy Total Words % J Word as Error/Strategy

0 0 557 0

18 16 379 4.2

3 0 995 0

3 0 583 0

2

J Words J Word as Error/Strategy Total Words % J Word as Error/Strategy

0 0 745 0

20 17 813 2.1

4 1 1525 0

1 0 815 0

J Words J Word as Error/Strategy Total Words % J Word as Error/Strategy

0 0 778 0

30 26 746 3.5

9 7 1319

.005

0 0 809 0

J Words J Word as Error/Strategy Total Words % J Word as Error/Strategy

0 0 761 0

23 20 923 2.3

2 2 879 .002

0 0 920 0

3

4

107

Table 4.12. Percentage of Attempted and Successful Complex Clauses Session

Data

JOS

JOL

JYS

JYL

1

Attempted/Total Successful/Attempted

5.8 100

1.0 33.3

7.6 88.1

4.8 37.5

2

Attempted/Total Successful/ Attempted

5.8 76.9

1.2 0.0

5.6 78.3

9.9 28.1

3

Attempted/Total Successful/ Attempted

12.9 77.8

2.1 20.0

6.5 73.0

7.5 35.0

4

Attempted/Total Successful/ Attempted

8.9 85.0

1.1 66.7

2.7 66.7

12.2 21.7

Table 4.13. Percentage of Error-Free Clauses among Total Clauses Uttered JOS

Session

Data

1

Error-Free Clauses Total Clauses % Error-Free Clauses

312 346

Error-Free Clauses Total Clauses % Error-Free Clauses

190 224

Error-Free Clauses Total Clauses % Error-Free Clauses

236 278

Error-Free Clauses Total Clauses % Error-Free Clauses

197 224

2

3

4

90.2

84.8

84.9

87.9

108

JOL 157 306 51.3

99 254 39.0

53 239 22.2

83 262 31.7

JYS 478 556 86.0

565 656 86.1

470 570 82.5

460 563 81.7

JYL 617 832 74.2

377 573 65.8

306 534 57.3

201 492 40.9

Table 4. 14. Measurement of Fluency Session

Speech per Time Unit

1

JOS

JOL

JYS

JYL

Total Words Total Seconds Words/Second

553 335 1.7

268 455 0.6

972 640 1.5

574 930 0.6

2

Total Words Total Seconds Words/Second

736 480 1.5

601 660 0.9

1485 1130 1.3

807 940 0.9

3

Total Words Total Seconds Words/Second

776 410 1.9

594 650 0.9

1277 1090 1.2

808 915 0.9

4

Total Words Total Seconds Words/Second

759 465 1.6

759 660 1.2

864 680 1.3

915 845 1.1

Average Number of Clauses per Repair 1 2 3 4

27.7 12.0 24.8 9.5

2.5 2.2 3.1 2.9

5.9 2.3 3.0 2.0

2.0 3.9 2.9 2.9

Average Number of Clauses per False Start 1 2 3 4

16.6 20.0 15.5 30.8

5.9 2.3 3.0 2.0

3.6 1.5 1.8 1.7

2.8 3.0 5.8 3.3

Average Number of Clauses per Filler 1 2 3 4

20.8 13.3 62.0 61.5

109

2.0 3.9 2.9 2.9

8.5 5.3 4.5 8.6

10.1 17.9 15.2 31.2

110

The Loss of English as a Second Language

Not 1. This chapter is a condensed version of Yoshitomi (1994), a Ph.D. dissertation submitted to the University of California, Los Angeles. 2. Hypothesis-generating type of research, based on real-life language use represented by samples of free speech in various situations, would be useful in extracting features, skills, strategies, or whatever relevant types of knowledge that could be later tested more specifically in diagnostic type of measurements. Especially in studying children at different stages of cognitive developments, measurements of high validity will be hard to develop. As Andersen puts it, "To some extent the researcher should let the nature of the data itself guide him in choosing which features he should study" (1982:87). This approach, according to Andersen, is a common one taken in language variation research in L1 acquisition, as well as in sociolinguistic variation research in the use of a native language, and in pidgin and Creole studies. The approach seems relevant to language attrition research as well, in as much as people suffering from language loss are likely to exhibit different variations in their language use as compared with native speakers, and this difference in variation is precisely one of the major concerns in studying attrition (Olshtain 1989). 3. Ideally, the sample subjects should represent combinations of at least the following characteristics, excluding, sociopsychological variables: different age at the time of arrival (early versus later or late) in the United States, different age at the time of departure (early versus later or late) from the United States, different lengths of stay (relatively long versus relatively short) in the United States, different lengths of incubation (relatively long versus relatively short) since returning to Japan, and different sex (male versus female). This would require a minimum of 32 subjects, each filling the respective "cells" of possible combinations of characteristics. Moreover, it would be best to have a number of cases for each cell. 4. The contextual information of the data together with the date from the acquisition phase provided the means for evaluating the individual subjects' proficiency. Therefore, no proficiency test was given, as in the structure-centered normative tests employed in many of the previous cross-sectional studies. As reviewed in Yoshitomi (1994), there are some methodological problems in previous L2 attrition studies. In essence, no single reliable and valid general proficiency measurement is currently available, especially for the purpose of assessing the individuals' levels of language proficiency in "real-life" communicative situations. This lack of measurement is especially apparent for young children, who are the subjects of the present study. According to Bachman & Clark, most currently available measures are inadequate because, "they are based on a model of language proficiency that does not include the full range of abilities required for communicative language use, and they are based on norm-referenced principles of test development that only permit interpretation of ability levels relative to the performance of specific groups of language users" (1987:21). Knowledge of grammar or language structure rather than of communication skills has been the main focus of previous studies. Although such focus in itself may reveal interesting characteristics about language attrition, future studies should also look into other types of skills or competence if we are to truly grasp what is going on in the process of language loss. I would also like to add that based on my experience of having observed and talked with many returnees, their communicative abilities in L2 are roughly the same

Loss of English by Japanese Returnee Children

111

at the time of return to Japan if their length of stay in an English-speaking country was three to five years, if their age of arrival in the country was between five to eight years, and if they attended a regular English-speaking school while they were abroad. 5. This kind of measurement should be used cautiously, because even native speakers may exhibit many repairs, false starts, and fillers. The attempt here was to measure any increase in the occurrences of repairs, false starts, and fillers in the individual returnee's speech across time; it was not a direct comparison of the frequency of repairs, false starts, and fillers among the returnees. 6. Fluency can be defined in many ways. Most definitions rely on the rater's intuition in judging the fluency of a language learner. For example, the Foreign Service Institute interview scale defines fluency as the "overall smoothness, continuity, and naturalness of speech." Here I adopt Riggenbach's (1989) approach and attempt to measure fluency in terms of "fluency-related markers." Riggenbach lists hesitations, repairs, and rate of speech as possible features ascribed to fluency. Hesitations include filled and unfilled pauses; repairs refer to either repetitive repairs or restarts, and the rate of speech is the numbers of words uttered per minute. Riggenbach uses a microanalytic approach, which involves the measurement of unfilled pauses in microseconds. Such microscopic measurement was impossible in this study; hence, only hesitations in terms of pauses filled by fillers (e.g., uh, um) were counted. What Riggenbach calls "repetitive or retraced repairs" are what I call "repairs." They refer to reformulations in speech in which part of the original utterances is repeated. What Riggenbach calls "(unretraced) restarts" are what I call''false starts," defined as reformulations in speech in which the original utterance is rejected and rephrased in terms of different expressions (p. 43). 7. All statistics reported in this study are descriptive statistics. The amount of data and the nature of the data did not allow for inferential statistics in many cases. Furthermore, the nature of the study being more qualitative than quantitative, and more of a hypothesis-generating type than of a hypothesis-testing type, it was assumed that descriptive statistics could render sufficient information for the purpose of the study. In preliminary studies such as that reported in this paper, merely pursuing "statistical significance" may result in ignoring essential characteristics of language use in the attrition process (Roger Andersen, personal communication). I do admit, however, that the use of inferential statistics would be compulsory in future studies, where the research design is experimental and the purpose of study more fine-tuned to "test" specific hypotheses.

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PART II

The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language by Adult Foreigners

5 Lexical Maintenance and Attrition in Japanese as a Second Language Robert A. Russell

In recent years, researchers have shown increasing interest in the phenomenon of second language (L2) loss or attrition. A few of the issues that have been addressed in the literature include identification of the particular skills and subsystems of L2 that are lost, the order in which they are lost, the rates at which different skills are lost, the processes and variables affecting L2 loss, and the amount and timing of attrition.1 The present study deals with the maintenance or loss of productive L2 lexical skills. Studies that have dealt with questions of lexical attrition include those, for example, by Cohen (1986, 1989), Graham (1990), Brown & Graham (1991), Olshtain & Barzilay (1991, on first language [L1] lexical attrition), and Grendel (1993). One such question deals with whether the lexicon is lost more or less rapidly than other L2 subsystems, such as grammar and morphology. Although intuition might suggest, for example, that vocabulary is lost more rapidly than grammar, Weltens, van Els & Schils (1989) report, to the contrary, that after zero, two, and four years of disuse of French as a foreign language, learners displayed greater attrition in grammar than in phonology, the lexicon, or other areas measured in their study. Using a time-restricted lexical decision experiment, Grendel's (1993) study of Dutch learners of French as a foreign language found that, while speed of lexical accessibility might be slowed as a result of disuse, there was no significant evidence of actual loss over a period of several years, at least with respect to certain aspects of orthography and of lexical associations. Still other studies claim to have observed lexical attrition in varying amounts over varying periods of disuse: McMahon (1946) reported a 7.4% loss of vocabulary in Latin as a foreign language over a three-month period and, for French as a foreign language, Messelink & Verkuylen (1984) report no loss in the first year but 15% loss in the second year, as cited in Weltens (1987). With the notable exceptions of Cohen (1986, 1989) and Olshtain (1986), 114

Lexical Maintenance and Attrition

115

most studies of lexical attrition to date have focused on receptive lexical knowledge or on limited aspects of such knowledge elicited under experimental conditions. According to an earlier hypothesis by Anderson (1982), however, "active" vocabulary is more likely to be lost than "passive" vocabulary, a hypothesis that has received some confirmation from a study by Gonzo & Saltarelli (1983), in which the effects of attrition were more pronounced in a lexical retrieval task than in one involving lexical recognition (see de Bot & Weltens, 1995). In a study dealing with changes in certain aspects of both receptive and productive lexical knowledge, Graham (1990) reports no clear, linear pattern of vocabulary loss in adult speakers of Spanish as a second language, either over the two-year period of disuse during which the experiment was conducted or as a function of the amount of time elapsed since the onset of disuse (ranging from zero to four years prior to the first test). Graham's study was limited, however, primarily to an analysis of the relative frequency of occurrence in the subjects' data of the "most frequent words" as determined by independent frequency lists. Further questions have been raised with respect to the effects on lexical attrition of such variables as the learner's age or other personal factors, the proficiency level achieved before the onset of disuse, the type of vocabulary lost (such as function versus content), the methods by which the vocabulary was acquired, and the setting in which it was acquired. The results of studies that have addressed such questions have been varied and in many cases inconclusive.2 It should also be noted that most of the attrition-related studies reported in the literature thus far have dealt with Spanish, French, German, English, or other Indo-European languages as second or foreign languages. The picture of lexical attrition that has begun to emerge, however incompletely, is thus heavily colored by semantic and structural characteristics that may be peculiar, to some degree, to the particular subset of target languages studied. We clearly need studies that deal with second languages that have lexical semantic properties and inflectional, compounding, and other morphological processes that are different from those typically found in the Indo-European languages. Only then can we begin to form a more accurate view of the processes of lexical acquisition and attrition that hold across all languages.

Purp se of the Study The overall objective of the present study is to examine patterns of lexical maintenance and attrition specifically among native English-speaking learners' of Japanese as a second language (JSL). The data on which the research is based came from transcriptions of oral monologue responses to a number of questions that were administered to a group of (initially) eighty subjects on three different occasions over a period of two years. The subjects, all of whom were university students in their early twenties who had recently returned from approximately two years of missionary service in Japan, varied as to the year of their return from Japan and in the amount of formal instruction they had received in Japanese following their return. Of the four major categories of language attrition identified

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by van Els, de Bot, & Weltens (1983), this study falls most nearly into the third category—that is, the loss of L2 or foreign language (FL) in an L1 environment. In the present case, however, we are looking for the possibility of attrition not in "foreign languages learned at school" but in a second language learned largely in a host culture setting with a subsequent return to the L1 environment. Specific questions addressed in this chapter relate to the nature and extent of attrition in productive lexical ability as reflected in total word counts, lexical variability (based on type-token ratios), lexical density (based on ratios of content, or open-class, words to total words), lexical accuracy (based on lexical error rates), lexical frequency orders, and relative frequencies of filler words, loan words, and English words in the JSL data. The study also addresses the question of whether extended formal instruction in the language upon returning from Japan correlates significantly with changes in any of the above-mentioned variables related to productive lexical competence. Each question will be discussed in detail below. Although it is difficult to measure precisely, it can safely be assumed that, both in general and, usually, in specific contexts of elicitation, vocabulary size will be larger for native speakers of a particular language than for nonnative speakers of that language (Chapelle 1994; Aitchison 1987). It is also natural to assume that the size of L2 vocabulary should increase as the learner's interlanguage develops (Blum-Kulka & Levinson 1983; Laufer & Nation 1995). Conversely, under conditions of attrition, as vocabulary is forgotten or becomes inaccessible for production, it follows that vocabulary size (especially of content words) will decrease and that the decrease should be reflected in the total number of words (both tokens and types) produced in a given context. In Cohen's (1989) longitudinal study of third language (L3) Portuguese oral data elicited from two bilingual English-Hebrew children, for instance, a decrease in vocabulary size was observed following a period of disuse. For the present study as well, it was predicted that a decrease in vocabulary size would also be observed among JSL-speaking subjects over a two-year period of observation. With regard to lexical variability, as measured by the ratio of types to tokens, one might expect, intuitively, that native speakers of a given language would exhibit higher degrees of variability than nonnative speakers because of the generally larger number of open-class (or content) lexical items available to native speakers (as opposed to nonnative speakers) in comparison with the small number of closed-class (or function) words, where a much smaller difference is likely to be found between native and nonnative speakers. In the acquisition of a second language, it might also be expected, therefore, that as the size of learners' content vocabulary increases with increased levels of general proficiency, lexical variability should also increase, at least for longer samples of production. Likewise, one might also expect lexical density (the ratio of content tokens to total tokens) to correlate positively with levels of lexical and general proficiency—that is to say, native speakers and more advanced learners of a given language, with their larger content vocabularies, might naturally be expected to exhibit higher ratios of content to total tokens than those exhibited by learners of lower proficiency.

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In the few studies that directly address these issues, however, there seems to be no clear evidence of a correlation between either lexical variability or density on the one hand and L2 proficiency level on the other. Laufer (1991), for example, observed no significant increase (in an acquisition setting) in lexical variability or lexical density in written compositions by advanced English as a Second Language (ESL) learners in her study over a two-semester period of instruction (see also Laufer & Nation 1995). That observation is weakened, however, by the absence of independent evidence of any change in general proficiency among the subjects over the two-semester interval. In an unpublished paper dealing with data in an oral production mode, Brown & Graham (1991) also found no significant evidence of a decline in lexical variability (measured by type-token ratios) over a two-year period of disuse by L2 speakers of Spanish and Japanese.3 In the latter study, however, there was no control over the variable of subjects' further exposure to the L2 during the period of relative disuse. The failure of existing studies to find a correlation between lexical variability and density on the one hand and changes in proficiency on the other hand may be due, in other words, at least in part to their failure to control critical variables. The present study does attempt, to some degree, to control the variable of further exposure, but due to the post hoc nature of its design, it was not possible to control for the variable of subjects' initial proficiency. This failure is partially mitigated by the fact that all subjects in the study had undergone the same predeparture, intensive two-month language training course and had spent an identical period of 22 months in the host country, acquiring the L2 informally under highly similar conditions. Based, then, on the foregoing considerations, another question in this study is whether lexical variability (type-token ratios) and lexical density (content-to-total-word ratios) for relatively advanced JSL learners performing in an oral mode will be found to have decreased over a two-year period of relative disuse of the L2, and whether the presence or absence of formal instruction following a two-year period of rather intensive informal acquisition in the host culture will be found to have had an effect on any changes in lexical variability or density. With regard to lexical accuracy or quality, it was predicted that, even if broad measures of lexical variability and density turn out not to exhibit significant change, learners in the study might nevertheless show a decreasing ability to use words accurately, as reflected in (1) an increased ratio of various types of lexical errors per T-unit of discourse, (2) a decreased ratio of the number of words per (lexical) error-free T-unit, and (3) a decrease in the number of error-free T-units as a percentage of the total number of T-units.4 It was also expected, however, that any decrease in lexical accuracy might be more pronounced in the group of learners who had little or no subsequent formal instruction than in the group who received formal instruction. The further formal instruction to which subjects were exposed emphasized reading but also included a considerable amount of conversational practice as well. It was expected, intuitively at least, that the additional exposure would help reinforce vocabulary skills already acquired by those subjects. It remains an empirical question, of course, whether and to what

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extent instruction in reading and writing skills will transfer to, or reinforce, oral skills—a question, however, that lies beyond the scope of this study. The weighted frequencies of the lexical items most commonly used by the JSL subjects in this study were also calculated and compared, both quantitatively and qualitatively, with those of a group of Japanese native speakers (JNS). It was predicted that the JSL groups' frequency orders would correlate more closely with each other than with those of the JNS group, and that there might also be a decrease in the degree of correlation between JSL and JNS frequency orders over time. It was further expected that there might be differences between JSL and JNS subjects with regard to the frequency of different lexical strata. The lexical strata referred to here are those into which the Japanese lexicon has traditionally been divided (Shibatani 1990:142-153): native Japanese words (wago or Yamato-kotoba), Sino-Japanese words (kango), and loan words from languages (primarily Indo-European) other than Chinese (gairaigo). In addition to the three traditional lexical strata, however, a fourth category must be added when analyzing the interlanguage speech of JSL learners—words borrowed from the learner's L1 (in this case English), which may be substituted when the corresponding expressions cannot be retrieved from L2 stores. While a detailed analysis of words by syntactic category and of lexical strata is in progress and will be reported at a later date, the present report focuses only on the relative frequency of loan words and of English words in the JSL data. Specifically, it was predicted that JSL learners would use relatively higher frequencies of both loan words and English words than did the JNS subjects; that the relative frequencies of both strata would increase over time, indicating increased difficulty in the retrieval of corresponding native Japanese and Sino-Japanese forms; and that the learners with further formal instruction would show a lower rate of increase in loan word and English word usage than those without formal instruction.

Method Subjects For the present study, a group of (initially) 80 subjects was randomly selected from among hundreds of students at Brigham Young University who had spent approximately two years as missionaries in Japan prior to the beginning of the study. Of the 80 subjects who participated in the administration of the first test, only 65 were able to participate in all three elicitations. The 65 subjects who participated in all three tests were then divided into two groups, one group consisting of learners with a significant amount of additional formal instruction in Japanese (eight or more semester hours) over the two-year period of the study, and the other group consisting of learners without such instruction (zero to four semester hours). Ten subjects were then selected at random from each of the two groups. As indicated, the purpose of the study was to observe the nature and

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extent of attrition or other changes in the subjects' productive JSL lexical competence over an extended period of time, and to measure the effects, if any, of further formal instruction on JSL lexical maintenance. The study deals with productive (versus receptive) lexical skills, in an oral (versus written) mode, with free monologue (versus dialogue or more controlled elicitation) tasks, with young adult JSL learners (all of whom were male,5 were native speakers of English, had completed approximately two years of residence in Japan as missionaries, and had undergone an identical period of largely informal acquisition of Japanese under highly similar conditions). The subjects varied minimally with respect to the amount of exposure they had had to Japanese prior to leaving for Japan (the majority had had virtually no previous exposure to the language). They also varied as to the amount of experience in learning other languages, the year of their return from Japan, and the amount of formal instruction and further informal exposure to Japanese following their return. The subjects also varied, certainly, with respect to actual level of proficiency in the language, general intelligence, language aptitude, and other personal factors that could not be controlled in the present study. Of the factors mentioned above, the only variation that could systematically be controlled was that relating to the amount of formal instruction subjects received upon returning from Japan. For normative purposes, data were also elicited from five native speakers of Japanese; the same set of questions and test conditions were used as for the JSL subjects.6 Data Collection A mixed cross-sectional and longitudinal design was used for the study. As described above, oral monologue data were elicited from two groups, each consisting of ten subjects, at three different points in time over a period of approximately two years between late 1986 and early 1989. The subjects were given the same elicitation task each time. With approximately one year intervening between test administrations, the likelihood of test-learning effects was minimal. The subjects were asked to record their oral responses, in Japanese, to each of six questions. Four minutes were allowed for each response. Two of the questions were based on religious topics familiar to the subjects, but these were omitted from the present study because they would not permit comparison with a larger population of JSL learners. A third question involving a picture-guided story retelling was also omitted because data were not available from the JNS group for comparative purposes. The three remaining questions, on which the present study is based, are included for reference in Appendix A. The subjects' responses were recorded on audiocassette tapes and were later transcribed and edited for accuracy. A further editing process was required to ensure that words were segmented consistently in preparation for later treatment with text analysis software.7

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Data Analysis The transcribed text files were initially processed using WordCruncher® software (a text indexing, retrieval, and analysis program developed by Electronic Text Corporation, 1988) to generate lists of words and their frequencies. Typetoken ratios were then calculated using these lists. As discussed above, typetoken ratios are interpreted as measures of lexical variation, with higher ratios reflecting greater variety in the productive lexicon. In the present study, a decrease in type-token ratios over time would be taken to indicate decreased lexical variability, an indication of lexical attrition. Contrary, however, to Laufer's observation (1991:447, n.9) that lexical variation "is sensitive to the length of the composition" (leading her to limit the calculation of type-token ratios to the first 250 words of each essay), there was no correlation in our data between text length and type-token ratios. Type-token ratios in the present study were therefore based on the entire text of each subject, regardless of length. The type-token lists abstracted from the text files in the present study were also sorted further by frequency, so that word frequency orders could easily be generated for each subject. A software program was also developed to facilitate the tagging and frequency analysis of words in each file based on grammatical category and lexical stratum. The relative frequencies of content words (nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs) versus function words (postpositions, conjunctions, complementizers, fillers, etc.,) were also analyzed and compared with those of the JNS group. The text files were segmented into T-units and analyzed for lexical errors by three different native speakers of Japanese, all of whom were graduate students in applied linguistics and had received training in procedures required specifically for the present analysis.8 It was difficult in a number of cases to assign errors to unique categories but also, at times, even to distinguish between lexical and syntactic or other errors. This difficulty may have resulted, in part, from inadequacies in the categories chosen for analysis but also, it surely reflects the underlying difficulty of clearly distinguishing, in theoretical terms, the boundaries between different components of grammatical competence. For example, it might be argued that an error such as Nihon ni *kita mae wa ("Before I came to Japan") is really a grammatical error involving inappropriate tense marking (past tense kita "came," instead of the required nonpast form kuru "come"), and not a lexical error. It can also be argued, however, that the incorrect tense marking itself results, in part at least, from an incomplete understanding of the lexical semantics of the word mae, "before." At any rate, error counts used in the present analysis were limited to total numbers of lexical errors. A detailed analysis of individual error types is in progress and will be reported at a later date. Brief mention should also be made of the procedure used for analyzing the frequency orders of different lexical items used by both JNS and JSL subjects. The 20 most frequent lexical items (including ties) were identified for each subject. Since there was considerable variation in individual item frequencies and some overlap in item inventories, simply calculating the average rank without

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taking item frequencies into account would have led to distortion in the rankings. Weighted average frequencies were therefore calculated using Rosengren's formula (1972), discussion of which is also found in Francis & Kucera (1982). Based on the resulting weighted averages, the 25 most frequent lexical items occurring in common between the JSL and JNS groups were then ranked and compared using the Spearman rank-order correlation. Mean values for other variables of interest (such as type-token ratios, lexical errors, etc.) were compared using analysis of variance (ANOVA); the two factors used in comparing learners' data were group and time, including two levels within group (ENS1, the JSL learner group with little or no further formal instruction; and ENS2, the JSL learners with further formal instruction) and three levels within time (representing the administration of the test at three different points in time, although only two levels were available for the analysis of lexical errors). A repeated measures design was used, as the subjects within each group were the same at each time level. For comparisons between JSL learners and the Japanese native speaker group, the general linear model of ANOVA was used because of the different numbers of subjects in the three groups. The Scheffe post hoc comparison was used in all cases to locate the differences among means. Because of the large number of dependent variables in this study, F-values, significance levels, and other detailed statistical data for all but the Spearman procedure will usually not be displayed in the body of the text, but they have been summarized in Appendix B for reference (see Tables 5.7 and 5.8).

Results and Discussion The data in Table 5.1 (see Appendix B) summarize the average total numbers of tokens and types, and the type-token ratios for each of the three groups: ENS 1 (JSL learners without further formal instruction), ENS2 (JSL learners with further formal instruction), and JNS (the reference group of native speakers of Japanese). The means for both groups of JSL learners are given for each of three elicitations; the JNS group was tested only once. As expected, the JNS group means for both total tokens and types were somewhat higher than those of both JSL groups, although not to a level of significance.9 The JNS type-token ratio was also slightly higher (32.6% to approximately 28% for both JSL groups at Time 1), although, once again, not significantly so. As predicted, there was a significant decrease in the total numbers of both tokens (F = 4.89, p < .01) and types (F = 3.59, p < .04) from Time 1 to Time 3 for both JSL groups. The percentage of decrease was greater, however, for ENS1 than for ENS2: a 16.2% decrease in total tokens for ENS1 versus an 8.9% decrease for ENS2, and a 12.5% decrease in total types for ENS1 versus a 4.3% decrease for ENS2. The difference in the rate of decrease between the two groups was, however, not significant. Nor was there any significant change in the type-token ratios for ENS1 and ENS2 from Time 1 to Time 3. Thus, with regard to lexical variability, there was no clear evidence of attrition for either JSL group. The slight increase in variability for ENS2 was not statistically significant.

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Also recorded in the lower half of Table 5.1 are the average numbers of tokens and types of both content and function words, along with the ratios of content tokens and types to total tokens and types. The ratios of content words to total (content + function) words provide a measurement of lexical density, as discussed above. The mean numbers of content tokens and types for the JNS group were higher than those of both JSL groups, although not to the level of significance (except between JNS and ENS1 in content types; F = 4.08, p < .03), perhaps because of the small number of JNS subjects. As predicted, there was a significant decrease in the average numbers of both content tokens (F = 8.28, p < .001) and types (F = 3.73, p < .03) from Time 1 to Time 3 for both ENS1 and ENS2. As in the case of total tokens and types, the decrease for Group 1 was greater than that of Group 2: 19.8% versus 11.0% in content tokens and 14.6% versus 4.8% in content types. The between-groups comparison yielded no significant difference in the case of content tokens, but there was a significant difference in content types (F = 4.98, p < .04), with the mean number of content types for Group 2 (the formal instruction group) higher than those for Group 1. There was also a slight decrease in the ratios of content tokens to total tokens and content types to total types, again with the percentage of decrease for Group 1 greater than that for Group 2: 4.8% versus 1.6% in tokens and 2.5% versus 1.0% in types, although, once again, not to a statistically significant level. The decrease in content-to-total-token ratios for both JSL groups over time approached significance at .07. There was also no significant difference between content to total word ratios between JNS and JSL groups. The T-unit and lexical error analysis data are summarized in Table 5.2 (see Appendix B). As expected, the average sentence length for the JNS group was greater than that of both JSL groups, as indicated by the significantly higher number of tokens per T-unit (F = 26.41, p < .0001). There was, for the JSL groups, a decrease in the absolute number of lexical errors from Time 1 to Time 3, offset by a corresponding decrease in the total number of T-units. Therefore, contrary to expectation, there was virtually no change in the number of lexical errors per T-unit. As predicted, however, there was a statistically significant decrease in the total number of lexical-error-free T-units (F = 5.13, p < .04) and in the total number of tokens occurring within error-free T-units (F = 6.02, p < .02), a decline that is even more pronounced if the data from a clear outlier in Group 1 are excluded from consideration. One of the subjects in Group 1 subverted the format of the task, in a sense, by responding to one of the questions in a simulated dialogue manner using (usually) short, formulaic, and often accurate Tunits ("Amerika ni irassharu n desu ka,'' "Aa soo desu ka," "li desu ne,) etc., artificially inflating the average number of error-free T-units and, unexpectedly, the average number of tokens in error-free T-units. The subject in question, for example, had 58 error-free T-units compared with a range of 3-12 for the remaining nine subjects, and 423 tokens in error-free T-units compared with a range of 14-104 for the other Group 1 subjects. There was also a decrease in the ratio of tokens per error-free T-unit for JSL Group 2, the group with further formal

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instruction, though not to the level of significance for the two groups taken together. It is interesting to compare these findings with those of Diane Larsen-Freeman (1983), who found the average number of words per T-unit (not significant in this study) and the average number of words per error-free T-unit (possibly significant for Group 2 learners) to be correlated with levels of proficiency in the writing abilities of ESL learners. In an earlier study, she had also found a positive correlation between sheer length of output on ESL compositions and proficiency level. It may well be that the decreasing length of output over time in the present study is, conversely, also correlated with a decline in proficiency, although this cannot be directly confirmed because of the unavailability of independent measures of the subjects' proficiency levels at the time of testing. In Table 5.3 (see Appendix B) are displayed the results of the frequency order analysis. As previously described, the figures represent weighted average rankings of the 25 most frequent lexical items occurring in the subjects' responses. The items (including postpositions and other function words) are listed in the left-hand column in descending order of frequency for the JNS subjects. 10 The JSL groups' frequency orders are displayed in the four columns on the righthand side of the table. Not surprisingly, 18 of the 25 most frequent items were function words, including (for the JNS subjects, at least) the first seven items, all of which function primarily as postpositions. The first thing that seems obvious on inspection is the overall degree of similarity among the rankings, especially among the JSL learners, concerning which more detailed reference will be made shortly. There were, however, some rather striking differences as well. For instance, the most frequent item for the JNS group was the particle no (genitive postposition, nominalizer, etc.), whereas the most frequent item for both JSL groups at both Times 1 and 3 was the postposition wa (thematic postposition), only the fourth most frequent item for the JNS group. Other items that seemed to occur with noticeably greater frequency for the JNS group than for the learners included (1) the subordinate conjunction no-de ("since," "because"—occurring only rarely in the JSL data, perhaps because of fewer instances of subordinate clauses to begin with and because of a tendency to overgeneralize the use of another, similar form, kara); (2) the focus postposition mo ("also," "even"); (3) the common verb iu ("to say"); and (4) the sentence-connecting adverb mata ("also"). Perhaps the most striking difference between the two groups, however, was the extremely high frequency of occurrence of the fillers ano and MOT among the JSL learners, compared with that of the JNS group. The implications of this finding will be discussed below. Returning to the issue of the overall similarity observed among the orders, one of the questions at the outset was whether the weighted frequency orders of lexical items of the two JSL groups would correlate more closely with each other than with those of the JNS group. As shown in Appendix B in Table 5.4, the answer to this question seems clearly in the affirmative. Although there are significant levels of positive correlation both within the JSL groups and between the JSL and JNS groups, the strength of correlation between JSL groups (ENS 1 and

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ENS2) is significantly greater than that between the JNS group and either of the JSL groups." It appears, however, that there was no significant change in the degree of correlation between JNS and JSL frequency orders from Time 1 to Time 3 (.641.648 for ENS1 and .688-.659 for ENS2). Nor were there significant differences within each JSL group between Time 1 and Time 3 (.949 for ENS1 and .942 for ENS2). Finally, while there appeared to be no weakening of the correlation between JNS and JSL groups over time, the correlation between the JSL groups themselves appeared to become somewhat stronger between Time 1 and Time 3 (.894-.943). In overall quantitative terms, however, there seem to be no clear indications of significant change in distribution of lexical choice, at least as far as that may be reflected in frequency orders. One of the striking results of the frequency analysis mentioned above was the extremely high frequency of fillers ano and um in the JSL data. Fillers may function in speech as a strategic device to buy time, so to speak, to complete the process of planning, retrieving, and producing appropriate lexical and syntactic structures (Brown 1977, Lennon 1990, Riggenbach 1991). Even among native speakers of a language, there is considerable variation with respect to both the specific forms used as fillers and the frequency with which fillers are used in general. Both types of variation were evident in the data of this study as well. On the assumption that native speakers are in general more fluent in speaking their language than nonnative speakers, one would expect a higher frequency of filler words to occur in learners' speech than in that of native speakers. One might naturally expect, further, that the relative frequency of filler words in learners' speech should decrease with increasing levels of fluency and proficiency. The findings of Kuwahara (1995), in fact, provide clear support for such an assumption. Conversely, under conditions of attrition, one might expect an increasing frequency of certain filler words, pauses, and other related behavior (Lennon 1990, Riggenbach 1991). Table 5.5 in Appendix B summarizes the mean frequencies of the filler words that occurred with the greatest frequency in the JSL data. Unfortunately, it was not possible to include all instances of filler and fillerlike expressions. Other expressions and behavior that could not be treated in the present, preliminary analysis included ma, soo-desu-ne, nan-to-iu, repetitions, false starts and repairs, and pauses. As seen in Table 5.5, the average total number of filler tokens was higher for the JSL groups than for the JNS group, as expected, although not to the level of statistical significance. The higher ratios of learners' filler tokens to both function and total tokens, compared with those of the JNS group, approached significance at the level of .06 and .08, respectively. Interestingly, however, the relative frequencies of the individual filler items were quite similar among all three groups, with ano(o) easily the most frequent of the five listed for each group. Perhaps even more interesting, however, was the relatively high frequency of the English filler um. among native speakers of Japanese. This might have been due, in part at least, to L2-induced interference resulting from the fact that all five JNS subjects had lived in the United States for some time and were proficient speakers of English as a second language.

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There was an overall 5.7% increase in the filler-to-function-token ratio between Times 1 and 3 for ENS1, and a 10.7% increase in the filler-to-totaltoken ratio. The ratios increased by 11.5% and 16.9% respectively for ENS2 over the same period. The increases were, however, not statistically significant. A more comprehensive analysis of filler-, pause-, and repair-related behavior is currently under way to determine whether any such evidence exists for a decline in the subjects' oral fluency. Finally, with regard to lexical strata, Table 5.6 (see Appendix B) summarizes the numbers of loan word types and tokens, English types and tokens, and the ratios of each to total types and tokens; as mentioned previously, native Japanese and Sino-Japanese word frequencies are not yet available. As seen in Table 5.6, there were no significant differences between JNS and JSL groups with respect to loan-word tokens, types, and loan-word-to-total-word ratios. There was, however, as expected, a difference between JNS and JSL groups with respect to the use of English words (with English-to-total-token ratios ranging from 1.4%2.8% for the JSL groups and only 0.5% for the JNS group, and English-to-totaltype ratios ranging from 3.3%-6.8% for the JSL groups and only 1.3% for the JNS group). Comparing JNS with JSL subjects at Time 1, even with the small number of JNS subjects sampled, the differences were statistically significant in every case but the English-to-total-token ratio, but only for JNS versus ENS 1 (see Appendix B, Table 5.7). By Time 3, the differences between JNS and both JSL groups were significant in every case, indicating a higher proportional use of both English tokens and types by learners as opposed to native speakers of Japanese. For the JSL learner groups taken alone, both English-token-to-total-token and English-type-to-total-type ratios increased from Time 1 to Time 3, significantly so in the case of the token ratio (F = 4.05, p < .03), suggesting, perhaps, the onset of attrition either in knowledge of the corresponding target-language lexical items or in the ability to access them in real time for production. For ENS1 subjects, the proportion of English tokens increased by 22.7% from Time 1 to Time 3, while the corresponding increase in types was only 5%. For ENS2, there was a 64.3% increase in the average proportion of English tokens used (although the actual ratios were still very small—from 1.4%-2.3%) and a striking 66.7% increase in the proportion of English types used. Between-group differences in the rate of increased English token and type usage over time, however, were not statistically significant, suggesting no benefit from formal instruction in forestalling the use of English words.

Conclusions and Future Research What can be concluded from the results discussed above? Of the variables examined in this study, significant differences over time were found only in the following areas: (1) a decrease in vocabulary size (measured in tokens, types, and content tokens and types), (2) a decrease in the number of T-units and of lexical error-free T-units, and (3) an increase in the ratio of English tokens to

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total tokens (see Appen dix B, Table 5.8). As outlined in the preceding section, no significant evidence of attrition was found in any of the remaining variables, including, for example, lexical variability (as reflected in type-token ratios), lexical density (expressed as the ratio of content to total tokens and types), lexical errors per T-unit, tokens per error-free T-unit, the relative frequency of filler words, loan words, and so forth. Nor was there any significant evidence that formal instruction had a differential effect on the course of the limited amount of attrition that was found to occur. Let us briefly review each of the above points. First, with regard to vocabulary size, to the extent that productive vocabulary size is reflected in the total number of tokens and types, the results of this study are consistent with the findings of Cohen (1989) for L3 Portuguese mentioned above. As shown in Table 5.1, there was indeed a decrease in the total number of both tokens and types for the two JSL groups taken together, from Time 1 through Time 3 (significant to the .01 level in the case of tokens and the .04 level in the case of types), although the magnitude of the decrease was small for Group 2 learners, at least with respect to the total number of types. Caution must, of course, be exercised when interpreting differences in token and type counts as evidence for change in productive vocabulary size. The greater the latitude given to subjects in an oral production task, both topically and temporally, the greater the possibility of subjects' avoiding difficult structures and vocabulary words, for example, that the learner might have difficulty retrieving for active use but might nevertheless recognize in a receptive task (Hakuta & d'Andrea 1992; de Bot & Weltens 1995). Although the present study does place both time and topical constraints on the elicited data, the constraints may not have been restrictive enough to force the subjects to the limits of their productive vocabulary. Second, with regard to the decline in the number of T-units and of lexical error-free T-units, it is possible that this result reflects a loss of lexical accuracy, but more likely it is merely a reflection of a decline in total output by the subjects over time, as evidenced by the failure of any of the T-unit-adjusted measures of error frequency to achieve significance. Third, the- increased ratio of codeswitched English tokens to total tokens does indeed suggest the existence of some degree of lexical attrition in the form of a declining ability to retrieve the corresponding L2 forms under time constraints. Whether this is an indication of actual lexical loss or whether it is, rather, merely a reflection of increased difficulty of timely retrieval or access is, of course, a matter of some current debate. At any rate, with the task time held constant at four minutes per item for each of the three test administrations, both the decline in vocabulary size and the increase in relative frequency of English tokens are at least not inconsistent with the current view of many researchers that lexical items, once acquired, are not necessarily lost but merely become less readily accessible, requiring more time for retrieval and resulting, frequently, in the increased use of codeswitching and other compensatory strategies (de Bot & Weltens 1995). The fact that the evidence of attrition was not more pervasive than it was may be due to a variety of factors, some of which could not be directly examined nor

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fully controlled in this study. There is a strong possibility, as suggested in the literature, that both the ways in which L2 learners acquired their second languages and the ultimate level of proficiency attained by learners might influence the timing and the amount of L2 attrition during periods of disuse. Most of the studies of attrition that fall into the category of the loss of L2 or FL in an L1 environment, and which claim to have shown significant loss, seem to have dealt with L2 acquired formally in the classroom in an L1 environment. The present study differs from those in that the learners acquired the L2 informally and intensively in the L2 environment over an extended period of time before returning to the L1 environment, a factor that might have minimized the possible effects of attrition. With regard to proficiency level, it is also highly probable that the learners in this study had acquired larger inventories of vocabulary than would have been acquired by formal classroom learners of Japanese over the same length of time. Since earlier studies have shown higher initial levels of proficiency to be correlated with lower levels of attrition, as discussed by Nagasawa (see Chapter 8, this volume), it is quite possible that the small amount of attrition shown in this study results, in part at least, not only from the intensively informal conditions under which the acquisition occurred but also from the relatively high levels of lexical proficiency that had likely already been acquired. The potential problem of avoidance in production tasks was also alluded to above. A more complete picture of lexical attrition among the subjects of this study could be obtained by analyzing receptive lexical data, which also exist for many of the same subjects. As time and resources permit, further research is envisioned in which we will examine the extent to which the subjects of this study have maintained or lost the ability to recall the meanings of specific lexical items presented in a receptive task. It might also be possible to expand the sample size of each subgroup of learners and to extend the analysis to include all subjects in the original, larger group of subjects who participated in the project, although this would require an enormous amount of additional time and resources. Even with the relatively small number of subjects in the present analysis, several of the variables of interest fell barely short of significance (variables relating, for example, to lexical density, to frequencies of fillers, loan words, and English words, and to the effects of formal instruction). If the same differences (though relatively small in absolute terms) hold across a larger sample size, they may yet prove to be statistically significant with the increased degrees of freedom. At any rate, further research is certainly warranted in each of those areas. In fact, a more detailed analysis of filler frequency, unfilled pause length, and other fluency-related hesitation and repair behavior has already been undertaken on the basis of the present study, with the preliminary finding, for instance, of a significant increase in hesitation and unfilled pause time as a function of total speech time over the two-year period of observation (Russell 1996). With regard to the question of whether formal instruction would have a significant effect on any of the variables of interest in the study, it was found that there were significant differences between the two JSL groups (ENS1, without formal instruction, and ENS2, with formal instruction) with respect to total

128

The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language

types, ontent types, lexical error-free T-units, tokens in error-free T-units, the ratio of error-free T-units to total T-units, and loan-word types. There was, however, no significant interaction effect between groups over time. This result suggests that there may have been significant preexisting differences between the two groups which continued over time. With respect to lexical accuracy, for instance, ENS2 (the formal instruction group) had a lower ratio of errors per Tunit and significantly higher numbers of error-free T-units, tokens per error-free T-unit, and error-free T-units in proportion to total T-units (see Appendix B, Table 5.8). In certain ways, at least, ENS2 subjects appear, in other words, to have had a higher level of Japanese language ability from the start. This may reflect learner variables that could not be controlled in this study, such as higher levels of motivation and prior success in acquiring Japanese as an L2, which may have led them, individually, to seek further instruction in the language in the first place. As already stated, however, at least with respect to the factors in this study, there appears to have been no significant effect from formal instruction in altering the extent to which productive lexical attrition may have occurred. To conclude, there is, as discussed above, at least some minimal evidence of lexical attrition in the data of this study, whether in the form of actual loss or, perhaps more likely, in the form of increased difficulty of timely retrieval. The lack of more compelling evidence for attrition does little to discourage the notion of an "initial plateau" in language attrition, as proposed by Weltens & van Els (1986) and others, according to which skill levels remain relatively stable during the first few years after the onset of disuse of the L2, after which attrition may gradually begin to become more noticeable. The plateau metaphor may, however, be misleading, inasmuch as it suggests a level state in which no attrition is occurring at all. Even the modest evidence of the present study suggests, however, that, if indeed there is such a plateau, it has already begun to tilt, so to speak. Finally, it is seldom possible in our field to have the degree of control over variables that permits truly experimental designs. This study is no different in that respect. The results of this study, however, do raise interesting questions for further, more focused research into questions of L2 lexical attrition, answers to which promise to have not only theoretical but important practical implications as well.

Lexical Maintenance and Attrition

129

Appendix A Questions used in oral monologue elicitation tasks: (1) You are talking with a close friend and he/she asks you what your plans are over the next few years. Explain in detail what you expect or wish to be doing over the next five to ten years. You may wish to include a discussion of your goals and plans in some of the following areas: education, career, marriage and family, where you wish to live, special interests, etcetera. (2) You are an exchange student in a Japanese university and have been invited to a gathering of fellow (mostly native Japanese) students. Everyone is taking turns introducing themselves. It is now your turn. Please tell everyone your name and where you are from. Tell them about your family, about your school and work experiences, your hobbies and interests, and anything else about yourself or your family that you would care to. (3) You are sitting in an airplane on your way home from Japan to the United States. Sitting next to you is a young Japanese man who is being sent to America as a representative of his company. You strike up a conversation with him and he begins asking you about America and what he can expect there that will be different from his country. Based on your knowledge of Japan and your experience living there, tell him all you can about the differences between American and Japanese society and culture. You might talk, for example, about differences in work, food, housing, holidays, personal characteristics, the economy, sports, or anything else that occurs to you as being relevant.

Appendix B Table 5.1. Means for Tokens, Types, and Type-Token Ratio Time 2

Time 1

Time3

ENS1 Tokens Types Type-Token Ratios

887.9 247.4 .286

958.5 259.7 .284

803.3 227.2 .287

ENS2 Tokens Types Type-Token Ratios

1008.6 299.1 .303

1097.0 299.5 .280

999.4 286.7 .298

JNS Tokens Types Type-Token Ratios

1151.2 357.2 .326 Time 2

Time 1 CNT

CNT

FNC

Time 3 FNC

CNT

FNC

422.8 36.1

420.1 193.3 .520 .846

383.2 33.9

467.2 40.7

537.2 251.7 .539 .873

462.2 35.0

ENS1 Tokens Types CNT/Total Tokens CNT/Total Types

523.5 226.3 .546 .868

465.1 211.3 .520 .850

435.0 33.5

ENS2 Tokens Types CNT/Total Tokens CNT/Total Types

603.8 264.3 .548 .881

541.4 258.4 .541 .862

493.2 35.2

JNS Tokens Types CNT/Total Tokens CNT/Total Types

649.2 309.8 .566 .870

501.8 46.0

Notes: ENS1 = English Native Speaker Group 1 (n = 10) ENS2 = English Native Speaker Group 2 (n = 10) JNS = Japanese Native Speaker Group (n = 5) CNT = Total content words used FNC = Total function words used

130

Table 5.2. Means for Lexical Errors and T-Unit-Adjusted Error Rates Time 1

Time 3

ENS1 Tokens T-Units Tokens/T-Units Lexical Errors Errors/T-Unit Error-free T-Units Tokens in Error-free T-Units Tokens/Error-free T-Units Error-free T-Units/Tot. T-Units

958.5 80.0 12.0 165.8

(896.4)* (73.7) (12.1) (159.2) (2.1) (11.8) (89.9) (7.5) (.163)

2.1 13.9 104.5

7.5 .171

803.3 70.1 11.6 •136.5

2.0 13.1 97.3

7.7 .170

ENS2 Tokens T-Units Tokens/T-Units Lexical Errors Errors/T-Unit Error-free T-Units Tokens in Error-free T-Units Tokens/Error-free.T-Units Error-free T-Units/Tot. T-Units

999.4 84.6 11.9 133.4

1097.0 99.1 11.2 144.7

1.5

1.6

26.8 217.7

22.3 172.8

8.1

7.5 .262

.277

JNS Tokens T-Units Tokens/T-Units

1151.2 66.6 17.7

Notes: ENS1 = English Native Speaker Group I (n = 10) ENS2 = English Native Speaker Group 2 (n = 10) JNS = Japanese Native Speaker Group (n = 5) *Calculations in parentheses are based on the exclusion of an outlier's data from ENS1, n = 9

131

(778.7) (64.9) (11.9) (141.3) (2.1) (8.1) (61.1) (7.7) (.134)

Table 5.3. Adjusted Word Frequency Orders (JNS vs. ENSl, ENS2) JNS

Word

no

1

ni to

2

ENS1/T1

2 3 4 1 6 8 10

3 4 5.5 5.5 7

wa ga 0

de desu koto watashi

mo iu keredomo nihon kara mata amerika

ne sono soshite no-de omoimasu

ima ano um

ENS1/T3

10

11.5

11.5 11.5

24 17 20

20 15 16

14 15 16 17 18 19

15.5

18

14 23

13 24

15.5 11.5

19

8

7 9

13

20.5 20.5

22 23 24 25

18 5 13

2 3 4 1 5.5

5 1 6 9 10

9 8

4 11 12 13 22

5.5

13 11 21 17 19

16 19

16 18

24 18 7 20 21 25 17 23 8 14

24 14 10 20 22 25 15 23 7 12

15

12 22 23 25 14 21 2 17

22 21 25 19

ENS2/T3

3 2

3 5 4 1

7 9 8 6 10 11

9

ENS2/T1

Notes: ENSl = English Native Speaker Group 1 ENS2 = English Native Speaker Group 2 JNS = Japanese Native Speaker Group Tl = Time 1 T3 = Time 3

Table 5.4. Spearman Rank-Order Correlations for Word Frequency Orders* JNS

ENS1/T1

JNS

.641

ENS1/T1 ENS1/T3 ENS2/T1

ENS1/T3

.648 .949

ENS2/T3 Notes: ENSl = English Native Speaker Group 1 ENS2 = English Native Speaker Group 2 JNS = Japanese Native Speaker Group Tl =Time 1 T3 = Time 3 N/C = Not calculated *Rhocrit = 0.526 (n = 25) 132

ENS2/T1

ENS2/T3

.688 .894

.659

N/C

.943 .942

N/C

Table 5.5. Means for Fillers and Filler-Token Ratios Time 1

Time 2

Time 3

ENS1 a(a) ano(o) e(e) eeto

1.6

3.4

2.7

47.8

59.2

46.7

3.3 5.7

0.4

0.6

um

11.1 14.6

11.5 12.1

11.7

Filler Tokens Filler Tokens/Function Tokens Filler Tokens/Total Tokens

75.5 .175 .084

86.8 .205 .098

70.1 .185 .093

ENS2

a(a) ano(o) e(e) eeto

2.1

4.1

5.4

39.9

27.8

37.3

2.8

2.3

3.8

9.1

7.2

um

11.4 19.0

29.5

28.6

Filler Tokens Filler Tokens/Function Tokens Filler Tokens/Total Tokens

75.2 .156 .071

72.8 .156 .072

82.3 .174 .083

JNS a(a) ano(o) e(e) eeto

um Filler Tokens Filler Tokens/Function Tokens Filler Tokens/Total Tokens

2.4 13.0

1.8 1.0 7.8 26.0 .045 .019

Notes: ENS1 = English Native Speaker Group 1 (n = 10) ENS2 = English Native Speaker Group 2 (n = 10) JNS = Japanese Native Speaker Group (n = 5) a(a), ano(o), e(e), and eeto are Japanese filler words that occurred most frequently in the data; um is an English filler word that also occurred frequently in the data.

133

Table 5.6. Means for Loan Words, English Words, and Ratios vs. Tokens and Types Time 1

Time 2

Time 3

ENS1 Loan Loan Loan Loan

Word Tokens Words/Total Tokens Word Types Words/Total Types

English Word Tokens English Words/Total Tokens English Word Types English Words/Total Types

26.0 .028 10.1 .040

24.2 .027 .037

27.2 .037 11.0 .050

18.8 .022 14.4 .060

23.4 .028 16.1 .068

20.3 .027 14.0 .063

9.2

ENS2 Loan Loan Loan Loan

Word Tokens Words/Total Tokens Word Types Words/Total Types

English Word Tokens English Words/Total Tokens English Word Types English Words/Total Types

30.9 .029 13.1 .044

30.8 .031 14.6 .049

31.4 .035 12.5 .046

15.2 .014

19.2 .019 12.7 .041

23.5 .023 15.8 .055

9.7 .033

JNS Loan Word Tokens Loan Words/Total Tokens Loan Word Types Loan Words/Total Types English Word Tokens English Words/Total Tokens English Word Types English Words/Total Types

31.6 .028 16.8 .046

5.6 .005

4.8 .013

Notes: ENS1 = English Native Speaker Group 1 (n = 10) ENS2 = English Native Speaker Group 2 (n = 10) JNS = Japanese Native Speaker Group (n = 5) English Word means above do not include data for the English filler um.

134

Table 5.7. Summary of Variables, Significance Values (JNS vs. ENS1, ENS2)* Variable

df

SS

F

Scheffe

Tokens Types Type-Token Ratio Content Tokens Content Types Content-Total Tokens Ratio Content-Total Types Ratio T-Units Tokens-T-Unit Ratio Filler Tokens Filler-Function Tokens Ratio Filler-Total Tokens Ratio Loan Word Tokens Loan Word-Total Tokens Ratio Loan Word Types Loan Word-Total Types Ratio English Word Tokens English Word-Total Tokens Ratio English Word Types English Word-Total Types Ratio

2 2

156870.86 32007.24 0.06 30826.35 11930.50 0.00 0.00 3930.86 154.39 9742.14 0.06 0.01 159.74 0.00 153.16 0.00 584.64 0.00 320.70 0.01

0.80 4.60 1.35 0.91 4.08 0.62 1.62 2.77 26.41 2.34 3.17 2.90 1.02 0.06 3.07 0.27 4.15 2.12 4.34 5.13

n.s. ElxJ* n.s. n.s. ElxJ* n.s. n.s. n.s. ElxJ*,E2xJ* n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. ElxJ* n.s. ElxJ* ElxJ*

2

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

Notes: The above data are derived from the application of ANOVA with repeated measures, the general linear model (GLM). The source of variance in each case is the category of Group, with three levels: E(NS)1 (English Native Speaker Group 1, n = 10), E(NS)2 (English Native Speaker Group 2, n = 10), and J(NS) (Japanese Native Speaker Group, n = 5). *p .05

135

Table 5.8. Summary of Variables, Significance Values (ENSl, ENS2 x Tl, T2, T3)* SS

F

Scheffe

Group 1 345496.82 Time 2 163312.13 Group x Time 2 15532.93

1.79 4.89 0.46

n.s. TlxT3* n.s.

Group 1 Time 2 Group x Time 2

38001.67 5460.23 984.23

4.91 3.59 0.65

ElxE2* TlxT3* n.s.

Type-Token Ratio

Group 1 Time 2 Group x Time 2

0.00 0.00 0.00

0.20 1.46 0.81

n.s. n.s. n.s.

Content Tokens

Group 1 124852.82 Time 2 76522.13 5058.13 Group x Time 2

1.85 8.28 0.55

n.s. TlxT2,T3* n.s.

Content Types

Group 1 Time 2 Group x Time 2

34320.42 5210.43 1044.43

4.98 3.73 0.75

ElxE2* TlxT3* n.s.

ContentTot. Tokens Ratio

Group 1 Time 2 Group x Time 2

0.00 0.00 0.00

0.73 2.87 0.73

n.s. n.s. n.s.

ContentTot. Types Ratio

Group 1 Time 2 Group x Time 2

0.01 0.00 0.00

3.48 0.03 0.71

n.s. n.s.

T-Units

Group 1 Time 1 Group x Time 1

2822.40 488.40 52.90

(4826.89) 2.16 (1320.42) 19.20 (77.55) 0.68

(4.68) (16.76) (0.98)

TokensT-Unit Ratio

Group 1 Time 1 Group x Time 1

0.66 0.31 3.65

(2.05) (0.90) (2.36)

0.13 0.11 1.27

(0.43) (0.31) (0.81)

n.s. n.s.

(n.s.) (n.s.) (n.s.)

Lexical Errors

Group 1 Time 1 Group x Time 1

1464.10 4120.90 810.00

(1194.28) (1975.68) (102.82)

0.23 4.10 0.81

(0.18) (2.74) (0.14)

n.s. n.s. n.s.

(n.s.) (n.s.) (n.s.)

Lexical Errors per T-Unit

Group 1 Time 1 Group x Time 1

2.48 0.02 0.11

(3.28) (0.08) (0.04)

4.65 0.12 0.74

(6.87) ElxE2* (ElxE2*) (0.54) n.s. (n.s.) n.s. (n.s.) (0.26)

Lexical Error-Free T-Units

Group 1 Time 1 Group x Time 1

1221.03 70.23 34.23

(2020.95) (160.11) (1.64)

5.13 1.72 0.84

(17.08) ElxE2* (ElxE2*) n.s. (TlxT3*) (7.47) n.s. (n.s.) (0.08)

Variable

Variance

Tokens

Types

df

136

n.s.

n.s. (ElxE2*) TlxT3 (TlxT3*) (n.s.) n.s. n.s.

Table 5.8. (continued) df

F

SS

Schefffe

Variable

Variance

Tokens in Error-Free T-Units

Group Time Group x Time

1 1 1

Tokens per Error-Free T-Unit

Group Time Group x Time

1 1 1

0.47 0.52 1.51

Error-Free T-U.-Tot. T-U. Ratio

Group Time Group x Time

1 1 1

0.10 0.00 0.00

Filler Tokens

1 Group Timel 2 Group x Time 2

7.35 223.23 1717.30

0.00 0.10 0.79

n.s. n.s. n.s.

FillerFunction Tokn. Ratio

Group Time Group x Time

1 2 2

0.01 0.00 0.00

0.44 0.35 1.08

n.s. n.s. n.s.

FillerTot. Tokens Ratio

1 Group Time 2 Group x Time 2

0.01 0.00 0.00

0.58 0.80 1.10

n.s. n.s. n.s.

Loan Word Tokens

Group Time Group x Time

1 2 2

464.82 17.43 32.23

3.35 0.10 0.18

n.s. n.s. n.s.

Loan WordTot. Tokens Ratio

Group 1 Time 2 Group x Time 2

0.00 0.00 0.00

0.07 1.34 0.24

n.s. n.s. n.s.

Loan Word Types

Group 1 Time 2 Group x Time 2

163.35 0.90 38.70

7.63 0.03 1.44

ElxE2* n.s. n.s.

Loan WordTot. Types Ratio

1 Group Time 2 Group x Time 2

0.00 0.00 0.00

0.53 0.99 1.67

n.s. n.s. n.s.

1 2 2

35.27 285.73 168.93

0.13 2.48 1.47

n.s. n.s. n.s.

English Word- Group 1 Tot. Tokens Time 2 Ratio Group x Time 2

0.00 0.00 0.00

2.45 4.05 0.61

n.s. TlxT3* n.s.

English Word Group Tokens Timel Group x Time

6.02 2.56 1.34

(15.41) (8.43) (0.39)

(0.29) (0.58) (1.44)

0.25 0.23 0.66

(0.15) (0.24) (0.59)

(0.14) (0.00) (0.00)

7.63 0.10 0.08

88924.90 (135739.80) 6760.00 (13153.92) 3534.40 (608.00)

ElxE2* (ElxE2*) n.s. (ElxE2*) n.s. (n.s.) n.s. n.s. n.s.

(n.s.) (n.s.) (n.s.)

(16.41) ElxE2* (ElxE2*) (0.98) n.s. (n.s.) n.s. (n.s.) (0.11)

(continued)

137

Table 5.8. (continued) Variable

Variance

df

English Word Group 1 Types Time 2 Group x Time 2 English Word- Group Tot. Types Time Ratio Group x Time

1 2 2

SS

F

Scheffe

66.15 92.63 118.30

0.69 1.52 1.94

n.s.

0.01 0.00 0.00

3.86 2.00 1.37

n.s. n.s.

Notes. The above data are derived from the application of ANOVA with repeated measures. E(NS)1 = English Native Speaker Group 1 (n =10) E(NS)2 = English Native Speaker Group 2 (n =10) Tl = Time 1; T2 = Time 2; T3 = Time 3 *p .05

138

n.s. n.s.

n.s.

Lexical Maintenance and Attrition

139

Notes 1. For an excellent review of L2 attrition-related research conducted through the mid1980s, see Weltens (1987). For a review of more recent research in the field, see de Bot & Weltens (1995). Recent work and theoretical issues in the area of attrition are also discussed in the introduction to this volume, written by Hansen & Reetz-Kurashige. 2. See again Weltens (1987), Weltens &. Cohen (1989), and de Bot & Weltens (1995) for a review of attrition-related studies, many of which deal with variables of the type noted here. 3. Cohen (1989) found some evidence of L3 loss in the form of both a decrease in the number of types and a decrease in the number of tokens but apparently not, however, in the ratios of types to tokens. 4. The notion of a T-unit is widely attributed to Kellogg Hunt (1965), who used it in the analysis of L1 acquisition data. In general, a T-unit refers to an independent or main clause, including any subordinate clauses embedded within it. Operationally, it is sometimes difficult in Japanese to establish whether a clause (for example, one ending with a predicate in the -te form) should be considered a subordinate clause (and therefore part of a larger T-unit) or a coordinate clause (and therefore a separate Tunit itself). As a rule, nonfinal clauses ending with the -te form were taken to be subordinate to the extent that they seemed semantically linked to the subsequent predicate(S). A sentence such as jisho o motte ikimashita ("I] took [my] dictionary"), for instance, would rather clearly be counted as a single T-unit, because of the collocational nature of the complex predicate motte ik-. On the other hand, sentences of the form [S1 ... -te, S2] which corresponded closely to English sentences of the form [S1 . .., and (then) S2] were counted as two T-units. 5. There were only a few female subjects among the original 80 from which the subset of 20 was to be randomly selected. To control for the possibility of gender-related variation, these were eliminated prior to selection. 6. The only Japanese native speakers whose data were available for comparative purposes consisted of three female and two male speakers. All five JNS subjects were international students at Brigham Young University and had lived in the United States for varying lengths of time. There is the possibility of a small amount of gender-based variation in our sample, but its effects are likely minimal for most of the factors under consideration. The possibility of variation due to the subjects' extended residence in the United States must also be considered. 7. The segmentation of Japanese text into "words" is traditionally difficult because of conflicting notions of what constitutes a word in the language. Text segmentation for the present study followed roughly the conventions used in the romanized transcriptions of Japanese found in Jorden (1987). Notably, for instance, case particles and other bound forms that would be treated as part of the larger bunsetsu unit in a traditional analysis were segmented as separate words in the present study. Also as in Jorden, Sino-Japanese verbs such as benkyoo-suru "to study" (literally "study-do") were hyphenated and treated as a unit for descriptive and statistical purposes. For consistency and also to distinguish between the auxiliary and main verb instances of iru "to be," however, forms such as benkyoo-shite-iru "to be studying" were also treated as a unit (in contrast with the Jorden segmentation, benkyoo-shite iru). Finally, although syntactically complex, forms such as benkyoo-saseru "to cause to study" were also treated lexically as a unit (as in Jorden). 8. Several analyses of L2 lexical performance have been attempted in recent years (e.g.,

140

The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language Zimmermann 1987; Downing 1980; and Teemant 1988). Of those that have focused specifically on the analysis of "errors," the categorization of errors has ranged from rather mechanical, form-centered errors (e.g., orthographic and phonetic or phonemic errors) to errors bordering on the syntactic domain (e.g., collocational errors and errors in the use of various function words), as well as to more abstract, semanticfeature-based errors. Still other analyses (including one by Cohen 1989, examining attrition in lexical production) have examined strategies for lexical production, discourse contexts in which lexical errors occur, and so on. 1. Word sense (for content words; e.g., the use of the word aisatsu "greeting"instead of jiko shookai, "self-introduction") 2. Collocation (e.g., the use of the verb toru, "take," in the phrase shiken o toru, "take a test," instead of the idiomatically correct shiken o ukeru, literally "receive a test") 3. Pragmatic style (e.g., the use of the copula da and other informal predicates instead of the formal desu/-masu equivalents where required, or the use of the polite otoosan, "father," to refer to one's own father instead of the expected in-group form, chichi) 4. Postposition (e.g., Nihonjin *ni/to kekkon-shite-iru, "is married to a Japanese person") 5. Inserted word (i.e., words inserted inappropriately or ungrammatically; e.g., the redundant use of yama in the sentence rokkii sanmyaku yama no mannaka ni aru, "[It's] right in the middle of the Rocky Mountains") 6. Omitted word (i.e., words omitted inappropriately or ungrammatically; e.g., the omission of the required nominalizer n(o) in the sentence ryuugaku-shite-iru desu, "[He's] studying abroad") 7. Function (i.e., inaccurate use of function words [other than postpositions, covered in another category], or inappropriate tense or other grammatical marking in spite of accurate lexical choice; e.g., the use of kita, "came" instead of the required kuru "come" in the phrase Nihon ni *kita/kuru mae wa . . ., "Before [I] came to Japan . . .") 8. Inflection (e.g., *taberoo to omoimasu instead of the grammatically accurate tabeyoo to omoimasu, "[I] think I'm going to eat") 9. English substitution (e.g., the use of "east coast" instead of the Japanese equivalent higashi kaigan in the sentence Amerika no *east coast/higashi kaigan no hoo ni sunde-imasu "[She] lives on the East Coast in America") 10. Other (i.e., errors that could not clearly be assigned to any of the above categories).

9. See Table 5.7 in Appendix B. As mentioned earlier, because of the large number of variables, data relating to F-values and significance levels are summarized in Appendix B, Table 5.7 (for comparisons between JSL and JNS groups) and Table 5.8 (for comparisons within and between JSL learner groups). 10. As the detailed grammatical frequency analysis is still in progress, it was not possible in this table to account for intracategorial or even intercategorial differences in function for each item. For example, the uses of to as nominal conjunction, quotative particle, and subordinate conjunction could not be distinguished. In such cases, however, one or another of the functions generally occurs with such great frequency that

Lexical Maintenance and Attrition

141

little or no change would have resulted in the rankings even if such distinctions had been possible at this stage. In the case of ano, for example, there are two possible functions—as a filler expression and as a prenominal demonstrative. In fact, however, the demonstrative use of ano occurs very rarely in the data.

6 Not a Total Loss: The Attrition of Japanese Negation over Three Decades Lynne Hansen

Little is known of the effect on a language of long-term discontinuation or reduction of its use. The fledgling field of language attrition, not yet two decades old, has seen few longitudinal studies over extended periods (but see de Bot & Clyne 1989). Some information on attrition over several decades is available, however, from cross-sectional studies of the first language (L1) loss of immigrants (de Bot et al. 1991) and of forgetting a second language (L2) learned at school (Bahrick 1984a, b; de Bot & Lintsen 1986; Grendel et al. 1995). This chapter provides new perspectives on long-term attrition through an examination after several decades of a second language that had been acquired in a natural milieu. Through an analytical focus on negated structures, evidence is brought to bear on theories of regression and critical thresholds in L2 attrition. One of the principal insights gained from recent work in language acquisition is the existence of developmental stages in the learning of grammar. Thus it was natural for language attrition researchers to ask whether the same stages are traversed in reverse order as a language is forgotten. This notion of language loss as a mirror opposite of language learning is not a new one in linguistics. Jakobson's (1941) monograph on the parallels between diachronic language change, L1 acquisition, and aphasia portrayed language loss as an unfolding in reverse order of previously acquired forms. In the language attrition literature this view has come to be known as the regression hypothesis (see Chapter 1, this volume for a brief review; for a more detailed historical overview of relevant research, see de Bot and Weltens 1991). Surprisingly little research has been done to test a hypothesis that has attracted the attention of linguists over half a century. Although some earlier investigations examined, in a peripheral way, the existence of regression in the morphosyntax of attriting languages (Cohen 1975; Ervin-Tripp 1974; Hansen 142

The Attrition of Japanese Negation

143

1980; Godsall-Myers 1981), only recently has the hypothesis become a central focus of a few studies (de Bot & Lintsen 1989; Hedgcock 1991; Jordens et al. 1989; Olshtain 1989). The requirements that have to be met in studying regression may have had a constraining effect on investigation in the past. For one thing, only those linguistic structures that appear to develop gradually and in a fixed order can be used, a relatively small number of phenomena (Ellis 1994). Furthermore, language acquisition research has shown no reliable connection between the sequencing of input and the order of acquisition. Thus, to test for regression in particular subjects, one needs information on their acquisition sequences in the attriting language, or such evidence must at least be available from highly comparable groups. An additional requirement is assessments of the proficiency levels originally attained by the attriters or by comparable groups. "The higher the proficiency level, the better the language retention" is one of the generalizations emerging from recent attrition research (for a review, see Chapter 1, this volume). In other words, those who are more proficient will be less vulnerable to loss. In connection with this finding, a critical threshold of language proficiency has been suggested beyond which language skills are durable even under circumstances of drastic reduction of exposure (Neisser 1984). Ishiguro (1994) postulates two such thresholds, one for productive skills and a separate one for receptive. Rather than one or two critical threshholds, one might also posit a continuum of proficiency levels that relate to retention. In this view, we would expect to find differences in L2 durability even between very proficient groups of learners who had achieved varying high levels of language proficiency. In examining the L2 attrition of such learners of Japanese, the present study focuses on negation, an aspect of morphosyntax acquired gradually in a sequence of stages and thus well suited for the study of language regression. The attrition of negation in Japanese is of particular interest because of the typological difference between this language and others that have been examined in attrition studies. In Japanese the negators used for propositional negation are bound morphemes suffixed to the element being negated.2 This negated predicate can be a verb, noun, nominal adjective, or adjective. Japanese features numerous different negative morphemes, and the particular one used depends on the tense, nonpast or past, as well as the politeness level, informal or formal. The resulting complexity in Japanese negation is shown in Table 6.1. Japanese verbal morphology is agglutinative, with inflectional suffixes marking tense, aspect, voice, mood, negation, causation, conditionality, and so forth. As Table 6.1 shows, for verbs the expression of negation in nonpast informal utterances is accomplished by the attachment of the negative suffix -nai to the verb stem; in past informal -nakatta is attached to the stem. In formal nonpast the ending -masu is inflected to the negative form, -masen; past tense is formed by adding -deshita, the past tense of formal copula -desu. An alternative way of expressing negation in formal style is to simply add the formal copula -desu to each of the informal nonpast or past forms. To negate nouns in the informal style in Japanese, -ja-nai is added to nonpast tense forms, -ja-nakatta to past tense. In formal style nominal expressions, -ari-

144

The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language Table 6.1. Negation Patterns in Japanese Nonpast

Informal

Formal

V-nai

V-masen V-nai-desu N-ja-arimasen N-ja-nai-desu NA-ja-arimasen N-ja-nai-desu A-ku-arimasen A-ku-nai-desu V-masen-deshita V-nakatta-desu N-ja-nakatta-deshita N-ja-nakatta-desu NA-ja-nakatta-deshita N-ja-nakatta-desu A-ku-arimasen-deshita A-ku-nakatta-desu

N-ja-nai NA-ja-nai A-ku-nai Past

V-nakatta N-ja-nakatta NA-ja-nakatta A-ku-nakatta

masen replaces informal negator -nai in sentence-final position. Formal past negation is formed with the addition of -deshita. Two morphological classes of adjectives exist in Japanese, regular adjectives (A) and nominal adjectives (NA). The latter have the same negation patterns as for nouns. That is, to express negation, NA is followed by -ja plus negator -nai. For past tense -nai changes to -nakatta. The patterns for formal-style nominal adjectives in the negative are the same as for nouns. All regular adjectives end with the vowel -i. In the negative the -i is dropped and the adjective inflected to its -ku form, followed by negator -nai in final position. For past tense negation nai is inflected to nakatta. In formal style a negative adjective is formed by adding the formal negator arimasen to the -ku adjectival inflection. An alternative way of forming the formal style negation is simply to add desu to the informal negative forms, as in the case of verbal negation. Negated structures develop hand-in-hand with other aspects of the language in a succession of stages, furnishing evidence on a learner's level of development. In addition to a body of research on children's L1 acquisition of Japanese negation (see Clancy 1985 for an overview), investigations have recently focused on the sequence of stages traversed by English-speaking learners of Japanese as a second language (Hansen-Strain & Iwata 1992; Hansen-Strain 1992; Kanagy 1991; 1994), including one on the same population of adults examined in the present attrition study (Hansen, in preparation). Thus, a prime requisite for testing the regression hypothesis can be met: Acquisition data are available from individuals comparable with the attriters. In her investigation of 34 JSL learners in the United States, Kanagy (1991), elicited oral production data containing negated structures four times over a six month period. From her analysis of these data the researcher found the acquisition order of Japanese negation by predicate category to be V-Neg and N-Neg->

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145

A-Neg (NA-Neg and N-Neg are combined as one category in the analysis, perhaps because the forms are identical). That is, verbal and nominal negation are learned before adjectival negation. The nature of the errors that are reported to persist in the adjectival forms is not clear from the discussion. Evidence compatible with the order found by Kanagy (1991) is reported in Hansen-Strain's (1992) study of the effects of a break in instruction on the L2 Japanese of high school students in Hawaii. Using the same negative elicitation instrument as the present study, verbal negation in the speech of these teenagers was found to be correct significantly more often than either nominal or adjectival negation, with no evidence of loss over the summer vacation. In fact, in one aspect of Japanese negation, tense, the subjects' utterances were more native like after the break than before. The majority of errors on adjectival forms, both before and after the break, were due to overgeneralization of one or a few forms to all predicates. The most frequently used forms were -masen or -nai, the negators appropriate for verbal predicates. More directly relevant to the research at hand, Hansen (in preparation) collected cross-sectional data from over 200 missionaries learning Japanese in Japan, representatives of the same population sampled in this investigation. Data from the same elicitation task, together with data from a story retelling, yields the following order of acquisition: V-Neg -> N-Neg -> NA-Neg -> A-Neg. Based on these findings, the attrition order of predicate categories in Japanese negation predicted by regression theory is A-Neg -> NA-Neg -> N-Neg -> V-Neg. With regard to the investigation of the attrition of Japanese negation, two recent studies have examined groups of Americans who learned Japanese as a second language in natural environments in Japan, one group comprised of children (Hansen-Strain & Iwata 1992), the other of adults (Hansen-Strain 1992). A longitudinal study of two children over two and a half years following their return from Japan to the United States examined the attrition order of negation by predicate category. Evidence is provided in both spontaneous and elicited data from both children of a regression of forms as their second language gradually began to deteriorate. The earliest errors, and the only ones found in negated utterances for many months, were on adjectives and nominal adjectives, most frequently involving substitution of an NA negator on an A form, but also a few examples of substitution of an A negator on an NA form. Similar evidence comes from speech samples collected over a two-year period from recently returned missionaries who had served in Japan (a subset of the pool of subjects also drawn from by Russell, this volume) (Hansen-Strain 1993). The attrition found in these longitudinal date is slight. The relatively few errors in negation over time are all on adjectives and nominal adjectives as in the speech of the children, lending support again to the notion that the last learned is first forgotten. The present study examines the loss of Japanese negation in more advanced attriters. In so doing, the following questions are addressed: (1) Does regression theory predict the patterns of long-term loss? That is, in the forgetting of negated predicates is the attrition order: A-Neg and NA-Neg -> N-Neg -> V-Neg?

146

The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language

(2) How do attrition levels of advanced learners of Japanese relate to the lengths of time originally spent in intensive use of the language in Japan? And how do their rates and stages of loss relate to notions of critical thresholds in L2 attrition?

Method Subjects The subjects were 30 middle-aged Americans who had learned Japanese while working as missionaries in Japan in their early twenties. Native speakers of English with no previous exposure to Japanese, they acquired fluent competence of the spoken language through daily interaction with native speakers in the target culture. These returned missionaries (RMs) with incubation periods over 25 years were part of a pilot study for a larger investigation of the acquisition and attrition of Japanese by missionaries (Hansen, in preparation). As Table 6.2 shows, three subgroups were selected based on length of time in Japan: (1) 10 women who had spent 24 months, (2) 10 men who had spent 30 months (received mission calls after 1959), and (3) 10 men who spent 36 months (received mission calls before 1959). The particular length of time in the target culture for an individual was determined by the sponsoring church's policy at the time of the mission call.3 An unusual attribute of these L2 learners was that, rather than being selfselected, they were directed to learn a foreign language. The location of missionary activity is not known by an individual at the time of application to serve, a large proportion of applicants being sent to English-speaking rather than foreign language areas. Upon completion of their missions, the subjects returned to an English language environment in the western United States. Exposure to Japanese after their return was reported as infrequent. Members of the population who have Japanese spouses or who otherwise reported regular use of the language were not included in the sample. Data from two control groups were also collected: (1) 10 Japanese university students in their early twenties, and (2) 32 American missionaries in their early twenties who served two-year missions. They were tested within two months before their release date in Japan or two months after it in the United States.

Table 6.2. Three Groups Based on Length of Exposure to Japanese Group

n

Age

Sex

Months in Japan

Years since Mission

1 2 3

10 10 10

48-60 46-53 56-62

Female male male

24 30 36

25-34 25-32 33-37

The Attrition of Japanese Negation

147

Data Collection and Instrument The data reported here were collected from returned missionaries in Utah during June and July of 1993. Most were found through lists acquired from RM groups and were contacted initially by telephone. Some were located by word of mouth from other subjects at data collection times. Of those contacted, 94% agreed to participate. This involved giving an hour of their time for the elicitation tasks (in many cases the time actually spent was much longer), with a small remuneration offered but most often declined. The subjects were interviewed individually in their home, office, or in an office on a university campus. After filling out a survey form, five elicitation tasks were completed in the following order: (1) listening comprehension test, (2) numeral classifier elicitation, (3) negative elicitation, (4) story retelling, and (5) controlled oral monologues. The present report is based on data from just one of these, the negative elicitation. In this task, sixteen drawings are used to elicit the 16 negation types illustrated in Table 6.1. Each drawing depicts a scene in which a "salary man," an office worker named Tadao, is conversing with one of two interlocutors, either his lifelong friend and coworker, Yuko, or his new boss, an older man, Mr. Tanaka. The subject is asked to take the role of Tadao in the interactions. For each of the six-teen items the scene is briefly described in English. Then the investigator, taking the role of either Yuko or Mr. Tanaka, poses a question in Japanese that would naturally be asked in the pictured situation and which requires a negated response. Tadao's reply, supplied by the subject, is written on an answer sheet by the investigator. The answers were later coded to yield separate scores for accuracy of form, tense, and formality level4 and also for accuracy for the four predicate types: verb, noun, nominal adjective, and adjective.

Findings Mean scores for form and tense on the negation elicitation task are given in Table 6.3. Notice the group differences here which appear to lend support to the hypothesis that the longer the exposure, the better the retention. The missionaries who had been longest in Japan, Group 3, scored highest, even though they had been away from a Japanese environment for the longest time. Group 1, who had spent the shortest time in Japan, scored lowest. In scoring "form," a point is given for any negator that would be grammatically correct on the given predicate category (independent of the appropriateness of the tense). Notice in this category that a significant difference occurs at the >.01 level between Group 1 and Group 3; likewise for the total score between Group 1 and Groups 2 and 3. The near-native scores of the recently released missionaries, tested within two months of the completion of their 24 month missions, are useful in establishing the proficiency level achieved in Japanese negation by young adults after two years as missionaries. From these data, supported by cross-sectional acquisition data from the same population (reported in Hansen, in preparation), we

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The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language

Table 6.3. Mean Scores for Form and Tense on the Negation Picture Task Group 1 (24 months)

Group 2 (30 months)

Group3 (36 months)

Missionaries (24 months)

Native Speakers

X

SD

X

SD

x

SD

X

SD

X

Form*

5.2

.89

9.5

.70

12.2

.68

15.3

.55

16.0

Tense

9.3

.97

12.2

.86

11.6

.60

15.3

.64

15.4

.32

14.5

.93

21.7

.78

23.8

.64

30.6

.59

31.4

.18

Total**

SD 0

Notes: * > .01 between Group 1 and Group 3 ** > .01 between Group 1 and Groups 2, 3

assume that the subjects in the present study had acquired command of form and tense in Japanese negated structures by the time they left Japan. Table 6.4 shows scores separately for negation on each of the four predicate types. With regard to the group differences shown between the returned missionaries, we see a similar pattern to that shown in Table 6.3. Notice that for negation on nouns, scores are significantly lower for Group 1 than for Group 3; on nominal adjectives scores are significantly lower for Group 1 than for Groups 2 and 3. Again, these data indicate that the big losers are the women in Group 1. The advantage in retention apparently accrued to the males, Groups 2 and 3, who experienced longer periods of exposure to Japanese. On verbal negations, however, relatively high scores were recorded for all three groups. For more advanced attriters, the default negators tend to have become those used on verbs in the target language, resulting in relatively high scores for this predicate type. Adjectival negation, on the other hand, exhibits evidence of the greatest deterioration, with relatively low scores across groups. Thus on Table 6.4 we see that the predictions of the regression hypothesis are borne out. Negation formed on verbs, predicted to be lost last, is the most robust

Table 6.4. Mean Scores by Predicate Type on the Negation Picture Task Group 1 (24 months)

Group 2 (30 months)

Group 3 (36 months)

Missionaries (24 months)

Native Speakers

X

SD

X

SD

X

SD

X

SD

X

SD

Verb

6.1

.86

6.5

5.60

6.4

.54

7.9

.10

8.0

0

Noun*

2.1

1.03

4.6

.83

5.4

.97

7.4

.34

7.9

.21

Nom. Adj.**

1.8

1.76

3.9

1.17

4.4

1.01

7.1

.58

7.7

.32

Adjective

1.2

1.92

2.0

1.26

2.2

1.33

7.2

.53

7.8

.25

* > .01 between Group I and Group 3 ** > .01 between Group 1 and Groups 2, 3

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The Attrition of Japanese Negation

for each of the groups; negation formed on adjectives, predicted to be lost first, is least robust. These data provide a basis for inferring an attrition sequence for Japanese negation. Table 6.5 shows the number of subjects from each subgroup appearing to be at each of four stages. Just one subject among the thirty has a "near-native" score. He is also the only one among them who reported gaining and retaining competence in written Japanese. The only regular L2 input reported over many years had been his weekly attempts to read from the scriptures in Japanese, suggesting the potential importance of, literacy as a factor in long-term retention. The errors in negated structures produced by seven of the subjects are exclusively on A-Neg, generally involving the substitution of nominal adjectival (-ja) forms for the appropriate adjectival (-ku) forms. For 18 of the respondents, the A-Neg forms—the forms with ku—have disappeared from the spoken elicitations. Again, these are most often replaced by the NA-Neg forms with ja-. These subjects also make errors on nominal and nominal adjective forms but fewer than on verbal negation. Four of the subjects, all in Group 1, had regressed to a stage found in beginning learners (Hansen-Strain 1992), the overgeneralization to one or two forms for all negated utterances. Interestingly, in each of these cases V-Neg forms are used by the attriters, -nai or -masen or both.

Discussion Order of Loss In answer to the first research question concerning the order of loss of negated predicates, the findings show an attrition sequence that is congruent with the predictions of regression theory: A-Neg -> NA-Neg and N-Neg -> V-Neg. With attrition orders as with acquisition orders, however, it is not sufficient to posit a sequence without positing an explanation for that sequence. Table 6.5. Stages in the Loss of Negation Forms in Japanese Group 1

Group 2

Group 3

1 . Near-native forms

—

—

1

2.

A-Neg form erosion

—

3

4

3.

A-Neg form loss N- and NA- form erosion

6

7

5

4a. Overgeneralization (1 or 2 forms)

3

—

—

4b. Overgeneralization and L1 L1 word order

1

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The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language

The question of causality arises: Does the process of acquisition determine the process of attrition, or does the patterning of loss result from other constraints? Inasmuch as not all research findings have been as compatible with a "first learned (or best learned), last forgotten" hypothesis as those reported in the present study, the appropriate perspective appears not to be a dichotomous one. That is, the question to be asked is no longer whether regression is operative in the loss of grammatical structures (in some cases it appears to be, in others not), but rather when and under what conditions its predictions hold true, and what the causal mechanisms are. Given the mixed evidence to date, it appears that when an attrition sequence does mirror that of acquisition, as in the present study, the learning sequence does not in and of itself provide the blueprint for language loss. Explanations that attempt to ascribe singular causality for attrition orders seem destined to fail in their narrowness of approach, as they do for acquisition orders. For an understanding of the whole picture in developmental sequences, various factors, in addition to the sequence of acquisition, need to be explored, such as frequency in the input, perceptual saliency, features of the attriting as well as the replacing language, and considerations of markedness and language universals. Relationships between developmental sequences in learners' language and the frequency of forms in the target language input have been documented by a number of L2-acquisition researchers (Gass & Lakshmanan 1991; Larsen-Freeman 1976; Lightbown 1980). Similarly, in the present study, the comparative frequency of negated forms in spoken Japanese predict the sequences traversed in acquisition as well as attrition. Table 6.6 displays the frequencies in four oral monologues collected from thirty recently returned missionaries who had learned Japanese in Japan over a two year period5 (Hansen-Strain 1992). Notice on Table 6.6 that the overwhelming majority of exemplars, 1,798 of the 2,076 total negated utterances, are on verbs—the predicate type on which negation is learned earliest. Based on considerations of frequency, it is not surprising that verbal negation is also retained longest. But what of the other three types which have much lower frequencies? The adjectival arid nominal adjectival forms are difficult for English speakers to learn because the single form-class "adjective" in English is divided into these two seemingly arbitrary categories in Japanese. In attrition the question arises as to why, for these attriters, the NA type tends to win out over the A type. In this connection notice on Table 6.1 that both N-Neg and NA-Neg are appended by the identical -ja forms, giving them double duty in the language. The resulting increase in their salience 6 appears to contribute to greater resilience of the -ja forms in the speech of English-speaking attriters. This is apparent in the eventual superseding of the -ku forms by the more salient -ja in advanced stages of attrition. The accuracy of the clear predictions arising from considerations of frequency and salience suggests their potency in the interaction of elements which shape the course of language progression and regression. It may be that the more clear-cut the predictions of the contributing factors and the stronger their convergence on a learning sequence, the greater the tendency will be for that sequence to be inversely mirrored in the course of attrition.

151

The Attrition of Japanese Negation Table 6.6. Negation Frequencies by predicate Type in Oral Elicitations from 30 RMs Frequency

Verb

Noun

Nom. Adj

Adj

Total

1,798

84

81

113

2,076

Critical Threshold Our second research question concerns critical thresholds and the effects of 'time in Japan' on long-term retention. Through a comparison of three groups differentiated by the amount of time originally spent in intensive use of Japanese (24 months, 30 months, or 36 months), we find significant differences in their maintenance of target language negated structures after several decades of nonuse. The hypothesis that "the more you know, the less you lose" is supported. The ten men who had been away from Japan longest but had spent 36 months there tended to perform better on the negation task than the ten men who had spent only 30 months. Both of these groups tended to perform better than the ten women who had spent 24 months. In addition to these group differences, the immense individual differences in proficiency levels between the attriters are striking. Although such differences must also have existed at the end of the acquisition period, it is also the case that all of the subjects used Japanese every day for at least two years and were fluent speakers of the language upon departure from Japan. Based on the control group data, we assume that they all acquired the forms of Japanese negation. The legacy of years of nonuse reported here, however, seems to indicate that a critical threshold that "confers immunity on forgetting," to use Neisser's (1984) phrase, requires more than two years of daily language use in the target culture. After three decades some of the female subjects seemed unable to spontaneously produce anything more than a few numbers and formulaic expressions in the language they had known so well, nor was their performance on an aural comprehension test much above the level of chance. While half of these women were unable to do a story retelling task, all of the men who had spent three years in Japan were able to do so. Thus it appears that an additional year of intensive L2 exposure enhances considerably the prospects for long-term language maintenance. Future Research The design of the present study enables one to see the potential benefits of using the returned missionary population for testing hypotheses in language attrition. With regard to critical thresholds and the importance of proficiency level in long-term retention, the investigation of a larger group with varying exposure times may help substantiate the conclusions of this small pilot study (Hansen, in preparation).

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The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language

Two confounded variables in the present study, "time in Japan" and "sex" should be separated out in future work. While we have attributed lesser L2 maintenance of the females to their shorter period of exposure to Japanese, our attention is also drawn to the possible effects of gender in L2 learning and loss, particularly within the context of such a highly sex-differentiated language and culture as that of Japan. Inasmuch as the languages of men and women in Japanese are quite different, and because missionaries spend a large proportion of their time with same-sex interlocutors, the possibility of gender influences in acquisition and forgetting warrants investigation. Although sex differences in input do not appear to be relevant for the acquisition of the negated structures reported here (women presumably use the same proportions of negated forms in speech as men do), there are areas of gender difference in spoken Japanese that should be investigated in acquisition and attrition (e.g. vocabulary, and sociopragmatic aspects of language use). The role of types of L2 exposure and instruction on language maintenance could also be elucidated in studies of missionary language through comparisons of the retention of groups who had two months of intensive L2 instruction at the outset of their missions with groups who had none (as the subjects in the present study). Nagasawa's (this volume) finding of an apparent disadvantage in retention for learners who experienced immersion with no explicit instruction during their initial exposure to the language begs further investigation. Another fertile area for investigation is the influence of literacy on keeping a second language. Comparisons should be made between the L2 maintenance of returned missionary groups who remain largely illiterate in their second language during their period of service (such as those who learn Japanese and Chinese) with groups who attain high levels of L2 literacy through daily reading (such as those who learn Korean or numerous European languages). All in all, the potential of an agenda for research on the attrition of missionary languages can be summed up by a watchword of the missionaries, "the field is white already to harvest."7

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153

Notes 1. The title was suggested by Margit Waas. 2. The term "negator" is used differently in this chapter than by Japanese linguists in their theoretical analyses of the language (McGloin 1986; Oishi 1986). For example, in the construction A-ku-nai-desu, ku has been analyzed by linguists as a separate morpheme, inflector of the A predicate, rather than as part of the negator. However, because the analysis of learner data indicates that learners use -ku-nai-desu (or -kuarimasen, -ja-nai, etc.) as unanalysed chunks, our reference to "negators" in this chapter will be to these chunks as distinct patterns of negation. 3. The sponsoring church was the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (the Mormons). For an overview of missionary work in Japan during the period of service of the subjects reported in this study, see Britsch (1992), Katanuma (1973), and Takagi & Mclntyre (1996). 4. The data from the control group revealed that the instrument is less than effective in its measurement of the "politeness" dimension. Therefore, the analysis reported here includes only "form" and "tense." 5. The oral monologues were elicited from 30 recently returned missionaries. After hearing a scenario description, the subjects were given four minutes to supply the Japanese discourse appropriate to the situation. The frequencies in Table 6.6 are taken from data elicited from four of the scenarios: (1) telling the story of Joseph Smith's first vision to a Japanese couple, (2) explaining the reason for baptism to a young Japanese man, (3) sharing plans for the next 5-10 years with a Japanese friend, and (4) talking about the differences between American and Japanese culture and society to a Japanese man met on an airplane. The monologues were audiotaped and transcribed, and the negated structures were written on tally sheets for the analysis. Similar frequency proportions as shown in Table 6.7 were also found in data elicited in the same way from a control group of ten native-speaking returned missionaries. 6. Salience here is understood as "the availability of input," the definition given in a recent discussion of markedness and salience in L2 acquisition (Bardovi-Harlig 1987). 7. "Lift up your eyes and look on the fields; for they are white already to harvest" was said by Jesus as he called the attention of his disciples to an approaching multitude of Samaritans coming over the fields (John 4:35). Similarly, in modern revelations He says, "Behold, the field is white already to harvest; therefore whoso desireth to reap, let him thrust in his sickle with his might" (Doctrine & Covenants 6:3; see also 4:4; 11:3; 33:7). In these cases "white field" refers to an abundant harvest of souls. In the present context, the "white field" analogy is used to refer to missionary populations in the hundreds of thousands whose L2 loss could be investigated.

7 Testing the Regression Hypothesis: The Remains of the Japanese Negation System in Micronesia Brenda Hayashi

The present study is a replication of the research reported in the previous chapter. Despite a growing trend over several decades toward quantitative research in applied linguistics, this important aspect of it, replication, has scarcely begun. According to Santos (1989:700), "What is considered standard procedure (replication studies) in other disciplines that hypothesize, quantify, and generalize is ignored in ours.. . . We have reached the point in applied linguistics where there is enough research to make replication of some of it not only worthwhile, but also necessary to advance the field." And in this same vein, Olshtain (1989:164), at the conclusion of her article, "Is Second Language Attrition the Reversal of Second Language Acquisition?" states that "it is only through comparison and validation of previous work that attrition studies can progress and contribute to the overall field of second language acquisition research." In the spirit of these comments, the present study attempts to verify previous findings on the progression and regression of Japanese negation. It is a replication of the study of the second language (L2) attrition of middle-aged Americans reported by Hansen (see Chapter 6, this volume), carried out with elderly Micronesian subjects who had been taught the language in their childhood during the Japanese occupation of their islands. To begin with, some general information on Micronesia is provided as background to the study.

Background on Micronesia Japan started its moves to acquire Micronesia during World War I by declaring war on Germany, the colonial ruler of the territory. By doing so, Japan placed itself on the side of the victorious Allied forces. Once hostilities had ended, the League of Nations formally mandated control of Micronesia to Japan, thus giving 154

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it a free hand to develop the infrastructure and administration necessary to annex the area. Japan continued its rule of Micronesia for the next 30 years, leaving the area only after being defeated in World War II and ousted from the South Pacific1 by the victorious Americans. Japanese administrators of Micronesia proudly asserted that the establishment of a school system was one of their major accomplishments. The Micronesian pupils were first taught by Japanese naval officers and workers from Nanyoo Kohatsu Company, but they were soon entrusted to trained civilian teachers. Officials from the Ministry of Education set up policies and guidelines for the instruction of the children and established elementary schools (shoogakkoo) in each of the administrative stations in the South Pacific—Jaluit, Ponape, Truk, Saipan, Yap, and Palau.2 The pupils were given rudimentary instruction in the Japanese language, arithmetic, music (i.e., singing), geography, and the benevolence of the Japanese emperor (Shuster 1979:20; Peattie 1988:91), as well as a skill or handicraft (e.g., weaving or carving) that would be useful in daily life. In 1922, the South Seas government issued regulations for public schools that reorganized the school system and educational guidelines; at the same time, it declared that educational objectives for Micronesian children should be moral guidance, knowledge necessary for improvement of their lives, and physical development training. The school system for these children consisted of a basic three-year primary education course (honka) in the "public schools" (koogakkoo), with a supplementary two-year course (hoshuuka) for promising bright pupils. Pupils started school around the age of eight; those who lived in atolls far away often enrolled a year or two later. By this time there were seventeen public schools for Micronesians—two in Saipan, two in Yap, five in Palau, two in Truk, four in Ponape, and two in Jaluit. Theoretically, the curriculum of the native public school, the koogakkoo, was similar to that of the Japanese primary school.3 But in reality, half of the school hours during the three-year course were devoted to Japanese-language instruction. The language-heavy curriculum did include various content subjects, such as geography, history, and science in addition to grammar and reading, yet all the textbooks in the three-year honka course were language readers. The 1934 annual report to the League of Nations on the South Seas Islands under Japanese mandate (Shuster 1979:23) describes the essential aim of the language teaching as to teach ordinary words, characters in daily use and easy written language; to make the pupils fluent in the practical application of what they have been taught; to foster in them the ability to express themselves correctly in the language, especially to enable them to acquire such degree of mastery as will enable them to experience no hindrance in using the language in daily life, special stress being laid on practice; as well as to develop their intellectual and moral capabilities. In order to reach these objectives, the use of the vernacular was banned. Although a grace period of three months to a year prevailed in the first year, corporal punishment was meted out to any offending pupil.

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In the supplemental two-year hoshuuka classes, emphasis was again on language learning, but there was more world history, geography, science, arts, handicrafts, arithmetic, gardening or agriculture, and physical education. Most subjects were taught by rote memorization and group reading of a passage was the method used for teaching reading. Academic achievement was rewarded and failure punished either by beatings or the "opportunity" to perform demeaning chores. For most Micronesian children, chances for formal education ended at the end of the fifth year, upon graduation from the hoshuuka course. However, there were some opportunities, albeit quite limited, for some of the luckier ones. For example, some boys were able to go to enter the highly prestigious Carpentry Apprentice Training School in Koror, Palau. Since only the top thirty students a year were allowed to enroll in the two-year course at the school,4 time spent on Japanese language instruction could be kept to a minimum and more time devoted to the theory and practice of carpentry.5 Other lucky children were those Micronesians who happened to have a Japanese parent or who were adopted by a Japanese family; for them, further educational opportunities in secondary or tertiary schooling were available in Japan. By the 1930s, 24 koogakkoo had been established, and more than 50% of Micronesian children were enrolled in school (but on the island of Palau the number was close to 100%). For those living on the larger islands, education was compulsory, but for those living on isolated atolls, formal education was possible only if the village chief selected them to be sent to a larger island for schooling. The non-Japanese mission schools were relegated to the role of supplemental education once the South Seas government permitted them to reopen; although they had been allowed to serve as an alternative to the koogakkoo before, they were no longer given the privilege once government-sponsored public education took off in the 1920s. How much language was actually acquired by the Micronesian pupils through the koogakkoo system? The renowned colonial scholar and economist Yanaihara Tadao visited the islands during the 1930s and reported that upon graduation from hoshuuka, Micronesian pupils were able to read and write hiragana, the second of the three syllabic writing systems taught to Japanese, which roughly corresponds with the level attained by native Japanese children in their third year of elementary school (Yanaihara 1963a:333, and 1963b: 193-197). From his observation of classrooms, he learned that the teachers used Japanese as the medium of instruction and tried to avoid relying on interpretation by the assistant teacher (i.e., the Micronesian jokyoin) as much as possible. His account of a pupil recalling a terrifying event to his teacher not only illustrates how the pupils learned enough Japanese to convey messages or stories but also how use of the native language and interpretation was forbidden (with the unfortunate result of the teacher sometimes misconstruing the meaning of the tale). Critical of the koogakkoo system, Yanaihara goes on to say that the majority of the pupils later forgot much of what they had learned in the schools because of the lack of opportunity to use the language. While the koogakkoo system itself did not provide opportunities to all pupils to use Japanese after graduation, it did aim to train the children to read, in hope

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that they could continue reading Japanese even after leaving school (Nanyoocho 1926:28). Sanchez (1984:48-50) states that the emphasis on reading and writing in an intensive six-month course on Guam produced a group of pupils who could act as jokyoin, the assistant teachers, and that they were able to converse comfortably with Japanese officials. For regular pupils, restricting the curriculum to reading and writing resulted in children who could read and write katakana easily after their first year in school and converse with Japanese and Saipanese interpreters using words, phrases, and sentences appropriate for their age and language development.

The study Recent studies such as those by Hansen (1993) and Kanagy (1994) examine the complex negation system in Japanese (shown in detail in Table 6.1 in the previous chapter) and its acquisition by English-speaking learners of the language. They found the following negation acquisition sequence: negation of verb (VNeg) -> negation of noun (N-Neg) -> negation of nominal adjective (NA-Neg) -> negation of adjective (A-Neg)6 According to the regression hypothesis (see review in Chapter 1), which states that the last learned is first forgotten, we would then expect to find the following attrition order for L2 Japanese negation : A-Neg -> NA-Neg -> N-Neg -> V-Neg. This is, in fact, the order that was found for the American population sampled by Hansen (see Chapter 6). In addition, the L2 of the subjects who had spent the longest time in Japan, three years, was more resilient to loss than that of those who spent only two years. Unlike the subjects in the Hansen (1993) and Kanagy (1994) studies, however, the Micronesian subjects were children at the time of language training. Their first language is also different. The purpose of the present study is to address the question of whether the regression of negation in the speech of the Micronesians has followed the same pattern as found in the previous studies: ANeg -> NA-Neg -> N-Neg -> V-Neg. Since some of the subjects spent three years at Japanese schools (those who graduated from honka) and some spent five years (those who continued on and graduated from hoshuuka), we will also investigate whether the additional two years in school correlates with greater retention of L2 negated structures.

Method Subjects Twenty-five elderly Micronesians who are former pupils of the koogakkoo system (see Table 7.1 in Appendix) participated in this study. Some had lived on islands with a large Japanese immigrant population, thus picking up a little Japanese before going to school. But for the most part, their first serious encounter with the Japanese language began when they started school, usually

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around the age of eight. In the first three months or so, they were taught by a Japanese teacher working in conjunction with an "assistant teacher," a bright native Micronesian who had once been a pupil himself and could serve as a facilitator and interpreter for both the teacher and the pupils. It was not expected that the children would understand the teacher, and vice versa, so the grace period of three months to a year was granted, during which the use of the vernacular was not forbidden or punished. Some subjects were required to go to a Japanese shrine to pray before going to school. Activities at school started around 7:30 or 8:00, with everyone performing calisthenics in the school yard, standing at attention as the Japanese flag was raised, bowing in the direction of the Emperor's palace in Japan, singing the Japanese anthem, 7 followed by a speech given by the principal in which he exhorted his charges to study hard and become good subjects of the emperor. Lessons then commenced. Both principals and teachers frequently repeated "rules" such as "Don't tell lies" or "Put things back in their proper place after using them." In the lower grades, pupils went home in the afternoon; in the upper grades, there were lessons after lunch and then time for "practical training" such as farmwork. Many of the subjects ran errands for Japanese people after school, thus making a little pocket money and having opportunities to actually use the language they were being taught in school. By the time children left the three-year honka course, they had been taught the two syllabic writing systems, katakana and hiragana, as well as easy kanji (in that order). As mentioned previously, the textbooks were used as language readers but covered a variety of subjects: arithmetic, history, geography, natural sciences, and ethics. The textbooks used in the hoshuuka followed a similar pattern. The textbooks used by the subjects differed slightly, depending on which version their teachers used; some of the periodically revised texts included chapters in which topics related to Micronesian customs or life were included. Opportunities for employment under the Japanese were available for the subjects who lived in areas where there was a large Japanese presence. Few, if any, chances to use the Japanese language were available to the subjects or any other native islander once Japan surrendered to the Allied forces and was ousted from the islands. Being virtually banished, Japanese people and their overt influence were absent in Micronesia for approximately thirty years. Starting in the late 1960s, small groups of Japanese interested in recovering the remains of loved ones lost in the war ventured into Micronesia. For many of the subjects, ties with former acquaintances or employers were renewed, and the chance to use Japanese presented itself once again. Some started corresponding (i.e., reading and writing in Japanese) with friends, while others attempted once again to read Japanese novels or magazines. The more fortunate ones have had a chance to visit Japan. Now with Japanese tourism and other commercial interests in Micronesia, these elderly Japanese-speaking islanders find it very easy to become tourist guides, hotel personnel, or taxi drivers if they wish. While the surrounding tourist industry is definitely geared toward Japanese, everything else in their life is, at the moment, more American than Japanese, especially since their children and grandchildren are being educated under an American-style

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system. When they want to keep a secret from their non-Japanese speaking relatives, they sometimes resort to using Japanese. They also use it as a lingua franca in senior citizen centers on islands such as Saipan or Rota, where Micronesians with different first languages gather. In 1991 and 1992, many former koogakkoo pupils cooperated in research conducted by this writer that featured interviews conducted in Japanese between them and a native speaker of Japanese. The interviews were informal in nature, featuring questions about things such as the family, education, impressions of life during the years of the Japanese mandate, and opinions of changes in values and lifestyle under the present American system. The subjects were also asked to read copies of school readers used in the koogakkoo system, repeat sentences constructed expressly for the purpose of eliciting data on pronunciation and accent retention, and tell a story based on pictorial cues. All of this was audiotaped and transcribed. Despite the initial disclaimers by many of the subjects that they could not communicate in Japanese, most were able to understand both instructions and questions in Japanese and to convey their thoughts to the interviewers. In addition, most could still read the koogakkoo readers presented to them (even if the textbook was different from the one they had used at school) at varying levels of fluency. The data reported on in this study are from a 1996 follow-up study of the earlier project in which 25 elderly Micronesians presently living on Pohnpei and Saipan participated. Data collection and instrument As a replication of Hansen's work reported in Chapter 6 (this volume), this study employed the same negative elicitation task. During data collection a native speaker of Japanese asked the subject questions, related to 16 pictures in which situations had been constructed to elicit 16 different types of negative responses for verbs, nouns, nominal adjectives, and adjectives. Because many of the subjects did not understand English, they were given instructions in their native language to take the role of one of the people depicted in the pictures and to respond in Japanese the best they could. The responses were audiotaped and written down on an answer sheet. These were later coded on the basis of accuracy of form and appropriate tense for the four predicate types: verb, noun, nominal adjective, and adjective. A point was given for any form that can be used on a particular predicate category in Japanese—for example, tabenakatta and tabemasen would be given a point in the verb category. Regardless of the appropriateness of other aspects of the utterance, a point was given for correct tense marker in the same manner—both tabenakatta and tabemashita nai would be given a point.

Results and Discussion Table 7.2 shows the mean scores for form and tense for the four predicate types. One-way ANOVAs and post hoc Scheffes were run to see if the differences

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Table 7.2. Mean Scores for Form and Tense on Negation Picture Task Verb

Form* Tense**

Noun

Nom. Adj.

Adjective

X

SD

X

SD

X

SD

X

SD

3.92 3.12

.28 .73

3.84 2.04

.55 .35

3.56 2.20

.51 .64

3.32 2.28

.75 .79

Notes: n = 25 *p < 0.05 between adjective and verb, and adjective and noun ** p < 0.05 between verb and noun, verb and nominal adjective, and verb and adjective.

between these means are significant. In the attrition order hypothesized by Hansen (this volume) and substantiated by her study (A-Neg -> NA-Neg -> NNeg -> V-Neg), verbal negation is the most resilient of the four predicate types. The data summarized in Table 7.2 provides further evidence for this inasmuch as the mean score for verb is the highest among the predicate types, significantly higher than the mean for adjectives, nominal adjectives, and nouns. In addition, further evidence for the hypothesized order is seen in the higher scores on nominal negation than on adjectival in the form category. It is interesting to note in these data that there is no difference between adjective and nominal adjective accuracy, despite the fact that JSL teachers of adults often find that usage of nominal adjectives remains problematic for some, otherwise seemingly advanced, L2 students. Such speakers sometimes confuse adjective and nominal adjective forms in other contexts (e.g., improperly using the adjective form for suki and saying suki kara rather than suki dakara), indicating that these learners may be categorizing nominal adjectives and adjectives on the basis of semantics (Sumiko Takahashi, personal communication). In this study, the only error found in nominal adjective forms was the use of suki-nai rather than suki-ja nai: this was elicited from a subject whose Japanese language skills had been judged good enough to work as an assistant teacher in the koogakoo system. Kanagy (1994) collapsed the nominal adjective category with nouns in her study, probably because the forms are identical, yet the results here reveal that a closer examination of how the relation between nominal adjective and adjective is realized in the minds of the subjects is an area that needs further investigation. In the elicitation task, rather common, frequently used lexicon were tested, so it may be that our subjects remembered them in chunks, as formulaic expressions. Retesting with less commonly used lexicon may allow us to scrutinize more closely the subjects' knowledge and performance of nominal adjectives and adjectives. Errors in the adjective category were of the following two types: (1) correct usage of -ku- but insertion of -ja between -ku and nai, resulting in a form such as atsuku-ja nai, or (2) non use of -ku and use of -ja nai, giving rise to wakai ja nai. In both patterns, we see that the subjects seem to be relying on -ja nai, the form used with nouns, as a negation marker. Let us assume, for the moment, that in the attrition sequence, adjectives are more likely to be lost than nouns. It would come as no surprise then that subjects whose hold on the language was weakening would retain forms related to nouns more than those connected with

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adjectives and may even resort to the strategy of using those negation markers in all situations. In other words, we may be witnessing a case of overgeneralization, the last stage suggested by Hansen (see Table 6.5 in Chapter 6, this volume). Errors in the noun category were few, but two distinct trends were found: (1) the particular lexicon ao ("blue") was changed from its noun form to an adjective, resulting in aokunai or one of the incorrect forms mentioned above, and (2) nonuse of -ja nai after the noun, and using the pragmatic negation marker chigau (e.g., ringo de chigau). The first type of error may be a strategy to compensate for a form that does not come out smoothly in production, inasmuch as this phenomenon was found only with the word ao. The second, the use of chigau rather than noun + ja nai, was found in the data of only two subjects. Interestingly enough, correct usage of verb, nominal adjective, and adjective negation was found in their data. In one of the two subjects, incorrect form usage was found in one case of adjectival use and the rest with nouns: She apparently negates all nouns with the pragmatic chigau . Accuracy in the use of tense also differs according to predicate, as Table 7.2 data illustrate: There is a significant difference between accuracy between the verb and noun, nominal adjective, and adjective. Once again, the data seem to point to the fact that negation of the verb is less likely to deteriorate than negation of other predicates. Errors in tense were found to be of one kind: Subjects did not use a past tense marker, so all responses were in the nonpast form, whether for contexts dealing with nouns, nominal adjectives, adjectives, or verbs. The only correct usage of tense was found in the verb category, suggesting that verbs are more robust in terms of retention. (In the interview data collected earlier, there is evidence of correct usage of past tense negation, but here again, tokens were found mainly in the verb category.) Let us now turn to the question of a critical threshold: Does length of formal language study affect retention? In the previous chapter, we saw that the language retention of Hansen's female missionary subjects, who had two years of language exposure, was significantly different from that of fellow missionaries who had had used the Japanese language for an additional year. Does the extra year really make a difference in retention? The data from the Micronesian subjects may throw more light on the question. Table 7.3 shows a comparison by exposure group of the mean scores for form and tense on the negation picture task. As the results in Table 7.3 show, there is little difference between the two groups: Those who had attended koogakkoo longer did not display a higher command of negation usage than those whose Japanese education ended before graduation from hoshuuka. The only significant difference was found in the form of nominal adjectives, an area that we have mentioned before as being problematic for some Japanese as a second language (JSL) learners. The data for this study indicate that most subjects, those who graduated from hoshuuka and those who did not, supplied correct forms for nominal adjectives. Undoubtedly, as it is suggested in Hansen (see Chapter 6, this volume) the identical ja nai form which is appended to both the noun and nominal adjective contributes to its resilience because of greater saliency and frequency in input. However, the

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The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language Table 7.3. Mean Scores for Form and Tense on Negation Picture Task Jpzedu: 5 years'

X V form V tense N norm N tense NA form3 NA tense A form A tense

4

SD 0 .74 .71

3.37 3.75

2 3.87

2 3.12 2.25

0 .35 .53 1.13

.89

Jpz edu: 5 years2

X

SD

3.88

.33 .71 .48 .43 .51 .69 .51 .70

3 3.88 2.06 3.41 2.29 3.59 2.35

Notes: V = verb; N = noun; NA = nominal adjective; A = adjective 'n = 8 n= 17 J p < 0.05

errors in nominal adjectives were found in the data of two of the "higher-level" subjects, the former assistant teacher mentioned earlier and another subject who was one of the few who corresponded with Japanese acquaintances on a regular basis. In these cases, it proved to be rather difficult to elicit the particular form in question: Sometimes a nominal adjective +ja nai form was given, but at other times an antonym would be supplied by the subjects after a long pause, suggesting that not all nominal adjectives were "equal" in terms of production. Except for the nominal adjective results, the absence of significant differences between the groups suggests that three years may have been enough time for all of the Micronesians to attain a proficiency level that conferred "immunity" from complete language loss. In discussions on language attrition, assumptions are made that "regression is a process with a stepwise and fixed ordering" (Jordens et al. 1986:159), thus linguistic structures that develop in a gradual, measurable manner are investigated. Clearly, experimental studies with pretest and posttest data (i.e., a baseline measurement) that show what an individual "had" linguistically at one time and what that person has (or has not) at a later date are certainly necessary for the field of attrition research to progress. A major weakness of this study is that the proficiency level of the subjects' Japanese some fifty years ago cannot be clearly defined. That is, we have no concrete evidence that after three years of intensive language study in Japanese, our subjects had the ability to use negation of predicates properly. However, as stated earlier in the introduction to this volume, language attrition and acquisition can be viewed as a dynamic process, one which is constantly in a state of flux, adapting to the interplay of the individual and sociopsychological and neurological factors. Whether or not our subjects had the full competence to use negation of predicates, it may be that their ability upon time of graduation from honka waxed and waned during the following years, including the period of nonuse. With that assumption, I will argue that while the lack of an optimal research design prevents us from making strong

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claims, the data from our Micronesian attriters can be useful in supporting or contradicting other studies dealing with the acquisition and attrition of Japanese negation. Furthermore, the data from this particular population also indicate that pragmatic, formulaic means of expression should also be examined in people who are losing negation, inasmuch as this may also illuminate the process of language simplification taking place. As mentioned before, the subjects participated in an earlier project in which they spoke freely in Japanese. In this interview data there are 938 instances of propositional negation, of which 692 (i.e., 74%) can be classified as falling into one of the predicate categories. However, 246 (26%) of the occurrence are instances of propositional negation expressed differently. A closer examination of the 692 tokens of propositional negation shows that there is a tremendous difference in the number of occurrences of negation markers in the verb category (608) compared with the frequencies in the noun (57), nominal adjective (3), and adjective (24) categories. We find that the preponderance of verb and noun forms over nominal adjectives and adjectives are in line with the findings of accuracy usage illustrated in Tables 7.2 and 7.3. Frequency counts from the interview data, displayed on Table 7.4 illustrate that the subjects are relying heavily on pragmatic strategies to express negation. As commonly accepted, expressions of negation need not be limited to grammatical inflections (Clancy 1985:381, 393-399). In situations in which Japanese is acquired in a natural, first-language setting, the first negatives to appear are single words such as iya ("I don't want," used to reject objects or refuse suggestions), dame ("no good" single-word prohibition equivalent to don't in English), and nai ("does not exist" expresses absence or nonexistence) or chigau ("not so" expresses denials). Later, when a Japanese child is around two years of age, the nonpast negative suffix nai appears at the stage of two-word utterances. Nai is a very frequent and salient negation marker in Japanese and often overgeneralized by small children as a single-word negative for functions other than nonexistence. By age two, Japanese children use a variety of verbal inflections: -te (imperative), -ta (past tense), -teru (present progressive or resultative), -ru (nonpast tense; present states, habitual or future actions), -chatta (completed past), -nai (negative, nonpast tense), and -tai (desiderative, nonpast tense). One year later, they have usually acquired the formal mas (-masu nonpast and -mashita past) forms.

Table 7.4. Number of Tokens in Interview Data: Separate Word Negation Form

V-na iya dame ellipsis (e.g., ammari) chigau miscellaneous (e.g., He, V-nu).

Tokens 8 135 22 27 28 26

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The interview data demonstrate that the subjects are still able to use, and in fact may rely quite heavily on, the use of propositional negation expressions that are typically found in the language of Japanese children, as the following example illustrates (I = interviewer; M = male subject who finished hoshuuka). (1) M: ... nihongo ii desu yo . . . Japanese (language) is good! I: e? What? M: nihongo ii desu yo Japanese (language) is good (emphatic)! I: nihongo, ii? Japanese (language) is good? M: ee yes I: nihon jidai ii? (You mean,) the period of Japanese rule was good? M: h a i . . . nihon jidai. .. amerika jidai. .. dame yes . . . the Japanese period (was good) . . . (but) the American period isn't The use of pragmatic expressions such as dame, iya and other propositional negation expressions is fully acquired by Japanese children before three years of age. These highly frequent, salient markers are not found in the input provided by school readers, yet they account for 26% of the instances of propositional negation in the interview data. As Table 7.5 illustrates, presentation of linguistic forms of propositional negation in the textbooks seemed to heavily favor verbal negation models, with just a couple of examples of negation of nominals and adjectives and nothing dealing with nominal adjective negation. We see that input of verb negation overwhelmed that of other predicates: the fact that verb negation input was high and the negation form -nai is highly salient may be a factor in the Table 7.5. Number of Negation Tokens in Selected Japanese Language Readers V N NA A iya dame chigau ellipsis -mai sezu nu

Book 1

Book 2

Book 3

Book 4

Book 5

1

7 0 0 0 0

18 5 0

29 3 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 1

46 1

0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0

1

0

1

0

1

0 0 0

0

0 2 2 0

2 1 1 0 1

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retention and use of verbal negations vis-a-vis other predicate negations. It should also be noted that there were examples of formal or literary styles (e.g., arumaishi, sezu, and naranu) in the Japanese readers as well as a couple of examples of other propositional negation, such as dame or iya. Assuming that most of class time was spent on traditional oral reading teaching methods, we see that the Japanese language textbooks themselves cannot be assumed to be the sole source of input of propositional negation. Interactions with native speakers of Japanese—that is, with teachers, employers, adult officials (e.g., police officers), and even playmates—may account for the acquisition of pragmatic negation markers. Learned in the early stages of L1 negation, these markers are perceptually salient, frequent, and simple, which may account for their retention in the language of the subjects. Using the formulaic expressions and simplifying language is a strategy for coping with an impoverished language source, so we may consider the reliance on pragmatic expressions as indications that the subjects are indeed the attriters they claim to be. Previous research suggests that L2 speakers retain frequently used and pragmatically laden expressions despite lack of input or use (Olshtain 1989). Thus, it appears that affect influences what one perceives and pays attention to, and therefore, is an important factor in determining what one learns and retains. In interactions with native Japanese speakers, there were many opportunities for affective input to become intake, for the Micronesian children had to pay close attention to the speaker and the language in order to respond in an appropriate manner. Depending on the particular Japanese speaker, a Micronesian child could be treated warmly, strictly, abusively, or totally ignored.8 Our subjects certainly had many opportunities to interact with native speakers of Japanese, whether language teachers, school principals, or child-labor employers, in situations fraught with emotional overtones, many times being told not to do something. The fact that even relatively infrequent forms are still remembered by Micronesian subjects suggests that, indeed, affect plays an important factor in acquisition and retention, as the following example illustrates (I = interviewer, F = female subject who finished honka). (2)

I: sensei wa . . . as for the teacher . . . F: (laughs) I: ibatte-ru (he was) arrogant F: ee, ponape no kotoba tsukatta . . . kinoo ponape no kotoba tsukatta, tsukattaro! tsukattatte, watashi hitori demo, moshi ponape no kotoba oo . . .uta oo utatte . . . hitori de, nanika . . . banana wo tabete, hitori mo minai, watashi dake de ne, watashi wa mo . . . (unintelligible) temasu yo. . . .hitori dake de ne, shitte-masu.. . .nani yatta no ? uchi de mango oo . . . kotchi koi! dame! moo ichido yaruna! yes, (to give an example of what he said if you) used the Ponapean language .. . "Yesterday you spoke in Ponapean, you used Ponapean,

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didn't you?" . .. if you used Ponapean . . . even if I were alone, if I used Ponapean ... if I sang a (Ponapean) song when I was by myself. . . something . . . eating a banana (where) nobody can see me . . . just me alone ... I would be ... (unintelligible)... even by myself (the teacher) would know about it . . ."What did you do? (ate) a mango at home . . . Get yourself over here! You shouldn't have done that! Don't ever do that again!" We see in this example that our subject can give an emotional rendition of the scoldings she used to receive from her omnipresent. Japanese teacher using not only the word dame—a highly frequent, salient, and simple form—but also the less frequently used V-na form (i.e., in yaruna). It appears then that affect and its influence on acquisition and retention should be considered in future studies on language attrition.

Conclusion The findings of the present study are consistent with those reported by research on the progression (Kanagy 1994; Hansen, in preparation) and regression (see Chapter 6, this volume) of Japanese negation. That is, our Micronesian JSL speakers demonstrate a pattern of predicate negation of A-Neg -> NA-Neg -> NNeg -> V-Neg, in which verbal negation is shown to be significantly more robust than the other types. The subjects also tend to rely heavily on pragmatic markers of negation such as dame or iya. These findings indicate that the Micronesians' use of Japanese is streamlined, retaining use of highly frequent, salient forms found to be frequent in input and in potentially emotional situations. No difference in retention was found between the subjects who had graduated from the five-year hoshuuka course and those who did not. Although the subjects were divided into two groups, less than five years versus five years, some were three, four, or more than five years; the expansion of the Pacific War brought an end to their schooling, so the education of many of the younger subjects ended abruptly. A better comparison would be to collect data from subjects who had had only two years of Japanese schooling and compare them with those who had completed only the honka course. A few more caveats are in order. First, as noted earlier, the initial proficiency of our subjects could not be ascertained. We cannot say with certainty what the precise L2 proficiency level was for the subjects at the end of World War II. Second, the subjects who are featured in this report may be the better, or more confident, L2 speakers. That is, they may not necessarily be representive of all elderly Micronesians who can speak Japanese. The subjects were quite willing to speak in Japanese and seemed eager to use the language once again, so this may be a self-selected group of extraordinary people. Their language samples, however, do replicate the findings of the previous studies. Their negated utterances show the patterns of simplification that are pervasive in situations of language contact and loss, thus providing another small window on regression phenomena.

Appendix Table 7.1. Micronesian Subjects Gender M M M M M M F M M M F M M M M F F M F F F F F M F

Date of Birth

Island

8/12/16 ?/?/17 6/4/18 8/29/20 4/24/22 9/7/22 8/8/23 9/16/23 4/29/24 10/27/26 11/13/26 8/29/27 4/26/28 10/27/28 6/7/29 8/6/29 11/23/29 12/23/29 2/10/30 2/15/30 4/16/30 10/2/30 10/23/30 11/11/30 5/5/32

Saipan Ponape Ponape Ponape Saipan Ponape Saipan Saipan Ponape Palau Ponape Ponape Ponape Ponape Ponape Ponape Ponape Ponape Saipan Ponape Ponape Saipan Ponape Ponape Ponape

167

Years of Japanese Education 3

5 5

6 5 3 •5 7 5 5 5 5

5 5 5 3 5 5

3 4 4 4 5 5 3

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Notes 1. Although the area of Micronesia is technically in the North Pacific, it is referred to as "South Pacific" in this paper 2. Political changes often mean new names for places. Ponape is now Pohnpei, Truk is Chuuk, and Palau is the Republic of Belau. In referring to these islands in their historical context, the former names will be used. 3. The Japanese primary school system for nationals was a six-year lower primary school and two-year higher primary course. 4. In theory, the top students were selected, but in reality this was not always the case. One informant in Pohnpei relates that as the war in the Pacific progressed, parents were reluctant to send their bright sons away to Palau, for fear of losing them forever. 5. In 1940, blacksmith, automotive mechanics, and electronics were added to the curriculum. 6. Kanagy had three predicate groups in her study: verbal, nominal, and adjectival. The sequence of acquisition, however, is congruent with Hansen's (1993) findings. 7. Technically the song Kimigayo was not the national anthem but it was treated as such. 8. Most subjects acknowledge that there were instances of unduly harsh treatment at the hands of a Japanese national, but in general the subjects in this study thought their Japanese education was good. They tended to be highly critical of the "lenient" American style of education.

8 Learning and Losing Japanese as a Second Language: A Multiple Case Study of American University Students Sumiko Nagasawa

Previous chapters have presented the phenomena of language attrition and retention in various environments where foreign or second languages are gradually lost due to disuse. This chapter examines a phenomenon that occurred in a slightly different context: the attrition and retention of second language (L2) Japanese in a first language (L1) environment where language instruction continued after returning from Japan. It had been observed in a U.S. graduate institute that advanced speakers of Japanese who had intensive language training and exposure to the language while in Japan during the summer experienced some attrition during the following academic year even though a certain level of language instruction continued. Similar phenomena are observable elsewhere among those who come back to the L1 environment from L2 study abroad programs. The attrition of oral skills among the students seemed to be caused mainly by the change of the language environment from an L2 (Japan) to L1 (U.S. English), where the exposure to the language and the opportunity to use it were severely limited. However, the environmental factor did not seem to affect the students equally, as some were able to maintain their L2 oral skills to a greater extent than others. Therefore the present study examined other variables that might have an effect on language attrition and retention in this population: initial proficiency level, attitudes and motivation, language use outside the classroom, and language learning background. It was hoped that a qualitative study of seven students at the above mentioned institute would shed some light on the complex nature of language attrition phenomena. Several L2 attrition studies report a reverse correlation between the initial language proficiency level and attrition. As early as 1932, in a study of the retention of Latin syntax among first- and second-year college students, Kennedy observed that "initial achievement is the significant factor in retention" on an individual level (1932:146). Godsall-Myers (1981) also reports inverse relations 169

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between the attrition rate (in morphology, vocabulary, writing, listening, and reading comprehension) and the students' cumulative average in German class. Similarly, in his large-scale study, Bahrick concludes that the amount of content to be lost during the first five years following training "becomes a progressively smaller portion of total knowledge with higher levels of training" (1984a:116). (For details on Bahrick's 1984 study, see Chapter 1, this volume). In reaction to Bahrick's study, Neisser (1984) suggests that there may be a critical threshold in the stages of learning beyond which isolated responses become part of mental representations of complex information structures which then become immune to decay. The notion of a critical threshold is supported by some language attrition studies. De Bot & Clyne (1989) found that the elderly Dutch immigrants in Australia revealed little loss in L1 Dutch and L2 English over 16 years. They conclude that, rather than age or social factors, the level of proficiency attained in the second language is the most important factor. Those who had a very low level of proficiency in L2 English showed reversion to the first language, but those who reached this (self-evaluated) threshold level did not. They state that the policy implication of their study is that "the second language must be taught until the critical threshold is reached" (175). In a longitudinal study of French attrition of Dutch students, Weltens & Van Els (1986) and Weltens (1989) report that the subjects' global skills in reading and listening showed improvement rather than attrition. They attribute these results to the relatively high proficiency level of the students who had four to six years of training. The data from Clark & Jorden's (1984) study of attrition in former students of L2 Japanese at an American university show that the two groups of students, attriting and nonattriting, were not much different in their initial achievement or formal language training. Rather, students' self-report from an extensive questionnaire indicated that their decrease in speaking and listening proficiency was directly related to their degree of current use of Japanese. Although the relationship of the initial proficiency to attrition and retention is not the focus of their study, Clark & Jorden recommend that for a larger-scale study, inclusion of that factor would enable them to determine "whether there is a critical point in overall language proficiency below which attrition is rapid and extensive, but at and above which, a large proportion of the initially acquired material is retained" (58). The researchers add that, according to Foreign Service Institute (FSI) language instructors' informal observation, Level 3 on the FSI scale appears to be a watershed point. If that were the case, and if students intend to acquire Japanese for lifelong use, they propose that the pedagogical implication would be to bring the learners' level to this level by the end of initial language training. These studies all point to the significant role of the initial achievement and threshold level in preventing language attrition, but there is no research on determining a specific level of achievement that might be resistant to attrition. The study reported here investigated whether a specific proficiency level would be sufficiently high for preventing attrition. In Canadian bilingualism research, social factors, particularly attitudinal and motivational variables, have been integral parts of language acquisition and retention research. In their landmark study, Gardner & Lambert (1959) analyzed

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different measures administered to English-speaking high school students studying L2 French in Montreal. They identified two factors that seemed to be variables in measuring the students' L2 French achievement: language aptitude and social motivation. Gardner (1982) later summarized that "those individuals who had a favorable attitude toward French Canadians, who wanted to learn French in order to become psychologically close to the French Canadian community, and who worked hard to learn French, would be successful" (29). Since that initial study, considerable research, such as that of Gardner & Lambert (1972), has been conducted in other regions and languages, all indicating a varying degree of relationship between L2 learning and attitudes and motivation. At the 1980 conference on the loss of language skills at the University of Pennsylvania, Gardner underlined the necessity of including social factors as predictor variables in attrition research. In his proposal, he referred to Edwards's (1976, 1977) two studies on L2 retention among Canadian government workers in Ottawa. In the study, neither Frenchdominant nor English-dominant employees lost language proficiency during the six-month period after their training, but a difference emerged after a twelvemonth interval. French-dominant workers showed no change, while English-dominant workers gained slightly in reading but lost significantly in speaking. In a questionnaire, his subjects answered that a supportive environment in the workplace for use of the second language and an interest and confidence to use it on employees' part were key factors related to language retention, in addition to successful initial learning. English-dominants used French only in basic routine tasks at work, while French-dominants used English in a large number of situations. In Edwards's studies, factors of attitudes and motivation seemed less important than achievement and environment, but these studies suggested that such factors were nonetheless related to L2 retention. Gardner (1982) argues that the attitudinal and motivational factors are related to retention in that they influence the degree to which individual learners seek out opportunities to use a second language. Language loss will occur if individuals do not try to find occasions to use the language they have acquired. Further studies have been conducted to examine the effects of language use as well as attitudes and motivation on L2 attrition. The results from the study of adult L2 French learners in Quebec showed a correlation of less favorable attitudes and lower use to the attrition of speaking and understanding (Gardner, Lalonde, & MacPherson 1985). Another study of high school students of French over summer vacation reported a causal relationship among attitudes, motivation, and language use: Language attitudes seemed to cause motivation; motivation in turn was seen to be a factor for L2 achievement and use of the language during the summer; and the use of French maintained the level of proficiency over the break (Gardner, Lalonde, Moorcroft, & Evers 1987). Motivation has been discussed as having two aspects in language learning: integrative motivation and instrumental motivation (Gardner et al. 1987:9). In a recent study, Gardner & Maclntyre (1991) found that both integratively motivated students and instrumentally motivated students learned French vocabulary pairs better than those who were less motivated to study. Instrumentally motivated students studied longer than those who were noninstrumentally motivated, as long as a specific gain was expected.

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Although factors of attitudes and motivation seemed less important than achievement and environment, these studies nevertheless suggested that they were related to L2 attrition and retention. Subjects in the current study presumably had high level of attitudes and motivation at the beginning of the study. Whether possible change in their attitudes and motivation had any effects on their attrition and retention of Japanese oral proficiency was examined. Research Questions and Hypotheses This study was motivated by four research questions concerning the nature of attrition and retention of oral proficiency among advanced speakers of L2 Japanese. Questions were asked as to how various factors would affect the subjects' attrition and retention in a foreign language environment at a university where they continued to have some instruction in the language. Ql. How does the speaker's initial proficiency (at the beginning of the academic year upon returning from the target culture) affect his or her attrition and retention? Is there a "threshold" level that resists attrition? Q2. What are the features, in seminaturalistic data, that are affected in circumstances of limited use and exposure? Q3. How does the speaker's change, if any, in attitudes and motivation for learning Japanese affect his or her language use outside the classroom and attrition and retention of oral proficiency? Q4. How does the speaker's language learning background contribute to attrition and retention? Question 1 was asked in order to examine the effects of initial proficiency achievement on attrition and retention and to tentatively determine the level of L2 Japanese oral attainment that would be resistant to attrition once the learners were placed in an environment where exposure to the language was limited. Question 2 was formulated in the context of utilizing seminaturalistic data, the oral proficiency interview. Unlike previous studies, which focused on specific linguistic features and whose methods were designed to elicit those features, finding changes in the features of less constrained utterances was intended to give a broader attrition profile of each subject. Question 3 was motivated by the studies by Canadian researchers that showed the effects of learners' attitudes and motivation on L2 maintenance. These two factors were expected to also play a part in the attrition and retention of L2 Japanese. Question 4 seemed potentially revealing because the subjects had diverse L2 Japanese learning backgrounds. For speakers of Indo-European languages, reaching the advanced level in Japanese usually takes much longer than achieving comparable levels in West European languages. Thus it was considered possible that, in the long acquisition process, the subjects' language learning experiences had varied greatly and consequently had differentially affected the building up of the "critical mass." In light of previous research findings on attrition and retention of advanced

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speakers' proficiency, the following hypotheses were formulated for each of the four research questions. H1. Speakers with Superior or higher proficiency on the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (ACTFL) scale (3 or higher on Inter-agency Language Roundtable [ILR]) will be relatively immune to loss, but speakers with Advanced High or lower level (2 + or lower on ILR) will be susceptible to loss in a foreign language environment. H2. Three features, as revealed in mostly constraint-free seminaturalistic data, will be affected: (1) nontargetlike use of particles will increase; (2) sentence structures, in terms of error-free T-units; simple sentences, and words, will be somewhat more simplified; and (3) fluency, in terms of articulation rate, unfilled pauses, and repairs (self-repetition and selfcorrection) will show some decline. H3. Speakers who will have a negative change in attitude and motivation for learning Japanese during the study period, either integrative or instrumental, will use Japanese less outside the classroom and will experience a certain degree of attrition. H4. Subjects who had more formal study of Japanese prior to the summer immersion and a longer stay in Japan will be more resistant to attrition. Hypothesis 1 was postulated on the basis of previous research as well as on this researcher's experience as an instructor of Japanese in advanced courses. The Superior level on the ACTFL scale appears to mark a maturation in all aspects of language learning, consolidating various parts of the linguistic system of a language—grammar, lexicon, pronunciation, fluency, discourse organization, and sociolinguistic competence. In other words, achievement of this level is the first step in consolidation toward nativelike performance, and it seems to be the "threshold level" that would be resistant to attrition. The acquisition of this level or higher almost necessarily requires immersion in the target language in which the learner has ample opportunity to develop nativelike proficiency. Research shows that after this massive buildup, the likelihood of attrition is reduced. It was therefore hypothesized that, in this study, four subjects who were rated as superior had accumulated sufficient "critical mass" that would resist attrition, while three other subjects whose ratings were Advanced-High or Advanced were vulnerable to attrition to some extent. Hypothesis 2 was motivated by the sharp decline in subjects' exposure to the target language following their return to the United States from Japan, where the exposure and use had been at its peak. The features for analyses were carefully chosen not to reflect the constraints of the oral proficiency interview (OPI). In particular, those features were selected which were considered to be affected minimally by content, context, grammar, or the interviewers' interactive styles. Hypothesis 3 was motivated by the possibility that, during the course of study, the subjects experienced changes in their attitudes and motivation which were presumed to have been very favorable in the beginning of the study. If so, this could have had an effect on the use of Japanese outside the classroom and, thus, on the maintenance of their oral

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proficiency. Hypothesis 4 was motivated by the diversity of language learning backgrounds the subjects brought into attrition context. These differences in the length of study and exposure to Japanese prior to the beginning of this project were thought to have potentially variable influences on language attrition and retention.

Method Subjects Subjects for the study were seven graduate students (S1-S7, two female and five male),1 whose ages ranged from 24-31 (see Table 8.1. in the Appendix). Six were native speakers of English, and one was a native speaker of French (S2) who had a nativelike command of English. Three (S1, S2, S3) were first-year students, and four (S4, S5, S6, S7) were second-year students. Their formal instruction in Japanese ranged from nine and a half months to almost five years. The length of their stay in Japan varied from nine months to over three years. All the subjects had spent the summer preceding the study in Japan. The three firstyear students had engaged in an eight-week cultural and language study, and the four second-year students had worked approximately three months on an internship program in Japanese businesses. As stated earlier, this study investigated language attrition and retention of subjects who had just returned from Japan and who were continuing language instruction in an L1 environment. Therefore, it is necessary to describe the contents of L2 Japanese instruction during the academic year in the United States. The class was divided by the students' oral proficiency ratings at the beginning of the fall semester. There were two ratings, Superior and Advanced. Both the advanced and the superior students attended 80-minute Japanese courses twice a week. For the superior class, a seminar on Japanese culture was given biweekly in one of these two weekly classes by a Japanese specialist. The advanced class did not attend the seminar because of their insufficient skills in reading. The core of the course was discussions of topics found in newspaper articles or anthologies of Japanese culture and business. Data Collection In investigating the complex nature of attrition and retention of advanced speakers of L2 Japanese and to collect revealing data pertinent to the research questions, the qualitative multiple-case studies method had two advantages. First, each subject could be studied independently. Then, cross-case analysis allowed the researcher to see whether the predicted results or contrary ones were obtained. Data for the study were collected from ACTFL oral proficiency interviews, conducted by certified testers at the beginning (Time 1) and the end (Time 2) of

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the academic year. These were the major sources for analysis of changes in Japanese particle use, sentence structure, and fluency over a seven-month period. Data were also collected from a questionnaire completed by each subject about L2 learning experiences (types, levels, and length), lengths of visits to Japan, and types of motivation for learning Japanese, and from 20-30 minute personal interviews. These were held with each subject during the academic year to monitor subjects' language use outside the classroom and to detect changes in attitude toward their Japanese class, learning Japanese, and Japan and its people. In deciding to use the OPI test tapes as the data for investigating the subjects' change in oral proficiency, the controversial nature of the OPI was carefully considered. Critics point out many drawbacks to the test. The construction of the ACTFL guidelines is analytic, not mirroring real-life language ability. Also, the test has a discrete-point approach, contrary to proponents' claim that it is a "global" test, in its specifications of functions, content areas, and grammatical forms. The scale definitions are based on the abstract native-speaker performance. And ratings lack comparability since they are highly dependent on content and context factors (Lantolf & Frawley 1985, Bachman & Savignon 1986). There have, however, been some responses to these criticisms. Concerning the question of the construct validity of the ACTFL proficiency guidelines and the OPI procedure, Dandonoli & Henning (1990) report that the difficulty continually associated with the level descriptions were mostly supported in statistical analyses of oral interviews in both English and French. Also, cross-ratings by trained raters and untrained native speakers (who used whatever criteria they chose) showed a high correlation—a mean correlation of .934 for English and .929 for French. Although the OPI guidelines need further refinement and improvement, Clark & Lett (1988) consider the use and development of the ILR scale, the basis of ACTFL scale, to be currently the most significant measurement. In this study, the OPI was used as the baseline in the hope that it would better reflect the view of speaking performance as a total speech act and would be less subjective than earlier research, which used assessment measures such as the length of study, average grades, self-report, or storytelling and depended upon the researchers' own judgment in setting the baseline. The OPI tests were conducted by different ACTFL-certified testers at Time 1 (the start of the study in September) and Time 2 (the end of the study in April) and were confirmed by a second rater at each time, following the institute's policy. Most ratings were the same between the two raters. When any discrepancies were found, raters reevaluated the ratings, and adjustments were made to come to consensus. A questionnaire was prepared to collect background information on each subject about his or her language learning experiences prior to the study. They were asked about types and levels of formal instruction, language use and contact with the target culture during the summer immersion program, the length of visits to and stay in Japan, and types of motivation for learning Japanese. The main purpose of the six interviews was to observe any change in the individual subjects in attitude and motivation and the use of Japanese outside the classroom. Other topics included the subjects' responses on the questionnaire and performance on the OPI tests, effective language learning styles, ideas on motivating learners if they

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were to be teachers, perceptions of the effects of majoring in Japanese on future job opportunities, and evaluation of Japanese study during the academic year. Procedure for Analysis Particle Use The particle use by the subjects was analyzed for its grammatical and obligatory nature in a sentence. Japanese is an SOV language, but the word order is relatively free. Particles are postpositional, and some are used to show case relations. Others are used to express the speaker's attitudes or emotions toward the content of words, phrases, clauses, and sentences. There are about 50 commonly used particles in modern spoken Japanese, and the acquisition of nativelike particle use is extremely difficult for L2 Japanese learners. From the transcribed data at Time 1 and Time 2, all particles used in each subject's utterances were classified into the following four particle categories, and the frequency of each particle use was tallied: a. Case markers to, toka, no, ga, o, ni, e, de, kara, yori b. Conjunctions ga, kedo, keredomo, shi, tari, node, kara, noni, to, nagara c. Adverbials ka, wa, mo, koso, sae, demo/datte, shika, kiri, dake, bakari, hodo, made, kurai/gurai, nado/nanka d. Sentence final ka, ne/nee, yo, na/naa

The underlying framework used for the analysis was the view of errors as interlanguage in the learning process toward the target norm (Corder 1981). The concern of the analysis was whether the speaker's erroneous use of particles (interlanguage) increased or decreased between Time 1 and Time 2. Particle use was categorized into two major types: targetlike (TL) use and nontargetlike (NTL) use. Nontargetlike particle use included erroneous use, deletion,2 and overuse. For the purpose of analysis, the following points were considered. First, formulaic expressions or learned chunks were excluded from the analysis. Although they were made up of some words and particles, they were learned together and used as if they were single items as fillers or connectors, thus not considered to be manifestations of the speaker's interlanguage grammatical competence. Second, particles used in repetition and self-correction were excluded. Sentence Structure

T-units were first used to measure the syntactic maturity of L1 acquisition (Hunt 1965). As the learner matured, longer T-units were used, particularly when embedding was used. Attempts have been made in L2 acquisition research to establish a similar index of L2 development. Scott & Tucker (1974) introduced the notion of the "error-free" T-unit. This was the result of their study of L2 English students' writing which showed that although the lower-level students

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produced long T-units, they were filled with errors. Later Larsen-Freeman (1983) investigated the effectiveness of T-unit measures with oral data. In her study, the percentage of error-free T-units was found to effectively discriminate the five levels of oral proficiency. Harrington (1986) applied the T-unit measurement to oral proficiency of L2 Japanese. He found that the use of T-unit had limitations in its discriminative power when applied to a group of learners, but when used for measuring individual speaker's ability to form longer, complex, error-free sentences, it could be an objective and accurate measure. Expanding the definition in related literature (Pica & Doughty 1985, Tamaru et al. 1993), the units of analysis were determined as follows: T-unit (T): A main clause and related subordinate clauses and nonclausal structures embedded in it. Nontargetlike T-unit (NTLT): A T-unit that contains at least one morphological or syntactical error. Error-free T-unit (EFT): AT unit that contains no morphological or syntactical error. Simple sentence (S): An embedded nuclear sentence that has an ending with a Japanese verb or an adjective or a copula. Nontargetlike simple sentence (NTLS): A simple sentence that contains at least one morphological or syntactical error. Error-free simple sentence (EFS): A simple sentence that contains no morphological or syntactical error. Word (W): A smallest unit of the Japanese language including particles and an auxiliaries. Nontargetlike word (NTLW): A word that contains at least one morphological error. The use of an English word with English pronunciation is counted as nontargetlike as well. Error-free word (EFW): A Japanese word that contains no morphological error. Fragments: Nonclausal items such as single-word or phrasal utterances used as initiations or responses, as well as self-repetitions and false starts. Interjections and fillers: Single lexical responses, hai/ee/un (yes) and iie/iya (no); and their nonlexical counterparts and pause fillers (i.e., ma/maa, ano/anoo, eeto, saa), which were not incorporated into T-units, phrases, or fragments. In the data analysis, all subjects' utterances were broken into T-units (T), simple sentences (S), and words (W). Then these were further analyzed into non-targetlike units (NTLT, NTLS, NTLW) and error-free units (EFT, EFS, EFW). Fragments, interjections, and fillers were not included in the calculations. Fluency Temporal variables in speech production have been traditionally studied as the psycholinguistic processes of speech planning (Dechert & Raupach 1980).

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Recently, attempts have been made to approach these temporal variables as measurements of fluency in L2 (Lennon 1989, 1990; Riggenbach 1991). In Lennon's study, four German learners of English improved fluency during their six-month stay in Britain. Lennon concluded that reduction of pause time, improvement of speech rate, and reduction of filled pauses and repetitions were related to the speakers' improvement of fluency. Riggenbach (1991) investigated features that distinguished fluent L2 speakers from nonfluent speakers. Features such as unfilled pauses, speech rate, and repair to a lesser degree emerged as determining factors of fluency. In the present study, the change in fluency in terms of the rate of articulation, unfilled pauses, and repairs was studied. In selecting segments, the following criteria were followed. First, segments of two minutes of an undisturbed (by the interviewer) utterance were taken from Time 1 and Time 2. Secondly, at both times, utterances on similar topics were chosen where possible. If this could not be done, topics familiar to the speaker were chosen in order to avoid, as much as possible, the impact these selections might have on articulation rate and pause frequencies. Recordings were analyzed with a Siemens Oscillomink L, which displayed distribution of speech and pause graphically. Cut-off points of 0.13 seconds for articulation rate (O'Connell 1988:115) and 0.2 seconds for pause were taken and measured from the oscillograms. Articulation rate was measured for unpruned (all syllables were divided by the total on-time in seconds) and pruned (syllables, excluding repetitions, self-corrections, and pause-fillers, were divided by the total time on these syllables) so that the difference would show the use of these dysfluency features. Pauses were measured as unfilled pauses (silence of 0.2 seconds or greater) and filled pauses (containing nonlexical items such as ano, maa, eeto). Although pauses are a necessary ingredient in fluent (and native) speaker discourse, it was hoped that the change in each subject's pause time would shed some light on the attrition phenomena. The other fluency features investigated were the repair phenomena in subjects' utterances. These included repetitions, self-corrections, and false starts. The following definitions by Pica & Doughty (1985) were used in the study. Repetition: Exact adjacent repeats of syllables, words, phrases and simple sentences. Self-correction: Reformulations in which new grammatical and lexical items are added or subtracted to correct perceived errors. False start: Reformulations in which the original utterance is rejected.

Results and Discussion Since the scope of this research was small and specific in terms of the number of samples and the nature of data, a qualitative and descriptive approach was taken. The results therefore were tentative, limited to these sample subjects and data.

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Initial Achievement As stated in the first research question and hypothesis, the focus of this study was the relationship of the subjects' initial oral proficiency achievement to attrition and retention of the three features investigated. Table 8.2 (see Appendix) presents the initial ACTFL rating of each subject. All four second-year students (S4, S5, S6, S7) rated as Superior (3), but the ratings of the first-year students were Advanced (2) for S1 and Advanced High (2+) for S2 and S3. These initial ratings will be noted under individual subjects in all of the tables that present the results of data analyses, in order to facilitate understanding of the discussion of the predictive power of H1. Features of Attrition Particle Use As background to the discussion of the changes in the subjects' use of particles, the following summary of the average frequencies of particle use was prepared. Case-marking particles made up 65% of the total particles used at Time 1 and 64% at Time 2. Adverbial particles were next in frequency, making up 24% of the total usage at Time 1 and 26% at Time 2. Conjunctive particles were the next in terms of frequency of usage, making up 9% of the total usage at Time 1 and 8% at Time 2. The Sentence Final particles were the least used. They made up 2% of the total usage at both Time 1 and Time 2. The high frequency of casemarking particles came as no surprise in as much as they are obligatory in marking different case relationships in Japanese grammar (e.g., subjects, topics, objects, time, locations, etc.). In analyzing the data, the total number of TL and NTL use of each particle was tallied for individual subjects, and then the percentage against the total particle use was calculated for Time 1 and Time 2, and finally the percentage change from Time 1 to Time 2 was computed. Particles that were used fewer than five times in the entire data at each test time were omitted from the analysis, leaving 10 particles for the discussion (6 case-marking, 1 conjunctive, 3 adverbial). Table 8.3 (see Appendix) is the summary of particle use of the seven subjects. Results, particularly changes in NTL use of case-marking particles, were mixed. The particle ga showed the largest percentages of change for most subjects. S1 had an increase of 187%, S5 had an increase of 28%, and S6 had an increase of 46%. S3 showed a decrease of 72%, S4 showed a decrease of 43%, and S7 showed a decrease of 58%. Mixed results were also seen for o, ni, and de. About half of the subjects' NTL use increased, and the other half decreased. An overall decrease at Time 2 in no and to, which were low in NTL use percentage at each time, was observed. The decrease of NTL use was generally seen in conjunctive and adverbial particles.However, some subjects showed NTL use only at Time 2 in several particles. Student 6 showed NTL use in ka and wa, and

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S2, S3, and S4 showed NTL use in mo. The results did not show any clear patterns as to which particles would be uniformly affected during the study period. It was conceivable that, in advanced stages of the interlanguage, individual differences might become more prominent and might affect particle use variably. Although the results showed little indication of attrition in any particular particles across subjects, a certain tendency emerged within individual speakers. S1 showed a large increase in the percentage change in NTL use in all particles (+18% to +187%), while showing some decline in TL use (-1% to -27%). The decline might give support to H1, in that her level of Advanced (2) was not high enough to resist attrition even while she continued the language instruction. The range of change in S2's TL use was not wide (+7% to -11%), but NTL use showed five ranges (-7% to +147%, not counting -100%, which simply indicates no NTL use at Time 2). There appeared to be some indication of attrition that might be linked to the initial level, Advanced High (2+), but the TL use increase in ga, to, wa make that claim somewhat weak. In the case of S3, decrease of NTL use was revealed in most particles (-7% to 80%), showing an improvement during the academic year. Moreover, NTL use of four particles, de, to, kara, wa at Time 1 became TL at Time 2. The TL use of most particles was increased to some extent (+2% to +18%). Hypothesis 1 did not predict her case which revealed mostly gain instead of decline, even though her initial achievement was Advanced High (2+). In general, a decrease in NTL use was observed in S4 (-43% to -84% in four particles), but TL increase remained rather low (+2% to +21%). He exhibited an increase in NTL use in fewer particles, but at rather high rates (+33% to +68%). Thus, it could be said that the relationship between his particle use and his initial rating of Superior (3) was not clear. The profile of S5's particle use was also a mixture. His NTL use increased in three particles (+5% to +48%) but decreased in two (-12% to 45%). However, S5 showed some improvement, as seen in S3, bringing four particles (no, de, to, ka) used as NTL at Time 1 to TL at Time 2, which probably was the results of instruction. It was not very clear whether his initial achievement of Superior (3) had effects on holding his ability in particle use. In the case of S6, there were only three particles that showed substantial changes. NTL use of no decreased greatly (-89%), while that of ga and ka increased considerably (+45%, +25%). The rates of change were rather small for the other particles. S6's overall performance could be a support for H1. With some caution, S7 was clearly a case of progression toward the target norm in particle use, inasmuch as all NTL use was decreased (-5% to -67%). It appeared that in his case the Superior level he had at the beginning provided not only a barrier to attrition of Japanese particle use but also a foundation for promoting further learning in the foreign language. The microanalysis revealed that particle use as interlanguage was still in a state of flux in most subjects, but certain evidence of decline was detected. In sum, from the data analyses of the subjects' particle use, the prediction in H1 was supported in S1, S6, and S7. It was not clear in S2, S4, and S5. It was not supported in S3.

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Sentence Structure The purpose of the sentence structure analysis was to investigate the changes in subjects' interlanguage between Time 1 and Time 2 in producing complex sentences in terms of the length of T-unit. The number of embedded clauses and words was investigated. First, the production of nontargetlike T-units, simple sentences, and words at Time 1 and Time 2 were examined, setting a background for the discussion in the same way that the subjects' NTL particle use was examined in the previous section. The results are presented in Table 8.4. in the Appendix. Notice that, except for S6, who showed a sharp increase of 68%, all subjects' NTL production of T-units decreased at Time 2. S2, S3, and S7 decreased more than 35%, and S1, S4, and S5 also did so but within a narrow range (-3% to -9%). A similar pattern emerged in the production of nontargetlike simple sentences. S6 showed a large increase at +50%. S4 and S5 increased a little. S1, S2, S3 and S7 exhibited a considerable decrease. In the production of nontargetlike words, the pattern was repeated again. S2, S3, and S7 demonstrated a decrease of NTL word use at Time 2, as they did in T-units and simple sentences. S1, S4, and S5 also showed a decrease but in different degrees (-6% to -20%). S6 increased even in NTL word use at +38%. His case appeared to be an aberration among the subjects. A closer examination of the results revealed that the percentage of S6's NTL production at Time 1 was much lower than other subjects. For example, NTLT units were only 15.9%, lower than those of S7, who showed a consistent decrease in the three areas and an extremely low percentage compared to S1's 57.8%. The same pattern was seen in NTL simple sentences and words, which were 13.4% and 2.4% at Time 1. When S6's rates increased at Time 2 (26.7%, 20.1%, 3.3%, respectively), they were still lower than most of the other subjects' rates. The effects of S6's low rates of NTL production were felt in the analysis of structural complexity and T-unit length, which are presented in the next section. As was observed in the analysis of NTL particle use, the results from NTL sentence structure analysis again revealed the idiosyncratic nature of interlanguage development in individual subjects. As a result, the examination of each feature across subjects did not provide confirmation of the hypothesis. Therefore, the discussion is limited to each subject's change in oral performance across features. Except for S6, all subjects' NTL productions decreased over the study period. They produced more targetlike T-units, simple sentences, and words at Time 2. S2, S3, and S7 improved considerably (-25% to -47%) and S1, S4, and S5 slightly (-3% to -20%). The results failed to support H1 in that subjects S1, S2, S3 were able to retain or improve the rate of NTL structure at Time 2, while S6 showed a decline. The improvement that was shown by subjects might have been attributable to the instruction during the academic year or subjects' heightened consciousness for accuracy at Time 2, inasmuch as it was the end-of-year oral test. More TL production of T-units, simple sentences, and words might not necessarily be an indication of advanced improvement of oral skill, however, because the subjects could simplify the sentence structure in order to avoid errors. There-

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fore, the data were analyzed for the purpose of finding changes in subjects' ability to create complex sentences with accuracy. Table 8.5 (see Appendix) shows the complexity of sentence structure (shown by the number of simple sentences embedded in a T-unit) and the length of T-unit (shown by the number of words per T unit) produced by each subject and the percentage change between Time 1 and Time 2, both in total (S/T, W/T) and error-free count (EFS/EFT, EFW/EFT). S2 and S7, who showed a considerable decrease in NTL production of T-units (-38%, -47%, respectively), simple sentences (-37%, -39%), and words (-42%, -44%), also decreased considerably in the embeddedness and in the length of Tunits. S2's loss was a decrease of 18% in total embeddedness (-24% in errorfree) and a decrease of 30% in T-unit length (-46% in error-free). Those of S7 were -20% (-26%) and -24% (-34%), respectively. The reduction in the number of words and embedded sentence production may have resulted in the reduction of NTL production, inasmuch as T-units that contained fewer subordinate clauses might well have contained fewer errors. S3, S4, and S5 showed a consistent decrease in both areas as well, though S3's rates remained small. On the other hand, S6 and S1 demonstrated an increase in all areas. As with his performance in NTL structure, S6 showed increase in complex sentence production at the change rates of+ 11% and +13% (+18%, +28% in error-free). A further analysis of his data revealed that his utterances at Time 1 were characterized by their brevity and accuracy. Any attempts to produce more complex and longer sentences resulted in an increase of embedded sentences. S1's increase rate was small at +9% and +14% (+8%, +5% in error-free), like her small percentage decrease in NTL production. This part of the data analyses of the subjects' oral performance change in sentence structure in oral performance produced mixed results in supporting H1. The cases that upheld the hypothesis were S2 and S3, whose initial achievement was Advanced High (2+) and who experienced decline in the feature. The Advanced (2) speaker, S1, on the other hand, showed an increase in her production of errorfree complex sentences, however small the rates were. Of the four Superior (3) speakers, only S6's case supported the hypothesis, while the other three (S4, S5, S7) showed various degrees of decline. Among the latter three, S7 exhibited high rates of decrease, but the content of his performance might explain the phenomenon. His production of complex sentences was very high at Time 1 (S/T 1.96, EFS/EFT 2.21) and also of T-unit length (W/T 15.9, EFW/EFT 20.6), which presented almost a reversal case of S6, whose production was one of the lowest. Even S7's decreased rates at Time 2 were still higher than most subjects' rates. Fluency The third feature analyzed was the change in the subjects' oral fluency in terms of speech rate and pauses (temporal elements) and repetitions and self-corrections (dysfluency markers). First, an attempt was made to measure each subject's rate of articulation in speech. All syllables uttered in the two-minute segment were counted, and then the total number of syllables was divided by the total utterance time in seconds.

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The results presented in Table 8.6 (see Appendix) show that in five cases (S1, S4, S5, S6, S7) the subjects' articulation rates did not suffer during the period of less use and exposure in the foreign language environment. In these five cases, the change of percentage of usage remained relatively low. The range went from -2% to +7% in the unpruned rate and from zero to +5% in the pruned rate. The results suggested that, in general, the articulation rate in L2 was a personal trait, which would not be affected in a short period of time when the language environment is changed from the target language country to a foreign language environment. The noticeable differences in rates between "unpruned" and "pruned" in S1 (.7 at both Time 1 and Time 2) and S2 (.3 at Time 1 and .8 at Time 2) indicated a fair number of dysfluency features, such as repetitions and self-corrections, which will be discussed in a later section. Next, the individual subjects' pause time, both unfilled and filled, was examined as a possible indicator of oral skill attrition. All pauses over 0.2 seconds between phrases and sentences, and lengthened syllables within a word were measured from the oscillograms, and the percentage of these pauses in the total delivery segment was calculated. The summary of this analysis shown in Table 8.7 (see Appendix) reveals an increase in total pause time for S1, S2, S3, S4, and S6. Of all, S2 showed the most dramatic increase, particularly in unfilled pauses, which became longer (+90% at Time 2). The mean length went from 485 msec to 895 msec, an 85% increase. As discussed in the previous section, S2's high increase coincided with his high articulation rate increases, +2% (unpruned), +23% (pruned) respectively. This seems to indicate that the speaker hesitated longer at Time 2 than he did at Time 1, but once he started speaking, he hurried to finish his utterances as quickly as possible. S1's increase in unfilled pause time was also quite high at +33% (mean length increase of +55%), although her total pause time was a little lower at +26%. Speakers S3 and S4 showed some increase in total pause time (+16%, +10%), while S5 and S7 demonstrated decrease consistently in all areas (-14%, -17% of total pause time). The rate of S6 was small enough (+2%) to be interpreted as a retention case. In sum, the analysis of data indicated that between Time 1 and Time 2, subjects were not affected in their articulation rate, but they were affected differently in pause duration. A considerable increase in hesitation pauses was observed for S1 and S2. Some increases were seen for S3 and S4. There was a slight increase for S6. There was a decrease for S5 and S7. Except for S4, who showed decline, the changes in pause time in these subjects supported the hypothesis. In addition to the above temporal elements of speech rate and pauses, dysfluency markers of repetitions and self-corrections were analyzed to examine the changes in the subjects' oral fluency. Table 8.8 (see Appendix) shows the results of the analysis. The analysis revealed that the occurrence of false starts was very low in almost all subjects. They were found in each subject at Time 1 and at Time 2 in the following frequencies: S1 (0, 1), S2 (4, 2), S3 (1, 7), S4 (6, 6), S5 (1, 2), S6 (4, 4), and S7 (2, 9). These are not shown in the table because of their low frequencies but are included in the total. The repetition rate per T-unit for S1 and S2 was by far the highest. It was .19 at Time 1 and .32 at Time 2 for S1. S2

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showed .35 at Time 1 and .28 at Time 2. Although S2 repeated less at Time 2, his overall high rate was notable. Student 6 also increased in repetition, and S3 showed repetition only at Time 2. The others, S4, S5, and S7, showed decreases in the repetition rate. The change in the rate of self-correction was somewhat similar to that of repetition. Student 2 still showed the highest rate at Time 1 (.29), but this was decreased at Time 2 (.18). S1's increase at Time 2 was large at +120%, and so was S6's at +60%. Student 4's increase at +200% could not be interpreted as important since the rate itself was low at both Time 1 (.03) and Time 2 (.09). The others (S3, S5, S7) showed a decrease at Time 2. The results from this part of the data analysis were mixed in regard to the hypothesis. The cases of S1, S5, and S7 supported it. Those of S3 and S4 were not clear. Those of S2 and S6 did not support it. A summary of the findings and discussions from the above data analyses, for all features studied for each of the subjects, is presented in Table 8.9 (see Appendix) together with the final OPI ratings. Few subjects demonstrated attrition and retention clearly in the features chosen and analyzed for this study that were predicted in H2. Nor was the relationship between their initial ratings and subsequent oral performance in the foreign language environment as clear as was hypothesized. However, within the limitation of the feature analysis, a certain attrition and retention profile for each subject emerged. Most of these profiles gave support for H1. Students 1 and S2, who showed attrition in more than two areas, declined in overall speaking proficiency as their level went down to Intermediate High (1+) and Advanced (2), respectively. On the other hand, S5, S6, and S7, who revealed retention in more than two features, also retained their proficiency level (Superior [3]). Two cases, S3 and S4, who showed attrition in two features, however, did not support the hypothesis. Student 3, whose initial rating was Advanced High (2+), lost in sentence structure and pause time, but she maintained her overall initial level. S4, regardless of his initial Superior (3) achievement, showed a loss in two areas and mixed results in other two and rated lower (2+) at the end. It was possible that S3's level could have been much higher than her rating of Advanced High (2+), and that of S4 could have been lower than Superior (3). The results might have shown one of the areas where the ACTFL guidelines reveals its weakness in that it defines as Advanced High (2+) the speaker's ability to "support opinions, explain in detail, and hypothesize [just like the superior speaker], but this ability is not consistent. Under pressure or stress, control of stylistic registers and/or complicated structures may prove inadequate" (ACTFL 1986). Another interpretation could depend on the difference in the stability of language mass these two subjects had at the beginning of the study. Both had improved their ratings, during the summer immersion program. Student 3 rated Advanced (2) and S4 rated Advanced High (2+) immediately before they went to Japan. However, S3 built up a sufficient mass of language to maintain her level in the foreign language environment, while S4 could not. Like S3, S2 was also rated Advanced High (2+), but he showed a decline. The results indicated that the initial achievement was not the only factor affecting changes in the subjects' speaking

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performance during the study period. As it was hypothesized that other factors—attitudes and motivation, language use outside the classroom, and language learning backgrounds—variably affected the attrition and retention of the subjects, the roles of these factors are discussed in the following section. Attitudes and Motivation and Language Use The third research question and hypothesis were concerned with the relationship between attrition and retention and the affective factors of attitude and motivation and language use outside the classroom. Prior to the study, it was assumed that all subjects had come to the graduate school with very favorable attitudes toward Japan, its people, and its language and with a high degree of motivation to study the language and culture, which constituted the core of the M.A. program. Therefore, in place of being tested by existing measurements, the subjects completed a questionnaire on the nature of their motivation, whether integrative or instrumental. Six follow-up interviews with the researcher were conducted throughout the academic year to detect any changes in their attitudes and motivation. Information on the degree of their Japanese use outside the classroom was collected from the interviews as well. Table 8.10 (in the Appendix) lists 1) individual subjects' type of motivation and partial quotes from their statement in the questionnaire, 2) change or no change in their motivation, 3) a short summary from the follow-up interviews regarding the state of motivation, and 4) language use outside the classroom. Each subject had a different motivation profile, and not all subjects maintained the initial intensity of attitudes and motivation. Furthermore, their Japanese use outside the classroom seemed to coincide with the state of their motivation. The distinction between integrative motivation and instrumental motivation did not necessarily predict whether the subjects would go through changes in motivation and language proficiency during the academic year. For example, among the three subjects who claimed their motivation to be integrative, S1, who lived in Japan as a teenager with her parents and was very interested in Japanese culture, experienced frustration in learning the language since her improvement seemed very slow. There seemed to have been a slight shift in her motivation when she started learning Spanish on a casual basis in the spring semester. She also began to consider French, which she had learned for five years in high school and college, as the foreign language in her future career. The change in her motivation seemed to have been strongly related to her attrition in proficiency (from 2 to 1+), as it affected her willingness to use Japanese outside the classroom. The other two with integrative motivation did not suffer attrition. Student 3 was anxious to raise her (2+) level to the required superior level (3) so that she would not have to worry too much about "losing." Her awareness of the greater demands of learning a non-West-European language led her to arrange additional practice sessions outside the classroom. As discussed before, S3 maintained her initial level even when she attrited in two features, sentence structure and pause time.

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The Loss of Japanese as a Second Language

But in particle use, she showed improvement. It was possible that her strong motivation to maintain her current level and her conscious effort to practice Japanese with a language exchange partner helped her sustain the level. Student 5, who had come to the program with a superior (3) rating, saw his job search in the second year as the culmination of his language learning effort, and he focused on consulting or financial companies where he could demonstrate his expertise in the Japanese language and international business. Accordingly, he made a great effort to use Japanese where possible. Of the four subjects who answered that their motivation was instrumental, only one displayed a predicted relationship between motivation and language loss. It was S4, who attrited from Superior (3) to Advanced High (2+), a case which did not support H1. He said that his priority in his second year was to find a job, and therefore studying in general, including Japanese, came after that. In the process of the job search, he lost motivation to study Japanese because he had found out that neither Japanese nor American companies were necessarily looking for a candidate who could speak Japanese. In addition, in a professional position offered to him, he had learned that he would not be sent to Japan in the near future. He claimed, however, that his motivation had been very high in his first year because he had to prepare for an internship in Japan during the following summer. Although his first encounter with the people and language was through his denominational missionary work in Japan nine years prior to the research, his primary interest in learning Japanese seemed, at least during the study period, to be that of material gain. He seemed most concerned with getting a desirable job. When it became clear that maintaining his proficiency in Japanese would not be advantageous in his job search or in his future job, S4 lost motivation, however temporarily. An external factor that might have played a role in S4's motivation loss and attrition might be the graduate program's policy for exit proficiency level. The policy then required the student to demonstrate a superior level (3) speaking performance at least once, not necessarily at the last test, out of five ACTFL oral tests given during his or her two-year study at the graduate school. (Later, the policy was changed to require Superior at the exit test.) Student 4 was rated as Superior for the first time in his fourth test at the beginning of the second academic year, but in the fifth and final test, he was rated as Advanced High (2+). Once he had obtained the required level, he did not have to worry much about maintenance and made little use of the language. Again in S4, the attitudinal and motivational factor seemed to have played a significant role in his attrition. Students 6 and 7 did not show changes in motivation or in their superior proficiency level. Student 6 was acutely aware of his lack of Japanese use outside the classroom and his declining speaking performance. In one of the interviews, he said he felt that his performance was somewhere between 50% to 60% of his initial peak performance. This type of low self-evaluation is reported in Clark & Jorden's (1984) study: The self-ratings of those who did not use Japanese were lower than their actual proficiency levels. Within this group, perhaps S2's case was different, in that he experienced attrition (from 2+ to 2) even when he had maintained high attitude and motivation and even when his motivation had

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come to include more integrative character as the year progressed. It was not the level of motivation, but the change in focus in language study that might have been related to his attrition in speaking. He judged that he could improve his speaking more efficiently during the upcoming summer immersion in Japan, and so he would focus his study more on reading during the school year. The results of analysis in attitudes and motivation and language use supported H3. It was observed that three subjects (S1, S2, S4) lost their motivation, made little use of Japanese outside the classroom, and thus experienced attrition. Four subjects (S3, S5, S6, S7) maintained their motivation, made efforts to use the language, and retained their level. The case of S3, who retained her level of Advanced High (2+) with strong motivation and language use, called for Advanced High; H1 to include the level as one that would be immune to attrition as well. The results also showed support for Gardner & Maclntyre (1991) in the notion that both types of motivation were effective in language learning.

Language Learning Background The final research question focused on the relationship of the L2 learning backgrounds of the individual subjects to their attrition and retention of the language. It was hypothesized that those who had longer formal study of Japanese and a longer stay in Japan would be more resistant to attrition. The information about subjects' past experiences in learning Japanese and their visits and periods of residence in Japan was collected from the questionnaire and discussed in more detail during the follow-up interviews with the researcher. Table 8.11 (in the Appendix) shows 1) types of institution and lengths of study for formal Japanese study and 2) types and lengths of long term stays or visits in Japan. Except for the required summer program in the first year (1.5 months of language study and 0.5 months of culture study) and the summer internship in the second year (approximately three months)—both in Japan—the subjects had very diverse backgrounds in learning Japanese and in their contacts with Japan. As for the length of formal language study, S1 had the longest study period (over five years). S2 had the shortest (about nine months). S1's study of Japanese at an American high school in Japan, however, consisted of nonintensive basic courses for all three years. It is notable that the three subjects who experienced attrition (S1, S2, S4) first went to Japan either to work or to live. Thus they had exposure to the language prior to their formal learning of the language. Student 1 lived in Japan for three years with her parents, who were on a business assignment. Student 2 worked 19 months as a commercial attache at the French embassy in Tokyo. Student 4 worked in Japan for two years as a missionary. It might give support, though on a very limited scale, to the notion that language acquisition takes place more efficiently when both comprehensible input and grammar (conscious learning, particularly at the beginning stage in adult learners) are provided (Krashen 1981). Without explicit knowledge of the language, the input they received in Japan as naturalistic acquirers would have been incomprehensible. Thus effective, speedy acquisition of Japanese might

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not have resulted because it was slowed down by the necessity of processing unmarked data (Larsen-Freeman & Long, 1991:321)3. Except for S1, who had two years instruction at college (at the intermediate level) the subsequent formal instruction undertaken by the other two subjects was rather short. Student 2 studied about nine months, and S4 studied a little over one year. In all three cases, formal instruction might not have been enough in either length or intensity to help them build up the critical mass that would have maintained their advanced levels in speaking proficiency. The time spent in Japan following (or simultaneously, in S2's case) their formal instruction was characterized by its shortness. Student 1 and S2 spent only two months (the first-year summer program), and S4 stayed five months (two months in the first year summer program and three months in the second-year internship). Students 3, 5, 6, and 7, who maintained their levels, had intensive initial instruction for two years to nearly four years either in Japan or in colleges in the United States. Their stay in Japan following (or simultaneously, in S5's case) the formal instruction might have enforced and solidified their learning, even if the length of stay was relatively short, as in S3's nine-month contact. The outcome of the above discussion generally supported H4 in that the longer formal study enforced by a simultaneous or subsequent stay in Japan facilitated acquisition of the advanced levels, which were resistant to attrition. Weitens et al. (1986) reported small loss among students who had four to six years of instruction as well, although research on the impact of method, content or intensity of instruction on attrition and retention has yet to be done. The results call for an alteration of the first half of H4 as follows (in italics): Speakers who had longer formal study of Japanese prior to (or simultaneously with) their stay in Japan and a longer stay in Japan were predicted to be more resistant to attrition. Interpretations and Implications for Attrition Research One of the major findings of the study was the threshold level of Advanced High (2+) or higher that seemed to resist attrition. The inclusion of Advanced High was a little unexpected, inasmuch it was hypothesized that Superior (3) or higher level would be the attrition threshold. Although S5, S6, and S7 maintained their Superior level throughout the study period, it was observed that S3, whose initial level was Advanced High, also managed to retain her level. It could be interpreted that these subjects had acquired sufficient language mass for retention in the foreign language environment. In S3's case, it seemed that the content of her Advanced High achievement was close to the Superior level and that some other factors might be at work. Among those who showed decline in rating at Time 2 (S1, S2, S4), S1's case was the only one that revealed an initial level lower than Advanced High, which was not high enough for maintaining the level in the foreign language learning environment, as she experienced decline from Advanced to Intermediate High. Students 2 and 4 revealed somewhat different patterns from others. Student 2, unlike S3, could not maintain his Advanced High level at Time 2 and declined to Advanced. Student 4, whose ini-

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tial level was Superior, rated lower as Advanced High at Time 2. These findings indicated that certain proficiency levels would resist (or allow) attrition. The anomalous cases, however, implied that factors other than initial proficiency play a role in the progression and regression of L2 oral proficiency. Findings from the analysis of attitude and motivation and language use were also significant in that they provided certain explanations for anomalies in the responses, such as those shown in S2 and S4 described above, as well as a support for the maintenance in S3, S5, S6, S7 and decline in S1. Students 2 and 4 showed changes in their motivation and made little use of Japanese outside the classroom, which seemed to have contributed to the decline of their ratings at Time 2. Subjects who maintained their proficiency levels kept their motivation high throughout the study period and sought to use the language in foreign language environment, whereas S1's decline corresponded to her motivational change and limited use of Japanese. The difference in individual language learning background was found to be related to attrition, as expected. The relationship was indirect, however, in that factors such as the length of study and of language contact in Japan presumably contributed toward building a critical mass for retention rather than directly preventing attrition. All subjects who maintained their proficiency levels had intensive instruction (two to three years) either at college (S3, S6, S7) or at language school in Japan (S5). The instruction was followed (or given simultaneously in S5's case) by extended language contacts in Japan (nine months to 39 months), which seemed to have affected the buildup that slowed the attrition curve. An unexpected finding within this small-scale study was the timing of instruction in relation to language contact and its relevance to language maintenance and attrition. While all the maintenance group had instruction prior to (or simultaneously with) their language contact, all the attrition group had rather extensive language contact (19 to 36 months) prior to their formal instruction in Japanese. Although the relation of the intensity of prior exposure to language acquisition was not investigated in the study, the finding was interpreted as the instruction having a speedup effect for reaching the threshold level. In attrition research, particularly the investigation of attrition among advanced level learners, these individual factors may be considered important, because they seem to play significant roles in acquiring the higher level of language proficiency. The relationships of instruction and immersion—to what extent and at what point in language learning—to the ultimate achievement may pose an especially important research question. With respect to the question of what was lost, the overall amount of attrition in the three features investigated was small; rather, there was evidence of improvement within every individual case. For example, among those who showed indication of attrition (S1, S2, S4), S1 retained, however minimally it had been, her ability to produce accurate and complex sentences; S2 declined in the TL use of four particles, but improved in other four particles and so did he in total repairs; S4 improved in six TL particles and in repetitions. Naturally, attrition was even less, and more improvement was seen among those who demonstrated overall retention of their proficiency levels and oral performance (S3, S5, S6, S7): S3 showed a strong improvement in all TL particle use and in self-cor-

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rections; S5 slightly improved in TL particle use and used shorter pause time and fewer repairs; S6 improved only in two TL particle use, but produced more complex and longer sentences; S7 increased in more TL use in all particles and decreased in pause time and repairs. The patterns in maintenance or loss of skills came as no surprise because of the specific environment—continued instruction and reduced exposure and use, instead of non-use—which enabled the subjects to improve in certain areas, and because of the advanced level of their proficiency, which helped to resist attrition. Even though a certain amount of attrition was observed to support the research hypotheses, it would be hard to argue that the amount was sufficient to affect subjects' communicative function. Moreover, at this minimal level of attrition, it would probably be possible for most subjects to regain the earlier proficiency once they had opportunities to return to Japan. The study basically gave support to the graduate institute's language requirements as well as to suggestions for its foreign language instruction to better maintain the speaking proficiency strengthened by studies in Japan. However, an attrition study that would be more longitudinal in scope and which would focus on more specific features that are characteristic of advanced speech in Japanese (e.g., idiomatic expressions, honorifics, or registers) would provide clearer indications of L2 acquisition processes. Finally, regardless of the difficulty with the ACTFL rating scale and its application to setting a baseline in attrition research, this study was the first to use seminaturalistic data (OPI tapes) and thus was able to capture the attrition phenomena from a more naturalistic and global point of view. As communication is the ultimate goal of L2 learning, the use of naturalistic data drawn from real-life communication may reveal more realistic aspects of L2 attrition. In addition, the qualitative analysis of these seven cases and their cross-examination provided tools to investigate the idiosyncratic nature of attrition in individual subjects. In attrition research, especially at advanced levels such as this study, data may yield more insightful results when they are analyzed qualitatively. Further investigation of the attrition of L2 Japanese-speaking skills conducted with a larger number of subjects with different initial achievement levels and with naturalistic data as well as structured interviews would be useful to supplement the findings of the present study. For the investigation of advanced speaker attrition, the definition of proficiency levels according to ILR scale, which divide the ACTFL Superior into five more different levels, might provide a better baseline for oral skill change. Since a relatively small number of studies have been conducted on the L2 Japanese attrition of speaking skills among adult speakers, any further research will contribute information about the "threshold" level, which would have washback effects not only on Japanese teachers and learners but also on L2 teaching and learning in general. Implications for L2 Japanese Course Design and Pedagogy Keeping in mind the limitations of this study and the nature of attrition phenomena, some implications can still be drawn for L2 Japanese course design and

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pedagogy. In the context of the graduate program, whose concern for the students' oral skill maintenance motivated this study, the findings provide certain guidelines for admission and academic policy, as well as for course design and pedagogy. First, considering the long hours necessary for moving from an advanced to superior level (1080-1440 hours; Hadley 1993:28) and the nonintensive nature of language courses (two 80-minute classes per week), the admission cutoff needs to be higher than Advanced. Second, considering the strong relationship between motivation and the maintenance of proficiency level, the academic requirement needs to be set to achieve and to maintain a Superior rating to the last OPI test, rather than merely to achieve it at any one point of their five tests; thus keeping students' motivation high for retaining their levels. Third, considering the attrition phenomena among lower-level speakers (Advanced or Advanced High) and their relationships to motivation and use, the course designs need to focus more on speaking practice, including providing extracurricular activities that would enhance their motivation and confidence to use Japanese with native speakers who are readily available on campus. In the general L2 Japanese-teaching context, the study draws attention to Clark & Jorden's (1984) notion that if the goal of language learning were to be lifelong use, then the design of language learning and teaching should focus on reaching the level that would be resistant to attrition (e.g., the Advanced High level (2+) or above). Because it has been the experience of the FSI that Japanese is one of the languages that takes the longest to attain the advancedhigh level or above (2,400 to 2,760 hours average; Hadley 1993), the inclusion and integration of study in Japan as part of the course design seems almost imperative for learners who strive to attain the level. A survey by Jorden & Lambert (1991) on Japanese language instruction in the United States shows that college students are eager to develop speaking skills. However, the time required to achieve useful proficiency is given as one of the main reasons to drop courses. In order to give learners enough time to achieve their goals, a course design needs to have a more long-term perspective. For example, the integration of course design at secondary school and at college levels would enhance the effectiveness in terms of time and the learner's motivation. As the number of precollegiate Japanese programs has grown recently, a need for articulating secondary school instruction with its college-level counterpart has been realized in recent years, and the National Foreign Language Center (1993) has completed a curriculum framework for introductory Japanese courses in high schools and colleges. In preparing the learners to reach the goal, it would appear to be beneficial to make the initial instruction intensive and to take a proficiency-oriented approach from the beginning. Testing the student's proficiency periodically on a standardized scale would be effective for showing where the student is in terms of his or her ultimate goal of learning Japanese and for enhancing his or her motivation. Teaching language-learning strategies would also stimulate the student's motivation for acquisition and maintenance (Oxford 1990; O'Malley & Chamot 1990).

Appendix Table 8.1. Subjects' Backgrounds S1

S2

S3

S4

S5

S6

S7

Native language

E

F

E

E

E

E

E

Gender

F

M

F

M

M

M

M

Age

24

29

25

30

31

27

27

Length of formal Japanese study*

62

10

38

14

24

44

26

Length of stay in Japan*

38

29

9

41

33

17

39

Work experience* U.S. Japan

36

36**

24

24

36

24

12

0

19

3

3

37

7

15

Notes: *Numbers are in months and include work experience in Japan. **in France and Austria only.

Table 8.2. ACTFL Rating at Time 1 S1

S2

S3

S4

S5

S6

S7

2

2+

2+

3

3

3

3

Note: Ratings are translated into numerical ILR/FSI

192

Table 8.3. Percentage (%) Change in Targetlike (TL) and Nontargetlike (NTL) in Individual Speakers Particles

S1 (2)

S2 (2+)

S3 (2+)

S4 (3)

S5 (3)

S6 (3)

S7 (3)

3 77

+4 -100

+12 -89

+2 -67

-7 +45

+ 15 -42

Case Marking TL NTL

_l

_2

+25

+ 147

ga

TL NTL

-27 +187

+3 -100

+ 18 -72

+21 -43

-3 +28

0

TL NTL

-18 +18

-9 + 109

+ 14 -80

-12 +68

-13

_5

+48

+5

+3 -30

TL NTL

_5 +29

-3 +10

+2 _7

+ 10 -84

0 +5

-4 +4

+2 -25

de

TL NTL

-24 + 166

+1 -7

+8 -100

-12 +46

+11 -100

+ 11 -100

+9 -100

to

TL NTL

0 0

+7 -100

+4 -100

+2 -100

+1 -100

0 8

0 0

+1 -12

0 0

0 0

no

ni

0+ 0-

Conjunctive kara TL

NTL

0 0

0 0

+ 11 -100

+4 -100 Adverbial

ka

TL NTL

—

0 0

0 0

0 0

+8 -100

-25 +25

+22 -100

wa

TL NTL

0 0

+6 -100

+4 -100

+7 -59

+3 -45

-4 +4

+1 -100

mo

TL NTL

0 0

-11 +11

_7

-33 +33

0 0

0 0

+1

+7

_5

Notes: 100 simply indicates no TL use (all TL use at Time 2, and does not necessarily show actual change from Time 1 to Time 2). A dash shows a structure was not elicited.

193

Table 8.4. Nontargetlike (NTL) Production of T-units, Simple Sentences, and Words S1 (2)

S2

S3

(2+)

(2+)

S4 (3)

S5 (3)

S6 (3)

S7 (3)

57.2 52.0

22.3 21.7

15.9 26.7

24.3 12.8

-9

-3

T-units Time 1 Time 2 % Change

57.8 53.6

_7

48.7 30.0

-38

45.3 29.4

-35

+68

-47

Simple Sentences Time 1 Time 2 % Change

48.2 43.2

-10

40.8 25.7

-37

32.3 20.1

41.8 43.2

-38

+3

14.0 14.1 +1

13.4 20.1

14.5

+50

8.8 -39

2.4 3.3 +38

2.3 1.3 -44

S5

S6

(3)

(3)

S7 (3)

1.82 1.58

1.19 1.32 + 11

Words Time 1 Time 2 % Change

10.8 10.2

-6

11.0

6.4 -42

5.7 4.3 -25

11.4

9.1 -20

2.6 2.2 -15

Table 8.5. Embeddedness and T-unit Length S1

S2

S3

(2)

(2+)

(2+)

S4 (3) S/T

Time 1 Time 2 % Change

1.37 1.49

+9

1.53 1.26

-18

1.66 1.66

1.69 1.39

0

-18

-13

1.96 1.57

-20

EFS/EFT Time 1 Time 2 % Change

1.69 1.82

8

1.77 1.34

-24

2.06 1.88

2.30 1.65

-9

-28

2.01 1.73

-14

1.22 1.44

+18

2.21 1.64

-26

W/T Time 1 Time 2 % Change

10.5 12.0

+14

12.5

12.6

8.7 -30

11.9 -6

13.4 10.6

-21

12.7 11.4

-10

9.3 10.5

+13

15.9 12.1

-24

EFW/EFT Time 1 Time 2 % Change

22.1 23.3

+5

21.8 11.7

-46

27.7 20.0

21.7 16.2

-25

-28

194

16.0 14.3

-11

10.8 13.8

+28

20.6 13.7

-34

Table 8.6. Articulation Rate (Syllables/Second) SI (2)

S2 (2+)

S3 (2+)

S4 (3)

S5 (3)

S6 (3)

S7 (3)

6.8 6.7 -2

6.2 6.6 +7

6.9 7.1 +3

7.1 7.1 0

6.7 7.0 +5

7.4 7.6 +3

-0.3 -0.4

-0.5 -0.4

-0.5 -0.5

Unpruned (UP)* Time 1 Time 2 % change

4.5 4.6 + 16

5.8 6.7 +2

5.4 7.7 +43

7.2 7.3 +1 Pruned (P)*

5.2 5.3 +2

Time 1 Time2 % change

6.1 7.5 +23

5.8 7.8 +35

7.4 7.6 +3

UP-P -0.7 -0.7

Time 1 Time 2

-0.3 -0.8

-0.4 -0.1

-0.2 -0.3

Notes: *A11 syllables/total on time in seconds **Syllables (excluding repetitions, self-corrections, and pause-fillers)/total time on these syllables.

Table 8.7. Pause Time and Mean Length of Unfilled Pause Time S1 (2)

S2 (2+)

S3 (2+)

S4 (3)

S5 (3)

S6 (3)

S7 (3)

30.7 38.0 +24

36.0 29.8 -17

Unfilled Pause Time as % of Total Delivery Time Time 1 Time 2 % change

31.2 41.6 +33

27.9 52.9 +90

25.7 38.9 +51

24.8 28.8 +16

30.8 25.7 -17

Filled Pause Time as % of Total Delivery Time Time 1 Time 2 % change

13.3 14.4 +8

Time 1 Time 2 % change

44.5 56.0 +26

37.9 59.2 -56

Time 1 Time 2 % change

578 897 +55

485 895 +85

10.0 16.3 -37

11.8 4.7 -60

5.6 5.0 -11

6.0 5.8 -3

14.6 8.2 -44

9.8 8.1 -17

Total Pause Time (Unfilled and Filled) as % of Total Delivery Time

37.5 43.6 +16

30.4 33.3 +10

36.8 31.5 -14

45.3 46.2 +2

45.8 37.9 -17

Mean Length of Unfilled Pauses (msec) 535 637 +19

631 605 +4

195

638 519 -19

568 605 +7

641 535 -17

Table 8.8. Repair Phenomena S1 (2)

S2

S3

S4

(2+)

(2+)

(3)

S5 (3)

S6 (3)

S7 (3)

0.12 0.04

0.15 0.19

0.08

Repetitions T-unit

0.19 0.32

Time 1 Time 2 % change

+68

0.36 0.28

-22

00.10 0.09 * -30

0.06 0.07 -33

-47

+58

—

—

Self-correction/T-unit Time 1 Time 2 % change

0.05 0.11 +120

0.12 0.04 -67

0.29 0.18

-38

0.03 0.09 +200

0.08 0.06

0.15 0.24

-25

0.19 0.11

-42

+60

Repair Total**

0.24 0.44

Time 1 Time 2 % change

+83

0.68 0.47

0.13 0.18 +38

-31

0.16 0.20 +25

0.15 0.11

0.30 0.46

-27

-31

+53

Notes: *The figure is mathematically undefinable. **Includes false starts.

Table 8.9. Summary of Results S1

S3

S2

S4

S5

S6

S7

Oral Proficiency Interview Rating Time 1 Time 2

2 1+

2+ 2+

2+ 2

3 2+

3 3

3 3

3 3

NC At Rt Rt

Rt Rt Rt At

Rt At Rt Rt

Features Particle Use Sentence Structure Fluency Pause Time Repair

At Rt At At

NC At At Rt

Rt At At NC

Notes: At = attrition Rt = retention NC = not clear

196

NC At At NC

0.35 0.24

Table 8.10. Types of Motivation and Changes over the Academic Year S1 (2)

Integrative: "to understand the intuitive Japanese culture" Somewhat changed. Frustrated for her slow improvement in Japanese. Started Learning Spanish in the spring and also began contemplating using her French for her long-term career goal. Language use: little use

S2 Instrumental: "Japanese is important in international business" (2+) Not changed overall, but shifted focus on reading. Maintained strong motivation for the following summer's internship in Japan. Viewed language as a tool for understanding the people and for enjoying literature. Language use: little use S3 Integrative: "to understand my own cultural heritage" (2+) Not changed. Worried about her level. Wanted to reach Superior soon so that she could relax, not worrying about attrition. Was aware of disadvantage in learning Japanese which took longer than other languages to acquire higher level. Language use: speaking 1-2 hours per week S4 (3)

Instrumental: "speaking Japanese is advantageous in international business" Changed. Job search was more important than studying in general. Lost motivation because business was not interested in Americans who could speak Japanese, and he would also not be working in Japan for some time in the job he was offered. Language use: little use

S5 (3)

Integrative: "to know the Japanese people better" Not changed. Maintained a strong motivation. Was determined to find employment in which his proficiency in Japanese would be an advantage. Found a position in a Japanese bank where there was a prospect for higher position in the future.

S6

Instrumental: "Japanese is more important in international business than Chinese at the moment" Not changed. Very aware of the state of his speaking proficiency. At the end of the academic year, he thought his performance was 50-60% of initial level. Frustrated by his slow improvement in his Superior level and the inconsistency of his speaking performance. Believed that Japanese would be useful in his future career in computer software industry. Language use: newspaper reading and disucssion; reading for research

(3)

S7 (3)

Instrumental: "mainly for the joy of learning a difficult language" Not changed. Enjoyed learning about foreign countries and languages in general. Chose Japanese because of his interest in computer and artificial intelligence. Found a position in an American computer company in Japan. Believed that the success in language learning was ultimately a matter of a strong will on the learner's part. Language use: journal reading; video watching; converation with Japanese EFL students on campus

197

Table 8.11. Language Learning Backgrounds: Types and Length of Japanese Study, Length of Stay in Japan (in months) Length of stay in Japan

Types and Length of Japanese Study

S1 (2)

S2 (2+)

high school' college summer2 language school3 summer

36 24

residence summer

36 2

job

19

1.5 8 1.5

school summer4

8

7 2 6

2

college summer

36 1.5

job

(3)

college summer

12 1.5

missionary job 1 summer job 2

24 12 2 3

S5

language school

12

school

30

S6 (3)

college summer

42 1.5

school summer

12

S3 (2+)

S4

summer childhood residence

job

S7 (3)

college summer

24 1.5

job l summer job 2

Notes: ' An American high school in Japan. 2 A summer intensive course in Japan as part of the graduate program. S5 was exempted from the requirement. 3 A private language school in Japan. 4 Six week language study and two week culture study in Japan.

198

2 3 36 2 1

A Multiple Case Study of American University Students

199

Notes 1. Originally, all nine students enrolled in the Japanese program were to be included in the study, but two of them had to be dropped: One did not go to Japan during the summer, and the Time 2 ACTFL test tape of the other student was not recorded. 2. Although deletion is not uncommon among native speakers in casual conversation, it was counted as NTL. The rationale behind the decision was the rather low appropriateness rated by two native speakers. Of the total 166 deletions made by the subjects at both T1 and T2, one native speaker marked 50 (30.1 %) as appropriate, but the other marked on 20 (12.0%). Both marked 15 (9.0%) of the same deletions as appropriate. Another consideration was the sociolinguistic environment where the examinees, as advanced speakers of Japanese L2, were expected to be formal (i.e., unlike a casual setting, to try not to deleted particles, as it would go against the target language norm). 3. In Chapter 5, Russell reports that his subjects who had acquired high levels of lexical proficiency in Japanese in an informal and intensive L2 environment showed little attrition in lexical items, probably because they had learned a much larger vocabulary than would have been learned in a classroom.

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Index

ACTFL, scale. See American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages scale adjective negation, .143-45, 148-50,157, 160-64 adults age as language attrition factor, 5-6, 7, 15 fluency changes, 173, 177-78, 182-84, 189 lexical maintenance and attrition, 114-28 negation attrition, 142-52 proficiency level as language attrition factor, 116-17, 127, 172, 173, 178-79, 188 replication of negation research, 154-66 residence length as language attrition factor, 151,152, 157 second-language speaking skills, 117-18, 172-98 sentence-structure complexity, 173, 176 77, 180-82, 189 targetlike usage, 176, 179-80, 189 university student language loss, 69-91 affective variables , 77, 165-66 attitude, 8, 171-74, 185-89 motivation, 8, 13, 171-74, 185-89, 191

age as attrition variable, 5-6, 7, 11, 14,15 See also adults; returnee children Altenberg, E. P., 59, 76 American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages scale, 13, 173, 174-75, 184, 190 analysis of variance, 121, 159-60 Andersen, R., 75, 115 ANOVA. See analysis of variance approximation, 66, 76, 87 Arai, K., 6, 24,25,41,42 Argue, V., 7 Aronoff, M, 59, 74, 75 attitude, 8, 171-74, 185-89 attrition, See language attrition specific aspects avoidance, 66, 73 , 76, 77, 87, 88, 127 Bahrick, H., 6, 7, 9, 14, 23, 41, 42, 75, 170 Barzilay, M., 114 Berman, R. A., 9, 10, 23, 26, 27, 42 bilingualism, 3, 18n.l in Canada, 8, 170-71 social setting recreation and, 23 Bilingual Syntax Measure, 62 Book, The, 27 Boy, A Dog, and a Frog (Mayer), 27, 28, 62

213

214

Index

Brown, C, 114, 117 BSM. See Bilingual Syntax Measure

CYCLE. See Comprehensive Language Evaluation

CAL programs. See Computer Assisted Learning programs Canadian bilingualism, 8, 170-71 Carpentry Apprentice Training School (Palau), 156 case studies English language loss, 80-109 first-stage language attrition, 59-78 Japanese language loss, 172-91 CHAT. See Codes for the Human Analysis of Transcript children. See returnee children Chinese, 22, 118, 152 circumlocution, 87, 88 Clark, J., 8,170,175, 186, 191 classroom instruction, 13, 15-16,43, 187-88, 189, 191 Clyne, M, 170 code mixing, 3 Codes for the Human Analysis of Transcript, 83 codeswitching, 3, 14, 24 by ESL children, 63-65, 72-73, 76,77, 78 filler words and, 123, 124-25, 126, 127 loan words and, 118, 125, 126 Cohen, A., 15 compensatory strategies, 86-89, 92 ESL children and, 66-67, 72-73, 76-77 filler word use, 123, 124-25, 126, 127 loan word use, 118, 125, 126 See also specific strategies comprehension listening, 9, 14-15, 16,42,85 reading, 7, 9, 16 Comprehensive Language Evaluation, 82 Computer Assisted Learning programs, 17 Computerized Language Analysis programs, 83 computers, as language maintenance tool, 17,96 critical threshold hypothesis, 7-8, 12-13, 23, 170 ESL children and, 23, 24, 40, 41-42 negation attrition and, 143, 151, 161-62 cross-sectional data, longitudinal observation vs., 60

Dandonoli, P., 175 de Bot, K.,23, 116, 170 direct appeal strategy, 66, 76 Doughty, C., 178 Dutch language, 170 Dutch students, 6, 7-8, 114,115,170-71 education, second-language. See instruction, second-language Edwards, G., 8, 171 English as second language (ESL), 5, 6, 115,117,170 fluency changes, 24, 67-68, 76, 78, 88, 92 influence from replacing language, 9-12 Japanese returnees' first-stage attrition, 59-78 Japanese returnees' losses, 80-96 Japanese returnees' verb usage changes, 10, 11,21-43,86 proficiency level factor, 31, 41, 74-75, 77 See also returnee children Fifty Years of Second Language Attrition (Bahrick), 23 filler words, 123, 124-25, 126,127 fluency ESL, children's changes in, 24, 67-68, 76,78,88,92 of JSL speakers, 173, 177-78, 182-84, 189 See also speaking skills Foreign Service Institute scale, 8, 170 Francis, W. N., 121 French language, 6, 7-8, 114, 115, 170-71 frequency order analysis, 123-24 Frog series (Mayer), 27, 28, 62 Frog, Where are You? (Mayer), 27, 28 FSI scale. See Foreign Service Institute scale functional reduction strategy. See avoidance Gardner, R., 8, 74, 170-71, 187 gender, as attrition variable, 152 German language, 6, 7, 9, 115, 170

215

Index Godsall-Myers, J., 7, 169-70 Gonzo, S., 115 Graham, C. R., 114, 115,117 grammar, 74, 94, 114 developmental stages in learning, 142 See also syntax; specific parts of speech Grendel, ML, 114 Hansen, L., 6, 9, 16, 23, 157, 160 Hansen-Strain, L., 6, 23, 26, 27, 145 Harrington, M., 177 Hebrew language, 9-10 Henning, G., 175 Hindi Urdu, 5-6, 9 hiragana (writing system), 156, 158 honka (education course), 155, 158 hoshuuka (education course), 155-56, 158, 161, 166 ILR scale, 175, 190 immersion learning, 13, 15, 152, 173 incubation period for ESL children, 85-86, 87, 88, 90-91 for JSL adults, 116, 151 individual differences in attrition, 72-73, 76-77 Indo-European languages, 115, 172 initial plateau, 6, 12, 75-76, 82,- 94-95, 128 instruction, second-language, 15-16, 23 classroom teaching, 13, 15-16, 43, 187-88, 189, 191 computer-assisted learning, 17 course design and pedagogy, 42-43, 190-91 immersion learning, 13, 15, 152, 173 intensive vs. nonintensive, 16, 191 maintenance of skills and, 116-18, 126-28, 152,161, 166, 169-98 in Micronesia, 155-58, 161, 166 instrumental motivation, 8, 13, 171, 173, 185-86 integrative motivation, 8, 13, 171, 173, 185-86 interference theory of memory loss, 9-10 interlanguage, 176, 179, 180, 181 interlinguistic skills, 9. See also productive skills; receptive skills intralinguistic skills, 9, 24. See also specific skills

inverse hypothesis, 7, 41 Ishiguro, T., 143 Israeli children, 6, 12 Jakobson, R., 9, 142 Japanese as second language, 5,6,12-13,16 adult negation attrition, 142-52 attrition in American university students, 169-91 lexical maintenance and attrition, 114-28 in Micronesia, 154—67 proficiency level factor, 116-17, 127, 172, 173, 178-79, 188 replication of negation research, 154-66 Japanese returnee children. See returnee children jokyoin (assistant teachers), 156, 157, 158 Jorden, D., 8, 170, 186, 191 Jordens, P., 23 JSL. See Japanese as second language Kanagy, R., 144, 145, 157, 160 kanji (writing system), 158 katagana (writing system), 157, 158 Kaufman, D., 59, 74, 75 Kennedy, L. R., 169 kikoku shijo. See returnee children Kobayashi, Tetsuya, 21 koogakkoo (Micronesian schools), 155-58, 161 Korean, 9, 152 Kucera, H., 121 Kuhberg, E., 6, 9, 23-24, 59, 63-64, 74-75, 76, 77 Kuwahara, K., 124 Lalonde, R. N., 8 Lambert, W. E., 170-71 language acquisition, 24, 187 regression hypothesis and, 9, 24, 142-43, 144 language attrition, 3-13 age variable, 5-6, 7, 11, 14, 15 critical threshold, 7-8 differential attrition of subskills, 74-75 in ESL Japanese children returnees, 80-96 first stage of, 59-78

216 language attrition (continued) gender variable, 152 individual differences in, 72-73, 76-77 initial plateau, 6, 12, 75-76, 82, 94-95, 128 interference theory of memory loss, 9-10 JSL American university students, 169-91 negation and, 12, 13, 31, 37-39, 143, 145-52, 154-67 processes involved, 8-10 replacing language influence on, 9-10, 75 research and application issues, 14-17, 23-24 retrieval failure theory, 10, 12 speed of, 75-76, 77 variables affecting, 5-8, 11,31,41, 72-73, 76-77, 88-89, 151, 152, 157 See also incubation period; proficiency level; regression hypothesis; syntax; vocabulary maintenance and retrieval language death, 3 language instruction. See instruction, second-language language loss, 3 language maintenance programs, 12, 16-17, 80, 95 96 language obsolescence, 3 language regression, 3 language retention reading skills and, 16, 26, 42, 149, 152 training in strategies for, 17 verb usage changes, 21-43 writing skills and, 9, 16, 123 language shift, 3 Lapkin, A., 7 Larsen-Freeman, D., 123, 176-77 Latin language, 114, 169 Laufer, B., 117, 120 League of Nations, 154, 155 learning. See instruction, second-language; language acquisition Lennon, P., 177 LeSieg, T., 62 Lett, J., 175 lexical density, 28, 31, 116-117,122, 126, 127 lexical retrieval difficulty, 24, 65-66, 74, 78,87

Index lexicon. See vocabulary maintenance and attrition linguistic dynamism, 4, 13 linguistic markediness, 9 listening comprehension, 9,14-15,16,42,85 literacy testing, 26. See also reading skills; writing skills loan words, 118, 125, 126 longitudinal studies, 59-78, 142, 145 Maclntyre, P. D., 171, 187 MacPherson, J., 8 MacWhinney, B., 83 Mayer, M, 27, 62 McMahon, N., 114 measurement methods, 15 longitudinal study, 59-78, 145 research and application issues, 14 17, 23-24 See also names of specific tests memory loss, interference theory of, 9-10 Messelink, J., 114 Micronesia, 154-67 Ministry of Education (Japan), 22, 23, 155 mission schools, 156 missionary, 12, 115, 118, 145, 146-147, 150, 152, 153, 161, 186, 187 Moorcroft, R., 74 morphology, 9, 11, 24 ESL children's attrition of, 68-70, 74, 78 ESL children's verb usage, 30, 34-36, 42, 86 negation in Japanese, 143-44 mother tongue, 3, 7 motivation, 8, 13, 171-74, 185-89, 191 Nanyoo Kohatsu Company, 155 National Foreign Language Center, 191 negation, 12, 13 ESL children's verb usage, 31, 37-39 JSL attrition, 142-52 Micronesian study of JSL attrition, 154-67 Neisser, U., 7, 151, 170 Newbold,J., 16 nominal adjective negation, 144-45, 148-50, 157, 160-64 nontargetlike usage, by JSL speakers, 173, 176, 177, 179-81

217

Index noun negation, 143, 144-45, 148, 150, 157, 160-64 NTL. See nontargetlike usage obsolescence, language, 3 Olshtain, E., 6, 9, 10, 11, 23, 25, 26, 27, 42,76, 114, 154 Oral Proficiency Interview (OPI), 13, 174-75, 190 oscillograms, 178 paraphrase strategy, 66, 76, 87, 88 particle use, by JSL speakers, 176, 179-180, 189 pause, 79, 92, 125, 127, 173, 177, 178, 182-183, 195, 196 Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, 62, 63 permastore, 7 personality, as attrition variable, 77, 88-89 phenomena, 67-68 phonological skills, 24, 71-72, 74, 78, 85-86 Pica, T., 29, 178 Pienemann, M., 36 plateaus initial, 6, 12, 75-76, 82, 94-95, 128 recall and recognition, 23 Ponapean, 5, 165-166 Portuguese, 6, 116, 126 PPVT. See Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test practice effect, 28, 82 productive skills critical threshold theory and, 143 of ESL children, 42, 75, 93-94 JSL adults' maintenance or loss of, 114-28 language instruction and, 16 regression hypothesis and, 9 research issues, 14-15, 41 See also specific skills proficiency level, as attrition variable, 6-8, 11, 123, 143, 169-70 critical threshold, 7-8 for ESL children, 31,41,74-75,77 initial plateau, 6, 12, 75-76, 82, 94-95, 128 inverse hypothesis, 7, 41 for JSL speakers, 116-17, 127, 172,

173, 178-79, 188 research issues, 14, 162-63, 166 progressive retrieval strategy, 10, 87, 88 psycholinguistic markedness, 9 reading skills, language retention relationship, 16,26,42, 149, 152 receptive skills critical threshold theory and, 143 ESL children's changes in, 71, 74, 75, 78, 93-94 language instruction and, 16 regression hypothesis and, 9 research issues, 14-15 See also specific skills recognition skills, 14-15, 41, 42 regression-hypothesis, 12 attrition data support for, 9, 12 ESL, children and, 23, 24, 93, 94 longitudinal study, 59-78, 142, 145 negated structures attrition and, 142-43, 144, 145, 148-50, 154-67 replacing language, 9-10, 75 residence length, as attrition variable for ESL children, 11,31,41 for JSL speakers, 151, 152, 157 residual learning, 7, 95 retention. See language retention retrieval failure theory, 10, 12 returnee children, 6, 10-12 age as language attrition factor, 5-6, 11, 31,41,42 codeswitching, 63-65, 72-73, 76, 77 compensatory strategies, 66-67, 72-73, 76-77 critical threshold hypothesis, 7, 8, 12-13,23,170 English language losses, 80-96 English-speaking skills retention, 21-43 first-stage language attrition, 59-78 fluency changes, 24, 67-68, 76, 78, 88, 92 incubation period, 85-86, 87, 88, 90-91 instructional method effects on, 15 language maintenance problems and programs, 12, 16-17, 23, 80, 95-96 morphological attrition, 68-70, 74, 78

218 returnee children (continued) negation attrition, 145 phonological skills, 24, 71-72, 74, 78, 85-86 productive skills, 42, 75, 93-94 proficiency level as language attrition factor, 31,41,7475,77 receptive skills changes, 71, 74, 75, 78, 93-94 regression hypothesis, 23, 24, 93, 94 residence length as language attrition factor, 11,31,41 residual learning, 7, 95 targetlike usage, 29-33, 39-40 verb usage changes, 10, 11, 12, 21-43, 86 Riggenbach, H., 178 Rosengren, I., 121 Saltarelli, M., 115 Sanchez, P. C., 153 Santos, T., 154 Scheffe post hoc comparison, 121, 159-60 schema, 7 Schils, E., 114 Scott, M. S., 176 second languages first stage attrition of, 59-78 instruction in. See instruction, secondlanguage negation and, 12, 13, 31, 37-39, 142-52, 154-67 relearning of, 24 residual learning, 7, 95 See also English as second language; Japanese as second language; language attrition; speaking skills; other specific languages sentence structure. See syntax shuushikei, 12,37,42 Slobin, D. I., 28 SOC. See supplied in obligatory context sociocultural research needs, 4 Spanish language, 6, 7, 115, 117 speaking skills, second language, 9, 15, 16,42,43 ESL children's fluency changes, 24, 67-68, 76, 78, 88, 92 ESL children's phonological performance, 24, 71-72, 74, 78, 85-86

Index of JSL adults, 117-18, 172-98 See also fluency; pause phenomena Spearman rank-order correlation, 121 speed, of language attrition, 75-76, 77 Stanford Achievement Test, 26 Storytelling 11, 14-15, 147 codeswitching in 64 fluency in 67-68 lexical attrition in 67 morpheme accuracy in, 70 verb usage in, 25,27-43 subsumption theory, 7 supplied in obligatory context, 29, 32-33, 84, 98-105, syntax, 9, 11, 24 ESL children's language attrition and, 70-71,74,78,87 ESL children's verb usage, 31, 38, 39-40, 42 JSL speakers and, 173, 176-77, 180 82, 189 targetlike usage by ESL children, 29-33, 39-40 by JSL speakers, 176, 179-80, 189 tense, negation and, 161 TLU. See targetlike usage Tomiyama, M., 14 tourist industry, Micronesian, 158 transfer strategy, 88 Trapman, H., 23 Tucker, G. R., 176 T-units, JSL speaker usage, 117, 122-23, 126, 128, 176-77, 180-82 Turian, D., 59, 76 type-token ratio ESL, children's language loss and, 86 ESL children's verb usage, 28-29, 30, 31 Japanese language attrition and, 116-17,120,121-26 Urdu. See Hindi-Urdu

van Els, T., 114, 116, 128, 170 variance. See analysis of variance Vechter, A., 7 verb usage ESL, children's changes in, 10, 11, 21-43,86, 12

219

Index verb usage (continued) in negation, 143, 144-45, 148-49, 150, 157, 160-64, 166 Verkuylen, H., 114 vocabulary maintenance and attrition, 9, 11 of ESL children, 30-32, 42, 65-67, 71, 74, 78, 86, 94 of JSL adult speakers, 114-28 loan words, 118, 125, 126 recognition skills, 7, 14 retrieval difficulty, 24, 65-66, 74, 78, 87 Wacky Wednesday (LeSieg), 62 Weltens, B., 6, 9, 14, 15, 41, 42, 74, 75, 114, 116,128,170,188 word coinage strategy, 87

WordCruncher (software), 120 words filler words, 123, 124-25, 126, 127 loan words, 118,125,126 paraphrase strategy, 66, 76, 87, 88 See also vocabulary maintenance and attrition writing skills, language retention relationship, 9, 16, 123 Yanaihara, T., 156 Yashiro, K., 23 Yoshida, K., 6, 9, 24, 25, 41, 42 Yoshitomi, A., 9, 23, 27, 59, 74 Yukawa, E., 6