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WADSWORTH SOCIOLOGY MODULE
Careers in Sociology
Careers in Sociology Module
JOAN FERRANTE, Northern Kentucky University
MODULE OUTLINE What Is Sociology? What Do You Do with a Sociology Degree? Building a Resume While Pursuing a Degree in Sociology Six Career Paths for Sociology Majors The Successful Sociology Major Explaining Sociology to an Employer What Attracts Sociology Majors to the Discipline?
their own and other societies and to become more sensitive to behavioral and value differences among people.
What Do You Do with a Sociology Degree?
by Joan Ferrante, University of Northern Kentucky
If you are a sociology major or are considering declaring a major in sociology, be prepared for your family, friends, and even strangers to ask:
ISBN: 978-0-495-59811-4
The Letter of Recommendation Helpful Career Resources References Appendix A: Sociology Courses Appendix B: Professional Associations Open to Sociologists Appendix C: Sample Resume
Sociology is a perspective and set of techniques for analyzing social life, social change, and the social causes and consequences of human behavior. Sociologists pay special attention to the structure of groups, organizations, and societies and to how these structures shape interactions and relationships among people (American Sociological Association 2008). The sociological perspective encourages students to observe and think critically about
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What Is Sociology?
There are many career paths open to sociology majors. The skills majors acquire apply to a variety of occupations.
The Careers in Sociology Module offers the most extensive and useful information on careers available anywhere today—including ASA publications!
This module provides: • Six career tracks, each of which has a “featured employer”, a job description, and a case study describing how a sociology major prepared for that career. • Resume building tips on how to make the most out of being a sociology major. • Specific course suggestions along with the transferable skills you’ll gain by taking them. 1
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Guinea
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Canada
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2
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edition
8
SOCIOLOGY IN OUR TIMES DIANA KENDALL Baylor University
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Sociology in Our Times, Eighth Edition Diana Kendall Senior Publisher: Linda Schreiber Sociology Editor: Erin Mitchell Developmental Editor: Renee Deljon Assistant Editor: Rachael Krapf Editorial Assistant: Rachael Krapf Media Editor: Melanie Cregger Marketing Manager: Andrew Keay Marketing Assistant: Jillian Myers Marketing Communications Manager: Laura Localio Content Project Manager: Cheri Palmer Creative Director: Rob Hugel Art Director: Caryl Gorska Print Buyer: Judy Inouye Rights Acquisitions Account Manager, Text: Roberta Broyer Rights Acquisitions Account Manager, Image: Leitha Etheridge-Sims Production Service: Greg Hubit Bookworks Text Designer: Diane Beasley Photo Researcher: Terri Wright Copy Editor: Donald Pharr Illustrator: Graphic World Illustration Studio Cover Designer: RHDG Cover Images (clockwise): Joanna Pecha/Istock; Simon Jarratt/Corbis; SuperStock; Gaby Jalbert, Istock; Allen Simon/Getty Compositor: Graphic World
© 2011, 2008 Wadsworth, Cengage Learning ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright herein may be reproduced, transmitted, stored, or used in any form or by any means graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including but not limited to photocopying, recording, scanning, digitizing, taping, Web distribution, information networks, or information storage and retrieval systems, except as permitted under Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
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[email protected]. Library of Congress Control Number: 2009930836 Student Edition: ISBN-13: 978-0-495-81391-0 ISBN-10: 0-495-81391-5 Loose-leaf Edition: ISBN-13: 978-0-495-90510-3 ISBN-10: 0-495-90510-0 Wadsworth 20 Davis Drive Belmont, CA 94002-3098 USA Cengage Learning is a leading provider of customized learning solutions with office locations around the globe, including Singapore, the United Kingdom, Australia, Mexico, Brazil, and Japan. Locate your local office at www.cengage.com/global. Cengage Learning products are represented in Canada by Nelson Education, Ltd. To learn more about Wadsworth, visit www.cengage.com/wadsworth Purchase any of our products at your local college store or at our preferred online store www.ichapters.com. Printed in Canada 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 13 12 11 10 09
Brief Contents Part 1
Studying Society and Social Life 1 2 3 4
Part 2
The Sociological Perspective 2 Sociological Research Methods 36 Culture 70 Socialization 102
Social Groups and Social Control 5 Society, Social Structure, and Interaction 136 6 Groups and Organizations 172 7 Deviance and Crime 200
Part 3
Social Inequality 8 9 10 11 12
Part 4
Social Institutions 13 14 15 16 17 18
Part 5
Class and Stratification in the United States 240 Global Stratification 280 Race and Ethnicity 308 Sex and Gender 344 Aging and Inequality Based on Age 378
The Economy and Work in Global Perspective 408 Politics and Government in Global Perspective 444 Families and Intimate Relationships 476 Education 510 Religion 550 Health, Health Care, and Disability 582
Social Dynamics and Social Change 19 Population and Urbanization 618 20 Collective Behavior, Social Movements, and Social Change 654
iii
13915_00_FM_i-xxiv_CS2.indd iii
Contents Common Sense and Sociological Research 38 Sociology and Scientific Evidence 40 The Theory and Research Cycle 41
Part 1 Studying Society and Social Life
1
The Sociological Research Process
The Sociological Perspective 2
Putting Social Life into Perspective Why Study Sociology? 4 The Sociological Imagination
4
43
Research Methods 51 Survey Research 51 Secondary Analysis of Existing Data 54 Field Research 58 Experiments 61 Multiple Methods: Triangulation 64
5
The Importance of a Global Sociological Imagination 8 The Origins of Sociological Thinking 9 Sociology and the Age of Enlightenment 11 Sociology and the Age of Revolution, Industrialization, and Urbanization 11
The Development of Modern Sociology
43
The “Conventional” Research Model A Qualitative Research Model 49
Ethical Issues in Sociological Research
12
Early Thinkers: A Concern with Social Order and Stability 12 Differing Views on the Status Quo: Stability Versus Change 16 The Beginnings of Sociology in the United States 22
Contemporary Theoretical Perspectives 23 Functionalist Perspectives 23 Conflict Perspectives 25 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 27 Postmodern Perspectives 30
65
The ASA Code of Ethics 65 The Zellner Research 65 The Humphreys Research 66
Features
• • • • •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Suicide? 39 Sociology Works! Durkheim’s Sociology of Suicide and Twenty-First-Century India 41 Sociology in Global Perspective: Comparing Suicide Statistics from Different Nations 48 Media Framing: Framing Suicide in the Media: Sociology Versus Sensationalism 56 You Can Make a Difference: Responding to a Cry for Help 66
Comparing Sociology with Other Social Sciences 32 Anthropology 32 Psychology 32 Economics 33 Political Science 33 In Sum 33
3
2
The Importance of Culture 73 Material Culture and Nonmaterial Culture Cultural Universals 76
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Consumption and Credit Cards? 5 The Global Wal-Mart Effect? Big-Box Stores and Credit Cards 10 Sociology Works! Marx’s Preview of Contemporary Alienation 17 Sociology and Social Policy: Online Shopping and Your Privacy 18 You Can Make a Difference: Dealing with Money Matters in a Material World 28
iv
75
Symbols 77 Language 77 Values 80 Norms 83
Technology, Cultural Change, and Diversity 84 Cultural Change 84 Cultural Diversity 85 Culture Shock 89 Ethnocentrism and Cultural Relativism
90
High Culture and Popular Culture Forms of Popular Culture 91
38
72
Components of Culture 77
A Global Popular Culture?
Sociological Research Methods 36
Why Is Sociological Research Necessary?
70
Culture and Society in a Changing World
Features
• • • • •
Culture
Sociological Analysis of Culture
90
93
90
v
Culture in the Future
Gender and Racial–Ethnic Socialization Socialization Through the Life Course
97
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Global Food and Culture? 73 You Can Make a Difference: Bonding with Others Through Food and Conversation 87 Sociology in Global Perspective: The Malling of China: What Part Does Culture Play? 92 Media Framing: Framing Culture in the Media: You Are What You Eat? 94 Sociology Works! Schools as Laboratories for Getting Along 98
4
Socialization
102
Why Is Socialization Important Around the Globe? 104 Human Development: Biology and Society 104 Problems Associated with Social Isolation and Maltreatment 105
Social Psychological Theories of Human Development 108 Freud and the Psychoanalytic Perspective 108 Erikson and Psychosocial Development 109 Piaget and Cognitive Development 110 Kohlberg and the Stages of Moral Development 111 Gilligan’s View on Gender and Moral Development 112
Sociological Theories of Human Development 112 Cooley, Mead, and Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 113 Recent Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives Ecological Perspectives 117
Agents of Socialization
128
Infancy and Childhood 128 Adolescence 129 Adulthood 130 Late Adulthood and Ageism 130
Features
• • • • •
125
Resocialization
131
Voluntary Resocialization 131 Involuntary Resocialization 131
Socialization in the Future 132
Features
• • • •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Early Socialization and Child Care? 105 Sociology Works! “Good Job!”: Mead’s Generalized Other and the Issue of Excessive Praise 116 Sociology and Social Policy: Who Should Pay for Child Care? 120 Sociology in Global Perspective: The Youthful Cry Heard Around the World: “Everybody Else Has a Cell Phone! Why Can’t I Have One?” 126 You Can Make a Difference: Helping a Child Reach Adulthood 133
•
P Part 2
5
Social Groups and Social Control
Society, Social Structure, and Interaction 136
Social Structure: The Macrolevel Perspective 138 Components of Social Structure 115
117
The Family 118 The School 119 Peer Groups 119 Mass Media 121
Photo Essay Trying to Go It Alone: Runaway Adolescents and Teens 122
139
Status 139 Roles 144 Groups 146 Social Institutions 147
Societies, Technology, and Sociocultural Change 149 Hunting and Gathering Societies 149 Horticultural and Pastoral Societies 150 Agrarian Societies 150 Industrial Societies 151 Postindustrial Societies 152
Stability and Change in Societies
154
Durkheim: Mechanical and Organic Solidarity Tönnies: Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft 155 Social Structure and Homelessness 155
154
Social Interaction: The Microlevel Perspective 157 Social Interaction and Meaning 157 The Social Construction of Reality 158 Ethnomethodology 159 Dramaturgical Analysis 160 The Sociology of Emotions 161 Nonverbal Communication 164
CONTENTS
Functionalist Perspectives 93 Conflict Perspectives 93 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 95 Postmodernist Perspectives 96
CONTENTS
vi Opportunity Theory: Access to Illegitimate Opportunities 208
Future Changes in Society, Social Structure, and Interaction 168
Conflict Perspectives on Deviance
Features
• • • • •
6
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Homeless Persons? 139 Media Framing: Framing Homelessness in the Media: Thematic and Episodic Framing 143 Sociology and Social Policy: Homeless Rights Versus Public Space 156 Sociology Works! Erving Goffman’s Impression Management and Facebook 162 You Can Make a Difference: Offering a Helping Hand to Homeless People 166
Groups and Organizations 172
Social Groups
174
Deviance and Power Relations 210 Deviance and Capitalism 211 Feminist Approaches 212 Approaches Focusing on Race, Class, and Gender 213
Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Deviance 213 Differential Association Theory and Differential Reinforcement Theory 213 Rational Choice Theory 214 Control Theory: Social Bonding 215 Labeling Theory 215
Postmodernist Perspectives on Deviance 217 Crime Classifications and Statistics
Groups, Aggregates, and Categories Types of Groups 174
174
Group Characteristics and Dynamics
The Criminal Justice System 227 186
Formal Organizations in Global Perspective
The Global Criminal Economy
7
Features
196
•
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Privacy in Groups, in Formal Organizations, and on the Internet? 175 Media Framing: Framing Community in the Media: “Virtual Communities” on the Internet 178 Sociology Works! Ingroups, Outgroups, and “Members Only” Clubs 180 Sociology and Social Policy: Computer Privacy in the Workplace 193 You Can Make a Difference: Developing Invisible (but Meaningful) Networks on the Web 197
Deviance and Crime 200
What Is Deviance?
• • • •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Peer Cliques, Youth Gangs, and Deviance? 203 Sociology Works! Social Definitions of Deviance: Have You Seen Bigfoot or a UFO Lately? 205 You Can Make a Difference: Seeing the Writing on the Wall—and Doing Something About It! 209 Sociology and Social Policy: Juvenile Offenders and “Equal Justice Under Law” 230 Sociology in Global Perspective: The Global Reach of Russian Organized Crime 235
Pa Part 3 Social Inequality
202
8
Who Defines Deviance? 203 What Is Social Control? 204
Functionalist Perspectives on Deviance
206
What Causes Deviance, and Why Is It Functional for Society? 206 Strain Theory: Goals and Means to Achieve Them 206
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234
195
Features
• • • •
231
Deviance and Crime in the United States in the Future 233
Alternative Forms of Organization 195 Organizations in the Future
The Police 227 The Courts 229 Punishment and Corrections The Death Penalty 232
188
Types of Formal Organizations 188 Bureaucracies 189 Problems of Bureaucracies 192 Bureaucracy and Oligarchy 195 Organizational Structure in Japan
219
How the Law Classifies Crime 219 Other Crime Categories 219 Crime Statistics 223 Terrorism and Crime 223 Street Crimes and Criminals 224 Crime Victims 226
177
Group Size 179 Group Leadership 181 Group Conformity 182 Groupthink 186 Social Exchange/Rational Choice Theories
•
210
Class and Stratification in the United States 240
What Is Social Stratification? Systems of Stratification 244 Slavery
245
243
vii The “Three Worlds” Approach 285 The Levels of Development Approach
Classical Perspectives on Social Class 247 Karl Marx: Relationship to the Means of Production 248 Max Weber: Wealth, Prestige, and Power
Classification of Economies by Income
Measuring Global Wealth and Poverty
259
290
Absolute, Relative, and Subjective Poverty 291 The Gini Coefficient and Global Quality-of-Life Issues 291
The Weberian Model of the U.S. Class Structure 254 The Marxian Model of the U.S. Class Structure 256 Distribution of Income and Wealth Consequences of Inequality 262
287
Low-Income Economies 287 Middle-Income Economies 288 High-Income Economies 290
250
Contemporary Sociological Models of the U.S. Class Structure 254
Inequality in the United States
286
Global Poverty and Human Development Issues 291
259
Life Expectancy 292 Health 292 Education and Literacy 293 Persistent Gaps in Human Development 295
Photo Essay What Keeps the American Dream Alive? 264
Theories of Global Inequality
296
Development and Modernization Theory Dependency Theory 297 World Systems Theory 299 The New International Division of Labor Theory 300
296
Global Inequality in the Future 302
Features
Poverty in the United States 268 Who Are the Poor? 268 Economic and Structural Sources of Poverty 271 Solving the Poverty Problem 272 Sociological Explanations of Social Inequality in the United States 272 Functionalist Perspectives 272 Conflict Perspectives 273 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 274
U.S. Stratification in the Future
• • • •
Global Stratification
280
Wealth and Poverty in Global Perspective Problems in Studying Global Inequality
13915_00_FM_i-xxiv_CS2.indd vii
Race and Ethnicity 308
Race and Ethnicity
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Wealth, Poverty, and the American Dream? 243 Media Framing: Framing Class in the Media: Taking the TV Express to Wealth and Upward Social Mobility 250 Sociology and Social Policy: Should Our Laws Guarantee People a Living Wage? 269 Sociology Works! Reducing Structural Barriers to Achieving the American Dream 273 You Can Make a Difference: Feeding the Hungry 276
9
• •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Global Wealth and Poverty? 283 Sociology in Global Perspective: Marginal Migration: Moving to a Less-Poor Nation 289 Sociology and Social Policy: Should We in the United States Do Something About Child Labor in Other Nations? 294 Sociology Works! Why Place Matters in Global Poverty 303 You Can Make a Difference: Global Networking to Reduce World Hunger and Poverty 304
10
274
Features
•
• • •
282 284
310
The Social Significance of Race and Ethnicity 312 Racial Classifications and the Meaning of Race 313 Dominant and Subordinate Groups 314
Prejudice
314
Stereotypes 314 Racism 315 Theories of Prejudice 316 Measuring Prejudice 318
Discrimination
318
Sociological Perspectives on Race and Ethnic Relations 320 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 320 Functionalist Perspectives 320 Conflict Perspectives 323 An Alternative Perspective: Critical Race Theory 326
CONTENTS
The Caste System 245 The Class System 247
CONTENTS
viii Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States 327
Photo Essay How Do We “Do Gender” in the Twenty-First Century? 370
Native Americans 327 White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (British Americans) 330 African Americans 330 White Ethnic Americans 333 Asian Americans 335 Latinos/as (Hispanic Americans) 338 Middle Eastern Americans 339
Global Racial and Ethnic Inequality in the Future 340 Worldwide Racial and Ethnic Struggles 340 Growing Racial and Ethnic Diversity in the United States 340
Features
• • • • •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Race, Ethnicity, and Sports? 311 Sociology in Global Perspective: An Update on Racism and Antiracism in European Football 316 Sociology Works! Attacking Discrimination to Reduce Prejudice? 321 Media Framing: Framing Race in the Media: Do Multiracial Scenes in Television Ads Reflect Reality? 324 You Can Make a Difference: Working for Racial Harmony 341
Feminist Perspectives 373
Gender Issues in the Future
11
Sex and Gender
Sex: The Biological Dimension Hermaphrodites/Transsexuals Sexual Orientation 349
344 347 348
Gender: The Cultural Dimension
350
The Social Significance of Gender 352 Sexism 352
Gender Stratification in Historical and Contemporary Perspective 353 Preindustrial Societies 354 Industrial Societies 355 Postindustrial Societies 356 Parents and Gender Socialization 358 Peers and Gender Socialization 358 Teachers, Schools, and Gender Socialization 359 Sports and Gender Socialization 360 Mass Media and Gender Socialization 361 Adult Gender Socialization 363
Contemporary Gender Inequality
364
Gendered Division of Paid Work 364 Pay Equity (Comparable Worth) 365 Paid Work and Family Work 367
Perspectives on Gender Stratification 368 Functionalist and Neoclassical Economic Perspectives 368 Conflict Perspectives 369
13915_00_FM_i-xxiv_CS2.indd viii
Features
• • • • •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Body Image and Gender? 347 Sociology Works! Institutional Discrimination: Women in a Locker-Room Culture 353 Sociology in Global Perspective: The Rise of Islamic Feminism in the Middle East? 354 Media Framing: Framing Gender in the Media: “You Can Never Be Too Beautiful” and Teen Plastic Surgery 362 You Can Make a Difference: Joining Organizations to Overcome Sexism and Gender Inequality 374
12
Gender and Socialization 357
375
Aging and Inequality Based on Age 378
The Social Significance of Age
380
Trends in Aging 380 Age in Historical and Contemporary Perspectives 382
Age in Global Perspective
383
Preindustrial Societies 384 Industrial and Postindustrial Societies 384 A Case Study: Aging, Gender, and Japanese Society 384
Age and the Life Course in Contemporary Society 385 Infancy and Childhood 386 Adolescence 387 Young Adulthood 387
ix Symbolic Interactionist Perspective 425
Inequalities Related to Aging
The Social Organization of Work 391
Ageism 391 Wealth, Poverty, and Aging 393 Age, Gender, and Inequality 395 Age and Race/Ethnicity 396 Older People in Rural Areas 397 Elder Abuse 398
Living Arrangements for Older Adults 398 Support Services, Homemaker Services, and Day Care 398 Housing Alternatives 399 Nursing Homes 399
Sociological Perspectives on Aging
400
Functionalist Perspectives on Aging 401 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Aging 401 Conflict Perspectives on Aging 402
Death and Dying Aging in the Future
•
Employment Opportunities for Persons with a Disability 438 The Global Economy in the Future 439 The U.S. Economy 439 Global Economic Interdependence and Competition 440
• • • • •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About the Economy and the World of Work? 411 Sociology in Global Perspective: McDonald’s Golden Arches as a Lightning Rod 418 Sociology Works! Marx: Not Completely Right, but Not Completely Wrong Either 424 You Can Make a Difference: Creating Access to Information Technologies for Workers with Disabilities 439 Sociology and Social Policy: Does Globalization Change the Nature of Social Policy? 441
14
Part 4 Social Institutions The Economy and Work in Global Perspective 408
Comparing the Sociology of Economic Life with Economics 410 Economic Systems in Global Perspective 410 Preindustrial Economies 411 Industrial Economies 413 Postindustrial Economies 414
Contemporary World Economic Systems 416
Politics and Government in Global Perspective 444
Politics, Power, and Authority 446 Political Science and Political Sociology Power and Authority 448 Ideal Types of Authority 449
447
Political Systems in Global Perspective 450 Monarchy 451 Authoritarianism 453 Totalitarianism 453 Democracy 454
Perspectives on Power and Political Systems 454 Functionalist Perspectives: The Pluralist Model 454 Conflict Perspectives: Elite Models 457 Critique of Pluralist and Elite Models 459
The U.S. Political System 460 423
Perspectives on Economy and Work in the United States 423 Functionalist Perspective 423 Conflict Perspective 424
13915_00_FM_i-xxiv_CS2.indd ix
Labor Unions 436 Absenteeism, Sabotage, and Resistance 437
Features
P
Capitalism 416 Socialism 422 Mixed Economies
434
Worker Resistance and Activism 435
405
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Aging and Age-Based Discrimination? 381 Sociology Works! “I Think I Can’t, I Think I Can’t!”: The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy and Older People 389 Sociology and Social Policy: Driving While Elderly: Policies Pertaining to Age and Driving 392 Media Framing: Framing Aging in the Media: “Just When You Thought You Were Too Old for Romance” 394 You Can Make a Difference: Getting Behind the Wheel to Help Older People: Meals on Wheels 403
13
Unemployment
404
Features
• • • •
426
Occupations 426 Professions 427 Managers and the Managed 429 The Lower Tier of the Service Sector and Marginal Jobs 431 Contingent Work 432 The Underground Economy 433
Political Parties and Elections 460 Political Participation and Voter Apathy
463
Governmental Bureaucracy 465 Characteristics of the Federal Bureaucracy 465 The Iron Triangle and the Military–Industrial Complex 467
CONTENTS
Middle Adulthood 388 Late Adulthood 389
CONTENTS
x Asian American Families 505 Native American Families 505 Biracial Families 506
The Military and Militarism 469 Explanations for Militarism 469 Gender, Race, and the Military 469
Family Issues in the Future
Terrorism and War 470 Types of Terrorism 470 Terrorism in the United States War 471
Features
471
Politics and Government in the Future 472
Features
• • • • •
507
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About the Media? 447 Sociology in Global Perspective: The European Union: Transcending National Borders and Governments 452 Media Framing: Framing Politics in the Media: Hero Framing and the Selling of an Agenda 455 Sociology Works! C. Wright Mills’s Ideas About the Media: Ahead of His Time? 460 You Can Make a Difference: Keeping an Eye on the Media 473
• • • • •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Contemporary Trends in U.S. Family Life? 479 Sociology and Social Policy: Should the U.S. Constitution Be Amended to Define “Marriage”? 491 Sociology Works! Social Factors Influencing Parenting: From the Housing Market to the Baby Nursery 494 Sociology and Global Perspective: Wombs-for-Rent: Outsourcing Births to India 496 You Can Make a Difference: Providing Hope and Help for Children 501
16
Education 510
An Overview of Education
512
Education in Historical–Global Perspective
15
Informal Education in Preliterate Societies 513 Formal Education in Preindustrial, Industrial, and Postindustrial Societies 513 Contemporary Education in Other Nations 515
Families and Intimate Relationships 476
Families in Global Perspective
478
Sociological Perspectives on Education
Family Structure and Characteristics 478 Marriage Patterns 481 Patterns of Descent and Inheritance 482 Power and Authority in Families 482 Residential Patterns 483
Theoretical Perspectives on Families
484
Functionalist Perspectives 484 Conflict and Feminist Perspectives 485 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 486 Postmodernist Perspectives 486
Developing Intimate Relationships and Establishing Families 488 Love and Intimacy 488 Cohabitation and Domestic Partnerships 489 Marriage 490 Housework and Child-Care Responsibilities 492
Child-Related Family Issues and Parenting 493 Deciding to Have Children 493 Adoption 494 Teenage Pregnancies 495 Single-Parent Households 497 Two-Parent Households 498
Transitions and Problems in Families 498 Family Violence 498 Children in Foster Care Divorce 499 Remarriage 502
499
Diversity in Families 502 Diversity Among Singles 503 African American Families 504 Latina/o Families 505
13915_00_FM_i-xxiv_CS2.indd x
512
518
Functionalist Perspectives 518 Conflict Perspectives 522 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 526 Postmodernist Perspectives 528
Inequalities Among Elementary and Secondary Schools 529 Inequality in Public Schools Versus Private Schools 529 Unequal Funding of Public Schools 530 Inequality Within Public School Systems 531 Racial Segregation and Resegregation 532
Problems Within Elementary and Secondary Schools 534 School Discipline and Teaching Styles 534 Bullying and Sexual Harassment 534 Dropping Out 535
School Safety and School Violence
536
Opportunities and Challenges in Colleges and Universities 537 Opportunities and Challenges in Community Colleges 537 Opportunities and Challenges in Four-Year Colleges and Universities 538 The Soaring Cost of a College Education 539 Racial and Ethnic Differences in Enrollment 539 The Lack of Faculty Diversity 540 The Continuing Debate Over Affirmative Action 541
Continuing Issues and Future Trends in Education 541 Academic Standards and Functional Illiteracy The Debate Over Bilingual Education 542
541
xi
•
18
• •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About U.S. Education? 513 Sociology Works! Stopping Bullying: Character Building and Social Norms 520 Media Framing: Framing Education in the Media: “A Bad Report Card”—How the Media Frame Stories About U.S. Schools 533 You Can Make a Difference: Reaching Out to Youth: College Student Tutors 544 Sociology and Social Policy: The Ongoing Debate Over School Vouchers 546
17
Religion 550
The Sociological Study of Religion
Health in the United States
Health Care in the United States
A Functionalist Perspective: The Sick Role 603 A Conflict Perspective: Inequalities in Health and Health Care 604 A Symbolic Interactionist Perspective: The Social Construction of Illness 604 563
Mental Illness
Hinduism 564 Buddhism 566 Confucianism 567 Judaism 568 Islam 570 Christianity 571
Disability
610
Sociological Perspectives on Disability 612 Social Inequalities Based on Disability 613
Health Care in the Future 614
Types of Religious Organization 572
Features
Trends in Religion in the United States 575
• • •
Religion and Social Inequality 575 Race and Class in Central-City and Suburban Churches 576 Secularization and the Rise of Religious Fundamentalism 577
• •
Ecclesia 572 The Church–Sect Typology Cults 575
573
577
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Health, Illness, and Health Care? 585 Media Framing: Framing Health Issues in the Media: It’s Right for You! The Framing of Drug Ads 588 Sociology and Social Policy: Medicare and Medicaid: What We Have Learned About Government-Funded Medical Care 598 Sociology Works! Sociology Sheds Light on the Physician–Patient Relationship 606 You Can Make a Difference: Joining the Fight Against Illness and Disease! 615
Features
• • • •
607
The Treatment of Mental Illness 608 Race, Class, Gender, and Mental Disorders 609
564
Religion in the Future
594
The Rise of Scientific Medicine and Professionalism 594 Medicine Today 595 Paying for Medical Care in the United States 596 Paying for Medical Care in Other Nations 600 Social Implications of Advanced Medical Technology 601 Holistic Medicine and Alternative Medicine 602
556
Functionalist Perspectives on Religion 557 Conflict Perspectives on Religion 560 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Religion
587
Sociological Perspectives on Health and Medicine 602
552
Sociological Perspectives on Religion
584
Social Epidemiology 587 Lifestyle Factors 590
Religion and the Meaning of Life 553 Religion and Scientific Explanations 556
World Religions
Health, Health Care, and Disability 582
Health in Global Perspective
Features
• • •
You Can Make a Difference: Understanding and Tolerating Religious and Cultural Differences 578
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About the Effect of Religion on U.S. Education? 553 Sociology Works! Religion as a Sacred Canopy: Sacredness and Everyday Life? 555 Media Framing: Framing Religion in the Media: Shaping the Intersections of Science and Religion 558 Sociology and Social Policy: Should Prayer Be Allowed in Public Schools? Issues of Separation of Church and State 562
Social Dynamics
Part 5 and Social Change
19
Population and Urbanization
618
Demography: The Study of Population Fertility
621
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Equalizing Opportunities for Students with Disabilities 543 School Vouchers 543 Charter Schools and “For Profit” Schools 544 Home Schooling 545 Concluding Thoughts 545
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xii Mortality 623 Migration 624 Population Composition
• •
625
Photo Essay Immigration and the Changing Face(s) of the United States 626
Sociology Works! Herbert Gans and Twenty-FirstCentury Urban Villagers 643 Sociology in Global Perspective: Urban Migration and the “Garbage Problem” 647
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Collective Behavior, Social Movements, and Social Change 654
Collective Behavior 656 Conditions for Collective Behavior 656 Dynamics of Collective Behavior 658 Distinctions Regarding Collective Behavior 659 Types of Crowd Behavior 659 Explanations of Crowd Behavior 661 Mass Behavior 663
Social Movements 666 Population Growth in Global Context
Types of Social Movements 667 Stages in Social Movements 668
630
The Malthusian Perspective 630 The Marxist Perspective 631 The Neo-Malthusian Perspective 631 Demographic Transition Theory 632 Other Perspectives on Population Change 632
Social Movement Theories
Relative Deprivation Theory 669 Value-Added Theory 669 Resource Mobilization Theory 670 Social Constructionist Theory: Frame Analysis Political Opportunity Theory 671 New Social Movement Theory 673
A Brief Glimpse at International Migration Theories 633 Urbanization in Global Perspective
635
Social Change in the Future
Emergence and Evolution of the City 635 Preindustrial Cities 636 Industrial Cities 636 Postindustrial Cities 636
Functionalist Perspectives: Ecological Models 637 Conflict Perspectives: Political Economy Models 639 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives: The Experience of City Life 641
645
Urban Problems in the United States 646 Divided Interests: Cities, Suburbs, and Beyond 646 The Continuing Fiscal Crises of the Cities 649
Rural Community Issues in the United States
649
Population and Urbanization in the Future 650
Features
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Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About U.S. Immigration? 621 You Can Make a Difference: Creating a Vital Link Between College Students and Immigrant Children 625 Media Framing: Framing Immigration in the Media: Media Framing and Public Opinion 634
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676
The Physical Environment and Change 676 Population and Change 678 Technology and Change 679 Social Institutions and Change 680 A Few Final Thoughts 682
Perspectives on Urbanization and the Growth of Cities 637
Problems in Global Cities
669
Features
• • • • •
Sociology and Everyday Life: How Much Do You Know About Collective Behavior and Environmental Issues? 657 Sociology in Global Perspective: China: A Nation of Environmental Woes and Emergent Social Activism 672 Sociology Works! Fine-Tuning Theories and Data Gathering on Environmental Racism 674 Sociology and Social Policy: The Fight Over Water Rights 678 You Can Make a Difference: It’s Now or Never: The Imperative of Taking Action Against Global Warming 681
Glossary 685 References 695 Photo Credits 719 Name Index 721 Subject Index 729
Features Sociology and Everyday Life
How Much Do You Know About Consumption and Credit Cards? 5 How Much Do You Know About Suicide? 39 How Much Do You Know About Global Food and Culture? 73 How Much Do You Know About Early Socialization and Child Care? 105 How Much Do You Know About Homeless Persons? 139 How Much Do You Know About Privacy in Groups, in Formal Organizations, and on the Internet? 175 How Much Do You Know About Peer Cliques, Youth Gangs, and Deviance? 203 How Much Do You Know About Wealth, Poverty, and the American Dream? 243 How Much Do You Know About Global Wealth and Poverty? 283 How Much Do You Know About Race, Ethnicity, and Sports? 311 How Much Do You Know About Body Image and Gender? 347
How Much Do You Know About Aging and Age-Based Discrimination? 381 How Much Do You Know About the Economy and the World of Work? 411 How Much Do You Know About the Media? 447 How Much Do You Know About Contemporary Trends in U.S. Family Life? 479 How Much Do You Know About U.S. Education? 513 How Much Do You Know About the Effect of Religion on U.S. Education? 553 How Much Do You Know About Health, Illness, and Health Care? 585 How Much Do You Know About U.S. Immigration? 621 How Much Do You Know About Collective Behavior and Environmental Issues? 657
Sociology in Global Perspective
The Global Wal-Mart Effect? Big-Stores and Credit Cards 10 Comparing Suicide Statistics from Different Nations 48 The Malling of China: What Part Does Culture Play? 92 The Youthful Cry Heard Around the World: “Everybody Else Has a Cell Phone! Why Can’t I Have One?” 126 The Global Reach of Russian Organized Crime 235 Marginal Migration: Moving to a Less-Poor Nation 289
An Update on Racism and Antiracism in European Football 316 The Rise of Islamic Feminism in the Middle East? 354 McDonald’s Golden Arches as a Lightning Rod 418 The European Union: Transcending National Borders and Governments 452 Wombs-for-Rent: Outsourcing Births to India 496 Urban Migration and the “Garbage Problem” 647 China: A Nation of Environmental Woes and Emergent Social Activism 672
Sociology and Social Policy
Online Shopping and Your Privacy 18 Who Should Pay for Child Care? 120 Homeless Rights Versus Public Space 156 Computer Privacy in the Workplace 193 Juvenile Offenders and “Equal Justice Under Law” 230 Should Our Laws Guarantee People a Living Wage? 269 Should We in the United States Do Something About Child Labor in Other Nations? 294 Driving While Elderly: Policies Pertaining to Age and Driving 392 Does Globalization Change the Nature of Social Policy? 441 Should the U.S. Constitution Be Amended to Define “Marriage”? 491 The Ongoing Debate Over School Vouchers 546 Should Prayer Be Allowed in Public Schools? Issues of Separation of Church and State 562 Medicare and Medicaid: What We Have Learned About Government-Funded Medical Care 598 The Fight Over Water Rights 678
Media Framing
Framing Suicide in the Media: Sociology Versus Sensationalism 56 Framing Culture in the Media: You Are What You Eat? 94 Framing Homelessness in the Media: Thematic and Episodic Framing 143 Framing Community in the Media: “Virtual Communities” on the Internet 178
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xvi updated examples throughout. Additionally, all statistics, such as data relating to crime, demographics, health, and the economy, are the latest available at the time of this writing. New chapter openers include the personal stories of Megan Meier, the teen who committed suicide in response to fake MySpace postings; Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor; and President Barack Obama. Students will also enjoy and benefit from the eighth edition’s entirely new—livelier and more functional—interior design and its many updated and additional illustrations, maps, and photos. The text’s new Sociology Works! feature shows how sociological theories and research continue to enhance our understanding of contemporary social issues and our interactions in everyday life. Sociology Works! appears in every chapter and includes “Schools as Laboratories for Getting Along” (Chapter 3), “Erving Goffman’s Impression Management and Facebook” (Chapter 5), “Why Place Matters in Global Poverty” (Chapter 9), and “Sociology Sheds Light on the Physician–Patient Relationship” (Chapter 18). To visually capture some of the significant circumstances and issues of our time, this edition again includes four photo essays, one of which is new—“Trying to Go It Alone: Adolescent and Teenage Runaways” (Chapter 4). Expanded for improved usability, each essay is now three pages of thoughtand conversation-stimulating photos with brief sociological commentary. Each photo essay also has a new companion online ABC news video with assignable Turning to Video questions to further bring the essay topics to life. The text’s highly praised Concept Quick Reviews (previously called Concept Review Tables) appear in every chapter of the eighth edition and have been redesigned for greater ease of use. Still in table format but more prominently displayed than in past editions, these reading and study aids provide concise overviews of key theories and concepts, including Theoretical Perspectives on Deviance (Chapter 7), Sociological Perspectives on Gender Stratification (Chapter 11), and Social Movement Theories (Chapter 20). Designed to stimulate students’ critical thinking ability and sociological imagination, new Reflect & Analyze questions are provided at the end of the Sociology Works! feature and photo essays, as well as at the end of the text’s media framing, social policy, and global perspectives boxes. This edition offers a strong selection of new boxes, including several updated Sociology and Everyday Life boxes as well as new Sociology in Global Perspective boxes and You
Can Make a Difference boxes. A complete listing of the text’s boxes and other features, by type and with page references, begins on page xiii. An innovative new feature appears at the front of the book, the Quick-Start Guide to Using Your Sociological Imagination. Four pages long, this insert orients students with a brief introduction to this foundational concept and then poses Quick-Start questions for each chapter so that students are already thinking sociologically even before they begin reading the first chapter that you assign. Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition, also offers instructors a significantly improved Instructor Resource Manual, and an electronic version of the text is also now available. Full descriptions of the instructor and student supplements begin on page xix.
Overview of the Text’s Contents Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition, comprises 20 carefully written, well-organized chapters to introduce students to the best of sociological thinking. The text’s manageable length makes full coverage of the book possible in the time typically allocated to the introductory course. As a result, students are not purchasing a book which contains numerous chapters that the instructor may not have the time or the desire to cover. The availability of Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials, seventh edition; electronic versions of this text’s chapters for individual sale; and the full spectrum of customization options for this text further ensure that students’ textbook investment suits their situation and meets their needs. Sociology in Our Times is divided into five parts. Part 1 establishes the foundation for studying society and social life. Chapter 1 introduces students to the sociological imagination and traces the development of sociological thinking. The chapter sets forth the major theoretical perspectives used by sociologists in analyzing compelling social issues such as the problem of credit card abuse and hyperconsumerism among college students and others. Chapter 2 focuses on sociological research methods and shows students how sociologists conduct research. This chapter provides a thorough description of both quantitative and qualitative methods of sociological research, and shows how these approaches have been used from the era of Emile Durkheim to the present to study social concerns such as suicide.
Preface Welcome to the eighth edition of Sociology in Our Times! The twenty-first century offers unprecedented challenges and opportunities for each of us as individuals and for our larger society and world. In the United States, we can no longer take for granted the peace and economic prosperity that many—but far from all—people were able to enjoy in previous decades. However, even as some things change, others remain the same, and among the things that have not changed are the significance of education and the profound importance of understanding how and why people act the way they do. It is also important to analyze how societies grapple with issues such as economic hardship and the threat of terrorist attacks and war, and to gain a better understanding of why many of us seek stability in our social institutions—including family, religion, education, government, and media—even if we believe that some of these institutions might benefit from certain changes. Like previous editions of this text, which I am gratified has been widely read, the eighth edition of Sociology in Our Times highlights the relevance of sociology to help students connect with the subject and the full spectrum of topics and issues it encompasses. It achieves that connection by providing a meaningful, concrete context within which to learn. Specifically, it presents the stories—the lived experiences—of real individuals and the social issues they face while discussing a diverse array of classical and contemporary theory and examining interesting and relevant research. The first-person commentaries that open and are revisited throughout each chapter show students how sociology can help them understand the important questions and social issues that not only these other individuals face but that they themselves may face as well. The individuals presented in each chapter mirror the diversity in society itself not only to accurately represent contemporary society but also to speak to a wide variety of students and capture their interest by taking into account their concerns and perspectives. Moreover, the research used includes the best work of classical and established contemporary sociologists—including many white women and people of color—and it weaves an inclusive treatment of all people into the examination of sociology in
all chapters. By discussing the latest theories and research, Sociology in Our Times not only provides students with the most relevant information about sociological thinking but also helps them consider the significance of the interlocking nature of class, race, and gender (and, increasingly, age) in all aspects of social life. In addition to capturing students’ attention, the opening commentaries establish the social themes and issues that each chapter explores to provide additional context for students’ learning. Students may not have any prior knowledge of the functionalist perspective, but they are more likely to grasp the concept once it’s applied to shopping and consumption, as it is in Chapter 1, which opens with Kay Thayer’s comments about her experience with credit cards being marketed to students. Returned to throughout the chapters, the opening personal stories and the themes they introduce function as chapter-length examples that make understanding the concepts, theories, and research presented easier for students. While helping students learn to appreciate how sociology can help them better understand the world, this text also tries to teach them to see themselves as members of their communities and show them what can be done in responding to social issues. As a result, students learn how sociology is not only a collection of concepts and theories but also a field that can make a difference in their lives, their communities, and the world at large.
What’s New to the Eighth Edition? For Starters, Sociology Works! The eighth edition builds on the best of previous editions while offering new insights, learning tools, and opportunities to apply the content of each chapter to relevant sociological issues and major concerns of the twenty-first century. As it is my goal to make each edition better than the previous one, I have revised all the chapters to reflect the latest in sociological theory and research, and have
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xvi updated examples throughout. Additionally, all statistics, such as data relating to crime, demographics, health, and the economy, are the latest available at the time of this writing. New chapter openers include the personal stories of Megan Meier, the teen who committed suicide in response to fake MySpace postings; Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor; and President Barack Obama. Students will also enjoy and benefit from the eighth edition’s entirely new—livelier and more functional—interior design and its many updated and additional illustrations, maps, and photos. The text’s new Sociology Works! feature shows how sociological theories and research continue to enhance our understanding of contemporary social issues and our interactions in everyday life. Sociology Works! appears in every chapter and includes “Schools as Laboratories for Getting Along” (Chapter 3), “Erving Goffman’s Impression Management and Facebook” (Chapter 5), “Why Place Matters in Global Poverty” (Chapter 9), and “Sociology Sheds Light on the Physician–Patient Relationship” (Chapter 18). To visually capture some of the significant circumstances and issues of our time, this edition again includes four photo essays, one of which is new—“Trying to Go It Alone: Adolescent and Teenage Runaways” (Chapter 4). Expanded for improved usability, each essay is now three pages of thoughtand conversation-stimulating photos with brief sociological commentary. Each photo essay also has a new companion online ABC news video with assignable Turning to Video questions to further bring the essay topics to life. The text’s highly praised Concept Quick Reviews (previously called Concept Review Tables) appear in every chapter of the eighth edition and have been redesigned for greater ease of use. Still in table format but more prominently displayed than in past editions, these reading and study aids provide concise overviews of key theories and concepts, including Theoretical Perspectives on Deviance (Chapter 7), Sociological Perspectives on Gender Stratification (Chapter 11), and Social Movement Theories (Chapter 20). Designed to stimulate students’ critical thinking ability and sociological imagination, new Reflect & Analyze questions are provided at the end of the Sociology Works! feature and photo essays, as well as at the end of the text’s media framing, social policy, and global perspectives boxes. This edition offers a strong selection of new boxes, including several updated Sociology and Everyday Life boxes as well as new Sociology in Global Perspective boxes and You
Can Make a Difference boxes. A complete listing of the text’s boxes and other features, by type and with page references, begins on page xiii. An innovative new feature appears at the front of the book, the Quick-Start Guide to Using Your Sociological Imagination. Four pages long, this insert orients students with a brief introduction to this foundational concept and then poses Quick-Start questions for each chapter so that students are already thinking sociologically even before they begin reading the first chapter that you assign. Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition, also offers instructors a significantly improved Instructor Resource Manual, and an electronic version of the text is also now available. Full descriptions of the instructor and student supplements begin on page xix.
Overview of the Text’s Contents Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition, comprises 20 carefully written, well-organized chapters to introduce students to the best of sociological thinking. The text’s manageable length makes full coverage of the book possible in the time typically allocated to the introductory course. As a result, students are not purchasing a book which contains numerous chapters that the instructor may not have the time or the desire to cover. The availability of Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials, seventh edition; electronic versions of this text’s chapters for individual sale; and the full spectrum of customization options for this text further ensure that students’ textbook investment suits their situation and meets their needs. Sociology in Our Times is divided into five parts. Part 1 establishes the foundation for studying society and social life. Chapter 1 introduces students to the sociological imagination and traces the development of sociological thinking. The chapter sets forth the major theoretical perspectives used by sociologists in analyzing compelling social issues such as the problem of credit card abuse and hyperconsumerism among college students and others. Chapter 2 focuses on sociological research methods and shows students how sociologists conduct research. This chapter provides a thorough description of both quantitative and qualitative methods of sociological research, and shows how these approaches have been used from the era of Emile Durkheim to the present to study social concerns such as suicide.
xvii analysis of aging, including theoretical perspectives and inequalities experienced by people across the life course. Part 4 offers a systematic discussion of social institutions, making students more aware of the importance of social institutions and showing how a problem in one often has a significant influence on others. The economy and work are explored in Chapter 13, including the different types of global economic systems, the social organization of work in the United States, unemployment, and worker resistance and activism. Chapter 14 discusses the intertwining nature of politics, government, and the media. Political systems are examined in global perspective, and politics and government in the United States are analyzed with attention to governmental bureaucracy and the military– industrial complex. Chapter 15 focuses on families in global perspective and on the diversity found in U.S. families today. Chapter 16 investigates education in the United States and contrasts it with systems of education in other nations. In the process, the chapter highlights issues of race, class, and gender inequalities in current U.S. education. In Chapter 17, religion is examined in global perspective, including a survey of world religions and an analysis of how religious beliefs affect other aspects of social life. Current trends in U.S. religion are also explored, including various sociological explanations of why people look to religion to find purpose and meaning in life. Chapter 18 analyzes health, health care, and disability in both U.S. and global perspectives. Among the topics included are social epidemiology, lifestyle factors influencing health and illness, health care organization in the United States and other nations, social implications of advanced medical technology, and holistic and alternative medicine. This chapter is unique in that it contains a thorough discussion of the sociological perspectives on disability and of social inequalities based on disability. Part 5 surveys social dynamics and social change. Chapter 19 examines population and urbanization, looking at demography, global population change, and the process and consequences of urbanization. Special attention is given to raceand class-based segregation in urban areas and the crisis in health care in central cities. Chapter 20 concludes the text with an innovative analysis of collective behavior, social movements, and social change. Environmental activism is used as a sustained example to help students grasp the importance of collective behavior and social movements in producing social change.
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In Chapter 3, culture is spotlighted as either a stabilizing force or a force that can generate discord, conflict, and even violence in societies. Cultural diversity is discussed as a contemporary issue, and unique coverage is given to popular culture and leisure and to divergent perspectives on popular culture. Chapter 4 looks at the positive and negative aspects of socialization and presents an innovative analysis of gender and racial–ethnic socialization and issues associated with recent immigration. Part 2 examines social groups and social control. Chapter 5 applies the sociological imagination to an examination of society, social structure, and social interaction, using homelessness as a sustained example of the dynamic interplay of structure and interaction in society. Unique to this chapter are discussions of the sociology of emotions and of personal space as viewed through the lenses of race, class, gender, and age. Chapter 6 analyzes groups and organizations, including innovative forms of social organization and ways in which organizational structures may differentially affect people based on race, class, gender, and age. Chapter 7 examines how deviance and crime emerge in societies, using diverse theoretical approaches to describe the nature of deviance, crime, and the criminal justice system. Key issues are dramatized for students through an analysis of recent research on peer cliques and gangs. Part 3 focuses on social differences and social inequality, looking at issues of class, race/ethnicity, sex/gender, and age discrimination. Chapter 8 focuses on class and stratification in the United States, analyzing the causes and consequences of inequality and poverty, including a discussion of the ideology and accessibility of the American Dream. Chapter 9 addresses the issue of global stratification and examines differences in wealth and poverty in rich and poor nations around the world. Explanations for these differences are discussed. The focus of Chapter 10 is race and ethnicity, which includes an illustration of the historical relationship (or lack of it) between sports and upward mobility by persons from diverse racial–ethnic groups. A thorough analysis of prejudice, discrimination, theoretical perspectives, and the experiences of diverse racial and ethnic groups is presented, along with global racial and ethnic issues. Chapter 11 examines sex and gender, with special emphasis on gender stratification in historical perspective. Linkages between gender socialization and contemporary gender inequality are described and illustrated by lived experiences and perspectives on body image. Chapter 12 provides a cutting-edge
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Distinctive, ClassroomTested Features The following special features are specifically designed to demonstrate the relevance of sociology in our lives, as well as to support students’ learning. As the preceding overview of the book’s contents shows, these features appear throughout the text, some in every chapter, others in selected chapters.
Unparalleled Coverage of and Attention to Diversity From its first edition, I have striven to integrate diversity in numerous ways throughout this book. The individuals portrayed and discussed in each chapter accurately mirror the diversity in society itself. As a result, this text speaks to a wide variety of students and captures their interest by taking into account their concerns and perspectives. Moreover, the research used includes the best work of classical and established contemporary sociologists—including many white women and people of color—and it weaves an inclusive treatment of all people into the examination of sociology in all chapters. Therefore, this text helps students consider the significance of the interlocking nature of individuals’ class, race, and gender (and, increasingly, age) in all aspects of social life.
Personal Narratives That Highlight Issues and Serve as Chapter-Length Examples Authentic first-person commentaries serve as the vignettes that open each chapter and personalize the issue that unifies the chapter’s coverage. These lived experiences provide opportunities for students to examine social life beyond their own experiences and for instructors to systematically incorporate into lectures and discussions an array of interesting and relevant topics that help demonstrate to students the value of applying sociology to their everyday lives.
Focus on the Relationship Between Sociology and Everyday Life Each chapter has a brief quiz that relates the sociological perspective to the pressing social issues presented in the opening vignette. (Answers are provided on a subsequent page.)
Emphasis on the Importance of a Global Perspective The global implications of all topics are examined throughout each chapter and in the Sociology in Global Perspective boxes, which highlight our interconnected world and reveal how the sociological imagination extends beyond national borders.
Focus on Media Framing A significant benefit of a sociology course is encouraging critical thinking about such things as how the manner in which the media “package” news and entertainment influences our perception of social issues.
Applying the Sociological Imagination to Social Policy The Sociology and Social Policy boxes in selected chapters help students understand the connection between sociology and social policy issues in society.
Focus on Making a Difference Designed to help get students involved in their communities, the You Can Make a Difference boxes look at ways in which students can address, on a personal level, issues raised by the chapter theme.
Census Profiles This feature highlights current relevant data from the U.S. Census Bureau, providing students with further insight into the United States.
Effective Study Aids In addition to basic reading and study aids such as chapter outlines, key terms, a running glossary, and our popular online study system CengageNOWTM, Sociology in Our Times includes the following pedagogical aids to aid students’ mastery of the course’s content: ●
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Concept Quick Review. These tables categorize and contrast the major theories or perspectives on the specific topics presented in a chapter. Questions for Critical Thinking. Each chapter concludes with “Questions for Critical Thinking” to encourage students to reflect on important issues, to develop their own critical-thinking skills, and to highlight how ideas presented in one chapter often build on those developed previously.
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Chapter-opening Focus questions and Sharpening Your Focus questions, and featureconcluding Reflect & Analyze questions. From activating prior knowledge related to concepts and themes, to highlighting main ideas and reinforcing diverse perspectives, this text’s questions consistently contribute to student engagement. End-of-Chapter Summaries in Question-andAnswer Format. Chapter summaries provide a built-in review for students by reexamining material covered in the chapter in an easy-to-read question-and-answer format to review, highlight, and reinforce the most important concepts and issues discussed in each chapter.
Comprehensive Supplements Package The eighth edition of Sociology in Our Times is accompanied by a wide array of supplements developed to create the best teaching and learning experience inside as well as outside the classroom. All of the continuing supplements have been thoroughly revised and updated, and some new supplements have been added. Cengage Learning prepared the following descriptions, and I invite you to start taking full advantage of the teaching and learning tools available to you by reading this overview.
Supplements for Instructors Instructor’s Edition. The Instructor’s Edition previews the features that save you time and help students learn, and demonstrates how to integrate our powerful supplements into your curriculum. Instructor’s Resource Manual. Written by Nandi S. Crosby, California State University, Chico, this text’s Instructor’s Resource Manual is designed to maximize the effectiveness of your course preparation. It offers you brief chapter outlines correlated to key ASA guidelines, chapter-specific summaries, key terms, student learning objectives, extensive chapter lecture outlines, chapter review questions, questions for discussion, Internet activities, InfoTrac discussion, and creative lecture and teaching suggestions. It also includes a Resource Integration Guide with a list of additional print, video, and online resources, including a table of contents for the ABC Video Series for Introductory Sociology and concise user guides for both InfoTrac® College Edition and WebTutorTM.
Test Bank. Authored by Gary Titchener, Des Moines Area Community College, the eighth edition’s test bank consists of revised and updated multiple-choice questions and true/false questions for each chapter of the text, all with answer explanations and page references to the text. Each multiplechoice item has the question type (factual, applied, or conceptual) indicated. Also included are shortanswer and essay questions for each chapter. All questions are labeled as new, modified, or pickup so instructors know if the question is new to this edition of the Test Bank, modified but picked up from the previous edition of the Test Bank, or picked up straight from the previous edition of the Test Bank. This edition also lists learning objectives created by the Instructor’s Resource Manual author, creating consistency across supplements. The author of the Test Bank has also keyed each test question to its related learning objective for the chapter. Website. When you adopt Kendall’s Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition, you (and your students!) will have access to a rich array of teaching and learning resources that you won’t find anywhere else. This outstanding website features chapter-bychapter online tutorial quizzes, a final exam, chapter outlines, chapter review, chapter-by-chapter Web links, flashcards, and more! Instructor resources are password protected. PowerLecture with JoinIn Student Response SystemTM and ExamView®. This easy-to-use, one-stop digital library and presentation tool includes preassembled Microsoft® PowerPoint® lecture slides with graphics from the text, making it easy for you to assemble, edit, publish, and present custom lectures for your course. The PowerLecture CDROM includes book-specific video-based polling and quiz questions that can be used with the JoinIn Student Response SystemTM. PowerLecture also features ExamView® testing software, which includes all the test items from the printed Test Bank in electronic format, enabling you to create customized tests of up to 250 items that can be delivered in print or online. PowerLecture also includes an electronic version of the Instructor’s Resource Manual. WebTutorTM on Blackboard® and WebCT®. Creating an engaging e-learning environment is easier than ever with WebTutor Advantage. Save time building or Web-enhancing your course, posting course materials, incorporating multimedia, tracking progress, and more with this customizable, engaging course management tool. WebTutor Advantage saves
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xx you time and enhances your students’ learning—pairing advanced course management capabilities with text-specific learning tools. View a demo at http:// academic.cengage.com/webtutor. Printed access cards and instant access codes are available. CengageNOW® with eBook and InfoTrac. CengageNOW Personalized Study, a diagnostic tool (including a chapter-specific pre-test, individualized study plan, and post-test), helps students master concepts and prepare for exams by creating a study plan based on the students’ performance on the pretest. See full description above, under “Supplements for Instructors.” Easily assign Personalized Study for the entire term, and, if you want, results will automatically post to your grade book. CengageNOW also features the most intuitive, easy-to-use online course management and study system on the market. It saves you time through its automatic grading and easy-to-use grade book and provides your students an efficient way to study. Printed access cards and instant access codes are available. Also available: CengageNOW on Blackboard® and WebCT for Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition. Online Activities for Introductory Sociology Courses. Made up of contributions from introductory sociology instructors, this new online supplement is free to adopters of our introductory books and features new classroom activities for professors to use. Tips for Teaching Sociology, Third Edition. Written by veteran instructor Jerry M. Lewis of Kent State University, this booklet contains tips on course goals and syllabi, lecture preparation, exams, class exercises, research projects, course evaluations, and more. It is an invaluable tool for first-time instructors of the introductory course and for veteran instructors in search of new ideas. Introduction to Sociology Group Activities Workbook. Prepared by Lori Ann Fowler, Tarrant County College, this workbook contains both inand out-of-class group activities (using resources such as MicroCase Online Data exercises from Wadsworth’s Online Sociology Resource Center) that students can tear out and turn in to the instructor once complete. Also included are ideas for video clips to anchor group discussions, maps, case studies, group quizzes, ethical debates, group questions, group project topics, and ideas for outside readings for students to base group discussions on. This is both a workbook for students and a repository of
ideas; instructors can use this guide to get ideas for any introductory sociology class. ABC Videos: Introductory Sociology. Each of the four volumes of our ABC Videos features short, high-interest clips from current news events as well as historical raw footage going back forty years. Perfect for discussion starters or to enrich your lectures and spark interest in the material in the text, these brief videos provide students with a new lens through which to view the past and present, one that will greatly enhance their knowledge and understanding of significant events and open up to them new dimensions in learning. Clips are drawn from such programs as World News Tonight, Good Morning America, This Week, PrimeTime Live, 20/20, and Nightline, as well as numerous ABC News specials and material from the Associated Press Television News and British Movietone News collections. AIDS in Africa DVD. Expand your students’ global perspective of HIV/AIDS with this award-winning documentary series focused on controlling HIV/ AIDS in southern Africa. Films focus on caregivers in the faith community; how young people share messages of hope through song and dance; the relationship of HIV/AIDS to gender, poverty, stigma, education, and justice; and the story of two HIVpositive women helping others. Lecture Launchers DVD. An exclusive offering jointly created by Wadsworth Cengage Learning and Dallas TeleLearning, this video contains a collection of video highlights taken from the “Exploring Society: An Introduction to Sociology” telecourse (formerly “The Sociological Imagination”). Each 3- to 6-minute video segment has been specially chosen to enhance and enliven class lectures and discussions of 20 key topics covered in the introduction to sociology course. Accompanying the video is a brief written description of each clip, along with suggested discussion questions to help effectively incorporate the material into the classroom. Sociology: Core Concepts DVD. An exclusive offering jointly created by Wadsworth Cengage Learning and Dallas TeleLearning, this video contains a collection of video highlights taken from the “Exploring Society: An Introduction to Sociology” telecourse (formerly “The Sociological Imagination”). Each 15- to 20-minute video segment will enhance student learning of the essential concepts in the introductory course and can be used to initiate class lectures, discussion, and review. The video covers topics such as the sociological imagination,
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Film Book: Spicing Up Sociology. Written by Marisol Clark-Ibanez and Richelle Swan of California State University–San Marcos, Spicing Up Sociology is designed to address the growing interest in using film in the classroom. The authors start the book with the rationale for using film in the classroom, methods for incorporating film into the classroom, and learning outcomes. The authors give a synopsis of various films and a description of what sociological concept each one demonstrates. Accompanying each feature film is an activity for students to complete. Extension: Wadsworth’s Sociology Reader Database Sampler. Create your own customized reader for your introductory class drawing from dozens of classic and contemporary articles found on the exclusive Wadsworth Cengage Learning Text Choice2 database. Create a customized reader just for your class containing as few as two or three seminal articles or more than a dozen edited selections. With Extension, you can preview articles online, make selections, and add original material of your own to create your printed reader for your class. Sociology of Careers Module. Written by leading author Joan Ferrante, Northern Kentucky University, the Sociology of Careers module offers the most extensive and useful information on careers that is available. This module provides six career tracks, each of which has a “featured employer,” a job description, and a letter of recommendation (written by a professor for a sociology student) or application (written by a sociology student). The module also includes résumé-building tips on how to make the most out of being a sociology major and offers specific course suggestions along with the transferable skills gained by taking them. As part of Wadsworth’s Add-a-Module Program, Sociology of Careers can be purchased separately, bundled, or customized with any of our introductory texts. The modules present topics not typically covered in most introductory texts but often requested by instructors. Sociology of Sports Module. The Sociology of Sports module, authored by Jerry M. Lewis, Kent State University, examines why sociologists are interested in sports, mass media and sports, popular culture and sports (including feature-length films on sports), sports and religion, drugs and sports, and violence and sports. As part of Wadsworth’s
Add-a-Module Program, Sociology of Sports can be purchased separately, bundled, or customized with any of our introductory texts. The modules present topics not typically covered in most introductory texts but often requested by instructors.
Supplements for Students Website for Kendall’s Sociology in Our Times, Eighth Edition. When you adopt Kendall’s Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition, your students will have access to a rich array of teaching and learning resources that you won’t find anywhere else. This outstanding website features chapter-by-chapter online tutorial quizzes, a final exam, chapter outlines, chapter review, chapter-by-chapter Web links, flashcards, and more! (As noted above, instructor resources on this website are password protected.) Study Card for Intro Sociology. This handy card, created by Matisa Wilbon, Bellarmine University, provides all the important sociological concepts covered in introductory sociology courses, broken down into sections. Providing a large amount of information at a glance, this study card is an invaluable tool for a quick review. Study Guide. Prepared by Shannon Carter, University of Central Florida, this student study tool contains both brief and detailed chapter outlines, chapter summaries, learning objectives, a list of key terms and key people with page references to the text, questions to guide student reading, Internet and InfoTrac exercises, and practice tests consisting of 20 to 25 multiple-choice questions, 10 to 15 true/false questions, 3 to 5 fill-in-the-blank and short-answer questions, and 3 to 5 essay questions. All multiple-choice, true/false, and fill-in-the-blank and short-answer questions include answer explanations and page references to the text. Student Course Guide. This Course Guide for Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition, is designed to accompany the “Exploring Society: Introduction to Sociology” telecourse produced by DALLAS TeleLearning of the Dallas County Community College District (DCCCD). This course guide provides the essential integration of videos and text, providing students with valuable resources designed to direct their daily study in the “Exploring Society” telecourse. Each chapter of the guide contains a lesson that corresponds to each of the 22 video segments in the telecourse. Each lesson includes the following components: Overview, Lesson Assignment, Lesson
PREFACE
stratification, race and ethnic relations, and social change.
PREFACE
xxii Goal, Lesson Learning Objectives, Review, Lesson Focus Points, Related Activities, Practice Tests, and Answer Key. CengageNOW with eBook and InfoTrac. CengageNOW Personalized Study, a diagnostic tool (including a chapter-specific pre-test, individualized study plan, and post-test), helps students master concepts and prepare for exams by creating a study plan based on the students’ performance on the pretest. See full description above, under “Supplements for Instructors.” Printed access cards and instant access codes are available. These resources are available to qualified adopters, and ordering options for student supplements are flexible. Please consult your local Cengage Learning sales representative or visit us at www.cengage.com for more information, including ISBNs; to receive examination copies of any of these instructor or student resources; or for product demonstrations. Print and e-book versions of this text are available for students to purchase at www.ichapters.com.
Acknowledgments Sociology in Our Times would not have been possible without the insightful critiques of these colleagues,
who have reviewed some or all of this book. My profound thanks to each one for engaging in this timeconsuming process: Monifa Brinson-Mulraine, Fairleigh Dickinson University, College at Florham Toby Buchanan, Dallas Baptist University Paul Calarco, State University of New York–Albany Mark J. Gordon, Loyola Marymount University Allan Hunchuk, Thiel College John Rinciari, Berkeley College Laura Toussaint, Green River Community College I deeply appreciate the energy, creativity, and dedication of the many people responsible for the development and production of this edition of Sociology in Our Times. I wish to thank Wadsworth Publishing Company’s Michelle Julet, Linda Schreiber, Chris Caldeira, Renee Deljon, Andrew Keay, Laura Localio, Rachael Krapf, and Melanie Cregger for their enthusiasm and insights throughout the development of this text. Many other people worked hard on the production of this eighth edition, especially Cheri Palmer, Greg Hubit, and Donald Pharr. I am extremely grateful to them. I invite you to send your comments and suggestions about this book to me in care of: Wadsworth/Cengage Learning 20 Davis Drive Belmont, CA 94002
About the Author Diana Kendall is currently Professor of Sociology at Baylor University, where she was recognized as an Outstanding Professor for her research. Dr. Kendall has taught a variety of courses, including Introduction to Sociology; Sociological Theory (undergraduate and graduate); Sociology of Medicine; and Race, Class, and Gender. Previously, she enjoyed many years of teaching sociology and serving as chair of the Social and Behavioral Science Division at Austin Community College. Diana Kendall received her Ph.D. from the University of Texas at Austin, where she was invited to membership in Phi Kappa Phi Honor Society. Her areas of specialization and primary research interests are sociological theory and the sociology of
medicine. In addition to Sociology in Our Times, eighth edition, she is the author of Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials; The Power of Good Deeds: Privileged Women and the Social Reproduction of the Upper Class (Rowman & Littlefield, 2002); Framing Class: Media Representations of Wealth and Poverty in America (Rowman & Littlefield, 2005); and Members Only: Elite Clubs and the Process of Exclusion (Rowman & Littlefield, 2008). Professor Kendall is actively involved in national and regional sociological associations, including the American Sociological Association, Sociologists for Women in Society, the Society for the Study of Social Problems, and the Southwestern Sociological Association.
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SOCIOLOGY IN OUR TIMES
chapter
1
The Sociological Perspective Chapter Focus Question How does sociology add to our knowledge of human societies and of social issues such as consumerism?
© Plush Studios/Brand X Pictures/Getty Images
I
went back to school . . . after losing my job and being told I was over-qualified for most entry-level office positions . . . but not qualified enough for mid-level ones. . . . I thought I could at least make $30,000 per year with my new degree. Once I started looking for work, reality set in. I could barely get jobs paying $24,000. Trying to pay off $30,000 in college loans, about $5,000 in credit card debts, with two young children in daycare, and having a 40-50 mile commute to work has been challenging. As to credit card debt on campus, many college students are in the same boat. They think they will get really good paying jobs once they graduate so all they need to do is get to that point. In reality, that is not going to always be the case. Many students being
According to sociologists, our consumer society continues to grow as more people shop at home via telephone and Internet.
IN THIS CHAPTER
• • • • • •
Putting Social Life into Perspective The Importance of a Global Sociological Imagination The Origins of Sociological Thinking The Development of Modern Sociology Contemporary Theoretical Perspectives Comparing Sociology with Other Social Sciences
recruited to get credit cards are encouraged to include their college loans and grants as income. I know of friends who were not working but still able to get credit cards probably because there was no income verification. There are errors being made on both sides of the fence. Students need to be more realistic about their future income and learn more about how credit cards fit in personal finances. The credit card companies also need to quit going for the easy dollar by enticing college students who they know are more apt to abuse these cards. —Kay Thayer (2008) posted this comment on a website, “The Takeaway,” after she learned that U.S. lawmakers were attempting to pass rules making it more difficult for credit card companies to bombard college students with applications in light of current financial crises in the United States and other nations.
A
s we can tell from Kay’s statement, she, like millions of college students, learned that it may be difficult to pay off credit card debt accumulated in college and to go out into the world and find a well-paying job, particularly when economic and social conditions throughout the nation are problematic. In the twenty-first century, we live
in what is referred to as a “consumer society,” and many of us rely on our credit cards when we need to pay for items we want to purchase or for services we need. Many sociologists are interested in studying the consumer society, which refers to a society in which discretionary consumption is a mass phenomenon among people across
Sharpening Your Focus
• • • •
What is the sociological imagination? Why were early thinkers concerned with social order and stability? Why were later social thinkers concerned with change? What are the assumptions behind each of the contemporary theoretical perspectives? 3
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STUDYING SOCIETY AND SOCIAL LIFE
4 diverse income categories. In the consumer society, for example, purchasing goods and services is not only in the exclusive province of the rich or even individuals in the middle class; people from all but the lowest income categories may spend extensive amounts of time, energy, and money shopping while, at the same time, amassing ever-growing credit card debts (see Baudrillard, 1998/1970; Ritzer, 1995; Schor, 1999). According to sociologists, consumption is a process that extends beyond our individual choices and is rooted in larger structural conditions in the social, political, and economic order in which we live. In recent years, as the United States has experienced major problems in finance and other industries, many people have been hard hit by problems in the larger society such as economic instability, massive job losses, and a declining housing market. Why have shopping, spending, credit card debt, and bankruptcy become major problems for some people? How are social relations and social meanings shaped by what people in a given society produce and how they consume? What national and worldwide social processes shape the production and consumption of goods, services, and information? In this chapter, we see how the sociological perspective helps us examine complex questions such as these, and we wrestle with some of the difficulties of attempting to study human behavior. Before reading on, take the quiz in Box 1.1, which lists a number of commonsense notions about consumption and credit card debt.
Putting Social Life into Perspective Sociology is the systematic study of human society and social interaction. It is a systematic study because sociologists apply both theoretical perspectives and research methods (or orderly approaches) to examinations of social behavior. Sociologists study human societies and their social interactions to develop theories of how human behavior is shaped by group life and how, in turn, group life is affected by individuals.
Why Study Sociology? Sociology helps us gain a better understanding of ourselves and our social world. It enables us to see how behavior is largely shaped by the groups to which we belong and the society in which we live. Most of us take our social world for granted and view our lives in very personal terms. Because of our culture’s emphasis on individualism, we often do not consider the complex connections between our own lives and
the larger, recurring patterns of the society and world in which we live. Sociology helps us look beyond our personal experiences and gain insights into society and the larger world order. A society is a large social grouping that shares the same geographical territory and is subject to the same political authority and dominant cultural expectations, such as the United States, Mexico, or Nigeria. Examining the world order helps us understand that each of us is affected by global interdependence—a relationship in which the lives of all people are intertwined closely and any one nation’s problems are part of a larger global problem. Individuals can make use of sociology on a more personal level. Sociology enables us to move beyond established ways of thinking, thus allowing us to gain new insights into ourselves and to develop a greater awareness of the connection between our own “world” and that of other people. According to the sociologist Peter Berger (1963: 23), sociological inquiry helps us see that “things are not what they seem.” Sociology provides new ways of approaching problems and making decisions in everyday life. Sociology also promotes understanding and tolerance by enabling each of us to look beyond our personal experiences (see Figure 1.1). Many of us rely on intuition or common sense gained from personal experience to help us understand our daily lives and other people’s behavior. Commonsense knowledge guides ordinary conduct in everyday life. We often rely on common sense—or “what everybody knows”—to answer key questions about behavior: Why do people behave the way they do? Who makes the rules? Why do some people break rules and other people follow rules? Many commonsense notions are actually myths. A myth is a popular but false notion that may be used, either intentionally or unintentionally, to perpetuate certain beliefs or “theories” even in the light of conclusive evidence to the contrary. For example, one widely held myth is that “money can buy happiness.” By contrast, sociologists strive to use scientific standards, not popular myths or hearsay, in studying society and social interaction. They use systematic research techniques and are accountable to the scientific community for their methods and the presentation of their findings. Although some sociologists argue that sociology must be completely value free—without distorting subjective (personal or emotional) bias—others do not think that total objectivity is an attainable or desirable goal when studying human behavior. However, all sociologists attempt to discover patterns or commonalities in human behavior. For example, when they study shopping behavior or credit card abuse, sociologists look for recurring patterns of behavior and for larger, structural factors that contribute to people’s behavior. Women’s studies scholar Juliet B. Schor, who wrote The
5 CHAPTER 1
Box 1.1 Sociology and Everyday Life
False
T T
F F
T
F
T
F
T
F
T T
F F
T
F
1. The average U.S. household owes more than $8,000 in credit card debt. 2. The average debt owed on undergraduate college students’ credit cards is less than $1,000. 3. Fewer than half of all undergraduate students at four-year colleges have at least one credit card. 4. In the United States, it is illegal to offer incentives such as free T-shirts and Frisbees to encourage students to apply for credit cards. 5. Consumer activist groups have been successful in getting Congress to pass a law requiring people under age 21 to get parental approval or show that they have sufficient income prior to obtaining a credit card. 6. More than one million people in this country file for bankruptcy each year. 7. If we added up all consumer debt in the United States, we would find that the total amount owed is more than $1.5 trillion. 8. Overspending is primarily a problem for people in the higher-income brackets in the United States and other affluent nations. Answers on page 6.
Overspent American (1999: 68), refers to consumption as the “see–want–borrow–buy” process, which she believes is a comparative process in which desire is structured by what we see around us. As sociologists examine patterns such as these, they begin to use the sociological imagination.
The Sociological Imagination Sociologist C. Wright Mills (1959b) described sociological reasoning as the sociological imagination—the ability to see the relationship between individual experiences and the larger society. This awareness enables us to understand the link between our personal experiences and the social contexts in which they occur. The sociological imagination helps us distinguish between personal troubles and social (or public) issues. Personal troubles are private problems that affect individuals and the networks of people with which they regularly associate. As a result, those problems must be solved by individuals within their immediate social settings. For example, one person being unemployed or running up a high credit card debt could be identified as a personal trouble. Public issues are problems that affect large numbers of people and often require solutions at the societal level. Widespread unemployment and massive, nationwide consumer debt are examples
of public issues. The sociological imagination helps us place seemingly personal troubles, such as losing one’s job or overspending on credit cards, into a larger social context, where we can distinguish whether and how personal troubles may be related to public issues. Overspending as a Personal Trouble Although the character of the individual can contribute to social problems, some individual experiences are largely beyond the individual’s control. They are influenced and in some situations determined by the society as a whole—by its historical development and its organization. In everyday life, we often blame individuals for “creating” their own problems. If a
sociology the systematic study of human society and social interaction. society a large social grouping that shares the same geographical territory and is subject to the same political authority and dominant cultural expectations. sociological imagination C. Wright Mills’s term for the ability to see the relationship between individual experiences and the larger society.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
True
●
How Much Do You Know About Consumption and Credit Cards?
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6
Box 1.1 Sociology and Everyday Life
Answers to the Sociology Quiz on Consumption and Credit Cards 1. True.
The credit card debt owed by the average U.S. household in 2007 (the most recent year for which statistics were available) was $9,840.
2. False.
The average debt on undergraduate college students’ credit cards in 2008 was about $2,200, and the typical student amasses almost $20,000 in student loans during his or her undergraduate years.
3. False.
About 76 percent of undergraduate college students have at least one credit card.
4. False.
Aggressive marketing of credit cards to college students and others is not illegal; the credit card industry routinely pays colleges and universities fees to rent tables for campus solicitations, and alumni groups offer “affinity” cards linked to the schools.
5. False.
Although Congress has been encouraged to adopt a measure requiring age or income requirements on the issuance of credit cards, by mid-2009 no laws had been passed in this regard. However, a significant downturn in the economy may have produced a similar effect on the issuance of credit cards and their spending limits.
6. True.
In the United States, more than one million people filed for bankruptcy in 2006.
7. True.
The total is about $2.0 trillion when all consumer debt is taken into account.
8. False.
Recent studies have shown that people in all income brackets have overused credit and not paid off debts in an effort to deal with difficult economic times.
Sources: Based on Americans for Fairness in Lending, 2009; The Motley Fool, 2007; and Weiss, 2008.
person sinks into debt due to overspending or credit card abuse, many people consider it to be the result of his or her own personal failings. However, this approach overlooks debt among people who are in low income brackets, having no way other than debt to gain the basic necessities of life. By contrast, at middle- and upper-income levels, overspending takes on a variety of other meanings.
Health and Human Services Counseling Education Medicine Nursing Social Work
At the individual level, people may accumulate credit cards and spend more than they can afford, thereby affecting all aspects of their lives, including health, family relationships, and employment stability. Sociologist George Ritzer (1999: 29) suggests that people may overspend through a gradual process in which credit cards “lure people into consumption by easy credit and then entice them into still further consumption by offers
Business
Communication
Academia
Law
Advertising Labor Relations Management Marketing
Broadcasting Public Relations Journalism
Anthropology Economics Geography History Information Studies Media Studies/ Communication Political Science Psychology Sociology
Law Criminal Justice
Figure 1.1 Fields That Use Social Science Research In many careers, including jobs in academia, business, communication, health and human services, and law, the ability to analyze social science research is an important asset. Source: Based on Katzer, Cook, and Crouch, 1991.
7 CHAPTER 1
of ‘payment holidays,’ new cards, and increased credit limits.” A classic example of Ritzer’s description is Chip H., who describes how he has had problems with overspending on credit cards since his freshman year of college but still carries around seven of them:
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THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
I was pretty good for about a year. Then I bought $200 speakers for my car and that put me over the top. I figured if I’m a little in the hole, then why not spend more. Then if you don’t keep track, you end up just paying the interest, and you don’t get anywhere. They get you, though. They bump you up another $500 or $600 because of your “outstanding credit.” Then you charge more and go into deeper debt. It’s like gambling, once you start you can’t stop. (qtd. in McDonald, 1997: 4–5)
Overspending as a Public Issue We can use the sociological imagination to look at the problem of overspending and credit card debt as a public issue—a societal problem. For example, Ritzer (1998) suggests that the relationship between credit card debt and the relatively low savings rate in the United States constitutes a public issue. Between 1990 and 2000, credit card debt tripled in the United States while savings diminished. Because savings is money that governments, businesses, and individuals can borrow for expansion, lack of savings may create problems for future economic growth. The rate of bankruptcies in this country is a problem both for financial institutions and the government. As corporations “write off ” bad debt from those who declare bankruptcy or simply do not pay their bills, all consumers pay either directly or indirectly for that debt. Finally, poverty is forgotten as a social issue when more-affluent people are having a spending holiday and consuming all, or more than, they can afford to purchase. Some practices of the credit card industry are also a public issue (Ritzer, 1998). In a study of credit card use among college students, the sociologist Robert D. Manning (1999) found that students are aggressively targeted through marketing campaigns by credit card companies even though it is an accepted fact that some of the students will ruin their credit while still in college. Taking a walking tour of most large university campuses at registration time provides ample evidence of aggressive credit card marketing to students (and sometimes to faculty and staff ). Card offers are on or near campus, tucked into school newspapers, and distributed by area bookstores that sell texts and school supplies. Solicita-
Courtesy of Charlene Sullivan
Chip, like millions of others, stayed heavily in debt, transferring $5,500 of debt from his MasterCard and Visa accounts to an AT&T Universal card that offered him lower interest, at least initially (McDonald, 1997).
According to management professor Charlene Sullivan, credit cards are available today to just about anyone; however, she advises consumers to limit the number of cards they carry and to think carefully about the interest rates, services, and flexibility of each card. She also reminds us that the responsibility falls on credit card holders to understand and control their credit behavior.
tion letters begin arriving in students’ mailboxes early in the freshman year. As graduation time approaches, seniors are regaled with letters of “congratulations” from the credit card industry and one last appeal to get a “lifestyle” credit card that benefits the school’s alumni association with a small contribution when purchases are charged on the card. The problem has grown so great that some in the credit card industry have acknowledged it is a problem. As one bank vice president stated, “I’ve seen customers who’ve had as many as 13 Visas and MasterCards. . . . Banks are guilty in that they make credit too easily available” (ABA Banking Journal, 1990: 42).
As these examples show, Mills’s The Sociological Imagination (1959b) remains useful for examining issues in the twenty-first century because it helps integrate microlevel (individual and small group) troubles with compelling public issues of our day. Recently, his ideas have been applied at the global level as well.
The Importance of a Global Sociological Imagination
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8
Although existing sociological theory and research provide the foundation for sociological thinking, we must reach beyond past studies that have focused primarily on the United States to develop a more comprehensive global approach for the future. In the twentyfirst century, we face important challenges in a rapidly changing nation and world. The world’s high-income countries are nations with highly industrialized economies; technologically advanced industrial, administrative, and service occupations; and relatively high levels of national and personal income. Examples include the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, and the countries of Western Europe (see Map 1.1).
New York, United States
As compared with other nations of the world, many high-income nations have a high standard of living and a lower death rate due to advances in nutrition and medical technology. However, everyone living in a so-called high-income country does not necessarily have a high income or an outstanding quality of life. Even among middle- and upper-income people, problems such as personal debt may threaten economic and social stability. For example, more than 1.1 million people in this country filed for bankruptcy in 2006, and more than 97 percent of all U.S. bankruptcies were filed by consumers (U.S. Courts, 2006). In contrast, middle-income countries are nations with industrializing economies, particularly in urban areas, and moderate levels of national and personal income. Examples of middle-income countries include the nations of Eastern Europe and many Latin American countries, where nations such as Brazil and Mexico are industrializing rapidly. Low-income countries are primarily agrarian nations with little industrialization and low levels of national and personal income. Examples of low-income countries include many of the nations of Africa and Asia, particularly the People’s Republic of China and India, where people typically work the land and are among the poorest in the world. However, generalizations are difficult to make because there are wide differences in income and
West Bengal, India
Poland, Europe Arctic Ocean
North America
Europe Middle East
Atlantic Ocean
Central America Pacific Ocean
Asia
Pacific Ocean
Africa South America
Indian Ocean
Australia
Antarctica
Map 1.1 The World’s Economies in the Early Twenty-First Century High-income, middle-income, and low-income countries.
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Throughout history, social philosophers and religious authorities have made countless observations about human behavior, but the first systematic analysis of society is found in the philosophies of early Greek philosophers such as Plato (c. 427–347 B.C.E.) and Aristotle (384–322 B.C.E.). For example, Aristotle was concerned with developing a system of knowledge, and he engaged in theorizing and the empirical analysis of data collected from people in Greek cities regarding their views about social life when ruled by kings or aristocracies or when living in democracies (Collins, 1994). However, early thinkers such as Plato and Aristotle provided thoughts on what they believed society ought to be like, rather than describing how society actually was. Social thought began to change rapidly in the seventeenth century with the scientific revolution. Like their predecessors in the natural sciences, social thinkers sought to develop a scientific understanding of social life, believing that their work might enable people to reach their full potential. The contributions of Isaac Newton (1642–1727) to modern science, including the discovery of the laws of gravity and motion and the development of calculus, inspired social thinkers to believe that similar advances could be made in the systematic study of human behavior. As Newton advanced the
high-income countries (sometimes referred to as industrial countries) nations with highly industrialized economies; technologically advanced industrial, administrative, and service occupations; and relatively high levels of national and personal income. middle-income countries (sometimes referred to as developing countries) nations with industrializing economies and moderate levels of national and personal income. low-income countries (sometimes referred to as underdeveloped countries) nations with little industrialization and low levels of national and personal income.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
The Origins of Sociological Thinking
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beliefs, and practices associated with sex differences, referred to as femininity and masculinity. In forming your own global sociological imagination and in seeing the possibilities for sociology in the twenty-first century, it will be helpful for you to understand the development of the discipline.
CHAPTER 1
standards of living within many nations (see Chapter 9, “Global Stratification”). The global expansion of credit cards and other forms of consumerism, including the proliferation of “big-box” retail establishments such as Wal-Mart, shows the influence of U.S.-based megacorporations on other nations of the world. Consider Wal-Mart, for example. Sam Walton opened his first Wal-Mart store in Rogers, Arkansas, in 1962, and the company’s home office was established in Bentonville, Arkansas, in the early 1970s. From a small-scale, regional operation in Arkansas, the Wal-Mart chain has now built a worldwide empire. Although the global expansion of credit cards and Wal-Mart Superstores has produced benefits for some people, it has also affected the everyday lives of many individuals around the world (see Box 1.2). Throughout this text, we will continue to develop our sociological imaginations by examining social life in the United States and other nations. The future of our nation is deeply intertwined with the future of all other nations of the world on economic, political, environmental, and humanitarian levels. We buy many goods and services that were produced in other nations, and we sell much of what we produce to the people of other nations. Peace in other nations is important if we are to ensure peace within our borders. Famine, unrest, and brutality in other regions of the world must be of concern to people in the United States. Moreover, fires, earthquakes, famine, or environmental pollution in one nation typically has an adverse influence on other nations as well. Global problems contribute to the large influx of immigrants who arrive in the United States annually. These immigrants bring with them a rich diversity of language, customs, religions, and previous life experiences; they also contribute to dramatic population changes that will have a long-term effect on this country. Whatever your race/ethnicity, class, sex, or age, are you able to include in your thinking the perspectives of people who are quite different from you in experiences and points of view? Before you answer this question, a few definitions are in order. Race is a term used by many people to specify groups of people distinguished by physical characteristics such as skin color; in fact, there are no “pure” racial types, and the concept of race is considered by most sociologists to be a social construction that people use to justify existing social inequalities. Ethnicity refers to the cultural heritage or identity of a group and is based on factors such as language or country of origin. Class is the relative location of a person or group within the larger society, based on wealth, power, prestige, or other valued resources. Sex refers to the biological and anatomical differences between females and males. By contrast, gender refers to the meanings,
Box 1.2 Sociology in Global Perspective
The Global Wal-Mart Effect? Big-Box Stores and Credit Cards Did you know that: ●
●
●
More than half of all Wal-Mart stores worldwide are located outside the United States? Wal-Mart operates more than 100 stores, including supercenters, neighborhood markets, and Sam’s Clubs, in China? Wal-Mart is a major player in the credit card business in China, where people traditionally have been opposed to purchasing products on credit?
shoppers pay interest on their credit card debt, corporations such as Wal-Mart win twice because they make profits from the interest (which is shared between the bank and the business) as well as the initial sale of the goods that were charged on the card. The motto for the Wal-Mart credit card in China is “maximizing value, enjoying life,” and this idea encourages a change in attitude from the past, when—regardless of income level—most residents of that country did not possess credit cards. With the recent economic depression in China, its citizens now use credit cards for more than $300 billion worth of transactions annually (Kurlantzick, 2003). This has brought a corresponding surge in credit card debt, which can be partly attributed to aggressive marketing by transnational retailers but also to credit card companies encouraging consumers to buy now, pay later.
Although most of us are aware that Wal-Mart stores are visible in virtually every community in the United States, we are less aware of the extent to which Wal-Mart and other “big-box” stores are changing the face of the world economy as the megacorporations that own them expand their operations into other nations—and into the credit card business. The strategic placement of Wal-Mart stores both here and abroad accounts for part of the financial success of this retailing giant, but another American export—credit Reflect Analyze cards—is also part of the company’s business plan. Credit If some of the social theorists discussed in Chapter 1 cards are changing the way that people shop and how (such as Karl Marx) were alive today, how might they they think about spending money in emerging nations describe what is happening in regard to consumerism such as China. For example, Wal-Mart China is aggresand debt in the twenty-first century? What new insights sively seeking both shoppers and credit card holders. By might we gain regarding the global economy if we use encouraging people to spend money now rather than our sociological imagination to think about this issue? save it for later, corporations such as Wal-Mart that issue What do you think? “co-branded” credit cards gain in two ways: (1) people buy more goods than they would otherwise acquire, thus inSources: Based on The Economist, 2006; Wal-Mart China, 2006; and Wal-Mart, 2008. creasing sales; and (2) the corporation whose “brand” is on the credit card increases its earnings as a result of the interest the cardholder pays on credit card debt. An exciting aspect of studying Co-branded credit cards sociology is comparing our own are issued jointly by a bank lives with those of people around (which provides the credit) the world. Global consumerism, and a business (such as an as evidenced by the opening of airline or a retailer) that offers the new Wal-Mart Supercenter in some sort of reward for usShanghai, China, provides a window ing its credit card. The credit through which we can observe how card is a form of revolving issues such as shopping and credit credit—an agreement under affect all of us. Which aspects of this which a person may make a photo reflect local culture? Which minimum payment on the aspects reflect a global cultural total balance each month, phenomenon? pay interest on the unpaid balance, and purchase additional items within a preestablished credit limit. As
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Sociology and the Age of Revolution, Industrialization, and Urbanization Several types of revolution that took place in the eighteenth century had a profound influence on the origins of sociology. The Enlightenment produced an intellectual revolution in how people thought about social change, progress, and critical thinking. The optimistic views of the philosophes and other social thinkers regarding progress and equal opportunity (at least for some people) became part of the impetus for political revolutions and economic revolutions, first in America and then in France. The Enlightenment thinkers had emphasized a sense of common purpose and hope for human progress; the French Revolution and its aftermath replaced these ideals with discord and overt conflict (see Schama, 1989; Arendt, 1973). During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, another form of revolution occurred: the Industrial Revolution. Industrialization is the process by which societies are transformed from dependence on agriculture and handmade products to an emphasis on manufacturing and related industries. This process first
industrialization the process by which societies are transformed from dependence on agriculture and handmade products to an emphasis on manufacturing and related industries.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
The origins of sociological thinking as we know it today can be traced to the scientific revolution in the late seventeenth and mid-eighteenth centuries and to the Age of Enlightenment. In this period of European thought, emphasis was placed on the individual’s possession of critical reasoning and experience. There was also widespread skepticism regarding the primacy of religion as a source of knowledge and heartfelt opposition to traditional authority. A basic assumption of the Enlightenment was that scientific laws had been designed with a view to human happiness and that the “invisible hand” of either Providence or the emerging economic system of capitalism would ensure that the individual’s pursuit of enlightened self-interest would always be conducive to the welfare of society as a whole. In France, the Enlightenment (also referred to as the Age of Reason) was dominated by a group of thinkers referred to collectively as the philosophes. The philosophes included such well-known intellectuals as Charles Montesquieu (1689–1755), Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), and Jacques Turgot (1727– 1781). They defined a philosophe as one who, trampling on prejudice, tradition, universal consent, and authority—in a word, all that enslaves most minds— dares to think for himself, to go back and search for the clearest general principles, and to admit nothing except on the testimony of his experience and reason (Kramnick, 1995). For the most part, these men were optimistic about the future, believing that human society could be improved through scientific discoveries. In this view, if people were free from the ignorance and superstition of the past, they could create new forms of political and economic organization such as democracy and capitalism, which would eventually produce wealth and destroy aristocracy and other oppressive forms of political leadership. Although women were categorically excluded from much of public life in France because of the sexism of the day, some women strongly influenced the philosophes and their thinking through their participation in the salon—an open house held to stimulate discussion and intellectual debate. Salons provided a place for intellectuals and authors to discuss ideas and opinions and for women and men to engage in witty repartee regarding the issues of the day, but the “brotherhood” of philosophes typically viewed the women primarily as
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good listeners or mistresses more than as intellectual equals, even though the men sometimes later adopted the women’s ideas as if they were their own. However, the writings of Mary Wollstonecraft (1759–1797) reflect the Enlightenment spirit, and her works have recently received recognition for influencing people’s thoughts on the idea of human equality, particularly as it relates to social equality and women’s right to education. For women and men alike, the idea of observing how people lived in order to find out what they thought, and doing so in a systematic manner that could be verified, did not take hold until sweeping political and economic changes in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries caused many people to realize that several of the answers provided by philosophers and theologians to some very pressing questions no longer seemed relevant. Many of these questions concerned the social upheaval brought about by the age of revolution, particularly the American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789, and the rapid industrialization and urbanization that occurred first in Britain, then in Western Europe, and later in the United States.
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cause of physics and the natural sciences, he was viewed by many as the model of a true scientist. Moreover, his belief that the universe is an orderly, self-regulating system strongly influenced the thinking of early social theorists.
occurred during the Industrial Revolution in Britain between 1760 and 1850, and was soon repeated throughout Western Europe. By the mid-nineteenth century, industrialization was well under way in the United States. Massive economic, technological, and social changes occurred as machine technology and the factory system shifted the economic base of these nations from agriculture to manufacturing. A new social class of industrialists emerged in textiles, iron smelting, and related industries. Many people who had labored on the land were forced to leave their tightly knit rural communities and sacrifice well-defined social relationships to seek employment as factory workers in the emerging cities, which became the centers of industrial work. Urbanization accompanied modernization and the rapid process of industrialization. Urbanization is the process by which an increasing proportion of a population lives in cities rather than in rural areas. Although cities existed long before the Industrial Revolution, the development of the factory system led to a rapid increase in both the number of cities and the size of their populations. People from very diverse backgrounds worked together in the same factory. At the same time, many people shifted from being producers to being consumers. For example, families living in the cities had to buy food with their wages because they could no longer grow their own crops to consume or to barter for other resources. Similarly, people had to pay rent for their lodging because they could no longer exchange their services for shelter. These living and working conditions led to the development of new social problems: inadequate housing, crowding, unsanitary conditions, poverty, pollution, and crime. Wages were so low that entire families—including very young children—were forced
to work, often under hazardous conditions and with no job security. As these conditions became more visible, a new breed of social thinkers turned its attention to trying to understand why and how society was changing.
The Development of Modern Sociology At the same time that urban problems were growing worse, natural scientists had been using reason, or rational thinking, to discover the laws of physics and the movement of the planets. Social thinkers started to believe that by applying the methods developed by the natural sciences, they might discover the laws of human behavior and apply these laws to solve social problems. Historically, the time was ripe for such thoughts because the Age of Enlightenment had produced a belief in reason and humanity’s ability to perfect itself.
Early Thinkers: A Concern with Social Order and Stability Early social thinkers—such as Auguste Comte, Harriet Martineau, Herbert Spencer, and Emile Durkheim— were interested in analyzing social order and stability, and many of their ideas had a dramatic influence on modern sociology. Auguste Comte The French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798–1857) coined the term sociology from the Latin socius (“social, being with others”) and the Greek logos (“study of ”) to describe a new science that would engage in the study of society. Even though he never actually conducted sociological research, Comte is considered by some to be the “founder of sociology.” Comte’s theory that societies contain social statics (forces for social order and stability) and social dynamics (forces for conflict and change) contin-
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As the Industrial Revolution swept through the United States beginning in the nineteenth century, sights like this became increasingly common. This early automobile assembly line is symbolic of the factory system that shifted the base of the U.S. economy from agriculture to manufacturing. What new technologies are transforming the U.S. economy in the twenty-first century?
Harriet Martineau Comte’s works were made more accessible for a wide variety of scholars through the efforts of the British sociologist Harriet Martineau (1802–1876). Until recently, Martineau received no recognition in the field of sociology, partly because she was a woman in a male-dominated discipline and society. Not only did she translate and condense Comte’s work, but she was also an active sociologist in her own right. Martineau studied the social customs of Britain and the United States and analyzed the consequences of industrialization and capitalism. In Society in America (1962/1837), she examined religion, politics, child rearing, slavery, and immigration in the United States, paying special attention to social distinctions based on class, race, and gender. Her works explore the status of women, children, and “sufferers” (persons who are
urbanization the process by which an increasing proportion of a population lives in cities rather than in rural areas. positivism a term describing Auguste Comte’s belief that the world can best be understood through scientific inquiry.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
ues to be used, although not in these exact terms, in contemporary sociology. Drawing heavily on the ideas of his mentor, Count Henri de Saint-Simon, Comte stressed that the methods of the natural sciences should be applied to the objective study of society. Saint-Simon’s primary interest in studying society was social reform, but Comte sought to unlock the secrets of society so that intellectuals like himself could become the new secular (as contrasted with religious) “high priests” of society (Nisbet, 1979). For Comte, the best policies involved order and authority. He envisioned that a new consensus would emerge on social issues and that the new science of sociology would play a significant part in the reorganization of society (Lenzer, 1998). Comte’s philosophy became known as positivism—a belief that the world can best be understood through scientific inquiry. Comte believed that objective, bias-free knowledge was attainable only through the use of science rather than religion. However, scientific knowledge was “relative knowledge,” not absolute and final. Comte’s positivism had two dimensions: (1) methodological—the application of scientific knowledge to both physical and social phenomena—and (2) social and political—the use of such knowledge to predict the likely results of different policies so that the best one could be chosen. The ideas of Saint-Simon and Comte regarding the objective, scientific study of society are deeply embedded in the discipline of sociology. Of particular importance is Comte’s idea that the nature of human thinking and knowledge passed through several stages
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Auguste Comte
as societies evolved from simple to more complex. Comte described how the idea systems and their corresponding social structural arrangements changed in what he termed the law of the three stages: the theological, metaphysical, and scientific (or positivistic) stages. Comte believed that knowledge began in the theological stage—explanations were based on religion and the supernatural. Next, knowledge moved to the metaphysical stage—explanations were based on abstract philosophical speculation. Finally, knowledge would reach the scientific or positive stage—explanations are based on systematic observation, experimentation, comparison, and historical analysis. Shifts in the forms of knowledge in societies were linked to changes in the structural systems of society. In the theological stage, kinship was the most prominent unit of society; however, in the metaphysical stage, the state became the prominent unit, and control shifted from small groups to the state, military, and law. In the scientific or positive stage, industry became the prominent structural unit in society, and scientists became the spiritual leaders, replacing in importance the priests and philosophers of the previous stages of knowledge. For Comte, this progression through the three stages constituted the basic law of social dynamics, and, when coupled with the laws of statics (which emphasized social order and stability), the new science of sociology could bring about positive social change.
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Auguste Comte (1798–1857) (oil on canvas), Etex, Louis Jules (1810–1889)/Temple de la Religion de l’Humanité, Paris, France/The Bridgeman Art Library International
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Harriet Martineau
considered to be criminal, mentally ill, handicapped, poor, or alcoholic). Based on her reading of Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Women (1974/1797), Martineau advocated racial and gender equality. She was also committed to creating a science of society that would be grounded in empirical observations and widely accessible to people. She argued that sociologists should be impartial in their assessment of society but that it is entirely appropriate to compare the existing state of society with the principles on which it was founded (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley, 1998). Some scholars believe that Martineau’s place in the history of sociology should be as a founding member of this field of study, not just as the translator of Auguste Comte’s work (Hoecker-Drysdale, 1992; Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley, 1998). Others have highlighted her influence in spreading the idea that societal progress could be brought about by the spread of democracy and the growth of industrial capitalism (Polanyi, 1944). Martineau believed that a better society would emerge if women and men were treated equally, enlightened reform occurred, and cooperation existed among people in all social classes (but led by the middle class). In keeping with the sociological imagination, Martineau not only analyzed large-scale social structures in society, but she also explored how these factors influenced the lives of people, particularly women, children, and those who were marginalized by virtue of being criminal, mentally ill, disabled, poor, or alcoholic (Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley, 1998). She remained convinced that sociology, the “true science of human nature,” could bring about new knowledge and understanding, enlarging people’s capacity to create a just society and live heroic lives (HoeckerDrysdale, 1992).
Herbert Spencer Unlike Comte, who was strongly influenced by the upheavals of the French Revolution, the British social theorist Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) was born in a more peaceful and optimistic period in his country’s history. Spencer’s major contribution to sociology was an evolutionary perspective on social order and social change. Although the term evolution has various meanings, evolutionary theory should be taken to mean “a theory to explain the mechanisms of organic/social change” (Haines, 1997: 81). According to Spencer’s Theory of General Evolution, society, like a biological organism, has various interdependent parts (such as the family, the economy, and the government) that work to ensure the stability and survival of the entire society. Spencer believed that societies developed through a process of “struggle” (for existence) and “fitness” (for survival), which he referred to as the “survival of the fittest.” Because this phrase is often attributed to Charles Darwin, Spencer’s view of society is known as social Darwinism—the belief that those species of animals, including human beings, best adapted to their environment survive and prosper, whereas those poorly adapted die out. Spencer equated this process of natural selection with progress because only the “fittest” members of society would survive the competition, and the “unfit” would be filtered out of society. Based on this belief, he strongly opposed any social reform that might interfere with the natural selection process and, thus, damage society by favoring its least-worthy members. Critics have suggested that many of Spencer’s ideas contain serious flaws. For one thing, societies are not the same as biological systems; people are able to cre-
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social facts Emile Durkheim’s term for patterned ways of acting, thinking, and feeling that exist outside any one individual but that exert social control over each person. anomie Emile Durkheim’s designation for a condition in which social control becomes ineffective as a result of the loss of shared values and of a sense of purpose in society. Emile Durkheim
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
social Darwinism Herbert Spencer’s belief that those species of animals, including human beings, best adapted to their environment survive and prosper, whereas those poorly adapted die out.
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Emile Durkheim French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858–1917) was an avowed critic of some of Spencer’s views while incorporating others into his own writing. Durkheim stressed that people are the product of their social environment and that behavior cannot be fully understood in terms of individual biological and psychological traits. He believed that the limits of human potential are socially based, not biologically based. As Durkheim saw religious traditions evaporating in his society, he searched for a scientific, rational way to provide for societal integration and stability (Hadden, 1997).
In The Rules of Sociological Method (1964a/1895), Durkheim set forth one of his most important contributions to sociology: the idea that societies are built on social facts. Social facts are patterned ways of acting, thinking, and feeling that exist outside any one individual but that exert social control over each person. Durkheim believed that social facts must be explained by other social facts—by reference to the social structure rather than to individual attributes. Durkheim was concerned with social order and social stability because he lived during the period of rapid social changes in Europe resulting from industrialization and urbanization. His recurring question was this: How do societies manage to hold together? In The Division of Labor in Society (1933/1893), Durkheim concluded that preindustrial societies were held together by strong traditions and by members’ shared moral beliefs and values. As societies industrialized, more specialized economic activity became the basis of the social bond because people became dependent on one another. Durkheim observed that rapid social change and a more specialized division of labor produce strains in society. These strains lead to a breakdown in traditional organization, values, and authority and to a dramatic increase in anomie—a condition in which social control becomes ineffective as a result of the loss of shared values and of a sense of purpose in society. According to Durkheim, anomie is most likely to occur during a period of rapid social change. In Suicide (1964b/1897), he explored the relationship between anomic social conditions and suicide, as discussed in Chapter 2. Durkheim’s contributions to sociology are so significant that he has been referred to as “the crucial figure in the development of sociology as an academic discipline [and as] one of the deepest roots of the sociological imagination” (Tiryakian, 1978: 187). He has long been viewed as a proponent of the scientific approach
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ate and transform the environment in which they live. Moreover, the notion of the survival of the fittest can easily be used to justify class, racial–ethnic, and gender inequalities and to rationalize the lack of action to eliminate harmful practices that contribute to such inequalities. Not surprisingly, Spencer’s “hands-off ” view was applauded by many wealthy industrialists of his day. John D. Rockefeller, who gained monopolistic control of much of the U.S. oil industry early in the twentieth century, maintained that the growth of giant businesses was merely the “survival of the fittest” (Feagin, Baker, and Feagin, 2006). Social Darwinism served as a rationalization for some people’s assertion of the superiority of the white race. After the Civil War, it was used to justify the repression and neglect of African Americans as well as the policies that resulted in the annihilation of Native American populations. Although some social reformers spoke out against these justifications, “scientific” racism continued to exist (Turner, Singleton, and Musick, 1984). In both positive and negative ways, many of Spencer’s ideas and concepts have been deeply embedded in social thinking and public policy for over a century.
to examining social facts that lie outside individuals. He is also described as the founding figure of the functionalist theoretical tradition. Recently, scholars have acknowledged Durkheim’s influence on contemporary social theory, including the structuralist and postmodernist schools of thought. Like Comte, Martineau, and Spencer, Durkheim emphasized that sociology should be a science based on observation and the systematic study of social facts rather than on individual characteristics or traits. Can Durkheim’s ideas be applied to our ongoing analysis of credit cards? Durkheim was interested in examining the “social glue” that could hold contemporary societies together and provide people with a “sense of belonging.” Ironically, the credit card industry has created what we might call a “pseudo-sense of belonging” through the creation of “affinity cards” designed to encourage members of an organization (such as a university alumni association) or people who share interests and activities (such as dog owners and skydiving enthusiasts) to possess a particular card. In later chapters, we examine Durkheim’s theoretical contributions to diverse subjects ranging from suicide and deviance to education and religion.
Differing Views on the Status Quo: Stability Versus Change Together with Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Georg Simmel, Durkheim established the course for modern sociology. We will look first at Marx’s and Weber’s divergent thoughts about conflict and social change in societies, and then at Georg Simmel’s analysis of society. Karl Marx In sharp contrast to Durkheim’s focus on the stability of society, German economist and philosopher Karl Marx (1818–1883) stressed that history is a continuous clash between conflicting ideas and forces. He believed that conflict—especially class conflict—is necessary in order to produce social change and a better society. For Marx, the most important changes were economic. He concluded that the capitalist economic system was responsible for the overwhelming poverty that he observed in London at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution (Marx and Engels, 1967/1848). In the Marxian framework, class conflict is the struggle between the capitalist class and the working class. The capitalist class, or bourgeoisie, comprises those who own and control the means of production— the tools, land, factories, and money for investment that form the economic basis of a society. The working class, or proletariat, is composed of those who must sell their labor because they have no other means to earn a livelihood. From Marx’s viewpoint, the capitalist class controls and exploits the masses of struggling work-
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Karl Marx
ers by paying less than the value of their labor. This exploitation results in workers’ alienation—a feeling of powerlessness and estrangement from other people and from themselves (see a contemporary discussion of alienation based of Marx’s perspective in Sociology Works!). Marx predicted that the working class would become aware of its exploitation, overthrow the capitalists, and establish a free and classless society. Can Marx provide useful insights on the means of consumption? Although Marx primarily analyzed the process of production, he linked production and consumption in his definition of commodities as products that workers produce. Marx believed that commodities have a use value and an exchange value. Use value refers to objects that people produce to meet their personal needs or the needs of those in their immediate surroundings. By contrast, exchange value refers to the value that a commodity has when it is exchanged for money in the open market. In turn, this money is used to acquire other use values, and the cycle continues. According to Marx, commodities play a central role in capitalism, but the workers who give value to the commodities eventually fail to see this fact. Marx coined the phrase the fetishism of commodities to describe the situation in which workers fail to recognize that their labor gives the commodity its value and instead come to believe that a commodity’s value is based on the natural properties of the thing itself. By extending Marx’s idea in this regard, we might conclude that the workers did not rebel against capitalism for several reasons: (1) they falsely believed that what capitalists did was in their own best interests as well, (2) they believed that the products they produced had a value in the marketplace that was independent of anything the workers
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Social scientists have long been fascinated by alienation. This concept is often attributed to the economist and philosopher Karl Marx. As further discussed in Chapter 8, alienation is a term used to refer to an individual’s feeling of powerlessness and estrangement from other people and from oneself. Marx specifically linked alienation to social relations that are inherent in capitalism; however, more recent social thinkers have expanded his ideas to include social psychological feelings of powerlessness, meaninglessness, and isolation. These may be present because people experience social injustice and vast economic inequalities in contemporary societies. In the sociologist Sudhir Venkatesh’s explanation of why people are not more rebellious when they are grappling with issues of corporate malfeasance and their own economic hardship, Venkatesh states that we hear a lot about “populist rage” but actually see very few protests or acts of outright rebellion: People may feel alienated,
did, and (3) they came to view ownership of the commodities as a desirable end in itself and to work longer hours so that they could afford to purchase more goods and services. Although Marx’s ideas on exploitation of workers cannot be fully developed into a theory of consumer exploitation, it has been argued that a form of exploitation does occur when capitalists “devote increasing attention to getting consumers to buy more goods and services” (Ritzer, 1995: 19). The primary ways by which capitalists can increase their profits are cutting
but they do not sense that there is much that they can do about the problem. They also do not feel strong social ties with other individuals that might lead them to bond together for joint action. According to Venkatesh (2009: WK10), rather than coming together for social action, we often express our individual frustration in a blog or on a radio call-in show. Or we may entertain ourselves with technology, such as our computers or cell phones, which actually separates us from other people and turns our communications into something that is “indirect, impersonal and emotionally flat.” According to Venkatesh, “With headsets on and our hands busily texting, we are less aware of one another’s behavior in public space.” And this lack of awareness contributes to, rather than reduces, our alienation from one another and from the larger society of which we are a part. If we apply the earlier theorizing of Marx regarding alienation to the contemporary views of Venkatesh on the weakening social contract, we can gain new insights on how sociology works. Today, it is necessary for us to view pressing social issues as important problems that we must all work together to solve. This viewpoint requires us to come together and talk about how we might solve problems rather than continuing to live in our own isolated social worlds, where many people feel alienated from other individuals.
Reflect & Analyze Why are we often more concerned about trivial matters, such as who will be the big winner in a sporting event or on a TV reality show competition, than we are about how to reduce or eliminate some of our most pressing social and economic concerns? What might we learn from Marx’s concept of alienation that would help us show that sociology works today?
costs and selling more products. To encourage continual increases in spending (and thus profits), capitalists have created mega-shopping malls, cable television shopping networks, and online shopping in order to provide consumers with greater opportunities to purchase more goods, increasing the consumers’ credit card debt and forcing them to continue to work in order to pay their bills, but also raising privacy issues (see Box 1.3). Perhaps the ultimate agents of consumption are the industries that produce desire and make it possible for people to consume beyond their means.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
The texture of discontent (or lack thereof ) can say a lot about a nation, and that Americans today are less likely to rebel may not be an entirely positive sign. It certainly doesn’t mean we have more love, patience or tolerance for one another. Indeed, it may mean just the opposite, that we tend not to trust one another and that we are more alienated from our neighbors than ever before. The lack of direct action could signal the weakening of a social contract that keeps people meaningfully invested in the fate of our country—which may, in turn, be hindering our ability to resolve this [financial] crisis. —Sudhir Venkatesh (2009: WK10), a contemporary sociologist who sees alienation as one possible explanation of why many people are not more actively protesting against the actions of highpowered individuals and organizations that have contributed to our current financial plight
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Sociology Works!
Box 1.3 Sociology and Social Policy
Online Shopping and Your Privacy Motorcycle jacket for kid brother on the Internet—$300 Monogrammed golf balls for dad on the Internet—$50 Vintage smoking robe for husband on the Internet—$80 Not having to hear “attention shoppers”—not even once—priceless. The way to pay on the Internet and everywhere else you see the MasterCard logo: MasterCard. —MasterCard advertisement (qtd. in Manning, 2000: 114) This advertisement taps into a vital source of revenue for companies that issue credit cards: Online customers are an increasing percentage of those persons who use credit cards to make daily purchases. Some analysts estimate that online shopping generates more than $75 billion per year in revenues, and much of that $75 billion is based on credit (or debit) card purchases. Earlier in this chapter, we mentioned that industrialization and urbanization were important historical factors that brought about significant changes in social life. Today, however, social life continues to change rapidly as the Internet increasingly becomes an integral part of our daily lives, including how we gather information, how we go about shopping, and how we view our privacy. The Internet raises some important questions: Who is watching your online activity? How far are companies willing to go in “snooping” on those who visit their websites?
At the time of this writing, companies that sell products or services on the Internet are not required to respect the privacy of their shoppers. According to the American Bar Association (2003), “This means the seller may collect data on which site pages you visit, which products you buy, when you buy them, and where you ship them. Then, the seller may share the information with other companies or sell it to them.” Some websites have privacy policies posted but still insert “cookies” onto the hard drive of your computer. These cookies help the site’s owner know where you go and what you do on the site. In some cases, the site owner records your e-mail address and begins sending you e-mail messages (“spam”) about that company’s products, whether you want to receive them or not. To offset people’s fears of invasion of privacy or abuse of their credit card information, corporations in the online sales business have sought to reassure customers that they are not being tracked and that it is safe to give out personal information online. However, the American Bar Association (ABA) advises caution in Internet interactions. According to the ABA, consumers using a credit card for an online purchase should ask whether or not their credit card number will be kept on file by the seller for automatic use in future orders. Online shoppers should also find out what information the seller is gathering about you, how the seller will use this information, and whether you can “opt out” of having this information gathered on you (American Bar Association, 2003). Federal law requires banks, insurance companies, and other financial services companies with which you do business to notify you annually in writing with regard to what personal information they collect about you and what they do with that information. In response to that notice, you have the right to place certain restrictions on how the company uses that information.
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Should federal law require all companies that obtain information about you on the Internet to give you that same notice and that same right, or would the companies that are most likely to misuse information simply ignore such a law? How can our study of sociology make us more aware of key social policy issues—such as this—that affect our everyday life? Sources: Based on American Bar Association, 2003; and Ritzer, 1999.
Do you feel comfortable shopping online? Do you care if retailers use your private information for their own purposes? Why or why not?
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THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
Max Weber German social scientist Max Weber (pronounced VAY-ber) (1864–1920) was also concerned about the changes brought about by the Industrial Revolution. Although he disagreed with Marx’s idea that economics is the central force in social change, Weber acknowledged that economic interests are important in shaping human action. Even so, he thought that economic systems are heavily influenced by other factors in a society. As we will see in Chapter 17 (“Religion”), one of Weber’s most important works, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1976/1904–1905), evaluated the role of the Protestant Reformation in producing a social climate in which capitalism could exist and flourish. Unlike many early analysts, who believed that values could not be separated from the research process, Weber emphasized that sociology should be value free—research should be conducted in a scientific manner and should exclude the researcher’s personal values and economic interests (Turner, Beeghley, and Powers, 2002). However, Weber realized that social behavior cannot be analyzed by the objective criteria
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These include the credit card, advertising, and marketing industries, which encourage consumers to spend more money, in many cases far beyond their available cash, on goods and services (Ritzer, 1995, 1999). Marx’s theories provide a springboard for neoMarxist analysts and other scholars to examine the economic, political, and social relations embedded in production and consumption in historical and contemporary societies. But what is Marx’s place in the history of sociology? Marx is regarded as one of the most profound sociological thinkers, one who combined ideas derived from philosophy, history, and the social sciences into a new theoretical configuration. However, his social and economic analyses have also inspired heated debates among generations of social scientists. Central to his view was the belief that society should not just be studied but should also be changed, because the status quo (the existing state of society) involved the oppression of most of the population by a small group of wealthy people. Those who believe that sociology should be value free are uncomfortable with Marx’s advocacy of what some perceive to be radical social change. Scholars who examine society through the lens of race, gender, and class believe that his analysis places too much emphasis on class relations, often to the exclusion of issues regarding race/ethnicity and gender. In recent decades, scholars have shown renewed interest in Marx’s social theory, as opposed to his radical ideology (see Postone, 1997; Lewis, 1998). Throughout this text, we will continue to explore Marx’s various contributions to sociological thinking.
Max Weber
that we use to measure such things as temperature or weight. Although he recognized that sociologists cannot be totally value free, Weber stressed that they should employ verstehen (German for “understanding” or “insight”) to gain the ability to see the world as others see it. In contemporary sociology, Weber’s idea has been incorporated into the concept of the sociological imagination (discussed earlier in this chapter). Weber was also concerned that large-scale organizations (bureaucracies) were becoming increasingly oriented toward routine administration and a specialized division of labor, which he believed were destructive to human vitality and freedom. According to Weber, rational bureaucracy, rather than class struggle, was the most significant factor in determining the social relations among people in industrial societies. In this view, bureaucratic domination can be used to maintain powerful (capitalist) interests in society. As discussed in Chapter 6 (“Groups and Organizations”), Weber’s work on bureaucracy has had a far-reaching impact. What might Weber’s work contribute to a contemporary study of consumerism and the credit card industry? One of Weber’s most useful concepts in this regard is rationalization: “the process by which the modern world has come to be increasingly dominated by structures devoted to efficiency, calculability, predictability, and technological control” (Ritzer, 1995: 21). According to Ritzer, the credit card industry has contributed to the rationalization process by the efficiency with which it makes loans and deals with consumers. For example, prior to the introduction of credit cards, the process of obtaining a loan was slow and cumbersome. Today, the process of obtaining a credit card is highly efficient. It may take only minutes from the time a brief questionnaire is filled out
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20 until credit records are checked by computer and the application is approved or disapproved. Calculability is demonstrated by scorecards that allow lenders to score potential borrowers based on prior statistics of other people’s performance in paying their bills. Factors that are typically calculated include home ownership versus renting, length of time with present employer, and current bank and/or credit card references (see Figure 1.2). The predictability of credit cards is easy to see. If the cardholder is current on paying bills and the merchant accepts that particular kind of card, the person knows that he or she will not be turned down on a purchase. Even the general appearance of the cards is highly predictable. Finally, the use of technological control in the contemporary rationalization process is apparent in the credit card industry. These technologies range from the computerized system that determines whether or not a new credit card will be issued to cards embedded with computer chips, ATM machines, and online systems that permit instantaneous transfers of funds. As Ritzer’s application of the concept of rationalization to the credit card industry shows, many of Weber’s ideas
have served as the springboard for contemporary sociological theories and research. Weber made significant contributions to modern sociology by emphasizing the goal of value-free inquiry and the necessity of understanding how others see the world. He also provided important insights on the process of rationalization, bureaucracy, religion, and many other topics. In his writings, Weber was more aware of women’s issues than were many of the scholars of his day. Perhaps his awareness at least partially resulted from the fact that his wife, Marianne Weber, was an important figure in the women’s movement in Germany in the early twentieth century (Roth, 1988). Georg Simmel At about the same time that Durkheim was developing the field of sociology in France, the German sociologist Georg Simmel (pronounced ZIM-mel) (1858–1918) was theorizing about society as a web of patterned interactions among people. The main purpose of sociology, according to Simmel, should be to examine these social interaction processes within groups. In The Sociology of Georg
The more points you score, the more likely you are to receive credit, and a higher score may also result in your being charged lower interest rates on loans. The total score runs from 300 to 850, and most people will have a score between 600 and 800. Fifteen percent of the population will score below that range, and thirteen percent will score 800 or above. Here are the factors that go into your score: Score Bill payment history (35 percent of the total score), especially recently. Consistently paying your bills on time raises your score; being behind lowers it. Having an account sent to collections is bad. Filing banckruptcy really lowers your score.
Amount you owe and available credit (30 percent of total score). This includes money owed on credit cards, car loans, mortgages, and other debt as compared with the total amount of credit you have available.
Length of credit history (15 percent of total score). The longer you’ve had credit, the higher your score in this category.
Mix of credit (10 percent of total score). A person with both revolving credit (such as credit cards) and installment credit (such as car loans and mortgages) will have a higher score in this category.
Recent applications for credit (10 percent of total score). It doesn’t hurt to shop several sources for the best interest rates, but if you are delinquent in paying your bills, applying for new credit from other sources may look like you are fighting off bankruptcy. Total Score:
Figure 1.2 Typical Credit Report “Scorecard” Source: Based on Bankrate.com, 2003.
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According to the sociologist Georg Simmel, society is a web of patterned interactions among people. If we focus on the behavior of individuals only, we may miss the underlying forms that make up the “geometry of social life.”
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
Simmel (1950/1902–1917), he analyzed how social interactions vary depending on the size of the social group. He concluded that interaction patterns differed between a dyad, a social group with two members, and a triad, a social group with three members. He developed formal sociology, an approach that focuses attention on the universal recurring social forms that underlie the varying content of social interaction. Simmel referred to these forms as the “geometry of social
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life.” He also distinguished between the forms of social interaction (such as cooperation or conflict) and the content of social interaction in different contexts (for example, between leaders and followers). Like the other social thinkers of his day, Simmel analyzed the impact of industrialization and urbanization on people’s lives. He concluded that class conflict was becoming more pronounced in modern industrial societies. He also linked the increase in individualism, as opposed to concern for the group, to the fact that people now had many cross-cutting “social spheres”— membership in a number of organizations and voluntary associations—rather than having the singular community ties of the past. Simmel also assessed the costs of “progress” on the upper-class city dweller, who, he believed, had to develop certain techniques to survive the overwhelming stimulation of the city. Simmel’s ultimate concern was to protect the autonomy of the individual in society. The Philosophy of Money (1990/1907), one of Simmel’s most insightful studies, sheds light on the issue of consumerism. According to Simmel, money takes on a life of its own as people come to see money and the things that it can purchase as an end in themselves. Eventually, everything (and everybody) is seen as having a price, and people become blasé, losing the ability to differentiate between what is really of value and what is not. If money increases imprudence in consumption, credit cards afford even greater opportunities for people to spend money they do not have for things they do not need and, in the process, to sink deeper into debt (Ritzer, 1995). An example is Diane Curran, a teacher in Syracuse, New York, who accumulated $27,452 of debt on a dozen credit cards and other loans (Frank, 1999). Even when her monthly credit card payments equaled her take-home pay, she was still acquiring new credit cards, which she used to keep up with the other credit card payments. After Curran was forced to file for bankruptcy, she stated that “I wish somebody had cut me off 10 years earlier” (qtd. in Hays, 1996: B1, B6). Simmel’s perspective on money is only one of many possible examples of how his writings provide insights into social life. Simmel’s contributions to sociology are significant. He wrote more than thirty books and numerous essays on diverse topics, leading some critics to state that his work was fragmentary and piecemeal. However, his thinking has influenced a wide array of
sociologists, including the members of the “Chicago School” in the United States.
The Beginnings of Sociology in the United States From Western Europe, sociology spread in the 1890s to the United States, where it thrived as a result of the intellectual climate and the rapid rate of social change. The first departments of sociology in the United States were located at the University of Chicago and at Atlanta University, then an African American school.
Jane Addams Jane Addams (1860–1935) is one of the best-known early women sociologists in the United States because she founded Hull House, one of the most famous settlement houses, in an impoverished area of Chicago. Throughout her career, she was actively engaged in sociological endeavors: She lectured at numerous colleges, was a charter member of the American Sociological Society, and published a number of articles and books. Addams was one of the authors of Hull-House Maps and Papers, a groundbreaking book that used a methodological technique employed by sociologists for the next forty years (Deegan, 1988). She was also awarded a Nobel Prize for her assistance to the underprivileged. W. E. B. Du Bois and Atlanta University The second department of sociology in the United States was
Jane Addams
founded by W. E. B. Du Bois (1868–1963) at Atlanta University. He created a laboratory of sociology, instituted a program of systematic research, founded and conducted regular sociological conferences on research, founded two journals, and established a record of valuable publications. His classic work, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (1967/1899), was based on his research into Philadelphia’s African American community and stressed the strengths and weaknesses of a community wrestling with overwhelming social problems. Du Bois was one of the first scholars to note that a dual heritage creates conflict for people of color.
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The Chicago School The first department of sociology in the United States was established at the University of Chicago, where the faculty was instrumental in starting the American Sociological Society (now known as the American Sociological Association). Robert E. Park (1864–1944), a member of the Chicago faculty, asserted that urbanization had a disintegrating influence on social life by producing an increase in the crime rate and in racial and class antagonisms that contributed to the segregation and isolation of neighborhoods (Ross, 1991). George Herbert Mead (1863–1931), another member of the faculty at Chicago, founded the symbolic interaction perspective, which is discussed later in this chapter. Mead made many significant contributions to sociology. Among these were his emphasis on the importance of studying the group (“the social”) rather than starting with separate individuals. Mead also called our attention to the importance of shared communication among people based on language and gestures. As discussed in Chapter 4 (“Socialization”), Mead gave us important insights on how we develop our self-concept through interaction with those persons who are the most significant influences in our lives.
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W. E. B. Du Bois
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Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton Talcott Parsons (1902–1979), perhaps the most influential contemporary advocate of the functionalist perspective, stressed that all societies must provide for meeting social needs in order to survive. Parsons (1955) suggested, for example, that a division of labor (distinct, specialized functions) between husband and wife is essential for family stability and social order. The husband/father performs the instrumental tasks, which involve leadership and decision-making responsibilities in the home and employment outside the home to support the family. The wife/mother is responsible for the expressive tasks, including housework, caring for the children, and providing emotional support for the entire family. Parsons believed that other institutions, including school, church, and government, must function to assist the family and that all institutions must work together to preserve the system over time (Parsons, 1955). Functionalism was refined further by Robert K. Merton (1910–2003), who distinguished between manifest and latent functions of social institutions. Manifest functions are intended and/or overtly recognized by the participants in a social unit. In contrast, latent functions are unintended functions that are hidden and remain unacknowledged by participants. For example, a manifest function of education is the transmission of knowledge and skills from one generation to the
Given the many and varied ideas and trends that influenced the development of sociology, how do contemporary sociologists view society? Some see it as basically a stable and ongoing entity; others view it in terms of many groups competing for scarce resources; still others describe it based on the everyday, routine interactions among individuals. Each of these views represents a method of examining the same phenomena. Each is based on general ideas as to how social life is organized and represents an effort to link specific observations in a meaningful way. Each uses a theory—a set of logically interrelated statements that attempts to describe, explain, and (occasionally) predict social events. Each theory helps interpret reality in a distinct way by providing a framework in which observations may be logically ordered. Sociologists refer to this theoretical framework as a perspective—an overall approach to or viewpoint on some subject. Three major theoretical perspectives have emerged in sociology: the functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionist perspectives. Other perspectives, such as postmodernism, have emerged and gained acceptance among some social thinkers more recently. Before turning to the specifics of these perspectives, however, we should note that some theorists and theories do not neatly fit into any of these perspectives.
Functionalist Perspectives Also known as functionalism and structural functionalism, functionalist perspectives are based on the assumption that society is a stable, orderly system. This stable system is characterized by societal consensus, whereby the majority of members share a common set of values, beliefs, and behavioral expectations. According to this perspective, a society is composed of interrelated parts, each of which serves a function and (ideally) contributes to the overall stability of the society. Societies develop social structures, or institutions, that persist because they play a part in helping society survive. These institutions include the family,
theory a set of logically interrelated statements that attempts to describe, explain, and (occasionally) predict social events. functionalist perspectives the sociological approach that views society as a stable, orderly system. manifest functions functions that are intended and/or overtly recognized by the participants in a social unit. latent functions unintended functions that are hidden and remain unacknowledged by participants.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
Contemporary Theoretical Perspectives
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education, government, religion, and the economy. If anything adverse happens to one of these institutions or parts, all other parts are affected and the system no longer functions properly. As Durkheim noted, rapid social change and a more specialized division of labor produce strains in society that lead to a breakdown in these traditional institutions and may result in social problems such as an increase in crime and suicide rates.
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He called this duality double-consciousness—the identity conflict of being a black and an American. Du Bois pointed out that although people in this country espouse such values as democracy, freedom, and equality, they also accept racism and group discrimination. African Americans are the victims of these conflicting values and the actions that result from them (Benjamin, 1991).
Estate of Robert K. Merton, photo by Sandra Still
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next; a latent function is the establishment of social relations and networks. Merton noted that all features of a social system may not be functional at all times; dysfunctions are the undesirable consequences of any element of a society. A dysfunction of education in the United States is the perpetuation of gender, racial–ethnic, and class inequalities. Such dysfunctions may threaten the capacity of a society to adapt and survive (Merton, 1968).
Applying a Functional Perspective to Shopping and Consumption How might functionalists analyze shopping and consumption? When we examine the partto-whole relationships of contemporary society in high-income nations, it immeTalcott Parsons Robert Merton diately becomes apparent that each social institution depends on the others for its well-being. For U.S. Census Bureau conducts surveys (for the Bureau of example, a booming economy benefits other social inLabor Statistics) to determine how people are spending stitutions, including the family (members are gainfully their money (see the “Census Profiles” feature). If people employed), religion (churches, mosques, synagogues, have “extra” money to spend and can afford leisure time and temples receive larger contributions), and educaaway from work, they are more likely to dine out, take tion (school taxes are higher when property values are trips, and purchase things they might otherwise forgo. higher). A strong economy also makes it possible for Clearly, the manifest functions of shopping and more people to purchase more goods and services. Due consumption include purchasing necessary items to the significance of the strength of the economy, the such as food, clothing, household items, and some-
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Shopping malls are a reflection of a consumer society. A manifest function of a shopping mall is to sell goods and services to shoppers; however, a latent function may be to provide a communal area in which people can visit friends and eat. For this reason, food courts have proven to be a boon in shopping malls around the globe.
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Max Weber and C. Wright Mills As previously discussed, Karl Marx focused on the exploitation and oppression of the proletariat (the workers) by the bourgeoisie (the owners or capitalist class). Max Weber recognized the importance of economic conditions in producing inequality and conflict in society but added
The U.S. Census Bureau provides a wealth of data that helps sociologists and other researchers answer questions about the characteristics of the U.S. population. Although the decennial census occurs only once every ten years, the Census Bureau conducts surveys and produces reports on many topics throughout every year. For example, the Census Bureau conducts surveys that the Bureau of Labor Statistics uses to compute the Consumer Price Index, which is a measure of the average change over time in the prices paid by urban consumers for consumer goods and services. This index is used to automatically provide cost-of-living wage adjustments to millions of U.S. workers and is a measure of how the nation’s economy is performing. The Consumer Price Index is based on a survey of 7,500 randomly selected households in which people keep a diary of all expenditures they make over a period of time and record whether those expenditures occur on a regular basis (such as for food or rent) or involve relatively large purchases (such as a house or a car). The Census Bureau also conducts interviews to obtain additional data about people’s expenditures. According to the most recent report that has been published based on those surveys, here is the distribution of how we spend our money on an annual basis: Housing 36.1%
Other expenditures 9.1%
Personal insurance and pensions 12.5% (includes Social Security) Health care 8.8%
Transportation 20.9%
Apparel and services 4.5% Entertainment 8.7% away from home 4.7%
at home 8.5%
Food 13.2%
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2007a.
conflict perspectives the sociological approach that views groups in society as engaged in a continuous power struggle for control of scarce resources.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
According to conflict perspectives, groups in society are engaged in a continuous power struggle for control of scarce resources. Conflict may take the form of politics, litigation, negotiations, or family discussions about financial matters. Simmel, Marx, and Weber contributed significantly to this perspective by focusing on the inevitability of clashes between social groups. Today, advocates of the conflict perspective view social life as a continuous power struggle among competing social groups.
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times transportation. In contemporary societies, purchasing entertainment and information is another function of shopping, both in actual stores and in virtual stores online. But what are the latent functions of shopping malls, for example? Many teens go to the mall to “hang out,” visit with friends, maybe buy a T-shirt, and eat lunch at the food court. People of all ages go shopping for pleasure, relaxation, and perhaps to enhance their feelings of self-worth. (“If I buy this product, I’ll look younger/beautiful/handsome/ sexy, etc.!”) As one scholar noted, “Shopping entails the joy of going into a safe spot filled with things to look at where [shoppers] are treated deferentially. Although no one has hooked up a turbo lie detector to a shopper out for fun, if they did, the machine would register increased arousal, heightened involvement, perceived freedom, and fantasy fulfillment” (Twitchell, 1999: 243). However, shopping and consuming may also produce problems or dysfunctions. Some people are “shopaholics” or “credit card junkies” who cannot stop spending money; others are kleptomaniacs, who steal products rather than pay for them. In the end, however, the typical functionalist approach to consumerism is shown in this comment by one scholar: “Let’s face it, the idea that consumerism creates artificial desires rests on a wistful ignorance of history and human nature, on the hazy, romantic feeling that there existed some halcyon era of noble savages with purely natural needs. Once fed and sheltered, our needs have always been cultural, not natural. Until there is some other system to codify and satisfy those needs and yearnings, capitalism—and the culture it carries with it—will continue not just to thrive but to triumph” (Twitchell, 1999: 283).
C. Wright Mills
power and prestige as other sources of inequality. Weber (1968/1922) defined power as the ability of a person within a social relationship to carry out his or her own will despite resistance from others, and prestige as a positive or negative social estimation of honor (Weber, 1968/1922). C. Wright Mills (1916–1962), a key figure in the development of contemporary conflict theory, encouraged sociologists to get involved in social reform. He contended that value-free sociology was impossible because social scientists must make value-related
choices—including the topics they investigate and the theoretical approaches they adopt. Mills encouraged everyone to look beneath everyday events in order to observe the major resource and power inequalities that exist in society. He believed that the most important decisions in the United States are made largely behind the scenes by the power elite—a small clique composed of the top corporate, political, and military officials. Mills’s power elite theory is discussed in Chapter 14 (“Politics and Government in Global Perspective”). The conflict perspective is not one unified theory but rather encompasses several branches. One branch is the neo-Marxist approach, which views struggle between the classes as inevitable and as a prime source of social change. A second branch focuses on racial–ethnic inequalities and the continued exploitation of members of some racial–ethnic groups. A third branch is the feminist perspective, which focuses on gender issues. The Feminist Approach A feminist approach (or “feminism”) directs attention to women’s experiences and the importance of gender as an element of social structure. This approach is based on the belief that “women and men are equal and should be equally valued as well as have equal rights” (Basow, 1992). According to feminists (including many men as well as women), we live in a patriarchy, a system in which men dominate women and in which things that are considered to be “male” or “masculine” are more highly valued than those considered to be “female” or
As one of the wealthiest and most-beloved entertainers in the world, Oprah Winfrey is an example of Max Weber’s concept of prestige—a positive estimate of honor. Ms. Winfrey has used her success and prestige to do good works for many causes, including starting the Oprah Winfrey Leadership Academy for Girls in South Africa.
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The conflict and functionalist perspectives have been criticized for focusing primarily on macrolevel analysis. A macrolevel analysis examines whole societies, large-scale social structures, and social systems instead of looking at important social dynamics in individuals’ lives. Our third perspective, symbolic interactionism, fills this void by examining people’s day-to-day interactions and their behavior in groups. Thus, symbolic interactionist approaches are based on a microlevel analysis, which focuses on small groups rather than on large-scale social structures. We can trace the origins of this perspective to the Chicago School, especially George Herbert Mead and Herbert Blumer (1900–1986), who is credited with coining the term symbolic interactionism. According
macrolevel analysis an approach that examines whole societies, large-scale social structures, and social systems. microlevel analysis sociological theory and research that focus on small groups rather than on large-scale social structures.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives
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Applying Conflict Perspectives to Shopping and Consumption How might advocates of a conflict approach analyze the process of shopping and consumption? A contemporary conflict analysis of consumption might look at how inequalities based on racism, sexism, and income differentials affect people’s ability to acquire the things they need and want. It might also look at inequalities regarding the issuance of credit cards and access to “cathedrals of consumption” such as mega-shopping malls and tourist resorts (see Ritzer, 1999: 197–214). However, one of the earliest social theorists to discuss the relationship between social class and consumption patterns was the U.S. social scientist Thorstein Veblen (1857–1929). In The Theory of the Leisure Class (1967/1899), Veblen described early wealthy U.S. industrialists as engaging in conspicuous consumption—the continuous public display of one’s wealth and status through purchases such as expensive houses, clothing, motor vehicles, and other consumer goods. According to Veblen, the leisurely lifestyle of the upper classes typically does not provide them with adequate opportunities to show off their wealth and status. In order to attract public admiration, the wealthy often engage in consumption and leisure activities that are both highly visible and highly wasteful. Examples of conspicuous consumption range from Cornelius Vanderbilt’s 8 lavish mansions (including one with 137 rooms) and 10 major summer estates in the Gilded Age (about 1890 to the beginning of World War I) to the 2,400 pairs of shoes owned by Imelda Marcos, wife of the late President Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines (Frank, 1999; Twitchell, 1999). However, as Ritzer (1999) points out, some of today’s wealthiest people engage in inconspicuous consumption, perhaps to maintain a low public profile or out of fear for their own safety. According to contemporary social analysts, conspicuous consumption has become more widely acceptable at all income levels, and some middle- and lowerincome individuals and families now use as their frame of reference the lifestyles of the more affluent in their
communities. As a result, many families live on credit in order to purchase the goods and services that they would like to have or that keep them on the competitive edge with their friends, neighbors, and co-workers (Schor, 1999). However, others may decide not to overspend, instead seeking to make changes in their lives and encouraging others to do likewise (see Box 1.4). Living in a society that overemphasizes consumption is particularly difficult for people in low-income categories, as women’s studies scholar Juliet B. Schor (1999: 39) states: “For many low-income individuals, the lure of consumerism is hard to resist. When the money isn’t there, however, feelings of deprivation, personal failure, and deep psychic pain result. In a culture where consuming means so much, not having money is a profound social disability. For parents, faced with the desires of their children, the failure can feel overwhelming.” According to conflict theorists, the economic gains of the upper classes are often at the expense of those in the lower classes, who may have had to struggle (sometimes unsuccessfully) to have adequate food, clothing, and shelter for themselves and their children. Chapter 8 (“Class and Stratification in the United States”) and Chapter 9 (“Global Stratification”) discuss contemporary conflict perspectives on class-based inequalities.
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“feminine.” The feminist perspective assumes that gender is socially created, rather than determined by one’s biological inheritance, and that change is essential in order for people to achieve their human potential without limits based on gender. It also assumes that society reinforces social expectations through social learning, which is acquired through social institutions such as education, religion, and the political and economic structure of society. Some feminists argue that women’s subordination can end only after the patriarchal system becomes obsolete. However, note that feminism is not one single, unified approach. Rather, there are several feminist perspectives, which are discussed in Chapter 11 (“Sex and Gender”).
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Box 1.4 You Can Make a Difference
Dealing with Money Matters in a Material World “Retail therapy always revives her.” —Lisa Tisdale, mother of High School Musical star Ashley Tisdale, describing how her daughter, a selfconfessed “shopaholic,” energizes herself after a busy day promoting her music (People, 2007: 123) Are celebrities such as Ashley alone in their desire to shop continually? Increasingly, people of all ages and social classes find that shopping is a central part of their lives. Consider these comments from college students: ● ● ●
“I didn’t really need it, but I bought it anyway.” “With my rent due, I shouldn’t have bought this skirt.” “I felt so much better after I went shopping, even if my credit card feels sick.”
These comments are a reflection of how many people feel after shopping. Madonna’s song about being “a material girl in a material world” resonates with many of us because we are continually surrounded by advertisements and shopping malls that set in front of us a veritable banquet of merchandise to buy. However, shopping that gets out of hand is a serious habit that may have lasting psychological and economic consequences. If we are aware of these problems, we may be able to prevent them by helping ourselves or other people avoid hyperconsumerism. Do you know the symptoms of compulsive overspending and debt dependency? Consider these questions: ●
Do you or someone you know spend large amounts of time shopping or thinking about going shopping?
to symbolic interactionist perspectives, society is the sum of the interactions of individuals and groups. Theorists using this perspective focus on the process of interaction—defined as immediate reciprocally oriented communication between two or more people—and the part that symbols play in giving meaning to human communication. A symbol is anything that meaningfully represents something else. Examples of symbols include signs, gestures, written language, and shared values. Symbolic interaction occurs when people communicate through the use of symbols; for example, a gift of food—a cake or a casserole—to a newcomer in a neighborhood is a symbol of welcome and friendship. But symbolic communication occurs in a variety of forms, including facial gestures, posture, tone of voice, and other symbolic gestures (such as a handshake or a clenched fist).
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Do you or someone you know rush to the store or to the computer for online shopping when feeling frustrated, depressed, or otherwise “out of sorts”? Do you or someone you know routinely argue with parents, friends, or partners about spending too much money or overcharging on credit cards? Do you or someone you know hide purchases or make dishonest statements—such as “It was a gift from a friend”—to explain where new merchandise came from?
Economist Juliet Schor (1999), who has extensively studied the problems associated with excessive spending and credit card debt, believes that each of us can empower ourselves and help others as well if we follow simple steps in our consumer behavior. Among these steps are controlling desire by gaining knowledge of the process of consumption and its effect on people, helping to make exclusivity uncool by demystifying the belief that people are “better” simply because they own excessively expensive items, and discouraging competitive consumption by encouraging our friends and acquaintances to spend less on presents and other purchases. Finally, Schor suggests that we should become educated consumers and avoid use of shopping as a form of therapy. By following Schor’s simple steps and encouraging our friends and relatives to do likewise, we may be able to free ourselves from the demands of a hyperconsumer society that continually bombards us with messages indicating that we should spend more and go deeper in debt on our credit cards. Can an individual make a difference using these suggestions? Certainly, these ideas may change an individ-
Symbols are instrumental in helping people derive meanings from social situations. In social encounters, each person’s interpretation or definition of a given situation becomes a subjective reality from that person’s viewpoint. We often assume that what we consider to be “reality” is shared by others; however, this assumption is often incorrect. Subjective reality is acquired and shared through agreed-upon symbols, especially language. If a person shouts “Fire!” in a crowded movie theater, for example, that language produces the same response (attempting to escape) in all of those who hear and understand it. When people in a group do not share the same meaning for a given symbol, however, confusion results; for example, people who did not know the meaning of the word fire would not know what the commotion was about. How people interpret the messages they receive and the situations
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The Media Foundation, 1243 W. 7th Avenue, Vancouver, BC V6H 1B7, Canada. Online: http://www.adbusters.org
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Green America, 1612 K Street, Washington, DC 20006. Online: http://www.coopamerica.org
Sources: Based on Durling, 2005; Ritzer, 1999; and Schor, 1999.
perspective, the attainment of language is essential not only for the development of a “self ” but also for establishing common understandings about social life. How do symbolic interactionists view social organization and the larger society? According to symbolic interactionists, social organization and society are possible only through people’s everyday interactions. In other words, group life takes its shape as people interact with one another (Blumer, 1986/1969). Although macrolevel factors such as economic and political institutions constrain and define the forms of
symbolic interactionist perspectives the sociological approach that views society as the sum of the interactions of individuals and groups.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
they encounter becomes their subjective reality and may strongly influence their behavior. Symbolic interactionists attempt to study how people make sense of their life situations and the way they go about their activities, in conjunction with others, on a day-to-day basis (Prus, 1996). How do people develop the capacity to think and act in socially prescribed ways? According to symbolic interactionists, our thoughts and behavior are shaped by our social interactions with others. Early theorists such as Charles H. Cooley and George Herbert Mead explored how individual personalities are developed from social experience and concluded that we would not have an identity, a “self,” without communication with other people. This idea is developed in Cooley’s notion of the “looking-glass self ” and Mead’s “generalized other,” as discussed in Chapter 4 (“Socialization”). From this
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Ashley Tisdale, star of High School Musical, is often photographed while shopping or while walking down the street with numerous shopping bags on her arms. One magazine even offered readers the opportunity to see what Tisdale purchased one day by logging on to its website. Does continual media coverage of the behavior of celebrities encourage excessive consumerism? What do you think?
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ual’s shopping and overspending habits. However, if we apply C. Wright Mills’s (1959b) sociological imagination, including the distinction between personal troubles and public issues (as discussed in this chapter), we see that these suggestions focus exclusively on what individuals can do to change their own behavior. As a result, this approach may be somewhat useful but may still overlook the larger structural factors that contribute to people’s overspending. According to the sociologist George Ritzer (1999), individual actions in this regard are likely to fail as long as there are no changes in the larger society, particularly in the cathedrals of consumption, advertisers, credit card companies, and other businesses that have a vested interest in promoting hyperconsumption. Some organizations suggest that the only way to reduce overconsumption and credit card debt is through activism, such as getting the age limit raised at which people can be issued their first credit card. In this view, those who want to make a difference could also become involved in advocating social change. If you would like to know more about the simplicity or downshifting movements, here are several organizations to contact:
© Bill Aron/PhotoEdit
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Sporting events are a prime location for seeing how college students use symbols to convey shared meanings. From the colors of clothing to hand gestures, students show pride in their school.
interaction that we have with others, the social world is dynamic and always changing. Chapter 5 (“Society, Social Structure, and Interaction”) explores two similar approaches—rational choice and exchange theories—that focus specifically on how people rationally try to get what they need by exchanging valued resources with others. As we attempt to present ourselves to others in a particular way, we engage in behavior that the sociologist Erving Goffman (1959) referred to as “impression management.” Chapter 5 also presents some of Goffman’s ideas, including dramaturgical analysis, which envisions that individuals go through their life somewhat like actors performing on a stage, playing out their roles before other people. Symbolic interactionism involves both a theoretical perspective and specific research methods, such as observation, participant observation, and interviews, that focus on individual and small-group behavior (see Chapter 2, “Sociological Research Methods”). Applying Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives to Shopping and Consumption Sociologists applying a symbolic interactionist framework to the study
of shopping and consumption would primarily focus on a microlevel analysis of people’s face-to-face interactions and the roles that people play in society. In our efforts to interact with others, we define any situation according to our own subjective reality. This theoretical viewpoint applies to shopping and consumption just as it does to other types of conduct. For example, when a customer goes into a store to make a purchase and offers a credit card to the cashier, what meanings are embedded in the interaction process that takes place between the two of them? The roles that the two people play are based on their histories of interaction in previous situations. They bring to the present encounter symbolically charged ideas, based on previous experiences. Each person also has a certain level of emotional energy available for each interaction. When we are feeling positive, we have a high level of emotional energy, and the opposite is also true. Each time we engage in a new interaction, the situation has to be negotiated all over again, and the outcome cannot be known beforehand (Collins, 1987). In the case of the shopper–cashier interaction, how successful will the interaction be for each of them? The answer to this question depends on a kind of social marketplace in which such interactions can either raise or lower one’s emotional energy (Collins, 1987). If the customer’s credit card is rejected, he or she may come away with lower emotional energy. If the customer is angry at the cashier, he or she may attempt to “save face” by reacting in a haughty manner regarding the rejection of the card. (“What’s wrong with you? Can’t you do anything right? I’ll never shop here again!”) If this type of encounter occurs, the cashier may also come out of the interaction with a lower level of emotional energy, which may affect the cashier’s interactions with subsequent customers. Likewise, the next time the customer uses a credit card, he or she may say something like “I hope this card isn’t over its limit. Sometimes I lose track,” even if the person knows that the card’s credit limit has not been exceeded. This is only one of many ways in which the rich tradition of symbolic interactionism might be used to examine shopping and consumption. Other areas of interest might include the social nature of the shopping experience, social interaction patterns in families regarding credit card debts, and why we might spend money to impress others.
Postmodern Perspectives According to postmodern perspectives, existing theories have been unsuccessful in explaining social life in contemporary societies that are characterized by postindustrialization, consumerism, and global communications. Postmodern social theorists reject
31 inequalities based on race, class, and gender, and global political and economic oppression (Ritzer, 1996).
As this example suggests, postmodern theorists do not focus on actors (human agents) as they go about their everyday lives, but instead offer more-abstract conceptions of what constitutes “reality.” For postmodernists, social life is not an objective reality waiting for us to discover how it works. Rather, what we experience as social life is actually nothing more or less than how we think about it, and there are many diverse ways of
postmodern perspectives the sociological approach that attempts to explain social life in modern societies that are characterized by postindustrialization, consumerism, and global communications.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
Any given credit card is a simulation of all other cards of the same brand; there was no “original” card from which all others are copied; there is no “real” credit card. Furthermore, credit cards can be seen as simulations of simulations. That is, they simulate currency, but each bill is a simulation, a copy, of every other bill and, again, there was never an original bill from which all others have been copied. But currencies, in turn, can be seen as simulations of material wealth, or of the faith one has in the Treasury, or whatever one imagines to be the “real” basis of wealth. Thus, the credit card shows how we live in a world characterized by a never-ending spiral of simulation built upon simulation.
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Applying Postmodern Perspectives to Shopping and Consumption According to some social theorists, the postmodern society is a consumer society. The focus of the capitalist economy has shifted from production to consumption. Today, the emphasis is on getting people to consume more and to own a greater variety of things. As previously discussed, credit cards may encourage people to spend more money than they should, and often more than they can afford (Ritzer, 1998). Television shopping networks and cybermalls make it possible for people to shop around the clock without having to leave home or encounter “real” people. As Ritzer (1998: 121) explains, “So many of our interactions in these settings . . . are simulated, and we become so accustomed to them, that in the end all we have are simulated interactions; there are no more ‘real’ interactions. The entire distinction between the simulated and the real is lost; simulated interaction is the reality” (see also Baudrillard, 1983). Similarly, Ritzer (1998: 121) points out that a credit card is a simulation:
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the theoretical perspectives we have previously discussed, as well as how those thinkers created the theories (Ritzer, 1996). These theorists oppose the grand narratives that characterize modern thinking and believe that boundaries should not be placed on academic disciplines—such as philosophy, literature, art, and the social sciences—when much could be learned by sharing ideas. Just as functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionist perspectives emerged in the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution, postmodern theories emerged after World War II (in the late 1940s) and reflected the belief that some nations were entering a period of postindustrialization. Postmodern (or “postindustrial”) societies are characterized by an information explosion and an economy in which large numbers of people either provide or apply information, or they are employed in professional occupations (such as lawyers and physicians) or service jobs (such as fast-food servers and health care workers). There is a corresponding rise of a consumer society and the emergence of a global village in which people around the world communicate with one another by electronic technologies such as television, telephone, fax, e-mail, and the Internet. Jean Baudrillard, a well-known French social theorist, is one of the key figures in postmodern theory, even though he would dispute this label. Baudrillard has extensively explored how the shift from production of goods (such as in the era of Marx and Weber) to consumption of information, services, and products in contemporary societies has created a new form of social control. According to Baudrillard’s approach, capitalists strive to control people’s shopping habits, much like the output of factory workers in industrial economies, to enhance their profits and to keep everyday people from rebelling against social inequality (1998/1970). How does this work? When consumers are encouraged to purchase more than they need or can afford, they often sink deeper in debt and must keep working to meet their monthly payments. Instead of consumption being related to our needs, it is based on factors such as our “wants” and the need we feel to distinguish ourselves from others. We will look at this idea in more detail in the next section, where we apply a postmodern perspective to shopping and consumption. We will also return to Baudrillard’s general ideas on postmodern societies in Chapter 3 (“Culture”). Today, postmodern theory remains an emerging perspective in the social sciences. How influential will this approach be? It remains to be seen what influence postmodern thinkers will have on the social sciences. Although this approach opens up broad new avenues of inquiry by challenging existing perspectives and questioning current belief systems, it also tends to ignore many of the central social problems of our time—such as
CONCEPT QUICK REVIEW The Major Theoretical Perspectives Perspective
Analysis Level
View of Society
Functionalist
Macrolevel
Society is composed of interrelated parts that work together to maintain stability within society. This stability is threatened by dysfunctional acts and institutions.
Conflict
Macrolevel
Society is characterized by social inequality; social life is a struggle for scarce resources. Social arrangements benefit some groups at the expense of others.
Symbolic Interactionist
Microlevel
Society is the sum of the interactions of people and groups. Behavior is learned in interaction with other people; how people define a situation becomes the foundation for how they behave.
Postmodernist
Macrolevel/Microlevel
Societies characterized by postindustrialization, consumerism, and global communications bring into question existing assumptions about social life and the nature of reality.
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doing that. According to a postmodernist perspective, the Enlightenment goal of intentionally creating a better world out of some knowable truth is an illusion. Although some might choose to dismiss postmodernist approaches, they do give us new and important questions to think about regarding the nature of social life. The Concept Quick Review reviews all four of these perspectives. Throughout this book, we will be using these perspectives as lenses through which to view our social world.
Comparing Sociology with Other Social Sciences In this chapter, we have discussed how sociologists examine social life. We have focused on shopping and consumption as an example of the many topics studied by sociologists and other social scientists. Let’s briefly examine how other social sciences investigate human relationships and then compare each discipline to sociology.
Anthropology Anthropologists and sociologists are interested in studying human behavior; however, there are differences between the two disciplines. Anthropology seeks to understand human existence over geographic space and evolutionary time (American Anthropological Association, 2001), whereas sociology seeks to understand contemporary social organization, relations, and change. Some anthropologists focus on the beginnings
of human history, millions of years ago, whereas others primarily study contemporary societies. Anthropology is divided into four main subfields: sociocultural, linguistic, archaeological, and biological anthropology. Cultural anthropologists focus on culture and its many manifestations, including art, religion, and politics. Linguistic anthropologists primarily study language because culture itself depends on language. Archaeologists are interested in discovering and analyzing material artifacts—such as cave paintings, discarded stone tools, and abandoned baskets—from which they piece together a record of social life in earlier societies and assess what this information adds to our knowledge of contemporary cultures. Biological (or physical) anthropologists study the biological origins, evolutionary development, and genetic diversity of primates, including Homo sapiens (human beings). Clearly, some cultural anthropologists would be interested in the issue we have looked at in this chapter—why people consume items of material culture and how their behavior as consumers is interwoven with all other aspects of social life in this society.
Psychology Psychology is the systematic study of behavior and mental processes—what occurs in the mind. Psychologists focus not only on behavior that is directly observable, such as talking, laughing, and eating, but also on mental processes that cannot be directly observed, such as thinking and dreaming. For psychologists, behavior and mental processes are interwoven; therefore, to understand behavior, they examine the emotions that underlie people’s actions. For example, a psychol-
33
Political science is the academic discipline that studies political institutions such as the state, government, and political parties (see Chapter 14, “Politics and Government in Global Perspective”). Political scientists study power relations and seek to determine how power is distributed in various types of political systems. Some political scientists focus primarily on international relations and similarities and differences in the political institutions across nations. Other political scientists look at the political institutions in a particular country. An example is a political scientist interested in studying consumerism in the United States who systematically examines how the political process—such as the efforts of lobbyists and interest groups to influence governmental policies—affects credit card interest rates and consumer spending in this country. Political scientists concentrate on political institutions, whereas sociologists study these institutions within the larger context of other social institutions such as families, religion, education, and the media.
In Sum Clearly, the areas of interest and research in the social sciences overlap in that the goal of scholars, teachers, and students is to learn more about human behavior, including its causes and consequences. In applied sociology, there is increasing collaboration among researchers across disciplines to develop a more holistic, integrated view of how human behavior and social life take place in societies. Join me as, throughout this book, we examine specific ways in which sociology creates its own realm of knowledge yet benefits from the other social sciences in order to provide new information and personal insights that we can use in our everyday lives.
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
Unlike the other social sciences we have discussed, economics concentrates primarily on a single institution in society—the economy (see Chapter 13, “The Economy and Work in Global Perspective”). Economists attempt to explain how the limited resources of a society are allocated among competing demands. Economics is divided into two different branches. Macroeconomics looks at such issues as the total amount of goods and services produced by a society; microeconomics studies such issues as decisions made by individual businesses. Thus, consumerism and credit card debt would be of interest to economists because such topics can be analyzed at global, national, and individual levels. However, a distinction between economics and sociology is that economists focus on the complex workings of economic systems (such as monetary pol-
Political Science
●
Economics
icy, inflation, and the national debt), whereas sociologists focus on a number of social institutions, one of which is the economy.
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ogist interested in studying why some individuals have excessive credit card debt might identify the specific emotions that a person has when purchasing an expensive item that is well beyond his or her budget. Psychology is a diverse field. Some psychologists work in clinical settings, where they diagnose and treat psychological disorders; others practice in schools, where they are concerned with the intellectual, social, and emotional development of schoolchildren. Still other psychologists work in business, industry, and other work-related settings. Another branch of psychology—social psychology—is similar to sociology in that it emphasizes how social conditions affect individual behavior. Social psychological perspectives on human development are useful to sociologists who study the process of socialization (see Chapter 4, “Socialization”). However, a distinction between psychology and sociology is the extent to which most psychological studies focus on internal factors relating to the individual in their explanations of human behavior, whereas sociological research examines the effects of groups, organizations, and social institutions on social life.
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Chapter Review What is sociology, and how can it help us to understand ourselves and others? Sociology is the systematic study of human society and social interaction. We study sociology to understand how human behavior is shaped by group life and, in turn, how group life is affected by individuals. Our culture tends to emphasize individualism, and sociology pushes us to consider more-complex connections between our personal lives and the larger world. ●
What is the sociological imagination, and why is it important to have a global sociological imagination? According to C. Wright Mills, the sociological imagination helps us understand how seemingly personal troubles, such as suicide, are actually related to larger social forces. It is the ability to see the relationship between individual experiences and the larger society. It is important to have a global sociological imagination because the future of this nation is deeply intertwined with the future of all nations of the world on economic, political, and humanitarian levels. ●
What factors contributed to the emergence of sociology as a discipline? Industrialization and urbanization increased rapidly in the late eighteenth century, and social thinkers began to examine the consequences of these powerful forces. Auguste Comte coined the term sociology to describe a new science that would engage in the study of society. ●
What are the major contributions of early sociologists such as Durkheim, Marx, and Weber? The ideas of Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, and Max Weber helped lead the way to contemporary sociol●
ogy. Durkheim argued that societies are built on social facts, that rapid social change produces strains in society, and that the loss of shared values and purpose can lead to a condition of anomie. Marx stressed that within society there is a continuous clash between the owners of the means of production and the workers who have no choice but to sell their labor to others. According to Weber, sociology should be value free, and people should become more aware of the role that bureaucracies play in daily life. How did Simmel’s perspective differ from that of other early sociologists? Whereas other sociologists primarily focused on society as a whole, Simmel explored small social groups and argued that society was best seen as a web of patterned interactions among people. ●
What are the major contemporary sociological perspectives? Functionalist perspectives assume that society is a stable, orderly system characterized by societal consensus. Conflict perspectives argue that society is a continuous power struggle among competing groups, often based on class, race, ethnicity, or gender. Interactionist perspectives focus on how people make sense of their everyday social interactions, which are made possible by the use of mutually understood symbols. From an alternative perspective, postmodern theorists believe that entirely new ways of examining social life are needed and that it is time to move beyond functionalist, conflict, and interactionist approaches. ●
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society 4 sociological imagination 5 sociology 4 symbolic interactionist perspectives 27 theory 23 urbanization 12
Questions for Critical Thinking 1. What does C. Wright Mills mean when he says the sociological imagination helps us “to grasp history and biography and the relations between the two within society?” (Mills, 1959b: 6). How might this idea be applied to today’s consumer society? 2. As a sociologist, how would you remain objective yet see the world as others see it? Would you make subjective decisions when trying to understand the perspectives of others? 3. Early social thinkers were concerned about stability in times of rapid change. In our more global world,
is stability still a primary goal? Or is constant conflict important for the well-being of all humans? Use the conflict and functionalist perspectives to bolster your analysis. 4. Some social analysts believe that college students relate better to commercials and advertising culture than they do to history, literature, or probably anything else (Twitchell, 1996). How would you use the various sociological perspectives to explore the validity of this assertion in regard to students on your college campus?
The Kendall Companion Website www.cengage.com/sociology/kendall Visit this book’s companion website, where you’ll find more resources to help you study and successfully complete course projects. Resources include quizzes and flash cards, as well as special features such as an interactive sociology timeline, maps, General Social Survey (GSS) data, and Census 2000 data. The site also provides links to useful websites that have been selected for their relevance to the topics in this chapter and include those listed below. (Note: Visit the book’s website for updated URLs.)
A Sociological Tour Through Cyberspace
Dead Sociologists Index
The American Sociological Association (ASA) is a national organization for sociologists. Its home page provides information on annual meetings, resources available for sociological research, information on careers in sociology, special reports on current activities in social policy, and information on how students can get involved in this sociological organization, including the Minority Fellowship Program.
http://media.pfeiffer.edu/lridener/DSS Visit this website to learn more about the sociologists discussed in this chapter. Click on the name of an individual you wish to study, and access biographical information, summaries of key ideas, and selections from original works.
http://www.trinity.edu/mkearl Professor Michael C. Kearl of Trinity University in San Antonio has developed a comprehensive gateway site to a number of Internet resources in the field of sociology. For Chapter 1, click on “General Sociological Resources” and “Sociological Theory.”
American Sociological Society (ASA) http://www.asanet.org
THE SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
manifest functions 23 microlevel analysis 27 middle-income countries 8 positivism 13 postmodern perspectives 30 social Darwinism 14 social facts 15
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anomie 15 conflict perspectives 25 functionalist perspectives 23 high-income countries 8 industrialization 11 latent functions 23 low-income countries 8 macrolevel analysis 27
CHAPTER 1
Key Terms
chapter
2
Sociological Research Methods Chapter Focus Question How do sociological theory and research add to our knowledge of human societies and social issues such as suicide?
H
© AP Images/Tom Gannam
is name was Josh Evans. He was 16 years old. And he was hot. “Mom! Mom! Mom! Look at him!” Tina Meier recalls her daughter saying. Josh had contacted Megan Meier through her MySpace page and wanted to be added as a friend. “Yes, he’s cute,” Tina Meier told her daughter. “Do you know who he is?” “No, but look at him! He’s hot! Please, please, can I add him?” Mom said yes. And for six weeks Megan and Josh—under Tina’s watchful eye—became acquainted in the virtual world of MySpace. Josh said he was born in Florida and recently had moved to Tina Meier, the mother of Megan Meier, displays photographs of her daughter, who committed suicide at the age of thirteen after reacting to fake MySpace postings by the mother of one of her former friends. Studying sociology provides us with new insights on problems such as suicide by making us aware that much more goes on in social life than we initially observe.
IN THIS CHAPTER
• • • •
Why Is Sociological Research Necessary? The Sociological Research Process Research Methods Ethical Issues in Sociological Research
O’Fallon [Missouri]. He was homeschooled. He played the guitar and drums. . . . As for 13-year-old Megan . . . [she] loved swimming, boating, fishing, dogs, rap music and boys. But her life had not always been easy, her mother says. She was heavy and for years had tried to lose weight. She had attention deficit disorder and battled depression. . . . But things were going exceptionally well. She had shed 20 pounds, getting down to 175. She was 5 foot 5-1/2 inches tall. . . . Part of the reason for Megan’s rosy outlook was Josh, Tina says. After school Megan would rush to the computer. . . . It did seem odd, Tina says, that Josh never asked for Megan’s phone number. And when Megan asked for his, she says, Josh said he didn’t have a cell and his mother did not yet have a landline. And then on Sunday, Oct. 15, 2006, Megan received a puzzling and disturbing message from Josh. Tina recalls that it said, “I don’t know if I want to be friends with you anymore because I’ve heard that you are not very nice to your friends.” (Continued) Sharpening Your Focus
• • • • • •
What is the relationship between theory and research? What are the steps in the conventional research process? What can qualitative methods add to our understanding of human behavior? Why is it important to have a variety of research methods available? What has research contributed to our understanding of suicide? Why is a code of ethics necessary for sociological research? 37
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Frantic, Megan shot back: “What are you talking about?” (Pokin, 2007) This and other hostile instant message exchanges set into motion the final, disturbing episode in the life of Megan Meier, as she was suddenly confronted with not only the anger and cynicism of a young man she thought she knew and trusted but also the bullying of other young people gathered on the social networking site MySpace who also sent a barrage of hate-filled messages that called Megan a liar and much worse. “Mom, they’re being Horrible!” Megan said, sobbing into the phone when her mother called. After an hour, Megan ran into her bedroom and hanged herself with a belt. “She felt there was no way out,” Ms. Meier said. (Maag, 2007) —the parents of Megan Meier recalling the events leading up to her suicide at only thirteen years of age
C
learly, the suicide of Megan deeply touched her parents and friends while raising many issues about the problem of cyber-bullying. In the aftermath of Megan’s tragic death, her parents tried to send an instant message to Josh Evans to inform him about the destructive nature of his actions, only to learn that his MySpace account had been deleted. Six weeks after Megan’s death, her parents learned that Josh Evans never existed: His fake persona allegedly had been created by a mother whose daughter was once Megan’s friend. According to some media reports, this parent created a fake MySpace account for “Josh Evans” so that she could find out what Megan would say about her daughter and other people. Subsequently, other members gathered on MySpace and—not knowing that Josh Evans did not exist—jumped into the fray and began hurling accusations at Megan and bullying her. A local ordinance in Megan’s hometown now prohibits any harassment that uses the Internet, text messaging services, or any other electronic medium. Although we will never know the full story of Megan’s life, this tragic occurrence brings us to a larger sociological question: Why does anyone commit suicide? Is suicide purely an individual phenomenon, or is it related to our social interactions and the social environment and society in which we live? In this chapter, we examine how sociological theories and research can help us understand the seemingly individualistic act of taking one’s own life. We
will see how sociological theory and research methods might be used to answer complex questions, and we will wrestle with some of the difficulties that sociologists experience as they study human behavior.
Why Is Sociological Research Necessary? Sociologists obtain their knowledge of human behavior through research, which results in a body of information that helps us move beyond guesswork and common sense in understanding society. The sociological perspective incorporates theory and research to arrive at a more accurate understanding of the “hows” and “whys” of human social interaction. Once we have an informed perspective about social issues, such as who commits suicide and why, we are in a better position to find solutions and make changes. Social research, then, is a key part of sociology.
Common Sense and Sociological Research Most of us have commonsense ideas about suicide. Common sense, for example, may tell us that people who threaten suicide will not commit suicide. Socio-
39 CHAPTER 2
Box 2.1 Sociology and Everyday Life
False
T T T
F F F
T T
F F
T T T
F F F
1. For people thinking of suicide, it is difficult, if not impossible, to see the bright side of life. 2. People who talk about suicide don’t do it. 3. Once people contemplate or attempt suicide, they must be considered suicidal for the rest of their lives. 4. In the United States, suicide occurs on the average of one every sixteen minutes. 5. Accidents and injuries sustained by teenagers and young adults may indicate suicidal inclinations. 6. Alcohol and drugs are outlets for anger and thus reduce the risk of suicide. 7. Suicide rates for African Americans are higher than for white Americans. 8. Suicidal people are fully intent upon dying. Answers on page 40.
© AP Images/Gene Blythe
logical research indicates that this assumption is frequently incorrect: People who threaten to kill themselves are often sending messages to others and may indeed attempt suicide. Common sense may also tell us that suicide is caused by despair or depression. However, research suggests that suicide is sometimes used as a means of lashing out at friends and relatives because of real or imagined wrongs. Before reading on, take the quiz in Box 2.1, which lists a number of commonsense notions about suicide. Historically, the commonsense view of suicide was that it was a sin, a crime, and a mental illness (Evans and Farberow, 1988). Emile Durkheim refused to accept these explanations. In what is probably the first sociological study to use scientific research methods,
he related suicide to the issue of cohesiveness (or lack of cohesiveness) in society instead of viewing suicide as an isolated act that could be understood only by studying individual personalities or inherited tendencies. In Suicide (1964b/1897), Durkheim documented his contention that a high suicide rate was symptomatic of large-scale societal problems. In the process, he developed an approach to research that influences researchers to this day (see “Sociology Works!”). As we discuss sociological research, we will use the problem of suicide to demonstrate the research process. Because much of sociology deals with everyday life, we might think that common sense, our own personal experiences, and the media are the best sources of information. However, our personal experiences are subjective, and much of the information provided by the media comes from sources seeking support for a particular point of view. The content of the media is also influenced by the continual need for audience ratings. We need to be able to evaluate the information we receive. This is especially true because the quantity—but, in some instances,
Although scientific studies about human behavior are readily available to most of us, and trained professionals can help us with our personal and social problems, many individuals rely—at least in part—on the advice of psychics such as the tarot card reader shown here. What problems might occur as a result of relying on psychics for counseling and advice?
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
True
●
How Much Do You Know About Suicide?
Box 2.1 Sociology and Everyday Life
Answers to the Sociology Quiz on Suicide 1. True.
To people thinking of suicide, an acknowledgment that there is a bright side only confirms and conveys the message that they have failed; otherwise, they, too, could see the bright side of life.
2. False.
Some people who talk about suicide do kill themselves. Warning signals of possible suicide attempts include talk of suicide, the desire not to exist anymore, despair, and hopelessness.
3. False.
Most people think of suicide for only a limited amount of time. When the crisis is over and the problems leading to suicidal thoughts are resolved, people usually cease to think of suicide as an option.
4. True.
A suicide occurs on the average of every sixteen minutes in the United States; however, this rate differs with respect to the sex, race/ethnicity, and age of the individual. For example, men are three times more likely to kill themselves than are women.
5. True.
Accidents, injuries, and other types of life-threatening behavior may be signs that a person is on a course of self-destruction. One study concluded that the incidence of suicide was twelve times higher among adolescents and young adults who had been previously hospitalized because of an injury.
6. False.
Excessive use of alcohol or drugs may enhance a person’s feelings of anger and frustration, making suicide a greater possibility. This risk appears to be especially high for men who abuse alcohol or drugs.
7. False.
Suicide rates are much higher among white Americans than African Americans. For example, in 2004 the overall U.S. suicide rate was 11.0 per 100,000 population. For white males, the rate was 19.6; for African American males, it was 9.0. For white females, it was 5.1; for African American females, the rate was 1.8.
8. False.
Suicidal people often have an ambivalence about dying—they want to live and to die at the same time. They want to end the pain or problems they are experiencing, but they also wish that something or someone would remove the pain or problem so that life could continue.
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40
Sources: Based on American Association of Suicidology, 2006; Leenaars, 1991; Levy and Deykin, 1989; and National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2006.
not the quality—of information available has grown dramatically as a result of the information explosion brought about by computers and by the telecommunications industry.
Sociology and Scientific Evidence In taking this course, you will be studying social science research and may be asked to write research reports or read and evaluate journal articles. If you attend graduate or professional school in fields that use sociological research, you will be expected to evaluate existing research and perhaps do your own. Hopefully, you will find that social research is relevant to the practical, everyday concerns of the real world. Sociology involves debunking—the unmasking of fallacies (false or mistaken ideas or opinions) in the everyday and official interpretations of society (Mills, 1959b). Because problems such as suicide involve
threats to existing societal values, we cannot analyze these problems without acknowledging the values involved. For example, should assisted suicide for terminally ill patients who wish to die be legal? We often answer questions like this by using either the normative or the empirical approach. The normative approach uses religion, customs, habits, traditions, and law to answer important questions. It is based on strong beliefs about what is right and wrong and what “ought to be” in society. Issues such as assisted suicide are often answered by the normative approach. From a legal standpoint, the consequences of assisting in another person’s suicide may be severe. Although these issues are immediate and profound, some sociologists discourage the use of the normative approach in their field and advocate the use of the empirical approach instead. The empirical approach attempts to answer questions through systematic collection and analysis of data. This approach is referred to
41 CHAPTER 2
Sociology Works!
Although this statement described social conditions accompanying the high rates of suicide found in latenineteenth-century France, Durkheim’s words ring true today as we look at contemporary suicide rates for cities such as Bangalore, which some refer to as “India’s Suicide City” (Guha, 2004). At first glance, we might think that the outsourcing of jobs in the technology sector—from high-income nations such as the United States to India—would provide happiness and job satisfaction for individuals in cities such as Bangalore and New Delhi who have gained new opportunities and higher salaries in recent years as a result of outsourcing. News stories have focused on the wealth of opportunities that these outsourced jobs have brought to millions of men and women in India, most of whom are in their twenties and thirties and who now earn larger incomes than do their parents and many of their contemporaries. However, the underlying story of what is really going on in these cities stands in stark contrast: Rapid urbanization and fast-paced changes in the economy
as the conventional model, or the “scientific method,” and is based on the assumption that knowledge is best gained by direct, systematic observation. Many sociologists believe that two basic scientific standards must be met: (1) scientific beliefs should be supported by good evidence or information, and (2) these beliefs should be open to public debate and critiques from other scholars, with alternative interpretations being considered (Cancian, 1992). Sociologists typically use two types of empirical studies: descriptive and explanatory. Descriptive studies attempt to describe social reality or provide facts about some group, practice, or event. Studies of this type are designed to find out what is happening to whom, where, and when. For example, a descriptive study of suicide might attempt to determine the number of people who recently thought about committing suicide. On other topics, well-known descriptive studies include the U.S. Census and the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports. However, it is important to note that even studies which are considered to be “objective” have certain biases because of the limitations inherent in doing certain types of research, as discussed in this
and society are weakening social ties that have been so important to individuals. Social bonds have been weakened or dissolved as people move away from their families and their community. Life in the cities moves at a much faster pace than in the rural areas, and many individuals experience loneliness, sleep disorders, family discord, and major health risks such as heart disease and depression (Mahapatra, 2007). In the words of Ramachandra Guha (2004), a historian residing in India, Durkheim’s sociology of suicide remains highly relevant to finding new answers to this challenging problem: “The rash of suicides in city and village is a qualitatively new development in our history. We sense that tragedies are as much social as they are individual. But we know very little of what lies behind them. What we now await, in sum, is an Indian Durkheim.”
Reflect & Analyze How does sociology help us to examine seemingly private acts such as suicide within a larger social context? Why are some people more inclined to commit suicide if they are not part of a strong social fabric?
chapter and in Chapter 7 (“Deviance and Crime”). By contrast, explanatory studies attempt to explain causeand-effect relationships and to provide information on why certain events do or do not occur. In an explanatory study of suicide, we might ask questions such as these: Why do African American men over age sixtyfive have a significantly lower suicide rate than white males in the same age bracket? Why are women more likely to attempt suicide than men? Sociologists engage in theorizing and conducting research in order to describe, explain, and sometimes predict how and why people will act in certain situations.
The Theory and Research Cycle The relationship between theory and research has been referred to as a continuous cycle, as shown in Figure 2.1 (Wallace, 1971). You will recall that a theory is a set of logically interrelated statements that attempts to describe, explain, and (occasionally) predict social events. A theory attempts to explain why something is the way it is. Research is the process of systematically collecting information for the purpose of testing
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
The bond attaching [people] to life slackens because the bond which attaches [them] to society is itself slack. —Emile Durkheim, Suicide (1964b/1897)
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Durkheim’s Sociology of Suicide and Twenty-First-Century India
Why do older African American men have a lower rate of suicide than white males of similar ages? Questions such as this often serve as the foundation for an explanatory study as sociologists attempt to understand and describe certain cause-and-effect relationships. © Yellow Dog Productions/Getty Images
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an existing theory or generating a new one. The theory and research cycle consists of deductive and inductive approaches. In the deductive approach, the researcher begins with a theory and uses research to test the theory. This approach proceeds as follows: (1) theories generate hypotheses, (2) hypotheses lead to observations (data gathering), (3) observations lead to the formation of generalizations, and (4) generalizations are used to support the theory, to suggest modifications to it, or to refute it. To illustrate, if we use the deductive method to determine why people commit suicide,
DEDUCTIVE SCIENCE
Theories
Generalizations
Hypotheses
Observations
INDUCTIVE SCIENCE
Figure 2.1 The Theory and Research Cycle The theory and research cycle can be compared to a relay race; although all participants do not necessarily start or stop at the same point, they share a common goal—to examine all levels of social life. Source: Adapted from Walter Wallace, The Logic of Science in Sociology. New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1971.
we start by formulating a theory about the “causes” of suicide and then test our theory by collecting and analyzing data (for example, vital statistics on suicides or surveys to determine whether adult church members view suicide differently from nonmembers). In the inductive approach, the researcher collects information or data (facts or evidence) and then generates theories from the analysis of that data. Under the inductive approach, we would proceed as follows: (1) specific observations suggest generalizations, (2) generalizations produce a tentative theory, (3) the theory is tested through the formation of hypotheses, and (4) hypotheses may provide suggestions for additional observations. Using the inductive approach to study suicide, we might start by simultaneously collecting and analyzing data related to suicidal behavior and then generate a theory (see Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Reinharz, 1992). Researchers may break into the cycle at different points depending on what they want to know and what information is available. Theory gives meaning to research; research helps support theory. For example, data collected from interviews with 25 women aged 15 to 24 who recently attempted suicide will not give us an explanation of why women are more likely than men to attempt to take their own lives. Similarly, theories unsupported by data are meaningless. Suppose, for instance, that we made the following assertions: Women are more likely to attempt suicide because of problems in their personal relationships, whereas men are more likely to be suicidal when they have economic difficulties, are unemployed, or experience a severe physical illness (Canetto, 1992). Our assertions are unsupported because we have not tested their validity. Research helps us question such assumptions about suicide and other social concerns. Sociologists suggest that a healthy skepticism (a feature of science) is important in research because it keeps us open to the
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DEDUCTIVE METHOD (Classic)
The “Conventional” Research Model Research models are tailored to the specific problem being investigated and the focus of the researcher. Both quantitative research and qualitative research contribute to our knowledge of society and human social interaction, and both involve a series of steps, as shown in Figure 2.2. We will now trace the steps in the “conventional” research model, which focuses on
INDUCTIVE METHOD (Inclusive)
Select and define the research problem
Review the literature
Review the literature
Develop the research design
Formulate the hypothesis
Develop the research design
Collect and analyze the data
Develop the research design
Collect and analyze the data
Review the literature
Collect and analyze the data
Draw conclusions; report the findings
Generate hypotheses for theory construction, draw conclusions, and report the findings
Figure 2.2 Steps in
Sociological Research
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
Not all sociologists conduct research in the same manner. Some researchers primarily engage in quantitative research, whereas others engage in qualitative research. With quantitative research, the goal is scientific objectivity, and the focus is on data that can be measured numerically. Quantitative research typically emphasizes complex statistical techniques. Most sociological studies on suicide have used quantitative research. They have compared rates of suicide with almost every conceivable variable, including age, sex, race/ethnicity, education, and even sports participation (see Lester, 1992). For example, researchers in one study examined the effects of church membership, divorce, and migration on suicide rates in the United States and concluded that suicide rates are typically higher where divorce and migration rates are higher
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The Sociological Research Process
and church membership is lower (Breault, 1986). (The “Understanding Statistical Data Presentations” box explains how to read numerical tables, how to interpret the data and draw conclusions, and how to calculate ratios and rates.) With qualitative research, interpretive description (words) rather than statistics (numbers) is used to analyze underlying meanings and patterns of social relationships. An example of qualitative research is a study in which the researcher systematically analyzed the contents of the notes of suicide victims to determine recurring themes, such as a feeling of despair or failure. Through this study, the researcher hoped to determine if any patterns could be found that would help in understanding why people might kill themselves (Leenaars, 1988).
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possibility of alternative explanations. Some degree of skepticism is built into each step of the research process. With that in mind, let’s explore the steps in the sociological research process.
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Understanding Statistical Data Presentations Are men or women more likely to commit suicide? Are suicide rates increasing or decreasing? These questions can be answered in numerical terms. Sociologists often use statistical tables as a concise way to present data because such tables convey a large amount of information in a relatively small space; Table 1 gives an example. To understand a table, follow these steps: 1. Read the title. The title indicates the topic. From the title, “U.S. Suicides, by Sex and Method Used, 1984 and 2005,” we learn that the table shows relationships between two variables: sex and method of suicide used. It also indicates that the table contains data for two different time periods: 1984 and 2005.
a. Determining the increase or decrease. Between 1984 and 2005, reported male suicides by firearms increased from 14,504 to 14,916—an increase of 412—while female suicides by firearms decreased by 523. This represents a total increase (for males)
◆ Table 1 U.S. Suicides, by Sex and Method Used, 1984
and 2005a MALES
FEMALES
METHOD
1984
2005
1984
2005
Total
22,689
25,907
6,597
6,730
Firearms (% of total)b
14,504 (64.0)
14,916 (57.6.)
2,609 (39.5)
2,086 (30.9)
Poisoningc (% of total)b
3,203
3,112
2,406
2,632
(14.1) (12.0) (36.5) (39.1) 2. Check the source and other explanatory d notes. In this case, the source is National Suffocation 3,478 5,887 863 1,361 (15.3) (22.7) (13.0) (20.2) (% of total)b Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2006. Checking the source helps deterOther 1,504 1,992 719 651 mine its reliability and timeliness. The (% of total)b (6.6) (7.7) (10.9) (9.8) first footnote indicates that the table a Excludes deaths of nonresidents of the United States. b includes only people who reside in Due to rounding, the percentages in a column may not add up to 100.0%. c Includes solids, liquids, and gases. the United States. The next footnote d Includes hanging and strangulation. reflects that, due to rounding, the percentages in a column may not total 100.0%. The final two footnotes provide more information about exactly what is included and decrease (for females) in suicides by firearms in each category. for the two years being compared. The amount of 3. Read the headings for each column and each row. The main column headings in Table 1 are “Method,” “Males,” and “Females.” These latter two column headings are divided into two groups: 1984 and 2005. The columns present information (usually numbers) arranged vertically. The rows present information horizontally. Here, the row headings indicate suicide methods. 4. Examine and compare the data. To examine the data, determine what units of measurement have been used. In ◆ Table 1 the figures are numerical counts (for example, the total number of reported female suicides by poisoning in 2005 was 2,632) and percentages (for example, in 2005, poisoning accounted for 39.1 percent of all female suicides reported). A percentage, or proportion, shows how many of a given item there are in every one hundred. Percentages allow us to compare groups of different sizes. For example, percentages show the proportion of people who used each method, thus giving a more meaningful comparison. 5. Draw conclusions. By looking for patterns, some conclusions can be drawn from Table 1.
increase or decrease can be stated as a percentage: Total male suicides by firearms were about 2.8 percent higher in 2005, calculated by dividing the total increase (412) by the earlier (lower) number. Total female suicides by firearms were about 20 percent lower in 2005, calculated by dividing the total decrease (523) by the earlier (higher) number. b. Drawing appropriate conclusions. The number of female suicides by firearms decreased about 20 percent between 1984 and 2005; the number for poisoning increased by about 9.4 percent. We might conclude that more women preferred poisoning over firearms as a means of killing themselves in 2005 than in 1984. Does that mean fewer women had access to guns in 2005? That poisoning oneself became more acceptable? Such generalizations do not take into account that we are only looking at data from two years and that the difference in statistics for those two years may not really represent a trend. Source: National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2006.
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independent variable a variable that is presumed to cause or determine a dependent variable. dependent variable a variable that is assumed to depend on or be caused by one or more other (independent) variables.
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
hypothesis in research studies, a tentative statement of the relationship between two or more concepts.
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1. Select and define the research problem. When you engage in research, the first step is to select and clearly define the research topic. Sometimes, a specific experience such as having known someone who committed suicide can trigger your interest in a topic. Other times, you might select topics to fill gaps or challenge misconceptions in existing research or to test a specific theory (Babbie, 2004). Emile Durkheim selected suicide because he wanted to demonstrate the importance of society in situations that might appear to be arbitrary acts by individuals. Suicide was a suitable topic because it was widely believed that suicide was a uniquely individualistic act. However, Durkheim emphasized that suicide rates provide better explanations for suicide than do individual acts of suicide. He reasoned that if suicide were purely an individual act, then the rate of suicide (the relative number of people who kill themselves each year) should be the same for every group regardless of culture and social structure (see Box 2.2 on page 48 for a current example). Moreover, Durkheim wanted to know why there were different rates of suicide—whether factors such as religion, marital status, sex, and age had an effect on social cohesion. 2. Review previous research. Before you begin your research, it is important to review the literature to see what others have written about the topic. Analyzing what previous researchers have found helps to clarify issues and focus the direction of your own research. But when Durkheim began his study, very little sociological literature existed for him to review other than the works of Henry Morselli (1975/1881), who concluded that suicide was a part of an evolutionary process whereby “weak-brained” individuals were sorted out by insanity and voluntary death. 3. Formulate the hypothesis (if applicable). You may formulate a hypothesis—a statement of the relationship between two or more concepts. Concepts are the abstract elements representing some aspect of the world in simplified form (such as “social integration” or “loneliness”). As you formulate your hypothesis about suicide, you may need to convert concepts to variables. A variable is any concept with measurable traits or characteristics that can change or vary from one person, time, situation, or society to another. Variables are the observable and/or measurable counterparts of concepts. For example, “suicide” is a concept; the “rate of suicide” is a variable. The most fundamental relationship in a hypothesis is between a dependent variable and one or
more independent variables (see Figure 2.3). The independent variable is presumed to cause or determine a dependent variable. Age, sex, race, and ethnicity are often used as independent variables. The dependent variable is assumed to depend on or be caused by the independent variable(s) (Babbie, 2004). Durkheim used the degree of social integration in society as the independent variable to determine its influence on the dependent variable, the rate of suicide. Whether a variable is dependent or independent depends on the context in which it is used. To use variables in the contemporary research process, sociologists create operational definitions. An operational definition is an explanation of an abstract concept in terms of observable features that are specific enough to measure the variable. For example, suppose that your goal is to earn an A in this course. Your professor may have created an operational definition by defining an A as earning an exam average of 90 percent or above (Babbie, 2004). Events such as suicide are too complex to be caused by any one variable. Therefore, they must be explained in terms of multiple causation—that is, an event occurs as a result of many factors operating in combination. What does cause suicide? Social scientists cite multiple causes, including rapid social change, economic conditions, hopeless poverty, and lack of religiosity (the degree to which an individual or group feels committed to a particular system of religious beliefs). Usually, no one factor will cause a person to commit suicide. Rather, other factors must combine with a factor such as poverty to cause a person to commit suicide. Sociologists cannot produce an equation (such as poverty + homelessness = suicide) to predict a social occurrence. Not all social research makes use of hypotheses. 4. Develop the research design. In developing the research design, you must first consider the units of analysis and the time frame of the study. A unit of analysis is what or whom is being studied (Babbie, 2004). In social science research, individuals
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quantitative research. Then we will describe an alternative model that emphasizes qualitative research.
46 STUDYING SOCIETY AND SOCIAL LIFE
a. Causal relationship
.
PART I
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b. Inverse causal relationship (Durkheim)
. c. Multiple-cause explanation
Figure 2.3 Hypothesized
Relationships Between Variables A causal hypothesis connects one or more independent (causal) variables with a dependent (affected) variable. The diagram illustrates three hypotheses about the causes of suicide. To test these hypotheses, social scientists would need to operationalize the variables (define them in measurable terms) and then investigate whether the data support the proposed explanation.
are the most typical unit of analysis. Social groups (such as families, cities, or geographic regions), organizations (such as clubs, labor unions, or political parties), and social artifacts (such as books, paintings, or weddings) may also be units of analysis. Durkheim’s unit of analysis was social groups, not individuals, because he believed that the study of individual cases of suicide would not explain the rates of suicide. After determining the unit of analysis for your study, you must select a time frame for study: crosssectional or longitudinal. Cross-sectional studies are based on observations that take place at a single point in time; these studies focus on behavior or responses at a specific moment. Longitudinal studies are concerned with what is happening over a period of time or at several different points in time; they focus on processes and social change. Some longitudinal studies are designed to examine the same set of people each time, whereas others look at trends within a general popu-
.
lation. Using longitudinal data, Durkheim was able to compare suicide rates over a period of time in France and other European nations. 5. Collect and analyze the data. Your next step is to collect and analyze data. You must decide which population—persons about whom we want to be able to draw conclusions—will be observed or questioned. Then it is necessary to select a sample of people from the larger population to be studied. It is important that the sample accurately represent the larger population. For example, if you arbitrarily selected five students from your sociology class to interview, they probably would not be representative of your school’s total student body. However, if you selected five students from the total student body by a random sample, they might be closer to being representative (although a random sample of five students would be too small to yield much useful data). In random sampling, every member of an entire population being studied has the same
random sampling a study approach in which every member of an entire population being studied has the same chance of being selected. probability sampling choosing participants for a study on the basis of specific characteristics, possibly including such factors as age, sex, race/ethnicity, and educational attainment. validity in sociological research, the extent to which a study or research instrument accurately measures what it is supposed to measure. reliability in sociological research, the extent to which a study or research instrument yields consistent results when applied to different individuals at one time or to the same individuals over time.
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
chance of being selected. You would have a more representative sample of the total student body, for example, if you placed all the students’ names in a rotating drum and conducted a drawing. By contrast, in probability sampling, participants are deliberately chosen because they have specific characteristics, possibly including such factors as age, sex, race/ethnicity, and educational attainment. In addition to problems with sampling, sociologists must maintain the validity and reliability of the data they collect. Validity is the extent to which a study or research instrument accurately measures what it is supposed to measure. For example, sociologists who analyze the relationship between religious beliefs and suicide must determine whether “church membership” is an accurate indicator of a person’s religious beliefs. In fact, one person may be very religious but not belong to a specific church, whereas another person may be a member of a church yet not hold any deep religious convictions. To maintain validity, some sociologists study the relationship between suicide and religion not only in terms of people’s specific behaviors (e.g., frequency of attendance at church services) but also as a set of values, beliefs, or attitudes (Breault, 1986). Reliability is the extent to which a study or research instrument yields consistent results when applied to different individuals at one time or to the same individuals over time. An important issue in reliability
●
An operational definition is an explanation of an abstract concept in terms of observable features that are specific enough to measure the variable. For example, the operational definition of an A may be an exam average of 90 percent or above. After college professors have established the grading requirements for a course, students seek to meet those expectations by performing well on examinations.
is the fact that sociologists have found that the characteristics of interviewers and how they ask questions may produce different answers from the people being interviewed. As a result, different studies of college students who have contemplated suicide may arrive at different conclusions. Problems of validity are also linked to how data is analyzed. Analysis is the process through which data are organized so that comparisons can be made and conclusions drawn. Sociologists use many techniques to analyze data. The process for each type of research method is discussed later in this chapter. In Durkheim’s study, he collected data from vital statistics for approximately 26,000 suicides. He classified them separately according to age, sex, marital status, presence or absence of children in the family, religion, geographic location, calendar date, method of suicide, and a number of other variables. As Durkheim analyzed his data, four distinct categories of suicide emerged: egoistic, altruistic, anomic, and fatalistic. Egoistic suicide occurs among people who are isolated from any social group. For example, Durkheim concluded that suicide rates were relatively high in Protestant countries in Europe because Protestants believed in individualism and were more loosely tied to the church than were Catholics. Single people had proportionately higher suicide rates than married persons because they had a low degree of social integration, which contributed to their loneliness. In contrast, altruistic suicide occurs among individuals who are excessively integrated into society. An example is military leaders who kill themselves after
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© Charlie Newham/Alamy
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Box 2.2 Sociology in Global Perspective
Comparing Suicide Statistics from Different Nations We’re often told that this is the age of convergence. As global optimists see it, free-market capitalism, democratic norms, and maybe even a better appreciation for the sanctity of life are gaining ascendancy across the borders. In the rich world at least, you get the sense that a country’s unique way of looking at the world will eventually be submerged by these big global trends. There’s some truth to that. But every once in a while here in Japan, I’m abruptly reminded that some things about this remarkable culture I’ll never begin to fathom. To my mind the most fundamental one is the prevalence of suicide in a nation that boasts some of the highest living standards and longest life expectancies in the world. —Brian Bremner (2000), Tokyo bureau chief for Business Week, stating his concern about the “suicide epidemic” in Japan
Can any patterns be identified in regard to Lithuanian suicides? One that has been identified is that the suicide rate has risen in Lithuania over the past three decades as that nation has gone through a lengthy period of economic, political, and social upheaval.
© Junko Kimura/Getty Images
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When sociologists select and define a research problem, they may look at a current social phenomenon such as statistical trends in suicides or how the rates of suicide compare across nations. If we look at the rates of suicide per 100,000 people in various countries, will these rates differ? In fact, the answer to this question is “yes.” There is a wide disparity among suicide rates in various nations. For example, Lithuania has a suicide rate of 39 per 100,000 people, as compared with the United States, which has a suicide rate of 11 per 100,000 people.
defeat in battle because they have so strongly identified themselves with their cause that they believe they cannot live with defeat. According to Durkheim, people are more likely to kill themselves when social cohesion is either very weak or very strong. Durkheim further observed that degree of social integration is not the only variable that influences suicide rates. Rapid social change and shifts in moral values make it difficult for people to know what is right and wrong. Anomic suicide results from a lack of shared values or purpose and from the absence of social regulation. By contrast, excessive regulation and oppressive discipline may contribute to fatalistic suicide, as in the suicides of slaves. 6. Draw conclusions and report the findings. After analyzing the data, your first step in drawing conclu-
Global economic woes and worries about the health of banks in Japan have contributed to heightening concern among many Japanese workers. Sociologists continue to explore the relationship between economic problems and suicide rates in nations such as Japan, where the recent suicide rate has been twice that of the United States.
sions is to return to your hypothesis or research objective to clarify how the data relate both to the hypothesis and to the larger issues being addressed. At this stage, you note the limitations of the study, such as problems with the sample, the influence of variables over which you had no control, or variables that your study was unable to measure. At the end of your research, it is important to report your findings. This report usually includes a review of each step you took so that others can replicate your work in substantially the same way that it was originally conducted. Social scientists generally present their findings in papers at professional meetings and publish them in academic journals and scholarly books. Durkheim reported his findings in his book
49
Lithuania
39
Japan U.S.
24 11 Suicides per 100,000 People
Source: World Health Organization, 2004b.
We might ask this: Is Lithuania’s suicide rate increase due to that social upheaval? Japan has also had an upswing in the number of reported suicides, culminating in the late 1990s, when there was an unprecedented 35 percent surge in suicides. The suicide rate in Japan (24.2 per 100,000 people) is less than that of Lithuania but twice that of the United States. To put the suicide rate in Japan in perspective, that country has three times as many reported suicide victims as it does traffic fatalities. In 2005, the rate of suicide for males in Japan was 36.1 per 100,000, with many of the men being in their forties and fifties, and many of them having recently experienced major financial difficulties. By contrast, the female rate of suicide in Japan for the same year was 12.9 per 100,000. Using theory as the foundation for our research on Japanese and Lithuanian suicides, we might reflect on Emile Durkheim’s types of suicides and test whether or not some of these suicides might be best described as anomic suicides, which may be brought about by rapid social change. Japan has experienced a prolonged economic slump that has particularly affected the employment rates of middleaged men. In a society where people are accustomed to full employment (meaning that most people who wanted
Suicide (1964b/1897), in which he concluded that suicide is an indicator of the moral condition of a society and that the suicide rate reflects such factors as the presence or absence of strong social bonds among people, and shifting standards of behavior. We have traced the steps in the “conventional” research process (based on quantitative research). But what steps might be taken in an alternative approach based on qualitative research?
A Qualitative Research Model Although the same underlying logic is involved in both quantitative and qualitative sociological research, the styles of these two models are very different (King, Keohane, and Verba, 1994). As previously stated, qual-
Reflect & Analyze Which of Durkheim’s types of suicide do you think might be applicable in a study of suicide in Japan? Would the same types of suicide be applicable to a study of suicide in the United States? Why or why not? Sources: Based on Bremner, 2000; Lamar, 2000; Lev, 1998; and World Health Organization, 2004b.
itative research is more likely to be used when the research question does not easily lend itself to numbers and statistical methods. As compared to a quantitative model, a qualitative approach often involves a different type of research question and a smaller number of cases. As a result, the outcome of a qualitative study is a complex, more holistic picture of some particular social phenomenon or human problem (King, Keohane, and Verba, 1994; Creswell, 1998). How might qualitative research be used to study suicidal behavior? In studying different rates of suicide among women and men, for example, the social psychologist Silvia Canetto (1992) questioned whether existing theories and quantitative research provided an adequate explanation for gender differences in suicidal behavior and decided that she would explore
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
26
●
Hungary
a job could have one), many people have found themselves unemployed for the first time. Recent statistics showed that 47 percent of those who killed themselves in Japan were unemployed. Business failures and inability to meet basic living costs were two of the major reasons cited for the upswing in deaths among Japanese men. An example was Masaaki Kobayashi, age fifty-one, who left a suicide note asking his firm’s accountant to use Kobayashi’s $3.14 million in life insurance to raise money to head off the bankruptcy of his company. Some social analysts have suggested that additional factors come into play in explaining the high rates of suicide in any nation. Although there is no consensus on the factors associated with suicide in Japan, some analysts attribute the problem to “cultural factors” such as a belief that the group is more important than the individual and that, under certain conditions, suicide is an honorable deed. Examples include the samurais who committed hara-kiri and the kamikaze pilots of World War II. Other analysts believe that the two main Japanese religions—Shintoism and Buddhism—are related to the high rate of suicides because these religions have no moral prohibition on selfkilling. However, it is important for us to realize that these views about cultural differences as factors remain nothing more than assumptions until more social scientists conduct systematic research on these issues and are able to more conclusively demonstrate that cause-and-effect relationships exist.
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Comparative Suicide Rates
STUDYING SOCIETY AND SOCIAL LIFE
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© AP Images/HO
PART I
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Sociological research on suicide has begun to look at issues such as what social factors might motivate suicide bombers. Some researchers might ask why suicide bomber Raed AbdelHameed Mesk (shown here with his children) would take his own life in the process of committing a terrorist attack.
alternate explanations. As a result, Canetto redefined the concept of suicidal behavior to focus on outcome (“fatal” versus “nonfatal”) rather than in terms of intent (“completed” versus “attempted”). Analyzing previous research, Canetto learned that most studies linked suicidal behavior in women to problems in their personal relationships, particularly with members of the opposite sex, whereas men’s suicides were most often linked to performance pressure, especially when their selfesteem and independence were threatened. However, from her analysis of existing research, Canetto believed that gender differences in suicidal behavior are more closely associated with beliefs about and expectations for men and women in a particular culture rather than purely interpersonal crises (Canetto, 1992). As in Canetto’s case, researchers using a qualitative approach may engage in problem formulation to clarify the research question and to develop questions of concern and interest to the research participants (Reinharz, 1992). To create a research design for Canetto’s study, we might start with the proposition that most studies may have attributed women’s and men’s suicidal behavior to the wrong causes. Next, we might decide to interview people who have attempted suicide by using a collaborative approach in which the participants suggest avenues of inquiry that the researcher should explore (Reinharz, 1992). Although Canetto did not gather data in her study, she made an important contribution to our knowledge about gender differences in suicidal behavior by suggesting that there may be a relationship between suicide and feelings of fear, especially in cases of domestic
violence. She also pointed out that cultural norms often encourage nonfatal suicide in women and fatal suicide in men (e.g., “real men” don’t fail when they take their own life). Canetto concluded that most researchers do not explore social structure factors such as the effect of low income or restricted job mobility on women’s suicidal behavior. Similarly, men’s suicidal behavior tends to be linked to the lack of relationships with other people and the loss of social privilege (such as might occur at retirement). In a qualitative approach, the next step is to collect and analyze data to assess the validity of the starting proposition. Qualitative researchers typically gather data in natural settings, such as where people live or work, rather than in a laboratory or other research setting. In this environment, the researcher can play a background rather than a foreground role, and the data analysis frequently uses the language of the people being studied, not the researcher. Often, this approach generates new theories and innovative research that incorporate the perspectives of people previously excluded on the basis of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, or other attributes. Although the qualitative approach follows the conventional research approach in presenting a problem, asking a question, collecting and analyzing data, and seeking to answer the question, it also has several unique features (based on Creswell, 1998, and Kvale, 1996): 1. The researcher begins with a general approach rather than a highly detailed plan. Flexibility is necessary because of the nature of the research question. The topic needs to be explored so that we can know “how” or “what” is going on, but we may not be able to explain “why” a particular social phenomenon is occurring. 2. The researcher has to decide when the literature review and theory application should take place. Initial work may involve redefining existing concepts or reconceptualizing how existing studies have been
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© Michael Newman/PhotoEdit
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
How do sociologists know which research method to use? Are some approaches better than others? Which method is best for a particular problem? Research methods are specific strategies or techniques for systematically conducting research. The methods should be acceptable to a larger community of scholars and nonacademic researchers who routinely engage in research endeavors. Qualitative researchers frequently attempt to study the social world from the point of view of the people they are studying. By contrast, quantitative researchers generally use surveys, secondary analyses of existing statistical data, and experimental designs. We will now look at these research methods.
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Research Methods
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conducted. The literature review may take place at an early stage, before the research design is fully developed, or it may occur after the development of the research design, and after the data collection has already occurred. Many of us who teach sociological theory would like to see greater use of theory to inform both qualitative and quantitative studies because this approach provides a framework for interpreting the data collected (see also Kvale, 1996). 3. The study presents a detailed view of the topic. Qualitative research usually involves a smaller number of cases and many variables, whereas quantitative researchers typically work with a few variables and many cases (Creswell, 1998). 4. Access to people or other resources that can provide the necessary data is crucial. Unlike the quantitative researcher, who often uses existing databases, many qualitative researchers generate their own data. As a result, it is necessary to have access to people and build rapport with them. 5. Appropriate research method(s) are important for acquiring useful qualitative data. Qualitative studies are often based on field research such as observation, participant observation, case studies, ethnography, and unstructured interviews, as discussed in the next section.
Conducting surveys and polls is an important means of gathering data from respondents. Some surveys take place on street corners; increasingly, however, such surveys are done by telephone, Internet, or other means.
income, educational level, and type of employment in regard to people’s attitudes about a juvenile curfew ordinance that prohibits adolescents from being out on the streets at certain nighttime hours. Researchers frequently select a representative sample (a small group of respondents) from a larger population (the total group of people) to answer questions about their attitudes, opinions, or behavior. For example, if the larger population consists of 10,000 people, 51 percent of whom are female, with 30 percent over age 35, a representative sample will have fewer people (perhaps 1,000) but must still consist of 51 percent females, with 30 percent over age 35
Survey Research A survey is a poll in which the researcher gathers facts or attempts to determine the relationships among facts. Surveys are often done when the researcher wants to describe, compare, and predict knowledge, attitudes, and behavior. For example, a community survey might describe and compare such things as
research methods specific strategies or techniques for systematically conducting research. survey a poll in which the researcher gathers facts or attempts to determine the relationships among facts.
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CENSUS PROFILES How People in the United States Self-Identify Regarding Race Beginning with Census 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau has made it possible for people responding to census questions regarding their race to mark more than one racial category. Although the vast majority of respondents select only one category (see below), the Census Bureau reports that in 2003 approximately 4.3 million people (1.48 percent of the population) in the United States self-identified as being of more than one race. As a result, if you look at the figures set forth below, they total more than 100 percent of the total population. How can this be? Simply stated, some individuals are counted at least twice, based on the number of racial categories they listed.
White only 80.5%
Two or more races 1.48%
African American only 12.8%
Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander only 0.17%
Asian American only 4.1%
Native American only 0.95%
Race White alone or in combination with one or more other races African American alone or in combination with one or more other races Asian American alone or in combination with one or more other races Native American alone or in combination with one or more other races Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander alone or in combination with one or more other races Total Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2007.
Percentage of Total Population 81.8
13.3
4.6
1.5
0.3 101.5
(Fink, 1995). Respondents are persons who provide data for analysis through interviews or questionnaires. The Gallup and Harris polls are among the most widely known large-scale surveys; however, government agencies such as the U.S. Census Bureau conduct a variety of surveys as well. Unlike many polls that use various methods of gaining a representative sample of the larger population, the Census Bureau attempts to gain information from all persons in the United States. The decennial census occurs every 10 years, in the years ending in “0.” The purpose of this census is to count the population and housing units of the entire United States. The population count determines how seats in the U.S. House of Representatives are apportioned; however, census figures are also used in formulating public policy and in planning and decision making in the private sector. The Census Bureau attempts to survey the entire U.S. population by using two forms—a “short form” of questions asked of all respondents, and a “long form” that contains additional questions asked of a representative sample of about one in six respondents. Statistics from the Census Bureau provide information that sociologists use in their research. An example is shown in the Census Profiles feature: “How People in the United States Self-Identify Regarding Race.” Note that because of recent changes in the methods used to collect data by the Census Bureau, information on race from the 2000 census is not directly comparable with data from earlier censuses. Surveys are the most widely used research method in the social sciences because they make it possible to study things that are not directly observable—such as people’s attitudes and beliefs—and to describe a population too large to observe directly (Babbie, 2004). Let’s take a brief look at the most frequently used types of surveys. Types of Surveys Survey data are collected by using self-administered questionnaires, face-to-face interviews, and/or telephone interviews. A questionnaire is a printed research instrument containing a series of items to which subjects respond. Items are often in the form of statements with which the respondent is asked to “agree” or “disagree.” Questionnaires may be administered by interviewers in face-to-face encounters or by telephone, but the most commonly used technique is the self-administered questionnaire. The questionnaires are typically mailed or delivered to the respondents’ homes; however, they may also be administered to groups of respondents gathered at the same place at the same time. Sociologist Kevin E. Early (1992), for example, conducted a survey regarding the lower rates of suicide among African Americans than whites in the United
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questionnaire a printed research instrument containing a series of items to which subjects respond. interview a research method using a data-collection encounter in which an interviewer asks the respondent questions and records the answers.
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
respondents persons who provide data for analysis through interviews or questionnaires.
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if the rate of self-poisoning and the choice of overdose drugs were influenced by a television drama, Casualty, which portrayed an acetaminophen overdose in one of its episodes. Questionnaires were completed by more than 1,000 self-poisoning patients during the three-week periods before and after the program was broadcast. Was there a direct link between viewing the episode and the person’s decision to take an overdose, choice of drug, and speed with which he or she arrived at the hospital? According to the researchers, there was a 17 percent increase in the number of hospital patients who reported that they engaged in self-poisoning in the week after the broadcast, and a 9 percent increase in the second week. Moreover, the rate of poisonings by acetaminophen increased more than that of any other drug. In fact, 20 percent of the patients interviewed indicated that the program had influenced their decision to overdose, and 17 percent said it had influenced their drug choice (Hawton, Simkin, Deeks, et al., 1999). Interviews have specific advantages. They are usually more effective in dealing with complicated issues and provide an opportunity for face-to-face communication between the interviewer and the respondent. When open-ended questions are used, the researcher may gain new perspectives. The pastors interviewed in Early’s study distinguished between suicide (which is “unthinkable for black people” because it is a “white thing, not a black thing”) and alcohol abuse, drug addiction, and homicide (which are wrong and “sinful” but are “an understandable response to the socioeconomic and political conditions of blacks in the United States”) (Early, 1992: 79). When closedended questions are used, it is easier for interviewers to code responses and for researchers to compare individuals’ responses across categories of interest. For example, researchers in the overdose study were able to compare such variables as sex, age, choice of overdose drug, history of taking overdoses, and whether the choice of substance was influenced by television programs. Based on their findings, the researchers argued that media portrayals of self-poisoning or selfinjury on popular television shows may contribute to self-harming behavior and choice of method used,
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States. Early collected and analyzed survey data to test his hypothesis that “the black church’s influence is an essential factor in ameliorating and buffering social forces that otherwise would lead to suicide.” A selfadministered questionnaire was completed by congregation members in conjunction with services at six black churches considered representative of the thirtyseven black churches in Gainesville, Florida. Self-administered questionnaires have certain strengths. They are relatively simple and inexpensive to administer, they allow for rapid data collection and analysis, and they permit respondents to remain anonymous (an important consideration when the questions are of a personal nature). A major disadvantage is the low response rate. Mailed surveys sometimes have a response rate as low as 10 percent—and a 50 percent response rate is considered by some to be minimally adequate (Babbie, 2004). The response rate is usually somewhat higher if the survey is handed out to a group that is asked to fill it out on the spot. Moreover, for surveys involving ethnically diverse or international respondents, the questionnaire must be available in languages other than English (Fink, 1995). Survey data may also be collected by interviews. An interview is a data-collection encounter in which an interviewer asks the respondent questions and records the answers. Survey research often uses structured interviews, in which the interviewer asks questions from a standardized questionnaire. Structured interviews tend to produce uniform or replicable data that can be elicited time after time by different interviews. For example, in addition to surveying congregation members, Early (1992) conducted interviews with pastors of African American churches, using a series of open-ended questions. Next, he read four vignettes (stories about people) relating to suicide to the pastors and then asked questions designed to determine the pastors’ opinions and attitudes concerning the behavior displayed in the vignettes. His goal was to learn the extent to which the African American church reinforces attitudes, values, beliefs, and norms that discourage suicide. Unlike the open-ended questions used in Early’s more qualitative approach, closed-ended questions may be used when researchers want to have a large number of respondents and to generate standardized answers to questions. For example, in a study involving forty-nine hospital accident and emergency departments and psychiatric services in the United Kingdom, researchers developed closed-ended questions to be asked of patients who had attempted suicide by poisoning. The purpose of the study was to determine if media representation of suicide and deliberate selfharm encouraged suicidal behavior in vulnerable individuals. Specifically, the researchers wanted to know
and thus should be of concern to the general public and to media producers as well (Hawton, Simkin, Deeks, et al., 1999). As this and other research studies show, interviews provide a wide variety of useful information; however, a major disadvantage is the cost and time involved in conducting the interviews and analyzing the results. Also, one weakness of interviews is that in responding to the questions asked, people may be influenced by the interviewer’s race, age, sex, size, or other attributes. A quicker method of administering questionnaires is the telephone survey, which is becoming an increasingly popular way to collect data. Telephone surveys save time and money as compared to selfadministered questionnaires or face-toface interviews. Some respondents may be more honest than when they are facing an interviewer. Telephone surveys also give greater control over data collection and provide greater personal safety for respondents and researchers than do personal encounters. In computer-assisted telephone interviewing (sometimes called CATI), the interviewer uses a computer to dial random telephone numbers, reads the questions shown on the video monitor to the respondent, and then types the responses into the computer terminal. The answers are immediately stored in the central computer, which automatically prepares them for data analysis. Although use of the CATI system overcomes the problem of unlisted telephone numbers by randomly dialing numbers, it is limited by people’s widespread use of answering machines, voice mail, and caller ID to filter their incoming telephone calls. © Masterfile-RF
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Strengths and Weaknesses of Surveys Survey research has several important strengths. First, it is useful in describing the characteristics of a large population without having to interview each person in that population. Second, survey research enables the researcher to search for causes and effects and to assess the relative importance of a number of variables. In recent years, computer technology has enhanced our ability to do multivariate analysis—research involving more than two independent variables. For example, to assess the influence of religion on suicidal behavior among African Americans, a researcher might look at the effects of age, sex, income level, and other variables all at once to determine which of these independent variables influences suicide the most or least and how influential each variable is relative to the others. Third, survey research can be useful in analyzing social change or in documenting the existence of a social problem.
Computer-assisted telephone interviewing is an easy and cost-efficient method of conducting research. The widespread use of answering machines, voice mail, and caller ID may make this form of research more difficult in the twenty-first century.
Contemporary scholars have used survey research to provide information about such problems as racial discrimination, sexual harassment, and sex-based inequality in employment by documenting the fact that they are more widespread than previously thought (Reinharz, 1992). Survey research also has weaknesses. One is that the use of standardized questions tends to force respondents into categories in which they may or may not belong. Another weakness concerns validity. People’s opinions on issues seldom take the form of a standard response ranging from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree.” Moreover, as in other types of research, people may be less than truthful, especially on emotionally charged issues such as suicide, thus making reliance on self-reported attitudes problematic. Some scholars have also criticized the way survey data are used. They believe that survey data do not always constitute the “hard facts” that other analysts may use to justify changes in public policy or law. For example, survey statistics may over- or underestimate the extent of a problem and work against some categories of people more than others, as shown in ◆ Table 2.1.
Secondary Analysis of Existing Data In secondary analysis, researchers use existing material and analyze data that were originally collected by others. Existing data sources include public re-
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TOPIC
Research Finding
At least 250,000 people in this country are homeless.
At least 32,439 Americans committed suicide in 2004.
Possible Problem
Does that badly underestimate the total number of homeless people?
Are suicide rates different for some categories of U.S. citizens?
Explanation
The homeless are difficult to count, frequently attempting to avoid interviews with census takers. Critics of the census figures assert the actual number may be 3 million and that the government intentionally undercounts the homeless.
U.S. census data place Latinos/as in the category of whites. Other than African Americans, all other people of color are listed as “nonwhite—other.” Thus, census data on specific categories are not available.
As the examples in this table show, statistics provide certain insights on the prevalence of social issues such as homelessness and suicide but do not always provide the answer regarding the nature and extent of the problem. What difficulties do researchers encounter when gathering data on people?
cords, official reports of organizations and government agencies, and surveys conducted by researchers in universities and private corporations. Research data gathered from studies are available in data banks, such as the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, the National Opinion Research Center (NORC), and the Roper Public Opinion Research Center. Other sources of data for secondary analysis are books, magazines, newspapers, radio and television programs, and personal documents. Secondary analysis is referred to as unobtrusive research because it has no impact on the people being studied. In Durkheim’s study of suicide, for example, his analysis of existing statistics on suicide did nothing to increase or decrease the number of people who actually committed suicide. Analyzing Existing Statistics Secondary analysis may involve obtaining raw data collected by other researchers and undertaking a statistical analysis of the data, or it may involve the use of other researchers’ existing statistical analyses. In analysis of existing statistics, the unit of analysis is often not the individual. Most existing statistics are aggregated: They describe a group. Durkheim wanted to determine whether Protestants or Catholics were more likely to commit suicide; however, none of the available records indicated the religion of those who committed suicide. Although Durkheim suggested that Protestants were more likely to commit suicide than Catholics, it was impossible for him to determine that from the existing data. In a contemporary study of suicide, K. D. Breault (1986) analyzed secondary data collected by government agencies to test Durkheim’s hypothesis that religion and social integration provide protection from suicide. Using suicide as the dependent variable and
church membership, divorce, unemployment, and female labor force participation as several of his independent variables, Breault performed a series of sophisticated statistical analyses and concluded that the data supported Durkheim’s views on social integration and his theory of egoistic suicide. He also found support for Durkheim’s proposition that Catholics are less likely to commit suicide than are Protestants. However, it should be noted that Durkheim did not attribute lower rates of suicide among Catholics to the role of church beliefs as much as to the tendency of Catholicism to promote social integration through rituals and regulation of standards of faith and moral conduct (Ellison, Burr, and McCall, 1997). Numerous other studies have used secondary data to examine the relationship between religious factors and rates of suicide. For example, in a recent study, researchers used data from sources including the National Center for Health Statistics and a large survey of religious denominations to examine the extent to which religious homogeneity—how well community residents adhere to a single religion or a small number of faiths—is associated with lower suicide rates (Ellison, Burr, and McCall, 1997). Using larger categories such as conservative Protestant, moderate Protestant, Catholic, Mormon, Orthodox, and Jewish, the researchers concluded that religious homogeneity was linked with lower suicide rates, particularly in the northeastern and southern United States (Ellison, Burr, and McCall, 1997).
secondary analysis a research method in which researchers use existing material and analyze data that were originally collected by others.
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
Suicide in the United States
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Homelessness in the United States
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◆ Table 2.1 Statistics: What We Know (and Don’t Know)
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Box 2.3 Framing Suicide in the Media
Sociology Versus Sensationalism Front Page: New York Post, March 10, 2004: The daughter of a Silicon Valley executive has become the fourth New York University student to die in a plunge this academic year. [Name of student,] 19, jumped . . . from the roof of her boyfriend’s 24-story apartment building Saturday after having a fight with him. (New York Post, 2004: 1) New York Times, March 10, 2004: The suicide of a New York University student who fell to her death from a rooftop off campus on Saturday chilled students, who learned about it in an e-mail message from university officials on Monday. It was the fourth N.Y.U. student death this year. One N.Y.U. student committed suicide last semester by jumping from a high floor of the Elmer Holmes Bobst Library. A second student also jumped from a high floor in the library, but the city medical examiner’s office found that he had been on drugs and ruled his death an accident. They have not yet ruled on the death of a third student, a young woman who fell to her death from the window of a friend’s apartment near Washington Square Park. . . . (Arenson, 2004) Compare these two news accounts of a college student’s suicide. One source is a tabloid; the other is a so-called mainstream national newspaper. Tabloids have a newspa-
Analyzing Content Content analysis is the systematic examination of cultural artifacts or various forms of communication to extract thematic data and draw conclusions about social life. Cultural artifacts are products of individual activity, social organizations, technology, and cultural patterns (Reinharz, 1992). Among the materials studied are written records, such as diaries, love letters, poems, books, and graffiti, and narratives and visual texts, such as movies, television programs, advertisements, and greeting cards. Also studied are material culture, such as music, art, and even garbage, and behavioral residues, such as patterns of wear and tear on the floors in front of various exhibits at museums to determine which exhibits are the most popular (see Webb et al., 1966). Harriet Martineau stated that more could be learned about a society in a day by studying “things” than by talking with individuals for a year (Martineau, 1988/1838). Researchers may look for regular patterns, such as frequency of suicide as a topic on television talk shows.
per format but are smaller in size. They typically provide readers with a condensed version of the news and contain illustrated, often sensational material that they hope will encourage people to buy that day’s paper at the newsstand or vending machine. It is no surprise that in its effort to attract readers, the tabloid placed a large, four-color photo of the student jumping to her death on the front page and suggested a cause of suicide (a fight with her boyfriend) that might entice readers. By contrast, the New York Times article begins with a description of how this student’s death might affect other students and explains how school officials notified them of the tragedy. No picture was included with the coverage. As these examples show, the media offer us different vantage points from which to view a given social event based on how they frame the information they provide to their audience. The term media framing refers to the process by which information and entertainment are packaged by the mass media (newspapers, magazines, radio and television networks and stations, and the Internet) before being presented to an audience. This process includes factors such as the amount of exposure given to a story, where it is placed, the positive or negative tone it conveys, and its accompanying headlines, photographs, or other visual or auditory effects (if any). Through framing, the media emphasize some beliefs and values over others and manipulate salience by directing people’s attention to
They may also examine subject matter to determine how it has been handled, such as how the mass media handle the subject of suicide (see Box 2.3 for an example). Content analysis provides objective coding procedures for analyzing written material (see Berg, 1998; Manning and Cullum-Swan, 1994). It also allows for the counting and arranging of data into clearly identifiable categories (manifest coding) and provides for the creation of analytically developed categories (latent or open coding). Using latent or open coding, it is possible to identify general themes, create generalizations, and develop “grounded theoretical” explanations (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). As this explanation suggests, researchers use both qualitative and quantitative procedures in content analysis. How might a social scientist use content analysis in research on why people commit suicide? Suicide notes and diaries are useful forms of cultural artifacts. Suicide notes have been subjected to extensive analysis because
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they are “ultrapersonal documents” that are not solicited by others and frequently are written just before the person’s death (Leenaars, 1988: 34). Many notes provide new levels of meaning regarding the individuality of the person who committed or attempted suicide. Suicide notes and diaries often reveal that people committing suicide consider their death as a “passing on to another world” or simply “escaping this world.” Some notes indicate that people may want to get revenge and make other people feel guilty or responsible for their suicide: “Now you’ll be sorry for what you did” or “It’s all your fault!” Thus, suicide notes may be a valuable starting point for finding patterns of suicidal behavior and determining the characteristics of people who are most likely to commit suicide (Leenaars, 1988). Today, researchers analyze the suicide notes of both women and men. However, earlier studies of suicide notes primarily focused only on those written by men, even though women have been found to leave notes more often than do men (Lester, 1988, 1992).
In our mass-mediated culture, many sociologists agree that the media do much more than simply mirror society: The media help shape our society and our cultural perceptions on many issues, including seemingly individual behavior such as suicide.
Reflect & Analyze Have you ever read two media accounts of the same event that were examples of very different approaches to framing? Are we influenced by how the media frame news and entertainment stories even when we think we are unaffected by such coverage? We will return to this issue in some later chapters.
Strengths and Weaknesses of Secondary Analysis One strength of secondary analysis is that data are readily available and inexpensive. Another is that, because the researcher often does not collect the data personally, the chances of bias may be reduced. In addition, the use of existing sources makes it possible to analyze longitudinal data to provide a historical context within which to locate original research. However, secondary analysis has inherent problems. For one thing, the data may be incomplete, unauthentic, or inaccurate. A second issue is that the various data from which content analysis is done may not be strictly comparable with one another (Reinharz, 1992), and coding this data—
content analysis the systematic examination of cultural artifacts or various forms of communication to extract thematic data and draw conclusions about social life.
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
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Do television and newspaper reports of suicides simplify the reasons for the suicide? Many factors interact in a complex manner to contribute to a person’s decision to commit suicide, but one or more factors do not necessarily cause a suicide to occur. The media often report a final precipitating situation (such as a fight with a boyfriend or girlfriend, losing one’s job, or getting a divorce) that distressed the individual prior to suicide but do not inform audiences that this was not the only cause of this suicide. Are readers and viewers provided with repetitive, ongoing, and excessive reporting on a suicide? Repeated sensationalistic framing of stories about suicide may contribute to suicide contagion. Some people are more
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at risk because of age, stress, and/or other personal problems. For example, suicide clusters (suicides occurring close together in time and location) are most common among people fifteen to twenty-four years of age who may not have known the original suicide victim and learned of the details from the media only. Do the media use dramatic photographs (such as of the person committing suicide or friends and family weeping and showing great emotion at the victim’s funeral) primarily to sell papers or increase viewer ratings? Photographs and other sensational material are potentially most damaging for people who have longstanding mental health problems or who have limited social networks to provide them with hope, encouragement, and guidance (American Association of Suicidology, 2006).
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some ideas while ignoring others. As such, a frame constitutes a story line or an unfolding narrative about an issue. These narratives are organizations of experience that bring order to events. Consequently, such narratives wield power because they influence how we make sense of the world (Kendall, 2005). Thinking sociologically, what problems exist in how the media frame stories about a social issue such as suicide? As discussed in this chapter, the early sociologist Emile Durkheim believed that we should view even seemingly individual actions—such as suicide—from a sociological perspective that focuses on the part that social groups and societies play in patterns of behavior rather than focusing on the individual attributes of people who commit such acts. If we use a sociological approach to analyzing how the media frame stories about suicide, here are three issues to consider:
PART I
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58 sorting, categorizing, and organizing them into conceptual categories—may be difficult (Babbie, 2004).
Field Research Field research is the study of social life in its natural setting: observing and interviewing people where they live, work, and play. Some kinds of behavior can be studied best by “being there”; a fuller understanding can be developed through observations, face-to-face discussions, and participation in events. Researchers use these methods to generate qualitative data: observations that are best described verbally rather than numerically. Although field research is less structured and more flexible than the other methods we have discussed, it still places many demands on the researcher. To engage in field research, sociologists must select the method or combination of methods that will best reveal what they want to know. For example, they must decide how to approach the target group, whether to identify themselves as researchers, and whether to participate in the events they are observing. Participant Observation Sociologists who are interested in observing social interaction as it occurs may use participant observation. Participant observation refers to the process of collecting data while being part of the activities of the group that the researcher is studying. As this definition states, the researcher gains insight into some aspect of social life by participating in what is going on while observing what is taking place. Let’s assume that you wanted to study how volunteers at a suicide prevention center learned how to counsel people by telephone. You might become a volunteer-in-training and attend the orientation sessions for volunteers, taking notes on how others responded to the information being provided and how various volunteers interacted with one another. Then you might serve as a “hotline” volunteer, not only seeking to help the people who called but also observing how the volunteers interacted with callers. Throughout this process, of course, you would have to be aware of issues relating to ethics and with conducting research with human subjects, as discussed later in this chapter. What are the strengths of participant observation research? Participant observation generates more “inside” information than simply asking questions or observing from the outside. For example, to learn more about how coroners make a ruling of “suicide” in connection with a death and to analyze what, if any, effect such a ruling has on the accuracy of “official” suicide statistics, sociologist Steve Taylor (1982) engaged in participant observation at a coroner’s office over a sixmonth period. As he followed a number of cases from
the initial report of death through the various stages of investigation, Taylor found that it was important to “be around” so that he could listen to the discussion of particular cases and ask the coroners questions. According to Taylor, intuition and guesswork play a much larger part in coroners’ decisions than they are willing to acknowledge. What are the limitations of participant observation research? This type of research requires time and expertise on the part of the researcher, who must be able to become a participant while still maintaining some distance from those being observed. Interpreting the results of this type of research also requires that the researchers distance themselves from people with whom they may have spent a great deal of time and with whom they developed personal relationships during the research project. Case Studies Most participant observation research takes the form of a case study, which is often an indepth, multifaceted investigation of a single event, person, or social grouping (Feagin, Orum, and Sjoberg, 1991). However, a case study may also involve multiple cases and is then referred to as a collective case study (Stake, 1995). Whether the case is single or collective, most case studies require detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of rich information such as documents and records and the use of methods such as participant observation, unstructured or in-depth interviews, and life histories (Creswell, 1998). As they collect extensive amounts of data, the researchers seek to develop a detailed description of the case, to analyze the themes or issues that emerge, and to interpret or create their own assertions about the case (Stake, 1995). When do social scientists decide to do case studies? Initially, some researchers have only a general idea of what they wish to investigate. In other cases, they literally “back into” the research. They may find themselves close to interesting people or situations. For example, the anthropologist Elliot Liebow “backed into” his study of single, homeless women living in emergency shelters by becoming a volunteer at a shelter. As he got to know the women, Liebow became fascinated with their lives and survival strategies. Prior to Liebow’s research, most studies of the homeless focused primarily on men. These studies typically asked questions such as “How many homeless are there?” and “What proportion of the homeless are chronically mentally ill?” By contrast, Liebow wanted to know more about the homeless women themselves, wondering such things as “What are they carrying in those [shopping] bags?” (Coughlin, 1993: A8). Liebow spent the next four years engaged in participant observation research that culminated in his book Tell Them Who I Am (1993).
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field research the study of social life in its natural setting: observing and interviewing people where they live, work, and play. participant observation a research method in which researchers collect data while being part of the activities of the group being studied. ethnography a detailed study of the life and activities of a group of people by researchers who may live with that group over a period of years.
© Ariel Skelley/Getty Images
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
In participant observation studies, the researcher must decide whether to let people know they are being studied. After Liebow decided that he would like to take notes on informal conversations and conduct interviews with the women, he asked the shelter director and the women for permission and told them that he would like to write about them. Liebow’s findings are discussed in Chapter 5 (“Society, Social Structure, and Interaction”). Although some social scientists gain permission from their subjects, others fear that people will refuse to participate or will change their behavior if they know they are being observed. On the one hand, researchers who do not obtain consent from their subjects may be acting unethically. On the other hand, when subjects know they are being observed, they risk succumbing to the Hawthorne effect (discussed later in this chapter). The next step is to gain the trust of participants. Liebow had previous experience in blending in with individuals he wanted to observe when he gained the trust of young, lower-class African American men who talked and passed time on an inner-city street
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Field research takes place in a wide variety of settings. For example, how might sociologists study the ways in which parents and their college-age children cope with change when the students first leave home and move into college housing?
Ethnography An ethnography is a detailed study of the life and activities of a group of people by researchers who may live with that group over a period of years (Feagin, Orum, and Sjoberg, 1991). Although this approach is similar in some ways to participant observation, these studies typically take place over much longer periods of time. In fact, ethnography has been referred to as “the study of the way of life of a group of people” (Prus, 1996). For example, Middletown and Middletown in Transition describe the sociologists Robert Lynd and Helen Lynd’s (1929, 1937) study in Muncie, Indiana. The Lynds, who lived in this midwestern town for a number of years, applied ethnographic research to the daily lives of residents, conducting interviews and reading newspaper files in order to build a historical base for their own research. The Lynds showed how a dominant family “ruled” the city and how the working class developed as a result of industry moving into Muncie. They concluded that the people had strong beliefs about the importance of religion, hard work, self-reliance, and civic pride. When a team of sociologists returned to Muncie in the late 1970s, they found that the people there still held these views (Bahr and Caplow, 1991).
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corner in Washington, D.C., in the 1960s. In his classic study Tally’s Corner (1967), Liebow described how he (as a thirty-seven-year-old white anthropology graduate student) played pool and drank beer with his subjects. While interacting with the men, Liebow gathered a large volume of data which led him to conclude that his subjects had created their own “society” after being unable to find a place in the existing one. Liebow found “insiders” to help him gain the trust of other participants in his research. In a participant observation study, you may wish to identify possible informants—individuals who introduce you to others, give you suggestions about how to “get around” in the natural setting, and provide you with essential insider information on what you are observing. Informants are especially useful in the community study/ethnography fields.
In another classic study, Street Corner Society, the sociologist William F. Whyte (1988/1943) conducted long-term participant observation studies in Boston’s low-income Italian neighborhoods. Whereas “outsiders” generally regarded these neighborhoods as disorganized slums with high crime rates, Whyte found the residents to be hardworking people who tried to take care of one another. More recently, the sociologist Elijah Anderson (1990) conducted a study in two Philadelphia neighborhoods—one populated by lowincome African Americans, the other racially mixed but becoming increasingly middle- to upper-income and white. Over the course of fourteen years, Anderson spent numerous hours on the streets, talking and listening to the people (Anderson, 1990: ix). In this longitudinal study, Anderson was able to document the changes brought about by drug abuse, loss of jobs, decreases in city services despite increases in taxes, and the eventual exodus of middle-income people. As these examples show, ethnographic work involves not only immersing oneself into the group or community that the researcher studies but also engaging in dialogue to learn more about social life through ongoing interaction with others (Burawoy, 1991).
Cover used by permission of W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. Cover photo © Camilo Jose Vergara.
Unstructured Interviews An unstructured interview is an extended, open-ended interaction between an interviewer and an interviewee. This type of interview is referred to as an unstructured, or nonstandardized, interview because few predetermined or standardized procedures are established for conducting it. Because many decisions have to be made during the interview, this approach requires that the researcher have a high level of skill in interviewing and extensive knowledge regarding the interview topic (Kvale, 1996). Here, the interviewer has a general plan of inquiry but not a specific set of questions that must
© Addison Geary
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STUDYING SOCIETY AND SOCIAL LIFE
60 be asked, as is often the case with surveys. Unstructured interviews are essentially conversations in which interviewers establish the general direction by asking open-ended questions, to which interviewees may respond flexibly. Interviewers have the ability to “shift gears” to pursue specific topics raised by interviewees because answers to one question are used to suggest the next question or new areas of inquiry. Sociologist Joe Feagin’s (1991) study of middle-class African Americans is an example of research that used in-depth interviews to examine public discrimination and victims’ coping strategies. No specific questions were asked regarding discrimination in public accommodations or other public places. Rather, discussion of discrimination was generated by answers to general questions about barriers to personal goals or in digressions in answers to specific questions about employment, education, and housing (Feagin, 1991). Even in unstructured interviews, researchers must prepare a few general or “lead-in” questions to get the interview started. Following the interviewee’s initial responses, the interviewer may wish to ask additional questions on the same topic, probe for more information (by using questions such as “In what ways?” or “Anything else?”), or introduce a new line of inquiry. At all points in the interview, careful listening is essential. It provides the opportunity to introduce new questions as the interview proceeds while simultaneously keeping the interview focused on the research topic. It also enables the interviewer to envision the interviewees’ experiences and to glean multiple levels of meaning. The Interview and Sampling Process Before conducting in-depth interviews, researchers must make a number of decisions, including how the people to be interviewed will be selected. Respondents for unstruc-
Elijah Anderson (at left in photo) conducted an ethnographic study of two very different Philadelphia neighborhoods that became the basis for his landmark study Code of the Street. What can researchers learn from ethnographic research that might be less apparent if they used other methods to study human behavior?
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An experiment is a carefully designed situation in which the researcher studies the impact of certain variables on subjects’ attitudes or behavior. Experiments are designed to create “real-life” situations, ideally
unstructured interview an extended, openended interaction between an interviewer and an interviewee. experiment a research method involving a carefully designed situation in which the researcher studies the impact of certain variables on subjects’ attitudes or behavior.
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
Strengths and Weaknesses of Field Research Participant observation research, case studies, ethnography, and unstructured interviews provide opportunities for researchers to view from the inside what may
Experiments
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Interviews and Theory Construction In-depth interviews, along with participant observation and case studies, are frequently used to develop theories through observation. The term grounded theory was developed by sociologists Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967) to describe this inductive method of theory construction. Researchers who use grounded theory collect and analyze data simultaneously. For example, after in-depth interviews with 106 suicide attempters, researchers in one study concluded that half of the individuals who attempted suicide wanted both to live and to die at the time of their attempt. From these unstructured interviews, it became obvious that ambivalence led about half of “serious” suicidal attempters to “literally gamble with death” (Kovacs and Beck, 1977, qtd. in Taylor, 1982: 144). After asking their initial unstructured questions of the interviewees, Kovacs and Taylor decided to widen the research question from “Why do people kill themselves?” to a broader question: “Why do people engage in acts of self damage which may result in death?” In other words, uncertainty of outcome is a common feature of most suicidal acts. In previous studies, researchers had simply assumed that in “dangerous attempts” the individual really wanted to die whereas in “moderate” attempts the person was ambivalent (Taylor, 1982: 160).
not be obvious to an outside observer. They are useful when attitudes and behaviors can be understood best within their natural setting or when the researcher wants to study social processes and change over a period of time. They provide a wealth of information about the reactions of people and give us an opportunity to generate theories from the data collected (Whyte, 1989). For example, through unstructured interviews, researchers gain access to “people’s ideas, thoughts, and memories in their own words rather than in the words of the researcher” (Reinharz, 1992: 19). Research of this type is important for the study of race, ethnicity, and gender because it often includes those who have been previously excluded from studies and provides information about them. Social scientists who believe that quantitative research methods (such as survey research) provide the most scientific and accurate means of measuring attitudes, beliefs, and behavior are often critical of data obtained through field research. They argue that what is learned from a specific group or community cannot be generalized to a larger population. They also suggest that the data collected in natural settings are descriptive and do not lend themselves to precise measurement. Researchers who want to determine cause and effect or to test a theory emphasize that it is impossible to demonstrate such relationships from participant observation studies. For these reasons and others, some qualitative researchers (particularly ethnographers) use computer-assisted qualitative data analysis (CAQDA) programs. Such programs make it easier for researchers to enter, organize, annotate, code, retrieve, count, and analyze data (Dohan and SanchezJankowski, 1998). However, other ethnographers and field researchers do not use CAQDA programs in their research (see Charmaz and Olesen, 1997; Horowitz, 1997; and Morrill and Fine, 1997).
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tured interviews are often chosen by “snowball sampling.” In snowball sampling, the researcher interviews a few individuals who possess a certain characteristic; these interviewees are then asked to supply the names of others with the same characteristic. The process continues until the sample has “snowballed” into an acceptable size and no new information of any significance is being gained. Researchers must make other key decisions. Will people be interviewed more than once? If so, how long will the interviews be? Are there a specific number and order of questions to be followed? Will the interviewees have an opportunity to question the interviewer? Where will the interview take place? How will information be recorded? Who should do the interviewing? Who should be present at the interview? (Reinharz, 1992; Kvale, 1996). Unstructured, openended interviews do not mean that the researcher simply walks into a room, has a conversation with someone, and the research is complete. Planning and preparation are essential. Similarly, the follow-up, analysis of data, and write-up of the study must be carefully designed and carried out.
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under controlled circumstances, in which the influence of different variables can be modified and measured.
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Types of Experiments Conventional experiments require that subjects be divided into two groups: an experimental group and a control group. The experimental group contains the subjects who are exposed to an independent variable (the experimental condition) to study its effect on them. The control group contains the subjects who are not exposed to the independent variable. The members of the two groups are matched for similar characteristics so that comparisons may be made between the groups. In the simplest experimental design, subjects are (1) pretested (measured) in terms of the dependent variable in the hypothesis, (2) exposed to a stimulus representing an independent variable, and (3) post-tested (remeasured) in terms of the dependent variable. The experimental and control groups are then compared to see if they differ in relation to the dependent variable, and the hypothesis stating the relationship of the two variables is confirmed or rejected. In a laboratory experiment, subjects are studied in a closed setting so that researchers can maintain as much control as possible over the research. For example, if you wanted to examine the influence of the media on attitudes regarding suicide, you might decide to use a laboratory experiment. Sociologist Arturo Biblarz and colleagues (1991) designed a laboratory study to investigate the effects of the media on people’s attitudes toward suicide. Researchers showed one group of subjects a film about suicide, showed a second group a film about violence, and showed a third a film containing neither suicide nor violence. Some evidence was found that media exposure to suicidal acts or violence may arouse an emotional state favorable to suicidal behavior, especially in those persons already “at risk” for suicide.
Not all experiments occur in laboratory settings. Natural experiments are real-life occurrences such as floods and other disasters that provide researchers with “living laboratories.” Sociologist Kai Erikson (1976) studied the consequences of a deadly 1972 flood in Buffalo Creek, West Virginia, and found that extensive disruption of community ties occurred. Natural experiments cannot be replicated because it is impossible to re-create the exact conditions, nor would we want to do so. Demonstrating Cause-and-Effect Relationships Researchers may use experiments when they want to demonstrate that a cause-and-effect relationship exists between variables. In order to show that a change in one variable causes a change in another, these three conditions must be fulfilled: 1. You must show that a correlation exists between the two variables. Correlation exists when two variables are associated more frequently than could be expected by chance (Hoover, 1992). For example, suppose that you wanted to test the hypothesis that the availability of a crisis intervention center with a twenty-four-hour counseling “hotline” on your campus causes a change in students’ attitudes toward suicide (see Figure 2.4). To demonstrate correlation, you would need to show that the students had different attitudes toward committing suicide depending on whether they had any experience with the crisis intervention center. 2. You must ensure that the independent variable preceded the dependent variable. If differences in students’ attitudes toward suicide were evident before the students were exposed to the intervention center, exposure to the center could not be the cause of these differences. 3. You must make sure that any change in the dependent variable was not due to an extraneous variable—one outside the stated hypothesis. If some of the students receive counseling from off-campus psychiatrists, any change in attitude that they experience could be due to this third variable and not to the hotline. This is referred to as a spurious correlation—the association of two variables that is actually caused by a third variable and does not demonstrate a cause-and-effect relationship.
Do extremely violent video games cause an increase in violent tendencies in their users? Experiments are one way to test this hypothesis.
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Psychiatric counseling Exposure to hotline
Strengths and Weaknesses of Experiments The major advantage of the controlled experiment is the researcher’s control over the environment and the ability to isolate the experimental variable. Because many experiments require relatively little time and money and can be conducted with limited numbers of subjects, it is possible for researchers to replicate an experiment several times by using different groups of subjects. Replication strengthens claims about the validity and generalizability of the original research findings (Babbie, 2004). Perhaps the greatest limitation of experiments is that they are artificial. Social processes that occur in a laboratory setting often do not occur in the same way in real-life settings. For example, social scientists frequently rely on volunteers or captive audiences. As a result, the subjects of most experiments may not be representative of a larger population, and the findings cannot be generalized to other groups. Experiments have several other limitations. First, the rigid control and manipulation of variables demanded by experiments do not allow for a more communal approach to data gathering. Second, biases can influence each of the stages in an experiment, and research subjects may become the objects of sex/class/race biases. Third, the unnatural characteristics of laboratory experiments and of group competition in such settings have a negative effect on subjects (Reinharz, 1992). Researchers acknowledge that experiments have the additional problem of reactivity—the tendency of subjects to change their behavior in response to the researcher or to the fact that they know they are being studied. This problem was first noted in a study conducted between 1927 and 1932 by the social psychologist Elton Mayo, who used a series of experiments to determine how worker productivity and morale might be improved at Western Electric’s Hawthorne plant.
Unfavorable attitude toward suicide
To identify variables that tend to increase worker productivity, Mayo separated one group of women (the experimental group) from the other workers and then systematically varied factors in that group’s work environment while closely observing them. Meanwhile, the working conditions of the other workers (the control group) were not changed. The researchers tested a number of hypotheses, including one stating that an increase in the amount of lighting would raise the workers’ productivity. Much to the researchers’ surprise, the level of productivity rose not only when the lighting was brightened but also when it was dimmed. Indeed, all of the changes increased productivity. Mayo concluded that the subjects were trying to please the researchers because of the interest being shown in the subjects (Roethlisberger and Dickson, 1939). Thus, the Hawthorne effect refers to changes in the subject’s behavior caused by the researcher’s presence or by the subject’s awareness of being studied.
experimental group in an experiment, the group that contains the subjects who are exposed to an independent variable (the experimental condition) to study its effect on them. control group in an experiment, the group containing the subjects who are not exposed to the independent variable. correlation a relationship that exists when two variables are associated more frequently than could be expected by chance. Hawthorne effect a phenomenon in which changes in a subject’s behavior are caused by the researcher’s presence or by the subject’s awareness of being studied.
SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS
b. Possible causal explanation
A study might find that exposure to a suicide hotline is associated (correlated) with a change in attitude toward suicide. But if some of the people who were exposed to the hotline also received psychiatric counseling, the counseling may be the “hidden” cause of the observed change in attitude. In general, correlations alone do not prove causation.
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Unfavorable attitude toward suicide
Exposure to hotline
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Figure 2.4 Correlation
a. Observed correlation
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64 Other aspects of this study are discussed in Chapter 6 (“Groups and Organizations”).
Multiple Methods: Triangulation What is the best method for studying a particular topic? How can we get accurate answers to questions about suicide and other important social concerns? The Concept Quick Review compares the various social research methods. There is no one best research method because of the “complexity of social reality and the limitations of all research methodologies” (Snow and Anderson, 1991: 158). Many sociologists believe that it is best to combine multiple methods in a given study. Triangulation is the term used to describe this approach (Denzin, 1989). Triangulation refers not only to research methods but also to multiple data sources, investigators, and theoretical perspectives in a study. Multiple data sources include persons, situations, contexts, and time (Snow and Anderson, 1991). For example, in a study of “unattached homeless men and women living in and passing through Austin, Texas, in the mid-1980s,” sociologists
David
