The Assumption of Moses. A Critical Edition with Commentary (Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha 10)

ilt-ljldft

rl!v -,llv

unn4\

--

ptllri/1IIS - per .,.,. iJJis

11v o\looa

... promisil ... ptlll"i/JII.r~­

IDI!illis

~ ..a
quw

From a grammatical point of view, however, we must understand ut detur 10 be a continuation of ut indMcaz. But possibly ut denu rendc:rs an infinitive lioWm dependent on the Gr=k underlying dDuJm; see gnmmatical note nr. 184. In As. Mos. 3:9, the contents of this oath are quoted: ne lllllqiUUft deficitu semen eonutt a rerra quam detHsri illis. There (as in 11:17 and especially 12:12-13), the awenant and the oath pwantce that the possession of the land is meant 10 be everlasting.

At lint sight, quod locums e.sr ill SCI!IIIJI! is 10 be read as an amibutive relative clause determiningju.sjurandum, "the oath that he had spoken in the tabernacle". But resrallll!llfllm and ju.sjurallllum are a word-pair in As. Mos., which must not be sepanted, and which consistendy refers 10 the covenant with the fathers. Therefore, we must )JIIIlCIII8Ie: ut denu Ulis per resrt/ml!lllllm er per jusjuriJIIdum, quod lOCUlUS esr in sceiiiJl! dD.re de Jesum. Quod loculUS esr must then be taken as loosely resuming the earlier references 10 the prophecy Moses is about 10 give: ''the things he (Moses) said in the tabernacle". The scene to which this refers is probably the one described in Deut. 31 :23 (see the commentary on 1:S-6&).

I This is one of the insUncc:s of the formula; one may axnpare DeuL 11:9; 26:3; 31:7;

Judi. 2:1 and many Dlher instances.

1:9b-2:2

MOSES' INSTRUcnONS TO JOSHUA ISRAEL AS rnE PURPOSE OF GOD'S CREATION In As. Mos. 1:9b Moses' address to Joshua begins. In 2:3-10:10, Moses prophesies the future of Israel from their occupation of the land until the coming of God's kingdom. I :9b-2:2 forms a preamble to this prophecy. In this passage the author first makes Moses admonish Joshua to keep the law (1:9b-10). Before Moses delivers his prophecy (which is announced in 1:11), a digression is made on the purpose of the creation of the world, which includes a twofold explanation of why this is revealed only now: it was necessary that first the nations should be rejected and that the covenant with Israel should be mediated by Moses (1:12-14). Subsequently, Moses' imminent death is mentioned (1:15) as the occasion to hand to Joshua Moses' testament, a prophecy which must serve as a witness to the reliability of the law in the end of days. In order to be able to perform that function, the prophecy must undergo conservational treatment and be stored in a secret place (I: 16-18). Finally it is related how Moses instructs Joshua to lead the people into the land, and to establish it there according to what pleases the Lord (2:1-2).

a.l:9b-15 Moses' address 10 Joshua begins with an admonition to keep the Jaw impc:a:ably. A

Borell/ormel signals lhu the rotlowing speech is the word of God, even !hough the prophecy proper, tbat is, the forecast of the future, begins only in 2:3. As. Mos. I: 1214 COIIIIDCnts on the divine purpose of the creuion and on Moses' role in achieving that aim. 9 b Saying to Joshua: "Keep this word, 1o and promise to do impeccably everything that is commanded, according to your zeal. 11 Therefore, thus says the Lord of the world. 12 -For he created the world on behalf of his people, 13 a but be did not also reveal this purpose of the creation from the beginning of the world, b so that the nations would be put to disgrace on their account, c and, through their deliberations among themselves, to their own humiliation disgrace themselves. l4

140

OOMMENTARY

lberefore, he has devised and invented me, I who have been prepared from the beginning of the world to be the mediator of his covenant. IS But now, I will reveal it (se. the purpose of God's creation) to you, because the time of the years of my life is fuJiiUed, and I will go to the resting-place of my fathers, and before the entire people ... 1:!1b-10 In these lines Moses commands Joshua to keep the law (verbum hoc and omniiJ q1111e nrantlatiJ siUit) perfectly I. Such commandments, in similar wonlings, occur quite often in Deuteronomy and in the first chapters of the book of Joshua2. As. Mos. 1:9b-10 may be compared especially to Josh. 1:7-83, in which passage it is relaled how God commands Joshua to "keep the law so as to act accordingly" (~ ml IIDUiv), and not to deviate from it in any way ("to the left nor to the right", cf. quemadmodum sine quoereiJIJm esr, i.e., ~ox;. "impeccably',.); funhennore, to study the book of the law day and night ("zealously", secJLr indusrriiJm nurmS), so that, as it is said again, he may keep everything that has been written in it. The syntax of As. Mos. 1:9b-10 is somewhat complicated because the object and an adverbial adjunct of the subordinate clause are positioned in the main clause: promine secJLr indusrriam ruam ... mtJndara ... wfaciiJs. Probably, thew-clause renders a Greek infinitive (1001.<1v), retaining, however, the infinitive's position (sec gammaticalno~e nr. 184).

1:11-11 Moses utten a fonnula which commonly introduces prophetic speech (the Botenforme!>): "Therefore, thus says the Lord". However, he does not immediately proceed to deliver his prophecy, but first comments on the purpose of creation (1:12-15). The Borell/ormel appears to be completely fossilized as a result oC a development already

I On dl.cellllo instead of dl.cens, see grammatical note nr. 129: on the biblical character of Ibis formula illii'Oducing diRU speech. sec gJllllllllatical note nr. I SO.

2 See e.g. ~ (~ ~ ~ (!!pOCJtQ-nlata l; lvtt>.-

Ao!am CJOl

~pov

Dcut. 4:2, 40; 5:10; 6:2; 28:1, 13; wilh 1.6-tou; DeuL 29:9 (8); 32:46;

(~1'0). Very often, ~CJE09al is complemented wilh IID\dv or m1 wilh a form of IIO&dv. 3 Bolh passages m: elabonw:ly compm:d by Schalit, U111mucluutgen, pp. 117-124. 4 For the equivalence of •ine q110ela and~~ sec lhc Vulgate of Wisd. 10:5, IS; 18:21; Phil. 2:15; 3:6; I 1bess. 2:10; 3:13; 5:23. In alllhcse instani:CS,Iille quue/alc!pquno; is closely comec:ted ID righteousness and the law; sec csp. Luke 1:6 ilcrav Ill: &:ICUI.Ol ~ tvavtlov to\i emu. ~ tv llliaaLt; toi~ lvtolai.; ml aucaLcf41ocnv to\i aplou ~s The Sepluaaint of Jolh. 1:8 n:lds ~11111; for "you shall study", cf. itulu.srriiJ As. Mos. I: 10" llditiJ (Sdlalil, Ulller$1/c/uutgefl, p. 120). 6 See. for iiiiWICc, WCIIamann, Grurulformell, p. 71. Oulrlcs, Tile As.riUIIpfiofl, p. 5, mates Ideo n:fer ID lhc JnCCding clauses: "'lbese thinas said lhe Lord of lhc world"; cf. Priest: "For lhil il whallhc Lord of die MJrld llu decreed".

d. Deut 33:9 and Eaocl. 12:24

l:l-9b-2:2

141

in process in Old TeSillment prophecy: the formula came ID introduce anything a

prophet said, even if his wonlsdid 1101 claim to be a divine oncJel. Moscs~(IIIUICpa/Gm/ocio 1:15) that the world has been acatcdon behalf of God's people, Israel; cf. 4 Ezn 6:55, 59; 7: 11; 2 Bar. 14:192. These parallels show that this concept should 1101 be taken as some kind of metaphysical conviction about the reasons and motifs for CRB~ion, but rather as a strong cxpn:ssion of the idea of Israel's clcction. In 4 Ezra 6:38-59, a section on the creation and the elcctionl, it is said that God CIQICd lbc "first" world "on our behalr (propru nos cnasri primogenitum saecul11m 6:55; propru nos creiJtlllll est s~Xculllm 6:59). From the same section, it is clear that this rcfen ID Israel's election: lbc nations arc compared 10 "nothing" oolbc one hand (inlle ge111u q~~M in nihilllm depwQIIIe s1111r, 6:56), and Israel ID a ''firstbom, only-begoaen" son on the other (nos IIIIUm populus tiiJIS quem vocasti primogeniDIIII, ulligelliDIIII 6:58; sec also the commentary on 11: 12 below). In As. Mos. I :12, 100, the claim that God created the world on behalf of Israel probably rcfen to its election. If one believes that Israel is the people which God in the very beginning of CRB~ion chose to love, ID the exclusion of all other nations, it is not 100 much ID say that lbc world was crcued on their behalf. This strong emphasis on the chosen people as lbc aim of creation serves, as in As. Mos. 12 and in 4 Ezn and 2 Banlch, ID reassure the rcaden that Israel's history will have a happy ending, even if1101 for the entire people (cf. As. Mos. 12:12-13).

1:13a That God acatcd lbc world on behalf of Israel is summarized by ea illlelllio creazurt1e in 1:13. The manuscript has inceprio crealUI'M, and several attempts have been made ID vindicate this reading. Some scholars consider that inceprio rcfen to Israel itself as the ''firstling" of crcation4. But a paraphrase of I: 12-13a fon:cs one 10 understand lbc word inceprio as ''intention", or "plan, design", as Schmidt and Mcrx proposec~S: Allhougb God created tile world on behalf of his people, he did not also rcvcol this of tile creation from tile bcpming of the world.

1'bis proposal was llllopted vid Ow-Jcs in the TMSQIU'IIS s.v. iMqnjq6. But it is the only insraJII:C of this meaning of incq1rio, and how inceptio may have developed iniD Ibis meaning is unc:Jcar7. Therefore, it is more likely that incqrio is a corruption of I Wcstcn111m, G~ p. 13.5: "AIImlhlig Obcrwiegt dil:sc Slcllq [se. 11 the bc-

PD'W of a speech of a pmpbet) dcr lloainformel, so dall sic nun scNcdlbin lis Eillleilunpl'otmd des pazen Ploplelm.,... emcheint. Schlidllidl cntant die FonnciiD. dall lie IUdl

wone elnleilet. die prDic:lllllotcnwDne zu ldn bcanlpucheD. • 2cr. aslmillr-c:cn:emilllthec:ludllnlfama. vu.D4,1. 3 Cf. Slllne, Founta Em!, pp. 181, 118-189. 4 They dcriw lltuplio mm the roat apz. 11111 COIIIidcr it ID be a -wtul UDiucty n.-

llliolloflbapzl\, "linlliDI" (llqJIIoclocs IIDiocaarin the Vulpl£; 11tc1ptn il tile Vulplc'a CCjiiWalenr of dpzr.tv [and cam)IDIRII, dlouJIIIIDl cb:dpzav) Ill' ,.tU!tv). s-Dic A..uptloMDiis",p. 138: "/nctpliolll 'das Vom.bcn"'. 6 TML VD, I, col. 875:12-15: "boc: )llllpiJiitllm aadonil". 1'J'bae iathe sJi8Mpaalbilityofalllillnnlllallo TML VD, I, col. 874:82-83 Clllla DDtion to l~~eeptiD Ullled • a equlvalcnl of t:apo>." in Pscudo-Pbiloxcnus' ...,._,. (ed. Ooelz, Corpu GltwllriDnlm 11, p. 307:16). '11U G.t wunl haa cuctly die 111e111inJJ we need fOr our ICllt, namely "pllll. dcslp", in for lnstac:c Polyblu V,35,2: milk -dtv ~ (COIII.}

142

OOMMENTARY

inlenrio. The corruption ofT into c is paleographically not surprising; moreover, the immediale context relatively often mentions the "beginning" of the creation and of the world, so that the corruption of inlenlio into itu:eprio can be plausibly explained.

1:13b In I : 13b the reason is given why God has kept the purpose of his creation a secret for such a long period: it was his intention that the nations would, to their humiliation I, convict themselves by their disputes2, or rather, deliberations (disputario can be un· dcrstood as a translation of lluJi.o)'I.OJJ6;3, meaning "deliberation" I in the Vulgate usuaUy cogitario]; see fwthcr grammatical note nr. 183). The vetb argutlllllU is qualified by the phrase in eam. lt is nol entirely clear what in eam n:fCTli 10. If in eam n:fCTli to Israel (ill eam se. plebem from I: 12), in eam can either be taken as the complement of the agent: "so that they will be convicted by Israel"; or causal: "so that the nations wiU be convicted on account of Israel'-4. To the last in· rerpretation may be compan:d Ps. 105(104):14 (=I Chron. 16:21), which stands in the context of Israel's wandering through the desen: "He allowed no one to oppress them; he rebuked kings on their account (il~.v a:p\ oirrriiv llomJ.rl<;)". If in eam n:fers to the intentio, then it is likely that the first clause means: "so that the nations will be convicted on account of this plan•-5. The meaning must then be that the na· lions' ignorance concerning Israel's exceptional status forms a deliberate pan of God's plan6. The nations' deliberations arc, almost by definition, not God's (cf. Ps. 33(32): 10. 11). For a similar rejection of acting on one's own accord see lsa. 55:7-9 and the commentary to 2:5. The entire clause can be compared to passages such as Ps. 2; 33(32):10.11; 56(55):6; see especiaUy Lam. 3:60-61: ~ lllimiY 'ti1v td(1CTJOlv oirrriiv d~ 1ECMal; litoloyta)wil<; oiltriiv tv t,.DL "H1C0110ot; Tbv bva.litophv oirrriiv, 1ECMal; toil<; lluJi.o)'ICJIIOil<; oirrriiv 1Cot' ljwll.

1:14 From the very stan of his cn:ative worlc, God provided that Moses should be the me· diator of the covenant he had planned to establish with Israel. The Greek quotation in Gelasius' Acrs of tile Nicene CoiUICil (see the apparaws to lines 17-19) uses the expression llpodl£0aat6 lit· In the Latin text, the words ucogiravir er invenir me arc

dpx~ tajloa.flv 1CIII. lffl68emv, "accordilll 10 the original pl111 111d purpose". Polybius quite often URS tajloa.1( as a synonym of 1!p68rJcn.;. see Mauersberger, l'olybu..-Luifrotl I, p. 912. for ~·with regud 10 amioD. see Lampe.l'tllrisric Luicon. p. 1149. I See gnmmatical llllle nr. 179. 2 CoiDcldaltally, won1s similar to tbeae have been used in Rom. 2:1.5,as remarlced by Lipsiwl in HiJ8enfcld, Now/UII Tuttun~nliUII. p. 112; cf. also Loman. Qruustlones, p. 481. However, Rom 2: IS hu a meaniq qui le c:ontrll)' to that of As. Mos. I: 13b (Scbolten, Bijdrfllell, p. 113, COIIIIlldictinl Loman). 3 So Kulm, "Zur Alsumptio Mollis", p. 12.5. 4 For lbele two IIICIIIinp of ill in As. Mol., see pammatical note nr. 70. s Cf. perbltpB Ea:l. 3:10.11. 6SoJColcatow, '"J'be AllumplionofMolel'',p. 73: "God did not reveal il before the lime of Me.- ... lllalle God's imcnl wu to deciBive aad lllls convict tbe Gentiles".

I :l-9b-2:2

143

used. Excogitare and invenire arc near-synonyms I; possibly, the ttanslator of As. Mos. used these two words 10 render a single Greek word; sec further grammatical note nr. 170. The issue here is not Moses' prccJtistencc2, as liede has convincingly argued. The phrase qui ab iflilio orbis ll!rrarum praepo.rtJIUS sum must be compared with similar expressions elsewhere in As. Mos. In these passages, mention is made of the predetermination of the aim of creation (1:13), of the place where Moses' prophecy is to be preserved (I: 17), and even of the primordial predetermination of all history (12:4). Tiede concludes: "the author of the TM (= As. Mos.) is primarily interested in affirming that God had already designated a mediator of his covenant before he had acwaUy crcau:d anything"l. lraque must therefore be given its full consecutive meaning, referring directly 10 the pm:cding sentence: "in order that the nations be condemned, for that reason (ilaque) J, Moses, was prepared from the beginning of creation to mediate the covenant". I : 1314 may be read as anlithelical p11131lel clauses: Just as God did 1101 reveal the plan of creaaion from the beginning, so lhal the nations be condemned, Ukewise, he provided me from the begiming, solhal his covenant be mediated to Israel.

The primeval election of Israel (established in the covenant mediated by Moses) stands

in contrast to the secrecy of God's plan and the condemnation of the nations. The antithesis of 1:13 and 1:14 is accordingly not secrecy versus revelation, but condemnation versus election.

1:15 At this juncture of Moses' speech, he announces to Joshua his impending death. ''To die" is expressed with the common euphemism "to go to the resting-place of one's fathen'-4. As. Mos. here probably depends on Deut 31:16, in which passage God is said to announce to Moses: 1&oil cril ~e01J19 jltta t
144

OOMMENTARY

Moses has known it, and because he himself is about to die he will now pass this knowledge on 10 Joshua, his successor (who in tum is 10 keep il a secrel, see below). Moses' swement about his impending death is concluded by what seems to be an incomplete senlencel about somedling !hat must happen in the presence of lhe entire people. 1be manuscript has a lacuna, which must be panly occupied by a ru !hat is necessary in 1:16 (see below). A possible supplement is moriar: "I shall die in !he presence of !he entire people". Alternatively, some word indicating Joshua's inSiallation as MClSeS' successor may have been used, for insllnce: "I shall appoint you in lhe presence of lhe entire people". In that case, Moses' dcalh and his succession by Joshua arc conlrBSied in a way similar 10 lhe conttast in As. Mos. 10: 14-IS; cf. also Dcut. 31:7 ICai tiCIU£CIEY MciJuaik 1qaoliv ICai dlltY ail
b. 1:16-18 In !his section, lhe author relates !hat Moses hands a wriling (scribrrua) 10 Joshua, wbo has 10 bring lhese books (the wriling seems 10 be referred 10 in the plural) in order, anoint them and store them in jars. 1bese jars must in their turn be bidden in a secret place, where they will n:main unli.lthe day of peniiCIICe, atlhe end of time. 1be wriling is a copy of the pruphec:y Moses is about ID give, and it is inlcnded 10 verify at the end of Israel's history that the course of !hat history proved 10 be in perfect accordance with the Lonl's pmmiscs and dtreiiS as laid down in the covenant. l6 You, however, receive this writing, which serves to confinn the ttustwonhiness of the books which I will hand to you, 11 and you must

I Rllalcb, "Sjncbllc:be l'lllllelea", pp. 82-83, suggested dtat !he 1C111cnCe 11 CIDIIIplciC: "I will fO Ill tile Jalini·pllce of my fadten. ewn In the presence of tile enli.n: people". This 11 a poulble IOiution, but tile lUIIm, pbrue 11 nther &bolt 11111 abrupt. In "Wei!en: lllustratio11111", pp. 220-221, tlteldn. Rllnlch pmpo1111!10 fill tile IIICUII& following pie,_ with,., (= IIJo) or 10. 2 v~. Mou Propllerle, p. 154, cf. Sdtmidlllld Men:. "Die Assumplio Molis", p.

138. 3 Die

H,_,.,

(1904), p. 5.

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145

order them, embalm them, and put them in earthenware jars in a place which he made from the beginning of the creation of the world, 18 a so that his name be invoked; b until the day of repentance, in the visitation with which the Lord will visit them in the fulfilment of the end of days. 1:16 The Lalin wORIIIUario means "pro~Celion". At first sight, ~fOR, the wriling which Moses gives to Joshua accoming to I: 16 would contain instructions aimed at "prorccting the books" which Moses will hand to Joshua. These libri are almost certainly the books of the law. In DeuL 31:23-26 (pan of the SQCJIC to which As. Mos. I is explicitly linked) it is related that Moses addressed Joshua, promising him God's help in leading die people into the land, and that he (Moses) subsequently wrote down the law, and gave the book of the law to the Levites, whom he instructed to put it in

the Ilk of thc covenant, so that it might serve as a witness against the people. 1be author of As. Mos. has simplified this account, and makes Moses address Joshua and hand him the books of the law simultaneously. 1be scribnua is thc prophecy given by Moses according to 2:3-10:10. The scribnua occurs again in 10: 11 and 11:1. From the latter passage, it appears that Moses has told Joshua a prediction contained in a wriling: Et cum audisset Jesus verba Moysi ttJm scripto. in s1111 scripnua, Olllllia f1UM praedixerant &c. This cleatly refen to Moses' prophecy in 2:3-10:10. In 10:11, in the conclusion of his speech. Moses is said to sununon Joshua to ")JI'CserYC these wORis and this book": Nom ru, Jesu Nat1e, custodi verba lr«c et luurc libtvm. The concept of a prophecy delivered in wriling as well as in speech is COJmiOll in the testamenwy and apocalyptic lnlditionsl. If, however, the scribrura Joshua receives in 1:16 is Moses' prophecy given in 2:3-10:10, recogrroscere tuUllionem in 1:16 cannot mean "to preserve" materially, because As. Mos. 2:3-10:10 gives no instructions how to do this2. Therefore, RilnSCh was probably right, when he suggested that rutario is a mistranslation of the Greek ~(or nther, ~a)l. 'A~a can mean ''protection",likc ruto.rio, but it can also mean "reliability", especially of statements4, a translation which suits the present context excellently. Recognoscere nuationem may be a translalion of fl
w

..m

146


As. Mos. 1:16 can then be nnslated as follows: MBut you. m:eive this writing in Older dw the reliabilil)' of the books that 1 will hand over 10 you be confirmed." The scribatra, Moses' prophecy in As. Mos. 2:3-10:10, makes it possible 10vcrify the reliabilil)' of the law. Moses' prophecy describes Israel's future, and shows,that the people will abandon the law, that is, break the covenanL In aa:ordance with the conditions of the covenant, Wd down in the law (the libri quos ribi tradam),they will be punished; the reliabilil)' which is particularly stressed, however, is God's faith 10 the covenant, which ensures that God will bring salvation 10 the faithful.

1:17-11 Tbc relative pronoun qiiOS apparently refers to the libri quos tibi rrtulam in 1:16. Moses' discounc, therefore, seems to continue 10 speak about the books of the law. However, it is much man: likely that the passage 1:17-18a deals with the preservation of the scribnua of I: 16, dw is, Moses· prophecy, which in the lime of lhe end mu SI serve ID verify the rcliabilil)' of the books of the law. The arguments for this supposition arc as follows. Finl, the books which arc mentioned must undergo prescrvational measures, obviously because !hey must remain intact for a very long time. Chedriare must mean MID embalm with cedar-oil" (sec grammatical notes nrs. 43 and 181). The embalming of books was a well-known melhod in Antiquil)' of preserving bookst. Similarly,lhe SIDnge of books in jars (er Teportis in WISis jiaUibus) is aiiCSICd throughout the ancient world {not just in Qumran), and it equally is regarded as a prescrvational melhod2. 11 is not easy 10 understand why the books of the law should be embalmed and stored in jars, apparcndy wilhout anyone being able to consult them. Moses' prophecy, on lhe odlcr hand, is intended to be publicly revealed in lhe time of the end, so !hat measures 10 keep it intact for a long period make perfect sense. Second, the books must be deposited in a "place which he (se. God) made in lhe beginning of creation". This locus is often interpreted as lhe temple in Jerusalem, where the books of the law should be kept, and parallels from rabbinic sources arc adduced 10 show that the temple has indeed been reganled as the starling-point of the crcationl. But of course, Joshua cannot bring the books of the law io10 the temple in Jcrusalcm: even if the ample was llllldc at the begioning of the creation, as some rabbinic sources imply, dw does not mean that it already stood in Jerusalem. Tbc author ol As. Mos. himself alludes io 2:4 to the building of the temple. even after the separation of the t:riber'. Mcnovcr, it is said of this locus that it will exist until the final consummation; but in 3:2 the authOI" of As. Mos. shows himself well aware that lhe tcm-

I A c:oasidenble IUIIbcr of proof-texts in Schalit, Ulllers•cluul&ell, pp. 184-185, who concludes that the embalmin1 or !he books wilh cedar-oil is done Mdamil sic gegen Feudtlipeit, Wwmfrass und lhllichc Schldcn JeSd!IIIZI sind und dem ZIM der ZCil troiUn ltGanen". 2Sclllllt, UlllerSIIC/uur&a. pp. 197-198. Fornpooterl!meaning"IOIIDn:", sec4 Ezra 7:n

elalilll Ul llbi

me-a IIJII!""" nposillu tlpllll Alriuimllm, ud 11011 libi delriDIUUtlbiDII' ~.

IIIIIOrUiiiiUI "'f! lllonJulh aaa.. oldie ldeYn pa~~~~a in Scblfcr, 'Tempel und Scbllpr...,". 4 Wlcleler, "Die janpt lllf&elilllllcne Aufllllmlc MOllS", p. 630,1hen:forc IUJFSied tbal die lllliCIIIIric:s in Oilpl or Silo may hive been meant, becauae these were sanctuaries that Jlllllla bad willlelled, founded.

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147

pie was destroyed by the Babylonians. If, on the other hand, the vague allusion to a certain "place" is connected with Moses' prophecy mentioned in 1:16, As. Mos. 1:1618 appears as a quite normal instance of the apocalyptic and teslamenwyltradition of the secret revelation: the locus is a secret place that was made in the beginning of creation2, where Moses' prophecy must be stored until the end oftime3. This tradition OCCID'S in several variants: the revelation may be kept secret for a (long) period of time (see for instance Dan. 8:26; 12:4, 9), or it may be revealed to only a few (see for instance I En. 82:1-2; 4 Ezra 14:46). This literary convention, closely related to the pseudepigraphic character of most of these works, serves on the one hand to justify to the readers why a revelation, allegedly received by a pious man in ancient days, was not known previously. On the other hand, the emphasis on the limited extent of its audience (the wise, the pious) may serve as a captatio anentionis of the intended readers. Finally, if it is said that the book is to become public at the end of lime, that is a signal to the readers that the final consummation is at hand. The question remains to be answered, however, how the masculine plural relative pronoun quos can refer to the feminine singular scribtura. In view of the general state of the manuscript, the emendation of quos into qUQ/11 may not be too drastic". But the word ordbuue5 and the plural vasa fictilill seem to suggest, 100, that what Moses gives to Joshua is indeed thought of as something plural. The author may have thought of the scribtura as librt6, and for this n:ason have chosen the relative ad unsum: quos. Jer. 32:10-14 is useful in illuminating the scene in As. Mos. 1:16-18. This passage7 (which is missing in the Septuagint) describes how Jeremiah purchases a field, symbolizing that "houses and fields and vineyanls will be possessed again in this land" (Jer. 32:15). The deed of purchase is put in an earthenware vessel because it needs to remain undamaged for many years (Jer. 32:14)8; after these many years, the jar will

1 Kolenkow, "The Assumption of Moses", p. 73. 2 The phrase qum c:reavit ob initio cmuurae &c. is to be understood as a rererena: to God's predetennination of history, as in 1:14. The reader is assured of the fact that Moses' revelation as weD as its loog-lime concealment are 1101 coincidental events occuning at some random momeu during lhe tutllulenl course of history, but premeditated decisions of God. 3 So Vollanar, Mose l'rop/lnie, p. 22. 41bere may have been IIIUaaion of the pr=ding q/IOIS (I : 16). 51be euct mem111 of onliNJre is unclear, lhe general meaning of lhis verb is "to bring in order''. With reprd to boots, it often means "to compose, to write", but that meaning must here be excluded. In lhe third letter ofPs.-Seneca to the apostle Paul (ed. Haase), it seems to mean "to arrange scrolls according to their proper order": qiiDtdilm volumillll ordillllVi er dlvisiottlbtu sal.r SUIIIUit eis dedi. 6m Greek, wtilinp cm be R:l'ened to in the plural; see Schw:;zer, Gri«lti.sche Grammt1lik 11, p. 43: ''tlllcnolai von ~inem Brief Thuk. I 132, 5; oivtl~ und -... fUr ~ine Abscluift (Mayser t. 43)". See also I'Oiycarp. Ad l'hilipp. 1112 tiii.CJ'IOA6o;. said Paul's Episde to the Philippians. Deissmann. Lil:ltl vom O~ten, p. 28, pointed to I Ki. 21(20):8-9, wheR the Sepluqinl render C"'1!lC first by lkfWov, then by llo.Jlllcn; cf. lsa. 37: 14. 7 There are grave difficulties in ina:rpreling this passage, but the main poinl is clear. see Deissmann, Ucltl vom OSUII, pp. 28-29, and Kolfmahn, Die Dop~bulaulden., pp. 16-20. 8 To this one may compsn: LAB 62:10, where J01111han suggests 10 David that they mix lbeir tears In a vesael (vas), so that they may serve as a testimony. lbis image probably

n

derives from Ps. 55(56):9.

or

148

OOMMENTARY

have preserved the con!I'IICt, serving as proof of the reliability of God, who had promised lhe restoration of the people after the desollllion by the Chaldeans (Jer. 32:43-44). Accolding 10 1:17, Joshua muSl Slllre Moses' lestament in a secret place, making sure tha! it can withslllnd !he ravages of lime. This must be done so thu God's name may be invoked up 10 and including (usque i11) the "day of repeniUICe", when the writing will be publicly revealed. One may compare especially Dan. 12:4 8: xat cn1, ~1\)., ~DY "I01'x; ~ xai ~ -a'l jltii'Jov bx; JCaapoil ~ (Vulgale: sigilli librum IUique ad rempiUI srarwum), bx; &llax8ciicnv mUD\ ICal d.Jt-

8uv9111\

~

From !he las! pluue of 1: 18 (ill COMIIIIImlllione airus dierum), it is clear tha! !he day of repenwx:e is the escbatological Day of the Lord The designlllion of this day as !he day of repentance is, as far as I could ascertain, unique. In !he Old Testament and n:laled lileriiUre it is more commonly called the day of judgement, punishment, wrath, 01" !he like; sometimes, when atlention is centered on the righ1e0us ones, the day of salvation or mercy I. The Lord's coming is called his visitation. Respecrus probably renden ba.cncolnl (so in Wisd. 2:20; 4:15; 14:11; cf. co111pecrus Sir. 16:18; 18:20), although the Vulgale usually prefers visirario. This word may be used in a general sense, or have specific n:gard 10 either the righleOus or the sinners2. Since then: are no clear indications thu the author of As. Mos. specifically had a specific group in mind, it may be beSliO regard rupecrus in its general sense.

c. 2:1-2 Taking the events n:conled in the book of Joshua as a starting-point, the author now makes Moses give insauctions 10 his successor with regard to the occupation of the land. The insauctions concern the occupation, the division and the constitution of the land: Joshua must establish the land's polity in accordance with tbe Lord's pleasure. The style of this passage is solemn, characterized by the pairing of synonymous words and phrases: decrevir er promisit (2: I); dDbis IUiicuique er sUlbilibis sortem (2:2b); COIISIIlbilibis regiiWII er magisreria locorum (2:2c). 1 But now, they will enter through you into the land which he decided and promised to give to their fathers. 2a And in it (se. the land) you must give blessings; and you must give to each of them their share in it, b and you must found for them a kingdom, and arrange for them local rule according to their Lord's wish in justice and righteousness.

IVoJz,DiekMifr1/op,pp.l64-16S. 2 Volz, Die &clulloiogle, pp. 165-166.

l:l-9b-2:2

149

1:1 The manusaipt has a blank space preceding irurabiUII. Neither the photographs, nor Ccriani's edition allows us ID establish whether words are lost or whether the scribe of the manuscript left some room dclibcralcly (cf. the commentary ID I:IS). Possibly. the scribe wanted to indicate a new paragraph. There is in any case a transition: in I: 12lS, Moses is depicted as elaborating on the aim of creation, on Israel's role therein, and on the function of the prophecy that is presently to be delivered. Now, he is seen to move on to giving instructions ID Joshua with regard to the occupation of the land. If words are lost, a transitional formula such as IUUIC OUlem I or mo.x auzem may have stood here. Since the testament scene in As. Mos. explicitly men to Dcut. 31:14-23, As. Mos. 2:1 is probably derived from Deut 31:23 (cf. Deut. 31:7). In Deut. 31:23, Joshua is commanded to le8d the people into the land; cf. LAB 20:2. More often, God is said to bring in the people himself (e.g. Lev. 18:3; Num. 14:31; Deut 7:1; 8:7; 28:37). The latter is probably the intention in As. Mos., as well, as may be concluded from the periphrastic expression illlrllbunz per 1e (not: inlrodiAces eos). The land into which Joshua must lead the people is specified as "the land which the Lord has promised 10 give 10 the fathen" (cf. DeuL 31:7). In As. Mos. 2:1, this promise is expressed by two verbs, decm~it et promisil, in accordance with the elevated style of this passage (see grammalical nOte nt. 170).

:Z::Za In the Old Testament records of Joshua's exploits, blessing is not very dominant. Yet the book of Joshua does relate a few instances in which Joshua blesses pans of the people in connection with the division of the land: Josh. 14:13; 22:6, 7; cf. Josh. 8:33 (9:2 d) and LAB 21:10. The object of dare is probably sonem, which is the object of slabi/ire as well (sec further grammatical note nr. 171). Sors (Greek: dflpo<; or dllPOYDidcx) has two meanings between which a clear distinction cannot always be made: on the one hand, it indicates the action of casting lots by which the land is partitioned among the people; on the other hand, a pan of the land as far as it has been allotted to one particular group may also be called that group's sors, its territorial propenyl. In As. Mos. 2:2b, the latter nuance is intended, but the use of son doubtlessly implies a reference ID the way in which the division was executed LAB 20:9 closely parallels As. Mos. 2:2a: Er tUdU lhesus ira sorrma rerram populo, llllicuique uibui seclllldum sortes, i~ma qiiOd precept~~mfuerm ei. See also Deut 31:7 KIHCid'lpciVOIII\cm~ IIVnP (se. tflv Tflv) ~~~ (Vulgatc: ru I!GIII sorre divides). The casting of lots in order to divide the land amonslhe aibes is a favorite topic in the Book of Joshua (sec Josh. I :6; 14:2; 16: 1; 17:1, 6, 8 and many more instances; sec also Num. 26:SS; 33:S4; 34:2, 13; 36:2; Deut. 1:38). The audlor sustains the solemn style of this passage by joining more or- less 5)'111111)'1110111 words together in one
I Hilpnfdd. Ncwwra T a - - . p. 100. 2 Focrsler, "di!Por; m", p. 757.

150


connotation of solidity I. Srabilire is used in the Vulgate for "to lay foundations" in e.g. Prov. 3:19 (holjuit;r:aem., said of the foundation of the heavens; in Zach. 5:11 srabilire is used of the foundation of a house: Er srabiliarur, er poiUJlur ibi super basem). It is also relatively often used with regnum, rhronus or a dynasty as object; sec I Sam. 20:31; 2 Sam. 7:13, 26; I Chron. 17:11, see also 2:2b.

l:lb ConsrabUibis eis regnum and magisreria locorum dimines illis in 2:2b arc apparently used as synonymous phrases. Regnum and magisteria locorum may have an abstract and a concrete meaning, indicating a tcrritory2 or the activity of ruling. The fonncr meaning would best fit the hiSIOrical cvcniS the author evidcndy refers to: according to the biblical records, Joshua did not establish the kingship in Israel. Under his leadership, however, the lribes were settled in the land (for srobilire, see the commentary on 2:2a; on the semantical equivalcncc of sliJbilire and consrobilire, see gmnmaticalnote ns. 167). On the other hand, the author of As. Mos. simplifies history on other occasions, describing ccnain events from the perspective of their outcome. Thus in 2:4 he makes the temple be built after the division of the lribes. simply, it seems, because the Jerusalem temple eventually ended up with the two lribes. From that perspective, he might make Moses command Joshua to found a "kingdom" as well. As far as I know, magisrerium does not occur in the Latin versions of the Bible. Lipsius3 has proposed to regard magisreria locorum as an analytical translation of Wlllllf'X(111, "dislricts". 1bis would be a synonym of regnum as "territory". Then, 2:2b refers to the division of the land into dislricts as one of the aspects of Joshua's work, most elaborately described in the Book of Joshua. However, according 10 the dictionaries, magisreria means the "office or post of a leader'-4, and would then be synonymous with the meaning "kingship" for regnum. It seems that "making arrangements in justice and righteousness" (see below) is more appropriately said of the way in which the land must be ruled than of the establishment of a country with its distril:ts. To 2:2b, one may now compare to Dcut. 16:18: KpnOt; xa\ "fPIIIIIIIIUl£\CJay
4 Lcwis-Shon, p. 109711; cf. also Nicnncyer, pp. 62.5b-626a, when: mon: nuances an: JeaJnlcd for Medieval Lldn; they all n:latc, however, to such an office or to the authority daiwd flum 11. S In 4:6 dbl!illen is Ulal -*'1 "to let yp", i.e. "to allow 10 leave".

1:1-9b-2:2

151

with liu1· (e.g. lio.mOoonv, lio.atl8£oeaL), and millere must be taken as "to set" I, an equivalent of polll!re; indeed, the Latin disponere would have been perfectly understandable. Judicium er jusriria are a word·pair, probably rendering !Cpicn<; (ocpljla) Kai lio.KcnocnM!, as they do in the Vulgate. The two words are frequently found in combination throughout the Old Testament and related literature, both juxtaposed and in parallelism; see Gen. 18:19; I Ki. 10:9; 2 Olron. 9:8; lsa. 5:16; 9:7(6); 33:5; 56:1; Jer. 22:3; 23:5; Ezek. 45:9; I Mace. 2:29; Ps. Sol. 17:19.ln Jer. 9:24 it is explicitly said that God "wishes" justice and righteousness (cm tv toU=<; tb ev.,..a """· Vulgate: haec enimplacent milu), cf. Ps. 33(32):5 and Prov. 21:3.

I Nienneyer, Lexicon. p. 698a; cf. French merlTe.

2:3-3:3 SIN AND PUNISHMENT

1be events leading up to the exile are summarized very schematically. The outlines are clear. After the people's entrance into the land, they will be ruled by princes and kings (2:3a-b). In the end, the ten and the two tribes will go their separate ways (2:3c). The ten tribes will organize themselves according to their own regulations (2:5). The Lord will build his temple in the kingdom of the two tribes, who at first, as a holy nation, will offer their sacrifices there (2:3d-4, 6), but who will eventually, like the ten tribes, abandon the Lord (2:7-9). As the instrument of God's punishment, a king from the East will come, destroy their city and lead the people into exile (3: 1-3 ). These outlines agree with the overviews of history found in the typically Deuteronomistic passages of the Pentateuch, for instance Deut. 4:25-271: "When you will have begotten children and grandchildren, and lived a long time in the land, and you will then act lawlessly (civoiJ.I\atltE) and make idols (cf. As. Mos. 2:8-9) ... then your days will no more be long in the land, but you will surely be exterminated, and the Lord will disperse you among the nations (cf. As. Mos. 3:3)". It is difficult to interpret this passage in depth because the description is so concise. Knowing that his readers were well-acquainted with this period of history, the author found it unnecessary to go into great detail. However, the resulting sketchiness of the description has led to a lack of clarityl. The division of the pre-exilic period into periods designated by numbers of "years" is hard to interpret. The time of the common rule over the twelve tribes is designated as eighteen years (2:3). After these eighteen years, in the nineteenth year, the ten tribes will secede (2:3 ), and a period of twenty years will begin during which the two holy tribes will offer sacrifices (2:6). The entire pre-exilic period is therefore covered by a period of thirty-eight years, to which an unspecified I Reele. OM Gucllk:ltu lsraels, p. 94. ~ also lbc correspondance of As. Mos. 3:44:4 wilh (e•••) Deut. 4:29-30. 2 Cf. B1811dtalbwp;r, "llimmelfahn", p. 70: "Bci der beabsk:blil!m PeriodisleJuna-KooIOIIcllcnml des Rek:bl:s Juda, plll:ldlafter Fonbesland unci N"tedelplll--bal mm sich m ifalqllmeltmiJe . . . . d.qa- Abvoddup ... Dicbl achlald...

2:3-3:3

153

number of years, possibly one or two, indicated in 2:3a may have to be added, resulting in a total of thirty-nine or forty years. All of this, however, is very uncertain.

a. 2:3-5 The author of As. Mos. quickly glosses over the first period of the people living in the land. He merely nores the period of common rule, and dev01es most attention 10 the separation of the ten and the two ttibes. He seems 10 regard the two ttibes as no less sinful than the ten ttibes. In cases where the two ttibes might appear 10 surpass the ten

ttibes in holiness, the author ~sses that this is due 10 divine initiative. 3 a ... , however, after they will have entered into their land in the ... th year, b and afterwards, they will be ruled by princes and kings for eighteen years, c but in the nineteenth the ten tribes will break themselves loose. d And the two tribes will separate themselves and transfer the tabernacle of the testimony. 4a Then the heavenly God will fasten the pole of his tabernacle and the tower of his sanctuary, b and the two (se. tribes) will be appointed as holy tribes. s The ten tribes, however, will establish for themselves kingdoms according to their own ordi-

nances. 1:3a The manuscript is panly illegible: one word is missing before au:em, which always stands in second position I. Schmidt and Mcrx 's suggestion 10 supply fret fits both the lacuna and the c:ontcllt2, but something like Twu: or even Plebs is equally possible. The transition from commandment 10 prophecy is marked by adversative autem, and by the switch from second singular forms, direcdy addressing Joshua (tu benedicis, dabis, srabilibis etc. in 2:2) 10 third plural forms, speaking about the future actions of the people (illlralnutt, se abf'lllfi/Nttt, descettdent etc. in 2:3). However, the transition is smooch, and the prophecy is closely connected with Moses' inSirllctions to Joshua by the repetition of iNran (2: I itttrabt.w per te, 2:3 postqllllm illlTabwu).

Another lacuna follows ANNOS, which contained some numeral. It has been proposed that aMOS is an accusative indicating a period of time3. 11 should be norcd. however, that elsewhere in As. Mos. duration is denOied by the ablative or by per+ accusative', not by the aa:usative alone. Therefore, thesis preferably interpreted as the firsllclra' I See lflllllUiicalllllll! nr. 143. 2 Fler ("And it will a1111e 10 pass'') is then continued by et posteJJ domillllbiDU ("that the lllldlpeople will be ruled"). This would be a Helnizing conslniCiion, ('I ... m). but cf. Jllllllllllllicai/IOIC nr. 190. Sdmidt and Melll were followed by Owles and Oanen. :J Von Gulschmid in Hilpfdd, NOVIIIII TesiiJmelllllm. p. 100, supplememed GIIIICIS VII;

Vollanar, Mose Proplletit!, p. 23, atiii06 qlliltqw. 4 See gnmmalicaiiiOICS nn. 7311111108.

154

WMMENTARY

of an ordinal number. In 2:3b and 2:6 mention is made of periods of eighteen and twenty years RSpeclively. If IUIIIO s<ecundo> is read, it would appear that the entire pn:~xilic period is divided into thiny-nine or fony "years" (on the meaning of these "years", see the c:ommenwy on 2:3b). This rucling is tempting since forty is 1' perfect number. It is, however, mere speculation. One way or another, 2:3a indicates the period between Moses' speech and the events prophesied in 2:3b. That is, 2:3a must relate to the period of Joshua's leadership. 2:1-3 can be parapluased as foUows:

Joslala, you miiSllead the people into the land and divide the land among them, etc. But hear the thlnp 11111 wiU happen after they will have ente!W into their land in the year.

2:3b After the period of Joshua's leadership, they (se. the people) "will be ruled by princes and kings for eighteen years". Elsewhere in As. Mos., annus seems to indicate quite plainly "year", without a symbolic reference to something else I, but this is clearly not the case in chapter 22: the numbers of anni in 2:3 and 6, eighteen and twenty, presumably cover periods before and after the division between the two and the ten tribes mentioned in 2:3c-d, though it is not clear exactly how they do so. It is often assumed that the eighteen "years" indicate the rules of the judges and kings before the division of Israel. Some scholars confidently pur the number of the judges at fifteen and that of the kings ar three (including Saul)l, so that the number of years is equal to that of the number of judges and kings. They consider this interpn:ration corroborated by two facts: the numeral XVII/I is used, which agrees with the mnnber of kings over the Northern kingdom. and the number XX matches the number of kings over the Southern kingdom. In fact, however, the biblical record as weD as post-biblical tradition are obscure about the exact number of judges that officiated before Saul. The agreement of the numeral eighteen with the number of judges and kings before the sepllllltion cannot therefore be substantiated. Ukewisc, the numeral nineteen in 2:3c does not match the number of kings over the Northern tribes (there were, according 10 the biblical record, twenty kings in the North). Moreover, XVIII/ should be interpn:ted as an ordinal (sec below). The number twenty in 2:6 does agree with the number of kings over J udah. but2:6 is conccmed with the temple service. Finally, the identification of anni with periods of rule seems to be based on a misunderstanding of an analogy to which V on Gutschrnid referred. Von Gutschmid suggested that the anni of As. Mos. should be interpn:ted in lhe same way as lhe "hours" in I En. 89:72 and 90:54• In these insrances, however, the "hours" no more

I 1:2 "lhc twenly-livc bundn:dth year since the creation of the world"; I:IS "lhe years of my life"; 3:11 "in the deacn during forty years"; 3:14 ''they will be slaves during seventyacven )'WI"; 6:6 "he wiU execute judganen~ on them such as the Egyptians did for thirty-four yean". 2 Other symboUc indications for periods of lime arc used in As. Mos .• as weD: horae 7: I; ll!llpJN10: 12. As with the yean in c:bapter 2, it is impossible 1D delcnninc their euct vliue. J For m - Olulcl, Tlte .Vs11mprlon, p. 9: ''The 'chiefs and kings' arc lhe fifteen juciFSIIId the t1uec kinp, S1ul, Dlvid, 11111 Solomon"; Volkmar, Mrne Proplltlit, p. 23, ldldvized: ''gleichviel wic der Vcrf. IS Richter Fddt hat". 4 Von Oulsc:bmid in Hilgenfeld, NOWIII TesiQIIN!IIlllm, p. 112.

2:3-3:3

lSS

designate exact numben of kings lhan lhe years in As. Mos. They serve 10 divide history in10 phases in a purely schemalical way. In I Enoch a differentiation is made belween lhe rulers ("shepherds'') and lhe duration of !heir reigns ("hours"); bolh lhe shepherds and !heir houn cvenrually add up to sevemyl, butlhe rule of one shepherd does nor automalicaUy equal one hour. All in all, it seems safestiO inlerpretlhe "years" in As. Mos. 2:3-7 nor as the respective reigns of lhe judges and kings. but mere simply as a division in10 relative periods of the lime between lhe entrance iniO the land and lhe Cl
Principes and ryrtullli can be understood as different types of rulers following each other (e.g. '1udges" and "kings"). But it is equally possible lhatlhe wmds are here used more or less synonymously, as princeps and jude:x in Jub. 47:9: Quis re consriruir principem aut judicon super nos?; cf. I En. 89:48 and Jub. 3 I: 15. In lhe Vulgate, princeps is lhe usual equivalent of "Plnl~ and tipxOIY; o1. ICpltal are somelimes parallel to o1. l
Stlknme lolreillen". S So Schmidt and Men:, "Die Assumplio Mosis", p. 128 (who translate &aan\aov=, "spa1111ft sic:h", emending the two tribes or As. Mos. 2:3d into twelve).

156

CDMMENTARY

the land. At some point, the ten tribes depart from the two tribes. The laner subsequently leave that plaa: as well, laking with them !he .ut of the covenanL This reflects the tendency of !he author of As. Mos. to use geographical or even thcalrical imagery: in 3:4 it is said !hat the tribes "will go into the fields", and in 4: I, an intert:cssor is described as "entering".. It is posible !hat here dl!scendenr is a synonym for !he se abrumpelll of !he ten uibesl, and is intended 10 bear the same negative connotation. If !his is so, then the two uibes are held equally responsible for the division2. This seems indeed 10 be the intention of !he author of As. Mos.l. By blaming the two uibes for the division as much as the ten, !he author of As. Mos. insists on the sinfulness of !he whole people. As relalal in 2:7b-9, after the division the two tribes will eventually be as sinful as !he ten tribe$4. This insistenCe on the sinfulness of !he whole people recurs in 3:3 and 3:7. With regard to !he two uibes' replacing !he tabernacle of the testimony, OwlesS suggested a conespondence with either 2 Sam. 6, where it is relalal how David "and all the house of Israel" (2 Sam. 6: IS) moved the ark from Kilja!h-Jearim 10 Jerusalem. or I Ki. 8, which records the ttansferral of "!he ark, the tabernacle and the holy vessels" (I Ki. 8:4) from the city of David 10 the newly built temple. It seems, however, simpler 10 view the ttansfemll of the tabernacle 10 Jerusalem as pan of the departure of the !WO tribes6. The ttansfer of !he tabernacle to Jerusalem infringes upon the chronology set out in the Bible, since it is here situated after the schism rather than before. However, in 2:4a, Solomon's building of the temple also comes after the division. Apparently, the author of As. Mos., did not want to introduce too many complications and described !his pan of hiStory from the perspective of its eventual result, namely, that after the division of Israel, the uk and the only divinely recognized temple were in Jerusalem. A comparable simplification can be found in Ps. 78(77):67.f>9, in which passage the Lord is said 10 have chosen the uibe of Judah and Mount Zion after having rejected the temple in Shiloh and the tabernacle of Joseph. I For !his metapborica1 meanin8 of discedere, see the nwnerous eumples in Tlr/.L V, I, rols. 1285:49-1286:28 (also URd absolutely, "to defect"). Duwlere in this mellli111 is a syn~ or abscedue = accedere in As. Mos. 2:1b. 1bis is in nwtcd contrast to the usual interpretations of the division ofDavid's kingdom, see, e.g., I Ki. 12:19 m\ 1\8hqcSEV 1crpcrlj). El; -rov ol~eov Llalli& W; -rik ~ ~2Ki.17:2l;lsa. 7:17,quotedinCDVIII2. 3 Janssen, Dos GonuvoU:, p. 103, asserts !hat the ten tribes are made responsible for the division, whereas the two uibes are said to be holy tribes. Janssen denies that2:3d refers to the division or lslld and Judlh, and claims that the schism is not mentioned before 2:S ("The ten tribes will eatablish for themselves kiJIIdoms"). However. he offers no altemalive explanation for 2:3d-4. Rcese, D~ GeschJclue, p. 94, writes similarly: "Die ReichApllwng sdlildelt der Vf. Ills eine eipmllldllip: Absonderung der zdJn Stlmme des Nonlreic:hes", 11111 to 111pp01t Ibis, Reese a,aally SIJeiiCI 2:5. In practice, these interpretalions follow the same proc:eclure as Volkmar's, IIIIIICiy 1 tnnsposi1ion or clauses. For 2:5 is 10 be seen as 1 cootrasl ro 2:4, 11111 not as 11iu!her ammax on 2:3d. 4'Jbil is acknowleclp:d by Reese, Die GeschJclue, p. 94, who senses in 2:4 a oertain biu in r - o f Judlh, bulldds: "Wie (der Vf.) in Wllubcil Qber Israel und Jud1 denkt, ha er in

3,41f IIISft1hrlich darJdegL" s 77le .4&nullpltcrft, pp. 9, 61. 6 So Clemen. AI'AT 0, p. 320.

157

2:3-3:3

1:4• If the proposed reading is aa:epiCd. "the heavenly God" I is said in this sentence ID "fasten the polcl of his tabcm11:le and the tower of his sanctuary". This must 10 the building of the ~~eq~le by Solomon (though it must be noted that here it is ~hali­ c:ally said that God is the one who lakes ICtion; for As. Mos.' chronological order, sec commentary ID 2:3d). The aDusionto the COIISIIUCiion of the temple sm:sscs the continuity bctwccn the fonnc:rly nvclling tabcmll:le and the now steady temple; compare cspccially lsa. 33:20: "Your eyes will sec Jerusalem, a quiet habitation, an immovable tent, whose stakes wiD never be plucked up, nor will any of its cords be broken". From 2:8-9 it appears that from now on, the tabcmll:le and the temple arc identical (poMnl ido/a sutt~~e ... n in domo Domini facient suluteP. For the solidity and durability of the u:mpie4, sec I Ki. 8:13 (the text of this passage is uncenainS); cf. Ps.

mer

132[131):14. The "tower of his sanctuary" (IIUrim L em.; the manuscript n:ads the incomprchcnsible /urunf>) may be another hint at the permanence and sm:ngth of the Lord's temple7. The use of this image is possibly inspired by lsa. S ("The Lord has built a tower in the middle of his vineyard" lsa. S:2). But the image may have been more common: it is used for the temple in I En. 89 and 911 (cited and allegorized in Barn. 16), and for the chun:h in Hennas, Vis. m 2, 4-3, S; Sim. IX. In Ps. 61(60):4-S the psalmist calls God his "hope and SlrongiOWCr against my enemies; I shall live in your tabernacle in eternity". The temple and towcn ~ arc also associated in Ps. 48(47):4, 14; Lam. 2:5, 7.

I Cf. DomiiVU CtM!Ieslis As. Mos. 4:4 and Culesris in 10:3; cr. funhcr 6 ~ urii 'krpm\16 o()p6vux; Fzra 6:15: o()p6vux; ~Sib. Or. Ill 19, 174; ~Sib. Or. ID 247, 261; cf. also 2 Ouun. 36:23; Fzra 1:2; 5:11; 6:9; Dan. 2:18 6 8Ellc; 1lril cnlpuwli; 3 Mace:. 2:2 jlaln1dlr; dv OllpcMiv. 2 Fi&ere fJt11-, MS /aceY pt1it1m; the cxqcau,c is lint mldc by Rllnsdl. "Wcilcn: lllu&Ualionen", pp. 223-225, who adduces IOIIJY paniJels for filen lt1benwlcuJMm and for filere pa·

'-t:lavrlrllfN111111-.

3 Koc:s&er, Tile DweUillg of God, p. 18: "in [some) Psalms, the terms 'tent' ... and 'labemadc' ... an: poetic: desaiplions for die lelllplc or ML Zion. and Ps 46:4[5) may speak or Jausalem illelfu 'the holy llbemadc of the Mosllfiab"~- funller ibid. pp. 21-22. 4 In lsa. 22:23, 2S the im11e of fastcnin& a tall·pin ("1n' l!pfl: absent from LXX, n:llcclalln 22:2S by~) is 1IICd 10 Indicate die duiiiJilityofDIYid's bouse; cf. Sir. 14:24-25; EZia 9:1. S In I Ki. 8:13 Ml' has ~'Ill ~; corresponding words an: ..,_ from LXX, but OLPMt add lllllpaapa ~ I
1fCIII"

~.JOUMt-111~ 6 Rllnlc:b's~~~a~~p~ m Clqllalnt-- (''Spgddic:he PUIIIclcn". pp. 116-87: Mwcilcn: m... lnlional", pp. 223-225) a I COIIDUIID pal- (iloo VS. wood) is IIIISIICCCIIIful. in llpi1e Of

Jcr. 1:18.

1 ~..a olm; an: vatlua

I

E.J. I &t. 89:50

run 1a111c bem lliDL •

M

JUdi••

iD Sir. 49:12(14): 1~ ~ 1...atc, ot lv olmv (At dp,ov) ml ~ voJN &,uw nplt,. Alld the LOid of the IIIBp IIOod upon and dley o«en:d I

~ u6aiv ~

dill-.

158

OOMMENTARY

2:4b-5 As a corollary to the definitive establishment of God's habitation in the temple in Jerusalem, the two lribesl arc said to be "constituted" as the holy lribes (cf. Exod. 19:6; Ps. Sol. 17:26), in contrast to the ten tribes, of whom it is said in 2:5 that they wiU establish for themselves kingdoms according to their own regulations. The sanctification of the two lribes is entirely God's worlc, just as the building of the temple was. The two lribes' holiness is therefore not a merit of theirs, but due to an action by God, and is to be seen in connection with the temple, which is understood to be within the two lribes' tcnitory; cf. Ps. 78(77):67-71. Although the two lribes may seem to be holy, in apparent contrast to their guilt concerning Israel's division in 2:3c,thcir holiness is a result of the presence of God's habitation in their midst. POMIIIW tribus sancrirads may therefore be best understood as an assignment (ponue nlltvm): "the two lribes will be appointed as the holy lribes", that is: from this moment on, the two tribes (and not the twelve lribes as a whole, see 2:5) will be expected to be holy. For this concept cf. Lcv. 11:44-45: "You shall be holy, for I am holy". This pR:sentation of the new relation between the two and the ten lribes is part of the continued reduction of the Lord's people that the author of As. M os. observed. In view of the definitive rejection of the ten tribes in 2:5 (sec below), the sanctification of the two tribes may be seen as a redefinition of"lsracl,the Lord's holy nation". This is no final redefinition: in 4:8the "two lribes"themsclves are defined anew, resulting in a drastric reduction of their number. The author of As. Mos. presents Israel's history in terms of a constant decline; with that ideological approach in mind, 2:4b can be compared with lsa. 4:3 "And the remainder in Zion and the rest in Jerusalem, they shall be caUed holy".

=

In parenthesis (introduced by lllllll, see grammatical note nr. 146),the organization of the ICII lribes is briefly described as a self-founded kingdom: they will found (srabilie11r, see the commentary on 2:2a) their kingdom secus ordillfJliones SIUU, "aa:onling to their own urangements", which apparently are not the Lord's (cf. 2 Ki. 17:8); coniiiiSt 2:2, where Moses is said to instruct Joshua as follows: consrabilibi.r eis reg1111111 er dimirres illis seCIII quod placebir Domino. The clause also stands in strong contniSt to 2:4, where the regulations concerning the two lribes are described as entirely dcrcrmined by God. By this short commcnr, the ten lribes arc written off. They are once more introduced in 3:4-9, but solely as the antagonists of the two lribes. There, the author of As. Mos. seemingly defends the ten lribes against the accusation of having caused the exile of the two lribes, but inSICid of defending the ten, the author accuses the two themselves (cf. 2:3d). The role of the ten lribes in 3:4-9 is therefore entirely secondary. It seems that in 4:9, a difficult passage, thcirdisappcarancc is more er less pn:dictcd.

1 'l1le IUbjec:t of dtiJ c11.c mlllt be takat liom the predicate: fHJ11t!11f1U dwle (se. lriblu) 171).

rrlbar.-:lillllll<-epmmD:a~lllllle..-.

2:3-3:3

159

b. 2:6-9 In 2:6-9the apostaSy of the two aibes is prophesied. In his description the aulhor uses the well-known prophetic and Deureronomistic reproofs (cf. for instance again Deut. 4:2.5) against me sins committed in the lime of lsrael"s and Judah "s kings. with their typical emphasis on the cult of ~foreign" gods and idolauy.

And they will offer sacrifices for twenty years. 1 And in the seventh they will surround themselves with walls, and as the ninth will have elapsed they will also abandon the covenant of the Lord, and defile the alliance the Lord made with them. a And they will sacrifice their children to foreign gods, and erect idols in the tabernacle and serve them, 9 and they will act disgracefully in the house of the Lord, and sculpt many idols of all kinds of animals. 6

2:6 Following lhe parenlhesis 2:5. in which the aposrasy of the ren aibes is pmlicled. the two aibes once again are the grammatical subject of 2:6-9, as is shown by the mention of the "rabemacle"' and the "house of the Lord'" in 2:8 and 9. In 2:6 it is said that they will offer sacrifices for lwenty years. 11 must be repeated here that the identification of aNJ~ with a period of rule is not at all cogenl, even !hough modern chronology in· deed counrs lwenty kings of Judah after lhe separation of the Northern aRd Sou !hem aibes (see the commenwy on 2:3b). The period indicated may rather be compared with LAB 19:7 Demonsrrabo tibi locum, i11 quo mihi servielll annos DCCXL. Of course, lhese 740 years in LAB are in no way numerically relared to the rwenty years of As. Mos. But in whalever way the aulhor of As. Mos. arrived at his number of years, it seems !hat he wanled 10 indicale the time during which lhe remple functioned ralher than the number of kings who ruled in Judah (adfereltl victimas, not domilltlbilw as in 2:3b).

2:7 The manuscripl's circ!lmibo can in no plausible way be fined into lhe present conlelU, in spite of me several suggestions made. Mosl scholan explain circ!lmibo as a nnslation of~ "I shall pi"OieCI", as in Jer. 31:21(38:22) LXXI, or from the Hebrew :::cc2. The question is of c::ounc who the subject of this verb may be. GnmmaticaUy, it can only be Moses, but it is most unlikely !hat Moses himself would "prolec:t nine kings". 'Therefore it is often assumed !hat the author of As. Mos. in-

.,ll

I Hiljlellfeld, ~Die Psllmen Salomo's", p. 280: the Vulgare re2Ais femiM circMiflllabil virwft. 2 AI in Deut. 32:10 (LXX~. Vulprc cifCIIIfllbail), sec Sc:lmidt ancl Men, "Die Auumplio Mosis", p. 139; awtes. Tile Asnunptio11, p. tO; p. 62 '':l:nc.-"; in his 1101e1 l..lpermusaz. L e T - . p. Its, ..,..Uy explains circiUIIibo as "10 protect", but his tnnlllllion re2Ais "J'en ferai le tour"<~ '1 will iDspect. visil').

160

OOMMENTARY

rended God to be !he subjecr-which is equally unconvincing'. Funhermore, lisiS cornaining !he nine kings of Israel whom God would have had prolecled, drawn up for inslallce by HilgenfeJd2, are as Iinle convincing as any lisr conlaining !he seven kings who would have buil1 walls. The numerals VII and VIII/ need 1101 be cardinals ("during 7, during 9 years''), bur can also be ordinals (''in !he sevenlh. in lhe ninlh year''). If lhe manuscripl's circumibo is alrered inlo circumito (circumilo [sc.IWIO) nono), an absolule ablative conslrUCtion is oblained: "when lhe ninlh year will have elapsed". One major advanlage of !his solution is lhat lhe omission of !he noun Q/1110 supposed to accompany VIII/ = nono is much less offensive lhan !he omission of lhe noun IWIOS in case VIII/ is laken 10 be a cardinal. The clauses 2:6-7 may lhen be lad as follows: El adf~r~lllviclima.r per aMOS vigillli, ~~ uplimo circumwJIJDbunlnuuos. ~~ circumito 110110 er adctdelllod resra"''"'""" Domini.

This interprelation is corroboraled by lhe apparenl condemnalion by !he aulhor of As. Mos. of lhe building of walls, which can be seen as a prelude to lhe complete bettayal oflhe covenan1 (''in !he sevenlh lhey will build walls, and once lhe ninlh is over,lhey will alsol abandon !he covenant''). The inlerprelation of Israel's history given in As. Mos. depicts a constanl decline in human moral and religious behaviour. If lhe aulhor believes that !he building of walls is wrong, lhen this review of hisrory appears to be consistent; there is !hen no exception of seven "years" 10 the process of moral and religious decline. The condemnalion of building walls agrees with the negalive assessment of lhe same aclivily in 4:7. '"To elapse" would in Lalin be more properly expressed by pral!terire. For lhe active use of the passive participle, cf. pral!teritos ... annos in Vergil, AeMis VDI S60. Circumire may have received lhe meaning "to elapse" in As. Mos. because of the Greek ~4; in other meanings circumire is an equivalenl of upriPX£C!8ai.S. Possibly, one may c:ornpare lhe use of circuhu indicaling !he complelion of a period of time in the Vulgare of Lev. 25:30 si non redemerit et anni circulus fuerit evo/utw (Septuagint: tav at 11il 4utplll8t, IGic; d.TJPC~l&Q l:vl~ iii'£PCiiv); 2 Chron. 36:10 cuntque anlli circulus vohleretur (Septuagint: ml bot~ urii l:vlaumil); cf. also Judg. 11:40; I Sam. 1:20; 1 Chron. 20:1; 2 Chron. 21:19; these instanees show various Greek renns, but all seem ro indicare thar a run period has been compleJr:d By building walls, !he two aibes will show themselves 10 be lacking b"USI in the Lonl; but only !he Lard can protect !he people, not man-made walls; cf. Hos. 8: 14; Ezek_ 13:10, and !he exrensive use of the laaerpassage in CD IV 12, 19; V1D 12, 18; XIX 24, 31; cf. also 4QTest 26. Nore that, unlike in 2:4, the initiative for building the walls is not the Lard's: God himself will fasten the pole of his labemacle and the

I Eg_ Bl"llllllenbuqer, "Himmelflhrt", P- 70: "Der Verfasser fllllt von der Sac:he her in die Ooaarede." 2NOIIIIIII Te.r~G~~Jellllllll, p. 112. 3 El= elialll, - pllllllllllic:alnale .... 140. 4 Cf. TlrGL VD, p. 1228 s.v. ~opm.: "Cin:umeo, Cin:umaaor. i.e. Pnerereo, de

~

Corpa GIDuilrlDrrltn 11. P- 101:13; CIJI- P- 402:41:peragocln:llllll!o&c.;perIIP'W - - - "'D c:omplcre'' wilh repnlto trmponl c:arqories.

2:3-3:3 tower of his sanctuary-but the build walls.

two

161

aibes, aJIPIIRntly not n:lying on the Lord, will

The description of the two aibes' total apostasy is introduced by the gcncn~t 11el'dict thal they will abandon the covenant of the Lord. Nladen ad must be understood hen: as the seemingly oppo5ite obscedere ob; the form adt:eden ad is due ID phonetic developments (sec gl3llllllUical notes nrs. 28 and 61)./obscelkn is a synonym of discelkre (sec the commentary on 2:3c-d), and means "to fall off, to defect", sec I Ttm. 4: I VetusLatinaobsct!delllajide, Vulgatedisct!deiii,Grcck~2. Puallel to abandoning the covenant by the two aibes it is said thu they will "pollute tbcjides3 which the Lord made with them". The wmJjides (in practically all respectS equivalent of mcnu,-4) is notoriously hard to translate. In 4:8 fides is used 111ain, and from bodl instances it appears that in As. Mos. fides is not used ID indicate some attitude, but something more objective. Perhaps we an: to understand that the two aibcs will pollute (betray) the "trust" which God vested in them, the trust which is exchanged when a pact is concludcds. As a parallel to ~SIIImen111111>, the word may be taken as a metaphor, and means possibly as much asfoedlls. nl.cmv 11Wicr80l is a conmon Gn:ck metaphorical expression for making a treaty (Liddcll and Scott, p. 1408a). In I En. SS:2, reference is made to Gen. 9:12. In Gen. 9:12, the rainbow which God made is called (in the Scpruagint) "'lllfiov ti\1; &mh\~ I En. SS:2 n:ads: "and it will be between me and them faithfulness (haymanota)". A paraphrase of 2:7b then is: The two tribes will break the covenant and beuay the oust on which it was based.

1:8-9 In four short clauses, the sins of the two aibes an: enumerated. They an: the "sins of Jeroboam": child offerings, idolaay, "disgraceful behaviour'' in the temple and thcrioI Following Sc:bmidlllld Men, many scholars add befcm: adferelll the numeral IV 10 the numbers V//llld VIII/ in 2:71, in order 10 arrive u 1 total of twenty (2:6); this shows an the mon: how hazanlous it is 10 unconditionally assume an inlelpn:Wion of numbers wbich is not 11 an cenain. 2 Cf. tlbscusio, often a uanslation of cbootaala, ace T1IU. I, cols. 146:83-84; 147:9-17. 3 Fidelll is Schmidl's llld Men's emendllion of the manuscript's fotml. which does not scan 10 make f1DY acnae. For qr~m~ in lieu of qaom, sce grammatical DDIC nr. 90. 4 FrcylJurFr, Fldu, pp. 33-34. 319. In the Vulglle,jidu is an equivalcm of lllaut; in many iDstlnces, e.g. I Sam. 26:23; I Ouon. 9:22; PS. 33(32):4; WISd. 3:14; Jcr. .S:I; Hos. 2:20; and tbnaaghoua the New TcstamenL S FrcybufJICI", Fldu, pp. 83-84: "On peut done dl!finir Jcfoedlu commc l'actc aJII5istanl pour Jcs deux panics, A'6changa" Jeur foi ', don et oa:ipcre fidem, chacunc dev.-.t 'domer sa

foi' et 'm:cvoir' cclle du panenaire. Le 'c161it' des uns et des autres est db lors 'lii!'."This definition, reJatina 10 covenants in ~ 1rliquity, is valid for the Jewish concept of foetbulta--.as wcJI, cf. Jauben, L.a 1101io11 tr AIIUMc~. pp. 43·SO, esp. pp. 49-SO. 6 Llpenousaz, Le Tcs-111, p. liS, and Priest. 'Tcswnent of Moses", p. 928, intcrp~et fida as 1 "pnJmiic", and suppon their suggestion by poinlins out that elsewhere in As. Mos., t e . r - is parallekd by jusjunwlwrt (ace 1:9; 3:9; 11: 17; cf. 12: 13). However, the Jaaer Dllecrv•DII must nthcr be taken u an objcclion 10 the tnnslation "proollise" than as auppon fork.

162

OOMMENTARY

latty. 1be child offerings refer to lhe well-known practice of "malcing children pass lhrough lhe fire"; sec 2 Ki. 16:3; 17:17; 2 Chron. 28:3; Ezek. 20:26, 31; Hos. 11:2. In Ezek. 16:20 and Ps. 106(105):37 (cf. Jub. 1:11), lhe lerminology "10 offer one's children" is used. The ''foreign gods" arc lhe gods of lhe Canaaniles. ldolatty is lhc cudinal sin which lhe Old Tcswnent hisiOrians considered 10 have caused lhe exile. Terms for idolatty came 10 be used fOI' outtagcs other lhan the worship of foreign gods, as well (so in As. Mos. 5:3, sec the commcnwy), but in 2:8 it is used in ils proper sense. No specific sin seems to be indicaled by "to do scandalous lhings"t. Fi· nally, lhe carving of images of "all kinds of animals" is mentioned; for lhc lerminology employed see Deut. 4:25 biv ••nftcnlu y:lUII'Ibv O!w!IIJIIII llllVt6c;. For the variety of species involved, d. Ezek. 8:10.

c. 3:1-3 In lhis passage, lhc aulhor makes Moses announce lhc punishment lhat necessarily follows sin. 1be words used concentrale on lhis main issue, combining lhc punishmen! of Israel wilh lhat of Judah. As 3:3 emphatically stales, this king will come bolh fOI' lhe IWO tribes and fOI' Israel as a whole (om~~em plebem eiciel ... e1 di.UJS lribus ducil secum). There were in fact IWO kings from lhe East to cause lhe ruin of lhe len lribcs as well as lhat of lhe two tribes: indeed, lhe ten lribcs as well as lhe two lribes were 10 be punished by a king from lhc East, Scnnahcrib of Assyria and Nebuchad· nezar of Babylonia respectively. 1 In those days a king from the East will come to them, and his cavalry will cover their land, and 2 he will bum their city with fire, including the holy house of the Lord, and he will carry off all holy objects; 3 and he will expel the entire people and lead them to his fatherland, and he will lead the two tribes with him.

3:1 1be punishment will be execuled by "a king from lhc East". The aulhor of As. Mos. clearly imitares Old Teswnent prophecies, in which it is not unusual to predict the coming of a hostile power as from one 01' another quaner of lhe compass, usually lhe East or lhe NOI'Ih: sec fOI' instance Jcr. 1:15; 4:6; 6:22; lhe device is clabma1ely employed in Dan. 11.

1be geograpbical provenance of lhc agents of God's punishment ("lhe East'') is used by lhe aulhor of As. Mos. as a lead in lhe rhythm of history. When afler lhe restmalion lhe people resume their sinful behaviour, punishment will naturally have 10 come again, and it will come by the agency of a king "from lhc West" (6:8), i.e., the Romans. Finally, the eschatological punishment is execuled by the "king of the kings of the earlh" (8: I), whose title is cleuly inlended as a climax. This rhythm is sup-

I Sccllu is Uled In As. Mos. as a word for "crime": 5: I, parallel ID illiquiiiiS 5:6; 7:7 (thc won! bclonp to thc puup or dMJtda, d&da, ~ etc., see for instance EliOd. 34:7; Num. 14:18; Job 13:23). Cf. also Deut. 4:25 civqlftcnlu.

2:3-3:3

163

ported by lhe description of the punishment by the king from the West, a description which to a certain extent parallels that of lhe actions of the king from lhe East (see the commentary on 6:8). Forcavaby "covering the land", one may compare Jer. 8:16; Ezek. 26:10-11; Dan. 11:40; Hab. 1:8 (cf. lQpHab Ill 10).

3:2-J The rest of !he king's actions are entirely described as we know !hem from lhe biblical records: their city (Jerusalem) will be burnt down, together with lhe Lord's holy house, the temple's holy objects wiU be stolen, and the entire people will be led into capitivity; see 2 Ki. 25:9, 13-17, and 2 Ouon. 36:18-20. The account in Chronicles is shorter than that in Kings, but includes all elements contained in As. Mos. 3:2-3 (compare also As. Mos. 3:14, where the duration of the exile is prophesied, with Jeremiah's prophecy recorded in 2 Chron. 36:2lc; such a chronological indication is absent in lhe Book of Kings). The use of the word colollia was taken by Volkmarl as evidence for a late dating of As. Mos., namely posr 135 C.E., when Jerusalem was transformed into the co/onia llelia Capirolinll. This is not a convincing argument since colonia is used "(simply) as city" by Petronius and Commodian2. Moreover, it could be that the use of colonia in 3:2 reflects the influence of the translator: nothing warrants lhe assumption that it renders ~rou.Ma and not KCI~ It should also be noted that in As. Mos. urbs does not occur, whereas colonia is used three times (3:2; 5:6; 6:9). There are no occurrences of oppidum, civiras or nuuricipium. It is stated emphatically that the rwo tribes are to be included in lhe punishment, no doubt as a result of their sins. These sins are related in 2:7-9, and at first sight there seems to be no reason 10 declare that the two tribes are included among the exiles. By this swcment, however, lhe author looks ahead to the discussion between lhe two and the ten tribes in 3:5-7. There, the two tribes put the blame for !heir exile on the ten tribes. But the exile itself is the very proof of the two tribes' own guilt, for the exile is the punishment God threatened to execute if the children of Israel abandoned the covenanL If, therefore, the two tribes are led in exile, this points to their own guilt (3:7), since God is a righteous judge (3:5). The aim of lhe author's elaborate treatment of this ugument is probably 10 convince his readers of his interpretation of their own days as a time of divine punishment, and of the necessity to repenL

I Mose Prophnie, p. 70. 2 Souter, Glosstlry. p. 60a; see Pttronius 44:12. 16; 47:9; Commodian, Carme11 apologerklllll 976, 989.

3:4-4:6 REPENTANCE, INTERCESSION, AND SALVATION

In 3:4 it is described that the two tribes will call unto the ten tribes and go into the fields. The description of the events which follow is an extensive adaptation of the so-called confessional prayers, one of the most fixed fonns of Jewish literature from the exile up to the present. There is no need to postulate a distinct exemplar of this form as the source of As. Mos. 3:4-4:4. The form is so familiar that it is not necessary to postulate some specific literary Vorlage. The authors of literary works containing a confessional prayer frequently handle the form in a free manner, filling in the structural outline according to their individual requirements. The constituting elements of confessional prayers which consistently recur are as follows I: (I) They are prayers offered in a time of distress: the one who prays recognizes that this distress is a deserved punishment from God because of his (and/or his people's) sins and those of their ancestors. National confessions are usually partly or entirely made by intercessors. (2) When they occur in a narrative context, confessional prayers are described as accompanied by rites of mourning and remorse, and by elaborate praying-gestures, often depicted in some detail to stress the humility of the one who prays. 1bese rites and gestures, and the humility of the one who prays are often referred to in the prayer itself, as well. (3) Apart from initial and final doxologies, they are structured according to the following pattem2: (a) IlD ~~DMJJ~Ciical section, or hiSIOfiQJ palllgnph, describes rhc sins c;ommiJIed; in Mtional confessions often a n:vicw of Israel's hisuxy (sometimes cona:asted wirh God's forgiveness) is given; in individual confessions there may be a ramspect on lhc life mlhc one who prays;

I Cf. HIIYCy'slbon dacriplioa of rhc ''rilid SIIUCIU~" of lhc confc:ssional praym (Le p/llldgJer~. p.

1.55):

"L Reanwi- de la ftlCiilude de l'q;irdivin et de la culpabi1ill! d'tsn!l. D. Reaullissma: des bienfaim ~de Yahv~ et des inpalillldes J111S*s d'lsnl!l. DL Reconnlisslncc des malhcun pR1en1s comme punilion et des faUJeS, ~­ CDIIIIIC Jlll*s, .lies OJa piO\'OIJID. IV. ~irarioa Cll vue de 1'1¥eair et demande de panloll."

2Seeotlllldo,l4-11lmvruiil,pp. 1.5(>.1.59.

3:4-4:6

165

(b) an epicletical section, or the plea itself, calls on God's will to forgive: it is often inlroduced by i1MJ11/mi viiv or similar transitional formulas; (c) either section, or both of them. may be supported by a solemn scriptun.l qUOiation, which serves to reinforce the plea for pardon, either by stressing the sense of guilt, or by reminding God of his former promises.

The prayers meeting this description include the following: National: Ps. 106(105); Isa. 63:7-64:12; Dan. 9:4-19; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh. 1:5-11; 9:6-37; Esth. 4:17 1-z; Bar. 1:15-3:8; Pr. Azar.; 4 Ezra 8:20-36; 3 Mace. 2:1-20; cf. lQS I 24-D I; CD XX 27-31; LAB 30:4. Individual: Ps. 51(50); Tob. 3:1-6; 8:5-7, 15-17; Pr. Man.; Jos. As. 12-13. As. Mos. 3:4-4:4 is clearly inspired by this fonn. It contains all the elements mentioned, although they are only partly cast in the fonn of a prayer. The mourning rituals of covering oneself with dust and of fasting are modified and employed to depict the miserable condition of the tribes in exile. The confession of sin proper takes the fonn of a discussion between the two and the ten tribes about who is to blame for the exile•. A reference to God's righteousness provides the answer: since all of the tribes have been punished, they have to acknowledge that all have sinned. They then remember the threats Moses uttered in God's name and laid down in the law, according to which such punishment (including exile) befalls the sinners. After a short comment on the fulfilment of the punishment, the plea for mercy is presented as a new prayer, said by an intercessor, independent from the tribes' prayer (this accounts for some duplication of the tribes' prayer). The intercessor refers to the covenant in order to move God to mercy. The structure of As. Mos. 3:4-4:4, which agrees with that of the confessional prayers, may be presented as follows.

1 A c:ompuablc lldlpWioD of the lrlditionll fonn of confessional pra,er is fOund in 4 Ezn '1 dJUoauea with the mael Uricl (cf. Boyllrin. "Palilelllial UIUIJYj. In LAB 30:4, the

!heir...-.

tenninoloJy of the CXIIIIUIIoall praJen is UICd to n:1lle bow lmcl decided 10 1eJ11U, and which cxpeclalionllbey cmnec:lllll with

166

OOMMENTARY

NATIONAL CONFESSION

3:4b 3:5a 3:Sb-7 3:8-9

3:10-13

mourning rites praise of God's righteousness confession of sins epiclesis wilh quowion: appeal ID !he awenant IIIBimCSis wilh quoWion

INI'ERCESSJON

4:1 4:2a 4:2b-3 4:4

payer geS~~Rs praise of God anamnesis: awenant and exile epic:lcsis

L3:4-9 In !his section, !he firs! pan of Israel's peniiCnce, rituals of mourning are performed: A discussion follows, in which the two tribes ll'y to exculpaiC dternselves, but which results in the acknowledgment !hat Israel's distress is a punishment for the sins of !he entire people. Finally, an appeal for mercy is made on account of !he covenant widt lhe fadters.

Then the two tribes will call upon the ten tribes, and they will retire into the fields like a lioness, covered with dust, starving and thirsting. s And they will cry: 'Righteous and holy is the Lord! Truly, because you have sinned, we and our children have been carried off just like you.' 6 Then the ten tribes will weep, hearing the reproaches of the two tribes, and they will say: 7 'What can we say to you, brethren? Has not this distress come over the entire house of Israel?' sAnd all tribes will weep, crying unto heaven, and saying: 9 'God of Abraham, and God of lsaac, and God of Jacob, remember your covenant, which you made with them, and the oath, which you swore by yourself, that their seed would never be absent from the land that you gave to them!' 4

3:4 Pulvmlli in 3:4 must be explained as ~covered widt dust". lt has often been emended iniD pu/wralis in on:lcr ID IIIIICh a..rpi.rl; c:ompi pulverali would then be IIIIOJ"C or less poelical chani:taiZIIIion of lhe desert. If one mains plllvertlli, however, it refers ID lhe lslxlila (sec ~ 1101e nr. 98), and probably reflects one of the common rilllals of mouming and n:peallllll:e, namely sprinkling ashes or dust on one's head, a corollary of fuliq (ullriata n silielllu 3:4), wa:ping and crying (3:8), confessing llld praying. In confeaional prayers, !he ritual of sprinkling ashes or dust on someI Tile Jllllllllalwuaude by Valtlllar (p. 2.5). Sc:IJmldl and Men cliJmiacd it • ''llllcllll qlllzJicll. ("'ddariouu", p. 140), .,.. 11 -lilllowed by -ICholall.

3:4-4:6

167

one's head occurs in Dan. 9:3; Neh. 9:1; Esth. 4:17 k; Jos. As. 10:16; 13:4; cf. also Job 42:6; Jonah 3:6; VAE 31, 36, 401. Esuri~nzes er siri~nres is the equivalent of fasting, described in Dan. 9:3; Ezra 9:5; Neh. 1:4; 9:1; Bar. 1:5; Jos. As. 10:20; 13:82; LAB 30:4; cf. alsoJonah 3:5, 7. The words pulverari, esurienzes er sitienzes belong to the renninology for ~ rituals of mourning and repentance, but they are used here to describe ~desolate situation of the tribes in exile. The rituals are changed into quasi-historical events. The two tribes are said to "call unto"~ ten tribes, appan:ndy to come to them in ~ fields3, where the discussion in 3:5-13 takes place. This probably refers to the well-known mocif of the retreat into ~ desert, often described as made in order to avoid impurity and transgressing of the Law4. Such a retreat is IIOl standard in the other descriptions of penitence5. Perhaps 3:4 is inspired by~ lamentation in Ezek. 19, which would account for ~ combination of these thn:e words with the image of the lioness. In Ezek. 19:2 Israel is compared to a lioness that nourished its cubs. which were eventually brought to BabyJon6; in 19:10 this mother animal is likened to a vine in a fruitful land, which was uprooted, cast down and dried by~ east wind (19:12; cf. perhaps As. Mos. 3: I, ab orienze ru), and which is now planted in the wilderness. in a dry and thirsty ground7 (LXX tv -yQ ~ Vulgale in terra invia er sirienri). The combination of the elements of both comparisons(~ lioness as ~r. the dry dcsen) may have led to~ imagery in As. Mos. 3:4 111/iena in campis, plllvuati, uurienzes er sirienzes. The author of As. Mos. has a cenain tendency to evoke geographical circumstances (sec the commentary on 2:3c-d). Clemcn has noted a connection with 4 Ezra

13:40-428. According to that passage, the nine tribes have left the heathen nations, among whom they had been exiled, and went to a distant, isolated land (Arzarerh), where ~Y might keep ~ commandments as they had not done bcfoR in their own land. I In VAE, the word plllver is used. 2 In this inslance, the faSiiJII explicidy causes huJI&er and thirst. 3 Fors~ dtlcer~ meani111 simply "to go", see grammatical nole nr. 36. 4 Hengel, Die Zeloten, pp. 255-259. SOn some occasions, the penitents do gather at some specific place, usually near or in the u:mple,or. if they are alone. inane kind of isolation: Neh. 9:2-4: LAB 30:4: Jos. As. 10:9: in Tob. (LXX) 3:10 Sarah R:lires into her father's upstairs room, but with the inlention of lwlging herself; likewise, in LAB 19:8, Moles ascends Mt. Abarim, but his prayer !heR: is an attendanl cin:wnsunce. 6ne manuscript R:ads Ill Ue1111 ill camp/s pulvuari uwienru et .ritienres c""' ilftJIIlibus IIO.Slri.r. In the edition, I have followed Schmidt and Merx in tnnsposiJII cum ill/aflliblls IIO.SIJ'/s 10 3:5, quill ~• - peccasri& er IIO.S ptVIUr lllldlu:ti SUifUU vobU {&11111111/tJIIlibus IIOollrl.r}. If the phnllc - I D be lellined in ill polition in the manusaipt, the lloOid IIO.Slri.r aJUid not be lllisfiCIOrily expllined, 11111 should be emended inlo, e.g. !MU (n:ferring 10 the lioncls; aee Rllalc:b, "Spncbllche Pmllelen", p. 90). This would IIUIICh with the S111J1Da1 derivation of !be imqe from Ezdt. 19, bull! is hard 10 imagine how a quile lllllmll word like !MU aJUid have beal conuplled 10 IIO.Siri&. For the explicit inclusion of c:hildn:n in the exile, see the can-

-,.on4:3. 7 The imqe of desertllld thirst for lsnel's exile can be found elsewbere, e.g. in Ps. 107(106):40; cf. 2 Bu. 77:14. 8 APAT 0, p. 321.

168

OOMMENTARY

J:S·' The two tribes put it to their brethren of the ten tribes that their exile is due to the sins of the ten tribes. For this ronc:ept. one may compare 2 Bar. n:4: And because your brothers have transgressed the commandments or the Lord. he span: the one. but made the other go inJo exile. as wen. and he did IlD! leave a single one behind. I

brought retribution over you as well as over them; and he did not

However, it does not seem that the author of As. Mos. finds this point of view correct, as Carlson suggestcd2. Whereas 2 Bar. 77:4 shows that this concept existed, it is clear that the author of As. Mos. rejects it. This appears from the following points: (I) In 2:6-9 the apostasy of the two tribes is described without rcstrictionsl. (2) The ten tribes defend themselves successfully: they confront the two aibes with the fact that the distresS has come over Israel as a whole-that therefore Israel as a whole has been punished4. The two aibcs react to this by joining in with the ten in their plea for mercy (omnes tribus plorabwu &:c. 3:8 f.). It is emphatic:ally stated that the sc:riptunl quotation whic:h explicates the acknowledgment of the righteousness of God's punishment is said tribus tJd rribum, that is "each aibe to the other'-5. (3) Only if all tribes, including the 1wo, are guilty, can 3:Sa, jusoo er s1111ctus DomitiUS, malte sense. The alleged innocence of the two would malce such praise dubious, if not cynical. Thus it is clear that 3:6-7 is a dramatic periphrasis of the confession of sin, by which the author counters the idea that one may be punished foc the sins of someone else. The confession of sin is the hallmark of the confessional prayers; the acknowledgment of God's rightcousncss6 is never absent, since it is the pious reversal of the confession. Also, the immediate juxtaposition of God's righ1eousness and the people's sin is common to confessional prayers; see Tob. 3:2-3; Pr. Azar. 28; 4 Ezra 8:31-36; Ps. Sol. 9:2; CD XX 28-30; cf. also Ps. Sol. 10:5.

I Cf. T. Dui !1:7-8, when: Dui predica tlLI1 his offllprins will be sinful and therefore be

llJIIisbed. 'lbdr sin il idedllled asiSIOCiatioD and joinio& tosether with the Lcvitcs. Bec:aule

or their coanec:lion with the Levitcs, they will be canied off lnro capitivity with them (&ck 10il1:o ~ crW ~ t.. al~ !1:8). 2 "Veoeeanoe and Afl8dic .Medillion". p. 92. 3 Tberecm therefore be no question of die tribes' "CXllllpUUive innoc:e~Q", as suggested by Lidll, "Tao", p. 98. 4 So Hllbdler, "Die Ewll:laaipzdt", p. 122. cf. Reese, Die Gudrlclu lsrtlds, p. 96; "In diiiiCIII Ablclmitt IDIIcn Juda und lmel ~ lmlerdlc gmlle Katastrophc gesll!llt wcrden, VIII" der es ilpndeiae Aulnlblleltellq ... Dic:ht Fbcn Dim". S Otber c:onfealoaal prll'CIIIblt ~..ut on the univellllity or fnd'a sins ue: Din 9:7-1, 11; Ncb. 9:32; Bar. 2:1,26. 6 'lbe bwocldon or God as r1g1aou1 de. 11. or-. no1 Jatric:led to die c:anfealonll prayen. (For die phnle jutu et IIIIICIIIJJ /Jomilvu, - die Identical phrase in Del&. J2:4 LXX alKauJc; mlllaux; ~) However, lids "viDdic81ion fonnula ... tends 111 recur in IIIIJie which die .... of fmel ue brouJ11t 10 liJia and coafeued 111 the -pallimcnr afllltldl Mepina 11111 piOICnllon" (SUpla, ''Rev. xvi u·. p. 285).

.,....In

3:4-4:6

169

3:7 The clause quidfacienw& vobis,frtllrU is djfficuJtiO IIJidmslllnd. ID Job 7:20, the accused protagonist in his anger speaks 10 God: el tydl 1\laptov, 1l &6wljull CIIOl ~.... 6 ~ 16v wilv rilv cMpolmv, or, in the Vulpre (which symactically sides with Ml'): P«aalli; quidfaciom ribi, o cusrosltombulm?, and C8D be JNIIllphrased as: "All right, suppose I have sinned; whal do you want me 10 do about it, you wall:her of men?". If As. Mos. 3:7 is ID be interpmcd aa:onlingly, the ten tribes are said ID aa:ep1: the twO aibes' claim that the two are exiled because of the 1e11 aibes' guilt I. If this wae the cue, however, the conncc:tion with the next clause (in which rcferem:e is IMde ID the relation beiWCICn guilt and punishment) would be quite unclear. Pctbaps it is possible ID explainfacere here, u in S:3, u "'D say''2. Then the clause is reminiscent of Ezn. 9:10, 1l d~~~~J~~tY, 6 ~ ...... pna 1llriito; and expresses a mood of shame, se1f-bumi1Wion and desolation. The rites of repentance derive from di05e of mouming3, and they may also include a period of dumbness; sec Job 2:11-3: I; 40:4 (42:6); Lam. 2: 10. For eumples taken from confessional prayers, sec Pr. Azar. 33; Jos. As. 12:6. From the perspective of this ritual, and in view of the quasi-historical presentation in As. Mos. 3:4-4:4 obsetYCd earlier, it seems less ldevant that the clause in Em19: 10 is direc:red 10 God. If, however, we do not understandfacere in 3:7 as ''to say", the future tense of/ociemu& becomes problematic4; a perfec:llense5 would then be more obvious, directly denying the twO aibes' allegation: ''What have we done ID you?"fi. This interpretation, however, would require a vay dubious text-critical intervention.

The ten aibes defend lhc:mselves by pointing to the connection between act and consequence (here: guilt and punishment), which is valid for all tribes. Since all tribes find themselves in ellile, all aibes, we arc ID understand, must be guilty. The word tlibsis is used, a transliteration of the Grcclc eu~ This is also the word used in Deut. 4:30(29) 10 dcsaibe the situation which causes the Israelites to reiUIIIto the Lord: 1eai ~TITIIotu llai • emv ~ ..m ~u. 6tav bc~qn~cKu o.Vt6v ~ 61.~ ~ 'ICllplilot; CI0\1 ..m ~ 61.111; ftk yuxik 110\1 tv tG e>.i.,n 11011. Cf. for this specific use of8l1~ DeUL 28:S3, SS, S7; see also Deut. 31:17, 211.

I In l'clnlnius SI, the expn:aion qWd facial serves u an (ironical) exculpaion r01muta, -he c:annot help 11-. Herlus, in Frlcdlbler. PWO/Iii c_, TrilriiJiclliollis, p. 299,lrii1Siales qu/11/at:itll. crr.:U t1/flo? u -wu UBI man u:h von einaa ClaJ&cnslrict lllden etwanat?". 2 See pmunllicaiiiiJIIe nr. S2. 3 Upiilsti, La Uzwr#l plrllte~. p. 28. 4 Priell, "Tesument or Moses", p. 928, underslands the future tense 10 eopn:ss the will or the lelllrihes 10 1a10rc the llllidarity or alllrihes. asking: "'Whal is dim dial we can do towith ,au?", namely, in order ID - t h e tribes' well-being. This proposalllec:IIISID lllain Wlbis. whic:ll Sllnds wilhllula JRPOiilion dial would illdicate IUCh a mciativc upecl peci.ely. f'unhennOie. in Ibis way the ten tribes would in fll:l comply with t h e - lion railed ipinlllhem. 5 Fea-, ...,_m by HiJ&atfeld, ""Die Plalmcn Saiomo's", p. 282. 6 Cf. Reese, Die Gadlldlu lmleb, p. 96, Jd"cnin& 10 lloc:cb:r. ReM/- pp. 31-34: "EEIIe 'llclc:bwlcllllp"'. 1 Schlier, ''8lipal m". p. t42. The won~ is similarly IIIICd in Nch. 9".27, 38; Ellh. 4:17 r; Pa. 106(105):44 (8UIIm8ca); Jaa_ 63:9.

amer

170

OOMMENTARY

3:8-9 ApJIIIII:Ddy convinced by die answer of the ten tribes 10 their allegations, die two tribes

cry rogethcr widl the ten unto heaven I. They appcaiiO the covenant and 10 God's oath IDIIIe 10 the fathen. who are mentioned by name from the outset. The names of the tiRe palriarchs are also mentioned in Bar. 2:34; Pr. Azar. 34-36; cf. Pr. Man. 8. The appcaiiO the covenant occurs very often in Jewish prayers2. In the confessional prayers (though only in the national ones), it is very prominent, and is almost never omitted, see Dan. 9:4 Neh. 1:.5 = Neh. 9:32; Neh. 9:8, 1.5, 23; Bar. 2:34-35; Pr. Azar. 34; Ps. Sol. 9:10. The appealiO God 10 remcmberl his oath is the plea proper.

=

As a structural element of the confessional prayer, die content of God's oath is refcned 10 with great emphasis and solemnity in 3:9b. This quotation is not literal, but od ~IISIIIft: God's promise 10 the patriarchs that their posterity would live in the land forever is repeatedly recorded throughout the Pentateuch. More specifically, Reese4 pointed 10 Exod. 32: 13, where a combination of elements similar 10 those in As. Mos. 3:9 is found: the mention of the names of the patriarchs. God's oath "by himself' and the promise of the eternal possession of the lands. In confessional prayers a comparable appeal to a similar oath is found in Pr. Azar. 36; cf. Bar. 2:35.

b.3:10-14 In 3:10-14 Moses forecasts that the tribes will remember that he predicted the things thar have happened 10 them. The reference is 10 such passages as Lcv. 26 and Deut. 4; 28-30, in which die Deutcronomistic paltem of history is exemplarily set our6. As. Mos. 3:10-13 pophesics that the way out of distress prescribed in those passages will indeed be followed: in the land of their exile, Israel will return to God. In Deut. 4:2931 it is said: I '7o cry" of course again is a mouming rite, a fact which does not need substantiation here. There is no need 111 identify "heaven" with ''God", as Schmidt and Mcrx, "Die Asswnp-

tio Mosis", p. 141, and Olarles, The ArsllmPtion, p. 11, suggested. The prayer is simply given a spatial direction: it must go up. 10 heaven, in order 10 reach God (Jos. As. 12:1). Cf. Ragucl's daughter Sara. who in Tob. (LXX) 3:11 prays with her arms Slreldlcd out to the window. 2 See Jolmoa,/'rrzyg, p. 46: '"lbc inducemen~ w!tich the Jews employed most rqulllly in their prayers was a reminder of God's past promises. Again and again the petitions of the Apocrypha and Pscudepignopha call on God 111 remember the covenant he made with the ancieu palrian:hl". 3 See the IXIIDIIIelllal) on 3:10, and cf. 4:5. 4 Die Gut:hicllle /mu&, p. 97.

5 Exod. 32:13: "~ 'AI!PaOI' m1 'loa m1 ,~ • <JON ol'ICttldlr. ot~ CRaumll ml ~ ap<1c; cr6mlil; 'AJ:rrrN noAvd.1J9uvlli w ~ iltdv cllm1 1li c1atpa '106 cripavoii '1111 llA'I\8!1. ml maav t1\v yllv uxU~. ~ dxoi; lioilval '1111 ~ Cl(mdv, ml ~OVC>\Y aini~v dt; tOY al.tiva. For )urtlrt! ~' ld6e, cf. allo Gen. 22:14; Jub. 18:15; LAB 47:3; Heb. 6:13. 6 Recae, Die GucloJdlk I~~Tt~el.s, p. 97. Esp. in DeuL 4, all elemellts of the allusion in As. MoL 3:12-13 occur. Moses Is described u a mediator of God's commandments (DeuL 4:5, 14); he w111111arael not to 1m1q1e11 these commandmcnll; he calls heaven and earth u his w i - dtal Olhenriae, they will JO into exile (Deut 4:23-27).

ci!IDCJOI;

mm

3:4-4:6

171

Bur if you will seek !he Lmd from !here, you willlind him, if you seek him wilh all your hean and with all your soul. When you will be in lribulation and all lhese lhinp will have come over you in lhe furure, and when you will rerum 10 lhe Lord your Gocl and liSiaiiO his voice-for lhe Lord your God is a merciful God-, !hen he will not forsake you, and no1 dcsuoy you; and he wiU 001 forget !he covenant which he swore 10 your falhers.

A similar picrun: is found in Lev. 26:40-42, wilh specific s~ss on !he ncccssiry of confessing sins and self-humiliation. To regain God's favour, lhe sinful !sraclires musl remember lbal what !hey have done has been contrary 10 God's will I. The miserable situation in which !bey find tbemscl'lcs is proof of God's power and aclive involvement That same power and concern warrants !bat repentance will not stay unanswered; again, history proves !bat !his is so (sec As. Mos. 4:S-6). 10 Then, on that day, they will remember me, each tribe saying to the other, and each man to his neighbour: •• 'Is it not this, the things which Moses formerly testified to us in his prophecies? Moses, who suffered many things in Egypt, and in the Red Sea, and in the desert, during forty years. 12 And having testified, he also called on heaven and earth to be witnesses, lest we should transgress his commandments, which he had mediated to us. 13 But since then, these things have come over us, in accordance with his words and his solemn confirmation, which he testified to us in those days, and which have come true up to our expulsion into the land of the East.' J4 And they will be slaves there for seventy-seven years.

3:10 Following the discussion in 3:4-9, it is said that the tribes will realize their own guilt, saying to one another that Moses had warned them not to transgress God's commandments. They now IICknowledge that they arc being punished, in a way which agrees pcrfcctly with Moses' pmlictions. The n:cognition of lbat fact leads 10 the communal confession in 3:11-13, introduced by the words: "Then they will remember me". TIIIIC ... die illo is a tautological indication of time; see also novis.sime post haec 8:Sb and cf. tuN: Ulo die 9: I I. em In the confessional prayer, ''to remember the Lcml" is tantamount to confessing one's sinfulness2. I In order 10 conoboruc tu plea. lhe author of Neh. I :8-9 makes Nehemia explicidy quale from Deut. 30, where a ncuty automatic mechanism Repentance-Return is described (similally Bar. 2:29-35). lt mUst be nwd lbat, although repentanCe is a condition lllat has 10 be met wilh before God will have mercy, it does not, so 10 speak, force God 10 end !he punishmciiL Repentance is a humble recDJIIIilion of one's sinfulness, a moral revenion on .:count of which GociiiiiiDnOIDOUSiy c:1wtt1eS his wralh iniO gJaCC (see Sjllberg, GOIIIWI die S!Wicr, pp. 215-220). 2 "To remember'' equals lhe Ktnowledgmenl of havi~ previoully forgoa.en (se. !he wmdrous deeds ofGociiOWirds his people); see Girmdo, La .str~~~t~~n~lmerttrill, pp. 106-108. (COIII.)

172

OOMMENTARY

The communal charaaer is Slrollgly emphasized. The eJqlression homo de proximo suo in 3:10 ("one ID lll1lllhl:r''l) in itselfindiciiiCS the public chanctl:rofthe confession ofsin2,as well as the universality of these sinsl. But it is provided with an additional, otherwise unknown, parallel expression, rribus od rribum, which deliberately mers 1o the preceding discussion and reftects its outcome: "all tribes will say ID one another, each man will speak ID his neighbor &&. "

3:11-13 As said above, tbe tribes will recognize their misery to be the fulfilment of the threats lhal accompanied the covenant, and which were announced by Moses in his prophecies (3:11)4. The recognition of the lrUsiWOrlhiness of God's words (cf. the commentary ID 1: 16) features in mosl confessional prayers in the fonn of a solemn quotation of a scriprural passage lhal has come 1r11e; so in Dan. 9: 13; Ezn 9: 11-12; Bar. 2:2-5, 24-25, 29-355. In As. Mos. 3:11-13 there is no fonnal quotation, but there are clear references ID wha1 Moses predicted. The closes! formal parallel ID As. Mos. 3:11-13 is Bar. 2:7: 4 UdAt)CIEV ~ -· 'lj~ Kdvta tci 1<11m taina ~ -· fuJDJ!>. In a relative clause, Moses is piclured as having suffered much in Egypt, the Red Sea and during the forty years in the desert 7. This additional commenl may be a lnlee of the uadition of the violent fate of the prophets. In the confessional prayers, il is found in Neh. 9:26; in Olher examples of the fonn we encounler the rela1ed concept of disobedience 10 the prophe1s8. In Josephus (Ant. /1111. IV 194-195), it is described how Isnel mourned after Moses announced his impending death: they displayed deep regret, remembering the risks their general had run (nv6wt:Ucm£), and his dedication

The coulllerpan oflhe people's remembrance is God's remembrance; see As. Mos. 3:9 and 4:5. I On Ibis consuuclion, see grammatical noteS nrs. 69. 167, 185, 192. 2 Many national confessions have a distincl public Oiturgical) character. Ezra pnys in lhe presence of a IIJIIC crowd in lhe lemple (Ezra 9:4-5); LevileS pray before lhe lmelileS in Neh. 9:1-S; see also Bar. 1:1().14; LAB 30:4. in IQS 124-25, confessions are probably done individually, yet in public and wilh Dlhers. 3 In CD XX 17-18 ("m the immediale vicinity of lhe confessional pnyer XX 27-30), it is prescribed that members of the community should uncover each Olher's (Tt.ln ':lit f t ) sins in order to suppon each other ('1'1"'a I'M f t ) in righleousness. This of course expresses lhe inner solidarity of lhe commurity. 4The word used is resrari, dill is,ll"fPttllldv, "to give witness", or''IO noeify"; in this conle~! it may be undenlood IS "to prophesy" or ''ID predict", since Moses' announcements are concemcd wilh lsnel's 1Utu110. S Not all quolalions tilled here COI1Illin "real" qUOiations; somelimes lhey are only allusions or quotations tld .re~~Nn; JIIJIIC!heless, lhese instances all are formally presenled IS quoWions ("as has been said" and the lite). 6 Almost identical ID this clause is Dan. 9:13 1<11tci tci "f£TTICCIIIllv tv li.~q MIIIIJII lllivta tci 1<11m bn!AB~rv >'14v. Cf. finally 2 Bar. 84:2-5 and the comments made by urnousaz,LI!Te:nt~meru,pp.76-79.

A similar staiCment, without the elemenl of suffering, however, is made in Acts 7:36. There is no reason ID II1IJlPOIC a lileJVY relalionship between these twO leXIS (against Olarles, The Ass_,motl, pp. Wii-lxiv, and abo Lapenousaz, Ll! TestDmeru, pp. 67-70). I Sec Sleek. Israel, pp. 110-137: "Die Oberlieferung (se. des deuremnomislischen GeschichJsbiJdc) in Sllndenbelramlnssen IRI BuSgebelcn des Volkes".

173

3:4-4:6

to their salvation I; they also repented that they had angrily spoken against him in the desen (Jw u bi t11<; tpll""" Jltt' 6pyij~ Oju}.t\c!Euxv ~ ).lmlVOOiiv'IE~ IIA.'!DVII). The mention of Moses' hardships adds to his authoril)' as a propheL After this interruption, 3:12 resumes 3:1la2. Moses foretells that the exile will be recognized as the 81.1~ he announced in Deuteronomy: Nomte hoc esr quod leSlllbarur nobis rumMoyses inprofeas?3 In 3:12 a solemn allusion to the scriptures points to the connec:tion between act and consequence. Moses, the mediator of God's (illiwA) commandments (see 1:14), had invoked heaven and earth as witnesses, that the people should 110111'81\sgress the commandments, see for instance DeuL 4:23-275. In 3:13, very suong emphasis is given to the exact correspondence between prophecy and fulfilment: "Since then (se. when Moses gave his warning), these things have come over us in accordance with his (se. God' s6) words and his confumation, such as he (se. Moses) teslified them to us in those rimes, and they have come true up to OlD' expulsion to the land of the East". In this way, the absolute trustworthiness of God's word is stressed. For de isto meaning "since then", see grammatical note nr. 188.

3:14 In confessional prayers, the confession of sin is normally followed by a plea for mercy. In 3:14, these two elements are separated from each other by the mention that the aibes will be slaves for a period of 77 years. obviously the exile (3: 14). Servire (here: ''to be slaves",lio~v) is an ordinary designation of Israel's condition during the exile, see Ezra 9:9; Neh. 9:36; cf. Jer. 25:11; 2 Mace. I :27; T. Judah 23:5; T. Iss. 6:2; T. Napht. 4:2. Scholarly opinion is divided on the question why the exile is said to have lasted 77 years, inslead of the tnlditionaJ 70 years (see Jer. 2.5: 11-12). The earlier commentarors have been especially ingenious in their attempts to explain the higher number of years7. The simplest explanation is probably that 77 is an approximation of 70 and I Cf. also LAB 19:5, where Moses speaks: vo.r IWltlll scirore lo/KNem qwm loborlllli 110biscum, ex quo ascettdi.srt.s de rera Egipli. 2 It does so by tq!CIIi111 the VCib IU!Qri; for the inversion of er (re.rranu er, that is: • And havl111 testified"), see pmullllical note rr. 139. 3 Onpro/etis=prt{dib.- gnmmatical note .... 11. 4t1Jilu retas to Ood, 1ee pammalical-nr. 60. 5 For the invoking of heaven and earth as witnesses, see e.g. lsa 1:2; kr. 2:12; Ps. 50(49):4; 2 Bar. 19:1; LAB 19:4. Since heaven and earth were witnesseS when the co'tellanl -made (ICCOJIIinl to e.1. IleuL 30:19; 31:28; 32:1), they are often invoked in the tellll COibiniJJ& JIIIIIRdcalii:CUIIIionl apin&l the people's brcal:binlofthe CO¥alllll; see Harvey, Le pflliiiDyer ~. p. 16: "C& 101111a lbnains de 1a premm llliance qui 10111 ~ U.le rib COIIIplet. • acrvir de t6Doins ou de juees". 6tpsllll rm.s to 0oc1 c-lflllllllatical no~e 11". 60). 71be -I'CIIIIIbble J11DP0111 wu made by Sdmidt and Merx, "Die ABIUIIIplio Mosil", pp. 141-142, who 111111111C 1 play wltb letten 11111 fipres (LXXVII" f:D): ''El beissl einmll wllrtlicb das, wu Lll. bletet ... .._ Iller liNer Anwendlllll der Abldlrzun& f;g M::l» mr OGtzendlcniiiiiCh: DieJcDFD. welcbe Glllzcndieoerei Aellllic:ta llt:ibea. Jlllue bindun:h. Um f;g zu 1C1Zte der Verfuser den Juden &ieben Jlhre ExU zu." Rllalcb, "Xeniolli tllcloloBica ... CluonolaJIIICIIes uad Krilisc:bes", p. ,I,IDok the 77 ,_aiD be 77 wets or )'1111. The_,_ or the WJe 'MIUid thereby have t.n Clllalded up ID the llldlar'•

=

aewinnal.

(COIII.)

174

OOMMENTARY

suggesiS a higher degree of completeness. In the context, the factor of completeness makes sense: it reinfor-ces the idea that the appeal to God's mercy can be supposed 10 lead to a favourable result: the more complete Israel's suffering, the more justified iiS expcc!alion of rescue. The ycus oCthe exile arc mentioned here because the fulfilment of the J..ord's prediction of punishment of Israel is a circumstance which enhances the intercessor's chances of success. On several occasions, confessional prayers refer to the execution oC the punishment. In Dan. 9, too, the realization of Israel's punishment is a reason for Daniel10confess his and his people's sins and 10 pray for mercy. Daniel's prayer however was not (immediately) successful; for the angel's answer to Daniel, sec commentary on 4:6-9. The third person plural servielll comes somewhat unexpectedly, but agrees with the third person plural forms occurring from 3:4 invocabiUIIIO 3:10 reminiscelllur. Moses is speaking.

c. 4:/-4 In this passage, an intercessor is introduced, who prays on behalf of the people. His prayer (4:2-4) continues the theme oC the twelve tribes' confession, and provides their prayer wilh an appropriately concluding plea for forgiveness. The intercessor's prayer oonsisiS of a doxology (4:2a), a short anamnctical section, contrasting the covenant and !be exile (4:2b-3), and a plea for forgiveness (4:4). 1 Then someone will enter who is above them, and he will spread his anns and bend his knees, and pray for them, saying: 2 8 'Lord, King of All in the throne on high, who rulest the world, who wanted this people to be your elect people. b Then you wanted 10 be called their God, according to the covenant which you made with their fathers. 3 But (now) they have gone as captives into a foreign land, with their wives and children, and to the gate of the gentiles, where there is great sadness. 4 Behold, and have mercy on them, heavenly Lord!'

4:1 At the end of the exile, an intercessOr "will enter" and pray for the tribes I. He is characterized as an in~ by !he technical term orare pro, which is !he Vulgate equivalent of (1) ~~ apl or bd (approximately 12 limes in Leviticus and Numben, cf. T. Levi 3:S and Ps. Sol. 3:8); (2) (llfiOCJ)£"6xE08al apl or W9 (approximaldy 18 times in the other books of !he Old Testament, about 11 limes in !he

lime: •ou loc:h dcr ICnedllscbaft wild von da an immerfon UDd cndlos auf uns lastcn, cinc llllp.llnp Reihe von lllhnooclm lmdun:h, zu deren Bezeiclmung die p:wabige Zalll 77 a.... -*fa." I SpadlnJ one'1-llld kneeJiDa: (4:lb) n common prayer gesture~. The very same wadi R .-1 in Ezla 9:5; 3 Mm:. 2:1.

3:4-4:6

175

New Testament); (3) on a few occasions of similar words (~
It is not clear precisely where he "enters''. Does he enter into a (liturgical) room•. or into the field where the exiles are (cf. 3:4), or de; crlxoli<; (cf. de; ~ AciS 20:29), or de; tO.. J<6d)iov (Heb. 10:5; I Oem. 38:3)? Equally vague is his clwacterization as "someone who is above them". Usually, and probably rightly, this is taken as a figure of speech, indicating the intercessor's social and moral eminence. His righteousness provides him with authority over the people, and for that reason his prayer on their behalf is likely to be especially effective (cf. Judith 8:31; 4 Ezra 7:1 11-112). In confessional prayers made by like Daniel, Azariah, Ezra and Nehemia, the righteousness of the intercessors is, of course, beyond dispute. There has been some scholarly disagreement on the exact identification of the intercessor in As. Mos.2. Both Hilgenfeld, at first3, and Volkltlat" were content merely to refer to the similarity of As. Mos_ 4:1-4 to Dan. 9:4-19 and 4 Ezra 8:20-36. Olarles, however, resolutely identified the intercessor as DanieJS, and he was followed by many others. Oemen expressed serious reservations about this identification6. He conceded that the words used in As. Mos. 4:1-4 are similar to those used in Dan. 9:419, but noted that the mere similarity of the words used does not justify the identification of IUIUS qui rwpra eor esr with Daniet7. The traditional form of the confessional prayer is already in use in Dan. 9. From that perspective, the similarity between Daniel and the intercessor in As. Mos. 4: I is only superficial. In As. Mos., the one who prays in 4: 1-4 asks for Israel's restoration, which immediately follows, in acconlance with God's promise (4:5-6). In Dan. 9, the confessional prayer has a different function. Moreover, it does not seem that Jewish tradition has ever ascribed to Daniel a crucial role in the eveniS of the exile. Oernen himself suggested that the intercessor of As. Mos. could.be Ezra, who, as a leader of Israel, can more appropriately be called IUIUS qui supra eos esr. see esp. the characterization of Ezra in Neh. 8:5 aV. Also, Ezra is famous

I Cf. NdL 9:3, 4, whert: Levitical intercessors take up !heir special positions in the Temple;

see aloo Bar. 1:14. ~rtu.,s one may even think of a heavenly room, God's lhrone hall, if the "one who is above them" can be an inlen:essory angel (so Kuhn, "Zur Asswnplio Mosis", p. 126; Goldsl.ein, "The Testamed of Moses", p. 5 I; Campanovo, K/JtligiJim, p. 170). 2 Reese, Die Gudoicllu lsrods, p. 97, who proposed to identify the intercessor with Nehemiah. bas tig!Uy SlreSSied !ha the primary inr.c:Nion of the author of As. Mos. was to indica the sped lie limclionofthe intm:eslor,l'llher than a cenain individual. 3 NoVMifl Teslllnle1111Uf1 (1866), p. 112. In "Die Psalmen Salomo's" (1868), p. 301, HiJacofdd c::hariFd his view, convinced !ha only Daniel could have been meanL In his 1884 edition of No'VIIII T - . Hilgenfeld rt:verted to the mere axnparison with both texts (p. 132). 4 Mose Proplwle, p. 27. 'TU A.uurp1iD11 o{Mmu, p. 14. 6"Die Himmelfahn Molis", p. 322 1 Tbil ailici1111 was alao raded by Rccse, Du Gescllidlr~ lmu/s, p. 96, and 0o1c1Aein, "The Te5111Denl of Mala", p. 51. Golclslein finds As. Mos. 4:1-4 clolest to J*111F1 from laalab; but ..., qui SllfiN «M m mUll refer, KOOrding to Ooldslein, to an auaeL Ooldlldn tnnslllel the pbra1e u "0111: who is in charge (or, concerned with) them" ~» ""'IIM), and ~it wilh Job 33:23. '11111 the eapession used there ~elers to an an&d does not pnwe. however, !ha the inten:essor is an anaeJ in As. Mos., as well.

176

CDMMENTARY

as an intercessor for Israel; see Ezra 9; 4 Ezra 8:20-36. There arc considerable differences belwecn Ezra in these passages and !he intercessor in As. Mos. In Ezra 9, Israel has already relllniCd 10 the land I, and God's answer to Ezra in 4 Ezra 8 is an inlelpi"Ctation of lhc prayer, comparable to Dan. 9. Nevcnhcless, 4 Ezra appears 10 use an existing image of the scribe which seems 10 have been much more akin 10 thc inlaCeSSOI' in As. Mos. 4:llhan 10 Daniel: Ezra is Israel's leader in e~tile; on his activily the people's fate is said IOdcpend (4 Ezra 5:16-18; 12:40-45). In view oflhe priesdy inrercsiS of As. Mos., one is templed 10 note !hat Ezra was a Levire and priest (Ezra 7:1-5, 11; 10:10, 16), and lhu4 Ezra 14 pictures him e~tplicidy2 as a new Moses. Bolh Ezra's piesdy office and his Mosaic ch.vacler qualify him as an inlerccssal.

4:2 In the do~tology wilh which !he inrercessor begins his prayer, God's omniporencc is praised: he is called King of all, e~talted in his lhrone4. This praise changes smoothly into thc remembrance of Israel's election: wilh parallel relative consbUclions it is said !hal God rules the world and !hat he has wished Israel to be his chosen people. In this way, !he praise 10 God is al!he same time !he foundation of lhc plea for mereyS. Whereas it is acknowledged, in the confession As. Mos. 3:4-13, !hat !he distress has deservedly come over Israel,lhe intercessor appeals nonelheless to God's original inrention wilh which he had once granted Israel an eJtCCptionaJ6 status. Israel's misery is juJttaposed 10 the intimate bond of love and compassion belween God and the patri-

I This is not 10 deny tiW Ezra plays an imponua role in Israel's return to lhe land accollling to lhe book of Ezra iiSClf (chapters 7 and 8). 2 Knowles, "Moses, the Law, and lhe Unity of 4 Ezra", has shown that 4 Ezra as a whole il SIIUCIUred according to the concep: of Ezra as Moysu rUivivw. 3 Acconlins to a possible imerprcwion of As. Mos. 12:6, Moses is thouglll to intelcede on behalf of lsnlellftcr bis delth. In that case, Moses himself would most likely be lhe intercessor or As. Mos. 4:1. U11111 qui s11pra eo~ es1 can then be literally understood as "someone who islbove lhem, 111111ely in heaven". See funher, however, lhe commental)l on 12:6. 4 Cf. losephus, Alii. 11111. XIV 24: ~ 8d: JlaaWil tciv 6MJv; Esth. 4:17 z 6 loOt; 6 lax\\mv bl lllivm;; 3 Mace. 2:3 "tCiv 61aw bucpcmllv; Philo, De vita Mosis D 88 1\l!lldJv 1W 111Muc;; d. also Esdi. 4:17 b tv ~IJ CJOU tb llliv bmv; lub. 31:13 Dew CIIIICIOr~~m; altiJ s•s indiCIIeS God's throne in hesven, cf. ~ ii'P'IA.&; I En. 14:18; ~ tv ~ T. lob 41:4; Heb. 8:1 (lsa. 66:1 6 ~ IWl 8p6woc;); cf. Rev. 4:2. "Kins" (ru, ~and "who ru1est the wodd" (qMI domJIIIJI"is Sll«lllo) are onlinary titlell of God (cf. Xllpoe dju J1aaW6 mvtOJV 1CpCni?N Esth. 4:17 b). For the Jauer, sec mo.e 1pecllicaDy 3 Mace 2:2 Xllpoe dju jlclmUO 1IIW Ollpa\r6l ml &IIGcnK ~ ~ tv &,!~ p6vDPX£, mvmcpdtmp; Sib. Or. DJ 19

...sa.-

lqllntaw.

5 Cf. the domlogies in the confessional prayen. in whlcb lhe plel is founded 0111he pnlse of God as ''teepq the CIJYCUil and mercy" (Dan. 9:4; Neh. 1:5; 9:32), anllcipiling lbe plel Carmen:iiW I'CSIIJndOD oflbe CO¥enant llimilmty,ln Bar. 2:1 1,1he prayerllllici))DI hll plel lbr the lelltlirlllion oldie elllle by pnimJ God u lhe one who led J.mel out of EJ1111. 6 Plelu uupt1J 4:2; cf. Dall. 14:2 at ~ ~ 6 eaSt; C10U '!Evf.a8m G! cr6tlf AaiW apunlcRov (VaiJite: pec11/larem) cb6 llivrw "llilv ...,., "llilv bl IIIJOCII(IIou ~ 'flk (cf. PI. 135[134):4); 1 Ki. 8:53 crll &~mala; (Vulple: sqHII'fUii) IMot.; CJIIVrf ~ d.1pMJ!Iiav h: , . _ , 1lllv Mdv ftk Tlk-

3:4-4:6

177

archs, on which bond the oovenant was based I, The election is similarly contrasted 10 lhe present misery in Esth. 4: 17 m-ol. The combination of all these mocifs (God's love for his elec:tcd people, the connection between God's and Imel's names, lhe refetence 10 lhe eamity of !he gentiles [cf. Ps. Sol. 9:1], and lhe appeal10 God's compassion) is neady paralleled in Ps. Sol. 9:8-9: Kal. vW .,U 6 ~ ~'1 ~ f~ oou 0.' 1\JIQlY, 1va

11>'1 bllaGMaa >'llliv. &n .,u 1IPntmo -m

6voiUi

CJDU

~· ~

cmtnuz

·~

aapa ..avm u. l8viJ -mv ai.8Jva.

rilu, !
m1 1eou

-m

4:3 The distress of lhe people is defined as lhe exilel, which frequendy provides lhe bisrorical background of many confessional prayers. Apan from inciting God's compassion, tbe mention of lhe exile serves to point out tbat Israel, being in exile, has undergone its punishment, and that it may now hope for the remission of its sins, based on its repentance4. Atlhe end of the confessional prayer, the realization of tbe punishment is often cited. In lhe epicletical section, Israel's miserable situation is again described in words quotinJ or recalling God's prophecies; see for instance Neh. 9:3637, clearly alluding to Deut. 28:33; cf. Pr. Azar. 36-38, alluding 10 DeuL 4:27; 28:62 and Hos. 3:4 (cf. Bar. 2:13). Likewise, the intercessor in As. Mos. 4:3 alludes to several prophecies that foretold Israel's expulsion among lhe gentiles and its sadness while in exile, e.g. Lev. 26:33, 36, 39; Deut. 28:64-65. I do not know of an instance of montititJ (~111<1\) used elsewhere to describe the exileS, but related expressions are often used. One example may suffice: T. Zeb. 9:6 ml al.~ucnv ~ ol tVtpo\ qww, ~
I Cf. the inltances in which lhe election is explicitly based on God's love: DeuL 4:37; 10: IS; Mal. I :2; PI. Sol. 9:8. 2 Somewhat differently in LAB 30:4, where lhe sune contrast is used by Israel in its Ja:Opilion or the divine punishment. J For the explk:it indusion of wiws and children among !hose who arc prisoners (coplivlj, see I Mace. 1:32; !1:13, 23; 8:10; 2 Mace. !1:13; 3 Mace. 3:2S; T. Judah 23:3; cf. Din. 6:24 4 See. for instance, T. Naptll. 4:3. S Compare, however, Antloc:hus' farewell in I Mace:. 6: 13!
'III""J'MI 'fVX'1.

6 In classical Onlelt, the wunl mCIIII simply "forciJner'', lllhough the Orcdcs' ~ia probably save lhe won! I pejollli~ rinJliO !hem, as weD.

178

ffiMMENTARY

clarification. Perhaps one should not lay too much emphasis on ostium, and simply understand the gate as the place where the Israelites used to pass their day, the only terrible thing being that it is not their own gate. In that case, 4:3 may be read as a

parallelismus rMnlbronlnt:. ill cimJI

.........

fllietrtMJ

ostium

oJJofilo,.,.

4:4 The intercessor concludes his prayer to the "heavenly Lord"2 with a plea for mercy.

Respice et miserere is an ordinuy prayer formula, occurring literally in Jerome's ver· sions jrata LXX andjJUta Hebraeos of Ps. 25(24):16 and 86(85):16 (also Ps. 119[118]:132jrara Hebraeos only). In various confessional prayers, however, simi· lar formulas~ passionately accumulated; most famous is Dan. 9: 18-19, but sec also Neh. 1:11; Bar. 2:14-17; 3:2; Jos. As. 13:1-9.

d. 4:5-6 After the punishment is undergone, and the people have repented, God will not let the intercessor's prayer stay unanswered, but he will, as he had promised through Moses, let the people be rcSIOrcd in their land.

5 a Then God will remember them, on account of the covenant which he had made with their fathers, b and he will manifest his mercy in these days, too. 6 And he wiU give it into the heart of the king to have mercy on them, and to let them return to their land and region. 4:5• In 3:9, the tribes~ portrayed as asking the Lord to ''remember the covenant which he

bad made with the fathers, and the oath he swore unto them that their posterity would never be absent from the land". In 4:5a it is said that the Lord will indeed "remember them on accowu of the covenant which he had made with their fathers"; this will prove God's faithfulness to his words: both to his oath and to his promise to redeem the penitent sinners, e.g. Lev. 26:42 ml JIVI1C'81Icrolu tlk &o911~ 1U1Coilji 1eal ~ &ae>\~ 'laaiD: ml ~ &ae>\~ 'AJ!paDrl J1V11CJ81!crolun 1eal "til~ Y'l<; ~ ....,..; d. Lev. 26:45; DeuL 4:29-30; 30:3.11 must be stressed that the people's restoration, which results from God's remembering them, is not presented as SO!DC kind of reward for their repentance; it is based solely on the covenant with the fathers. By their penitence the tribes show that they themselves have no merits on account of which they may ellpeCI God to intervene. Although their self-humiliation is a condition to be fulfilled, it is in no way the cause or reason for God to remember them; the reason is to be found in God's autonomous promise to restore the covenant when the people repenL

I Ql the vllilllon of ill ..a drr4, aee JllDIIIIIiCII note nr. 167. 2 Domillll.r CIII!Wds, cf.IHiu Clll!luli& As. Mos. 2:4.

3:4-4:6

179

4:5b Remembering the covenant SWids parallerlto the manifeswion of God's mercy. See for inslllllce DeuL 4:31, where it is said lhat God will "not forge1 the covenant with your fathers", because he is a "merciful God" (llri><; ol~ ~ iJ ~ oou); cf. DeuL 30:3. For the expression "to reveal mercy", see lsa. 56: I. Unless the word et is 10 be deleted, the phrase ettemporibus il/is muSI be connecled 10 the preceding clause; if it were 10 be connecled 10 the following clause (et minit in tmimam regis 4:6), there would be a senseless repeat of et ("And in those days, and he will eiC. "). Connected 10 the preceding clause, et is to be understood as etiiJm (see grammatical note nr. 140). and the phrase indicates the willingness of God to be repc:aledly merciful: "He will be merciful on this occasion, too", i.e., "as he has been on seven.l other occasions"'· This is reminiscent of passages such as DeuL 9: 19 and I0: 10, where Moses relates how God answered his prayer "again", ml tv ~ IClllpCj bcrlv(j), but even more of the anarnnelical section in Neh. 9, in which the invCICrate sinfulness of the people is mentioned, but also God's unremitting willingness to forgive2. It must be admitted lhat in As. Mos. there is no earlier manifestation of God's mercy. Since, however, the author of As. Mos. intended 4:5-6 to prove to his readers God's faithfulness to his promise to redeem the penitent sinners (apparently in order to exhort them to repent), he may by the use of this "also" evolr.e the welllr.nown inslllllces of God's mercy prior to the moment when Moses is said to deliver this prophecy. At the same time, God's willingness to forgive the author's intended readers is implied

4:6 In Moses' prophecy, God will end the exile through "the king"; the author of As. Mos. of coune refers 10 the Persian lr.ing Cyrus. Again, God is the one who acts: he "gives it in the hean" of the king 10 set them free; that is, God "made the king want them 10 be free". The initiative is also ascribed to God in Solomon's prayer in I Ki. 8:50 ml ~ ~ ~ olJC"tii)IIOUt; !:wllnov al~ ainoUc;. ml ol""P'\cnnxnv CVulgate: IU miseretiiiiUT) cN101lc;. The Latin uses the expression in IJIIimam minen, whereas the Vulgate commonly uses the expression is in corde dare (LXX: &Mvm tv mpllq, as in e.g. Exod. 35:34; 2 O.ron. 12:14; Ezra 7:10, 27; Neh. 2: 12; 7:5). The difference between miMre and dare is negligible; the use of llllinul instead of cor may have been caused by the semantic overlap of the words (bodt the hean and the soul being the seat c:L the will), and by their frequent juxtaposition in parallelisms. This passage ends with an allusion 10 Cyrus's edict (2 Chron. 36:23; Ezra I :2-4). Even the elevated style of that "document" seems to have left its traces in As. Mos. 4:6, namely in the combination of the synonyms terra et regio (see grammatical note nr. 170).

I Thus Clemen, AI'AT 11, p. 322. 2 See aiJo Ps. 106(10S):43 ~ tppUacno a6
4:7-9

TilE TRIBES AFTER TilE RESTORATION After the king's pennission to return, the subsequent fate of the various groups within the people is summarily related. The two and the ten uibes, temporarily reunited in 3:8-13, are again divided, but an additional division is made, and a third group, "some parts of the tribes" is distinguished: I) Ascendelll aliqUM panes rribuum et venielll in locum ... 2) DUM tribus permtUJebunl in praeposila fide ... 3) X tribus cresceru et devenielll apud lllltiones in

~mpore

tribulalionum.

It seems that, according to the author of As. Mos., those "parts of the tribes" who return to rebuild the "place" (apparently Jerusalem or the temple) are not the two tribes. Their return and the restoration of the "place" is contrasted to the faithfulness to the covenant which is reserved for the two tribes. Apparently, the author in this passage redefines the "two tribes": from this moment, only those who abide in the faith of the fathers may be called by that name. Once again the people of God is reduced to a smaller group, consisting of only a part of the "two tribes". If this is correct, the designation "two tribes" is an honorific one, and it is used in the same way in which for instance Paul uses the name "Israel" (cf. Rom. 9:6 ou miv~ oi £; 'lapa.~A.. otrtol 'lapa.~). In contrast, "some parts of the tribes" is a derogatory designation. The fate of the ten tribes, prophesied in 4:9, is unclear, due to textual corruption; it seems, however, unlikely that the author of As. Mos. would view their post-exilic existence positively. Then some parts of the tribes will go up, and they will come in the place that was appointed to be theirs, and they will rampart the place anew. a But the two tribes will hold on to the allegiance that was ordained for them, mourning and weeping, because they will not be able to bring offerings to the Lord of their fathers. 9 And the ten tribes will be more and more absorbed among the nations in a time of tribulations. 1

4:7 In lhis sentence, it is predicted that "some pans of the tribes" will return, and rampart the city lllleW. As ha bcell n:IIIIJ'ked above, "some pans of the tribes" seems to be a pejonrlve dcsipalion of lhe ones who rebuild the walls: pors and alitpd an: used in a

4:7-9

181

similarly deroga!Dry way in 6:9 (see lhe commentary on !hat passage). In 2:7, lhe building of walls is considered as the first slage of aposwy; here, lhe renewed fortification of lhe city apparendy disqualifies its maken to be counted among lhe "two bibes"; sec below on 4:8. There has been some debate on what place is meant wilh locus, Jerusalem or lhe temple, but Jerusalem is no doubt lhe most natural referent, since it is said !hat "!hey will rampan lhe place", which is more appropriately said of a city lhan of a temple. The emphatic fonnulation locus constitutus suus suggests lhatthc place ID which !hey will rctmn was "appointed ID be lheirs"l; see Exod. 23:20 "ft yfl, ~v 1\101j1aad aot; 2 Sam. 7: I 0 ml. lllaoiiOl t6mv tQi ~ IJOU tlji 1apm!A; cf. Nurn. 10:29; I Sam.

12:8. Probably, renovare here means "ID n:build"; cf. Sir. 49:7(9) oliCOiioiJdv Kai irerum aediflcare er renovare. It cannot be excluded, however, !hat it means ''to re-dedicate". In lhe Vulgatc of I Mace. 4:36 and 54, lhe verb renovare appears to have borrowed lhe meaning "to (re-)dedicate" from the Greek tyiCmv!l;nv. A related Greek noun is also used in connection wilh Jerusalem's walls in Neh. 12:27 lv f:rKIIlv!w; uixo~ 'lqxruaal.I\JI (Vulgate: in dedicatione aurem ICGtatuminv; Vulgate:

muri Hi4rusalem).

4:8 In 4:8, it is stated that lhe two bibes will be sad2, because !hey will not be able to bring sacrifices. The rctmn of "some pans" of the bibes ID lhe city may be assumed ID imply lhe restoration of lhe Jerusalem temple cult. The sadness of the two bibes is lhcrcfore often interpreted as a rejection of the validity of lhe restored temple. Such a rejection must be seen in connection wilh lhe building of walls around lhe city in 4:7 (cf. 2:7-9, where lhe fortification of Jerusalem is regarded as the beginning of apostasy). This interpretation has, however, met with objections. D.R. Schwartz especially

has protested against what he sees as a strained interpretation of non poterinrl. According to Schwanz, lhe simple words "!hey will not be able" say nolhing about cultic validity or n:jcction". As an alternative, Schwartz suggests !hat lhe two bibes can be seen as the Jews who remained in Babylonia, but who kept in touch with the Jerusalem temple (as opposed ID lhe ten bibes, lhe apostates from Norlhcrn descent). This geographical distance would prevent !hem from bringing sacrifices-the cause of their sadness5. However, assuming that As. Mos. was not written by a Diaspora

I In dial case, locru constiiJUIU """ woald be equlnlentro locru , _ constilllit (sc. Ileus) ds; cf. 4:8 prtl#!pOIIUajidu sua. equivall:nl fD fides fW1111 prrlqNlAiil eil. 2 Trisru er ,_elltu; cf. lhe Vulpre oflsa. 29:21risti.r et~~~«~"Mr. Ezck. 9:4 er dolutu. 3 Schwattz, '"l1le Trlbca of As. Mol. 4:7-9". 4 So IIIo Rec8e, DleGuc#ddtte, p. lOO. 811[ cf. Goldstdn, '"l1le T - of Mala" pp. 49-50, who lllgelled lbaliC 10111e time in the utual tndilkln a wonllike fllM'7 (ID offer up SBCrifica "a:cepplbby") or ill equiVIIent in G..t or Lllin was loll; lllenlllively, the lllllilln of lll:llCpllblllt Is inplied. 5 Simlwty, Donn, "T. Mos. 4:8" p. 492: ''Rather than a rejel:lion of Jbe Second Temple, then, T. Mol. 4:8 delcribca Jbe fidelit:y of the tw Dibcs ID Jbe TaDple wanbip wbile in ClliJe, llimilu 10 the longing exprased In Pllbn 137." The main panllel for such a c:oncep:

,_rrre.s

(COIII.)

182

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Jew I, il is unlikely lhll lhe author would designate lhosc who returned as "some parts" of lhe lribes. and !hose who stayed back as "the two tribes"; ralher, he would have written: "lhe two lribcs will return, but some pans of lhe lribes will remain in exile". In facr, only lhe ~jection of lhc ~building of the walls by some pans of lhe tribes as a sinful acr, can explain why from 5: I onwards punishmenl is expeeled. Schwanz aacmpted 10 neutralize lhis vinmt:ta by claiming that it was "not seen as a punishmenl ... , but n.lher a necessary and foreordained pan of !he chain of events leading 10 lhe end of days"2. Yet although !his punishment is foreordained, lhis is only lhe case because lhe Lord has also foreseen lhe sin 10 which il is a n:aclion. Obviously, lhe Lord would never have foreordained punishment for punishment's sake (cf. 3: 10-13). Reading 4:8 in connection wilh 4:7, lhe unavoidable conclusion is lhat lhe 1wo lribcs are distinguished from "some parts of the lribes" because the former "remain faithful10 lhc prescribed allegiance" (viz 10 lhe covenant, see commentary on 2:7). Thal implies. however, that "some parts of the lribes" fail10 be failhful 10 this allegiance 10 lhe covenant Since lhese parts of lhc lribes appear 10 be lhe dominant group (it is !hey who will rebuild lhc walls), it is impossible for the fai1hful ones 10 bring sacrifico--it is no coincidence lhal it is said lhat sacrifices cannot be offered to lhc God of !heir falhers (see lhe commentary on 9:6). It can be concluded lhat the validily of lhe temple cult is indeed rejected by lhe author of As. Mos. A ~jection of lhe validity of lhe temple cult is found in a few olher texts, esp. in I En. 89:73 (alludin& 10 Mal. I :7), and now also in 4Q390 ("Pseudo-Moses"); cf. Sib. Or. ID 265-294. Objections have been made lhallhe parallel from I Enoch is imperfect, since, in lhal passage, lhe temple cult is no! al!ogether rejected---only lhe offerings are said 10 be impure and pollutedl. In response, it should be noted lhallhe rejection of the temple eull in As. Mos. probably concerns ils impurity as well (cf. 5:4)4 . However, lhc new ll:xt from Qumn.n provides an even closer parallcllo As. Mos. 4:7SS. In 4Q390 I, il is prophesied lhat lhc Israelites will act jus! as sinfully as lheir preexilie falhers, cxcepl fer lhe lint generation, which will rebuild lhc temple (4Q390 14(speaking, bowncr, aboul the "nine" tribes), which neither Schwanz nor Doran quoles, is 4 Ezra 13:3~9. csp. 41-42 (Hilgenfdd, '"Die Psalmen Salomo's", p. 284). I As Boussct, R~igioft tks Jud~n-.s. pp. I IS-116, 2p. 133, would have il; Schwanz, "The Tribes", p. 22 I, limils himself 10 commenting thal he sees ''no need" 10 assume a Babyloniln lllndpoim. 2 Schwanz, "The Tribes", p. 222. 3 Simitarly, 11 has been lllgllCSICd thal the author of As. Mos. ooly stateS thal the glory of "seeollll Temple" was less than that of the "lilll", as in 2 Bar. 68:5-6 (so Lapenousaz, L~ TuUIIflelll, p. 117; Pries&, 'TestllllelllofMoses", p. 929). Bul then As. Mos. 4:8 would relily be IIIJIIIe!hiDg of an (cf. Owlcs, The As.rlllrlpliDII. p. IS). 4 Aceonfini!O Ooldllll:in. "The Testamenl of Moses", p. 49, !he phrase 1ris1u a gm.etUU is llllrm fmm Ezct. 9:4 (Vulpll:: gt!IMiflU et dolmles), "when! !he words Jefer 10 !he acrupuloul minority, II:IIIIIIIII7Al ~ !he lbcJminllions of the majorily". S 4Q390 wiU be pulllilhed. wilb alnnllatioo 11111 commc:ruary, by D. Dim.m~, in "New UJhl flom QaauD oo !be Jcwilh l'lcudcpipapha - 4Q390", in J. T~~:bolle Banera 11111 L. Veps MoalaDer (eels.), TM Madrid QIUIII"an Conguss. Proc~UU.,s of !M llllnlliJIIDntiJ CtMgrU~ CM tile D«
ove-

4:7-9

183

6). But, after that generation has passed away, they will violate every commandment that the Lord has given them (7 -9~·o•':l!l Do"10 'IT1Mii!1, "but I will cause to remain from among them a remnant" (I 0).

Pennlllll!re ill means "to hold on to", and may be complemented by an abstract denot· ing a disposition of the mind or soul, or by the object of such a disposition: for instance, one can "hold on to the Lord" (pe17111JIIt!re i11 Domi110, e.g. LAB 21:10), or "persevere in the fear of God" (permanere i11 rimore Dei e.g. Tob. 2: 14). Similarly, one can ''persevere in the faith"; see pe17111JIIt!re in fide (~v -ril 111111EL) Acts 14:211. Permanere ill fide may therefon: be translated as ''to pcrscvcrc in the allegiance (viz to the covenant)", or, which is effectively the same, "'hold on to the covenant" (for fides as "covenant", see commentary to 2:7b). The faith the two tribes hold on to is said to have been "laid before them•-2; prae· po11ere has probably been confused with proponere (see grammatical note nr. 46). Propollt!re is used in connection with the law and commandments in e.g. Exo1l. 21: I and DeuL 4:44 (LXX: llOpllnlltvm tvoionov); Deut. 4:8 and I Ki. 9:6 (LXX: &lioYOl l:v!IIKwv); see esp., in connection with the covenant, Josh. 24:25 percussit igirur io· sue ill die il/o foedus et proposuil populo praecepra mque judicill i11 Syclrem (LXX differs); cf. also 4 Ezra 7:20 IJIIIeposita ... Dei la.

4:9 Finally, in 4:9, the fortunes of the ten tribes arc reported. The text is in disorder. First, it is said that the ten tribes will "grow" (cresce11t). This may be an allusion to the multitude of the Jews in the Diaspora (cf. Josephus, A111. Jud. XI 133 alaE liioca t1M.al ... cipl&l&qi yvldCJ8ijYOl 111'1 6w~). But in such an interpretation, the clause seems to have little coherence with the context ~baps one may take crescent er devellienr apud lltlliollt!S as an "enumerative figure", coordinating what is logically subordinate: "they will more and more (crescenr) be absorbed among the nations"3. The rest of 4:9 is conjectural. The manuscript offers devellielll apud lltllos in tem· pore tribum, which makes no sense. lt is relatively easy to corrccr tribum to tribulario~ (see the textual commentary to line 81 ), the emendation of IIOIOS into IIOriollt!S I Sec also Col. 1:23; I Tim. 2:1S. 2 Hilgenfeld, "Die Psalmen Salomo's", p. 284, rcU'anSiatcd praeposita as o:poulii!Yil. Reesc, Die Gescllichte, pp. 100-101. in turn interpreted this as "vorhandene Tn:ue" ("extanl faith"). lbis hanlly renders the clause more intelligible, pact 3: I0-13. Moreover. Reese 's appcaiiO tfillenfeld's authority is unjustified. since Hilgenfeld only gives the literal rendering of prae- (pro-) ponere, and does not explicitate which of the many meanings of o:poma8aL

would bave been mCilll. 3 So Oemen, APAT 11, p. 323: "z:chn Stlmme werden immer mehr zu Heiden wcrden". For the enumerativc figure, sec Hofm.v~-Szantyr 11. p. 783. 4 Dorm, 'T. Mos. 4:8", p. 491, prefers 10 retain the manuscript"s devtllielll apud lltllOI, claiming tbal thil clause aJUid be lllllllllaled as "'they go 10 sray with !heir dlildn:n' [so almady Vollanar, Mou Prophelit], a sense or domestic bliss that contrastS strongly with the sorrow or the two tribes."I doubl. however. lhalullt!llire Clll mean ''to go 10 sray", and I am not sure whether the accptionally hiJh CSieCID for such domeslic bliss is not anachroaistic. or, if il is not. whelher it is the proper opposite of the inability 10 sacrifice. Donn's suggeslion 10 read 4:8-9 befon: 4: I mull be dismissed as spcculalive 11111 based on a gross misundenlandillg of 4:1-7 (p.49l: "4:1-7 ... mu:~! thedecline.&rlherctum from thecxilej.

184

OOMMENTARY

is the most likely one. The majority of scholars connect deunienz with apwJ l'lllliones, "they will end up among the nations". lt is also possible to connect dewllienz with in rmrpore lribuJDtio1111111 (d. I Mace. 6:11 ill qlltllllllm rribuJatioMIII deuni). Tbc fate of the ten tribes, thus interpreted, is IIOl that they will become numerous among the nations, but thar they wiU end up in a time of growing tribulation among the nations. The fac:t that apwJ lltlliones follows deullienz, however, sugges15 that ''they willlllln and more be absorbed among the nations in a time of tribulations" is what the author meanL For the general meaning of 4:9, one may compare Neh. 9:27 mi f.limoca.; ~ tv xapl llllil6vwv cMollc;. mi fall~ aVwUc; nl.; cf. also lsL 33:2.

5:1-6:9 TilE PEOPLE'S SINFULNESS Many interpreters of As. Mos. have assumed that chapter 5 is a continuation of the prophetically announced history of the people. Since chapter 6 recognizably refers to the Hasmonean and Herodian periods, chapter 5, in this view, must cover the temporal space between the restoration of the temple and the Hasmonean period. The kings, perpetrators of crime and executers of punishment (5:1), are accordingly identified as the last Persian kings•, or as the Ptolemies and Seleucids2, or as the earlier Hasmonaeansl; the division with regard to the truth (5:2) is interpreted as the conflict between Daniel's maskilim and rabbim4, or between the Pharisees and Sadducees5; the priests, who are in reality nothing but slaves (5:4) would be the Hellenizers6, in particular Jason and Menelaus7, or the Maccabaean priests&, in particular John Hyrcanus9, and so on. Apparently, all the various identifications proposed are primarily intended to fill in the gap between the allusions to the return from exile (4:7) and to king Herod (6:2-6). It must be recognized, however, that the information chapter 5 supplies is simply too general and too vague to malte such specific identifications. In a brief discussion that has received little attention Laperrousaz argues convincingly that chapter 5 and chapter 6 are concerned with the same historical period, but that they view this period from a different perspective. Chapter 5 is a general characterization of the people's sinfulness; chapter 6 connects this sinfulness to the kings under whose I Hilsenfeld. "Die Psllmen Salomo"s"", p. 302. 2 Clemen, APAT U. p. 323; Rielller. Jildisclles Scllrifmun, p. 1302; Reese. Die Geschiclue, p. 101; IJrmllciiiJiupr. "Himmelfahn"". p. 72. lL.apenousu,LeTe.tU~~~~eJU.p.ll8. 4 Schmidlmd Meft. "'Die Alllllllplio". p. 143. 5 Chutes, 77te Amlmplioll. p. 16; Clanen, APAT 11, p. 323; Rie81er. Jilllisclw Sc/vlfl- . p. 1302; BlmlllenburJier, "Himmelfahn". p. 72; Lapenousaz. Le T - I l l . p. 118, for undenllndlble laiOIIS, 8ddllhe Eaenea. 6 Luci111, Der Es.rallsmlu, p. 114; Oemen. APAT 11, p. 323. 7 Heldeahelm, "'BeiUIF zum beuem Verstlndniss". pp. BS-86; Rie81er, JUisc#ws

Schrl/IIJim, p. 1302; R-. ~ Geschiclru, p. 102. I HlJaenfeld, N011,., T - (181!6), p. 102. 9 HilJIII'II(dd, N - T e s - - (21884). p. 132; Priesl. '"Te&Wnenl or Moles", p. 929.

186

OOMMENI"ARY

rule this coiTUption is to take place'. This period is the relatively short time immediately preceding the eschatological events (described in As. Mos. 8-10), and is signalled by the words et cum adpropiabunttempora arguendi (5:1). In this pre~schatological chaos, the people ana its leaders are entirely perverted, as chapter 5 attempts to show. With chapter 6, the author intends to make his readers recognize their own time as the final stage of the pre~chatological chaos, described in chapter 5. It can be concluded that it was not the author's intention to discuss all the people's vicissitudes in the time between the return from exile and his own age. He omits most of post~xilic history, and moves on at once to what is to him and his readers recent history. Apparently, he wishes to show that his own time mirrors the events that, in his view, led to the exile referred to in As. Mos. 3:1-32. The author supports his interpretation of his own time as the pre~scha­ tological period by the use of one or more references to scripture, fonnally introduced by the clause propter quod factum fuit (5:3). I suspect that 5:4-6 are meant as an exegetical application of this appeal to the scriptures. This suspicion is corroborated by the numerous cross-references between 5:2-3 and 5:4-6. In 5:2-3 one finds four words which are echoed in 5:4-6: 5:2 dividcniUr ad verimlem 5:3 dcvirabuntjus.riliam 5:3 acadcnt ad iniquiiQiem 5:3 conllminabunt illqlliNJlionibus dommn servitutis

5:4 non enim sequenhD" veritalem 5:5 pervendentjusrilia.r accipiendo 5:6 implebitiD" colonia ... iniquitalibus 5:4 altarium inquinabUIIl

The way in which the concepts introduced in 5:2-3 are given a new context in 5:4-6 is reminiscent of certain exegetical methods used in Qumran and other contemporary literature.

In S:4-6, the sins introduced in the reference to scripture are ascribed to those groups within Jewish society of which they are typical. By enumerating these groups with their typical transgressions, the author I Lapenouuz, u Ta-111. p. 119: "Cc verset (se. 6:1) n"111110111:e pas des l!vmemenls devllll se produi.e apra c:eux IIICdioraa clans les veneas du chapim: V; mais, &pits avoir, en V, I, fait allusion en tennes MSeZ vques aux mis d'llors, puis, sua:euivement, aux divers advmaires de - pan;, l'autaar p&:ise, ic:i, l'identi~ de ccs mis sous le lf:gne desquels se ~les l!v~ rapport6l clans le chapitn: V". 2 Compa.e Kolenkow's ranarts on !he use of the Doppel.scMrllll in As. Mos., in ''The Assumpdon of .Mciles as • TCilllmenl", p. 73.

5:1-6:9

187

of As. Mos. conveys an image of Jewish society as one that is diseased in all its branchest. The various groups are the kings, possibly the people, the priests, the teachers, and the judges (reges ... ipsi ... sacerdotes ... doctores ... judices). Similar schematic arrangements are found in Ezek. 22:25-29 (ol ~.:.-. ... ol lqxit; •. ol dpzovur; ... ol~q»­ ..,tm.); Micah 3:11 (ol ~~ ... ollqxit; ... ol ~: cf. Micah 7:3); Zeph. 3:3-4 (ol c5pzovur; ·- o\ qual ... o\ ~- ... ol I.Epn~; cf. Neh. 9:34: Ezra 9:2: Jer. 6:13; Dan. 9:8: Bat. 1:15-16. It will be noted that in As. Mos. 5 no prophets occur, which accords with the tendency in As. Mos. to suppress all prophets but Moses2.

a. 5:1-3 In S:l-3 the aulhor of As. Mos. alludes 10 prophecies in the scriptures, intended for the lime near the end, in order 10 characlcrizc lhe time in which he and his readers live as "the times of lhe approaching judgement". In lhesc days of pressure, lhe know I· edge of the trulh wiU be obscured, and injustice, defilement and idolatry will prevail. 1 And when the times of judgement approach, revenge will come through kings who participate in crime and who will punish them. 2 And they themselves will move away from the truth, 3 wherefore it has been said: 'They will avoid justice and turn to iniquity,' and: 'they will defile the house of their worship with pollutions,' and that 'they will go awhoring after foreign gods'.

5:1 The rempor11 ~~rguadi are said to be "approac:hing"l, which of course means thallhe lime left before tbc advcm of the lime of the end is short. In 7: I the point in lime is indicaled on which the "limes will suddenly end". Olapras S-6 must therefore be seen as the short time immediately preceding the cschatological events. It may safely be as·

I Cf. Isa. 9:14-IS, whcle it is Sllid dill die Lonl will destroy the peoplecnlildy, "head 11111 tail": ~6tqy ICUI. 10Uc; m o:p617,_ ~ 1a11tq ~ c1px111 ICUI. &Mcmwta 4Yopa (~ ~ oilpoi). 2 It may be dill As. Mos. !1:4-6 is in ill Cdilay din:Cied qainsl the pricsll. 1be funl:lioas IIICIIIiaaed CID ID be fulliDcd by priesls, 11111 pnllcls from bibliclllilenllln: show lhal !be teproadles made can be din:aed apinst priesu u weD; see funber lbe ClliiiiiiCIIIII on !1:!1-6. On the dueefold IUDclion of the Lcvites (priCSU. judaa llld scribes}, secT. Lcvi 8:17, and Holllllder llld ~ Jon&l:, Tile Ta~~JNIIU, p. IS4, d. pp. 106-107, 166; for !be funclion of ki111, sec As. Mol. 6: I. :J Adpropian; lp8ft from I Mace. 9:10. the Vulple pn:fen the ilyi10ilylll tlfiPropiltqiiiiTC. For the u. of these ~· in connection with a point in lime, sec for m- Deut. 31:14; 1 Ki. 2:1; l..ul. 4:18; Luke 21:20,d. 10:9,11 (lbe llppi08Cilina Kizlldom ofOod).

.,..,-rqv

188


sumcd that the author of As. Mos. wanted 10 suggest to his readers that they them· selves lived in the lime immcdiarely pm:eding the judgement I have found no other instance of the words rempora argueruli (KIIIPOi toii Utyxnv?t), but cf. 2 Ki. 19:31\lllpa 8ll'l'too; ml ~ 1<14 IIIIPOP1lO)IIIIl; lsa. 37:3 1\lllpa &llllbl; ml ilvu&GIIOO 1eal Uqpo\1; see also the commentary on As. Mos. 1:18, and cf."~ bcliun\cRca; in for inSUUICe Sir. 5:7(9) (Vulgatt:: rempus virulic· rae); 18:24 (Vulgatt:: tempus rerribUlionis); or Jer. 26(46):21 tJatpo. ~llli ~~ b:' aUtoUc; ml ~ tl
5:1 According 10 the majority of interpreters, the author in 5:2 alludes 10 emerging religious dissension: dividenrur ad verillllem would then mean "they will be divided with regard to the truth". For this dissension, many commcn1a10rs point 10 the antithesis between the Pharisees and the Sadducees3. Charles referred to I En. 90:6-74. in which he secs an allusion 10 the emergence of both parties in the same historical period as the dissension of As. Mos. 5:2S. But even if the dividi ad is 10 be translated with ''lobe divided with ~gard 10 the truth", any link 10 specific religious parties is unwarranted. Dissension in the period immediately preceding the end is a tnidilional molif, primarily used as a sign of the time of the end. In Jub. 23:16-19, for inslanCC, violent struggle is expected 10 arise between all kinds of opposing groups6, illustrating the tOial disruption of the social order; sec also 4 Ezra 5:9; 6:24; 9:3; 13:30-31; 2 Bar.

1 Thus the reuanslation by Hilgenfeld. "Die Psalmen Salomo's", p. 284. 2 Unless,_ is 10 be read as MIJ, the apodosis is introduced by er villdicra, a semitic:izing consiiUclion. see pammllicll note nr. 190. For de denoting the agent. see grammatical note nr. 68. 3 See above, in the inuoduction 10 this section. Hilgenfeld, "Die Psalmen Salomo's", p. 302. suggelled that diWdere R:renaJ 10 the diaspon. bul it R:mains unclear how he underSIOOCIIIII~

4 Tlr.e A.sslmynioll, p. 16. S I Ell. 90:6-7 speaks about }OIIIIg Jambs who began ro open their eyes and who cried 10 the sheep. wbo. however, weft: deaf and blind. The lambs arc usually interpR:Ied u 1 R:rerenc:e 10 the Hasidim in eally Maccabean times. see also FoeiSICr, "Die Urspnang des Pbarlslillllua", pp. 38-39, 44. 6 Foenter, MDie Urspnang des Phuidismus". pp. 42-43, connected this pasa&IIC 10 the HISidlm • M:ll, bul a lading of the puuae in its enlirely m:Judes such 111 inlerprelllion.

5:1-6:9

189

39:6; 70:3, .5; I En. 100:1-2; cf. T. Judah 22:1. The motif is also .lrnown to Isa. 3:.5; Micah 7:6 (cf. Matt. 10:3.5); Zcch. 14:13; Mart. 10:21. However, the reflexive voice of dividere is preferably laken to mean "10 distance oneself'; if ad is laken in iiS Vulgar Latin meaning of ab (see grammatical note nr. 67)1, we may rranslate: "they2 will move away from the lrulh". For this meaning of dividere, see for insrance Ps. .55(54):22 LXX; or separare3 in 2 Ki. 17:21; Wisd. 1:3 perversae ellim cogiiiJiiones separatll (x!llpl~ucnv) a Deo; esp. Sir. 33:8 a Domini scienlia separali SIUU, LXX: tv yvolcm nplou &q!llplo9qcJav. The advanrage of this second rranslation of dividi is that it seems 10 match the context of As. Mos. 5:2 better. In 5:3 devitabiUil justiliam must mean that "they will disrance lhemselves from righteousness". In 5:4 it is said lhat"they will not follow lhe trulh", which is a clear reference 10 .5:2 (see below). But in .5:4 there is no mention of partisanship, only of a general abandoning of uulh. Veritas (d>.l\eruz) here is equivalent to the true religion4, lhe right way 10 live one's life before God. In lhis meaning it stands parallel10 liuc~ (I En. 10: 16; Jub. 20:9; cf. 30:18, 23), or 10 lA£oo; (as a human virtue, Ps. Sol. 17:15). In I En. I04: 13, it is said that the righreous may learn from the books of Enoch KCiDo<; 101; 0~ tile; .U118dat; (cf. Wisd . .5:6). The clearest examples of lhis use of lhe concept are found in the Qumran texiS, in which the members of lhe community are occasionally referred 10 as I'Di'l 'Ill!' (4QpHab VII 10; cf. I'D 'l:l IQS IV 5 and elsewhere). Truth has an absolute character, and it can be obrained through wisdom, insight and piety. The darltening of lruth and insight is a concept which occurs else· where as a sign of the approaching end; see for insrance 4 Ezra S: I, 9; 13:30-31; 14:17; 2 Bar. 39:6; Jub. 23:21-22.

S:J Uterally uanslated, propur quodfacrumfuit means "wherefore it has happened, or has been done". Propter quod occurs often in lhe Vulgate, and it almost always corresponds 10 &6, "for which reason": the abandonment of the rrulh (5:2) must be the reason for which somelhing/acrumfuir. However, if facere were in this instance 10 be rranslated with "10 do, or 10 happen", a subject is clearly missing. Moreover,lhe perfect tense facllllll fuit would be difficultiO explain. From lhe very beginning lherefore, comrnenrators have Bltempted 10 interpret facere in a way that ac<:ounts both for tbe apparently missing subjcet and for the perfeet tense. Above all, the perfcet tense seems 10 be underslandablc only if the phrase is taken as a formula introducing a quotation; several suggested emendations (such as

I In ThU.IV, col. 1604:15-17 (cf. cols. 831:39-43111d 823:7-12),the aulhorofthe lltlcle "clivido" IIUggesiS 111111111 should be undentood as adversus, see the Vellls Lalina of Num. 21:.5 derraMIHII popllllu 1111 Dewrt er adversiiS Moysen (~ cl1allo; wpG; ..UV 800v axl. ICMG M~). 2 Probably cona:lly, Sclnldt and Merx, "Die ASIIIIIIprio Mosis", p. 143, Jad lpsi u havina a ceruln emphllls: not only will theM be punishment by aimiDal kiDp. but allo tbey (dill is, the pccple) wiD fail ID keep the commlllltnems. 3 In the Vulpte, bolh tlivlden RI lqN~n~U aJC UICd as equiva!CIIII of lkaxc-.Jll;llv; aee for dlvtllere e.J. Gat. 1:4; 13:11, 14 (cf. 13:9 liuzx!llplcJe1Ju c!ar' ~ VuigiiC: nct!tle a me); for,., e.J. Oen. 30:32, 40; 2 CbnJn. 2.5: 10; Sir. 6:13. -' In I Tlm. 2:7, .U1!11n4 lllmds pmlle110 lll<m<;.

190

OOMMENTARY

rJicnunl orft1111m2) point in that direction as well. U>fstedt in 1911 gathered a number ofiiiSWK:es from late Latin lileramre (including As. Mos. S:3) in whichfacere is perhaps loosely used for "to say", even for "to write''l, so that an emendation would not be necessary. Even if the text of the pluueproprerquodfacrum[uir is not en~ly in order, it is fairly certain that it introduces a quotation. 1t is not possible, however, to trace the source of the words following this formula in the Old Testament or in related lilerature". This is no singular phenomenon. In the New Testament it occurs with some regularity that a fonnally introduced quotation is nowhere to be found in the Old Testament and n:lated lilerature5. It may be that the quotation is from a book no longer known to us, or from a lost variant or version of an Old TCSiamentllook6. But it is more likely that the author of As. Mos. has not quoted corn:clly or precisely, either because he quoted by heart or because he quoted ad JeiiSUM (that is, not the exact wording of some scriptural passage, but the inw:nlion of one or more1). The senw:nce Devilabunr jusririam er accetknr ad ini4uilarml does not occur in the Old Testament as we have it, but such apostasy is, of course, expccted by numerous Biblical writers&; see for instance Jcr. 11:10: ~

bl

m.;

cWiud~ (Vulgatc:

i"iquir12tes) tciv ,.attpc,v mitciv

lle.Aov

doaKoiiaCil (cf. de•i112re?) tlilv ).Oywv IJIN, ml UioV ainol. llalil(oucnv 61doC&l 8E
tlilv llj)6upov, ot ou"

~V~

Compare also Dcut. 31:29: ot&z 1Up h fox1110v ~ uk~ lW" 6vatl1CJ 6vatl!lotu (Vulgate: inique ogerls) 1u. ~<; l:vtiEWiii'IV il!Jiv. together with Deut. 31:16 ).ab<; OOtoc; bcloopvtOO... 6a:loC&l 8£civ cUAotp(cov (Vulgate: fornicllbirur post deDs IJiieiiOS).

It should be noted that the author of As. Mos. must have assumed that the source of these quotations were the books of Moses, unless he is inconsistent with regard to the atlributioo of the prophecy in his wmlc: to Moses. Dctamining the end of the quasi-quotation assumed to be introduced by proprer quod factumfllir poses another problem. The antithetical parallelism tkviiQbunr jusririam er

I Volkmar, M01e Propllerle, p. 29. 2 Sdlmidt and Mer.c. "Die Assumplio Mosis", p. 143. 3 Plli/ologUclter K - . pp. 165-166; this use of/«ert ~the meaning "to say" which the Fnnch VIOid /tllre IOIIICiirncllw (p. 165). Ulfstedt wuncd lhal the instances be quGil!d INilDl cerf.lin; dley deriw dlcir penuasivc force from lheir accumulalion. 4 for llllnlduc:loty fonnulu containing the words proprer quod. see the Vulgau: of Eph. 4:1; 5: 14; J - 4:6 (prtlfM' qiiDd dldt. &b Atya.; cf. Luke 11:49 proprerea er sop~nlla Dei dlxit,llu\ dw ml il ~ 1100 81011 daY; add 1 Clcm. IS:S). 5 See fiiDD,er, "'lbe U1e ofEqlllcit Old Testamenl Quotaliona", p. 304. 6 So for iDIIIDI:e Hlilmfeld, Ntwlllft TesltllM-. p. 112. 7 Cf. on dli1 -llonsi!Vell, EU,ae rtJbblltique, pp. 38-41. I JIIIIIU and 11t1q11111u allao ~in Pa. 4S(44):1 (CJIIIICd in Heb. 1:9) and Ezet. 33:13.

5:1-6:9

191

accede111 ad illiquirarem suggests that rhese two phrases belong togerberl. The passages from Jeremiah and Deuteronomy quoted above suggest that the phrase fornicabU/11 post deos alienos also fcnns pan of rhe quotation; at leas!. it can be recognized as a real quowion. In that case, quia, which precedes rhis phrase, may be inrc:rpmted as another inuoduction of direct speech or a quotation, translating the so-called llu

recirtllivum (see grammatil:aJ n01e nr. 152). lt is nor at all eltCCplional for a quowion 10 include material fnxn several passages. If this is correct, the clause in between, er contamirwbUIII inquiNJiiollibus domum serviruzis slltle, must belong to the quotation as well. Then, the saucture of 5:2-3 would be as follows: And they themselves wiU move away from lhe truth; when:Fon: it has been said: '"They willnoid justice and rum ro iniquity," and "defile with poUUiions the house of their worship," and thal "they wiU go whOring after foreign gods".

In 5:4, rhe inuoduction 10 rhis quotation (er ipsi dividelllur ad veritarem) is resumed: enim sequenrur veritarem Dei). This, too, suggests that rhe quotation should be taken to include fornicabutu post deos alienos2.

11011

Domus servinuis s~~t~e, usually a designation for Egypt3, must refer in this instance to the temple. On a few occasions, rhe Vulgate uses the word servitus for rhe servitude to God, in 2 Chron. 12:8 (where the servirus [LXX: 6ouArla) to God is contrasted to thatiO rhe kingdom of the earth; cf. I Mace. 2:10 servirus legis,l..XX: wtpda xaupon~), and in Sir. 2:1. As far as I can ascertain, servirus only once unequivocally designates rhe cultic service to God. in Wisd. 18:21 (LXX: ln~. On the other hand, rhe Greek word 6ouU!a can be used as a designation for rbe cultic service 10 God; it is connected to the "house of God" in I Chron. 25:6 (Vulgate: minisrerium); Neh. 10:33(32) (Vulgare: opus), whereas wtprla and Aatpclotv are more common designations (esp. used in connection with foreign deities), and 1nto-up-y!Q/1n101lp'lliv rhc predominant terms; the latter are connected with rhe temple (the tabernacle, rhe house of God) on numerous occasions. The reproach of the contamination of rhe temple by the Jews themselves is also found in Mal 1:7; 2:11; Ps. Sol. 1:8; 2:3; 8:12, 22; Jub. 23:17,21 (sec funhcr rhe commentary on 5:4). ldolalry is expressed in termS of adultery (fornican"), as is often done in Biblical and related liraature, possibly after rhe example of Hosea; see also I Chron. 5:25; Ps. 106(105):39; Jer. 3:9; Ezek. 6:9; chap. 23 (esp. 23:37-39).

1 For a limilu adthcllc.t puallcllsm cf. 2 Tim. 4:4 xa\ cbil ~ 4A.q8d.CII; -rilv tllanlv lbocrqqoiiCI\V, IS li ~ ll118our; ~vtaL. 2 So Sdmidtllld Mea, MDie Aamplio Mosis", P• 143.

3 E.g. Emd. 13:3, 14; Dcut. 5:6; 6:13.

192

COMMENTARY

b. 5:4-6 The explicit use of a scriptural quotation (5:3) leads to the expectation that the author will subsequently inlerprct it: a quotation serves to establish and to legitimize an author's views on the events and circumstances he describes. In 5:4-6, the authOI" substantiales his claims by relating the prophecies contained in the quotation to the circumstances which he secs as characteristic of his own time. The authOI"'s exegetical method is mainly to take up key-words from the prophecies, and to connect them to the wrongs he denounces. For example, the prophecy that "they will avoid justice Uu.rtitiam)" (5:3) is applied to the teachers who will be financially compensaled for their legal pronouncements Uustitias). This exegetical method is well-known from Qumran and New Testament literature I.

For they will not follow the truth of God, but some people will defile the altar with the offerings they will bring to the Lord, (se. people) who are not priests, but slaves born of slaves. s For the scholars who will be their teachers in those times will favour the persons that please them, and accept gifts; and they will sell legal settlements, accepting fees. 6 And so their city and dwelling-place will be filled with crimes and injustice against God, since those who will do them will be impious judges: they will continually judge according to their own liking. 4

5:4 The lint half of 5:4, 11011 ertim sequelllUT veritatem Detl, resumes 5:2, et ipsi dividen· 1111" ad verilmem, thereby signalling the transition from the quotation in 5:3 to its application to the circumstances of ra:ent history (from the author's perspective). Priestly cultic practices arc condemned in extremely radical terms. The cultic officers

arc designaled as quidDm, a derogatQI"y word (''certain chanlclerS"; cf. Rom. 3:8 sicw aiunt quidom r-n~. and see further grammatical DOle nr. 63); the rcpupance with which they fill tbe authOI" is funher expn:sscd in the clause qui 11011 s1111t SIICerdotu sed servi de servis llllli. As. Mos. 5:4 can be paraphrased as follows: "the altar of God is polluled by people who call thCD18elvcs priests, but who arc in reality no II10R than slaves". Possibly, the basis fill" this accusation is given in the first half of 5:4, "they will not follow the bulb" (d. Isa. 65:2). In the attempt to identify these priests who were slaves born of slaves. commcnta101"5 have poinled to John Hyrcanus who, according to Joscphus, Alii. Jud. XDl 291-

I ElliBCr, Slllllie11 Zlllll HablllaiJ:-KOIIIIIIellliU, p. 127, describes the exegetical principle "cla8 elllullle T - dlrd:r Ill die Ausleg""' sctbst hincinsenommen wenlen", acconling to the inlciJRf.el"'l wish "die Obercinstimmung von Te~ot unci AusleJUIII auch lu8ellidl zu clotumeaden:a. El sind lllldle Wonzlule, die 1181 heutzulage C1W11 In Anftlluunpsalche ICIzcn wtlnle." 2 For the expeuion "'o (OUow the truth" (mroloulldv tjl cU!JeGq.), aee T. Asher 6:1; cf. 2 Mace. 8:36 ~ ~ Isa. 65:2 001< ~ 66$ cl1qlkyt.

5:1-6:9

193

292, was admonished by the Pharisee Eleazar 10 give up lhe high-priesthood bec:ause his molhcr had been imprisoned during the reign of Antiochus Epiphancsi.It does not necessarily follow, however, lhat Josephus' apoctyphal anccdorc2 is related 10 lhe serious denunciation of lhe prieslhood in As. Mos. 5:4. Moreover, the phrase servi de servis 11/Jri does not mean that one of lhe priests' mother had been a captive, but !hat the entiJe priesdy stock will cmsist rX slaves3. It is equally unlikely that lhe aulhor of As. Mos. in 5:4 would calllhe priesthood "slaves" because of its genealogical imperfections in a more general sense4. It is obvious !hat priests should be of Aaronic descent: but if they arc not, !hat does not make them slaves. "Slave" should be taken here simply as a term of abuseS, in accordance wilh the Hellenistic contempt for lhe unfrce6. For !his abusive use of the term "slave" one may compare Lam. 5:8 &riWn torupl£ucrav >jiJ.Ciw, and lhe several occasions on which Alexander the Great's alleged divine offspring is rejected in the Sibylline Oracles, e.g. Sib. Or. Ill 383, where Alexander is called ciA'IO'; be lE\'E~ Kpovi&Jo v6&Jv 6o~W.w u 'YE"l94'1~. "a pain in the neck from lhe bastard family of Kronos, born of slaves"; cf. Sib. Or. V 7 (= Xll7); XI 197-198. That lhe priests were supposed to be slaves is not the reason why !heir office is here rejected. On the contrary: the aulhor finds the cultic officers unfit for !heir dignified task, and lhereforc calls lhem no more than slaves. The prieslhood is rejected bec:ause of its members' moral misconduct, which renders their cullic actions impure, defiling lhe Lord's sanctuary. In some Old Testament and related texts, the concept is found !hat immolations to God, which may ritualistically be in perfect order, arc nevertheless defiled because of the spiritual impurity of lhe ones who offer them. In Amos 5:21-24, for instance, the rich and festive offerings arc rejected bec:ause of sinfulness (for comparable rejec1ions, see lsL 43:27-28 LXX; Jer. I For instance Hilgenreld, No1111m Tutamelllum, p. 112; Volkmar, Most l'ropherie, pp. 32-33; Olhcrs, such as aemen. APAT 11, p. 323, and Btmdenburger, "Himmelrahn", p. 73, rejccred lhis identification. because lhe Macx:abees are ool inuoduced llllli1 eh. 6. 2upenousaz. u Tu-Ill, p. 118, inllates Josephus' ralher Herodotean s!Ofy by callil!l il a ''uadition scion l~quelle la m~re de Jean Hyrcan autait ~tt esclave sous le regne d 'Antiochus appbane". The SIOry is known also in bQidd. 66a; there, il is told in conneaion wilh Alexander Jannaeus, which shows lhatlhe slory is more or a traditional tale lhan a gen· uine historical lradilion (or, as Josephus himself puis il, ~~ lit 6 46-toc; 1\v). Apan

ftOm lhal, Hyrcanus' mother was said to have been a caplive (al~ aou "'f£10\ltvlll rllv jl'Jttpa}. which is not quite lhe same as being a slave. 3 In c:onttasl, Paul claims lhe puriry or his Jewish desccnl by saying lhal he is 'EI!Pai~ ~ 'EJ!oalaw. ·4 Oemen, AI'AT 11, p. 323, suggested tJIIIII, because !hey lacked lhe p10per Aaronic des· cen1, lhe servi were Hellenistic priesiS: Olarles. TM Assumption, p. 19, took "slaves" to refer to lhe same priests because lhey were Adiochus' puppelS, "beilll made and unmlde by him 11 pleasure". SSo Lucius, D~r Eu~lli.muu. p. 114: "Es mlk:hte ... das Won Sklave und Sklavengeborener als bloaer Schimpflwne aafzufassen sein, womil der Vetfasser die Hohenpriesler der Syrerzeh bnnlmllkl, lhnlich wie gewisse Ph1risler den Hyrl
194

OOMMENTARY

6:20; 7:30; Ezck. 5:11; Hos. 5:4-6; 6:6; Mal. 2:11-16; cf. Heb. 10:4). In Isa. 1:13 the sacrifices themselves arc called an abomination. In Ps. Sot. 2:3 (cf. Ps. Sol. I :8; 8:12, 22) it is explicidy Slated that the offerings that are brought to God are polluled because of the bringers' D'ansgrc:ssions, and that by bringing them the sancllwy is defiled: ol 'U\ol 'kpcnxra).ipl qdavav ta &y..cx l
See also CD V 6-7; perhaps 4QpNah I 11, and the commentary on As. Mos. 5:6.

Finally, lhcrc arc some inSI&nees in which moral misconduct is equated nor only with cultic pollution, but also with idolauy. Sec I Sam. 15:22-231, and Mal. 2:11: ty,c~

1~

ocal

~

ICaL

JIW.IIYIUI

lllf:llljAIImv 1oliliat; d; 8roill; GUotp(ouc;.

'lepouaal'l\ll. &6n

tyboEro ty tcP 1apafl;i, ICaL ty &y..a 1
m

Sec also Eph. 5:5 ~ 6 tanv ~tfl'll~ and Col. 3:5 N£1Cpo\acxu: oW -· ritv ~• .,~ amv d&Mo).cnpla; cf. T. Judah 19:11\ ~ trpbc; d&J).a 66I!Yd; T. Lcvi 17:11, where idolauy is the firsr of a liSl of sins, also including greed; sec funhcr T. Judah 18:2, 5. Perhaps the idolauy of which the prieslS in Jerusalem arc accused in IQpHab XI110-14,100, is ID be understood in !his way2. In T. Lcvi 9:9 it is said that the Lcviles will pollute the sanctuary because of the spirit of fornication that dominates them-fornication is often connccled with idolauy (sec the commcnlllly on 5:3). It seems, then, that the aulhor of As. Mos. intends ID say !ha! the priesIS' immoral behaviour makes the sacrifk:es they bring 10 God impure; moreover, their sinfulness testifies ID their disregard for the Lord's will, which is the same as idolaay. In this way it is shown that the prophecies quoled in 5:3 arc fulfilled, even the prophecy concerning idolaay3. I The versions vary, but eatry die same poinl. 2 Atleall, !he IICCIIIIIioD, dcrMd liom Hab. 2: 18, immcdialCiy follows !he rejection of !he immoral bcbaviiiW' of !he widcal plica in XD 6-10 qiiOied above. 3 Cf. Lapcnuusaz' comment on !1:3, u Teii1111VIIl, p. 118: "Ce vcrsc1 ne dil pas que 1cs Juifs en qullllion 11111 *Dancnl CIJIIIIIIis 10115 lcs crimes doni il nppelle la p6diction ... la raison !IC1on ~ l'aub:l est poDUI! est que lcs ~ exen:cnt ilk!gilimemcm 1es fDnl:llons -=dola1es du flitqu'ibllllll'dcs esclaves filsd'cselavcs'."

5:1-6:9

195

5:5 Following the condemnation of the priests, the author denounces the teachers. With these ''teachers", jurists 11e probably meant, teachers of the Jaw. "They 11e aa:used of paniality and of being open to bribery. Two words 11e used 10 indicate the jurists, I'IIIJgisrri and docrores. "These words 11e nearly synonymous: in the Vulgate they 11e both used as equivalents of~~. more r~~ely of7J>CliiiiU21!6; (Num. I 1:16; Josh. 23:2; 24:1; 2 Olron. 19:1 I; 34:13; cf. Ypllllllll"rDel~ Deut. 16:18; 29:9; 31:28; "fPCIIIIIII1l~ Isa. 33:18)2. Schmidt and Merx3 therefOR suspected that the use of both words in As. Mos. was due either to the collation of IWO variants, or 10 the uncertainty of the translator as 10 which of both synonyms to choose. Clemen4, however, righdy saw that the two words 11e not entirely synonymous. In Latin, magister seems to be preferred within the context of teaching and learning; the opposite of "master'' is "pupil". Docror, on the other hand, is simply the name of a profession, namely the study and the instruction of the law. '"Teacher" is then opposed to other professions or functions, in this case priests and judges (cf. the use of doctor in the lists of ministries in Acts 13: I; I Cor. 12:28-29; Eph. 4:11 and elsewhere). When &Maxalot; is translated into Latin, the translator can choose either nuJgisrer or doctor, because &&icmxAoc; covers the meaning of both. We should translate "the scholars who will be their ~eachers"5. The reproach that is made against the doctors of the Jaw is favouritism in their legal pronouncements. App~JeDdy,the teachers an: distinguished from the judges, and their justitiae should accordingly be distinguished from the judges' judicrn (As. Mos. 5:6). Possibly, the doctors' jusritiae are doctrinal legal pronouncements, whereas the judges' judicare refers to pniCtical verdicts. "Laws" and "commandments" ue "!aught"; see for inslance Deut. 5:31; Ezra 7:10 (3 Ezra 8:7); Ezek. 44:23-24; 3 Ezra 9:48; Sir. 45:17(21); Jub. 31:15-16. On the other hand, the distinction berween teachers and judges may nor be very sharp, esp. if these IWO !aSks are here considered priesdy functions. On a number of occasions, priests are presented as teachers, in Deut. 33:9-10; Ezra in Neh. 8:9 ~ 6 lzprilc; m\ ~ Mal. 2:7 (the law is to be found on the lips of the priests, cf. T. Reub. 6:8); JQSb DJ 22-23; CD XIV 7-8; or as judges, in Deut. 17:813; 19:16-18; I Olron. 23:4; 2 Chron. 19:8-10; 34:13 LXX; JQSa I 24. In Deut. 16:18 1Cplta1 and~~ are mentioned side by side. The reproach here directed against the tcachers of the law is found directed against the priests in Mal. 2:9 ~ ,.,oo.,... tv ~ Micah 3:11 ol ~ll£t0 I In die New Tel&imiCIII Vulple,lflllll.rter is, for r.he most part. a tranSlation of the tenn of addRss for Jesus,~- In a pat number or instanceS in r.he Old TeslaniCIII, magister is used 10 comspond 10 "'1111, "chief", in LXX often rendered with a compound with &pz.-. 2 lt must be added thal doctor seems 10 be used adjectively in 2 Otron. IS:3 sact!rtltM doc-

ror ~ llo!o&tiMlaw). 3 "Die Assumptio Moses", p. 144. 4 AI'AT 11, p. 323; Oemen IJIJIIlates: "Dem die Schriftgelehrtcn, die dann ibn: Lehrer sind". 'a: Volbnar, Mose l'roplletie, pp. 29-30: p. 143.

196

CDMMENTARY

pur8oii limcplVIMIO; T. Levi 14:6: tv ~ 1lloc; ~ """""' ~ against prophciS in lsa. 9:14 (~ riploc;) ... ~ftJY &&iamvm. ~ against lAden and priesiS in Mic:ah 3:11 ol ~ ~ llftlk bqxwv. ml. ol \qldt; ~ llftlk pur8oii daiEKpiVIMIOt; against judges (the sons of Samuel) in I Sam. 8:3; d. Amos 5: 12; 1sa. 5:23. CoaJp.R fiDally Jub. 5:16, whcR it is denied that God, as a rigbteousjudgc, respects persons or 11CCCJ11S bribes (d. e.g. Acts 10:34; R.om. 2:11).

am.-

The reproach is phrased in a mingling of two idiomatic expRSsioas: I) mirari perso,_;z,., 2) accipere trlllllerA, which arc transformed into a single expression: ,.,;

(I)~

(2) «upriowM-

The lilalll Greek cquivalcniS of the original expressions arc I) ~v lrpl!cJ_,.,, also ~v ~.and 2) ~v &iipal. The expressions OCCID' side by side in DeuL 16:18-19, an important passage in this connection, because it conlains many of the clcmcniS pRSCRt in As. Mos. 5 (sec also the commentary on 2:2b): Kpl'llloc; ml. ~~ mtmml~ CJEcnmii tv ~ t~ IICIUalv aou ... ml. ICplvoilm.v tbv 1oOv Kpicnv &ICII!IlV. oUI< tlCIWvollm.v Kpicnv, oi»< taywloovtm lrpl!cJfllOIOV oli& A!IP.,ovtaL liciipmr l~ ~ ......., ml. ~aip
m

yQp &iipa

Cf. also 2 Chron. 19:7. The expressions designate partiality and bribery. ''The teacher of the Law [may] adapt his teaching to what his hcarm may wish to hear. He may, in his teaching, overlook the sins of those on whose favor he depends'"'. Sec especially Jude 16 (on the false teachers)~ lrpl!cJ.a ri$).da.; xciptv5; and contrast Luke 20:21, where Jesus is praised: litliliotcaU, o~ 6tt clperiio; ~ ocai &~ ml. llU ~ ~. cW." b' cU118da.; tilv 6abv toii 8r:oii &llcia~ Nocc the combination of impaniality with "teaching" and 'iruth". With the genitive cupidiUUIIIft, determining pusoNJs (a biblical style-figure, see gr&JDID8ticalDOtC nr. 191), the author has further corrupted the proper expression. One can compD'C thc genitive COilSUIII:tion with Dan. 9:23 8, 10:11 8, 19 8: ~ ~ Ezek. 23:6 Vulptcjllllenes cupidinis (LXX: VEGVimrot bU£1Ctol); Sir. 21 :2S flef"$011/J poterllis (1101 in LXX; d. Job 34: 19). F"anally, it is said that the teachers will scU their legal sculcmcnts. Lilalllly, it is said that they will scJJ7 jiiSiilias accipiendo poeNJS. The word poeNJ should here be taken as "fee"; thc meaning mull be that paying for justice is bribery. The reproach of

I Cf. the l.lllldllpiltlllbc wicked priest in IQpHab VIR IG-13, sec also IQpHab IX4-

S. 2 Sec 1'1. Sol. 2:18. J Cf. lbc lllllllladvcs ~and llqlo411opla. 4&~/ll/le,p. 100. S Far Judc 16, sec ipin the CCIIIIIIIellJmy on 5:6. 6 Cf. T. Reub. 1:10 clpmv ~ "plcasanl food". 7 Far peiWfttlutl• a vt11pr vuin of wlfiMrt, sec p111111111ic:al nolle nr. 44.

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bribery is ai!Qdy made in this sentence by the refm:nce ID lil•po~:q,la. The mingling of expressions (see above) in that pan of the sentence may sbow that their meanings were not evidau, and lha! an explaniiiDiy addition was IICICidcd. PoeNJ is used in Latin for fines or damage compensation, which is not exactly the same as the reimbursement of expenses one pays ID a legal advisor. 11 is likely that poeNLS renders -apa.;l_np!j is nearly synonymous with IIOlv!j (=poeM), but also means '"payment".

5:6 Finally, Moses is said ID predict that the teachers' miscondUCI will result in misdeeds and the lack of justice among the people. The city and the land they inhabit will be ''filled with crime and iniquity"; cf. Hab. 2: 17, where it is said that disaster will come liui al!lata liv8polaJv ml ~ yij~ ml ll6luoo; ml .avr..... uilr - ltOUvtuv aimjv; Nah. 3: I '0 ~ ol~. &>.11 .,aJ5il~ do& do.; d!jpq~ The judges, however, who should of course be the ones to uphold justice, will be wicked themselves (cf. perhaps Hab. 1:3-4). The conneaion between the injustice which dominates the land and the judges who are criminals themselves refers back ID the first pan of the qiiOlation in 5:3 Devi/Dbunr jiiStiliDm et accedelu ad illiquilllltm.

Far the text of this passage, which is in grave disonler, see the texrual commentary to lines 92-93. One final remark on the text is called for. The clause ru qui facilllll er11111 impiijudices can be explained as translated above: "since those who will do (them, se. all these crimes) will be impious judges". The adjective "impious" is rather superfluous here. Perllaps one may understand impii as the adverb impie (with which it is homophonous), and transpose it after faciunr. ru qui faciiUII impie erunr judices. "since the ones who act impiously will be judges"2. It is said of the judges that they will pronounce sentence ac:conling ID "anyone's liking". Qui.squoe (= qui.sque) may refer ID the ones in whose favour the judges pronounce sentence (for "anyone", see grammatical note nr. 62). In that case, bribes are probably implied, aDd the reproach directed against the judges is the same as lha! dira:led apinst the leaChers in S:S. Alternatively, qui.rqiiQe may refer ID the judges themselves ("any of them"), and lbeD the ~q~R~Kb axx:ans the judges' utrilnlriness: they will DOl pronounce sentence aciXIIdiDg ID (God's) juslice and law, bu1 according 10 their own whims. See Micah 7:3 6 ·~ dpqvtxoilt; ~ Wl..-. analll!uov -.uxfk cMoll &ruvl. Also COIIIpll1lble are the accusalioas againsl fllse propbcls wbo J1101101111CC viciOry or peace only in order 10 please lhe ling and the people; see I Ki. 22:11-18; Micab 3:5; lee. 6:14; 14:13-IS (esp. 14:14 lljiOIIIIjlf.aa ~ cdniW eMu\ ~v fltdv); Ezek. 13:10, 16. See finally the founb Psalm of Solomon, which describes die hypoaisy of the ~OLOL, eager 10 coademn the sinners, bu1 full of crimes

I Hllpafeld, N - T~-. p. 103. 2 011/tl«n + Eoab 1.-1 of lllf!n! + ld¥ab, lllC ar-lliciJIIIIIe nr. 52. 3 MT 11111 ciBvia lliii'IY from LXX.

v...-

198

COMMENTARY

themselves; the Lord will desb'Oy the ci\lllpalll:cipmlCDY AAV..oi'M:a v6jwv ll£tci &IAou (4:8)1, Acting aa:ording ro "someone's liking" implies acting against God's will in Jude 16: (the false teachctS) mtci tci; ba~ ainlilv ~;cf. Jer. 18:12; T. Judah 13:2. This contrast is explicit in 2 Tim. 4:3; T. Ashcr 3:2. In CD 11 2G-21 it is said that those who err will be destroyed, "because they have done whatever pleased them (Cl'lln I'IM DnllllJI:l), and did not keep the commandments so as 10 do them"; d. CD Ill 11-12. In CD VIII 7, moreover, the reproach that they are eager to gain property is added. /n campo means "in the field", which is problematic. Perhaps the translator associated the Greek word 6-topa, the "market-place" where couns of justice were located, with ager, and rcndcnld the word with campus, a synonym of ager. More attractive is Hilgenfeld's suggestion2 to understand in campo as an analytical translation of the adjective l:judol, "constandy" (see grammatical note nr. I 82).

c.6:1 As. Mos. 6 describes the concrete historical circumstances which are regarded as the fulfilment of the prophecies of sinfulness quoted and interpreted in chapter 5. The author probably describes the Hasmonean rulers, whom he regards as illegitimate priests. Because of their illegitimacy, he regards the sanctuary to be desecrated, in accordance with the prophecy in 5:3 and its application in 5:4. 1 lben, kings will arise for them to assume government, and !hey will proclaim themselves priests of !he Most High God. They will act most impiously against the Holy of Holies.

6:1 The kings are said to be imperarues. Although the (seemingly attributive) use of the participle, as well as the context might suggest that i~rare should be understood negatively (for instance: "tyrannical kings'1, the word imperare in itself does not have a negative coniiOlalion. lt can however, be used as a translation of 1
are ol'lldllliJIIII'CII. 2 "Die PUimcn Salomo's", p. 286. 311 lhDuld be llllled tbat 1CCitCIIiwoln£1'1etv is noiDially used or foreisn Nlers (cf. llso Ezek. 34:27 ~ ilrlpertllll conesponds to the Septuagint's ~~. 4 81111-Diillnlnncr 1414.

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officiate as priests" I. A reflexive meaning, however, would convey more clearly the negative implication the author undoubtedly inrcnds: "they will proclaim lhemselves priests of the Most High God (but illegitimately so)"; cf. S:4 quklom ... qui 11011 siUII sacerdotes ud servi de servis nad. Either way, the reference is probably to the Hasmonean rulers, the priests who assumed the tille of king-it matches the tendency of As. Mos. to turn this around into lrings assuming the tille of priest. These self-!Dide priests will act impiously with reganl to the holiness of the tanple (cf. S:3 coiiiiJIIIiiiDbiUII illt(llillllliollibus domllln serviruris S!Uie). A sbOng contrast is made between the impious priests and the holiness of the tanple by the jux.raposing of twO ctym01ogicaJ figmr.s:fac~nl/ac~n~es and sanc111m SI1IICfiloljj2.Jmp~lll/brlfaure occurs twice in the Vulpte, in Mal. 3:1S and 19(4:1); the Septuagint has IIDU.iv clvojul in these cases. If ~IIJieln /«ere in As. Mos. 6: I is be a possible translation of avo,.dv (for which there is no one-word equivalent in Latin), the etymological figure in Greek may have been something like ~ chq..ljooucn (cf. Deut. 31 :2CJ3), which would make the contrast with StJIICillm StJIICrillllis even stronger. Sancrum sanclilDlis must be the well-known biblical designation of the innermost pan of the temple, "the Holy of Holies", although it does not occur in this form in the Vulgate, which usually renders the expression sanctum or sancta sancrorum. But see also Ezek. 4S:4 StJIICruorium Sllllcriraris, and an01her variant in Jub. 23:22 stJIICrjficario SQIICI/l.

d. 6:2-6 Following the prophecy of the rise of the Hasmoneans in 6: I, the author of As. Mos. makes Moses pRdict the particularly bad rule of a "petulant king" (6:2). This king is first chancterizcd as a wicked man (6:2); his misdeeds are described (6:2-4). and his reign is said 10 be one of terror (6:S). A concluding note compares his rule to that of the Egyptians (6:6). The lring is said to rule for 34 years (6:6), which enables us to identify him as Herod the Great (37-4 B.C.E.); the crimes predicted in 6:2-4 a~ with what is known of Herod. 2 And a petulant king wiU succeed lhem, who will not be of priestly stock, a wicked and cruel man. And he will ru1e over them as they deserve. 3 He wiU kill their men of distinction, and he will bury their corpses at unknown places, so that no one knows where their corpses are. 4 He wiU kill old and young, and he will not spare. 5 Then there

1 for Ill haviD& lldopled the final meaning or ad, see grammatical note nr. 10. The emendation or IYJMii i n t o - (''they will call themselves high priests or God", Owtes, ne Amlmpdoll. p. 7S) is 1101 only umeceaary (cf. , _ Deru in As. Mol. 10:7). bul illlso blun t h e - llclwecn the lldf-mldc prials IOd the Moll HiBb God. 2 This aJOirlll iUuantes the lllilk:ial c:111n1aer or the use of these liJURS. SllllFIIinl dl8l they do 1101 , _ a y derive fiom a Hcblew or 111 Anmaic;oriJiDII; aee ar-alical ... r.-. 189. 3'Jbe Vulple 1111 1111qw llpfU. for the use in As. Mos. of{a&ere + advab inlllead or .,n + advab,- ar-nmllicii!KIIe Dr. 52.

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CDMMENTARY

will be bitter fear of him in their land. 6 And he will judge them like the Egyptians for 34 years, and he will punish them. 6:2 The priest-kings will be sua:cedcd by a king "who will not be of priesdy stock". By this phrase, this king is distinguished from the illegitimate priests of 6: I. But the dis· tinction is hardly positive, f« the rest of the passage leaves no doubt with regard to the king's low moral SWidards: he is called ru pendans, ... homo temerarius er im· probus, adjectives which arc various expressions of shamelessness and lack of con· sidcrationt. Probably, the distinction is made in order to give a historical clue: the priest-kings (the Hasmoncans) were succ:ecdcd by a secular king, Herod, who indeed was not a Lcvite. As. Mos. 6:6 confinns the identification of the petulant king with Herod (sec below). The king's brutal character is evidenced by his most cruel government (sec 6:3-4). The author of As. Mos. comments: he rules in the way the people dcscrvc2. Judicare here obviously has an unfavourable overtone (which may explain why it is followed by a dalivus itfcommodj; sec grammatical note I 16): his rule is also God's punishment oC the people; sec 5:1 b-la regu panicipes scelerum er pwriellteseos, and cf. 6:6.

6:3-4 In this passage. the cruelly of the king's rule is wOI"kcd out in detail. (1) The king "will kill their priMipales by the sword". The insaumental ablative gladio ~9), or, alternatively, the insaumental prepositional phrase in ore gladii (tv cn6tlan ~.is a very couunon expression, indicating that someone's death is caused by violenc:c. The king's victims arc called priMipa/es, which is a vcry gcncra1 indication oC "~ JIC'OIIIe" (cf. the Vulgate of Aas 25:23 viri print:ipaks, a translation of ol ~ ol m1' tQixljv). In Nab. 3:10 it is prophesied that the "grandccs"(ol~LXX; optimates Vulgate) will beJdllcd; sec alsoHos. 7:16 cadenr ;,. glwJio pri~~eipes e0n11n (LXX:~ mmw); cf. Ps. Sol. 17:12. (2) The king will "bury their c:arpscs on unknown places". ID my edition, I have adopted the common emendation of the manuscript's SINGULIET (SINGULI, ET'I) into

sepe/iet. An alternative suggestion, which has much to rcc:ommcnd it, was made by H. RiSnschl. He proposed to read sringuet f« singuliet. Sringuet would then be an apoc:opatcd flliDI of ezlilrluet, "he will 1111Uder'' (sec gammarical note nr. 14). No doubt. sringuet is much closer to the manuscript's reading. Mcnovcr, itsccms ~logical. ID say thal: someone will "munler'' people at unknown places, so that it is not possible fOI" their re1atMs to bury them. The mnplainl about the inabilily to bUly the dead is I ttaditional one; sec Ps. 79(78):3 (cf. 1 Mace. 7:17); Jcr. 8:2; 14:16; 16:4, 6; 25:334• I Cf. c.-•s dcll:riplian of the Ocrmanic tina Arioviltul, of whom il iJ said in Bell. GaU.I31:12·13: .4rlovUMn •.. ,erbeetcrwlelllerlllrperare ... Homiltem es.rebarbanllll. INclllldlllll. _ . . . . . (qaalld in Fon:clliniiV, p. 678a). 2 Por !be lalllllloloo used, cf. Apoc. Ezra 2:20 dp&e. ~ balr,at; f.t' ~ 3 WSpradllk:he l'lrallekn",pp. 88-19. 4 If Rllnldl's poptJAIID reld .rti"'llllt iJ followed, Jub. 23:23 would fumllh m addl· lional. lmponlnt ..,..ucL ID lhll pusqc lhc IMIIC e1emems u in Ju. Moll. 6:3-4 ue l'ound: (COIII.)

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On !he ochcr hand. one should feel somcwlw uneasy aboullhe introduaion of IIIIOiber vulprism into !he text. But even DIOR: important is lhe qaeSiion whether one can say lhu corpora, "bodies" or "axpses", 1ft: "ldllcd". Thcnfllft:, it seems wiser 10 stick to sepeliet, which gives good sense, and which is an ordinary form, ordinarily c:onsaucted. (3) The enumcralion of !he king's actions ends with a YeJY general crime: he wiU kiU anyone. wilhoullhe leul reserve. As often in !he bibUcallitcnhR polar concepcs ue juxmposed in order to express inclusiveness. In lhis case., old and young ue conII'IS!al (mtljor IIDIU is !he common Vulgatc equivalent of~- The same conII'ISt is used in Ps. Sol. 2:8; in connection with massive killing: DeuL 28:SO; Ps. Sol. 17:11. These royal crimes 1ft: pan and pan:el of ancient despotism and cannot by themselves justify lhe identification of lhe petulant king with Herod. However, once Ibis identification is made on !he basis of 6:5, it is entirely possible to compare lhe description of 6:3-4 with some episodes from the life of king Hc:rod, as described by Flavius Josephus. losephus repons that king Herod, as soon as he had captured Jerusalem, confiscated !he wealth of !he rich (ol e6Joopcn) and killed forty-five leaders (lrplkOl) of Antigonus' party (Ant. Jud. XV S; d. Bell. Jud. I 358); see also Alii. Jud. XIV 175 (d. XV 4). In lhe last period of his reign he had Matlhias and his companions burnt alive (Alii. Jud. XVD 167; Bell. Jud. I 655); Matlhias had incited !he young men of Jerusalem to puU down !he eagle Herod had erected on !he Great Gate of !he temple. According to losephus, lhis Manhias had been a most teamed man, a great inlerpreter of !he lllitpol ~ and he was much loved by the people {Alii. Jud. XVD 149; Bell. Jud. I 648-649). During his last illness, Herod commanded !he notables of !he entire counay to be executed at !he hour of his death (Alii. Jud. XVD 178; Bell. Jud. I 659-660); Ouistian ttadition of course accuses him of !he massacre of lhe innocent children of Bethlehem (Man. 2: 16). As Smallwood noted, !he last two stories ue "typical I)TIItt-legends", the former of which is elsewhcn told in connection with Alexander JB~~MCusl. The C111C1JC11CC of such legends testifies to Herod's bad n:putation, especially &Idle end of his reign, and oonfinns lhe possibility lhu As. Mos. 6:26 indeed deals with this king. To !he secretldllings described in As. Mos. 6:3, one may compare Josephus's account in Alii. Jud. XV 366, on Herod's measures to prevent revolt:

No J11CC1ini of citizens was permilled, nor wen: walltingtogelher or beillltogelher permillcd, llld 1111 their movements wen: observed. Those who wen: caught wen: punished seven:ly, 11111 many wen: taken. eilher openly or secrelly, 10 the fortn:ss of Hyn:llliallld tbcn: put to death (trillS. Man:us- Wlkpen).

6:5-6 As. Mos. 6:5-6 seems to be a concluding statement concerning the perulaot king. In 6:5, his reip is summarily chancterized as a rule of ''terror" (rbrlor acmrus; cf. the use of~ in Sib. Or. m 178; IV 87; for acemu one may compare !he charactaizatbc Lord will mile up lintlen with no mercy for eilher young or old. who wiU lhed much blood,ltld then: will be no one who wiU bury. I TlteJews . . .rR-RIIIe,pp.I03-104.

202

a>MMENTARY

lion of lhc Alhcnian governor's rule in 2 Mace. 6:3 xcU.cn\ Ill: I
~ ~~~ ~v

>I bl~ rill; ml
The Egyptians are mentioned. bec:ause lhey arc regarded as exceptionally cruel oppressors. By recalling lhc Egyptians, whose rule the perulant king's government equals, !he authol" eloses the circle of Israel's fateful history (it should be remembered lhar lhc story of As. Mos. is staged right after lhe exodus from Egypt, and immediately prior to the entrance into the land, see 1:41). The author implies that lhc people, in their condition of disgrace, have returned to the days prior to God's deliverance through the hand of Moses,2. During lhe perulant king's rule, the prophecy in Deut. 28:68 (d. 28:60) has been fulfilled that the Lord would bring lhe people back to Egypt, along lhe road which he said lhey would never sec again. Perhaps the mention of lhc bitter fear the king will cause (6:5) is to be seen in the same connection, as a fulfilment of lhc prophetic words in Deut. 28:66-67. In Deut. 28:66-68 it is said lhat lhe people will yearn for the evening in the morning and foc the morning in the evening, daoil ("because or') 10il 416Pou tij~ ~CUp&~ oou, ci toll'191\au ... I

e.6:7-9 In this section, Moses predicts what will happen after Herod has been succeeded by his sons. The perulant king's sons will rule for a shoo while, but punishment will soon be executed by the Icing from the West. Presumably, the author intends to make Moses prophesy lhe coming of Roman forces, who will act as lhe king from lhe East had done (sec 3:1-3). However, die author also wants to make the Western king's acI Cf. J - . Dtu Gotrell/OU;, p. 106: "der Verfasser (sicbt) sich wie in der a,yptischen Oel'allpmchlft". 2 Cf. YOD Rad, Dtu 5. BtU:II Mou, p. 126, eCJIIIJIIeDting on DeuL 28:68: "etwu wie eine ~ Llquldllion cler ....-n von llhwe \'CIUitaiiCICII Hcilspchk:ble".

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lions appear n:ladvely insignificant in view of the still worse persecution in the time of the end. 7 And he will bring forth children who will succeed him. They will rule for shorter periods. 8 Cohorts will come into their territory, and a mighty king from the West, who will defeat them, 9 and lead them off in chains. And he will bum part of their temple with fire, some be will crucify near their city.

6:7 The petulant king will be succeeded by his sons 1, It is not clear whether the plural noli n:fers only to those of Herod's sons who would rule successively in Jerusalem2, or to all four sons among whom his kingdom was divided. Partes in 6:8 is ambiguous as well (see below). Their government is said to last for bre~~iora tmrpOra. EwaJd3, and many after him, took these words to mean ''a shoner while", that is, shoner than Herod's 34 years4. A less convincing understanding of bre~~iora tempora was suggested by Vo!kJnar5. The "shoner times" would have to be interpreted as an expn:ssion of the strong expectalion of the arrival of the end. The rules of Herod's sons an: signals that the end is no longer far off: the limes will become shoncr. The motif of an acceleration of the times is well-known from 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch; see 4 Ezra 4:26; 12:20, 30; 2 Bar. 20:1; 54:1; 83:1; 85:10; also Sir. 33:10; LAB 19:13; cf. Mark 13:20; Matt. 24:22. The pluasc bre~~iora tempora dominabultl (6:7) is however insufficient evidence to wammt the conclusion that the author uses hen: the tradition of the shonening of the final stage of history. He may equally well have thought that Herod's sons wen: lilcely to rule for shorter periods than their father. The fact that Archelaus reigned for only ea. 10 years (4 B.C.E.-6 C.E.) can only have confinncd him in this idea6.

6:8-9 It is uncertain how the wonls ill panes eorum (if this emendation is comet) should be construetcd. If they an: taken with domintlbunl in 6:7, then: seems to be a n:fcrence to the division of Herod's kingdom among his sons: "they will rule in their (n:spective) parts (of the inheritance)". The pluasc. howew:r, may also be taken as the complement of chortis7 11enie111: "cohorts will come into their partes", that is, "into their n:gion" (for pars or the plural panes meaning "region" or "c:ountry", see commenrary on I Succtdertt (1. em.) is construc:tcd with the reftexive pronoun sibi, 10 which CDIISIJ'UCiion several commCIUIOI'S have objected. But the c:onstruclion Is perfecdy classical, sibi rerening 10 the aabjecl of the diiiiiC. 2 Reuu, Die Gescllk/ue tier Hei/;ft!ll Scllrjfte11, p. 705: "Der [Verfuser) konnle ... an An:helaus unci Apippa clel*c:n, die ja aDein mr einen Jcrusalc:mer lrleresse haaen". 3 "Monumentl ucra et profana", p. 5. 4 See further the lnaoduction, section l,c and V,b. 5 MMe Proplrelie. p. 34. Vollunar prefers, however, 10 emend the underlying I!Pavntpout; into ~ut;. the times wiD bealme "nodi scblimmer''. 6 0w1es, The A.v~~~~~plioll, pp. lvii. 7 Chorlis= colrortes; see pammatical notes ms. 3111111 13.

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COMMENTARY

3:13). In that case, there is no particular emphasis on Herod's inheritance being divided.

The king from the West is habitually identified with the Roman governor of Syria, Varus. This identification is based on the assumption that the partial desttuction of the temple in Jerusalem, prophesied in As. Mos. 6:8b, is a varicinium a evenru, rcJiecting the ~bellion against the commander of lc:rusalem and the inrervenlion by his superior, Varus, in 4 B.C.E. During this rebellion, pans of the temple premises were burnt down. Objections 10 this identification can, however, be made on both historical and literary grounds.

(I) G. Hlilschcr has noted a number of incongruities between the reports on the events under Varus (to be found in the works of Joscphus) and the description of the western king's actions in As. Mos. 6:8-91. Hillschcr ovcrstreSSCs the point that Varus was not a king and that be came from Antiochia, not from "the West"; it does not seem impossible that the author of As. Mos. ~garded Varus as the representative of "the king from the West''2. On the other hand, Hillscher's criticisms do show that the description of the Roman intervention in As. Mos. 6:8-9 covers the events under Varus only superficially. An abstract from Josephus (Bell. Jlld. 11 45-75; Ant. Jlld. XVII 254-2983) may serve 10 illustrate his point Varus came 10 ~store order in Jerusalem, where rebellion had broken out against the local commander, Sabinus. This Sabinus and his soldiers battled with the Jews in the temple court. The mob climbed on the roof of the porticoes surrounding the temple~oun, to which Sabinus' soldiers subsequenlly set fire. After this, Sabinus' soldiers plundered "God's treasUl)'", while they remained besieged in the temple coun. Varus entered Jerusalem with two legions, relieved Sabinus, rounded up the rebels and crucified about two thousand of them. (2) Such historical incongruities - not decisive. It is conceivable that the author of As. Mos., who clearly tends to simplify history, has n:frained from giving the details in this instance as well. It must then also be recognized that the descriplion of the Western king's actions is in fact of a rather general and traditional kind: defeat, captivity, destruction and execulions. Between 100 B.C.E. and 100 C.E. there were numerous Roman interventions, all of which contain the four elements listed above. Moreover, on a general level, the description of the Easlem king's actions in As. Mos. 3:1-3 contains practically the same elements, as does the description of the king of the kings of the world in 8:1-5. The only outstanding element is the e~tplicit mention of the temple's destruction being partial. This is a surprising detail, which requires an e~tplanation other than the author's aspiralion to historical precision. As appears from As. Mos. 7:1, the Western king's actions- seen as the breaking point in history: after his appearance, "the times will end". Hillschcr comments: "Es ist nicht wahrscheinlich, daB jener gelegcntliche Brand des Tempelhallendachs im Jahrc 4 v. Chr. dcm Apokalyptiker so bcmcrkenswen crschiencn wllre, daB er ihn als Vorzeicbcn des nabcndcn Weltendes hlltte

I~Oberdle~t",p.lll.

2 Clcmen, ~Die Erl.sldulgszeit der Himmelrahn des Moll:'", p. 73. 3 Cf. Smallwood, T1w Jews IUWier Roman Rllk, pp. 11~113. Smallwood identllication of As. Mos. 6:11-9 with varus· war.

ICCeptS the

5:1-6:9

205

anschen sollen"l. It is possible, however, that the author did interpret the event in such a manner, but il is then unlikely that he would have said that just a "part of the tempel will be burnt". In that case, he could just as well have said: "they will set the temple on fire". A similar point must be made with regard to the phrase a/iquos (uw<;) crucifigit. According 10 Josephus, two thousand rebels were crucified by Varus. Joscphus possibly euggerated the number, but regardless of the exact number who were crucified, one would not expect an author who wishes 10 emphasize the importance of the event 10 say that only "some will be crucified". These two qualifieR. pars and a/iqui, must therefore not be seen as indicating how small the effects of the Western king's actions actually were, but as hints 10 the author's intended readers not 10 overestimate the importance of the events described2. That is 10 say, the author's description does not allow us to gauge the actual extent of the events described. The partial destruction of the temple and the execution of a limited number of people are the divine answer 10 the pre-cscha10logical chaos caused by the general sinfulness. After that, the times will come 10 an end (a quo facto ftniennu tempora 7:1), and~ trouble will begin: the rule of the pestilential men (7:3-10), followed by the advent of the cscha10logical enemy, the king of the kings of the earth, who will crucify all Jews, and torture even the renegades (8:1-2). If this is so, the author sees himself at the end of history. To him, the cschaiOlogical times are near. But the cschatological times will not slart with the advent of God's kingdom (10:1-2). Unparalleled sinfulness and great woe will first come over the world, making the present chaos and imminent desttuction in10 mere trifles by comparison. Taking all this in10 consideration, one may conclude that6:8-9 reflects the violent Roman interference in Judcan affairs aJ the beginning of the first century C.E. The passage may also contain remote reminiscences of the actions taken by Varus. But the image the author gives of the Roman interVention is of a general, simplified nature. The author does not aim to do justice 10 the details of history. To him, the Roman intervention is already history; it is his present as well as the final stage of histury; things will only become wone in 1he near future.

I Hlllscher, MOber die f"niS!dulpzeil ", p. 112. 2 Therefore HOischcr's suggestion ("Ober die Fntstehungszeit", pp. 124-127) that the temple cult continued after 70 C.E., 11111 that therefore the destruaion refened to in As. Mos. 6 (which, IICCOidins 10 HO!schl:r, is the dcsauction by Titus) is c:om:c:tly characterized as parlial, is cqually off the mut. HOlsc:ber witbdrew the suggestion in !be second psrt of his arliclc, p. !SI, published 1001C months lalcr.

7:1-2

A CALCULATION CONCERNING TilE TIME OF THE END It is clear that 7:1-2 was a crucial passage, but little is left of it in the manuscript. StiU legible is the announcement that from this moment on (ex quo facto; see grammatical note nr. 136) the "times will end". Momento may belong to this phrase; if so, the times will end "suddenly" (see also the commentary on 8:1a-b). Further, there is mention of four hours (horae /Ill venialll), of "beginnings" and "endings" (initiis tribus ad exitus ... propter initium), and of several numbers, both cardinals and ordinals. The rest is so illegible that it is impossible to reconstruct meaningful phrases. Any attemptt to interpret this passage is futile because of the extremely poor state of conservation of this part of the text. Two general remarks, however, can be made. First, the phrase ex quo facto finientur tempora expressly indicates to the intended readers that the circumstances under which they are presently living and which have been described in chapters 5 and 6 lead directly to the beginning of eschatological events. At the same time, it points to the imminent denouement of history as described in chapters 7-10. The latter is anticipated in 5:1, where the description of the author's recent history and his present is headed by the phrase cum adpropiabunt tempora arguendi. Second, the numbers mentioned in 7:1-2 suggest that this passage contained some kind of calculation about the proportional duration of this stage of history. The occurrence of ordinals among the numbers included strongly suggests that the numbers are fractions. That must mean that the numbers do not indicate a specific number of days or years that must elapse until the final consummation, but divide history into constituent parts of varying proportions. It cannot be established, however, whether the duration of eschatological events is related to the duration of the world's history (or part of it), or whether the eschatological scenario is divided into interrelated periods of time.

7:3-10 THE SINFUL RULERS OF TilE TIME OF TilE END In 7:3-10 the author of As. Mos. describes the wicked men who will rule during the first stage of the eschatological events. Whether these men were actually ruling when As. Mos. was being written, or whether the author expected their rule in the (immediate) future is not clear. It can be assumed, however, that the author's description relates to specific people, contemporaries of the author and his readers. It cannot be said, however, that his description "is drawn from life"•: the description is heavily biased, consisting of a list of invectives, similar to those that can be found in various Jewish and Christian writings of the time. A long, hateful tirade occurs, in which the rulers are depicted with the most vicious characteristics conceivabJe2. But no names or even functions are given, and although the readers were probably expected to recognize the description, it is impossible for us to know whom exactly the author of As. Mos. had in mindl. The men who figure in 7:3-10 are characterized only in a general way. Since the author's main objection boils down to the accusation of hypocrisy, it is likely that they shared his values, but that they did not, in the author's opinion, live according to those values. lbey belonged to the ruling classes (7:3, 8). The accusations of intemperateness (7:4, 8) are probably exaggerated, but it is unlikely that they regarded a display of plainness and poverty as exceptionally virtuous. They held themselves to be just (7:3), which may here mean that they regarded themselves as part of God's people; they highly valued charity (7:6) and purity (7:10). 1be author of As. Mos. denies them all these qualiI Oladel, T1u! Assltmplio11, p. 23. 21be lrlnslalor bu usr:d n:laliYCly many Vulgar Lain exp-cssions. prcswnably colloqui· alisms; see grlllllllllical noce nr. 41. J Sclmidt llld Merx, "Die Assumplio Mosis'', p. 121, argued on lhc: blsis of !be speech apinsllbe Pharisees in Mal 23:1-36lhallbe persons described in As. Mos. 7 m Plwltccs; cf. Geiger's ailicism, "ApotryphiJcbe Apokalypseo", p. 44: "Die Phlrisler wenleo VID unsem Krilitem nocb immcr in dcr plliOdlip Wc:ise voqefllhn. wic sie cler leidemcblftlicb hneieifc:r Cles Evlllgelislen in hefliaer Suafrede uichnel''. Owles. T1u! Au""¥'1ioft. p. 24, onlbe Olhu lwld IIJued lhallhc: llllbor QmOl have iJWaldcd lbe Plwisees, because die nalen in As. Mos. 7 m preserlled u openly puaonous c!rw*ards. wberas die PhariJees wen: "decidedly acelic". But 01artcs. 100, llils ro dlSiinJUisb 11= bclween a maacr-of-fact descripllon and • delcriplion illlpiml by r-.

208

O)MMENTARY

ties, but it is unlikely that he and the "rulers" had fundamentally different views on these matters•. 1be ethics which underly 7:3-10 are essentially the common stock of contemporary moral teaching, pagan and Jewish2. The only typically Jewish issue in the list is perhaps the preoccupation with ritual purity expressed in 7:10 (dicent: "Noli ne me IQ11ge, ne inquines me")3. 1be vices mentioned are: mischief and impiety (7:3), hypocrisy (7:3, 4, 6, 7), anger, deceit, self-satisfaction (7:4), debauchery (7:4, 8), oppression of the poor (7:6), murder, quarrel, secrecy, crime, iniquity (7:7), arrogance (7:8), impurity and insolence (7:9). As. Mos. 7:3-10 can be compared, as regards form and content, to the Hellenistic form of the £~prunq'. This form consists of descriptions of types of persons (e.g. the perfect man, the fool) by enumerating their characteristic virtues or vice ss. Related to this form are the lists of vinues and vices (Tugend- und Lasterkata/oge), in which virtues and vices are enumerated without being connected with the description of typical characters6. These two forms were popular in pagan and Jewish ethical literature of the Hellenistic period, as weU as in the New Testament Epistles and other early Christian literature (especially the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs). One of the longest lists of vices is in fact found in Philo's De sacrificiis 32. There, Philo enumerates almost 150 characteristics of the "pleasure-lover" (~A.J1rovoc;; see, in the same work, §§ 22-23, 277). See funher e.g. I See Recse, Die Gucllil:ltu /sraels. p. t04: "'Von Kap. 7 lll!t sich ... Qber die ~non des V f. sovicl sqcn. da8 er dcr llemidlenden Obcrschicht richt angehOn. viclmchr UIIICr ihr Will ihre Mallnahmen zu leidcn haL Er ftlhlt sk:h nichl AnhJngcr ciner Panei. so'*tn aJs AIJ&ehGriger des Goacsvolkcs, das unter dcr frevelhaftcn Hcmdlafl dcr Mllchtigcn scufzl Will voll Sellnsuchl RICh dcr OtrcnbaJVng dcr Hemdlalt Golles sich ausrichtet. ~ 2 Cf. Malberbc, Mortll EzlrDntlllo11, p. 138: ""In lheir mntcnt [lhe vice lists] taKicd ID represent gencrllly held views~. For every vice lisled in As. Mos. 7:3-10 parallels in pspn llld Jewisb literatun: (includi"' lhe Old Testamenl) can be foiDIII; sec esp. the wealth of marerial found in Van dcr Hont. The Set1te11ces of Pseudo·P/tot:yi/Ms; Hollander llld De

Jooae, 7ll4! T - o{IM 7'wdve PatriiJn:lt.r; N"lebubr, Gael% rutd P~e. :fAa:onlin& ID VCigllc, Die T_,elld- IUid LtJ.rterksttJ/ofe. p. 208. 6xalapa(a md relared eoncepu (polzoc;.llllpVda eu:.) do 1101 fi&ure in the Jlll&an caralogues or vices. 4 Cf. VCigllc,Dle Tllpiii-IUidLArlelrllllllofe, pp. 101-UYl. 5 Beqer. uHellcnladlche Gauunp:n~. pp. 1201-1202: udie Ekphruis ... stellt du Nebenelnlnder von EipiiiChlftcn dar ... Kcnnzelchen dcr Galllml ill besondcn die Domi-

nn: YCIIIIliiiJopnlaal Reibcn."

6 Bcr&er. uHcllcnisdscbe Oanunacn", p. I089: "Katalop: von Tugcnden Will Laltem [enllldll:n)- lleacbreillmFn (Etpbrucil) 'typischcr' Pmoncn". 7 Beqer, "'lddcniidsdle Oaaunsen", p. 1090: uDie Kalalop: [se. in De ~Qerjficii& lG-45] sind Will amlldclldcr Volldldipeit".

7:3-10

209

Wisd. 14:22-26, lQS IV 9-14; Sib. Or. D 254-262; ID 36-43; 763-765; IV 31-34. Much material, from Jewish, early Christian as well as pagan literature, has been collected by Vogtle, Die Tugend- und Laster/cataloge (1936). The f~c; of As. Mos. 7:3-10 describes the author's opponents with the characteristics of the typical sinner; for this polemical application of the form compare 1 En. 10:20; 91:5-7; 94:6; 95:2-7; 96:7; 2 Bar. 73:4; Jub. 21:21; 23:141; cf. 2 Tim. 3:1-7; T. Levi 14:5-6; 17:11. And pestilent and impious men will rule over them, b who proclaim themselves to be righteous. 4 And they will excite their wrathful souls; they will be deceitful men, self-complacent, hypocrites in all their dealings, and who love to debauch each hour of the day, devourers, gluttons, , ...... 6 who eat the possessions of ... , saying they do this out of compassion ... 1 murderers, complainers, liars, hiding themselves lest they be recognized as impious, full of crime and iniquity, from sunrise to sunset a saying: 'Let us have extravagant banquets, let us eat and drink. And let us act as if we are princes'. 9 And their hands and minds will deal with impurities, and their mouth will speak enormities, saying in addition to all this: 1o 'Keep off, do not touch me, lest you pollute me ... ' J•

7:3 The author says that impious men described in 7:3-10 ~will rule'' (regllllbiUil). There are no iDdications about which functions. if any, these men would fulfil. Probably, regNUe must be taken to refer to the "ruling classes", the elite (compare the equally vague designation c!pxovut;2, especially known from the New Testament). It has been claimed that in the first century only the priests or other members of the Sanhedrin could have been referred to by the word regnarel. However, such a coocept of

I Vllplc, Die Tugetlli·llltd Laswtoltlloge, pp. 100.102. 2 In the LXX,IIpxttv C111 triiiSiate ~.equivalent to the Vulgate"s domilfllri. The Vulglk: COIIIislenlly Rlllden lhe New Teswnent's c!px0111 with pri11ups. RegNJn is equivalent to clmelv in Judg. 9:22 (Hebr.: ,111). · J Geiger, "Apotryphische Apotalypsen", p. 4'-46. The phrase impii docetUa se use jiiSJOS wu lltCD by Gelpr u a pun on the name "Sadducees'" (cf. crp~. "juri"), a pun Geiger adduced IS additional cvldenl:e that this passage is din:c:ted apinll the s.lducca. But of couqe, m opponent's piety or impiety is m aJihor's personal evaluation, which we cannot verify OD the basil of hlllOtlcal criteria. Compare al10 1he rather naive commem by O!alles, The~ p. 26, on lllrpii: A IIIIUJ"al description of the Sadducees fiom the stllldpoin[ of a Pharisee. It could 11111. however, be used of a Pharisee". M

COMMENTARY

210

the Judean polity in this period assumes more of a regulated and institutionalized society than is probably warranted. Pestilellliosus is a Vulgarism, an extended form of pestileru (sec grammatical note nr. 41). In the Vulgate, pestileru is used to render~ as an adjective meaning "unhealthy", figuratively "bringing destruction", more generally "mischievous"; sec 1 Mace. 10:61 (viri pestilentes ... viri iniqui, Septuagint: lcvqxc; AOipol ... lcvqxc; ~); 15:3, 2I; see also Prov. 29:8, and cf. pestifer Acts 24:5. In I Sam. 30:22 lotjl6l; is paim1 with IIOYIJI)II<; (Vulgatc: pessimus et iniquus). Impiety (0atll£~a) is the general denominator of sinfulness, both in the pagan and in the Jewish conception I (sec also As. Mos. 6: I; 7:7; 9:3); in lists of vices, dcn:f!lj~ occurs in e.g. Philo, De mUIIJtiollt! nominwrt I97; De sacrificiis 22; De posreriiiJie Caini 52; Sib. Or. ID 36. The accusation of impiety is compounded by the accusation of hypocrisy: they are impious whilst !hey proclaim themselves to be righteous. Hypocrisy is the dominant theme of the description in As. Mos. 7:3-10; see 7:4, 6, 7, and compare the speeches against the scribes and Pharisees in the Gospels, esp. Man. 23:28: ''To the people you seem from the outside to be righteous (lihclllOl), but on the inside you arc full of deceit and lawlessness (ll£d'IOl ilxocp{a£<01; 1al ol CNV£t01. l;v taumiA; xal l;volaov bmtciiv ~ and Rom. 1:22 .0~

aVCJl aoto\

~V.

Docere does not necessarily refer to the activity of teaching (&&iclcnv)l. It is also used in the Vulgatc as an equivalent of dvayytll.o.v, ''to proclaim" (sec e.g. Deut 24:8; Josh. 4:22; Isa. 2:3), or even simply "to say"3. 7:4 The sinful rulers will "exciJC the anger of their spirits"./ra animorum suorum is a biblical construction, in which an emotion or a quality of mind is combined with the genitive ~(or""~ as in Ps. Sol. 18:71;v """~; T. Jos. 7:2 ~ JXii~ Sir. 7: 11(12); talldvoxn~ 'lflllii~ Ps. Sol. 3:8; T. Judah 19:2. Anger is one of the affections generally condemned in the Hellenistic pe-

"'*o:

riCJd4.

I Focrsler, "~ l
u

Jcqe, Tlte T -

of rite Twelve PatrioTclu, pp. 280·282.

7:3-10

211

Next I, they are called dolosi. Dolosus renden &I~ "deceitful", "wily", generally regarded as a panicularly nasty vice; in the lists of vices and t~e~ of sinners, 56Aoc; and &14oc; occur in e.g. Wisd. 14:25; Sib. Or. III 36-37 (al .,t.oc; ~~ li64ov m-dw c!aaE!!Ww 'lE /11p£Uiicilv &yAb\cJaldY dvepoiuov ml. 1COI
7:5 7:5 is largely illegible. In the manuscript. seven lines are almost entirely lost. It is very probable, however, that the list of accusations continued, but precisely in what strain is impossible 10 determine. Possibly, mention was made here of sexual misbehaviour, a vice rarely laclring in Jewish moral instruction7, but absent in the remainings of As.

I Alter et Id sw:illlbwrl, the cJ..sc qui enutt de. is IIIOSIIIIIUlally undelsrood as a li2ICiering of a Oftlelt puticiplc such as~~~ cf. grammatical JlOie nr. 183. 2 Onmdmann, "~ m", p. 17: for more pagan evidence, see Vllgtle, Die Tugerulund Las~rtata/og~. p. 201. 3 Bultmann. "muxOot- m", p. 648. 4 Cf. Foemcr, "~ doaonla", pp. 504-SOS, and Niebuhr, Gesetz und f>arilncse, pp. 93, 117-120, 132-133. 152 (on the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs; sec also HoDander and De Jonae, Tu Tu,_IIU of the Twdw f>atriarclu, pp. 208-211), p. 220 (on 4 Mace. 2:7). S 1bc Vlllple of the piiBIId MaiL 11: 191Jlnlates wmzr. 6 ApiDs1 0m1cs, TM A.rSMI!Ipll'oll, p.lxiii. 7 VCiglle, Di~ Tugcllll- tMd Lastcrluualoge, pp. 107-111; Niebuhr, Guctz und ,.. ._

a.

nu~.

pp. 92-93, 161 on the Teswncnts of the Twelve Pauilldls, pp. 177-185 on the Si(clNII.)

212

CDMMENTARY

Mos. 7:3-10. The Jut word of 7:5 probably is delenres (in the manuscript, elellles is legible), "destroying". In Ps. Sol. 4:11-12 a corrupted man is described who "destroys a house" (~ ol'""' lvtav bnlllltd.a.; liOpll\lllpou aA.). 7:6 In 7:6 the rulers are said 10 be "eaters of possessions". An important parallel for this remarkable image I is Mark 12:40, on the scribes ol mtm8101r121; ~ olxl~ • X'lp0'/. This pusage probably has induced Deane 10 restore viduorum instead of the more usual conjecture plliiiJUIIIfiJ. preceding bonorum comesroru. In any case, a con113st is made between the rulers • debauchery and the poverty of other pecple; for the

same contrast see Ezek. 16:49; Ps. Sol. 4:11-12; I En. 96:4-8; 99:2; 102:9; Sib. Or.

m 41, 242. The conttast seems 10 imply Jhat lhe rulers' aaving for luxury is at the expense of !hose who are nor u well off. Perhaps that implicalion wu made explicit by the illegible word at the end of7:6. There, Ceriani and Oemen read QU ..• SEET. Of these Ieners, only SE is certain; if the lenm ET stand for the conjunclion er, se can hardly be anything else than the ending of an adverb (·se), detennining the clause in 7:6. Qu(a)esruose, "eager for gain" might be a possibiJity3 (cf. Jude 16 8alljllitovw; sp6cnmro. ~ zciplv, Vulgate: quaesrus causa). The hypocrisy of the rulers is accentuated by placing in10 their own mouth the absurd claim that this is their way of showing charity to the poor. Works of charity (l:l£~) are also charged with the odium of hypocrisy in Matt. 6:2. Lack of charity and not caring for the poor seems to be a specifically Jewish concem4. It is contained in the list ofvices in Wisd. 14:26 (xapn~ lia!V110"rln); cf. Wisd. 2:10. 1:1 The next tine character traits in 7:7, exremdnarores, qWJerulosi,fallaces are among the commonest in the lists of vices. For the accusation of murder, see Wisd. 14:25 (aliua 1<11\ t6v<M;); 1 En. 99:1 5; Sib. Or. IH 36 (ali-UlXap!j<;), 379 (combined with ~cf. Rom. 1:29); V 431; T. Asber 2:7; 4:2; cf. MaiL 23:34-36. Querulosus is a rare word, meaning "full of complaints". According 10 2 Bar. 73:4 "judgements, condemnalions and contentions" will be condemned in the end of time. In the Vulgate of the list of vices in Jude 16, querulus is the translation of 11211~ a synonym of ~"grumbler, malcontent•-5. Falla;c probably renders '!'£uBI!~ (see Prov. 17:4; 26:28); ~and cognate words occur in lists of vices. e.g. in Sib. Or. m 37. For celantes se, ne posselll cognosci impii compare Ps. Sol. I :7 al 6!Japrim aimi:N !'11 d:.o1<~ see also Ps. Sol. 4:5; 8:9; using the metaphor of darkness and light John 3:20 ~ "!liP 6 taiiM- wpQooi'IJV J.II.CRi U! t
byUinc Oracles (see esp. p. 179. foolnote 63). See further Hauck llld Schultz. "talpvq al.", pp. ~87-589; Van dcr Hont. Tlr4 Selllences o[PsewJD.PirbcyUdes, pp. 110.111. I The imaae Is milipled In a runberofmiiUSI:riprs oflhe synnptic parallel Luke 20:47 (D

I" pc):~ ~ old..;. 2Dane,PuudqigmpM. cpudby Clanen,AI'ATD, p. 325. PIIII(Je'lllll wasc:onjecluml by VollaD•. MMe Proplrelle, p. 145, llld foUowed by most ediiOIS. 3 The pouibility was 111gesled 10 me by H.l. de longe. 4 cr. Van der Hont. TM Se111ences of Psellllo-Pirbcylldes, pp. 65. 118-119 and elsewhen:. SIn die G.- Apocllyp~e ofBanldl 8:5; 13:4. ~ occun in lists of vices.

PR 8

7:3-10

213

.,;li;. \va 11>'1 ~ tci fPl'Q uinoU. /n sct!lert! plt!ni t!r iniquirare again refers 10 a vice ofrcn =mded in the lists, which also have the tendency to describe rhc vices as having gained absolute conuul (e.g. Rom. I :29 11tcnol, ud.1)pqihol). Ab orit!lllt! usqUt! ad occidentt!m here indicates a period of rime ("from sunrise 10 sunset"). The phrase can be connected with rhc preceding (ill scelt!tr pkni et iltiquiratt! ab orit!ntt! usqUt! ad occidenrem), but a less sbaincd syntax is obtained if the phrase is coMcctcd with the following dict!niJ!s, "saying from sunrise 10 sunset: 'Let us have extravagant banquets &c.'"; cf. 7:4 omni hora diei amantt!s convivia, and sec rhc commcnwy on that passage.

7:8 The sinners asc now presented as speaking themselves, inciting each other to debaucl~e~y and gluttony. The direct speech serves to stress the deliberateness and impudence or their sinful behaviour. This device is used also in Wisd. 2:6-8: 4ritt ow l
'IIUiW ••• OUJ1IIoMICOIIIilv ol~uyd); 2 Mace. 6:4 (116 y1ip \qliiY ciooldat; 1
v .•. b!m11)pcri)to; Vulgatc: nam templumluzuria er comeslllionibus erar ple1111111). In the list or vices in I Pet 4:3, lrauria (cicltAlOu) is 111C1lrioncd along with drinking wine and comesariollt!S, porariollt!S and idolatry; sec further Wisd. 14:26; Eph. 5:18 (Ocn.nla); Gal. 5:19,/uxuria (drat~lOu); 2 Pet 2:18; T. l.evi 17:11; T. Judah 16:1. For e~ntt!s et bibelllt!s see the commentary on 7:4.

7:9-10 The IICCIISIIions which conclude rhc legible pan of the description or the author's opponents concern impurity and, again, hypocrisy: whereas they will fear to be blemished by contact with the ritually impure, their hands as well as their minds deal with unclean things. Moreover (.super), rhcir mouths speak cnormirics, cf. Dan. 7:8 (LXX and e), about one of the hams or the fourth beast: cm1!uz AaloiN ~ Vulgatc: er os /oqUt!IIS ingelllia. Grandiloquence is a sign of hubris I, cr. II£YII).1ll0fl(u in Ps.Phocylides 1222. In lsa. 65:1-4 the infidelity and impurity or Israel is exposed. the impurity of those who say (ol ~: nc!ppco a.:· q,oo. 111\ l:n
I See Bcnrml, ·~ ord.. ", a1 "~ nl. ". 2 Vmlb Hont, The Sente~tees of P1wlb-PIIot:y/iMs, p. 191, wilD QUIJCCI, iltrer alill, I Kl. 2:3 tdl IC1IVl6* ml tdl ~tl! ilor'IW. llfl ~· ~ b:

10&~~-

8:1-5 TilE FINAL PUNISHMENT Following the all-encompassing sinfulness described in 7:3-10, the sudden appearance of the Final Enemy of the people is expected. He will execute God's definitive punishment. His actions are aimed at the destruction of Iudaism. Captivity, torment, fire and sword (8:2b, 4a) are common components of descriptions of foreign rulers' actions. But also, it is expected that those who remain faithful to the Jewish tradition will be killed, and that even those who are prepared to give it up will still be tortured (8:1d-2a). They will be forced to accept paganism entirely: they must restore their prepuce (8:3 ), assist in pagan processions, thereby defiling themselves (8:4b), disgrace God's word and his laws by entering into the inner pan of the sanctuary (pagan or Jewish, this is not clear), and by bringing unclean offerings (8:5). In other eschatological scenarios, comparable foreign powers also occur!. For instance, in I En. 56:5-6, the Panhians and Medes fulfill a similar role, and in I En. 90:16 every kind of bird of prey gathers in an attempt to smash the horn of the ram; the author of Iub. 23:24 expects peccatores gentium to be raised against Israel. See further Dan. 7:23-25; 8:9-12, 23-25; 9:26-27; 11:30-32; 4 Ezra 13:34; Sib. Or. Ill 663-666. In all these instances, a foreign tyranny threatens to uproot God's people entirely, but does not succeed in its malicious design. God either intervenes to judge the nations on his own initiative (Dan. 7:2526; 8:25; 12:1-3; 1 En. 90:17-19; Sib. Or. Ill 669-731), or the people repent and return to God, who will then save them (Jub. 23:26; cf. I En. 56:8, where the sinners are expelled from the company of the rightous ones); according to 4 Ezra 13:35-39, a son of God will be sent to reprove the nations. In any case, the Final Enemy's actions serve as the definitive purification (through the destruction of the sinners or through tbeir conversion to God). The king of kings in As. Mos. 8 obviously has the same function. In most of the foregoing instances, the image of the Final Enemy is simply that ofa huge army which attacks God's people. This imagery may owe much to Ezekiel's description of Gog of Magog (Ezek. 38-

8:1-5

215

39)1. In As. Mos. 8, however, the king is modeled on the traditional image of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, as it is known to us from the books of the Maccabees and from book XII of the Antiquities by Josephus. The king does not simply storm the city and murder practically all of its inhabitants (for instance out of envy, as in Sib. Or. Ill 657-662), but he intentionally attempts to make the Jews renegades, because of an irrational hatred of their religion2. This variation from the majority of eschatological scenarios in which such enemies occur is probably due to the introduction of Taxo and his sons in chapter 9. The picture of their faithfulness to the law under any circumstances, and of their willingness to die for it, is drawn from the traditions of the Maccabean uprising, which are of course inextricably connected with traditions concerning the so-called Antiochan persecution (see further below). 1 1 And suddenly revenge and wrath will come over them, b such as there will never have been over them since eternity until that time, c in which he will raise for them the king of the kings of the earth, and a power with great might, d who will hang on the cross those who confess circumcision, 2a but who will torture those who deny it. bAnd he will lead them chained into captivity, 3 and their wives will be divided among the gentiles, and their sons will be operated on as children by physicians in order to put on them a foreskin. 41 But they will be punished by them with torments, and with fire and sword, b and they will be forced to carry publicly their idols, that are defiled, just like those who touch them. s 1 And they will also be forced by those who torture them to enter into their hidden place, b and they will be forced with goads to disgracefully blaspheme the word. c Finally, after these things (se. they will be forced to blaspheme) also the laws through the things they will have upon their altar.

8:1a-b The final punishment is called ullio and ira. In the Vulgate, ulrio usually corresponds to the Septuagint's bc~"'lou; (see, e.g., Lev. 19:18; Num. 31:3; Deul 32:35; Judg.

11:36; Ps. 79 [78):10; 94(93):1; lsL 59:17; Jer. 11:20; Ezek. 25:12; Micba 5:14);

mon: I'Bn:ly to &vt~ (lsa. 34:8; 35:4; 61 :2; 63:4). In the combination ullio et ira, the two words are near synonyms; c!py1! (the probable Greek equivalent of ira in I Volz., 0~ EschiUolofie, p. ISO. 2 One shou14 of course distinguish between the eschalological enemy IS an inslrumelll of God's will and IS an impious. l'lllh1ess tyran1; from the divine pe!SpCCiive, his ICiions an: right. but for bis own put be is. none the less, a grave sinner.

216

OOMMENTARY

As. Mos. 8: I a) alone may mean "judicial punishment" I (see e.g. I Mace. I :67; 3:8; Sir. S:7; 7:16; 47:20; 1 En. 90:3; Ps. Sol. IS:4; T. Reub. S:4; T. Levi 6:11; Sib. Or. Y76). The punishment is said to "come suddenly". In the Latin of the Vulgate, the verb adv~nir~ is most often used for the arrival of a certain point in time (tempus, dUs, tu1· nus, see e.g. Gen. 30:33; 31:10; Exocl. 1:16; 14:24; 19:162). The "coming" of this judgement (cf. Sir. 21:6[S]; Rev. I I :18) is the realization of the threat expr-essed by odpropiabulll tempora arg~Nii in S: I. Cila (1. em.), the adjective dr:tennining u/lio, is best uanslatr:d as an adverb. In this context, it probably means "suddenly", not "quickly". In the Vulgate, the adverb ciro may correspond to both: ~cmva (or~­ ~. see for instance lsL 47:1 1; Jer. 6:26; IS:8; but also tv ~ax..., e.g. Bar. 4:2S. In biblical and related literature, the notion of suddenness is usually related to unpleasant events, and occurs regularly in texts which speak of the coming of the judgementl; see especially Sir. 5:7(9), which also uses other terms that occur in As. Mos. 8:1: ~va ,up ~ 6pyfl nplou, ocal. tv ~ bcliuct\«Ro; ~ol.~ (Yulgate: sllbilo ~nim v~llil ira iJiius, et in tempore viN/iciiM! disperdn tc). Finally, the punishment is said to be unprecedented: a comparable judgement has never previously occurred (cf. As. Mos. 9:2 eminens principalum). For the wording of this phrase, see for instance Dan. I 2: I LXX tal"'' ,., >IJ.otpa e.u..,..., ota oU!c t-,Evlllh!aav !m;~~ bet!"'!<;; cf. Matt. 24:21; Mark 13:19; Rev. 16:18; all these instances refer to the final, eschatological judgement, just as As. Mos. 8:1b does. According to K. Berger, the fonnula must be considered as typically apocalyp-

tic4. I: le In the time of the final judgement, the Lord will arouse the "king of the kings of the earth, and a power with great might". For the parallelism of the concrete ''king" and the absaact "power", cf. Ps. Sol. 2:30 xplvGIV ~ m\ {Jpxw,5. For the use of an absaact object with the verb suscitare, see e.g. the Vulgate of Dan. 2:44 suscilabit Deus caeli regiUIIII. The word suscirare ("to raise", bo- or~tv, cf.ISL 13:17; Hab. 1:6; also dwmiwn Deut. 18:15) stresses that the acting subject is God, and lbat, therefore, the raror that the ldng will bring is God's punWunr:nr. Ra reglllft is a honorific tide of the Persian (and hence, the Seleucid) kings6. Whereas the expression reges rerrae is quite common, I have found no other instance

I Sec SjllberJ llld Stlhlin, "clpyll", p. 41S; cf. Nienneyer, LuJc011, p. IOSOa. 2 ID tbe1e iDslanra, LXX simply has (tv +) an indiCIIion of time; d. N11111b. 36:4, wheJe LXX hu lliv a ~l3 Dlllbe, The Swlden Ill rite ScripiiiTU, pp. 1-27; in the New TesllmCIIl, "sudden" and '"luddcoly" 1te ued in aJII!ellll af eschatDiogy llld of "supemalurll, awaome occunaaces", o.c., pp. 21-34. 4 Berp:r, Die~ DMJei-Dterue. pp. 70-75 ("Exxwrs 1: Trlditionsaacbicbte der ill nodi je IICin wild'. j, liiiiiOIIIC sixty eumples of the Ponnel 'wie CS Die zuvor fDimuJa. ID lddlllon ID CICIIItoloBical CIJdall, lbc fo1111ula is llso ured in Exod. 9:11, 24; 10:6, ID c:omcaion wldl the pla&ues of EuJ1t. Cf. finally I Mllcc. 9:27. 5 Cf. the (lll'lllelilm between 6prl\ or~ and [laml&(a ID Miclh 4:8; Din. 7:27. 6ee....._LII:N_ o-.pp. 310.311; cr. Eza 7:12: Ezlek. 26:7; Din. 2:37; 2 Mace. 13:4; T . .Judlb 3:7; lewallld Oalllilnl tnnlfened thi1 tide ID their God, ICe I En. 9:4 (colfl.)

ae-

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217

of the exact words nz ngum turtu. Comparable, however, is Rev. I :S, where Jesus Christ is called 6 .Jpx... dv ~ tlk ylk; and Rev. 17:18, where the image of a woman is explained as Babylon, 1\ ~ 1\ ~'1 1\ fxouoa flamldav b\ dv l!c*Mt11111 tlk yll~. In As. Mos. 8: I, the words arc meant to create a climax: in 8: I b, it had already been stated that the eschatological punishment was to be unpm:edented. In 8: le, use is made of the existing tide rez reg11111 as a contrast to tbe two pRviously prophesied foreign rulers, the king from the East (3:1 ), and the king from the West (6:8}--their reigns of temJI" will be smpassed by that of the king of the kings of the eanh (who, acamling to the author of As. Mos., is yet to come). The tautological expression potentJS a polenliiJ magllfl, "a power with great might'' (see grammatical note nr. 66), is equally intended to provide a climactic effect. Potestas and potentia arc synonyms; both occur in parallelisms with other words for "strength", such as l'iriUS, fortitudo, or for ''forceful rule", such as principatus and imperium (e.g. I Chron. 29:12; 2 Chron. 20:6; Sir. 34:16[19]; equil'alent wonls in Greek arc &6v~J~W;, &waaula. ~in the New Testament and elsewhere 6px1\, ICpli~ and ~cnxria (e.g. Rom. 13:1-3; Col. 2:10; Jude 2S; T. Reub. S:1). g;ld-2a With an object in the accUSitivel, or with a subordinate clause, confueri can be used in forensic contexts (''to confess a crime"), and hence in persecution contexts (e.g. "to confess to be a Christian"). In the Vulgate Old Testament, rhe word usually agrees with the Septuagint's ~CI)OpE\\rl.-2. In the New Testament, confueri is a translation of OjwMJydv. The opposite of ~CI)OpE\\rlv/OjwMrtt\v is 6pvdcr8m., Vulgate: negare3 (see for the direct juxtaposition of the opposites: T. Gad 6:J.4, 6; John 1:20 et cofl[essus est et non negavit; Tit. I :S confiten.uu se nosse De11111,factis aurem negant; in a persecution context: Man. Polyc. 9:2). Since confileri and negare arc opposites, especially in persecution contexts, it seems that the object of negare must be the same as that of confrteri in 8:ld, namely circumcisionem. Since it is difficult to imagine how someone can "deny his circumcision", circumcisio must be talcen as a metonymy for "Judaism". Negare circumcisio· nem then means "to disavow being circumcised", that is "to renounce Judaism"; cf. the Vulgate of 2 Mace. 6:6 neque ... se quisq/IJJIII Judaeum esse confitebatur (1ouliaioY O!wMrtt\v tlYOl). The metaphoric use of circumcisio/J~Ep~'WIJI\ for "the swus of being circumcised" is also attested by Paul, e.g. in Rorn. 2:2S4. (Syncellus); Philo,De sp«ialibus legibtu I 18; De Declllogo 41; Rev. 17:14; 19:16; cf. Rev. I :5; but see also Illo OuySOSIIllll 2:7S, whert: the title is used for Zeus. I Cott/ileri may also be consuucted with a dative, as in As. Mos. 10:10; then, it means ''to praise (the lord)", and it~p-ees in most cases with ~v +dative. 2 Lev. 16:21; 26:40; Numb. 5:7; Neh. 1:6; 9:2, 3; Ps. 32(31):5;. In two instances, the Septuagint equivalent of coll/lteri, "to mnfess", is O!wMrtt\v. Esth. 1:1 o (12:3) and Sus. 14. In Wisd. 18:13, ~v/cOfl/lleri means ''to acknowledge". 'Ojw),aydv is used for "mnfessing a aime" in T. Gad 2: I. 3 Gen. IS:IS; Wisd. 12:27; 16:16. 4 See Baaer, Griec/Wcll-deii#Cius W~.ll. col. 1315. The metaphorical UJe of clrCIIIISCI.rlo CM only occur if cin:wncision is consideft:d to be the hallmuli: or Jewillmea. As such it wu inaoduced duriJI& the Maccabean R:YOlt. The Maccabeans claimed to restoR: IIIICCIIIII!aws, altbough circumcision had never been a puticularly impllllllll issue before. In the finl &:cntUry C.E., cin:wncision wu considered (I! least by some Jews) to be the clranc-

(colll.)

218

a>MMENTARY

In the religious lrials which aR Je!atcd in manyria and similar texts, Jews a Ouistians aR tonural in order !hat !hey may disavow !heir convictions, and acknowledge

!he persccuta's n:ligion (e.g. 2 Mace. 6:24 IU!tajlalvnv Ell; ~; 4 Mace. 8:7 ~ W. anpwv... 8mJMivt; cf. also Josephus, Bell. Jud. VII 418: ai.atl~ ,up b' ~ ~ ... blV0118r:icrt1~ t+' lv wiito 116vov. ~ al'>uiiv KalcJapa liemaX'qv ~v). See funher 2 Mace. 6-7, in which passage Eleazar and seven boys aR tortured (alodCmem) in order to induce !hem to eat pork. The intention of As. Mos. 8: 1d-2a seems to be !hat !he expected eschatological tyrant will be so horribly ui1SCl'Upulous that !hose who will testify to be Jewish will be killed, but !hose who will renounce !heir being Jewish will still be tortured. 2 The king of kings will kill !hose who confess their Jewishness by hanging. For !he prohibition of Judaism in Antiochus Epiphanes' time, see 1 Mace. I :48 (cf. 1 Mace. 1:~1; 2 Mace. 6:6, 9, 10; cf. also 4 Mace. 4:2S). Suspendere in cruce (ICjlqllil;nv and similar words bl. ~IIAov) is possibly but not necessarily !he same as "to crucify" (crucifigere, cf. As. Mos. 6:9; cnaupow). Josephus (Anr. Jud. Xll 256) mentions crucifixions during Antiochus Epiphanes' n:ign (Qmvto~ dvto't01lp0iwto), but !he books of !he Maccabees, on which Josephus relies, do not mention crucifixion. In !he Vulgatc, crwc is used several times for ~UAov, literally "wood"3; see Gen. 40:19 (cf. 41:13); Esth. 5:14; 8:7; 9:25 (AOt). On other occasions, ~UAov is reflected in !he Vulgate by pmibubun (''gallows") or stirpes. In Josh. 8:29, patibulwn and crwc IR used alternately. The use of crwc as a translation for "wood" in !he Vulgate is evidendy a n:ndering by a Christian translator, influenced by Gal. 3: 13. Since !he Greek Vorfage of As. Mos. may well have used a word for "cross", it is impossible 10 conclude from the word crwc !hat the translator was Christian. 8:2b-J For the people's captivity as one of !he punishments consistendy recurring in descriptions of fcnign subjugation, see !he commentary on As. Mos. 3:3; 6:9. In Dan. 11:33 (both LXX and 8) al~a is mentioned together with rape, and swold and lire (see below on 8:4 ). In As. Mos. 8:3, women and childn:n especially are mentioned as victims of !he escharoiOiical enemy. They an: singled out 10 stress his ruthlessness; cf. e.g. 2 Ouon. 29:9; Jer. 14:16;.38(45):23; Judi!h 7:27(16); T. Judah 23:3.In !he Maccabean traditions, women and childn:n IR singled out in I Mace. 1:32; 5:13,23, 24; 8:10; 2 Mace. 5:13; Joscphus, Alii. Jud. XII2Sl. The difficult word~ must probably be understood as a vulgar Latin variant of dillore, "to divide" (see grammatical note nr. 36), which in its turn is a synonym

terillic or Jewillbneu por Dt:e/kiiCe; see further Arata Mantovani, "OR:Oncisi ed incirc:oncisi". 'Jbcae facll mUll be lliiJISidcred u llddllional evidence ~gains! a dating or As. Mos. 8to lbe 2nd ceiiiiU)' B.C.E.; see further lnlmducticm, IICCiion V, b. I Cf. dpw:'kseaa -ri!v aicra.v I Thn. 5:8; Rev. 2:13, Vulgak: jidem negare. 2 So IIIo Vollanar, M01e l'rophelle, p. 44; Priest. "Testament or Moses", p. 931. 3 Cf. u,- in Al:ll5:30; 10:39. 41be IDIIIIIIICript lads dii.Jdo~. '*en by Volkmar, M01e Proplaerie, p. 44, and many Dlhen to .aer to enfolced IIICICd prostiwtion (cf. 2 Mal:c. 6:4). However, diis dtHrtve gulilnu ("to pw= to !he IOds m~C~~~~rhe pnlilcs") is oot only 1 very awkward consiiUclioD, but (COIII.)

8:1-5

219

of dividere, a word of1en u!Cid in c:onncction with war booty. Women and chilcben can be considen:d booty as well: in Judith 4:12(10), the Israelites, under the threat of being subdued by Holophcmcs, pray that their wives will nor be divided as war boory among the enemies (llil &riivm. •. ~ yuvaiiCOI; El~ xpoYilll11v, Vulgatc ne dart:nliiT ... wr.ores eorum ill divisionem); sec also Judirh 9:4(3)1. Possibly, disdoiiOI'e rcndcn &a&86vca2. In Gen. 49:27 dividere spolia corresponds to the Scptuagint's &alil50VOI. "f!IOtllv (cf. T. Ben. 11:1; Sir. 30:32 [33:24)lkalkMval. dqpoYOIIiav, disrribuere herediraum). In As. Mos. 8:3b the word is u!Cid pregnandy, the idea of war booty being implicit (cf. Ps. Sol. 1:4 c\ d.oiito; cxOOiiv &t&S8TJ ~ ..a.mv ""v yilv). In 2 Mace. 5:24 Apollonius receives the order to sell, that is, ID enslave the women and chilcben of Jerusalem (the author of 2 Maccabecs fails to record whether this order has been executed; cf. Joscphus, A.nt. Jud. xn 299). The author of As. Mos., however, predicts a different fa~~: for the male childn:n: they will be opcrarcd on in order ID coverl their glans with a forcslri (cf. I Mace. 1:48, 60; 2 Mace. 6:10, in which passages cin:umcision is said to have been prohibited by the Syrians). In I Mace. !:IS, however, the (voluntary) undoing of circumcision is sirualcd in an earlier stage in histoty, namely at the time preceding the Antiochan persecution, when the Hellenizing priests were implementing their reforms. In 8:3b it is said that their sons will be "cut'' by physicians in order to create a prepuce for them. Allusion is presumably made ID the operation known as epispasm4. Cclsus is one of the authors who describe this operation, which, acconling to him, was done decoris auua: fieri porest, sed expedirius i11 puero q1111m illviro; ill eo, cui id natiU'tlle est, q1111m in eo, qui qUIJI'UIIdDm gentium more circumcisus est. According ID Celsus. the operation ira eo, qui circumcisus est, consisted of making an incision in the skin just below the glans, and stretching the skin rclca!Cid over the glans; the resulting wound would have to be carefully treated, so thar its healing would produce new skin. Whereas epispasm occurred among Jews who renounced their ancestral habits (cf. I Cor. 7:181l'l't bnCJlllio8!o), iris specifically stared in As. Mos. 8:3b that their sons will be opcrarcd on when they arc boys (filii eorum pueri secabUIIIIIT). The emphatic mention of the sons' youthfulness primarily illustrarcs how everything will be rumed upside down: the boys will not be operated on ID be circumci!Cid, as is the normal

would abo be 1 peculiar eu,ilemism in 1 rexr which Olherwise has no uouble in giving all !he details. I Sec funiH:r DeuL 21:11; Isa. 10:2; Jocl 3(4):3; Nab. 3:10: for~levtcn(gellrib&t) scc Ezck. 2S:7; 26:S; 34:28. 2 So Hlllp!. "llcmcrtun&en", p. 448: sec furlher grammalicalnole nr. 182. 3 ll&diiC~re is the medical tenn Cdsus uses for covering a wound with skin or plaster (sec TIILL 1, p. 123!1:46-!11). 4 Hall, "Epilplllll", has convincingly shown thallhe menlion of cpisplsm docllnoJ povidc evidence of 111 Antiochan daiC for As. Mos., poc~ I Mace. t:IS, because !he operation was pracrlsed ID'oughoullhe Hellcnistic-Roman period, by both Jews and IJIIIIIIS. Moreover, I Mace. I: 1!1 problbly alludes ID lnftbulalion. qthcr tllln epispum. lnftbulation did Id acrually restore the prepuce. but lhe fon:skin (or its remnants) was picn:ed and tanp018rily bound JIIFthcr (Cdsus, /tl«
vn.

mentioned).

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Jewish thing 10 do, but insread, they will be operated on in order 10 pnwide them with a fon:sldn.

8:4-Sa The punishment "by torments, fin:, and sword" is traditional; cf. Dan. 11 :33; Jub. 23:13, 22 (which also include, among other disasters, captivity, see As. Mos. 8:2b). The combination "fin: and sword" is a siOCit phrase, very common in Latin'· Less strictly bound together, the two words an: found in Ezelt. 23:25; Nab. 3: I 5; cf. Heb. 11:34. In 8:4b, it is prophesied that the people will be fon:ed 10 carry publicly images of the pagan gods. To this, one may compare the compulsion 10 rake pan in the Dionysiac pnx:cssion mentioned in 2 Mace. 6:7 (when: also a connection is made with & ll£"tci a~ ~~ m. .. 1\varriCovm ... _.x,v). 10rmenting: For the practice of "carrying idols", see Amos 5:26; Bar. 6 (= the Epistle of Jen:miah):3, 25. The idols an: called polluted (inquilltJ14), "justlilte" (quomodo ... parirer, strictly spealdng, parirer is superfluous) those who "touch" the idols ("10 touch" is the translation of an emendation, see texrual commentary 10 line 132; on the peculiar consll'UCtions in this sentence, see grammatical notes nn. 117 and 171). The connection between idols and pollution is made indirectly in As. Mos. 5:3-4. In the Old Testament, the idols themselves an: 1101 called unclean, although Ezek:iel especially sttcsses that the association of Israel with the idols defiles the people (Ezek. 20:7, 18, 31; 22:4; 23:30; 36:18; 37:23; the expression used in the Vulgate is consistently pallui ill ido/is, c:orresponding 10 various expressions in the Septuagint, such as IUQivtd8m. t:v toi~ ta~v; d. Jos. As. 11:9, 16; 12:5).

.,lUYUI

Abdilus loc~~.s means "secret place"; the obvious Greek equivalent of abditii.S would have been daall~ btn hen: abdilii.S probably indicates the &utov of a temple, that is, the inner pan oh sanc:wary, when: the image oh god is erected (d. Dcut. 27:15), the celfa2. The word abdinu may have been chosen bec:ause of its outward similarity 10 the Grcclt word (notwithstanding the fact that the word adyrum had been ldopted in the Latin iangua&c). This "bidden place" may either be the cella of a pagan temple, or the Holy of Holies ollhc Jerusalem temple, which no one, except the high pricst on the Day of AtDnemcllt, was allowed 10 enter; eorlllft allows for both possibilities. Adyra of the Jerusalem lallple an: tDCDtioncd in the Vulgate of I Chron. 28: I I : dB/it tllllem David SlllomonifilkJ 11uo des~ poniclls et rempli ... er cllbiculor,.,. ill Gdytis (LXX and MT have al cbaellmL al loanipaa. 111111 D'D'Z"1 M"'ll1 n:spcctivdy, "the im1C1" (sfOnF] rooms"). Joscphus on several cx:casions designates the Holy cl Holies by the ram daumY (Bell. Jllll. V 236; Alii. Jllll. ID 122, 125, 138; VU 378; VIU 71, 72, 90, 103, 104). Josephus, however, has a Hellenic: audience iD mind3, 111111 elsewbcn: in Old Tllllllmellt 111111 relaled JiiCnlture, I have DOt found the ram used in c:on-

I Seclbe- inslanceain T7IU. VI, I, pp. 513:44-49; 586:6-12; VU, p. 291:51-52 2 N - i111anru in 171U.lll02:21-S6. 3 In Alii. m 125 .ro.plwl expllins die JcwiJh ICIIIII by livinllbe J1181D equlvalau: 6 t~tv Ill% ~ &ruw ~- w a· "'lcnov <· 6&vlov> w Milt; • _..., 1CI6\raw 1Dii &ylou w lyunr.

8:1-5

221

ncction with the Jewish temple I. In As. Mos. 6: I sanctum SIUIClitlllis is used; in the Scptuagint, "1'::n (lhc Hebrew equivalent of the cello) is either translireratcd (liaiiiP, e.g. I Ki. 6:.S, 16; 8:6, 18; 2 Chron. 4:20) or aanslared wirh aUAll (I Ki. 7:49; Ps. 29(28]:2). Ir may be thar by using &5utov, a specifically pagan tcnn, the author of As. Mos. wished 10 designate the cello of a pagan remple2. In that case, a climax would be intcnded in 8:4b-Sa: not only will the Jews be forced 10 carry around pagan idols, they will also be forced 10 enter the inncnnost pan of the pagan sanctuary, apparently 10 worship the gods that m: its residents. To rhis inrcrprcration one may compm: 2 Mace. 6:7, where ir is said that the Jews were violently forced 10 panicipiiC in the DionysiiiC cult and ID bring offerings for the king's binhday.

S:Sb-c The Jews m: forced with "goads" (srima/us is probably a translation of Ktvtpov; see Sir. 38:2S(26]; Acts 26:14; I Cor. IS:SS, S6; cf. Ps. Sol. 16:4, and also &cl. 12:11 ~) 10 "blaspheme the word and the laws". Blosfemou, a transliteration of ~v. means "to defame, 10 dishonour''; contiUfteliose is pleonastic. In the Scpruaginl ~lv is ~ly used; iiS objccl is usually God (2 Ki. 19:4, 6, 22; lsa. S2:S; Dan. 3:29(96) LXX). In later usage, however, concrctc things, rclalcd 10 God, also came to be the objccl of ll~v, thus ''the tcaehing", or "the word of God" (in the New Tesramenr, e.g. Rom. 14:16 •o drya80v; I Tim. 6:1 .0 6vqla roii 9Eoii ml 1\ &liam1 o).6-,o<; "toii 9Eoii ~1lan4 ); it musr then be regarded as a parallel of leges in B:Sc (on the parallelism of verbum and leges see commentary 10 As. Mos. 1:9b). This meaning of "word" is well-known, although il is very ~ly used absolutely, thal is, without "toii koii, or a similar won! indicating explicilly that God's won! is mcanl (the exceptions m: Dcul. 30:14 tmic; oou tcm .0 lribao. .,..slipcx, and, mosl imponanlly, As. Mos. 11:16, where Moses is called dominus verbi5; cf. Par. Jer. 5:21). The Jews arc forced to blaspheme the laws thmugh the things which they will have on their allllr (on the omission of eo before quod, sec grammatical nOIC nr. 174). The words "their altar" arc again ambiguous (sec grammalical notc nr. S7), as in the case of "their hidden p!IICe" (8:Sa); they may refer 10 the altar in Jerusalem, bul also to pa· gan altars. In either case, the clause may refer 1o the offering of pigs (sec 2 Mace. 6:S .0 & 8ucnaamlplov Ullt; a.o&E~ m.o • ~ Q8qdtou; bEd.!\I In I'll. 27(26):5 iJ is said lhat 1111: Lord wiU "hide me in the seaa place or his rabemacle" -rlk ~ cmoii). In this insrancc, reference is JIOl made ID an lldlitccronic clcmenl or tbc tcmple, buJ ID lhc funclion or the tcmplc as a pluc or refuge for !hose ftccin& from an enemy (cr. Ps. 31[30):21). In 3 Mace. 5:43,1111: Jewish tcmple u a whole is called ~ iudv ~ these words, however, ue put 11110 1111: mouth or a gentile, who is "Doe lllowed ID CllleJ" (lhc UJcnJ meaning or "'lcnoc; lnd ~ 1111: tcmplc. 2 So lllo Owlcs, Tile Alslllllplioll. p. 32 3 So RolclllhaL Vier tlpOtryplli.rcl Bildler, quOicd by Oemcn, AI'ATII, p. 326; cf. Jasuow, Dlt:IID-,, p. 775b. 4 Cf. Aulfllllne, RetrfiCtllliOMs 2, 7, I: b/Qspllemiue letefll et prop/few; Grqory or Toun, CllllllrVI F - 22, 1: biD1p1wwron legem (quoted in TlrU D 2046:12·14). ' So 111o BrmdcnburJer, "Himmclfahn", p. 74. (t\1 ~

222

OOMMENTARY

pc11110; and Joscphus, A11r. JIIJJ. XII 2S3: olcoliotl~ li tv ~ICiiGtiJ IIIS).a !COl 1Colp1J ~ crtmov !COl ~ "~ lhlnv br' ~ lriil; ICOII' ~ ~: cf. I Macx:. I :47). In lhe uaditions about !he impious rule of Anliochus IV, lhe offering of pigs (or eating pork) is a consiBRt elemeRI, cf. 2 Mace:. 6:18: 7:1; 4 Macx:. S:2, 6.1flhe Jerusalem allar is meant, it is possible lhatlhe author of As. Mos. refen ID lhe "abomination of desolation" (Dan. 9:27: 11:31: 12:11: I Macx:. I :S4 [cf. 6:7]; Man. 24: IS; Mark 13: 14), whatever he may have taken it to be. In any case, lhe laws wiU be blasphemed by offerings that an: not legitimate acx:ording ID lhe author of As. Mos.

9:1-7 TilE ZEAL FOR TilE LAW OF TAXO AND HIS SONS The persecution described in As. Mos. 8 is God's final and definitive punislunent of his sinful people. As an instrument of God, the king of the kings of the earth intends to uproot Judaism entirely: he will force the Jews to abandon their ancestral religion and kill the Jews who refuse to do so. Under these circumstances, one Jew, a Levite named Taxo, will admonish his seven sons to remain faithful to the commandments of the Lord, as their ancestors were. Taxo and his sons will be prepared to die for the law, knowing that the Lord is with those who are faithful to him and that he will therefore not leave unavenged the death they expect to meet presently. The sinlessness of Taxo and his sons as well as their trust in the Lord at the eschatological hour clearly mark them as the "Remnant of Israel" (cf. Zeph. 3:12-13), that is, as the few who by their steadfastness to the covenant uphold it, thereby ensuring the continuation of God's mercy and the fulfilment of his promises to the patriarchs with regard to Israel (cf. As. Mos. 12:12). Moreover, it is Taxo's innocence and his morally impeccable descent that give his suffering the atoning effect the exaltation of "Israel" in 10:8-10 implies. 9 1 Then, on that day, there will be a man from the tribe of Levi, whose name will be Taxo, who, having seven sons, will speak to them, saying: 2 'See, my sons, behold, a second. cruel and unclean retribution is made against the people, and a punislunent without mercy, and it surpasses the first one. 3 For what nation, or what land, or what people rebellious against the Lord, having committed many crimes, has suffered woes as great as have come over us? 4 Now then, my sons, hear me! See. then, and know that neither our parents, nor their ancestors have tempted God by transgressing his commandments. 5 Surely you know that here lies our strength. And this we shall do: 6 Let us fast for three days, and on the fourth day let us enter into the cave which is in the field, and let us die rather than transgress the commandments of the Lord of lords, the God of our fathers. 7 For as we shall do this and die, our blood will be avenged before the Lord.'

224

CDMMENTARY

!1:1

Taxo is introduced by a fonnulaic clause which is often used in Old Testament and n:latcd literai:Un: 10 introduce new figures. In such clauses, il is said that "there was a man" (erat autem homo, or vir), whose ttibal affiliation is specified (de uibq NN.), whose name is given (cllilcujus 110111e11 erar NN.), and whose relevant family members an: mentioned (er erot ei mulier; habens laOI'elll etc.); see Judg. 13:2; I Sam. 1: I; 9:1-2; 25:2-3; LAB 42:1; 45:1, 2; cf. Judg. 17:1; 2 Sam. 20:1; Job l:l-2; Lulce 2:25. This is the only instanCe in the extant text of As. Mos., in which a figure's ttibal affiliation is mentioned. Taxa's Levitical descent is of major importance: an innocent l..evite, !hat is, a member of lhe priesdy ttibe, will make atonement for the people's sins. Atonement is a prieslly task, but according to the author of As. Mos., the officiating Jerusalem priests, described in 5:4, are not qualified for this assignment because of their own moral depravation. Then:fon:, Taxa's innocence, and that of his ancestorS, is heavily stressed in 9:4 (see funher below). For the numerous suggestions made to solve the enigmatic name Taxo, see the appendix 10 the Introduction. None of these suggestions is convincing, and I have none lO add. Taxo is said 10 have seven sons, which is the same number as that of the so-called Maccabean manyrs (2 Mace. 7). The number given in As. Mos. 9: I may be a mniniscence of the tndition transmitled in 2 Mace. 7. In the wml-ordcr dicet ... rogons, a metathesis seems 10 have taken place, since one would l1IOI'C readily expect rogobir ... dicens (= J.£yaw, the well-known biblical expression introducing direct speech; see grammatical nolC nr. I SO). The context suggests that rogore, "to ask", should be interpreted hen: as "to admonish". If so, the Greelt lel
!l:l-3 In Taxa's first wORis to his sons, their situation is summarized: the divine punishment has again struck the people in an even harsher way. Taxo calls the punishment ulrio ... ettTaduclio. On uldo, see commentary 10 8: I; tTaduclio is the Yulgate translation of fAenoo; in Wisd. 2:14; 11:7(8); 18:5; in old Latin Bible translations, it also eo~R­ sponds 10 ~I; in As. Mos. rraducrio parallels ullio, and must then:fcn mean "punishment". The opening words of Mallathias' testament an: sttilcingly similar 10 Taxo's swement in As. Mos. 9:2; I Mace. 2:49 n:ads: Nw lcmlp(a8TI u..rp.,.,ma mt ~ mt Krnpt,; ICD~ mt 6py/l eu,wu (cf. ulrio er ira As. Mos. 8:1). Although this punishment is, as always, inflicted on behalf of God, it can nevertbeless be designated as "a'IIC! and unclean". These adjectives refer to the outward appearance of the punishment, as described in As. Mos. 8: it will be executed by a pagan tyrant, who will treat the people most a'IICIIy in order 10 induce them 10 pollute themselves. The punishment is n:fern:d 10 as an uldo a/rera, thu is either "a second punishment" (as opposed 10 only one fOI'IDC:I' punishment), or "another punishment" (as opI RlJDscb, /ra/Q 111111 Vlllgaro, pp. 326-327 (cf. p. 383); SemDSiologische Bellr4ge I, p. n

(cf.

m. pp. 82-83).

9:1-7

225

posed 10 one or more punishments). Probably, the former possibility is meanL The two clauses in As. Mos. 9:2 are clearly parallel and chiastic:

ci"IMklis, iltmundD, er

llltio /aclll es1 ill plebe allera, X

er emineiiS priiiCiptzlllm When the words are 1111111gal in this way, it is seen that principtllllm corresponds 10 ahera. lt probably translates tflv 6pvlv, and can conscqucndy be translab:d with "'the beginning", designating the first punishmenL The lint punishment then is the ruin of Jerusalem described in As. Mos. 3:1-31, which to the author of As. Mos. is the paradigmatic event for the expectations concerning the final punishment, and which the second punishment is believed 10 surpass (eminens; sec funhcr the COIIIIDCIIIaly on 8:1b).2 In the form of a rhetorical question, Taxo in 9:3 compares the suffering of the people of God to that of other peoples. Although the great woes that have come over the l..onl's people are inrapretal as a divine punishment (the legitimacy of which Taxo does noc deny), the comparison suggests a ccnain disproportion: the executers of divine punishment are 110 less impious or malign than the people of God, yet they seem 10 escape judgcmenL The gentiles who are God's insttumcnts are themselves sinners (sec e.g. Ps. Sol. 2:1, 24; 17:S l:v ~ ~ bravtanpav fudv ~ Jub. 23:23). They should therefore be punished as well (sec 10:7, and cf. Ps. Sol. 2:22-23; 2 Bar. 72:4-6; Jub. 23:24). J. Licht interpreted 9:3 as a "plea of comparative innocence"3. This may be 100 strong an expression, but Licht is ccnainly right in pointing to the eschuological significance of Taxo's words. The severity of the punishment of the people of God by their complete uprooting, combined with the sinlessncss of the ancestorS of Taxo and his sonds, creates the conditions which ensure the effectiveness ofTaxo's death. "In this siwalion martyrdom must be effective: ttuly innocent blood spilled in addition 10 the observed urocilics will surely fill the measure of undeserved suffering and in the event compel God 10 exercise His vengcance.'-4 To this one may compare the suffering of the seven boys and their mother in 2 Mace. 7. Although there is 110 indication that the author of 2 Maccabees regllds them as sinnen, be makes them say tbal they regard the tortures inflicted on them as a punisbment for their sins (sec esp. 2 Mace. 7:18 and 32). Apparendy, they suffer because they belongiO a sinful JWion, which is deservedly punished. They may therefore be seen to be suffering viauiously; because or their sinlesaness, they II'C able to placale the Lord with their death (sec 2 Mace. 7:33, 37-38).

I So IIIo Collins, "The Date 11111 l'nM:nlnce", p. 20. 2 Apillll Owler, TM Ar.r&wplio.t, p. 29, who CODialded lhlt As. Mos. 8-9 could not be a prup11cey of die 111111 woes, becallle "the last woes could not be described a 'the seaJIId visitation'.'' 3 Licbt, '"l"uo", p. 98. Lichl conlinues: 'Tuo's pnention Is evidenlly guDty, its panilhment is not entild7 undeseJved. 1b: punisbmcnl. however CIIIIIOI be teaned lblolull:ly just; it is aceuive, 11111 c:mmt be llllled iJio the aonnll cyde or sin 11111 n:aibulion." 4 Ucht, '"l"uo", p. 98.

226

OOMMENTARY

9:4-5 Taxo reminds his sons of the iMocencc of their ancestors, who an: thus beld up as an example of righteouSness; cf. Maaathias' testament in 1 Mace. 2:49-68, esp. 2:51. More imponandy, the sinlessness of their ancestors I somehow i.nauses the purity of Taxo and his sons (cf. Judith 8: 18-20), thereby enhancing the effectiveness of their (vicarious) suffering (see lsa. 53:9 LXX; cf. Zeph. 3:13; 1 Pet. 2:22). Unlike the Levitical priesls, who by their sinfulness have invalidated the normal cullic IIIOIICIIIeJit, Taxo is perfectly fit 10 fulfill his mediatory role (cf. Heb. 7:26-27). In the Vulgalle, ~IIIIJn (the classical fonn of remprare, see grammatical nolle nr. 32) is used as an equivalent of mpcit£Lv, "to put 10 the test, 10 tempt" (on tbe participle IDIIpU»>Ies funclioning as a finite verb, see grammalic:al note nr. 137). Often, it is the Lord who tries his people, in order to purify tbem. People who put God 10 the test occur much less mqucndy. An incident 10 which the Old Testament frc:qucndy n:fers is the trial at Massah and Mcribah, when: Israel, according 10 the Exodus version of the stoty, provoked the Lord, demanding that he demonstrate that he was indeed with them; see Exod. 17:2, 7; and the references 10 this event in Deut. 6:16-17; Ps. 78(77):18, 41; 95(94):9 (cf. Heb. 3:9); 106(105):142.In As. Mos. 9:4, remprare is defined as prae~rin rrtalldata UUus, and it must probably be understood as '"to taunt", nther than "10 try"; cf. Man. 4:7 (par. Luke 4: 12). In Ps. 78(77):56, then: is a similar parallelism: ICaL bdpaauv ... Wv e.bv Wv ~lplOWV, ICUi ta ~ crimril OiJIC ~-

Taxo says that "this is our stR:ngth" (lit.: "these an: our powers"). Possibly, haec refers specifically 10 tbe innocence oftbe ancestors (see above, and Judith 8:18-20). 11 is perhaps beaer, however, 10 understand haec as referring more gencnlly 10 the law and 10 the strength that is gained by keeping tbe law (cf. 1 Mace. 2:64, where Maaathias commands his sons 10 "be strong in the law, for you shall be glorified in the law"; see also 1 Mace. 2:51 and the commentary 10 As. Mos. lO:lS and 12:3). 9:6 Taxo is said 10 admonish his sons to fast for three days. Fasting is a common ritual corollary 10 the confession of sins and expn:sses humility; see the commentary on As. Mos. 3:4 above. Taxo's solidarity with his people, already apparent in his willingness 10 suffer the punishment caused by their sins, also incites him 10 humiliate himself on their behalf. This chanctcrizes his aclions as vicarious (see the commentary on 9:2-3). For the same period of three days of fasting, see Tob. 3:10 (Vulgate); Esth. 4:16; 2 Mace. 13:12; T. Jos. 3:S3. This ritual of penance serves as a pn:pantion for the retR:at in10 a cave in the field, where Taxo and his sons will appan:ndy stay in anticipation of their violent death (see

I The innocence·of these ancesrors is of great imponance in conneclion with the Second Commandment, which prnhibits idolatly; to the Lonl's jealousy, it duWens thll the sins of thole whohlleOod will be avenged unto the thinl and fowthaenenlion(Exod. 20:S;

rercrnna

DeuL 5:9). 2 Witbout refcnnce to Emd. 17: Numb. 14:22; Ps. 78(77):56; Sir. 18:23(13); lsa. 7:12; Mll. 3:15; W"lld. 1:2; MilL 4:7 =Luke4:12; Aas 15:10. Judith 8:11 doesnotexpliddy refer 10 Exod. 17, but isll"lallionllly RmlniiCall ofiL 3 Olherperlodllbr fastinl m seven days (1 Ouon. 10:12; 4 Ezn 5:13, 20; 6:31, 3S; cf. 9:23, 26); rorty days (Man. 4:2, par. Luke 4:2).

9:1-7

227

9:7). Taxo expeciS their death 10 result from their obedience 10 the Lord, which connvencs the king's ordinances: moriQnuu potius qiiiJIJI pranereamus nllll&lloiD Domini dominorum, Dei ptlnlllllm IIOSITOIVIII. CorrlpiR with these words those spob:n by the first 1111rtyr in 2 Mace:. 7:2 hoqa .,op ~v br,.£v 11 mpallaim.v toUc; XGfp(ouc; ~(cf. 2 Mace. 7:29); the motif often recurs in the traditions connected with the Macc:abcans (sec I Maa:. 2:37, SO; 2 Mace. 7:29; 4 Mace. 9:1; Joscphus. Alii. /uti. Xll281-2821). In I Mace. 2:37, it is linked 10 the mm11 iniO the desert (I Mace. 2:29); in I Mace:. 2:S0-.51 the example of the fathcn is sm:ssed. Tbc entering in10 the cave in the field allows Taxo and his sons to avoid transgressing the law2. Caves were regarded as places of refuge in times of physical danger, hidden from and pnaic:ally inaccessible 10 one's pasccuton (sec Josh. 10:16-27; I Sam.. 13:6; 22:1; 24:4-11; 2 Sam. 23:13; I Ki. 18:4, 13; 19:9, 13; I Chron. 11:15; Ps. .57[.56]:1; 142[141):1; lsa. 2:19; Joscphus, Bell. /1111.1312-313; Alii. /uti. XIV 429; Heb. 11 :38; Rev. 6: 1.5). A ~treat iniO the descn is also mentioned in I Mace. 2:29 (cf. Joscphus, A111. Jud. XU 271-275), and Ps. Sol. 17:17, but in these instances no caves aze mentioned. Taxa's appeal for faithfulness 10 the commandmeniS in ~inforced by bcsiOwing two tides 10 the law-giver, God. He is the God of their anc:cstors and also the omnipotent God, a c:ombination which stresses the ell.traordinary character of the relationship between God and his people. The SIIIDC combination is found in DcuL IO:ls-17. PIUtlrues must h= be taken as "ancesiDrS", and not as "begetterS" or "~IS" in a strict sense ("((VEir,);pare111es corresponds 10 ,.cntpet; in Prov. 19:14; Wisd. 12:21; 18:22, 24; Sir. 44:1; Heb. 11:23. The first tide, "Lord of lords", poiniS 10 God's omnipotence, as in DcuL 10:17: "For the Lord is our God, he is the God of Bods and the Lord of lords, the great, strong and frightful God" (cf. also Ps. 136(13.5):2-3, "God of gods and Lord of lords").

!1:7

The conclusion of Taxa's speech 10 his sons sutes thu his blood and that of his sons will be avenged before(= by; sec grammatic:al note nr. 7.5) the Lord in the event of their death. Taxa's words seem to be an allusion to DcuL 32:43 h 16 aljaa riW liliw a6loil tdlriua. but sec also Ps. 79(78): 10; the vindication of the blood of the Lord's scrvaniS is not an uiiCODUIIOII motif in other teKIS (e.g. 2 Ki. 9:7; Rev. 6:10; 19:2; 6 Ezra 15:9). lt is not c..plicitly swal that Taxa and his sons williCIUally die, but Taxa dearly expec15 this 10 happen, and the mention "blood" also strongly suggests thu the dcadt Taxa expects will be a violent one. Thus. two motifs llllditionally associated with ual for the law aze bcre brougbt JDgether: violent dcuh and a ~treat in10 (caves in) the dcscn.

«

I Sec fllnhcr KellciiDDI. "Dill Dlalelbudl", p. 71, iiCDI (4), and Rlmdl, '"lbe A.aplion of Molel", pp. ~S7. 2 In 2 Mm:. 6:11; 10:6. c:na in lite clelen m c:holal •life plal:a 10 ce1c:1nte lite Jewilll

......

10:1-10 TilE APPEARANCE OF GOD'S KINGDOM In the final stage of the eschatological events, the author of As. Mos. expects God to react to the death of his faithful ones, Taxo and his sons. God will manifest his kingly rule and expel the devil (10:1). The blood of Taxo and his sons wiU indeed be avenged (10:2, cf. 9:6), probably by Taxo himself, who, as a reward for his zeal, is exalted and consecrated as a heavenly priest. Next, the author describes nature's reaction to God rising from his throne, using traditional language to describe the theopbany (10:3-6). God is said to stand up to punish the nations and to destroy their idols (10:7). The aim of his intervention, set in motion by the death of the innocent Taxo and his sons, is to redeem Israel: the entire people will mount on the eagle God will send and be exalted to heaven, where they will live among the stars and praise the Lord (10:8-10).

a.JO:l-2 As. Mos. 10:1-2 is the iiiiiOOuction 10 thedescriplion of the thcophany (10:3-7) and of lmel's exllration (10:8-10). The escbatological and definitive intc:nrenlion of God in his creation is the Lord's ~on 10 Taxo's faithfulness to the law in the extreme cirCIDDStanc:es which lhe author of As. Mos. expectS 10 come shortly (chap~en 8-9). 1 And then his kingdom will appear in his entire creation. And then the devil will come to an end, and sadness will be carried away together with him. 2 Then the hands of the messenger, when he will be in heaven, will be filled, and he will then avenge them against their ene-

mies. 10:1

Fo11owinJ die probably vioiCill dealh of Taxo and his sons, God'sl kingdom "will appar" (pQn6it; die c:ompoand llfJIJtiTebil is mare common) in his entire aealion. The lhcopblmy delcribed in 10:3-7 shows that God's enliie creation is involved. For die idea that the "kin&dom" of God "appears", see Sib. Or. m 47-48: Wrc 611 jlacJW{a 1117llml d8awho» J!aml~ a' ~ tcM1101, lllld cf. 2 Bar. 39:7. Acconlins to As. Mos. 10:3, God reigns from heaven, and accordinJIO 10:7, lfllllll, ]llqlmlly ael'enlnJ ID God ( - IJ'IIIIIIIIIicalllllle nr. S9).

10:1-10

229

8-10, the n:sult of the appearance of his kingdom is the punishment of the idola!rous nations and the exaltation of Israel into heaven. Therefore, regnum Ulius pal'ebit i11 onulia crelJIUTa illius is not an announcement that God will henceforth rule the eanh, but rather that it will become manifest in his entim creation that God is King! (see funhcr CX~~D~~~Cntary on 10:3). As a result of the coming of God's kingdom, the devil will "have an end" (the Vulgate has}illem habeu where: the Gn:ek text has~ qnv in Mm 3:26; or crw~[se. sin) in Dan. 9:24; the expression is used for Solomon's death in Sir. 47:27[23); LXX: ~w; cf. finally Heb. 7:3 jinem llitae habeiiS = ~ ~ fx-; for zabuJus as an orthographic variant of dillbolus, cf. grammatical notes nrs. 5 and 15). It may be that the devil in As. Mos. 10:1 is thought to be the official prosecutor, who will be removed from God's courtroom2, so that sadness (probably~-... cf. e.g. Sir. 12:9; 14:1; 18:15; perhaps~ e.g. Prov. 5:16; 7:4) will be dispelled with himl (adduceiW =llbducenu; see grammatical note nr. 28). On the other hand, the image may be less concrete; probably, the end of the devil only serves to illustrate the absoluteness of God's kingdom, in which there is no place for satanic forces4 (cf. 1 En. 10:6; Jub. 23:29; 50:5; John 12:31; Rev. 20:10; T. Napht. 8:4; also 1 John 3:8 ~ ll ~ toii 8r:oil, tva ~lien:! ta fpya wii &ap61ou). Similarly, the n:moval of sadness (which is the work of the devil) is just the obverse oftheoutbmlk of joy (cf. As. Mos. 10:10 gaudebis)S. The appearance of God's kingdom is described as the reversal of all eanhly conditions6: just as the mountains will be IID"IIed upside down (cf. As. Mos. 10:4-6), sadness will be turned into joy (sec 4 Ezra 6:27; Jub. 23:29; 2 Bar. 73:1-4; Sib. Or. V 385; John 16:20; T. Lcvi 18:12-14; T. Judah 25:3-5; Apoc. Mos. 39; cf. Isa. 35:10; 51:11). For the idea that sadness will disappear at the appearance of God, sec also Rev. 21:4.

10:2 With the appearance of God's kingdom, a messenger (IIUIIIius) in heaven will be consecrated as priest. It has often been assumed that the IIJIIItilu, a translation of~ must be identified with the archangel Michacl, the patron of Israel. At first sight, this appears ID be the most natural explanation: at the revelation of God's kingdom, an angel up on high 7 (qui est COIIStitutiiS may mean no more than "who is"B) will avenge Taxo and his sons. Similar concepts of pabOn angels are found in Dan. 10:13, 21; 12:1; 1 En. 47:2; lQM xvn 6-7; T. Lcvi 3:3. More difficult ID answer is the question why at this poim an angel would be introduced. In Dan. 12:1, for instance, Michacl is I Cf. Vrb., Die EsdltltoiDgle, pp. 167-169. 2 For lbe devil u prosea110r, aee Focnter and von Rad, "&aj!GUm m", pp. 72-78. 3 So Campanovo, K~-. p. 170. 4 Cf. Foenter llld voa Rad, "&aj!GUm 1C"tA. ", p. 77, note 43: "[Es] winl einfacb konstatiert, da8 es einlllreincn IIGII:n mcbr geben winl". SCamponollo, IC/Jitl,_, p. 170, tends 111 equlle tristilitJ with lbe calasbllphes Jllllller that will have belaUen 1me1. but m. Is 111 ovcr-illapNiicn 6 On 1be llftllllcM.1) ..m- (J'bllo, De prtlllllliis 169), aee Volz, Die &clltllologN, pp. 126-127. 7 s - 11 Uled lbr "heaven", especially in alocalivc limclion, thus i 1 1 - bae, 11111 a - I D IO:IO;cf.lbe Vulpteofl'l. 18(11):17111trltde.IVIIIIIIO, VulptejalliH~ ....... cr.;,. amruinc.1. PL 141:1. 8 See IIJIIIIIUIIcal Dr. 130.

230

OOMMENTARY

clearly depicted as the heavenly warrior who will protect Israel. But in Daniel such angels occur more often, and they have a clear function in lhc heavenly counterparts of canhly struggles (Dan. 10: 12-21). In As. Mos., however, !here are no olher angels with a comparable task I. G.W.E. Nicltelsburg has tried to explain this problem by supposing that the angel would have been inaoduccd in As. Mos., simply because it was uaditional to have an angel judging the nations at this stage of the cschatological

proccss2. On the olhcr hand, Carlson, and Camponovo (following Kuhn)3, have eJtplaincd the angel's role as mcdiato!y. 1bc angel would convey Tuo's cry for vengeance (9:6) to lhc Lord, who would lhcn intervene (cf. Tob. 12:12, IS; I En. 9:1-10; T. Levi 3:56). However, it is clearly said that lhc IIUilrius will avenge lhcm, which is something quire different from mediating the aics of lhc rightcous ones. Moreover, lhc IIJIIIJills is said to be consecrated as a priest: rune implebuntur IIIDIIUS IUIIIlii. "Filling one's hands"4 is a teChnical term for the consecration ofprieSIS, sec Exod. 28:41; 29:29, 33, 35; Lcv. 8:33; 16:325; 21:10; Num. 3:3; Judg. 17:5, 12; I Ki. 13:33; 2 Chron. 13:9; T. Levi 8:10; Jos. As. 27:2. None of the proposed interpretations explains why an angel would be consecrated as a priest at this stage of the cschatological process and not earlier. Rccendy, the present author has proposed identifying the niUilius with Taxo6. Whereas the ordination of an angel as priest at this stage makes no sense, Taxo' s priesdy ordination in I 0:2, because of the specific mention of his Levitical descent (9: I), is very appropriate. If seen from the pcrspcctive of lhc tradition of the suffering righteous, the pricsdy ordination of Tuo in heaven can be naturally understood as a reward for his faithfulness to the law, for which he even died (9:6)7. 1bc tide IIUitrius should be explained in relation to lhc mediating office commonly associated with prophets and priests. These mediators may, as such, be called IJIX!l"nl<; and~- Thus, in As. Mos., Moses is called IWJ{t'l(; (arbiter) in 1:14, and I U1111.r quiiiiPra eosest4:1 is not an angel (so Camponovo, K611iglltm, p. 170), butEzra (sec IXIIIIIIICIIlar on 4: 1). 2 ReSIII7'«tiott, pp. 28-31; cf. Tromp, "Taxo", pp. 203-204. 3 CatiJon. "Vcnaance Dl An&elic Medialion", Camponovo, KiJnigtum, p. 170; Kuhn, ''Zur Aslumplio Mosls", p. 126. 4 The Hebrew expression bas a singular "hand", but LXX bas uAooilY tclo; ~ ''fillliDilll the hamds". ''maltin8 than perfcct". SIn Exod. 29:35-36; Lev. 8:33-34 and 16:32-33, "filling the Junds" ir dizeclly c:onnecred with mcdlllion and atonctncnt(~llal. sec commentary on 4:1; 11:17 Uld 12:6); the mcdi110ty oflice of priests is llso the rtuon why priests can be called ruuuiu.r, which is atenn indicating medialion (ac:e below). 6 "Taxo, the Mcuenpr of the Lord"; lbr 1 brief criticlllrevicw or eallier sugestions, sec Ibid., JlP. 202-205. 7 For lbc bcaoenly leWIId of !be IIIIITaing rig~Uous, see the u.mces collcc:led by Kellermann. "Du Dlnielbuch", p. 75. 8 For~ a 4yyUoLofOod see As. Mos. 11:17(Molcs); 2 Ouon. 3Ci:l5-16(cf. 3 Ezra 1:48, 49; the pnlllhets); &:c:l. 5:5 (a picst); lsa. 42:19 Mr (the ICrVIM of lhc Lmd); Hag. 1:13 (Hqpl); Mal. 2:7 (the prial); cf. Mill. 3:1 (quoted in Matt. 11:10; Muk 1:2; Lulte 7-:1.7 11111 ipplled to .JahD !be Baptls!); PI.-~ in Diod. Sic., Blbl. Hln. 40. 3, 5 (!be hip priea). Cbrilt .lelul is emphatically described u • buman mcdlllar in 1 11m. 2:5. See fiutber Davica, "A Note on.JoecpiJuB", pp. 138-139; Walroa, 'Tbc Mcaenaerof Ood".

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6:rrWK,IIUUilius in 11:17. As a mediator, his laSk is 10 eslablish lhe covenant between God and his people (1:14; 3:12); as a messenger, he is appoinled 10 inlereede for Israel (11 :17; 12:6), and 10 defend lhe people against !heir enemies (11:17-18). This concept of Moses can be illuSiraled by Philo, De vita Mosis U 166, where it is said of Moses lhu, allhough he was shattered upon hearing on Sinai of lhe people's sin wilh lhe golden calf, he did 1101 hurry 10wards !hem, but, being a mediaiOr and m:onciler (ola JiEUl"llJt; ~eal lkaUciJmiQ, he first prayed (toaolat; ICal A&tcit; boui10) in order lhatlhe people's sins be forgiven. After lhe proteCIOr and intercessor ("''&jullv mi. mpcatq'ti\Q had softened God's wrath, he returned 10 pronounce sentence on !he offenders on behalf of lhe Lord (cf. Exod. 32:11-14, 28-35; Ps. 106[105]:19-23). Likewise, in De somniis I 141-143, Philo describes the intercessory function of lhe ciyyWIL, that is, Myo., and cites Moses as an example of lhese JII!OltOL Elsewhere, he constructs a similar relation between lhe 16-,oc; and priests as mediators, see De vita Mosis [[ 66, 133; De specialibus legibus I 116; De gigtWibus 52, 61; De cherubim 16-17; Quod Deus imnultabilis 131-135. From texts like Jub. 31:14 and T. Levi 3:5; 4:2 it appears !hat Philo was not unique in his comparison of priests and angels; cf. Sir. 24:10, where Wisdom is described as saying i:v cm)vij cky!Qt f:vrllaov ailtoii U£110\lpy!Joa.

Being installed as a mediator, Taxo will subsequently! take revenge on Israel's enemies (vindicavit illos ob inimicis eorum2), a reward which is often expecled 10 be given 10 the righteous in the eschaiOiogical time (see Dan. 7:17-18; Wisd. 3:8; 4:16; 1 En. 38:5; 90:19; 91:12; 92:4; 95:3, 7; 96:1; 98:12; Matt. 19:28; cf. Ps. 49[48]:15; 149:8-9. It has been noled lhatlhe nlllllius duplicates God's avenging actions (10:7), but such a duplication is not exceptional; see Wisd. 3:8: (Aumlol) ICplvoiicnv f8vll ~ea\ ~epat1\<Joumv Mlciiv, ICal pam>.tllan cnitriiv ripwc; El~ toUo; alriivat; (cf. I En. 91:12-14). Taxo's ordination as a priest is said to take place in summo, that is: in heaven, where he will "be". The phrase qui esr consrirutus is rather vague and can1101 be given an unequivocal meaning, but it seems !hat the considerations above n:commend lhe translation "when he will be", or even stronger: "when he will be appointed" (see grammatical note nr. 134). Consrituere has the laner meaning in 12:6 Dominus me consrituilpro eis; cf. also 1:14 illvenir me qui ... prfJt!porarus sum &c. There are, therefore, three demcnts in As. Mos. 10:21hat are closely related: (I) Taxa is rewarded in heaven for his faithfulness to the law by his ordination as a priest; (2) as such, be is called a nunrius, a tide indicating mediation and intercession; (3) he furthennore has besiOWed on him judicial power, which, being a mediator, he uses 10 take revenge on Israel's enemies. From As. Mos. 10:8-10 it appears that Taxa's death is indeed thoughtiO have a10ning consequences for Israel. I Proliruu must here be interpreted as E~ in many insaances in 1he New Testament, namely a "thereupon, subsequc:nlly". See Daube, Tile Swlde11 ill me ScriplllrU, pp.

46-72. 2 ForvCDp:IIIIZ lhllls eucuted m one's "enemies", see Esther 8:13 (de hosribru); 9:1 (de adllersmiis); Jer. 46:10 (de illillllcu); W"ISd. 11:3 (de illilfllcis); cf. h 149:7 (ill Nllionillu); for YCIJIUIICC execuiCd on someone else's behalf, see DeuL 32:43 (8£0;) tmalcm ICal ~ lil"''Y 1lllil; ~ ICal 1lllil; lllCIOiicnv cMam6o/Jcm; cf. Lute 18:3, also I M.a:. 2:67: 13:6.

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COMMENTARY

b.l0:3-7 In this passaJC, rhe aurhor of As. Mos. describes me rheophany I. The lnd.idonal description of a rheophany is fonnally charac1aized by a divisim into two pans, !he finl peart speaking of God's coming2, rhe second pan describing rhe subsequent upsetting of the nalllnll order.3 This basic form is also displa~ in As. Mos. 10:3-6: (I) 10:3 The Heavenly Lonl will rise from his throne and leave his holy habitation; !he cause of his actions is said to be his anger on IICCOIInt of his servants; (2) I 0:4 L rhc eanh will tranble and rhe mountains will be made low; IO:S b. me heavenly bodies will be obscured and their order disrupted; 10:6 c. rhc Wllm will be dried up. The creatim is divided into tine pans: canh, heaven and !he Wllm. In varying order, this tripanile description of rhc "entin: creation" is found also in rhe lhcophanics Hsb. 3:10-11; Sir. 16:18-19; 4 Ezra 8:23; T. Levi 3:9-4:1; I QH Ill 32-36. The eanh, rhe heaven and me waterS, in !heir turn arc divided into tine pans as well: land, mountains and valleys; sun, moon and stars, and sea, fountains and rivers, respectively. In As. Mos. I 0:7, it is restated rhat the Lord will rise and appear. The purpose of bis advent is to punish the nations and their idols. It is clear, rhercforc, rhat in As. Mos. 10:3-7, the thcophany is associated wirh rhe Day of the Lord, hence also wirh the manifestation of his kingship on earth4. There is no reference to a judgement, but this may be implicit (as for instance in ISL 26:19-21 and Dan . .12:1-3). 3 For the Heavenly One will rise from his royal throne, and he wi11 go out from his holy habitation with anger and wrath on account of his

sons. 4 And the earth will tremble until its extremes it will be shaken, and the high mountains will be made low, and they will be shaken, and the valleys will sink. 5 The sun will not give its light, and the horns of the

I Many parallels quoted in the commentary on this passage below arc derived from rhc ~IIIIIDdaJd -Jb on .Jcwisb CIICIIrology. such as Volz. Die Eschotologie; Mowinclce1. He Tlull CDIIIelll; helpful 1111181*- Jiven to me by an (Wipllblished) essay m As. Mol. 10 by R.Oo._ 2 In As. Mos. 10:3-7, die IUibor doea 1101 Ay expliddy dial Ood will "come"(~ 10:7 says dial the Lonl will come Dill in die open): he win arise from his dume llld leave his dwdiiDg-pblge.llut it Is hisldnpbipdlal win IIJPeU in his Clalion (10:1); see aJIIUIIelltaly m 10:3. 3 JelalliM, T,.,.,., p. U. 4 Oilier descrlpdms of lbeopbanics in Biblil:alllld rdated litel"llllm arc associated wirh die giYinl of die Jaw on _ . Sinll, with rhe c:maing of the Reed Sea. with die war qainlt the chaotic - . l l l d wilh the Art of the CoYalaDL See Jelaniu, TMopluvlle, pp. 90-112. ap. pp. 97-IOihboutthe O.,ofthe Lonl; onp. 112. Jelanial deals wilh the .acillion of die tiJeaFbmY wilh the mmfcltation of Ood's ldnpbip on earth. Cf. Iiio the c:ommenta by A.Y. CoDlnl, "Compooldon lllld Redlctioa", pp. 182-183, on As. Mol. 10:3-10 U I ldec:llllll oldie "aacicnr myrhlc paaem" ollbe Divine Wmi« Myth.

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moon will turn into darkness, and they will be broken; and (se. the moon) will entirely be turned into blood, and the orbit of the stars will be upset. 6 And the sea will fall back into the abyss, and the fountains of the waters will defect and the rivers will recoil. 1 For the Highest God, the sole Eternal One, will rise, and he will manifest himself in order to punish the nations, and to destroy all their idols. 10:3 Appropriately, God is here given !he title !he uHeavenly One". On this title, see commentary on As. Mos. 2:4 and 4:4. In heaven, !he Lord is said 10 rise from his throne and 10 come out of his dwelling-place. It is not stated explicitly that be wiU descend upon eanh (cf. 10:1, where it is said that God's kingdom wiU appear, not the Lord himself; in later instance.• of !he genre, !he theophany is associaled with the manifestation of !he kingship of !he Lord I; see esp. Ps. 97(96]:1-2). The Lord is expected in As. Mos. 10:3 10 rise "from his royal throne" (sedes regni sui is a biblical style-figure, see grammatical note, nr. 191; cf. Pr. Azar. 31). This is associated wilh !he judgement he wants to execute on account of his "sons" (see below). In !he Psalms, the Lord is asked to "rise" (exurgere, mostly = &wm;lvm, sometimes = ~) in order to act forcefully on behalf of those who pny 10 him for salvation from !heir enemies (cf. 10:7); see e.g. Ps. 3:7(8) &vaata, 1; cf. also Sib. Or. m 308. For llabilalio SIJIIClacf.ISL 63:15; Jer. 25:30; IQS X 3; lQM XD 1. Finally, there are several other tell.IS which comain !he motif of !he Lord rising wilh anger in order 10 pronounce verdict on his sons' enemies, e.g. Isa. 14:22; 26:20-21; 28:21; 35:4; 1 En. 1:7; 91:7; 100:4.

I Jeraniu, Tlteopllllnie, p. 112. 2 Jeremiu, Tlw1pllllnie, pp. 7-16, I U.

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OOMMENTARY

The word transllled with "sons",filii, can of coune be a translation of the ambiguous word~ the G=k word may mean "son" as well as "servant"- But the relation

between the Lord and lmel is ofrcn likened to that between parents and children (see commentary on 11:13). In DeuL 32:43 MT, the Lonl is said to ''take revenge for the blood of bis servants (M:::l.D)"; in the more originalrextl, represented by LXX and 4QDt 32, it is said tha! he will"take revenge for the blood of bis sons" tiN IlliN cMu6; !•l:l D"T).

10:4 One of the most constant elements of the theophanies is the "trembling" of the eanh and the mountains; see, e.g. Judg. 5:4-5; 2 Sam 22:8 (= Ps. 18[17]:8); 77(76):19; lsa. 24:19; 63:19; Joe12:10; Nab. 1:5; Hab. 3:6, 10; Sir. 16:18-19; Sib. Or. m 675. Literally, eanhquakes are meant, but as a metaphor, this shaking signifies the great feu which the mighly presence of the Lord causes to his creation. See esp. As. Mos. 10:6, where it is said that the rivers will be tenificd. Tbe mountains will be shaken and "made low" (c:f. Hab. 3:6; I En. 1:6). Conval/u codelll may be translated as "the valleys will sink (even funher)". Because of the pec:uliarily of this image, some sc:holan proposed to emend convafles into cofles, so thu a regulll" parallelism of ''mountains" and "hills" would be obtained. as for instance in Isa. 40:4 aliv 6poc; o:al. flouv0<; taiiElvt11811«tOL (cf. 1 En. 1:6). However, a corruption of colles into convalles is hard to explain.

10:5 The celestial bodies, the sun, the moon and the stars, will no longer give their light; see Jsa. 13:10 (c:f. Man. 24:29; Mark 13:24); Joel 2:10; 3:15; c:f. Amos 8:9; Hab. 3:11; also Ezek. 32:7-8 (darkness ac:companying the downfall of the king of Egypt). More speclfic:ally, the image of the moon ruming inro blood seems to derive from Joel 2:31(3:4); d. Acts 2:20; Rev. 6:12; also Isa. 24:23. To the confounding of the orbit of the stars compare 1 En. 80:6-7; 102:2; c:f. also the faDing of the stars in Isa. 34:4 (c:f. MatL 24:29; Mark 13:25; Rev. 6:13). The expression -.nidov datpow oc:c:urs in Wisd. 13:2; c:f. cursa stellarum in LAB 23:10. A singular image, not found in other theophany descriptions, is the breaking of the cornua lllllllf!. These "horns" (dpata) are the extremities of the waxing and waning moon (cf. Aratus 785, 190: al npalcn t% ~ Or. Sib. V 517: r.d.lJYIIltK &~2. According to .Jeremias, the defection of the c:elestial bodies is a secondary motif in the theophanies, which originally belonged to the conc:epr of the "Day of the Lonl". As in Hab. 3: ID-I I, however, both concepts, the Day of the Lord and the theophany, have been combined in As. Mos. IO:J-73.

I Meyer, "Die Bedeutung YOD Deutenlnomiwn 32, 8 f. 43". 2 Olalks, in bis MOIIIIriiC!ion of Ibis pusaae. TU A.srlllllpllon, pp. 86-87, combined the coriiiUI with the 11111, llpllmallly inlerpn:ting them u "beams of lighl" (•ia Hebrew Tl'• which has both meanings). But even lhm. one would like ID undenland how the "beams" of the 11D1 can be bmken; ICe Ckmcn,APATll, p. 327. 3 .lemDiu, TltMip/ltulle, p. 98.

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10:6 The third part of creation, the waters, an: chuacterizcd as the sea, the fountains of the waters, and the riven {see Nah. I :4; Hab. 3:8, where the "sea" and the "rivers" an: in patallel position; cf. Ps. 114[113]:3, 5). The sea will fall down into the abyss; cf. 2 Sam. 22: 16; Ps. 18{17): 16; 4 Ezra 8:23. The sources of water will dry up, 4 Ezra 6:24; T. Levi 4: I; cf. Joel I :20; Ps. Sol. 17:19; I En. 101:7; Rev. 16:12. The rivers will be tetrified; cf. Ps. 104{103):7; 114:3, 5. For the use of ezpavescere cf. 4 Ezra 6:24 expavescet terra (cf. 4 Ezra 6:23). ln Sib. Or. IH 675-677 the entire creation, including the sea, is said to be trembling with feu. For ad as an orlhographical variant of al, see grammatical note nt. 35. 10:7 In the concluding sentence of the description of the theophany, the intention of God's coming is mentioned again. lt is made explicit that the wrath d God, which is the reason he will rise from his throne, will be poured out over the gentiles, the enemies d his servants {compare 10:3 with 10:7). The Highest God, who alone is etcmal, will punish the nations and destroy their idols. For the title SIIIMIUS Deus, see CQtiiJJJCDtary on 6:1; for the title aerernus so/us, see Sus. 2S LXX, 42 8:2 Mace. 1:25; Rom. 16:26; I Tim. 1:17. The uniqueness of the eternal God is contrasled 10 the destruCtion of the pagan deities. Pa/am venire {"to come out in the open, to manifest oncself1 has a meaning closely related 10 ( ap)parere ("to appear", cf. I 0: I), but emphasizes the dynamics of the process. The expression is used in the Vulgate of Mark 4:22 and Luke 8:17, in which instances the Greek has lpxecr811l d~ tczy£p6v. The motif of the destruction of the gentile idols is also found in the theophany in Mic ab I :3-7; see Micah I :7 1<0\ ..mm. -ra y4VIrtck cMik {se. of Samaria) ICO"tUK61j10UCJLV ICCI\ a6vta ~ mirtj~ flurpiiCJO\IO\Y Ev lNjl{, ICCI\ aMa m d&IAa a(ml~ lhlaot1IIL ~ a.av.CJ116v. See further Wisd. 14:11; I En. 91:9; Sib. Or. m 618.

m

c. 10:8-10 ln this final passage of Moses' propbecy, Israel is said 10 attain a blissful state in heaven. Taxo's death appears to have an atoning effect: Israel will follow him 10 heaven on the wings of an eagle. The close link between Taxo's death and eulwion and lstael's bliss is emphasizal by the parallelism between 10:2a and 10:9-10.

s Then you will be happy, Israel, and you will mount on the neck and the wings of an eagle, and they will be filled, 9 and God will exalt you, and make you live in the heaven of the stars, the place of his habitation. 10 And you will look down from above, and you will see your enemies on the earth, and you will recognize them. And you will rejoice, and you will thank and praise your Creator.

236

OOMMENTARY

10:8 In As. Mos. 10:8, the cscha10logical fulfilment of God's promise is expected. Together with As. Mos. 3:8, this is the only occasion on whi<:h the name Israel is used; clscwhcn:, this name is avoided and instead rribus or plebs is used. In 3:8, the ten uibes n:minded the two uibes that the distress brought by the king from the East had come over "the entire house of Israel", and aa:onling to the author of As. Mos., ''the house of Israel" has not been restored since then (sec commentary on 4:7-9). Only after the appearance oCGod's kingdom will the people regain their blissful state and be worthy of the name Israel.

The words 1/.Utc feli:.c eris, tu lstrahel an: practically identical to those in Deut. 33:29: IIQICCipco; aU, 'klpai\A. The coMcction between As. Mos. 10:8 and Deut. 33:29 is seemingly strengthened by the image of mounting on the necks of an eagle. In Deut. 33:29 LXX, it is prophesied that cni bl. wv 'tPdxt~Mwl ailtciill hLP>'t
1111e MasoRtic 11111 Vulplc lexts tad ")ou willmoml upon their high places"; IQM XD 11 appan:ntly combining both readings: 11::l;l.,1 11:::1':::1'1R "J.,UI:::I 11:::1.,. tn .,.,., 'mD:::I (cf. IQM XIX 3). 2 1be pllllll cervices bu led ICbolus to assume that n:ference wu made to the Rom1111, two-headed up. "To iDcJuq the UB)e's nedcs" Is dlen inte!Jftled as ICfening ID the viciDty the Lord's people will pin over the Romans ("ID tnOUIIl on one's neck"ls a viaory sign. see .Josh. 10:24, esp. DcuL 33:29 LXX). However. ceni«s is llele Wled as aplura/e l'lllltlllll; see

.,JI

Jn!IIIIWIICIIIIIIIIC Dr. 48. 3 In a dlfrenta way, the cqlc is aiiO IIIIOdatcd with lsrad's cschatoloJic:al bliu in Jsa. 40:31; T.Judah 25:.5. 4 Ed. Van TNcl, Ubetlllltd T - AlextwieT1, p. 164. ' UpanuiiiU, u To-Ill, p. 129. On a blllader level, lite eqlc is of course weUImown U I divine- oftanspon; ttpU1 fram the Ganymc:de-myth (e.g. VeiJiil, AMets V 254-255; Ovid, M _ , _ , X 15'-161). d. IIIo Par. Jer. 7. 6 So Olldel, TM ~ p. 88.

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237

10:9-10 On the wings of the eagle, God will exaltlsrac:l, and make them live in the heaven of the stan. The verb llerere (classically spelt hoerere, see grammatical note nr. 8) can mean "to ft:main, 10 abide in a certain plal:e", altho~~&h the verb seems 10 have also the negative connotation of "loitcring"l. Hartman theft:faft: preferred to associate herere with heres and ft:ferred to Ps. 37(36): 11, wh= it is said that the meek ones will "inherit" the land in peace; one could funher point to passages such as Wisd. 5:5; 4 Ezra 7'9, 17, 96; 1 En. 5:7, wh= eschato1ogical salvation is said 10 be inherited by the righteous. But Hanman's suggestion 10 understand herue as a makeshift derivation from lu!res seems 100 far-feu:hcd2. One might consider the possibility of reading hertditDTe, but the locative CQt/o that ft:mains an obstacle. Israc:l's exaltation 10 the stan is a traditional pan of eschato1ogical expectation. This traditional concept takes on various forms: Israel will live among the stan in heaven: Isa. 14:13; Jer. 51(28):9; Ps. Sol. 1:5; or it will be like the stars, orexplicidy like angels: Dan. 12:3; 4 Ezra 7:97, 125; 2 Bar. SI:S, 10 (cf. Sl:l2); 1 En. 51:4; 104:2, 6; LAB 19:9; 33:5; T. Lcvi 14:3; 18:43. Heaven is God's dwelling-place, from which he looks down on the canh and its inhabitants; cf. Deut. 26:15 ccm& b: ...,;; obo1> ...,;; lkyi01> IJOI> be toii oUpavoli; Ps. 33(32):13-14 ~ cn\pavoil t~ 6 IC\iptoc;. d&v lllivta ~ WN; uilv ~ ~ holpou l
I Lewis-Shon, p. 838a. 2 Hartm1111, Proph«y llllerpreled, p. 132. 3 cr. Volz, Dill ESI!hatologie. pp. 396-401. 4 Appalaldy inspired bY these pandlels, Charles, 771e Assumpri011. p. 88, conjcclured tv ~ u the Gft:Ck original or ill tem1111, which, in its turn would derive from 'l:l, an abbreviation of CJ'I 'l:l, "in bell". Although this is one or Charles' most curious ~ posals widl ~pniiO As. Mol., it hll been followed bY &JilliiiJtable IUIIber of sciJoiiiS.

10:11-15 CONCLUDING WORDS Moses ends his speech by his reruming to the instructions given at its beginning (1:10-18). Moreover, he gives some additional information on the chronology of the future course of history, or rather, he indicates that there is a predetennined agenda for it. 11 But you, Joshua son of Nun, keep these words and this book. 12 For from my death, my being taken away, until his (se. God's) advent, there will be 250 times that will happen. 13 And this is the course of events that will come to pass, until they will be completed. 14 But I shall go to the resting-place of my fathers. cs Therefore you, Joshua son of Nun, be strong. It is you, whom God has chosen to be my successor to his covenant.

10:11-13 Having completed his prophecy, Moses is again said 10 command Joshua 10 "keep these words and this book". "These words" are the prophecy which Moses has jusl uncrcd, and which arc apparcndy wrillen down in a book. as is nol uncommon in farewell-ICXIS (sec 11:1, and commentary eo 1:16-18). The words used here probably resume those used in 1:9, 16: Cusrodi 0. em.) verbum hoc ... percipe scribtruam hanc. Likewise. 10:14 resumes 1:15, and 10:15 resumes 1:7 (sec below). So, lOO, the mention of the period of lime which will elapse becween Moses' dcach and the fulfilmcnl of the prophecy as a whole fits in well here, since il has been suggesced in I :16-18 thal the book concaining Moses' prophecy should be preserved for a long period.

The period the book has 10 be preserved (''from my death until his. se. God's. advent'') is dcfiDcd as 250 "times". The length of time meanl by the word "time" cannoc be delamined; it may wdJ be diBI it has not been the author's intention 10 give an exact number of ycarsl. It has been suggested diBI the author wished 10 suggest a ccnain symmetry beiWCCII the time preceding Moses' prophecy (which is loca!M, KCOI'ding 10 As. Mos. 1:2, in the 2SOOth year of the c:rcation) and the lime following it without fixing a pm:isc number of years (sec commentary on 1:2). Thus, the cenb'al role of Moses in history would comspond 10 his chronologically central place in the biscory of the world. If we can assume that a "time" equals ten years, this is certainly possible. It seems, however, that the primary intention of lelling Moses say how nwch time there will be bcfole biscory comes eo its completion is 10 ensure that ~heR is indeed a predclmmined limit to hiscory2, which means that the readers of As. Mos. have 10 ret cr. the myarillllllndialions in Dan. 7:2S n Rev. 12: 14. 2 See HIIIIUII, '"1111: Punc1ioa of Some So-Called Apocalyplic TimeWJies".

10:11-15

239

gard the lime in which they live as pan of the end of Ibis world's history. But !here is also a course of events !hat has to be completed before the end can come (cf. 4 Ezra 4:28-30, 36-37; 2 Bar. 56:2; wilh 250 limes, compare the rwoand a half lime in LAB 19: IS omnia complebir lmtfJUS. QlllllUOr enim semis ITOIISierWII, er duo semis supersun~. I). Since die aulhol"'s intended readers were expected to recognize their own day and age in As. Mos. 6-7, the assurance of history being limited serves bolh ID stress the proximity of eschatological events. and ID set at ease any OVCZ)Iitchcd expectations. Receprio is often taken to be a redaclional gloss on ftUJrl,lddcd after the supposed amalgamation of the Testament and the Assumption of Moses (see the Introduction, sections D and Dl). The argument is lhulhe Testament of Moses originally contained no assumption of Moses, and ended, in accordance wilh the genre of die testament, wilh Moses' dealh and burial. Mors would then be die word used in lhe Testament. The Assumption of Moses, however, would originally have been a different document and would have replaced the original conclusion to the Testamcnl The redactor who wove both works together would accordingly have found it necessary to redefine ftUJrs in 10:12 as receprio, "assumption". But there is no need to assume such redactional activity2. For receprio does not necessarily mean "assumption into heaven". There are indeed insWICCs in which recipi means something like "to be taken (se. to heaven)"3, but one can as well "be taken (se. to [die realm of] death)'-4, a translation which =mmends itself in the present contextS. The simple translation must be: "For there will be 2SO times from my death, my being taken away, until his (se. God's) arrival". Finally, the reliability of Moses' prophecy (cf. commentary ID As. Mos. 1: 16) is once more emphasized: lhese are the events6 which will take place befon: the end. 10:14-15 In the concluding words to Moses' monologue, die author makes the prophet return to his introduction, again announcing his impending death (for domtirio, "resting-place" I On the time lhaJ mWI elapse before the end can come. sec further Volz, Die Escholologie, pp. 138-140. 2 One may wooder why the supposed redactor did not simply replace mors by reeeplio. 3 Ovid, HeroiMs 19,135; Quintilian 3,7,5 receptru ctUio; cf. Livy4,1S Ronudru ab diis orDU. recepiiiS till deos (instances quoted from ForceUini IV, p. 26a-b); in the Vulgate: Sir. 48:9 (He/Uu) qui receptiU es (cMV.,...O.IQ in turbine igrri; 49:16(14) (Erroch) recep/JIS est (dvtl.~ a terrll'. I Mace. 2:S8 He!Uu dum zeltu zelum ~gis recep/JIS esr (l!&vd~ in caelum; 4 Ezn 6:26 qui recepli sllllllromines, qui mortDIIIIOflf/IISIIZVtrlllllalllllivllsU 11111. 4 fomeUini IV, p. 26a: PlaubiS, Cistellorill 3,8: Recipe me till u, Mors, ..uc- er beUII0111111; T1tlL VID, 1507:72-75 mentions Seneca, Troades IIS6: mone recep111. See in the VuJsate:Tob. 3:6erpraecipeillpace recipt(O.altJjkiv) spiriltlm,.,; Wisd. 16:14(about the man who kiDs) t11111 uibil spirilus 11011 revt!rtetur, MC reWJCObilllllimGm qlllll! recepiiJ est (~ Q ..mitJa o<»c ~ oil& cMV.Iin 'II'IX"'v mpal,...adoav). Cf. the insJances in which someone is admitted to the grave: Emius in Cicero, Tu.rcKimlae DispKIIIIious I, 44, 107; 2 Ouon. 28:27. S Cf. LlpciiiiiiiiZ' discussion or receplio, Le TesUllllelll, pp. 41-46.1..apenouuz aa:epts Volkmar's emendalion of the text of 10:12 into a morte et recepriou - . and suggestS dill the recepriD refels to MoiiCS' burilll (for recipere with subjea upukrwrt.- pm:eding mte). 6 Cwsu.r llor11111, "the coune of these things", or course not •or these houn" (Priest, 'Tcstame~t of MOleS", p. 933; this would have to be lroro.rwn).

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as a eupbemism for dealh; see I: I 5). Joshua is OOI1IJIWICied to be SII"OIIg. because he bas been elecled to be Moses' successor. The ex1ftssion "be strong"(~) again men to the farewell sa:ne in Deureronomy (esp. 31:6-7). See the commentary on 1:9b-IO. The pitM c:onlllrUCiion succusor resrom.enli seems 10 imply that Joshua is 10 fulfill the same role with repnl to the c:ovenanr as Moses; he, too, will be its mediata" (d. 1:14, where il is said that Moses has been prepared from die begiMing of the world to be the tll'biter tulillrlellli iUiu.s). Likewise, according to 1:6-9, Joshua has been deemed worthy by the Lord to be Moses' successor on behalf of the people and of die mbemacle, so that the land will be given to the people on account of the covenant Joshua's mediatory offic:c is then defined as being the human leader who gWdes the people at God's behesl.

11:1-19 JOSHUA'S COMPLAINT In As. Mos. 11:1-19, Joshua is described as reacting to Moses' prophecy in despair ( 11: 1-4 ). In a long list of questions he expresses his fear of a future without Moses. This passage forms an expansion of the basic pattern of the testament genre. In most other examples of the genre, the testator delivers his speech uninterruptedly and dies. A statement concerning his death may be followed by a note on the bereaved lamenting the deceased or taking care of his funeral. The structure is similar to Deborah's farewell-scene in LAB 33:1-6, which is organized as follows: In verses 1-3, Deborah summons the people, announces her death, and admonishes the people to keep the law. In verse 4, the people answer, weeping: Ecce nunc mater moreris, et relinquens filios tuos cui commendiJs eos? Ora itaque pro nobis, et post recessum tuum erit anima tua memor nostri in sempiternum. Then, in verse 5, Deborah answers that a man can pray for himself and his sons only as long as he lives: Propterea nolite sperare in patres vestros. Non enim proderunt vobis nisi similes inveniamini eis. Finally, in verse 6, Deborah dies and is buried; the people lament. The questions Joshua asks can be divided into three sections. In the first set of questions (11 :5-8), the problem of Moses' burial is addressed: no human being, it is said, is worthy of burying Moses, and no memorial matching Moses' glory can be made. This problem emerges from the biblical passage on Moses' burial site, which is said to be unknown (Deut. 34:6), and was probably addressed in the ending of As. Mos., which in all likelihood related the burial of Moses by angels (see the commentary on the lost ending). 1be second set of questions ( 11 :9-15) concerns three problems: the feeding of the people, compassion for the people, and leading them on their way. Under Moses' leadership, these three things were taken care of: in the desert, the people were fed by the manna that fell from heaven after Moses had prayed for it (see commentary on 11:13); Moses was the one who took pity on the people, when their sins threatened to estrange them from their Lord (see commentary on 11:16f17b); and all along Moses had been their undisputed leader. Joshua must now succeed Moses, but is described as being doubtful of his own ability to do the wondrous things that Moses has done. The intended

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readers of As. Mos. are to understand that the doubts Joshua is made to express are without foundation, for Joshua himself is known from biblical history to have performed the exploits mentioned in 11:9-15. Under his leadership as well as that of Moses, the people were fed, and there was a leader who offered intercessory prayer. In 11:16-19, the third section of Joshua's complaints and questions, a connection is made between Moses' military successes against the Amorites and his effective intercessory prayer. In this context, Joshua expresses his anxiety that the presence of the Holy Spirit of God among the people is dependent on Moses, nearly identifying the prophet with the spirit itself. His eulogy of Moses leads to the question "What will happen to this people?" Again, however, the readers are supposed to know their Bible, which relates that under Joshua's leadership the kings of the Amorites fled before the Israelites and their God. Apparently, the presence of God's spirit does not depend on Moses, but is guaranteed to remain among the people, and will dwell in Joshua, Moses' successor. The author's final answer to the questions he places in Joshua's mouth is given in chapter 12. There it is set out that Joshua will be able to succeed Moses by means of God's providence, grace and longsuffering towards those who fulfill the Lord's commandments, in accordance with his covenant and oath. Only because of these gifts of God, Moses, too, has been able to fulfill his role as the superb intermediary (see further the commentary on As. Mos. 11:17 and chapter 12). It is clear that the author of As. Mos. addressed the actual needs of his intended readers by these discussions.

a.JJ:J-4 As. Mos. 11: 1-4 is lhe intto:luclion to Joshua's complaint over lhe impending death of Moses. Joshua 11111 Moses m: depicted as weeping while Moses tries to comfort his successor. In 11 :4a-b, lhe main lheme of Joshua's complaint is pn:sentcd: Joshua is convinced tlw Moses' depllltlft wiU mean complete disasa:r.

1 And when Joshua had heard Moses' words as they were written in his writing, everything they foretold, he rent his clothes and fell at Moses' feet. 2 And Moses comforted him and wept with him. 3 And Joshua answered him and said: 4 "Why do you terrify me, lord Moses, and how will I hide myself from what you have said with the bitter voice that came from your mouth, and which is full of tears and sighs, because you will presently go away from this people?

li:I-19

243

11:1-3 Following the prophecy which is placed in Moses' mouth the farewell-scene is continued by Joshua's complaints. Joshua is described as in mourning, dramatized by his rending his clothes, falling at Moses • feet and weeping. For similar descriptions of the despair of those left behind, see for instance Gen. 37:34-3S; SO: I; 2 Sam. 13:31; Jub. 23:S-7. "To fall at someone's feet" is a gesrure of self-humiliation, see for instance I Sam. 2S:23; Eslh. 8:3; Man. 18:26; Luke S:l2. In LAB 20:2, Joshua is reproached by God for Jelling himself get carried away by Moses' death: Ur quid luges er ur quid speras in VQIIIUII cogiums quod Moyses adhuc viver? Er ideo superjlue susrines, quo-

niam defunctus esr Moyses. 11:4 In 11 :4, forms of the verb celtue occur twice in the text. 1llc:se are hard to interpret, and most scholars agree that the text is not in order. Both instances of celare arc usually emended into forms of the verb solarit. The meaning of the sentence in 11:4 would then be: "Why do you comfort me. lord Moses, yea. how can I be comforted about the things you have said etc." There arc however two serious objections to this solution. (I) SoiiiTi is a deponent verb. In the proposed emendation, it is assumed that the verb is first used with an active meaning. and in the next clause with a passive meaning. While such an assumption is n01 impossible (cf. grammatical note nr. 91), it would seem odd for a writer to combine these two opposite usages within one sentence. (2) From a purely technical point of view. it seems improbable that a scribe would have made the same mistake, namely writing CEL instead of SOL, twice. Since neither the llppCil3JICC of the letters nor the pronunciation of these words arc similar, the mistake could only be due to carelessness in its worst form. Such carelessness could hardly be expected to be so consistenL lt seems IOOSllikely, lherd'on:. that one of the occurrences of celare is comet, and that the wan! celare bas in the other instance been subsliruted for a form of some other verb. At first sight, the firs! occurrence, celtiTes, is most likely to be the corm:t one, simply because it is the first. However, celtiTes should then still be emended into an acceptable form of the verb. Moreover, it should be assumed that the preceding word, me, is a vulgarism reflecting the pronunciation of mi(hi), an ethical dative. This is possible, but it must be conceded that it IDIIRs for an additional toq~lication. On the other hand, the second CJCaii'I'CIICC, celabor, is a correct and sensible farm of celare, aod its construction with de is in perfect order (see pamnwical DOle nr_ 68). I therefore propose to aa:ept the manuscript's readiq celabor, and to regard the prececfing form celarts as a scribal corruption of an original reading which can only be reconstructed with a certain degree of probability. From the farewell-scenes one could think of a word like (de)relinquere (mtaldi!Etv), cf. 4 Ezra 12:41, 44; 2 Bar. 32:9; 33:9; 34:1; LAB 33:4; Par. Jer. 9:8. But terres seems to fit the contellt excellendy, and is paloographically no1100 far mnoved from celorrs (see the IPIJIIZIIUS to line 176). 1llc: answer to Joshua's expression of fear is Jiven by Moses in 12:3 praebe re .sec~UW~, "do DOt WlliiY"· 1 As piiJpiiiCd by Scbnldlllld Men, "Die Assumplio Mo&il", p. 134.

244


The expression "bitter voice" is a figure of speech indicating lhu Moses' voice has ronvcyed a message !hat causes grief. 11 :4b specifics Moses' voice as one !hat is plena lacrimi.s et gemitibus (cf. 11:2 [Monse) p/oraviz cum eo; on plenus with lhc ablative, sec grammatical note nr. 108). Acervus (= acerbus) IDCIIIS "unripe, sour" (cf. "your falhcrs have eaten the sour grape", Jer. 31:29-30; Ezck. 18:2); as a determinant of grief it is a typically Latin metaphor. Hebrew and Greek (as well as our modem languages) prefer lhc metaphor "bitter". "To hide oneself" is a way of looking for protection, against lhc wind (lsa. 32:2), but also against !he I...onf's wralh (Job 14:13; !sa. 26:20). That !he latter is possible is of roursc usually denied (Gen. 3:8; Jer. 49:10 [30:4]; Amos 9:3), and Joshua's question implies lhc impossibility of concealment from the things !hat Moses has prophesied. It is uncertain what quia in !he last clause of 11 :4 refers 10. It may refer 10 Moses' sadness; if so, Moses' impending dealh is lhc reason for his own voice being full of tears and sighs. On lhc other hand, it may, more loosely, link up wilh Joshua's question about hiding himself: "How will I hide myself, because you arc leaving !his people?" In view of !he rcsc of Joshua's lament, which centcrs on lhe problems Moses' absence will cause, !he second possibility seems to be slightly preferable.

b. 11:5-8 In lhc fine set of Joshua's questions. Moses' burial is discussed (for !he problems raised by the biblical acrounts concerning Moses' dcalh, sec lhc commcnwy on lhe lost ending). The author of As. Mos. makes Joshua ask where, how and by whom Moses might be buried: it is absurd 10 picture humans carrying a man like Moses 10 a grave, anempting, perhaps, 10 erect an adequate monument to his memory (sec csp. As. Mos. 11:8). Probably, !he now lost ending of As. Mos. did give an answer to Joshua's questions, with some variant of lhc legends about Moses' dealh, burial, and possibly !he assumption of his soul into heaven; sec furlhcr the commentary on the lost ending.

s What place will receive you, 6 or what will be the monument on your grave, 7 or who, being human, will dare to carry your body from one place to another? B8 For all who die when their time has come have a grave in the earth. b But your grave extends from the East to the West, and from the North to the extreme South. c The entire world is your grave. ll:5-7 The nominal derivation of recipere, receptio, used in 10: 12, probably refers 10 !he being taba away illlo the realm of clealh. In 11 :5, Joshua asks specifically which place should leCCivc Moacs after his death. In connection wilh 11 :6-7, his question cvidemly c:anccms Moles' grave; cf.lhc Vulgatc of 2 Chron. 28:27 neque enim rccepe-

245

11:1-19

runt (LXX: dcnlvtrJCC~Y) e/llfl (se. Achaz) in sepulchra reglllfll:rrahel. Jn epitaphs,

locus is often used as a designation for burial sites!. Recipere, however, can be said of any displacement or n:moval10 any place to which one is transf=ed, especially heaven, and it is possible thu the ending of As. Mos. answered Joshua's question by having Moses' soul ascend into heaven (for recipere and receptio, see further the commentary on 10:12). Two words for Mgrave" an: used, sepulnua in 11 :6-8 and sepulcnmt in 11 :8, with no discernible diffcn:nce in meaning (see grammatical nore nr. S3). In 11:6 Joshua asks what monument could be made 10 matk Moses' grave, and in 11 :7 he asks how human hands would dare 10 transport his body (corpus IU/IIfl transferre). The latter question probably iU11IOIIIH:C5 the account of Moses' burial by angels in the lost ending of As. Mos. Transferre is used for the bringing of Moses' body from the place when: Moses is 10 die (de loco) 10 the grave (ill locum). In other words, it n:fcrs 10 the funeral as opposed 10 inlemiCIIt proper. For this meaning the compound inferre is classical usage; see also I Ki. 13:22; 2 Ouon. 34:28; cf.Qd[erre in I Olron. 10:122.

11:8 The general pUIJIOfl of 11:8 must be thu no grave is worthy 10 hold Moses (sepu/nua,

"grave", clearly includes the memorial on a grave, see commentary on 11:6). The major problem in 11:8 is the meaning and function of the words secus aerorem. If a consecutive n:lation between 11 :8a and 11 :8b-c is intended, as most scholars agn:e, it seems thals«
"aae".

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Joshua as questioning the possibility of erecting a monument worthy of Moses' glory. The burial site of Moses, if an appropriate monument aJUid be built. would cover the entire world. ROnsc:h has drawn attention to a remarkable parallel to this idea in Thucydides' l'elopoiiiiDitlll War 11 43. In this passage Pericles is said to praise the brave wmion who have died for their fatherland: they have gained by their su:rifice a most glorious grave (1Dtoc; l:la.cr-rpMa~. not so much the one in which they lie buried, but mhcr the one in which their fame remains an everlasting memory-"for the entire world is the grave of excellent men" (civlipciv "!lip ~ II&Ja Til tOtoo;), since their memory lives on throughout the world t.

c. JJ :9-15 In As. Mos. 11 :9a. the basis of Joshua's anxiety is stated: "Lord, you are leaving". 11:9b-IS contains the second set of questions placed in Joshua's mouth. In 11:9b-11 he asks who wiU care for the people when Moses has gone away. Joshua is described as regarding the protection that Moses offered during his leadership as indispensable for his own (Joshua's) success. In 11:12-IS questions similar to the ones in 11:9b-11 are asked, but they= now related to Joshua himself ("how will I be able" etc.).

Lord, you are leaving. And who will feed this people, 10 or who will be there to take mercy on them, and who will be their leader on the way, 11 or who will pray for them, not omitting one single day, so that I can lead them into the land of the Amorites? 12 a How will I be able to this people, b like a father his only son, c or like a woman ber daughter (a virgin who is being prepared to be given to a man), d and who is anxious to protect her (.se. daughter's) body from the sun and her feet from going unshod over the ground? 11 And whence will I procure for them the food and drink they urgently need? 14 For their was a hundred thousand, but now they have grown into this multitude here, only because of your prayers, lord Moses. 15 And what wisdom or understanding have I to administer justice or pronounce a verdict in accordance with the words of the Lord? 9

11:!1-11

On tlbiUs as a form of a/Jin, see grammatical notes nrs. 18 and 96. Tbe qUCIIioal with Jqlld ID Joshua's oompetencc ID succeed Moses m: IDiwaed by the billory told in the Bible. Under Moses' leadership the Lord povided the people witb m&DDa from bea¥ea (see Emd. 16:35; Deut. 8:16; Ps. 78[77):29; Has. 11:4; W'ud. 16:20). Ullda" Joshua's adcnhip, the people were fed, ao Jonaer by lhe by lhe fruits of the land tbe people then anerec1 (Josh. S: 11-

111111M from br:avc:n, bul

I R11D1cb, "Miiceelaa", pp. 103-104.

11:1-19

247

12: LAB 20:8: Et postqUQm defunctus ut Moysu, desiitiiUUIIIa descenderejiliis Israel, et tUlle CIIJ111nuttmtlllllucare de fructibus rerre). Ukewise, Joshua succeeded Moses as Israel's leader on its way (dw: in via), see DeuL 3:28; Judg. 1: I; I Mace. 2:55; for dw: in via, cf. the Vulgarc's dw: itineris Exocl. 13:21; Ps. 80:9(79:10) (Vulgarc juxta LXX); praecedere in via DeuL I :33. In fact, there bas always bcca one, and only one, leader: God; sec the Vulgarc ofExod. 14:13 dw:fuisti in misericordiiJ tua populo quem redemisti; see further Exod. 13:21; 15:13; Deut. 1:30; 4:37; 31:8; 32:12'. 1bc mention of Moses' unrcmitting prayer for the people, so that they might cnrcr into the land, notwithstanding their sinfulness, may be comparalto DeuL 9:19, 2S, 28 and 10:10-11. In these passages, Moses is said to have prayed for forty days in order to persuade the Lord not to destroy his people, but to allow them to corer and to possess the land; cf. also Exod. 32:11-14, 28-35; Ps. 106(105):19-23. In As. Mos. 11:11 Moses is said not to have missed a single day2; cf. LAB 19:3 Quis d1Jbit110bis pastorem UIIUm sicut Moysu autjudicem talemftliis Israel, qui in omni tempore oret pro Jlllccalis IIOSlris etiiXIllU/jatJV pro iluquitaribus nosrris? For Joshua's own inrcrccssory prayer, sec Josh. 7:6-9; Sir. 46:5, 7(9); 4 Eznt. 7:107. Whether Moses or Joshua prays for the people, it is the Lord who has mercy on them (see again Exod. 14:13 and DeuL 8:16); thercfcm, inrcrcessory prayer will always be possible, with or without Moses (sec esp. As. Mos. 4: 1).

li:U This sentence has a complicated consuuction; this may have caused some of the corruptions. The general meaning is clear: Joshua is said to question his own ability to care for the people. In 11: 121H1 this care is compared to that of a father towards his only son, and to that of a mother towards her maniageable daughter. Apparently, Joshua compares himself to Moses, and doubts that he will be able to care for the people as well as Moses has. However, just as in 11:9-10, the point is that the one who has effectively shown this ~t love is the Lord. 1bc auxiliary verb posse has no complement infinitive in 11:12a (contrast 4:8; 7:7; 12:12). Such an infinitive has probably been lost. ROnsch has attempted to avoid the need for emendation by citing some instances in which posse is used as a substantive vero3. Posse in this usage can be equated with porens esse ("to be powerful", "to have control over"). However, in these instances the complement of posse can either be easily supplemenrcd from the context, or it means "to be more powerful than someone, and therefore able to defeat him"; sec I Mace. 5:40 porens poreril adversum nos l(n Exod. 14:19; 23:20, 23; 32:34 it is said thallhe angel of God lead the way th1011Jh the descn. Is it possible that the author of As. Mos. was thinking of this passage when he called Moses a IIIUIIiMS in 11: 17? 21bc 8eiMaiCe is lluldandy neprcc1; ace grammatical norc nr. 169. Pali is probably a misllmiSiation of a G-'t wont meaning bcth ''to allow" and ''to let pass"; ace grammaticll 11011: nr. 182. 3 "Spracbllche Puaiielen", p. 10:5; "Weitere lllusiJalionen", pp. 226-228. 1bc instances Rllnsch circs are Ps. 139(138):6; Jer. 3:S and I Cor. 3:2. To these may be added I Sam. 26:25; Jer. S:22; I M~~:e. S:40, 41: T. Reub. 6:S and the instances quoted by Holllnder and De JOIIJC, Tile T - t;doe ~hie Patriarchs. p. 106 (they tnmslalc: ''to oven:ome'').

248

OOMMENTARY

(LXX:~ liiM!cx'ma ~ 1111&;; cf. I Mace. 5:41; Ps. 129(128):2). The notion of hostility implied in the lancr usage cannot have been intended in As. Mos. 11:121.Jr seems necessary, rltcrcfon!, 10 supply some infinirivc meaning "10 rake can: of'' or "10 giJIII"d" (e.g. renare). 11:12a should be paraphrased as: "How shall I be lbk 10 guaRI this people, liJcc a father his only son?" The relation bawecn the Lord and lsnd has often been liJccned 10 !he relation beJWeCn parenrs and children; sec for inslancc DcuJ. 14: I; Ps. I 03( I02): 13; lsa. I :2; Hos. 2:1; 11:1-4; Jub. 1:24-25, 28; cf. IQH IX 3S. For Israel as God's only son, sec Ellod. 4:22; Jcr. 31(38):9; Sir. 36:11(14); 4 Ezra 6:S8; 3 Mace. 7:6; Jub. 19:29. In this connection, ir is worthwhile quoring N um. 11 : 12, where Moses is reponed to pose a question to God with words similar ro the ones uaibed 10 Joshua in As. Mos.:

Did I cmceivc all this people? Did I bring lhem rorth, Thai thou shouldst say 10 me, "Carry diem in )'OUr bosan. as a nurse carries lhe sucking child, to lhe land which lhou didst swar10 give their ralhen?" (U"aiiS. RSV)

Sec also below on 11: 13. The love of a falhcr IOWards his only son (11:12b) is self-evident2 (sec forinslanCC Gen. 22:2, 12, 16; Amos 8:10; Zach. 12:10; cf. Prov. 4:3; Jcr. 6:26). In ll:12c. domJrra must, in view of the parallelism, indicarc a mother (on the chiastic consaucrion of these clauses, sec grammatical note nr. 168). In the Vulgate, domina in most cases corresponds to ICIIp(a (sec e.g. Gen. 16:4; 2 Ki. S:3; Isa. 24:2). The word can indicate the wifc3 as the head of a household (sec e.g. Ps. 123[ 122):2); in I Ki. 17:17, ICIIp(a 1IOii obrou corresponds to trlllter familias4. the image of a loving mother, one may c:ompare IQH IX 35-36, in which passage God's love for me "sons of his uuth" is likened to that of a mother (nCI"I.,C) towards her child. In Sir. 7:2425(26-27), advice is given on the special care char has 10 be given to a daughrcr with regantru her marriaF:

For

eu,a1ipa; oo( tlmv: ll"p6aqt t,P .,U,...-n a1n6W

".a '"' ~ ~ ..vr.-; w trp6o~~>Dv ~­ Wou6 9uyaripa. ml fm:l uulntix; fpyov ..rta, ml dv¥ ~ &ipqam a6r1\v. If you have daughren, like ~:~m or their bodies, llllllel ]10111" fa~:eiiOI be meny in lheir~7;

I Ransch's cumplcl fmm Mlltial, in which poss~ is ulled subslanlivcly and CCliiSiniCted with an accuarivc. have hostile memngs as well ("to ompowet'"). 2 BIJchscl, "~". 3 Cf. Gen. 39:7, wberc 11 yiMJ wli np(ou aDarii corresponds 10 the Vulgatc's dollfillll; in the enumcradon of !he exiles in Jer. 29(36):2, one finds King Jcconiah and lhe Jlaml{-. domiNI in the Vulgarc). 4Jn I Tlm. !1:14, _ , /alrfllisluu is a b1nslalim or oliCO&ilnot£1v. 5 Thilline is problbly a W1J11ins -.aiiiSI allowing offensive behaviour, cf. Sir. 26: 14 Vulpre. 6n.e Vllla-ladl for lids wonllrtldt, cf.lhe emendadon ITtJIM for liiU in lhe --=ript's text ol As. Mm. 7 'l1lll is, be acdous in dcallng with your daughters; sec Rysscl, "Die SptOchc Jesus'", p. 281.

11:1-19

249

give your dauJhrer in maniage, and you wiU have perfecled a gn:a1 WOIIt, and give her away 10 a sensible man.

Since lhe image is clearly meant to illustrate parenrallove, quoe rimebal in 11:12d probably refers 10 lhe mother who is anxious on behalf of her daughter. Grammatically, qutJe limebat can also refer to lhe daughter, but lhc daughter's fear (of being given 10 a man) would 1101 particularly clarify lhe point lhe authoc wishes 10 mate. Timere must lherefore be understood as "to be afraid", referring 10 lhe mother's fear lhat somclhing may happen 10 her daughter which could reduce her chances of a good maniage.ln As. Mos. 11:12d, Ibis special care is defined as protecting lhe daughter's skin from lhe sun. A fair skin was !bought to be an indication of weallh, since it suggested lhat lhe daughter had 1101 been obliged to do hard work I. Similarly, it was considered as particularly refined (even if not practical) to always wear somelhing on one's feet2; cf. lhe curse in DeuL 28:56 on lhe "effeminate and spoilt woman who has never dared 10 set the sole of her feet on lhe ground". The syntax of 11: 12bo(: seems somewhat disrupted. Apan from lhe position of custodiens (on which see grammatical note nr. 101), one misses a verbal form such as sint in the second half of 11:12c: custodiens ... ne scalciDti WJJ.pedes ejus, "taking care lhat her feet are not unshod" (scalciDtus = descalcemus, "unshod", see grammatical notes nrs. 4 and 14). Moreover, cusrodire is used in two different meanings and consttucted in two different ways: a sole (''to protect from lhe sun"), and ne scalciDti sint ("to take care lhcy are not unshod''); sec furlhcr grammaticaiiiOIC nr. 173. The syntax of 11: ]2bo(: can be visualized as follows: cu.srodiens I) Corp!IS ejus a sole er 2) .w scalciati (se. sillt) ptdu ejus ad cunendum supra tem1ml.

11:13 The sentence in 11: 13 appears 10 have given lhe translator or lhe scribes a good deal of b'OUblc. The general sense must be: "How could I supply for lhem drink and food according 10 !heir wish?" Praestare voluntatem means "to fulfil a need,..; ciborum and potld must be taken as dependent on voluntas as objective genitives (for potui as a genitive of ponu, see grammatical1101c nr. 81). A complete sentence is formed by lhe wonls unde voiWiltJMII eort1111 praesrabo Ulis cibonlm et potui, meaning "whence will I fulfil !heir need of food and drink?" Yet a limping phrase, which does not seem 10 give any new information, is added: secus voluntalem voluntaris eorum. Possibly, lhcsc wonls are an explanatory gloss, made by a scribe who objected to lhe concrete meaning of vo/IUIIal, and who preferred to construCt !he sentence as untie praeslllbo illis cibos et ponu secus voluntDtem eorum.

I See Clnt. J:S-6. cf. S:IO; Lam. 4:7. 2 See Dalman, Arbeit 11114 Sltle, V, p. 356, cf. pp. 287-288,295-296. 3 ADathcr pollibility, ~irinl however a change of the tex1, would be 10 lad ducak:iatos instead of ultXIIdtlli. Titen, ad crurelldwll would have 10 be undentood as ab crurellllo (on ad install of ab, see gnmmatical note nr. 67). The meaning of the claJse would be about the same: "protecttng her body from the sun and her feet from JOin8 unshod over the ground" (lit.: "lllld her uasbod feel from JOin8 &c.''); but the S)'lllllt would be considcnbly simpler: ciiSllldWu (I) corpu.r ejlu a IDle ez (2) daca/t:iQlas petlu e}tuad cwrelldwii611{WII ~ 4 Cf. PI. 78(77):29 ICCil ftlv bLIIJia(av cx6tciv llvr,av ~

250

OOMMENTARY

For the use of unde (which is a conjectural supplement of an illegible pan of the manuscript) in cOMection with the procuring of food, see for instance Num. 11:13 od8£v IIOl ~ex lloiivcn IICXVd trii >.aqi "IOilwp; John 6:S od8£v ~ &pun.; lvcx

~v

cMot;

11:14 The manuscript is defective: at the beginning of 11 :14 at least one word is illegible. Schmidt and Merx proposed to supplement llllmi!TUS, which at least matches the plural uaru and which can be modified by iJJorum. The manuscript's C milia is often emended into DC milia on account of various passages in the Old Testament!. Of these, Num. 11:21 is of special interest: ~en Xl~ liE~ 6 ~ tv ~ dill tv cx<no~ ~eai ail dam; Kptcx &lam cxino~ tcrfdv, ICai taYOIItCXL 11ftvcx ill'tpow; The emendation into siJ< hundred thousand is unnecessary, but it once again aaracts the attention to Num. 11:4-35, a passage already quoted in connection with As. Mos. 11:12. Indeed, As. Mos. 11 : 14 may intentionally refer to Num. 11:21. In any case, Joshua's question to Moses must be understood in the same way as that posed by Moses in Numbers. The increase in the number of people is seen as a result of Moses' prayers. Reference is probably made ro the occasioos on which Moses is said to have prevented the Lord from uprooting his people: only because of Moses' intercession, the people were able to multiply instead of being destroyed (see the commentary on 11 :9-11 ).

11:15a·b In 11: IS, Joshua complains that he does not have the wisdom and understanding needed to administer justice. "Wisdom" and "understanding" are a word-pair, possibly reflecting crotla and tmot1\llq or o~ In Sir. 45:26(31), roo, wisdom is explicitly required of a judge. Incidentally, the word is constructed, just like in As. Mos. 11:15, with a simple final infinitive (see grammatical n01e nr. 127): 6iPrJ1'lpiv oot(av tv ~ 4uOv !Cplvav t6v lobv cMoii tv liLICCilooWQ. It may be conjectured that Joshua's question is intended to anticipate the bestowal of wisdom on Joshua instead of Moses; see DeuL 34:9 ICai 1~ 1llOc; Nlivq tvEdl\o8q ~ ~ (Vulgate: spiriru sapienriae), bt81)11EV ,up Mtducni~ ~ x~ cMoii b:' cxVt6v. In the scene in LAB 20:2 (cf. 20:3), relating the installation of Joshua as Moses' successor, God commands Joshua not to lament Moses, burro put on the latter's garments of wisdom: A.ccipe wmimellla sapiellliae ejus er indue~. et zona scieruiae lpsius precinge /umbos 11105. The rcxr of 11: 15b is not in good order. In 11: IS, the manuscript reads: Er ~ m mihi sapieruia aur ~llecrus in domo Yerbis aut judicare aur respondere? The word domo raises the question which house may have been meant, and the instrumental YCrbis is a hard pleonasm with aur judicare aur rupondere. In order to solve the first problem, Schmidt and Merx added to the tcxt Domini on the basis of Ceriani 's indication of a lal:una of about three letters (Domini can be abbreviated as DNI, see the appararus on lines 39 and 41). A close inspection of the photographs of the manuscript shows, however, that there is some room left on the line which ends with DOMO, bur that thc:re 11111 no apparent traces of letters in this space. Moreover, the blank space al-

I EJ
11:1-19

251

lows for one large or two small leners, but certainly nO! for DNI, unless the scribe went beyond the right hand margin. lt seems, however, that the scribe has chosen to begin the next syllable (UER) on the Del
res j/JJJjcatae, decrera, responsa"fl.

d. I I :16-19 In this passage, the author presents Joshua as closely associating the presence of the Holy Spirit with the presence of Moses. The implicit answer to the questions Joshua has asked up till now is that Joshua himself will fulfil the role he ascribes to Moses alone. Analogously, the point the author wants to make in 11:16-19 seems to be that the spirit of God has indeed been present in Moses, but that the spirit will not leave the people when Moses will have died; instead, it will be transferred to Joshua himself (see commentary on As. Mos. 11: IS). The association of Moses with the Holy Spirit in 11 :16 is so strong, that one could speak of near-identity. The way in which Joshua is made to praise Moses as the cm· bodiment of God's spirit can be schematically visualized as follows. b. stiiiCIIIII

t!1 SIICI'IIItJ

c. rtrllldplictlfl

n

iN:~

d.

divii8Ufl

perommuenWIItll

prrft!ll!lll

e.

COIUIIIIIIIIIII

in~Mt:ulo

tlocrortlfl

Philo, speaking as a philosopher, occasionally shows a similar strong association between Moses and the divine ~ e.g. in Quis rer11m dMIIIli'WII 206. The adjectives mlllriplex and incomprehensibilis are divine epithets, belonging to the Holy Spirit, but applied by "Joshua" to Moses himself. To this, one may compare Philo's characterization of Moses as the ~ lpyup;; in De vita Mosis I 162. To the tides "perfect teacher" and '"divine prophet" one may compare De Decalogo 175, wberc 1 See further Ext. 11:30; 24:13; 33:20. 2 The relevant Oreek equivllelll is tb61qapa; dllo1Cp(wo9111. in lhil meaninal- to hne been nn:, but it did exi._ See Blldlsclllld lfemlrich. "'cp{WI nL ", p. 947.

252

OOMMENTARY

Moses is called b 1Un6mmc; tcilv llfiOtrltcilvl, whom God has filled with divine spirit (tv&Wv ""'iipa); in lH giganribus S4 Moses is called ~~~ IL~~ 6pll111Y ~eai Ill~ 8d11J11; cf. Qrusriones in Exodum 11 54: "the divine and holy Moses". Indeed, in his youth, many of those who observed him wondered with regard to Moses' mind I!Oupov ~ i\ Ill:~ i\ Jll~ ~ a...otv (De vira Mosis I 27)2, In fact, according to Philo, someone perfect is neither man, nor God (De somniis 11 234), and only when Moses was about to die, God decided to transform his mixed character into a "monad", consisting entirely of vo\io; (De vira Mosis 11 288)3. course, Philo has a special interest in presenting Moses as the paradigm or man united with God in mystical communion. No such interest is apparent from "Joshua's" WOids in Ass. Mos, but there is an important rrair d' union between the two concepts of Moses: in both cases Moses owes his outsranding position to the spirit of God (whether that is called wisdom, spiritus, ~or whatever). In the view of Philo, Moses achieved unity with the spirit and with God through perfection (De sacrificiis 8); according to the author of As. Mos., Moses was made perfect through lhe bestowal of lhe spirit on him by God's sovereign wiU. Therefore, lhe laudations or Moses in 11:16 are in reality a description of the spirit of God, which dwelled in Moses during his lifetime, but did not become dependent on him.

or

16 a Furthennore, the kings of the Amorites, after they have heardwhilst believing that they can defeat us-, that b the holy and sacred spirit, the worthy one before the Lord, c the versatile and inscrutable lord of the word, the trusted one in everything, d the divine prophet for this world, • the perfect teacher for this earth, r is no longer with them, will say: 'Let us go at them. 17 • If the enemies will sin against their Lord once more, there is no longer an advocate for them, b who will supplicate to the Lord for them, as Moses was, the great messenger, c who bent his lcnees on earth every hour of the day and of the night, praying; d and who could look at him who rules the entire world with mercy and justice, e reminding him of the covenant with the fathers, and placating the Lord with his oath'; 11 surely they will say: 'He is no longer with them. Let us go, then, and Jet us wipe them from the face of the earth.' 19 What then will happen to this people, lord Moses?"

1 Cf. De Yl/Q Mo.rilll: cM\p ... jliyunol; 1Cai ~ 2 According to Artaplnus, the priiCSIS of Egyp1 no longer wondered, see Eusebius, l"raeptuatlo IX 27, 6: [Tbv Mlhuaov) W 1lliv 1.RptAw lao8iou "'lil~ mt~u.etvta ~Ill 'fwilv &A ~ taw \q)cilv ypcllllllit!llll ~'IV£(av. 3 Ooodenoullt, By Ugllt, Ugllr, pp. 223-234, has defended lhe view lhal Philo took care 11111 to caB Moael I sod explk:idy, bulthal he did laid to regard him a I divine beins; mote cue1idly Mccb, Tile l"ropllet-Klltg, pp. 103-107; and Tiede. Tu Chllrismlllic Fir~~re. pp. 123-127.

11:1-19

253

11:16a In As. Mos. 11:16 Joshua reminds Moses of the kings of the Amorites. The defeat of the Amorites was one of Moses' military exploits according to Num. 21:21-30. In Deut. 1:23-46; 2:24-36 there is a presentation of the same war, which differs considerably from that in Num. 21:21-30.In Numbers, Jsnel is described as simply capturing the entire land of the Amorite Icing Sihon of Hesbon when the latter did not want the people to pass through his land in peace. In the version of Deuteronomy, it is told that the Amorites initially destroyed Israel after it had murmured against the Lord (Deut. 2:27). The defeat was followed by a long sojourn of Israel in Kadesh (Deut. 2:46) alter which the battle against Sihon was successfully fought (DeuL 2:32-33). The author of As. Mos. may have had this second version in mind, in which the people's sins nearly prevented them from entering the land. Although the account in Deul 2 does not mention that Moses acted as an intercessor, Joshua in As. Mos. clearly connects the eventual victory with Moses' interVention (see commentary on 11: 17a-b). The~fo~. Joshua fears that once Moses is gone, he himself will not be able to lead the people into "the land of the Amoritcs" (see As. Mos. 11:11, of which 11:16-18 is an elaboration). It seems probable that the Amoritcs (and not, for instance. Amalek) are mentioned in As. M os. 11: 16 because Joshua will later win a victory over them (see commentary on 11:18). In this way, the author of As. Mos. has Joshua's fears implicitly falsified. Cf. Deul 31:4: the Lord will deal with the inhabitants of the land they will enter "as he has done to Sihon and Og. the kings of the Amoritcs". The verb of the main clause in which "the kings of the Amoritcs" are the subject (dicelll), is separated from the subject by two accusative with infinitive constructions, one of which must be constructed with audierilll. One can read (I) cum audierilll U· pugnare nos, "when the kings of the Amorites will have heard that we will wage war''l; or (2) cum audieriftl ... jam non esse SDIIcrum et sac rum spirirum, "when they will have bean! that the holy and sacred spirit is no longer". In the second intezpretation, upugnare nos crtdeftlts is an adjunct with the kings of the Amorites, who "believe that they can defeat us". This interp~tation, proposed by Schmidt and Men, seems to me ID match the context of Joshua's complaint better: Moses' successor assumes that the Amoritcs will attaCk lsnelas soon as it is seen to offend the Lord, and that they willldlieve their aim because Moses. the Holy Spirit, will no longer be there to appease the Lord's wrath. Similarly, in LAB 64:2, the Philisrines are reported to say ID one anotller: E«es-Mpr~ morllUIS

est,IU qllisOt"tllproluoel? EtDavill. qllip"'NZVitpro

eis, illimicu est Soul tiiiOII est cum eis. EtiiiUIC USIU"geNU CIIIJIIU et PlllfltJIIICS u-

pugtii!IIIIIS to.S, tiYINiicmws SllllgWIIDIIpatr""' nostrtinmt2.

I Thus Volanat, M011 Propltelie, p. 49. 2 Sdlmidl and Men. "Die Alsumptio Molis", p. IS I, quoted the following pardell"nlm the Slmuitan Cuoalcle IV, 8 (= the Book of Jostua), quoted by Haacker, "Nidlbibliscbe 1'raditioacn", p. IS9, in JuynboU's tnmiJiion: _ , fllelt1l1le ertlllt (se. Gel'la) ~ lllflliMe, poslt/Uft PrupltettK _ , iis , _ , . , , nlstYJelilis be/Jus infm"e YOidtult (JuyaboU, ClvOfflCOII~p. 140).

254

OOMMENTARY

11:16b-c: In 11 : 16b, Joshua is said to believe that when Moses has died the "holy and I sacred spirit, wonhy of the Lord" will no longer be with the people. For the Holy Spirit dwelling in Moses, see lsa. 63: 11-12. In this passage the people an: said to remember the days of Moses, and ask: ,..,; ~cmv o ~ hi ai>toi~ w KVtoii; Similarly, in Wisd. 10:8 it is said that Wisdom (the spirit of God) led the people through the desert, and that Wisdom dai!Aa£v d~ .,uv'lv 8rpcl:llovwc; ~Nplcm, that is, Moses (Wisd. 10: 16); cf. also Neh. 9:20; Hagg. 2:6. According to Deut. 34:9 and LAB 20:2-3, Joshua, as Moses' successor, was equally tilled with the spirit of wisdom (see the commentary on II:JSa-b). For the expression "Holy Spirit" (liV
ling11DTU11121. Moses is called dignus Domino, "'wonhy before the Lord'"; compan: the title given to Joshua in I :6 homo probatus Domino ur sir successor, and see funher the commentary on the parallel expressionjidelis in omnitJ betow3. As far as I know, a parallel for the concept that someone is lord (or master) of the word (dominus verbi, As. Mos. 11:16c) is Jaclring. The god Hennes was known as frtquiJv t1iw A.6yow, the "spokesman" of the gods". In Acts 14:12(11), the people of Lystta an: said to mistake Bamabas and Paul for gods, because of the apostles' divine speech; Paul is taken to be Hennes, because he is the one who acts as the spokesman (6 "1\~ mil ~. Vulgate: dux verln). Perhaps one may consider the possibility that the reading dominus verbi is the result of a kind of metathesis which occurs elsewhere in As. Mos. (see esp. scenae remmonium in 2:4, and grammatical note nr.

I The DWaJscript reads jam 11011 use SEMET SDCTIIIII spirilwrl, which makes no sense. My conj~ reS1S on the slisht alteration of SEMET into SCM ET, in which SCM is undersrood as 111 abbRvialion of .lliiiCIIft, see liutherthe reliiWII ClliiiJIIaiWy to line 196. 2 In Jub. I :21, 23, ~ q'dlu (''holy spiriti occurs as a liarure characleristic of Israel puriJied by Clod; similaJiy, Dlnid's spirit is called ''holy" iD Sus. 4S e. 3 In view of the 181ique connection between Moses and the Holy Spirit supposed here, one may pelhaps compare Philo, De vll4 Mosl.s I ISB. who says dw Moses' communion with Ood wu 10 intimate dw he was deemed wonby (~illl8dQ to be c:alled by the same name: ~ yap 6Aou 106 ~ 8Wc; ..m ~cf. Exod. 4:16; 7:1. See also Artapanus (In Eu~ebiua, Praeparario IX 27, 6): ("lilv Mtbocrov) W d\1 \£pt11111 looetou

D!Pk

~lllllflrra.

*

4 Cf. Jambllc:bus. De mysrerii.J, I, I 8Wc; 6 A.6yoJv irtqulw o '11411tilc;; also Aeli- . De 11G111r11 artblulliMM 10, 24 'ail ~ ·- ,. mqi 1&v A6yaw (quoted by WettlleiD, 11. J1P. 542-.543,1111 ACI8 14:12); see Jilrdler Eilrall, "Henlles", JIP. 781-782. However, lla::a:r, "NKI!bibliache 'l'lwlitioDal", p. IS8, il Wr11111 in IISIICIIin8111M ••Hen- des Wones' ill ciD llldllloaeller 11tcl des Hermea", becaule 1\l!IMIIv -rciiv ~ he~ simply me11111 ''lpoUimaa" ("WOIIIIIIua''), md has liDthinJ 10 do widl some 1011: of dominilln.

11:1-19

255

82), and rhat rhc originally intended reading was Domini ~erbum, "rhc wont of the Lord". The parallel in 11: 16b SQIICtiU er sacer 5Pirirus may support this sugeslion. Mu/rip/ex, literally ''manifold", here probably means ''many-sided, versalile". It may refer 10 the mind oc character of human beings (boch in boNIIII and in mD/izm panem, "versatile" and "changeable, liclde''). In rhis meaning, it may be a rendering of 110\ocUoc;. In Wisd. 7:22, mulliplex is applied to Wisdom (LXX: m~"'IEP''c;); it is juxtaposed 10 unicus~l. lnconproeheiiSibilis is a characreristic connected with deities and spiriiS. This word means "intangible", in a concrete and in a metaphorical way (rile two usages may overtapl). If "intangible" or "invisible" is meant, rhis is an appropriate adjective with Domini verbum (~ and one may compare Wisd. 7:22, where the spirit of God is called ~ "thin, fine"3. In its metaphorical meaning, "inscrutable", the word incomprelteiiSibilis was particularly popular with ecclesiastical writers as an epithet of God or of clemons4. In the Vulgate of the Old Testament, dte word incomprelteiiSibiJis is used in Job 9:10(7) and Jer. 32:19, meaning "inscrutable" (LXX: IMQxvlamoc;S); the concept of the inscrutability of God's ways is not uncommon (see Ps. 77[76):20; Wisd. 9: 13; Tob. 3:20; Job 36:23). Fide/is in omnia, parallel10 dig1111111 Domino, refers to the trust the Lord has vested in Moses; see foe instance Num. 12:7, where the Lord says of Moses, tv 611al tqi otociP 11011 x.~ (Vu1gate: fidelissimu.s) bmv (cf. the Vulgate of Heb. 3:5, where Num. 12:7 is quoted: er Moses qllidemfidelis ertu in rota domo ejus6). Fide/is should therefore be understood as "confidant", "one whom the Lord trusts", rather than in its usual active sense, ''faithful"'·

I Grimm, Weisheir. p. 153: "obwohl e i 11 z i 11 • eiiiiUiill, ihn:m Wesen nach, isl sie doch vi elf ac 11 ,lllalllligfa/11'/l in ihrenAeussei"IUI/ltlll, Wirklul/lell unci Gabe11. Analog ist, was Paulus I Kor. 12,4 u. I I vom h. Geisre sagt." 2 See 11so the enumeration in Ps.-Callisthenes C, 21:14 8£6v dl.'JikWv IMIC>\~ cilcamv6qtov Mu\pqtoV IMQxv{ODtoV bl. ttdv ~ tq.,;,-ov. 3 Grimm, We/sheil, pp. 153-154: "dibln,feill, hOcltst walnheinlic:h s. v. a. ilrurlaUmU, ohne welche EigalldJaft der Weisheirsgeist das Geislem:ich unci das Weltall nichr dun::hdringen klllmll:, vgl. [Wisd. 7:)23, 24b". 4 See TW. VII, t, cols. 995:47-996:42, esp. cols. 995:64-996:42. Haacker, "Nachbiblische Tflditioaen", p. 158, regards the idenlilication of Moses with the Holy Spirit as an analol)' 10 lhe identification or Jesus wilh the Logos in the Gospel according 10 John, and compares incomprelleiiSibilis with lgn., MQilll. IS aliubcptwv JtVEi4u>, &; bmv 1'1ooiic;

Xpun6<;. 5 Cf. Rom. I I :33 dli; ~ (Vulgate: qlUUII inconprelle111ibilia) m ~ a6toG ocol ~lrAcmol (i,.Ytlltigabi{tiS = iltiiiVtiSti/labi/es) al 6&>1 a61oii; Eph. 3:8 Ul ~ ~ wli Xpunoii ocal ·- 1\ oliCOYOIIla 101i 111Xm1Plou 10ii cbo~ 'A~~~ is only known from biblical and relllled lilerllllre according to PeiCnon, ..~~". p. 359. 6lncidelully, in Heb. 3:3 digiiUS is used in the same sc:ruenoe as fide/is, as in As. Mos. 11:161H:. 7 Cf. I~ 5:12, which pasaqe can be Jranslllled as: "I have wrinen brieOy tltrouJit SOVIllUS, a trullWOrthy brodter (IIIDtilo; ~.I am convinced"; see Sevenster, Do Y011

Know Greeil, p. 3.

256

OOMMENTARY

ll:ljhl-e Moses is called "divine prophet" and "perfect teacher". The former ride indicates of coune one of Moses' best-known qualities: Moses was the prophet ptU ucellence (see especially Num. 12:6-8; DeuL 34:10)1.ln Wisd. 11:1, Moses is c:alled llfiOtl\'tTI~ &rule;. in whom Wisdom, the spirit of God, dwelled (Wisd. 10:16). Compare also Jemrriah, who in the Lives of the Prophets is called &no<; lfPOtlj~; and Jesus, who is called allfJOtll'tTI~ iMrq~ in T. Levi 8:15, and~ llfJOtll~ in T. Ben. 9:2. For divillus see Josephus, A11t. Jw1. m 170, who c:alls Moses a ki~ dM\p; for COIISIIIrurllliUS see the instances in Philo quoted in the introduction 10 this section. Per orbem terranlm and ill saeculo an: parallel expressions, "for rhe entin: world'' and "fa- all time". The universal validity of Moses' offices exprased by rhese phrases is probably IDCJely superlative, and it is 1101 intended to assert that Moses' teachings an:, or should be, acknowledged as authoritative by the genriles. In Dan. 9:6 LXX, il is Wd of the prophets rhat rhey have spoken 10 "all nations in the world" (MT: "the entin: population of the land"). The orher term, doctor, is less usual. However, and &&!aKQ).oL are also juxtaposed in Ac:tS 13:1; I Cor. 12:28, 29; Eph. 4:11 and Did. IS:I-2 (sometimes liSted together wirh odter functions). In these instances, "teacher" is a no less divinely inspired function rhan "prophet" (cf. I Cor. 14:26). In De giga111ibus S4 Moses is c:alled ~~~ ~ llpyifll!V 1COl. ~ IIEiflliV. Docere is a verb which is espec:ially used wirh reglld 10 the law, see for instance Lev. 10:11; Deut. 4:1, S, esp. DeuL 6: I 1COl. aWn a1 lvmAal ... lk7a mrdJ.am ripw<; 6 9t6o; ~ ~Ill ~ The ride may rherefore indicate his quality as a lawgi-.er (see also commentary on S:S).

""'*'taL

11:161-17 To Joshlta, the imminent absence of Moses from his people implies the absence of Moses' effective intm:essory prayer (described in 11:17c-e). Without him as de{ellsor, Joshlta is said to fear that the Lord wiiii!OI allow rhe sinful people 10 overcome rhe powaful kings of die Amorites. On the contraJy, the Amorites will seize the opportunity to destroy the people when they have sinned once more.Joshlta's fears are of course baseless (see commentary on 11:18-19). Semel adluu: probably renders fu ~"once more", referring 10 a single and final iteration of an acL In the Vulgate the word-order is always the other way 1100nd: arJiuu: semel (see Gen. 18:32; Judg. 6:39; 16:18 [cf. 16:28 LXX); 2 Mace. 3:37; Heb. 12:26, 27). In the VulgaJe,lhe noun d.e{eiiSOf' oa:urs in Judith 6:13, Sir. 30:6, and in 2 Mace. 4:2. Of these OCCI!lRnces, only 2 Mlla:. 4:2 has a Greek COWiterplllt in the Septuagint, ~.To this, one may compare Pbilo, De vita Mosis U 166, where Moses is described as the pe!fcct high priest, praying for remission of the people's sins (\~ I Ticde views MDICI' qualities u mediator, intercessor and suffering 011e u various or his rule u prophet ('"lbc Figure of Moses", pp. 87-90); this, however. is a one-

ISpeCIS

sided reducdon. 2 In Sir. 30:6, one may compare the Septullfnt's h:liurov; bc&lldv com:IIJIOIIds to the Vldpte's defetulere in Rom. 12:19, and tdl"''CW; to defenslo in Sir. 48:7. Judith 6:13 (Dcu ctJeU dlfcruor- ur) refers 10 Judith 6:2, where the Ora vendon bu 6 ~cm­ • ~ cnn...; ~v is a usual Greet equivalenJ of proteten.

11:1-19

257

oca\ Altclrt; houito CN'fY\'Ii'Mn tW. ~p.tv.,., ~.and in that role is oco\ KapQLtll~; this usage maiChes perfectly with that in As. Mos.

called~

11: 17, where Moses is called defensor qui feral pro eis pTOeCes. In this context of intermediation between God and his people, Moses is also called rnagnu.s 1111111iu.s, the great messenger, that is, of God. Nuntiu.s undoubtedly uanslatcs cindoc;. a word that may refer to human messengers of God as well as angels (see further commentary on I 0:2). In Orphic literarurc, Hermes. in his role as a mediator between the gods and men, is called an ciyyWic; as well. According to Philo, priests, Moses, and ~ all have the role of mediator in common!, compareD
I Goodenough By U.gllt, U.gllt, pp. JJS-116, warns that, although lbe high priest and lbe equated by Philo, lbey are not identical: lbe priest is lbe "Logos o n I y as it pn:scniCd iUelf in ~dation wilh the danents". 2 At Ibis poinr, roo. MD-. the illleiJlreiCl ClA!'Iml9 or God's wonl, is idcnti.licd with Hermes (see Goodenough. Ry I.J.gllt, U.gllt. p. 291 ), who, just like Moses. is c:aJied q,.,~ ~TIK and ciyydoc;. cf. Quandt, Orpllel Hyrruli. p. 23, Hy11111 28:1,4, 6; Kern, 0~ FTGpteNIJ, p. 309, ftlglned 297L l OXIlra licde. "The Fipn: or Moses", p. 91. ~an:

258

OOMMENTARY

being,llld it chiii'ICtCrizlcs Moses as a most outstanding inrc:n:essorl; cf. Philo, Quis

rerum dMIIIITIIm 21. God's rule over the entire world is described as "mercifulllld just". In the Vulin Prov. 21:21 (LXX: &.l
11:18-19 The sentence begun in 11:16, but twice interrupted by the passages with elaborate

praise of Moses, is here resumed. According to Joshua, the expected absence of Moses will incite the Amorites to seize the opponunity to destroy4 the people when they have sinned once more (see 11:16f-17a). In As. Mos. 12:7-8 Moses puts his own importance into proper perspective, giving all credit to God's grace. He gives a similar interpretation to the sinfulness of the people: non enim propter pieta/Dft plebis hujus extermiNlbis geNU (see further commentary on 12:7-8). As. Mos. does not further inform us about Joshua's battle with the Amorites, but the !Joolc of Joshua relates an outcome which is quite conlrlll)' to Joshua's fears as expressed in As. Mos. 11:16-18; cf. Josh. 5:1

When all the kings of the Amorites that were beyond the Jordan ID the west. and all the Canaanilcs that were by the sea, heard that the Lord had dried up the waten of the

cr.

I 0epte, ''limtft!IP ll£cn'lriiD", p. 616. 2 For die role of the COYaWil and the oalh in prayers for mercy, see the commentary on 3:11-11. On ptWtU&r ror "fflhen", aee the commentary on As. Mol. !1:4. 3 So aliO Tlede, "Tbe FiJure of Moses", p. 88. 4 COIPNJere, "'o c:mfule", urne 10 mean "'D desWy UUCI!y", aee JlliiUilllicaiiiiJfe nr.

.50.

11:1-19

259

Jonlan for the people or Israel until they bad crossed over. !heir hcan melted. and Ill= was no lolp any spirit iD lhem, because of the people oC lsnel (tnns. RSV)I.

From this passage, it clearly appears lhat Joshua is Moses' pence! successor. both under Moses' and under Joshua's leadership, God dries up the waters and the Amorircs are defeared. Cf. in peral Sir. 46: 1-9 and commentary to 11 :9-1 I.

I Cf. LAB 20:9 Popllbu - - eliMsiiS PKINJbmu colllrtl .Amorreos. et, ill•oiescei!U Jlll&llll super illilrticos suo.r per 011111es din fMsu. COIIS""'fJii slllll trigillla eti!OWIII regu qw lrttbili1IMN--

12:1-13 MOSES' ANSWER TO JOSHUA'S COMPLAINf

In chapter 12. Moses responds to Joshua's questions in chapter 11. In this response, the author of As. Mos. returns to the things said in the introduction of the book (1:12-15) concerning God's intentions for his creation and for his people. Possibly, as has been suggested by Von Nordheiml, little of Moses' speech has been lost. See the commentary on the lost ending for the way in which As. Mos. might have ended. The response to Joshua's questions is a theological discourse, intended to comfort him and others (including the intended readers of As. Mos.) who are left behind. In this passage, the predetermined course of history and the people's own responsibility are artfully combined. God is presented as the one who has created all, and therefore knows and commands all (12:4-Sa). Moses' role is seen from this perspective; rather than having gained influence on the Lord because of of his virtue or strength, his role as mediator and intercessor is all part of God's plan (12:6-7; cf. 1:14). Joshua's fears, therefore, that the people's sinfulness will prevent their entrance into the land under his leadership (cf. esp. 11:16-18), are unfounded, because entry into the land does not depend on the people's piety (or impiety), but is likewise part of God's plan (12:8-9). Because of his omniscience, God has always recognized that some of his people will disobey his commandments. lbey will be removed, but the faithful will prosper and unto them the promises of the covenant will be fulfilled (12:10-13).

a.l2:J-3 The scene pictured in 11:1-4 is recapitulared. Moses is described as comforting Joshua. 1 And after Joshua finished speaking, he again fell at Moses' feet. 2 But Moses took his band and raised him up into the seat before him. And he answered and said to bim: 3 "Joshua, do not think too lightly of yourself, but sbow yourself free from care. And give heed to my words."

I DW L.dln der Alral, p. 204; tee also lhe lnUOductioa, &eCiion IV, e.

12:1-13

261

The author begins Moses' answer to Joshua's desperale questions by making the prophet grasp his successor's hand and raise him up from his self-humiliation. As Volkmar noled I, this action is reminiscent of similar gestures made by angels who have ~ed some heavenly bllth to a human being. who is consequently bewildered and afraid. Occasionally, encouraging words such as those of Moses to Joshua in As. Mos. 12:3,arulso spoken. See especially Dan. 8:18; 10:8-10; 4 Ezra S:14-IS; 10:2931; cf. Rev. 1:17. But Moses' gesture seems to be more than just encouragement: Moses makes Joshua sil in the seat before him. Possibly, this represents Joshua's investiture as Moses' successor, and the chair on which he is made to sit may accordingly be the Jta8tapcx ~on which the scribes and Pharisees (Moses' successors as interpreun of the law2) are sitting according to Man. 23:23. Next, Moses is reporled to 1ell Joshua "not to despise himself"4, or in the more modest expression used in the translation above: "Do not think too lightly of yourselr'. One could translate contemnt~re in this way in I Tim. 4:ll-l2praecipe luJec et doce--MmD adulesctllliom 111t1111 conterruuu, "let no one think little (1CUto$pO\Id.tol) of your teaching because you are young"; cf. the Vulgate of Ps. 119(118):141 adulescenrulus sum ego et contonpllll (Jerome juxta Hebraeos: ptUVuiiiS ego sum et contemptibilis).ln Rom. 2:4, too, the Vulgate has contt!mllere for Pwl's mt~v. Furthermore. Moses is seen to encourage his successor by saying "do not wony". The expression se praebere with an adjective in the aa:usarive is a common LaJin idiom, meaning "to show or to conduct oneself in a certain quality". On a few occasions, it occun in the Vulgate: Tob. 3: 17: neqw cum his qui in levilllte ambultw par· licipem me praebtUS. The idiom has no exact counterpart in Greek, as· appears from two comparable New Testament instances, Acts I :3 praebuit se ipsum vivum, in Greek mp&nq~m~ bxuWv ~ and Tit. 2:7 te ipsum praebe uemplum, in Greek cmlVdlv ~ n\Jiov. SecMTus as a state of mind occurs in e.g. Judg. 8:11 (LXX A and 8: IICIOI.Ihia); 2 Chron. 20:20 (LXX: ~ pass.); MaiL 28:14 (~WI;). Securru means "safe", and, subjectively, ''free of care". The reasons why Joshua should not wony are extensively set out in the next passage.

I M-PTDJ~Mtle,p. Sl. 2 Cf. Jmmlu. "MIIJUGfl<', pp. 8S7, 868-869; Straclr.-Billertleck, Ko-ellliU, U, pp. 6S4-6SS. 3 See Rcaov, "1be Sell of Moses", p. 262 (233): ''the 'Seal of Moses' ..• - a symbol of Jewish leplllllhorit:y ~ upon leaehen of Jewish law. lt expressed itself In the fonn of llpOClal- for diem In a conspicuous pi- a lhe head of die CXJIIIf"ePtioll in the synaaoaue": ae fmdlerVennea rr aUi. 'Tk Hislory ~· Jewtsla P~ u. p. 442; furtherli. . . IIUe In Sc:brqe. •G1JIIa1Wtll", p. 119, n. 134. 4J-.d of tc 1111-,lhe JadiJWidopled here, die miDIICript reads etllll ~

-· S wiiiiDia Thele ism aoobjecL conaponding ct.1se In d i e - Greet Wllianl.

262

COMMENTARY

b. 12:4-5a This section seems somewhat repetitive, expressing a single lhought thRC times, with only slight variations in wording. These variations clearly SCJVC to build a climax, which makes lhe comprehensiveness of divine prescience stand out In 12:4a, God's lordship over all nations and over lhe entire history is stated; in 12:4b, Moses stresses lhat not lhc slightest detail (pusillum) has been overlooked by God. Thus, in lhe statement of 12:5a that God has known beforehand alllhings lhat were 10 happen in lhis world, omnia is set in the right perspective: "all lhings" means "really every· thing". In Judilh 9:5-6, God's foreknowledge is treated wilh a similar abundance: For you have made lhe lhings that were before these lhinga, and lhesc things. and thole that will be hereafter, and lhe present and the future you devised. and the lhinga that you devised came into being, and lhe lhinga that you warued came about, and lhey said: "Behold, we are here", for all your ways have been prepared. and your judgemenl is with foreknowledge I.

God has created all nations on earth, and he foresaw us, them as well as us, from the beginning of the creation of the earth until the end of the world. And nothing has been overlooked by him, not even the smallest detail, but he has seen and known everything beforehand. When he made them, 5 1 the Lord saw beforehand all things that were to happen in this world. 4

In his explanation of divine providence. Moses begins by stating lhat God has created alllhe nations on earlh. As lhc Oeator, God is naturally able to oversee lhe work of his hauds. He is lhc aulhor, as it were, of a drama whose plot, including its denouement. he has known from lhe beginning2. Wilh emphasis, God's elected people are included among lhe nations lhat God has created; for lhc aulhor refers 10 lhcse gentes with the pronoun 110s, clarifying lhis MS wilh lhe appositional phsase illos er nos: "God has created all nations and he has foreseen our entire history, lhat is, their history as well as ours". God's authority, the aulhor apparently wishes to stress, extends over nations other lhan his own. lf,lherefore, lhc nations subdue God's people. lhis must not be considered a failure of God's efforts, but as an integral pan of his predc· termined plan. The divine prescience, preceding even creation itself, is a common topic in Jewish literaturcl; see, for instanCe, Sir. 23:20(29): lljiv 1'\ 1mD9ilvm. tO. IOCMa trY-= cM41. m.; 1«11. Ji£tO. '1111 ~-· Sec funher Judith 9:5-6 (quoted above);

cr.

1 1111o 4 Ezn 6: 1-6. 2Jn lpCIIdnaofclvine preiCiencc, Pbilo, Quod Dell& bralll4btlii30-31.IXllllparel God 10 p11at11 wbo lllllllally lmow tbeir chi1clml, or 10 an artist who kDDwl his WOJk. Ukcwisc, Dice God lithe mater of lime a well as of llllhinp. he kDDwl litis WOik u well, even the future lbll, ID Jum-. il obll:ule.

3 FcJr m eumlve 1laiiDCDI of litis 8IKIIled detaminlsm in apocalyptic UICIIIUIC. a von bd, Wet.r.\W, pp. 337-363.

12:1-13

263

Wisd. 8:8; I En. 9:11; 39:11; Jub. 1:29; IQS IIJ 15-16; CD U 7-10; Philo, Quod Deus immulabilis 29; Arisreas 132, and some insWtees cited below. The word used for "10 see beforehand" is pruviderel; so also in 12:4b, wher-e i1 Slands pua1Iel to pronoscere, "lo know beforehand". In the Greek fragmcm of As. Mos. I: 14, llp08£1io80L is used (the Latin ~ ucogiravil er illvenir, see lhc commcnwy then:). As Hilgenfeld rec:ognizcc!2, usque ad pusil/11»1 is 1he second half of lhc expression "from lhe gru1cs1 10 lhc smal1csl"; sec mm IJl"f6lou lolc; llll<poii (I Chron. 34:30; Jonah 3:5), cf. mm 111xpoii <xal.l lolc; ll£lOlou (e.g. I Sam. 5:9; 30:2, 19; 2 Ki. 23:2; 25:26). It parallels the expression in 12:4a, ab illilio ... usque ad uilllm. However, by using only the second pan of !he expression, emphasis is placed on God's ancntion for the seemingly insignificanl: he has foreseen and foreknown cvcrylhing, and he has not ncglcc1ed (neglegere probably renders ~tvl) anything (nihil), not even 1he pcttiCSI dclail. In Wisd. 6:7(8), it is said lhat God has crcaled both great and small, and lhat therefore he lakes care for both in equal manner: 6n 1J1XpOv (Vulgatc: pusillum) xal. ~ cMOc; tno(ll<JEV, Ojw(~~~<; u: KpDVO
(XOJIIS.

The clause Olllllio pruvidit er pro110vir is followed in the manuscript by CUM and an uncertain reading: E1SDNS. The last three letters can easily be recognized as the subject of the following sentenCe, "the Lord", but it is difficult to fit c11n1 eis into either the preceding or the following sentcnce6. Cum should, therefore, be rakcn as the I In 12:.5a, pro•IIUn is used,&ee lhe commcn1ary on lhal IJISUIC. 2 "Die PllaJmc:n Sa101110's", p. 297.

3 Cr. Wisd. 3:10; 2 MICC. 4:14; Matl. 22:5: I Tim. 4:14; Heb. 2:3; 8:9; cf. also d.IJIIIEuiv Num. 5:6; Sir. 26: 11(14). 4 Per, pro andp~m commonly abbreviated by lhe leucrP, distinguished only by lhe position or a stroke tlwugh. Wider or above lhc leucr, see Rcynolds lnd Wilson. Scribes and Scholars', p. 224. S Cf. Jos., Bell. I 69; Alii. Jud. X 142; also Judilh 9:6, quOted in die inuoduclion 10 Ibis IICICiim 6 Volkmar, Mose Proplw!U, p. 52. proposed 10 n:tranSlaJe ~ ds iiiiO tci pn' 116Uiw, "das, wu sic beglcill:l, ihr Sc:Ncksal". C~n ds, however, would be anther awkWUd IIWlSlation of ruclla p1nse (cf. 12:.5, whcm Olllllill q~~M /IIJw;l esse111 may wdl be a tnnslatiGa of (COIII.)

264


conjum:tion, complementing a verb meaning "to create"; to stay as close to EIS as possible, one might conjecture fecir, which might uansiate bd'ICJEY, "he created" 1. The clause can then best be connected with 12:Sa, which othetwise lacks a link with what precedes. Moreover, it provides that sentenee with the past tense perspective which the fonnjiuura use111 Rquircs: "When God eteated (it). he foresaw everything that was to happen in this world". Cf. 12:4 n.os prflellidil ... ab inirio creaturae orbis rer· Tal1llll and the parallels quoted above; these parallels also suggest that omnia quae furura es:relll ~ndcrs lllliYux m ~ Instead of praevidere, which is the classically caTCCt fonn used in 12:4 and 12:13, providere is used in 12:5 (providere usually means "to take care", but sec also Gal. 3:8 lqXIllloilaa & 1\ ~. Vulgate: providens aurem :rcriptura).

c.J2:5b-9 1bis passage is the specific answer to the anxious questions placed in Joshua's mouth in 11:9-11. In I 1:9-1 I, Joshua complained that, without the intercessory prayers of Moses, he could 1101: lead the sinful people into the land. Here, Moses answers that Joshua will indeed lead the people into the land, even without Moses' inten:essory prayers. It is 1101: the prayers of Moses which have allowed the people to journey thus far, 1101" will their sinfulness hinder their entrance into the land.

sbAnd behold, ... will be taken away. 6 The Lord has appointed me for them and for their sins, that I should pray and supplicate for them; 7 yet not on account of my virtue or strength, bur out of long-suffering his mercy and his patience have befallen me. 8 Therefore, I say to you, Joshua, not on account of the piety of this people will you defeat the nations. 9 a All the firmaments of heaven and earth are made as approved of by God, band they are under the ring of his right hand. ll:Sb In the manuscript, the phrase er ecce aufenur is followed by an illegible section of some length2, which makes it uncertain whether this phrase should be connected to the preceding or to the following, no longer extant, sentence. Most scholars have connceted er ecce au{errur to the preceding sentence, reading: "the Lord has foreseen everything that was to happen in this world, and, behold, it will happen IICCOldingly". Aufertur is then inrapreted as affenur3. However, if one supposes that au{enur was lldYal m ~- Mon:GYcr, one would expect such an allribulivc adjunct immedilldy w.. t1tc lll)gl it delennlnes (omnltla the begimins of the clause). I '1111: conjeclule- SUJFIICd to me bY HJ. de Joo,e. 2 AI noted in the 8JlPiniUS mliDc 217, dtcre is a considerable dilrenillce between Ceriani's llld Clemcn's repon llll the tcnath of the illellble IICCiiiiiL 3 llilccnfdd, Nov11111 TesrtiiiU!IIIWII, p. 108, proposed to emend the lext IICCOII!ingly; Vollanar, M- /'ropllelie, p. 52, lll8iluined tha ~ (41\fmw) is I Vulpr varianl of IVfonw,jullllke tllldllc_,lsa varianl of abdilc_, in 3:5 and 10:1 (sec JlaiiiiDatical JIDIC nr. (cOIII.)

12:1-13

265

pan of !he following sentence, one may complement a subjea like corpus, anbruJ or animus wilh a possessive pronoun. "And, behold, my body (or soul, or spirit) will be

taken away". If lhe text had been something like this, !hen: would be a clear transition from 4-Sa 10 6-7, which would fit perfectly. Ecce in lhat case more clearly slallds out as the introduction of a new !hough!. In this way, 12:5b-6 could be !he answer to Joshua's question pul in 11:9a, 11: "Lord, you will be leaving ... but who will pray f
ll:6 The remaining legible lerter5 in 12:6 make it possible 10 suggest a plausible supplementation. The subject of me constituit can only be lhe Lord (Dominus or Deus); constituere is logically continued by an ut-clause, and pro eis ulhe end of 12:6 is best explained if !he verb 10 which the prepositional phrase belonged was something like "10 pray", so lhulhe sense of 12:6 must be "lhe Lord has appointed me on !heir behalf so !hall might pray for !hem." et in<pr>ecare fills !he gaps in lhe second half of 12:6 perfeclly. ll seems likely, lherefore, !hat Moses is made 10 say in As. Mos. 12:6 !hat he has been appointed 10 pray for !he people and for !heir sins. This lheme is elaborately treated in chapter 11, and Moses • role as intercessor needs no further comment. The supposed formulation of 12:6, however, raises lhe question whelher Moses will be an intercessor afler his death, as W.A. Meeks has strongly argued I. Meeks views 12:6 as lhe answer to Joshua's question, put in 11:17. TheJe, Joshua complained lha1, after Moses' dealh,lhere would no longer be an advocate 10 IIDne for Israel's sins by prayer, allowing !he Amorites 10 defeat the people. According to Meeks, Moses' answer in 12:6 counsels Joshua not to worry, because he (Moses) will continue 10 serve as an intercessor, apparently (if read in connection wilh 11:17 alone) after his death2. This is not, however, a necessary interpretation. In 12:6, Moses does not unambiguously say !hat he will be an intercessor after his dealh, only !hat he has been appointed as one, which may refer 10 his office during his lifetime as well as 10 a funm: l8Sk3. Because of lhe emphasis placed by lhe author of As. Mos. on Joshua being Moses' successor (see 1:7; 2:1-3; 10:15; 12:2), one would be more likely 10 expect !hat Moses • iniCrCCSSOry role ends wilh his dealh, and that his leadership is ttansfened 10 Joshua (on Joshua as an intercessor, see the commentary on 11:9-11). This inlerprelation is corroborated when 12:6 is read in connection with 12:7-9. Moses was not appointed intercessor because of his su-ength. Likewise, lhe people's piety, or Jack of it, will1101 detmnine whether Joshua will defeat the nations (compare the fear expressed by "Joshua" in 11:16-18). God, in his mercy and long-suffering. 28). In those lnslances, however, as weD as in the case of accedue in 2:7,1Jb. is fully assimilated, so thal it comes 10 loot like tld-. There are no iiiSlaiiCZS in which ad- is panly assimilated ID till- (or CWJI 1111-), 10 dill il cnuld be confused with IJb.. I T1u Prop/la-Kit~~. pp. 160-161. The mncepl thalaomeone may Iller his death pray for those be 1111 left behind is lcnown from other sources, see 2 MICC. IS:13·16: Josephus, Ant. Jud. 1231; Pbilo, Depraenlis 166; negalively in4 Ezra 7:102-112; 2 Bar. 85:12; LAB 33:4. Tile concept is of course well-known in Olrilllian teKll, see e.g. I John 2:1-2, also MaiL 10:33 par.; Ram. 8:34; Heb. 7:2S. 2 Meets. Tile Propller-Killg, p. 12S, n. 3. 3 So also Haacker, ''Nidlbiblische Ttaditionen", p. 160.

266

COMMENTARY

8JIS\W:~ Moses' pn.yers; he will also enable Joshua to lead the people into the land. The suc:cess of Moses and Joshua does not depend upon their virtues or the picry of Olhc:rs, but is a resull ofGod'si!JliCc.

12:7 As. Mos. 12:7 gives the basis forb Moses' role as an inlei'Cessor (and iiS cfl'eclivcncss): "Not on my own accounl, but on accoun1 of the Lord's mercy" (sec DcuL 7:78; cf. Acts 3:12; Rom. 9:16; 1 Cor. IS: 10; also lsa. 48:S). Utcrally, Moses is made to say: "not on account of my virtue (virrus) or sttength (finniras)"l. Firmiras (a word the Vulgalc rarely uscsl) means "sttength", or, metaphorically, "Sieadfastncss". It is dcbalable whether virrus means "SirCngth" in this inSWICe, or is to be understood as ''virtue" (dpml). In Philo, De specialibus /egibus I 209; De vita coiUem{llariwz 26 6UYCIIW; and drpml arc used as a word-pair. A problem is posed by the adverb remperamius3, "rather modcrarely". It can only be consttuc:lcd with the verb comegenuu, notwithstanding the relatively long distance between the two words. 11 is inconceivable, however, that Moses should be supposed to have said that God's grace has befallen him "in a rather moderate measure" (contrast e.g. lsa. 63: IS w .U.i!~ toii Wouo; oou ocal ol~ 0011). Perhaps one may take the word to mean here "forbearingly". The verb remperare sometimes means "to abstain, refrain from", or pregnantly, "to forbear, tolcratc•-4. A Greek equivalent is livtxra8m; the derivatc llnlox'lj means "forbearance" in Rom. 2:4, where three characreristics of God arc lislcd: XP'l~ 6vox1\ (Vulg&lc: parienria), and paiCp08\lllla. Sec further Rom. 3:2S-26; I Clcm. 49:S; lgn., Pol. 1:2; ad Diogn. 9:12. The last instance also may serve to illustr.rue the divergent construction of one of three near identical conccpu: mioc 4&f.cntotv 1\~ ... cUM 4&aocpoGI'4!110£V, 1\vf>ax£10 U£4iy,

Misericorditre must be explained as a plural inspired by biblical language, probably oliCUp!IO( (which, in the Scptuagint, is usually in the plural); sec, for instance, Ps. 119(118):n tllll:taJadv 1101 ol ol!Ctl4'1Wi aou. 12:8 In order to comfon and encourage Joshua, Moses in 12:6-7 rcappraises his own merits, which Joshua had so highly praised in chaplcr 11. The Lord heeded Moses' prayers. not because Moses was vinuous or strong, but because the Lord is merciful and patient Answering Joshua's concern, expressed in 11:16-18, Moses assures

11bis is the manuscript's reading. Ol'len, ill is taken as a prefix, and vlrnu and il!finniltll arc seen as polar concepls, expressing inclusivencss (altematively, this prefix Is simply deleted). However, Sclmidt and Mera, "Die Assumptio Mosis", p. 136, rigbUy recognized i11 as al'l"p!JJitioo, in this caR synonymous with propter (an inslance of variation, - glllllllllllicaiiiOie nr. 167); they also reganled the final -111 of jinlli11116111S an abbreviation, and dissolved it into IIUG. This is cenainly poSSible. but in view of the confusion of cues after ~lions, illjimrllatml may be the original reading. . . . (len. 41:32; ftov. 22:21; 2 MKC. 10:34; 2 Pet. 3:17; ID all these IIISWICCS,firml14s IS used IIICIIphoric:lly. 3 Tbe word is often emended inlo lhe substantive ~nnpel'rlllliiJ and is sometimes translated with "mildness". Hi1pfcld, "Die Psalmen Salomo's", p. 298,11'111111aled ~ralllia blck as tmbna; tempci'GJIIia. bowever, is aeilher ''mildneas", nor iad'ICUL 4 Lcwis-Sbolr. p. 184!1c.

12:1-13

267

Joshua thlll the Amorites (and the other hostile nations) will be defeated under his leadership, notwithstanding the people's sins. To this, one may compare Deut. 9:5-6 (cf. CD VDI 14-IS): Not because of your (se. the people's) righteousness or lhe uprightness of your hean an: you going in to possess the land; but because of the wickedness of these nations the l..ortl your God is driving them out from before you, and thal he may confirm the wortl which the Lortl swore 10 your fathers, 10 Abrahlm, 10 lsaac, and to Jacob. Know therefore, tiW the Lortl your God is not giving you this good land because of your righleousness; for you an: a srubbom people (trans. RSV). 11;!1 In 12:8, the view that the people would themselves be able to defeat their adversaries, is rejected. If the victory were to depend on the people's piety, the conquest of the land would certainly fail. In contrast to this view it is said , in 12:9, that it is the divine Oeator who governs all things. The foundations of heaven and earth were made as he saw fit I, and he conb'Ois everything th111 is in them. In biblicalliterlllure, the "firmament" ( orbis recommends itself'. However, firmamelllum/atrphtijw. does simply mean "foundation", and if one wants to keep the manuscript's text as it srands, caeli .{rmulmelllo orbis can be regarded as an ellipse, and one could translate: "the foundations of heaven and earth". In this way, the plural./inrfllmenta, too, would be explained, but the lack of a copulative, e.g. et, remains somewhat problemalic. Texwal problems also arise in the second balf of 12:9. The manuscript's text has er sub IWI/o duterae illius siUil. Von Gutschmid and Weiss proposed to read aiWI/o instead of IWI/o (aiWI/us = aiWius, "ring"; the gemination of -1· is a regular phenomenon in manuscripts and in Vulgar Latin, see grammatical note nr. 23}, and the conjecture is gencrally ICCCpled. In support, one can point to Jer. 22:24; Hagg. 2:23, and Sir. 49; 11. In these verses Jeconiah (Jeremiah) and Zerubbabel (Haggai and Sira) are "made as God's right-hand signet ring", that is, his authorized agents. The author of As. Mos., however, does not wish to speak of authorization, but of God's authority itself. If the conjectun: is .nevertheless accepted (and there seems to be no allanative), it must be concluded that the author of As. Mos. contaminated the expression "to be under somcot1e's hand" (6110 xe~Pal. that is, "to be in someone's power", with the

I Pn1WIIIilll(=probanmc, seepammlllcllnoreDr. 21), "appmvecl",cf. Oen. I, esp. 1:31 m\ d&v 6 11U1r; m !IlMa. 6cru bol'IICftY, m\ ~.&ru mAci Uav. 2 Bertr1111, "~m.", pp. 609-610. 3 The impression tiW words have been lost is strengthened by the absence of a finite form of em 11rithjiJcto, now 10 be syllcpticaDy c:mstructed with IJib IIIIWio dDierae lliUa Slllll (see pammllicaltiDIII nr. 172); and by the IIIC of orbls only, without ltrrdi"UM, which is the IIDr· mal~ in As. Mos. (it occurs cJew:n times; cf. orllb 1tm1e 1:2; orl1is .ndlGnn 10;5); fiDally, by the conuption in 12:9b. 4111c conjcctul'e - ~ by Fritz.lc:he. see the lleXIIIII t:IIIIIIIICdal) to line 222.

268

COMMENTARY

expression "to be as a signet ring", that is, "to have full power". The meaning of this conwninatcd idiom must then be that God has full power over his creation.

d.12:/0-13 1bc last extant lines of As. Mos. give the impression of being the conclusion 10 Moses' and Joshua's dialogue. Moses makes a short theological statement, summarizing the dual aspect of "Dcutcronomistic" covenantal theology: God's judicial righteousness, punishing the sinners, and his gracious righteousness, maintaining the covenant and his oath•.

10 If they therefore do .tie commandments of God perfectly, they will grow and prosper. 11 But the sinners and those who neglect the commandments <must> miss the goods that have been foretold, and they will be punished by the nations with many torments. 12 But it cannot happen that he will exterminate and leave them entirely. 13 For God, who sees everything beforehand in eternity, will go out, and his covenant stands firm. And through the oath which ... 12:10-12 Having elabontcd on the predetennined plan underlying =alion, which ensures the safety of the people, the author of As. Mos. makes plain that the Lord's protection is no licence 10 neglect his commandments. Only if the people will fulfil his commandmeniS (/acienres ... er COIISuntmllflleS mandara) they will growl and prosper. Those, however, who will sin and neglect the commandments (peccanribus er neglegelllibus mDIIdtua), must do without the Lord's blessing and be punished and tortured by the pagans3. This distinction within the people of God between the righteous and the sinful is the theological formulation of the divisions that were already expressed in historical tmms in 4:7-9, whcle the "two tribes" were conlniStcd with "some pans of the tribes" and the "ten tribes". In 12: 12, the concept of a faithful remnant is made explicit: although the nations will deal severely with the people (because of the sins committed), it is impossible that the Lord will abandon his people entirely (illtolllm probably renders ~ dAoc;; on the omission of IU after non poresr, sec grammatical note nr. 157). This belief is found in various strands of Jewish piety; sec 2 Chron. 12:12; JuI Cf. Mflncbow, Elhik. p. 73-74, on lhe tension between ptedelciDiinism and ethical responsibility,IOI.ved by the notion of the covenanL BreakiJW the covenant mll!l within histoty lead 10 puaishment, but at the same lime the COVC11¥11 itself warrants (cschatological) salvation. 2 lt il pollible 10 COIIIidcr lbi1 as anofbcr- of the impottana: of Moses' inlcrCCIIOIJ role, wbic:b JOibla linla:d 10 the people's mulliplication in 11:14, but which is !IOW made depended on tbe people'• own obedience 10 the Lmd. 3 Cf. Jaubell, 1.4 IIDiioll tl tiU/IIIu:e, p. 260: the Gentiles "scrvcnt l punir lcs l~tcs ~ (12:11), 11111s ewt-me~~~e&aermt c:bltiu (10:7)".

12:1-13

269

dith 7:30; Ps. 103(102):9; Isa. 65:8; Amos 9:8 LXX; Dan. 3:34; cf. Rom ll:S; T. Levi 5:6. More specifically, however, it has been expressed in Deut. 4:31, in which ideas corresponding to the two verbs exrermitUUe and relif14uere can be recognized. There, too, the connection with the covenant is made (cf. As. Mos. 12:13):

6u ~ ol~ "IC"olp\01; 11 ~ aou, 01'>1< t-ylCatai.£1'1'£\ at o~ 11ft h:"tp("fE\ at (Vulgate: nee omnino delebir). aUJC btU.!\= tftv &a91\"'1V "rliiv KadpoJv IRIU, "" o\IOCJtY ~ For "doing the law", a usual double expression is cusrodire er facere (tl>AaoCJ£CS8m. JCa\ liOitiv), whereas As. Mos. 12:10 readsfacientes iraque er consummanres fllllndlua Dei. Consumnuue does IIOl occur elsewhen: in connection with the commandmerits. It should probably be taken as a specification offacere: "doing the commandments, doing them perfectly" (cf. As. Mos. I: 10) Sec also the Vulgace of lash. 22:5 ira dumlaxar 111 cusrodialis adre~ er opere ampleOlis milndarum erlegem (LXX: aua ~ IIOidv ~ tO<; tvto~ 1<0\ tllv vqwv). With regard to the words bonam viam exigiUII (12:10), literally, ''to reach the good way", one cannot but agree with Hilgenfeld's proposal that this peculiar phrase must be an analytical translation of tOO&riiv, "to prosper". A verb must be supplemented to account both for the ablative or (rather) dative forms peccanlibus and neglegenribus and for the infinitive carere (12: 11). Esr or necesse esr an: obvious possibilities.

11:13 The impossibility of the perishing of the people as a whole is explained with n:fen:nce to God's intervention; for this pn:gnant use of exire see commentary on 10:3. With this intervention, the author probably means God's final, eschatological intervention, not his continuous protection throughout Israel's history!. Although God has acted to save his people before (according to As. Mos. 4:5-6), that action was not characterized as a "going out". Moreover, the primary inten:st of the author of As. Mos. hen: is to rea5SI1R: his readers of the impending salvation, which is the eschatological one. The last extant passage in the manuscript reiterates the motif of the divine prescience. Connected with the covenant, the meaning of the motif now becomes entin:ly clear. the people's sins are IIOl unforeseen disruptions of God's plan. but pan of it. God has always known suc:h things would happen (praevidit omllia in sDeeula). Apparently, he has intended the world's history as a way of distilling the perfect people of the covenanL The Gentiles were to be disgraced (cf. 1:13), and the people wen: to be purified; for them, the world was created (1:12) and the covenant established (cf. I: 14). Far their saltc, too, the promises of the covenant wiU be fulfilled. I So Lapenuusaz, u Tc.s,_nr de Mofse, p. 137.

TiiE LOST ENDING OF AS. MOS. The Latin text of the only surviving manuscript of As. Mos. is incomplete. Especially at the end, a portion of the text of some length is missing. Several scholars-including Charles, James, Loewenstamm and Bauckhaml-have attempted to reconstruct the lost ending of the work. All these scholars recognize the speculative character of such reconstructions, but this view does not prevent them from giving detailed reconstructions of the lost ending. Bauckham even reconstructs two conclusions, attributing one to the Testament of Moses, and the other to the Assumption of Moses. In this chapter, however, it will be shown that reliable traces of As. Mos. in ecclesiastical literature are few, and that they allow only very modest conclusions with regard to the ending of this worft2. The little that can safely be said can be summarized as follows. (I) The extant text of As. Mos. displays all the characteristics of the testament form. Therefore, the sequel to the dialogue between Joshua and Moses (chapters 11-12) must have contained some account of the way in which Moses ended his earthly life. (2) As. Mos. 1:15 and 10:14 state that Moses himself expected his imminent death. These passages also suggest that As. Mos. included an account of Moses' death. Perhaps et palam omnem plebem in 1:15 is meant to stress that many people witnessed Moses' death, and that, therefore, there can be no doubt about that event. (3) In As. Mos. 11:7, Joshua asks how a human being would dare to bury Moses' body. This may be an allusion to the well-established tradition of Moses' burial by God or by angels. In the fragments of the lost conclusion, Moses' body (afiilla} is mentioned as the object of a dispute between Michael and the devil (see below, section b). ConseI Charles, TM A.rsllnlplion, pp. xlix-1; James, The Losr ApocryphiJ, pp. 48-49; Loewen· pp. 73-76. See runher Denis, F'rtlgrMIIJJa. pp. 63-67. In chapler ~or his recm monograph. Jude tw1 rhe Rdllliva ofJesus, pp. 235-280, BIUCkham apin ueared this subject. In the roJJowing pages I will n:rer. howewer, 10 Baudtham 's mono aJIIcise uposilion in his commentary on Jude. 2 t:.aperrcu1z. Le Test~~~Mrrt, pp. S0-79, has extensively discussed the most importanl pusageslhllhavebeenllid 10coruin llliOeS of As. MoL (Jude 16; 2 ~- 2:3, 13; Ac:ls 7:36; MaiL 24:21, 291111d pmllcll; 2 Bar. 84:3-S). Llperrousaz only aa:cp11 ACIS 7:36 u a quola· lion flaD AL Mol. (3:11); the olherpusages be riJhtly rejeCIS u such. B1aeven ACIS 7:36 is pmblbly 1111 quolllion orAL Mol~ the similarities are far too superficial Slamm, '"'be Dealh or Moses", pp. 208-211; Bauckham, Jude,

1HE LOST ENDING

271

quently, !he presence of Michael probably means that the archangel was sent in order to bury Moses' body. {4) lt is not at all improbable, however, !hat Michael also came in his function as psychopomp, that is, as someone who was to transport Moses' soul to heavenl. The extant fragments do not strictly suppon !his possibility, but they do not exclude it either. Moreover, the tradition that Moses was given a heavenly existence after his death is well documented in Jewish literature of the period.

a. The Greek fragments Later Greek authors who quote, or allude to, As. Mos. shed light on the contents of the lost ending. Students of As. Mos. have detailed many such passages from ecclesiastical literature, and these have been conveniently arranged by A.-M. Denis in his Fragmenta Pseudepigraphorum Graecorum of 1970. As will be shown below, however, there are only four passages that derive with certainty from As. Mos., three of which occur in Gelasius' Ecclesiastical History, one in the Epistle of Jude. Gelasius Cyzicenus {tea. 476), whose quotation from As. Mos. 1:14 ensures the identification of our text as !he 'AV
I On Midlad u psycbopomp, lee Luekcn. Micluld, pp. 43-49, I20-17:7.

272

COMMENTARY

( 1) MfiM7ik lqlOGICliAEocij!tvoc; 'I11<Jo\iv u\ov Nauii m\ liurlEyOjiEv~ 11:~ mnov f+JJ· ... Km ~ciGato 11£ o ~ ~~:pc} mtaiJoAii<; K"OOJWU dva{ jl£ ~ &.1181\~ aVtoii IJW\T!IV. (2) cbO yap KYEll!la~ ciyiou a\nou mvm; I:Kna91!11£v. (3) cbO JqJOCJflilwu wu 8Eo\i ~iiAB£ w IMiij1a mitou, Km 6 K6~~ qMto. (4) mnj!l\CJm CJOI X"liptoc;. We shall now proceed to discuss them in detail. Quotation (1) is treated in the commentary on 1:14 above. Quotations (2) and (3) occur in a single passage in Gelasius' Ecc/esi-

aslicol History: lv llillAtP & dwA1\..-; MCIXJtolo; M1Xm'l1 6 cipz~ &~ ._, ~ Uo,n· ·am .,up ~ Uylou ainoii ~ miCJ9TUI.Ev". ml ..U..v Uo,n· ·a,m xpoaolnou 'IDii IIE
Quotation (4) is found in Jude 9, where a dispute between Michael and the devil is also mentioned. '0 a MLxm'IA 6 ~~ .m ,41 8ulll6l'll liuxxpl~ ~WtvHo lllji toil Mw~Uoiu; ~ oUo: tui~1JIIEY ocp(mv bEv!yuiv jll.acltlt-

Jdar;. ciW d...- "hl"Rj11jcnrl

CJOl

onlpto(.

And the ardlangel Michacl, when he was in a dispute with lhe devil over

Moses' body, did nor dare Jodeclare him guill)' of slander, but said: "May the Lord rebulce you."

The way in which the dispute between Michael and the devil is described is almost verbally identical in quotations (3) and (4). 1bere· fore, it is likely that both Gelasius and the author of Jude used the ending of As. Mos. It may be concluded from Jude 9 that the discussion between Michael and the devil was in fact about Moses' body.

I &clesilulkal Hutory 0, 21, 7, ed. Locschdce & Heincm11111, GCS 28, p. 86. In Ocla-

siu' &claillnical History, 1 quowion ill found liom a Ill~ ~ llUcnual'w Molcliu;

c- Dcllll, , , _ , . . pp. 64-6!1), bullhcre is 110 relalion 10 As. MOl. Likewise, Ocmclll of AICUIIdrla IWice refers 10 oplnioal of the 111lcnca (Denis, FrtJgrMitlll, p. 64), bul in tbclc CIIS il illllllC¥111 lUre wfledlerOcmclll refers 10 I boot.

11ffi LOST ENDING

273

The archangel's words quoted in Jude 9 are also found in Zech. 3:2, again in the context of a discussion between Michael and the devil. In a vision, !he prophet sees the high priest Joshua standing before the angel of the Lord and Satan standing at his right hand to oppose him (1:oii ciV'tlma9at ain!P 3:1). A mitre is set upon the high priest's head, and he is clothed in radiant garments. He is furthermore ordered to walk in the Lord's ways. Because Satan apparently objects to this, probably accusing Joshua of sinful behaviour, the angel of the Lord' says to him: 'Em:nJu\aat K'tip\o~ tv aoi, liuipou. I suspect that this scene from Zechariah 's visions has taken on a life of its own, and re-emerged, with a different application, in As. Mos.2 In shon, a tradition concerning someone called Joshua has been applied to Moses, a comprehensible development in view of the common association of another Joshua with Moses in the Old Testament. Jude 9 may then be accepted as a quotation of As. Mos., not of Zech. 3:2. There is, however, only one external confirmation of this supposition, namely in Origen's Principles (see below). Passages in other ecclesiastical writers have been used as evidence that Jude 9 derives from As. Mos., but wrongly so. It has been inferred from an annotation by Clement of Alexandria (t before 215) that Jude 9 corresponds to a passage in As. Mos.l Clement writes: "'Quando Michael archangelus cum diabolo disputans altercabatur de corpore Moysi' [= Jude 9]-Hic confirmat assumptionem Moysi". It is unlikely, however, that Clement's comment refers to a book called the "Assumption of Moses"4. The most natural translation of his annotation is: "Here he confirms that Moses was taken up". Clement was indeed of the opinion that Moses was taken up (see below), and in the Epistle of Jude, which he considered an authoritative book, he saw his view confirmed. Therefore, this passage is not evi-

'"t

I The litcnlly says !ha! !he Lord himself said lhese words. Bul in Zech. 3, !he angel of lhe Lord is c:onsiBIIdy pesena, and he and !he Lord act as one. or course. if lhe angel speaks, he speaks on bdlalfoflhe Lord. 2 Slipu!y differeolly Grolius ad MaiL 27:9 (CS VI, ad MIJll. col. 949): ''Zaclwias illud, lncrepet re Das. 6 Salllil! sumsil e• anliqua uaditione, quae deinde perscripca est in libro m~ [abscolldiro] cui titulus 'Avd>.'l'lll'i MIIIIJW; [Assumptio Mari.r]." Milik, "4Q Visions de 'AmtiiD", p. 95, supposes lhal As. Mos. depends on 4QAmtllll'l-3. 3 ~11/WMs ;, ep. Jllll.• cd. SL'Ihlin-Fnlchlel, GCS 172, p. 2rJ7. 4 Even if il does, his words should still be b1nlalcd as: "Here he apoes widl lhe Assumption of Moles", words which can Jw!Jly be liken as meaning Ill indie8 lhal lude dcri¥allhis claulle from a boot bearin& dill tide. As 10 !he Lalin lbrm ofCiemenl's lliiiiJIIelll, see~­ Stuiber, Pa~rolorl~. p. 194: "die Eri
274

OOMMENTARY

dence that Clement knew As. Mos., nor that Jude 9 is a quotation from As. Mos. In Rufinus' translation of the Principles by Origen (tea. 254), a reference is found to the Ascensio Mosis, which can be equated with the 'Avlil.TJ'I'l~ McoaU.x; quoted by Gelasius. Origen apparently wants to refer to As. Mos. to give an example of the way in which adverse forces or the devil himself try to incite human kind to sin: Et primo quidem in Ge1111si serpens Evam sedw:isse perscribirur: de quo serpenre in Ascensione Moysi, cujus libtlli l'llllminit in epistola sua apostolus Judas, Michahel archo.ngelus cum diabo/o dispurans de corpore Moysi air a diabo/o inspiratum supemem causam exritisse praevaricationis Ado.e er Evae I.

According to this passage, the Assumption of Moses must have contained a passage in which Michael told the devil that Adam's and Eve's sin was caused by the devil, who had inspired the serpent. That As. Mos. ever contained such a passage, however, is unlikely. The mention of Adam and Eve, of the serpent and of original sin is probably based on the Vita Adae et Evae (V AE). known in the Greek tradition as the Apocalypse of Moses. Apparently, Origen knew As. Mos., and also that Jude 9 derives from it. Therefore, the passage in Ascensione Moysi, cujus libelli meminit in epistola sua apostolus Judas, Michahel archangelus cum diabolo disputans de corpore Moysi may be taken to confirm the provenance of Jude 9 from As. Mos. The information Origen provides on the contents of this dispute, however, must derive from the Apocalypse of Moses (whatever form it may have had when Origen knew it). According to Apoc. Mos. 11, Eve and her son Seth meet a serpent on their way to pray for Adam. This animal reminds Eve of her misdeed, that is, her eating the forbidden fruit. Apoc. Mos. 12:1 continues:

.vra

& b :Efl9 ~ m 8rJplov· ICAdaaL oou lbaScm!lk cbD tflc; Elm~ wii 8roii flllei ~

m cnd!la

-ril~

ml Cll-ru. ml

"J)lcswc;.

The words ascribed to Michael in Origen's Principles as deriving from

As. Mos. are more likely to be situated in this context. It may be noted that in Apoc. Mos ./VAE Seth is often an intermediary between the

I De prilu:ipiis Dl, 2. 1. ed. Cmuzcl-simonelli. se 268. p. 152. 'The subject or !his lledim is ''qwmodo contrui111: vinutes vel ipse diabolus .eluc:tantur humano p:neri, (II"IIYOC8tlleS el illlllpnta .a peccalllm" (ibid.). cr. Rllnsch, "Weitc.e Dlustralionen", p. 214. To lhis pass.,.:, one may compue Sevcrus on Jude 9, see Crlmcr, Carenae.Vlll, pp. 162-163; JIJDes, Tile l..mt ApocrypluJ, p. 46.

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archangel Michael and Eve. Indeed, the Latin text of V AE 39 includes the very words Michael is said to speak in Jude 9: Tunc dixit Seth ad bestiDm: "lncreper re DomifiiiS Deus. Stupe, obmulesce: claude os nuun, mDiedicte inimice Yeritaris confusio perditionis; recede de imagine Dei usque in diem, qllllNio Dominus Deus jussuil in comprobatiOIU!trl re <Mililci".

In conclusion: the passage quoted from Origen's Principles confirms that Jude 9 is a quotation from As. Mos. But the additional infonnation the passage provides, does not derive from As. Mos., but from the Apocalypse of Moses'.

b. The Struggle Between Miclulel and the Devil We know from the extant fragments that the lost ending of As. Mos. included an account of a struggle between Michael and the devil. 'There is, however, no indication of the exact nature of the dispute. Moses' body was involved, and the devil is said to have "slandered". But the content of his ~Aa~JWia is not mentioned in the passages discussed above, and Michael's arguments shed liule light on the charges to which he is responding. It has often been maintained, on the basis of Christian comments on Deut. 34:6 and Jude 9, that the subject of the dispute was the soul of Moses (despite the mention of his oliilla in Jude 9). AsK. Berger has shown2, the struggle between good and bad angels is a traditional motif, and can be found, for example, in 4QAmramb I 10-11:

[...] ra'1 ..C,JJ r::an J"ii1 M., MC"" ,, mm .,IT"C :J., "'Un ..C,_g ~,

l"Jbere isa passqe in Did}'lllus (313-398) wbich also deals wilb lhe nanue oflhe devil, cf. Dldymi AJemndrilli ill epislolalll wad Jlllitre tlpO$/OU eNUTIIIio, ed. Mip~e, PG 39, col 1815. n seenu evidenl. however, dllllhe ~stimony of Didymus, who wu well acquainted wilb the works of Orip (Altaner. Patrologie, p. 280), must be dependent on the ' - ' s Priltclples. To Oripllld Didymus, Dalis.llllrOdllcrlott. p. 1291dds as a ~alimony Pbolius, "Ad Amphilochium ~ CLI" (eel. Mipc, PG 101, p. 1138): 1~ ply oW 6 daiO~ tv 111 a61oO 'Eiaatolt h: • ArjqiMiv ~ ~ <1\v JPI(aY cd. However, the other eliiiDples of quolllionl of apocrypbal -=s in the New 1"-.m pen by I'IIDiiul allow Ill ID conclude oaly dill be JeCIIIIIiaed llllllbe quotation in Jude 9 came liom m !ip0Ciypltai1101111X:, poblbly widtout blowittl wladl oae. 2 Berp:r. "Dcr Slreit 11111 die Seele".

...mr-

276


(I saw] in a vision, a vision in a dream, that two of them

wen: speaking about

me, and they said •.. and they had a great fight over me 1.

Berger refers to a large number of other texts, which are Christian and late, and cannot, therefore, serve as independent testimonies of such a tradition, since we must assume that their authors knew at least Jude 9. 4QAmram, however, shows that the motif was known in the first century C.E. It is important to note that the quarrel between the angels does not take place at Amram's death, but is seen in a vision. The choice the visionary must make between Darkness and Light (4QAmramb I 12) may well concern his earthly life2. This point is all the more important, because the first occurrence of a scene in which angels quarrel before God over a human being is not in 4QAmram, but in Zech. 3:1-2, as was pointed out above (in section a). Whether or not the vision in Zech. 3 is the basis of the traditional motif of the struggle between Michael and the devil in As. Mos.3, it does show, together with 4QAmram, that such a dispute does not necessarily concern the destination of a dead man's soul. A considerable number of Christian texts, most of them found in the

Catenae, attempt to fill in the details of the dispute mentioned in Jude 9, mainly by providing the arguments which the devil might have adduced. 1be Catena edited by Cramer includes several versions of such speculative supplements. According to one comment on Jude 10, the devil's blasphemy to which Jude 9 alludes, is equivalent to an accusation of murder against Moses. Having killed the Egyptian, Moses should be regarded as a murderer: T~ tv ~ 6pa ~ 6 MLXai!A cbroo1tll£tm ~ Ul a~ dm 106 &aji6Aou mtO. U>li MOIIlcJioo; P~JIO~ ml .,vm dvaroPtt.ov~ liul: Ul ~ Ulv Al"((Jimov, olilt tvqJclllv rilv mr' ~~~ 'A~ "bnnJ11\CJOL 001 8oS<~ Ulv &ci.-

cmoti

JioAav !tq.

o

o

Moses bavin& died on the Mount, Micbael is sent to transfer the body to heaven. The devil subsequently slandered Moses, and accused him of being a I MlJit. M4Q Vilklnlde 'Aimlm", p. 79. 2 Sa IIIo Bluc:thlm,/wll. p. 66. 3 llluctbml,/wll, pp. 65·66 poinllto various 110ries in which JOOCIIIId bad anaeJs appell" a (Jepl) opplllleJD wilD in helven i!Urfm befo.e God with eanhly maaen. s- is llftlln deplcled In dBI ClllDieCiian a I leiDJ*r of piDUI humlns; cf. Oripn's De Prlllclpiis, CJIIIIcd lbowe, an the ~"how lhe deviiiiWDJIIIID illlliple lunan ldiiiiD sin."

1liE WST ENDING

277

murderer, because he had slain the Egyptian. But the Angel did not bear his slander, but said to the devil: "May God rebuke you."l

In this passage, the devil is presented in his traditional role as accuser2. Pointing at one of Moses' sins (Exod. 2:12; cf. Acts 7:243), he apparently tries to prevent him from being taken up to heaven. Mnanotvcn is the term used for the assumptions of Enoch and Elijah into heaven, see Gen. 5:24; Wisd. 4:10; Sir. 44:16; 49:14 {A; BS have a form of civ~Y£09at). In these instances, no mention is made of a "body" being taken up {although a bodily assumption is implied), and the explicit mention of aciiJla in the Catena-comment is probably inspired by Jude 94. The Catena uses other traditions on Moses to try to elucidate the passage in Jude 9. The presentation of the devil as an accuser probably agrees with the story in the original ending of As. Mos., because another role for the devil in this context cannot be conceived. But the remaining details provided by this comment {the exact contents of Michael's mission, the nature of the devil's accusation) cannot be used to reconstruct the lost conclusion of As. Mos. These details are probably no more than rationalizations or elucidations of the biblical text of Jude9. In the same Catena, another explanation is given, according to which the devil claimed Moses' body, trying to seduce Michael into accepting that the devil was the "Master of matter" (o ycip liuiPoMI~ civ'tiiXE etAmv cba'rijacn, oo fl!ov to aciiJla clw; ~ ii;I.Tt~ lirox6tovn)S. It is true, as Bauckham notes, that such a claim is appropriately answered by Michael's words on creation quoted above: "For through his Holy Spirit, all of us have been created", and: "God's spirit went forth from his face, and the world came into being." Although the devil's claim on

I Cnmer, Cflle,_, VIII, p. 163; Denis, Ff'fJI'MIIIiJ, pp. 66-67. The SIDle poira is raised in the c:ommeraary on Jude by PS.-Oeaunenius ofTricca (IOihcernury?); see Denis, Fragmellla, p. 67. 2 Sec Foenter and von Rid, "&ajlliAM) lCtA.",pp. 74-76. Cf. especially I En. 40:7; Jub. 48:15-18. 3 On Moses' sins, sec further LoewenstllDm. "The Death of Moses", section A., "Expllllllillll for Mna' Death Outside the Land", pp. 1116-193. 4 Compa the cxep:sis pn:femd by Scverus. quoted below, acconling ID which Mic:hael C8111C ID feldlMnslcs' PJI. ser.ner, c-. VUI, p. 160:30. In m elcvciiiiM:eDiury miiiiiiSCript ofthcle the two venlcns llave t.n lllaJed, 11ee Denis, Fra,_lllll, p. 67; cl Rllnsc:b, "Weltcre llllull'IIIOIICII", p.lt9; in aiChollon quoled by R&lsdl, "Weitcn: IUUSilllliOIICD", pp.l19-ll0, and JIIDCI, 7M Lon Apocryplrll, p. 46, both versions m piiCIId side by llide.

c--.

278


authority over matter could have been answered by the appeal to the divine and spiritual origin of matter, the angel's words in the ending of As. Mos. do not necessarily presuppose "the debate with gnostic dualism"'; see for instance Ps. 104(103):30, and cf. Job 33:4; [sa. 57:16; 2 Mace. 7:28; Col. 1: 16; Heb. 11 :3; Rev. 4:11. Bauckham, who rightly regards another comment in the CateiUJe as a speculative, Christian interpretation of Jude 92, does accept this passage as part of Jude's sourcel. In no way, however, do the Catenae suggest that they derive their explanations from sources other than (Christian) exegetical tradition. An extensive commentary by Severus (t ea. 539) on Jude 9 is also found in the CateiUJe. Severus lists the foUowing interpretations: (I) When someone dies and the spirit is separated from the body, the good angels and a mass of demons fight with each other over the nature of the things deceased has done when alive. Thus, says Severus, it is decided whether one will be led into eternal life or into everlasting fire. The story of the dispute over Moses' body is intended to teach us that there is a struggle over our spirits after their departure from the body, and it makes clear that we should, through good works, prepare ourselves in order to have the (good) angels as our allies4. Severus himself prefers this explanations. (2) Some say that "Moses' body" is Jude's designation of the law itselfli, and that the devil attempted to prevent the law from being given to the people; he would have argued that they were not worthy of receiving it. (3) Others say that by "Moses' body" the Hebrew people is meant; the devil would have tried to prevent the people from leaving Egypt, because they were not worthy of freedom.

I Blllddllm,Jude, p. 75, cf.l..oewalstamm. "The DcalbofMoses", pp. 210.211. 2 llu:ldlml, Jude, p. 72. 3 Baucthml, Jude, p. 74, comedy daiJIIII.el dae commen1S m Jude 9 as "'rrdilicJIII", llut Oil p. 75, be IUddenly c:alb diem ''lcx1s" 11111 "lllllllta". 4 Cf. lhe 1111111ymous coiiiJIIalt pm:ecli111 11111 or Severus in lbe CaletUU, Cnmer, CIIIMIII,VID,p. 161.

5 JCal aMqv Jllv ~V ~V W lfPO~ fXELV liom ml ~ tz6m WVOI\~ •And 1bil inllerplallion 10 be lhe mOll obvious one, and llli1 illhe way Mlllldenllad 11." 6 So Orip~~, I• Juu NtiH l, 3, cd. Jlllben, SC 71, p. 100; cf. cd. Baeluall, GCS 30, p. 290; Bldnm. ibid.. cpe a l i m l l u - by l'nlcopius (t 538).

1HE LOST ENDING

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The second and third explanations are clearly guesses. This casts some doubt on the value of the first explanation as well, since Severus indicates no source for it. It is unlikely that he knew As. Mos., because he presents this "exegesis" as the most obvious o~t is to say, he prefers this explanation on grounds of probability-, and because he does not appeal to any source as his authority. Severus' first explanation, too, must therefore be regarded as no more than a speculative reconstruction of the story underlying Jude 9, and not as a reference to As. Mos. The same explanation is found in Severus' comment on Deut. 34:6, where he adds: tmita lit: [v cixo~ ~t!Wfll Uy£-tm ICEio8at, ~ qoV'tl ~ rEvEOEfiiC;. t'ltot tijfi mCJEOX;. rltv a.1\"rtl
I NL~ Edpa, all. 1673 A. 2 R&l&dl. Dtu 8111:/J tier Jllbil4ell. pp. 271·273; lames. Tlte Lost Apocryp/fll. pp. 4s-46. 3 See James. TM Loll Apocryp/14. p. 11111 cf. sa:tion v~ or die INtoducliOIL 4 Bauddllm,JIIde, pp. 75-76. S So Tu:IIIMM-LnilrDA. p. 593.

so.

280

OOMMENTARY

might make him a godl. It is unlikely that the Palaea in this case represents an old, independent tradition, "based ultimately on the Asswnption proper"2. It is full of specifically Christian terms (e.g. aciv(J)IlaaqvCJllla for "body"; 6 cipxlatpatfryoc; for Michaei3 and 6 avtucri~J.EYOc; for "the devil"; 8£0c; o XplatOc; fu!ciiv ), and the entire story can be explained as an amalgam of traditions about Moses' death4, such as reflected in Jude 9 (on the struggle between good and bad angels), and Josephus, Ant. Jud. IV 326 (on the risk of Moses being deifiedS; on this passage see further below). A similar tradition is found in the midrash Deuteronomy Rabba 11 (207c)6. The dispute between Michael and the devil which must have formed part of the conclusion of As. Mos. was about Moses' body. It can be asswned that Michael was sent to talce the body, but met with the devil, who claimed the body to be his. Probably, the devil appeared in his traditional role as accuser, contesting Michael's rights to the body on account of Moses' sins. The use of the word aOOjJD/corpus strongly suggests that Moses' body was inanimate at the time of the dispute. Perhaps, Michael was sent to bury Moses' body, as in Philo, De vita Mosis D 291; Targwn Jonathan Deut. 34:67; Epiphanius (315-403), Adversus haereses 9, 4, 138; 64, 69, 69; Ps.-OecumeniuslO; cf. LAB 19:16, where God himself is said to have buried Moses. I Greek text in Charles, The Assumption, pp. llix-1, quoted from Vassiliev, Anecdota grDect>-byZQ/IIina, pp. 2!57-2!58.

2 So Charles, The Assumption, p. I. 3 Rohland, Der Enengel Mic/tQd, p. 24: "Ais 'An:hiSirlllegOS' ... war Michael in von:hristlicher Zeit nocb nidi: belaml." 4 Berger, "Oer Streit um die Seele", pp. 13-14, 18, has not proven his claim that the account in the Palou is '1111 ganzen UlSpi'IJn&lichel''lhan the vemon rellecled by Jude 9. 5 Cf. Leqah Tov, quoted by I..oewenstamm, '"The Death of Moses", p. 204. and Origen on Deut. 34:6, see Migne (ed.),"Ex Origene selecla in Oeuteronomium", PG 12, col. 8088: ~ 111\ ~ 'IOv erDv bd 'IOU i.ooU, bca>411erj ~v lf.t't' CXIiuiiv, lva 111\ Ov t-djudv tOlY'ta. tv 8tcllv erpam~ tlll1\0(I)(I\V a..tl.8ovta. 4lb 6/j ~:ai ~ ~ 'IOv •6tov boiiJOEV. Practically the same wonls are found in Migne (ed.),"Origenis selecta in Numcros", PG 12, col. S77B. Cf. Palmer, '"The Literuy Background", p. 434: '"The polytheistic Graeco-Roman tnldilion was liec 10 take the funher s1ep or makiJIIISIIIIIIption !be-. of deification of a new divinity." 6 Zeidin, "The Assumption of Moses", pp. 42-43 (Hebrew text); cf. Wcustein, Novoun Te.tll»>lelllllm. 11, p. 73S; Stracl< and Billerbeck, Kommentar, DJ, pp. 786-787; LoewenS!Imm, "'Ibe Dealh of Moses", pp. 205-206. 1 Well.llein. No•lllft T _ , . , grDecum, 11, p. 735. 8 Ell Hall. GCS 25, I, p. 202; cf. Weusteln, No•~~m TutameiiiiUII gTDecturt, U, p. 735; Oenla, Fragwteii/Q, p. 66. 9 Ed. Holi-Dummer, GCS uuun., 11, p. S 14.

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281

As appears from Gelasius' quotations from As. Mos., the dispute occasioned Michaelto expound some theologoumenaon the creative activity of God. How they relate to the dispute over Moses' body cannot be established.

c. The "Assumption" of Moses Finally, some attention must be paid to the question of how Moses departed from earthly life, that is, how As. Mos. conceived his "assumption". From the title of our text, 'AvciA.1Jijll<;M~or Assumptio Mosis(in the Latin translation of Origen it is called Ascensio Moysi, see above), it has been concluded that the ending of As. Mos. must have described the (bodily) ascension of Moses into heaven while he was still alive, comparable to that of Elijah (2 Ki. 2: 11) or, in a way, to that of Jesus (Acts I :9). There exist Christian traditions according to which Moses did not diel. Thus, Ambrose (t 397) writes: "nemo scit sepulturam ejus usque in hodiemum diem; ut translationem magis, quam interitum intelligas ... quis enim in terrenis reliquias ejus potu it deprehendere, quem secum esse Dei filius in Evangelio demonstravit?"2 (Ambrose refers here to the story of Jesus' Transfiguration on the Mount). The problem this conclusion poses, is the fact that it contradicts the information given in the extant text of As. Mos. Moses clearly speaks of his own death (1:15; 10:14). This apparent contradiction has led to the hypothesis of the merging of the Assumption and the Testamenr of Moses (see the Introduction, section 11). It is now clear, however, especially due to the excellent investigation by G. Lohfink3, that the words civW..lJII'l<; and assumptio, meaning "being taken away", do not necessarily refer to the assumption into heaven of someone who is alive. Enoch and Efijah remain, in this respect, rare exceptions in pre-Christian Jewish literature. The normal usage of JO Cramer, care-.vm. p. 161; Denis. Frag~Mfllll. p. 67. I A1111111pcion ICaiUIIIS occur in bolh Jewish and pagan Jilemure. see l'llmer, "The Llter· ary Bactpuund", pp. 432-434, and Tabor, "'Returning ID the Divinity'", p. 22Sn. (biblio~cal refen:na:s), pp. 230-236. De Cm11 et Abel l, 2, 8, ed. Migne, PL 14, col. 337C, quilled by Sixtus Scnensls, Bl· bliotllet:G sanctG (1566), pp. 436-437. Sixtus mentions as those who llgR!C with Ambmse Hilary or Polders (who adds u proof lhal Moses has not died his appearing u one or the witnesses in Rev. 11), and "temporibus nostris" Ambrose of Compsa llld lolm Arboreus, see abo Bibliorlw:cG SGIICtG, pp. 585-586 3 Die HlitltM/fahn Juq, pp. 61·69. See also Van Slempvoort, ''The Ascension", p. 32.

282

OOMMENTARY

civW..TJ'IIl~

and assumptio refers to somebody's soul being taken away, which is tantamount to his death•. For this pedectJy nonnaJ concept, see also Ps.-Pbocylides 107-108: For we have a body out of earth, and when afterwanls we are molved, again into earth we are but dust: but the air has received our spirit.2

In VAE 43 Seth is ordered by Michael to tell his father that the time of his life is fulfilled, et cum exierit anima ejus de corpore videbis mirabilia magna in celo &c.J (cf. Apoc. Mos. 13:6 ~ol!ivTJ~ lit: 'tii~ 1jiUXij~ cnnoii ,.,tUn.; 8£1iaaa9al rl)v civoliov cMil.; +ojkpciv). A large number of texts reftect the concept of death as the departure of the soul from the body. In these instances, the bereaved may lament the deceased one and bury his body, whereas his soul ascends into heaven. In a number of cases, the ascent is elaborately described, for instance in T. Abr. A 20:10-144 and T. Job 52:8-12. In other instances the ascent of the soul is treated as a natural thing, not needing any particular explanation, see 4 Ezra 14:9, 49 (Syr); 2 Bar. 46:7 (cf. 76:2); esp. Apoc. Mos. 32:4 \aoU ydrp 6 "A&ip 6 cM\p aou ~ijU.V 0.0 toli ac/4ultoc; aWrii. "AvdGm 'ICaL '[& W ~ UUtoli cno~ E~ Uw KOI.'I\OavtU UUuW toli 0-

IIUYrilcnn cxim9. For, behold. your husband Adam has left his body. Rise and see his spirit being carried up to meet his Maker.

In LAB, the dichotomy of soul and body with regard to death is perfectly normal. See, apart from the passage on Enoch (LAB 1:16), the allusions to Moses' ascension in 32:9 (esp. in connection with the silence on this subject in the account of Moses' death in chapter 19), and to that of Deborah in 34:4. One may further compare the story of the apparition of Samuel to Saul in LAB 64:6-7. In this account, Samuel rebukes Saul, saying: Propterea post redditionem anime mee conlurbata sunt ossa mea, ut dicerem tibi mortuus quae audirem vivens. Samuel's I Cf. Lohllnk. Du Himmdfllllrr Ju,., p. 67: "Man son~e vieUeiciU den nrc1 "Himmelfahn des MOles', weil er CalliCbe Assozi•icmen weckt. venneiden und iJm lieber mlt "Tod des Moses' oder •Auf'nmne der Seele des Moses' wiedel")leben." 2 TJaDIIalion in Van der Honl, TM SellleiiCU, p. 191; ICl
11ffi LOST ENDING

283

soul had been given back to God, but is sent back to stir up his bones, so that the dead one may speak. In all these instances, the ascension of the soul to heaven is the same thing as dying'. One may contrast Phineas, who, according to LAB 48:1, did not die when his time had come, but did not go to heaven either. After he had reached the age of 120, he was ordered to live quietly on Mt. Danaben, being taken care of by an eagle of the Lord, until the time the Lord saw fit to send him back to the peoplel.......et postea e/-

evaberis in locum ubi elevati sunt priores tui, et eris ibi quousque memorabor seculi. Et tunc adducam vos, et gustabitis quod est mortis. It may be concluded that whenever Moses was said to have died, the idea of his death was not incompatible with the idea of the assumption of his soul into heaven. Philo, too, speaks of Moses' death in terms of his soul departing from his body. In De vita Mosis ll 288-291, Philo relates how Moses' body and soul were transformed into a "monad" shortly before he was to go to heaven, being called by the Father to leave the mortal life in order to become immortal ("tov 9vTl"tOv altOAUt!ilV piov ; 6 toiJ Nauf\. ml Tbv j.IH' ~. Tbv & bd ..a c5pT) ~ •clo; tOpayyac; "'1lidac; 69......

tKv

.-wl.

Joshua, the son of Nun, saw a double Moses being taken away, one wbo (wan) with the angels, and the other who was deigned worthy to be buried in the ravines. I Cf. Jhe story of Jhe rich man nl..azaNs, Luke 16:19-31, see esp. vs. 22: tytvno & cm 6Rvrz8ilvm croTbv W uiv antl- ~ TIN mAI!ov 'AJ!Ix>diL This pusqe does 1101 menlion a separaJion of body and soul or llpirll. but it i11uJinles lhlllhe CXIIICqll aJUid oa:ur in a nJber naive wrJ. 2 ~ poinl wbicb LAB ICICIIISID make, iJ Jhal ~is no other than Elijah. See Cav... !in, 4/e Ajtu IHtiiA. p. n; cf. Perrot. La Allliquilb U, pp. 209-210. 3 SlrOiflllldJ VI t32, 2, ed. Sdblln-frOcblei,GCS S2 (lS), p. 498; cf. Dalis, FrwpleiiiJJ, p.M.

cboeawiv TiN ""'zov

284

a>MMENTARY

To Philo and Clement, one may compare Origen in his second sennon on the book of Joshua: in libel/o quodam, in quo, licet in canone 11011 habeatur, mysterii tamen hujus figura describitur, refertur quia duo Moyses videbantur: IUIUS vivus in spiritu er alius mortuus in corpore I.

iD a ccnain small book (which, to be sure, is absent from the canon), an image of this mystery is described; it is said tha11wo Moscses were visible: one alive iD the spiril, and the other dead in the body.

A similar concept of a twofold Moses can be found in a letter by Bishop Evodius of Uzala (ea. 360-after 426) to Augustine. Evodius mentions an apocryphal book (it is unclear whether he regards Apocrypha et secreta Moysis as the book's title): in apocryphis et secretis ipsius Moysi, quae scriptura caret auctoritate, tiUIC

cum ll3cendertr in montem ut moreretur, vi corporis efficitur ut aliud esset, quod terrae mtJIIIlmetur, aliud quod ange/o comkanli sociarezur'l.

in the apocrypha and sccrc1s of this Moses. a wriling which lacks authoril)', (il is said, that) in the time when he went up the mounlain 10 die, corporeal force

caused lhal whal had 10 be commincd 10 the eanh was something different from whal had 10 go along with an angel as companion.

A different picture of the end of Moses' terrestrial life is given by Josephus. In Ant. Jud. IV 326, he uses words which do suggest that Moses was taken up to heaven without having died: he was saying goodbye to Joshua and Eleazar, when suddenly a cloud made him disappear---a.cM~v. a word which in itself strongly suggests assumption3. But Josephus adds that Moses was taken into "some ravine" (x:a'tli u~ +dpayy<J9, and that Moses himself had taken the precaution to lay down in the holy writs that he had died, lest one would say that he had been taken up to God (§ 330). This passage shows that Josephus was aware of a tradition according to which Moses had been bodily taken away from earth and transferred to heaven, a view which Josephus himself rejected4 (cf. Ant. Jud. m 96). lfrt Juu NQlle 11,1, cd. Jauben, SC 11, p. 118; d. RllnSdl. "Weile~ Wusualionen", p. 217; Dads, Frt18fJU!rtta, pp. 6~. Ukc Ocmenl, Orip:n uars Moses' dca1h in COIUICCiion wilh the law. He comiiiCIII (ibid.) lhal the law, when read in irs lileral sense, is dead, bullhal lhc la lpiritll/i& is very mudlllivc. 2 Evodius,/rt AM.fJUiirtwn Epittllku 1.58, 6, cd. Ooldbachcr, CSU 44, p. 492. Cf. Dalis, Fl'fiiiiiMIII, p. 6.5,111d Rlfnldl, "Weilcre llluslnllionen", pp. 217-218. 31..obfi1*. Die Hillllnel/lllvr JuM. p. 38; Palmcr, "The Liraary Bac:kpound", p. 432 4 For 111 elllalllvc 1m11111e111 of Ibis and similar passqcs in Joscphus, see Lohlink, Die HilfiiMf/lllln Jua, pp. 61-64; llld Tabor, "'ReiDminllto lhc Divinily'", pp. 226-230. Loc-

(colll.)

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285

In view of the material surveyed above it is reasonable to conclude that As. Mos. considered Moses to have been taken up to heaven. But since the author of As. Mos. makes Moses allude to his own death (1:15; 10:14), an assumption must not in this case be conceived as a bodily assumption (which would imply that Moses did not die at all). If indeed Moses was thought to have been taken up, it is likely that the author of As. Mos. had only the assumption of a spiritual component of Moses' person (something like an ethereal, glorified, spiritual body, or perhaps his spirit or soul) in mind. An assumption of such a spiritual part of someone's person into heaven does not exclude death. All in all, then, As. Mos. is likely to have narrated the end of Moses' terrestrial life as a death followed by the burial of his body by Michael and the ascent of a spiritual part of his person to heaven, possibly accompanied or transferred there by the archangel.

wenswnm, '"The Death or Moses", pp. 197-198, d111ws auention 10 a similar description, including bolh his dislppearmce .md his being buried, in Mcmar Manph V 3.

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND INDICES Editions and Abbreviations

a. Biblical Boolcs (Including Apocrypha) The Hebrew Bible is quoted according to Elliger and Rudolph (eds.), Biblia Hebraica Stllltgartensia ( 1967-1977). The Septuagint is quoted according to Rahlfs (ed.), Septuaginta (1935). The Vu1gate is quoted according to Weber and Fischer (eds.), Biblia sacra (1969). The Greek New Testament is quoted according to Aland et alii (eds.), Novum Testamentum graece (261979). In cases in which the chapter and/or verse number(s) of a Septuagint passage differ(s) from that/those of the corresponding Hebrew passage, the reference to the Hebrew text is followed by a bracketed reference to the Greek text. In cases in which the chapter and/or verse number(s) of a passage of the Latin Vulgate differ(s) from those of the corresponding passage in the Septuagint, and a corresponding Hebrew text is not extant, the reference to the Greek text is followed by a bracketed reference to the Vulgate. The following abbreviations are used.

Bar. 1.2 Ouon. Col. I. 2 Cor. Dan. llM. Ec:cl. Epb. Esdi. Exocl. Ea. Gal. Gen. Hab. Haa. Heb.

Banlch I. 2 Ouonicles Colos:siiiiS I, 2 Corinlhians Daniel Dcuaonomy

Hos. Isa. Jer. Josh.

Judg. 1.2Ki.

Ec:clesi.aes

Llm.

EphcsiiiiS

Lev. I. 2. 3, 4 Mace.

Elda Exodus Ezetid OIIIIYnl Genesis Hlblldtuk Hqpi Heblews

Hosea Isaiah Jen:miah Joshua Judges I, 2 Kings Lamalalions Levilil:us I. 2. 3,4 Maa:abces Maladli

Mal. MaiL

Mlmbew

Mic. Nah. Nch. Nwn.

Mk3l Nahum Nehcmiah Numbers

288

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND INDICES I, 2 Sun. Sir. I, 2 Thess. 1,2Tim.

I, 2 Samuel Jesus Sira I, 2 'lbessalonians I, 2 Tirnolhy

TiL

TiiUS

To b. Wild.

ToiJil WISdom of Solomon

(bd.

Olalab

I, 2 PI:L Pbil. Pr. Azar. Pr. Man. PIOv. Ps. Sol.

I, 2 Pel.er Philippians Pra,.er of Azariah Pra,.er of Manasseh PIOvabs Psllms Psllms of Solomon

Rev. Rom.

Revelllion

Za:IL

Zecbariah

Romans

Zeph.

Zephaniah

Ps.

b. Anonymous and Pseudepigraphic Jewish and Christian Works Closely Related to the Olck Teslllment Apoc.Mos.

2Bu. I En.

Jos. As. Jub.

u.B

Apocalypse of Moses(= VAE in Greek), ed. Nagel, "Vie grecque" 2 Barudl. ed. Declering, • Apocalypse or Buuch" I Enoch. ed. Knibb, The Edliopic Boolt cl EIIDCIII; ed. Black, Apoca/ypsis HeNX:IIi graece Joseph and Asenelh. ed. Philonenko, Josepll er AseMrll Jubilees, ed. VanderKam, 171e Boolt clJubil«s I Ps.-Pbilo, Uber AllliqrdlDlllm Bib/lctulllll, ed. Harrington, la Allliquilh bib/iqlla I

Par. Jer.

l'llnlkipomDIIIJeTOIIioM, eds. Kraft and Purl~ l'llnlkipomua

Sib. Or. T.Abr. T.Job T.(12 Pair.)

SibyDine Orxles, ed. Gell"c:kcn. Die Oracllla Siby/JiNJ T - of Alnham, eel. Sdmidl, Le Tatalr!l!lll grec t1 Abr""Temmcnl or Job, ed. Broct. TeSlllmentlllll Jobi Teslamenls or the Twelve Palriarchs, eds. De Jonge er alii. The Tura- c l the Twelw l'atrilln:lu TeumcraofBenjamin oflssal:bu or.Joseph ofNIIJhlali orReuben orSimeon ofZebulun Vila Adae et EWM:. ed. Meyer, "Vila Adaea Evac"

JomrioM

-T. Ben. -T. lss. -T. Jos. -T. Naphl. -T.Reub.

-T.Sim. -T.Zeb.

VAE

c. Qumran Writings JQS

JQSa IQSb JQH

JQM IQJllfab 4Q390

4QFNib 4QAman

4QTell

Communily Rule. ed. Lohse, Die Tale aru QIIIIII"QII '1111: Rule of the Cungrqadon. eel. Lohle, Die Tale aru QWMIJII '1111: Bleslings, ed. Lobse, Die Tate aru QIIIIII"QII 'IllmtqiYinB Hymns, ed. Lobse, Die Tate _, QWMIIII Wu SaoD, ed. Lohse. Die Tale 11/U Qumr1111 Hablkkuk Commenlary, ed. Lohse, Die Ta:k tllU QIIIMIII l'*eado-Propllecy or M-s. eel. Dimllll (IIDl yet published) Nllua Commaary, ed. Lohse, Die Tme 11/U QumnM Vilions or Amnm. eel. Milik. "4Q Vllionl de •Amram" TellialoiU. eel. Lohse, Die Tt:miiiiS Q -

EDmONS AND ABBREVIATIONS

llQJ'

289

Temple SauU. cd. Yadin, Tire TDtf>~ Scroll JlamaKus Saol1, eel. l..ahse, 0~ Tau 1111S QIIIIVall

CD

d. Other Ancient Writings, Jewish and Christian Joseplws, Alll. Jud.

Flavius Jlllieplals. Allliqllilates Jlldtlie«, cd. 1badluu Joscphus, Bell. Jud. Flavius Joaephus, De BeUoJruiDico, cd.Thackeray, Man:us, W'lkglal 11111 Fcldman. Josepluu PIU! eel. Cob! RI Wonlland, Plrilollis Alai»tdriJJi opera omnia. -Defuga Defuga et ilnlelllio¥ -De protmJJs De pi'IJmliu et poeris -De sacri/il:iis De sat:ri{tciis Abelis et Cailli -{luis rerum diviltarum Quis rerum diviNirum lreru sil -{lrlod dererills Quod deterills potiori insidiari so/eat --{2uod Deus immiUtJbilis Quod Deus imnuutJbilis .ril Arislels

Barn. I ClaD. Did. ad Diop. Hennas. Vu., Mlllld.. Slm.

IJIII. -Magll. -Pol.

Man. Polyc.

Epillle of AriSieas, eel. Pellelier. Letue t1 Aristh Epillle or Bamabas, cd. fwlk and Biblmeyer, 0~ trpOSIOiisclre11 Vdlerl Firsl Epislle or Clement. cd. Funk and Bihlmcyer, Die trpOSIOiisclrell Vclltrl Didal:he, cd. Funk RI Bihlmeyer, Dit trpOSrolischm Vartr I Epi ..e ID DiogneiUS, cd. Funk and Bihlmeyer. ~ llf10SIOiisdlm Vdiu I

Hennas. Vi.riolle.r, MtllldtuiJ, SilfliliiJIIIUtu. cd. Whiaalrer. 0~ oposro

lisdrelt v.-v 1 Episdes of lgnalius. cd. Funk RI Bihlmeyer, Dit trpOSrolischm Vartrl ID lhe Majplesians ID l'olyCIIJI Manyldom orl'oiYCIIJI, cd. Funk and Bihlmcyer, Dit opo.srolisclre11 Volre'l

e. Bibliographical Abbreviations MT

Ap!crifos dd Anliguo TeslalllaiiD

AGJU

Arbeiam zur Geschidlle des arwikal Judcmrms und des Un:hri.sten-

ALGHJ

Arbeitcn zur Utmbll' und Gesdlic:lle des HcllclliSiischal Judenlums

IWDI

APATI·D

Kauzscb, Apol:ryp/rellllllll PMIIiqligraplrelr da Alwt TesltliMIIII 1-D

AI'OTI-0

Olalll:s. ApocrypM lllfd Pst111Mpigrt1plrll ~- 0/dTt.rttJ~~~m~I-D Bid. Debnnler 11111 Rehllql(, G......aA:

BJd.Dellnan:r

BWANr

BeiiJtle zur Wlssenschall vmn Alien und Neuen Teslalllelll

BZNW

Beihefte zur ZNW

CBNTS

Coniecunea biblica. New Teslamall Series

CBQ

Clllllollc Bibllt:trl Qwntrly

CS

1UrD1 et alii. Crllid MICri

290

BIBUOORAPHY AND INDICES ColpiS saipiiJIWD eccJesiMdco'WIIIIIinonlm Emoat ancl 'Jbomas, SyfiiiiU /aline fonleDini et alii, l..ail:tJIIIDiill.r lluillitDIU ~ zur Religion und Literabll' del Alien und Neuen Testa-

IDCIIS

GCS

Die Griec:hlsc:IBI chrisllic:hcn Sc:hrillsleller der mien cbei Jahrllunderu:

GGA

~gtUI!niAIIui~

HAW

Handbucbder~

He~~

HDk1Cic Hofmann-S~ D Hol'mllllt llld Szadyr,I..twillisclle Gf'tlmlllllliJ: D. Ltllcilli.st:lle SyNIU IUid Srilislik

HTR

HIVWITd Theological Review

/El

/mid £zp/twliOIIJOUTIIIJl J011171111ifBibliaJILilcrtlllln J011rii/Jl ifJewislt SIJMiiu

JBL JJS

JQR

Jewish Q-rly Revihl

JSJ

J011rii/Jlfor the Srudy ofJudaism ill rltt Ptrsilu&, Hti~.UStic IW1 Romtm

Liddell nl Sala MS

Ptriod 1011171111/or lire SIUdy if the PstllllqJigrapha 1011171111 o{TIIeologicill SIIIIIUs Launann, Ltlltillische GrtiMJIIIIj/c l.l..tucl1tisdll Ltlw-IUid Fonrte~tldln Lewis llld Shon, A Lolirc Diclklttmy Llcldell, Scou er illu, A Gnd:-Ercglisll LG:icon Monoanph Series

HT

No•- T-tllllm

JSP

nu l..alllllml

Lewisllld Slllrt

NTS

New TutaiiiCIII SIJMiiu

071'1-D

Owlcswonh. Old Tur.unt Pscudqigroplrtll-11 PaiJologiae QIIIUS amlplelus. Series JIUC& PaiJolotliae aanus complelus. Series lllina ~gnopha Veteris Tesllllllenli graece

PG PI..

PVJ'Cl

RB

Rnw Bibliquc

RCAW

Ral-e..:,dapldic der dassischen Allertlunswisstnschaft Sodcly ofBiblic:al LileSiullglrler Bibelsludim Sounles dftliemcs Scplulgbl ancl Coplle SIUdles Sodcly ror New Teaaucna Sludiel SIUdia I'Usl-Billlic:a SIUdicl an 111e Tex~~ of 111e Dacn or Judlb Sapplanera

SBL SBS

se

scs sms SPB mll SUpp

EDmONS AND ABBREVIATIONS SVI1'

Sllldia in Veleris Teslalncnli Pseudepigraplla

TIIGL

.,_.,., ,._ w.,-

TIILL

.,_.,., /UrpM ltJ8NJe

291

Thl2

Tlteo/oriscM LiiDIIIJIT·Zeilwll

ThZ

Tlteo/orbcM Zdtsc/vifl

TU

Telde und Untenuchungen zur Geschic:hle der alll:hrisllichcn Liu:rarur

TWNT

Tlleolotlbclra Wlln~rlluch Z11111 N-11 TesllllfiDU

Vllnllnl!n

Vlllnb:n.lrrtroducrioll au IDtul vw,ain

VT

Va&sTUIGmellllllfl

WMANr

WISIIOIIICIIaftl Monognphim zum Alien und Neuen Tesramera

wtiNl'

WiSIIeiiiChaftlic Untei'SIICIIdlgen zum Neuen Teslamed

ZAW

Zeilschrift jiiT di~ Allr-llllicM Wisseruc/uft

ZDMG

Zdtsclvfi 116 DeMDJ:Iwlt Mortl~lli4NIUclloc Gesdlst:"'*

ZNW ZTIIX

ZdlscltriftfliT dU N~lllUt8flelllliclw Wisr~ruc/uft Zeii:Jcfvi/ljiiT Tlleolotli~ IIJid KircM

ZWT

Zdtsrlvi/1fliT wisuruclu1{tlicM TMolotl~

BffiLIOGRAPHY Abel, F.-M., Lu Uvrt:s des Mo.ccabies, Paris 1949 Adams, J.N., The Vlllgo.r Lo.lin of the l..tnm o{Cimuliw Terentkuuu (P. Mich. VIII, 46772), Manchesrer 1'177 Aland, K.; Black, M.; Martini, C.M.; Metzger, B.M.; Wikgren, A. (eds.), Novum Testamenltllllgro.ece, SIUIIgan 2161979 Altaner, B.; SIUiber, A., Po.trologie. ~n. Schriften ulllll..thre der Kirchenli/Jter, Fteiburg &c. 81978 Arm ~ani. P., ''Cin:oncisi ed inciramcisi", Hen 10 (1988), pp. 5 1-67 Attridge, H.W. "1be Ascension of Moses and lhe Heavenly Jerusalem", in: Nickelsburg (ed.), SIJldies 0111he Testo.me/11 of Moses. pp. 122-125 Badler. W., (ed.), Die eugeJische Termirro/ogie der jiidischen Traditionsliterarw 1-11, Leipzig 1899-1905 Bldm:ns, W., (ed.), Origmes Werke VII, 2 (GCS 30), Leipzig 1921 Baldensperger, W., D~ lfii!Ssianisch-opokalyptischen HojfnMJJgen des Judentums, Suassburg 31903 Balforeus, R., (ed.), ruoatou roii K1.{unwoli L'llvmnur ~.w ~
BffiLIOGRAPHY

293

Boec:ker, H.J., Rtde/OrrMtl da ReclusltbtltS im Alltll TUIDIIII!IIt (WMANT 14), NeukirciJen. Vluyn 1964 Bonsirven, J., EUgtse robbUriqiUI er t!Ugtse ptJII}inUue, Paris 1939 Bouaael. W., Die Rtligio11 des Jude1111U11S im lltlllesiD~MIIIUchell Ztiralter, Bcllin 1903. 21906 Boyarin, D., "Penilt:lllial Ubllgy in 4 Ezra", JSJ 3 (1972). pp. 30-34 Boyce. B., Tile ~1111ge ofrlu! Frttdmetl ill l'elr"OIIiJu" Cena Trimalchionis (Mnemosyne Supplemenbl 117), Leiden 1991 Brandenburger, E.• "Himmelrahn Moses". JiJdische Schrifrell aus helltnisriscll-riimischer kit V/2, GU!ersloh 1976, pp. 57-84 Brock, SP., (ed.), Tulllltlert~Wr~Jobi (PVJ"G 2), Leiden 1967 BOchsel, F.,"~~", 7WNT IV (1942), pp. 745-750 Bolchsel, F.; Henurich, V., "ICp(llfl) nA.", 7WNT Ill (1938), pp. 920-955 Buchwald, W.; Hohlweg, A.; Prinz, 0., Tuscublm-Lnik.tm gritchisclltr IUid /JJitillisclltr AllIOt"ttlde.s AlrerllllltS IUiddes Mitte/alltrs, MUnchcn &c. 31982 Bulllllann, R, "ICIIUlciqlm nA. ", 7WNT Ill (1938), pp. 646-6S4 Bun:hard, C., "Ein vDiilklfiger griechischer Te11 von Joseph und Asenelh", Di~lhtimer 8/illrer ZIIIIIAlletl Ttslllltlellt 14 (1979), pp. 2-53 - - "Vet~Jessenm&al zum vorlluligen Texl von Joseph und Asenelh", OielheitUr Bl4tttr Z11111Alle11 Ttslllltlelll 16 (1982), pp. 37-39 Bulltirt. F.C .• "Moses, Assumption of', in: J. Hastings (ed.). A OicrioruJry of rile BibiL. Oeolit~g with liS ~llllgt. UltraiJUt,IJIId COIIIetiiS, IIICiudillg lht Biblical Tlltology ID, Edinburgh 1900, pp. 448-450 Calme1, A.• "Disserwion sur la mort. et la !M!pulrurc de Moyse", in: idem, COIIIIIII!IItairt lirrlral sw IOIU ILs Uvres de A~~eitrz er till No..vtllM Ttstom.tlll VIII. Paris 1726. pp. 753-755; repr. or the Latin uanslalion in Migne (ed.), ScripiJUOt Mt:rat CllTSIIS comple-

r

DU7 Camponovo. 0., KiHtigtlllfl. KDIIigsherrscllafr ruuJ Rticll Gorres Ill dell fruhjiidischtrz Sclari/UII (Orbis biblicus e1 orientalis 58), Freibur&'QOitingen 1984 Clppelli, A, Dlziottariodi abbrniaDirt llllille ell iiiJJiiiM IIStllt N:lk ~ t codiJ:i spec~ del Mtdio-E.vo, Milano 61929 Callaon, D. C.• "Vengeance and Angelic Mediation in TeSiamem or Moses 9 and 10", JBL 101 (1982), pp. 85-98 ClriR, A., "NO!e sur le Touo de I'Assompri011 de Moist", RtVIUI de Tftlologit 6 (1868), pp. 94-96 Cavallin, H.C.C., Lift ~r Otalh.l'lllll's ArgWMIItfor lht RtSIITTectiOII of the OtiJil ;,. I CtN 15.1'an I. All Ettquiry bUo lht Jewish Backgrolllld(CB NTS 7:1),l.uld 1974 Ccrlani, AM.. Mo,_IIIIJ ltiCTQ tl pro{0110 a codiciblls praumim Bibliorlu!cat Ambrosiallilrllllll V,Milano 1861,1868 Chartcs, R.H., Tilt Assurprioft of Most!. TrQJIS/JJiedfrom the Lati11 Sbrth CtlltiU)I MS., the UMJMIIIIed TDI of W-'it:h u l'llblulwl HtMt!iiJt, Togetlur with the TDIIII it.J Rtnortd tllld Critit:aJJy l!.lrteltdtd Form, London I fiT1 (ed.), Tilt Apocrypha tllld l'selldtplgraplla of the Old TtsiiiiMIII ill Er1811siL With lntm- · dtlt:rioru tlltd E;qllillltuory NOIIU 10 lht Seoeral Boo/a 1-U, Oxford 1913 '"lbe "--Jdon of Males", in: idem, APOTU, pp. 407-424 Olaltcawonh. J.H., (ed.), Tile Old Ta111111e111 l'ulldtpigrt1pha 1-11, Loadon 1983-1985 - T i l t Old TuiiUMIIII'Mtdtpigraplla tllld rlu! Ntw TUI8UIII.I'rokgotM111Jfor the Sllllly o{Chrislilul Orlfilu (SNT MS 54). Cambridge Cb:. 1985 Clart, K. W., "Wonbip In the Jerusalem Temple after A.D. 70", NTS 6 (1969/1960), pp.

269-280 0emea, C., "Die HlmmclfalutMOICS", in: Kaulzaeh (ed.),APATII, pp. 311-331 ---D/4 H;..v/ftllvt du Mt»t (Kielne Tex&e ftlr lhl:oloJiache Vorlesun&eJ~ Ulld 10), Bom 1904

Obunaen

294

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND INDICES

--"Die Entslehungszcil der Himmelfahn des Mose", in: Hllltlkrr Jalare A. M arcus IUid E. Webers Verlog 1818-1918, Bom 1919 Oericus, J., (ed.), Duiderii ErtJSmi Rorerodomi opera omnia VI, Lciden I70S Cocus, R., CeiiSIU"a qlltmllldam scnptorllnl, quae sub 110minibus s1211Ctorllnl & vererum IIUCIOrum cilari sokfll &c., Helmstedt, 21655 Cohn, L.; Wendlllld, P.; Reiter, S., (eds.), P/Ulonls Alu4ndrinl opera quae supersllllli-VI, Berlin 1896-1915 Colani, T., "L' Assomption de Mol'se", Revlll! de Thlologie 6 ( 1868), pp. 65-94 Collins, A.Y., "Composition llld Redaclion of lhe Teswnent or Moses 10", KTR 69 (1976), pp. 179-186 Collins, J.J., "'lbe Date llld Provenance or the Testament or Moses", in: Nickelsburg (ed.), Srudieson rile Tur-lllo{Mosu, pp. 15-32 - - "Some Remaining Tmlitio-Historical Problems in the Testament of Moses", in: Nickelsbu'l! (ed.), SDIIIUs on IN Tes/JJI/Iefll ofMoses, pp. 38-43 --Apocalypse. The Morphology ofa Genre (Semeia 14), sl. 1979 --''The Testament (Assumption) of Moses", in: M. de Jonge (cd.), OUlSitk rM Old TuraIMfll (Cambridge Commentaries on Writings or the Jewish llld Ouistian World 200 BC to AD 200, 4), Cambridge 1985, pp. 145-158 CoUura. P. Sllldi paleograjici. La precarolilfa e liJ carolma a BobbW (Fontes Ambrosiani 22), Milano 1943 Co~. E., Los discursos de adUH des Gn 49 a Jn I 3-17. Puras para Jo historra de IUI gluro lilerario M Jo IJNjpa jull/IJ. Jlaroelone, 1976 Cramer, J.A., (ed.), Calelltll! GraecoriUII Pa1rwn in Novwn Tes/JJI/Ielllllm. Vlll. In Eputolos Clllholicas er apocalypsin. Oafonl 1844 Crouzcl, H.; Simonelli, M., (eds.), Origlu. Traili de.r Principu JIJ (SC 268), Paris 1980 Dalman, G., Arbeil IUid Sille in PaJJJstina V. Webswff, Spinun, Weben, K/eilbuag (Schriften des deutschen Pallstina-lnstiwts 8), Giitersloh 1937 Daubc, D., The Srulde11 in IN Scripruns, Lciden 1964 Davics, W.D.. "A Note on Josephus, Antiquities 15:136", KTR 41 (1954), pp. 135-140 Dedering, S., (ed.), "Apocalypse or Baruch" (The Old Tes~<~~Mfll in Syriac According 10 IN Pu/UJIIl Versiolt IV, 3), Leiclen 1973, pp. i-SO Deissmlm, A., Uchl Wlm Osren. Das Nelll! Tesi
295

BffiUOGRAPHY

Mt.rJiah. A Critical History of tM Musiattic ldu Ammtg IM IMRiseofiMMaccllMu to !M C/osillgofiM Talnwd, London 1877 Dnlsius, J .• AIIIIDttlliDMJ ill toNm Juu Chrisn TutotnelllJIIII, in: Pearson a alii (cds.), CS 31698 Dupcxa-Sommcr. A., ~~pn,,.. pri/UniiiDiru JW' tu lfiQIUIJcrilJ de la Mu M~ (I'Orient ... cien illustn! 4 ), Paris 1950 DuUipon. F.P., Vu/giJIIM! &JiliotW biblionlm JDCTOnlllf COIICordaNille, Paris 1838 Eitmn, "Hermes", RCAW VIU (1913), cols. 738-792 EUiger, K., Stlldi~n z11111 HabaiaU;-Komtrumzar """' Tot~ Mur (Beitrlge zur hislorischen Tbeologie 15), TObingen 1953 Elligcr, K.; Rudolpb, W., (eds.), C':l'ln::ll C'll':ll i1,1n. Biblia H~braica Sa.agt1fraphiU V~uru Te.rta~NIIli col~ciiU, caJiilftUU.<.IUiimolliisq.e, c~MIIris ez ~rsionibus 11/JuzrtmJS I-ll, Homburg 21122- I 723 Fayc, E. de, Us apocalypsu Jui•u. &sai de crililllll! Jitllraire et thlologique. Paris 1892 Ferrar, W.J., Tu AssumpRDII of Moses (Translations of Early DocumenlS I), London/New YOII< 21918 Fischer, B., N~ cON:or~ blblior11111 sacrtNIIIII ilula Vldgazam •ersionem crilice edi,..1-V, Sluapn/Bad Camsud!1971 --"Limitations of Latin in Representing Grcelr.", in: B.M. Meuger, TM EArly Versio
DNmmond, J.,

Jnt~J/roM

r

gtUtle~~~~e,

!'Iris 1986

Fricdllnder, L, PelTOIIii Cetta TrimalchioniJ mir deiiSKhu Obers~lzJUig IUJd ukl4rellden AllllfUtzlltgm, Leipzig 21906 FriiZ&Cbe, O.F., (ed.). Ubri apocryphi Vtttris TtJIIImellli Gruce. Accedluu libri Veteris T~psadLpigrophiJd«ti,Leipzig 1871 Funlr., F.X.; Biblmeyer. L., (cds.), D~ apostoliJcMII Vdttr 1: Dillacu, Bantabas. KietMIIJ I IUid /1,/grt/llUu, Polykllrp, PapiJu, Quadranu, DiogMtbrit/(Sammlung -gewlhber Kin:hm-lnl J)ogmenal:schiccherQuellenschriften 11,1, 1), 'J'ttingm 21956. 3)970 Furrer, K., "Du Won Taxo in clcr Himmelfahrt Moses", JaJvb/Jcur filr pr01utallliscu TMologie I (1875), p. 368 o.atmya, G.,lh 'liM n - MMb laJri zru. !'Iris 1628-1629
296

BIBUOGRAPHY AND INDICES

Olnudo, C.• LIJ II>VIIIIrllldul'tlrilll2lltJpngi!Wa evcarl.rlica. Sagfiosu//a gtnui lnt6ari4 di IUIIJjomta. T&M w-ll»riii, l:htllul giMdaica, ~ crtrlioNJ (Analeaa Biblica 92),Rome 1981 Goelz. G., Corpru GloutuiDnim liuUiorJim I· VII, Leipzig/Berlin 1888-1923 Goldbacher, A., (ed.), S. Arutli Augrulilli Hippollierrsis tpiscopl EpisiUJoe Ill (CSEL 44), V"~1904

Goldstein, J.A., ''Tbc Tellllllem of Moses: liS Conb:nt, iiS Origin, and iiS Al!eSfalion in Jose. pilus", in: Nic:tclsburl (ed.), Sllldiu 011 TesiDmellt ~Mosu, pp. 44-52 Goodenough, £ W., By Uglu, Uglu. The Mystic Gosptl rf Helkllistic IudDism. New Haven

w

1935 GIIJidsent C.IL; Moll. F. de B.,llllrodw:ci611 tJlllllln vulgar, Madrid 1928 Gnusem, J.-P., "Pislnus, Alpbonse", Dicrimulaire 12 ThloiDgie Ctllholiqw XII, Paris 1933, c:ols. 2127-2128 Grimm, C.L. W., Das BMCia 12r Weisheit (Kurzgefassles excgetisches Handbuch zu den Apokrypben des Ahcn TeslaiiiCIIIS VI), Leiprzigl860 Grolius, H., AIIIIDIIIlionu in Novum Te.tliiiMIIIum (1641-1650), in: Pearson et alii (cda.), csl, VI Grundmann, W., "li-ya86!; !Cd.", TWNT I (1933), pp. 10-18 Haadtcr, K., "ASIUIIIplio Mosis- einc samaritanisdle Schrift?", ThZ 25 (1969), pp. 385«15 Hald<er, K.; Sc:hifcr, P., "Nachbiblische Tradilioncn vom Tod des Mose", in: 0. Bett; K. Haadtcr; M. Hengel, (cda.), Jostp!ws.Snulie11. Ullltrsuc/lungell zu Joseplous, dem dll· dUll Jut2flllllrl Ulld dem Neu11 Ttstamelll, 0/ID Michel zum 70. Geblu"Uiag gewidmet, GciUingen 1974,pp. 147-174 Huse, F., (ed.), L. AIIIIMi SelltCIU opera qiiiU supersiUillll, Leipzigl878, pp. 474-479 Hafemann, SJ., "Moses in lhe Apoaypha and Pseudepigrapha: A Survey", JSP 7 (1990), pp. 79-104 Hllbn, F., CllrlsroiDgist:lre Hoheitstitel. Jive Gucltichte im.{riiMt1 Cllrlsteflllllrl (fRLANT 83), Gcll1ingaJ 1963, 31966 Hall. R.G., "Episplsm and lhe Daling of Ancient Jewish Writings",JSP 2 (1988), pp. 71-86 Harrin&IIJII, DJ.; Cazeaux, J.; Perrol, C.; Bogaert, P.-M., Psellllo-Philot1. Lu Allliqllitls bib/Jqlw. 1./IIITOdMI:tiott et tau criliquu. 11./lllr"OdMctimt /inirain, commeiiiDire et itl-

du (SC 229-230), Paris 1976 Harrington, D.J., "lnlcrpmlng Israel's History: The Testament of Moses as a Rewrilinl of Deut 31-34, in: Nic:tclsburg (ed.), Studies 011 TuttiiMIII ~Mosu, pp. 59-68

w

- - "Summary: Gllnlher Reese, 'Die GeschichiSdamc:Uung der sog. Assumplio Mosis (AuMos 2-10)"', in: Nic:telsburg (ed.), Sllldiu 011 w Testamellt ~Mosu, pp. 69-70 Haran111, L., Proplrecy llllctprewl. The F~ ~S~JewishApoctJlyplic Tem aNI qf 1/reEst:ldologictJl DisCD~~neMarlt: IJ Par., Uppsala 1966 -'"Jbc Flmclion of Some So-Called Apocalyplic Timetables", NTS 22 (1976), pp. 1-14 Harvey, J., Le pltlldoycr prophbique ~ lsrt/AI aprts /IJ rt~ptwe 12 f aJiiDN:e. Elude IF llllll forrnu/e lillbainl2 fAtlclet1 Tutamelll, BN~ 1967 lflll:b, E.; Redpllh, H.A., A C0111:0Tdtmt:ero the SeptWigilll aNI w Otlier Greek Vmiorrs of W Old Testamellt (IIICIIIdifll W Apocryphol Books) 1-11, Supplement, Oxford 18971906 Hlllld<, F.; Sdmlz, "11ILLpvq !Cd.", TWNT VI (1959), pp. S19-S9S HIII!Jl, "Bemefkuntlen zu dereditio princeps der Himmdflhn des Moses", ZWT 10 (1867),

p.448 Hallllllb, A., Naztslilllltlllliehe Zeilguclticlue IV, HeidelbeiJ 21877 Haalciler, J., "Die laldDiac:be Apoblypse der allat afrikanisc:ben Kin:he", In: Hauasleiter, 1.,111111 Zlbn, 1b., Forsc~uut~en.,.,. Gachlclue t2s M~Uts-.ulichefl Kt»tttU Ulld der ~~JV.EIImJIIrn'Ldpzlg 189I,J1P.I-224

BmUOGRAPHY

2fT/

Healer, H., A Sqmulgilll TtYIIISIIuiolt T~ ill die Bool: I(Job (CBQ MS 11), Wmng10111982 Heiclcnbdm, M., -Beilll&e zum beslem Ventlndniss der 'Alcensio Moysis-. VieruljtlllrKitri/tjllr IUIIIScA· UNl engli.rcll-rlleologische Forscluul& UNl Kridl:4 (1871). pp. 63-

102 Hcngel, M., Die Zel«e11. Unrm.cluutge11...,. jildi.rche11 Fre/M~g1111g ill ur ZeilYOII Herodu I. bis 70 11. Cllr. (AOJU 1), Lciden 1976 IIIM11, Grleche11 UNl BllrlNJre11. Aspetle ur Htllellisierllllg us JIIM,_ i11 von:llristbcller Zeit (SBS 76). Sluapn 1976 -Tile "He/JaiZIJiion" I(Jlldtlealll !M Firn CellliUy
u

1920 liiiiiCII. E., Dtl.r GOIIt!SVOIIc 111111 sew Gat:llicllle. Gucllicllubild 111111 Selb.srverSIIJNbri.r illl pa/4stilwltsildwl Sc/v(tlllm - Je:nu Siraclt bi.r Jelu:la lui-Nasi, Neutin:hen- Vluyn

1971

JMIIUW, M~ A Dl&riotulry I( doe Targumim, die TtJ/mutl Bllbli 111111 YenulltJbrt/, IJIId die Midnlslrl& 1.iwr1111n 1-D, New York 1886-1903 J..art, A., Llllllllillll tl allitDrct! illalls k }lula1strw Ilia oborG • r In cllrhiil~t~~e (Palrislica SoltJonmlla 6), Paris 1963 Jaubcrt, A., (cd.), Orlgitte. HOIM/Ja sur 101111 (SC 71),1'1ril 1970

298

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Jenmiu, J., "Mflnx7ik", 7WNT IV (1942), pp. 852-878 "'H(d~". 1WNT 11 (1935). pp. 934-935 kRmiu, J., T/JeopiiiM/e. Di4 Gut:llii:Jru ~iwer alltuVJIMNiicltell Gi1ltiUtg (WMANT 10). Nculdn:bcn-Vluyn 1965 Jo:lcher, C.O.. AUre-iMS~klrmii-Lexicoll J.fV, Leipzig 1750-1751 Johnson, N.B., Prayer ill the ApocryphiJ tlllll Ps~lldepigrt~phiJ. A Sllldy of the Jewish COliapt ofGod (IBL MS 2). Phillldelphia 1948 .Jonsc, M. de; with Hollander. H. W.; longe, HJ. de; Koneweg, 1b, (eds.). Tire TesliiiMrtl.f of the Twelve PatriDrclas(PVTO 1, 2), Leiden 1978 Juynboll, T.GJ., (cd.). CllronU:o11 SamaritalllUII, tuabic~ co11.1cripllUII, clli lilll/ar ar ~r JOIIIM, Leidat 1848 Klmllh. E., Di~ Foma der k.aiDJogiscltell Ptrrdlles~ im Nau11 T~s-... (WUNT 7), Tllbingen

1964 KauasdJ, E., (ed.),

Di~ ApokrypMII IUid Ps~ll/kpigrapll~ll do A/1~11 T~SIIIIMIIIS 1-11, Leiplig 1900 KelleJmann. U., "Das Denielbuch und die Mllnyn:nheologie det Aufersldlung", in: VIII Henten (ed.), Dk Eru.rreluutg, pp. SO.75 Kem. 0. Orp/licon6n FraptDIIIJ. Berlin 1922 Kiltel, G.; Friedrich, G., Tlteologiscll~s Wr)n~rbucll ZIUII NtUII T~stame111 1-X, Stungan 1933-1979 KIIUIIICr, J., Jesus of Ntwlnlh. His Li/~. Times. and Teochillg (uans. from lhe Hebrew by H. Danby), London 1928 Tile Messiolrlc Ideo illlsrul. From iU B~gilllling ro the Compl~rion of the Mislwlh (InnS. from lhc Hebrew by W.F. Stinespring), New York. 1955 Klein, R. W., "'lbc Telll of Deu1emnomy Employed in lhe Tcslamenl of Moses", in: Nickelsburg (ed.), Slrldies 011 the TesllltMm of Mos~s. p. 78 Kleinknechl, H. ~~ Q/ii, "6pr!j nA. ", 1WNT V (19.54), pp. 382-448 Knibb, M.A., (in cxmsullalion with UUendorff, E.), Tll~ E.rlliopic Boot of EIIOCII. A New Edilioll ill tlte Ugllroftlte Aramaic DeiiiJSeo FrogrMIIIS 1-U, Oxford 1978 Knllll, P., (ed.), StiiiCri Aur~U Augusrilli COII[essim11111t Ubri rr~decim (CSEL 33, I, 1), Vienna 18911 Knowlcs, M.P., "Moses, !he Law, and lhe Unity of 4 Ezra", NT31 (1989), pp. 257-274 Koeller. C.R., Tile ~>M/ling o{God. Tile TI1Mr110Cit ill tlte Old TesliiiMN,IIIItrtesliiiMttral Jewisll Ulerann. tlllll tilt New TesllltMnt (CBQ MS 22), Wullington 1989 Koffmabn, E., Dk DopptiMrA:Iu!MII ous der WiisU JwltJ. Rtciii/Uid Prozis der jildi.rclltll Papyri des J. IUid 2. Jolvii/Uideru "· Chr. slllrll OIH:rrrogung der Tau ulld delllSclltr Obenttzllllll CSTDJ 5), Leiden 1968 Kolcnkow, AB., '"Jbe A.aumption of Moses u a Te.stamenl", in: Nk:kelsbufJ (ed.). OlltM TesUIIMIIIO/Moses, pp. 71-77 '"lbe
SIJidi•.•

1866 l..apenlluaz. E.-.M., "Le TCIIIIIIenl de Morse ~ appell! 'A&somplion de Morse'). Tndul:lion ~Nee inlnlduaion et IIDICI", ~a 19 (1970)

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299

'Teswnem de Molse", in: A. Dupon1-Sommer. M. l'tlilonenko (eds.),l...tJ Bible. Ecria Paris 1987. pp. 993-1016 Lapide, C.C. a. lr1 l'e-11&/uun Mosis CommeNaTitJ (eJJilio llllima, OMCta & recogrrita), Paris 1626; also in A. Cnmpon (ed.), Commer~taria ;,. Scriprruam Sacram R.P. CorneUi a Lapide ... editio IIOWIII, Paris 1877 -/11 Epislllklm S. Judoe Commen.tarium, repr. in Migne (ed.), ScripliUae IIIICrae CIUSIU compkw :zs. Paris 1840 Laney, C.C., '"'be Messianic Expectation in 'The Assumption of Moses'", CBQ 4 (1942). pp. 9-21 -"Vicarious SoUdarity in die Old Testament", VT I (19SI), pp. 267-274 Lcbram, J.C.H., review ofVon Nordheim, Die Lehre tier Altelll, in: Bibliolheca OTieiUalis 38 (1981), cols. 413-416 I..echner-Schmidt, W., Worrllldu tier ~irliscll erhaltener~ l'selllkpigraphen '""'Alien Testomt:llt (Texte und Albeilal zum ncu~esaamenllichen Zeilalrer 3), TObingen 1990 Lcuuumn, M.,l...tJu/Jtlsche GrlllrUfllllik I. Lllleirrische l...tJul-IUid Fomu!nkhre (HAW 11, 2, 1), Mllndlen 1977 l..cwis, C.T.; Short, C., A LDiin Dicrior~ary. Oxford 1879 Licht, J., 'Taxo, or die Apocalyptic Doctrine ofVengeance",JJS 12 (1961), pp. 9S-103 LiddeU, H.O.; Scon, R.: Snwt Jones. H.; McKenzie, R., A Grt!d:-Englisll LaicOfl, Ollford 91940 Upiilslti, E.,l...tJ liDirgie pblilen&Ue daM la bible (l.eclio divina S2), Paris 1969 Loeschcke, 0.; Heinemann, M., (eds.). Gelasias. Kirchengeschiclate (OCS 28), Berlin 1918 Loewenstamm, S.E., '"'be Death of Moses", in: G.W.E. Nickelsburg, Suulies in the Testa_,., ofAbralaam, pp. IBS-217 (rev. uans. of die author's article in Tarbiz 27 [1958], pp. 142-157) ''Tbe Teslmlem of Alnham and die TeKIS Concerning Moses' Death", in: Nickelsburg (eel.), Snuliu Ill/he TesllliMm of Abralaam, pp. 219-22S Ulfstedt, E., l'lailologischer Kommerlltlr ZIU l'eregrilllllio Aerheriae. Unzers~~&llruoger~ ZIV Gesclaicllte der ~iNKhen Sprache, Uppsala 1911 Sy/Uaerica. Snulielt IUid Bdtrllge '"' laisrorischen SytiiiU des LtJuills (2.J1, Lund 19331942 Lohlink, G .. Die Himme/fahrt lull. Unztnll&~n Zll der1 Hilrlme4/ahrrs-IU!d ErlriJiulllgstau" bd UWJ.! (Sllldien zwn Alten und Neuen Teslllllelll 26), MOnchen 1971 Lohse, E., Die Tezu OilS Qumr011 Hebrlliscll und De.acll. Mit masot"edsclau I'II/IJ:nl.ation, Obenetzllllg, Eill/fllvrulg IUid Alllllerbu!gen, Danns&adl21971 l..anan, A.D., ''Quaestiones Paulinae. 3e SIUIL Venolg van het ecnre hoofclstl*. behelzende: De llilwendige bewlpen WXJr en tegen de ecllrheid VQII den Brief QQII de Galarilrs", 1'1leolorlscll Ti}dlchrift 16 (1882), pp. 452-487 l..owe, E.A., Codil:a IGdlli ~- A l'aleograpllical GuitU ro LildJI /lfQIIIUCripl81'rlor ro dre Nllllla Cet~~~~ry 01, OKford 1938 -l'alaeograplaictll'apvs/9(17-19671-ll (ed. L Bieler). Oxfonll972 Luclus, P.E., Du E.swrismiiS Ill sdMIIt YerMJJJU.rs z11111J~ Slnlsbourg 1881 Luetcn, W., Mica/. Elw Dantelbutf llnd Vergldclallng der }lldisdle111Uld der IIIDrfenlilltdiscll-dvisdM:hen 1'rcrdllioll 110111 Erzengel Mlcllae/, CllMlinFn 1898 Madvig, J.N., NherMUia crltlca ad scripiDf'u lallllos 11, Copcnhasen 1873 Malherbe, A.J., Moral EJtltonaJitHL A Greco-R- SoiUr:dlook (Library of Early Olrislianlty 4), Philldclpbia 1986 Mal-. T.W.• MMIIcelllla apoc:alypdca",JTIIS 46(1945). pp. 41-4.5 Man:us, R., Quenlolu 111111 Nuwerl CM EzodiU TrOIISilltedfrom /he AncieN An~~elliall Verlioll of tltt Orlg/NII Grnk (Philo in Tell Volumes llld Two Supplemcd Volumes, Supp. ll).l...ondorVCimbrd8C (Mall.) 19S3 Man:, F.• Corp~~~ ~ lalt-1. A. Contelii Celsi q,_ SII/Nftlllll, Leipligl915 MIIIICIIbefllcr, A.,l'olybiiii-Lexikolll, Lid. 1-4, Berlin 19.56-1975 -

/~~~enestomt:/Uaires (Bibl~ de la ~ade),

300

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Mccb, W.A., TM Proplw-King. Mos~s Traditions aNl th~ Johmonirrt! Cllrisrology (SuppNT 14), Leiden 1967 Meyer, R., "Die Bedeutung von DeUICronOmiwn 32, 8 r. 43 (4 Q) fur die Auslegung des Moseliedes, in: A. Kusdtl<e (ed.), V~rbaiuuurg lllld HeimA:ehr. Wi/Jrelm RIUiolpll zum. 70. GebJUUiag, T6blngen 1961, pp. 197-209 Meyer, W., "Vita Adae et EYIC. Herausgegeben und etlclln," in: Ab/1. der pllil.-pllilol. Classe der kl!nigl. bayer. llk4dernit der Wismuch. XIV, 3, Milnchen 1878, pp. 185-2SO Migne, J.-P., (ed.), 'llplltwuc; to t\lpo.aa\ti tv ckylw; llOtpbc; !IJUiiv 'AIIava 'A~IIll; ta a111C011£Ya lllivta. Didymi A/eJCQIIdrini opera omnia (PG 39), Paris 1863 4loltlou, aa-rpuipxou K~~MJtavnvouii6Aealc;. m Eilpl.aa\ti 8mt61rou. .r.dpa ~ m1 .wnf110vm 1lla¥1VIJIGna• -" 111v ~ m1 t1:1 • lltJmAh»vl, Leipzi1 11n Naalllam, E ~Die Ltdire der A/ten I. 04r TUIIIIrlellltds lileraiiUifllllltll imlllllelllurn der .V/Ielli.rdscll-r6llll.rt'llenZdr(ALGIU 13), I..eiden 1980 Oef*e, A., "jjeo{l1JIO, pa11tnlao", TWNT JV (1942). pp. 602-62!1

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Oost, R., '7UII& lmpl~butllllr MIJIIMS Nlllllii". E~rt Olllknod: M1U A.ssumptio Mosb, sp«illtJI ctlplll/0 (~q~~~blishecl M.A.-Ihesis), Groningen 1969 Orban, A.P., Lu dinomilll>liorts dM moruk chez l~s premiers QUieurs c/Wd~M (Graeciras OlliSii.IIJOflml Primaeva 4), Nijmep 1970 Palmer, D.W., "The Uleruy Background or Acts I: I· 14", NTS 33 (1987), pp. 427-438 l'lmcli, A.,lrrmuario CUIIIi dd IPIIlNJICrilli tklliJ Biblioteca Ambmrialla (FonleS Ambrosillli SO), Tn:ZZIIIO 1973 Peanon. J., aalti(eds.), Crilici !II1Crl, Amslenlamltltre 3J698 Pellelier, A., (eel.), Leur~ tiArurl~ d PhiliJcrat~. lnzrodlu:liort, rar~ cririq.u, rradw:rio11 er -u. illdc compler des moa gr~cs (SC 89), Paris 1962 Pclenon, E., "livr9:rvia&nU~;". TWNT I (1933), pp. 359-360 Pcyron, A., (eel.), M. Tldli Cic~rOIIis Oralio1111111 pro Scauro, pro Tldlio, ~~ill Clodiumfragmelllll iMdittl; pro Clwrtrio, pro Cadit>, pro Ca«illa ~re. wariDND lecriolles; Orariollml pro TA. Milotle 01 locluW ruliliUam. b rumbrdllis ptllimpsuris Bibliorh«M R. Tauri· MrtSU AIMIIIW edidJr a cum AMbrosiiJJiis ptJriJim ortUionzlm frllfliMIIIis comptJSWI...• Stullpll and 1'IJbin&en 1824 Philonenko, M., Joseph ~~ AStlwrh.IIIITodlu:rioll,rur~ criliqlle, rradw:riolltl 1101es (SPB 13), Leiclm 1968 Priest, 1., 'Teslllllenl or Moses (Fin;l Cenwry A.D.). A New Translation and lruroduclion", in: Owleswonh (eel.), OTP I (1983), pp. 919-934 Purvis, J.D., "5amariWI T!aclilions on lhe Dealh or Moses", in: Nickelsburg (eel.), Srudi~• 011 IM T~•-nzo{Mosu, pp. 93-117 Quandt, G., (eel.), Orpltei Hyllllli, Berlin 1962 Quell, G.; Killd, G.; Bullmann, R., "cU1l8dll nl..", 7WNT I (1933), pp. 233·251. Rid. G. VIlli, DtJs S. Bucll Mose. Deuui'OIIOIIIium (Das Alle Teswnera Deu1Sd18), Gallinp 1964 W~islldl illlsTM/, Neukin:hen 21980 Rlhlfs, A., Sep~~~t~giNII, id Ul V~IIU Tulilmelllllln gra«~ ii&UII LXX inzerpr~ru, Slungan

193S RlinoJiils, J., Censwa librorwrr ti(JOCryphonlm V<WU Tmamellli fllhm11111 POIIIijicio.r &c.,

Oxrord 1611 Rajak, T., Joseplurs. Tile HlsroriaiiiJIId His Sociery, London 1983 Reese, G., Die Gucllicllre lsr<~~ls ill tkr .411/fa.ullllg des /rllhell lude11111111.S. EiM

Ulll~r­

IMCIIrutg der Tiervisloll Mild du Zehrrwocll~lltlpoA:alyps~ tks /Jrhl.opisch~ll H~IIOchbMcllu, der G~schl.cllrsdarswUMrtg tl~r AssMmplio Mosis ruttl der tl~• 4 Emlblu:lta (Wiplblishcd doc1oraJ lhesis), Heidelberg 1967 Renov, 1., ''The Seal or Moses",IEJ S (19SS), pp. 262-267; repr. in J. GllllllaM (eel.), The SyllfiiOg~U, New Yort 197S, pp. 233-239 Reu.ss, E.[W.E.), Die Gucllicllre der Hdlipn S~11 tks .4/r~rt T~IIIIIIJellll, Bnunsdlweig 1881 (21890) Revendow, H. Onr, Gebel;, Alle11 T u - . Sluttgan 1986 Reynoldl, LD.; W'lllon, N.G., Scribu IJIId Scholan . .4 Grdde ro rite TrtJIUIIIis.rion of Greek

IJJitl Lallll Ulerrlllln, 0Kfon131991 Rboacll, D.M., ''The Assumplion or Moses and Jewish History: 4 B.C.-A.D. 48, in: NlctclsbuiJ (eel.), SswJia 011 rite TUIDIMIIl ofMOIU, pp. S3-S8 Rlclsler, P.,.4kjillll.rcllu Sa\rfiDim arwerlullb tkr Bibel, 'l'llbingcn 1928 Robllnd, J.P., Der EfWIId Mlt:I!MI, Arzl ruttl F~ldlte". Zwa A.speku des vor- ruttl/rflllbyllllllillllt*ll MlclliJellbdus (Beihefte der Zeiuchrift mr Relilions- und GeislcsaeIICblcle9),Leidcn 1977 RAJnacb, H., MSpnddlche Plnllelen IUS c1em Bereiche der 11111 und VondiJiae zu Mosis Propbeliaet ~plio", ZWT I I (1861), pp. 76-UlB - wwu.e l1lulndoaen zur~plio Mosis", ZWT 12 (1869), pp. 213-228

302

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND INDICES

--lrllla lllld Vrdgat4 Das SpNChidiom lhr ruchrisdidrell/14/a lllld lhr lulllro/iscMII Vrdgtllll. rmur 8err1clt:sicluigUJtg lhr rt'Jmische11 VolksspracM dluch Beispiele er1411ten, Maztus~Leipzig 1869 - - "Die LeploJCIIeSis ID1d das Ambrosianische aldaleinische Fragment dersdbcn", ZWT 14 (1871}, pp. 60-98 - - "Xeniola theologica. Zweite Serie. 3. Ouonologisches und Krttisches zur Assumplio Mosis", ZWT 17 (1874), pp. S42-S62 - - Das B~~&h de Jubi/1Je11 oder die Xleilu GeMJis. Ulller Beijilg1111g des re•idiemn TUJn lhr ill lhr Alllbro.rialld tJ#{ge/IUidelltll laleilliscMII Fragmerlle sowie ei~~er 11011 Dr. Allpsi Dillnuwt tJ1U ~~ illlliopiscMII HaNisc/viftell geferrigren/areillisCMII 0beriT/18UIII erlt2urerr,11111ers11Ciu lllld IIUI UlllermilzUIIg der lclJnigl. Gesellsclroft der Wi.ssensclroften zu Gtlaillge11 MrtDUgegebe11, Leipzig 1874 "Xcniola lhcologica (Fonseuung)", ZWT 23 (1880), pp. 441-448 -"llala-Siudien",ZWT24 (188l),pp. 198-204 - - "Die Doppelllberselzungen im laleinischen Te•te des cod. Boemerianus der Paulinischen Briefe", ZWT 2S (1882), pp. 488-509; ZWT 26 (1883), pp. 73-99; 309-344 - - "Woraur beruht die Jtalafonn Jstrahel?", ZWT 26 (1883), pp. 497-499 "Miscellen", ZWT28 (188S), pp. 102-104 --StlfiAJiologlscM Bdlrdge :11111 lareiniscMII Wllrrerbuch J-Ul. Leipzig 1887-1889 Rowley, H. H., 1'he Figun: or 'Tuo' in The NSIIIIIPiioll of Mrues", JBL 64 (194S), pp. 141-143 - - TM Relevance of Apocalyptic. A Struly of J~lsla alld Chrlsriml Apocalypsesfrom DtWelro rile Rt'ltllllioll, Londoo 31963 ('1944) RusseU, D.S., TM Metllod alld Message of J~ish Apocalyptic. 200 BC-AD /00, London 1964 Ryssel, V., "Die Spniche Jesus', des Sohnes Sirachs", in: Kautzsc:h (ed.), APAT I, pp. 230475 Schlfer, P., 'Tempell01d Schllprung. Zur Jnterpn:lalion einiger Heiligtwnstraditionen in der nbbinischen Literatur", Kairos 16 (1974), pp. 122-133; n:pr. in idem, Sllldien zw Gudlk:htelllld TMologie lhs rabbillist:MII Jllllellnmu (AOJU IS), Leiden 1978, pp. 122-133 Scllalit, A., Untersll&hUJtgtll zur AssiiiiiPiioMo.ris (ALGJU 17), Leiden 1989 Scblier, H.,"8lijlcll cd. ", TWNT Ill (1938), pp. 139-148 Scmlidt. F., Le TUilliMIII grec t1 Abrahturt. llllrodMclio11, iditio11 cririqwlhs deuz recenSIOIIS grecqws, rratbu:lioll (Texte ID1d SIUdien zum antilren Judenrum 11), TUbingen 1986 Sclnidt. K..L, "~ etA.", TWNT I (1933), p. S03 Scbmiclt, M., and Merx, A., "Die Assumplio Mosis mit Einleitung und erklln:nden Aranertunaen", ArchlY JilT wisseuc/ulftlicM Erforschllllg des Alre11 Te.rllllfii!IIIS l, 2, HaUe 1869, pp. III-IS2 Scmicwind, J., "And.la etA." TWNT I (1933), pp. 56-71 ScbDttm, J.ll, Hilloriscll-ailiscM bijdrtJ&tll lffJIJT lltJIIWdilll111111 dellieuwsre hypodwe tlfJII· gtllllllh lezJU ell dell PIIIIIIIS du Yillr ltoo{tlbrinell. J..eiden 1812 Sdlra&e. W., "CJVIIIlllUYII etA.", TWNT VJI (1964), pp. 798-BSO Sdualt, G.,·~ etA.", TWNT Ill (1938), pp. 221-284 Scllrent, G.; Quell, G~ "amlp etA.", TWNT V (19S4), pp. 946-1024 Sc:lmdlanlt. H.,DerVo.l-tlll.smllsde.l Vrdg4rlarelru 1-111, Leipzigl866-1868 Sdllber, E., GesciiU:Iue de.l j/llllscMII Volkes im Zdraller Je.ru. Christi I-IV, Leipzig, 34J!IOI-191 I (IIICIIID Venaes etali<) SclnriiiiZ, D.R., '"lbcTribCII of As. Mo.r. 4:7-9'',JBL99(1980), pp. 217-223 Sdlwyzer,E.Grledll.lrieGrtlllllllatik(HAWH,I,l-4).Milnl:ben 1939-1971 Sewmler, J.N., Do Y011 K-Gr«t? HdW lilu.c/1 Greet COIIJd rile Flnl Jewlslr Clvtsli4lu Htm K_,.7 (SuppHI' 19), Leiden 1968

BIBLIOGRAPHY

303

Stxrus Scnensis. BibliotJcecasiJIICIIJ. Venice 1566 (Cologne 1626) SJ(Ibcrg. E .. Gott wtd die s.wkr im ~lwt Judenlllm (BW ANr 27), SIIGpt 1938 Small wood. E. M.• The Jews Wider RorruJJI Rllle from Pompey 10 Dioc/aiall. A SliMly ill PoliliciJI Relmimu (Siudics in Judaism in Laic Anliquity 20). Leiden 1976 (21981) Soisaton-Soinincn. I, D1e lff/urilive ill du SepnMJgiriiQ (Annates Acadcmiae Sdenli1111111 FcnniCIC 8 132. I), Hclsinti 1965 "Ocr Gebrauch des Vems EXElN in der Sepluaginla". IT 28 (1978). pp. 92-99; rcpr. in: id.• SllldU11 uu Sq>DUJgirlla-Synuu. Helsinki 1987. pp. 181-188 Soutcr, A .• A Gloumy of l..aur LaliiiiO (J(}() A.D. Oxford 1949 Sllhlin. G .• "xl\pa", TWNT IX (1973). pp. 428-454 Stlhlin. 0; Frilcllel. L.• (cds.). CILme111 AlualldrU....ll (GC'S 52(15)). Berlin '1960 CILmelll AluaNiriiUIS m (GC'S 172), Berlin 1970 Staples. P.• "Rev. xvi Hi llld iiS Vindication Fonnula", NT 14 (1972). pp. 280-293 Stauffcr, E.. "Problcme dcr Pricslenradition". Tlll2 81 (1956). cols. 135-ISO Stect. O.H.,/srae/ wtd dos gewaluame Guc/uct du ProphelitrL U111!ti'SIp0, ni.- 'EU7J"nj' fltdaatK. Thesarmu graecae li~~g~~Ml-vm. Paris 3t83t-t86S Stone. M.E .• '"Three Armenian Accounts of the Dealh or Moses", in: Nickclsburg (cd.). Studies 011 the Testonrerll of Moses, pp. 118-121; repr. in: Stone, Selected Studiu, pp. 5457 --"Lists of Revealed Things in the Apocalyptic Literalllre". in: W. Lcmkc; P.D. MiUcr. F. M. Qoss (cds.). Magn.ali4 Dt• The Miglrly Acts of God. Essays 011 the Bible QN/ ArclrDeology ill Memory of G. ErMSt Wriglrt, Ganltn City (N.Y.) 1976, pp. 414-452; rcpr. in; Sume, Stleclitd Studiu, pp. 379-414 - - FOIUtlc Ezra. A Contlftelllary 011 tJce Boot of Fmuth Ezra (Henneneia), Minncapolis 1990 - - Seleclitd SllldUs 111 Pstllllepigraplrtz QN/ ltpocrypluJ. With S~cial Reftrtnce 10 tJce Armellilvl Troditioll (SV'Jl'9), Lcidcn 1991 Stone, R.C .• The l.angllll.geoftlce Lati11 TutofCoda Btzat. With alllrula Vot.or-. Urbana (lll.), 1946 Stnck, H.L; Billctbeck. P .• Komtr~e11Zar zum Neae11 T~r11....., Talnuul wtd Midrasch 1VI,MOnchcn 1922-1928 Suact. H.L.; Stembcrger, G .• EilrleiJJUJg ill Tallruld IUid Mrdrasclr. Minchcn 71982 Sweet. J.P.M.• "The Assumption of Moses". in: HF.D. Sparts (cd.). The Apocryphal Old Oxford t984. pp. 60Hit6 Tabor, J.D .• '"Reruming to the Divinity': Joscphus's Ponrayal or the Disappearances of Enocb. Elijab. and Moles", JBL 108 (1989). pp. lli·238 Tbacteray, H.St.J.; Marcus, R.; Wikgn:n. A.; Feldman, L.H., Jostphtu I-IX. London/Cambridge (Mass.). 1926-1965 :l'JiatJund lillgrMu lotiMe 1-X (panint). Leipzig 1900-1991 Thiel. H. van, L.ebe11 wtd Tattll Altxalldus V011 Makedonim. Dtr gritc/Wche AIUII/Iderro"""'tllldr du HtJJtdM:Ivift L (Texle zur Fonc1u1J 13). Dannsladll974 1lede. D.• "The Fipre of Moses iD lbc Tcstamcnl of Moses". in: Nickclsburg (ed.). Studies 011 the T..-N of Moses. pp. 86-92 - - Tk Clttlrislrtlllk Figwe 1U Mirt~t:le Wortu (SBL Disserwion Series 1), Mistloula 1972 TUcbendorf, C., Apocolypsts apocryphae Masu. E.sdrat, Pa..U, lolrtuucis. lt., /tiQTIM Donrtil/o, addiJis EW1J11dion1111 tt Acaan apocryp/Jotwt stipplmtDrlis. LcipziJ 1866 Tomy, C.C., "'Tuo' in die Assumption of Moses", JBL 62 (1943). pp. 1-7 "'Taxo' Once More",JBL 64 (1945), pp. 395-397 -

=

r-.

304

BIBUOGRAPHY AND INDICES

Tlomp, J., "Tuo,lhe Messenger of the Lord", JSJ 21 (1990), pp. 20()..20!1 VllnlneD, V.,/lllrodlu:riort 1111lmill vulgaire (Bibli~ ~aisc et romane sme A, 6), Paris31981 VlllllerKlm, J.C., (ed.), Tlte Bool: of Jubilees 1-11. A Critical Tur. TrtJnslalWn (Corpus acriprorum chrislianonan orienalium 51G-511), Leuven 1989 Vegas Montaner, L, 'TeslllneniO de MoiSI!s", in: A. D(ez Madlo er IWi (eds.), TalllllleNO.S o tliM:unoiJ dudi6s (AAT V), Madrid 1987, pp. 217·275 Vermes, G.; Millar, F.: Black, M.: Vermes. P., revision and edition of: Emit Schllrer, Tlte History of the }I!Wislt People in the Age ofJenu Christ 1-111, Edinbuflh 1973-1987 Vernes. M. HisiOire des ldhs IIII!JJimliq~as dtpui.r Alwutdn jiUqu'll f Empereur HtJdrien •. Puis 1874 Vllglle. A .• Die Tugend- ll.lld Llutu"-loge im Neuen TesiiiiMnt uegmsclt. religiOM- and formgacltidullclt IIIIIV$MCitt (Neutes1lll1ellll Abhandlunaen 16:415), Mllnster 1936 Vollanar, G., Mme l'ropltede and Himmelfa.ltn. EiM Qwllef/Jr diu NeM Testament Zllm er~~• Mdie de110t:lt lterfiiUgeg•n. im Zluomllll!nltdng tier ApoluyplttJ ll.lld tier Cltristologie llberflaltn(tblldblcbder Apoc~YP~en 3). Leipzig 1867 Volz, P., Die Est:ltatologie tier jildisclten Gmreinde im neJ41UIIlmentllclten Zeltaltu, Tllbingen 1934 Wall~a, D. H., "The Semitic Origin of the Assumption of Moses", TJrZ 11 (1955), pp. 321· 328 Weber. R.: Fischu, B.• (eds.), BibiUJ StlcrtJ iiUilt VulgdiQm versionem, Stuugan 31983 Westenunn, C., Gl1ltld/Ormt!ll propltetisclter Rede (Beiutge zur evangelischen Theologie 31), Mllncben S1978 Weasrein, J.J., 'H KalVfl &a6rjll'1). Novum Teslltlllelllll.m grMCIUII editionis recepw CIUII let:dotUbtllwvliultibu& ... nee IIDII commeltiiUio pleniore 1-n. Atnslenln 1751-1752 Whilllker, M.• (ed.), Die Apostolisclten Vd~r I. Der Hin des HermtlS (GCS 482), Berlin 2t967 WibbiDg, S., Die Tugend- and Llu~rluJUJioge im Newn TesUJment and iltre TrtJditionsgesclril:lw ruuer buoltderer &rlJclt.siclttigUifg tier Qumrt~~~-TUM (BZNW 25), Berlin 1959 Wieseler, K., "Die jllngsl aufgefundene Aufnahme Moses nach Unprung und lnhalt untersuclu", Jallrl1lll:lterftlr deuaclte Tlteologie 13 ( 1868), pp. 622-648 -"Beitrlee zur jOdiscb-lpOitalyplischen Uttentur",ZDMG 36 (1882), pp. 185-194: "11. 8aDcr( und Tuo", pp. 193-194 Wiesenberg, E., "The Jubilee of Jubilees", RQ 3 (1961), pp. 3-40 Wintcrmute, O.S., "Jubilees (Second Century B.C.). A New Tnnslalion nllnuoduction", In: Olulcswonh (ed.), Tlte Old Tarament l'seudepigrap/ttl. pp. 35-142 Woodcock, E.C., A New Ltuin SyiiUIX, London 1959 Woude, A.S. vm dcr, Die messisllisclten Vorsre/Jungen tier Ge~Minde von QIIIIIT4n. GroninFDI!IS7 Yldln, Y., '111,.111 MO'Il'1 .11 ID,p Di'l-n.,lD (Tite Temple Scroll 11. Tut Md c,_~~~~~ry),1en1Alem 5737 (1977) Zllm, Th., GadUcltte des ~/ten Kd11011JI-11, E.rlangen/Leipzig 1888-1890 ZdliiD. S., ''The Aasumplion of Moses llllllhe Revolt of Du Koltba. Studies in lhe ApocalypdcUtenlure",J(}Jf 38 (1947!1948).pp. 1-45 Ziegler, J., RtlifM«e11 t1M1 tier Vmu LIJtind des Bucltes lob In JpGnisclten Vulgdlllbibeln (Bayerllcbe Atademie dcr Wissenschaften, Phii.-HiSL Kl.; SitzungJberic:ble 1980, Hefi 2), Mllnchen 1980 Zwun. 1. de, "Tbe Use of the Gredt Language In Acts", In: F.J. Foaltes Jactson and K. IAe (eds.), Tlte Beginnings of Cltristiottity l'tiTII. Tile Acll of the Apmtles, vol. 11, Lolldon 1922, pp. 3111'

INDEX OF PASSAGES a_ Old TullliMnl (includillg ApocryphtJ) Exod.

4:22 32:13 33:11

248 170 257

Lcv.

11:44-45 26 26:33 26:36 26:39 26:40-42 26:42 26:45 NIDI!. 11:4-35 11:12 11:21 12:7 12:8 14:13-20 21:21-30

158 170: 121 177 177 177 171 178 178 250 248 250 255 2S7 258 253

DeuL

1:23-46 2:19 2:24-36 2:24 3:28 4 4:S 4:14 4:23-27 4:25 4:25-27 4:28-30 4:29-30 4:29-31 4:29 4:31 5:4 9:5-6 9:19 9--25-29

253 134 253 135 247 121 170n. 170n. 171)!.; 173 159; 162 IS2 170 178 170 169 179; 269 2S7 267 179 258

10:10 16:18-19 16:18 21:30 28 28:15 28:16-68 28:50 28:S3 28:S5 28:57 28:64~5 28:66~7

28:66-68 28:68 30 30:2 30:3 30:3-10 31 31:1~

31:4 31:&-7 31:7 31:14 31:14-23 31:16 31:17 31:21 31:23-26 31:23 31:29 32:4 32:43 33:29 34:6 34:7 34:9 34:10 Josh. 1:6 I:NI 5:1 5:11-12 7:6-9 14:13

179 196 ISO; 19S 213 121 Ill Ill

201 169 169 169 177 202 202 202 121 Ill

178; 179 Ill

121 135 253 240 144; 149 136 135; 149 143 169 169 145 138; 149 190; 199 168JL 227 236 241; 275; 279 133 250;254

257 138 140 258 246-247 247 149

306 22:6 22:7

Judi. 1:1 151111. 8:3 15:22-23 251111. 6

BmLIOGRAPHY AND INDICES 149 149 247 196 194 156

I Ki.

8

IS6

2Ki. 2:11 2S:9 2S:t3-17

281 163 163

20uon. 12:12 36:18-20 36:23

268 163 179

Pr. Man. Pr. Man.

16S

P.zla 1:2-4 9 9:2 9:6-15 9:10 9:11-12

179 176 187 16S 169 172

Neh.

I:S-11 B:S 9 9:(>.37 9".34

165 175 179 16S 187

&lb.

4:171-z 4:17m-o Jldlb 7:30 8:18-20 8:31 9-.5-6 9:6

16S 177 268-269 226 175 262

2631L

Tob.

3:1-6 3:2-3 B:S-7 8:15-17 12:12 12:15

16S 168 16S 16S 230 230

!Mace. 1:15 1:32 1:47 1:48 I:S4 1:(10.61 t:liO 2:29 2:37 2:49-68 2:49 2:50-SI 2:SO 2:SI 2:55 2:64 4:36 4:54 5:13 5:23 5:24 6:7 8:10 9"27

219 218 222 218;219 222 12211.:218 219 227 227 226 224 227 227 226 247 226 181 181 218 218 218 222 218 216

2 Mace. 5:13 5:24 (>.1

6:4 6:5 6:6

6:7 6:9 6:10 6:11 6:18 6:24 7 7:1 7:2 7:18 7:29 7:32

218 219 218 213;218 221 217;218 218;22n221 218 12211.; 218; 219 2271L 222 218 224;22S 222 227 222 227 222

INDEX OF PASSAGES 7:33 7:37-38 10:6 15:13-16 3 Maa:. 2:1-20 1:f>

22S 22S 227n. 26Sn.

16S 248

2:3 2:8 2:30 4:2-3 4:S 4:8 4:11-12

89 4 Maa:. 4:2S 5:2 5:6 8:7 9:1

122n.; 218 222 222 218 227

Job 7:20

169

Ps. 51(50) 78(77):6HfJ 78(77):67-71 103(102)9 106(105)

16S 156 158 269 16S

Wild. 2:6-8 3:1 4:16 6:7(8) 7:22 8:8 10:8 10:16 11:1 14:11 14:22-26 14:26

Sir. 7:24-25(26-27) 16:18-19 23:20(29) 24:10 36:11(14) 46:1-9 46:S 46:7{9)

h. SoL 1:7 1:1

8:12 8:22 9"2

9:8-9 IO:S 17:11 17:17 lsL 3:S 4:3 5:2 5:11 5:23 9:14 14:22 22:12-13 26~21

213 231 231

263 2S5 263 2S4 254; 2S6 2S6

23S 209 212

28:21 33:20 35:4 35:10 43:27-28 LXX 51:11 539LXX 56:12 63:7-64:12 63:11-12 65:1-4 6S:I

241

Jer. 6:13 6:20 7:30 11:10 25:11-12 31(38):9 31:21 (38:22) LXX 32:10-14

212 1111

Lam. 3:60-61 5:1

248 232

262 231 248

2S9 247

307 191; 194 201 216 213 212 197-198 212 212 191 191 168 177 168 201 227

189 158 157 211 196 196 233 213 233 233 157 233 229 193 229

226 213 16S 2S4 213

269 187 193-194 194 1110 173 248 159 147

U2 193

308 Bar. 1:15-16 I:IS-3:8 2:2-5 2:7 2:24-25 2:29-35 Ellek. S:ll

13:10 16:49 19 22:25-29 22:26

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND INDICES Micah

187 165 172 172 172 172

Hab. 3:10.11 194 160 212 167 187 194

Dan.

3:34 7:17-18 7:23-25 8:9-12 8:18 8:23-25 9:4-19

~·

9:13 9'.26-27

9'Z7 10'.8-10 10:13 10'21 11 11:30-32 11:31 11:33 12:1-3 12:1 12:1 LXX 12:49 12:11

2@ 231 214 214 261 214 165; 175 187 172 214 222 261 229 229 122 214

222 218; 220 214 229 216 148

222

~.Azar. ~.Azar.

28 Hol. 5:4-6 &6

1:14 AaiJa 5:12 9:1LXX

1:3 1:7 3:11 7:3 7:6

165 168 194 194 160 196 269

233 23S 187; 195; 196 187 189 232

2'l:ph.

3:34 3:4 3:12-13 3:13 Ztdt. 3:1-2 14:13

187 194 223 226 273; 276 189

Mal.

1:7 2:9

2:11-16 2:11

191 19S 194 191; 194

b. Anonymous and Pseudepigraphic Jewish and Christian Works Closely Related to the Old TUUJmelll 4Ezn 4:28-30 4:36-37 5:1 5:9 5:14-15 5:16-18 6:23-24 6:23 6:24 6:27 6:38-59 6:S5 6:S8 6:S9 7:11 7;2D 7:102-112 7:107 7:111-112 8:20-36 8:23 8:31-36 9'3

239 239 189 188; 189 261 176 23S 235 188;235 229 141 141 248 141 141 183 265n. 247

m

165; 175; 176 232 168 188

10:29-31 12:40-45 13:30-31 13:34 13:35-39 13:40-42 14:9 14:17 14:49(Syr) 2811". 14:19 39:6 39:7 46:7 56:2 70:3 10:5 73:1--4 73:4 76:2 77:4 84:2-5 85:12 I En. 1:3 1:7 9:1-10 9:11 10:6 111".20 38:5 39:11 47:2 55:2 S6:S-6

56:1 89 89:72 89:73

90"..5 110:6-7 !10:16 !10:17-19 90:19 91 91:5-7 91:7 91:9 91:12·14

92:4 94:6

INDEX OF PASSAGES

309

95:2-7 95:3 95:7 96:1 96:2 96:2 96:4-8 96:7 97:8-9 91:12 99".2 100:1-2 100:4 102:6-11 102:9 103:5-6 104:7

209 231 231 231 121 236 212 209 213 231 212 189 233 213 212 213 213

2161 176 188; 189 214 214 167 212 189 212 141 189 228 212 239 189 189 229 209 212 168 172n. 26Sn. 233 233 230 2163 229 209 231 263 229 161 214 214 157 154 182 154 188 214 214 231 157 20!1 233

235 231 231 20!1

Sib. Or. D254-262 Dl36--43 Dl41 Dl47--48 UJI78 UJ242 DID 111383 01618 111663-666 Dl669-731 111763-765 IV31·34

IV87 V 7 (XII 7) V385 Xll97-198 Jub. Jub. pml 1:29 10:21 19".29 21:21 2l-26 23:14 23:16-19 23:17 23:21 23:21-22 23:22 23:23 23:24

209 209 212 221 201 212 233 193 235

214 214 209 209 201 193 229 193 104 136 263 115 241

20!1 214 20!1 Ill 191 191 119 194; 199

20011. 214

310 23:26 23:29 26:14-23 31:14 50:4 50:5

BIBUOGRAPHY AND INDICES 214 229 90 231 133

T. ludah

229

8:4

282 143 282 247 159 239 280 250: 2S4 243 247 149 149 165n. 282 241 265n. 282 283 147n. 2S3 282

Apoc. Mos.

pot. 12:1 13:6 32:4 39

136 274 282 282 229

VA£ 39

43 T. 12Pau. T. Lcvi 3:3 3:S-6 3:5 3:9-4:1

5:6 1<4:5-6 14:6 17:11 11:12-14

189 229

T. Naplu. 229

T.Gad

J-.\8

1:16 19 19 19:3 19:7 19:15 19:16 20-2-3 20-2 20:8 20:9 21:10 30:4 32:9 33:1-6 33:4 34:4 48:1 62:10 64:2 64:(>.7

22:1 2S:3-5

215 282

6:6

217 217

T. Abr. A 20:10-14

282

6:3-4

T. lob

52:8-12

282

c. Qumran Wrinngs

CD 117-10 IV 12 IV19 Vf>-7 VIII 12 VIII 14-15 VIII 18 XIX24 XIX 31 XX27-31 XX28-30

263 160 160 194 160 267 160 160 160 165 168

IQS

124-11 I m t5-t6 IV9-14

165 263 209

IQH 11132-36 IX35-36

232 248

IQM

XIIII 229 230 231 232 269 209 196 209 229

XVDf>-7

23611. 229

IQpHab

XII f>-10 xu 10-14 4QI'at 26

4QAIIuiiJI 110.11

194 194 160

275

INDEX OF PASSAGES 112 4Q390 14-10

276

e. Josephus

1k dlel'llbim

231

1k IIICrifw:iis 32

201

1k fi(QIIIibas 52 54 61

231;2S7 2S2 231

QIIDd lHiu ilmuiiiJbiJis 29 131-13S

263 231; 2S7

Qllis roum di•illluum

21 206

2S8 2SI

lkfula

s

2S7

1k SDrlllliiS 1141-143 1142 0234

231 2S7 2S2

1k tltx:lllogo 175 De 6JN!Cidiblu teaiblu 1116

2S2 2SI 231 231 230; 2S6; 2S7 283 2S2 210

16J 1665 045-7S Vll418

Alii. 11111. 1231 11196 111170 IV 194-195 IV326 IV330 Vlll234 X 142 XU2SI XII2S3 XII2S6 XIJ21J-21S Xll281·282 XDJ291-292 XV366 XV373 XVIII91 XVII254-298

263n. 202 204 218

26Sn. 284 2S6 172 280;284 284 263 263n. 218

m

122n.; 218 227 227 192-193 201 263 202 204

MaiL 2:16 10".21 10:33 10:3S 19:28 23:2 23:28

201 189 26Sn. 189 231 261 210

Malr.

2SI

12:40

212

231; 2S7

Luke 7:34

211

26Sn. 229n.

Jolm 1:20 3:20

217 212

lk~

166 16J

Bdl. Jlld.

f.NewTeslllmelll

D~ WIIIMI»is

127 1162 1166 11133 0166 0288-291 0288 0291

2Sl

182-183

dPhilo 1~17

QwsliDIIu i• EzodMm US4

311

312

BIBUOGRAPHY AND INDICES 229 229

12:31 16:20

281 2S4

266 217 266 265n. 180 269

9:6

li:S Eph. 5:5

194

Col 3:5

194

2Tim. 3:1-7 3:2

209 211

'111. 1:5 2:5

217 221

Heb. 7:25 1Ck4

265n. 194

119;90

l'l:lira!Moshcb

Clvisrian

lfcrma!

vts. m 2. 4-3, s

SiJII.IX

157 157

I Clemcnl 49:!5

266

..... Pol. 1:2

266

Malt. l'blyc.

217

9'2 ad Diogn.

266

9:1-2 C1anau of Alexandria SlrOmtllds VI 132, 2 AllltmbrtlliOM.S ill ep. Jud.

226

De- prillcipi&s m. 2, 1 H0tr1. ill Ju11. Nave U, I

211

Epipbanius AdliersKS MDUU

2~

2:13-14

l.labn 2:1-2

265n. 229

3;1

Jade

87; 272; 273; 274; 275 196; 198; 212

1:17 :20:10

g. OdJD Anc~lll Writillg.r

9,4,13 64, 69,6 Odasius or Cyzicus HiltDrltJ ecclaUB/kiJ D,21, 7

283n. 273

261 229

87; 274 284n.

280 280

81, 272n.

Nlc:qJhoiUI Slit:ltotnnris

Rev.

lftll.rll

282 213

107-108 122

Orip:n

I~

2:22

16

263

Ps. Phoc:ylides

Acls 1:9 14:12(11) Rim. 2:4 2:2.5 3:25-26 8:34

!I

An-. 132

-

100

Ps.-Atbanasius

SyiiDpSis KriptwM

87; 88; lOO; 115

INDEX OF PASSAGES

enmer. c-. vm

Evodius ,,. Auprlilllllll episiJIIM

158,6

284n.

313 276-279; 2110-211

INDEX TO 11m GRAMMATICAL NOTES 1bc figures in italics refer to the numbers in margine of the grammatical nores (pp. 26-78). 1:2 3 4

s 6 7 8 9 10

11 13 14 IS

16 17 18

42;6# 7; ll/; 146; 174; 196 1; 7; 27; 7J; 76; 8J; 122; /58 7; 39; 6#; 80; 8J; 176 21; &J; 116; 14811.; 180; /&J 8; 59;82;8511.; 11611.; 156; 18/ 82; 139; 156; 177 68; 7J; 80; &J; 127; /29; ISO; /56; 177; 181; 18511. 9; 2J; 80; 116; /56; 161; 184 99;118 42; 56; 6f; 76; 78; 80; 9J; 108; 140; 156; 179; /82 59; 6#; /56; 170; 180; 184; 196 4; 51; 78; 96; //0; 118; 120; /54; /59 27; 54; /29; 14]; /82 2; 16;43; 6#; 181 10; 59; 76; 81; 108; 110; /56; /89

2

2; 111.; .U; 50; 76; 99; 10/; 108

3 4

2; 76; llO; 188

s 6 7

8 9 10

11 12 13 14 4:1 2

2:1

2 3 4

s 6 7 8 9 3:1

71; 123; /70; 177 2;44;47; 54;62; 70; 95; ll6; 123; 148; 16#; /67; 171; 174; 182 1; 7; 30; 38; 6#; 71; 91; 92; 117; 146; 158; 181; /90 2; 52;82; ll9; 171; 172; 181; 191 95; 146 25;73 26;67;99; 105; 115; 187 25; 38; 82; 181 /4; 38; 52; 90; 101

2; 59; 6f; JOB; 170

3 4

s 6 7

8 9

S:t 2 3 4

4;8;16;911 28; 54; 1/7; 149; 159 ll; 25; 27; J6; Ill 17; /9; 31; JJ; 52; 70; 90; IZJ; /49 16;49; ISO 17; J6; 4J; 6#; 7J; 8J; 98; 105; 106; 114; 15J; 156 59; 69; 106; 1/4; 116; /50; /67; 185 7; /I; 19; J9; 8J; 108; 118; 122 49; 59; 96; 122; IJ9; 153; 156; 187; 192 13; 48; 50; 59; 61; 76; 148; 188 74; IJ9; /48 2; Z1; /50; 161 44; 52;91; IOZ; 117; 128 2; 7; 39; 51; 74; 96; 101; 167 114 2; 52; 59; 106; 140 2; 6; 102; 1/4; 157; 166 ll2 12; 25; 44; 46; 97; 143; 159 3911.;42 2; 25; J7; 43; 68; 80; 112; 158; 18511.; 190 52;67; 152; 188 26;37; 53;6711.;91; 152; 191 25; 48; 50; 63; 68; /44; 163; 174

INDEX 10 lHEGRAMMATICAL NOTES

s 6

6:1 2

3 4

s 6

7 8 9 7:1 2

3-8

3 4

s 6

7

8 9 10 1:1 2

3 4

s 9:1 2

3 4 5

ZJ; 44; 59; 110; 129; 163 2; 9; 25; 26; 50; 53; 62; 65; 82; 108; 127; 157; 16J; 182

25; 52; 65; 70; 188; 189; 191 2; 22; 25; SO; 68; 117 2; 14; SO; 108; 154; 156; 157 2; ZJ;81; 108; 175 21 2; 7; 11; 21; 52; 70; 73 2;ZJ;91 3;13; ZJ;48; 50;112 2; 3n.; JO; SO; 74; 99; 108 68; 136 81 137 ZJ; 41; 58; 128; 153 41; SO; 51; 58;11/;BSn. 41 41; /28;153 25; 41; 50; 53; 64; 72; 97; /0/J; IJ6; 156; 166 21; 53; 123; ISO; /55; 161 ZJ; 78; 137; 149; 166 126; /56 2; 21; 53; 59;64; 66; 70; 89; 99; 101; 106; 107; 113; /IS; 167 2; 99; 127; 146 7; ZJ; 36; 64; 127; 181; 182 311.; J6; 38; 70; 711; 102n.; 117; 127; 171 39; 4/; 48; 57; 64; 100; 107; 108; 140; 175 2; 24; 59; 68; 81; 116; 151; 182 ZJ;S0;70;80 3; ZJ; 52; 70; 101; 161 f2; S9; 137; 154; 157 /16; 118; 154

6

7

10:1 2

3 4

s 6

7 8 9 10

11 12 13 14 IS

315

108; 113; 125; 161 21;75;99; 160 5; IS; 28; 34; 39;42; 59 21; 26;65; IJI-134; 16J; 192 2; ZJ;64;68;80;96;167;191 45;95 2; 21; 45; 70; 80 2; 7; 35; 39; 139 2; ZJ; 38; 78; 156; 159 2; 17; 26; 31;411 2;8;21;43;49 2; 10; 22; 40; 64; 106; 116; 117; 119 54;8J; 146 59; 64; 110; 16J 8; 90; 119; 158; 163 53; 54; 96; 143 /3; ZJ; 59; BJ; 100; 116; 128

7; 27; 57; BJ;/58 29;J6;8J BJ;/49 3 4 2;11; 21; 54;68;83;90; 159 s 10 ~7 141 53;90 6 Z/;68 7 SJ; 57;64;98; 116; JJ6; 146 8 10; 18; J6;96; 120 9 10.1S 141 1/4 10 11; 19; 34; /57; 169; 182 11 4; 14; 34; J6; 6S; 67; /00; 102; 12 122; 129; 168; 173 81; 110; 123; 141; 191 13 14 S0;61;70;7/;IIJ; /22; 146 13; SO; 70; 99; 116; 127 15 11; 9; 13; 19; ZJ; 39; 73; 96; 100; 16 108; IZJ; 1211; 140; 144; 149; IS/I; 170; 194

11:1 2

316

BIBUOORAPHY AND INDICES

17

!I; 25; 52;70;1D;!IJ;97; 101; 1(17;

s

18 19

108; 116; 120; 122; 129; IMJ; 162 2; 9; 50; !16; 106; 118; 125; 149 ID;!IO

6 7 8 9 10

12:1 2 3 4

ID; 158 11; 19; J8;MJ;ID; 116; 149 25; ID; 99; 125;156 11;42;46;64;8511.;!1'9; 158; 167; 170

11

12 13

25;46; !IJ; 120; IJ8; 167 25 J; IJ; 59;MJ; 70; 167 50; ID; 116; 118 21; 21;49;64; 99; 116; 172 120; 182 34;64;101; 106; /Ul; 116; 146 50;71; 146; 157 59

INDEX OF TilE WORDS OCCURRING IN TilE CRmCAL EDITION This index includes only those words that occur in the emended text of As. Mos. as edited in the present volume. Neither the original readings of the manuscript, nor words marked by daggers (that is, incomprehensible words or words in an incomprehensible context) are included. Conjectures are not marlced. The orthography of the words is normalized in this list a, ab 1:2, 5, 13, 14, 17; 2:3; 3:1. 9; 5:6;

oiler 9".2

6:1; 7:7; 8:1(2x), 3, S; 10:2, 3, 10, 12; 11:8{2x), 12, 18; 12:4(2x). 9. 11 abdillG 8:5 abin 11:9 AlHaiJtn 3:9

tJIIus 4:2; 10:4 -7:4 " - " 1:4 AmorrtlerU 11:11. 16 IJIIiolla 4:6 llllimaJ 2:9 allimlls 7:4 tiiiiUIS 1:2, 15; 2:3(3x), 6; 3:11, 14; 6:6 -12:2 tiiUibu 12:9 appropiln S:l aplld 4:9

~2:3

abySSJU 10:6 tltXt!llen 2:7; 5:3 acupdD S:S ~S:S

acerf>u.r 6:S; 11 :4 acrobylfia 8:3 1111 1:6, 9, 16; 2:7; 3:10: 5:2. 3; 7:7; 8:1; 9:1, 10:4; 6, 12. 14; 11:1, 8(2x), 12, 16; 12:1. 4(2x) lllltJMan 3:5; 10:1 tltllwt: 11 :17 ~ 3:7,13;8:1 , . , _ 10:12 llllllll 3:2; 6:9 htyptilu 6:6 MDfi'IIS 3: 11

-

11:8

-10:7

tiferre 2:6 .,..,., 3:13 . . , 9:6 "11" 10:10 10:1 • a&.a 2:8; 4:3; 5:3 a/lqlti 4:7 a/lqllll 6:9 alltJtM1"" 4:3

- - 10:9 alliiJri-. 5:4; 1:5

10:6 aqMila 10:8 llqllilo 11 :8 Q(/1111

atbiler 1:14; 3:12 1:13(2xJ: s:1 asctllllue 4:1; 10:8 at 12:6

arrwn

- - - 12:3

alden 11:7 tllldin 3:6; 9:4; 11:1,16 llll(erre 12:S -11:8 IIKI 9:3(2x); 11:6, 7, 10, IJ, 12, 13,

IS(3x); 12:7 1:16;2:3;4:8; 10:14 bqfllilft 8:4

bertttliun 2:2 ~7:1

bis 1:2 blas{mlale 8:5

boas 7:6; 12:10, 11 breris 6:7 CIIMn 10:4

318

BIBUOGRAPHY AND INDICES

cselarU 2:4; 4:4; 10:3 caelwN 3:8, 12; 10:9; 12:9 """1'111 3:4;5:6 Cllpli•II.S 3: 13; 4:3; 6:9 antYI 12:11 aiMdnz 12:2 ulln 1:1; 11:4 CU!Iix 10:8 t:lwtlritn I :17 dblu 11:13 circa 3:14; 4:3; 6:9 ciTr:lllfiCisio 8: I

am.nin 2:1 ~~

2:7;4:7

ciiJu 8:1

cltlmtft 3:5, 8 coepisu I: 13 COJtr~ 8:4, 5(2K) COJ-ctrt 7:7; 10:10 colton 6:8 colottiiJ 3:2; 5:6; 6:9 comt!SIU

1:6

COIICIMirt 10:4(2l<) 8:1; 10:10 COI{riltftn 111-.S eot{rutdt!rt 11:18 CI1IISpictre 10:10 COIUfllbilirt 2:2 COfiSiilwn 4:7; 10:2; 12:6 c~ 1:15; 10:13; 12:10 COfUiftiiiiUio I :18 cmu--.r 11:16

COI!/ittri

~5:3

_ . , 12:3 8:4; 9:3; 12:7 ~limii.S 8:5 t:t1lfiiiT6wt 111-.S t:tiiiWlllis 10:4 C/JIIIIRire 3:13; 10:13 aNINI'IIIft lll".s(h) OOIIIII!Jcr~

~7:4

'KI - - lll".S ctNJIII6 6:3(2x); 11 :7. 12 1:12;12:4 , . . , 10:10 ~ 1:2, 13; 10:1; 12:4 CNdln 11:16 crat:ITtl 4:9: 11:14; 12:10 ~6:9

Cl'llllrlll 9:2

cna I:J

I :4, 7; 2:7; 3:2, 3, 5, 9; 4:2, 3. 5: 5:1; 10:1. 3; 11:1, 2, 16, 17, 18; 12:4 c!lpidila.r 5:5 cwrt.rt 11:12 CIITIII.S 10:13 CIISIOdUJ 8:2 C'IISIDdin I :9: I0: 11 ; 11 : 12 dlut 1:8, 9(h); 2:1, 2; 3:9; 10:5 M 1:9; 3:10, 13; 5:1, 4(2K); 6:2; 7:3; 9:1; 10:3; 11 :4(3K), 7 Meet/ut 10:6 Mc~mo~ 2: I dtfensor 11:17 dl/lcu~ 3:9; 10:6 /Uiue 7:5 /Uscendert 2:3 DtiU 2:4, 8; 3:9(3K); 4:2, 5; 5:3, 4, 6; 6:1: 9:4, 6; 10:7, 9, I.S; 12:4, 9. 10,13 Delller~llrl 1:5 '*"tllire 4:9 dnilllre 5:3 dnoralor 7:4 ~ra 12:9 ililll1olu 10: I dic~re 1:9, I I; 3:7, 8, 10; 4:1; 7:6, 8, 9; 9:1; 11:3, 16, 18; 12:2, 8 dies 1:18(2x); 3:10: 7:4; 9:1, 6; 11:7, I digiUIS 6:2; 11:16 dimUtiere 2:2; 4:6 disudut 11:4 discllbilio 7:8 tlisdoftart 8:3 Clllll, ·C'IIIII

~1:13

di'lidue S:2 tMvilws 11:16 doctrt 7:3 doctor .S:S; 11:16 tiJWKr 7:4 tlt1mi-' 2:3; 4:2; 6:7 DomiiUIS, domiruu, -a I :6, 11{2x), 19; 2:2, 7(2x), 9; 3: I, .S; 4:2, 4, 8; 5:4; 9:3, 6(2x), 7; I 1:4, 9, 12, 14, I.S, 16(2x), 17(3x), 19; 12:.5 '*"-u 2:9; 3:7; 5:3 dtwr: 10:13 donrlitio 1:15; 10:14 dlu:ert 3:3(2x), 4, 13; 6:9: 8:2 dMo 2:3, 4; 3:3, 4, 6; 4:8 11:10 ICrt 9:2; 12:5

- - 7:1

319

INDEX OF WORDS 1:14; 3:10; 7:10(2Jt); 9:4; 10:14, IS; 11:4, IS; 12:6, 7 dare 3:3 elqtn IO:IS t~ 6:3 eftltere 9:2 tllim I :12; 3:S; S:4, S; 9:3, 4, S, 7; 10:3, 12; 11:8, 14, 18: 12:7, 8, 13 tJO

etpli-.s 3: I

3:11 O'JO 9:4; 11:12. 19 m,_ 12:2 tsst 1:2, 3, S, 7, 9, 1()(2Jt), 14(2Jt), IS; 3:S, 11(2Jt), 12, 13; 4:1, 2, 3; S:2, 4, S(2Jt), 6; 6:2(2Jt), 3. S; 7:3, 4, 8; 8:1, 4; 9:1(21t), 2. 3. 6; 10:2, 8, 12, IS; 11:2, 4(2Jt), S. 8(2Jt), 10(2Jt), 14, IS, 16(2Jt), 17(2Jt), 18; 12:4(2Jt), S(2Jt), 9, 11, 13 Ullrirt 3:4 er 1:2, 3(2Jt), 7, 8, 9, 10, 13(3Jt), 14, IS(3Jt), 17(2Jt); 2:1, 2(SI), 3(4x), 4(2x.), 6, 7(4x), 8(2x.), 9(2Jt); 3:1(2x), 2, 3(3x), 4(2x), S(3x), 7, 8(2x), 9(3x), 10. 11(2x), 12(2x), 13(2Jt). 14; 4:1(3x), 3(41), 4, S(2x), 6(3x.), 7(2x), 8, 9(21); S: 1(2x), 2(2x), 3(31), S(21), 6(3Jt); 6: I, 2(3x), 3, 4(2x.), 6(31), 7, 8. 9(2Jt); 7:3(2x.), 4(2x), 7, 8(3x), 9(4x); 8:1(3x.), 2, 3(2x), 4(3x), S(3x); 9:2(21), 4, S, 6(2x), 7; 10: I (3x), 3(21), 4(4x), S(4x), 6(21), 7(2Jt), 8(31), 9(2x), 10(6x), 11, 13; 11: I (2x), 2(2x), 3(2Jt), 4(2x.), B. 9, 10, 12, 13, IS, 16(3Jt), 17(4x.), 18; 12:1, 2(4x), 3, 4(4Jt), S, 6(2x), 7, 9(2Jt), 1()(2Jt), 11 (2Jt), 12, 13(2x) a 7:1 tnttuU

s.

~11:12

01:/ptn 4:2 ~1:14

-~2:9

Diltn

12:10 a:ln 1:4; 10:3; 11:4; 12:13 Dillu 1:18; 12:4 t!1tpiMIItn 4:1 ~10:6 ~ 6:8;11:16 - r t r t 6:1; 10:3, 7 ~ 12:8,12 UIIJa.-7:7

f«trt I:S, 10. 13, IS, 17; 2:7, 9; 3:7; 4:2, S(2Jt); S:2, 6; 6:1(2Jt), 6(2&); 7:1, 6; 9:2. 3, 7; 10:9; 11:17; 12:4,9. 10 /tlcils 11:18 fat:rtln 3:9 fllllta 1:1 fdl% 10:8 fern 11:17 , _ 8:4 frclilU 1:17 jicDu 7:4 fiddU 11:16 fidu 2:7; 4:8 jitri 1:4; 10:12; 11:19; 12:12 jigtn 2:4 jiliru, ·41 I :6; 8:3; 9: I, 2, 4; 10:3; 11:12(2Jt) frllin 7:1; 12:1 /ulis S:6; 10:1, 4; 11:8 12:9 ftnrriJn 10: IS /rlrltiW 12:7 /blmtll 10:6 foru 10:6 fomict1Ti S:3 frrD6 3:7 jiiNIGmt- 12:9 lfllldert 10:10 gf!lfltrt 4:8 gtmilll;s 11:4 gtru I: 13; 8:3; 9:3; 12:4, 8. 11 lltiW 4:1; 11:17 , _ 6:2; 11:4 glid&r 6:3 , . , 10:10 gu/11 7:4 1tDbtn 7:8; S:S; 9:1; 10:1; 11:17 /rQbiiiJiio S:6; 10:3, 9 hlltnn 10:9

s.

tr-

lrtrmau see ermau 1:9, 11, 16; 3:7, 11; 4:2; 7;3, 4, 6; 8:S; 9:S(2x.), 7; 10:11(2Jt), 13(2Jt); 11:12; 12:S, 8 . _ 1:6; 3:10; 6:2; 7:3,4; 9:1; 11:7 llord 7:4; 11:17 ltorltln 11: 12 lwwilii1Tt 10:4 lwNIIiltr I :13 i4tm 10:15 idto 1:11; S:6 UltJIMM 2:8. 9; 8:4; 10:7 ipis 3:2; 6:9; 8:4 i g - 6:3 /lie

320

BIBUOORAPHY AND INDICES

llle 1:7, 9, 14, 18(2x): 2:2, 8; 3:1(2x), 3, 9, 1D. 12, 13; 4:5(2ll). 6; 5:5; 6:1, 2(2ll), 3(2ll), !1, 6; 8:1(3x), 3, 4, S; 9:1, 4; 10:1(2x), 2, ID. 12: 11:3. ID. 11, 13, 14, 17. 18; 12:2(2ll), 4. 9, 13 ~2:8

"-ootJJiD 4:8 ._....., 7:9; 9:2 ilrtpmn 6:1 . . . . . 6:1 impllu 5:6; 7:3. 7; 9:3; 11:17 impl6e 5:6; 10:2. 8 ~!1:4

npreau;

12:6

impMbtu 6:2 ...,.,.,_ 3:6 1:3, !1. 8, 9, 13, 1!1, 17(2ll), 18(3x); 2:1, 2(3x), 3, 9; 3:3, 4, 7, 8, 11(4x), 12. 13; 4:2, 3, 6(2x). 7. 8, 9: !1:6; 6:1. !1(2ll), 6(2x), 8; 7:4, 7, IO(llt); 8:1(4x), 2, 4(2x). 5; 9:2, 3, 6(2x); 10:1, 2, !1(2ll), ID; I 1:1. 7. 8, ID, 11, 14(2ll), 15, 16(3x), 17(2x): 12:2,4, 5, 7, 12,13 ilrwrt2re 3:2; 6:9 iN:,..ibilil 11:16 iNIIf'lllllo ID-.3 ~ 1:8; 8:3: 11:11 ilw6&aria 1: ID illaH !1:6 il(fiN 3:5 ilflilue 11:17 ;,.,_ 7-!J iltilrlkiiS 10:2, 10: 11:17 ill/qJIIIIJI !1:3,6;7:7 ilrilfla 1:13, 14, 17; 12:4 illqllllttln !1:4; 7: 10; 8:4 lllfiii/Miio 5:3 U.ll«au 11:1!1 illtnttiD I: I 3

111

~1:13

~

2:1,3;4:1;8:5:9:6 ' - ' 11:17 . _ . . 1:14 1:18; 3:4, 12;4:2 . . 3:13(2x); !1:2; 6:9; 12:2.7 ila 7:4: 8:1; ID:3 ire 4:3; 10:4; 11:16, 18 16 1:8, 13(2ll); 2:1. 2(4ll), 7; 3:1, 2, 9(3ll); 4:1(2ll), 2(2x), 4 0 !1, 6(2x); !1:2, !1, 6; 6:3, !1(2ll), 6(2ll), 8(2x), 9; 7:9(2ll): 8:1, 3(2x), 4(3ll), S; 9:1, 4; 1D:1, 2, 7, 9; 11:2(2ll), 1D, 11,

w-e

12(2x), 13(2x), 16(2x), 17, 18(2x); 12:4, 6(3x). 12 ISIJIJ& 3-!J isle 3:13; 11:4,9, 14, 19 /Sinllrd 3:7; 10:8 iiiJqW 1:14: ID:IS; 11:18; 12:1D . , . 12:1 JIICI1b 3-!J pn 11:16(2ll) jejii/OQU 9:6 JtSJU 1:6,9(2x); 10:11,1!1; 11:1,3; 12:1.3.8 Jonlluris I :4 judD !1:6 }lll/iclve 5:6; 6:2; 11:15 jlldiciMI 2:2; 6:6 jwr/Te 39 )USjiiTtllldum 1-!J; 3:9; 11:17: 12:13 }Mstilill 2:2:5:3,5: 11:17 jMsiJIS 3:!1: 7:3 .JUWirW 6:4 lacrima 11:4 ,_,., 3:4 Lni 9:1 lex 8:5 /iber 1:!1. 16; 10:11 locus 1:17; 2:2: 4:7(2x); 6:3; 7:10; 8:5: 1D:9; 11:5, 7(2ll) /oqui I :9; 1-!J; 11 :4 llmta 10:5 10:!1 hatui4 7:8 IIWit.1lllia 4:3 _,;ster S:S rllflllsleiMm 2:2 _ , _ 4:3:8:1:11:17 fllt1jor 6:4 fllllllu 9:3

u-

lll!lllfin 1:I 0 - - - 3:12:9:4,6: 12:10. 11 4:1:7:9; 10:2; 12:2 Mtzn lltlbnlm 3:11 mtn

10:6

_,'!J

media~~ 111t1U

8:3

I:IS(2ll); 10:14; 12:3,7

,;Uuinuu 1:2 ,;,.i !1:5 , . . _ , 4:4,6; 11:1D ~ 4:5; 7:6; 9:2; 11:17; 12:7 lffllten 4:6 --7:1 -10:4

INDEX OF WORDS -11:6 moriri 9:6, 7: 11:8 IIIDrS 10:12 Moysu 1:4, S: 3:11; 11:1(2x), 2. 4, 14, 17, 19; 12:1,2 tllllllipiD 11 :16 , . , 2:9; 3:11: 9:3; 12:11 -5:4,5 1111111112:7 1111111 1:3; 2:3 • .5; 8:2. 4; 10:11: 11:8. 14; 12:11.12 Mid .5:4 IIIJiio 4:9 -(-1) 2:8:4:3;6:7 _,(..,.,) 6:4 Ntr~e 1:6; 10:11, 1.5 111 3:9, 12; 7:7. 10(2x); 11:11. 12: 12:3 -- 3:7,11 If« 9:4(2>:); 11:11 "4tft 8:2 ~~qle,en 12:4, 11 1111110 6:3 llillil 12:4 IIOIJ!j!lll:l8;9:1 11011 1:13; 3:7, 11; 4:8: .5:4(2x); 6:2, 4; 8:1; 10:.5: 11:16(2x). 17. 18: 12:7, 8. 12 1101 3:.5, 11, 12(2x), 13(3x): 7:8; 9:3, .5; 11: 16; 12:4(2x) 3:.5; 9:6, 7 IIOVWinll 8:.5 /IQ% 11:17 -1:3 ,.,.,_. 9:4 """" 1:1.5:9:4 10:2; 11:17 -w 11:9 ocrlclmr 7:7; 11:8 occldere 6:4, 8 OflllllpoWu 11: 17 -..Lr 1:7, 10. IS; 2:9; 3:2, 3, 7, 8; 4:2; 7:4(2x); 10:1, 7; 11:1, 8(2x). 16; 12:4(2&). .5. 9. 13 omrt! 4:1: 11:11, 17; 12:6 DniiiD 11:14 orbU 1:2, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17; 111"..5; 11:8. 16, 17: 12:4(2&), .5, 9 onlb!in I :17 ortlllttiiiD 2:5 orlGu 1:3; 3:1, 13; 7:7: 11:8 01 7:9; 11:4 ...... 4:3 ,_,.,.., 1:18

321

ptllotn 1:13, 1.5(2&); 4:S: 1:4; 10:7 ptlbu 2:4 J1fl'tft 11: 12 pMteN 6:4 pomu 9:4,6; 11:17 ptnn 10:1 p<Jiiltr 3:.5: 8:4, S pan 3:13;4:7;6:8,9 ptVIiups S:l fHIIe' 1:1, IS; 2:1; 4:2, S, 8; 10:14; 11:12 pat; 3:11; 9:3; 11:11 ptllieNiQ 12:7 palrill 3:3 peccon 3:.5; 12:11 p«CIJIIIm 12:6 per 1:4, 9(2x); 2:1, 3, 6; 3:9; 6:6: 11:16 put:ipe~ 1:16 perden 10:7 ~4:8

penot14 S:S permrdue .5:.5 pu 11:1,12:12:1 pUiilellliosJu 7:3 petultw 6:2 PlwellkeJPiwena I :3 pielas 12:8 pl«on 11:17 pl«ere 2:2; 7:4 pltbs 1:4, 7, 8, 12, IS; 3:3; 4:2(2&); 9:2: 11:4, 9, 12, 19: 12:8 pleluu 7:7: 11 :4 plmon 3:6, I; 11:2 poetlll S:.5 pol/llere 2:7 J10118e 2:4, 1: 4: I popllbu 9:3 pOISe 4:8; 7:7: 11:12: 12:12 post I :4; .5:3: 1:.5 pOift4 2:3 ~2:3:12:1

powu 6:8 pOIDIIill 8: I pol4ltiS 1:1 podiiS 9:6 potlll 11:13 pnlllbt:re 12:3 pNIIII&ere 11:1; 12:11 fii'IIPI'OR I :14 ~4:8

praaiOie 11:13 ~

3:12:9:4,6 praevidere 12:4(2x), 13 pnca 11:17

322

BIBUOGRAPI:IY AND INDICES

prrhmden 12:2 priltctps 2:3; 7:8 prilrdptllb 6:3 prilfCiptat 9:2 pro 4:1; 11:11, 17; 12:6(3x) pratiiHIS 9:4 pru/Kin 1:6; 12:9 proc:iMre 11:1; 12:1 prot/llctn 6:7 profmiD I :3, 4 ~1:10;2:1

~ere 12:4

propltela 11:16 pmp/leliiJ I :.S; 3:11 (lrrJfMr I :12: 4:5; 5:2: 7:6; 10:3; 12:7, 8 prutiNisl0:2 prr~~~idere 12:.5 proziltul3 3:10 pwr 8:3 fll/l'Hnn 3:4 flllllin 5:2; 6:6; 8:4; 12:11 pusiiJ.n 12:4 {llllln 7:8 ..... 9:6 f/IIIIIIIIIS 9:3 , _ _ 9:6 ~1:10

qwrda 1:10 qllml/oflu 7:7 f•l 1:2, 3, 4, .5, 6. 9, 10, 14, 16, 17(2x), 18; 2:1, 2(2x), 7; 3:9(3x), 11(2x), 12, 13(2x), 14; 4:1, 2(3x), .5: .5:2, 4(2x), .5, 6; 6:2, 3. 8; 7:1, 4, 10; 8:1(3x), .5; 9:1(2x), 3, 6: 10:2(2x), 12, 13; 11:1, 4(3x), 10. 12(2x), 17(2x); 12:4• .5, 11, 13(2x) qiJ 11:14 .,U. I:IS; 3:.5; 4:8; S:3; 9:4, .5; 10:7; 11:4 . . . . . .5:4 qllillaR11:11 ~1:2

qllb 3:7; 9:3(3x); 11 :4(2x). .5, 6. 7, 9, 10(2x). 11, IS, 19 .5:6 (/IIDIIIDIID 3:13; .5:6:6:2, 6; 8:4; 11:12. 17 recepliD 10:12

fllllfllll

~11:.5 ~1:16

rr{t!ln 4:8 re,ID 4:6; 9:3 reptn 7:3 re,_ 2:2. .5; 10:1,3 ~ 12:12

nmllWcl 3:9,10; 4:.5; 11:17 , _ 4:7 reponere I: 17 rup«au I: 18 rapiure 1:18; 4:4 respt1llllen 11:3, 1.5; 12:2 "'" 3:1; 4:2.6: .5:1; 6:1, 2. 8; 8:1(2x); 11:16 rope 9:1 riiiJer 1110e Man llubnn IDCer' 11:16 SIJCerdois .5:4; 6: I, 2 SO«IIblm 4:2: 8:1; 11:16; 12:4, 13 Sllll&liiAr 2:4; 6: I ~2:4

SlliiCtJII 1:7; 3:2(2x), .5: 6:1; 10:3; 11:16

Sllllpis 9:1; 10:.5 Sllpielllia 11:1.5 scelesau 2:9; 9:3 scdlu .5: I, 6; 7:7 scell(tl)e 1:7, 9; 2:3, 4, 8 sciNiere 11: I scire 6:3; 9:4, .5 :.criben 11:1 ~1:16;11:1

u I :6, 13(2x); 2:3 • .5; 3:3, 4; 6:7; 7:3. 4, 6, 7; 10:.5(2x); 11:1; 12:2 8:3 S«UTIU 12:3 ucu 1:3, 10:2:2. .5; 3:13(2x); 4:2: 11:8, 13 Ull .5:4(2~t); 11:16; 12:3,4,7 sMu 4:2; 10:3 umel 11:17 -3:9 Mpdire 6:3 .stplllcnn 11:8 ~ 11:6,8(2x) uqal .5:4 serWn 2:8; 3:14 M"'llw .5:3 .fmlll.l .5:4(2x) 11 9:7; 11:17 llt:lll 11:1 liM 1:10; 9:2 lllflllli 11:17 sililn 3:4 llt1l 10'..5; 11:8, 12 tobu 10:7 MN1 2:2 S«tlre

~9:6

tplrlllll 11:16 !llllbilire 2:2,.5: 12:13

INDEX OF WORDS

srello J()-..5,9

ll'iduMm 9:5

slinwllu 8:5 sub 12:9

Iris/is 4:8

swxeden 6:2, 7 swxasor 1:7; 10:15

Ill

s-.u 6:1; ID:2, 7, ID ~ Sllprll

7:9 4:1; 8:5: 10:8; 11:12 _ , _ 5:1 sart:iltlre 7:4; 8:1 sMSpelfdere 8: I JIUU 1:12; 2:3, 4(2K), 5, 8: 3:3, ID; 4:1, 3, S, 7, 8(2K); 5:3; 7:4(2K); 8:5; ID:3(3K), 4; 11:1, 8, 17(2•) IIIIU 8:1 11:1 ....,_. 7:8; 11:12(2•) llllfiOe 7:1D 9:3;11:14 T11110 9:1 rqen 3:1 leller'GriKr 6:2 ll!lllperfllfiN

12:7

IUI(IIU 1:15; 3;1, 13; 4:5, 9; 5:1, 5; 6;1;

7:1; 8:1; 10:12 -'-el()-..5 ~9:4

1:2, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17; 2:1, 3; 3:1, 3, 9, 12; 4:3, 6; 6:5; 8:1; 10:4, ID: 11:8(2K), 11, 12, 16, 17(2x), 18; 12;4(2x),5 ~ 11:4 lelltllflellllllfl 1:9, 14; 2:7; 3:9; 4:2, 5; 10:15; 11:17; 12:13 IDIIITi 3:11, 12, 13 lerrll

~1;7;2:3

IGlU 3:12 drllpsU 3:7 ,.,.., 11:12 liiiiDr 6:S lD&n 3.:2 1:4;12:11 ~ 8:2,5 J()-.5;12:12 ~7'9

ll'tlliB'c 1:16; 1:2; 11:12 ...... 9:2

lristidtl 111:1 l:lS, 16(2x); 2:1, 2; 3:9; 4:2; 10:8,

9<2•>· 11. 15(3x); 11:4, 5; 12:3(2x), 8 """ 3:11 IIUIC 2:4; 3:4, 6, 10; 4:1, 2, 5, 7; 6:1, S; 9:1; ID:I(2x), 2, 8 IIVris 2:4 lllllllio 1:16 """ 1:10; 3:9; IO:IO(Z.); 11:4, 8(2x), 14 "'"""""' 2:3

ubi 4:3; 6:3 llllio 8:1; 9:2

......,_, 3:9 IIIIM 11:13

IUiiau 11; 12 1111111

4:1; 11:11

IUIIISI/uUqlle 2:2 usque 1:4, 18; 3:13; 7:7; 8:1; 10:4,6, 12;

11 :8(2x); 12:4(2x) 1:7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 18; 3:4; 4:6; S:6; 6:3; 9:4; 10:7; 11:11; 12:6,9 IUfQr 4:3; 8:3 1:17:3:2 •el/e 4:2(2x); 5:6 oorin 3: I; 4:7; 6:8; 10:7 •erb11m 1:9; 3:6. 13; 8:5; ID:I1; 11:1, 15, 16; 12:1, 3 veriltu 5:2. 4 111

~11:1

llill 11:10; 12:1D Yiclimtl 2:6 Wdere 9:2,4; 10:10 'lilldre 8:2 'lilldic:t~n 9:7; 1()-2, 7

'lilldic:rtl 5:1 w 11:12 w,o 11:12 WIJu 12:7 Ws 9:5 ... 1:15 - - 1:6;6:1 """'- 11:13(3x) •os 3:S(2x), 7 OtlX 11:4

~n~~~~l;4

~2:3;11;7

I1IIIUW I ;15 ll'iblllildD 4'9 vU. 2:3(2x). 4, 5; 3:2, 4(2x), 6(2x), 8, 10(2x); 4:1, 9, 7

323

VII 2:7; 9:1 VIlli 2:7 X 2:3, 5; 3;4, 6; 4:9

324 'XL 3:11 XVIII 2:3 XVII/I 2:3 XX 2:6

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND INDICES XXX 6 /Ill 6:6 LXXVII 3:14 CCL 10:12 c mJliiJ 11:4

STUD lA IN VETERIS TESTAMENTI PSEUDEPIGRAPHA EDITED BY A.-M.

DE~IS

AND M. DEJONGE

2. DELCOR, M. (ed.). Le Tmammt d'Abralunn. Introduction, traduction du texte grec et commentaire de la recension grecque longue. Suivi de la traduction des Testaments d'Abraham, d'lsaac rt dejacob d'apres lrs versions orientales. 1973. ISBN 90 04 03641 5 3. JONGE, M. de (ed.). Shuiies on tilL Teslllmmls of the TweiN Patriarchs. Trxt and intrrpretation. 1975. ISBN 90 04 04379 9 4. HORST, P. W. van der (ed.). Tlu smtmw of Pstudo-Phorylitks. With introduction and commrntary. 1978. ISBN 90 04 05707 2 5. TURDEANU, E. Apocryphes slaves et roumains dt l'Ancim Ttstammt. 1981. ISBN 90 04 06341 2 6. HOLLANDER, H. W.Joseph as an tthital modtl in tlzt Teslllmmls oftJre TwehJe Palriarchs. 1981. ISBN 90 04 06387 0 7. BLACK, M. (ed.). Tlu /look of Enoch or I Enoch. A new English rdition with commentary and textual notrs. In consultation with J. C. Vandrrkam. With an apprndix on the 'astronomical' chapters by 0. Neugrbaurr. 1985. ISBN 90 04 07100 8 8. HOILA..'IIDER, H. W. and M. DE JONGE (rds.). Tlu Testammts of tilL TweiN Patriarrlu. A commrntary. 1985. ISBN 90 04 07560 7 9. STONE, M. E. Sti«ted studies in Pstudepigrapha and Apocrypha. With sprcial rrfrrrncr to the Armenian tradition. 1991. ISBN 90 04 09343 5 10. TROMP,J. (ed.). Tlu Asstmi/Jtioll ofMoses. A critical edition -..ith commentary. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09779 I