THE RAMAYANA TRADITION IN ASIA
The sculpture reproduced on the endpaper depicts a scene where three soothsayers are interpreting to King Suddhodana the dream of Queen Maya, mother of Lord Buddha. Below them is seated a scribe recording the interpretation. This is perhaps the earliest available pictorial record of the an of writing in India. From Nagarjunakonda, 2nd century A D . Courtesy : National Museum, New Delhi.
THE RAMAYANA TRADITION IN ASIA
Papers presented at the International Seminar on The Raraayana Tradition in Asi% New Delhi* December
Edited by
v. RAGHAVAH
SAHITYA AKADEMI
Sahitya Akademi Rabindra Bhavan, 35, Ferozeshah Road, New Delhi 110 001 Sales Office : 'SWATT, Mandir Marg, New Delhi-110 001 Rabindra Sarobar Stadium, Block V-B, Calcutta 700 029 29, Eldams Road, Teynampet, Madras 600 018 172, Mumbai Marathi Grantha Sangrahalaya Marg, Dadar, Bombay 400*014
CO Sahitya Akademi
First Published 1980 Reprinted 1989
Rs. 100; $ 25; £ 10
Published by the Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi and printed at Vimal Offset, Delhi 110032.
PREFACE If a poem has contributed substantially to keeping a culture alive amongst vast masses of people through ages, it is certainly the epic Ramayana. Rama, the hero, a likeable, pleasing god-man, later came to be looked upon as a human God, more especially with the Vedic gods receding into the background. In fact, ' Rama' became a byword, with religiourand spiritual, mantraAikt overtones amongst the illiterate populace, even as OM was amongst those well-versed in scriptures. The Poet's attempt at presenting the grammar of human relationships, as it emerges from the royal houses of Ayodhya, Kishkindha and Lanka, had not a little to do with the immense popularity of the Ramayana. There is a subtle magnetism also in the ultimate fate of Sita, perhaps of women in general, as described in the last book, which, though, like the first one, not regarded now to be the work of Valmiki, was an authentic part of the Epic when Kalidasa wrote his Raghuvamsha and was indeed a very moving part of the story when Bhavabhuti selected it as the theme for his masterpiece Uttara-rama-charita. The eternal war against evil, the lesson (if a poem must have a lesson) urging one' to behave as Rama and not as Ravana' has a universal appeal which cuts •cross religions and endears the work to votaries of various faiths in India as well as in the neighbouring countries, where the Ramayana remains a significant part of their cultural heritage. In recent times o^tan^pg scholars, both in the West as well as in the Efest, have conducted in-depth studies of the many problems oonnected with the sprawling Ramayana tradition. Attempts at tracing the origin of the main incidents of the narrative in actual history, folk-tales, legend or mytji have been made again and again. The interaction between and the synthesis of the Brahminical, Budhistic and Jain Ramayana traditions form another subject of
study. The additions and alterations made by oral reciters, folk* theatre artistes, painters and sculptors not only in India but in the oountries of the South-East Asia as well have also claimed the attention of many a scholar. The problem of the relative antiquity of the main events and the writing of the two epics — the Ramayana and the Mahabharata— has been carefully looked into. The questions of the poetic diction and the use of the metres in the Ramayana have been discussed. And there is a continuing interest in assessing the various poetic renderings of the Ramayana story in modern Indian languages vls-a-vis the work of Valmiki. A whole Ramayana lore has grown. The present volume of papers, presented at the International Ramayana Seminar hosted by the Sahitya Akademi at New Delhi in 1975, is one more proof of how much still remains unexplored and deserves the close scrutiny of discerning scholars. It is gratifying to note that Ramayana scholarship in South-East Asian countries has already made a rich contribution to the Ramayana lore. The Sahitya Akademi has recently undertaken an ambitious project of compiling a critical inventory of Ramayana Studies in the world — "Inventaire raisonne des Etudes du Ramayana" — which has been adopted by the Union Academique Internationale. I am sure this work, which involves collaboration of various countries, will bey when completed, a very important research tool for the Ramayana students all over the world. It is unfortunate that Dr. V. Raghavan, the renowned Indologist and Ramayana Scholar, who presided over the International Seminar and edited the text of this volume passed away on Ramanavami day, 1979 and could not live to see it published. It is hoped this volume will prove a worthy addition to Ramayana studies. UMASHANKAR JOSH1
NEW DELHI,
1 August, 1980
vi
CONTENTS jrHBFAGB
•••
•••
PftOGRAMMB OF 1KB SEMINAR 1. THE
RAMAYANA
IN
•••
•••
•••
•
...
...
...
XI
SANSKRIT
V. Raghavan ...
...
LlTERATURB
...
...
by
...
1
2. THB OLD JAVANBSB RAMAYANA, ITS COMPOSER AND COMPOSITION by Soewito Santoso ... ...
20
3. THB ROLB OF THB SACRED BOOK IN RAMAYANA by Harry H. Buck ...
40
RELIGION—THE
...
...
4. RAMACARITAMANASA AND ITS RBLEVANCB TO MODERN
AGE by Rev. C. Bulcke
...
...
...
58
5. VALIDITY OF THE RAMAYANA VALUES by Sukumari ... ... ... ... Bhattacharji ...
76
6. RAMAYANA MANUSCRIPTS OF DIFFERENT VERSIONS U • Jr • 0A&II ••• ••• •*> «••
by •••
93
7. THB MIGRATION OF THE RAMAYANA STORY TO INDONESIA AND SOMB PROBLEMS CONNECTED WITH THB STRUCTURE AND CONTENTS OF THB OLD JAVANESE RAMAYANA
by Himansu Bhusan Sarkar
...
...
...
103
8. THE MALAYSIAN RAMAYANA IN PERFORMANCE by Amin Sweeney
...
...
•••
9. RAMAYANA IN MALAYSIA by Ismail Hussein
...
122
...
142
10. THB RAMAYANA IN THB PHILIPPINES by Jaun R. Francisco
...
...
...
...
...
11. THB RAMAYANA TRADITION m KANNADA by V. Sitanuniah
155 178
12. RAMAYANA IN MALAYALAM LITERATURE AND FOLK-LORE
by N. V. Krishna Warrior
...
...
13. RAMAYANA IN TBLUGU LITERATURE AND FOLK-LORE by Cm R« SttHDft ••• ••• ••• ••• •••
204 J»\&
14. JAIN RAMAYANAS AND Tram SOURCE by V. M. Kulkarni
226
45. THE RAMAYANA—ITS CHARACTER, GENESIS, HISTORY, EXPANSION AND EXODUS by Suniti Kumar Chatterji...
242
16. RAMAYANA IN THAI THEATRE by Chamlong Sarapadnuke
245
17. THB RAMAYANA IN LAOS (VIENTIANE VERSION) by Kamala RfttflAIIl
•••
• ••
•••
•••
•••
29D
18. THE KHVAY THUARAPHI by Sachidanand Sahai
...
282
19. RAMAYANA IN BURMESE
by
LITERATURE AND ARTS
U. Thein Han and U. Khin Zaw
...
...
301
20. RE-CREATIONS OF THE RAMAYANA IN TAMIL AND HINDI
by S. Shankar Raju Naidu
...
...
21. RAMAYANA IN INSCRIPTIONS by D. C. Sircar
...
315
...
322
22. TEXTUAL THEME OP RAMAYANA IN JAPAN by Prof. Minora R&BTca • • •
•••
•••
•••
«••
23. RAMAYANA IN NEPALI by Kamala Sankrityayan
•••
JJ^r
...
348
24. RAMAYANA IN SINHALA LITERATURE AND ITS FOLK VERSION by J. TUakasiri ... ... ... 25. THB RAMAYANA AND ITS IMPACT ON GUJARATI LITERATURE
by Prof. Umashankar Joshi
...
...
385
...
397
26. SRI RAMAYANA IN TAMILNADU IN ART, THOUGHT AND ... ... LITERATURE by R. Nagaswamy ...
409
27. RAMAYANA IN SRILANKA AND LANKA OF THE RAMAYANA ... ... ... by C. E. GODAKUMBURA
430
28. TULASI-DASA'S RAMACARITAMANASA IN HINDI AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THB SANSKRTT VBRSKVN OF VALMKI THE TAMIL VERSION OF KAMBAN, AND THB THAI VERSION OP KINO RAMA I by S. Singaraveln ... ...
455
29. BHUSUNDI RAMAYANA AND US INFLUENCE ON THB MEDIAEVAL RAMAYANA LITERATURE by Bhagwati Prasad
Singh...
...
... viii
...
...
...
475
Page 30. RAMCHARITAMANAS AND THE PERFORMING TRADITION OF RAMAYANA by Induja Awasthl ... ...
SOS
31. RAMAVATAR (RAMAYANA) BY GURU GOBIND SINGH by
BaljitTulsi
...
...
...
...
...
517
32. RAMAYANA IN KASHMIRI LITERATURE AND FOLK-LORE by
P . N . Pushp
...
534
...
546
34. RAMA-LITERATURE IN ORISSA AND ITS INFLUENCE ON ... ... ... INDONESIA by K. C. Sahoo
561
33.
...
...
THE RAMAYANA IN BENGAL
...
...
by Bhabatosh Datta
35. RAMAYANA IN MANIPURI LITERATURE AND FOLK-LORE by
E. Nilakanta Singh 36.
...
...
RAMAYANA IN ASSAMESE LITERATURE
SAastn 37. ORAL
•••
...
•••
...
...
573
by Biswanarayan ...
TRADITION OF THE RAMAYANA IN BENGAL
Asutosb Bhattacharya ...
...
...
...
383
by
...
593
38. RAMAYANA IN ORIYA LITERATURE AND ORAL TRADITION
by Nilamani Mfohra 39.
...
...
THE RAMAYANA IN INDIAN SCULPTURE
murti
...
...
40.
RAMAYANA, THE EPIC OF ASIA
41.
RAMAYANA IN MONGOLIA
...
...
617
by C. Sivarama•••
...
636-
by Lokesh Chandra ...
648
by T. S. Damdinsuren
...
653
42. TRB RAMAYANA TRADITION AND THE PERFORMING ARTS
by Suresh Awasthi
...
...
...
...
660
43. RAMAYANA IN SCULPTURE AND PAINTINGS IN THAILAND
by M. C. Subhadradis Diskul 44.
RAMAYANA IN TUB ARTS OF A S U
...
...
...
670
bv Kapila Vatsyayan
689
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS
...
...
...
...
703
INDEX
•••
•••
•••
•••
MJ/
...
...
Internationa) Seminar on RAMAYANA TRADITION IN ASU New Delhi, December, 1975
8th December 1975 Inaugural SeMfoa: 11.30 a.m.
larocattoe Wdeoae
:
DR. R. S. KBLKAR
Secretary, Sahitya Akademi :
DR. SUNIII KUMAR CHATTERJBB
President, Sahitya Akademi A few worii
:
DR. V. RAGHAVAN
:
PROF. NURUL HASAN
Minister of Education
Veteef llaaks
:
DR. K. R. SRDOVASA IYBNOAR
Vice-President, Sahitya Akademi
8th December 1975 First Session: 12.30 p.m. to 1.30 p.m. Chairman—Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee Dr. V. Raghavan
-The Ramayana Literature.
in
Sanskrit
Dr. Harry M. Buck
-The role of the Sacred Book in Religion—The Ramayana.
Dr. Soewito Santoso
-The old Javanese Ramayana, its composer and composition.
: 2.30 p.m. to 5.15 p.m. Chairman—Dr. V. Raghavan Smt. Sukumari Bhattacharji
—Validity of the Ramayana Values.
Fr. Camille Bulcke
—Ramacaritamanasa and itsu relevance to modern age.
Prof. H. B. Sarkar
—The Migration of the Ramayana Story to Indonesia and some Problems connected with the Structure and Contents of the Old Javanese Ramayana.
Dr. U. P. Shah
—Ramayana Manuscripts of different versions.
xu
9th December 1975 Third Sessioo: 10 a.m, to 1.15 p.m. Chairman—Prof. Minora Hara Sri V. M. Kulkarni
—Jain Ramayanas and their source.
Dr. Arain Sweeney
—The Malaysian Ramayana in Performance.
Prof. Ismail Hussein
—Ramayana in Malaysia.
Mr. Juan R. Francisco
—The Ramayana in the Philippines
Prof. V. Sitaramiah
—The Ramayana Kannada.
Sri N. V. Krishna Warrior
—Ramayana in Malayalam Liteiature and Folklore.
Dr. C. R. Sarma
—Ramayana in Telugu Literature and Folklore.
Tradition
in
Foorth Sessioo: 2.30 p.m. to 5 p.m. Chairman—DT. Asutosh Bhattacharya Mr. Chamlong Sarapadnuke
-Ramayana in Thai Theatre.
Smt. Kamala Ratnam
-The Ramayana in Laos (Vientiane Version).
Dr. S. Sahai
-The Khvay Thuaraphi.
Prof. S. K. Chatterjee
-The Ramayana—Its Character, Genesis, History, Expansion and Exodus.
Mr. U. Thein Han and
-Ramayana in Burmese Literature and Arts.
Mr.U. KttnZaw
}
X11I
10th December 1975 Fiftk Sessioo: 10 a.m. to LIS p.m. Chairman—Mr. Juan R. Francisco Sri D. C. Sircar Prof. Minora Hara
—Ramayana in Inscriptions. —Textual theroc of Ramayana in
Smt. Kamala Sankrityayan Mr. J. Tilakasiri
—Ramayana in Nepali Literature. —Ramayana in Sinhalese Literature and its Folk version. —Ramayana in Sri Lanka and Lanka of the Ramayana.
Dr. C. B. Gsdakumbura
Japan.
Sixth Session: 2.30 p.m. to 5 p.m. Chairman— Mi. J. Tilakasiri Mr. S. Singaravelu
Dr. Bhagwati Prasad Singh Dr. (Smt.) Induja Awasthi Smt.BaljitTuIsi Prof. Umashankar Joshi Prof. P. N. Pushp
—Tulsidasa's Ramacharitamanasain Hindi and its Relationship to the Sanskrit version of Valmiki, the Tamil vcrsicn of Kamban, and the Thai version of King RamaL —Bhusundi Ramayana and its Influence on the Mediaeval Ramayana Literature. -Ramacharitamanas and the performing trad ticn of Ramayana. -Ramavatar (Ramayana) by Guru Gobind Singh. -The Ramayana and its impact on Gujarati Literature. -Ramayana ir Kashmiri Literature and Folklore.
aiv
11th December 1975 : 10 a.m. to 1.15 p.m. Chairman—Fr. Camille Bulke Prof. Bhabatoah Datta
—The Ramayana in Bengal.
Prof. K. C. Sahoo
—Rama Literatute in Orissa and its Influence on Indonesia.
Sri E. Nilakanta Singh
—Ramayana in Manipuri Literature and Folklore.
Sri Biswanarayan Shastri
—Ramayana in Assamese Literature and Folklore.
Dr. Asutosh Bhattacharya
—Oral Tradition of the Ramayana in Bengal.
Sri Ncclmani Mishra
—Ramayana in Oriya Literature and Oral Tradition.
Dr. S. Shankar Raju Naidu
—Re-creations of the Ramayana in Tamil and Hindi.
Bghth Session: 2.30 p.m. to 5 p.m. Chairman—DT. Kapila Vatsyayan Dr. C. Sivaramamurti
—The Ramayana in Indian Sculpture
Sri R. Nagaswamy
—Sri Ramayana in Tamilnadu in Art, Thought and Literature.
Dr. Lokesb Chandra
—Ramayana, the Epic of Asia
Prof. T. S. Damdinsuren
—Ramayana in Mongolia.
12th December 1975 Ninth Session: 10 a.m. to 1.15 p.m. Chairman—Dr. C. Sivaramamurti
Dr. Suresh Awasthi
The Ramayana Tradition and the Performing Arts,
Dr. M C. Subhadradis Diskul —Ramayana in Sculpture and Pointings in Thailand. Dr. Kapila Vatsyayan
Ramayana in the Arts of Asia.
Tenth Session: 2.30 p.m. to 5 p.nu Chairman—Dr. V. Raghavan
Discussion and Recommendations for a Report Concluding Remarks
: Dr. V. Raghavan
Vote of Thanks
: Dr. R. S. Kelkar
Rapporteur for the Seminar: Dr. C. R. Sarma
xn
THE RAMAYANA IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE Dr. V. RAGHAVAN To attempt to describe the Ramayana in Sanskrit literature would be like attempting to describe the immanense of God in creation. Indian literary tradition holds Valmiki as the first poet, Adi Kavi and the Ramayana as the Adikavya, the first poem, apart from the Vedic Rshis and their hymns. He was the path-maker for the honeyed expressions of poetry, as Bhoja says in his Ramayana Campu : ^H^frldlHi qHKtfT T^fa: I I. 8 Modern historians of Sanskrit literature also express the same opinion e.g. Jacobi and Keith, who say : It (the Ramayana) was the precursor of all homogeneous and artificial poems (i.e. Kavyas) and • the technique of poetry with regard to delineation, language and metre, which was brought to completion by Valmiki, became the standard for the epic poetry of later times \ (P. 64, Jacobi, The Ramayana, English Translation, Baroda). * Valmiki and those who improved on him in the period 400-200 BC are clearly the legitimate ancestors of the court epic/ ' as they (the later poets) drew deeply upon it for their themes, so they found in it the models for the ornaments of their style'. * Imitation in detail of the Ramayana is frequent and patent and its language and verse technique deeply affected the whole of the history of the Kavya \ (Keith, History of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 43, 45). From the Ramayana were born the ideas, concepts and devices of the art of the poets, ^r^l«tTTMI<*MI^W^ ^fa|5*T: I I, 2- 385 as Vyasa said of his own epic. Vyasa is included among those, indeed at the head of those, whose poetic minds were fed and formed by Valmiki. In his usual interesting manner, Rajasekhara, the poet-critic (of the end of the 9th and beginning the 10th Century A.D.), presents in the prelude to the opening act of his unfinished play
2
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
on the Mahabharata-theme, called the Balabharata, the sagepoets of the two epics in dialogue and makes Vyasa address Valmiki as master, Upadhyaya and the first poet, Prathama-kavi9 and take his blessings. Another indigenous treatment, a more elaborate and more literary and interesting treatment, of the primary place of the Ramayana is to be found in the Brhaddharma Purana which was probably composed in the 13th or 14th Century A.D. The Ramayana, which occupies a considerable portion of this Purana text, is referred to here as Mahakavya and Valmiki is described as the first manifestation of Vak. The Ramayana is described as the source and model of all Itihasa-Purana literature. Pleased with Valmiki's production of the Ramayana, Brahma asks Valmiki to take up composing the Mahabharata but Valmiki replies : " I have composed the Ramayana and am free from doubt, agitation and illusion ; wherefore shall I vainly take up another work ? "
fr3P%ft *ETf ^T: sffa^fa«lfad: II 27-6-7 But adds " when Vyasa comes, I shall impart to him the eternal seeds of poetry, Kavyabijam sanatanam (SI. 11). Vyasa and other sages come and Valmiki gives them the seed matrix of poetry for composing the Mahabharata and the Puranas and says in conclusion " In the Mahabharata and the Puranas, wherever Rama's story comes, there my spirit will animate you all ". l
T * TPT*fof WRT 3 ^ 5T*T Slfwm
II 30-51
Along with the above traditional and literary treatment of the primary position of the Ramayana and its relation particularly to the Mahabharata, we may consider also from the critical and historical viewpoint the mutual relation of the two epics. In addition to several references to the characters and episodes of the Ramayana and situations parallel to those in the 1
See pp. 71-3* my Greater Ramayana.
The Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature
3
Ramayana, the Mahabharata has, towards the end of its third book (Vana), a sub-section called the Ramopakhyana; and in addition to this long narrative of the whole story of Rama in about 20 chapters, the Mahabharata has also several short resumes of the story of Rama in different contexts. There is also a precious quotation of three lines from Valmiki, cited as authority, one line of which is missing from the Southern and Eastern recensions of the Ramayana. Now the Ramopakhyana in the Mahabharata, which shows some differences from the text of Valmiki, yet discloses the influence of the latter and has several passages showing its minute acquaintance with Valmiki's text. Jacobi, Winternitz and Sukthankar, the first editor of the critical edition of the Mahabharata, discussed this question of the relation of the Ramopakhyana in the Mahabharata with Valmiki Ramayana and concluded that the Ramopakhyana knew Valmiki and represented a free summary of Valmiki's text. In my study of this question in my Greater Ramayana,2 1 adduced further evidences in support of the above conclusion and I am glad that the last editor of the now concluded critical edition of the Valmiki Ramayana from Baroda, Dr. U. P. Shah, has supported the above view. (Pp. 29-30, Vol. 7, Introduction at the end of the last part of the Uttara Kanda). It is also important to note that the Ramopakhyana already knows the full text of Valmiki as it is current with the Bala and Uttara Kandas and knows also the longer verses; it is also noteworthy that its narrative opens with the story of Ravana, a feature found generally in the South-East Asian versions. It is usually pointed out that the Panini Sutras, which refer to the characters of the Mahabharata, have no references to the Ramayana. A negative evidence like this is not of absolute value. In his introductory verses on the earlier poets in his Harshacarita, poet Bana praises Vyasa, and after him several classical poets, but does not mention Valmiki. However in the body of his works, especially the Kadambari* there are numerous references to the story and characters of the Ramayana. Patanjali (mid. 2nd Cent. B.C.) knows the Ramayana: in his Mahabhashya, on Panini 1.1.57, he mentions Ravani; and on 6.1.57, Kiskindha Guha; Kiskindha occurs also in the Ganapatfia. More interesting than 8
See pp. 2-31, The Greater Ramayana.
4
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
these is Patanjali's citation of two Anustubh verses making a humorous reference to a solitary monkey in the monkey army standing up and worshipping the Sun, which attests the popularity of the Ramayana and works or writings based on its story.
ifl«m*q TT^f «R*^rf?ns5% u i. 3.25 Under III. 1.67 (5), Patanjali quotes the bit ' «J% sfaRRH**: which is in all likelihood Valmiki V.34.6, words uttered by Sita. The two epics had also become part of the discipline and education of young princes. Kautalya warns them in the section on control of senses (1.6.8) not to follow the example of Ravana and Duryodhana and go to ruin.
Early Buddhistic literature, Pali and Sanskrit, knows the Ramayana-story very well*which it uses with orientation to its own purpose. There are several Jatakas which thus use the main story of the Ramayana as well as its episodes. Some Gathas and gnomic verses of the Ramayana are also found in them. It is natural that a text popular among the orthodox should be used by the reformist sects, with modifications, to suit their own doctrines. This trend is best seen in the Mahayana works and Buddhalogical writings imbued with Buddha-bhakti. The personality of the Buddha was conceived like that of Rama or Krshna and his description as a Mahapurusha with all his lakshanas or his physical training and feats and tests of strength as a Kshatriya prince, the description of the palace, the harem, etc., all these that we have in the works in Hybrid Sanskrit, the Lalitavistara, Mahavatsu, Saddharmapundarika, etc., have not merely echoes but actual verbal parallels with the descriptions of Rama, his personality, his qualities of head and heart and the descriptions of palace and harem in Lanka in the Ramayana. The better known and more conspicuous parallels in ideas and expressions
The Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature
5
are in the two poems in classical Sanskrit by Asvaghosha, the Buddhacarita and tht Saundarananda. To the examples already shown and discussed by earlier scholars, I have added several telling ones in my paper on * Buddhalogical Texts and the Epics \* The Mahavibhasha on the Jnanaprasthana of Katyayaniputra written under Kanishka, speaks of the central theme of the Ramayana and gives its extent as 12,000 slokas. That the Ramayana was recited in public, as it still continues to be recited and expounded, is mentioned in Kumaralata's Kalpanamanditaka (end of 2nd century A.D.). Like Asvaghosha earlier, Vasubandhu, later, was a great lover of the Ramayana* according to Paramaribo's account of his life available in Chinese* If the Ramayana continues to enjoy its vogue among the people of South-East Asia who follow the religion of the Buddha, there has already been a long historical background for the Ramayana as part and parcel of the Buddhist writings and for Rama as a Bodhisattva. Jainism also used the Ramayana, but with drastic changes in the story, incidents and characters. Starting with the Paumacaria of Vimalasuri (3rd or 4th Century A.D.), several works give us accounts of the Jain version of the Rama story. We may now come to the main stream of Sanskrit literature from where we left, the Mahabharata. We referred to the observation in the Brhaddharma Purana that wherever in the ltihasaPurana literature, there is the Rama-story, there the spirit of Valmiki is active. The Harivamsa, a supplement (Khila) to the Mahabharata imitates Valmiki, has many evidences of his influence and above all, describes dramatic piesentations of the Ramayana; it mentions the dramatisation of two espisodes especially, that of Rsyasringa and that of Rambha, Nalakubara and Ravana. Earlier the episode of Satrughna going against Lavanasura and killing him is also described. These show that the Harivamsa knew the text of the Ramayana with the Bala and Uttara kandas.b •Adyar Library Bulletin XX. 19S6, Buddha Jayanti Number pp. 349-359. * Watanabe, JRAS. 1907, pp. 97 ff. • See my Greater Ramayana, pp. 31-3.
6
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
In the vast Purana literature there is hardly a Purana or Upapurana that has not got a long or short narrative of the Ramayana. I do not want to take your time by entering into the mass of this Ramayana-Rama material in the Puranic literature; I refer you to my study of all this in my book entitled ' The Greater Ramayana '-• The study shows the permeation of the Ramayana in the Puranic literature, direct borrowings from Valmiki, resumes of the story based on him, elaborations of the story, particularly of the later life of Rama as King, and developments of the story in the wake and under the impact of the cults of Rama, Siva and Devi-Sakti. All through, the aim of this literature is to keep before the people the elevating personality of Rama as the embodiment of Dharma and his examplary reign of righteousness, the Dharmarajya or Ramarajya. We started with Valmiki as the Adikavi and the Ramayana as the Adikavya. The most important study then is of the influence and inspiration provided by Valmiki for the classical poets and the influence of his work on classical Sanskrit literature, the poems and the plays, Kavyas and Natakas. The ideal of the Sanskrit heroic poem and play, the Mahakavya and Nataka, is to present in the hero of the work a sublime personality of exalted character and ennobling qualities, such as Rama was as depicted by Valmiki. Two poets, both playwrights, the earlier Murari and the later Jayadeva, in the prologues of their plays on Rama, the Anargha-raghava and the Prasanna-raghava, asked the question; * Wherefore this taking up of Rama as the theme again and again'? And answered with the counter-question: * Where else could poets get a hero endowed with such qualities and how else could their literary gifts fulfil themselves than by dwelling on such a character?'
*ft «TWf ^fftfr ^ T TWW *rfcf
t$
The Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature
7
ittti *Ft star: *r 3 ^HimMi<wyn i q ^ f r : $ l ^ < M < ^ l ^ r < c | 5PT^ l H w i > «dd£«4MI««Nl(d: II PR, L 12 Similar tributes paid by poets to Valmiki have all been collected and presented by me in a booklet * Adikavi-Kavya-prasastayah \ 7 Apart from the central factor of the character of the hero and its delineation supplied by the Ramayana, other features that go into the structure of the Mahakavya, the descriptions of other characters like the heroine and other women, the anti-hero, of love and all its attendent feelings in union and separation, the city and the country, nature with its hills, forests and rivers, the seasons, trees and flowers, the rise and setting of sun and moon, night and dawn, of polity and war, of life among the high and the low, etc.—in all these Valmiki gave the model, standard and inspiration. It is not only the Rama-Kavya but all Kavya derives the material and method from the Ramayana. The model and influence include the use of metre and even the practice of varying the metre at the end of a canto. Reference has already been made to Asvaghosha's admiration for Valmiki and his poem, and his borrowings from it. But the greatest poet of the classical ages, Kalidasa, is the greatset admirer and follower of Valmiki. A later poet, Utprekshavallabha, says in his poem, the Bhikshatana-kavya (1.5), that " two poets stand supreme, Valmiki the first of poets and that Kalidasa who treads his path with ease and grace; let other poets flourish or not, I have not taken any effort to dip into them."
W i*r: ^%5 5*r *wi«Hiig: 11 'Madras 1963.
g
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Kalidasa's longest poem, the Raghuvamsa, deals with the royal line in which Rama appeared, the line of Raghu. Kalidasa called his poem after Raghu, because after Rama, the most frequent name used for him by Valmiki is Raghava. The names of the two poems of Kalidasa, Raghuvamsa and Kumarasamhhava, are found in Valmiki (1.19.; 37.31). The Raghuvamsa includes an account of the Ramayana-story in seven cantos (IX-XV). With his Raghuvamsa, Kalidasa became, next to Valmiki, the leading Ramayana-poet. The Raghuvamsa is one of the three Sanskrit sources of the Tamil Ramayana which Kambar mentions.8 His Megfiasandesa is a creation inspired by Hanuman going along the skies as a messenger from Rama to Sita. More specifically, the theme of the Megfiasandesa, of the Yakshaneglecting his duty, because of his being engrossed in love for his beloved and being cursed by Kubera, is taken from the previous story of Viradha, who was formerly Tumburu the Gandharva engrossed in love for Rambha and Kubera's curse on him described by Valmiki in III.4.16-18. His Sakuntala, repudiated by the King and living in the hermitage of sage Marica, and giving birth to her son there is an image cast in the mould of Sita abandoned by Rama, taken care of by Valmiki and giving birth to her sons there. Not only in the story of Rama in his Raghuvamsa, but in all his writings, both poems and plays, Kalidasa has laid in his lines gold and gems culled from the mine of Valmiki, -ideas, similes and expressions; I have presented these in my paper * Valmiki and Kalidasa * ;• and I have since collected many more of these examples. Such echoes and borrowal of expressions from Valmiki are found in all poets beginning with the author of the next important Mahakavya, Bharavi. But we should concentrate here on the poets who wrote on the Ramayana-thcmt. After Raghuvamsa, the next direct poem based on the Ramayana is the Ravanavadha of Bhatti who came after Bharavi. Because Bhatti chose to illustrate Panini's grammar also when narrating the story of Rama, many have missed enjoying his poetry and noting the interesting • This is demonstrated by Sri K. R. Jamadagni in his Tamil translation of the Raghuvamsa. Coimbatore* 1969, Introduction pp. 37-41. •K. V. Rangaswami Ayyangar Volume, Madras, 1940, pp. 409-424.
Tile Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature
9
details of the narrative as told in his poem. The Bhattikavya has this further unique importance as the basis of the Javanese Ramayana Kakawin which is partly a close and partly a free translation of it. For the history of Sanskrit literature, Sri Lanka was part of Bharata-varsha; and it was in that island that Kumaradasa produced the next important Ramayana Mahakavya, the Janakiharana. The next noteworthy production in this line is the Ramacarita of Abhinanda, who wrote in about 900 A.D. under the Palas of Bengal. Abhinanda was greatly devoted to Rama and as shown by me,10 he is the same as the author of the Laghu Yogavasishtha, and also responsible for revising and amplifying the larger Yogavasishtha, which is sometimes referred to as the Maharamayana. Abhinanda's Ramacarita, not much read, contains fine poetry and is noteworthy also for the story-elements not found in the original. The poem, planned in 100 cantos, is unfortunately incomplete; in the manuscripts the portion available, 36 cantos, takes us upto the fall of Kumbha and Nikumbha in the battle of Lanka. A greater polymath was Kshemendra of Kashmir, of the 11th Century, who in his effort to present in shorter compass four' of the longest works in Sanskrit and Prakrt, produced a Ramayanamanjari in 6,400 stanzas, following the course of the story as in Valmiki. The text is full of reproductions of the words of Valmiki and could be used as testimonia for textual criticism. In a verse in the end, Kshemendra reflects on the course of the story, of Rama's exile in the prime of his youth, forest life, loss of Sita, the evil gossip about her and her abandonment and says " It is all sorrow; may it lead you to blessed vairagyaand viveka"
*Hf 5:OTW 5R?5 T^rt $T«ft factor: I A short account of the Ramayana story in 293 verses also forms part of Kshemendra's poem Dasavatara-carita on the ten incarnations of Vishnu. This account, like the Ramopakhyana in the Mahabharata, starts with the story of Ravana to which it devotes one third of its length and takes Rama's story from Panchavati and Ravana's attempt to carry Sita away; it gives several episodes of the Uttara Kanda and concludes with a verse closely modelled 10
The Author of the Laghuyogavasishtha\ S. K. De Memorial Volume, 1972, pp. 53-56
10
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
on the verse with which Kalidasa concludes his Rama story in the Raghuvamsa, canto XV. To the royal polymath of Dhara in Malva, Bhoja, whose literary activities comprehended every branch of learning in Sanskrit, is credited the Ramayana Campu, in the mixed style of verse and prose, a work which has long formed part of the syllabus of Sanskrit study for youngsters. Bhoja's work is available only upto the end of the Sundarakanda and it became later a regular exercise for many young poets to compose the Yuddhakanda and complete Bhoja's Campu. Prakrt poetry or play was an integral part of Sanskrit literature. Prakrt was also used for Ramayana poems\ the best creation in this language is the Setubandha or Ravanavadha ascribed to the Vakataka King Pravarasena (5th Century A.D.); the poem, noteworthy chiefly for its poetry, has also points of interest in the narrative. For the general impact of the Ramayana on Prakrt poetry, we may note that the collection of lyrics, in that language associated with Hala Satavahana, the Gathasaptasati, has not only references to the characters and scenes in Valmiki but also uses the fancies and conceits of Valmiki. One Gatha may be pointed out particularly (1.35) which shows how the Ramayana was playing the role of a moral mentor of the people. When the chaste wife of the elder brother finds her younger brotherin-law intent on her, she points to the /tamajwMr-drawings on the wall and tells the whole day the story of how Lakshmana was devoted to Rama and conducted himself.
frTO ^TO% < I H I ^ H « W ^ f t d l f H II (Chaya) Incidentally, this shows also how the Ramayana had already become the source of themes for the art of printing. I am not now entering into the details in the narrative or the variations from Valmiki in these poems; I am dealing with them in a course of lectures to be delivered shortly at theUniversity of Poona.11 "These have been since delivered and are to be printed.
The Rama} ana in Sanskrit Literature
11
The Ramayana-poems of the classical period must have been more in number than what we have noticed above. A great many of the works of the classical period have been lost. Among these lost poems which are known from references and citations are some poems on the Ramayana-themt. In the Tibetan-Sanskrit Dictionary Mahavyutpatti (beginning of the 9th Cent.), Title 7,629 is a work called Sitaharana and in his Pancika on the Tattvasamgraha of Santaraksita, Kamalasila mentions the Sitaharana as a Kavya. (GOS.XXX.ii.p. 16). Bhartrmentha, the Kashmirian poet who wrote under Matrgupta the poem Hayagrivavadha, is mentioned by Rajasekhara in the prologue to his Balaramayana as an author on the Ramayana-themc along with Bhavabhuti and himself. Bhoja refers in his Srngara Prakasa to a Sitanveshaniya, obviously a poem on the search for Sita, a Dilipavamsa and two Prakrt poems Ravanavijaya and Maricavadha; the latter was, according to Abhinavagupta, who also mentions it in his com* mentary on the Natya Sastra, a Ragakavya intended to be sung in a single melody all through, namely the Kakubha grama raga. In the later ages, numerous Mahakavyas on the Ramayana-story were composed. The Ramayana figured along with the Mafiabharata in a class of poems called Dvisandhana in which two stories were told in the same poem through the use of Slesha or double entendre. Dandin, Dhananjaya and Kaviraja were the pioneers in this class of poems but later poets out-did them by telling in the same poem three, four and five stories in all of which the Ramayana figured. The large class of minor poems that arose in imitation of Kalidasa's Meghasandesa included some on Rama's message to Sita. In the equally large number of imitations of the Gitagovinda of Jayadeva, there are at least a score on the love-sports of Rama and Sita. Later Sanskrit literature was produced in an age when the adoration of Rama as God had developed to a high degree. This Rama-bhakti gave a further fillip to the production of Mahakavyas and Khandakavyas with the Ramayana-theme. A class of poems of the later ages which is specially to be noted in this connection is the Stotras on different deities. Of these those on Rama are large in number. There were poets like the Srivaishnava polymath Vedanta Desika (of the 13th Cent.) who wrote 1,000 verses on
12
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Rama's sandals which ruled Ayodhya (Padukasahasra) and the resounding one in prose, the Raghuviragadya. The poet, playwright and grammarian of the Tanjore Court at the end of the 17th Century, Ramabhadra Dikshita, wrote several hymns on Rama and his bow and arrow. The Rama poems, plays and hymns, the bulk of them still in mss., may run to few hundreds. Rama poems, plays and hymns continue to be composed even today. We shall now come to the Ramayana in Sanskrit drama. We already saw from the Harivamsa the popularity of the Ramayana with the actors. The earliest Rama-plays that we have are those of the pre-Kalidasa dramatist Bhasa to whom two Ramayana plays are ascribed, thePratima and Abhisheka Natakas. The appearance of Bhavabhuti in the 7th-8th Centuries threw into oblivion several excellent Rama-plays, produced before him, including the Ramabhyudaya of his own patron king Yasovarman. No less than 13 Rama-plays and several Acts of Rama-plays now not available have been surveyed and reconstructed by me in my book " Some Old Lost Rama Plays , \ 1 2 An old Rama play which I have discovered and am bringing out is the Udattaraghava of Anangaharsha Mayuraja, a Kalacuri prince. The best of these early Rama-plays are the Krtyaravana, Chalitarama, Ramabhyudaya and the Udattaraghava. Among extant ones, those of Bhavabhuti lead: the incomplete Mahaviracarjta on the earlier story and the Uttararamacarita on the later story. In the latter, Bhavabhuti excels in the portrayal of the sentiment of pathos, Karuna Rasa. Next in importance are the Anargharaghava of Murari whohad the title * Bala Valmiki• and the Balaramayana of Rajasekhara. From South India appeared the Ascharya Chudamani of Saktibbadra. Along with the Abhishekanataka of Bhasa, the Ascharya Chudamani is on the repertoire of the traditional Sanskrit theatre of Kerala, the Kudiyattam. King Bhimata of Kalanjara is eulogised by Rajasekhara as author of five plays of which the one on the Ramayana-story, the Svapnadasanana, which is also lost, was the best. Closely modelled on the Uttararamacarita is the Kundamala of Dhiranaga, King of Anupa. Kshemendra, the polymath already mentioned as author of the Ramayanamanjari, wrote a play on the later story of Rama, Kanaka-janaki, named after the golden u Annamalai University 1961.
The Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature
13
image of Sita with which, duringSita's life in Valmiki's hermitage, Rama performed his Asvamedha. Of the Rama-plays of the later ages, the best known is the Prasannaraghava of the logician Jayadeva of 1200 A.D. Ramabhadra Dikshita, already referred to as a Rama-poet, produced a Janakiparinaya, following the style of Bhavabhuti, Murari and Rajasekhara. Another contemporary of his of the Tanjore Mahrata Court, Mahadeva, produced a play dealing with battle of Lanka and dominated by magic and wonder and called the Adbhutadarpana. Like the Ramapoems, the Rama-plays of the later ages are in large number and they continue to be written even in modern times. One of the works on the Ramayana-ihtmt which has been widely discussed is the Mahanataka, the * super-play'! Its resurrection is ascribed to King Bhoja. Available in two recensions, it is an anthology of noteworthy verses on the various incidents of the Ramayana culled from well-known Ramayana-plays and arranged like a play and with a few stage directions. It was obviously used as the text recited for a Ramayana-page&nt, may be even a shadow-play. The later short one-Act play on the embasy of Angada, the Dutangada, by Subhata has also figured in the discussions of the historians of Sanskrit Drama. As it calls itself a Chaya-nataka, it was considered that it was used for the shadow-play but the real meaning of the term seems to be that the poet derives much of his verses from other Rama-plays even as the Mahanataka does. The Rama-plays are specially noteworthy for a feature which distinguishes them from the Rama-poems. The differences from Valmiki or details not seen in Valmiki that one comes across in the Rama-poems are due to differences of the recensions or versions of the story as current among the people in different parts of the country. But in the Rama-plays there are variations which are the conscious product of the playwrights' imagination. According to the Natya Sastra, the heroic play, Nataka, is to take for its theme a given story, well-known in Itihasa-Purana literature, and a hero who is thus a well-known figure, Prakhyata. But the Natya Sastra of Matrgupta adds that the dramatist may introduce a few innovations in the theme (kincid-utpadya vastu ca). Now the authors of the Rama-natakas who took up the Ramayanastory also took advantage of the permissive statement mentioned
14
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
above and from small things to bigger ones, introduced many inventive elements. The obvious justification for such innovations is that there were the well-known contexts in the Ramayana with which one was not absolutely satisfied and consequently the poets thought of saving the concerned characters from blame* e.g., Kaikeyi's boons, Dasaratha succumbing to her demands, Rama running after a golden deer, Sita's unbecoming words to Lakshmana and so on. Taking advantage of the enmity of Ravana and the magic of the Rakshasas, duplicate and fake Dasarathas, fake Kaikeyis, fake Ramas and Laksmans are brought in. Already Yasovarman, author of the Ramabhyudaya, voiced a mild protest against these innovations and avoided these in his own Rama-play. But his own court-poet Bhavabhuti and following him others, did not hesitate to adopt these innovations. A second protest was lodged bv the leading critic Anandavardhana in his Dhvanyaloka (mil):
But even this could not halt the play of the fancy of the authors of Rama-plays. Some of these innovations stayed in the minds of readers and spectators and when we study the variations found in versions of the Ramayana in India and outside, especially the South-East Asia, we have to take into consideration these innovations also which the Rama-plays had introduced. The Ramayana had not only inspired Sanskrit poems and plays but is also the source of the Sanskrit poetic theory. It is from the incident of the sage-author Valmiki being a witness to the cruel shooting of the male partner of the Kiaunca bird-couple and the measured utterance in his sorrow-filled condition, Soka, of what turned out to be a verse, sloka, that the Rasa theory of Sanskrit Poetics and Dramaturgy is derived. Anandavardhana says in his Dhvanyaloka (L5): + M « l r t l ST q«rpfcmT ^TTfeF%: J?T I The Ramayana is quoted often in the Alamkara and Natya treatises to illustrate different concepts of poetics or dramaturgy. It is quoted in works of other branches too, lexicography, grammar
The Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature
15
and above all the digests of Dharma Sastra, as the Ramayana has always been a book of Dharmas and Acharas. These quotations, a collection of which has been made by me, form external testimonia useful for textual ctiticism, as I have shown in my paper " Ramayana Citations and Textual Criticism."13 The Ramayana as a book of Dharmas and Acharas receives special attention in a special kind of commentary called Dharmakuta written on it in the Tanjore court.14 A study of the Ramayana in Sanskrit literature would include the commentaries written upon it. The Ramayana commentaries arose later than even the commentaries on the Mahakavyas. Although the Ramayana has been in vogue in all parts of the country, and has three well-known recensions assignable to the North-west, East and the South, commentaries have not been numerous nor have they come forth from all parts of the country. Sarvajna Narayana, Bhatta Devarama, Krshnatirtha, Lokanatha of Bengal, Vimalabodha, Nagoji Bhatta or his patron Ramavarman and perhaps Mahesa Tirtha are from different parts of North India. The rest of the commentators had all been from South India, two from Andhra and about ten from the Tamil area. The earliest of the last mentioned is Udali Varadaraja, c. 1200 A.D. whose identity and manuscripts of whose commentary were discovered by me.15 Udali says that he collected Ramajwia-manuscripts from different parts of the country and clarified the readings in many places in the text.16 South India had cherished the Ramayana. The Pallava, Chola, and Pandya kings, as seen from their inscriptions, made endowments for the public reading and exposition of the Mahabharata and Ramayana.11 This institution of public recital and exposition of Valmiki continues with increased zeal to this day. 11
L. Renou Memorial Volume, Paris, 1968. pp. 515-604. Printed by Vani Vilas Press, Srirangam and Sarasvati Mahal, Tanjore 18 Annals of Oriental Research* University of Madras* Vn.2 10 At the m World Samskrit Conference at Paris, June 1977* I presented a detailed analysis and study of this commentary, "See my • Adult Education in Ancient India'* Memoirs of the Madras Library Association* 1944, pp. 57-65 and * Methods of Popular Religious Instruction in South India \ The Cultural Heritage of India, Calcutta, Reviesd edn.. Vol. V. 1956. pp. 503-4. 24
16
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
There is also the practice of the daily reading, parayana. of the Ramayana* so that not only the professional exponents of the Epic but also large numbers of individuals know Valmiki by heart and can repeat off-hand many of the important verses and even large chunks of the text from contexts forming the highlights of Valmiki. The importance of the South Indian text has been noted by the authors of the critical edition of the Ramayana who say; " A comparative study of N and S clearly show that S has generally preserved the text of R in an original or older form . . . " (P. xxiii Intro., Balakanda Vol. I, pt. 1, Baroda, 1956), a view which I had expressed earlier in my papers. The permeation of the influence of the Ramayana is also borne out by references to it in the inscriptions in Sanskrit and Prakrt. The kings were always compared to Rama, as well as to other Rajarshis; many of the kings, particularly in the South, took titles after Rama, the exemplary ruler and successful warrior, the Vira Raghava, Kodanda Rama and Jaya Rama. This was so in SouthEast Asia also, where we find in the Sanskrit inscriptions of Campa and Cambodia18, the local kings praised in terms of Rama. The Cambodian Sanskrit inscriptions contain many references to the Ramayana, its characters and episodes. As in India, so in Cambodia, the temples preserved manuscripts of the Mahahharata, Ramayana and Puranas. As early as the middle of the 5th Century, it is recorded in an inscription of King Bhavavarman that the Brahman teacher Somasarman presented to the temple the Ramayana, the Bharata and the Puranas and arranged for their uninterrupted reading.
4*dH4«i*tfcii sr *r ddHHftqRHi u These inscriptions reflect a thorough knowledge of Valmiki's original in South-East Asia as I have shown in my book on the Ramayana in Greater India. This is to be specially noted, because the Ramayana versions in the languages of these countries show many variations and the influence of popular versions of India and also local aberrations. The 7th century inscription of King •See my Ramayana in Greater India. S. G. University*. Sural. 1975. pp. 40-49
The Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature
17
Prakasadharman of Campa speaks of the setting up of a temple for Valmiki and in this connection describes Valmiki as the first poet from whose Soka, the Sloka praised by Brahma arose and who sang the story of Vishnu who incarnated as man.
*
*
^
frHcm
*
I II
It is clear from all this that the text of Valmiki was known in South-East Asia with the Bala and Uttara Kandas. In the Tibetan version also, there is a near-quotation from Valmiki's text from the Kishkindha Kanda, the strong words of Rama to the indolent and foregetful Sugriva19 The story of the Ramayana in Sanskrit literature does not stop with Valmiki *s work and the poems and plays based on it. In the wake of the rise of different schools of philosophy and religion and the growth of Bhakti towards Rama as God, a class of works rose bearing the name Ramayana and dealing with Rama as Godhead and oriented to the treatment of the story and the character of Rama and Sita to different philosophical and religious approaches. The earliest of these seems to be the voluminuous Bhusundi Ramayana, of which the first book has just been edited by Dr. Bhagavat Prasad Singh,20 to which I have contributed an Introduction in English where I have examined the special character of the text and discussed its date. The Bhusundi R. assimilates the the personality of Rama to that of Krshna, introduces Madhura Bhakti and makes a * Bhagavata' of the Ramayana with Vraja, Gopis, etc. The Bhusundi R. is one of the sources of Tulasidas. Next comes the Adhydtmaramayana of the time of Ramananda and is a philosophical version of Valmiki, written on the background of the Smarta Advaita tradition synthcsised with Rama* bhakti, bringing Siva also into the tradition of Rama-bhakti. It is the best known of the Sanskrit Ramayanas other than Valmiki's, »/ttrf. pp. 13,17. 10 Visvavidyalaya Prakasan, Varanasi, 1975.
18
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The Adbhuta Ramayana is a short text in about 1,000 verses which glorifies Sita, indentifying her with Sakti and Durga and narrates her exploit of killing the hundred-headed Ravana before whom Rama could not do anything. The Adbhuta gives also its own story of how Sita became a daughter of Ravana. The fourth, the long Ananda Ramayana, is far more interesting in its numerous stories, particularly of Rama as Ruler and records several of them that are current in religious discourses and performances of Kirtan and Katha. It notices divergent traditions on the same episode and tries to explain them. It is a late production of probably the age of Mahrata rule in South India. Manuscripts of it are rare.21 On the Adhyatma, Adbhuta and Ananda Ramayanas, I have delivered lectures at the Bombay University, which are being printed. These are just four in a large corpus of texts glorifying Rama and incidentally narrating their own versions of the Rama story. A version still in manuscript is the Ramayana of the nether world, the Mai Ravana charitra or Ahi-Mahi Ravana charitra and Hanuman killing them. This story has its own significance as it had gone to South-East Asia, and is included especially in the Thai Ramayana. The Bhusundi Ramayana mentions the following texts, and authors of works on Rama and his story: Ramanukrida perhaps on the boyhood sports of Rama on the model of those of Krshna, the Ramayanas spoken by Hayagriva, and Samhitas associated with Suka, Sesha, Sita, Parikshit, Prithivi, Lakshmana, Hanuman and Agastya. The Editor of the Bhusundi R. adds the texts Sivasamhita. Lomasasamhita, Sadasivasamhita, Satyopakhyana, Brhatkosalakhanda and a few others. The Ananda Ramayana also mentions at the end Ramayanas associated with Narada, Bharata, Svetaketu, Jatayus, Devi, Guhyaka, Pulasti, Visvamitra, Sugriva and Vibhishana, as also a text called Atmadharma. The list of manuscripts in the library, which once existed in Banaras, of Kavindracarya Sarasvati, one of those who held dialogues with Shah Jehan and Dara Shikuh, contains a list of 21 Ramanayas;" the new names here are Agnivesya R., Mrkandu R., Agama /*., Karma /?., Skanda R., Aruna R. and Dharma R. (probably the Atmadharma mentioned n
It is published by Gopal Narayan & Co., Bombay. 2nd edn. 1926. " See GOS. XVII. 1921 pp. 23-4.
The Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature
19
in the Ananda R). Some of these are short texts, e.g., the Agnivesya which is available and deals with the chronology of the events of the Ramayana and hence is called also Samayanirupana Ramayana. In manuscript, there is also a work called Citrakutamahatmya. The Agastyasamhita, which is available, and is a dialogue between Agastya and Sutikshna, deals with Rama-worship along with some narrative.23 A precious compilation which brings together the different story traditions and the esoteric meanings of incidents of the Ramayana, which should be mentioned in this connection, is the Tattvasamgraharamayana which is in manuscripts and of which I have published an account and analysis in English.24 Its author flourished in the 18th Cent, and belonged to a group of Advaitic Sannyasins devoted to Rama, led by Upanishadbrahmendra alias Ramacandrendra Sarasvati of Kanchi who wrote a number of works relating to Rama, poems, songs, commentaries and expository treatises. Ramabrahmendra himself wrote another work called Ramayana-tattva-darpana on Rama being the Supreme Being and on Ramayana being an embodiment of the Gayatri, following Vidyaranya's tract on the same subject called the Ramayanaahasya.1* In the North the Vaghela King Visvanathasimha of Reva of the 19th Century similarly contributed a number of works, -poems, commentaries, compilations on Rama and Rama-bhakti, a commentary on Valmiki .Ramayana, Ramacandrahnika, Ramagitatika, Sangita-Raghunandana, etc. Much of this literature remains to be salvaged, worked upon and published. The Ramayana literature is endless, Ramayanam anantakam as the Bhusundi Ramayana says. As Tulasi said ' There is no counting of the Ramakatha in this world' ' Ramakatha kai miti jaga nahi \ [1.32(3)]. The boundaries of the sway of this Rama literature expands to the whole of Asia. Let this our Second International Conference on the Ramayana be a contribution to the understanding and appreciation of this endless literature of the Ramayana. "See my description of it in the Adyar Library Bulletin, Madras, I, 3 1937) pp. 93-4. 14
Annals of Oriental Research, University of Madras, X.i (1952-3) pp. 1-55. ** Printed at Vani Vilas Press, Srirangam.
THE OLD JAVANESE RAMAYANA, ITS COMPOSER and COMPOSITION By SOEWITO SANTOSO A. The Kakawin It cannot be denied that the Old-javanese Ramayana has been the most popular, well-known and studied text of ancient Indonesia. It has been kept in the mind of the Indonesian people for more than ten centuries, since the rule of Sri Maharaja Rakai Watukura Dyah Balitun Sri Darmmodaya Mahasambu of Mataram, who reigned over Central Java and East Java, down to the present time.1 We can see the story depicted on the walls of the Prambanan Siva-temple, the Panataran-temple in East Java and also in numerous temples in the island of the Gods (Bali). The name of the hero Rama, is mentioned in other literary works of all ages.8 Since Ramayana Art and Drama Festivals have been held in several cities in Asia, the story returns as it were alive with more vigour. Amongst scholars, dedicated to the study of Old-Javanese language and literature, the Old-Javanese RamayaQa has been the topic of controversial and not seldom fiery disputes which will be reflected in the course of this talk, but however heated the arguments are, these scholars agree on one indisputable fact, namely that the Old-Javanese Ramayana is a great and beautiful poem, in form as well as in contents. Hooykaas even attempts to make us see the Ramayana-Kakawin as an exemplary Kakawin. Suffice to quote one of them, and I choose Poerbatjaraka, not because he is an Indonesian/Javanese, but because of his ardent admiration of the Ramayana, and being a devoted scholar in the study of Old-Javanese, as follows: " As long as I live, I have never read a Javanese work as beautiful as the Ramayana in regard of its language, embellishments, etc/* l
R H . van Naerssen, "Twee koperen etc.", p. 441. *Th.P. Pigeaud, Java etc., vol. I, chapter 84, 2.
The Old Javanese Rimlyapa
21
(Sajeg kula gesang dereng nate maos serat Jawi ingkang saenipun bab basat rerenggan Isp. kudos serat Ramayana.)8 Looking more closely into the study of the Ramayana by various students so far, I feel that they form links of a chain which are not yet joined together, so that every part of it seems to contradict the other. I will attempt to reconcile these findings as it were by connecting the links together seeking for points of agreement which are like bricks to build up a beautiful shrine* First I would like to look at the date of the Old-Javanese Rimayana. Kern had the impression, in spite of the occurrence of archaic grammatical peculiarities, that the Ramayana kakawin is younger than the Old-Javanese Adiparwan, Arjunawiwaha and the Baratayudda of Mpu Sedah, but older than the Sutasoma and the Bomakawya.4 He estimates the date as early as the 13th century A.D., with some non-original parts dating from later periods. Zoetmulder in his Kalangwan6 lists the findings of Stutterheim (11th and 12th century) and Poerbatjaraka (before 930 A.D.). In fact Poerbatjaraka is very adamant in his stand, namely that the RamayaQa-fca&avtwr should date from the Balitun period of reign (820-832 Saka=898-930 A.D.). 8 Zoetmulder apparently supports Poerbatjaraka, founding his opinion on later research, and adds some points hereto, e.g., that the absence of a mangala and words such as lane, lenen, the fact that the narrative is placed in an Indian setting and not a Javanese one, etc., and therefore concludes that the Ramayaga-fai&aiv//! is not a product of a East Javanese author(s),7 although Poerbatjaraka himself, bearing in mind Berg's statement that the Ramayagakakawin might have been written in East Java,8 has no objection at all.9 Concerning the relation between the Ramayajja-fa*foiM*i and the reliefs of the Rama-story in Prambanari, Zoetmulder •H. H. Juynboll, Wirataparwwa, p. 34. Poerbatjaraka, Eapustohm dawi, p. 4. RamayanaJcakawtn, p. vi. 1 P. 231. f KaIafigwaHp p. 231-2. • Inleiding etc., pp. S3, note 2. •T.B.G.72,1932,p.l52. 4
• T.B.Q., 72,1932 p. 151-215.
22
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
concludes that though there are too many differences between them and the kakawin-story, yet the kakawin could be assumed to serve as a guide to the sculptors. One thing that seems to escape from Zoetmulder's scrutiny is Berg's findings, then accepted by Hooykaas, that the Old-Javanese Ramayaija in its present shape is a product of repeated remodelling.10 Further, Hooykaas expounds that § it is only natural when in the course of these years, or after the completion of the whole work, the poet himself should reshape passages or even add them, drawing on his own inventiveness or on existent material, short kakawins, episodes. Successors also may have done this for one reason or another.' I apologize for the lengthy quotation which I regard as very important. Vaidya, early in 1906, already observed that the Valmiki Ramayana in its present form considered as taking its form in the first century B.C., is also a product of reshaping and remodelling which gave rise to interpolations, etc.11 Cast against this background, we could possibly assume that the Rama-story was already very popular at the time of Balitun's reign over Central Java and East Java. In what form, we may ask ? Referring to Zoetmulder's conclusion that the kakawin might serve as a guide to the sculptors of the reliefs of the Lorojongran-temples at Prambanan, and to Stutterheim's findings, that the reliefs of the Rama-story of the temple of Panataran should go back to the Rama-story in its oldest form and material, which is no other than the kakawin, I venture to say that the Ramaya^a-kakawin in its oldest form and material should be already very popular throughout the kingdom of Balitun, which confirms Poerbatjaraka's theory. However, Stutterheim and others who are of the opinion that the Ramaya^a-fcofawi/i in its present form might have originated from East Java in the East Javanese period, are not entirely wrong, as the material they studied might already contain additions originating from East " V.K.I., N.R. v. 65, no 1, p. 64,68. 11 The Riddle etc., p. 1-26. See also H. Jacobi, The Ramayana* p. 47-75.
The Old Javanese Rfim&yapa
23
Javanese writers of various periods, whilst on the other hand the Ramayaga proper might be already known too. 12 One of the inscriptions of Bali tun18 which amongst others mentions the Ramayaija gives rise to the belief that the Ramayaoa and the Mahabharata became already the source of stories performed as shadow-play (wayan) and dance-drama as well. The part of the inscription concerned runs as follows: (9) ... hinyunnakan ton-tonan/mamidu son tankil hyanjsinalu macaritta bimma kumara manigal kica (10) ka/sijaluk macarita ramayana/mamirus mabanol si munmukfsi galigi mawayanbuattyan macarita bimma ya kumara. . . (Entertainment was requested. The representative of God (the puppeteer) sang, the story of young Blma killing KIcaka was going to be performed. (Then) the story of Rama was (also) requested. Si Munmuk performed it with much merriment, whilst si Galigi performed the shodow-play for the public with the story of Young Blma . . .) I must admit that the translation is still bristling with uncertainties, so that some explanations are required: san tankil hyan—puppeteer. Literally it can be rendered as * the one waiting upon God \ The puppeteer even at present is still regarded as a holv person and in mystic circles even regarded as the symbol of God Himself. sinalu—read as sijaluk, rendered as * requested \ Bimma kumara manigal KIcaka—without doubt the story referred to here is the story from the Wirataparwa in which Bima, still a youngster, kills KIcaka who makes advances to Dropadi.14 This kind of story, till before the Pacific war, was very much a favourite amongst the Javanese, "In my book 'Lilaracana Ramayana', I put captions in Old Javanese derived from the kakawin under the pictures taken from the reliefs of the Lorojongran and Panataran temples. » RH. van Naerssen, B.K.I., 95,1937, p. 441-61. 14 H. H. Juynboll. Wirfitaparwwa, p. 37-41.
24
The Ramayana Tradition in e.g., Rajamala from raja malla™ and Kangsa adu jago which seems to be a mixture of this Wifataparwa-story with Kresnandaka.16 mamirus—-to perform the shadow-play.17 It is remarkable that for the act of performing a story, two words are used: ma^ayan for the story from the Wirataparwa and mamirus for the story of Rama. Further clues are the facts that the Wirataparwa story is performed for the tyan, perhaps an abbreviation of tyan tani (the common people); and that mamirus is followed by mabanol and the performer is si munmuk which might refer to a rakaU dancer (mask-dancer). Van Naerssen remarks that the word macarita in contrast with miket (to write a poem)9 means to write a story in prose. I think the correct meaning should be: miket=to write a story, macarita** to tell a story, regardless of the form
If the foregoing yields some truths, then we can assume that there was already a kind of theatre in the form of a shadow-play (wayan parwa) and a kind of dance-drama (wayan wong)f which might be part of a ceremony or just entertainment.18 Also the fact that some stanzas from the Ramayana and the Baratayudda and other kakawins up to the present are still used as suluks, a kind of song used by the puppeteer to introduce a change of mood or sequence in the story, might confirm this belief. In this case we might surmise that in the past, the kakawins were used as handbooks for the puppeteer (pakem), in particular the RamayaQakakawin which Hooykaas proposes to be an exemplary kakawin. I would propose it to be an exemplary pakem too. In this respect the variations in form and contents, which very often take the form of interpolations or remodelling, could be attributed to the dalang (puppeteer) which later on became interfused in the body of the story.1* u
Ibid., pp. 22. " Kalngwan, p. 392-4. F. H. van Naerssen, p. 460. "I am intrigued by the thought that in a cremation ceremony in Bail, usually stories from the ArjunawiwAha or Mahftbarata are read or recited, while a dance performance is held with a story from the Rimftyaoa. See B de Zoete, Donee etc., p. 160; and J. C. Lamster, ifaff,p. 83, li J. Kats, Het Javaansch Toneel /, p. 49. 17
The Old Javanese RimlyaQa
If
In evidence for my supposition, I would like to place before you some parts of the Rhmhya^nrkakawin which might be regarded as indications toward the shadow-play,10 e.g.: (a) Ramayana-kakawin (RK), /, 62, a.b. kateka nira handle wasanti son astaseni% padahi haji ya ginwal mangala nin lumampah . . . (When the time of departure arrived, the priests gave their blessings. The Royal drum was beaten as a sign of departure . . .) Note: mangala nin lumampan could be rendered Mas a vanguard, but it is a little unlikely that the royal drum which is usually only beaten occasionally, would be carried in front of a procession to see the princes off. Leonard?1 rendered the concerned passage in the Bhattikavyam as follows: * Then the priest* uttered blessings upon him not in a low voice, others beat a drum, whose roll was tumultuous and pleasant. . .' Nothing can be seen as indicating a procession, yet we can clearly see the difference. If the RK is really deviating from the Bhattikavyam (BK), then the deviation is due to the presentation of this event on the screen. In the performance of the wayan, this act can be seen as the last part of the preparations for the marching out of the army, e.g.— Udawa, the minister of Dwarawati, orders the soldiers to prepare themselves to escort the king. The commander of the troops reports that they are ready. Then Udawa says: " If you are ready, give the sign (of departure) by beating a gong, firsts prepare, second=assemble, third=depart. Be prepared. I will report this to His Majesty. (Yen wispada mirantU mora nembanga tengara, sapisan dandan9 pindo nglumpuk, telu bodol. Aja pada kolayadan, dadi atur ing arsane Gustimu™ (b) RK //, S3. Na lin maharsi ri siran nrepaputra kalih, tatan wihan sira paren ta mase manembah, sampun manembah adulur sira sigra lunha, son Rama Laksmana maren Mitiladirajya 10
The RK text irbised on the edition of Kern edited anew by the present author. 11 0. G. Leonardo Bhaftikdvyam, p. 5. M Ki Siwoharsono, Wakyu *$e.9 p. 33.
26
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia (Thus said the yriest to the two princes. Without reluctance together they moved forward to pay obeisance; afterwards they immediately set off to the excellent capital city of Mitila.)
The equivalent of this passage is not found in Leonardos translation, again an evidence that might confirm the belief, that it is an indication of a technique of wayan-manipulation. In carrying out this part, the puppeteer will take both handles of the figures Rama and Lak§mana in his left hand, while his right hand manipulates all four hands of the two princes to perform the sembah (obeisance) by means of the four rods attached to the hands of the figures. (c) The battle between Hanuman and the demons led by Prince Ak$a, is a very vivid description of a shadowplay act. B. The Composer After summing up the research of other students into the matter of authorship of the Ramayaija, Zoetmulder with dismay admits that it ends up in total ignorance. The acceptance by various scholars of YoglSwara, who according to the Balinese tradition (wawatekan), is regarded as the author, is untenable. Again Poerbatjaraka is the one vehemently opposed to it.28 I feel the discovery of the Bhattikavya as one of the sources of the RK draws people away from paying more attention to Walmlki. Also the Javanese features which are found in abundance overshadow the possibility that after all the Javanese author recognised the great sage Walmlki as the author of the Rama-epic, or in other words, that the RK is attributed to him. Again and again Zoetmulder mentions these features, but at length he says that the Javanese author did not go far enough to place the story in a Javanese setting. Hooykaas who exhaustively compares the Bhattikavya with the RK, and after finding out that after sarga 16 the Javanese author has gone his own way, which I would not contradict at *Kapustakan Jawi, p. 3-4.
The Old Javanese Rftmfiyafla
27
this stage, inclines to suppose that a second poet has taken over and completed the poem,24 but admits that he fails to detect proofs or indication of a different hand. However, if there is any truth in the foregoing considerations, that the RK is a product of reshaping and remodelling, we could hardJy deny the possibility of more than one man contributing to the content of the RK in its present form. Poerbatjaraka26 emphatically states that the Javanese author might have used the epic of Walmiki as a model and that the RK could be regarded as purified nucleus of Walmiki's poem. Later on he sounds not very confident, and Zoetmulder just wonders whether Walmlki's epic served as a guide to the Javanese author. In regard to the Bhattikavya, Narang on the other hand observes that the Bhattikavya gets its inspiration from the epic of Walmiki.26 If we could see truth in the supposition that the kakawin is a pakem*1 then the change in form and contents could be attributed to local flavour and personality of the dalang (puppeteer), and this will give us some bases to trace in another direction, namely back to Walmiki. Concerning Walmiki himself we do not know very much, even from the Sanskrit Ramayana. Shastri28 tells us a story about the Adikawi, that once he was a robber chief in a forest in Northern India and on one occasion waylaid two ascetics for the purpose of plundering them. The ascetics converted him into a devotee of Ramachandra. Jacobi22 quoting the Adhyatma Ramayana II, 6, 64 ff. elaborates a little further. Walmiki, he says, was a dvija by birth, first lived among the kiratas, then fell among the robbers and became a robber himself. He married a Sudra woman and had many sons from M
The O. J. R., an exemplary kakawin, p. 67-8. T.B.G., 72, 1932, pp. 169. See also Kapustakan Jawi, p. 3. M S. P. Narang, Bhattikavya, p. vii. 17 E. M. Uhlenbeck, 'De Oud-Javaanse Ramayana etc/, AX/., 131, 1975, p. 208. 11 H. P. Shastri, The Ramayana etc., Vol. 1, p. xv. 11 H. Jacobi, The Ramayana* etc., p. 51-2, note no. 3. u
28
The Ramayana Tradition in Aaia
this marriage. He owed his purification to the seven Rfis. I note that the number of the ascetics does not need to contradict each other. In the Javanese badads (chronicles) we have legends of nine watts, saints, who spread the Islam in Indonesia. One of the belt known was called Sunan Kalijaga. He was a son of the regent of Tuban, became a gambler at an early stage of his life and casually robbed pople to get some cash for gambling. One day he wanted to rob a moslem saint called Suman Bonang, but Sunan Bonang who saw in him a future saint, converted him to Islam. It is indeed very remarkable that there are similarities in the legend of the Adikavi in Sanskrit literature and that of the * adiwali' of Java. If we can believe that there is no coincidence in the similarities of both legends, than we can only think that this tradition might have existed in Java in the past, and that the Moslems have used it very cleverly. Surely we must see this in the light of the islamization of Hindu-Javanese literary products, because that very saint, called Sunan Kalijaga, according to moslem tradition, was the inventor of the Javanese gamelan30 and the author of the stories of the shadow-play (Mahabarata, Ramayana a.e> and the first puppeteer.*1 As regards the word 'yogKwara* in RK XXVI, 50, c. it may either be the proper name of the author or, in accordance with its lexical meaning, ( king of the yogis \ the most prominent amongst the yogis, etc. We never relate the sage Walmlki, the adikavi with yogiiwara. If we put them together then it might dawn tousthat^fiwwaissynonomouswith tidikavi, the more so as Walmlki is a prominent and respected rj/, whose name is mentioned in the Taittirlya Prati£akhya and in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1* To strengthen this notion, I would like to put forward other internal evidences. The word yogiiwara in that particular place is followed by the word iiffa, which is, according to Juynboll,M only found once in the RK. Certainly the author 80
J, Kunst, Music in Java, vol.1, p. 17-8, «J. Knebei, • Darmakoeseema etc.,\ r.&<7.,39, 1897, p, 125. »Vaidya,p.5. "Kawi-Balinesche—tfiderlandsche Olossarium etc. does not have thfc word, but it can be found inJuynoboirs Oldjovaansch—tfederlandsch woordemUjiU p. 570.
The Old Javanese Rlmftyaos
29
could replace the word fiffa, meaning 4 educated \ * learned \ by more fitting words such as purnna, sampat.u There should be a special intention in using the word iisfa, and I see two possibilities. The first possibility is that the yogiswara is a sitfa, that is a brahmin from Aryawarta, who docs not store up riches, who is not greedy, who does good disinterestedly, and who without any effort is conversant with a certain branch of knowledge. Aryawarta is Northern India.31 Every single attribute could be Walmlki's, even the place of residence as Vaidya observes, thai WalmSki was probably an inhabitant of some place to the northwest of Ayodya.38 The other possibility is that iifta means proficient (in language), because at the end of chapter one of the Walmlki Ramayana, Narada mentions the benefits of reading the Ramayana. One of them reads: 4 A brahmin reading this (Ramayaiia) becomes proficient in Speech or Language (Vak).zl Robson in his notes on the Kawi Classics in Bali, reports that the Ramayana is the most popular kakawin in Bali, because it is regarded as thefinestfrom the viewpoint of beauty of language.38 I believe there is more than that, because on many occasions, I had witnessed in the past, the reading of the Ramayana forms an important part in a series of sacral rites and ceremonies. Robson himself refers to several of them, e.g., tooth-filing ceremony39 and wedding ceremony.40 Before, I had already mentioned that in a cremation ceremony the Ramayana dance-drama is always performed. What is the significance of all this? At the end of stories, such as the Jaratkaru, Garu
Poerbatjaraka renders sista as komt tot rust (became serene) which is better rendered as purnna or sampat. M H. Jacobi, p. 85. •• Shastri, The Ramaya*a etc.. vol. I, p. 9. n Vaidya , p. 5. »• B.K.L, 128,1972, p. 316. •• Robson, p. 318. «• Ibid., p. 325.
30
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
and devotion is ultimately worshipped together with his sons, grandsons and servants at his death. A brahmin reading this becomes proficient in language, a k$atriya becomes a king, a vaisya grows prosperous in trade, a Siidra, on reading this, will become great in hit caste."41 Further at the end of the story, it reads: " The hearing of the Ramayana grants longevity and victory equal to Rama's, he of imperishable exploits. The one who, mastering his anger, listens with faith to this epic, formerly composed by Valmiki, overcomes all obstacles and those who hear this story set forth by Valmiki will return from their journeys in foreign lands and rejoice the hearts of their kinsfolk. They will obtain fulfilment of all the desires they conceive in this world from Raghava, and its recitation will bring delight to the Celestials; it pacifies the adverse forces in those houses where it is to be found, etc/*42 Thus it is indeed appropriate if the recitation of the Ramayana at any stage of a ceremony will bring the kind of success desired. And now we come to the crucial point in this matter. Although this statement is not found in the RK, yet it is practised by the people of Bali up to the present. The only explanation would be that what is left out from the RK, is preserved in a tradition in whatever form, and that this fact indicates in the direction of the original author Walmlki. The Uttaraksuttfa, which in the Sanskrit version forms an integral part of the Ramayana of Walmlki, can also be found in the Old Javanese literature, but separated from the RK, and more significantly it is in prose. It is interesting, I believe, to see how it would affect my findings so far, whether it will prove to be a trump-card or a looser. The mahatmya of the Old Javanese Uttarakaijda48 runs as follows: i§
Yan harm wwan manuccaraken ikan Ramayana mangala nin urip, byakta suka nyan hanen swarggaloka, saha lawan hanak putu nya9 sayogya lawan dewata. Lawan ta waneh ikan wwan magawe hala% byakta sirnna gesen nika ri 41 41
Shastri, vol. I, p. 9. «• Ibid., vol. III. p. 371. 1 use Zoetmulder's transcription, not published.
The Old Javanese RSm&yaoa
31
sakaren, tatapi yan uccarakna Ramayanacarita, mon saslokc turn yaya juga lupta sanka ri papa." (One who recites the Ramaya^a will get guidance in his life, clearly he will get happiness in heaven, together with his children and grandchildren, living always in harmony with the gods. Furthermore, one of bad conduct, who will certainly be doomed, by reciting the Ramayaiia even though just a stanza of it, will surely be freed from sin.) The translation of the corresponding part in the Sanskrit version reads as follows: " On hearing it (Ramayana), he who has no son will obtain a son, he who has no fortune will become wealthy; to read but a foot of this poem will absolve him from all sin. He who commits sins daily will be wholly purified by reciting a single sloka."44 If we compare the last sentence of the Sanskrit version above with the last sentence in the Old Javanese version, they sound virtually the same. From the quotations above we may feel pretty sure, that this is the tradition adhered to by the Balinese people concerning the recitation of the Ramayana, and seeing the close relationship between the two versions of the Uttarakantfa, we may conclude our findings so far to be confirmed.45 C. The Composition By now, here and there throughout the talk, the audience would see glimpses of the plan, components, the builders and the way the RK has been given its form. The RK has a plan similar to that of a (maha) kawya, its author or some of its authors are competent in the Sanskrit language and prosody, so that we could safely surmise that they have also a thorough knowledge about the technique of epic-composition, including what kind of modification(s) could, and where and when, should be applied. Concerning this method I have already accounted for in the " Shastri, vol. m, p. 637. " Concerning the relationship between the Sanskrit and the Old Javanese Uttarakanda, see further S. Supeme* The* Dating etc. \ ppv 59-67*
32
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
introduction of the Sutasoma,46 in which 1 regard the stories depicted on the walls of the Borobudur as an extended Lalitawistara, which has the form of a frame story. A frame-story is like a filing cabinet with drawers full of folders which in turn are full of documents. Anyone in charge with the files could add or take some folders, remove or replace them whenever there is need for it. It seems that is the way it was done with stories, like the Paikatantra, Kathasaritsagaia, HitopadeSa, etc. and I feel that the people in charge of the Ramayana filing cabinet should have done the same. Vaidya places the date of the Walmlki Ramayana in its present form around the first century B.C.47, and if the Rama-story was already popular at the time of Balitun reign (9th century A.D.), we could be pretty sure that this technique of epic composition was known also in Java to Javanese authors. Commenting on the Dutch translation of the RK, Poerbatjaraka expresses his disappointment, because " in many cases the translation is just a literal translation, the real meaning is very often lost %\ (taksih katah ingkang pretalan punapa wontenipim tembung: raosipun kerepboten kecepeng)*9 Poerbatjaraka's comments are not intended to reduce the merit of the translators which he holds in high esteem, but to remind the Javanese people, that there is still much to do in the field of Javanese literature by the Javanese people themselves. Whatever is the case—he says—if the work is done by other people, they will never grasp the subtle nuances of feelings of the language. (Atur kula punika ngiras nenangi panggalihipun para saderek Jawi, ngaturi priksa bilih ing bab serat Jawi taksih katah sanget ingkang kedah dipun garap: dening sinterit inggih dening tiyang Jawi piyambak. Awit yen boten tiyang Jawi piyambak inggin kados pundi-pundiya, cekakipun mesti boten saged dumugi ing raos).** He says that in Javanese so that we can be sure that he means it, and this is perhaps the reason why Hooykaas and Zoetmulder too are puzzled by the attitude of the Javanese author(s). Hooykaas says that he has gone his own way. I think * the Javanese way \ but I doubt very much whether he has abandoned altogether the " S. Santose, Sutasoma etc \ p. 30-5' « Kapustakan dawi, p. 4.
« The Riddle etc., p. 20. «• Ibid., p. 5.
The Old Javanese Rftmfiyaoa
33
BK. Narang's outline of the story in chapter I of his book and Leonardos translation of the BK have supported my view that this is not the case. Zoetmuldcr says that he has not gone far enough as to place the story in a Javanese setting. What in fact happened is that the author still preserved the filing cabinet, but replaced the contents of the folders with other stuff that are more suitable to his purpose. In the first half, he limits himself with just replacing/modifying some of the documents in some folders, in the last half in many occasions he just keeps the folders, but fills it up with new documents. The justification of these actions is that he did it to get acceptance by the people and to make the epic moie meaningful to them. In support of these notions I would like to put forward some passages from parts which have their equivalents in the BK. By so doing I hope to expose the way the Javanese author has done his job, and to establish the fact whether he still uses the BK as guidance. 1 will start where Hooykaas stops his comparative work.60 Not being a Sanskritist myself, I have to rely on secondhand sources, which in itself is not very commendable, but it may be regarded as a preliminary attempt. There are still various things to be considered in this case. I could not put forward all the material I have collected, so that I only choose those with the most apparent similarities, deviations or modifications. In regard to this last remark, I have to state that I do not know which version of the BK might have been used by Old Javanese author, and Leonardi61 unfortunately does not mention whether theie are different versions of the BK and if so, which version of the BK he uses as the basis of his translation. The arrangement will be the text of the RK, followed by my translation, and then the translation of BK by Leonardi (BK. L.). RK sarga 22 41. Na Un san ari Kumbakarnna manesel sakroda son Rawana, hah dik durtta nike wenan mujarakan sambek nyu tan ••KJC./.f vol. 16, pp. 16 and 54-61. Although Hooykaas indicates that he has undertaken the task of translating the BK completely, in fact his comparison of the BK and the RK ends up with canto 14 (BK) and sarga 19 (RK). H Q. O. Leonardi, Bhaffikdvyam, translation and notes.
34
The Ramayana Tradition in Aria pangalen, hot pet kot hayu tan patanguha lawan tak pajaren tin naya, yapwan wani lakun pamuk aku kunan wukemwi yan kroda ko. (Thus said his younger brother Kumbakarna rebuking him. Rawapa angrily answered: " O insolent one, (you) dare to say at will without restraint.# (you say): try to follow the good path, you never listen to good words and guidance. If you are brave go and rampage (the enemy) or if you are angry, attack me with all your might.) 42. Tanguh-tanguh apa guna nya baribin n wan de nya tatan padon, rin wirapa pala nikanujarujar janjan ya jambat cucud, anhin sakti atahwinetwaken ika son sura tar bwat wuwus, ko pwananguh hah-ah-oh tuhu n wan wuk tuns turun wunwaken. (What is the use of giving a lecture (on good conduct) ? It is useless and makes people averse. What is the use of talking rubbish lengthily for a brave warrior? For him action speaks louder than words, but you talk and talk. O, really, you are a sleepy head talking in your sleep.)
BK. L. canto 15 19. The Ten-headed got angry and addressed Kumbakarna: " Do you perhaps mean to blame me? But you have given no bright proof of your prowess till now. 20. Do not set forth political aphorism! Go once and for good to the battle-field! Do not put the blame on me, because of fault committed! Say rather the most suitable measures to be taken/»» Note: In spite of different words used in both translations, I feel that the mood and picture created are similar. I might venture that the Old-Javanese version is more vivid in depicting R&waQa's mood, nature and cleverness in inciting Kumbakarna to fight. He insults his brother in order to stop his words of
Xhe Old Javanese Rftm&yaQa
35
advice. Respect towards his elder brother, however wrong in deeds, gives Kumbakaroa no other choice than venting his anger on the enemy. RK sarga 24 13. Sandehata manah hyan Indra tumaha son Rama soren rana, yatnaweh ta sirastra Guhyawijaya Brahmastra lawan rata, tan len sarati Matalikana kinon nitye karaksan nira, mungah son Raguputra rin rata manik sasri lawan son (n) aru (God Indra was doubtful in his heart, thinking that Rama might be defeated in battle. (Out of) concern he gave him the arrow Guhyawijaya and the arrow of Brahm& together with a chariot. Nobody else than Matali was ordered to be the chariotteer and to guard him. The son of Ragu and his younger brother mounted on the beautiful chariot bedecked with jewels.) BK. L. canto 17 97. Since a battle between a foot-soldier and a warrior mounted in a chariot was unequal, Matali, upon orders of Indra, fetched a very dreadful chariot, equipped with weapons. Note: The above is a wellknown scene from the battle between Rftwa^a and Rama, assisted by Lak$mapa and WibTjana, which does not need further explanation. RK sarga 24 134. Nya kunan pakonku laku dadyakena para ri son Raguttama, pajaraken aku teka pranata, kalalah sumunsuna sirar huwus jay a. (This is my order, carry it out! Go to the excellent son of Ragu, tell him that I would like to come to pay respect, as I am eager to see him after his victory.) 135. Tamatar wihan Pawanaputra r-ujar i sira son Raguttama, he nrepati sira teka hadanen, Janakatmaja sira mora manembaha.
3f
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia (Without reluctance the son of Pawana spoke to the son of Ragu: " O, my Lord, the daughter of king Janaka wants to come to pay obeisance. Be prepared to welcome her!")
BK. L. canto 20 6. No intention of playing havoc with the servants should be in you! Do rather what is really worth doing for me. Go to the Ragawa and tell him: 7. "O, Rama, Maitili is eager to see you again! Let her see you in this place without delay! •' And he, the Ape, promised to do that, went to the Ragawa and said to him: 8. " O, rejoicer of the family, descended from the Kakutsta, allow the anxious queen to be taken hither.9' Note: This is the scene after the cremation of Rawana and before the ordeal of SIta by fire. RK sarga 24 216. Sarayu palayu pareriya, Sitala wway nya suganda yakunin, kinebur nin Ayodya kanyaka, masibu syuh jenu kumkwne susu. (Go quickly to the place where the river Surayfl flows, its water is cool, fragrant and yellow of colour, because it has been whipped up by the girls of Ayodya, who bathe (so that) the saffron cream on their breasts is washed away.) BK. L. canto 22 (lest canto) 13. And after seeing the lovely Sarayfi, the colour of which is reddish-yellow because the women of the town wash away the saffron which they spread on their bieasts, you will no doubt arrive at Ayodhya, the Town.
The Old Javanese Rfimfiyapa
*•
Note: This is part of the directives given by Rama to Hanumin when he sent him ahead to Ayodhya. RK sarga 26 (last sarga) 7. Batata kuya manunsun nke turun ndah ta raryan% gaja rata ya dulur nyaneka tan tunganan kweh% padahi pada magendin neka kendan masandin, kadi padahi padenden tanda rakriyan mamaga. [There comes Barata with the officials of high and low ranks to meet us. His retinue of elephants, wagons and horses are numerous, the orchestra plays music with the drummers standing in rows. It is like the orchestra of a procession. Let us land here and rest (a while)!] BK. L. canto 22 29. Barata had caused all the people to gather by the rolling of drums and made the earth tremble on every side by the stride of the elephants resembling very lofty mountains and, with his eyes swimming with tears of joy, he, together with his subjects and the women of the female apartments, the Son-of-Wind and the mothers, came humbly near him. Note: This stanza is the third prior to the mahatmya of the BK and is then followed by two other stanzas relating the reunion and coronation of Rama. The RK very much eleborates on this part and gives an entirely Javanese/Balinese picture of a re-union of members of a family returning from a long and far journey. The last line gives the clue to the picture of re-union, namely 'kadi padahi padenaen ' (like the orchestra of a procession). The padenden is the me-de-eng-ceremony at present in Bali, derived from the word den (to show). To give a taste of the Javanese/Balinese picture of re-union I quote further, KK sarga 26 19. Tcka ta san kula gotra /cadan-kadan, mararakan mora bakti mase kabeh, paren anembah anambehi harsaja, Sayuti takwani teka haran nika.
38
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia [Far and close relatives came forward in a queue to pay obeisance, which added to (his) joy and elation. He (Rama) while preventing people (from prostrating before him) asks their names]: 20. Syapa ika syapike syapa ko karih, aku karih syanu ko weka son ami, tuhamy yuh malawas alupaku yuh, bapamu yuh magelem mapikat puyuh. [Who is that (person), and who is this (person) here, and who are you? I am such and such. O, you are the son/daughter of such and such. Ah, I forget about your father, it has been a long time Aha, your father is craazy about snaring quails].
May I be allowed to end my talk at this happy point with a brief recapitulation, namely: (a) The RK was already wellknown in Central Java as well as in East Java during the reign of Sri Maharaja Raka i Watukura Dyah Balitun Sri Darmodaya Mahasambu. (b) The RK while taking the BK as the source of its story is attributed to Walmlki as its author. (c) The RK follows the BK not only up to canto 17, but right down to the end.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
h C C. Inleiding tot de studie van het Oudjavaaneh, Soerakarta, 1938. HOOVAKAAS, C. "The Old-Javanese Ramayana; an exemplary kakawin" VJLL, N.R. vol. 65, No. 1, Amsterdam. 1958. "The Old-Javanese Ramayana kakawin**, V.K.L, vol. 16, VGravenhage, 1955. JACOBI, H. The Ramayana, translated from German by Dr. S. N. Ghotal Baroda, I960. JuYNBOLL, H. H. Kami Ballnesche—Nederlandsch Olossarium op het OikffaRamayana, 't-Gravenhage, 1902.
The Old Javanese Rftmfiywa
39
Ibid. Wirataparwwa,'s-Gravenhage, 1912. KATS, J.
Ret Javaansch Toneel I, Wajang Poerwa Weltervreden, 1923.
KERN, H.
Ramayana Kakawin, *s-Gravenhage» 1900.
KNEBEL, J.
" Darmakoesoema of Seh Djamboekarang, desa legende oft het Javaansch ,f , T.B.O., 39,1897.
KUNST, J.
Music in Java, its history, its theory and its technique, 2nd rev. & enl. ed., The Hague, 1949. J. C. Bali, Haarlem, 1933.
LAMCTER,
LBONARDI, O.
G. Bhaffikdvyam, translation and notes, Leiden, 1972.
F. H. VAN. "Twee keperen corkonden van Balitung in die Koloniaal Institut to Amsterdam ", B.JLL, 95,1937.
NABRSSEN, NARANO,
S. P. Bhattik&vya, a study, Delhi, Patna, Varansasi, 19(9.
FtoEAUD, Th. P. Java in the 14th century, vol. 1, VGravenhage, 1960. POERBATMRAKA,R.Ng. "Het Oud-Javaansche Ramayana'9, T.B.Q., 7£ no. 2,1932. Ibid. Kapustakan Djawi, 4th ed., Djakarta, 1964. ROBSON,S.O. SANTOSO, S.
„
"The Kawi Classics in Balifv, BX.L, 128, no. 2 + 3 , 1972.
Lilaracana Ramayana, Yogyakarta, 1972.
Sutasoma, a study in Javanese Wajrayana, New Delhi, 1975.
SHASTRI,
H. P. The Ramayarta of Vdlinuki, 3, vols. London, 1952—1959.
SBWOHARSONO, Ki.
Wahju Purba SedjatU Ngajogyakarta, 1956.
"The Dating of the Old Javanese UttaraUrfa", The Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia, vol. 8, 1 and 2, 1971.
SUPOMO,S.
E. M. "De Oud-Javaanse Ramayana Kakawin", 131,1975. VAIDYA,C. V. 7he Riddle of the Rdmayaoa,Ttv. ed., Delhi, 1972. UHLENBECX,
Zovra, B. de. Dance and Drama in Bali, London, 1952. ZOBIMULDER,
P. J. Kakmgwan, The Hague, 1974.
BXJ.,
THE ROLE OF THE SACRED BOOK IN RELIGIONTHE RAMAYANA By HARRY M- BUCK
I must begin with an expression of gratitude to those who planned this symposium and to those responsible for my invitation. For a decade and a half I have been fascinated by Rama, and although my views are those of a maverick, I have loved this epic and those whose venerated story it is. Having been born and reared in a Methodist parsonage where my father was on annual appointment, I hardly realized that I should one day be walking the Path of Lord Rama with diligence. " New occasions teach new duties," said James Lowell, and if time has not " made ancient good uncouth/* ii has at least bidden us to " keep abreast of truth ". A quarter century ago I left the parsonage to pursue an advanced degree in biblical criticism, but the road took quite a different turn. In my country there is a path called the Appalachian Trail which winds its way for about two thousand miles through forest and plain, mountain and valley, all the way from Maine to Florida. Not many hearty souls walk its full length, but it serves well those who travel it for whatever distance. So with the story of Rama, which has served variously as an edifying tale, a hero story, an itihSsa, and the ayam ("path") of Rama. For the spiritual pilgrim, the story of Rima is a little like an Appalachian Trail of cosmic dimensions. Unlike the Trail, the RSma-ayana is many roads at once, and we cannot all walk it in the same fashion. 1 am not native to the Rima tradition, and I have had to walk in my own way. If my teachers see departure from their wise counsel, they must not consider it ingratitude; they must know that no one can jump out of his or her skin, and the ayam of
The Role of the Sacred Book in Religion
41
Rama has taught me that each of us must walk authentically according to our own best light.1 Despite the presumptuous title* the aims of this paper arc really quite modest. I propose some pertinent observations on the relation between saving stories and sacred books, sketching the typical role of sacred literature in religions. In that light, I shall attempt to fashion a functional approach to the study of the Ramaya^a, the Ramiyagas, and other stories of Lord R&ma I do not think of the Ramayaija simply as a collection of some 24,000 Slokas nor a monumental work in Hindi and another in Tamil. Ramayaija to me is human experience. Religious traditions are like waves, and as waves pass through their various mediums, individual particles remain in the same area with relation to each other, moving in circular or elliptical paths. The wave itself moves linearally, but when it encounter* an obstacle or change in the ocean floor, it responds in new and complex patterns. The particles may be compared to individual phenomena, remarkably similar throughout human society. The wave can suggest a religious tradition passing across generations and cultures, radically changing its characteristics when it encounters new contexts.2 The figure of Rama is such a wave. It rolled across south and southeast Asia changing with each new medium but maintaining its own vital power. R&ma, like religious matters generally, must be viewed as part of human experience, not separable from the other modules of experience. In its fullest sense, the experience of religious living encompasses a total commitment to something seen as ultimate concern, lived out with such intensity that it transforms 1
In 1965-66 it was our privilege to live in Madras where I worked as closely as I could with Dr. V. Raghavan, whofirstintroduced me to Rlma and set my feet on his path. The following year I participated in the International Congress of Orientalists in Ann Arbor where 1 met Dr. Sukumari Bhattacharji, whose work on The Indian Theogony (Cambridge* 1970) has always proved helpful. This paper tends to act as a synthesizing agent forwhat I have previously written about RAnuu; hence, a bibliography is appended. 1 For thisfigureI am indebted to Christina Bowman (Harvard UniveriityX M An Approach to the Study of Religion," Unpublished paper* Wilson College. 1968.
42
The lUmayana Tradition in Aih
the life of the devotee and conditions his relationship with those about him. Thus, religion can be used to discover meaning in existence and to organize life into significant patterns, even if the average worshipper at. shrine, mosque, church, or temple is no more aware of the nuances of what he is doing than a native speaker of a language cares about its syntax or grammar. " The externalia of religion—symbols, institutions, doctrines, practicescan be examined separately . . . but these things are not themselves religion, which lies rather in the area of what these mean to those who are involved."1 Thus, recalling the incident where Hanuman's chest was ripped open to display Rama and Sltft seated on a throne in his heart, we can adapt the words of an old Christian song. "He lives. He lives . . . You ask me how I know he lives, he lives within my heart." From this point of view, the Ramftyaga is not a sixth century or third century book. It is a contemporary book, changing its meaning with each succeding age. There are limitations to this approach. T am not, alas!, a linguist and your languages are not native to me. I shall miss some of the nuances experienced by persons reared in this culture and I shall mispronounce Sanskrit words. Nonetheless, I shall attempt a contribution by study of the function of the RamayaQa in the light of comparable phenomena elsewhere. Ibe Story and the Book Fundamental human needs lie behind all great masterpieces of religious literature. The great scripture^ never appear in a vacuum, but they rather combine various approaches with differing degrees of subtilty in order to invest temporal existence with an aspect of eternity. No book can become an object of veneration unless it both speaks to the spirit of a people and reflects that people's values. Although such a book can be appreciated throughout the world—the Ramayaija is often studied as great literature apart from any devotional commitment—sacred books as such remain the peculiar property of faithful communities where they •W. C. Smith, who insists that in the study of religion we are studying ourselves. Cf. Mircca Eliade. et al., The History of Religions (Chicago: University of Chicago Preia. 19S9), pp. 35 and 53.
The Role pf the Sacred Book in Religion
43
can be nurtured by their accredited teachers. Typically, events believed to bear redemptive significance are transmitted through a narrative, and just as typically, the narrative itself becomes more important than the events it narrates, as the events described are endowed with cosmic significance. The Story Few of us approach the world simply as object; we encounter it within whatever frame of reference we live. Whatever we describe reveals as much about our own presumptions as it does about the object being described. God3, then—whether in India, Greece, or Canaan—are neither separate entities nor concepts so much as they are projections of human searches for significance and meaning and the preservation of order. Theoretical explanations, which can satisfy the minds of a spiiitual or intellectual elite, disappoint most persons who turn more readily to a narrative. The story inevitably takes on certain archetypal aspects as it is told and retold because it becomes community property. The repetition of the story brings salvation by recalling an archetypal event in which God acted—in which he is still acting—for human benefit. In saving stories, persons sec themselves and the world not just as they are but as they believe they ought to be. In many cases there may be some factual basis for the narrative, but the mature form of the story will almost invariably be told in an archetypal mythic pattern. Hence, the episodes recounted are not merely historisch ("something that happened**), they constitute a Geschichte ("an event of enduring significance9*), or to rebaptize a word that has often a particularistic connotation, a Heilsgeschichte (" the story of an archetypal event that brings salvation"). The narrative recalls God's redemptive acts, but it also recreates them. Such a story is more than story. It is a reality lived, a sanction for a way of life, and a pattern for conduct and for worship. In it, the power of the Word itself releases grace by its repetition.4 It makes little difference, then, whether or not the events described would have been visible to the eye 4
Cf. also Joachim Wach, 7 he Comparative Study of Religion (New York: Columbia University Press, 19S8), p. 66, also G. van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation (London: George Allen St Unwin, 193S).
44
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
of a physical beholder in the fashion described. Certainly, for example, no one ever saw Marduk slay Ti'amat nor was a guest in the house built for Aleyn Ba'al nor was splashed by water from Izenagi's strange bath. No one needed to have witnessed physically the pillar of cloud by day and the pillar offireby night nor Hanumin carrying the mountain. The narrative generally proceeds in a circle, with three elements: separation, conflict, and return.5 Reduced to its simplest elements, (1) the hero or the salvation-bearing figure leaves his comfortable role either in exile or in a determined effort to redeem his people {cf the departure of the Buddha, the setting out of Francis of Assisi, the alienation of Jesus from his family, or R&ma setting off to Damjaka Forest). (2) The largest part of the story is generally concerned with the defeat of the forces of evil in a series of extraordinary conflicts culminating in a decisive, victorious batile {cf Marduk's slaughter of Ti'amat, the many battles of the Iliad, the exorcisms attributed to Jesus climaxed by his defeat of death, and the battles of Rama with his decisive victory over Ravaija). Following the battle, (3) there is a return to the starting point but with a new dimension, this time the establishment of a righteous kingdom {Ramarajya). The developed form of the story transposes the separation and return to a heavenly sphere (Rama, the Buddha, and Jesus came down from heaven to restore the divine order, and Rama and Jesus both ascended back to heaven when their task was finished). The classic form of the saving narrative contains a battle in which seven elements can be expected to be present: (1) a war between two opposing groups with the forces of order temporarily defeated, (2) arrangements for a new leader, (3) creation of the new leader, (4) transfer of authority by the forces of order to the new leader, (5) a great battle, (6) defeat of the forces of disorder, and (7) ascendance of the hero to lordship of the cosmos.6 This •Joseph Campbell devotes an entire book to this thesis, except that he uses the terms separation, initiation and return. Cf. Hero with a Thousand Faces (New York: Pantheon Books, Bollingen Series XVII, 1949; reprinted as Meridian Book M22,1956). • Based on the analysis of W. Norman Brown," The Creation Myth of the Rig Veda/' The Journal of the American Oriental Society, LXH (1942), 88.
The Role of the Sacred Book in Religion
45
pattern is imposed on virtually every saving story in the world. In some cases the battle is fought in the macrocosm, in others in the world of inner space, but whether describing what may be an external encounter of the forces of order and disorder or whether describing an inner experience, it is the knowledge of the victory on the part of the devotee that counts. What, then, are the functions of such stories? Although there are many ways to view the saving story, I call attention to two functions, anamnesis and paradigm. These stories are not meaningful or true simply because they contain a modicum of history but because they place certain events—whether items of record or not—into meaningful contexts so that they can be appreciated and apprehended. The saving story is a paradigm, an expression of a classical archetype and itself the archetype for future thought and action. Rojnulus, for example, was not merely the first Roman in point of time, he was the first—i.e., the primal—Roman, the epitome of the glory of Rome itself. Whatever the historicity of the story of Romulus may be, it matters little. He has become the pattern for all Romans. In the functional study of Rama, the " historical " aspects of the story can be completely ignored. More on this later when we attempt to apply these principles directly to Rama, who is, at least for certain people, the paradigmatic Hindu, completely in tune with his dharma, living an idealized life. The other side is termed anamnesis, which is sometimes translated as " memory," but for which I prefer " recollection,*'7 In the tradition of the Greak Bible the term shows up in two very significant places. When Noah had survived the groat flood, the Lord made a covenant with him, promising that " When the bow is in the clouds I will look upon it and remember the everlasting covenant" (Gen. 9: 16). At the end of his life, Jesus broke bread in a symbolic act interpreted by Christians to be the inauguration of a sacramental celebration, using these words, 44 Do this for my anamnesis." In both cases, more than simple memory is involved. When the devotee participates in the cultic 7
The term is also used in Jungian circles. Cf. Ira Progoff, Jung's Psychology and its Social Meaning (New York: Grove Press, 1953), pp. 32.
46
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
anamnesis, he causes the redemptive event to happen all over again, as it were, or else you might say that he transcends any tempoal barriers that may exist and participates directly in the action* 3f deity in his life. The Word The retelling of the saving story is an extension of the powerful Word itself, emphasizing the importance of language in communication both among humans and between humans and deities.* In this context each word counts. With his satanic dog at his feet, Goethe's Faust struggled to translate the opening words of the Fourth Gospel. So he began, "Im Anfang war das W o r t ! " But there he stopped, because Wort was inadequate for logos. And he struggled, Wenn ich vom Geiste recht erleuchtet bin Geschreiben steht: im Angang war der Sinn. (" If I have been rightly taught by the spirit, the writing would be, 4 In the beginning was the Thought M ") This version too is insufficient, and he tried again, . . . in Anfang war die Kraft (" Power ") Closer perhaps, but still . . . in Anfang war die That (" Deed"), at which point the dog, Mephistopholes in disguise, began to growl. In choosing deed over word, Faust simply confirms the meaning of word. Whoever utters words sets power in motion, and uttering words is the primal deed. If I so much as say " Good morning," I place myself before you, emerging from my isolation. If I withhold my " Good morning,'91 withhold some of mv potency. In story—a combination of words—some words are written, some are spoken, some are mumbled, some are chanted, but words in a community together as well as enabling it to communicate • A full-scale discussion of the mantra and its functions is not appropriate here*
The Role of the Sacred Book in Religion
€7
with others. The very words, therefore, of a saving story, place one in touch with numinous power. The name Rama does just that. Tulasi Das maintained that " N o sooner than you pronounce the * Ra \ all the sins are ejected out of you, and the moment you follow it up with ' ma', the door is closed for any other sin to enter "• Kabirdas (weaver-saint of the fifteenth century ") relates the name Rama to Om.10 Such sounds—Halleluiah, Kurie Eleison, or Amen, in addition, of course to OM11— are not translatable. Their repetition conveys power to those who use the symbol, and the terms will be meaningless to outsiders. Hie Book In more developed societies, words are written, and the written word commands a veneration quite beyond that of the spoken word. Although most developed religious systems have some venerated literature, a Bible as such is not a universal phenomenon. The Ramayafla, whatever Version, must not be compared exactly to the Qur'an nor to the Torah or the Gospels, despite certain similarities. The Ramayana does not occupy the exclusive place of the Qur'an in Islam, the Book dictated by Allah's messenger. It does, however, serve as one of the most significant transmitters of Hindu culture. A sacred book reflects a value structure, and, as such, it must reflect the prevailing values of the community that enshrined it. One tells and retells the story because in such participation the events leading to salvation are recreated. Hence, to the question " Are these stories true? " we must ask at what level such a question is asked. Their truth docs not lie in precise facts of history but rather in their arrangement of events—whether historical or not—into a scheme that possesses an existential character, a people's view of itself. Claims of divine revelation, and in some cases, divine dictation, stamp the approval of the believing community on the book. In the case of the Ramayana, the account of the death of the kraufica bird near the beginning of the book 9
From the DaMvatt, quoted from Shankar Raju Naidu, M Mystic Significance of R&ma," in Essays in Philosophy (Madras: Ganesh & Co. n.d.), pp. 442. * " / « * . pp. 443.
m
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
and the subsequent appearance of Lord Brahmi to V&lmlki as well as the scene near the end when Rama himself hears the account of Kuia and Lava, validate the story. Without prejudicing the question of historicity, an issue likely to be decided more on the basis of personal faith than historical research, these stories serve to authenticate what lies between them, showing the approval of the believing community. The sacred book also preserves a value structure. Following the initial generation, the book serves not only as a reflector of values but the source of values for succeeding generations. The conservative nature of most religious svstems renders social change difficult by labelling it impious or atheistic and investing the status quo with divine authority and supernatural sanction. Traditional systems urge one to adjust to a social order rather than to seek its abolition, a fact that may explain in part the venom with which the Ramayana has been attacked by those who advocate radical changes in the social pattern of South India. The R&m&yaiia was told and retold, enacted in temple dramas and incorporated into sculpture. Its dramatic representations were not unlike the medieval Christian mystery plays, from which the ceremonies of Holy Week developed, or the Stations of the Cross, a dramatization of the Passion narrative. Perhaps some who watched were entertained, but the performances had more than diversion in mind. They were symbolic and sacramental, the efficient cause of a blessing conferred on those whose lives were caught up in the dramas. Here was life as it ought to be lived, and for a while one could be part of it. There is a third level to all this. A sacred literature belongs to a specific community which supplies its sanction, and on its most profound level it cannot really be shared, except as literature with an intrinsic value. When value structures of a community change—and they change inevitably—sacred books can lose vital contact. The ancient tale of Rama has excited popular imagination, inspired works of art, and reflected values generally accepted and widely practised. But the very values illustrated in the Ramiyana arc those in debate today. Ramarajya, despite Gandhiji's use of the term, is not the ideal to which all Indian politicians aspire. It is so in every culture. American illiteracy in matters
The Role of the Sacred Book in Religion
49
biblical is well attested, and by and large, Bible stories are no longer the staple diet of bedtime tales. Yet the Bible continues to reflect a basic value orientation of western society. No culture can divorce itself from its roots. The Ramardjya of the Ramaya^a has not been altogether popular in Tamilnad where it was sometimes looked upon with a bit of suspicion. The Role of the Teacher Certain phenomena appear to be universal in developed religious systems, and among them is the appearance of a professional class of teachers charged with preserving sacred tradition intact. The religious teacher is not just a teacher of religion, because he is expected to embody in his own life a traditional piety, not necessarily a completely moral conduct but a life lived in accordance with cultic prescriptions. In any case, teachers precede sacred books, and when the Book appears, teachers are necessary for its explication. No religious system has allowed its scriptures to stand without interpretation. The Hindu, a Madras daily newspaper, regularly runs a summary of religious discourses, and in one of them, it was insisted that " anyone who ventures to speak on the epic The Ramaya^a should have the three most important qualifications—purity of tongue, an intense longing to tell the story and a thorough grounding in the subject." "Purity of the tongue/* the article continued, " was attainable by constant utternce of God's names and recitation of the Vedas. The epic should be heard with sincerity and the clear understanding that Sri Rama is none but the Vedic Purusha. . ." Despite the veneration accorded to paper and ink of scripture, the spoken word typically conveys more power. Vedic knowledge, for example, is called irutU meaning primarily " what is heard ". What is heard is truly seen and only he whose penances and austerities have led him to the place where he can " see ft the message can teach it properly. Thus it is maintained " The Mshi (** enlightened seer ") saw the mantra in Tapas (" austerities ")." 12 11
V. Raghavan, The Indian Heritage. (Bangalore: Indian Institute of World Culture, 1956), pp. xxvi.
50
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The teacher becomes a vital link in transmitting knowledge, oecause the " naked word of scripture " is generally viewed with suspicion. An acharya ("teacher") collects precepts, sets his students on the proper path, and himself practices what he preacher One of India's most precious relationships is that of student and teacher (" guru "), a wholehearted devotion in which the student faithfully practices every minute instruction of the guru and, while under his care, attends to no one else. God himself is the supreme teacher, and to a student his teacher is God. The Ramayana Having set forth a certain framework for the understanding of sacred literature, we must now attempt to apply it to the study of the Ramayana itself. There is no simple answer to the question, " How does India view the Ramayapa," and I was scarcely prepared for the variety of responses I received when I lived in India to study the Ramayana. To ask anyone—Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim, Christian—about Rama was not necessarily to elicit a rehearsal of Valmlki's story. Frequently respondents would demur that they did not " know the Ramayana." Ask them later about specific incidents taken from the story, and they knew it ver> well. Person after person would reveal a glimpse of the world as understood through references to the Rama story. For example, one evening a beautiful girl studying in the fifth standard in a Madras school told me about Rama and Sita. For her the story began when Rama went to the forest to hunt a golden deer in order to present it to Sita (I believe she thought it was Rama's idea to go after the deer). Sita was captured by ugly Ravana, and Rama fought with Ravana " because Sita was lonely/9 That was the whole story, but for a moment I had a glimpse of the world seen from her eyes, a view of her intentionally-constituted world. She had learned the story from the songs of Tyagaraja, and what the young lady told me that pleasant evening was not the Ramayana as any pandit would understand it, but the world as she saw it. I have a tape recording of a young boy who also told me about Rama, but he never got beyond the birth story and the marriage of Rama and Sita (breaking the bow impressed him). I also recall with tremendous pleasure a young lad staying in our house. When my wife asked him, " Devender, when did
Tile Hole of tfie Sacred Book in Religion
51
the history of India begin/' he replied without a moment's hesitation, M With Rama and SIta!" Even if a statistical record should show that some other scriptures are read more frequently by larger numbers than the Ramayaija, these incidents attest to its tremendous popularity, even on a subliminal level, so that the ABT parcel service can use as their logo a picture of Hanuman carrying the mountain in full confidence that the message will be understood perfectly. On a more adult level, I have seen flowers offered in Pflja to the book of the Ramayana. I have heard it quoted as a supreme authority, silencing an opponent with a single quotation from itshallowed pages, and my own collection contains a variety of letters and clippings praising it in unreserved terms. Another correspondent wrote: RamayaQa is essentially the story of how man becomes God. The man who is good, loving, and compassionate to all the loving creatures indiscriminately, attains to the divine rank and is worshipped as God; but a man who is wicked, proud, and unkind loses the divinity in him and ultimately merges into ignominy. . . Probably the most revealing single incident in my experience, however, followed a lecture at a college in Andhra Pradesh, when I asked the students assembled whether they planned to tell the story of Rama to their children. Although many spoke eloquently of the Ramayaija as the " heart and soul of India," echoing the words of Sastri, " As long as India continues to remember Rama and the ideals of life which He exemplified, I am satisfied that India is India," about half of those present were vehement in their rejection of the epic. Two young woman, with fire in their eyes, spoke with passion. " I shall never," said one of them, " tell the story of Rama to my daughter because I do not want her to be like Sita; that ideal of womanhood is dead in India!" The ideal may be dead—I doubt it—but discussion about it is very much alive. I also ran into a good many well-educated persons who made a sharp distinction between the appreciation of the literary merits of the various Rama>alias and any devotional attachment to them. The anti-Ramayana attitudes of southern political movements, traceable at least to 1910 with the formation of the Dravidian
52
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
association by Dr. C. Natesa Mudali&r, and culminating in the figure of E. V. Ramaswamy Naicker ("Periyar") and C. N. Annadurai is well known. Here, as Harrison writes, The Ramayana, so proudly hailed as a force for synthesis, becomes a basic text c'ted to establish Aryan iniquity. In Dravidian propaganda the southward march of Rama to the lair of the evil king Ravana . . . is nothing less than the allegorical story of the triumph of Aryan progress over the original Dravidian inhabitants of India. . . . The Dravidian movement rewrites The RamdyatM to cast Ravana as a Dravidian hero repelling Rama. . . l 8 Positions like these must be viewed with extreme caution. No change of culture is represented in any version of the epic as a result of the conflict, and it is doubtful that either Valmlki or Kamban had such a thing in mind. A noted psychologist once pointed out to me that in any epic story thcie is a tendency-for those on top in a society to identify with the hero and those on the bottom with the vanquished. A Book of Dharma In the earlier portion of this paper we stressed the paradigmatic nature of sacred books. Not only is Rama a paradigm of the ideal man, a model of discriminating choice for those devoted to him, the Ramayana is primarily a book of dharma. Whether set forth by Valmlki, Kamban, or Tulasi Das, Rama upholds (dhr) all his relationships, acting righteously to *riend and foe alike.14 Hence, the Ramayaiia is a popular dharma sastra in narrative form, setting forth the principles of righteous choice. "Sslig S. Harrison, India: The Most Dangerous Decades (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960), pp. 127. Further information may be found in P.D. Dsvanesan, The Dravida Kaznagam (Bangalore: ChristianInstitute for the Study of Religion and Society, i960). 14 1 am aware that Rama has his detractors. A letter in my files reads as follows: " Since Rama cut off the nose of R&vana's sister, Ravana had every right to take revenge. What right did R&ma have to burn Lanka? It is the duty of every Tamilian to ' get back his face* by destroying the Aryan symbols of Tamil disparagement and the so-called Aryan gods . . . . Valmiki tells us all about Kama drinking, eating meat, killing unlawfully (ambushes . . . .) How can you think of these despicable traits as attributes of a divine being?
The Role of the Sacred Book in Religion
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To be human is to choose, and to choose is to subordinate one value to a greater value structure. Few of us are presented with completely simple choices. For every call of duty, every tug at the emotions, and every human relationship demands an anxious search for the most appropriate alternative, the one most likely to uphold those values deemed most significant. The privilege of embracing an obvious good and shunning an evident evil is rarely granted, even if we admit the possibility of knowing precisely what we mean by good and evil. Instead most human choices lie in that ambiguous grey area where the most we can hope for is a decision that will buttress those relationships we value most. On the other hand, one's life need not be a compromise. It can affirm the qualities one values most, and for this reason, value structures can be communicated through narratives that deal with the lives of men and women, their struggles against evil and adversity, better than in didactic prose. For many, the Rama* yana has been just such a guide. An American popular song once contained this refrain, The passions that thrill love, and lift you high to heaven are the passions that kill love, and let you fall to hell.15 The key that can unlock the door to life can also open the chamber of death. Knowledge that can free can also enslave. 4i Like the sharp edge of a razor is that path to the understanding of the self—so the wise say—hard to tread and difficult to cross/'16 The story of Rama is dominated—particularly in Valmlki's version—by the tension between Ayodhya and Lanka, the conflict between dharma and adharma, but not the warfare of heaven and hell in the western sense,17 even though Rama is always the symbol of dharma and Ravaija of adharma. " Rama is duty (dharma) personified," said Marlca (iii, 37). Every character in this drama is charged with the necessity of choosing truth (satya) over his " Rogers and Hammerstein, New Moon. 11 Kathopanfead, I. iii. 14, Nikhilananda translation. "Despite some passages that show that many things RSvaoa did were right and good* V&lmlki never refers to him as dharmic.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
own convenience, even as Naciketas had to remind his father to " consider how it was with the forefathers *' who never went back on their word of obligations " (Kathopanijad I, i, 3). The Valmiki Ramayana distinguishes laukika dharma, garhasthasya dharma, kula dharma, varpairama dharma, and throughout the Ramayana, one is acutely aware of the interrelations of these various dharmas and the consequent necessity of choosing just that appropriate response to each situation that will uphold the proper values for that situation. Rama's choice was to resuscitate dharma so that kama and artha can be enjoyed within legitimate bounds. He puts first the search for righteousness, knowing that all else will follow, a lesson perhaps best illustrated by his choice of the forest. The story of Rama is the story of a man faced with a series of choices, many alternatives defensible. When he finally made his decisions, he did so without denying the values he decided against, and therein is the greatness of the story and the reason it can function as a paradigm. Dharma has failed if it is understood only as the choice of the obviously good over the manifestly evil. The truly dharmic life is lived anyatra dharmad anyatradharmad {" beyond dharma and adharma , , ). M Statesmen and religious leaders alike have praised the ideal of Ramarajya, and Gandhiji used it as the symbol of the coming perfect order, dying with the name of Ram on his lips. But throughout the epic Ramarajya is something like an eschatological ideal, a vision of what can appear in the new age. Present society is in the age of padukarajya, the role of the sandals, between the primal kingdom of Dafiaratha and the coming perfect reign of Rama. Present society is imperfect; we have only the tokens of the book, the age of Padukarajya* while dharmic and adharmic forces are in mortal combat. Closely associated with the paradigmatic search for dharma is the search for truth (satya). Truth in this context, however, is synonymous with true living, connoting fully as much the idea of faithfulness and morality as it does a correct correspondence " Nachiketas asked Yama. " Tell me that which thou seest beyond right and wrong, beyond what is done and not done, beyond past and future.* (Kathopani$ad 1, ii, 14, Radhakrishnan trans.)
The Role of the Sacred Book in Religion
SB
with " objective reality." Truthfulness takes on a certain poignancy in the Ramayaija in connection with the preservation of a good name. When DaSaratha was faced with the excruciating choice forced on him by Kaikeyl, the question of whether Rama or Bharata would make a better yuvarajah was not an operative (consideration. Near the end of the story Rama's harsh words to SIta must be viewed in the same light. A central ethical issue is joined. Rama, so we are told, gave up all personal claims but protected his good name at all costs. The paradigmatic Rama is not the embodiment of the rule of law; he is the embodiment of the rule of perfect righteousness, illustrating the basic belief that " the one unchanging basis on which the success of any form of government depends is human character."19 The truth sought is personal integrity. In this sense truth will conquer (satyam eva jayate). In 1965, President Radhakrishnan went so far as to say, in connection with the Pakistan war, " . . . 'Satyam eva Jayate* • . . meant that if necessary, they would even sacrifice the country for the sake of truth and never truth for the country.''20 Truth, then, becomes as something to be defended. The Battle In the theoretical section of this paper we noted the battle motif and its seven modules. If one focuses not simply on the battle scenes themselves but on the total sweep of the epic, including its later accretions, it will be seen that the Ramayana displays the same features found in the Indra-Vftra conflict:21 1. An asura, Ravana, has provoked the sages, contemplatives, brahmins, and gods, even interfering with the sun and the moon. 1§
Dr. V. Raghavan, •' RSmSyaoa-Trivenf—(V) Duty to People, Vedantha Kesari, July* 1952, pp. 2. M The Hindu, Madras, Dec. 9,1965. 11 This analysis is set forth, together with a similar treatment of the Great Goddess Story in Joanne M. Punzo, The Devi Nfahatmya: A Critical Study of a Devotional Text (Chambsrsburg: Wilson College 1967).
5t
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia 2. The gods petition Brahma to relieve them of this demon, but a boon has been granted to Ravana making him impervious to any but a man. Vishnu is persuaded to incarnate himself. 3. Impregnation of the barren wives of DaSaratha is accomplished by a bowl of payasam divided among the three wives. 4. Brahma beseeches all the gods to incarnate as warriormonkeys to aid Rama. 5. The main body of the epic is concerned with the great battle and lesser battles of Rama. 6. Ravana is defeated, and the gods praise Rama. 7. Rama rules over the three worlds.
In this conflict the three psychological modules of salvationbearing stories are evident: (1) an affront to order, (2) the need for an incarnation, (3) the defeat of disorder as a struggle that must continually be repeated. The Ramayana is a story intended to be rc-enactcd. The slaughter of Ravana is not just a historic event. It is an act of faith and an affirmation of dharma, a pledge to uphold order over disorder. The final book, the Uttara Kanda, shows clearly that the establishment of Ramarajya does not mean the end of all discord. The defeat of Ravana by Rama must be repeated over and over. The Anamnesis Ramayana is the story of perpetual warefare between Ayodhyt and LaAka. In simple terms its message is to imitate Rama and to eschew the works of Ravana. The story attained its popularity because it does reflect a value structure. The story of Rama and Sita, the dharma by which they lived and the adharma they shunned express a value system basic to much education in India. Arts—performing and visual—grow from the story, and the prac* tice of bhakti with its hymns, dances, and other ceremonies has concretely shaped much of Indian life.22 The book, however, concerns itself very little with inner feelings; it stresses external actions. ** Cf. V. Raghavan, " Methods of Popular Religious Instruction in South India.M Journal of Anrrican Folklore, LXXI (1958), 336-344.
The Role of the Sacred Book in Religion
57
The strength of the story lies in the fact that it is a living tradition, appreciated by reflexive beings who reflect on the world in which they live. Throughout the main portion of the work Ramarajya is an ideal, not yet attained. Not surprisingly, then, a popular form of Ramabhakti is Padukabhakti, fidelity to God both present in spirit and yet absent in his full glory and power. Veneration of the sandals and walking on the Path of Lord R&ma belong together. Neither is meaningful if devotion is only to the past. In this paper we have stressed the living tradition of the Ramayana, the wave moving across many different mediums. May this symposium produce not simply firmer devotion to an ancient book but also commitment to the courageous dharma which each of us is called upon to practice in this generation.
A Bibliography of other Articles on Ramayana by Harry M. Buck "The Sandals of Prince A9ma," in SPECIAL VOLUME DEDICATED TO H. H. CHANDRASEKHARENDRA SARASVATI, edited by V. Raghavan (Madras: Kuppuswami Sastri Research Institute* 1973). 'Two KrauAca Birds," in PROFESSOR K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI FELICITATION VOLUME (Madras, Rathnam Press: 1971), 369-30. 1
Saving Story and Sacred Book: Some Aspects of the Phenomenon of Religious Literature," in SEARCH THE SCRIPTURES, edited by J. M. Myers. O. Reimherr, H. N. Bream (Leiden: E. J. Brill: 1969), 79-94.
' The Figure of R&ma in Buddhist Cultures/* in ASIAN PROFILE, 1/1 (August, 1973), 133-158. 'Lord R&ma and the Faces of God in India,9* in JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF RELIGION, XXXVI, 3 (September 1968), 229-241. 1
An Introduction to the Study of the Rftmftyapa in South and Southeast Asia** (Kuala Lumpur: 1966), 72-88.
RAMACARITAMANASA and ITS RELEVANCE TO MODERN AGE REV. C. BULCKE 1. Introduction Some four hundred years ago, Goswami Tulasidasa composed his Ramacaritamanasa. In his introduction, the author prays that his poem may be appreciated: Hohu prasanna dehu bardanu Sadhu Samaja bhaniti sanamanu
(1, 14)
** Show me your favour and grant this boon, that my verses may be honoured where good men are gathered together/*1 There is no shadow of a doubt, that the poet's prayer has been heard. The Ramacaritamanasa enjoys, since four centuries, among the teeming millions of North India, a popularity unequalled anywhere else. This popularity is richly deserved. All critics agree that the Ramacaritamanasa is the most excellent poem of the whole range of Hindi literature. Dr George Grierson goes even further when he says: " I still think that Tulasidasa is the most important figure in the whole of Indian literature " (quoted by V. Smith, in ' Akbar The Great Mogul,* p. 420). Dr. Vincent Smith calls the work of Tulasidasa, " the tallest tree in the magic garden of medieval Hindu poetry ". He then goes on to say: " His name will not be found in the Ain-i-Akbari, or in the pages of any Muslim annalist, or in the books by European authors based on the narratives of Persian historians. Yet that Hindu was the greatest man of his age in India, greater even than Akbar himself, inasmuch as the conquest of the hearts and minds of millions of men and women effected by the poet was an 1
All English translations are taken from W. Hill's " The Holy Lake of die Acts of Rftina". Oxford University Press, 1952.
JUmacaritamanasa and its relevance to Modern Age
99
achievement infinitely more lasting and important than any or all of the victories gained in war by the monarch " {ibid. p. 417), 2. The purpose of Tulasidasa To arrive at a correct appreciation of Tulsidasa's Ramayaija, we must keep in mind the poet's intention. His chief aim was not the creation of an immortal poem, but rather the exposition of the royal road of devotion to God, the only way of salvation. Tulsidasa saw that the common people were very much impressed by yogic practices, which they admired but could not imitate, that they were misled by various esoteric doctrines and confused by the many sects, each with its own ritual and philosophical tenets. He realised that real religion was far less complicated. He says in his best and deepest work, the Vinayapatrika (no. 173): bahu mata muni, bahu pantha puranani, jahantahan jhagaro so, which means: "The munis propound many opinions, there are many ways of salvation described in the puranas and also quite a lot of bickering ", and he adds: guru kahyo Rama-bhajana niko mohi lagat raja-dagaro so—" My guru told me devotion to Rama is the best way. To me it seems to be the royal road to salvation." When describing Kaliyuga in the last para of his Ramacaritamanasa, (RCM) he makes allusion to the prestige of the yogis and ascetics who mislead the people with regard to real religion: Niracara jo Sruti patha tyagi/kaliyuga soi gyani so biragi/jake nakh aru jafa bisala soi tapasa prasiddha kalikala. Aiubha besh bhushan dhare bhacchabhacha je khahi Tei jogi, tei siddha nara9 pujya te jalijuga mahi (7, 98) " Unprincipled deserters of the Vedic way were styled the wise and the ascetic in that Kaliyuga and those who were long nails and bound their hair in massive coils, the Kaliyuga acclaimed as penitents. These who attired themselves in ghastly ornaments and ate all kinds of food, forbidden or permitted, were held to be ascetics and adepts and worthy of all reverence in that age."
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Strictly speaking, this is a description of a former Kaliyuga, but there is little doubt that Tulasidasa meant the itinerant yogis of his own time, who were addicted to the above mentioned practices. Tulasidasa repeats again and again, that in Kaliyuga, real religion does not consist in these external practices, but in devotion to R£ma— Kaliyuga joga na jagya na gnana Eka Adhara Rama gum gana
(7, 193)
" In the Kaliyuga there is no need of austerity, sacrifice or knowledge; the singing of Rama's praise is the only sure means of salvation.*' 3. Causes of the popularity of RCM If Tulasidasa has been successful in bringing his message to countless millions, this is due to three causes. The first is the universal human appeal of his conception of Bhakti (devotion), and will be explained later. The second is that in order to propound his conception of devotion, Tulasidasa did not write a theological treatise but, in the words of Emerson, " hitched his wagon to a star ", and retold in his own inimitable way the already popular Rama story. Long before the christian era, the genius of Valmiki had worked a miracle, similar to the one of Homer. Itinerant singers had brought his Ramayana to countless villages and cities. The whole of Sanskrit literature bears the imprint of Valmiki and the Rama-story was for centuries the subjectmatter of poetry and drama throughout the Indian subcontinent and a large part of Asia, especially Indochina and Indonesia. The extraordinary influence of Valmiki is due to the pathos and charm of the Rama-story itself, the artistic merit of his poetry and the vivid portrayal of high moral values. The Ramayana of Valmiki conquered the heart of religious-minded India, chiefly because of the importance it attaches to things of the spirit, because of its noble conception of the sanctity of married love and the sacredness of a pledge, its high ideals of duty, truthfulness and self-control, its living examples of domestic and social virtues, its deep faith in the ultimate meaning of life as a struggle between good and eviL It is precisely this ethical aspect of the original R&mayaija that is usually singled out for special praise in Indian
RflmacharitamAnam and its relevance to Modern Age
61
sources. The Padma Puraija says that in the Rama-story "we meet face to face the rules of dharma, a woman's fidelity to her husband, deep brotherly affection and youth's devotedness to the elders. In its verses proper conduct between masters and servants in personified, and before our eyes, punishment is meted out to the evil-door by the scion of Raghu " (Patala KhawJa, 66, 128-9). Tulasidasa has acknowledged his debt to Valmlkl in the following words, " The sages of old having sung Hari's glorious renown, it will be easy for me, my friend, to follow in their footsteps. A river may be very broad, but if a king has built a bridge across it, even very small tiny ants {pipilikau Parama laghu) may mount it and pass to the other side with ease. Even so I shall take heart of grace and relate the charming story of Raghupati" (I. M). The third cause of the unparalleled popularity of RCM is the poetic genius of Tulasidasa. He says in the introduction of his poem, "Kabi na hou nahi bechana praviriu sakalakala saba vidyS Aim* (1,9) "1 am no poet, nor am I skilled in speech; all ignorant am I of every art and science ", but in spite of that he is quite conscious of his poetic talents. In the second part of his introduction he writes that when the poet contemplates the lake of Rama's acts with the eye of the soul and plunges into its waters, " his heart is filled with bliss and ecstacy and swells with a flood of love and happiness. Then flows out the beauteous stream of poetry, filled with the water of Rama's stainless glory ". (I, 39) Tulasidasa has a supreme felicity of expression; dozens and dozens of his verses have become proverbs. He has a truly marvellous gift of effortless alliteration. His verse flows naturally. His language is very simple, so much so that illiterate villagers listen with rapt attention to the recitation of his work and understand his message. Eternal truths and moral aphorisms abound but the construction of his verse is never involved. I often quote the following: 4t Jiva na laha sukha hari-pratikula" No soul can find peace, if at variance with God " (RCM 7, 122). Therefore, in spite of his disclaimer quoted above, Tulasi, no less than Valmlki, was a poet by God's grace, and he used his talent to proclaim his message.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The greatness and also the popularity of RCM is due to the above-mentioned three factors. Tulasidasa has compared the company of the saints to a living moving Prayaga in the world, the confluent of Ganga, Yamuna of Ramacarita and the Sarasvatl of truly great effortless poetic art. 4. The Sources of RCM. Although shorter than Valmlki's Ramayana, the RCM. is very long. The translation by W. Hill into English prose runs into 500 demi-octavo pages. It follows in broad lines the story of Valmiki and is divided into seven Karujas (books), bearing the names as given by Valmiki, except that the Yuddhakaiitfa is called Lanka-Kaij
JUmacaritamtaasa and its relevance to Modern Age
i3
his work Samwat 1631, i.e., 1574 A.D. Barring the first and last book, Tulsidasa narrates the Rama-story as described by Valmlkl, with one important change, based on the Adhyatma Ramayana. The real Sita enters the fire before Ravaija arrives to capture her. Rama tells Sita: Sunahu prtya brata rucira susila/mai kachu karabi lalita naralllajTumha Pavaka mahu karahu nivasa (3, 24) 44
Hearken, beloved wife, faithful, beautiful and virtuous; I am about to play an engaging game as man; do you make your abode in fire till I have extirpated the demons." Thereupon Sita enters the fire and a shadow Sita takes her place (nija pratibimba rakhi taha Sita). By this expedient Sita is saved from the touch of Ravana, who carried a shadow Sita to Laiika. This shadow Sita enteis the fire at the Agni-Parlk$a and the real Sita is restored to Rama. Of the subject matter not based on Valmlkl, the following deserve special mention here: (1) The incidents of Rama's childhood, based on the Bhagavata Purana and Adhyatma Ramayana. (2) The meeting of Rama and Sita in the flower-garden of Mithila, before the breaking of the bow; based on Prasanna Raghava. (3) The breaking of the bow in the presence of many kings called to the Swayamvara of Sita; based on the Sanskrit Rama-Natakas. (4) The arrival of ParaSurama immediately after the breaking of the bow and the ensuing conversation between Rama, Lak$mana and Para£urama; based mainly on the Mahanataka. (5) The conversation of Ravana and Angada in Lafikakancja and later the conversation of Sita and Trijati, based on the Mahanataka. First Half of Balakarufa: This part of the RCM. owes nothing to Valmlki's Ramayana. Vilmlki makes Rama's journey to Mithila the occasion of narrating
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
a great number of legends* which are omitted by Tulasid&sa. The subject-matter of the lirst part of Balakancja can be divided as follows: (1) A long introduction containing pages ot invocation, an apology for the use of the vernacular and his own unworthiness as a poet, the praise of the name of Rama, and finally a long description of his work, which he compares to a Manasarovara, a sacred lake (doha 1-43). (2) The beginning of the dialogue of two sages: Yagyavalkya and Bharadvaja. Yagyavalkya promises to rercat, for Bharadv&ja's benefit, the dialogue of Siva and ParvatI (doha 44-47). (3) A long Siva Carita, wherein neither Yagyavalkya nor Siva are ths nanators. The poet himself tells the story of the self-immolation of SatI, the penance of ParvatI and her subsequent marriage to Siva (Dohi 48-103). (4) The beginning of the Siva-Parvatl dialogue (Doha 104-120). (5) The causes of the Incarnation of Vijpu (Doha 121-183). Besides a general reason, based on the Bhagavadglti, five particular reasons are given. They are the stories of Jaya-Vjjaya, of Jalandhara, of Nirada, of ManuSatarQpa and lastly of Pratapabhanu. The last story inroduces the description of RavaQa's misdeeds, the visit of the gods to Vijiiu and the latter's promise to incarnate himself as the son of DaSaratha and Kausalya. The rest of the Balakantfa, from the sacrifice of Daiaratha, follows the traditional Rama-story, with the exceptions mentioned above. The Last Book (Uttarakatrfa): This book is clearly divided in two parts. The first part (doha 1-52) brings the Rftma-story to an end. The original Valmlki Ramayana stopped with Yuddhak&irfa and ended with the coronation of Rama and the description of R&ma-rajya.
RftmacharitamSnasa and its relevance to Modern Age
65
Tulasidasa has transferred this to his uttarakaijcja. He further mentions the birth of the two sons Lava and Ku£a, but omits the repudiation of Sita. Tulasidasa adds two allocutions of Rama. One, fo his brothers, on the characteristics of the saints. The other, addressed to the citizens of Ayodhya, on the excellenoe of the Bhaktimarga. In the second part (Doha 52-130) Siva repeats to ParvatI the dialogue of BhuSuruJi and Gariuja. This contains a long description of Kaliyuga and an exposition of the necessity of Dasya Bhakti for salvation. €. Genesis of the RCM. Although Tulasidasa has presented his poem in the form of a dialogue between Siva and ParvatI, there are large portions where the poet himself is the narrator and Siva is mentioned in the third person. The only possible explanation of this phenomenon is that Tulasidasa, at first, had no intention to present his work in the form of a dialogue. This has been the unanimous conclusion of all critics, who have examined this problem. They generally agree to distinguish three stages in the composition of RCM but when they try the impossible task to determine exactly the extent of each stage, they offer different solutions. It is safer to be satisfied with a general outline of the three stages. First Stage: Tulasidasa, at first, told himself the story of Rama. He is the sole narrator in the introduction, the second part of the Balakancja and the entire Ayodhyakantfa. The last verse of the Balakaijcja calls it Slya-Raghuvlra-Vivaha. Similarly the Ayodhyakaruja is called Bharata-carita. The following kantfas have no such designation. This suggests a special status for the first two kan^as, which were perhaps circulated separately. It was probably the renown of these poems that made Tulasidasa decide to give his poem the frame-work of a religious book. Second Stage: In any case he did change his method of narration and followed the example of the Adhyatma Ramayaija by presenting the Rama-
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
story m the form of a dialogue between Siva and Parvatl. This required, as is usual in the puranas, a sub-dialogue. Tulasidasa therefore introduced the dialogue of Yagyavalkya and Bharadvaja, and made Yagyavalkya repeat the 2§iva-ParvatI dialogue. He added the long section about the causes of Vi§nif s incarnation and changed the very beginning of the Rama-carita, to make it agree with his new frame-work. The rest of what he had written in the first stage, he did not change at all, but proceeded to complete the story of Rama, beginning from the Araijyakaruja. From there onwards he has adopted a new attitude. He condenses the story, on the model of AdhyatmaRamayana, which he follows very closely, especially in Aranyakairfa and Ki§kindhakaii<Ja. Whereas Ayodhyakantfa alone has 133 pages, the three following karujas together run into 72 pages only. The Rama-story concludes with the first part of the Uttarakantfa. In all these karujas it is Siva who tells the story and addresses Parvatl again and again. When Siva has finished the Rama-story and Parvatl has thanked him, we would expect that mention be made again of the sub-dialogue of Yagyavalkya and Bharadvaja, as it is usual in the puranas to end by re-introducing the sub-dialogue. The reason Tulasidasa has not done so, brings us to the third and last stage of the composition of RCM. Third Stage: At the end of the dialogue of Siva-ParvatI, Siva repeats to Parvatl, the dialogue of the crow Bhugungi and Garu^a, with Bhuiuncji as the chief narrator. It seems almost sure that Tulasidasa must have acquired a Ramayana wherein Bhu&undi addresses Garu£a and came gradually more and more under the influence of that Ramayana. In quite a few places of the second draft he quotes aphorisms addressed to Garu^a. Finally he decided to add the dialogue BhuSuncJi-Garutfa to his RCM and this constitutes the last part of his poem, wherein he calls it RCM and exposes onoe more, in a more Visi$ta Advaita way, his concept of Bhakti. This new addition required a second part of his introduction, in which Tulasidasa calls his poem RCM whereas in the first part of the introduction, he calls it
Ramacharitafriflnasa and its relevance to Modern Age
(7
Ramacarita. It is therefore not impossible that this name has been borrowed from the Ramayana, with the BhuSuntfi Garutfa-dialogue. The Balakan4a contains a long Siva-carita, wherein Siva is spoken of in the third person and which is not mentioned in the table of contents of RCM. as given in the last part of the Uttarakantfa. We may conclude that this portion, probably an independent poem, was added to the third draft last of all. The new matter of the third draft consists therefore of (1) the second half of the Uttarakantfa, (2) the second half of the introduction and (3) the Siva-carita. 7. The message of Tulasidasa The essence of Tulasidasa's Bhakti Marg consists in a humble acknowledgement of one's sinfulness, a serious and persistent endeavour to fulfil God's will and a trustful surrender to God. In other words Dasya Bhakti. In his Ayodhyakai^ia, Tulasi has made Bharata the ideal devotee. He goes to the forest to call the exiled Rama back and return the kingdom to him. But when Rama lets him take the final decision, he humbly says: 44 There is no better way to serve a good master than by obeying his command *' (Agja-sama na susahiba seva) and let Rama decide what is best (Ayodhyakaflija, Caupai 301). This is Tulasidasa's way of letting the true devotee say to God,4* Thy will be done f \ The Bhakti-marga of Tulasidasa has several characteristics, which make it a truely royal road to God and must have been instrumental in the salvation of millions. (a) The first of these characteristics is the insistence on moral conduct. As mentioned above, this was one of the main features of Valmlki's Ramayaija and is moreover a characteristic of most subsequent Rama-stories. Tulasi is convinced that, on the one hand, no real bhakti is possible without good conduct {acarana) and a determined effort to control one's passions, and that, on the other hand, no one can achieve this without the help of God's grace. In the introduction of his RCM (i.e., the Holy Lake of Rama's Acts) he writes: " I have here (at Ayodhya) begun this sacred story, destructive of all lust and pride and
a
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
hypocrisy in him who hears it. Its name is the Holy Lake of Rama's Acts, and those who listen to it are refreshed; a soul that burns with the fever of worldly desire, like an elephant in a forest fire, is happy if it plunge into this lake. It puts an end to wicked ways and all the sin of the kaliyuga ". (Caupai 35). (b) Morality, therefore, is, according to Tulasi, the foundation of religion and an essential condition of advancing along the road to God. When he uses the world " royal road " with regard to the Rama-Bhakti, he does so advisedly. The way of salvation is open to all, and every man is invited to follow it. This is its second characteristic. Tulasi is convinced that every human being is given the means of salvation and has the responsibility to use them, otherwise he will only have to blame himself afterwards: "It is great good fortune to be born as a man. The human body is an instrument for pious practices, it is the gateway to deliverance; and those who have been born as men and still have not won heaven suffer torment in the next world, and beating their heads in vain remorse, falsely assign the blame to fate and destiny and God " (RCM 7, 43). Tulasi again and again insists that the way of devotion is easy and needs no special state of life. In his Ayodhyakan<Ja he compares the life of Bharata, his model devotee who rules his kingdom and performs his normal duties, to the life of Rama, Lakjmana and SIta, who practice penance in the forest, and then he gives his verdict in favour of Bharata! Lakhana Rama Siya Kanana Basahi Bharat Bhavan Bast tapa tanu Kasahi Dou Disi Samujhi Kahata Sabu Logu Saba Bidhi Bharata Sarahana Jogu " Lak$mana, Rama and SIta dwelt in the forest; Bharata, dwelling at home, tortured his body with austerities. Looking at the matter from both sides, all said that Bharata was in every way worthy of praise (Caupai 326). In his Vinayapatrika (No. 173) he goes even further and bluntly states that " the mind becomes corrupt when one takes sannyasa, just as an unbaked earthen pot gets spoiled when water is poured into it.":
Rfimacharitamfinasa and its relevance to Modern Age
69
Bigarata mana sanyasa leta% Jala nawata ama gharo so. Tulasidasa insists on moral conduct, advocates humility and preaches total self-surrender to God, but he maintains that this is within the reach of the common man. He often warns the people not to be taken in by Yogis and wandering Sannyasis. His message is meant, first and foremost, for the inmates of the grhasthagrama, the people living in domestic life. Although he believes in the caste-system as the frame-work of social life, nobody, however low his caste, is excluded from Tulasidasa's Bhakti Marga. When Sabari tells Rama, "I am a woman of low caste and altogether ignorant" Adhama jati max jaramati bhari
(3, 34)
Rama answers, " Hearken lady, to my words: there is but one relationship I recognize, the relationship of Bhakti". Manau ek bhagati kara nata
(3, 34)
When the forest dwellers come to greet Rama on his arrival at Citrakflta, Tulasidasa exclaims, * That Lord, whom the Vedas cannot define nor the mind of the sage comprehend, the home of compassion, listened to the words of the Kiratas as a father to the prattling of his child. Nothing but love is dear to Rama— Ramahi keyala prernu Piara
(II, 136)
(c) A third characteristic of Tulasidasa's concept of religion is its social involvement. However ardent may be one's devotion to God, Tulasi is very anxious to remind his readers, again and again, that the touchstone of true devotion is the attitude to our fellowmen. Besides his insistence on moral conduct and the portrayal of his characters as models of domestic virtues he often mentions parahita (doing good to others) as an essential characteristic of the genuine devotee. He realised that, all too often, udaslnata (turning one's back to the world) had been presented as an ideal attitude of the man in search of God. The following quotations are from his RCM. Parihita sarisa dharma nahi bhai Parapira sama nahi adhamai
70
The Ratnayana Tradition in Asia
" Brother, there is no religious duty like doing good to others, no vileness like doing them harm " (7,41: words of Rama addressed to Bharata). Parahita basa Jinha ke mana mahi tirtha kahu jaga durlabha kachu nahi "Those in whose hearts dwells desire for the good of others find nothing in the world too hard to win" (3: 34: words addressed by Rama to the vulture Jatayu, who died in his attempt to save Sfta from Ravana). Rama-bhagata, parahita nirata, para-dukh dukhi, davala, bhagata-iiromani bharata te jani darapahu surapalo 44
Rama's faithful servants are devoted to the good of others and sorrow when they sorrow, full of compassion; and Bharata is the chief of votaries. Fear him not, O King of heaven " (2, 219: spoken by the guru of the gods to Indra). Dambha mana mada karhino kau bhuli na dehi kumaraga pau gavahi sunahi soda mama Hla, Hetu rahita parahita rata iila "They display no pride or self-conceit or arrogance, nor ever dream of setting foot upon the path of vice. They are ever singing or listening to my sportive acts; unselfishly devoted to the good of others " (3, 46: Rama describing the virtues of the saints). Compassion and forgiveness too are catalogued by Tulasi as characteristics of the saints. Santa kfdaya navanita samana kaha kabinha pari kahai na jana nija paritapa dravahi navanita para dukha dravahi santa supunita 44
Poets have said that the hearts of saints are like butter, but they missed the truth of the matter; for butter melts of its own heat, but the most holy saints melt when another is tried in the fire " (tapa mean both heat and affliction. The words are spoken by Garu4a to Bhuiutfi: ibid. 7,125).
R&nacharitandnasa and its relevance to Modern Age
71
Santa asantanhi kai asi karani jimi kufhara candana acarani katai parasu ma lay a, sunu bhai, nija guna dehi, sugandha basai •' The behaviour of the saint and the sinner resembles the conduct of the sandal-tree and the axe; for the axe cuts down the tree, but—mark it, brother—the sandal sheds its natural fragrance on the axe." {ibid. 7, 37; words by Rama to Bharata. We find here a poetic expression of " do good to those who hate you •*). (d) Tulasidasa occasionally mentions, without disapprobation, other ways of salvation (jnana-marga, karma-marga) and various religious sects. This is the reason why he is often spoken of as samanvaya-vadi, an advocate of Samanvaya, which means: co-ordination, harmony, reconciliation of different views. But Tulasi was definitely not an eclectic and did not aim at reconciling various religious systems. He has, in many places, unequivocally proclaimed the supremacy and indispensability of bhakti, and going further still, the futility of knowledge and religious practices, if one is without bhakti. A few quotations must suffice. We give four extracts of the last book of the RCM: Prem bhakti jala binu Raghurai abhi-antara mala kabahu na jai " So Raghurai, without the water of loving devotion, the inner man cannot be cleansed of defilement" (do. 49, spoken by Agastya to Rama). Gyana agama pratyuha aneka sadhana kafhina na mana kahu teka karata kaffa bahu payai kou bhaktihlna mohi priya nahi spu •* The way of knowledge is hard to pursue and there are many obstacles; the means thereto are difficult and there is no sure footing for the mind; and though with infinite trouble a man should find it, yet he is not dear to me if he be without bhakti.*' (do. 45 spoken by Rama and addressed to the citizens of Ayodhya). Gyana-pantha krparia kai dhara parata khageia hoi nahi bora
72
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
"The way of knowledge is the edge of a sword; very soon one falls therefrom, O King of birds" (do. 119, spoken by Bhu£uQ0i to Garuda, the king of birds). At the end of the Rama-story, the family priest of the royal house of Ayodhya, comes to visit Rama and says: Uparohitya karma ati nanda Beda puraifa sumriti kara ninda " The duties of a family priest are very despicable, the vedas and puraijas and other scriptures treat them with contempt." He, Visi§tha, has accepted this office, only because he was assured that the supreme Brahman would become the king of Ayodhya. Tulasi is no less outspoken in his Vinayapatrikft. We quote three passages. ' v&kya jnana atyanta nipuoa Bhava para na pavai koi nisi-graha madhya dipa ki batanha Tama nivrtta nahi hoi " Discussions about religious knowledge, however clever they may be, will not help any one to cross the ocean of rebirth. By discussing about light in a dark house, you will not be able to drive away the darkness. (No. 123) Sanjama japa, tapa, nema, dharma, brata, bahu bhejajasamudai Tulasidasa bhava-roga Rama prema-hina nahi jaL " Tulasidasa says that there are many remedies such as self-control, recitation of sacred formulas, austerities, observances, religious practices and vows but none of them will cure the disease of rebirth, unless there be loving devotion to the feet of Rama." (No. 81) Joga jaga japa birdga tapa sutirtha atata bandhibe ko bhava-gayarida repu ki raju batata "Yogic practices, nightly vigils, recitation of sacred formulas, renunciation, austerities and visiting pilgrimage-peaces all these are as useless, as if one would endeavour to twine a rope with sand in order to tie up the elephant of rebirth/9 (No. 129)
RftmacharitamSnasa and its relevance to Modern Age
73
8. The relevance of Tulasidasa's message to Modem Age (a) Modern critics not infrequently accuse Tulasidasa of medieval ideas, especially his defence of monarchy and the castesystem, his glorification of the Brahmins, his low esteem of women. The answer to these criticisms is that Tulasidasa was not a social or political reformer and never intended to advocate changes in the political or social structure of his time. His one aim is to teach to royal road (The Rajamarga) of bhakti. His derogatory remarks about women are all of them translations of Sanskrit Nitivakya's, and reflect therefore traditional opinions. As a matter of fact Tulasidasa seems to have fo criticisms. In his introduction he compares his p< ^ a filled with the water of Rama's stainless glory: //£
* **Wg
Rama bimala jasa jc/a Bharita So
&* ^fa
and adds that " social and scriptural doctrine are ite%t#$anks-'..* Loka veda mata manjula Kula
(1^3jfe 3rH*
It seems that he wanted to stress the fact vjaf^be exposes hi&^ vision of Rama-bhakti, according to the prevaldii^\^i^o|^flhS (Lokamata) and the teachings of scripture (VedanuT may be said of the philosophical ideas that find expression in his RCM. At times they reflect the monism of Sankara and at other times the Vi&i$ta Advaita (qualified monism) of Ramanuja. They found a place in his poem, because both were commonly held in his time. Tulasidasa remains independent. In his Vinayapatrika we read: " Some say it (creation) is true, some say it is false, and some hold that both are equally true; Tulasidasa says, who ever abandons these three misconceptions, he alone knows himself." Tulasidasa pariharai tini Bhrama, So apana pahichanai (No. Ill) As regards his personal opinions about the caste-system, he has given a glimpse of them in the description of Ramarajya, where he says that" everv man loved his neighbours ". Saba nara karahi paraspara pritl
(7, 21)
74
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia " Each husband was true to one wife, and each wife was loyal to her husband in thought and word and deed ". Ekandri braja rata saha jhart To mana baca krama pati hitakari And finally
(7, 22)
" Most beautiful of all was the royal ghat, where men of all castes could bathe." Rajaghafa saba bidhi sundarabara Majjahi taha barana chariu nara (7, 29) It is relatively easy to answer the above mentioned criticisms. But the problem of the relevance of the Rama-story to modern age goes much deeper. A new generation is growing up, which does not believe in any incarnation or even in the existence of a Supreme Being. (b) The chief aim of Tulasidasa is to give a message about Bhagavad-bhakti, but those who do not believe in the existence of a Supreme Being can still admire the undoubted genuine poetic art of Tulasidasa, just as, without believing in the theology of Dante, one can admire his Divina Commedia. Even for them the RCM remains a great cultural document containing the traditional beliefs of centuries, innumerable mythological stories and poetic conventions and conceits that have charmed millions of his countrymen. (c) However, the number of such people is relatively small. The great majority of the modern generation believes in the existence of a Supreme Being and in the spiritual nature of man. For all these RCM has a message, whether they believe in any particular incarnation or not. This massage contains the essential elements of genuine devotion to God, as expounded by the mystical writers of all religions: namely, importance of moral conduct, a great awareness of God's majesty and man's sinfulness, the relative unimportance of ritual and finally a genuine desire to promote the welfare of others. The popularity of the Valmlki Ramayaija and the voluminous Rama-literature of many centuries, is a monument to the idealism of India, its high esteem of moral values and its belief in the
Rflmacharitamanasa and its relevance to Modem Age
75
ultimate triumph of good over evil. In the same way, the enthusiastic response of the millions of northern India to the message of RCM testifies to the deep-seated religious belief and spontaneous piety of the soul of India* Note: Tulasidasa was well aware of the fact that he made his own choice among the many incidents of the Rama-story, as narrated by innumerable authors before him. His Ramacarita is not to be taken as history, but as an illustration of the infinite mercy of the Supreme Being, who became manifest for the sake of his devotees. He even admits the possibility of the Rama-story to be taken as an allegory. He describes the evil condition of the world just before Rama's incarnation in the following words: 4* No words can describe the dreadful iniquity the demons wrought; their great ambition was to hurt; what limit could there be to their ill-doing? Evil doers flourished; thieves and gamblers and lechers who coveted their neighbour's goods and wives; those too, who honoured not mother or father or gods, and compelled the good to serve them. People who act thus, Bhavani, hold thou to be Nteicara (i.e., demons, followers of Ravana; cf. 1, 183). Another passage of the Yuddakajtfa points to the allegorical nature of Rama's struggle against Ravaija— " Seeing that Ravana was mounted on a chariot and Raghuvira on foot, Vibhl$aga was apprehensive/' Rama gave him this answer, "The victor needs another kind of chariot. Heroism and courage are the wheels of that chariot; truth and virtuous conduct its firm-set flags and pennants; strength, discretion, self-control, and unselfish action are its horses, harnessed with compassion, kindness and impartial judgement. The worship of God is its skillful charioteer . . . There is no foe, my friend, who can conquer him who rides upon this chariot of righteousness " (6, 80).
VALIDITY OF THE RAMAYAIsrA VALUES SUKUMARI BHATTACHARJI Ethical values were not inculcated through abstract tenets which would be too unintelligible to the masses; the new religious trend directed its attention towards the vast majority of the people. Therefore from the demand for a popular religion which would put forward ethical values not by the new religious trend, a new genre in religious literature came into being, viz., the epic. It satisfied the basic demands of the day; it was soterial, it was heroic and full of action with plenty of appeaWbr the popular mind— and it was primarily ethical in content;1 a new set of values was presented through concrete characters and situations. The values inculcated lived and moved before the people; the narrative held their attention powerfully and this is the source of power of the R&mayana and the Mahabharata. For the two epics exercise a kind of influence in India which can be compared only with that of the Bible in the West. The two epics were composed at a time when they were the sole mass media used for the admonition and edifications of the people. Down the ages through public recitation, the epics have exerted a significant and formative influence in the nation's emotional, aesthetic and moral life. Songs have been composed on the Ramayana theme, plays based on it, epics and ballads have derived their subject matter and values from it. People—for the most part illiterate—sit, hear and watch these in rapt attention, imbibe these values and carry them in their subconscious. Thus slowly but surely the epic values have become firmly embedded in the collective unconscious and have been accepted as the valid code of conduct. We hear: * one should behave as Rama did and not as Ravaija.'1 National epics every1
We hear of three types of literary composition: * gurusammita' i.e.. scriptures with ' do *s and do not's like the Vedas; then * Sakhisammita \ epics etc. which make the ethical lessons palatable through narratives; and finally • kfintfisammita • i.e., poetry and drama where the lesson is not stated but is left to be inferred. •FUmadivat pravartitavyam na Rftvap&divat; also of • Yathft hi kurute rljft prajft tamanuvartate \ Rftmflyaoa VII. 43.19.
Validity of the Mmiyaoa Values
77
where present eternal humanistic \allies through aesthetically convincing characters; people * see * these values, are impressed with their truth and subconsciously emulate thcm.J Valmiki after bursting forth into an inspired stanza asks Narada, * who answers to this catalogue of high moral virtues1?3 Narada says: * Not even among the gods do I find one endowned with all these virtues'.4 The Valgate edition adds: 4 Hear of the great man who has all these virtues.'5 So the hero is not a god, but a man, for, only a man could become a convincing ethical model. The Ramayana performs this task by creating a set of convincing characters, placing them in complex, critical situations and by presenting moral acts together with their causes and effects. What enhances the value of the epic is that in it there is no character totally good or totally evil. Even the best three characters— Rama, SIta, and Lak§mana—behave questionably at times. Also, the characters look true to life because there is no major or sudden change of heart, although in many instances they do change. The adult attitude of accepting the fact that people seldom, if ever, undergo radical moral change renders the epic aesthetically acceptable and prevents it from being merely romantic or juvenile. Temptation is a crisis situation and all the major characters face real temptations; it is through their response to them that they become or remain good or bad. Transgression from the accepted code of ethics is portrayed sinful—but as in all major literary products, on the Ramayapa too, what constitutes its essence is its attempt at revaluation of the accepted values. This is achieved by placing the characters in critical situations and letting them deliberate, act and suffer consequences. These critical situations are of two kinds (1) obvious temptations to deflect them from the path of virtue, i.e., from the broad humanistic values for the sake of selfish, personal gains. But 8
Ko hyasmin sampratam loke gunavan kaSca vlryavan. Dharmajftaica krtajna&a satyavakyo drdhavratah. Caritrena ca ko yuktab sarvabhutc?u ko hitah. Vidvan kah kah samarthasca kascaikahpriyadarsanah. Atmavan ko jitakrodho matimSn ko * nasuyakah. Kasya bibhyati devSSca jataro$asya samyugc. 1:1:2-4. 4 Devae$vapi na paiyami kaftcidebhirgunairyutam 1:6:8. 'Srttyatam tu gunairebhir yo yukto naracandramfth.
78
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
there are also those other situations, (2) where a character faces a conflict arising from two sets of contradictory values—both accepted traditionally and both apparently equally valid, but the situation demands that he choose one. Such situations test the real moral fibre and only the great or good, i.e., the significant characters pass the test. Today the Ramayana ethics is part of the Indian's mental make-up, even though the socio-economic and political background is so utterly different. At the subconsicous level the Indian mind is steeped with the Ramayana lore and charged with its moral values; so, on this level its validity still persists. Let us now examine some of the characters in crisis situations. The first figure which attracts our attention is Daiaratha whose eldest son Rama was the joy and pride of his life. When Vi&va* mitra came to ask for the young boy's help against the monsters, the old king was faced with a really significant choice: fear of losing Rama was very real, so he could either go back upon his promise to the sage for his own selfish interest or he could keep his promise to the sage and perhaps lose his son in the process. It was a tough choice for the old king, but ultimately he kept his promise and pacified the irate sage when he put it to him that breaking a promise was unworthy of a king in the line of Raghu.6 What was the moral issue involved here? The interest of one person against that of the sacrificing sages; selfish love and joy against social welfare. This gives meaning to the act and makes it morally significant. A similar situation was faced by Sagara who in the interest of his subjects banished the miscreant son Asamafija. The whole episode is on a minor key, because Sagara was not so fond of Asamafija, but banishing a prince and giving the kingdom to a younger son violated the accepted norm of primogeniture. Sagara took a morally significant step, compromised social prestige by publicly denouncing and banishing Asamafija. The option of moral slothfulness was there: he could have maintained a status • POrvamartham pratiirutya pratijfifim hitumicchasi. RfighavftQ&mayukto'yam kulasyfisya viparyayab. 1:21:2.
Validity of the Ram§yaoa Values
79
quo and let things drift. Instead, he took an active step for the greater good, viz., the well-being of the subjects. When Manthara brougnt tne news of Rama's coronation, Kekeyi was at first overjoyed and gave Manthara an ornament for bringing such welcome news. Then Manthara began to pour poison into her ears, saying that Rama's coronation meant Bharata's misfortune, to which Kaikeyi said: 4 I do not see any difference between Rama and Bharata'. Manthara persists in her evil effort saying, * Without doubt Rama means harm to Bharata \ 7 At this Kaikeyi yields. The weak character breaks down at the prospect of her son's sufferings. She never once pauses to think whether Rama, who was not different to her from Bharata, was likely to harm Bharata's interests. This temptation episode has abiding validity precisely because initially Kaikeyi was not an evil character; her first reaction to the news of Rama's coronation shows this. Then came the temptor, painting her attitude as injurious to her son's interest and she fell a prey to this appeal to her mother-love. The epics are full of implied condemnation for moral weaklings; they seem to suggest that it is not enough to be passively good because on the ethical level there is no such thing as passive goodness. One is continually pushed to make moral decisions and one's mettle is tested by these decisions. The gods do not fight man's battles; they assist man to fight them, provided man's initiative is in the right direction. A weak Dhrtarastra or Dasaratha or a weak Kaikeyi is not pardoned, because life is too stern a business to connive at weakness. Such episodes underline the need for discrimination, judgement and courage to oppose the apparent reason of self-interest for the higher reason of truth and justice. At the time of Rama's coronation Dasaratha was faced with a choice: keeping a promise to his queen, thus denying justice to his innocent first born or acting justly by declaring that the promise itself was evil.. For keeping the promise was but mechanistic. The principle of primogeniture was involved, but this has to be flouted in order to appease a perverse woman. But already DaSaratha is shown to be harbouring doubts regarding 7
Rfimastu bharate pSpam kuryaditi na samsayah I I : 7 :30.
SO
The Ramayana Tradition in A d a
Bharata's integrity.8 He says: 4 Even though Bharata is a righteous man, obedient to his ciders, virtuous, compassionate and selfcontrolled, still I think that man's mind is ever fickle/ Did Daiaratha have any basis for his suspicion? None whatever: this he argued to give Rama reasons for crowing him in a hurry. Deep down in his heart he knew that Bharata was not a fickle or unrighteous person, that he would never go against Rama. Hence DaSaratha's choice was really between obliging Kaikeyi by keeping his promise to her and ignoring her threats, and declaring that between the two, punishing the innocent Rama was the greater evil which he could not commit. That would have meant unpopularity in some quarters, loss of peace and tranquillity in the palace. The king recoiled at the prospect and chose the path of least resistance, with the result the virtuous Kausalya. the mother of the regent, was punished, her rightful expectations dashed, and indirectly underserved punishment on Sita, Lak§maija and Ormila was inflicted. We find the king coaxing and cojoling Kaikeyi on his knees but never coming out in indignation against the enormity of the moral evil. The signature on a blank sheet had to be honoured at the price of the king's duty of preserving justice and protecting the innocent. He faces his crisis like moral automation and pays for this act with his life. We find men committing such tragic errors every day; they evoke pity in us hut not respect, just as DaSaratha their prototype remains a pitiful moral weakling to our mind. Rama found himself in a critical situation: clearly the king still intended to crown him, clearly Kaikeyi's stand was selfish and sinful. Rama could point this out but he saw the King suffering moral agony. For DaSaratha the only way out of this apparent impasse was Rama's banishment. Since the king found himself unable to uphold Rama's claim to the throne, Rama would not do so. The dice had already been cast, Rama was already doomed to banishment when he was summoned before the king. There really was not much of choice, but what renders Rama immortal in this episode is his attitude. He said that he would have gladly • K S m a m Khalu satam vrtte bhr&ti te bharatah sthitab. JyeSfhSnuvartl dharmatma s£nukro$o jitendriyatt. Kim tu cittam manu$y&Q&m anityamiti me matam. II. 4.: 26-7.
Validity of the Rfimfiyava Values
SK
given his everything t o Bharata without his asking,* s o great w a s his love for Bharata. Since by this act o f h i s Da£aratha w o u l d be released from a v o w , h e offered t o g o immediately t o t h e forest.. This unhesitating assent shines all t h e more because o f t h e sharp contrast o f the situation. The night before h e had purified himself ritually for assuming t h e duties o f kingship. T h e morning w a s t o bring h i m great fulfilment. H i s mind w a s prepared for great glory and j o y , p o m p , splendour and jubilation in all t h e k i n g d o m with him as the focal point. A n d then it thundered and his dreams were shattered. W e are impressed with his unruffled equanimity. He was quite young, used t o life o f luxury, o n t h e threshold o f still greater luxury a n d pre-eminence, when h e learns h i s fate, banishment for fourteen long years and the throne t o g o t o Bharata. His reaction t o this grave injustice, t h e humiliation, deprivation and the total blighting o f prospects is rather unique. Like u n flickering flame he left behind his bright future—with great c a l m and poise, without o n e regret, without once looking back o n it, without a single sigh or tear. There w a s a world o f difference between Siddhartha a n d Mahavira o n t h e one .hand and R a m a o n t h e other; for, while the former t w o abdicated through a conviction o f the futility o f worldly enjoyments, even regarding t h e m as evil, in Rama's case there w a s n o such motive. R a m a left the k i n g d o m because h e had t o , and he did s o without any self pity. What was later upheld at the true Karmayogin's attitude in t h e Vedanta or in t h e Bhagavadgita—the unperturbed mental calm in t h e face o f t u m u l t u o u s upheavals o f fortune—is here presented in t h e young prince. Since such catastrophes are bound t o appear in life in s o m e form or other, the validity o f Rama's reaction remains. Sita and Lak§mana had n o obligation t o follow R a m a ; they offered t o d o s o voluntarily. Lak§mana's first reaction w a s t o redress the evil. T h e henpecked king must b e forcibly restrained from carrying o u t his intention. 1 0 Prevented b y R a m a * Aham hi STtftm rftjyam ca Pr3n9n i$tSn dhanfini ca. svayam dady5m bharataySpracoditah. I I : 16 :33. 10
Hrrto bhrfttre
Hanfeye pitaram vrddham kaikeyy&sktamansam. Krpaflam ca sthitam balye vrddhabh&vena garhitam. I I : 23 :19. also, Viklavo vlryahino yab sa daivamanuvartate. I I : 23 :16.
82
The Raraayana Tradition in Asia
from acting on this impulse, Lakjmana takes the momentous decision of sharing the banishment. Sita, too, refused to stay back in the palace. Without Rama even heaven was not a good enough place for her.11 Bharata, on his return to Ayodhya, encountered a crucial situation. His world had been sharply rent into two overnight. His own mother who had apparently exerted assidously on his behalf was his worst enemy now. Through no fault of his own he found that his beloved brother Rama, as well as Lak§mana and Sita, had paid most horrendously for kingship. Kaikeyi's mischief had started bearing fruit: Dasaratha had died of a broken heart, the three innocent people were already in the forest, Kausalya, Sumitra, Satrughna were living in dejection—all this to give him a throne he had never coveted. But the throne was not his for the taking; it was rightfully his because the late king had given it to him. Without the slightest hesitation he dissociated himself from his mother's machination and firmly declared his intention to return it to the rightful owner, Rama. Rama's magnanimity is shown when in the forest the news of Bharata's advance is brought to htm by Lak§mana (who suspects Bharata of foul motives), he was annoyed with Lak§mana and said: c If you speak thus out of greed for the kingdom, I shall talk to Bharata and he will give you the kingdom \ 1 2 Here Rama actually defends his rival for whose sake he had been banished, because he did not yet know that Bharata was coming to beseech him to return to Ayodhya. His deep faith in his brother remains unshaken even when the latter apparently prospers at this cost. Rama's decision not to return to Ayodhya even after Bharata pleaded with him is further tested by Jabali, a wise old sage who advocates repudiation of the promise to Da&aratha; he puts forward purely hedonistic reasons for breaking the vow. But Rama is steadfast in his resolve. Finally Jabali admits that he had been tempting Rama. 11
Svarge pi ca vini vflso bhavitfi yadi R&ghava. Tvayft vinfi naravyfighra nftham tadapi rocaye. II: 27 :21 also Yastvayft saha sa svargo nirayo yastvayfi vinft. Iti jftnan param pritim gaccha Rama may* saha. n : 30 :19. 11 Yadi rajyasya hetostvamimam vftcam prabhajase. Vak$y£mi bharatam dratvfi rajyamasamai pradfyatbn. n : 97 :17.
Validity of the Rftmftyaw Values
83
As early as the Ara$yakai?4a, the other world, Lanka, comes closer to that of the forest-dwellers. Marica is sorely tried by Ravana but he courageously faces the monster-king and tries to persuade him to give up his evil designs on the virtuous Rama and Sita (III: 40-41). He says: ' You will find many who speak flattering words, but speakers of unpalatable truths are rather rare.'13 When Ravana turns a deaf ear to his pleadings, he agrees to oblige him. He is an unwilling victim who knows that his own as well as that of his compatriots' doom is drawing near, but he is utterly powerless against the formidable might of Ravana. The validity of this episode in the present day context is amply home out in the fact that the powerful Bengali play Maricasamvada uses Marica as symbol of the unwilling American recruits to the Vietnam war. The penalty for conscious moral acquiescence to evil is made palpable in the play where Marica is still found an adequate symbol for a contemporary situation. When Ravana tempts Sita the temptation has not much weight because Ravana can merely offer her a life of ease and comfort which she has voluntarily left behind for the love of her husband. She spurns his overtures in words of withering sneer and contempt. A little before she made the only blunder of her life: had suspected Lak?mana of entertaining lust for her. She knew Lak§mana better but in her anxiety and exasperation she said something which she knew would achieve the end. A few seconds later she paid heavily for this impatience. Jatayus who meets Ravana when he was carrying away Sita (III: 50-51) had the option of not interfering. He knew fully well that he had scant chances of prevailing against the mighty monster. Yet his integrity demanded that gesture which eventually cost him his life. The policy of non-interference sometimes leads to security but only at the cost of self-respect. The epic morality is an active morality; for each significant situation is open at two directions; the good become good because they can sacrifice the petty self-interest and security in the bigger int. jst of those in need. This sacrifice vindicates their manhood, " Sulabh&b puruja rajan satatam priyav&dinab. Apriyasya ca pathaysya vaktt SrotS ca durlabhab. H I : 3 5 : 2 repeated by Vibhlfraoa in V I : 1 6 : 2 1 .
«4
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Rama's friendship with Sugriva was primarily motivated by his need for friends who would help him recover Sita and punish Ravana. But he could not accept this good turn without returning it in some way. Hence he had to help Sugriva regain his lost kingdom from which he had been unjustly deprived and banished. Rama stood behind a tree and shot at Valin so that Valin did not know of his presence while he was engaged in a fight with Sugriva. This dastardly act was rightly condemned by Valin who said to Rama, * People say that you are a virtuous and noble warrior, how will you defend this act among the righteous people?14 Rama uses a lot of casuistry to justify his action. Valin forgives him and dies. Ravana had everything life can offer to man; not only pleasure but heroic achievements, manly qualities and even merits acquired through arduous ' Tapas \ Everything about Ravana has been drawn in gigantic proportions. Compared to him, Rama may appear a mere pigmy. And yet Ravana's insatiable greed, lust and inordinate ambition bring about his downfall. Surpanakha tempts Ravana. She says, 'Your prestige will suffer if you cannot requite this evil done to me \ She also touches him at a more vulnerable spot viz. his vanity when she says that Sita is too beautiful for the mere mortal Rama, Ravarja should possess her. Ravana's vanity is tickled and he immediately yields to the temptation. But it should be borne in mind that Surpanakha is the only one who tempts Ravana to the evil path; all the rest counsel him to stay away from it or to redress the evil he has done. Matica (III: 35-41) Suka and Sarana (V: 35 : 36), Trijata who dreams an ominous dream and warns him (V : 29), Kumbhakaroa (V : 63) Malyavat (V : 35-36), Angada (V : 43), Sarama (V : 29 : 14-63) and Vibhijafla (V: 14-15), all give him good counsel, warn him against the impending ruin on the grounds of political and military expediency as well as on humanitarian grounds. But whom the gods destroy they first make mad, and Ravana's madness is the product of his boundless ego and colossal vanity. We meet with such characters in life although they do not always meet their doom. In Ravana, however, the normal human 14
Kim vak$yasi satSm madhye karma krtvft jugupsitam IV: 17 :15.
Validity of the Rfimftyasa Values
85
expectation for moral retribution and poetic justice are fulfilled. He is the arch evil in the epic and we expect to see evil punished; so Ravaoa is destroyed. Vibhijaga is the character who perhaps faces the worst ordeal in the epic. His advice to Ravapa was prompted by a desire to prevent a national calamity. The refrain of his speech to Ravana was: * Return Sita to Rama \XB What angered Ravana obviously was the reason Vibhijana put forward for this step viz. Ravana cannot prevail against the superior prowess of Rama. Ravana laughed his fear away as did Prahasta. Then Vibhi§ana changed his argument and made the appeal on the moral ground saying that this step would save the country and people from the imminent disaster.16 Indrajit, true heir of Ravana's heroism and vanity, made sarcastic remarks calling VibhJ§ana as the only coward in their heroic line.17 Vibhi§ana upbraided him and reiterated his request to Ravaria, * Let us give Rama treasures and wealth, precious clothes and jewels, let us take Sita to him and live without grief and fear.18 But Ravana is too drunk with flattery and vanity to listen; he replies with harsh words and sarcastic comments. Then, only when good counsel fails and Vibhijana could hope for nothing better than insult from the haughty king, he takes the momentous decision. He condemns Ravana and bids good-bye to him saying:' Peace be to you, I take my leave, be happy without me. You have no ear for my words which I speak out of concern for you, to prevent you (from this action). Men, when their time runs out and their span of life is over, reject their friends9 advice.19 " Pradiyatfim Dfi&rathftya Maithill; refrain in his speech in V : 14 :3-4. 16
Warn purasy&sya sar5k$asasya r&jflft ca pathyam sasuhrjjanasya. Samyag hi vftkyaxn svamatam bravlmi narendraputraya dad&ma patnimm V:14:21. 17 Satvena vlryega parfikramepa iauryeoa dhairyega ca tejasft ca. Ekab faile'smin puru$ab vimukto Vibhi$anast5ta kani$tha e$ab. V : 15 : 3 . 18 DhanSni ratn&ni vibha$a#&ni v&s&msi divySni xnaglmsca citr&n. SItftm ca R&m&ya nivedya devim vasema r&janniha vlta&okafe, V : 15 :16. "Svasti te 'stu gamfeyami sukhi bhava mayi vinft. NiviryamSpasya mayft hitafeitf na rocate te vacanam niSacrara. ParltakSla hi gatfiyu$o narS hitam na grhpanti suhrdbhirlritam. V: 16 :27.
86
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
At this point Vibhi$afla*s future was totally bleak; he burned his boats at Lagka where, from now on, he was looked upon as a traitor, and at Rama's camp he could not hope of being taken for anything but a spy. It was an immensely difficult decision which promised no personal gain but rather threatened to ruin him totally. When he arrived at Rama's camp he truthfully introduced himself and said that he had been insulted with cruel words and humiliated like a slave. He sought asylum with Rama without any credentials. There was hostile reaction to him, as to a traitor, but Rama firmly stood by his decision to welcome him.80 Vibhi§ana was not a passive conscientious objector who merely withholds active support, he felt that RavaQa's action called for redress and he put the sense of duty above family ties. Rava^a's misdeed was not a personal sin bringing repercussion on an individual alone, it has far-reaching effects involving a country's fate. Hence he decided to help actively in ending the regime. Yet Vibhi§ana was a loving kinsman. He refused to take an active part in slaying Indrajit, saying, ' Although I wish his death, tears fill my eyes, or I would lay aside my revulsion (and kill him).21 But regarding Ravana, who to him personified evil, he had no compunction; he even refused to perform the obsequial rites for him after his death. Rama, true to the hero's code, persuaded him and said that man wars not with the dead; he even reminded him what a remarkably valiant hero Ravana had been.21 How often in the present day situations and political complexity, we are faced with the moral choice similar to Vibhijaija's when the option is between two apparently ignominious and dangerous courses. The criterion Vibhi§ana brought to bear upon his decision was that of the greatest good of the greatest number. By coming over to the righteous side he was of immense "Sakrdeva prapanidya tavismiti ca yftcate. Abhayam sarvabhdtebhyo dad&myetad vratam mama. V : 11 : 33. n Hantukamasya me cak?uicaiva nirudhyati. Ghpi&map&sya r&m&rthe nihanyam bhr&turitmajam. Ayuktam nidhanam kartura purtrasya janitur mama. 17-18-V:89. * Marao&nt&ni vairfigi nivrttam nab prayojanam. KriyatSmasya samsUro mamJpyeja yathft tava. V I : 109 : 25, also repeats the same in V I : 111.
Validity of the Rimayafla Values
87
help to expedite the outcome of the battle. Besides, this way alone could he live peacefully with his own conscience. After the conclusion of the war Rama ordered Sita to be brought before him. People thronged to see her and the crowd had to be dispersed before she could proceed. Rama scolded Vibhi$afla for controlling the crowd and ordered Sita to approach on foot. He then told her that he had fought Ravana and rescued her not for her sake but to avenge the prestige of his own illustrious line. Since she was so beautiful Ravana could not have let her alone. Standing there before him she hurt his eyes like a lamp hurting a man with affected eyes. She could go anywhere she pleased, towards any of the ten quarters,.he would have nothing to do with her. Ravana had looked her up with lustful eyes, he had just let her down from his arms; how could Rama possibly take her back? That would tarnish his family's prestige. She was free to go to Lak§mana, Vibhi§aija, Bharata or Satrughna. (VI: 34: 13-16). A few points in this passage demand special attention. Sita had voluntarily choseti banishment out of her great love of her husband: she had been carried away by Ravana against her will; there in Lanka with no news of Rama and no hope of reunion, she had firmly withstood the temptation to become the chief queen of an extremely rich and powerful king. For all this she was rewarded with insult and humiliation such as not even her worst enemy Ravana had dared to heap on her. She was not once asked if Ravana had really molested her; by a strange logic Rama jumped to the conclusion that since she was beautiful Ravana must have enjoyed her, so he could not have her any more. Then came the unkindest cut of all: when Lak§ma?a took leave of his mother she had asked him to look upon Sita as his mother; now Rama included Lakjmana in the list of people she was to go to. The final verdict was uttered: she was forsaken. Why? For the sake of his family prestige. For this she was to be sacrificed, she too had forsaken a life of ease and comfort for him and had steadfastly spurned Ravana's overtures. She protested saying, * That which is fully under my control, viz., my heart, still belongs to you; what can I do with my body which I was powerless to protect ? If you do not know me after all those
a*
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
years when I grew up at your side, then woe to me.*1 After this appeal passed unheaded she entered the fire to prove her chastity. As we have seen, the epics are our scriptures; we model our actions after Rama's. Could we then wonder that millions of helpless Indian women live in utter misery, foisaken by their husbands? The marriage vows are the same for both the partners and yet society connives at the husband leaving the wife, while for obvious reasons she may not leave him. Back in Ayodhya when Rama came to know of the subjects* disapproval of Sita being accepted as the queen he immediately decided to banish her since the king was a demi-god to his subjects and they imitated his conduct.*4 Rama has a double obligation, to give protection to his innocent wife and to set an example for the subjects. Ahalya had recognized lndra even though he had come in her husband's disguise, yet her husband received her back after her penance for adultery was over (I: 49), Surely the innocent Sita could have been spared the second humiliation and banishment, for Rama himself, Lakjmana and Hanuman had been eye-witnesses of her ordeal by fire and they could testify to this. Instead, Rama sent her to the forest under the pretense of fulfilling her pregnancy-desire. When after many years of banishment she makes her final appearance at the royal court, she was asked to get another proof of her chastity. But now she was too bitter and disillusioned with life and male justice; so, instead of obliging the assembled courtiers she merely says: ' If I have not known any other man but Rama in my thought, action and speech, may Mother Earth give me asylum.26 There appeared a chasm in the earth and she entered it. Thus did Rama repay her lifelong love, loyalty and attachment. Has the fate of women in India virtually altered in all these centuries? Are not the Ramayana values still potent on this issue? M
Madadhlnam tu yattan me hrdayam tvayi vartate. Parfidhinesu gStre$u kirn kari$y5myani$varl. Saha samvrddhabh5vena samsargena ca manada. Yadi te9 ham na vijft3t& hat& tcnasmi £&£vatam. V I : 116- 9-10. u
AsmSkamapi dare$u sahanlyam bhavifyati. YathS hi kurute prajfi tarn anuvartate. VII: 43 :19.
rftjft
" Manasi karmajA vicfi yathfi Rfimam samarcaye. Tathfi me Mfidhavf Devi vivaram d&tumarhati. VII
Validity of the Rflmfiyaoa Values
89
Towards the close of the epic there is an episode of a Brahmin's son dying prematurely. As the superviser of the subjects' wellbeing Rama set out to discover the cause. He found a £udra, Sambuka by name, practising stiff tapas. The man confessed that he was a £udra and immediately Rama struck his head off, because a €udra may not practise penance. This is another evil which is still rampant in India. Even in the present day Harijans are burned to death, their villages are razed to the ground by the higher castes with complete impunity. The first example for such acts is found in the Sambuka-episode. One element which makes the Ramayana a fully adult literature is its equivocal situations. It is not the linear sort of medieval European heroic epic like the Kalevala, Gid, the Sagas or the Digenes Akrites. Here the moral choice itself is equivocal. In the episode of Rama slaying Valin, for example, the act is palpably unheroic and unjust and Valin blames Rama squarely for it. Then Rama retorts saying that Valin has been living with Ruma (Sugriva's wifel which was wicked; he Rama, as the king, had to punish the evil-doer in his territory. Also, men hunt animals from an ambush and what was Valin but a monkey? Similarly, in Ahlaya's case she had recognized Indra, but then she had only admitted her husband, since Indra had approached her in his shape. The slaughter of Sambuka is cruel, but according to the current ethical code of the time it was Rama's way to prevent untimely deaths. Expediency is brought in as a factor. There are two sides to these apparently condcmnable acts. On a higher level of ethics they reveal the complexity of moral decisions in life without which the epic would have been puerile and artistically unsatisfactory. By presenting the extenuating circumstances, by unfolding the inherent ambiguity of complex moral situations the appeal of the epic remains contemporary and it is possible to respond to it on a serious adult level. In good and evil the epics set the model of conduct in each country. The moral values upheld in the Ramayaija are mostly noble and worthy or it would not be cherished by the millions through all these ages. Even minor characters like Guhaka offered unstinted help not only to Rama, Lak§maija and Sit& but also to Bharata; ViSvamitra offered to sacrifice his own sons for the sake of SunahSepha who had fled to him for refuge; Sugriva
90
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
left the pleasures oi dalliance with his long lost wife in order to help Rama find Sita. Jatayus laid down his own I'fe in a bid to save Sita. Vasi§tha put up with Visvamitra's provocations with singular equanimity. Even ViSvamitra himself sends TriSanku to heaven l?y exhausting the accumulated merit of his own tapas. Patience, forbearance, composure which still generally characterize the Indian are set up as worthy values in the Ramayana. Asceticism, detachment and renunciation too are upheld. The epic period is characterized by the emergence of several schools of asceticism, each with its own metaphysics but all sharing the common belief that detachment from the world of sense-objects is the first pre-condition of a truly moral life. From this follow other virtues as necessary corollaries—forgiveness, non-violence and kindness to all creatures. In the Ramayana, as in the Mahabharata, the life of the detached forest-dweller is romanticized into a long idyllic section. It is not depicted as prjvation for, it can be enjoyed if one has a mind attuned to nature which vibrates at beauty and is content to live in love and peace. Ambition and violence are part of the heroic ideal and are not sinful in themselves until they lead man to other sins. Man's normal instincts demand legitimate satisfaction and fulfilment and it is not sinful to satisfy them. The metaphysics behind this epic ethic is that sin is the violation of social harmony. Whatever threatens the inner cohesion of the accepted hierarchy, whatever jeopardises the homogenity of community life is sinful. Thus lust in man, unchastity in women, disrespect to elders and social superiors are sinful because society rests on the proper observance of these relationships. Above all, man is bound to cosmic harmony by the code of truth, hence vows and promises assume cosmic proportions. Penance is of three kinds: (a) for the attainment of some desire, (b) to gain spiritual merit or (c) to expiate for some sin or remissness Strangely enough, tapas does not necessarily purify or enrich a character as is evident in the case of ViSvamitra. A great or good character on the other hand purifies those who come in contact with him. The supreme example is of course
Validity of the Ramayana Values
91
Rama, whose touch or contact gave new vigour to Sampati. new life to £abari and Ahalya and sent Viradha and Danu to heaven. The epic has its peculiar limitations and advantages. It has to be aesthetically acceptable. It was no set of dry tenets, like the scriptures, but tenets presented through human beings. So the epic character must look life-like. Thus in the Ramayana there is not a single perfect flawless character, or any character which is wholly evil. Also we do not only see a few characters in critical moral situations, we also find sequences where we can contrast the motive of an act with its effect and draw our own conclusions regarding the desirability of a course of action. Thus Kaikeyi who strove to make her son happy set out to achieve her end through a blatantly wrong course. Her objective was honour, pleasure and glory for Bharata, dishonour for Kausalya and Rama, the position of the first lady of the kingdom for herself. But she failed to gain any of these. Public sympathy remained with Rama and Kausalya and then with Bharata after he had dissociated himself from his mother's machinations. Calumny and blame were her portion; her own son called her a monster.26 Observation of these sequences brings moral lessons in the most palatable and attractive form, also most effectively, for they come through narrative and poetry. But such sequences also reveal the inevitable realization of the epic authors that virtue is its own reward. In an age when belief in punishment and reward of sin and virtue being carried on through successive births was very common, we find Sita-who was no other than a goodness in essence—passing through a series of sufferings. Even Rama, an incarnation of Vi§riu, has a large measure of grief; Bharata and Lakjmana who are all partial incarnations of Vi§nu, are not spared. Evidently the religious and metaphysical beliefs are inadequate, not co-extensive with experience. They are not really tenable in the complexity of human experience and it is to the eternal credit of the epic authors that they never even attempted to square belief with the varied human experience. " Na tvamasvapateb Kanya dharamarSjasya dhimatab. jatasi kulapradhavamsint pituh. I I : 74 :9.
Rak§asi tatra
92
The Ramayana Tradition in Ash
Even on the human level the good suffer while sometimes the wicked prosper. The impact of this apparently anomalous and morally incongruous reality on the sensitive mind is dtep and abiding. We see that the greatness or goodness of man is determined in proportion to his capacity to suffer, and his response to suffering. While the weak and inferior character collapses and is totally crushed under the weight of grief, the morally powerful man bears it manfully and walks on the crest of the waves of his grief. Happiness on the mundane level is for the lesser figures in the epic, in the truly great characters there is that mysterious capacity to subordinate the purely personal interest to an ideal, a creed or a cause. By making this clear through characters who live and shine through the choices they make at the time of a moral crises, the Ramayana conveys the highest moral value, viz., the proper attitude to suffering in life. And this eloquent message is ageless; it remains even in our troubled times when suffering has assumed many different forms but remains unchanged in content.
RAMAYANA MANUSCRIPTS OF DIFFERENT VERSIONS U. P. SHAH
The Oriental Institute, M.S. University of Baroda, undertook in 1951 to prepare a Critical Edition of Valmiki's Ramayana. In the initial stages, as preliminary but fundamental work, " a list of about 2,500 Ramayana Manuscr pts was piepared with the help of all available printed Catalogues, etc., and the information so obtained was systematically entered on three kinds of cards specially prepared for the purpose, namely, (1) Text, (2) Text and Commentary and (3) Commentary alone, as already noted by the late Prof. G. H. Bhatt, the first General Editor of this Critical Edition. It was impossible to go through all the MSS. whose cards were prepared, but a selection could be made. The Oriental Institute had in all 50 MSS. which were examined. Out of these there were 32 of text only. It may be remembered that all the MSS. of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, or of other Catalogues, were not complete with all kaphas. The Oriental Institute had 31 MSS. in Devanagari script, 14 in Grantha, 1 in Telugu, 3 in Nandinagari containing text only. Besides there were 3 in Devanagari, 3 in Grantha and 3 in Telugu with Text and some commentary. 9 Grantha MSS. and 1 Devanagari had commentary alone. Our appeal for loan of MSS. and for lists of Ramayana MSS. of those collections whose lists were not published, met with good response from all quarters and several selected manuscripts or their transcripts or microfilms or photocopies were made available for collation, from India and abroad. About one hundred and fifty MSS. of different versions were obtained on loan from various institutions and about fifty more from collections of various individuals. From these, in the initial stage, 86 MSS. were selected for collation of the Balak&jtfa and after study, some MSS. were dropped from different versions in cases where there were more than one MS. of practically the same family and or had no special
94
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
noteworthy features* Ultimately 37 MSS. were utilized for the critical edition of the Balakan^a, 29 for Ayodhya, 29 for Araflya, 32 for Ki§kindha, 29 for Sundara, 34 for Yuddha, and 41 for the Uttara, out of several more collated. Prof. G. H. Bhati had personally visited Nepal and examined 60 MSS. in Newari and Maithili scripts. Of all the known manuscripts of the Ramayapa of Valmiki, the oldest dated MS. so far known, is a palmleaf MS. in Newari script, dated in V,S. 1076 (A.D. 1020), preserved in the Bir Library (No. 934), Kathmandu. It is a complete manuscript containing all the kan^as with continuous pagination, but while the Kiskindhakanda ends on f. 376a containing only one line, the Sundarakaiida, begins on f. 377a. In this whole codex, only one post-colophon entry, giving the date etc., occurs at the end of the Ki§kindhakan4a. This entry shows that it was copied in Samvat 1076 by one Kayastha Pandit Gopati, residing at Pataka, for Bhantfasalika Ananda of Nepaladesa, when Maharajadhiraja Sri Gangayadeva was ruling over Tirabhukti. Who copied the remaining kantfas is not known, nor do we know when they were copied. Our analysis has shown that the manuscript belongs to the Northern Recension of the Ramayaria and that it is more allied to the North-Western than to the North-Eastern version of the Northern Recension. Another Newari MS., No. 905 of the Bir Library, dated in Newari Samvat 795 (=1675 A.D.), is also used for the Critical Edition. It generally agrees with the NE version. It would be worthwhile checking some more Newari MSS. with the Critical Apparatus of our edition, especially, from^another big collection of Nepal, namely, the Sundara Bag Palace collection, which was then not available for inspection and which, I understand, is now opened to scholars. Of the Maithili Version, the Critical Edition used in all 13 MSS. out of which there were eight MSS. from Darbhanga, Palace Library collection. Of these Vj used for Balakan<Ja is the oldest dated MS. in Maithili script, dated in Lak§mana Samvat 241=1360 A.D. This manuscript, like the other three manuscripts of the Maithili version, follows the NE recension, and gave import tant readings. V2 used for Balakantfa is dated in Saka year 1473=A.D. 1541.
Mmayaoa Manuscripts of Different Versions
95
Of the Bengali version, our Bx which is MS. 348 of Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, dated in Saka 1610=1688 A.D. is the same as MS. G. used by Gorresio in his edition which gives the NE. recension of the Ramayana. Of the Southern Recension, we have three principal versions— Telugu, Grantha and Malayalam. For the Telugu version we used three manuscripts out of which our T3 (of Uttara) appeared to follow the NE. recension while the two other Telugu Manuscripts follow the S. recension. Our Tx from Adyar, containing all kantfas, is undated but appears .o be at least 500 years old. Of the Grantha version, Gj from Oriental Institute collection, has all the kantfas, and is dated in Kollam 993 (1818 A.D.). Gt from Trippunithura, Maharaja's Grantha Library, also contains all the seven kandas and is about 300 years old. Both G3 from Government Oriental MSS. Libiary, Madras and G4 of our Balakantfa from Muni Punyavijayaji's collections, Ahmedabad, contain all the seven kandas and both are about 500 years old. Of the Malayalam version, we used on an average four manuscripts for the first six kandas and ten manuscripts for the last kantfa. Mx of the Balakanda contained Ayodhyakanda also and is dated in Kollam 687 (1512 A.D.). M2, complete in seven kandas, from Trippunithura, is dated in Kollam 865 (1690 A.D.). While editing the Critical text of the Uttarakantfa, a curious situation arose when in certain cases, in the first twenty-five sargas, it was found that our collated MSS. of the southern rcension started showing disagreement with the Gujarati Press ed. (Vulgate) and the Kumbhakonam ed., both of which represented the Southern recension. It was ultimately suspected that some different tradition of the SR. existed and a further investigation of Malayalam manuscripts disclosed the existence of an earlier text tradition in our M9 which was then recently acquired for the Institute, and M8 borrowed specially from the Kerala University manuscript Library. M9 is dated in Kollam 591 (1416 A.D.). M8 is dated in Kollam 1001 (1826 A.D.), M10 in Kollam 688 (1513 A.D.). A post-colophon entry of M8 said that the text of that MS. represented the text adopted by Udari Varadaraja in his Commentary, which, as Prof. Raghavan showed, was composed in early twelfth
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century A.D. The M8 contained the text only of the Uttarakaitfa. Two more Malayalam MSS. representing this earlier tradition were also collated. It is interesting to note that there are some old MSS- of different kantfas existing in various collections in Kerala, but since this was found out at a very late stage when our edition of the other kantfas were already published, it was impossible to collate them and utilize them. It would not be surprising if a similar earlier tradition is also found existing in the Grantha version. The Devanagari manuscripts represent composite versions. Some of our manuscripts follow NW., other NE, other S. recension, while the evidence of a few so far studied, strongly indicates the existence of a W. version of the Northern recension. Regarding the different MSS. of different versions of the Ramayana which have been used for the Critical apparatus of the seven kan^as, you may refer to the Introductions to the different kantfas Gf the above Critical Edition, where they are set forth in a classified manner. As remarked by the editor of the Critical text of the Sundarakantfa in his Introduction p. xxiii, " two MS.—Tt and T3—reveal significant affinity with the MS. of the N. recension. T3 shows not infrequently variants which are common to one or more MSS. of the N. recension,*' The editor notes deviations of T2 from text tradition of S., e.g., an appendix passage No. 10 exclusive to itself, and nine exclusive star passages, and writes: " More important is the fact that T t discloses positive agreement with MSS. of N. recension in passages which are not found in any other MSS. of S. Recension/' In matter of variants T t seems to go more frequently with N. than with S It may be noted the T s mostly follows N. recension, at least in the Uttaraka^a as noted by its editor. Writing on T s the editor of Sundarak&Mfc adds the following significant remarks: "This codex, therefore, while retaining its basic character as a Southern codex, does provide an indication, which other S. MSS. too, more or less, support that the S. recension is not a closed recension in the sense that it has not
Rimfiyafla Manuscripts of Different Versions
97
altogether resisted additions or modifications without sacrificing the unity of its text tradition." Prof. Bhatt writes: " In the constitution of the text, the principle of agreement rightly plays an important part (cf. Sukthankar, Prolegomena, pp. 114 ff.). But the agreement between B for instance, and M< can hardly have any value on account of the Northern leaning of M4. Agieement presupposes two independent Versions. M4 is not independent of any Version of the Northern Recension. The agreement between a Northern Version and M4 is, therefore, ignored in the constitution of the text of the Ramayana." The MS. referred to as Ms in Ayodhya, which Dr. P. L. Vaidya simply calls MS., a MS. of S. Recension, shows agreement with NR. in several cases. The Palm-leaf MS. of Ayodhya in Malayalam characters from Nilakanthan Nambudripad of Chemangad in Kerala, is not dated. It seems to be at least 400 years old. Besides Ayodhya, the MS. contains Aranya. The whole MS. is in one hand. According to Dr. P. L. Vaidya, the editor of the Ayodhyak&trfa, the MS. M4 " represents generally the S. recension, but shows considerable influence of the N. recension as well." Remarking on the pretty large number of exclusive star passages (30) in thi« MS., Dr. Vaidya writes, " this feature of a number of exclusive star-passages in M4 indicates that it is not only a mixed codex but most probably a representative of another version/* According to him, M4 " in some respects exhibits characteristics of a mixed version, sharing characteristics of Newari and Bengali versions as well as those of the S. recension, having at the same time a number of exclusive insertions not found in either recension. // should be borne in mind, however, that this MS. can not be called a mixed codex, as it has a large number of exclusive star-passages. I would rather call it a sub-version of Malayalam (Introduction to Ayodhya, p. XX). About this MS. Dr. Vaidya again says (Introduction p. xxi); " Whether it belongs to an older version or is a mixed codex is a perplexing question:3 He ultimately calls it " a new version" (Intor. p. xxi).
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Two very interesting cases of readings of this M4 of Ayodhya must be brought to the notice of scholars for further research. In the star-passage 2241, Critical Edition of Ayodhya, p. 576, sarga 100, after 16, wchave a long insertion mostly from S. MSS. and Slf which is supposed to include a veiled reference to Buddhism in the lines yathd hi corah sa tatha hi buddhastathdgatam ndstikamatra viddhi. Now this M4 reads Yathati for Yatha hi and tathagatd nastikamantrasiddhih for tathagatam ndstikamatra viddhi. The whole passage, not supported by most of N is obviously a later interpolation but what is interesting to note is that M4 from Malabar agreeing often with N. seems to retain an older Ramayana tradition contaminated by S at some later stage which must precede the final stabilization of text in S. during the age of commentators like Govindaraja and others. Another interesting case to bear in mind is from Ayodhya, Critical Edition, sarga 8, v. 5, p. 45. The famous verse is: hrsfaft khalu bhavisvanti Ramasya paramah striyahjaprahrstdh bhaxi§yanti snusus te Bharata-ksctye/5/ Now this is retained as Critical text, but we have Sx N 2 Vx BD6 and M4 substituting the following for the above verse: Rddhiyukta iriya jus fa Ramapatnl bhavisyatij airimatl tvanrddha ca snusa tava bhavisyatij. This stands to reason. And I believe here N and M4 have retained a genuine older tradition. The object in pointing out these two cases is this. With M4 of Balakan^a agreeing largely with N and again M4 of Ayodhya doing the same (though having its own exclusive passages) it should have been taken as an indicator of the fact that an earlier text tradition existed in S., at least in the M. version, agreeing with N. which, if properly explored, would, as in the case of the MBH, give us a better text with N. agreeing with Kerala. If more manuscripts of this type for different kantfas come to light, then such M manustripts should have the value of an independent version agreeing with one or more versions of NR. The MS. refened to as M3 in Critical Edition of Aranyakantfa has only five exclusive inserted star-passages and one star-passage as substitute.
RfimSyaga Manuscripts of Different Versions
99
In a post-colophon entry at end of the Yuddhakaotfa from the Kerala University collection we are told that the text of this MS. is the text which Varadaraja of Utfali-kula edited and commented upon. It is especially said that Varadaraja had edited the text after considering various readings. At the end of Yuddha, after this we read Ramayanam samaptam. tt may be noted that in manuscript Dx ^Devanagari Western Version), in the Balakagda, colophons at the end ofsargas bear the terms " Ayodhyakanfe " instead of " Balakfyde "; sargas 1-52 are of Balakantfa while sargas 55-177 are of Ayodhyaka^a. As stated by the editor of Ayodhyaka^tfa, " after sarga 175 (i.e., after Vulgate sarga 115 and Critical Edition 107), two new sargas {176-177) containing the episode of Ramapadukabhi?eka by Bharata, which is not found in any other MS., are added, followed by phalairuti stanzas (App. I No. 30 of Critical edition of Ayodhya)." Regarding the MS. referred to as D2 in Ayodhya and as Dx in Araflya; In his Introduction to Aranya * Prof. Bhatt changes his earlier view and assigns this to NW version. Referred to as Dx in Kijkindha and assigned by Prof. Mankad (Editor) to Western Version. Referred to as Di in Sundara, as W. Version and as DJL in Yuddha, NW version, and as D 1 W. Version in Uttara. In D8 also the colophons have " Ayodhakan^e" for " Balakan^e " under sargas of Balakan^a. In D3 the first sarga of Ki§kindha appears at tlte end of Aranya as its part. It is referred to as D3 W. version in Sundara. Critical Edition sargas 1-15 of Yuddhakaij^a appear at the end of Sundara as the latter's integral part. It is referred to as D6 W. version, in Yuddhakan
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be remembered that Prof. Bhatt rejected his earlier view in favouring a W. version in his Introduction to Aranyakantfa and Dr. P. L. Vaidya continued his belief in a W. version in his Critical edition of Yuddhakantfa. This version is interesting in several respects. Especially noteworthy is the fact that three manuscripts speak of Balakan
Now, MS. D 10 D 13 and M4 of Balakanda read H ^ ^ + K A J d while S i N V B Dr3.5.7.9-13 read
|?ftfsr*ll<4|fiH q^%$: 5^^>T: II
Interpretations of this nature are the concern of higher criticism. But another interesting case may be pointed out how manuscript evidence suggests certain things otherwise even though an editor cannot omit the particular verse, line, passage or an incident. In Araijya (Critical Edition), 45,19, we find Sitatelling Ravana:
Rfim&yaga Manuscripts of Different Versions
101
and then Dgx (in margin), Dt lf Dm2, D 4 , D e , T and G2 insert:
Now even if we discard the line of *881 we cannot discard verse 19b which says c|T4||i|K|J4 H&pmt \ Rama had gone to bring the golden deer only and not many kills. Does it mean that the original fact of Rama and Lakjmana having gone to forest for hunting and bringing food and not for killing the golden deer remained in one line in 19b and then this line with its meaning was eclipsed by the incident of the golden deer? In the constitution of the text of a critical edition, the agreement between two independent versions plays an important part. But one comes across manuscripts written in any one particular script but not representing the version of that script. Thus, for example, Prof. Bhatt has noted a MS. of Ayodhyakantfa in the Maithili script from Raj Library, Darbhanga, which was found to represent, not the North-Eastern division of the Northern recension, but was found to agree with our Vulgate or the Southern Recension. M 4 of Balakantfafrom Chcmangad, Sri Nilakantha Nambudripad's collections, did nor represent a true Malayalam version or the S. recension as such but was, according Prof. Bhatt, a misch-codex leaning much mere towards NR than towards the SR. The T3 of our Uttarakantfa represented almost fully the NE tradition and only rarely the SR. Those acquainted with the history of text transmission in India realise very well that in India, the diiferent versions have formed according to scripts of the different regions since the scribe of every region selects, for his adarsa or exemplar codex, the manuscript written in his own regional script with which he is thoroughly acquainted. In this way are formed versions like the Maithili, the Bengali, the £arada, the Grantha, the Malayalam, etc. Now these versions are broadly grouped under the two main recensions—namely, the Northern and the Southern. Agreement between any two independent versions, one or more from North with one or more from the South makes it highly probable that the text is fairly old and genuine.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
If all the manuscripts of any one version omit a passage or a verse it is a case for relegating the passage or verse to appendix or star passage in footnotes, rather than to the reconstructed text, and the passage or verse is often a later insertion, especially if such an omission gets support of one or more MSS. of one or more other version or versions. Working on a similar principle, Bulcke showed on comparison of the three different editions of NE (GorresiVs ed.), NW (Hoshiarpur ed.) and S (Bombay and Kumbhakonam editions), the passages which are obviously later editions. But with collations of selected manuscripts of each version, this task for critical editions of Ramayana as well a* Mahabharata became much more easy. Thus the date of birth and the reference to signs of Zodiacs at the time of birth of Rama found only in Southern versions is a Southern insertion. Similarly, a careful analysis of all the appendix passages of our Critical edition will show how different recensions and versions have contributed to the addition of different episodes and descriptions, etc., to the original text. So far as the Ramayana Critical Edition is concerned, I believe that a further search of M version MSS. representing earlier tradition, and agreeing with N. for the different kaphas, would be necessary and fruitful We could not do this as we came to know of this at a very late stage, i.e., while editing the Uttarakantfa. In fact M4 of Bala and M4 of Ayodhya could have suggested this possibility. Another thing to bear in mind is that a codex containing all the seven kandas written in a single hand, selected for collation, should be used in the Critical Edition of all the seven kantfas, and not for a few kandas only. I am personally of opinion that in giving Nos. like B lf G lf T3, V2, M4, D 10 , etc., of different manuscripts of different versions, ths number given once in any kanda to any one MS. should not be given again to any other MS. in any other kaij
THE MIGRATION OF THE RAMAYANA STORY TO INDONESIA and SOME PROBLEMS CONNECTED WITH THE STRUCTURE and CONTENTS OF THE OLD JAVANESE RAMAYANA By HIMANSU BHUSAN SARKAR
The growth of the story in India In the present paper, I shall briefly describe the genesis of the story in India and then study the story of its migration to Indonesia, where it flowered into wonderful shape, which, like its counterpart in Indonesian art and sculpture* partook of some novel features unknown to India or South-East Asia. It is wellknown that the origin of the Rama-saga goes back to pre-christian centuries and some of the names of the Ram9 such as Ikgvaku, Da&aratha and Rama can be traced even to the Rgveda The present Sanskrit (Skt) Ram embodies some pre-Buddhistic features as well. H. P. Sastri1 had drawn our attention to the fact that Sravasti, Rajagrha and KauSambi are well-known towns in the time of Buddha, but we hear of their foundation in the Ram. It seems that the embryoric stage of the story is reflected in the Daiaratha Jataka? which was probably adapted from an earlier rudimentary Rama-saga.3 ft appears in some form in the iconography of the pre-christian Sanchi and Bharhut stupas.4 This version does not, of course, refer to the southern rakgasas and Sita appears here as the daughter of king Daiaratha. The non-mention of southern topics does not, of course, prove anything, as the Jdtaka-stories were framed only with limited objectives and had 1
Descr, Cat. Skt. Afss., Vol. v, Puriqas, the R5m£yana. •Fusboll, The Jataka iv, pp. 123—130 (no. 461). 1 Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, vol. I. p. 508 ff. 4 The bulk of the sculptures of these stOpas may be ascribed to the second and first century B.C.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
no compulsive motive to narrate the whole story, but by the third century A.D., the story had assumed its present features, because, in a Chinese collection of some /£/a&a-stories,5 which were trans* lated by a Sogdiana-monk between A.D. 222 and 280, the episodes of Rama's exile, the abduction of Sita by Ravana, the duel of the latter with Jatayus, of Sugriva with Valin, the construction of a bridge to LaAka, the ordeal of Sita, etc., have been drawn in outline. It is usually assured that the present Ram took shape between B.C. 400 and A.D. 200. Indeed, public recitation of the Ram is already referred to in the Buddhist text Kalpanamao4itika written towards the close of the second century A.D. On the occasions of great religious festivals, dramas based upon the story or episodes based thereon, were also staged before the public and this helped the people to mould their life accordingly. Besides, as the caturvargas, i.e., dharma, artha, kama and mok$a9 were embedded in the text itself, its phalasruti vouched salvation in after-life. Hence, it was very often recited, praying for divine intervention on critical occasions of life, namely serious illness in the family, falling fortunes and other calamities, as well as on the occasion of great religious festivities, including funeral rites, etc. The same thing has happened in Indonesia.
The migration of the story The earliest available trace regarding the migration of the Rama-saga to South-East Asia is perhaps provided by the Chinese annals of the Liang Dynesty (502-56) which state that, in the 14th year of the Tien-Chien period (A.D. 515), prince P'o-ch-ich-ta-lo (possibly Bhagadatta)6 of the kingdom of Lang-ya or Lang-ya-hsu, also called Lafigkasuka, sent an envoy named A-ch'e-to to present a memorial to the Chinese emperor. The memorialist stated,7 among other things, that". . . the precious skt. is generally known * Regarding the Chinese Buddhist versions of the RAraa saga in the Dasaratha Jfttaka, vide Winternitz, op. dr., p. 513. •Vide Pciliot in Journ. As.. IV (1914) pp. 390-91 , 398 and 402; also Fcrrand in Ibid XH (1918) p. 140, note 1. 9 Vide Groeneveldt: Notes on the Malaya Archipelago and Malacca, etc., p. 11.
The Migration of RfimSyapa to Indonesia
105
in his land. The walls and palaces of his imposing cities are high, lofty as the Mountain Gandhamadana." That skt. was known at least among the Brahmin literate of the Malayan royal courts8 is not only attested by other Chinese texts as well, but also by the discovery of several skt. inscriptions ranging from the 4th to the 8th century A.D. Regarding the name of the kingdom, its earliest variant (7th century) is Lang-ya (-hsiu9). Krom had placed this state in the island of Sumatra,10 but Wheatley has convincingly proved that the place lay in the Malay peninsula.11 The prevalance of skt., the name of the place as Lang-ya and the reference to Mt. Gandhamadana occurring simultaneously in the same context would lead one to believe that the name Lang-ya was designated after the celebrated Lafika of Valmiki's Ram and that the Gandhamadana refers to the famous Mountain which was uprooted by Hanuman to cany medicinal herbs to Lafika to preserve, the life of Lak?mana, in his fight against Indrajit. The kingdom of Lang-ya had also a port and it was a halting station for ships playing between India and China. The merchant vessels of those days had to wait in such ports for the arrival of suitable monsoons11 for their onward journey to India or China. The idle months had therefore to be passed in those port-areas in the congenial company of a sizeable Indianized community in diverse sorts of recreations, including Indian music and dancing, to which clear references have been made in early Chinese texts. All these details lead one to the belief that some form of the Ramasaga was known to the Indianized community of at least some Malayan state* in the beginning of the sixth century A.D. Although we can not definitely say that any text of the Ram was recited or staged there, it is a very reasonable assumption. It may also be recalled in this connexion that a record of Kambuja dating from the sixth century tells us that a copy of •H. B. Sarkar, Some contributions of India to the ancient CMlisariom of Indonesia and Malaysia, pp. 27*37. •P. Wheatley* The Oolden Khersonese tabic on p. 266. 19 Hindoe-Jav. Qesekkdenis. p. 68. u P. Wheately. op. cit., pp. 253-67. "I-sing (Tr. Takafcusu), A Record of the Buddhist Rattgkm, etc pp. xxiv-v, P. Wheatley, Op. dt.,pp. XXX ff.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the Ram, a complete copy of the Mah, as well as a copy of an unnamed Purana were recited daily before the deity TribhuvaneSvara1* and a 7th century Compa inscription mentions a temple in which the image of Valmiki was installed.14 It is inconceivable that these sacred epics of India could have been transmitted to Campa and Kambuja, by-passing entirely the coastal Malayan states, particularly the port-towns of Kampong etc. where favourable conditions existed for the circulation of the Rama-story.
m The Indonesian phase of the story If we can catch a faint glimpse of the currency of the Ramasaga in Malaya in the 6th century A.D., we are completely in the dark regarding its prevalence in Java or Sumatra for the next few centuries, unless the Buddhistic centre of learning in the £rivijayan capital at Palembang included, like those at Nalanda, Vikramasila, Valabhi, etc., the studies of Brahmanical texts, including the Skt. epics. In the neighbouring island of Java, no proof exists about the study of the Indian epics in the 7th or 8th century A.D.1* Inscriptional data on Ram however start coming to our aid from the 8th century onwards. The first reference occurs in the inscription of king Safijaya dated in A.D. 732,16 which compares the digvijaya (i.e., conquest of all quarters) of king Safijaya with that of Raghu, whose exploits were popularised by Kalidasa in his Raghuvaih£a. Subsequent inscriptions present persons who "Bartb and Bergaigne, Inscriptions Sanserites du Cambodge, 28 and R.C. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Kambuja, no. 13. M BEFEO. XXVm, p. 149. "The temples of the Dieng plateau in Central Java associated with the names of some Mahabharata heroes, such as Puntadeva (Yudhitfhira), Bima (Bhlma), Arjuna, etc. are believed by many scholars to have been dedicated to these heroes in the 19th century. As it is not possible to be certain about this the question must remain an open one. Vide B. Kempers, Ancient Indonesian Art, p. 32. For plates of the temples vide Ibid,, pi. nos. 25, 26-27, 29 and Frederic, The Art of South-East Asia. p. 153. * H. B. Sarkar, Corpus of the Inscriptions of Java /, no. 3, V. 11.
The Migration of Ramayaoa to Indonesia
107
were witnesses at the foundation of free-holds in various places of Central Java, as having names identical with some of the celebrated figures of the Ram, such as Ravaoa,17 Langka,18 Pavana,1* Ayuddha as the name of a person,20 Bharata,21 Rama,22 Laghava (Raghava),23 Ramayaoa,24 Aja,26 Sita,26 Sagara,27 Vali22 and Lak$mana.29 A study of these names are instructive in as much as they show that the names of the main figures of the epic were already known in Central Java between A.D. 824 and 928. As these names iirst occur in the pre-Lanka Kanga section of the Ram and none of the important figures from the later part of the Ram, such as Vibhijana, Kumbhakarna, Indrajit, Magtfodari, occur there, one may perhaps postulate that at least the episodes included in the earlier kan<Jas of the Ram were known in Central Java in the 9th century. Of these references, the most important one refers to the recitation of the Ram, which deserves to be quoted in full. The Old-Javanese inscription in question pertains to the reign of king Balitung who promulgated the edict in A.D. 907. It describes the foundation of certain freeholds, with their attendant privileges, and records the giving of confirmation-money, etc., to the witnesses. After the curse-formula was uttered by the sang makudur against " Ibid., no. 9, v. 9-10 dated 743 Saka; 10.B. 28 dated 746 Saka, 40. a. 17 dated 801 Saka. » Ibid. no. 25. 21. dated 784 Saka. 19 It is the name of the Wind-God who was Hanumftn's father vide Ibid., no. 40. 6. 5 dated 801 Saka; 86. II. 1, dated 841 Saka; 87. 20 dated during the reign of King Dak$a (A.D. 915). "Ibid. no. 40 a. 14. dated 901 Saka; no. 41. 6. 2 dated 801 Saka. " Ibid. no. 40. b. 5 dated 801 Saka; no. 56. 10. dated 813 Saka. »Ibid. no. 46. 5 dated 801 (?) Saka. " Ibid. no. 70 A. 17 dated 829 Saka. " Ibid. no. 72.10 dated 829 Saka. »Ibid no. 70 A. 25 dated 329 Saka and no. 87. (A.D. 915). " Ibid. no. 80.18 dated 104 Safljaya (832 Saka). 17 Ibid. no. 94. A. 12 dated 8 (49) Saka. »Ibid. no. 96.4—dated 850 Saka. "Ibid. no. 96, 15 dated 860 Saka.. 105, 6 (undated).
MB
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
future transgressors of the freehold, the participants were befittingly entertained. Towards the end occurs the reference to the recitation of an Old-Javanese text on the Ram. The text of the inscription is translated below: ". . . Si Nalu recited the Bhimakumara, dancing like Kicaka; Si Jaluk recited the Ramayana, blowing flutes and making buffoonry; Si Mungmuk (and) Si Galiki showed wayang in honour of gods and presented (above all) Bbimajakumara." This is the first inscriptional evidence bearing on the currency of some sort of text on certain episodes of the Ram and the Mah, The reference to Bhimajakumara or Bhimakumara perhaps concerns some episodes bearing on Ghatotkaca who supplied many interesting themes for the Javanese wayang shows. The researches of many Asian and European scholars like Kern, Juynboll, Stutterheim, Aichole, Goris, Poerbatjaraka, Berg, Ghosh, Bulcke, Hooykaas and some others have considerably enlarged the range of our knowledge of the old-Javanese Ramayana (OJR) in both extent and depth. We know now, for example, that the earlier portions of the OJR arc based upon the Bhaftikavya (Bhk). This is indeed a major gain, but many gaps in our knowledge still persist, the want of details in the inscription of A. D. 907 or the question whether the composition of the OJR was undertaken during the Central Javanese period, i.e. within A.D. 928. Poerbatjaraka propounded the view30 with a wealth of linguistic and other details that the OJR was composed in the first few decades of the 10th century. We may readily agree with Poerbatjaraka and other scholars that the OJR betrays archaic peculiarities which cannot be later than A.D. 978. 31 There is however one point which cannot perhaps be adequately answered, namely, the extent of borrowing by the author of the OJR from an earlier Old-Javanese text or texts on the Rama-saga. One such text seems to be referred to in the charter of 907. I do hot know if it would be repaying to study all the archaisms of the OJR and see if the cantos where "Tijdschr. Bat. Genoot. 72 (1932) pp. 151—214. Ibid., Brandes in Bcschr. Condi Singasari (1909) p. 14; Bijdr. Kan. Inst. 82 (1926) pp. 181-82. n
The Migration of RAmflyapa to Indonesia
109
they occur can be linked up to present the facade of a story of epitodal or other nature. One version of the Rama-saga seems to have been recited by Mr. Jaluk at the foundation-ceremony of the freehold on the 4th of May, 907, as referred to above, and it was a one-man performance. In any case, it seems to be a fact that the OJR betrays archaisms percolating from older times and regarding certain text-portion of the OJR (Canto xxy). Professor C Hooykaas says that it " actually conforms to the oldest type of Javanese poetry and is perhaps the oldest section of the OJR** If we accept this view, it would appear that the OJR was improved upon a text of older times which contained the archaisms and other older materials embedded in Canto XXV and perhaps elsewhere. The problems of disentangling different layers of the OJR are of so complex character that it is very difficult to arrive at a consensus. It may be recalled in this connexion that scholarship of the highest order was devoted to the discovery of interpolation of the OJR, but the comparison of the Bhk with the OJR has indicated in recent years the untenability of the story of interpolation in some major respects33. There is therefore justification to be cautious, lest the theory of so many layers in the OJR do not substantially meet a similar fate. How shaky the position would be may appear from a re-examination of some of the views of Pocrbatjaraka in certain parts of his paper in the TBG referred to above. Regarding the five archaic peculiarities of the OJR listed by him, namely (a) that the hiaat conforms to the practice in the older inscriptions, (b) that the use of the word anakbi for * woman' is valid till the time of Sindok, (c) that the frequent use of u for i in such words as pangguh and lungguh for panggih and linggih is pie-Airlanggian, (d) that the rural officers like ranta marata and mageman appear only in older inscriptions and lastly, (e) that the designations of the high dignitaries have almost literal similarity, with those of the time of Balitung, we may ask: Are these peculiarities enough to anchor the OJR to Balitung-Sindok's age? Even if we admit the validity of M
C. Hooykaas. The Old-Javanese RSmdyana ( VKNAW, Lett, N.S. 65 No. 1) p. 68. 81 C. Hooykaas, The Old-Javanese Ramayana Kakavin (VKI, XVI), p. 10 ff. with literature cited therein and the same author's The Old-Jav. RUmayaga, p. 62 ff. with lit. cited therein.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
nos (a), (b) and (, we may still argue that no. (c) presents cases of local dialectical variations. Besides, the very admission of Poerbatjaraka that the linguistic peculiarities of u for / are preAirlanggian brings us to at least A.D. 1019* when Airlangga ascended on the throne of East Java. This is about one century after the time of king Balitung (898-910). The last point deserves more attention than it has received at the hands of Poerbatjaraka. Poerbatjaraka has found almost literal similarity in the designations of the nigh dignitaries of the time with those recorded in the OJR. This point is hardly convincing for two main considerations: (i) no exhaustive study of the Old-Jav. inscriptions of Central and Eastern Java vis-a-vis the OJR has been made till now to make out a convincing case that such common terms do not occur later than the first half of the 10th century A.D. The cases of Rama marata and mageman may be readily admitted, but what about others? (ii) secondly, if it is believed that the OJR has utilised earlier text(s); whether written in prose or poetry,, what is the guarantee that these terms or designations do not belong to the heritage from the earlier text(s), now lost ? I have also to refer to one or two other matters discussed in the same paper by Poerbatjaraka. He has tried to show (pp. 154ff) that the order of sitting of king Ravana in his audience-hall with the patih and other patihs, five in number, in a row, according to rank, indicates a cabinet of six, of whom one was the prime minister. He has drawn parallels from inscriptions and has quoted in this connexion the inscription of Kembang Arum, elited by Dr. Bosch in OVi 1925, p. 46. This inscription was not however a royal charter and if, in spite of this, one considers the first group of recipients of confirmation-gifts, beginning with the Rakryan mapatih offflnOy namely, Pu Daksa Rahubajrapratipaksaksaya, as the prime minister, the number of cabinet ministers would come to 7. If we now examine a royal charter of the time of Balitung, namely the plate of Telang II, dated 82S Saka, the number of such principal officers will be 13, that of the same king in the copper-plates of Mantyasih I, dated 829 Saka, will be no. 10. The inscriptions from the time of king Sindok to that of Airlangga are however confusing to a certain extent in regard to priority of ranks, except in the case of first two or three cases, and do not therefore yield any satisfactory result. On the other hand, the core of the saptotpatti
The Migration of RSmSyaoa to Indonesia
111
of latter times, discussed in details by Dr. Var. Naerssen in BKI 90 (1933), pp. 239 ff., presents a body of five principal Saiva officers, with one chief, who seem better to conform to the Five plus One of the OJR: Its compatibility, of course, requires further probe. But even when every thing has been said, one cannot guarantee that these elements are not imaginary or that they have not been handed down from an earlier model and used by the author of the OJR. The use of krama or krama inggil in the OJR or similarity of description of certain architectural forms occurring in that work with planning and arrangement of the Candi Sevu or Loro Jonggrang temple complex seems to me to be entirely misleading and beside the point, as such elements can only prove, even apart from other difficulties, just the antiquity of these references, but do not certainly prove the contemporaneity of the OJR with them. If a similar phenomenon, for example, is observed in the case of the Nagarakratagama, would that prove the contemporaneity of that text with temple-complexes referred to above? Once we admit that the archaisms of the OJR have really come from an earlier text and doubts arise about the identity of the older and younger sections of the poem, it would be extremely difficult to arive at a consensus aboutfixingthe norm for the disentangling of different layers. It is always very hazardous to fix the date of a poem, within a couple of decades or so, exclusively on linguistic basis. Perhaps one may be permitted to take a fresh note of the view of Kern34 that in spite of some obsolete grammatical peculiarities, the book is far younger than the old-Javanese Adiparva, the Arjunavivdha and the Bharatayuddha, though far older than the Sutasoma and the the Bhomakavya. The critical study of these texts in recent years would not coimtenancc the view of Kern in so pronounced a way, but a later date for the text should not be entirely ruled out. We may discuss other considerations also. It is true that there was at least one shorter poem previous to the time of the OJB?*. Its chief value lies in its being the fore^RdmSyana Oudjavaansch Heldendicht* Introduction. u 3. O. de Casparis. Selected Inscriptions from the 1th to the 9th Century A.D.VolH.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
runner of the kakavins of later days. It may not appear arbitrary if we put the formative period of Old-Javanese literature between C. 800 and C 950 A.D.—a period of 150 years, within which period only three texts are believed to have been composed, but none of them is comparable to the range and grandear of the OJR. This was apparently the period of increasingly deeper acquaintance with Skt. language and literature, which the Skt. and Old-Jav. inscriptions, as well as the three texts referred to above, seem to attest. The fragments of Indo-Javanese grammatica as well as lexicography and exercises in Indo-Indonesian translation works8* of this period are of a rudimentary character, nor are the thiee texts provisionally assigned to this period are much to enthuse over. The Old Jav. inscriptions of Central Java starting from A.D. 809 and ending in 928 do not contain many Skt. words, excepting at the almost stereotyped preamble, nor do they reveal any accelerated pace of growth of Old-Java, language. If we leave aside the usual preamble and the stereotyped curse formula of the oldJav. inscriptions which also become fuller with the passage of time, the later inscriptions would not be such as can be placed in juxtaposition to the majesty of the OJR. The OJR, with its full-fledged paraphernalia of Skt. rhetoric, prosody and other techniques of Skt. alamkara, in addition to its rich native vocabulary, would demand a structural and technical growth which could hardly have been present in the first or second quarter of the 10th century A.D. No text of the type of Vtftasancaya or Vfflayana is known to have been current in Java in the beginning of the 10th century. The question naturally arises: how long a period are we to assign for the growth of a fuller rich vocabulary represented in the glossarium on the OJR by Dr. Juynboll? A comparison of new words emerging in the vocabulary of the Jl/o/r-texts written during the reign of king DharmavamSa with those of the Arjunavivaha, of the reign of king Airlingga, could have probably indicated the expansion of the linguistic base of the OJR. Would not at least 100 years be required, after the shifting of the political and cultural centre of gravity from Central Java to East Java and its settlement there, to allow the efflorescence of the language in the OJR7 This " J . Gonda, Sanskrit in Indonesia pp. 104-106.
The Migration of Rfimftyapa to Indonesia
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would bring us to the second quarter of the 11th century A.D. We wish now to revert to the corrupt texts of the VavatekaiP and the Prastutining** Kakavin which have incorporated some traditions regarding the authorship of the OJR and some other important Old. Jav. texts. Except the names of texts and their authors, not much reliance can be placed on these two works although some of the dates seem to be accidentally confirmed, for instance, that of the Bharatayuddha and perhaps that of the Sumanasdntaka as well.** Other dates, where inscriptional evidence is available, are found to be wrong or where these are not available appear to be of questionable character. Even after admitting these limitations, one cannot get rid of the idea why the date of the most outstanding work of Old-Javanese literature, as given in or processed out from the Vayatekan and the Prastuti ning kakavin, shall be absolutely wrongT One can however admit that it would be arbitrary to admit some dates and cancel others. It is therefore fair to admit that this type of dubious evidence can only be utilised as of supporting nature, to justify the conclusion, tentative or firm, arrived at from other independent sources. From the question of date of the OJR, let us now revert to other points of the same text, particularly its religious complexion, which has also interesting features. The hero of all the Ramayapa recensions is Rama, an incarnation of Vi$gu, while Ravapa is depicted as an adherent of Siva. The two deities are thus placed in juxtaposition, but they are perfectly generous to each other, because in Canto XXIV, 119-202, Siva himself reminds Rama that he is no other than Vi?iju. From the 49th stanza in the last Canto of the OJR, Dr. Juynboll came to the conclusion that the author of this text was a £aiva. This view is strengthened by the fact that in Canto I, stanzas 7 & 26, Daiaratha has been presented " H. H. Juynboll. Supplement U (1911), cod. 4672; N. J. Krom, while discussing the dates of some Old—Jav. texts in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. 57 (1916) p. 508-21. " H . H. Juynboll, op. eit. 0911). p. 286. •• The author of the Sumanasdntaka speaks of king Varftjaya in Canto 183 and the king might be his patron. The last date of the predecessor of king Jayavarp Digjaya Sastraprabhu is not known, but the earliest one of Sri Jayavarfa. who is usually identified with Sn Var?ajaya, is 1104, thus there is a difference of six years only.
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as patron of Siva. When Ravana came to abduct Sita, he appeared in tVe guise of a Saivamonk of the Tantrik school; he again prays, in Canto 23, in a Siva-temple for his success in the final struggle against Rama. More details have been furnished by Poerbatjaraka in Tijd. Bat. Genoot 72(1932), pp. 169-171. Regarding YogiSvara as the author of the OJR, there is a controversy which has not yet entirely died out. For one thing, some scholars have expressed dmbt about the authenticity of Cantos XXV and XXVI,but Poerba'jarakaupheld XXVI, 1-3,7-10, 17-52, thus the end where the name of Yogi£vara occurs in stanza 51. Those who have expressed doubts seem to believe that certain portion of the last two cantos being " amateurish " are not worth the pen of the author of the OJR, but may revert to a second poet of inferior calibre. It is very difficult to be dogmatic about such views, because, even admitting for argument's sake that some parts of cantos 25 and 26 are not of the same standard as other parts of the text, which Hooykaas has denied, it cannot be expected that in a long poem like the OJR the author would be able to maintain an even tempo and standard in all places. Besides, there may be various reasons we do not know of, e.g., sickness, old age or other infirmities which might have impaired his faculties in maintaining the even tempo of his earlier years. This is not to deny that archaism revealed in certain portions of the OJR do not revert to the first layer of the OJR, which YogiSvara retained to give it a halo of sanctity or for other reasons we do not know of. In this connexion, Hooykaas has drawn our attention to certain remarks of Prof. Berg, " With Berg I won't rule out the possibility that the O-J. Sanskritist who composed the first half of the OJR died before he had completed his task, but I'm afraid that hitherto I have failed to detect proofs or even indications of a different hand."10 Dr. Hooykaas has further observed41 " The assumption that Y was the poet of the OJR has been a persistent mistake in OldJavanology. It is amazing that the Balinese so misinterpreted XXVI, 50, the penultimate stanza of the poem, second of the colophon. " I do not know if we can be so dogmatic about the 40
C. Hooykaas* The Old-Javanese Ramayana, p. 70 p.s. (fn.). "J«rf..p.68.
The Migration of Rfim&yapa to Indonesia
U*
name of the author of the OJR. It may be agreed that Y was not perhap9 the the proper name of the author of the OJR. I veered round to this view after reading several Old-Jav. texts, including Brbaspatitattva** the RajapatigUQdala™, and some others. In the former text, the person who has attained the highest Siddhi has been called a YogiSvara, while the latter text says that persons of such description " undertake incense^burning and prays for the welfare of all and for the permanency of the kingdom of His Majesty." The author of the Ram might have been one such YogiSvara. The way in which the Canto XXVI, 50-52 has been written has all the outwerd marks of the many sacred texts of India, which describe, towards the end, not only the name of the author, but also the Phalairuti of reading and hearing such religious texts. The last portion of Canto XXVI, therefore, falls into the set Indian pattern. According to Balinese tradition, the author of the OJR was named Rajakusuma or Kusumavicitra, but Prof. Kern44 has doubted the veracity of the tradition, as there is no independent testimony to confirm it. Similarly since there is nothing to deny it either, we should keep an open mind in the matter. We do not know however if this problem would at all be solved in future, as an Indonesian changes his name on important occasions of his life. It has now been proved that the first 56% of the OJR and the first x 65% of the Bhatfi-Kavya run closely paiallel, and it is the only Old-Jav. Kakavin, of which we know the origin with absolute certainty.46 Regarding the remaining portion of the OJR9 it has been noticed further that from then onward the same epic-story is told, but the differences become so great that "comparison has no longer the force of proof: the poet of the OJR went his own way." The author of the Bhk who wrote in his conluding stanza that it was composed in Valabhi is believed to have flourished not " E d . Sudarshana Devi, Wrhaspati Tama, p.48. Pigeaud, Java in the 14th Century (Text in vol. I and trans, in vol. HI) 44 Verhand. Bat. Genoot, XXIL no. II, p. 12 and Kern, Verspr. Ges. DC p. 70-71. 40 H. B. Sarkar, Ind. Influences etc. p. 180; M. Ghosh in Journ. Greater Ind. Soc. m . (1936) p. 113-7 and works of C.C. Berg, C. Hooykaas. Bulcke and others. 48
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
earlier than the 6th century, A.D. or later than the middle of the 7th.46 The scope of the work of Bhk, with its 22 Cantos, is co-eval with that of the OJR with its 26 Cantos. They handle the entire story of the Ram beginning with the reign ofkingDaSaratha, king of Ayodhya, who was childless, but who got four sons as a result of propitiatory rites performed by the sage RsyaSriijga. The story is webbed further in the usual way till the return of Rama-Sita from Lanka and coronation of Rama amidst universal rejoicings. The objectives of the two texts seem however to have been quite different. The professed aim of Bhk was to teach Skt. grammatical rules and rhetoric through a familiar subject, but these being out of question in an Old-Javanese Kakavin, the poet of the OJR seems deliberately to have taken upon himself the task of using the text for the illustration of Skt. rhetoric and prosody, which were the common meeting ground for both the texts—a view also shared by Hooykaas and some others. The author has demonstrated his considerable knowledge of Skt. as well as his skill in the employment of Skt. metres and embellishments. In a text of 26 polymetric Cantos distributed over 2774 stanzas, the poet has used 81 different metres, of which not more than 8% was usually executed in one metre, the metrical changes being some 26847. In regard to Skt. alamkara or embellishment, the poet has used with remarkable skill Skt. anuprasa, yamaka, utpreksa, upamd, apanhutiy rupaka, etc.48 as well as other features of Skt. poetics like madhurya, bhavikatva, etc., as demonstrated by Hooykaas. We cannot however be certain if this skill was attained in india, which is not unlikely or in one of the several centres of learning in Suvanjadvipa itself, where there was arrangement for learning Skt. as well as Brahmanical texts and where scholars like I-tsing (688-95) and Attta Dipankara (1013-1025)4* had studied for long years and wherefrom bundles of Skt. texts were despatched to China as late as 101750. The centre where the author of "Hultzsch in ZDMG, LXXD (1908) p. 145 ff. *7 C. Hooykaas in VKI. o. cit.f p. 37. *• Aichelc in Orient. Lit. Zeit., 29, p. 933-9; Djawa U (1931); Hooykaas, The Old-Javanese Ramnyaaa, passim, »I-Tsing, Op.cit., p. xl. and A. Chattopadhyaya, Atisa and Tibet p. 84-85. i0 K. A. N. Sastri, History of Srivijaya, p. 79.
The Migration of Rfimiyaoa to Indonesia
U7
the OJR learnt Skt. language and literature is however a point which can never be determined satisfactorily. From the concordance of the OJR with Valmiki's Ram and the BhK,*1 it may be seen that many passages in the Bhk have been condensed in the OJR, while better narration, addition of details and amplification occur in many others. It has also been noticed that the OJR and the BhK run parallel, canto by canto, up to the 5th; thereafter they deviate, but catch up again at the 7th Sarga, which trend continues up to the 9th canto, again deviating in the 10th, after which the gap widens, till the concordance with the BhK disappears after the middle section of the 16th Sarga. The deviations noted in the Canto-divisions of the parallel portions of the OJR and the BhK may be due to the author or a later iedactor or faulty copying. Apart from the structure of the OJR, Dr. Hooykaas has further discussed with a wealth of details52 the form and contents of the OJR from the view point of Skt. poetics, but there are still some uncharted fields of investigation where researches need be directed. One such field refers to the task of comparing the sequel of the Rama-story after Canto XV of ihe OJR with relevent portions of the Raghuvamia (RVS) of Kalidasa (C. A.D. 400), the Setubandha of Pravarasena" (6th century) and JanakUtararta (JH) of Kumaradasa (C. 775-C. 825).M Of these three texts, the first two were studied in ancient Kambuja and V. Raghavan says,55 " Kalidasa and his two poems Kumarasambhava and Raghuvarhsa are seen at almost every step " in the inscriptions of Ka*nbuja. Pravarasena's Setubandha has also been explicity referred to in a Kambujan "VKI 16 (1955) p. 30-34 and appendix II. * The Old-Javanese Rdmfiya&L u Ed. Sivadatta and Parab, N.S.P., Bombay* 1895. The text was composed in IS cantos* but these are written in Pr&krta and were " Obviously modelled on the highly artificial Skt. K&vya". Vide Dasgupta and De, History of Sanskrit Literature, I., p. 119. M Ed* V. M. Vyasa, with text and Hindi translation (1966). Vide in this connection Dasgupta and De, op. cit., p. 185 ff. a Proceedings of the 26th International Congress of Orientalists, New Delhi, vol. IV, p. 48.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
inscription of the time of King Yasovaraman I (A.D. 889—C. 900).66 It is therefore evident that the RVS and the Setubandha, which deal with the Rama Saga, were studied in Kambuja towards the end of the 9th century A.D. and might have been current in Java as well during that time. The Sedubandha of Pravarasena is a Prakrt- text in 15 Cantos, modelled on Skt. artificial style, but its relevance to the study of the problems of the OJR may not be great, but for the sake of a comprehensive study of the OJR this text may not be entirely lost sight of. Regarding other Skt. poems, the desirability of a comprehensive comparative study is almost compelling for various reasons, of which some are noted below. It may be recalled that certain episodes handled in the RVS, such as the story of Aja and Indumati, have been narrated in 180 Cantos of the Kakavin Sumanasantaka*'1 while the opening scenes with Vi§nu in anantaSayana-posture, depicted on the relief penels of the Loro Jonggrang temple-complex are, according to Vogel,48 similar to those handled in the RVS. More striking is the fact that Hemadri, a good interpreter of Kalidasa, has pointed out in his annotation of the 16th Canto of the RVS that the principal source of the poem from Cantos 9 to 15 was derived from the Skt. Ram, while the remaining portions of the text were based on " other traditions". It is exactly here, in the central part of the 16tb Canto of the OJR, that this Kakavin strikes a different course, like Kalidasa's RVS. It is necessary therefore to compare deviations of the BhK, OJR and the RVS in one comprehensive survey, as all the deviations occur at a particular point of the 16th Canto and the phenomenon may not be quite accidental. Apart from these three texts, there was also the well-known Skt. poem called Janakiharafta (JH) which closely followed Kalidasa's RVS and Kumarasambhava, sometimes even "plagiarising his predecessor's ideas, sometimes even in phrases." The time when Ki maradasa flourished is not definitely known,69 but he had M
Barth and Bergaigne, Inscriptions Sanskrites de Campa et du Cambodge, no. LVT1 and R. C. Majumder, Inscriptions of Kambuja. no. 63. " H. B. Sarkar, Indian Influences etc. p. 224 ff. with lit. cited therein. " In Bijdr. Kon. Just. 11 (1921) p. 202 ff. " Vide Dasgupta and De, op. cit., p. 18S ff.
The Migration of RAmftyaga to Indonesia
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become famous by the 10th century A.D., as his work has been referred to in the Kavyamlmamsa of Rajasekhara. As all these poets flourished before the author of the OJR composed his work, the later portions of the OJR may therefore be profitably studied from the view-point of a comparative study of the source materials. This need becomes all the greater on account of certain other striking phenomena. These refer to the division of Cantos in the JH and the OJR. The full Skt. text of the JH has now become available, we know that the JH. contained 20 Cantos, ending with the coronation on the return of Rama and Sita to Ayodhya. This brings out the surprising phenomena that BhK, the OJR and possibly also the JH bring the story of the Ram. up to the coronation of Rama and Sita at Ayodhya, but whereas the BhK ended with Canto XXII, the JH ended with XXth Canto, the OJR ended with the Canto XXVL This stretching of the cantos in the OJR emphasises the needed to examine, on the one hand, the mutual relationship of Cantos 1—XVI of the RVS, BhK, OJR and the JH and of succeeding portions of the same texts, to trace, if possible, the " other sources " referred to by Hemadri. Professor Hooykaas has no doubt published excellent studies on the OJR, particularly from the viewpoint of Skt. chhandas and alamkara. He has presented us with a concordance of Valmiki's Ram, BhK and OJR as regards their content-materials. No textual comparison on the basis of actual language used in the Skt. and the Old-Jav. poem has yet been made. This has become necessary to find out if the condensed passages, better narration, addition of details or amplification, to which Hooykaas has drawn our attention in his studies on the Ram,90 refer to the RVS, the JH or Valmiki's Ram. Some remarks are now called for regarding the first and the last Kansas of Valmiki's Ram. It might have been observed that the BhK and the OJR both end with the yuddhakan^a of the Ram. The reunion of Rama and Sita, after the fire-ordeal in Canto XXIV, is followed by story of the aerial journey in Canto XXV in which Rama was in reminiscent mood. The last Canto recounts the arrival of the party in Ayodhya, where royal festivities continued for a week, ending on the 10th day of the lunar month. The traditions preserved in the Bhk and the OJR are thus distinctly ••InVKI(XVI),pp.31ff.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Ada
different from those of Valmiki's RSm, which ends with the disappearance of Sita in the Nether world. If we eliminate the stories of the Balakantfa and also the Uttarakaptfa from Vfilmiki'a JMm, it would appear that the OJR does not much differ from the Skt, traditions of India. But in other places, the differences are certainly very significant. The OJR does not handle the long episodes of the Balakanqla; the elaborate stories of olden times told by sage Vj£vamitra to young Rama in the Skt. epic are also absent in the OJR. It is noteworthy in this context that the Ramayapa reliefs of Loro Jonggrang, constructed in the beginning of the 10th century A.D. 61 rarely notice any scene from the Balakaitfa.61 This might, of course, be due to the fact that it was impossible on the part of the Loro Jonggrang sculptors to bring in all the major episodes of the Balakaijtfa for want of space. The damaged panels as far as available in the Loro Jonggrang complex also indicate some phases of the Yuddhak&jtfa, including the death of RavaQa,68 but they present nothing from the Uttarakapfa of Valmiki's Ram. So neither the OJR nor traditions preserved in the Loro Jonggrang panels present any theme from the Skt. Uttarakantfa.64 It is not therefore surprising that the Old-Jav. Uttarakdpfa is a separate work, which is essentially a free translation of the Skt. text. There are no doubt some scattered Skt. ilokas in this text, but these have been too much corrupted.*9 Van der Tu observed long ago that these corrupt verses have some similarity with those of the Telugu recension, but differs from the eastern recension of Gorresio. It is .not possible to make any further comment without a detailed study of the relevant texts, which study has not yet been made. A MS of the Uttarakavfa (cod. no. 5031) ends with " Iti Ramayana Uttarakajrfa praktam Parisamapta." 01
B. KemperSf op. cit., p. 39. " This is not connect; Panels 1-9 depict some of the major episodes of the BUakioda. See the section on these sculptures in my 'R&mfiyaoa in Greater Indiaf (1975). p. 100-1. —V.R. " B. Kempers, Ibid. pp. 62 and pi. 160. •4 But see my ' Riinftyafta in Greater India * p. 103. »Kawi—Bal, Ned. Wdb. I (1897) p. 187.
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The Indo-Javanese period of Indonesian history, which saw the efflorescence of the Rima Saga in ancient art and literature, wrote its epitaph in the old literature style in OJO XC1II, dated A.D. 1486, which speaks of Bhatira Rama sarvapavitra (U. God Rima is All-Holy), while OJO XCTV, dated about the same time, exalts the installation of (the image of) the auspicious God Rima. But when these inscriptions were composed, Islam was almost knocking at the door, but that is a different story. The above-mentioned pages must have indicated, in bare outline, the complex nature of the problems of the OJR, to which I am perhaps adding some more. The discovery of the source of the OJR, which began with my stumbling upon some identical passage of the BhK and the OJR more than 40 years back, and researches subsequent thereto, for which we are particularly grateful to Dr. Hooykaas, have now given us wider perspective and this has to be further explored.
THE MALAYSIAN RAMAYANA IN PERFORMANCE By AMIN SWEENEY Tlie R&mfiyaQa has captivateu the inhabitants of South-East Asia for centuries and has been written, recited, sculpted and performed from Cambodia to Bali. In Malay culture, the RamayaQa tradition has been kept alive by only three of these media, for sculptures and reliefs (if they ever existed) have not survived the passage of time. Before concentrating our attention on the Malaysian Ramayaga in performance, let us first attempt to place our subject of discussion in its context by taking a brief look at the Malay Ramayaija tradition in broad outline. Nothing comparable to the poetry of YogiSvara's Old Javanese Ram&yana kakawin survives in Malay. The Rama Saga is, however, well-known in Malay and exists in both literary and oral forms, the latter still enjoying considerable popularity in the north of West Malaysia, where they form the basic repertoire of the Malay shadow-play. The literary Malay version, the Hikayat Seri Rama, is interrelated with a group of popular Javanese versions. These popular tales differ considerably from the version of Valmiki, and this was thought by some scholars, notably Rassers (1922), to be due to Indonesian influence. It seems clear that Rassers devoted his attention only to Valmiki's version, yet numerous other versions of the Ramayana have been current in India from early times, and Father Camille Bulcke (1950) compares three hundred versions in Sanskrit and various vernaculars. Rassers' view was shown to be unacceptable by Stutterheim (1925) and to a greater extent by Zieseniss (1928) who pointed to Indian sources for nearly the whole of the Malay Rama Saga. Zieseniss concluded that the Hikayat Seri Rama represents a popular form of the Rama Saga which reached Indonesia from various parts of India between the 13th and 17th centuries and was there fused into a more or less complete whole. In the studies of Stutterheim and Zieseniss, however, only two main texts of the Hikayat Seri ROma formed the basis for
The Malaysian RamSyana in Performance
1X3
comparison. Examination of the Raffles Malay, M.S. 22 of the Royal Asiatic Society, London reveals, however, that the version contained therein is largely a combination of the two versions employed by Zieseniss, and in many places is much fuller and fills many of the gaps left in the previous two texts. Comparison of this MS. with the Thai Rama Saga, the Ramakien, reveals that much more of the Hikayat Seri Rama resembles the Ramakien (and consequently the Khmer version, which shows much similarity to the Ramakien, and which judging from the bas-reliefs of Angkor Wat, is the elder version) than is apparent from the version of the Hikayat Seri Rama (henceforth: HSR) as presented by Zieseniss. 1 As stated above, the HSR has much in common with the popular Javanese recensions of the saga as found in the serai kandas* and the Rama Keling, and it is clear that the popular Rama sagas of South-East Asia fall into a distinct group. This conclusion in no way negates the findings of Zieseniss and, although a large number of the motifs found in the Raffles version of the HSR art not dealt with by Zieseniss, there is as yet no evidence to show that these motifs are not Indian in origin.* Rather, the evidence seems to suggest that the popular versions of South-East Asia (thus not merely Malay and Javanese) originate, to a greater or lesser extent, from the same streams of oral tradition flowing from India. Study of the Malay HSR reveals few non-Indian motifs. There is, however, one interesting feature: Islamic influence. Barrett (1963) makes plausible the idea that the HSR is not merely given Islamic colouring to ensure its survival in a Muslim Society, but that a deliberate attempt is made to remould the story on Islamic lines, so that the tale is depicted as unfolding during the time of the prophet Adam, and indeed Adam takes the place of Pitamaha in the HSR. 1
Por a detailed discussion of the subject, see Sweeney* 1972 and 1973a. * A few of these Javanese Sent Kanda verisons of the Rftma saga have been translated/adapted into Malay. One such work (Mackenzie 64, India Office 3539) was recently edited by a student of mine; Janaki Padmanabhan Cerita Seri Rama. Universiti Kehangsaan Malaysia* Kuala Lumpur. 1975 (unpublished). • It will be possible to draw solid conclusions on the spited of ] WMMt only when a motiftadex of the Rimiyapa has beta pt*wHrrtd
fM
the Ramayan* Tradition in Asia
The oral versions of the Malay R&ma saga exist primarily as shadow-play tales and secondarily as stories of the penglipur lara (professional story-teller).4 It is not realistic to attempt to distinguish between the performing and oral traditions, because (a) the dramatic versions are transmitted almost entirely orally (the majority of performers being illiterate or semi-literate) and (b) the presentation of the story-teller contains a number of dramatic elements,* In this paper, therefore, although our focus will be primarily upon the shadow-play versions, we shall nevertheless devote some attention to the other oral form in passing. I understand that this seminar will be more concerned with the Ramayana repertoire than with its dramatic vehicle, in this case, the shadow-play. I shall therefore confine myself here to a few brief comments on this genre. Nevertheless, I feel it is undesirable that this repertoire study should be uprooted from its context and treated entirely as a literary text. When dealing with Malay manuscripts it is often impossible to learn much about authorship, the socio-economic conditions of the author and the circumstances in which a work was written. In the study of oral literature, however, this type of information is readily available and its inclusion in such a study is essential for a full understanding of the repertoire, for otherwise the literature will be dealt with in a vacuum. Thus, for example, the examination of economic factors enables us to appreciate the increasing invention of stories; an inquiry into the dalang's literacy, and in what languages, provides a pointer to the sources of repertoire accessible to him; a study of the transmission of repertoire explains the differences in repertoire between 4
For a detailed study of the style and presentation of the penglipur hra see Sweeney (1973 b). Stories derived from the Rimlyaga are very rare in this genre. One text was adapted into literary Malay at the end of the nineteenth century (Maxwell 1886). In my research into this genre. I discovered only one story teller with some knowledge of a Rima story: his version was very close to the shadow-play version. The teller was from the northern state of Perlis. It may be noted that a student of mine recorded a tale from an amateur storyteller in Johor which was obviously based on the swayembara episode of the RImftyapa. No Rftmftyapa names survive, however, in this version, and instead of a bow. a cannon is employed in the contest! * E.G. the dialogue often takes on dramatic form; and on occasion are employed.
Tbc Malaysian JUmftya** in IVifaiiiwae teacher and pupil. I have therefore included an of such information in an appendix to this paper.
Uf outline
Two types of Malay shadow-play {Wayang kulit) are found in north Malaya and Southern Thailand: the Wayang Siam and the Wayang Jawa. Both, in spite of their names, are Malay forms, and are similar in technique, the main differences being in matters of repertoire, appearance of the puppets and music. Of the two types, by far the more popular is the Wayang Siam, there being something in the region of 300 dalang (puppeteers) in the state of Kelantan (the heart of Malay Wayang country) alone. In contrast, the Wayang Jawa, which is strongly Javanese influenced, is now almost extinct. It is the Wayang Siam whieh performs the tales of Rama, the Wayang Jawa presenting only Pafiji and (rarely) Pantfawa tales. The Malay shadow-play is transmitted orally and 'here is no written documentation to assist us in tracing its history. Nevertheless it seems clear that the technique of the Malay shadow-play originates from Java. The operating-box is very similar to that still used on occasion in Bali, which seems likely to represent a form of that earlier found in Java. Furthermore, many of the technical terms employed are borrowed from the Javanese. It is possible to discern a number of other extraneous influences in the wayang Siam. For example, the puppets, especially those of leading male characters with their pinnacled crowns, exhibit Thai influence; the music owes much to the pan-Islamic tradition, and as stated, the basic repertoire is derived from the R&mayaoa. Nevertheless, these influences have been synthesized and rrmoulded to suit the aesthetic needs of the Malays, so that the resulting art form possesses a very distinctive style. A tree-metaphor is often used to distinguish between the various parts of the tales of Rama performed in the Wayang Siam. The main part, regarded as the roots, trunk and branches of the tree, is that extending from before the birth of Ravaoa up to his death, and known as the Cerita Mahraja Wana (The Tale of Maharaja Ravaija). The tale of Rama's sons up to the reconciliation of R&ma and Sita also falls into the branch category. This part of the repertoire is roughly parallel to the Hikayat Seri Ram, the Malay literary version of the Ramayaoa. There is then a great man of
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
minor stories generally referred to as cerita ranting (twig stories). My study of the repertoire involved an examination of over one hundred dalang; a representative sample consisting of the basic repertoire of twenty-four dalang was then subjected to detailed comparison. This revealed that the majority of motifs are also found in the Hikayat Seri Rama (the Malay literary version) and or the Ramakien (the Thai version of the Ramayana). None of the wayang Siam versions, however, is identical with the Hikayat Seri Rama or the Ramakien, nor are any two wayang Siam versions identical with each other: in fact, it may be said that each dalang possesses, to some extent, a distinct version, the motifs of which are, to a considerable degree, similar to motifs of the Hikayat Seri Rama and/or the Ramakien. This is not to say, however, that there is no wayang Siam ** version " and that the repertoire is merely the result of" dipping" into the literary versions by each dalang. In spite of wide variation the wayang Siam versions possess a number of common features—frame of the plot, certain motifs and names, characterization and localization of events,—which distinguish the wayang Siam from other versions, and make it possible to speak of a wayang Siam version or group of versions which, whatever the origin, have crystallized into a distinct from. Examples of these common features are: (a) Frame of the plot.—The Wayang Siam version differs from both the Malay literary version, the Hikayat Seri Rama (HSR), and the Thai version, the Ramakien (henceforth: RK), in that no mention is made of Rama's exile. The plot is much more compressed, so that the abduction of Sita is considered to take place on the journey home from the swayembara where Rama won her hand. Further, the transformation of Rama and Sita into monkeys, and the encounter with Ravaija's sister, Surpanakhtf, are considered in the Cerita Maharaja Rawana to be attempts at this abduction. We find, too, a consistent omission of certain HSR episodes as, for example, Rama's shooting at the hunchback's hump, the meeting with Kikuken, or the installation of • For the sake of convenience* the names used here, i.e. Rama, Sita, Rivapa and SdrpaQakhi are the Sanskrit forms. The literary Malay forms are Seri Rama, Sita Dewi, Rawana, Sura Pandaki. The Malay wayang forms are Seri Rama, Siti Dewi, Rawana (or • Wana) and Siti Mayang.
llie Malaysian Rflmftyaoa in Performance
127
Rfima's sandals. The plot of the HSR is generally parallel to that of Valmiki (though by no means a translation of it; see above). In the Shellabear version of the HSR we see that the exile episode (although referred to) is not included. This is seen by Zieseniss (p. 187) as the initiation in the HSR of Indonesian levelling, a process which reached its culmination in the penglipur lara version collected by Maxwell (1886). This latter version " completes the reduction of Rama to a mere faily-tale hero" (Zieseniss, p. 187). In the wayang Siam, we see an intermediate stage in this reduction, where, although the basic Rama story is still recognizable the plot has been cut down so that it largely conforms to a typica plot type of the Malay world, i.e., that found in the Pafiji tales and the stories of the penglipur lara. (b) Certain motifs and names which are common to wayang versions but are absent or differ from HSR/RK. Such motifs are: (i) Shooting through palm trees growing on the back of a naga during the contest for Sita. (ii) The setting adrift of Mah Babu Sanam (Skt.: Vibhi$ana) by his brother Ravana. (iii) The presence of and the role played by * god-clowns *— a typical Indonesian feature. (iv) Ravana's possession of seven or twelve heads (not ten as in the HSR). (v) Certain names, e.g., Maharisi Mata Api (in HSR: Maharisi Kala; Sanskrit: Janaka); Raja Lebis (in HSR: Patala Maharayan; in Bengali: Mahi-Ravana); Hanuman Ikan (in HSR: Hanuman Tegangga; in Gujerati: Makaradhvaja, but in Malay he is half fish). (c) Minority motifs.—There is in the wayang Siam, (henceforth: WS) a large, yet to a certain extent, limited number of what may be termed " floating motifs *\ which appear in a minority of WS versions but which, judging from their wide area of distribution, are to be regarded as WS motifs. Some of these, e.g., the battle between Rama's followers and the three crow kings, are compatible with other versions and may have been omitted from the latter; others, e.g., the reincarnation of Rama and Sita
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The Ramayaoa Tradition in Asia
via transformation into seeds, fruit, flowers, etc., which appears to be a motif borrowed from the Malayo-Javanese Panji cycle, must be regarded as variants* It is not, of course, suggested that these common features are confined to the WS; many of them are proved to exist in other areas. (d) Localization of events. Thus the'majority of dalang believe that the Rama story occurred locally. A number of dalang consider that Langkapuri (Langka) is situated in Langkawi, a small island off the north-west coast of Malaya. Others believe it to be near Bangkok. All would be sceptical to be told that Langka was Ceylon! Similarly, it is generally believed that the location of the swayambara for the hand of Sita was in Singgora in South Thailand. Every dalang is able to cite ' evidence' for the correctness of his belief; for example, seven palms are still to be seen in Singgora. (e) Characterization. The characters of Rama and Lak?amana in the wayang tale: Rama is in general more effeminate, petulant, harsh and amorous, and lacks resource, depending more than in HSR/RK on his followers. Until the building of the causeway, Rama is dependant on Lak$amaija's wisdom and foresight. After this time, Lak$nuna's role in this respect is, to a large extent, transferred to the astrologer Mah Babu Sanam (Vihhjfana) who figures even more importantly than in HSR/RK. An interesting insight into Rama's character in the wayang version is provided by the episode in which Surpanakha attempts to seduce Rama. Here she succeeds, and Rama sets up house with her! Even so, when her true identity is unmasked their relationship ends! In contrast with Rama, Lakgma^a, who in the wayang version is made a hermaphrodite (the virtues of celibacy and asceticism do not appeal to the Malay dalang; their only explanation of Lak$mana's celibacy is that he is a hermaphrodite!), is gifted with second sight, has great wisdom and is a moderating influence on Rama. We note a similar tendency in the penglipw lata version (Maxwell, 1886) for Rama to become a mere fairytale prince and there too Lakfmaga has the powers of a shaman. We note, too, that in the wayang version, RavaQa and his followers do not usually have very finely-drawn characters; in general they are reduced to the level of " all purpose baddies " and few dalang ever feel sympathy for them.
11* Malaysian Rlmlyaoe in
flcrfonnance
fit
( / ) Further, the fact that In a number of cases, where WS is parallel to HSR/RK, the majority of WS versions which include the episode are in general accordance as to which parts resemble HSR and which RK, indicates that the WS episodes in question are not merely a haphazard jumble of HSR and RK motifs. Thus, for example* in the episode .of Bali's (—Valin) battle with the buffalo, many WS versions include the mention of the helping gods (=RK) and also that of the anthill (=HSRj. Likewise in the burning of Langka, the WS is in many respects similar to HSR but the method of extinguishing Hanuman's fiery tail resembles RK. Although similarity of WS motifs with HSR/RK does not prove that it is WS which is derived from HSR/RK, there is evidence that WS in its present state is the result of the intermingling of two main vensions, Thai and Malay, which may be the literary versions of HSR/RK or oral forms parallel to them: (a) The names of the chief protagonists are of the same or similar form to those of HSR. In a number of cases where the WS form is somewhat different, e.g., Gangga Masur, it is obvious that it is derived from HSR, thus in this case Gangga Mahasura. In some cases, the form of the WS name gives the impression of being the result of misreading or alternative reading of the spelling in a HSR text, e.g., the name Jayasang for Jayasinga (s-ng). In a few cases, HSR/WS characters bear folk-names in WS, thus e.g., Siti Mayang (for HSR Sura Pandaki), Maya Angm (for HSR Anjani). (jb) The motifs of HSR which are paralleled by WS are not found in any one (known) MS of HSR. The "overall" version of WS cannot, however, be directly derived from an " original" version of the HSR for the variants and contradictions of various recensions of HSR are also reproduced in WS, e.g.9 the several contradictory versions of the begetting of Hanuman and the encounter between Rfima and Sugifva. (c) Although WS displays more similarity with RK than with HSR in many cases, there is no general usage of Thai names, these occuring only sporadically in a few versions, e.g., Bila Kua <«Thai Birakvan), Sida (for Sita). Where a character is found in RK and WS but not (or at least in different circumstances) in
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The Ramsyina Tradition in Asia
HSR, the name is rarely Thai. In such cases the WS name is usually a folk-tale name, thus, e.g., Aditya is Dewa Sinar Matahari, Indra is Dewa Cahaya Bulan, Suvarnamaccha is Tuan Puteri Ikan. (d) In certain WS episodes, confusions and contradictions are found which can only have arisen as a result of mixing of Thai and Malay episodes. For details see Sweeney, (1972, 260). (e) Although the WS in its present form is not a haphazard jumble of HSR/RK motifs, this is not to say that individual dipping into HSR/RK does not occur. An obstacle to this has, of course, been the high degree of illiteracy among dalang, the rarity of MSS. in the case of the HSR, and the language barrier in the case of RK. The latter is probably more accessible, for a printed edition is available and possessed by a number of Thais in the area. On the other hand, HSR MSS., were usually found only in the sphere of the nobility, and the printed editions were generally unknown. "Dipping", when it occurs, is almost always through an intermediary. A dalang is likely to accept repertoire from any reliable source (see appendix) and this may well be the owner of or person familiar with literary versions. Two Thai owners of texts told me that wayang dalang have asked about points of repertoire, and several dalang acknowledge that this occurs. The result of this type of dipping is that the material borrowed is usually only a short episode or motif. When a HSR on RK motif is found only in one wayang version, and especially when it does not blend well with the wayang Siam version, this may be an indication of recent dipping. Although the wayang Siam version is the result of intermingling of Thai and Malay versions, there is, nevertheless, a considerable number of similarities with Javanese, Lao and Khmer versions. One interesting example is the episode of Ravana's changing himself into a lizard in order to gain entry to Bcrembun's (Skt: Viwu) grotto and seduce the latter's wife. The same legend is cited by Moura (1883, II, p. 315) and it is said to explain one of the bas-reliefs of Angkor Wat. (There, however, Ravapa it seeking entry to Indra's palace.) A possible similarity with a Lao version (Dhani, 1946) is the wayang name for the seer Janaka, /.*., Maharisi Mata Api, or in one version Maharisi Ta Poi, (the with eye of fire), this eye apparently referring to Siva's
The Malaysian RSmfiyafla in Performance
131
third eye. It is interesting to compare this with the Lao " seer called Tafai, the' Flame-eyed V (Dhani, p. 11). Few of the major motifs of WS—except localization of action —appear to be purely local. Although it is extremely difficult to prove that a motif is confined to a locality, a few minor motifs give the impression of being local, but they are often only found in one version, in which case they may, to some extent, be merely idiosyncratic, as e.g., the imprisoning of Sita under a bath-house, in a version from south Thailand. Idiosyncratic versions of episodes often occur due to forgetfulness. In the case of one old dalang who was approaching senility, forgetfulness apparently caused him to produce two versions of an episode. In either of these cases, however, if a pupil had been receiving the story, the idiosyncrasy might have been established. In Kelantan, in contrast with other areas, certain factors seem to militate against the perpetuation of gross idiosyncrasy and to exercise some control over the content of the basic repertoire. In Kelantan, a large number of dalang know and, at times, perform the story; and a large section of at least the older section of the populace is fairly well acquainted with the story. A dalang who introduces major changes in a well-known episode and/or introduces motifs which are not compatible with the existing wayang versions, lays himself open to criticism from the audience. Further, although a dalang may receive an idiosyncratic version from his teachers, he is not likely to restrict his accumulation of repertoire to the one source and is able to refresh his version from other sources. Where there are few dalang who know the story and where it is (now) little known in the society, the perpetuation of idiosyncrasy is far more likely. This appears to be the case in Patani, Perak and especially Kedah. A similar case seems to be that of the penglipur lara version of the Rama tale as in Maxwell's version, which, recited by only a small number of persons, is more easily reduced to the level of a fairy-tale. There is yet a further stage in the development of the tales of Rama in Malay folk literature. The term ranting (twig) is used in the wayang Siam to designate the mass of stories which, although featuring Rftmayapa characters, are not parallel to Malay and Thai literary Rama sagas (HSR and RK), nor thus to the Indian epic. As is clear from the name ranting, these stories are
132
The Ramayana Tradttiob in Ash
not considered to form a basic part of the repertoire, and consist of the later or minor adventures of the heroes and their offspringEach is a complete story in itself, and the tales do not form a series in chronological sequence. Although a small number of ranting tales are common to many dalang and are fairly constant as regards content, the great majority are far more fluid in content than the basic repertoire, and in many cases stories are changed and invented. A wide variety of motifs is found in ranting tales but the predominant influence is that of the Panji cycle of stories. A majority of the ranting tales, by reason of their plots/motifs are, in fact, Panji tales adapted to suit the Ramayaija characters of the wayang Siam. Thus, Radin Inu Kertapati's role is taken by Rama, that of Radin Galuh Cendera Kirana by Sita, and that of lnu's brother by Lak?amana. The most obvious source from which the wayang Siam has acquired these stories is the wayang Jawa, which performs mainly Panji stories: several of the stories are common to both, and a number of wayang Siam dalang state that the wayang Jawa is the source of much of this repertoire. In order to appreciate the process involved in the adaptation of Panji stories to the Rama * tree \ it is desirable to examine an example of a ranting tale common to both the wayang Siam and wayang Jawa (and/or literary versions), and to compare the adapted version of the former with the pre-adapted form of the latter. A good eaxmple is the following tale, in the form it was performed by a wayang Siam dalang: Sita is rescued from Ravana by Rama, but Rama's father, Sirat Maharaja (=Da£aratha), objects to their reunion, stating that they must first be remarried. Temporarily, therefore, on Maharisi Mata Api's advice, Sita wanders in the jungle, meets Tuan Puteri Hutan (= 4 Jungle Princess') who guards the jungle fauna, and stays with her, taking the name Mek Hutan. Rama, with the clowns Pak Dogol and Wak Long, sets off to hunt birds with his blowpipe. He wings a bird, causing it to fall in Mek Hutan's cave. Rama thus discovers and makes love to Mek Hutan whom he fails to recognize. The clowns return and inform Sirat Maharaja, who is embarrassed. Mandudari (Rama's mother) summons Rama and orders him to hunt
The Malaysian RAmftyaoa in Performance
131
for a pregnant mousedeer. During Rama's absence, she summons Mek Hutan and orders her to be executed. Mek Hutan asks the executioner to place her corpse on a raft with flowers. He then kills her. Rama, hunting, smells flowers, and finds the raft and the corpse. He stabs himself, Wak Long then makes to kill himself but is afraid. Unfortunately, he stumbles and falls on his kris! Pak Dogol, the other clown, decides against suicide, returns and reports to Sirat Maharaja, who orders him to summon Hanuman, doing asceticism on Mount Mayang Tunggal. Hanuman finds the raft with Rama and Sita, whom he recognizes, and carries it to Sirat Maharaja who then discovers from the executioner that Mandudari is responsible. She is made to take her meals with a black dog. Mah Babu Sanam (—Vibhi?ana) is unable to revive Rama and Sita. Pak Dogol therefore builds a candi pillar, raises the raft into the clouds and burns incense. Sang Kaki Betara Kala smells this, descends and questions Pak Dogol. He then obtains milk from the breast of the virgin nymph Lela Purba, prepares the antidote and restores Rama and Sita. Sirat Maharaja ties Mandudari under the palace and sets about planning the remarriage of Rama and Sita. This is an ideal story to illustrate the assimiliation of Panji tales into the Rfima tree, for, unlike the majority of Panji tales in Kelantan, it is well-known in literary versions and it is thus a comparatively simple task to ascertain the changes and observe the process involved in the transformation. The plot has remained largely that of the literary tale of Ken Tambuhan. It is thus interesting to note how it is grafted on to the Rftma tree; the join is made by causing Sirat Maharaji to oppose Rama's immediate reunion with Sita after her rescue from R&vaoa, on the pretext that she has been made unclean. Sitft is made to enter the jungle where she is in a position to assume the role of Kn Tambuhan. Rfima then assumes the role of Inu/ Radin Mentri/Undakan Penurat, and Pak Dogol and Wak Long those of the kedayan. The parts of the ratu and permaisuri of Kvipan are taken by Sirat Maharaja and Mandudari. The story then proceeds along very similar lines to the version published by Teeuw, (1966) with only slight deviations, e.g.t the omission of the healing flower.
134
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Characters from the Cerita Mahraja IVana, although not corresponding to any character in the Panji tale, may be introduced into the ranting tale to play parts in keeping with their characters and roles in the Cerita Mahraja Wana. Thus in the present example, Maharisi Mata Api is the adoptive father of Sit a; Hanuman, performing asceticism, is brought in to perform a task requiring strength: Mah Babu Sanam is introduced when a problem requires divination. Rama characters corresponding to Panji characters may also retain their original characteristics. Thus in a number of stories, Lak§amaija takes the role of Indu's brother, but he remains always the celibate. Sometimes, the characteristics of the performers of two COT responding tales are almost identical, as in the case of Pak Dogol and Semar, the god* clown in both. Similarly, Wak Long's role as comedian with a streak of cowardice is repeated in the role of Turns. On the other hand, the Panji characters may have an influence on the Rama character: in the above example, Mandudari becomes a most evil figure; Rama becomes a great lover, befitting the role of Panji. When a characteristic, such as that of lover in the case of Panji, is prominent in the majority of stories, this appears to influence not only the character of Rama in ranting tales but the effect is seen even into the basic part of the repertoire. Thus, as one old dalang remarked," Rama can never resist a woman *\ This tale is distinguished from many ranting tales in that its content is fairly constant. As stated, the content of the mass of these tales is not very fixed. This is partly due to the fact that most of the tales do not bear titles; when titles are used, moreover, the same tale may have different titles, or two different tales may bear the same title. The only way of identifying them is by giving a resume of the content; some dalang use the term umbi cerita (the root of the tale) to speak of the title* This umbi implies a resume. There is thus no " handle " by which to refer to a tale and this may partly account for the greatfluidityof the content. The same problem of title is also present, of course, in the literary Panji tales; in oral versions this is magnified. Although the great majority of ranting tales are derived from the Panji cycle, few are easily recognizable as parallel to known literary versions. Most of them are fairly short, and must be regarded as fragments, not containing the full circle of a typical
The Malaysian R&mSyaoa in Performance
135
Panji romance. The typical motifs of the Panji tales are, however, easily recognized in these ranting tales. For example, the following regularly occur: (a) Changing of names. In one tale, for example, R&ma, about to do asceticism, changes his name to Seri Panji Anggung Gunung; Lakjamapa becomes Mesa Hilir; Pak Dogol, Tebu Temandu and Wak Long, Damang Semangkah. The name change may also involve change of appearance, but this is not common with well-known puppets. (b) Sit& is regularly abducted. The story then centres around her recovery. Other women are also abducted, as for example, the princesses destined for Rama's sons. (c) Rama is a great lover. In many stories he is Panji, the lover of a variety of females. (d) Characters become dalang. In one tale Sita becomes a dalang. In several tales, Rama becomes a dalang and performs the first wayang. (e) Sita sometimes becomes a man; she defeats rivals and marries princesses; in a few tales she becomes a penjurit agung, robber). ( / ) Panji names. The enemies of Rama and/or his sons etc., regularly have names from Panji tales, e.g., Ratu Kembang Kuning, Ratu Metaun, Ratu Menua (Benua) Keling. Although many ranting tales may be merely adaptations of existing Panji tales, most dalangs do, to some extent, compose parts of their repertoires. This may merely consist of some tarn* pering with the plot and the addition of new scenes, or may entail composition of new stories. The majority of dalang are somewhat loath to admit that they invent tales. This can only really be appreciated when we understand the dalang"s attitude to the Rfima tree. The story of Rama and R&vapa is no mere legend for the dalang; it is history and generally believed implicitly. It is the root, trunk and branches of the tree which are considered to be most inviolable and it is admitted that many ranting stories may not be so historically valid. Nevertheless, the more conservative of dalang so far from approving of artistic creation, denounce
IfeKafltaraiMTradttoataA*
invention of stories as behwak (lies and untruth). The fact still nmains, however, that few, if any, dakmg are entirely innocent of such invention. The method is to juggle about with various wellused motifs such as the examples listed above. The dakmg is not, of course, confined to using Panji motifs. Often, duplications of motifs from the Certta Maharaja Warn are included: a notable example is that of Hanuman'g begetting sons. In ranting stories, he is often caused to produce further sons who then indulge in various adventures. The permutation of well-used motifs results in the creation of a story which, although new, does not strike one as an obvious fabrication; similarly it is possible to give a new twist to an old tale. Sometimes, motifs may be taken fromfilmsor modern stories but they are unlikely to be used in ranting stories featuring Rama characters unless they harmonize with the existing repertoire. The more obscure of ranting tales are sometimes termed—by extensions of the metaphor—cerim 4am and cerUa bunga (leafandflowerstories).
W O W CITED E. C. G.. 1963. The Malay Mm*)**to the member* of the Royal Asiatic Society.
BABBITT,
C . 1950. (not consulted).
Mama Botha.
UnpwUiahed paper read
UnpohHriied PIU>. thee*.
Allahabad
P u n a , 1946. "The K m Jatah*. A Lao version of the Story of Rama." Journal of Ore Slam Satiety, XXXYT.I.
DBAM NIVAT.
MAXWELL, W. E.,
1886. " Sri Ran*, a fairy tale toM by a Malay rhapsode*." Journal of the Strait* Blanch Royal Asiatic Society, 17. (ronanized by R. O. Winstedt, Journal of the Strobe Broach Meyal Asiatic Society. 55 (1910).
MOUHA,
J.. 1883. Le Royamrn ae Ciarfnaj>. 2 vols., Paris.
W. H., 1922. De Pandji-Remm. Ararienakrn Proeftchrift Leiden. Antwerp. i. W. C , 1915. "Hihayal Seri Rama." Journal of Ore Strain Broach Royal Asiatic Society, 71. STumxHEM, W., 1925. Mama Legeaema ami Mourn Beliefs in ludeaeskm. 2 vols. Munich. t, P. L. AMN.. 1972. The Mamuyum am the Malay Shadvrr-Ftay, Kuala Lumpur: National University of Malaysia Press. , ..1973 a, "TheRasoayaaaia the Malay World," Studies in Indo-Asian Art and Culture {Aeharya Matha Yim Cmmuwotkm Vohsm% vol. 2. -., 1973b. "Piofewioaal Malay Story-telling: Part One: Some questions of style and presentation." Journal of the Malayskn Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, XLVI. 2. Trow, A., 1966. Shoir Era Tasmbaham. Knala Lumpur: (Moid Ureas. I, A., 1928. Die Mama Sage outer den Mahueu, ihrt Herkmnfi mi. Qestahung. Hamburg, f English translation by P.W. Burch with a lore* word by Dr. C. Hooykaaa. The Mama Sam in oMayiin. 1963.)
APPENDIX THE MALAY SHADOW-FLAY The performance of the Wayang Shun is no mere recital. Apart from speaking for his characters and himself* the dabmg is manipulating his puppets, directing the orchestra and straining his ears for afalse note or beat. He must know intimately the characters of his puppets* especially the major ones* which often have quite complex personalities. A good dalang is able to identify himself so completely with the parts he is playing, that he himself experiences with intensity* the emotions of his characters. Each performance is a dramatic re-creation of the story* there being no fixed *4lines" to be learnt. Thus the dalang, while keeping within the bounds of his plot and faithful to the characters of his puppets* has quite some scope to vary the presentation of the story to suit his audience* and he also reveals in creating the drama* his own attitudes towards life and society. The preformance by the puppets consists of talking and action. While the puppets are speaking* the orchestra is silent* except for an odd rattle of the instruments to emphasize the ejaculations of the characters. When talking* the puppets move little, except that their arms (and the mouths of clowns and sages) are moved to illustrate their speech and to indicate the speaker. There may also be minor changes of position on the M set", but major action will require orchestral accompaniment. The clowns are considerably freer in this respect* and during the dialogue, are accustomed to indulge in various capers. On the other hand* during action* such as walking* fighting and flying* the puppets speak very little and the orchestra, consisting of oboe* drums and gongs, plays various tunes in accordance with the type of action and the character appearing; the movements of the puppets are geared to the rhythm of the orchestra Whereas Wayang Jam puppets are clearly imitations of Javanese Wayang Purwa and Wayang Oedog puppets* the style of Wayang Siam puppets is distinctive. In common with Thai Jfang Talung puppets* the majority have one arm articulated* but are* on the whole* somewhat larger* and if not always more coarsely carved* at least more robust than Hang Talung puppets. Traditional male princely characters in both are similar in appearance* both featuring the typical Thai pinnacled crown* but they are by no means identical. Apes WayangSiam^twtr!f%\n^^toXhtSangTalmgtb\iXctx\^ and sages of the of the dewa (demigods)*rttiqasa(orges) and patih (captains) are clearly limitations of Javanese models. Female characters are usually depicted with face in profile* unlike the Nang Tabmg females which are en face, and the traiditional female head-dress has a distinctive form. Compared with Javanese Wayang Purwa puppets, the structure of Wayang Siam puppets is far from stable. There Is usually no difficulty in recognizing the types—thus for example* noble princes, coarse princes* apes* sages* captains—which are fairly constant in form* but it is often impossible to identify individual characters* the form of which, except for a number of chief protagonists* is far from standardized* and a
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dalang may well be incapable of identifying many of the puppets of another dalang. Often* moreover* a dalang will ascribe a name quite arbitrarily to a puppet of the correct type. Many of these names are not permanent and the names of minor puppets are often changed to suit the drama performed. Thus* in an average collection of puppets* numbering well over one hundred pieces* those which are constant in form among the majority of dalang number only about thirty. Even in the case of these characters* certain variations are found and several different forms of the hero Rfana occur. The language of the Wayang Slam is the Kdantan-Batani dialect of Malay but the idiom of the performance differs from that of daily speech. This b due to the fact that the dalang distorts his language in a number of ways in order to achieve a heightened effect. The wayang heroes are noble princes and demi-gods who exist on a higher plane; the dalang cannot allow such heroes to speak the language of peasants. As neither he nor his audience is likely to be very familiar with classical Malay* he achieves the desired highflown effect by introducing various distortions which results in an idiom still intelligible to his auidence* yet sufficiently different from daily speech to be a convincing medium of communication for higher beings. In contrast* the clowns and " country bumpkins " who represent in some respects* mediators between the higher plane of the herores and the lower one of the auidence* when conversing together* use the normal peasant dialect. It slhould be noted that the chief clowns of the Wayang Siam perform the same role as the panakawan of the Javanese and the penasar of the Balinese shadow-play. The chief down of the Wayang Siam is better described as a *# god-clown ", for he is regarded* as in Java* as the reincarnation of the god Sang Yang Tunggal. The majority of dalangs are found in paddy-growing areas. The wayang season thus begins in earnest only after the paddy harvest* and extends to the beginning of the rainy season. A popular dalang may expect to receive invitations to perform which will keep him occupied throughout the season* The traditional way of holding the wayang for entertainment purposes was that one man* a family or even a village would shoulder the expense on some great social occasion such as marriage or circumcision. Nowadays* however* in Kelantan and Southern Thailand* by far the vast majority of performances are organized as a business enterprise. The result seems to be that wayang is now enjoying a possibily unprecedented wave of popularity. The popularity of the wayang cannot be attributed to cultural nationalism expressing itself in support of a traditional Malay art* for the wayang, on the whole, does not interest the more sophisticated of townsfolk* who have their televisions* and is above all the entertainment of the rural people; and few dalangs are townsmen. In effect* it seems there has always been a demand* and the astute Kelantanese business sense is now catering for it. In brief* the system works as follows: an individual with a conveniently situaed piece of land will fence it off and erect a panggung (stage). He will then invite a dalang and his troupe to perform. The agreement may be for a fixed or an indefinite period* in the latter case* as long as a profit is being realized. The proprietor, will sell tickets at the gate. A licence must be
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obtained and tax amounting to about twnety per cent of the takings must be paid. The dakmg will be guaranteed a fixed payment which will be divided among the troupe-members, the dalang receiving the largest share. The number in a troupe is theoretically twelve excluding the dakmg, but in practice it is common to find nine or ten inclusive. A succession of dakmgs will be invited to perform at the same location and each new performer will strive to do a little better than his predecessor. An alternative method is for a dakmg to rent the enclosure from the owner and then organize the enterprise himself. Although at first sight this might appear to be a more rewarding method, it is not popular with the majority of dakmgs for there are all types of problems to be dealt with, and in general, dakmgs who rent enclosures ait the less successful ones who have not received invitations to perform. Very few dakmgs live entirely on their incomes from the wayang, and those who attempt to do so have a meagre existence during the rainy season when they are forced to live on what has been saved during the wayang season, and this is seldom much. The great majority of dakmgs and all the musicians have a secondary occupation, and where the dakmg does not enjoy much success, the wayang will be his secondary occupation. Secondary occupations fall into two categories: the magico-religious and the "secular". The " secular'9 secondary occupation of the majority is tending their patches of land, usually paddy-field. The other type of secondary work, which may be done in conjunction with a secular occupation, is that connected with magico-religious practices. Thus, approximately half of Kelantanesc dakmgs, though less of the younger generation, practise in their spare time as bomoh (folk practitioners). The wayang is not always a mere entertainment in the Western sense, and the dakmg has a dual role in society: entertainer and spirit medium, of which the former predominates: the dakmg may perform between two hundred and three hundred shows in a year of which it is unlikely that more than one or two will be held primarily for purposes other than entertainment. In a sense, of course, every series of performances is a ritual in that before the start of the series, offerings are made and invocations directed to the denizens of the spirit world with the aim of placating the spirits and thus ensuring harmony during the show. The performance itself, however, is most definitely entertainment for humans, not spirits. The magico-religious role of dakmg assumes greatest importance during the berjamm (feast for spirits) rituals. These rituals are performed for various purposes: propitiation of spirits, releasing a person from a vow, and initiating a pupil; but their form is basically the same and consists of a synthesis of Javanese wayang ritual and local spirit mediumship. Although all the berjanm rituals involve propitiation, it is menytmah which is expressly performed for this purpose, having as a major aim, the warding off of the threat of cholera by placating the local spirits. Here the dakmg symbolizes the collective aspirations of the inhabitants of an area and by performing the menyemak, some collective action is being taken, through the dakmg. to interpret and combat an explainable danger where otherwise there would be blind fear of the unknown. The question of the dakmgs* role in the magico-religious sphere is complicated by the fact that many dakmgs abo
The Malaysian Rflmtyaoa in Performance
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function as folk practitioners and although this may. to some extent, be regarded as an extension of the dalang*s magico-rcligious role, this secondary occupation is not generally considered to be an intrinsic part of being a <" although it may exhance his reputation as an individual. The vast majority of dalangs learn their art from a teacher, the few < lions to this merely imitating the performances of others. The teacher is rarely, however, the dalang*s father and the art is not hereditary. A comparison of the repertoire, performance and ritual of a dalang with those of his teacher revealed, in every case examined, considerable differences. There are several reasons for this: it is rare that a dalang learns everything from one source and it is not unusual to have had more than one teacher (whether this be admitted or otherwise). A novice may learn the rudiments from a relative or neighbour who knows a little dalang-stup and then join a troupe as a muisican or have himself accepted as a pupil by a dalang of repute. A dalang may further lean pieces of repertoire from persons who are not even dalangs, and information is also gleaned by observing the performances of other dalangs. It is clear, therefore, that every dalang's knowledge resembles to a greater or lesser extent a pot-pourri gathered from several sources. An individual may wish *o become a dalang for several reasons, but the primary motive is nearly always that he experiences intense pleasure from observing the wayang and that he has the urge and angin to perform himseir Angin, usually meaning " wind ", here has a more specialized sense. It implies not only a strong penchant for the wayang, but also a susceptibility to be moved greatly by the rhythm of orchestra and a capability of identifying oneself completely with the characters of the drama, causing one to experience interne emotion. If an individual does not control his angin, he may lapse into a trance, a state of auto-hypnosis, which in the berjamu ritual is deliberately induced.
RAMAYANA IN MALAYSIA By ISMAIL HUSSEIN The Malays of the Malay Peninsula are totally Islamised; in fact within the society, to be converted into Islam is expressed as 4 to become a Malay' (=masuk Melayu). There was an Indianderived script in the pre-Islamic period; we have stone-inscriptions in this script dating from the end of the seventh century. However the classical Malay literature that we have now is written entirely in the Arabic script during the Islamic period. But inspite of this, pre-Islamic Indian literary traditions keep persisting, and with it the Ramaya?a tradition. Unfortunately Indian literary elements in Malay have been badly studied, most of the 25 odd Ramayaga manuscripts available having hardly been touched upon. Malay RamayaQa scholars have so far concentrated on the three published manuscripts/versions, that of Roorda van Esynga, Shellabear and Maxwell. As to the large number of related Indian-derived fiction (hikayat) which would assist us so much in the understanding of the nature of Indian influences, and with it the understanding of Malay RamayaQa, these have so far hardly received any academic attention. Within the Malay Archipelago, Java and Bali have always been the focus of studies on the Indian influences in the area, and generalisations on the two islands are often unfairly extended to the surrounding area. Bali and Java are however very much of exceptional cases. Bali has never been Islamised, so it provides an unbroken continuity with its Hinduistic past. Java is Islamised, but its very strong Hindu-Javanese substratum, and its very rich architectural and other material heritage from the Indian period, makes it very much an exception. The Malays of the reninsula on the other hand have none of these features, the country is devoid of Indian architectural monuments. A few of the older BhuddistHinduistic customs persist in the Malay way of life, in their wedding ceremonies and some other rituals, but all of these are devoid of their former religious significance. Many studies have of course been made by European scholars on the pre-Islamic elements in Malay culture; these scholars have been excited by their historical significance and exoticism. But much of these are at the expense
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of distorting the actual nature of the 4 post-Islamic' Malay culture. A case in point is the interest on the shadow play (wayang kulit) art, an art which is isolated on the north-east coast of the peninsula, and was dying, had it hot been for the encouragement and interest given by European connoisseurs. Dr Amm Sweeney had made an excellent documentation and study of this which is important for us here, since it related to the Ramayaga tradition. But whatever it is, the significance of the wayang within the Malay society can in no way be compared with its tremendous role within the Javanese society. The Ramayaga tradition in Malaysia then has to be looked into within this context. It is how the Ramayaga tradition persists within an essentially Islamic society; the Ramayaga within such a society is understandably regarded as part of the Hindu-Buddhistic religious beliefs. The Indian cultural tradition had been deeply implanted upon the Malay mind for centuries, and with Islamisation from about the 13th century, confrontation between the two cultures was inevitable. But it had been an ever peaceful confrontation. It is remarkable that the earliest copy of the Malay Ramayana manuscript that we now have, deposited in the Bodleian Library in 1633, had been collected at the peak of an extremely (Islamic) religious period in Malay literature. The text was written in the Arabic script in a vocabulary obviously shaped by the new Islamic civilisation, and although there were slight attempts to adapt and change a few names and incidents, the essential story remained in tact. The most 4 permanent * or the most * pure' form of the Malay Ramayapa tradition is embodied in these hand-written manuscripts. But within an essentially agrarian and illiterate society, the test of popularity and endurance of such a tradition, should not be expected within the hand-written manuscripts which were extremely limited in circulation. It is in the oral forms that we must look into. Here it is first borne by the shadow play form. The Malay shadow play being a continuous living tradition from the past and being confined to a small homogenuous area in the peninsula, should theoretically maintain a measure of consistency in its form and content. The actual oral tradition on the other hand, being widespread and diffused, would not maintain such a consistency, so one could expect tremendous divergences. By all indications the spread of the RfimftyaQa
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stories within the Malay society, both in the written and oral forms, have been extensive and deeply rooted. But of course in the confrontation with the Islamic philosophy, its shape and ideals have been eroded or modified. With Islamisation, the RAmiyaQa story soon lost its 4 religiousv connotation, and conscious attempts were made to obliterate its * Indianness \ especially by substituting the proper names. Islam is strictly a severe and rational religion and it lacks the mythology and fantasy that the Malay people had been used to. So the Indian world of demi-gods and super-natural beings continue tofillin the gap, and they are' secularised9 — they became mere stories and fantasies. As such the Ramayaga story for example is open to all types of modifications and interpolations. But due to this * secularisation ' too, it is possible to reintroduce the Malay R&mayaQa as a school text-book during this century, and together with it to revive with pride the Ramayapa wayang tradition and from there it has now extended to * Ram&yaQadances, * which is supported by the Malaysian Ministry of Culture itself. Rimayaoa is in fact reviving in Malaysia now, thanks to nationalism and historical pride, and above all due to the search for unifying elements for the new Malaysia. The R&m&yaQa motif that is being revived in'Malaysia, although based on its indigenous tradition, is coming closer in its ethical ideals to the basic Indian Ramayaoa. As I have indicated the * purest * form of Malay R&mfiyaoa is embodied in the hand-written manuscripts, the earliest available manuscript came from late 16th or early 17th century. Although some 25 old manuscripts are available, focus of attention has been exclusively placed on two recensions, that of Roorda van Esynga (published in 1843) and of Shellabear (published in 1915). The Malay R&mfiyaoa version as exemplified by these two recensions differ considerably from Valmiki's Ramiyaga, and at the beginning scholars thought that this was due to Indonesian influence. W.Stutterheim and A. Zieseniss who did major works in the subject however pointed out to the Indian sources for nearly the whole of the saga, and Zieseniss also demonstrated that it represented a post-epic saga and was carried by word of mouth to the Archipelago between the 13th and 17th centuries, partly from Western and partly from Eastern India. Axnin Sweeney once made the observation that the study of other Malay manuscripts reveals that
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much more of the Malay Rfim&yava resembles the Thai Rama Saga than is apparent from the Stutterheim-Zieseni&s research, but no published data are yet available on this. Amin Sweeney's major attention was concentrated exclusively on the Rama stories in the Malay shadow play (the Wayang Siam). He compared intensively some 24 versions from the living puppeteers, and then counter-compare these with the Malay and Thai literary versions. The variety of the wayang versions is as to be expected; no two versions are identical to each other, but all of them possess common features which distinguish them from Malay and Thai literary versions. But the connection with the literary version is also obvious; the majority of the motifs of the wayang stories are also found in the Malay and/or Thai literary versions. So in all we can speak of a Rama wayang version, but this we cannot do with the actual Malay oral version. Unfortunately so far only one Malay Ramayaija oral story has been collected and transcribed, and this was by Willism E. Maxwell, published in 1886. Juan R. Francisco made an extensive comparison of this text with that of the Malay literary version and with the general Ramayaga version. This folk version is still recognisably a Rama story, inspite of the localisation of certain personal and place names, and the expected interpolations and accretions. The main motif remains. It is from here that I would like to draw the attention to the University of Malaya Malay Manuscript No. 20, entitled Syair Agung which has no other copy known and which has never been taken into notice before. Syair Agung is a long narrative poem, the manuscript is in three volumes, totalling nearly a thousand pages, and containing about ten thousand four-lined verses in the syair form. The syair form, though Arabic in name* has now been proved to be indigenous, and was first popularised early in the 17th century to propagate Islamic teaching. Syair Agnung is a longwinded narrative of the love and life as well as adventures and wars of a great king, King Agung (agung=grand, illustrious, supreme), with his two * cousins', Halam and Cahaya Keinderaan. The relationship of the trio, not considering their birth, reminds us very much that of Rfima-Lak«amaQa-Sit&. Cahaya Keinderaan became the lover and then the wife of Agung, while Halam was the ever loyal * brotherf and companion to Agung. In fact the
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The Ramayana Tradition in Ash
first 1,750 verses of the poem (from page 1 to page 183) follow the major motif of Ramayana, that of love, of the heroine's kidnap by an evil king, of the long search, and finally of rescue. On first impression, none of the proper names resembles those in the Valmiki and Malay Ramayana versions so far known; the name Langkapuri (the Malay form for Lanka) occurs in the later stage of the story but in a totally different context. Another place name Anta Beranta which occurred in Maxwell's version of Malay oral Rama story, re-appeared in Syair Agung as Beranta, but again in dissimilar contexts. The incidents that grow within the basic framework for the larger part hardly remind us of the Ramayana although most of them are undoubtedly Indian in origin. With all these the idea that the Syair Agnung is in anyway connected to Ramayana is purely hypothetical; it needs intensive comparison and study before any definitive statement could be made. But if we assume for the time being that the first part of the Syair is derived from the Ramayana tradition, then we can make some interesting observations. The names of the major characters Rama, Laksamana and Slta have been completely Maloyised in extremely fitting ways: Rama is renamed as Agung,' The Supreme One', Laksmana is substituted by the name Halam («=Alam), * The World \ while Slta has become Cahaya Keinderaan (cahaya— light; ko-/nifra-an»realm of the gods), "The Light of Heaven*. And if we consider the complete Ramayana motif of love, kidnap, search and rescue should come as the first one-fifth of a long story about the life of a great king, then perhaps we could imagine the Rama story here as has become a sort of initiation rite for a kingly life. This is indeed a little far-fetohed, but it is an interesting thought. Of course Agung has lost much of the moral ideals of Rama. Once while in search for Cahaya Keinderaan for example (see 6. xiv below) he was challenged by Halum to prove his manhood by sleeping with a princess — and he did although he professed many times that his love was only for Cahaya Keinderaan and he would commit suicide if he didn't find her. In his later kingly life, that is in the continuation of the story beyond the Ramayana motif, Agung kept remarrying, while Cahaya Keinderaan remained pathetically helpless but ever loyal wife. The loyalty and dedication of Halam towards Agung proved true till the very end, although Halam was by no means an ideal man especially in hit later life, if considered by his behaviour towards women. In fact
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one can generalise that there is degeneration of moral and ethical values in the Syair Agung with the exception of an emphasis on loyalty towards the king — and this last fits in very well with the feudal Malay value system. But this degeneration of moral and ethical ideals must also be seen in the fact that Syair Agung is a rather late version. Internal and external evidences indicate that the text must have been put down into writing from oral tradition during the second half of the 19th century, and this was done as it was specifically mentioned at the request of a Chief (—Penghulu) (Vol. 2, page 227). Syair Agung is in fact an amalgamation of various types of literary motifs already present in Malay literature; most of them are of the Indian-type, but there are also traces of Javanese and Islamic influences. The importance of Syair Agung is not to be seen in the actual version of the Manuscript No. 20, but in its possible archetype which might have existed earlier in Malay literature whether in written or oral form. The ' degeneration * of the present version is understandably the result of centuries of imposition of Islamic teaching,'thus eroding the values and meanings of a former culture. But the fact that late in the 19th century a motif of the Ramftyana still lingered on in the Malay mind and this motif was very much different from the versions that persist in the living tradition of the Malay shadow play—this certainly speaks very much for the place that the Ramiyana had taken in the Malay culture. This also should give the validity for its rightful revival in the new Malaysian culture. Below is given the outline of the first 183 pages (1,730 fourlined verses) of the Syair Agung. The war of annihilation of the evil king who kidnapped Cahaya Keinderaan occupies the next 175 pages (about 1,660 verses). The remaining 638 pages of the manuscript relate the less adventurous period of the king. Cahaya Keinderaan is here abbreviated as CK: (i) A king of the upper-world Oangga Sakti married Oemala Sakti and had two children Betara Ir.dera and Botara Udara. The children later married and three grandchildren were born to king Oangga Sakti, two of them were named Sulung Mengindera and Suiting Putera. The three children were brought down to earth, transformed as three flowers, dropped into a pool where wild animals came to drink.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia (ii) A goat and a deer came to drink at the pool and swallowed two flowers leaving one. The animals became pregnant, the goat gave birth to a human boy, Agung Gempita, while the deer to a girl, Cahaya Keinderaan (CK). Both of them were brought up in the jungle with love by their mothers. (iii) The other flower left in the pool was swallowed by a tigress, which later gave birth to a boy, Halam Gempita. (iv) The three children were brought up separately in the wild jungle. One day while wandering about Agung met with Halam, and later on with CK. The three of them lived together when the tigress (Halam's mother) ate the goat and the deer. Halam then killed his mother in order to demonstrate his solidarity with the other two. The three of them left their jungle home and wandered for 44 days in search for human settlement. (v) They finally met a fairy god-mother Nenek Kebayan, (further abbreviated as NK) who adopted them. Sultan Syah Johan, the king of Beranat, the kingdom in which they were, had a daughter Indera Bangsaman. While walking Halam playfully shot an arrow at the King's palace, which then became tilted. The King promised the hand of his daughter to whoever that could straightten up the palace. Halam did so, but he was reluctant to marry the princess for fear of breaking up with Agung and CK. But everybody encouraged him, especially Agung, because Agung was becoming closer to CK. Halam agreed and he departed for the 40-day wedding ceremony at the palace with Agung accompanying him, leaving behind CK and NK.
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(vii) In the palace Agung fainted on hearing the kidnap-news. On recovering he asked permission from the King to go in search for CK. Halam insisted on accompanying but Agung refused even though he agreed to a few soldiers to follow his trail later on. However, he gave Halam a ring (the stone of) which would turn red if he were in danger, and white if he was *afe. (viii) Outside the city Agung made use of his magical arrow to bring about a green winged horse (kuda semberani) on which he rode into the jungle. The next day the King ordered a group of soldiers to follow him. The King began to suspect the peculiar behaviour of three and guessed they must be from the upper-world. (ix) Agung travelled A with sadness and determination' in search of his loved one, and made a vow to commit suicide if he failed. Once he rested under a tree on top of which lived three ghosts (hantu rindu—ghosts of longing). The ugly and monstrous looking daughter of the ghosts fell in love with Agung and tried to marry him, but he resisted violently. The three ghosts then tortured Agung until he fainted several times. (x) At this, in the palace, Halam's ring turned red which was the sign that Agung was in danger. Halam request* ed permission of leave from his wife in order to follow Agung, and he declined the King's offer of soldiers accompanying him. Outside the city Halam made use of the magic of his sword to bring about a whitecoloured winged horse, on which he rode into the jungle. Arriving at a wide open field, he rested under a shady tree, on top of which were three monkeys originated from the upper-world, but under a curse by Gangga Betara—they would become human again if they were to meet a man of honour (amulia). The two big monkeys recognised Halam as their nephew. While they were telling this to the daughter, Agung overheard it. He fell down from the tree and beheaded the three monkeys. Two disappeared and turned into demigods, while one was transformed into a beautiful
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia princess who captured Halam* s heart. At the instigation of the demi-gods Halam married the princess. The demi-gods related to Halam that he and the princess were actually cousins. Halam related his search for Agung. The demi-gods requested Halam to take care of their daughter, gave him a magic ring and arrow, and transformed the princess into Pahlawan Udara (Warrior of the Air). They also brought about a horse for her to ride to follow Halam in the search. The two demi-gods returned to the upper-world, while Halam continued his search with his new-found wife. (xi) Agung was continuously being torttired by the ghosts; finally he was to be burnt up in a hole. At this moment, his grand-father Gangga Sakti came down to earth, rescued him and brought him up to the Upper-world, where he was washed, dressed, and made invulnerable before he was brought down to earth again, to the same spot where he was tortured. Agung feeling strong and fresh, was surprised to see Gangga Sakti besides him. Gangga Sakti told him of their relationship, and was happier still to hear that CK was his cousin because this would enable him to marry her. Gangga Sakti gave Agung a gemala, luminous bezoar (cambul gemala kurti) for use in setting up a kingdom or in trying to escape from any difficult situation. In order to use it the gemala had to be placed on the ground and the name of Gangga Sakti was to be called out. Also given was a ring which would fulfil all wishes. All these were in preparation for war against the king of the genii. Gangag Sakti then disappeared. (xii) While Agung was riding towards the middle of the open field, he met Halam and Pahlawan Udara. The three of them then attacked and killed the three ghosts. The ghosts were transformed into demi-gods and they returned to the upper-world. Soon they descended to earth again to admit defeat to Agung, while informing that they were actually Merga Pati and had been under a curse.
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(xiii) In their further wandering the trio came upon a prison made of copper in which were enclosed two sons of Raja Candra, i.e. Sulung Halim Udara and Usui Terjali, kidnapped by one king of the genii. Agung made Halam break the prison lock, the two princes were released and they offered their services to the trio. The genii king came and was furious at the escape of his prisoners. In subsequent struggle he was killed. (xiv) The five companions then continued their journey and came upon a cave, called Gua Pancuran (Cave of Fountains) in which lived Seroja (Lotus) the daughter of Sultan Agas Shahperi who was doing ascetic devotion (tapa) on Ra'ina Mountain. On finding the entrance to the cave the five changed into birds, the two princess Sulaung and Usui, led the way to the princess. Agung was reluctant to follow because he did not want to meet any woman before he found his beloved CK. Halam however challenged Agung's manhood, and this forced Agung to enter. He slept with the princess during the night. Thus the princess was regarded as his wife. While bathing in the pool Agung realized that Pahlawan Udara (the disguised second wife of Halam) was in fact a woman and he seemed to be attracted to her more than to CK. After relaxing for seven days in the cave, they continued on their journey. (xv) The five came upon another wide open field, the play* ground of the king of the genii (now called Sultan Agas Beranta). With the magic of his ring Agung created a restine place, which was quite close to Taman Angsuka, the forbidden garden built by the genii king to please his kidnapped queen. Agung and his companion obtained all this information from an old lady who was staying nearby. (xvi) Agung longed to see the Queen who might be his beloved CK. Knowing then the Queen was bathing in the pool, Agung transformed himself as a baby, and was carried by one of his companions who himself was transformed into a nurse. The Queen came to be extremely fon^
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The Ramayana Tradition in An of the baby, and when leaving she gave the child a ring and a scarf, and promised to meet him again the neit day. She informed the baby that he reminded her of her loved one. Agung became very sure that she was CK. (xvii) Agung and Halam then transformed themselves into a beetle and a bird (burung serojawali; rajawali—king of birds?) and entered the palace. In the palace he transformed himself again into the genii king (Sultan Agas Beranta), while Halam changed back into himself. The Queen refused to sleep with the disguised Agung thinking that he was the genii king. However he was able to pursuade her to give a ring before he left her bedroom. Halam tried to sleep with the Queen's companion, Princess Seroja, but she chased him out even though he was able to get a scarf from her. (xviii) The next day Agung and his companion again took the baby-nurse roles and met the Queen in the garden. The Queen saw her ring on the baby's finger and asked wherefrom they got it, and was told that it was from her bedroom. The Queen and her ladies began to be suspicious of the visitors and thought that they might be evil spirits; so she quickly retreated back to the palace, even though the baby pleaded in tears for her to stay. In the palace the genii king informed her that he was leaving for Pokok Nyiram Dewa (pokok=trec, nyiram=sprinkle, bathe, dewa=god, demi-god) to pay homage to Baginda Dewa. (xix) In the meantime Agung and Halam discussed as to how to rescue CK. They then transformed themselves into birds, one into a parrot (nuri) and the other into a senjawangi (?) (senja=dusk, wangi=fragrant). Agung being disguised as the parrot informed the Queen that he was a messenger from Agung, her love. CK fell into tears and pleaded to the bird to ask Agung to rescue her from her misery.
in Malaysia
I»
(xx) The parrot thenflewout of the room and later on when she was asleep re-entered. On opening her eyes she saw Agung, her long yearned for lover. She pleased him to rescue her, otherwise she would kill herself. Agung hid her and several of her maids in the gemala, luminous bezoar (that was given by Gangga Sakti7),and together with his companions rescued them out of the palace. Using the gemala again, he created a kingdom with a seven-tiered city, complete with ministers and warriors. The mood was joyous, the reunited trio related to each other their past experiences. Agung was made the King of the kingdom, CK his Queen, and Halam his Prime Minister.
BIBLIOGRAPHY E.CG. Barrett, * Further light on Sir Richard Winstedt's Undescribed Malay version of the Ramayana'* BSOAS 26-3, 1963, 531-43; A. Dozoh, 'Etude sur le Roman Malay de Sri Rama*, Journal Asiatique 4erne Seric Tome VII, 1846: Farid Mohd. Qnn, Certia Scri Rama, Kuala Lumpur, 1963; Juan R. Francisco, * The Rama story in post-Muslim Malay literature ol Southeast Asia', Sarawak Museum Journal 10, 19-20, 1962, 468-85; Gerth van Wijk, * lets over verschillende Maleische redacties van den Sri Rama9, TBG 34, 1891,; Ismail Hussein, The study of traditional Malay literature with a selected bibliography, Kuala Lumpur 1974; H. H. Juynboll, * Ben episode uit het Oudindische Ramayana vergeleken met de Javaansche en Maleische bewerkingen \ BKI 50, 1899;—Indonesiche en Achterindische Tonnelvoof stellingen uit het Ramayana', BKI 54, 1902; J. Kats, 'The Ramayana in Indonesia', BSOAS 4, 1926-28; W.E. Maxwell,'Sri Rama, a fairy tale told by a Malay rhapsodist *, JSBRAS 17,1886; H. Overbeck,' Hikayat Maharaja Ravana', JMBRAS 11-2, 1933; Ph. S. van Ronkel,A Aantekeningen op een ouden Maleisch Ramayana tekst', BKI 75,1919:—4 The Ramayana in Malaya*. Acta Orientalia 7,1929; Roorda van Esynga, P. P., Gescheiden is van Sri Rama, beroemd Indisch Heroisch Dichstuk, oorspronklijk van Valmic en naar eene Maleische vertaling daarvan.. .Amsterdam 1843; H.B. Sarkar, Indian influences on the literature of Java and Bali, Calcutta 1934; S. Singaravelu, A comparative study of the Rama story in South India and Southeast Asia Kuala Lumpur 1966;—'A comparative study of the Sanskrit Tamil, Thai and Malay versions of the story of Rama*.. \ Siam Society Journal 56, 1958; P. L. Amin Sweeney, The Ramayana and the Malay shadow play, Kuala Lumpur, 1972; W. Stutterheim, Rama-legenden und Rama-Reliefs in Indonesian, Munchen 1925; R. M. Sutjipto Wirjosuparto, ' Rama stories in Indonesia, Jakarta 1969; R. O. Winstedt,' Hikayat Sri Rama, romanised by...', JSBRAS 55,1910;—* An undescribed Malay version of the Ramayana * JSRAS 1944;' A Patani version of the Ramayana', Fesstbundel Bataviaasch Oenootschap 1778—1928, Batavia 1928; A. Zieseniss, The Rama Saga in Malaysia, Singapore 1963.
THE RAMAYANA IN THE PHILIPPINES By JAUN R. FRANCISCO
This paper is a discussion of the Ramayam version as found in the literature of one of the ethnic groups in the Philippines. It will discuss the story relative to the Indian Ramayam and to the version found in the Malay literatures. It shall also deal with the interpolations and accretions of the Philippine version; and its probable date. In an early work11 discussed the Indian influences in Philippine literature in two levels, parallel elements and motif indices. The discussions were limited only to brief, or even fortuitous, sometimes hazy, episodes or indices. At that time, I had not discovered narratives showing extensive borrowings from a much greater literary tradition like the Indian. In a later work 1 1 refuted some of my earlier conclusions, and put into sharper focus the indigenous nature of some of my earlier conclusions. In 1968,1 discovered a Maranao text titled Maharadia Lawana* a condensed version of the Ramayaga. The Maranao version tells of Maharadia Lawana, the eightheaded son of the Sultan and Sultaness of Pulu Bandi anna sir. He was so irascible that his father banished him to Pulu Nagara, and island. Later he returned to his father's kingdom where he regained his father's grace. In another kingdom, Radia Mangandiri and Radia Mangawa, sons of the Sultan and Sultaness of Agama Niog, set out on a 10 year sea journey to court Tuwan Potre Malaila Tihaia, daughter of the Sultan and Sultaness of Pulu Nabandai. On the way, they 1
See Jaun R. Francisco, Indian Influences in the Philippines (with •pedal reference to language and literature) Quezon City, University of the Philippines, 1964. 0 See Jaun R. Francisco, Philippine Palaeography, Quezon City: linguistic Society of the Philippines. 1973.
156
The Ramayana Tradition in Aria
were shipwrecked and were, by coincidence, washed ashore to Pulu Nabandia. Soon Mangandiri won the hand of Tuwan Potre Malaia Canding (Tihaia). But after some time, he and Mangawarna became homesick and decided to return to their homeland During the journey, Malaila Ganding saw a golden-honied deer grazing and wanted it caught. But the deer turned out to be a ruse so that Maharadia Lawana could abduct Malaila Ganding. Meanwhile, Mangandiri dreamt that he begot a monkey childLaksamana. It turned out the dream was true. Later, Lakaamana, by accident, met Mangandiri, and Mangawarna and helped them rescue Malaila Ganding. In the end, Lawana rules with justice, Laksamana metamorphosed into a handsome datu. Mangandiri and his wife and his brother returned to Agama Niog, where they lived happily ever after. To show the Indian epic RSmayana's influence on Maranao literature, the Maharadia Lawana (ML) will be compared with the Hikayat Sen Rama (HSR)8, the Hikayat Maharaja Ravana (HMR)4 and a Malay Fairy Tale (FT) based on RSmayaya* The comparison shall be primarily on three aspects—the major characters and their relationships with each other; the names of the important places and episodes connected with these places; and interpolations and accretions. The Major Characters: In the Maranao version, the birth of Radia Mangandiri or of his brother Radia Mangawarna, is not described, unlike in the HSR/ HMR and the Ramayaria. The brothers are merely described as sons of Sultan and Sultaness of Agama Niog. Similarly, in the fairly tale, there is no mention of the birth of Sri Rama • Hikayat Sen Rama (Text) in JRAS-SB LXH, 1917. With introduction to this text, which is a manuscript in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, by W.G Shcllabear, in JRAS-SB LXX, 1917. *H. Overbeck in JRAS-MB XI P. I l l Passim. • W. E. Maxwell, "Sri Rama, A Fairy Tale told by a Malay Rhapsotfst, "JRAS-SB. XVII, May 1886.
157
The Rafliayana in the Philippines
(Mangandiri) nor of the heroine's. The Fairy Tale merely relates that Sri Rftma was unhappy about his childless marriage with Princess Sakutum Bunga Satangkei. Major Characters and Their Relationship with each other— Maharadia Lawana Radia Mangandiri
Fairy Talc Sri Rama
Tuwan Potrc Malano Sakutum Bunga Satangkei Tihaia
HSR/HMR
Rfaniyaoa
Sri Rama/Rama
Rfima
Sita Dcwj/Dcwi
sita
Laksamana, son of Kra Kechil Imam Tabalwai/ Radia Mangandiri Janggadulawa Terganga by Potre Langawi
Ku£a, Lava
Radia Mangawamr.
Raja Laksamana
Laksamana/ Laksamana
Laksmaoa
laha^ana
Shah Nuraan
Hanuman
Hanmnln
Maharadia Lawana
Maharaja Duwana Ravana
Rftvana
The names of Sita and of her sons, KuSa and Lava, are entirely different in Maharadia Lawana, as well as in the Fairy Tale. Sita becomes Tuwan Potre Malano (Malaila) Tihaia (Ganding) in Maharadia Lawana, and Sakutam Bunga Satangkei—" Single Blossom on a Stalk "—in the Fairy Tale. In HSR, She is Sita Dewi, born of the second Mandu-dari (the double of Ram's mother) and Dagaratha. It implies that Rama in Ramayana married his own half sister. In the Fairy Tale, Ku£a and Lava are Kra Kechil Imam Terganga, which implies that' the son is born a monkey (Kra), * small monkey " (Kechil) " a leader among simians " (imam terganga). Kra Kechil's monkey birth is explained by the transformation of Sakutam and Sri Ram into monkeys on their excursion to acquire a son. There is no clue to the entirely different development of his name from KuSa-Lava (Ramdya^a) to Tabalwari (HSR) and Janggapulawa (HMR). The question may be assigned to an
I5|
Tin Remaysna TrmdhtoptoAda
independent source which may be indigenous Malay. In HSR, Ram's monkey son was not directly born of Sita Dewi. As an embryo, he was massaged out of Sita Devi womb, wrapped and thrown into the sea, where it fell into the mouth of Dewi Anjati, who gave birth to a monkey son. But in the Maharadia Lawana, the identities of Kuia and Lava are not clear. They could not be the sons of Mangandiri and Malaia Oanding who were childless. Nor could they be represented by Laksamana. Laksamana's birth (ML) is similar to the monkey-sons' birth in other versions, except the Ramayana. Laksamana is born of Potre Langawi, Queen of the East, who, mistaking Mangandiri's testicle for a precious stone, swallowed it. {In ML, Mangandiri dreamt he was gored by a wild carabao and his testicle was thrown to the east where it was swallowed by Potre Langaw). In Ramayana- even in its popular version- this episode is entirely absent. Thus it may be safely said that this episode is traceable to indigenous literary traditions. Laksamana's birth is relatively complicated to trace. In Rimayana, the monkey son is Hanuman. Hanum&n becomes Shah Numan in the Fairy Tale, and Shah Numan is a ' Grand parent" of Kra Kechil. (Shah appears to be a corruption of the Sanskrit Hanuman, the monkey general in the army of SugrTva, who helped Rama recover Sita.' The title Shah may have been mistaken by the rhapsodist from Perak, who narrated the tale, to be corrupted in Hanuman. Shah Numan is a monarch in the monkey world by the Sea. Yet Hanuman's adventures are those of Kra Kechil, not of Shah Numan. In HSR, Hanuman* is the son of Sita Dewi, and Sri Rama and is born through Dewi Anjati. There seems no internal evidence to suggest Hanuman's development to Laksamana in Maharadia Lawana. Even in the larger versions of episode in Daragen, this development ii not verifiable. A most interesting development is the relationship of Laksamana and Sri Rama (FT). Laksamana, who bears the title of 'Maxwll, be. ett. writes a net* to the name that Hanuman was the " moneky king In the Ramayana." This is not exactly so. * In an Indian version, Hanuman is the ion of Havana, the god of the winds, by Anjana, wife of monkey, Xesari.
11»!UunayinatatheHu1ippincfl
***•
Raja, is Sri Ram's elder brother. But this relationship changes slightly in Ramayana. Here, Rama (Sri Rama, FT) is the first born of Dasaratha and Laksmana the third, born of a different mother. In Maharadia Lawana, they are Radia Mangandiri and Radia Mangawarna, respectively, brothers born of the same parents. Their relationship therefore forms a double single consanguinal line in contrast with the Rama-Laksamana kinship that forms a single double line. It is indeed interesting to note that certain cultural factors may be operating in the kin structure of the dramatis personae of the story. Basing on the kinship pattern in Ramayana, it would appear that Mangawarna is Mangar.diri's younger brother. But the Mangandiri Mangawarna relationship seems more of equals than that of Rama and Laksamana. Laksamana in the Fairy Tale is also a diviner, a man well versed in sorcery. This attribute seems to be an allusion to the art of divination still practised by Malay sorcerers and devil dancers. The attempts to divine whether Sri Rama would have a child are exactly those of u Malay Pawang' of present day. Raja-Laksamana's title and name are contradictory terms in the Malay language. Laksamana, in Malay, means "Admiral", the name with which Hang Tuah compared himself in ISth century Malacca10. Maharadia Lawana (Ravana in Xdntiyaga and HSR/HMR/) in the Maranao story is both villain and hero-ulthough he is considered less of a hero because he abducted Mangandiri'* wife. It it interesting to note that the Maranao story presents him first, describing him as an ambivalent young man — one with vile tongue. • Maxwell loach. ' Malay, pawang (1) magician experts in spoilt, talismans, drugs, and some pssuliar Industry; (2) a shaman who invokes ancestral spirits, Hindu gods, Arabian genie, and Allah to leveal the cause of illness or drought or pestilence and aeeept placatory saetiflees. See R. 0. Windtedt. " Notes on Malay Matte" JKAI-MB V. 2, pp. 342-347. M 8ee R. O. Wlnstedt, Malay-English Dictionary. It is certain that the Hang Tuah of the llth century Malacca may have been a ruling sultan who at the same time was an admiral of the navy.
Ml
The Ramayana Tradition in
Lawana is Maharadia Duwana, a ruler of less violent tendencies, in the Fairy Tale. Duwana's position seems interesting.11 He rules an island equivalent to Lanka Kachapuri. (See Names of Places). After he abducted Princess Sakutam, he discovered that he was consanguinally related with the Princess who stood to him as a daughter to a father. The kinship is not mentioned in RdmSr yca/a and in HSR. In HSR, Ravajta (Duwana, FT) actually had carried away the princess* double.11 Only two important place names are taken up here- Pulu Agama Niog and Pulu Bandiarmasir in Maharadia Lawana. Maharadia Lawana
Fairy Tale
Pulu Agama Niog
TanjoogBuoga
Pulu Bandiarmasir
Kachapuri
HSR/HMR Mandupuri Nagara/ Mandurapura Bukit Scrindib (Later Langkanuri/Langkapura
RAmiyaja Ayodhjri Lanka
There are no traces of Dasaratha's City, Ayodhya (R&m&yaQa), in the other versions. What appears to be its counterpart in HSR is Mandupuri Nagara. It has Sanskrit suffixes e.g. Maly Puri (Sanskrit Pura- City " Ruler's private apartments in a palace" and nagara, negara, Sanskrit, nagaia-city)—"state, country, the top of the hill". " Mandupuri Nagara11 may, therefore, mean "the city of Mandu on top of hill, *9 if it were literally interpreted. Tanjong "See H. Overbade, • Hikayat Mahanja Ravana," JRAS-MB XI 2. Dec 1933 pp. Ill passim. This Hikayat is not dated. Although its title carries the name of lUvaea it really tells the story of Rftma, his exile, his search for Slti his combat with Rftvaqa, and the return of Sitft, who is purified in the pyre. The entire Hikayat shows the influences (?) of the RAraayapa the HSR, and it appears that it could be the source of the Fairy Tale. M In the HSR, Mandudari had already given birth to a son, Sen Rama. When she was " given " by Dasarata to Ravana, Mandudari retired into the inner apartments. There, from the secretion of her skin she produced by mnsigc a mass which she first changed into a frog, then into a woman exactly like herself. She dressed her double with her own clothes and seat her to the kit*. " Although the story of Seri Remain the HSR commences only on page fl of the text, the city is mentioned for thefirsttime on page 62.
The Ramayana in the Philippines
Ml
Bunga (FT) Sri Rama's City- which could also be interpreted as his farther's city- shows an independent development. Similarly, no traces of Pulu Agama Niog—which may mean the " City on an island of accounts "—are found in other versions. The events in Lapka (Ramayana), Mandupuri (HSR) Langkapuri (FT), do not similarly occur in Puly Bandiarmasir (ML) which is reminiscent of the city of Bandjarmasin in southwestern Borneo. (Whether Bandiarmasir has any relation to Bandjarmasin is not certain; it is a problem that needs further investigation). W. E. Maxwell14 inteprets Kachapuri to be Conjeevcram (the Kanchipuram of the inscriptions and literature) in the Coromandel (Cholamandala) coast in South India. He interprets it further to be the " Kachchi in Tamil Literature "15. There is no evidence to suggest the development of Kachapuri from Lanka. It seems that Kanchipuram was yet unknown when the Ramayana was first told although it may already have been known when later versionslike the Tamil Rama Story of Kambar—came out. Probably, the Fairy Tale may have other sources, besides HSR, from which this interesting interpolation may have been lifted. Even the phonetic development of the wbrd is curious. Ravana's island kingdom, Bukit Serindib (HSR), was already know in Arab records on Southeast Asia as Serindib16. It was later called Langkapuri, which follows closely Lanka, the island kingdom in Ramayana, with the Puri accretion. 14
16
op, cit.
Ibid. His authority is Yule's Glossary, pp. 782. Serindib is mentioned (Dimaski 1325) as one of the islands along with the west-east route (from Arabia) in which Malaya closes the chain—" serindib (Ceylon) and Sribuza—" see and Cf. J. L. Moens, "Srivijaya, Yavat en Katah, JRAS-MB XVII 2, January 1940 p. 85. A check with the Malay Annals (Sejarah Malayu) does not show the name Bukit Serindib or Serindib. But a modern name is known as Ceylon already (see ** Outline of the Malay Annals: Shell abear's romanized edition, Singapoore, 1909. Chapter XXVIII in "The Malay Annals of Sejarah Malayu** (The Earliest RECESSION from Ms. No. 18 of the Raffles. Collection in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, edited by R.O. Winstedt) JRAS-MB XVI2, pp. 12-13. Perhaps it owes its not being mentioned to the late composition of the Annals—between the 16th and 17th centuries. Ibid. pp. 17-34. 11
M2
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The geographical identity of Puly Agama Niog and Pulu Bandiarmasir has not yet been ascertained. A check with Maranao historical records and literature yielded negative results. So did a check with known Historical and literary texts in Old Malay and Old Javanese, particularly those contemporaneous with the introduction of the Rama story in Indonesia and Malaya. Important Episodes The Maranao version reduced the Rama story to almost microscopic size. The Fairy Tale is equally microscopic. How* ever, the HSR version is relatively voluminous. The episodes selected for discussion here arc the winning of Sltat the abduction of Sita, the search for Sita, and the return of Sita. These episodes roughly correspond to the Bala, Aravya, Sundara and the Yuddha KaJj<Ja-s of Ramayana. The winning of Sita Radia Mangandiri and Radia Mangawarna had learnt of the incomparable beauty and charm of Tuwan Potre Malano (Malaila) Tihaia (Ganding), daughter of the Sultan and Sultaness of Pulu Nabandai, and set out to court her. On their way, their ship was wrecked by strong waves and without their knowing, they were washed ashore to Pulu Nabandai. While recuperating there, they heard the sound of agongs and the music of Kulintangs. They were told that a sipa contest was being held to determine who should marry the princess—Malaila Ganding. The suitor who could kick the Sipa, a rattan ball, into the Lamin, the princess* penthouse, would wed her. Mangandiri joined in the contest and won. The Fairy Tale does not tell how Sri Ram (Mangandiri, ML) won his wife Sakutam Bunga Satangekei (Malaila Ganding, ML). It starts with a description of the royal couple, who were childless. The HSR and HMR tell of how Rama won Sita by fulfilling her guardian Kula's condition-shooting an arrow through 40 palm trees. Only the bow is significant in winning Sita. In the Valmiki R8maya#a9 King Jauaka offered Sit& in marriage to whoever could
The Ramayana in the Philippines
***
raise and string the bow. Rama, not only raised and stringed the bow with one arm, but also snapped it asunder. The Abduction of Ska In the Fairy Tale, Maharaja Duwana, by super-natural powers, flew from Kachapuri to Tanjong Bunga where he transformed himself into a golden goat. Sri Rama, fascinated by the unusual animal, with his men, tried to capture it. But it escaped into the deep jungle. There, it became Duwana again, who by magic entered Sri Rama's palace. Soon Sakutam fell under Duwana's spell, and they eloped to Pulu Kachapuri. There Duwana discovered that he could not marry her. He was her kin and stood as a farther to a daughter. When Sri Rama returned from the chase, he discovered his wife was gone. In the Ramayana, Sita's abduction was accomplished by deception. Ravana (Duwana, FT) had ordered Manici to assume the form of a golden deer to lure away Rama and his half brother, Lak$maija. While the brothers were capturing the deer, Ravaga, disguised as a Brahmin (as in HSR/HMR) went to Sita. After he won her confidence, he abducted her. As in the HSR, the conversation between Sita and Ravana in Rdmayariawsis congenial until the latter revealed his true intention. In the Fairy Tale, it was also friendly. The setting in HSR is the jungle where the couple, accompanied by Lakpnaga, were in exile. In the Fairy Tale, the setting is a kingdom, specifically Sri Rama's palace. This interpolation seems to be an independent development. The variations in the use of these motifs- the silver and golden fawns (HSR/HMR), the golden goat (FT), and the golden deer (Ramayaga)-show close affinity and also give a clue to the origin of the Fairy Tale. The cause of Sita's abduction in Ramayana is also shown in HSR, although with variations. Surpa^akha (Sura Pandaki, HSR) who suffered humiliation in the hands of Laksamana, Sita's brotherin-law, told Ravana of the princess' exquisite beauty. Thus the abduction was motivated by revenge (Surpaijakha's) and by a
1(4
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
desire (Ravana's) to possess a woman of such unsurpassed charm and beauty. In the Fairy Tale, the revenge motive is absent. Maharaja Duwana (Ravarja in Ramayana HSR/HEM) having heard of SakutanTs beauty, falls in love with her.17 In HSR, Ravana's attraction to Sita's beauty is not mentioned. There is no evident cause for Malaila Ganding's abduction in Maharadia Lavana. In the Maranao story, Malaila Ganding, spotted a golden horned deer grazing in a cogon field and wanted it caught. Radia Mangandiri set out to catch the deer, but before departing he told Mangawarna not to leave Malaila Ganding even if he called for help — which he did. But Malaila Ganding, on hearing her husband's call, threatened herself if Mangawarna would not leave her and help his brother. Mangawarna agreed but he warned Malaila Ganding — " When I go down, you close the windows and whoever knocks, do not cpen." The deer, on seeing Mangawarna, divided itself .into two and bdth deer ran away. One of them led Mangawarna in circles and r.oon Mangawarna found himself back to their house. There, he saw the wall of their house destroyed and was told that Malaila Ganding has been forcibly taken away by Maharadia Lawana. He said to himself, " That which we were after was Maharadia Lawana who disguised himself as a deer. " It is interesting to note that there is a common identifying element in the stories, particularly in the HMR/HSR/and Maharadia Lawana: the presence of the golden deer, or golden goat or silver goat or golden gazelles or a deer with golden horns. These animals are coveted by the heroine in each story. These fantastic animals are, in each story, Ravana who drew away the heroes from the heroine. No drawing of the protective magic circle is evident here as in the Malay versions and some Indian versions, nor of "Sakutum Bunga Satangkei is described thus*' her waist could be encircled by the four fingers and the thumbs joined, how her figure was
as slim as the menjelei (a kind of grass or weed, something like millet) stem, herfingersas slender as the stalk of the lemon grass, and her heels as small as bird's eggs, when she ate sirih or drank water her face acquired an indescribable charm..." Maxwell, loc. cit.
flic Ramayana in the Philippines
MS
SIta accusing Lak$ma?a of desiring to possess her if Rama died in the pursuit of the golden deer. The Search for Siti The search for Sita takes on very curious turns. In the Maranao version, Radia Mangandiri dreamt that his testicle, gored out by a caraboa, was thrown east where potre Langawi, Queen of the East, swallowed it. This made her pregnant and soon she gave birth to a monkey son. When Mangandiri awakened, he found out that his testicle was missing and thought that his dream might have been true. Indeed his dream was true; he really had begotten a monkey son named Laksamana. Laksamana meanwhile left home in search of his father. One day he met Mangandiri and Mangawarna who were planning to rescue Malaila Ganding. Addressing Mangandiri as father and Mangawarna as uncle (which surprised the brothers) he offered help assuring them of weapons and soldiers. To get Pulu Bandiarmasir, Lawana's kingdom, Laksamana catapulted from Mangandiri's palm and made across the sea a rattan causeway. While crossing the causeway, they lost their balance and fell into the sea, where there were crocodiles. Laksamana battled and defeated them. Now the crocodiles promised aid by battling Lawana's men who would run to the sea for safety. At Lawana's Palace, Mangandiri, Mangawarna and Laksamana saw that whenever Lawana approached Malaila Ganding, a barrier of fire appeared. Laksamana explained that such a phenomenon occured because Malaila Ganding was abducted from Mangandiri. A betel chew was then prepared and exchanged between the royal ccuplc. The Laksamana brought back Malaila Ganding to Mangandiri. Soon the battle began and Lawana fought by turns Mangandiri and Mangawarna. Still, he could not be wounded. Just then Laksamana seized Mangandir's kampilan, sharpened it on the whetstone set upon a naga (wood) (for it was prophesied that any weapon sharpened on it would cause Lawana's downfall) and gave it to Mangawarna. Mangawarna wounded Lawana and this ended the battle.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
In the Fairy Tale, Sri Rama asked for his son Kra Kechil a monkey prince, to help in the search. The prince agreed to h e l p only if Sri Rama would, for once, eat a meal with him from the same leaf, and let him sleep in his father's arms. Sri Rama agreed. The monkey prince then jumped from his father's shoulder to Pulu Kachapuri. He landed on an island, but through the side of a jinn he finally landed on Kachapuri. There, Kra Kechil and his mother Sakutum, recognized each other through the ring that the monkey prince had slipped into a water jar. Then he destroyed Duwana's favorite trees—a coconut tree and a mango tree. Infuriated, Duwana ordered his army to subdue the monkey prince. But nothing could hurt the prince. After a seven day truce, the battle continued and Kra Kechil was finally caught. He instructed his captors to swathe him in cloth soaked in oil and to set i t on lire. This done, he jumped about the palace, setting it on lire. Hanuman's adventures in the Ramayana HMR and HSR are those of Kra Kechil (FT; and of Laksamana in the Maharadia Lawana. The meeting between mother and son in the HSR is not quite represented in Maharadia Lawana because the son (Laksamana) in Maharadia Lawana is actually is step-son whom she had not seen. Hence, there merely was Laksamana identifying himself, just as Hanuman did in Ramayana (To identify himself, Hanuman used rings—a motif found in varied forms in all versions, except Maharadia Lawana). In the HSR, there is no evidence of these developments, although the meeting between mother and son is shown. Kra KechiTs appearance in monkey form before his mother is perhaps an echo of Hanuman's appearance before Sita in the Asoka groove of Ravapa in Ramayana. Hanuman in HSR appeared first as a Brahman before Sita Dewi, but in HMR, he took first the form of an old woman. The magic car motif appears in Ramayana* i" HSR, and HMR, it is a flying chariot. The Jatayu-R&vaQa combat in Ramayarui is not found in the Fairy Tale. The Duwana Kra Kechil combat in the Fairy Tale is not found in the other versions. But the burning of Kachapuri has a descriptive counterpart in Ramayana, HSR/ HMR, although again interesting accretions and developments
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are found in the Fairy Tale. In RUmayaya and HMR, Hanum&n's tail was swathed in cloth soaked in oil (petroleum, minyak tanah) and bestrewn with saltpeter (sendawan). In HSR, he was bandaged all over, but he grew and grew until there was no more cloth left with which to wrap him. His wrap was then set to fire and Hanuman leapt over the roof and set the palace on fire. No bodily expansion of the monkey son takes place in the Fairy Tale nor in the Maharadia Lawana. There seems, therefore, to be no significantly sustained nourishment of the literature, either due to political changes in the area, or to a misreading of the motif by the borrowers who belong to a different socio-cultural mould. The Retain of STta The return of Malaila Ganding in Maharadia Lawana is not as dramatic as that found in other versions. In Maharadia Lawana. there is no trace of Kra KechiPs carrying Sita Dewi (FT) nor of Sita's use of a flying car or chariot in her return (Ramayaria). Moreover, there is no fire ordeal to purify Malaila Ganding from her " contact" with Maharadia Lawana but there is a fire barrier, which is reminiscent of the fire purification of Ramayana. Details of the return of the princess as found in Maharadia Lawana and the Fairy Tale are presented here for comparison. These will further show the various interesting aspects of the Maranao story in relation to the Southeast Asian versions. In Maharadia Lawana, Radia Mangandiri returned home to Agama Niog after his victory over Lawana. His escorts— the crocodiles that created waves and the caraboas whose footstep* made the earth tremble—created fear among his people. But Laksahmana told the people that it was Mangandiri who had returned from long journey. The people then gave him a joyous welcome. Laksamana meanwhile metamorphosed into a handsome datu. In the Fairy Tale, Sakutum's return to Tanjong Bunga was marked with rejoicing and feasting, but the celebration was shortlived; Duwana came to avenge his defeat at Kachapuri. In the ensuing battle, Laksamana was killed but was immediately brought back to life by a powerful remedy that Kra Kechil had brought
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from Mount Enggil-ber Enggil. In defeat, Duwana left. After* wards, Sri Rama and Sakutum acknowledge Kra Kechil as their son and heir. Whereas Sita's resturn in Ramayarta agrees with the return of Sita Dewi in HSR and of Sita in HMR, Sakutum's Ramayana Rama brought Sita home in the magic car of Kubera, the god of wealth. In the Fairy Tale, Kra Kechil bfought home his mother Sakutum. No magic car of flying chariot which is not mentioned in HSR/HMR is used. Perhaps in the Fairy Tale, the fire ordeal to purify the heroine was not necessary. Sakutum, who was taken back by her own son, was consanguinally related to Duwana. Therefore no chastity test and purification ceremonies were necessary. In HSR/HMR and Ramayana is no clue to Duwana's invasion of Tanjong Bunga and to £ri Rama and Sakutum's recognition of Kra Kechil as their son but there is Laksamana's death and resurrection. Ravana Ravana's position in Maharadia Lawana shows a very important link with the HSR/HMR . The Maranao version opens with a description of Lawana who had eight heads (seven heads, in Par. 61, 65 and 73 Text and Translation). He was said to have caused the death of many a man in the realm because of his vile tongue; he intrigued. To punish him, he was exiled to Pulu Nagara where he one day burned leaves and wood and from a tree cried that world was chained. Diabaril (Angel Gabriel) reported it to the Lord (Tuhen) who told him to ask Lawana not to sacrifice himself because nothing could cause Lawana's death, except a tool (knife, sword etc.) that would be sharpened on a whetstone in the palace of Pulu Bandiarmasir. The HMR commences with Ravana's genealogy followed by his banishment for being unruly and for posing a danger to his sire's dynasty. In Langkapura, Ravaija practiced austerities, collected firewood during the day and at night slept hanging head wn over the fire. After 12 years, Allah sent down Adam to d out what Ravana wanted. Ravaija asked for the rule over four worlds—earth, air, water, and the nether world. He
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was told that his wish would be granted, provided he would anger no one. In delivering the message, Adam omitted one condition—stealing of women. Ravana agreed and thus conquered the four worlds. Reference to Ravaija's having ten heads is made when he passed through the hermitage of a great rishi (Sage). He became angry and then ten heads appeared. HSR commence with a description of Ravana as a 10-headed and 20-headed Raksasa (demon). (It may be interesting to note that the rakjasa motif appears only in HSR which tells of two rak$asas—one golden, the other silver appearing before Sita Dewi. He was banished to Bukit Serindib (later called Langkapuri) where for 12 years he performed austerities, hanging himself by the feet. The Almighty God in heaven sent his Prophet Adam and asked Ravapa what he wanted. And God, informed of Ravana's desire, granted him his wish—that rule over the worldsthe earth, the heavens, the seas, and the netherworld. Ravana in the Ramayaria is described as having 10 heads and 20 arms. He performed austerities for conquering the four worldsThere seems to be no clue to the change in the number of RavaQa's heads, from ten (Ramayarm and HSR/HMR/to eight, then seven (L). There is also no mention of Ravaga's other hands in Maharadia Lawana, not even a reference to it when he fought Mangandiri and Mangawarana. Interpolations and accretions A number, if not all, of the interpolations and accretions in Maharadia Lawana cannot be traced back to the Fairy Tale and HSR/HMR. It may be inferred that thefe interpolations and accretions are independent developments. Some accretions and interpolations in HSR and the Fairy Tale relative to the Rdmdyafm are not found in Maharadia Lawana. For instance, in the Fairy Tale, Sri Rama's desire for an offspring is not distinctly shown in either HSR or Ram&yapa. Although Sri Rftma's feeling fe universal, its depiction may have been derived from Indian custom and tradition. In another instance, R^ja Laksamana's
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
use of sorcery to predict the birth of Sri Rama's son is purely an indigenous accretion, an allusion to the art of divination practiced by Malay sorcerers. In all four stories, the asceticism—and offshoot of Rfivapa's banishment—-seems to be the common denominator, varied on slightly. The use of fire in the ascetic acts is patently Indian in character. The appearance of Allah and Adam and the Angel Gabriel (Diabarail) in Maharadia Lawana and the HSR/HMR may be and could be interpolations of Brahma and VigQu (gods in the Hindu Panetheon) to give the stories an Islamic character, considering that Islam, then newly introduced into the area, infused its spirit into, if not entirely superseded, the earlier overlay of the literature and other social aspects. But these developments may just well be indigenous. For instance, the importance of fire was known even in the most 'primitive 9 societies in the area. An interesting aspect is Lawana's lament on the world being chained. What this means to the Maranao is not clear. But ostensibly it was to relieve the world of the sins (desires) which chained it. This concept appears to be of Buddhistic/Hinduistic orientation, considering the influence of Hindu and Buddhist teachings in the area. However, the Malay versions—the HMR do not seem to follow this trend. This may be explained by the fact that in Southeast Asia, there developed through the long years of encounter between Brahmanism and Buddhism a blend expressed in the Siva-Buddha syncreticism. Explanations to these discrepancies might be found on close examination to Darangen (which still is being compiled into one volume), particularly Lawana's genealogy. In excursions of Sri Rama and Sakutum in the Fairy Tale seem to be shades of Sri Ram's decision not to return to his father's country after he married Sita Dewi. They also explain Sakutum's pregnancy. The FT/HSR connection is carried on to the transformation of the royal couple into monkeys—an episode found in both the Fairy Tale and HSR. The transformation explains the monkey birth of their son, which varies in this detail; In HSR,
The Ramaveina in the Philippines
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as well as in HMR, Hanuman was born of Sita Dewi through Devi Afljati, whereas in the Fairy Tale Kra Kechil was directly born of Sakutum. In Maharadia Lawana, the monkey birth of Laksamana is not in any way explained. Laksamana's queries on his birth connote concern about incest, a taboo in Maranao society and also reflect the Maranao's inherent interest in genealogy. In Rdmayana, Sita gave birth to sons in exile; in HSR, Sita Dewi gave birth to Hanuman, later to another son, Tabalawi, also in exile. These other sons are not mentioned in the Fairy Tale and in Maharadia Lawana. What is interesting, however, is that only the Fairy Tale tells of the royal couple's expressed desire for an offspring, but it does not describe the ceremonies held on the son's birth which are found in other versions. The lebis, Hajis, imams and Khatips and the Koran reading in the Fairy Tale do not have any reference in Ramdyana, nor in HSR /HMR/ which were already influenced by Islamic ideas. They may be attributed to the influence of the complete Ismalization of the Malay (Perak) peoples. There are no clues to the incidents on the breaking of the news of the monkey sons' birth to Sri Rama and of the sending away of Kra Kechil in either the Ramdyaria and HSR. In the Fairy Tale, Kra Kechil was banished to a forest and after he left it, met Shah Numan(Hanuman in Ramayaria and HSR/HMR/). This episode is paralleled in Maharadia Lawana by Laksamana's search for bigger food sources, Laksamana— leaping from tree to tree—landed between his sire Mangandiri and uncle Mangawarna. This chance meeting ended Laksamana's search for his father and cleared doubts on his origin; that is he might have been a product of an incestuous relationship between his mother and grandfather. But how he was able immediately to recognize his father and uncle is still not clear. Sugriva's and/or Bfili's position in Ramdya^a appears to be that of Shah Numan (Hanuman, HSR) in the Fairy Tale. But Hanuman in HSR/is the same as RSmSya^Cs Hanuman whose
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birth offers no clue to link it with Shah Numan's birth. (Shah Numan is described as an aged sagacious monarch in the Kingdom by the jungles and as a friend of the Sun, Mata Hari). Shah Numan's declaration—that he already knew of the origin of Kra Kechil who is related to Sri Rama and Sakutum and who is his "grandchild", is very, very interesting. It will perhaps give clue to the parentage of Sri Rama or Sakutum. It may not be without basis to conjecture that Shah Numan might be the father of either Sri Rama or Sakutum, judging from his filial affection, concern and loving care for Kra Kechil. Kra Kechil's other adventures cannot be traced back to the other epics. But since his counterpart Hanuman in Ramayana and HSR/HMR/—occupied a prominent position in the cynosure of the hero, it may be assumed that logically Kra Kechil would be a prince of all monkey tribes since the Fairy Tale is traceable to either or both HSR and Ramayana. In this context it is understandable why no traces of the presence of Sugriva and Bali are evident in the Afaharadia Lawana. It seems however that the roles of Sugiriva and/or Bali, as well as those of Hanuman (Ramayarta HSR/HMR/) and Shah Numan (Fairy Tale) were taken by Laksamana. This is evident when Laksamana enlisted an army of carabaos and crocodiles to invade Pulu Bandiarmasir and when he stringed the rattan bridge. Like Hanuman, Laksamana, in the Maranao story, occupied an important position, but there is no evidence of his being a prince notwithstanding his being a son of a princess, Potre Langawi. No evidence of his kinship with the simians could be established. Perhaps an examination of the Daragen would clarify these points. However, Laksamana's monkey form may be traced back to HSR/ HMR/, even further back to the Ramayana—with the Fairy Tale as the intermediate story. There seems no parallel in HSR to Kra Kechil's eating from one leaf with his father, Sri Rama, nor for his sleeping on his father's lap. (But in HMR, father and son ate from the same banana leaf.) There is also no parallel in HSR to Kra Kechtt's metamorphosis into a handsome prince.
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The metamorphosis motif, however, may be explained as an influence of the folk literature18 of the Malays19. But an assumption that this accretion is independent of any folk literature development cannot also be ignored because the metamorphosis motif is comparatively widespread not only in local but in all forms of folk literature. In this context, it may readily be seen why there are no traces of Kra Kechirs eating and sleeping with his father in the Maharadia Lawana. However there is a parallel to Kra Kechil s Metamorphosis. Laksamana is metamorphosed into a very handsome datu, but this motif may also be an influence of folk literature, as can be gleaned from the many metamorphosis stories in Maranao kunst and volk literature. But here the parallel ends: whereas in Maharadia Lawana, the metamorphosis ends the story (no other events followed it) in the Fairy Tale, Kra Kechil, henceforth known as Mambang Bongsu, married the daughter of Raja Shah Kobad. The Raja abdicated his throne in favour of Kra Kechil who reigned as Raja Bandar Tawhil. These subsequent events are not found in the greater Malay text—the HSR/HMR/ or in Ramayana. This is 18
See and cf. Howard Mckaughan, 4 The Inflection and Syntax of the Maranaw Verb.* Text illustration No. 2-A. * Si Somesang Sa Alongan ago si Ama '* (someseng of Alongan and Monkey) pp. SO passim: Dean S. Fansler, Filipino popular Tales (Lancaster, Perm. 1921) No. 19} Juan wearing a monkey skin" No. 29-"Chongita" (Little monkey Lady): and the Tinguian Tales found in Fay Cooper Cole. Traditions of Tinguians. Field Museum of Natural History Publications 180 XIV I (Chicago, 1915). Also Mary Rere, Old Deccan Days. (London) 1858 No. 12 "The Jackal, The Barber etc." pp. 175, 194 Ram. I 48 : III, 71 The Puranas and the Kathdsaritsdgara also provide us with a number of tales that show the motif. The story of Orvaii and Pururavas in the RV. X. 95 is another major paradigm for this motif. The motif in this story is also known as the4k Swan Maiden " motif (see Kathft saritsagara I) Appendix I—"OrvaSi and Pururavas", VIII Appendix I 4f The Swan Maiden Motif". Further more see Ivor N H Evans, " Folk storeis of the Tampasuk and Turaran Districts, British North Borneo." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XU1L% 1913, Studies in Religion, Folklore and Customs in British North Borneo and the Malay Peninsula. Cambridge. " Malay is used here as a generic term. This would include therefore the whole of the Malayasian Peninsula and Archipelago.
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understandable. The HSR/HMR seem to have been resistant to the introduction of new elements and interpolations despite an evident attempt at their Islamisation because they are closer to the traditional story—of Indonesian origin—than to the developing literature which found its way into the folk tradition. The probable date of Maharadia Lawana: The attempt to date the Maharadia Lawana in the context of its appearance in Maranao literature is indeed a perplexing one. This attempt to date the piece would be done on two levels, e.g. internal and external. Internal evidences may constitute mostly (a) Islamic religious aspects, e.g. reference to Diabarail (Angel Gabriel) the Muslim prayer corrupted in Manarao (see par. 6, in text, and transL); also reference to Muslim titles as Sultan, Shah. References to (b) Indian titles as potre (Sans, putri), Radia (San raja), Maharadia (San. maharaja) and other Indian terms, such as manosia (San. Manujya), N agar a (Sans. Nagara), Sowara (Skt, Svara) and many others that would also have some bearing upon the date of the piece of literature, (c) The metamorphosis of Laksamana from a monkey form to a man form. In terms of the movement of cultures in Philippines protohistoric times, the Indian aspects of Philippine culture came earlier than the Arab. However, in the light of the Maharadia Lawana story, it is possible and significantly probable that both the Indian and the Arab elements seen could have reached their present setting simultaneously. More precisely, ihe story itself, or the theme, reached the Maranao area already complete with these elements at a period after the islamization of the adjoining area e.g. Java, Sumatra, and Malaya. This date would be extended further into the period of the early incursions of the European in the area. The references to Islamic terms itself do not invalidate the view that the piece of literature has its early beginnings in preIslamic times and that these terms found their way into the literature as an attempt on the part of the recipients of this culture to infuse islamic spirit into it to make it acceptable to the new institution. The transformation of Laksamana from a monkey aspect to a human form, may reveal that the story dates back further in
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time into the mythological age of Maranao folk hiitory. The presence of a parallel event in a piece of literature with the same theme and plot in a different setting is evidence of its antiquity. However, such a phenomenon is also found in other tales not necessarily of the same plot and theme and in one setting alone but in other folk literary traditions. Without referring to item (c)-for it shall be adverted to again subsequentlyf-the date of the story may now be set in the light of items (a) and (A). Considering the aspects referred to under these items, and in relation to the date of entry of Indian and Arab culture elements into the Philippines, it seems that the piece of literature may have reached its present setting sometime between the middle of the 17th centur> and the early 19th. The range of very significant Maranao elements in the literature is itself an indication that the story has floated in Maranao society for quite some time, and that it would have taken that long to assume an entirely Maranao character and image (see Text and Transl. for details of this reference). Between the 17th and 20th centuries is a relatively long period of adjustment to the literary traditions, in the context of its cultural milieu; hence, the result was no longer one in which the sharp distinctions between the local and the alien elements have been blurred. As the date of the Maharadia Lawana has been set arbitrarily, it may be instructive to look at this date in collation with the date of the Malay Fairy Tale with which it is compared. The date of this Fairy Tale constitutes the external evidence of the Maharadia Lawana date. In the essay, I wrote that the date of the Fairy Tale shall be inferred from two points (internal as they were): 44 .. .(a) the presence of religious men (Lebis, Jahis, imams, Khatibs)10 during the birth of the monkey son and the reading of the Koran at such an important event; (6) the changing of Kra Kechil Imam Tergangga's name to Mambang Bongsu after his metamorphosis. " Hqi (Arabic) " pilgrim to Mecca, a title for those male or female who have made the pilgirimage." Imam (Arabic) " 1, leaders g.g. the caliphs and the four muslim jurists (ibm Hangal, Hanifash, Malik and Shafi., i) 2. leader of a congregation at prayer in a mosque." Khatib (Arabic) " reader or preacher in the mosque." Liebai (Dravidian?) "pious elder, mosque official."
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The Ramayana Tradition in Alia
Among other references to the Malay Muslim religion the presence of religious men-lebis, hajis, imams, khatibsr—-during the birth of the son certainly points to the late date of the Fairy Tale. Moreover the readings from the Koran present another clue to the very late composition of this piece. These two accretions show that the tale developed during the later period of the incursions of Islam into Malay society. It may even be surmised that following a conservative number of years from the earliest conversions in Malaya, the Fairy Tale may be dated not earlier than the 16th century. This conservative estimate may be collated with the second internal evidence. The changing of the monkey son's name from Kra Kechil Imam Tergangga to Mambang Bongsu after his metamorphosis to man's form is significant in the historial development of Malay literature. This phenomenon in Malay literature, while it may not be recurrent in the Fairy Tale, seems to reveal a character trait of the Panji tales—that is the hero in the course of his adventures changes his name in almost every important episode in the Story.*1 The Panji Tales are not indigenous in Malay literature. According to R. M. Ng Dr. Poerbhatjaraka,22 the Panji Tales may have first appeared in 1222-1292, the Singhasari period of Javanese history. But Winstedt23 believes that the cycle appeared during the early Majapahit period, C 13S0 A.D. and that the cycle waa introduced in Malacca in the middle of the Sth century A.D.M Another hundred years or more may have elapsed before the cycle reached the interiors of the Malay Peninsula. If the phenomenon in the Malay story was borrowed from the Panji Tales, it shows that it was yet in the early years of the introduction of the tales, owing perhaps to the occurrence of only one instance in the Malay tale. " See R. O. Winstedt," The Panji Tales " JRAS-MB XDC 2 (October 1941) pp. 235 for an illustration of this tale character trait. See further more R.O. Winstedt, " A Panji Tale from Kelantan." JRAS-MB XXH1 (March 1949) pp. 53-60. « Cited in Winstedt. Ibid. u ttrid. "Md.
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The Panji Tales had already picked up influences of the Islamic faith, the date of whose introduction in Java is towards the middle of the 14th century A.D.; perhaps the end of the 16th century A.D. or even later may therefore be taken as a terminus a quo for the composition of the Rama Fairy Tale. The Maharadia Lawana would have appeared in Maranao literary milieu at the date set for it (17-19th Centuries). For as the date of the Fairy Tale has a significant bearing upon that of the Maharadia Lawana, it becomes equally important to the whole Maranao literary tradition. This is particularly so in relation to the Darangen, which belongs to the classical period of Maranao literature, for it belongs to a date relatively earlier considering the language of the folk epic and the many cultural elements that no longer persist in present Maranao society.
THE RAMAYANA TRADITION IN KANNADA ByV. SITARAMIAH
The Ramayana and the Mahabharata are the most cherished poetic possessions of the Hindus. According to tradition, the Ramayana story deals with an earlier Avatara of Vi$iju while the Mahabharata deals with a later. Possibly, the Mahabharata as work,—at least in the Jaya or the Bharata version (as against the final Mahabharata form)—could be anterior. We are not on certain ground yet as to which work came earlier. In the Mahabharata, we have a version of the RamayaQa story. But in Valmiki's Ramayana there is no mention of the Mahabharata heroes. When I speak of the Ramayaoa, I speak of the Valmiki's and not the later versions or extensions or transformations of the story, like the Adhyatma or the Ananda and the Adbhuta types. To many scholars and devotees of the Ramayaga, it is an Avatara Katha. Some highly intellectual people speak of its hero as the Lord or Bhagavan Sri Ramachandra. In what may be deemed the essential Ramayana, he is not referred to as Vijpu at all; but as Vi^ur-ivo, Vi$iyii-sadr4a, Dev^kalpam etc. If we give credence to the Narada •episode, in the beginning of the present version, the question asked is who among men (i.e. the kings among men) alive is an ideal person indicating qualities; 'Nara' is the operative word. Lakjmaija does not know him as more than an excellent human being. Even when victory is won against Ravaija and Sita is being accepted after the fire ordeal, the answer Rama gives to Brahma etc. who ascribe to him Vi$Qutva, is that he does not know anything else about himself, than that he is a human being, son of King DaSaratha. A little earlier when he meets Sita after the victory, he tells her that he did not exercise himself for her sake but to re-establish the fair name of a Kgatriya King of the Ikgvaku line. The line * Daiva-sampadito do$ah paurugega maya jitah' must clinch the issue.
the RftmSyaffa Tradition in Kannada
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The second and the third strands deal with a $$i-purpose and the purpose of the Gods who feel that the world has to be delivered from the violence of and thraldom to which they are exposed by Rava^a, the Rak$asa. Very skilfully these two other strands are woven into the fabric and made coherent with the main story. In later times Rama had become God; other stories and adventures and myths began to hang round him. Every part of the country between Kekaya in North-west to the South in India likes to relate itself to him. There are interstitial fields into which other fantasies and popular fancy get in to disturb and distort the greatness and fundamental human worth of the main story. The general hold of the Ramayana story on the largest number of people was used by sects of religion like Jainism, the Jataka stories of the Buddha, though even here questions are raised about the priority of the Valmiki Ramayatfa. The Hindu writers have made capital out of it for philosophical or other reasons; the Jains for propaganda purposes; Vi§nu Paramaya in two different ways try to extend their influence. But one fact that shows up invariably in the Jaina version—at least in the Kannada country— is that the Jaina-kathas are an attempt at a rational reinterpretation of the Valmiki version, making all the Vanaras and the Rak$asas as Vidyadharas and Jains. A lot of refinement goes into this making of the Jaina-katha where it is part of a Pura^a and Rama is Ramabhattaraka. He is, in the calender of their 63 Salaka Purujas, a Baladeva born in the final—(Carama) human form before attaining to Siddhi with LakpnaQa as Vasudeva still not ripe for Siddhi. Rama is a contemporary of Suvrata, the 20th Jina, even as he is Kfjija in the later Neminatha (22nd) Jina story. That is how Balarama and Kfj^a are assigned lives and achievement. Of the 24 Tirthafikaras beginning withAdinatha and ending with Mahavira (6th century B.C.), these two belong to the later among the line of Tirthafikaras. Only Mahavira and ParSva belong to an historical period. We are not certain of the periods of nearly 22 others among them. lii the Kannada country, we have both the Valmiki and other versions of the Ramayaga, notably the Jaina version. Until
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the 14th-15th Centuries, no great poetic work bearing on the entire orthodox story is available. These other works are intrinsically of less literary and substantive worth 1 until we come to the modern period. Only that part of the story-perhaps not authentic in the Valmiki Ramayana-itself, the 7th Kajjtfa—is treated again and again, namely the Sita Vanavasa story. In Lak$mi£a's Jaimini Bharata, it is an inset; a prose work about the close of the 19th Cent, called the Rama&vamedha, deals with the same moving episode of the abandonment of Sita to her fate. What is not contained even in the 7th Kan^a, the fight between the little sons of Rama and the Rama army, is detailed, though the ordeal to which Sita is subjected to again gets mention in both. In our time, perhaps the most outstanding poet Prof. K. V. Puttappa,-Kuvempu,-has written a vision in 4* Epic Verse"-a kind of the English Blank Verse-called the 4 Sri Ramayana Dar£ana' which has won awards in Karnataka and in All India, the awards of the Sahitya Akademi and the Jnanapith. Recently, another illustrious poet, Dr. Masti Venkatesa Iyengar, has given us a version of the full Ramayana story in his Sri Rama Pattabhigeka. From 15-16th centuries onwards, a form of literature and dance known as Yakgagana has used different episodes of the Ramayana for dramatic presentation with song and dance. Musical and Harikatha recitals are based on either single or a series of the Ramavartara Kathas. In popular song and folklore of many kinds, the katha has fared variously, full of colour, Bhakti or entertainment at each serious stage adding a fancy extension which later is incorporated into the main story. So is it in folk literature and in narrative songs current among the women folk. What is most popular in this part of the country, as also in other parts, is the daily Parayapa of the Valmiki Ramayana, Srimad Ramayana as it is referred to. It is an act of piety. At the end of such
1
The Ranganatha, the Adbhuta and the Ananda versions are full of fancy and much distortion and translation of Rfan&yapa episodes of Samskrt and Prftkrt works. I shall speak of Narahari's and Vefikftm&tya's works a little later.
The Rftmlyana Tradition in Kannada
1S1
Parayana, there is a celebration ending in the Rama Pattabhiseka and feeding of guests. In Dasara, this Parayana completes within a span of nine days and on the Vijaya Dasami day, a great celebration of the Pattabhiseka is undertaken. The bright Navami day in Caitra each year, the day of Rama's birth, is celebrated in every home among the Brahmins. Weeks and fortnights are devoted to recitals and other cultural activities at this time. No Rama Katha of importance has come to us before Nfigacandra's time i.e. the second half of 12th Cent, who writes his Rftmayana in the Jaina Purana style. Naturally the story gets coloured and shaped by Jaina predictions and purpose. There were Prakrt and Samskrt works dealing with the Ramakatha before him: Vimalasuri's Paumacariya (Padma-carita) in Prakrt and Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana in Samskrt.* Nagacandra seems to derive the bulk of his substance from Vimalasuri though a Samskrt work by Ravisena called Padma Purana (published) had come up a little before. Vimalasuri belonged to C. 4th Cent. A.D. and Ravisena to C. 10th Cent. A.D. Gunabhadra's Uttara purana has a successor in a Prakrt work Trisasti Mahapurusa Gunalankara, written by a Puspadanta.* This needs to be mentioned because a work about the 10th Cent, in Kannada by Cavundaraya is said to deal with all the Tirthankaras and has the Ramakatha.* But Nagacandra, and, an important poet called Kumudendu later, wrote in the satpadi style following Vimalasuri and Ravisena. So that the Paumacariya seems to have influenced both. 1
From VimalasOri's work, -quite a number of Jain Prakrt, Samskrt and Kannada works took material and inspiration. * I owe much of my information to my late friend Dr. D. L. Naraaimhachar, to Dr. A. N. Upadbye, and to Winternitz whose work has been of importance for a long time now. 4
That version seems to take more from Ounahhadra and from him to a work called Punyisrava in Samskrt seems to have influenced a later work in lUnnada.byNigaraJa.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
One feature which distinguishes the Jaina tradition is the adapation of the popular Valmiki Ramayana story.6 It is however said that the first Tirthankara mentioned the story of Rama and narrated it to his son the Emperior Bharata with the future 23 Tirthafikara accounts he gave. But since the Ramakatha definitely belongs to Jina Suvrata, credence to that may be taken merely as a prophecy of future events. What is beyond the ken of a TirthaAkara? A question seems to have been raised by king Sreijika when he asks the Ganadhara Gautama, the chief expounder of Mahavira's doctrine, as to how Hanuman, Sugriva etc. could be monkeys and Rava^a, Kumbhakarga and others monsters eating human flesh and drinking blood and how Kumbhakarija could sleep for months at a stretch and so on. Gautama seems to have set his mind at rest saying that they are distortions of truth by Kumatis i.e., wrong headed ones. They are all Vidyadharas of Jaina persuasion. This interpretation becomes first class quarry for Vimalasuri etc. who built their Ramakatha as a reformed, rationalized version according to them, of the Rak$asa and Vanara sections. Paumacariya is an elaborate work where Ravana is a mighty and illustrious king and Hanuman a relation of his. The story is narrated as illustration of his life of the Jaina Karmabandha Katha where Ravana is a Prati-Vasudeva, doomed to be killed by Vasudeva, i.e., Lakgma^a. Rama in this birth should not be guilty of killing; so that it is not Rama who kills Ravaga but Lakpna^a. In this tradition, the final flare-up seems to light up B
The Buddhist Daiaratha Jfltaka and some Jain versions offer different versions of the SItA story. In the earlier, SItt is the daughter of Marfodarl who on occurence of omens at the birth of the daughter, packs the child into a box and directs Mftrlca to throw it as far away as possible. Mirlca takes it to a garden near the capital of MithiH. The child was later picked up by Janaka, alive* when he was getting a piece of sacrifical land ploughed and adopted it. An Adbhuta Rtafiyaga version makes Matfodarl carry it to Kurukshetra when she went on a pilgrimage, to be rid of this child who was bom to her without Havana's knowledge! having dtunk the blood of Risis innocently! The other story seems to contain a version that Rama* ^ V i f t - w and Sita were brothers and Sister, born of Daiaratha by a favourite among the thousands of women he had in his harem. Not much of the Rlvapa story is said to be found in Daiaratha Jltaka. Much of a different kind is in the Jaina Kathft.
The RAmftyaQa Tradition in Kannada
M*
Lakpna&a and Ravaija in fury, with blood-shot eyes and rancour bom of many previous Bhavas (Births). The story is rounded off with the .final redemption of Rama Bhattaraka as Nagacandra designates him. After death, Lakpnaga goes into a hell! Something to be swallowed by the orthodox Hindu mind! An early foretelling of the death of Ravaija is narrated by Narada to DaSaratha and Janaka with a stanza that Ravaga will die at the hands of Da£aratha's son on account of Janaki. Thus Ravaija's destiny is pre-determined. Vibhi$ajja who heard this doom-in love of his elder brother-arranged an assassination of the parents, quite before (!) the birth of R&ma and Sita. When assassins are sent, the parents will have left their cities and two figures made in lac were installed instead. The lac heads were cut off by mistake. Vibhi$aga felt relieved. Fate thus frustrates the effort. The ascription of ten heads to Ravaija is said to be due to the beautiful reflections of his face and head in a piece of jewellery worn by little Ravaija. Many are the adventures of Ravaija as he wins victory over Gods and men, braving the thunderbolt of Indra and the Cakra of Vi§iju himself. He has robbed his brother Kubera -VaiSravaga-of his Pu$paka and made it his own. Many again are the women whom he has either captured or who are gifts to him or who offer themselves on their own in love of him; they are countless. Information given directly or obliquely in cryptic bits—in the first 6 Kaphas of Valmiki and elaborated in the 7th— are given a twist and turn. When Ravajja demanded the hand of Vali*s sister £riprabha, Vali is unwilling to hand her over to an Unmargi-voilater of the right-and instead of handing her over, he retires to Tapas. Vali performing a Tapas is almost a transformation of the story of thefiva-Parvatiand Kailasa. By pressing a toe Vali disables Rava?a. Ravapa is made to feel inferior, he howls in pain and gets his name Ravajta. Ravaoa feels that this frustration is due to revenge by Vali on him. Sugriva, however, hands her over to him in marriage. It is not Hanuman that arranges the meeting and friendship between Sugriva and the R&ghava Brothers. Hanum&n hears that a feat of supernatural power is performed by Lakpnajja and is persuaded to join sides with Rama and Sugriva. To prove his power, Lakgmapa raises the Siddha Sila. Jftmbavftn narrates the history of RivaQa and gives an estimate of his might and achievements. Only the one
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
who has gained the sword Suryahasa will be able to kill Ravaija, it is said, and LakgmaQa does it. Surpanakha, the only sister of Ravana, is the wife of Khara. Her name here is Candranakha.* gambuka—who comes only in the Uttarakarrfa in Valmiki in a not very glorious event in the later life of Rama—is the son of Candra* nakhi, performing tapas for gaining a miracle sword. Quite casually, Lak§maiia moves about a grove of trees where a mighty advent of the celestials waited expecting young Sambuka getting the sword. When Lakjmaija seizes hold of it, it gets aptly into his hands. Lak$maija, to test its edge, swings it. A whole Bamboo cluster is cut off and the head of the young man gets chopped with it. The mother comes to the scene only to see the bloody effect and moves out angrily swearing vengeanace on the killer. And, as in Valmiki, she falls in love with the Brothers to share the fate she does there. Khara is roused to punish the wrong-doer and fails. She then appeals to Ravana and describes to her brother, luscious, insatiate and amorous as ever, the surpassing beauty of Sita.7 Ravana lays a plot to carry off Sita. The description of how Ravana was fascinted by the beauty of Sita is described. A small change shows up here; it is Lak$maga that pursues the stag. * When Ravana has referred to a power he had, as to how to separate the Brothers, Marica disapproves the act but is helpless to prevent it. Candranakha tells him that there is an understanding between the brothers that Rama would go to protect Lakgmaga when he cries out in need; and that happens here. We are thus saved from the accusations of Sita of Lakgmapa in Valmiki and the misery of poor Lak^mana, Many are the shifts in other episodes. But one feature that marks Ravarja's prowess consists of his magnanimous handing over the kingdoms he won in war against even those deemed invincible. Episodes of Kartavirya and Indra illustrate it. Another kind is the story of Uparambha, wife of Nalakubara, who, in heart has yearning for Ravaqta, was married against her wishes. When Ravaoa laid seige against her husband's capital, Durlanghyapura • Nagacandra shifts the narration in the Jaina Purloas from the to this later stage. 9 A smile on the lips of St! on Candranakhi's overtures insults her.
The Mmayana Tradition in Kannada
Ml
as it is called, and was desperate about its reduction, Uparambha helps him by turning treacherous to her husband and reveals to him lhe secret.8 In the contest of the achievement Uparambha is told that it is not proper for a chaste and a goodly wife to become unfaithful to her Lord and that in addition he deems her now indirectly his Guru; The woman fails on both counts. He cannot accept her even when she declares her passion for him. Another point as well: He was under a vow at the feet of the Saint Anantavirya Kevalin according to which he could not touch an unwilling woman or the wife of another. A hundred things like these crowd the career of Ravana. Mantfodari is so loyal that she undertakes the task of appealing to and pursuading Sit a; but a Kulangana like her should not disgrace herself with such talk. That is how she is upbraided by Sita. Throughout the story, Lak$maga has happy and successful adventures, at the end of all of which hundreds of beautiful damsels become his. What is surprising is that Rama himself agrees to take the hand of some 12 daughters of Sugriva*. Hanuman is married and is a relation of Ravana. What can prevent the Vidyadharas having a number of women? On the battlefield when Lak$mana lies unconscious and like dead, information is received that if a young lady, Visalyasundari, is brought from Bharata's place and she sprinkles water, he will revive. Quickly message is depatched and the lady herself comes to do this. She has been destined to be Lak^mana's; a queer incident rather hard to hear and read. Desperately Ravana makes one last bid to achieve aid from a Bahurupini Vidya and offers worship at the shrine of £antinatha. Commands are issued that nobody should disturb him at devotion. Rama is totally unwilling to accede to the request of the others. But Angada, Lak$ma«a and the others disturb the penance; some vanaras pull the hair of his women, even of Man^odarj and other wives; none is spared; unbearable • She and her maid arrive at Rlvaoa's camp and declare love to him and she squeals the secret of reducing the city. 9 There is an episode like that of RatnSvall when a love-lorn girl in an effort to hang herself because of her desperate love for J^yftfa is discovered and is saved by him.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia.
humiliation and mockery are heaped on him. Their appeal to him is piteous naturally. Yet no one could distrub him, till ho wins the power. But alas! The power says it will destroy everybody else but Rama and Lakpnaija! Every day, Ravana's desire for Sita grows deeper; threats, promises and intrigues are of no avail. It blazes into a bigger flame beyond control. A final resolution in her tells him directly that she will not think of any but Rama and she will not be alive if he be dead. This is the last straw. At this point a great conversion takes place in him. He feels profoundly sad that a warrior like him, blessed with so much manly and heroic achievements, has not been able to measure up to the cleanliness and dignity of a simple woman and he decides to forswear all thought of possessing her. This moment has been described worthily. While every one has asked him to surrender Sita and he himself had earlier thought of it to obtain the release of Indrajit and Kumbhakar^a from enemy power he decides to hand her over now; but he desires to light to the last, and instead of killing Rama and Lakpna^a he will capture them, take them home as guests and offer Rama back his wife. Rama does not kill, not because he can't, but will not. Lakjmaija confronts Rava?a and the use of the supreme weapon, which is in Ravafta's hands and hurled against Lakgmaga, burns up all on its way but reverently goes ground Lakjmaija and stands at his right shoulder. Ravapafightsundaunted when his own weapon is used against him. After the lamentations and remorse of Vibhisana himself Rama goes to them and consoles them on the Fate of all earthly existence. Almost at this point Indrajit and Kumbhakarna come on the scene, and see how magnanimous and gracious Rama is. After the victory Sita is released and the conquering heroes enter Lanka as friends. Rama is treated to festivity and celebration. It requires Narada to fly from Ayodhya to this place to tell Rama how Kausalya (Aparajita here, the eldest of the 4, not 3, wives of Daiaratha), is pining for the return of her son.10 They all return and the installation of Rama on the throne is completed. *• A contrast to Vihnlki who will not let RAma stay a moment longer at Laftkl when he has to rush bade to Bharata.
The Ramaypna Tradition in Kannada
H7
One final episode connected with Rama and Sita: It is not Valmiki that gives her aid but a fellow Jain prince who aids her at childbirth and Vajrajangha the rescuer brings her to the Asvamedha sacrifice, where Sita is asked to declare in open assembly that she is pure and faithful. The children are accepted. Rama says he continues to have the same love and regard for Sita; only for Lokapratyaya she is asked to cleanse herself through fire. She gets into the fire all right. But the conclusion is different. When Rama offers her position back she begs of him to permit her to take to penance; she is tired of Samsara. She clips her rich flowing hair in the open assembly and becomes a Kanti. A sad scene in the orthodox Hindu eyes but the Jaina religion accepts it. The end of Rama himself is described with the propriety due to a Purajjta. This will indicate a few of the changes in the Jaina Ramakatha, one presented as acceptable truth that this work is not RamayaQa but Ramachandra-carita Purana. Both the literary and religious traits of the story are given weight. Many things in the longer Paumacariya and the Ravige^a's Samskft work are adapted, cut and differently organised to suit the literary purpose in Kannada. Even these versions seem edited by Nagacandra. But what stands out is the life story of Ravaga, who is almost made a tragic character. He was a wilful, reckless person engaged in a conquest of the world but under a vow not to molest a properly married and unwilling woman. The tragic and fatal flaw in his character was however his consuming desire to have Sita. The prescription for a tragedy is all here and the Jaina concept of power, penance, and conversion find illustration in his life; the overpowering might of Karma which pursues from one birth to another makes his life as Prati-Vasudeva inexorable and inevitably drives him to his end. The only other important work of the Jaina version of RamayaQa is Kumudendu's. It fairly follows N&gacandra's and there is nothing intrinsically great or significant about it except his use of a different metre in Satpadi form and the use of a couplet series called the Ragale; rather unusual. The version that is given in the work of Civuitfarftya ( C 10th Cent, and
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Tlie Ramayana Tradition in Asia
therefore earlier than Nagacandra) belongs to the other drearier GuQabhadra version and need not be gone into.
There are not many works of outstanding merit following Valmiki. A poet Narahari (C. 1500-1600) wrote the Ramakatha in Satpadi. Of the 112 Cantos of this work the latter 55 are taken up by the Yuddha Kan^a. By this time the Avatar a Katha has been well established, and no bones are made in saying that Rama is aware of his being a Vijnu incarnation and practically all that Rama does is a Ula, play in the form of a man. Manthara is not merely a hunchbacked servant and nurse to Kaikeyi; she is almost Maya whose purpose is advancing the divine purpose. She seems to have glimpsed the divine purpose of the destruction of Ravaija by Rama. She goes to her mistress Kaikeyi with the view to prevail upon Da&aratha to send Rama into the forest , so as to be able to kill Ravana. This Torave Ramayana as it is called is almost like a Pura^a. The poet begins in the court of Siva where Gauri requests Siva to describe to her the greatness and the glory of Vi§nu. She is 'Vasudeva stutiparayana\ Siva vouchasafes to her the quality of the * Paratparavastu * and among the thousand names of that diety it is hard to realise the essence of Vasudeva. But the name of Rama is said to embody all the features of Vijgu. Valmiki was really the tenth son of Pracetas under penance to redeem himself from the curse of R$i Bharadvaja. This Valmiki distinguished himself later on and composed Ramayana and taught the twin children of Rama and Sita the poem he had composed. This poem is therefore like the one narrated by Ku$a and Lava. The children prayed to Valmiki to tell them who their father was and what the story of his life was. The main features of the story are like those in Valmiki and the poetical quality of the composition passes for middling merit; it lacks the insight and the sensitiveness that marks the original. Great episodes where emotion and situation need dwelling on and live presentation due, are just simply narrated or dismissed in a stanza or two. There is a Svayamvara for Sita at which the Lords of Gods and men are present, Ravaiya
himself tries to bend the &\a bow, fails andfeet*bacfc to LanVa
The Mmftyapa Tradition in Kannada
Mt
in dudgeon. This event incidentally must have given him the first glimpse of the beauty of Sita, which later developes into a consuming passion and works his destruction,—the task for which Rama was born though there is no indication of or reference to it in the work. With Rama coming back to Ayodhya and getting established on the throne, the poet ends the poem.
A number of episodes are taken up meanwhile by poets and prose writers and playwrights who,findingthe episodes interesting, developed them into fine bits of poetry and prose. Lak$mi&a (15-16 Cent.) puts in the * $e$aramayaga katha' as an interlude in his rendering of the Jaimini Bharata. It deals with how on hearing the scandalous remark of a washerman, Rama decides to send Sita into the forest11. Lakjmapa take5 her into deep forest to leave her in a place not far from the hermitage of Valmiki. Valmiki discovers her there sorrowing and takes her into the hermitage and helps her to safe delivery of the twin children whom he names Lava and Kusa. They grow up well-vcrscd in the Humanities and the Military Arts and are taught the Ramayana poem which the R$i has composed. The two children12 see the Asvamedha horse as young warriors, fight and win. Sita is sent for; Rama accepts her into her earlier status as queen and wife. How R ama decides to exile Sita is fairly dramatical, ^ ithout Sita being told she is being abandoned until Lak§mana takes her into a dense forest where neither hermitage nor the chant of Mantras nor the smoke of sacredfire-offeringsis descried and on a question why she was brought into such a fearsome 11
The most astonishing point in the original Jaimini version itself is Rfima*s saying that he will give up Sita like generous Kama did always by nature! Funny, seeing that Karna is of another, later age! What was then the date of Jaimini's Bharaia ? 12
The episode of a fight between the parents and children is not part of the Uttarkurida in Valmiki but seems to have become part of popular legend which is accommodated into Mahabharata like the fight between Arjuna and Babhruvahana—protagonists in an episode in the Aivamedha YSga of the Mahabharata.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
forest, Laksmana tells her the truth and asks her to move from there as she pleased. The sorrow of the situation is deeply moving and real.1* Here are other details : Between 16 and 17th centuries,14 there are two significant works on the full Ramayana in the Satpadi verse again. One by VeAkamatya and the other by BattaleSvara. The latter work is known popularly in the Kannada Districts as Kaugika Ramayaga. Venkamatya's work is an accomplished piece of writing. He observes the principles of composition which the conventions of Poetics prescribed for quality of achievement though like any Satpadi work of the later periods it shows laxness in the use of language. The poet is sure15 that Rama is Parabrahma. Rama is aware of it. Vasi$(ha is allowed to know this. Rama is conscious of the purpose of his incarnation. About the time of the offer of Yauvarajya to Rama, Narada is sent by the Gods to remind him of this purpose. Rama is not anxious at all. He knows what is going to happen. Such notice robs the story of all naturalness and takes way from the work the sense of drama, the significance of Rama's acceptance of Kaikeyi's demands and the later feelings and utterance of the hero would sound fulsome and extravagant and if this point is remembered the events cannot make as fresh and forceful an impact us literature. Narada'* " Twins born with the aid provided by Valmiki, are brought up tenderly initiated into rites belonging to Kjatriyas and taught not only the arts of war but to read, write and sing. It soon happens that Rama proposes to perform the Aivamedha and the horse comes strongly guarded by a great army. The younger boy is provoked on reading the inscription tied to the forehead of the horse claiming Rama as sovereign Lord of the land and challenging all obstructors. There is a fight and Lava is taken prisoner but the elder brother hears of it and moves into the scene and lays low the entire army. Vilmiki has been out on a visit to P&tftla. When news is brought to him that a fight was on and won, he returns without delay and speaks to Rama of his own twin children by Sit&. After proper explanations Sita is persuaded to go to participate in the Agvamedha. A more positive turn is thus given to the Uttarakaptfa story with the addition of the episode of the parent and children at war and Sitfi restored to her rightful place. 14
The author is aware of Padma PurftQa, SldLnda and other works. To give an example of the bulk of the work, the Ayodhyft KftQ
Tlie Rfimftyaoa Tradition in Kannada
*H
coversation with Rama is open to Sita and Lakpnaga also. And Sita herself is Parvati. The opening passages speak of the story as being narrated by Siva to Parvati and it is intriguing to speculate on how Sita as Parvati should be feeling about it all. The Gods play a more definite part in Ayodhya. Manthara's thought and words are more or less shaped by the Goddess Sarasvati. The importance of Ramayana is elaborated in one of the chapters in the Ki$kindha section. Rama quotes Manu to the dying Vali. Kauiika Ramayana takes many popular elements into its making. It has 44 sections and once again the Yuddha Kao^a figures more largely than the earlier sections. That Rama is Vi§nu incarnate, Hari and Narasiroha is taken for granted. Though there are rich bits of description here and there, it definitely shows elements from Abdhuta Ramayana etc.—many portions of which reek with supernatural episodes and myths current about Ravana, Hanuman, Vali etc. Neither Bharata nor Kaikeyi nor Satrughna behave like dignified persons. Important episodes are dodged in summary mention and episodes which light up personality and character and depth of human feeling are poor. Two or three incidents are almost new. Sambuka who was killed in the Uttarakaptfa, who would have made a social document of the type of a person not entitled to a particular status or right, desires to perform Tapas with ambition to attain to heaven with his human corpus. In the Pampa Ramayana, he is Candranakhi's son who by ill-fortune loses the object of his ambition and gets killed; with the same sword he was striving for, luck goes to Lak$mana. Sambuka here desires revenge against Kubera to rehabilitate himself aft era defeat. He undertakes tapas to invoke Siva to confer upon him the proper weapon with which to defeat Kubera. Kubera comes in disguise and, in distress as it were, prays to Lak$mana to rid the country of this Rakjasa and deposits a sword by the side of the ant-hill which had grown over him. Lak§maija had casually gone to the place on a stag hunt and kills him. The second interesting point is that Kaikasi, mother of Ravana, induces Vibhijana to ;idvise Ravapa against his wrong desire for Sita. Vibhi$ana fails. At a later stage she personally prays to her son to forswear his selfdestructive desire for Sita. She too fails. Kaikasi is among the women who led Maptfodari at the funeral of the son. Of what
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
age could she be? At one print Rava^a's women are decribed as numbering 16 lakhs?15 The most revealing point which comes out in the later stages is the fore-knowledge of RftvaQa himself that Rama is Vi$ou/Narahari. Narahari has killed and (disembowelled HiranyakaSipu in an earlier birth and Ravaga knows he is due to be killed by Rama; yet* will not yield Sita unwarrior-like to him16. Rama has to show up as Vi§nu before he kills Ravana, who almost is feeling happy and expresses gratitude to his Lord at the last moment. This brings us to another point in some of the queer episodes connected with Ramayana It is the bringing in of the Ahiravana and Mahiravana stories and the taking of Rama into Patala Lanka from where Hanuman has to pick him back. Incidentally, Rama is told that he cannot bring down the enemy unless someone goes into a Lotus Pond near about Ravaga's palace and silts it before he can be killed; for, there lies the secret of his undying strength. Hanuman does it for him. Rama has to hit at the lotus right of his chest to kill him. Luckily, Rama will not stay here for receiving the hospitality of king Vibhi$afla.17 A brief mention is macle of the ordeal by fire to which Sita was subject. Though all wept and wailed, Rama would have it; it is he who suggests the modus. And it is Hanuman that raises the pyre and sets it burning, not Lak$mana. Many elements which have got into folklore, particularly through the Yaksaganas of South and North Kannada Districts seem to have had their influence on the shaping and voice of the episodes. There is an elaborate Angadr. Sandhana, a talk between Indrjjit and Angada and the Mahiravana interludes have played a large part in popular memory18. And we see and feel a progressive deterioration in the quality of literary perception; " There was no limit to the number to one like Ravana! 14 This puts us in mind of a similar awareness of Duryodhana in the Kannada Bh&rata. 17 Aditya Hrdaya and the advent of M&tali, Indra's Charioteer, wer* increments enough in V&lmiki's version itself! Clear interpolations even there. 19 Ananda Ramiyana puts in other fantastic accounts.
The RAmftyaoa Tradition in Kannada
W
the great culture and the idealism loses vigour, virtue and dignity: a feature found in every field of life not alone in literature. About early 17th century again, the king Camaraja Vodeyar commissioned one Virupak$a to write a prose version of Valmiki Ramayaija. It is called Camarajokti VaQi'Vilasa R&mayapa; of no great quality in imagination, it obviously is an adaptation of the original katha in prose. About the end of the 19th century, we get the Ramagvamedha Story again, by Muddana.19 He narrates the story in beautiful prose where the wealth of Kannada literary composition and aesthetic tradition feeds the narration. It is in a literary, an almost manderin style. His imagination is live and the liberties he takes with language and narration are many. But the story drives interestingly forward. The framework of the story is set by a convention as it were; for, a young beloved wife Manorami induces him to narrate to her some story to beguile the dull evenings of a rainy season. Its artistry and the fundamentally human and domestic life of a Kannada poet are full of vivacity, humour, creative criticism and the assurance and the aplomb of the writer. The atmosphere here is modern in feeling and attitude. He seems very much indebted to Lakgmiga for some elements in the story, though he says that the original £e$aramayaija katha was narrated by the mythic £e$a to Vatsyayana. Even here, the intelligenceman who intimates the breath of scandal speaks of a washerman who says he was not like Rama to take back a wife too long away from him. This scratch was felt like a wound and after a lot of argument and expression of dismay by the brother, Lak$ma$a undertakes to carry out the behest of the elder brother whom he has loved, revered and followed through life. The career of the Agvamedha horse, while it is taken through many kingdoms, is full of stories which derive from elsewhere. Satraghna plays a warrior's part; he who had more of less no substantive place in the main Ramayaija story. I have already indicated that all along till 15th and 16th centuries popular additions to the story of the Ram&yaQa had " Two other works Adbhuta RAmftyaoa in prose and Rimapattftbhifeka io satpadi are also his.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
been made in folk song, Yakfagana, Harikathas, plays, puppet and pantomime shows and in the village theatre. Women in different parts of thp country have their own versions in simple narrative verse or song; small groups of women of a particular class assemble to hear the stories of Kausalya, Sita, Anasuya, Ufmila etc. as composed or narrated by one who had learnt or themselves composed. Many episodes from Kausalya Parianaya onwards through Kaikeyi Svayamvara, Putrakame$ti and R§ya$rnga being brought to preside over it and onwards—get elaboration. Since the Ramayana was in Samskft, a language not intelligible directly to a large number of people, narrative and descriptive parts are all separated and individually developed in popular lore as song and play. In the story being narrated in prose or verse by innumerable writers and speakers and other reciters of songs, the versions of the epic have resulted in distorting pictures and taking away what one might call the essential virtue and elevation of tone which is the life-breath of Valmiki's work. And, so, what use is it to compare later work with a great Epic! At least in the three levels of the original story, (1) the human and personal one of Rama's life and the Da£aratha family; (2) the needs and requests of the R$is all along the way which becomes quite a public purpose for a k$atriya of the eminence of Rama; and (3) the Divine purpose of bringing VifQu down to earth as man so as to be able to have Ravapa killed, human beings and vanaras being the only species among the living who could compass his death. There is enough space and opportunity for any number and type of persons or interests—social, philosophical supernatural etc.—to fill up openings and grind their own purposes. They are opportunities to speak in communal, sectional, religious, metaphysical or more purely literary extravaganza! Has it not been said of it— Param kavinam adharam Abhigitam idam gitam. Coming to the modern time, I shall mention a few works of poetry and prose which bear on the full Ramakatha. Our :ime happily is one of conscious quality, both as perception and literary character. Ramayaga is an abiding source of inspiration and
Tbt Rftmiyapa Tradition in Kannada
195
offers ample scope for modern interpretation, reconstruction and criticism; which is almost a totally new form of contribution to our letters, based, on comparative literature. The text itself has controversial matter. Ours is by no means an Epic time. If in a modern time, any one takes up the presentation of an ancient Epic, it can be a revival, a re-interpretation, a mode of understanding, analytics and crowning it with wealth of literature and thought and critical judgement which have come to us through the centuries, not only in Indian literature, but in studying and imbibing all the influences of the East and the West. In addition to prose accounts by Prof. K.V. Puttappa himself in his Janapriya R&mayapa, Pandit Alasingrachar and many others, the Ramayaga story has been told by a number of writers: some good in kind, some reflecting the three schools, of Saftkara, Ramanuja and Madhva where the presentation is tinged by sectional colour. Much life, humaneness and perception which Valmiki endo wshiswork with do not figure prominently in the later works. Rava?a arrives at Sita Svayamvara and fails to raise the bow or string it. Situations like Ahalya's and £abari's sound sentimental. There is not one movement in Rama's life, except his condition, almost, hysterical and insane when he loses Sita, where his dignity suffers and he ceases to be self-controlled. Rama is a Va£in and even in situations when a lighter or reactionary mood catches him, he can soon bring himself and others back from what otherwise might be unworthy or harmful. The last moment when he faces Rava^a-—who despite the achievement of any special &aktis grows into strength—it is not so much his consciousness of being a God. He knows the Brahmastra and that it is not lightly to be used but the final one to clinch the situation. In between, I should say that Sri K.V.P. has written a playlet called Valmikiya Bhagya, Sudra Tapasvi etc. and Sri Ti. Na. has written two verse and song plays on Ahalya and Sabari and some episodes in Ramayafla. Sri A. na. kf has a prose play on the Banishment of Sita10. On Sabari and her attitude a few good "Dr. Masti Venkatesa Iyengar has written a critical presentation on the work in his Adikavi Vfilralki, making sunestions about the acceptability of tome andrejectionof other parts as not likely parts of the original epic. His character-analysis and presentation of a few episodes are rich to a degree*
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
lyrics by others also may be counted, some lyrical, some symbolic. So that in the modern time, the poetic sensitivity is continually being aroused and fed by Valmiki. I am taking up mainly two major works in verse.21 Prof. Dr. K. V. Puttappa's Sri Ramayana DarSana comes earlier in the * 40 's, Dr. Masti Venkatesa Iyengar's (Sri Rama Pattabhi$eka' about 1972. They represent two types of sensibility. Prof. K.V.P. (Kuvempu) creates an atmosphere and a metaphysical framework and presents the situations he deals with, with poetic plenitude. The forests, the hills and the lakes, rivers, sunrises and sunsets, the moonlight, the onset of rains and clouds and the downpour of rain get handled magnificently. Some episodes of the Ramayapa are not taken up, while some others like the characterisation of Manthara, €abari, Tara and Vali, Mantfodari and Ravaija are re-creations of a new kind. They embody all that has been said before integrating them in a principle of interpretation. 1 cannot speak of literary purpose and achievement here but all through the influence of Homer, Virgil, Dante, Milton and Savitri can be felt. When a bullet in a tiger hunt is described, a modern time rushes in to look on the story. Possibly, the integral vision, as called by Aurobindo, and the Uapanijadic idea of Purna is got in and it seems to be present in the discovery of the spiritual substantiality of Vijflu. The explanation to Girija by Siva and the Poet's own presentation of the Pafica KoSas—Annamaya, Praijayma, Manomaya, Vijfianamaya and Anandamaya—are taken up as ascent and descent in the awareness of persons, in the course of the story and in the poet's own description of the cosmic significance of the events in vision about the whole Ramayana atmossphere. The truth of truth as embodying eternal verities he strives at; he says, * Rama himself in the last stage of the fight with Ravaija takes on stature as the one who sees the essence of the Ravana attitude, as part of the supreme consciousness. The elements in the description of this work may be sensed as the function of what the poet deems his final perception of truth, almost as if it n
D. V. G.'s' Sri Rama ParOgaQa* is a justification, almost, an idealisation, of certain situations in terms of thought and interpretation. V&livadha, banishment of Slifi are examples. But the questions raised by Lak?maga and the answer given to them do not yet solve them. These are today's attitudes which express a new critical sensibility.
The RSmftyaoa Tradition in Kannada
197
were, the flourish of a Mulahaikara (^T^FTT), where the term Lila (sfrar) would be mild because a whole cosmic purpose is presented when Hanuman in the section called " €ri Rama Ravaija Cit TapaS Sri" as the fulfilment of a destiny which began earlier than Manthara's instigation of Kaikeyi to send Rama to the forest as a purpose fulfilling itself. Almost from lines 320 onwards to 360 he speaks of Siddhi as being KalanuvaSa to all. Even to him, this supreme consciousness had been submerged and unexpressed till then. " Forget what has happened so far/' he says to Hanuman possibly remembering a very early dream of his seeing a giant monkey figure in it.22 Many dreams happen to people at different times: to Ravaija as to DaSaratha; to Rama as to Sabari; to Maij^odari as to Sita. " Fate has brought you only Hanuman ", Rama says, " into this context to learn of human energy and Narayanatva. It is a bridge created by Cit; and even the conduct of life in Hanuman".28 It is private and exclusive even to him. A Lila is being performed. Do not the Upanishads put it as "Vijnatam avijanatam?" I am the basic source of Ravana's Sakti itself. It is impossible for another to vanquish my Asatgakti. You will witness now the Alaukika Vidhana of Cit TapaS Sakti" etc. Ravaija does not fall dead on the field of battle. In a delirious state he is taken out at the end when the Brahmastra is used against him. By the gift of Brahma he has been able to catch hold of it and he feels he has captured Rama himself-symbolic-and it is that Cit Sakti that finally destroys him as man. Like a purified tragic hero, he too desires, almost developing the concept of the Ramayaijaby the Jaina-Nagacandra, that he would bring Rama into his place and hand over to him Sita, treating him as an honoured quest, a plan he, in confidence, has vouchsafed only to Mantfodari once before. There is also a strange suggestion in this Ramayaija that Ravaija and Kumbhakanja will be born as two children to Sita in the next birth! Which can startle many differently but as part of the fulfilment in sublimation of an ambition of Ravaija. M
That Rftma vouchsafed to Hanurotn his divinity when hefirstmet him it part of an earlier Kannada poem. • A "PariQlmaka NlmaiQpaka Nisarfa Sahayogi" etc.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Among the textual modifications we find in the Dar&ana, Ormila devotes herself to austerity on the banks of Sarayu.84 She is brought back to Ayodhya at the time of the coronation fourteen years after. Tara commits herself to flames along with husband Vali- Ruma is undefiled by Vali, an act of redemption, which makes things cleaner and straighten Magtfodari and Sita behave towards each other like sisters, each devout to her Lord. Manthara has no doubt private reasons of grouse against Rama and his mother but her reasons for instigating Kaikeyi, if not exactly caused by that circumstance, yet toughens her in connection with pressing the claims of Kaikeyi on one side and seeing that Da£aratha does not give away and Rama does not take with him any material comforts to make agreeable his life in the forest. But what is most interesting is that like a few other symbolists earlier and many more later, she is made an instrument of destiny. She is the Maya, which not only envelops but drives the situation, hard careering. The R$i motif which employs Rama in a public cause like working for their liberation from fear, loss of life and disturbance of Tapas is not much on sight. But that is what lands Rama and Sita in all the consequences; more fateful in the life of Sita than in that of Rama. Ahalya is like in later myth, a big piece of stone and Rama climbs it and dances in excitement. The stone softens gradually into the beautiful woman that Ahalya is. Above all, there is a grind of a metaphysical purpose which gathering up all the earlier poetic associations with Viggu's Avatara as Rama grows into the concept of Harihara-Brahmatmaka as a feature of Parabrahma in many other Kannada works and the idea of the Cit and Prakfti and Puruga of the Samkhya are all integrated into an Aurobindo-synthetic which makes the primal essences not merely supreme but supra. Thefire-ordealscene is rendered most as in Valmiki. This metaphysical purpose and the linguistic ability of the writer gathers from a study of our classics, and other Epics, and mediaeval literature and makes the work self-conscious, and u
Cf. Rabindranath Tagore's note **Kavyer Anadar f \ the treatment by that poet of a 2 or 3 neglected women in our literature.
The RAmftyaoa Tradition in Kannada
!••
although to some, possibly, wordy and loud, it yet becomes impressive as a work in literature. The theme is noble and any one can see it can sustain any creed. Dr Masti's Sri Rama Pattabhigeka is a different in style, tone, narration and ethos; a pole apart. If the framework of a metaphysical structure and the principle of Fate-or Law in the * Dar£ana' drives to destruction of self, in other, it leads to success of Rama in the Pattabhigeka. The wait in expectation of Rama's return and the Paftahhi$eka are the principle of unity here. A few changes have been made in the structure of the story25. A few inconsistencies and misleading accounts which appear to him to have supplied sectional or other notions or prejudices of later writers axe cleared. From beginning to the end this work is homely, simple, live and concrete. The human credibility of the story and the desire to make it acceptable to the contemporary mind is throughout present. It is not a straight narration from the beginning of the Ramayana story to the end. Though as devout a lover of Rama as any, he rejects the primary conception of the Avatara katha. The esteem and the lasting virtue of the heroes are based on the human virtues in the principal characters. Wherever deemed necessary he deVelopes character, motif and elements of human nature as a master-writer of the short story. The situations are endowed with grace and smoothness of tone. Intent, motive and act on one side, knowledge, feeling and belief on another, articulate character and situation, though the narration is carried on in different stages. It is a co-operative effort in presentation. The present writer stands midway in age-between Dr. Masti, who nearly 10 years older, and to Dr. Puttappa, nearly as many years younger, sees the ambition and power of the younger man and the wisdom and smoothness characteristic of the elder, who has grown up in piety; Masti has neither diluted nor complicated his basic vision. Truth to socially organised life and the level jfrom which he speaks can sometimes look like making explanation or comment or elaboration tame and disarmingly quiet. He too "Based on what the author cuts out as distortions and interpolations which he had expounded in an illuminating critical prose work on the Adi Kavi earlier.
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The Ratnayana Tradition in Asia
does not accept-as in the Jaina tradition-that the rulers and people of Ki$kindha were Vanaras. They belong to a ' Vanara Class* and that Ravana and others are Rak$asas, thirsty of human blood. Even the final fight is toned down as much as the ugliness of a £flrpavakha; and the attack is not in thousands on Rama by Khara; the too many leaders in the Sixth Kajrfa, the strength of armies by lakhs and crores is dismissed. One should have liked, however, a fuller note on the Ahalya episode.16 The story is taken up by many people as 1 have said. Guha is assumed to have come to Nandigrama to give what news he could about Rama's return and from then onward he, Sumantra, Hanuman, Tara, Angada, Anala-daughter of Vibhi$aija, Lak§mana etc. narrate the portions of the story to the extent they know personaly and have experienced.27 The whole story is tilted to begin with the decision of Bharata to burn himself if the brother does not turn up that day-the termination of the 14 year period-as promised him at Citrakuta. He is persuaded to hold on till the next day when every one feels hopeful and sure Rama will come. Hanuman comes crying out the essential news first and all are happy. The mothers are informed and others get ready for the reception with preparations fully made to proceed to Ayodhya. The town prepares to lodge and make confortable all the incoming guests. It is the good fortune of Hanuman to give the news of the return of Rama to Bharata, even as he had carried news and trust to Sita at Lanka and his return to Rama with a token of Sita's loyalty and trust. Rama and Sita desire to keep Hanuman with them though at first Rama is loth to request Sugriva to leave back the loyal friend in his service. But king Sugriva offers him on his own in consultation with his elders as a token of their regard. The story as narrated by Tara to Kausalya and the queens is idyllic while it presents a picture of a whole tribe; almost a tribal documentary. Valmiki's Tara would seem to some a half-damaged angel but essentially she is great and wise and well versed in the H
And the later one at Janaka's court could have been noticed. The earnestness and affection of Satinanda as he inquired of and was answered about the reunion of his parents Ahalyi and Gautama which VUmiki particularly notes, are too deep for tears. 89 To Hanumtn the incidents till he met the brothers near the Pampi lake could be more hearsay than knowledge.
The Mmayana Tradition in Kannada
2U
basic courtesies of the world, beneficent and circumspect. The feeling one gets in this work is of beneficence. Anala, Sarama and Trijata are lovely little young ladies at LaAka, daughters in Ravapa's family, Anala, being actually daughter to Vibhfyapa. The affection and cheer permitted by Havana himself to let her stay as companions to Sita is extremely loveable and wins the heart of old Kausalya. All along details are filled up and anecdotes develop into significant aspects of character and being,* A balance and proportion are present and sweetness and light play on all. If Prof. Puttappa's is power, intellection and enterprise, Masti's is light and wisdom.29 Kaikeyi feeling that all planks to hold or save herself are lost, reconciles herself with her position after the death of DaSaratha. She is contrite and is sisterly and joins the other two. It is tapas by itself to regain what little was still possible to win back the affection of her son Bharata. Only Manthara remains a type-phenomenon-to the last not quite reconciled. Her retrospective partisan account indicates it and closes an account of her life as she lies down to sleep in Kaikeyi's palace on the day of the later coronation. Sugriva and Vibhija^a and others who have come are impressed with the queen mothers and the Rama Brothers. £atrughna has some part to play. It is a pity that Sumitra is even here a stand-back. Ormila is finally able to meet her husband. The account of her given by the elders, the little personal conversation between her and Sita elucidate the nobility of her mind. The * Dargana' renders Ormila its homage quite seriously at two stages, once after Lakgmaoa has left and again after the brothers and Sita have returned. M Vjddhopasevi Laksmivan.. .na bahu bhagita " was Lakjmapa in Valmiki and even more so was she. Worthy wife to a worthy husband who, forgetting wife and home and mother, had left Ayodhya, in service of his brother and sister-in-law; Drmila could understand him; for a word is said to have been uttered to her, as it is depicted here, when Lak$maija spoke to her of his resolve and got her consent ** The creation of a character like the grandson of Sumamra as a charioteer is a little vignette. Vllmiki had said that in joy at the hearing of Rlma's coronation, mothers who had brought forth theirfirstmale child foigot the thrill of child birth. Masli notices it and links up two characters on the sceMsad Kausalyi'a on Me side and the gradousness of Stl's on the other. • Ifce vemons of this story brings to mind a method used by Browink* and in Indb by Ts^ore in the Home and the World.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
(poor dear!) to go and be with his brother. All along it is a Tapasya and austerity in different forms. The description of their meeting back at Ayodhya is satisfying but she is still a * silent warrior \ To her is reserved the part of listening to all the delights of nature experienced 14 years through! There is nothing to disturb the even tenor of the pictures of human life and situation depicted. Anala's description of what her uncle had done, like Tara's of Vali, is hard, no doubt, but incidentally tells us of how human Ravaija was in relation to this little girl-almost the only daughter in the family. It is a remarkable addition of colour. The coronation and its public celebration and expression of the joy are brought off with an exposition of Rajadharma by Vasigtha like the one given to Dagaratha when he ascended the throne and as the tradition came down from Manu and Ik$vaku onwards. It speaks of kingly duty and utter devotion to the welfare of the people. The king is the Agent and the representative of that supreme power which presides over the fortunes of the Universe which can work out its purposes only through the king. It can make a little handbook of political ethics sanctified by custom and the rule of Dharma. Rama's realisation that it is the duty of a king to protect the good and Sita's declaration that the privilege of the Arya is to be kind to all;—for, who is without defect or faihire in conduct? " Na ka£cinnaparadhyati?''. The essential truths of the Ramayana are conveyed simply in language which all can understand and which if one does not hear or read attentively, may easily miss. The modern period has thus a distinct contribution to make in understanding the significance of the Ramayana, inherited as it has the wealth of past and present and of all climes and tongues and persuasions. It has had its triumphs and distortions but the experience is one of deep appreciation. Only we do not have aberrations like Menon's or Dutt's Meghan&da Vadha. Our Ramayana tradition in the country is one of the reverence and written about or spoken or sung; such as will establish the enduring worth of R&ma, Siti, LakfinaQa, Bharata and Hanuman. The Rfimfiyaga story has deeply influenced the life of the people.
The Rftmftyapfii Tradition in Kannada
203
Men and women are named after many of them and from times past men and women gather together to celebrate the birth-day of Rama and his marriage with Sita and their coronation as well as the great episodes in Vftlmiki's work. Whether scholarship accepts the authenticity of Sita's exile or not, it touches a tender chord and has earned for it cherishment. Almost all parts of the country claim place and name and even the lives and memories of these worthies. To one section of the Hindu population, the Kaidkarya of Lakgmafta is the greater; to the other Bharata and his Paduka-Pattabi$eka are a consummation and in both the disinterested regard and self-denial are adored. Both are Ramanujas, each in his great way. Surrender (Saraijagati) of Vibhifaga is another memorable event. And the Brothers and Sita and Hanuman are parts of what they have liked to cherish and worship as expression of the Divine.
RAMAYANA IN MALAYALAM LITERATURE AND FOLK-LORE By N. V. KRISHNA WARRIOR
The mother tongue of the majority of people inhabiting the State of Kerala1 on the west coast, Malayalam, is one of the four cultivated Dravidian languages of South India. It is believed that the dialect of Tamil which was current in this area evolved into a separate language with its own alphabet, script and written literature around the middle of the 9th century A.D. This development is attributed to a variety of causes, the most important among them being the process of Sanskritisation resulting from large-scale influx of Brahmins of Aryan descent from north and east who wielded political, economic and cultural hegemony in this area for several centuries. Unlike in the other parts of the country, the Brahmins in Kerala mingled freely with the local population, taking advantage of the indigenous system of matrilineal inheritance which enabled them to marry into the families of the higher non-Brahmin castes and yet to preserve the purity of their own caste in tact. The progeny of these Brahmins belonged to the castes and families of their mothers, with the consequence that within a few generationsn ot only those who could boast of some Brahmin blood in their veins, but the whole of the upper strata of Kerala society became profoundly Aryanised as far as culture and outlook on life were concerned. Li these circumstances it was but natural that Tamil was soon replaced by Sanskrit as the medium of higher education and culture and intellectual pursuits. The emergence in the 9th century A.D. of the scholar-saint Sri Saftkaracarya who could give a decisive turn to the spiritual career of the entire nation for centuries to come, from an obscure village in Kerala, becomes understandable only when viewed against this background. The chief instrument of sanskritising the entire community under the then prevailing conditions was, naturally, the populari* According to the 1971 census there ire 1.69,94,191 persons speaking Mslsyslnm all over India; their number in Kerala Bute bring 1.60,65.740.
Rftmfiyana in Malayalam Literature
205
sation of the two great Epics, Ramayaga and Mahabharata. which were, and still are, regarded as epitomising the wisdom of the Nation matured through ages and which served both as the sacred and the secular literature for every region in India, Under the hegemony of Brahmins, temples were built in every village, and these soon became the fulcra of not only religious and cultural, but also of political, administrative and social life of the community. According to tradition the narrow strip of the west coast from Gokarnam in the Mysore State in the north to Kanyakumari in Tamilnadu in the south constituted one geographical entity known as Kerala. This was divided into two cultural zones as Tulunadu and Malanadu on the basis of the two main regional languages. Both these divisions were considered to consist of 3 villages (Grama), each village having its own central temple (Grama K$etra) where the leaders of the community met from time to time and transacted political administrative business. These temples also served as centres of higher education. There are records to show that several of these temples had been endowed to feed students undergoing courses in various branches of knowledge, while some temples had instituted what in modern academic parlance may be called " Mahabharata Chairs", to which learned persons, who were paid sumptuously for the job they did, were appointed. These temple professors were designated " Bharata Bhaftas ", and it was their main duty to expound the great epic daily to the rural folk, who though many of them were illiterate, imbibed the essentials of culture from these discourses. Many of these temples had within their precincts, buildings specifically designed for dramatic performances based mainly on the stories of the two great Epics. The texts for these performances were in Sanskrit, but each sentence and each word in these texts was lucidly explained in the local language with plenty of hilarious humour and all sorts of interesting anecdotes thrown in, so that the rustic people enjoyed immensely and congregated in large numbers at these performances which thus played a very effective role in the process of their acculturation. More details of these dramatic performances will be given towards the end of this paper. What concerns us here is the fact that the regional language, which was a dialect of Tamil, was completely transformed in the course of these discourses not only by extensive
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
borrowings irom the rich vocabulary, but also by unrestricted adoption of idioms, phrases and even morphological devices of Sanskrit. The earliest inscription discovered in Kerala is assigned to the 9th century A.D. The language of this inscription, though possessing certain distinct characteristics both in orthography and grammar, is Tamil. No literary work in Malayalam, which may be assigned to a period earlier than the 12th century A.D has so far been discovered. However Ramacatitam, which is one of the earliest Malayalam works so far discovered and is assigned to the 12th century A.D., shows clear marks of literary cultivation of the language for a fairly long stretch of time. From this formative period which is considered to have lasted from the 9th to the 12th century A.D., the Malayalam literature emerged in two distinct streams. One of these streams called " MaQiprav&lam '\-which term signified a harmonious blending of the local language and Sanskrit, -was intensively Sanskritised, had all the phonemes of Sanskrit in addition to the Dravidian. employed Sanskrit metres, was more secular than religious, and generally tried to approximate to models in Sanskrit. This stream was destined to gain the upper hand in the coming centuries. The other streams which stuck to Tamil models and employed only Dravidian pheonemes and indigenous metres, was called " Pattu '* which term simply meant a composition intended for singing. Paradoxically, this stream was more serious and religious in tone, and took its themes from the Epic of Sanskrit. Gradually these two streams merged and in the works of the great Tuflcattu Ezhuttacchan of the 16th century A.D. they lost their separate identities for ever. But before we take up the works of Ezhuttacchan we have to consider three works belonging to the Pattu genre and one work belonging to the Maflipravalam genre, which have a direct bearing on our theme, which is the story of R£ma in Malayalam literature. We have to begin our discussion with Ramacaritam% which as already stated is also the most important of the earliest work* in Malayalam. Composed in indigenous metres, most of them current also in Tamil, and maintaining throughout the alliterative devices of Monai (repetition of thefirstsyllable in both hemistich*).
Mmftyapa in Malayalam Literature
207
Etukai (repetition of the second syllable in all the four lines of a quatrain) and Antadi (beginning of the next verse with the last word cf the previous verse), which are specific features of prosodv in Dravidian languages, Ramacaritam consisting of 1814 quatrains in 164 sections is a perfect model of " Pattu " and is a free rendering of Yuddhakaflda of Valmiki's Ramayaga. The author whose naire is Ceram&n and who on insufficient grounds is identified with a king of Travancoie shows considerable poetic skill and absolute command over the language which abounds in Tamilisms. The work is couched in the grand epic style, and is suffused with a spirit of devotion to the hero, whose deification is more pronounced than in the original by Valmiki. Though replaced as a religious text by the enormously popular Adhydtma Ramdyanam of Ezhuttacchan, Ramacaritam had its days of popularity, and will continue to occupy a place of eminence due to its literary grandeur and linguistic peculiarities in the history of Malayalam literature. The work which claims our attention next is also a Pattu, assigned to the early ISth cent. A.D., and is popularly known as Kannassa Ramayaiyam. This is a free rendering of the whole of Valmiki's RamayaQa in 30S9 quartrains of several indigenous metres which observe the alliterative devices mentioned above. The language, however, is more Sanskritised than in Ramacaritam^ and has all the phonemes of Sanskrit in addition to the Dravidian phonemes. The poet Rama Paflikkar, who is also known as Kannassa, has in several places condensed the original and at certain places added to it portions translated from other works in Sanskrit. It is rather unfortunate that Kannassa Ramaya^am, which has no mean literary excellence, did not attain the popularity it deserved, though there are evidences to show that it served Ezhuttacchan later as a model for his renderings of Epics* Less refined than both Ramacaritam and Kannassa Rdmayanam is Rdmakathappatfu, another running translation of Valmiki's Ramayaija in the Pattu tradition, with 3,163 verses in 279 sections. The author Ayyippilla A$an seems to have been later than Rama PaQikkar, and is assigned to the end of the 15th century A.D. The language shows an over-whelming influence of the colloquial Tamil spoken in the bilingual areas of Southern Travancore. Used for recital in temple festivals to the
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
accompaniment of a small drum called Candravalayam, this work did not attract much attention at any time. From these works in the Paftu tradition we now go to Ramayapa Campu in which the highly Sanskritised MaQipravalam tradition has attained its culmination. This monumental work is assigned to Punam Namputiri who is supposed to have lived in the latter half of the 15th century A.D. Divided into twenty independent books beginning with the Birth of Ravafla (Ravagodbhava) and ending with the ascension of Rama to heaven (Svargarohaija), this work, though interspersed with short pieces in indigenous metres considered as varieties of prose, is composed mainly in Sanskrit metres. The style is high-flown and reminiscent of such Sanskrit works as Bhoja's Ramayana Campu or Ananta Bhafta's Bharata Campu. As the work was intended as a text to be expounded at the one-man dramatic performance in temples known as Pafhakam, well-known verses from the entire range of classical Sanskrit literature are quoted in suitable contexts. The objective of the poet is literary appreciation and aesthetic enjoyment lather than the evoking of religious fervour. The poet is a master in conjuring dramatic situations and depicting all varieties of sentiments, and excels in the portrayal of humour and the erotic. The majestic flow of the well-made verses and the perfect blend of the diverse components of the language exercise an hypnotic effect on the reader which can only be experienced, but never described. Occupying a central place not only in the Rama-lorc in Malayalam, but also in the whole of Malayalam literature is the translation of Adhyatma Ramayana by Tuncattu Ezhuttacchan. Composed in the middle of the 16th century A.D., this classic immediately became the most sacred religious text of almost all sections of the Hindus who considered it obligatory to recite the whole of Adhyatma RamSyana at least once every year, and portions of it on special occasions. As a literary masterpiece Adhyatma RSmOyoQa also found its way into the homes of nonHindus. The Sanskrit original of Adhyatma RSm&yaoa is supposed to be a portion of Brahmazfa Purana, and consists of 4,200 verses in 64 cantos. Although inferior to V&lmiki's Ram&yaQa as literature, this work came into prominence as a text expounding the school of Bhakti (religious devotion) with a non-dualistic slant.
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Ezhuttacchan's work is called a Kilippattu (Parrot's Song) because the author has conceived it as being narrated by a divine parrot. It is more than a translation of the original, for portions have been added, altered or deleted and suitable figures of speech and other embellishments have been supplied. Being a saintly religious reformer and initiater of a cultural movement which included the spread of literacy among the masses, Ezhuttacchan has introduced a number of psalms in praise of the Supreme God and philosophical and ethical discourses in the course of the narration of the story. The indigenous metres, formerly used as quatrains, have now assumed the form of couplets greatly facilitating the flow of narration. Among the different kinds of alliterations, only the repetition of the second syllable, and that too between the two lines of the couplet, is insisted upon. The language is Sanskritised, but the style is racy and has a pleasing native flavour, and it attains to heights of inspired utterence when dealing with profound philosophical problems and signing the glories of the Lord. The descriptions are vivid and vigourous. Portrayal of characters is bold and to the point. Surpassed in poetic beauty, perhaps, by the author's own condensed version of Mahabharata alone, this gem of a classic has occupied the highest place of reverence in the hearts of Malayalees ever since it was composed. It is not surprising that Ezhuttacchan was succeeded by a host of a imitators who, if they could not make any substantial contributions to Malayalam literature, at least ennobled their own creative talents by signing the praises of their chosen deities. The phenomenal popularity attained by Ezhuttacchan's version of Adhyatma Ramayarta did not diminish the eternal fascination of Valmiki's work. About one century after Ezhutttacchan, Keralavarma Raja of Kottayam translated Valmiki Ramiyaoam in simple Malayalam adopting the same Kilippattu style which came into vogue after Ezhuttacchan. Coming to more recent times, poet Vallathol has given us a beautiful verse-to-verse translation of the great epic which it is hardly possible to improve upon. There are innumerable works in Malayalam which have been inspired by Ram&yaga and it is not possible to catalogue them here. Mention, however, may be made of BatarSmSya^am by Kumaran Attn which is a children's classic in Anutfubh metre.
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Kumaran Aian has also composed a fairly long reflective poem called Stta lost in reveries (Cintavigtayaya Sita) which is acclaimed as the masterpiece of the poet by many discerning critics and which contains an unforgettable portrayal of the noblest of epic heroines. The story * f Rama has been the theme of a number of neoclassical Mahakavyas in Malayalam, beginning with Ramacandravilasam of Azhakattu Padmanabha Kurup, which, it may be stated incidentally, set the trend for this type of composition, in the language. Rama-epics from several languages other than Sanskrit have also been translated or adapted into Malayalam. Of these, the metrical translations, of Kamban's classic from Tamil by Dr. S. K. Nayar and Tulsidas' Ramacaritamanas from Hindi by Sri Vennikkulam Gopala Kurup, deserve special mention. Dramatic representation was a very effective method adopted in Kerala for the popularisation of the story of Rama. As stated earlier, many of the important temples in Kerala had buildings within their precincts which were called " Temples of Acting " (Kuttampalam) which term signified the sanctity and religious importance attached to the performances within them. The performers belonged to two communities called Cakyars and Nampiyars who, generation after generation, nurtured this art with single-minded devotion, and were paid for this service from the temple funds. Their repertoire consisted of a dozen Sanskrit plays of which three, viz. Abhifeka and Pratimanataka by Bhasa and AicaryacwjfanaQi by Saktibhadra are based on the R&ma theme. Even while presenting some other plays, such as PratijRdyaugandharaya^a of Bhasa, the story of Rama with all details is brought in and narrated by Vidu^aka. There is a form of monoacting called Kuttu, and it is based on a text called Rdmaya^am Prabandham, which is a compendium of choicest Sanskrit verses nulled from different sources, with particular portions composed 3y the renowned scholar-poet Melputter Narayapa Bhaft&tiri >f late 16th century A.D. The regular acting of the play, called KSfiyattam (literally, acting involving more than one actor), i^ f ery elaborate and technical and is perhaps the only form surviving o this day of Sanskrit play-acting according to the prescriptions
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of BJiarata's Natya Sastra. It is believed that this kind of playacting was instituted in the temples of Kerala about the 9th century A.D. and thus it claims unbroken succession for more than a millennium. The well-known Kathakali dance-drama is a popularised version of Kutiyaftam, and started its career as Ramandftdm (Rama Ballet), popularly known as Kathakali, in the second half of the 17th century A.D. The text for this new form of dancedrama consisted of eight musical plays covering the story of RamayaQa and composed by a King of Kott&rakkara. Though not possessing much literary value, these plays are still popular because of their stage appeal. Incidents from R&m&yaQa have also been utilised by subsequent authors for composing Katn?. kali plays, and one of the most favoured characters on the Kathakali stage has been Hanuman with his mighty deeds, monkeyish pranks and sublime devotion to the Lord. Another popular performing art of Kerala is Tullal initiated and brought to perfection in the middle of the 18th century A.D. by Kufican Nampiy&r, the scholar-poet, who was also the greatest humourist that Kerala ever produced. Tullal is a one-man dance-drama wherein the dancer-actor presents puranic stories, and incidentally provides much mirth to the rustic audience by introducing, as occasion demands, droll stories and sharp social criticism. Kufican Nampiy&r has composed more than forty " Tale in Verse " for these performances of which eight are based on incidents from R&m&yaQa. In Tullal the narration of the story is in verse; in Pathakam, which is yet another temple art, the story is narrated in prose, based on verses in Sanskrit and fortified by histrionic talents. The stoiy of R&ma is a great favourite also with the performers of Pathakam. For presenting R&ma'? story, the text now utilised is the Ramayofam Prabandham in Sanskrit. Formerly Rdmayariam CampQ of Punam which is in Malayalam, had also been utilised for this purpose. Reference may also be made to the shadow-play known as Tol-p&vakuttu which is confined to a few K&li temples in the Palghat District. In this kind of popular entertainment, shadows of leather puppets representing characters from R&m&yaga are projected
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on to a screen, and the story is narrated by the chief performer, known as Pulavar, and his assistant, mostly in the form of dialogues, with occasional digressions on many an interesting point. The text used for this performance is Kamban's RamayaQa in Tamil. The story of Rama has several times been adapted for presenting on the modern Malayalam stage. The translation of Bhavabhuti's Uttarardtnacaritam by Cattukkutty Mannatiyar has been played to packed houses several times in the 19th century. Ramardjabhisekam by E. V. Krishna Pi I la i, Kancana Sita by Sri C N. Srikanthan Nair and Puspav^fi by Thikkotiyan are some of the noteworthy successes in adapting the Rama theme to the contemporary realistic theatre. The Rama theme has also found adequate expression through the graphic arts in Kerala. At Cochin there is a historic palace which contains a series of excellent mural paintings depicting the story of. Rama from his birth upto his triumphal return from exile. The temples dedicated to Rama at Tiruvilvamala and Triprayar in Trichur District have selected episodes from R&mayaQa sculptured in wood around the sanctum sanctorum. The temple of Rama at the Padmanabhapuram palace which belonged to Kerala before the re-organisation of States has the whole of Ram&yajja story carved in forty panels of wood. Gold bracelets with episodes from Ramayaga embossed around were once the proud possession of artistocratic ladies in Kerala. In more recent times, many of the dramatic incidents in the career of Rama have supplied the themes for some of the most famous paintings by that gifted and popular artisc, Raja Ravivarma. A few remarks about the place of Rama-worship in popular religion will not be out of place here. Hinduism in Kerala has always been very tolerant and surprisingly free from sharp sectional rivalries. It has been mainly centered on Tantric and Agamic worship in the temples consecreted to £iva, Parvati (Kali, Durga), Vi$Qu, £asta (Ayyappa) and Subrahmaijya. Of the incarnations of Vi$Qu, Knva is the favourite. Rama, though accepted as an incarnation of VI'TOU, has only a few temples dedicated to him Of these the temples at Tiruvilvamala and Triprayar, to which reference has already been made in connection with the wood carvings in them, and the temple at Tellicherry are famous. The
MmAyapa in Malayahm Literature
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KfltalmaQikyam temple at Irifijalaku0a is dedicated toBharata and the ancient temple ac Muzhikkalam near Alwaye is dedicated to Lakjmajja. Satrughna too has a temple consecreated to him at Pakkil. Hanuman has always been a deity dear to the masses, but surprisingly there is only one important temple dedicated to him in the whole of Kerala. This is the chief temple (Gramakjetra) of Alattur village near PonnaQi and Hanuman installed in this temple is the protecting deity (Paradevata) of this village. Devotees of Hanuman were not satisfied with the role, though by no means an insignificant one, assigned in RamayaQa to their chosen deity. They wanted to see him as the hero of an epic in his own right. Pataiaramayaflam is such an epic, which presents one of several folk versions of the RamayaQa story. PatalaravaQa, the demon lord of the nether world, wanted to help his friend RavaQa of Laftka, when the latter was fighting a losing battle, and abducted Rama and Lak$ma?a to his secret abode. The hero Hanuman knows about this and after a series of adventures and a few episodes of romance, kills the offender and rescues his masters, Rama and Lakgmaga, to continue their fight against RavaQa. Based on this story there is a Kilippaftu in Malayalam which was most likely composed in the 18th century A.D. Yet another folk version of an incident in Ramayana is contained in the song called 'The sorrow of Sita" (Sitadufekham), also composed in the 18th century A.D. After the return of Rama to Ayodhya one day, the three mothers-in-law wanted Sita to paint a picture of Ravana whom they had heard of so much, but did not have a chance to see. Sita reluctantly complied with their command. The mothers-in-law who were very jealous of the favours she received from her fond husband, brought this picture, which was so life-like, to the notice of Rama, who immediately grew suspicious of the chastity of his wife and ordered LakfmaQa to take her to the forest and there to kill her. Lak$maQa, though normally obedient to his brother, could not bring himself to commit such a heinous crime. He therefore placed Siti at the hermitage of an ascetic in the forest, killed a salamander, and showed his sword drenched in blood to Rama. Rama was con* vinced of the death of Siti, but not so the mothers-in-law, who said
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Hie Ramayana Tradition in Asia
that they could distinguish an animal's blood from that of a human being. Lak$maija therefore had to go again to the hermitage, cut the littlefingerof Sita with his sword, and show the blood to the royal ladies. This too did not carry conviction with the mothers-in-law who said that they could distinguish between the blood of a man and that of a woman. LakgmaQa got angry and asked them to cut one of their own limbs with the same sword and see if the two bloods were not of the same colour. This silenced the ladies, and everybody, except LakgmaQa, thought that Sita was dead. Rama, however, was smitten with acute remorse. In course of time he came to know the truth and went tothe hermitage to see his sons, when suddenly a deep chasm appeared in the earth and Sita disappeared into it. Rama tried to catch hold of her, but got in his hand only a single hair of Sita. There are a number of such folk versions of the incidents of Ram&yaoa, but the songs embodying them have hardly any literary merit.
RAMAYANA IN TELUGU LITERATURE AND FOLK LORE By C. R. SARMA A Telugu proverb observes: " If you want to hear, hear the Bharatam; If you want to eat, eat garelu (round pan-cakes made of black gram)". This interesting and true observation must have come into vogue only after the Telugu version of the Mahabharata became popular among scholars and masses as well. Srlmad Andhra Mahabharatamu, as the Telugu version is titled, written by the famous Poet-trio, is a piece of good literature in Telugu. It is at once a poem of outstanding literary merit and an authoritative book for usage. In fact, it is the first known literary work in Telugu literature. The Telugu Mahabharata and its three authors—Nannaya, Tikkana and Errana—are, therefore, held in high esteem not only by their immediate successors but by the present-day writers too. The well-known twin poets, Tirupati VeAkata Kavulu, have rightly remarked that this work is a Veda to the Telugu people. Among the Poet-trio, Nannaya is a superb story-teller. Even a casual reader can find in him a fascinating poet. Tikkana is a poet-dramatist. He is a master of human psychology and hence his characters appear before us and open their hearts. The last poet, Errana, is a descriptive writer and his poetry is serene and sublime. It is no wonder, therefore, that the Telugu Bharatam is considered a fine poem and is read and enjoyed. But viewing from literary excellence, the same cannot be said about the Telugu RamSycofas though they are great in their own. Despite the fact that the Mahabharata has been a source of inspiration, the story of Rama, as narrated by Valmiki has greatly attracted the Telugu poets, old and modern. The Telugu mind is a stronghold of Rama-cult. There is not a village worth its name which does not have a Rama mandir (temple), big or small, where one can hear bhajans, in praise of Rama sung with devotion. The devotees feel that the entire world is encompassed by Rama. Some scholars have even declared that Rama is the favourite deity
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
of the Andhras. The birth-day of Rama, Rama Navamt, is celebrated with great enthusiasm throughout the Telugu region. Several places and persons are named after Rama and other major characters of the RSmayana. It is significant that Rama's name is closely knit with the daily life of the Telugu people. While giving bath to children, usually the mother or any senior female member of the family, will utter at the end; " Let Sri Rama protect you; be blessed with hundred years of life". (Sri RSma rakfa; nurellu ayussu) and this is an age-old custom. Most of the Telugus commence their letters or marriage invitations with the customary phrase * Sri R&ma Jayam * (Victory to Sri Rama). Yet another popular custom is to sing the song beginning with * Anandamaye anandam&ye' during weddings when the mangala sutra is tied. This interesting song refers to the marriage of Sita to Rama. One can also notice the Telugu saying the words ' Rama, Rama' (meaning alas), when they hear any tragic incident or bad news. Thus Rama is invoked in time of trouble and this is a common usage. It is also worth mentioning here that a few incidents of the Ramdycajta story have been preserved in proverbs and phrases and they are in vogue to this day. Thus it can be seen from the above that the story of Rama is not a piece of ancient mythology but a living faith in the Telugu region. The Ramayaffa literature in Telugu is vast and varied and the poets drew inspiration mainly from Valmiki. Works dealing with the Rama-theme either in full or in parts are available in hundreds as the story is narrated in almost all literary gcnrcs-Kavya (poetic composition, including major and minor poems), Dvipada (twoline verse), Sataka (century of verses), YakfagSna (dancc-plav), Dap&ka (a metrical composition in the form of stotra), Geya (song), Catu (stray verse), prose, drama and the like. All the available books can be broadly classified as POrva RSm&yaQa (upto Rama's coronation) and Uttara RamSyafta (the later story). Besides, we have translations of the different versions of the RSm&ya^ay namely AdhyStma, Ananda, Adbhuta and VOsiftha Rim&yagas and also from other Indian languages like Hindi, Ttolasi's RSmacharitrftrtas, Tamil (Kamban's ROmdya^am) and
Rtinayana in Telugu Literature
HT
innumerable Satakas with the refrain addressed to Rftma. There appeared Satakajtfha Rim&yaQas also. £ataka?tha, supposed to be a mighty warrior and a brother of Ravafla, was killed by Sita according to the Satakarttha R&m&yaoam which is also known as Sita Vijayam (Sita's victory) Till recently a feeling prevailed among the poets that writing on Rama will lead to good. In fact, a distinguished poet of the 17th century observed: " A scholar who is endowed with the power of distinguishing the good from the bad and has the gift of writing poetry should not attempt unholy stories discarding the holy story of Rama. If he did so, then, what is the use of his wisdom? What is the use of his fascinating poetry?" Among the full length Telugu Ramayartas that have appeared in the past, Ranganatha Ramaya$am, Bhaskara R&mayatfam, Kafta Varadaraju Ramaya^am and Molla Ramayartam deserve special mention. Of these, Bhaskara and Molla RamayaQams are written in Champu form (mixture of poetry and prose) while the others are couched in the dvipada metre. Ranganatha Rdmayapam composed in the indigenous metre dvipada, is regarded as the earliest and complete RamayaQa in Telugu. Some scholars are of the view that it was written around 1240 A.D. It contains 17,290 dvipadas or 34,580 lines. The author of this poem, like its date, is also open to doubt. Supporting the traditional view, some critics attribute the authorship to one Chakrap&tyi Ranganatha. But curiously enough his name is not mentioned anywhere in the poem. The majority view is that this Ramayaria was written by a poet called Gona Buddha Reddi at the instance of his father Pajtfurafiga Vifthalanatha and that the poet named it after the latter. Hence the name Ranganatha Ramayartam,; though written by Gona Buddha Reddi, Ranganatha is the abbreviated form of Paijtfuranga Vifthalan&tha. Whoever the author may be, Rakganatna R&maya^am is one of the popular poems in Telugu and it is unique in itself for the following reasons: First: it is written in the indigenous metre; it can be conveniently sung and it is the first and complete Ramayafa composed in that metre. Second: some portions of this poem are sung during the shadow-play (TSlubammalSfa) which is veiy popular with the masses. Third: in this poem are found several interesting episodes or details which are not found in VOImiki Mmdya^a
US
11* Ramayana Tradition in Asia
as available in its present form, but prevalent in the Telugu folklore. Lastly, R&vaoa and other members of his family are portrayed in brighter hues in this poem. The story of Sulocanft, the daughterin-law of Ravana, as depicted in the Rahganatha R&miyartam is superb and she can be well compared to Sita regarding the virtue of chastity. The other notable non-Valmiki episodes or details that are found in this poem are: Indra assumes the form of a cock and crows near the cottage of Gautama; after fulfilling his evil desire with Ahalya he leaves the cottage in his own form. The goddess of sleep approaches Lakjmnija and he asks her to stay with his wife Ormila till the exile period is over. Lak$maQa draws seven lines around the hermitage ana warns Sita not to go beyond them; the account of Jambukumara the son of Sflrpariakha, the story of a squirrel which helped Rama in the construction of the Setu, AAgada drags MaQ^odari to the presence of RavaQa when he was performing a homa, VibhigaQa makes a disclosrure (that R&vaQa's navel contains nectar) which finally leads to the ruin of RavaQa; Hanuman, Vibhi$aria and others dine with Rama after the latter's coronation was over; Hanuman distributes to the other monkeys the food that was left out in Rama's plate, and the story of LakfmaQa's laughter in Rama's court. As already stated, Ranganitha R&mayanam presents a good picture of RavaQa. His noble quality of appreciating the greatness of a mighty warrior even if he be his enemy has been well depicted in this poem. RavaQa desires to instil fear in the minds of Rama and his followers and so he exhibits all the precious articles which he acquired in different battles so as to be noticed by Rama. As expected, Rama looks at them and on enquiry learns from VibhifaQa that those precious ornaments were acquired by his brother by defeating the gods. Then Rama gently aims an arrow at RavaQa, which removes the necklaces worn by the maids attending on him, his umbrella is broken, but no one is hurt. This surprises R&vaQa considerably who forgets for the moment his enmity with Rama and begins to priase his wonderful skill in archery. He addresses Rama as Vlragragavya, the first among the warriors. The ministers of RavaQa become impatient and say that an enemy should not be extolled thus. But RivaQa chides them by asking. " should not the greatness of the mighty heroes be extolled?"
fUtnayan* in Tdugu Literature
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The next poem that deserves mention is the Bh&skara RHm&yagam. Some critics believe that this is anterior to the RanganStha RBmSyaoam. But they are really contemporary works. Bhaskara Ramayanam, a long poem in six cantos interspersed with prose passages, is written in the Kavya style. On account of its sublime poetry, it is held in high esteem by the scholars. As is evident from the title, this poem is called after Bhaskara, one of the four authors, the other three being his disciples and friends. Though the style is not uniform throughout, this is a fine poem which is read much and appreciated. The authors of the Bh&skara Rdmaya^am have been faithful to Valmlki in narrating the main incidents of the story. Still they did not hestitate to include some non-Valmlki episodes in their work. Ahalya becoming a stone as a result of Gautama's curse, the reason for enmity between Rama and Manthara, the maid servant of Kaikeyl, Lak$mana killing Jambukumara, the son of Sflrpanakha, Tara cursing Rama for killing her husband, the account of Kalanemi, the trusted servant cf Ravana, Narada'* disclosure to Rama that he was VigQu when he and Lak$matya were bound by the serpent-arrows, Nala worshipping Lord Vinayaka (Gaoeia) before constructing the Setu, Rama addressing Hanuman as his brother, while urging him to bring the Safijivi herb to bring hack the fainted Lakfmaga to life—are some of the new details or episodes one can find in Bhaskara RSmayaruun. Molla Rdmayanam is also a popular poem which is equally enjoyed by the scholars and masses. A poetess belonging to the potter community, Molla who lived in the middle of the 14th century (some say ISth century) wrote her Ramiya^a in a simple and fascinating style. She narrates in the Ayodhya Kapfa a brief but interesting incident. Rama notices Guha* the devotee-boatman, after reaching the Ganges and asks him to take his party to the other side of the river. Guha immediately agrees with pleasure but fears that if R&ma should step into his boat, it may become a maid as he had already heard that a stone had changed into a sweet maid (Ahalyft) as the dust in the foot of Rama touched it. His apprehension is genuine and so he washes R&ma's feet with water
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Hie Ramywa Tradition in Asia
until the dost is fully removed and only then requests Rima to get into his boat. This interesting incident not only brings out Guha's devotion to R&ma but gives a slight relief in the grief-striken narrative.* The R&mftyaoa written by Katta Varadaraju, a royal poet of the 17th century, is yet another popular work in Telugu. It consists of six KOnfas and 23,170 dvipadas or 46,340 lines and thus it is the biggest dvipada poem. It may be said that the poet tried to be faithful to the original. Still one can notice here some non-V&lmlki details or episodes. For instance, this poem informs that Rama was born on Wednesday. This non-Valmlki detail is also found in the Rangandtha RamdyoQam and BhSskara Ramayat^am, According to Molla RamSyayam, Rama and his brothers were born on Sunday. Besides the above complete Ramayanas, we have in Telugu a few abridged versions. Among them RBm&bhyudayam written by Ayyalaraju Ramabhadru
So alio the Rdmdyanas written by. Jtoravi Satyan&riyaQa (14th century) and Chitrakavi Ananta Kavi (16th century) aie not available. The Ragkun&tha ROmSyafam written by Raghun&tha Niyak who ruled Tanjore from 1614 to 1633 if also not available in full. Only the first three Kdndas and some verses in the fourth Kmfa are now extant. Though it is not definitely known whether this royal poet had completed the RamSya*a> it is significant that his work was later translated into Sanskrit by his court poetess Madhuravanl. Coming to the Uttara Ramayaga, Nirvachanottara ROmHyamam by Tikkana of the Poet-trio (13th century) stands foremost. As the name suggests, this poem is written only in verses in ten cantos containing 1,260 verses. Tikkana's poem seems to be an independent one. He did not describe the death of Rama. His Rftma appears to be an ideal man and a wise king. The next notable work is that of Kankanti Papa Raju of the 17th century. His poem contains about 3000 verse and prose passages and it is, therefore, considered an elaborate work as against that of Tikkana which is concise. Unlike Tikkana, he was faithful to the original and translated all the stories left out by the former. Being a devotee of Rama, Papa Raju's poem is charged with steadfast devotion and is often read and enjoyed. Gona Kacha and Vitthalaraju, the sons of Buddha Reddi, wrote in the dvipada metre the story of Uttara Katjtfa and this poem may be regarded as a sequel to the Rtmganatha Ramayanam. Though Vdlmiki RamSyana has been a source of inspiration to all the Ramayana poets, it is surprising that no sincere attempt was made to bring out a faithful translation of it. In fact, it was not the aim of the old Telugu poets to translate the Sanskrit epics verbatim. At some places, the original was closely followed, while at some other places additions were made or new details included. It is only in modern times, some scholars tried to bring out faithful translations of the Sanskrit originals. Goplnatham Venkata Kavi (1820-1890) was the first to render the ViUmiki RamSyana into chaste Telugu verse. A few more exact renderings also followed. But the translation of Vavilikolanu Subba Row (1863-1939) entitled Srimad Andhra ViUmiki MUmlkywfam is generally acclaimed as a faithful and readable tendering. He had also published a valuable commentary to it.
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It is worthy of note that the story of Rama has greatly inspired many modern writers also. Several interesting and critical writings dealing with different aspects of Ramayana are being published in journals or book form. A good number of minor poems {Khanfa Kavyas) describing the various episodes or characters of the Ramayana are also available. Distinguished poets like Vi$vanatha SatyanarayaQa have written the complete Ramayana in verse while some have translated the Vatmfki Ramayaga into the spoken idiom. The Adhyatma, Ananda and Vasiffha Ramayanas are also available in Telugu either in prose or verse. It will not be out of place here to mention some of the Satakas extolling the greatness of Rama and other characters of the Ram&yoga. A good number of Satakas have the refrain (makufa) addressed to Rama in different names like DaSarathi, Sitapati and the like. D&farathi Satakam written by Ramadas of Bhadracalam is a soul-filling work. This Satakam of a great devotee of Rama is charged with spotless devotion. One Satakam containing 200 verses briefly narrates the story of Rama. The Godintoxicated musician Tyagaraja described in his exquisitely fine songs several episodes of the Ramayana story. Of the several YakfagSnas (operas) dealing with the Rama-theme, Sugriva Vijayam by Kandukuri Rudra Kavi (16th century) stands foremost. This brief account of the Ramayana literature in Telugu will be incomplete if the folk songs extolling the qualities of the various characters of the Ramayana are not discussed. The folk authors too have been deeply inspired by the Rim&yaQa story. It appears that the tragic story of SIta has caputured the fancy of several folk authors. The presence of a considerable number of songs describing in detail various incidents in her life bears ample testimony to this fact. Several interesting details about SIta are found in the folk songs. One of them, entitled Santa Govinda NUmamulu narrates the birth of SIta as follows: " After taking leave of Lord Vishnu, she (Adilakshml) enters a lotus in a lotus pond at LaAka, the capital of the king R&vaga. When the servants of Ravana enter the pond to gather flowers,
iTchwuLtamtim
»*
they hear a strange voice saying, * I shall kill you \ This is at once conveyed to the Demon King. Then accompanied by his followers, R&vana comes to the pond and plucks the flowers. He also hears the same voice. Trembling at it, he gives the flower to his wife Majtfodarl to examine it thoroughly. After a careful examination, she finds a female child in it. Later, it is predicted by the astrologers that if she (Slti) were to stay in Lafika further, the city would be destroyed. Majrfodarl* therefore, summons ViMtyhaga and tells him that the child found in the lotus is an incarnation of Adilakshml and that she will be the wife of Rama. As directed, she is kept in a box and it is shoved into the sea. Finally, she is found by Janaka in the furrow of the plough/' Though, this is a non-Valmlki episode, this corroborates the Telugu saying that SIta's birth led to the downfall of Lafika (Si7* puff* LaAkaku chefu). The folk authors did not stop at merely narrating
Sttrpanakha, Ravaoa's sister, has not forgotten her love for Rama though she has lost her mighty brother and several warriors in that terible battle. She finds SIta as a stumbling block in her way. So she comes to Ayodhyi in the guise of a mendicant and approaches Rama who is just then starting for hunting. He, therefore, directs the mendicant to see SIta who receives her warmly and presents her valuable gifts. But the presents are rejected. Instead, SIta is asked to draw the picture of Ravaqia. Trembling with fear at this strange request, SIta tells her that she never cared to look at Ravaija, despite her stay in Lafika for about ten months. Butfinally,to satisfy her guest, Slt& draws only the toe of Rivaga which was later completed by the mendicant. Afterwards, the mendicant approaches Brahma and requests him to give life to that drawing
3M
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
of Ravapa. Taking pity on her, Brahma agrees to her request. StLrpaQakha then retires to her place, leaving the drawing at Ayodhya. 44
Ravana's picture begins to tease SIta by asking her to return to Lanka with him. The strange behaviour of the picture surprises everyone in the palace. It is unhurt "though it is thrown into a well and flames. Disgusted and worried, SIta places it under her bed, chanting the name of Rama, it does not come out and hence she is temporarily rcliveved of the trouble. Meanwhile, Rama returns from hunting, but no one dares to report to him the strange acts of the picture. Even SIta is silent. That night, when Rama is in the company of SIta, Ravaga's picture comes out and pushes Rama away. This makes Rama suspicious of his wife's chastity. And the result is that he sends SIta to the forest against the entreaties of the inmates of the palace." Here is another interesting story which is very popular and often sung by women. This story entitled Lakgmaga's laughter (Lakfmanadevara Navvu) is also narrated in the Ranganatha Rdmaya^am. After defeating RavaQa, Rama returns to Ayodhya, along with his wife and brother Lakjmana. Later, Rama was crowned in the presence of all the Gods, sages and others. At the time of coronation, Lakfmaga, at one stags, laughs which create, a stir among the dignitaries present. Each one of them including Siva thinks that Lak$maija laughs at him only and hence feels offended. Rama too mistakes the laughter and gets wild against his brother. He, at once, draws his sword from the scabbard and demands of him the reason for his laughter. Then Lakfma?a falls at his feet and explains as follows: * While we were staying in a hut in the forest, one night, you (Rama) were fast asleep. As usual, armed with bow and arrow, I was on the watch. All the creatures in the forest were also in deep sleep. Then I found to my great surprise NidrS deri (goddess of Sleep) weeping. I approached her and enquired the reason to which she replied that though the entire world was sleeping, he (LakftnaQa) was awake.
Ramayana in Telugu Literature
215
4
Then I told her that I was in the service of my brother and sister-in-law and so I should not sleep. Further I requested her to haunt my wife, Ormila, so that she would sleep all through the day and night. Then she left. And again NidrS devl has come and haunted me today. So, 1 laughed9. So saying, LakfmaQa goes to sleep. On hearing the story, Rama repents and compliments his brother for his selfless service and spotless love for him. He feels ashamed of his haste and desires to put an end to his own life with the same sword he has taken out from the scabbard. But he is prevented from doing so/*
JAIN RAMAYANAS AND THEIR SOURCE By V. M. KULKARNI Popularity of the story of Rama: No work in Sanskrit literature has enjoyed a greater popularity in India than the Rdmdyarta of Valmiki. It is truly a popular epic; it has profoundly influenced the thought and poetry of the country for over two thousand years. It has coloured the Indian way of life. For all these centuries the story of Rama has been vividly alive in the imagination of the men and women of all classes. Illiteracy has been no barrier to absorbing the story in all its fascinating detail. Besides the Ramayana of Valmiki, the story occurs in the Mahabharata and in the various PuraQas. We also have *he Adbhuta Ramayana, the Adhyatma Ramdyarta and the Ananda Ramayana. Many eminent Sanskrit poets and playwrights, including Bhasa, Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti and Raja£ekhara, have, again and again, drawn the material for their poems and plays from the Ramayana. Teachers of the various religious schools refer to it and draw upon it to help them propagate religious and moral doctrines effectively among their followers. There are the Buddhist forms of the Ramdyarta, and Jain forms of the story of Rama also exist. Versions of the (Valmiki) Rdmdyaria are found in the different languages of India. It has been translated into almost all Modern Indian Languages, as well as several other languages of the world. Then there are the forms of the Ramayana that are known to exist outside India. The story of Rama in Jain Literature: The three principal characters of the story of Rama in Jain literature are drawn from among the sixty-three £aIaka-purufOS. They are Padma (another name of Rama), Lakjmanaand Ravaga, who form the eighth set of Baladeva, Vasudeva and Prativasudcva. Of all the twenty-seven heroes they enjoy the highest popularity, and Balarama, K[$Qa and Jarasandha stand next to them in popularity. That the story of Rama is most popular with the Jains can be seen from the number of works which treat of it right from
Jain Mmiyapas and Their Source
227
the third or fourth century A.D. down to the seventeenth century. Some of these Caritas and Purtyas are in Prakrit (designated as Jain Maharagtri by Western scholars like Jacobi), some others in Sanskrit and a couple of them in Apabhramla. The authors or poets of the Jain Ramdyarias are drawn from both the principal sects of the Jains, viz., Svetambara and Digambara. Here is a list of the important Jain works which sing of the glory and greatness of Rama: 1. Pauma-cariya of Vimala-Sfkri (circa, end of the 3rd century or 4th century A.D.). 2. Vasudevahijtfi of Sanghadasa (not later than 600 A.D.)3. Padmapuraqa of Ravi$eija (678 A.D.). 4. Pauma-cariu of Svayambhti (middle of the 8th century A.D.) 5. Cauppawa-Mahapurisa-cariya of Sllacarya (868 A.D.)* 6. Uttara-puraQa of Gugabhadra (9th century A.D.). 7. BfahatkathakoSa of Hari?eija (931-32 A.D.). 8. Mahapuraoa of Pugpadanta (965 A.D.). 9. Kahavall of Bhadre£vara (11th century A.D.). 10. Yoga-Sastra-svopajfla-Vftti of Hemacandra (latter half of the 12th century A.D.). 11. Tri$a$ti-£alakapuru$a-carita of Hemacandra (latter half of the 12th century A.D.). 12. Satrufijaya-mahatmya of Dhanegvara (14th century A.D.). 13. Punyacandrodaya-purana of KftQad&sa (1528 A.D). 14. Rama-carita of Devavijaya-ga^in (1596 A.D.j. 15. Laghu-tri$a$ti-Salaka-puru$a-carita of Meghavijaya (second half of the 17th century A.D.). The Dhflrtakhyana of Haribhadra (750 A.D.) and the Dharma Parlkga of Amitagati (1014 A.D.) casually treat of the story of Rama. Jinaratnakoia mentions some other Jain works which have the same subject-matter as the Ramayana. These late works, which are in manuscript form and are not accessible to me, and which being very late, will have hardly anything new to say, are left out from the present study.
22S
The Ramayana Traditiou in Asia
The Inter-relation between the Jain Ramayanas: Among the various Jain forms of the stoiy of Rama, Vimala Sttri's Paumacariya is the first, chronologically speaking. The study of the different Jain RamSyapas clearly reveals that Ravi$ena, Svayambhfi, Sllacarya, BhadreSvara, Hemacandra, Dhanegvara, Devavijaya and Meghavijaya follow Vimala Sflri. Ravigena nowhere states that his Padma Purana is based on Vimala Sfiri's Paumacariya- A comparative study of the two versions establishes firmly that Revi§ei?a is heavily indebted to Vimala Sun, his predecessor. Svayambhfi expressly states that he has followed Ravijefla in composing his Pauma-cariu. At the end of his version of the story of Rama, Sltacarya states: Thus is narrated, in brief, the life history of Rama and Lakjmana, which is described at length in works like the Pauma-cariya. From this statement it follows that he has used Vimala Sflri's work in giving his abridged version. Although Bhadre£vara does not indicate his source, a study of his version of the story of Rama proves that he has adopted the story of Rama as given by Vimala Sflri, and that he very often borrows phrases and lines from him. Hemacandra does not care to mention his source for his two versions of the story of Rama, but from a study of his versions we come to know that he has mainly based them on the works of Vimala Sflri and Ravi$e?a. DhaneSvara's version follows ver> closely the tradition represented by Vimala SttrL Devavijaya himself says that he is following Hemacandra. Meghavijaya's Laghu-Trifasfi is an abridged version of Hemacandra's Trifasfi-saldka-purufa-carita. Gunabhadra's version, which is largely dependent on Valmlki, contains some features which have their parallels in the Daiaratha Jataka and the version of Sanghadasa, and it has some traits peculiar to the Jain Ramayanas. This conglomeration of different elements gives Guijabhadra's version a new look and form. It is, therefore, regarded as another independent version, differing in several respects from the Pauma-cariya. Pu§padanta. although he does not expressly state so, follows Gunabhadra. K^padasa is another writer who follows him. From the number of authors who follow Vimala Sflri it is evident that his tradition has been highly popular among the Jains. The versions of Sanghadasa and Harigepa are more related to the Ramayana of Valmlki or the Ramopakhyana of the
Jain R&mftyaoas and Thdr Source
22*
Mahabharata than to the version of either Vimala Sflri or GuQabhadra. It would not be correct to speak of the schools of Vimala Sttri and Gugabhadra as Svetambara and Digambara, for some Digambara writers too follow the so-called Svetambara version of Vimala Sflri. This inter-relation between the various forms of the story of R&ma enables us to restrict our investigation of the problem of the source of the Jain-RamayaQas chiefly to the scrutiny of the traditions recorded in the Pauma-cariya and the Uttarapuraria. Before undertaking this investigation it would be but proper to give here a brief and bare outline of the story of Rama common to all the Jain forms. Outline of the story of Rama common to all the Jain forms; King Dasaratha, of the Ikjvaku family, ruled over Ayodhya. He was blest with four sons, called Rama, Lak$ma#a, Bharata and Satrughana. There was, at the time, a king named Janaka who ruled over Videha. He had a daughter by name Slta. Janaka gave her in marriage to Rama. There was a mighty king called Ravaija who ruled over Laijka. He was fascinated by the wonderous beaut> of Slta. He carried her off by force to Laijka. Rama was stricken with profound sorrow at this misfortune. A Vanara prince, Sugriva, had been deprived of his rightful place in Kijkindha. He sought Rama's alliance. Rama and Lak$maija helped Sugriva regain the kingdom of Ki$kindha. Rama, Lak§mana and the army of Sugriva marched against Laijka. Vibhl$ana, the righteous brother of RavaQa, did his best to persuade Ravapa to return Slta honourably to Rama, but in vain. He deserted Ravaija and formed an alliance with Rama. A terrible war was fought between the armies of Rama and Ravaija. Finally, Ravaija was killed; Vibhljana was made king of Lafika; and Rama was reunited with his lost queen. After vindicating his honour Rama, with Luksmana and Slta, returned to Ayodhya, his capital. Rama had 8,000 queens, among whom Slta and three others were the principal ones. LakgmaQa had 16,000 queens, among whom Pfthvlsundarl and tight others
230
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
were the principal ones. Rama and Lak?mana very deeply loved each other. After LakfmaQa's death Rama became a monk, practised austerities, obtained perfect knowledge; and, in due course, attained to moksa. Lakjmaija, as he did not accept the path laid down by the Jinas, sank into hell. RavaQa too, for his lapse from the code of correct behaviour, had to go to hell. It was laid down that both of them after passing through many births would attain to liberation. Slta after leading the life of an AryikS, was reborn in heaven, but she too would in course of time obtain mok$a. It is obvious that, except for the number of the queens of Rama and of Lakjmaija, the killing of Ravana by Lak$maija and the Jinistic conclusion, this story ofR&ma is basically and essentially the same as that found in the Hindu versions of V&lmiki and Vy&sa. The object of this paper: It is generally believed that the RamayaQa of Valmiki presents the oldest version of the story of Rama. But some scholars hold that the Rdmdyaria of Valmiki has for its source the story of Rama as found in the Daiaratha Jataka and a few other Jatakas. This view is stoutly refuted by other scholars who hold that the Jatakas are not really older than the Ramayana, but present only a distorted version of it. As far as the present problem of the source of the Jain RamayaQas is concerned, the question of these Jatakas does not assume importance as the Jain Ramayanas do not show any appreciable acquaintance with the story of Rama as given by these Jatakas. And the earliest Jain version of the story of Rama, as found in the Pauma-cariya, belongs to the end of the third century or to the fourth century A.D. That is, the earliest Jain Ram&yaQa falls centuries after the Ramayana of Valmiki. The authors of the Jain Ramayanas, however, claim that the story of Rama, as it appears in Jain literature, preserves an independent tradition anterior to that of the well-known (Hindu) Ramayarja. It is proposed to investigate thoroughly in this paper whether this claim is justified, or whether the Jain version of the story of Rama is derivative being borrowed from the Rdmayarta of Valmiki or the Hindu RSmdya^af in general, with suitable changes or whether it partly preserves some features of a very ancient tradition prior to that of Valmiki
Jain Rimlyapas and Tbeir Source
***
and partly borrows some features of RdmSyaqia of Valmlki, on account of their vast popularity among the masses. The tradition regarding the sovce of the Panma-cariya; Vimala Suri himself records the tradition thus: The Paumacariya was in the form of a list of names and was handed down in regular succession from teacher to disciple.1 It was first told by Lord Mahavlra to Indrabhuti Gautama, who retold it to his disciple. It became known to generations of people through a succession of Sadhus.* Rahu was his grand-teacher and Vijaya was his teacher. He composed this Rama-carita, 530 years after the Nirvana of Lord Mahavlra, having heard (from his * Guru*) the lives of Narayana and Baladeva, as given in the Purvas* Scrutiny of the tradition: It is very difficult to accept this whole tradition as being founded on facts. It may be true that the poet had before him a ' namSvali *
^taajTfa Md*Hl
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and
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23L
The Ramayana Tradition in Aria
and that his teacher had elucidated it to him. But that the story was first told by Lord Mahavira himself is difficult to believe. For in the Jain canon wc do not find the story of Rama recorded any* where, although the story of KftQa who lived centuries after R&maaccording to the statement of the Jain writers themselves-occurs in one of the sacred texts of the Jain Canon.4 The Nandi Sutra and the Anuyogadvara Sutra (forming part of the Jain Canon) mention Bharata and RamayaQa, but they refer not to any Jain (Maha) Bharata or Jain Ramayajja but to the well-known epics of the * heretical* Hindus. It is not likely that such a well-known story which convincingly illustrates the disastrous consequences of a passion for another's wife should find no place in their sacred works. Although it is said that the lives of NarayaQa and Baladeva were given in the Purva-texts, we are unfortunately not in a position to verify the truth of the statement, as these Purva-texts are irrecoverably lost. Again the traditions recorded by different Jain poets in their Pur arias, dealing with the lives of sixty-three Salaka-puru$as (or mahdpurufas), are conflicting. Even the writers of the later Jain Ramaya^as, such as Hemacandra, do not appear to have taken this tradition of Vimala Suri seriously. Otherwise, how could they effect modifications in the principal narrative which Lord Mahavira is said to have told to his pupils? They would have then remained contented with merely adding poetic deseriptions of cities, parks, rivers, sunrise, moonrise etc. They could not have tampered with the principal narrative of Rama believed to have been delivered by Lord Mahavira himself. It appears that the poet traces the source of the story to Lord Mahavira merely in order to invest it with authority and sanctity, and the statement that the lives of Narayapa and Baladeva were given in the Purva-texts is just intended to induce devout readers to accept the story as true when he found it necessary to give the followers of the Jain faith a worthy substitute for the enormously popular epic of Valmlki. We have many parallels for this in Hindu literature. For example, Manu Smrti (Chapter I) traces its origin to the Creator, so too does Bharata's Ndfya Sistra (Chapter I). Such traditions are introduced in order to impress on the public that the works concerned possess divine authority. Vimala Suri, being a Jain, introduces a tradition representing Lord 1
Antagadadaifo (Varga ID).
Jain Rlmiyaoas and Their Source
233
Mahavira, the Jina, as the expositor of the story of Rama, and thus claims authenticity for his story. That Vimala Suri is considerably indebted to Valmlki, whose Ramayaoa was used by him when he composed his own work, should be crystal clear from the discussion that follows. The Version of the story of Rama attacked by Vimala Suri: The author of the Pauma-cariya does not specifically mention the name of the poet or the name of his work which, according to him, is full of inconsistencies, lies and absurdities,6 and to replace which he himself undertakes to narrate the true life of Rama. But the various points of doubt he has raised clearly indicate that he has in mind Valmlki's R&mayana. The questions or doubts that presume versions of Ramayaoa and the corresponding passages from the RamayaQa of Valmiki which give rise to these doubts are set forth here: (a) How were the great Rakfasas, though very strong, killed by the Vanaras (monkeys)?-PC* 105, How was that mighty hero of the Rak$asas, viz. Ravaoa, defeated by the Vanaras, who are triyak-/.e. lower animals?— P.C. 3-9. Vilmlki Ramayaoa does represent the Vanaras as lower animals, e.g. Yuddha Kajjtfa Book VI (Canto 4, w . 63-67) speaks of their ' kilakila' cries and the lashing of their tails; Sundara
•fltft W&I fn^oTl Wlm *T $\a40 ^ T V f t I
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and,
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234
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Ka$4a Book V (Canto 53, w.5-8) speaks of the tail of Hanumat, the Vanara hero; and the same Book (canto 10, v. 55) clearly mentions that he belonged to the monkey-class: * He struck his tail on the ground, kissed his tail, rejoiced, jumped about, sang, ran about, went up the pillars and fell down, thus showing in many ways Irs monkey-nature. Ravapa's defeat was due to the valour of the Vanara chiefs and the Vanara army, no less than to the valour of Rama and LakfinaQa. This is evident from the description of the single combats and battles as given in the Yuddha Kaij^a. It tells us that Sugrlva killed three of the biggest giants of RavaQa's side, viz. Kumbha, Virupakja and Mahodara. Hanumat brought down RavaQa's son, Akga, and among the most important Rak$asas he killed were Devantaka, Tri&ras and Nikumbha. Nala, Nlla, Afigada and other great heroes had also many exploits to their credit. In fact, excepting Rama, Lakgmapa and Vibhlsapa with his four counsellors, the whole of the army led by them against the Rakgasas consisted of lower animals who ultimately caused the downfall of Havana. (b) It is reported in the popular scriptures that all the Rakgasas led by RavaQa used to eat meat, and drink blood and marrow. Sundara Kajrfa (V. Canto 5, w. 11 ff) tells us of Hanumat's visit to RavaQa's Hall where he found various kinds of birds' and beasts9 flesh kept ready for Ravapa's consumption and cups of wine. In the Aragya Kajrfa (III, Canto 2, vv. 12-13), the Rakfasa Viradha himself tells us that he used to seize a saint to make a meal of him and that he would quaff the blood of Rama and Lakfmaga. In Aravya-Kafttfa (III, Canto 19,w. 19-20) we are told of SurpaQakha's desire to drink the blood of Rama, Lakgmaoa and Sita. Arapya Kaijtfa (HI, Canto 38, v. 3) speaks of Marica as one given to eating the flesh of Jjtgis. In the Sundara Kfi«0a (V. Canto 22, v. 9) Ravapa addresses Sita as follows: If after two months9 time you do not bend to your lover's will, my cooks shall mince your limbs and serve you for my morning meal'*. Uttara Kfitfa (VH, Canto 10, w . 38-39) tells us that Kumbhakanja had eaten seven apsarasas and ten followers of Indra-
Jain RftmftyaQas and Their Source
235
(c) It is reported that RavaQa's brother KumbhakarQa used to sleep for six months without a break, and even though his body was crushed by big elephants and his ears were filled with potfuls of oil, he would not wake up, he could not hear the sound of drums beaten near him, nor would he get up from his bed if the period of six months was not over. When he got up, being overpowered by fierce hunger, he would devour whatever was near him at the time, such as elephants and buffaloes. Having filled his belly by devouring gods, men, elephants and the like, he would again go to bed for another six months " This statement of Vimala Suri is based on Yuddha Ka$4a, Canto 60, vv. 23-24: (d) It is said that Indra, when defeated in battle by Rava$a, was bound in chains and taken to LaAka. How could anyone take Indra captive, Indra who ruled over Jambudvlpa with its gods and men? One would be reduced to heaps of ashes at the mere thought of attacking Indra who has Airavata, the elephant-jewel, and Vajra and the thunder-bolt, at his command. At that rate we might as well affirm that the lion is overcome by the deer, the elephant by the dog! PC* 2, 113-116. How Indra was overpowered by R&vaga's son and taken captive to Lafika, and how Brahma, at the request of the gods, then waited in deputation on Ravana, etc. is described in detail in Uttara K&Q^a, Cantos 29-30. (e) It is reported that Rama during his sojourn in the forest killed the (wondrous) golden deer. PV 3, v. 10. This incident of the golden deer is described at length by V&lmlki in the AraQya Kagtfa, Cantos 43 and 44. ( / ) It is said that Rama treacherously killed V&lin in order to oblige (his ally) Sugriva and win Sutftri for him (Sugrtva). PC. 3. v. 10.
236
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Rama's alliance with Sugrlva and his killing of Valin with the discharge of a single arrow from a covert position is described in the Kifkindha Kaijtfa, Cantos 8-26. (g) It is said that the Vanaras constructed a bridge across the ocean! PC. 3, v. 12. In the Yuddha Kajtfa (VI Canto 22) wc are told by Valmlki that Nala, who inherited a share of his father Vigvakarman's celestial art and skill, with the aid of hosts of Vanaras, who uprooted mountains, rocks etc., and overthrew them into the ocean built a bridge of wondrous strength across the sea. We thus find that the various doubts regarding the life of R&ma raised by Sreijika have full support in the passages of the Ramayana of Valmlki, and we, therefore, arrive at the legitimate conclusion that Vimala Suri had in his mind, at the time of composing his Paumacariya, the RamayaQa of Valmlki. Vfanda Surfs indebtedness to Valmlki's Ramayana; Vimala Suri puts down Valmiki as a liar and accuses him of presenting a perverted and false account of Rama's life and undertakes to narrate the true biography of Rama as handed down by unbroken tradition. A comparative study of his work and the Hindu epic, however, reveals, in spite of remarkable divergences, alterations, modifications and omissions, the profound influence of Valmlki over Vimala Suri. The latter follows Valmiki as far as the principal features of the story of Rama are concerned. Rama's wedding with Sita, Bharata's nomination or designation to the throne of Ayodhya by DaSaratha, Rama's exile into forest with Lakgrnaga and Sita, the abduction of Sita by Ravaija, the Rakgasa Chief of Lanka: the sending of Hanumat as a messenger to bring the tidings of Sita after Rama's alliance with Sugrlva, thefightswith Rava^a and his downfall, the bringinghome of Sita, the scandal-mongering in which the citizens of Ayodhya indulged, the repudiation of Sita, the lamentations of Rama, and the birth of twin sons to Sita. These landmarks in the soty of Rama are common to both the epics, notwithstanding numerous divergences
Jain RAmlysQas and Their Source
237
in the details. We point here to certain noteworthy minor things which are highly eloquent of Valmlki's influence on Vimala Suri: (a) Padma is the name of Rama in the poem; yet the names Rama, Raghava, Raghunatha occur very frequently* (b) SrKaila is the personal name of Hanumat; but the name Hanumat is very often met with in the poem. (c) Pavananjaya and Afijana Sundari were, we are told the names of Hanumat's parents; but later on the poet uses the names Pavana and Afijana. (d) The names of SIta's twin sons were Ananga-lavana and MadanankuSa; but the names Lavaca (or Lava) and AnkuSa (which have close affinity with the Lava and Ku$a of the RamayaQa) are used frequently enough. (e) Bhanukarna is the name of Kumbhakarna in the poem but the poet also uses the name Kumbhakarna very often. ( / ) Sutara is the name of Tara, the wife of Sugrlva, yet the name of Tara is used more often. (g) Indra who, according to Vimala Siiri, was the overlord of the Vidyadharas and not the chief among the gods, is often called 4 Surendra \ * Suradhipati \ 'Devendra * and Surapati (see Cantos 12 and 13). This one fact alone is a strong or compelling proof of the profound influence which Valmlki's Ramayana had on the author of the Pauma-cariya. (h) On a close comparison of the verses which treat of the same subject, we do not find any remarkable verbal resemblance between the two epics, although occasionally we come across rare Subha$ita-like lines that seem to be borrowed by Vimala from his predecessor. For example,
(0
*K
I 4lc*flfa
The Ramayana Tradition in Asi*
252
(Details of ornaments and costumes worn by Hanuman) 1. KAM-LA1-THAO.
Anklet.
2. SA-NAP-PHLAO.
Tight-fitting drawers.
3. PHA-NUNG.
Nether garment. Embroidered cloth used like a belt, but with its ends hanging down to the knees, one at the front of each leg.
4. HOI-KGANG or CHIA-RA-BAT.
5, HANG-LING. 6, PHA-P1T-KON or HOI-KON. 7, SUA.
Monkey's tail. Loin Cloth. Upper garment representing the fur of the monkey.
8, RAT-SA-EW
Waist-band.
9, HOI-NA.
Cloth hanging down from the waist between the ends of No. 4.
10. KHEM-KHAT.
Belt.
11. KHRONG-KHAW or NUAM-KHAW.
Ornament worn around the body on a level with the shoulders.
12. THAP-SUANG.
Pendant.
13. SANG-WAN.
Golden chain worn from the shoulder to the hip opposite to it. Plate attached to No. 13 where the latter touches the hip.
14. TAP-THIP. 15. PHA-HU-RAT.
Arm-band. Usually fixed on the arm of the upper garment by stitching. The upper garment represents the fur of the monkey.
16. WAEN-RAWP
Bracelet, which is a coil spring bent into a circle.
17. PA-WA-LAM.
Bracelet of beads.
2S»
Ritnftyana in Thai Theatre
18. KAM-LAI-PHAENG or THONG-KORN.
Ornament for the forearm which looks like a a row of bangles fused together.
19. HNA-KHON.
Mask.
20. TRI.
Trident.
Note: The important monkey characters in the masked-play dress in the same way and differ from one anotlier by the colour and shape of the masks of which there are about forty kinds. But some characters need not dress like this on every occasion.-Dhanit.
(Details of ornaments and costumes worn by Thoskan): 1. KAM-LAI-THAO.
Anklet.
2. SA-NAP-PHLAO.
Tight-fitting drawers.
3. PHA-NUNG.
Nether garment.
4. HOI-KHANG or CHIA-RA-BAT.
Embroidered cloth used like a belt, but with its ends hanging down to the knees, one at the front of each leg.
5. PHA-PIT-KON or HOI,KON.
Loin cloth.
6. SUA or KROH.
Upper garment or armour.
7. RAT-SA-EW.
Waist-band.
8. HOI-NA.
Cloth hanging down from the waist between the ends of No. 4.
9. KHEM-KHAT.
Belt.
10. RAT-OK.
Chest-band.
11. IN-THA-NU.
Epaulette.
12. KHRONG-SAW or NUAM-KHAW.
Ornament worn around the body on a level with the shoulders.
13. THAP-SUANG.
Pendant.
The Raitiayana Tradition in Asia
354
14. SANG-WAN.
Golden chain worn from the shoulder to the hip opposite to it.
15. TAP-THIP.
Plate attached to No. 14 where the latter touches the hip.
16. WAEN-RAWP.
Bracelet, which is a coil spring bent into a circle.
17. PA-WA-LAM.
Bracelet of beads.
18. SHONG-KORN.
Ornament for the forearm which looks like a row of bangles fused together.
19. PHUANG-PRA-KAM.
Necklace of beads.
20. HUA-KHON.
Mask of Thosakan.
21. THAM-MA-RONG.
Finger-ring.
22. SAWN or KHAN-SAWN.
Bow.
Note: The important demon characters in the masked play dress in the same way and differ from one another only by the colour and shape of the masks of which there are one hundred kinds. But on some occasions the less important characters need not dress like this in every particular.-Dhanit.
Where and when the Khon is performed: The Khon is performed on the ground or the stage. The various occasions on which the Khon is is performed are as follows: Coronation, ceremonies and festivals, important cremations, marriage, and ordination. Besides these, it is also performed for the holding of arts and Thai tradition, and sometimes for enjoyment of the Kings after the battle. Nowadays, the Khon has still been regarded by the Thai government as the Thai drama of great importance. So the Ramayapa story has been considered valuable and important too.
Rimiyaoa in Thai Theatre
20
Owing to the feet that the Khon is the important Thai national drama, it has been also performed on the occasion of welcommg the government's guests from foreign countries.11 Portions of the plays presented by Khon: The portions of the Ram&yaQa that are always represented in Khon or the masked play are:14 Episode of Killing Kakanasun, Maiyarab the Magician, a Floating Lady, Nagapa£a, the Weapon of Brahma (Bromastra), Sita wading through the fire, H ami man, the Volunteer, Rama's journey in the forest and Rama's ruling over Ayodhya.
"Dhanit Yupo, op. cit, pp. 113-122. The Department of Fine Am, Jto JEfaii (Bangkok, 2507) p. 1.
u
THE RAMAYANA IN LAOS (Vientiane Version) By KAMALA RATNAM
Few people know that in earliest times the land known today as Laos was called MUONG XIENG THONG or LAEM THONG. Its Sanskrit name was SOUVANNAPHOUM PATHET (Suvarnabhumi Pradesha) meaning regions rich in gold. Souvannaphoum Pathet was a large peninsula situated between the Indian Ocean and the China Sea. According to Mahasila Viravong, the most reliable contemporary historian of Laos, this region included, 2,500 years ago, parts of Burma, Malaya, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. Consequently the cultural history of these combines is verv much mixed and interwoven with each other. Known as Indo-China during colonial times, the political pattern of the peninsula changed after the routing of the French at Dien Bien Phu at the end of the second world war. Four clearly marked and self-governing independent States emerged, namely, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. All four States observe Buddhism as their religion, and among them Laos and Thailand are ethnically and culturally closer together. They speak a closely related language, easily understood by both sides, although the written script is different. Customs and manners, food and dress, as well as geography bind the Thai and the Lao people even closer together. The entire landmass comprised by Laos, Cambodia, Thailand and some parts of Malaya has strong cultural ties with India and represents the Indian part of the larger area formerly known as Indo-Chine. Of these Laos may truly be considered, as its name signifies, the unspoilt golden heart of India. The smiling and beauty loving people of Laos represent in themselves all that India has wished to be through her saints, artists and religious teachers. The culture of Laos, Thailand and Cambodia is made up of the earliest forms of Hinduism of Vedic Brahmanism and Hinayana (Theravada) Buddhism. Consequently it shows the deep meditative and philosophic aspect of the teachings of the Buddha coupled with the aesthetic imagination and literary aspects of the Hindu mind. This entire region is dotted with temples
Hie Riifiiyaoa in Laos
257
dedicated to Buddha, decorated with figures of Hindu gods and goddesses, united and protected as if within the mother-like embrace of long rows of guilded paintings on the walls depicting the story of the Ram&yaQa. Apart from their artistic merits as mural paintings and the sanctity and reverence attached to them as objects of temple worship, the frescoes play an important part in the reconstruction of the Ramayana story as known in this area. Indian culture began to spread in Indo-China from the 1st century A.D. onwards. During the next five hundred years the Ramayana had gained enough popularity for its author Valmiki to be considered an incarnation of Vi$nu and temples were dedicated to him describing his compassion and creativity. A stone image of Valmiki and a Sanskrit inscription have been found in a temple in Champa (modern Viet Nam) belonging to the period of King PRAKASHADHARMA (653-678 A.D.). The inscription reads as follows: Yasya gokat samutpaimam £lokam Brahm&bhipujati' Vishooh pumsah puragasya manushasyitmarfipigah " All of Malaya, Thailand, Cambodia and Loas have their own versions of the Ramayaija story, or the * Chronicles of Rftmaf as versified by sage Valmiki in circa 1000 B.C. The main events and the kernel of the story is the same in all cases, but the elaboration «ind addition of events, description offloraand fauna, customs and manners and geography are peculiar to each region. Thus the Ramayana story in Laos although similar to its counterparts in Thailand and Cambodia retains its own individuality and character. As regards composition the Ramakirti of Cambodia and the Ramakien of Thailand seem to be older than the versions of the Ramayapa found in Laos. In Laos the Ramayana is present in five forms— (1) Dance (2) Song (3) Painting and sculpture (4) Sacred texts to be recited on festive occasions and (5) manuscripts, and enjoys popularity in that order. The Ramayana as dance-drama enjoys the pride of place, in the Royal Palace at Luang Prabang and the 'Natyasala' dance school at Vientiane. With the dance-drama goes its appropriate music and song. The Rftm&yaQa in painting and scultpure is seen within the temples. In its richest forms it is found in the court-temples of Luang Prabang, a detailed account of which has been published as an illustrated article by me in
2SS
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Vol. 3 of44 Studies in Indo- Asian Culture''.1 It is also found painted in water colours on the inner walls of VAT OUP MOUNG in Vientiane, a detailed survey of which is the scope of this paper. As sacred text the Ramayana is recited for several months during the rainy season in the temples of Vientiane and other important towns, when people from neighbouring localities come to hear it as part of their religious ritual. As regards Ramayana Mss., Laos does not present a very encouraging picture. One has to keep in mind the fact that till recently there was no printed edition of the Lao Ramayana, until the ICCR, Delhi sent an Indian scholar to Vientiane to help in the search and publication of the availabc Mss. of this. Accordingly the Lao language text edited by Sachchiduianda Sahai was published by the Indian Embassy in Vientiane in 1973. The editor was able to use s * Msr.. as the basis of his work, one of which originally consisting of 43 Sections was preserved in the museum of Vat Pra Keo in Vientiane. In 1961 the scholars in Vientiane had informed me that CHAOPHET SARATH, a member of the Lao princely family had got the Ms, of the • PHA LA PHA LAM * (Lao title of the Ramayaija) copied in the year 1933. The work was completed in sixty volumes, each volume consisting of 20 leaves and whole Ms. was carefully preserved in VAT PRA KEO. However, I was told that during the 1945 Japanese invasion of Laos more than half of the PHET SARATH Ms. was found missing. As Vientiane was in the grip of civil war in the years 1960-61, and conditions were very unsettled, it was impossible to make further researches or even a close examination of the Mss. The published text of the Ramayana is in the Lao language and so far no translation is available. Hence its detailed and comparative study will have to wait for some time. Meanwhile we turn our attention to the Vicntiancc frescoes. It was MAHSILA VIRAVONG who personally guided me through the Ramayana frescoes preserved in VAT OUP MOUNG and explained them to me. However, before we enter into a description of the frescoes, it is necessary to have a little historical background. 1
1974.
Published by the International Academy of Indian Culture, New Delhi-lb,
The RAraftyaoa in Laos
J9§
History; We know that quite sometime before the 1st century B.C. Indian explorers had reached the peninsula of SUVARNABHOM1 alid had established kingdoms there. Chinese records mention a certain Hucn Tien, who is no other than KAUNDINYA, a Brahmana from India, who married the Queen of FU-NAN and •established a Hindu Kingdom there. Says R. C. Majumdar: "The Hindu empire of FU-NAN probably included not only Cambodia but also Malaya peninsula and Siam, now called Thailand "* and that a Hindu Kingdom also existed in Laos. The Hindu empire FU-MAN (modern Vietnam) was responsible for spreading Indian culture in the Indo-Chinese peninsula. It came to an end in the Vlth century A.D. as a result of its conquest by a far more powerful State of Kambuja (Cambodia), which rose in the north, also ruled by Hindu Kings. The new kingdom of Kambuja comprised large parts of its neighbouring territory, including the Central, Southern and Eastern provinces of Laos. During the two hundred years of their building the great temples of NOKORN THOM (857 A.D.) and ANGKOR WAT (1057 A.D.), the KHMERS became very powerful and extended their kingdom upto XIENG SEN and XIENG RAI". It was at this time that the Lao started migrating from South-China and in theii southward drive, they clashed with the KHMERS *\8 The decline of the Hir.du Kingdoms of Suvarnabhumi occurred about 1285 A.D. when Kublai Khan, the Mongol ruler of China ransacked the peninsula. The people of Cambcdia even in modern times are known as Khmer. To quote Mahasila again, " The Khmer race is of a ancient Indian descent. This race has given birth to various ethnic groups known as the Khmer, Mon, Mcng, Kha, Khamu and Malay. The Khmer came to settle down in SOUVANNAPHOUM PATH EST even before the advent of the Buddha, 2,500 years ago. But the largest migration took place in the reign of Ashoka Raja who ruled Pataiibud (Pataliputra) from the year 218 to 228 B.E. (325-316 B.C.). According to Mahasila Emperor Ashoka's war in Kalinga was responsible for thousands of " Indians from the southern part of India to live in Indo-China". "'Indian Culture in South-East Asia*, R. C. Majumdar—B. J. Institute
260
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Such was the mass of people with predominantly Hindu or Brahmanic culture that confronted the Lao people in their southward march from their original homeland in China. Mahasila claims that the Lao race originated as one amongst the first four that came into being about 100,000 years ago. The ancestors of the Lao race were the Ai-Lao who were settled in the valleys of HWANG HO and YANG TSE rivers in the rear of mainland China. The Ai-Lao were mainly agricultural people. The word * Lao \ according to Mahasila, means big or civilized. The Lao wore unmistakably related to the Chinese as were the Thais. However being temperamentally kind-hearted and peace-loving they were obliged to move southward by the aggressive Chinese towaids the end of the XHIth century A.D. This was precisely the period when the Mongol leader Kublai Khan was over-running the Chinese mainland. The pressure of the Chinese compelled the Lao to move southward until they were cribbed in their present little land-stretch of 600 miles which they affectionately called " The Land of the Million Elephants, Kingdom of the White Parasol.9' For about a century and a half the new home of the Lao was under the control of the Thais who had founded powerful kingdoms of Ayuthya and SUKHOTHAI in Siam (Thailand). The weakening of the Thai States in 1345 A.D. favoured the founding of the Lao State proper. The founder of the Lao State was FA NGUM, son of an exiled Lao chief, who had taken refuge at the court of Angkor. He married the daugter of the Khmer King and between 1340 and 1350 A.D. took command of an army to reconquer the lost lands of his father in the upper Mekong. Moving upriver and detouring the plateaux of Xieng Khouang, Houaphanh and Sip Song Phanna, he descended on the site of Louang Prabang where he was proclaimed King. Conquering Xieng Mai in the Upper Menam valley, he took control of Vientiane and swept on to the Khorat plateau as far as Roi. Having organised the conquered lands, Fangum went back to Luang Prabang where in 1353 A.D. he was installed as " Sovereign of the Kingdom of Lan Xang (Million Elephants)/' The kingdom of Laos libs north-west to the vast plain of the river Mekong (ME=mother, KONG=GANGA), from where
The RBmftyaoa in Laos
2*1
the land rises high into plateau and then on to jungle-covered mountains where rivers are invariably the sole means of communication. Even today surface transport is few and far between, roads are non-existent and the railway is not heard of. The only railway station is Nong Khai across the river from the city of Vientiane in Thai territory connecting it with Bangkok. The land and mountain-cribbed geography of Laos with no river or sea outlet, is responsible for its secluded and peculiarly beautiful culture. It would be no exaggeration to say that the Lao, like the Balinese, are one of the last people on earth who possess and keep alive the richest and most generous of human qualities cultivated by the inhabitants of this earth. Their isolation has proved a cultural boon to them. Following the Indian way of life and the teachings of the Buddha, which found expression in their art and poetry, the Lao have remained a people of simple customs and habits, deeply marked by a religious awareness synthesised by a feeling of peace and brotherhood with all living beings. Thus the Indo-Chinese peninsula was the recipient of ancient Indian civilization and culture epitomized by the Ramaya^a and the Mahabharata and later it received the Buddhist Theravada philosophy which came to it via Burma and Ceylon. While Buddhism provided the moral basis and a practical code for daily life, the Ramaya^a and the Mahabharata became entrenched in the emotional and artistic life of the people. In time the art of temple-building, sculpture, carving on wood and stone, drama, theatre and ballet drew their inspiration from the episodes of the R&mayaQa and the Mahabharata. Since artistic expression requires ample material resources and comparative freedom from the cares of daily life, the Royal Courts became the repositories of the RamayaQa culture. The Buddhistic temples with thenhumanistic approach were catering to the social needs of the community. They provided seminaries, scholars, hospitals and homes for the aged and disabled, they looked after the poor. The corridors of these temples resounded with the reading of the R&mayaoa text, while their walls were ornamented with murals describing scenes from the sacred Indian texts. In many temples figures of preBuddhistic Hindu gods and goddesses were boldly chiselled or carved on wood or stone. In fact Buddhism and the Brahmanic culture existed side by side, often merging one with the other, providing
Z62
The Raiuyana Tradition in Asia
rich spiritual fare for the kindly and simple people of greater India. And in all these countries the fabric of beauty inspired by the RamayaQa provided a splendid canopy for the preservation and protection of the pure moral teachings of the Buddha. In Laos two versions of the Ramayaija are known, the Luang Prabang version as found in the Royal Capital and the Vientiane version as found in the province of Vientiane. The Luang Prabang version is found painted on the walls of the VAT PA KE temple. The Vientiane version is supported by Mss. as well as temple-paintings. Under the personal supervision and patronage of the King, who is a scholar of Indian philosophy and literature and knows Sanskrit, and the facilities provided by him at the court, the Luang Prabang Ramayana has remained nearer to its Thai and Indian sources. The Vientiane version described by Lafont as "PA LAK PA L A M " (Beloved Lakshmana, Beloved Rama) 4 though based on the* Indian version of the Ramayaija, is not the translation of any Indian work. On the other hand it is an original recension composed during the first half of the XlXth century and reduced to writing much later. None of the six Mss. seen by Sahai seem to be earlier than 1931. After a close examination of the Mss. Sahai concludes that the "Pha Lak Pha Lam " written by a certain Phutthaphochan (Buddhaghoshacharya) existed in Vientiane in 1850 A.D. It is noteworthy that the author of "Pha Lak Pha Lam" has taken care not to mention Louang Prabang which was the Royal capital of united Laos until about the end of the seventeenth century. Between 1711 and 1731 A.D. the kingdom of Laos had split in three parts, Louang Prabang, Vientiane and Champassac, each claiming rivalry over the other. The text of the Vientiane " Pha Lak Pha Lam " portrays Rama as a mighty king of Vientiane, exercising considerable control over neighbouring territories. Rama is shown as achieving political gains through matrimonial alliances. After their victory over Lanka, both Rama and Lak$mana march back to Vientiane through Thai territory. On their way they establish many new cities including Ayuthya, Pisanulok and Nakhon Savan. This part of the story bears resemblance to facts of actual history according to which military expeditions were sent from Laos againrt Ayuthya 4
Ecole Francaiie D'Extreme—Orient no. VI, PA LAK PA LAM—P. B. Lafont 1957.
The RAmAyaw in Laos
2©
and Pisanulok and marriage alliances were made with them. The text also narrated the extent of Rama's kingdom from Vientiane to Inthapatthankhon, the capital of Khmer kingdom. The sons of Rama and Lakgma^a are shown ruling over large parts of North-eatern Thailand. In fact even today these places situated on the northern banks of the Mekong are claimed as Laotian territory. The above details provide reasonable grounds for the supposition that the author of the Vientiane version of the Rama, yana was describing post-1731 events when Vientiane had broken away from Louang Prabang and became a separate kingdom. The author Buddhaghoshacharya was probably a court-poet wishing to extol his king and the new glory of Vientiane. In order to give wide popularity and permanency to his panegyric he wove his legend around the well-known story of the RamayaQa. During the brief period of the existence of the Vientiane Kingdom (Circa 1711-1829A.D.).ChaoAnou(1804-1828A.D.)appearstobetheonly important ruler who tried hard for the betterment of the lot of his people and strove to protect this independence from continuous Siamese interference. Chao Anou also helped the king of Champassac to quell internal revolts and together the two, Siamese domination. Hence it may tentatively be assumed that the author of the Pha Lak Pha Lam was a contemporary of Chao Anou of Vientiane and his work was known in the Vientiane province before 1850 A.D. \n his introduction to the Phra Lak Phra Lam Sahai offers further internal evidence which would support the above theory. The characters of the Lava Ramayana are extremely fresh and novel and except for the bare bones of the plot, they bear little resemblance to their originals in Valmiki. As a matter of fact they move and behave exactly like Lao men and women and conform strictly to local customs and traditions. The social life, food and dress and the circumstances of general behaviour follow closely the Laotian pattern. Close association with the animal and supernatural world is also maintained as a significant feature of life in Laos. Long passages of love-poetry, reminiscent of the Sanskrit Mahakavya are included as part of the narrative. As a matter of fact the Lao RamayaQa is a true encyclopaedia of life in Laos. Since diversified knowledge in other books was not available, the Pha Lak Pha Lam became a veritable storehouse
264
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
of Lao life, culture and habits, customs and manners, flora and fauna, geography and the history of its men and animals. In many respects the Laotian version of the Ramayana is very similar to those popular in Indonesia, Malaya, Thailand and Cambodia, all of which seem to be based on the local versions of the Ramayana prevalent in Bengal and South India. Thus contrary to the strict code of moral discipline of Valmiki, the characters of the Lava Ramayaoa do not show much regard for logic and purity of relationships. They have their own logic which justifies their ad hoc or chance relationships and actions. For example, even important characters like Rama and Hanuman invariably cohabit and have children from women they happen to meet, and the defeated Ravaija offers a boat to his enemy Rama to travel. In Laotian life enmity and discord are not permanent. They are chance waves to be submerged eventually in the vast sea of piety and friendship. Phonetic changes in the names of Ramayana Characters: The proper names of the classical Valmiki Ramayana have undergone great change owing to the phonetic peculiarities of the Lava language. Thus, RAMA becomes LAM or LAMMA NANG (LADY) SlDA SlTA „ LAK LAKSMANA HANUMONE or HULLAMAN HANUMAN SUKR1P SUGRlVA RAPHANASUANE or RAVANA PHOMMACHAK LANKA „ LANGKA and so on Difference between the Lava and the classical Ramayana of Valmiki; In the R&m&yaoa of Laos— (1) Rama is given a very unimportant subordinate role compared to the hero of Valmiki, In fact throughout the story he appears to be a stranger.
The RAmiyapa in Laos
MS
(2) The true hero of the story is Ravana who is not a demon with 10 heads and 20 arms as in Valmlki, but a clever and well-read young man of great beauty and charm, enjoying the protection of Indra. (3) Sitft has a comparatively short and unimportant role in the story. She is the daughter of Ravana and is not totally averse to the charms of king of La&ka. (4) Hanuman is the son of Rama, who leaves his monkeyskin at the end of the story. (5) All the characters and personages described behave and carry out their activities in the Lao language and in a manner practised in Laos even today. Geography of Lava Ramayana; Contrary to other known versions of the Ramayaga, which have preserved the original Indian names of places and rivers, etc. (as in Indonesia, Thailand, Malaya and Cambodia), the Lava Ramftyapa story had taken place in the land of Laos and in the Mekong valley to be exact. The * Pha Lak Pha Lam * is in fact a true dictionary of the actual topography of middle Laos. Thefirst20 " Rhuk " (pages) of the work, have nothing to do with the Ramayana as such, being a collection of the folk-loric geography of the middle Mekone where later on the characters grow and develop. The Lava believe that the * Pha Lak Pha Lam' was recited by the Buddha himself to the monks of the Settavana (£retfhavana meaning 'excellent forest*) pagoda. Thus in all its forms the R&m&yaoa in its Laotian incarnation of * Pha Lak Pha Lam9 is a truly national epic enioying immense popularity. The The PHOMMACHAK (Sanskrit Brahmachakra) is an adaptation of the Rfim&yaaa story by Buddhist monks for their religious purposes. Here the story is treated as a previous life of the Buddha. Rftma is no other than Lord Buddha himself, Rftvafta is Devadatta and Siti is Yaiodhari. Compared to 'Phra Lak Phra Lam*, this version of the Rim&yaoa is not very popular because having transformed the story, the monks failed to provide a parallel
2ff
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
iconography, art and theatre for it. In the absence of cultural visual base, the transformed story failed to grip the imagination of the people.5 The Ramayana Frescos in Vat Oup Muong, Vientiane; There are 29 murals on the walls of the central nail of the Vat Oup Muong, describing the * Pha Lak Pha Lam' story. Oup Muong means 4 underground hall* or * tunnel'. At the time when I went to see these paintings, the central hall was occupied by Buddhist monks as their place of residence. Their clothes and belongings were scattered all over the place. This caused some apprehension in my mind as political conditions were very unsettled in Laos and Vientiane itself was experincing the ravages of civil war. 1 was afraid that any time this temple might become a place for taking refuge or war-shelter and eventually be reduced to the status of living quarters resulting in damage and possible total loss of these precious paintings. Consequently 1 lost no time in photographing the paintings and recording my impressions of them. Below is given a description of the paintings as seen by me during the month of September 1961. The age of the paintings is about 25 years. Apparently they were executed by about the same time when the Mss. were copied in 1933-35. The story as revealed by these murals differs considerably from the one described by the Luang Prabang murals. A comparative study of the two versions of the story will be the subject of a separate paper. It is to be noted that while describing the paintings, I have tried to keep close to the style of English language used by my guide Mahasila. This is done in order to preserve the freshness and peculiar beautiful flavour of the Lao manner of expression and its impact on the Indian mind. Fresco No. 1 This depicts a scene of Inthapathanakhon. Chao Virunahak is seated in his palace. The palace looks like a Vat, carved temple * According to Sahai the narrator of the' Phra Lak Phra Lam' also claims it to be a Sadok (Ataka), a Buddhist birth story, exploiting every opportunity to propound .Buddhist doctrine. Rtana, the Bodhisattva, is found preaching the law even to elephants and oxen. However, this aspect of the story has not culturally influenced the Lao people.
TfeRimlyiw in Uos
3*7
roofs and carved pillars are clearly seen. Virunahak's eider brother Thattarah, King of Varanasi, is seated nearby conversing with his wife. Below is the scene of the market-place. Virunahak is childless, he therefore asks his wife to make Patthana (Pranhana) m order to get a baby. Fresco No. 2 As a result of the Patthana a child is born to Virunahak. The mural shows Loum Lou, the baby RavaQa. His body is deformed, he has no arms and no legs. He is born in a rural area into a farmer's family. The scene shows the water-buffalo (the main agricultural animal of the Laotians), the field and the plough. AM looks very peaceful. Loum Lou is actually the imperfect incarnation in Maha Phom (Mah& Brahma). As Maha Phom, he was very conceited, he thought that he was perfect and refused the advice of the Devas to have his body moulded like theirs before being born on earth. He wanted to come to earth as he way himself, hence he came in the malformed body. In the picture Loum Lou is surrounded by typical Lao village scenery. Fresco No. 3 Pha In (Deva Indra) comes down from heaven on a white horse and asks the farmer working his field to give him this malformed body. Two black birds resembling crows are shown inside the field. This baby is going to be born as Ravaga and the crows represent evil. Fresco No. 4 Shows the Palace of Indra in Heaven. It is a very beautiful palace similar in architecture to the Royal Palace in Laos. His horse is tied outside, Indra along with other Devas is remoulding the baby. Fresco No. 5 Again the palace of Indra, Pha In. Loum Lou looks at his new mould which is asfineas the handsome form of Pha In him* self. Infatuated with himself, Loum Lou goes to make love to Indra's wife Nang Susada. Susada did not know that this was
268
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the wrong man until the morning because Indra, her real husband comes to her only once a night. But this time he came a second time. So by this she realized that the first man was the wrong man and unwillingly she had been made guilty of adultery. Accordingly she asked Pha In, her husband, to allow her to come down to earth and be punished. This gesture on the part of Indra*s wife is typical of the Laotian morality and strength of character. It is the ability and willingness to suffer for one's own mistakes. Fresco No. 6 Indra and his wife are sitting in the garden of their palace. They are followed by their servants. The seating arrangement is very artistic like two out-stretched wings with Indra and Susada at the base of each wing. Susada asks for permission to go down to earth. In front of them is a beautiful canal filled with blue water and flowers. Indra is sitting on a raised lotus seat. Fresco No. 7 The scene is Lagka. Loum Lou is born as Haphana Suan (Haphana=Ravaija=Suan=Asura), the powerful demon. Indra's wife has been born as Nang Sida (Sita), Havana's daughter. The picture shows Nang Sida coming down from one corner into the family of Haphana Suan, when she was born as Haphana's daughter; the astrologer came and said that she is not a good girl and she will make trouble for him. So the father was angry. And one day when as a little girl, she was with her father, she pointed a knife at him and cut a part of her father's body. The astrologer was called again and asked to explain this event. And he said again the girl was no good. In the mural, Rava&a is speaking to his wife Nang Montho or Manho. (There is another story of the birth of Montho. The muni took a frog and by his magic words made a beautiful woman out of if). Fresco No* 7 shows Ravaga sitting on the boundary wall of his palace-garden. He is carrying his daughter Sita in his arms and is throwing her very far away in the lake inside the Himalayan forests. (Here my guide told me that Loum Lou after spoiling
The Rknfcyaoa in Laos
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Deva Indra's wife went down to earth and was born as the powerful Rava&a, When Indra's wife is born as his daughter, he does not remember her). Fresco No. 8 Nang Sida was thrown in the forest. By chance she fell inside a lake. A risi ($?i) by name Chhanaka (Janaka) came to the lake to collect flowers and he saw Sida. He took her in* sidir his small hut, where he reached her to her youth. When Sida was ready to be married the R$i announced that anyone who wishes to marry my daughter, must pick up a very heavy bow and the one who picks it up would marry her. The picture shows the &*i's house, he is talking with the young girl Sida. No. 9 Nang Sida has a separate small house built on one support. The house on one support was built according to an old story of a King who had a very beautiful daughter and he did not want her to be molested. So he built a house on top of a very high single support. This story may not be true but it is part of a tradition in Lao literature. Fresco No. 10 The Scene is Vara nasi Nakhon (Varanasi Nagar). Varana$i was governed by Rama. Pha Lak and Pha Lam are sitting in this picture asking permission from their father to go and pick up the bow. The father is Thattarath. There were only two brothers, of whom Pha Lam was older. The next picture shows the two brothers travelling on a horse. Both are sitting on the same horse. Pha Lak and Pha Lam are united in one personality. Fresco No. 11
A new episode begins here. There was a Rgi named Gotama, who had a big beard inside which two small Nouk Chok (sparrows) had made their nest. One day the bird-couple was quarrelling amongst themselves. " Why did you, go out last night to have another girl ?' said the wife. And the husband replied that " No, it was not true. * If everything were wrong and not right, and if I were like what you said I was, then I should be heavily wrong like
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our hospitable R$i!' When the & i heard this conversation, he asked the birds," why should I be wrong as you have said I am ? " Then the husband bird said, " Because the ^?i has no children he should be wrong some way/9 When the R$i heard this he was not angry,on the contrary he was more or less happy to change his attitude by seeking a way as to how to get a wife. And finally he got the idea that he himself can make a wife. He rubbed his skin and with the dirt thus collected he made a wife for himself with his magic skill. The name of this wife was Nang Kaysi. In Sanskrit this could also be Kay a Sri=Beauty created from the body. One day when the Rfi was absent from his house Phra Athit (Aditya—Surya) came down and saw this beautiful woman and he made love to her. Finally she got a son Luksai by name Sukrip (Sugriva). According to Lao literature Sukrip is not a monkey. Once again the same thing happened to Kays\ and this time Pha Chan (Chandra=Moon) made love to her and the second son Phali Chan (also not a monkey) was born. Apart from these two boys, there was still another child, the first-born daughter by name Phong Si (dear beauty). She was the daughter of the & i , she was his real daughter. During the absence of her father, she had noticed that the two men Pha Athit and Pha Chan came to her mother. This mural (No. 11) shows the $f i making his wife from the dirt of his body. There is a carved silver bowl in front of him with flowers, candles etc., articles of a typical Laotian religious ceremony. The Rgi had not noticed that the two other children were not his own until they were grown up. When all the children grew up the $gi paid much attention to the two sons and the daughter was angry with this attitude. Finally one day she could not resist telling her father that the two boys were not the real family. The.father could not believe it. So one day he became sad and angry (this is a typically Lao expression as it is difficult for the kindly Lao people to become angry), yet he wanted to see the truth. So he meditated and prayed to God that he will throw all the three children in the river (shown in the picture along with crabs and fishes) and said that if they are not my children they should die in the river. But if they are his then God should help them to return to him alive.
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In the picture the &< s airama is surrounded by trees and birds. The two brothers did not survive the water-ordcal, only the girl came back. There is plenty of natural detail in the paintings. Fttsco No. 12 The two boys swam out of the river and went to a city named Kukkutavadi. They could not go back to their mother. By chance the governor of Kukkutavadi was dead, so they invited the older brother to become the governor. This mural shows the death-scene of the governor. His body is placed inside an urn. Four soldiers are shown standing on the right side. Their dress below the waist is draped like the Indian 4 dhoti*—known in the Thai-Lao language as ' Sampot'. The soldiers have Indian head-dress. They are being preceded by their commander who is requesting the boys coming out of the river to become their governor. Fresco No. 13 (This mural is an inset). It shows a group of buffaloes. The chief of the herd is very strong. His name is Thoropha < Dundubhi). He kills all his male offspring leaving the female alone to live. One day the mother buffalo gave birth to a male calf. She had gone inside a cave to give birth. Thus she saved her male child and named him Thorophi. Thorophi became strong enough to struggle with his father. He fought him and killed him. Thorophi became very powerful and he ruled all the buffaloes. One day he went to the rice fields belonging to the neighbouring city of Kukkutavadi and ate up all the rice and destroyed the fields. This he did very often. When the people of the city saw this they went to the chief of the city and reported the matter to the two brothers. Learning this, the brothers decided to kill the animal. The murai shows the fight between father and son, Thoropha and Thorophi. A smaller buffalo is shown on the side, he is Thorophi taking exercise before fighting his father. Later on two bigger buffaloes are shown their horns locked in struggle. The main part of the painting shows a beautifully shaped buaffalo Thorophi fighting Sukrip. Sukrip and Thorophi were fighting outside but there was not enough room, so they went inside the cave. The inside of the cave »"« beautifully shown with brilliant white back-
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ground. Sukrip has a big swoid in one hand and he is holding a noose in his left hand. Sukrip told his brother Phali Chan to wait outside the cave and see. If thick blood comes out then the buffalo is killed; but if light blood comes out, then that is his blood and in that case he should close the mouth of the cave with a big stone, so that the buffalo may not come out. The buffalo was killed and the blood flowed out, but unfortunately it had rained and the blood became clearer than usual. The younger brother thought that Sukrip was killed and he closed the mouth of the cave and went back to the city and proclaimed that his brother was killed and he will be the governor-king and husband of his wife. Sukrip in the meanwhile tried to open the cave but he could not. So he thought that as the buffalo is a very strong animal* he would cut off his head and with the head he would push the stone and by this method he thought he could come out. When he came home and asked his younger brother, u why did you do that ? " Phali Chan replied, " Well, I thought I saw your blood." So Sukrip wanted to kill him. The younger brother not wanting any trouble, ran away and when he was very tired he stopped in one place and started crying and crying til1 his tears became a river. Inside an individual mural on the opposite wall, below the main line of frescoes, Phali Chan is shown kneeling on the ground and the river of tears flowing out. There are tall trees by the riverside. On the other side of the river are Pha Lak and Pha Lam. Pha Lak is standing and talking to Phali Chan and Pha Lam is sitting beside a tree behind which their horse, fully saddled, is grazing. (As this is an important mural, I will explain its exact location. We began looking at the murals beginning from the right side waif as one enters the temple. As we face the clay image of Buddha, the right side wall has three windows and one door. The Thprophi fresco is the last one on the left side wall). My guide now provides the next link to the story. After Haphana Suan made love to Pha Ih's (Indra's ) wife, then he was born in the house of Chao Virunahak of Inthapathanakhon in order to be punished. We also notice that the wall on top of the main entrance facing the Buddha image has the continuation of the 10th fresco
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of Varanasi Nakhon governed by Pha Lam's father Thattarath. The two princes Pha Lak and Pha Lam are shown seated in the picture asking permission from their father to go and pick up the bow of Chchanaka. Fresco No. 14 Pha Lak and Pha Lam after taking permission from their father rode on their horse (both brothers are riding on one horse, this is to show their inseparable nature) and came to a Manikoth (Manigrodh) tree which was full of fruit. Then Pha Lam climbed the tree and went to the wrong branch and ate the wrong fruit and became a monkey. The picture shows a beautiful tree with many monkeys on it. As a monkey Pha Lam could not come down to be with his brother. As there were two parts of the tree, one part made monkeys and the other part brought them back to human form. This was told to Pha Lak by a Theva (Deva). So he tried to attract Pha Lam to come to the other side of the tree. This went on for about a month. In the meantime Pha Lam as a monkey, had a monkey wife. Now as shown in Fresco No. 11 when the $fi's daughter Phone Si came back from the water-ordeal, her mother was very angry with her after knowing that he had told her father about her two loves. So with her magic she turned her into a monkey. Now the monkey Phong Si came to live on this tree and became Pha Lam's wife. After some time Pha Lam came to the other side of the tree and became a man and left the place. Sometime after this Hanumone was born from the womb of Phong Si. Fresco No. 15 After the above incident Pha Lak and Pha Lam come to the Asom (Aft-ama) of Chchanaka and Pha Lam is able to lift the bow and marry Nang Sida. Chchanaka is shown in yellow robes sittmg in his A&rama. Ravapa has also come to attend the wedding. The mural shows Ravafla very ugly. He loves the girl Sida but he cannot lift the bow. Sida is shown sitting high inside her house built on the single support. Pha Lam is with her, his horse is standing nearby.
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Fresco No. 16 Pha Lak is driving a one-horse chariot with red wheels and golden spokes. (One pauses to wonder whether such chariots and such horses ever existed in Laos. Ac the moment they are nowhere to be seen). Pha Lam and Nang Sida are sitting inside the •chariot. At this point Ravana sends a golden deer to cheat them. Sida is attracted by deer and she wants to have it. Pha Lam goes on the horse to get the deer. After going some distance Pha Lam tried to shoot the deer, but when he went near it, there was nothing. This was because Ravana himself had taken the form of the deer. In his turn Ravana shouted in Pha Lam's voice asking for help. Pha Lak heard the voice, but he did not wish to go, sensing danger for Sida. But Nang Sida insisted and at last he could not resist and went to help his brother. At that time Haphana Suan came and abducted Sida. Fresco No. 17 (Right hand wall next to entrance facing the grand image of the Buddha). This mural shows Haphana Suan taking away Nang Sida, and the big bird Satayu is trying to prevent him. Satayu is the friend of Pha Lam's father Thattarath. There is tremendous artistic balance in this painting. The figure of Satayu is grandiose, •compared to him Haphana Suan is shown very small and puny His physical size here symbolizes his moral stature. Haphana Suan removes the ring from Sida's finger. It is a magic ring which is reputed to kill Satayu. He throws the ring at the bird. The bird is killed, not immediately but later. In the picture Satayu has the face of a bird with a crown and human arms from which wings are growing. A very bright sun is shining. Ravana is shown very large and fierce as he is seen finally robbing Sida. This is how he appears 1o her at the time of abduction when Satayu is dying and she is helpless. The two brothers when they realized that the deer was a magic deer, they came back to the place where they had left Sida. And they found that she was not there. When they knew that Haphana Suan had stolen Sida, they tried to follow them. Satayu told the brothers that Haphana Suan had stolen Sida.
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Fresco No. 18 (This is a small one). While following Ravaga, in search of Sida, the two brothers came to the place where Phali Chan was weeping. The-two brothers were so tired that chcy went out to look for water. They came to a river and tasted the water. But it was salty, so they wanted to know where the water came from. And at last they found Phali Chan from whose eyes the tears had flown into a river Pha Lak heard the story of Phali Chan and then took him to his older brother and then Phali Chan asked Pha Lam to help him to go back to his kingdom. He asks him to fight his brother Sukrip. Fresco No. 19 When they arrived at the city of Sukrip Kukkutavadi, (in Thai language this placed is called Khitkhin—Sanskrit Ki$kindha), they asked Phali Chan to invite Sukrir to come out and fight with him. The Fresco shows the two brothers Sukrip and Phali Chan fighting with swords in the air. Then at an opportune moment Pha Lam shoots him with his arrow in the left foot. He dies. Sukrip is shown falling down from the air, with Pha Lam's arrow in this foot. On the right side there is a big tree with Pha Lam standing beside the horse. The left side shows eight soldiers with bannered spears and swords. According to the Laotians, these soldiers are men. On the left side there is a tree with a Kahok (squirrel) on it. Fresco No. 20 After the death of his brother Phali Chan became the king of his city. Pha Lak and Pha Lam went on and on and by chance they arrived at the same tree Manikoth where Pha Lam had eaten the fruit and had become a monkey for a while. Not knowing that this was the same tree, they rested under its shade. A monkey on top of the tree by name Hanumone (in reality Pha Lam's son, but so far not known to each other) took the stone of a fruit and hit the two brothers. He hit Pha Lak playfully who woke up and tried to chase Hanumone away. But Hanumone did not go away, on the other hand he came down and tried to take Pha Lak's bow. By now they were surprised to see the monkey's courage and strength
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and they tried to ask each other and then they knew that Hanumone is Pha Lam's son. Hanumone was told the story of his birth by his mother. Now Pha Lam tells Hanumone that he is going to get his first legal wife. (Hanumone's mother was not a legal wife).6 Returning to the figures shown in the Fresco, the two brothers arc seen resting on two pillows. Their horse is standing nearby. Hanumone has offered to go and find Nang SIda; he is very strong and powerful, so he wanted a base from which he could take a leap in the air. If he does it from earth, then it will sink with his force, if he does it from a tree, then the tree will break. So the father Pha Lam said, " Well, you can jump from my knee !" This Fresco shows Pha Lam sitting on the ground and Hanumone getting ready to take off from his knee. Pha Lak stands behind the trees. Lizards are shown climbing the trees. Now it so happened that Hanumone proved to be too powerful, and in his leap he overstepped the city of Langka and reached the Assom (Agrama) of the $f i. At the end of the Fresco Hanumone is shown flying over a tree. fresco No. 21 The name of the $$i here is Narada. This R$i does not open his eye; because if he opens his eyes, then everything he sees will burn up. So when he heard the sound that someone had come, he opened his eyes. * And Hanumone who had come there to ask the wiiy to Langka was burnt up. The ?$i tried to look for his bowl of magic water to throw on the ashes so that he may know what was burnt. Then it was that Hanumone came to life and the R?i Note: Apparently the names of the two brothers Sukrip and Phali Chan have been reversed in the Lava Rftrnftyapa* The VUmfluan names are BSD .and Sugriva, Bail, being the elder brother killed by Rfima. •At this point Mahasila, my guide* was closely questioned by me. Ac* cording to books read by Mahasila, Pha Lam had sixteen wives, SIda being the first. Mahasila feels that this does not sound to be true, and that this might be a modern interpolation. He further thinks that the R&m&yapa story was very much changed and adapted to local conditions in order to be practical, *o that local readers may understand it easily. He says that the original story ; taken from India.
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told him tliat he had come farther than he should have and he has to go back.7 Continuing with our story, that night Hanumone asked the $?i to let him stay there. When darkness came, hs asked for a blanket, and the R$i gave him a handkerchief. Hanumone asked," why this handkerchief ? I am big, 1 need a big blanket. " So he began stretching his body, bigger and bigger and the handkerchief began to spread with him. When the Rgi saw how powerful Hanumone was, he feared that he might pass over Langka once again. So he wanted to make him a little tired and he threw his cane in his toilet water. Next morning when Hanumone was washing his face, the cane became a leech and stuck on to his forehead. So every time Hanumone wanted to fly away the leech held him back to the basin like an elastic band. The fresco shows the basin and Hanumone hovering on top attached by the stretched leech. Nearby there is a well, with a hooked rope for drawing water. Another part of the mural shows the R$i flying on top of the tree getting fruits—apparently for Hanumone's breakfast ! This fresco is full of Laotian sense of humour, their love for the extraordinary and bizarre coupled with their sound common sense and logic. Finally the R§i told Hanumone, " you can go now ", and he went to Langka where? he saw Nang Sida. She was in the garden. Because at that time Haphana Suan could not leave her inside the house; he was afraid that his wife will see Nang Sida. Hanumone explained to Nang Sida that he wanted her back with him to meet his father. But there was one thing which Sida could not accept and that was for somebody else to touch her body. So she told Hanumone to go back alone and explain to his father that if he wants to take her back, he will have to come and fight with Haphana Suan. Nang Sida did not become Haphana's wife. Haphana tried to get near her, but he could not approach her as her body was hot like Are. And Hanumone agreed to go back and explain the situation to Pha Lam. But before going back he destroyed the T
Sahai has this to say about the incident: " One of the most interesting episodes of this journey is their meeting with a sage named Chao Risi Ta Fai, who reduces them to ashes and then restores them to life again " Introduction totheAPhraLakPhraLam\p.XXn.
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at Ayodhya; of Gambi and the destruction of her two sons by Rama; of the enchanted deer and finally of the abduction of Sita. One innovation will be noticed in this drama, which is ParaSu Rama's offering of his kingdom to the banished Rama. Perhaps the noble gesture of Guha of Shringavera in the Indian recension is unwittingly transferred to Parafiu Rama of the Pontaw Rama play. This transplantation might be considered a misrepresentation. However, how noble is ParaSu Rama in this innovation, although he is known to be the great rival of Rama! Pontaw Rama and Lakkhana, Pt. I by U Maung Gyi: The drama is written both in verse and prose. It piesents the story of the birth of Sita. It appears that U Maung Gyi has used for his drama the information orally relayed by some of his Indian friends in Rangoon. His theme is the love of Sita for Rama. According to the drama, Sita in her previous existence is Sita Yakkha demoness. She goes to the hermitage of Vasi§tha -where dwell Rama and Lakkhana. As she disturbs the peace of the hermitage, she is killed by the arrow of Rama. Then she becomes goddess Sita Ca^tfi in Catumaharit Heaven, still in love with Rama. One day DaSagiri arrives at the Catumaharit and makes love to Sita CatyM who, being angry, vows that she be born out of the tusk of Dafiagiri, and lays the curse that one thousand •demons be killed every time she makes a baby cry. Then she holds her breath and dies. Since then Dafiagiri's right tusk gives him trouble until the tusk finally gives birth to Sita. The rest of the story is as usual. This drama is the last in the line of the Burmese versions which still wield an ennobling influence on the Burmese people. RAMAYANA IN BURMESE ARTS Evidence of the appreciation of Burmese Ramayaga can be found in Burmese arts and handicrafts, Burmese stage and Burmese music and song. Handicrafts: In many pieces of lacquerwarc, in silver and gold thread embroidery, in painting and wood carving, for generations this
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appreciation is expressed in motifs of design and decoration. In Pakhan monastery built in the reign of King Mindon (1853-78) is a good example of wood carving. The most prominent example is the story of Rama depicted in a continuous scries of 347 stone relief sculptures at Maha Loka Marazein pagoda in Upper Burma in 1849. Stage: It is clear so far that the Rama play was performed on the stage in full splendour in the royal palace beginning from the reign of King Bodawpaya (1782-1819). It was not specifically mentioned by name in the Burmese chronicles. But Michael Symes did so in his " An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava." It was when he was invited to a Rama play by the Burmese Governor of Hanthawaddy in 1795. In King Thibaw's reign it was specifically mentioned by name in the Konbaungset Chronicle at the Earboring ceremony of the young princess in 1884. Thus the Rama play has been extant in Burma from the reign of King Bodawpaya to that of King Thibaw. Michael Symes said the play was performed in the open air in the compound of the Governor of Hanthawaddy. The audience formed a circle round the arena of the show which was well lit up with flambeaux and lanterns. Still it must have been a far cry from the conditions in the palace in Amarapura. Nevertheless the strides taken by the live-stage development by the time of King Thibaw are nothing short of amazing. Traditionally no dropcurtains nor settings were used on the stage. There were usually two door-ways down-stage for the entry or exit of the actors. In some of the scenes the dancer was to express the theme and portray the moods and emotions through mimetic gestures and posturings, all in stylised form. Michael Symes also noted that the Burmese marionette stage was flourishing. According to Saya Htwe of Rama Thonmyo, the Rama play was also performed on the marionette stage. Dramatic presentation: With regard to the presentation of the Rama play, there seemed to be not much difference between the practice of those days and nowadays.
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If we analyse the Burmese presentation of the Rama play as members of the audience watching the living stage or marionette stage, we notice four techniques. (1) Dramatic words and gestures. (2) Dramatic words interspersed with relevant songs. (3) Dramatic recitative with musical background. (4) Dance and miming to music pertaining to the dramatic situation. For the first three techniques, the players lift up their masks for dialogue, recitation or singing. For the fourth technique here is an example. When Hanuman, in search of Sita in Da£agiri stronghold in Lanka, enters the citadel, the musical direction to the orchestra is, " Play Chut" (the conventional music of stealth) and Hanuman proceeds dancing the stealthy approach. We know from musical directions to the orchestras in the drama of Thiri Rama, that Burmese and Yodaya (Ayuthia) types of orchestras were used. The specially composed mood music of modern radio and TV plays was unknown. But there were conventional musical pieces well known to the audience for all moods and situations, as shown by Musical Directions4* to both Burmese and Yodaya orchestras. Over and above the songs and music that belong to the Rama play, we have in the Burmese classical repertoire several songs inspired by the story of Rama and Sita. Some in classical Burmese tunes and some in tunes adapted from Yodaya tunes were used in the compositions with such themes as the luring away of Raima by the enchanted deer, the abduction of Sita, the lamentations of Sita in LaAka and of R&ma in the Hmamyone forest and the meeting of Rama with Thugyeik at the Gyo tree. Most of them were written in the late 19th century. Rima play after 1885: Rama play on the Burmese stage did not have as happy a fate as Rama play in Burmese literature. At the end of 1885 after the annexation of Upper Burma, the Palace Troupe numbering over a hundred were disorganised and displaced. Some of them banded together and ventured into the world of public entertainment, thus * See Appendix IT.
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bringing the Rama play to the masses. Some of them came down to Lower Burma, and in towns where they settled they met Rama* Play enthusiasts with whom they formed Rama Play clubs and taught and coached more Rama Play performers. Of them, the two clubs in Rangoon and the one in the delta region arc still carrying on the torch of Rama tradition in the spirit of service to the community. On the stage of the National Theatre of the Ministry of Culture the emphasis is now on the fourth technique of Dance and miming to music in the attempt to revive the popularity of the Rama Play, both at home and abroad, to capture the imagination of the new generation and to preserve the national heritage of the Burmese people, although the other three techniques are also in use.
APPENDIX I (The story of Rama is summarised with all the episodes in the same order of arrangement as described in the Rama Vatthu.) • Thefirstchapter deals with the origins of Daiagiri (Ravana) and his brothers and the story of BSli. The chapter describes how the ten-headed Daiagiri is born to Gonti, as a result of Gonti's austerities and her offering of a Comb of ten plantain fruits to Brahmft; and how Kumba Kanna and Bibhizana are born later. Then the chapter further describes how Daiagiri is crowned King of LaAkft; how he morally degenerates due to his excessive love of intoxicating juice offlowersand fruits offerd by the gods; how he ihsults the Gandhaba Fairy on the Kelatha mountain; and then how the fairy curses him and descending to the earth enters the holy flames. In the same chapter Bftli in Kitha-kinda seizes Daiagiri who yields to the might of Bftli and becomes friends with him. The second chapter deals with the birth of Rftma and the three brothers in Ayodhyft. It describes how Daiaratha, on one of his hunting expeditions, has unwittingly killed a young hermit; how Daiaratha receives two sacred plantains as a boon for progeny; and how his three queens later eat them. Hie chapter farther describes how, in the meantime, the guardian gods of the earth make a request to Brahmft through Inda for the destruction of sinftd Daiagiri; how the Bodhisat Deva and three others in Tujita Heaven incarnate as Rftma and his three brothers; and how the other devas incarnate as Vftnaras in Kitha Kinda.
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The Third chapter deals with the birth of Sitfi. It describes how the Gandhaba fairy is born of earth, brought to Lafikfi, put in an iron box and sunk in the ocean by Daiagiri; then how the iron box reaches Mithilft and how King Janaka adopts Sitfi as his own daughter. The fourth chapter deals with Bow contest at Mithilfi. At this stage the story of Rfima begins to move. The baby has grown up into a beautiful maiden who is now the cynosure of a hundred kings. The problem is solved by Janaka by sending invitations to all of them including Daiagiri and Paraiu Rfima. At the Bow contest Dategiri alone is able to lift up the bow. Although he cannot string the bow, he insolently demands the hand of Sitfi. The chapter further describes how Rfima and Lakkhana who, having punished Kakawun, the democ crow, accompanies their guru to Mithilfi to see the bow and how at the critical moment Rfima enters the Bow Contest, lifts up and strings the bow and wins Sitfi. Then after the nuptials of Rfima and the three brothers at Mithilfi, they return to Ayodhyfi. On the way Paragu Rfima being instigated by the loser kings attempts to fight Rfima, but the attempt is foiled. The fifth chapter deals with banishment of Rfima. At Ayodhyfi queen JCokei (Kaikeyi), being misguided by the malicious Kuppaci, enters the House of Anger, reminds Dasaratha of his solemn promise, and demands him to banish Rfima and enthrone his spn Bharata. Then follow the scenes of Daiaratha's agonies; of Rima's resolve to uphold the pledge of his father; of Sitfi's courage; of Lakkhana's loyalty; of the willing consent of Kosalla (Kausalyfi) and Thumitta (Sumitrft); of Rfima's pathetic partings; of the sorrows of the people of Ayodhyfi; of the Departure of Rfima, Sitfi and Lakkana; and of their arrival at the hermitage of Vfilamigi (Vfilmiki). The sixth chapter deals with Bharata's attempt to enthrone Rfima and the birth of Hanum&n. The scenes are of the death of the griefstricken Daiaratha; of Bharata's righteous indignation in Ayodhyfi; and of his pilgrimage in quest of Rfima and his return with Rfima's sandals. Then the story of the birth of Hanum&n—how he tries to pluck the red sun mistaking it for his ' kinbon' fruit; how he is struck down by Inda's thunderbolt; how by Inda he is blessed with the boon of immortality; then how he becomes an ordinary Vfinara as a result of the curse of the hermits; and then how the hermits, at the request of Zambuman (Jfimbav&n), prophesy that Hanumfin would regain his might when he meets Rfima on the eve of Rfima's march to Lank*. The palm-leaf MS has altogether about 80 MSS pages, out of which 40 are devoted to Bala and Ayodhyfi Kfin<Jas in 6 chapters in Rfima Vatthu. The Rfima Vatthu takes up the remaining 5 Kfin^as in a single chapter. Hie scenes are of the arrival of Rfima, SItft and Lakkhana at a forest near the ocean after the lapse of 11 years; of the banishment of Thugyeik by Bali in Kithakinda; of Gambi with her two sons Kharu (Khara) and Tushina (DQshana)
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coming to the forest camp of Rftma; of the destruction of Gambi's sons; of <jambi and Dasagiri at LaAkft; of Gambi as an enchanted deer; of the abduction of SItft by Dasagiri; and of the wanderings of Rftma and Lakkhana in search of Sfta. Then the Rftma Vatthu continues the story, e.g., the meeting of Rftma with Thugyeik under Gyo tree; Rftma's alliance with Thugyeik; the destruction of Bali by Rftma; Vftnara army and Vftnara generals; liberation of Hanumftn from the curses of the hermits as a result of gentle stroking on his back by Rftma,; Hanumftn's leap; Hanumftn in Daiagiri's palace in search of SItft; Hanumftn iin Thawka garden (Ashoka) witnessing Sitft reject Daiagiri; Rftma's signet ring; Hanumftn's fight with Indazita (Indrajit); the burning of LaAkft; Hanumftn's second meeting with SItft; and his return to Rftma with the seven hairs of SItft. Then the Rftma Vatthu continues, e.g. the constructing of the cause-way .across the strait by Vftnaras led by Hanumftn; Hanumftn's grabbing of the giant crab Gandham; the march of Vftnara army to LaAkft; Aungut (AAgada) as an envoy; banishment of Bibhizana (Vibhishapa) and his friendship with Rftma; Rftma's fight with Indazita and Rftma's fall by Indazita's Serpent-dart in the first encounter; restoring of Rftma to life by Suvannapattaroot brougt by Hanumftn from Gandhamftna mountain; death of Indazita, despite his power -of invisibility, hit by the arrow of Lakkhana in the second encounter; Da&giri's Ritual interrupted by Hanumftn; death of Kumba Kanna; Rftma's fight with Daiagiri and Daiagiri's withdrawal having lost his ten Makuta crowns in the first encounter; Rftma made unconscious by the Thamohini weapon of Daiagiri but immediately saved by Hanumftn; death of DaSagiri hit by the Divine Bow of Rftma; the Fire Ordeal, Bibhizana's installation on the throne in LaAkft; -demobilisation of Vftnara army, except Hanumftn who stays with Rftma; and the jubilant Return, and the Coronation in Ayodhyft. Then the Rftma Vatthu narrates the story of Uttara Kftpda. It narrates, e.g. Sitft's drawing of Daiagiri's portrait; Sitft's strong desire for the food from V&lamigTs hermitage; washerman's doubt about Sitft's fidelity; banishment of Sitft; the birth of Lona and Kusha at Vftlamigi's hermitage; Rftma's Ashvameda Yagna; the capture of the Horse and the fight between lakkhana and Lona; the fight between Lakkhana and Kusha; the fight between Rftma and his two sons; lament of SItft; misunderstanding cleared and the restoration of the dead to life on the battle-field by the holy water of Vftlaraigi; and the return to Avndhyft of Rftma, Sitft, their two sons and Lakkhana.
APPENDIX II Some examples of Musical Directions with the beginning bars of the music an staff-notation. (1) Choi (Yodftya)—Stealthy movement. Oategiri's stronghold.
Hanumftn in search of Sitft in
314
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia (2) and (3) Ijokanat (Buremse)—March of RAma's allies. (4) Nat-chin (Bur.)—The coming & going of devas, (5) Natcktn A-Yaing (Bur.)—Revelry. Commotion, flight. (6) Tha-gwin (Bur.)—Solemnity, Grandeur. (7) Le-than (Bur.)—Wind, Storm. (8) Moh-than (Bur.)—Rain-god enters. Rain of flowers. (9) and (10) Tya-hwai (Bur.)—Recitative in song. (11) Samo (Yod.)—Advance of Mahirftvaoa ogre. (12) Phyin-gya (Yod.)—Returning KuSa & Bala.
(13) and (IS) Chut-chan (Yod.)—Rtaia Lakkhana in sorrow.
in despondency,—R&ma &
(14) Eik-chm (Bur.)—R&ma & Lakkhana in repose. (16) Phyin-Phyat-Phyat (Yod.)—Ogress attendant approaches Sitft. (17) A-yaing
(Bur.)—Revelry, commotion,
Flight.
(Afo/e—The numbers correspond to the numbers on the musical examples in staff-notation).
RE-CREATIONS OF THE RAMAYANA IN TAMIL and HINDI S. SHANKAR RAJU NAIDU
" Probably no work of world literature, secular in its origin " states A. A. Macdonell in the ' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics \ " has ever produced so profound an influence on the life and thought of a people as the Ramayana." In the world of Epics, Ramayana occupies an outstanding position because great men of letters since the pre-Christian era have lavished upon this story their peculiar poetic genius and have felt free to adapt its theme and content to their own cultural patterns and modes of creation. It is surprising to observe that no other epic in the world literature including Homer's Iliad and Oddcssy of the 7th century B.C., Virgil's Punic War, the German epic 4 Beowulf, Alonso's Spanish Epic 4 Arancana \ Milton's * Paradise Lost' and its sequel 'Paradise Regained9, and several other such works, has ever had later versions deviating from the original one in the same or different languages. The pride of place goes only to the Ramayana which re-incaranated in practically all the languages of India in both the classical and folk-forms, running parallel to the indigenous cultural patterns of the people among whom the authors lived and breathed. Adi Kavi Valmlki gave us that reservoir, the Adikavya Ramayana, which has helped the great poets and philosophers of the different parts of India and the South-East Asia to infuse into it their own superb aspirations and fertile imagination. Though there should have been several forms of this story earlier than Valmlki, it was this great sage-poet who gave to this epic a wellknit plot with all the great requisites of a classic. India being truly innovative in the fields of religion, philosophy and literature too, the later authors boldly took great liberties with the architectonics of the Ramayana. Thus we see several great works on Ramayana itself in various forms in all the developed, developing and undeveloped languages of India and abroad. We can clearly observe that it is only the Ramayana that has uniformly attracted the attention of all the people of India, the literate and illiterate, the rich and the
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
poor. The magical achievement of the Ramayana has been to link the head and the heart of the Indians right from time immemorial. It is a well-known fact that Valmlki Ramayana is the earliest available Indian Epic in Sanskrit dating from before the 3rd century B.C. at the latest. Since then recreations of the Ramayana have been effected in large and small forms in the classical and folk styles in all the languages of India. A close study of all the later works would convince us that the most outstanding are the re-creations in Tamil and Hindi, viz., the Kamba Ramayanam in Tamil and the Ramcaritamanas in Avadhi Hindi. While assessing the place of the Tamil Kamba Ramayanam in world literature, V. V. S. Iyer who was a scholar in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit, English, French and Tamil states: "In the Ramayanam of Kamban, the world possesses an epic which can challenge comparison not merely with the Iliad and the Aeneid, the Paradise Lost and the Mahabharata but with its original itself, namely, the Ramayana of Valmlki. It is an opinion that has grown slowly with years and after deep and careful study. ' -1 V. S. Smith considers Tulasidas, the author of the Ramcaritamanas, to be "the greatest man of his age in India. " Dr. Ram Awadh Dwivedi in his learned work ' Hindi literature ' has acclaimed it in the following words—4' It is often said that no decent English household is without a copy of Shakespeare's work and the Bible. But the Ramcaritamanas of Tulasidas for the teeming millions of North India, takes the place of Bible and Shakespeare combined. "* Though the Ramayana has been sung of in the earliest of Sangam Tamil literature dating back to pre-Christian era in Ettu'tohai (Collection of Eight works), Pattuppattu (Ten Idylls) and PatinenkiJ-Kanakku (Eighteen Minor Moral works), it has been reverentially referred to in the Aimpertimkappiyangal, the Five great Epics, particularly.Silappadikaram of about the 2nd century A.D. The author Ilangova^ikal, the younger brother of a Chera king, glorifies Rama in his monumental epic by saying, " What ear *V.V.S. Iyer, 'Kamba. Ramayanam—A Study9, p. 1. •Dr. Ram Avadh Dwivedi, * Hindi Literature\ p. 49.
Re-creation of Rftmftyaoa in Tamil and Hindi
317
is that ear which has not heard the story of the Rama ana wherein as Rama, with his younger brother, went to the forest, his tender feet reddening—the feet which had, as Trivikrama's, measured the three worlds in but two steps, placing the third on the head of King Mahabali—the feet that crossed the ocean and killed Ravaga and his tribe and destroyed the whole of Lanka ?" Later the Alwars (Vai§nava Saints) and Nayanmars ($aivu Saints) also profusely sang the glory of Rama and Sita. It was in this context and against this background that Kambar appeared on the scene and re-created the Ramayana in an Epic form, the like of which we do not find either before him or after. In fact, as Justice S. Maharajan says in his English Kamban, " His (Kamban's) great poetry keeps its hold firmly on the centuries, because he gives poetic articulation to those timeless problems which arise at all times and the answers to which will continue to fascinate the spirit of Man till the end of Time. " 3 Various story-poems and lyrics in both classical and folk styles are available in Tamil in an abundant measure, but Kamba Ra may an am stands supreme. VJ'SQU
In Hindi literature, we may go back as far as * Paumachariyu of the 9th century written by Svayambhu Deva in Apabhramsa. Poet Bhupati of 1285 A.D. is supposed to be the author of the work * Ram Charit Ramayana' but it is not now available. One Bhagwatdas is said to have offered * Bheda Bhaskar Ramayan * during the 14th century with a pure philosophical content. Then came Surdas, the Milton of Hindi literature, who has given us ' SurRamayana' in Braj Bha$a during the early sixteenth century A.D. Tulasidas, the author of the Ramacaritamanasa, appealed with his contemporaries Nabhadas, Keshavdas, Senapati and others. Several works in both classical and folk forms appeared in the languages of the Hindi aiea before and after Tulasidas, but his Ramacaritamanasa is the most outstanding literary work or religious art in the entire range cf Hindi Ramayana literature. Mention must be made of the Ramacandrika of Keshavdas, Kavita Ratnakar of Senapati in Braj Bha$a and Saket of our Rashtrakavi Mailhilisaran Gupta in Modern Hindi. However, * Arun Ramayan' of poet Arun Ramavatar is the only Ramayana in Hindi in its real Khadiboli form which deserves special mention. ' Justice S. Maharajan,' Kamban \ p. 1.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Thus we see that the magnum opus in the field of Ramayaija literature in Tamil is Kamba Ramayapam, and in Hindi, the Ramacharitamanasa whose five hundredth anniversary we are celebrating at an international level. It is a weli-known fact that Valmlki Ramayana is the ma
The in-drinking look of each Formed the love-rope, Which clasped and bound the other; The heart did the pulling,
«Justice S. Maharajan, 'Kavi Ghakravarti Kamban \ p. 629 (Kamba Rlmlyapam 1-10-35), 'V.V.S. Iyer, 'Kamba Ramayanam—A Study9, (1-10-36).
Re-creation of Rftm&yaga in Tamil and Hindi
319
And the Lord with the lovely Bow And the Maid with the lancet look Changed places, Entering each other's bosom. "* The next scene of inevitable separation is brought forth thus— 14
That she could not the handsome one embrace, The bangled maiden like a statue stood; Her heart and will and beauty trailing him, The youth with sage dissolved from sight. "7
Kamban offers an extraordinary justification for this love at first sight— 44
What need for any words when they Who parted from their bed on ocean dark united again? "•
and draws the attention of the readers towards Rama and Slta being incarnations of Lord Vi§iju and Goddess Lak$mi respectively, thereby infusing the essence of deification. In Tulasi, we find the same picture but with a different background. After their arrival at Mithila, Rama with Lak$mana goes into the royal garden to collect flowers for morning prayers. At that time, Poet Tulasi says, Rama hears— 44
The tinkle of her bracelets and anklets and the bells on her girdle and says to Lak$mana that it sounds as though Kamadeva was beating his drum, ambitious to vanquish the world. So saying he turns and looks in that direction and his eyes arc fixed on Slta's face as the patridge gazes on the moon. Motionless stays his beauteous eyes, as though King Nimi (a great grandfather of Solar Race who looked at his people as his own eyes and got the boon of ever remaining in the eye-lids of all human beings) has deserted his eye-lids in modest confusion. "* 'Justice S. Maharajan, Op.Cit., p. 629. (1-10-37). 'V.V.S. Iyer, Op.Clt. • / « * , 1-10-38. 9
WJXP. Hill, 4The Holv Lake of the Acts of Rama \ (Rlmacaritaminaaa 1-265-K2).
320
rhe Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The pure sentiment of love thus sprouted in the hearts of both. Now the poet Tulasidas muses in ecstacy— "Her eyes grew tired with gazing on Raghupati's beauty; even her eyelids ceased to move; she was faint with excess of love like the patridge when she looks on the autumn moon. She drew Rama into her heart by the pathway of her eyes and carefully closed on him the door of her eyelids. "10 Here again, the justification offered by Tulasidas is just the -same as that of Kamban when he says" None knew that the love (of Rama and Sita) had been theirs of old, "i1 thereby suggesting that Rama and Sita were incarnations. Thus deification here has reached its zenith. We can show several such parallels. Another captivating picture is in the scene of the abduction of Sita by RavaQa. Kamban and Tulasi want to avoid Sita being physically touched by Ravafta as has been portrayed in Valmiki Ramayana, and consequently Kambar tells that Ravana ' uproots the very hut with. Sita in it, upto one mile radius with his pillar-like arms, puts it in his aerial vehicle and flies off through the air. u* Tulasi adopts, however, a •different method. He introduces the element of Maya Sita. Jkst before the arrival of Marlca in the guise of the golden deer, Rama tells Sita with a smile— " 1 am about to play an engaging game as man; do you then make your abode in fire till I have extirpated the demons. "1S Sita follows it implicitly by entering into the fire. The ooet says— " She left her image there of just the same form and modest disposition as her own. Not even Lak§mana knows the secret of what the Blessed Lord has done. "" "W.D.P. Hill, Opt. Cit. "ZMi, (1-2624). See also 'Kambar Aur Tulasi* Dr. S. Shankarfoyu "Naidu, University of Madras, Madras-5. 11 Kdmba Ramayanam 3-8-74. u
Ramacanritamanasa 3-30-1.
" Ibid., 3-30-2, 3.
Re-creation of RAm&yaoa in Tamil and Hindi
311
It may be mentioned here that the real SItft re-manifested only after the death of RAvaga, during the fire-ordeal. It is clear that the objectives of Kamban of Tamil and Tulasi of Hindi were more or less similar in so far as they effected departures from the version of Valmlki.1' Thus it is evident that the pattern of evolution of the story of the Ramayapa in multifarious forms exhibits beyond doubt the unity that underlies the different linguistic and cultural areas of India.
"For detailed study, see Dr. S. Sfaankar R*ju Nakla, Qp.CH.
RAMAYANA IN INSCRIPTIONS D. C. SIRCAR
The earliest Brfthmi and Kharo?jhi inscriptions of India belong to the age of the Maurya emperor Asoka, i.e. the third century B.C. which is the beginning of the period when the Ramayapa is supposed by scholars to have been composed. Thus M. Winternitz thinks it probable that the original Ramayana, to which certain parts including Books I and VII were added at a much later date, was composed by V&lmiki on the basis of ancient ballads in the third century B.C. and that the epic had its present extent and contents as early as towards the close of the second century A.D. 1 Unfortunately, the so-called ancient ballads do not exist, and, in any case, could hardly have been earlier than the fourth century B.C. The RSmSyaria story, speaking of the DaQ^aka, the Godavari, Kigkindha, Mt. Malaya, the Kaveri, etc., refeis to an age when not only the Deccan but even the southernmost areas of India were fairly wellknown to North Indians. On the other hand, the Far South of India was unknown to the North when Pacini wrote his Affadhyayl about the fifth century B.C. while Katyayana's Varttikas (fourth century B.C.) exhibit definite knowledge of that region.' In case the Pali Daiaratha Jataka (No. 461) is regarded as something more than one of the cases of perversion of Brahmanical legends in the hands of the Buddhists and Jains and is supposed to support the existence of ancient ballads on the basis of which the original Rdmdyarta may have been composed, it may be pointed out that the J&taka story has absolutely nothing to say about the kingdom of Ayodhya under the Ikgvaku clan and the journey of R&ma and his party to Lanka through the Deccan and the Far South. According to this story, Daiaratha, the king of Varagasi, had from his first chief queen two sons named Ramapantfita and Lak^maoakumara and a daughter named Sitadevi. On the death of Dafaratha's first chief queen, the king raised one of his sixteen 1
History of Indian Literature, Eng. trans., Vol. I, pp. 516-17. •Cf. R. G. Hhandarkar, E. Hist. Dee. in his Collected Works, Vol. m. pp. llff.; D. R. Bhandarkar, Lectures on the Ancient History of India, Calcutta, 1919,pp.3ff.
Rftmlyaoa in Inscriptions
313
thousand wives to the position of chief queen, and she gave birth to Bharatakumara after some time. Da&aratha promised a boon to this lady who at a later date wanted, on its strength, the kingdom for her son. The king then advised his two other sons to live away from the capital for a period of twelve years, and Rama and LakfmaQa, accompanied by Sita, went to live in the Himalayas. On Daiaratha's death in the ninth year after Rama's departure, Bharata went to Rama to get him back; but unwilling to return before the end of the period of twelve years, Rama advised Bharata to place his slippers made of grass on the throne and rule the kingdom in his name. The purpose of the story is to show how everybody except Rama was moved at Da£aratha's death, and the unperturbed Rama consoled the bereaved people. After the remaining three years, Rama returned to VaraQasi and became king, and Sita was made his chief queen. It will be seen that the Daiaratha J&taka story does not explain Rama's journey to the south, and epigraphic records do not throw any light in support of the story. Inscriptions cannot also reach the absurd antiquity to which Indian tradition assigns the Rama-story. Rama is said to have flourished in the Treta-yuga i.e.9many millennia before the beginning of human civilization on the earth. Indeed it is impossible to think that anybody who lived about 300 B.C. could have given an authentic account of persons and events even about 200 years older unless the past was as clear to him as the present. The credulous people of India do not speak of the existence of ancient ballads for helping the creative faculty of the epic narrators, but find an easy explanation in the conception of the tri-kSla-jHa sages knowing the Past, Present and Future* However, none of these ideas can be proved on the strength of the early inscriptions. Epigraphic evidence again does not throw any light on the controversy between two groups of early Indian writers on the genealogy of R&ma's family. It is well-known that there is a wide difference about the number of kings in that family between the RSmayarta on the one hand and the Puranas and KaTdasa's Raghuvamia on the other.1 As regards the second group, K&lid&sa is • Pargiter, Ancient India Historical Tradition pp. 99ff.
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The Ramayaaa Tradition In Asia
now usually supposed by scholars to have been a contemporary of Candragupta 11(376-413 A.D.) and the earlier Pura^as to have been revised in the fourth century A.D. Any way, the RinUlya^a gives only 35 names down to R&ma while the Puriijas assign about 63 names to that period. Although both the traditions appear to be equally worthless to the serious student of history, the R&m&ya^a list of kings is usually rejected by the modern writers,4 We are sometimes presented with 102 names from Vaivasvata Manu, father of Ikjvftku, to Sumitra after whom the S^ftvasti kingdom of the family is supposed to have become a part of the Nanda empire of Magadha in the fourth century B.C.1 There is yet another point on which the inscriptions do not throw any light. It is the question whether in the primitive condition of travel described in the RSmSyarta, a party of three persons including a lady could really reach Sri Laika (Ceylon) from the Faizabad region of U.P. and come back to the place alive. It is difficult to accept the traditional journey of Rama's party as a historical event. The inscriptions likewise have nothing to say whether R&va^a should be regarded as a Brahmana because his father is represented as one belonging to that VQTQQ or whether we should call him a Non-Aryan since his mother is stated to have been a Rakfasi obviously assignable to the said community. However, inscriptions can be utilised in tracing the increasing popularity of the Ramayana in the life of the Indians of old. Epigraphic records of the third and second centuries B.C., which are written in a matter-of-fact style, do not offer such evidence of the popularity of the epic; but certain names famous in the epic traditions are noticed in the early records. Thus the Nagarjuni hill (Gay& District, Bihar) cave inscriptions0 of the last quarter of thr third century B.C. mention the Maurya King DaSaratha, a name so well-known to the RSmdyaria tradition. The Ramayaijic names are common in the later records. 'Ibid., p. 91. • V. Pfttbak, History ofKosak, pp. 84-114. •See Sircar, Select Inscriptions* Vol. I, 1965, pp. 77-78. For the name of Rama in early epigraphicrecords,cf. Ludcri List of Inscriptions, Nos. 125-i, 979.
Rtoftwa la Inscriptions
3X5
The tendency to compare the rulers mentioned in inscriptions with epic heroes became gradually popular with the development of the k&vya style and its introduction in epigraphic records, and this may also be an indication of the increase in the popularity of the epics. The earliest lengthy description of the activities of a royal personage is found in the Nfinagl^t (Mah&rashtra) inscription of the S&tavahana queen Nayanikt (Nagannika or Naga) of the Deccan, which is written in Prakrit prose and belongs to the close of the first ceotury B.C.;7 bul the traces of artificiality in this record are faint and undeveloped, the style being still simple and the abundance of long compound expressions and lengthy sentences being as yet not very prominent. The Hathigumpha inscription8 of the Jain king K' &ravela of KaliAga in the coastal areas of Orissa and Andhra Pradesh, which is also in Prakrit prose and is assigned to the same age, is the earliest epigraph exhibiting a somewhat developed k&vya style, even though tbc ojo-gupa (abundance of long compound expressions), regarded as the very life of a prose k&vya% is not so very pronounced in it. Of course the royal sage Vasu, i.e. Uparicaravasu of the epic tradition, is introduced in it; but it is probably as a person from whom Kh&ravela of the Cedi clan claimed descent and not in the full k&vya style. A more developed k&vya style is noticed in the Nasik (Maharashtra) cave inscription9 of the nineteenth regnal year of the Satavahana king, Vas;$tM-putia Pulum&vi (c. 131-59 A.D.) in which the king's father, Gautami-putra Satakanrii (c. 106-31 A.D.), is eulogized. In the description of the said Gautamiputra in this epigraph written in Prakrit prose, we find him compared with the epic heroes in two epithets representing him, in their Sanskrit form, as Rama-Ke£ava-Arjuna-Bh!masenatulya-par&krama (an equal of Rama, Ke£ava, Arjuna and Bhimasena in valour) and N&bh&gaNahu$a-Janamejaya-Sagara-YaySti-RBma - Ambarl$a-sama-tejas (an equal of Nabhaga, Nahuja, Janamejaya, Sagara, Yayftti, Rama and Ambarija in strength or Splendour). The first of the two epithets speaks of Rama though it is not quite certain whether he js Rama the son of Da&aratha, or Rama the son of Jamadagni of v
Sircar, op.dt., pp. 192-97. •JNt, pp. 213-21. • Ibid, pp. 203-07.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the Bhfgu clan, or Rama the bearer of the plough and otherwise called Balarama and Sankarjana. The last of the three is possible because of the association of KeSava. Rama of the second passage, mentioned along with Nabhaga, Sagara and Ambarija of the solar dynasty, is apparently none other than the hero of the Ramayapa story. Thus the Rama-tradition seems to have been popular by the second century A.D. when the said epic is supposed to have received its final form. Influence of the JRamayarta has been traced in certain passages in the Junagarh inscription (ISO A.D.) and later epigraphs. Of course, we have no inscription of the Ikgvaku dynasty of Ayodhyi described in theR3mayaria;butthe Kosalaking Prasenaj't, who had his capital at £r&vasti and flourished in the sixth-fifth century B.C. is represented in the bas-reliefs of Barhut with a Prakrit label inscription10 belonging to the second century B.C. In another Pr&krit inscription11 of the fourteenth regnal year of king Virapunifadatta who belonged to the Ik^v&ku house of Vijayapuri in what was the Nagarjunakoijtf a valley before the creation of the N&gaijunas&gar lake, and flourished in the third century A.D., one of the Buddha's epithets, in its Sanskrit garb, h—Ik$vakur&ja-pravararfi-6ata-prabhava-vamia-sambhavaf ' born in the family that produced hundreds of great roayl sages such as lk»v§ku\ It is only natural to expect many more references to the R&nOjupa-tradition in later inscriptions, only some of which may be mentioned here. Thus the Gandhar (Jhalawar District, Rajasthan) inscription11 (423 A.D.) of the Aulikara ruler Vigvavarman, which is a small kSvya in Sanskrit verse, the king is described as a standard of comparison even for Rama and Bhagiratha. In the inscriptions of the C&lukyas of Badami, Pulakesin I, one of whose records is dated in 543 A.D., is described not only as an equal of Manu, Nfga, Nahtifa, Yayftti, Dhundhum&ra, Ambarija, Dilipa and Nabhiga, but also as conversant with the laws of Manu, the Puragas, the RUnUtyaoa, the BhUrata (Le. MahSbhSrata) and other Itih&sas » LOden, op.di.f No. 751. " Sircar, op.dt., p. 233, No. 101. "JM&ip.40Q,vme5.
RAmAyaoa in Inscriptions
327
or legends.18 Similar references to the influence of the Ram&yaoa are traced in the inscriptions of South-East Asia from about the same age. The Purariic stanza giving a list of the ten Avataras of VigQU, including the three Ramas, one of whom is the son of Dafiaratha, is found in an inscription which comes from Mamallapuram in Tamilnatfu and belongs to the eighth century A.D. 14 The Hansi (Hissar District, Haryana) stone inscription15 (1168 A.D.) describes a feudatory of Cahamana Pfthviraja II as Hanumat and the king himself as Rama. The Piplianagar (Ujjain District, Madhya Pradesh) plates16 (1211 A.D.) of Paramara Arjunavarman begins with four stanzas in praise of the Moon-god, ParaSurama (i.e. Rama, the son of Jamadagni), Rama (apparently the son of DaSaratha) and Yudh;§thira. The number of similar references can be multiplied. It should be remembered that the available epigraphic records are more in number in comparatively later times than in the earlier ages. There is one Ramayana tradition on which epigraphic records throw very welcome light. This is about the location of RavaQa's Lanka. Although the Ramayana quite clearly places Ravaga's abode in an island in the ocean to the south of Mt. Mahendra (i.e., Eastern Ghats including the Mahendragiri in the Tirunelveli District, Tamilnadu) and Mt. Malaya (the Southern spurs of the Western Ghats including the Travancore hills) apparently in what is now called Sri Lafika (former Ceylon) far beyond the Godavari and the Kaveri, a number of modern writers exercise their imagination too liberally and locate Ravana's Lanka elsewhere within
"Ep.Ind., Vol. XXVII, pp. 39; The Classical Age, ed. Majumdar, p. 231. As regards the meaning of the word itih&sa, note that even a mythological talerelatingto a dialogue between the king and the preceptor of the gods, viz, Sakra (Indra) and Brhaspati, isrepresentedas an old Itihasa in the following Stanza of the MahObhOraia (XII. 84-1): Ath-Spy~mldhanw=lmanpitUUham pur&tanam**Brhaspatet*=ca samvddam Sakrasya ea Yudhlffhira " Menu Arch. Surv. lad.. No. 27, p. 5. The verse ia—Matsyah KQrwu> Vardhai—ca Norasimho—'tha Vdmanab/Rdma RSmai—ca R&nas'—ca BwUhab KaUatt-ie dotal There are lists of the Avat&res also in later epigraphs. For one such from Ajmer, tee Ep. Ind., Vol. XXDC, pp. 178ff. "AAA*., 1912, pp. 17-19. " JASB.. Vol. V, 1836, pp. 377-82
328
The Ranwsna Traction ill Asia
India, often on the Amarkantak hills in the Bilaspur District, Madhya Pradesh." They do not appear to be conscious of the fact that the Mahendra and Malaya ranges are mentioned in tho Har$acarita (seventh century A.D.) as touching each other obviously at the southernmost point of India,18 and that the RimAya^a was understood by all ancient Indian works such as K&l:d&sa's Raghuvamsa (fourth-fifth century), Pravarasena's Setubandha or R&vapavadha (fifth centouy), the Bhaffikavya or R&va$avadha (seventh century), Bhavabhflti's MahSvlracarlta and Uttarar&ma* carita (eighth century) etc., to locate LaAkft in the present Sri Lafikft (Ceylon). The said modern authors are also not quite conscious about the clear evidence of inscriptions of this point and would invite us to accept twentieth century speculations in respect of a quite clear early Indian tradition. It is well known that the Indians had the conception of a Cakravartti-k$etra> i.e., the sphere of influence of an Indian imperial ruler, covering the whole of the Indian sub-continent, Kaufilya's Arthai&straP describing it as bounded in the no^th by the Himavat and in the south by the Ocean (i.e. the Southern or Indian Ocean), and R&ja£ekhara's K&vya-mlm&ms3P giving its northern and southern boundaries respectively as Bindusaras, which is located in the Himalayas, and Kumaripura or Cape Comorin in the present Tamilnadu State. Now this Cakravartti-kfetra is often reflected in the conventional description of kings in both literary and epigraphic records, and its limits are usually mentioned as follows: (1) north—Himalaya, Bindusaras, Gandhamfidana, Kail&sa, Kedftra, the mythical Sumeru mountain, Pr&°jyotifa or K&marQpa, the Vamkgu or Oxus and Bahlika; (2) South—Indian Ocean, Cape Comorin, Mahendragiri, the Setu, Suvela, Simhala-dvipa and the Malaya mountain; (3) east—Vanga, the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra), the mythical Eastern or Sun-rise mountain, the Eastern Country and GaAg&s&gara-sangama; and (4) west—the seven mouths of the Sind.hu (Indus), the Western or Arabian Sea, the mythical Mandara or the Western or Sun-set mountain, Manx 17
See Rdmdyam.Ct. Ed., Uttaia-klvda, Introduction, pp. 31ff. "Malaya-lagna-eva Mahmtoah, (NJS. Press ed.9 p. 214; cf. tmnsL CoweU and Thomas, p. 211). lf DCl. »G.OJS.ed.,p.92.
Rftmiyao* in Inscriptions
3»
or the Rajputana Desert and P&rasika (Persia or Iran).*1 We find that, besides the Indian Ocean and Cape Comorin, R&ma's bridge (i.e. Adam's bridge expending from R&mefvaram or Setubandha-RameSvara), Mt. Mahendra (i.e. Mahendragiri in the Tirunelveli-Districti, Mt. Malaya, Mt. Suvela which was a part of the Trikfita range and on which the city of Lafik& was situated, and Simhala-dvipa are located about the southern end of the Indian sub-continent. Among these, the most frequently men* tioned is R&ma's Setu or bridge which is placed at the southern end of the Indian imperial ruler's sphere of influence in both literary and epigraphic records, e.g., in BfiQa's Kadambart (seventh century), in the Pftla inscriptions describing Devap&la (ninth century), in a Somavamfi inscription describing king Dharmaratha (beginning of the eleventh century), Vijfi&ncSvara's Mitdkfara describing Calukya Vikramaditya VI (eleventh-twelfth century), in the Vijayanagara inscriptions describing Viranarasimha, and KrtQadevaraya (both ruling in the early part of the sixteenth century), etc. Baca's Kadambari" has the following passage in king Tftraf Ida's description, in which the boundaries are given as Mt. Udaya (Sun-rise) in the east, Setubandha in the south, Mt. Mandara in the west and Mt. Gandhamadana in the north—i iail&d = Udaya - namnafi, kapi - bala - vilupta - virala - lavall lat& - phalad = udadhi - vinirgata - jaladevatabhivandyamana Righava - padSd — acala - pita - dalita - sankhakuta - iakalatSrakita - iildtalSn = Nala - karatal-akalita - iaila - sahasra sambhStSd = d Setu - bandhSd = aecha - nirjhara - Jala - dhauta t&raka - sarthSd = amfta - mathan - odya - ta - VaikuQfha keyOra - patra - makara - kofi - kar$a$a - masp^ita - grdvQafr sur - Ssura - held - valayita - Vdsuki - sarn&karfaqa - prSrambha
330
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The stanza in Devapala's description giving the boundaries as the source of the Ganga (Himalaya) in the north, the bridge made by Da£&sya's enemy (i.e. Rama) in the south, the abode of Varuga (i.e. the Western or Arabian Sea) in the West and the abode of Lakfmi (i.e. the Eastern Sea or Bay of Bengal) in the east. A Gahg - agama - mahitat - = sapatna - iunyam = a setoff prathita - Daiasya - ketu - klrteft/urvlm = a Varuric - niketanac = ca sindhor — & Lakfml - kulabhavanac — ca yo bubhojcP The Somavamsi inscription mentions the boundaries in the following stanza as the forest near the bridge (i.e. Rama's bridge) in the south, the Himavat in the north, the shore of the Eastern Ocean (Bay of Bengal) in the east and the Western mountain (i.e. the mythical Sun-set mountain) in the west. Sent - pranta -van- antare Himavatafy paryanta - bhu - slmani Prag - ambhodhi- taf - avantfu kafake purv - etara - kfmabhrtafif vaiy = otkampad - arati - raja - yuvatl - nifrfvasa - jhaHjh anilair=* vyasanga - svanad - antarala - mukharair = gttam ya&ah klcakamu /ijnane£vara gives the limits in the following stanza as the bridge of the ornament of Raghu's family (i.e. Rama) in the south, the king of the mountain (Himalaya) in the north, the Western Ocean in the west and the Eastern Ocean in the east: A setob klrti - raieh Raghu - kula - tilakasya = a ca Sail&dhU rajad = & ca pratyak - payodhei—cafula - timi - kul - ottuAga -rtngat taraAgSt/ & ca PrUcafr samudrSn — pata - nrpati - iiro -ratna - bh& bhOsur - Smghrih pSySd = a - candra - tSram jagad = idam = akhilam Vikramadityadevalf* The following two stanzas of the Vijayanagara inscriptions give the boundaries as (1) the bridge (le. R&ma9s bridge) in the *Mihrtyat(taa(4iWtAflwa/J>p.38. * Mi Hist. Quart., Vol. XXII, 1M6, pp. 301. *Ste Colophon, vene. 6.
331
eoutli, Mt. Someru in the north, the mythical Sim-rise mountain in the east and the Western mountain the mythical Sun-set mountain) in the west, and (2) the Eastern mountain the mythical Sun-rise mountain) in the east, the mythical Sun-set mountain in the west, Himalaya in the north and the bridge (i.e. R&ma's bridge) in the south :— Asetor=s& Sumeror=avanisura-nutab svairm=a c=*0 day-Sdrer 5 pBicaty - Seal - out - ad — akhila - h[dayam = Svarjya rSjyam iasOseP* A pfkry - Sdrer = atk = A$fa - kfitidhara - kafakad = a ca HimacalSntad =» a setor = arthi - sartha - iriyam = iha saphalfkrtya kirtyS samiddhaihF t Mt. Mahendra is placed at the southern limit with the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra) in the east, the Tuhina£ikharin ^Himalayas) in the north and the Western Ocean (Arabian sea) in the west in the following stanza in the Mandasor inscription describing the sphere of influence of the Aulikara king Ya£odharman who flourished in the second quarter of the sixth century: A Lauhity - opaka^fhS = fa/a - vana - gahan - opatyakSd = S Mahendrad = a Gahga - iliffa - sSnos = TuhinaSikhartyah Paicimid = & payodhehj sSmantair = yasya bShu - dravfya - hfta - madaib pSdayor =* Snamadbhift^ cQ4& -ratn- ariiiu - rSji - vyatikara - savalS - bhQmi - bfiagafr kriyant*** Mt. Malaya is mentioned as the southern boundary (1) with the Eastern country .in the east, the Maru or the Rajputana Desert in the West and the Prftleyftdri (Him&laya) in the north in a verse used in the P&la inscriptions describing a few kings including Vigrahapftla 11 (tenth century) as well as as (2) with Mt. Kailftsa in the north, the mythical Sun-set mountain in the West and the *Mys. Arch. Swv. An. Jbp., 1941, pp. 185-86. Mys. Arch. Strt. Am. Jfap* 1941, p. 187. •• Star, Stkct liacrlpthm*, « . dtn p. 419 n
332
Tlie Ramayana Tradition in Asia
mythical Sun-rise mountain in the east in the description of king Bhoja (eleventh century) in the Param&ra epigraphs: (1) De6e Praci pracura - payasi svaccham = aplya toyam svairam bhr&ntva tad- anu Malay - opatyakS - candanefuf krtvS sandrair = Marufu jadafam ilkarairabhra - tulyafr Praley&dreb kafakam = abhajan =yasya serui-gajendrafy.*9 (2) A Kati&s&n Malaya - girito * stodayddrt - dvaylld = £ bhukta pfthvl Prthu - narapates = tulya - rupena yenaf unmuly = orvf - Mara - guru - ;apd ///ayfi dlpa * yaftyS kfipta dtkfu kfitir = apt param prltim = dpaditi ca.™ The Harfacarita speaks of Mt. Suvela, where the calamity of Rama's devastation of Lafikft was engraved by axes hewing down the side of Mt. Trikflta, as the southern boundary with the mythical Sun-rise mountain in the east, the mythical Sun-set mountain in the west and the Gandhamadana in the north in the following passage— & ravi - ratha - cakra - cltkira - cakita - cararia - mithuna mukta - sanor= Uday - acalad = a TrikSfa - kafaka - kuffSka \ahka - likhita - K&kutstha - Lahka - lurtfhana - vyatikarSt => Suveiad = 2 Farupf - madia - skhallta - Varuna - varandrl nupura - ravamukhara-kuhara-kukfer=Asta - girer=a Guhyakagehinl - parimala - sugandhi - gandha - pafd$a - vd5/7a - guA£gf/tfc - a* Gandhamadanat*1 Simhala-dvipa or the island of Simhala is mentioned as the southern limit together with the Eastern sea in the east, the Western Sea in the West and the Himalaya in the north in the following verse of the Karhad plates of the Raftrakuta monarch KT§tjaIIl: Anamann = S PUrv-Bpara-Jalantdhi- Himaiaila . Simhala-dvlpdt/ yam janak - SJHa - va£am=api maQJalinas^caQJa -da$di 89
Maitreya, op.tit.,pp. 93. " £>./*/., Vol. I, pp. 233. »N.S. Press, e i , p. 194; Of. Cowdl and Thomas, trans., p. 187. "£/>. /ni, VoL IV. pp. 284-83.
Riniyaoa in Inscriptions
333
In this connection it may be noticed that the Bodhgayft inscription89 (588-89 A.D.) of the Singhalese Buddhist monk named Mohanaman speaks of the fact that he was born in Lafik&dvlpa (island of Lafika) which is no doubt identical with Simhala-dvipa. The same inscription mentions the Lafik&cala or the Lafikft mountains apparently referring to the mountain ranges of Sri Lafiki (Ceylon).3* The location of the bridge built by Rama in the Far South is also indicated by Candella Dhanga's inscription9* (1002 A.D.) from Khajuraho. It describes Vijaya, who was the great-grandfather of Dhanga and flourished in the ninth century, as follows: Desirous of conquering the southern region, the king emulated R&ma in bringing the ocean to the wretched state of captivity, /.*., Candella Vijaya built a bridge (probably of boats) between Iudia and £ i LaAkft as Rama had built a bridge of stone before. Thus the RSmSyana, as understood by the Indians of old, located Ravjjja s Lanka in the island called L&fika or Simhala in modern Sri Ldtka (Ceylon). Of course there we~e other UiAkas and Simhalas in L.dia, and there are many cases of the same name being borne by several places for various reasons;96 but none of the localities bearing the nameLafika or Simhala canebe'dertified with the island home of Ravana as known from the Ram&ya$a and the other early epigraphic and literary records of India. " Corp. Ins. lnd.9 Vol. Ill, p. 276. 94
Cf. LaAk&giri-parvata, which was the mountainous central province of Lartka, as known from Singhalese writings (Sircar, Stud. Geog. Ane. Mea Ind.t 1971, p. 316, note 3). " Ep. tnd.% Vol. I, pp. 14M2, Verse 20. " Cf. e.g., Sircar, op.ciu% p. 110. For the same name borne by different localities within India or in India and outside, see Ibid,, pp. 210ff., 297-98 318ff.
TEXTUAL THEME OF RAMAYANA IN JAPAN MINORU HARA
I present here a translation of two renditions which apparently derive from the Valmiki Ramaya^a as preserved in Mediaeval Japanese literature, and propose a comparative and analytic study of the Indian original and its renditions in the Far East. The first is an abridged version of the Rama-story as given in a collection of popular tales, named the Hobutsushu (Ratna-samgraha ?) by Tairano Yasoyori in the twelfth century,1 and the second is a modified story of an episode given in the second book of the Valmiki Ramayana, that is, Daiaratha's unwitting slaughter of a young ascetic, which foreshadows the tragic death of the king in his later days. The two Japanese versions here presented are in their main frame-work undoubtedly derivations of the Valmiki Ramaya^a, but they have come to differ in detail from their original in the course of their transmission through India to China, and China to Japan. These Japanese versions are not directly taken from their Indian original, but came through the Chinese Tripifaka. It would be the task of the philologist to analyse these points of difference, and to explain the factors which are responsible for the alterations in details. But prior to these detailed philological studies, the first step must be taken in giving here an English translation of these Japanese versions with a brief introduction.
As has been referred to, the abridged Rama-story is preserved in Tairano Yasuyori's Hobutsu.hu. However, its text is not without difficulties, for some Manuscripts do not contain the story 1
CT. O. Tanaka, "Religion as a Transmitter of Literature, "Proceedings of the East-West Cultural Conference in Collaboration with Unesco, The Rama* krishna Mission Institute of Culture (Calcutta, 1961), pp. 3-4. It was Dr. K. Minakata whofirst,in 1914, called the attention of scholars to the Rama-story in Japan {Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 4, pp. 46-51).
Textual Then* of RAmiyaoa in Japan
33S
of Rama here presented. We can distinguish four main recensions of the text, but despite all the efforts of Japanese scholars in the past, we are still not in a position to present its Critical Edition. However, according to the longer versions, there is no doubt that the story of the unnamed king in the Hobutsushu is a derivation of the Rama-story. A tentative English translation of the version is as follows* Once upon a time, when the Tathagata £akyamuni was king of a great and famous kingdom, this kingdom was in order, and the people enjoyed peace. At that time there was a kingdom by the name of Kyushi,* where the people suffered seriously from famine so much that the seeds of the five cereals had died out, and that they had not heard even the word * food' for a long time. On this account the streets were full of corpses, and most of the people were starving to death. The people of the country met in council and decided to invade the country of the Tathagata Sakyamuni in order to take grain from them. The people of the glorious country of the Tathagata Sakyamuni heard of this, but possessing full confidence in the power, they were willing to fight against the invaders. The king Tathagata gakyamuni heard of the plan of his people, and ordered his ministers not to fight, for warfare necessarily results in killing and death of many. The ministers, however, insisted upon the inevitability of the fighting, for otherwise they themselves might perish under the unjust invasion of the enemy. The king Tathagata Sakyamuni communicated the matter secretly to the queen, saying that, if he would permit them to fight it would mean the slaughter of many people. He said to her, " I am reluctant to fight against the enemy, for if I permit them to fight it means the slaughter of many people. I wish to retreat in the depths of a mountain and to practise the Buddhist dharma. What do you think of this?" 1
My translation here is baaed upon the text edited by K. Yoahida and H. Koizumi in the Classical Library Series (Koteo-bunko) No. 258 (Tokyo, 1969). a The word 4 ^ generally means a fathert^ uncle (mdtula). Cf. O. Tanaka, Stdka-sh* (Collected Works by Prof. Tanaka, bakulo*amgraha) (Tokyo. 1974), p. 103. Possibly, it could have been a remnant of a twisted memory of Bharata's stay in die court of his maternal Yudh^jit in mfagiaha, as given in the Vilmflci RlmiyaQa 2*1 and 2-64.
336
The RamayaD* Tradition in Asia
The queen answered, " I have lived with you for many years. How would it be possible for me to part with you ? " The king said, " Since you are a lady, the enemy woul never kill you even when they invade our country," He advised her repeatedly to stay in the capital* Despite his repeated words, the queen did not comply, and finally accompanied him to the depths of a mountain. Surprised by the king's sudden retreat to a mountain, the warriors of the Tathagata Sakyamuni surrendered themselves to the enemy without fighting. The king, on the other hand, led his simple life with the queen in the mountain, taking fruits from the mountain and gathering green herbs from a swamp. One day a Brahmin ascetic went there, and highly praising the king's determination and simple mode of life, offered his company, and attended upon him. The king was greatly pleased with his offer and lived together with him. One day, however, when the king was absent, going out gathering fruits in the mountain, the Brahmin ascetic disappeared, taking the queen with him. When the kijig returned back to his hermitage, he noticed her disappearance and determined to set forth in search in the depths of the mountain. He found a huge bird on the road who was about to die, having broken both wings. The bird said to the king," The Brahmin ascetic who had been your attendant abducted the queen. Seeing this, I determined to fight him until you came back, but the Brahmin ascetic transformed himself into a dragon-king (nOga-rdja ?), and kicked me vehemently so that both my wings wers thus broken." With these words the bird breathed his last. The king was struck with compassion; and burricd the bird at the top of the mountain. The king set out for the south, simply relying upon the bird's word that the offender was a dragon-king. On his way to the south he happened to meet thousands of monkeys in a mountain roaring vehemently. They were pleased to meet the king and communicated him their plan. They sa'd, " The mountain which has been in our possession for a long time has been plundered by a neighbouring king, and in order to recover it we determined to proclaim war against the enemy tomorrow at nvd-d y. We would like to make you general of our army." The king was
Textual Theme of RAmiyaga in Japan
837
perplexed, and hesitated to join the battle, but finally accepted their offer. The monkeys gave him a bow and arrows. At the appointed time the battle began and thousands of soldiers attacked them. In accordance with the advice of the monkeys the king drew his bow to its full extent. Being a skillful archer his elbow even touched his back. The enemy fled without sheeting an arrow, seeing his skill in archery. The group of monkeys were much pleased with and obliged to the king for his help, and expressed their wish to be of help in any way. The king communicated his plan to them, saying, " I am going south in search of the palace of the dragon-king who took my queen by trickery." Hearing this the monkeys said, " You saved our lives. We are eternally grateful to you. Let us join you." Thus, thousands of monkeys followed the king, and they reached the southern end of the continent facing the ocean in the south. But they did not find any means to traverse further south. At this moment the Brahma Sakka was greatly touched at seeing that the king had left his kingdom in the practice of non-killing (ahimsS ?), and that the monkeys accompanied him as far as the south shore in their gratitude to him. He transformed himself into a small monkey and mingled with the thousands of monkeys. The small monkey advised his followers as follows, " It is just a waste of time to stay here without means of proceeding. It would be better for each of us take a piece of timber and a handful of herbs, in order to make a bridge, and then to cross the bridge to the island, the mansion of the Dragon. They followed his advice and made a bridge according to his suggestion, and thus they were successful in reaching the mansion of the Dragon. The dragonking got angry and roared frightfully. At twilight4 he discharged a dazzling light. The monkeys were intoxicated by dew and frightened by snow, and finally fell • The text here is corrupt, and editorial interpretations are also unintelligible. Thus, I present here only a tentative translation. But, if my reading is correct, it may suggest traces of the memory of the demoniac and treacherous attack by Indra upon Vrtra and Namuci at twilight {samdhydkdle\ as given in MBh. 3*10-29 (m dhS na tathd nts'i and 9-42-30 (m rdtrau Htyi vdhani). For similar expressions, cf. also MBh. 7*172-77 and P. Hacker* Prahldda, Wcrdcn and Wandlungen einer Idealgestall (Wiesbaden. 1959), pp. 27ff. and 36ff.
838
The Ramayana Traditioa in Ash
down upon the ground. The small monkey went up to Mt. Himalaya and returned with a branch of the tree called Great Herbs. No sooner had he caressed the fallen intoxicated monkeys with it, than they revived with greater power than before, and attacked the dragons. The king of the dragons was blazing with the light, but was met by the king who was shooting arrows. The dragonking fell amongst the monkeys when he was struck by an arrow. Seeing this the lesser dragonsfledwithout fighting with the monkeys. The monkeys entered the mansion of the Dragon and rescued the
Textual Theme of RimiyaoatoJapan
339
the agreement of monkeys to help the king in return are the same as the account in the Indian original. This reminds us of the mutual assistance between Rama and Sugriva's army. Fifth, the subsequent story of their reaching the southern end of the continent and their crossing of the ocean is the same as in the Valmiki Ramayaria. But here we notice another motif interposed; Sakka li.dra's favour and his transformation into a clever little monkey who suggests the way to construct a bridge. Sixth, the attack of the monkey-army on the naga-bhavana, and the encounter with the naga-rdja who uses a mystic weapon for the purpose of extirpating the monkey-army, are on the same lines as the Indian original. The latter especially corresponds to Indrajit's attack on Rama and Lakgmaga, who fell down upon the earth after being struck with the weapon. Seventh, the subsequent story of the fetching of a branch of the maha-ogadhi tree in the Himalaya by the little clever monkeyr that is, Indra in disguise, reminds us of Jambavat's suggestion to Hanumat to fetch the four kinds of herbs in the Mt. Au$adhi given in the Valmiki Ramayana 6. 61. Eighth, the account of the king's arrow killing the naga-raja, and the account of the recovery of the queen are the same as Rama's victory over Ravaija and his rescue of Sita, as given in the Indian original. Ninth, the king's glorious return to his hermitage and people's entreatment to him to become the lord of the two countries make up a happy ending of the Japanese version, whereas the Indian original has, beyond this, the further stories of Rama's second parting with Sita, of the Valmiki's hermitage, the sons of Ku£a and Lava, and so forth.
n A second textual derivation from the Ramayqja in Japan is preserved in another collection of tales, named (Sambo-ekotoba (Notes on the pictures of the tri-ratna)% by Minamotono Tamenori in the tenth century. The book was originally intended to serve as a caption-story for paintings, for the author himself says in the introduction that he made this in order to console an unhappy
340
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
princess through explaining the meanings of some picture-scrolls. Unfortunately, the picture-scroll itself has been lost, and only these caption-stories are preserved for us. Now, a reader of the V&lmiki Rdmayarta might be touched by reading the pathetic story given in the second book, chapters 56 and following, where king Da&aratha confesses to his faithful wife Kausalyft that he himself was originally responsible for the tragic death of his own, from separation of his beloved son Rama. When he was young he was a reputed skilled archer (iabda-vedhiri), and he once unwittingly killed a young ascetic, who was taking care of his old blind parents in the depths of a mountain. The blind father, out of sorrow for his departed son, cursed the king that the king himself in his old age share the same fate as this poor old man, and with these words the old man breathed his last. We have the frame of this story in the Pal' Jataka 540, that is, the Sama-J&taka, and in the SySmaka Jataka found in the Maltavastu-avadana* although the story in these Buddhist versions differs from that of the Ramayapa, in having a happy ending. Here the yiung ascetic is revived by virtue of the act of truth (satyakriy&s satya-vacana), and the story itself moulded into a didactic and moral story with recommendation for kfanti (perseverence) and with emphasis upon the merit of the son's devoted attendance upon his parents. These Indian versions moulded into a moralistic story by the Buddhists are translated into Chinese, and from there the story was transplanted into Japan and became quite popular in Mediaeval Japanese literature.6 1 shall g;ve below a tentative translation of a passage in the Sambo-ekotoba derived from this frame-story of the Ramay fla.7 * Independently of textual evidence, the story of S&ma, or Syftmaka is preserved also in carved monuments. Gf. J. Marshall and A. Foucher, The Monuments ofSanchi, vol. 1, p. 225 and vol. 2 (Plate 65, a, 1) and A. Foucher L art ftreco-bouddhique du Gandhara, I, pp. 279ff. • Cf. The twenty-four Stories of the devoted son (nijushi-ko) in the Otoglaoshi (Nihon-koten-bungaku-takei 38, pp. 2S7-2S8.) ' My translation here is based upon the text edited by K. Yoshida and H. Miyata, Classical Library Series 21S (Tokyo, 1963).
ToKiual Theme of Rlmftyaia ID lapan
341
Once upon a time there lived a rich merchant couple in the country of Kaira. As they advanced in age, they lost their eyesight. They had a son, whose name was Semu (or Zenshin). He was versed In the practice of the ten virtues, and served his aged parents faithfully. Though the old couple had for a long time a desire to retreat into the woods with a view of practising the Buddhist dharma, they stayed at home, not wanting to part with their only son and with one who was looking after them. The son, Semu, knowing their intention, said to them, " What prevents you from fulfilling your long cherished desire ? Everything in this world is transitory. Nobody knows the time of death. It would be better for you to accomplish your desire as soon as possible. I will accompany y w to take personal care of you. " The parents were delighted and immediately they proceed'*! to give all their possession to the poor. The son took his old and blind parents to the depths of a mountain, and settled them there. He built a simple hermitage, and prepared for them a bed of mugwort. He would take water from a waterfall and gather fruits from the mountain. Everyday, early in the morning he would leave home in search of fruits, but would never eat them before his parents. At night he would wake up thrice in order to see if they felt chilly, or whether they slept in warmth. I i this way he passed his years attending to his parents, and even birds and beasts were moved to tears by his deep filial affection. One day the parents asked him for some water. He put on a coat made of deer's h'dc, and went down to a ravine with a jar in hand. As he was drawing water there, he happened to come across a herd of doer drinking water, and became indistinguishable from them because of the deer-hide he had on. At that very moment the king of Kaira country was out hunting and was around that area. He shot his arrow aiming at the deer, but it pierced the heart of Semu. On falling down upon the ground he cried ou% " Who is it that killed three persons with a single arrow ? Elephants are killed for their tusk, a rhinoceros is killed for its horn. There is no gain in killing me. For what reason had I to be killed ? " On hearing this human voice, the king realized that it was not a djer, but a man he had struck. He approach* d him in surprise, descending from his horse. The king said, " Who are you ? I shot an arrow mistaking you for a deer."
341
11* !Umayana Tradition in Ask
He replied, " I am one who lives in this mountain taking care of my old parents.'* The king wept together with others around him. Suddenly a strong wind arose, blowing off branches of tress. All the birds cried in sorrow, and beasts ran roaring vehemently. Daylight dimmed, it thundered and the earth shook. Terrified with these evil portents, the king said breaking into tears, " Alas, I have commited a grievous sin, killing this noble son by mistake. I have incurred grave sin seeking a small pleasure. How could 1 ever cure your wound?" He tried to pull off the arrow from the wound, but he could not, for it pierced deep. Semu consoled the king, saying " It is not your fault. It is due to my foiemr karma. Again, I do not feel sorry for myself, but for my parents. They are old and blind. I sm afraid they would not live long without my attendance." This statement made the king more sorry. The king said, " If you die here, I will not return (to my capital). I will remain here in this mountain and serve your parents in your place. Let all deities and dragon-gods hear this. I will never break this pledge." Semu was delighted immensely with those words and said to the king, " If you would be true to your oath and take the best care of my old parents, I can die in peace." The king replied, " Let me know quickly where your parents are, before you breathe the last." Semu said, " Go down this narrow path and you will find a tiny hermitage made of grass. They are there. But please walk slowly and quietly, for otherwise it may surprise their hearts already weak and fragile. Consider carefully how to address them and speak of the matter in advance, for otherwise they may get confused. These are my last words to them—' The span of man's life is short. Now I am about to die, parting with you for ever. Just a single thought disturbs me at this last moment; whom will you rely upon? • Indian original of this vene b found in SOmajataka Glthi 10, and Mahdvasw (E. Senait ed.) II, pp. 213 and 222, but can even be traced back to the gaoa of Plpini 2-3-36 (carmarii dvlpinam hmtldantayor hanti kutyaram...) a . J. Charpentkr. "Zur Oeschichte des Gaiyapitaka," WZKM. 24, p. 397 Mte2
TeJrtualTl^meofRimftyiwmJapan
343
How will you spend the remaining span of your life without me? But death is thefinalresort of living beings, and no one can escape this fate. Keep:ng this in mind, you should not lament. Do not let your mind be disturbed unnecessarily. I only wish that I shall be born as your son in the next life and that we shall never part with each other.*" With these words he breathed his last. Hearing this, the king and the others burst into tears, crying out loud. The king walked toward the hermitage as directed. The old blind parents felt uneasy because of these unnatural portents, and then asked him * who has come ?" The king replied, " I am the king of the country. I came here personally with the intention of showing my respect to you, who, as 1 heard, have retreated to this mountain in order to practise the Buddhist dharma" On their part they were surprised at this unexpected visit of the king, and said to him, " We are very grateful to you. We have here a special mat which was recently made. Please sit here and rest/9 They spread the mat. The king said, " Are you comfortable in your life here?" They replied, " We are content here, having a glorious king and a devoted son. The former rules righteously so that people may enjoy peace, and the harvest is ever plenteous. The latter takes good care of us, gathering fruits from the mountain and fetching water from the ravine. We have nothing to complain of at all, having nothing to suffer from. Please take a bit of fruit here. At this moment my son is down at the ravine fetching water. I hope he will be back soon." Losing control the king shed tears, and said, " It is painful for me to watch the parents waiting for the return of their son, painful indeed, as if 1 am torn asunder. For I tell, you, I killed your son unintentionally while I was hunting deer in this mountain. It is because of this sad event that I came hfcre. Now you can rely upon nobody but me. I shall take care of you in place of your son." On hearing these words of the king, the parents threw themselves and fell, as a huge mountain falling to pieces. The king
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The Ramayana Tradition In Asia
lifted them up, and they addressed him in lamentation. " My son was decent and never insulted me. What wrong has he done to you that you had to kill him? It has been more than twenty years since we settled here, but we have never felt so uneasy in my son's absence as today because of inauspicioi s signs such as the sudden wind and the terrifying cries of birds. Today, we suspected that there may have been something wrong with our son, and tried in vain to avert the evils from him. But, when did it happen, just now, or sometime ago? Is he dead, or still alive?" The king imparted the message of the son to his parents word by word, and said, " Your son breathed his last with those words." On hearing this the parents got confounded more than ever and said, " Our only son is already dead. Why should we rely upon someone else? We would rather die. Please take us to the place where our son lies dead. We would like to die on the same spot as our son.*' In deep sorrow the king led them by the hand and went to the spot. The father held the son's feet and the mother held his head, and drew out in vain the arrow together. The mother even licked his wound with tongue, and said," Let the poisonous element enter into my mouth and kill me. Revive my son instead! Since I am old and blind, 1 would rather die in his place.*9 Thus, the parents cried out loud and in prayer said, "Our son is a devoted son, and pays homage to the three jewels, Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. If the heaven knew his devotedness in attending to his parents, let this arrow be drawn by itself, its poison disappear, the departed soul come back again, and bring him back to life. On the contrary, if his devotedness is untrue, and my statement improper, let his soul depart and become a deer." At this moment the throne of Sakka Indra became uncomfortable, and the mansions of the gods shook. Indra saw through all this with his divine eyes from afar. He looked with compassion on the parents in their affection toward their son, and on the son in his devotion to his parents. The gods in heaven including Brahmi, and those on earth, all gathered together and had conwassion upon them. Indra, then, transformed himself (into a man), and standing in front of the parents said to them: " This son of
Textual Theme of RlmAyaoa in Japan
345
yours is truly devoted. I will extend my hand of help and revive him by all means." Thus lndra brought divine medicine (amrtaT), and poured it into the mouth of Semu. Instantly the poisonarrow drew itself and Semu revived. The parents marvelled, looking at their son with their own eyesf their blindness cured. Birds and beasts were delighted, running here and there, and cried joyfully. The wind stopped blowing, thick clouds disappeared, the sun began to shine, and flowers came in full blossom. The king in joyous surprise bowed in front of lndra, the parents and the son, and said, " I will donate all my possessions to the people, and staying here long, I will attend upon you day and night/9 Semu said in reply to the king, " If you think that you are much obliged to us, go back quickly to your country and give the people an order that they keep self-control (if/a?). Desist from hunting. By killing others one feels uneasy in this life and goes to hell in the next life. You have attained this kingship because of the merits you accumulated previously in past lives. So do not commit sins, as your passion goes out of control." The king repented and said, " Hereafter 1 w:U follow your advice." Some of the king's retinue were also surprised, seeing that medicine descending from heaven had revived the son and cured the blindness of the parents. They pledged that they would never break the vow of non-killing {ahimsSV) as long as they lived. The king returned to his country and ordered the people as follows, " Those who take care of old blind parents as Semu does should be assisted by other people. On the contrary, those who injure devoted sons will incur heavy punishment." Thus, all over his kingdom people taught each other to act like Semu, keeping the five commandments {ilia) and practising the ten virtues (dharma); and after death they all were born in heaven, and nobody fell into hell. The Buddha, concluding the story, said to Ananda, " Semu in this story is no one but myself. His parents are the king guddhodana and the queen Mfiy&. It is because of the parents* affection and because of my devotedness, that 1 have attained Buddhahood. Everybody has parents. Let everybody take the best possible care of his parents. This is the noble path. One must master this."
346
TfceRamayana Tradition in Ad*
Details are given in the Sutra of Semu, the Bodhisattva, and also in the lie-tu-tsi-ching (Rokudqjikkyo, the Six Paramita Sutra). The story of the faithful son, Semu, as given in the SamboEkotoba, naturally reminds us of an episode given in the Valmiki RSmayana 2. 56 ff., where the king Dalaratha relates the cursed fate of his last day to his queen Kausalya. Although the main line of the story here is almost the same as in the Indian original, it differs from the Valmiki Ramaya$a on some points. First, the story here has a happy ending, for the killed son is revered and thus there is no room for the poor old man to curse the king. Second, we have here a motif of the satya-kriya (or satyavacana) of the mother, which moved Indra in heaven, who out of compassion revived the son. Third, in the Japanese version the story of a young ascetic came to serve as an illustration of the power of merit which a son may accumulate within himself in the couise of attending devotedly upon his parents.9 However, these points of difference are accounted for by the Buddhist versions preserved in the Chinese Tripitaka (Lie-tu-tsiching, Rokudojjikkyo, Tsa-pao-tsan-ching, Zohozo-kyo, etc.)10, which are nothing but the Chinese counterpart of the Pali Samajataka and the Syamaka-jataka in the Mahavastu-avadana. In these Buddhist versions we have also a happy ending as the result of the satya-vacana, although there Indra does not appear at all. •In the lie-tihtsi-ching (Rokudqjikkyo), however, this story of Sfima is an illustrative tale of forbearance (k&nti or k^amd). However, in the GariyfiPtiaka (3*13) and the Milinda-panha (V. Tienckener ed, pp. 198-199) it is treated as an illustrative tale of metta-bhfivanfi, or metto-pdramita. "The references to the devoted son, Sfima, in the Chinese Tripitaka are as follows, (spelling in Japanese); Rokudojikkyo (Taisho, vol. 3, pp. 24 b)p Bosatsm SensUkyo (Taisho, vol. 3 pp. 436), Bussetsu SensUkyo with three different versions (Taisho, vol. 3, pp. 438, 440 and 442), Zo ozokyo (Taisho, vol. 4, pp. 442), Zenkenritsubibasho (Taisho, vol. 24, p. 713), Daito saiiki kt (Taisho, vol. 51, pp. 881). References to the names, Sfima or Syfimaka, are also found in, Ddhoshakukyo vol. 80 (Gokoku-bosatsue) (Taisho, vol. 11, pp. 461 e\ JHfihbibasharon vol. S (Taisho, vol. 26, pp. 44), and Ronyakn, myogtikm voL 1 (Taisho, vol. 54, pp. 1062).
Ttfmial Theme of Rlfltlyitia in Japan
347
The similarity between R&m&yaga 2*56 ff. and the Samaj&taka has been pointed out by J. Charpantier and H. Oldenberg,11 and we might conjecture that these Sanskrit and P&li versions had a common source. The RamayaQa singer used it in the framework of king Dagaratha's tragedy and the Buddhist versions modified it into a moralistic story. Despite the problems involved in comparative studies of the stories given in the Epic, Pali-jataka and Buddhist Sanskrit Avadana, we can say that the Japanese version of the Semu-story bears an indirect dependence on the RamayaQa-episode given in 2. 56 fF. through the Chinese Tripfyaka, whose Indian equivalent we have in the S&ma-jataka and the £yamaka-jataka. " Cf. J. Gharpentier, op di.. pp. 397*399; H. Oldenberg ," Jtoak+stu&mT Kkb* Schrtften Wiesbaden, 1967), pp. 1096-1099. M. Winteraitz, Geschichte der indlschen IMeratur (Leipzig, 1920X Bd. 2, pp. 369-370.
RAMAYANA IN NEPALI KAMALA SANKRTTYAYAIf Place of the Ramayana in Aryan Culture; The culture of the Vedic Aryans has been influenced by certain books. The most important of these are the Vedas, the Upanijads and the Puraqas. Then come the great epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. These books have influenced the life of the Aryans for the last thiee thousand years. After the eras of Sanskrit and Prakft, the sacred and literary books written in the modern Indo-Aryan languages have been influenced by the stories of the Pur&Qas, the Ramayaria and the Mah&bharata. Indeed, the two epics have a unique place in Indian culture; Their stories have been interwoven in the whole culture of India. An epic, by its very nature, has an intimate relationship with the life and culture of the country of its origin. It portrays the life of the people, presents their ideals and sniritual beliefs. But the place of the Rdmayaria and the Mah&bharata is more important in the cultural fabric than the place of any other epic in any other language. Not only are these two epics esteemed for their literary worth, they have also served as a source of wisdom, of ideals and of spiritual guidance to the Indians for the last three thousand years. The story of the R&m&yaQa has played a great part in bringing about cultural unification. Among the Ramayapas in different Indian languages, we have in Nepali the Mero Rama (20th century) and Nepali Adaria Ragheva Mahakavya (20th century). There are also many other works based on the story of Ramayaga. Thus, we can understand how this sacred epic and the story of R&macandra has affected the way of our thinking and life. We can also understand why our neighbouring Hindu Country, Nepal, has a great affection for the RamftyaQa-tradition. We can understand and observe the development of Rim&yaija-tradition in Nepali literature from the ancient period to the modern age. Ramayana in Nepali Prose; We should see first which version of the Ramayaga has been of the greatest importance to the Nep&li people and their culture.
R&mAyaqa la McpaU
34»
We find that the Adt R&mdyana of Adikavi Valmlki and the other spiritual Adhyatma Ramayarta have their reputed places respectively. But comparing the two RflmayaJjas, we find that the Nepali people have given their attention and affection to the Adhyatma Ram&yana. We know this on seeing that the famous RQmdyana of A Irya Bhinubhakta is based on the Adhyatma RGmOyarta. In the pre-Bh&nubhakta era, this same Ram&yaQa was very popular among the Nepali people, In Valmlki's Ram&yapa we find Rama presented as a noble person. Valmlki has treated the hero of his epic as a loving and obedient son of King Dagaratha, a loving husband of Sita, and he has also explained the weakness of Rama. He has not depicted Lord Rama as a Hindu God or deity. But the theme of the Adhyatma Ramayana is completely different. Though the composer of this Ramayaija has followed the story of the Ramayapa as written by Valmlki, the poet has presented the character of Rama as a celestial being, and depicted him as Lord or God. He is full of compassion, serenity and all the godly virtues. And he has also portrayed Sita as a goddess. The unsophisticated Nepali people love the nature of this kind of Rama and Sita. They love the purity, serenity and the godliness of Rama. That is why the Adhyatma Ramayaria is so famous and popular among the people of Nepal and outside the country as well. When we go through the history of Nepali literature we find that the first RamayLga was written in Nepali in 1833 A.D. It was written in Nepali prose. The full data of this Rfim&yaQa is not available, but according to the famous Nep&li linguist and litterateur Shri Balkrishna Pokhrel, this prose Ramayaga was named the Rama&wamedha. The writer is anonymous. At present the manuscript of this book RSmaiwamedha is lying with VIra Pustakalaya in Kathmandu. Here is an excerpt from this volume in English translation: " Lord Rama, who was worshipped by the great sage Vasf|(ha and other Munis, with his Lady SitA entered the water of the sacred river SarayQ, whose water is very beneficial and sacred and pure. After them the other kings and the people who were purified by the
JH
The Ramayana Tradition in Ada
dust of R&ma's feet also entered the water of the sacred river Sarayu which was worshipped by the people* After drinking the pure water of the river the people who had very red eyes (i.e. wtft sad) did get happiness.1 Until the late 19th Century there was no printing press in Nepal. Much of the earlier literature, including the different Nepali R&mayaQas, is available to us only in the form of manuscripts. R&m&yoQa Lahka Kfyfh: This is another manuscript written in Nepdli prose by Pandit Padam Sharma in the month of Sravaga 1896 Vikrami (i.e. August 1939 A.D.). According to Shri Balkrishna Pokhrcl1 the author was not a good writer. He was only literate, and his main work was to make duplicate copies of the different Sanskrit texts by hand. He lived among religious people and it was from the stimulus of their company that he composed the RamayaQO Lahka Ka$$a. The manuscript is now the property of the Vira Pustakalaya, Kathmandu. A specimen paragraph of this book is given below: "Shri GaneSaya Namah(Salutations to Sri Gane£a), Lord £iva said—O Parvati, after that Sri Ramacandra and Hanuman went in search of Sita and when Hanuman found Sita, he came back to Sri Rama and narrated the plight of Sita. Knowing and hearing about Sita Shri Rama was very pleased and he addressed his friend Sugrlva thus— 'O my friend Sugriva, the courageous deed of Hanuman is very difficult even for gods. Then how can mortal creatures have the courage for this kind of heroic deed ? Not only is it impossible for them to perform, they cannot even think about it. Such is the deed that Hanumftn has performed.*" At the end of the book, the author writes^-44 O Pftrvati, if one were unable to listen to the whole Ramayana Lafika Ka$4a and were to listen only to half the story of the coronation of Shri R&ma, he would get the credit of hearing the whole RamayaQa. Those who will listen to the whole of the RamayaQa will get the same glory they would get in giving away crores and crores of cows. They will also get the credit of performing crores of Aiwa-
Rim&yapa in Nepali
351
medha yagnas. They will never face any difficulty or crisis. And again, one who has been able to listen to the whole Ramayana need have no fear of thieves, Agni (fire), the king, and ghosts, devils and witches. By the influence of this story, all one's unlucky stars will be propitiated. There are many types of diseases in this world but people who are well-versed in the Ramayana need not fear them. The enemies of such people will be vanquished. Such a person will, after his death, be placed near the sacred feet of Lord Rama. He will not have to be born again in his mother's womb. He will be freed from the cycle of birth and death in the world and will attain * mok$a \ O Parvati, there is no deception. I have told you all the truth. " The author has characterised Rama as God and Sita as Goddess. Therefore we realise that this Ramayana Lanka Kan4a is based on the Adhyatmo Ramayana. We can thus estimate the popularity of the later Ramayana in Nepali culture and life. The author has presented the narrative in the form of a conversation between Lord Siva and Goddess Parvati. We have no idea whether Pandit Sharma wrote a complete Ramayaoa of seven kan^as or whether he only wrote the Lanka Kantfa. The Ramayana of Simdarananda Banrah; The reign of Maharaja Ranabahadur Shah (1778-1800 A.D.) was the time when the Nepali language became rich in literature* Books of verse began to be written and translations of Sanskrit texts were undertaken. Poet Shakti Vallabh Aryal wrote his famous book ' Kasya Kadamba \ Simdarananda wrote his famous ' Ramayana' in Nepali prose, and * Triratna Saundarya Gatha. Maha-ani Lalit Tripur Sundari translated ' Rajdharma' from the original Sanskrit. Pandit Yadunath Pekhrel composed his * Stuti Padya \ a book of poems. Another famous writer Pandit Daiwagnya Keshari Aryal wrote the book named ' Gorakga Yog \ Many other books were also written. In this rich age of Nepali literature, the author of the complete Ramayana in prose, with the whole seven kaphas, appeared in the firmament of Nepali literature. His name was Simdarananda Banrah. Though his mother-tongue was Newari he was well versed in the Nepali language also.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Shri Sundarananda Banrah was born in Patan (Lalitpur) near Kathmandu. There was a Mahfivihara named Okubahal (Rudra Mahaviharaj, where he was a pries*. When he was born, and who his parents were, are still subjects of research. Though he was not a very profound scholar of Sanskrit, he was well conversant with some religious texts in Sanskrit which were used in religious rites as he was a Purohit (Priest). He wrote a book entitled * Triratna Saundarya' (Beauty of the three gems) in Sanskrit and later he himself translated it into Nepali. Besides this, he translated the whole AdhyBtma Ramayaria into Nep&li prose. The exact time of the translation, according to Shri Balkrishna Pokhrel* is around the Samvat 1896 (i.e. 1839 A.D.). This RamayaQa is big in its size* it is surprising to think that it could be written during that era. The language of this volume is not very polished, as the author was from the Newar community and the Newari language is absolutely different from Nepali. However, it is an achievement for the author to have produced such a big volume like his Ram&ya^a in Nepali. We can easily imagine by the following analysis how big is the RamayaQa of Sundarananda Banrah. There are in all seven Kaphas (cantos) in this* RamayaQa. Here is a list of how many sargas (chapters) there are in each Kaij^a: Balakagtfa—7, Ayodhyakaij^a—9, AraQyakao^a—10, Ki$kindhakSij^a—9, Sundarakaitfa—5, LaAkakaijtfa—87, Uttaraka^a— 92; Total—219 Sargas. We have mentioned above that the Ramayaija of Sundarananda is based on the Adhyatma Ramayana, but it is not equal in size, because we see that the number of sargas in LaAkakaijtf a of the Adhyatma Ramayana is only 16 and in Uttarak&n
Shri Balkrishna Pokhrel, Panch Sai Barsa, p. 621. This Rftmfiyaoa has been published from the Jagadamba Prakashan, Kathmandu in Samvat 2021 (/.e., 1964 A.D.). It has been edited by the prominent writer Shri Kamal Dikshit. •Preface of the Rlmlyapa of Sundarananda, p. 8.
Rftmfty*9a in Nepali
SB
the end of each sarga the words 5% SPTF^PT ^WJI^KWHJ«1 jl
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The Ratnayana Tradition in Asia
letter to Shri Rfima narrating all the news about Ayodhya, the Capital and handed it to Hanuman. After this, Sundarananda has given a story in Sarga 22 about Hanuman who was going back with the Mountain to return it to its original place. The Adhyatma RSmdyana, and the Ramayanas of Valmiki and Tulsidas have remained silent on this point. Similarly, in the Uttarakantfa, Sundarananda has given some new stories. For example: The battle between Ravaija and Mandhata in Sarga 23, the dialogue between Ravana and Bali in Sarga 23, and the story about Brahma who was giving Ravana the Satanami (hundred-name) Mantras. These stories are not mentioned by Valmiki, Tulsi or by the author of the Adhyatma Ramdyaria. Sundarananda not only adds new stories of his own in his Ramayuja, but when He follows the Valmiki Ramayana, he leaves out many stories formed there. For examnle, he has left out half of the story of Mitra-Varuga (in Uttarakaotfa, Sarga 42V When Sundarananda follows Valmiki, he would fully follow him. But in many places he has wanted to be original. In Yuddhakantfa (Lafikakag^a), he has followed Valmiki by translating, but he has added the story about a Yagnya destroyed by Ravaija which is not given by Valmiki. This is added from the Adhyatma Ramayaria. In Lafikakaoda too, Sundarananda has not adhered to the numbers of the Sargas in Valmiki and the Adhyatma Ramayanas, but has exercised great freedom in this matter. For example if he had followed Valmiki he would have put the story of the battle between Ravaija and Sahasra Arjuna in Sarga 29 of Lankakantfa, but he put it in the Sarga 18. He has elaborated the chapters in Lafikakafltfa and Uttarakaptfa, but he gives in the end of the Kan^a the number of the Sarga. Therefore, we can say that he was not following any particular way or line. Thus, in writing the Ramayapa, Sundarananda has practised great liberty and made his work as original as possible. But, after doing so much in his work, it seems that he could not put away his love of the Adhyatma Ramayana. He, at the end of every Sarga always writes 5% «ft dimkq<|q|qui—(This is the end of chapter so and so of such and such Kaijtfa of the Adhyatma Ramayapa), although his Ramayaija is not a literal translation of the Adhyatma Ramayaria.
Rimftyaoa in Nepali
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And this is the importance of the translation of Simdarananda. He has presented his own Ram&yaQa to the Nepali-speaking people, making it an original and free story. Another remarkable thing in him is that he has tried to create a Nepali background for his RamayaQa. For example: There is a Vaidya (Doctor) of Varaijasi whose name is Sugepa. He speaks like a Nepali Vaidya, when he says—'One must have patience in difficulty. 1 will see by giving the patient the medicine* (Page 414). There is no Su?eija in the Adhyatrna Ramayana, and Valmiki and Tulsidas have only mentioned his name and given no other details. But in Sundarananda'* Ramayana, Sugcga's words are taken from the mouth of a typical Nepali Vaidya. There are many places mentioned in this Prose RamayaQa, where the author has tried to depict the Nepali background and culture. He has been able to picture his ideas with a few typical words. In Nepali, the word Madesh means "plains area9 and Byansi means the rice-growing hill areas. Sundarananda has used these typical words in his RamayaQa. We find that though the Ramayana of Sundarananda is the translation from Sanskrit, Simdarananda has given Sanskrit glokas as the Invocation in his Balakantfa as follows:5
«ft rWFm TO «ft
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
448 pages written on one page is 7 f X l 6 inches.1
side only.
The size of
each
Nepili Samkfipta Ramayana written by Pandit Chakrapani Chaliscy (1883-1958 A.D.). Pandit Chakrapani Chalisey was first for many years the editor of * Sundari * and * Gorkha Patra \ the Nepali monthly at Varanasi. Then he went back to Kathmandu as a Government servant and served as the clerk of the Gorkha Br aja Prakashani Samiti. Heseived foi many years the Nepali language and literature. Besides being a well-known Sanskrit scholar, he has written many distinguished books in Nepali also. The Nepali Samskshipta Ramayaria written by him is popular among Nepali people. This Ramayaija is based on the Ramayaria of Valmiki. The Author, therefore, has quoted in introduction of his Sankshipta R&mSyarta the verse:
" Hail to Valmiki, the creator of Mahakavya, who composed the R&mayaQa in which the hearts of all are aborbed. " He further says and salutes the Adi Kavi Valmiki: " A hundred times I greet the Adi Kavi—Mahafti Valmiki who is the first driver of the wheel of poetry in this world, by whom the Adi K&vya about Sri Rfima was written, on reading which the reader thinks himself purified." The Nepali Samkfipta Rdmayaria has altogether 148 pages excluding 4 pages of Preface. There are seven Kagtfas-Baia, Ayodhyi, Aragya, K'fkindha, Simdara, Yuddha and Uttara. The author has started his Bilakiij^a with the Sloka,8 the meaning of which is" One who is sitting on the throne, with Slta on his lap And with him, the three brothers and Hanuman, One who is thinking about how his people will be happy, We should be ready to worship the same as Great bene* volent Raghunath.•• • Preface of the Rfimayarja of Sundarananda, p, 9. 7 This is from Kjcmendra's R&m&yaga-mafi/arL Ed. "Nepali Sanskskipta Rtimayana, Preface. P. 1.
mmftyaw in Nepali
397
Shri Chakrapani again writes* 4
One day Mahtma Muni V&lmlki was in his ashram. That day Devafti Narada reached there without any notice. On seeing this guest Narada, the Mahatmi greeted him and offered him the seat of honour. At that time Valmiki asked N&rada—Oh Great $$i, in this world do you know anyone who is like God, benevolent, foil of wisdom, polite, good-hearted, bright and brave? Whose fame is shining in this world like the rays of the Moon? Whom the Goddess Laksmi has adorned with jewellery and beatuty? Just as the season of spring is the rejuvenator of Nature, who is the rejuvenator of the life of his subjects? Who is as full of goodness as the Ocean is of gems ? After hearing all these questions from Valmiki, N&rada answered—* Oh Munisvara, you have asked very good questions. But the individual you have asked about is no other but Lord Shri R&ma. In this world there is no other man than Lord R&ma himself who has good nature, is kind-hearted, speaker of truth, famous, full of wisdom and pure. The gieateness of Lord Shri Rama is boundless. There is no other king in this Tribhuvana (three worlds) like Shri R&machandra \ Thus the story of Shri Rama's childhood goes on. Pandit Chakrapani Chalisey has wirttcn this Ramayaga in very sweet and refined Nepali language, and the style is very attractive.10 Just like the Valmiki-Ramayapa, the Samkshlpta Rdm&yaria is tragic. The concluding lines are written in £lokas (verses), and give a pathetic description of the last years of Rama's life as one by one all his loved ones depart. Here is given below the literal meaning of glokas.11 He left Ayodhya at the time of when he should have received all Royal comforts. • Nepali SaAkshipta Rarrtiyew pp. 1-2, » Thefirstedition of this Rimlyana was published in 1915 A.D. and the second, in 1930, and thefifthin 1951. Publisher*: NepAli Bhishl Prakashenl SSBHUt
"Nepali SamkfMpta Mmiytm, ftcfoee, p. 2. This is abo from a Aoka at the end of Kfemedra'i JUM&sjMMrtVarlL Ed.
aSS
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Went to the wilderness, deprived of love and beloved. With great difficulty in crossing the sea, to fetch Janaki back home. And after bringing Janaki to the Capital, The gossip from the public upset him, And he again became beloved-less. These kinds of d'ffinilties were thrown upon Shri Rama, This we know already. Now we know that this world is full of difficulties and troubles, And is meaningless also. Therefore at the time of calamity, The wise people should have patience in their heart. The Ramayana advises the people to be Always happy in mind and not to be careless. Atma RamSyana: The latest Ramayana in Nepali prose was first published from Kathmandu, Nepal in 19S9 A.D. The writer's name in Shri Bhairav Singh Thapa. In the Preface to this volume the writer says—The Atma Ramaya&c was written by Shri Swami Sankarananda, the disciple of Shri Swami Praka&inanda in Hindi. But there were only six Kansas. The last Kan^a was not written. So this was not a complete Ramayana. With the blessings of God, I myself wrote the last Kantfa, calling it the Lava-Kuia Kaitfa and thus prepared the whole of the Atma Ramayaria in Nepali and published it. The author has named the Katrfas as—1. Bala, 2. Ayodhya, 3. Aranya, 4. Kishkindha, 5. Sundara, 6. Uttara and 7. LavaKu£a Kag
Rlmlyipa in Nepali From the mouths of Kumara Lava and Kum&ra Kuia proceed the doctrines of NirguQa Gy&na as follows: There is no other way for man to obtain Salvation except the Gy&na (Wisdom). And to obtain wisdom, he has to study all the Religious Scriptures and should have the company of the Sadhus (learned and wise people). If they do so, they will have the knowledge that this world is nothing, only Brahman is truth. Here some Sanskrit sentences are given which are the Mottos of Nirguga School of the Vedanta Philosophy of Hinduism, i.e. WB 3c*T *HlP*imi (only Brahman is the truth, and this world is nothing). *pf ^rf^RT f^T All this is Brahman; and qqp f ^ f fikflq HI fid vTheie is only one, the Brahman, and no other), and %fo %fa (It is not, it is not). The names of the characters are all symbolic of concepts of Vedanta Philosophy. The names and their symbols are given below: SYMBOLS
NAMES
Atma Pa&chakola Jiva Nivfttijanya Vftti Vi$ayado$a Bhakti Gyana Viveka Vairagya Vichara ViSv&sa Veda Bhranti Igvarftradhana Kfima Tapa Kfama Samsftra Ahaihkira
RamayaQa Ayodhya Dagaratha Kausalya Kaikeyl Sumitra Rama Lak$ma$a Bharata Satrughna Vigvamitra Vasijtha Tatfaka Yagna Marica Gautama Ahalya Janakapura Dhanus SIta ParaSurama
g&nti Prema
*
The Ramayaaa Tradition ID Arit SYMBOLS
NAMB
Kaivalya NamratS Virati Santa Sukarma Akhairfa Nirbhaya Brahma Vidya Akarma Dhrti Jijflasa Dharma Uparama Itfa, Pingal&9 Sugumna Dama KQtailhata Karma Akriya Srlmukhavakya £raddh& Ula Aiaktata Mah&v&kya Mati Sat&stra Nirlobha Jagrti Sama Advaita Jitendriya
Kttfadhvaja Ormila M&QtjavI Srutakirti Sumantr? Ratna Vana Sri Gafigft Atri Muni AnasuyA Mallalj (Kewat) Naukft (Boat; Bharadvaja TriveijI V&Imlki Citrakuta Jayanta Vana Mud-* Cutfamaiji Pul (Bridge) Sakti Safljivani Mapdodari Dioflagiri Makaradhavaja Dhobi (washerman) SutikgQa Agastya PaficavatI Surpagakha KharadQyaoa Kapata Mrga Jat&yus Pamp&sarovara N&rada B41i Sugrtva Vana
Trwa Moha Namarupa Dharma Gambhlrata Nigk&ma Karma Lobha Santofa Dhytaa
Baniyaaa in Nepali SYMBOLS
NAMES
Sutupti Indriya Raga Anuraga Dvesa Rati Krodha Aj&ana Svapna Laya Kalpana Laksya Satsanga Akrodha Titiksa Suddhacitta Tapapufija Sattva Guna ganka Ata Manoratha Vihitakarma Asoka
Kuia Horse Meghanada Susena Abhirama Sulpcana Kumbhakarn* Ravana DhobinI (washerwoman) Lava Asvamedha Yagna Vana Hanuman Angada Tara Sphatikaiila Kanya Sampati Lanka Samudra (sea) Jala (water) Vibhlsana Vatika
The wedding of few princes: Gyana-S&nti Rama and Slta Viveka-Namrata Lakshmana and Crmila Vairagya-Virati Bharata and Mandavl Vicara-Santi Satrughna and Srutaklrti. When King Dasaratha was contemplating for a son, for which he with his three queens were praying, God became glad and they heard a voice from the sky—" Oh King, I am very pleased with you. Ask what you want." Then King Dasaratha iepled—Oh Lord, you have dene so much for me. 1 only want to have your darian always. Then again the voice from the sky was heard— *Oh King, I am formless, boundless, only the yogis from their Samadhi could have a darian, of me. Therefore on? cannot see
aa
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
me always. But the learned and wise people who are full of Gyana (wisdom) can see me always. Oh King, you also should obtain the Gyana. King Daiaratha said—Oh Lord, the learned and wise people can see you through Nirguga (formless) look. But I want to see you in form and shape. So please accept my prayers. Again the voice of the Lord was heard — * Evamastu' (As you wish). After some time, King Da£aratha had four sons from his three queens.11 The language of this volume is pure Nepali and the style of narration is very beautiful. But we cannot estimate the popularity of this Atnta Ramayana. Riiiiayana in Nepali Slokas (verses): Composers of Ramayapa of pre-Bhanubhakta era : Only two writers have been found as yet, who had written poems based on the Sanskrit Ramayana before the celebrated writer of famous Nepali Ramayana, Bhanubhakta. These two are Gumani Pant (1790-1846 A.D.) and Pandit Raghunath Bhatta. Gumani Pant was born in Almorah in the Kumao hills of India. His mother tongue was Kumaoni and he has written many poems in this language. There is a great similarity between Kumaoni and Nepali. GumSni Pant was well conversant with Nepali also. He has written about one dozen Slokas in Nepali. In 1916, Prof. Deviprasad Pandey of Almorah college had edited and published a book13 in Hindi by Gumani Pant called * Sanskrit Language and Literature', in which the following lines based on Ramayana are found: TT3TT TfT 55ITT ^t <$\<\ VTT qfa ^T ^ T ^ f t I
WT n**ft TUT TO mmfl %\ TUT srfcrrara u (She (Sita) was the daughter-in-law of the great king Dalaratha and the daughter of the great king Janaka. Now she who is in captiu
Atma JtAitfyaftf, BUakijtfa, pp. 2-3. "Buingil, Editor Sri Kamal Dikshit, p. 14.
Rimlyaoa in Nepali vation of R&vana, says-4 Oh Rama, oh my (Lak$hmana). Oh father and mother!9)
3d brother-in-law
These are very pathetic lines for Slta, we can easily understand the heart-burning of poor Slta. b) Ramayana of Pandit Raghunatha Bhaffa (Upadhyaya): Pandit Raghunatha Bhatta (1811-1861 A.D.) was born in Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal. Later he came to Va^aijasi and translated all the seven kaphas of the Adhyatma Ramayana Although Pandit Raghunatha had translated the whole Ramayuja with different Sargas and different Kansas, only the Sundarakapda can be found in printed form. The credit for its publication goes to the learned editor Pandit Dinanath Sapkota. It was first published in 1888 A.D. from Sakshi Vinayak Gorkha Press. Varanasi Thus, though written earlier, Pandit Raghunatha's work was published after Bhanubhakta's Ramayana. That is why, accordng to Pandit Dlnanatha, the intellectuals did not see the Ramayana of Raghunatha Bhatta first, and therefore they gave the title of the Atfi Kavi (the first poet) to Acarya Bhanubhakta who came to the literary field a little later.14 Pandit Dinanath Sapkota, the Editor, says: Poet Raghun&tha was the first one to write the Ramayana in £lokas in the Nepali language following the style of the Sanskrit Adhyatma Ramayaria In the later time, the celebrated poet of Nepali literature, Bhanubhakta has also adopted this style and method, and written his Ramayaga in verses based on the Sanskrit Adhyatma Rarpayapa.1* However, Pandit Raghunatha's Sundarakantfa did not gain as much popularity as the Bh&nubhakta's Ramayana. The reason is the difficult Sanskritised languge and style. There are five Sargas in Raghunatha's Sundarkaijtfa. The number of £lokas is as follows: 1—29 £lokas, 11—30, III—53, I V - 4 0 , V—35: Total: 187 Slokas. The poet has used the old Sanskrit meters in this SundarakftQga The names of the metres are—Indravajrft, Upajiti, MalirJ, Mandakranta-Rathoddhata, S&rdulavikritfita, SikhariQi, Sragdhari, Svagata and Vasanta tilak. M
Rlmtyaoa, Sundartktrfa, preface, p. 7.
» Ibid, 3.
$64
The Ramayana Tradition in Ash
Here are some lines from the Sundarak&jrfa. T h e P 0 e t narrates the condition of Sita, when Hanuman met her at Agokavana: She (Sita) was very weak and was lying on the earth with very dirty clothes. She was terribly sorrowful and calling Rama night and day. There was nobody to show mercy upon her, Thus she was starved and fasting without food* Hanuman, who was hiding amidst the branches of the tree, saw her weeping. (Sundarakaptfa, Sarga 2, €loka 5) To make Sita frightened, There came more demon-women. One of them began to say— You have spoilt your youth for nothing. If you stay with King Ravaga, You will have all happiness and comforts in your life. The other demon-woman said—Why are you (Sita) delaying in becoming the consort of Rfivana? (Sundarakaijtfa, Sarga 2, £loka 22) After the knowledge of Sita's whereabouts, Rama wanted to send his devotee Hanuman to Lanka (Ceylon) to see Sita. But Hanuman first hesitated to go, because he thought that Sit& would not know him. Then Sri Rama gave to Hanuman his ring which was known to Janaki. When Hanuman reached Agokavana, where Sita was in captivity, he first gave his identity to Sita. But at first Sita did not believe Hanuman. Then he handed over that ring given by Rama to Sita. The following stanza is based on the same incident: When Hanuman reached near Sita He gave that ring of Rama to one maid-servant, And said—There is my name written on this ring. Go and give this to Janaki. Do not doubt me. Look at this ring which I have brought with great care. After saying this Hanuman handed over the ring to the maid-servant. That was a truly wonderful ring. (Sundarak&tfa, Sarga 2, £loka 21)
RimftyaQa In Nepali
M5
In his Sundarakftotfa Rftmiyapa, the poet has used many Hindi and Urdu words besides Sanskrit. This is not objectionable, because one who has a good knowledge of many languages can use the words equivalent to the words of his own language. Pandit Raghun&tha ends his Sundarak&Q^a's 2nd Sarga like this: The Story of AdhySlma Ramiyana, which was told by Sri Sankara to Parvati, about the incident of Hanuman reaching the place where Janaki was, that story is now ended. Had the scholars been successful in finding the rest of the Kftfl4as of Raghun4thafs Ramayaqa, it would have been more helpful to compare with Bh&nubhakta9s RamayaQa. But the seaich has not been concluded as yet. 4 The Ramayanas of Bhanubhakta Acarya: The great poet Bhanubhakta A:&rya (1814-1889 A.D.) wrote the Ramayaga, the first epic in Nepali, along with Badhu&ikfS, Bhaktamala, Pra¬taramala, etc., which are all very important works in Nepali. Born in 1814 in Tanahu, West Nepal, Bhanubhakta Acarya introduced a revolutionary change in Nepali poetry. He was a giant among other Nepali poets. Bhanubhakta means *the devotee of the sun*, and it was no mere coincidence that he shone forth from the literaryfirmamentof the period like the Sun. With him Nepali poetry came of age. For the first time in the history of Nepali literature we hear in h's works the deep and firm affection for the Nepali people and their culture, and find the Nepali landscape pictured with inimitable charm and grace. Acarya Bhanubhakta was bom in 29 Ashad, 1871 V;kram Samvat (July 13, 1814 A.D.) at the village Ramgha in Tanahu to the west of the Nepal Valley. Regarding the eaily life of the poet, a bunch of legends has been let loose by the conflicting accounts of the different biographers. While according to Motiram Bhatta, Bhanubhakta was taught Sanskrit literature, grammar and astrology by his grandfather, Shri Krwa Acarya, the poet's great-grandson Pandit Naranitha Acarya observed that Bhanubhakta received
366
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
his early education at Var&Qasf and wrote his early poems there. Near his village Ramgha in Tanahu and at Chundi he had his Besi—the rice-prcducing land. All this the poet has described at the end of his work Pra§nottarmala in a verse.16 This line is as follows :— They called him Bhanubhakta and they called Chundi his rice-growing land. He belonged to Tanahu, and in the village Ramgha his home. He had. Famous among his people, he was a scholar and a poet too One thing more, he translated this book and made it simple enough for you. An incident in Bhanubhakta's life which made him decide to write the Ramayana makes interesting reading, though its certainty may be challenged. One day the poet was resting by the river-side where he encountered a grass-cutter on his way to the distant market to dispose of the load of grass which he carried on his back. In the course of the conversation it transpired that the grass-cutter had put by a certain amount of money. The poet asked to what use he was going to put his savings. The grass-cutter replied, € I wish to dig a well in the village where I live, so that when I am no more, people may have something to remember me by. • This simple utterance of the grass-cutter awakened in the poet a desire to do something so that his name might survive his death. When this stream of thought was flowing in his mind he felt like writing a poem and he did write:17 Grass-cutting was his calling and that way he earned and saved some money. He constructed a well (of drinking water) because an immortal being he really wanted to be. He was a poor man and his home worse than a hut but how rich in intelligence was he ? This is Bhanubhakta, a rich man indeed, but is Bhanubhakta as good as he? li
Academy-Journal, Nepali Academy, Daijeeling, p. 5. Translation from the original poetry given in Motiram Bhafta's 'Life of Bhftnubhakta'. 19
RAm&yaoa in Neoali
MT
No wells, no rest-houses of any sort owe their existence to my labour. All my wealth and all that I have—1 have inside my h o u s e there, in a corner. A lesson, yes, a good lesson indeed, he has taught me this day. Shame, this life of mine is but a worthless one, but hew to earn a name, anyway ? And then and there he resolved to write the Rdmayana. This Nepali Rdmayana has become the necessary adjunct of every Nepali household. The famous critic Dr. Ishwar Baral says:11 * Though this Rdmayana is a translation of the Adhyatma Ramayapa, the translation is literal in some places and in other places it is original. If a translator has no poetic mind there comes no beauty in his work. We cannot doubt Bhanubhakta's poetic ability. In translating, Bhanubhakta became original wherever he has to describe the Nepali life. Wherever he has diverged from the original, he has established the beauty of the Nepail way of life. We realise the distinction of his style by comparing his Rdmayana with Raghunatha's Sundarakaijtfa. We therefore do not agree that the Rantayana of Bhanubhakta is a mere translation of the Sanskrit Adhyatma Rdmdyapa. In the age of Bhanubhakta, both the Rdmayana of Valmiki and the Adhyatma Ramayaria were well known in Nepal. Why d'd Bhanubhakta choose the latter one? Goswami Tulsidas liked the Adhyatma Rdmayana because the Vdlmlki-Ram&yaQa does not accept the idea of the Bhakti (devotion) and the God. The Valmiki Rdmayana is the biography of Sri Rama, the excellent man (Purugottama). Many scholars have accepted the theory that the Adhyatma Rdmayana is the work of Swami Ramananda. There is the assimilation of Gyana (wisdom) and the Bhakti (worship) in it. Swami Ramananda had followed his teacher Swami Ramanuja on the subject of Bhakti, but in Gyana, he was the supporter of the theory of the Advaita Brahman (Brahman is inseparable). His philosophy was accepted by his disciples Kabir and Raidas in later years. Rftma is the Lord, those who worsh.p "Pngri3/3p. U4,
3d
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
him as the Lord will be able to cross the ocean of troubles and sins. The philosophy of R&m&nanda is Ved&nta, i.e., the Advaita (one without a second). For these reasons the emotional heart of Bh&nubhakta was attracted to this Ved&nta Philosophy. There are all the seven cantos in the RSmayapa of Bh&nubhakta. The number of the Slokas in each canto are being given below: Bala 139, Ayodhy& 125, Araoya 122, Kigkindhft 143, Sundara 154, Yuddha 379, Uttara 257: Total 1,117. Bh&nubhakta translated the B&lak&jtfa of the Adhyatma Ramayana in 1841 A.D. and the Ayod' y&, Araijya, Ki$kiuih&, and Sundara Kaijtfas in 1852 A.D. and the Yuddha and Uttara Kftptfas in 1855 A.D. To find where Bh&nubhakta has added anything original in his translation of the Adhyatma R&m&yava, we will analyse each canto. 1. BSlakatfa: The graces of R&ma as recited by Lord Siva and by Sltfi are in the Adhyitma and Bh&nubhakta's R&mayaQas. The story of the evolution of the Earth is in both volumes. The Yagna by King Da£aratha for the birth of sons in narrated in both volumes. However, R&ma's departure with Muni V;$vftmitra, Sit&'s Swayamvara, and the stories of Ahalya, Para£ur&ma, and the wedding of Slt& are in the Adhyatma Ram&yoQC, but are only very briefly described by Bh&nubhakta. 2. AyodhySkdpfa; This canto of both R&m&yapas starts with the story of the preparation for the coronation of R&ma. The original story written in both volumes is the same, but Bh&nubhakta has left out the portion of V&lmiki giving his own introduction in Adhydtma Ramayana (Page 91). The story of Da£aratha's death, Bharata's refusal in accepting the kingdom is also given in the Nep&li R&mftyapa. The meeting of Bharata and R&ma in Ch'trakuta is narrated by Bhanubhakta in 7 pages (26 £l"kas) in his Ramayaga to equal the 7 pages in the Adhyatma Ramayaria.
Umlyaoa in Nepali
M*
3. Aravyak&ufa: In the beginning of this canto a story of Jayanta (Bird) who pokes its nose on Slti's body is written by Bh&nubhalUa, but it is not given in the AdhyStma R&m8ya$a. The killing of Viradha, and the salvation of Sutik^a are narrated in both the Rftm&yagas. The story of Surpagakhi and Khara-Du»a$a in Paflcavi.fi is given in both volumes. At the time of Sita-haraga, the AdhyStma RamSyarta narrates the coming of a false Sita, but Bhfinubhakta has left it out. The coming of R&vaQa in disguise as a Sfidhu to take away Sitfi is also narrated in the Nep&li R&mayapa and the story of the death of Ja$&yu and Kabandha, the reception of Rama by £abail, and the arrival of R&ma ai Pampftsaras is also depicted in it. 4. KifkindhSktyda: The beginning of the canto in both of the Ramfiyagas is the same/ R&ma's first meeting with Sugriva and Hanuman and the details of the enemity between Bali and Sugriva are given by both the poets. When R&vaga was forcefully taking Sit& through the sky, she throws down her ornaments towards Sugriva and other V&naras. This incident is narrated by both the RAmiyaijas. The rest of the incidents, however, like the killing of Bali, the meeting of V&naras who have gone in search of Sita, with YoginI9 AAgada's sorrow on being unfit to cross the sea, knowing the whereabouts of Sitfi from Sampiti—are narrated by Bhftnubhakta in a very few ilokas. 5. Sundarakinda: The Sundarakfintfa of the R&miyaQa of Bhinubhakta begins, like the AdhyStma Ramayana, from the entrance of Hanum&n in Laflkft. The meeting with Suras*, the dcscrip4ion of Laflkfi city, are written in the Nepftli and AdhyStma RSmayaria as well. The other incidents are given in the Nepali R&m&yaQa briefly only. 6. LahkS (Yuddha) Ka*4<x: In this canto the advice given by Mantf-dan to Sit* is left out by Bhanubhakta. The advee of Vib) if 4 a and his discarding of Ravaija, the Tilak of VibhifaQa,' etc., are narrated by Bhanu-
370
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
bhakta also. In the depiction of the story of battle with Meghanada, the killing of Atikaya, Sakti to Lak$mana, Sanjivani herbs, killing of Meghanada, Ravaoa's meeting about the battle, Bhanubhakta follows the Adhyatma Ramayana but in short. Bhanubhakta is silent upon the crying of Mantfodari on the death of Ravana. He has written about Sita's receiving of the news of Rdma's victory, but he is silent again on the bringing of Sita in a palanquin to the presence of Rama. 7. Uttarkania: Bhanubhakta begins as in the Adhyatma Ramayana on the incident of the meeting of Rama with the sages. Ravana's descendants, Ravana's victory, Ravaga's defeat by Bali at gvetadwipa (white island) are depicted in the Adhyatma Ramayana, but Bhanubhakta has left this out. The killing of sage £udra, the sending away of Sita at Rama's wishes, Ramaglta, the learning by heart of Ramayana b> Lava and Ku£a, and their visit to Ramagvamedha, Rama's order to bring Sita back, but Sita's entering the earth, then the throne being left to his sons and nephews, the death of Lakgmana, end of Rama and the end of the dialogue between Siva and Parvati are given in the Adhyatma Rdmayaric and the Nepali Ramayana as well. Thus we can have an idea from the above analysis that Bhanubhakta follows the story of Rama till the end, though he was to condense to make his Ramayana short, and leave out many incidents and details. Bhanubhakta's fiiend Pandit Dharmadutta Gyawali felt so much when Bhanubhakta left the Slokas called Ramaglta without translation. This Ramaglta is given in the fifth Sarga of Uttarakantfa. He requested him to translate it also. While Bhanubhakta was very sick and on his death-bed unable to write himself, he dictated to his son Ramakantha the whole Rdmaglta. Thus the Nepali Ramayaija was completed. Some literal English translations of the Slokas of the Nepali Ramayaija are given below: One day Narada went to Satyaloka with a view to do the world good; Brahma was there and he fell at his feet; so he (Brahmft) was pleased. As soon as Brahma permitted him to ask what he desired to ask. He said to
Rlmtyaoa in Nepali
371
him knowing that Brahma was pleased: 4 Oh Brahma. I have heard everything, auspicious and inauspicious. There is nothing left for me to hear, yet I have a desire* When the Kaliyuga will come, human beings will be loose in morals; and will commit sins of many kinds being impelled to do so by low desires. -rBaiakagtfa, glokas 1-2. In his Nepali Version of the Ramaglta, Bhanubhakta says that all men are brothers. He affirms that the universal spirit is without a second, and all that we see and observe are his manifestations and the different conditions, he is the source of energy or force, matter of motion, soul or universal spirit. The RamagltS teaches that he who desires release from the bonds (of passion, etc.) must cease to conceive of a distinction between the Soul and the Infinite Spirit, and must reflect that he and Brahman (Supreme Spirit) are one. lf A few lines of Ramaglta in English20 translation are given below: * O Lord, Thou art the pure knowledge—all human souls have their origin in thee. Despite being invisible, you assumed the human form to cast aside the sinful burden of the world. Thi$ is thy Lila (Divine Drama). The true devotees know all these. They say this Lila is on account of thy merciful and compassionate .divine nature. It is foe'like ignorance which causes all creatures to revolve. Know it for certain, that it is self-knowledge which can put an end to ignorance. It cannot be destroyed by one resorting to various rites with one's desire for getting pleasure and Lordship. There is no other way but wisdom to destroy ignorance, Crystal appears red in touch with red colour. The same is the case of the soul in contact with the three accidents. Crystal is not affected by the merits of red hue. The soul also has no concern with the attributes of the different principles. —Uttarakantfa, Ramaglta, Slokas 122, 127, 136. "Pandit Paramhans Mishra 'Where Nepal Teaches the Foreign Nations'—Preface, p. 2. M Translation by Pandit P. Mishra.
392
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Bhanubhakta has adorned his Rfim&yaoa with different metres of Sanskrit. These are—Sa-dulvikritfita, gikharitf, Sragdharft, Ihdravajri, Vasantatilakft, Malnil, Drutavilambita, among which he has most frequently used the Sardulvikritfita. The first edition of the Nepali Ramayaga, with a short biography written by Pandit Motiram Bhatta was published from Bharat Jeevan Press, Vaaijasi in 1885 A.D. After a long time, Pandit Homnath Khatiwada again edited and published the Bh&nubhakta Ramayana from Sarva Hitaishi Press, VaraQasi adding his own translation of the Ramasvamedha Yagna as the eighth canto. Bhanubhakta has been popular since then. Dr. Parasmani Pradhan edited and published an edition in 1952 from Darjceling, and in 1955, the Nepali S&hitya Sammelan, Darjeeling, published an edition by Pandit Surya Bikram Gyawali. To compose the Ramayana was for the poet a labour of love. Perhaps he decided to undertake this stupendous task, moved by the desire to bring the story of R&ma to every household in a language spoken and understood from one end of the country to another. If so, he succeeded admirably. For, even within his life-time, a house without a hand-written copy of the Ramayaga could hardly be found. The reasons why his life-work gained such success are not far to seek. Firstly, the subject itself is of eternal human interest, the struggle of good and evil, and, after a long and painful struggle, the triumph of the former. Secondly, all through its seven long Cantos, it is keyed to a regular verse-pattern called Sardulavikritfita which is extremely lively in pace and easy on the ears. SardQlavikritfita is of course a Sanskrit metre but since the great success of the R&mayaQa of Bhanubhakta it has been used so frequently and with such telling effect by other poets that it may be considered a part of the Nepali literary tradition. Thirdly, it is written in simple and chaste Nepali, the usual literary devices like elaborate alliteration, stilted metaphors, and far-fetched similes have been avoided. Familiar Nepali expressions are used in place of highsounding words and phrases in Sanskrit. All things considered, this is the first major work in Nep&li to make use of what we know as standard Nep&li. The indebtedness of the Nepal''-speaking people to Bh&nubhakta, whether they are within or outside Nepal,
lUm&yaoa in Nepali
393
is immense and immeasurable. His memory is cherished even to this day as the father of Nep&li poetry. 5. Adarsa Raghavaf The modern Nepali Kamlyana The prominent Sanskrit scholar, Pandit Somnath Sigdel was born in Kathmandu, Nepal in 1884. He had his early education from Kathmandu and V&r&gasi (India). Later he passed the examination * Kavya-Tirtha * in Sanskrit from Calcutta with distinction and obtained the highest title of ' PaQ
Adaria ROghava, Preface p. 1, Published by Pustak Sansar, Kathmandu. «The town Janakpur which b the birth-place of JlnaM (SIti) it situated In Nepal. TheriverSarayQflowsin the heart of Ayodhyi, the then kingdom of Sri Rlmachandra,
374
The Raraayana Tradition in Ana
There are altogether 16 Sargas (chapters) but no Kansas (Cantos) as in former Ramayanas in Sanskrit and Nepali. The author has numbered each of the Sargas in Sanskrit numbers, for example, Prathama Sarga (First Sarga), Dvitiya Sarga (Second Sarga) and so on. Given below are the number of slokasandthe name of the metres given in each Sarga of this book : NUMBER OF &OKAS
SAMOA
9 10 11 12 13 14 IS
73 70 61 79 61 65 54 55 64 65 69 57 58 54 75
16
97
1 2 3 4
5 6 7 8
Total..
NAME OF METRES
Vasaotatilaka Indravajra Prithvi Puspit&gra Viyogini Malini Mandakrfnta Drutavilambita Praharsinl GIti Sardalvlkrldita MattamayQrt Hanoi Bhujangaprayata GIti, Sragvini, Sftlini, Puspitftgri, Anustubh, Sikhariol, Prthvl, Paftchacftmara and Vasanutilaka. Upagiti and KQtaka
1058flokas
The analysis of the subject-matter in each Sarga of this Ramayana is as follows. Prathama Sarga: Mangalacarana (prayer), Upakrama, S&keta (Ayodtya), ancient accounts, the story of mother and father, Kmg Dasaratha's prayer for issue, the birth of Rama etc., and the merriments. Dvitiya Sarga: Household scene of King Dasaratha, Education of the children, the arrival of Sage Visvamitra, the departure of Viiv&mitra with the
Mmiytw to Nepali
37S
princes to the Airama of Vi&vimitra, the disturbance in his Yagna, the reception of Rama, rest in the night. Tritiya Sarga: Morning, departure to Mithila, the break of givadhanus (bow of Lord Siva), engagement of Rama with Sita and wedding ceremony, the defeat of Para&urama, departure to Ayodhya. Caturtha Sarga: The old age of King DaSaratha, disturbance in the ceremony to choose Rama as the future king, Rama's exile-story, love of Lakjmaija, the devotion of Sita to her husband, departure to the forest, sorrowful Ayodhya, weeping of Bharata, Bharata's departure to Citrakuta. Pancama Sarga: Lamentation of Rama for the late father, consolation from Sage Vas,'$tha, the Prayer of Bharata, the strong faith of Rama, departure of Bharata to Ayodhya. Saffha Sarga: The beauty of Nature in autumn, entering Paficavsti, airama of Rama, daily routine, the time of winter, the defeat of £iirpaQakha, killing of Marica. Saptama Sarga: The cunning of Ravana, kidnapping of Sita, going to Lanka, the sadness of Rama, Rama's passion, the last rites of Jatayus and Kabandha, reception from Sabari (a woman of low caste) reaching Pampa lake. Affama Sarga: The Spring, the feelings of Rama towards Sita, meeting with V&naras. Navama Sarga: Receiving a friend, meeting and friendship with Sugnva, Coronation of Sugiva, changing of seasons, assembling of Vanaras to fitht, the courage of Hanumftn.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Daiama Sarga: Enthusiasm and courage, crossing the ocean, the appearance of Sitft,dialogue between Hanumftn and Sitft,destruction of Lafik&, burning of Lafikfi, return of Hanum&n, arrangement for journey to Lafikft. Ek&daia Sarga: R&vaQa's bad nature, journey of victory, construction of bridge by V&naras, crossing the ocean, friendship with Vibhfyaga, the diplomatic Afigada, fighting between R&ma and R&vapa, killing of R&vaija, meeting with Sita and consolation to her, giving the kingdom of Lafikft to VibhigaQa. Dv&daia Sarga: The enjoyment of victory, R&ma's journey by sky-route, reaching sage Bharadw&ja's Agrama, coming of Bharata and others for reception, meeting with his own people, merriments, entering the Royal palace of Ayodhyft, happiness of the people. Trayodaia Sarga: Royal reception to R&ma, Coronation of R&ma, Celebration in Ayodhyft and R&ma's visit to the city, sermons from the sage Vas'ftha, enjoyment among people, seeing off Sugrlva and others, merriment in the night. Caturdaia Sarga: Moon-rise, R&ma's speeches of happiness, Sit&'s love of R&ma, administration duty and the thinking about the kingdom. Paflcadaia Sarga: R&ma's reign, devotion to Dharma (Religion), management of work, the beauty of the country, affection and devotion between the king and the subjects, military power, sending Sitft away, fame of R&ma. Sotfaia Sarga: The world, sorrow of Lakfmaga, sorrow of Sita, birth and education of Lava and Kufta, residing at V&lmiki's Airama, the
fttmftyaoa in Nepali
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condition of R&ma, Aivamedha Yagna, the end of Sit&, the cheering to R&ma from the people. Pandit Somnath composed his Adaria R&ghava at the age of sixty. He has given his thought more to the style of scholarly writing in comparison to the subject matter. This is the main reason why his work has remained in the limited world of learned people. Adaria R&ghava is the story of an ideal man like Sri R&ma. This epic is specially written for the people who can derive knowledge and ideals from the happy and pathetic life of Sri Rlma. The ideal character of Sri R&ma is incomparable. His teacher (Guru), the Sage Vasitfha is a very learned and ideal man of philosophical nature. So the epic is full of the stories of ideal characters. The first Sarga of Adaria R&ghava starts from the greetings and prayers to the Lord. There is the greeting to Sage V&lmiki which goes thus:— 4
1 salute and touch the sacred feet of the Adi Kavi (First Poet) V&lmiki who wrote the famous epic on Sri R&ma, who made his poetry the flag of fame for all the world." From this'verse of greeting we could imagine that Pandit Somnath has followed the Ramayaya of V&lmiki. Poet Somnath is facile in the description of natural beauty. He is an expert in personifying the activities of Nature and express* es his thoughts in a very few words and similes. He writes about the sorrow of King DaSaratha at being issueless in the following verse:24 4
Without knowledge and wisdom, human life is worthless. Wealth is worthless if it is not used for the benefit of the people. Without a wife, the household is charmless and the relatives get troubles. Without a Moon-like son this world is ftill of darkness.v After the kidnapping of SltA, the poet describes Sri R&ma's grief thus :**
* Adaria Rdghava. Saiga 1. Hoka S3.
»A*t,Saiia7.llokaX.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
*Oh, the precious garland of my heart is lost, oh, where could I find it now ? This gives me so much pain in my heart. The beauty of the world is vanished for me. The peace of my mind is no more. My beloved friend has vanished from me and the brightest star who had made my soul and life green and beautiful is set.' Thus, poet Somnath has pictured the sorrow of Sri Rama and thus Adaria Raghava is a tragedy of this world with Karuna Rasa (pathos). 6. Mero RSm or Ramftyan Sfir The modern period is regarded as the golden pel iod of Nepali literature. A new Ramayana has been written during this period by the renowned poet of Nepal, Pandit Lckhnath Sharma Paudyal. It is in verse and is based on the Adhyatma Ramayana. The poet has given to his book the title * Mero Rama' (My Rama) or • Ramayana Sar • (the substance of the Ramayana). Pandit Lekhnath is a celebrated poet of modern Nepal. His name is famed in the Nepali-speaking world for his extraordinary knowledge of Sanskrit poetics and traditional philosophy which he revealed in his most beautiful poems. The Government of Nepal, in recognition of his genius awarded him the title of * Kavi Siromani' (The Greatest Poet) in 1951 A.D. Kavi Siromani Lekhnath Paudyal was born in 1884 A.D. in Pokhra district of Western Nepal. He had a thorough knowledge of Sanskrit language and he had started writing poetry at an early age. He died in Kathmandu in 1965 A.D. His famous works are Buddhi-Vinod, Satya-Kali Somvad, Mero Rama, Ritu-Vichar, Satya-Smriti, Lahtya and Taruri Tapasvl. The exact date of the writing of Mero Rama is not known, but it does not appear to have been written before 1945 A.D. The first edition of this book was published in 1954 A.D. As in Bhanubhakta's Ramayana, all the seven Cantos of the Ramayana—Bala, Ayodhya, Ampya, K $kindha, Sundara, Yuddha and Uttarakagtfas are given in Mero Rama. From the beginning till the end there are the same incidents as in the previous Ramayana. But the difference between the two Ramayanas is that Bhanubhakta's R4mayana has more than one thousand llokas while Leknath's
Rimftyapa in Nepali
379
R&m&yaQa has altogether 275 glokas. This is the reason why the latter poet has given to his book the sub-title Ramayana Sat (Substance of Ramayana). The poet has given Rama different names according to his good qualities, that is why he has named his book 4 Mero Rama' (My Rama). The size of this book is small but it has the whole story of Sri Rama. Therefore this bookcomes in the category of Ramayapa. This Ramayana is also based on the Adhyatma Ramayana. In the last line of 138 out of 276 £lokas in Mero Ram, the poet •has addressed Sri Rama with different descriptive names. For example, the last glokas run as follows : The people of Ayodhya were overwhelmed in the brightness of the divine appearance of Rama. The surrounding darkness of unbelief was dispersed and the oppressive cycle of life, death and rebirth ended. Celestial music began to sound. Showers of flowers began to fall from the heaven. May we glimpse Rama, the Creator (Brahma) everywhere in this world! In the last line in this stanza, the Vyapak Brahma is a descriptive name for the I-ord Rama. Thus from Mero RSm we know 138 names of Sri Rama, each descriptive of an aspect of his noble character. The words of the names are printed in bold type in every line. Som of the adjectives for the Lord Rama are: Bhaktasarvasva (Everything to the devotee), Jaganmaflgaladhara (The benefactor of the World or Creation), Mahakirtikirtaniya (One who achieved fame), £antisampanna (The one having serenity), Tapasvivrinda le Vandya (Worshipped by the Sages), Rajanitigna (Politician), Vira (Brave), Yuddhanitijna (Military Tactician). Pandit Lekhnath has pictured Rama sometimes as a human being and sometimes as the divine God. He has presented Kaikeyl in-an unfavourable light. He says : • When Rama with Sit&, was going on exile Kaikeyi gave him and Sita very old garments. R&ma put on those old clothes but Siti only accepted them. * Here Kaikeyl is shown as a spiteful and heartless woman.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Alia
The R&vaga of poet Lekhnath does not get a sympathetic treatment as in the Adhyatma R&maya$a or the Bh&nubhaktaR&m&yaQa. These latter have said that Ravaija was a wise king and the evil in him emerged when he kidnapped Sita. The poet has not tried to give either his Rama or his Ramayarta Sar a modern context. There is nothing new in this book as far as the theme or approach is concerned and it did not get the same fame as the Bh&nubhakta R&m&yaija and Adaria Rdghava. The poet has only tried to picture the story of Rama's life in brief; but he has sometimes tried to depict life in contemporary Nepali society. This was the foundation for the lasting fame of Bhanubhakta's Ramayapa. Just as there is a quality of Bhanubhakta in his R&m&yaQa, poet Lekhnath's Ramayana Sar also bears the author's distinctive stamp. Both Bhinubhakta and Lekhnath have included a few glokas of the Ramageeta in the Uttarkafltfa of their respective Ramayanas. But while Bhanubhakta has explained the Ved&nta philosophy of the Slokas in easy and simple language, Lekhnath's wide reading has come into operation and he explains it in Sanskritised language that is difficult for the ordinary people to understand. However, it emerges from * Mero R&ma' that Lekhnath is also a follower of the Advaita School of Ved&nta philosophy. It is probable that Bhanubhakta'* R&maya&a has influenced poet Lekhnath in his' Mero Rama \ Lekhnath has used only one metre, Sragdhafft, throughout his book while Bhanubhakta has used it in a few stanzas only. Although there is an equality in the poetic genius, it is Bhanubhakta who has secured a soft corner in the hearts of even the ordinary Nep&li-speaking people, while Pandit Lekhnath's appeal, like that of Pandit Somnath Sigdel, is limited to the intellectuals. This is because he had a wide knowledge of Sanskrit poetics and was himself a scholar and this has made his R&m&yaga more complex. The R&m&yaga of Bhanubhakta is closer to the Nep&li people because it is closer to the simple Nep&li life in every aspect.
From this analysis of R&m&yaga-tradition in Nep&li-terature it is established that all the four main R&m&yagas in Nep&li, that
Rlmftyaua in Nepali
»
is the R&mayatja of Sundarananda and of Bhanubhakta, Adaria RSghava by Pandit Somath Sigdel and Mero Rama by Pandit Lekhnath Sharma, have been influenced mainly by the R&mayav* of Vilmiki and the Adhyatma Ramayana. However, we find that other versions of the Ramayana have also been translated or transcrcated into Nepali in recent times. Adbhuta Ramayaria: This also has its place in Nepali literature. In Nepali this Ramayaija was written by Pandit Ramakanta Baral in 1882 A.D. In some verses Sita is shown laying violent hands on RavaQa. This is very different from the traditional image of Sit& suffering in silence. The whole Ram&yaija is not as yet available in printed form. Ananda Ramayana: The nine cantos of this Ramayaqa have been translated into Nepali verse by Pandit Bhojraj Sharma in 1901 A.D. The stoiy of Rama's leaving Sitft is given. Sita's oath-taking, the appearance of Goddess Earth (Prithvi Devi) to take away Sita and the anger of Rama which frightened her so that she returned Sita to Ram*:. Then come Vivahakagtfa, Rajyakaitfa, Manoharakaijtfa and Punjakfiijtfa. It seems that besides the Adhyatma RamSyona, the .wonderful stories from the Ananda Ramayana are also liked by Nepali people. Some verses of this volume are published in 4 BuingaP (page 155). Uttara-ramacarita: This is the Sanskrit work written by an ancient Sanskrit poet Bhavabhuti. Pandit Kalidas Parajuli (1881-1950 A.D.) has translated it into Nepili verses. Indeed, the Ramftya&a tradition in Nepali literature is not dead. This*is borne out by the fact that many * Rama-Kath&s' or stories about Rftma have been written in modern literature. Some noteworthy ones are mentioned below. R&dheshySm Ramayana: This is another Ramftya^a which has appeared in the Ramayanaliterature of the Nepali people. The poet is Sri Khadga Bahadur
3B
The Ramayana Tradition in Ada
Shrestha (1872-1945). He was a Governor but has also written many books of verse, according to Sri Kamal Dikshit* The Radheshyam Ramayana was written by him in 1933 and at that time only the Balakantfa was published. The whole Ramayana was later published in 1945 at Kathmandu. In some portions of the Balakantfa of this Ramayana, we notice a similarity with the Ramcharit Manas, especially in the description of the first meeting of Si*a and Rama. This is something new because the Ramacharit Manas has previously not been an important influence on the Ramayana in Nepali. RSghava-Vildp: By Pandit Taranath Sharma (born in 1887) is based on the Valmiki Ramayana. The incident related is Rama's grief when Lak§maija is shot with the Sakti by Meghanada. He (Lakjmapa) becomes unconscious and there was no hope of his living. On seeing the condition of his younger brother Rama begins to lament and says— 1 am not aware that I have knowingly committed any sin. Yet without sin there can be no suffering. Oh, what have I done, what sin have I committed, Which has resulted in this disaster? Oh Jambavan, you aie aged and wise. I have lost my sense and am distracted. Tell me, is there any way? Is it possible? Please save my brother Lak§ma?a by some method. Lgniveia RamSyaria: This is another Ramayana in Nepali. This volume is composed by Pandit Reotiraman Neopaniya (1876-1943). He had also translated some Kaphas of the Tulasi Ramayaga. The Agniveia RSmayapa is not printed yet. The Vivaha Li/5 which was written by this poet in 1911 is the chapter based on the Lafik&kanda of the Rimayaija. The language of the volume is
RSmftyana in Nepali polished and rhetorical. The author has used in this piece of poetry, the favourite metre of the old Hindi poets called * Kavitta \ The RamSyana of Tulasidas: This was also translated into Nepali prose by Pandit Kulchandra Gautam of Varanasi. In this book Pandit Kulchandra (1875-1938) has given explanation of the verses, many notes on the stories concerned, a short biography of Goswami Tulasidas, the glory of Sri Rama and the technique of Ramayafla recitation. Ramasvamedlia Kan da: •This was written by Subba Homnath Khatiwada (1854-1927). He had first published his Ramus vamedha as the eighth canto of the Ramayana of Bhanubhakta. Besides these volumes Vaigyanik Ramayana Ramayan ko Balun by Purna Prasad Sharma and Sita-Harun by poet Lakshmi Prasad Doekota are works that have kept up the Ramayana-tradition in Nepali literature. Being a sovereign Hindu Kingdom, Nepal has kept the Ramayana-tradition. Sita is revered in Nepal because she is regarded as a daughter of Nepal. Raja Janak, king of Mithila, had his capital near what is now modern Janakpur in Nepal. Therefore Janaki is worshipped annually during Dussera. Ramlila is also staged during Dussera, which is the most important Nepali festival held to celebrate Rama's victory. The Nepalis are very attached to this great epic. To a great extent, the society of modern Nepal follows the same tradition presented in the Ramayana. It is still held true that a son's duty is to obey his father unqucstioningly and a brother's to honour his elder brother. The wife's duty is to her husband to whom she must be faithful. The character of Rama, Sita, Lakjmaoa and Bharata have a nobility and appeal that is universal. The Ramayana strengthens the faith in the omnipotence of God and serves as a source of the ideals of even the simplest villager who has heard the tales of the Ramayana from the lips of others.
3M
The Ramayane Tradition in Asia BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. English
1. Nepal Monograph, Government of Nepal, Kathmandu. 2. An interesting Account of Nepal, Government of Nepal, Kathmandu. 3. Academy Journal, Nepali Academy, Daijedikig. 4. Hindu Civilization—Dr, Radhakamal Mukheijee. George Allen A Unwin Ltd. 5. Where Nepal Teaches The Foreign Nation—Pt. Paramhams Mishia (Kalimpong). 2. Nepali L Rlmlyaoa of Bhlnuhhakta, published by Pt. Homnath Khatiwada, Vamnasi. 2. Rimiyapa of Bhinubhakta, published by Dr. Parasmani Pradhan, Daijeeling. 3. Rimiyaoa of Bhinubhakta, published by Nepali Sihitya Sammelan, Daijeeling. 4. Rimiyaga—Sundarakitfa of Raghunitha Bhatta (Nepali Sahitya Sammelan, Daijeeling). 5. Rftrnftyaqa of Sundarananda Banrah (Published by Shri Jagadamba Prakashan, Nepal). 6. Nepali Samktfpta Rimiyapa—Pt. Chakrapani Ghalisqr- (Nepal Bhasha Prakashini Samiti, Nepal). 7. Atma Rimiyaga by Bhairav Singh Thapa, (Nepal). 8. Adaria Righava by Pt. Somnath Sigdel (Nepal). 9. Rimiyaoa ko Balun (Varanasi). 10. Biography of Bhinubhakta by Pt. Naranath Acharya (Nepal). 11. Biography of Bhinubhakta by Pt. Motiram Bhatta (Nepali Sahitya Sammelan, Daijeeling). 12. Sid-Harao by Shri Lakshmi Prasad Deokota (Sajha Pkakasban, Kathmandu). 13. Pragati (Kathmandu). 14. Pinch Shaya Barsha, Editor—Shri Balakrishna Pokhrel (Kathmandu) 13. Buingal, Editor—Shri Kamal Dikshit (Kathmandu). 16. Lekhnath—Special—Issue of Bhanu Journal, Bhanu Pkakasban, Kathmandu. 3. Hindi—Sanskrit 1. Adhyitma Rimiyapa (Gita Press, Gorakhpur). 2. Rim-Kathi—Father Camille Bulcke (Allahabad). 3. Sanskrit! ke Char Adhyiy—R.S. Dinkar (Patna).
RAMAYANA IN SINHALA LITERATURE and ITS FOLK VERSION By J. TILAKASIRI
It is indeed remarkable that ever since the R&ma saga migrated to the countries of South and South-East Asia it has not merely enriched the cultural and literary heritage of every country which came under its spell but inculcated lasting ethical and religious values among the people. When the epic swept through the cultures of Asian countries its episodes, characters and even descriptive motifs had a varied influence on the different countries, each of which interpreted or adapted the story to suit its social milieu. Li many Asian countries the Ramaya^a theme has had a special appeal particularly because the characterisation of the principal hero, Rama, his wife, Sita, and their companions and even their retinue, bears a humane and refined outlook on life. The principal events of the epic are located in Ayodhya, the capital of the Kosala Kingdom, in the North of India. In Sri Lanka, the story of Rama and Sita has continued to be popular among the literati and the people in general from the time it became known. But it must be emphasized, however, that ambivalent attitudes towards the theme and the characterisation of the heroes have prevailed and these are reflected in the literature of the Sinhalese and in the religious cults, legends and folk-lore of the island. The Sinhala language, belonging to the Indo-A*yan family, has leaned heavily on Sanskrit and Pali for its vocabulary, syntax and grammatical forms. During the earliest phase of literary activity the necessity to furnish commentaries to the P&li scriptures, brought from India, produced a mixed style in which the Sinhalese idiom was interspersed with P&li words and phrases. Simultaneous with the use of P&li, the language of orthodox Buddhist schools, Sanskrit, too, came to be introduced to the country by other opposing schools of Buddhist thought. The Sinhala literature, therefore, reflects in its development, characteristic features
386
The Ramayana Tradition in
produced by the linguistic and literary tendencies of both those classical languages. In the earliest literary epoch the Sinhala writers attempted to popularise through their works the ideas and aims promulgated by the Buddhist Jataka stories and the legends connected with the Pali scriptures. Sinhalese poetry, written during that time, uses unrhymed verse of the type called (gtti,) (Sansk.) corresponding to the arya type of metre) and although a poem composed in that style often selects as its theme the past birth story (Jataka) of an aspirant Buddha the narrative is presented in the style of the Sanskrit kavya. The prescriptions of the mahakavya style as regards conventional descriptions of the city, court-life, seasons, sun-set, water-sports, and other topics are so closely followed in such poems as the Sasada (§a£ajataka), Mudvadovda (Makhadevajataka) and the Kavsilumina (based on the KuSajataka) that it is impossible not to infer that Sanskrit models of kavya as well as Sanskrit theoretical concepts influenced them considerably. This is further confirmed by the early appearance, in the history of Sinhala literature, of the Siyabaslakara (Poetics of Sinhala), which is in fact a Sinhala version of the famous manual of poetics, the KavyadarSa, and also of works on Sinhalese prosody such as Elusandaslakana (' Characteristics of Sinhala Metre ')Particular mention should be made of the Kavsilumina (' Crest Jewel of Poetry') considered the best poem in Sinhala literature, where the author, King Parakramabahu II, has used all the devices of the ornate mahakavya style (including the pedantic iabdalaftkaras and metric citrabandha structures) in conformity with the established mode of composition. He also develops the theme of King Kuga and the princess Pfabhavati, in the prescribed romantic manner, emulating Sanskrit poets. Although the themes were Buddhistic and the aims of the poetry didactic it was the fashion to use the Sanskrit kavya style mainly because the study of Sanskrit and its literature enjoyed great prestige from the 10th century onwards. Although direct references are not made to the Sanskrit epic compositions it is evident that .the prototype of the Sanskrit kavya and the motifs as furnished by the literary tradition commencing with the Ramayana (as the adikavya) had begun to exercise the same influence on Sinhala poetry as on classical Sanskrit poetry. As Sinhala poetry borrowed the structures and types
Rftmiyaga in Sinhala Literature
387
from the developed form as found in the works of later Sanskrit poets the formative stages of the growth are not clearly seen. Yet, the strong Buddhist convictions of the Sinhalese literati and their obvious attraction to Buddhist themes continued to prevent the epic stories or characters being used for literary purposes. The writings of Buddhist scholiasts was mainly responsible for this aversion and the Sinhalese poets of later times followed their attitude of indifference towards the Sanskrit epics which were quite well known in the island. Buddhagho$a, the famous Pali commentator, who came to £ri Lanka from S. India, in the early part of the Sth century A.D. rejects the Mahabharata and the Rdmayctya as * frivolous stories' (sampapphalapa).1 The author of the Kdvya Sekharaya, dismisses theiti as fabrications,1 obviously viewing the themes as coming from heretical sources, injurious to Buddhist sentiment. It is consistent with the development of literary style and poetical traditions dating from the earliest times that Sanskrit poetry, too, had been assiduously cultivated. Royal patronage and authorship promoted a high standard of achievement and it is therefore not surprising to find the Jdnaklhararia of King Kumaradasa reckoned as one of the Sanskrit poems which was profitably studied bj all those who wished to gain access to Sanskrit poetry and acquire proficiency in the language. Its popularity is well attested by the quotations made from it in Sinhalese texts and the influence it appeared to have had on Sinhalese poets. In 1891, venerable Dharmarama, a Buddhist scholar-monk edited the Sinhala paraphrase to the poem and published the re-constructed text on the basis of the Jdnakiharanasannayd* (sanne meaning 4 paraphrase' or * gloss* in Sinhalese), These manuscripts of the word-for-word gloss of 14 cantos and a few verses 1
* Bhdratayuddha-SUaharai&iniratthakathapurekkharatat t&tharupikathdkathanan ca \ (Frivolous talk) consisting of pre-occupation with useless narrative such as the (themes of) * war of the Bharatas' and * abduction of Sit&' and other narratives of a similar nature, Papaneasudani (P.T.S. edn.) Part I, p. 201. See also D. Pannasara, Sanskrit Literature Extant Among the Sinhalese, pp. 18-23. •Kdvyaiekharo, IX, 35. 3 Janakiharanasannaya, ed. Dharm&rima (1891). See also C. E. God»» kumbura, Sinhalese Literature (19SS) p. 141.
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The Ramayaaa Tradition in Ada
of the 15th canto of the Sanskrit poem (then available) demonstrates that the Jdnakiharcuta was a mahikivya of acknowledged merit, preserved in the island, accurately interpreted and rendered into Sinhala in a style befitting the original so that the absence of the usual Sanskrit commentary accompanying the poem was hardly felt. The complete text of the poem, running into 20 cantos, has now been edited,4 with the help of a South Indian manuscript, containing the original poem and written in Malayalam characters, belonging to the late M. Ramakrishna Kavi. The name given to the poem attests the popularity of the * abduction ' theme of the Ramayaya in Sri Lanka. It is significant that this is the earliest Ceylonese poem in Sanskrit which takes its theme from the Ramayapa but emphasising the abduction of Sita by Ravafla as would be appropriate for a composition made here. Not only the poem, but its author, also, King Kumaradasa, has been eulogised in several places in the extant literature of Sri Lanka and references have also been made to him by several early Indian and Sinhala writers who have mentioned the strong bonds of friendship that had existed between him and the celebrated poet Kalidasa, a loyal friend of his. A tradition, recorded in the Sinhala literature, alludes to Kumaradasa, as having sacrificed his life for the sake of his friend Kalidasa, who had been murdered at the hands of a courtesan.6 Kumaradasa's date has been questioned although he has been identified with King Kumaradhatusena who reigned in Ceylon during 517-526 A.D. Whatever the historicity of the allusions made to the two poets and their connexion, it is clear that Kumaradasa was one of the eminent poets of the kavya tradition, not second to Kalidasa in his mastery of language and poetic diction. The Sinhala literature of the later periods does not seem to have paid any special attention to the Rama story but respectfully mentions the traditional Pur&Qic and epic lore, as the repository of myths and legends The Sandeia poems of the Sinhalese, which were modelled on a sandeia kivya prototype, furnished • Jdnaklharava of Kumlradisa, ed. S. Pannavitana and C.E. Godakumbura {1967). • /Mi., Introduction, pp. li-liii.
Rimiyapa in Sinhala Utcrmture
3t9
by the MeghadBta, allude to the Rama legend as a well-known theme. The two poems of the Kotte period of Sinhala literature, in the 15th century A.D., the Guttila Kdvycfi (a poem based on the story of the Bodhisattva born as a musician named Guttila) and the Gira Sandesaya1 (The Parrot Messenger) contain allusions to the R&ma-SIta story as being increasingly popular among the people. This is an evident contrast with the attitude of earlier Buddhist writers, who in their desire to propagate Buddhism and uphold its teachings, showed little interest in the epic poems of India. But the renewed interest in the theme arose as the potts were not merely content with adapting Jataka stories but epic myths and legends as well for poetry and drama. In the Kandyan period of literature, from the 16th century onwards, the epic story became even more popular among the writers who began to use versions for compositions of a popular character. In the early part of the 19th century poetical versions of the Rfim&yaoa* known by such titles as RSvapa Kathavakavi* (poetry dealing with R&vaQa's story) and a later poem of 330 verses, Rava^ajmddha)* were brought out. These works dealt with R&va$a's role in the story as it was of significance to the Sinhala readers of Lafika. After the middle of the 19th century, in the wake of the interest created in the new style of theatre, then in vogue, called nurtiya, which owed a great deal to Parsee musicals, Sinhalese writers and dramatists showed a great interest in the classical Sanskrit poems and dramas. They were looking for new themes for compositions. At this stage it is believed that Tamil versions of the Ram&yaga probably influenced Sinhala writers.10 The Tamil version of the R&m&yapa, composed by Kamban (the KambarSmayapa) is cited in a Sinhala translation of a part of it, made by Jerenimus Abhayagunawardhana, in 1841u. C. Don Bastian, an editor and publisher, brought out a Sinhala translation of the RSnUtya^a, which iscon• GuttilakOvyo, cd. Batuwantudawe, p. 331. I Girasandnaya, cd., Malansuriya, v. 214 •C E. Godakumbura, op.df.> p. 181. • K. R. tacn, Ra*mymUhaya (1902). "P. B. Sannaifala, Stahah Sfihitya Vamsaya (1964), p. SS7. II Godakumbura, op. eft., p. 11.
390
The Ramayana Tradition in Aria
sidered by the critics to have had a decisive influence on the development of the Sinhala novel.11 John de Silva, a lawyer and an outstanding playwright of the same period, contributed even more than Don Bastian to the development of Sinhala theatre by improving the nvrtiya plays with borrowings from both classical North Indian music and Sanskrit dramatic conventions. He wrote several plays in Sinhalese, adapting famous dramas such as Sdkuntala, Ratnavall and NSgananda. The Ramayana™ was also used as the theme of another play of his while the Uttarardmacarita was a direct adaptation from the original Sanskrit text. The efforts of these pioneer dramatists who used the epic themes and Sanskrit dramatic models inspired many a later dramatist to make further adaptations not only from Indian sources but from European plays as well. A Pali version of the Rdmayaria is also assigned to the Kandyan period. It is supposed to have been written by a monk named Sumangala and entitled Ramasandesa.1* Using elegant Pali stanzas, the author addresses the message to God Rama in the form of V150U at Ramadevala (Rama-shiine) in Hanguranketa (near Kandy), praying to the god to bless the king, Sri Vikrama Rajasingha. At this stage we may consider an important feature connected with the transmission of epic stories from country to country. The Ramayana, like the great epics of other lands, represents both an oral and a literary tradition. It is the oral tradition which had a lasting and more wide-spread influence on the cultural patterns of the countries to which the saga was carried by travellers and traders from India in the course of their adventures. The basic elements of the story-a good king and his loyal queen estranged by the wily machinations of an enemy king of a foreign land, rescued and re-united by the hero's counter-attack with the assistance of monkey-hordes-offered all the ingredients of bravery, adventure and sacrifice packed into a conflict between the forces of good and evil t o be adapted into the themes of the oral folk tradition on which the later epic versions were based. "E. R. Saracchaadta, The Folk Drtma ofOybn, (1956), p. 131. "Art, p. 134. "G. P. MaUtaakm, PmH Uteratmt ofC^lm. (IMS), pp. 3882-89.
Mutfywa to Sinhela literatim
391
In South India, in particular, the vernacular epic versions were based on oral traditions of the story and it is in all probability due to Sri Lafika's familiarity with such versions as a result of commercial and cultural exchanges that the interest in the Ramay&pa was rekindled. The transmission of such legends enriched the folklore of Sri La&ka, too, and the manner in which the original story has been interpolated into a semi-historical legend of the land, referred to in more than one source,15 illustrates how the adaptation of the Rama story has imparted a special relevance to the whole legend. A ritual dance performed in honour of God Kohomba, called the Kohomba Kankariya, confined to the hill country of the island contains an interesting legend, viz., the story of4 King of the Flower * (Maleraja Kathawa). This ritual is important for two reasons, firstly because the ceremonial and ritualistic dances associated with the Kankariya were the source of what is now celebrated as the Kandyan Dance and, secondly, because of the inclusion of a version of the Rama legend under the title of Kohombadeviyange Utpattikathava1* (the story of the birth of God Kohomba) in the main story of the ceremony. The legend is elaborated further and even corroborated by a version17 found in a village in the Kandy District which narrates that V;'$QU (in his incarnation as Rama) was compelled to forsake Sita, his queen, owing to a malefic planetary influence. While he spent several years in the forest, Ravaga carried away Sita to Lanka. After refusing to yield to him she reluctantly agreed to grant his request at the end of the period of rer chastity. After seven years Rama returned and roamed the forest in search of Sita. Then he made an alliance with Valin. who promised u
Rtijdvaliya, Kuveni asna, Sihaba asna9 Maleraja katliava (Sinhalese historical and ritual texts of the Kandyan period) refer to the legend of King * Malaya' or Mile * (Flower), who had been enticed to Lartkfi to cure King Panduvasudeva's illness by the performance of the exorcistic ceremony called 'Kohomhiyakkhama9. See also Saraochandra, opxit., p. 54. 18 * Kohomba Kankariya '—A traditional folkritualin the hill country of Sri LaAkft (Ceylon), Panmavitana Commemoration Volume (in the Press); Godakumbura, Kohomba kankariya (1963), Introduction. " G B. Godakumbura, "The Rlmiyaoa"—a version of R&ma's story from Ceylon, JRAS (GB) (1946), pp. 14-22.
392
11* Rama*** Tradition in Asia
to find her if his wife was also recovered. Vilin obtained hit wife with Virtu's help and with the ability to walk on the sea and be immune from fire and arrows—three boons he had been granted—he crossed over to LaAki. He could not be captured easily by Ravaga's guards and when his tail was set on fire he used the opportunity to burn the city by jumping on to the rooftops. In the ensuing confusion he carried back Siti to Vifgu. Sita then became enceinte. The legend, as narrated locally, differs from this point onwards from the original story. It sets forth that when VI$QU left Siti and went to attend a meeting of the Gods, Umft visited her and in the course of conversation asked her to describe the form of Rivaga, which she did by sketching hisfigureon a leaf of an ashplantain tree. For fear of being discovered with the drawing when VigQu returned she threw it under the bed, but RavaQa's power vitalised thefigureand the bed quaked. On peeping under the bed VigQu saw the drawing. In a rage he ordered that Siti be killed in the Himalayan forest but in reality she was spared, though reported as killed. Then Sita, who was abandoned in the forest, was at la>t found by Valamiga (Valmiki), who provided her with the necessary protection. Eventually she gave birth to a son. One day during her absence the child fell from the bed and began to scream and the sage, unwilling to touch him, threw a lotus on to the bed and it forthwith became a child. Seeing two sons on her return, Siti was confused as regards the identity of her own son. Going to the sage for help she received his explanation, but remained unconvinced, and finally requested him to create another child. In response to her request he produced a third child with a blade of grass. When all the three boys grew up they left their mother and went to the Malaya country where they lived happily in separate places known by their names as Sandalindu, Mala and Kitsiri. In the latter part of the story an attempt has been made to change the content and transform the characters to a form compatible with local tradition and to fit it into an existing legend* It is also noteworthy that the authentic part of the story of Rima has not been altered, but the portion dealing with the
RUnlyaea in SfnhgJ* Literate* recorded in the so-called spurious section, the has been freely adapted.
Wf Uttank&rfa*
The Kohomba legend also shows how the deified heroes of the K&mdyaga were assimilated into the folk religion and abo invested with Buddhist traits. Rftma's identification with Vifgcu is, therefore, significant and as the protector of Buddhism, he holds a high position in popular mythology. In the legend it is further stated that Vifpu sent the three Malaya brothers to Lafikft to cure King Panduvasdeva of his illness. This statement has been interpreted to mean that Rftma as VifQu sent his three sons to Laijka for this purpose. King Malaya, born of a blue lotus, has to be identified as a son of V'fQU (Rftma) whose colour is blue. Kitsiri, born of sacrificial grass (kida grass) has to be identified as Kuia, a twin son of Rftma, and Sandalindu, as the son bom to Sltft by ViWu.*• The folk religion of the Buddhists of Sri Lanka had at all times been subjected to the influence of religious cults and with increasing intercourse between the two countries. The sectarian faiths, Saivism and VaifQavism, associated with Hinduism, have left their mark on the changing form of popular Buddhism as practised here. VifQu worship has become exceedingly-popular and even today every Buddhist temple has a shrine dedicated to the deity. In the mediaeval period of the island's history it was prevalent and in the 15th and 16th centuries, also, Rftma a% an incarnation of V:f(ui was incorporated into the Buddhist pantheon, thereby enhancing the prestige of the R&m&yaoa. The Kokila SandesaycP refers to a Rfima-temple in Jaffna. Thus R&ma-worship also became popular in due course and perhaps the ordinary people looked upon Rftma not merely as the incarnation of a deity but as the protector, who vanquished the forces of evil. In the same way Vibhlfafla (the Dreadful) who did not approve of the hostile acts of his brother Rftvapa, and in fact joined Rftma, was also transformed and earned a special position as a dei+y, revered by the Buddhists of the island. He was installed as the king of LaAkft by Rftma on Rftva*a's death. Tht Saklihtml " M. Wfattsmta, AHtmryftoMm ftta—i, VoL I (ttHfc pp. 4H4BS. "A.SmviratBa,4p.dk »v.SL
394
The lUiMyaat Tradition in A^t
Sandesaya has been written with the purpose of conveying a message carried by a starling (salalihini) to God Vibhijaija in Kelaniya (a few miles from Colombo). This god is particularly invoked for his beneficience and readiness to grant the wishes of his supplicants. The fascination of the people for the Rama-story can also be accounted for geographically. First and foremost, the events of the latter part of the Ramayana narrative are set in Lanka and RavaQa was the ruler of the island, vanquished by the hero, Rama, and secondly, the proximity of Lafika to the Indian sub-continent to which it is said to have been connected in pre-historic times gave to the story and its events a natural colouring. It is in the folk culture of the island, however, that Rama and Sita are still revered as the ideal types of hero and heroine, respectively, embodying all that is good and true in human character. This admiration for them is irrespective of their Indian origin and is a recognition of common cultural values which even tend to look down upon LaAka's indigenous ruler, Ravana, as deserving his fate. There is, of course, a certain school of thought which has persisted to this day that sees in RavaQa, the exemplar of a brave indigenous Sinhala hero, who withstood the might of the Indian attack on the country—an obvious distortion of the accepted orthodox version of the story. Among such enthusiastic supporters of the Rava9a-legend the belief is firm that Ravapa was proficient in several arts and sciences, such as music, both in its theory and practice, medicine and in healing diseases, He is supposed to have composed several musical pieces (ragas), written medical text-books and his name is associated with the instrument called R3vana Vina}1 The rustic folk of Lanka, relishing the romantic flavour of the Rama-story, have transmitted it in their traditional lore, showing a high regard for particular episodes of the RBmSyaoa* located in Lafika, and considering names such as LaAka, Sita, Hanuman and R&vaQa, hallowed for their legendary and semi-historical associations with local places. It is in the RSmHya^a that we come across the ancient name for the island, LaAki. It is believed C. de S. Kulatitaka, Lmkan Sam*to Stmbhavaya (1974), pp. 38-39.
Rtmftyao* in Sinhala Literature
MS
from traditional accounts that ancient Lanka, as known to the RSmayana, was much more extensive than Lanka as it exists today, and that after Ravana's death the island was reduced in size as a result of physical changes. The word LankS is taken to mean * an island' according to some," its literal meaning ' tall or high' signifying the elevated situation of the land. But the usual meanings attached to the word are "resplendent*, * delightful \ • adorned \ etc. Book V of the Ramayaria contains such a romantic description of the scenery, the palace and harem of Rava$a that the canto is accordingly named " Beautiful section" (Sundara k8$4<*)™ Even allowing for the poetical flavour of the narrative it is possible to think of the account as reflecting conditions generally prevalent in a picturesque land such as Lanka. It may also be mentioned that this ancient name (now restored and used officially) was also used by some of the country's later conquerors, as for example the Portuguese who rendered it as Lanca, Lancao or Lancas.u Lanka's folk-lore and history are studded with significant anecdotes drawn from the main story. Several place-names in Ceylon used from ancient times still recall the connexion of the island with the hero and heroine. Sitavaka has acquired legendary and historical interest. It is believed to be the jungle fortress to which Sita was carried by Rivana. Recent history recognises it as a " fortress where revolts took place, a capital of kings, a sheltering place for English troops"—but now the old site is hardly recognisable and grown up into a new town known a& Avissawella." SitS talava or * plain of Sita \ has acquired that name because it is believed that the heroine was concealed together with RavaQa's neice at that spot. Other place-names like 57/J fcoiKfe, SitS eliya and R&va$a alia (named after the former precincts of Ravaga's pleasure garden) also echo the various episodes in the Rama-story located in LaAka. The region of Kotmale is * Ramdas G., , Aboriginal Names in the RJmiyaga' in Journal of the Khar and Orissa Research Society. Vol. XI (1928), pp. 4142. " M. Winternitz, op. dr., p. 490. "L. Nell, "LaAki", (Reproduced from Ceylon Miscellany) OrtmumUet Vol. II, pp. 27-33. - H . WMte»"8MsakaaadlH VkmUy^ia OHmmUtt, Vol. B. pp. 33-37.
ItadMofifaA*
also associated with many a legend concerning Riva&a and SUA. The Aioka grove where Siti spent her time is believed to have been located there. Another humorous episode alludes to Hanumin9s feat in transporting a huge mountain full of all medicinal herbs for treating the monkey-soldiers maimed in battle. When Lafik&'s inhabitants reAised to give the monkeys herbs, Hanumin leapt back to India, enraged, lifted this mountain along and deposited it, according to some, near Galle (at Rumassala) or, according to others, near Kurunegala. Many such folk tales and legends are prevalent in various parts of the island rendering the Rftm&yaQa story ever green in their memory, a treasure-house for spinning out stories to entertain and edify the listeners.
THE RAMAYANA and ITS IMPACT ON GUJARAT! LITERATURE By UMASHANKAR JOSHI
As far as the poetic world in Indian languages is concerned, V&lmiki is the path-finder. Though the poets of the various Indian languages have, through the ages, drawn heavily and almost lived upon the Mah&bharata of Vyisa, who is said to have forestalled them all (* Vyfcsocch $tam jagat sarvam'), the honour of being the pioneer in the field is universally accorded to Valmiki. V&lmiki, on all hands, is the Adikavi—the first among poets, for, as the legend says, it was he on whose lips the first £loka, a couplet in verse, was born when he chanced to see one of the cranecouple being shot by a hunter's arrow. The anuftubh metre that Valmiki spontaneously uttered could not have any claim to novelty as it is formed by adding an extra fourth line to the three lines of the Gayatrf metre used in the Vedas and is found in the Vedas themselves. We have to look somewhere else for what the legend aims at emphasising as phenomenal in the emotional and cultural life of the people. The stanza, which V&lmiki finds himself the author of, is very unlike-indeed it is qualitatively unlike—the Vedic hymns. The pre-occupation of the Vedas is with the religious, metaphysical, philosophical, mystic and spiritual aspects of human life, while Valmikfs utterance is an expression of fellow-feeling, that of concern for a fellow-creature. This is 4 ioka —sorrow being transformed into i41oka'—a poetic utterance, as the Ramaycasa itself and, following it, Kalidisa observed. V&lmiki's utterance heralds the beginning of the aesthetic use of the word. The Vedic word was heard. No doubt, VilmikTs first stanza was, as Valery would describe * une ligne donnee \ — one line given. However, the whole work of the RlkmAywfa, which he gave after the symbol in the stanza had taken possession of his total consciousness was not heard, was composed by him. The R&m&yaoa* being, thus the first poem interested in the delineation of human sentiments—and the poet takes care to emphasize in the encounter with Nft'ada at the ve*y outset that he would like to sing of a * nam \ a man,—Vilmiki is hailed as the Adikavi,
3M
Hie Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the first among poets, who revel in putting the word to aesthetic use, whose work stands or falls by its capacity to transform feeling into * rasa'—aesthetic comprehension. This is not to say that the Vedic hymns are devoid of aesthetic charm or the R&mdya&a and other poems should be devoid of, say, religious appeal. In short, what the legend regarding Valmiki's spontaneous outburst at the killing of the crane seeks to do is to make a sharp distinction between the Vedic word, the bearer of Truth, as heard by the sages, and the word, transforming feeling into 'rasa'—i.e., aesthetic experience. This is perhaps what Bhavabhuti meant when ht described Valmiki's outburst as * the birth of a new metre, different from the Vedas \ The appeal of the Ramayana is predominantly through its' rasa', which entitles Valmiki to be called the Adikavi. Why Valmiki is looked upon as Adikavi can be rightly and fully understood if we visualize the circumstances in which he produced his work, with no model before him whatsoever. He stood at the confluence of cultures. Civilizations were interacting on one another. For all we know Valmiki belonged to the indigenous people of this land. It was given to an indigenous person to attempt to assess the epoch. The lineaments of an abiding pattern, that his poetic genius could see emerging from a cultural turmoil were those of family relationships—for example, relationships of father and son, brother and brother, wife and husband. Valmiki could see clearly that the strength of the Aryans who had invaded the land and settled down as rulers lay mainly in their ideal family relationships. He pointed out, for example, the shabby treatment Vali and Sugriva, two brothers, gave each other in contrast to the twin relationships LakfmaQa and Bharata established gracefully and at a great personal sacrifice, with their elder brother R&ma. He also underlined the fact how Tara was taken as a wife by the husband's brother, while Lakf maoa, when asked to identify Siti's ornaments, said that he did not know what sort of bracelets or earrings she wore and that he could recognize only the anklets as he was accustomed to bow daily at her feet. Vilmiki d:d not hesitate to criticise what was amiss in the Aryan society as well. When Kaikeyi in her desparate bid to remove Rama from Ayodhyft was all anger and resentment, Dafaratha entered her apartment. The poet's words are: *Sa vfddhastarunim bh&ryim . . . dada-fct dharagltaie *—the old
The Rftrityaoa and i!a Impact on Oqjarati Literature
3*»
man saw the young wife prostrate on the floor. The * old-young * contrast forewarns the reader against any optimistic outcome. R&ma's taking to one wife is held oui as a silent commentary on his polygamous father's plight as a husband. In fact, the whole poem centres round the conjugal love of Rama and Sita and even when for purposes of the state Sita is exiled, Rama is shown performing the sacrificial rites with the golden image of Sita as his partner. Indeed, in spite of the various trials and tribulations through which they two have to pass, * the heart does know the mutual affection' (Hfdayam tveva janati pritiyogam parasparam). Valmiki, the deeply human and humane anchorite, knows fully well and wants to emphasize the supreme value of love. This he achieves by a delicate manipulation of Sanskrit grammar. Sanskrit has a * dual' form also. Two hearts would be * hfdaye \ The poet eschews' hfdaye'. He uses the singular form' hfdayam '. Two persons, one heart,—this is what the poet conveys so suggestively. Valmiki's genius took into its purview all the types of personal relationships that prevailed in the society of his day and set forth, in a grand poetic vision, ideal characters that have captivated the mind and soul of India and of other lands as well for centuries. Valmiki was a judicious witness of, and not a participant in, the struggles of his day. Who else could have stood in such good stead to the royal house of Ayodhya, when the pregnant queen had to be exiled by a loving husband? For, was it not Valmiki, the forest-dwelling sage, who gave asylum to the queen in the hour of her crisis which was no less physical than spiritual? The Rfimayapa has a structural simplicity and a well-knit unity. It has an air of sweetness about it, and at the same time it is suffused with a tender pathos. The vision is at once homely and immeasurably elevated. No wonder it has indelibly imprinted on the consciousness of India a galaxy of immortal characters through the ages. Rarely has a poem contributed so much towards the strengthening of the spiritual fibres of a whole people,—shall I say peoples? The poets of the various Indian languages have vied with one another in presenting material from the RimOya^a, as also from the MdtibUram and the Mhagama. Rftma and Knna
Ths Hernvna TredWootoAria have always come handy for the expression of all the three voices, lyrical, narrative and dramatic. The Gigarati poets also hate availed of this opportunity with considerable poetic gain. To make a personal reference, the longest Gujarati poem 1 read in early boyhood was Rimiyafta written by the poet Girdhar. An illiterate relative of mine, would come to me whenever he could steal an hour from his farm-work and make me recite portions from it Another old man, a sort of a musician, who paid short visits to his house in the village, made me sing portions of the poem and would himself play on the * tabla' as I sang. That was just the time when I was myself feeling the stir of the creative spirit within me and I felt very excited over finding more than eleven words for the * horse * in the poem. I often caught myself actually repeating those words and re-counting them. I must confess to-day that Girdhar's ROmacarttra, which draws freely on Hamtmaa-nafuka, Pcdmapw6$a and Agntpuitiga besides Vftlmiki, is poetically not so rich. It is rather placid and staid, rarely rising to imaginative height. But it is popular and is widely read even today. Till the fifties one could find a 'Mana-Bhafta' (usually a Brahmin, reciting a narrative keeping time on a * mana \ a metal pot, with hisfingerswhich had rings on), reciting it in a city or a town or even a village. Girdhar-Ram&yaoa, as it is popularly called, is not very old. It was written as late as 1837 A.D. Not that there were no full versions of the RftmAyaga attempted earlier. Nakar (1568), Kahan (1571) and Vishnudas (1589) gave the complete Rimastory in the 16th century. Somehow Girdhar's version in the modern language seems to have replaced the earlier ones. For that matter the RAmiyaga, as a work, has not had that magnetic appeal in Gujarat as it seems to have had in Eastern Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. May be the influence of Jainism and of Va'ffavism, especially after the advent of $ -ftnad VallabMcirya, are responsible for it. The great Gujarati poet, Narasimh Mehta, whose * Vaishnav-jan to . . / has become a sort of a national psalm because of it being a favourite with Mahatma Gandhi at his prayer meetings, poured out his passionate heart in matchless lyrics describing the love of KffQa and RidH in the 15th century, a little before the birth of Vallabhicfcya.
The Rlmlyapa and its Impact on Gitfarati Literature
4ML
Sairashtra and South Gujarat came under increasing influence o f VaifQavism. Brahmins ar.d Kfatriyas were mainly worshippers o f Siva and the Mother-Goddess, more especially in North Gujarat, and were more inclined t o the worship o f R&ma than that o f KftQa. Bhalan and Premanand, while writing on KftQa's childhood usually Aver t o their allegiance t o R&ma at the end o f eaah piece. However, the written works in t h e Gujarati language during t h e centuries evince a preponderance o f interest in t h e KffQa-story than in the R&ma-story. Curiously enough Girdhar, a vaifiya, wrote h i s RSmacaritra at the behest o f Goswami Purushottam Maharaj, a Vallabhite. N o t that the Rama-story or the main points o f interest in it have not caught the imagination o f the popular mind. T o take first a few specimens from folk-songs, o n e comes across episodes from R&ma-story in the songs accompanying t h e Garba-danoe o f Gujarat. * Kege (Kaikeyf) spoke in anger: R&ma a n d Lakfmaga should g o t o t h e forest. T h e first forest R&ma left behind, they entered the second one. 9 A n d t h e song briskly proceeds t o t h e hunting o f the golden deer and Sit&'s abduction. A t the marriage ceremony the couples .worshipped include those o f Siva-P&rvati and Vasiftha-Arur.dhati but n o t o f R&ma-Sit&. However, t h e ideal sung and impressed o n t h e minds o f t h e uniting couple is that o f R&ma a n d Sit&. O n e o f the marriage songs is about t h e banishment o f Sit& a n d presents a simplified popular version o f the tragic episcde: Queen Kausalyft at early morn asked for a green stick t o brush her teeth. She asked, she asked once again, t h e word d i d n o t reach Sit&'seat. With a golden bowl in his hand, Rimacandra w a s coming d o w n the stair-case.
• My dear younger brother, O Lakfmaga, build a house on the bank of the Jumna. Send this woman SIt& there, Why did she not attend to mother's word?* * O Husband! What's my fault? For what lapse of minedo you send me away?'
402
The Rartnyina Tradition in Asia 4
O lovely lady, you are like a garland over my heart, but why did you ignore mother's word?'
In 1305 A.D. Merutunga in his PrabandhocintamoQi quotes old Gujarati couplets which refer to the lord of Lanka by way of solace to Mufija. It is during the late ISth and early 16th century that one finds the whole of the Rama-story or big chunks of it rendered into Gujarati: Sltaharan by Karman Mantri (1470), Ramcltla by Bhim (1500) and Ravapa Mariqlodari Samvad by Shridhar (1509). Ramayana-Pura$a by Svambhudev is still unpublished. Some of the finest poetry in the language is to be found in the Rama Bala Lfla of Bhalan (late 15th and early 16th century), whose magnum opus is the masterly verse-rcndering-perhaps the only one in any language—of Bana's Kadambarl. Bhalan is an adept at giving pictures of child-life. He has also written a series of lyrics on the child KrgQa, but the series on Rama's childhood has a freshness of portraiture and articulation all its own. One of the incidents associated more with Rama and Kausalyft than KftQa and Yasoda and popular with Gujarati poets is that connected with the child's asking for the moon. It has become almost a folk-song: Mother, the moon to me is dear. Mother, put it in my pocket here. The mother is hard put to making the child stop crying. At long last she holds a bowl full of water and the child stops crying on having the moon, which is reflected in the water. Bhalan's sons Uddhav and Vishnudas (early 16th century) gave Ramdyana in six KiMtfas. There is seen a spurt in the handling of the Rama-story. Another Vishnudas, also author of Ramaya$a in seven Kantfis, drawing upon not only Valmiki but also Kalid&sa's Raghuvamia and folk tradition, wrote in addition Angad Vishtt and Lava-KuSa-Akhyan. Other notable works are: RamaMvah by VaikuQtha (1584), Hanumant-chortt by Shedhaji (1591), Sltajino Sohlo by Tulasi (1608), PoraSuram Akhy&n by Shivdas (1612), Meheravan-Akhyan by Ranasut (1631), SltdSfayamvar by Hariram (1637), Stt&Svayomvar by Virannsut Hariram (1647), Sltd-virah by Haridas (1666).
The Rtinfcyata and its Impact on Gujarati Literature
40$
The Gujarati language owes quite a lot to the services rendered by Jain authors, some of whom have written about Rama also. Of course, the Jain version of the Rama-story, while adhering to the main events, differs substantially from Valmiki's text regarding many details. The Gujarati Jain writers have before them the tradition of Vimala's Prakrit Paumachariyu and Hemachandra's account in the TrifOfttfalakapurufa Carita, using the popular Rama-story for propagating Jainistic ideals. Jain writings have been well preserved in the Grantha Bhatrfars (libraries). This has made it possible for Gujarati, as observed by Sir George Grierson, to have specimens of writing denoting the changes in the language almost from decade to decade. Much of prose writing is also thus preserved. Devganisuri's Ramacaritra written in 1596 is in prose. Another prose rendering has been published from a manuscript dated 1617. Some of the outstanding Jain poems dealing with the Rama-story are: Ravaga Ma$4odart Samvad by Muni LavaQya Samaya, noted author of VimalaPrabandha (1456), Rama-Rasa by Pandit Chandragani (1573), Afijanasundarl-Prabandh by Gunashil (1606), Sltarama Rasa by Balkavi (1629), AngadVishti by Kanak Sundar and RamasltaPrabandh by Samayasundara (early 17th century). More popular is Ramayaiorasayara Rasa by Pandit Keshrajaji (1627). Jayasagar wrote SltaharaQ in 1721. The Jainistic version, apart from being heavily laden with didactic and sectarian material is also sedate as it was usually presented to a predominantly religious audience in a closed hall. It could afford to be devoid of the element of entertainment. It is only in the work of masters like Samayasundar that the narrative provides some relief by flights of imagination. The non-Jainigtic narrative compositions were presented normally at night in open court-yards and they were required to hold the audiences spellbound by virtue of the quality of articulation and the handling of characters, sentiments and the total pattern of the work. The greatest master of this art was Premanand of Baroda. He rendered the Book of War (Yuddha K&Q0a) into a poetic narrative, R&maY
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Ra&hfag\ /.*., Raga-Yajfta as is clear from 'RaQa-jang' rhyming with * anabhang' at the end of the first and the seventh Ka^ava. The allegory of * Yajftav—sacrifice has been alluded to in the Sabh&parva of the Mahabharata (* raQa-yajfiegu dikfitah*) and is spelled out in detail in the Ve^hamhara nafcka, as pointed out by Dr. Manjulal R. Majumdar in the preface of his excellent edition of * RaQa-Yajfta \ to which more than to any other single source, the present paper owes for most of the information about names and dates of the works. ' The War-Sacrifice' is alluded to in the Ramayapa itself in * i§fva Sangrama'—Kishkindha Kanda (23-27). Even though Rapo-YajHa is not one of the best five works of Premanand, it does have an imprint of his great gifts of humour, understanding of human nature and the ability to get at the right objective correlatives. Kumbhakanja, on being awakened, asks R&vaQa after knowing all about the bone of contention: * If you have just lodged J&naki in the garden, what for have you brought her here?9 R&vaQa answers: * Whenever I look at the chaste Jinaki, I feel as if she were our mother \ This reminds one of the confession by Lady Macbeth, " Had he not resembled My father as he slept, I had done't." When Sit& is shown from the aerial Pushpaka—Rftma fallen on the battle-field, the poet utilizing the fact of R&ma being an avat&ra says, * In order to remove Sit&'s anguish, R&ma allowed a smile to play on his face.9 Premanand's vivid description of R&ma9s arrows chasing R&vaQa has a touch of the sublime about it and reminds one of Francis Thompson's' The Hound of Heaven.9 R&ma in wrath held the bow in his fist. The lord of Lafif$& fled. The arrows chased him. The Ten-faced one could not turn back to face them. Would R&ma's arrows ever cease to pursue him? As Death's messengers bound the sinful one, So did the arrows run after the King of Laftk&, He fled to the assembly hall, to the royal garden, To the cave, into the cellar, on to the upper storeys. He climbed, came running down and ran for life,
The Rtaiyaoa and to Impact on Oitfarati Literature
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Breathing heavily, panting, sighing: «Who—Oh, who will protect me from the arrows of R&ma?' Lovely daughters-in-law, daughters, maidservants, all Banged the doors in his face and fled away. His own sons, nephews, ministers, friends, On seeing him, turned their face away. He sought refuge in the seven nether worlds and all islands, Wherever he went he felt the arrows close to hand. The King was frightened out of his wits, passing through the three worlds. The arrows, resounding, rushed behind him. Crestfallen he went where his wife was, * Protect me, O Ma&tfxlari,'—the proud one cried. ••
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The arrows awed by her, stopped at her door. The queen then mildly rebukes him: Do you realize now the prowess of Sita's husband? Premanand's R&vaQa had once owned before his wife that the Godhead * has appeared in a human form to me. . . . I have voluntarily opted for my death.' Now he prepares for the final battle. The poet describes it in an apt metaphor: As the life-spirit departs from the goodly body, So did King R&vaQa go leaving Lafika behind. Shamal in the 18th century wrote two very popular poems, Akgod vishtt and R6va$a Ma&fodarl SamvSd. Dayaram (17771852} wrote Hanuman Garuj-Samvdd. Some women-poets have particularly sung about the marriage of R&ma and Sit&. Slt&mahgal by Puribai is sung by women at marriage ceremonies. Slt&riv&h by Krishnabai is not yet traced, but her poem on SItft taking a fancy for the golden deer is extremely popular. Divalibai has a few hundred songs on R&ma's birth, childhood and youth. Girdhar's RSmaaritra appears in 1837 just before the dawn of the modern period. Narmad, the pioneer of modem Gujarati literature gave 'Rimftya«a-nosir' in 1970. He also wrote a play JUbt* J&ufcfDq4m*> Hit elder contemporary, Dalpatram, wrote fifli^n
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Pitrbhakti-Ndtak. Dolatram Pandya's Indrajit-vodh-Kavya (1887), an epic in cantos on the Sanskrit model, has not much to commend itself, except for some patches like the lament of Sulocaria. ' Rama-ni Katha' (1926) by Ranjitlal Pandya, * Kashmalan\ gives the Rama-story. Plays on Rama story are: SltSvanvas (1902) by Lalit, Rdma-Viyog (1906) by Lallubhai N. Desai, *Yogeshwar\ Sltdharan (1931) by Manilal C. Bhatt and Slta more recently by Shri C. C Mehta. Sltdltarvt by Chandrashankar Shukla and 4 Dharti-in Putri' by Shri Kishansinh Chanda have been cherished for their prose. 4 Ramayafla-nan Patro f t a series of booklets on the main characters of the Ramayana, by Nanabhai Bhatt have contributed much to an intimate understanding of the epic, especially among the younger generation. Srl-Rdma-Kathd by Shri Valyibhai G. Desai is a brief summary of the Ramayana in prose, faithfully presenting not only all the relevant episodes but also important poetic descriptions and utterances in Valmiki's work. Other such attempts are Ratipatiram M. Tripathi's Samkshipt Rdmdyarta (1928) and Sri Ramanbhai P. Som's Rdmdyona Kathdmahgat (1946). •Dafiarath—no AntkaP (The last hour of DaSaratha), a short poem by Shri Ganapat Bhavsar deserves a special mention. The narrative tissues reflect the ebb of DaSaratha's life while in the last few moments he dwells on the Sravan-episode in a mood of confession before KausalyS. The pauses, even jerks, in the rhythm, the silences punctuating it and the broken spoken words point inevitably to the re-enacting of the tragedy in his own life, on his own failing nerves. Every utterance—word, sound, silence— throbs with immediacy, till at last DaSaratha, after describing how his arrow escaped, has no energy left to finish the sentence and just cries in alarm ' Hay re Hay re Rama!' indicating that what should not have happened had happened; it had hit the son of the old sage-couple, but also suggesting at the same time by using the words * O Rama' in the place of * O God • that the arrow had hit his own son Rama, uttering whose name he gasps his last breath and takes upon himself the evil that would befall Rama, thereby expiating his own sin. Indeed, Shri Ganpat Bhavran, a poet who has ceased writing, and none of whose few poems has survived the past four decades, will be known in Gujarati literature as a one-poem poet.
The RAmftyaQa and its Impact on Gujarati Literature
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The present writer, as part of his experiments in writing verse* plays, has written two pieces * Manthara ' and * Bharat \ There is a verse translation of abridged Valmiki by Smt. Hansa Mehta, published by the M.S. University of Baroda. Recently Smt. Sushila Jhaveri has rendered the whole of Valmiki. The present writer serialized a verse rendering of abridged Valmiki in * Sanskriti' but the attempt was not continued beyond the middle of the Ayodhya-Kaijtfa. Shivlal Dhaneshvar's rendering in verse of the RamacaritamanasQ of Tulsidas in 1875 earned him laurels. Another verse rendering was published more recently by Santram Mandir, Nadiad. This is by no means an exhaustive list of all attempts at dealing with the Rama-story in Gujarati but it would give an idea of the impact of Valmiki's Ramayana on Gujarati literature. I would like to make one final point. The peaks of the Rama-story are (1) the bending and breaking of Siva's bow by Rama followed by marriage with Sita, (2) going to the forest for fourteen years, (3) hunting of the golden deer and Sita's abduction by Ravaija, (4) Sita's fire-ordeal, (5) Sita's banishment and (6) Sita being received by Mother Earth. In the Valmiki Ramayana human interest stands out as uppermost. It is not so especially in the renderings of the medieval Bhakti period. Rama and Sita came to be treated as Deities with the result that the less human they appeared, the less Deities they were. The influence is seen in the Gujarati Ramacaritra of Girdhar, who, to take but one example, shows that the gods secretly entreated Sita not to go out of the hut with alms, in her original celestial form but in a shadow-form (chhaya-rupa) in order not to burn Ravana when he lifted her and to enable him to carry her away to Lanka so that Rama would be compelled to go there and kill him. This approach saps the human interest of the crisis at the end of the war, viz., the fire-ordeal as also that of Sita's banishment. Valmiki's Rama and Sita are human. As a matter of fact, when the golden deer approaches their Ashrama both of them appear all too human. Sita evinces a woman's natural inclination to possess a decorative article. Rama re-acts and behaves as any husband. The behaviour of the couple has an
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
element of * the tragic flaw * in it and has not a little to contribute to their sufferings. The whole poem hinges on it. There would be no Ramdyaria in the absence of this human frailiy. To try to present Sita and Rama as Deities at that juncture is to indulge in a peculiarly medieval make believe which turns the story into a mechanical affair, cutting at the very root of its p"»etic interest. Because Valmiki sometimes dares present R&ma and Sit& as humanly human, he succeeds also in presenting them as divinely human or shall I say humanly divine. Valmiki means, literally, one covered under an ant-hill. It indicates his great capacity to concentrate, remaining unmindful of being covered up. We too in our day, whether or not capable of concentration, do appear to be V&lmikis, being covered up by letters, pamphlets, handbills, magazines, periodicals, booklets, monograms and whatnot, showered upon us by a number of agencies. Valmiki lived on the river Tamasft (the Dark one). Possibly he cherished remaining in the dark. He had no taste for hitting the headlines, as they say to-day. The human family is in an unprecedented turmoir at the present moment. It is hoped that covered under the heap of ever-pouring papers, there must be some Valmiki in some language concentrating in the dark on the lineaments of relationships that must emerge if the human family is to survive.
gRf RAMAYANA IN TAMILNADU IN ART, THOUGHT and LITERATURE By R. NAGASWAMY
The paper presents in a brief perspective the R&mayaQa as portrayed in art, thought and literature in Tamilnad through the centuries. A chronological perspective is attempted which shows a gradual growth, undergoing changes due to incoming new traditions. A few illustrations are also included. At the end a list of places where RamayaQa paintings and sculptures could be seen are added. In Classical Works: The story of Rama, is mentioned in the earliest body of Tamil Literature known as the Sangam Classics assigned to the first two centuries of the Christian era.1 One of the verses in the Purandnuru* collection, refers to the abduction of Sita by R&vaQa, Sita dropping her ornaments on seeing the monkeys, and the monkeys wearing them on the wrong parts not knowing how to wear them. One of the Ahan&nuru verses' refers to the council held by Rama on the sea coast before invading Lanka. Episodes from Ramdyaria are also found mentioned in the ParipS^al1 collections. One of the celebrated poets of the Sangam age bore the name Vanmiki5 (Puram—358). The above references would suffice to show that Ramayapa had wielded considerable influence in Tamilnad from the beginning of the Christian era. The post-Sangam classics Silappadhikdram* and Ma$imekhala& carry many references to R&m&yaQa-episodes. 1
* Rtm&yaQt and Tamil traditions'—Artychi Tohuti—by M. Raghava Iyengar, Madras. 1964. 1 Puram—378, U. V. Swaminatha Iyer Edition. • Aham—10% Murray S. R^jara Edition. 'Paripdjal 19-50. 2, U.V. Swaminatha Iyer Edition. »/W»-358. * SUappadhikiram, U. V. Swaminatha Iyer Edition—332. 371, 444, 943. I960.
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Tlie Ramayana Tradition in Asia
A complete Tamil Ram&yana seems to have been written before the 8th century A.D. Perundevanar, a famous poet of the 9th century A.D. who sang the Mahabharata in Tamil refers to "£rf Ramakatha"* Another Tamil work, Yapparunkalavftti assignable to 9th century A.D. refers to 4* Ramayana and Puraoasagara " written in Tamil Veflba metre. The most outstanding Tamil work is undoubtedly the RamSvatara by Kamban who is assigned to the end of 9th century A.D. by some and to 12th century by others. Though it is difficult to be definite on this subject, a tradition giving the Saka era, when this great work was composed, seems to suggest the late 9th century A.D. as a more probable date for this poet. Kamban himself explicitly states that he was following Vanmiki in his work and names his kavya Ramavatara Mahakatha. With subtle changes introduced at appropriate points, and reaching the highest pinnacle of poetic genuis, Kamban has ecclipsed all other great poets of the Tamil horizon. There were many other works composed during the centuries, but Kamban continues to remain the brightest star. Jain versions9 of the Ramayaria were also composed in Tamil in the early mediaeval period, from which verses have survived. In Bhakti hymns: The popularity of the Rama-story in the south, also owes its inspiration to the Bhakti cult, spearheaded by Va?$navite AJvars and the Saivite Nayanmars of the 7th and 8th century A.D. Particular mention must be made of the Vai§navite Alvars who were great innovators in poetic diction and appealed to the elite and the common people, the women and children alikeThe themes and the presentation they chose are so novel, that they would never fail to fascinate even the layman. Periyalvar chose the episode of Hanuman meeting Sita,10 presenting the ring and recounting one evidence after the other to infuse confidence in her that he was an envoy of Rama. Kulafekharajvar describes
"R&mftyaga and Tamil Traditions' Ibid.,p. 17. 'Ibid., p. 19. "Periyalvar ThirumoU—N&Uyira Diyyaprabmdham—My\Mi Madavadasa edition, Madias 1962*. 75.
Sri Rftmftyipa in Tamilnadu
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the pitiable condition of Daiaratha and his laments over Rama's departure to the forest.11 KulaSekhara also narrates the complete story of the Ramayana in ten verses which include Rama listening to the story of Ravana from Agastya and his own story from Lava and Kuia. So the Uttarakafltfa of Ramayana was quite popular in Tamilnad by 8th century A.D. But somewhat more imaginative is the approach of Thirumangai Alvar,1* who narrates the pathetic plight of the Rakjasas of Lanka after Ravana was killed. They appeal to Sugriva, Hanuman, Angada, Nala and other monkeys to spare their life. They weep, roll and say, " Ye monkeys—We shiver at your sight—we now sing the glories of Rama—we bow down, before you, pray kill us not". This approach of Thirumangai is not only original but also dramatic. The Saivite Nayanmars also give us some glimpses of the Ramayana. Being Saivites, the Nayanmars repeatedly refer to Ravaija shaking Kailasa, receiving the name Ravana and pleasing Siva with his Samavedic chants. It is while speaking of the city of Lanka, a detailed description of its location, fortification, the strength of Ravana's army, etc., are referred to. Sita's abduction,11 and Rama killing Ravaija are also mentioned in the Devaram hymns. Besides, Rama installing Sivalinga and worshipping it to expiate the sin of killing Ravana, are prominently referred to. Jatayu and Sampati, the two eagles, worshipped Siva at Pullirukkuvelur. There is also the shrine Tiruppufkuzhi where Rama cremated Jatayu. ID Agamas: Besides the classical Tamil works and the Bhakti hymns another group of literature, which has an important bearing on " Ibid., pp. 174-179. <04* UjflQurrMjp
" /M£, pp. 413-417. jnr()tA##frifc
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The Ramayana Tradition in Aria
the cult of the RBm&yaga in the Tamil country, is the Agamic literature, particularly of the Vai»avite faith. Though it is drfifcult to assign a definite date to any of them, some like the Martol SathhitS of the Vaikhanasa School, seem to be earlier than the 8th century A.D. They prescribe the installation of R&ma-images in specific places of the temple. According to the Bhjrgu Samhit&* one desirous of attaining Vijaya, Praja or Mokga may worship R&ma.
FmnlT srimtff m *ften*ff *r TFPJ a r ^ i 96.80 An apsidal or rectangular Vimfina seems to be suited for a Rama temple.15
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According to the Marlci Samhiti, the ten incarnations of Vijiju are to be installed either in the first dvarapa or the second £vara#a and worshipped. R&ma is to be installed in Niftti (S.W.) direction.16 He should face either east or north. To his right should be placed Sita and to his left, Lakjmaija. Bharata and Satrughna are to be shown to the right and left of Rama respectively. Hanuman is to stand in front to the right.
Besides Valmiki's epic, the Puranas have also preserved the story of Rama in abridged forms. Pauragic versions, particularly of the Vai$?avite branch, seem to have greatly influenced the temple movement. The temples portray various forms and incarnations of VigQU as depicted in Pur&pas, and it is from this group that the Rama-story is also derived. In Art: It is well known that the surviving temples in Tamilnadu could be traced back only to the Pallava period, 7th-8th century A.D. A continuous history of art could be gleaned from 7th century A.D. from the time of the Pallava ruler Mahendra Varman-I. "Bhrtm Sarhhit*, Tmiptti Edition 1961, p. 281. "JM&,p. 282. "Marid S*kUU9 Tirupati Ed-1926, p. 143.
Sri Rimiyapa in Tamilnadu
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In the early periods, temples dedicated to Vi$gu in his Yoga, Bhoga, Vira, or Abhicirika forms were most popular. Among the avataras, the Narasimha, Trivikrama and Varaha aspects have been the most favourites. No temple dedicated to Rama as chief deity seems to have been erected or excavated in the 7th century, either in the Pallava or Pantfya territory. No sculpture of Rama or other heroes of the Ramayana story has survived. 8th century A.D.—Kanchi: In the 8th century the picture becomes more clear. In the Kailasanatha temple of Kanchi, erected by Rajasimha, in the beginning of 8th century A.D., there is a representation of Vali worshipping Liftga17 and Ravana trying to disturb him. In the OlakkapflcSvara temple on the top of the hill at Mamallapuram the northein niche of the garbhagrha carries the sculpture of RavaQanugrahamurti. An inscription at Mamallapuram also of the same period, refers to Ravaija shaking Kailasa.1*
^ • ^ • K I J b M : 5F5TO:
TT*ft TPTW TTRW f 5 : *FF$t 55T ^JcTn II The Vaikutfhaperumal temple at Kaflchi, called Parame$vara ViQQagaram in inscriptions and literature, is assigned to Nandivarman Pallavamalla. It is a three storyed temple with a gafbagfha in each story. It has preserved the earliest Vi?pu forms 1V
Nolamba sculpture in the Madras Museum, C Sivaramamurthi, Madras1964-p. XUV. »S//. Vol. I, No. 18, Verse 3 M 5//. Vol, XII, No. 116
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
in various aspects. Though it is diffi mlt to identify some of the representations a general distribution of the sculptures could easily be discerned. In the northern wall of the ground floor, the avatara aspects of Vi$gu are portrayed in an order. We can easily see Varaha, Narasimha and Vamana aspects appearing in succession. There are three more sculptures without any distinguishing emblems, which probably represent the three Ramas, ParaSurama, Kodajj^Urania and Balarama. This would perhaps be the earliest representation of Rama to be met with in Tamilnadu. Uttaramerur : The Sundaravarada temple at Uttaramerur,20 was also a foundation of the same ruler, Nandivarman Pallavamalla. Like the Vaikuntha perumal temple, this has three storeys with a garbhagraha in each story. This however does not portray sculptures as at Kafichi. But from inscriptions we learn that there was an image of Rama in this temple. According to the inscription the image was called Raghavadeva. Another inscription refers to it as Ayodhi-peruman. The village Uttaramerur was a Vai$nava settlement of the Vaikhanasa sect, established in 8th century A.D. The inscriptions of this village refer to a number of deities, the names of some, namely, Govardhanattupperumal,21 Aypadi perumal,1* Duvaraipperumal23 (Dvaraka) and Ayoddhipperumal14 being interesting. The deities being named after their place is a noteworthy feature. Rama called after Ayodhya as Ayoddhipperumal is the point of interest. The presence of Rama in both the Pallava temples, one at Kafichi and the other at Uttaramerur, conform to the Vaikhanasa Agamic code wherein Rama should find a place in the three storeyed structure. Citraklta at Chidambaram: We have mentioned earlier that in the 8th century, the VaigQavite Alvars propagated the Bhakti faith vigorously. The famous M
UttaramfirQr, Fiaocoise Gros and R. Nagaswamy, Pondfcheny 1970* SII—ID, 297. « S//—III, 158. •» ARE 183/1923. "SII—VI, 297.
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Sri R&mftyaoa in Tamilnadu
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Nataraja temple at Chidambaram is also known for its Vianu shrine now called Govindaraja. But it seems to have been originally visualised as one dedicated to Rama- The name of the temple according to the Alvars was Citrakuta of Ramdyana-f&mc. Kulasekhara sings the Lord of this shrine as Sri Rama. It is here that he recounts the whole of Rdmdyana. KuIaSekhara mentions that Rama was seated with Maruti in Citrakuta at Chidambaram (Tillai). He also states that Rama was seated on mani-dsana at Citrakuta— KulaSekhara's verses specifically state that Rama was in seated posture in the temple. Thirumangaimannan who came 30 or 40 years later is not specific about the nature of the deity though he also calls the temple Citrakuta. He speaks of the deity in general terms, particularly in the Kr$na aspect. He also mentions that the deity was seated. However the literature of the Chola period of the 12th centuiy seems to suggest that the deity was the reclining form of Vijciu. Kulottunga II, in order to expand the shrine of Nataraja, removed the Vi$iju shrine which was reconsecrated in the reign of Achyutaraya of the Vijayanagar dynasty in 16th century, when the present reclining image was installed. The point worthy of note is that in the 8th century Kulasekhara conceives of the main deity of Citrakuta as Sri Rama. The presiding deity of another temple namely Kannapuram, is also called Sri Rama by Kulasekhara, Rama is conceived as a child and the hymns are in the form of lullaby. But it is not clear whether the original image was Rama. Suffice it to say that in the 8th century A.D., the concept of Rama as the chief deity of the temple had come into vogue. Nandi as Hanumin:
An excavated cave at Kottukkal, in Koftarakara taluk, Quilon District, Kerala assignable to 8th century A.D. is of interest. It is a cave dedicated to Siva but in the place of Dvarapala, the figure
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
of a monkey appears.86 According to the R&m&yapa, Hanum&n was an incarnation of Nandi. The monkey standing in the place of Dvarapala is obviously Nandi-Hanuman. There is a tradition that Nandi had a monkey-face or face like that of a monkey and RfivaQa ridiculed him for this and Nandi cursed that he would be born as a monkey (Hanuman) and bring about .Ravapa's end. Ramayana Miniature Panels (9th century): With the advent of the 9th century we enter into an important period in the artistic representation of the Ram&yana. It is seen more in Saivite temples of the period than that of the Vaijpavite school. The complete story of Ramayana came to be portrayed in miniature panels in the adhishthanavargas of the Saivite temples. This important trend is noticed, mostly in temples assigned to Aditya Chola in late 9th century A.D. He erected several stone temples to Siva on the banks of the river Kaveri. Representations of Ramayana-epxsofes in miniature panels on the adhish(hana of the Siva temples began even earlier, in the later Pallava periods. The Katfimutfi Mahadeva temple at Thiruchinnampooirfi, bearing -as inscription of Tellarerinda Nandi, shows some panels. So does the Tavatturai Mahadeva temple at Lalgudi. But the continuous narration of the whole story is found in the temples of Aditya Chola I. Besides the Ramayaria scenes, manifestations of other Gods like Siva, Devi and others also occur. The Nagesvara temple at Kumbakonam,16 and the Siva temple at Pullamangai, are the best examples of this. Why the entire story of Rama found favour in Siva temples is a question yet eluding satisfactory answer. But it is interesting to mention that the Chola ruler Aditya who ushered in this narration of the Epic in stone had a significant title KodaQ^arama. The portrayal seems to follow the narration of Valmiki, for example when Hanuman met R&ma and Lak$mapa for the first u
Sancturies Rupesties De Inde De Sud, P. P. Z. Pattabhiramin, Pondi* cherry, 1971. *The Rftmiyaqa panels in the Nftaeivaia temple, Kumbakonam, bat been dealt with in detail by Dr. T. V. MahaMngam, in the Journal of Indian Miliary 1967.
£rl RAmftyaoa in Tamilnadu
417
time, he carried them on his shoulders to meet Sugriva. In Kamban a different version is recounted. Rama and Lak$ma?a do not go to meet Sugriva but Sugriva himself comes to meet them. We have mentioned earlier that it was during this century Kamban wrote his Tamil RSmdvatdrakathd. The representation of R&mayana miniature sculptures was continued in the reign of Aditya's son Parantaka and his successors, till the end of 10th century A.D. The episodes of Vali worshipping Linga and the Vali-Sugriva fight are found to be favourite themes in many temples. Thirumangalam in Tiruchi District is another place where the entire scenes from Ramayana are sculpted on the base of the temple. The temple itself was built in the late 10th century. Bronzes: The 10th century A.D. is significant from another angleThat Rama-worship had assumed remarkable proportions is seen from excellent portrayal of R&ma, Sita, Lak$mana and Hanum&n in Bronze. The finest representations of Rama-group in bronze, were made during this century. The Rama-group from Vatfakkuppanayur,17 now in the Madras Museum, Rama, Sita and Lak§mana from Paruthiyur18 near Kumbakonam and the Thirucherai group* are well-known examples. Sri S. R. Balasubramaniam has published an excellent group from Kappalur.80 There is an outstanding group of Rama, Lakjmaija and Sita in Thiruppattur, Ramnad district. The workmanship is not only of superlative degree, but also representative of a regional style probably influenced by the Paijtfya school of 9th century A.D. In the 11th and 12th century A.D. the bronze images continue to occur conforming to the sculptural forms of the period. In stone they occur rarely while no painting of this period has survived. 17
Bronzes ofSouth India, P.R. Srinivasan (VafeOkkupanaiyOr Fig.96). Bronzes of South India, P.R. Srinivasan (Paruthiyur Fig. 90). * Early Chola Bronzes, Douglas Barrett, F. 43-47. m Early Chola Bronzes, S. R- Balasubramaniam, New Delhi 1971, p. 144.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
An inscription of 11th century from Anbif, Tiruchi district, records the setting up of bronze images of Rama, Sita, Lakjmana and Hanum&n.81 In all these bronze images Rama is shown with only two arms holding a bow in the left arm and arrow in the right. He is shown as a beautiful young king, wearing crown and other ornaments. His lower garment is shown only upto the middle of the thigh. Sita is shown as a lovely young maiden wearing her hair in the Dhammilla fashion. Lak§mana is also shown with two arms, wearing a crown. The portrayal of Hanuman is expressive of serenity and submission. With the right arm, the monkey king is shown covering his mouth and with the left holding his dress. In some cases he is shown bare-headed while in others he is shown wearing a crown. Hanuman, the scholar devotee: The portrayal of Hanuman in this posture is of interest. During his coronation, Rama made many presents to all those who helped him in his war against Ravaija. When the turn of Hanumftn came, Rama could not adequately express his gratitude to the great hero. Narrating Maruti's great valour and help, Rama said," I can only offer myself as a present for your sincere devotion and service'*. So saying he asked Hanum&n to embrace him. Hanum&n, the embodiment of wisdom, valour and heroism, stood modestly by the side of his master, with his head slightly bent and covering his mouth with his palm. This picturisation of Hanum&n as the very incarnation of Vinaya, is a noteworthy feature of Kamban in his Tamil RUmdya^a. That this picturisation of Hanum&n is found in all bronzes of 10th and 11th century A.D. shows the impact of Kamban's concept of Hanum&n on contemporary art and religious motifs. This also indicates that Kamban should have lived in 9th century A.D. The representation of R&m&yaQa panels in stone receives a special impetus in the 13th century. The Kampaharesvara temple at Tribhuvanam was built by KulottuAga III. The story of R&mu *S//. Vol. VIH No. 187
jrf RAmftyaW in Tamilnadu
419
is portrayed on the base of the magtfapa which seems to have undergone rebuilding in later period. Sri H. Sarkai*' has discussed these panels at length in his work on Tribhuvanam. He has pointed out that the version followed in these panels seems to be close 10 V&lmiki than Kamban, with certain local adaptation. The point of interest in these panels is Rama, Sita, and Lak$mana being shown worshipping Siva probably at Ramesvara. The Siva temple at Dharmapuri, built in 8th century and enlarged in 13th century, carries the Ramayaga story portrayed on the base of the garbhagraha. In the Flag: Hanum&n figures on the flag of the K&tfavaraya family. Alappirantan Vlra&ekaran alas Katfavaraya in 12th century had Hanuman as his lanchana in his flag.33 This is inspired by the tradition that Hanuman was on the flag of Arjuna (Kapi-dhvaja) in the Mah&bh&rata battle. Kannada tradition: The close of 13th century may be considered as the beginning of Kannada-Telugu tradition in Tamil country. The Hoysalas of Dorasamudra established a secondary Capital at Kannanflr near Trichy. Narasimha, SomeSvara and Virar&man&tha are three important rulers who had considerable sway in Tamil region and they adopted quickly Tamil as the court language, with the result that a happy blend of Kannada tradition began to occur. In £rlrangam, a temple dedicated to Vegugop&la was erected in the Hoysala style in the reign of Virar&man&tha. Tiiis shrine is a fine jewel in the Srlrangam temple. On its walls are shown figures of R&ma, LakfmaQa and Sit& in the late Hoysala style. A maitfapa in front of the T&y&r (Devi) shrine is now called the maijtfapa where Kamban is said to have expounded his R&m&yaQa. The mavfrpa itself is a late 13th century structure. "Kampahanivara ttmpk H. Sarkar, Madras 1974-pp. 36-39. "5//. Vol. XIII, 263,264,263.
420
The Ramayana Tradition in Asb
Even if Kamban's date as 12th century is accepted, the structure, cannot be considered to be contemporary with Kamban. The maptfapa is a Hoysala structure. But it is of interest to mention that Rama sculpture is found on one of the pillars here. Vijayanagar—Nayaka—Telugu tradition: The Vijayanagar rule was established firmly in 14th century and till the beginning of the 18th century, continued to hold sway. Though the Vijayanagar emperors held control over the Tamil country, they were principally represented by three Nayak governors who had their seats of power at Gingee, Tanjore and Madurai. The Nayaks were related by family and marriage to the Vijayanagar emperors. Besides encouraging Tamil and Sanskrit they brought Telugu traditions-with them. Soon sculptures and paintings in Tamilnad assumed the Vijayanagar-Nayak garb. So far as Ramayana was concerned this was the period when separate temples came to be built for Rama as the main deity. In many of the Vai$$avite temples the entire story of Rama came to be painted on the ceilings with labels below each. Independent shrines came to be built for Hanuman on a large scale. In some instances as at Namakkal, the stone sculptures of Hanuman were more than 16 feet in height. There is a huge Hanuman in Sucindram temple. Each Nayak contributed to the development of art and literature in his own region. We will see a few outstanding contributions of the VijayanagarNayak dynasty. In the Varadaraja temple of Kafichi, the celebrated 100 pillared hall,84 was built in the Vijayanagar reign in 16th century A.D. Besides the various Ramayana episodes depicted on pillars and the base of this ornate man<Japa, the central pillars in the raised platform carry the image of Rama and Lakjmafla; the other pillars are empty but that originally they carried the sculptures is evident. Now this mafltfapa is considered a Kalyana maQ&tpa. In the Sundaravarada temple at Uttaramerur in the upper story, the antarala has a beautiful painting of Sri Rama with Sita. 94
p. S3.
Sri Varadardjasvami temple. Kmchi, K.V. Raman, New Delhi, 1975
&! RImtyapa in Tamflnadu
421
On the opposite wall is Knoa. T h e temple underwent renovation in 16th century A.D. and these paintings belong to that period. Chehgam paintings: In the Arjunasarathi temple in Chen gam, the Tamilnadu Department of Archaeology brought to light recently RamayaQa paintings. The temple itself was built in the reign of Gingee Nayak, towards the end of 16th century A.D. The central deity of the temple is Krishna but in the front matrfapa where the portrait of the builder is seen, the ceiling was painted with the entire story of RamayaQa. The paintings in the central square alone have survived, the others have disappeared, but bear traces of panels. Telugu labels are seen on some of them, while in the inner court all the paintings bear labels in Tamil. The scenes in the inner court, which have survived to this day begin with the Yuddhakagga, with Indrajit's fights with Lakfmaija; Lak$ma9a swoons; Hanuman is sent for bringing Safijivini hill; Indrajit performs Nikumbhila Yaga and the death of Indrajit at the hands of Lak$mapa are found on one side. The fight between Ravaija and Rama forms the theme on the other side. It is here that we find some interesting deviations from the wellknown Valmlki story. Ravapa was not able to fight with Rama. He performs patala-homa. Hanuman, Angada and other monkeys disturb Ravaija but Ravaija was steadfast and could not be moved. Afigada struck a new course. He went and dragged Maij^odari and started beating her. Even Hanuman beat Maijtfodari. The labels in Tamil read * Ravava performs Patala-homa', * Angada disturbing the Homa? * Hanuman beating Majrfodari,' ' AAgada dragging Maptfodari by hair,' * Ravana being disturbed by the cries of his queen * 4 fights with Angada • and * Hanuman rescues her/ This episode eventually unsettles Ravapa's homa. The episode of Ravaija performing Patala-homa is not found in Valmiki's RSmayapa. Nor does it occur in Kamban's work but is found in the Telugu Ranganfttha RamayaQa ascribed to 14th century A.D. We have mentioned that the Nayaks were of Telugu origin, and that some of the scenes here bear Telugu labels. So I am inclined to believe that the Rimayaija followed in this mural is a
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Telugu version. The scenes are said to occur also in Adhyatma and Ananda Rdmdvanas. But in all these versions only Angada is said to drag Man^bdari and beat her. Hanuman is not a participant. Hanuman as known to the Tamils as such a noble and divine character that it would appear rather strange to portray him dragging another man's wife. It would be interesting to see whether Hanuman dragging Mandidari is actually found in any literature or is a folk tradition. Dr. Raghavan has in his book • Some Old Lost Rama Plays ,35 mentioned that RavaQa performing a sacrifice, the same being disturbed by Angada dragging Mandodari by hair and thereby creating a commotion is found in an early Sanskrit Rama play called Krtvarava^a. Rama's return to Ayodhya with Sita and the monkeys in the Pujpaka Vimana, which appears as the third part in the temple has also some noteworthy deviations. The scenes depicted are Sita taking bath, wearing new clothes, being carried in a palanquin led by a band of musicians, the fire ordeal and Agni returning Sita. Rama is then shown worshipping nine little shrines. This scene is not found in Valmiki's version. But there is a tradition that Rama worshipped the Navagrahas (at the sacred place called the Navapa$ana near Ramanathapuram). This scene might probably represent that tradition. The last scene depicted is Rdmapaffdbhifeka witnessed by the celestials, monkeys and mortals. Among those witnessing the coronation is the Nayak ruler, the author of the temple and the painting. The portrayal of the patron in the celestial coronation seems to be an age-old tradition. The Ramapattabhigeka scene is an excellent depiction here. Ramayana panels are also found in Gingee temple belonging to the Nayak period. Kumbhakonam—Ramaswami temple In the Tanjore region, Raghunatha Nayak was responsible for a great revival of Rama cult. The Ramaswami temple at Kumbakonam built by him is perhaps the best temple dedicated to Rama on a grand scale. The garbhagrha and the front manfapa are unique in many respects. u
Some Old Lost Kama Plays, Dr. V. Raghavan, Annamalai University 1961, pp. 42-44.
fir! Rftm&yaoa in Tamilnadu
423
In the front marifapa almost evey pillar is carved with excellent sculptures, some of them being in life-size. The portraits of Raghunatha Nayak and his queens are portrayed in one of the pillars. Almost all the pillars carry sculptures connected with RamayaQQ. Sugrlva-paftabhifeka, Vibhlfana-paftabhifeka, the Ahalya-iapavimocana are such scenes depicted prominently. The sculptures seem to indicate that a special version of the Epic seems to have been adopted here. For example, emphasis is laid on Hanuman who is repeatedly portrayed as a musician, playing Vina. There is a life-size figure of Hanuman carrying a Vipa. Narada and some sages are also portrayed carrying Vijia. In music literature and tradition Hanuman (Afijaneya) is mentioned as a music authority and his views are referred to as Hanuman-mata. The Sangitasudha written by Govinda Diki§ta for this same Raghunatha Nayak describes Hanuman learning music with sage Yajtika in a plantain-grove.36 There is an important sculpture on one of the pillars in the central part of the maitfapa. In it are shown Rama seated with Sita. Rama is holding his hand in Vyakhyana-mudrsi. Seated at his feet, is Hanuman listening eagerly to Rama with a palm-leaf manuscript in his hand. On the side face of the pillar are shown sages. The whole scene is reminiscent of one of the famous invocatory verses recited before taking up the reading or exposition of the Epic.
^
^ 4 + H I « } qPumfr 4 k l « 3 §foRPT I
The main point of interest is that Rama is shown as a teacher of supreme knowledge and Hanuman appears as the disciple. Inside the sanctum, Rama and Sita are shown seated. Here again Rama is shown as a teacher and Hanuman is seated in front holding the plam-leaf manuscript. Behind Rama are shown his brothers. M
Some Names in Early Sanglta Literature, Dr. V. Raghavao, Journal of the Music Academy, Madras, Vol. ID- pp. 18,95.
424
Tho Ramayna Tradition in Aria
In Srtmad Bhagavata Hanuman is portrayed as a great devotee singing the praise of Rama. Narada also is said to sing the greatness of Rama; Narada considers Rama as the embodiment of Yoga."
f f o ^ 3W M*\An\H aTTftjW «»W»1HM fldlfrKUi
In his Spiritual Heritage ofTyagarajo, Dr. Raghavan with this tradition.38
has dealt
Rama, the main deity, as installed in this temple is mainly a teacher of Atma\idya?% It is interesting to mention that Tyagaraja, the saint-camposer of Carnatic music, states in one of his compositions that Hanuman recited Pura$a daily in the presence of Rama." In this connection an illustrated Rdmayapa-manuscript in Sarasvati Mahal Library, Tanjore, may also be mentioned.- There are only three cardboards, preserved with the paintings. In each board one Kanfa is painted. It bears labels in Telugu characters. From a label it is seen that the paintings were done by a certain VeAkataperumal Rajutfu of Narikaijti. The paintings show the use of golden colour which is seen for the first time. The painting is assigned to 17th century.41 In Thiruvellarai, near Trichy, some parts of the Ramayaqa are found painted on the ceilings of the Maijtfapa in the VigQu temple. The paintings are fairly well preserved, and portray ValiSugriva fight, Vali's cremation, Sugriva-Paftabhi$eka, etc. The " Srlmad Bhagavata 5.19, 1-2. " The Spiritual Heritage of Tyagaraja, Dr. V. Raghavan, Madras, p. 143. * ' Tattavasangraha Rftmftyaga, Dr. V. Raghavan, Annals of Oriental Research, University of Madras, Vol. X. pp. 25, 31 and 51. " The Spiritual Heritage of Tyagaraja, Dr. V. Raghavan, 2nd edn., R. K« Mission, Madras, p. 143. 41 South Indian Paintings, C. Sivaramamurti, Fig. 87.
£ri Rlmiyaw in TamOnada
425
paintings are in late Vijayanagar style and may be assigned to the end of the 11th century or beginning of 17th century. In the Sri-Rangan&tha temple of Sri Rangam murals from the beginning of the R&maya#a to the end of Sltakalyana are painted in the ceiling of the Mapflapa near the dhvajastambha in front of the VeQugopala shrine. The paintings seems to date from late 17th century A.D. In the Sri Rangam temple a few ivory pieces of the period of Thirumalai Nayak of Madurai (17th century) are preserved. They originally formed part of an ivory Manfapa and represent various deities like Vi'wu, Siva, etc. One of the pieces portrays Hanuman by the side of Rama and Lak§maija. It is an excellant piece of art. A complete series of Ramayana paintings, probably executed under the inspiration of the Madurai Nayaks, is found in £rivilliputtur. The paintings are labelled in Tamil. Besides these the Madurai Nayaks have also carved large-size images of Rima with other sculptures in temples like Srivilliputtur. In the Thirugokanjam temple at Pudukkottai, the Toij^aimans have painted the Ramayana in the ceiling of the front Marifbpa in 18th century. A word may be said about the technique of these murals. Except in early phases, the Nayak paintings are shown as small panels with labels below each, simulating the painted paper manuscripts the impact of which began to be felt during this period. Vim Xfijaaeya In considering the R&ma cult in the Vijayanagar N&yak period, wefindtwo main streams, one adoring R&ma as the supreme deity and the second worshipping Hanuman as an independent deity. We have mentioned the worship of Rama. Hanum&n was conceived in the Chola period as the greatest scholar, full of Vinaya and devotion. He was the personification of an era of great learning and prosperity. The people of the Chola age visualised in him all that was perfect in a heroic, learned and at the same time a foil and ideal devotee. Though himself divine, Hanumin was content to remain a servant of his Lord.
426
The Ramayana Tradition in Alia
The Vijayanagar days witnessed a different political and social set up. They had to safeguard their religion, kingdom and* society from the Muhammadan invasion. They had also to face and overcome bitter internal strife. What they wanted was courage and heroism. Their poems, their folk-songs, etc., were all tuned to this adoration of the heroic cult and so the Hanuman of this period was Vira Afijaneya who will bestow strength, energy, courage, conquest, etc. He was portrayed as a warrior, with raised right arm, as if ready to strike. The Vira Afijaneya cult is so popular in Tamilnadu that it is not an exaggeration to say that every village in Tamilnadu has a Vira Afijaneya shrine or sculpture. On Coins: The impact of Rama cult on the currency of the Vijayanagar period is also noticed in the coins issued by them and also the commemorative issues popularly called Ramatankas. One of the coin issued by Venkatapatiraya bears on its obverse the figure of Hanuman advancing to the right and a Nagari legend in the reverse Sri Venkatapatiraya.48 Walter Elliot refers to a gold coin, weighing 58 grains, with the figures of Rama, Sita and Hanuman on the obverse and an inscription in old Canarese reading ISvara on the reverse. (Coins of Southern India, Elliot, Fig. 108 and page 99.) The Rama Tankas were commemorative issues, bearing the Rama Patfabhiseka scene in which Hanuman finds a prominent place. These were probably issued by the Vijayanagar rulers for being gifted either during their coronations or during their Tulabhara ceremonies, when large number of such gold issues were gifted as presents. Elliot also mentions a gold coin of smaller size, with Hanuman holding a flower on the obverse and two seated figures in the reverse.41 The Hanuman of the coin resembles the sculptural representation of the period. With the advent pf the Marattas in Tanjore, Rama-Paft&bhifeka scene became the most popular, one of the best being the one at «• South Indian Coins, Sir T. Desikachari, p. 191. <• Ibid. pi. IV p. 185.
Sri RAmftyaQa in Tamilnadu
427
Tanjore Sarasvati Mahal. The Rama-Paffabhifeka painting of the Maratta school is of common occurence. With the advent of the saint-composer, Tyagaraja, the Ramacult became a part of Tamil life, particularly in the form ofBhajana in places popularly called Bhajana-mafhas where the principal deity would be a picture of Ranw-Paffabhiseka. An exhaustive study of Rama as portrayed by Tyagaraja in about 600 songs of his, in the background of the entire Rama-epos, literature and cult is given by Dr. Raghavan in his Introduction to the 'Sp/ritul Heritage if TyagarojcC u The cult of Rama in Tamilnadu as represented in art and thought is a gradual evolution, which has reached the present proportion in which peoples' aspiration to adore the perfect man, the God, is fulfilled.
List of places in Tamil Nadu where outstanding Ramayaga sculptures in stone are seen: 1. Kailfisanfitha Temple, K&ftchlpuram: Vftli worshipping Linga and R&vaga disturbing the PQjft. Pallava— 8th century A.D. 2. OlakkapeSvara temple, Mah&balipurara: Rftvaqa shaking Kail&sa, Pallava—8th century A.D. 3. Muktegvara and MataAgeivara temples, K&fichipuram: R&vaqa shaking Kailfisa, Pallava—8th century A.D. 4. VaikuQtha—perumal—temple,-KAfichi: Rama—Pallava—8th century A.D. 5. NfigeSvara temple, Kumbakonam. Complete RftmftyaQa—Miniature Panels—Early 9th century A.D.
Chola Period,
6. Kadaimudi Mah&deva temple, Thiruchinampooctfi, Taiyore District: RfimAyaoa—Miniature panels, late Pallava, 9th century AJX "The Spritual Heritage cf Tyogarqja, Dr. V. Raghavan.
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia 7. Siva temple, Lalgudi: Rlm&yaua temple, late Pallava—9th century AJ>. S. Siva temple—Thinippurampiam: RflmAyaoa panels, Early Chola—9th, century AJX 9, Siva temple, Pullamartgai: Rim&yapa panels, Early Chola—10th century A.D. 10. Amalttvaram—PichchQr, Trichi District: R&mtyapa panels, Early Chola—10th century A.D., Miniatuie panels are also seen in a number of other temples. 11. Kampahareftvara temple, Kumbakonam: RAmAyaoa Story, 13th century A.D. 12. Siva temple, Dharmapuri: Rlmtyapa story, 13th century A.D. 13. Sri RAmasvftmi temple, Kumbakonam: A temple solely dedicated to Rflma as a teacher. N&yak period— 17th century A.D.
Bronzes: 1. R&ma Group from Va^akkuppanaiyQr: Now in the Madras Museum, early Chola—10th century. 2. Rftma Group from ParuthiyOr, Tanjore district: Early Chola— 10th century. 3. Rfima Group from Thiruchcherai, Taiyore District: Early Chola—10th century. 4. Rftma Group—ThiruppathQr, Ramanad District: Pfijtfya—early 10th century. 5. R&ma Group—KftppalOr, North Arcot District: Chola—11th century. A.D. 6. Rftma Group from Nathamlogugi, Trichi District: Chola—Uth century A.D. Also in a number of other lumpier
Sri Rim&yata in Tamilnadu
429
Pointings: 1. Eluttu Mapdapa, TiruvapQ&malai, North Arcot District: Vijayanagar, 16th century. 2. Vishnu temple, GheAgdm, North Arcot District: N&yak School, 16th century. 3. Vishnu temple—Gingee, North Arcot District: N&yak School, 17th century. 4. Vishnu temple, AthamaAkottai, Dharmapuri District: N&yak School, 16th century. 5. Vishnu temple, Thiruvellarai, Trichi Vijayanagar period, 16th century.
District:
6. Rangan&tha temple, Srlrangam, Trichi District: N&yak school, 17th century. 7. Vishnu temple, SrivilliputtQr, Ramnad District: Madurai N&yak School, 17th century. 8. Siva temple, Thirugokarpam, Pudukkottah District: Tondaim&n school, 18th century. 9. Palace, Tanjore—R&ma-patt&bhijeka, Maratta School, 19th century. 10. Saraswati Mahal Library, Taqjore, Painted paper Manuscripts, N&yak school, 17th century.
RAMAYANA IN &RILANKA and LANKA OF THE RAMAYANA C. E. GODAKUMBURA
The Sinhalese poet Kumaradasa's Mahakavya, the J&nakU haraQQ {Jnk)% is now published in full, and I believe is known to students of Sanskrit literature, particularly to those who interest themselves in the Ramayana and the ornate poetry and drama which followed, based on the same theme. Before dealing with any special features noticeable in this poem of KumaradSsa, I want to place before you a folk story related to the Ram&ya^a. with important characters of the epic, Rama, Sita and Ravafla, also Valmiki, and further three sons of Sita(—not twins as in the epic)—: one a real son and two created miraculously for Sltft by the Sage. Here also are related the exploits of the monkey* chief V&lin, who is credited here with the exploits of Hanumant in the epic. To this story Um& or P&rvati, the consort of Siva, is also introduced. In this connection I shall attempt to deal chronologically with the spread of the Rama-Sita and R&vatya story in the island, both from literary sources and folklore. Here we will have to take into account the geographical position of Lafikft, from time to time as it was in the imagination of the Sinhalese during different periods, both by the literate and by the common folk. Now let me first relate the folk version of the RSrndya^a story in Sri Lanka. I must add that this story is not wide-spread, and that it is even now known only to traditional performers of the occult rite or folk ceremony practised only in a few villages in the central districts of the island. Others who know it are only students of folklore and folk art who have read it in recent publications. The Folk Version* This version of the story of Sttft is related durirg the performance of the c Kohombft Yakkama• or the' KohomhA Kank&riya' popularly called " Kank&riya ", the most interesting and elaborate
RAmtyapa in SrllaAkft
431
ritual dance drama extant among the Sinhalese, in order to recount the origin of the cult. The rite is said to have been first performed during the reign of Paritfuvasadeva, the second Sinhalese King of Ceylon. (C. 5th century B.C.) Paotfuvasadeva, it is said, was tormented by frightful dreams believed to be due to his predecessor's, that is, King Vijaya's violation of a promise of marriage to the Yak$a princess KuveflL Magicians, charmers or medicine men could do nothing until finally, at the request of the gods, King Malaya came from India and performed the first Kohomba Yakkama ceremony. During this ceremony several stones or legends are related some of which may have a historical basis, and others mere myth Among them is the story of the birth and childhood of Prince Malaya. Malaya (Sinhalese: mala=3iflower)was created out of a lotusflowerand was brought up by Sita in her exile with her own son, and another boy who had a similar miraculous birth. The dancers and drum-beaters who perform the rite know from memory the whole text of the ceremony, with all the anecdotes, in Sinhalese verse, together with detailed narratives in prose. Among them is the story of the three sons of Sita. The following account of the story of Sita is gathered from the text of the Kohomba Yakkama obtained from a dancer in the village of Kotaligo^a in Yatinuvara in the District of Kandy. VffQU (incarnate as R&ma) was under an inauspicious aspect of Saturn, the malefic planet, and in order to avert its evil effects, he left his queen, Sita, and taking the guise of an elephant passed the seven unlucky years in the forest. Meanwhile, when there remained but one week to complete the period of exile, Rftvaija, the ten-headed R&kjasa king, carried Sita away in his aerial car to his capital in LaAk& and attempted to seduce her. Sita told him that she was under a vow of chastity for three months and added that at the end of that time she would allow him to fulfil his wishes. At the end of the seven years R&ma returned home and not finding his wife began to roam the forest in search of her, where he met Vftlin wandering around, lamenting the loss of his wife, who had eloped with the king of the apes. VAiin came to VI'IQU and told him, " Friend, help me to get my wife back and I will
412
Hie Ramyina Tradition in Am
accompany you to battle. Moreover, I shall go to R&vaQa, deceive him, and bring back your queen Sita." Vi§nu agreed and shot the king of the apes with his arrow. Valin recovered his wife and obtained three boons from Vi$gu: ability to walk on the sea, protection from fire, and immunity against arrows. Valin then entered RavaflaV park, climbed the best of his mango trees, and ate the fruits thereof. The parkkeeper tried in vain to capture the vicious animal, and in the end brought the matter to the notice of the king. The royal guards surrounded the monkey; amused at his antics, Sita, too, was present there enjoying the fun in the company of Ravana, and she suggested that they wrap cloth round his tail and set it on fire. The guards dipped the monkey's tail in oil, wrapped rags round it, and set fire to them. Valin jumped on the roof, setting fire to it, and setting the whole city ablaze. Then while confusion reigned in Ravana's court he seized Sita and carried her back to Vl$QU.
A short while after, Sita conceived a child and at this time had to attend a meeting of the assembly of the gods, leaving Sita alone at home. Iftna paid a visit to Sita and inquiring about her life in Lanka, asked her to describe how Ravapa looked like. To satisfy the curiosity of her friend Sita made a sketch of Ravaga's figure on the leaf of an ash-plantain. Hardly had Sita completed her drawing when V §pu came home, and seeing him come she threw her drawing under the bed. Vi$pu sat on the bed, but by the puissance of Ravaija the bed began to shake, and when VI$QU looked underneath to see what the matter was he discovered Sita's drawing. Enraged at the sight of it, and suspecting Sita to be in love with RavaQa, Vi$gu sent for his brother Saman (=Sanskrit: Sumana) and commanded him to kill Siti, adding, " I want you to take this wicked woman into the forest and behead her". Saman led Sita to the Himalayas, left her near a hermitage, and returned with his sword wet with the blood of a wild animal which he had cut, and reported to his brother that his command had been carried out. VI'SQU
Sita was weary and slept there for a long while. At last she woke, and wept being afraid of the lonely focst where she waft left helpless. The sage V&lamiga (^Sanskrit- Valmiki) who lived
MmAyapa in SrilaAkA
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in the hermitage close by, went towards the direction of the cries and saw Sita in that pitiable condition. The compassionate sage thought it his duty to help a pregnant woman and therefore built her a hut of leaves near his own pond. Sita lived in this hut subsisting on the fruits of the forest, and when her time of delivery came she gave birth to a son whom she showed to the hermit. The holy man gave his blessing to the little one and the mother and child continued to live there enjoying his protection. One day when the mother left the child in bed and went to the forest in search of fruits he fell off his bed and began to scream. The hermit drawn by the shrieks of the infant, went to the hut and discovered him on the ground. The sage could not touch him to put him back on the bed, for it did not befit his holy life. He therefore, plucked a lotus from the pond and threw it on to the bed where it turned into child. Ignorant of what had happened, Sita came back, took up the child that was on the bed, and was feeding him when her own child cried from under the bed. Seeing her son there she was confused and ran to the ascetic, who told her what had happened and tried to console her, but it was all in vain. " I shall not believe you *\ said she, " unless you create for me another child." . How will you feed a third child! asked the sage. " I shall feed two at my breasts and third I shall feed on my little finger *\ replied Sita. Valamiga went back with her and threw a blade of scarificial grass on to the bed from which forthwith another child was created. When the three boys were only seven years old, they left their mother and went to the Malaya country where they built three royal parks and places and flourished under the names of Sandal indu, Mala, and Kistri (Kit-gri, Kisti). Traces of the Rimlyana: Before commenting on the date of this folk version of the Rama-Sita story and the occult ceremony in the course of which it is related, we must search for traces of the R&mayopa epic in the early literature and the art of £rl Lanka. The oldest chronicle of Ceylon, the Dtpavarpsa (C. 4th century A.D.) has nothing about the Sinhalese Prince Vijaya's dealings with the Yakkhini (YaV$nii^ eM Kuvrjji or KuvaQQa, nor of his promise of making her his queen. The name LaAk& is employed when speaking of the Siqihala-dvipa, but there is no mention of
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asii
Lankapura. The Mahavarpsa (Mhv.) (5th century A.D.) gives the incident of the encounter of Vijaya and his men with the Yakkhinis (Skt. Yak§ini) and the prince lives with Kuvanna as man and wife. There are two cities of the Yakkhas, one Sirisavatthu (Mhv. ch. 7 v. 32), and the other Lankapura or Lankanagara (ib. vv. 33, 62). In order to be crowned with a queen of equal birth Vijaya sends away the Yak§a girl, and lets her down but there is no account of the result of curses suffered by Pan^luvasadeva, Vijaya's successor, on account of his predecessor's bleach of promise to a woman to stand by her. The account of the frightful dreams of Pa^uvasadeva appears only in the Rajavallya, a Sinhalese chronicle of about the fifteenth century, and in an occult text, the Kuveniasna " the Story of Kuveni " of the same period. The Rajavallya mentions Ravana, and further more, attempts to give him a date, about 2300 B.C. The chronicle also goes on to say that by the time of the Buddha, that is, the arrival of Vijaya in Sri Lanka, in the sixth century B.C. there were no Pisacas (Rak§asas) in the island. The Rajavallya also speaks of the rock Lak-gala and the city Sirisavatthu (Sirivatpura). The Lak-gala here may be the Lankapura of the Mhv., but there is also another Yakha settlement, Lok-gala or Lot-gala (Rajavallya, ed. Watuwatte Pemananda, 1926, pp. 17-22). The name Lanka for the island of the present S'i Laijka or the former Sfiphaladvipa or Ceylon, is no evidence to place the home of Ravana in Sri Lanka, and in this connection, reference may be made of T. Paramasiva Iyer's Ramayana and Lanka, parts I & II, Bangalore, 1940; and H. D. Sankalia, Ramayana, Myth or Reality, New Delhi, 1973. True, there was an ancient port which still bears the name lUankaturai situated South of Trincomalee, but this llankai is only the Tamil form of the word Lanka. One may be tempted to take Lankapura as the Rajadhani or the capital of the Rakjasa king Ravana. It is possible that the name may have been suggested to the author through the name of the Rak§asa city in the epic, and in the language of the Mah&varflsa we clearly notice the influence of the Sanskrit epics. But it is only the name and nothing more. Lankapura (Nagara) is a city of the Yakfas and not of the Rakjasas.
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It has been pointed out in a thesis that the name of RavaQa's brother Vibhi$a?a, who for a just cause befriended Rama and became his ally, is connected with Sri Lanka in the Mahayana magical text, the Mahamayuri as " Vibhi$aijas Tomraparpyam" {Ananda Guruge, the Society of the Ramayana, Maharagana, 1960, p. 68). The text has been taken to be before the fourth century A.D. on the strength of a Chinese translation which is dated in that period. The position has, however, to be re-examined. Common material can exist in two texts, and names of gods can be interpolated. We can find examples in the * Afanatiyasutta * of the Dtghanikaya. We shall presently come to instances where the name of Vibhi$afla occurs in the inscriptions and literature of Sri Lanka. This is in and after the fourteenth century A.D. The Epics. Allusions to the Ramayana story, and figures of speech, usually similes with the names of the chief characters of the epic, —Rama, Sita, and Ravafla,—occur in the latter portion of the Mahavamsa, namely, the Culavarpsa, in the portions that were added to the chronicles in the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries. In the accounts of King Parakramabahu I (A.D. 1153-1186) we meet with the following statements. This king heard the worldly stones such as those contained in the Ramayarta and the {Mahay bharata, while yet a boy (Mhv. ch.64, vv. 43-44). Once when his ministers told king Parakramabahu that they could not build a causeway or bridge across the Daduru-oya (a river in the North Central Province of Ceylon), he replied to them: " The whole world still knows how King Rama once built a causeway across the ocean, employing only monkeys " (ib. ch. 68, v. 20). Similarly the king's soldiers who had crossed a certain river are likened to the monkeys who waded over the waters of the ocean in the Rama-Ravana war (ib. ch. 75, v. 59). One of the King Parakramabfihu's queens, Rupavati, loved the King as Sita did love Rama; and she won the affection of the King, as Sita earned the love of Rama. Her praise is like the eulogies of poets on Sita: 4*. • . most beauteous of beautiful women, clever, virtuous, pure in action, highly famed . . ." (ib. ch. 73, w. 137-143). During the reign of Parakramabahu II (A.D. 1236-1270) Prince Virabahu slew numbers of the enemy as Rama did the Rak§asas (ib. ch. 83, v. 46). The king who followed Parakramabahu II, namely Virabahu
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
(1270-1272), "went forth with Vijayabahu . . . surrounded the great army of Candrabhanu on all sides and fought a great battle, terrible as the combat of Rama (with Ravafla) (ib. ch. 88, v. 69). These are poetic and learned figures of speech and not folklore; and as to their sources we have to look for a recension of the Ramiyana\ or it can be Kumaradasa's Janaklharana, for which there was a sanne, that is, a word-for-word translation, which may be dated on the evidence of language in about the twelfth century. The Raghuvarpsa had been studied by the Sinhalese. Rajasekhara was known to the author of the Sasadavata-sanne (12th century) and among quotations from his Kavyamimarftsa in this commentary, there is also one from the Balaramdyana (Br.) as comment on verse 117 (Sasadavata-sanne, 1934, p. 37), and this agrees with Br., Banares cd. v. 35. Idle Talk: Papaficasudant, the Pali Commentary on * the Majjhima-nikaya (of the fifth century A.D.), classes narratives such as the story of the Bharata war and the tale of the abduction of Sita as frivolous and useless talk: " Bharatayuddha-Sitaharanadiniratthakathapurekkharata, tatharupikathakathanam ca." (op. cit. P.T.S. ed. pt. K p. 201). This was re-echoed and elaborated upon by Sinhalese writers. The preacher monk, Dharmasena, a contemporary of the writer of the above cited portions of the Culavamsa, who was slightly earlier, in his book of Buddhist stories, the Saddharma-ratnavaliya (Jayatilaka ed. p. 952), while speaking of the recital of the epics in the North Indian kingdoms and cities,— a list of which he gives,—says that the people of those countries paid gold, bullion and coins, and got the stories such as those of Rama and Sita, which are a hindrance to the attainment of heaven and Release, related to them. Dharmasena adds that they merely neglect the hearing of stories that are productive of good thoughts. This collection of Buddhist stories is meant to be read out to the masses, and the author's admonition and the condemnation of the stories of the Epic may be to prevent the common folk beginning to relish these tales in preference to Buddhist religious stories. It is after this period that we find the Ramayapa story beginning to be popular, and the worship of Vijgu, Utpalavarija and Rama getting some prominence. King Parakramabahu II was a loyal devotee of Utpalavanja, and other gods of
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Devinuvara and he had the statue of one of them conveyed to a new temple at Alutnuvara, closer to his capital at Dambadeniya, and near the home of his viceroy who advised him in such matters. We shall shortly see that this God was identified with Rama before long. Ramayana and Sinhalese Literature:
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this context when speaking of the local God it is said that he befriended the God of Dondra, Upulvandev-rada, in very early days, thus identifying Utpalavarfla with Vijijm and Rama (op. ciu Jayatilaka's ed. 1935, vv. 10O-101). The messenger bird, the peacock of the Mayurasandesa written a short time after the former poem, on his way from Gampola to Devinuvara has also to halt at Kelaniya and pay his homage to Vibhi$afla. He is also to pray to the God to bless and increase the power of the King of Gampola just as he obtained victory for Rama, the son of King DaSaratha (op. cit. ed. Amaramoli, 1934, v. 39). The messenger bird of the Harpsasandesaya "the GooseMessage \ on his way from the capital Jayavardhana-Kotte, near Colombo to Keragala (Karagala) in the interior of the Western Province also has to pass through Kelaniya, and he is enjoined to inform the God the purpose of his journey. Here the allusion to the Ramayana is very definite and clear; " Rama, who was in human guise, with his fearless voice which resembled the roar of the best of Kesara lions, put to fright the countless hosts of Rak$asas, and scattered them about. Then in the company of the gods, Vibhi$a?a was anointed as the sovereign Lord of Sri Lanka. On kings who made offerings to him he bestowed wealth and gave them victory over their enemies. They were made prosperous and their fourfold armies were strengthened" (ed. Godakumbura, 1953, v. 113 with the reading nirindunhafa, " to kings " in line 6). The SSfalihini'Sandeiaya, the " Starling's Message ", completed in A.D. 1450, is sent to God VibhijaQa at Kelaniya from the Capital of Kotte not far distant. Since Vibhi§ana was himself the receiver of the prayer, there is a glowing praise of the God, touching his physical or bodily characteristics and also his valour, prowess and virtues. In this the poet has not forgotten that the God was by birth a Rak§asa. He has a pair of tusks, that shine as two crescent moons, if there can be a pair of them, shining on either side of a row of evening clouds, namely, his red lips. The eulogy ends with: " He is the brother of Ravafla who brought the three worlds under his sway, with full knowledge of the past, the present and the future, he chose to be the devoted ally of Lord Rama.
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He is the gem-made light to illumine the noble family of Pulasti. (ed. Dharmarama-w. 77-93.) The Kokila-sandeiaya the " Cuckoo's Message" presents Utpalavar^a at Dondra, and Vi$^u as different gods, and Vibhija^a reigns at Kelaniya (ed. P. S. Perera, 1906, w. 22 ff, and v. 120). (ii) Kausalya, Temple of Rama: In an eulogy of the Kokila-sandeiaya, the mother of King Parakramabahu VI (A.D. 1410-1468) is compared to Kausalya: " Ram-radutadinitiya Kosalindu dii-radu mena," " like the daughter of the Kosala King, the mother of King Rama " {op. cit. v. 109). Further in the same SandeSa, God Rama is eulogized as flourishing in Yapapatuna, the modern Jaffna, but this was a provincial seat of a prince who, though a Sinhalese, had a foreign origin, and many foreigners such as Tamils and Javanese were living there (pp. cit. v. 251). God Rama is described thus: "In that city flourishes the Lord of the Gods, God Rama, his body shining with a colour as if the lustre of the ocean got stuck there when with great effort the causeway was being built to bring over the hosts of fighters in days of old for the battle against the Tenheaded Ravana" (op. cit. v. 252). Perhaps this later became a Vijflu shrine. In the Parevisande&aya, " the Dove's Message " of Sri Rahula of Totagamuva, we find an interesting position. The poem is one of Rahula's early works, which may be dated between about 1435 and 1445. The poet's close acquaintance with the Jdnaklharana is clearly evident. In this Sande£a, Rahula takes the God of the Bow as the son of Utpalavarna, and he is likened to Rama, who, armed with the Golden Bow, defeated Para£u-Rama (1925 edition v. 201). Later on we shall see that the God of the Golden Bow was Rama, and it was God Rama's statue which was taken from Dondra to Alutnuwara. (iii) SUB: Coming to other classes of poetry, we find Sri Rahula in his KSvyoiekharaya, a court poem with a Jataka story for its theme, comparing the beauty and virtues of Princess Lokanatha, the
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
daughter of King Parakramabahu VI (A.D. 1410-1468) to those qualities of Sita (op. cit, I, 15). At the same time, when the poet is in a preaching mood, he re-echoes the words of Dharmasena Thera, including also the (Mahabharata) the Ramayana as consisting of useless words, and their narrative to be of no use (/*. IX, 25). (iv) Rama-Sita: The Girasandesaya, "the Parrot's Message** states that in a certain Rest-hall in the western coast, the bird will meet when he stops there on his journey, persons tarrying there, among them those who have accepted false beliefs, and some who appreciate poetry and drama, relating the stories of Rama and Sita (DehigaspePalonnaruve ed. 1933, v. 107). It is also stated that in the RestHall were travellers who had come from foreign countries and thus the people who related the tales from the two epics may have been foreign merchants and pilgrims. (v) Rama, R&vana, Hqnumant: The well-known poem, the Guttlilaya, the poeticaL version of the Guttila-jataka, belonging to about the second half of the fifteenth century, has the following apt simile to illustrate how the Bodhisattva attained to greater fame through the ingratitude of his pupil: " Just as King Rama's fame spread still more on account of the wicked Ten-necked RavaQa" (op. cit. v. 331). The BudugimalaTflk&raya of a poet of Vidagama who was opposed to the worship of the gods, quotes the R&mByapa story for a different purpose. He says, " Look at the power of the gods! Rama, a god, could not cross the sea over which a monkey had jumped!" (op. cit. v. 180). (vi) God Rama; As we have seen God Utpala-varga of Devnuvara, was identified as an incarnation of VJ$QU, and thereafter appears to have been taken as Rama who was an avatSra or an incarnation of Vijijui, although the scholar Rahula took him otherwise in his ParevU sandeiaya. Thus we have similar lines about the seventeenth century, in connection with the building of the new shrine at
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Alutnuvara for a God from Devnuvara, where Rama is spoken of as Rama-deva-raja, R&ma-dev-rada in Sinhalese: Rama devurada Devundara sita Aluthnuvarata vadinagamane . . ." When the Lord God Rama was so gracious as to come to Alutnuvara from Devundara." (Bell, Kegalla Report, p. 125.) Devundara is the common popular name for Dondra or Devnuvara. About this time the acceptance of Rama as a God caught the popular mind also at least to a certain extent. A folk poem of 101 quatrains of about the 17th or the eighteenth century, called the Ran-dunu-paraluya "the Inspiration or the Possession of the God of the Golden Bow" (printed 1925, Nevill 750) eulogizes the heroism and prowess of God Rama, who is at the same time Utpalavarfla and Vi$flu. The important theme here is Rama's victory over RavaQa. Rama or Vi$iju gets the Golden Bow from the Milky Ocean. Ravana also has his great bows. Both fight with bow and arrow. The work by its nature is a magical text, to be used at occult ceremonies. The Rama cult seems to have spread to some extent among the common people. Stanzas from the Randunuparalaya are heard as fugitive verse, which show their popularity. Randunumamgale " Ode to the Golden Bow " (Nevill, 108), Randunukavi " Hymn of the Golden Bow/' (ib. 751) and Randunu-upata " Origin of the Golden Bow {ib. 752) also deal with the same subject. Vaikunfalarrikaraya, " the Description of Vaiku^tha, Vijpu's Heaven ", (printed 1926), a poem of 48 quatrains, speaks of the avataras of Vi$Qu, particularly that as the God of Devundara (Devi-nuvara), who according to tradition, was bom of a log of sandal-wood in £aka era 712, that is, A.D. 800. Details of the year, month, day and time are also given (v. 6). This God is VifQu, who vanquished the proud RavaQa (w. 29-30). In the next verse (31), he is Ramaguru of the dark blue or black colour. Hanumant is Rama's son (v. 35, Ramaputra v. 37). Saman (LakgmaQa) has a golden bow in his right hand (v. 46), and Narayapa (VJ'SQU) also has one (v. 47). This leads to a ceremony where the golden bows are kept on an altar with flower arrows (v. 48). There are some ballads dealing with the story of R&va^a and these may be about four centuries old. Of these R&vaoa-kat&va, A% Stoiy of Rivava" (Nevill 177) shows only a slight variation.
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Tbe Ramayana Tradition in Aria,
It says that Ravana ruled over twenty-five palaces and four hundred bazaars in Lanka. As it is the habit with later Sinhalese writers, Rama is spoken of as Vi$su in Rdvanahafana " the War of Ravana " (Nevill 689); but the Ravana-puvata "the History of Ravana*' (Nevill 690) is of some special interest. Here the story commences with an account of Vi§nu going to bathe at the pond in his park, and finding the purple lilies plucked, and the water turbid. Determined to sift the outrage, he concealed himself, and watched the pond. Seven goddesses came to bathe there, leaving their celestial clothes on the bank. Unperceived by them Vi$nu stole one cloth, and when upon seeing him six of the fair nymphs flew away, one whose cloth he had secured was left behind. This goddess was Sita, and Vi?nu took her away with him, and made her his wife. (vii) Sita as Lak$mi: In the court of Kandy, at least one poet took Rama as Vi$Qu, and Sita as Kamala (or Lak§mi i.e., Sri Devi) the consort of Vi§pu. One of the courtiers, a minister by the name of Gaskon had an intrigue with the Queen and the enraged King condemned the man to death. On his way to meet the executioners, the unfortunate minister is reported to have sung a verse which has been translated literally thus: "Since Ravana in days of yore offered for Lak$mi (Sita) his ten heads, upon the mere gratification of his eye-sight without enjoying connubial happiness; what signifies if my only head fall for thy sake, whose ambrosial love I have enjoyed" (James D'Alwis, the Sidath Sangarawa, Introduction, 1852, p. ccxv), and its versified English translation is also given here. " * Lanka's giant king enthrall'd, only by beauty's sight Laid down his twice five heads, uncropp'd the flower of Love's delight. Then why should I, a happier swain, who with the Gods above, Have revelled at the banquet rare of thy ambroisal love, Repine with my one head to atone for my bold adventure, To gain what sweetens human lives as long as they endure/* (Aid, p. ccxiv).
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This attempt at EnglisJi verse has been added as it brings out the spirit of the original which has been inspired by the lovely story of Sita and Ravana. At this stage at least to some Ravana has become the hero. (viii) Ravana and Rama: In the Intgirishhafana "the Ballad of the English war", a poem describing a battle between the Sinhalese and the English (British) fought near Kandy in 1803, a court poet compares the Sinhalese leader and the British General to Rama and Ravana (op. cit.v. 176). We can multiply examples, but what has been brought out will be sufficient to demonstrate that both the writer of ornate literary poetry (kavya) as well as the folk poet, took characters from the Ramayana stories, and incidents out of them, for their compositions. The last king of Kandy (A.D. 1798-1875), who was Nayakkar, however, was a devotee of God Rama and there was a temple of Rama at Hanguranketa, about twenty miles off Kandy, a retiring place of safety for the Kandy court. A Pali poem in honour of Rama the Rama-sandasa is mentioned. (Malalasekera, Pali Literature of Ceylon, Colombo, 1958, pp. 288-289), and Somadasa, K. D., Mss. Catalogue (in Sinhalese) Nos. 235, 761, 817 . Folklore There is an abundance of folklore in Ceylon connected with the story of Rama and Sita. Some of these explain place-names; some point to special geographical features, others the lay of the land, the position of hills, nooks and bends in rivers, the colour of the soil and various curiosities. All this is folk-lore and nothing archaeologically provable or tested historically. Here is one of these stories. Almost on the historical Galle Harbour in the South west of £ri LaAka island, there is a beautiful promontory named by modern educational missionaries in the Latin idiom " Bona Vista ", Good View. All kinds of herbs, every one of them known to any system of indigenous medicine, are said to grow there and are to be found on this hill. I have
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heard that the older local people go to this hill, when they are in need of a special herb to prepare a rare herbal decoction or render some medicinal treatment and they will search for the herb here. This is how it came about. The hill goes back, according to tradition, to the time of the Rama-Ravafla war; although as we shall see Sri Lafika was not the battle-field in the mind of the creators of this story. Those who have read the Ramayana or the Janaklharana know the incident when Lakjmaija lay senseless, believed by all, friend and foe, to be dead, as the result of wounds he received from the weapons of Raksasas. Then Su§eija, the physician of the monkeys, said that the life of the prince could be saved if he could have a certain herb which grew on the Himalayan peaks. To be sure of obtaining this * life-bestowing' herb with all possible speed, Hanumant, the son of the Wind God, was sent to fetch it. As the good monkey-chief started off in haste, he had no time to learn exactly the name of the herb, but he remembered the name of the rock and its position; so he tore it off completely and carried it with all trees, creepers and everything alive or dead to be with Sujeija and Lak$maija as soon he could and proceeded south faster than the wind itself. The Galle Sinhalese folk add that as Hanumant was proceeding to be with the patient, carrying the rock, his eye caught the herb and he recalled its name. Now the monkey did not want to be burdened by the rock any more, and having torn off what he wanted of the herb, he threw the rock down by the sea, perhaps as he did not want to hurt any living being on land. It is this portion of the Himalayas, which now bears the name of Rumassala, the meaning of which is explained in different ways, giving various etymologies. The missionary school built here is called Bona Vista, and modernized people use that name. Seeing that Hanumant was coming from the Himalayas in the North and when he passed over Sri Lafika, he would have been going southwards; and thus it is interesting to note that those local folk, among whom this story of the origin of Rumassala originated, also would have taken Lanka to be to the south of Siqihala just as the classical Sanskrit poets and dramatists, such as Murari and Rajaiekhara did. Or was it simple coincidence? (Godakumbura, S&hityaya September, 1975.)
RAmiyapa in Srilafiki Place-Names: Folklore relating to Ravana of Lanka and Sita in captivity in his city has provided the occasion in Sri Lanka for the creation of place-names, or to the greater extent, for attributing fanciful etymologies to existing ones. Thus to the South-East of the coast of Sri Lanka, about six nautical miles off the shore, are two rockcliff formed islets, and they arc known to the outside world, as the Great and Little Bases. They are in Sinhalese the MahaRavaija-kotuva (or-kottc) and the Kutfa-Ravafla-kotuva (or -kotte). It is not known how old these names are, but may be taken as later than the older Rajavaliya chronicle texts. According to the popular meaning the names signify the Large Fortress of Ravana and the Small Fortress of R avan a. So also we have near Badulla in the hill country a high fall in a stream called Ravanaalla, the Ravana-falls, and they arc said to be waters under which the Rak$asa king had his bath. The Sinhalese speakers who have not studied Sanskrit pronounce Ravaija as Ravana. It is the form in which the name is met with in the manuscripts, and most printed texts, of the Rajavaliya chronicles, and other related contemporary texts, so that the word-endings with the masculine singular 4 a '-ending, are common to the nominative and accusative cases. The derived Sinhalese or older Eju form from Ravapa is Ravulu, from which we get the nominative and accusative singular, Ravaja (This form belongs only to the old literary language and in modern parlance ravula or rdvula is a long-bearded man). In the short treatise on Sinhalese grammar, the Sidatsangara of the fourteenth century—a composition possibly of the same author as of the MayQrasandeia cited earlier, in its fourth chapter dealing with syntactical use of cases, for the example of an accusative ending in a we get: Ravula mari Ram-raja, King Rama killed Ravaija. We do not know whether the sentence was the author's creation, or whether he cited it from an earlier grammatical text or from older literature. Now let us turn back to names Ravaija-kotte (-kotuva) and RavaQa-SUa. The Sinhalese word ravana does as a common noun also mean a kind of molluse-shell, found in water, used for rubbing earthern-ware pots and other kitchen utensils for cleaning and
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washing. The place concerned, the rocks and the falls are where such shells can be found. These may have given them the names, or some other derivations have to be looked for. We then come to two other names of villages near Kandy, Utfu-ravana and Yatiravana. Notwithstanding the fact that Ravana was not associated with Kandy, and Kandy is not taken to be an ancient royal seat, yet the recent popular etymology is that they are parks of Ravaija, where another component vana has to be supplied to make it Ravana-vana. One may reasonably think that, considering how syllables waste away and syncope takes place with place-names, Utfuravana and Yati-ravana, are the upper and lower royal forests or parks (raja-vana). The cerebral # in the modern spelling is the result of the false etymology. There are place-names, now pronounced and also written with the first member of the compound Sita, such as SIta-vaka, a royal seat in the later fifteenth and the early sixteenth century, near the modern town of Avissawella. The late traditions are that Sita in her exile bathed at the bend of the river (vaka) which is a tributary of the Kelaniganga. There is also Sita-eliya near the hill health-resort of Nuvara-eliya. Also in the hill country are Sita-gangula and Sita-alla. Sita-gangula is a broad pondlike spot in a stream, and Sita-alla is a fall in a stream both near Nuvara-eliya. These are also said to be bathing spots of Sita. Sita-eliya is an open space, a patana land near Nuvara-eliya, and here the ground being black due to strata of patana grass rotting yearly, is pointed out as the result of the burning by Hanumant. It is clear that in these cases the first member of the compound was sita, meaning cool or cold, and was later associated with Sita. Except the name SIta-vaka, the rest are of modern modification, and the result can also be due to English spelling where the length of vowels are not marked. Early English writers in Ceylon were much enamoured with the idea that Ceylon was the home of RavaQa. It must also be pointed out here that there is no place-name with Rama used as the member of a compound. One may explain that it was due to his not being long in Lanka. But what of VibhlgaQa? The association of places with RavaQa and Sita,
Rftmftyafto in SrilaAkft
447
are very late, and this is after the Sinhalese accepted Ravana as an ancient giant king of their island. Art: So much for literature and folk-lore. There is no evidence even in art to show that either the story of the Ramayana epic was popular in Sri Lanka in ancient time or there was any worship of Rama in his own right separately or as Vi§nu v. ho had appeared on earth as Rama. True that some Lakjmi plaques have been found. These could have been brought in by merchants, both foreign and Sinhalese. They could also have been minted in imitation of such plaques as were accepted by dealers in goods, just as Roman coins were minted locally. So far as we know, the earliest Gaja-lak$mi figure found in Sri Lanka is on a side of the Galpota-inscription of Ni&ankamalla (A.D. 1187-1196), a king who had foreign associations, with the Kalingas of South-East Asia. There is also a Gaja-Lakjmi sculpture at Yapahu which was the capital in the thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries. These sculptures are after the Cholian occupation of the northern portion of Sri Lanka, includingPoIonaruwa. Classical Indian Writers: Indian writers, at least those between the eighth and the twelfth centuries, have distinguished between Lanka and Siiphala. Two authors of two dramas on the Rantayarta-theme are very clear and definite in showing this distinction. In his account of the homeward journey of Rama and his party from Lanka to Ayodhya, Murari in his Anargharaghava (ninth century A.D.) brings them over the Siqihala-dvipa only some time after they had left Lanka. Murari has also that the RohaQa mountains are in the Siiphala-dvipa, and this is correct. More precise are the accounts of Raja§ekhara in two of his works (9th-10th centuries). In his drama, the Balaramayana, Raja£ekhara makes Ravana describe the location of Lanka to be to the south of Siqihala. The lords of Lanka and Siiphala are separately mentioned. Not only the Rohana mountains, but the city of Anuradhapura also is in the Siiphala country. Further, at the contest of the bending of God Siva's bow, Ravana speaks of the Siiphala King as a person other than himself. During the journey by air, when the party
448
Tlie Ramayana Tradition in Asia
goes back to Ayodhya, Rama looks back and points towards Lanka as being the capital of the new King Vibhijapa. It is only after the vimana had ascended to the sky and come down that Vibhijaija points out Siiphala-maQffela to Sita. In his chapter on geography (DeSavibhaga) of the Kavyamlmamsa also, Rajagekhara is very definite in distinguishing Lanka from Siqihala. The former is a rajadhani, a capital; the latter is a janapada, a settlement (of Aryan speaking people, or a district). To Indian writers in mediaeval times Simhala was not the home of Rak$asas. The heroine of Sri Harjjadeva's drama, the Ratnavall, is the daughter of King Vikramabahu, the lord of Siiphala. In the Kathasaritsagara of Somadeva we read of a king by the name Vikramaditya marrying the daughter of the king of Sqihala. A king of Siiphaladvipa by the name of Sirimehe (Sanskrit: £rimegha) is eulogized in the Maharajtri poem LtlSvai (Ltlavatt) of Kouhala (before 12th Century). Srimegha was the alternative throne name of Sinhalese kings from about the eighth century to the twelfth century A.D., the other being Sirisanghabodhi. Malik Muhammad, in his Avadhi poem Padumavatl also speaks of the S'iphala-dvipa as the birth-place of charming women. The Bfhatsanxhita of Varahamihira (section on geography) and the Rajatarahginl also mention Siiphala. All these statements go to show that in the Aryanized countries in the North of India the country of the Siiphalas was not considered to be a place inhabited by Rak§asas or uncivilized people. Spread of the Ramayana: x
Prof. H. D. Sankalia has brought out evidence to show that the RimSya^a had not spread in South India until the tenth century (op. cit. pp. 54-55, etc.) Paramasiva Iyer, after recounting the conquests of the Sinhalese by the Pandya and Cola kings, upto the temporary restoration of Sinhalese independence by Parakramabahu I continues, " The Cholas claimed Solar descent, and it is likely that it was during the two centuries of Chola dominance in Ceylon the Siqihala King and his army were made 1
But see above * The Rfcniyaoa in Tamilnidu', Dr. R. Nagaswamy. The early Tamil Sangam classics know the Rftmftyaoa well.—Ed.
Ram&ywa in SrilaAkft
449
out to be Ravana and his Rakshasa hosts. It would seem that in the Tamil inscriptions of Rajaraja and Rajendra, Ceylon is called * Ila • . . . If * Ila * is short for Ilangai and Lanka, that would suggest that verses 17-25 of Sarga 41 of Kijkindba were interpolated during the sway of Rajaraja or Imperial Rajendra whose dominions extended to Malaya beyond the sea. Tht great Tamil poet Kambar flourished in the second half of the 12th century . . ." (op. cit. Introduction and particularly pp. xiv ff.). The findings set out above agree with what emerges when the literary evidence of every kind is subjected to a critical examination in respect of the Ramayaria story or any Rama cult. It is true that still during the earlier centuries a poet of the Sinhalese royal family wrote the excellent Mahakavya, the Janakthara$a. Many Sanskrit books had been known in Ceylon and good original works were produced in the island; but this knowledge was limited to a few, the court circles or the higher ranks of city-dwelling Buddhist monks. The stories or ideas from Sanskrit Literature had not reached the masses, nor had they begun to borrow extensively the worship of -South Indian Gods. Some of the common folk were completely ignorant of them. Their interest was in Buddhist stories and Buddhist practices. When after Polonnaruwa kings of Sri Lanka beginning from Parakramabahu II of Dambadeniya made allies of South Indian kingdoms, accepted their culture along with Buddhism, brought priests and books from foreign lands, the rustics following their rulers began to be interested in those cultures and their traditions. It was not only South India that gave the Sinhalese new ideas, beliefs and practices. Other countries of Asia such as Siam, Malaysia and Burma contributed at least in some measure. It is not impossible that the Ramayaria stories and cults connected with it, could have reached South-East Asian countries before they reached the extreme south of the Peninsula and Sri Latika, and they came to £ri Lafika from the direction. We have no knowledge as to whether the Kambardmayanam was known in Sri Lanka soon after its composition. An abridged version of this was translated to Sinhalese only in 1840. Under these circumstances we are safe in dating the acceptance of the story of R&ma, Sita and Ravaija, as taking place in the Siiphala country was in about the thirteenth century. There-
4M
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
after we find some notice of characters from the Ramayana in the literature, and the gap between the learned writings and the popular ones begin to be narrower, to judge from what is existing. There is, however, hardly any representation of the Ramayana themes in art, classical or popular. In Kumaradasa's Jnk we see the poet following the Ramayaria except for the change of a few incidents in the order of their occurrence. These may have been to work the events of the Mahakavya in a smooth sequence. It is also possible that some other recension of the Epic which is not available to us was followed by the poet. The account of the return journey from the Rakjasa City to Ayodhya gives a good deal of material for thoughtful study. It appears that Kumaradasa, as other classical Indian writers have done, takes his Lanka to be somewhere other than in the island of Sri Lanka. In studying the geography of the Ramayana as other scholars have already pointed out, not only the position of Lanka has been confused, but also that of a river Goda or Goda van. Kumaradasa gets Rama to point out to Sita, the river Goda by which the two of them had spent happy moonlit nights (Jnk, xx, 32). This Goda started from the Vindhya Hills according to the next verse. The river had vanished in the sands, and the copyist of a manuscript has altered anu-Godam to anu-geharri. It is retained by the poetaster who altered Kumaradasa's poem and made many interpolations, but he has confused the river with the Godavari in South India which starts near Aurangabad in Maharashtra. The poetaster takes in a number of rivers and mountains that are not in the original poem, including the rivers Tamraparni, Kaveri and Narmada (Reva), showing that he took Lanka to be to the South of the Peninsula. It is not possible in this paper to go into full details of the journey in the two versions of the poem, but one can easily conclude that the additions and alterations were done after the thirteenth century. This was the time when Sri Lanka had been taken as the kingdom of Ravana and his Rak§asa hosts by their neighbours in South India. The position was accepted by the Sinhalese, and as if it were to compensate, they made a hero of Ravana, declaring him to be a great physician versed in medical lore. Several treatises on medicine, such as a text called the Kumara-tantra, " a treatise on the treatment of children9' are attributed to Ravana.
Rfim&yaQa in SrilaAkft
451
The Buddhist Version: Finally it is desirable that we examine the Buddhist version of the Rama-Sita story as we find it in the Da§aratha-Jataka (D) comparing it with the Ramayana (R). This is also appropriate as the Jataka talcs, even though brought to Sri Lanka by Buddhist teachers from India, they grew in the island, were first written in Sinhalese, and finally translated into Pali in Sri Lanka. Thus there should be plenty of Sinhalese influnece in them. The geography of the stories is different. With regard to details about characters some agree and others do not. (i) Geography: Capital City: D.—Banares, R.—Ayodhya. Place of Banishment: D.—Himalaya, R.—Dan^akaranya. However the translation from Sinhalese also could be the cause of this difference, as in Sinhalese " Himaya " means any thick forest. (ii) Characters: Dasaratha is the old king in both D and R, but in D, the chief queen, the mother of Rama and Lakkhana (Lakjmana in R) had died, and the king had promoted a young queen to the position of the Chief Queen, and she becomes mother of Bharata. (The Sinhalese version has once the Sanskrit form Lakjmana in place of Laksana, the equivalent of Lakkhana. This may be due to the influence of the name of the character in the Ramayana story on a copyist. We may summarise this in tabular form as follows: R.—The mother queens are all alive. D.—Sita was a sister of Rama and Lakkhana, only at the coronation she became the Chief Queen of both the brothers who were consecrated simultaneously. (This may be compared with other instances of sister marriages in ancient India, particularly by members of the royal families.) D.—King DaSaratha sets a limit of twelve years and sends the two elder sons to the forest, and dies after nine years.
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia R.—He orders a period of fourteen years for the exile, and dies immediately after the departure of the two sons. D.—Bharata does not follow the brothers at this stage. R.—Bharata follows as soon as DaSaratha died. D.—Bharata goes to the forest after the death of the father and invites Rama, but Rama does not come, and gives his sandals in his place. R.—Incidents are same, but for the time factor. D.—Sita lived happily in the forest. R.—Ravana's interference. D.—Rama and Lakkhana return to Banares after the full twelve years are over and are both consecrated kings, with Sita as the Chief Queen. R.—Rama and Sita return to Ayodhya and the rejection of Sita. Could both stories have had the same original kernel ? Anjana and Hanumant: Finally I should also refer to a magical practice to which Sinhalese people resort when they lose something valuable, or when they wish to avert an evil threatening them. On such occasions they seek the aid of Hanumant, through his mother Afijanadevi, but using anjana literally, making a collyrium paste with certain rare herbs, which they apply on a glass, a saucer or tumbler for gazing through. It is claimed that Hanumant appears and shows the thief or where the stolen goods are or show some sign in other matters like the healing of a gravely ill patient. Very few people know anything about the connection with the mother of Hanumant; they simply call the practice " Afijanam balanava " understanding it to mean *4 looking through the collyrium paste." It appears that some actually say, " O! Afijana-devi, mother of Hanuman, do show us the truth/* I do not know whether this is a learned addition of modern times or whether it was known earlier. This magic cult must be separately studied as to its origin and age. Note: The modern Ramayana plays, such as the Ramdyananafaka of John da Silva (1886) have not been dealt with in this paper (Printed edition 1935.)
AUTHORITIES and BIBLIOGRAPHY (1) Ed. Sri Jiv&nanda Vidy&sfigara, Calcutta, Saipvat era 1936-40, 1880. (2) VidyfibhQsana Samskrta-granthamftlfi, No. 47, Chaukhamba, Varanasi, 1960.
ANARGHARAGHAVA
BALARAMAYANA,
Banaras, 1869.
BELL, H. C. P. Kegalle Report, Colombo 1892. BUDUGUNALAMKARAYA. CULAVAMSA.
ed. D. B. Jayatilaka, 1948.
continuation of Mahavarpsa (Mhv.).
James. The Sidathsangarawa, Colombo, 1852. either in Sinhalese Jatakapota or any Pali edition; Fausb&ll, No. 461.
D'ALWIS,
DASARATHAJATAKA.
Colombo 1959. No certain credence can be placed on the authen" ticity of the text of the Dp v. first published byH. Oldenberg from a single MS. from Burma. Hence we cannot judge its date.
•DIPAVAMSA.
GIRASANDESAYA.
ed. Dehigaspe—Polonnaruve.
C. E. (1) " A version of the Rdmayana story from Ceylon " JRAS, London 1946, pts. 1 & 2. (2) " The Cult of Kohombfi or the Three Sons of Sitfi " Ibid., 1946, pts. 3 & 4. (3) " Shooting of the Boar ", Ibid., 1947, pts. 3 & 4. (4) Kohombdrkank&riya, Colombo, 1963. (5) Sdhityaya, September, 1975. (6) Sinhalese Literature, Colombo, 1955. (7) Sdstriyalipi ha kathd, Colombo, 1971, nos. 69, 75-76 & 80. (8) " Life of Kumfiradfisa and his Poetry", JCBRAS, New Series, Vol. XV. 1971. (9) ' The Literary Evidence on the Ramfiyapa in Sri Lankfi, The Ceylon Historical Journal XXV. 1976, Tisara Prakasakayo, Boteju Place, Dehiwala, Sri Lanka.
GODAKUMBURA,
GURUGE,
Ananda. Tlie Society of the Ramayana, Maharagama, 1960.
GUTTILAKAVYAYA.
ed. R. Batuvantudave, N.D.
HAMSASANDESAYA.
ed. Godakumbura, C.E., Colombo, 1953.
IMGIRISIHATANA.
cd. K. R. Jayatunga, 1951.
ed. Paranavitana, S. and Godakumbura C.E. Ibid., ed. with Sinhalese translation, C.E. Godakumbura, Colombo, 1969. Ibid., ed. with English translation, Godakumbura, in press, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi.
JANAKTHARANA.
JANAKIIIARANA-SANNAYA.
upto canto XV, v. 22. ed. R. Dharmar&ma, Colombo,
1891. from selections in LANMAN'S Sanskrit Reader, Harvard University Press, etc. Translation G. H. Tawny.
KATHASARITSAGARA.
KAVYAMIMAMSA.
ed. Dalai and Sastri, Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. 1,
Baroda, 1924. KAVYASEKHARAYA.
ed. R. Dharm&rama, 1935.
KoKiLASANDEiAYA. ed. P. S. Prera, 1906.
454
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
KUVENI-ASNA
and SIHABA-ASNA, printed 1927.
LiLAVAi (= LILAVATI) ed. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1966. PADUMAVATI.
Translation: A. G. Shirreff; linguistic Study, L. Dhar.
PTS, edition, London, 1922-= Sinhalese ed. 1915, p. 164; Burmese ed. 1953, p. 204. (Sammodrfthisutta-vartrtana).
PAPANCASUDANI.
PARAMASIVA IYER,
T. Ramayana and Lanka, Bangalore, 1940.
PAREVISANDESAYA, printed MALALASEKERA,
1925.
G. P. Pali Literature of Ceylon, Colombo, 1958.
MAYURASANDESAYA,
ed. Amaramoli, 1934.
Hugh. Sinhala Verse (Kavi\ National Museums, Colombo, Vol. 182* 1954, Vol. lit, 1955.
NEVILL,
RAJAVALIYA,
ed. W. Pemananda, 1926.
North-Western recension, Lahore, recension, Bombay.
RAMAYANA.
1931-1947 and Southern
RANDUNU-UPATA, see Nevill. RANDUNU-KAVI,
see Nevill.
RANDUNU-PARALAYE, see
Nevill, and printed 1925.
RANDUNU-MAMGALE, see Nevill.
of Sri Harsa, Harid&sa Saipskfta grantham&l&, sw. 232, Chaukhambt
RATNAVALI
1926. RAVANA-KATAVA;-PUVATA;—HATANA.
see Nevill.
ROOPA-LEKHA, vol. XLIV,
nos. 1 and 2, 1976, All India Fine Arts and Crafts Society, Rafi Marg, New Delhi-1.
SADDHARMARATNAVALZYA, SAHITYAYA.
Department of Cultural Affairs, Colombo, 1975.
SALAUHINI-SANDESAYA, ed. SANKALIA,
Dharmar&ma, several prints.
H. D. Ramayana, Myth or Reality, New Delhi, 1973.
SASADAVATA-SANNAYA, SIDATSAN GARAVA. SOMADASA,
ed. D. b. Jayatilaka, Colombo, 1928 ff.
Colombo, 1934.
Any edition. See Sinhalese Literature.
K. D. Lahkave Puskofa-pot Ndmdvatiya, pt. 1 Colombo, 1959.
TISARASANDESAYA.
ed. D. B. Jayatilaka, 1935.
VAIKUNTALAMKARAYA, printed
1926.
VrrriPOT, (Katfa-im Saha Vitti,) ed. Marambe A.I.W. (No date) (See alio Sinhalese Literature, pp. 132 ff) for place names of the Rdmdyapa story.
TULASI-DASA'S RAMACARITAMANASA IN HINDI and Its Relationship to the Sanskrit Version of Valmiki, the Tamil Version of Kamban, and the Thai Version of King Rama I By S. SINGARAVELU The Ramacaritamanasa (" Holy Lake of Rama's Deeds "),* commonly known as Tulaslkrta-Rdmayapa (" Tulasi's Ramaya#a"), is a poem composed in the Avadhi dialect of Hindi, and it is acknowledged to be the greatest achievement of Tulasldasa, a supreme poet and a great religious thinker and reformer, who lived in the second half of the 16th and in the first quarter of the 17th centuries A.D.* The subject of the Tulasikrta-Ramayana 1
Tulasi-Dasa, Ramacaritamanasa, edited with commentary by Chinmanlal Gosvami and Nandaularey Vajpeyi (Gorakhpur : Gita Press, 1938). See also The Rdmdyana of Tulsi Das, translated from the original Hindi by F. S, Growse (Allahabad, 1877-1881; 8th edition, Allahabad: Ram Narain LalBeni Prasad, 1966;( The Holy Lake of the Acts of Rama, an English translation of TulasI Dfts's Ramacaritamanasa by W. Douglas P. Hill (Calcutta : Oxford University Press, 1952), hereinafter cited as RCM(H). 1 According to common tradition, Tulasidasa was born at Rajapur in the Banda district or, according to another view, at SQkharaket or Ayodhya in the Faizabad district, of the modern Uttar Pradesh state in northern India, in the Sarpvat year 1589 corresponding to 1532 A.D., or, according to another interpretation in the Samvat year 1600, that is 1543 A.D. On the the evidence concerning the date of Tulast-Dasa's birth, see Mataprasad Gupta, Gosvami Tids'i Das (Prayag: Indian Press, 1946), pp. 108-111 (in Hindi). TulaslDfisa went on a pilgrimage to many sacred places including those in South India and returned to Ayodhya, the birth place of Rama, where he began to compose his great poem entitled Ramacaritamanasa in the Samvat year 1631 corresponding to 1574 A.D. It would seem probable that he completed the composition of this work in Banaras where he had gone to live until his death in 1623 A.D. Apart from the Ramacaritamanasa, several other poems on the Rfima-legend are attributed to Tulas?-Dasa, and they include the GitavaU, Kavitavali and Vinaya-Pattrikd, which are considered to be among the poet's later works. See G. A. Grierson. " Notes on Tulasi Das," IAy, Vol. XXII (1893), pp. 264-274; " Tulasi D§s, poet and religious reformer;' JRAS (1903), pp. 447-446;" Tulasi-Dftsa,"£*E, Vol. XII (Edinburgh, 1921), p. 471; RCM(H\ pp. ix-xvi; Tulsi Das, Kavitdvali, translated and with a Critical Introduction by F. R. Allchin (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1964), pp. 32-45; Tulsi Das, The Petition to Rdm9 Hindi Devotional Hymns of the Seventeenth century, a translation of Vinaya-pattrikd with Introduction, Notes and Glossary by F.R. Allchin (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1966), pp. 17 and 31-36.
456
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
is no doubt the same as that of Valmlki-RSmayapa; generally speaking, it follows the course of Valmiki's story, and like the Adi-kavya it is arranged into seven kfyfas (" Books ") bearing the names that Valmiki had given to the major sections of his poem. But the Ramacaritam&nasa is in no way a Hindi translation of Valmiki's epic,8 nor, indeed, of any other poem in Sanskrit.4 Indeed, on the contrary, Tulasikrta-Ramayana differs from Valmiki's Sanskrit epic in regard to the whole spirit and orientation of its central theme. The story of Rama narrated by Valmiki in the original part of his epic is that of a royal hero who belonged to the Ikfvdku dynasty, in Tulasidasa's poem, on the other hand, Rama is one with the Supreme Being Vf$nu and therefore with Brahman the Absolute.6 He is the impersonal Absolute who has assumed a personal form for the benefit of the faithful; at the same time Tulasidasa is anxious to explain that Rama's humanity is not real but merely a manifestation of divine Ilia or play. As a child, Rama finds amusement in revealing himself to his mother as the Universal Form.6 His love »G. A. Grierson, - Tulasl-Dfisa," ERE, Vol. XII (Edinburgh, 1921), pp. 471-472; RCM(H), p. xvii. 4
When an attempt was made to claim that Tulasid&sa's Rdmacaritamdnasa was a Hindi translation of a Sanskrit poem entitled Sambhu-R&mayana* Sir George A. Grierson rejected the notion and suggested with good reason that the Sambhu-Rdmayaria appeared to be a Sanskrit translation of Tulas!d&sa*s original Hindi poem. See G. A. Grierson, " Is the RAmftyana of Tulasldftsa a translation?*9 JRAS (1913), pp. 133-141. *RCM(H), Book 1, Doha 108, Caupclt 110 and 116, pp. 55 and 57-58. 9
Ibid., Book 1, Doha 200-202, Caupai 199-200, pp. 92-93: " One day his mother (Kausalyft) bathed and dressed him and put him to sleep in his cradle. Then she too bathed, preparing to worship the Blessed Lord, the patron deity of her house. When she had worshipped and offered her oblation, she went to the place where she had prepared the sacrificial meal, and when she returned to the place of worship, she saw her son eating the oblation. She ran off alarmed at her baby and saw him sleeping there as before. She came back and saw her son again. Her heart beat fast and she was all unstrung. She saw two boys, one here, one there! She thought, ' Is my mind all astray or is there some explanation ? * (Contd. on Page No. 457)
Tulasidisa's R&macharitam&nasa io Hindi
457
for Sita is but a renewal of the love that Vi$nu bears Lak$mi.? When in the battle of Lanka he allows himself to be entangled in the coils of the serpentine missiles shot at him by Ravana's son Indrajit, he is said to be merely practising illusions.8 Rama is also compared to an actor who plays on the stage in various disguises but himself remains what he really is all the time.9 The poems of Tulasidfisa and Valmlki are also dissimilar in regard to the sequence as LWCII as the treatment of the various episodes and events in the story, Valmlki's epic begins with a . short introduction, which is followed by the description of Ayodhya, King Dagaratha, his ministers, and of the king's desire for a son.10 Tulasidsa, on the other hand, begins his poem with several lines
When R&ma saw his mother so perplexed, he smiled sweetly and laughed. He displayed to his mother his own wondrous form, indiCkible. -A myriad universes she beheld set on every hair; numberless suns and moons, Sivas and Brahmfls, many a mountain and river, sea, land and wood; time, destiny, the three constituents, knowledge and nature-all that she had ever heard of! When she beheld the mystic vision, she stood in dire alarm with folded hands. She saw the soul that illusion makes to dance; she saw the faith that sets it free. She felt a thrill of awe; no words came from her lips. She closed her eyes and bowed her head before his feet. Seeing his mother lost in amazement, Khar&ri ("Foe of Khara", that is, Vi?ou=R&ma) once again became a child; but she could not sing his praises for very fear. She thought, * I held the Father of the world to be my own son!* Earnestly Hari (Viwu-R&ma) warned his mother, 'Hear me, mother! Nowhere repeat what you have seen!' Again and again Kausalyft humbly besought him with folded hands, ' Never again, O Lord, may thy magic power affect me with its influence!" 7
Ibid., Book 2, Caipai 139, pp. 217-218.
• Ibid., Book 6, Caupdf 73, p. 400. • Ibid.. Book 7, Doha 72, p. 465. » VR(HPS\ Vol. I, Book 1, Ch. 1-8, pp. 3-24.
458
rhe Ramayana Tradition in Asia
of invocations,11 followed by a lengthy account of the relations between Sambhu (Siva) and Bhavani (Parvati),12 the stories of Narada and Manu Svayambhuva to account for the incarnation of Vi$jiu on earth as Rama,13 and the story of Pratapabhanu " RCM(H), pp. 1-22. The personages to whom Tulasl-Dfisa offers his homage include the gods (Brahma, Vi?Qu, Siva, Vinftyaka and £e»a), the goddesses (V£nl or Sarasvati and Bhavani), the adi-kavi V&lmlki, his own guru Narahari, R&ma, his mother KausalyS, his consort Sita, Hanum&n, Brahmans, saints, and even villains and wicked men. On the last-mentioned, TulasTdasa says: " I do homage to the feet of saints and wicked men alike; both cause pain, but with a difference; the absence of the former is like the pain of death, the latter torment us by their presence. They are born into the world together, but like the lotus and the leech their qualities are different. The good and the bad are like nectar and strong drink, begotten of one world as these {amrta and surd), which arose from the churning of the deep ocean. The good and the bad, according co their deeds, win fair fame and infamy in full measure; the good are like nectar or the moon or Garigd, the harmful like poison or fire or Karmanasa. All know their merits and demerits, but whatever a man likes seems good to him; wherefore the good man follows after goodness. Vfed the vile man after vileness; nectar is praised for giving immortality, poison for causing death." Ibid., Doha 4-5, Caupai 5, p. 5 X
*RCM(H\ Doha 47-123, Caupai 48-124, pp. 29-61.
"Ibid., Doha 125-151, Caupai 125-152, pp. 61-72. According to the story of Narada, Vi$nu creates an illusory situation in which the sage Narada is attracted by the beauty of King SilanidhPs daughter named Visvamohani In order to win the hand of the princess, Narada seeks the help of Vi$nu in transforming him into a handsome suitor in the svayamvara contest. Vi$nu, being in a mood for divine lild or sport, makes Narada look like a simian being without the sage becoming aware of it. The princess chooses Vi$rm who appears in the guise of a handsome king. Two of Siva's followers at the contest tell Narada to look at his own image in a mirror. The bewildered sage becomes furious and curses them to be born as demons, and then he goes to Vi$nu and curses him too in these words: " Assume the form as that in which you cheated me! That is my curse! You made me look like a monkey, so monkeys will be your helpers; you caused my dire disgrace, so you will sorrow for the loss of your wife •" Ibid., Caupai 137, p. 66. A variant form of this story appears in the Adbhuta-Rdmdyana as well as in the Bengali Rdmdyaria of Ram&nanda entitled Ramitild (" Rama's Sport"), as the tale of King Ambari$a and his beautiful daughter named Srlmati. See G. A. Grierson, " On the AdbhutaRtaiayaw, "BSOAS, Vol. IV, Pt. 1 (1926-1928), p. 13; also Dineschandra Sen. The Bengali Rdmdyanas, pp. 243-244. According to the story of Manu Svayambhuva, Vi$nu grants Manu a great reward for the great austerities which he and his wife £atarOp& have performed, and the reward is in fact a boon by which Manu will be born a king of Ayodhya and Vi$nu himself will be bora as his son. Ibid., Dohd 141-151. Caupai 142-152, pp. 68-72.
Tkilasicttsa's R&macharitamftnasa in Hindi
459
to explain the birth of Ravana and his family as demons.1* Valmiki's lengthy narration of legends relating to the story of Sagara and his sons, how Bhagiratha brought the Ganga down from heaven, and how the gods and the titans foughts for the amrta or ambrosia after the churning of the ocean,15 is omitted by Tulasidasa, who only refers to the legends from time to time in the course of his poem.16 There is also no suggestion in Tulasidasa'* poem about the rivalry between the sages Vas^t^a and ViSvamitra as it is related by J§ .tananda in Valmiki's epic.17 Again, the long accounts given by Valmiki on certain episodes are condensed by Tulasidasa in a few verses,18 and, on the other hand, l
'RCM(H)9 Book 1, Doha 152-176, Caupaf 153-176, pp. 72-82, Pratipabh&nu, a man of supreme wisdom and discernment, rules over the prosperous kingdom of Kekaya. However, as decreed by destiny, one day he goes on a hunting expedition to the dense forest of Vindhy&cala where, while giving chase to mysterious wild boar, he loses his track and is forced to seek refuge in what appears to be a hermitage. Its occupant is a former enemy of the king who lives there in the guise of a hermit biding his time to take revenge upon Prat&pabhanu. The king does not know the 'hermit* though the 'hermit', knows the king. Believing his host to be a true hermit, the king asks him for a boon by which he will have no enemy to contend with; this boon is granted on the condition that the king shall avoid the wrath and curse of Brahmans. It is also agreed that the * hermit * himself will assume the form of the royal priest to help in the preparation of food for a great banquet to which the king will invite thousands of Brahmans. The deceitful enemy of the king in the guise of the royal priest cooks the flesh of all kinds of animals which he also mingles with that of Brahmans for the banquet. The Brahmans come to know of this trick through a voice from heaven and they angrily curse the king and the entire royal household to be born as Ravana and his family of demons. " VR (HPS). Vol. 1, Book 1, Ch. 38-41, pp. 81-87; Ch. 42-44; pp. 88-93, Ch. 45-47, pp. 93-99. *• E.g., RCM(H\ Book 2, Caupai 209, pp. 245-246. " VR(HPS\ Vol. I, Book 1, Ch. 51-65, pp. 104-131. 19 For example, the ncounter between the headless titan Ka band ha and R&ma soon after Havana's abduction of Sit* is narrated by Valmiki in great detail. Kabandha as a handsome youth obtains the boon of a long life from Brahma and later he challenges. Indra to a combat. Indra uses his thunderbolt to drive Kabandha's head and shoulders into his body. A huge mouth is opened in his belly and his arms are made four mihs long so that he may catch creatures and devour them. R&ma meets him in the forest and slays him. At Kabandha's r ;quest R&ma cr mates th? body and he comes out of th ? fire in his original from and asends to heaven, VR HPS)9 Vol. II, Book 3. Ch. 69-73, pp. 144-155. TulasTd&sa, however, refers only briefly to the slaying of Kabandha by R&ma, who also tells him that those who do sincere service to the Brahmans in thought, word and deed may command Vi$nu, Brahma and Siva and all the other deities. RCM(H\ Book 3, Doha 3,3, Caupai 31-32, p. 317.
460
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the narration of some events which Valmiki has dismissed in a few ilokas has been expanded by Tulasidasa.19 The divergence of Tulasidasa's poem from the Sanskrit epic of Valmiki is more marked in the seventh and last book (Uttara-kanda). Valmiki's epic refersfirstto the dialogue between Rama and the sage Agastya, who relates the story of Ravapa's birth and his adventurous exploits; this account is followed by the story of Hanuman's childhood. The remainder of the book narrates the exile of Sita and the events that preceded the great Aivamedha yaga (" Horse Sacrifice") as well as the subsequent events including Ramas recognition of his sons KuSa and Lava born of Sita in exile, Sita s descent into the earth and Rama's ascent to the heaven.20 There is, however, no mention of these events in the epilogue of Tulasidasa's poem and its author substitutes for them the story of Kakabhusuntfi and long discourses on the nature of Vi§nu and the Vai$$avite faith.11 Yet another significant point of difference between the two poems is the fact that Tulasidasa has omitted to mention certain incidents and episodes of Valmiki's work apparently because they offend the moral sense and would therefore appear inconsistent with the perfection that is depicted of the central character in his poem. Tulasidasa does not mention the unfilial remarks 19
V&lmiki's description of Rama's marriage to Sita is minimal and it consists mainly of King Janaka's address to R&ma: " Here is my virtuous daughter SIt&, whom I bestow on thee; receive her and be happy; place her hand in thy hand; may she, faithful to her consort, be happy and follow him like a shadow!" VR (HPS), Vol. I, Book 1, Ch. 73, p> 145. On the other hand, Tulasidasa's elaborate account of the wedding ceremony includes the descriptions of the gods' arrival, their admiration of the gorgeous pavilion, the wedding procession, the divine beauty of the couple, the performance of Vedic and social rites, the value of the dowry, the fun and merriment in the women's apartments, the wedding banquet, and even king Janaka's offer of tambula (betel-leaf and areca-nut, or pan) to king Da&ratha and the other guests.. RCM(H\ Book 1, Doha 312-329, Caupai 310-326, pp. 137-148. M VR{HPS\ Vol. Ill, Book 7, Ch. 1-36, pp. 375-498; Ch. 37-111, pp. 499-636. " RCM(H)t Book 7 (Epilogue), pp. 431-499, K&kabhusupdi is a crow that has become a votary of R&ma after having heard the Rama-story from Siva while being his devotee. See RCM(H\ Book 1, Caupdl 30, p. 19. In the epilogue of his poem Tulashttsa makes Kftkabhusutrfi relate the adventures of his former lives and also repeat the Rftma-story to Garura (Garuda), the King of Birds, to resolve his doubts.
Tulasid&sa's Ramacharitam&nasa in Hindi
461
attributed by Valmiki to Lakjmana when he becomes furious at his father's decision to exile Rama, 22 nor does he repeat Sita's unkind suggestion that, because of Lak§mana*s own selfish designs upon her, he refuses to go to Rama's aid when he seems to be in danger while trying to track down the mysterious golden deer.1* There is also no mention in his poem about Rama's justification of his unethical act of killing Vali that after all Vali is only a monkey. 24 Most significant of all omissions is the story of Rama's conduct in repudiating Sita and later banishing her to the forest because of the slanderous allegations made by the people of Ayodhya impugning her conjugal fidelity.25 According to Valmiki's version, Rama refuses to accept Sita after having rescued her from Ravana and causes her to undergo an ordeal by fire; Sita is restored by the fire-god Agni while Rama declares that he only acted thus to prove Sita's innocence publicly. 26 Tulasidasa, on the other hand, takes care to protect Sita's reputation from all possible stain by the device of causing the true Sita to enter the fire so that Ravaiia abducts only her illusory form; the real Sita returns from the fire when the substitute Sita undergoes the ordeal by fire after she is rescued by Rama from Ravana. 27 Moreover, there is no mention of Sita's exile in Tulasidasa's poem. 28 It would thus seem quite evident from the above that the Ramacaritamanasa is certainly not a translation of the Sanskrit Adi-kavya, though Tulasidasa is known to have acknowledged 2
- VR(HPS\ Vol. I, Book 2, Ch. 21, pp. 216-217. Ibid., Vol. II, Book 3, Ch. 45, pp. 93-94. s « Ibid., Vol. II. Book 4, Ch. 18, pp. 210-212. -5 Ibid., Vol III, Book 6, Ch. 117, pp. 334-336; Book, Ch. 43-45, pp. 521-525 * Ibid., Vol. HI, Book 6, Ch. 120, pp. 341-342. 27 RCM(H\ Book 3, Caupdi 22, pp. 311; Book 6, Doha 108, Chanda 33, pp. 422-423. It is believed that Tulasld&sa adopted this device probably from the Adhydtma-Rdmdyana (III, 7, 1-4). Ibid.% p. xix, A similar device is also known to be employed by the authors of the Yoga Vdsiftha-Rdmdyana and the Adbhuta-Ramayana.* C. G. E. Grierson, "On the Adbhuta-R&m&yapa," BSOAS, Vol. IV, Pt. 1 (1926-1928), p. 12. See also Ch, Vaudeville, Etude sur les sources vt la composition du Rdmdyana de TuhUDds (Paris, 1955) p. 191. -8 The Lavakuiakdnda, found in some editions of the Ramacaritamanasa as the eighth book is not considered to be the work of Tulasid&sa. See RCM{H). pp. xviii-xix and 516. 23
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asa
Valmiki's poem as one of the major sources on which he based his account of the Rama story.29 The relationship of Tulasidasa's poem to the other sources has also been examined in a thorough manner by Prof. Charlotte Vaudeville among others and it would appear quite clear from her study that Tulasidasa has adopted several elements from many different sources such as the Adhyatma-Ramayajta, the Yoga Vasistha-Ramayana, Bhusmtfi-Ramayava, the Siva-Pura#a, the Bhagavata-Purapa, the Hanuman-Nataka, and Jayadeva's Prasanna-Rdghava™ In addition to these sources, we may also refer to the possibility of certain other Hindu versions of the Rama story such as the Tamil version of Kamban having exerted some influence of Tulasidasa in the composition of his poem.81 Kamban's Iramavataram, which is commonly known as Kambaramayanam, has been acclaimed to be the "greatest epic of Tamil literature "32 and its author is also known by the title * RCM{H\ Book 1, Sloka 14D, p. 11. * Ch. Vaudeville, Etude sur les sources et la composition du Ramayana du Tulsi Das (Paris: Librairie d'Amerique et d'Orient, 1955); traduction on hindi par J. K. Balbir 2 fasc. <'Pondichery: Institut Francais d'Indoiogic, 1950 and 1965). Pandit Ram Naresh Tripatfii has listed in his Hindi edition of the Ramacaritamanasa (Prayag: Hindi Mandir, Sarpvat 1992; A.D. 1936) some hundred passages from Tulasidasa's poem which echo verses in more than sixty works, among them the BhagavadgUd (7 passages) and the BhagavataPuranu (23 passages). RCM(H\ p. xvi. 11
See S. Shankar Raju Naidu, " Unique Contribution of Kambar and Tulasidas," Dr. R. P. Sethu Pillai Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume (Madras: Palaniappa Brothers, 1961), pp. 87-90. " & / Kambaramayanam, with the commentary by V. M. Gopalakrishnamachariyar, 6 vols. Madras: V. M. Gopalakrishnamachariyar Co., 1957, hereinafter cited as KR\ See also Kaviccakkaravartti Kambar lyarriya Iramayanam edited by R. P. Sethuppillai and others. 6 Vol.s Annamalainagar: Annamalai University, 1957-1970. Kamban's poem consists of 10,000 verses, or 40,000 lines, composed in more than ninety variations of three kinds of Tamil poetic metres, namely, Kali, Viruttum, and Turai. The entire work is divided into six kanfams (Skt. Kantfa, " Book " or major section) and each kanfam is also subdivided into several pafalams (Skt. rofala%" Chapter " or minor section). Kamban's narration of the story concludes with the victorious return of R&ma and Site to Ayodhyg, and, as such, it does not deal with the later story of Rama.
Tulasid&sa's R&macharitan&nasa in Hindi
463
Kaviccakkravarti (" Emperor of Poets " j . 8 3 The exact date of Kamban's poem is by no means certain, and there are a number of theories which advocate the 9th, 10th, or 12th century A.D. as the possible date of its composition. It would however seem that the most probable date for Kamban is the 12th century A.D. 34 As for the relationship of Kamban's poem to Valmiki-Ramayana, it would seem likely that Kamban adopted the main plot of the Rama-story and several of its details from Valmiki's .work. However, as Prof. C. and H. Jesudasan have aptly remarked, this is the sum and substance of Kamban's debt to Valmiki.85 Indeed there are so many major and minor differences between Kamban's poem and the Sanskrit epic of Valmiki that we can say emphatically that Kambaramayanam is certainly not a translation, nor i« it an imitation of Valmiki's poem.36 On the contrary, Kamban's poem can be distinguished from the other Hindu ver-
11
T. P. Meenakshisundaram, A History of Tamil Literature, p. 102.
14
C. Jesudasan and H. Jesudasan, A History of Tamil Literature, p. 157. Kamban, a native of TiruvaJuntQr in the Co]a kingdom, is known to have been patronized by a chieftain named Cataiyan or Cataiyappan, to whom the poet refers in every thousandth varse of his poem by way of expressing his gratitude to his patron, Ibid., pp. 184-185. " See C. Jesudasan and H. Jesudasan, op. cit., pp. 184-185; T. P. Meenakshisundaram, op.tit., p. 102; also S. Vaiyapurj Pillai, Tamilccufarmarukal pp. 127-149, 39
The various divergences of Kamban's poem from Valmlki's epic are summarised in the introductory notes of the following editions of Kamban's poem: Sri Kambaramayanam, with the commentary by V. M. Gopalakrishnamachariyar, 6 Vols. (Madras: V. M. Gopalakrishnamachariyar Co.,) 1957; Kaviccakkravartti Kambar lyarfiya Iramayanam, edited by R.P. Sethuppillai and others (Annamalainagar: Annamalai University, 1957-1970). In addition, the following works also deal with the major differences between Kamban's poem and V&lmiki's epic: N&makkal V. Ramalingam, Kambarum Vdlmikiyum (Madras, 1956); V. V. Aiyar, Kamba Ramdyana, a study (Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 196S), S. Singaravelu, " A comparative study of the Sanskrit, Tamil, Thai and Malay versions of the story of Rftma with special reference to the process of acculturation in the South-east Asian versions,*9 JSS, Vol. LVI, PL 2 (July 1968). pp. 137-185.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
sions of the Rama-story including that of Valmiki by virtue of its own characteristic features;37 Now, with regard to the relationship of Kambaramayanam to Tulaslramayana, it would seem apparent from the treatment of certain episodes occurring in the latter that the former had exerted certain amount of influence on Tulafcidasa,88 Thus for example, the theme of pre-marital love of Rama and Sita depicted by both Kamban and Tulasidasa is a striking example of the similarity, which, in fact, distinguishes their poems from the Sanskrit epic of Valmiki. According to Kamban's Iramavatdram in Tamil, Rama and Sita see each other before the archery contest and they fall in love at this first sight;39 even this is also said to represent the leunion of Vij^u and Lak^mi.40 Similarly Tulasidasa relates in his poem that Rama and Sita see each other in the flower-garden of King Janaka where she has gone to seek the blessings of the goddess Gauri before the archery contest;41 and their love at first sight is also said to be the renewal of Vi§iju's love foi Lak§mi.42 Tulasidasa's treatment of certain other episodes also would seem to agree with that of Kamban, such similarity being again " A distinctive feature of Kamban's poem is its regional or local literary relevance. Thus, for example, Kamban's descriptions of the ideal Ik?v&ku kingdom of Kosala and its capital-city Ayodhyi, are highly reminiscent of the classical Tamil poets* portrayal of the five-fold landscape (aintinai) of the Tamil country. The codes of ethical conduct, .which Kamban employs in his poem may also be traced to TiruvalJuvar's Tamil ethical treatise, TirukkuraL Furthermore, his portrayal of the hero R&ma as an incarnation of Vi$nu evokes the devotional hymns of {he Tamil Vai$$avite Alvars. See C. Jesudasan and H. Jesudasan. A kistory of Tamil Literature* pp. 158-163. " This possibility, is strengthened by the fact that South Indian sacred sites were among the places included in the itinerary of Tulas'dftsa when he went on a pilgrimage before returning to Ayodhyft where he began to compose his poem in 1574 A.D. See RCM{H)% p. x. " KRy Book L Ch. 10, V. 35. An anonymous writer, who wrote a character* sketch of Sit& for inclusion in V.V.S. Aiyar's work (Kamba Ramayana, a study; Bombay, 1965, pp. 287-316) has rendered Kamban's Tamil verses in English. «•*/?, Book J,Ch. 10, V. 38. "See RCM(H)t Book 1, Doha 226-234, Caupdl 224-232, pp. 103r106. "Ibid., Bookl, Caupai 226, p. 104; also pp217-218.
Book 2,
Caupdi
139,
Tulasid&sa's R&macharitaminasa in Hindi
465
at variance with that of Valmiki. Thus, for example, while Valmiki makes Ravana's sister 6urpaflakha appear in hideous form when she attempts to win Rama's love in the forest,43 Kamban44 and Tulasidasa,45 on the other hand, make SurpaJjakha appear in the guise of a beaut ful maiden, and this portrayal would seem to accord well with her attempt to seduce Rama. Now, on the question of the possible relationship of the Tulasl Ramayana to the Thai Ramakien** of King Rama I, we find that the motif of depicting the pre-marital love of Rama and Sita, which forms a notable feature of both the Kambaramayanam
" VR (HPS)t Vol. II, Book 3, Ch. 17, p. 39: " Beholding the hero (Rftma) the equal of Indra, the r&k$asi (the demoness Sdrpanakha) was overwhelmed with desire. R&ma was handsome; she hideous; his waist was slender, hers thick and heavy; he had large eyes, hers squinted; his locks were beautiful, hers were red; his whole appearance was pleasing, hers repellent. Rama's voice was sonorous, hers strident; he was fair and youthful, she old and haggard; he was am able, she sullen; he was self-controlled, she unruly; he was captivating, she odious.*9 "KRy Book 3, Ch. 5,. V. 30-31. According to Kamban (KR. Book 3, Ch. 5, V. 31), SQrpanakha comes into Rama's presence in the form of a beautiful young creeper-like maiden of lotus-flower-like feet, and her gait resembles that of peacock and swan. One could even perhaps listen to the joyous and dance-like rhythm of her gait while following the regular metrical pattern sound in the following relevant verse of Kamban: (paftci o]ir viftcu kulir pallavam anuAkac ceftceviya kaftcamnimir cirafiyal aki, aflcol ila maftfiai ena, annam ena, minnum vaftci ena, nancam ena vaftea makal vant&l) « RCM(H), Book 3, Caupdi 16, p. 306. 49
R&ma, I, King of Thailand, Ramakian Pharartchaniphon RatchakanThi L (The Ramakian of the First Reign, the Thai version of the R&m&yaQa). 4 vols. Bangkok: Chabap Khruusapha (Tecahers9 Association edition) 1951. Thai text). For a summary translation of this work in English, see Ramakirti {Ramakien\ or the Thai version of the Ramayana. Summary translation by Swami Satyanandapuri and Charoen Sarahiran. Bangkok: Dharmashrama, 1940; reprinted, Bangkok: Thai Bharat Cultural Lodge and Satyanandapuri Foundation, 1949; also R. A. Olsson, The Ramakian. A prose translation, of the Thai version of R£m&yaQa. Bangkok: Praepitaya Co., Ltd., 1968. (Contd. on Page No. 466)
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
and the Tulasl Ramayana, occur* also in the Thai Ramakien* It would, indeed, seem possible that the popular motif could have been adopted by the royal author of the Thai version from earlier sources such as the Kambaramdyartam and the Tulasl Ramayana. Such a possibility is strengthened by the fact that the sources chosen by King Rama I for the composition of the Thai Ramakien are known to have included a Tamil as well as a Hindi version, in addition to the Bengali version and some of the earlier Southeast Asian versions of the Rama-story.48 This question may be explored further by a detailed comparison of the treatment of the motif in the three versions concerned and, for this purpose the relevant passages of the three versions may be summarised as follows: (a) KAMBARAMAYANAM (Book 1, Ch. 10, V. 1-61): When Rama, accompanied by Lak§mana and the sage Vigvanvtra, entered the city of Mithila, its golden walls shone like red lotus flower because beautiful Sita—the goddess of wealth Lakjmi—had chosen the city as her abode. The royal visitors saw pretty flags and streamers adorning the multi-sculptured mansions. Flags on sturdy poles fluttered briskly as if they The term Ramakien (which is the Thai pronunciation of the word Rdmakirti meaning'4 Rama's Glory ") is the name of the poetic version of the Ramayana in Thai language, composed by the founder of the present Cakri dynasty of Thailand, namely, king Phra Phuttha Yotfa, or Rama I (reigned 1782-1802 A.D.). Though there are some surviving fragments of Thai texts containing brief accounts of certain epsiodes of the Rama-story dating back to earlier times (see P. Schweisguth, Etude sur la litterature siamoisn. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1951, pp. 395-397), nevertheless the Ramakien of King Rama 1 is acknowledged to be the earliest known complete literary version of the Ramastory in Thai language. Subsequently, dramatic versions arc known to have been composed by King Phra Phuttha Lootla, or Rama II in 1815, and by king Vajiravudh, or R&ma VI in 1910. On the evidence of the popularity of the Rima-story in the form of Thai folklore, see Phya Anuman Rajadhon (Sathion Koset), Upakom Ramakien, Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, B.E. 2495 (AJX 1952) (Thai text). 47
Ramakian Phraracthaniphon Ratchakan Thil, Vol. I, Book 14, pp. 381-821.
*• C. Velder, " Notes on the saga of Rama in Thailand." JSS, Vol. LVI, Pt. 1 (1968), p 36.
Tulasidftsa's Rftmachariuunloasa in Hindi
467
signif ed the city itself waving its arms to welcome Rama of lotus-like eyes with the meetings: "Come thou quickly! Come thou q u i c k l y ! " . . . The windows at the upper-storey of the royal mansion with young maidens present there glittered as though there were so many moons. . . . When Rama stopped briefly at the courtyard, where the majestic swans Were to be seen, he saw Sita of golden splendour, flowery fragrance, honeyed sweetness and mel'd'ous joy. As the charming damsel stood by the window of the loftly mansion above, her eyes met with the eyes of Rama who stood below, and their hearts were imited. They were bound together by the first glance, and they became of one self. It was indeed the moment of their reunion since the time they had parted at the primordial abode of the dark ocean. As Rama moved from the scene with his mind full of fond recollections of lovely Sita, Sita herself became delirious with love for Rama. (b) TULASIKRTA-RAMAYANA [RCM{H\ Book 1, Caupai 209-232 ,pp. 97-106]:" When Rama beheld the beauty of the city of Mithila, he and his brother Lak$maiia were delighted beyond measure. . . . The gods stood astounded to behold the luxurious splendour of King Janaka's incomparable palace The above description is followed by an account of the meeting between the sage ViSvamitra and K»ng Janaka in the company of Rama and Lak$mafla; subsequently Rama and Lak$mana are said to have gone on a sight-seeing tour of the city when the citizens of Mithila hud a great opportunity to see the royal visitors. It was on the following morning that when Rama and Lak$mana had gone to the garden of the city Rama saw Sita who had also gone there to worship at Gaud's shrine. None guessed the love that had been theirs of old (Rama being an incarnation of V'SJIU and Sita of Lak§mi). Sita called to nr'nd the words of Nan.da (who had told her J hat she would meet Rama her future husbard in the garden), and pure love was bom in her bosom. Startled, she looked this way and that, like a frightened fawn. Hearing the tinkle of her bracelets and anklets
468
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
and the bells on her girdle, Rama pondered in his heart and said to Lak§mana, " It sounds as though love were beating his drum, ambitious to vanquish the world!" So saying, he turned and looked in that direction, and his eyes were fixed on Si a's face as the patridge gazes on the moon. Motionless stayed his beauteous eyes. When Sita saw Rama's graceful form her eyes were filled with longing, and were so glad as though they had looked upon their treasure. She was faint with excess of love, like the partridge when she looks on the autumn moon. She d^ew Rama into her heart by the pathway of her eyes and carefully closed on him the door of her eyelids. Pretending to look back at a deer or bird or a tree, she turned again and again, and each time she beheld the beauty of Rama, her love grew even greater. Thinking how hard it was to break the bow of Siva, she went silently sobbing on her way, and laid upon her heart his dark-hued image. When R4ma saw Sita departing, that mine of joy and love and beauty and virtue, then with the gentle ink of deep devotion he traced her fair form on the tablet of his soul. (c) KING RAMA IS RAMAKIEN (Vol. I, Book 14, pp. 381-382): Rama together witli Lak$mapa and the sage Viivamilra crossed over the stream and proceeded along the meadow in their journey through the great forest, and arrived at the mighty city of Mithila, end directly entered the city's gates. Rama looked intently at the city of Mithila which was gay like the joyful heavenly land. There were edifices, mansions and shops situated neatly along the avenues. There were gay and noisy crowds of citizens, both men and women. There were stables for elephants and horses, and also arenas in which the mighty elephants tested their strength. There were rows of flags, hoisted upon the poles and the tiered royal umbrellas; the flags were waving and shining forth as though they were beckoning the royal visitor which the words, " We beseech Your Majesty to be gracious enough to make haste and proceed; Your Majesty will have the gracious maiden Sita." Bewildered and being in a doubtful frame of mind as to what was in store for him, the royal visitor walked on at the same time
Tulasidisa's Rftmacaritamfinasa i* Hindi
46t
casting his glance to look at the royal palace which was like the mansion of Ihdra. The five towers of crystal combined with gold shone with the gabled roofs and golden images on four directions, supported by the figures of nSga standing upright. Rama admired the golden crystal gem at the royal window, unforgettably beautiful like the goddess, and his eyes met with those of Sita; glamorous charms combined to bind their hearts tightly together. Thus, the youthful Sita on the upper storey of the mansion, rejoicing and glancing furtively across the aperture of the latticed window triumphantly while being hidden, her royal eyes met with those of Rama. Love, till then restrained, gushed forth, as Sita (as Lak§mi) was indeed accustomed to be seated at the feet of her lord in her previous existence. Boundless love and longings sprang forth in the heart of the young and beautiful maiden just now. Thus, Rama conferred his blessings of boundless love on the auspicious maiden, like fire touching her heart, and he could not stop to gaze intently, but looked only for a moment and at the same time not seeming to look, before Lak§mana could call him to attention; he turned and walked, at the same time having a glance at the balcony window with longing and love, and proceeded along with the sage until they arrived at the hall of ceremonies. Thus, elegant Sita fell in love at the very first sight of Cakri, the Ruler with the Wheel (Cakra), upon whom she had not placed her eyes directly, but only glanced sideways through the corner of her eyes, looking furtively. She now suffered much from great pangs of love; she disliked everything; she moaned and groaned. She did not see Rama returning the same way again. The youthful maiden was sorrowful and longed for him. When she was questioned by someone who wanted to know what was wrong with her she felt bashful and could not utter any word. Countless memories of the earthly lord came into her mind. Love bound them both together. A comparison of the summarised accounts relating to the pre-marital love of Rama and Sita as found in the three versions rf the R&ma-story would seem to reveal that there are both simiarities and divergences in the literary treatment of the motif.
470
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Thus, for example, the authors of all the three versions have described the various special features of the capital city Mithila, such as the avenues, market place or shops, stables, sporting arenas, and beautiful mansions. Another notable similarity found in the three versions is the reference to Rama and Sita being the incarnation of the deity Vijnu and his consort Lak$mi, respectively. Most important of all the parallels to be found in the three versions is the description of the scene in which Rama and Sita fall in love at first sight. As for the divergences occurring in the Rdmacaritamanasa, its author Tulasidasa would seem to have introduced an innovation by narrating first the sight-seeing tour of Rama and Lakjma^a in the city of Mithila, followed by the account of their visit on the following day to the garden of Mithila, where Rama and Sita see each other and fall in love at first sight. The innovations introduced by the royal author of the Thai Ramakien relate to the description of royal mansions having gabled roofs decorated with the naga or makara motif—a feature that has been typical of the Thai architectural tradition. Furthermore, the description of flags fluttering from the multi-tiered staff of royal umbrellas seems to be an additional refinement, which is again significant in the context of the multi-tiered royal umbrella being an important part of the royal regalia in Thailand. It would thus seem from the above examples that in the matter of literary acculturation the final treatment of any given motif often rests with the authors of the individual literary works even though they could have adopted such a mil if from certain earlier sources, and also that the combination of such an adopted motif with the local cultural elements could produce a kaleidoscopic effect. The adopted motifs would be bits of coloured gems, and when shaken or rearranged, they would fall into a variety of attractive forms. Thus, the treatment of the popular motif, namely the premarital love of Rama and Sita as found in the Tamil version of Kamban, the Hindi version of Tulasidasa, and the Thai version of King Rama I, would seem to indicate not only the possible relationship among the three versions, but also the individual literary genius of the three famous poetic authors of the everpopular Rama-story.
ABBREVIATIONS BSOAS., Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London. ERE—Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics; edited by James Hastings. 12 Vols. Edinburgh: T.T. Clarke, 1908-1921. JZP5(KJt>—Hari Prasad Shastri (Trans.), The Ramayana of Valnuki, translated into English by Hari Prasad Shastri. 3 Vols. London: Shant Sadan, 1952-1959. JAY—Indian Antiquary JAS—Journal of Asian Studies, Ann Arbor, Michigan* U.S.A. JRAS—Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London, England. JSS—Journal of the Siam Society, Bangkok, Thailand. KR—Sri Kambaramayanam, with the commentary by V. M. Gopalakrishnamachariar. 6 Vols. 6th edition, Madras: V. M Gopalakrishnamachariar Co., 1959. (First Published, 1894-1932). Oamil Text). PICSTS(l)—Proceedings of the First International Conference Seminar of Tamil Studies 2 Vols. (Kuala Lumpur: International Association of Tamil Research 1968 and 1969). RCMitty—The Holy Lake of the Acts of Rama. An English translation of TulasT D&sa's R&macaritam&nasa, by W. Douglas P. Hill. Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1952. TR—Thai Rdmakien. VR—Valmiki-Ramayana.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY V. V. S. Kamba Ramayana—a study. Bhavan, 1965.
AIYAR,
ALLCHIN, F. R.
Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya
See TULASl-DASA.
RAJADHON, Phya. Upakorn Ramakien. Bangkok: Department, B. E. 2495 (A.D. 1952). (Thai text).
ANUMAN
Fine Arts
Camille. Rama-Katha. Upatiaur Vikasa (The origin and development of the Rftma story). Allahabad: Hindi Parishad, Allahabad University 1950. (Hindi text).
BULCKE,
S. N. " Rfim&yaoa-an instrument of historical contact and cultural transmission between India and Asia,*9 JAS, Vol. XXX, No. 1 (1970). pp. 5-20.
DESAI,
H. H. Prince. " The R&makien. A Siamese version of the story of Rfima", Fiftieth Anniversary Publication of the Burma Research Society, Vol. I, (Rangoon, 1961), pp. 33-45.
DHANI NIVAT,
472
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia Sir George A. " Notes on Tulasi-Das, •* Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXII (1893), pp. 264-274.
GRIERSON,
Sir George A. " Is the R&m&yapa of Tulasl-D&sa a translation?" JRAS (1913), pp. 133-141.
GRIERSON,
Sir George A. " Tulasl-D&sa," ERE Vol. XII (Edinburgh: T. T. Clark, 1921), pp. 469-473.
GRIERSON,
GROWSE,F. A.
See TULASl-DASA.
HARI PRASAD SHASTRI.
SCCVALMIKJ.
HILL, W. Douglas P. See TULASl-DASA. JACOBI,
H. G. Das Ramayana. Bonn: F. 1 Cohen, 1893.
C. and JESUDASAN, H. "Kamban's Ir&m&vat&ram," A History of Tamil Literature (Calcutta: Y.M.C.A. Publishing House, 1961), pp. 155-185.
JESUDASAN,
Sri Kambardmayagam. With the commentary by V. M. Gopalakrishnamachariar. 6 Vols. 6th edition, Madras: V. M. Gopalakrishna* machariar Co., 1959. (First published, 1894-1932). (Tamil text).
KAMBAN.
Kaviccakkravartti Kambar lyarriya Iramayariam. Edited by R. P. Sethuppillai and others. 6 Vols. Annamalainagar: Annamalai Lniversity, 1957-1970.
KAMB/ I.
R. A. The Rdmakien. A Prose translation of the Thai version of R&m&yaQa. Bangkok: Preapitaya Co., Ltd., 1968.
OLSSON,
C. The Ayodhyd canto of the RAmayana (of Kamban) London: G. Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1961.
RAJAGOPALACHARI,
RAMA I, King of Thailand. RdmakianPhraracthaniphon Ratchakan 75V/. (The R&makien of the First Reign the Thai version of the R&mflyaoa). 4Vols. Bangkok: Chabap Khruusapha (Teachers* Association edition). 1951. (Thai text). RAMA II, King of Thailand. Bot Lakhon ruang Ramakien, Phrachaniphon Pbra Somdet Phra Phuttalee laphalai. (Thai dramatic version of the Rftmayana by King R&ma II, with an essay on the origins of the Thai RAmakien by King R&ma VI). Bangkok, 1956. (Thai text). S. ' Study on the sources of the Lao Rftm&yaQa tradition, * Bulletin des Amis du Royaume Lao. No. 6 (1971), pp. 219-232.
SAHAI,
Swami, and CHAROEN SARAHIRAN. (Trans.). The Rdmakfrti (Rdmakien), or the Thai version of the Rdmdyana. Summary translation. Bangkok: Dharmasharama, 1940; reprinted, Bangkok: Thai Bharat Cultural Lodge and Satyanandapuri Foundation. 1949. (English text).
SATYANANDAPURI,
P. Etude sur la literature National, 1951.
SCHWEISOUTH,
siamoise. Paris:
Roprimorie,
SEN, Dineshchandra. The Bengali Rdmdyanas- Calcutta; University of Calcutta, 1920.
Tulasid&sa's R&macaritam&nasa in Hindi
473
S. M Unique contribution of Kambar and Tulasid&s,*' Dr. R. P. Sethu Piliai Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume (Madras: Palaniappa Brothers, 1961), pp. 87-90.
SHANKAR RAJU NAIDU,
S. " A comparative study of the story of R&ma in South India and South-east Asia," PICSTS(l)9 Vol. I (Kuala Lumpur, 1968), pp. 89-140.
SINGARAVELU,
S. " A comparative study of the Sanskrit, Tamil, Thai, and Malay versions of the story of R&ma with special reference to the process of acculturation in the South-east Asian versions," JSS. Vol. LVI, pt.22 (1968), pp. 137-185.
SINGARAVELU,
Rdmacaritamdnasa9 edited with commentary by Chimanlal Gosvami and Nandaularey Vajpeyi. Gorakhpur: Gita Press, 1938.
TULASI-DASA.
The Holy Lake of the Acts of Rama. An English translation of Tulasi Dfts's Rimacaritam&nasa, by W. Douglas P. Hill. Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1952.
TULASI-DASA.
The Rdmdyana ofTulsi Das, translated from the original Hindi by F. S. Growse. 8th revised edition, Allahabad: Rama Narain Lai Beni Prasad, 1966. (First published, Allahabad, 1877-1881).
TULASI-DASA.
Kavitdvali, translated with a critical introduction by F. R. Allchin. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1964.
TULASI-DASA.
The Petition to Rama, Hindi devotional hymns of the seventeenth century, a translation of Vinaya-pattrikfi with introduction, notes, and glossary by F. R. Allchin. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1966.
TULASI-DASA.
S. TamilccufarmagikaL 3rd edition, Madras: P&rinilayam, 1959. (Tamil text).
VAIYAPURI PILLAI,
VAIYAPURI PILLAI,
S. Kamban Kdviyam. Madras: Tamil pputtakftlayam, 1955.
(Tamil text). The Rdmdyana of Vdlmfki, critically edited for the first time by G. H. Bhatt, P. L. Vaidya, P. C. Divanji, D. R. Mankad and G. C. Jahla. 6 Vols. Baroda: Oriental Institute, M. S. University of Baroda, 1960-1971. (Sanskrit text).
VALMIKI.
The Rdmayana of Vdlmfki, translated into English by T.H. Griffith. 3rd edition, Varanasi: The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, 1963.
VALMIKI.
The Rdmdyana of Vdlmtki, translated into English by Hari Prasad Shastri. 3 Vols. London: Shanti Sadan. 1952-1959.
VXLMIKI.
CH. Etude sur les sources et la composition du Rdmdyana de Tulsi-Dds. Paris: Librairie d'Amerique et d'Orient Adrien Maisonneuve, 1955. Traduction en Hindi par J. K. Balbir, 2 Fasc. Pondichery: Institut Francais dlndologie, 1950-1965.
VAUDEVILLE,
414
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
VitDBR, Christian. Der Kampf der Gotter und Damonen. Aus dem thailandischen Rftmakien ubertragen und mit einem Machwort versehen von C. Velder. Schwinfurt: Neues Forum, 1962. Christian. " Notes on the saga of Rftma in Thailand, " JSS9 Vol. LVI, pt. 1 (1968), pp. 33-46.
VUDER,
Vo
Phra Lak, Phra Lam ou le Rdmdyan Lao. Vithagna, 1972.
THU TINH.
Vientiane: Edition*
A. The Rama Saga in Malaysia, its origin and development. Translation in English by P. W. Buich. With a Foreword by C. Hooykaas. Singapore: Malaysian Sociological Research Institute, 1963.
ZBSBNISS,
ZVELEBIL, K. " The Imperial Poet (Kamban)'*, The Smile of Murugan in Tamil Literature of South India. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973), pp.207-217.
BHUSUNDI RAMAYANA AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE MEDIAEVAL RAMAYANA LITERATURE By BHAGWATI PRASAD SINGH
The life history of Rama has been a living tradition and common repository of the ancient heritage of this great land ever since the date of its inception in the form of the Ramaycna by Valmiki. It has helped in galvanising the ideas and ideals of peoples of this sub-continent, apparently heterogeneous i^ blood, language and religion, through its unique flexibility and catholicity^ What has been said above is proved by the works based on the story of Rama as expounded at the three levels of its evolutionhistorical, literary and sectarian. Valmiki handled the story of Da&arathi Rama; Bhasa, Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti and Kumarudasa portrayed Rama as a great man, possessing human sentiments, whereas Kamban, Krittivas and Tulsidas, soaked in Vai$oava Bhakti, presented in a very touching style the saga and the sports of Rama abounding in popular traits. Bhusunfr Rdniayona is an important link of this great tradition. Causes of its Obscurity: It is very surprising that, despite being first and foremost among the sectarian Ramayanas from the point of view of historicity, it has hitherto remained in the limbo of oblivion. Heuristic scholars of Ramakatha and Rama Bhakti like Sir George Grierson, L. P, Tessitory, P. C. Bagchi, Charlotte Vaudeville and the poets and commentators devoted to Rama like Ram Charan Das, Rasik Bihari and Anjani Nandan Sharan have been, time and again, spelling out the strong possibility of its existence; but the work could not see the light of the day. There may be two reasons: forcelessness or occultism. A study of the relevant literature shows that the latter is the main cause constituted by several factors. Rama's love-play and esoteric Bhakti have been given prominence in Bhu£ugtfi's work. The love-aspect of Rama has been advocated as a secret by the propounded of the sect. It is the
476
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
object of mental worship or inner accomplishment of only the chosen worshippers, and not of external or practical adoration, and hence the idea of its general propagation has been expressly objected to:
Hamtmatsamhita, an accepted work of the sect, also holds that the love element, inherent in the Avatara Lila of Rama, is not the subject of popular propaganda.3 Consequently the work continued to be recited and listened to in the limited circle of the Rama Bhaktas of the Rasika cult. The heads of the temples preserved it as a traditional secret. So the question of its publication never rose. Discovery of the Manuscripts: In the course of my investigation of literature on Rama Bhakti, I came across the first manuscript of Bhu£u$4i Ramaywfa (BR) on October 24, 1955, through the courtesy of Shri Sita Ram Sharan, the then Mahant of Lakshman kila of Ayodhya. This MS. is dated 1922 V.E. It was slightly torn and incomplete; so efforts to find out the complete copy were continued. Incidentally, two more manuscripts wert recovered at Ayodhya through the kindness of Mahatma Saryu Sharan of Nritya Raghava Kunj. They were comparatively older than the first. One of them was written in 1899 V.E. at Rewa, and the other in 1779 V.E. at Mathura. Besides, a small book named 'Sri Sita Rama Yugala Sahasranama', forming part of B.R., was procured from the personal library of the Maharaja of Balrampur (U.P.). It was 1
Bhidurufi R&mayatia, PQrva. 25-46.
* Ibid., PQrva. 25/14. 4
iW[4il!«<%fW w staff «wwni n —Hanumat Samhitf 2/7,11
Bhuiuodi RAmiyapa and its influence
477'
undated. The fourth3* and complete manuscript of the work in question was made available at the Oriental Institute, Baroda, through the courtesy of Dr. B. Sandesara. It is evident from the foregoing details of the places from which the manuscripts of B.R. were obtained, that the work had an extensive circulation in different regions of Northern India, and that the tradition of its worship, copying, recitation, and listening among the devotees was continuing.4 The Title and the Tradition of Its Narrative: Three titles of the book have been mentioned in the extant manuscripts: Adi Ramayanaf Brahma Rdmdyana and B.R. It is called Adi Rdmdyana owing to its descent in the heart of the creator of t^»c universe in a state of Samadhi during the Brahma Kalpa; Brahma Rdmdyana, because it deals with the Avatara Lila of Rama, the Supreme Brahman; and Bhiduntjli Rdmdyana, for it came into bc'ng for the sake of quenching the inquisitiveness of Bhuiundi. But ultimately, the last of the three, i.e., B.R., received universal recognition. References to this work have been made under this nomenclature in the writings of oriental 3d
Based on th e se four mss. Dr. B. P. Singh has brought out the ed. of Bkusuntfi Rdmdyana, PQrva Khanda (Vishvavidyalaya Prakashan, Varftnasi, 1975)
faftrwr s^Rf
% ^ I I ^ « ^ H i TnHTrfJPT *ft 53TTC «I$|U1W 4#&**ft II cTW y ^ T ^ ^Tfq* qrfi *ft 5PTO% *FTT I
B.R. Uttara 53. p. 63 ft
Dr. V. Raghavan in course of his work on the New Catalogus Catahgorum found some MSS. under the titles Adi Rdmdyana and K&ka Bhuiurufi but after analysis he came to the conclusion that they were different from the present one. (See 10.3704, RASB, V. 3208, Hpr. H. 64)
478
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
and occidental scholars, as also in such sectarian titles as ' &ri Sita Rama Sahasranama\ *Rama-Nava-Ratna-Sara-Sangraha\ and Rama Carita Manasa Ki Nigamagini Tika*. To me it appears that the other two t ties could not be accepts because there was some possibility of t v e diffusion of misunderstanding through them. The epic of Valmiki, being the first Ramayaija to be composed, has been known as 4Adi Ramayana*. The title 'Brahma Ramay^oa* would have been emblematic of the Lila of Nirguija Rama rather than the Avatara Lila of Rama, the son of Da£aratha. Custodians and Recipients: The tradition of speakers and recipients as depicted in B.R. is somewhat different from that of other Ramayanas. According to the present text this story was first of all narrated by Rama to Sita in Pramcda Vana. Sita communicated it to Lak$ma9af and then from Lakjmana it passed on to Bharata. Hanuman at some time, received it from Rama. Subsequently, the oral tradition continued from Brahma to Hayagriva and BhuSuiifli, and from Hayagriva to Agastya. Reference, in this work, has also been made here and there to " Ramkathas *m composed by Vayu, giva, £c$a, Sukadeva, Atri and Vas§tha. The five authorities of Rama-story as mentioned are: Bhu$ui$i, Garu^U, Pfthvi, Lakjmana, and Hanuman. There is also a third tradition according to which its exposition is made to pass on from Brahma to BhuSun^i, from Bhuguy^i to Dalbhya and from Dalbhya to LomaSa. In this way innumerable Ramayaiias (Ramayanam Anantakam) came into existence. The Ramkatha as handed down in the present tradition came to be produced in five Samhitas. Hanumatsamhita is one of them. B.R. running into thirty-six thousand Slokas contains the essence of all the five samhitas. The idea which has, for the first time, become manifest in the present book is that BhuSun^i,6 Garutfa,7 and Lomaia were distinguished devotees of Rama. They have made major contribution to the story and spiritual Ramkathas written in different • BR. POrva. 25/41-43. '/Wrf., PQrva. 6/13.
Bhuiuodi RAmftyaoa and its influence
47f
languages in general and the content of later Ramiyan&s, specially Tulasi's Ram Charit Manas. Author: Even a thorough perusal of the work does not help us to trace its author anywhere, in any form. It appears that the great man merged the transcendental light of his practical genius in the all-pervasive individuality of Brahma, the divine narrator. It is, therefore, an additional link in the chain of the self-absorbed authors of Puranas, Smjtis, and epics under the mask of Vyftsa, Valmiki, and Sukadeva. Sources of Inspiration: Valmiki Ramayana and Ramanukritfd are the germinal sources of the present work.* The latter one now exists in name only. Besides, the Bhagavata Purana has the greatest shaping influence on it. Kr§nakat^a and Kr§na Bhakti, as depicted in the Bhagavata, have so deeply coloured the Ram Charit, that the Ram katha of B.R., at some places, appears only to be a transformation of the Bhagavata text. The geographical descriptions given therein are also reflective of the author's close familiarity with the Braj Pradesh9 and strong attachment with Kf$na Lilft. Bhagavata, Vedanta, Brahmaputra and Pancaratnsamhitas are the main sources of the present author, from the point of view of ideology. Dr. V. Raghavan has pointed out that there is apparent impact of the Glta Govinda and Krsnakarnamrta10 on the descriptions of amorous scenes in the B.R. Planning of Chapters: The division of the narrative of epics into K&ruja, Chapter, Canto, and Prakarana, etc., has been in vogue in conformity wtth the Indian trad tion. But in the present work there is a departure from this practice. It is divided into four Khantfas or parts or books, namely Purva, Pagcima, Dakjina and Uttara. To my mind, the tantrika principles pervading the entire text lie at the •BR. PQrva9/14. 9 Ibid., PQrva, pp. 529*854. 19 BR. Introduction, p. 19
480
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
root of this scheme. The identity of five Dhyani Buddhas is established in the Buddhistic scriptures of Nepal. They are: Vairocana, Akshobhya, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha, and Amoghasiddha. They owe their existence to SwayambhQ or Adi Buddha, according to the Mahayanis; and they are assigned to the four directions, and one inhering the higher Brahnjai)4a- The !§aktas perhaps, having drawn inspiration from it, have referred to six11 forms of Mahafiakti present in all the four directions and the upper Amnaya. It proves that in the Bhagavata Sampradaya, the above Buddhistic and Sakta ideology was accepted m its original form. This is also confirmed by the fact that the later Oriya Vai§ijava Bhaktas have interpreted Maha Vi$nu, the controller of all the Vi$£us, as presiding over the four directions, and as present in the upper sphere as Vaikujjtha Natha and they have termed this upper place of his abode as Vaikurrtha Loka.12 Date of Composition: There is no mention of the date of its composition in the work in conformity with the great tradition of the ancient Indian authors. The information one gathers from its extant copies is that it had come to hi known at the principal seats of Bhakti in Northern India. But, unfortunately, all the four above-mentioned manuscripts have no reference to their ideal and standard manuscript. And hence no exploration has been possible of the period of its composition through the establishment of the continuity of the transcripts. The Influence of Pre-Mediaeval Cults: The Saiva, l§akta, and Vaijnava sects of the pre-mediaeval period seem to have exercised considerable influence on the arrangement of the plot and the enunciation of the spiritual elements contained therein. The Tantrik Sadhana of the Saiva, Sakta and Buddhistic Sects: An analysis of the history of early Vaijnavism reveals the fact that the whole of Northern India was oppressively dominated 11
Tantri Sahitya. M. M. Pt. Gopinath Kaviraj, Introduction, p. 27. " Bhakti Margi Baudiha Dharma, p. J12.
Bhuimrfi RAmftyaoa and its influence
481
by the t&ntric ideology from the 3rd to the 12th century A.D. The mystical practices of the Vajrayani and Sahajayani Buddhists of the subsequent period, and the Kapalikas and Kaulas of the contemporary generation had reached the peak-point of their evolution. Priority was accorded to the mile power in the Saiva Tantras and to the female power in the Sakta Tantras. Various systems of worship of the Yugnaddha or united and erotic form had come into vogue. The Northern Kaulas defined and determined the balanced and integrated form of Kula (Sakti) and Akula (Siva) as the ultimate objective of their spiritual attainment. Its acquisition, in the process of accompl:shment, accrued from the union of kuij^alini existent in Muladhara, and Siva resting in Sahasrara. The writer of Bhtdundi Ramayana has adopted most of the basic elements of these occult religious practices and has utilized them in poetic descriptions and characterization. Kapalikas: The Sakta Tantrikas, who believed the Sakti-Natha Siva to be the object of knowledge and gakti to be the aim of devotion, were known as Kapalikas. They were worshippers of the Cantfl or the Mahiga-mardini form of £akti. ' £ma£ana Sadhana' was the chief ingredient of their practice. B.R. makes a mention of the Cantf i-worship as performed by the Vai§?avas on the 8th day of Navaratri.13 It appears to be the outcome of the contemporary Kapalika thought. It is quite possible that such a kind of synthetic trend came into existence due to the followers of the Saiva£akta sect being initiated into the Vaijnava cult. Not only this, there are descriptions of the costumes and conduct of the Kapalikas in different contexts. Carrying Kapala and Khatvanga and drinking liquor14 were the principal features of their Sadhana. These distinct aspects of the Saiva Kapalikas have been narrated in the Jain Mahapurdna of Pu§padanta, Malatl-Madhava of Bhavabhuti, and Sandeia Rasaka of Abdur Rahman. This sect had the dominating influence about the 10th century A.D. The Yoginikaul Cult: The worship of £akti or woman was its distinguishing feature. Several elements of Kapalikas and Buddhistic sects had been u
BR., PQrva, 133/27. R—16
" Ibid., POrva 163/11,16.
412
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
adopted in it. The Kaulas had great influence in Northern India before the advent of the Nath Yogis. Matsyendra Nath was the follower of this very school. B.R. has referred to Sita as 44 Yogini Paramakala"" probably under the influence of this VarnaMargi sect. The Kaulas believed in Sahaja Sadhana because enjoyment (bh5ga) is the natural trait or Sahaja-Bhava of human character. Indulgence, therefore, was accepted as the way of life. The chief object of the Sahajanandi Kaulacaryas was to lead the Sadhakas from attachment to detachment or from *bhoga* to 'yogaV Pafica Makara and Cakra-Puja formed the main part of their worship. They believed that it was possible through this method to attain the state of perfect equipoise or Samarasya which is synonymous with Sahajananda. Matsyendra, in Akula Vera Tantra,1* has named this metasensual knowledge as the source of attainment of the Advaita status. This £akta sect, by accepting the incarnation of Rama and Kf§na as the manifestations of £akti, has made a commendable effort to attract the Vaijnavas towards their system. Further, it identified Rama with supreme Siva, and Sita with Gauri, and considered ' Ramanama' as connotative of the supreme Brahman—
This enjoyment-based spiritual practice, as adopted by the Saktas to decoy the Vaigpavas into their fold, was a psychological feat. It had endangered the long-established ethical tradition of VaigQavism. That is why the earlier Vai§nava poets-Namadeva, Kabir, Surdas and Tulasi had vehemently denounced the Saktas. Obscene descriptions of the worship of sex18 and nude female beauty19 found in the pre-mediaeval Vai§nava and secular literature "JWA.Parva. 14/29. u Advaya Vajra Samgraha, p. 63. 11 Sdkti Sangama Tantra. u
*A\4+\
Bfauiurfi Rftm&yaga and its influence
483
may directly be linked with the worship of sex and naked women as started by the Kaula Tantrikas. It has a discernible impact on Hanumanndfaka, Jdnaklharana, Gitagovuuk, etc. The passion inspiring the erotic play of Sahjanandini Sita carried on with Rama, has been termed as Sahajananda in B.R., and the exotic eroticism of the Agnikumaras reborn as Gopikas is confirmed through the abandonment of family dignity and ethos as prescribed by the Kaulacaryas— srsr 5TTf?3(?T 3TflT: ti$*n*i*«ttqfi<'i: I - B . R. ^ # o
^|\9
Reference in this context has also been made to Rama's * Nidhuvana20 Kri^a ' which became the main part of the practice of later Vai§navas. The abundance of the descriptions of female beauty and Surata Kn'^a21 in the present work also shows the author being influenced by the system of the fore-mentioned esoteric Sadhana. The Siddhas: There were three categories of these self-accomplished persons: Kaula Siddhas, Buddhistic Siddhas and Natha Siddhas. The first were connected with the Yogini Kaula sect of Matsyendra Nath, the second with the Sahajayana line of the Mahayana Buddhistic order, and the third with the Gorakh Panth. All the three exercised their magical feats, as freely assuming the self-willed bodies, and eas:ly moving through heavenly spheres, by virtue of the spiritual power acquired through various modes of Yoga Sadhana. B.R. has numerous allusions made to the Yogis, demonstrating the magic of their marvellous acquisitions.2* They were the roving doctors of the devil-haunted mortals. The account of an incident relating to the use of' Stambhana Mantra' by Siddha Yogi in the person of Siva is given in the present work,18 » BR. Pflm 28/19. »/«*/., POrva 27/21-24. "BR. POrva 54/18, 58/67, 68, 74. •BR. POrva 123/59-70.
484
The Ramayana Tradition in Atia
The eating of meat, in the process of accomplishment, was prevalent among the Buddhistic and Sakta Siddhas, excepting the Nath ones. This practice of theirs happened to be in contravention of the code of Vai$oavas. But the author of B.R. has shown all the main characters—the hero Rama, his life-partner Sita, and his brother Lakjmaija—taking interest in meat-eating, particularly during the fourteen-year period of their exile. It is emblematic of the fact that this tendency had not decreased till the period of the composition of the work, as it did after the Vai^ava Bhakti movement. It is true that the Valmiki Ramayana also contains an account of Rama taking meat, but this historical fact had vanished with the passage of time. Nonviolence was an indispensable aspect of the Vai§oava practiceAll the earlier Ramayanas—Adhyatma Ramayana, Ananda Ramayana, Ram Carit Manas, Bhavartha Ramayana and Ubhaya-Prabodhaka Ramayana, etc., have depicted violence as a diabolic passion and have shown all the main characters of the epic as refraining from it. It is thus evident that in the 9th and 10th centuries A.D. the religious life of Northern India was being highly influenced by Sakta and Buddhistic Tantric code. There is another strong evidence of it in our work namely the introduction of Sahaja** and Tara25 as the Saktis of Rama. In the BhuSuntfi Ramayana we come across the scheme of their Piija, Mantra, Tantra, etc., in keeping with the Sakta and Buddhistic Tantrik doctrines. This impact of Tantrik thought-currents on social life, is traceable to the reign of the Chandelas and Gaharwaras in Northern India. This is confirmed through the construction of the * Chausath Yogini Temple' by the Chandelas at Khajuraho, the Tantric leanings of Kumar Devi, wife of Govinda Chandra Deva, the Gaharwar ruler, and Jai Chandra's faith in Vajrayana. Besides, the fact that these rulers had faith in Vaijnavism and €aivism also, indicates that the popular mind was gradually getting inclined towards the other contemporary progressive sects with the waning of the influence of the Tantrik ideologies. Chandra Deva, the Gaharwar Ruler, had offered a * Tula * charity in gold equal to u u
BR. POrva 150/39. Ibid.t 150.
Bhuiundi Rfimftyaoa and its influence
485
his weight (Tuladana) about 1100 A.D. at the Adi Kegava Temple of Kashi, whereas Jai Chandra got himself initiated into Kf$ija Bhakti in 1168 A.D. 86 B.R. in the context of Da&iratha's pilgrimage, has also made a reference to the Dar£an of Markaijtfeya Mahadeva87 and of VigveSwara88 of Kashi K§4tra. All this tends to show that these Saiva centres had acquired public recognition by the time of the composition of the present work. The Influence of Sri Vaisnava Sect: ••
£ri Vaijnava cult as founded by Ramanuja proved to be the main guiding force for propagation of Rama Bhakti and the Rama Katha. The Kalinjara Mahatmya contains the descriptions of Janaki-gayya, Sita kuij^a and Saumitra K$etra, centres of Ramaworship built by the Chandela Rulers of 11th century A.D. It proves that an atmosphere cogenial to the expansion of R&ma Bhakti too was available during the renaissance of Vai$navism. Dr. Hazari Prasad Dwivedi is of the opinion that some sect based on Rama must have been established in this period. What I feel is that this cult had no independent existence but was an in* separable part of the £ri Vai§navism itself. It came to light through the untiring efforts of Svami Ramanand, the torch-bearer of Vaijnava Bhakti movement. He is considered to be 14th in descent from Svami Ramanuja. Rama Purva Tapanlya and Uttara Tapavlya Upani?ads9 and Agastya Samhita were composed in this tradition. The picture of religious Sadhana drawn in the work in question is in agreement with the philosophical and ethical principles of Sri Vai$navas. The inclusion of such Vai^ava elements as the adoration of Lakjmi NarayaQa, observance of Vai's^ava code of conduct, object of the Vai§ijava Sadhana, the principle of dedication, the traits of the dedicated, the Pafica Samskaras of Sri Vaijnavas, the Nama Sadhana, recitation of Sagak$ara Rama Mantra, dedication to Ekayana Marga, the superiority of Premananda to Brahmananda, the importance of spiritual preceptor, pilgrimage to VaigQava centres, observance of the ceremonies * R. C. Chaod, History of Kashi. p. 14<S. BR. POrva, 103/41,42. tt /to/.vPQrva. 103/39.
W
4K
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
and fasts of Vaijnavas, and putting on the Vai§nava apparels, etc. as laid down in the Ramaglta of the Purva KhaQtfa and Dak$iija Khan^a goes a long way to prove the importance of the B.R. as a great stabilizer of the sectarian values of the Sri Vaignavas. The only difference is that Sri Vai§navas regard Lak$minarayaQa as eternal God, whereas the author of B.R. holds Sita and Rama as supreme, although as just another form of Him. The reference to the title of Hanwnat Samhttd, a work connected with the worship of Rama, is available for the first time in the present work. It is the capital source-book of the erotic worship of Rama. The number of Slokas as given in the book under study is one lakh. But the one available is very concise. Dr. Rajendra Hazra has referred to its name in his catalogue (Part VII, p. 250). Dr. Bulcke on the basis of its extant copy holds it to have been composed before 1658. This date can be pushed back as far back as the eleventh century in the light of the sources dealing with the evolution of the erotic worship of Rama as referred to above. The reason is that the existence of the Agastya Samhita or the Agastya-Sutikjna-Samvada and the similarity with contemporary Vaijnava scriptures in relation to the subject matter. Historical Context: (A) The Invasion of Yavanas: The commencement of the Yavana (Muslim) invasion on India is traced to the attack of Mohammad Bin Qasim on Sindhu in the early 8th century A.D. But its ceaseless seriality began with Mahamud Ghazanavi's attack on the North Eastern Frontier about 1000 A.D. The accounts of clash between the Yavanas" and the descendants of Raghu given in B.R. offer a glimpse of the tyrannies of the merciless invaders perpetrated for the love of wealth, religious propaganda and imperial aggrandisement. It gives the impression that some Muslim colonies had been established in India before the composition of the present book. The division of its territories into * Mleccha Dega' and * Dhanya Defa %*• at the hands of its author, testifies to it. »• BR. Daktoa. 51/21-23. "/64f.,L/78.
Bbuimtfi lUmftyapa and its influence
41V
(B) The Circulation of Ni$ka. The word Nijka11 has at one place been used in the context of the description of the prosperity of Kosala in the reign of Rama as the heir apparent. The term had a traditional use connoting both, a specific coin and ornament. Its recognition at the hands of the Acharyas like Vignugupta, Bharata, Hemacandra, Sarngdhara, and others, and in such works as Manusmrti and Ramayana, has also been relevantly referred to. In fobdakalpadruma, the lexicographer, having put in such words as " Chari Mohar ", has made it clear that it was, in the real sense of the term, merely a gold coin. The ladies had it fixed in their breast ornament or necklace called 'humel'. Its circulation after the 12th century had become almost evanescent. (C) The Romantic postures of Rama-images. Architecture could not escape the influence of the erotic sports of Rama at expounded in B.R., Agastya Samhita, and Hanumat Samhita. The poses of the various images of Rama and Sita carved on the temples of Khajuraho,** erected by the Chandela rulers, bear ample testimony to it. Sita-Rama as Yugalkishore are united in embrace in one of them. The other shows the four-handed Rama entwining Sita in an embrace with the fourth hand placed on the left part of her breast. Sita is shown standing in unison to his left in a Tribhangi. There is a similar image of Rama-Sita in the Gwalior Museum also.** All of them were carved out between the 9th and 12th centuries. In the light of these facts, it will not be irrelevant to conclude that Bhu§un4i Ramayam might have been composed about the 12th century A.D.«* Salient Features of the Story: The story of B.R. is mainly based on the Valmiki Ramdyapa. The only difference is that Valmiki is pledged to depict the life «/«
4KB
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
of Maryada Puru$ottama, whereas the author of the present work, lays greater stress on the divine and erotic aspect of the eternal Rima. This basic difference in view-point has resulted in a remarkable change in the style adopted and the subject matter dealt with. The writer of this work has ventured to enter the arena of epic-poetry taking the ideals of the poetry of the Krishnaites. This has accounted for his failure in the organisation of plot and maintenance of proportion. But so far as the art of creating new themes, making improvements in the depiction of events, deleting or abbreviating the elements found inconsistent with the devotional outlook are concerned, the magnanimity and geniality of the story of Rama is aptly preserved. The main features of the story are as under— 1. The Supreme Brahman appeared as the son of DaSaratha in the ' Caturvyfiha' form with Vasudeva as Rama, Sankar§ana as Lak$ma$a, Pradyumna as Bharata and Aniruddha as Satrughna. Likewise Mahalakymi or Maha £akti descended in the form of four daughters of King Janaka of Mithila, namely—Sita, Urmili, Mantfavi and £rutakirti. 2. Dagaratha sends his sons to Vraja-pradeSa, lying near the other bank of the Sarayu for fear of Ravaoa and there they are affectionately looked after by Sukhiti and Mangalya. 3. Rama sends his picture to Sita through a bird. They see each other in the flower garden of Janaka and become mutually attracted. 4. Rama and Lak$mana have an interesting verbal encounter with Paragurama before the marriage. 5. DaSaratha leaves for pilgrimage along with Kaikeyi appointing Rama as the heir-apparent. 6. Rama adorns Sita and enjoys Rasalila at Citrakfita. 7. Rama's visit to £abari's hermitage annoys Rgis. Their consequent sufferings and the removal thereof through the grace of iSabari. $. Rama's repentance for killing Vali with selfish ends.
Bhufcm4i RAmftyaoa and its influence
489
9. Description of the reign of Rama's sandals (Padukarajya varnana). 10. Rama's Rasalila in Agoka Vatika. 11. Aiigada's visit to ASoka Vatika after attending the court of Rava&a as messenger. 12. Sita's spontaneous visit to forest for serving the families of mendicants. 13. Rijeesh R$i doubts the purity of Gopis' love for Rama, loses his eye-sight and is blessed with it after the Dartana of Rama in Pramodavana. 14. Rama participates in the spiritual conference of Munis. 15. Rama Glta is delivered twice: firstly, to Gopis and secondly, to Durvasas, the son of Atri. It is therefore entitled 'Atreya Git&\ Both of them deal with the principles and practices of Rama Bhakti in keeping with the tenets of Sri Vaiggavas. 16. Dates of some important events of war against Ravana are given; e.g., Setu Bandha, the killing of Meghanada and Kumbhakarna, duration of Rama's fight against Ravana, the killing of Ravaga, Rama's departure for Aycdhya, etc. B. The narration ofthe following events of Valmiki Ramayaija has been modified and improved: 1. Causes leading to the incarnation of Rama, birth-story of Sita and their childhood sports. 2. The defeat of Kubera and coronation of Ravaija. 3. The preparations of Rama's enthronement and Manthara's conspiracy in collusion with Kaikeyi. 4. Rama's sojourn at Paficavati and the killing of the golden deer. 5. The abduction of chhaya Sita by Ravana, Sita's entry into the Garhapatya Agni; Her trespassing the LakgmaQa Rekha. 6. Crossing ofthe ocean by Hanuman. 7. The process and technique fo the construction of Setu.
490
Hie Ramayana Tradition in Asia 8. Consolement of Sita by Trijafa. 9. Meghanada obtaining the celestial jewel from £e$a and conquering Indra. 10. Sita entering into fire. IK Rama's parting with LakgmaQa,
C. Some of the important incidents mentioned by Valmiki have been dropped, e.g., Rama's acquisition of Bala and AtiBala Vidya from ViSvamitra. Meeting of Hanuman with Bharata, the story of Svayamprabha, duel of Sugriva with Ravaija, Bharata's conquest of the Gandharva-country, the killing of £ambuka, Valmiki's vows regarding the inunaculateness of Sita. Sita entering into the bosom of the mother earth. D. Allied Stories: The author has tried to adorn the narrative with the help of interesting allied stories concerning the amorous adventures of Rama, viz., 1. Blessing the seers of Daptfakaranya with participation in Rasa-Lila as Gopikas in his next incarnation as Kr§pa. 2. * Vallari Mokjopakhyana • Emancipation of the cursed creepers. 3. Sahajcpakhyana—the story of Sahaja, the Ahladini gakti of Rama. 4. Legend of Candravati, daughter of Suri Sarman of Mithila. 5. Story of Vigalak$I, the daughter of Gandhamadana. 6. History of the origin of Sarayu, Mandakini, and Yamuna. 7. ' Kaladamancpakhyana \ The story of the suppression of Kala. 8. Blessings to Agnikumaras. Influence on Medieval Ramayana Literature: The spiritual practices, supported and sustained by the long tradition of £aiva, Sakta, Buddhist and Vai§nava philosophical systems emerging for the first time in B.R. influenced the entire
Bhu&mtfi R&mfiyapa and its influence
4f1
Rama Bhakti Literature of Northern India. It not only afforded a new interpretation to the concept of Rama, but also presented the story in a pattern which was to a great extent different from its popular form. As already stated, this process of re-shaping of Rama's story was most influenced by the Bhagavata, which itself gathered inspiration, directly or indirectly from Vedic and Agamic systems. The author of B.R. derived much from the romantic episodes, woven around the charming and magnetic personality of Kr$$a and incorporated them into the story of Rama. It was a fine approach to popularise the Sri Vaijijava cult. This was done in keeping with the traditionally sanctioned procedure of popularising •ew doctrines, by partial acceptance of the doctrines of the preceding systems. Buddha, Acarya Sankara and Ramanuja in their turn had followed the same process. The only difference it that the author of B.R. showed inadequate sense of eclecticism. But, for certain reasons he is not to be blamed much. It was a common practice of Panca-Ratna-Samhitas and Sanskrit poetry. Another and perhaps the stronger factor was the sanctity of the Bhagavata as the principal source of the Bhakti-cult. The author, in this way, widened the field of popularity by presenting the story of Rama in tune with the spirit of the times. As a result, the ideals, pre pagated by him, were generally accepted in the Ramayaoa Literature of Sanskrit and the regional languages. The story of Rama moulded in B.R. became the beacon-light for the later Rama-epics of India—not only in the realm of worship but also in the field of their literary structure. The following account of its influence upon the Ramayagas of the medieval period, will make this clear. 1. Adhyatma Ramayana: Adhyatma Ramayana was written with the aim of popularising the philosophy of Vedanta through the story of Rama. A thorough perusal of the work and its spiritual doctrines leads us to the conclusion that the author had for his reference a number of RamayaQas before him. He himself says—
" Adhyatma Rdmdyapa 2/4/76.
492
The Ramayana Tradition in Ask
Dr. Farquhar86 and Dr. Probodh fchandra Bagchi" have referred to, in this connection, of the existence of three Ramayanas—Pampa Ramayana, Yoga Vasiffha and B.R. But a comparative study of the story-content and doctrines propounded therein, shows Chat, of them, Adhyatma Ramayaria stands close to the present one, the B.R. Moreover, ' Ramaglta \ the most important portion of Adhyatma Ramayapa, appears with the same title, twice in two different contexts and forms in B.R. From the ideological view-point, there seems to be a marked difference between the two texts in the sense that B. R. propounds surrender-based Jfiana Yoga in accordance with Vi$i$tadvaita philosophy, whereas in Adhyatma Ramayaria the Advaita Vedanta is paramount. Despite this in both these works, Rama, Sita and Lakjmaija have been accepted as incarnations of Vignu, Lak$ml and £e$a. The description of boy-hood sports (Ayodhya 2/34-35), the ontological analysis of RAMA-HRDAYA, the prayer to Rama by Kausalya, the symbolical reference to Rama as Kala and that to Sita as Kali (Sundara 1/48) and many other descriptions in Adhyatma Ramayana seem to be influneced by B.R. In the course of her search for the sources of Rama Carita manasa the references made to B.R. in commentaries led Dr. Charlottee Vaudeville, to the conclusion that the existence of B.R. is acceptable though the book itself remained untraceable." She expressed in unequivocal terms the possibility of some common source, based on the Bhagavata, influencing the story from Aranya kan^a to Uttarakantfa, of Adhyatma Ramayana and Ramacarita manasa alike.89 This to her mind would have been none other than the B.P. In Adhyatma Ramayaria, special emphasis has been laid on its recital and singing. Only by bowing before it, one can attain the benefit of Gcd-worship and the study of all scriptures.40 m
Religious Literature of India, Dr. J. N. Farquhar, p. 250. " Adhyatma Ramayana, Nagcndra Nath (Introduction by P. C. Bagchi) M Etude Sur Les Sources Et La composition Du Ramayana D Tutsi-. Charlotte Vaudeville (Hindi Ed.)—Introduction, p. 19. "Ibid., Introduction, p. 20. "AdhyStma RdmSyarta, N. Nath 1/33/34.
Bhu&urfi R&m&yaoa and its influence
493
The worshippers of Rama have been given special importance and honoured with the epithet * Maha Bhagavata \ Taking these into cons'deration Dr. Prabodh Char.dra Bagchi expressed the possibility of the existence of Rama-cult and a tradition to observe the Rama Navaml Vrata,41 long before Adhyatma Ramayana had come into existence. So far as the aim of Rama Bhakti Sadhana is concerned, the author of Adhyatma Ramayc pa42 has held the ' Prema Lak$a$a Bhakti * of B.P. to be the highest achievement of life.43 Ananda Ramayana: Ananda Ramayana was written in the post-AdhyatmaRamaycna period. The important fact which emerges from its study is that the amicable atmosphere, existing between the devotees of Rama and those of Krjna upto the time of B.R. had by then vanished. Rivalry had now replaced the feeling of indistinction between Rama and Kr§na. Consequently, the followers of both the sects were absorbed in propagating the comparative superiority of their Lord.44 The discussion of Rama Das and Vi§nu Das amply confirms it. It led to their contest for the establishment of supremacy in respect of amorous sports. The author discovered abundant material in B.R. for the sake of his emotional support. The following contexts of the Vilasa kantfa and Raiya kantfa convey a deep impact of the present work on Ananda Ramayana: (1) The description of the physical beauty of Sita by Rama.4* (2) The erotic sports of Rama and Sita.46 (3) Rama's blessing to the passion-ridden spouses of gods with a love-play in Dvapara.47 41
lbid.% (Introduction), p. 7.
41
Adhyatma Ramayana, N. Nath 3/3/4S.
"BR. PQrva, 207/18-20. 44
Ananda Ramayana, Rfijyak&o4a 3/1-110.
41
Ananda Rdmayana, VilAsak&jrfa 2/37-74.
44
Ibid.. 5/50-56.
41
Ibid., 7/46-49.
494
The Ramayana Tradition in Asi*
(4) Rama getting innumerable women in the next incarnation in lieu of his loyalty to one wife.48 (5) The condition of the women becoming passionate at the sight of Rama and the granting of blessings to one hundred of them.4* (6) Granting of boon to four daughters of the Brahma^as.* (7) Blessing the sixteen thousand women." (8) Blessing Ram Dasi to become his mate as Radha in the next incarnation.62 The reflection of the ideologies of B.R. regarding the sectarian Rama Bhakti is found in the Rajyakantfa and Manoharakanda of this work. Krttivis Ramayana
There is affinity between a few incidents of Bangla Ramayana written by Kfttivas and B.R. An episode in Lankakanda is that when Garuda freed Rama from the NagLpasa cast by Meghanada, Rama being pleased with him asked him to demand any boon, Garuda prayed to him to give a Darsana in the person of Kr§na playing upon his flute in the Tribhaiigi pose. Rama fulhlls Garuda's wish. Incidentally, Hanuman, too, happened to have a glimpse of Rama in the form of the son of Nanda. He addressed himself to Garuda who had thus forced his Lord to change his form and said angrily, 4 1 will take revenge for this at the time of the incarnation of Kr§na \ M The Pflrvakhanda of B.R. is the principal source of this story. It is there that Garuda, through his surrender to Hanuman, was granted a DarSana of Kr§na, the lover of Gopikas—
" Ananda Ramayana, ViISsakSn
BhuAuQ^i RAm&yapa and its influence
495
Besides, Krttivas has also mentioned Ravana sending demons to kill Rama in the course of describing Rama's boy-hood adventures, in the style of the B.R. Padayali and Dhyana Manjan of Agra Das Swami Agra Das, the originator of the Rasika cult in Rama Bhakti, was an early contemporary of Tulsi Das. It is said that Emperor Akbar had circulated the * Rama-Sita' type gold and silver coins through the inspiration drawn from him. Though he did not write any Ramayana as such, he has described the various incidents of Rama-Carita and the elements of RamaBhakti in his Padavali. It appears to be based on B.R. The naming of the sect as Rasika-Sampradaya, the five-fold emotional relationship, Manasi Puja, the idea of Rama's love-sports in Pramoda Vana, and the delineation of Citrakuta as the centre of Vihara-Lila of Rama, etc., are some of the ideas derived from B.R. He has candidly admitted the contribution made by the Agamas towards the formation and formulation of the Rasika cult. The influence of §aiva, Sakta and Vai§nava Agamas on B.R. has already been referred to. RlmlingSmrta The Madhurya Ula of Rama on the pattern of the Rasa Lila of Kr§na has, at several places, been expounded in this work, composed in 1608 by a Brahmin named Advaita, resident of Kashi. Its whole story has been narrated in the form of a dialogue between two Gopikas, one of whom hails from the family of Raghu. It is no gainsaying the fact that the idea of the Goprka of Ayodhya is the contribution of the author of B.R. and the same has been directly borrowed from it. The under-mentioned elements of the story also convey its impact: (1) The Vana Kritfa of Rama (Sarga 2). (2) JanakI Kri
496
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia (4) The narrative of the emergence of grl RaAganatha and the worship of Rangamurti (Sarga 16). (5) The Sarayu Mahatmya (Sarga 17). (6) The oneness of Rama-Siva and Rama-Kr§ija (Sarga 18).**
Satyopakhyana The Rama Katha of Satyrpakhyana in the form of the dialogue of Valmiki, Markan^ya and Sfita-Saunaka is the creation of the Rasika cult. Rama's enjoyment of the spring,88 love-sport in unison with Janaki,57 Vihara Lila in Afioka-Vana,68 love-play with female companions (SakMs) of Sita on the Scjachala,58 Jala Vihara in Sarayu,60 and his Gopa Lila,61 etc., apparently demonstrate the dominance of M.R. Brhat Kosalakhanda (Prema Ramayana) The work extending to 15 chapters and 3,072 Slokas has been held to be a part of Brahmantfa Purana. The plot of its story seems to have been derived in ioto from B.R. The participation of the playmates of Rama in Rasa Lila assuming the form of Sita, a deep romantic colouring in the erotic sports of Rama with Gopikas, the daughters of Gandharvas and Kinnaras, and the spouses of gods emanating from the creepers the Santanika Vana,68 etc., appear to be the gift of no work other than the present one. Maha RXmayana Only five chapters of this epic have been brought out so far. It has the following contents: the foot-marks of Rama (Chap. 48), the mode of the worship of Rama with the attitude of a female mate (chap. 50), the names and duties of thirty-three Saktis or powers issuing from the person of Sita (chap. 51), the derivation of the word Rama and the exposition of his 99 love-sports, etc., " C. Bulcke, RamaKatha, pp, 197. 88 Satyopftkhy&na 50/18-34. "Ibid., T?. 88 Ibid., 79/1. 88 Ibid., 84/17. « Ibid., 17. " C. Bulcke, Rama Katha, ctu IS.
"Ibid., 81/1.
Bhuguodi R&mftyafla and its influence
497
As per the details given above, the entire extant material seems to have been derived from and inspired by B.R. Dr. Bulcke has expressed the possibility of its being identical with B.R.63 But a comparative assessment shows that this speculation is not well grounded.
Oriya Ramayanas The erotic tendency of B.R. had a considerable affect on the Rama Bhakti literature of the eastern region, specially on the Oriya Ramayanas. Here we find a ceaseless tradition of portraying the sports of Rama, on the pattern of the romantic adventures of Kf$pa. Description of identity of characters of Rama and Kf$ria stories by Siddheshwar Parida (Sarla Das) in his Vilanka Ramaycita, the description of the pre-marital love (Purvanuraga) of Sit a in Jag Mohana Rdmayana of Balram Das, Rama blessing the sages of Daitfakarapya to enjoy the pleasure of Rasa-Lila in the form of Gopis at the time of his incarnation as Kr$ga, the adornment and beautification of the face (Patra-Racana) of Sita by Rama in the forest, and various other similar incidents may be quoted in support. Similarly, the depiction of Rasa-Lila of Rama on the banks of Sarayu, prior to marriage in Rama-vibha (Ar'jixn Das) and Oriy* Narasimha PurdQa, $rl rama-vilasa or Raghwiatha vilasa of Dhanafijaya Bhafij, Rama-lilmarta of Upendra Bhafij, Rama vihara of Goplnath, Srl-rama-vilasa of Vipra Bhagiratha, Ramchandra-vihcra of Maguni Patnyaak, Nritya-rdmayapa of Keshava Patnayak and Rama-rahasya-padavali (Description of the Rasa of Rama with Sita and other ladies on the banks of San.yu) of Seva Das are suffiicent to prove the existence of the tradition of erotic Rama Bhakti Literature, right from 1500 A.D. upto the end of 10th century. This may also be supported by the following allusions made to the story of Rama, available in Oriya literature, which have been given particular attention in B.R.-the coming of Paragurama after the breaking of the bow and before the celebration of marriage, " Rama Katha (Tra.) p. 179.
498
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the arrangement of ladies for all kinds of enjoyment and amenities for the hospitality of Bharata made by Bharadvaja at his Ashram, the adornment (Patra-rachana) of Sita by Rama at Citrakuta, conference at Citrakuta, and the installation of Bharata-kupa, and the delineation of the charming beauty of women in erotic contexts. Rama-charita-manasa: Like Adhyatma Ramayana, B.R. is also a major source for Rama-carita-manasa. This has been authoritatively shown and accepted by orientalists during the course of their analysis of the sources of its story and the style of narration. Sir George Grierson was the first to draw the attention of researchers towards this fact. Dr. Tessitory, commenting on this suggestion, expressed the possibility that the chapter on Kaka-Bhu$un
Bhuimtfi Rimiyaoa and its influence
4f9
Rama-charitamanas must have had a copy of it before him throughout the period of its composition. The influence of B.R. may be discerned also in other literary works of Tulasi Das, particularly in Gltavali and Kavitavali. Due to the limitation of time, a comparative study of them will at the moment not be feasible. We therefore remain contented only with a few illustrations given in support of the thematic and stylistic parrallelism between them. The Auspicious Moment of the Birth of
There is no mention of * Abhijit Yoga' in the above context in the Valmiki and Adhyatma Ramayanas. Derogation of Parasurama: Rama carita mana&a, like the B.R., mentions the coming of Parasurama after the breaking of the bow and before the marriage of Sita with Rama. As against this both Valmiki and the author of the Adhyatma Ramayana mention the incident to have occurred in the way after the departure of Dagaratha from Mithila. Thereafter an ordinary exchange of words, Rama accepting the challenge of angry ParaSurama puts the string on the bow. ParaSurama's pride is thus shattered and after bowing before the embodiment of Vijnu leaves for penance. The name of Lakjmana nowhere occurs in this context, nothing to say of his intervention. The interesting dialogue between Rama and' Lakjmana on one side and Parasurama on the other is the ingenuity of the present writer. Tulasi Das felt fascinated by it and quoted the above incident—
500
The Ramyana Tradition in Asia
>^4W •M^'M fafil*d *RRft 3^T II
^r q*> 3 9 **$* 3*n^ 1 *iq$«t
tffcTT Sspf HrH^MW<mrHi>|i||: I
*h*RF-farr & w\nm Tm: 11 %ff 3T«RRtffclTcT3 Tlf I Plf-WI $*R" 3rqfir qsrf || ^3*r ^ft^r *fir TO sjtoT 11
The Saving of Kafkevi's Character In Valmlki RamSya^a the responsibility of the exile of Rama has been placed on the cruel nature of Kaikeyl. But B.R. gives the story of changing the mind of Manthara by Sarasvatl through the connivance of gods and thereby inducing Kaikeyl to ask for
ghufundi Rlmtyaoa and its influence
501
the banishment of Rama. All the later Ramayanas, specially Adhyatma and Xnanda, have followed the suit. Tulasi Das on his part accepted the idea and presented it in his magnum opus, -with a psychological setting—
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Hie Adorning of Sita by Rama in Citrakuta: Though apparently unconcerned with the Raaik- cult of the Rama-Bhakti movement, Tulasi Das appears to have a soft corner for its tenets. This fact is established by his picturesque descriptions of the amorous scenes and sports of Rama, depicted specially in Rama-charita-mancsa, Gltavall and Kavitavcll. One such scene from B.R. has found a place in Rama-charita-manasa, when Rama adorns Sita during his sojourn at Citrakuta and indulges in amorous overtures with her.
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512
The Ramayana Tradition in
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There is only a passing reference to this incident in Rama-xhartiamana&a—
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But in Gitavall the author has given a detailed pen picture of thishidden trait of Rama's character—
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BhufutfU Rftmftyaw and its influence
503
Rima's Departure from the Scene: The last act of Rama's worldly existence, according to B.R. was his announcement to the inhabitants of Ayodhya of the decision to depart for Pramodavana, the seat of his eternal blissful sports. Tulasi Das, catching this idea, has depicted Rama's entry into a grove and made him never to return thereafter—
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The foregoing analysis makes it evident that, being the oldest epic of the medieval times of the Ramaite sect, B.R. continued to be the fountain source of inspiration for the later Rama Bhakti literature. In Adhyatma and Rama-charita-manasa only the story element of B.R. could be acceptable owing to ideological differences. But in the Ancnda Ramayapa* Rama Lingamrta, Rama Ratayana, Amara Ramayojya and in several others the doctrinal and ritualistic aspects were also incorporated. The Rasika Rama Bhakti had the upper hand in the realm of devotional practices in the post-Tuiasi-period. The erotic school of Rlti Kavya fanned this movement. Consequently the depiction of Rama's amorous sports became the guiding principle for the later medieval Ramayaga-writers. This tendency is prominent in the Oriya Ramayagas as in their Hindi counterparts. To my mind this can be ascribed to
504
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the predominance of Tantric and esoteric elements inherent in the erotic Rama Bhakti Sadhana, for which there had been a fertile ground in that part of the country, which was an active centre of Tantric practices of Saktas and Buddhist Siddhas. Need-less to say that the credit for popularising this timehonoured practice through the medium of Rama-story goes to the author of the B.R. In view of the aforesaid unique features of the work it would not be an exaggeration to say that, besides being an illustrious epic of the Ramaite sect, it can also be designated as a mine of information for premedieval cults.
RAMCHARITAMANAS AND THE PERFORMING TRADITION OF RAMAYANA By INDUJA AWASTHI
Ramacharitamanas of Tulasidas written four hundred years ago occupies a unique place in poetic works on Rama saga along* with Valmiki Ramayana and Tamil Ramayana by Kamba. Though it follows the Vaishnava and Puranic tradition of handling the Rama-theme portraying Rama as an incarnation of Lord Vi$nu, it is an exceedingly sensitive and creative poem. It has greatly influenced the social conduct, the values and ideals of the people of north India and for all these centuries, has been the most respected work. By Tulasf s time, the Rama-story had emerged as a popular and important element in literature and in oral tradition. Both the traditions had overlLpped and interfused over the years making the epic theme richer. Ramacharitamanas and other works of Tulasidas are on the one hand the pride of Hindi literature and on the other are on the lips of even the illiterate people. It was because of these echoes of oral tradition that Ramchcritamanas easily became part of the performing tradition oft he Ramayaiia. Mention of the dramatic representation of Rama-theme based on the epic occurs for the first time in the Harivam&a which is the Khilaparva of the Mahabharata and is believed to belong to the 4th century A.D. 44
Daitya King Vijaya, of Vajrapura, had a daughter called Prabhavati. She heard of the handsome Pradyumna and longed to see him. With the help of Prabhavati, the Yadava warriors got permission from the Daitya King and entered Vajrapura in the guise of actors. Pradyumna was the chief of this group while Samba came in the guise of a jester. Then the actor called Varadatta, danced and gratified the people of Vajrapura. They had a performance based on the epic Ramdyaw depicting how Lord Vishnu incarnated Himself
506
The Ramayana Tradition in Aria to kill the Rakshasa King. They enacted the roles of Rama, Lakshmaiia, Bharata, Satrughna, R'£ya£ringa, ganta, etc., very realistically."
This extract from the Harivam&a is important as it indicates that the performance was not a Rama-play in the tradition of classical Sanskrit drama, but based on the Ramayana of Valmiki, the mention of dance in the first line indicates that movements were stylised which is characteristic of the traditional Indian theatre. After this for several centuries we do not have any reference of this type of epic-based performance in the history of Sanskrit drama. The Mahamtaka or Hanumanmtaka believed to have been written sometime between the 10th to 12th century is of special interest in determining the continuity of the traditional Ramayana theatre. Historians of Sanskrit literature like Winternitz, Keith and S. K. De have accepted Mahamtaka as a dramatic composition in the popular tradition. Saradatanaya in his Bhavapraka&ana (P. 241 u. 4-5) kept Mahamtaka in a special category of Samagra play and Samagra play has been defined thus:
i.e., Samagra play is that which is embellished with music and dance. Mahanafaka violates many other conventions of Sanskrit drama like the use of Prakrit or presence of the jester and its textual material is a compendium of dramatic verses taken from the Ramayaijas—Valmjki and Adhyatma, from plays ranging from Uttararamacharita to Anarghcraghava and Kavyas Raghufamia, Janaklhararia and Bhafti Kavya. In Hindi the most glaring examples of the plays of this nature which seem to represent and belong to a living popular theatre tradition are Hanumawiafakm or the Ramayana Mahanafaka. They follow the pattern of the Sanskrit Mahanafaka and are a kind of compilation of dramatic verses on Rama-theme from different sources and seem to b e g generic name suggesting a whole class of plays written on this pattern on the RamayaQa-theme. According to a legend recorded in Gautama Chandrika of Krishna Dutt Misra, believed to be written just after Tulsidas, the idea of starting the Ramayana dramatic performance came in Tutsi's mind while reading the
Mmacharittminas and Performing Tradition of Rftmlyaoa
SB?
Valmiki Ramayana. The legend says that Tulsi thought of what had been said by Bharata and with his minds' eye witnessed the performance of Hanumad-Abhinaya.* By this line it is clear that before Tulsf s time * Hanumad-Abhinaya' or Hanumannafka had come to mean a dramatic performance enacting the Rama* story. On the basis of this we can accept the forerunner of the traditional Indian Rama theatre. No later references are available in Sanskrit of this type of play but it seems the tradition of performing Ramayana as a theatrical spectacle continued and fully manifested during the medieval centuries especially with the emergence and the spread of the Rama cult. The traditional Ramayana theatre is based primarily on the recitation of the epic, whiuh had a rich tradition of several centuries. In the Valmiki Ramayana itself we have reference of Kusa and Lava reciting the Ramayana in the court of Rama, it is believed that the word Kusilava reciter-actor is an outcome of this. At some point in history, the trad;tion of recitation got connected with the folk dramatic presentation of the epic. It was around 14th century that the Rama-story had become very popular in its theatrical presentation in various forms of traditional theatre in other language regions such as Ankia Nat of Assam, Kathakali of Kerala, Yakshagana of Mysore, and Daghavatar in Maharashtra. These forms though evolved independently utilising elements from indigenous theatre, seem to have artistic links with the Ramalila—Traditional Rama theatre of the Hindi region follow similar structural pattern. In this context it is noteworthy that as in Hindi region the Ramayana theatre is based on Ramachari*amana3> so also in many other regions the language Ramayanas became the base of the Ramayana theatre and supplied episodes and textual material not only to the human theatre but to the various forms of puppet theatre. We can see that Ramcharitamdnas and Tulasidas are greatly respected in some regions. In some of the forms such as Rama Katha Dodatta of Karnatak verses from R&macharitamanas are used and in the introductory part of the play. Tulasidas is referred to very respectfully as the greatest writer of Rama-story. In Orissa R&macharitamanas has been
SOB
The Ramayana Tradition in A s k
read and recited for centuries, and has inspired and influenced the Oriya Ramayaija theatre also called Ramalila. The literary tradition of the Ramayana played a role in building up popular theatre tradition of the Rama saga and Ramacharitamdnc* has a unique place in this respect. In the Hindi region, it is the ' Sandesh Rasak' of poet Abdu Rahman written in the 13th century where one comes across » mention of plays based on the Ramayana for the first time. Spe aking of Multan, the traveller says, stories of Sudavachchha, Na la and the Mahabharata are recited here and there. Brahmins, who have renounced the world, bless the people and in, some places 4 Kayvarihi' are enacting the Ramayapa. Next, we come across * Asa di var * of Guru Nanak ( 14691538) in which a reference has been made to a dance-dram a pertaining to Rama-theme. Referring to some popular dr amatic performances, Nanak says that the people of Virendrava na are singing and dancing as Kr§na and Gopis as well as Sit a and Rama for the sake of earning a living. It is a well known fact that Guru Nanak had visited Vrindavan and witnessed Krishnalila, but he mentions Rama along with the performances pertaining to Krishna, which shows that both of them had become themes of dramatic performances by that time. These quotations have great significance as they indicate that traditional dramatic performances pertaining to Rama and Krishna themes were in vogue in the Hindi speaking region. Tulasi himself was familiar with Ramalila as is amply shown by the statement of KakabhuSundi in the Uttarkantf of Ramcharitmanas People generally believe that Tulasidas was the originator of that form of Ramalila which is performed nowadays in the Hindi-speaking region. Dr. Shyam Sunder Das has stated in the preface of Manas published by the Kashi Nagari Pracharini Sabha that "although the Rasalila of Krishnachandra was in vogue earlier, yet it is equally well known that Ramalila accompanied with singing of bhajans, was also prevalent; but the Ramalila as witnessed these days, has its origin in the Ramayana of Tulasi." While discussing the religio-dramatic tradition of the medieval times, Kunwar Chandra Prakash Singh writes: "Although the
and Performing Tradition of Rfimiyaoa
309
tradition of Ramalila is very old yet it has undergone several changes due to the circumstances and also at the hands of eminent persons, as to its form and technique." That form of Ramalila which is prevalent in the Hindi-speaking regions, owes its origin to Goswami Tulasidas. In his book entitled ' Gosain Tulasidas', Dr. Vishwa Nath Mishra has stated that " there is no doubt that the Rama-story and the tradition of dramatic performances based on the classical literary plays, is very old. Tulasi took it upon himself to prcpagate Ramalila. He planned it in such a way that it became popular throughout the Hindi-speaking region. In this way Tulasidas is the originator and propagator of the modern form of Ramalila." The study of the structure of the Manas reveals a sound dramatic design. Each episode has been conceived as a single dramatic unit. Following the pattern of the traditional theatre it has narrative and dramatic portions, properly balanced and fulfilling dramatic requirement. The narrative portions introduce the story, describe the locale and characters involved in that particular episode. The dialogue portions enn e sily be assigned to the characters. Episodes like Pushpavatika, Dhaniryajfb, KaikeyiManthara dialogue, departure for t'e forest, Surpariakha-event, abduction of Sita and Agokavatika event, etc., are so dramatic that even the recitation gives one a theatrical expedience. The dramatic portions have been conceived and developed in the Pauranic style of question and ansver or Samvada Parampara, and Tulasidas seems to have fully utilised t1 is tradition to build up and sustain his dramatic design. It is because of such a dramatic structure that episodes from the Manes are bodily lifted and arc presented on the Ramalila stage. An important characteristic of the Ramalila is that it is not confined to a particular region but is presented in many regions. It is the major dramatic form in the Hindi-speakig States, Uttara Pradesh, MadHya Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan and Punjab and Bihar also. Ramalila troupes from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar are also invited to give performances in different cities of Gujarat and Maharashtra. It can, therefore, be stated that the region of Ramalila extends -to Kumaon and Nepal in the north, Punjab in the west, Orissa in the east and Maharashtra in the south.
SM
Hie Ramayana Tradition in Asia
It is natural that a dramatic form extending over such a large part of country, must have some local variations; but the remarkable fact is that all these variations betray the inherent oneness. One may witness the performance of the Ramalila troupe in Janakpurdham (a town on the border of Nepal and Bihar) or the Ramalila being enacted at the Assi Ghat of Varanasi or the one in Ramnagar. or the one in Satna in Madhya Pradesh, or the RamalTla being sung in Patunda village of Rajasthan, the total effect and dramatic experience will be the same. All these Ramalilas have certain common characteristics, viz., serialised representation, complete identification and devotional attitude of the audience, importance given to certain religious rituals, the presentation technique, arrangement of characters and costumes and make-up. There are many styles of presenting Ramalila. One of the old styles of Ramalila is pantomimic full of tableaux and processions. In the Ramalila of Chitrakut (Varanasi) or Bisau (Rajasthan) while the Manas is being recited, the actors enact in pantomime, there may be some brief dialogues sometimes. The * Swarupas' and other characters are taken out in decorated carriages in the form of a procession accompanied with the * Ram&yanis * (a group of reciters of Manas) in separate carriages and certain situations from the Manas are colourfully represented on the floats. The second style of Ramalila is dialogue-based. Different situations of the Rama-story are rendered into suitable dialogue form and then a lengthy text is prepared of the dramatised versions of all such situations. Dialogues from literary sources other than Manas, songs and folk songs are used for the preparation of the text. Perhaps for the first time, representation of Ramalila in such detail and on such a panoramic scale was carried out in the Ramalila of Ramnagar. This style of Ramalila is the most widespread and is presented in most places in the Eastern and Western UP., Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. Another traditional style of R&malila is operatic, it goes back not more than a hundred years. In this style the recitation from the Manas is set to classical ragas and the dialogues art also delivered in song. They include bhajan, dadra, fhumri,
RAmcharitikntaas and Performing Tradition of Rimftyapa
511
gazal, etc. Operatic Ramalila is Performed in the Kumaon region, in Haryana at certain places and in the Patunda village of Rajasthan. The styles of Ramalila may diffei but some of the main situations are presented in the same way in all styles for example, Ramajanma (Rama's birth) and his coronation is presented everywhere in tableau form. Slaying of Ravana is presented in the same manner, irrespective of the style of Ramalila. Large paper effigies of Ravana and Kumbhakarija are placed in an open field. * Rama * and ' Lakshmana' arrive in some sort of a carriage, enact a few battle movements and then set the effigies on fire by releasing a burning arrow. The effigies burst into flames and the exploding crackers appear to signalize the triumph of truth over untruth. This Ramalila is enacted at most places on the day of Dassehra. Similarly, processions are taken out on the day of Rama's marriage and on the day of Bharat-Milap, at all the places. These processions, comprising gorgeously decorated tableaux and accompanied with fan-fare, go round the entire city. The people hail them heartily and they are offered • arati \ The importance of the institution of tableaux and procession in all styles of Ramalila, together with the essential recitation of the Manas, conclusively indicates that this pantomimic form of Ramalila is its earliest form. The Ramalila of every style is presented as a serial play. The main episodes are presented on different drama days, the period can range from ten to 31 days according to local customs and also resources of the Ramalila Committee, but it always has to be a cycle play, meaning that in the traditional Ramalila the whole story cannot be performed in one day. The traditional Ramalila has developed its dramatic form on the basis of a recitation of Ramacharitamanas. It is the recitation which determines the structure of the performance. The recitation of the Ramayana has a religious significance. There is a group of singers called Ramayani attached to the play and they recite the entire text of the epic poem sequence by sequence stopping at various points to give scope to the actors to present the dialogues which are quite often a paraphrase of the verses oj the Ramacharitamanas. Actually the dramatic performance has been conceived as a commentary on the Hindi Ramayana. This
512
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
has been stated clearly in the Ramnagar Ramalila—" Ramalila is the premier commentary on the Raamacharitamanas . . . all the compositions of the Manas become clear in the Ramalila . . ." thus recitation of the epic is an essential part of all styles of the Ramalilas—now in some places some portions are skipped over or shortened. Even the modern presentation of the drama-story is based on the recitation. The element of recitation is so important in the Ramalila that for several days prior to the dramatic presentation, the portion of Ramacharitamanas upto the birth of Rama is recited, similarly the portion after the coronation of Rama is also recited after the Ramalila performance is over. This tradition of reciting these portions has both ritualistic and dramatic significance because these are not directly related to the Rama-story. The recitation and the relevant dramatic representation, along with dialogues, go side by side. The actors stand motionless on the stage as long as the relevant recitation comes to an end. The modern audience, used to the concept of dramatic illusion in the western tradition, may perhaps feel that the recitation of the text, while freezing the emotional scenes and the dialogues in the middle, mars the dramatic effect. But in the Indian popular dramatic tradition, more importance has been given to the creation of suitable atmosphere and less to dramatic effects and countereffects. Creation of suitable atmosphere is all the more important in the case of religious dramas. The audience of Ramalila never feel aware of any short-coming in the performance on this account. They are familiar with the story, all the dialogues and the narration, completely. For this reason, the recitation between the dialogues does not dampen or lessen their enjoyment. This sort of punctuation, in fact, provides them a few more rapturous moments of the particular mood created by the situation. Even otherwise, the object of Ramalila to satisfy the devotional urge of the audience is fulfilled by prolonging their ecstasy. The Ramayana stage has evolved forms and structures, and dimension of the staging and retains many practices and conventions of the medieval staging. The two basic values of the medieval theatre namely multiplicity of locale and simultaneity of action determine the nature of Ramayana stage and its staging conditions in different regions and its variety of styles*
R&mcharitam&nas and Performing Tradition of R&m&yaoa
513
An interesting feature is to be seen m the Ramalilas of Varanasi where various episodes are enacted in different locales suited to the setting of the that particular piece. It is believed that this practice was started by Tulasidas who used this device to involve pcf pie from all parts of the city. The Ramnagar Maharaja went a step ahead and built palaces, gardens and ponds in Ramnagar according to the description of Rama charitamanas. Thus the whole town there is used as a theatre with permanently built locales such as DaSaratha's palace, Janaka's palace and his garden, Citrakuta; Pancavati, Ravana's palace and Aioka garden where Sita was kept in captivity. In Mathura they have another interesting stage convention. In the day-time the Ramalila is presented as an open air pantomimic show in a largefieldand in the night the same episodes are performed on a platform stage. The multiple setting convention, however, is maintained even in the professional Ramalilas or the modern experiments in dance drama style due to the epic character of the presentation. Ramalila evokes a unique personal involvement in every town and village where it is performed. Whether it is due to the popularity of the Rama saga or the special staging conditions the audience involvement is much more than accorded in any other theatre and this feature gives it a strong and unprecedented dimension. On the day Rama leaves for the forest with Sita and Lakshmana the audience follows them with sobbing, on the day of marriage the procession is received by all the rich householders at their gate and gifts are offered to the bridegroom amidst great festivity; on the day of Rama's return to Ayodhya and meeting with Bharata the houses and streets are decorated and there is general atmosphere of gaiety. The persons taking part in the dramatic performance are all amateur artists, sometimes the offerings received at the closing * a m i ' are wholly or partly distributed among them. Most of them take pride and act their roles with singular dedication. In numerous Ramalilas, some of the roles are reserved for the families, generation after generation. It does happen that people who go abroad for a
514
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
living or otherwise, return to their villages at the time of Ramalila for the sake of acting their roles, just as one returns to a family celebration. There are a few rules about the characters which are observed in every Ramalila, for example, all the roles are assigned to men only—females are completely prohibited from acting in the Ramalila. Boys from 12 to 16 years are selected from Brahmin families for the roles of Rama, Lakshmana, Bharata, Satrughna and Sita, Their looks and speech, etc. is attractive so that they appear as * Swarup * i.e. god-like. They have to behave in a dignified manner during the period of Ramalila and are shown usual deference by the audience and the people managing the show. The traditional Ramalila is performed and presented on an amateur, i.e. non-professional basis. There is usually a Ramalila committee and the members thereof are elected every year from amongst those who take interest in Ramalila. This Committee takes subscriptions from the people and spends the money so collected on the performance. Generally there is only the Ramalila Committee in a city which sponsors the ft „tival, but in bigger cities there can be more than one Ramalila Committee and each one of them has its own plan for the festival These Committees take great pride in organising the festival and the members work with utmost dedication. The organisation of these Committees and the high degree of co-operation inspired by them, is indeed an indication of the people's devotion towards Ramalila which is observed year after on a big scale without any financial help from the State. This theatrical form based on recitation was primarily evolved to propogate Ramabhakti. The word Lila itself meaning the f actions of incarnation' has theological significance. Ramalila has, therefore, been conceived as a religious ritual and to act in it or even to witness the performance is considered an expression of devotion to Rama. Before the Ramalila is started, on an auspicious day the crowns of Rama, Lakshmana, Bharata, Satrughana and Sita are worshipped. These characters are called ' Swarups\ images of Gods, and are supposed to be embellished with divine qualities after putting on
Ramcharitamdnas and Performing Tradition of Ramayana
515
these crowns. Everyday at the beginning and end of the performance, the Swarups are worshipped and 4 arati' is performed with great pomp and show. On the last day, the coronation is celebrated with song and dance. In Ayodhya, Rama's birth-place, the dance festivities go on for the whole night. In Ramanagar the whole town flocks for the * Darshan * of the * Panchayatan Jhanki *— the grand Tableau of the five epic characters in the coronation scene. The Ramalila is also a theatre of conventions. These conventions and practices can be recognised as the classical Sanskrit and medieval theatre traditions. The multiplicity and simultaneous nature of the action, the alternation of prose and verse dialogues, use of a group of singers for singing the entire text are some of the conventions that truly represent the spirit of the Indian Theatre. Apart from the traditional Ramalila, Ramcharitamdnas also greatly contributed to the evolution of Stage Rama plays written during 19th century in the wake of the realistic modern Indian theatre. The thematic structure of these plays is broadly based on Ramcharitamdnas and these draw their textual material primarily from the Ramcharitamdnas. It is significant that the very first literary play in Hindi is 'Anand Raghunandan *; it covers main episodes of Ramayana as presented in the Ramcharitamdnas and the first play presented on the Hindi stage is Jdnaki Marigal— 'Sita's marriage' in which many of the dialogues are paraphrases of chaupayees from the Manas. These and the other Rama plays are presented on proscenium theatre with painted curtains and in their entire presentation style follow the professional Parsi theatre of the mid 19th century. These plays encouraged professional Rama theatre and led to the emergence of professional companies called Ramalila Mandalis who perform Ramalila as a play on the curtain-stage. A substantial body of dramatic writing in Hindi belongs to these Rama-plays. During the last thirty years or so new theatrical performances based on Ramayana have been created in various forms such as shadow play, ballets, dance-dramas and marionettes. In all these new creations, bulk of textual material has again been drawn from the Ramcharitamdnas; also in presentation style, costumes, music, stage conventions are related to the traditional Ramalila. In its
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
fourth century celebration the Ramcharitamanas was also used for the sole dance styles such as Kathak, Bharatanatyam and Odissi very successfully and with great effect. Studying the vast and multi-dimensional aspects of the Ramalila one realises that a very large part of our cultural heritage is contained in this theatre form. It is through this performing tradition of the Ramcharitamanas that the great ideals and values of the epic have become part of the social and ethical life of the Indian people and integrated with the traditional culture. We know that the Rama-story is part of the traditional theatre of the whole country but embellished with the deep devotion, great poetic quality and the dramatic capacity of the Ramcharitamanas, the Ramalila has become one of the most popular among all the traditional theatre forms of India.
RAMAVATAR (RAMAYANA) By GURU GOBIND SINGH By BAUIT TULSI A nation survives which has the strength of character, which has sense of high-souled duty, which has power of self and collective discipline, which has high mental and moral conduct and above all which has resources of inspiring literature. India is fortunate to have Ramayaija as its spring of inspirational literature. Literature is the main and most fundamental medium which has the force to bring about change in the pattern of thinking, which has the strength to brighten up the heights of the high ideals, which has the power to move the highly hard and ever unmoved individuals, which has the capacity of performing miracles of transforming human, mental and moral self. The first great epic written in the Indian Literature was composed by Maharishi Valmlki. It has its forceful effect over the life of common or uncommon man, high or low, rich or poor, man or woman, husband or wife, mother or brother. It has a message for all, ideal for all and inspiration for all. Valmlki Ramaya^a is written in Sanskrit. Three hundred and fifty years ago, it was again written by Goswami TulasI Das in the spoken language Hindi (Briji). The Bhakti movement was greatly in force during those days. Therefore, he wrote Rama Charita Manas in a devotional attitude to bring about Bhakti Bhflva in the social atmosphere. Three hundred years ago, a great heroic drama was enacted on the soil of the five rivers against communal tyranny, narrowmindedness, treachery and perfidy of the fanatical rulers of those times and their myopic policies. It was a crusade for truth, justice, human freedom and equality. Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth master of the Sikhs, was the hero of the play. Communal tyranny had rendered the nation weak, timid and insecure. Guru Gobind Singh revived the oriental spirit of the Indians, infused in them the spirit of nationalism, filled in them the spirit of courage and
S18
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
heroism, made them fearless and dauntless, stirred in them the spirit of truth and self-respect. He changed the outlook of the common man. He transformed them into heroes of the great epic, Ramayana, made them realise their own intrinsic and essential worth. He was a great litterateur. He was an eminent scholar. He wrote the great epic in the language of the common man and effected a thorough change in the mental, moral and spiritual life of the people. Aim of writing: In the most explicit words he made n declaration "call me Gobind Singh only if I am able to produce great warriors, distinguished soldiers and brave heroes**. He applied all his force, all his strength, all his knowledge, all his ability, all his competence and all his talents of writing to make it a living reality. Place of writing: In the words of the great writer: " Netar tung he charan tal Sakidruv tlr tarang. Sri bhagwat puran klo Raghubar hatha Parsang.
(861)
I composed tie whole narrative of Rama, the incarnate, at the bank of river Sutlcj, flowing at the foot of mount Naina Devi. Date and year of writing: Samat satrau sehas pachavan Har Vadi pratham sukhdavan Tav prasad kar granth sudhara Bhul pari le leha sudhara (860) During the samvat year 1755 on the first of the month of Aharh, I completed the narrative by the Grace of the Almighty. Any error therein may kindly be set right because: Teh te kahl thorl at bin hatha, Bal tave upjl sudh math jatha. Jeh bhul bhahl ham te lehlo, Suhboteh achhar bona kahto. (6)
RAmftvat&r by Guru Govind Singh
51*
It is a concise, selected, spontaneous, upsurge of my pure intellect, in a variety of verse. Any error therein may be attributed to me because I have tried to decorate it in various metres. Ramavatar and its Cbhandas (Metres): Ramavctar was written in 864 cantos and 71 types of metres. The metres used are rare, marvellous and admirable. All the Rasas used in the poetic diction have been effectively and remarkably used at proper places. The metre used to depict the gallop of the horses has been wonderfully used. It sounds as if the metre—the rhyme and the rhythm—of the verse also gallops along with the horses. The horses on which the princes proceed from Ayodhya for marriage are restless and quick in speed, and this is depicted beautifully: Nagra ke nain hain, ke chatrl ke hein hain, Baghola mono gain, kaise teise bachrat hain, Nirtka ke pav hain, ke jup kese dav hain, Ke chhal ko dikhau, kou tese behrat hain. Han ke baji bir hain, tuphang kese tlr hain, Ke anjali ke dhlr hain, ke duja se phirat hain. Lehran anang ki, tarang jese gang ki, (171) Anang kese ang, jeun na kau thehrat hain. The horses are as quick in speed as the eyes of a fickle woman, or the words of a dexterous quick-witted man, or the whirlwind in the sky or the rhythm of the feet of a dancer, or the quickness of the trick of a gambler or the swiftness of the craft of a knave or jugglery of a magician, or the speed of the bullet of a gun, or the speed of an arrow released with great force, or the flash of beauty, or the flutterings of a banner, or the rapidity of the movements of the sexual intercourse, or the upsurge of the waves of the Ganges; they were ever restless and moving, never never at rest. In extreme anguish or pain, one cannot talk many words. Long talks, discussions and dialogues vanish ; instead one talks in single, limited words. This type of agony was created at the time of banishment. It has been depicted in beautiful Nagas half chhand as: Na bdjiai . na bhajiai Raghues ko . Banes ko.
(207)
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The Ramayana Tradition in Aria
The queen repeated the fatal words to send Rama, the incarnate to the woods and fulfil the promise without any reservation and fear. Nares ji, uses ji. Ghumaln gire, dhara gire. (210) In anguish and bereavement, King Da£aratha, cried in pain, and extremely bewildered and feeling giddy, he staggered and fell down. When the warriors fight in the battle-field, their swords clink, their arrows whiz and there is a strange type of music produced with the armament and falling of the heroes, etc. This type of music has been produced with the sound of certain words introduced in the beginning of the first line of verses in an extremely appropriate way in sangeet Chhape Chhand: Nagarh di narantak girat, Dagarh di devdntak dhaeo, Jagarh dijudh karat malf Sagarh di sur lok sidaeo, Dagarh di dev rahansat, Agarh di asuran ran sogang, Sagarh di sid/i sarsant, Nagarh di nachat tajjogang Khankhagarh di khaye bhaye prapat lakh9 Pagarh di pohap darat amor Janjagarh di sakal jai jai jampai, Sagarh di sur purat nor nar (392) After the fierce fight, Narantaka, the mighty demon, fell down dead with a thud and in his place Devantaka appeared on the scene quickly. He roared in war-delight and engaged in fierce combat. Though proud in valour, he was slain, with a fatal blow. The Rakshasas were smitten with grief. There was intense sorrow in the vast army. The gods were greatly delighted in excitement the destruction of Narantaka and showered flowers and sung the glory of Rama, the incarnate, in jubilation. In another Chhand named Nav Namak, the rhyme and rhythm is worth appreciating: Tar bhar per sar9 nirkhat sur nar. Har pur pur kar9 nirkhat her ner.
(454)
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The gods in heaves, beheld the whole city of Lanka, over-cast with arrows. The whole city was besieged by the Vanaras. There is another wonderful, Tarrinin Chband, (Metre) depicting how the arrows were released, how they pierced the warriors, how the shields banged and how sparks of fire were emitted: Trinnin terang, Brinin blrang Dhunnan Dhalang, Jaman jwStang
(533)
Whizzling the arrows were released, with a shrill the warriors were pierced. The shields clanked and constantly emitted sparks. In fact the words in which they have been written cannot be translated and explained properly in the true spirit. Language fails to help. In another Chhand, as the speed of the battle enhances, so the speed of the metre becomes faster still. It is written in Trigodha Chhand: Tak terang, bob berang Dhadh dhalang, Jaj jwalang
(541)
Volleys of arrows were showered. The warriors reeled, roared and screamed. The shields rattled and emitted sparks of fire. There is another wonderful metre named Chhachri Chhand. When Lava, and Kuga fight, it depicts how bravely they take up swords: Vthae, dikhae naehae, chalae
(737)
They drew swords, brandished it, swirled it and swept the enemies. The whole scene of fighting is depicted in four words so artistically that the fighting heroes in action become vivid in the imagination. The whole descnpticn is so clear, strong, concise and vigorous that you are filled with reverence to see the poetic art and erudition of Guru Gobind Singh.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Some Salient verses: Some of the descriptions, dialogues, and discussions are so marvellous that they are worth mentioning. The dialogue between ParaSurama and Rama: Yo jab bain sune art ke, tab sri ragubir bali balkane Sat samundaran lo girve, gir bhum akas doyu behrane Jachh bhujang disa bedisan ke, danav dev doyu dar mane Sri raghunath kaman le hath, kahe ris ke keh pais ratane (149) After hearing the arrogant speech of the haughty Parasurama Rama, letorted that those who were like high and mighty mountains had fallen deep into the ocean. All the gods, Nagas and the demons were afraid of him. He challenged him to show him the place where his shaft could be discharged: Jaitak bain kahe so kahe, jo pe pher kahe to pe jitanjai ho Hath hathiar gehe so gehe, jo pe pher gehe, to pe pher na lai ho Ram riseran main raghubir, koho bhaj ke kat pran bachai ho Tor sirasan Shankar ko, har Siya chale gher jan na (ISO) pai ho Parasurama replied in fury to Rama, that he was demented and perverse, he should stop his senseless and reckless words, or he shall be in the jaws of death He should surrender his arms. He should also learn about his glory, might and fierceness of temper. If he still persisted in fighting and did not restrain his passion he shall not be allowed to take £ita along, although he has broken Siva's mighty bow. In reply to these haughty words, brave though young, Rama replied in appropriate words: Bol kahe, so sahe dijju, jupe pher kahe to pe pran khavai ho Bolak ainth kahan sathjlu, sabh dant turai abay gharjal ho Dhir tabe lahe hai turn kau, jab bhlr pari Ik tlr chalai ho Bat sambhar kaho mukh te, in baton ko ab he phal pai ho (151)
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I have patiently heard your rude find haughty words. If you repeat again, you will lose your life the next moment. You will become tormented fiercely and rendered unable to take up arms. You will be put to perm jient rest for your sharp tongue, if you do not talk sense. Hearing these bold, courageous and firm words of Rama spoken with confidence, ParaSuiama retorted: Tab tim sack lakho man main, prabh jau turn rdmavtar kahao Rudar kuvand brihand karyojlm, turn apno bal mohe dikhao Tohi gadha kar sarong choker, lata bhrig kl ur mad suhao mero utar kuvand mahanbal, mohe ko aj charai dikhao (152) In a contemptuous rage, Para£urama retorted that Rama should forget himself as the incarnation of Vi§nu, the effulgent by breaking the bow of lord Siva. His doubts could only be removed if he drew the mighty and formidable bow of Lord Vi§nu, belonging to his ancestors: Sri raghubir, siroman sir, kuvand Ho kar main hus kel Llo chap chatak charhai bali, khai tuk kio chhin main kas kel Nabh ki gati tahi hati sarson, ad blch hi bat rahl bas kai Nab sat, kachhu not ke bat jlun, bhav pas nisang rehiophas kai. (153) Rama, the exalted among warriors, picked up the mighty and formidable bow of Bhrigu. No sooner did he stretch it, than it broke into six pieces. A lad of sixteen years dazzled and baffled ParaSurama, the axe bearer. It is only a brave man who can appreciate esteem and recognise the worth of an act of bravery. So how Paraiurama felt after seeing an act of bravery is narrated: Bhet bhuja bhar ang bhare, bhar naln doyu nirkhe raghurae. Gunjat bhrlng kapolan upar, nag lavang rehe llv lae. Kanj kurang kala nisi ke, her kokal her hie hchrae. Bal lakhe chhab khat pare, kahe batchati nirkhe adhka. (154)
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The Ramayana Tradition in Aria
Paraiurama embraced and clasped Rama, in his arms. With eyes filled with love and affection, he looked at his dazzling features. His whole soul was set on his lovely cheeks like a maggot. His lotus-eyes, moon-like face, and honeyed words beseached him. Lying on a bed, Rama looked like a lad, most beautiful, most graceful that the eyes got fixed on him and Paraiurama could not move them from him. There is another verse which must be mentioned about the sword of Rama. Djal usidharang last aparang, karan lujharang chhabidarang. Sobhat jim arang ati chhabi dharang, subid sudharang arigarang. Jai pattar dati maddan mati saron tali, jai karanang. Durjan dal hanti achhal jayantU kilvikh hanti bhcA haranang. (589) The bright saber of Rama, flashed, diffused brightness like storm of lightning, chopped the bodies and stroke the arms. It looked incomparably and magnificently radiant. Bathed in blood and besmirched with gore it appeared like red hot iron furnace. Most skilfully and tactfully, it destroyed the enemy-host. It reckoned the most arrogant presumptuous and intoxicated in blood. It was that destroyer of the enemy's vast host, warriors bestower of victory to the holy ones, remover of painand affliction, annihilator of the terror and troubles. Every one sang the glory of the magnificent, exalted and heavenly sword of Rama. Another verse in which the description of Ravaga, the demon-King, his ten heads and twenty arms is given is worth mentioning: Chandar has ekankar dhari. Duti dhap seh triti katari. Chatrath hathi saihathi ujiari. Gofan guraj karat chamkarL
(602)
Ravaga, the twenty-armed demon-king, held in one hand the special sword obtained from Lord Siva. In the second hand he
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held a fine rapier. In the third a dagger and in the fourth he held a dart, in the fifth a sling and in the sixth a mace. Pate sahas bhari, gadeh ubharl, Trisul sudhari jhurkari. Janbua arbanang, sukan kamanang. Charam anupanang dhar bhari. Pandre golalang pas amolang, Paras adolang hath nalang. Bichhua pehraung pata bhramaung, Jim jim dhaung bikralang. (603) Ravana held the double-edged scimitar in his seventh hand, in his eighth he held a club, in the ninth a TrisQla, in the tenth a sharp knife, in the eleventh a Tambura and in the twelfth arrows, in the thirteenth a formidable bow, in the fourteenth a heavy shield, in the fifteenth a pallet bow, in the sixteenth a noose and in the seventeenth an axe, in the eighteenth an auto gun, in the nineteenth a dagger and in the twentieth a sabre. In this way in a horrible and dreadful appearance, he rushed forth: Shiv shiv shiv mukh ek ucharang. Dutya prabha janakt niharang. Tritya jhund sabh subhat pacharang. Chatrath karat mar hi marang. (604) Ravana the ten-headed, chanted the name of Siva with one face, with the second he beheld the charming Sita, with the third, he challenged the warriors and with the fourth he shouted 4 kill them', * kill them \ Pachai hanvant lakhdut mandang, sabal durantang taj kalinang. Chhatai lakh bharatang tak tap patang, lag tan ghatang jie jalang. Satai lakh raghupati kapidal adipati, subhat bikat mat jut bharatang. Athio sir dhorei, navam nihorei, dasyan bourei risratang. (60S) The fifth face of Ravana, the ten-headed, was beholding the marvellous appearance of Hanuman, his strength, radiance and blissful appearance. The sixth face was looking at his real brother,
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Vibhl§ana, who was responsible for his downfall. He felt irritated, wounded and extremely angry to see the treacherous brother. The seventh head beheld Rama, the commander of the monkey-host, the tenacious warrior with whom his foolish brother had joined hands. The eighth head was most irrational and foolish. The ninth face was making entreaties while the tenth was made with fury. Similes and metaphors: If we ever want to taste the cup of great poetry, if we ever want to realise its greatness, if we ever want to take delight in its high sources, we can never dispense with its art and diction, s':ape and size, sound and rhythm, similes and metaphors, hints and suggestions, attributes and epithets. Guru Gobind Singh was perfect in this poetic art. He applied all t^e methods, procedures and arrangements to make the Ramayana complete in all respects. The whole narrative is decorated and o~namented with beautiful similes and metaphors. He has used seventy-one types of various metres to produce different and non-identical effects. All the metres vary in lengthshape and size. There are metres which produce martial sounds, martiaf imagery and martial scenes. A select few are given below: Baj gajlrath saj gire dhar, pattar anaik su kaun ginavai. Phagan paun prachand bahai, ban pattran te jan pattr udavai. (609) When Rama, discharged the formidable arrow, the horses, the elephants, the chariots, the armours, and innumerable hosts of demons fell on the ground like the leaves falling in the winter wind-storm. The simile used in this verse is so wonderful, the imagery so clear and vivid that you are inspired with the feelings of reverence and awe: Baj gajirath raj rathi ran, bhum gire ih bhaut sanghare. Jano basant ke ant samai kadli-dal paun prachand ukhare. (610)
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The horses, elephants, chariots and drivers all fell on the ground like the bananas uprooted and thrown on the ground by the whirlwind storm at the end of the spring season. These similes imply that while in the battle-field, fighting fiercely, Guru Gobind Singh could imagine how the enemy-hosts fell on the ground. To see his imagery, personification and clarity of thought, let us examine another verse which makes the scene vivid, distinct and clear: Ravan ros bhareo ran main geh beson hi bahain hathiar prahare. Bhoom akas disa badisa chak char chuke nahi jat nihare. Phokan tei phal tei, mad teiy ad tei, badh kei, ran mandal dare. Chhattar duja bar baj rathi, rath kat sab hei raghurdj uftarei. (619) In terrible wrath Ravana wrought havoc by assaulting with weapons held in his twenty arms. Earth, sky and all the regions were terror-stricken and stood aghast. Thereupon Rama with his sharp arrows struck off the royal umbrella of Ravana, the demon King, smote the banner, pierced the horse, crushed the chariot and smashed the charioteer. In this manner Ravaiid was thrown violently on the ground like the peel of the fruit. In another simile it is shown how the monkey-army attacked the enemy-forces: Janak sichan mas lakh tute
(598)
He pounced upon the enemy like the hawk on a piece of flesh. masihare bhukhiae tim ari dhai
(599)
They pounced upon the enemy like wild animals. mukh tambor ar rang surangang, nider bharmant bhum uh jangang Lipat malei ghansai surangang, rupwan gatiwan uttangang (600) The mouths of the warriors were red as if they had taken betel leaves. Bathed in blood they moved about undauntedly. It
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appeared as if they had applied deep red colour of the kapoor flower on their bodies but they looked terribly charming. How Rama addresses his sword when he comes face to face with Ravaija, the demon King, in the battle-field, and this is described in a beautiful way. It is an excellent piece of personification: Gaje mahansur ghumi ran hur, bhrami nabh pur bhakhang anupang Vale val sane, jivaln iugan tone, tain te gholijanU alanvin aise Lago larthane, barhe raj mane, kaho our kane hathi chhad khesang, Baro an moko, tajo an toko, chale dev loko, taje teg lanka (607) Rima, the mightX warrior, moved swiftly in the battle-field like a dancing fairy. Addressing his sword he said, " May your Lord be blessed till eternity, I dedicate my life to you, o mighty one. Perform some remarkable deed today." The sword spoke to Ravaija, the demon King, " O my Lord, I beseech your honoured company today. Leaving you the most arrogant one, whom else can I wed? Do wed me and proceed to Heaven leaving Lanka behind." Hamajana, Rama Charita Manas and Ramavatar, a comparison The Ramlycria written by Maharshi Valmlki, the Rama Charita Manas written by Goswami Tulasi Das and the Ramavatar written by Shri Guru Gobind Singh are three great epics. All the three writers have brought up the story in their own way, enriched it with their own experiences, ornamented it with their own capabilities, and introduced their own styles. There are some striking differences which are brought out here: (i) Maharshi Valmlki was aholy saint, a sage of great repute and a great personage of his times. Being a Rishi, he has delineated the past of his chaiacters. It is his privileged style, which no one else could bring out, but being a sage, it was within his capacity. Goswami Tulasi Das was a saint, a devotee, or a Bhakta, He has written the story of Manas in a devotional attitude, in a
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reverential way and with great respect and affection. He has raised the hero of the story to the status of a worshipped deity. Shri Guru Gobind Sirgh, the writer of Ramavatar was a holy saint, a spiritual leader and tenacious warrior. He brought out an aspect of the hero of his epic which only a warrior could bring out. His hero is a great warrior. He has great martial powers. He is strong enough to fight with great hosts of enemy force . He has a rare power of resistance. He is excellent in the science of archery. He is perfect in wielding the sword. He is vigorous enough to strike down thousands single-handed. He is fearless and forceful. (ii) Valmlki has written the whole epic in two metres of poetry, Maharshi was not a poet by birth. He was inspired to write the great epic on hearing the waitings of Maharani Sita, banished in the forest. On hearing the woeful cries of the holy Sita, his heart melted and flowed into a flood of poetry. Goswami Tulasi Das was original in thinking and tender in feelings. He was forced by the exceptional circumstances into the realm of spiritualism and poetiy. He surrendered himself to the devotion of his deity. The Goddess of Muse descended on him and inspiied him to write the great epic. He has used only three metres, Doha, Chaupai and Sortfia. Shri Guru Gobind Singh was a poet of high merit by birth. He was a great scholar. He was thoroughly skilled in the art of poetry. He has exhibited his excellence in usii g seventy-one types of metres in the great epic. He surpassed all in the art of poetry and erudition. (iii) The characters of the Ramayana are common i*nman beings. They have mLny weaknesses. Th' y are emotional, ti:ey cry, they weep, they say harsh words in anger, they get upset in odd situations. The characters of Ram Charita Manas are very reasonable. At the time of disturbed situations, they do not get emotional but seek their higher sense, reason uid judgement ard act moderately. They have control over their tongue, they do not use rough and harsh words. The characters of Ramavatar believe in the acts of God and the Divine Will. They take the oddities of life as acts of Supreme
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power. They talk sense, they are sagacious and do not use harsh words. They talk softly, gracefully and with full propriety. To illustrate these is not out of place: (a) In Ramayana DaSaratha says to Rama, * While yet Bharata is away, I want to perform your coronation ceremony." On hearing this, Rama keeps silent. This shows that the King and Rama were aware that if Bharata was present, he may demand his right. In Manas, Dafiaratha makes the declaration of coronation through the Raja Guru and does not take advantage of the absence of Bharata. In Ramavatar9 the King DaSaratha takes counsel of the Raja Guru and seeks his advice, considers his opinion and takes joint decision. (b) In Kamayarxa, Kausalya says to Rama: " Son, during your presence here I used to be humbled by my co-wife (Kaikeyi); now when you go to the forest, how will I be treated by her and how will I survive? Your father has ordered you to go to the forest; \ am your mother, I order you not to proceed to the forest." In Manas, Kausalya does not feel the sting of the co-wife. She advises Rama to act in accordance with the orders of his father and mother. In Ramavatar also, Kausalya does not feel the sting of the co-wife. She embraces his son and with tears in her eyes, ;he blesses him and gives him good wishes. (c) In Ramayana, Rama says to Sita " Do not talk of my virtues to Bharata in my absence. Those in power would not like others* praise," and cannot stand my greatness. There is nothing like this in Manas or Ramavatar. (iv) Maharishi Valmiki wrote the great epic and introduced it through Lava and Kusa in the court of Rama. At the time of Agvamedha Yajna, the two children sing Ramayana most melodiously. Through Maharshi Valmiki, Rama comes to know that they were his sen? and Sita was as pure as the water of the Ganges. He asks Sita to be brought back in the presence of t* e huge gathering, present at the time of ASvuned' a Yajfta. He demands another
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Agni Parik§a from her for the satisfaction of public and his glory. Hearing this, Sita prays to the Goddess Earth and disappears. Goswami Tulasi Das is very tender in feelings. He cannot bear the idea that the deity of his devotior can ever banish Sita, who was ever pure and holy. He has not dwelt on this part of the story. After Rama's return frcm Lanka, he writes about his great acccmpli&hmtnts. Guru Gobind Singh was a great soldier, excellent in the art of fighting. In Rdmdvatar, he has brought out the fact that the sons of Rama, were as good in fighting as he was. When the horse of the Asvamedha Yajna is released, it is caught by the two boys. They fight " fierce battle with £atrughna, Lak$ma$a, Bharata and many other warriors. On asking them to release the horse, the boys challenge them to fight. In the end, Rama, the incarnate, also comes. In full enthusiasm, they fight so violent a battle that they throv/ all the heroes inert on the ground. It is through the earnest service of holy Sita that Rama and his forces are brought back to life. Rama recognises the purity of Sita and takes her to his kingdom. They live happily for many years. One day the friends of Maharanl Sita inscribe the name of demonking Ravana. On seeing it, Sita gets frightened. Unexpectedly Rama happens to come there. He was infuriated to see the name of Ravana and accused Sita of having some consideration for the demon-king. Thereupon Sita becomes immediately agitated for being suspected about the purity of her character, prays to Mother E^rth for protection. Mother Earth opens up and takes Sita, the Pure, into her bosom. (d) Maharshi Valmlki gives human quality to his characters in the Ramaycna. In the case of Sita however he speaks very highly of her and the purity of her character. He stands witness to her character before Rama at the time of Asvamedha Yajna. The significance of the following verse of Goswami Tulasi Das in Rama Chcrita Manes is beyond comprehension: Dhol gcrhvar Sud'a pa&u narl ye Si b taiun ke c dhikarl Goswami Tulasi Das was very tender in feelings. It is impossible to imagine that he could tolerate the presence of his mother, wife,
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sister and daughter along with donkeys and dogs. It seems some* one else has introduced this doha in the great epic; it pollutes the Manas. Guru Gobind Singh has given a very high status to Sita. When she saw Rama, among the wounded warriors she bewailed and wanted to immolate herself on the funeral pyre of her Lord Rama, the incarnate. At that time she heard the voice from heaven, " Hearken, o holy Sita, why behave like an ignorant? Bring water and sprinkle it on the wounded and they will revive." Hearing of these words and reviving the wounded with water are miracles of high order, attained through purity of character. Again at the time of exit from the stage of wordly existence she says: " If in my imagination I have ever thought of anyone else, But Lord Rama, If in my words, I have ever uttered the word of anyone else But Lord Rama, If in my deeds, I have ever acted as a wife of anyone else, But Lord Rama, Then Mother Earth may take me In her holy embrace." Instantaneously, the Earth splits, and takes holy Sita in her eternal lap. This is a miracle of the extreme order exhibited *at the time of great anguish by very pure and holy people. Ramayana in Punjabi literature from the last century: From the last century, because of the press facilities, the Ramayana has been written in many languages and published in thousands. There are many translations available in Hindi language but theres is no Ramayana in Punjabi language. The scarcity of Ramayana in Punjabi language was felt by (i) Shri Amar Nath Chopra, Sub-Judge (1857-1905). He used to write in English and Urdu. It was very hie in life that he felt the need to write in Punjabi. He translated Valmflci
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Ramayana into Punjabi, giving the meanings of the difficult words of Sanskrit in Punjabi. (ii) In 1953, Brij Lai Shastri, wrote the Ramayana of Valmlki under the caption of Ram Katha in prose- It was published by Punjabi Department, Patiala. He made another attempt in 1955 to write it in verse. He completed this volume of Ram Geet in poetry form. Ram Katha is the translation of Valmlki Ramayana in prose and Ram Geet is the narrative in poetry. It has been written without any alteration. The language used is very simple, accurate and full of idiomatic expressions. Ram Geet, written in the second attempt, has been composed in one metre only. The rhyme and rhythm of the metre is like the flow of river in rainy days. Having used only one metre the writer has felt the difficulty in expression of various emotions. Gyani Sant Singh is another writer who has written Tulasl RamayaQa, Satika. with (Commentary) It was published in 1894 by Munshi Nawal Kishore, Lahore. Gyani Ishar Singh Nara has translated the Kavitavati Ramayat/a of Goswami Tulasl Das in Punjabi language in 1957.
RAMAYANA IN KASHMIRI LITERATURE AND FOLK-LORE By P. N. PUSHP
The Rama-theme entered the Kashmiri language much later than the Krishna-legend. This was so in spite of the fact that Sanskrit literature produced in Kashmir recorded not only awareness of the Rama-tradition but also its incorporation into critical as well as creative writing. The views of the Dhvanikara as to how ioka was transformed into sloka are matched only by Kal dasa's classical utterance: ilokatvam apadyata yasya &okcb\ while the pithy observation of Mammafa (in his Kavyaprakaia) that * one should behave like Rama, etc., and not like Ravapa, etc.* (Ramadivad vartitavyam na Ravartadivat) has become our national heritage. The Ramayanamanjarl of K$emeridr;t that appeared alongside his Bharatamcfijarl and Bfhatkathamchjarl, is not (as is generally taken for granted) merely an abridgement Valmlki's of masterpiece, but is also a re-doing of certain portions that specially captured his imagination. K$emendra's handling of the story in his KcnakcJanckl% and of the incarnation of Rama in his Da&avataracaritam also bears out that the Rama-tradition was very much alive in the literary memory of the Kashmiri. Even the Kathasaritsagara of Somadeva has preserved certain anecdotes of the Ramaya$a, including a few not found in Valrriki's work, but shared in part by versions peculiar to Khotan and Tibet. The stray verse on the Ramatheme, quoted by K$ mendra in his works on poetics and metrics, aho bear out the fart that Sanskrit in Kashmir exulted in variations on the theme. It is not surprising, therefore, that the folk-tale, traditionally handed down in Kashmiri about the travails of Rama and Sita, and the affectionate devotion of Lak$mai)a are not confined to the Hindus but are widely shared among the non-Hndu population as well, most of whom (by the way) happen to be converts. In fact the Kashmiri language itself has crystallised this l<-gary into telling expressions, including place-names, allusions, idioms and
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proverbs. Thus we have not only Rama-naga, Rama-kuntfa and Sita-Kujtfa, but also Ramabh^druny duny (i.e., the bow of darling Rama) for the rainbow. The word Rdmayana itself has come to signify in Kashmiri * a lengthy tale of unmerited woe\ indifference to which is caricatured in the proverb: 44
Ratas vonmay ramayan; Subhan prutshhtham, Ram kya vatihe SltSye "
Throughout the night I narrated the Ramayana; on the morn (yet) you asked me 4 Who was Rama to Sita indeed \ Even some modern poets like Rasal Mir and Mahjoor have used the names of Rama and Sita for telling effect in tragic situations, and the name of Ravana for spiritual loss caused by evil endeavour, as ravuri in Kashmiri means: * Ravana * as well as •toget lost'. In the light of such a situation it is quite understandable that the Rama-legend should have been ve-y much there in Kashmiri folklore too. True, it is not as prominent as the Krishna legend. Yet, it is there even in the earliest strata of the Kashmiri folk music as preserved in Vanavun, the traditional wedding-songs of the Kashmiris, in which allusion to the Rama-:t<>ry may not be as frequent as that to the Krishna theme. Thus, for instance, in the symbolic improvisation with reference to the grooms and their parents, the names of Rama and Sita, DaSaratha and Kausalya, or even those of Janaka, Viivamitra and Vasi$tha occur quite often. According to this improvisation, generally the name of Vasudeva is interchangeable with that of Dasaratha, and correspondingly that of Kf$Qa with that of Rama. Thus the snatch of a song like: 44
Vasudiv razani sombrith bai tfUy Krishna juvane manzirdtr kity."
becomes: 44
Da&aratha razani sombrith batsuy Rama juvane manzirats kity"
i.e., *4 At Vasuacva's nave assomMed k'th and kin " in connection with Kf$Qu's henna-night."
536
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
becomes: " At DaSaratha's have assembled kith and kin in connection with Rama's henna-night." But, apart from such cases of improvisation, specific mention of Rama and Sita is found in quite a number of these wedding songs. The bride is being dressed up for the wedding while her mother's parents and brothers are arriving with gorgeous wedding gifts (apparel as well as ornaments). Women, accordingly, sing: " Daiaratha-razifny svandar kurl, Ramatsantfur bdy dy durybafa hyeth." (O beautiful daughter of king Da£aratha, your brotherr Ramacai.d "a has come with wedding gifts for you.) On the eve of the departure of the bridegroom's party, women's voice rises in chorus to the accompaniment of the tumbaknari, the Kashmiri kettle-drum: " Tumbaknare ruapay paze aday vaze tumbaknar Shama rupa Rama gatshi SttSye " " The tumbaknar deserves a rupee (coin) Then alone will it, the tumbaknar (agrees to) beat. The dark-complexioned Rama will set out for Stta." Similarly in the appropriate context the women sing snatches like the following: 1. " Rama has Lak§maga as the vice-bridegroom; The prince of Da&aratha has come indeed! " 2. " O Princess, do you approve of him ? Rama it is who has arrived at your window." Reference to the episodes of the Ramayaija are found incorporated into the lengthy wedding folk-ballads like the one with the refrain: 44
Soriv tapareshev Sada&iv "
Which is replete with reference to a rich variety of flowers blooming forth in succession and to a wide coverage of cultural topography
fttmftyapa in Kashmiri Literature
537
including the Dantfakavana which assumes alluring local colour, particularly in the portions that refer to the golden-haired Sita escorted by Rama and Lak$mana in exile: 44
SltSyiasim sonasundy klshd Kharith ta niyham danfakvan Rama ta Lqkhyman ta sufy dlshd Soriv tapareshev saddshi:"
44
Sita had golden tresses. They took her away from me to Dafltfakavan; Rama and Lakjmaija were seen with her. Meditate o ascetics, on Sada&v." Sweet and charming is the description of a child receiving hisfirstliterery lesson, as Rama going to his teacher with a wooden tablet in hand while his mother Kausalya is waving her headgear over his innocent her-d, with the desire to avert the evil eye. With the golden pen of the King DaSaratha, Rama scribbles on his silver tablet, the initial utterance, Voma vom, i.e., the auspicious Om, followed by the two syllables of the word Svasti nomenclatured in Kashmiri svayamso and tyaviste. This corresponds to the 'Om Svasti' of the initial sentence Om Svasti Siddham, which, as Alberuni also observes, was characteristic of the Siddhamatrika prevalent in Kashmir; and while receiving his first lesson by writing out and repeating it for the first time, the tiny pupil is endearingly called upon to remember !§ri Rama. 44
Ram gom tsatahal athi hyeth duji Koshalyayi zuji alavus Dasharatha razane svanasundi kalamo. Ramajuvan ly&khanay voma vom Vomavom svayamso tyevyuste parize dyana sorize Shrl Ramun."
At the initiation into spiritual lore by the Guru the child is blessed that he may prove as worthy as Sri Rama: 44
The Guru has whispered the word in your ear. May you prove as worthy as Sri Rama! (Gvaran vonanay kqnytgly shabda rabda droyo Shri Rdmun.)
The Kashtawari dialect of Kashmiri also has preserved some wedding songs significantly referring to Rama and Sita, as the one
S38
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
sung at the moment when the bride is taking seven symbolic steps round the sacrificial fire. " Yazmanbayl kyazi then reran Ramaji ta Sltajl thiy ptirnya divan. Sa$y beny vaijl kyazi thek . . ." Relatives, friends and neighbours are consoling the distraught parents of the bride in moving strains: •• Why are you, o Mother of the bride, shedding sad tears ? Ramaji and Sitaji are going round the fire. Our Sitaji, why are you shedding sad tears ? O Father of the bride, May your darling live long! Why are you shedding sad tears ? " and so on . . . The folklore lias thus a number of ballads presenting variations on the theme of pathos that permeates the Rama-story The most telling of these arc the oner, with the following refrains: (1) " Rama Lakhyman vanvasi gav" which meant" Rama and Lak$mana (in the collective singular as Rama-Lak§maii) has gone into exile! " (2) " Vantay Ramajiv bozina myon ? " 44 Pray tell me, will not Ramji, listen to me ? " (3) " Ram ta Lakhymaij artari av " (Rama and Lak$man came as incarnate.) These ballads recount the main events of the Rama-story in effective folk-diction, characterised by local colour and colloquial utterance befitting local variations, such as 44
Dasharatharazuny santan asiy, Khasith ta Vatiy Danfakvan Bihith ta kheaihay Vuapalhak Khdasiy: Ramalakhyman Vanvasi gav Krajl Masi bana kithy asiy ? Akis konde paynay ay A4y dray khandyphufy qdy svanakhasiy . . . "
* • King Da£aratha's offspring were they, they that went to Da?
JUm&yaoa in Kashmiri Literature
539
. . . O Potter auntie, what went wrong with the pots you made ? These were baked all in a single kiln indeed; (yet) some came out fragmented, some golden cups . . ." Or 44 Kaushalya dapan has kyaka bavikh Ramajuvas ani kus mananavith ? . . ." 44
Says Kausalya: to whom shall I confide my woe? Who'll persuade Rama to come back to me? Pray go and ask him, Won't he come back my way again ? " But the masterpiece of a folk-ballad is an autobiographical one in which Sita pours out the irony of her fate in gripping pathos. Her plaint is addressed to Rama whom she euphimistically hails as: Paramadam, the Kashmiri version of Paramadhaman, i.e., one of the highest stature. It is no wonder that such a masterpiece of folk poetry should have become incorporated into the Prakai Ramayana, written in the 19th century. Thus the Ramayaoa was there in Kashmiri folklore much earlier than it appeared in Kashmiri literature and there is nothing surprising about it. What is surprising however is that as an epic the RamayaQa did not appear in Kashmiri literature earlier than the forties of the nineteenth century. Such a peculiar situation becomes all the more puzzling when we find that the first full-fledged kavya on the Krishna-theme in Kashmiri appeared as early as the middle of the fifteenth century. It was composed by Bhattavatara, a court poet of the Sultan Zainualabidin (14201470 A.D.) on the romantic episode of U§a and Aniruddha, of course within the framework of the battle between Kr§na and Banasura as indicated by the title: Banasura-Katha or Banasuravadha. But such a situation ceases to be puzzling when we take stock of the literary landscape that conditioned t^c emergence of Kashmiri Pabanda or the Prabandha-Kavya. Sanskrit had by this time been replaced by Persian as the Ourt language and the Persian mathnavi had been introduced into the valley. The extent to which its influence had spread can be clearly understood by the fact that even $rlvaray the close associate and Sanskrit chronicler of the Sultan, had attempted in his Katha-kautuka a Sanskrit version of Mulla Jami's Persian masterpiece, the YusafZullkha. The Persian Mathnavi, obviously, found the KftQa-
540
Tile Ramayana Tradition in Asia
legend more congenial and suitable than the Rama-story, in view of its wider scope for depiction of romantic love, than the Ramatradition could allow. The love at first sight depicted between Rama and Sita on the eve of the Svayamvara is that between two individuals destined to be united in wedlock, but does not admit of any free exchange of finer feelings that the mathnavi takes pains to depict. The pangs of separation suffered by Rama and Sita are those of husband and wife, and not of two lover* dying for each other, as for instance, in romantic poems like the YusafZulikhd already referred to in connection with iSrivara's Sanskrit version of it. Yet the fact remains that during the Mugal period, the Persian Ramayana came to Kashmir also. Of these Mulla Masithi's masterpiece written during the time of Jahangir appears to have been widely read, as is borne out not only by the extensive dispersal of the manuscripts of the wort in Kashmir, but also by the parallels and affinities found in the Maslhl Ramayana and the Kashmiri Ramayana, particularly the Prakai-Ramaya^a. Just two episodes may be referred to here by way of illustration. These are: (1) The episode of the mischief done by Ravana's sister by persuading Sita to draw a sketch of Ravana; and (2) the episode where after Sita has gone through the Agniparik§a, she shuts herself up in the ASrama of Valmiki and refuses to open the dooj in spite of Rama's repeated entreaties and Valmiki's recommendations. Rama's appeals are repulsed by Sita with her plaints recapitulating the wrongs done to her by Rama. The Persian Ramayana, however, is not the main source of the Kashmiri Ramayana written in the forties of the ninteenth century and after, the latest being the one written as late as 1940 A.D. The Valmlkl Ramayana, the Adhyatma Ramayana and the Pauranic accounts of Rama, particularly those of the Bhagavata and the Sivapuraria which were available in Kashmir, in Persian as well as the Bha$a, were duly drawn upon. And some of these Pauranic accounts also have been rendered into Kashmiri. Here I feel I should first give a socio-cultural background to the period in which over half a dozen Ramayaflas were written in quick succession. It was during the Sikh period that Ragis came to Kashmir and, alongside of the Sakhis and Bhajans of
RftmAyaoa in Kashmiri Literature
541
the Granth Sahib, sang and recited portions of the Bhagavata and the Ramayana also, particularly the Ramacarita-manasa. The Ramalila tradition also entered the Kashmir valley and spread to various districts. Soon after, when the Dogra rule started, the I$ta-dcva of the Dogra rulers became more popular than other Avataras from the literary point of view also, and the patronage extended to the poets writing on the Rama-theme gave a fillip to the creative endeavours in this respect. Thus the first Kashmiri Ramayana, that is the Sankara Ramayana written in 1900 V.S, (or 1843 A.D.) was transcribed from Sarada into the Devanagarl characters in the reign of Maharaja Ranbir Singh. The Prakai Ramayana written in 1846 A.D. was most widely copied out and is the only Kashmiri Ramayana that has been printed in all the three scripts, Roman, Devanagari and Persian, three times in the Persian, twice in the Devanagarl and once in the Roman. The third Kashmiri Ramayana, the Visriu Pratapa Ramayana, w.as completed by Vi$nu Kaul in 1913 A.D., the fourth, that is, Sarma Ramayana by Nilkantha Sharma was written between 1919-1926 A.D. on the model of Tulasidasa's masterpiece, a creative rendering of the Hindi text. The fifth was written by Tarachand in 1927 A.D. and the sixth by Amar Nath in 1940 A.D. The seventh, reported to have been written by Anand Ram, has not yet come my way. Of these, as I have already pointed out, only the Praka§ Ramayana has so far appeared in print; the remaining five are still in the manuscript. Yet they have their individual merit in terms of presentation as well as coverage, in response to the poet's right to select, to discard and to re-order the subject-matter, episodes as well as motifs, to suit his creative urge. In certain cases they have created myths on their own also. The latest, that is, the Amara Ramayana, for instance, has given some episodes of the story modern interpretation, like Harijana uplift and widowremarriage (pp. 126-29; 126-33, 209-10), with reference to the episodes Guha and Sabari or the marriage of Vali's widow to Sugriva. While the Ramaglta is a feature common to all these RamayaQas and betrays the influence of the Adhyatma Ramayana tradition, the variations on a common theme as, for instance, those on the birth of Sita, are quite revealing.
542
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Sankara Ramaycjta (Khanda 1, Adtyaya 6) has it that Sitft, the daughter of Ravana, as soon as born, was declared by the astrologers as inauspicious and ordered to be burricd in Mithila where she was dug up by Janaka while ploughing the fields during a famine. Praka§a Ramayana (pp. 54-55, 57, 83, 154) adds to this that the infant was encased in a box and hurled into a river, and after being washed ashore was rescued by a washerman who took her to Janaka. The Vifnupratapa-Ramayaria (Vana, AdHyaya, 129) records that Sita was born of Man£ >dari who had conceived after inhaling the stinch issuing from a phial filled with the drops of blood of the seven £§is. After th,?t it repeats the story in the Praka&a Ramayana. The Sarma Ramayana, which is a fine rendering of the Ramacarita-manasa. naturally follows Tulasidasa's Version in toto. The Ramayana of Taracand, however, has quite a differeni story to say; it tallies to some extent with the account given in the Adbhuta Ramayana. According to him, some R$is present Ravana a pitcherful of blood; and Ravana orders his men to bury it in Janakapura so that it spells death for Janaka, the sworn enemy of Ravana, as soon as he digs it up with his plough. The Amara Ramayana (p. 29) has still another version which resembles the one recorded in the Jain Uttarapurana. According to it, Ravana in his previous birth had molested a beautiful woman who, to avenge herself, is reborn as his daughter. The pitcher of blood presented to him by the R$is is handed over by him to Mandodari who conceives after drinking it. On learning of it, Ravana causes her abortion and gets the still-born child placed in a pitcher and buried in Janakapuri. (I Adhyaya 13). Broadly speaking, however, all these Kashmiri Ramayanas agree in presenting the main story, and incorporate some version or the other as to the secondary aspects of the episodes like the birth of Sita (whom, nevertheless, all describe as Majrfodari's daughter), the birth of Lava and Ku£a, the trial of Sita's chastity and the final disappearance of Sita into the lap of the Mother Earth.
R&mftyaQa in Kashmiri Literature
543
Another common feature of these Kashmiri Ramayanas i& their interpretation of the story as an allegory of final victory of good over evil; and their concern to reflect their contemporary situation in the description of the Kaliyuga, as well as the emphatic need of ushering in the Ramarajya, a spiritual Utopia with specific socio-cultural contours of the people's aspirations. The Kaliyuga depicted by all these Ramayanas is, in fact, the reflection of the poets' contemporary predicament as far as he could comprehmd it; and the ovation with which the Ramarajya is greeted is just a reverberation of the people's reaction to the viciousness of the times. Now, before I conclude with a sample of the folk ballad to which I have referred in the preamble of this paper, I would like to point out that it is necessary to undertake a project on the concordance of episodes, with their variations, and motifs in the Rama-legends in Sanskrit as well as other languages (not only Indian but also Tibetan, Khotancse, Japanese, Malaysian, Indonesian and many others), in which some shade of the tradition is disccmablc. It is only on the basis of such a work that the correct perspective of the Ramayana-stories can emerge and cry halt to impatient demands of those who would like everything to conform to one version or the other and would look askance at any deviation from what they are pleased to lay down as the norm. Let us not forget that a Ramayaija worth its name is a literary creation and has its genesis in the twin processes of selection and development. From this point of view any episode or motif incorporated or evolved in such work has its significance with reference to the times that have Riven birth to the work. And now back to the autobiographical folk ballad in which Sita pours her heavy heart after undergoing the trial of chastity. Here are a few lines in close translation: 4i
Hanuman arrived with a message for me Hail, hail, O Rama of high status! Said he (Hanuman): J§ri Rama is coming to you himself. Days of separation are over now. This much was enough to sustain me. Five days passed, and had I committed a sin?
544
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia God knows what was whispered into his ears by whom? He rendered me pinionless; I withered away in the bud Lakshman Ji came again to hoodwink me; I was to be taken off to the woods; He left me there, all alone; . . . Darkness overtook me at noon . • . That day my star Bfhaspati was in the ascendancy; It was dead of night; I gave birth to Lava and Ku&a; All my regrets came to an end . . . Even then you did not desist from taunting me You have not yet got over your childishness, my darling Sir, You shot an arrow at my breast, . . . Which came out no doubt, from my back What, indeed, has Destiny written upon my brow? Why, otherwise should I have suffered all this calumny? Into the Earfh shall I descend, let Earth-become copper.
This I believe gives voice to the ageless agony of the helpless womanhood and never ceases to be relevant to our times in spite of our attempts to explain away the socio-cultural implications of the Sita's tale of woe. It is in depictions like these that the Rajnaya^a will survive as a great document of poetic, cultural and social legacy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY VANAVUN.
Compiled by TARA DEVI, TANKIPORA, SRINAGAR (KASH-
MIR). (1843 A.D.). by Shankar Kanth (MS in Research Library Collection, SGR).
SHANKAR RAMAYAN
PRAKASH RAMAYAN (1846
A.D.)
by
PRAKASH RAM KURYGAMI.
(a) (Roman Script) Edited by Grierson (ASB, Calcutta, 1930 A.D.).
RAMAVTAR-CARIT.
(b) (Persian Script) 1. RAMAYAN. (Vishi Nath Press, SGR, 1910 A.D.). 2. RAMA-AVTAR-CARIT. (Ali Mohd. & Sons, II Bridge, SGR, 1936 A.D.) 3. KASHUR RAMAYAN. Edited by Prof. Balji Nath Pandit (Cultural Academy, SGR, 1965 A.D.). (c) (Devanagari Script) 1. RAMAYAN. (Krishna Press, SGR, 1935 A.D.). 2. KASHMIRI RAMAYAN. (With Hindi Tr.) by Dr. Shiban Krishnan Raina 1975 A.D. VISHNU-PRATAP RAMAYAN
(1913 A.D.). by Vishna Koul (MS with Sri O. N.
Koul, I Bridge, SGR.) (1919-26 A.D.). by Nilkanth Sharma Bhooshan (MS with Prof. J. N. Sharma, Balgarden, SGR).
SHARMA RAMAYAN
(1927 A.D.). by Tarachand (MS with the author's heirs at YIRKUM, KOKARNAG, SGR).
TARACHANDI RAMAYAN
AMAR RAMAYAN.
by Amar Nath (MS with the author's heirs at SGR).
ANAND RAMAYAN.
Trisal, Kashmir)
by Anand Ram Trisal (MS with the author's heiri at
THE RAMAYANA IN BENGAL By BHABATOSH DATTA
Introduction It is significant that the Ramayaga is one of the earliest literary specimens that the Bengali language possesses. There muy have been c.hers but only a few. We do not come across any literary remains that go as far back asfifteenthcentury. Excepting Charyapadas (11th century) and Srlkrishna Klrtan (15th century), no work can claim to be so old as the Ramayana of Krittivasa (15th century). While Charyapada lost its literary follow-up, Srlkrishna Klrtan of Badu Chantfidas left its stamp in the Padavall Klrtans revitalised by the glorious advent of Shri Chaitanya in the 16th century. But in Bengal the Ramayana-tradit km has all along been a living tradition since it was first composed. It did not have to look for any sustenance from outside for its unimpaired continuance. For the last five hundred years Ramayana has continued to be composed and sung equally among the rich and the poor, from Assam to the lower Bengal. This does not, of course, mean that Krittivasa's Ramayana has kept up its identity in language, style and the theme. On the other hand, perhaps no book of the medieval Bengal has undergone such tremendous changes. Scholars even doubt, whether the present text of the Krittivasa's Ramayana contains a single line composed originally by the poet. This we take as a tribute to the author. Because this shows how popular Ramayana was and how the Bengali listeners passed days and nights listening to the recitation by the Kathakas with reverential attention. It was solely on account of its wide prevelance that the original text of Krittivasa underwent such changes with the change of time and audience. In the medieval Bengal we had other literary ventures, e.g., long narrative poems like manga l-kavyasf beautiful songs known as Padavall Klrtans, adaptation from the Bhagavata and Mahabharata, some biographical works on Chaitanya and his distinguished followers. But we must admit that the Ramayana perhaps was the most universal in its appeal. The mahgal kavyas are the stories of local village-gods like ChandU
The Ramftyaga in Bengal
547
Manasa, Dharma. The Vaijnava devotees sang the Kirtanas at part of their religious performances so that Padavall was somewhat communal in character. The Mahabharata story had a particular dramatic appeal. But the disaster in the domestic life of henpecked king, banishment of a beloved prince for no fault of his, the natural suavity of a newly married wife, everlasting tie off brotherly affection—all these had a deeper and more ab:ding appeal among the masses. And thus the interest for the Rarnayana never flagged from the fifteenth down to the early part of the nineteenth century. Most of the composers chose the eternal theme of Rarnayana either in part or in whole even for a few d<xadcs after 1802 when the Bengali epic appeared first m print. Since then t ic Rarnayana has been printed over and over again and the variation in text known to be of Krittivasa stopped to occur but what has been done during these previous centuries cannot be undone now and the original Krittivasa is lost for ever. Our earliest Ramayana-poet has remained still the greatest poet—the Mahakavi of the medieval Bengal inspite of time-worn changes and innumerable interpolations. II How the tradition of Rarnayana-Literature began So far as our knowledge goes we do not know any one writing the Ramayana-story in Bengali before Krittivasa. Krittivasa himself mi.de no mention of any predecessor nor do we come across any other name mentioned by others. Krittivasa must be taken as the earliest writer of the Rarnayana poem in Bengali. There is some controversy about the exact date of his birth but it is generally accepted that he flourished sometime in the early or middle 15th century, about one hundred years before Tulasidas composed his immortal Ramcharitamanas. This assumption is based on an account given by the poet separately. We learn from this account that Krittivas, an inhabitant of Phulia in the South Bengal, went to North Bengal to complete his study. He attained mastery over Sanskrit and then went to meet a Hindu king there. The king, whose name the poet does not mention, was very much appreciative of his poetic ability and Sanskrit scholarship and commanded him to compose the Rarnayana in
54S
Hie Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Bengali. Krittivasa in tnis connection mentions three points which are relevant for us. ' First, he remembers Valmlki as the greatest of the' Munis'. Secondly, he sets himself to write this Saptakanfa Ramayana at the command of the King, Thirdly, the poet clearly says that the aim of his writing this Ramayana poem in Bengali was to make this divine creation (Dever Srijit) accessible to the common people. From all these we are led to believe that there had been no Bengali version of the Ramayana before Krittivasa and that finding the young scholar eminently suitable to take up the arduous task of reproducing the Ramayana-story from the Sanskrit, the King entrusted him to do so. We know very little about the actual social and cultural condition of those years after the Turkish invasion of Bengal in the 13th century. We really wonder what struck the King to have the Sanskrit epic done into vernacular. The narration of Ramcharit in vernacular was a prohibited act as it will be seen from the following Sloka— Atfadaia puranani Ramasya caritani ca Bhashayam manavah irutva rauravam narakam vrajet And still a Sanskrit Pandit undertook to do the work! It appears, there had been an urge felt among the common people for it. When the Hindu kings were dethroned in Bengal and the Muhammedan rulers took possession of it, naturally there was chaos and disorder for about a century after which there was a revival of Hinduism in a new form. A saviour who would bring back the lost faith andfightout the melevolent power was much looked for. Ramachandra had already been made an 4 avatara *—incarnation of Vijnu, as in the DaSavatara Stotra in the GUagovindaVitarasi dikfu rape dikpatikamanlyam Daiamukhamaulibalim ramanlyam Keiava dhrta-Ramaiarlra jaya Jagadlia Hare. Had not Krittivasa taken to write a full Saptakan
The Rflmfiyapa in Bengal
549
Lanka Kanda, nowhere Ramachandra has been depicted by the Adi Kavi as an avatara. The fact that after Krittivasa, we come across quite a large number of translations of Adhyatma Ramayaria also shows that Rama-episode was taken by the Bengalis to suit their particular social need. They found in Ramachandra not an extra-ordinary god-like man but a god himself, much like the later Vai$flavas to whom Ch itanya was Krishna-svarupa or Krishna himself. I am not sure, of course, if we can relate this revival of Ramaglorification in Bengal with the religious movement started by Ramananda. Ramananda was born in about 1300 A.D. at Prayaga. 4 Some of his pupils * says Prof, Bhandarkar, "became the founders of different schools and through them the worship of Rama spread over an extensive portion of Northern and Central India, successfully competing with that of 4 Gopala-krishna *V But it does not appear that there was any Rama-cult in Bengal and inspite of Krittivasa's endeavour to glorify Ramachandra, the cult of Radhakrishna gained greater popularity, especially due to Chaitanya's deeply religious devotionalism. From the practical point of view, however, the nature of Radha-krishna cult was just the opposite of Rama-cult. To quote Bhandarkar, " There is no amorous suggestion in her story as in that of Radha, and consequently the moral influence of Ramaism is more wholesome." Interestingly indeed there is scarce reference to RamayaQa in Vaijnava literature. The period of Vai§?ava creative literature commenced from the fourth decade of the 16th century. The Bengali Ramayana by Krittivasa may have been widely known by then. Brindavandas, the earliest biographer of Chaitanya* gives an account of Ramayana-play. He also says that the Ramayana-song moved the hearts of the Hindus and the Muslims alike. Jayananda, another biographer, a few years later, says: The "Ramayana of Mahakavi Valmiki was rendered into panchali-form by the sensitive Krittivasa". The most important fact with regard to Ramayana and the Vaijnavism is that out of five types of Bhakti the * Dasya Bhakti * was modelled in Hanuman's devotion to Ramachandra. Murari Gupta, one of Chaitanya's associates, is really believed to be an incarnation of Hanuman. But the bhandarkar. Sir R.G. Vaisnavism, Saivism etc (Strassburg 1913) p. 67.
SfW
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Dasyabhakti was not the highest type of devotion and Srngara bhakti according to the Gaudiya Vai$flavas is the highest. And so it is no wonder that the great work of Rupa Goswami, the Bhakti-Rasdmrta-sindhu contains reference to Raraayafla only once.*
m Characteristics of Bengali Ramayana It appears therefore that although Krittivasa composed the Bengali Ramayana long before Chaitanya's Bhakti-movemcnt, for ail practical purposes, it was overshadowed by the more powerful Radha-krishna cult. We do not of course find any reference to Radha or Krishna in the Bengali Ramayana, yet the later Ramay ilia-literature has been deeply surcharged with the Vai$nava
De, S. K. Early History of Vatftava Faith & Movement (Calcutta 1942.) p. 151.
Hie RAm&yaaa in Bengal
551
religious teaching, till the modern education was; introduced in the nineteenth century. In that sense Ramayana has remained the embodiment of the Bengali culture itself. Rightly this has been called the national epic of the Bengali people. Such an epithet has a double significance. First, the Bengali recension carries a typically Bengali domestic picture which is not to be found in the Sanskrit text. Secondly, it also contains anecdotes and episodes coming from the local religious beliefs. There are again sections which have been borrowed not from Valmiki but from the Sanskrit Purapas. The Bengali Ramayana, it should be clearly understood, was not a translation verbatim of the Sanskrit. It was as late ai early nineteenth century when Raghunandan Goswami first attempted a translation of the Sanskrit original but that was "chiefly based upon Valmiki but supplemented from other •ourccs."3 The Bengali recension generally followed Valmiki with profuse variations in language, style and elaboration of themes. The Bengali authors grasped the opportunity to capture the interest of the listeners by depicting the pictures of Bengali home as Dr. D. C. Sen has very ably shown.4 The customs, the practices, superstitions, beliefs, the vivid picture of a Bengalee mother and a wife, the soft and emotional nature of a Bengalee youth—all these have been depicted in place of Valmiki's wonderfully impersonal and majestic description. Dr. Sen after attempting a short comparison between Valmiki's epic and the Bengali Ramayana says: * In the majestic sweep of Valmiki*s verses none of these petty details finds a place. Thus we see here how the Bengali Ramayana wins for it a place in the heart of the Bengali rustics and artisans by artistically depicting the little familiar ceremonies that are daily occurrences in their homes9. We also miss the beautiful description of nature, especially those of the Pampa, the rainy and autumn seasons, the solemn forest beauty as we naturally remain unacquainted with Valmiki's brilliant use of metaphors and imageries. •Sen, Dincsh Chandra, The Bengali Ramayana (Calcutta University. 1920), pp. 82*88. • De9 S.K., Bengali Literature in the Nineteenth Century, (Calcutta, 1962) p. 387.
552
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The Bengali version contains many other things which do not occur in the Sanskrit Ramayaga. These are mostly to be found in the Adif Yuddha and Uttarakandas. The Adikanfa does not maintain the order of the original, besides introducing so many Purapic stories, e.g., stories of Chandravamga and SuryavamSa, Harifcandra, Raja Saudasa, Dilipa, Raghu, Aja, Da£aratha's marriage with Kausalya, Kaikeyi and Sumitra, killing of the son of Andhamuni, killing of Sambarasura and the promise made by DaSaratha to grant her prayer, birth of Sita, apprehension of trouble by Ravaija at the birth of Ramacandra and so forth. Some of these topics are only elaboration of the context occurring in the subsequent Kaphas. The episode of the robber Ratnakara turning into Mahafti Valmiki occurs in the beginning of the Adikanda. This is a very well-known story among the Bengali people. The origin of this can be traced to the Adhyatma Ramayaria and it lays emphasis on the nama-kfrtan or chanting of name.5 This Valmiki, in the popular belief, was an illiterate and cruel robber who was converted into a pious R*hi only by repeatedly chanting the name of Rama. But as he could not properly utter that sacred name, he was directed by Brahma to utter the word inversely i.e., mora and by repeating mara-mara, he was able at last to pronounce that name and was saved from eternal damnation. This story reminds us of the dictum, common among Bengali Vai§ijavas: Harernamaiva namaiva Harerndmaiva kevalam \ Kalau nastyeva nastyeva nastyeva gatirnayatha || The same thing we again come across in the Yuddha or Lanka Kansas when the Rakgasa heroes appear in the battle-field chanting the sacred name of Rama. In the Yuddha Kanda certain interesting episodes have been added. A very common theme Hara-Gourl-Kondal- Quarrel between Hara and Gouri', so often found in Mangal Kavyas serves as the background of thefightbetween Rama and Ravana. Among other episodes are Angada Raibar, death of VXrbahu, Bhasmalochan and Others, death of Taratyisena, son of Vibhi§aija, story of • According to the Adhyatma-Rdmdyaria (11.15. 65ff)V&lmlki lived among robbers when he was a young man, though he was a Brahmin by birth and was taught Rama-naman by the seven sages, in the reverse order of the letters.
The RAmftyaoa in Bengal
SS3
Mahiravafla and Ahiravaga,6 granting of boon to Ravana by Abhaya, Durgapuja performed by Ramachandra with 108 blue lotuses, etc. The last-mentioned episode has a peculiar tinge of the Mongol Kavyas. The MangaUkavya goddesses often test the sincerity of their propagators by throwing them into various ordeals. Ramachandra procured the required number of lotuses for the ceremony but the Devi concealed one of those and waited to see what her devotee did. Failing to collect another lotus, he determined to take out one of his own eyes and place it at the Devi's feet. Just at that critical moment Devi appeared.7 The additional episodes enlisted are not actually taken from any Sanskrit Puraijas. While the feat of Mahiravana creates suspense in the minds of the audience, the Arigada-Raibar has a humorous appeal and Tara^iisen's death arouses deep pathos. It has been noticed by the scholars that Valmiki's Rama-story is free from miraculous incidents at least upto the Yuddho Kanfa. But the Bengali poet delights in the queer and the fantastic as we generally find in the folk-tales and mangal-kavyos. Nothing prevents him from imagining AfigLda to appear before Ravaga in his assembly and engage in verbal battle. The audience naturally enjoyed the mutual hurling of invectives which provided them with some sort of relief. Taranisen is a young innocent boy, son of Sarama and Vibhl$a?a, called to proceed to the battlefield. He is a great devotee ar.d eagerly waits to court death at the hand of Ramachandra himself. The Uttarakantfa similarly contains some sections which do not occur in the Sanskrit Ramayr^a. They are either collected from certain Puranas or elaborated from the original. What strikes the reader is the greater importance attached to the Rak§asas. Practically the major part of the Uttarakifydo has been given to the narration of Ravana's misdeeds. This, some scholars are 9
The story of Ahir&vaQa in Ramacharitamanas is somewhat similar to that of Mahiravana in KrittivSsa. While in Krittiv&sa Ahiravapa is the soa of Mahir&vaQa, Tulasid&sa makes no mention of Mahirfivaga. 7 This is an echo of the PurSpic story of Vi$pu plucking out his lotus-eye when he found he was short of one lotus in his worship of Siva with one thousand lotuses. Linga I. 98. This is also well known in the Dev&ramhymns of the Tamil £aiva N&yanfirs.
554
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
inclined to believe, is due to influence of the Jaina RamayaQa. But the Bengali poet represents Ravaija and the Rak§asas as devotees of Vi$rm. Their hostility is really the highest type of bhakti in disguise. This has been hinted in the story of the Uttarakantfa. We are not sure whether this idea goes back to the days of Krittivasa in the absence of an authentic manuscript. But the hostility of Rak$asas affords a remarkable parallel to that of Jagai Madhai and others who were transformed by Chaitanya's wonderful love. It is really remarkable to note how the simple, human story of Valmlki changed its significance in course of oral transmission among the Bengali people. Rightly did Dr. D. C. Sen remark: * It appears that these sinners threw their mantle on the Rakjasas of the Bengali Ramayanas, while Rama and Lak§mana were made to play the parts of Chaitanya and Nityananda. The battle-field thus turned into a platform for sacred prayers and the fighting symbolised the spiritual struggle of sinners in the course of their transformation. A new leaf was tiiken from the living history of the Vai§navas and joined to the old poem. The people as they found their own sentiments so beautifully Dortrayed in it were glad at the change/ Apart from the Vai§navic influence which changed the spirit of Sanskrit Ramayana, there are stamps of other local elements. The middle Bengali Hindu society had different sects worshipping Krishna, Kali and Siva. It is amusing that the Bengali Ramayapa going out' of the way from the original Sanskrit and narrates Chandipuja by Ramachandra, also gives a detailed account of Tantrik rites performed by Mahiravana. Mahiravana is a son of Ravaiia who on receiving summons from his father creates havoc by kidnapping Rama and Lak$mana. Siva is another popular God, debased from the grand Pauraitic ideal, a bhangaddict, vagabond, indiherent beggar. Siva and Rama are brought in contact with one another and have been made to fight with each other. There is a separate narrative attributed to Krittivasa on this quaint subject. This is under the name Siva-Ramer Yuddha The RamayaQa, the most widely sung poem of the medieval Bengal has been changed at the hand of different poets to satisfy the taste of various sections of the people. The interesting point with to regard this book is that it absorbed d'fferent sectarian ideas to
The R&mftyaiQa »n Bengal
S55
converge in the classic episode and yet the central hero of this epic who was believed to be the incarnation of Lord Vi§iju, was never worshipped as a sectarian deity. IV The Ramayana-poets The Ramayana being the most widely read book of the medieval Bengal, has been related by a good number of authors. Not all of them reproduced the complete Rama-episode. Many of the manuscripts are incomplete. Most of the poets did not even attempt to write out the Saptakaijtfa Ramayana. We get palas or story-divisions by different poets meant to be sung and recited, *g-f Angad-Raibar, Taranisen-vadha, Mahirabaner pala, £ivaRamer Yuddha, Lak$maner Saktishel, Sltar Vanavas, Lava Kuser Yuddha. Besides these palas different kandas also were composed by different authors. There were a few authors who completed the Sapta Kansas. Among them were Madhava Kandali (16th century), Adbhutacharya (16th century), Chandravati (16th century), Kavichandra (18th century), Ramananda Ghosh (18th century) and Jagatram (18th century). It is also significant that the Bengali Ramayana was mostly influenced by the AdbhutaRamayana. That accounts for the distortion of Valmiki-story jind a host of additions and queer interpretations that bring in it spiritual significance possibly not indicated by Valmiki. In medieval Bengal several types of narrating poems known as Tanchali* were in vogue. Besides the Ramayaria, there were the Mahabharata, the Bhagavata, biographies aid tales of propagation of certain local gods and goddesses. We have extensive literature and manuscripts of all these. Before the introdurtion of the printing press, these Panchalis were regularly sung before the assembly of village-folks, not with any classical musical tune but with a sing-song tone made for the occasion. The singer was known as the Gay«n. The Gayen with a garland around the neck u&.-d to stand in the midst of t^e assembly and sing. Kathaks are those who sit and narrate as they read out the verses. The Gay<;n and the poet were not necessarily the same person. Sometimes when the manuscripts were they used to be copied by copyists mostly uneducated.
556
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Jayananda, a 17th century biographer of Chaitanya, pays respectful homage to Krittivasa as his predecessor. It appears therefore that Krittivasa's reputation as a poet spread far and wide and there was none to equal him at least in respect of writing of Ramayana. We do not come across any other woman-poet on the Ramayana excepting Chandravati, of the 16th century. Her Ramayana has a distinctive feature in depicting the background of Sita's exile. Krittivasa gives a story in which Sita was implored by her attendants to draw the portrait of the demon Ravaija, so that they might have an impression of how he looked. Sita drew it and then being tired closed her eyes in sleep. Just at that time Ramachandra appeared and saw Sita sleeping over the portrait of Ravana. That made him suspicious. Chandravati gives an account of a deliberate and vile design of Kakua, Sita's sister-in-law. It was she who made Sita to draw the portrait with a view to show it to Ramachandra. There is a similar incident narrated in the Jaina Ramayana where Ramachandra is shown to have married three more wives after returning from Lanka. These three queens were jealous of Sita and made her to do what has been described by Chandravati in the Bengali version. Dinesh Chandra Sen is of opinion that this is clearly the Jaina influence* " The legend of the Ramayana as described by the Jain poets*, presumes D. C. Sen, * have at one time been current in this province. Hence it is that some of the additions which we find in the Bengali Ramayaflas contain matter popularised here by the Jainas ". We have already referred to the Angada Raibar. This is an important feature of the Bengali Ramayana although we are not sure of its authorship. Kavichandra of the 18th century is the ablest writer of this episode which has been incorporated in Krittivasa's Ramayana. Probably the story originates from Hanuman's first encounter with Ravana. Angada similarly was imagined to have appeared before Ravaija and made a parade of his valour. Undoubtedly the Bengali poet lacks Valmiki's wonderful control over the situation, sense of proportion, balance and power of individualising character. The Angada Raibar has remained a specimen of unsophisticated and crude humour. Besides Kavichandra there were other poets who tried their hands at Angada Raibar.
The R&mftyaQa in Bengal
557
Another author of the RamayaQa, believes himself to be an incarnation of the Buddha. He is Ramananda Ghosh of the 17th century. On several occasions Ramananda declares that he has come to restore the lost glory of the Daru Brahma, i.e., Jagannatha of Puri. His position is queer because he also believes in Hindu gods and goddesses. Probably he belonged to a small set called Mahima dharmis in Orissa whose religious doctrines are a mixture of Vai?navism and Mahayana creed. J o him Ramachandra and Daru Brahma are one. In his Ramayana he has largely followed Adhyatma Ramayana also. The Bengali Ramayana assumes many forms and Ramananda's book is one of them which combined Buddhistic, Sakta and Vaijnava elements. It is not possible to dwell on each of the innumerable versions of the Ramayana in Bengal. We have only referred, and that very imperfectly, to the different endeavours to interpret this immortal classic in different w;.ys. The history of the Ramayana te*t is the undoubted proof of its wide popularity. What Valmiki did in Sanskrit, the Bengali poets could not achieve in respect of poetic power but his epic has served as a wonderful resort to the variegated culture of the Bengali people.
Ramayana in the folk literature So far wc have dealt with the Ramayana mainly with regard to its theme; some of these cannot be traced to the Sanskrit epic. These have been incorporated from the folk life. Quite a considerable portion of our folk literature is based on the Rama-Sita legend. Undoubtedly this deserves intensive analysis, which I am afraid has not been done adequately inspite of the good deal of work done on the folk literature of Bengal. Rabindra Nath Tagore, about seventy years back, engaged, himself in collecting specimens of folk literature of Pabna-Rajashahi region of Bengal. In a paper published in the Bharatl (1898)8 he observed that our folk literature was rich in the songs on Radha• Tagore, Rabindranath, Laka-Sahitya in his collected works Vol. VI {Visva Bharati). See his article, GrSmyasdhitya.
35$
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Krishna and Hara-Gauri but compared with them songs on RamaSita were scanty. 4 It must be admitted' he said: " In the west where Rama-legcnd is widely prevalent, ideal of manliness is more powerful than in Bengal. In our Hara-Gauri and RadhaKrishna legends, the mutual relationship between man and wife and lover and the beloved has been emphasised but no attempt has been made to make them morally wholesome. The ideal of conjugal life of Rama-Sita is much higher than that of HaraGauri. It is unfortunate that Rama-Sita legend has never got the better of either Hara-Gauri or Rad'ia-Krishna legends." It is true, we do not possess on Rama and Sit a anything like Krishna Padavall or the Sakta Padavall. The * Rama Padavaii * is quite unknown to us. Later researches, however, have shown that our folk art has been deeply influenced by the Rama-Sita legend, Tagore was, however, right in maintaining that the ideal of manliness is generally missed in our folk poetry. We are moved more with the emotional appeal of the Rama-legend than the moral tide of it. There are stray songs composed by unknown composers. They were never before put down in writing. Sometimes they are sung as a part of village entertainment. The pathos of Siia's exile moves the simple rustics. They listen to the narration of Dasaratha's surrender to his wife's desire and are moved with the voluntary exile courted by Rama and so forth. These and such other subjects make direct appeal to them than the selfabnegnation, integrity, devotion and the spirit of fighting evil displayed in the eventful story of Ramachandra. I should however mod'fy my statement to say that there was at least one very remarkable type of Bengali folk art in which the Rama-episode is reproduced in a vigorous way. The Chhau dance of Purulia is a particular type of mask dance, which has of late attracted attention of the sophisticated world. This dance is based mainly on the themes taken from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. These are not necessarily those contained in the Sanskrit epics. Mahiravaner Pala, Siva-Ramer Yuddha, death of Taraka—such war-thenv.-s irdcating victory of the gor d against the evil forces are the main themes. This vigorous dance was once a war dance among the primitive society. It still now
The Mmayaga in Bengal
55f
retains the bold movement of steps and chooses the particular theme to suit its own character. Another type of folk dance prevalent in the Midnapore district of West Bengal also has the Ramayana as its background. The Santals of this region believe that they are the descendants of Ravana. On the Vijiya DaiamI d;.y of the Durgapuja festival they still remember their defeat at the hand of Ramachandra through a particular type of dance called bhuang nach. The Ramayana it appears, has gone deep into the distant aboriginal society also. A more coherent narration is done in the * Patua Sangit * of South Bengal. This is a very interesting example of the Bengali folk culture. There is a class of people who take as their profession painting the stories from the Ramayana, Mahabharata and the Puranas on the scroll. They go from door to door and describe by singing the incidents as they unroll the scroll. These songs are known as ' Patua-Sangit.' Both the painting and the song are interesting to the folklonsts. We have instances of reproducing the life of Ranuxhandra from his bith to his exile and other later events in these songs. The * Sindhumani fr.dh \ • Sitar V;tnavasa\ 4 the feats of Hanuman ' make good subjects for the Patua-Sangit. The Kushangan of North Bengal as the name implies, is wholly based on the Rama-legend. The word 4 Kus'ian ' comes from Kusa, the name of Ramachandra's son. As in practice everywhere a Gayen continues to sing the pala, i.e., the cpiside with the accompaniment of a siring instrument called ft byan \ In course of his musical narration two boys interfere with questions and the Gayen also explains the episode by singing. The dohars sit around the Gayen. follow the tune and repeat. Although the Ramayana-episode is the main subject of the Kushan gan, topical and current subjects also serve as the interrugnam. The Kushan gan has thus become a popular folk performance among the Rajbanshi community of Coochbehar in North Bengal. The Rama-episode is sung in various forms all over Bengal. The simple continuous narration in a monotonous tune is called Panchali—not in the sense the medieval narrative poems were call«d. These panchalis take more intimate and unsophisticated form in the folk poetry. We get such pieces as on Bharata's
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
devotion to his brother, Sita's address to Hanuman in the Aioka forest, sorrows of Sita, abduction of Sita and so on. Similarly narration of Sita's grief in different seasons is found particularly in East Bengal much in the fashion of the women characters in medieval narrative poems called Mangal Kavyas, where it is known as Baramasya-SIta's Baramasya shows how th? classic conception was yielding to the folk taste. But they are rich in sincerity though not in craftmanship of composition. The common folks of Bengal have traditionally identified themselves with the simple human sentiment revealed in the Rama-SIta episode. The high ideal of severe austerity or its religious significance remain distant to them but the tender pathos, the domestic virtues touch a Bengali heart more easily. The Ramayana in folklore assumes a different significance, which we miss in the Mahabharata-episodcs. And so though songs on Rama-Sita legend is scanty in comparison with those on Radha-Krishna and Hara-Gauri, the influence of the classic story of the Ramayana has penetrated deep into our life and culture.0 9
For Krittiv&si R&m&yaQa I have consulted the Pravasi edition (1353 B.S.) edited by Ramananda'Chatterji.
RAMA-LITERATURE I N ORISSA AND ITS INFLUENCE ON INDONESIA By DR. K. C. SAHOO The first work on the Rama-story which proved to be of tremendous importance to the whole of Indian literature is the Yalmiki Ramayana. Most of the scholars of the Valmiki Ramaycafa place the original work tentatively in the third century B.C.1 Historical Background of the Rama-story in Orissa: At least from the 1st century A.D., Rama was considered an incarnation of Vishnu, descended on earth in human form to establish a reign of righteousness in the world. This raised the text to the status of a sacred scripture. In the medieval times, Rama became the object of a Bhakti-cult which considered him as the incarnation of the Supreme Brahman. Prof. Jacobi says that the leger.d of Rama originated somewhere in the vicinities of Koshata and then became diffused in the provinces of eastern Hindustan,* but it is not known exeactly when it reached the territories of Orissa, which was known by different names such as Kalinga, Kongs:da, Koshala, Utfra and Utkala in different periods <4f history. Orissa, because of her sharply defined natural boundary, retained her autonomy both politically and culturally to a very late period. Dr. N. Sahu points out: " The Pitrbhaktas and the Matharas were probably the first ruling dynasty of Kalinga who professed Brahmanism. The impact of the Gupta culture on Kalinga seems to be responsible for making Brahmanism the state religion."1 Though it can be conjectured that the RamaKatha which had become popular by this time, must have reached l
A. R. Keith, The Age of the R4mftyaw\ J-R.A.S. (1915) pp. 318-28. M. Winternitz, History of Indian Literature. Part I. (p. 516) and Rev. C. Bulckc. Rama-Katha. p.34. • H. Jacobi, Das Ramayana (translated by S. N. Ghosal), J.O.I., Vol. VI, No. 4, p. 212, • N. K. Sahu, Buddhism in Orissa, p. 78.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Orissa with the spread of Brahmanism, we do not find any trace of it till the seventh century A.D. In a passage of the Valmlki Ramayana which is suspected to be an interpolation there is a reference to Kalinga; but from this we cannot conclude anything about the popularisation of the legend of Rama in Orissa. Some scenes of the Ramayafla appear for the first time on the walls of ParaSurameiwar temple at Bhubaneswar, which was erected in about the 7th century A.D.4 From the descriptions of Yuan Chuang, who visited the country in the first half of the 7th century A.D., it appears that Orissa or Kalinga was divided into three distinct parts: U-ch'a (Odra), Kong-yo-t*o (Kongoda. or Kungala) and Ki-iing-Kia (Kalinga). The country began in the northern part of the Midnapur district in the north and extended to the Ganjam and Vizagapatam districts in the south. Yuan Chuang, in his brief description of the people, refers to the condtion of Hindu religion at that time. According to him there were more than two hundred and fifty Hindu temples and adherents of different sects were numerous.5 Comparing the condition of Hinduism with that of Buddhism it can be concluded that Buddhism was popular in Udra whereas the Hindu religion was popular in Kongada and Kalinga. Though the great traveller refers to different sects of Hinduism, he does not mention any sect specifically. The other source which can give us some information about the popularisation of the Rama-legend in Orissa is the names of kings hitherto discovered. According to the custom of the Hindu society, a child is named after a doity of the Vcdic pantheon, e.g., Indra, Soma, Varuna, Mitra, Prajapati or a Puranic deity, e.g., Krishna, Rama, Sankara, Gancfia, etc.6 The frequent occurrences of such names in society indicate the popularity of such gods. We do not find any king of ancient Orissa prior to the 12th ceniury A.D. who had namod himself after Rama or his other names. The first king who bears the name of Rama was Raghava,7 a son of Anantavarman Co
K. C. Panigrahi, Archeological remains at Bhubaneswar, p. 29. •R. D. Banerjee, History of Orissa, pp. 136-145. 9 Hindu Samvkaras (A Socio-religious study or the Hindu Sacraments) by Rai BaK Pandey, M.A., D. Litt., Banaras, 1949. *R.D. Banerjee, Ibid., p. 252.
Rama-Literature in Orissa
563
1156 A.D. to 1170 A.D.8 The most interesting point of information, which comes to us is that Indiradevi, the mother of Raghava, was a princess of the Ravikula or the Suryavamsa.® The next historical name is Sita Devi,10 a queen of Narasim'ia (I), She named her son as Bhanudeva (I), after the Sun. The son of Bhanudeva I was Narasingha II, who came in contact with Narahari Tirtha, a great Vai$flava teacher. R. D. Banerjee gives the following details of Narahari Tirtha based upon NarcharUyati Stotra.11 Narasingha II was an infant when his father died and the famous Vaijijava scholar Narahari Tirtha is said to have ruled as his regent for twelve years. Narahari was a disciple of the famous Anandatirtha, the founder of the Dwaita or Mi-dhva School of Philosophy. His Guru said: " You must go to the country of Kalihga and obtain for me the images of Rama and Sita which I want to worship ". Narahari obtained the images and took them to his Guru who worshipped them for eighty days and then made them over to his disciple, Padmanabha Tirtha, who gave them back to Narahari Tirtha, after six years. Narahari Tirtha was the regent of Narasingha II, for 12 years from 1278 A.D. to 1290 A.D. During these years he erected temples, and made grants to them. He must have propagated the Vai?nava religion in the Kal'figa country. The above account of the images of Rama and Sita makes it clear that the images were somenow famous and were known to such Va»§nava saints as Madhwa. We do not know when and by whom those images were brought to Orissa. It can be remembered here that Indira Devi, a queen of Ananta Varma, was a princess of the Solar race. It was perhaps Indira Devi who became a devotee of Rama and Sita and brought the Rama-images with her. She named her son after her favourite deity. The other historical names after Rama, which come down to us are, Ghan.damaji §n Rama Senarati who had granted some donations in &ika 1243 on the 13th day of the bright half of Sravana, a Thursday, (6th August 1321 A.D.) and Si'adovi, a daughter of Narasimha III through his Queen, Kommidcvamma. From the above statements, it is evidently • Ibid., p. 254. 11
• Ibid., p. 254.
!• Ibid., p. 270.
Ibid., P. 271. See Stotra-mahodadhL Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay, 1897, Part I,
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The Raxnayana Tradition in Asia
clear that the names of Rama and Sita had become popular among the eastern Gangas and they were responsible for the popularisation of the Rama-legend in Kalinga. Hiralal suggests11 that the districts of Sambalpur, together with the ex-state areas of Patna, Sonepur, Barma, and Rairakhol formed a part of the South Kosala in the 9th century A.D.18 Even to the present day the Brahman priests, while performing sacrifices, mention the tract of Sambalpur as a part of the Dakshi^a Kosala.14 The SomavamSi Kings always mentioned the country as Kosala. Mahabhava Gupta Yayati I, who reigned in the beginning of the 10th century A.D. and MahaSiva Gupta Yayati, who ascended the throne in the middle of the 10th century A.D., mention Ramachandra or Ramabh^dra in their Vakratentuli charter (Third plate, Line No. 33) and Nibinna charter (Second plate, second side, line No. 41) respectively.16 In a copper plate grant of the time of one Kumar Some&wara Deva of Sonepur, (12th century A.D.) it is said that the state of Sonepur bearing the name of Pa6cima Lanka as M Prasadikfta ", i.e., granted to Abhimanyu by the Udyota Kesari of the line of Mahabhava Gupta". In the Campamalla copper plate of Joge£wara Deva Varman (14th century A.D.), it is stated that his palace was on the bank of the Mahanadi close to the rock called Lankeivarl or Lankavae\\akcP*. K. N. Mahapatra refers to a Sanskrit poet, Narayana Satakavi as the author of a work called Ramabhyudaya Kavyam (11th century A.D.).17 x
» 'The extent and capital of Dakshina Kosala\ I.A. LXII, pp. 161-68 ff. From the descriptions of Yuan Chuang, it is clear that he took Chhattisgach and Bastar for Kosala, Mahakosala and Southern Kosala, which was quite distinct from Otfra, Kongada and Kalirtga M B . C. Mazumdar, Sonpur in the Sambalpur tract, 1911, p. 9. M Ibid., p. 92, Appendix I. 1€ B. C. Mazumdar, Sonpur in the Sambalpur tract, chapter V, Mr. Mazumdar observes that Lankeiwari is worshipped by the boatman when passing through the river. Similar to this Lankciwari hill bearing inscriptions, there is a boulder with inscriptions and footprints in the river near Sambalpur* and this latter is called the Rdma-pada rock. " The Chohan Rulers of Sonpur <1925)." See also, Damodar Misra, Swaranapur GunadarSa, 1921, pp. 10-21. 11 A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts ofOrissa Vol. II, p. IX. u
JUma-Literature in Qriisa
565
From .the above statements'and names it is clear that the territories of Sambalpur, Sonepur, Bamada, Rairakhola, and Patna were once a stronghold of the adherents of the Rama-cult. Even in the present century we find some castes claiming themselves to be the followers of £ri Rama or at least trying to establish their relation with 2§rl Rama. The first among such castes are the Raghunathia Brahmins of Sambalpur. They are taken to be converts from the local tribes who were given the rank of Brahmanas by the eponymous hero-god Ramacandra when he was wandering in these forests.1* The second group is the chief cultivating class numbering 30, 161 in 1901 A.D.1* They are called •Kulta' or € Kolita\ They are found in Sonepur, Bamada, Bauda, Rairakhola, Patna and Kalahandi. According to traditions recorded by R. D. Banerjee, they immigrated from the state of Baudha and their ancestors were water-carriers in the household of Ramacandra. They had settled in Baudh during their wandering with Rama in the Oriya country.10 According to another legend, Rama while wandering through the forests of Sambalpur, met three brothers and asked them for water. The first brought water in a clear brass pot and was called Sudha (good-mannered). The second made a cup of leaves and drew water from a well with a rope; he was called Dumal from dori-mal, a coil of rope. The third brought water in a hollow gourd and he was named Koltha from ku-rita, (ill-mannered). They worshipped the goddess Rama-chantfi, whose principle shrine is at Sarasara in the state of Baudh.21 The Kaltuyas of Bonai are quite different from those of Sambalpur. They have markedly Aryan features, with hazel or grey eyes. Ramacandra, the seventh avatara of Vfyvu, is their favourite deity. The Bonai Kaltuyascall themselves Ramanandis, followers of the teacher Ramananda of the 13th century A.D. The elders of the caste say that they had immigrated from Mithila, which they left in days of Rama and settled in Sambalpur, six generations before. 11
L.E.B. Cobden-Ramsay, Bengal Gazetters, Feudatory States of Orissa. 1959 (Howraw), p. 62. 10 R. D. Bancrjec, History of Orissa. p. 24. " L.E.P. Cobden, Ramsay, /. B. /. D. p. 62. n LJB.B. Cobden, Ramsay, /. B. I. D. pp. 14647.
566
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia.
The above account shows that the Rama-cult gained wide popularity by the 12th century A.D. in the Kosala region of the State. In Orissa proper, Rama was identified with Jagannatha. Poets like Balarama Das, Arjuna Das and others have invariably mentioned that both the gods are one and the same. In Cuttack there is a Jagannatha temple which goes by the name of Raghunatha temple. In Puri a ceremony called the Raghunatha-vesha of Lord Jagannatha is observed. It was introduced in the 18th century by a Bengali Zamindar Bahadur Singh of Murshidabad.** It was abandoned later due to heavy rush of pilgrims.23 It has been stressed by M. M. Chakravarti that the existence of the Jagannath-cult and the popularity gained by the Krishnacult in the 16th century A.D. did not prove favourable to the spread of the Rama-cult in Orissa.24 Nevertheless, it gave impetus to a vast amount of Rama-literature in Oriya which in volume and artistic merit is in no way second to the existing Krishna-literature in the language. We may trace the development of thin Rama-story in Orissa and assess its importance in various ways. The Oriya Rama-poets can broadly be divided into two groups. The first group of poets closely follows the episodes of Valmiki, whereas the second group differs widely from him. The first group can further be divided into two sub-groups; the one led by Balarama Das, the author of Jagamohan Ramayana (16thccntu-y) and the other led by Viswanath Khuntia, the author of Vichttra Ramayana. Balarama Das and his followers follow the Bengal recension of the Valmiki Ramayana whereas Viswanath Khuntia and his followers follow the southern recension. The second group of poets consists of SaralaDas, ArjunDas, SiddheSwarDas, Baranidhi Das, Viswambhara Das and Bhuiyam Madhava Das. The striking feature of all their Ramayanas is the deviations from Valmiki and introduction of new episodes. Sarala Das, the first poet of the Oriya Ramayr.iia, makes himself prominent by introducing new episodes of the Rama" Jagabandhu Singh, Prachtna Utkal. p. 484. Pandit Narasingh Mohap&tra, Puri Bada Deula. p. 27. u " Notes, on the Language and literature of Orissa", J.O.A. S.B. Vol. LXVI1 (1898), p. 351. u
RAma-Literature in Orissa
507
Katha unknown in Valmiki, into his great epic-Mahabharata. As the writer of Mahabharata, it was expected of him to have the Sanskrit Mahabharata as his main source. But the analysis of the Rama-episodes in his Mahabharata, make it clear that he has not followed the Sanskrit original. The Rama-episodes in his Mahabharata, have a striking similarity to the Bhaffikavya, the Paumachariu of Sw^yambhu, the Nrisimha Puraria, and the Mahanafaka. It is not known whether Sarala Das read all these works or listened to the stories from the people around him. As the treatment of the episodes presented by him do not bear any close resemblance with the works mentioned above, it can safely be said that he took them from others and reproduced them with the touch of his own imaginative *nd creative genius inspired by the goddess Durga. The newness of the stories of the Sarala Mahabharata and their popularity with the masses inspired the later poets to incorporate in their works new stories from various sources. Balarama Das, the second poet in succession, but the first great poet of the Orlya Ramdya$as, made the Bengal recension of the Valmiki Rdmayana the basis of his Jagamohan Ramayarta. But the Bengal recension was not his only source. He utilized the other recensions as well. Besides the various recensions of Valmiki, the influence on him of works like the Adhyatma Ramayana, the Mahanafaka, the Padma Purana, the Agni Pura$a, the RaghuvarpSa, the Mahabharata and many others cannot be ignored, He was aware of the spirit of his listeners. He tried to be one among them. The most striking feature of this Ramayana lies not in the newness of the stories incorporated but in the changes brought in the atmosphere of the story. His Rama and other characters no longer represent the age of Valmiki. Rama represents more a Va^nava of the 16th century than a banished prince of Valmiki. Balarama Das has successfully turned the trio Rama. Lak$marja and Sita into the trio, Jagannatha, Balabhadra and Subh;.d%a The activities of Rama have been identified with the festivals of Jagannatha. The poet changes the route taken by the banished Rama and brings him to Orissa for visiting the sacred places of the region. The complete Oriyanisation of the material in the Jagamohan Ramayaria makes it a gallery of the pictures of the 16th centu-y Oriya society, both Aryan and tribal.
Stt
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Arjun Das, the writer of Ramavibha is influenced both by Sarala Das and Balarama Das, but he changes the Puranic form of the story to that of a Kavya. Instead of describing the complete Rama-story, he takes the Adi Kantfa only. He changes the atmosphere of the meeting of Rama and Para£urama and introduces a wordy-duel on the basis of the Prasanna Raghava of Jayadeva. In order to popularise the Rama-story and also make it easily accessible to the masses, Maheshwar Das, the writer of the Tlka Ramayaiya, reduced the bulky Jagamohan Ramayana to a shorter poem. Though he followed the Jagamohan Ramayana the story of Rama's thirst15 makes him distinct among the writers of the Oriya Ramayanas. Nilambara Das added some more stories; the picture of Ravana drawn by Sita, the story of the washerman and also the fight of Lava and Ku£a with Rama and his brothers. Dhanafijaya Bhafija added the pre-marital love of Rama and Sita. Upendra Bhafija incorporated the serpent story.36 Bhuiya Madhava Das, added some new elements to the birth-story of Rama and his chieftains. The additions made by the Oriya writers not only follow the dramas, the epics and the Puranas of Sanskrit literature, but. also the folk tales prevalent in among the masses. The other interesting feature of Rama-literature in Orissa is that it has a striking similarity with the Rama-literature of Indonesia. It is not known when the Indians entered the land of Indonesia. The earliest reference to Indonesia in Indian " While wandering in the forest, Rftma felt thirsty and sent Lak$maQa to find some water. While bringing water in a leaf, a kite destroyed the leaf thrice. Laksmapa got infuriated, struck the kite with an arrow and brought it along with the water to R&ma. Being asked by Rftma, the bird told that Sugrfva has been imprisoned by V&li under a stone and the saliva wasflowingwith the stream, for which he has destroyed the leaf. Rftma was pleased and touched it with hand leaving a conch-mark for all future ages. This account is found in the Tikd-Ramayana by Maheiwara Dftsa (17th century A.D.). at Upendra Bhaftja (B.V. 28, 28-35) has written that after Vftli was born* Brahma felt that the universe may not be able to bear the burden. To balance the weight, half the strength of Vftli was distributed to seven trees, which were surrounded by a Nftga. Rftma by pressing the snake with a foot, charged the arrow, which returned to the quiver, after piercing the trees.
KAmt-Litcraturc in Orissa
Stt
literature is found in Valmlki Rdmayaria, where Sugriva gives to his messengers a description of the different places in the world. The message runs as follows: Ratnavantam Yavadvlpam SaptarajyopaSobhitam \ Suvarparupyakadvtpam suvarnakaramap(litam || Yavadvlpamatikramya Siiiro noma parvatah | divam spriati ijitgeita devadanava-sevitah. || —Ram. 1V.30JW. 30-1. From the passage cited above, it can be said that the contact between India and Indonesia began at least some centuries before the Christian era and continued for a long time. It cannot be denied that there was a long-standing contact between the two countries as names like Ussa (Otfra) for Pegu, and Srlkshetra (Puri) for ancient Prome in Burma, speak of the past relation between Orissa and Burma. Again the names like Ho-ling, Kling and Talsing find an echo in Kalinga and Trikalinga. From all these names it can be said that Kalinga which extended from the coastal region between the Mahanadi and the Godavari, played a prominent part in the expansion of Hindu culture in -the EastAsian lands. The dynasties like the Sailendras, the Colas and the Gangas, which were ruling Kalinga, had maritime relations with these Islands. The Orissan architecture influenced the Hindu images of Burma and Java. It is unfortunate that the Oriya literature available at present begins from 15th century A.D., i.e., after a gap of 300 years of actual contact of Orissa with the East Indies. So the accounts available in Oriya literature are not historical accounts; they are mostly based on legends prevalent at that time in Orissa, However, it is interesting to note that even after 300 years, folk-memory preserved so many stories which speak of our past relations with the East Indies. In the course of narrating the birth story of Vali and Sugriva, Sarala Das says that their names were Syarnatila and Yavatila, and as Afijana was meditating on Yavakofi, Syarnatila and Yavatila were thrown into the ocean and they were turned to monkeys. A similar story is available in Seri Rama. All these names and the availability of the story in Orissa and Yava prove that the
570
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
names Yavatiia and £yamatila, refer to Yava and Siam. Yavakotf has been identified with the eastern corner of Java. There are some more similarities present in the Ramayama of both the countries. The pictures of Ravaoa drawn by Sita, the killing of Surpaflakha's son by Lakjmaija, the second mission of Hanuman. the Afaj>3-head, the quarrel between Hanuman and Nala, the story of the thirst of Rama, the story of birds, the Putretfi YajRo by Da§aratha, and the cheating of Vigvamitra by DaSaratha ma? serve as examples. As mentioned above, folklore played an important role m the Rama-Katha of Orissa. Though folklore consists of several divisions, such as folktale, legend, myth, riddle, etc., it is mortly myth which figures here. Every legend has a mythical facet and in the existing form Rama-Katha is more a legend than factual history. No wonder, poets came to expand the mythical aspect and incorporated new mythical stories into it. The storiet of Ravana Chhatra™ the crane.28 the Cakravaka™ thr 17
Balartaiactesa (J.R. VI pp. 37-39) has given an account of the RoyaH Umbrella of RSvaria. He once, ascended the Pu$paka Chariot, surrounded by one lakh servants holding umbrellas, one lakh maidens fanning him, to survey the army of RAma. One lakh conches were also blown. The chariot was proceeding at a height of one thousand Yojanas. Ravana praised on on* hand Rama and Lak$mafla for their valour; but was furious with Vibhl$afla. He aimed a mace at Vibhl$ana to kill him, but Hanuman took a mighty leap and came down with the mace. Rama discharged an arrow on the umbrellas which fell down on mountains, oceans and earth and caused the mushrooms of the forest. Thenceforth, they are known as * Ravafla Chhatra \ 28 Balaramadasa (J.R. IV, pp. 59-60) has narrated that while staying at M&lyavant, Rama met a crane. He enquired about the reason for Rama's sorrow, when Rama is the creator. Knowing the details from Rama, the bird informed Rama that Ravana had taken away Sita on Puspaka, Sit& was crying and loudly calling the name of Rama: Rama was pleased with him and on tht bird's wishes, offered a boon to him that he would get food in rainy teasoa without any effort. 29 While searching for Sita, Rama met the birds at Parnp*, at the time of their love sports. Rama asked them about Sita. The male bird not only refused to answer, but also blamed R&ma for disturbing them while making love. The words of the bird, infuriated Lak?mana, who inflicted a curse that they won't be united. After realising the mistake, Rama, being compassionate •aid that they would be united only in the daytime.
Rftma-Literature in Orissa
571
Cock,80 the Milkman,81 the Sahara,32 which do not occur in Sanskrit arc popular myths of Orissa. Most of them are etiological stories, as they try to explain away or advance logic for certain incidents. The impress of folklore can be traced in another way as well. It consists of the use of folk imagination. The very characteristic of folk imagination is exaggeration. It has a basic similarity with the psychology of rumour. As rumour goes inflating an »• According to BalarSmad&sa (J.R. IV, p. 77), when R&ma was searching for Sua at Malyavant mountain a cock enquired about the sorrow of R&ma and informed about Ravana's taking Slt& with him. R&ma narrated also his helplessness. The bird advised him to prepare for the war with Ravaga. At this Rama blessed him to have the red coloured crown (Sapta Sakha Muku(a). After R&ma left the place, the cock realised that he should have asked for immortality; and since then it is searching for R&ma and calling his name. 11
This is a popular story. The story described by Balar&mad&sa is as follows: (J.R. HI, pp. 56-59). One day R&ma, while searching for STt&, felt hungry and came near the cowherds. Both of them wanted some milk in exchange of a ring but the cowherds refused to their request. As they insulted R&ma, Lak$mana being infuriated, cursed them that the milk of their cows would turn to blood. The Milkmen realised their fault, and begged pardon, so Rama relented and removed the curse. But they will have to suffer in Kaliyuga for their misonduct. A milkman Prabhakar by name, gave milk but did not take any thing in return. R&ma promised him to be his son as Kr$na and Lak$ma$a as Samkar$ana. The milkman and his wife will become Nanda and Yasod& in Dv¶. This story has also been narrated by Saraladas and Upendrabhanja. •• Balar&mad&sa (J.R. Ill, pp. 51-52), has narrated that Rama and Lak$maQa, met Sahara and his wife in the forest, being directed by Kabandha. On enquiry, Rama gave a short sketch of his country, family and himself. Sabarl took them to her cottage, washed their feet, and offered them a tigerskin to sit. She offered the fruits to Rama, which bore the mark of her teeth. At last, when she offered a mango, which had no such mark, Rama did not accept it. The mysterious pari of the story is that Sabari had known before that R&ma was to come there. Hence she collected those fruits and kept them after testing. She praised Rama as * Param Brahma * and * Narayana \ and asked for R&ma's blessings. Having been advised by Rama, she went to RgyamQka mountain and entered into heaven and was greeted by Indra. Balar&mad&sa has also narrated a similar story in his work Lak$mi Parana (MSS) p. 13 a), where R&ma and Lak$maQa lived in the house of Jara Sahara for ten years after they killed R&vaoa. Here Jara Sahara offered him mangoes after testing them.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
event, folk imagination goes on exaggerating a story. The in crease in the number of the Queens of Ravana and Da£aratha may serve as an example. The very genesis of the Vilahka Ramayana, Vilanka Khap&P* and the stories in Sarah Mahabharata arc examples of exaggeration and inflation. The Oriya Rama-literature is rich in quantity as well as ui quality. Its quantitative richness is revealed in the number ol works, small poems like the Koilis, the Cautisas and others, and long poems of the nature of the Kavyas and Purarias. Besides, folklore and the incantations bring out its popularity among the masses. From the point of view of quality, it is second to none of the other branches of medieaval Oriya literature. It follow* both the folk as well as the ancient literary traditions. •• Vilatika Ramayana written by Siddheiwara Dftsa and VilaHka Kharf* written by Varanidhi Dftsa, in 17th century, narrate almost the same story with minor differences. The theme of these books'forms an interlude between the LaAkft and the UttarakftQdas. They are modelled on the * Lankft-kftoda of Vdlmiki Ramayana, to describe the exploits of Rftma and Hanumtn and their fight with the king of VilaAkft. Here RAvaqa has been described as having one thousand heads.
RAMAYANA IN MANIPURI LITERATURE AND FOLKLORE By E. NILAKANTA SINGH
Sri Aurobindo wrote about the Ramayaija thus: 44
The Ramayaija embodied for the Indian imagination iti highest and tcndercst human ideals of character, made strength and courage and gentleness and purity andfidelityand self-sacrifice familiar to it in the suavcst and most harmonious forms coloured so as to attract the emotion and the aesthetic sense, stripped morals of all repellent austerity on the one side or on the other of mere commonness and lent a certain high divineness to the ordinary things of life, conjugal and filial and maternal and fraternal feeling, the duty of the prince and leader and the loyalty of follower and subject, the greatness of the great and the truth and worth of the simple, toning things ethical to the beauty of a more psychical meaning, by the glow of its ideal hues". {The Foundation of Indian Culture. Centenary Edition (page 290.) This sums up the attitude of the Manipuri Hindus of Manipur and outside also to the Ramayaga tradition since the 18th century A.D., when Ramanandi cult of North India became a State religion during the reign of the great Manipuri King, Garibniwas (17091748). Bengal Vaishnavism which found supreme expression in the latter part of 18th century A.D. somehow integrated the Rama-worship into the liberal outlook of a Hindu mind and even though the cult has been assimilated into the Vaishnavic way of life, the Ramayafla still retains its power and glory for the illiterate masses, the chief vehicles of communication are: Kathaks whom the Manipuris call Wari leebas (Story-tellers), the interpreters of the Ramayapa (called Lairik thiba Haibas), the ministrels on the Pena (Stringed Manipuri musical instrument), the singers on the Dholok (called Khongjaom Parba sakpas), the Kirtana musicians of the old Pala (Bangdesh Pala as they call it) and the Jatras based on the Ramayaga. The characters of the Ramaya?ia become intensely reai, human and alive to the Manipuri mind. In a sense, an old illiterate Manipuri lady in the village knows much
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
more about the Ramayana than the degree holders of the Universities and should I say, more cultured than most of the elites of Manipur. The old Manipuri scholars presented the Ramayafla in all its seven books under the inspiration of Krttivasi Ramayarxa (of Bengal) as early as 10th century A.D. The entire Valmlki Ramdyan ahas been translated recently and the tradition of presenting Ramayaija-stories on the modern stage and also in the Jatra style still continues in full vigour. Rama-worship in Manipur It is d'fficult to say precisely when Manipur (meaning the valley area of about 700 square miles) came within the fold of Hinduism. The identification of Manipur in the Mahabhamta with the present State of this name, which finds support from scholars like Dr. R. C. Mazumdar, became the pivot for linking up Manipur with Brahmanicai Purafla tradition. Dr. S. K Chatterjee is of the view that the Meitei people of Manipur were in the Hindu fold as early as 500 A.D. at least. The copper plate inscriptions of King Khongtekcha (799 A.D.) start with the word —£rt Hari mentioning the existence of 363 gods, of whom Hari is the supreme. A Vishnu temple in the Bengal style of architecture was built in the 15th Century during the reign of King Kiyamba. But it is only in the earlypart of 18th century A.D. that Ramaworship came to stay in Manipur. A great Manipuri King Garib Niwaz was initiated into Ramanandi cult of Vaishnavism in 1737 A.D. under the influence of a religious preacher named £anti Das Maharta from Syl^et (in present Bangla Desh). Earlier, the King had became a convert to Bengal school of Vaishnavism under his guru, Gopal Das. This Ramanandi sect, associated with Ramananda (15th century A.D.) who preach*-d 4 Sita Ram* among all classes of people includng Muslims (Kabir was a chief disciple), conceived Rama and Sita combined as the dual incarnation of Vishnu. Vaishnavism of the Ramanandi cult became a State religion during the reign of King Garib Niwas. The King founded an image of Rama along with the images of Lak§mafla, Bharata, Satrughana and Sita and began their worship. An image of Hanuman was also carved out of a big
RAmSyana in Manipuri Literature
57S
slab of stone and it was put in the brick temple at a place called Mahabali. Thousands of devotees of Radha-Kf$na cult still flock to this temple on special occasions, with the prayer for gaining strength to Hanumanji. This Ramanandi school could not, however, prosper with the death of Garib Niwaz and was finally replaced by Chaitanya's school of Vaishnavism during the reign of Rajarshi Bhagyachandra (1769-1798) when the renowned Rasa Ilia was dedicated to Govindaji in 780 A.D. Ramayana in Old Manipuri Literature : A great Manipuri scholar named Angom Gopi who adorned the royal court of King Garib Niwaz (1709-1748) gave a comprehensive Manipuri version of Ramayaiia with its seven books. Even though inspired by the Bengali Ramayana of the poet Krttivasa (15th century A.D.), this work is not a translation, but an independent work, taking liberties with the original and adding much of the author's creative imagination. Of the seven volumes of the Ramay .na series, 3 volumes, viz., Sundar Kanda% Lanka Kanda and Uttara Kanda have come to light and the beautiful lines written in Manipuri script, as distinguished from the existing AssameseBengali script, make exquisite reading. Another great scholar, Lamango Sing Konthovjamba who adorned the court of Rajarshi Bhagyachandra wrote a work, Ram Nongaba (the death of Rama) dealing with the later section of Uttara Kanda. This poetry book ends with an invocation to Rama Narayana and a prayer for the prosperity of the great Manipuri King, Bhagyachandra. Manipuri Ramayana: A comparative study: The seven volume Manipuri Ramayana of Angom Gopi got its inspiration from the Bengali Ramayana of poet Krttivasa. But poet Krttivas was very much a Bengali and conceived of his characters being coloured by the atmosphere of the Bengali society during his d.ys. Valmlkis Rama was intensely human, having strong and weak points, even though an incarnation (Avatara). its characters are full-blooded and perfectly human and safely anchored in truth. When Lak$mana got news of the decision to exile Rama, he got upset and went to the extent of possible expressed himself most vehemently against his father who had been entrapped by Kaikeyl. Rama warned SIta that she should
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The Ramayana Tradition in Atia
praise him in the presence of Bharata because those in power tolerate the praise of others. In the book entitled Lanka Karifa when Slta was forsaken by Rama after the war, Slta was terribly upset and she told Rama that he ^poke like some man on the street These brave expressions scattered here and there in Valmlki Ramayana were simply inconceivable to the Bengali poet and in the name of chastity, brotherly loyalty andfilialaffection, poet Kfttivasa simply omitted these expressions, for which he was praised by some Bengali scholars. But it goes without saying that the epic dimension of the original Ramayana of Valmlki is much curtailed by these sophisticated niceties and values of a cultured middle class Bengali Society. Kjttivasa endowed Rama with divine qualities to a considerable extent and did not make an attempt to follow strictly the original. He also integrated his work with various episodes from the Puranas. His Ramayana became ultimately an altogether different regional version, very much Bengali and idealistic. Even though it follows the pattern of the Bengali Ramayana the Manipuri Ramayana attempts to make a straight story with much of poetic expression and imagination and omits many of the episodes which had little relevance in the context. For example in the Uttara Kariga the Manipuri version omits many of the episodes like the quarrel between the vulture and owl, story of King Iia, etc., and goes straight to the story proper; and after the embrace of Slta by Mother Earth, the poet becomes impatient and omits the lamentations of Lava and Ku£a, Rama's anger against Earth, conquest of the Gandharvas and departure of Lak$mana; and it hastens the journey of Rama to heaven. Needless to say that condensation of the narration in such a way robs the version of something of the epic grandeur. The language used in this Manipuri Ramayana is not chaste Manipuri but a mixture of Bengali and old Manipuri expressions juxtaposed in a pleasant manner. It is a pity that this work could not get the popularity it deserves in the later part of 18th and 19th centuriet on account of the overwhelming impact of Bengal Vaishnavism along with the Bhagavata tradition on the Manipuri minds. It is during the two or three decades of the later part of 20th century that Manipuri scholars versed in Sanskrit and Bengali, started
Rftmiyaoa in Manipuri Literature
577
exploring the hidden treasures of old Manipuri heritage preserved on Manipuri paper and in Manipuri scripts, Ramayana in modern Manipuri literature: Modern Manipuri literature took its birth in the early part of 20th century A.D. in the hands of the Manipuri writers and scholars well versed in Bengali, Sanskrit and English. But it started almost from the v»-ry basic, having little to do with the old literary tradition. It was written in Assamese-Bengali script. as modern education was imparted in this script. But the vast heritage of old literature was preserved in Manipuri scripts. Valmlki and Kfttivasa, besides other Ramayanas like Yoga Vasiffha and Adhyatma, were again critically studied by the scholars and writers. Poet A. Minaketan wrote the drama, Slta Vanavas (exile of Slta) in the early thirties. Fragments of the Ramayaija like Bharat Vilap (the Lamantation of Bharat), Sltar Vanavas and the Manipur version of the highly acclaimed Bengali play—Slta (by Jogesh) were staged a number of times on the professional and amateaur stage. The entire Ramayr.oa has now been translated by a Manipuri scholar, Shri L. Ibungoyaima Singh, and is now awaiting publication. Uttararamacarita (of poet Bhavabhuti) has been translated and published. Another Manipuri poet and scholar, H. Nabadwipchandra Singh translated almost all the cantos ot Meghanadvadha Kavya (of Bengali poet Michael Madhusudan Dutta) in the early thirties. This work characterised by humanistic consideration has now influenced other Manipuri versions of Shri L. Ibungoyaima Singh and N. Ibobi Singh. Poet A. Minaketan Singh also recreated the seventh canto in exquisite Manipuri. Raghuvamia of poet Kal dasa has been translated by two Sanskrit scholars, Pandit Ch. Kalachand Shastry and Pandit Brajabihari Sharma in two separate versions. Condensed versions of the Ramayana in Manipuri also appeared, meant particularly for young people. The prayer of every devout Vaishnava of Manipur with the words ' Hare Kr§na * and * Hare Rama* keeps the flame of the Ramayana tradition still burning and it finds expression in various forms of modern Manipuii literature. Ramayana in Manipuri Durgff Pujff The nine-day festival called Durga Puja (invocation to Devi) is celebrated by the Manipuris in a big scale under the royal
57S
Tito Ramayana Tradition i
patronage. The last day of the Puja known as Vijaya Daiami (a counterpart of North Indian Dusiehra) celebrates the victory of Rama over Ravana. Based partly on the tinric tradition of Bengal, poet Krttivasa narrated how Rama, under the advice of Brahma, invoked the blessings of the Devi who allowed him to kill Ravana. The Maripuri King, as a representative of Rima, goes to the battlefield, accompanied by his nobles and army on palanquins and horseback (t • e King rides the elephant) and all move in a procession. A fen-headed effigy of Ravaija is shot by the arrows, replaced later by the gun shots from the Jawans of the King. Great festiv ties includng sword and spear dances also form part of the festival. T) is day is also called Kwak-Jatra (procession of crows; as the crows are terrpted to collect in a certain area and the flight of a particular crow ind cates the fortune oft 1 e land. Thousands of people from the far off places of the valley greet this giand march* Ramayana in old Sankirtana tradition During the re'gn of King Garib Niwas, who was initiated into the Ramanandi cult of V« ishnav'sm, a group of Kirtana musicians from Bengal was reported to have arrived in Manipur and they sang about Rama, Kr$na and Govinda. This group who found patronage in the royal terrple represents the old tradition of Manipuri Sankirtana (Bangdesh Pala) and was attached to the royal palace in two sub-groups entitled Sevak Pala and Leipak Chaba Pala (believed to have stuck to this singing by eating earth during war) whose invocation starts always with 'Rama Kr§na Govinda* to this day. Ramayana through the Kathaks : But the chief vehicle of communicating Ramayana-message to the masses should be the extremely popular mass medium called Kathaks (known as Wari Leebas in Manipur) who narrate for days and nights with gusto, with remarkable crudi ion and creative imagination. Their basic text is Krttivasi Ramayana even though they liberally use various episodes from Valmlki, Yoga Vasisfha and Puranic episodes. A lot of humour is also injected into the theatrical narration and it makes an appeal to the old and the young alike. They also add much of their imagination and some-
Rfimiyaoa in Manipuri Literature
979
times make the valley of Manipur a part of an area where the Ramayana-story occurred. And such is the power of their hold over the mass mind th t even the educated old people are constrained to exercise the " willing suspension of disbelief" over such incredible episodes. The Wari Leebc represents really a great tradition, mostly oral and some of the veterans special se in the Ramayana stories, even though they deal with the Mahabharata and the Puranas also. Ramayana in the Pena music: The Manipuris have developed a style of nairation-cum-singing with a stringed instrument called Pena (possibly a corruption of Vina) which the old poets known as ministrels (called Pena Shakpas in Manipuri) present for more than a thousand nights. They generally take up a Manipuri epic—Khamba Thoibi supposed to be the incarnations of Lord Siva and Devi along with other stories of six earlier incarnations located in the village of Moirang (once a principality) about 50 km from the capital. These Pena Shakpas also take up the Ramayaija-thcmes and with their remarkable control over the musical instrument and singing in the peculiar Manipuri tune, make the people weep over the fate of life-long sufferer Sita and get inspiration from the moral values which the Ramayana depicts through various characters. Life becomes more meaningful and beautiful after such a cleansing process in the hearts of the simple people. Here again, Rama is divine and an incarnation of Vj§iju while Sita represents Lak$ml and for the masses the listening to Ramayana-singing constitutes an act of prayer and worship. Ramayana in the Khongjom Parva: The Manipuris have also another type of narration with the Dholok (a north Indian drum) which is partly narration and partly wnging. A recent style developed after 1891 A.D. KhongjomParva is connected with the singing about the battle at Khongjom where the Manipuris had the last tragic fight against the Britiah. The Ramayana is also incorporated into this style of singing and there are now some distinguished ladies in this field who specialise in the RamayaQa-theme.
580
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Ramayana in the Lairk Thiba-Haiba: The tradition of singing (with Ragas and Raginis) the £lokas of a religious text, followed immediately by the interpretation by a scholar (known as Lairik Thiba-Haiba in Manipuri) began from the 18th century A.D. The Bengali Ramayana of poet Kjttivasa is the favourite text and the reciters sing the slokas in Payar chhanda, indicating the various moods and the modes of singing. There is also an additional text called LakftnapaDigvijaya in Bengali, the recitation and interpretation of which is believed to impart good fortune to the listeners. This is another powerful mass medium to bring the Ramayana to the people's hearts. Ramayana in the Jatra tradition Manipur had also its share of Rama Llla tradition as a Jatra form, even though it could not make much headway. About fifty years back, Rama Llla dealing mostly with the early portion of Rainayaiia with a lot of magic and acrobatics in it, became a popular entertainment. A second Rama Llla group also came up a few years back. But it met with a tragic fate as the Hanuman with the tail dipped in petrol (Lanka Kan^a) caught fire and got burnt to death in the very presence of the spectators who mistook his cries for real acting. The party got dissolved thereafter.
It is evident that the Ramayana has really created an impact on the Manipuri minds through the ages. It is possible that the Manipuri Ramayana might have been popular in the 18th century A.D. during the reign of King Garib Niwaz. But its importance has been ecclipscd by the Bhagavata tradition of Bengal school of Vaishnavism. The considerable neglect of the Manipuri works written in Manipuri script during the later part of 18th century and 19th century is responsible to a degree for the comparative isolation of Manipuri Ramayana from the mass mind. Moreover, the work remained in manuscript and has been printed and published only recently. But the comparative neglect of the Manipuri Ramayaria has been more than compensated by the various mass media through which Ramayana has been brought nearer to the hearts of the people through the ages. The liberal
Rfimfivaoa in Manipuri Literature
581
outlook of a Hindu mind which can integrate Rama-worship with the Radha-kr§aa cult with the expression of Hare Krishna, Hare Rama is also responsible for the great sensitivity on the part of the Manipuri Vaishnavas to the ideals and message of the Ramayaija. It is, of course, true that the Krttivasi Ramayana, the basic text of these artistic expressions and even of the Manipuri Ramayana, was nearer to the vigour of the soil and failed to attain the epic manner of Valmiki. It was the narrative poetry of the age in the Puranic tradition. Unlike Kamban, the Tamil poet (9th century A.D.) who made a great original epic of Ramayana and also unlike Tulsidas (16th century A.D.) whose famed Ramayana combines with a singular mastery lyric intensity, romantic richness and the sublimity of the epic imagination, Krttivasi Ramayana and its Manipuri version only served to respond to the cultural necessity of transferring into popular speech the whole central story of Ramayaiia. It is perhaps time that we go back to the Valmiki Ramayana again: to judge it as a work of art, not as a Purana or Bhakti text and to put also a few questions which still defy an answer. The Ramayana is basically a book of poetry, an epic poem of huge dimension. It is one thing to assess the response of the masses to the poetry of Valmiki through the ages. It is altogether a different thing to discover the real Valmiki who was also improved upon—Valmiki who created Rama, the Man and not a god, who suffered, struggled and won the victory ovei Ravaiia, only to lose Slta again. " You have the right to action and not to the fruits thereof" says the Glta. Rama, who was utterly lonely in his last moments, perhaps knew his own position and did behave in a completely detached manner, reminding one forcibly of the Anasakti Karmayoga of the Glta. A great Bengali scholar, Rajfekhar Bosu was of the view that Uttara Kart^a was possibly the creation of another poet. But it was very much Valmiki without which the beauty of Ramayaija as a work of art would lose much of its epic dimension. There are also a few cantos in Uttara Kantfa which almost looked like interpolations. Why did Ravana steal Slta? A simple question and the answer is obvious: this is always the practice of the strong and immoral people having the world
9B
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
at their feet, an expression of the beastly qualities of man. But in the 13th canto of Uttara Kan$a, Agastya tells Rama that RavaQa stole Sita in order to Realise Hari. It is difficult to believe in such a statement from Valmlki, as it is very much the Kfttivasi concept of Ravana as a concealed devotee of Rama. These are some of the questions which a revaluation of Valmlki Rdmdyarta might possibly answer. Indeed Valmlki has still relevance to the basic human situation of the 20th century, as it had through the ages. The nature and quality of the questions may be different and so also the answers which might help in exploring further the meaning of life in the present context.
RAMAYANA IN ASSAMESE LITERATURE By B1SWANARAYAN SHASTRI VAlmlki's Ramayam caught the imagination of the people—saints, kings, poet* and the common people alike. The RBmayana exercised an influence on the mind of the Indian people which has no parallel in the world. It is, therefore, quite obvious that a work which touches every human heart, gathers something in its journey through the ages, popular beliefs and episodes. In course of time it crossed the boundary of India and reached the Far East. Rama was deified and regarded as the incarnation of Vishnu, perhaps at the beginning of the Christian era, and definitely before Kalidasa. Since then, for the last two thousand years, Rama has been worshipped as God and the Rama-legend is depicted in arts of painting, sculpture and architecture. Gradually Ramahatha has taken the form of folklore and new episodes were interwoven. It is a common phenomenon that while oral tradition becomes literary tradition, the literary tradition also turns into an oral one. •Imlyana-tradition in Assam: We are not sure when Ramakatha entered into Assam and the Ramayaoa - tradition became popular with the people of different ethnic groups. It is interesting to note that there is not a single temple, in tact or in ruins, in Assam dedicated to Rama or Maruti, while a large number of temples all over India with the images of Rama and Maruti are found. Temples of Maruti alone is also a common feature in Northern India but this too is conspicuous by its absence in Assam. In Assamese tradition and culture Hanuman is never regarded as divine. In the architecture the Rama-legend was not engraved, as nothing of this is found in the ruins. Of course, in the Ramayaoa manuscripts and the works on the Ramayapa-theme, there are paintings of Rama, Slti, LakfmaQa etc. In the copper-plate inscriptions, the earliest literary record #f culture and tradition, discovered in Assam and dating back to
584
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
early 7th century, the reference to Rama are few, while references to Ky§ija and Kjwia-legend are many. It is in the middle of the fourteenth century that the great scholar and poet Madhava Kandali undertook the task of translating the RamayaQa into Assamese verse* His patron was Mahamajdkya, a Varahl king.1 The royal patronage extended to the efforts to make the Ramakatha popular with the common people reveals the prevalence of the Ramayana-tradition in Assam long before the Assamese translation came into being. Madhava Kandali's is the first translation of the Ramayana into a regional language of Northern India, perhaps next only to Kamban's Tamil version. Madhava Kandali, better known as Kaviraja (king of poets) Kandali, followed the original faithfully, though he avoided literal translation. He indicates the guide-line of the rendering at follows: " For the knowledge of the people and at the request of the Varahl king Sri Mahamaijikya, I have rendered the fine verses of the Ramayana extracting the essence and leaving off the details, like the ghee procured by churning the milk. I have, of course, added some kavyarasa at the instance of MahamaQikya." At another place he declares his principle in making Valmlki's immortal work intelligible to the Assamese people: " I have avoided interpolations and taken only the substance." (Lambha parihari sarodhjte). He says: " Valmiki rachila gastra gadya-padya chande | tahaka vicara ami kariya prabandhe || aponara buddhi artha jimata bujhilon | samkhepa kariya taka pad viracilon || 1
Varfthi means literally the descendant of Varfiha, the boar incarnation of VfeQu. Naraka, the adopted son of Janaka of Mithilft has been described in the KUik&purana and other Pur&Qas as the son of the Mother Earth by VifQU in His boar incarnation. Bhftskara Varmft, the famous king of Kftmarflpa of 7th century, traces his genealogy to Naraka, the son of Varfiha VI$QU.
Rtoftyapa in Assamese Literature
SIS
Kavisava nibandhay loka vyavahftre | Kato nija kato lambha katha anusare | daivavatf nuhi ito loukakahe katha | eteke ihara do$a nalaiva sarvatha JJ" (The poet Valmlki composed RamSyapa in prose and rhythmic verse. After a painstaking study of it, I have rendered it into Assamese verse, as I could grasp the meaning, in a condensed form The poets compose according to popular convention, while some of the subject-matter is original, some others are superimposed This is not from the mouth of God (Vedas) but only a popular story. Therefore, you should, by no means, try to find fault in my rendering (i.e. in my abridgement and addition). Following this dictum, Ma^hava Kandali, without introducing new stories or episodes has added something of purely descriptive nature derived from the local manners and customs; for this he has advanced the argument that it is not the words from God, meaning the Vedas, but a narrative of a human being and hence condensation of the matter and addition of literary embellishment are to be accepted with grace* Following the original, most probably the version which was prevalent in Eastern India at his time, Madhava Kandali has woven popular elements into its artistic web, drawn from his contemporary society. Local customs, manners and habits have been added to make it more intimate to the people. But Kandali has never allowed sectarian views or religious sentiment to override his artistic way of expression. Even for the sake of literary beauty the original was not mutilated. He bler.dud the literary beauty with popular taste and added new flavour to it. He fashion* d his cities and persons as he visualised them on the background of his time. He describes how, on the eve of Rama's coronation, the city of Ayodhya looked like: •4 Haso haso kare puri Ayndhya samprati Nftya gita-vadya jena dekhi AmravatI ||'" ("The city of Ayd^ya looks as if smiling. It looks like the city of Amaravati with dance, songs and sounds of musical instruments.")
SM
The Rannysim Tradition in Adt
In describing physical charm, the poet, though he followed the poetic convention, had something of his own: " Hara-kopa bahni-porhe khuji napai jur | Nabhi sarovare Kamdeve dila bur || Nijapura paii Kame mudaila duar | Udarara loma panti dhuma bhaila tar || " (Cupid having been burnt by the fire of wrath of Hara, finding no place of solace elsewhere, had a dip into the lake, that is, Sfta'g navel. Having entered into his own city, Cupid shut the door; and the smoke (as the result of immersion) appeared in the shape of hair in her abdomen.) On hearing the proposal of Rama for going on exile, SIti entreats him to abandon the idea. " Campaka kalika jena mora kalevara | Luijtfi ghun^i achilaha jehena bhramara | Jave asi vika&ta bhaila phula phala | Upabhoga eri kenakaraha ni$phala ||" (Hitherto my body had been like a Campaka bud, and you had been hovering around me like a black bee. Now, when it is radiant with blossoms and bearing fruit, why are you going to give up enjoyment and make my life meaningless?) His dictum may be summed up: " Though deep yet clear: though gentle yet not dull Strong without rage; without overflowing, full." Of course, in his treatment there seems to be a generic transformation. The heroic tone of the original has been modified to such an extant that in the place of heroism we find the overtones of an ideal family life, extolling virtues like devotion, steadfastness, chastity and loyalty. Unlike Tulsidasa and Kfttivasa, Kandali has not imposed Supreme divinity on Rama. For instance, Kfttivasa describes Rama with four hands when he was born. Except one or two minor things added here and there, Kandali has not taken anything from the Purapas. For instance, harassment of Sita by a crow and the killing of the crow by Rama with aifikdstra (an arrow made
RiiniyaQa in Assamese Literature
SI7
of reed) is an incident described in the Agnipura^a and it finds place in the Assamese RamayaQa.* For the popular taste, i.e. for the common men, certain descriptions seem to be added. The camel desire expressed by KunjI, the hunchback ugJy old woman for Bharata when he returned to Ayodhya from his maternal uncle* s home might be cited in this regard. When that hunchback maid heard that prince Bharata was returning to Ayodhya from his maternal uncle's palace, she being charged with emotion, wanted to offer her love. She put on thirty items of jewellery, applied perfumes and made a dash to meet Bharata. While proceeding she was musing within herself: " I am older than Bharata, but what does it matter? Does age ever stand in the way of lovers? It is not unlikely that Bharata may feel shy to accept me as mistress openly. However, I shall be his mistress in secret." There is nothing in the original to warrant such a scene. Of course, Kaikeyl praised Kunji and sought her advice.9 Kunji's adventure has been introduced as a digression to the audience who are overwhelmed with grief by hearing a series of sad incidents—exile of Rama, Sita and Lak§mana, death of Da&aratha etc. The apparently near vulgar description turns into a humorous one, when Kunji, who was in seventh heaven in anticipation of •njoyment, was caught hold of by the hair by Satrughna and given severe beating. It is believed that Madhava Kandali rendered the entire seven kantfas of the Ramayana into Assamese verse, but unfortunately only five kaphas are available, the Adikan^a and the Uttarakantfas having been lost. It may be that Kandali did not consider these two Kansas as original and, therefore, left them out in his translation. Later on, after more than a hundred years, the great VaigQava saint SankarLdeva added the Uttarakan
Jaghanamtc suniim&msam rasanfi-dftma-sannibham | Tilagnaftca stanadvayam ||"
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia disciple Madhavadeva the Adikantfa. It is also doubtful whether these two Kansas are really from the pen of these two great saints. The detailed description of the Ahalya-Indra episode is found in the Adikantfa of the Assamese Ramayana. It says that the sage Gautama had been practising severe penance which frightened Indra. Indra wanted to distract him from penance and asked his fellow gods to do this. None dared to face Gautama. At last Indra himself went to the hermitage of Gautama and there beholding the beauty of Ahalya fell a victim of her charms. " Gautamara tapobhanga ekhane achoka | Ahalyara rupe ati mohileka moka (Let the distraction of Gautama be postponed for the time being. I am now completely under the spell of her charms.) This shows that Indra had no prior plan to seduce Ahalya. Ahalya on the other hand, as the description goes, could recognise him only after she was seduced. But she took pity on Indra and asked him to flee from the place. Gautama appeared on the scene and cursed both Indra and Ahalya. Immediately the testicles of Indra fell down and the symbol of the female sex appeared all over his body. Indra left the place and remained hidden in the midst of a lotus in the North. Ssil notfindingher husband Indra, approached Bfhaspati who advised her to worship the Goddess Durga. She did accordingly and the Goddess directed her to the place where Indra was hiding. She went there with Bfhaspati and found Indra. Indra, as advised by Bfhaspati, worshipped the Goddess Durga who granted him the boon that the ugly symbols on his body would become a thousand eyes. In the versions of the Ramayana, Ahalya is seen not an innocent victim of the evil design of Indra, but a willing co-operator.4 In 4
" Munive$am sahasrfik$am vijMya (jfl&tvftpi) Raghunandana | Matim " cakftra durmedhft devarftja-kutQhalftt || " "Krtarthftsmi suraireStha RSmftnuja explains the expression " devarftjakutahal&t" as " sa mftm abhilasatiti kautukftt, divyarati-kautukftcca." Vfttsyftyana quotes Gopikftputra saying " yam kariicid ujjvalam purugam drtfvft stri k&m ayate." In this context he mentions Ahalyft as a woman who has had a paramour.
R&m&yaoa in Assamese Literature
589
the Assamese version however Ahalya is depicted as an innocent victim but she developed a liking for Indra after she was seduced and was compassionate to him. She requested Indra: " Let what may come to me come, but you flee away and save your life." The major part of the story is from the Brahmavaivartapura^a. It is not known what inspired a devout Vaijnava saint like Madhavadeva to introduce in the body of the Ramayana the idea of worshipping the goddess Durga, which was opposed to the poet's own creed. Other Works: In sixteenth century Durgavara Kayastha composed the Ramayana verses in songs to be sung in chorus—the Ojha in which the leader recites the verses while the Palis or the followers keep on repeating. Durgavara's composition is based on Madhava Kandali's Ramayaria and not on Valmlki. He has introduced quite a number of new episodes which were perhaps current at his time. Some of the new material found in Durgavara's Clti Ramayaria arc as follows: Offering pintfa to DaSaratha by Sita on the river Phalgu, creation of unreal Ayodhya at Dantfaka forest, playing of chess by Rama and Sita, portraying Sita as the daughter of Mandodari, drawing of three lines by Lak§mana in front of the cottage before he leaves in search of Rama, the taunting reply given by the pair of birds (chakai-chakoa) etc. may be cited. The complete work of Durgavara is not available. The Ojha, in a group, recites these songs which are at the tip of their tongue. The poet Durgavara devoted his attention to express the dt-pth of sorrow of the human heart and hence he abridged the details of war and like matters. His other work Manasa kavya is also based on sorrow. £aAkaradcva, the great Vaijnava saint and poet, preached Vai§navism based on the Bhagavata and his worthy disciple Madhavadeva followed him. The Bhakti cult pervaded every sphere of life and since that time literature of every description has Bhakti or devotion as the guiding spirit. In this period the colophons at the end of the each chapter of Kandali's Ramayana have been changed to suit the Bhakti cult.
510
The Ramayana Tradition in Aii*
Not satisfied with this, Ananta Kandali, a Vai$ijava poet and follower of gafikaradeva in the latter part of sixteenth century, retold the story of Ramayana making Bhakti the main spirit and Rama the complete and perfect manifestation of the full Brahman. " Madhava Kandali virachila Ramayana | Taka $uni amara kautuka kare mana j| Ramara samaya santa guna yathavat | Bhajaniya gufla yata nabhaila vekat || Eteke yatana karo bhakatika pude | ". (Madhava Kandali rendered the Ramayana, I have heard it with attention but feel unhappy. The common virtues of Rama have been described; such virtues as make Rama the object of worship, are not revealed and, therefore, my effort is to compose verses on the path of devotion. In this beautiful apologia the poet advances the reason for his rendering anew the Ramayapa in Assamese verses. Strangely enough, Ananta Kandali also rendered only five Kandas excluding the Adi and Uttara kaphas. Ramayana-candrika by Kalapacandra Dvya is a summary of the Ramayuria-story. The literary merit of this work of late 16th century is not of a high order. In the middle of the 17th century one Ananta Kayastha composed another work narrating the Ramayana-! tory which was known as Ramaklrtana. It is an imitation of the Kirtana by Sankaraieva. While all the above-mentioned renderings are in verse, Raghunatha Mahanta in the first half of the 18th century retold the Ramaya^a-story in simple Assamese prose. In his work his deep learning in Nyaya aid Vidanta is evident, but the author mainly depended on the version of Madhava Kandali. The story is told with deep devotion. His style is simple: " Janakanandini swami asibara dekhi aga ba^hi swamika namila. £n Ramara bhava dekhi bulila—He prajtanatha kene tomara mukha pankaja mlan bhaila, raja cihna kene nahi."
RftmfiyiQa in Assamese Literature
9M
A modern Assamese prose translation of the Ramayana has been published recently by the Gauhati university. Works based on themes taken from the Ramayana: Sankaradeva composed a drama (Sltaswayambara) dealing with the Svayambara of Slta, which is staged in the Namghar (the community prayer hall). Here Rama has been depicted as the incarnation of Vi§nu, Mahl-Ravana-vadha (killing of Mahl-Ravaija by Hanuman), a small Kavya, is from the pen of Ananta Kandali. In this work the poet describes how Mahl-Ravaga, the son of Ravana, kidnapped Rama and Lak$mafla to the nether world while they were asleep. He was ready to sacrifice them to Goddess Kali. Hanuman appeared there and killed Mahl Ravana and saved the brothers. There are some works of a minor nature by junior poets on themes supposed to be taken from the Ramayana but some of these episodes do not figure in Valmlki's Ramayuria. Some of these are " Lakjma^ara SaktiSela" (Lak$mana injured by the spear), " Mandodirlra mapiharaQa " (Stealing of the gem of Mandodart), "Sltara patala-praveia" (Slta's disappearance into the netherworld) and a few others. This suggests the folklore-nature of the Ramakatha. Mention may be made here of one earlier work of 14th century by Harivara Vipra known as " Lava-KuSara Yudd'ia" (fight by Lava and Ku$a). The plot is taken from the Jaiminlya Mahabharata. This work describes how Babhruvahana, the son of Arjuna, fought his father when the former arrested the sacrificial horse let loose by Arjuna, and in that context, the fight of Lava and Ku$a with their father Rama is mentioned. In Assamese the poet composed two independent Kavyas separately, u Lava-Ku£ara Yuddia " and " Babhruvahanara Yuddha. " It is interesting to note that in the early nineteenth century one Suryakanta translated a part of the Ramacaritamanasa of Tulasidasa into Assamese. After the spread of the bhakti cult Kf?na became prominent. bhagavan swayam"—This has been the spirit behind
«« Kj?nastu
592
Tile Ramayana Tradition in Asia
all the literary compositions. Of course, Rama, as an incarnation of Vi§iju, has been identified with Kj§ija aid the devotion to Kj§na is also considered as devotion to Rama (Srinathe Janaklnathc abhedah paramatmani). In a few Varagltas (noble numbers) by Sankaradeva the exploits of Rama have been extolled. In the traditional Assamese theatrical performance which is known as "Bhawana", dramas having Ramayapa-ihemes have been staged for centuries. Such performances have rendered the Ramayaga-story popular with the people of all walks of life. There are puppet plays also on themes taken from the Ramayana. In modern times quite a number of dramas have been com* posed on the Ramayana-theme and staged. Rftma has also been portrayed by some poets as an egoist and self-conceited person who, to satisfy his ego went on exile without being asked to do so by anybody and banished his beloved wife on hearing some whisper about her. In songs sung by the womenfolk and in folk tales also, Rama* hathafindsa prominent place. For instance, in some songs sung on the occasion of the marriage, the Swayambara of SI1 a and the breaking the bow by Rama are mentioned. Similarly, in folk tales, the transformation of Marica into a deceptive deer and Sit&'s entrance into the Nether world are frequently mentioned. It is the belief of some people that the Ramdyarta is not to be recited at night; if it is done, it brings sorrow.
ORAL TRADITION OF THE RAMAYANA IN BENGAL By ASUTOSH BHATTACHARYA
Oral tradition of literature in a social group develops in two ways—firstly it is derived from literary source, secondly it originates in an unlettered social group and ultimately becomes the source of its art literature. The oral tradition of the Ramayapa in the various States of Indian Union has been based on the great Indian epic, the Ramayana by the great poet Valmiki. Though composed in classical Sanskrit not intelligible to the unlettered, yet due to the efforts of a class of oral expounders it was made understood to the unlettered mass irrespective of caste and creed. It is apparent in the Ramayana itself that Lava and KuSa, the two sons of Ramachandra, the hero of the Ramayana were the first two expounders of the Ramdyapa and the great poet Valmiki himself gave special training to them in this method. Therefore, it seems that since the very completion of the great epic by Valmiki it is being expounded before the mass in a method intelligible to the unlettered. Thus illiteracy has never been a bar in India for learning in literature, philosophy and even higher scriptures. This practice of popular exposition of the Ramayana continued throughout the centuries and throughout the whole of India and has been handed down to the present day in absolutely an unbroken tradition. Sometime it is Valmiki's Sanskrit original, but more often now-a-days its local vernacular versions which are expounded before the enchanted mass through music, prose narration and dramatic monologues. Though there are special occasions yet hardly a day passes in rural and evpn in urban areas of India today where some talented expounder, sitting in a temple, a public place, sacred ghats of the Ganges or any other sacred river or even before a house or by the side of a public thoroughfare, does not expound to hundreds and thousands the story of Rama, who at a great personal sacrifice upheld the cause of Dharma. Inscriptional evidences show that Sanskrit language entered into Bengal as early as the 4th century A.D. during the Gupta
SM
The Ramayana Tradition in Adk
period. But Sanskrit literature did not develop here before the Pala period beginning from the 7th century A. D. The Pain emperors were Buddhists by religion, yet they were great patrons of Sanskrit. They adopted it as their court language and used to issue royal declarations in it. They issued a number of copper plates and stone inscriptions in classical Sanskrit. They all show that Sanskrit had developed a literary style by that time. During the Pala period a number of Hindu temples were erected under the direct patronage of the Budd list Pala emperors and Brahmins were offered free gift of land to establish themselves over the different parts of the empire which extend'4 at one time upto Kamrup in Assam in the east, Kashi towards west and Utkal towards the south. The Brahmins who were the custodians of the Hindu temples and properties donated by the emperors for their upkeep were mainly instrumental for spread of Sanskrit culture over the vast area. The temples became not only centres of religious practices, they also became the seats of learning. The Brahmin priests and the court poets of the emperors concentrated their attention to the development of Sanskrit literature by actively contributing to its different aspects of study. It is definitely understood that in the very beginning of the Pala period during the seventh century A.D. the legend of the Ramayana was introduced to the people of Bengal. During the ninth century a Bengali poet named Abhinanda composed a poem known as Rama-carita on the basis of the Ramayana by Valmiki. Abhinanda was a court poet of a prince named Haravarsha who has been identified with Devapala, son of the great Pala emperor Dharmapala. This seems to be the first literary work written by a Bengali poet on Ramayana though in Sanskrit. It mu&t be remembered that Bengali language had not yet originated at that time. But the Bengali character of the Ramayana was evident even at its very first composition by a Bengali poet, because in it we find even at that remote age the glorification of the goddess Devi by Hanuman. We know m subsequent ages from the Bengali versions of the Ramayana that Ramachandra though an incarnate of Vishnu had to worship with the greatest devotion the goddess Devi before he could kill Ravana. During the Pala period which continued from the seventh centum to roughly the eleventh century A.D. Abhinanda's Ramacarita was not the only work on the Ramayaija composed by a
Oral Tradition of Ramayapa in Bengal
59S
Bengali poet of the royal court. Another great poet named Sandhyakara Nandi whose name is more widely known for his greater acholarship and higher literary talent and more particularly due to the special character of his Kavya composed a poem on the Ramayana by the same name Ramacarita. The poet most intelligently described in his poem the legend of the Ramayana, on the one hand and on the other an account of the regin of the emperor Ramapala taking advantage of the common name of the hero of the Ramayana and the Pala emperor. Therefore, it is more or less a historical poem and is treated as a source of Pala history. From all these evidences it becomes apparent that the story of the Ramayana was widely spread during the Pala period and by the method of popular expounding of the theme it must have reached every heart even by that time. Even after the fall of the Pala Empire when Sena dynasty established itself over Bengal, study and popular expounding of the Ramayana must have got an impetus inasmuch as the Sena Kings were orthodox Hindus and were responsible for the revival of Hinduism over Bengal. A court poet of the Sena Kings known as Dhoyi in his poem naimd Pavana-dutam has given as account by which it is seen that temples dedicated to Ramacandra were erected on the two sides of the Bhagirathi during the twelfth century A.D. This establishes the fact that Rama-cult became highly popular in Bengal as early as t^e 12th century A.D. Thus by that time the Ramayana was w:dcly known even by the common people. It is apparent that, though ultimately due to some reason or other the Rama-cult was replaced in Bengal by Krishna-cult and Sakti-cult yet until the Turk invasion of the beginning of the 13th century Rama-cult reigned supreme in Bengal. Ultimately it had to compromise to a great extent with Krishna-cult on the one hand and the Sakticult on the other. Yet the Ramayana has continued its popularity till today. II. Development of Oral Tradition: Until the Hindu period which abruptly ended at the very beginning of 13th century the royal court and the Hindu feudal chiefs continued to patronize Hindu religion and culture. But their medium was mainly Sanskrit. It is believed that Jayadeva's Gtta-govinda which was originally composed in local vernacular h^d to be
596
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
rendered into Sanskrit due to its royal paton's zeal of championship for Sanskrit. But after Turk invasion when an independent Sultanate was established in Bengal the Muslim rulers adopted Bengali and they being averse to the study of Sanskrit, encouraged the study of the language of the soil instead. In the meantime, Bengali had developed into a full-fledged literary language. The great Bengali poet Chantfidas had already appeared and written his immortal lyrics on the divine love of Radha and Krishna. Almost contemporaneous with Chand das appeared a great poet in Bengal during the 14th century A.D. He was Krittivasa, himself a great Sanskrit scholar. He was requested by the then Muslim ruler of Bengal (probably Jalaluddin) to render the Sanskrit Ramayana into Bengali for the * benefit of the people \ He did it in Bengali verse with the greatest ability not only making a literal translation but also by incorporating all the local and popular legends which developed in Bengal on the basis of the orthodox Ramayarta since its introduction into this country. It grew, therefore, into a national Bengali epic. The first great bar against Ramayana being understood by the common people was thus removed and soon it became a household affair of the people. Since it was not necessary to expound ths Ramayapa by a learned Sanskrit scholar, but even a person with a little learning in his mother tongue could do it without any effort. Traditional musicians with a little learning or in many cases with no learning at all, but having only a gifted voice and sharp memory took to the profession with great success. Various methods of oral transmission of the Ramayana were adopted by the professional expounders in the course of time. Some are stated below. A. Kathakata : By Kathakata is meant discourse of the Purnaas and the epics specially the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Bhagavata by a literate person making the theme more attractive than understandable to the unlettered and half-literate by means of music, dramatic monologue and prose narrations. It is only one man's performance. The Kathaks the reciter or the expounder first of all recites a couplet from the texts either in Sanskrit or in archaic Bengali and
Oral Tradition of Ramftya&a in Bengal
597
then goes on to elucidate it by quoting parallel couplets from the recognized authorities making his elucidation popular by appropriate popular similes and metaphors and music sung by himself and reciting some monologues. As far as the Ramayana is concerned this may continue for a week, twelve days or even upto a full month, according to the demand of the situation. It is held in some public place of the village or if engaged by any individual, m iiis own house. In the course of the discourse the reciter does not strictly adhere to the text, but in order to make his theme acceptable to the rural folk, men and women, he incorporates popular legends current in oral tradition. He has to come down to the mental level of the people at large to make the theme appreciated by them. Therefore, highly artistic, religious, spiritual or philosophical aspects of the text on which the discourse should have been made is generally ignored almost everywhere. The high life of the royal family of Ayodhya of the Ramayana is dealt with like a domestic affair of a middle class Bengali family. Sometimes humour of vulgar taste and rural obscenity are also introduced to cater to the taste of the rural people. Numerous incidents sometimes invented, sometimes adopted from local sources arc incorporated in the course of the discourse. The rural listeners cannot distinguish between what is authentic text and what is unauthentic oral interpolations and they accept everything as authentic and textual as far as the Ramayana is concerned. If the reciter (Kathak) has some reputation in this field and if he continues his discourse in the same manner for some considerable period of time, his interpretations arc standarized in the social life of the people. The system of Kathakata of the Ramayana has been in vogue over this country since a very early period and an oral tradition of its own developed in the course of time. Because, the text of Kathakata has never been written down before the late 18th century A.D. The system was based on the text of the Ramayana, yet the oral traditions which developed in the course of the oral discourse became also the integral part of it. Moreover, the oral traditions had undergone change from age to age according to the development of the socio-rcligious life of the people. In the Bengali translation of the Ramayana by Krittivasa, mentioned before, some of the traditions which dwclopcd orally due to Kathakata, have also been incorporated and they have ultimately been
8ft
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
accepted as textual. Therefore, they differ in many respects from the original of Valmlki. I believe this has been the case almost everywhere. Kathakata had a tremendous influence on the people unlettered and half-literate and by this means not only the Ramayana but also the entire Mahabharata and the Bhagavata and the other Pura^as reached the mind of the people most effectively. That was the best possible medium of dissemination of knowledge to the largest number of people by the easiest means. A gifted Kathak can keep his audience spell-bound for hours by means of display of his talent and he can creat a deep and lasting influence in the minds of the people. It is said that Kashiram Das, the 17th century Bengali translator of the Mahabharata, a man having very little education and a teacher in a Primary School by profession, composed his Mahabharata in Bengali only by listening to Kathakata in the house of his patron. The Kathakas have practically recreated the Ramayana for the people of Bengal. They could feel the pulse of the people. They exercised a great influence on the later Bengali translators of the Ramayana and thus numerous unorthodox materials from oral tradition have entered into the translations of Valmlki* s Ramayana in the course of time. The people having some creative urge react immediately to what they listen to in the course of Kathakata of the Ramyaa^a and other texts. As a result they compose songs orally on their various aspects. Thus folk songs grow in a social group. B. Folk Songs Folk songs are the richest treasure of oral literature of any country. Innumerable folk-songs on the basis of the theme, spirit and ideas of the Ramayana have been composed in this country and are still being composed in the countryside everyday in various forms and for various secular and non-secular purposes. Some of them can be enumerated below: (i) Marriage Songs The Ramayapa plays a vital role in marriage songs not only of Bengal but also throughout India in general and Northern India in particular. It is most frequent over the entire Gangetic
Onl Tradition of Rlmlyaoa in Bengal
S99
valley from Uttar Pradesh to Bengal, covering the whole of North Bihar. Though the hero and heroine of this entire area of lovelongs are Krishna and Radha, yet in the marriage songs the case i* different, they being Rama and SIta. It is because love of Krishna and Radha did not have the necessary social sanction. Therefore, Rama and SIta are considered to be the ideal couple notwithstanding their extreme sufferings in life. Wherever any marriage is held in a Bengali family the bridegroom is considered llama and the bride Stia. But in spite of this fact no father of a Bengali Hindu family would like to name his daughter SIta or any name like JanakI or Maithill synonymous with it, because she was a life long sufferer in spite of her being the consort of Ramacandra, the incarnation of Vi$ou. Marriage songs are sung by the womenfolk of the family in the course of observance of the various rituals, folk and orthodox, Of the marriage and they are transmitted orally down the generation. In spite of the fact that there is no written record or printed texts of such songs they become an integral part of the social life of the people. The Ramaya^a in these songs is brought down to the level of the life of the common people and the names Rama and SIta, DaSaratha and Jauaka are attributed to the common people having no aspiration and ambition in life besides their basic physical needs. Ceremonially sending presents of toilet goods for the bride from the bridegroom's house forms one of the rituals of marriage ceremony. On this occasion is sung: Rima's mother KauSalya, the queen, says— Come, hurry up, time is passing away To send the toilet, Mithila is far off; Marriage will be held there with Janaka's daughter, The way is beset with danger of thieves and decoits. Let them start before the sun sets. OfTer your blessings, perform ceremonial rites, Let the desire of Kau£alya's mind be fulfilled.1 l
Va*riya Loko-Samfit Ratnakar (Ed. Asutosb Bhattacharyya) Vol. m Calcutta. 1967, pp. 1383-84.
600
The Ramayaiia Tradition in Asia
It will be seen that the entire marriage arena has been transferred here from a Bengali village to Ayodhya and Mithila of ancient India and the Bengali mother of the bridegroom has been converted to KauSalya of Ayodhya. The father of the bride is being considered Janaka of Mithila of Treta age. The invitees of the marriage ceremony are also considered as gods and goddesses. Because every marriage ceremony is considered as sacred as the marriage ceremony of Ramacandra, the incarnation of Vi$nu. In one song it is heard: Let, O Durga, let us go, Younger brother of Ramacandra has invited us. Let, O Ganga, let us go, Younger brother of Ramacandra has invited us, Let, O Padma, let us go, Younger brother of Ramacandra has invited us, Let, O Kali, let us go, Younger brother of Ramacandra has invited us, Let, O pLdma, let us go, Younger brother of Ramacandra has invited us, To attend the marriage of Ramacandra.1 Thus they all proceed to attend the marriage ceremony of a Bengali family. Playing of dice by the bridegroom and the bride forms a ritual of Bengali marriage ceremony. The women sing as the couple continue the game: Listen, you all. Listen to the happy event: In the bed-chamber btkeked with jewels, With a canopy at the top, sitting on cool pati (bed-sheet) Rama and SIta play dee; maids fan them With fans made of mica, they chew betel leaves, The maids surround them with smiles on their faces— As if the moon is surrou? ded by the sparkling stars. In the chamber decorated with gold and jewels Ramacandra plays dice with the beautiful SIta.9 »/Mt/.,p. 1404. • Asutosh Bhattacharyya, Vangalar Loka Sahitya, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1973 (4th cd.), p. 355.
Oral Tradition of R&m&yaoa in Bengal
601
It is needless to point out here that the great poet Valmiki who wrote the Ramayaya did not describe the marriage ceremony of Rama in such detail- Not even the first Bengali translator of the Ramayana, the poet Krittivasa could dream of such details of the episode of Ramacandra's marriage. (ii) RamlTll Jhumur From a very early period, some temples of Raghunath or Ramacandra were established at the different parts of both East ard West Bengal. Raghunath temple of Vishnupur in Bankura district, Raghunathbati in Midnapore district, Ramarajatala in Howrah district and Rfim-SIta temple at Dacca in East Bengal (now Bangaladesh) bear testimony to this even to this day. All these ancient temples of Raghunath or Ramacandra were the great seats or centres of Rama-worship in Bengal. All the year round festivals and religious discourses on the basis of the life, achievements and ideals of the character of Ramacandra, the hero of the Ramaya#a, were held and the people used to participate in them with the greatest enthusiasm. Natural reaction of this was that a great creative urge was felt by the common people and folk songs on the different aspects of the Ramayarya were composed according to the process of growth of folk songs in a society. A class of folk songs which grew and developed on the basis of the episodes of the Ramayarya was locally known over the Western border districts of West Bengal as Ramlila Jhumur inasmuch as they described the exploits of Ramacandra. Jhumur is the general name of the tribal songs over this area. The name has, however, been extended to the Bengali folk songs also. For example, folk songs composed on the basis of the Bhagavata Purana are known as Krishnalila Jhumur and those composed on the basis of the Mahabharata are known as Bharat-lila Jhumur. There is a history behind the origin and development of Jhumur on Hindu and Vaishnava themes over this area. In the 17th century A.D. a tribal chief of the status of a Raja ruling over this area, until that time an animist by religion, ; dopttd Vaishnavism, a higher religion, riot only for himself but also for the entire tribal group of people over whom his rule extendi. Hindu and Vaishnava poets, scholars and musicians, preachers and preceptors were invited and settled by him over the different parts of his country
ftZ
The Ramayana Tradition in Ati*
with liberal offer of free land and patronage. They introduced the RamSyapa, the Mahabharata, the Bhagavata and the Padavalt or the Vaishnava lyrics among the people by Kathakata and various other means suitable for the rural people. The people also sharply reacted and composed for themselves orally a class of songs on the themes of each of the classics mentioned. Ramlila Jhumur, though in most cases narrative in character, is yet not devoid of fine poetic sentiments. The following is the lamentation of Ramacandra after Havana's abduction of Sita: Why is it that O Lak$mana, I don't see Slta at the cottage? Can it be that she has been devoured by Rakshasa? 0 one with beautiful face, in your absence 1 am as if a serpent without its jewel on the crest. O where is my Slta, the moon-faced? Without the moon, the night is dark, Without Slta Ifinddarkness is enveloping me. O the wild creepers, please listen to me, Have you seen Slta to pass this way? She possesses eyes resembling those of a deer, Her voice is as sweet as that of cuckoo's, Her gait is like that of an intoxicated elephant. Has lotus-faced Slta concealed herself playfully In the water of the lotus-lake near by? O mother earth, blessed thou art, where is thy daughter? Tell me and pacify my restless heart. How cruel is God to me to steal my object of love! O my fate, how much sufferings are therein store for me? Loss of the throne, coming in exile, separation from wife, O what else have you written on my forehead, o cruel FatcT1 During the middle of the 19th century the inaugurator of modem ideas in Bengali poetry Madhusudan Dutta, the poet of Meghanai Badh Kavya based on the theme of the Ramayarta wrote in a letter to one of his friends,—*I despise Rama and his followers but Ravana is a grand man.9 And he, as a matter of fact, depicted Ravana as such—a manly character, only a victim at the hands •Vantiy Lok+Sungit Xatnokar. op. *fc. Vol. n, Calcutta. 19*. pp. 72647.
Oral Tradition of R4m*yaW in Bengal
603
of merciless Fate. The oral tradition of Rdmayaria as far as Ravaija is concerned is not very much far from it. Because according to this, Ravana is a great devotee of Siva. He had undertaken hard penance in order to win favour of the great God Siva. It is taid that he severed his own head in the course of the penance and offered it to Siva and in return he got ten heads instead. He was not only a devotee of Siva but he also pleased the Goddess Kali the terrible aspect of the Divine Mother, who used to protect him in the battle-field by shielding him personally from the attacks of his enemies. Ravana received the secret weapon of his death by bit devotion to Siva. The rural folk poets have their own interpretation of the Ramayana also. Sometimes such interpretations enhance the dignity of the characters of the great epic instead of lowering them in any way. One remarkable example can be cited to illustrate this point. Frjyri Valmlki's original Ramayana down to its every translator in vernacular languages we find that after abducting Sita from the Dantfaka forest Ravana confined her at the Asoka garden and wanted to make courtship with her. But in Ramlila Jhumur we find that Ravana carried Sita to Lanka and offered worship to her there as his own mother. In a Ramilila Jhumur we find: By crossing the sea Ravana carried Sita to Lanka, And offered worship to her as his own mother.* The courtship scene of Ravana with Sita in the ASoka garden has been described in some detail by Valmlki and all his followers. But the oral tradition established by Jhumur over this area dismisses the idea of courtship altogether thus adding a sacred lustre to this episode. According to this tradition Ravana abducted Sita not to dishonour her in any way but only to agree to the request of SurpaQakha. Ravana is not a demon nor a devil here as has been depicted by Valmlki, but a grand and dignified •an. 9
Aft, p. 727.
604
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
(Hi) Scroll-Painters' Songs There is a community particularly in West Bengal bordering on Orissa on one side and Bihar on the other, known as Patua or scroll painters. They come of a very low social origin and hence they are not admitted in the Hindu community. They form their own social group though they have more inclination towards Muslim religion than Hindu. They earn their livelihood by painting the episodes of the Ramayana, the Bhagavata and other local legends for entertainment of the people among whom they live. They exhibit the paintings in public in accompaniment of a class of narrative song sung by themselves. They paint on canvas, about 2 ft. in breadth and about 40 ft. in length, the events of an episode one below the other and roll it while carrying it from place to place or when not used. While exhibiting the paintings they unfold the scrolls and explain them to the lay public by means of songs they sing. The scroll painters are unlettered but hereditarily they possess the talent of painting and thep knowledge of the traditional themes which they generally paint. The songs they sing are also inherited from their forefathers, sometimes newly composed songs are also added if the situation demands and if the painters have some talent for composition. The tradition is entirely oral and it has nothing to do with the texts either of Valmiki or of Krittivasa. These folk songs are known as the song* of the scroll-painters of Bengal. Among the themes of the songs and paintings, the Ramayana plays a vital role. The scroll-painters have developed an oral tradition of the Ramayana of their own and they describe the incidents according to such tradition showing little regard either to Valmiki or even to Krittivasa, the translator- According to this tradition the characters of the Ramayaria have been more naturalised in the environment of Bengali social and domestic life. The scroll-painters select one independent incident from the Ramayana, like killing of Sindhu, the young son of the blind ascetic parents by the king DaSaratha and illustrate the incident by means of folk-painting made on canvas as stated before. In the course of their public exhibition made from door to door in the villages, the scroll painters slowly unfold the scrolls and
Oral Tradition of RAmAyaoa in Bengal
605
exhibit the paintings one by one as they explain them by singing a narrative song as follows: Dasaratha, the son of king Aja (pronounced Raja). Was sitting one day at his court with the courtiers. His subjects prayed to him with folded palms. O King. Vanquish Ravana with thy strength and be a real hero. At this moment Jatayu was flying over in the sky, Dasaratha brought him down at his court. The King said, O Jatayu, my dearest friend, I remember how you helped me in my distress. Jatayu replied, I am but a bird, denizen of the forest, But I assure you of all help during your distress. For all times specially over the wilderness where I stay. Because I know the mystery of the forest, their dangers too. Dasaratha embraced him, offered him his garland, And thus was united with him by the bondage of friendship. As I have already told there is little scope for display of poetic excellence in the scroll painters-songs, narration of the episodes being the main factor. The composers and the narrators somehow narrate the incidents in their own way mostly in their local dialect without aiming at any merit in their form and contents. Yet sometimes, touch of genuine poetry can also be felt in them. When the blind ascetic-parents came to know of the King Dasaratha that their only son, the support of their old age and in blindness, had been killed by him, they lamented: 0 Dasaratha! what do you tell me? What words have been slipped off your mouth? 1 have been struck by a thunder-bolt as it were. My only son Sindhu used to feed us in hunger. Offer water in our thirst, shelter during rain. How, O cruel fate, can we survive without him. O King, tell us, where have you killed him? What harm did he do unto you that you punish him? Tell us, tell O King, how can I console his mother? O blood-thirsty cruel King of Ayodhya, be damned.7 • Ibid., Vo/.. HI, op. ciL, p. J 044. 'Ibid., p. 1045.
M6
The Ramayana Tradition in Alia
The episodes like Ramachandra's birth, his going to the court of Janaka with Lakshmaria and marriage of SIta, Ramachandra's going to exile with SIta and Lakshmana, his union with Bharata at Chitrakuta, abduction of SIta by Ravaija, killing of Vali, battle of Lanka and killing of Ravana with all his associates, return to Ayodhya of Rama with SIta are all described in detail in different scrolls and relevant folk songs describing each separate scroll are sung by the professional scroll-painters. (iv) Ritual Songs The Ramayana has also developed a ritual character in Bengal. In a family where any death, specially of any elderly person occurs, the Ramayana, in most cases only a part of it, is ceremonially performed on the day on which the Sraddha or the funeral ceremony is held in the house of the deceased. In every house, irrespective of caste and creed, a Sakta or a Vaisyava, it is the Ramayana only which is to be performed for this purpose. No other work like Gtta or Bhagavata or any Upanishada which deal more elaborately with the problems of life and death are considered suitable on this occasion. It is believed that the very recitation of the holy name of Rama is the only thing which is effective for purification of the members of the deceased family. There are professional musicians who are engaged for thia purpose. They have a method of their own for the performance on this particular occasion. In the midst of the assembly of the members of the family and the relatives of the deceased including the invited villagers the traditional musician places a small earthen pitcher full of water with a twig of mango tree at the top and spota of Vermillion painted on its outer side. The pitcher is considered sacred and dedicated to Ramachandra. It is ceremonially immersed in some river or tank after the performance is over. The musician with a chowrie in one of his hands and a pair of mandira (brass bell) in the other and wearing a pair of jingling anklet stands up at the middle of the assembly and narrates musically the incidents of the Ramayana* occasionally with a show of dance, particularly Rama's going to exile and the death of DaSaratha including his cremation and funeral, in a most sorrowful tune befitting the occasion. Widows are generally permitted to attend such performances.
Oral Tradition of RAmiyaga in Benpd
WT
The married women whose husbands are alive keep themselves off from them. Unmarried girls are also not permitted to attend the performances. In the rural areas the prformance is generally held after nightfall after the Sraddha ceremony is over during the day-time and it continues till midnight. Sometimes in the urban areas it is also held during the day-time simultaneously with the performance of the rituals of the Sraddha ceremony. As I have . already said, there are specific episodes of the Ramayatsa which are generally performed on this occasion. Exile of Rama forms one of the most favourite themes. It is followed by the death of the King Dasaratha and long lamentation of the queens Kausalya and Sumitra. The traditional musicians known as the Gaycns commit to memory the incidents in a pathetic musical tune befitting the occasion. The rural musicians have de/eloped an oral tradition of their own as far as the sequences of the incidents are concerned. They go on performing the incidents with the help of two repeaters only known as Dohars and continue it for 4 to 5 hours in the night. In the course of the episode of exile of Rama the musicians sing: Blessed is Ayod^ya whose king is DaSaratha, He rules his people with justice and equity. One day as the king was sitting in the court, He declared that he would offer his throne to Rama. Said he, 4 O courtiers, prepare for the coronation, Tomorrow morning Ramachandra will ascend the throne'. Glad were the people to listen to the declaration, But when the maid-servant of Kaikeyl heard of it, She hastened to the inner apartment and met her queen. Said she with tears in her eyes, fO unlucky queen, Curse thyself, Kausalya will be the royal mother. Rama will ascend the throne. Bharata will be nowhere. There is yet time, hurry up, approach the forgetful king, And remind him of the two promises which he made to you. Let Rama go to exile and Bharata get the throne*.* >JMf.f pp. 1059-60.
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The fall into swoon of Lakshmaga at the Saktishel thrown by Havana is also lamented by Rama thus: Ill-luck as I am I have no hope of victory, 0 my brother Lakshmafla, respond to my call, 1 do not want to rescue Slta, I shall return With thee, I shall beg from door to door, Never shall I return to Ayodhya. 0 God, cruel God, how long shall you torture me? 1 have cried throughout my life, it has now come to an end. I shall break my head against stone due to grief. How far can you go leaving me behind, O Lakshmana? Mother Sumitra offered her son to me, What should I say to her on my return without thee? When she will shed tears for thee, how shall I pacify her? So saying Rama lost his consciousness.9 In a family where death has occurred only recently, artistic performance of a scene like this naturally creates deep impression. At the same time it is an indirect provision for consolation in breavement. C. Folk Drama Folk Drama has been the most popular form of entertainment since a very early period of time in Bengal. We find a reference to a Bengali Folk Drama in the Bauddha Gan O Doha supposed to have been written between the 7th and the 9th centuries A.D. It has been called Buddha-Nataka or a drama on the life of Gautama Buddha. Its tradition has continued unbroken throughout the centuries upto the present generation. Folk dramas in Bengali were known as Nafa-glfa during the medieval centuries. It literally means dramatic mu*ic or in other words musical drama- Music mostly vocal is the main feature of the Bengali folk drama even to this day. Themes of Bengali folk drama have undergone changes with the development of socioreligious ideas and practices of the people from the earliest time to the present day. There was a time when the life of the Buddha offered the universal theme of Bengali folk-drama. Next to the > Ibid., p. 1064.
Oral Tradition of the RftmftyaW in Bengal
60*
Buddha, Krishna and Rama both appeared on the scene. It is apparent that Krishna was immediately followed by Rama, but the latter could not rcrlace Krishna whose cult found a congenial environment for natural development on the soils of Bengal. However, parallel with Krishna of the Bhagavata Parana, Ramachandra of the Ramayana also played a significant role as the hero of folk drama of Bengal from the medieval period upto the present lime. After Nafa-gifa, the folk drama of Bengal took the new name of Krisria-Yatra wherein Krishna of the Bhagavata and other Puranas was the hero and the name of Rama-Yatra where Rama of the Ramayana was the hero. Both originated on the basis of oral tradition, but Krlp^a-Yatra ultimately developed a literary character also due to th
61§
Hie Ramayana Tradition in Asi*
compose the orchestra. The characters participating in the performance are only few. Therefore, it is less expensive to hold its performance. The language of the vocal music is highly artificial though the performers are all un-lettered and the theme had developed out of oral tradition only. Even the character of Hanuman has his vocal music which he performs in a highly ornamental language He sings: If the lotus-eyed (Ramacandra) Asks me to go to the lotus-pond, I shall go there and bring blue lotus To offer at the lotus-feet of the lotus-eyed.10 With a false notion of enhancing the dignity of the theme of the Ramayana an artificial language imitating the contemporary style of a highly pedantic character has been adopted by the rural composers of these folkdramas. Though secular in character RSma-Y&trS was generally performed during the great Bengali festival Durga Puji in the Autumn, Ramachandra's worshipping of Durga or Caijtfl being its main theme. But it failed to develop any artistic excellence either in performance or in literary composition. Moreover, with its secularization and loss of devotional sentiment it lost its appeal among the people. (ii) Sriram-Panchali Panchali is also a form of folk drama in which the characters do not put on costumes as in Rama-Yatra. The characters appear in different roles with plain dress. It is not the Ramayana alone which is adopted as its theme. Though the Ramayana predominates, yet the Mahabharata, the Bhagavata and the other Puranas also provide themes for this purpose. Besides, local and popular legends are also adopted. There is no literary text for these socalled dramas; they have developed out of oral tradition only all the participants being un-lettered or half-literate. The absence 10
Tarakanath Gangopadhyaya, Svarnalata (Ed. Asutosh Bhattacharyya.) Calcutta, 1963, p. 95.
Oral Tradition of the Rftmftyaoa in Bengal
611
of costumes or any artificial make-up is well compensated by wide use of varieties of music, both vocal and instrumental. Prose dialogues are avoided in the performances and the theme progresses only through vocal music which are of less narrative character. The same person may play the role of many characters and can represent both men and women in his own plain dress and plain voice. It is only the vocal music which is concerned here. There is no acting, no dance, not even the show of them anywhere in the play. The quality of the performance is judged by the music only. Here is a scene from a Panchali on the theme of the Ramayaya. Lakshmafla returns ot Ayodhya after abandoning Slta at the hermitage of Valmiki and here is the dialogue performed through vocal music on this theme between Rama and Lakshmaga. Rama:
Tell me O Lakshmapa, where have you left the chaste Slta, I shall pacify myself listening to the news of her.
Lakshmapa: At your behest I in haste left the chaste Slta. In exile, while I returned I failed to turn at her. Flows of tears which I could not bear were coming of her eyes. Rama:
O what a cruel heart thou possess, O Lakshmana! Did you not feel pain at thy cruel action? I might be a lunatic, why thyself became the same? Tell me, O Lakshmapa, what an act have you done!
Lakshmapa: Even the hell will refuse to punish me. There will be no place even there for me. I abandoned her for whom once I died. Who else can perform an act sinful like this?11 The pathos of the song is well expressed by the vocalists. (iii) Rimayana Ballet12 A form of masked dance-drama popularly known as Chhau (from Sanskrit Chhadma meaning disguise) based on the theme of a 11
Vangiya Loka-Samgit Ratnakar, op.9 cit., Vol. Ill, p. 1069. For detailed study of R&m&yaga Ballet in Bengal, see Asutosk Bbattaeharyya, Chhau Dance ofPurulia (Calcutta, 1972, published by Rabindim Bharati University). 11
612
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
popular form of the Ramayaria is prevalent over the border district* of West Bengal adjoining Bihar. It has two other styles and forms, one in the Mayurbhanja District of Orissa and the other in Seraikella in Bihar. But in West Bengal only, it is thematic and the Ramayaga from the beginning to the end provides its theme. Only in the course of the last five years this form of dance earned international reputation. The present author read a paper on this subject at th c First International Ramayaija Seminar held in Indonesia in 1971 and in the following year he was invited to visit Western Europe with a troupe and to perform the dance-drama in England, France, Holland and Spain for one and a half months. This year (1975) he was invited to visit U.S.A. and Canada with the same troupe for more than two months. It has been acclaimed everywhere as a unique form of Indian Dance not known before. The present author has had the good luck to "discover" it only a decade back in some tiny villages of West Bengal on her Western Border districts isolated by natural barriers. It has since been revived from a decaying state of existence. The main feature of the dance is its masks which are made by papier mache by the rural artisans locally. Elaborate costumes befitting each character, male, female and animal, are put on along with the mask in the course of the dance. Musical instruments of two pieces of drums, one small and one big, occasionally with a shenai or pipe instrument are played in the background of the dance The Ramayana divided into different scenes is performed throughout Occasionally over certain areas where the performance has beer modernized the scenes of the Mahabharata and Bhagavata also have been adopted. But in more conservative areas the Ramayaria is the only theme. Three different communities contribute to the performance; firstly the Munda, who are aboriginals of ProtoAustraloid group, the Dom, the scheduled caste Hindus and the Sutradhar or the artisan class of caste Hindus. The Muntfas are basically the dancers, the Doms are the drummers and the Sutradhar* are the mask-makers. They all live in the same area covered by the districts of Purulia, Bankura and Midnapur in West Bengal and Singhbhum in Bihar. It is apparent that the dance was originally a wrar dance. Due to subsequent Hindu influence the them? of the Ramayarta has entered into it.
Oral Tradition of the Mmftyaoa in Bengal
613
(iv) Puppet Drama A popular form of the Rdmayana having its origin in oral tradition is also performed in West Bengal through the various forms of puppet drama that still exist in this country in the rural areas. They are mainly the rod puppet and the marionette puppet. Though both of them adopt themes from the classics like the Makabharata and the Bhagavata, yet the theme of the Ramayapa predominates. In the rod puppet shows, life-size puppets are made by means of wood and the performers carry them on their shoulders having concealed themselves behind a thick screen. They speak the dialogue in prose, poetry and vocal music on behalf of the characters represented by each puppet. Sometimes it is a whole night performance in the villages and the entire Rdmayana is performed in one night. But parts of the Rdmayana are also performed when situation so demands. There are professional parties which are engaged by the villagers on any festive occasion. There is no written text of the dramas performed. The theme is traditional and the dialogue is committed to memory from the earlier performers orally. In between the episodes of the Ramayapa sometimes relief scenes of secular nature are introduced. They represent snake-charmers, scavengers, drunkards etc. They have different songs befitting their character A snake charmer sings: I am the snake charmer of the Maharaja. I am very qualified, I can catch snakes. By hundreds, by thousands, full of deadly venom I am the snake charmer of the Maharaja13. A puppet representing the character of a snake-charmer with basket of snakes, is made to dance and make movement of hands and waist artificially to the great entertainment of the unsophisticated spectators. Sometimes the serious characters of the Rdmayana are overshadowed by such secular characters in such performances. |S
Vangtya LobhSwngit Ratnakar, pp., Cit.§ Vol. m, p. 1174.
614
The Ramayana Tradition in A*U
The marionette type of puppets are smaller in size and are made by torn pieces of cloth. They are very flexible and are manipulated by threads or strings on a small stage covered on three sides and open only in the front facing the audience. The Ramayaya is the basic theme of such performances. There are less prose or poetry dialogues and vocal music predominates in it, (v) Kushane In North Bengal generally covering the districts of Jalpaiguri and Coochbehar there is a folk entertainment known as Kushane. It is entirely based on the theme of the Ramayana. The word Kushane is supposed to have been derived from the word Ku6a9 son of Rama, and one of the two musical reciters or rather expounders of the Ramayana. A stringed folk instrument known as Bena is played throughout the performance which is mainly based on dance and vocal music. The theme of the Ramayana is narrated with music and on the background of the narration. Ku§a, now a boy dressed as a girl, performs dance. Sometimes in order to attribute a spectacular character to the dance the number of dancers is increased. Only very recently girls instead of boys are also being employed as dancers to give the group a more attractive look. D. Oral Ramayana Two cases of the entire theme of the Ramayana being transmitted orally are also known. One is known as the Chandravatfs Ramayana and the other is known as Mwyia Ramayana. The former is widely sung by the women of East Bengal during occasion like birth of a child in a family, sacred thread ceremony of the Brahmin families and mainly during marriage ceremony. It is supposed to have been orally composed by a poetess ChandravatI who in her lonely life of celebacy used to worship the great God Siva and composed the Ramayaria, Parts of it have so far been collected and it seems that it has followed a different tradition from Valmiki's. Some of the incidents described by her are also available in the Ramayaiia current in Malaysia and Thailand.
Oral Tradition of the RfimftyaQa in Bengal
615
According to her, Rama had a sister named Kakuya. She provoked Ramacandra to send Slta to exile. This incident occurs in the Malaysian and Thai RamayaQa also. Chandravati's RamayaQa being composed by a sad and lonely woman has laid emphasis on sentiment of pathos instead of on the heroic. Therefore, it is liked by the women who are mainly responsible for keeping it alive in memory even to this day. According to Chandravati's Ramayapa there is a story behind why Janaka declared to give his daughter in marriage to a person who could raise the bow of Siva. One day, Janaka asked SItft to clean his place of daily worship by means of cowdung. The bow of £iva was placed nearby and Slta in the course of cleaning the place raised the bow by her left hand and cleaned the place which was covered by it. Nobody could do it before. When Janaka entered to offer worship during mid-day he was surprised to find the place beneath the bow cleaned. He wanted to know of Slta as to who had done that. Slta admitted that it was she who did it. On this Janaka declared that he would give his daughter in marriage only to a person who could raise the bow of Siva by his hand. There are several stories told on the birth of Ku$a, one of the twin sons of Slta. The story as told in Chandravati's RamayaQa is as follows: One day Slta was going to fetch water from the river and left her only son Lava under the care of Valmiki. But the old poet was unmindful and the little Lava followed his mother to the bank of the river unnoticed by Valmiki. When all of a sudden Valmiki came to realise that Lava was not there he could not understand what had happened of him. He immediately made a model of Lava by means of Ku§a-grass and infused life into it. Slta returned from the river with her son Lava and was surprised to see another boy exactly of the feature of Lava. Valmiki realised his mistake and offered to Slta the newly made child and asked her to adopt it as her son. He is known as KuSa because he was created of Kufe-grass.
€16
The Ramayana Tradition in Aiia
The Munfa Ramayana is also orally transmitted and is preserved in memory by the tribal people living over the border areas of West Bengal. The tribes include Santhal, Munga, Bhuiya, all speaking a MuQtfa group of tribal language. This is obviously the result of Hindu influence on these tribes who live not only as neighbour* but even among the Hindus. They have adopted the entire theme of the Ramayana in their own language, though most of them are bi-lingual. They have their own way of entertaining themselves by musical performance of the theme. In the course of the performance they use a stringed instrument known in their own language as Kendri. One leads the music and the rest repeat. This way they perform during the whole night. It has been rendered into a narrative song.
RAMAYANA IN ORIYA LITERATURE & ORAL TRADITION By NILAMANI MISHRA
The Rdmayana is the holy scripture and Rama its legend ry hero. The Rdmayana as sung by the immortal sage Valmlki has had its impact at the various levels of society. It has grown deep into the structure of our social life. It is reflected in the legends, day-to-day conversation, customs and beliefs. The Rdmayana is a holy resort of the old and devout in Orissa and it is a common sight in almost all the villages to listen to the recital of the Rdmayana. People are very often moved to tears when R&ma has to leave for forest, when Sita has to be abandoned and so on. The very name Rama stands for justice, purity, truthfulness, dutifulness and other virtues. That the very utterance of the holy name Rama saves people from the mundane life is the belief still current in Orissa as elsewhere. Rama in tradition There is no place left in Orissa which has not received the magic touch of Rama, It has become a habit to associate places, forests, hills and rivers with the incidents of Rdmayana. In the district of Phulbani in Orissa there is a hill named Rdmagiri about which there are many legends prevalent among the local people. It is identified a? the same place which has found mectior in Mcghaduta of Kalidasa. Koraput District abounds in such places which have some coitnection with the descriptions in the Rdmayana. People draw similarity between the existing Chitraku^ia Hill with Chitrakufa of Rdmdyapa and Malkangiri with Mdlyavanta. People believe that Ramachardra had offered puja to GupteSvar during his forest-life; this is near Jeypore, in Koraput district. The rivers Taperu and Arkeil in Koraput district still bear many memorable episodes of Sita. In Keonjhar district there is a place called Sttdbinji famous for Ajanta style mural paintings. There, a small streamlet flows by, which is called Sitapari and there is also a hillock which is said to be the store-house of Sita.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
At the foot of Ushakothi hills in the district of Sundargark there is a small village called Lakshma^apa where Lakgmaga used to live when Rama and Sita spent some days on the hill-top. There are oven-shaped marks and white lines on the hills which are believed to have been used by Sita as kitchen. In Southern Orissa there are two fruits which are called Rama-phala, Rama-fruit and Slta-phala, Sita-fruit. People believe that these two were used mostly by Rama and Sita during their forest-exile. In the rural life, people draw a similarity between a house-wife neglected by her husband and Sita who had practically suffered in her separation. People also called a chaste woman Sita, The sincerity and faithfulness of Lak$maga towards his elder brother Ramachandra is also reflected in the social life of Orissa. Brothers in a joint family living happily are termed as Rama and Lakjmaija. A step-mother or a woman with quarrelsome bert of mind is named as Kaikeyl who created havoc in the life of Rama* chandra. Twin brothers are named LavakuSa after the twin SOPS of Sita. A faithful follower is very often teimed Bharata or Hanuman. A lady who gets married to her brother-in-law (the younger brother of her husband) is nicknamed Mandodarl. The treacherous role of Vlbhi$ai>a is also not left out. He who plays a dubious role in the family is named Vibhlgaga. Ramayana in Art Modern Orissa which was known as Kalinga and Utkal in ancient times has a glorious tradition in art. The very names justify the fact. Innumerable monuments, temples, caves have dotted almost the whole landscape of Orissa. The different kings and emperors who have reigned the land have a special fascination towards temple-buildirg. The great temples of Lingaraj, Puri, Konark, Rajarani are unique for heir exquisite sculptural wealth and beautiful carvings of unparalleled monumental grandeur. Khandagiri and Udayagiri in the outskirts of the new capital have the earliest representation of Rdmayava-episode in relief panels. Though no mention of Rama has been made by the historians who have dealt with it so far, we can safely attribute the panel depicting a man with bow in hand chasing a fleeing antelope to the RamayaQa-episode of Rama pursuing Marlca.
jUfcmiyaoatoOriya Literature
619
Then the history of Orissa lapses into a period of which no concrete accounts are available. It rises again to vigour with the construction of the temples Lakskma#e£var9 Bharateivar and Satrughnehar during the hegemony of Mathar and Sailcdbhavas. On the lintel of Satrugkne&xar, there is a carving of Rdvapanugraha. The theme has been taken from Ramayarya. Ravaija being immersed in his devotion to Siva, prays to the lord to leave the abode of Kailasa and come to Lanka. But the Lord refuses and Rava?a out of fury lifts the Kailasa mountain. Parvati in panic gets hold of Siva's neck, GaijeSa, Karttikeya and other followers of Siva, with arms on, rush to givefightto Ravapa. The whole episode beautifully carved with consummate skill, is a memorable treasure of Orissan plastic art. SurvaQajalegvar built in 8th century contains fine panels of the Ramaya$a. On the northern and western facades of the temple are depicted the scenes of Mayamrga, the duel between Sugrlva and Vali and R&ma and Sugrlva in discussion. The carvings are vivid; the detail of Rama shooting at Vali from behind a tree and the terrified gesture of the antelope in the Mayamrga panels especially draw our attertion. There is the depiction of a monkey panel which is identified as the Vanarasena of Ramacandra in the Jagamohan of Lingaraj temple. Besides the temples at Bhubaneswar, the Barahl temple built during the Somavamft rule in the village Chourasi or the bank of the celebrated river Prachl contains Ramayapa-episodes in its Jagamohan. The ManikeSvar temple in the district of Cuttack has also representation of the Ramdya$a-$cenc, Rama's return to Ayodhya. Sirghauath temple has also carvings of the Ramayariastory. Contemporary to the Sun temple at Konark, the Somanath temple in the village of Vishrupur of Puri District has attractive panels in bas-relief of the RamayaQa-episode. After the culmination of the artistic achievements in the lyrical forms of Konark, Orissa experienced worst time with foreign invasions and weak successors. The worthy artists of Orissa could not take the risk of open display on the walls of temples and turned to palm-leaf miniatures.
C20
rhc Ramayana Tradition in Ash
Although a majority of the manuscript-illustrations depict KrishnaWa, the jtfmajwpa-narrations are not left out. VaidehlSa VilSsa composed by the celebrated poet of Orissa, Kavi Samraf Upendra Bhcmja, where lines ip stanzas begin with Oriya 4 Va y and * Ba \ has beautiful depictions in pure indigenous style. The other pothis Ramabhi$eka and Ramallla also have illustrations of the Ramayana which have become rare today. Apart from the manuscripts, the Ramayana-themes have appeared in /wtf/a-paintings which is a very old style of painting in Orissa. It is presumed that like Tibetan banners, these pa\\apaintings were used as a medium of preaching different religions at different periods of history. ' Like Krishnallla stories, Ramajwpa-episodes are also the favourite subjects with the traditional painters. The Virifichmarayafla temple at Buguda in the district of Ganjm has murals on the walls in pure Odissi style. Following the VaidehlSa Vilasa of Upendra Bhafija the painters have painted the scenes of Mayamfga, Saptatala Vedha, Balivadha, Rama-RavanaYuddha etc. on the wall. These are quite unique for their narrative value and indigenous style. Orissa villages with thatched mud houses have mural paintings on the walls with white powder. The Oriya house-wife is no less an artist; she paints the scenes of Ranta-vivaha, Rama, Lak§maija and Slta etc. on the wall in a unique fashion. The Orissa State Museam has two huge temple hangings in Kahmkari style depicting the battle-scene between Rama and Ravafla. These paintings are old and have very interesting forms and colour. Apart from the paintings, many old buildings, temples and Mafias in Orissa have wooden carvings in the fashion of stone-bas relief contemporary in time. The Mafhas and temples in Orissa housing the deities of Rama, Lak§maija and Sita have wood carvings of /Jamfiyjpa-themes, on the door jambs, doors, porticos and pavilions. The deities Rama, Lakgmaoa and Sita placed inside the temples for worship have also artistic workmanship. The Raghunatha temple in Odagaon in Puri District and the Badachhatamath,
iUm&yaoa in Oriya Literature
621
Chhaunimath, Sanachhata math, Papadia Math, Kausalyadas Math, Panjabi Math, Neuldas Math, Angila chrata Math, Bada Akhada Math, Nirmohi Math, Nirvani Baithak, Mahanirvani Baithak, Niralambi Baithak, Bibhuti Baithak, Balagandichhata Math, Manirama Math, Ghumusar Math, Sundardasa Math, Badasantha Math in Puri town. Haridakhandi Math in district of Ganjam, Raghunathji temple in Jijpur town, Koraput district, Sri Ramaswami Math near the Mahendra Tanaya River in Paralakhemundi, Ramaswami Math in Junagada, Kalahandi District and several other Maths and temples have beautiful images which, from the artistic point of view, are of considerable interest. Ramayana in Sanskrit Literature: Sanskrit is the fountain-head of all regional languages in India. The regional languages have been influenced by the lyricism and brevity of Sanskrit. When the Rama-theme got a place in Sanskrit, the regional languages reflected it in their own style and compositions. Sanskrit literature had its beginnings in Orissa in the fourth centur> A.D. but the writings of this period do rot contain the Ram -theme. The first major work dealing with Ramayana is the Auargharaghava Nafaka of Murari Mi§ra. The poet is reputed for his new style, new adopations highlighting the places of importance in Orissa in his pla>. Composed in a highly pedantic style, the demand of the age, the poet has made reasonable departures. He has brought in seveial characters and changes to establish the jealousy and vengeance of Ravafla and his plot to rob Sita. He plans to send not only Rama but also Slta and Lak§muna to the forest right from Mithila without their returning to Ayodhya. The Anargharaghava is a full play in seven sets on the Ramayana. Murari is succeeded in the field by Narayaija Satkavi of 11th century, a native of Samalpur. To his credit he had a poem (Kivya) Ramabhyudaya. The subsequent period in Orissa saw the most celebrated post Jayadeva. He has a reference to Rama in his famous Glta Govida. Rama had been described as the seventh incarnation in his Daiavatara-stuti.
622
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Visvanatha Kaviraja, the author of the Sahityadarpa^a figures next in the field of Sarskrit literature. Raghaxavilasa is his contributiop to Sanskrit Rama-literature. With Visvanatha closes the last chapter of Ganga rule in Orissa. On the advent of Solar (Surya) Dynasty, we come across a number of brilliant poets. The second Gajapati Puru$ottamdeva is credited with a number of poems which in reality were composed by his court poets, Kavichandra Ray Divakara Mtera, Kavtadra Markajtfeya Misra etc. Janakl Pramoda is a play written by Divakara Migra and dedicated to the name of Puru$ottamadeva. Markagtfeya Migra has another Kavya Dasagrlva-vadha on the full Ramayapa with the Uttarakan
Klmayaoa in Oriya Literature
•*»
This work has so close a resemblance to Jayadeva's that $itikan$ha makes the same kind of beginning with a prayer to DaiSvatSra. Like the Meghaduta, Tarka Vacaspati Madhusudan has a kavya Hanumat sandega belonging to the early 20th certury. This poet has very wisely imbibed the spirit of Meghaduta but to strike a novelty has made a reverse approach. Instead of sending message to SIta, Hacuman carries the news of the grief-stricken SIta, to Ramacandra. The contemporary poet Pandit Sudartan Pathi's PadukSvijaya on Ramakatha is also a work worth mentioning. Ramiyana in Oriya Parana: Oriya writings and compositions reached to a much developed rtage during the period of the Solar Dynasty. It gained both patronage and popularity. The common people opted for more easily understandable Oriya writings than for pedantic Sanskrit works. This age witnessed three stalwarts whose contributions are still very much endeared by the Oriya people. First among the trio is Sarala Das, famous as the poet of Mahabharata ir each and every Oriya home. He has also composed a Ramaya^a known as Sapta Kanda Ramayana, Castdt Pura*a, and Vilahka Ramaya&x, Sarala Das, devoid of any formal education, is said to have been in the regiment of Gajapati Kapilendra Deva. He participated in several battles fought in southern tracts, the reflections of which are found in his compositions. The poet is quite a visionary and in order to make his writings more popular and acceptable by the common people, he has brought into his compositions, a number of imaginary characters. But the assimilation is so perfect, that these rather add to the beauty and novelty of his compositions. The social customs, prevalent in Orissa, cultural traits, the rivers, mountains, forests and places of the land found mention in his writings. This arouses a sort of national consciousness and common acceptance in Orissa. Very ably he has incorporated a portion of Ramayana to meet a query of Yudhisthira by the sage Markandeya. In his Mahabharata, in a nutshell, he has narrated the whole of Ramayana stretching from the birth of Bhaglratha to the return of Ramacandra from Lanka to Ayodhya. His treatment of the subject of Dasaratha not having a son follows the account as given by Kalidasa in RaghuvarHia in the case of Dillpa. A reader without access to
CM
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Raghuvamia will take this as a piece of originality in Sarala Das. The dialogue at the meeting of Rama with Parugurama while returning from Mithila with the newly wedded SIta shows also a novelty in the treatment of Sarala Das. The introduction of a combat with Kubuja the demon, before the above party entering Ayodhya in their journey is a very interesting episode not to be found in other compositions. These imaginative introductions have enhanced the importance of this Ramayaria and placed it on a different footing from that of the other writings of this class. Sarala Das's Vilanka Ramayana has been very much irfluenced by the Adbhuta Ramayana. The Adbhuta Ramayaria has a peculiar theme wherein Rama has to take it as a challenge to kill Sahasragira Ravaija (Ravana with thousand heads) in order to prove his valour. He is prompted to undertake such an endeavour on Slta's denouncement of his bravery and virtues. But at the end Rama accepts the defeat at the hands of SIta who ultimately apf ears on the battle-front to kill Sahasra&ra Ravaqa. The Orissa State Museum has in its collectior, a manuscript Samkfipta Ramayana ascribed to Sarala Das, but from the style of writing and the use of language, it is presumed thai some other writer has given the name of Sarala Das as the author of the work to enjoy the popularity of the celebrated poet. Balarama Das is remembered daily by the devout Oriya people for his immortal Jagamohan Ramayana. There is not a single village in Orissa from where atleast a hundred set of Balarama Das's Ramayana cannot be had. It is like the Bible in each and every Oriya ho me. Balarama Das flourished in the 16th century at a critical period when the b"ahmin dominance was a stumbling block to all endeavours in Oriya language. He sustained the wrath of the pandits but his magnanimous personality overcame the initial oppositions and Balarama Das shone brighter in his writings. His association with £rl Caitanya is a memorable incident in his career. His popularity helped to draw nearer a still greater man Jagannath Das, the architect of Oriya Bhagavaia. As providence would have in, Balarama Das initiated Jagannath Das at the behest of £rl Caitanya and this enhanced the name and fame of the poet to a great extent.
Rftm&yaQa in Oriya Literature
425
Jagamohan Ramayana is not a carbon copy of Valmlki Ramayana. Balarama Das's vision has moved in novel creations making his work a striking one. In Vanavas Prakarafl, Balarama Das's love for his land has brought Ramacandra to Chandrabhaga, Konark, Ramchagtfi Bhubaneswar, Puri, Belesvar, Rishikulya etc. In Ki§kindha kantfa, the insertion of the story of the Crane is his new creation. The contribution of an insignificant squirrel in construction of the Setu (Bridge) to Lanka is a very interesting episode in the Sundara Kantfa. The lines on the back of the squirrel are left over when Rama patted the little animal out of love for its help. Balarama Das's description of battles resembles very much the prevalent practice of warfare during the period of Solar dynasty. We come across a story of 'Santha Panda* in Jagamohan Ramayana which anticipates the episode of Satl Anusuya. Balarama Das in Lanka Kantfa has given interesting origins of two very minor things. Mushroom is attributed to the broken umbrellas (Chatra) and the Ramtali or Dasakathia (a folk musical instrument) is traced to the Ravaija's court orchestra. Balarama Das has given a very vivid picture of Orissa's culture, customs and manners, food-habits, fairs and festivals in his composition. Very aptly he has described the ornaments of Sita as was customary in Orissa, without following Valmlki Ramayana. Jagamohan Ramayaria very aptly deserves the status of a national Puraija, which, in fact, it is with the Oriyas today. The Jagamohan Ramayana is popularly known as Dakfhini Ramayana in Southern Orissa (Districts of Ganjam, Koraput, Phulbani). Investigations reveal that the subsequent authors who copied the Jagamohan Ramayapa have made some minor variations in the order of the incidents. But on the whole it preserves the spirit of the original one. Balarama Das has another creditable work Ramacartitavali. Jagannatha Das, the last of the trio, popular for his Oriya Bhagayata% also composed a Ramayana which can be ascertained from $rt Jagannatha Caritamrta of poet Divakara Das, a disciple of
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Jagannatha Das's philosophical order. Dr. Vijayachandra Majumdar mentions in his 'Typical selections from Oriya literature' that Jagannatha Das composed his Ramayaria just before the advent of Sri Caitanya in Orissa. Since the language and style of the text as handed down do not agree with the time, it will be proper to infer that much of the original text of Jagannatha Das's working had been lost at the hands of the subsequent generations of copyists. Yet Jagannatha Das's Ramayana is a beautiful work. Markandeya Das, a contemporary of Saraia Das, is known in Orissa as the poet of KeSava Koili. He has also composed a Ramayana Mahabhasa, following in the footsteps of Valmlki. The Da&agrlva-vadha is a Sanskrit work prior to the composition of his Oriya works. Mahabhasa begins with a dramatic approach. Kailasapati narrates to ParvatI the stories of the Ramayana. During the discourse ParvatI falls asleep and Mahadeva's discourse receives response from a parrot on the treetop. When the fact is revealed Mahadeva, out of rage, chases the parrot. But it escapes and moves from place to place singing the •lory of the Ramayana. Varanidhi Das is the author of Vilanka Ramayaria. The theme has a little variation. Vibhi§ana, in order to get a trouble-free throne after the death of Ravana prays to Rama to kill SahasraSira Ravana, a friend of Ravana. Considering the style, language and the feeling of the writing, it can be presumed that the impact of Jagamohan Ramayana is very much on the author. Some opine that this work is of Balarama Das who might have been otherwise known as Varanidhi Das or some disciple of that great poet might have dedicated the volume to his teacher. MaheSvara Das, follows Saraia Das in style and content of the Rama-theme. His work Tika Ramayaria, or Ramayana in short, is a much adored book. The poet has made use of ancient style and words, and his rendering of tragic incidents are heart-rending. Haladhara Das was related to the family of Raja Mukunda Deva. He has written Adhyatma Ramayana in his old age. He has adopted the popular metre of the Oriya Bhagavata. His composition is very lucid and simple. He is also a renowned translator and his works are read with love throughout Orissa.
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Haladhara Das's translation of the Adhyatma Ramayarta is dynamic and lyrical and his is the major contribution to Oriya literature. Mahadeva Das, a disciple of Jagannatha Das is a renowned poet. He has completed the unfinished Bhagavata of his master. Apart from his other works-K/spi/ Kesari Purapa, Kdrtika-mahatmya, EkadaSl Mahatmya, he has a Ramayana which finds mention in Hunter's writings. But not a single copy is yet available. Gopala Das, a resident of Andhra employed in the regiment of Raja Ajit Singh (18th century), is another translator of Adhyatma Ramayana. His comparative scanty knowledge of Sanskrit forced him to go in for an imaginary composition rather than an exact translation. Balak Ram Das is the follower of Ramdasa, who is credited with Ramabhakti Ratnavali (a Sanskrit work), settled at Chikiti in Ganjam when his Guru, the Mahant of Rajasthan, died on his way to Rameivar. Balakram Das translated the Sanskrit Rama Bhakti Ratnavali into Oriya which is still unpublished. Kavichandra Narahari is the court poet of Raja Jayasingh (of Dharakote in Ganjam District). He has also translated the Adhyatma Ramayana of Gafigaram Das of Ayodhya into Oriya which is prevalent in Southern Orissa. Kr§nacandra Rajendra, the famous royal poet, has translated faithfully the Valmlki Ramayarta under the title *Ar$a Ramayana'. Pitambara Das is famous as the poet of Oriya Nrsimha Purapa; the whole story of Ramayana stretching from the origin of Solar Dynasty till the last days of Rama has been inserted in the seventh chapter of Nrsimha Purdna which is a voluminous work. Suryamani Chau Patnaik, a great scholar, has also translated Adhyatma Ramayarta into Oriya along with poetic compositions like Ghumusara Raja Vamiavali etc. Krishnacharan Patnaik is the able Dewan of worthy Raja Krishna Singh (of Dharakote in Ganjam Dist.). Both have been influenced by each other in the field of writing. Krishnachandran Patnaik has translated the Valmlki Ramayana into Oriya. Kc&iva Tripathy is a poet with originality. He has a Ramayana popularly called Purina Ramaycna which is neither a copy of Valmiki nor one that follows Jagamohan Ramayana of Balarama Das. He has instead of seven Kansas or divisions, made ten
42S
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
divisions of his work, dealing elaborately with the subject-matter without affecting the spirit of the theme. He has vividly described the Rasallla (love play) of Rftma and SIta on the banks of river Sarayu. He belongs to the former state of Mahuri in the district of Ganjam. SItacaraga Das, a disciple of Balaram Das, belongs to Jalantara. He has three works—Bhaktirasar^ava Ramayana, Ramagunasagara and Ramarasamrta Ramayana, Apart from these three, he has also another Ramakavya, Janakl&avilasa. KapileSvara Vidyabhu§aija is a resident of the famous monumental town, BhubaneSvar—He has evinced considerable interest in getting the unpublished works to limelight by translating the Sanskrit works into Oriya. His works are Kapila Samhita, Svarriddri Mahodaya, Saivagama, Sivapurana and Valmlki Ramayarta. Besides the poets already mentioned here, we have still a galaxy of poets credited with works on the Ramayaria. The VSlmlki Ramayana of Fakirmohan Senapati, Ramayana of Bhagavata Prasad Das, Valmlki Ramayapa of Ratnakar Garga atu. Vichitravilanka of Gopinath Kar, Vilankarasamfta of Caitanyaguru, Ramarasamrta of Bipracharan Das, Ramayaria of Krishna Siogh, Ramayaria of Kiipasindhu Das, Lavakuia-upakhyan of Ramakrishna Rath, Mohana Ramayana of Balakrishna Kar, Adhyaima Ramayana of Parikshita Das, Bala-Ramayana of Madhusudan Rao, Raghundtha-Kirtan of Narasinga Nath, Ramayunasara of Jayaknshra Patnaik, Sarala Ramayaria of Ramachandra Das and Valmlki Ramayana (Prose) of Lingaraj Mishra are available in Orissa. From thefifteenthcentury down to the present day, a number of works have been composed on the Ramayana spreading the glory of Ramakatha far and wide. It is a matter of happy coincidence that a few leaves containing the Oriya translation of Ramacarita Manasa of Tulsi Das have been found in the collection of Orissa State Museum; they appear to be one hundred years* old. The translator of the Manasa, Madhusudan Das, is a Vaishnava and widely travelled man. His incomplete translation contains Ayodhya, Araflyaka, Lanka and Uttara Kafi^as °f the Ramayana. Among the contemporary poets, Svapnegvara Das, Jagabandhu Mahajratra, Vikramadeva
Rftmftyaoa in Oriya Literature
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Verma, Triuatha Mishra, Lokha Prasad Das, Rajkishore Kauungo have set their hands at the translation of the Ramacharita Manasa. Oriya Ramakavya: We have so far discussed the Rama S&hitya as written in the Pararjic forms. We also saw the original works on the Ramatheme. The exact translations of Valmlki Ramaya^a into Oriya and translations with creative additions, so far done in Orissa have also been noticed. Rama has been portrayed as an Oriya hero in the social and cultural settings of Orissa in the writings of Sarala Das, Balarama Das and Kesava Tripathi and other Oriya authors. Oriya Kavyas also made their beginnings along with Puianas in Orissa. So far the Ram^-Puraijas were written mostly in Dantf; Vytta which can be recited to a common gathering and can also be individually read with ease. Oriya Kavyas are mainly lyrical with musical touch. Jayadeva's monumental Gltagovinda made a great impact on Oriya Kavyas. Now the Oriya Kavyas were composed in lucid styles in different metres. Rama Kavyas written during the period were mainly in the following melodic patterns—Mangala-Gujjari, Kcdara, Ramakeri, Mangala-dhanashree, Gujjari, Nilinigoutfa, Chokhi, Mangala, Bibhasa Gujjari etc. Oriya Rama kavyas are grouped as given bMow for convenience of study. Chhanda Chhanda is an important aspect of Oriya Kavya composed in metres. Unlike works based on 'Matra Chhandas', Oriya Kavyas have adopted the tradition of Aksharachhandas. Poet Arjuna Das's Rama Vibha Kavya is the pioneering work in Oriya literature. The content of the bsok is the sum of a discourse on Ramayana between Yudhi$thira and Sage Markag^eya from Tatfaka Vadha, marriage of Rama and his return to Ayodhyfc with SLa, composed in 12 chhandas. Rama Vibha is written in the early years of 16th century A.D. Dhanafljaya Bhafija is the royal poet of the former State Ghumsara in Ganjam District.
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The Ramayana Tradition in ASIA
His Sri Rama-Vilasa is a Mahakavya with all the characteristic and specified descriptions needed for the purpose. Poet Dhanafijaya Bhafija's descriptions are unique and his composition lyrical and couched in rhyming words. Kanhu Das, popularly known as Kanhai Das of Ganjam District is the poet of Rama-rasamrta-sindhu. The kavya is divided into 108 chapters, each containing 108 stanzas. The poet admits in Uttarkaijtfa that he has followed Hanumannafaka of the version of Madhusudana Migra in his work* NilakaQtha Das's Kavya Ramarcana Candrika is a voluminous work containing fifty-two chapters. The work in addition to RamakathS includes the nine modes of Bhakti and the description of Rama's mode of worship. Poet Nllakagtha Das has styled himself as Rama's Dasa. He has given a unique information about the origin of Solar dynasty which is not mentioned either in Valmlki Ramayana or in any other works. Upendra Bhaftj is the renowned poet of Orissa who is very much esteemed by the contemporary poets; he is a worthy heir of Bhaiija family of Ghumusara in Ganjam District. Bhafija has dominated his age with his erudite writings. His poems vibrate with a rare lyricism and are very much on the lips of all ranging from the aristocratic prince and to the poor peasant. He is gifted with a rare talent of coining words, highlighting the rhyming beauty of the stanzas. Following a coup, in the Bhafija family, the father of Upendra Bhafija, Nilakafltha Bhafija, had to give up the hope of the ancestral throne. Though born with a silver spoon, Upendra Bhafija has to retire to Nayagarh and lived there. Upendra Bhafija was a talented poet even in his early days. Being inspired by his grandfather Dhr.fijr.ya Bhafija, Upendra composed his work £rt Ramlllamjta which elevated him to poetic fame. Ramalllamrta deals with the Adikafl4a °f Ramayana containing the episodes of Rama's going to forest with Vigvamitra. Tatf kavadha, the protection of the Yajfia, Ahalya-Uddhar, Sivadhanur Bhanga, Slta-Vivaha, and return to Ayodhya. The young poet Upendra has given his masterly touches while describing the beauty of Slta, the arrangements of the Svayamvara, etc. He has adopted fourteen different modes such as Mangal Gujjari, Ramakeri, Basant, Chokhi, KJyan, Ahari etc. This he has composed during his short stay at his own State capital.
Rimftyaoa in Oriya Literature
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Then a different Upendra of a more determined spirit, devoid of royal obligations, plunged himself into writings at Nayagarh seeking protection at the feet of Rama, with the holy Rama Taraka Mantra on his lips. Among his notable works, Lavayyavatl, Koti-brahmaridla Sundari, Premasudhanidhi, Rasalekha, Suvar$arekha, BhavavatU Rasikaharavail, Kalakautuka, Subhadraharana aid Dasapoi. We come across four works on Rama-theme—Ramalilamrta, Sholavoi Avanarasataranga and Vaidehtia Vilasa. Avanarsatarahga is an interesting composition of Upendra involving great skill. Though the form, is not totally new, still it is not an ordinary thing to go in far such an elaborate kavya with twelve chapters in twelve popular meters. Here the words do not bear any Svaramatra. Avanarasataranga contains vivid description of love-stricken Rama in the absence of Sita. The longings of Rama for Sita heighten at the tender touch of cool winds. Rama prays to the cloud to communicate his feelings to Sita. Upendra Bhafija's Vaidehtia Vilasa is a landmark in creative composition. Legend goes that he went in for this when his purely imaginative works Lavartyavatl was not recognised at Varanasi. The poet took the composition of Vaidehtia Vilasa, Kalakautaka, and Subhadraharana as a challenge when he was called upon to prove his worth as against the fame of Krishna Das Bada Jena at the Mukti Mandapa of Jagannath temple, Puri. Upendra did prove his worth and was crowned with the title * Ka\i Samrat \ a much coveted recognition of that time He belonged to the 18th cent A.D.) Vaidehtia Vilasa begins each stanza with k Wa * throughout its 52 chapters. Upendra is a poet well-versed in jugglery of words, Yamaka, Mala Yamaka, Sarva Yamaka, Maha Yamaka, Vakrokti, Utpreksa, Pratipa, Virodhabhasa and otherfiguresabound in Vaidehtia Vilasa. Upendra Bhanja's Vaidehtia Vilasa made a tremendous impact on his age and on the writers that followed him. Several works were composed with stanzas beginning with a particular word throughout, Satyavadi Das\s Sita Vilasa with ' Sa \ Bhubaneswar Kavicandra's Slteia Vilasa with * Sa \ Rama Das's Raghava Vilasa
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
with •* Ra" and Balaka-Rama Das's Janakiia Vilasa with • Ja '; these are the outstanding works which maintained the style of Kaidehlia Vilasa in their compositions. Kvara Dasa adopted a new technique in his composition Nala Rama Carita. He has beautifully described the episode of both Nala and Rama in alternative chapters. In the context of Vyasa's discourse to Yudhi$thira, the entire Ramayana has been dealt with in Nala-Rama-Carita* The following are the poets whoflourishedin the 18th and 19th centuries A.D. and who have left behind RamayaQa compositions: Dlnanidhi Das with his work Ramaivamedha Yajna, Balukegvar Mardaraj and his work Rama-Vivah, Gopfiiath Rath and his work Ramachandra Vihar; Janardana Dasa and his Raghava-caritamfta; Bipralaksl midhara and his work Angadachitta; Magun Patnaik and his Ramacandra-vihara; Bhagfrathl Das and his $rl Ramav//55fl; Chintamani Das's Sttavivaha; Balukcgu SrichLndan and his Mangala Gtta; Jadum-.ni Mohapatra's Raghava-vilasa; Radhacharan Nayak and his Rasa Ramayapa Manjarl, Seba Das and his Rama-Rahasya deserve mention. Koili " Koili" or the poem written with Koili or cuckoo as the messenger from a love-striken prince to his beloved at far off places is an important aspect of Oriya literature. Kalidasa is the pioneer in setting the Megha (cloud) as the love-messenger. In Oriya, Markafld ya Das is the first poet who is credited with a Koili poem dealing with the Krishna episode. Kama Koili and §rl Rama Koili of Balarama Das are the two works en Rama Katha. In Kama Koili the grief-striken Slta sends her message to §ri Rama and in &rl Rama Koili Kausalya, broods ever Rama's departure to the forest on the eve of his coronation. Kausalya's heart sinks with grief when she narrates the mother's feelings at the departure of her dear son. Poi Poi is a Prakrit form of " Pt.fli " an aspect of Sanskrit Kavya'Poi' is synonymous with 'chapter'. The Pois are in numerical orders, Pancha Poi to Pachlsi Poi. A Poi contains as many chapters
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as has been indicated in the title in such numbers of stanzas. The Shola Poi of Upendra Bhaftja has sixteen chapters, each chapter consisting of sixteen stanzas. Poi is an interesting numerically arranged composition which is normally not found in other regional literatures. Upendra Bhafija is credited with three Pois such as Dasa Poi, Bara Poi and Shola PoL The last mentioned work is on the Rdmayana. The next work Pachisa Poi or 25 chapters is another composition of Govardhji Das. All the twenty-five chapters deals only with Lanka Kantfa. A poem in Chokhi Vftta is appended at the beginning of this work which speaks of the whole of Ramayana in brief. Chautisa Chautisa is another aspect of Oriya Literature. The poem is composed of stanzas beginning with the Oriya consonants from Ka to Ksa. K§a is taken as a letter in the alphabet in Oriya literature. It is called A Chautisa * bearing on the Chautis or thirty-four Oriya letters heading the stanzas. Though works of this type are generally on Krishnalllas, Chautisas on Rama are not negligible, being in hundreds. Narendra Mangaraja's Sltanucarita Chautisa, Bhobani Das's Rama Janma Chautisa, Sadagiva's Vaidehl Chautisa, Vilvan&tha's Ramakrodha Chautisa, £ridhara's Rimadhanurbhanga Chautisa* Lokunatha's Ramasmara^a Chautisa and Rama vilapa Chautisa, Ramananda's Slta Karutyya Chautisa, SaAkara Das's Hanumana Chautisa are works worth mentioning in this class.
Lila is a form of song drama staged under the open sky with the audience sitting around. The characters in Lila throw their dialogues in poetry. The peculiarity of the Lila is that the individual characters announce their entry into the Stage by themselves, for examples, when Hanuman comes to the stage, he announces that Hanuman has come and he has taken his seat on the branches of $im$upa tree. Lllas had their debut in 17th century Orissa. Vigvanatha Khuntia is the pioneer poet whose work " R&malila " has gained fame as Bisi Ramallla in Orissa. Ramalilas are staged mostly in countryside on the occasion of Rama Navami in the month of April and during Durga PQja in October. The later
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Ifee Ramayana Tradition in Atfe
writers on R&malila made much improvement, making it more suitable for the Stage. Raghunath Das of 18th century A.D. composed in a more refined way. He allocated 13 Lllfts or chapters in his work enactable in thirteen nights. These Mas individually deal with different aspects of Ramayapa, such as Birth of Rama, Marriage, Exile, Meeting with Jatayus, Preparation for war, Death of Kumbhakar^a. Death of Ravapa etc. With the growth of popularity of these two works, in nooks and corners of Orissa, poets started writing Ramalilas. The works of the following poets deserve mention in this category: R&malll&s of Krishna Chandra RAjendra, Pltambara Rajendr* Vailya Sada&iva, Bimbadhar S&manta, Brajabandhu Samant, Simhar Vikrama Narendra, Ananga Narendra, Raghunath Singh, Gangadhar Pradhan and Bhikari Patnaik. Yitri Yatra is an old form of play like LI1& staged under the open sky Vaishnaba Pani is the most popular under this kind of play and organiser of Yatra in Orissa. Though Yatra received a set-back at the introduction of modern drama, it is again reviving in Orissa. Writings on Rama-themes of Vaishnaba Pani, Balakrishna Mohanty, Ramachandra Swain, Krishna Prasad Basu, Kshetramohan Panigrahi, Aswini Kumar Ghosh, Kavichandra Kalicharan Patnaik. N&tyacharya Raghunath Panda are widely staged in Orissa. Bhajana Orissa abounds in temples and maths dedicated to R&ma Devout people are also no less in Orissa. Poets, to satisfy the religious craving of the Oriya people, have also composed several Bhajana* in Oriya. Bhajana in Orissa are in chaupai form which is also prevalent in Hindi literature. Orissa saw the advent of modern age in Oriya literature towards the last part of 19th century. Though the poets and writers aimed at modern themes, Rama Katha was not totally left out as a result of which writings on Rama are not meagre in modern Oriya literature Arkavamiavatamsa of Govinda Das, Janakl Vallabha VilSsa of
MmftyaQa in Oriya Literature
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Gokulananda Patnaik, Tapasvini and Indumati of Gangadhar Meher. Vaidehl Vilap of Kahniala Bosc, Vaidehl Vilasa of Narayan Triputhi, Slta Vivaha of Harihar Mardaraj, Sri Rama Rasots\af Sltaprema Tarangfyi of NilJkantha Ratha, Sri Ramaglta Campu of Somanatha Sarangi, Slta Vanavasa of Madhusudana Rao, Sltavanavasa of Nandakishore Bui, Daiarath Viyoge of Radhanath Ray. Saticandrika of Madhava Chandra Mishra have gained popularity with Oriya readers. Radhamohan Gadnayak, a renowned modern poet, has beautilul pcems on Ramay; pa, such as Vibhlsapa Utha, Age Pashani (On Ahalya), Vrmila, Jatayus and Dillpa-Nandinl. Beginning with art and sculpture in ancient days, we have a continuous flow of Ramayaija. The tradition has been well maintained by the poets, writers, painters and carvers of Orissa. With the modern age new norms and new thoughts have appeared in all the fields of creative work in Orissa. The Ramayana is now written, and commented upon in modem light. The traditional mode of thinking has given place to new lights, Ravana is discussed along with other evil characters which dominate the society today. The contemporary poets and writers whose works deserve aaention, are Gopinath Nanda, Chakradhar Mohapatra, Kshetramohan Panigrahi, Khageswar Seth, Sarala Devi, Radhamohan Rajendra. Dr Narendranath Mishra, Gopinath Singh, Ratnakar Garg^batu, Dr. Dhanesvar Mohapatra, Balabhadra Panigrahy, Ananta Mohapatra, Bhikari CharanDas, Gopal Das, Banamali Sahitya Bhusan, Manoj Das, Kamapala Mishra etc.
THE RAMAYANA IN INDIAN SCULPTURE By C. SIVARAMAMURTI The inspiration of the Ramhycnia as a theme did not confine itself to literary output, but expressed itself in music4, dance and art. Sculpture and painting freely drew on episodes from the Ramaya$as. Panels illustrating scenes from the epic abound in temples not only all over this country but also in countries far away in South and South-East Asia, where the epic is woven into the web of the life of the people. On the Indian soil the Ramayaiya story-commences its narration in stcne carving in early Buddhist menuments giving the modified Jataka version of the story. In the Daiaratha Jataka panel occurring on the Barhut rail, the story is of Rama, Lakshnujja and Slta as brothers and sister born to the senior queen of a king who, apprehending danger for their life from his younger queen, himself advised their going to the forest to escape treachery from their stepmother. All the three occur in the panel as wending their way to the forest. The story occurs again in Nagarjunakog4a where both the brothers and the sister are shown leading the life of hermits in a hermitage in the forest. The Sama Jataka depicted at Sanchi, where the hermit-boy, a devoted son attending to the needs of his blind parents, is inadvertently shot by the king engaged in hunting, mistaking the gurgling sound of the water-pot filled by the boy to be the sound of the water lapped by a beast, is an adaptation of an early incident in DaSaratha's life narrated in Valmlki on the eve of the King's death. The Sama Jataka has a representation in an early painting from Ajanta in cave X. The Gupta temple of Vishnu at Deogarh had a long series of panels representing the Brahmanical version of the Rama-story. A panel now in the National Museum shows Rama freeing Ahalya from the curse of Gautama. Rama is seated in the company of Vilvamitra attended by Lakshmaga and Ahalya is bowing. As warriors, both the brothers have the raikakshyaka or crossband over
The RAm&yaoa in Indian Sculpture
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their chest and carry the bow. Another panel also in the National Museum represents the Surpa^akha-episode. Lakshmaija is punishing the ogress with his raised sword while Rama, seated, looks on with Sita standing close to him. Yet, another panel, somewhat mutilated, shows Rama, Sita and LakshmaQa proceeding to the Dagtfaka forest. There are some panels at Deogarh, some of which are very interesting. One such is the representation of the three royal visitors in the hermitage of Atri and his aged wife Ajiasflyawho gave a rare perfume to Sita in appreciation of her steadfast devotion to Rama. This is a rare depiction of the sage Atri himself who occurs only in one solitary medieval panel representing the seven sages in Draksharama in Andhra Pradesh. Another fragment of what should have been a beautiful panel shows Vali on the the lap of Tara with the arrow shot by Rama sticking out on his chest. This is obviously the inspirer of a similar scene that occurs on the Rashtrakuta monument at Ellora and even in far off Prambanan in Indonesia. The dual between Vali and Sugriva occurring here not only inspired but even supplied the pattern of depiction to the later sculptor at Prambanan and at Bentei Srei. in the Bharat Kala Bhavan at Banaras is a Gupta panel that represents Nala building the bridge of rocks across the sea to enable the monkey hosts to cross the ocean and reach Lanka. Rama, Lakshmaiia and Sugriva are there guiding the effoit of the monkeys. This impressive sculpture is undoubtedly the inspirer of later representations in India and abroad, particularly in Prambanan where the narration is very elaborate. The panels of the Gupta times in Ramban Museum near Sutna and the Gupta tenacotta panels fiom the Museum at Jajjhar in Haryana are some more important depictions of Rama>ana-episodes. In the National Museum there is a fine terracotta from a place near Bhopal representing Sita in the Agoka grove, the very picture of grief as described in the Ramayana- Another fragment illustrates Ravaga with the donkey-head on his crown so familiar a feature in Pahari and Rajasthani miniatures of the seventeenth-eighteenth centuries. This feature occurs not only in this earlv Gupta terracotta but is also repeated in the Gurjara-Pratihara representation of the scene of Ravaija shaking the Kailasa, in the National Museum.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
In the sixth century Mugalrajapuram cave of the Vishnuku^ios in Vijayawada occurs the interesting scene of Hanuman meeting Sita in the A$oka grove of Ravapa. It is indeed surprising that this scene represented here did not find ary reproduction in the early Pallava monuments which were undoubtedly inspired by the art and architecture of Vishnukun
The Rim&yaga in Indian Sculpture
63*
Equally interesting is the scene of the building of the bridge over the sea. The fight between Vali and Sugrlva and between Ravana and Jatayus here as well as in the Virupaksha temple at Pattadakal, which is also very impressive, have served as the inspiration for the more mature and better designed depiction of the themes on the walls of the Kailasa temple at Ellora. Here commences the representation of the ten heads of the demon king being shown at a circle, daiasyachufarnanichakra as described by Bana, and not as a row of heads which is as inartistic as it is artificial and which however becomes a regular feature in the later decadent art of the seventeenth-eighteenth centuries. While in the Mallikarjuna temple there is an exquisite representation of Rama and Lakshmaija in the forest searching for SIta and the former in great grief at the sight of a pair of loving Krauficha birds in his sudden recollection of SIta and their mutual affection, in the Virupaksha temple there is elaborate narration of successive scenes of the epic, like the Surpanakha episode, her mutilation, the Kharadushana battle, the lament of Surpaaakha before Ravaua, the sight of the golden deer, the chase for the deer, the shooting of the animal, Ravana canning away SIta, Jatayus' valiant fight, the meeting of Rama and Sugrlva, the ValiSugrlva duel, the flight of Hanuman over the ocean and a momentary obstacle in the appearance of Surasa and Simhika, Sita in the Asoka grove, and Hanuman meeting her, the bridge over the sea built by the monkey-troops and even the popular but textually unsupported incident of Hanuman seated on an elevated throne composed of his own expanded tail curled up ir circlets to baffle Ravana himself seated on his high throne, the blaze of Lanka and many such. In the Virupaksha temple, the panels are smaller and are on the sides of pillars, while a long and larger series of panels decorate the outer walls of Papanatha, particularly to the south. The high base of the massive central column in the court-yard of the Kailasa temple has a series of long and intricate succession of scenes from the Ramayapa but they are all in miniature. The really large and imposing carving of a Ramayana theme is Jatayus fighting Ravafla. This closely follows the earlier model of representation of the identical theme in the Virupaksha temple. The gigantic proportions of the overlord of demons i* matched b\
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
the equally imposing figure of the monstrous bird in the presence of whom the demon's aerial car appears dwarfed and insignificant. Early Eastern Chalukyan sculpture should have had a good number of interesting panels of episodes from the Ramavaija which was a great favourite with the eaily Western Chalukvan sculptors whose traditions were carried over" to the land where the younger brother of Puake&n, Kubja Vishnuvardhana started a new dynasty. At any rate the vestiges of an early temple at Bhimavaram near Samaralakota in East Godavari District poirt to this. There is a fine mutilated sculpture of Ravaiia of early medieval date with his ter heads in a circle as in early Western Chalukyan and Rashtrakuta sculpture, found embedded along with other similar fragments in the wall of a comparatively recent structure. This may very well have been part of a panel depicting thefightof Jatayus which seems to have been a particularly favourite theme. There is another panel of early Eastern Chalukyan workmanship fixed in the mafltfapa at Jamidoddi in Vijayawada which illustrates an unusual scene, that of the sage who was entertained by celestial musicians in a mansion under the waters of the lake Paflchapsaras, as narrated in the RamayaQa. The panel illustrates the sage listening with appreciation to the celestial music provided by the celestial nymphs. The Chalukyan tradition of narratirg the epics in decorative panels on monuments was continued by the Hoysala sculptors ard there are interesting ard spiiited depictions of many an incident from the Mahabhaiata a"d the Bhagavata. Arjuna shooting the fish, judging the aim by its reflection, Bhima carrying loads of cooked rice for Hitfimba, Ghatotkacha attacking the enemy on the Kurukshetra battlefield are famous scenes. Similarly there are scenes from the Ramayapa. The far-famed bow of Siva that Rama strung and broke is graphically presented in a large long carrier on several wheels dragged to the assembly of Janaka with great effort by a number of men. The marriage of Rama and Slta and the other three brothers with princesses of Janaka's house is again a picturesque scene. The spotting of the golden deer and Rama's running after it, the shooting of seven trees with a single arrow are some more of the episodes depicted.
Die MmftytO* i° Indian Sculpture
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These are miniature carvings running the whole length of the temple girth. The temple of Siva at Halebid and of Chennake&ava at Belur are among the best known and richest io decorative sculpture of this kind. In the Nagrfvarmm temple at Kumbakonam the main shrine is of the early phase of Chola art in the ninth century and has exquisite sculptural decoration. The miniature decorative panels here from the Ramaya&a, each of about six inches by four on the plinth, are almost missed except when approached for a special study; they are interesting for their aesthetic, archaeological and narrative value. The carving is so delicate that it looks like carving in ivory or fine-grained wood. The series starts as usual with the putrakdmeshfi of Daiaratha, the receipt of ambrosia offered by the celestial being risen from the flames, the distribution of this milk food among the queens, the birth of the children, the princes with Vi§vamitra, the death of Ta£aka, the protection of the sacrifice by the princes, the Ahalya-episode, the breaking of the bow and the marriage of the princes and so on, covering almost all the important incidents. Many of these aie especially interesting: Rama, Lakshmaga and Sita crossing the Ganges in the boat of Guha, the Surpanakha-episode, the golden deer, Ravaija fighting Jatayus when carrying away Sita, Sita in the ASoka grove, Hanuman watching her being threatened by ogresses, Hanuman meeting Ravaija in his court, the glad tidings of the sighting of Sita conve>ed to Rama by Hanumai, the laying of the bridge over the sea, the rousing of Kumbhakarfla and his fight with the monkey-troops and so forth. The grouping of figures, action in each of them, the stances and emotion, the background, technical details of foreshortening and layirg of emphasis on special dynamic action and motion are all remarkable. There is no doubt that the Ramayaiyx, the Mahabharata, Krishna's story from the Harivam&a and Bhagavata weie tremendously popilar with the early Chola sculptor and it is no wonder that these are repeated in the BrahmapurKvara temple at PuUamangai of about the same date. Here also they are almost of the same type of miniature panel* running the whole length of the plinth and usually missed except when they are sought and studied with a trained eye. In the Siva temple at Punjai, also very early Chola in date, these charming miniature panels illustrating the Rdmayapa form a
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
special noteworthy series. When we notice the fight of Rava^a and Jatayus and of Hanuman perched at an elevation on a pile of his own elongated tail, Kumbhakanpa roused or £urpaflakha*s wail before Ravaoa, we are at once struck by the similarity between these and the identical scenes occurring in the early Chalukya and Rashtrakuta monuments which reveals to us that there was a common language perfected by the sculptor in India thit broadly determined the outlines of the composition for an episode, on which each master revealed himself in respect of the shaping of the details. This was still further continued during the centuries of Chola rule in their vast empire. In the Kampaharegvara temple also at Tribhuvanam in the twelfth century there are RamayaQa panels. Here too thefightbetween Jatayus and Ravanu, especially the shaping of the monster eagle recalls at once the early Western Chalukyan prototype that inspired the sculptor who reproduced it in the Rashtrakuta monument of Kailasa at Ellora. Some of the most exquisite bronzes fashioned in the early Chola period from about 1000 A.D. provide the most lovely images of Rama in a group composed of the two brothers and Slta and Hanuman in a reverential attitude. The famous Ramagroup from Vadakkupanayur now in the Madras Museum is the largest in size and most inviting in its aesthetic charm. This Rama is the most imposing figure ever wrought in metal. The dignity of Rama in his stance, the attitude of his hands suggesting the holding of the bow and arrow, the simple but effective decoration, the slight smile playing on his lips, have never been surpassed in any other representation in metal or stone. The figure of Slta with an equally benevolent and smiling countenance, with a singular feminine grace enhanced by dignity and the charm of the flowerbedecked, meticulously arranged braid, forms a worthy comparison to Rama. Lakshmafla, distinctly younger with dignity and charm, stands second to Rama, his hair dressed in such a way as to point out that the royal crown is for the senior prince. Hanuman of this group standing with his hand brought to the vicinity of his mouth as he reverentially makes a submission to his revered and beloved master is the very personification of devotion. Several similar imposing Rama-groups in metal from the early Chola time onwards abound in South India. But there is rarely a group of the aesthetic quality of the above-described group, although
Tlie RAm&yaftt in Indian Sculpture
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it cannot be denied that the Rama-group from Paruttiyur of almost the same date and the very large and imposing figures of the Tillavilagam group are also great masterpieces. The most striking early Chola bronze, I had noticed years ago, connected with the Rama-theme, is one of Sugrlva in Tirupati with his head thrown up and with his pointing figure placed on his nose expressing wonder, obviously at the prowess of Rama when he shot seven trees wit a single arrow at a time to prove his valour to Sugrlva. In the Vijayanagar period the Rama-theme became so widespread that there is scarcely a temple of some dimensions of that period in the Deccan and the South where the narration of the epic is not found. At Hampi there is a temple, Hazara R&masvami, that has a whole series like another to Ramaswami close 10 the river at Tadpatri and another at Penukonda where there is a parallel series of Ramayana and Bhagavata panels narrating the events of Rama and Krishna. The pillers of the Kalyana mandapa of the Jalakaiitheivara temple at Vellore, like that of MargasahayeSvara at Virinchipuram a few miles from Vellore and not removed much either in date, as well as the pillars in similar mandapas in the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam and the Varadaraja temple at Kanchipuram, have several scenes from the Ramayana like Hanuman presenting Sita's chutfamafli jewel to Rama, Hanuman accosting Ravafla, Sugriva conforting Rama in his giief, Rama embracing Haauman in grateful appreciation of his guest and location of Slta in Lanka, the duel betweer Vali and Sugrlvt* and so forth; the exploits of Hanuman are mostly depicted as he became the national hero and symbol of devotion. The temples exclusively for Rama multiplied during the period and during the Nayak rule in Tanjore was raised the most magnificent temple for Rama which is a gem of the later phase of Vijayanagar art. It is a large structure with a specious man&ipa, the several massive pillars of which lent themselves for executing large panels illustrating important events from the epic. Here is a fine example of Sugrlva close to Rama as a dear friend, Hanuman humbly receiving the loving caressing of Rama, Rama's coronation and several other events, all in monumental proportions. But the most interesting work here is the large group of monoliths, all arranged in the most vnusual way, as nowhere else in any
M4
The Ramayana Tradition in Ast*
sanctum, representing Rama and Sita seated at the centre, surrounded by Lakjmaija, Bharata and Satrughna, Sugrlva, Vibhl$a?a, Angada and Jambavan, Hanuman seated in front reading out from a book obstruse passages of philosophy which Rama with vyakhyanamudra expounds to the sages. Though the Vijayanagar traditions in art maintained an almost uniform style in almost all parts of a vast empire, with predominating Tamil influence in workmanship, there has however been a distinctiveness in the style of the Kerala country where the decorative detail and load of ornamentation of Hoysala sculpture continued to enwrapfiguresboth in stone and wood. These weird forms in their turn determined the aharya or dress and make-up in the Kathakali dance and even in the leather puppets and shadow figures that give a weird and bizarre appearance to some at least of the more agressive personalities portrayed. As painted wood work was in great favour along with the paintiqgs themselves io Kerala, temples and palaces there, to a great extent, continued to have wooden constructions. We find there large rows of frieze under the eaves representing the story of R&m& or Krishna in wood carvings. A whole series of wooden panels running the whole length of the caves of a temple from Quilon now preserved in the Madras Museum deserves special mention* Da£aratha's consultations to perform the putrakameshfi, the sacrfice, the celestial being from the fire with the vessel of ambrosia, Da£aratha dividing it among his queens, the birth of the four princes, their juvenile sports, Rama and Lakshmana accompanying Vigvamitra, the death of Tadaka, the attack on Subahu and Maricha the breaking of the bow and SIta's marriage, run into a great length of cortinuous panels. The Natioral Museum has a similar but shorter length of wooden carvings to illustrate Rama's life. It is interesting to compare these panels with the paintings at Mattancheri palace. In stone and wood carvings as well as in the paintings of the temples at Kerala, the Rama-group answering the dhyanailoka describing Rama expounding the philosophical texts read out by Hanuman in front of him and surrounded by his brothers Sugrlva VibhlshaQa, Jambavan and others, is a great favourite. Rama is in such a representation depicted in vlrasana with the right hand in vyakhyanamudra, the attitude of expounding. It is interesting that with the Ramayana doctrine spreading forth
Hie RlmtyaQa in Indian Sculpture
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even in the North there appeared bronzes, as in South India, showing the group as in the dhyana. The Gurjara Pratihara phase of art in North India is noteworthy for the artistic excellence of the monuments of the period. In the Somegvara temple at Kiradu in Rajasthan there are some very interesting sculptured panels illustrating scenes from the Rdmayana. Grief-striken SIta in the Agoka grove watched from above by Hanuman seated on branch of a tree, an oft-repeated subject, is seen here. Similarly the fight of Vali and Sugriva, Monkeys carrying large boulders for laying the bridge on the ocean is another favourite theme repeated. Hanuman carrying the Safijlvinl mountain for healing the mortal wound sustaired by Lakshmana lying on the lap of Rama is another well-executed panel. At Kekinda the Nllakantha Mahadeva temple has a scene for the troop of monkeys accompanying Rama, the construction of the bridge over the sea and a striking scene of Rama learning from the dying Jatayus, the whereabouts of SIta and his granting of eternal bliss in the hereafter for the aged and devoted bird that laid down his life in the brave encounter with Rava^a. Early Pala art from Paharpur provides some amusing early terracottas and sculptures with monkeys as their theme, some of them appearing to be engaged in the work of laying the bridge on the ocean. But there is a dearth of definite Ramayana panels in Pala sculpture where the theme of Krishna and Balarama finds greater favour with the sculptor. It is rather in late Bengal terracottas that, on the basis of texts of the eighteenth-nineteenth centuries that the story of Rama and Krishna are narrated profusely. In the whole range of Chandella sculpture there is scarcely one to illustrate the story of Rama except a huge monolith at Khajuraho representing Hanuman and dated by an inscription of922A.D. Similarly the Ramayana is unrepresented in the Haihaya or Chedi school as none of the sculptures at Tripuri or elsewhere dwell on that theme. This is in spite of the fact that kir g Malayasimha compares himself to Hanuman in settingfireto the prosperity of enemies and had himself built a Rama-temple.
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The Ramayana Tradition in AAIA
A refreshing evidence of the influence of the epic in some parts of North India is seen in the themes of the Ramayana elaborated in what should have been a great length of frieze, one of probably many such, from a direlict temple in Haidarpur in the neighbourhood of Delhi; of this a single long piece carved on both sides has survived and is now kept in the Safdarjung premises of the Archaeological Survey, The sculptures are very interesting and the carving spirited. This should belong to the time of the Tomaras of Delhi and should be placed in the 12th century A.D. Here is an indication of the peculiar style of the late medieval period where the earlier Gurjara Pratihara traditions are continued with a modification and localisation of styles in Gahadavala, Chandella, Paramara, Chedi, Chahamana and Toroara schools. In Delhi itself there was ar excellent temple of Vishnu at the famous Vishnugiri mound vestiges of which in the shape of a pillared hall are seen near the Kutb. The image of Vishnu discovered in this area and belonging to the twelfth century is now in the National Miseum. It is therefore of special interest that other Vishnu temples with interesting decorative sculpture existed in this area from which the present long frieze is a survivial. One of the sides of the above-mentioned piece, better preserved than the other which is mutilated here ard there, shows a continuous narration. On the back it starts with Sita in the Agokavana, where on the tree is seated Hanuman awaiting an opportune moment to meet her, and is actually later shown with folded hands comforting sorrowing Sita. Hanuman is next depicted uprooting trees and threatening the Rakshasas who approach him headed by Akshakumara and Indrajit, both in their chariots and fighting furiously. Hanuman is next brought before Ravaga seated in state with his counselors, the whole length of the tail of the great monkey held by a row of Rakshasas, an excellent device of the sculptor to suggest Hanuman's power and grandeur. The other and better preserved side of the frieze shows an arrow flying over the ocean suggested by fishes, tortoises and crocodiles amidst waves. A long row of monkeys at the farthest end shows the carrying of rocks for building the causeway across the sea as Rftma
Hie Rfim&yaoa in Indian Sculpture
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and Lakshmafla watch the work in progress. The fight of Lakshmana, his unconcious state as he lies wounded by Brahmastra on the lap of lamenting Rama, Sugrlva, Vibhl$ana and Jambavan comforting Rama and Hanuman bringing the Sanjivini hill, are all most interesting. The sculptor bas the device here to suggest Brahmastra by showing Brahma on his swan beside the fallen Lakshmana. Similarly the use of Nagastra by Indrajit is indicated by the hooded Nagaraja on a stag. Kumbhakarna's fight with the monkeys who occupy his shoulder is equally interesting. Ravana's use of Brahmastra is evident from his position in a chariot aiming darts at Lakshmana fallen on the ground. This is just a rapid survey of the sculptural wealth in India on the theme of the epic which is so vast and spread all over the country in area, time and in the different historical phases, a subject which requires a special study in an elaborate monograph.
RAMAYANA, THE EPIC OF ASIA By LOKESH CHANDRA Born as a primeval poem, the adikavya in Valmlki's metrical measure welling forth in all spontaneity at the grievous sight of the death of a love-lorn avian couple shot by a hunter, the Ramayaoa, has become the lyric of the men of Asia from Siberia to Indonesia,fillingtheir unbounded Self with ecstacy, with an ocean of bliss. The Department of Culture of the Ministry of Education of the Government of Indonesia convened the first International R&mayaQa Festival and Seminar in 1971. They deserve praise and gratitude of men of culture for providing a forum where the modern man of Asia can evaluate the creative role of Ramayafla through the ages, and its living unity of values in Asian societies. A literary oeuvre of sweeping majesty, it has gathered a momentum of its own, manifesting itself in the narrative arts of recitation by story-tellers, in declamations (like the babahasaan in Indonesia), the performing arts of classical ballet, theatre and shadow-play, or featured in plastic arts of stone-sculptures, wood-carvings and paintings; and lastly flourishing in creative writing in prose and poetry. It has been a force, a movement to translate social patterns and eternity of ideals and to explore realities of human existence, and to bring about better means of integrating Horn* ludens and Homo sapions, transcending all barriers to enlarge and intensify cultural understanding in our part of the world. As early as A.D. 251 we find K'ang-seng-hui rendering the Jataka form of the Ramaya^a into Chinese, and in A.D. 472 appeared another Chir ese translation of the Nidana of DaSaratha from a lost Sanskrit text, by Kekaya. A long tradition in narrative and dramatic form created the great episodic cycle of the 16th century classic Chinese novel known as " Monkey " or the Hsi-yuchi which amalgamated among other elements the travels of Hanuman in quest of Slta. This motif enriched popular culture and folklore and also contributed to the development of Chioese secular literature.
Rtoftyaw, the Epic of Asia
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In the sixth century the Sinhalese Poet-king Kumaradasa, identified with Kumaradhatusena (who reigned during A.D. 517526) composed the J&naklharaoa, the earliest Sanskrit work of Ceylon. Its verbatim Sinhalese paraphrase was done in the 12th certury by an anonymous writer. It has been eulogised in several Sinhalese works. Jn our times, the Sinhalese translation of the R&mayaQa by C Don Bastean has been a decisive influence on the Sinhalese novel. Modem dramatists like John de Silva, an outstanding playwright, have adapted the Ramayaga. The popular appeal in Ceylon has been the ideal of the Ramayaga in general, and particularly the virtues of Sita have ever been extolled, as in Indonesia. In seventh century Cambodia, Khmer citations attest that the RamayaQa had become a major and favourite Epic. Its episodes symbolised great historic events in sculptured monuments. That the Khmers had been impregnated with the Ramaya&a is evident from the fact that a name or a scene was sufficient to characterise a historic episode or to endow a socio-ethical problem with moral authority and special emotion. The depiction of the victorious exploits of Jayavarman VII against the Chains, on the exterior gallery of the Bayon, often follow the plot of the Rimayaija, and the Khmer king was a new Rama to crush the ling of Chams. Since Jayavarman VII the Ramayaoa became an integral part of Khmer life, played at feasts,figuredon frescos, and told by story-tellers. It is in fact the loveliest poetic expression of the soul of the Khmer people. A fact that merits particular attention is that the text followed at Angkor is closer to that of Java than to Valmlki. It is a historic destiny that Indonesia should again come forth to organise the first International Ramaya?a Festival, "to promote closer cooperation, harmony and peace . . ., to create a favourable atmosphere for mutual understanding and friendship" as expressed by His Excellency Mr. Mohammad Noer, the then Governor of East Java. In the ninth century (according to the inscriptional evidence as interpreted by De Casparis), the Ramaya$a was sculpted on Prambanan's Chandi, Loro Jongrang, the Temple of the Slender Maiden. These differ from the Classical Indonesian epic Ramayaqa Kakawin, which means that the Kamayana was prevalent in Indonesia in several versions. The Ramaya^a reliefs at
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Panataran display the predominance of local style. The entire story is not shown but only those scenes in which Hanuman and his simian army play a role. It points to the crystallisation of particular Ramaya&a-scenes as prominent among the repertoire of the performing arts. In about the end of the ninth century we even find an East Iranian version of the RamayaQa in Khotanese, an Iranian dialect prevalent in Khotan in Central Asia. Since the 18th century, the Ramayana became a dominant element in the performing arts of countries of South-East Asia. In Laos, Phra Chao Anurut (King Aniruddha) constructed the Vat Mai ' New Pagoda * over the Vat Si Phum. On its pylon are carved episodes from the epic. Of about the same period is the Vat Pe Ke with the most complete paintings of the Ramayana in Laos. Needles to mention, that the Ramayana plays a premier role in the Laos ballet. The Natya Sala or Ballet School at Vientianne teaches it regularly with its appropriate music and dance. When princess Dala (Tara), daughter of King Savang Vatthana was married, the Ramayana was danced in full regalia and splendour at Luang Prabang. The King of Laos is composing a new RamayaQa in the Laotion language with an elaborate choreography. A complete manuscript of the Laotion Ramayana is known in 40 bundles, of 20 leaves each at Vat Pra Keo, and another manuscript at Vat Sisaket. Mr. P. B. Lafont has published summaries of the Pa Lak P'a Lam (Dear Lakshmana and Dear Rama) and the other version entitled Fommachak (Sanskrit Brahmacakra). The Ramakien or Ramaklrti is known to Thai choreography as masked play or Khon, as the Nang or shadow-play and as literary compositions emanating from the Thai monarchs themselves. The only complete version is of King Rama I, and the most representable on the stage is that of Rama II. The Silpakon or Royal Fine Arts Department, Bangkok, adapts these versions to suit the occasion or the performers, but the sung portions follow the aforesaid two versions. The version of King Rama VI is the best known, and for it the King used the classical RSmayaga of Valmiki as authority. Thai scholars, like Prince Dhaninivat, derive their Ramakien " from the Indonesian versior no doubt prevailing in the epoch of the Srtvijaya Empire." The Nang
R&infiyaQa, the Epic of Asia
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or shadow play with ft hide-figures* is mentioned in the Palatine Law of King Boromatrailokanath enacted in 1458. The Nang reached the valley of Menam Chaophya via the Malay Peninsula from Indonesia. The Malaysian Hikayat Seri Rama (A, D. 1400-1500) has been a basis for the repertoire of Malay shadow plays, the Wayang Siaro and Wayang Java. Inspite of the marked toponymic nomenclature both have assumed distinct Malay forms. The similarity of technique indicates its Indonesian origin, which is conclusively proved by the use of Indonesian technical terms like kelir, ptinggung, wayang and dalang. The popularity of the Rama saga in Malaysia is attested by a variety of local literary versions. The Malaysian dalang may perform two to three hundred shows a year, but they are not mere entertainment. The performances are preceded by a ritual, offerings are made and invocations directed to ensuie harmony. It is an urge, an angin (Prapa) to perform, a " susceptibility to be moved greatly by the rhythm of the orchestra and a capability of identifying oneself completely with the characters of the drama, causing one experience intense emotions. If an individual does not continue his angin he may lapse 'into a trance, a state of autohypnosis ". (Prof, Amin Sweeney, London). Burma too has known the Ramaya&a since early centuries of the modern era. King Kyanzittha (A.D. 1084-1112) styled himself a descendant of Rama. But, the performance of the Yama-pwe (Yama-Rama) was introduced into Burma in 1767 from Thailand after the Burmese conquest of Thailand. The performance of the Yama-pwe used to continue upto twenty-one nights, but these days it is a series of peiformances extending upto twelve nights. The story of R§ma spread into the northern-most lands of Asia, via Tibet where it is found in two versions in manuscripts of the 7-9th centuries from the grottoes of Tun-huang, in an earlv 15th century poetical version of Zhang-zhung-pa Chowang-drakpaipal, in the now-lost translation of Taranatha, and in several versions scattered in commentaries on works on poetic and didactics, like the Kavyadaria and Subhafitaratna-nidhi. From Tibet, the RamayaQa reached Mongolia and thence spread far to the West, to the banks of the Volga. A folk version in Kalmuk
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Hie Ramayana Tradition in Aaia
language from the banks of the Volga, is known from the manuscript of Prof. C. F. Golstunsky, now preserved at the Siberian Branch of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Prof. DamdmSuren of Ulanbator (Mongolia) is working on the Mongolian RftmayaQa in its literary and folk forms, in manuscripts preserved at Leningrad (USSR) Nepal has the glory of preserving the oldest* manuscript of the Ramaycm of Valmiki dating to A. D. 1075. The legend of Rama has ever found echoes at all levels of existence and cons* ciousness, and it is but natural that the highest expression of modern Nepalese poetry should be Bhanubhakta Acary^'s Ramayana in Nepalese verse, written around A.D. 1840. In the backyards of the collective unconscious of the Philippines are repeated resonances of the epic of Rama. In 1968 Prof. Juan R. Francisco discovered among the Muslim Maranaw a miniature version of the Ramayana as an avatafa of the remote literature of pre-Islamic Philippines. Among other Muslim tribes of the Philippines like the Magindanao and the Sulu too, folk recitations of this great epic survive in diluted versions.
RAMAYANA IN MONGOLIA By T. S. DAMDINSUREN Ramaya^a—the well-known Indian epic, widely spread in many countries of Central and South-East Asia. Abstracts of separate motifs and forms of this epos are also found in Tibetan literature. The earliest Tibetan manuscripts of fiagments '• Story about Rama " dated VIII-X centuries were discovered by A. Stein in 1906-1908 in East Turkestan. These manuscripts contain several different versions of " Legends about Rama ". Probably they all penetrated into Tibet in different times from various areas, from India, Kashmir, Khotan and other regions of Central Asia. As established by researchers, among Tibetan versions found in East Turkestan there is no version connected with the Ramaycma of Valmlki. Most of them are similar to the Jain version of the Ramayaga and are obviously a record of folklore versions which were the bases of the literary production. The name Rama itself in Tibetan manuscripts from East Turkestan was fixed in the form Ramana. Manv Indian literary works came to Mongolia as part of the general mass of Buddhist literature through Tibet. The legends about Rama too passed through Mongolia in analogical form. By studying Mongolian literature of the past, I discovered four tales of Rama in the Mongolian language and three in Tibetan. Let me set forth the tales about Rama found by me: In Mongolian: 1. Story about King Jivaka. Manuscripts are in Leningrad. 2. Tale about Rama from commentaries on " Subhishita". 3. Story about R&ma from the historical work " Crystal Mirror".
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia 4. Tale about Rama from terminological dictionary " Ear-Decoration ". In Tibetan: 1. Story about Rama from commentaries on "Subhashita ". 2. Tale about Rama from works by the Mongolian scholar Tubden Rabjamba of 19th century. 3. Tale about Rama from Tibetan manuscript book,
I would like to give short account of the characteristics and general contents of someof them. Story about King Jfraka: This is one of the numerous Buddhist stories worked out of the plot of Ramayana. Such workings in the Jataka tales are common in Buddhist literature. Translations of the Jataka about Dagaratha from Sanskrit, Chinese, and Khotan and their investigations were published by scholars. In comparison with them our Jataka about King Jivaka is more extensive and artistic. It should be noted that the Buddhist influence on our story compared with other Jatakas including DaSaratha-Jataka is slight. It has some insertions, which can be easily removed, without affecting the main line of the story. The Buddhist insertions are the following: 1. First prayer to Maflju§rl.
preceptor and patron Bodhisattva
2. King Jivaka, in previous incarnation, became a Buddhist monarch and left his wife and son. Then the wife and son, becoming angry, cursed him that he remained without children in his futuie life. This is why in this birth king Jivaka had no children. 3. King Jivaka on the sea (may be on an isle) met Buddha Krakuchanda, paid his respects to him, listened to his sermons and invited to his home.
jlimftyana in Mongolia
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4. King JIvaka meets ten thousand fishermen and preaches against killing living beings. In consequence of that the fishermen arc deprived of their profession. 5. At the end of the story, Rama is identified with Buddha. All these insertions, except the second, are in no way connected with the basic content of the story. In the speeches of some characters, for instance those of Rama, Garu^a, king of birds, remind us of corresponding texts from the Prajnaparamitasutra. The story was, in all likelihood, translated from Tibetan in the 18th century but the Tibetan original of this story is not known to me. A number of Tibetan words were left without translation. For example, Karba/Tib mkhar-ba/-4* Bronze ", sele sbaram/Tib sa-le sbram/ 44 nugget of G o l d " , dom/Tib. "bear," la-du-Tib/ la-dd/" p i e " and so forth. Six manuscripts of this story are kept in the library at Leningrad. All of them are written in Oirat scripts, the so-called, "clear script," composed in 1648. These manuscripts are very similar to one another and are records of one version. As we have already mentioned, the Story about King JIvaka is possibly a translation from Tibetan. But in some places the world-view of the Mongolian translator is distinctly seen. For instance, in depicting the episode of Rama chasing the antelope, the translator, perhaps himself, added that Rama crossed nine passes, nine dales and nine rivers. This is a motif which is very often met with in Mongolian folklore. The episode in which the bird Garu
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Hie Ramayana Tradition in Asj*
ocean to search the flower udumbara, soothsayer's instructions.
according to a
Chapter //.—The King came back home with the flower udumbara an gave it to his wives. Having eaten the flower, one of his wives gave birth to a son, who was named Rima. When he grew up, he assumed the royal power, anil honestly directing the country, could make all his subjects happy. He invited Buddha Krakuchanda who spread Buddhism among the peoples. Chapter III. One of the demons from the country of LaAki, turning into and antelope with a golden breast and silver croupe, distracted from contemplation of the sages living in the country of Rima. Then they called the King and Rama struck the antelope's eyes with a stone and cast her away. Thanking him, the sages endowed Rama with invincible force. Chapter /K—In the country of demons, one of the old women gave birth to a girl. The soothsayer said that the country would be devastated if the girl remained alive. Then they put the girl into a chest and threw her into a sea. Chapter V.—The trunk floated to the country of Jambudvlpa and a peasant picked it up. Having reared the girl, he gave her in marriage to King Rima. Chapter VI.—The King of demons, Dashagrlva, head of ten chiefs, came to know from his sister that King Rima had a beautiful wife. Turning one of his counsellors into a graceful antelope, DashagrJva sent him to entice and take away Rama. While Rama pursued the swift antelope, the King of the demons abducted the wife of Rima and took her to the country of Lanka. Chapter VII.—In search of her, Rima came to the Kingdom of the monkeys. There he saw two monkeys fighting. At the request of one of them Sugrfva. he killed the other monkey Bilin. In gratitude, Sugrlva gave him a force of monkeys headed by Hanuman. Together with him, Rima made for the country of Lanka to free his wife.
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Chapter KJ//.—Having defeated the demons, Rama with his wife came back home where they led a happy life.
Other stories about Rama found by us are shorter than this story about King JIvaka. The famous Tibetan scholar and poet of the 13th century Saja Pandita Gungajaltsan wrote the book u Subhashita ". On it there are three commentaries in Tibetan: 1. Commentary by Rinchinbal, written in 13th century. 2. Commentary by Tsultimbal. 3. Commentary without indication of author, under the name " Garland of Flowers ". In all these commentaries, there are brief accounts of the Ramayana in explaining the 321st verse of " Subhashita ". From the 13th century onwards, " Subhashita** was repeatedly translated into Mongolian. Commentaries have been translated and retold. The most famous of them are the following: 1. Mongolian translation "Garland of flowers", done by Choijamtso,/16th-17th centuries. 2. Free narratior by Chakhar gebshi Lobsantsultim, reproduced in xylograph in 1779. 3. Mongolian translation of commentaries by Rinchinbal, accomplished by Daigun Dayun (16-17 century). 4. West Mongolian translation of these commentaries, done by Tarsan, possibly, in 18th century. 5. Free retelling by the Buryat scholar Rinchin Nomtcev, 19th century. The Text and Russian translation of the story about Rama from the commentary by Rinchin Nomtoev was published by me in 1974 in a collection of articles devoted to Professor G. D. Sanjeev. Of course, all these Mongolian translations of commentaries give only a brief account of the Ram ~yana. They all bear witness to the subject of Ramay^a oeing ancient and widely known among Tibetan and Mongolian readers.
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Story about Rama from Tibetan Manuscript Book:
We had a chance to acquire a Tibetan manuscript, which contains two stories. One story abort the origin of the river Ganga which flowed in the sky at first and then came down to the earth. The other story is about the life of King Rama and his wife Slta. At the end of the manuscript it is said: " There are many different versions of the story about Rama/' It car/ be supposed that the author was one of the scholar Lamas of Mongolia In Buddhist literature and particularly in poetic theory one or the other episode from the Ramayaija is often referred to. And such a story has referred to Ramayaiia as its source. It is difficult to date the manuscript exactly, but it can be guessed that it dates not more than a hundred years. Such a story is also in the historical work " Crystal Mirror •• (Mong." Bolor Toli"), written by Jambadorji in 1837, in Mongolia. In this work there is an Indian legend about the origin of the tribe Shakya and genealogy of the kings of this tribe of the so-called Sun Dynasty. Chronologically the legend covers an epoch from ancient times to the birth of Buddha. After mentioning King DaSaratha who lived in the city of Kapil, the author inserted a short story about Rama in the text. In these stories there is an interesting episode about a crystal palace of demors, on whose smooth walls are a hundred images of the King of demons. That is why Rama could not find the real King of demons and strike him with an arrow. The clever counsellor Hanuman found out the secret and showed Rama where exactly the real King of demons was; only then, Rama could shoot an arrow and kill the demon. There is no such episode in the classical versior of Ramayana, written by the poet Valmlki, though there apparently was this episode in some other oral version of the Ramayana or in a Buddhist version. For instance, it is referred to in the second chapter " Mirror of Poetry .• by the Indian author Dantfin of the 7th century. Dag
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The influence of the Ramayajja in Mongolia is to be investigated not only in literature but also in other aspects of spiritual life. In Mongolia among lamas, the cult of apes, images and figurines, were rather met with often. The ritual books devoted to apes show how to offer sacrifices, to ask for wealth and to fulfil their desires. Worship of apes in Mongolia cropped up under the influence of Indian customs; it is quite possible that it referred to the image of Hanuman from the Ramayafla. The legend about the happy country of Shambal in the north was spread in Tibet and Mongolia. In the legend the general Hanuman is the counsellor of the King of Shambal. Not only by name but also by actions, he corresponds to the image of Hanuman in the Ramaya?a. The optimistic tone of the legend about Shambal showed the belief of the masses in a better future, and this is why it was very popular among people. The following conclusion can therefore be drawn: Most of the stories found by us in Mongolia are part of popular works, known as in xylographic editions and in manuscripts. On these grounds one can t.ffirm that the Ramayarta in the foim of different stories was rather widely known in Mongolia. Despite their brevity, many of these stories are not bare retelling of events, but original artistic productions.
THE RAMAYANA TRADITION AND THE PERFORMING ARTS By SURESH AWASTHI
The Ramayaija tradition in India and South-east Asia, because of its pervasive character and deep-rootedness, has greatly influenced the beliefs, customs and life-styles of the peoples of these regions, comprised of different ethnic and cultural groups. The tradition has, for ovei two thousand years, been a vital and integral element of the culture of these countries. It has profoundly enriched the literary, performing and visual arts. Due to its dynamic character, the Ramaya£a tradition keeps adjusting itself to the new social settings, and continues to inspire and stimulate the creative trge of the people and their sense of ideals and values. The tradition, along with an unbroken historical continuity, covers a wide spectrum of the socio-cultural life of the people. It hasflourishedand grown in the temple, the court, and the community, and in many periods of history the tradition simultaneously existed in all these centres and levels. The pattern in several countries has been the movement of the tradition from the temple to the community and from the community to the temple. This has influenced the material and nature of the tradition in many ways. The tradition is marked by a sense offlexibilityand openness. While it is influenced and corditioned by religious considerations, it transcends the frontiers of religion, operating as a cultural force. The epic, with all iu religious associations and ritualistic content, always lent itself to transformation and adaptation to suit different theological considerations and cultural needs. Its dynamic character defied all efforts to narrow it down and stop its natural flow in different cultural and social channels. Rama is an Avatar of Vi$nu in Hindu tradition, a Bodhisattva in Buddhist tradition, a £alaka-Puru§a in Jain tradition, and a believer of Islam in Muslim tradition. It is this cross-cultural perspective of the Raraayana tradition which is its most fascinating and rewarding aspect.
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There are four main aspects ©f the Ramayafla tradition, the literary, the oral, the performing and the pictorial tradition. These four aspects of the tradition co-exist, overlap, inter-mingle and promote mutual exchanges; and it is in this very complex interaction that we can understand its true nature and role in the arts and life of the people of the Asian continent. In most of the studies and researches so far, this close and integral relationship between the various aspects has not been fully realised, and the tradition has often been studied in its different aspects isolated from one another. In the study of the literary tradition, the role of the oial tradition has often been ignored. In fact, very little work has been done in the field of the oral tradition, which is fundamental for a proper study of the tradition. The oral tradition preceded the pictorial traditions in man> countries before the appearance of the Ramayafla epics. While in India the rich and living oral tradition co-exists with literary tradition, it survives, in many countries only in the puppet theatre. Dalang, the main puppeteer, is a great repository of the oral tradition of the Ramayaija. The study of the oral tradition can also throw new light on the problem of migration of the tradition and its historical and artistic links between various countries. The pictorial tradition also has close links, with that of the oral and performing tradition. The thematic content and artistic elements of the temple-reliefs can often be explained by referring to the oral tradition of the region and in some cases to the performing tradition. The conception of the characters; the conventions ard priaciples for organising the scene; the setting for the action; and the costumes and ornamentation often follow the performing tradition. The Ramayafla reliefs of Panataran temple in Java seem to depict the episode of Hanuman Duta as performed in Wayang Kulit; and as regards iconography, posture and grouping of characters, the reliefs have a close semblance to the Wa>ang performance. In India, shadowfiguresof Andhra Pradesh follow conventions and iconography of the mural paintings of the Lepakshi temple and the Paithan folk-paintings of Maharashtra. Medieval miniature paintings on the Rama-theme also follow the principles and conventions of the traditional Rama theatre, RamrJIla, in regard to the treatment of time and place and the organisation
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of action. The two important practices of the traditional Ramayana theatre, namely, multiplicity of locale, and simultaneity of action are also followed in the traditional paintings. Inter-dependence of and collaboration between the performing and visual arts, a special feature of Asian theatre, is reflected sharply in the Ramayafla theatre. The Ramayana is performed in most countries having the Ramayana tradition. The performing tradition of the Ramayapa has manifested itself in a great range and variety of forms having regional and stylistic variations—from the dramatic recitation of the epic story with simple mime to the highly stylised and codified forms of dance and theatre, and several forms of the puppet theatre. In the human theatre, RamayaQa is performed in innumerable modes—the processional and ritualistic Ramallla of North India, and in the highly stylised and codified dance theatre Kathakali of Kerala; in the highly theatrical Khon mask dance theatre of Thailand and in the extremely lyrical dance-drama of Bali. In the puppet theatre the epic is performed in forms ranging from the simple glove puppet of Kerala (India) to the highly refined shadow theatre, Wayang Kulit of Java. While the Ramayana theatre is an integral part of the colourful and multiform traditional theatre of Asia, it is distinguished by many technical features. It is the most representative and artistically rich sector of the traditional theatre often adding a new dimension to the epic story and giving new interpretations to the characters. The epic story, with its legendary and mythical motives, eminently suited the stylised and convention-based traditional theatre of Asian countries. Elaborate preliminaiies and rituals as part of the performance, and an enthusiastic and devoted audience sharing the myths and legends with the performers render the Ramayafla theatre as the most participative theatre reflecting the beliefs, arts and values of the community. In the performing tradition of the epic, the art of recitation is basic; and while having ritualistic significance, it also serves an important dramatic function. The performing tradition of the epic was born the day recitation was born, and recitation was born the day epic was born. Most of the Ramayaga theatre and dance-forms, including the puppet theatre, have evolved out
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of recitation which acts as base-line upon which the superstructure of the form is raised. Even in the contemporary practice and also in new creations, recitation of the epic remains basic, and the performance looks like a dramatisation of the recitation. The tradition of recitation survives along with the Hterary and performing traditions in most of the countries. In the Ramayaoa tradition, the idea of struggle between the forces of good and evil is so basic that it greatly influences the structure and nature of theatrical forms of various types. This idea of struggle is maintained and conveyed through a structuring of the form, peculiar to the Ramayaija theatre. The general pattern is that in the first stage there is confrontation between the two forces; in the second stage, challenge; in the third, conflict and combat; and in the fourth, the victory of the forces representing good and the defeat of the forces representing evil. This pattern is followed in a variety of forms of theatre and dance dealing with the RamayaQa-theme in all the countries. It is to highlight this idea of a spiritual conflict that in almost all the forms of the Ramayaija theatre, in all the countries, combatscenes dominate the performance and are the most important and dramatic. In many cases, these are also most beautifully choreographed. From the artistic point of view, of interest is the characteristic that the choreography of the combat scenes is often inspired bv the material arts of the country or region concerned. The basic postures, attitudes and movements have close affinities with the martial arts. The performers as well as the audience take great delight in these scenes and get a kind of spiritual satisfaction in witnessing the defeat of the evil characters. In the traditional Rama-theatre, Ramallla of India, the burning of huge effigies of RavaQa and his allies on the day of the enactment of the battle between Rama and Ravafla is a grand ritualisation of this theme of the struggle between good and evil. Of special interest to the scholars of the performing tradition of the RamayaQi should be the fact that the most ancient form of theatre employing the Rama-theme, in many countries, is the shadow theatre. It is the shadow theatre which has given rise to several forms of human theatre. There n&s always been a lose relationship of mutual exchange between the puppet and the
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human theatre. These later forms of human theatre use many elements and conventions of the shadow theatre, and often follow the same division of the story, using the same script and the same music. In Bali and Java, the Wayang figures have influenced movements and attitudes of many characters (e.g., Hanuman and Jatayus) in the modern RamayaQa dance-drama. Even in the recent experimental \ . movements of some of the characters are a further stylisation of movements followed in the Wayang theatre, e.g., the movements of Marlca in a combat sequence with Rama. The movements in the Khon mask dance of Thailand have a close resemblance with those of the shadow figures. The shadow theatre with its ancient origins and elaborate ceremonials is indicative of the fact that the RamayaQa theatre has its basis in rituals. The Ramayapa is much performed in various forms of the puppet theatre in India and the countries of the South-east Asia. The various forms of the puppet theatre using the Ramayagatheme are the leather puppet or the shadow theatre of various styles, the marionettes, the rod-puppets and the glove puppets. The puppet theatre is also perhaps the oldest form using the Ramiya?a-theme. The shadow theatre is the basic and dominant art* form in Indonesia, Cambodia, Malaysia and Thailand. In India, the RamayaQa-theme seems to have been used from the 5th century B.C. in the shadow puppet theatre, references to which are found in early Buddhist literature. The tradition of the shadow theatre survives in Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Karnataka and Kerala. Notwithstanding many common features and conventions, the four styles of shadow theatre differ in size and delineation of figures, and in the spoken-word material and music content. Other forms of the puppet theatre presenting Rama-stories are the rod-puppets of West Bengal the glovepuppets of Kerala, and the marionettes prevalent in Tamilnadu and Karnataka. The shadow theatre in Java and in Bali is the most developed and highly cultivated theatre of this genre. With its deep ritualistic background and symbolic character it has a great socio*cultural significance and truly mirrors the beliefs, attitudes and traditions of the Indonesian people. With the spoken-word material of
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rich poetic content, we have elaborate and codified music; magnificent and highly stylised figures; and the developed art of manipulation and vocalisation. Indonesian shadow theatre provides a total theatrical experience. It is interesting to note that many preliminaries, and the rituals and ceremonials observed in Wayang Kulit and also its many conventions are similar to those followed in Indian shadow theatre. In Thailand while the tradition of the largefigureshas already become extinct, that of the smaller figures is alive in the southern parts of the country, and shares many common features with the shadow theatre in Malaysia. The tradition of the shadow theatre existed in Thailand as oral tradition for several centurieg before King Rama I composed the epic poem towards the end of the 18th century. In Malaysia the shadow theatre continues to have a living tradition, and is the only form of the performing tradition of the Ramayaria. Malaysian shadow theatre has a certain vitality peculiar to a popular and folk art reflecting the oral tradition. In manipulation techniques and theatrical values this tradition is.close to that of the Andhra Pradesh, India. Cambodian shadow theatre is a developed form having large figures, beautifully cut out and delineated in dramatic postures and highly theatrical manipulation. In Cambodian shadow theatrefiguresare projected on a large screen employing a number of puppeteers in a performance specially during the royal processions and war scenes. The puppeteers manipulate while standing and walk in a stylised mimetic gait, depending upon the character they are manipulating, in the process projecting their choreographic mo\ements to the figures. The Cambodian figures cut out as sculptured form have close resemblance to the temple reliefs of Ankor Vat in iconography, posture, costume and ornamentation. A performance of shadow play looks like animated sculpture; and the reliefs, like a static moment in a performance, many figures are cut out as group figures with two or more characters portiaying some important sequence, and these groupfiguresfollow the same pattern of organising the action as in the bas-reliefs. The reliefs presenting small groups are to be viewed in succession to comprehend a connected total episode. The narrative in the reliefs has a scheme of
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progression similar to that of the shadow theatre. The Cambodian example of the shadow theatre also makes the relationship between the performance and the pictorial tradition much more clear. The Ramayana theatre is richest in episodes and spoken-word material. There has always been a close link between the literary and the performing traditions of the Ramayana; and while the tradition of dramatic recitation of the epic started with Valmiki Ramayana, later Ramaya^as in various countries were always used as the primary source for episodes and textual material. Not only in human theatre, but also in the puppet theatre, the verses are taken from the RamayaQas and other Rama-poetry. It is this richness of literary content that has been the main factor for the sustenance and survival of the puppet theatre in Asia for nearly two thousand years. While watching a performance of the Andhra Pradesh shadow theatre, one also gets to listen to great poetry taken from Sanskrit and Telugu Ramayaijas. During the medieval centuries many poets wrote epic poems on the Rama-saga keeping in view the performing tradition and its requirements. Some wrote the epic primarily to be performed. Thai Ramayana by King Rama II and the Burmese Ramayana by Natak Kyaw Gaung are dramatic versions of the epic story composed for theatiical performances. Bengali Ramayana of Krttivas and Vichitra Ramayana in Oriya are used by the Ramayana theatre of these regions for textual material. The Ramcharitamanas of Tulsidas, having a sound dramatic design, greatly enriched and sustained Ramalila, the traditional theatre of north India, which deals exclusively with the Rama-theme. In South India, the Kamba Ramayana in Tamil, and the Telugu Ramayana of Ranganatha, along with other Ramaya&as in Malayalam and Kannada supply spoken-word material to many forms of human and puppet theitre dealing with the Rama-theme. Apart from acquiring the rich spoken-word material from the literary source*, the Ramayana theatre also uses a great deal of material from the oral tradition, specially in the puppet theatre. Thus, the performing tradition of the Ramayafla serves as a bridge between the literary and oral tradition.
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The Ramaya^a t h e a t i e is a theatre o f stylisation a n d conventions, which are, in m a n y forms, strictly codified. T h e stylised make-up a n d c o s t u m e s , t h e codified gait a n d m o v e m e n t s , t h e recitative, chant-like delivery o f stylisation, t h e basis having been provided by a non-realistic, imaginative approach t o t h e theatre. Stylisation is primarily concerned with the treatment o f t h e actor's face, dramatic speech, m o v e m e n t s and gestures. The highly stylised make-up in K a t h a k a l i , t h e powerful m a s k s o f K h o n o f Thailand and t h e ljrical masks used in Java are e x tremely effective devices t o treat t h e actors* face. T h e stylised figures o f t h e W a y a n g K u l i t , t h e s h a d o w play o f Java, succeed in creating a w o r l d o f mystery a n d fantasy, deepening t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e epic story. T h e m a s k s a n d make-up o f characters like RavaQu, H a n u m a n and Jatayus have inspired craftsmen t o evolve stylised approaches t o their designs and varied interpretations o f the characters. T h e embroidered zari mask o f Raval?a u s e d in t h e Ramalila is an exquisite piece o f art. T h e life-size mask o f Ja^ayus u s e d in t h e A n k i a N a t o f A s s a m , t h e m a s k o f Ravaija in t h e Shahi Jatra o f Orissa a n d t h o s e u s e d in Burmese dance drama are m o s t dramatic and powerful masks. Tt is interesting
to note that the scheme of colour symbolism used in make-up is also more or less the same as that of masks and puppets. The masks represent the totality of the folk arts and crafts of the region and follow the elements and conventions of the plastic arts. The make-up and masks greatly accentuate and enrich stylisation of the Ramayajja theatre, and impart to it a quality of other-worldlioess. Along with the rich thematic and textual content the Ramayaija theatre also has a highly developed music and dance content. Music is the very dynamics of this theatre; and it determines the pace, the rhythm, and the movement of the drama. Specific melodies are fixed for various situations and action J, to express differert sentiments and moods, and to accompany the entries and exists of the characters. Orchestral pieces are often used as incidental music, specially during the fight scene. The orchestra plays ia unison with the vocal line and repeats the melodic phrae giving relief to the actor to present choreographic patterns and enrich his gestures by ar elaborate interpretatior of the text. The theatrical presentation with music, striking poses
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and gestures builds up a spectacle of great choreographic beauty and pictorial charm. The use of poetry, music, dance and mime; the intermingliag of epic and lyric poetry and of narrative and dramatic material; the choreographic style of acting illuminating the gestures, poses and movements of the actor; conventions of speech, such as the alternation of prose and verse and a recitative and rhythmic mode of delivery; the use of singers and narrators; elaborate costumes; facial make-up and fantastic masks and head-gears with colour symbolism and role stinction; freedom from the unities of time and place; elaborate preliminaries and rituals—these are the main features which characterise the Ramayana theatre of various countries. While the primary conventions and some of the practices have a pan-Asian character, the secondary conventions and some of the practices are indigenous reflecting the values of the traditional theatre of the country concerned. The similarities of elements, performing techniques and conventions between various forms of the Ramayaiia theatre and dance, in various Asian countries, indicate a two-fold process of transformation and of continuing mutual exchange. The whole pattern of migration, assimilation and continuing excharge is as complex in the performing tradition of the Rama>aija as it is in the literary, oral and pictorial traditions. The pattern becomes all the more complex because of two factors: one, the r^tural tendency and capacity of the indigenous artistic traditions to adapt and transform alien forms; and two, the coming of the influences from different parts of India and at different periods of history. The process of the transmission and transformation of the Ramayana tradition was never a simple one-way traffic. It must be viewed as a complex pattern; a two-way traffic; a situation having its feedback. It is ijiterestirg to note that, as a result of this process of transmission and acculturation, some of the ancient Indian forms, performing techniques and conventions which disappeared from the country of their origin, still survive in certain South-east Asian coi ntries, especially in Bali and Java. The urge to perform the Ramayana is so great that new forms are continuously evolved as a result of the wedlock between tbe new performing techniques and the traditional material. The use and popularity of Ramayaoa episodes in the traditional dance
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Kechak of Bali is the expression of this urge. Dance-dramas with modern choreography and certain other theatiical creations are comparatively new forms in the long tradition of the Ramayana theatre. The dance-drama of Indonesia, in several regional styles, and of Thailand, Cambodia and Burma, has been structured utilising traditional dance material and various elements from the shadow theatre. In matters of costume, make-up, etc., the tendency is to follow the tradition, but the choreographer most creatively introduced to these elements a modern idiom and a more theatrical character. With their constituent elements of verses, mime and music these dance-dramas are structurally similar to the modern Indian dance-dramas. The dramatic verse used in dance-drama is fully integrated with the music; the choreographic structure follows and is based upon the musical structure of the play. The spoken-word in poetic form provides the entire mise-en-scene, and the actordancer using symbolic gestures greatly enriches the dance-content. Kathakali represents a perfect integration of visual and aural effects in plastic form. The Ramayana theatie of the dance-drama variety functions like a three dimensional montage. The meaning of the drama is carried by the poetry and is passed over into the gestures or into musical rhythm. It can be created by more than one mode in unison or in counterpoint. In India too, during the last four decades 01 so, choreographers and dance directors have used the Ramayaoa-theme in darcedramas and ballets, applying a variety of dance-styles both classical and folk. Udaya Shankar, the creator of the modern dance-drama, produced the Ramayaiia as a spectacular shadow theatre with human actors. The late Shanti Bardhan produced a Ramayana ballet using puppet-like choreographic movements. The Kalakshetra has produced a series of Ramayana ballets in classical dance-styles, covering the entire epic story under the direction of Rukmini Devi Arundale. Bharatiya Kala Kendra's Rama Leela, encompassing the epic storv in a spectacular dance-drama using a vast three-platform stage, has succeeded in reconstructing the traditional Ramallla for the modern stage. The Ramayapatheme has also fascinated the modern theatre artists and straight plays, interspersed with verse-dialogues and songs, have been written for the proscenium stage.
RAMAYANA IN SCULPTURE AND PAINTINGS IN THAILAND By M. C. SUBHADRADIS DISKUL
Before describing the subject of the Raraayaija in Sculpture and Paintings in Thailand, the writer would like first to discuss on the division of History of Art periods in Thailand. The History of Art in Thailand except that of Prehistory has been more or less divided after the chronology of Thai history. It can be generally separated into two large epochs: before the Thai political domination and after the Thai suzerainty. The first epoch can be again sub-divided into five periods: Ancient objects discovered in Thailand (circa 4th-6th century A.D.), Dvaravatl period (6th or 7th-11th century), Ancient Hindu Images in Thailand (7th-9th century), Srivijaya period (8th-13th century) and that of Lopburi (circa llth-13th century). The second large Thai epoch comprises of those of Chiengsaen or Northern Thailand (circa llth or 12th-18th century), Sukhothai (13th-14th century), IMong (circa 12th-15th century), Ayudhya (14th-18th century) and Bangkok (from 1782). Indian cultural influence arrived in the present-day Thailand from about the 4th century A.D. Archaeological evidence can be drawn from small Indian AmaravatI or early Ceylon (£rl LaAka) Buddha images. Hindu statues probably came a little bit later. There are three small stone images of Vishnu discovered in southern Thailand. According to the theory of Professor Stanley J. O'Connor Jr. in his recent book " Hindu Gods of Peninsular Siam ", these statues are probably the earliest Hindu images found in South-east Asia. They resemble closely the Vishnu images of late Indian Mathura and Amaravati styles. The god is wearing a decorated cylindrical hat, a pair of ear-rings, a necklace, armlets and bracelets. His upper right hand is probably holding a club and his lower right one raised in the attitude of dispelling fear. The upper left hand might hold a disc and the lower one is holding a conch on his left hip. The dress is composed of a sarong with a thick band of vertical folds in front and a broad sash tied horizontally across the waist with an end falling down on each side
ftftmftyaoa in Sculpture and Paintings in Thailand of the body. There is also a semicircular loop (of the sash?) hanging down as a decoration on the front part of the body and the male organ can still be perceived under the thick vertical folds of the robe. This image can be dated probably about the 5th or 6th century A.D. For the Dvaravatl period (6th or 7th-llth century A.D.) the art of which probably developed in central Thailand and then spread to the east, north-east, north and south of the country, most of the archaeological and artistic evidence denotes Buddhism of the Theravada school with periodic intrusions of Mahayana Buddhism. Therefore so far the Ramayana in sculpture and paintings has not been found during this period. There are however images of many Hindu gods carved in stone from about the 7th to 9th century A.D. and can be grouped as Ancient Hindu Images in Thailand. Most of them were discovered in the southern, eastern and northern central parts of the country^ Images found in the south and the east mostly represent standing Vishnu wearing a plain cylindiical hat and a long sarong witli a thick band of vertical folds in front. His two upper arms hold respectively from right to left a disc and a conch and his two lower ones a lotus representing earth and a club. The scarfs tied across the hip can be arranged in two ways: diagonally and horizontally with the end hanging down on the right side of the body. The statue decorated with a diagonal scarf might be earlier than those wearing a horizontal one. These images denote the influence from the Indian post-Gupta style of the Pallava dynasty from soLth-castern India. There are also three other stone images, two male and one female, which were under the trees at Takuapa, Pang-nga in southern Thailand and have now been preserved i \ the National Museum at Nakhon Sri Thammarat, also in the southern part of the country. They also denote the influence of the Indian Pallava school and might date back to the 8th-9th century. Originallv they were thought to represent Rama, LakshmaQa and Slta in the Ramayana or Sivagangamurti with Siva in the centreflankedby Bhaglratha on his right and the goddess Ganga on his left. Recently after the excavation of the three images before their removal to the Nakhon Sri Thammarat
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Museum, the original stone head of the central image was unearthed, and they turned to be a triad of standing Vishnu flanked by a kneeling male and female attendart on either side. Another school of stone sculpture representing Vishnu has also been discovered in the southern part of Thailand. It might be later than those described above and might be attiibuted to the 9th century. Some of the statues are larger than human size. They represent standing Vishnu wearing a cylindrical hat aid having four arms. The body is rather muscular and standing in the round without any real suppoit. The robe is still a long sarong with a thick band of vertical folds in front. The belt tied around the waist is rather small and the thick cloth scraf has disappeared. At the town of Si Tep or Sri Deva in northern central Thailand, a group of Hindu divinity stone images have also been discovered. Quite a few of them represent standing Vishnu but totally different from those found in southern and eastern Thailand. They wear an octagonal hat with a tiered-top leaving fringes of hair falling down on the shoulders. A short sompot is draped around the body with.the end of the robe tucked between the legs and attached to the belt behind. Some of the images still stand in tribhanga. Apart from Vishnu some of them might also represent Krishna upholding the Mount Govardhana with his left arm. These images might date back to the 7th or 8th century A.D. Now we come down to the l§rivijaya period in Southern Thailand (8th-13th century) where the capital is still disputed whether it should be near the modern town of Palembang on the island of Sumatra or at Chaiya in the province of Suratthani in southern Thailand. As during this period the majority of the population professed Mahayana Buddhism, only a few Hindu images have been discovered, for instance those of Siva. According to the writer's knowledge, so far no Ramayafla-scenes have ever been found during this period. For the Lopburi epoch {circa Uth-13th century) the Khmer influence spread from Cambodia into the north-eastern, eastern and central parts of Thailand. As the Khmer usually practised Hinduism much more than Buddhism (except only in the late
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12th and early 13th century) and during the 11th century Vaishnavism came to the fore, many scenes from the RamayaQa were discovered in Thailand especially those carved on stone pediments and lintels of the Khmer or Lopburi towers. Most of them were carved in the first half of the 12th century. According to an article entitled " Essai d'interpretation d'une scene du RamayaQa representee sur un linteau d'art khmer " of Miss Uraisi Varasarin and Miss Nandana Chutiwongs printed in the book called " Art and Archaeology in Thailand " published by the Thai Fine Arts Department in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Thai National Museum, September 19, 1974 the two writers show photographs of 4 stone lintels of Lopburi style discovered in Thailand representing Rama and Lakjmana entwined by naga-noose from Indrajit's arrow and surrounded by lamenting monkeys, sometimes with Garutfa flying down to free them. This according to the two writers were reproduced after Valmiki's version. At the Pimai Temple in the province of Nakhon Ratchasima, north-eastern Thailand, though the Sanctuary was constructed for Mahayana Buddhism about 1108, many stone pediments and lintels of the porches of the main sanctuary, of the southern forechamber and the galleries are carved with scenes from the Ramaya?a. Here some details will be given. On the western side of the southern fore-chamber, a stone lintel above the door-way is decorated with the scene of Rama and Lak$ma?a entwined by the /i5ga-noose (nagapasa) from the arrow of Indnjit, Ravafla's son, and surrounded by monkeys as described above. On the pediment above is sculptured the descent of Garu^a among other monkeys. These two scenes are therefore quite exceptional as they are complimentary to each other in the same story which is quite rare in Khmer art. The stone pediment and lintel of the western porch of the main sanctuary are also carved with scenes from the Ramayana. On the pediment is represented a fighting scene with two combating chariots which is quite difficult to identify but the lintel underneath displays the scene of the construction of a causeway to Lanka where one can see monkeys dumping stones into the ocean which abounds in sea animals such as fish, crocodiles and mythical aquatic monsters. On the northern porch of the main sanctuary is again carved an unidentified fighting scene from the Ramayapa on the pediment. Two scenes are
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
sculptured on the pediment and lintel of the eastern porch of the main sanctuary. The one on the pediment might illustrate the descent of RavaQa's grand-uncle to judge the case between his grand-nephew and Rama whereas the scene on the lintel pro* bably represents the episode when LakgmaQa tries to cut the nose-tip and ear of £urpaQakha, RavaQa's younger sister, while Rama and Slta, the latter being seated on the lap of the former, are looking on. For the eastern pediment and lintel of the southern fore-chamber in front of the mair sanctuary the scene carved on the pediment represents Siva and Uma, his consort seated on the bull Nandin on top of a row of the three great gods which comprise of Brahma riding on a hamsa on the right, Indra on the three-headed elephant, Airavata, in the centre and four-armed Vishnu on Garutfa on the left, surrounded bv smaller attendants. On the lintel is represented a nautical scene where many personages are seated in a boat which might suggest Rama's entrv into town after his conquest over Ravapa and retrieval of Sita. Two stone lintels which probably belonged to the galleries around the main sanctuary can be here cited. One represents Rama shooting an arrow to a group of demons and the other probably *Rama and Sugrlva beirg each borne on a palanquin by monkeys back into town, presumably after the first has killed Valin, Sugrlva's elder brother There was also a beautiful stone pediment on the north of the fore-chamber of Prasat Panom Rung in the province of Buriram, north-eastern Thailand, probably constructed about the end of the 11th century. It represented the scene of the abduction o f Slta by Ravafla and the killing of Marica by Rama. Unfortunately this pediment has now been destroyed by vandalism and theft. The scene of Vishnu lying on the Naga with Lakshml nursing at his feet was also very popular and carved on many stone lintels during this epoch. During this Lopburi period there are also some small bronzes that might represent scenes from the Ramayana such as those decorating the base of an image but they are quite difficult to identify. Small bronze figures of Hanuman and Garu^a used as a standard on top of a wooden pole have also been found. * It should be Lakjhmaga • Ed.
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Bronze, figures of Vishnu either standing alone or riding on Garutfa are also quite frequent. When we arrive at the Thai period beginning with the Chiengsaen or Northern Thai epoch (circa 11th or 12th-18th centuiy) Theravada Buddhismflourishedand practically none of the Rami* yaija scenes have been discovered. This Chiengsaen or Northern Thai period is divided into two sub-epochs: that of early Chiengsaen (11th or 12th—13th century) and later Chiengsaen or Chiengmai (14th-18th century). For the Sukhothai period (13th-]4th century) which it regarded as the most beautiful epoch of Thai art, though the story of the Ramayaija must have been already well known in Thailand as the name of the third great king of the Sukhothai dynasty derived from Rama, King Ram Khambaeng (Rama the Brave), and the word Rama used as the name of some sites such as a cave, still very few scenes of the RamayaQa have been discovered in sculpture and painting. In the Sukhothai stone inscriptions the names of Rama, Krishna, NarayaQa and probably Harihara are also referred to. King Li Thai, the grandson of King Ram Khamhaeng, had two large bronze images of Siva and Vi$gu cast in 1350. During the Sukhothai period quite a number of bronze images of Hindu divinities were made. Most of them represent Harihara and the rest comprise of Siva, VigQu, Brahma and Uma or Lakshml. It is believed that stucco decorations around the uboseth (ordination hall) of Wat Kaew, a large Buddhist monastery at Kanpaengpet, a Sukhothai town in northern Thailand, might represent the scenes from the Ramayapa but unfortunately most of them have now fallen down. One of them that is still in situ might represent reclining Vi$gu with Lakshml seated at his feet. These scenes probably belong to the Sukhothai or the early Ayudhya epoch. As for the U-tong period, so far very few historical facts are known and still very much debatable. Sculptures found during this time are mostly Buddha images. They show the mixed styles which can be generalized into three groups: the first one donating the mixture between the Dvaravati and Khmer or Lopburi arts (12th-13th centwy), the second one that of the Khmer or Lopburi artistic expression having become more influential (13th-14th century) and the last one displaying the predominance of the Sykhothai style (14th-15th century).
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
During the Ayudhya period (14th-18th century), the story of the Ramayana called Ramakirti (pronounced Ramakien in Thai) and the other incarnations of Vishnu must have been again very popular as the official name of King U-tong, the founder of Ayudhya in 1350, is King Ramathibedi (Ramadhipati) I and it is believed that the stucco decoration around the base of the main prang (tower) of Wat Mahathat which was probably constructed at Ayudhya in 1374 might represent the episode of the churning of the Milk Ocean in the Kurmavatara. There were probably many Thai written versions of the Ramayana composed during this period but most of them have unfortunately disappeared because of the loss of Ayudhya in 1767. Now only two written poetic versions of the late Ayudhya period have survived. One was probably composed for the performance of the shadow-play figures and the other for dramatic dance. At the end of the Ayudhya period (17th-18th century) some examples of the art concerning the Ramayana can still be seen such as the painting on a book- cabinet which was originally used to preserve Buddhist palm-leaf manuscripts in a monastery. This wooden cabinet which might belong to the late Ayudhya or early Bangkok period has its back part printed in gold on black lacquer representing two superb angel-guardians in typical Thai style. The lateral panels are painted in colour and gold and on the left side is represented a tree that bears fruit in women (ndriphala) in the Himavanta jungle. The front panels are also richly painted in gold and colour describing the story of the Ramayana when the two sons of Rama capture Hanuman in a jungle. H is interesting to note that in this scene though the figures and the story are typical Thai but the scenery ouch as trees,flowersand mountaii s denote clearly the Chinese influence. This last characteristic belongs to the late Ayudhya style. For the end of this Ayudhya period or early Bangkok one might again talk about the painting in gold on black lacquer inside the wooden building called Ho Khien at Suan Pakkad Palace of H. R. H. Princess Chumbhot of Nagara Svarga in Bangkok, where the life of the Buddha is represented on top and the story of the Ramayana in a lower register. It is the largest space covered with painting in gold on black lacquer so far found.
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Also from this late period 'of Ayudhya exists a sculpture on a wooden pediment, formerly belonging to a Buddhist monastery in the town of Ayudhya, representing Vishnu riding on a crowned monkey, probably Hanuman. It is now preserved in the Ayudhya National Museum. This type of sculpture on the pediment of a Buddhist ordination hall especially the one showing Vi$gu riding on Garutfa has the symbolic meaning that that monastery is constructed by a king or is under the royal patronage. Mural paintings inside a brick building, which is believed to be the residence of a high monk, at Wat Putthaisawan, Ayudhya, might also depict some scenes from the Ramayana but most of them have now been obliterated. Designs or. some niello bowls which might belong to this late Ayudhya period, also represent thefigureof Hanuman. During the Thonburi (1767-1782) and Bangkok (1782) periods, many Thai versions of the Ramayana were composed. The king of Thonburi himself wrote many short episodes of the itory which were used for dramatic dance. King Rama I of Bangkok (1782-1890) and his court poets composed the whole story of the RamayaQa for dramatic dance from the origin of Rama's dynasty down to the end concerning the story of Rama's two sons. This version is however very long and rather difficult to put on stage; so King Rama II (1809-1824), his son who was also a great poet, composed a shorter version from the episode when Hanuman receives the order from Rama to follow Sita who has been abducted by Ravafla until Siva reconciles Rama and Sita. This version is very popular and regarded as the best Thai dramatic poetry. It has very often been acted on stage as a mask dance. These two Thai versions do not really follow Valmiki's source and according to the research of Thai scholars, the Thai versions probably originate from the southern Indian one which might have come through Indonesia or the Srivijaya kingdom. There are many interpolations and adaptations, for instance Hanuman has become a great lover in the Thai version of the RamayaQa. After these two versions King Mongkut or Rama IV (1851-1868) wrote another dramatic poem on the episode of Rama's wandering in the jungle and King Vajirayudh or Rama VI (1910-1925) also composed a dramatic poem on the Ramayana, this time based on Valmiki's version. Apart from those royal literary
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
works, there are also some other compositions concerning R&roa written by Thai poets, but they are not very important nor complete. It is thus not surprising that there are many sculptures and paintings concerning the RamayaQa during the Bangkok period. During the first reign the most important evidence would be the mural paintings along the galleries around the Temple of the Emerald Buddha in Bangkok depicting the Ramaya&a-story from the birth of Sita until the final war of her two sons with the help of Rama's two younger brothers. Unfortunately these mural paintings have to be restored approximately every 25 years because of great humidity and the pouring rain. What we can see now date mostly from 1932 when they were repainted for the celebration of 150 years of Bangkok and now they are being repaired again for the coming second contenary of Bangkok in 1982. Apart from these mural paintings one can also admire the workmanship of a wooden scree i painted in gold on black lacquer dating from thefirstreign and now preserved in the Bangkok National Museum. On one side is represented the scene of Indrajit when he transforms himself as indra and is shooting an arrow that turns to be a group of nagas and on the other side of Ravaga's death. During the reign of King Rama II, Thai dramatic dance attained its zenith and some masks can still be admired. For the reign of King Rama III (1824-1851) one might cite as an example mural paintings of the RamayaQa in the vihara of Wat Nang Pya, Pisnulok, northern Thailand but the most interesting eviderce on this great epic can be studied at Wat Po behind the Grand Palace in Bangkok. King Rama III, a pious monarch, restored this Buddhist monastery and liked to make it a free university for the public. Therefore itf the Wat compound many stone irscriptions on medicinal texts including message, poetry, formulae, etc., can be studied even to the present-day. Around the base of the new ubosoth (ordination hall) constructed by him there are 152 carved marble panels 43 X 38 cm., relating the story of the Ramayaija from the abduction of Sita by Ravaija at the northeastern corner around the clockwise direction to the pursuit of Rama, the fighting between the demons and the monkeys until the catch of Sahasteja, RavaQa's friend, by Hanuman. These sculptures were presumably executed after King R&ma I's Thai
RAmftyaoa in Sculpture and Paintings in Thailand
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version of the RamayaQa. They are very popular with foreigners and many paper rubbings of them have been sold to tourists. The date of these marble panels have been debatable. As two of them were found at Ayudhya, our former capital, some writers think that they date from that period. The author of this article, on the other hand, has the idea that they were carved during the third reign of Bangkok and as the governor of Ayudhya during that time was one of his favourites, the king might have given him these two surplus slabs because the governor was also restoring a Buddhist monastery in Ayudhya. These two slabs were however never used and have now been kept in the Ayudhya National Museum. The wooden panels of the four doors of this ordination hall at Wat Po in Bangkok are also beautifully inlaid with motherof-pearl representing again the episodes from the Ramaya^a. Two doors exist on the eastern side and the other two on the west. The northern panel of the eastern door on the north depicts the scene when Hanuman breaks the neck of the elephant-mount of Indrajit when he disguises himself as lndra and on the southern panel is represented the scene when LakgmaQa, Rama's younger brother, destroys the invulnerable ceremony of Indrajit. The northern panel of the southern door on the east represents the episode of the fighting between Hanuman and Sahasteja whereas the southern panel that of Hanuman and Virunchambang. The first panel of the southern door on the west shows the scene when Ravaija sprinkles magical water on the corpses of his dead relatives and friends in order to revive them and the second of the death of RavaQa himself. The western door on the north represents the story of the two sons of Rama. The first panel when they capture Hanuman and the second when one of them is caught by Rama's brothers. The other famous wooden sculpture concerning the RamayaQa in this renowned Buddhist monastery is carved on a pediment of a vihara in the north-western corner of the watf near the vihara of a large reclining Buddha image, representing the scene when Hanuman is fighting against the two sons of R&vaQa who were born, according to the Thai version, from an dephant-mothrr The stone statues of Hanuman and Suvarnamaccha, a half female and half fish believed to be the daughter of Ravaija and a
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
fish-mother, can still be seen at the north-eastern angle of the ubosoth in the Temple of the Emerald Buddha. They probably date from the third reign of Bangkok. During this time many scenes concerning the Ramayana can also be perceived from the paintings in gold on black lacquer on many book-cabinets. During the fourth reign, though the king himself wrote one episode of the Ramayana in dramatic poetry, sculptures and paintings of this great epic declined. From this period onwards only minor arts concerning the RamayaQa can be admired such as dolls, shadow-play figures in colour or in black, puppets, dance masks, manuscripts and designs on utensils for instance niello bowls, cigarette cases, etc. The story of the Ramayana is still however well known and popular with the Thai public until the present day.
RAMAYANAJN THE ARTS OF ASIA By KAPILA VATSYAYAN A stage manifestation in the 20th century may represent a moment of time strictly contemporary unconnected with the past of a people or it may hold within its contemporary and often modern form a content and a theme which continuously recalls many moments of a historical cultural past, which has meaning and validity on the stage and the power to determine pattern of living, behaviour and thought. The theatrical spectacle lasting two or three hours or a series of nights thus brings forth responses from audiences which lie deep in the psyche of a people. Asian drama has many such theatrical manifestations which cover a very vast geographical region and these can be traced back to many centuries in time. In spite of the complex and staggering multiplicity of forms there have been certain thepies which have travelled from one part of the Asian Continent to another with amazing mobility and fidelity. A cultural history of Asia could be reconstructed through a systematic tracing of a particular theme in many countries. This could be done with the lives of the Buddha or the stories of the Jatakas and with other myths, legends and fables which travelled thousands of miles without mechanical vehicles of transmission and without the printed woid. The fascinating story of the movement of the Pancatantra and the Hitopade&a to countries in West Asia, Europe etc., is too well known to be recounted. Equal only to the widespread prevalence of the story of the Hitopadesa and the Pancatantra, is the story of Rama—a hero once, a god at other times a mere man yearning and conquering and a god in pain and anguish, a man destined to make choices between his Love and his sense of Duty. The story of Rama seems to have bewitched and hypnotised generations of Asians belonging to countries with different religious, literary* and cultural traditions. Although the story of the Buddha, both as literature and as a religious and spiritual message, spread far and wide, and holds an unique place in this Civilization and Culture, the story of Rima has equally held the imagination of all classes of people ranging from the most
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
sophisticated and affluent to the most humble and lowly. It has permeated all aspects-living, religious, canonical and artistic. Unlike the story of the Buddha, in some countries of the continent, it continues to be a vibrant tradition on the stage in many dance and drama-styles, shadow and puppet plays of all varieties; in operatic manifestations ranging from ballad singing to stylised recitation, it lives in the framework of the dances of magic and exorcism, and still determines the nature of musical oichestration in some countiies. It also continues to be painted, whether in traditional forms, such as scrolls or mural paintings or through a fresh treatment by modern artists. Its popularity has not been confined to the traditional framework, but has impregnated a variety of modern media, such as comics, film strips, feature films, documentaries and the rest. The countries where the theme has survived in the traditions of the plastic and the performing arts could easily be identified as all the countries of the regions known as South Asia, South-East Asia and some countries of Central Asia. In order to assess the place of the Ramayana in the contemporary theatres of Asia, particularly, South-East Asia, it would be necessary to keep this framework of time and space in view. The survival of the tradition has been possible on account of several cultural and historical factors, and these have to be kept in view while making any analytical or comparative study of the Ramayaqia-tradition in the performing arts of today. While it is not the purpose of the present paper to recount the historical developments which took place in the growth of the theme or the manner of its transmission from one geographical area to the other, it would be necessary to clearly indicate the different streams of evolution of the theme both in the regions and in the different arts. First and the foremost is the literary theme which is basic and fundamental to both the plastic and the performing arts. All the stage-manifestations have rested heavily on the literary works either of the region or of the particular period, or for that matter, on a borrowing from a foreign tradition. It is the literary creation, whether ballad or a plain narrative poem or an epic
Mmftyaoa in the Arts of Asia
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moving with architectonic greandeur or a drama divided or undivided into acts or scenes which has formed the basis of artistic interpretation for the sculptor, musician, dancer, or actor alike. In the plastic arts, more particularly in bas-relief and bronze sculpture the theme was popular and some characters were favourites. Later, one begins to find a delineation of the story in fresco and mural paintings; parallel to this development is the illustration of the story in thousands of miniatures found in India and elsewhere. Between the 15th and the 18th centuries there is hardly a school of Indian miniature painting which does not include the theme of the Ramayaoa in its painting repertoire. The manner of portraiture and the treatment of the characters along with the distinctive forms of the figures effected and was in turn influenced by stage forms very close and very distant from the plastic medium such as the puppet. While the monumental reliefs of Angkor Vat and the temples of Prambanan in Indonesia present a grand spectacle in stone, the bas-reliefs of Panataran of East Java are only a mirror-image of the highly developed Wyang tradition of the country. The bas-reliefs of Wat-Po temple of Thailand and the recently discovered stone reliefs, at the Pagoda of Maha Loka Mara Zein in Burma capture the respective puppet and the marionette forms of Thailand and Burma. To this could be added the innumerable instances of the prevalence of this theme in the Indian Sub-Continent along with some significant examples of stone relief sculpture found in Nepal and £ri Lafika. It will be clear from the above that in order to understand the stage spectacle of today, one has to traverse many centuries of historical time, and a wide area of space. An element which has to be added to the literary and sculptural traditions is the most effective and yet intangible 'Oral Tradition* which facilitated mobility and flexibility, and this may perhaps be identified as one single element which accounts for the amazing continuity, the freshness and endless potential for adaptability of the theme. Our purpose is not to present a historical view of the development of the theme either in the literary, artistic or theatrical traditions of different countries, but merely to indicate the many points of similarity and distinctiveness in the different traditions of the R&mayafla as prevalent today in South-East Asia, more particularly, India, Burma, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Nepal and
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The Ramayana Tradition in As*
grl Lanka. The traditions of th6 Ramayana in these countries cannot be understood without reference to the traditions of the Ramayana in Indonesia and Malaysia. Let us then begin with a brief account of the literary and sculptural traditions which have contributed to the making of the contemporary theatrical forms of the Ramayana. For over a hundred years now, scholars have tried to determine the date of the first literary work based on the story of Rama. European and Asian scholars have differed widely on the date* of Valmiki's Ramayana. German scholars have placed Valmiki as early as the 12th century B.C.; others have placed him as late as the 4th century A . D . Recent research would indicate that it would be reasonable to place the author at about 3rd century B.C. In any case, for purposes of facility, for our present work it would be convenient to take this as a working date. Howevei, the story of Rama has to be traced back to earlier sources of the Sanskrit Tradition. The names of the main characters of the Epic are mentioned in pre-Ramayana literature in the #g Veda. The character of Da£?ratha appears and the word Rama is also found in the same Veda. The third major character of the Ramayana, riz.f King Janaka is also found in the Tattirlya Brahmaria and in some of the early and major Upanishads. Sita is not mentioned in Rg Veda literature, but does appear in the Krishna Yajur Veda and in the Tattirlya Brahmana. She is identified as the daughter of Surya, the sun-god and is often endearingly called Sita Savitri. Besides these, there is no reference to the character of Hanuman in Vedic or Brahmanical literature. Ravana, however, does appeal once or twice, although not as a fully developed character. The essential and basic elements of the characters of Rama, Dagaratha, Janaka, Sita, can perhaps be traced back to the cosmological symbolism attached to these names, in the Vedic, Brahmanical and other liturgical texts of the Indian tradition. However, even if one can trace the origins of the symbolism attached to the main characters of the Ramayana to earlier sources, Valmiki** work remains unique both in conception and in form. Although the story of Rama also occurs in the portions of Mahabharata which is considered prior t o Ramayana by some, once Valmiki had written the epic, the theme and its poetry gave rise t o and
Rimayana in the Arts of Asia
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impregnated practically all future traditions in the Indian subcontinent. For understanding its flowering it would be necessary to follow many parallel streams. There was the development first in the literary traditions. Soon after the writing of the Ramayana there were many versions in the Epic narrative tradition. The theme was treated by practically every Sanskrit dramatist and poet ranging from Bhasa to Kalidasa to Bhavabhuti and RajaSckhara in Sanskrit. After the 9th century A.D. there appeared several versions in the different regional languages of India. Its history can be traced through Hindu, Buddhist and Jain texts as also the different languages of India. In many other countries of South-East Asia although the written versions of Ramayana do not go back beyond the 9th centurv A.D., there is enough sculptural and inscriptional evidence to prove that the story was known to these countries at least by the early years of the Christian era. In this introduction, one may make only a passing reference to the versions of the Ramayana in different countries. The theme of the Ramayana was known to the Chinese through the DaSaratha Jataka as early as 251 A D . , when Kang-Senghui rendered it into Chinese. In 472 A. D. another Chinese translation appeared of the Nidana of Daiaratha Jataka. The origins of the contemporary " Monkey" of the Chinese opera can be traced back to these early beginnings and to the Hsi-yu-chi (a Chinese classic of the 16th c;ntury) which incorporated the episodes of Hanuman's search for Sita. In Sri Lanka, Kumaradasa composed the Janakiharana in the early 7th century A.D. In the 12th century A.D. this was followed by a prose paraphrase. Fables, myths, and folklore embody the story; the oral traditions in S"rl Lanka kept it alive for many centuries, even when no new literary versions were written. In the 19th century once again we find an interest in the Ramayana when C. Don Barstianan brought out a translation of the Ramayana. The contemporary Singhalese novel was apparently influenced by this and by earlier adaptations of Sanskrit plays like the Uttararamacarita. From far off in Tibet two versions in manuscripts were discovered: both belong to the 7th-9th century A.D In the 15th century works like Zhang-Zhmgpa Chowang drakpaipal
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incorporate the story; versions of the tale are found in the Kalmuk language and other languages of the Mongolia and Siberia. In Indonesia, the Kakawin Ramaya&a was already well established by the 9th century, judging from the fact that the Prambanan reliefs roughly follow this version. About the same time in the 9th century is also found an East Iranian version of the Ramayapa in Khotanese, an Iranian dialect. Slightly prior to the Kakawin Ramayaija must have been the Khmer versions although written versions of RamaKier do hot appear till much later: inscriptions of the 7th century A.D. give us ample indications of its popularity in the Khmer Kingdom. From Laos we have the Rama-Jdtaka based on the Panhasajataka. In the 13th century a Malaysian version entitled Hikayat Sri Rama was possibly composed, although the written version can only be dated 17th century. The Thai Ramakirti or Ramkien was written between 17821809, but the story of Rama was known to the Thais much earlier and certainly by the 8th-9th centuries. The several written versions of the Burmese RamayaQa all belong to the period 1760 to 1910, although there is archaeological evidence to show that the story was known and popular in the Pagan period. To this list could be added the innumerable versions of the languages/dialects of India. A bibliography alone would make a volume. Our purpose in broadly listing the literary sources at this stage is to draw attention to the fact that contemporary art expressions of a theme which has such a rich and varied history in the culture of a people presents both diffi ulties and challenges. It would be hard for an artist to copy and imitate earlier models and challenging to create new forms on an age-old theme which had been treated by poets, painters, musicians and dancers for centuries, exploring every nuance and shade of interpretation. And yet this very fact paradoxically has caught the imagination of the creators of today, namely to present a theme, which would strike responsive chords in every heart and yet to present it in a manner which would be both new and meaningful. In fact, a careful
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analysis of the literary versions of the Ramayaga along with versions in the performing arts reveals the strength and buoyancy of tradition which was continually assimilating and adapting itself to new conditions. The sculptural and the painting traditions of South-East Asia reinforce and supplement the literary evidence. As expected, the first sculptural illustrations of the theme are found in India. During the Gupta period the temple of Deogarh was constructed. Although practically in ruins today, it is the first testimony in store of the interest of the sculptor. While it is likely that many more scenes were depicted in this Vishnu Temple, the survivals are not insignificant. In spite of the fact that in other portions of this temple Vishnu is treated like a god or as an incarnation of &$a£ayl or as Nara Narayafla, in the Rama reliefs he is human, two-armed and a participator in the normal activities of the world. From amongst these scenes two are particularly noteworthy. One relates to the rejuvenation of Ahalya and the other to Lak$maQa's cutting the nose of Surpagakha. While in the panel relating to Ahalya, Rama does have an aura of divinity, there is no such sense of divinity in the second panel where Lak$mana cuts the nose of gurpanakha. It is important to note that the Ahalyaepisode is not popular in the Burmese, Thai, Laotian and Khmer versions. The story of £urpapakha is known and is seen in a variety of artistic expressions. From India also comes the next major depiction of Rama in stone. The sculptural monuments of the Rashtrakuta period incorporate Buddhist, Jain and Hindu themes. The Kailasa Temple in Ellora is not only an architectural wonder of a temple carved from the top to bottom from one rock, but is also a feat of sculptural skill. Here, Siva dances in several niches; the Gandharvas emerge out of the walls of the KJlasa in breath-taking dynamic movements reminiscent of the KinnaTl movements of the Thai and Burmese dancing, and above all there is the portraiture of the abduction of Slia. In a maginificent sculpture relief we see thefightof J;.tayus with Ravana, as the latter carries away Slta on his aerial cart. The perfect device of enlarging and foreshortening gives the effect of a front and back stage. RavaQa is not seen as a dynamic figure but one certainly taken to flight. The dimunitive Slta in the background gives us another feature of later developments. The fight of
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Ibc Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Ravaoa and Jatayus is again one which caught the imagination of the sculptor, poet, painter, puppet-master and dancer alike. There are many paintings, although not many sculptures, showing this particular episode in South East Asia, particularly Thailand and Cambodia. Another sculpture which is important from the point of view of stage developments is the one which depicts Ravana cutting off all his heads and giving them as offering to MaheSvara. This dramatic incident captured in rough rock tells us of Ravana who had attained his power and his valour, through a life of penance. The element of an earlier penance in the life of Ravaiia determines developments of this character much later. It is only when the idea of penance and of his acquired power and subsequently misuse of that power disappears from the tradition, that Ravana is reduced to the size of an ordinary human villain. Closely related to the sculpture in which he is seen offering each of his heads to MaheSvara, is the other where Ravana is equally forcefully shaking from below Mountain Kailasa on which sit calmly Siva and Parvati. The myths which surround the characters of Rama and Ravana are excellent indicators of both internal character development as also external form in different artistic expressions of the theme. By the 9th century the depiction of the Ramayafla-theme was not restricted to the Indian sub-continent- The magnificent portraiture ir Angkor Vat, Benteay Srei depicts the Ramaya^astory. The pediments, lintels and the niches vibrate with the theme. About the same time there were temples in South India where the story was portrayed. From amongst these, the most important is the NageSvarasvami temple at Kumbakonam of the 9th century. An episode of Rama, Sita, Lakjma^a crossing on a boat is seen here. While the pre-occupation of the Indian version about that time seems to be with the earlier history of Rama whether it was the exploits in the forest or later the cutting of the nose of Surpanakha, the Khmer kings seem to have been impressed most by the pos.ibility of dramatic portrayal of the fight between Rama and Rivana. The most famous sculptures, the temples at Angkor, viz., the Prasat Au Temple and at Benteay Srei and the Baphoun Mountain, all built between the 11th to the 13th centuries A.D., show marked emphasis on the fighting scenes between either the two armies or the two main characters of the
R&ro&yafla in the Arts of AMU
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epic. In the monumental scene of the fiaphoun Mountain we see four panels beginning with Ravana with ten heads and 20 hands riding a chariot drawn by a horse; this is followed by another par el in which Hanuman grapples with the horse and ties his arms round the horse. In the third panel the story moves forward and Hanuman is shown on top of the horse grappling with Ravapa; in the next Hanuman pushes him off the chariot and finally, Rama is seen victorious, riding a chariot drawn by two horses. The story of the demon crow is also depicted on these walls. The variance in emphasis or the difference in the selection of the particular portions gives us a clue to the gradual transformation which was taking place in different countries of Asia or for that matter within the same country. It would be intercsttrg to compare the third major deoiction of the theme in the region also belonging to the 10th centurv i.e. in the site of Prambanan in Indonesia. Here, we have a full Ramayaija; a depiction which, although reminiscent in style and form of Indian sculpture, i<s distinctively Indonesian in the manner in which the narrative moves forward and for the selection of the episodes depicted which are obviously from versions of the Kowi Ramayana. The episode relating to the Demon Crow and the one relating to the-building of the bridge has been commented upon frequently by scholars. The sculptural panels of Vali and Sugriva arc also effective and would make a very good comparison with similar panels found in Angkor Vat. A unique panel found in Prambanan which does not occur in othci sculptural reliefs is the one relating to the Demon Kabandha. Valmiki speaks of this demon as one with a head on the stomach but no one ever portrayed this in drama or in painting before and after Prambanan. In some folk ver^iois this character appears. From the 12th century onwards, the Ramayaija-themc appears in practically every temple of Vi$hflu. From Pattadakkal we have an elaborate series of the Ramayaga-theme fully supplemented with labels of names in Kannada. At the Hazara Rama Temple in Hampi there are literally hundreds of scenes portraying various incidents from the Ramayana. They run parallel to the incidents of the Bhagavata, also depicted in the same temple. At a time when the Vijayanagara Kings were building their temples in India, the Kingdom of East Java at Panataran was
690
The Ramayana Tradition in Aaj*
fully established. A comparison of the depiction of the Ramayaija, the monuments of Vijayanagara and the depiction of the Ramayaija at the same time in Prambanan, Panataran in East Java clearly reveals the autochthonous character of the traditions of different countries. The East Javanese monument selects characters and incidents from versions which are close in content with the Tamil versions of the Ramayana, but very remote in form. A similar comparison could be made of the several sculptures on the Ramayana-theme found in the temples of the Naik period in India and the murals on the Ramayana-theme found between the 14th and the 17th centuries in Cambodia, Thailand and Burma. We have, for example, in the Musee Khmer at Phnom Penh ten groups of delightful paintings where the episodes include Janaka's discovery of Slta, Rama breaking the Bow, Para$urama\s encounter with Rama and the episode of the restoration of the dead monkeys with the help of Indra. We see here also the episodes of the meeting of Vibhl$ai?a and Rama, a theme not popular in the sculptural tradition but popular in the painting tradition and the fire ordeal of Sita, again an episode, very popular in the painting and the performing arts tradition, but not seen much in the sculptural tradition. From the 16th century onwards there is a decline in the depiction of the Ramayana in stone. However, two major achievements take place—one is the systematic and beautifully executed series in the Wat Po Temple of Bangkok belonging to the Bangkok School and the other still later of the 19th century in Burma. Both are low bas-relief and lean heavily on the Thai version of the Ramaya?a where Hanuman is given an extremely important place; in fact, by this time the character of Hanuman seems to have undergone a great change from the days of his being an objective, faithful detached associate of Rama to his being a hero in his own right and one who has an enchanting history of amorous sport from the very moment of his youth. To the same period belong the murals on the Ramayana in Thailand. In the temple of the Emerald Buddha and in the Phrekeo Vat, Bangkok we have corridors after corridors of paintings relating to the Rama-theme. Many elements of contemporary history, topology and the rest have entered into the making of these murals. Some episodes known to literary versions but unknown to sculptural tradition are depicted for the first time. One such episode relates to the attempt of Rama and Lak§mana to destroy the
Rimiyaoe in the Arts of Aria
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soul of Ravapa. It appears that the soul of Rivajta was kept in an aviray and he was the recipient of a boon by which not one of his ten heads would destroy even if they were cut many times. Rama learnt the secret that Ravapa's soul is kept in an aviray with a teacher of Ravana known as Goputra. The painting depicts Hanuman and Aftgada going to get the aviray. It faithfully incorporates the temporarily changed loyalty. Finally, it shows how through a stratagem Hanuman and Angada brought the soul of Ravaiia. This story also becomes much more popular and prevalent in stage versions of the 19th and 20th centuries and does not find an important place in the traditions prior to the 19th century either in sculpture or painting. As has been mentioned before, while there was no major attempt at the depiction of the Ramayana through murals in India there was one significant development. This was the depiction of the Ramayana in the Lepakshi Temple in Andhra. Can one say that the traditions of sculptures and of paintings continued to the 20th century in Asia, as they have continued in the field of the performing arts? Or would it be reasonable to assume that the theme of the Ramayana was taken up in the field of the performing arts just when it ceased to interest the sculptor and the painter and possibly the poet ? Be as it may, even these rough indications of the existence of the Ramayana-theme in stone sculptures, in murals and in miniature paintings will convince one of the incomparable preoccupation of the artist with this story in the 20th century, although no great bronzes of Rama and Sita have been cast or stone reliefs engraved or miniature paintings made, the folk artist continues to be pre-occupied with this theme. The village paintings, the scrolls and the many forms of traditional crafts incorporate this theme in terracotta figures, textile designs, embroidered table-cloth, wallpaintings, ivory handles and hangings and paper-machie effigies made for festive occasions. The professional modern artist is also fascinated by the theme, although, except for two or three attempts by artists in the thirties, no outstanding pieces of art have emerged. The tradition lives more vibrantly in Bali and in Java where low stoae relief is still an art to be known and mastered.
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
The traditions of the plastic arts and the literary arts provide the material for a full and rounded flowering of the traditions of the performing arts. It remains an enigma to all historians, " why and how in the early part of the 18th century so many versions of the RamayaQa came to be written in different parts of India. Thailand,, Burma, etc/* Surely, something, which was dead and gone for many years could not be revived through the single stroke of a royal proclamation whether it was in Thailand or in Burma or in Kerala or in Bengal or in Orissa. It is here that, without hazarding a guess or being dogmatic. one may assert the unique role played by the oral tradition. All along when the theme was seemingly obliterated is was obviously prevalent in the oral traditions of each of these countries. A political or a social impetus gave whatever existed on official sanction, resulting in literary creations which could be written and disseminated. Origins of contemporary forms must be attributed to the written versions of the epic found in these countries between the 16th and the 19th centuries, more precisely the 18th century, but also to the sculptural oral traditions. In contemporary Asia the theme is found in different artistic expressions on two or three levels. (1) It exists in the form of a highly sanctified ritual where Rama is considered an incarnation of god and is worshipped. This may be considered the plane of ritual or institutionalised religion. (2) It is found in the life cycle of the agricultural calendar of many communities in this region extending from India to Indonesia, and from Nepal to Ceylon where a particular time of the year is associated with the birth of Rftma. The forms of the commemoration of the story of the birth and death of this hero vary. It may be in the form of the Navar&tra as in Gujarat and in Nepal, or it may be in the form of the worship of Lakjmi seen as the goddess form of Sit& or in the form of a plain narration of the episode of the hero's life or as tableau theatre known as the Dussehra festival popular in different regions of India, particularly Kulu, Var&nasi and Mysore. The
Rimiyata in the Arts of Asia
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pageant-like or the tableau-like narration is also known to other parts of Asia as in the Cart-play Tradition of the Nibhatkhin Tradition of Burma which effected the Ramakhin tradition. The mobile theatre or the theatre with a moving locale is largely fitted to the Rama-theme in other countries. (3) It is also known in plain ballad-singing or recitation at the most unsophisticated as also the highly sophisticated level. The Charaijas, as they are known, are ministrels who move from one part to another and collect audiences who hear in rapture the story of Rama. The story is sometimes recited with a book in hand, but more often only with a stringed musical instrument. The ballad singer or the ministrel narrator is known to all parts of Asia including India. Ceylon, Thailand, Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Nepal. He may be considered perhaps the precursor of the present puppetteer or the dalang of the Asian tradition. (4) The theme is seen in the form of drama proper as spoken word in the Wyang Wong Tradition of Indonesia and the many forms of the folk and traditional theatre of India, such as the Jatra, the Tamasha, the Bhavai, the Yakshagana and the Nautanki, theatre resting on the spoken word and the theatre presented as dance-drama where the recitative line forms the basis of the interpretation, are both common. (5) In dance-drama traditions, however, the R&ma-theme achieves its full glory in survival and interpretation of the tradition. The forms of the Khon play based on the R&m&yava in Thailand and in Cambodia and the Za-Pwe of Burma along with the innumerable forms found in India, such as Kutfiyaffam, the Bh&gavata Mela, the Ankia Nat of Assam, the Mayurbhanja Chhau Ram&yaoa, the Purulia R&mi* yaoa and finally the sophisticated Kathakali is theatre art at itsfinestand most chiselled. A purpose* ful denial of the stage scenery, of realism and of
<*4
The Rsimyana Tfctditfcm m Aat an equally effective use of stylisation, abstraction, literary poetry, a complex musical orchestra and an articulation through stylised evocative pose and gesture is the essence of this sophisticated total theatre. Here, the elements of the literary, the plastic, stone and painting traditions along with the emotive vibrations of the musical systems come together to make an integral whole.
(6) Perhaps the last step in abstraction and sophistication of these traditions is seen in several forms of shadow and puppet theatre known practically to all countries of the region. It has been argued by some scholars that the Wyang preceded the live theatre. It is not our purpose here to establish a chronology of the origin of the shadow and puppet theatre as opposed to the live theatre. In form, the range presented in the shadow and puppet theatre is almost as extensive as in live theatre. In the most sophisticated forms such as the Nang Sbek Thom of Cambodia and the Nang Yai of Thailand and Wyang Kulit and the Wyang Purwa of Indonesia, one can easily discern the heights of abstraction and articulation to which this art could be taken. In India also there are many varieties of the puppet tradition ranging from Marionette, Glove, Rod, Shadow, each coming from a different region of India. (7) All this is the tradition and the survival and revival of the tradition; but the continuation of the tradition must depend upon new creations and creations which incorpoiate elements of the tradition and yet. reinterpret them both in content and in form. Without stage patronage or social pressure, many choreographers and creators of drama, dance-drama, musical operas, have been attracted by this theme and have reinterpreted it through a modem idiom. In this context the variety found in India is impressive. Practically, all choreographers of dance and dancedrama in the 20th century have attempted to present a ballet based on the Ramaya&a-theme. Many
Kflmftyaoa m the Arte of* Asia
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play-wrights have also tried to reinterpret the Rim*yaoa-theme in India, Burma, Thailand, and Ceylon. Modem novels on the theme are considerable in number. A detailed examination of these multiple traditions would obviously take volumes; the present author has attempted a brief monograph in which a few artistic traditions of South-East Asia have been examined Here one can only indicate a few conclusions which can oe deduced after this detailed examination of theme, content, form and technique. It is possible to answer the question whether the content and form of the Rama-story present a vision of life which is similar. A close look at the story and its treatment will reveal that ore element is common: simply stated, it may be identified as the basic approach to life, which negates Death as a Finality. Whether Rima is human or Divine, King or God, he is by explicit statements in most versions and by implication in all others, an incarnation or capable of re-incarnation. In the versions where he is seen as re-incarnation of 4 Vishnu \ the creator principle, it is explicitly stated; in others by implications. Although forces of light and power, good and evil, natural and supernatural confront each other, there is a continuity of life, ever renewing and rejuvenating itself. No character works towards a destiny which ends in * Death \ It is significant that even in the versions where Rima is supposed to vanish into the River Sarayu (BurmeseIndian versions), he docs not die. Also, appropriately in concrete terms, Rama is conceived as ever young and ageless; the convention of making young boys or girls portray Rama in stage versions has deep-rooted philosophic and cultural significance, and is not a matter of mere chance or expediency or fancy of stage directors in casting of roles. The life-death continuum was shared by Buddhists and Jain thought, and thus even when the Rama-story was conceived as in the Daiaratha JStaka or the stories of Jain TirthaAkaras, this was a basic premise. This hypothesis or this vision is shared by all these cultures, and would it be too much to conclude that the power of the Rama-theme continued and will continue until such time that this unspoken premise of life-death
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The Ramanaa Tradition UtAna
continuum is shared. This also accounts for the capacity of the most modern amongst Asians t o feel at home in myth and legend Which moves freely between celestial and terrestrial planes; they continue to have the capacity t o see magic ritual and life together, t o share in one breath the life of spirits and man o f dream and •eality, not as two opposite forces pitched against each other, but as interconnected facets continually interplaying in the microcosm and macrocosm. The interplay of the living and the dead is accepted as a fact deep down in the psyche in spite of the many layerings of subsequent rational thinking. N o wonder these cultures have been termed as the cultures of encapsulation, where the kernel has remained, only further shells and sheaths have been added. Related to this and almost more fundamental, is the concept of Time. Time did not have only a linear dimension of progression, where each successive stage of development is vertically higher and annihilates the earlier stage. Instead, the rhythm of the universe is conceived in terms of a cycle movement where repetitive moments occur as in a wheel. Often it is conceived as a still centre holding a large circumference: within it many moments of historical time can co-exist. A cyclic view of life and time poses n o resistance to the repetition of the old and the gradual permeation of the new. Movements in art do not grow by a constant self-conscious revolt against the immediately preceding movement: they move in a well-set rhythm and tempo of circles where themes, symbols, and motifs recur acquiring new signifi cance. The pattern which emerges within the specific region: and amongst different regions, is not of annihilation of earliei levels or replacement of indigenous by national or local charactei by an alien influence; it is instead a pattern of partially overlapping circles arranged in an order of interconnection which makes for both sharing and overlapping of distinct untouched autonomous areas, within the periphery of any given circle. The centres of all circles are distinct, separate entities. The theory of waves of influence states only a partial truth of this phenomena in SouthEast Asia and not the whole truth. The Rama-theme, its journey in time and its impregnation in space provides an excellent illustration of the Life-Death continuum and cyclic time vision.
Rim&yatfa in the Arts of Asia
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Rama occurs again and again, acquiring new meaning and validity. So does Sita, not only as a beautiful woman born to suffer and chasten but also as the primeval forces of terresterial energy and its purification. Ravafla and the forces he represents also occur again and again, acquiring new meaning and validity by a ready flexibility of the mind to understand present events through the reality of the myth. Tradition and Modernity, tradition and contemporaneity are thus not clashing with each other, •hey are mingling and merging and supporting each other. The two main principles enunciated above give rise to theories and principles which govern artistic creation. In such a vision, the framework of dramatic unities of time and place is irrelevant: character-development as linear progression, arising out of inner conflict is also irrelevant. The artistic form of the Ramay&Qa whether as epic narrative of as Sanskrit drama or as the several versions of South-East Asia exhibit this disregard for the unities of time and place and of character-development. Rama, Sita, Lak$mLfla, Rav^oa, Hanuman and a host of other characters go through a variety of ordeals, sufferings, privations, defeats and victories, but none questions himself or his individual path of action. Thus life is abstracted ioto recurring states and moments; characters become symbolic of deep philosophic, spiritual meaning, and not just particular human beings in states of mental conflict and action arising out of it, at a single moment of time. The capacity of abstraction finds a concrete manifestation in a variety of artistic forms and techniques, common to the region under consideration; whether it is, the Wayang Wong or Orang, or the Khol or Khon or the Ramalila of VaranasI or Kathakali, abstraction and stylisation are the essence. Plurality arises out of the methods of abstraction adopted and not from adherence to different principles of artistic creation. Individual characters represent qualities, moods, shades of meaning, colour and line; all symbolic at their best, stereotyped conventional characters at their worst. Forms and techniques acquire a chiselled sophistication and refinement at their highest; dull repetitive forms at their lowest: in all cases, the artist..never aims at' Particularity' or uniqueness.
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia Also, a perusal of the history of the development of the theme of Ramayana reveals that in each of these regions, no water-tight compartments exist between levels of artistic creation. The categorisation of the levels into folk and classical becomes almost an impossibility: the degree of stylisation indicates the level of refinement or sophistication, but there is no such thing as the drama of realism as opposed to drama of idealism or stvlisation. A mobility between sophisticated and unsophisticated (or what should be termed as elitist and populai) is discernible in all regions. There is both an upward and a downward movement, not only a filtering through of an elitist culture to popular levels. An interdependence is apparent in all regions. Equally important is the interdependence ard interrelationship of the literary, performing and the plastic arts. While each art maintains its autonomous character, principles which govern the artistic forms give each region a distinctiveness. Finally, there is ample evidence.to prove that there was mobility between regions at certain levels. All this lead to creations which represent at once many movements of history and facets of culture which although mutually contradictory individuals, fall into a consistent whole when held together in an art form. The Ramayana-theme illustrates these movements and principles of creations remarkably; both thediflfusionist tendencies as also the autochthonous character of regional cultures and artstyles becomes apparent. Having made these broad generalisations, let us see them in the context of Ramayana. We observe that the character of Rama undergoes slight modifications and changes in these cultures. The differences in Portraiture within a common frame of reference are not insignificant. In India, although he began as a hero, he was deified. This aspect of his character is stressed in practically all Indian versions while shades of meaning and colour vary. In * Burma * there continues to be the echoes of the 4 Bodhisattva • or the hero symbolising moral and ethical good. The preliminaries before the play are suggestive of the extra artistic importance given to him. In Thailand, Cambodia and Java, he is a hero no doubt, but not a god with a pre-determined path of action. Often he is portrayed as a romantic hero, specially in
RSmftyaoa in the Arts of Asia
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versions where he throws x>ut Sita in a fit of jealousy after she has painted a portrait of Ravana on the fan. But in all versions be is the embodiment of good. Sita's character also goes through manv transformations and changes. The one consistent and invariable element is her association to the earth. In all versions, she comes from the earth, is discovered there and goes back to it. The symbolism attached to the myth initially gets lost, or is superimposed by others, but the undertones continue. In Valmiki's Ramayana she is a strong, proud woman who is an equal match for Rama. The conversation between Rama and Sita just before the fire ordeal is powerful and profoundly significant. Tulasidasa's Sita is the long suffering medieval unquestioning woman; in both cases, however, she is faithful to the last and dignified in every inch of her conduct. In the Cambodian version, with Sita's allowing Rava^a's entering into the hut, some of the drama is lost and, so is the irony* She remains, however, the faithful wife who confronts a villain and therefore feels free to rebuke and slap him. This conception is very different from other versions: in Indonesian, particularly Balinese versions, she is deified as Davi Sinta. The most consistent character is that of Hanuman who epitomises calm, solid loyalty. In all versions, he is connected with the * Wind-God\ the son of * Vayu * and is the last word in friendship and faithfulness. Wefindmany differences in the conception which ranges from his being a bachelor and a celibate in all Indian versions to his being an amorous hero, father of sons through apsarasas and nymphs in the Thai version. On the stage he is heavy in Indian version, light and spritely in South-East Asian versions. The character of Ravana also changes with regions. He is portrayed as a powerful ascetic in his previous birth in all versions, but his character changes from a cultivated dignified king to a despot drunk with power, to a simple evil villain in others. We could dwell at some length on the differences in forms and artistic skills and techniques. However, it may be worthwhile to remember that the reciter-declamator is important in all artistic manifestations: next is the ballad singer with parallel development which takes place in bas-relief and mural paintings giving rise to the pageant picture, tableaux drama. The earliest
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The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
versions in Thailand, Burma, India confirm this view. Whether the shadow and puppet theatre preceded or followed the stage version of Rama remains a question mark. In all forms there was a close relationship between the declaimed ven.e, sung poetry, the music, the plastic manifestation and the stage presentation. Forms of shadow and purpct theatre and sta^e plays or dancedramas were only two different dimensions of the same genre, rather than two different art forms. The close interrelationship between the artistic expressions of a particular region is evident in all the Ramayana presentations. Parallel runs the connection of a specific form or genre amongst regions. Thus methods of manipulation is shadow theatre, specially of the rods is common to most region*. Cambodia and Thailand are particuh rly similar; the Andhra Bommalattamand theKe-ala puppets areclose seconds. The mask theatre of the Khol and Khon of the Burmese Zat and the Indian Purulia dancers is comparable. While Thai, Burmese, Laotian, Cambodian, Indonesian masks have much in common; Indian masks, particularly of Purulia are quite different. Dance techniques and musical modes also have strong affinities in spite of their distinctiveness. The principle of the stylised pose of the gesture is followed by all traditions: in some cases the pose is more significant as in the Thai and Khmer traditions, in others facial miming and gesticulation with the words as in Kathakali and Bharatanatyam. A basic colour symbolism is also common; green is always associated with Rama, white with Hanuman, red and black with Ravana. Patterns of costuming decor and the methods and techniques of making and designing masks is distinctive to each region, except Thailand and Cambodia which are similar. So also are the musical compositions, both in the orchestration pattern and the modes and tunes used. The only feature is the repetitive melodic line and a rhythm, both cyclic and circular in structuring. And above all is the phenomenon of the amazing tenacity of the oral traditions which has facilitated the survival and continuance of the traditions in contemporary Asia. Even when the theme seemed to run into a dry sand-bed, it never died, for the oral tradition was sustaining it. Also the oral traditions supported, supplemented and complimented the traditions of the written word and of brick, mortar, clay stone, colour and paint. It was
Rlmftyapain the Arts of Ada
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also responsible for facilitating processes of assimilation without * electric shock' experiences and providing the basis of integrated amalgamation. The world-view, the affirmation of life-death continuum, the adherence to a concept of cyclic time, through a method of transmission which was a total integrated approach, have led to art creations on the RamayaQa in all centuries including the 20th, which have many dimensions in time. A single spectLcle has elements in it which can be traced back not to one moment of historical time, but to several: it has other elements which echo cultures of distant lands: and yet the creation is new aid contemporary with a distinct identity &nd personality. It is not in artificial resurrection of a dead language, a piece of antiquity but a living being of the present. And yet more vistas and avenues of exploration await the interest of creative minds and artists. Kamban, the Tamil poet, begins his Ramayana with the woids: * As a cat standing on the shores of the ocean of milk thinks it can lick" up the whole ocean, 1 hope to retell the Ramay^^a story already told by Valmlki." But from Kamban to Gandhi in India and from the Rulers of Champa to Maha Eisey in Khmer and from the rulers of Srlvijaya to Dhani Nivat, creative minds in Asia have been drawn to this epic of all epics.
List of participants who attended the International Ramayana Seminar, 8-12 December 1975, organised by the Sahitya Akademi in cooperation with the Government of India, Ministry of Education. FOREIGN BURMA: 1. Mr. U. Thcin Han, Chairman of the Burma Historical Commission, Cultural House, Nawarat Road, Rangoon (Burma). 2. Mr. U. Khin Zaw, Special Adviser (Music), Ministry of Culture, Government of Burma, Rangoon. HOLLAND 3. Prof. C. Hooykaas, Muurbloemweg 6, Den Haag, Holland. INDONESIA: 4. Dr. Soewito Santoso, A.N.U., P.O. Box 4, Canberra 2600 (Australia). JAPAN: 5. Prof. Minoru Hara, Professor of Sanskrit, University of Tokyo, Tokyo (Japan). MALAYSIA: 6. Dr. Amin Sweeney, IBKKM, National University of Malaysia, Jalan Pantai Baru, Kuala Lumpur, (Malaysia). 7- Prof. Ismail Hussein, Department of Malay Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur 22-11 (Malaysia).
DELEGATES
8. Prof. S. Singaravelu, University of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia). MONGOLIA: 9. Prof. Damdin-suren, Academy of Sciences of the MPR, Ulanbator (Mongolia). PHILIPPINES: 10. Dr. Juan R. Francisco, 13 J. Luna Street, Area 2, U.P. Csmpus, Dilman, Quezon City 3004, Philippines. SRI LANKA: 11. Mr. J. Tilakasiri, Professor of Sanskrit, University of Ceylon, Paradaniya, Ceylon. 12. Dr. C. E. Godakumbura, 4, Melder Place, Nugegoda. THAILAND: 13. Mr. Chamlong Sarapadnuke, Lecturer, Silpakorn University, Bangkok (Thailand). 14. Prof. M. C. Subhadradis Diskul, Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn University, Bangkok (Thailand). U.S.A.: 15. Dr. Harry M. Buck, Wilson College, Chambersburg, Pennsyl vania-17201.
INDIAN DELEGATES Prof. Sonlti Kumar Chatteiji President. Sahitya Akademi Prof. K. R. Srinivasa Iyengar Vice-President, Sahitya Akademi Dr. R. S. Kelkar Secretary, Sahitya Akademi 1. Dr. (Smt.) Induja Awasthi, D1I/227, Vinay Marg, NewDelhi-110 021. 2. Dr. Suresh Awasthi, DII/227, Vinay Marg, NewDeihi-110 021. 3. Dr. Asutosh Bhattacharya, President, Research Institute of Folk Culture, 32, Becharam Chatterji Road, Calcutta. 4. Di. (Smt.) Sukumari Bhattachaqi, Reader in Sanskrit, Jadavpur University, Calcutta.
7. Prof. Umashankar Joshi, M.P., •• SETU ", 26, Sardar Patel Nagar, Ahmedabad-6. 8. Sri V. M. Kulkarni, 5, Suruchi Society, Dixit Road Extension, Ville Parle (East), Bombay-57. 9. Dr. Lokesh Chandra, M.P., J-22, Hauz Khas, NewDelhi-110 016. 10. Sri Neelamani Mishra, Curator, State Museum, Bhubaneswar (Qrissa).
5. Fr. Camille Bulcke, Manresa House, Post Box No. 2, Ranchi.
11. Dr. R. Nagaswami, Director of Archaeology, Madras.
6. Prof. Bhabatosh Datta, Principal, Acharya B. N. Seal College, P.O Cooch Bihar, West Bengal.
12. Dr. Shankar Raju Naidu, Professor and Head of the Department of Hindi, University of Madras, Madras-600 005.
Indian Delegates 13. Prof. P. N. Pushp, 33, Gogji Bagh, Srinagar, Kashmir. 14. Dr. V. Ragjiavan, 1, Srikrishnapuram Street, Royapettah, Madras-600 014. 15. Mrs. Kamala Ratnam, Fl/7, Hauz Khas, NewDclhi-110 016. 16. Dr. Sachchidanand Sahai, University of Buddha Gaya, Gaya, Bihar. 17. Prof. K. C. Sahoo, Vani Vihar, Bhubaneswar (Orissa). 18. Smt. Kamla Sankrityayan, " Rahul Niwas ", 21,KutcheriRoad, Daijeeling, W.B. 19. Prof. H. B. Sarkar, Rabindrapalli, Kharagpur, West Bengal. 20. Dr. C. R. Sarma, Regional Secretary, Sahitya Akademi Regional Office, 29, Eidams Road, Madras-600 018. 21. Dr. U.P. Shah, 48, Haribhakii Colony, Old Padra Road, Baroda.
22. Sri Biswanarayan Shastri, M.P., Ritayan, Navagiri, Chandmari, Gauhati-3. 23. Dr. Bhagawati Prasad Singh, Head of the Dept., of Hind' University of Gorakhpur, Gorakhpur, U.P. 24. Sri E. Nilakanta Singh, Secretary, Manipur State Kala Akademi, Imphal, Manipur. 25. Sri D. C. Sircpr, 645, New Alipore, Calcutta. 26. Prof. V. Sitaramiah, 1, Second Main Road, Chamarajapet, Bangalore-18. 27. Dr. C. Sivaramamurti, 40, Shahazahan Road, New Delhi 28. Smt. Baljit Tulsi, C/o. Guru Govind Singh Foundation, Chandigarh. 29 Dr. (Smt.) Kapila Vatsyayan, Dl/23, Satya Marg, NewDelhi-110 021. 30. Sri N. V. Krishna Warrior, Director, State Institute of Languages, Trivandrum-14, Kerala.
INDEX Works, Journals, Articles and Authors Amar Nath, 545 Amitagati, 227 Ananda Rdmdyarta, 18, 19, 178, 353, 381,422,493.545 Ananda Ramayana—Telugu translation, 216,222 Anandavardhana, 14 Anand Ram Trisal, 545 Anangaharsha Mayuraja, 12 Ananga Narendra, 634 Ananta Bhatta, 208 Ananta Kavi, Citrakavi, 220 Ananta Mohapatra, 635 Anargha-Rdghava, 12, 114, 447 Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, 323 fn. Ancient Indonesian Art, 106 fn. Angadachitta, 632 Angad Vishti (Gujarati), 403 Anjandsundari-Prabandh (Gujarati), 403 Anjani Nandan Sharan, 475 Annadurai, C. N., 52 Annals of Oriental Research, University of Madras, 15 fn., 19 fn. Annamacharya, 220 Annamayyardmdyanam (Telugu), 220 Antagadadasdo, 232 fn. ' An undescribed Malay Version of the Rimiyana, 154 Anuyogadvdra-Sutra, 232 Approach to the Study oj Religion, An, 41 fn. Arancana, 315 Arjuna Das, 566 Arjunawiwdha (Javanese), 21, 24 fn., I l l , 112 Arkavarjtidvatamsa (Oriya), 634 Aiyar,V.V.S.,471 Art and Archaeology in Thailand, 673 Akbar, the Great Moghul, 58 Art of South-East Asia, 106 fn. Alasingrachar, Pandit, 195 Alaung Rama Thagyin (Burmese), 302, Arthasastra, 328 Arun Ramdyan (Hindi), 18, 317 306 Ascarya-Cuddmani, 12, 210 Alonso, 315 Asian Profile, 57 Amara Rdmdyarta, 541, 542,545
" Aantekeningenop een ouden Malcisch Ramayana tckst" (Malaysian), 154 Abhinanda, 9, 594 Abhinavagupta, 11 Abhi&ka Ndfaka, 12, 210 Acharya Raghu Vira Commemoration Volume, 137 Acta Orientalia, 154 Adbhutacharya, 555 Adbhutadarpana, 13 Adbhuta Ramayana, 18, 191, 193, 239, 381,461,555 Adbhuta Ramayana, Telugu translation of, 216, 226 Adhyatma Ramayana, 17, 18, 27,62, 63, 65, 66, 175, 208, 226, 239,422, 461, 462, 498, 499, 500, 503, 506,540, 552, 577. Adhyatma Ramayana, Telugu translation of, 216, 220 fn., 222 Adikavi, Prathama Kavi (Valmiki) 1 ff. Adikavi-Kavya-praiastayah (Skt.), 7 Adinatha, 179 Adi-purdna* 239 Adi Ramayana (Bhusundi R.), 477 Adyar Library Bulletin, Madras, 5 fn.f 19 fn. Agama Ramayana, 18 Agastya Samhitd, 18,19, 485,486, 487 Age Pdshdni (Oriya), 635 Agniveiya Ramayana, 18,19 Ahananuru (Tamil), 409 Ahi-Mahi Ravanacaritra (Skt.), 18 Aihole, 108 Ain-i-Akbari, 58
7U8 Aflddhydyi, 322 A$vagho$a, 5, 7 Aiwini Kumar Ghosh, 634 Afdrdtiyasutta. 435 Atisa and Tibet, 116 fn. Atisa Dipankara, 116 Atmidharma, 18 Aima Ramayana (Nepali), 358, 362-3 Aurobindo, Sri, 196, 573
The Ramayana Tradition in Atia
Bengali Ramayana, the, 238, 472, 551, 576, 666 Berg, C. C. 21, 22, 38, 39, 108, 114, 115 fn. Bergaigne, 106, 118 fn. Beonolf, 315 Bhadresvara, 227, 228 Bhdgavata Purana, (Skt.) 62, 63, 424, 462, 479, 491, 492, 546, 555, 589, 596, 601, 604, 606, 610, 612, 640, B 641, 643, 689 Babhruvahanara Yuddlia (Assamese), 591 Bhdgavata (Oriya), 624, 625, 626 Bhdgavata (Persian and Bha$a), 540 Badhusiksd (Nepali), 365 Bhagiratha, Vipra, 497 Bagchi, P. C , 475 Bhagirathidas, 632 Balabhadra Panigrahi, 635 Bhagwatd.is, 317 Balabhdrata, 2 Bhairav Singh Thapa, 384 Baladeva, 231 Bhagavadgita, 62, 64 B&Iak Ramdas, 627, 632 Bhagavata Prasad Das, 628 Balakrishna Kar, 628 Bhagavat Prasad Singh, 17 Balakrishna Mohanty, 634 Balaramadas, 566, 570, 571, 624, 626, Bhaktamdld, 365 627, 628, 629, 632 Bhaktibhdgavata, 622 Bdlardmdyana (Skt.), 11, 12, 436, 447, BhaktiRasdmrta Sindhu, 550 628 Bhaktirasdrnava Ramayana, 628 Bdlaramdyanam (Malayalam), 209 Bhalan, 402 2te//(Work) f 24fn. Bhandarkar, R. G., 322 fn. Bali, H.iarlem, 39 Bhanubhakta Acharya, 349-384, 652 Balakavi, 403 Bharata (a, of Natya £dstra), 211, 232, Balasubramaniam, S. R., 417 487 Balkrishna Pokhrel ,349, 350, 352 Bharata Campu, 208 Balukesa Srichandan, 632 Bhdrat-lila Jhumur (Bengali), 601 Balukcsvar Mardaraj, 632 Bharatamanjarii 534 Bana, 329, 402, 639 Bharat Vildp (Manipuri), 577 Banamali Sahitya Bhusan, 635 Bharavi, 8 Bangla Ramayana, 494 Bhuratayuddha (Old Javanese), 111 Banerjee, R. D., 563, 565 fn. Bhartrmentha, 11 Baranidhi Das, 566 Bhasa, 12,210,226,475,685 Bdratayudda (Old Javanese), 21 Bhdskara-Rdmdyanam (Telugu) 217,219, Barrett, E. C. G., 123, 137,154 220 Barret, F., 417 Bhalt, C. Manilal, 406 Barth, 106, 118 fn. Bhatt, G. K., 93, 94, 99, 100, 101 Bastean, C. Don, 649 Bhattacharji, Sukumari Dr., 41 fn. Basudev-Praharaj, 622 Bhattacharya, Asutosh, 600 Battalesvara. 190 Bhatta Devarama, 15 Batuwantudawe, 389 Bhatta, Motiram, 365, 366 fn. Bauddha Gan O Doha, 608 Bengali Literature in the Nineteenth Bhattatiri, MelpQttQr Narayapa, 210 Century, 551 Bhatti, 9
Index
709
Bhaffi Kdvya, 9, 26, 27, 108, 115, 117,
Browning 210 fn.
328, 506, 567 Bhatti kdvya, a study, 39 Bhaffi Kdvyam (Translation and Notes), 25-39, BhavabhOti, l i , 12, 13, 14, 212, 226, 328, 381,398, 475,481, 685 Bhdvaprakdsa, 506 Bheda Bhdskar Rdmdyan, 317 Bhikari Charan Das, 635 Bhikshdfana Kavya* 7 Bhim, 402 Bhobani Das, 633 Bhoja, 1, 10, 11, 13, 208, 332 Bhomakdvya (Old Javanese), 21, 111 Bhoosiin, Nilkanth Sharma, 545 Brandes in Bcschr. 108 Bhrgu Samhiid, 412 Bhusundi Rdmayana, 17, 18, 19, 66, 462^ 475, 477, -181, 484, 487, 499, 502, 503 Bhuvaneswara Kavicandra, 631 Bible. 45, 47 Bijdr. Kon. Just (Journal) 118 fn. Bimbadhar Samanta, 634 Biography of Bhdnubhakta, 384 Bipracaran Das, 628 Bipralakshmidhara, 632 Boromatrailokanaih, 651 Bosatsu Senshikyo (Japanese), 346 fn. Bosch, 110 BotKhon, 255 fn. Bowmai., Christina, 41 fn. Brahma Rdmdyr.na, All, 478 Brahmasutrn, 479
Brown, Norman W.f 44 fn. Buck, Harry M., 41 fn., 57 Buddhacanta, 5 Buddhagho$a (Scarya), 263, 387 Buddlia-Nafaka, 608 Buddhism in Orissa, 561 fn. Buddhi Vinod (Nepali), 378 * Buddiiological Texts and the Epics', 5 Buingal (Hindi), 362 Bulcke, C. Rev., 58, 102, 108, 115 fn., 122, 137 Burch, P. W., 137 Burmese Chronicles, 309 Burmese Rdmdyana, 308, 666 Bussttsu Senshikyo (Japanese), 346 fn.
Brahmavoivarta Parana, 589 Brajabandhu Samant, 634 Bfhaddharma Purdna, 2, 5 Brhatkathdkosa, 227 Brhatkathdmahjuri, 534 Brhatkosalakhanda, 18 Brhatsamhitd, 448 Bhapati (Poet), 317 Brahmdnda Purdna, 208 Bream, H. N., 57 Brhaspatitativa, 115 Bronzes oj South India, 417
Caitanyaguru, 628 Camaraja Wodeyar, 193 Cdmardjokti Van! Vildsa Rdmdyana (Kannada Rama\ana), 193 Campbell, Joseph, 44 fn. Condi Purdna, 623 Cariydpitaka, 346 fn. Casparis de, J. G., Ill fn. Ctiuppi;nna-Mahdi urisacariya, 227 Cavundaraya, 181, 187 Ceraman (Author of Malayalam Rdmacaritam). 207 Cerita Maharaja Ra^'ana or Wana (Malaysian), 125, 126, 134 Cerita Scri Rama (Malaysian), 123, 154 Chakhar gebshi Lobsantsuhim (Mongolian), 657 Chakradhar Mohapatra, 635 Chakrapani Chalisev (Nepali), 356, 357, 384 Chalitardnin. 12
Chandragani, Pandit, 403 //.//. Chandrasekharcndra Saras wati Commemoration Vol. 57 Chandravati, 558 Chandravatis Rdmdyana, 614. 615
Charpcntier, J., 347 Chattopadhyaya, A. 116 fn. Chhau Dance of Purulia, 611 fn. Chinese Annals of the Liang Dynasty, 104
710
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Chinese Buddhist Rama saga, 104 fn. Das Ramayana (German) 22 fn., 472, 561 Chintamani Das, 632 Dating of the old Javanese Uttarakdnda9 Chitrakavi Ananta Kavi, 221 Chitrakutamdhdtmya (Skt.), 19 The,3\ fn., 39 Choijamtso (Mongolian), 657 Dayaram (Gujarati), 405 Christian, Velder, 474 De, S. K., 117 fn., US. 550 Chutiwongs Nandana, 673 De Memorial Volume, 9 fn. Comparative Study of Religion, The De Oud-Javanese Ramayana Kakawin, 43 fn. 27 fn., 39 " Comparative Study of the Sanskrit, De Pandji-Roman, 137 Tamil, Thai and Malay Versions Desai, N. Lallubhai, 406 of the Story of Rama ", 154, 282 fn Desai, S. N.,47l Corpus of the inscriptions of Java, 106 fn. Desikachari, T., 426 fn. Corp. Ins. Ind., 333 fn. Descriptive Catalogue at Sanskrit ManuCousens, 638 scripts oj Orissa, 564 fn. Cowell, 328 fn, 332 fn. Devanesan, P. D., 52 Creation Myth of the Rig Veda, The, Devavijaya-ganin, 227, 228 44 fn. Dcvganisuri, 403 Crystal Mirror (Bolor Toli) (Mongolia) Devi Mdhdtmya, 55 fn. 653 Dhananjaya Bhanj, II, 497, 629, 630 Cultural Heritage of India, The, 15 fn. Dhancsvvar Mohapatra, 227, 228, 635 Dhaninivat. 137, 297 fn., 298 fn., 650, 701 D Dhanit, Yupo, 246 fn., 251 fn., 253 fn., 255 fn. Daigun Dayun (Mongolian), 657 Dharmakuta, 15 Daihoshakukyo, 346 fn. Dharmaparik$a, 227 Dai to Saii ki ki, 346 fn. Daivagna Keshan, Aryal (Nepali), 351 Dharmarama, 387 Dharma Ramayana, 18 Dakshini Ramayana (Jagamohan Dhlranaga, 12 Ramayana), 625, 626 Damdin Suren (Mongolia), 652, 659, Dhoyi, 595 D/mrtdkhydna, 227 Dandin, 11,658 Dance and Drama in bali, 24 fn., 39 Dhvanikara (Anandavardhan), 534 Dhvanydloka, 14 Dante, 74, 196 Die Rama Sage unter den Malaien, Darangen (Philippine), 170, 172 Darmakoesoema ofSeh Djamboekarang, ihre herkunjt nd Gestaltung, 137 desa legende uit9 het Javaansch, 28 fn., Difference between the Lava and the 39 classical Ramayana, 264 Dasagriva-Vadha (Oriya), 622, 626 Dighanikdya, 435 Dasapoi (Oriya), 631 Dikshit, Kamal Sri, 352, 362 fn. Dasaratha Jataka, 103, 104 fn., 182 fn., Dilipa-Nandini (Oriya), 635 228, 240, 322, 323, 636, 654, 695 Dilipavamsa, 11 Dasaratha Nidana, Chinese Translation, Dinanidhi das, 632 648 Divakara das, 625 Dasaratha Viyoge (Oriya), 635 Divalibai (Gujarati), 405 Dasarathi Satakam (Telugu), 222 Divina Commedia, 74 Dasdvatdra-caritram (Skt.), 9, 534 Dohavali, 47 fn. Dfts Gupta, 117 fn. 118 Dolatram Pandya, 405, 406
711
Index
Don Barstianan, C , 68S Dozoh, A., 154
Dutdngada, 13 Dutt, 202 Dutta, Madhusudan, 602
Early Chola Bronzes\ 417 Early History of Vaisnava Faith and Movement, 550 Ecole Francaise D%Extreme, 262 fn. Een episode uit het Oudindische Rdmdyana Vergeleken met de Jareansche en Maleische bewerkingen, 154 Ekddasi Mdhdtmya (Oriya), 627 Eliade, Mircea, 42 Elusandaslakana (Sinhalese), 386 Emerson, 60 Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics 315 Epigraphia Indica, 327 fn., 332 fn. Errana, or Errapreggada, 215, 220 Essays in Philosophy, 47 fn. Etude sur le Roman Malay de Sri Rama, 154 Evans, Ivar N. H., 173 fn. Extent and Capital of Dakshina Kosala, The, 564 fn. Ezhuttacchan, Tuficattu (Malayalam)
"Folk stories of the Tampasuk and Turaran Districts, British North Borneo", 173 fn. Foundation of Indian Culture, The, 573 Francisco, Juan R., 145, 154, 652 Frederic, 106 fn. •'Further light on Sir Richard Winstedt's undescribed Malay version of Ramayana, 154
Gandalekhamdld, 330 fn. Gandhiji, 48, 54, 701 Gangadhar Meher, 635 Gangadhar Pradhan, 634 Gangaramadas, 627 Gangopadhyaya, Tarakinath, 610 fn. Garland of flowers, 657 Gdthasaptasati, 10 Gaung, Natak Kyaw, 666 Gautama Chandrikd, 506 Gertn van Wijk, 154 Gescheiden in van Sri Rama, 154 Geschichte der indischen Literaty, 347 fn. Ghosal, S. N., 38 Ghosh, M., 108, 115 fn.
Ghumusara Raja Vamiidvali (Oriya), 627 Girasandesaya (Sinhalese), 389 Giridhar, 400, 405 Giridhar Rdmdyana, 400 206, 207, 208, 209 Gita-Govinda, 11, 483, 595, 621, 622, 629 F Gita-Sitdvallabha (Glti-nafaka), 622 Fairy Tale Sri Rama, Fairy Tale etc, Gitdvali, 502 Godakumbura, G. E., 387, 391 (Malay), 153-77 Goethe, 46 Fakirmohan Senapati (Oriya), 628 Golden Khersonese table, 105 fn. Fansler, Dean S., 173 fn. Golstunsky, C.F.,652 Farquhar J. N., 492 Gona Buddha Reddi, 217, 221 Fausboll, 103 fn. Gona Kacha (Telugu), 221 Faust, 46 Gonda, J., 112 fn. Ferrand, 104 fn. Fesstbundel Bataviaasch Genootschap, Gopftla Kurup, Vennikkulam, 210 Gopal das, 627, 635 154 Figure of Rama in Buddhist Cultures, Gopinath, 497 Gopinath Kar, 628 57 Gopinath Nanda, 635 Fillipino Popular Tales, 173 fn. Gopinftth Rath, 632 Foucher, A., 340 fn.
712 Gopinathan Venkata Kavi, 221 Gopinath Singh, 635 Gorakha Patra (Nepali Journal), 356 Goraksa Yog (Nepali), 351 Goris, 108 Gorresio, 102, 120 Gospel, 46, 47 Govardhan Das, 633 Govinda Dik$ita, 423 Govindaraja, 98 Govind Das, 634 Gtrasandesaya (Sinhalese), 440 Greater Ramayaria, The, 2fn., 3, 5, 6 Grierson, George 5£, 472, 475 Groeneveldt, 104 fn. Gumani Pant, 362 Guoabhadra, 181, 188, 227, 228, 229, 239, 240 Gunashil (Gujarati), 403 Gundappa D.V., 190 tn. Gungajaltsan, Saia Pandita, 657 Gupta, Maithilisararia, 317 Guttila tvavya, 389 Gyani Ishar Singh Nara, 533
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
ffayagrivavadha, 11 Hemachandra, 227, 228, 232, 238, 403, 487 Hemadri, 118, 119 ff.ro with a thousand faces, 44 fn. ff?t Javaansch Toneel I, 24 fn. ff.'t Oud-Javaansche Rdmdyana, 39 Hikayat Maharaja Rdvaria, 154-177 Hikayat Seri Rama, 122 fn., 154-177, 244, 651 Hill, W.D.P., 58, 62, 319 fn., 320 fn., 472 Hindu Gods of Peninsular Siam, 670 Hindu, The (Daily), 49, 55 fn. Hindu Samskaras, 562 History of Indian Literature, 109, 322 fn., 393, 561 fn. History ofKosala, 324 fn. History ofOnssa, 562, 565 fn. History of Religions, 42 fn. History of Sanskrit Literature (A. B. Keith), I History of Sanskrit Literature (De and Dasgupta), 117 fn. H History of Sri Vijaya, 116 fn. History of Tamil Literature, 463, 464, Hacker, P., 337, fn. 472 Hammerstein, 53 fn. Hitopadesa, 32, 681 Hiipsa Sandesaya (Sinhalese), 438 Hjbutsushu (Rjtna-Sarhgraha) (Chinese) Hwumdna Chatuisa (Oriya), 633 Hjnuman Garua'-Samvad (Gujarati), 334, 335, 338 405 H>ly Lake of the Acts of Rama, The, Hjnumanndfaka, 400, 462, 483, 506, 58 fn., 319 fn.. 473 507, 630 H me and the W>rldy 201 fn. Hmumant-Charit (Gujarati), 402 Hmer, 60, 196,243, 315 H inumatsamhita, 476, 478, 486, 487 Hooykaas, C. 20, 22, 24, 26, 32, 33, H.inumatsandesa (Oriya), 623 38, 108, 109, 114, 115, fn., 116, 119 Hara, Minoru, 334 Hmnd of Heaven, The, 404 Haribhadra, 227 Hsi-yu-chi (Chinese), 648, 685 Haridas (Gujarati), 402 Hultzsch, 116 fn. Harihar-Mardaraj (Oriya), 635 Hunter, 627 Hari Prasad Shastri, 472 Hussein Ismail, 142, 154 Hariram (Gujarati), 402 Hari$cna, 227 Harivam&a, 5, 12, 506, 641 Indian Antiquary, 327 Harivara Vipra (Assamese), 591 Indian Heritage, The, 49 fn. Harrison, Selig S , 52 fn. Indian Influences in the Philippines, 155 Harsacarita, 328, 332 Indian Historical Quarterly, 330 fn.
Index
713
Indian Influences on the Literature Janakihara^asannaya (Sinhalese), 387 of Java and Bali, 115,118 fn.# 154 Janaki Pad man a bh an, 123 fn. Indian Theogony, The, 41 fn. Jdnaklparinaya (Skt.), 13 India: The Most dangerous decades, Janaki Pramoda (Oriya), 622 52 tn. Jdnakl Vallablia Vildsa (Oriya), 634 Indo-Javanese grammatica, 112 Jdnakisa-Vildsa (Oriya), 628, 632 Indonesiche en Achterindische TonnelvoorJanapriya Ramdyana (Kannada), 195 Stellingen uit het Ramdyana, 154 Jan£rdana das, 632 Indrajit-Vadh-Kavya (Gujarati), 406 Jdtaka, The, 4, 103 fn. Indumati (Oriya), 635 Jdtaka Stories of the Buddha, 179 Inflection and Syntax of the Maranaw Jdtaka-Suidien, 347 fn. Verb, 173 fn. Jafdyus (Oriya poem), 635 Inleiding tot de Studie van het Java in the I4th Century, 20 fn., 39, Oudjavaanch, 21 fn., 38 115 fn. Inscriptions of Kambuja, 106 fn. Jayadv,/a (a, of Gitagovinda), 6, 11, Inscriptions Sanscriies du Cambodge, 595, 621, 622, 623, 629 106 fn. Jayadeva (a, of Praasanna-rdghava), 6, Introduction to Khon, 246 fn. 13,462 Indroduction to the Study of the Jayananda, 556 Ramdyana in South and South-East Jayasagar, 403 Asia, 57 Jesudasan, C , 472 lets over verschillende Maleische Jhah, 99 redact ies van den Sri Rama, 154 Jinaratnakosa, 227 Iliad, 3i5 Jinasena, 239 Imgirishhafana, 443 Jina Suvrata, 182 Is the Ramdyana of Tulasi-Dasa a Jivadevacharya, Kavidindima, 622 translation? All Jivaka Jdtaka, 654 Igvara D2sa, 632 Jnanaprasthdna, 5 I-tsing, 105 fn., 116 Jflanasambandar, 411 fn. Iyer, V.V.S., 316, 318 fn., 319 fn. Joachim Wach, 43 fn. John de Silva, 649 Journal Asiatique 104 fn., 154 Journal of American folk lore, (The) Jackal, The-Barber, 173 fn. 56 fn. Jacobi, H., 1, 3, 22 fn., 27, 29 fn., Journal of Archaeology, 334 fn. 38,227 472, 561 fn., Journal of the American Academy of Jadumani Mah&patra, 632 Religion, 57 Jagabandhu Mahap&tra, 628 Journal of the American Oriental Jagabandhu Singh, 566 fn. Society, The, 44 fn. Jagatram, 555 Jagamohan Ramdyana, 497, 566, 567, Journal of Greater Indian Society, 115 fn. 568, 624, 625, 626, 627 Journal of the Malaysian Branch of Jaganndtha Caritdmrfa, Sri, 625 the Royal Asiatic Society, 137 Jagannath das 624, 625, 626, 627, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Jaimini Bhdraia, 180, 189 Institute, 173 fn. Jamadagni, K. R,, 8 fn. Jambadorji, 658 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Jdnaktharana, 9, 117,118, 387, 388,400, 5fn. Journal of the Siam Society, 137 430, 436, 449, 483, 506, 649, 685
714
Journal of the Straits Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, 137, 154 Juju-bibasharon (Japanese), 346 fn. Jung, 45 fn. Juynboll, H. H., 21 fn., 23 fn., 28, 38, 108, 113 fn , 112, 154
Kabirdas, 47 KadamharU 3, 52, 329,402 Kahavali, 227 Kajuraho ki Deva Pratimayen, 487. Kalakautuka, 631 Kalangwan92\924fn., 39 Kalicaran Patnaik, Kavichandra, 634 Kalidasa 7, 8, 10, 11, 106, 117, 118, 226, 323, 328, 381, 388, 397, 402, 475, 577, 583, 617, 622, 623, 632, 685 Kalikapurana, 584 Kalpandmanditiki, 5, 104 Kamala Sankrityayan, 348 Kamalashila, 11 Kamal Dikshit, 382 Kamala, Ratnam, 256, 257 Kamban, 8, 58,210,212, 216, 316-321, 410, 417, 418, 420, 449, 463, 464f
472,475,581,584,701 Kamban(ln English), 317 Kamban Kdviyam, 473 *Kamban's /rdmdvatdram' (Article), 472 Kamba Ramayana (Tamil), 317, 318 fn., 320 fn., 389, 449, 462, 464, 465, 466, 471, 472, 666 Kamba Ramayana (Malayalam), 210 Kambar Aur Tulasi% 320 Kanaka-Janaki, 12, 534 Kdhcana Sita (Malayalam), 212 Kanchi in Tamil Literature, 161 KandukQri Rudra, Kavi, 222 Kang-seng-hui (Chinese), 648, 685 Kanhudas (Kanhaidas) 630 Kannasa (Rama Panikkar) 207 Kannassa Ramayanam (Malayalam), 207 Kanta Koili (Oriya), 632 Kanungo, Raj Kishore, 629 Kcpila Samhita, 628
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia Kapustakan Djawi, 21 fn., 26 fn., 27 fn.,
32 fa, 39 Karmabandha Kuthd (Jaina), 182 Karman Mantri (Gujarati), 402 Karma Ramayana, J 8 Kartika-mahaxmya (Oriya). 627 % Kashmalan ' (Gujarati), 406 Kdshmiri Rdmdyan, 545 Kdsya Kadamba (Nepali), 351 Kat, J., 24, 39, 154 Kathdsaritsdgara, 32, 173 fn., 448, 534 Kathopani$ad, 53 fn f 54 Kaffa Varadardju Ramayanam (Telugu), 217,220 Kat> a> ana, 322 Katyayaniputra, 5 Kaundinya (Hucn Tien), 259 Kausika Ramayana (Kannada), 190-2 Kautilya, 41,328 Kaviccakravarti Kambar lyarriya /ramayanam, All Kavi CliakravartiKamban, 318 f^. Kavichandra (Bengal), 555 Kavindracarya Sarasvali, 18 Kaviraja (a, of Rdghavapdndlaviya), 11 Kavsilumina (Sinhalese), 386 KavitdvalL 473, 533 Kdvyddarsa, 386, 651, 658 Kavyamimdmsd, 119, 328, 436, 448 4 Kavyer Anadar' (Bengali), 198 fn. Kavitd Ratnakar, 317 Kavyusekharaya (Sinhalese), 387, 439 Kawi Balinesche, 28 fn., 38 Kawi Classics in Bali, The, 39 Kawi Ramayam, 689 Keith, A. B., 1, 561 Kempers, B., 106 fn., 120 Keralavarma Raja, 209 Kern, 21,25 fn., 39, 108, 111, 115 Kesava Koili, 626 Keshavadas, 317 Keshava Patnayak, 497 Keshrajaji, 403 Khadge Bhahadur, 381 Khageswar Seth, 635 Khvay Thuaraphi, 282-300 King of the flower. 391 Ki Siwoharsonoi, 25 fn.
Index
715
Kunchimanchi, Timmakavi, 220 Kleine Si hi if ten Wiesbaden 347 fn. Kundamdla, 12 Knebcl, J., 28 fn., 39 Kunst,J., 28fn.,39 Kohombadtviyange Utpatukathava 391 Kurup, Azhakathu Padmanabh, 210 Koijumi H, 335 fn. Kokila Sandesaya (Sinhalese), 393, 439 Kurup, Vennikkulam Gopala, 210 Kurygami, Prakash Ram, 545 Koran, 171, 176 Kusalaysaya, Ruang-U-rai, 245 fn. Koses, Sathicn, 245 Kusumavicitra (Raja Kusuma), 115 Kashur Ramayan 545 Konbaunfr.sei Chronicle (Burmese), 309 Kotibrahmundasunduri (Ori>a), 631 KoHaiakkara, King, 211 Kra Kechil (Fairy Tule), \1\ Latont, P. B., 650 Lakhu-Trisasthisalukapurusa cariia, 227, Kripasindhu das, 628 228 Krishnabai, 405 Krishna Chandra Rajendra, 627, 634 LaKhuvukavasLst/ia, 9 fn. Laksliniana Sumhitd, 18 Krishna Dull, 506 Lakshmuna Digvijaya (Bengali), 580 Krsnadasa, 227 Laksmaner Saktishcl (Bengali), 555, Krishnadas Bada Jena, 631 591 Krsna, Sri Aearya. 365 Lakshmi Prasad Deokota, 384 Krsnadevaraya, 220, 329 Laksmisa, 18(): 189, 193 Krsnakanuitnria. 479 Laluuvi.stara, 4, 32 Krsmdiui Jhumur. 601 Lamstcr, J. (.'., 24fn.,39 Krishna f\idavdli. 558 Ldlityu (Nep;»li>, 378 Krishna Pillai, E. V., 212 Lancaster, Pcnn, 173 fn. Kishnaprasad Basu, 634 Lankd Kdnda (Manipuri), 57b Krshna Rao, A. N. (A. Va. Kr.), 195 Laotian Rdmdyana, 258, 2(>3, 264, 265 Krshna Singh, Raja, 627, 628 279, 2S2 fn., 297 fn., 650 Krsna Sri Chandanana (Oriya), 622 L" art greto-bouddhique du Gandhara, Kpshnatirtha, 15 340 fn. Krishna Warricr, N. V., 204 Krttivas, 475, 546, 547, 566, 576, 578 Lava-Kate-Akhyan (Gujarati), 402 Lava-kusa-updkhydn (Ori>a), 628 580, 586, 597, 60! 604, 666 Krttivasi Rdmdyana, 494 fn. 574, 575, Lava-kutera Yuddha (Assamese) 555, 591 578, 581 Ldvanyavati (Oriya), 631 Krtyaidvana, 12, 422 Lectures on the Ancient History of K$emendra,9, 12, 356, 357, 534 India, 322 fn. Kshctramohan Panigrahi, 634, 635 Leeuw, G. Van der, 43 fn. Kulchandra, 383 Leonardi, G. G. 25, 26, 33, 39 Kulasekharalvar, 410 Le Royaunxe de Cambodge, 137 Kulkarni, V. M., 226 Kumaradasa, 9, 117, 118, 381. 387, Life of Bhanubhakta, 366 fn. Lilaracana Rdmdyana, 23 fn., 39 430, 436, 453, 475, 649, 685 LUavatl 448 Kumaralata, 5, 243 Lokanatha, 15, 633 Kumsran, Asan, 209, 210 Lokha Prasad das, 629 Kumdrasambhava, 8, 118 Lomasasamhita, 18 Kumar a Tanfta%A50 Lord Rama and the faces of Cod in Kumudendu, 181,187 India, 57 Kuncan Nampiyar, 211
716 Lowell, James, 40 Ludeis 324, fn., 326 fn.
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Majumdar, 327 fn. Majumdar, R. C , 106 fn., 118 fn 259, 574 Majumdar, R. Manjulal, 404 M Majumdar, Vijayachandra, 626 Malansuriya, 389 fn. Macdonell, A. A., 315 Ma lath Madhava, 481 Madhava, Bhuiyam, Das, 566 Malay Annals, 161 fn. Madhava Kandali, 555, 584, 585, 586, Malay English Dictionary, 159 fn. 589, 590 Malayo-Jovanese Panji Cycle, 128 MSdhavadeva, 588, 589 Maleraja Kaihawa (Sinhalese), 391 MadhusQdan, Tarka Vacaspatf, 623 Mammata, 534 MadhusQdan Das, 628 Madhusudan Duita, Michael, 202, 577, Mandodarira maniharana (Assamese), 591 602 Manila Gita (Oriya), 632 MadhusQdan Misra. 630 Mani Kei (Burmese), 301 Madhusudan Rao, 628, 635 Manimekhalai (Tamil), 409 Midhvacarya, 195 Manipuri Rama)ana, 575. 577, 580 Maguni Patnayak, 497 Mahabharata, 2, 3, 5, 11, 23, 24 fn., Mankad, D. R., 99 28, 90, 102, 178, 189, 205, 215, 226, Mannatiyar, Cattukkutty, 212 229, 261, 316, 327 fn., 337 fn., 348, Manoj Das, 635 387, 396, 399, 404, 546, 547, 555; Manu-smrti, 232, 487 558, 567, 574, 596, 598, 610, 612, Mdrtcasamvdda (Bengali), 83 Maricavadha, 11 622, 623, 640, 641, 677, 684 Marici Sarrhitd, 412 Mahabharata (Tamil), 410 Markandeya Das, 626, 632 Mahabhai atamu (Telugu), 215 Marshall, J., 340 fn. Mahabharata, Sc rah (Oriya), 572 Mairgupta, 11, 13 Mahabha$ya, 3 Mahadeva (a, of Adbhutadarpana), 13 Maung Gyi, U„ 302 Maxwell William, £., 124, fn., 127, Mahadcva Das, 627 137, 145, 159 fn. Mahanatcka, 13, 62 Mayurasandesa, 438, 445 Mahapurana, 227, 239, 48J Mazumdar, B, C , 564 fn. Makaradia Lavana, 164 if. Maharajan, S., 317, 318 fn., 319 fn. Mckau.qhan, Howard, 173 fn. Malm Rama (Burmese), 302, 304, 306 Mediaeval Japanese literature, 334, 340 Meghaduta, 389, 617, 622, 623, Maharamfranu (Yopavafitfha), S Maim Ramayana, 496 Meghanada-vadha (Bengali), 202. 577, Mahdvasiu-avadana, 4, 340, 346 602 Mahdvibhdsd, 5 Meghasanclesa, 8. II Mahdvfracariia, 12, 328 Meghavijaya, 227; 228 Mahdvyutpatti, 11 Mehtravan-Aldiyan (Gujurati), 402 Mahcsa Tirtha, J 5 Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey, Mahesvaia Das. 568, 626 India, 327 fn. Mahirabanet Pala (Bengali), 555, 558 Memoirs of the Madras Library AssociaMahlRavana-vadha (Assamese), 591 tion, 15 fn. Mai Rdvanacaritrc, 18 Menon, 202 Maiticya, 330 fn., 332 fn. Mero Rama, 348, 378, 381 Mcruturtga, 402 Majjhima-nikdya, 436
Index
717
Methods of Popular Religion Instruction, in South India* 15 fn., 56 fn. Milinda-panha, 346 fn. Milton, 196, 315, 317 Minakata, K., 334 fn. Minakctan, A., 577 Minamotono, Tamenori, 339 MinkyaungSa)adaw (Burmese), 30J Mirrot oj Poetry, 658 Misra, Damodar, 564, fn. Misra, K&niapftla, 635 Mfcra, Kavicandra Pliftmbara, 622 Misra, Kavichandra Ray Divakara, 622 MiSra, Kavindra Markandeya, 622 Mijra, Lingarftj, 628 Mi£ra, Madhava Chapdra, 635 MiSra, MurAri, 621 Misia, Narendranftth, 635 Mishra, Nilamani, 617 Mishra, Paiamhans, Pandit, 371, fn. Misra, Trinatha, 628 Miyata H. 340 fn. Moens, J. L 161, fn. Mohammad, Farid, 154 Mohuna Ramayana (Oriya), 628, Mali-texts, 112 Motla Ramayuna (Tclugu). 217, 219, 220 Monkey (Chinese), 648 Monuments oj Sunchi, The, 340 fn. Motiiam Bhatta, 372, 384 Moura, J., 137 Mpu Sedah, 21 Mrkandu Ramayam, 18 Muddana, 193 Munda Ramayana (Bengali), 614, 616 Muni Lavanya Samaja, 403 Murari. 6, 12, 13, 444, 447 Music in Java, its history, its theory, its technique. 28 fn., 39 Myvrs, J. M., 57 Mysore Ate Ideological Sutvey, Annual Reports, 331 fn. N Nabhadasa, 317 Naersscn, Van, F. H., 23 fnM 24, 39, 111 Nagacandra, 181, 1S7, 183, 197
Nagaraja, 181 fn. Ndgaraki atdgama, 111 Nafoii Bbatta, 15 Nalu-Rama-Carita (Oriya), 632 Nandakishorc Bal, 635 Nandi Sutra 23? Nannaya, 215 Naranatha Acarja, 365 Narahaii ISO, 188, f:27 Narang, S. P., 27, 33, 39 Narasimhachar, I) L., 131 fn. Narasimha Mchia,400 Narasiirhu (Nrsmihu) Pur ana, 497, 567 Narasingh Mahapatra, 566 Narasinga Nath, 628 N&i&yana Satakavi, 564, 621 Nara\an Tripathi, 635 Narcndia Mangaiaja, 633 Nuta-sita (Bengali), 6C9 Natesa Mudaliar, 52 Nathuram Premi, 239 Natyasasira, II, 211, 232 Na\ar, S. K.,210 Nederlandscl G (ovarium t>p het Oudija\aar.sehe Ramayana, 38 Ntmyo Nataka Kya* Gaunt* iBuimese), 302, 306 Nipaii Ramuyana, 350, 351, 367, 370 Nefdli SQinskifta Ramuyanc, 356 384 New Catalog us Caialogorum, 477 fn ftn' Moon, 53 fn. Nikhilananda, 53 fn. Nilaksnthadas, 030 Nilakantha Sastri (K. A.) Iciicitalion Volume, 57 Nilakantha Ratha, 635 Nirvachanoitara Ramayanam, 221 Nomtoci, Rinchin, 657 Notes oft the Malaya Archipelago and Malacca, 10A fn 4 Notes on Malay Magic', 159 fn No Us on the Saga oj Rama in Thailand, 474 Notes on Tulasi Das, 472
718
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
P^rasmani Pradhan, 372 Pcrasuram Akhydn (Gujarati), 402 Parevisandesaya (Sinhalese), 440 Pargiter, 323 fn. Parik$hit das, 628 Oddessy, 315 Pdnkshit Scmhitd, 18 Old Deccar. Days, 173 fn. Pdtdlardmdyanam (Malayalam), 213 Oldenberg, H.,347 Patanjali, 3, 4 Oldjavaansch-Nederkmdsch Pathak, V , 324 fn. Woordenlijst 28 fh. Patnaik, Bhikari, 634 • Old Javanese Rdmdyarui Kakavin, 20-39, Patnaik, Gokulananda, 635 109-122 Palnaik, Ja>akrishna, 628 Olsson, R. A.,472 Patnaik, Krishnacharan, 627 Orient Lit.Zeit* 116 fn. Patnaik, Magun, 632 Otogisoshi, 340 fn. 'Outline of the Malay Annals \ 161 fn. Patnaik SQryamani, Chau, 627 Paumachariyu 3, 181, 182, 227, 228. Overbeck, H,,154, 156 fn. 230, 231, 232, 233, 237, 243, 317, 403, 567 Pavana-dutam, 595 Pachisa-poi (Oiiya), 633 Pelliof, 104 fn. Padam Sharma, 350 Perera, K. R., 389 Padma Purana, 61, 181, 190 fn., 227, Periyalvar, 410 228, 400 Periaydlwdr Tfurumoli, 410 Pddukavijaya (Ori>a), 623 Perundevanar, 410 Pddukasahasra: 12 Phong Saradan Lao, 259 fn. Pampa Ramayana, 191, 492 Phra Lak Phra Lam (Lao Ramayana), Pahcatanira, 32, 681 258, 263, 266, 277 fn., 282, 283 fn., Pancarawasamhitds, 479 650 Ranch Sai Barsa (Nepali), 352 Phra Lam Sadok, The, 282 fn, P&pdawa Tales, 125 Phutthaphochan(Buddha-ghoshacarya), Paadey, Deviprasad, 362 262 Pandey, Rai Bali, 562 Pigeaud, Th. P., 20 fn., 39, 115 fn. Pantfuratiga Vitthalanatha, 217 Pitambara Das, 627 Panhasajataka, 686 Pitambara Rajendra, 634 Panigrahi, K. C , 562 Pommachak (Brahmachakru), 650 Panikkar, Rama, 207 Pontaw Rama (Pt. I), 302, 307, 3C8 Pacini, 8, 322 Pontaw Rama and Lakkhana (Pt. I.), Panini Sutras, 3 302, 308 Panji Tales, The, 125,127,133, 176 fn.( Prabandhacintdmarii, 402 177 Prdcina Vtkal, 566 fn. Pannasara, P., 387 Pragati, 367 fn. Paparaju, Kaftkapti, 221 Prahldda, Werden and Wandlungen einer Paradise Lost, 315, 316 Idealgeskalt, 337 fn. Paradise Regained, 315 Prajndpdramitasutra 9 655 Par&kramabahu, II, 386 Praka&nanda Swami, 358 Paramartha, 5 Prakdsa Rdmdyana, 541, 542 Paramecin, Kavi, 239 Prakdsh Rdmdyan (Kashmiri), 545 Parameivara (Paramefthi), 239 Nnimha Purana (Oriya), 627 Nritya Ramayana (Oriya), 497
Index Prasanna-Rdghava, 6, 13, 62, 63, 462, 568 Ptasnottaramdld9 365, 366 Prastutining Kakawn, 113 Pratijndyaugandharuyana, 210 Pratimdndfaka, 12, 210 Pravarasena, 10, 328 Premanand, 404 Premasudhdnidhi (Oriya), 631 PrematosinU 482 fn. Priihivi Samhita, 18 Proceedings of the East-West Cultural Conjerence in Collaboration with Unesco, 334 Proceedings of the 26th International Congress of Orientalists, New Delhi, 117 fn. Professional Malay Story-telling: Part One: Some questions of Style and Presentation, 137 ProgofT, Ira, 45 fn. Prolegomena, 97 Psychology and its Social Meaning, 45 fn. Punam Nambutiri (Malayalam), 208, 211 Punic War, 315 Punyacandrodayapurdna (Jain), 227 Punydsrava, 181 fn. Punzo, Janne P., 55 fn. Purandnuru, 409 Puribai, 405 Puri Bada Deula (Oriya), 566 fn. Purina Ramayana (Oriya), 627 Puspadanta, 181, 227, 228, 481 Putpavrffi (Malayalam), 212 Puttappa, K. V. (Kuvempu), 195, 196, 199,201
Qur'an, 47
Rftdh&charan Nayak, 632 R&dhakrishnan, S., 54 fn. Radheshyam Ramayana (Nepali) 38lf 382
719 Rdghava-caritdmrta (Oriya), 632 Raghava Iyengar, M., 409 fn. Paghavan, V.f 2 fn., 3, 5, 7, 15,16. 17, 18, 19, 41, 49, 55. fn., 56,95, 117, 422, 424, 427, 429, 476 fn., 487 Rdghava-Vilap (Nepali). 382 Rdghavavildsa, 622, 631, 632 Rdghava-Yddaviya, 622 Raghunath Bhatta, 362, 363, 365, 367 Raghunatha Das, 634 Raghundth-Kirtana, 628 Raghunatha Ramayanam (Telugu), 221, 224' Raghunath Nayak, 220, 221 Raghunath Panda, Natyacharya, 634 Raghunath Singh, 634 Raghunatha-Vilasa, 497 Raghuvamsa. %, 10, 106, 117—120,323, 328, 402, 436, 506, 623, 624 Raghuvamsa (Tamil translation), 8 fn. Raglwvfragadya, 12 Rahman, Abdur, 481 Rahu (teacher of Vimala Suri), 231 Rahula, Sri, 439^0 Raidas, 367 Raikrishnadas, Sri, 100 Raina, Shiban Krishnan, 545 Rdjadharma (Sanskrit Original and its Nepali rendering), 351 Rdjapatigundala (Old Javanese ), 115 Rajasekhara, 1, 11-13, 118, 328, 436, 444, 447, 448, 685 Rdjatarangini, 448 Rama I 247, 306, 665, 678 Rama II, 247, 665, 666, 677, 678 Rama IV, King, 247, 677 Rama VI, King, 650, 677 Rdma~Bdla-LIld (Gujarati*, 402 Ramabhadra Dikshita, 12, 13 Ramabhadrutfu, Ajyslaraju, 220 Rdmabhakti-Ratnavali, 627 Rdmdbhiseka (Oriya), 620 Rdmdbhyudaya, 12. 14, 220, 564, 621 Rdmacandra-Vihdra (Oriya), 632 Ramacandrendra Sarasvati, 19 Rdmacandrikd (Oriya), 630 Ramacaritam, 9, 20, 206, 207, 227, 403, 405
720 Rdmacaritamunasa, 58, 210, 216, 316-320, 382, 455. 456, 461, 464-466, 470, 473, 492, 498-503, 507, 508, 511-515, 528, 529, 541, 547, 548, 628, 629, 666 Rdmacariiamdnata (Gujarati rendering), 407 Rdmacaritamdnasa (Malayalam rendering), 210 R&macandra Das, 628 Rdmacandra-Viidsam (Malayalam), 210 Rdmacundnka (Hindi), 317 Rdmacaritdvali (Orija), 625 R&machandra Swain, 634 Rdmadhanurbhanga Chautlsa (Oriya), 633 Rdma Fairy Tale (Philippine), 156-77 RamagUa (Nepali), 370, 371, 486 Ramagunxdgara (Oriya), 628 Rama Jdnaki Darsan, (Gujarati), 405 Rama-jang (Gujarati) 403 Rdma Janma Chautisa (Oriya), 633 Rdmd Jataka, 137 Ramakanta Baral, 370, 381 Rdmakathd (Telugu Ramayaria by Enana), 220 Rdmakathdpdffu (Malayalam), 207 Rdmakdvya (Oriya), 628 Rdma Keling% 123 Ramakien or Rdmakirti, 283, 306, 650 Ramakier (Thai), 123. 126. 244, 245, 257, 465, 466, 472, 686 RamakirtU 245, 257, 676, 686 Rama Kirtana (Assamese), 590 R&makrishna Rath, 628 Rdma Krodha Chautisa (Oriya), 633 Rama legenden und Ramc-Reliejs in Indonesiany Munchen, 137, 154 Rdmalild (Gujarati, t ) Bhim), 402 Rdmalild (Bisi Rdmalild) (Oriya, by Viivanfttha) Rdmaliidmrta (Oiiya), 497, 630, 631 Rdmalingdmrta, 503
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia RftmSnanda (Oriya), 633 R&m&nanda Swami, 17, 367, 368 Rdma-navaratna sarascngraha% 478 Rdma-ni Kathd (Gujarati), 406 R&m&nujacarya, 73, 195, 367, 588 Rdmdnukritfd, 18 Rdmc Purva Tapani>a Upcm$adt 485 Rdma-Raliasya-Paddvdii, 497, 632 Rdmardjydbhifekan (Malayalam), 212 Rama Rasa (Gujarati), 403 Rdmarasdntfta (Oriya) (by Bipracaran Das), 628 Rdmarasdmrta Ramayana (Oriya) (by Sitacarai?a Das), 628 Rdma-rasdmrta-sindhu (Oriya), 630 Rdma-rasdyana, 60, 503 Rdma Saga in Malaysia, its origin and development, 137, 154,474 Rdmasandesa (Sinhalese), 390 Rdmasitu Prabindh (Gujarati), 403 Rdmasmaram Chautisa (Oriya), 633 Rama Stories in Indonesia, 154 Rama Story in Post-Muslim Malay Literature of South-east Asia, 154 Rdmdsvamedha (Kannada), 180, 193 Rdmdsvamedha (Nepali) (by Balkrishna Pokhrel), 349 Rdmdsvamedha (Nepali) (by Subba Homoath), 383 Rdmdsvamedha (Oriya), 632 Ramaswamy Naicker, E. V. (Periyar), 52 Rdma Thagyn, 301, 302, 305 Rdma Thonmyo, 302, 305, 309 Rdmdvtar carit, 545 Rdmdvatdrakathd (Tamil), (Kamba Rftmayaoa),410, 417 Rdma Vatthu (Burmese), 301-305, 312, 313 Rdmavibhd (Oriya), 497, 568, 629 Rdma-Vihara (Oriya), 497 Rfima-Vilapa-Chautisa (Oriya), 633 {Sri) RdmarVilasa (Oriya), 497, 630 (&rl) Rdma-Viruddvali (Oriya), 622
Index Rdma-Vivdh (Gujarati), 402 Mma-VMh (Oriya), 632 Mma-Viyog (Gujarati), 406 Rama Yagan (Burmese), 302, 306 R&ma-Yajila (Gujarati), 403 Ramayana (Jagannathdas's), 626 (The) Ramayana (English version of Jacobi's), l , 2 7 f n . Ramayana (Lartki Kfincja) (Nepali), 350, 351 Ramayana (Sinhalese Translation), 649 Ramayana (Thai) (of Rama I) (in Verses), 247, 248, 665 Ramayana (Thai) (of Rama II) (in Verses), 247, 248, 677, 678 Ramayana (of Rama IV) (in dialogue) 248—(in Verses), 247, 248, 677, 678 Ramayana (of V&lmiki), 1 ff. Ramayana (of Valmiki) (Oriya), 628 Ramayana (of Vaimiki) (Telugu Version), 221 (The) Ramayana oj Valmiki (of H. P.
721 Ramayana Ko Balun (Nepali), 384 Ramayana Mahabhasa (Oriya), 626 Ramayana-mafljcri, 9,12, 356, 357, 534 Ramayana Oudjavaansch Heldendicht, 111 fn. RAmayana Prabandham (Malayalam),
210,211
Ramayana Puranxi (Gujarati), 402 Ramayariarahasya, 19 Ramayanasara (Oriya), 628 R&mayanatattvadarpana, 19 4 RAmayaoa Trivegi\ 55 fn. Ramayana, Uttarakanda, Introdn., 328 fn. RSmayasorasdyara Rasa (Jain) (Gujarati), 403 Ramchandra-viliara, 497 Rftm Charan Das, 475 Ram Charit Ramayana (Hindi), 317 Rftm-d*s,222, 627, 631 Ramkatha (by Rev. Bulcke), 137, 496-7 Ramiila Jhumur, 601-3 Rdmopakhyana (Mahabharata), 9, 228 Shastri), 27fn.,29fn. Ramayana and Tamil Tradition, 409, Ranabahadur Shah Mahar&ja, 351 Randunukavi (Sinhalese), 441 410 Ramayana and the Malay Shadow-play, Randunumangale (Sinhalese), 441 137, 154 Randunuparalaya (Sinhalese), 441 Ramayana-an instrument oj historical Randunu-upata (Sinhalese), 441 contact and cultural transmission Rafigandtha, Cakrap&pi (Telugu), 217, between India and Asia, 471 218,666 Ramayana Campu (Bhoja CampQ), 1, Ranganatha Ramayanam (Telugu), 217, 10,208,211 . 220,221,224 Ramayana Candrikd, 590 (K. V.) Rangaswami Ayyangar Volume Ramayana Citations and Textual Criti8fn. cism, 15 (Sri) Ramayana Darsana (Kannada), Rajitlal Pandya, 406 Ranasut (Gujarati\ 402 196,199,201 Rasalekha (Oriya), 631 Ramayana of Laos, 264 Ramayana in Greater India, 16, 120 fo. Rdsa-Ramayana-Manjar! (Oriya), 632 RasikBihari,475 Ramayana in Indonesia, The, 154 Rasikaharavall (Oriya), 631 Ramayana in Khotanese, 650 Raisers, W, H., 122, 137 Ramayana in Thai Verses, 246 Ratnfikar Gargabatu (Oriya), 628, 635 Ramayana Kakawin (Javanese), 9,20-39, 649 Ratnavali, 448
722
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
Sakta Paddvali, 558 Saktibhadra, 210 &aktiSangama Tantra, 482 tidkuntala, 390 Salahini Sandesaya (Sinhalese), 393„ 394, 438 Sdma-jdtaka, 340, 346, 347, 636 Samayanirupana Ramayana, 19 Samayasundara, 403 Sambo-ekotoba (Notes on the pictures of the Tri-ratna), 339, 340, 346 Samksipta Ramayana, 356, 624 Sancturies Rupesties De hide De Sud, 416 Sandals of Prince Rama, The, 57 Sandesa Rdsaka, 481 Sanghadasa, 227, 228 Sanglta-raghunandana, 19 SangUasudlid, 423 Safikara-acarya, 73, 195, 204 Sahkarananda, Swami, 358 Saftkara Das (Oriya), 633 Sankaradeva, 590, 591. 592 Sankara Ramayana (Kashmiri). 542 Sannasgala, P. B., 389 Sanskrit in Indonesia, 112 fn. Sanskrit Language and Literature, 362 Sanskrit Literature Extant among the Sinhalese, 387 Santa Govinda Ndmamulu, 222 Santarakjita, 11 Santoso, S., 32 fn., 39 Sapkota, Dinanath, Pandit, 363 Sapta Kanda Ramayana (Oriya), 623 Saradatanaya, 50 Sabdakalpadruma, 487 Sarkar, Himan$u Bhushan, 103,105 fn., Sadasiva (Oriya), 633 106 fn., 115 fn., 118 fn., 154 Saddsivasamhitd, 18 Sarkar, H., 419 Saddharmapundarika, 4 Sarala DSs, 566, 569, 623, 624, 626, 629 Sahai, Sachchidananda, 258, 266 fn., Sarala Devi, 635 277 fn. Sarala-Ramdyana (Oriya) 628 Sdhityadarparta, 622 Sarapadunke, Chamlong, 245 Sdket (Hindi), 317 Sarawak Museum Journal* 154
Rdvana-Katava (Sinhalese), 441 Rdvana Kathavakavi (Sinhalese), 389 Ravana-Mang'odari Samvad (Gujarati), 402, 403, 405 RQvanavadha (Setubandha), 8, 10, 328 Ravana Vijaya, 11 R&wya Yuddhaya (Sinhalese), 389 Ravi$ena, 227, 228, 239 Ray, A Olsson, 283 fn. Reimherr, 0.,57 Religion as a Transmitter of Literature 334 fn. Religion in Essence and Manifestation, 43 fn. Religious Literature oj India, 492 Renou Memorial Volume, Paris, 15 fn. Reotiraman Neopaniya, Pt., 382 Rere, Mary, 173 fn. Ret Jaraansch Toneel I, 39 Rgveda, 103, 684 Riddle oj the Ramayana, The, 22 fn., 32fn.,39 Rinchinbal, 657 Ritu-Vichar (Nepali), 378 Robson, S. 0 . , 2 9 , 39 Rogers, 53 fn. Rokudojikkyo, 346 fn. Ronyakn, Myogishu, 346 fn. Ronkel, Ph. S. Van, 154 Roorda van Esynga, P. P., 142, 154 Rapa Goswami, 550 Rutnin, Mat tan i, 248 fn.
Index
723
Sarma R&mdyana, 541, 542 Shankar Kanth, 545 S&rAgadhara, 487 Shankar Rdmdyan (Kashmiri), 545 Sarvajna N&r&yana, 15 Sharma Rdmdynn (Kashmiri), 545 Sasadfivata-Sanne, 436 Shastri, H. P., 27, 29 fn., 30 fn., 31 fn., Sastri,K. A. N., 116 fn. 39,51,103 £atakatfha Ra mayanas, 217 Shedhaji, 402 Satapatha Brahmona, 242 Shellabear, 142,144 Satavahana, Hala, 10 Shivdas, 402 Saticandrika (Oriya), 635 Shola Poi (Oriya), 633 Satya Smrti (Nepali), 328 Sholapoi Avanarasataratiga (Oriya), 631 Satyavadi Das, 631 Siddhantavagiga, 329 fn. Satya-Kali Samvdd (Gujarati), 378 Siddheswar Das, 566, 572 fn. Satyopdkhydna, 18 Silftcarya, 227, 228 Satyanarayana, Korari, 220, 221 Silappadhikaram, 409 Satrunjaya-mdhatmya (Jaina), 227 Simhar Vikrama Narendra, 634 Saundarananda, 5 Singaravelu, S., 154, 282 fn., 473 Savang Vatthana, 282 fn. Sinhalese Literature, 387 Saving Story and Sacred Book: Some Sircar, D. C , 322, 324 fn., 325 fn., aspects oj the phenomenon of Religious 326fn.,329fn.,331 fn., 333 fn. Literature, 57 Si Somesang Sa Alongan ago Si Ama9 Saya Htun (Burmese), 306 173 fn. Siswoharsono, Ki, 39 Saya Htun of Akyab, 302 Sit&caran Das, 628 Saya Htwe, 302, 305, 309 Sitacarya, 228 Search of the Scriptures, 57 Sitaduhkham (Malayalam), 213 Sebadas, 632 Sitdharan (Gujarati) Sejarah Malayu, 161 fn. —by M. C. Bhatt, 406 Selected Inscriptions from the 7th to —by Jayasagar, 403 the 9th Century A.D., 111 fn. —by Karman Mantri,402 Select Inscriptions, 324, 331 fn. (Nepali), 384 Sitdharan Senapati,317 Sitaharana, Kavya, 11 Sen, D. C , 551 Sitajino Sohlo (Gujarati), 402 Sen,D. E.,239 Sita-Kdrunya Chautisa (Oriya), 633 Seni Vilavan, 247 lost in reveries, 210 Sita Seri Rama, 569 (Gujarati), 405 Sitamangal &e$aramdyana, 189, 193 Sitdnucarita Chautisa (Oriya), 633 Sesa Samhitd, 18 Sitanveshaniya, 11 Sethu Pillai, R. P., 472 Setubandha {Rdvanavadha), 10, 117, 328Sitapati Satakam (Telugu) 222 Sitaprema Tarangiru (Oriya), 635 Shah, U. P., 3, 93 Sitdrdma-Rdsa (Gujarati), 403 Shair Ken Tambuhan, 137 Sitdra Pdtdla Pravesa (Assamese), 591 Shankar Raju Naidu, S., 47 fn., 315, Sltdr Vanavds (Bengali), 555 320 fn., 321 fn. SJtdSamhitd, 18
724 Sftdsandei (Gujarati), 403 Sitdsvayambara (Assamese), 591 Sftdsvayamvar (Gujarati), 402 Sltdvanavdsa (Gujarati), 406 Sftdvanavdsa (Oriya), 635 Sftdvel (Gujarati), 403 Sltd Vijoyama (Sitakanfha Rdmdyanam) (Telugu), 217 SUd-Vilasa (Oriya), 631 Sitd-Virah (Gujarati), 402 Sitd-Vivdha (Gujarati), 405 Sitd-Vivdha (Oriya), 632, 635 Siyabaslakara (Sinhalese), 386 Sitesa-Viltisa (Oriya), 631 Sitikaptha, 622, 623 Siva Purdna (Oriya), 628 Siva Purdna (Persian and Bh3$ft), 540, 628 Siva Purana (Sanskrit), 462 Sivaramamurthi, C , 424 fn. Siva Rdmer Yuddha (Bengali), 555, 558 Sivasamhitd, 18 Skanda Purana, 190 Skanda Ramayana, 18 Smith, Vincent, 58 Smith, W. C , 42 fn. Soewito Santoso, 23 fn., 25 fn. Some contributions of India to the Ancient Civilization of Indonesia and Malaysia, 105 fn. Some Old Lost Rama Plays, 12, 422 Somanatha S&rangT, 635 Somnath Sigdel, Pandit, 373, 384 Sonpur in the Sambalpur tract. 564 fn. South Indian Coins, 426 South Indian Paintings, 424 fn. Spiritual Heritage ofTyagaraja, 424,427 Sr&vana Pitrbhakti Ndfak (Gujarati), 405-6 Srldhara (Gujarati), 402 Sridhara (Oriya), 633 Srikanthaiya, Ti. Na., 195
The Ramayana Tradition in Alia Srikanthan Nair, C. N., 212 Srikrishna Kirtan (Bengali), 546 Srinivasan, P. R.,417 Sri Rama, a Jairy tale told by a Malay Rhapsodist, 153-77 Sri Rdmagltd Champu (Oriya), 635 SriRamakathd (Tamil), 410 Sri Rama Koili (Oriya), 632 Sri Ramaparlkjana (Kannada), 196 Sri Rama Paffdbhifeka (Kannada), 193, 196, 199 Sri Rama Rdsotsava (Oriya), 635 Sri Rdma vildsa (Oriya), 632 Srlvijaya. Yava, en Katah, 161 fn. Sfngdraprakdia, 11 Stanley J. O'Connor Jr., 670 Stein, A., 652 Story about Rama (Tibetan mss.)t 653 Stotra-mchodadhi, 563 fn. Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India 329 fn., 333 fn. Studies in Indo-Asian Art and Culturef 137,258 Studies in Religion, Folklore and Customs in British North Borneo and the Malay Peninsula, 173 fn. Study of Traditional Malay Literature with a Selected Bibliography, The, 154 Stutipadya (Nepali), 351 Stutterheim, W. F., 21, 22, 108, 122, 137, 144,145, 154 Subba Homnath Khatiwada, 383 Subba Row, Vavilikolanu, 221 Subhadradis Diskul, M. C , 671, 679 Subhadrdharana (Oriya), 631 Subhdfita (Mongolian), 657 Subhd$itaratna-nidhi, 651 Subhafa, 13 Sudarian P&thi,623 Sudra Tapasvl (Kannada) 195 Sugriva Vijayam (Telugu), 222 Suka Samhita, l& Sukthankar, 3,97
Index Sumanasdntaka, Kakawin, 113,118 Sunan Kalijaga (Javanese), 28 Sundarananda, Banrah, 351,352,353, 354, 355, 356 fn., 381,384 Sundari (Nepali Journal), 356 Supomo, S., 31 fn., 39 SQrd&s, 317 Sur-Rtimfiyaqa, 317 Surya Bikram Gyawali, 372 Sutasoma (Legend), 21, 32, 111 Sutasoma, a study in Javanese, 32 fn., 39 Sutta NipQta, 297 fn. Suvanna Soma J&taka, 301 Suvarnarekhfi (Oriya), 631 Svarnddri Mahodaya (Oriya), 628 Svarnalatfi (Oriya), 610 fn. Svapnadai&nana, 12 Svapne£vara D&s, 628 SvayambhQdeva, 227, 228, 317 Swaminatha Iyer, U. V., 409 Swan Maiden, 173 fn. Swarancpur GunfidarSa, 564 fn. Sweeney Amin, P. L., 122, 123 fn.; 124 fn., 137,144,145,154, 651 Syair Agung (Malay ms.), 145,146,147 Sydmaka Jtitaka, 340, 346, 347 Symes, Michael, 309
Tagore, Rabindranath, 198 fn., 201 fn. 557 Tairano Yasoyori, 334 TaittWya Ara^yaka, 242 Taittiriya Br&hmapa, 684 Taittirtya Prttiiakhya, 28 Takakusu, 105 fn. Taksin's RQm&yafia (Thai), 248 Tamilccufamanikal, 473 Tattvasarigraha, 11 —C.Pancikfi. 11 TapasvinI (Oriya), 635 Tarahanind, 545 Tarsan (Mongolian), 657
72$ Tarachandi Ramayan9 545 ' Tara Devi, 545 Taranath Sarma, Pt., 382, 651 Tararfsen-vadha (Bengali), 555 Terms Tapasvi (Nepali), 328 Tattvasamgraha R&mQyanay 19 Tceuw, A., 133,137 Tessitory, L. P.,475 Thai Language for Secondary School Teacher, 245, 247 fn. Thapa, Bhairav Singh, Sri, 358 Thai Ramdyana, 615 Thai Rama Saga, 123,145 Thikkotiyan (Malayalam), 212 ThiriRama, 302, 303, 306, 307, 310 Thirumangai Alwar, 411 Thomas, F. W., 328 fn., 332 fn. Tijd. Bat. Genoot, 108 fn., 113 ff. Tlka-Rfimayam (Oriya), 568, 626 Tikkawa,215,221 rilakasiri,385 Timmakavi, KQchimafidhi,220 Tinguian Tales, 173 fn. Tirupati VeAkata Kavulu (Twins), 215 Tripathy, Kesavu, 627, 629 Tripitaka (Chinese), 334, 346, 347 Triratna Saundarya Gdthd, 351, 352 Trifatfhi Mahdpuruja Gun&lank&ra, 181 Tritaflisaltikapurufa Carita, 227, 403 Tsultimbal (Mongolian), 657 Tubden Rabjamba (Mongolian), (54 Tulsid&s, Gosw&mi, 17, 19, 47-52, 58-75, 210, 216, 317,320, 321, 353, 354, 355, 366, 367, 382, 383, 399, 402, 429, 464, 465, 470-75, 581, 586, 591,628,699 " Twee Keperen Corkonden Van Balitung in the Koloniaal Institut to Amsterdam ", 20 fn., 39 " Two Kraufica Birds M, 57 Ty&garaja, 50, 222 Typical Selections from Oriya Literature, Gl(>
The Ramayana Tradition in Asia
726 U
Valmiki, 1 ff.
Valmikiya BhQgya (Kannada), 195 " Valmiki and Kalidasa ", 8 Vallathol, 209 Valmiki Ramayana 1 ff. Vanavun (Kashmiri), 545 VanderTu, 120 Vangalar Loka Sahitya, 600 Vangiya Loka-Samgit Ratnakar, 611 fn., 612 fn. Van Naerssen, F. H.,20, 111 Varadaraja (Udali), 15,99 Varadaraju, Katta, 220 Varanidhi Das, 626 Varasarin Uraisi, 673 Vasubandhu,5 Vasudevahindl, 227 Vusistharamayana (Telugu translation), 216,222 Vatsyayana, 193 Vaudeville, Charlotte, 475 Vavatekan (Kakawin), 113 ff. Vedanta Desika, 11 Vedanta Kesari, 55 fn. Venkatamatya (Kannada), 180 fn., 190 Venisamhara Nafaka, 404 Venkatesa Iyengar, Masti, 180, 195, 196, 199,201 fn. Vaidehi Chautisa (Oriya), 633 Verhand Bat Genoot, 115 fn. Vaidehi Vilap (Oriya), 635 Vibhisaw Utha (Oriya), 635 Vaidehi Vilasa (Oriya), 635 Vichitravilanka (Oriya), 628 VaidehUa Vilasa (Oriya), 620 631, 632 Vichitra Ramayana (Oriya), 566, 666 Vaidya, C. V., 22, 28 fn., 29, 32, 39 VidyabhG$ana, Kapilegwara, 628 Vaidya,P.L.,97,100 Vidyaranya, 19 Vaikuntha (Gujarat Poet), 402 Vijaya (Teacher of Vimala SQri), 231 Vaikunfalamkaraya (Sinhalese), 441 Vijftanesvara, 329 Vaishnava Pani, 634 Vikramadeva Verma, 628-9 Vaisya Sadasiva, 634 \aiyapuriPillai,S.,473 Vilanka Khanda (Oriya), 572 Vajasaneyi Samhita* 28 Vilatjka Ramayana (Oriya), 497, 572 Vayiyo (Gujarati), 403 623, 624, 626 Vajirayudh (Rama VI), 677 Vilankarasamrta (Oriya), 628 Vallabhacarya. 400 Vimalabodha, 15
U Aung Phyo, 301 Udattartighava, 12 Udhaya Prabodhaka R&mdyana, 484 Uhlcnbcck,E. M.,27fn.,39 U Khin Zaw, 301 U Ku, 307 U Maung Gyi, 308 * Unique Contribution of Kambar and Tulasidas \ 493 U Thein Han, 301 Upadhye,A. N., 181 fn. Upakarana Ramakien, 245 Upanishad Brahmendra, 19 Upendra Bhanja, 497, 620, 630, 631, 633 Vrmite (Oriya), 635 4 Orvasi and PurGravas \ 173 fn. Utprekshavallabha, 7 U Toe, 302, 306 Uttara Jataka, 242 Uttara Tapaniya Upanisad, 485 Uttara-purana, 181, 227, 229, 239, 240 Uttararamacarita, 12, 212, 328, 381, 577, 685
Index
727
Vimala Prabandha (Gujarati), 403 Vimalasuru 5, 181, 227, 228, 231, 232, 233, 237, 238, 403 Vinayapatrikd, 59, 68,72, 73 Vira Cudamani, 482 Viram-Sut (Gujarati), 402 Virgil, 196, 315 VirQpftk^a (Kannada author), 193 Vishnud&s (Gujarati writer), 402 Vi&uigupta, 487 Vifnu Kesari Purana (Oriya), 627 Vishnu-Pratap-Rtimayana (Kashmiri), 541-2, 545 Visvanatha (a, of Ramakrodha Chautisa) 633 Visvanatha (Kaviraja) (a, of Sdhityadarpana), 622 Visvanatha Khuntia, 633 Visvanatha Satyanirayana, 222 Visvan&thasimha, 19 Viswambara Das, 566 Vitfhalaraju, 221 Vogel,118 Vrttasahcaya, 112 Vrltayana, 112 Vyasa(Sage), 1,2, 3,230, 397 Vyasa.V. M., 117 fn. W Wahju Purbo SedjatU 25 fn., 39 Wajang Poerw Weltervreden, 39 Wajrayana, 39 Watana be, 5 fn.
Werden und Wandlungen einer Idealgestalt, 337 fn, Wheatley, P., 105 " Where Nepal Teaches the foreign nations f \ 371 fn. Winstedt, R. O., 137, 154, 159 fn., 161 fn., 176 Winternitz M., 3, 103 fn., 104 fn., 181 fn., 322, 347, 393, 394, 395, 561 Witftaparwa, 21 fn., 23 fn., 24 Wirjosuparto, Sutjipto, R. M., 154
WrhaspatiTatm, 115 fn.
Yadunath Pekhrel, 351 Yappermkalavrutti (Tamil), 410 YaSovarman, King, 12,14,118 Yoga-sastra-sopajna-vrtti, 227 Yoga Vasitfha, 461 fn., 462,492, 577,578 Yogfcvara, 26, 28,114,122,406 Yoshida, K„ 335 fn., 340 fn. Yule's Glossary, 161 fn.
Zenkenrit Subibasha, 346 fn. Zhang-Zhung-pa, 685 Zieseniss, 122, 123, 127, 137, 144, 145, 154,474 Zoete, B. de, 24 fn., 39 Zoetmulder, P. J., 21, 22, 26, 27, 30 fn., 32, 33, 39 Zo ozokyo, 346 Zvelebil, Kamil, 474
