Willing Migrants: Soninke Labor Diasporas, 1848-1960 (Western African Studies)

*:1.; Foreword I ; In the spring of 1985, I received a letter from a graduate student at the Uni. '~ versity of California in Santa Barbara asking if I would read two chapters from his thesis. I agreed to do so, not only because I enjoy reading the work of young scholars, but because he was working on questions that had a bearing on the book I was writing on slavery and French colonial rule} The Soninke were important to my study as slave traders and as the architects of V a very harsh slave system. They also produced a large grain surplus in the i i. early twentieth century in spite of what looked to me like a hostile environment. Iwas struggling with several questions. I was trying to understand the l complex and very dynamic Senegal river trade system of the nineteenth cen, “ tury and why so many slaves stayed with their masters in the early nineteenth century during a period of a massive slave emigration in French West Africa, when perhaps a million returned to earlier homes. , The chapters Manchuelle sent me made an original argument on Soninke labor migration. The role of the Soninke in the river trade, as sailors in the French Heet, and as the first African migrants to France was well known, but, like many, I had assumed that the first to migrate were the poor, perhaps run» away slaves. In fact, Manchuelle argued that it was the nobles who migrated, and that they did so not because they wanted to leave, but because they wanted to reinforce their position within traditional society. Furthermore, * his documentation was solid. The most original part of Manchuelle’s argu` ment was why they did it. I was so fascinated that I asked to read the whole ` thesis and invited him to give a paper at a conference in Canada. The Soninke are a particularly interesting people. They founded the first . of the great empires of West Africa, Ghana. After the fall of Ghana in the thirteenth century, there were no large Soninke states, but a Soninke diaspora spread trading communities across much of West Africa. Known as r . Forthcoming from Cambridge University Press under the title Slavery and Cultmrkzl Rule zh , Franc}: Ms: Africa. ` I xi l

Marka or juula, these communities often assimilated local languages, but be- , . The small, weak Soninke politics were marked by intense competition, which cause of their involvement in commerce, maintained their distinctiveness i f provided an incentive for people to seek resources from outside. Thus, seaand their pride in Soninke origins. Manchuelle argues pereeprively that the * sonal migration for trade, the accumulation of slaves, and an eagerness for Soninke entrepreneurial tradition developed because of their role as com- V , wage labor on the river and the high seas were all linked. Manchuelle also rnercial arbiters between the desert and the savanna. The desert-side area L ,'_ moves clearly from one form of migration to others. He not only links the was commercially one of the most important areas in Africa. The Soninke · labor migrations in the Senegal River valley to earlier commercial migrawere in many Ways the product of this interaction, and certainly the people j tions, but also describes new migrations in the early colonial period, espebest equipped to exploit it. Nomads needed grain and cloth and could offer ii cially seasonal migration to the peanut fields and long-term migration to the livestock and salt. Those with entrepreneurial skills could use those goods to ' two Congos. He describes how maraboutic networks competed with the notrade further south for slaves, gold, kola nuts, and other commodities. ~ j bles and how former slaves moved into those networks. In recent years, the Soninke have been noted for another kind of migra- ’ ~ Manchuelle also answers the questionl first asked. Why did so many slaves tion. Although they are not very numerous, in the I9§OS and 196os the l remain within an exploitative social structure, and when they migrated, why Soninke made up the vast majority of an increasing African migration to ’ did so many return? The slaves who left were primarily those who rememFrance. Their origins, their collaboration, and their dormitory-style living , bered an earlier home. Those who remained were not necessarily passive. arrangements were frequently discussed in the French press during the 19605 , gi They were rooted in Soninke society and chose to struggle, sometimes inand attracted a great deal of scholarly interest. They lived frugally, shared ` efectively, within Soninke society. As in many parts of West Africa, there meals, helped each other find jobs, and faced common problems of illness V i' was astruggle for the control of the labor of those who remained, essentially and death. Few writers, however, traced the history of this migration or saw i i a process of renegotiating social and work relationships. Masters were most that there was a link between the entrepreneurial skills of the sharpest traders _` effective in maintaining control of persons where they controlled the land. in West Africa and the appearance of Soninke sanitation workers doing the j The Soninke areas were relatively dry regions with small areas of rich floodhumblest kinds of work in late-twentieth-century France. Labor migration V plain controlled by established families. Slaves won a certain degree of autonwas rooted in commercial migration and often contributed to new forms of _ omy but could not shake the domination of the noble class. When the master commercial activity The humble Soninke who sweeps the streets of Paris may ` could not provide land, a former slave could often get it from another mashave two taxis on the streets of Bamako, often driven by brothers or cousins, ~ ij ter, but he could not change his status. Many remained not only because they and when he retires, will probably farm with hired labor, He may also have could get land within the system, but, as Manchuelle explains, because they a cousin driving a truck in the Ivory Coast or trading precious stones in had access to migratory networks. Zaire. i I learned a lot from Francois and always enjoyed our exchanges. He did Manchuelle’s study makes several important arguments about migration. not bend easily to the ideas of others, but he was always gracious in debate, For one, migrants do not always come from poor areas, nor is it always the often gentle, and always eager to refine his argument and get the response of poorest who migrate. This is also clear for long-distance migration else- others. He was also very well informed. He wrote on awide variety of subwhere. Those who came to North America by steerage a century ago had to jects and read widely He assumed that there were regularities in the way be able to pay for their passage, and the same is true for those seeking a bet- human societies operate, and sought for parallels in literature on other parts ter life today in North America and Europe. Manchuelle also argues that mi- of the world. The ability to see migration in comparative context is one of the gration was not rooted in the impoverishment of the Soninke homeland and ` strengths of this manuscript. Perhaps the most important thing Manchuelle did not contribute to its impoverishment. The strength of Manchuelle’s ar- has done in this book is to prove how relevant history is to understanding a gument is that he seats it in an understanding of Soninke society and history. contemporary situation. By looking at how and why different sectors of romtworw , Fonewono [xii] , , [xiii ]

Soninke society have migrated over time, he contributes to our understanding of the Soninke. By constantly setting the Soninke in comparative con- _ ’ text, he contributes to our understanding of migration. He has written a Edltor S Preface book that is original, that challenges accepted ideas, and that will be much , debated. We can only regret that he will not be here to take part in the debate. Maru}: A. K/ein · X Uniymggl gf Tammy; Z, In Remembrance of Francois Manchuelle (195;-1996) j Francois Manchuelle died tragically on I7 ]uly 1996 in the explosion of ` TWA Flight 8oo off the coast of Long Island. This disaster cut short a vital . scholarly career. In addition to a stream of academic articles on the intellec` tual roots of nineteenth-century French colonization policy, the cultural dy. lla namics of precolonial West African labor migrations, the political emergence of Africans in Senegal, and the origins of cultural nationalism in French V Africa, Francois had just recently Finished Wlling Migranzs, was deeply eniii gaged in a large study of the intellectual origins of African cultural nation' alism that traced the linkages between intellectuals in the Caribbean, Europe, gg: and West Africa, and was in the process of editing a special issue of the Cahierr * dftudes Africainex, on whose editorial board he served. Francois died in the midst of making major contributions to the history of Africa and of Africans in diaspora. Frangois’s other métier was as an academic administrator. After completj l ing his doctoral degree at the University of California at Santa Barbara in f I987, Francois accepted a teaching post in the Department of History at Georgia Southern University, and while there found time to secure a major A institutional grant, ensuring the future of the Black Studies program. Later, · after a teaching stint at Bowdoin College, Francois accepted a position as as_ , sociate director of Africana Studies and the Institute for Afro-American , ~ Affairs at New York University. At NYU Francois devoted his time to _ strengthening the university institutions devoted to the study of Africa and _ ti; of Africans in diaspora, taught seminars in African history, and brought ` forth as executive editor the first issue of Black Renaissance/Renaissance ’ Nvire. 5 j With his death, Francois ManchueIle’s far—flung network of intellectual , and collegial relationships, maintained through careful correspondence and ` an ever—willingness to pick up the telephone, was ruptured. But at the age of SQ Foxawoxn _ [xiv] , [xv]

forty·three, his lifespirit had such trajectory and quiet force that his intellec- { mal legacy and his warm personal presence will continue to induence those · of us who were fortunate to know him. Colleagues in Europe, North Amer- 7 Select of Works ica, the Caribbean, and Africa all remember him with affection. ‘ I by Frangois Manchuelle james L. A. l$%£b,_/lr. 1 Coloy College ~ Fghuavl [gg; 1996 “The °Regeneration of Africa’: An Important and Ambiguous Concept in 18th ,7. and 19th Century French Thinking about Africa,” Cahiers a’Etudes Aficaines, vol. 144, no. XXXVI—4, 559-588. 1995 "Assimilés ou patriotes africains? Naissance du nationalisme culrurel en Afrique frangaise,” Caltiers dfmdes Aj?icaz}1es, vols. 138-139, no. XXXV—2-3, 222-2681% IQQZ “Le role des Antillais dans Papparition du nationalisme culturel en Afrique franc0phone,” Calder.: ¢z'Z'tu¢le.sAf}icair1e.r, vol. 12.7, no. XXXII—3, 375-408. ; j 1989 "Slavery, Emancipation, and Labor Migration in West Africa: The Case of the ~ S0ninke," journal of Ajiicun Hirzury, vol. 30, no. 1, 89-106. 1989 “The Patriarchal Ideal of Soninke Labor Migrants: From Slave Owners to Employers of Free Labor Migrants,” Canadian journal of African Szndieagvol. 23, ( no. 1, 106-125. 1988 “Origines républicaines de la politique d’expansi0n coloniale de jules Ferry, 1838—1865," Revue fanyazive ulilzirzoire 1ibz1rre—mer, vol. 75, no. 279, 185-206. V 1985 “Origines républicaines et philanthropiques de la politique d’expansion coloff,5. niale de ]ules Ferry (1838-1865)” Proceeding; of zlte French Colonial Hirzarical { ·$`0&`i8§}Q 198% I93—20$. ‘ , 1984 “Métis et colons: La famille Devés et Fémergence politique des Africains au fi Sénégal, 1881—1897,” Ca/tiers 11lZ`zuz{es Aficazhes, vol. 96, no. XXIV-4, 477-504. S @1 *} ¤ ew Ll 1;1>1·1·oR’s imrmcr 9 [xvi ] 7 I [ xvii ]

li ,° A ~ O S V V X 1 i. ·L ‘ ‘ I O E ` ‘ it ` N g , l Y , l l ‘ J, " O Gd 5 , S; . " U ~ cn *5 . . ; I y p y . p E >< Introduction ’r,IGI? ta. Q »-~. ,» ¤ ~ .4 ;; E · _ _, Q gz '* I it Til M ` ` rl <‘. $2 E · E E m . L N Q on E E §· . WHEN I BEGAN this study, I was strongly influenced by the radical politics ` 1 (1 E {5 < S ` of the late i96os and early r97os. I chose to focus my doctoral research on 2 • M f§ ` labor migration from Africa to France because I wished to document an as»-· p pect of the theory of "neocolonial dependencyt" that is, I wished to show V Q ED 4a,{,'y9k@ V that the migration of workers from Africa to Europe was one symptom of Ew "' af? the exploitation of the impoverished Third World by the capitalist West. Q U is ` — The results of my investigation proved to be quite different from what I had E , 3 1 expected. l ~ E § ` There has been for half a century in France a large community of Third >€ O _ l World migrants, the “Ara.b” (in fact, Arabo-Berber) North Africans, who , ` are among the most oppressed people in the country. The question of their E E ` integration into society has been a burning issue in French politics in the last V ••_°é° tg >" D 2 four decades. At the time when I began this study, however, this proletariat ` , -§ § E In Q E l l, had its own underworld: the Black Africans, who lived in the shabbiest hous§ Si, B Z 8 ing in the neighborhoods inhabited by North Africans and who took the jobs U D g ~ rejected by them. Any visitor to Paris in the 19605 and 19705 would have In 2 Q V;} noticed that most of the menial jobs in the French capital, in particular in ` ` — _»». sanitation, were carried out by Black Africans, often (incorrectly) called ° it “Senegalese.” Black Africans also worked (in fact, in greater numbers than ` l . in sanitation) as unskilled workers in automobile plants in the Parisian suburbs, such as Renault—Billancourt, Citroen—Aulnayg of Talbot—Poissy. ' I. 1 l

ag J} i The Black African community in France in the 1960s and 19705 was small Yi of the large Manda-speaking group, which also comprises the Bambara and in comparison with the North African community. Its concentration in the Mulinke peoples. Fi-eneh capital, however, gave it a certain visibility. Moreover, it was grow- p What made this information so interesting was the fact that the Soninke ing extremely rapidly. In 195;, the oflicial figure for African workers in . have lvng history of migration in Africa. In the nineteenth cent-ury, they France was z,¤oo. Ten years later, the oi·Hcia1 Figure stood at zo,ooo, while V were among the first mzvémne: (agricultural labor migrants to the peanut ¤ unofficial estimates ranged between ;o,¤o0 and 60,00::. Since this time, the ;· fields that are the mainstay of Senegal’s economy). During the colonial peBlack African community in France may have grown to 660,000, its size in- ` riod, the Soninke also mi rated to the Ivor Coast Cameroon and the ELI creasing by a {actor of ren during the last twenty years. This raises the re- Q Congo-Zaire basin. They lid a tradition of enzployment in the French me;ie mote but not unrealistic possibility that it may one day become as large as the j} chant marine, which eventually led some to settle in French harbor cities— North African community itself. judging from the severe problems posed the origin of their present migration to France. In Soninke villages, one can today by xenophobia feelings in French society, the integration of large j' m€€t {OFHIET sailors who have been to the United States, Mexico, India, numbers of Black Africans may prove a formidable problem in the decades _ i Japan, and so 011. Today the Soninke live not only in France, but also in sierra to come. Leone, the Ivory Coast, Zaire, Congo, the Central African Republic, ZamWhen it began, roughly around 1960, Black African migration in France ` bia, Tanzania, Libya, Spain, Belgium, even Sweden, and there even appears presented all the characteristics of a lzzéor migration. This term must be ` E0 béatiny Soninke communi in New York Ci robabl established rio; defined: labor migration designates an economically motivated, temporary tothe Second World War. ty tyip y P {crm of migration. Labor migrants are generally young men from rural {E The “traditi0n" of migration among the Soninke actually goes back m areas, often unmarried. They have no plans to settle abroad but shuttle be- the precolonial period. The Soninke probably were the iii-srjula, or- itinerant tween their villages and places of employment (cities and more developed traders 0f West Africa. Their Mande—speaking descendants, the Marka, are agricultural areas), a movement often described as “re¤.1rn” Or “CirCular” ` f¤¤1’1d ifl HIOSI COII1mSrCi3l Centers of the Western Sudan. Today an impormigration. Labor migrants are an important proportion of the w0rld’s labor , ji tam proportion of the Soninke continue to be merchants. Soninke merchants {orce7 especially in developing areas, and more especially in sub-Saharan i _; fly to Hong Kong to buy the Japanese watches and pocket calculators that Africa;in1g6$, the economist Elliot ]. Berg estimated the number of migrant t Hood the marketplace of Bamako, Mali. Many have made fortunes without laborers in West Africa to be about one million, or fmfof its labor force} In ii having 21 formal education. In one interview, a Soninke merchant in Bamako {act, all of the main export producing regions of Africa—the “peanut basin" t Said: “I cannot read, but I can c0unt."’ And Soninke merchants indeed can of Senegal; the “coeoa belt" of Ghana, the Ivory Coast, and Nigeria; the i count, as Shown by the success of such businessmen as Adan Kébé, rumored "eoppe1· belt" of Zambia; and the mining regions of South Africa and 150 have bought two beachfront hotels in Dakar "for cash" and to have been Zaire—owe their economic success to the immigration of temporary labor- the private banker of the former President Mobutu of Zaire. ers. Black African migration to France was thus connected to a wider phe— ` From the beginning, therefore, my research had to resolve an interesting nomenon of labor migration in Africa. · ¤01’1fl'3¤liCii01'1. I WiSl'1€Cl tO ShOW that the migration of poor Black African In 19687 Souleymane Diarra published the Hrst scholarly Study of Black W0l‘k€l'S I0 France Was the result Of AffiC8,S exploitation by France, thus, in African labor migration to France} Its startling revelation was that 85 per- keeping with Marxist theoryq that it was the result of economic factors. How— Cem of the migrants came from a single region of West Africa, a triangle of ever, historical evidence pointed to the fact that Soninke migration predated $20 X 480 x 210 kilometers between the Mauritanian town of Boghé and the the domination of Western capitalism and may have been related to cultural Malian towns of Nioro and Bafoulabé, covering roughly equal amounts of { factors. But was premcdern mi ation connected to resent mi ration? I felt Senegalese, Mauritanian, and Malian soil (see map). Moreover, within this it it was necessary to address the history of Soninke mlilgrations ii order to anterritmy 85 percent of the migrants were members of a single ethnic group, swer this question. called in Senegal the Sarakole, but who call themselves the Soninke, a branch ` INTRODUCTION ` INTRODUCTION l 7- l 1 [ 2 l ~

gl ThBO1‘i€S of African Labor Mig1'ati0I1 ‘ Sociological and economic literature has made great progress in underE V g standing African labor migration but, at the same time, it has brought new 4 Early colonial explanations of labor migration in Africa often emphasized ` A questions: assuming that economic causes are determinant, what type of ECOI? the *7015 of ethnicity- Ethnic SYDUPS that migrated more than Others were · nomic causes provoke migration? Essentially, there are two answers to this yl d¤¤m¤d *0 have a ¤¤1¤¤¤i"pr¤1¤¤¤Sify to migrate}, Such 3 “PmP€“SitY” was . question. For some sch0lars—we may call ahem the “ne0classica1" school, never thecrized, but rather was part of a set of Western prejudices about the ` V Whose besbknown representative is Elliot ]_ B€1.g__€aCh migrant makes a § SUPPOSECHY Odd OY backwards economic behavicr Of Africans- The colonial personal choice, after balancing the advantages and disadvantages (economic {Q _ ubfighf lights th€°YY” held that Africans: PHHCUIZYIY the Young: migrated il and noneconomic) of staying at home or migrating.’ The neoclassical school ` because they were attracted by Lhc often fallacious promises of city life. The _` emphasizes job Oppormnides in the region at the receiving end of the migm_ M ? umrget Wmkern theory asserted that Africans sought Paid €mP1OYm€m tion, that is, the “puI1" factor of economic growth. The opposing "sch00l" S°1€lY in Order *0 r¤¤¤h SPECEC economic “m`g€t$”_buYi"g a biCYcl€¤ 3 _ (which is by far the most popular today) believes that migrants were " Sewing machine, and SO OIL Once the wargetsn were reached, it was said: the _ “pushed" away from their home region by adverse economic conditions anc1/ migrants Went h°m€» with the Pamdoxical result that higher Wages resulted , ii or various forms of coercion. According to a growing body of literature, in 3 higher mm°V€r and EVEMUZHY 3 lower SUPPIY Of l3b°"· what these ~ colonial taxes were the “trigger" :0 African labor migration, in particular be` “'¥h€°I`i€$” had in €¤mm°“¤ thcrefoma was the Suggestion that Africans were · cause they were imposed in money currency, which was available only in Lhe not, unlike modem Europeans, rational economical beings. ` coastal areas dominated by the cohmial Economy} Modem Sociological and economic studies have Proven these c°“°°Pti°“S _ From what precedes, it is clear that the debate has become increasingly Wrong- Although Afdcan migrants Value The excitement of city life: they ` historical in nature. In fact, history would appear as essential in the study of ¤1'€» i¤ {ML looking for Cash- Elliot J- Berg Showed that in Affi¤¤» as in the migrations, which are processes of social change that necessarily develop rest of the world, higher wages result in a larger labor supply. Berg attrib- _‘ Over a long Pm-{Od of dm€_ Yet even though a gl-Owing number Of studies uted the high rumover rates noticed by employers in the early days of ¢¤}0- Q use hismrical material and methods, African labor migration has been invesnization not Y0 high but IO 1¤Ww¤g¤S·‘A¤ economic and S¤¤i¤1¤gi<>¤lSr¤di¢S L_ tigated almost exclusively by sociologists and economists, and there is alhave progressed, scholars have increasingly emphasized the rational eco- I 1 most no major Study Of African labor migration by a trained histol-im_ nomic motivations of African labor migration. ]. Clyde Mitchell pointed out V The theory that African labor migration is the result Of economic dePd_ that m0$t migrants SWE an economic reason (Often the need *0 Pay taxes) {OY l vation and colonial violence is, as I mentioned, by far the most prevalent migrating and dm even when a ¤°¤€°°“°miC cause was invoked: the real I 9 today. However, there are very important differences between the migratory Cause was almost alWaY$ economic- For €XamP1€¤ migrants may d¢¤1¤r¤ that V behaviors of various African ethnic groups that economic factors do not they migrated because of disagreements with relatives, but in the majority of Q Seem to explain Among migrants to France, {01. example, although loca] pu_ cases, these disagreements have an economic basis} J. Van Velsen noted that . laapspeakers {mm the Upper Senegal River Valley in the region of Matam in the matter Of P€Fi0di€ returns *0 their home Villages: “$Ch°0l” (“W€$t€m‘ · E (called “Tukul0r" by colonial sch0lars)" do not exceed I4 percent of the izedji) migrants Of East L¤¤d¤¤, South Afri¤¤, behaved “° dii¥¤r¤¤dy than ` adult male p0pulati0n,"’ the Soninke comprise around 36 percent. These “R€d” (“¤?ib¤l”) migrants even ¤h¤¤gh their avriwdes toward the modem differential rates of migration to France are not the result of di(·Ferences in World $ha*'PlY diE€md· The PUYPOSE Of Periodic returns home was to mai"' j the economic conditions of the two ethnic groups, which are roughly simifain a Stake in family lands in the migrants, Villages- Village la-nds are the mi' ; lar. Particularly interesting in this respect is the fact that Soninke village enEmms) “P€¤$i‘m funds? and migrants must make certain that they are stm claves in the mainly Pulaar-speaking districts of Kanel and Ourcssogui have considered par; of their original communities in Order I0 retain 3€€€SS I0 q ` migration mtg; as high (36 Pe;-Cem;) as the predominantly Soninke-spealdng {hes? lands, Whi¤h are c°mm'mauY Owned OY °0mt°H€d·° EL` Bake] region upstream, in spize afclzefzcx r/uz: zlzese village.: are simazed in z/ze INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION ` [4} ‘~. r I 1

ei midg gf Pulqampgaking villager, which have at least ajfpur ;img; lower rate ~ 6 wlonial African economies indeed contained strong "redistributive” sectors, of migration m Fmnct-L" T there was no fundamental incompatibility between market and nonmarket Explanations of labor migration as the result of economic deprivation ~ Iystems. All precolonial societies, to one degree or another, had market and violence, although very popular among Africanist scholars, have been ¤l¤¤¢iruri¤ns, SU5€€pfibl€ of gl'0Wing into “Capitalism” whenever external criticized by recent Europeanist and Americanist labor migration historians. §¤0¤t¤ de" theory, which had a profound impact on African studies——in partigular Marx- ` he the Wammgs of the leading speclahsm Philip _Cl‘min Writes ist African studies. The "substantivists” believed that early (“l3I'iIT1ilZlV€”) 3 ` Perhaps the most durable of all myths about precolonial Africa is the belief economies were "redistributive” economies not organized around the mar- _ vhnrit <><>¤¤¤i¤¤d myriad, isolated economic units—"subsistence ecoriomiesf ket principle. To put it simply: wealth is accumulated in such societies by Where the Village g’°“P if mt ""‘°h individual familY am-13-UY Pmdmed all chiefs or powerful individuals through nonmarket means, such as communal i ;l ll Consumed f ' ` In Point of {aca it is doubtful tha? my African €°°n°m?' of labor, rents, or tributes, and redistributed to the people in the form of gifts, i recent cenmmls was absolutely S€1{—c0lmmei’ Without trade of any kmd’ ,_ cven the most isolated parts of the comment, giving birth to networks of clientage and allegiance. Early substantivists · ‘ · maintained that there was 3 fundamental difel-ence between mal-ke; and ' The concept of African traditional economies as isolated, self-suihcient nonmarket economies and that in "primitive" societies neither land nor labor ` i¤b¤i$f€¤¤€ ec0n0mies" was characteristic of colonial thinking. It was the could be bought or sold, This, of course, implied that labor migration did IOH why S0 many Colonial OHlCials believed in the value of forced labor; if not exist in pl-gcolonial African €C;m0mies_** { ricams had “limited needs” and were content with their lot, how could Most anthropologists, however, today would argue that although pre- {MCR develop €C0n0miCally? Many colonial officials thus believed that INTRODUCTION [ INTRODUCTION rm l ~·t, m i

~ lj. Africans had to be coerced in order for the continent to progress. To say this, ` however, is not to say that coercion had the desired impact on migration. , `Z The evidence available on some of the most famous taxation policies intro- , F` O N E duced to create labor migration is that they failed.‘“ It was, in fact, easy for E colonial administrators to exaggerate their power over their subjects. Gover— nor Angoulvant of the Ivory Coast believed in 1908 that he could force I Africans to become wage laborers and export-crop farmers with a personal }t` SOI1l1'1l{€ Society 3.1'1d Migration tax of o.5o to 4.$O francs tzyerzr, while Baule peasants easily earned o.3o to , 2 1.oo franc tz day in local agriculture and craft production."’ Blunt coercion, § ` Mnéteenth Century 7 Y moreover, could act as a deterrent to labor migration; such was apparently the case in the Ivory Coast, toward which converged thousands of migrants from Burkina Faso and Niger after the abolition of forced labor after the i 2 Second World War—migrants who had previously gone to Ghana, where forced labor was unknown after the First World Wan"' ,` In this study, I strongly stress the internal dynamics of the labor migra- . q tion process. African societies were not passive recipients or victims of ex- j ternal changes, but societies that faced specinc historical choices, which they made according to their own historical, cultural, social, and political back- f PI-ULIP CURTIN has questioned the widespread notion that precolonial grounds. I also argue against explanations of labor migration based on taxa- gp Africa was the land of autarchic "su.bsistence” economies} It is interesting i tion and coercion. My contention, of course, is mainly based on the study of _ ` 5 to note that the book containing this comment is largely devoted to the ecothe Soninke, but it would be useful if such evidence contributed to a reex- — =;` y nomic history of a Soninke region (the precolonial kingdom of Gajaaga in amination of the issue by historians. Few of the scholars who cite taxation . fi, the Upper Senegal River Valley). Indeed, the Soninke had one of the longest and coercion as a cause in labor migration have made a critical assessment of histories of involvement in trade and commercial agriculture in West Africa. the question on the basis of available documents, in particular guantitative . V,} This history is ughtly bound to the issue of migration. In this chapter, I will commercial and taxation records. 5 3 give a description of precolonial Soninke society and economy: unless indil, cated otherwise, this description is based on documents relative to the nineQ tecnth century (French travelers or administr·ators’ reports, as well as zi Soninke oral tradition). f Geographical and Historical Outline — if of the Soninke , The Soninke are the northern branch of the large Mande-speaking group. ~ F Because censuses are diiiicult to interpret (for a variety of reasons), it is difli1 cult to assess their number today. In the 19705, they were perhaps zoo,ooo to goo,o0o, mostly in the Republic of Mali (districts of Kayes, Yélimané, . INTRODUCTION so I [8 l A lo l

Nioro, and Gournbou-Nara), with smaller communities in Senegal (districts 3.by).3 |T101'€ €'fl1HlC€1lly €liV€1‘S€ than the Western part: indigenous nomadic Fuulbe The region inhabited by the Soninke is a narrow belt stretching about Soo ` t und descendents of Fuutanke invaders who came with the religious con. A9 · . . . . . . kilometers along the southern edge of the Sahara between Matam in the , , queror Al—Ha] Umar Tal in the mid nineteenth century live in the region of Upper Senegal River Valley and S0k0l0 in the Republic of Mali, ¤0tf-2rf`1'0IIl , Kltlgl, while in the easternmcst regions of Baaxunu, Gumbuy and Smm]07 the Niger River, This is an intermediary sector between the $l1Cl€i11€S€ and the $01'1il”1k€ are often intermixed With Other groups, especially the Bambara_ the Sahelian vegetation zones, which has been severely affected by the drought ` Soninke farmers have been particularly skillful at using the variety of of the last two decades. Desertification is not new to this area: in past cen- · agricultural milieux dispensed by their environment. Today, they especially tnries, the soninke homeland extended far to the north in the Tagant and the practice rainfall agriculture on river-banks (yétliy and clayey depressions, Adi-er which today are desertic. Because of this, it is Often believed that the which retain humidity better than the lands in the interior Ge;-Q and are precolbnial Soninke migrations were a response to the ecological fragility of * I therefore less prone to drought. But in the past, a large proportion of their the region} It is worth noting, however, that the climatic conditions of the in rainfall crops also came from rainfall agriculture on the more sandy soils in Sgninke homeland are not very different from those of the 1110513 p0pL\l2t€Cl _ the l€1'iv7 In the Western region, Soninke farmers also practice dry-season areas of Senegalr Roughly speaking, Bakel is on the same latitudinal parallel I v` agriculture on the fertile Hoodlands (wrzrzlzj of the Senegal, Xara Xooro, and as Thies or Dakar, Nioro is on the same parallel as Mekhé north of Thies, I Xoolinbinne river valleys. Waalo Hoodlands in the Upper Senegal region are and Keyes is on a parallel slightly north of Kaolack. Because of this location, 5 small, especially when compared with those in the Middle Senegal River Valthe environment of the Soninke is quite certainly pr€i”€1'3.l3l€ IO that of 1101*fh- lffy, but they Once provided an important complement to local agricultural erni-nest Wolof regions such as ]ol0f.5 Rainfalls recorded between the I930$ ` "° pl‘0CluCti0¤. The Scninke in the western region thus practiced three types .ir, ~ . .... . . and rgéos in Bakel Yélimané Nioro and Sélibaby averaged between $00 of agriculture during the year: ramy—season agriculture on the ]eri, rainyand 600 millimeters annually. i`l`hese were ordinary figures for tllé 31'€8 lD€- S€HS011 agriculture on riverbanks, and iloodlancl agriculture during the dry tween the 14th and 16th parallels in Senegal, Mauritania, and Mali, and they f l SBHSOH. It is true that the labor requirements of these various types of agriwere more than suliicient for agriculture.° i t culture often C0l’1HlCf during the course of their respective agricultural cycles The soninke homeland can be divided into two geographical regions. y (to take the most important example, the harvest of jeri lands andthe sowing The "westem regi0n” encompasses the hydtographic system of the Upper l of waalo lands must be done c0r1Currently),“ but larger households with Senegal Rivet-. Hayre-Damga, once a province of Gajaaga, Was the ITIOSF many dependents and slaves could exploit the various environments to the westerly precolonial Soninke polity O¢zmaan.·§—-in the nineteenth century, if §1lll€Sf· We shall See that slavery provided {arm units with a large additional ‘ ' ` abor force in the recolonial eriod (and even in the colonial eriod). was part of Fuuta Tooro. Upstream the kingdom of Gajaaga was situated U p p p along the southern bank of the Senegal River, while the region of Gidimaxa Agricultural conditions have dramatically altered with the ehronie covered the northern bank and extended along a number of tributaries to the drought of the last two clecades." This has meant unpredictable harvests and north—the most important being the Xaara XOOIO. Above X321S0, HH area Gin lower yields in the jeri. M0re proliiic long-cycle varieties of sorghum are the Upper Senegal River Valley lost by Gajaaga to Fuulbe migrants in the l j` being replaced by short-cycle varieties such as mzéarte, which need less rainseventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the valley of the XOOlmblHH€, 3 1T13]0Y 1 E fall. IH the ISOOS, and probably up to the 19605, long-cycle sorghums domtributary of the Senegal and of its own tributary the Terekolle, was the loca- y i inated—such as the famed gajrzda, which has the best yield (and whose stalks tion of e string of Soninke polities (jafunu, Tiringa, Soroma, Gidyume, and have a high sugar content and thus make an excellent fodder). Gajaba made Kenyareme). The “eastern region" is a wide plateau once well-watered by up more than half of the sorghum consumed in Gajaaga in the nineteenth temporary streams (polities of Kingi and Baaxunu), ending in vast oasislike century, the remainder being made up mostly of shorter-cycle nyeni/to ll Aesandy depressions set in semideserdc areas containing the polities of Wagadu cording to informants in jafunu, gajaba was once the only variety cultivated cunrrna 1 I li SONINKE sociiarv AND Mronnriorz [ wl ' l ir l

in this region (Probably until the early to mid twentieth century)11 Gaialaa ` ir the well-populated Middle Niger River Valley, which was an important marwas often cultivated on riverbank lands together with maize (sometimes in Y hat for thai! goods and an Hvenlle of penetration toward markets farther alternating rows on the same field)." There are no colonial data on the pro- south- They were ¢l0$e, f<>W¤fd the seuthwest, to the Gambia River Valley, Portion gf maize in Soninke agriculture: but a comparison of sources leaves i less populated than the Niger Valley to be sure but another potential market the impression that its cultivation (which requires more water than sorghum for their goodsr F inallyg they were close to the gold-producing regions of or millet) has also receded. Smaller yields are the result of both the retreat of Bambuxu between the Fslemme River and the Upper Senegal River and superior varieties of grain and of the drought itself. While the probable av- Bute Oh the Upper Niger. The Soninke took salt, livestock, and slaves to erage yield today in rrrerganjr agrieulture is no more than one ton Per . these regions, from which they bought gold that they eventually reexported hectare, yields vastly superior, going up to amazing maximums of two tons intv the fF¤¤$·$¤h¤f¤¤ trade and a half Per hectare, are recorded for the colonial Period}4 The outlines of the Soninke desert—side trade no doubt changed in hisIt would thus be a mistake to assume that the currently depressed condi- tory. Salt, in particular, may have been more of a rarity in medieval times.‘5 tion of Soninke agriculture also prevailed in the precolonial and colonial pe- N€V€ith€i€ssi Ons is struck by the similarities between nineteenth-century riods_ In these Periods? occasional crises and even {amines did certainly ` accounts of trade in Soninke regions and much earlier accounts. Thus the occur, but overall, a wetter climate and the additional labor provided by l g ` ni€di€Val Arab traveler Al·Bal¤'i noted that the king of Ghaha fa Soninke slaves made it possible to grow higher-yield varieties of grain in a wider va- kingddmi as we shall See) taxed mb entering the kingdom, and that the “best riety of environments than today. For these reasons, Soninke agriculture was · Hhiawoi Ghana Canis from the t°Wh of Ghiyarnr that is: Ghnlurhr an irnP°r‘ able to produce surpluses, and even to export sizeable quantities of grain (es- tant Sdninke tvwn in the Upper Senegal Rivet Valley located not far from pecially to desert areasto the north). V the Bambuxu goldiields. Speaking of the trade of the town of Sila in the In precolonial times, this ability to produce a grain surplus was the foun— UPP€1' Senegal 1'€gi0n, A1-Bakri n0tes: “F0r money the inhabitants of Sila aatitm or ri particularly dynamic commercial system. rite Soninke home- 2 usewrrhumr M/rr wpper rings and length offer ¤<¤¤¤~ -—-- They ¤w¤ many i land’s torriierrratitm as along belt of territory bordering the Sahara Desert ww but rw sheep ¤r g¤¤rs [my emphasis]? F inallyi Al-Idrisi wed that the made the region a eenter of very active commercial exchange hetweert p inhabitants of Barisa (Yaresna, another early Soninke town in the Upper sedentary and desert nornad PoPulations_the so-called “desert-side" trade_ y Senegal River Valley) "are itinerant merchants , . . , who pay allegiance to the ° In the dry season, nomads descended from the desert to pasture their herds ` , Takrnrifm Thess authors gave dtsCriPti°ns Very sirhiiar to the nin€t€Ehth‘ on Soninke lands. They bought cereals produced by Soninke farmers, in ex- l t ccnh-irY Patterns that i am going to desvribe in detail ih this chaPt€r· change for livestock, and especially for rock salt produced in mines in the _ Aii this €XPlains h0W the Sdninlie Came t0 play such an important role in desert in Ijil and Tishit, north of the Soninke homeland. The Soninke then the trade and hlsmfy of T-he Western Sudan}7 In medieval times, they were formed trading expeditions to reexport this livestock and salt farther south. the hrst in the Western Sudan I0 establish commercial relations with AraboThey also exported Comm cloth, which was woven by their slaves, and cat- Berber traders from North Africa, and they were among the first to become tle and horses raised in the Soninke homeland. They came back from these i juia (itinerant traders) in West Airi€¤—¤S we shall see- The first Of the great Periodic migrations with slaves? whorn they mostly used to further develop ` medieval kingdoms of the Western Sudan known to historians was a Soninke their own agrieulture_ V, gr; kingdom, called Ghana by Arab travelers and Wagtzdu by the Soninke. Todayg "Dessi-t-side" ti-ade, and the Periodic migrations that it generated) were 2 all important Soninke families claim descent from Wagadu aristocrats. Hownot the exclusive preserve of the Soninke: both were practiced by all of the . Wei', even at the time of its greatness, Wagadu was not the only existing peoples of the West African Sahel from Waalo on the estuary of the Senegal Y Soninke polity. Al-Bslifi and Al-Idrisi thus mention the kingdom of jafunu River to Kanem along Lake Chad. But the geographical location of the ` and a nkingdom ¤fSi1a," which was the historical ancestor of Gajaaga. Soninke was better than that of most of their Sahelian neighbors. Situated in . Wagadu declined after the twelfth Centuryg when it was overshadowed by a reasonably fertile area, they were close, toward the south and southeast, to _ y Soninke {isi-i€€€ss0r sratesii such as lahihnr Memai Jara (Kihgib and Sosn cnriprmz 1 ‘ ii sorrmka soctary Arm iviiciurrion I` iz l i [ I3 ] i

(Xanyaga), and then by the Malinke state of Mali, rising under Sunjata Keita Clctics (MOOJQ, called marabauzs by the French, were the descendents of the in the thirteenth century. with Mali, the focus of economic activity in the llrst families to convert to Islam. As among all Mande-speaking peoples, Western Sudan began to shift toward the Niger Valley, but the Soninke home- they were denied the rank of “warrior" and could not fight. As a result, they land remained important in the economy of the region. When Mali declined, ;`. could not become chiefs and were generally the clients of aristocratic and the Soninke states regained their independence. Among them, the most im- notable families. However, they regarded themselves as superior to the portant was the kingdom of jara, centered in Kingi and ruled by the jawara { "pagar1” Warriors, and they were influential and often wealthy because of dynasty. In the western Soninke region, the kingdom of Gajaaga, conquered i their religious and trading activities. Below warriors and clerics came the arat an unknown date by a branch of the Sempera family—who claim to de- li tisnns Otyaxamelo) who, as elsewhere in West Africa, belonged to endogascend from the governors of the province of Soxolo (Sokolo) in medieval . mous castes. They were subject to various forms of social indignityg but Ghana—had a period of greatness, dominating most of the Upper Senegal , their skills and the patronage of important families made them quite secure region (including Gidimaxa, ]afunu, and Xaaso). Internal divisions, Fuulbe financially. Finally, at the bottom of the social scale were the slaves, who invasions, and especially the rise of the Bambara states, however, eventually l Were extremely numerous in Soninke precolonial society (between one-third sapped the power of Soninke politics. In the eighteenth century, the Soninke ' V;. und one—half of the population). Not all slaves were chattel slaves, however. lived in small polities dominated by their more powerful Bambara and Bey- ` ,` Particular categories of crown slaves,2° called “great slaves" {/mma xarzsa) dan (Arabo-Berber) neighbors. But the wealth of the Soninke remained and by the Soninke, participated as members of the aristocratic class, although was noted by all observers in the nineteenth century. _. their slave status continued to affect them in various ways (they could not The preceding outline shows that the Soninke had a comparatively pros- - marry people of free status or become chiefs). Their function in society was perous economy in precolonial times, and that this prosperity rested largely r either military or administrative (tax and toll collectors). on their participation in seasonal itinerant trading expeditions, that is, in pe- V li The Case of the “great slaves” shows that in Soninke precolonial society; rimlic return migration. t Status and “class” did not always coincide. A closer examination of Soninke l Society and politics reveals another kind of hierarchy; in which slave and casted clients of the tunka lemmu (toyals) stood in reality far above the comThe Politics of Clientage " it moner jambuuruni peasants, who were in theory their superiors. This hierurchy will become clearer after an examination of the Soninke political The basic social organization of the precolonial Soninke was similar to that f system. of their Maude-speaking neighbors and ethnic relatives, the Malinke and the 4 { Bambara.‘“ The first in social status among Soninke aristocrats were the S . ,, ,, , . . ; orimkc Segmenmry States tunka lemmu, or members of the royal fa1·n1l1es.‘° Below them came aristo- ,, crats of nonclerical status, the mangu, who were either descendents of the 3 The distinction between "state" and “stateless” societies is conventional in military retinue of the tunka (the chief) or members of important indige- ‘ · African studies; however, many precolonial African systems were neither nous clans who retained some importance after a conquest. Free men who "state” nor “stateless” but something in between. In a recent contribution are not casted artisans are generally called “nobles” in the specialized litera- l2 (inspired by E. R. Leaclfs Political System: rf Highland Burmaj, ]ean-Loup ture, but many were, in fact, commoner peasants Gam6uurunQ, subject to — Amselle has argued that many Sudanese societies actually experienced lat/z various taxes and corvéer. The poor (mit/dna, or “small" people) are de- ` “state” and "stateless” modes, but at different times in their history; that is, scribed by villagers as immigrants——in other words, they were people who ‘ they went through a continuous cycle of death and rebirth." When these sohad not lived long enough in a village to be granted a voice in its affairs and j cieties were in their "state" mode, their state institutions remained elemenconsequently had no firm right to land (land was allocated either by the fam- tary: they had no standing army or bureaucracy, state powers were in the ilies of the Iirst settlers of an area or by the political authorities). Islamic V ` hands of a royal clan and its clients, and the state limited its intervention to cnaprex r , SONINKE socrarv AND M1onA·r1oN [ I4 l ., . [ ¤s l V

`< foreign affairs and ¤rbirr¤¤i¤¤ between family gwups-" AS the myal clan in- l * weak or absent. As a social form, clientage is elusive and often dinieuk to decreased in size, however, its constituent lin€HgSS g1'€W m01‘€ Hfld m01”€ dis- i scribe. Its origin lies in what sociologists call “generalized exchange? the tant, until the point when their rivalries Split the State apart, Society then `~ I ways in which individuals and social groups maintain good relations with entered its "stateless" mode, but this situation was also f€mP01‘31'}’ because I each other, for example, courtesy, intermarriage, and the exchange of gifts. all clans competed to gain followers and build up influence; eventually one These forms of exchange imply a reciprocity; but they can be transformed clan imposed its authority through peaceful Or violent means, 31'Id thi! SI¤f€ j = into sources of power whenever one of the parties can give others important was re-created and the cycle began again. I i favors in exchange for their support. Clientage over time tends to take an inThis model seems to apply quite well to the Soninke. In the nineteenth g stitutionalized form, but informal relations always play an essential role in its century, the Soninke lived either in “segmentary states" such as Gajaaga or V qpei-aiioiqfs lafuml Or in "independenr villages" such as in Gidimaxa, Gidyilme, Of Kingi i if In Soninke polities, royal families ruled through two institutions of for]awara. At this time, however, the "states” of Gajaaga and Jafunu were at a malized elientshipz the laada and the jonghu. The laada (Arabic el-ada: rather advanced level of decay. jafunu, although still considered one ja- custom) generally involved the performing by clients of rituals at family maane (country) by its inhabitants, had split (perhaps as early as the Middle 4 ceremonies of their patrons (baptisms, circumcisions, marriages, funerals, Ages) into two diminutive polities ruled by branches of the Dukure clan i l etc.) in exchange for well-defined favors, such as gifts ortax exemptions. For based in the towns of Gori and Tambakara}3 Gajaaga divided in the mid V example, the Darame and ]aaxo maraboutic families oiliciated at funerals of nineteenth century into the polities of Gwey and Kammera, dominated by l the Bacili in Gajaaga. The jonghu was an inviolable oath between families, rival factions of the numerous Bacili clan.Z‘ Similarly, “stateless” Gidimaxa involving mutual protection, the avoidance of shedding each other’s blood, had been a kingdomin the past, while the “republican” jawara clan Of Kingi l und joking relationships. The jonghu was in principle an alliance between had once ruled the powerful kingdom of ]ara. Some polities probably had equals (there were jonghu between noble families and even collective jonghu gone through similar phases of decay in the past: Gajaaga was ruled origi- ‘ between inhabitants of differentjamaane), but in practice royal families used nally by the Siirna, who were replaced by the Bacili; Kingi (]a1‘a) by the Ni- { ·` the institution to establish ptron—client relationships? axaate, who were replaced by the ]awa1·a; and Gidimaxa was ruled Both laada and jonghu made clients symbolically a part of their patr0ns’ successively by the Sumaare and the Kamara before it Enally reached its ` family, creating a formal setting for clientship. The material rewards of "stateless" phase}5 What we know of the evolution of the t\1l€S of kingship ` clientship, however, were mostly contingent on the will of the patrons. illustrates the inevitable fragmentation process at work in Soninke polities. Royal families rewarded their clients wel], with land gi-ams, pax exemptions, In jafunu, and probably in Gajaaga as well, it appears that the king was Orig- and gifts. In Gajaaga, according to the the words of the Gajaaga epic song inally the oldest man in the eldest branch of the royal clan.“ As the royal clan · dedicated to the Baeili {gy;] family known by its i-efi-aiii 7{myu dg G,;;m{g," became larger and larger (a process €nC0urHg€d by pclygyny), ties lI>€fW€€¤ ` TAI] those who have anything in their possession in this country; They owe its component lineages became more and more distant and the risk of rebel— _ it to the Baci]i_"3° Aeeoi-ding io Abdoulaye Baihi]y7 the maiigu Of Gejaaga lion increased among the junior branches that were ineligible for kingship, V ZY lived Pai-dy by the gifts made by the Bagili mnkalemmef and die same was For this reason, all distinctions between the various lineages in the royal clan i 2 mie also Of those marabouiic (Such as [hg Jggxg and Darai-ne) and caged were abolished, and it was decided that the king would be the Oldeff mm l V families who were the clients of the Bacili. Royal families were not the only among all r0_yal.t.27 The rule preserved (for a time) unity among royals, but it , Vx ones to have clients: all noble families had maraboutic (clerical) and casted also weakened kingship since the kings Were always very Gld men, who W€1‘€ I families attached to them, who oiliciatecl at family ceremonies (grim: often impotent or senile. ` [praise-singers] at baptisms and marriages, blacksrniths at circumcisions, In such a society clientage was an essential basis of power. As is well ` ° mayabguts at fiiyiei-als)? known, clientage is found in all societies where state organization is either V Fer the Sgnihkej the hierarchies implied in such relationships are in cuavraa 1 ` ’ sowmxa socuzrv AND Mtcxiirrou I 16 l is l wl »

theory immutable. But history and Soninke oral tradition itself contradict . jummera, son of Birama, son of the genie and the demon, the beautiful that. As already mentioned, different royal clans ruled in succession in Ga- tunka, the upright tunka, the popular tunka, the generous tunka, the dauntless jaaga, Giclimaxa, and Kingi. Other changes of fortune are documented at tunka, ]aguraga!” lower levels. ln Gajaaga, tl1e most important mangu family, the Gunjamu l ; _ _ _ _ _ . . . . Competition tn the kingdoms among aristocratic groups therefore was (members of the prestigious jaguraga clan), lost its preeminence among l_ k I _ _ { h b’ , d _ I; _ld mangu clients of the Bacili royals to the benefit of newcomers (the ]allo, ‘ {cen Wasla Zjmpeiuon O1-Bowertja Pgweréft was Okitaélnef m ul _Tuure, and Timmera) in the eighteenth century. Likewise, still in Gajaaga, ng at C len? E mug generosity an Pms¤ge' E same H O Competb . . · » tlon was visible at the village level. the Darame supplanted the ]aaxo as marabouts of the Bacili royal clan at an unknown date.” Clans and families were thus in a perpetual state of tension f and competition. \Vithin the royal clan, lineages and individuals competed T Sgytin/;g Village Sggiggy for kingship" or to become influential advisers of the king. Outside of the _ {~ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ . . . . . . . . .1 Gwen the periodic breakdowns of central authority in the Soninke jamaane, royal clan, aristocratic families competed to gain tniiuence and build their 1= _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Own Power bases · , villages were important social units. The central authority in villages, as in Ostentatious gifts to clients (in particular to griots) demonstrated the , Fhed;:m§dOTs’ villashcftéi Wea? Su-ge thirzhleidwas a?vi}{s $1; °1"',“‘?;}“" wealth and generosity of the donors, thereby establishing their status as m 6 ami y O I e V1 _age mm_ EIS; S e srs O 3 v1_ ag? aim! 1€s’ ,5 . · · - `T however, acted as a relatively efficient informal village council assisting the powerful patrons. The oral literature of the Somnke is filled with refer- _1l h_ f S hk _H { h d _ _ I h ences to such generosity and to the wealth that made it possible. The praise- * W age C lc `_ Om E V1 ages’ mOr€OYer’ O ten a _a certain sow}? Omo,. ` ~ geneityq that is, each tended to be dominated, numerically and politically, by song of ]aa.be Suse, die first manga (emperor) of Wagadu, also called Manga _ _1 _ _ _ _ Kuya (..Th€ Generous Manga.,) Say? u certain social group. (lt is important to remember that although such a 7 l dominance was easily discernible, no village was inhabited exclusively by He is rich in gold, ]aabe Siise one social group.) Some were royal villages; with polygyny, royal families He is rich in Silver, Jaabe Suse were very large, and several royal villages vied for power in a kingdom such The ms B O S son of Dm a Jaabe Suse —,\ `2 as Gajaaga. Maraboutic villages were wealthy and well-populated for real' U. l ` %' . The {incl; Son of Din a Jibe Suse , 5,- sons that we shall explore below; because marabouts could not be chiefs, Theman ...1.., .r§.’iu.a.i of aa. ia,. Si., · however*hr€Vi’lrgeWmheadrdbyr"Wm*¤*"<¤¤matab¤¤¤¤>familyThe Manga Ku a Mm babe Smeg, ’ , Some villages were dominated by mangu families (nonclerical aristocrats). g Y gat ~ Finally, there were occasionally artisan or even slave villages (the latter were The “hundred of each" in this song is a form of gift often mentioned in , rare among the Soninke). Western Sudanese and Senegarnbian epics, in which the “each” represents a 1 E Villages were important units of everyday life; for example, as elsewhere valuable item. For example, in the Soninke “Legend of the Dispersion of the , j in Africa—ar1d still today—children of similar age are organized into age Kusa,” the Dukure (who are the ruling clan in Gumbu and in jafunu) give i' groups. Male and female village youth associations have a “chief,” who is the to their 101 praise singers, the Kwa range: 101 red horses, 101 horses “0f Z oldest member belonging to the chiefly family of the village. The "chief" is the twelve races," then 101 pots of gold, 101 pots of silver, 101 gold blankets, ` it assisted by other members of the chiefly family and by another youth be101 silver blankets, 101 uncircumcised slaves, 101 pubescent girls, and so longing to a client family of the chiefly family who acts as treasurer or town forth}7 The praise-songs of nonruling clans also emphasized their wealth · crier for the association. At the associatiorfs feasts, cooking is done by a and generosity. Here is an example of one for the large and prestigious youth of slave status. The youth association has abuilding of its own and a jaguraga clan: budget, whose funds come from members’ regular contributions and from CHAPTER 1 Y SONINKE SOCIETY AND MIGRATION l 18l l lo l ·

fines levied for various oEenses. They organize dances and entertainment , g In such societies, the "people without honor" are the poor, who have no confor the young people of the villages and occasionally take on tasks of public 1], nection with power and who also must beg from or work for others in order utility. Ties forged in age associations continue into adulthood and, indeed, · to survive. Because they depend on others for their living, the poor are incainto old age, giving greater coherence to the village community."’ pable of preserving the integrity of their kind. (This is where questions of Intravillage solidarity was therefore real,"° but deep conflicts of interest ~` courage and sexual morality come into play; because of their poverty and nevertheless divided villagers, in particular concerning the ownership of , $1 helplessness, poor men are probably less likely to fight back during conland."‘ In villages, as in kingdoms, families competed for leadership, wealth, ii frontations with their superiors, and "their" women are deemed more prone and clients. The founding families of the villages, which owned or adminis— i , to accept money in exchange for sexual favors.) Thus defined, clientship tered the land on behalf of the state, dominated “stranger" families (many of contains a contradiction: on the one hand, it is prestigious to be a client of whom had lived in the village for generations), who depended on them to re- r the powerful, in a sense, to be dependent; on the other hand, it is dishonorceive land. The fortunes of village notables, however, iluctuated with time. able to be too dependent on others. Indications about such changes of power are more difiicult to obtain for vil- · Such contradiction is apparent in the Soninke concept of honor. Tradilages than for kingdoms, but some are available. For example, the French V tion maintains, for example, that some royal slaves were originally free men colonial administrator ].-M. Colombani noted around IQZS that in the large ` li who had been driven by circumstances to throw themselves on the generosGidirnaxa village of jagili, the Yatera, who were originally Malinke from , ity of the royal clan, thus becoming the "things” of the royals.f" The story Bambuxu (and who for this reason must have been considered as "strangers” ’ may or may not be true, but it certainly expresses social disapproval of too of inferior status), contended for leadership with the jabira, who were the complete a dependence on patrons, even prestigious patrons. It is significant founding and chiefly family of the villagefz i that marabouts and casted artisans, who were the most visible clients of In their competition for power, families emphasized their prestige and i noble families, were to varying degrees considered as not entirely honortheir wealth in praise-songs similar to those of aristocratic families. Here is, , ji ? able, even though they were free, marabouts were considered “women” who for example, the praise—song of the Saaxo-Wakkane, chiefly family of the ` i` could not fight, and casted artisans married only their own kind and were large maraboutic village of ]awara (Gajaaga), who claim to descend/from A subject to rules of physical avoidance."‘ Thus families struggled, not only in Wakkane Saaxo, one of the four fado (kings or governors) of ancient , El positive sense to increase their wealth and to gain followers, but also in a Wagadu: , negative sense not to "fall behind" and become too dependent-—a kind of _ Social “fear of fallin .” www**·~i¤h»WakerOfiailgaiwtkmthe me who ( I.mr..Ob..0.i.d...dW..i.hy,..d.i...‘·t0.O..bi.,#¤ t.d.m. fuses humiliation, Wakkane Saaxo."" , _ . . . V 1,;; slaves, cattle, one or two horses, filled granaries, and secondarily, jewelry . , and money." All stages in life, moreover, were occasions for a necessary osChentrzge anJHOn0r . . . . · tentation of wealth. Marriage was probably the most expensive stage in the All societies in which clientage plays an important role have a strict concep- life of a Soninke man. As recently as in the 196os in jafunu, courting intion of honor. Honor in modern Western societies either refers to no1:ions of volved two major visits by an intermediary (usually a slave or a casted client) personal morality or courage or to a now old-fashioned sexual morality to the family of the fiancee. During each of these visits, gifts were made to based on the “purity" of women. In societies where the concept of honor is future in—laws of a value of about one month’s earnings in local wage labor. important, however (such as Mediterranean societies or European societies In addition, the suitor had to make many regular visits to the fiancée’s before the French Revolution), honor appears primarily tied to the realities ' household, which were also followed with gifts. The dowry itself usually of influence and wealth. Honor in these societies results either from a con- ‘ Q1 cost between one—and—a—half and three months of local wage earnings, but . nection with the powerful (which brings prestige) or more simply from the i richer families paid far more.‘“ In Gidimaxa in precolonial times, the prestiability to provide for one ’s family (which guarantees one ’s independence)/" I gious Sumaare family paid dowries equivalent to the value of fifteen cows."" cr-riiprsiz i sorrrnxia socinrv Ann Mionnrtow I 2¤ l e ` l ZI l V

*` Among the jawara of Kingi, the dowry was made up of several payments, clothes and braided hair, were above the law and often behaved as mere banone of which amounted on average to six cows: four were given to the father ‘ ~ dits, plundering peasants and travelers at will.” (Mungo Park was stripped of the bride, one was given to the griots, and one was slaughtered for the ln this fashion of all his valuables by young tunka lemmu as he went through wedding meal.5° And at the wedding (in Gidimaxa in the rgzos); ` Gajaaga in 1795).% Soninke polities were small, however, and their military _ _ _ , _ _ t — , forces were small. Moreover, apart from royals and mangu, the Soninke [The bride] is brought by her friends to her husband’s house amidst singing, . . . . . . . . . . . , . were considered a peaceful people, far more interested in raising their with a band escorting her; together with the bride, her luggage is brought: V { , _ , _ _ pagner, clothes, etc. crammed into baskets or enormous calabashes carried l““°mf’ ”h'°“gh agnfiulture are Wavde than m Wafgmg war- Uflllke many on the heads [O{ hel- escort]; the more baskets e Women hss, the more she ¤ E ‘__ Sudanic peoples, Somnke peasants did not engage in periodic raiding expewill be considered? . ill ditions against their neighbors.5” , I _ _ _ , 1 All dominant families (tunka lemmu and their mangu and maraboutic Weraea r aarare eebaarrerl ra arlrerbae abe lararlv rjrealrb aber ber mar- euenrs rr. pereerrei denver income een their Wn. Tre state llaij lll Gglllmaxa lll Elle l9lOS% jicéllllng lc Fallllnpelel lflcll Women Wore ~ ‘_ ln its absence, with power and influence at the local level. As in ancien régime g° llllgs mm mp lo arrarrr O all gall g° ll wl Pelldaml galril necklam ` France until the seventeenth century, the only direct taxes levied by states aaaaraebra brarelera ra araber Pearl braeelrr aa rbe bebr arra» bearl were ereeprreru We eenrrrnrere, Winer were eepeererry nrpepurere nr ank-lets) and lfeavy Sllvel Hug anldets that foul? up llc lulogranlslsz the 3.l)SEIlC€ of l'€gl.1lHI` f3X&IlOl'l, land YEIHS {YOII1 {FEE TZEIIBHES W€I€ BH ll'HPOI`·· _C°“"““ lb l’°"€“”>’ was °“s“g“€dr P"“”"l‘"d “'{$“l“ ‘“ l°k‘“g "l‘*“°“` li tant source or revenue for the state, and in the absence or e state, for the Shlps today lelel to lhs alleged Povelly of Elle lelallve Ol mlllel ll lelelellce `l powerful. Land ownership customs varied, but in general royal, aristocratic that would besllplimely Ollcellslve lll llolmlll Cllclllllslllllcesfg The lder rl , and chiefly families owned the best lands in each polity. The details of the govmy and l ar ll rlrvrry (llllllelslooll aa lmelaphol al ablecl °lel?°“` precolonial situation are diilicult to reconstruct because certain customs (in ence) were associated in the minds of the Sonmke. Slaves were recognized Particular, those related to Ownership of im lands) appear to have {allen imo by their “sha.bby appearance”; they sat in the "poor man’s sitting position" `_ disuse (mlli/dm luxe; Wllh legs tucked llndel lllell body as a slgll Ol llllmllllilg allcl 1 In Jafunu, all lands (including jeri lands) were apparently owned by the Slave women had Songs Explesslllg lhe Povelly Ol llle Slaves and the gum- _ families of the “masters of the land,” either descendents of the first inhabirarle rbar rbey were rbppbrerl re leel fer rbelr rrrarrerr·" Slaves arrrl lreerlrrreb r + rants er nre Perry eesmene of the rang nmny of nre nurture or erree. . K, » » were brrjraeererl rr bare aaa rlrerrra- aber brgeerl» ebay lgje aarrarb a een emrree gener ue by tre nuirureea in eases, a111enr1e were rr lll;'lllll?l·S’ min atlllcl Women Slavesdpeilolmed Obslfllg ClallC€S' _ lll_PleCOlO;_ theory owned by the ruling Bacili, who by right of conquest had deprived lll lllllES’ l file Ollellpllvélly all S aver}? Plovl e. a llegallve lmage (3 ` the lineages of original llmasters of the land” of their property. As villages llOll;l` I3 SOlll;ll`k€dS;ClEly’ ll was (and lemjlllsl Wl?] lmpolllml lll hold one S were established, the Bacili granted some of the riverbank lands to client linlirll ’ 3;,1 lan an Olloll Welle llllclellsloo (ml Oll y but Pllmallly) lll tel-ms .l cages at the same time they allowed them to found a village. These lineages " O Wea ' , ig later granted part of this land to other lineages, who were either their own . clients or clients of the Bacili. The Bacili also granted riverbank lands to S _ k T d_ _ 1 E client lineages of mangu or marabouts, and they retained an important part Olllll e la lllolla Collollly + of these lands for themselves as a kind of agerpublicnr providing revenue for , _ , _ , the state.‘° ]eri lands in Gajaaga were also owned by the Bacili, and some The Acguumm of Lwdhh Mllztav Pau/gn Lmd’ and Slaves Z portions by the founding families of villages as well, but there is little data on Wealtlr was obtained in a variety of ways in the precolonial period, Trinka . 7 the latter.°‘ In Gidimaxa, riverbank lands were owned by the founding linlemmu and mangu obtained wealth in war, either from booty or plunder. '· cages of villages, who later granted some to other lineages. The ownership Indeed young tunka lemmu aristocrats, easily recognized by their yellow { of jeri lands in Gidimaxa, however, is not clear; it is probable that they were crrnrrnn r somnrrrr socrrzrr Arm Micnnrrou [ =¤ l e i [ as ] »

owned by the founding families of villages.“ There is only fragmentary in- ` T. riverbank lands in full with the support of a notable of royal lineage or a formation on landownership custom in the eastern Soninke region." , " founding family of a village, which alone could grant them land. The ovmAs this account indicates, there was apparently a difference in the owner- . etship of land, therefore, was a critical element in the building of clienteles. ship of jeri lands and riverbank lands. ]eri lands today are HDI subject to the , However, in order to be fully productive, land had to be cultivated by a payment of land rents: they are considered jaman/ref;-nyinya ("collective i i_ sufhcient labor force. Slaves provided suchalabor force in precolonial times. land") for the village. As we have just seen, this was probably not the case in _ ; Not surprisingly; wealthiest in slaves were the royal families and their clients, the past, when jeri lands were owned by royal families or lineages of promi- who had direct access to revenue from war and land rents. These families left nent “masters of the land." As today however, access to jeri lands was open; , farming entirely to their slaves in precolonial times.°‘ But the largest number except for a few more fertile lands, any family could farm any unoccupied . ` of slaves in precolonial times was probably obtained through revenues spot on the jeri. The richer riverbanks and floodlands, on the contraryg were ' gained from trade. owned by a number of lineages, who either farmed these lands themselves Q ET rented them to landless peasants. This difference is probably the result of 0 { The Acgwkitim of L%dZth·_ Traditional Trade Migralion iffering types of cultivation. On jeri lands, a kind of shifting agriculture is · practiced. These lands are situated far from the village, often ten kilometers , As mentioned, the great majority of the Soninke live in an area of contact or more. Very long periods of fallow (sometimes up to twenty or thirty l. between the desert and the Sahel. Sahelian territories to the north of this belt years) alternate with short periods of cultivation of three to five years."" . i are not properly speaking desertic, but they are mostly fit for pastoralism. Families thus continually move on the jeri, and with the exception of some j Further north in the desert are oases in the massifs of the Assaba, the Tagant, more fertile spots, they never stay long enough in one area to begin to claim _, and the Adrar, and several salt mines (the most famous was in Ijil, north of ownership. As a result, landownership in precolonial times remained in the V the Adrar, followed in importance by Tishit, north of the eastern Soninke hands a small number of royal families, original settlers, and founding fam- , I region, which produces amersal salt for livestock consumption). During the ilies of villages, who collected land rents but allowed open access to the land. A year, Arabo-Berber pastoralists (whom the French called "Moors" and who Riverbank lands, on the contrary, were close to the village, and needed less [ call themselves "Beydan," i.e., "whites”) migrated, descending south tofallow (and thus were cultivated more continuously); they were mrire pro- ‘ if ward the cul1:ivated areas during the dry season, and ascending north toward ductive and in shorter supply than jeri lands. For these reasons, property and V ri. the desert in the rainy season. In the dry season, the Beydan usually arrived usership rights in riverbank lands were more sharply defined than in the jeri ‘ on the lands of the agriculturalists in ]anuary, shortly after the main harvest and have survived to the present day. ° of rainfall agriculture was completed.‘” The ownership of land was a source of political power as well as of 5 r Beydan families customarily had Soninke families as their hosts. Their wealth for aristocrats and village notables. With very rare exceptions, slaves herds pastured on their hosts’ freshly harvested fields, fertilizing them with and nyaxamalo (casted artisans) were excluded from the ownership of land. manure. In return, they received “gifts” in cereals, which had just been harLandowning families allowed free men of "stranger" status who owned no p it vested in November and December. And there were additional transactions riverbank lands to farm on their surplus of such land in exchange for the which allowed the Beydan to have access to much-needed grain. The Beydan payment of a rent, which amounted in theory to one-tenth of the crop (rents [ traded highly-valued bar salt from the desert for millet and sorghum. They of one-third of the crop are reported on some lands, presumably the most ` , exchanged some of their sheep and cattle for cereals. And the pastoralists productive riverbank lands, in Gajaaga and Gidimaxa).°‘ Such payments, Q transported loads of grain on the backs of animals for their hosts, and for however, could be reduced to a symbolic amount if the owner so chose. It these services they were likewise remunerated in millet and sorghum.“ was important, therefore, for “stranger" lineages to build a good relationship V, These transactions were generally arranged through Soninke hosts, the with village notables. In time, “stranger" tenants could probably obtain I 5; jatigi, who acted as middlemen.“" cnavran r Q somuxa socrtrr AND Mioaarrow [ Z4 l _. [ »’` [ as l

` The Soninke “desert—side” trade thus produced two commodities that cuttle, cloth, and household crafts farther south. Goods were usually carried were in great demand further south: livestock and desert salt. Salt, of course, i on donkeys, but sometimes headloaded, in small, heavily armed caravans of was avery important item of precolonial trade. Salt intakes are important in ‘ twenty to fifty people. Caravans traveled before the return of the rains, hot climates because of the major salt losses that take place in perspiration, Which called everybody back to the farms. As trade was essentially a seawhich the body must replace in order to maintain a proper chemical bal- ` Q` tonal operation, there were geographical limits to the range of Soninke miance."’ Salt is nowhere to be found in sub—Saharan West Africa, except for ,1 grations. Migrants in general could not wander farther than 1,ooo to 1,5oo lesser-quality maritime salt on the coast, which is friable and therefore less , kilometers and be back in time for the rains and tillage. The extreme point easy to transport. Salt was especially in demand in the great Mande center l~ reached by Soninke migrations, therefore, was the area corresponding of population in the Niger Valley; which is situated inland and far from the wughly to the Kankan region in the Republic of Guinea and the northwest desert." In the late nineteenth century, out of a total of 3,000 metric tons H region of the Ivory Coast. This is another ecological contact zone, some(ofhcial French figures) imported from the desert into what is now the _ what like the Soninke homeland, between the forest and savanna zones of Republic of Mali, some I,7OO metric tons (57 percent) came through die i j West Africa, and it was the area where kola nuts, another extremely valuable Soninke regions, the rest presumably through the Niger Bend markets such It item of West African trade, could be obtained. as Banarnba and Timbuktu." As for livestock, it had also a great importance Most travelers probably did not go that far, but exchanged their goods to in West African precolonial north-south exchanges, although the details of ` secondary markets on the Niger Bend. The Soninke from western Gajaaga this trade are less known. Almost all of the West African livestock (includ- t i and Gidimaxa were relatively far from this zone and may not have gone any ing horses, donkeys, sheep, and goats) is found between the nth and the 18th `~ further than the cities of the Niger Bend, for example, Nyamina, Segu, or parallels north. Aboxge the 18th parallel, the climate is too dry, and below the y Banamba in the nineteenth centuries."5 They compensated for this by a secizth parallel, the tse-tse fly makes cattle raising practically impossible, hence i , ondary western trade network, which took them to the goldfields of Bamthe necessity for the well—peopled areas to the south to import most gf their lauxu and also to the Gambia, where they could obtain maritime salt. In the livestock? The Soninke homeland was precisely in the middle of this live- V eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, European trade grafted itself onto the stock-raising zone. In addition to the animals obtained from the Beydan, the ,~ Gajaaga Gambian network, which now served to exchange slaves from the Soninke had large holdings of cattle, which were entrusted to Fuulbe herds- g i interior of Africa for European manufactured products.’° men, and raised horses, which were in great demand farther south for their The trade migrations of the Soninke may already have existed in the Miduse in the military or simply for purposes of Ostentationl clle Ages, as we have seen. During this era, Soninke migrations left trading The Soninke, or rather their slaves, also produced cotton oloth, which colonies throughout West Africa. Most commercial families Quia) in the was in great demand in the Sudan and $enegarn_bi;i_ Philip Curtin noted that Western Sudan today claim a Soninke origin, a claim that appears substantithe sale of cotton cloth was so lucrative in the seventeenth and eighteenth , ated by the large number of Soninkejamu (clan names) among the jula.” centuries that European merchants became involved in its trade, making ‘ Among groups claiming a Soninke origin, one of the most important is the profits as high as 1oo percent by carrying indigenous cloth from the Upper Marka (this is the name given by the Mande to the Soninke) who settled in Senegal and Gambia Rivers to the Senegambian coasti The Soninke regions I , the Middle Niger Rivef Valley, P1'0l>f1l¤lY if the time of the l
traders were the financiers and brokers of the Songhay empire, and it is also illcntage linked warrior aristocracies and clerics. In Gajaaga, for example, worth mentioning that Askia Mohammed, the founder of the great Askia dy- * Darame and ]aaxo were very close clients of the Bacili, who performed nasty of the Songhay empire, was of Soninke origin.8" In the southern the funerals of the tunka. Clerics, in fact, needed such patronage in order Mande area, the important trading city of Kankan was founded by families 1 devote their life to the proper clerical pursuit—which was not trade, but claiming a Soninke origin.8‘ All the groups mentioned, however, no longer llgious study.*"‘ Clerics of the Darame family, one of the two most prestispeak Soninke, but the language of the peoples among whom they settled ` »»0LlS clerical families in Gajaaga, even considered trade an improper activ(mostly Mande). ` , outwardly preferring to live from the gifts bestowed by the Bacili.“” In its occupational meaning, the term jula refers to a full-time trader. 1··· ther prestigious clerical families robabl felt the same wa , althou h Most Soninke were occasional traders, but as mentioned, there were full-time i I iser clerical families emphasize th; the Piiophet Muhammadyhad beer? a Soninke traders as well. Soninke jula, as is the case throughout the Western nder, as if to legitimate their participation in this occupation. Conversely Sudan, were members of maraboutic (clerical) families. There were several i,warrior” aristocrats did participate in trade (which they affected to dereasons for the dominance of clerics among traders. First, of course, Islam Q ise)—indirectly or even directly. Hence, aristocrats financed jula trading created ties of brotherhood among traders in the Sudan and between traders _ xpeditions, later sharing part of the proceeds, Better still, they were careful in the Sudan and in North Africa. Second, Islamic clerics were excluded 3 -i participate in annual trade expeditions through the intermediary of their from political power, and as a result, they often redirected their ambitions I ; luves, their clients, and even their young unmarried sons.88 In Soninke preinto trade. Finally, rnaraboutic families accumulated large numbers of slaves olonial society, trade (and trade migration) was an important way to accubecause students in Islamic (Koranic) schools, tl1e trzliée, were requested by p F ulate wealth and through this wealth to obtain or to maintain power and custom to give theirgeacher a gift of a value not inferior to one slave at the j influence. This observation was valid for all classes of society end of their studies; moreover, talibe worked on their teachers’ farm during J their studies. Freed from farm labor by their talibe and their slaves, members t ` , . of maraboutic families could thus engage in trade as a full-time activity.“ V i Swim/ie Sim/gy and Farm Production This reason also explains why clerics were especially involved in(the slave f The Soninke invariably came back from their trading expeditions with trade in the precolonial period. Because of all these factors, Islamic clerics slaves. Few of these slaves were resold to the Beydan; the majority were kept came closely behind royal families and their clients as large slave owners. _ ,v by the Soninke and put to work on their iields in order to produce more milIn Soninke society (as elsewhere in the Western Sudan until the Islamic * j let to be sold to desert nomads. This form of reinvestment of trading gains revolutions of the nineteenth century), custom prevented clerics from hold- ;j was extremely profitable: at the end of the nineteenth century, for example, i ing political oflice. However, clerics were wealthy, and as we have seen V ?* 1t took only three years for the marketable production (cereals or cotton above, wealth was the source of power in Soninke society. This created a _ 5 cloth) of a single slave to become equal to the value of another slave.8" Over kind of hidden tension between the clerics and “warrior" aristocrats. Oral . time, Soninke society thus evolved into a slave-owning society Slaves at the tradition highlights the differences in lifestyles and ethics between clerics 1 r:`Gl1Cl of the nineteenth century never comprised less than one-third of the and "warriors." Clerical proverbs collected by Abdoulaye Bathily praise population, and in some regions they made up well over one-half."° Such hard work in a fashion reminiscent of Max Weber’s “Protestant ethic,”" i Figures were quite common in the Western Sudan and Senegambia, espewhile on the contrary, tunka lemmu and aristocrats emphasized military val- i . EQ cially in those areas touched by the desert-side trade, but they certainly were ues, even brute f0rce.8‘ Tradition has also kept alive the memory of armed . i' not general: by comparison, in the Sereer part of the Senegalese kingdom of conflicts between royals and clerics}; ,. Bawol, a relatively self-suflicient and prosperous peasant society, only oneTradition, however, gives a conventional and stereotypical view of roy- , sixteenth, or 6.25 percent, of the population were slaves."* als and clerics, which overemphasizes the opposition between them. Ties of p The Soninke’s need to maintain control over such large numbers of slaves cnarran 1 . soNiNi
related directly to their brutal treatment of slaves. Nineteenth-century ob- L, head, the its gamma, controls the {amily lands (which are either obtained servers were unanimous in reporting the harsh treatment of slaves in Soninke y Q from the lineage head if the family is part of a lineage of lanasters of the p society, and these reports are conermed by interviews made ia the l96es and · lund” or otherwise rented from a family of such lineage). There is a variety I97¤$ ef fermer slaves These l'eP°l'ts glVe lie le the lelee; (mee elmem in 1 L of possible situations, but a commonplace arrangement is as follows. In the Africanist literature, that African slavery was milder than American planta- morning, eaeh ka gumme {arms the te.xoore7 the "great Held,) or family ~ tion slavery Whippings, beatings, and infants half-buried in the sand in the Qgldaloz with the help of his sons_ ("Morning” is del-ined as the portion of the shade of a tree to keep them quiet while their mothers worked in the fields ` , day hetween sunrise and about two oieloekg the time o{ the midday meal, were commonplace?2 In the years when crops proved insuiiicient, masters ‘ which is provided by the family head.) In the afternoon and evening, the supplemented their food reserves by taking away from the Slaves, melons-93 family head farms alone on the “great field," while each of his sons farms on Slaves l1ad H0 flghte and ne dignity Ia many Vlllegesi tlleY were segregated in l i his individual plot @a[uma; pl.: ralumey. If the father is no longer alive, he is a special quarter, an arrangement dist has persisted antil r¤d¤y°" 1¤ spite Of i ° replaced in his duties as ka eumme by the eldest sen. In this ease, the eldest its brutality however, Soninke slavery was relatively stable because slaves y brother leads his younger hrothers gn the “great field" in the mor-ning_ In the tended to be progressively integrated into the system of clientage. f i first part of the afternoon (between two and four), the eldest brother farms 5 ulone on the “great t’ield,” while the next oldest brother works on his own FA R M 1 N G s Y s T it M s I- saluma aided by all younger brothers. These in turn have the rest of their afIn order to understand how slaves were used in the Soninke homeland, ` ternoon and evening {reg to work on their own salui-no_ These kinds of one must first understand the labor arrangements of family units. Contrary ( arrangement usually prevail during {our or live days of the week During to their ethnic relati es, the Marka of the Middle Niger River Valley (the ` the two or three remaining days of the week, the sons work on their salumo, Marks are Bambara-gpeakers of Soninke origin), the Soninke did ¤0f cluster ,, or if the family head is the eldest brother, the second oldest brother farms his their slaves into “slave villages," set apart from their town."5 Most slave p galuma in the morning helped by his younger brothers (the second brother owners amon the Soninke owned only two to four slaves."‘ This does not must then provide the midday meal), who farm in the afternoon on their mean necessaily that most Soninke slaves were owned by such small hold- own Plgtghlm ers, but we have no numerical information on the proportions of slaves ' goninke women glgg have iieldsy whose status hears some similarity with owned by small and large holders respectively. According to Eric Pollet and L ' that of the salumo of dependent men_ Like [hg salumo, these nelds are alloGrace Winter, about half of all slave owners in jafunu worked in the fields cated by the family headtthus in strictly legal terms, there is no female alongside their slaves.°7 As already seen, aristocrats, especially members of proper-ty, or even tenancy, of land.""‘ As with the salumo, the product of royal families, left farming entirely to their slaves.” In Gajaaga, aristocratic ‘ ;`· women’s Plots is [hg property gf the women who grow it) with the eaveat slave holdings of fifty to a hundred slaves were not rare·"° The numerous · that wives must provide the ingredients of the sauce that accompanies the slaves of aristocratic and maraboutic families were placed under the author- ’ main Courses of eereals (for this reason) peanuts are the most oornmon ity of a head slave,‘°" and they were sometimes regrouped in separate culti- _ Q women’s crop). The difference with the salumo is that women do not owe a vation villages (farming camps) on the jeri during the rainy SeaS0¤·l°1 There ` kl portion of their time to the family head in exchange for their plot, although ’ are no reports, however, that the labor arrangements on aristocratic estates it their partieipation is required in Certain tasks on the “great neld>” such as were different from those of commoner households. In all cases, therefore, · sowing, protecting erops from animal predators, and harvesting. Working slaves were integrated into labor arrangements that were patterned after · yi, arrangements on the WOm€n’s fields vary; eaeh woman may work alone on those of the extended family. her plot, or work may be organized as on the men’s fields, with daughters Soninke families, still today, are production units based on the labor of V E working for their mother in the morning and for each other in the order of younger dependents organized in a hierarchy of labor duties. Each family their filiation in the remaining time.‘°’ As elsewhere in Africa, there is a CHAPTER 1 I SONINKE socrerr AND MIGRATION [ze] I [ir l

gender division of labor in agriculture. While men farm cereals and cotton, p i on call for whatever tasks had to be done the rest of the time."’ In all rewomen farm peanuts, rice, and indigo. But this gender division should not be Y gions, the family head was obligated to feed the slaves while they worked for _ taken as absolute. Today; due to the migration of men, it is not infrequent to E him, and he also had to clothe them. Most of these descriptions, however, see women grow sorghum, while there are past and present examples of men _ portray a theoretical arrangement. In practice, the treatment of "actual growing peanuts.'°‘ Finally, in contrast with many regions of Africa, fl Il£lVeS” depended on the arbitrary will of their master, who could requisition women’s agriculture is less important than that of men. Although it is im- their work at will, and who often did not fulfill his obligation to feed and possible to evaluate the production of women in the precolonial period, a clothe them (the slaves had to feed themselves from the product of their relatively recent estimate in the Upper Senegal River region indicates that ` ` plots)."2 slightly less than one—third of agricultural production comes from w0men’s [ Slaves who were married and who lived in their own household, indepenplots,l°7 The figure may be biased because about one-third to one-half of — clcntly from their master’s household, had a condition more akin to that of adult men in this region are today away as migrants. ` · 8 “Se1'f” than a slave} U Such slaves were called maria'0 (born in the house) Y ' in Soninke."‘ As their name indicates, the saarido were second-generation THE USE OF SLAVES l ,.6 slaves. However, first-generation slaves who were allowed to marry and The name “slave,” if we except the peculiar case of the “great slaves,” . to form independent households had a condition similar to that of the designated three diiierent conditions among the Soninke, as among most , s¤arido."5 Contrary to the once popular descriptions of African slavery, Sene ambian and Western Sudanic eo les. These conditions should be dis- ’ second—generation slaves could be sold, but such an action was considered l tinguished from the classic coloniall degignations of ctzpzn€· de tmize (first- i shameful since it demonstrated the ruin of the family and it seems to have generation trade slawes) and ctzptzjG~ de core (second-generation slaves born in I It happened only in exceptional cases, such as the liquidation of the inheritance the household). Second-generation slaves were indeed treated better than of an insolvent family head.“° trade slaves, but the colonial designations, as well as the Western Sudanic tl As in the Wolof system of slavery described byjames Seating, there were terminology in which they originated, are confusing. Far more useful, at two systems of "serfdom" among the Soninke. The iirst was probably the least for the description of the economic situation of slaves (the legal situation e. most common. Similar to the Russian darschzha system of serfdorn, it was is another matter), is the distinction that ]ames Searing has drawn between based on the provision of a rent in labor by the serf to the slave owner. "aetual slaves” and "seri`s," and his comparison of the condition of “serfs” Slaves under this kind of arrangement were called in ]afunu wororo (Bamwith that of Russian serfs in the preemaneipatifm era.'°“ ~ ’ hélra for “bOrn in the h0l1se”), and [coma wum:0 in Gum.bu.H7 In the cercle “Actual s]aves” lived within the household of their ovmer and were fed ‘ (administrative division) of Bakel (i.e., in Gwey, western part of Gajaaga), and clothed by him. They were in general first-generation trade slaves, but ‘ they worked four to five mornings a week on their master-’s fields} 'S In the they also comprised second-generation slaves born in their mHSll€r’S house- Cercle of Kayes (Kammera, eastern part of Gajaaga), they worked five mornhold who were not yet married. In Gajaaga and Gidimaxa, “actu6.l slaveS” ings a week} ‘° In Gumbu, they worked six mornings a week for their mas. worked in principle six “mornings" a week for their masters, and they had ter. In Gumbu, therefore, there was less difference between such “serfs" and six afternoons and the whole day of Friday to work on a plot alloted to them ` ,` “actual slaves" than in other Soninke regi0ns—perhaps an influence of the by their masters.‘°" In ]afunu, the "best custom" was to make these slaves harsh "plantation" system in neighboring Beledugu, which spread to Gumbu work until two in the afternoon for the family head, from two to four for the at the end of the nineteenth·century.‘2" An early colonial report for the eerhead slave (if there was one), and from four to six for the second brother or , cle of Nioro mentions that Soninke slaves there worked six mornings a week eldest son of the family head or on a plot allocated by the family head.'“‘ In for their masters, without indicating what kind of slave status was described, Gumbu, such slaves also worked on the plots of brothers and sons of the y which may suggest that the difference between a "serf" and an "actua1 s1ave" family head, in addition to the “great fleld” of the family head, and remained L ~ was less marked there, to0.'2' In all regions, serfs owing a rent in labor t cnnrrna 1 ¤ gr sounuuz socuarr nun Mmnnrrou [22] [ as l

lt Access to the condition of a “serf," or woroso, provided greater auton- , and celebrated festivals in the company of, slaves of their own category and omy, but it did not provide security for one ’s old age. Children of the half- 2 . “great slaves."'“5 . emaneipated slave rnénage were the property of their m0ther°S owner. ` To Sum up, Soninke slaves over time could acquire greater and greater auAlthough small children apparently remained with their parents, once they , tonomy and could even hope for a condition akin to freedom, but this prowere circumcised (and thus became legally adult), they worked for their l gression was mostly dependent on the will of their owner. It was the slave ~ mas1;er,l” This could become a serious problem when a “Serf” became old l {owner who arranged the marriage that was the first step in the progression of and was no longer able to support himself. But there were solutions: a "serf " V ithe slave toward autonomy. Later, it was largely the slave owner who made Could buy E Slave, who Wm-had {Oi him oiilyim better still, a male "serf” ; {it possible (or not) for a "serf" to buy a slave or a wife and thereby ensure , could buy a woman slave and make her his wife or buy back his own wife. "’° ~ Xnupport in his old age. And finally, it was with the authorization of the slave In this case, the children of this union would work only for him. Buying a ~ rmaster, and often thanks to his generosity regarding the amount of the reY slave, of course, presupposed that the “serf " had been able to accumulate _ `Cleeming payment, that a few privileged slaves could regain their freedom , substantial savings. Hard work Was clearly important, but S0 W&S·\Tl"1€ good ~ Qi(i>L\t only 3 pOrti0n of their honor). In Other Words, in order to better their ~ will of the owner of the “serf." The slave owner would or would not decide ’ 4, condition and inch their way back toward freedom, Soninke slaves had to beto allocate the “serf " a reasonably productive field, he would or would not " ` come the clients of their masters. make a male slave an overseer (and therefore a beneficiary of labor oblige- — Soninke slavery was harsh and exploitive. If we did not have the testi`; tions, or prestations, in the beginning of the afternoon), and he would or ·: gmonies on the bad treatment of slaves that I summarized above, we would " would not allow a male slave to trade or to hire himself abroad. 1 know this from colonial statistics on the demography of Soninke slaves, As l Slaves could also buy back their freedom."‘ This was extremely experi- We have seen, the proportion of children among Soninke slaves was very l` sive since it cost the value of two slaves, which Was paid t0 the OWHET of the , yl low (around 25 percent)—quite a remarkable fact considering that most ` slave, ***2 There was little advantage for a slave in buying l‘1iS f-reeCl0I¤ and not V. lll'St—g€Il€1'atl0n slaves Were either children or women of childbearing age, l the freedom of his spouse and children as well, but the cost of buying back a i I Soninke Slaves did not reproduce themselves at a net positive rate of populawhole family must have been prohibitive. A slave owner, however, could Cl€· _ In lil0n g1”0Wtl'1.1“ But at the Same time, the structure of clientage in which ` cide to lower the amount of the redeeming payment, O1' even waive it alto- V i; Soninke slaves were integrated, the tight interpersonal relations between { gether, Finally a slave could buy himself or herself back only if the master K llaves and their owners, and the hope that the slaves had of bettering their il agreed to it. For these reasons, there were very few duéangandi kamn (re- ` condition over time gave great stability to the system--a stability demoni deemed slaves) in soninke society."" Not surprisingly, redeemed slaves re- t ntrated when slavery came to an end in the Western sudan_14” mained the clients of their former masters, a dependence expressed in the symbolic participation of such slaves in family ceremonies. Redeerned slaves ‘ could not marry free Soninke, but they married into the class of the "great Q Conclusion slaves" and were customarily considered part of that category "Great slaves" ` ` did not work or make payments to anyone, they married under the same cus- The precolonial economic system of the Soninke was remarkable in that it h tom as free Soninke, and they had access to village lands (presumably lands ' resulted, through the practice of trade migration, in a form of productive inEt in the isi-i and, through renting, to riverbank la.nds).‘“ Although the number , vestment, slaves—an investment that is repugnant to us today; but one that i of redeemed slaves was very small, the possibility of reaching a status al- · was nevertheless morally acceptable then, and also extremely profitable. The ’ most similar to that of the free must have given hope to many Soninke slaves. i Vi Soninke were not, as was asserted by a number of colonial writers, a “people Indeed, Claude Meillassoux’s informants in Gumbu indicated that "serfs” of i of traders" in the sense of a people specializing in trade as a permanent l the second category (owing a rent in kind) only married their ¢l3\1glili€1'S I0, i K nctivity, but rather agriculturalists producing for a market, who migrated A cnaprizx 1 ~ soNiNKE socisrv Ann Mtcniiriou l 26 l , il l wl

i‘{ 1 p periodically to sell the products obtained in exchange for their commercial is ` ovcments of population. There is also a great amount of pressure to accuj" agricultural production and who used the product of these transactions to 1 ulate wealth and, through wealth, to accumulate clients and, therefore, » reinvest in their production system in the form of slaves. . Uwcr (the other side of the coin being that if one does not accumulate Soninke precolonial migrations contradict the view of African societies l cugh Wealth, one will lose independence and, therefore, lose honor), In VI (and, indeed, of peasant societies in general) as sedentary and resistant to umodern times, trade migration was one of the ways in decentralized so1 change. In fact, such migrations were rather common -in precolonial Africa. v aties to attain wealth and power.'5’ As noted, all West African "desert-side" populations practiced periodic 3 The reverse case, which is offered as a plausible hypothesis to be tested YY trade migrations in the precolonial period: the Fuutanke, the Mossi, and €S- * V; flier than as a certainty, further illustrates the point: in premodern times, it Pecinlly the 1-1ausa.‘·’“ The Fuutanke and the Mossi, however, were less well- p pears that state societies tended to regulate trade in order to prevent the g placed geographically than the Soninke: Fuuta Tooro is bordered to the ergence of wealthy individuals or families who could interfere with the south by the Ferlo semidesert, while the Mossi are separated from the desert fiuence of the state. In Asante, for example, long—distance traders had to to the north by the Niger Bend, "" By contrast the Hausa, who are in contact . nlist as “chief ’s men" in oilicially approved caravans, and traders who were with the desert edge to the north and with well-populated regions to the t : 0 successful were often stripped of their wealth by the state,'5‘ In China, south, had a geographical situation as favorable as that of the Soninke. This A V, ~ rnporary traders came from the mountain regions of Szechwan, Yunnan, no doubt explains why the Hausa played such an important role as traders in nd Kueichou, which had a long period of winter inactivity but which also the Central Sudan and neighboring regions If We turn our attention t0Wa1‘d €\‘€ beyond the pale of imperial authority. Conversely Han (mainstream continents other than Africa, temporary migrations were also quite com— ` Chinese) populations in the Chinese plains, who were well controlled by the mon. European rnountaineers in particular, for example, in Auvergne or _ jltute, were legally tied to the land."5 The European situation historically Savoie, took advantage of long winters to trade livestock or products of irrors that of the Chinese. their environment, such as cheeses and woodcrafts, to the surrounding coun- l l Thus if one looks for a common denominator for peoples involved in pre_ tryside,’5° Such migration often led a favored minority of migrants to be- jmodern trade migrations, one such denominator may be statelessness or the come full-time traders, as with the case of the Auvergnat trading "diaspora" z weakness of the state. This is also valid for European premodern migrain Spain in the seventeenth and eighteenth centurieslsl tions: a simple look at the map of traditional temporary migrant groups in Environmental factors thus played an important role in the emergence of Europe reveals that these came from regions with strong extended family premodern temporary migrations. Migration Was a way to maximize pl'0- T; Ii1l‘¤C¤l1‘€S, strong village allegiances, and little or no clear allegiance to cenductive time in {arming societies that would otherwise have remained largely Z mil p0We1‘, for example, the highland societies of the Auvergnat, the Scots, Q idle during seasonal periods of agricultural inactivity (dry season in Africa, f` the Welsh, or the Sav0yard.‘“ What has obscured the connection between é, winter in Europe). Environmental factors, however, were not the only CRUSBS i "SlIat€l€SS1’1€SS” and migration in the European case is that European mounE V of migration. For example, in Africa, forest populations such as the Dida of I tain societies were usually very poor and that this poverty seemed to explain ; the Ivory Coast, who live in an area where there is little seasonal agricultural s both their migrations and their social "l:»ackwardness" (Le., their extended inactivity, also mounted periodic trading expeditionsfsz Two additional fac- ~ family structures and lack of allegiance to the state). In the African case, tors played a role in this case. The First was commercial opportunity: forest ` however, examples abound of groups that were at the same time "stateless Populations in the Ivory Coast and Ghana could trade with both Suclanic re- BOCietieS” and heavily involved in return migration while by all accounts gions to the north and with Europeans on the coast to the south; they also they were comparatively rich. The Baule are a good examPle,‘5’ had valuable items to trade (kola nuts, gold, and slaves). The second was the To conclude, the Soninke homeland in precolonial times was at the saine decentralized or fragmented character of their political and social 01'g3¤iZH- _ =f time H comparatively Wealthy region of commercial agriculture and a region tion: in societies where the state is Weak, there are {ew or no restrictions to I if "expotti¤g” temporary migrants. There was no contradiction between the *¥ . cnnrrax 1 i sowmxa socrmv AND MIGRATION l *48 l ` il l 20 l

two activities. In fact, the more the Soninke participated in commercial agri- _ culture and the more they were involved in temporary migration, the wealth- * if ier they became. This observation clashes with the dominant view of African pl T W O ly modern migrations as the result of deprivation and colonial violence. That U ` l the Soninke were heavily involved in temporary migration in the precolonial . ’r · ‘ ‘ ‘ ' ' ' ' f ex- ~ 1 P€flOd S11gg€ST§S lf IS COI`lTZ1Ill11l'y, HOC d1S1'l1PElO1'\, that 11ES BE [TIE CEHIEY O _ _ _ _ y Plmationsfmheirmodern migratm t E From Traditional to Modern M1gI3[1OH hi · r lr ` 2822-2855 ?~“ T T 2 '/ l , T .,; I , T JT!-IE DOMINANT vmw among Africanists today is that labor migration xamerged as a result of colonial taxation and coercion and the impoverishz ment of rural areas during colonization (see Introduction). Yet as we have € just seen, the Soninke had a long history of rnigrarion in precolonial times. — » We shall now see that when their modern (labor) migrations began, their Yaconomy was comparatively prosperous as a result of the desert-side trade it ` nnd French commerce. As for colonial control, it was not established in the i` ‘ Y·U er Sene al re 'on before the middle of the nineteenth centu . 5 V y pp s s¤ ry tl; . "‘·T1.. { The Upper Senegal River Valley in the Eighteenth Century Q Q."I`he French began to trade in the Upper Senegal region in the eighteenth l` . __ century} This period is marginally important for our topic, but a brief out` J ‘ "Iine will help to put into perspective the regional pattern of trade in the fol2 ` lowing century} A newcomer, French trade became integrated in an already l established pattern. The region’s commercial foundation was the “desert`. ~ side" trade—the exchange of grain for salt and livestock brought by the y ` ` Beydan. The Soninke reexported this salt and livestock to the neighboring ` _ gold-producing region of Bambuxu (Bambuck). But gold production in s it cunvran 1 V [Ao l r Yi l 41 l

l, l Bambuxu depended upon the labor of slaves and migrant laborers} all of “_1md lost their most important colonial possession, the Caribbean sugar—prc>whom this region apparently could not feed; so, answering the demand for 'fducing island of Saint-Domingue. The recovery plan of the new French _ {god, Sm-duke in Gajaaga and especially in the Falemme River valley 3150 V Qovemor of Senegal, julien Schmalz, combined the philanthropic aspira` exported gl-ain. With gold obtained in Bambuxu, the Scminke Went to the I itlcms of the times and the desire ro recoup uhe losses in the Caribbean. Sime Middle Valley 0f the Niger (and earlier in the seventeenth century t0 the T Iluve labor could no longer be transported across the Atlantic, Schmalz’s = ]awara kingdom of jara), where they obtained slaves. The Soninke then ei- l lan proposed creating plantations where the manpower was, 1;ha1; is, in V they kept these slaves to produce more grain in Gajaaga for the Béydém OT in frica. The plantations were to be managed by Africans as independent Pmgi the Valley of the pajemme Rive; for Bambuxu or sold them in Bambuxu, ` ucers. A limited number of European colonists were to be settled, but they wl-me they were used as gold miners. The Soninke of tl}e(Upp¤r senegal re- _ · crc to serve as living examples of the European values of thrift and hard gon, therefore, handled an important u-ade in slaves. This explains why they · ork rather than as planters and overseers. The area to be colonized was the became the privileged partners of the French slave trade in Senegal. Ga- V nlley of the Senegal River, which had been the natural route of French penjaagay in fag;) became Senegal’s most important supplier in the Afl3mi€ slave VK tration since the seventeenth century. Three colonization bases were to be trade of the eighteenth cem·ury." The French slave trade itself caused anew smblished in the lower, middle, and upper valley. The Upper Senegal, expansion in grain production in the Upper senegal 1‘Egi0H- with salt {YOU! ` llefe fOI1’l'1€l' Commercial contacts could be recstablished (many former sal; Pans may the estuary of the Senegal River, the French bought grain '¢0 _ nding partners of the French were presumably still alive), understandably feed the slaves kept in French forts while they awaited shipping. IH time, Tl'1€ ‘ · HS t0 COme Hrst. Such were the reasons behind the establishment of the {err; French also bought grain for the consumption of their colonial outpost of ` Bakel in lower Gajaaga, or Gwey (called Goye bythe French), in 1818.‘ Saint-Louis, which gwas situated in che comparatively infertile region of Plans for agricultural colonization in the Upper Senegal region, however, Waalo.5 l uickly receded imo the background. The region, situated some 800 kilomeThe Point to remember in this quick Overview is the importance of g`l'3iY\ A' Us from the coast, could be supplied only during the five or six months in the pattern of exchanges in the Upper Senegal region. Grain WHSimP<>1'- l QF the year (between ]uly and December or january) when phe river was tant primarily in the desert-side trade with the Bcydan (which indirectly fed innvigable. Instead, the French soon embarked, under Governor jacquesall the other types of trade), but it was also an important item in the gold frnngois Roger, on an ill-fated colonization scheme in Waalo in the lower trade m Bambuxu and in the French slave trade. pvnlley of the Senegal River.’ Yet the idea of creating a hub of agricultural ` Hcvelopmem in the Upper Senegal region never completely died out, as we ` i ·l hall see. The French in the Upper Senegal R€gi01'1 V The French “0fHcial mind" had initially little interest in products other l$l'mn agricultural ones, but from the start, Beydan from the desert had In che eighteenth century, French trade in the Senegal River Valley had V brought gum arabic :0 Bake] and demanded a greater involvement in aha rested especially on the export of slaves, although gum arabic became in- , gum trade by the French monopolistic charter company, the Compagnie dc is grggsingly more important in the last decades of the period. During the , ?Galam. Gum arabic was {astbecoming the mainicem of rradein Senegal due French revolutionary wars, however, the colony of $€11€gHl (then little Z to rising demand in thc European textile industry (where gum was used in larger than the trading towns of Saint-Louis and Gorée) fell to the British, wtlic dyeing process). Gum arabic is a secretion of several species of acacia and contacts with the upper river region ceased completely. When Senegal ` {tree. Most of the gum-producing trees are found south of the Sahara, in a was returned to French control in 1817, its economy Was ifi Sh€imbl€$· Th€ I {belt extending from southern Mauritania to Somalia. Until Lhe end of the slave trade had been abolished by the British in 1807, 3 pf0hilJiIi0I1 that Was i I'll¤€t€€11tl1 century, when the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan became dominant in Cgnf-h-med by an Anglo-French agreement in 1814. Meanwhile, Yl’1€ F1'€¤€h ‘ the trade, the Senegal River Valley was the principal place in the world cuAp·rm1 z FROM TRADITIONAL TO Mopmm Mmamxuw [42] " [Ml

where gum arabic could be obtained. Mos: of the Senegembian acacia trees While this report was intended as a criticism of the Saint-Louis traders,i1; S are simared to die north of the Senegal River Valley and were controlled in V ` im the first direct record of the expansion what was taking place in the agi-ill l the nineteenth century by Beydan, usually from gzzwaye (or maraboutic) _ $ ltural economy of the Senegal River Valley as a result of the gum trade. li g` rribesi They traded their gum on the Senegal River to Afro-French middle- ` 1 men, the traitants, who were métis (Creole) or Black Saint-Louisiens? _ _ _ ll The U er Senc al re 'on arrici ated in the eneral ex ansion of the ll Indirect Ewcts Of the Gum Trade on Agriculture it ` PP S gl P P B P A l - A U S I R . gum trade after ISI8, although on 2 lesser scale than the lower valley, which ~ In t B PFW mega ggmn was aeeessible by river boar all year. This expansion was especially apparent , * he rising importance of the gum trade in Senegal had a critical impact on after 1830, when steps were taken toward the establishment of free trade in `— cydan society in the nineteenth century In 1848, writing about the entire ` Senegal. In [sy, the French government decided to allow Senegal to export t ‘ enegal River Valley, Captain Bouéz—\X/illaumez noted that “f¤r a number of gum directly ro countries other than France} which led to the years of “gum y * urs, grain (mil, i.e,, sorghum or millet) has become par: of the die; of the {ever.” The agricultural colonization scheme in Waalo was abandoned, to ~ licydan, and is especially used for rhe consumption of the numerous eapnves _j the great relief of Senegalese merchants who had more 0r less been coerced . ll luves] employed in gathering gum in the mimosa [ecacia] f0rests." "‘ Nineé~ into investing in ir. “ · enth-century French sources on che gum trade concur that the Beydan inIn 1832., the Compagnie de Galam was freed from the obligation of main- ` Y olved in this trade bought more grain in the Senegal River Valley, but taining an agricultural settlement in Bakel.l° Administrative 1‘€C0t‘ClS, l'10W- ` ’ ·0UéI-WillH¤m€Z’S 3CC01.l¤t is implausible for two reasons. The first is, of ever, show that the French colonial administration had by no means * vv urse, that grain had become part of the Beydan diet long before the nine*~ renounced the idea gf agricultural colonization in the Upper Senegal River ` cmh Century. The second is that the number of slaves employed in gatherValley. A document from Bake] in 1847 spoke about creating a “second `I g gum by the Beydan must have been very small. The Upper Senegal rt} Waalo" in the Upper Senegal region." All such reports characteristically en- 1 — gion exported a yearly average of 3oo,o¤o kilograms of gum at the beginvisioned agricultural development as planned from the top, disregarding the ~ ing of the nineteenth century. According ro james Webb, during the gumimportance of rhe commercial marker: for French administrators, "civiliza- wducing season a slave collected on average about four kilograms of gum Q tion was Lhe source of eommei-ce" and if the Upper Senegal had not devel- ··c1* day}5 This can be translated into 7§,OOO days of work. Since die main l gped imo an agricultural export area, it was because the aClminiStl'&tiOI1 WHS ‘ lT1 l'l3fV€SI lasted about three months, the gum-export figure for the entire too lenient with traders and n0 longer requested that they develop i·1g1'iC\1l— V pper Senegal fégiim C01'1'€SpOnded t0 a Workforce of about 830 slaves only! wml plantations. *2 ` 4 iven a generous estimate of one kilogram of gi-ain per day to feed an adult I French administrators were not entirely blind, l1OWeVe1‘, I0 che 1'€l3fi0¤- ` ` · illé Sl8.V€, the Beydan WOL1ld have had to buy from the Soninke no more fx ` ship between commerce and agriculture. One report stated: ’ V mn seventy-five metric tons of grain. This hardly would have caused a revl If the Saracolers [the Soninke] . . . today only seek in their crops what is l f luugn in @0: Pmductloll m the Upper Senegal RWE? Valley , necessary for them to live, it is that, located far from the great centers of ét Sal ’ Owevenu is clear that désett ncmads did buy more and more V2 consumption, they do not find advantageous outlets for their crops, [but] let i n mu? m th? Senegal RWM Valley and In general in the Whole Sub'Sahamn them be encouraged by [good] examples) let them be mmm that they Wm belt m the nineteenth cen¤.u·y‘° The reason was climatic change in die Sahaderive ample Profit {mm their land and they will som Engage _ _ _ in Culti_ j fun area. The western “Sahelian" zone experienced a trend toward increasj varion. Already we have a striking example of this under our eyes: as the ‘ {ling aridny beginning in the late Sixteenth OT €?·1'lY $€V€m€€¤fl'1 €€¤¤11’Y· The gg price of grain ["mi[,” in this region, sorghum] har risen Bemuxe of the pur- · Qdesiccarion iniljiilly C3l1S€Cl f3IT1ll'1€S, but by che middle of Lhe eighteenth gengzllf ehmes made 5y the Maura, the amount af Iam! under cultivation has decome lZU1‘Y, f31‘H'1€1'SiI1 fhé $€1'l€g3l River Valley had begun to adapt to the drier entwice as- large as in z}tep¤.n." r Vlronment. They abandoned maize as a dominant crop in favor of a mixed ‘, l =a _ CHAPTER 2. ’ FROM TRADITIONAL ro Monznn Mmnmiom “ [ 44 l . [4s l

.` if agriculture based on maize and sorghum—the latter becoming increasingly ~ the French and who purchased grain from the Soninke. There were two gum Zi more important." Meanwhile, nomads increased both their raiding of seden- cscales in the Upper Senegal region before 1848. In Bakel, by far the most taries and their commercial exchanges with them. The salt trade became important trading post, gum was sold by the Idaw Aish. Further upstream, a L more important, providing the Beydan with the resources needed to buy V; lesser Beydan group, composed of the Awlad Koisi and Asker, acted as a 7 grain. The gum 11·ade filled a similar role after the beginning of the nine- middleman for the Awlad Mbarek (of which the Awlad Koisi and Asker were i teenth century.'8 . themselves a subgroup) at a cumprairflotrant (a floating trading post) aniv The desert populations were thus thrust into a cycle of commercial ex- _ chored near Maxanna in Kammera." Together with the Awlad Koisi and the { pansion that had repercussions to the south among agriculturalists. The de- ` Asker, the Awlad Naser are also mentioned in I848 as participants in the · mand in cereals grew and the Soninke (and other Senegal River Valley ·= trade of a comptoir Hottant near Kenyu (near the present town of Kayes).” { populations, such as the Fuutanke) responded to the demand by increasing V The names Idaw Aish, Awlad Mbarek, and so forth, refer to “nations"—production———resulting in the increase in cultivated land noted in the 1847 re- V I that is, hierarchized “confederations” composed of warriors, clerics, and port quoted above. S · V tributaries—which are known by the name of the dominant warrior group. · The Senegalese River gum trade in the nineteenth century was a kind of But dominant warrior groups did not trade; they lived from the taxation and ` “triangular trade": French traders or mulatto middlemen, settled in Saint- ` exploitation of traders, who were members of the maraboutic groups (zaLouis in the estuary of the Senegal River, imported from French India pieces . waya). There are only scattered references to the maraboutic groups that Y de guinée or bafts, the indigo—dyed cloths that had become for all practical ¤ L traded gum in Bake]. The clearest reference dates to 1842 and specifies that ll purposes the currency of the Senegambia. Ofhcially registered middlemen, R the Laghlal traded "[t]wo hundred thousand [metric pounds] of gum,”"‘ that the traitants, carried these guinées upstream during the season when the is, ahundred tons. This corresponded roughly to [me-third of the gum traded Senegal River was navigable, between july and january. The traitants were , in the Upper Senegal region at the time}; Another report of 1850 mentions the only traders allowed to buy gum on the river, in a limited number of oH°t— f an attempt made by a French trader to buy gum in the village of jagili (Gidi— . cial gum-trading posts, the ercales. In januaryg the Beydan began to arrive in · maxa) from “the caravan of H. T. [Hamet Taleb]." This can only have been j the Soninke homeland, where they pastured their herds and bought recently , Ahmed Taleb, son of Mohamed Mahmud Wuld Abdallah, who was at the harvested cereals. The Beydan did not have gum to sell at that time of the i ~ time chief of the Ahl Sidi Mahmud. The Ahl Sidi Mahmud, abranch of the year, since the main gum season was between February and ]uly, so the trai- i Idaw Al-Haj, were a maraboutic group but behaved as warriors, and estabj tants lent their guinée cloths to the Beydan in exchange for the promise of a · _. lished hegemony over various tributary and maraboutic subjects of the Idaw certain quantity of gum. The Beydan then traded some of their guinées to ~ Aish in the mid nineteenth century.“ Soninke farmers in exchange for cereals.‘“’ The Beydan tended to buy grain _ ' Additional information can be obtained by confronting secondary literaclose to the desert edge" in order to cut down on transportation costs, to _ E ture with primary documents. The main maraboutic subjects of the Idaw ` take advantage of lower prices for cereals at the beginning of the dry season, { Aish, the Ahl Sidi Mahmud, and the Awlad Mbarek were the Laghlal and the . and also probably to keep their herds away from the less salubrious river l Tajakant, who are presented in the colonial literature as important traders of Z areas. This gave an advantage to Soninke regions situated to the north. The _ A` gum}7 As for the Awlad Naser (mentioned as trading near Kenyu in 1848French, with their equation of trade and civilization with centralized soci- i see above), according to Georges Poulet they acted as intermediaries for the ~ eties, were puzzled by the evidence of a far greater agricultural activity in V it trade of the Kunta." At the time when Poulet wrote (1904), the Kunta sold the "anarchistic” region of Gidimaxa on the northern bank of the Senegal » ¤ gum, livestock, and salt (from Tishit as well as Ijil) in the cercle of Nioro. l River (where the highest authorities were the village chiefs) than in the king- , i The Kunta are briefly mentioned as trading in Bakel in 1884, but this was dom of Gwey on the southern bank" , A an exceptional occurrence due to a temporary alliance of the Kunta and the It is worth examining for a moment these Beydan who brought gum to S 3 Idaw Aish against the Ahl Sidi Mahmud. In normal times, the Kunta were the cnnvrex z 1, Fnoivr TRADITIONAL ro MODERN MIGRATION [ 46 ] ` [ 47 l

v l ` enemies of both the Idaw Aish and the Ahl Sidi Mahmud, and they were not 3 by the Trarza and Brakna during the summer months had to be imported welcome in Bake], although they must have traded in Médine after its foun- ‘ j from upstream, primarily from Fuutanke villages in the middle valley or ii · dation, as they probably did at the comptoir flottant near Kenyu mentioned `, Damga, to be sure, but from Soninke areas as well."‘ Q by Bouet—Willaumez in 1848." Among other exceptional mentions, the ’ It is possible to give a rough estimate of volume of the grain trade of the Qi Meshduf, a. group that emerged in the Hodh in the middle of the nineteenth I marigotiers. Bouet-Willaumez estimated the number of marigotiers who I century, are also noted as trading in Bakel in 1885. Their coming was due to * traveled each year to the Upper Senegal "delta" (i.e., Gajaaga, Gidimaxa, floods that prevented them from selling their gum in Médine, as they did ` und probably jafunu and Xaaso) at between 100 and 240 boats of two to <` usually.’° Again, the name Meshduf refers to the dominant group in a “na- Q t twelve nautical tons burden (cargo weight)." A nautical ton is equivalent to Q tion" rather than the maraboutic group that actually traded the gum, which · .; 2.8; cubic meters of burden. We know from nineteenth-century documents was apparently either Laghlal or Tajakant." A that a Zmrrique of sorghum contained 22§ liters, or again, O.22§ cubic meters gv The various mentions of the Laghlal (especially the 1842 mention speci- , _ of grain weighing 2I6 kilograms.“ From this, we may estimate that a boat of Q fying that they brought one-third of the gum traded in Bakel) are interesting . two nautical tons burden carried at least four metric tons of grain}" Even if because this group acknowledges a Sanin/re ancestor, Mohammed Roll, whom — we consider that the majority of the boats used by the marigotiers were of tradition also presents as the ancestor of the Masna, a group of traders of . ; the smallest size of two nautical tons burden, some 400 to 1,000 metric tons , Soninke origin living in the oasis of Tishit.” (The Masna are apparently a ‘ ” of grain were carried away each year from the Upper Senegal region. This l remnant of the Soninke populations that inhabited southeastern Mauritania ` minimum ngure should be appreciated in comparison with the population of in the Middle Ages, prior to the desertification of the region.) These blood § the Upper Senegal region at the time. Pollet and Winter evaluate the surplus 1 ties of the Laghlal, real or not, are an indication of old commercial ties with g ji grain production of a Soninke farmer (after deduction of his personal conthe Soninke homeland. They are also an indication of a historical link be- sumption and that of his dependents, the constitution of a security reserve, , l tween the gum trade and the salt trade since an important part of the salt if and minor expenses) at between 200 and 2;; kilograms a year.” Hence, the trade in the Soninke homeland came from Tishit. It is also worth noting that, " minimum figure of 400 to 1,000 tons of grain represented the commercial the three maraboutic groups especially mentioned above—Laghlal, Tajakant, ’ . production of between 2,000 and 5,000 individuals. These individuals were and Kunta—were the most important participants in the salt trade in the re- 1 essentially adult males (since females in general did not grow sorghum). Ingion.” In general, this information strongly Suggests that the gum trade V " cluding the families of these producers, we obtain a minimum figure of grew on the basis of the commercial network earlier created by the salt trade. 8,000 to 20,000 persons who were directly affected by the marigotier trade. The Beydan were not the only ones to buy Soninke-grown grain in the ; As the combined populations of Damga, Gajaaga, jafunu, and Xaaso (rep`, nineteenth century Grain from the Upper Senegal was also carried away by , resenting the entire Upper Senegal population) amounted to about 8o,ooo, a Qi a fleet of small boats owned by small Saint-Louisian traders, the marigvziers, E { minimum of io to 25 percent of the mainly Soninke population of the Upper if named after the seasonal tributaries of the Senegal River (maagow, or creeks) 5 Senegal was directly affected by the marigotier trade."’ These figures could on which these traders traveled to get to the smaller settlements. Some of the * _; be biased by a number of factors,"’ but they provide an indication of the imgrain bought by the marigotiers in the Upper Senegal region may have portance of the trade of the marigotiers. served the trade with Saint-Louis, but in fact, most was destined to be sold in . { The suppression of the monopolistic Compagnie de Galam, and of many i the Lower Senegal River Valley to the Trarza and Brakna Beydan, who gath- A concomitant restrictions on riverine trade that followed the French Rev0lu· ` ered the most important portion of the gum exported from Senegal. These tion of 1848, resulted in expanding exports for the Upper Senegal region. ¤ " . grain imports were necessary because the lower valley of the Senegal is gen- .’ It brought about a flourishing of French trading posts Qumpmirg in river lll erally an area of poor agriculture, owing to saline infiltrations from the At- 4 J villages, staffed by Saint—L0uisien traitants or sam-traitantr. The creation of lantic Ocean into the estuary of the Senegal River. Much of the grain eaten A such trading posts is thus documented for the villages of Kungani (Gwey); . jj. g' CHAPTER 2 , rrtom rnnoirronu. ro Momtnn Mrcnarxou l 48 l ll l 40 l

]’agili (Gidimaxa, opposite Kungani on the other side of the river), where the I Y nkel would one day become "a city [and] a great center for populations who , buying of grain by the French is documented as early as 1837; ]ogunturo;` ~ far more intelligent than those living around Saint—Louis." Yet, remarkli . and Sollu (Gidimaxa). The purpose of the comptoirs was to buy grain in ex-. g on the presence of Bambara laborers in Senudebu (Sénoudébou), a i change for salt and small manufactured objects on behalf of a Saint-Louis i l ort-lived French trading outpost in Bundu, another commandant noted in negocianr since the gum trade was forbidden outside of Bake] and Maxanna $ 153: ll even after 1848. These village trading posts were to multiply in the years to F , _ _ , ` Come-4, · 2 As regards immigrants, we need farmers, [they are] the most dtfiicult to ob‘, Further upstream still, Beydan (such as those underthe domination of the I f mul among Fha People Of _S€1-wgal [1'e" the People of Saint-Louis} These _ _ V _ . [Saint-Loutsiensl abound in Bakel but they are nothing but parasites who Awlee Mbeeek> whe hee beee mel ehee Peeveeeee Hem eeeeeee we eee; l are twig an me to Bakel any is t. .....i there is tt. yi French commercial network by the monopolistic practices of the Compagnie , [East amount of Work}; 5% de Galam, began to bring their gum atier 1848, especially after the foundation l " ` of the fort at Médine in 1855.** A further expansion of trade followed in this Despite the irate comment, however, the French colonial administration [ region. In 1854, the traitants of Bakel complained in a letter to the governor , uid not help but note that agricultural development was taking place in the e tl-mr 3 local war above Médine stopped all communications with the marigot _ I pper Senegal, even if it was not in the way that it had devised. Administragl, of Logo, which was the destination point of caravans from Kaarta and Bam- ve dreams of planned agricultural development were now revived as a rebuxu and where the peanut crop was “particularly abundant.”"’ The mention t · lt of this spontaneous expansion. In 1855, Fréderic Carrere and Paul Holle ` of a peanut trade in Logo at the very extreme point of navigation on the { mer of colonial fame for his defense of the French fort at Médine against i Upper Senegal River (most of Logo is, in fact, above the Félou cataracts, l l-Haj Umar Tal in 1857) outlined in De la Sénégambiefangaiw a grandiose generally considered as the extreme point of navigation on the Senegal i Q · team of commercial development based on peanut production in the Upper 5 River!) underscores that by the middle of the nineteenth century few regions V cnegal. Carrere and Holle envisioned a fleet of barges towed by powerful were unaffected by the growing French trade in the Upper Senegal."" ` Etugboats making as many as six trips a year between Podor, in the lower valii Y Klcy, and Bakel and Médine. Peanuts brought to Podor would then be tran1 . . ilhipped by thousands of laborers onto boats headed for Saint—Louis and GEMM] Pmsepmgy Of the Mailer Senegal Region éejqw 1855 {Europe. Carrére and I-Iolle believed that through such an improvement of { The French, in the midst of this commercial expansion, had by no means re- river transportation, the volume of trade in the Upper Senegal, then equal to l nounced their ideal of agricultural colonization in the Upper Senegal region .4 or 5 million francs, could be trebled. A similar proposal had been made in and continued to wish for enterprising colonists. In 1851, noting with satis- 1851 in the petition by the French merchant Marc Maurel, which inspired faction the changes brought by freedom of trade, the commandant of Bakel I {/Governor Faidherbe after 1854."‘ observed that "Saint—Louis is poor, it has a great surplus of inactive laborers. i , The time for commercial peanut production in the Upper Senegal was yet Its inhabitants have little inclination to go seek their fortune [outside of the \ to come (although a considerable 1,007 tons of peanuts were apparently exriver valley] but they like Galam [the Upper Senegal region] a lot and would ported from the region in 1853)/*7 Economic expansion in the region, howlike to settle there" and that he thought that they should be encouraged in e I ever, was beginning to create problems for its inhabitants and for the French. doing so. There were at the time perhaps as many as 5oo Saint-Louisiens re— A long and fruitless civil war broke out in 1833 between rival segments of » siding in Bakel. The wealthiest among them, the Black traitant Macodé Sal, { the royal clan of Gajaaga, the Bacili, over the “customs,” or tribute, paid by owned a house valued at 12,000 francs. In 1851, a shipment made in his name the French to local rulers."“ Gajaaga eventually had to be partitioned under to the lower Senegal and Saint-Louis amounted to a staggering zoo,ooo French guidance into two separate states, Gwey, near Bakel, centered on the francs. In an obviously buoyant mood, the French commandant noted that royal village of Tiyaabu, and Kammera, above the Falemme River confluence. . er ` cnxrran z , Faoin rxliotrtomit ro Moments Mtcxartou i [ 5o `| ‘ [ :1 `I

kl Q An ominous element of this conilict was the tendency of opposing parties to 1 It is clear from this account that the F1-smh were not trying to foster em. appeal to powerful neighbors, The Upper Senegal region increasingly came ignition in the Upper $em;gal_ Indeed, it was an influx of people in the . to be atthe center of aformidable conflict between the "pagan" Bambara of ; region which they sought. They med to encourage Frenchmen, SaintKaima and the I5l¤1’¤i¢ militant Fu¤¤¤¤k¤, which €XPl0d€d in ¤8ss with the ` ·~ Louisien Africans, Bambara, and finally Soninke from Gidimaxa to settle gl f€ligi011S WMS of Al-Haj Umar T¤l·'°° , near their fort in Bakel. All along, the aim of the French administration was Th'-? Ffemih ¤”i€d t0 make the best of the Situation- In the ISSUE: the BW- l to further agricultural development in the region. Although administrative ,2 dan so pressured the richer province of Gidimaxa on the Senegal’s north I cffm-ts were rather misguided, French trade in gum all along the Senegal bank that Villagers asked the Almamy Of Bnndn ($0*-nin nf G¤i¤¤g¤) {OT PET- ` River Valley stimulated cereal production in Gajaaga, Gidimaxa, Xaaso, mission to emigi-are to his lands. The French, who believed that the agricul— X K Probably ]a{umi, and even beyond. In addition, there was at beginning of a ' tural success of Gidimaxa was due to the more hard-working character of its § Promising Peanupexpoyt Production On the eve of the wai-5 with A1-Haj " inhabitants, nied t0 divert fhé W0¤ld·b€ €miE,T¤¤'f5 wwafd Gwsy 1'l€a1' Baksl _ { Umar Tal, the French were preparing to create with the help of modem transin 01‘d¢·>1‘ Y0 {Oster agricultural d€V€l0P¤’l€¤f fh€1”€, *00-5° ` I portation an even greater agricultural development in the Upper Senegal In spite of the turmoil, the prosperity of the Upper Senegal trade in the ` region early I8§OS was impressive. In 18;;, a letter from the Senegalese traitants to Y Hilaire Maurel, the most prominent French merchant in Saint-Louis, noted ; that since the introduction of free trade, annual gum exports from the Upper ‘ ` Migration at 3 Time of Prosperity L, Senegal region had treb1ed.5‘ A year earlier, Governor Protet had written to _ the Ministry of Marine and Colonies: — T/Ze Nawmms l · · - fm M Years me zum =¤¤<*¤ i¤ Gaiam Hhs Umm Smzall hn =q¤¤*==d t % The word ··méma· is derived from the wom iangmge, it is a mm cmthat of the lower river emzles, and the value of the trade in gold, peanuts, ` I ation, appearing a 1_ Gund the 19205, nearly Seventy years after the First report and other Products mustbe atleast as important as that of It Camotbe ` -, of migrant laborers in the Gambia. Newer is the rainy season, which is also said, therefore, that free trade in Galam did not have a positive result and `l I _ t, ason in Sem aL The Word can also be used as a verb meal? that the upper Senegal does not appear as a most promising place in this ; lm uva Km se _ g ” _ , ’ >· Colony}! , T mg to spend the rainy season. The nawezaim is thus the rainy season laJ t j borer (his counterpart is the naanzan, “he who spends the dry seas0n”). Until ,;` It is true that disturbances in the Lower Senegal region in the early 1850s A the 1960s and 1970s, the navetanes came as seasonal laborers during the redirected Part Of the gum trade from this awa to the UPPEY Senegal region V { rainy season to work on the peanut fields of central and coastal Senegambia. i and generally made trade in thc Upper Senegal appear more important in This migration, known by its French derivative, "n¢wémmzr," was one of the { relative terms than it would have been in normal years.“ Nevertheless, the C mcs; {mpc,-mm Seasonal migrations in the modern history of West Ai`rica.5° ‘l"·“’t° bY Pmm Shows mat nongum €XP°“S from the UPPET $¤¤¤g¤1 were Although the practice of navetanat later spread to the whole of Senegal’s V becoming very important. x V central plain, it began in the Gambia River Valley a traditional destination of Thé Year *854 saw the nrst direct "lP by an Uceangoing St€am$hiP from Soninke precolonial migrations. The Gambia, which is only two weeks away B01'd€a¤X T0 B¤k€l- Leaving $¤i¤t·L0¤i$ OU I9 S€P*€mb€*” I8$4> C¤Pt¤i¤ _ J on foot from the Upper Senegal region, was part of the traditional trade net]€an‘BaPn$t€ P¤¤r¤¤, Commanding Lt49”i'¤i’w·—dYnWinE O-42 meters, with ll work of Soninke from the Upper Senegal region (Gajaaga and Giclimaxa cs` a carrying capacity of 600 nautical tons—arrived in Bakel on 30 September ` Pgcially) Traditional migrants to the Gambia wen-; attracted by the prospect and Was back in Saint‘L°niS On I7 October-54 Such MPS became €°m*`¤0¤* l ` of trading in sea salt, which is found in both natural and man-made deposits Place in the fnuowlng Years: nnnl the beginning Of the mentisrh °°nn·IYY·55 * ` along the Gambia River Valley. The Soninke carried large amounts of this CHAPTER Z ‘ mmm Tiu.1:»t1·1oNAL ro Monmw MIGRATION ` r ul · r tz 1

salt to the ro ‘on of Bambuxd where rl-ro oxohorr ed it for loqall roduced ~ L leans for the provision of the slave trade were among the first to convert to , at i Y E Y P _ _ _ 1 gold.;-' Trade networks based on the salt trade, and probably on some slave , rpbilnllt p1‘0dl1Ct10H- In 1848, Governor M2¤D01'1¤€l1 of the Gambia Wrote: i , trade as well were thus in lace when British traders first came to the Gam- , · · - -_ ·= _ ’ P . The Sera Woolies [Sarakole, or Somnke] and Tilli bunkas [ man of the in bia in the seventeenth centur , Throu h their commercial networks in the · ·· - · · alinke or Bambam 62 often visit rho , Y B east in Mandlnka, 1.e., probably M ] ii Gam-bis; $¤¤i¤k¤ traders s“PPlr€d the Brirish in Slaves ¤hr¤¤sh¤¤t the ssV‘ countries near the Gambia, frequently coming not less than goo or Goo miles r €1'1t€€¤fh and €ighf€€¤Ih €€H¤11‘i€$- from the interior. , . . The greater portion of the groundnuts exported is Philip Curtin has described how slave merchants in eighteenth-century { raised in this manner by parties who have no permanent connection with ` Gambia in order to offset the “stora e cost" of slaves, that is the cost of ` I the soil they cultivate.°’ I, 7 g 7 , fssdlnglslm the they amd Sh1Pm<=¤~sm<=¤* the Of as Wy ; rs,rWr.srrrr.,r By 1849, gm. morethanhalfof Whére S was were Put to Work The land frmed 1?y the lula was planted in lthe peanuts sold in the Gambia."" As the reference to "Tilli-bunkas" indigrain, which served to feed the slaves awaiting shipment, but also to provi- _ tutes, the Soninke were not the only edmic group represented in the mig,.,,_ y sion the shi s of the slave trade and robabl to feed the Euro ean settle- `~ — · · ~ P _ P is Y P ilmr, but they may have been the majority among early navetanes. In 1860, ments ml the S°“?g““‘b‘a“ coasbas Well' But s1?v€S_ were not dla only I iGovernor D’Arcy referred to the Soninke as the main peanut cultivators in 5 laborers involved in the commercial gram production rn the Gambia. Ac- l the Gambia}; References to Scminke migrants, at any rate, are numerous {0, ~ Cording to Cm-dn’ by the WSOS and Probably eadien young men came from ii Tthis period and this area. A few refer specifically to Soninke from Gwey inland regions such as Bundu to grow grain near the salt pans. Their aim was (lower Gaiaaga) and the Bake, ama,66 ' “’ Ear" °“°“gh “’ l’“Y“a‘lE g°°‘lS (P'°S“““"b1Y”h_a“d E“’$’P?a{‘ Wanufa; - Q The earliest detailed description or rho navetane labor system was proi ruled goods), Yh1°h'[hEy sold lldand at Several. umes their mmal cosh V "Vldecl by E. Bertrand-Bocandé in a report published in 1856 about the Sédl` Although Cumn makes no mention of other regions than Bundu’ It Seems A hiou region of Casamance, which is geographically and culturally close to Q obvious that the young migrants must have come also from neighboring I the Gambia Gajaaga and Gidimaxa. For these migrants, spending an agricultural season j I F¢ in rlis Gambia was an easy way ro obtain tits trading capital necessary for y Thess 1>¤¤d¤ of ¤sri¤¤1r¤r¤1¤¤sr¤¤¤s wms ¤¤d mls d¤¤¤s the wmv Ssa, trading in Bambuxu and elsewherg _ , sonaround the European trading posts, there, tpsy ggow pganlptz on uno; ‘i Along with a demand for grain, the slave trade also created a commercial · Cupml lands' when they have sold thm cr°P’ ey {mg dc t all Pm [ , . . . . . . , A to their homeland and they come back the next year. During their stay, _ network for buying grain along the Gambia River. This network was still . h lab d ht, th h used by loca, People Whom they Pay . . . . , W t ese orers s en r e· ey are o In Place m the nmeteemh Century. In 183 I) for examplg the trading Post of r back in helpingpthem till iheir fields; in this fashion, work and production Q Albréda, a French enclave in the Gambia (where a semiclandestine Atlantic =_ Expand 6, slave trade continued well into the 18405) was reported as exporting most of ~ ` i the rice consumed in Bathurst, Gorée, and oven $aim-]_ouiS_ gimjlar com- , This account may be compared to the following description of mid twentiii mercial ex orts of cereals rice and millet or sor hum to the rowin Euro- , — cth century navetanat by Philippe David:°“ Senegambtan farmers, called rPggg....... pean coastal cities took place at other sites along the Gambia at this time.°° Q ]¤¢¢gl, fed th€ ¤¤V€f¤¤€$ during the duration of rhsrr srsY rrr the P‘sa““t`Pr°` This development facilitated the transition to an agricultural export econ- j ¤l¤¤i¤g areas- In additions they Provided them mh mdrvrdusl Plorsv On or-ny that followed tho adoption of rl-lo "loggdmar€ trad.-;" Policy by the ` which the navetanes grew peanuts, which they sold for profit. In exchange British and the French at the beginning of the nineteenth century. for the board and lodging and the plots, the navetanes worked four or five After experimental shipments were made to London in the 183os, peanuts J days 0¤ fh€i1' iarigrs f3Fm· In some Cases: the rrsvsrsnss gave a Pordrm of Q became the main export in the Gambia, later spreading to Senegal.°‘ Soninke their crop to the jatigi, and worked fewer days on the jattgr s farm. It is easy mj [ants who had boon involved at an oar] date in sales of ain to Euro- , to see that such an arrangement is virtually the same as the one described by L E Y . Er , , l rr i ~ ll oHAp-HR 1 anon rnnorrtonnt ro Momzan MIGRATION i I s4l l M [ ss 1

I Bocandé. The similarity between it and the organization of slave and family r· 3 y not really open to slave traders. Because of the day-to-day problems inherlabor in the Senegambia and Western Sudan (see Chapter One) is also obvi- ’ . cnt in managing a slave farm, a jula would have had to abandon itinerant 1 , ous and has been pointed out by Ken Swindell, who was the first to call at- 3 ` Etude and settle permanently in the Gambia. Some traders may have done so, h` tention to the early history of navetanat.‘° . but the majority probably adopted another solution. This solution is deWhyg given the wide availability of slaves in the Western Sudan at the ~ jcribed as follows by E. Bertrand-Bocandé, again referring to the region of , time, did Gambian agricultural development take place with the help of free .Sédhiou in 1858: labor migrants?/0 zi Peanuts are grown not only by the inhabitants of this country; caravans of A nfst answer to dns flnesnon is that nnvetnne arrangements were adV3n‘ i i laborers come from the tribes of the interior of Africa, who are more com" tageous from the point of view of employer and laborer alike. Navetanes he meygially rninded and more hardworking dran die rribes who iive on did J could reap the full profit of cash-crop agriculture by obtaining the use of a coast .... Formerly, when these oleaginous seeds were not in such demand, plot on which to grow their own crops instead of being paid a flat daily sum ` caravans from the interior brought only products having a certain value: as wage laborers. As fer employers, the system allowed them te obtain la- J , beeswax, md iv¤ry» which were loaded <>¤=¤ S1¤v¢sWh¤¤h they wld ¤1>¤¤ ; berers without mymg re disburse anything, as they rene have it they me 1 ? d¤r>¤¤i¤s· [But] the peanut me has had this i¤¤¤¢¤¤¤ in rhs interior of _ bought slaves 0,. hired Wage labutem Employers Simply had to Provide land, V· , Africa, that chiefs or merchants form a kind of association with either jiee . me all sources concur met there was generally an overabundance of ima in · Q Wedge 0* with their we [my emphasis]; they sridshdr =h~ hg; ¤¤¤si=1¤r , nin€teEmh_cenmry Gambia- ` V their slaves as one form of merchandise that transports another. i Another possible answer is that slaves were needed as year-round labor- J The text by Bocande thus suggests that Soninke jula reconverted into J ers, while navetanes (were needed as seasonal laborers. As is well known, peanut production by hiring free clients or slaves on a seasonal basis-—someg— most agricultural work in the Senegambia is concentrated during the very Q thing that allowed them to replace incomes made in the Atlantic slave trade E short rainy season. Some tasks connected with farmwork, however, are done `L in Wi¥il'10¤f h=·1Ving t0 3b3nd0i’1 the pi‘€1¢i‘iC€ of itinerant trading. The "Sl6.V€S” j` year round, such as woodcutting, drawing water, and feeding animals, In ad- . hired by these Soninke jula can only have been members of the favored cat§~ dition, adobe and mud houses must be repaired in the dry season. All these ugory of “serfs” owing a rent in kind (see Chapter One). This would appear Q tasks are quite labor intensive. In the Senegambian peanut basin today, they I ` validated by the 1894 "Inquiry on Slavery” in the cercle of Bakel, in which li are done by family members and year-round migrants known as surgafl It V N. Administrator Desmarets remarked that trusted second-generation slaves i· can be presumed that in precolonial times, the work of the surga was done by . » were allowed by their masters to go to work “in Saint-Louis, rite Gaméia, slaves. It is thus possible that Gambian farmers at the same time bought Z Kayes, etc." [My emphasis.] When they returned, they shared their earnings `. slaves to use in year-round tasks and hired navetanes for the seasonal occu- i V with their master and often used their share to purchase their freedom."’ AbV pation of peanut growing. However, Gambian farmers could use also slaves , Q doulaye Bathily has collected similar oral material on Soninke slaves being i who were not needed for dry—season tasks as weavers. Hence, it may still { _, ullowed to migrate to cultivate peanuts or to work on the docks of Sainthave been advantageous for farmers who had sufficient financial resources to ~ S Louis, in exchange for a share in the profits."" As to the fiee migrants hired by buy slaves rather than hire navetanes. ‘ V,. the jula, many were probably miskino (poor) farmers who were the clients ` One way to solve the apparent puzzle is to turn our attention toward , V of the jula, and perhaps also present or former talibe (religious students) of Soninke traders rather than Gambian farmers. All sources concur that it was V Y Soninke clerics."5 . the Soninke rather than Gambian farmers who first grew peanuts for export. L. Bocandé mentioned that migrants went not only to Casamance and the The end of the Atlantic slave trade must have posed a problem for Soninke ~ Gambia, but also to the Rio Grande region of Guinea"' The nineteenthslave traders in the Gambia. While their Gambian brokers (the j atigi) could ~v’ century French traveler Eugene Mage likewise met a Sonin.ke migrant who iw reconvert to slave—based peanut production, choosing such an option was _,` had gone to grow peanuts on the coast of Sierra I..eone.” These data once ’ cniivrna 1 , ¤· anon TRADITIONAL ro ivioorrm Mrcnarrou [i6] . [ sv]

•‘ again reinforce the suspicion that there was a connection between the slave 1 ` luck of trade import barriers and the greater industrial advance of the trade and navetanat, since the Upper Guinea coast was an important region _ · British) could be brought back.8" For family heads in the Upper Senegal, ~` , of clandestine slave exports as well as peanut production in the nineteenth ‘ therefore, the temporary departure of one or more of their dependents was i century? A umply compensated by the returns of the migration-——which according to é, It may appear puzzling that free laborers were ready to do what had been 1 ~ Soninke custom must be remitted in full to the family head." ~ traditionally “slave work" in the Gambia. But, in fact, the rewards were sub- i ; i stantial enough to make the migration profitable. The price of 1oo kilograms . Th Lapmts: Raya, Migrants 1 of peanuts tn Rufisque in Senegal was zo francs in 1846 and 1.6 francs in ‘ 1857.79 In the Soninke region of ]afunu today according to Pollet and Win- , : Another indication that Soninke labor migration in the early nineteenth center, the average area cultivated per agricultural worker is slightly more than ` tury was not due to a rather implausible impoverishment of the Soninke _` one hectare, and the average yield per hectare is 6oo to 7oo kilograms for ~ homeland is to be found in another contemporary Soninke migration-that ` grain, 5oo kilograms for peanuts.“° These Hgures are low (David ’s book sug- of the ltzpmzs, or indigenous sailors. ,` gests an average production of one metric ton on navetanes’ plots), but they » l As early as 1791, the French traveler Saugnier noted that the father of the can be used as a basis for comparison. The average size of a navetane’s indi- j ; chief of Maxanna—who was in effect the tunka (king) of Kammera (Maxg, vidual plot was about one hectare. Adopting Pollet and Winter-’s figures, i , anna was then the dominant royal village in Kammera in the Upper Senegal E each navetane produced on his personal plot a harvest valued at 1oo to 130 ` y region)—had been a laptot "in Senegal," that is, in Saint-Louis, in his youth. francs ayear. Since anavetane was fed and lodged by his Gambian landlords, Saugnier added that the chief of Maxanna “gives his best welcome to the M his only expenses were a customary right of IO percent in kind paid to his ` lnptots of Senegal, and each time [the French go up to Gajaaga] he persuades Gambian landlord and a tax of I2 shillings, or about I5 francs, paid to the ` one [laptot] to stay [in Maxanna] by his gifts, especially those of the SaracoS. it Gambian village chief.“‘ The profit of a stay in the Gambia in the late 18405 I il let [Soninke] nation .... ”“‘ would, therefore, have been about 75 to 1oz francs. Meanwhile a farmer who This quotation is the first of many referring to tunka lemmu (royals) hav~ stayed at home in Gajaaga would have saved about one-third of his cereal ` ing worked as laptots. Given what we know of the Soninke concept of honor production for trading—about zoo to 2.3; kilograms. With an estimated · (see Chapter One), it appears curious that royals not only worked as laptots, 5 price for grain of 0.10 franc a kilogram,“Z the grain farmer around Bakel, , j` but accepted the son of a laptot as their chief. With regard to this question, once he deducted his family’s consumption and various local expenses, could ‘ I the French traveler Paul Soleillet (who traveled in the Upper Senegal region P2 sell between zo and 2;.3 francs worth of grain a year per one hectare of land. _ , uround 1868) made a fascinating remark, unfortunately unique in our records The returns of a navetane were thus jfve times higher than those of a farmer l , for this period. Noting that there were numerous Bacili (members of the in the Upper Senegal region. 1. royal family of Gajaaga in Upper Senegal) employed by French commerce, Of course, my calculation does not take into consideration the produc- 2, { Soleillet added tI1at s tion of family dependcints and ilaves, (there is no practical way to estimate _ ( I , , in the Semgambial the trades 0,. mason, Carpenter and iuimr, commer5 the composition of an average Somnke family in the nineteenth century). . 1 lo ee cd mine de riviére (river ,,0,, la mt are re med for noble, E` But it is clear that there was an economic advantage for families in particu- Q Cm emp y 7 P. P 7 P .7 P ;. _ ’ [ Free men, even princes, do not see themselves as dishonored by the use of , lar the poorer ones with no slaves, to send away at least one of their younger V 1, the tmwel, 0,, by the handling of the m€,€,,_,,ule, any more than the Breton male d€P€nd€nrs {Or a Season in the Gambia Furrhermorez MPS ro the Gam' , Y gentleman by the driving of his plow. The occupations which are considj}, bia allowed migrants to resell cattle obtained from the Beydan,“’ and espe- , j. El-Ed as Vile in the ge,-mgambia, are those of smkers On board of ships, of ia cially cotton cloth woven by Soninke slaves. On the return trip, European metal workers, and infantry soldiers. House servants and cooks are reii manufactured goods (which were much cheaper in the Gambia, owing to the garded as members of the family they serve." J CHAPTER z ,0 rxom TRADITIONAL ro Mooamv Miozmrion $3 [ $8] [ $9]

zV. >` Many of these references are easily understandable in the idiom of tradi- i · nrmies of laptots. james Searing and Malcolm Thompson have both comY tional Senegambian culture. Metalwork must have been regarded as “vile” \ pared laptots to the Wolof cedtio, who were originally slave soldiers, but ,l . because it was a smith’s work, hence work stemming from a caste. Likewise, V , who over time became a military aristocracy."‘ A good illustration of this Vi infantry soldiers must have been regarded as slaves because this is what they 1 comparison is given by ]ames Searing in his discussion of the career of a I, often were in West African armies. The characterization of the laptot occu— , ffteed slave named Charles Scipio. After gaining his freedom, Scipio became E1 pation as “noble," however, is at first sight problematic because many laptots A V n ship captain. I-Ie was the de facto leader of the river convoy in which SaugI were slaves until the mid nineteenth century.“ ,nier traveled to Gajaaga. Scipio’s skills as a sailor and a warrior saved the if That many laptots were slaves, however, does not mean that the occupa- j convoy from destruction as it was attacked in F uuta Tooro. Later, during netion was a "slave occupation." The first laptots in the seventeenth century , gotiations with the tunka of Tiyaabu (Gwey), Scipio described himself as were, in fact, free men (they were Wolof fishermen from the Saint-Louis ""the monarch of the river" and pretended to treat the Soninke king as an _` area). Even in the late eighteenth century when the employment of slave I .•qual.” I doubt that Soninke laptots took Scipio’s pretensions seriously; * laptots was at its peak, free laptots still dominated. This was because sailing ° gmost probably looked down on Wolof slave laptots. Such contempt, how. V upriver was a seasonal occupation: given the high cost of food in Saint-Louis g Q aver, obviously did not extend to the laptot occupation itself, which held all (Saint-Louis imported all its cereal from the river valley), it made little eco- l the attractions of the traditional military lifestyle of Soninke aristocrats.” V nomic sense to own only slave laptots, who worked only during the five Soninke aristocrats, at any rate, were used to hiring themselves out as mer*V months of the annual trade expedition upriver.8" In tl1e late eighteenth cen- I "ccnaries. Many Soninke thus fought as mercenaries in the Gambia around tury, out of about eight hundred laptots going to "Galam” (Gajaaga), four 185o, in the conflicts that preceded the civil wars of the 186os.°" This practice to five hundred wereyfree laptots employed on a seasonal basis."“ It is proba— I , was apparently quite old: according to oral tradition, when the Bacili conble that the first Soninke laptots in the eighteenth century were hired in the ‘ quered Gajaaga in medieval times, they were themselves “knights errant” [ Upper Senegal region, in temporary replacement of Wolof laptots who had V r looking for booty and fortune in the Western Sudan."5 Soninke kings valued I died or fallen sick during the upriver travel. This led to their regular em- V the laptots’ military skill, which explains in part why the chief of Maxanna ployment as seasonal workers later. referred to in Saugnier’s text was so anxious to obtain the services of former It is also worth noting that, for reasons that need not be discussed here, V élaptots. For the same reason, the rival Bacili factions that fought each other Saint-Louisien slave laptots had a privileged condition: most were owned _ i during the civil wars that tore Gajaaga apart after 1833 competed for the loyV by métzk lméizantr of Saint-Louis who hired them out to French merchants ulty of former laptots."6 and officials in exchange for half of their wages, but the other half was paid { For the laptots, one of the main attractions of the occupation was the lure to the slaves themselves. The laptot occupation, therefore, was not a “slave of booty (including slaves, whom the French allowed their African troops to 5 occupation" that was also carried out by some free men, but rather a wage- I capture until the end of the nineteenth century), but laptot wages were also i labor occupation that was also carried out by slave workers whose treatment " very attractive. In the middle of the eighteenth century, laptots were paid l and pay were identical to those of free men. i; A three “bars” (a currency of account in use in the Senegambia) or nine livres The laptot occupation was considered “noble” in the eighteenth and nine- I ; A month—1;hus fifteen bars or forty-five livres for a five-month trading camteenth centuries because it was a prestigious military occupation. Until the ~ paign. In addition, the laptots who went to Galam, received a "gift" of one i middle of the nineteenth century, laptots were the primary French fighting ‘ " mudd of salt (of about three to five livres in value, which could be sold for V, force in Senegal. They defended convoys of river transports, which came V I much more in the Upper Senegal). To give an idea of the real value of such under almost constant attacks (especially in Fuuta Tooro), and they partici- ,4 wages, it was possible in the early eighteenth century to purchase 1,6oo pared in military expeditions along the river. Most laptots actually fought not ~ °. pounds of grain with one bar."" According to Philip Curtin, a laptot’s pay V for French authorities, but for Saint-Louis traders who maintained private , for the flve—month voyage in the late eighteenth century "came to more than SI cuaprua z · Y` rnom rnamriouar. ro Mouaxrr Micnarrorr “` r6¤1 I r 61 1

l V half the cost of a slave bought in Gaiaaga-"’“ Curtin noted that this remu- ' In the first half of the nineteenth century; the French traveler Soleillet ee]ii neration was close to that of an ordinary European seaman in the British {looted information on the careers of two Bacili agents of French commerce. l i slave trade."" For the Soninke of Gajaaga, such wages were a very large i ¤ umba Njaay Bacili (Samba N’Diaye Bathily) was a hostage of the French ~¥ amount of money if we compare them with the farm incomes given above in V . n Saint-Louis from age eight or ten to age twenty. I-Ie returned to Tiyaabu, il my discussion of the Soninke economy. Curtin also estimates the wages of a A V ls hometown (the royal capital of Gwey) under "Governor Grammont" ; laptot, specifically for Gajaaga in 1826 and 1829, which are shown in the table , Bourdon—Grammont) in 1846, and established a campzair de traizam: (a full“ below: edged trading post). Tambo Bacili, born in Laani, another Bacili village, Ta 1; le 2,1 ,0,, V · as a sous—traitant in Gajaaga on behalf of the agent of a Saint—Louis comvi La mt Wa es in Gam a !8z6_]8Z ; ercial house in Bakel. Both Tambo and Samba Njaay Bacili joined Al-Haj _ mar Tal in 1857 and became leading counselors of his son Amadu Sheku, Z ` V laying an important role in Franco—Umarian diplomatic relations.‘“" These 1826 ul-76 {rams l0 francs ( ` amples are somewhat puzzling in regard to the traditional dislike of l829 47959 francs 40 {lanes l enegambian aristocracies for commerce. French commerce, however, with an. ngi. i......... ....n.d im. aa their ........ home .0 make gn. .0 i i;;,;;g;;¤;_*j,j,g;,>itgt¤ts»WiS mltmtelitel mltltitittls , powerful individuals in order to build clienteles and, thus, to compete for po- j i l litical power. I shall return to this topic in following chapters. Moreover, the V i occupation of laptot in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was » Conclusion J probably the first stein in becoming a traitant, that is, an agent of the Saint- — il Louis commercial houses.‘°‘ The father of the chief mentioned by Saugnier _, {The beginnings nf the modern migrations 0{ the Snninke were iinked in En, y thus rose from laptot to broker Qourtiey for the French chartered company , fiongnn Cnmninrcini Penetration in Anim in the nineteenth c€nnn.y_ it was l helilitlg the n`l¤n°P°lY of the UPPel‘ Senegal tra¤ls· l`le 'hen bseame ¤¤lle¤— _ QZ the expansion of export trade in the era of "legitimate trade" that created for V ml Of The ilnnatnnlsill Ol' taxes, Pald hy the French to the luhka Ol Tiy¤¤l¤¤. the Soninke in the Upper Senegal region opportunities for both commercial Who then ruled Geiaega He Sent hle Son *0 be edueatsd ln Salnnl-°ulS¤ wher l, ,iugriculture at home and labor migration abroad. But the Soninke were made l in n-lln» hecanle $0 pewetful lhal he eVennlallY beeeme lndePendenl from the inware of the latter through their traditional trade migrant networks, which ` hlnha ef Tiy¤al>¤·‘°’ ln this ease, heehnllhg a lapt¤t had enabled a Yeung J fthttd been in contact with Europeans in the Senegal and Gambia River valleys tunka lemme (member of a royal family) to rise to a strategic position of E nnincn the Eighteenth cennnn l hf0l<€f between French Conlnlefee and Phe Snnlnke Polllleal system, which i This account runs counter to the widespread characterization of precoloi eventually led hlln T0 P0Wel”- This peliticelly eenelllve chalaclee ef trading V . .niz1l African economies as autarchic and indifferent to pront. Reflecting on _~ Yelallnne eneeuraged the nlnka lemmu lc nl°n0P°llZe s¤¢h eccuPal`l°nS {cl · Karl Polanyi’s distinction between “primitive" and "archaic" and "modern" Q their ela5$· As late as lgili the UPPel’ Senegal llahanls c°l'nPlalheu ln these . {economies (see Introduction), Philip Curtin noted that traditional Senegamlv terms of the pietensiens ef the Bacili (royal family sf Gaiaagai <>f M¤><¤¤¤¤ Y {bian societies in the etgineenni century had all the pntennai features ef a (Kan`l·n'lel?a7 nPalYean’l from l3¤l<sl)= capitalist economy, and that the impetus of an African or European demand I [The Bacnn are very interested in the mak [trading Post], one Could Say ` " for African products was all that was needed for currency to circulate, land ‘ ~ that they control it; they are brokers, maizres ele langue [interpreters], c0uri— ` lic he rcmcuw caPltal lic be accumulated. and, finally, labor tc he hll`ecl·l05 ers. They would not suffer that other princes in the land be involved in [Eu- , Curtin’s remark appears especially relevant to the case of the Soninke, who ropean] trade, nor that a rraittznr choose a mtzftre de langue who would not be 'W€1‘€ involved S0 early in C0mme1'c€ and commercial agriculture. That there a member of the t"an1ily"" i was no fundamental opposition between "archaic” and "modern" economies ` CHAPTER a anon TRADITIONAL ro Moment: Mrcnhrion [62] rei 1

ej1. ln, in fact, illustrated by the migration of Soninke aristocrats as laptots: it is ’_V The peanut load of a man coming from a distant country would not be , true that the Soninke political system functioned on a “noncapitalist” redis- J i worth the strain of the journey . . . ; hence the caravan head brings the protributive basis, but the customary obligation of making gifts did not lessen, V duction site closer to the selling site, and instead of selling his [the meri aristocratic interest in making a profit. On the contrary, it increased it; in. _. ¤h¤¤*’Sl slavssr when he returns to his h°ms1s“d¤ ·· tseeks °° l“°"3s€ their W order to build a clientele, contenders for political power needed cash, prefer- . ~ numb" arid to bring new caravans back hlmselb mg li ably generated from outside—this gave them greater independence. Again, ' ¤~ is true that the Upper Senegal region did export agricultural products, I0 I shall discuss this topic at greater length in following chapters. oth the Beydan and the French, but the returns of such exports were lower F This being the case, it should no longer appear surprising that the Soninke L tm those of cash-crop agriculture in the Gambia. moved so easily from traditional forms of migration into modern labor mi- ` When the slave trade disappeared, free labor migrants began to take the ` gration. There was, indeed, no fundamental difference in the search for if lace of slaves. This will appear puzzling only if we assume that “slave j0bs” Q profit in traditional migrations and in modern migrations—except for the V ; ere undesirable and unproductive, but cash-crop cultivation in the Gambia lj fact that earnings were higher in labor migration. Such a smooth transition I tnally brought very substantial returns. This was not the only instance of from “traditional" to "modern" migrations was rather common in world- glave jobs” attracting free laborers; the plantations of Brazil, for example, history European economies during the Industrial Revolution were largely . X [tracted scores of European migrants after slavery was abolished at the end D dependent on Hows of temporary migrants who themselves were the heirs of ·· the nineteenth century. ‘ ‘° { centuries-old traditional migration currents. As mentioned, traditional mi- The transition from slave trade to labor migration was made easier by the ,`~ grants in Europe were often mountaineers who used the long winter periods i j et that among the Soninke, the slave trade, the professional trade of the i` i of seasonal inactivity to sell products of their environment. Transhumance, i ula, and seasonal migration of farmers as petty traders were linked and folii the selling of cheese and wooden carved objects in the French plains, was the A owed the same age-old routes. When the slave trade ended, young Soninke, first historical form of migration by such well-known migrant peoples as the ` nd young men from other ethnic groups that had provided seasonal trade , Auvergnat of the Savoyard.'°° Eventually, they became the first labor mi- jh-tigrants (such as the Mande), were ready to enter the emerging free labor grants in France. The Auvergnats became hay harvesters, grape pickers, ` *_ arket. At the same time, professional traders, who were involved in the 2 sawyers, hemp combers, navvys, and river sailing hands in the French plains i " ave trade and in slave-based commercial agriculture, were ready to channel , of Aquitaine or the Rhone valley and later made their way to employment in , them into the new forms of employment. These observations are probably ` i French cities."" i slid for other regions of Africa than the Senegambia. The Asante-Akan re` The main historical difference between European and African migration _ i on of Ghana and the Ivory Coast, for example, was in precolonial times was, of course, that in the Senegambia, labor migration was the historical K one of the most important destinations of the slave trade in West Africa, as , successor of the slave trade. Indeed, the slave trade in Africa could be con- ' well as (especially in the nineteenth century) an important “ConSumer” of `, ~ sidered an early form of labor migration; Stefano Fenaltoa has argued re- J {loves for kola nut production and trade. Later, this region became the lead~` , j cently that the slave trade and contemporary labor migration were caused by g world exporter of cocoa. This success was achieved with the help of seathe same economic forces.'°s According to his demonstration, whenever the ` jonal agricultural migrants from Sahelian regions such as the Mossi ot the ` cost of transportation makes it too expensive to export products from a ` izabrama (songhai), These ethnic groups were involved in both slave-tradgiven area, the people who would otherwise cultivate these exports may ei- ` Qing and seasonal trade migrations to the Asante-Akan region in the precoloi ther be themselves exported or migrate to places where such products can be , jnial period. This suggests that there was more continuity than is usually exported at a reasonable cost. Bertrand—Bocandé spontaneously made the lgssumed between the periods of slave and free labor in Africam Y same judgment with reference to the migration of navetanes in the mid nine- ~` teenth century when he wrote: , . li Q cnnrrrrt 2. ` rnoivi rnitnrrtonnr ro Momsnu Mrortnrtou [64] I ii Fm 1

¤1. S" 5 V, confirmation in the events surrounding the ji/tad of Al-Haj Umar Tal in the }~ i Upper Senegal. In February 1855, in answer to the French decision to place T H R E E nn embargo on arms sales to his forces, Umar sent his lieutenant Alfa Umar .` i *l3ulla to conflscate all merchandise in the French trading posts of Gajaaga l i I und Xaaso, that is, the Upper Senegal River Valley Although Bakel was well _ ` protected by its fort and was not attacked by Umar’s troops, French mer. Taxation H.1'1Cl lZl'1€ SO1'1lI’1k€ ECO1'101'1'1y _ chants experienced losses due to raids on the smaller village trading posts, ` which they later estimated at between 100,000 and 150,000 francs, or the l 1855-2885 _ l equivalent of IO percent of the annual budget of the colony of Senegal} l ` Following these events, Umar turned his attention toward the conquest of v the Bambara empire of Kaarta. The French took advantage of this tempo_ I tary respite to build their fort at Médine in Xaaso on the Upper Senegal. In . J 1857, Umar returned to the region and met a momentous defeat under the { ~ walls of the fort of Médine commanded by the famous métis Colonel Paul ,` i jl-Iolle. Umar’s failure at Médine ended his attempt to establish an Islamic ` Ai Jtate in the Senegambia, but it did not put an end to hostilities with the , French. In April 1858, Umar built his own fort at Gemu in Gidimaxa on a i Fox me cnenr MA] onrry of colonial and contemporary authors, colonial ` f major caravan route of the gum trade to Bakel and brought to a halt the trade { taxes were the "trigger" of labor migration. In addition, many contempo- , campaign of 1858 to 1859.2 V {ary scholars believe that colonial taxes were deliberately manipulated in v_ The Gemu fort was destroyed by French troops in the fall of 185o. The r order to force African villagers to migrate, and to seek in cities and coastal ` ,i temporary shnrdown of B;,ikel’s lifeline had been brutal, for the colony was areas the cash resources that were not available in their homelands. Yet, in ii experiencing its worst economic depression since the beginning of the nine1 the case of Senegal, the archival record shows that colonial taxation was not ` teenth century. The prosperity of Senegal depended on gum arabic: in the i created with a view to cause migration. Furthermore, its value in the i I83OS the price of akilogram of gum in Senegal had been two francs;“ in 1858 , soninke homeland during the period considered in this chapter was initially _ ` to 1859, it plunged to an all-time low of 0.60 francsf The Gemu blockade, ‘ very low and aifected only a minute portion of the population. Finally, ` _ moreover, revived worries that had troubled the French for some time about , French control over the Upper Senegal region was scant and PI'€C31'l0l-l$ until l progress in the fabrication of dextrin, an industrial ersatz of gum arabic.5 at least the late 18705. Meanwhile, trade in the Upper Senegal region comin- These considerations were on the minds of the oilicials and merchants’ repne;] to expand after a difficult period in the mid 1850s, and the 1860s and the F resentatives who gathered at the meeting of the advisory Conseil d’Admin, rgyee were years of exceptional prosperity. But labor migration continued to istration of Senegal on II October 1859, shortly after the destruction of the grow, and it probably became a major feature of Soninke society during j Gemu fort. The object was to debate a proposal by Governor Faidherbe to these two decades. I reform the tax system of the colony} ' ; In his opening address, Faidherbe reminded the council of the recent fall i` — in the price of gum on French markets, then proceeded to enumerate the i ~ l1'1Stit11tiOn of the Personal Tax in Senegal taxes that weighed on the gum trade. These were a 4 percent tax paid by merchants upon leaving the river lands where gum was obtained to pay “cusi if we did not have sufficient evidence of the economic importance of the toms” (tribute) to Beydan and African chiefs, which could be neither reduced Upper Senegal region in the nineteenth century, we would Gnd additional V . nor suppressed given the current military situation; a 1. percent tax in kind i r,i TAXATION AND THE soN1N1
collected upon entry to the port of Saint-Louis, originally created to aid the S V, It is difncnlt to find in the above any evidence supporting the contention trairanty guild hn; now Collected by die Sgriegglgge treasury Since the guild , ttltut personal taxation was introduced in order to force Africans to emigrate. ‘ no longer existed; and a 1;.5 percent tax collected at the port of entry in ‘ [Ali lie eleedpfefemed here Strung? Suggest that the fiend mx in Senegal was ini l France. Of the latter three, only the 2. percent tax in kind collected at Saint- Vnlluceeijqn 'e¤—¤`0u~° that fe¢¢'n0¤f1ifLg fe dv with Zildvf migration. The use of taxi Louis could be suppressed immediately, costing the colony an annual rev- , lion as el means t0 provide labor was, in fact, unknown to the French until enue of 30,000 to 40,000 francs. To replace this income, Faidherbe proposed S 0 turn of the nineteenth century. For example, in the fifth edition of his j~ to esmhlish a new tax on Property and a Persona] tax in Sen€gal_ The gover- ` iDc [tz colonzirtzzion c/leg le:_peu_ple: madernes, written in 1891, the famous colo~ nor asserted that the head tax was already paid in all the other French colonies. i V ini P1'0Peg?indis! Pai-ll Leroy—Beaulieu devoted his chapter on “la.bor in the ` The head lax would first be established in the Outskiygg gf 5ainr-]__onis and 5 colonies" entirely to a discussion of foreign immigration (European and · the adjacent province of Waalo and, later, cautiously extended to the con- l‘c°Oll€” lmmlgl'atl0n)· lt was Gnly in the Slxln edition, ef l90gr mal I-0l"0Y" S qnered Peoples on the river; p Beaulieu added a section devoted to the "treatment and recruitment of black ll . The head tax, in Faidherbe’s mind, had more than a nnancial purpose. It i, . bor.”“ 2 was also io be a “Visible sign of the allegiance of Isenegalesg] Populations ro » _ The motives behind the creation of the personal tax in Senegal were eco. France.” The tax was to support the creation of a Direction de l’Intérieur, , i¥10mi¤i budgetefx and pnlitical Faced With declining world prices for its l that is, of a real internal administration in Senegal. The French during the i intein evmmedityi Senegal wuglu *0 lighten the burden Welglung 0n me gum first half of the nineteenth century had maintained control only of Saint- trade and to create sources of revenue other than export duties? The switch Louis and Gorée, plus a number of forts in the interior such as Bakel. Out- 120 direct taxes, incidentally, was in keeping with contemporary liberal Euroside these Points, they had a fluctuating and ill-de{ined influence over the qpean opinion. It was the time when direct income tax was slowly introduced l small Senegalese polities, depending on the state of commercial relations 1 in England, while indirect taxes were considered socially unjust and ecol and French interests. Relations with client states were handled since 1844 by l nomically uns0urtd.'“ Finally, Governor F aidherbe, in keeping with the rel the Direction des Affaires Extérieures.7 Faidherbe’s proposed Direction de i i‘P°l'l vi m0 lnt0l'l'nlnl$t0Yl0·l 00nn'nl$$l0n of l8$0, which had 1'€¤01¤1n€11ded 3 l’Intérieur was to oversee the formal French territories of Saint-Louis, more assertive French presence in Senegal," seized the opportunity to create Gorée, the Cap Vert peninsula, and Waalo. Bakel was to remain under the x tln €111lD1‘Y0niC 3dI‘nii1iStl'3ti0n in Senegal, copied from other French colonial V Affaires Indigenes, but the Direction de l’Intérieur would have a say on all territories. The new direct administration was quite modest in size: apart i — matters concerning trade. (This arrangement shows that Faidherbe ’s designs i frcm the dlT€€T01' of ¥l'i€ i1’1f€1`i01` himself, it Was composed of One delegate in · _ for territorial expansion did not yet apply to the Upper Senegal region.) ~` G0lé0> FWD scnlnr clerks, and two lunlnl clerks: at an annual 00Sl cf 7·0>000 ~ In the discussion that followed among members of the Conseil d’Adinin- 1 _ francs. Modest also was the amount of tl1e contribution requested from the il istration, the French wholesale merchant Albert Teisseire (settled in Saint- €uXPuY0¤'$ when P€f$0n2l taxation Was established in 1861: 3 francs a year in Louis) observed sha; the high taxes gn g-urn had been acceptable as long as ` l Saint-Louis and 1.5 francs outside of the Senegalese capital, calculated on i the Price of that eornrnodiry had remained high, hut that the new cornrner- ‘ , the basis of the value of three workdays of an ordinary laborer in Senegallz cial situation might force producers to devote their energies to other prod- yl I ucts. Two government oiiicials, the contréleur colonial and the head of the i . judiciary, noted that although the revenues of the colony were insuiiicient, I In$Yll?ulTl0n of fl”1€ P€1‘S0113l Tax in Bakel · the treasury of Senegal was fed only by export duties while the majority of l l l the senegalese Paid no raXes_ Acquigscing to she arguments Pin forward by _ Q The situation in Bakel in the aftermath of the wars with Al-Haj Umar Tal il l the governor and the various speakers, the Conseil d’Administrati0n agreed · g was not 3 bright 0n€· In May l8i9i N,DlnY€ S0W, the chief of the Bakel traiiii to the introduction gf Persona] taxation in the cglony tants, wrote to the Director of the Affaires Extérieures of Senegal: “Famine i `*li T * li . g enapi-En; " ` TAXATION AND ri-112 soN1NK1s ccoivomv l [ml l .` [ 6c l

g l. I i. ’ if » K ` V _ . Galam, we have never had before anything like it. We are dying of , ‘ he emigration to the Gambia is mentioned in a letter of May .1862, that ts, . t ‘ V ` ir.”" In Bakel ln December 1859, at a time when the famine was eppat- . 4 bn tm Wet gctuaffy ea[[eerea’."’ The first record of tax collectton for Goye T tly over for the local population, two thousand refugees still left the village . nexé is for Deeernber r863.1° Moreover, the French administration was ,2 , . ‘ Y r T. every morning to gather wild fruit for their subsistence."‘ The war had N ther lenient. To be sure, two chiefs were arrested, but arguing that the resi i r ll ¥iH`€¢€€d 7ll'1€ eflflre Upper Senegal region: David Robinson has shown how ‘ Zi .. n had just begun to recover from the years of War and f81'f11¤€, C0lT1ma¤‘ { V i WaY¥lm€ d€$¤'l-lCfl01'1 and the migration of 40,000 people from Fung Too;-07 nt dg Pineau urged against collecting head tax in I862·2l H€3¢`-l T9-X, in facts »‘ who followed Umar, resulted in one of the most tragic famines ever experi- it s not collected that year. It is not known how long the arrested headmen V enced in the history of Senegambia and the Western Sudan}; Not surpris- l in- re kept in detention, but in August, they and the other village chiefs of V ` ingly, trade was slow to recover, even after the capture of Gemu." These · oye Annexe participated in a meeting in Bakel where the principle of taxawere inauspicious conditions for the introduction of direct taxation in the re- it ri was agreed on. The French seem to have represented that as a F rents}; F` gion. Yet the local administration was soon to face the prospect of collecting ., rritory Goye Annexé would be entitled to protection from Beydan raids. 5 dll'€€f i¤X€S lrl Eve left-bank Soninke villages between Bakel and the Falemme l nylug the following months the French even briefly C¤nS1d€r€d 02-\'¤l1’1$ the RlV°”· 7 l lef of Yaafera, who had apparently led the resistance to personal taxation, Th? 8f1¤€X8fl0I1 Y0 France of these villages in 1858 was a kind of hlstotj- E e Chief of Goye Annexe, on account of his influence and the SUPPOFT that » cal footnote: its purpose was to secure a corridor between Bakel and the eeventually gave to the taxation project.“ Finally, the 1863 tax was not col`; Falemme River leading toward the gold fields of Bambuxu, which were the , cred, apparently on account of the bad crops that year.2". It is clear that cause of a gold mirage among French colonial oliicialdom at the time." The »· ere was no such brutal confrontation as implied by Bathily in the para; Small kingdom of Qwey was thus divided into a Gaye Annexé, upgtygam ygph qnoteel_ There was rather a process of pressure and ¤€g0tl3f10¤ with Q.; from Bakel to the Falemme River, and a Gaye Indejvendant, downstream from me amount of give and take on both sides}5 l_ Bake} to the Middle Valley region of Damga. The Goye Annexé (Kungani, ` In fact, Bntl-tily’s mistaken appraisal of the role of the Bake} commandant i 5.I Golmi, Yaafera, Arundu, and the village of Baalu on the banks of the [S6;. had its origin in a controversy that was only indirectly connected ~ Falemme River) was subject to the personal tax as a French territory. The ` lp ith the question of taxation. The period of the administration of Fjommanl French began to take measures for its collection only in I862, after the h unt de Pineau in Bakel coincides with the governorship of jauregutberry. ll famine had subsided. Knndwlched between two gubernatorial terms of the illustrious Faldhofbo, yl} Abcloulaye Bathily has argued that ’ he period Ot jentegniben-y’s administration in Senegal has been neglected l by scholars. From what we know, it was marked by an aggreSS1Ve and S0l'I'l€· ( The institution of [personal] taxation, decided by Faidherbe and carried out pwhat unsuccessful policy gf military expansion and, quite lil €0¤i1”a$t with by his Succcssm Jaluéguibenry met rapidly with Violeln OBPOSMOH °" the ` Faidherbe ’s administration, by recurring squabbles with the Saint-Louis E part of the populations. It created a movement of emigration towards the ‘ m€l_cham community. We know also that Jam-égniberry received 1nstruC— NiemndeeGareiefmverveleyslandled Vi*’¤e=¤heewde· t frorntheiviirusrryofcoloniesineristo Ourr geireptedueironsr { obedience. In May 1862, the chiefs of Kungani (Kunghel) and Yafera were · _ . . . . t si cotton in Senegal.“ lr Putundeaee{°'l°Wmeh€ef¤el¤*'*h·*·¤*rb** rnts l°‘°¤y€A Hnexe l = 1 CommandantdePi .t.u {Grim m tncouit gr eat to pay their taXeS. Disturbances occurred in 1863, 1864, 1865 around the ` l _ b , fm uem visits to the Villages in sl; x same Problsmn , , also peanut) production in Bakel y paying Cl, l l V ‘_ the company of a military escort. Governor lauregutberry asked hirn to stop It is impossible, however, to follow Bathily in his conclusions here when tl t, doing so in March 1862, Following this, Commandant de Pineau ran into open referring to the original source, the correspondence of the Bake] atimittistm- j ten;-iiet with the French inerehants." Saint-Louis and Bordeaux merchants , Y01', C0f¤m¤¤dant de Pineau, with the governor of Senegal, Jguyégujbgryy _ feated n repetition of the fiasco of the r8zos, when the adm1n1S¤‘¤¤0¤ had 5'{ _ or-me-rea; . rnxnrron Arm rua soumxa economy T [701 I lm ‘

forcibly drafted them into investing and managing unprofitable plantations in Q { Goye Annexe, which had a population of 1,200 to 1,500. These I2§ taxpayWaalo.” Commandant de Pineau apparently confirmed such fears when he ~ ers paid in December 186; an absurdly low I2 pieces de guinée, that is, 191 spoke of introducing a system of premiums to farmers and of fixed prices I , francs."’ The French colonial law on direct taxation in Senegal set the level for cotton and peanuts2° (such as had been in use in the Waalo scheme). ; . of personal tax t0 the equivalent of three days of labor or 1,;o francs (outThe effectiveness of Pineau’s coercive methods was very limited: return ‘ side of Saint-Louis)? All individuals from age eighteen to sixty were to pay cargoes from the Upper Senegal for 1862 and 186; do not show any cotton ex— _ it, except for married women, invalids, and indigent people.” We see that port, while there was a marked increase in peanuts traded in Bakel from . with I2$ taxpayers among a population of 1,200 to 1,500 persons, there was 292,;% kilograms to 8;;,1;; kilograms in 1863. In other words, the Soninkc V , quite a bit of flexibility in the practical definition of indigents; certainly no of Gwey yielded to pressure for peanuts, something that WBS in their ii’l!€1'€St, I less than 011e-f0L\l'th of the population (300 to 37; persons) must have been since peanuts fetched their highest price in this period (reaching an all-time _ _ composed of adult males, and of these, two-thirds were declared unable to high of 2; francs for 100 kilograms during 1860 tO 1867). But they St!-Lbl?>0fI1lY [Jay UX by the Cl'1l€fSl It WaS Only in 1877 that a new census was conducted, refused to produce any cotton.’° It was probably in anticipation of such re- 1 ` amd this time through agents of the commandantz 239 able persons were sistance that when the personal tax was introduced in 1862, it was made i 1 found, aless implausible number."’ payable in cotton, which probably renewed fears in the merchant community V `= If we €0l1SiClet that 1863 was an exceptional year in economic terms, let us that it too was going to be coerced into the administration’s development I ~ consider the credulity of the new commandant. Indeed, he recalled that he scheme? This explains why attacks on Commandant de Pineau focused on it had believed at first that the chiefs had wanted to cheat him, but that he had taxation, On 23 january 186;, the journal de Bordeaux, an organ of Freneh I { changed his mind after visiting some desperately poor villages in Bundufm colonial merchants, attacked the institution of direct taxation in Senegal, E But there was no comparison between the situation in Bundn..in1and, devwriting that it was not worth the money it cost and that "[r]eigning with gun- A i ustated, and almost completely depopulated by Al-Haj Umar Tal——and the shots in order to colonize is a thing of the paSt.”3z The denunciation of C0l0· situation in GWEYM Actually, 1863 had been an exceptional year for ag;-igulnial exactions, in particular in Algeria, was a popular theme in liberal circles, · ture. According to the Feuille ojjficielle of Senegal, exports of cereals and and in the Algerian case, protest against restrictions to economic freedom ~ up peanuts alone from Bakel in September 1863 (at the height of the trading went hand-in-hand with opposition to military rule.” l , season) amounted to 3$o,o00 francs."Z Of course, not only Gwey traded in The press campaign about personal tax soon affected Governor jau- 2 Bakel. Villages on the right bank did as well. Caravans of camels or donkeys réguiberry himself, who had to face the general opposition of the merchants V brought produce to French posts."’ A fair estimate of Bakel’s commercial of the colony, and was finally recalled in May 186;.*** The same month Com- A ~ range, as far as agricultural products are concerned, must have been around mandant de Pineau asked to be recalled "for health reasons.” He departed t , zoo villages."‘ It is plain that the five villages of the Goye Annexe, with an from Bake} about the same time that Governor Faidherbe arrived in Senegal ` , estimated income of I,7$O francs per village from peanuts and cereals, could t for a second term?5 This seems to have been the end of forced cultivation in very well pay a total tax for all villages of 192 francs. And I have not taken the Bakel area. Y into account the indirect income of the gum trade. Direct taxation, however, was not immediately abandoned (even though . , What probably motivated the new commandant’s timidity was, of course, payment in cotton was quickly dropped). Did it have an effect on migration? j ~ the memory of Pineau’s downfall and the conciliatory attitude toward traders ` We should remember that the French tax applied only to five villages in ‘ 1; of the new Faidherbe administration. Successors of Faidherbe proved even ` Gwey plus Bakel itself. What stands out is the small number of people te- ` i m01‘e lenient. After 1865, under Governor Pinet-Laprade and then Goveri quired to pay the tax and the small sum required from the “annexed" I , nor Valiere, the personal tax was simply allowed to fade away. Soninke: the first census, made by village chiefs, produced 125 taxpayers for _ {* The period after 1865, following the disasters of the French expedition to cnarrrng , L TAXATION Arm rmt soninxs ECONOMY r H. 1 r I, *11 `I

Mexico and the Franco-Prussian War, was one of colonial retreat. In Sene- ” the nineteenth Cc sz . gal, the French colony was reduced to Saint—Louis, Goree, and the line of ull-time high in Igg;rgykh1;:;;;i§;;;us;;;naQ?ch€d what Wés P?*`haI?s an ~ French posts along the river, and the coast south of Dakar/°5 The efleets of y x ln the noon to 2,0;,0 metric mus range imo the G gfncmuy amtamed itself ,-menchment are visible in the Bakel periodic reports. ln Fehfuafy *8667 the ` V These Figures were exceptionally high {0,, [hea; y 1870s. Bake] commandanr asked if he should tax the villages SlH€€ they had Sugered `_ [mm is ml¤¤SCL\le compared to the comem Oral. Ima` Granted) today 3600 , from grasshoppers and 3 cattle disease that yea]; An exernption was granted But Placed in the PYOPCI COl1[€X[ was 5-H rey ?€anut export of Senegaltlqe following mm-lr_h.“ The Scminke were quick I0 seize ¥ih€ opportunity by ` the i»60¤ [OHS of peanuts exports;} from Rug? usslvel In I867’ for example, ` turning it into 3 precedent for not paying the I3X· They W€1'€ €Y\€0¤Y3g€d in ' main P€61’l1lt-exporting harbg;7 were Sugjciemqacj SOE? to become Senegalls this by the attitude of the administration; in April of rhe same year, the Bakel é to provoke a "vernnb1€ enPh01.ia_·»;» ° ccm mg to Roger Pasquieh E connnnndant reported that he was following the govern¤r’S Orders mi to i¤· _ { What had made this prosperity Pgsgible was th . _ rervene in local affairs unless commercial freedom was violated-—with0ut, ; envisioned by Cnnngre and Houe in De la Séné e t;?‘“SP°‘“‘*T1°f"€V°l“t¤°¤ ` however, formally renouncing the existing treaties with local p¤p¤l¤¥i0¤5-U · ,l0¤¤l archives repeatedly refer In Hants of Clmldijm mlfanfwe m 18% The gr In fact, the policy of abstention, the practical renunciation of taxation, was l C0ming {O Bake] and the Upper Senegal 55 In Iggy; argesv mwed by U-‘E$» equivalent to an abdieation of French authority. In November 1866, the chief l .l¤filZ>ed the trallie of rivcybom bringing gu Hes I ’K Omrllandam Fllcy deE of the "annexed" village of Yaafera made the French commandant wait V V the military conquest O; the Sudanic imedgg O was m Prepamlon {OY eight hours until he fmally appeared precisely at the time Flxed for the com- I On the Senegal [River] th { ` A mandant’s departure? The chiefs of Goye Annexé made no mystery of · SIOOPS [mm] flanked b re Or Sevml m°““hS “’° See ¤¤¤l¤i¤g but armed their desire to live independently, under the authority of their tunka." " as the hom themselvesxggglor moribarges [°l”1{“”‘{“°]= s°'“€tim°$ as large l It would be unnecessarily fastidious to recall year-by-year the events re- _ 1 ing behind them, mm; twemlglolzirg mgS’ }l"1"g ‘° their Sides, ¤r towV; lated to taxation in Goye Annexe. By x867, the French tecogniled p1'iV¤t€lY ~ J laboriouslx moving ngstream fouiwéiognezmel mom They are Sl°WlY¤ ? what W3S already in evidence: they no longer exercised any power over the masm The journey from St. Lguis to Kayes ékcxiniiil-l1€ {0;€St of little V? p Soninke ourside Bakel. They continued to send letters to the village chiefs i mm, made easier by a violent Cnmmy is done in du; tmjezeil alifhe re` [ asking to discuss with them the issue of taxation, only to meet various kinds ` » fied ef mst lh Sh Louis, during which most nf the Crew xsl ter? PEQV gf humiliating r·ebnkes.5° In {scr, the French were even unable t0 insure the — wid? me N‘“’Y h°sPi*al: the little fleet goes back on with n ngir Cijcgualgtcd ` safety of their traders. In 1868, the chief of the annexed village of Baalu ` V: agam fm the Same l°“m€Y as lvng as the waters remain highjé g lan up l drove away a French traitant who had brought him a letter from the com- ’ A visible sign of the rising fortunes of the U 5 mandant, telling the traitant that he would have him “sh0t like a d0g” if he did plication of secondary trading Posts in Soninkepllir (illegal Wés the rfmlth Q. this again and that he wanted “neither order nor request" from the Whites? " Svmankidi (cidimnxny Baalu (Goye Annexé) ar;;hag€S` lganyh Ambldedh Q The waning of French authority in this region that experienced an un- y While the Bake] cornmandant reported that “our t liivgngusly recordedp precedented period of agricultural prosperity had important consequences. { 'menrs [trading posts] in Gidimaxa villages "” In 1;;; etlaigrilist lg settlela , . . _ - , an ant (xxl; jjximzclemd trading Pgsls in °rd“ *° °°“°“l 3; Agricultural Prosperity of the 18605 and 18705 ~ gproporrion of the nadc of {fe ;;;d£;;€?;iags5;h§ 3* Slg;;6°‘;“ 3; 4 rtfade of the mari oder-S con ‘ · E . Eanw i €’ E 2 % I have already noted the Bakel peanut trade figures for KBG3, which Was *h€ Y whe river on paekganimels {ng;-Filggddiggslgsalgl Peanuts Wm? lll-ought FO year when Bakel began to file monthly commercial and agricultural reports _ luges sold pfédominandy Peanuts While Soiirike aliiga alld Gldlmua “l' ~— containing numerical information. These were sent regularly until the ehd eff ¤f¤0Sf]y cereals, but Gajaaga and éidimaxa also exlggrtiieigliaxga traded §;t$‘§;a C}l{PT1iR 3 _ rl TAXATIGN AND T1-uz sonmgg ECONOMY ` W: l vi l

, The year 1873 was an exceptional one for peanuts in Bakel. Unfortunately, V E, 18795 . no Figures are available for this year, but according to the Bakel traitants, this i p,,,,{m Bake] Bake; Madam Médine l had been the most exceptional harvest ever. It came after a series of good j Volume Gu Hzlue Hu Volume Un Volue Qu years: 1865, discussed above, and 1867 whose figures were granted the honor — [ Metric Tun.:) Frenzy Merrie Tom) Fnmrg of print in the otlicial Munizeur du Sénégal. In 1868, "every man, woman or 1 453,13 502,668.4 [306.303] [306,303] child wanted to have their field planted in cotton, mil [sorghum or millet] or Q; peanuts 750 [75,890] [222900] [20,565] peanuts”; although results in this year proved disappointing, 1869 saw a Cereals [2785] [3],793] [?] [9] “very abundant" crop."‘ In 1872, the stores of a single trading agent burned @(,,,1 [6]]),36]] [326,868] in the village of Ganyi in Gidimaxa: the damage was estimated at 10,930 i, .T0[a1,87OS{0rMédi¤€and Bake], [94,,54] f`rancs"—that is, more than fifty times the entire tax of Goye Annexe in 1863 i ` and half the budget °f the Dif¤¤¤¤¤ de lilmérieur at its °t°ati°n by G°V“' E These incomplete figures seem to indicate a relative economic decline for not Faidherbe in I8i9‘ In *86% th'? commandam in Bakel esdmated that £· Bake] as compared to Médine due to the fall in peanut prices in the 18708. Yet French traders Owned in Gidimaxe iipmducts °r merchandise for mma than there is no evidence that this decline had any impact on migration: mentions 6°°*°°° francsfm Y i, of origin for laptots, which are the only ones available for the 187os, indicate After 1873, with the overall fall in prices due to the opening of the Suez ` V that they came in equal numbers from me Bake] region up to the Falemmg canal and C°mP€l¥iii°ii {mm British indiazm Peaiii-ii €XPOi'is Piummetcd al" , [River (the kingdom of Gwey) and the region above the Falemme (the kingthough some improvements came in the last years of the decade. The decline V ;\ dom of Kammerax which was Within Médimys commercial mngg of peanut exports, though, were offset for the whole region by the expansion , of the gum trade in the post of Médine, upstream from Bake], as shown in the {°u°Wi“g 0g““s‘ A , The Soninke as Laptots and in Saint-Louis 1 T“He—?" is 4 As we have seen in the first chapter, the Soninke had been laptots since the Uiiper Sel-mgal EXP°m’ l86°s_‘87°s eighteenth century. At the time, they were still a minority among them. But F the number of Soninke laptots increased dramatically in the nineteenth cenISGOS ' tury. In 1855, Carrere and Holle noted that although the occupation of laptot Product Be/rel Bake! Médine Médine _ _was highly regarded in the past, it was now considered by inhabitants of Volume @`rr Vézlue {rr Mnlume Ga %Zuz Kn Saint-Louis as “vile" and that “the government’s ships are obliged to recruit M“"i” TO"-9 F’“”°-'} Mimi: T°”—’} F’¤’”·9 i their personnel among foreigners or people newly settled [in Saint-Louis] Gum 558.95 558,953.8 [1 1219- [112,907- (Bambaras, Saracolets [Soninke]).”“ Carrére and 1-Iolle noted that the main 225-isl 2257159] `j ambition of Saint-Louisiens was to become involved in commerce, in other Peanuts i>587 7-%»774 [2807] [40,960] ‘ words to become traitants. Indeed, according to some reports, already beCeieais 830 [65,320] li l li l Z Q fore the general emancipation in Saint-Louis (a result of the French RevoluT°i*=‘i l92i»047·8l li53»867· l tion of 1848), slaves refused to be anything but commercial employees.°” By g [instituting free trade on the Senegal River, the Revolution of 1848 created Total 18605 for Médine and Bake]: [1,o74,914.8—1,187,166.8] , new opportunities for the Wolof of Saint-Louis, including freedmen.‘“ As ¥trade on the Senegal River expanded, most became traders or commercial ci-1A1=1·1;1z 3 ` TAXATION AND THE soN1N1<1z Ecorzomv [ 76 l I ’ [ 77 l

agents, leaving the less profitable occupations to the Soninke. This is the first · ‘ nlm first laptots in the Upper Senegal were jacks—o{-all—tracles who performed instance in this study of what I believe to be abasic cause of labor migration: A .¤ variety of tasks. But the rapid job turnover of the Suninke also had other economic expansion enables its lnciieliciaries to graduate to better occupu- ? tunses, as we shall see below, tions, leaving a vacuum at the bottom of the social ladder, which is Filled by ~ Where did these migrants come from in the Soninke homeland? The migi·nnts.“” _ ` available int”<>rmuti¤xn for this period reini`orccs the view that Soninke lnbor it is clifiicnlt to obtain iI`ll2)l‘lT\H[i()H on the laptots employed by the Saint- migration was not the result of poverty and economic disruption. The vilLouisien traders, who apparently left very {ew z1rchives.7° But We are rc- ` , Igiges of origin of laptots were all situatctl along the river in thc Upper Senemurlqibly well informed on the Senegal River service of thc Senegzilcse ~ gal region.7; Wliile it stands to reason that lziptots would be recruited {tom mzzirm /om/e of the French Navy. By 1872., all \X/olof laptuts had lctt the ` N river villages, these were also the very villages that were enriched by Eurol·`renchN;1vy river service. Captain Rebel, who wrote zi report on thc matter, ` _ pean trade. This implies that Iaptot wages were high enough to compete with lglnmetl it on rr reform that at some point had suppressmi tl`l€ Cl€lSS <>l` i|7€lil.’§€· _ incomes from Ll prosperous local f`;u·ming economy. This logical deduction is nous (`{L\€1K'[€l'iTTL\S[l)l'S<)1'gt)LU'/7L£3E.\' in the station locale. The reform also speci- A wnhrniccl by numerical data: laptot wages were completely out of proporlicd that capz`mz`r1u.r dc rlv[érc, or indigenous pilots, whose knowleclge ot the l tion with agricultural incomes in Lhc Upper Senegal region. treacherous course of the Senegal River was indispensable in journeys to the ` V Upper Senegal, would no longer be recruited among the gonrmcis but j Lu/Nm Walid-xl among ai specially trained class ol pilot cnclcts. ln other worcls_ advancement *' from the ranks had become impossible, and the Wol<>i`, who according to `> Oncof my biggcstsurprises in conducting this researeli was to cliscovcr how Captain Rebel could hntlqlnetter paying jobs as laptots or laborers with the i high were the wages ollnercd to Africans in the Trench colonial cities at thc Saint—Louis trading houses, left the French Navy cn masse. They were rc- l · (-ntl of the nineteenth century, not only in comparison with Airican agriculplaced by lzipiois from thc Senegal River Valley, who were mostly Soninlac ,`l rural incomes but with French wages as well. iirom Ciljllilgll and (Sidimaxa, and also some Fuutanke.7' , French expansion in Africa pushed wages very high in the ISXOS. ln 18Hie At least by the [8705, the Soninkc clominatccl employment on commercial 3 A Iinrexamplc, laptots in the local station ol thc l~`tcncl1 Navy (this included the river irtrngports as well: thc first mention dates from IS77, hut ll1€ i¤{<>1‘mi\· · l Bcnegzil Rivet service) received go francs a month; those who worked For the tion has secondhand value because it comes from at Navy report )[ll€ 2 river commercial fleet earned thc much higher wages of go to Go francs a Soninke were probably the majority carlicr.7Z Commercial transports paid ~ month. The various French expeditions, it is said, created zi kintl ot “ecobetter wiigesr which explains why the W<>l<>t` remained lllCrC l<>11gEY {him <¤¤ Q` nomic rcv0luti0n,” and explorers paid upto 70 francs a month.7" This comthe sting vessels. The \7V<>lo{, in {act, never completely left C0n1m€l‘CfilCy r recruitment problems and even sti-ikenfl among Senegulese sailors. l ~ It is tliiiicult to know exactly the rate of wages of unskilled workers in _¤\i·ounql the time the Soninke cumc to dominate thc laptot i>CCUPLlfi0H iii · |·`rcncl1 outposts who were not employed as luptots. The standard wage of a Sencgah they also were seen more and more often seeking work as simple la- 4 ~ common laborer in the communes of Senegal was probably not less than 1 borcrs in Saint~L0uis, often shifting from one occupation to another as l Iipnicaclay (this was the estimate made at the timeof the introduction of the guitegl their convenience. A letter i_l'O1Ti L1 local i:fCl1Cl1 Navy omcinl iii IS77 ~. K |u‘l‘S0li€ll télx in Mig), but here again considerable pay raises may have ocusscrted: "The laptot of today will inirocluce himself tomorrow to serve as V z` rnrrecl in the lute I87OS zincl inthe 1880s. in n88o_ with the construction of the an trnimnl drover with the Army or 21 male nurse at the military l10SPiiZ1l·”7; · J lvl<·grupli line in the Upper Senegal and the construction of the military post A similar report in 1880 mentioned that among the lupt<>tS, méilly llélil l>€€¤ ; wl liutbulabé, clockers in Saint-Louis made 3.50 to 4 francs at day, that is, oo l "gnqeeggively in occupations apparently as incompatible as garclénrif, l10fS€· " ~: to noo francs 21 month (provided one could End work every working tlay)."‘ irmnx Public Wrirks laborer, etc.”7" Such versatility Was UOE SUY]D1”iSi1Tg 5i¤€€ V Such wages compare with contemporary French wages, especially if we CHA1>T1;Rg l ` TAXATION AND THE s0N11
choose to look at wages outside of Paris and in the French countryside. In , , The Wolcf probably if into Elkanls dellnldon of the "pr¤l=t¤ri¤¤." at 1885, farmhands (who were fed and lodged) in the impoverished region of least for the great number among them who were former slaves in an urban Brittany earned 60 to IOO francs ayerzr and day laborers earned I.2.$ francs a letting and who presumably did not own any land. As for Soninke laptots, day without food. At the same time in High Normandy a quite well-off _ 1 they cannot be said to have completely lacked “commitment" to wage labor Z region, day laborers earned 1.15 to 1.5o francs with food on the farm, thus V i for, in fact, a number of arrangements allowed them to keep their jobs even t about the same as the Senegalese Navy laptots. In provincial French towns, I when taking frequent and extended leaves of absence. Thus a French Navy Q workers earned an average of 3.90 francs a day; comparable to the dockers’ { report of I877 Stated that the seventy OT S0 laptvts ef the Senegal River X wages in Saint—Louis in 188o."’ Compared with the agricultural incomes in ,_ llotilla were recruited from a pool of 155 registered men "who come and go, the Upper Senegal region discussed in the last chapter, laptot and urban la- V embark or disembark as they please."B’ And in 1888, Colonel Frey, referring l bore;-incomes were enermons_8° ` to a situation probably prior to 1885, observed that Soninke servants em, ployed by the French generally kept their job for several years before selling Cmmf oth T ~*n¤Ve* dmntgttgsonekeiar IOIJ I 1LlZ§§§’ ?§`§1lE§’E.Xi.ZZ????’EEl§§?S Ii`f.Z§i”§§Tf 1Z,§§I§ZiZ“ZlZZii§r»$EZ A 1'e€\-ming complaint of Ffetleh Navy officials 3-bel-it Scninke l3Pt¤tS Was _ 5 grants” to make investments at home, however, was perceptive: it was that they rarely respected their tW0—yeH1‘ clause of empl0ymet1t· IH fact, ` " indeed the case with the Soninke, but the preferred form of Soninke migrant many did not even honor their minimum mandatory one year of employ- ; I "investment" on their farms was slaves. ment. The French Navy in Senegal was in the curious situation of having i i sailors who worked as day laborers. French oilicers complained bitterly The Lupton cu Slam, Owners about the situation, recalling favorably the earlier time when most laptots ~ ` were Saint-Louisiens.“‘ " ` Colonel Frey noted explicitly: The situation can be compared with that described by economist Walter ` P As soon as [3 Soninke] has built up a small savings, he buys goods that he Elkan in llls l¤°¤kt Migrantf and P’°f”"’l“"·’= °“ urban labor in Uganda lll the l. sends back to his homeland. He entrusts a relative or a friend with acquiring l96°$·8Z The solllllksv llke the Niletic migrants in Elkdnls Smdm Wore “ml' ` ,1 in his absence, whenever a good opportunity arises, one or more slaves, degrants”: their “commitment” to their employment was low, their turnover pending gn the sum hg has available In the month of ]uly, ISM, the goverrate was high, and consequently their level of skill and pay was at the bottom ‘ nor of Senegal, having at his table Colonel Frey, back from his military of the scale. The Wolof, like Elkan’s Ganda, were “proletarians”: they were . i campaign [against the Soninke revolt of Mamadou Lamine], was very surcommitted to lifelong employment, they were Cgnggyngd with P1-omouon, ` ; prised to learn from him that the butler who was waiting on them was a fulland they were generally better skilled and better paid as a result. Elkan used ` < ·· blooded l$o“l“kol= owner l“ Galam of seven slaves Wlmm he had lwught in the word "proletarian" to describe what is in the African context a “la.bor K lllls faslll°"‘B5 atistocracy” in order to draw attention to the fact that the Ganda (proletari- l i Frey was bore corroborated by a pl-oooh Navy report, undated but Probably ans) owned only small plots of land insufticient to ensure fully their subsis- f of around Iggo, tence, while Nilotic migrants had access through their extended families or ` { _ kms to 10, { land that were their . at focus Of . terestl The Ganda Among [the Sonmke], almost all men go abroad for a shorter or longer pe— I C P so {mm Y in , . . .. . .. ., . 5 riod, they come to Saint-Louis in order to obtain pzeces de gumee [bafts, the were a stable workforce because they depended almost entirely on wage , , . . . . . . . . . . . , e .. currency of the river valley] which on their return will allow them to settle labor for their living, while the Nilouc migrants sought employment in order , . { b . . d Slaves [Cd ,,,5,].86 _ _ _ , a ter uymg wives an p to make investments on their farms. This theory applies to a degree to the _ ninereenrhmenrury Sgnggglgsg Situation, but with u nuynbgr of caveats and · . Similar reports were collected by the French traveler Soleillet who visited explanations. 1 ? the Upper Senegal region in 1879.87 Such behavior was fully in line with the CHAPTER 3 · i rnxnrtou Ann rue SONINKE economy 1801 · ¢“ 1 sr 1

if if '’''` historical behavior of Soninke migrants: the Soninke migrated to the Nige r efs Or rnernhers of chiefly families are numerous. Thus the villages of River Valley in order to buy slaves, which helped them expand their com-V |mi and Yafera (Gwey) were headed in 1881 by former Navy laptots-"" if mercial agriculture. But there was one important difference between tradi- it Son of the chief of the village of Somankidi(GidimaXa)i11 I87B Ot 1879 tional and modern (labor) migrations. i V z u laptot who had served for eighteen years in the French Navy and had The authors of these nineteenth—century texts do not speak of migrants it been to the French harbor of Lorient in Brittany."5 The village of _ ` saving their earnings to hand them over to family heads, as Soninke custom ii usala (Kammera), which according to Soleillet (one of our main sources ii in principle requires.“ In fact, all witnesses spoke about migrants saving .3. the matter) contained the largest number of laptots, was a Bacili (royal) `A money in order to buy slaves for themselves (not the extended family unit). A .1 ]nge." At the beginning of the twentieth century, tunkas Samba Suuley, . v young Soninke migrant from the village of Gumal (Hayre-Damga) thus ndu Sumbulu, and Demba ]angu Bacili were former laptots. At that time, .` connded to Soleillet in 1878 or 1879 that after earning enough for, i1 . chambre of Tiyaabu, which was the seat of the migrants’ organization `i bridewealth during his iirst visit to Saint—Louis, he was planning to go back? fpm the royal capital of Gweyg was the hotbed of political contest for the i for a second visit in order to earn money for merchandise, which he hoped to p ‘ ngdom?7 _ i exchange for three or four male slaves and one female slave.“’ The intent to` In fact, laptot and urban incomes were so high in comparison with village ~ create an independent household was here quite clear. Several years later, ' incomes that royal families in the Upper Senegal apparently maintained a Colonel Frey observed: "Like the caravan trader, the Soninke employee, as . M nd of monopoly on these 0ccupations.°” This monopoly was easy to mainsoon as he feels he has become wealthy enough, returns home and settles on ` y in since employers in Senegal recruited their personnel through recomhis own. He becomes another family head [c/ref de ctzse].°“ , endation from their own employees or workers, who introduced relatives In the traditional social system, although Soninke family heads had nlri- ‘: People from the same village as candidates for new jobs. For example, mate control over their dependents earnings, younger sons, women, and even ~ lr rcnch Navy reports in Senegal mentioned that recruitments were made on Cl'llldT€T1 had $lZ€6.l`Jl€ personal POSS€SSiOI1S, which could include even slaves? V uc]-i 3 narrow basis that crews 0n the Same ship W€1‘€ 0flZ€Tl {TOTE the Same This opened the possibility for young men to set up separate households of ‘ ` lllage or family.°° tl’l€l1” OWH provided they had access to independent sources of income, In tra- K i Evidence of aristocratic migration may appear VETY puzzling, but ¤¤l't\?}llY ditional Society such opportunities were limited; in trade migration in partie. l {hg soninlre were not unique in using migration returns to build up p0l1t1¤3-l ular, migrants needed an initial capital of trade goods, which had to be V Pgwgig In the twentieth cenmry, for example, most of the chiefs of the Kru of P1'0Vlde€l by the family group. In labor migration, on the contrary it was the ,1vgi-y Coast and Liberia, who also migrated as sailors on Eu1'0p€H¤ ships, had 1'¤ig`rantS’ labor alone that generated income.°Z ilpenr a considerable time in employment abroad accumulating W€¤ltl”l·l°° i ’ Soninke royal families were very large because of polygyny; competition for . 1 é power between young royals was very keen. Soninke laptots invested their inThe Lapmm Raya! Migrant: ` ,· comes in slaves, who provided a steady revenue from cultivation in the In precolonial Soninke society, however, migration represented more than a , i Soninke homeland. This revenue, in turn, would be used to make generous simple "declaration of indepenclence” from the elders. The fortunes earned . _; gifts to powerful elders, to build an entourage of clients by generous gifts and abroad enabled migrants to do much more than that. In Soninke society as T K displays of wealrh—without forgetting gifts to the griots, the praise-Singers, noted earlier, wealth and clientage were the basis of power. We should not who were the "advertising agencies" of this patriarchal age-—and thus to be too surprised, therefore, by the numerous historical examples of Soninke A compete for political poWer.l°l chiefs who were former laptots. The first Soninke laptot mentioned in the lit- Thus, while migration encouraged the emancipation of junior dependents erature—in I79I—W3S the chief of Maxanna, for all practical purposes the it Q in extended families, migrants did not wish to destroy the Soninke traditional tunka (king) of Kammera.” Later, examples of former laptots who were 4 · family but to settle down after a polygynous marriage as wealthy patriarchs CHAPTER 3 ·t·AXA·l·10N AND THE SONINKE ECONOMY [sz ] i r sr 1

Ei surrounded by their slaves and dependents, participants in the local political was subsequently dismissed) and the village had to Pay a fine of fifty g·uinees_ game. No sooner was the old order questioned in practice than it was re- ‘ ~i The ambiguity of the Wording of the Passage quoted above Suggests that created by the migrants. The migrants were not protesting the traditional so- the two nlaintigs actually Were, oi. had been, Slaves Two Scenarios arg plauCietya they holied t° achieve Pmmntion Within it· 1 sible. A First is that the two plaintiffs were “serfs” owing a rent in kind. As we i ii have seen, such “serfs" were among the first Soninke navetanes. According it ii to custom, they were required to pay one-half of their gains to their owners. Siavaa aa Navaaaaaa Tha Baaia Slava Mlsaaat Affair <1 879) Captain Maaiiias 1894 report on amy in the was of rays asa mmtions another type of arrangement, in which the slave had to pay a set price Laptots were not the only Soninke to make substantial earnings in migration. utiun his departure hut iiextraoi-dinaiy gaine" had to be shared equally with There is practically no information on navetanat in the Gambia for this pe- . ·i?. tha Owner u h l · wa Th d· te in Baalu ma hgvg conrt pon t e s ave s return. e ispu y tion dna aa tha anfaiied Matahniihsnniniia (nn i""iati°n ta tha ethnic Z cerned the sharing of gains made abroad. Custom also specified that a “scrf” Soninke)‘°i civil wars. These cut off all communication between European i ji owing a i-ent in kind who did noi make rhe required payments to his master trading Posts and the inteiinh Havavaa indications h`°hi tha neighhoiing t could be forced to work again for his master, that is, he could be made again Upper Casamance region of Southern Senegal, where navetanat continued 1 5 into a iiseyfji One of the two men from Baalu had been away for fifteen ta expand ia tha vents i860 ta iiidgv his that misaaaaa towaici the Gambia years, apparently without returning to the village. As a result, the villagers i persisted despite the war.i°a We have little information on the origin of _ may have considered that he had nor made his customary payments during i Soninke navetanes, but all the available evidence concerns migrants from the . ‘_ J that Period and that he ought accordingly ro be retroceded to the condition Bakiii ai€a· This ia aat Siiihiising Sincih at aii Snniniia rasiaaai Baiiai (GWW) ’ of a "serf." Why then did the man return to the village? It is possible that he was closest to the areas of Upper Gambia and Upper Casamance where ht, d la b k h‘ { d { om h'$ mnsrer with q customar a ment of it pe to uy ac is ree om r 1 y ll y i navatanat aPPat€ntiY hagaih And it Once mote ieininnana tha Viaw thatiahoi ` the value of two slaves. Sources mention that some slave migrants did use migration among the Soninke was the result of the “pull” of higher incomes ' their earnings in this fashion l . 'Eii i i nhmnd hh? aa We have seein tha Baiici ataa was "’XP€iian°inE unpraaadamad ` Another possibility is that the two "slaves" were, in fact, redeemed slaves i Pi05P€i`iiY darias this P€i`ind· A _ _ i (dubagandi kgmty. This would be suggested by another Bakel case from a Ia iti7‘? a veiv intaieating case araaa in the vliiasa af Baalu (Gaye An- later date (1897). Fajele Sise (Cissé) from Gemu claimed that he had bought i, hexéyoi in which two men came ta Sas tha ¤¤m¤¤a¤¢ia¤t in Bahei Q Ei his freedom back from his master by giving him one slave and the value of l tit . 4 . . . . i t h l . L t h t t k in Saint-Louis and brou ht back with to complain that the people of the village of Baalu absolutely want that they cgj limi Er S nie 2 Et F him O wm _ , _ g _ , . . . him fifty pieces de gumee. He deposited them with his former master, who j be slaves [I translate literally the equivocal wording of the text], as they pos- i in _ _ _ K h k { h_ _ b i d l sess numerous slaves, and a nne herd. They [the villagers] want to take ` thaa kept tham {Or himselfa claiming that t E wm 0 is captive e Onge l everything away from them. One of these men [the two plaintiffs] has lived V`; [0 htm- mb In this ¤aaa» tha Slava niaatai Clearly Want against Cnstninihut tha l during fifteen years in the Gambia, and this is where he acquired his fortung fg fact that the former slave could not gain redress in the village (as evidenced i by the fact that he took the case to the French commandant in Bakel) sug- l There are unfortunately no further details about the particulars of the affair . -C? gesrs that slave Owners in Gemu generally felt thi-oatened by the economic in the archives, but the French apparently believed the plaintiffs, Led by their i~ ji Success Of a slaVe_ ` i miiinb°ut= the viiiasara raaiatad French Piessiiie to siva Satisfaction tn fha A It is also interesting to compare these cases with another, brought to the two men. The French director of political affairs, Gallteni, came to Baalu V · Bahel connnandant in i89,,_ ln the igscst a slave Wont to Woi-ls in 5aint-]_,oi_iic with a gunbonh which inndnd it amaii niiiitniy Patty at six ilitots aaa tW° i . during the dry season with his master’s authorization, However, instead of l French ofhcers. The marabout and the village chief were arrested (the latter V Coming hack rr, his inasten he Caine bash to live in the i-oyal village of CHAPTER 3 i TAXATION AND ri-it soN1Ni<e Economy [84] U it r o. 1 l

11 Tiyaabu, in the house of a certain Amadi Sili, probably a member of the ` taxes in ancien régime France, it was negotiated at length between the GidiBacili family or of a client family.‘°’ In this case, the slave succeeded in es- ° n-taxa villages and the Umarians} lz I have attempted an estimate of the burcaping the wrath of his master (and perhaps also in keeping the gains of his ~ tlen of both taxes on the Soninke villages. migration) by attaching himself to a patron who was more powerful than his ; For the zakkat, I have chosen the hypothesis of an average village of 4oo rightful owner. V 1, inhabitants} *3 Of these 4oo inhabitants, certainly no less than IOO (oneAll of these cases indicate that Soninke slaves were finding in migration _ fourth) were able-bodied men. According to Pollet and Winter, the average an opportunity to better their condition and to move toward freedom. It also , sorghum production today in jafunu is 6oo kilograms per hectare, with an appears that migrant slaves were often willing to take their disputes with { j nverage of one hectare cultivated per man. Using this conservative estimate their owners to the French. In later years, migration and French authority . . (past ngures suggest one metric ton and higher), the village owed: 600 x 100 were going to bring about profound changes to Soninke slavery. » + zo = ;,ooo kilograms. 1 Y Since the price of grain stayed during this time at around o.1o francs a F h d U _ T _ kilogram, our village owed the equivalent of goo francs annually to Nioro} "‘ mm: an mamm axes m the 1870s ~ , It is interesting to note that the {ak/hzt was apparently collected in guinées The peiiey teiiawea ii ii · · W j what than in kindw Y t ° French after ‘86$ m the UPPEY Senegal Yegwn V As for the extraordinary contribution, it was equal to:"° created a power vacuum, which did not remain empty very long. In 1866, the V ’ French administrator in Bakel noted that Gidimaxa villages were paying tax ,° Tam @2 to an agent of the Umarian gtate residing in the village of ]ogunturo.‘°“ This V, 1 ___ Ummm EX“a°’dl““Y Tax Collected in Gidlm“a> *872 constituted a definite encroachment on the French sphere of influence tacitly 1 _) so horses; Sq X 4oo francs = 3;,,cco recognized in the Franco-Umarian treaty of 1860, a sphere of influence that ° ~: 8o rifles: 80 x 94 francs = 7,5zo included not only the southern bank of the Senegal River, but Gidimaxa as v go guinees; So X rr; francs = i,ooo well,‘°’ In the following years, the Umarians became bolder, and their au- Q K Total, 40,,,,, {rams thority was felt even in the region around the French fort of Bake] and in the l ¤°mi¤¤llY Ff€¤<>h villages of Goye Annexé. In 1870, diplomatic negotiations 2 » Since there were too villages in Gidimaxa, each of them paid 405 francs in took place between the traditional authorities of Gwey, Karnmera, and Gidi- , 1872. Moreover, the Beydan also levied tribute in Gidimaxa. The Bakel maxa and the envoys of Ahmadu Seku, who had succeeded his father, Al- " V archives contain no figures concerning the ordinary Beydan tribute for this Haj Umar Tal."“ . period (other than the indication that the Beydan “pressured [Gidimaxa vilIntelligence reports summarized in the correspondence of the Bakel com- ` lagers] in horrible fashion"), but they give some figures for a number of mandant give us a unique insight into the understudied matter of African —` . Damga villages immediately downstream. These villages paid in 1866 from taxation systems, for the negotiations were centered around how much was § 4oo to 1,ooo mudd of cereals a year to their Beydan overlords, that is, 9oo to to be paid to the Umarian empire. There appear to have been two kinds of ~ ,1 ;,;go kilograms, or 90 to :.;.5 francs a year.‘" Finally, the Beydan imposed on taxes: ordinary and extraordinary. The ordinary tax was the annual Islamic Gidimaxa villages in 187; an extraordinary tax of twenty horses and twenty gakkat (locally called ja/r/ra), theoretically of one-tenth of the harvest but ae- 5 guns-9,880 francs, 98.8 francs per village. Adding figures for ordinary and Wally p1‘0l:>&bly much smaller (in figures below I have made an arbitrary extraordinary Umarian and Beydan taxes, we come to a figure Of 961 franils minimum estimate of one—twentieth)."' The extraordinary tax, which was i .per village. This data, incidentally, is not the only evidence that we have for collected in 1872 apparently in Gidimaxa alone, was of eighty horses, eighty , this period that indigenous taxes were far higher than the French taxes imrifles, and eighty pieces de guinée. The way it was set up (eighry of "each”) V posed after is;8 and largely abandoned after 1867: in 1889, the Bakel comshows that it was a "gift," in fact, an exceptional war contribution, Similar to . rnandant reported that two Bundu villages, Allelui and Ololdu, located CHAPTER 3 ` ii taxation imo rua sontnxa sconotviv r so 1 *` I 271

j-.——— about ten kilometers from Bakel, would have preferred t0 be recognized as ‘ r ganb the Village in G0Y€ Annexe closest to Bakeli This onieie] was t H part of French-controlled Gwey so they would not to have to pay “1ithe" `j 3 one-tenth duty On the Value Op all French goodslm By this time 0 CO ect (Zakkat) te the Almgmi (ruler) of Bundu.““ i 4 E greater Meat {OT the French had arisen near their fm-; at Bake] itselliilseven These Hgures, infact, question whether it would be possible that migration Y The Grigin of French authority in the village of Bake] (as di t` - ' h was caused not by French taxation, but by indigenous (Umarian or Beydan) V i {mm the FY€¤€h {OH) dated from x8z1 when dig inhabitants Ops gniuis Ed me,nO,,_ If this had been true, however, there would have been alarger num- — Nlaay (N'Di¤Y¢), had sided with the French against the mnka of E e 7 til; bee of migrants from Gidimaxa than from anywhere elSe- The evidenee We During the Wars with Al·H¤j Umar Tal, however a number gig}; I have for laptots is that an equal number of migrants came from Gwey, Kam- ` l S0¤I11l<€ had turned against the French, and as a result, their land O a 6 mera, and Gidimaxa. As for navetanes, the only indications of origin that we = _, Hscated. ‘" Another Subject 0{ grievances was that the Qnench i ihware CO"` have are for Gwey Or for the “B3.k€l l‘€gIOH,” Wl"llCl1 d0€$ BOI €X€llld€ Gldl‘ I I {me trade: had ab0lISl'l€d the dudes originally eollected b thi; izhailmme of max; but certainly does not mean they were €S5el11Zl3lly COI¤I¤g {YOITI I-his Ye' B¤k¢1¤¤ CaYaVaH$ and traders Who crossed their tel-yjmr En Ig th ganls of g{0n_ Finally, it is obvious that if Bakel generated 1'¥101'€ than $00,000 francs of l 1 chiefpf Bakel declared that he recognized the authoritgof {hg?-im].? fmulke exports a year after 1870 (of which the greater part must l18V€ g0¤€ Y0 Gldh p ~ ing he rejected that of the French, At the end of Ig74 and the be I1, llnp Ymexaj which did the most trade with the Beydan and the French), the Villages ` ‘87$= the matte? Came Y0 Open conflict: petty harassment b the Bglllgximg of Could Pay such taxes. In fact, it may have been the r€HliZ3Ll0¤ that Soninke VH- l 2 mandam led to insults and Vi0l€¤¢e end, finally open rebellilon Tha 5 cilllggeg withstood such outrageously high rates of taxation (HS C0mpH1'ed with » ‘ Clu*m€Y Of Bakel Was burned: it seems after cannon shots were mdef Om he Fyengh rates) that gave the future "ajiciers saudarmi-¥,” the Desbmdes and ( V French {Ort (mera aPPa1‘€¤T-ly Wefe H0 victims). Throughout the e lem the Archinatd, the idea that their future conquests in the Western Sudan could 7 I1-lnka of Gwey had looked on with imeI_eSt_and Presumabl the J-1s1S’_t e beeeme a self-supporting colony through personal 1:&X3ti0n, eliminating the ; had as Well- These EVSMS eXpl¤in Why the French decided in gg 6 mal-[ans continuous squabbles marking their relations with the Senegal merchant of force in Gwey_ 7 on a Show community and the French Parliament} "’ : The new EOVEUIOY, Briére de l’ISle, needed no encouragement to take ae gzgcgeiegll Navy orlicer, Briere de l’Isle was a steadfast supporter of 7 U t p Ap sion tn the Sudan, which meant having available a stron ba Reestabllshment Of French Authority In Gwey V of OPHBUOHS U1 l1l'1€ Upper Senegal. Tl'18 matter Was quick] settled Ig Asc V. g gust 1876, the governor arrived in Bake] on a Navy sloop. Aynumberoil UThe French followed the political situation in the Upper Senegal Yegkm ? - non shots were Bred OVW the village of Yaafera,‘" At the end Of th CEglgsely They were concerned lest im lnCiCle1'1t dlS¤l1”b 21g1’ICi1lt\1f3l BCT-IVIYY in , I the mx census Was COH1pl€ted and the [ax collected E mon 7 Gidimaxa, which was said to produce "far more" than all the areas on the In addition to the 1876 we which had been set at a hi her rate uh _ Southern bank between Metem and Medgnej t]1_atis7 ])nmgg7 Gwey., Kammera, " ‘ 1863: the Vlllag€ Of Y3¤f€1?3 had to pay {Our times this amgim as a {-] an lg and Xaaso."° The French were also concerned with the potential conse- < ° the brother of the Chief Of yaapem had to Pay an additional HH ne; an I quencgs gf Umayinn authority for French traders in the area- The Umefiens , { E“i“é°S· The wml Seems t0 have been around 9; gninees {01- all Eve jd; ten eoueeted n mx gf one-tenth of the value of all caravans (wufu) crossing Y 70 gulnées For Yaafera (including the Hue of the ehiefg brothel.) b I ages) their territorylzl In 1870, as I have related, there were negotiations between _1 ¤¤€l I2 guinées for the other villages. This came to about 1 18 fra E vi€€na_l6 Umayian envoys and Gwey, Kammera, and Gidimaxa. In 1872, Kammera OH Q i Vlllag€$—625 {fines {Or Yaafera and between 75 and I O ftgmg { nt: on 1 the southern bank began paying direct taxes to the Umariansfzz The follow- » 7 VillageS."° Compared with the {ig-tn-es given above {O; Umarimof c.Oth?r ing year, the French began to request the payment of a personal tax in Goye x 3 Gidimaxa, the "Pnn{Shment·· was mild indeed- The fouowin E Immun m w e k Atmexé againnzz At the end Of 1374) the mnka Placed a tax collector in Kun- ‘ ij Collected acccrding Y0 the new census. I reproduce this mx eegsllsagelijvwas Cnne-{en; ; ; TAXATION AND THE SONINKE EgONOMY ‘ [ 89 ]

Taule . 1 l French Personal Tax in the3Cl;rcle of Bakel, 1877““ ~ e»l5l;);S:(;lI;;1l;§C?5 Zggxgzxllllizriiligggme §;"€¤¤l'1 conquest of the Village T¤xp¤yers-· Trwpoyerrr Taxpayers: Tvlol vf Tax . l e “s°¤ll¤ary wealth for the Blacks, who Ordlnail; glo nixlxle "g‘°“ ai €X· men women wml (in Franco = sumwf kccp what they have acqulredl Some family heads E;;2;l;,l;c ’ Ol Yaarem 46 4 50 ,,5 l ;;;ied nzllclrel than a hundred slaves, possessed horses, cattle in large "°"‘“ “ 1 6* °6 1 1 mfnilrrr $§L°;§l,j°“‘s§‘l§ ‘"“‘“ emu; or mw radon r...n.n,n, "“““°‘“ *7 4 ll "5° 1 bodied men wei eq.f”,d“ Y §°?l,‘*d Wh v¤wd¤5a¤d ruins, at anaBaalu 17 7 24 36 l _ Weaponsps PP Wn ri es, some of which were true luxury Kungani 71 9 SO 120 X l · I Total: 239 35850 , _ Of ;= (Such as .,n€€ds,, f0r’EumP€an Oulu € Were given new l g°°ds)» but because such incomes ev cnrlereng V V , TAXATION AND rua sonmxn ECONOMY 7 [ 91 l

provided them with a potential for social promotion within Soninke soci- i ety.‘” The possibility of raising money for bridewealth, of buying slaves, of V setting up an independent household, and, for aristocrats, of competing J I y F O U R more efficiently for political power were not "new needs," but ambitions that · ` had always existed within the traditional society, ambitions, moreover, that i had often been fulfilled through migration. As we have seen, the basis of ;; A power in the “semistateless" Soninke society was wealth, giving rise to a sys- L ; A of Troubles tem of clientage. The successful individual was the elder, heading a polygy— I nous, slave-holding household, which contributed enough resources to ` A 1880-1894 enable a patron to provide for many clients. While younger men endured the ~j · authority of the elders impatiently and migrated abroad to gain greater per- l sonal independence from them, they also hoped to amass enough resources ; \ to become one day successful elders themselves. l ~ V Again, comparisons with other parts of the world help to place these con- `? _, clusions in perspective. I have already referred to the case of former Kru » sailors who became chiefs. In Europe, migrants often migrated in order to ` V return as village notables.;‘° In Corsica, aristocrats such as the d’Ornano or . A the Bonaparte migrated as mercenaries in Italian and French armies in order , » UP T0 rms 1> ‘ · · to build up personal and family wealth."‘ In Greece in the eighteenth and l caused bythe Kf’)dll’Tfai;;)di11;1fEo;>é;;)<;hinr;;§;;t;]i;1 his atipeared to 1-Eve been nineteenth centuries, migrants from the Mani region of Cape Tainaron in _ S an adverse economic situation at home After 123 gall er {Zhan the Puéhn Of southern Peloponnesos used their accumulated savings to build castles and `» ` the Adminisuation du Hautnmeuva (gyhich be o, o Ewing the creation of attract followers, eventually becoming warlords and territorial chiefs."2 It is f Soudan in 189;.), the situation of the Soninke b came t E colony of FY€¤Cl1 worth noting that both Corsica and the Peloponnesos had a decentralized so- , 4 Upper Senegal region was effectively Subvecmgiame gnoré Petplexing. The ciety, which recalls stateless societies in Africa. Indeed, the description given ` desirable form as a military administratid¤_ th 0;;_0P1al rule, in its least by john N. Andromedas of the society of southern Peloponnesos, with its ~ _ who governed the region until 189S (Wh€n‘Ba; ? Qtiglus French oiiicers juxtaposition and alternation of village “republicanism" and regional war- i p. Gidimaxa were returned to Senegal) im Osed h? han e western half of lordism, is strongly reminiscent of precolonial Soninke society."“ The Period also witnessed the Islamic regolt led Niiiidani fofced lab01'· th (Mamadou Lamine Dramé), followed by a period of repr:ssiao‘f11lIl.]a;:;lani; , the 18905 the price of gum slumped dramatically on the world market}; . Q these political and economic tribulations did not produce a roc { - et I nlized economic decline. And the data on migration for this Erioclss O img.` ? not substantiate the thesis of a colonial “trigger” to populafion mcftiigitg O I ” Migration and Coercion V y ` .M¤h¤¤gh the-Third Republic gave a mandate to the French military ro con. @ ~ I quer the interior of West Africa, the way in which they carried out this man, cunrrax 3 ` `‘4` [02 l

dare was hardly disciplined or disinterested: the military’S thirst {Of gl01'Y , .~ l¤t<'> Bakel by the commandant, simply refused rg gd The command and professional advancement, their disregard of injunctions of restraint, `; .3 wrote that he could not go to arrest him in his village: “It would be bad arp; and their cavalier and often brutal treatment of the conquered populations I 4 , itics and would bring about a confiict."° In 1880 a particularl bad eaflfl — are now well-known. The Soninke homeland was the base of French opera- · river navigation, C0mmandant—Supérieur Borghis—D esbordeg him£lf or tions in the Sudan. After 1880, it came under the jurisdiction of the newly I _ reportedly insulted by the tunka of Kammera when he requested hel foiflfls created military administration of the commandant supérieur du Haut- f ’ stranded boat near the village of Tanbunkaani.‘° Bake] documents rlfiake is Fleuve, then theoretically under the authority of the governor of Senegal, Q mention of recruitments after 1881, and there is reason to think that this wm) but soon to become the colony of French Soudan. The military requisi- indeed the case until the revolt of Mamadu Lamin Darame as tioned laborers to build their telegraph line and their new administrative ~` ` capital of Kayes near Médine, to unload ships, and to pull their river trans- V E ports when stranded in the shallow waters of the Senegal River. They reclui- p ; The Rewft vf Mdmedu L¤mif1 Darame " siridned donkeys to transport their supplies, and occasionally cattle V10 feed · Eyefk ¤l'i0\-lgh the hardship created by French military ex ansion was I their troops, Abdoulaye Bathily saw in these events a major cause of the E l lively limited, resentments arising from the gi-Owing prengh rgsence 2;;revolt or Marnadn Lamin Darame in the Upper Senegal in 18861 ,_ ably did play a role in the revolt led by the Sgninkg cleric llrlamadu limi _ A Closer examination of the documents, however, Sl10WS that the lmlmct . Darame 8m0!1g the Upper Senegal Soninke in rgg6_ Recent Scholarshi n Of the Fl-el-lelq military in the region was relatively H1l¤01”- The lll-lTl'l-bel' of . liewever, has Shown that the revolt had mostly religious mmives It be an Pl req-uigirigned workers before 1886 WEIS small; €V€1'1 Pf0l€C¥€d lllgllles (as dis- 3 V El cl'l»l$3d€ against Ih€ pagan Malinke state of Gamgn (in Bambilxu) indali ringnisl-red from the number of men actually r€C¤lit€¤l) 1'l€V€!` Wefe gl'€3l€l7 Was only after Bundu, a longtime French ally had refused to authmiize thl than zoo or 3oo men at one time, and the largest number of men actually re- , , crossing of its territory by Lamin’s army and was subsequent] attacked th i eruired at one time was 115.2 With one short-term ex¢epti0¤ (a period of T , the Freneh intervened. Ensuing events made clear rhar Mgmadu Lam? three days), the French conscripted workers only after all agricultural work ` Q Darame’s followers harbored deep resentments against the Umarian em 'm had been completed} No recruits were made to work in locations more dis- y " and its ruler, Al-Haj Umar Tal’s son Amadu Sheku whom the accuseilul; [ani than Kgygg, and even though the conscripted workers were paid irregv- ·; V betraying his fathers Islamic ideals. The revolt, theiefere waslihe result Of larly, they were paid at a rate not inferior to that of the market} Villagers A p the progress of militant Islam among the Soninkegz 7 O helping stranded barges were apparently paid.5 Donkeys and cows were ac- , r Soninke royals, the tunka lemmu, who traditionally looked u on cleri tually bought? ., — with contempt, had remained aloof from the growing religigus fervcis Why this moderation? The French needed to protect their supply line to `Z among their countrymen until relatively late in the movement’s rise In 88 I the Sudan and their base of operations in the Upper Senegal-7 They eeuld l ‘· $0¤l¤l<e lal¤¤0fS of the Compagnie des Mécanieiens lndigenes (ville lyell hai-diy afford a revolt in this area, and they knew ih1`0¤'1 their recent €XP€l`l‘ iv presumably Ylmka lemmu), caused a riot in Saint-Louis when the re Ori: ence in 1873 to 1875 that this was a possibility. Soninke reactions to coercion pi _ edly walked carrying their regulation Navy wine rations near a rrlros he at reinforced this perception. In january 1881, the chiefs of Gwey, Kammera, . the time of prayer." During the revolt of Mamadu Lamin Darame qhow Xaaso, and Bundu met in Daramanne (Kammera) and swore on the Koran { _, ever, some I,ZOO to 1,5oo former laptots or former employees of the French that they would net provide a single laborer to the French Nei surprisingly, L j leughf i¤ Lamirfs army. These appeared to be among the leaders Of the. only a small number of men could be conscripted and deserricns were fre- li Wit and the most courageous in battle. The French were Shocked l, ifquent. Desertions eventually were so numerous that Chinese and Moroccan ; ·- episode, which they saw as a mark of ingratitude on the part of their fdim is laborers had to be brought in.“ The chief of the village of Golmi, a former y _ cmployees." In fact, the participation of laptots in the revolt showed the; lapier, hid donkeys lost by a returning French expedition arid, when called · S0¤l¤l<e Warrior aristvcrats (tunka lemmu essentially) were new eemmimil 3e cnnpran 4 A TIME OF Tnouxtns r A , 1 V i los l

‘ ‘ f m The circumstances of the 1881 riot ‘ l The Soninke, moreover, were able to recoup their losses in the war due to *0 the movement Ol lcllglous le Ol lgb ts mus; have been inhueneed by Q the buoyant state of the Upper Senegal economy in the second half of the notWith$f¤¤¤lll'lE¤ Soninkll lapllus and ‘ llllin one of the most active Islamie , L 188os. The revolt of the Mahdi in the Egyptian Sudan suppressed for a time the rellglmls atmosphere m Salnl-Lclllsls ambia with the c0nverSi0¤ of l V ` a dangerous emerging rival of the Senegalese gum arabic}‘ From {885 ro centers in West Africa. As elsewhere in eniia ef-{lies transmuted into re- l 1888, gum exports from Bakel probably were at a level of 1 million francs a ¤a'll‘l°“°"l a¤e¤¤*m lo *°f°"“e‘lISla1l`,gl,Ql,"f,,,j;,,, has called a "crusadi¤g ` ` year, that is, at the level of the overconfident years following establishment ligious zeal» Elvlng birth to vlllal Dllvl O ve their worth by fighting the ? · of free trade after 1848.21 Finally, exports other than gum continued to come ideal? a lmlglng Of young allslocmls lo Pl-O , V from the region, especially grain, which was much in demand to feed the ji}L¢¢{-is 4 French army in the Soudan}’ ` After the repression of the revolt, the French evidently were in a better Afier the Revolt , · position to demand services from the Soninke, but they used this ability spar- D ams and the repression Lllai followed were 3 ; lflgly 65 {HY as labor recruitrrient was concerned}" The Frengh probably The revolt of Mamadu Lamtnl ar { Th vents Of 1886 did not consume ' feared a new outbreak of violence if they showed themselves too demand¤¤sd1l°* the leglolll Yet the lmllacl O d xm the sale of war booty made l ‘ lng. They were also concerned with maintaining their grain and livestock the Yeglonls Wealth Colonel Flay slated ' ` tration to make a gift of ISO Q- , supplies from this region}; In addition, the policies of the ofiiciers soudanais during the revolt enabled the French. adrffiiml There were 140 French sol- ii V came under sharp scrutiny in the French Parliament after 1888, and orders francs to each soldier who had l0“ght_mF E vis g0]umh_l” Many died in the i were sent against the use of forced labor. The region from Bakel to Kayes, diers and 380 Senegalesp tzrazllenrr in {EY rin these deaths (which I can- 4* well—frequented by Saint—Louisien traders, could not hope to escape attenCampalgm mostly from heal and dlsllsll gllog 030 {yancs, There were also ‘ l Fl01'1, 65 did the 1‘e1I10T;e regions to the east that the French were then connot estimate), the lewllld would come lo 717 received nothing from the _ quering}° Finally, forced labor recruitments were politically unwise given z.,ooo African auxiliaries, who most cilalll ymnst have been for many of I the role that the Soudanese oflicers had devised for Africans——providing French but took booty as Well (lallmg Olxythg re ression of the revolt). .2 wealth for the Soudanese treasury. them their main reason for partiC1Patnig lll S, boclly we come to 156,ooo Q j Following the revolt of Mamadu Lamin, the French annexed the former Counting an equal Flgule lol Elle auxl ll;-ilbi1tion” (was that the same as the i Goye Independant (now known as Goye Inférieur) and Kammera in 188 8,27 francs. Bathily also mentions a war;c0l';‘ O DOQ francs paid by the popula- I and later a number of Gidimaxa villages in 1891. An agreement with the reward to soldiers mentionpjl "b°Ye` El Eelotal estimate comes to 686,000 ` . rulers of Gwey specified that there would be no more conscription of labortions Of the Upper Senegal. Adclmgth lll tern Sgnirtke prOViHC€$ of Klnglv ¢ ` €1'$ but that Gwey WOllld HOW pay the personal tax.28 As we have seen, the francsl In l893l ll French census fl? d ET the gwned 2 100 horses, 3:OOO Z French WEYE well 3·W3I‘€ of Elle Véfy substantial taxes paid to the Umarians by Kenyareme, and Gidyume recor erh a wgent of between 1,916,000 and — the Soninke villages on the right bank of the Senegal River in the 18705, cows or oxen, and i¤¤»O°° Sllelpg Ol ll gllgllmmera which were affected by , ‘ which seemed to be easily collected. The French, however, tended to over3¤l$°=°°° francs? GWEy° Gllllmaxil { abomlhelf that of these three ; _· estimate the amounts paid to the Umarians; in 1887, Colonel Frey believed the French leplessllml had ll Polm llllgn Odue to their location on the banks '~ that Gidirnaxa paid an improbable 6o,¤oo francs annually to Amadu Shekn,"’ provinces, but they were also mucl"; ric ei; ke, Ohtical report of 1889, three > There was an element of “wisl1ful thinking" in tl1ese misconceptions, for the of the $e¤€€al Rlvehll In Poml Ol gm at a{Hm;cc»» and of the "Pi-espetous ~ ’ Soudanese oiiicers were impatient to free themselves from the control of the years after the revolt, spoke of the- gfea sasaid to be particularly rich in live- , ` -Senegalese administration and the French Parliament, which both tried to Stale), of Gweyr and m 1892 lllll legloll Wa . l restrain the pace of conquest in the Sudan. The military wanted to create an stock}° . ` CHAPTER 4 V In A ruvta or raoustas i` t nai ·‘ ln"'

autonomous Soudan colony with its own budget and revenue. The problem 1 1 Tcéla 4.1’*’ was that French Soudan had no sea outlet and that Senegal obstinately re- * fused to surrender part of its customs revenues, even though a sizeable pro- Y t ` yea, Mmts Tun, ptise/[6],, (H F,.t,,,s_d palm, rn Fraud portion actually came from the export of Upper Senegal g·um.’° In an age , when the income of most European colonies came from export taxes—tl·1at 1889 [350] 1.25 ` ’437’500 is, customs revenues—the projected Soudan colony would have to try to — . 1890 225 0-83 186350 support itself on persona.] tax." 4 Iss, 600 tl-Z] 720,000 Since the Soudan in 1888 was legally part of Senegal, it could not have s M 1892 157 LO 1571,00 tax olic distinct from the mother colony. But Senegal raised its persona _~ ~ ’ tax gutsidle of Saint-Louis to 3 francs per person in 1888 in order to meet the t °‘4‘3jj§ m0’000_1g§°§g2 growing expenses of the rapidly expanding col0ny.” (Even after this reform `V 1895 sm 0-4 124%,00 in 1889, only 315,000 francs, about II percent, of Senegalese revenues came s l tsgsc 329 0-6 197:400 from direct taxes, as against 2,439,500 francs in indirect taxes.)” Moreover, U I 1897 218 033 71,940 the number of taxpayers had been in the past S0 g1'OSSly L\J1CleI€Sfl¤'1¤f€d in _ the Upper Senegal region that it was possible t0 obtain 6 Considefa-ble i¤· _ V The fall in the price of gum was catastrophic for French trade in the Upper crease in tax revenues simply by applying the laW·3” The 1889 Pe1‘S0¤¤l tax in 5 Senegal, and in Bakel particularly. Even counting other local exports, such as Bakel yielded 6,5cc {HHCS- The following Yeafi it yielded 227000 francs}; ~ ' peanuts, the Bakel trade for ISQ4 came to an all-time low of 1.7 percent of all Tax this year was collected for the flrst time in m0I1ey fiitllef than in cereals i Senegalese exports, while in 186o it stood at about I6 Poyo€m_” The {au in or in guinees. As there was an insufficient supply of currency in the region, Y i the price of gum, moreover, was lasting and definitive. The most immediate French francs rose in real value (Le., became Overvalued in relation t0 the , — result of the gum Crash was a Vast deficit in the Bakel trade. The main Pmb_ value of local exports) by about 25 percent, adding to the taXp2Yef’S burden ` lem for the region was not really taxation but that the revenue from exports Of an already vastly increased tax.““ In 1893, with the incorporation of 6 t no longer covered the cost of imports. In 1894 Bake] exports came only to number of Gidimaxa villages into the cercle of Bakel, the income from per- ` j 2O4,477_4S {1-ams, While impotts stood st s6s7Ot9_6s {,.snss_ Thsss imports sonal tax rose to 37,000 francs, 80 percent of which WES paid in €11Y1'€¤€Y and J l were composed mostly of cloth (63 percent) and African goods such as kola 1.0 percent in guinées. Adding an estimated figure for Kemmefa (V/l'¤i€l1 Was _ nuts and livestock (16 percent), with European manufactured goods other part of the cercle of Médine and on whichl lack information) and 2.5 percent , ~ than cloth making up 3 meta L6, Pstssttt (this steady goes against the for the local inflation of currency, we come to afigure of about 60,000 francs ‘ t stereotype Of an African Continent hungry {Ot shoddy Eutopssn goods) for the Upper Senegal Soninke of Gwey, Kammefe, and Gidim¤X¤·37 , A More than half of the value of imports was composed of guinées, which g , were given on credit by Saint-Louis traders to traitants upstream, who themThe Gum crash , ` selves sold the guinées ontcredit to Beydan in exchange for the promise of a 3 _ supply of gum."° It was this reliance on credit in the gum trade that probably The increase in the tax burden came at the wrong time. The high price of V I explains why the deficit was so large at the beginning of the crisis. Another gum in the years 1885 to 1888 was short-lived; as soon as the Mahdist revolt E _ reason was that the river was navigable only between ]uly and january, ended, the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan resumed its gum exports with a y While the main gum season lasted from February to july. Traders thus had to vengeance, driving down the price of Senegalese gum in devastating pro- l ~ import their merchandise Hrst during the second half of the years taking a portions, as the following figures for Bakel (no figures for Médirie seem to be ` chance that they would be able to sell it to Beydan in the first half of the folavailable) demonstrate: , V lowing year."' c1-1A1>·rE1z 4 _l A ruvuz or rizouarizs I na 1 I F ~— I

Because of the importance of the desert-side trade, the gum crash was lj ~ The Uf’Pe’ Senegal Regrerf efrer the Gum Crue bound to have repercussions on the welfare of the Soninke. Their predica- V ‘ The deeline or the Babel region, which had onee been so important in ment was worsened by a series of adverse coincidences. A cattle epidemic _ the economy or Senegal, was lasting ln ioogt former Balrel Cornrnandant destroyed most of the herds around Bakel in 1892., wiping out the farmers’ t ` Frederic Rieinbau described Balrel as ·={a_llen to the rank oi- a vets, secondary "bank H¤C011¤fS·”'°Z There were also had eroPs rhat Year> and ri"-larandrre _ p market town," whereas twelve to fifteen years before, it had beena"very immeasures (apparently because of a cholera epidemic) made it impossible to . _ portant trading post=> where most or the larger trading houses were repre_ lrnPort gralh from Darnga or hh'-he Tooro ro relleve the rood Sh<>¤¤a¤·" I · sented.s" The decline of gum also brought about a gradual decline of the In 189;, the cerclc of Bakel Was returned ro [he eolohv or Senegah Arrer l `· village trading posts. In Bakel itself, the newly installed French trading G0Ve1'¤0f·Genernl Chandlei lh a slseeeh glveh in Bake] ln November rem? l * house of Marc Caland, which brought stiff competition to Saint-Louisien led r—he PoP‘·‘latloh to helleve that the French no longer reeognlzed slavervv { black traitants, preferred to exchange merchandise for currency instead of slaves in Gwey and in Gidimaxa fled in large numbers. Although most sub- ~ E local products;1 seqhehdv were rethrrled ro their mastsrsl at leasr rvvo hhhdred managed ro ` ? This account from Bakel, however, somewhat overdramatizes the longescape to Fuuta Tooro or the Gambia or to obtain freedom certificates from it l term irnpaet of the gum Crisis on the Upper Senegal Soninlre The Soninlre the French."‘ Moreover, under the administration of Senegal, taxes were no . V Continued to weave and export Cotton cloth, which was in growing demand longer collected in December after crops had been harvested and sold, as had I ` in urban and eash_orot, producing rural areas They continued to export been the case While Bake] WAS Pai'? Of the Sonelani but in the rnhldle or the il l livestock, and in this respect, they probably benefited in the short run from Year: during the ehhngry seasonal, when farmers orreh had ro horrevv grain Q the crash since the necessity to repay debts must have encouraged the Bey{fom rrairanrs in Be-lrel· BY°a Sad eornhlnadorl of elrehmsraheesv a severe ~`~ l dan to sell part of their livestock at lower prices. Reports from Bakel for the drought hit rhe Balrel region ln l89o· The arehrves for Balrel ln r897 glve l _' beginning of the twentieth century mention dry-season migrations to sell definite indications of serious economic distress. Villagers had to borrow " T Cloth in Kayesl Rutistruel Bathurst, and generally all urban Centers and tra,_.l_ grarn hrohghr from Darhge and Sondan ln order ro Survive during several A l ing posts along the Senegal River and railway, or again to sell livestock months before harvestfs There was strong resistance to tax collection; r T bought from Beydan in Nioro to buyers in Siin_Saluurn and the Garnbiasz village ehlefs or rlorahles from the villages or K¤¤%¤¤l» Aruhdhv Yaarerav l` The demand for cereals among the Beydan, moreover, was not likely to disAllahimai Turims (GWeY)¤ and sellhahv (cldlrnaxa) were lelled¤ and the * appear because of the gum crash (although many Beydan, especially slaves commandant threatened the tunka and the village chiefs of Gwey that he V and people ot lower status, progressively turned to agriculture in the twen_ w¤¤ld statloh aPlatoon or ·rP’aerr (Serlegelese Cavalry) on their terrlrorY> who A tieth century). Finally the decline of French trade in the Upper Senegal reWvuldlive Ogfhelandy until the tax vvas Paldré Some villages had to borrow ` gion was never absolute. Gum, millet, and even peanuts continued to be gdlnees (Whleh they hsed to Pav he tax) from Bahel rrahahts= who loahed " I bought in Kayes, Bakel, and the village trading posts.s’ Major Saint-Louisieri rhern at the l-lshrlohs Prlee or lo rrahes (rhe ehrrerlt Prlee was 7 francs). to be ( _ trading houses did retreat from Bakel, but the old trade of the marigotiers rePald in Eraln arrer harvest- Other vlllagers had to Pavvh rhelrlewelrvv their { V quickly filled their place. In 191:-., it was reported that villagers in Gwey Personal WeaPons» and even in sorne eases their ¤1¤th¤S in order to Pev r-he _· · found the price of 0.04 francs a kilogram offered for peanuts by traders in MX-*7 CFOPS Were had in *89% too: end the rollovvlng Veer was agalh verv . Bakel too low and that they preferred to sell them to Saint-Louisien and diihcult {Or the P<>Pl1l3fi0¤ Of the Cereleee The Year r9oo was also had he' - l Waalo Beydan canoe owners, who offered twice as much.5" The volume of cause of drought, and some deaths by hunger were reported in Bundu, al- t , such tragic Should not be underestimated; between loss and ,963, Canoe though not in Gajaaga."" K , rraffic on the Senegal River was estimated at 1 5,ooo to zo,ooo tons annually.55 t As evidence that the Soninke were able to recoup their losses in this period, CHAPTER 4 e it NME or rnouiuas r moi ` V [ rel l

the Bakel cercle was reported in 1904 (slightly more than a decade after the . , This was the first report of modern labor migration from the more eastdevastating cattle epidemic of 1892) as owning a herd of 8,500 cows, 8,200 » , erly Soninke regions known to the French as the “Sahel""’ and it becomes sheep, and 8,700 goats.“ This represented capital of about 930,000 francs, Q fascinating when one considers that these regions were indeed quite well—ofl` providing an annual increase in value of 60,000 francs, equivalent to my es- ` (a 189; French census of Kingi, Kenyareme, and the neighboring Soninke timate for the taxes paid to the Soudanese administration in the entire Upper ~ province of Gidyume found cattle holdings of a value superior to two milSenegal region in 189; (see above), _ lion francs)? Again, this migration was motivated by differences of income Moreover, the decline of the Upper Senegal region was not general. p between the migrants’ regions of origin and destination. A kilogram of While the Bakel region stagnated, the Médine-Kayes region continued to ex- . . sorghum sold in normal years in the IBQOS for 0.04 francs in Nioro and 0.15 pand. In 1895, the quantity of gum exported from the French Soudan, that is 5 francs in Bakel. Guinées cost II francs in Nioro and only 8 francs in Bakel." from the Kayes-Nioro region, was already superior to the quantity exported ,i With a yearly commercial surplus of 100 mudd, or 2.20 kilograms, a farmer from Bakel, about 500 metric tons. In 1898, it had reached 1,781 tons." Fur- V around Nioro sold it for 0.88 guinées a year while a farmer in the Upper thermore, the region above Bakel benented from the proximity of Kayes, 5 Senegal region sold it for 4.125 guinées.‘5 Thus returns on commercial cereal which was the river port of entry into (and for a time the capital of) French ,~ V production were Jive times higher in the Upper Senegal region than in the Soudan. In 1900, the Soninke regions of Gidimaxa and Kammera were said » Sahel. Furthermore, as in the case of the navetanes, the migrants could buy to be the wealthiest in the cercle of Kayes. Peanuts were “in abundance" and ; { a host of cheaper—priced European trade goods in Kayes, Médine, or Bakel taxes were collected "witl10ut ptessure." That same year, it was reported that · e and probably sell cattle or cloth there as well. trading posts were opening in the cercle along the Senegal River, that is, in `Q . But why the employment of fee laborers rather than slave: at this particKammera and the Soudanese part of Gidimaxa.58 In 1910, some 8,000 tons of _ ular time? In 1894, slaves were still imported in the cercle of Bakel from the peanuts were exported from Kayes, most of them from the cercle, an im- _i ` states of Tyeba and Samori. (They were, in fact, listed among other compressive record if we consider that the much—famed contemporary 191; A _ modities in French commercial reports for Bakel!)" But the situation may "peanut boom" in Kano in northern Nigeria amounted to no more than the i { have been different in Gidimaxa. The 1881 treaty of Nango between the export of 6,000 tons of peanuts.‘°’ Yet Soninke districts in the cercle of Kayes 5 French and the Umarian empire had given Gidimaxa to the Umarians, but were especially affected by labor migration.°“ = the oihciers souclanais, who probably remembered the political difficulties experienced in the Upper Senegal in the 1870s, never seem to have accepted , 5 this clause (the treaty itself was never ratified). In 1886, Colonel Frey took Immigration in a Land of Emig1‘HtiOn ` advantage of the revolt of Mamadu Lamin Darame to wage war on Gidi— 1 maxa, but he was disavowed by Paris. with the appointment of Louis ArchiOne of the striking illustrations of the fact that “push” explanations are in- f nard as commandant-supérieur of the Soudan in April 1888, the military sufficient to capture the complex reality of migration is the z}z—migration that · _ resumed its aggressive stance against the Umarian empire. Circumstances took place at the time in the eastern part of Gidimaxa (located in the cercle ` provided an opportunity to pressure Gidimaxa into asking "v0luntarily" for of Kayes), which itself was also a region of out-migration. I quote the report , I its own annexation. Many Soninke families were then leaving the region to for 1892 to 1893 from the French commandant in Kayes: j` join the heartland of the Umarian empire. Their slaves often refused to fol_ _ _ _ _ , low them. They fled to Bakel to claim their freedom from the French. The The P“TP1° Of 1 K·¤g1»t¤$* Kenymme mush to ·¤heb¤ a mh I French no all in Crime sim who asked for it under as t i { and fertile land, but one that is situated too far from trading centers, come , _ _ _ _ _ ’ _ Pm ex O to farm in Gidimaxa at the beginning of each cultivation season; [they] ~ ._ 'opposmg Emigmmm to the Umarian empuefn In 188% Bakers wlldge de M' make me Or two harvests, which they trade {Or guineeg], and then remm _ erté was reported to be made up almost entirely of fugitives from Gidimaxa. to their region of origin, bringing back with them the fruit of their labor."‘ _ ~ In I890, Gidimaxa villages gave in and the following year they were added cnaprna 4 { , A NME or rnoustzs [ 102 ] 4 -; l 102 l

to the French territory, at their own "request."°“ The most important point " impossible that their migration did not continue in the area. In 1900, as I for us in this story is not the number of slaves liberated (the Bakel village de t K noted earlier, peanuts were mentioned as “abundant" in the cercle of Kayes, liberté never had more than 500 occupants), but that French policy made ` V ` and by 191o,aconsiderable 8,000 tons of peanuts were exported from Kayes, Gidimaxa for several years a hazardous place to buy or sell trade slaves (who ’ ~ most of them coming from the cercle. We shall see later that this expansion were more likely to escape). This could explain why farmers, instead of im- 5 * continued after the First World War—in the face of the end of slavery in porting slaves, had to depend on free migrants in order to meet the expand- ` 190; to 1910 and 1918 to 192.0 and of very high rates of emigration in the ining labor needs of their commercial agriculture. It Should be noted, V * terwar period.”" The migration of the nansoka must have helped maintain however, that once Gidimaxa chiefs made their submission in 1890, the { _ production during these years. There is mention of such migrants after the French returned escaped slaves to the villages—thus it was no longer risky t Second World War: the employment of migrants (who were in this case to bring slaves into the area."’ Perhaps the reason for using free migrants, ,· "most often haratin Moors") is mentioned by Boyer for Kingi jawara in the then, was that they required a lower amount of investment capital than · late [9405,75 slaves (who had to be bought, in addition to being housed and fed). ` r The nansoka were thus the historical predecessors of the surga—the seaThere are Other, later references to {ree in-migrants in the Upper Senegal Q sonal migrants who today work on Sonin.ke farms while most of the Soninke region \X/yjtjng during 1898 and 1899, Charles Monteil mentioned migrant » are themselves away in migration abroad. In Gajaaga and Gidimaxa, the laborers called mmm/ta ("I work for you," i.e., hired laborers).”" Some were ` - surga come from Soninke regions further east—as the nansoka did in the mzrtraka de mil (“sorghum nansoka”), who worked in Gajaaga and jomboxo ; i 189os—but many are also Xaasonke and especially “Bambara,” an imprecise (Xaaso)—that is, these were the migrants described in the 1892 to 1893 re- I term that probably includes Malinke as well as Bambara.7‘ In Jafunu, acport quoted above—but others "came to cultivate peanuts." Monteil does { cording to Pollet and Winter, seasonal farm laborers are Beydan coming not specify where these "peanut nansoka” were employed, although Gidi- ` ; from regions to the north, as many were in Kingi jawara in the late 19405.77 maxa, Kamniera, and Xaaso villages along the Senegal River in the néigh- , ` Most reports on the surga describe their employment as a recent developborhood of Kayes and Médine, close to the French trading houses, seem the ‘ ment. But the evidence presented above, of course, contradicts this allegamost probable location. Monteil mentioned that migrant nansoka had to pay .` ti tion. The Soninke, incidentally, were not the only ethnic group in the area to a certain quantity of their crop to their jatigi and to village chiefs. The men- Q I hire free labor migrants at the end of slavery; the Marka of Mali, who are tions of jatigi and of the custom of making a payment to village chiefs 5 i ethnic relatives and geographical neighbors of the Soninke, succeeded in exstrongly recall early navetanat." Although Monteil does not describe the _ " panding their commercial production of cereals in the face of a general exocontracts between the migrants and their employer, Pollet and Winter have dus of their slaves in 1905 to 1910, by replacing them with free migrant given a description of two contemporary nansoka arrangements in jafunu. 1 ,. laborers."“ Under what Seems to be the Oldest type of arrangementfz the nansoka are 1 i How did the migration of nansoka first develop from jafunu, Kenyareme, housed and fed by their employer, and they receive their seed from him. In — and Kingi? The available documents give no indications, but we can make exchange, they work for their employer {ive mornings a week. The rest of I t some plausible speculations. As is very often the case in West Africa, the their time they are free to work on their personal plot"; In other W01‘dS, the . g same clans are represented across geographical boundaries. The jawara, in arrangement is virtually the same as a navetane contract. i * particular, whose base is in Kingi ]awara, have a branch in the Gidirnaata of By the time Monteil wrote, the slave trade had lost its main p1‘0ViSi0¤i1’1g j _` Kayes, Where they form the nucleus of ten villages. 79 They are also represource in the Western Sudan with the capture of Samori Ture by the French , sented in ]afunu.“° There are also alliances, cemented by joking relationin 1898. By 1905 to 1910, slavery itself was to disappear, or rather, to trans- i ships, between clans and even between poliues. Thus the people of ]afunu form in very significant ways (see Chapter Five). For these reasons, al- and Gidimaxa share a joking relationship and a particular form of intermarthough we have no mention of nansoka in Kayes after the 18905, it seems ` { riage (with a faked abduction).“‘ Looking into the details of clan and family CHAPTER 4 y _, A TIME or raoustes [ ml · "” [ "‘* l

history one realizes that the Soninke homeland is crisscrossed by clan ties , lv I give below the information about the geographical origin of the miand alliances, which are the result of past migration and history and which ' . grants: probably played a role in the emergence of modern migrations.82 l . ` · Tulle 4.2 r Geographical Origins of the Congo Migrants, 1894 Rare Detailed Data on the M igrcztions The Congo M igrtmt Sampfe ‘ ‘_ I have already discussed the numerical information on Soninke migration L F°“" °"m‘“““€$ provided by Captain Brosselard that I,§O0 to z,oo0 former laptots or em- ` gtcuis &sU‘burbS 8 ployees of the French participated in the revolt of Mamadu Lamin Darame ` ~ n R;,,;;u€ g in 188; to t886,“ This seemingly modest figure actually suggests that labor V _ Subtotal 14 4,7% migration was already well established among the Upper Senegal Sontnke . Other urban Gamers before the gum crash (since it represented zo percent or more of the adult , Thiés 1 male population of Gajaaga and Gidimaxa).“" It, however, tells us little Tivaouane 1 about the geographical or social origins of the migrants, although other · · Subtotal 2 0_7% sources give us some indications in this respect. The two documents ana- ` V Nmhcm Wok),. Smeg lyzed below, by contrast, are invaluable detailed “samples” of the migration, Jambuu,. 4 at an early date and also at the crucial time of the gum crisis.“ . » ]olof 3 In 1888, the Congo Free State began recruiting workers in Senegal for the Q K¤j¤¤r 19 building of what was to become the Matadi-Kinshasa railway, linking the ; Waalo 9 Congo (Zaire) River basin to the Atlantic Ocean. Employers in Senegal’s l j subtotal 35 116% colonial towns, who feared a flight of their skilled labor force and a higher ` Southern W¤l¤f and Sereer states cost of labor, demanded and obtained from French authorities a complete ` ° BWOI 3 ban on recruiting by foreign powers in the colony. During the following ` gzgmm Zi years, however, agents of the Congo Free State came to an agreement with I , Niom du Rip 5 Saint-Louis merchants, in particular with the powerful Creole (mulatto) ` Rip 1 Deves family. The Frenchman Albert Laplene, a relative by marriage of the ‘ . Subtotal 32 106% Devés, began to recruit laborers in Gorée and Ruiisque for the Congo Rail- ` 4 British Gambia 3 1 % way Colonial authorities, however, continued to oppose the recruitment and prevented the departure of laborers from Senegalese harbors after 1894. l A Fm;;;::r° During an enquiry in Gorée that year, the colonial police recorded the 1 Fodor i names, place of birth, occupation, and other details pertinent to the recruit- , _, puma 63 ing operations of 301 would—be migrants.“° `A _ Tooro 13 The migrants were all recruited in colonial towns of Senegal and in Saint- “G¤1¤m" 6 Louis, but especially in Dakar and Rufisque. Most were temporary migrants I , Submal 87 29 % who were looking for employment but without success since Senegal was l l Bundu 2 O_7% going through a period of economic recession and urban unemployment at V Fw-Ita .l¤l0¤ 2 0,7% the time. The 1894 list, therefore, is a rare document on temporary urban mi- ' Casmance I 0.3% grtzzian in the Senegambia at the end of the nineteenth century. , CHAPTER 4 I V A NME or rnountns l io6 l l ` . [ 107 l

Table 4.2 pam) ` grants out of eighty-two were not from riverine villages, and seven out of Lvmliv EmZ§*'¤V¢¤ Pmfenfagf t V these eleven came from jafunu, which was linked at the time to the Senegal srminke yl River network by the Xoolinbinne River. The predominance of migrants ijnknown ' ” l ' I from river villages suggests that migration from colonial towns among the (ESV; T;:l;;i;tla“t 22 ` ~ Soninke was an outgrowth of earlier employment as laptots or as workers of Bak; 8 `_ Q the French commercial network along the Senegal River Valley. Damga 10 , K The second observation about Soninke migrants is more puzzling. PractiGidimaxa 7 ` i mlb! all the migrants from Gajaaga came either from “maraboutic villages” Kammera 15 ‘, j (villages whose population belonged in majority to the clerical classes) or jafunu 7 Z ~ from royal villages.“ Villages of casted artisans (Sebeku),’·"’ of Bacili exSubI;;;° 8; 27 2% " cluded from royal succession (Gallade, Golmi, Arundu, Gunjamu, Segala), ' , » and villages of mangu (villages of nonroyal, nonclerical aristocracy: Gu$¤¤¤l¤¤ _ »· cube, Sengalu, Xaabu Kammera, Songone, Yaagine, Ambidedi) were not EEZ; °°““"‘ T represented in the migration——with the lone exception of one migrant from subtotal 33 11 % , 3 the mangu village of Songone (Kammera)."" Undetermined S 4.2% T able 443 Tm, , 301 100 % “ _ First, we should note the distances traveled by some of the migrants; in K Gwey I894, as many as II percent of the labor migrants to Dakar came from the ll ]¤W¤¤'¤ 9 X faraway French Soudan, a remarkable observation for such an early date. ’ Tiv¤¤*i¤ 10 X Second, the migrating regions were not necessarily the most densely popu- ‘ Q $:5;;,5, ; [il lated; figures are almost negligible for the Sereer province of Siin and for ` hi Yeuingam 3 X Bawol, two of the most densely populated Senegalese regions today. Third, I S Yaagm 1 [X] migrants often came from comparatively wealthy regions, such as Kajoor _ Kammem and Saalum, the main peanut-producing areas of Senegal at the time. ° p Tafasmga 8 X Saalum, which was the region of origin of one-third of the migrants, like .` Daramanne l X Gidimaxa, was both a region of in—migration (navetanes) and out-migra- ‘ Laani 4 X X tion.“7 Finally, the main migrating regions were all situated along major l G““l“’“ 1 X communication routes, the Senegal River (Fuuta Tooro and Soninke home- ` _ V land) and the Dakal__Saim_LOuiS railway OOl_>__this Observation is also _ ;Therc arc three Laani in Kamrnera: Laani is a royal village, Laani Moodi is a maraboutic vil_ _ _ _ : age, and Laani Taxutala is a slave and state official (mangu?) village. They are situated side by side. valid for Saalum, a river delta, well-frequented by coastal navigation at the » Bathilyg "tmperia1ism amd Colonial Erp;m$i0n,·· P, 92, · time. ; y Let us now examine the Soninke in the "sample." Once again, we note the l { Unfortunately most of the r894 emigrants did not give their family importance of the Senegal River: the great majO1‘lty of the $0Hl1'1l<€ villages , { names (followingln this the Senegambian custom of going by their firstname aikcred by the migration were situated along the river. Only eleven mi- j _ followed by their mother’s first name),but some did, providing an indication cnnrraa 4 V, A ruvte or raouatns [108] il _; [109]

of their social origin (with an important reservation that I will discuss in 4 l Although some of the names hint at a low social status (such as Kulubali, greater detail below—clan names indicating a high social status are some- I a Bambara name indicating a probable slave origin), names usually borne by times borne by persons of low status): ` aristocratic and chiefly families, and client families, are in evidence. Going V down the list in more detail one notes: T alle 4.4 l ’ 1894 Congo Migrants: Gajaaga Names and Villages t I · IN GWEYZ Tiyaabll (royal Village) , In Tgmaéu (the royal village of Gwey), the Bacili are the royal clan of Ama, Baku, Bacili Royalfamily of Gwey ` _ Gajaaga; and the ]awara are a lineage of casted clients of the Bacili."' In Silly N’Dlaye Njaay _/award (a large maraboutic village), the Saaxo are the village chiefs, the Sise Amady Diawara Jawara , and Diaxite are notable families of the village;"2 and the Dukure are a I¤W¤r¤£m¤r¤1;>¤t1¤v1ll¤s¤) lu hi P { _1 , maraboutic family. In Muderi, the Njaay are the village chiefly family. In Sam a Sa ° , Sam) V1 age C _° S lm Y l Mtznnayel, the Koyta are a maraboutic family. It should be noted also that the Bakary Doueom-e Dukure Maraboutic family A 1 .11 { d d b h ll h 1 I, , , ,,3 Samba Cissé Sise Family of nombles ~ _ vi age was oun e y t e ]a o, w o are c ose c 1€I1tS of the Bacili. Mody Cissé Sise Family of notables . Séga Diahilé jaxite Family of notables ~, 1 2 · I N KAMME R AZ Bouma Caita Koyta ` V In Muzrsala (one of the royal villages that vied for power in Kammera), Saliba I$°“l°“l’al‘ Kulllball ' the Bacili are the royal clan of Gajaaga. I have no information about the Mug/iiiinlisgoudc villa e) , ]°°P ` ‘ Tarawere in Laani, but Laani Tunka is an important royal village and Laani Deb Diayc? E Njaay Village chieps family V Moodi an important maraboutic village. In Dtzramane, the Darame are the Mamayel (maraboutic Village) l A most important client lineage of the royal Bacili in Gajaaga. In T afzsirzgrz (an Mamadou Calm Kgyga Ma;-abgutig family 5 l important maraboutic village, where the Darame have a strong presence), Bottbou N’Diaye Njaay ` ’ the Suumare are the village chief ’s family. In addition, it should be noted Y¤l;¤g¤rE§¤;¤r=-l>¤¤r1¤V¤ll¤g¤> H Q ; that the Suumare have a jonghu (blood brotherhood) with the Bacili.°‘* 1 E 3 1a° Ja O ` J have no information about the Fofana of Tafasiriga, but the Fofana of KAMMERA: · t Golmi (Gwey) were “great slaves" of the Bacili in Gajaaga."‘ Muusalafroyalvlllagel _ , _ l , Finally, we have available another list of emigrants, drawn for intelliMamadou Bathily Bacili Royal family of Kammera . . . . . . . . Laani (mya1v,Hag€> _ gence purposes by the British administration in the Gambia in 1897 after Samba Tarawam Tarawere French opposition to the emigration movement forced recruiters to move Daramame (marabcmjc Village) Y A their headquarters out of Senegal." Out of 156 migrants, IOS were Soninke Mamadou Deramé Darame Very important maraboutic family `§ ; and IZO came from the Bakel region. Tafasiriga (maraboutic village) l I · , The 1897 list must be treated with more caution since it gives no informaignlbadsouglare iuumare vluage Chief S famlly j Y tion on the villages of origin of the migrants. But some observations may be Lsglmg; OW Czm ’ made. First, many of the names are the same as those in the 1894 list, leaving -1-iéouliu Tmovaué Tamwere · , the impression that the migrants of 1897 were relatives of the migrants of Bakary poham pofam . f 1894. Second, the 1897 list comprises several new names, some of which may ` g have come from client families of the Bacili and maraboutic families. The CHAPTER 4 A NME or raouatas [H0] 1 " I ru 1

Table 4.5 ir It is true that clan names are not an absolute indicator of social class. ¤897 C0¤E° Mig1'¤¤*$= Names V — There are in the Upper Senegal region families of slave status, for example, j , who bear the royal name of Bacili (this occurs in particular with the practice Name Numéer Village ii V . of “adoption" of slaves by their rnasters’ family, in fact, a form of clientage). " ` However, the suggestion derived from clan names in the list is here rein*Bathily [Bacili] 3 Tiyaabu, Laani , forced by other evidence. First, as we have seen, only royal and maraboutic T¤¤1<¤» Muusala " _ villagers migrated in 1894, not mangu villagers. Second, we have seen that C‘*`m?“* [Kamara] (see b‘i1°W) there were many laptots who became chiefs or kings from the eighteenth Rqigsfgtigiamara] 6 ii i century to the beginning of the twentieth century (see Chapters Two and Timéra [Timmera] (see below) i i_ Three), and 0¤€ I8$j document €Ve1'1 alleged that the Bacili royal family Tom-é [Tum-Q] (see below) { _ maintained a monopoly on employment in the French commercial sector in *Diawara []awara] 1 { _· the Upper Senegal (see Chapter Two). Finally, we know that working for $iSS<>k<> [$i5<>X¤] 2 1 V the French paid comparatively enormous wages, which were used by the miMa;"b°‘·‘“f 1 Bakel Lam, Muodi ` 1 grants to buy slaves and probably to compete in local politics (see Chapters Dmme [Dai-amel DamZ¤anne’ Glmjuiu . T Two and Three). Taken together, the data suggest that many, perhaps most, Diakhc [1,,3,,0 :-1-mqigoml Z [Kungam Jaxali] ~ of the Soninke who worked for the French came not from the lower classes Timéra [Timmera] 1 Yaafera ~ j of society, but from the upper classes. Touré [Tuure] c Z Muderi , V *Soumaré [Suumare] 2 Laani Moodi, { Tafasiriga ·` Comparison with Fuutanke M zgrant: in the 1894 Sample Ch;§1:lEI;;3:la;tab1€S: 4 Manmycl ` l ` It is interesting to compare migrants from Gajaaga and F uuta Tooro in the *SakhO [Sago] 3 ]awa1-3 y Q. 1894 sample. I am most thankful to ]ean Schmitz for helping me identify the *Cissé [Sise] 4 jawara [_ { villages of Fuutanke migrants on the yet unpublished ORSTOM anthropo*Di¤khi¤é [lame] 1 Jewm `V i, logical map of the Senegal River Valley (unfortunately, this map does not int i clude Gajaaga) and for providing me with data relative to the possible social ` ° origin of the migrants.‘°° The great majority of the sixty—eight Fuutanke migrants came from vil]aaxo (also called Tanjigora) are a close second behind the Darame in the lages located on or in the vicinity of the Senegal River and its important order of rnaraboutic clients of the Bacili (according to tradition, they 31'€ ji i branch, the Doué, which parallels a very large portion of its course, This even blood relatives of the Bacili). The Timmera and Tuure, together with .- ;\ was, of course, to be expected since Fuuta Tooro is a river valley. But the the ]allo, were the main client “warri0r” families of Gejaagedl In addition, f , majority of the migrants (54 percent), also came from the region near the there are also clerical families of Timmera and Tuure in the villages of (re- V confluence of the Senegal and the Doué, situated between Kaskas and censpeetively) Yaafera and Muderi. The Kamara are tunka lemmu in Gidimaxa, I _ tral Ngenaar, upstream from Kaedi."' This is the most populated region of but the Kamara of Golmi (Gwey) are "great slaves" of the Bacili; nick- ~ I Fuuta Tooro, but it is also an important node in the hydrographic system of named kara-/coma ("death s1aves"), they were a kind of elite fighting COYPS in . y the Senegal River. For French navigation, this was a dangerous zone: shoals Gajaaga."“ Finally, the Sisoxo, originally griots of the Koyta, are clients of j in Kaskas, Salde (especially), and Oudourou (in Ngenaar, upstream from the Bacili, especially in Kammera,°" . Kaedi) often forced boats to unload and reload, exposing them to pillage."’Z CHAPTER 4 1 Q A NME or Txouetas [uz] `. iv Iiuzl

It would have been logical for the French to hire additional boat hands in this ; ’ the r89os, the Soninke themselves had migrants working for them. Second, region, thus initiating a movement of migration. These recruitments would , urban migration in the Senegambia in the 18905 affected not the poorest rehave taken place mostly in fishermen villages, and in villages located near 5 gions or social classes, but the more well-oif. fords (which of course were shoals for French ships). This hypothesis ap- · The phenomenon of “immigration in a land of emigration," although pears confirmed by the relatively frequent presence of the Ceddo and ~ curious, is, in fact, quite common. Thus in Europe in the 19705 (to take a Cuballo social groups in the sample.‘°’ The Cuballo are the F uutanke caste I number of examples among the countries traditionally renowned for their of fishermen. The Ceddo, who appear to have been originally slave warriors ‘ Q, emigration) Spain had immigrants from Morocco and Algeria; Portugal, imowned by the state in Fuuta, had among their tasks that of guarding fords on E migrants from the Cape Verde islands; Greece, immigrants from Egypt, the Senegal River and its aiiluents, and of collecting dues on river cross- n Sudan, Ethiopia, and even Somalia; Yugoslavia, from Czechoslovakia and ings. ‘°‘ ` Poland.‘°° Italy has had the fastest growing immigrant population in recent In contrast with the Soninke sample, there are not many chiefly names in ( years; it approached a million in 1982, with very diverse origins. A large prothe Fuutanke migrants’ list. ‘°5 There are two possible explanations for this. , portion of its migrant workers are employed in agriculture in the Mezzogiorno One is anthropological and was suggested to me by ]ean Schmitz.‘°° In J . and Sicily—the epitome of regions of emigration in European consciousF uuta Tooro after the Islamic revolution of Abd-al—Qadir in the eighteenth p ness.' ‘° In the nineteenth century, Corsican farmers, whose sons were away century, chieiiy functions were elective. Such a system required a constant _Z " in mainland France accumulating money as migrants, employed Italian mipresence at home of potential candidates to chiefly posts, thus preventing ~ l grant workers on their farms."‘ Likewise, in West Africa, the Baule (who, their migration. Among the Soninke, on the contrary, as among most Maude , like the Soninke, migrated in order to buy slaves in the precolonial period) ' *2 groups, society was gemnzumzzic. In such a society, where all authority and I have migrated for the last four or five decades to the cities of the Ivory important functions were reserved to old men, it was logical for young men , ‘ Coast, while the Mossi of Burkina Faso took their place on the farm."’ to migrate, both as a means to escape a stifling atmosphere at home and to ( To be properly understood, this phenomenon of “irnmigration in a land build up capital (in particular, in slaves) that would enable them to become , of emigration” must be seen in a social tather than a geographical context. respected notables or chiefs upon their return home in their old age.'°7 The " i Out—migration often represents a possibility of social promotion. Young other explanation is historical. Beginning in the mid nineteenth century, an l Soninke migrants, like the Baule in the Ivory Coast, migrated in order to acimportant migration, which was at least in part motivated by considerations T Q` cumulate resources (including slaves) to become family heads, in other of religion, developed from Fuuta Tooro to the Umarian state in Kaarta (this , i words, because they did not want to remain powerless subordinates on their migration was called the Ferga Umar). This migration continued in the late I L fathers’ farms. Their place was taken by migrants, either brought by force nineteenth century. It particularly affected the F uutanke Toroodo aristoc- l l (slaves) or who came on their own free will (labor migrants-——nansoka, racy. "Not only were the Fuutanke pre—occupied with this movement, but ` l surga, etc.). In other words, as certain categories of a population are given a those who remained behind were inundated with anti-French rhetoric from , —i chance to take more desirable jobs and thus to move up in society, their deUmarian recruiters. Thus, many Fuutanke young men may have been de- X V parture from the lower echelons creates a demand that is filled by other terred from entering the colonial service as laptots." "’“ l A groups at the periphery. This is, in fact, the reason behind Soninke migration V to France since the jobs initially taken by the Soninke were those rejected by Y the French. · COI1CluSiOn Z , Regarding the second point, the Congo migrant “samples” show that mi1 >_ grants did not come from the poorest regions and social classes. Of course, Two features in the data for this period do not correspond to the usual view Q they are not representative of Senegambian migration as a whole, although of labor migration as caused by deprivation and violence. First, beginning in , [ they give a good indication of urban migration: the economic plight of the ciritprizn 4 J i A riivre or rnouetns l114l d V: [ml

Upper Senegal in the late 18905 may have caused an increase in the navetane role in the community But how did information about migration circulate "commoner” migration to rural areas in the Gambia, Casamance, or Siin- A among Soninke aristocrats? How did they support each other while away in Saluum (which cannot be ascertained at this point given the available data). ` , migration? And why were there so many clerics among the migrants? But even admitting that navetane migration grew, it remains that the Congo " . Recent studies of European migrations have emphasized the notion of migrant lists (whether one considers the Soninke or other ethnic groups), by .` "network” as one of the explanations of modern migrations. A network showing that urban migrants often came from favored regions or social ` if may be considered as the way a determined group in society monopolizes groups in the Senegambia, strongly suggest that poverty alone cannot be a ' ’ certain job opportunities, or at least certain information about job opportusatisfactory explanation of labor migration. $ ° nities. H6 What exactly were these Soninke networks? We know already that An increasing body of scholarly literature supports this assertion. Recent l , l family and clan ties and ties of clientage helped spread such migration, as large-scale studies conducted in the Ivory Coast and Cameroon have shown ; well as monopolize it for aristocrats and their clients. But we will look at this that regions with a high level of migration to Ivoirien cities are often com- p question of networks in greater detail. paratively rich regions, while comparatively poor regions do not send mi- 1 ? grants. In the Ivory Coast, the highest rates of urban migration today are _. not to be found in the poor and backward northeast (which has the lowest . rates), but in the richer northwest and in the Baule homeland. Reflecting on ` this phenomenon, the author of the study, Yves Marguerat, suggested that ‘ migration is connected to historical factors. ‘ "‘ j (V If this was the case for tho¢Soninke, it also appears that an important fac- _ i tor behind labor migration was access to channels of information about job l __ opportunities. The Senegambian transportation network—the Senegal and . Gambia Rivers and the Dakar-Saint-Louis railway—apparently was a good . ` channel for such information, as well as a good einployer itself. A British his- · torian, Arthur Redford, attempted during the rozos to investigate the forma- L I tion of the labor force of England during the Industrial Revolution by ty means of a compilation of regional studies. His conclusions, challenging , » Marx’s theory on the impact of the “enclosutes" movement, showed that most of England ’s urban migrants in the nineteenth century came from rel- V ; atively well—oH` rather than impoverished regions. These regions were situ- · ated close to English towns, or to the railways that led to them."S ` ~ But the facts that the Soninke were so well represented in migrations to j V Senegal’s cities and that expanding export crop regions and their royal and p H maraboutic groups were overrepresented in urban migration cannot be sim- _ ` ply explained by the transportation network. Social factors also should be p V · brought into consideration. The decentralized and gerontocratic nature of V Q; Soninke society encouraged young aristocrats to seek the most lucrative ` forms of migration as laptots and as workers for the French commercial sec- Qi tor in the hope of building capital that would later give them an important i c1—1A1>1·ma 4 ` ,*` A TIME or TROUBLES I, 116 l ~ l 117]

, g The Soninke Migrant Networks F I V E `— , i Maradouzic Netw0r]rs.· Migration za the Congo in Ora] Source.: `, 4 Why were marabouts so prominent in the Congo migration "sarnples" of 1894 and 1897P In this section, I will discuss several accounts of the migraSoninke Migrant Networks and Social Change ( _, tien, especially from eral sources. Among the persons suspected of recruiting for the Congo Free State, one l8_95—Z_9z4 ,v Ibrahim Darame (Ibrahim Dramé), described as a notable of Dakar, atl ii tracted the attention of the French authorities in 1896. Two leading labor re, cruiters for the Free State (one was a Soninke) were living at his house at the \ time. Ibrahim Darame vouched for both in an attempt to have French auI , thorities make an exception to the legal prohibition to emigration} Darame 2 ` is one of the two most prestigious maraboutic names in Gajaaga, and as we , _ shall see (Chapter Seven), the Darame became quite prominent among the ·· _ Congo migrants. It is very likely that Ibrahim Darame was acting as a host ~ for Soninke migrants. This would explain in part the importance of , l 1 maraboutic migrants in the 1894 and 1897 samples. `l I Villagers from the important maraboutic village of Kungani in Gwey tell THE pnmon BETWEEN 189;, date of the return of Bakel to the administra- _ V ah interesting Stefy about the origin ef the migt¤ti0¤· According t0 them, tion of Senegal, and the First World War is in some respects better docu- ji the initiator of the 1T1ig1‘i1ti0¤ WHS B3 Bintu Tanjigora, or jaaxo (the two nienied than previous periods. French domination, which had been for so : nsmes een be used interchangeably), from Knngsni, who first went te the long el vague Suzerainty at best, was finally taking shape. We begin to see, ig Congo as a tirailleur (soldier). Ba Bintu Tanjigora came back from his journotably in the Bakel archives, more information about the local society. Also 5 T ney With 8 large Sl-lm in gold. With Such money in hand, he was greeted in more available for this period is oral information—tl1e turn of the century is i Ki-thgatti With e¤thl1Si¢1Sm· In the W01'tl5 of Otle itlielfmelit, "¤nly six m¤¤thS for many older snninke only a generation away. Conversely, however (and [Of werkl were 110W Suiiieieht t0 hetieme tieh-” At the time, there WHS 3 fathis is a reflection of the continuous economic decline of the Upper Senegal ` mous religious teacher in the village whose school was attended by students region), economic information in its quantitative form becomes scarcer and , i ¢0mi¤g limm villages £1’0m the G3H'1l>i¤ t0 what is today Mali. After seeing finally vanishes entirely from local documents after the turn of the century. i villagers Wh<> had come back from the Congo, and after being encouraged by Oral information as well as archival documents confirm an earlier obser- the people of the village, t-he y0l-mg talibe (at-iV¤¤¤e¤l students i¤ the Seh00l) vation about Soninke migration regarding the importance of clerical and . Y decided to follow their example, with an eye toward earning enough for their aristocratic families in migration. But by the beginning of the twentieth cen- • el-iSt0m¤tY gtetll-i3ti01’t gift t0 theif teaehet, which had t0 be equal t0 the mititury, other classes in Soninke society were becoming involved in labor mi- V imurn value of one slave. Later, when the young talibe returned to their regration. Slave emancipation was an upheaval in Soninke society not because ~ , speetive Vill¤ge5, they spread the good news there, and their example incited it provoked a general flight of the slaves away from their masters, but be- I i mere people to S0- Migtatitm the!] $P1'e3tl to the entire Seninke hemelsncl-Z cause former slaves gained access to opportunities for social promotion such if When the COHEO mig1‘¤ti0¤ began, the meet imP¤Ft¤¤t religious teacher as labor migration. , in Kungani was Fode ]omo Tanjigora (Fode Diarnou Tandjigora), or Fode ._ Q sommca Mionimr NETWORKS [118] i K lim`!

Amara Ieexey culled more simply Seexu Jgmg (cbeiklq Dj3mgu)_ A member l l cola nuts, and the four others with cloth. When he arrived here, he gave to of one of the two most important clerical tim in clings are Tarijigora or ‘ A mh h<>¤S¤h<>1d had ¤ Shirt ¤¤d_¤ Pair ¤f ¤¤¤S¤¤· l- - - 1 The was how he ]aaxO_thE other great Gaiaaga clerical clan is the Damnm)7 Seexu Jomc _ p beat the drum of Congo. After his first return here, notables frpm the town, _ _ _ _ · — Al-I-Ia] Samba laaxo, Mpamara Fode, Abdu Koyta left as well. had been one of the closest companions of the Soninke Islamic reformer . , Mamadu Lamin Darame and could be considered his religious heir in the t There are a number of very valuable indications in this account. We can Upper Senegal region. At the beginning of the twentieth century; most of ‘ g discount the date of 1911: Brazza died in IQOS. The reference to the conquest the religious teachers in Ggjggga had studied urider seexu ]eme, and bis l of Chad gives a more secure date: this conquest was consummated at the influence was noticeable as far east as the region of Kenyareme, in the north- l l battle of Kousseri in 1900 with the death of Rabih.” In his interview with me western part of the cercle of Nioro, and the city of Nioro itself} ` » in 1982, Al Haj Mamadu laaxo indicated that the Soninke began to trade Islamic schools were active networks of communication because of the · W cloth bought in Lagos at a time “when there was yet no [modern?] building constant circulation of talibe between the various schools and because for- ’ . in the village of Kinshasa” and when the future city of Kinshasa snll cenmer students, in turn, established schools and retained ties with each other , 1 tered around the railway station in Kintambo (one of the two African viland their former master. Islamic schools were also important economic ,~ rl lages which later became Kinshasa, the other being Nshasha, called Kinshasa units. As we saw earlier, students owed a debt of manual labor on their . by Lingala-speakers). This would place the arrival of Ba Bintu in the Congo teee}·ier’s flgrmgtthus enabling members gf maraboutic families to engage 4 " Free State in the first decade of the twentieth century, shortly after complein fiill-time commercial activities. Religious schools were, so to speak, l , tion of the railway in 1897} “pools of labor tied to a commercial network." The role of Islamic networks ' .l The r€St of thé HGGO1-\¤f is credible €¤0¤gh- The €¤1Pl0Ym€¤Y of Soninke in the emergence of a modern “<:apitalistic" society in West Africa is well i, laptots in the French Congo was a logical outgrowth of their employment as known (e_g_’ the Meur-ide brotherhood in $euegel)_ A reeeut study of iudus- `j I laptots in Senegal, As French colonial expansion proceeded in Africa, Senetrial relations in Kano, the economic capital of Hausaland, has highlighted ` galesc laptots were recruited for military and occupation operations the role of Islamic school networks in the industrial labor market of that 1 __ Ll’1l’01·1gl'10\1f the €m€fgi¤g €¤'1Pi1'€· $€1'1€gal€$€ laptots W€Y€ thus I-lsnd in tn€ city! The story from Kungani was not unique. ~ first Brazza missions in 1876 to 1878 and 1879 to 1882." Following this, they When I collected the Kungani tradition, I was told that Ba Bintu first went ` L were regularly employed in the French Congo.‘° They were also employed to work in the Belgian Congo.; But this was apparently not the case, Here is . » ~ in the “Benin iiotilla" during campaigns in Dahomey in the early 18905, in how the story was told by Al-Haj Mamadu laaxo (Al-Haj Majaxo n Ba jaxo) ` V the “Niger flo1jlla" at the time of the conquest of Timbuktu in 189;, and in to Adrian Adams: { · the Monteil mission in 1893.ll Laptots from the cercle of Kayes were even l _` recruited to serve in Madagascar in 1895.*2 Senegalese laptots in the French MY own father began the nthlo ol Congo‘KlnSha5a· lf was ln lol l- He had ~, I Congo were often hired after their discharge from the French Navy by British fought in-the French Congo. He had been in Cameroon; he even settled as I J (John Holt Ot Hatton and Cooksonx German (woermam)7 Ol, French almomt [mom] there, but they expelled all the olmami. He had gone to , i Gabon; he went to take Brazza’s country; he wer.; to take the country 0{ ` ~ (C<>1'1q¤Y) ¢0¤¢€mS- Already by 1883, these concerns employed about 6eO Bangui, Central Africa. Then he went to take the country of Fort-Lamy, 2 l P"’oPlo along tho ooast of Congo: G¤l¤<>¤» and Cameroon-!} lf was almost Chad. Their general was named Brazza. My father himself told me all this. 2 certainly to provide a religious ministry to such laptots that Ba Bintu TanjigHe wm there as a Soldier; ¤har’S how he was in the French Congo for the i ora went to Cameroon. it is entirely possible that his stay in the Cameroon lltst tlmo· _ _ _ _ , V put him in contact with laptots or commercial employees of john Holt or Shalgili/§2l;;E;;Ig;£?S;;l;,€i§l?l;l; llgzgilggzglzgils xx l1;;ki;1:§;`{;;; V vi Woermann." These contacts, in turn, may have helped hinrgo gain informoney; at that time [money] was [in] coins, there were no money bills. , mation On the ¤><Pa¤d·¤g commercial OPP(?rmnm€$_m LagOS' When he arrived in Kayes, he bought two horses. He bought fifteen head of ·; , It is VHY lhtolosllhg to note that Ba Blhth Tahllgolav who camo from h cattle. He bought seven donkeys; he loaded three of these donkeys with ~* :’ very prominent maraboutic family, was employed for a time as a colonial cnnrran 5 ll soNtN1<:E Mroxaur NETWORKS [120] 1 z [121]

soldier. This is certainly not in keeping with the traditional ideology, ae- , { Bakel Commandant’s threats.""’ In fact, the traditional separation between corcling to which marabouts do not fight. But there are comparable examples » . “W3I1'iOf” aristocrats who fight and clerics who pray may have been more for that time. According to Paul Marty, a son of Seexu ]omo of Kungani, l · theoretical than real among the Soninke. It is worth noting that among the Hasan Tanjigora, worked as a laptot in Fort-Lamy (now Njamena) in Chad ` V Beydan neighbors of the Soninke, there are groups such as the Ahel Sidi after returning from a twelve-year overland pilgrimage to Mecca. I-Ie then ` Q Mahmud or the Kunta, which are {mth clerical groups and warrior groups.Z° left for Benin by way of Cameroon and Nigeria, lived for a year at the home . According to Abdoulaye Bathily, in a text that I have been unable to consult, of a countrymen who was a railway employee in Porto-Novo in 1911, and ti ; there were "warrior-clerics" among the Soninke? Ipresume that these were was arrested the following year in the Ivory Coast railway town of Dim- _ clients of royals.22 On a more general plane, it is worth noting that occupabokro fOr Klspreading Islamic proselytisrn and anti-French propaganda.”" , tional specializations in West Africa had a certain flexibility in practice: thus His occupational career, therefore, was similar to that of Ba Bintu Taniigora, E g one finds “warrior-griots” among the Bambara, “praise singer-blacksmiths" with its alternation of employment as laptot or soldier and self-employment " l among many Mande groups, and so forth. as marabout (and probably also as merchant). V i We can now synthesize the above information, and give at least a plausiMarty indicates that Hasan Tanjigora had taken an active part in the revolt ¥ ble hypothesis about the development of the migration to the Congo Free of Mamadu Lamin Darame. Following the French victory, he had wandered L State. Migration first developed to the French Congo as an offshoot of the for a time in Soudan, come back shortly in Bakel, and finally left for Mecca .5 traditional employment of the Soninke as laptots in Senegal. Initially, in 1899. Could it be that the participation of clerics in Hghting during the re- , Y Soninke laptots in the Congo were probably predominantly from royal famvolt of Mamadu Lamin Darame had made obsolete the traditional prohibi- l ilies and their clients. Later, either through clientage links or in the aftermath tion on their participation iq military fighting, making it possible for clerics ._ of the revolt of Mamadu Lamin Darame, marabouts also sought employsuch as Hasan and Ba Bintu Tanjigora to become colonial soldiers? There E ment as laptots.” Their motivation for becoming laptots in the French are some indications of this. Here is what jabe So, member of a notable fam- I Congo was not only that the occupation paid well, but that they could, after ily of the village of Kungani that is also a client family of the Bacili, says of V r their discharge from the French Navy, minister to Senegalese migrant comSamba Hawa Tanjigora, a participant in the revolt of Mamadu Lamin Qt munities; gain employment with French, British, and German commercial Darame (the event took place some time after the revolt): ji houses in the area between Cameroon and Gabon; and, presumably, also enThere were no WMS anymore- Bm samba Hawa remained a lumdwmg ` _ gage in trade on their own. When Belgian recruiters appeared in Dakar in knight- [My emphasis; in the French language used in the interview, ann , p the 189os, therefore, Soninke would-be migrants, especially the Soninke been eheVe1ie,._=·] One day, Moors wok 2, hundred Cows in Jagili [Gidimam ` clerics, were already familiar with migration to the Congo. Migration, howvillage across from Kungani, on the right bank of the Senegal River]. { »` ever, expanded in the first decade of the twentieth century when some miSamba Hawa went alone after the cattle thieves. I-Ie killed several, and the ` . gl-ams began to import cloth from Lagos (in fact, from Abeolcuta, as we shall others mn away Three men were guarding the °°wS· HE tied them uP md ~ i see later) into the Congos. The news that this trade was very prontable then had them hall the cows back when he arrived in Jagili [he said]: xl-{ere are E spread throughout the Soninke homeland through the Koranic school netthree slaves, if you want them/"" ` j WorkSuch prestigious feats of arms were traditionally performed by the Bacili in a, Gajaaga.‘“ ‘ Q · But, in fact, there is at least one written reference to “warri0r-clerics” ~ i. The “Cl’1aml31‘€S” prior to the revolution of Mamadu Lamin Darame. In I879, during the Baalu _ affair related in Chapter Three, the Bakel commandant accused the mara- ` , Family and Islamic networks were not the only Soninke networks involved bout of Baalu of having instigated the affair; whereupon the latter declared _` " in labor migration. The first direct mention of another type of migrant netto interpreter Alpha Sega that "he was a warrior and he was not afraid of the T ; work is dated 193;. That year Governor Descemet of Mauritania asked `¥ cnnprizn 5 Z, sommca MIGRANT Narwoxks [ml l .5 [us]

in a confidential letter to the governor-general of French West Africa for . grants, and (in the initial stages of the migration) to feed the migrant cominformation about a "Chambre du Guidimakha" founded by immigrants if munity as well. A system of fines keeps order within the community. This from this region in Dakar. He had learned about its creation from the ad- ` I i succinct description reveals that the chambres were organized on the model ministrator of Gidimaxa, who was concerned about political or labor union l l of village youth associadons." influence within this organization. The answer of the administrator of the ` For the most part, the history of these charnbres will have to be docuDakar cirmnrcnpzian was that there existed in the quarter of Niaye Thioker ~ ` mented through oral interviews, but colonial archives give excellent infornot one but several Chambres du Guidimakha, "thus called because they A i mation about at least one of them: the chambre of the royal village of [each] house about thirty Soninkes coming from the cercle of Guidimakha." ‘ Tiyaabu (the capital of Gwey), then situated on the Rue Thiers, in the old They had no political design but reflected the desire of migrants from the ~' center of Dakar. These documents leave no doubt that already at the beginsame village to live together and to help each other. Thus, while about half ` » ning of the twentieth century the chambres had come to play a powerful role of the migrants in the chambre: were unemployed because of the current 1 in the traditional political life of the Soninke homeland. economic depression, rent and food was paid for all by those migrants who · Y Earlier, I mentioned the curious fact that the first laptots in the Upper still had work. The unemployed paid back this support by taking care of , , Senegal region were apparently tunka lemmu; and there are other examples household chores.z" I _A of laptots who were tunka lemmu available for the turn of the nineteenth The chambre is, in fact, a fundamental institution of Soninke migration. , if centuryZ" I have argued that the reason they entered this form of employIt is called kompe xoore in Soninke, which can be translated “great room," `~ ment was the high wages offered, which enabled the laptots to make gifts to hence the French translation as "chambre." But kompe, in fact, designates powerful elders and to compete effectively for political power. There is good any separate inhabitation bpilding (“hut,” or ‘?:a.ve" in French); thus the ' evidence that this strategy was highly successful in the nineteenth century. In name could also be translated as “great building" or "great house." The { 1906, the old tunka of Gwey, Amadi Sumbulu, was a former laptot and so chambre not only provides cheap communal housing and food to the mi- I * was his younger assistant (and relative) Abdul Golea, who was in charge of grants and support for the unemployed, but also an emergency fund for ill- V~ the collection of taxes."’ ness and repatriation to the Soninke homeland, a mailbox, and a place to ‘ The oflice of assistant chief and tax collector was not traditional. The meet, to exchange news from the village, and to hold festivities. They are a li =. French administration had imposed it in order to increase the eiiiciency of focus for the “village abroad" communityzs We shall have more opportuni- y` traditional authority, which was impaired as always by Soninke gerontocties to look at this form of organization, whether in Dakar or in migrant ~ i racy." The move was strongly resisted by the royal family of Gweyg the Bacommunities abroad.“ cili, and there were also protestations by Bacili in Dakar and Saint-Louis.” The chambres had, in fact, existed in Dakar for a long time without at- Fl . Tunka Amadu Sumbulu died in 1906. His successor, Samba Suuley, had also tracting attention. According to some informants, they Hrst appeared in , served as a laptot. He had even participated in the expedition of LieutenantDakar at the beginning of the First World War." But archival documents ? Colonel Bonnier, who had conquered Timbuktu in 189;}* This constituted show that they existed before the war, as we shall see. In fact, the way in a good recommendation for the French; although Samba Suuley was which the chambres are organized gives us a clue to their origin, which must , younger and therefore ranked behind other candidates for kingship, the have dated from the time of precolonial trade migrations. Each kompe xoore , French were determined to impose a tunka who would be both eflicient and (or its equivalent among migrants to France today) is under the authority of ~ Q loyal. According to one report, however, the selection of Samba Suuley as the oldest man of the chiefly family who is present in the migration. This . chief of Gwey was due to intrigues led in Dakar by his nephew, Alimana Ba"village chief " is assisted by a member of an artisan family, which is the . it cili, a railway worker."‘ client of the chiefly family The kompe xoore has a budget, fecl by regular Railway work was for the Soninke a logical outgrowth of their specialcontributions of migrant villagers, which serves to rent housing for the mi- , Y; ization as laptots. Because they were the most important group in the French ci-rxpraag _ -5 somuxa Mxominr Nerwonks [124] , A ti [tz;]

station locale of the French Navy in Senegal, the Soninke had quickly Was this episode simply an instance of the age-old family rivalries that dimonopolized all positions available in the Navy workshops}5 In 1884, for ` it vided the Bacili, or was it an effort by the younger Dakar migrants to reform financial reasons, the Senegalese Navy workshops were merged with the I ij the society of Gwey by installing a younger chief? Probably the former. railway workshops (this was the time of steam engines on railways as well as , V: What is clear, however, is that for the first time, a community of migrants on ships)." By the 18905, railwaymen were among the best-paid in Sene- ` ' had made an impact on traditional society, not by working “from the inside” gal}7 Alimana Bacili, because of his vastly superior income, probably had a 1 through a patient build-up of influence among elders with gifts and Hatterprominent position in the Dakar community of migrants from Tiyaabu, ` 3 ies, as was done traditionally, but by imposing a candidate from outside which was almost certainly structured already in a chambre—hence his im- . ·· through the support of colonial authorities and the greater Senegalese sociportance in the eyes of the French.” ety of which the Soninke of Gwey were now a part. The following events What gives the events after the nomination of Samba Suuley as chief of `` E show that the lesson was not lost. Goye Independant a particular significance is their resemblance to the events ` i For several years the chiefdom of Goye Annexé was ruled directly from that would lead to the tragic end of chief Ibrahima ]aaman Bacili in 1947."’ ¥ I Bakel by the French administrator. The royal village of Tiyaabu, meanWe have seen that an essential element of the power of the precolonial l ~ while, went to Samba Suuley’s enemy, Demba Kona, who died two years runkas was the land rights paid to diem by tenant farmers. These were the H i later and was replaced by Demba jango, another former laptot.‘” In 1912., the basis of a public income, which was in turn redistributed down the social lad- ‘ . local administrator argued that direct administration was taking an inordider in a hierarchy of traditional gifts. The French were by principle averse W nate amount of his time and, in effect, argued for a reinstatement of the to “feudal tights," and these were even suppressed in 1888 by a Senegalese j · chiefdom, which was effected some time later."“ But a problem soon arose law."° This had not prevented the Soninke from continuing to pay land rights V l when the new tunka, Demba ]ango, died. During the period in which the to their tunkas. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the French toler- ` chiefdom of Gwey had been officially suppressed, the French, either to apated “feudal rights” in Senegal, but they refused to give them legal recogni— ( pease the Bacili family or to use Demba ]`ango’s influence, had named him tion." When Samba Suuley became chief, the notables of Gwey refused to l assesseur (auxiliary) to the indigenous tribunal of Gwey."’ Demba jango had recognize his nomination—and prevented him from collecting land rightsfz ` retained this position when he had later been named tunka. After his death in His authority being little more than a sham, Samba Suuley asked to be re- i` fj IQI6, the French made the mistake of giving the position to a member of a lieved of his funcdons and given a minor post in the administration (care- ` · { family that had been traditionally opposed to the Bacili, F ode Saalum Saaxo, taker, or _plantmi)."’ r f the chief of the maraboutic village of ]awara.5° His nephew, the younger and more aggressive Alimana Bacili, then lob- ‘ The decision brought an immediate protest from the Bacilis in Dakar, in bied the administration to allow Samba Suuley to purchase property rights to , E, conjunction with tunka Samba Kajata, to the governor-general of French the Bacili family lands, but this was denied.“ In IQIO, faced with a virtual ` { West Africa. The administration had no difliculty in rebutting the pretenstandstill in the administration of the Goye Annexe, the French finally de- ; sions of the Bacili, who weakened their case by arguing that they had always cided to suppress the chiefdom altogether."5 Alimana Bacili, undaunted, had L held the position of mdi (Muslim judge) in Gwey, but accusations of cora letter drafted by a lawyer, Paul Sabourault, and sent to Governor-General J i ruption brought against Fode Saalum Saaxo resulted in a tumultuous trial in William Ponty (who was known to be more liberal toward Africans than the · A. Bakel, following which several allies of the Bacili were arrested. Samba Kagovernor of Senegal) asking to be recognized as the rightful owner of the 1 Y jata, apparently intending to use these events as proof that the local adminlands of the Bacili. The moment was well-chosen as this was a period of re- . istrator was biased toward his cause, sent in ]uly 1918 an envoy to the Bacili newed African agitation, which a number of liberal Frenchmen such as ~ of Dakar, but Gwey was then under a medical quarantine and the man was Sabourault were abetting. The attempt failed, however, when it was shown gi arrested on his way by the police. that according to traditional custom, Alimana was not the heir of Samba n T; The Dakar chambre soon heard of the arrest and wrote to none other Suuley, either in the latter’s capacity as tunka or as a private individual.‘° than the deputy of Senegal, Blaise Diagne, the first Black African in the c11A1>raR5 ji sowmxiz Mionnnr Narwonxs [126] l if l1z7l

French Chamber of Deputies, who was only months away from his appoint- A i` and helped each other along the way.5" They often resided at the home of a ment to the position of High Commissioner of the Republic for Black i ` fellow villager (usually a marabout) who had settled abroad.“ These settled Troops, with a rank superior to the governor-general of French West Africa ` migrants were often jangi or commercial brokers, and some were powerful himself. Diagne wrote to the governor of Senegal asking for explanations l i men in their new societies,5‘ all the while continuing to keep in close contact about the arrest. There are no indications as to the fate of Fode Saalum _ Z with their homeland.57 Clearly these various ties continued and developed in Saaxo following this incident, but it is quite certain that the power of the ' the modern migrations of the Soninke. tunka Samba Kajata came out enhanced by the incident.“ The episode Beyond these observations, it is the greater degree of involvement of showed once more that the chambres had become an integral part of the po- ` . _ their upper classes in migration that so distinguishes the Soninke. A comparlitical life of Gwey, but it also suggests that migrants, rather than being re- _ V, ison with the geographical neighbors of the Soninke, the Fuutanke, illusformers, were people playing traditional politics in a modern context. , ` trates the point. As we have seen in the 1894 Congo “samples," few migrants , ` were from chiefly Toroodo families. \Vhat could explain this difference be" t ~ tween two peoples in so many ways so close in customs and way of life as the The Soninke Migrant Networks: Conclusions 2 .· Fuutanke and the Soninke? I have already discussed this question in Chapter ` _ , Four, but I would like to come back to it more systematically. First, Fuuta What lessons, then, should we draw from these accounts? There is really 3 ‘ Tooro was in a less favorable geographical position from the point of view nothing unique about Soninke migrant networks. The Islamic school net- , 1 ¤ of itinerant trade than the Soninke homeland. Fuuta Tooro is a narrow corwork is also found, as I have noted, among the Hausa of northern Nigeria. . g` ridor between desertic areas. Unlike the Soninke homeland, it does not borAmong the Wolof, the dahirq, the basic structures of the Mouride brother- ' ~ der well-populated regions where it is readily possible to buy desert salt and hood, which organized the colonization of the Senegalese New Territories , _ livestock brought by periodic migrants. Second, the Fuutanke maraboutic and Mouride penetration of Senegalese cities in recent years, were at first I ’ class, the Toroodo, achieved political power very early (in the eighteenth village Koranic schools. The dahira still today retain symbolic ties with their century) and thus it did not have to, as among the Soninke, transfer its enervillages of origin.5Z As for the chambres, except for the name, they are to be gies into despised commercial activity. The Toroodo, when they did mifound in one form or another in all the West African cities.” The only diff- i grate, did so as preachers and militant warriors of Islam, not as traders.” erence is that the Soninke made a particularly eilicient use of their networks ri ’ Third, political power, although quite decentralized, was probably stronger in expanding and maintaining their migration. ,· among the Fuutanke than among the Soninke. Fourth, because the F uutanke There were probably contacts between the various types of migrant net- 1 system of government was elective, it was necessary for potential candidates works among the Soninke. Today contacts between Soninke merchants and ( _~ for office to remain in their villages, thus precluding their migration. Among the Dakar chambres are commonplace; in fact, migration to France could ` the Soninke, on the contrary, favorable geographical factors created a long not exist without them since merchants make the necessary arrangements for _ ~ tradition of involvement in trade. The maraboutic class, being excluded illegal migration. Contacts between the Islamic school—merchant network ( , from political power, became heavily involved in trade. At the same time, and the chambres, or earlier equivalents, must have existed among the . { gerontocracy, fragmented authority, and political competition encouraged Soninke from the time of their precolonial trade migration. As we have seen, A E nonclerical aristocrats to take lucrative positions as agents of and workers in relations of clientage linked the various participants (clerics, royals, artisans, ` i French commerce. · slaves) in periodic trade expeditions. There is no report of organizations ’ , Finally, there was also probably a muted, behind-the—scenes competition such as the chambres in traditional trade migration, but as we have seen, the Y _ between nonclerical aristocrats and marabouts among the Soninke; "warchambres were built on the model of traditional village youth associations. ~ _’ rior" (nonclerical) aristocrats must have looked upon the wealth of marabouts In traditional migration, migrants from the same village traveled together g ,' with some apprehension. As explained in Chapter One, such rivalry between i CHAPTER 5 . V` sonmxe Mrcnnrrr Nerwoxxs [118l Z [120]

clerical and nonclerical aristocracies should not be exaggerated; ties of clien- l i and especially in Bakel are currently in the worst kind of spirits. Many are tage did link the two. But it was probably also the need to match the wealth ` trying to run away to be liberated in Saint-Louis." In November 1895, the of marabouts that led nonclerical aristocrats to participate in traditional i , new governor-general of French West Africa, ]ean-Baptiste Chaudié, left trading migrations through clients and their own sons and, later, to monop— ri for Bakel, where he declared to assembled chiefs and elders: "Freedom is olize positions as laptots and commercial agents in French COmme1'C€-59 This , good for everyone, every slave has a right to freedom: whether he is good or interpretation would go a long way in explaining the scope and also the “si- ‘ ; bad, if he runs away and wants to claim his freedom from a French official, lences" of Soninke modern labor migrations. For while migration among ’ he must be set free."°5 the Soninke often appears to have spread "from the top,” it is also “shame- ' . _ Chaudié probably did not realize the impact of his speech. Slaves from ful" and thus hidden. As the son of a prominent cleric told me in 1982: “A Goye Independant who were visiting in Bakel spread the good news upon Darame marabout is not supposed to emigrate, he is supposed to live from ` , their return to their villages." In the villages of Selibaby and Samba Kanji in the gifts bestowed on him by the Bacili."°" This is the traditional mentality , V Gidirnaxa, slaves were informed by tirailleurs (African soldiers in the French speaking here. Wealth must be redistributed from the top in a hierarchy of , V army), who may have been slaves originally."7 (The practice of buying men gifts and displays of generosity. To derive his living from a source other than I and turning them into soldiers in the French forces was commonplace at the the traditional political structure was for an aristocrat almostto lose face. For V l time and was officially justified as a form of manumission; the Bakel region this reason, today migrants even of maraboutic family pretend to have left . itself was an important source of slave tirailleurs.)‘“ By May r896, slaves their villages to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca and only accidentally to have came from Kaedi in Senegal, Kayes, Nioro, Kita, and even Sigiri in French settled abroad to engage in trade.°‘ At the same time, it was only too obvi- , Soudan to obtain their freedom in Bakel. Bakel’s village de liberté (freedous, beginning in the nineteenth century, that migration represented the _, i slave village) was filled beyond capacity, and the Bakel commandant feared road to power. But if emigration was the road to wealth and power, there cf ,1 that the harvest was threatened in Gidimaxa. Soon, however, orders were was one segment of the population that had to be barred from it: the slaves. V sent to deal with the crisis: the escaped slaves’ "leaders" were expelled under - { vagrancy laws and, in fact, turned back to their former masters. Others soon , returned to captivity. About a hundred slaves had escaped to F uuta Tooro or Slave Emancipation and Its Effects on the Soninke _~ ;, to the Gambia and could not be found. Sixty to a hundred who remained in _ the village de liberté were given freedom documents by the French.““’ This Although the antislavery struggle was one of the mainjustifications of colo- epilogue, however, only provided a temporary respite for Soninke slave nial conquest in Africa, French colonial ofhcials had learned to compromise . owners. with traditional African slavery in order to maintain control.‘2 During the * i The end of slavery in French West Africa began in 1905, when slaves conquest of the Soudan, however, the military came under virulent criticism 'I started to flee from the Marka towns of the Middle Niger River Valley, the on the part of the French abolitionist left for abuses connected with slavery, q V area that probably had the largest concentration of slaves in the entire colosuch as rewarding indigenous soldiers with slaves captured in battle."’ In , { nial federation. The exodus spread between 1906 and 1911 to the entire 1895, the French Parliament created the French West African federation, : , French Soudan.7° In the cercle of Kayes (Kammera and the eastern half of partly in order to bring the Soudanese military under contr0l."‘ The Souclan — i Gidimaxa) and in Bakel (Gwey), the exodus took place mostly in 1907, tawas placed under the authority of the civilian administration of Senegal, " ` pering off in 1908.7* In the cercle of Nioro, the movement was delayed by whose governor headed the federation. It was in such a context that Bakel I . administrative resistance until 1908, and it was largely over by 1910.77 As was separated from French Soudan and remrned to the administration of I among the Marka, the exodus was probably precipitated by food shortages in Senegal on 1 December 1895. i the years 1904 to 1908, as exceptionally heavy rains brought floods and the Already by October 1895, it was reported that ilcaptives from the CerCle * " parasites that thrive in wet climates.7’ .7 cnnrrra 5 Zi soruuxs Mtonnur Nnrwoaxs l no l Z l 1x1 l

)\ Anthropologists Pollet and Winter have contended that the slave emanci- p V Hgures for the population of the seven Marka towns alone.) In 1910 follo pation of 1905 to 1910 was the root cause of modern labor migration among ` 1 ing the exodus in Beledugu, Maurice Delafosse described the villa hs of lvl; the Soninke: overnight, the Soninke were deprived of their main source of I V Marka as "in ruins.”“" Nothing of the sort was reported for the Sgninke E Production of "srrrPlus value” and were forced to migrate t0 lock {Of W0Yk·74 l Elon- In fact, 3 1’ep0¤ {Or Kaycs in 1909 mentions that "s1av€ rurrawa S W;-Epollcr and Winter base their view on the case of the Marks, Wh-0 indeed lest A never V€YY n¤m¤r<>¤s" in the C€1'Ci€,S8 while a report for Nigro in r ri not ri most of their slaves in 1905 to 1910—although the effect of this exodus on . ~ that "few [slaves] return home” and that "sedentaries appear to ad; t with rheir Own migration is not discussed by Pellet and Winter? Bur did emanci- l l ¤¤t dithculties to the new conditions of their Sr,cieiy»=e¤ P _ Parlor, have the same drastic consequences in the $01'ili'il{€ homeland as _ The histvriegraphy of emancipation in West Africa has traditionally aS_ among the Marko? 7'S · U l . scrhed that Slaves who €$€2P€Cl at emancipation were Hr-5t-ggner-atiorr slaves An examination of the numerical data casts doubt on the validity of Pollet l I whose treatment was the harshest and who hoped to return to their re io 7 and wimsys hypothesis, The data suggest that most Scminke Sl3V€S actually of °l'lgl¤· This View finds Some support in the 50ur(;e5_ The ora] rcstimilyns stayed in the Soninke homeland. In the administrative district of Kayes V7 , collected by Adrian Adams for Gidimaxa and by Claude Meillassoux iles ([22,000 persons in 1916), 878 slaves were liberated from 1906 to 1908.77 · I Gumbu indicate that those who fled were especially trade slaves "° Buthi "More than 600” were recorded as coming from Gidimaxa, which had a pop- 5 should be remembered that many trade slaves had been taken in ca tivi tol ulariori of ,4;,00 at the tjrne.7B one-third of the population ef the ¢er¤le { i Ywng *0 remember their place of birth. Even iirstgeiieraiioi-i Shavsgywho being slaves, this would mean that about rz percent of the slaves of the Gidi- E ~ still remembered their native land had formed suihciently stron conne O maxa of Kayes escaped. In Nioro, the colonial administration estimated the ` — tions with the land of their captivity to remain there providedi su`tabl:number of slave rurrsways from the cercle at about 3,<>¤<> in 19¤$-79 The Y¤t3l l °°mP1‘0ml$e could be Worked out with their forms; masters Rem] - S Population of rho cergle was 17.o,o0oin 1898."° In the cercle ef Ni0f¤i K€¤· . `l h°m€ Was 3 €l3¤gef0¤S enterprise, especially in this time of foljd Sholxrlng yar-cme experienced a loss of about a thousand slaves Out cf 3 total P0P¤l3· ,_ { (many €$<>3P€¤l slaves did die of starvation on the road) It meant to u mgi tlch O{ 7,479 ir, rgog to rooo (600 to 650 slaves left and $$0 t0 4i0 died of ? I Chlldfen 3¤¤l Often 3 Wife who identified with a digergrit rt]-mic hackgrgmg famine, perhaps on the road of escape). Postulating that slaves were 60 per- ` who had never seen their father’s or husband’s homeland and who ma noi cent of the total population in Kenyareme, as they were in neighboring _ ` have spoken its language. Once returned home an escaiped slave haid n Gidyurne and Kingi, this would mean a loss of around zz percent.“‘ In the j ; guarantee of finding land to cultivate. In the great turmoil of the Samo ' 0 cer-cle Of Qumbui 35 Percent of the slaves of il'1€ C€!'€l€ either departed l h Wars: Villages had been Cl€$lZl'0ySd and entire populations had been mojiln (6,279 departures) or left their masters to form freed-Slave Vlll3g€S·" , The village of Gfigin may not have existed any longer strangers ma hg i Colombani, writing after 1910, mentions that between 2.,000 and 3,000 slaves z occupied its land. For all these reasons, it was safer to dtay provided bdecehi left the Soninke villages of the Mauritanian cercle of Gidimaxa, and several 1 conditions could be obtained. This attitude was summed dp ver neatl b hundred! formed freed—slave villages? These would be by far the highest _ an old Marka slave acting as a spokesman for other slaves at the iime ofhthy figure t`or.1shn~.sSoninlc.e homeland since there were only 15,000 Soninke in _ · Beledugu exodus in 1905: e Mauritanian°Giidlmsx¤ after the First World War.“‘ I have no information as j , l 4 7 to the in this ¥€gl°¤· $“PP°Sl¤S ll to be around $0 Pep l, l lll];;;1;lilnldebznihali;}ihI;FzdisiVh;r;'il;;?ri;1:nh;|11Fh1arlldilif We Could Whrk ~ hwllphghry betweenssgd l hghnt of the slaves would have departed OY left 1 the Marka are constantly inflicting ou us. our wives §ridaor;;2hii1,f;;iv;ll;ir};· la r masters, tic " .~ { A· “P die homes which we have created for ourselves here, arid in spite Of the N 7 ,m_°ug1l high, th } 7 E W M Mind in Strong contrast with the available 5 l burning desire which we have of returning to the lend of our forefathers ` l, l, F ` h E Matlm 7 , 207000 Slaves had left {mm rhe Seven ~ j We know that °'·l¥lYl'¤€1'eSfiS iv Stay here, because we realize how difficult li A: 27 `BE6 Situated KE N" l of Bamakoi which had in mm 3 total W0i1lCl be to reconstitute our homes in our native villagesfh h by p r i gludlng and Malinke) of 191,000. (I have no i J The 1909 l`€P0l'l {Of Keyes made a similar point; "the majority gf the Y _ l ~ li SONINKB Mioaanr N];-rwomrs G I I ‘ iv I` 1 22 l

individuals who were brought in as trade slaves about twenty years ago have E part of the Western Sudanic custom (including among the Soninke). The grown roots here and, as they feel comfortable, they only wish to stay ,, j mention probably contained a strong element of “wishful think.ing" as the her-e.""Z V, V French administration at the time was unsuccessfully trying to replace slavColonial records for the Soninke, in fact, reveal a more complex situation Q: _ ery with sharecropping.“’“ The report, however, may have referred to the than is ordinarily assumed. The 1909 report for Kayes thus argued that the `3 traditional form of “serfdom” with payment of a rent in kind (see Chapter slaves who escaped were, in fact, t/ze mas: well-of among them: “It is only ¥ r One), which may have become more frequent as a result of emancipation. when [slaves] have accumulated some savings, acquired cattle, that they ask , i Another early report is that of Colombani, writing about Gidimaxa someto return in the regions they came from.”” Pollet and Winter give one ex- J times after IQIO, who indicated that Bambara "captives" (slaves) were “the ample of this kind. Musa Sangare, originally a trade slave, was the head of ` t cultivators of the Sarakolle [Sonin.ke]." Custom required them to work six the slaves of Bundyahala Njaay in jafunu. He had two wives, his own hut t days a week for their owner, but "a great number have emancipated themand granary, and a horse, and (as was common practice for head slaves), the i selves, and they work only when they feel like doing so." Colombani also slaves of his master worked for him every day from zzoo to 4:oo 1>.M. Yet: ‘ mentioned that “several hundred" former slaves had severed all relations At the time of the liberation of slaves by the French, he had become rich. i V with their masters and created villages ih “T0hba‘h N’Khhe> Samba handle He left for Yelimane with the other slaves of his master. He also tried to i ahd Betseidad,99 leave with Biitidyal-iala’S cows but the admiiiisttatitm only allowed him to r The first detailed report about the condition of former slaves after emanleave if he did not take anything away from his master, not even the horse ` i cipation is ].-H. Saint-Pere ’s account of Gidimaxa. It was written around that he reeeived hem himfh t ‘ 192.3, but it may reflect many elements of the situation before the First World A ,908 report for the Cepclc of Kayes noted just as Curiously that slaves .1 War. According to Saint-Pere, former slaves were now “servants." They who came to the French to ask for their liberation “ctzme bac/r za their mai-zerk l i. Worked at hhmhet °f days ihr their masters md were remi-merated with 3 Villages ape, gémining mm_f&m,m_:»qs A Case with Similar implications is I ` share of the crop proportionate to the number of days of work on their masrecorded in the Bakeljaurmzl de paste (administrative diary) in the year fol- ~ tetris hat-m" he few ihtelhgeht and Pitaetieai masters}, however: ieiit iarid to lowing the emancipation miX_uP of ,896, Samba Njaay lodged a complain, r ,_ their "servants" in exchange for an annual fee, which varied with the imporagainst his mptgg ate cmg who refused to Work {Or him -1-he Bakel Comma} , _~ tance of the land that was rented. The male and female children of such dant noted in amazement that Samba Njaay’s slaves refused to be liberated as i hsehvahteii were hdhmestieshi They were iiehtrhetetih tO their Parents, mae' a settlement."‘ There can be only one explanation for these instances—and , tets= whe raised them at°hg with their ehhdrehv end they heiPeei them with for the apparently low relative number of slave runaways: the majority of i i Cuhavehoh ahd hehseheid W°rh‘m Soninke slaves was not interested in running awayg but wanted to change the { ; Saihhpeteis remarks are interesting because they Suggest the rePiaee‘ terms of their relationship with their master. How successful were they? i mehr Oh the Older {Ohms Oh Slavery by ah hybridization Ot 5¤¤i¤ke {teeth `V t dom" and traditional hired labor contracts (nansoka). On the one hand, the ` prestations (communal obligations) in labor, the entrusting of children to The Condition of Former Slaves after Emancipation slave masters, recall traditional forms of “serfdom.” Likewise, the payment { I of an annual due by “servants" of "intelligent and practical masters" may Contemporary French reports unfortunately have little to say about the con- K V have been a form of the old "serfdom” with a fixed rent in kind, although it sequences of emancipation for the slaves who stayed in the Soninke home- V , more probably was a jakka (in principle, one-tenth of the crop), a rental payland. The 1910 general political report for the cercle of Nioro mentions ` I ment for land obtained from the master. But the remuneration of "servants” sharecropping (mémyagg as a basis for new relations between former slaves _ t who worked for their masters with a share of the crop strongly recalls the and their masters.°’ This, however, is doubtful since sharecropping was not i, form of nansoka contracts. As we have seen, nansoka laborers are provided cnnprsag i SONINKE Mronawr NETWORKS l H4 l i lt 12: l

seed and are housed and fed by their employer, who also provides grain on J recorded by Weigel, therefore, reproduce in an eroded form the arrangeloan to their family. In exchange, the nansoka work for their employer Five · z ments noted by Saint—Pere, Boyer, and Pollet and Winter. mornings a week (see Chapter Four). . What, then, was changed in the slaves’ condition? Saint-Pere mentions Gaston Boyer, writing about Kingi jawara in the late 19405, mentions ex- i i that slaves could now go where they pleased and marry as they wished, that plicitly that slaves obtained land through nansoka contracts. Landowners in 1 their children belonged to them, and that they inherited belongings and “obthis region provided their workers (who also included clients and " tained la.nd." The last three assertions are doubtful. We have seen above “strangers") with a plot of land and seed. They also fed the workers. The l what situation prevailed as to the ownership and use of land. As to children workers cultivated the plot in two parts: three—fifths were cultivated for the i ’ belonging to their parents, Saint-Pere contradicted himself when he remaster, two-ftfths for themselves. Another form of provision of land men- I ported on the practice of placing children as "domestics" with former mastioned by Boyer was the jakka, in which case the landowner did not give seed V . ters. Boyer mentions that customs regarding marriage and ownership of the or food.‘°‘ Q ’ children of slaves had not changed in Kingi ]awara in the 194os.‘°‘ AccordIn their examination of modern remnants of slavery in jafunu, written in t Q ing to Chief Ibrahima jaman Bacili of Gwey, who wrote in the 194os, forthe 19605, Pollet and Winter also described arrangements similar to nansoka ¤ X mer slaves then still worked for their masters "very often under constraint for slaves who continued to reside in the masters’ compounds and to work ‘ and without compensation." They were still part of dowries and inherifor them. Until they married, these slaves worked for their masters every . tances. When a slave died, his master locked his granary and took possession morning of the week. After they married, especially after they had children, 4 of his belongings, giving back a portion to the widow if she was his slave they worked for their master only Saturday and Sunday morning and also ` ` also. Chief Bacili proposed that the administration draw binding contracts gave a small part of their crop.‘°2 These arrangements are similar to a form . , regulating the relationship between masters and slaves and give land to of the nansoka contract used in the rental of land; the most common way to i slaves.‘°" This suggests that there had been almost no change at all in the rent land i11]afu.nu in the 19605 was to work two mornings a week, generally i , condition of slaves since emancipation. But Chief Bacili’s testimony was Saturday and Sunday, for the owner ("master of the land”) or tenant pe- l t probably based mostly on the situation in his royal village of Tiyaabu. Bexaarg of the rented land. Pollet and Winter also quote an informant who had Z cause Tiyaabu was the seat of a regional chief and a royal family whose auobtained land in this fashion, but in exchange for five mornings a week of . 4 thority was recognized by the French (in Goye Inférieur), archaic forms of work. Finally, land in ]afunu could also be rented through the payment of a ’ slavery probably persisted there longer than elsewhere, and the case dejakka, although this was a less common occurence.'°’ i , scribed by Chief Bacili was perhaps exceptional, although one of my inforWhat the comparison of the data from Saint-Pere, Boyer, and Pollet and I tl mants did mention that slaves continued to be deprived of inheritance in Winter suggests is that the crucial problem for slaves after emancipation was f` V recent times."” However, both Pollet and Winter and Weigel mention that that they were landless. In order to obtain land to cultivate, former slaves , Q slave children continue today to work for their parents’ masters. They differ, had to accept labor “contracts" that were reminiscent of traditional “serf- ,` . however, on who is the beneficiary of the children’s work. For Weigel, childom." The importance of the question of land ownership is confrrmed by I I dren work for their mother} owner, thus following the traditional custom more recent data (1970s and 19805) collected by ]ean-Yves Weigel in Hayre- A that entitled the owner of a female slave to the property of her offspring. Damga and Gwey. In his study, Weigel found that y8percent affbrmer slaves i 5 Weigel, however, mentions at least one case of a slave who worked for his fizobtained landfam the ftzmibr af tlteirjbnner owner;. of these, slightly less ` t/mk owner as well."’S For Pollet and Winter, the children of slaves work for than half (about 48 percent) still worked for their masters one to several , {their fz:/zerir owner.'"“’ Can we rationalize this discrepancy? In the cases mornings a week, while a little more than half (52 percent) paid only a rental ~ J mentioned by Weigel, slave parents followed tradition and sent their chilpayment for the land, either a jakka or a money payment, sometimes one- a I dren to work for their “rightful owner" (owner of the mother), probably in third of the crop on some more productive land.‘°" The arrangements `, I order not to antagonize the class of former masters and thus to maintain the cHA1>T1t11 5 S ( sommcn Micnkur Nrrwonks frzél { ·‘ luvl

good relations necessary to obtain land from them. In the cases mentioned C ’ To sum up, the situation probably varied in various villages and regions, by Pollet and Winter, slave children probably worked for their father’s ` — butacertain pattern emerges. The worst form of chattel slavery (actual slavowner in order to keep access to the lands farmed by their father. This sug- `, · cry of trade slaves) disappeared. (Some slaves continued to reside with their gests a shift from slavery to relationships of clientage. it masters, but their relation with them was that of “serfs” owing a rent in Forms of clientage indeed did emerge with the end of slavery. In a num- i · labor.)' *5 Although slaves still could not marry the free, they were to a deber of cases, slaves were “adopted" by their former owners. By giving his ` g { gree and reluctantly admitted within the community, as evidenced by cusname to a former slave, the master makes him a kind of junior member of the , i toms such as circumcision, which was now performed on slave children by family Slaves emancipated in this fashion are nevertheless not allowed to E the village smith, as was the case with free children, rather than by the slave marry nonslaves.“° Apart from such privileged relations, former slaves who i a master, as in the time of slavery.] I6 Because slaves were landless, however, a have ceased to work for their former owners today still perform services for , , hybrid form of exploitation somewhere in between hired labor and old them, especially during family ceremonies (as did the komo xooro in the pe- forms of "serfdom" emerged, by which slaves obtained land from their forriod before emancipation)."' As mentioned, older slaves receive gifts from _` Q` mer owners. their former masters. Masters help slaves in need. They sometimes arrange 3 ¤ Clientage both facilitated and cemented the establishment of the new rethe marriage of their former slaves, and slaves ask for their authorization to ' A lationship between master and slave. This was to be expected, since even bemarrym fore emancipation the master-slave relationship already involved a Going back to the texts by Saint—Pere and Boyer, one notes the impor- , considerable element of clientage. Before emancipation, slaves could hope, tance of clientage in the very ambiguity of some of the descriptions. In these l' . if they proved to be good clients, to move up from a trade slave to a “serf,” texts, it is not entirely clear if slaves continued to work for their former mas- `Q and over several generations, their descendants could even attain to the freeters by virtue of contractual relationships by which their labor was actually r f dom of the komo xooro.' '7 Likewise, after emancipation, slaves who were hired, or whether they worked for them as a matter of traditional obliga- 5 good clients could gain access to good riverbank land; in time, they could tion."’ The equivocation may, of course, be the result of the variety of sit- l ;~ hope to lower the number of days of labor that served as rental payment for uations. In some cases, slaves (in particular, second-generation “serfs”) may ` that land. And finally, they could hope to gain access to the land through the have maintained the old forms of dependence. In others, on the contrary, t simple payment of a jakka—-—something that placed them in a condition akin they may have worked out a contractual relationship. In others still, some V to that of free men of the lowest category (miskino strangers who could not hybrid forms may have emerged. But the ambiguity may also come from i` become “masters of the land"). Saint—Pere and Boyer’s informants. On the one hand, masters could not A U The importance of clientage explains the difference in the responses to openly say that slavery persisted because it was ofhcially dead. They there- emancipation among the Soninke and the Marka. Among the Marka, relafore emphasized relations of clientage, referring to former slaves as their ~ tions between masters and slaves were distant and characterized by naked “children.” For them, if slaves continued to work for them, it was due to the i exploitation. Marka slaves lived in slave villages away from the towns where goodness of the traditional patriarchal system. Slaves, on the other hand, be- * their owners resided. They were visited by their masters only every two lieved that they worked for their masters as hired laborers, and to a large de- ` i months or even less. There existed no significant difference between the congree, they may have been right. But they could not say this too openly: most l V dition of a trade slave and that of a woroso of the second, third, or later genof the good land that the slaves farmed was obtained from the families of \ eration. All generations worked six or even seven days a week for their their former owners. It was a matter of good politics, therefore, to maintain g V masters, whether they were first—generation slaves or woroso. Marka slave some of the outward forms of the old slave relationship. It was also a good p i masters did not even respect their basic customary obligation to feed the idea to send children to work for the masters. Slave parents were rewarded . , slaves. When the end of slavery came, slaves attempted to work out a to a degree for their compliance: masters made gifts (in particular, of cloth- , compromise with their masters, which would have allowed them to stay on ing) to slave elders."" the land and to live a reasonably decent life. Because Marka masters were cunprexg I sonrnxa Micnanr Narwoaxs I 138l i [ Us ]

absentee ewnerer hewever. they did net understand the strength ¤f such 1, ` the cercles of Kayes and Nioro, or from the “Sahel," which here referred rc feelings- They tried t0 use force arid 0r1lY Sl-reeeeelerl ih making things W0rSe ? the cercles of Nioro and Gumbu, a region of strong Soninke settlement. Reby kidnapping the slaves’ wives and children. They told their slaves lies that ‘ ports for Nioro indicate a very rapid expansion of nayetanat beginning in were not credible, telling them, for example, that the French were about to t, ' i, rorn That year, telegraphie nioney orders of between r$,ooo and aoaooo depart."“ They refused the honorable compromises suggested by the " ’ francs were sent home by naveranes working in the regions of Kaolack and Frert¤h· The result ef all this WHS that dialogue became imP¤SSihle, and ii r Fatick. In 1912., money orders were sent to the cercle of Nioro for a value of slaves decided to move out} ii The situation was very different among the , , 9o,ooo {ranes by navetanes wot-king in $iin-5aalntn, Bgwgl, and Nyani-Wnli $0¤inke· ` ` and by laborers building the Thies-Kayes railway line. The navetanes were The meet ir¤P<>rt¤r1t effect of Sl¤Ve liberation in the Soninke h<>mel¤¤d, Q ` estimated to be about z,ooo, coming especially from the northern regions of therefore, was not the kind of economic and social breakdown indicated by Q Kingi jawara and Kenyarenie (both are Sgnjnkg regions) This estimate of Pollet and Winter. Soninke slave masters retained their social dominance and ;_,ooo nayetanes for ron is plausible_ it would mean that nayeranes in that much of their economic power. But Soninke slaves also gained a measure of T f { b d Th f p r year sent an average o 4S rancs y money or er. e 1910 report or independence and access to opportunities previously closed to many of ., e French West Africa mentioned that navetanes from the western part of them: a limited access to the land and lrzbar migration. ‘ French Soudan brought back with them between zoo and goo francs from ·` their seasonal migrationm These were, of course, very large sums of _ _ ' money for the time. In 1913, the navetanes from Bawol, Siin-Saalum, A Consequence of Emancipation: ’ . . . . .` . _ · Casamance, and Nyani-Wult and the laborers butldtng the Th1es—Kayes railFormer Slaves Become Migrants t . . . e _ way hne increased the amount in money orders sent to the cercle to 120,000 _ _ _ _ _ _ ,, J francs.m French colonial authorities strongly believed that slave emancipation had an t ·~ . . . _ _ _ _ _ g The years 1910 to 1912 were years of rapid expansion of peanut cultivaimpact on migration. The yearly report for French West Africa in 1910 re- V . . . . .r . . . . »~ tron in Senegal due to the building of the Thies-Kayes railway line, begun rn ported that slaves from the western part of the Soudan departed and later re- , iz, h h th d { . d h _ l, ” _ 19o7. We ave seen t at e 1911 an 1912. reports ot Nioro reporte t at turned (my emphasis) from the Lower Senegal (1.e., coastal Senegal, 1 . . . . . h h “_ db h ~~ . some migrants from the cercle were working on railway premises. It is W Em Peanuts Weregmwn as a CS EOP) m numerous groups an mug t . tempting to believe that migrants from Nioro gained knowledge of the new back without spending any part of tt, a sum of between zoo and 500 francs ’~ r . . . . . . . . h _ h f _ { I h_ d _ I P h al · opportunities created in peanut cultivation in Senegal after being recruited t 1 .’ * · . . . Gigs; er W1 a ew Pieces O C Ot mg an iewe ry T 6 Same report so ; . to work on the railway. But, IH fact, the reverse happened. The mention of nom ` 1 migrants in Casamance for 191; is an obvious indication that migrants from In 1910-1 1, we saw the former slaves of the Sahel go down in groups in Nioro had been coming to Senegal befyre the building of the Thies-Kayes Senegal, Where they Covered the aren hnrdering the new rnilWaY line he- I , railway. ‘2" The mention of migrants working in Fatick and Kaolack in the mem Thies eeri Kaye? with cdldvaied fields? °n°d the gmwmh sem"} was t ` annual report for Nioro in 191 1 is another such indication. In 191 1, the railover, they regamerl zhezr vzllages [my emphasis again], announcing their in- ‘ · . . . . t . m, , way spur joining Kaolack to the Thies-Kayes line had not yet been comtent to return more numerous next year. , , V _ _ _ { pleted (it was opened 1n january I9I2).iZ5 Fattck, a port and trading post These reP0i`t$r it Should be eh'tPha$iZerir ti0 not talk about apermdnent mi- ` situated on a branch of the Saalum estuary, was an important center of gration of slaves away from the regions where they had once been held in 1 ' Peanut export nep,-e tl-re building of rhe railway, exporting between re,ooo captivity, but thezr EYLFQ/ZTLZOPETZOLIIZC Gezurn or [alloy mzgnztzart. _ 1 f and zo,ooo tons of peanuts in 1906, much of which came from Baw0l.'Z“ The report quoted B-bOVe mentirins that $l3Ve h¤Vet3r1e$ came from the f The region of southern Siin where Fatick is located was originally asparsely western part of the French Soudan, which includes the Soninke regions in populated region, which was settled by migrants with the encouragement of CHAPTERS ` SONINKE Mtoahnr Nerworucs [ Mid] t t' l 141 l

the Buur Siin (king of Siin) Kurnba Ndoifen ]uuf in the years 1900 to ` ` slaves were allowed to migrate. This happened after considerable distur1910.*27 Soninke navetanes had been present in Siin-Saalum as early as the ; bances, which saw pitched battles between “slaves” and “free men,” although second half of the nineteenth century; a Soninke village thus adjoined the A slavery had supposedly disappeared from the area since 19o5.*” For specific town of Nianing, an important early trading post of the peanut trade on the ` reasons, the case of Gidimaxa appears extreme, but archival and other data Petite Cote, in 1876.*28 This early presence makes perfect sense if we con- suggest that for most Soninke slaves true emancipation did not occur in the sider that the coast of southern Siin and the estuary of the Saalum are really , » years 1905 to IQIO, but immediately after the First World War. geographical extensions of the Gambia (being located very close to it, with i Q The evidence on slave emancipation also suggests that slave emtzncqmztian a similar climate and environment), where Soninke navetane migration had i did rmt create laoor migration in region.: where it did not exist previousy This begun. *" l ` if was notably the case in Gumbu where labor migration began only in 1916, in It is thus plausible to argue that Soninke migrants had been present in the · spite of the very high percentages of slave runaways experienced by this reSiin-Saalum area before the end of slavery; later, after 1910, the building of i gion in 1908. The region of Gumbu did not traditionally send migrants to the railway expanded the demand for navetanes in the area at a most oppor— i the Gambia, although it was eventually introduced to navetane migration tune moment to provide employment for newly emancipated Soninke slaves. -2 i through its contacts with the Upper Senegal Soninke. *"‘ The case of Gumbu We have seen that many among the early Soninke migrants to the Gambia Z suggests that a “push" factor alone (here, slave emancipation) is insuiiicient and Casamance were slaves or rather semi—emancipated "serfs" (see Chap- z { to create migration in the absence of a suitable migration network that proters Two and Three). The developments of the IQIOS, therefore, were a log- j _` vides information about job opportunities and support to the migrants. ical outgrowth of the past history of Soninke navetanat. *"’ Y In conclusion, emancipation transformed slaves into tenants who rented { land from their former owners. Although this situation was often reminis- Q , Second CO11S€qu€I1CC of Emancipation: Youth Migration cent of old forms of “serfdom,” it gave former slaves a certain amount of ; freedom, allowing them to engage in periodic migration. This was due to i h Pollet and Winter were generally mistaken, therefore, when they believed two reasons. First, former masters continued to have power over their for- E ` that slave emancipation impoverished slave owners and forced them to mimer slaves only because they owned the land that the slaves farmed, but they V grate. But they were probably right when tl1ey hypothesized that emancipahad no power over the person; of the slaves since slavery had lost all legal sta- i tion shook the foundations of the traditional family, causing the migration of tus. They could intimidate slave parents into preventing their sons from , dependent males in the extended families, that is, junior brothers and young leaving the village, but they could not use violence to force a slave to stay V men. As shown by Pollet and Winter, the Soninke extended family was an home. Second, all slaves were now in a position reminiscent of “serfs" in the , i economic unit, based on a hierarchy of labor obligations. What gave such pre-emancipation era, and “serfs” in the nineteenth century apparently had units, which were often very large, their cohesion, was the fact that only the customary right to engage in periodic migration, provided that they 1 ( family elders had control over the family slaves. With the transformation of shared their earnings with their masters. In fact, navetanes of slave status i slaves into tenants, the authority of elders was weakened (but certainly not continued to give part of their earnings to their “owners” after emancipation _ destroyed). *35 It is characteristic to note that complaints by elders about the (indeed, they were still doing so in ]afunu in the 196os, when Pollet and ` migration of the young followed each stage of slave emancipation among Winter conducted their study).*’* ( the Soninke. Thus, such complaints are recorded in loca] archives in 1897 for This is not to say that former masters did not put up a resistance to the l Bakel, following the emancipation blunder of 1895 to 1896; in 1911 in Nioro, emigration of their former slaves. Such resistance is exceedingly difiicult to , [ following the emancipation of 1908; and finally, in almost all the Soninke document, although it is often mentioned by informants.*“ In Gidimaxa, it j homeland, following the First World War.*’° was apparently not until 1960, date of the independence of Mauritania, that x 1 CHAPTER 5, I somnxe 1v11o1xAN·1· Nerwokxs [ 142 l 1 ` I I4; I

Conclusion ` Y Soninke resulted in the entry of Soninke slaves into the migration move` ment. (It was ironic that the Soninke, who had been the most important slave Recent studies have explained African labor migration in terms of “re1ative V _ Owners and slave rraders in West Africa, initiated a current of labor migradeprivation.” Some have pointed to regional poverty in Africa, sometimes 1 l I tion that ultimately spread to their own slaves.) As A. G. Hopkins wrote: the accusing the colonial powers of having organized this poverty in order to i ’ "imPr-ovement of geographical mobility” associated with the risc of 3 free create “labor reservoirs." Studies of rural poverty may throw more light on i » (wage) labor force was an important stage in the “as yet unwritten labor histhe true livin conditions within the interior of West Africa than the do on Q _ tor of Afrir;a,,”l37 But emanci ation brou ht less an exodus of slaves amon EYIYP the history of labor migration. The numerical importance of marabouts and · i the Soninke than their entry into already existing currents of labor migratunka lemmu in migration and the clear impact of conflicts between young V tion, and old, between slave and free, all point to the importance of historical and , i The connection between labor migration and social change, or the transsocial factors in migration. ` · formation of African societies on a more liberal model under the impact of One of the most striking peculiarities of Soninke labor migration is the ~_ the modern economy, was seen by most of tl1e scholarly specialists of labor downward social spread of migration I have noted in this chapter, which I y V migr-arioriS_Thns1,Schapera,in his study of Bechuanaland (now Botswana) shall document again in following chapters. Although traditional trade mi- · Q in row, noted that individual or regional poverty seemed to have little imgration was practiced by all free men among the Soninke, the first proper i ‘ Paar on labor migration (which had also begun before the introduction of labor migrants (i.e., wage laborers) were the laptots, who were members of ` I colonial taxation), but that the desire for independence of young men and the political aristocracy. Later marabouts appeared among laptots and urban , former slaves appeared to be the cause of migration. ]. Clyde Mitchell likemigrants. In this chapter, we have likewise seen navetanat spreading from ` ` wise described African labor migration as an element in the wider process of free commoners and favored “serfs” to the slaves. Later we shall see urban `, social change, ini-luencing as well as influenced by this process."8 More remi ration s readin from the olitical and reli ious aristocrac to the com- · i centl a several- ear-lon stud led b Gilles Sautter and commissioned by 5 P E P S Y , Yr Y E Y Y moners and the slaves. `/ the government of Burkina Faso (formerly Upper Volta) concluded that The peculiar position of clerics in traditional Soninke society and the , _ Mossi migration, historically the most important West African labor migrafragmentation of its precolonial political system appear to explain this pecu- ’ tion, was Primarily caused by the desire of young Mossi to become indepenliarity of Soninke labor migration. Barred from political power, the l , dent from their elders.”° ` marabouts were the first to migrate, as traders rather than wage laborers. ‘ Slave emancipation weakened patriarchal authority. From here on, the elNonclerical aristocrats later competed with each other, and perhaps also , ‘ ders had a more diflicult time in keeping their young at home and preventing with a growing maraboutic influence, by gaining access to the wealth re- ' ; them from migrating. They increasingly complained about this situation, leased by the Europeans, tribute as well as wage labor. Later, wage labor — and the French administration, for a number of reasons, was more and more spread to the maraboutic group, and then to the whole of Soninke society. convinced that it should listen to these complaints. The Soninke aristocracy, therefore, provided a role model for accession to , . wealth for all the Soninke, a model that, in turn, may well explain the bold- I ness of contemporary migrations and very high rates of migration observed ` among this ethnic group. ~ · Slave emancipation among the Soninke, therefore, appears to be but one V episode of a downward spread of labor migration. In the nineteenth century, ~ 3 clerics had provoked in the Gambia the entry into navetanat of young com- I moners and some emancipated slaves. But the end of slavery among the _ ` cnnpran 5 i E sommga Mtommr Narwonks lr44l ‘ ’ l¤4sl

V French Colonial Administrators and Migration in the I92OS S I X p _ Y First Criticism: of Migration be_#•re the First Uzyrld FEW ¤ i There were a few occasional criticisms of migration before the First World _ _ ‘ War. The 1911 Annual Report for Nioro contains a fairly elaborate discusMyths 31'1(Il R€Hl1[1€S of (:OlO1'1lZ:1l Migration , V, sion of the good and bad consequences of temporary migration. Reflecting , '_ on bad crops in 1910 and IQII, the administrator expressed the concern that Z_9l4—Z_9_3O ‘_ V a level of personal taxation that was permissible in normal years might be, come too burdensome in bad years and might force farmers to sell their live, i stock capital in order to pay the tax. The administrator indicated that he had ,, ~ kept this point in mind when he had drawn up the tax rolls, hinting that he . purposely underestimated the taxpaying population. As a result, tax was I l collected easily even this year. The report then moved on to temporary mi` Q gration. Was it a good or a bad thing? Elders said that they were short of ; , manpower during the growing season. Migration, however, paid taxes and ,t bought grain during bad years. Overall, the administrator thought that temALTHOUGI-I SONINKE LABQR migration grew rapidly after the First World ~ porary migration was a good thing; it brought money into the region, and it War, the trend had begun before the war. What was new about the interwar .· put migrants in contact with regions where French colonization was most acperiod, however, was the widespread disapproval of labor migration by `_ l tive: “The stories that [migrants] bring back with them can only be favorable French colonial oflicials. Colonial administrators before the war had been I to our influence.”’· In spite of this optimistic conclusion, the report betrayed favorable to labor migration: governors such as Clozel or Ponty played an I an ambiguity vis—a—vis migration: the administrator wondered if migration important role in slave emancipation in West Africa, and they logically re- rj was not due to high taxes, and he worried about its effect on agricultural progarded labor mobility as a desirable aim} By contrast, latter-day colonial f' , duction. ` writers such as Maurice Delafosse (who had been a close collaborator of _ » Reports for the following years contain an echo of the discussion of IQII. Clozel) were generally opposed to labor migration. j l The 1912. report reiterated concerns about the loss of manpower created by This opposition arose from genuine concerns, but it also had ideological " migration. However, the reports for 1913 and IQI4, a tragic year of famine in causes. In the first part of this chapter, I will examine the complaints of ad- West Africa, noted that migration made it possible to buy grain and thus to ministrators, and the evidence supporting these complaints, as well as the ', y alleviate food shortages. By May x914, however, grain reserves were exgeneral ideological climate among colonial administrators at the time. In the p ~ hausted except in Kaarta, Sanga (a Xaasonke region north of jomboxo), and second part of the chapter, I will return to the evidence on labor migration p i the Résidence of Yelimane (jafunu, Gidyume, and Tiringa) and caravans no for the IQZOS, discussing the most important factors behind its expansion ; longer arrived with grain from Beledugu because grain was apparently lackduring this period. J, i ing there, too. Villages in the northern parts of the cercle were deserted by it their inhabitants, except for old people and invalids, and young men had ` L gone in greater numbers than usual to Senegal. The report worried that a I nu.mber of young men might not come back from Senegal in time for the cull, Q tivation of the next crop, meaning that the food deficit might persist. This · l { MYTHS AND amrtrrtizs or COLONIAL MIGRATION l i46 l `* ‘i I 147]

fear proved unfounded; the agricultural situation returned to normal in fol- f `, was only ih i93o» with rhs eorning inro Ofhre of Governoncrenerai lilies lowing years, although there were problems with heavy rains in September , Bréviér rhhr rhings began to change in Fr¢¤¤h West Arricn> hnr even the POP' rom and with grasshoppers in ,9,6} 1 , ular Front in 1936 could not dispose of all the remnants of forced labor. In spite of the alarming reports in tom, the eerele or Nioro (spd npper_ I V r This is not the place to discuss the reasons for this widespread revival of ently other Soninke cercles as well) appears to have done relatively better ’ V forced i==h¤r hr French West Arrice ih rhr iozos-9 it wiii he Siitneient to in€ii· than other cercles of the Western Sudan during the {umu-ie_ ln Bat-ldlagata, i Cate that supporters of forced labor in the colonial administration belonged for example, the French administrator estimated that the cercle lost one-z/tin! · J to ii gr°‘·iP or iiteehneeretsw rhar eniergeii nr the beginning or rhs rwenrieth of its population as a result of the famine of 1913 to 1914.4 Was the relatively ,· 5 ¢¤¤r¤ry· The "r¤¤h¤¤¤rarS," men Sueh as G¤i>Yi€i A¤g0¤iV¤¤’r (Wh0 i>€¢¤m€ better situation in Nioro due to the money brought back by migration (en- ir ` governongenersi ot French vvest Africa ih Wis): oPPose‘i eeriier coioniiii npling the population to buy grain), ss the French administrator alleged; , , policies based on classical laissez-faire liberalism. They favored avoluntarist This is possible, but the drought appears to have been less severe in the ir t Pohcv of inrge’scnie government tieveioPrnent Prolecrs nniierre-ken rhroi-igh Soninlre homeland than in many other parts or west A{ries_ The {amine or ` a mobilization of African labor, in particular through forced labor,i° and the 1913 to 1914, however, had an important impact on the thinking of French i ri cieveiolnnent of coastei cesh'croP Producing regions through niigriirionv administrators in the sudaad zones of French west Africa, as we shall see. r § h¤rh dehhirivr rrrrri S¤¤S¤r¤·~i-" hr <>r>p¤siri¤¤ r<> rhe "r¤¤h¤¤¤r¤rs" iieoioniai . ‘ humanists" such as the famous administrator-scholar Maurice Delafosse adTlze Revival of Forced Ldém in Frmd, umn Arpim I vocated small-scale projects initiated at the local level by the administration _ _ — in cooperation with traditional African authorities, whom "colonial humanagar the Fmt HZVM LZV5 Y 2 ists” such as Delafosse were especially interested in preserving. Delafosse The {net that prenoh eolonisl authorities frequently eonseripted rural became the main adviser of Governor-General joost Van Vollenhoven durAfricans to build roads, railways, or simply to work on private European ’ ing his short rrrm of orhee ih r9i7» whom he insPire‘iwirhe "hie1>r¤gr¤m of plantations in West Africa is well-established.‘ But it would be wrong to be- z i sineh Prolecisji hnr rhe r¤1¤i¤¤<=m¤¤r or Ven Voiienhoven hY A¤g<>¤1va¤r in lieve that forced labor had the same impact throughout the period of French i i9i8 Pieeeri Power into rhe hands or rhs iiteehnoerersin who continued to domination. Briefly summarized, the history of colonial coercion in French l g have rr srrong intiiience on coioniei Poiicies nntii rhe i93os· This ierger con' wedt Africa can be divided amd time periods. Between ism and ism, the t i rrxr ¤f Widrsprhrd rrvrvhi Of {med hhrrr hrrri ¤P1¤¤Siri¤¤ r<> "¤<>h>¤i¤1h¤— military administration used forced labor in the French Soudan to build the i` ’ innnisrv oihoieis ninst hr kePt ih niinei while we analyze the Postwar situation Kayes-Bafoulabé railway or to carry supplies to French troops; yet these re- V V or the Soninire h°nieian he mrrrirr p¤SSihi¤ by rhs ·=¤¤hphrri¤¤ ¤f rhs Thi~·*=S—Nis¢r Soudan, and for European plantations in the Ivory Coast. Even the colony of { rsiiwsY Thr Pisnneri ‘ieveioPinent wss for the most Parr outside the $0¤i¤i<€ Senegal, which traditionally had a more benevolent administration as a re- A honieisneii hur eieveioPers were aware of the Porentiei or rhe Senegsi River sult of its representative institutions, was affected by colonial coercion} It i Valley, anti rhs Devér and Chrrumhr rretiing coniPnnY oPerereti e eoncession CHAPTER 6 i Mrrus AND naaririrs or coromay. ivucnmiou I use 1 = l 149 l

farm near the village of ]axandappe in Kammera, not very far from Kayes, contingent” laborers recruited in 1934,zS no recruitments were recorded where it established a cotton, sisal, and peanut plantation." ` iv after 1930 until the Second World War. A report from Kayes in 1931 menThe forced labor recruitments that took place after the First World War 4 tions that communal obligations (prestations) could now be redeemed with were important. A March 1911 report for Kayes mentions desertions of la- ` V { a payment in money, as had been the rule in Senegal since 1911.2“’ No forced borers on the construction sites of the Thies-Kayes railway, but gives no nu- 1 recruitments were recorded for the IQZOS in the Senegalese cercle of Bakel.’° merical estimates.]; In the cercle of Kayes, 400 men were recruited “as every The largest recruitments were thus made during the period of 1924 to year” in the third quarter of IQZ4 for the Kayes trading houses (probably for l 5 1926 for the plantation of ]a.xa.t1dappe and the unloading of ships in Kayes. the unloading of river cargo)." Between the first day of October 1914 and ` Even during this peak period, the numbers recruited do not appear incomthe end of january 1925, 947 agricultural laborers were recruited for the plan- ’ mensurate with the populations concerned. For example, the cercle of tations of the cercle (]axandappe).'5 In 1915, more than 1,000 harvesters were ~ Kayes, where recruitments were the most important, had in 1911 a popularecruited for the Jaxandappe plantation and for the Kayes trading houses [in J J tion of 122,000.31 Adding the peak figures in our list above (for the jaxanOctober], and 250 laborers were recruited for various public services and pri- `V __ dappe plantation and the various public services and private enterprises in vate enterprises."’ In 1916, 900 men were recruited for the unloading and re- _ . 1915 and the unloading of ships in 1916), we come to a maximum figure of loading of Kayes trading houses river transports." In 1917, the French West ’ · 2,150 men recruited—a.bout 7 percent of the adult male population of the African authorities abandoned their support to European textile fiber planta- j ‘ cercle. But the recruitments for jaxandappe and Kayes were made for peritions and favored indigenous production, which meant for the local popula- , Q ods of fifteen days only, with a rotation of laborers.” Taking this into action the forced cultivation of cotton.“ il count, there may have been only around 300 men (around 1 percent of the The cercle of Nioro had lower recorded numbers of forced recruitrnents. " _ adult male population) working away from their villages at any given time But these still amounted in 1923 to more than 500 men for the jaxandappe that year.” Moreover, recruitments for ]axandappe and Kayes were made plantations and an additional 150 men for road building.'° The subdivision 5 after September, that is, after the peak period of the cultivation season (the of Yelimane, which was part of the administrative district of Nioro, had to weedings in ]uly and August). It is unlikely, therefore, that these recruitconscript 50 men for work on the Thies-Kayes railway in 1915.’° The culti- I ments had a great impact on agricultural production. It is also worth noting vation of cotton was also encouraged by the administration, with ten metric ¥ that laborers recruited for Kayes were fed and paid 1 francs a day, which tons exported in 1924.2* The report for the second quarter of 1916 men- ` probably was close to the standard rate in regional towns in the Senegambia tioned that the chiefs of jafunu and Gidyume indicated that the population · and Soudan.3" Laborers for ]axandappe were fed and paid a comparatively had paid its taxes with the product of the sale of cotton in Kayes that year." 5 Y low 1.50 francs a day, which largely explains why so many laborers deserted A report for the entire cercle of Nioro in March 1917 mentioned that the hec- if the plantation during these years.” tarage of fields planted in cotton had multiplied by ten.” ‘ · The tapering off of recruitment after 1916 was partly in response to a diAfter 1926, recruitments in French Soudan seem to have tapered off. v~ ‘ minished need for labor. Although archives give no reason for recruitments Although administrators in Kayes continued to complain about the heavy to unload ships in Kayes, it is clear that they were related to the temporary burden of forced labor on the populations until 1932,24 there were in Nioro , ’ problems that plagued the first years of operation of the Thies-Kayes railin 1917 only 115 “second-contingent” recruits (youths not drafted into the ` way between 1914 and 1916."‘ The decreased reliance on forced labor was French colonial army were theoretically eligible for civilian labor service .` _ also clue to the strong resistance of the population in the cercles of Kayes and under a 1915 law).Z5 In 1918, 400 men from the cercle of Nioro worked on ` i= Nioro. Many, perhaps most, of the young men recruited, especially for the the difficult construction of the Kayes-Nioro road." In 1919, only 25 men of * plantations of ]axandappe, fled as soon as they reached their work sites. In the “second contingent" were recruited in Nioro for additional work on the · yl view of this resistance, recruitments for jaxandappe in the cercles of Kayes Thies-Niger railway in 1929.27 With the lone exception of 100 “second- ,. and Nioro were terminated after 1926.37 After 1916, there were only relatively CHAPTER 6 ~ ‘ MYTHS AND 1taAL11‘1Es or COLONIAL MIGRATION I ¤1¤l V I rsr l `

small recruitments for road building and railway repairing, which were . _ chiefs or the [administrator of the] cercle." In such conditions, it was difficult mostly made during the dry season. , for the French administrator to recruit laborers or soldiers from the local As {Of the cultivation of cotton, "enc0uraged” by the adminisn-arion, ir ? population, as required by the central administration. Young men Were atcannot have had very significant results. The ten metric tons exported in V _ tracted to Senegal by the greater freedom that they enjoyed there, and by 1914 correspond to the production of only zen hectares! So we should thus V easy and well-rewarded work, but, Duranthon warned, they also went to take with a grain of salt the chiefs’ assertion that ]afunu and Gidyume paid . i avoid labor recruitments. Duranthon asked the administration to control the th€i1‘taX€S in !9Z6 With the sale of cotton. But even if this were rrue, it would `V " migration inovement—by regimenting migrants into teams with oiiicially not have amounted to much: with ]afunu and Gidyume’s population of V V recognized leaders and by issuing identification cards to all migrants. Thus about 16,000, the two regions’ tax would have amounted to 112,000 francs A organized and registered, migrants would be allowed to leave only after (16,ooo x 7 francs). Considering that cotton was then worth 1 franc a kilo- , — being authorized by their village chiefs and after notifying the colonial adgfanilg and that the average cotton yield in jafunu is one ton per hectare?} ` _Q ministrator in Nioro. Duranthon pointed out that without such 1”eg`ulati0n, only slightly more than a thousand hectares would have been put under . village chiefs had no authority over their charges: family heads themselves cultivation to procure this result. To evaluate this performance, we should ` 1 complained that whenever they attempted to assert control over their chilconsider that in 191; Saint—Pere estimated that the Mauritanian part of Gidi- · 1 dren, these left to become migrants. I-Iinting strongly that the current food maxa, with a population of about 15,000, grew I4,000 hectares in sorghum ' crisis was the result of French reluctance to provide strong leadership, he and millet, 2,000 in maize, and 1,000 in peanuts."° The area planted in eerren v asked how such a crisis could occur after thirty years of French domination in ]afunu and Gidyume would thus have been comparable to the area planted V ·1 "in a country which before our coming overtlowed with millet.""’ in peanuts in Gidimaxa at the time. Moreover, the administration did not i .` In 1921, as the subsistence crisis developed, Duranthon’s criticisms took need to do much to encourage Soninke farmers to grow cotton in the period { on a sharper tOne. If a crisis had occurred, he wrote, it was because the adi9?-6 t0 1917 because the price of cotton was high. When the price fell in {0]- l rninistration had been irnprovident. The region was becoming drier. lti’ig21· lowing years, the cultivation of cotton as a cash-crop disapPeared_" _ 1 tion should have begun more than ten years ag0.‘" But no serious scheme of In spite of the apparently small impact of forced labor in the Soninke . V_ development could be launched without first restoring the authority of homeland, the opposition of local administrators to it was widespread and ' ; African chiefs: "Since the conquest," asserted Duranthon, " [the colonial auvocal. One of the most articulate complaints was written by the French ad- l V. thorities have] only been interested in politics. There has been no economic ministrator in Nioro, Commandant Duranthon, in a series of reports from ` achievement. The policy implemented has been decidedly against the chiefs; 1920 to 1911. it has aimed to weaken thoroughly the spirit of indigenous authority. "“ The I V results were complete disaffection of the population toward the chiefs, neA Colonia [ Adm ,,,,;,,,,,,0,1, Revolt » , glect of labor, insuiiicient crops, famines in 1914 and 191o. The tax burden ~_ r had more than doubled. Military service and forced labor recruitments for Duranth0n’s first report was written at the end of 1910, a year of subsistence i public works and private concessions had been imposed. A policy that made cr1sis—not an actual famine, but a diiiicult year for the region. Duranthon r V such crushing demands on indigenous populations, without reinforcing the deplored the fact that there were no emergency food reserves in the cercle V I powers of traditional authorities, was inconsistent." On the contrary, the and that the food deficit had been made worse by administrative requisitions , ~‘ administration punished chiefs when young people fled labor recruitments, of cereals for two neighboring cercles/*2 Without saying so diregtly, Duran- V V · {nr-ther depreciating their prestige and infiuence. Recruitment gave rise to ¥1l'10n hinted that the food crisis was partly due to migration, Each year in T. numerous incidents of resistance}" But “[t]his situation should not Sufpfisei September some I,$OO to 2,000 young men left the cercle to grow peanuts in ’ it is the consequence of the disorganization of indigenous society and the Senegal. They left “without informing either their family heads, their village ‘ departure of all youths in Senegal.""“ Duranthon reiterated his demand that cunprrn 6 l Mrrus Am: naatirtus or COLONIALMIGRATION [ in I “ ‘ r rn 1

village chiefs be given the authority to regulate migrati0n."’ He pointed our . V Economic Situation in the cercle of Ni0f0 in the 79205 hifottdlthlcal 0 ' t‘lt"d dct'0b'-‘ 1 . . . *5 ° f S ° °"° °P ° ° _ E°°“ my’ m lm ‘°“ at °° Pm “ ‘ _“’ YY1 1 The hsst point to hats is rhs partisanship of spas of Duranth0n’s remarks. troducing wheat, encouraging the manuring of fields, and experimenting ‘ , , . . . . _ h I Th t _ d { h t 1 d _ _ ; ~ t An obvious instance is his assertion that the head tax tripled between 1916 to. tt teo t mt cn amllsta- , . · W1 P WS esef cmp S rece V H *“PP°’ YO B fi ra , H , I ~ Q and 19:.1 (which 1t dtd in mammal terms). However, the French franc (which t1on. Duranthon hinted that the same neglect was responsible for his failure p 3 _ _ , . _ _ “ _ _ ,, _ . , was in use in French Africa until after the Second World War) was devalued to institute compulsory prov1dent granaries although the central admin- 1 t _ . , . 7 ` 1 by two-thirds from 1919 to 1920.55 The real value of taxes in 1921, therefore, istratron had long promoted the scheme. He noted that he had been success- q , . .l d h , _ was exactly the same as 1n 1916. Moreover, while Duranthon assai e t e 40 ful 1n carrying out small-scale local development schemes, such as small _ r . . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ~ y percent tax increase of 1911, he kept silent on the nearly equivalent tax 1ndams providmg drinking water for livestock, for which the chiefs had w1ll- ‘ , . d b 1 { d V V H h ss _ _ , _ _ , = crease of 1917, wh1ch was decide y De a osse an an o en oven. ingly provided conscnpted labor—because v1llagers understood their 1m- 4 ~ , . . I .d l . d . t 50 ~ Duranthon s successor, Administrator B anc, evt ent y rece1ve ins rueportance for the local economy. . . . , . . d , _ _ , u _ tions to verify his predecessor s allegations. Wisely, Blanc conducte a surOne can sense Duranthon s frustration grow in these reports, and his last , . . . . 1 _ _ _ _ _ , vey of the most tangible and easily accountable sign of wealth in the cerc e, reports became an mdictment. Forced labor recruitments, and sp1ral1ng d1- ' 1 _ _ . . . . _ _ » that is, livestock. The results were remarkable. While a similar survey in rect taxes, which had grown from about 300,000 francs in 1916 up to 860,000 ; . . . . . _ _ _ _ , , · 189; for the three N10r0 provinces of Ktngi, Kenyareme, and Gtdyume francs 1n 192.1 w1th0ut any comparable increase in the cercle s resources, had t ( _ ha-b,t t )had {O nd 5, _ _ _ “ _ _ _ , _ 1 ooo in 1 an s u : jeopardized the reg10n’s economy: The population will soon find it rmpos- V 5 9% sible to pay its taxes. It gains nothing any more from agriculture. The labor ; Z 3,000 cows that is taken away by recrsuitment has not been replaced by any equip- · y r00,000 sheep ment."" Migration had become necessary to pay local taxes. The money Y 17,00 horses brought back by young migrants, however, due to the current economic cri- _* V . . . . . ‘ ‘ ' ·5e sis 1n Senegal, was no longer sutiic1ent to cover local monetary needs? “The F 1h€ 1922 S¤1"V€Y {0*-md {OY the cercle Of NIOYO P*°PeY (I I6ve°° *“ha·b“amS)· cercle has been administered for thirty years " Duranthon concluded in his 2 ’ _ _ _ 68,694 cows report for the fourth quarter of 192.1; “there 1S nothing. Nothing has been g SO 944 Sheep done for the benefit of the population. The cercle pays 900,000 francs in tax. Y, 667 t _ _ _ , ,, 3 0 oa s It receives noth1ng in return for 1lS development. 5’ ’9 Lg Personal files of colonial administrators for this period are still closed to · {Pug (mes the public. But the reader senses that, in view of the boldness of Duran- " $$37 donkeys thon s cr1t1c1sms, the fact that he was allowed to stay 1n office for more than . In the Subdivision Of Yéhmmé @$,000 lnhabltantsx there Wemsv a year even though the governor of French Soudan, Marcel Olivier, was a ` ,1 artisan of forced labor and “technocratic” develo ment in eneral meant i 77208 COWS PPB1V that Duranthon had influential pr0tectors.5" Duranth0n’s patrons are still » = 1,142 sheep unknown, but his political camp was clear. His emphasis on traditional au- , IO,3I2 goats thority and small—scale development projects was consistent with the wartime _ 1 $43 hm-ses · instructions sent by Governor-General Van Vollenhoven, which were in- X 1 642 donkeys spired by Maurice Delafosse. Duranthon in Nioro thus protested the intro- j duction of a policy inspired by the “technocrats” in a region that had been s { The dl$PaTltY between the No eensusesw even taking 11110 account the d€Vas' until recent] immune to [heh- acpim-,s_ tation of the bovine plague of 1897. (see Chapter Four), is, in fact, so enory ’ · so I mous that it is impossible that the 1893 census was not faulty. However that CHAPTER 6 ii 1v1Y·ri—ts AND REA1.1·r11;s or COLONIAL Mionarrou [ 1s4l ‘ ` [ 1SS l

may be, it is clear that the Soninke enormously increased their livestock after 2 The Soninke were also important producers of cotton cloth, which was in the French conquest They were not alone in doing so; the Beydan also en it d d ' l d h h d "" C l th d ` · — ~ great eman in Senega an t e Frenc Sou an. otton c o pro uction larged their herds greatly in order to respond to growing demands for meat l is much more diiiicult to evaluate, and here the point is not to come to an from the rising African urban centers.°‘ The Soninke were participating in 1 f exact figure (which is impossible due to insuiiicient documentation), but to this expansionfz The fact was not unknown to Duranthon, who drew the ‘ come to a l ibl ' A G H ki h h d h , p aus e estimate. . . op ns as s owe t at, contrary to governor’s attention to a slump in the livestock trade that had sharply re- V common assumptions, colonization was not followed byadecline of African duced Soninkelincomes. But there is no evidence that this was more than a 4 crafts, but by an zhcraarve in their production, due especially to an expanding temporary crisis. In 1924, the Kayes administrator reported that the comple— — , urban demand"' Weaving among Soninke was a slave occupation, although tion of the Thies-Kayes railway had brought a marked increase in the price ` , other segments of the population engaged in it as well. I have made estimates of livestock in the cerc1e.“ _ Y on the basis of an arbitrary estimate of 7.5 percent of the adult male populaWhat was this livestock worth, and more importantly, what income did it 1 tion of the cercle of Nioro involved in weaving, which will not appear as exbring to the population of the Nioro cercle? An estimate will be found below g f cessive since we know that about a third of the Soninke population was in table form: . · composed of slaves, even after emancipation? Based on this estimate, the TQM, 6 I 6, ~ , total production of the cercle would have come to an export value of about Livestock Owned by Sedemaries in Yélimané and Nioro i g,6oo,ooo francs a year.” We therefore come to a total estimated revenue of i about 6 million francs of revenue every year. To this should be added the e o mr wz ue ‘ ` if mm wm 8 mmm H? mime . sale of other craft products, such as calabashes, baskets, ropes, raw and Lwertoc/t 6`n_f}anc.Q Numéer Hzlue Number Hzlue _ _ _ t Gnfancd Gnfuncv 4 . crafted leather, which we know the Soninke exported (as did many other ', . West African peoples), and the sale of various agricultural products, such as Cows 200 F 68,694 13,738,800 7,208 1,441,600 Q T . . . . . . . » , shea butter and (especially in regions neighboring the ra1lway—r1ver netHorses 1,000 F 4,129 4,129,000 570 570,000 ~ . . Dmkeys 250 F 5 837 1 459 250 652 163 000 r work, such as ]afunu) millet and peanuts; unfortunately, there is no way to ’ ’ ’ ’ V Y estimate the value of such exports.”’ But even on the basis of 6 million francs Sheep 35 F 50,944 1,783,040 1,142 39,970 ~ i _ , of revenue, a tax burden of 677,ooo francs a year would represent only GOHYS 35 F 66,905 2,341,675 10,312 360,920 ,_ ,~ l. h 1 h { th · 1 { ab · Total 23 451 765 Z 575 490 ,~ J s tg ty more t an II percent 0 revenue, or e equiva ent 0 out stx ` weeks of work pei- year, seayeely more that the amount of direct taxes in Thé “liV€Sf0Ck Capita? of the region’s sedentaries thus amounted to 26 ' _· metropolitan France today. Of course, these are only estimates, but they at million francs. With a natural growth of 4 percent per year for cows, and zo , ' least P'!0Vid€ an i¤di€¤¥i0¤·7'° percent for sheep and goats, this meant an annual income of about 1,300,000 ‘ p francs.°5 Tax for sedentaries amounted to 677,ooo francs.“ On the basis of The Suésmeme Situation livestock income alone, therefore, the head tax might well appear excessive. " But livestock did not represent all of the regiorfs exports The Soninke ex- I But if taxation was not excessive if the area was not im o ' h d— - . . , p veris e as ported large quantities of bar salt, which they obtained from the Beydan. We ’ S Duranthon’s successor asserted—how can we explain the subsistence crisis i have figures for salt taken at the turn of the century from the three markets 1 ` re d b th > h ` cl ub th ' f D V porte y Duran on. T ere is no reason to o t e veracity o uranof Nioro, Kérané, and Tambakara, amounting to a total estimate of almost a V thon’s reports on the matter, but was it temporary or-—-as Duranthon implied million kilograms, or (at the postwar price) 6oo,ooo francs." These figures A Q —was there a c/manic subsistence problem in Nioro? do not take into account all the "domestic" trade directly between farmers _ An occasional food crisis, however severe, cannot be taken as an indicaand nomads, and it seems safe to double this iigure.‘“ _ tion of a tlmmic subsistence problem, One of the most careful studies of cnaprnn 6 » _: Mvrns AND maitttrtas or COLONIAL MIGRATION [ H6] ¥ 1 ml

rural life in West Africa, Polly Hill’s study of a Hausaland village, gives us l l Soninke homeland was hit by a major drought, as was the rest of West an important insight in the matter. In her study, Hill discovered wild Huctu- " ‘ Africa.8° There was a lesser crisis in 1910 and then a more serious crisis in ations of cereal prices throughout the year, often doubling overnight. Hill ; Y 1916 to 1917, in which 150 deaths were recorded in the cercle of Nioro}'7 In attributed the erratic character of food prices to the poor transportation net- l V { addition, there were occasional years of bad crops, which created localized work of northern Nigeria? This is, of course, the most probable explana- ~ food shortages without generating an overall critical situation. tion. Lack of transportation turns each region into an isolated market, where · V Although food crises no doubt caused a great amount of sutfering, espesurpluses cannot be disposed of and where shortages cannot be alleviated. ~ cially for the poor, their impact was probably less than modern scholars have Food shortages due to poor transportation were characteristic of premodern A I indicated. Annual pluviometric records are available for Bakel and Matam European agricultural economies, which had a much more favorable ecolog- p i since 1911. The average annual precipitation for Bakel in 1911 to 1930 was ical environment than their African counterparts." 3 , 501 millimeters. Most years had an average above 514 millimeters, except for Food was brought by boat to the Upper Senegal region.77 In the cercle of I · 1915 (496 millimeters) and 1916 (305 millimeters). Matam had a more erratic Nioro, and certainly elsewhere in the interior, Beydan caravans brought E j rainfall pattern, oscillating generally between 406 and 703 millimeters, with food from grain-producing regions to the south such as jomboxo and Bele- 1 S an average of 515 millimeters for the period and a low of 334 millimeters in dugu." Food also seems to have been brought by train after 1925. A report Z 1916.*** Except for 1916, these are suihcient ngures to support normal agrifrom Kayes in this year mentions the bringing of relief grain (mil, i.e., mil- l cultural production. It is true that annual rainfall does not tell the whole let or sorghum) from Bamak0,"’ and distributions of rice (probably brought ' I story; an erratic rainfall pattern one year will result in failed crops even from Dakar) are mentioned in 1917 in Kayes and in 1930 in Nioro.“° All gl t though the overall rainfall for the year may appear as suiiicient. Another of these forms of transpormtion had severe limitations. Most of the food , ° useful indication is the amount of food aid provided by colonial authorities brought by the Senegal River was probably produced in the valley itself.”‘ V during the worst crises. These amounted to 50 metric tons of sorghum in the Since climatic conditions were roughly similar throughout the valley, river l' northern part of Gidimaxa situated in the cercle of Kayes in the second transportation did not entirely shelter the Upper Senegal region from the . ` quarter of I97.4;89 32 metric tons of sorghum sent from Bamako to Kayes in effect of a major crisis (which was usually felt throughout the valley). Trans- ,_ ]uly 1915;"° 60 metric tons of sorghum bought in ]afunu, Gidyume, and portation by pack animals was slow and expensive." And finally, transpotta— ( Tiringa for Kenyareme in 1916,9* and 50 metric tons of rice in Nioro in the tion by train had its maximum effect in the immediate vicinity of railway i > second quartet of 1930."2 These are relatively small quantities: the largest stations. Elsewhere, grain had to be transported by traditional transportation . j (60 metric tons) would have kept alive 1,000 persons for three months, or (boat or pack animal); it was only with the popularizadon of trucks that 1 ` 3,000 persons for a month (the population of the cercle of Nioro was grain could be transported rapidly and comparatively cheaply. But truck V 140,000; that of the cercle of Kayes was 110,000). Moreover, there were no transportation did not have a serious commercial impact until the 195os. The ` l indications in the reports from the cercles that these quantities were insuflifact that there was a food crisis in 1920, therefore, is in irsebrno indication — ir cient, in spite of the evident concern of administrators that local food prothat there was a chronic agricultural problem in Nioro. duction was insuihcient during this period. The period’s worst crisis, in 1916 Other indications in Dura.nthon’s report, however, point to potentially , to [927, caused a recorded 150 deaths in the cercle of Nioro. This can be more serious problems. Duranthon mentions the apparent drying up of the l ;» compared with the frightening death toll in Bandiagara during the famine of region of the "Sahel" (cercles of Nioro and Nara).“’ According to George V , IQI4 discussed above. In 1917, moreover, the local administrative reports Brooks, the period 1900 to 1930 was a drier period in the history of West f contain none of the horrific descriptions of skeletal refugees that'can—-be, Africa."" The reports for the Soninke homeland support Brooks’s Endings i found in the accounts of the 1914 famine in Bandiagara or Kano, or even in The adverse sequence began in 1905 to 1908 with years of exceptional rain- ` the accounts of the 1858 famine in Bakel."’ In fact, there were no descripfall, which brought floods and parasites}5 In 1913, as we have seen, the p if tions of refugees from the famine in either Kayes or Nioro in 1927. What CHAPTER 6 g ‘ Myri-1s AND REALITIES or COLONIAL Mtonitriorr [158] “ z [ml

this suggests is that the IQZOS were diilicult years, but for most Soninke, they , . even went as far as Kita and Bamako in their search for work. By December were not years of disaster. 1902, however, things were back to normal. That month, the commandant Duranth0n’s reports raise two important questions with respect to migra- ` was struck by the appearance of wealth of Soninke villages in Wagadu (tration. First, did migration create a labor shortage, leading to lower produc- ` 4 , ditional name of the Gumbu region).'°’ The migration, therefore, had been tion and possibly a food shortage? Second, did food shortages lead to greater _` j a temporary movement of refugees, not a labor migration; the whole populamigration? ` tion had been involved in the migration, not simply young men, and the miThe Hrst question can be at least partially answered. There were three 1 gration lasted only for the duration of the crisis. We must, in fact, wait until types of migrants in Nioro."" The first were the navetanes proper; they left if 1916 to see a mention in archival documents of a regular current of return the Soninke homeland by May in order to arrive in Senegal in ]une at the be- Y _ migration from the region, in which there are also indications that Gumbu ginning of the agricultural season. The second type of migrants are called ` migrants were probably introduced to navetanat through contact with today firdau, but were in the 19308 called éanznyini (Mande for “I am looking L A, Soninke networks in the neighboring cercle of Nioro. ‘°’ for w0rk");"5 they left in September and worked as harvesters of the peanut 2 Could a food crisis increase an already existing movement of temporary crop beginning in October.“" The third type of migrants left after the har- , S migration? The probable answer is that it could, but that such effect was vest, around December, to work as temporary laborers in Senegalese har- again temporary. For example, in the cercle of Nioro, the crisis of 1926 to bors and trading posts, loading ships and warehouses, becoming laborers in ' 1927 caused a “very important exodus of men of rz!] ages [my emphasis], esBamako or Kayes, or dry-season trade migrants in the traditional fashion. In pecially of young men going to Senegal” in the third quarter of 1926 (i.e., 1920 to 1921, according to Duranthon, 4,000 to 5,000 migrants from the cer- ‘ after the most important labor on the fields had been completed).‘°" In 1928, cle of Nioro went to Senegal?] Of these, 1,500 to 2,000 left in September , _ however, once the famine was over, the “movement of navetanes [was] noIQZO to work as harvesters."“ In 1933, the average number of migrants to L 5 ticeably less important than in the previous years.""” What these data sugSenegal was estimated at 7,000 to 8,ooo per year."" Of these, about 3,000 _ ? gest is that the crisis increased temporarily the incidence of migration, in were navetanes.‘°° On the basis of these numbers, it appears that the pro- { s particular by motivating the exceptional migration of middle-aged married portions of navetanes and harvesters in the cercle were roughly equal. J 'Z men, but these returned to their farms once the crisis was over. Comparative Looking now at figures from the subdivision of Yelimane (jafunu, { . data for other regions suggest similar conclusions. Paul Pélissier noted that Gidyume, Tiringa), which is mostly peopled by Soninke, this area sent 1,500 i` almost all family heads who left the dry region of northern Kajoor during migrants to Senegal every year throughout the interwar peri0d.“" Of these, i . the drought of 194I to 1942 eventually returned to their villages.‘°‘ 750 would have been navetanes migrating during the entire cultivation sea- Q son, or (for a population of 25,000) I2 percent of the adult male population. I The Kfxgdex ,, It is doubtful that such a migration could have had the drastic consequences , alleged by Duranthon and many of his successors. Moreover, the fact tl1at M ‘ ~ The question remains, however, whether forced labor and military recruitthe proportion of harvesters and navetanes remained basically constant dur- j " ments did have an impact on Soninke migration. The administrators who ing the period 1920 to 1933 is an indication that the control of elders over the Q I followed Duranthon continued to complain about forced labor. In 1923, the migration was more eflicient than Duranthon surmised. , l administrator in Nioro charged that recruitment of laborers “weighed heavTurning to the second question, did occasional food crises have an effect V i ily on the cercle and caused an important exodus toward Senegal."‘°’ At the on migration? Indeed they did, but one must distinguish very carefully what ~ ` end of the year, noting that 500 men had been recruited for the plantations of kind of migration was involved. The drought that aifected the north of the Z jaxandappe, most of whom had deserted and had not returned to their vilcercle of Gumbu in 1899 to 1901 provides a good illustration. Inhabitants { lages, the administrator wondered "[who] will be left in the region if these fled to the south of the cercle, where the men worked to acquire food. Some recruitments go on for another several years." The administrator added that, CHAPTER 6 ‘ , MYTHS AND 111;A1.1·r1.¤:s or COLONIAL MIGRATION [ 160 ] ` A [ 161 l ‘

in order to avoid military recruitment, young men went to the Gambia, or hid ' t migration, and they simply chose to ignore the call of military authorities. in Senegal, where they lived by “gambling or other disreputable means.”'°8 I f Rather than resisting by “voting with their feet,” young Soninke males were The administrators, however, brought up little proof or discussion of their 1 ignoring newly instituted “civic” duties that had no basis in local custom and allegations. Sometimes, they tried to support them by pointing out the mi- , V contradicted a long tradition of migration.“" gration of young men at the beginning of the dry season, when forced labor i ` The word “exodes,” which was repeatedly used by local administrators in recruitments for road building were made,'°" but we know that this was also " Bakel, Kayes, and Nioro to describe labor migration throughout the interthe time when migrants left to work in Senegalese and Soudanese urban cen- · war period, had a history in French Africa. It is well known that precolonial ters and when traditional trade migration began. W . African populations were often very mobile. Because population density was In die beginning of the rggos, under the liberal administration of Gover- i F n generally low, land was widely available and extensive cultivation was comnor-Genetal ]ules Brévié, forced labor virnially disappeared from the Upper ` mon, in some cases entailing frequent relocation of villages. In the past, inSenegal region. Local administrators believed that labor migration would . ternecine quarrels often resulted in the breakup of family or clan units, who decline from this point."° The situation, however, remained unchanged. Now i j went elsewhere to found new villages on virgin land. Such migrations were administrators occasionally blamed military recruitment for migration. In- , also a familiar form of resistance to an unwelcome authority."5 The characdicative of this frame of mind, an administrator in the outlying post of Nara ` teristics of these population movements, which appear frequently in the even reported his difficulties with military recruitment under the heading: ` ir French colonial archives, were that they were generally small-scale, involv"Exades.""‘ `Q ` ing at the most several hundred individuals; that they involved w/mlefhmig After 1923, twenty-year-old men were recruited for a three-year-long Y ·i groupr; that their geographical range was s/tart; and that they were dqfnitive, military service. Though a relatively large number of young men were sub- t ‘ or at any rate, that they functioned like definitive migrations because miject to the draft, only a small number were actually drafted. Although there 4 { grants went away with their dependents and belongings as if they intended are no figures in the local archives, there were probably around a hundred a ` _ to migrate forever. These migrations, therefore, had nothing in common year for each of the two cercles considered (Kayes and Nioro). The draft i _' with labor migration, which involved very large numbers of individuals, conlasted three years, so we must multiply this figure by three to obtain the total _ ·, cerned rpecyfc categories of the population (young men), and were characnumber of draftees absent every year from each cercle.' 'Z The proportion of ~ terized by periodic return; to the home villages. men who were drafted was less than 1 percent of the adult male population. i ¢ The French became concerned with "flight" migration very early."‘ This in itself should cast some doubt on the administrators’ allegations, but ii J Most relevant to us, however, are developments in the French Congo at the we may want to investigate the question further. Let us read, for example, an i ` beginning of the twentieth century, which I shall discuss now. eyewitness report by a French administrator on the recruiting operations of ? y 1944: “In the villages we visited and in particular in the administrative seats , W Snuggle-Y lh the Conga of the mntam, we carried out a preliminary check-up of future conscrtpts. g ~ Most of those who were shown to us were children of twelve to sixteen. ·i ` The political rows surrounding the French Congo are essential to underMoreover, when rolls were called, voices answered in eight cases out of ten: 1 i stand why colonial humanists such as Duranthon connected forced labor, ‘Navétane! In Senegal! In Bamako! In [French] Guinea!"’ What this quota- y ( taxation, and food scarcity with labor migration. By the turn of the ninetion indicates is not that young men fled to Senegal in order to avoid the { teenth century, the "concessionary companies" (private companies in the draft, but rather that at the time of recruitment, most were away in Senegal i French Congo that were granted administrative and police powers by the or elsewhere—quite a different story."’ Migration rates were already very · French state) were dominated by outspoken proponents of forced labor, high before labor or military recruitments began. For most young men, to be if such as Edmond du Vivier de Streel. Curiously, among the many writings drafted meant losing the benefit of three of their most productive years in , _ that appeared at the time in defense of forced labor, almost none advocated cuapritx 6 .. MYT1-is AND Raxtrrias or co1.oN1A1. Micnxrton l 162 l i i l 161 l

the use of colonial taxation. Partisans of coercion, in fact, were more inter- * existence in French West Africa) had heen by then introduced in the French ested in establishing direct forms of forced labor, for example, “transitory" it Congo, at ieast in nrineinieaizs and that the government did not intend to sehernes of slave llberatlon ihvslvihg rhe “rentlng” sf slaves to E‘·lroPean ` maui ulate tax rates in order to force the Con olese to mi rate. The rates Planters as ihdshmied servants (Part sf rhe slaves, wages would have gone ~l l e adopted were those of French West Africa andwiberals in thi French Parliaro thelr Arrlean owners as nlannnllsslon Pavrnents)·m Snoh sl-lggestlons had ment kept a close check on them in ordelr to avoid excessive increases.l’5 llttle ehanee sf belng adoPred hy the Freneh Psi1isms¤¤»"“ hut Parllsans sf = Concessionary companies, however, realized that they could use taxation to eoerelon aPParenrlv ealne elose to nlalelng is a siimihsi olrense ror Atrleane i ; their advantage. Since the colonial state could not legally collect taxes (acto break a eontraet and glvlng dis iight ro EtlroPean enlPlovers to lrnPose = V cording to them), the companies proposed to do so on its behalf in exchange nnes of labor on offenders} "’ If such legislation had been adopted, the result i {er a moderate {ee_ This system, inspired by the Congo Free State, was eee_ would have been the erearlon sf a svstern sf Peonage ih Fs¤¤¤h ssishiss- ~ nomical from a governmental point of view. For the companies, it was a way OPPonents of toreed labor were weakened hy the dllllenlt nnanelal slrna' ¥ to turn tax collection imo an instrument of coercion: under the guise of coltion of the French Congo. This situation was so desperate, in fact, due to the Z iecting taxes, they eenid iegaiiy reree Africans te bring them their nrednetsdzn psvsiiy of this sparssiy pspsisisd isriissiyi ihsi it phiysd hiss the hshds ¤f f f rno concessionary companies carried the day in ins French Parliament. hhs Partlsans sf toreed la-bor: who rePearedlv ealled artentlon to rhe eeo' M Soon the disastrous combination of monopoly and privatized state authority nornlo sl-leeess sf the nelghborlng Congo F ree sists, where varlous forms sf l that governed the concessionary company system led to the same scandalous forced labor were in place. In order to generate revenue, colonial humanists K i abuses as in the Congo Free State. In rgog, after the gruesome Gaud-Tociué were toreed to eonslder the establlshrnenr sf a head tale The head tax was 1 ` affair, the former governor and founder of the colony, Savorgnan de Brazza, nnallv lntrodneed under ¤iis·iMigs¤¤p/iiis €¤mr¤isssiy—Gs¤¤i¤l vsr¤¤r> y I Wis sent back to nin French Congo on n mission of enquiry, nis instructions Henrl ds Larnothe ih lgogdzo As Freneh el-lrrenev was extrenlelv rare ih rhs V from the ministry were to investigate the matter of tax collection in kind by Freneh Congoi taxes were eolleeted ih ldnd (as was srlll the ease ih ol-ltlvlng ‘ the concessionary companiesfal By then, there already existed among more Miss ¤¥ French Wiissi Miss)- This srsslisd s prshism shsi $98 is rise [ i radical colonial nunisnists an opposition movement io iiiiooi indigenous w en property rig ts over vast areas in t e Frenc Congo were grante to ` , texesgzs concessionary companies. Putting forward all products of the soil as their i Brezze died While returning from the Cong,} His rencrt was never Pnb_ legal ProPertv¤ hhs eornPanles oPPosed tax eolleetlon ih ldnd hy rhe sists- ‘ { lished; its conclusions, however, were circulated by liberal journalists, such The Ministry of Colonies ordered the French Congo’s administration to col- ~ as péiicien Chsiiayet who had {chewed the mission as an nneiheiai 0h_ leet ralres ln rnonev wheneve; Poss?le» and lg rhs rneantlnlei rzlendbnrage 5 ` server."·’ Their accounts were discussed in liberal political milieux in the eonoesslonarv eornPanles to nv A rloan Pro llers ih ellrrenev· T e sl·lg' metropolis. In 1906, Radical party leader joseph Caillaux claimed in the gestlon aPPealed verv lltrle to the eornPanles· ln a svstenl sf barter: Arrleans , j i French Chamber of Deputies that there was "an indissoluble connection beobtalned El·lroPean goods ih eoneesslonarv oornPanv stores hi exehange ror i tween the economic regime [i.e., commercial monopoly] adopted in the congssds that ihsy eonld lssshy ssh nowhere slss if ¤¤¤s¤<=y Wsis i¤¤¤d¤<=sds Q ventional basin or tho Congo ono uio [current] treatment of indigenous nothing would prevent Africans from using money earned from concession- ’ ,` nennhitiensjs iso By this time, the situation in the Congo basin (French Congt, arv eonlPanv stores to buy EnroPean goods troln CornPetltors (norablv the l and Free State) had become a matter for international concern, with the Bri¤ish> in the reglonm 1* emergence of the "Congo Reform Movement" led by the British journalist Ts entlee hhs eolnPanlesi rhs government and sonle llberals aPParentlv ar" E. D. Morel, perhaps the first international human-rights campaign in modglled that raxatlon ih rnonev would encourage Arrleans ro leave thelr horne‘ ' ern history"' The history of French participation in this campaign is still hhds hi ¤rdsr is h>¤h fsrpsid smpisymshn thus ssivihg hhs "hsh¤i1¤i<>h1¢¤i" l ` little known, but ins famous journalist piono Mins npponis to have been in in the Congo."’ It is important to note that taxation (which had long been in ~~ { Contact with Mom] Prior even to the Bi-azza missiongsz ennbren o Y j Myrus AND nnntrrms or co1.oz~riA1. Mionnriorr l 164 l ~ r .n. 1

An important accusation made by Morel against the Free State was that ·, voluntary wanderer;. The tystem of cnnceniamry cempanier and of mxes in forced labor policies depopulated the Congo, either because Africans died of ` ' lm"! he “]"”’e” ‘h””’ ima Zhi; ¤0m{i¤i¤¤ [my €11‘1Pl'1¤SiS]-'” exhaustion because excessive work revented them from owin enou h = ‘ . . . > _ _ P _ _ _ at g g . By that time fear of depopulanon 1n the Congo appeared to be confirmed food for their subsistence, or finally (and this is where it becomes relevant b th h' h ' · . _ _ 4 y e 1921 census (w 1C was, in fact, the first real census in the area since for us) because they fled en masse from Free State territory. As is well ` the beginning of the colonial period) Whe ea th ' d' I . I, _ _ _ _ V . . I S Em 1 known, Morel exaggerated the lmp3.CI of King LEOPOICVS Pohclesdw The — French Equatorial Africa, (i e French Con 0) ' Eecllgus POP? aumclo _ _ _ _ _ · , . . 1n 1 II a density of population in the immense forested Congo basin was extremely I ’ g _ 9_ _ een Estimate at l I _ I _ . 4,280,000 persons, there were only I,$7'7,000l1’1ll3lDlf8U.[S in I9ZI—3 loss of low, and as a result, its P0pulat1011S WEB? V€1‘y mobile, {BY more than m West : l 63 percent in ten years Us Even thou h O l t' cl l' ' I I b · U I I K. ` ‘ . U 3, [Q1'] QC [ l Africa. Villages changed location very often, either because of political dis- , , stm regarded today as Probable Comgmpog h 11;% O; Stagngmom E _ _ _ _ y ar researc r utes or because soils had become less roductive and 1t was ossible to ob- . · 7 . P Y _ as S Own at suc P P P _; , calculations were made on the basis of extravagantly high prewar population tain better returns by clearing virgin land. The Congo Free State regime _ estimates in Bm Concern aboutthe simatiolf th C _ I I _ _ _ _ _ . . 1n e on o t Probably increased such mobility, as V1ll3g€1'5 1S€1'1d€d Y0 move 3WaY from i the urgency in the reports of colonial administ t gl-r Celgam y iixp am; _ _ _ 5 ra ors s rivers, which were avenues of penetration for Free State agents, and espe- ., many of his successors uc as umm on an ciall f l d o t he th i ht b i ted a te s. In l . . y rom an r u es, near re ey 111 g 9 COUSCY P S For I , _ The Congo debates explain the widespread confusion between “ex0clus” some areas, finally depopulation may have occurred through disease and { s and lab · · h b . . _ _ _ _ l , or migration. T e ehef that direct taxation could force people to death, 1n the same fashion as in the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century ; . Seek em P1 Oymem Outs, de Of their region O { _ _ bl d th d_ _ _ b _ _ _ V ori in urre t t . Caribbean after Spanish conquerors enslaved local populations (forest pop- 1 . . g _ _ 6 is mc Km E I {O h d. I I b Scdto { lam d I 10 in t l ha E al . tween apopulazzon of all ages leaving an area dqfnzrwefy because of adminu a 1 ns w ose IE is a n roo p s an 15 w pro em v ow _ · istrative abuses and . _ _ _ _ _ _ g your; men leavin an area r Z h ' physical resistance). Such a depopulation, real or apparent, also took place in 2 . I .g imlmrmy m Seam of Paid _ _ ; L cmp oyment. In the mmds of colonial humanists such as Duranthon or the French Congo, and members of the Brazza mission were struck by the ,· I { A . . _ _ l _ l _ I , De a osse, labor migration became associated with forced labor starvation number of village ruins encountered during 1h€11‘ ]0¤1”11€Y· · " and oppression a symptom of the colossal f 'l { jh ' ti , _ , » , _‘ at ure 0 a s t t However that may be, we see that the issues raised by Duranthon and his , humanitarian Considerations in its relentless _t { Ys em _ aiilgncfre _ _ _ , , . ursut o . successors—1ssues of zaxamm, fbrced Zehog fbadpraduermn, depapulezzan, ` mem But the new Perception Oflabm mi afp I ec]-imoml? °;_V€ OP _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ; · r tonwasasot and mzgnzmm—were already widely discussed at the beginning of the twén- N ~ - . . . _ g _ E ltesu [O a new _ _ V perception of traditional African society at a time when this society was tieth century. In fact, E. D. Morel may have made his first French contacts . j h H . . , I l _ _ · , c a enged by rapid economic and social change. among West African colonial administrators, probably Governor Clozel and ~, Maurice Delafosse, who were then in the Ivory Coast. "" Symptomatically, it Q was in r 0 a ear after these contacts were made that the first mentions of I MZEV¢¤¤¤ dim] Saciizl Chmn e 9 3» Y 7 I th ibl` tff dlab S`k't' d'1l` . - . . . . EPOSS e inipac o orce l or on onm cmlgfii 1011 F1PP€¤1'€ in OC3 K Y In an important article published in 1923, ommously called "Tl·ie Dai-le d¤¢¤111€11f$·m B€f01‘€ and d¤1'111g the WM, D€l11f0SS€ Chafged that ·A·¤g°“l‘ Z ’ Clouds on West Africa’s Horizon " Maurice Delafosse discussed the m'l't ,...iT11a vgnt S forced labor policies in the Ivory Coast C1'€2f€d hU11g€1’ and an exodus —» draft about to be imposed in Africa by the French Parlianie t 1**** H 'Iy . . . . . . V . n . e ma gf Pgpularions toward the neighboring B1'1tlSl'1 Gold COBSLUG Betfaymg an » » tained that if such a project were carried our the ece cog ni aki m _ _ » en m ng up I H {thc dbt t t {rh s . .7 . ’ · 2;/61; éiafif 1; 1-1€11€€ S I el Dlgggafé 3 Si Z 21913 11166 mg 0 E p S French West A{f1C3’S labor force would disappearmtwenty-tive years. The a os ° Erme es °“m°°S O Oma csv ° Se P E ge K Hgures given by Delafosse were somewhat extravagant, probably purposely his strong support to the idea of solidly binding to their land the indigenous l exaggerated m Order m draw attention YO 11 $l1?¤61i1011 that Worried Depopulanons. He [Delafosse] especially approves the notion because [hc be- ` laf°ssE‘ 41 The amcle was not S1mPlY d€V0'€€€l 10 11’11l11¤1'y dfaff, but also dislieves] the blacks are naturally attached to it. [ T he Blacks] are [he said] in- _' €u$$€€l 31 l€11gfl‘1 the penetration in French West Africa of Black nationalist E‘ CHAPTER 6 L, MYT1~1s AND x1zA1.11‘1Es OF COLONIAL MIGRATION F im 1 I Fm-,1

ideologies. Clearly there was a relation in Delafosse’s mind between the two ` tion were sinister symptoms of the demise of a traditional African society subjects. Delafosse opposed Black nationalists because he believed they ` [ that, under the influence of metropolitan liberals and of the colonial theory · were blind imitators of Western politics. As such, they were threats to , I of 3SSOCi3ti0n, they were trying to preserve.1" The danger in Delafosst-3*5 Africa’s traditional civilization. Delafosse opposed the military draft for the g V if assessment, however, was that it led to considering all manifestations of sosame reason. " cial change (such as labor migration) as evil symptoms of misguided techThe draft, wrote Delafosse, applied equally to all classes of the society, ‘ r nocratic policies. including the chiefs’ own sons, and African traditional leaders regarded it as { a particularly humiliating form of tribute. Military and forced labor recruit- ‘ V . . . ments weakened traditional African authorities. Finally, Delafosse feared The Development of Mlgmuon m the 1920s that the draft (especially if conscripts were sent to France) would lead to de- * [ _ _ _ _ mbalizatiom I · The reports from Duranthon and other administrators after him give the im* pression that the situation in the Soninke homeland, especially concerning They complain, in our [French] countryside, that many soldiers, once freed ` , migration, was radically different from the situation before the war. But to a from military duty, are reluctant to return to the plow. Yet, the change 0f ` historian, the continuity between the pre- and postwar periods is quite obviS¤¤¤¤¤d1¤sS hh rherh was rrever draehci they slrehr their r‘hhrerY eervree ~, - ous. The 19205 saw the resumption and continued expansion of patterns that among countrymen, leaves allowed them to keep in contact with their fam- had be n in the Ea S t ilies and their soil. Such is not going to be the case with the Blacks, who will gu Y r 1910 0 wi} _ be suddenly taken to the land of the Whites. They will be completely cut off . Those yeahh as We have seen lh the Prevrhhs chapter: had heeh Years Or from their relatives and dieir familiar environment for two years, then il chhshrerhhle exlmhsrhh hor haVereher· Encouraged by higher Prices and by thrown unprepared in the midst of a civilization that is wholly different ‘ the building of the Thies-Kayes railway through Bawol and Siin-Saalum, from theirs. Later they will be sent back home having learned nothing of . peanut production in Senegal climbed above zoo,ooo metric tons in 1909 to _ use for their future lives in their homeland, while, on the other hand, they q _ ,9,+144 The War interrupted this Progress by causing an enormous risc in will have forgotten almost everything of their ancient traditions. , r Shi in mms to Eu ,4, Th d E h H. , h Many among them will try to stay in France, lured by the false hope of Q { PP g _ _ mph E an 0 t e con mt m I9I8’ Oweveh carrying on with the Basylifg devoid of material preoccupation, to which I; brought an immediate return to prewar levels. The 1919 to 1920 season their stayin the army barracks will have accustomed them. They will lead a Q hrhhghr e Price ePPr0achir‘g r rrehc Per kilvgramr in €°mP¤rr$°h Whh Which miserable life, made of dubious experiments, of resentment, and lost illu- prev/ar prices were “derisory," commented Governor Didelot of Senegal,"‘° sions. Others will let themselves be repatriated but once disembarked in [an ` A There was a Short crisis at the and Of the wading Season Of 192O to ,92,,m A¤”¤¤¤¤] h¤rl=¤r»¤h¤vwi¤weemy{mbsfmdWiH<>¤1ySw¤i1rh¢r¤¤1<S¤f ‘ T un rr clear recovery followed. rirr rw following years were rrr beginning the useless, the dangerous idle, who already congest the great [urban] cen- V of what Phil, E Da id all th r, ld ,, f d _ _ ters of Black Africa. As for the best among them, those who will choose to Q ` PP V C _s E go hn age O Peanut Pm uchon m return to their birthland, we should fear that they will want to live ‘h.r . Sehegah a Period of Pmspemy that was mhrrrhl-hed °h1Y by the Great De' f,,m,_,·¤ [==Bamba,.a kingS7·· OI. Mpowerful m€n»·]’ as they Say in the Sudan) _= pression."e In 1922 to 1923, the kilogram price of peanuts came close to the i.e,, as people who, being proud of their own personal value and scornful of ' 1.0 franc mark (0.83 franc). It climbed above 1.o franc in 19;.; to 1914, ""’ Reothers and of labor, are a heavy burden for the majority [of Africans] in- [ , spending to the price incentive, that season brought a spectacular increase of stead of helping them and who, although they have returned to their vil- , , Peanut exports, from about Zio OOO to 300 OOO meme tons in the WIS to 1923 lages and families, are nevertheless lost to their own communities, from · ·· Eriod to O OOO m t . t 1; H , _ h { · which they dissociate themselves, and lost to their soil, with which they are 3 , P_ 4s ’ e uc Ons` O Owing 1s’ a hues greater t an I mm Per no [Unger familiamm ; , k1l0g1‘3m and eXp0t*tS greater than 400,000 metric tons were maintained until [ l, the 1931 to 19;;. season.‘5“ Much of this development took place in the region This quotation reveals the emergence of a new perception of labor mi- · , of Siin—Saalum. A lightly populated region before 1900, Siin—Saalun·t was gration. For colonial humanists such as Delafosse, migration and urbaniza— r . colonized by farmers from Kajoor and northern Wolof—speaking regions who ci-xnrfrnn 6 I ~ Mvrns AND nEAy.1·r11zs or COLONIAL MIGRATION [ 168 l . Z' [16o]

settled around the Thiés—Kayes railway line, especially around Kaolack. xl There will never be twins such as Samba Njaay’s twins Kaolack, linked to the railway line in 1912, became a major exporting harbor V ’ The year when they went ro cultivate (peanuts) has become a legend, for Peanuts after the First World Wat. 1 ~ The HOD i¤d€€d cannot grow under the canopy (of his native house) It is easy to see how each of the successive stages of this expansion was — V If I had only one brother reflected in the history of navetanat in the Soninke homeland. In 1918, the 2 He would go to Senegal, he would go :0 the Gambia cercle of Bakel mentioned the migration of “a very large number of young ` Y · He would bring me back an undergarmenc cloth m&n” not only toward their traditional destination of the Gambia (and rhs ‘ ` A Ioinclorh decorated with pearls which hangs to the ground neighboring Senegalese cercle of Niani—Ouli), but toward Siin—Saalum as ` · You, going no Senegal, we1l."“ The important expansion of navctanat noted by Duramhon in ` You are a hero like jala Maxam Nioro during IQZO to 1921 was clearly linked with the exceptionally high But the one who has not gone to cultivate the peanuts of Thiés Diankine, price for peanuts during the preceding agricultural campaign of 1919 to 1920- . He can mend his own trousers, *5" The movement continued in following years. In the residence of Yelimanc, ` the estimated number of migrants to Senegal climbed from I73OO to I,4OO in ` · BY bringing back large sums Of mO1‘¤€Y, the migrants ensured their prestige wu and to WOO in I9Z2_1;z In the fourth quartet of wu, the governor Of A E and their manhood. This was in keeping with the nature of Soninke socictyg the Soudm reported numerous clandestine departures of migrants from the where cliemage and wealth played such an important role and where notions cercle of Kaycs toward Senegal.‘” This expansion in 1922. occurred in spite ` V; Of h°n°r were li¤k¤d with the OW¤€1'ShiP Of wcalrh.‘°° of apparently good harvests in the Soudamm The higher Price of Peanuts in ‘ Administrators in Nara and Nioro noted the very large sums of money I923 to 1924 had a Visible impact on migration in 192+ In September 1924 ; that navetanes brought back or sent by money order. In 1924, the adminis(the month when the migration Of hawestcrs added its impact to the (mgm V 1 trator in Nara reported that migrants "c0me back with or send to their par— ing migration of navetanes), a report {mm the Subdivision of Yehmanc , I ents each year quite important sums. I have seen several young men sending noted that ··yOung men Of age twenty to thh,ty_Ev€ are almost impossible to V _ between 50c and 600 francs.""' That same year, the administrator in Nioro End. There are in the Villages only O1 d men: Women and childrenyss It is , mentioned that telegraphic money orders from Senegal very ohcn amounted true that grain crops that year were adversely affected by a plant disease ` Z. to $00 10 770 fra“Cs·m The total of m¤¤€Y 01'd€1‘S 1"€C€iV€d from Senegal that Probably due to heavy minsrm But the increase in migration in 1924 occurred V » year in Nioro was more than 1007000 francs. But, as is the case in migration also in the cercle of Nara (which included the Soninke area Of Gumbu), ( A to France t°day> the navetanes sem 0nlY Sm¤U1¤¤¤s Of their gains by money when no Plant disease was repomdym as well as the Cemlcs of BamakO’ ? V order. In 1930, Henri Labourer estimated char navetanes earned nm average Kita, and Bafoulabc. One additional reason for the increase, aside from the ‘ between I¤’·°O and E700 {Yams for 3 5€¤$0¤ in $€n€gal."” Former navetanes higher Price Of Peanuts in Senegal? was the completion of the Thiés_KayeS mention higher sums, of 1,400 to 3,000 francs, but these were probably cxrailway in 192], which now made it possible for navetanes to travel by train ` { Ceptmnal gains}64 OHIY half Of the ¤1igf¤¤fS I0 Senegal were navetanes; mim Semgalrm . `. grants W1'10 WOtk€d only as harvestcrs still made, according no Labourer, $0;; The popularity cf peanut cultivation and navetant is reflected in a song V 5 francs Per CamPaign· that appeared in the eastern Soninke region in Nioro or Nara around 1:):.3 to " ` In the me 197-0% P€1'haP$ 6,000 migrants left Nioro for S€1’1€g3l.l65 Esti1925, and thm Spread to Kammerm Gidimaxa,7 and Gweyi Where it xwas the ` mating that half were harvcscers and the other half navetanes, and using 1_ag€,, for Several years. The song, Called (Tigd mndlm Mgex (the va1u€_O1_ ; Labcurcfs minimum figures, migrants would have earned that year: the P1’€$fig6—0f P€3¤¤¥$ is Ti$i¤§» Which Philippe David translates as ` _ (3,000 navetanes X 1,200 francs) + (;,¤o¤ harvesrers X goo {1-mcs) : "Peanut Boom") was sung by women. _ ` $,1c>¤,¤¤¤ francs. }Z U` & c1·xA1>1‘1z11 6 Q > MYTHS AND REALITIES OF COLONIAL MIGRATION T 170 I ~~ —: [ 171 T

This sum would have been enough to pay for the head tax of 728,57l persons i ` sus of migrants to Senegal who had not come back to the cercle by 1 AP;-il at rhe rate of 7 francs per person (the cercle of NiO1'O l1€·1Cl H pOpL1lHtl01'1 of 7 `7 T9?-L (DUE I0 the lower return migration in 1910, migrants apparently lin142,000 in 1911), or to buy 1,700 metric tons of grain at a famine price of 3 7 gered in Senegal that year,) francs a kilogram. M To what uses were put the sums earned by the migrants? Oral and written ` Taéle @2 archival sources give us an idea. As we have seen, remittances by money 7. 1 order to the migrants’ families amounted to 100,000 francs in 1924 in Nioro. E’}‘fi€i€% In $¢¤¢g¤Zvf in Keyes Died ih Total Percentage A 1915 report, from Nioro, indicates that about a thousand attestations of 17 I ”g'°(' ‘{"}’]'“” $·¢¤¢g¤Z identity were delivered this year in order to collect telegraphic money or- 7 . of mgm I D”· *920* ders.I"‘ This would indicate that the average money order was about 100 7 francs.I“7 Gifts were no doubt made to relatives upon the migrants’ return. · Yntirtnwr (in Senegal (in Kayas I I Migrants bought cloth for themselves and for relatives or f1ancées.I‘“ They ; 1 Ufjqmus only) or other brought back large sums to pay for dowries; a r933 report for the cercle of Z I"'? “°Ii“I€s L Nara (Gumbu) indicated that bridewealth was "60o to 1,500 francs among 1 g On YI the Soninke.” I°" Some migrants apparently attempted to use their incomes as _ ‘ SUBDIVISION capital to become traders. The administrator who preceded Duranthon in 7 ` OF NICRO _ 7 ,7 . _ 1 ’ Jawara 984 934 26 my Nioro, contemptuously wrote in 1910: Very proud, the posh Black in these _ ~ Kenyareme 446 · “ parts tries to imitate the Semgalese. I-Ie dresses like him, behaves the same " Kama Soninke 140 33 T7? 12‘707f’ way, he trades wholesale. He lives from brokerage. He earns alot of money. 7 7 Your, 20 20 7; Hg lives haPPjly_"'7° Capital accumulation no doubt took place in the fO1'm N jadso 77 7,, 2i04%`; of livestock, if we judge by the very important increase in the livestock cap- 1 gangaj Xaasonke 342 7 349 9.26% ital in Nioro between 189; and 1922 noted above. Capital accumulation also 1 x Jawandn gg 80 2 12% took the form of women’s jewelry. Referring to the gold rings that Soninke 7 L0calFuutar1ke 400 2 402 l0_67% women and girls wear in their hair, the song “Tiga samian rage ” thus goes: ‘ 1 T<>r<>nl<e Fuulbe 10 10 025% . . ~ TMI 2,169 Salimata Dali, I take my calabash full of butter 7 A dI t t N' S mb ’ d ht I ? . n go a myéue 7 Iaay’ a 3 S aug EI 7 < This table demonstrates the clear dominance of the Soninke in the miTo have my hair braided 1 1 . h .,.. , . Like a ming Of gold m ~ 7 gration. T e Soninke regions or villages in this list are ]afunu, Gidyume, ' » `\ Tiringa, Kaarta Soninke, Kenyarerne, (Kingi) Jawara and Youri (an ' 7 1 , imporAll of these uses of the money earned in migration are very similar to the 1 7 tant village in Kingi). Together they amounted to 75.61 percent of the total. uses made of the revenues of migration today, with two exceptions: im- 7} Q Among the remaining migrants, moreover, 1;.41 percent came from groups provements to local housing (corrugated-iron roofs and cinder-block con- ` { that are close culturally and historically to the Soninke· the jariso who are 1—‘1 struction) were probably too costly to import in the 19205, given the state of 7 ' Part Soninke and part Kagoro (another group close to the Soninke), the rural transportation, and urban real estate investments (commonplace today 1 ; Jawando, and the Xaascnkam in Dakar and Paris) were not made, given the predominantly rural character 71 It is interesting to compare the percentages in this table with a regional of the migration in the 1910s. , and ethnic breakdown of the population of the cercle of Nioro In Table 6 3 A rare document compiled by Duranthon allows us to give at least a 7 az only El1€ Yelimane, Kenyaremc, and Toronke Fuulbe population figures are rough picture of the regions affected by the migration in Nioro. It was a cen- 7 7 complete. For the others, I have made estimates on the basis of an incomplete CHAPTER 6 l I MYTHS AND HEALITIES or COLONIAL M10nAr10N l 171 l ° [ 17; l

census made by Duranthon in 1921. As a check on the plausibility of my es- ‘ where that they would prefer to die of hunger rather than to work for the timates, I give Commandant de Lartigue’s figures for 1898, which were · ` whites.”‘” However that may be, the discussion of these figures once again complete figures. ‘ makes it clear that there was no absolute correlation between poverty and i i temporary migration. TQM? @.3 ` ~ An important question is the relationship between migration and social P°P“la*`i°¤ and Mier¤ti¤¤ in Ni°*'°= Early *920Sm Q change among the Soninke. Colonial administrators such as Duranthon beRegianr Population Population Percentage Percentage · lieved that migration was both a cause and a consequence of a collapse of 1898 l92Z‘2~3 P¤1¤¤!¤¢i¤¤ M’E"’2”” ‘ _, traditional African authority. These claims came at least in part from Soninke 1 elders, who complained that: (1) young migrants departed without inform0,, YEUMANE 1 ing family heads,""‘ (2) migration decreased die labor supply necessary for 1,,,,3,.,, 21,650 125,0001 18 % 2010% ~ » cultivation,"° (3) many migrants did not come back from Senegal,‘““ and Kenym-eme - 11,057 3 % 1270% 1 (4) young men brought back a “disrespectful attitude."““ A close examinaKaam Soninke P P P ? Q tion reveals that these complaints were probably founded, but exaggerated. Y°'“i 31600 [WOO?] [35%] 053% — i Definitive migration did occur. An enquiry in 1960 to 1961 revealed that ·lariSS° 1900 [LOGO] 15% 204% , i there were $,700 Soninke farms in the peanut-producing regions of Senegal Sanga Xaasonke 4,000 [5,000?] 3.5% 9.26% Q . . , . .... jawando 4,200 [3,000] 2 % 2_l2% ` (SOO in Thi€$, 600 11'1 $11*16-Saloum, 800 in Senegal Oriental, and 3,;O¤ m 1_OC,1F,,,,m,k,, 221800 11;,000?1 110_;%?1 1067% V Casamance)."2 This would correspond, according to Philippe David, to TO1-Duke Fuu]be 5,400 t 7,154 5 % 015% ` V 30,000 to 40,000 persons. But we must consider that this figure represents I j the accumulation of migration over a period of more than a hundred years Again, the Soninke dominance appears very clearly Among Soninke mi- " K for Casamance and fifty years for the other regions, plus natural increase, grants, most came from the western region of the Xoolinbinne and Terekole Y and that many Soninke migrants must have married non-Soninke wives. In valleys (jafunu, Gidyume, Tiringa, Kenyareme). Together, migrants from _` _ any given year in the 192os, the number of migrants who established resithis area made up 45.28 percent of the total, although the area made up only V dence in Senegal is likely to have been small, Most definitive migrants, more26 percent of the population of the cercle. The incidence of migration was . 5, over, must have been grown men who had already migrated several times to especially strong in the subdivision of Yelimane (jafunu, Kenyareme, and , Senegal since it took some time to establish a claim to a piece of land on Tiringa): 32.58 percent of the migrants came from this region, which held I which to settle,"” However, it is understandable that the elders should have only 18 percent of the population of the cercle. Yet in 1921, Duranthon him- X ; worried about this, especially considering that some migrants, who did not self had decided to set the head tax of the subdivision of Yelimane at 7 francs . become definitive migrants, occasionally stayed for more than one season in instead of 6 francs as for the rest of the cercle, because its farmers "pos- ` ` Senegal, in particular when the price of peanuts was low and the financial resessed a far more fertile soil and could export their products toward Kayes a 1 , turn of migration was below their expectations.‘8" Such migrants did not inlot easier.” *75 Contrariwise, we note the underrepresentation of the Toronke V1 form their families, who must have been concerned about their fate. Fuulbe (0.2.5 percent of migrants for 5 percent of the population). Yet ac- · The fact that young migrants departed without informing family heads is cording to Lartigue in 1898, the Toronke F uulbe were "poor” and “they in ` ` often mentioned either in archival documents or by informants. According general [paid] their taxes very badly," an observation that was echoed in re- j to Philippe David’s informants, migrants always departed secretly‘“‘ This ports for the I9ZOS.|76 Lartigue noted that Toronke F uulbe refused to work i seems doubtful, however."“‘ We have seen that the proportion of harvesters for the French, according to him for religious reasons: “Fanatical Moslems, ` i to navetanes remained constant in Nioro throughout me IQZOS, a constancy they generally refuse the work that is offered to them, and they claim every- ` that indicates a rather good control of elders over the migration. In order to 3 `., CHAPTER 6 MY·r1~1s Arm REALITIES or COLONIAL MIGRATION I 174 l . ` [ ¤7i l

migrate, a young man needed personal contacts in Senegal, which were al- 1 the mention of "husbands who are too old" refers to elders, who did not ways provided by elder brothers or relatives. Teenagers who were recently ‘ A, migrate."" circumcised were apparently considered too young to migrate. *87 Older mi- Q , Another factor contributing to the strain on patriarchal authority was the grants sent home those who were considered too young. This does not mean l l l continuation from before the First World War of the process to end slavery. that some young migrants did not slip through the cracks-many undoubt- _ During the war, many, perhaps most, Of the young men presented fOr miliedly did,‘““ but it is unlikely that they were the majority. ‘“" l tary recruitment in French West Africa had been slaves. At their return, vetThe fears of elders were probably based on several real concerns: some i I erans refused to live in the same dependence on their former masters."5 A young men migrated before their majority and without obtaining the autho- l I report for Bakel in 192.0 noted that Soninke veterans were former slaves who rization of the family head; some only sons migrated, depriving the family E had stayed voluntarily with their former masters after emancipation, but head of his only source of support; some migrants did not return. But I sus- — l who now left their masters, grouped together, and built separate compounds pect that elders were perhaps less worried about the current situation than L ·. and even villages."" The administration supported them by giving them the anxious about what the situation might become in the future. l if use of state lands and, through the intermediary of the local Provident SoFinally, one cannot discount jealousy and distrust. Throughout the — ~ ciety, tools and seed. "" Adrian Adams’s informers in the village of Kungani world, labor migrants often return with large amounts of money, which en- ’ Q (Gwey) mentioned that it was after the First World War that “slaves began to courage them to take on an air of independence. Migrants introduce new ' , feed their families.”'°S Chief Ibrahima jaman Bacili noted that slaves ceased f-aSl'liOnS. They are more critical of custom. This does not make them into Q A to be pawned for money in rgzo.‘°° Although the impact of the War WHS imrevolutionaries, but it makes them more susceptible to envy and suspicion. , portant, oral and written sources leave the impression that emancipation was In the early twentieth century; Polish migrants who returned to Poland from ¥ also a long process, which extended during the 19zos and beyond. In 1929, the United States were accused of being against the Catholic religion, while I the administrator in Kayes reported that "[n]umerous former servants their compatriots envied their comfortable American-style hotnes.""’ Today, , _ [slaves] of the Fuulbe of Nioro and of the Sarakole [Soninke] of Gidimaxa among the Soninke, migrants to France are called ‘&u5tz6.s" (whites) or I ‘ are going back to Wasulu or Sikaso from whence their parents or themselves 'Trancemen" and are accused of being against Islam."' Yet to a contempo- [ ` were abducted.”’°° rary observer, most Soninke migrants today are very respectful of religion . Slave emancipation probably contributed to increased migration. Pollet and of the prerogatives of elders. Much of the same may have happened in ` and Winter relate two cases of slaves who left after the First World War, the rgzos. As we have seen, migrants from Nioro earned more than 5 million V. 1 without their master’s permission, for long periods abroad as navetanes (refrancs in 1929. This corresponded to about 3 million 197.1 francs—and I have j spectively for four and fifteen years).Z°' It is worth noting that l>0tl1 fell back evaluated the total income of the cercle from agriculture, commerce, and < A? under the authority of their former master or master’s family after their craft production that year at about 6 million francs. These ngures make it un- l return-one after his master found him a wife and paid the dowry (clientderstandable that elders felt somewhat threatened by the wealth brought { age) and the other apparently because he could not get any land. In contrast back by young migrants. However, even if the traditional family was some- j with these life histories, Saint—Pere notes that slaves migrated in order to times under attack, it certainly did not collapse. Z ` gain cattle and land: This being said, it remains plausible to argue that the Soninke patriarchal . i _ _ , _ family suffered some strain during this period. This would appear to come E During the dry seasom many Slaves hue themielves ablloall m Dak?”’ samp ‘ . _ , _ _ _ e Louis and Kayes, for work on the harbor, railway building premises, etc. out of this 1923 report {mm Nioro: ‘ It is Incredible to see the number of l They use the product of their labor to buy the cattle that they need to set people today, especially women, who come to see [the administrator] in V , themselves up and tllgll. {Emily on the land [lm they {al.m_z¤z order to get a divorce: unfaithful or women who are too old, husbands who l ` are either not trustworthy or too old.""" Some of these divorces were prob- . , The sources do not allow one to say whether the emancipation of slaves ably caused by the prolonged absence of husbands as navetanes,m’ but I ri and young people encouraged navetanat, Or the reverse. But this query CHAPTER 6 " ll Mvrns AND REALITIES or COLONIAL MIGRATION [ 176 1 i — I 177 l

reminds one of the classic nonsensical “chicken-or-the-egg" question. Slave V 2 emancipation, a certain weakening of the control of elders over family l groups, and migration were mutually reinforcing processes during the inter- , S E V E N war period. _ l ;, Conclusion 1 V The Shift to Urban Migration Contemporary negative perceptions of Soninke labor migration owe a lot to P Z93 oa-.;_96‘o the arguments used by colonial administrators in their struggle against par- I tisans of forced labor at the beginning of the twentieth century. Events in the VL Congo helped to shape the perception of labor migration as a negative phe- ‘ ll nomenon. There, or so it seemed, traditional African societies were dam- ` I aged or destroyed in order to provide exports and laborers for European “ i plantations and businesses; and forced labor and excessive taxes caused a [ ~ general decline of population and mass exodus. French colonial humanists in x ` West Africa fought to prevent the repetition of tl1is disaster in the territories i that lil'loY Saw lllomsolvos ¤Sb<>1di¤gi¤ {lust- l " Soninke labor migration underwent a major transformation after the OPPosl*loll to labor mlglatloll among oolollllll admllllsllatolsv lllol`ol_ol°= , 193os—especially during the Second World War. Previously rural and seahad noble motivations. But this does not mean that these administrators were . i som], it became urban and ==Piuriariritrai_” Migration alsg expanded over a rigluin their aPPl`alsal of Elle W€S¤Af¤¤a¤Sit¤¤¤i<>¤-1¤f¤¤¤1¤b¤r¤¤isr¤¤i¤¤ I ` wider geographical area, which included West Central Africa as well as had little to do Wllll lllgllls ol PoP‘·llalloll· Mol'ooVol> the ooollomlo oxlmlsloll ` ` France. This period constituted the immediate background of the present following the First World War in the peanut-producing region of Senegal g Srminke migration to izranco Yet iri spite of this transformation, Sgninkg and the Social change Cloalod in Pall l°Y this oxlmnsloll and in Pall bY lllo Wal ~ " migrants remained strongly attached to the traditional society of their provide a much better explanation of migration than coercion and military V E homelami recruitment. But colonial humanists were blind to these facts not only be- lr } cause of the situation in the Congo, but also because, although they paid lip il service to the cause of economic and social development, they aimed to pre- , _ Scninke Economy in the 1930s serve traditional social structures that no longer were the only elements in ‘ the changes l€“lllY of A{l'l°a·m E The marginalization of the economy of the Soninke homeland, initiated by the gum crash of the 18905, became apparent after the completion of the I i Dakar-Bamako railway in 192], which finally moved the economic center of Q Senegal away from the river valley and into the peanut-producing regions ·of l V Bawol, Siin-Saalum, and the “New Territ0ries.” But a marginalization does ~ not necessarily mean an aémlute decline (a net fall in a region’s volume of ’ i· trade), it may mean only a relative decline (a drop in a region’s share in the Q total trade of a country). A number of European and African critics in the c 1-1 A P T E R 6 ` [ 178 1 ` ¢ ,` l wo l

colonial period, however, argued that the railway did cause an absolute de— . A traiiic from the British-controlled territory. Even then, the railway had to go cline for the Senegal River Valley. In the words of one Saint—L0uisien in . through very sparsely populated regions in what is today Senegal Oriental, 191.9, "the rail killed the river."‘ Several contemporary authors have added _ and its operation proved diilicult financially. Given the problematic prohtaan anticolonial twist to this argument, suggesting that the French deliber- » bility of the railway,‘“ the administration was reluctant to spend money to ately neglected the Senegal River Valley, which had become unprofitable to Z improve navigation on the Senegal River, which would have diverted traiiic French commerce, in order to develop the port of Dakar and the peanut—ex- i — away from the railway This neglect in the long run spelled the decline of the porting regions to the south, which were linked by the railway} There is ~· Senegal River trade. In order to remain operational in the modern world, the some truth to this argument, but the formulation exaggerates the decline of ~, ; river route had to be made accessible to larger, oceangoing ships by digging the Senegal River Valley and the Machiavellian spirit of the French. [ , n canals (extremely expensive) along its course, building water locks, and reThe Senegal River was a cheap transportation route that, considered in V moving the sand bar at Saint-Louis." economic terms alone, could compete advantageously with a railway} A fit- V The decline of the river trade, however, did not happen overnight. In ting illustration of this was given in 1902, when the French decided to build i 1903, the yearly traflic of the Saint—Louis harbor was only 16,000 tons. It the Dakar—Niger railway through central Senegal. They studied a possible = may have climbed to 80,000 to 100,000 tons from 1907 through 1923, the route for the railway in the valley between Bakel and Kayes, where the most _? ; peak years of the Saint—Louis harb0r."‘ In 1936 to 1939, more than ten years diiiicult stretch of navigation on the Senegal River lay but it was shown that 1 ,_ after the railway was completed, the Hgure was only down to 60,000 to even there the railway could not compete with the river} The problem with ~ ` 70,000 tons a year}; This was a considerable Figure since harbor trailic in the river was that it was navigable only during part of the year. In 1900, a Q _ Dakar (if we except coal and oil destined for the refueling of ships to South yellow fever epidemic durirg the river’s short period of navigabiliry dis- . America) stood at 330,000 tons a year in 19z9.“’At the same time, the tratlic rupted the supplying of the Soudan colony for the entire year.; Moreover, · of Grand-Bassam, which was the only major harbor in the Ivory Coast on the Senegal River was navigable to large ships only between August and I Y the eve of the building of Abidjan, was 165,000 tons.‘” About half of the October. As a result, imports "came in during the rainy season, when farm- ~ » movement of the Saint—Louis harbor was composed of river traff1c.‘“ The ers, having nothing to sell, could not buy them, while [agricultural] products , W ultimate decline of the Senegal River trainc was not, in fact, caused by the were bought at the time when there [were] no ships [to take them]."‘ Mer- 1 i building of the Thiés-Kayes railway, but by the development of cheaper chandise thus had to be stocked at major cost, and much of it was spoiled by ; road transportation after the Second World War."’ the rains as it was unloaded.] Finally, the river’s annual flood could not be re- Oral and written sources for the Upper Senegal region in the interwar pelied on every year. In IQOZ it proved too small to support navigation to V riod suggest that, even though the region lost its importance in the overall Kayes, and part of the supplies of the Soudan colony remained on dock in ¥ economy of Senegal, its agriculture still produced a surplus, some of which Saint—Louis.“ These reasons led the colonial administration to favor building ` · was marketed. In 192.5, Saint—Pere noted that the Soninke of Gidimaxa “pre— a railway to the Soudan? L ' ~ ciously keep in their granaries the amounts of grain necessary for their annual The projected railway to the Soudan could not be built along the Senegal ¤ consumption, plus a contingency reserve that will allow them to live without River to Saint—Louis (as planned in the nineteenth century)‘“ since, as al- depriving themselves should the crop of the next year be deficient, . . . but ready explained, it would have to compete with cheaper river transport, And ' ` they export the surplus to Senegal or sell it to the Moors. "2“ The 1934 politit could not be built immediately to the south of the river through the semi- . [ ical report from Bakel mentions that monetary needs in the cercle (buying desertic Ferlo region, which would generate almost no commercial tra{·lic." K i` clothes and condiments for food and paying taxes) were covered by sales of The only possible course, therefore, was through the peanut-producing re- ` cereals.Z‘ Adrian Adams collected similar data in oral interviews in Gajaaga. gions of Bawol and Siin-Saalum, then west through Nyani-Wuli, immedi- ; Gajaaga women in the interwar period grew peanuts for sale and bought ately north of the Gambia, where the railway could hope to divert some _, , cows with the proceeds in Bakel. In other Gajaaga villages, women grew 01·1A1=·1·1s1z 7 T rua SHIFT TO URBAN MIGRATION [ 180 l · V l 181 l

grain for sale, using their earnings to buy thread, which they gave to weavers f l announced that anyone could cultivate them without having to pay rent to to make cloth that the women later sold. All the women bought gold jewelry ` their former owners. In this way, goo hectares were put under cultivation in with their earnings? Men also grew peanuts for sale: in the maraboutic vil- ` 1934 in Bakel and 1,ooo hectares in villages along the river, such as Kungani, lage of Kungani, the four hundred talibe in the renowned Koranic school of Golmi, Yaffera, and Balu.’° The agricultural situation in the interwar period, Fode Mamadu ]aaxo grew peanuts for sale in Bake] around 1938.23 These ral- i therefore, was in no way comparable to the present situation of undercultiibe were given land by local jatigi in exchange for labor, in the same fashion ` t vation and deficit in food production, which is largely due to the drought of as navetanes in the Gambia or Siin—Saalum.2‘ These observations are proba— V the last two decades. bly also valid for Soninke regions to the east. Writing in the 19405, which i I have argued earlier that the completion of the Thies-Kayes railway were in the early years a poor period for agriculture, Boyer noted that grain 4 ` brought no ddI0[lLlB economic decline for the river valley. In fact, the railway WHS the m0St important commercial export of the ]awara of Kirigi: “they sell _ appears to have increased commercial agriculture in one area of the Upper it to Moors against salt and to traders in Nioro against money and cloth. ` . Senegal region: the cercle of Kayes, which it served-and probably neigh— Their whole harvest goes to it, such is their passion for gain, and even diili- ~ i boring areas in the cercle of Nioro (such as jafunu) as well. The economic cult preharvest ‘hungry seasons’ do not make them see reason." The jawara A history of Mali (the former French Soudan) is still to be written for this pealso sold "peanuts, beans and vegetables, which women bring for sale to the a · riod. But some fascinating data are available. Peanut exports from Soudan market of Nioro."25 , began to rise after the Great Depression, due to the aggressive discounting The IQQOS were generally a better decade for agriculture than the 19205. i ' of peanut freight on the railway. In 1936, Soudan exported 9o,ooo tons of For the period 1930 to 1940, annual rainfall data for Bake], Matam, and ¤ · peanuts. In 1940, it exported 12o,ooo tons. These figures, of course, pale in Selibaby averaged gw, 672, and 682 millimeters, respectively“ There were ~ ‘ comparison with Senegal’s production, but they are remarkable when comno droughts, and rains were far above normal in 1936, resulting in a flood Q V pared to Hgures for northern Nigeria, also alandlocked region that depended that year.27 On the basis of a very thorough interview survey in the village on a railway to carry its cash crops to the coast. Peanut exports in Nigeria of Kungani (which has a long history of migration and a very high migra- _ i (essentially from northern Nigeria) went above 1oo,ooo tons in 1928 and tion rate today), Adrian Adams estimates that in 1938, 2go men cultivated the = rose to 3go,ooo tons in 1936, but even the pre—1928 figures were regarded as lands of the village, while 8g (20 percent of adult males) were away as mi- l i a considerable achievement." In 1928, Soudanese peanut exports already grants; the former cultivated at least 360 hectares in the interior lands of the l amounted to 29,000 tons; around 7,ooo tons, or one-fourth, came from the jeri, harvestinga crop of atleast 360 tons of grain. This estimate does not in- Y ' cercle of Kayes.” The Senegalese region of Bakel also participated in this clude the crop from riverbank lands (70 hectares—at least 70 tons, which ’ expansion: Kayes trading houses opened branches in Bakel, and the villages would bring the total production to 430 tons). Today the village of Kungani l I along the river (in Gwey) exported 1,200 tons of peanuts in 1938.” A (with a population larger than in 1938) needs 290 tons of grain to feed itself.” i ` Soninke farmer today grows goo kilograms of peanuts per hecmre." Thus There is also evidence in the cercle of Bakel that new land was put under i A — 1,200 metric tons would represent the production of about 2,400 men (at one cultivation during this period. Adams mentions that a lzallengal (a type of ' ; hectare each), or 4,8oo women (at one-half hectare each). There were about flood land) of about ICO hectares was opened to cultivation in Kungani in the . V 6,ooo adult men and women in Gwey in 1937, since its total population Was mid 19305; among the sixty—three families who received land, sixteen slave . · 12,000 persons.” families were benef1ciaries—this was apparently when the slave families ~ Yet these same regions along the railway line that were affected by the were first granted land ownership in the village. 29 The Bakel archives show , V peanut expansion were also the regions from which migrants came. In 1932, that this distribution took place after the local administration confiscated un- V $ for example (quite a well—documented year), out of 22,o8g reported navecultivated kollengal lands in Gweyg which were declared state property, and I _A tanes, 9,711 came from the railway—line cercles of Kayes, Bafoulabe, Kita, cunpraiz 7 ,» rua smrr ·ro unter: Mronnrrori [ ¤8¤] ~` . [ ¤8z ]

and Bamako, and 9,5;; from the cercle of Nioro, which is not located very Toile .7~Z far from the railway." Figures given by Philippe David for the following ' ‘ Navetauesi i93a‘t9$$ (ih theusahdsyi years Sl'1OW 1'10 decline lll the trend.?] The Fl`€1'lCh colonial 3.L1tl'10tltieS were , ` Kaur Kaye.: Mara Bafuizzdz Kita Bzzmaiw Bugwti 7braI.S`ou1z'an Guinea apparently puzzled by this phenomenon of migration from regions of export . 4 ¤ agriculture. In 1936, the cercle of Kayes made a special effort to persuade its , i 1936 —————— — 35 migrants to stay at home to grow peanuts, but to no avail.““ . . i‘)37 3-6 4 — l 6-7- 3 l8-3 20-8 2 ` 1943 3.4 5.2 2 1.7 5.9 5 — — 1 { 1944 3.2 4.7 Z.7 1.5 5.9 5.1 26.6 — . · t 19 2. .2 1.8 1.4 . . — Thc End °t Navetahat . . 19;; 1.; is 1 2.5 ii ii 5.7 · · 19471: 1.7 2.7 1 1.4 6.6 0.4 14 — Given the continued expansion of migration from Soudan, we would nor- i, i 1948 2-2 03 i L6 ‘i·‘i 0·8 ii·7 — mally expect that there would be no shortage of labor in the peanut·produc- i *950 1'4 L5 05 0‘2 8'7 0'04 IZA '"" ing regions of Senegal and the Gambia in the 19305. But, curiously enough, i` ; Q5 the reverse was true. Complaints about a decline in the numbers of nave— ~ 5 tanes were Erst heard in siiri-saalum in i9z7.” The issue was hotly discussed - V Evaluating these figures poses some problems: diflterent computation methin commercial, political, and administrative circles in Senegal in following 3 , ods were used, the boundaries of administrative districts changed from time years. It even motivated an oflicial intervention of Senegal’s Black African i it to time. and rio administrative distriet Was ethnically homogeneous- The deputy in the French Parliament, Blaise Diagne, in 1929.**0 After the Gl-ent ~ figures for Kayes probably also include a significant proportion of migrants Depression began, the Kaolack and Rufisque chambers of connnei-ce and the who were not from the cercle because Kayes was an important railway staSenegalese and Soudanese authorities jointly took measures to facilitate the ` tion for navetanes of Variel-is Origins- Finally, these figures do not Separate coming of navetanes to Senegal. In 1932, Administrators Geismar and Du— i i navefanes from haryesters, who Were also reoorded 35 navotanos-*4 ranthon were put in charge of recruiting navetanes in Senegal and the ,` { if we take these hgures as rough estimates, howeyets two ohsetvatiohs French Soudan, respectively? The appointment of Din-anthon was espn- p emerge. First, migrants from cercles comprising an important Soninke popcially ironic since, as we recall, he had been such an outspoken opponent of i~ i ulstion (Keyes and Nioro) were the majority of the navetanes in r932·45 lr1· navetanat in 1920 to 1921 in his capacity as administrator of the cercle of 1 ` deed, a i933 rePort from Nioro meutioried that “the eeteie of Nioro is the Nioro (see Chapter 6). In 19;;, Duranthon toured the Sondttn, assisted by i V one where the exodus toward Senegal is the most important [in Soudan]/"° three members of Senegal’s influential Colonial Cguntjil) Amadgu Dugugy- — ` Second, the number and proportion of navetanes from Nioro and Kayes deClédor, president of the Colonial Council and trusted lieutenant of Blaise ` g clined steadily throughout the period of 1932 to 1955, with a sharp acceleraDiagne, and Councilors Médoune Diouf and Babakar Ndéné Ndiaye."’ i i` tion of the decline after the Seeohd World War (the high t9$$ hgute tot This was to lead to the creation of an oilicial navetane recruitment service 1 i Nioro is ah oddity due to the merger of the eereie of Nioro With the oereie that lasted until 196;. l » of Nema).‘" While Soninke navetanes became less and less numerous, Philippe David, who directed the French navetane 59l-vice in the wwe, A French recruitment efforts in the 19305 resulted in a sharp increase in the has compiled French official figures on the migration. These Figures are number of Bambara navetanes from Barnako and Buguni-"“ According to given below in table form. Unfortunately) no t'-ignrss are available Prior to , Philippe David, it was in the 19305 that the Senegalese began to call nave1932. t ,3 tanes "the Bambara.""’ _ Taken together, quantitative and qualitative data suggest that the Soninke, CHAPTER 7 rue SHIFT ro URBAN Mioaarton [184] i [ ¤8sl

Who were probably the most important group in navetanat until the late · Evidence for the Soudan is less clear than for Bakel. The first mentions of 192os, began to turn away from this form of migration in the late rgzos and A urban migration date from the 19205. They refer to seasonal (dry-season) early 19305. But we know that Soninke migration as a whole did not decrease I i trade migrants from the Cetele of Nara who Went to Bamako, where they during these years. On the contrary, local archival documents are filled with i ` V bought hides and kola nuts.“ Other migrants from Nara also worked during complaints from administrators and Soninke elders about the migration. ly V the dry season in Soudanese centers as laborers or animal drovers.57 In Where then did Soninke migrants go? V, I Nioro, a 1925 report mentions seasonal migrants who worked in the handling The answer is that they were abandoning navetanat for longer-term tem- ~ A and loading of Peanuts in $€¤€g¤l€$€ YOWOS-H A I927 TOPOU {OY Ni¤r<> else pcrmy urlian employment. This evolution comes out quite clearly in written _, ‘ mentions migrants from the cercle who were employed in “neighboring cerand oral data from the Soninke homeland, particularly from Bakel, In rozg, 1 g cles,” possibly in Kayes and Bamako."’ By 1933, longer—term migration had in his monograph on the Soninke of Gidimaxa, the French administrator ` . become a major concern for elders in the cercle of Nioro when Duranthon Saint-Pere made no mention of navetanes, but he noted that migrants l V again visited the cercle.°" Many of these longer-term migrants may, of worked in the Dakar, Kayes, and Saint-Louis harbors and on railway build- » 1 course, have settled as farmers in Casamance or in Siin-Saalum, but others ing sites However, many, but not all, of these migrants were still seasonal { probably followed the lead of migrants from Bakel in turning to pluriannual workers, working in town during the dry season only."’ Reports from Bakel `E V employment in Senegalese towns. A 1941 report from Nioro mentions mirnade no reference to Soninke navetanes in the interwar period, but begin- , 3 grants from the cercle in Bamako, without indication whether these were ning in the 19305, they increasingly referred to migration to urban centers ` , seasonal or pluriannual migrants." A 1944 report, however, asserted that along the Senegalese railway line (probably Diourbel, Kaolack, and the ` .: “whole quarters in Bamako are packed with people from Nioro.""2 The imsmaller centers of the "peanqt triangle”) and to Dakar.*“ As we have seen, it i r pression one retains from these data is that Soudanese Soninke were slower Was in 1933 that the French first became aware of the presence of Soninke ` if in making the switch to urban migration than migrants from Gajaaga and ehambres in Dakar, although these had existed at least since the First World ~ Gidimaxa. Indeed in the middle 19605, many migrants from ]afunu were still War? By 1940, the annual report in Bake] talked of "verirab1e sonirike I _ navetanes, while navetanat had practically disappeared near Bakel." Whenl quarters" in the Medina (popular African quarter) of Dakar. Conversely in T asked Soninke informants from Gwey about navetanat, they assured me that 1946, a local report from Bake] mentioned the “lack of enthusiasm" (French ‘ i only “the Malians” had been navetanes·°“° euphemism for “clislike") of local Soninke for navetanat.*’ A, ; Why were the Soninke leaving navetanat for employment in urban areas? Oral sources from Gwey confirm the impression given by this archival 5. ` The colonial scholar Labouret gave a clue in a 1930 article when he pointed data. Galadio Tarawele from the village of Golrni migrated as a navetane for ( out that wages paid in Dakar or on building sites in Senegal were higher than the first time in 1929 near Mbour, on the Petite Cote. He left again in i93r r i the incomes of agricultural migrants. Navetanes could earn on the average and Worked near Sokone in Saalnm for two years. But in r9;;, he left for i 1,200 to I,§OO francs, and sometimes up to 1,700 francs, for five months of Dakar, where he worked as a laborer until 1935.5** jabe So from Kungani left ` work in a year. Africans who worked in Senegalese towns earned on average directly for Dakar in 1936, but he appears to have been unsuccessful in find- , = I2 to I5 francs a day.°‘ Calculated over a whole year (allowing for a day a ing work there, so he went to Kaolack, where his relative, Badara Gey (the I , week of rest, for holidays and occasional unemployment) this amounted to Gey are the chieiiy family of Kungani), was working as a policeman. Avoid- V at least 4,ooo francs a year.“ It will be noted that, calculated on a monthly ing his kinsman (who would have sent him home on account of his very L basis, the advantage of urban work relative to navetanat appears less young age), Jabe S0 went to work as a navetane near Kaolack. In roy, after 2 _ marked: urban workers earned 333 francs per month, while navetanes earned harvesting his crop in Kungani, he returned to Dakar and finally found work l ( 240 to 340 francs a month. However, the difference was still significant, as there in 1938 as a laborer at the Shell Company, where a kinsman of his f . urban work was available year round (see below). Moreover, urban wages friend and age—mate, Bakari Kamara, had already begun working in r936_” . Q were on an upward trend throughout much of the interwar period. In 1921, cnnpreiz 7 ` if rua snirr ro URBAN MIGRATION [186] } " [ 187 l

:2 1 laborers in Dakar made (in 1930 francs) between 5.83 francs (beginning l Tadle 7·2 wages) and 7.SO to 8.33 francs a day" By 1930, therefore, wages in Dakar ; had roughly doubled. It is also important to note that Monique Lakroum’s [ [gn; tgz; z9a5 I930 2934 study of wages in the port of Dakar shows that African real wages were R V T more or less maintained at the same level during the Great Depression and . Fodor 2.2 — — 1.3 — began to decline only in 1937.‘a ` Bakel 3.1 — — 2.8 —-— How were the Soninke introduced to urban work? Certainly urban mi- V $arnr‘l—·°‘ns ' 235 20·4 19*0 l9‘4 308 gration existed among the Soninke by the end of the nineteenth century, but l Old Peanut Bam 5 3 1 3 8 6 3 3 6 it was apparently an aristocratic migration of tunka lemmu and clerics.“’ At ` A ljiilxtliijauane 2i6 33 3;2 Zig the beginning of the twentieth century, the longer-term Soninke “urban" j Thiés 3_0 6_4 6_4 l2_6 l5_5 migrants were railway workers, especially locomotive drivers and mechan— li l ptulisqiie 12,9 11.3 17.1 20.0 17.6 ics (an offshoot of employment as ship mechanics), a branch of employment V Dakar 21.6 37.1 [40.0] 54.0 76.1 that was a Soninke specialty.’° But already by that time, many Upper Sene- V Dlnnrbel 5 9 11 3 15 4 gal Soninke migrated during the dry season to Senegambian centers, such as ,r . Siinlggglj 2'2 2'5 ` ' ` Saint-Louis, Bathurst, Kayes, or the trading centers of the Senegal River or · Kaolack L5 15 SJ 133 442 the railway line, to sell cotton cloth and cattle."‘ We have seen that a similar ,~ . Gcssas _ _ _ ;_g 5_9 migration was also practiced by migrants from Nara and Nioro in the 1920s. » Total 73.6 84.9 [c.l06.0] 147.1 212.0 In addition, in the early igzos, harvesters from Nioro “went, as soon as their ` 4 presence was no longer necessary to seek some employment in the handling ` This table reveals a sharp acceleration between 1925 and 1934 in the urnr [Peanut ¤are¤eS in Senegal]. the lnadlng Or fralghrersi harvesting and banization of Senegal. (YK/hile Senegal’s urban population had increased by threshing the peanuts grown by their comrades who had left earlier. "" Such · . roughly SO Percent in the Period i9r4 to rnzg, it increased by another go perseasonal urban work was also practiced by navetanes after the harvest and H `K Cem in the Period rgzg to r93o, and by 1oo percent overall from 1925 to 1934.) probably provided the transition toward urban employment for many of . t Was this transformation caused bythe Great Depression? But we have seen them."’ Robert Delavignette thus described the end of an agricultural season . ; that the decline of riavetariat began in 191.7, dqrbre the Depression. Rather, of anavetane in Senegal: · the phenomenon was due to the large-scale public works (essentially the A torrent of money, which soon will dry up, floods the shops along the rec- at building of the Dakar and Kaolack harbors) initiated in Senegal byfhe govtangular market—places .... [The navetane] wonders at [the] flood of mer- j l €i'¤m€¤t·g€¤€!'al Or French West Africa arrer r9?-7-76 These Publlc Works chandise. He now hires out his services once more, as a day laborer this I , continued without budgetary cuts during the Depression thanks to the vote nrncv rn blllld “P dunes ef Peanuts ln bnllri or rnrrs Or Peanuts in Sacks: l°€‘ E ~ of a colonial loan by the French Parliament? Historians of temporary mi{°" a corrugated lr°" swre and a freighter Ship' HE b°°°mEs an at in as ~, gration in France such as Abel Chatelain or Francoise Raison—]ourde believe am-hill of the dockersjl . _¤ that one of the most important factors in the shift from seasonal rural miSeasonal urban employment existed for a long time in Senegal without h gration to longer-term urban migration in the nineteenth century was the giving rise to a longer—term migration. But during the 19205 and 19305, 1, Q great public works begun in French cities at the time.” Likewise, Labouret urban populations in Senegal grew at an unprecedented pace. The table ' V believed that navetanat declined because higl1er—paid employment was availbelow gives an idea of the scale of this urban expansion. Although all Sene- l lrl, able on construction sites in Senegal and especially in Dakar. "’ A rare note of galese towns grew, the pace of growth was particularly sustained in the re- ` · the colonial administration in Dakar in 1932. about migrants from Gidimaxa gions of Dakar and Siin—Saalum.”5 [ appears to validate Labouret’s opinion. Migrants from Gidimaxa in Dakar cnnpran 7 l THE SHIFT ro URBAN Mionnrion [ 188 ] Y . [ 189 ]

-Y were predominantly employed on the ‘7°ubZi¢‘ PW>r]cs building sites, the Mzrlwor ~ The Page of urban migration qnigkened during the Second World War, I’%TX’·¥ ””€W’i·F€» OY by private Commercial hOU$€$ {OY i1l“1€ handling of mei'- V As French West Africa was largely cut ofi from Europe during the war, the ¤h¤¤di5€” [my €f¤Ph3SiS]·8° , French created new industries and banks in Dakar to fulfill the federa1:i0n’s PU-blifi W01'k$ (and their derivative €{'Y€¢¤S 011 urban economies) explain in · V y needs, Migration to Dakar accelerated after 1943 when French West Africa Pan the €XP3¤$i0¤ of Sonlnke urban migrsrivn in the Years f0H0Wi¤g I9Z7- 1 V joined the Allies’ side, and Dakar became a strategic center in the war.B°’ This But the policy of great public works had also the long-term consequence of g J expansion continued after the wei-_ creating year-round employment in Senegalese cities. In the nineteenth and · ; The Soninke Population in Dakar, which had probably doubled between early twentieth centuries, Senegalese cities had had an essentially seasonal ; HBO and @40, doubled again between HMO and r9;¤,’° an increase roughly life; Yh€if Peak Mtivity was after the peanut harvest, when merchants bought , n proportional to the general population increase of Dal·:ar.°‘ On the basis of peanuts from farmers in exchange for imported goods and the crop was ’ i interviews collected among villagers from Jagili (Gidimaxa), Michel Samuel loaded onto ships. But now the modern harbors built in Dakar and Kaolack T concluded that the Soninke colony in Dakar grew especially during the employed dockers and m€Cl1a1'LiCS all year. In Dakar, 3. petroleum l1arlDO1‘ Was ig 3 decade following the Seeond World Wgr_’Z The Dakar census of ross built in I926 tO 1933 E0 fuel ships and tO provision aL1tOmObileS and trL1CkS V r recorded 4,390 Soninke residents in the city, and 448 seasonal migrants and throughout Senegal; an industrial zone emerged near the harbor. Peanut oil I ` “others.""’ Of the resident Soninke, 1,933 were adult males.”‘ If we consider pressing plants were created in Dakar and Kaolack. Water and electricity ; ` that the majority of Dakar migrants must have come from the Upper Seneplants were established in all major Senegalese cities. City services were ex- r gal region (Gajaaga and (;{djmaXa)> which numbered around 707000 inhabp31’1CleCl.8' This t1‘2.\'1Sf`O1‘matiO11 is reflected in the life histories of the Soninke itants, the Proportion of urban migrants relative to the Upper Senegal Sonjnke migrants mentioned above. [abe S0 worked pumping fuel into barrels at the j, · was quite 1-dgh—abgut rr percent of all adult males}; Shell C0mpHI1y stockyards near the l"13rl30r in Dakar in 19],8. His kinsman _ ' The most important development of the Postwar period was the coming Badara Gey was a policeman in Ka¤la¤k." Later, villagers from Kungani ` i of seninke women to Dakar. According to Michel Samuel’s informants, it snd iagili (rhs lafge Gidimaxa Village that {M65 Kuiigafli GH Yh€ Other side ~ — was during this period that many migrants brought their families to Dakar."“ Of rhs Senegal RWE?) Worked ar the Dakar El€¢¤'i€ifY C0mP¤¤}GB3 9-I ¥h€ ` This information is confirmed by the 1955 Dakar census. Of the resident Petersen peanut oil factory in Dakar, or in municipal services as hOSPiEEll V i Soninkej ;,933’ or 44 Percent, were adult males; ]7rr7, or gi percent, were 3id€$ 01‘ g31‘d€¤€1'S·g4 adult females; and 137I, or 31 percent, were children younger than F1{teen.°7 In 1938 in the maraboutic village of Kungani, 85 out of the 335 adult males This transformation was probably the cause for the relocation of Soninke (zo percent) were migrants. Of these, 35 (41 percent) were in African coun- , chambres away from the centrally located Gambetta quarter to the "African" tries other than Senegal (Belgian and French Congos) working as traders, IQ » l quarters of Medina and especially Niaye Thioker—to be closer to the down(22 P€1'¤€1'1f)W€1'€ $6i]01'$, 25 (29-5 P¤fC€¤f) W€1'€ in Dakar, Bild 017-ly 6 (7 P€1”- i town area (and most places of employment). This move was not due to the cent) were 1'13Vet3.I'1eS.s5 The high p1'Op0rtiOr1 of traders in the Congos is eX- ~ ` r new housing regulations that moved much of the African Population into plained by the role of Kungani maraboutic families in the emergence of ` new peripheral quarters, such as Medina, since these standards were imposed migrarion ro this Pan of rhs W0i'ld·86 Mosr migrants Y0 the C¤¤g¤s (sud i f in r9r4. More likely, the chambres followed the relocation of most Sonjnke txaders in general) were i·1‘Om m2lral>0utiC families, While sailors tended t0 be E migrants) who rented housing with their wives, away from the expensive from nonmaraboutic (“warri0r") free families and slaves (who were pre- } ' i eeme; of [0wn, O; who lived with man-{ed relatives? . sumbly slisms 0f rhe f¤rm¢r>- But ¤/Lreevwrr/¤ ¤f the migrants rv Dakar . Q oral mums provide data on the occupations of soninke migrants. were slaves? This tends to coniirm that migration to Dakar and other Sene— Y Michel Samuel’s study revealed the following occupations for retired vilgalese urban centers emerged Out of Iliivetanati as we l'18.Ve seen, Soninke V lagers from ]3g§]i living in Dakar; one Policeman, one customs oHicer, two navetanes tended to come from slave families}8 , ii laborers at the Petersen peanut oil factory, one male nurse, one male nurse ’s CHAPTER 7 V ·i THE suusr ro URBAN MIGRATION [ *9°i · [ ¤9¤ ]

aide, one hospital employee}? Adrian Adams’s study reveals the following · Figures are also available for the Soninke population of Bamako for this occupations for villagers from Kungani after the Second World War; one i ‘ Period In 19477 Bamako was still a small town of 37,000, with 3 P0P\1laUO¤ gardeheris aide, one man who worked on the Dakar-Gorée boat shuttle, one ` _ _‘ only twice as large as Kayes (19,000), the second city ifi M3li· I 12 Five P€¥C€m l3·lD01'€r at the electricity C0n'1pany, and a number 0f laborers whose place of l r gf Bamakgis at the time were Soninked I3 In fOll0Wi¥1g y€3rS, Bamako gI'€W employment is not speciiied.'°" Y Z Very rapidly, to 76%,00 in rays and res,e¤o in m6o."‘ The proportion of A. Hauser’s study of industrial workers in Dakar is an invaluable source i 5(minka in its Population grew to ro.6 percent in 196¤."‘ However, because of information on Soninke workers in this city in the rg;os.'°' Hauser found E the goninkc in Mali were recorded together with the Mancle—speaking Market that the Soninke were “clearly over-represented" among Dakar’s industrial 3 V of the Middle Niger Valley it is almost impossible to translate these figures workers, BS compared with their share in the population of Senegal.'°2 They ‘ n {mo a Proportion of the Malian Soninke who lived in Bamako, 35 I just did were especially numerous in one peanut oil factory, most surely the Petersen . for Upper Senegal Soninke in Dakar} M factory near downtown Dakar, in which they were more numerous than the · Dakar and Bamako were not the only urban destinations of Soninlre 1%lof‘°’ Soninke workers were mostly of slave status, an observation that = migrants in me rages, In her rgér study of the Damga village of HamadiC01'1?0lD0r3t6S the data collected by Adams in Kungani for the late 193os.“" A Wunaye (Amadi-Ounaré), whose population is half Soninke, half Pl1Ula1'· relatively high proportion, 51.5 percent, were unskilled laborers, but this is i ` speaking Fuutanke, and which had a very high migrant population (60 lower than the proportion of F uutanke workers (57.5 percent).‘°’ They were e Percent Of adult males), Colette Le Blanc noted that although Dakar Wai the usually married and lived with their wives in Dakar. Of all migrants from U v` Hrst destination of most migrants, only I1 percent found work there. Those rural areas of Senegal (of which the largest groups were the F uutanke and a _· migrants who had been unsuccessful in finding work in Dakar had to go to the Wolof), they were the qnes who stayed in town, in the same position, for _ is [ess Preferred destinations. ‘ *7 A large number continued to go t0 urban Genthe longest periods Of time, Often for more than ten years.’“° They shared i i tar; in the Pegmupproducing region of Senegal: 4K percent of the migrants with the most skilled workers a high degree of satisfaction with their work- ` ` from Hamadi—Wunare thus went to Diourbel and Kaolack. Such migrants place. lm HOWEVEI', m0St eventually returned to their villages, although they , fp were either weavers or petty traders Gam-Zvana).l 'B Adrian Adams likewise very often came back later for a second or a third period of employmengmg cr I noted migrants from Kunganj living in Tambacounda,"" K0ungheul,'Z° Like other migrants of rural origin, they were often members of ethnic as- L Thies,'2‘ and especially K30l3¢k·m In additioni the migration Of Soninke sociati0ns.‘°" The overall impression given by Hauser’s and $amue1’s studies _ traders to the Gambia and Casamance also continued during these Y€¤rS·"° is that $0rliI1k€ migration to Dakar in the period 194; to 1960 was at a transi- ’ 5 Another important migration that developed especially Hfter the war Was wry stage between What Abel Chatelain, in his study of nir1eteenth—Cer1tury V { toward urban centers in the Ivory Coast. This migration is less documented migrants in France, has called pluriannual migmrirm (for several years) and r E than others. The northwestern region of the Ivory Coast was a destination i7#Z0ng”mzgr¤tzbn (in fact, limited to the duration of an active life, with a ? i gf trade migrants in the precolonial period, who bought l<0l¤ nuts in €X· return to the village at retirement).‘ '° Such a pattern stood in contrast with 5 change for salt, cattle, and cotton cloth."‘ The majority of these migrants that of Fuutanke migrants, who stayed for short periods of time in Dakar. ` { probably came from eastern Soninke regions, such as Gumbu, Kingi jawara, All this information may well puzzle specialists. Today the Soninke pop- · I and evan Jgfunu and less so from Gajaaga and Gidimaxa, which were SituUlativfl of Dakar, apart from 3 small number of government employees, ap- i V- ated {OO fa; for seasonal migrantsfzs Some Souinke migrants settled in tl'l€ pears mostly composed of retirees and of wives of migrants to France, who ` { northern Ivory Coast at an early clate.'z‘ For example, the most renowned prefer the amenities of the capital to the more Spartan life in the village. But I Islamic leaders of the Korhogo region at the beginning of the twentieth cenrhis, of course, does not mean that such was the situation in the 1940s and mry were descendants of Ihrahima Suumare, born “near Bakel" around 19505. Indeed, one of Michel Samuel’s informants (a woman who came to _ 1336, who had first Come to the area as a trader."7 The Sorlirlke 1’¤ig1'&ti0¤ of Dakar immediately after the war) noted that “there were many more vil- i traders continued in the colonial period. Archival documents from the cercle lagers from Jagili [in Dakar] back then [than t0day].” ‘ " Li of Nia;-0 and Nara mention the movement of kola nut traders between these AM cnarriziz 7 THE SHIFT TO uiusim Mromvrxon [ 192 ] ` l` mx l

eereles and the Ivory Coast.‘” The migration of Soninke traders probably ` `_ present among the members of the chiefly family of the village,*3" Wealtliexpanded in the wake of the larger movement of Mancle traders, who pene- t` ier migrants, usually from well-known marahoutic families, began to buy trated forest areas that had been closed to them in the precolonial period, set- i houses in Kinshasa before the First World War."‘° One informant, a reiiding in the new centers created by colonial autl10ri1:ieS."° S¤nink€ migr¤¥i01'l li gious leader, Was quick to point out that houses were bought not to be rented Probably also developed from the mig1'HtiOl’1 of $OI1i1”lk€ employed OU the V _ but t0 provide hospitality tO reléltlves and Other migrants."" This was, inIvoii-ien railway line which reached the interior tOWn of Bouaké in I9I3·m) ‘ €i€€d, what WHS expected of tl marabout, Whose reputation (and eventual staMigratiun to the Ivory Coast apparently picked up in the I9}O$, RS IVOi1‘i€1’l i _ TUS 35 3 patron) WAS based on his gener0sit‘y."2 But other migrants appeared cities grew,"' By I961) go percent of the migrants from Hamadi-WUHHY€ i > I0 h¥1V€ l30i-ight hOl1S€S 8.5 investments and in order to rent them, In fact, it migrated to the Ivory Coast. These migrants were either weavers or bana— ` would be wrong to view hospitality as incompatible with investment and bana selling cotton cloth in Ivoirien centers, especially in Bouaké, which was I Q renting."" As Sandra Barnes has shown in her Lagos study, African landthe second most important urban center in the Ivory Coast until ind€p€n— ` ‘ lords often act as patrons for their tenants.‘“ Conversely, the provision of denee_l” ln her surveys of migrants from Kungani, Adrian Adams also ‘ hospitality enhanced the prestige of a landlord in his community, By the noted the presence of a small number of wage laborers among the migrants ` Q 19305, communal housing had disappeared; new migrants lived at the homes tg the Ivory Coast, most of whom were merchants?} Finally, there W€1'€ E of their relatives, and Women had begun to appear among the migrants, Mean. smaller numbers of Soninke migrants in Guinea, Some Oi` whom W0rk€d RS l I while, Commercial Operations were becoming more s0phisticated,"‘5 Some traders in the capital, C0nak1·y."‘° ' _ $0l'\i¤k6 traders began t0 deal in commodities other than cloth, such as V f peanuts, dried fish, and kola nuts—tl1e latter imported from the Ivory Coast e by Soninke migrants."‘“ Soninke Migrants in the French and Belgian Congos `— ‘ Former migrants recall as an important moment their building of a " mosque in Kinshasa in “I9IO.”M7 The Soninke in the Belgian Congo were We have seen the beginnings of Soninke migration in the French and B€l· part of 3 Wider West African Muslim migrant community, comprising Fuugian Congos. After the completion of the Matadi-Kinshasa railway, Soninke i tanke, Wolof, and especially Hausa, whose identity centered around Islam in migrants reverted to trade. In Lagos, which was one of the ports of call on . this predominantly animist country. Islamic communities in Kinshasa and their way to the Congos (or rather according to one oral report, in the neigh- ` j Brazzaville were organized around their imamt and especially their cadzk (Isbgi-ing market town of Abe0kuta),l35 Scnirxke migrants l>01-lghf l0W-PYiC€Ci · l3H1iC ji-1Clg€S).l“ The cadis, who Were the true chiefs of Muslims, were alindigenous Yoruba cloth and imported Dutch "Wax” cloth. These types W€r€ ` `A WZYS $0nink€. M9 AS We have seen, the migration was believed to have begun much in demand in West Africa, but even more so in the Congos, where (ac- , Q in the Koranic school of the village of Kungani. The first cadi of Kinshasa, egrding to Soninke informants) most indigenous people initially did 1'10¥ ` Mamaclu laaxo, was the younger brother of Ba Bintu Tanjigora ("Laji (;ile7" wear eettrm clothes. seninke migrants established residence in Kinshasa and g j or the giant), who reportedly began the migration among the talibes of Brazzaville, and later in provincial towns of the Belgian and French Congos. 1 · Seexu ]om0 Tanjigora around the turn of the nineteenth century. After Their operations were generally modest, carried Out 8.5 iIi¤E1'Bl’\f I¥1€I'Cl'13T\f$ gf Miimfidll ]33X0,S death, BB Bi¤tLl’S $011, Al-Haj Mamadu ]a,axo’ succeeded on bicycles who radiated from an urban center into the surrounding coun- -· him as cadi of Kinshasa.‘5° Other maraboutic families also came to the area, trysider In time, some migrants came to own stalls in urban marketplaces. L t Particularly worth noting were the Darame, who held the oiiice of cadi in Sgnjnke eleth traders sold as retailers and also to local women tradcrs."‘ ' ` Brazzaville, on the other side of the Malebo Pool.'5‘ These families gained In the initial stages of the migration, when women Were {SW, migrants ip- t` ‘ d01'nin3nC€ 3m0ng n0n—S0n.inke Muslims because of their religious prestige, parently lived in communal h0using.u7 As in Dakar (thé charnbres) and ifi . i knowledge, and training, which Other West African migrants (for example, France, migrants from the same village pooled their resources in a mutual ~ Wolof artisans and F uutanke fishermen) did not have. aid fund for emergencicsyg and they recognized as their chief Il'1€ oldest man l 4. IH Ihé 19605, there Were perhaps tW0 thousand Soninke in urban centers cunrrnn 7 , THE SHIFT TO URBAN MIGRATION [ mal r [ 10: l

in Zaire (the former Belgian Congo).‘5Z The Islamic community in Kinshasa l L Sonirlke Sailors in Dakar and in France (which was dominated by the Soninke) was then described as “an exceed- t Y ingly prosperous group."‘55 Although most Soninke traders in Zaire contin— ‘ 5 ~ sailing was a prestigious occupation among the Soninke. As we have seen, ued to be petty traders, astounding success stories were recorded by Samir , , this preference went back very far in time. Laptot wages eroded at the turn Amin in his meticulous 1969 study of Sencgalcsc business In T-he l96O$> of the nineteenth century, but the creation of an international harbor in some of the most successful migrants (about a hundred of them) came back ` J V Dakar enabled goninlre laptots to change to oceangoing sailing An importo their villages with fortunes of 5 to 50 million CFA francs, Or about ‘ ‘ tant port of call on international shipping lines between Europe and South $20,000 to $2.00,000 at the prevailing exchange rate. Amin estimated the vol- ` t V America, Dakar provided employment on the great ocean liners_ In mac, the urne of yearly monetary transfers from Zaire to Senegal at about 500 million ~ ` French administrator in charge ef maritime employment in Senegal estiCFA francs, or $2 million. This capital was invested in housing in Dakar or ; J mated the total number of registered African sailors in Dakar at 3,ooo_¤s*> the home villages of the migrants or in cattle. (Village funds also were used i Eighty percent of these mgn were from the eercles of Matgm and Bake] and to build mosques and to create Koranic schools in the Soninke homeland-)l5l , I from French Soudan and Mauritania, that is, they were mostly Soninke.‘°° Bur even larger sums were invested in Zaire and in thc (Frendi) Congo by , Some Senegalese sailors had already been to French harbors in the ninethe migrants, Wh0 l>¤>I-ight movie theetefey etO?ee» and leege agtleultuml Pleu‘ V teenth century but only for passing visits. In the several years preceding the tations. *55 Commercial operations had by then become so intricate that retail ‘ First World War, Senegalese sailors began to visit Marseilles more regularly. shops were created in Dakar to train young migrants for future trading in p Most were apparently Wolof ,,,.igim,i,e_, {mm the pom. Communesni The Zaire and the Congo or the Ivory Coast.‘5“ A small mincrity of marabcuts l, ` First World War changed the situation entirely. As French sailors were moamassed very large fortunm of IOO t0 200 million CFA francs (between ‘ bilized, French shipping companies began to recruit colonial sailors. The de$400,000 and $8oo,oo0).'5” { mand was such that the companies usually disregarded the requirement that Informants’ interviews suggest that migration to the Congos was longer- ’ sailors produce a regulatory maritime registration book1et.‘°5 A fzrcicule term, pluriannual, or "lifelong" (returning to the village upon retirement), ° _` could be obtained in Senegal after three years of employment in local coastal and a trend toward definitive migration was visible by the 19605. Ties with . _ navigation @q5amgq,"’ but as such opportunities were very limited, the Soninke homeland, however, were strong. Children born in the Congos I L African sailors obtained employment in Marseilles with dubious registration were systematically sent back to be raised in the Soninke homeland so that _ papers Or ne papers at a_ll_ Manx in fact, reached Marseilles as srowaways_*°·* thcy would speak Senlnkei learn Scninke Customer and SYOW uP lh 3 pre- 5 l Although data on the origins of migrants is lacking for this period, subsedominantly Muslim society. This policy however, C1'€=1t€Cl problems {OF the ii quent information suggests that most of these undocumented sailors were many migrants who had married Congolese wives, as they resisted being I goninke separated from their children. They were supported in their resistance by After the War} French sailors Were progressively demehilized and deyourig soninke of the second generation, who, of course, had 3 stY0ng€1' , ` manded their old jobs back. While stowaways continued to flow from Dakar bond with the Congos, where they were born. Such conflicts appafcntly l V to Marseilles"5 there were conflicts between Africans and French sailors’ playedarolein the emergence of the "Wahabiyya" Islamic movcfncnt in thc r unions.‘“ Wolof sailors in Marseilles, who were mostly French citizens Congos. The "Wahabiyya," which shares only its name with the historic { from Saint-Louis, created the Amicale des Originaires de l’AOF, which Saudi Arabian movement, is an Islamic reformist movement n0tcd for its t “ functioned as an unofhcial African sailors’ union and opposed the comingof opposition to magical practices and is well-represented in Mali among gen- » . Soninke undocumented workers. These efforts notwithstanding, there seems erally well-to-do merchants. In the Congos, the "Waha.biyya" especially ap- ` { to have been a marked increase in the number of stowaways from Senegal pealed to young, reform-minded second-generation Soninke.‘5“ * after r<)25.""’ In 1925, the Chargeurs Réunis and Sud—Atlantique companies ;` A. crtitpreiz 7 ll L rue SHIFT ro URBAN Micxarion l 106 l Y id l mv l

disembarked 1 54 stowaways in Bordeaux alone.l‘i Stowaways slipped aboard r Our iadioi Mamadii Koriioi tho oiiioi of sailors has Como back iioma arid ships in Dakar by passing as porters or dockers, with or without the com- p lama Maligi who has rome dowii from die sliilis io Soo again his plicity of dockers or sailors.""’ Most reportedly were Soninke from the cer- ; p mother loic Sah! and his ami Awa Sambalii cles of Bakel and Selibaby (Mauritanian Gidimaxa)."°A trafhc developed in ` AS with navetaneg young men Considered mo young to migrate Occ? sailorsi registration documents. Sailors who retired or went on leave usually I sionauy defied their params, OPPOSMOH and left Secretly to become $3,101%.,8, passed on their fascicule to relatives."i Villagers from jawara in Gwey ob- , Older migrants, however, Controlled employment and Solidarity among tained their documents through the intermediary of Musa Saaxo, a member ,3 K Sailorsl Younger migrants Obtained Employment in Dakar or Marseilles of the village ’s chiefly family, who was employed as a planton at the Dakar p rv through Older Patrons, the mpomk, ,,3 who introduced them to Shipping Sailors, rogisrraiioh Olheedn Orhers had re Pay handsome Sams to imrrmer i companiesfai Soninke sailors in Marseilles, and presumably elsewhere, had diaries iii Dalrarv Such as the rariwus Magarie Ldais NiDiaye’ who created a V village mutual aid associations, which were similar in organization to the Sailors, iaiiioii iii D¤k¤* in the early r9aOs‘m This ri-arric also mak Place in ’ i Dakar chambresfia Sailors generally k€Pt to themselves in French Ports, livMarseilles. In 19;.6, the Ministry of Colonies even started an inquiry about i Y ing and socializing in the same hotels and .%,5,, (a bar is a Small cafe in its own representative in Marseilles, Louis josselme, a former colonial ad- ¤ V modem French lang_uagE).,,,,, iriiriisrraror WhO headed rhe lOeal laraiieli Or die C‘A'i’ (dia Colonial mins Q f African sailors in France were strongly solicited by Paris-based African istryis surveillance organization, which watched over colonial subjects ` p nationalist Organizations during the I93Os_,,,, In 19307 the activist and then residing in France), whom it suspected of selling provisional registration _ , Communist sympathizary Tiémokho Gamn KOuyaté’ attempted to Cream 3 doouiiienis ro hridoehrrlehred Arriearl sailersm i i branch of the Ligue de Defense de la Race Négre among African sailors in BY i93O¤ the SO“i“l‘e were arlamerieally as moat impririaiir Arricaii i Marseilles, but Soninke sailors refused to support him.l““ During the Great group in Marseillaaailis in ills Upper Senegal ragiaat °°e“"g°iag Sailing had i D€Pression, however, manY African sailors became unemPl0Yed and were become die most P¤P¤i¤= Oeei·lParlOr* ariiriiig ydarig Soaiiiiiam According , ‘ deported back to Africa. To avoid this fate, many went to French harbors of io Oiie iiirormaiiiv ir was Ohly Wheri Orie did her Succeed in becoming a sailor i i the Atlantic coast, where Africans were less controlled than in Marseilles.‘““’ that Oiie Werii iO the CO“gOs*il7 it is easy tO aridersiaiid Why: the beginning Parisian African activists appear to have been more successful at enlisting Wages Ole a sailOr ill l93O were 4aO rrariea a mriririi ($*020 rraiics il year) A i i the support of such sailors in Le Havre, the Atlantic harbor closest to Paris. stoker earned 585 francs a month (7,ozo francs a year)."’“ At the same time, ` K] Bylaw 1931, The Ligue de Défemse de la Race Négrf:7 mw Controlled by Gap a iiaveiaiie eariied i>aOO rO l>$OO rrarles iii a yearly agricultural Saasoilm veyists under the leadership of the Saint-Louisien intellectual, Emile Faure, Chief iiaraiiima Jamm Baeili deserilaed the eiieiiemeiir or villgr youths r l had a branch or afhliated union in Le Havre composed of African sailors.l"° iiPoii riio rordria of a “haVigarOrii with aOO¤°O° rraries iii saviiiga and luggage i ` It is worth noting that the treasurer of Emile Faure ’s LDRN was a Soninke, iiiirsiirig Widi goods arid Eirraliii The POPuiai`irY Or as sailing Occupation i i~ Amadi Diara, born in Mannayel (Gwey) in 18c)5.l"i This ethnic connection was reiiecied ih the i92Os in rhe already ddiaied song iiriigii iimdim Seger may have played a role in bringing unemployed Soninke sailors to the Ligue. (iipeaiihi BOOm”) eelelararirlg riaverariaaa , However that may be, a fresh interest in politics, or rather in political paMamadu the wealthy sailor has come back home tronage, became visible among Soninke sailors after the elec1:ion of Galandou Suuleyman the wealthy sailor has come back home A. Diouf as deputy of Senegal in 1934. Galandou Diouf, a somewhat neglected Cn The IME birds Serve as food to bm? figure in Senegalese political history, appears to have had a greater concern Listen all , than his predecessor Blaise Diagne for the non-Wolof rural groups of SeneAnd you the leaders of Prayer gal.'“" Diouf was also connected, partly for electoral reasons, with Emile Listen _ Faure’s Garveyist Ligue de Defense de la Race Negre in Paris."” In October cnnrrax 7 i l THE SHIFT TO URBAN Mionnrion Ii ro8 l ` . [ 100 l

1934, a large group of sailors in Dakar sent a letter to Diouf, referring to i. V cording to French surveillance reports, Sangare was planning to create a new themselves as his “Sarakole [Soninke] admirers.” The letter demanded the : ’ organization of African sailors in Marseilles.1°’ In 1938 Auguste Gueye was right for documented sailors in Dakar to seek employment in Marseilles."" ¤_ 7 ousted from the presidency of the Amicale by a coalition of younger men, In [934 also, a group of African sailors in Le Havre, most probably the i Y many of Whom had received their political education in the cafe of Pierre Ligue’s branch discussed above, wrote to Diouf asking him to intercede 7 Mbaye, who was Kouyaté’s contact in Marseilles in 1930, but who had mainon behalf of African sailors in France. Diouf accepted."5 In November _` tained contact with the rival Ligue of Emile Faure in following years.2°‘ One 1935, a deputation comprising delegates of African sailors from Marseilles, 7 of the rebels, Abdulay Njaay, had played a role in the creation of the Comité Bordeaux, Le Havre, and Dunkerque went to see the minister of merchant ‘ ' _ de Défense des Travailleurs de la Mer and had been in contact with Tuumani marine in Paris. The African sailors were introduced to the director of the i Sangare in 1935."5 Another, Amadu Njaay, may have been an oflicial of the cabinet of the minister by Galandou Diouf. The move was a resounding suc- , Ligue’s branch or union in Le Havre in 1931.2°‘ Although many of these cess since the minister soon afterwards urged shipping companies that con- — ? men were Wolof, the bureau of the renewed Amicale was composed of tracted with the French government to hire more Senegalese sail0rs.'°“ Q equal numbers of representatives of all the ethnic groups among the African The minister’s intervention had very important consequences. By 1937, E I sailors in Marseilles. Thus the dominance of Saint—Louisiens over African the government—controlled Messageries Maritimes company operated a ver- § I sailors in Marseilles now came to an end."7 itable ethnic quota system in its employment of African sailors in the ma- ‘ It was at about that time also that Soninke sailors began to join French chine rooms of its ships. In Marseilles, for example, five ships were reserved .` ~ sailors’ unions. In the wake of the Popular Front, the reunified C.G.T. (the for Senegalese sailors, six for Arab sailors from Aden, and two for sailors ,1 main French union, with ties to the socialists and communists) opened its from the French Cote des Somalis (Djibouti).‘“” The employment of Arab V L doors to foreign workers in France.Z°“ Colonial workers apparently took adsailors from Aden is worth a short digression. Aden Arabs first gained em- V vantage of this liberalization of union policy. In 1937 and 1938, the colonial ployment on French ships in the 19205 in much the same way as the Soninke, T 7 administration in the Mauritanian part of Gidimaxa noted that Soninke sailors by using documents that were not theirs or falsified documents."’“ Ironically, V g were now registered members of the C.G.T.’s sailor branch union. This worSenegalese sailors (including the post—1938 Amicale, where the Soninke ` _ ried the French at first but, as they soon realized, the Soninke remained unwere represented) fought throughout the interwar period against the em- if F interested in French politics.2°° Through this move, however, Soninke sailors ployment of these "foreigners," or "Arabes anglais"!""’ In the "ethnic quota ~ g had completed their penetration of the Marseilles labor market. system” in use on the ships of the Messageries Maritimes (and companies Y The Wolof almost completely disappeared among African sailors after that contracted with it), the positions reserved for Senegalese sailors were i the Second World W'ar.“° Soninke sailors now clearly dominated tl1e African filled in Marseilles through recommendation by the conservative Amicale ` P community in Marseilles, but this community was smaller than before the des Originaires de 1’AOF. For the time being, this ensured the continued " , war. This was due to the shift from coal to diesel power on French liners dominance of Saint-Louisien sailors since they dominated the Amicale.z°“ . after the war, which considerably reduced available employment for sailors, But this situation did not last. i especially for Africans, who were generally employed as stokers or mechanA newly formed group, the Comité de Defense des Travailleurs de la Mer _’ ics.“‘ Although this point needs confirmation, it was probably during the Originaires d’Outre—Mer des Bouches—du—Rh6ne, had mandated two Mar- ` postwar period that Soninke sailors began to gain employment as portals, seilles sailor delegates to Paris in 1934.*°‘ These delegates were Auguste _ 7 that is, waiters or orderlies. By the 19705, all Soninke sailors employed by Gueye, the president of the conservative Amicale des Originaires de l'AOF, Z French companies were postals."Z and a former sailor from French Soudan, Tumaani (Francois) Sangare. i In 1948, three Soninke sailors, jabe So, ]a and Samba Suumare, founded Sangare was the owner of a “bar” on 16, Rue Puvis de Chavannes, which l , the Foyer du Marin Sénégalais (Senegalese Sailors’ Hostel), which the prewar was described as the “usual meeting place of the Sarakole [Soninke],”Z°Z Ac- Amicale had unsuccessfully tried to create in the 19105. The Foyer provided CHAPTER 7 ; `V THE sntrr ro URBAN Mioxkriorx rmt ‘ rm. 1

lodging, food, and laundry to new migrants, as well as a focal point for the ` ~ Smuggling had always been a lucrative activity for some Soninke sailors, Senegalese sailor community. It was the culmination of an associational E but conditions were especially favorable to this form of "trade” in postwar effort that had begun well before the war. Soninke migrants in Marseilles, as ( li Marseilles. Soninke sailors smuggled coffee for the black market, gold, silver mentioned, were organized in village associations. Each of these associa- I coins; they also smuggled opium for a time in New York (where there is a tions had its treasury, which covered the costs associated with sickness or A small Soninke community.) They exported expensive manufactured proddeaths among its members and also served to repatriate undesirables. Village ucts (such as watches) from France to foreign countries and imported objects funds also covered the expenses of feeding and housing migrants in Mar- V { from japan, such as prints and small tables. Soninke sailors also "traded” seilles. In other words, these associations were identical to the Dakar cham— ` p with the Congo basin area, where many had relatives. Smuggling went tohres and to village mutual funds in the Congos. In addition, the village funds gether with a certain amount of contact with the underworld}‘5 To temper pooled their resources into a common treasury in certain cases. This com- , the damaging aspects of this information for Soninke sailors, it should be mon treasury, like the village associations, was created before the war, but it ` { said that practically all categories of sailors in Marseilles were involved in ceased to function during 1940 to 1945. , l smuggling and that the Marseilles underworld had acquired at the time a A number of Soninke sailors appreciably improved their position in the . manner of respectability by refraining from violent crime in favor of the pére postwar years. In tow, the companies declared their best sailors Wizulezires. ” I ( zrmquille activities of smuggling and prostitutionfm The beneficiaries gained paid holidays, retirement pensions, security of em- . Because migration as sailors was so prestigious among the Soninke, it was Ployment, and fi-ee return tickets to Africa, and housing was found for those e generally a “lifelong" migration—a métier according tc one infor-niant,Z" who did not have any The often relaxed relations between African sailors ` i But Soninke sailors continued to maintain contact with their villages. Some and shipping companies arecillustrated by the circumstances of the creation ` ` took extended leaves of absence (one to three years) to "cultivate their of the sailors’ Foyer, which was bought by representatives of the sailors for , fields” back home. Even some of the most successful hotel owners in Mar; million francs. jabe So recalls: "I went to see Roland Frayssinet. He seilles wished to return home eventually A few Soninke, however, estabhanded me the three million directly without a receipt. I Went then t0 See H lished permanent residence in F rance,Z"’ apparently because they valued the real estate representative, who bought the premises in the name of our asso- _ . independence that their life abroad gave them vis-a-vis the demands of their ciation.” I have no information as to whether the “ethnic quota system” of : extended familym the prewar period was maintained after 1945, but it is quite probable that 4 · something of the sort was in operation. In the 19705, Soninke sailors were ( employed by French shipping companies by virtue of agreements negotiated Chief lbrahima Jaman Bacili: between African governments and the French government, which guaran— . V Failure of a Modernizing Attempt teed African sailors the same level of employment as had prevailed during i , the period of French colonization.2" ` Zi The story of Chief Ibrahima ]`aman Bacili (Ibrahima Diarnan Bathily) proA ntunber of Soninke sailors began to acquire property in Marseilles in ' vides fascinating insights into the society of the Soninke homeland during the form of hotels after the Second World War. Hotels and small cafes made ` ` the period considered in this chapter. This society, when Ibrahima ]aman a lot of sense as profitable investments for sailors, who found a ready-made ¤ A Bacili was named head of the small canton of Goye Inférieur (Gwey) in the clientele in their workmates since hotels and cafes were the only "homes” of ‘ ls cercle of Bake] after the Second World War, was still “feudal" in spite of sailors on solid larid.2" In 1948, only three Senegalese and FWD Malgaches g d€€Hd€S of migration and French rule. With great dedication, Chief Bathily owned hotels in Marseilles. In later years, although it is impossible to give a ‘ attempted to reform it. However, he received no help from the very people figure, hotel and cafe ownership became more c0mm0n among f0I`n'1€1‘ . f1'0m whom he had expected support, the French, the young, and the migrants, sailors, Many of these hotels were bought With profits IFFOTH Smuggling- _ who did fl0f back him in his struggle against his conservative opponents, cnxpran 7 THE SHIFT TO URBAN Mionnrron [ zo:. l i Q lzoa l

Chief Ibrahima jaman Bacili’s story was that of an educated man pitted or was pushed aside, and intrigues resumed among the Bacilis. In 1944, against a society of illiterates. Until at least the Second World War, the c . Konko Golla, who perhaps was not as senile as it was believed, succeeded in Soninke, partly for religious reasons, had refused obstinately to send their . _ ousting a certain Papa Bacili, who evidently wanted to take Tarnbo’s place.’” children to the “Nazarean" (Christian) French schools. Students in the Bakel ~ 4 It was in reaction to this situation that the French decided once again to byschool were more or less conscripted by the local administrator, but at the fi pass custom and to name a younger chief. In 1944, Ibrahima jaman Bacili first opportunity, they found a way to slip back to their villages.”° In con- { 4 was named chief of Goye Inférieur in replacement of Konko Golla, who trast, Ibrahima ]aman Bacili had received an exceptional education for the _° kept the honorary title of canton chief. times. His father, jaman Demba Bacili, was first a marine in the colonial ‘ V It is important at this point to note that there had been discussions bearmy and then an interpreter."‘ Born in the 18905, Ibrahima ]aman received ‘ I n tween the French and the Bacilis, during which at least a section of the clan a primary education in the French Soudan, then continued with secondary ` if had expressed the desire of seeing Ibrahima ]aman "serve as their intermeschooling at the famous School of the Sons of Chiefs in Saint-Louis. He then ` diary between them and the administration."Z" Apparently a number of graduated from the Ecole Normale (Teachers’ College) of Gorée in 1917 and ` V, people in the traditional elite realized the increasing sophistication of adtaught in primary schools for twenty-seven years, mostly in the Soudan, * if ministration and the need to put an educated man in charge of their relations where he married and where his children were born. In 1947., Ibrahima jaman ` with the colonial authority. One of the reasons behind this belated awakenasked to be sent as a schoolteacher to or near Bakel, so as to be near his · j ing was most certainly the fact that in 1939 Bakel had ceased to be the t—h¢ homeland. He was appointed principal of the primary school of Pout in J i lieu (chief town) of the cercle, when the cercle was split between the Senegal in 1942. Soon after his return to Senegal, Ibrahima ]aman became ¤ subdivision of Goudiry (cercle of Tambacounda) to the south and the cercle involved in the political situation of Gwey.m ~ I of Matam, downstream on the Senegal River.”° The coalition of Bunduke The French had always been trying to do away with gerontocratic control Y L and Soninke aristocrats that had until then ruled the cercle of Bake] found its in Soninke society. With little success, they had tried to bring in younger i r voice drowned by other ethnic groups. The Soninke watched in dismay as men at the head of the chiefdoms. In the small canton of Goye Inférieur (the , Muslim Bunduke lost influence to Malinke, who not so long ago had been in former Goye Indépendant—"Independent” Gwey), after the failure of the 4 their eyes pagans and infidels, while they themselves lost to the Puularexperiment with Samba Suuley described in Chapter Five, French adminis- 1 ' speaking Fuutanke of Damga and Bosseya. The groups that gained influence trators had reverted to the old expedient of appointing a younger councilor j (this is more evident in the case of the Malinke in Goudiry than in that of the to assist the tunka. In so doing, the French had tried to give some form of le- I I Puular—speaking Fuutanke in Matam) did so not so much because of their gality to what was only an informal custom imposed out of necessitym V I numerical importance as their greater level of education. In Gwey; there Thus in I932, we find an oiiicial act bearing the signature of Konko Golla as ` l~ were only rz}: men who had as much as a primary education. Only two of official representative of the tunka of Gwey. This tunka was Samba Kajata, them lived in Gwey, and one of them was Ibrahima jaman Bacili.”' whom we have seen earlier soliciting the Senegalese Deputy Blaise Diagne f ~ The traditional elites that asked Ibrahima ]aman to come to Tiyaabu (the through relatives in Dakar."" In 1935,‘” Konko Golla was appointed chief I royal village) saw him as a subordinate in a political design. But in a classic of Gwey by the French in replacement of Samba Kajata, either through his Y i development, Ibrahima ]an·1an saw his nomination as an occasion to bring successful manipulation of the French or more simply because the French i * badly needed reforms to Soninke society. During his life in the French had decided to put an end to the intrigues developing around a senile Samba j I Soudan, Ibrahima ]aman had become a member of the influential French Kajata’s potential succession. The process was almost repeated at Konko t L_ Socialist party (S.F.I.O.), which was then very active in Africa, The postwar Golla’s expense."‘ Konko Golla became blind and senile by 1938 and the M period was aperiod of rising hopes for reform—minded Africans, as political French solved the problem by relying on Tambo Bacili, the man who had the Q i rights were granted to the whole of French Africa in recognition of its role most iniiuence on him at the time."’ But after 1941, Tambo Bacili either died i in the liberation of France. In this period of colonial liberalism, Ibrahima cnxrraa 7 A i run snrrr ro URBAN MIGRATION l¤¤4l i l zcs l

]aman may, in fact, have presumed too much of the support that the French · , Bakel was in a sense the consequence of its continuing economic decline were willing to give him. li I since the gum crisis. This was clearly perceived by Ibrahima jaman. The Ibrahima jaman, like French colonial humanists such as Delafosse or i Y remedies he wanted to apply were those which had been advocated by the Robert Delavignette, was no adversary of traditional authority per se. But Y i various French administrations, and in particular by French colonial humanthe two institutions that Chief Bacili intended to discard, slavery and gift i . ists. He tried to introduce new cultivation techniques (perhaps the plow)2” giving, were essential to traditional society. Slavery was the traditional basis ‘ ` and to enforce regulations on emergency granaries.“‘ Finally, Ibrahima of the power of Gwey’s aristocracy. The testimony of Ibrahima ]aman’s Z j ]aman was concerned about the level of migration in Gwey He wrote that papers on its persistence in Gwey was appalling. It makes a contemporary . no development could take place around Bakel unless the migrants first came observer realize how limited the authority of the French colonial adminis- _, n home.”’ Chief Bacili believed that this was possible if local agriculture was tration could be. Slaves, wrote Ibrahima ]aman, were bought and sold as late , modernized, local transportation improved, and new activities were created as 1910. In rgzo, they were still pawned for debts. In the mid 194os, slaves >` in the area. were still given as dowry and included in inheritances. Children of slaves z The returned migrants, especially sailors, in theory could have been good were deprived of their parents’ inheritance, which according to custom went I supporters for Chief Bacili. We have seen that there was no educated elite in to their masters. Ibrahima jaman wanted land to be granted to slaves or at ` ; Gwey in 194;; however, the returned sailors had traveled, most by this time least that the conditions of their employment by free men be formalized in ‘ — having lived in France for shorter or longer periods, and thus they could be contracts with legal sanctions.Z” g expected to have a broader experience and a more open mind than the maThe second institution Ibrahima ]aman wanted to suppress was the prac- ’ jority of their compatriots. But this support did not materialize. Indeed the tice of extravagant spending at funerals or harvests. A funeral could waste 3 sailors—or “navigators," as they were called—were either indifferent or, the savings of a lifetime, he wrote, reducing a family to misery and forcing V more probably, hostile to Chief ]aman’s reformsm its sons to emigrate. At harvests, young men went from farm to farm pro- We have seen that from the days of French penetration in the interior of viding token amounts of “help,” for which they expected to be lavishly fed i E West Africa the chiefs in Gajaaga and Gidimaxa had often been former and entertained by their hosts.Z” That these customs were giving rise to a i sailors. The highly advantageous wages paid in this form of employment considerable amount of waste and parasitism was not in doubt, but by at- · had made "navigation" particularly attractive to the upper strata of Soninke tacking them, Ibrahima jaman was also attacking a foundation of traditional { society, in particular the sons of chiefs and the members of the royal clan of politics. In traditional society, as we have seen, successful men were the most , the Bacili, who appear to have maintained a dominance over this form of generous. An essential element of popularity derived from giving gifts to i f employment.“" The attraction of high wages was not simply a function of griots. Praise-singers kept alive family rivalries, and the need to save face led Z money, but of what it could achieve in Soninke society. In Soninke society; to further competition in gifts and extravagant spending, and ultimately to , becoming a sailor was for an aristocrat a way to build up influence and poprenewed tension within an already segmented and “anarchical" Soninke soci- ularity through a careful display of generosity dispensed adroitly to clients ety. To this picturesque but wasteful and divided society, Ibrahima ]aman . and strategically placed elders, without neglecting the griots, those influenwanted to substitute a disciplined, ehicient organization, more adapted to the tial praise singers, intelligent counselors, and conhdants. modern world, the model of which he apparently saw in traditional village The Bakel archives give some idea of the rivalries, the struggles for youth associations, with their semidemocratic character, their strong disci— Z influence that went on among these men as they competed to become repline, and their orientation towards collective effort and solidaritym . ji spected elders, notables, and chiefs, many hoping to become the chief counThus the attempt made by Ibrahima jaman Bacili at reforming Gwey was selor of the tunka and perhaps, one day, the tunka himself. For colonial essentially political, yet he was probably the iirst Soninke to voice concern ii administrators, Bakel was the cercle of the “navigateurs," turbulent and about the economic condition of Bakel. The redistricting of the cercle of ` 1 hard to govern. The French explained this unruliness by the influence of cnxrrnn 7 V rue SHIFT ro URBAN MIGRATION [ 2.06 l { i I, 2.0*7 l

new ideas picked up along the sailors’ peregrinations all around the world, ’ Z Conclusion which brought them in conflict with the unchanged society of their home- 7 V land. But the navigators were not reformers. They wanted to achieve success r ' The Period my; to ;96¤ thus saw a shift not only from mmlquml migration in their ti-adizional society, and this is why their attitude appeared so unruly Q' (navetanat) to urban migration, but also from seasonal to plunannual and to the administration, for the money they brought back from their migra— i even lgQZ¤ng migration, with a return to the village upon retirement (the tions heightened their rivalries.Z"° lt was no surprise that the result Was CDH- ‘ . trend toward the latter form of migration being especially visible by the end fusion in local authority, a weakening of its control in a region Where _ i of the period). Yet Chief Baci1i’s tragic story showed that the reorientation authority had never been very strong in the first plaCe.Z‘" This C0lT1petitiOH i p of Soninke migration toward the African cities and the lengthening of the explains why Chief Ibrahima jaman found so little enthusiasm among re- » { periods of time spent in the migration resulted in no "penetration of city turned sailors for the reform of a traditional political system they all hoped i i , va1ues” among migrants."° As in the nineteenth century when the ambition to manipulate to their own benefit}"2 V { of all migrants (including slaves) was to save enough money to buy slaves, Chief Ibrahima ]aman’s ultimate downfall, however, was brought about 7 ` who would give them both economic security and status in their home vilby the economic underpinnings of the traditional political system. As Chief ` J lages, the greatest desire of many migrants apparently still was to become Samba Suuley before him, Chief Ibrahima ]aman’s nomination had been ‘ ~ village notables, and they had no inclination to challenge traditional society. largely due IO the will of the colonial 2dminiSttatiOI1, and the Soninke trans- l Through migration, 3 young man could obtain 3 measure of emancipation ferred to him none of the essential prerogatives of the runka’s authority. Al- 7 from the traditional society simply by living abroad with independent Emanthough Ibrahima ]aman was for the French the only legal chief in Gwey, t0 V rl cial resources, but these financial resources also allowed him to build up inflthe Soninke the “h<>n0rary cahief ” Konko Golla was still the mnka, and the _ `_ uence within his home society as the years went by. When he became old, he villagers continued to pay him the jakka, and other traditional land rights. ‘ i would rem;-n gg his village and become a respected elder l·iim5el[_z"7 Ibrahima jaman appears to have remonstrated about this to the administra- They are many similarities in this respect between Soninke migration and tion, but the French, because they had always refused to recognize “feuclal 1 the French migrations described by specialists such as Abel Chatelain or rights” while balking at their suppression for fear of a revolt of the ttadi- i V Frangoise Raison-]ourde,Z‘B In the late nineteenth century, temporary mitional authorities (which were the only channels of French authority in the · i grams wl-,0 had migrated as seasonal workers, Some of [hem for centuries, area),"" were powerless to act. The French also did not immediately realize Ii such as the Auvergnat and the Creusois, began to take longer-term employthe seriousness of Chief Bacili’s situation. In 1945, the Bakel administrator K ment in French cities. Many of these urban migrants returned to their vildoubted the reality of a “pIot” against Chief Bacili—a real enough coalition Z lages only upon their retirement.Z‘° Yet the main ambition of most urban of various enemies of which the French administrator was informed by , g migrants was not to settle in the cities but to obtain a better life eventually in Chief Bacili himself."" Ibrahima Jaman had to compete with Konko Golla , i‘ their villager, by acquiring land. Even migrants who spent all their occupasolely with the help of the meager financial resources provided by his ad- ` — tional career in the city came back to spend their retirement near their home ministrative salary. The struggle was unequal. The final blow probably Came ; ; village, generally in a small, neighboring country town, living as local n0ta— from the young people in whom Chief Ilnrahirna larnan had S0 much faith. * · bles. The persistence of rural ambitions among migrants was, in fact, so The political agitation so characteristic of French West Atrrifla after the See- ‘ strong that it has persisted until today even among second- nr third-generation ond World War finally reached Bakel, but this agitation took the form of a _ " ynigrqytrn ]e;m-I_u;; (jhodkjewickz has described how Second- or t]-ih-d-g€nrejection of all authority, which ultimately meant also the authority of the ` ¢ l eration migrants from Auvergne, who were born in Paris (but often raised in liberal chief Ibrallima jaman BaCili.z’l5 Attaclied f1‘Om all sides, deprived of i j the “l·i0me” village by retired grandparents) continue to Own land in ";heii-" any meaningful support from the French, Chief Ibrahima Bacili committed ` villages, participating fiercely in the loca] electoral campaigns, during which suicide in 1947. i · they clash with villagers “who have stayed aupayr," and who have different V { economic preoccupati0ns.“° The data on European labor migration, briefly cr—rAp·r1zx 7 `, i rua si-tirr To URBAN MIGRATION [ 108 l i l 7-09 l

summarized here, suggest that a number of traditional assumptions about ` ‘ migration expanded over a wider and wider geographical area, which inAfrican labor migration should be revised. African migration specialists ` cluded not only Dakar, Kaolack, or Bamako, but Bouaké and Abidjan in the have argued that temporary migrations have persisted for so long in Africa ~ I Ivory Coast; Kinshasa, Brazzaville, and Lubumbashi in the Congos; and because African wages were too low and discouraged migrants from bring- T Marseilles, Bordeaux, and Le Havre in France. Overall, Soninke migration ing their families to the towns"' In order to verify this hypothesis, ¤1'1€ l in the 19505 appeared poised for further expansion. Soninke migrants poswould need to have proof that the migrants really wanted to establish resi- , sessed remarkable institutions of solidarity: a tradition of communal housdenee in the towns. Examination of the Soninke and French data in faiit 511g- ll , ing in the initial Stages of migration, village mutual funds, and the t;hambyes_ geses no evidence of such an inclination.252 In the Freneh Case, it t00l< almost , _ Settled migrants pr0Vided new migrants with hospitality and contacts in the three hundred years, and in some cases longer, before the seasonal and tern- ` employment market. More remarkable even, the networks of solidarity of pointy migrations of old were transformed into the exvde rum] of the I9$¤S·253 2 mig1‘antS in different geographical areas were linked. In a single village, it Ii Could be argued, of course, that it took that long for suitable employ- was n0t rare t0 iind relatives going to Dakar, the Ivory Coast, and the (jonment opportunities to develop in the French cities. But 3 Cl€I€·1ll€€l €X3ml¤$·· ‘ , $05 as well H5 France. To ill1.lStr3te this “OV€rlapping” or interconnectedness tion of labor migration from individual French regions shows that migrants 4 of migrants’ networks with a striking example, ]abe So, the founder of the continued to return even when such opportunities were available. Corsica, 5 , Foyer du Marin Sénégalais in Marseilles, was a relative by marriage of Allike the Soninke homeland, was for C€l'llILlIl€S a land of b0'£l”1 €H'1lgl”?i'fi0H and _ ` Hal Mamadu Iaaxo, tl'l€ Cadi of KiI'1Sl'1&Sa.25° As the West African Population immigration, In Corsica until not so long ago, migrants from the Italian City , ~ expanded, an increasing number of young migrants appeared on the labor of Lucca did most of the agricultural work, while the native ideal was that of ` market. All that was needed for the migration to expand was an increased dethe idle country gentleman.f1"o realize their patriarchal ideal, Corsicans were E mand for labor in Dakar, in the Congos—or in France. ready (in spite of tl1eir proverbial reputation for laziness) to accept the hard- ; , est types of work abroad. In the nineteenth century, however, Corsican . I migrations became increasingly long term, as migrants took comparatively li ‘ well-paying and secure minor government jobs. Yet the migrants continued 2 ‘ to retire in their villages, even though this often proved difficult when they . had married non-Corsican women abroad. Today the attachment of Corsi- Y ’ cans for their homeland still proves extremely strong, even among second- ii generation Corsicans born “on the continent."“" Some authors have spoken I , about “reluctant farruers” in the case of African city—bound migrants, but in , Q fact, it appears that often the formulation should be reversed and one should I speak about Weluczanz urb¢znires."Z“ 1 ~ This reluctance to move to cities, and this attachment to traditional val- i · ues, should not be castigated as a “backward mentalit)g” but recognized as an _ I implicit will to perpetuate the home society. The paradox of temporary mi- l gration, however, is that it eventually evolves into a situation in wl1ich the I , return of the migrant becomes more and more problematic. During the pe- '= “ riod 1930 to 1960, Soninke migration became increasingly longer term, al- ' though only a minority of migrants became definitive migrants. Other important changes were in the making during this period. Urban _ CHAPTER 7 rms SHIFT ro URBAN MIGRATION l 2.10 l ` — ` l 211 l

~ i ably an increase of African migration to France during these years. But al, ` ready by 1956, African workers in France oH°1cially numbered 15,000 (versus , only 2,000 in 1953).3 In 1963, when African migration caught the attention of 1 the French press, migrants oflicially numbered 22,000. This suggests that the , migration began earlier than is usually presumed, in the early or middle j . I9§OS.4 CO1'1ClllSlOl'1 i In contrast with other European countries, France had almost no foreign i j _ workers (as opposed to colonial workers) until the late I9$OS. The reason ` i was not slower growth, for the French economy began to gather speed in the l early IQSOS, but the long and cumbersome immigration procedures adopted ` by the postwar Office National de l’Immigrati0n, which alone had the au. thority to recruit workers abroad.5 Although French government circles realized the need to attract migrants in this period of reconstruction, the if f French public, which faced a dramatic housing crisis, was generally hostile · to it.‘ Ironically, it was this opposition to foreign migration that led to the re; cruitment of migrants in France ’s colonial African territories. French colo. i~ nial subjects in Africa (Algerians and French West Africans) were legally T1~11s STUDY ENDS in 1960, as Soninke migration to France began in j French citizens after 1946, hence there were no legal obstacles to their emearnest. One of the most important developments since this date has been Y V ployment. This explains not only the massive increase of Algerian immigrathe Sahelian drought, which has very severely and perhaps permanently ` tion after the war, but also the timid emergence of Black African migration damaged agricultural production in the Soninke homeland. The drought j f in the mid IQSOS. may have left few other options to the Soninke apart from migration, unless l 5 The Algerian war accelerated the pace of Black African migration to or until successful irrigation schemes are set up, preferably by the Soninke _ ; France. In 1956, in an attempt to curb the spread of terrorism on metropolithemselves} It is important to remember, however, that the drought began 5 tan soil, the government imposed entry visas for Algerians, which were only in 1968 to 1972, at a time when migration to France was already quite well ` 5 _' suppressed in 1962 by the Evian accords.’ Because most Algerian migrants established, and thus it cannot be considered the original cause of migration. I were temporary migrants who traveled back and forth between France and In this final chapter, I will first give a brief outline of the emergence of 1 _i North Africa, the effect of this measure was dramatic. Entries of Algerians Soninke migration to France, and I will attempt to assess, of necessity tenta- y in France fell from 194,000 in 1955 to 79,000 in 1956, and the balance of entively, the course of Black African migration to France in the last decades · ~~ tries over departures fell from about 25,000 per year between 1950 and 1955, and to forecast its future. Finally, I will gather the various threads followed ` Y to only one thousand in 1956. In 1958, the year of the European settler revolt in this study and propose some directions for placing Soninke labor migra- ‘ y in Algiers, departures from France of Algerian workers exceeded arrivals by tion within the larger context of labor migration history. r 14,000.8 There is an obvious connection between this fall in the number of { Algerian workers in France from 1956 to 1958 and the increase in the number x ,5 of Black African migrants noted during or immediately after these years.°’ EpilOgue—S0ninl<€ and African Migration t0 France ‘ L0nger—term factors also increased this impact. The period of the Algerian lj war witnessed a considerable increase in the number of Algerian families liv]ournalistic and other sources often give the impression that African migra- 5 , ing in France1°—a development that was connected with the promotion of tion to France began around 1958 or 1960.2 As we shall see, there was prob- Algerian migrants to higher skilled jobs. Whereas in the early 19505, these ‘ if CONCLUSION l 217. l ,r ii [211]

had been mostly employed in unskilled manufacturing jobs, in the late rggos ; Migration to France: An Extension and early 19605 many began to move toward somewhat more skilled 0ccu— V of Urban Mig1'atiO1'1 in Africa pations in the building trades." Becoming settled, they brought their {ami- l V lies to live with them in France. This meant that phgye was an even greater j V Why did recruiters for French enterprises try to recruit Black Africans in need for unskilled laborers in F rance. V ' Marseilles? They may simply have heard that Black Africans lived there, and These trends and events created a critical situation for French employers. V they may have assumed that, as "c¤l¤¤i¤l" migrants, they would be just as The l¤b0r Shmtagc that prevailed from I9§6 to 196;., during the mos; dy- ` i willing as Algerians to take low-paying jobs disdained by the French. But it namic period of French economic expansion, actually shattered the ofhcial ` is P€Yh¤P$ wvrth noting that by I9$3 3 mimbef of Africans in Marseilles Were immigration system. With the end of the Algerian wa; in @6;,7 thousands Of { = employed in local factories already." Some may have found industrial work Algerian migrants were allowed back in France, but the Coming of more through African hotel and cafe owners, who acted as intermediaries for local than a million French Algerian settlers to France C1-eared a boom in Con- Q · factories."’ These early African industrial workers in Marseilles were probastruction, which stimulated the French economy and increased the demand ‘ ` my nm $¤¤i¤k¢» but the Existence Of H Small African industrial labor network for migrant workers. In the period from 19;; to 196;, around one million ` in Marseilles may have been one of the reasons for the coming of labor reforeign workers entered France. The overwhelming majority (79 percent in *2 ‘ ¢1'¤if€1‘S t0 M¤1‘S€ill€$· 1965) were “regularized” (a euphemism for the pardrming of wm-keys who if [_ According to jabe So, labor recruiters went to African cafes in Marseilles, had entered the country illegally) bythe Office National d€]’{mmigl-ati0n_¤Z ,` r where they tried to recruit Soninke sailors. The sailors told the recruiters In this situation of complete breakdown of of-Hcjal Comm], Frgngh enter- { that they already had satisfactory jobs, but that they could send for relatives. prises ran their own recruitment abroad with total impunity]3 Z Migration to France from that point on spread in an informal fashion According 1:0 Jabe S0, one of the founders of the Hostel of Senegglgse I Q through Soninke family networks? Persistent rumors, however, which were Sailors in France in the rggos (see Chapter Sev5n)—wh05€ account is Coy- 5 relayed by French and African journalists in the 19605, refer to a more elab1‘0]¤01‘3f€d 011 many points by other s0urces—during the Algerian war, all the { Grate recruitment eflort. According to these, French enterprises sent labor major French automobile factories in Paris, sugh as Renault and Simca: and { recruiters to Dakar and other African harbors to enlist workers for French even the sanitation services of the City of Paris (a stereotypig; employe; gf `_ { enterprises."’ One report even mentions that the recruiters were African Algerian migrants) sent labor recruiters to Marseilles, perhaps to other French . S9-HOYS, Who had COHVACYS with m€Y¤b€1'$ of dw M31”S€ill€$ ¤¤d€1’W01'ld, Wh0 harbors as well, where they knew that Black Africans were gmpbygd}4 Ong ¥ ' themselves acted as intermediaries for Parisian enterprises.2" These reports may marvel at the City of Paris or the sramqun Régie Renault Endeavoring ‘ are not entirely implausible (we have seen that there were contacts between ro hire workers in semiclandestine fashion (for these employers never admit- former Sailors and the Marseilles underwvrld), but even if Such recruitmems ted to having organized these reeruimems, and even denied for a long time V Q did rake place, their impact was prvbably exaggerated with a View to dramathat they employed large numbers of Africans). But, in fact, these attempts ` * Fiiing ¤l1¢S€j0¤1’¤¤liSfi¢ ¤€¤0¤¤¤S-21 may have been made precisely in order to avoid recruiting illegal aliens, for ‘ R More intriguing is the infvrmarivn that that the chambre of Muderi the employment of migrants from the former French West African territo- ’ ~ (GW€Y), W¤$ at $0m€ point involved in the 1‘€€f¤i¤¤€¤t Oi- S0¤i¤k€ migrants ries remained unrestricted until 196;, although these territories had become < V ¤¤ France? The ¤hambr¤S, like African bars and hotels in Marseilles, were independent in 1960.15 I I meeting places for migrants in Dakar, and places where information about ` employment opportunities was exchanged. They almost certainly served t0 i make contacts for the migration of stowaways, which had continued into the V _ 1960s and beyond? We have seen also that there were contacts between African sailors in Marseilles and Dakar in the interwar period.2" It would CONCLUSION * ti coNcLus1oN [ 214 l 5 [ zu l

have been quite logical for Soninke in Marseilles to pass on information ' = gal Oriental, that is, predominantly Soninke and F uutanke regions."’ Eighabout the new factory jobs in France to fellow villagers in Dakar, where, as , :_ teen percent came from Casamance; the dominant group among them, the we have noted, many Soninke migrants went to seek work in the 19605 (very ` Manjak, have a history of employment as sailors that is very similar to the often unsuccessfully) and, furthermore, where a number of Soninke already l l ` Soninke. But the last important group of Senegalese in France (15 percent) W01'l<€¢l in factories (see Chapter Seven). i _ was the Wolof of the Cap Vert region, in other words, from Dakar.“ Any However that may be, all available information concurs that the earlier , ·, encounter with such migrants makes it clear that these are urbanized miSoninke industrial workers in France had first been migrants to Dakar. ~ V grants, who have lived at least several years in Dakar prior to coming to According to various sources consulted by Souleymane Diarra, African mi- i T France}: If one now considers Black Af·imn.s as a whole, and not simply the grams until I9$6 T0 I9$7 had all lived for 3 time in an African harbor}5 Ai;- , V Senegalese, the evolution in the last decades is even more striking. It is not cording to an unnamed automobile plant executive in Paris (almost certainly only that the Soninke are now a minurigr among African migrants, but mifrom the Renault factory in Billancourt), Africans who sought emplgymgnt r Y grants from Senegal, Mauritania, and Mali comprised in 1981 less than half of in the plant until 1956 to 1957 either came from Dakar ei- had livgd there a ‘ Africans in France (students not included).” Although West Africans still number of years.“ Adrian Adams likewise collected oral testimonies in the predominate, there are relatively large and growing groups from Cameroon village of Kungani indicating that the first migrants from the village to " and the Congo basin. African migrants to France are increasingly diverse in France had lived several years in Dakar prior to their migration in the early f both their occupational makeup (from factory worker to high-fashion 19605.17 Finally, Souleymane Diarra noted during his inquiry in 196; that ` model) and their ethnic origins (from almost all Francophone African coun35.7 percent of a representative sample of 1,fOO migrants in Paris spoke = _ tries, and even from Anglophone countries such as Ghana). They are memenough French to be able te communicate. He added: “These are migrants . bers of groups that either have long histories of migration comparable to the who have lived in an [African] city for some time .... "Z“ These reports I _ Soninke (such as the Hausa or the Mossi) or whose homelands are in the should not surprise us: migrants who had worked in Dakar already had an U vicinigr of large African cities (such as the Wolof).’“ In other words, African €XP€'l€¤C€ Of W0i'k in the ¢ity—for Some, of industrial work (see Chapter l ` migrants to France are meméers of groups nfbczed 5y urban migration; African S€V€“)—a“d Some k-¤0Wl€dg€ of the French language. Hence, they had 3, . migration to France is un extension of the process of éemporaryj migration to better chance to “make it" in France (that is, to be hired, to find housing, and i ` African cities. so forth) than migrants who came directly from the village. This means that l The Soninke, therefore, appear to have been the vanguard of a larger migration to France was iniziizlhr z/te continuation gf the urban migration gm g_ _` movement of intercontinental migration from urban Black Africa. Considliad begun among the Soninke in the interwtzrperiaa'. However, once migration “ { eting the range of their migrations, it is not surprising that they should have had become established in France (that is, after it had established its net- — r played such a role. It is, in fact, possible to trace this “vanguard role" of the works of solidarity, such as village mutual funds and communal housing), it Soninke through their connections with other African groups. The case of spread to younger Soninke who had not migrated anywhere previously. In `W ~ the Hausa is the most conspicuous. As is well known, the Hausa, whose the late 196os, Soninke migrants went directly from their villages to France."’ homeland is on the desert edge, played in the Central Sudan a role of itinerThat African migration to France began among uréan migrants (to an V ant traders similar to that of the Soninke. Moreover, the known history of African city) is interesting in view of the later evolution of the migration. In _ the Hausa begins before the fifteenth century with the coming of the "Wanthe 19705, African migration to France spread to geographical neighbors of . _Z garawas," that is, of Soninke, Wangara, or Gangara from the Tagant region the Soninke such as Puular-speakers (F uutanke or Fuulbe), Beydan, or Bam- l , in Mauritania, an area that was originally peopled by Soninke agriculturalbaYa· But thl$ Spread Was limited. OECD Statistics for t97g estimated the » ists}5 The iniiuence ofthe Soninke on the Hausa is still visible today: like the number of Senegtzlesc residing in France at about 8o,ooo persons. Of these i Songhay, the Hausa have traditional songs that comprise parts sung in the migrants, zz percent came from the Fleuve region and I7 percent from Séné- ~} Soninke lang11age.“ In the Congos, the Soninke and the Hausa met for the CONCLUSION V V CONCLUSION [ 216 ] ` { [ 217 ]

second time in their history, and both formed the nucleus of an Islamic com- ( ,· situation. Black Africa is experiencing a dramatic process of urbanization; in munity in Kinshasa and Brazzaville (see Chapter Seven). As a consequence ` Q some countries one-third of the population already lives in urban areas (as of contacts with the Soninke in these cities, Hausa migrants came to Dakar compared with one-tenth or less twenty years ago), and the process of rapid after the Second World War.” Most certainly as a result of this recent his- g urban growth show no signs of abating/*5 If indeed African migration to tory, there are today Hausa migrants in Paris, who share common village ` France is an offshoot of African urban migration, this means that it will funds with the Soninke}8 Likewise, the growing number of migrants from * . probably grow in the coming decades. A massive migration from Africa the Brazzaville-Kinshasa area to France must bear some relation to the his- ’ y` would affect not only France, but neighboring European countries as well. torical presence of the Soninke in this region."’ ti ‘ (Growing numbers of Black African migrants have been reported in Italy A similar story may be detected in the history of other well-known inter- y V i and Spain in recent years)." Furthermore, it is fallacious to believe that this national migrations. Migration from Algeria to Europe, for example, began I migration will not become permanent. The case of Algerian migrants in among the Kabyle of the Djurdjura mountains. The Djurdjura are covered i France illustrates the trend: in the 195os and 19605, Algerian migrants were with heavy snow in the winter, and like the Auvergnat or the Savoyard, the mostly male, temporary migrants who lived in hostels and were almost comKabyle migrated in order to make the best of the long winter season of agri- , pletely separated from the French population. Today in the IQQOS, most cultural inactivity."° In the 187os, Kabyle began to migrate to France as petty Algetians in France live in families among French and other immigrant famtraders, selling indigenous crafts such as carpets. By the turn of the century, V i ilies, and their main problem is the integration of their children, who are they worked as temporary migrants in the mines and factories of northern I . born in France and generally do not speak Arabic, but who are still perceived France. At the time, they also made up a significant proportion of the urban , as “foreign" by the French. I was scolded by a reviewer of an earlier version population of Algeria. Following the Kabyle, and presumably through con- Y of this study for writing that Soninke migration to France would eventually tacts with them, migrants to France then came from urban areas in Algeria; ` f become permanent. Yet, at the time when this comment was made, I had atmany were skilled workers from cities such as Algiers. From that point, mi- i b tended a Soninke festival in Paris, which was attended mostly by young gration tended to spread, through the agency of rural-urban migrants in Al- ` i Soninke families, whose children spoke only French, despite the fact that the geria, back za rural ¤zre¤.r." A similar pattern of international migration { i event was organized by the Association for the Preservation of the Soninke beginning in urban areas has been identified for migration from Italy, Yu- · " Language! But today, the fact that Soninke migration to France is becoming goslavia, and Turkey within and to Europe,"Z and for nineteenth-century Q 4 permanent is no longer in dou.bt.‘" This discussion suggests that the French, migration from Europe to the United States. Recent research on “Atlantic ` and southern Europeans in general, should be prepared to see African mimigration" indeed suggests that migration to the New World in the nine- ` P gration grow in the coming decades and should also be prepared to tackle the teenth century was an offshoot of temporary migration to European cities `Q problems posed by the integration of large numbers of Africans in their (even though it eventually developed into definitive migration)/*3 ‘ i population. The comparison with Algerian migration may give an indication about ' r the future of Black African migration to France. The Black African commu- ~ · nity in France is expanding extremely rapidly: around 6o,ooo in the early 1 General Conclusion 197os, rzo,ooo in IQSI, and 66o,ooo now, according to the latest French V census (1992).44 This enormous expansion is all the more remarkable con- _ A Throughout this studyg I have spoken about rz Soninke labor migration, but sidering the long-standing problem with unemployment in France (unem- ' this expression is to some degree misleading; in fact, as we have seen, there ployment has been running at more than ro percent of the labor force for , 5 was not one but several Soninke labor migrations. Considering these from nearly two decades). One wonders how large African migration will become V a geographical vantage point, there were migrations from the "western" once the French employment market recovers from its currently depressed 1 i Soninke region (the Upper Senegal) and migrations from the "eastern" coNc1.Us1oN Q, I CONCLUSION [ 2.18 ] t I [ 219 l

Soninke region (Nioro and Nara). The Soninke from the Upper Senegal re- f v>· to migrate to the Ivory Coast, such regional specializations were not abgion were the first to become navetanes and the first to migrate to Dakar and ` ` solute. Furthermore, still in precolonial migration, the maraboutic networks Senegalese cities; they were the only ones to migrate as sailors; and they ` ¥ of clerical clans, jatigi, and religious schools crisscrossed the map of the varwere the first to migrate as industrial workers to France. Conversely, the ( ious Soninke polities. Relations of clientele, family, and clan alliances helped Soninke from the eastern region tended to migrate to Kayes, Bamako, and 1 · the spread of migration from one social group to the other; for example, the the Ivory Coast. Considering migration from a social point of view, the mi- , migration of laptots spread from warrior aristocrats to their maraboutic, gration of sailors, long the preserve of “warrior" aristocrats, should be dis- , casted, and slave clients. Competition or emulation between classes (for extinguished from the migrations of merchants, which were dominated by ample, between warrior aristocrats and clerics, between free and slave) also marabouts, and from the migration of navetanes (and its continuation, the l encouraged the spread of migration. As a result, it is possible today to speak migration of laborers and industrial workers to Dakar), which was domi- » i about tz Soninke labor migration, although it should be understood that this nated by slaves and by poor commoners. unity is the outcome of an initial diversity and, just as importantly, that the This being said, however, all Soninke migrations eventually spread be- { ethnic boundaries of this migration were and remain Huid: Islamic and meryond their initial geographical or social sphere to gain awider impact. Nave- t chant networks linked Soninke, jaxanke, and Mande in precolonial times, tanat spread from Gajaaga and Gidimaxa in the western region to jafunu, I and clan ties often extend to other ethnic groups."’ Gidyume, and Kingi probably by the end of the nineteenth century, and to , f This presentation reveals the important role played by "traditional” facthe Gumbu-Nara region around the First World War. Likewise, migration { ’ tors (clan ties, traditional trade migration) in the emergence and developto France began among the Upper Senegal Soninke, but by the [9705, its cen- J ’ ment of labor migration. This affirmation contradicts both a certain colonial ter of gravity had shifted eastward toward the Xoolinbinne River Valley, ~ historiography, which opposed the "traditional" to the "modern" as mutuand migrants came from as far as Nara. In the late nineteenth century, the ( ~ ally exclusive terms, and Marxist historiography, which emphasized the hismigration of laptots spread from “war1·ior” aristocrats to at least some cler- rl V: torical break of proletarianization. The history of Soninke labor migration, ics and slaves. Migration to the Congos, at first essentially a migration of = like the history of labor migration in Europe, reveals on the contrary a funroyal aristocrats and clerics, eventually spread to all classes in Soninke soci- ·’ ` damental historical continuity. Premodern trade migration helped to pave ety Although the evolution of the social composition of the migration to ` the way for migration to regions of commercial agriculture, which then deFrance is unknown, migrants to France today come from all classes of soci- ·, i veloped into rural-urban migration. Such transformations occurred through ety, except perhaps Baciliroyals from Gajaaga (who apparently shun factory . the agency of "traditional” institutions, for example, in the Soninke case, work, although they have continued to be strongly represented in the sailing I ~V clans, joking relationships, clientage, and youth associations (remodeled into occupation.)"S V j chambres and migrants’ mutual funds). Rather than being obstacles to hisHistorically, several factors have tended to give some unity to Soninke torical change, "traditional" links and social structures were, in fact, its vecmigration. First, there were numerous ties between the various Soninke i r tors. polities. Clan ties linked one region to another (for example, the ]awara clan, _ ji It could be contended that focusing on traditional trade migration, clans, based in Kingi jawara, is also found in Gidimaxa and other regions), joking V i~ traditional clientage, and so forth, teaches us a great deal about the channel: relationships linked ruling families (the Bacili of Gajaaga and the Suumare W taken by migration, but not much about its causes, which upon analysis must of Hayre-Damga), and joking relationships could even link the entire popu— i be found to be economic. In the case of African labor migration, it has been lations of two neighboring regions (Gidimaxa and jafunu). Second, in pre- » argued that although traditional trade migrations facilitated the emergence colonial trade migration, all classes of society participated, even slaves ` of modern labor migration, colonial taxes and rural poverty were its main (although “actual slaves" could not migrate), and although the western ` causes. We have seen what we should think of the taxation explanation as Soninke tended to migrate to the Gambia while the eastern Soninke tended V: concerns the Soninke. As for poverty, we saw that the Soninke homeland was coNcLUs1oN { CONCLUSION [mo] _. [221 ]

comparatively prosperous in the nineteenth century, but that this did not observation is trivial. As was noted previously, it does not indicate if it is prevent migration from expanding. It is true that the economy of the Sottinke , _ poverty that pushes migrants away from their homeland or wealth that athomeland has steadily declined since that time, although this decline has » tracts them to cities and other places of employment. More interestingly, a often been exaggerated. Looking back at quantitative evidence, however, we , comparative approach uncovers facts that appear completely at variance cannot help but be struck by the fact that temporary migration was always ' ` with a purely economic approach. The following observations were made in important among the Soninke. From 1885 to 1986, as we have seen, about ‘ ` this study, which are as relevant to the Soninke as other groups in Africa or IO percent of the male active population in the Upper Senegal region had in Europe: worked for the French as laptots or urban la.borers,5° a figure that did not in- , I clude those who migrated as navetanes or as traditional trade migrants, ` ~ There are °TmPam°Ve1y Pwr regwns that ‘{° ”‘” send mrgranrev Wnne e°n“' whose combined numbers were presumably greater than those of laptots ; Pamweyncher regmns dB' and urban workers. In 1912, a colonial administrator in Bakel, reporting on a ’ Llkezlset wma regmns Send much b°lder rnrgrnnens than erner regrnns tour of the five Soninke villages of Goye Annexé, noted that "ten to rwenty" , " W °s° €°°"°""° °°“d1"°"S are ””"Z‘"‘ young men in each village migrated each year as navetanes and that men also ~' A regwn {my newme n°ner= and expert nr°re Prndnersv "’r‘}‘””‘ Seerng ns migrated seasonally to the Gambia in order to exchange locally produced ¤ migration dlmmlsh or st°P‘ cloth for kola nuts; to the Gambia and Siin-Saalum to sell horses, cows, and ` Some Of the nm m<>d¤r¤ mrgrants Came n'°rn rne “PPrr eleeeee donkeys; to various parts of Senegal to work as laptots, sailors, houseboys, 1 , Many regrens are ‘" ree ~‘°’”e ‘”’”’ regwns Of 0*-Wmigmron and T€gl°¤$ of and workers on the Thies—Kayes railway; or to the Belgian Congo to work i » jj1_;¤1Jg{3¤·¤¤3- nne Persnn S Pnerer regrnn rs annrner S on the railway.“ Since the five villages in question had in 1904 about 1,800 ` V H er region') nrbim·*S#” 12 m 25 P efct mf that me P°P¤1a¤¤¤mige*¤daS I Toontlnnennonrorhoso"ot—1t—11nes"oflabornn rationisto .0 navetanes each year, and it is not unreasonable to think that, in addition, an · _ _ _ E _ P e i alem H mber also mi rated as laborers and trade mi mms On the ; . eral observations (with which I am sure that most economists would agree). vu.:~_____ qq _ _ _ _ g _ , First, economics cannot be separated from the society in which they operate. basis of detailed oral interviews, Adrian Adams has established that in 1938 · · _ _ _ , _H { _ { d I l , Clearly, the temporary migration of members of upper classes makes more in the Goye Annexe vi ageo Kungan1,outo 335a u tma es,85were away _ V Sm i th h_ t f Ap _ _ th _ h { _ as migrants or again about 15 percent 5* Colonial sources give an even I Sc H Q is Dry O new Societies an In t at O most Western SOCI_ ’ _ _ _ _ _ _ ‘ eties, where membership in the upper social echelons gave a person individhigher figure: a verification of lists of reservists eirected this year in the cer- . V _ _ . ual wealth and power. In Soninke society, where wealth was owned by the cle of Bakel revealed that two-fifths of the men (around 40 percent) were ab- i ~ _ _ _ _ _ _ Sem 5, com adn such H res with Comem mar 6 res is imerestin In ~, family group, authority was gerontocratic, succession to political office was ` _ P g _ gu P y _g` _ Y ' not automatically regulated by patrilineal filiation, and polygyny gave aristhe 19705, it was estimated that 35 percent of the active male population in · — _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ · tocrats very large numbers of ofi`spr1ng,1t made sense for young aristocrats Gwey and riverine villages in Gidimaxa was away as migrants in France. To · 5 ~ to mi rate with a . t b ,1 d th t ld , ak h _ _ _ _ _ _ _ view o ut u resources a wou ater m e t em inthis, it is true, should be added less than 5 percent away in African countries — ; P, , other than Senegal and an indeterminate number away in Senegal itself 55 , p fluential elders, and eventually chiefs or kings, at home. Second, although _ _ _ ° " ,· modern labor markets are in theory open to all, in practice, we know that These numbers suggest that even though migration has increased over the ` V there are reasons Ot, h_Sm i 1 ml _t th t k t _ { _ _ _ _ _ _ _ . 1 rca o o m a ma ecer ain rou sawareo years, in particular in recent years, it was very important in the past, at a time , _ _ _ PP _ _ y g _ P · hen The economic Situation of the Sonmke homeland was wnsidembl bet , · potentially attractive job opportunities before others, and that in some cases W-.,.... [Er than today Y ; enable them to maintain a monopoly over them. With respect to the Soninke, ` _ _ _ ____ _ ` ’ we noted the followin : In the popular view of migranon, labor migration is easily explained as a » E m¤vementfr¤ma"p¤¤rer" t¤a"richer" regivn- Iristwe chatlabor migrants f _· The location of the soninko in an nnponant zone of doom-side nano migrate because they find an economic advantage in their migration. But this , i allowed them to participate in trade migration from precolonial times. CONCLUSION , { CONCLUSION [11.2] ` _* lzzzl

P1”€€°10¤ial ¤'ad€ migrarivn (*0 rhs Gambia) made the $0¤i¤·k€ awafe Of `j tions worldwide, The social networks that make migration possib1e—su¢;h 1¤b¤>r<>1>P¤¤¤¤i¤i¢S¤r¤¤¤¤d by Peanut °XP°¤ P¤'°d'-‘°Yi°¤ (navemm) be' l ~ as kinship networks, clerical networks, chambres—are common in Africa {CKE Other ethnic EYOUPS- r V ` and have equivalents in Europe. The emancipatory role of labor migration Trade contacts wich the French (which were an offshoot of the precolonial I ` {O1. lower. Classes and subordinate groups (slaves and younger People in history Of trade ammg the Scminke) led t° the employment °{ scmlnke _ Africa) is also a common phenomenon. We have also seen that Soninke labor “ist°°ra°s as laPt°tS‘ 2 Q migration has tended over time to evolve from seasonal rural-rural migraThe migf¤¤i<>¤ ¤¢' 1¤¤¤<>¤ lm led ¤> ¤h¤ ¢¤¤1>*¤y¤·=¤t ¤F Sm $¤¤i¤k<·= i¤ 1 f tion imo pluriannual urban migration, and Hnally mm lifelong and mmScnegalese cities in the nineteenth °€nmry‘ r _ _ ally permanent urban migration. This historical pattern has been general in It also led to the specialization of the Soninke as seagoing sailors in the Hrs: 3 Europe. It closely Parallelsy and in fact it is the result Of: the Evolution Of decades of the twentieth °€m“y' , the modern economy——where the expansion of commercial agriculture has The €mPl°Ym€m Of Soninke as S¤i1<>rS1¤d *0 their mming *0 France- ` ’ preceded the expansion of cities and where casual and temporary labor in The seasonal employment of navecanes in Senegalese towns in the dry sea- ·` : the cities has Preceded the Emergence Of Permanent (and increasingly Son lam led the S°"l“k€ *0 take longspterm '“ba“ €mP1°Ym°m when `Q skilled) urban occupations. This discussion reveals that labor migration is a Semgalys °iti°S began t° expand in the ‘93°s' ` L transitional stage between the premodern peasant world, where activity reThe employment of some former navetanes as factory workers in Dakar M y Volvcd around the Seasonal rhythms Of agl,iCulm1.€7 and the modem World Prepared them for empbymem as factm-Y wmlkers in France' _ of cities, where occupations are year—roum;l and increasingly more varied < ‘ and specialized. T0 look at such historicalrcircumstances is to realize that they, and the so- l ‘ In this book, I have made frequent Comparisons between the Soninke and cial networks that made them possible, were much more than channels that V, ` groups W€]] known {Or the "bO1dn€Ss" Of their migrations, such as the Auled migrants toward certain particular occupations and locations. They were Vergmr and the Limcusjn in France or the Kabyle in Ng;-[gh Afr-jCa_ A1] of also came: of migration: precolonial migrations, ties with French commerce, l rhgse groups havg a long higtgyy Of premodern migration, which Seems to be clerical n€fW0rkS, family C0¤¤€¤fi0¤S, and S0 f0¤1l'1, made the Soninke ¤W¤1‘€ _ ` rooted in a fragmented political structure and in a geographical environment of comparatively well-paying work opportunities abroad l>€{<>f€ ¤¥1l1€f < Y characterized by long periods of agricultural inactivity andthe proximity of EYOUPS7 and d'*€Y€fO*'€» they Were mufe-F in flzgif Own right- Without Such his- l · an ecological frontier (desert-side frontier or m0untain—plain frontier). Betorical and social connections, Soninke migration could have followed other ` I Cause pl-lege migrations are so old, the migration networks of these groups "scenarios." In the nineteenth century, the Soninke could have stayed at A V have had the time to develop Over Very wide geographical ar€aS_ Also bahome producing cereals for the Beydan, or peanuts for the French, instead of y rr cause they are SO Old, these migrations are characterized by gtygng commub€C¤mi¤g IKPWFS and ¤¤V€ta¤€$· In the twentieth CEYWYY7 they wuld have l —‘ nal solidarity, social conservativeness, and communal monopolies over remained HBVEHHSS and urban migrants ifi Senegal and Mali, i¤$f€¤d Of r v` certain occupations (all are typical features of premodern societies). Men $P1'€¤di¤g all OVW West Afriva, the C°¤g0$> and France 35 S¤il01’$, m€1'· ` migrate rather than women, who are left behind under the control of elders, ¢h¤¤tS, and indusuial Workers- None of these Consewative Scenarios PY€‘ if S to raise the children in traditional values. There is little interest in modem vailedy although they did among opher ethnic groups in the area, whose s ‘* education or in integration to the host society—neither of which were open economic $i¤1¤fi0¤ WHS similar Y0 the Soninke ,5- options in premodern times when the migration began, and neither of which Should we say then that it is impossible to generalize about Soninke labor 3 ·~ are necessary today since communal solidarity and occupational specializamigration because its causes are historical and therefore entirely contingent? V Y tion are Su;-Hciem strategies to Provide migrants with jO],s_ Finally, begaugg We have seen, however, that there are characteristics of Soninke migration — communal Solidarity is so srrcmg and the asprrariorr to integrate the host SOthat appear I0 be {01-md Cp-1if€ g€H€1'Hl]Y ¤m0¤g C0¤f€1'¤P01’¤YY labor migY¤· ` ciety is generally lacking, the desire to reintegrate imc the home society at CONCLUSION 1 l c0NcLus10N [ 2:.4 `| ` ii I ¤ -» ¤ 1

least upon retirement is very strong. I1'1 Sum, fl'1€5€ migfatimils are Old migm' l I gulsll it from mlgI`3Ii01'l Of! other continents. Premodern geaegual trade pnitions, which continue to have features of premodern migrations. t , gration was probably far more important in the tropical regions of Africa, Not all modern migrations, of course, are of that type, ¤lth0*-lgh I have by ’ ` Pafilculafly Sudaruc Africa, than in Europe because of the Prevalence gf denecessity focused on such examples for the purpose of this study. In high . centralized political structures and the existence of a very long period of comms; with tl-ie Sgtiinke or the Auvcrgnat, the 1'¥\ig1'3ti01’1$ of the Sewer in V X ClYY·$€3$0¤ 2%gfif?¤lf¤r1liIt3Ctiyity. A vast amount of information is available Senegal or the Breton in France are young migration.: (they began at the be- » , about precolornallmigration in Africa, both from primary and secondary ginning of the twentieth century for Breton and around the 1960s for the , sources, yet historians have given no more than perfunctory attention to the Sereer).“ With some exceptions, the Sereer and the Breton in premodern 4 ’ link between them and modern migrations. The role of Islamic networks in times were stereotypical “SEd€l'1[3.1'y P€353I1I” SOCl€lil€$, which tradltlonally urball mlgl`?=\U€l1'1 &TU`21CI€Cl SOIEGS attcntionfs importance gf`. clan (les did not engage in trade migration. Their modern migrations have been gen- . and interclan ties is well known in African studies in general, but it has reerally timid, operating at a close geographical range. These groups have not = ceived no application to lthe study of labor migration, although T)av1d clustered into certain particular occupations to the same degree as other Robinson and lean Schmitz have called attention to IIS importance in the Also in contrast with the Soninke or the Auvergnat, groups that live Z y emergence and development of the Fergo Umar, the religious migration of $1-OEPST ‘ ' Of towns or big cities such as the Wolof in Senegal OY ml' z l Fuutanke {0ll0W€1FS of Al-HH] Umar Tal to Kaarta and Segu_5° The Study of ggnss lfliglililtllligwgy Burgundy or the l)3I'lSi31'l b3SiI‘1 in Ffances have not EDUC l tlientage is b€€01'1'1l¤g iHli1'€3Sl1'1gly more important in political, science gt-uclthmugl-l the stages of seasonal rural-rural, plurialmllal urban, lifelflig mbimv 1 165, but it 15 110t yet used in migration studies, Finallx Ken gwlmlell was the and definitive migration, but instead have moved from a short initial period first to call attention to the historical links between labor migration and the of seasonal migration direcHy into lifelong and definitive migration to the { , slave trade (both the European slave tradeland the internal African slave city Such gl-Oupg) because they migrate at ClOS€ 1'9.I'1g€ and $hi%T€ basirally the E U`a€l€), b¤¥.l'1€ has had. {SW followers. Recognizing the distinctive cl-iatagtey Of same Culture as People in the city, generally 3S5l1'¤ll6·¥€ Very T3PldlY and ' African m1gi‘3TZ10¤$, 1HC1d€l'\tally, 15 not to close the door On comparisons do not form ethnic associations. Among other groups, which need to be . with other parts of the world. Islamic and clan networks, for example, are studied in more detail, female migration has been very important, and occa- y » _ also likely to be found in Asia, with which the African case could be fruitfully sionally it has occurred earlier and has been more important lnumerically · ` compared. than male migration. Others still, such as the Corsicans and migrants from I I Aquitaine or, more recently, French West Indians, have made edupption ppc ` y engine of their migration and tend to cluster in government ]obs. Fma Iyi . , for certain groups, migration has been the occasion of important social `y ~ _ transformations; such has been the case in Africa for the Wolof or the Bam- ,` bara, who by migrating to Dakar or Bamako have often gained access to su- I perior educational and occupational opportunities. · l ' In making such comparisons, I am not suggesting that historians develop I a “science" of migrations, for there are as many migrations as there are his- 1; 1 4 torical situations, but a historical g/pclagy of migrations would certainly be » very useful. This typology would place African labor migration in a glolgal , i perspective through comparisons with other forms of migration worldwi ei , but it would also enable one to define an Afican typology of migration, The ; history of African labor migration has its own characteristics, which distin- ` CONCLUSION · _ * CONCLUSION [ __ , 1 f [ 1-wv `I

* · Notes " Introduction f 1. Elliot]. Berg, “The Economics of the Migrant Labor System,” in Hilda Kuper, . i ed., Urbcnzkazion and Migrtzzion in %:z Africa (Berkeley; Los Angeles: University of j . California Press, 1965), pp. 161-162. —. ` 2. Souleyrnane Diarra, “Les travailleurs africains noirs en France," Bulletin de ‘ K l YFAM Série B, vol. 3, 1969, pp. 884-1004. See also Adrian Adams, Ee lang vqyzzge des , ‘ gen.: du fleuve (Paris: Maspéro, 1977); Michel Samuel, Le prulézarzaz tzfricain noir en , ‘ France (Paris: Maspéro, 1978). i I 3. Interview of “Kissinger,” a Soninke merchant in Bamako, by Sylviane Kamara, 4 l "AH3lPl12lbét€S mais mil1ionaires,”]eune Afigue, no. 989, I9 Dec. 1979, p. 6o. `Q , 4. Elliot]. Berg, “Backward Sloping Labor-Supply Functions in Dual Economies: t =` ` The Africa Case," Quarterly journal nf Economics, vol. 75, 1961, pp. 468-492. . q 5. ]. Clyde Mitchell, “The Causes of Labour Migrations,” Bulletzh nf 2/ze [nzer" Y Af·ican.La6aurIn.rti:u1e, vol. 6, no. 1, 1959, pp. 12-47. i , 6. ]. Van Velsen, “Some Methodological Problems of the Study of Labour MigraZ i tion,” Uréanigazinn in Aficcn Social Change, Proceeding of the Inaugural Seminar, ' , Centre for African Studies, University of Edinburgh, [c. 1961], pp. 34-42. I _ 7. Berg, “Backward Sloping Labor-Supply Functions;" “Economics of the Mil- grant Labor System." ‘ 8. The relevant literature is immense and cannot be quoted in its entirety. Some inl fluential works are Samir Amin and Daryll Forde, eds., Modern Migratiaru in Mszern ` j Africa (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 3-126; Mitchell, “Causes of l ‘ Labour Migrations”; Elliott P. Skinner, “Labor Migration among the Mossi of Upper ` j Volta," in Hilda Kuper, ed., Url¤an1`{azz`un ¤ndMigr¤zicn, pp. 60-84, see esp. pp. 62-65; . _ ` Immanuel Wallerstein, “Migration in West Africa: The Political Perspective," ibid., i _ pp. 148-159, see pp. 151-152. _ I 9. In this stud}; I will generally use the terms “Fuutan.ke" to describe the ethnic i group, which used to be called “Tukul0r” in colonial scholarship. The name Tukulor ll was used to describe speakers of Puular (also called Fulfulde or Fulani) in the region i ; of the Middle Valley of the Senegal River (called F uuta Tooro), who are not Fuulbe ` (F ulani) pastoralists. The term Tukulor has fallen into disuse because it is not used by V the people concerned, who prefer the terms “I-Ialpuularen" (“those who speak PuuV lar") or “Fuutanke” (the people who inhabit Fuuta Tooro). The term F uutanke is in` j creasingly replacing Tukulor in the current literature, but it occasionally creates { L i problems since there are inhabitants of Fuuta Tooro whose primary language is not `x i iv l 220 `I

Puular (there are significant Wolof and Soninke minorities in Fuuta Tooro). In this l g ri: (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968); for a recent assessment of the deparagraph, where I refer to both Puular-speaking and non—Puular-speaking (Soninke) Y Q bate about substantivism, see Sutti Ortiz, ed., Economic Anthropology; Topic: and T licFuutanke, I have avoided the geographical term. . L uric.: (Lanham, Md.; New York; London: University Press of America; Society for ro, As one goes downstream towards the middle valleyin the districts of Kanel and _ · Economic Anthropology, ¤983); Peggy F. Barlerr, ed., Agriculruml Dgcirirm Making Ourossogui, they decline to about 5 to 8 percent. p _ Anthropological Conrriéutioris in Rural Developmcm (New York; London, etc.: Acaderr, Francine Kane and André Lericollais, "L’émigrarion en pays soninké," Cahiers I mic Press, 1980), esp. pp. 7-9; Rhoda H. Halperin, “Polanyi, Marx, and rl-re Insgimplc [’ORSTOM, Série sciences humaines, vol. tz, no. 2, I97$, pp. 178-179. E ~ tional Paradigm in Economic Anthropology," Rea-erzrc/r ih Economic Anrhrnpglggy, vo1_ 1;, Oscar Handlin, T/rc Upmczcd (Bosron; Toronto: Atlantic-Little, Brown, I973·) n · 6, 1984, pp. 245-272, see pp. 2.45-146. Of particular relevance to this study are the reSee the criticism of this Pulitzer Prize—winning book, First published in 1951, by ’ . marks on the debate by Philip Curtin,Ecam2mic Change in Precvl¤ni»zlAfrica, SenzgamCharles Tilly and C. Harold Brown, "On Uprooting, Kinship and the Auspices of Mi- I ' Hu in the Era af zine Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, inygj) Pp gration," Internaricnaljcurnalvf Comparative Sociology, vol. 8, 1967, pp. 139-164. 235-237; :.57. 13. Literature in English on the subject of modern migration includes the impor- ` i 15. See in particular Samir Amin’s introduction to Amin and Forde, Modern Mitant article by Tilly and Brown, "On Uprooting, Kinship and the Auspices of Migra·- ’ A grazimtr. tion”; Lynn I-Iollen Lees, Exiles of Erin., Irish Migrants in Wctarian London (Ithaca, ; f 16. Elliot ]. Berg, “The Development of a Labor Force in Sub—Sal1aran Af`rica," N.Y,; Cornell University Press, 1979); Barbara A. Henderson, InrernalMzgruti0n dur- ; , Ecvnvrnic Development and Cultural Change, vol. 13, 196;, pp, 394.4;;,, qnomion, P_ ing Mudernigariun in Lure Mnereenth-Ccnzuy Russia (Princeton: Princeton University ‘ t 4oo (my emphasis). Press, 1980); Leslie Page Moch, Pazlir to the Cir); Regional Migration in Mnczeenth- V 17. Curtin, Economic Change, p. 197. In the same vein, see also A. G. Hopkins, An Cemuy France (Beverly Hills; London; New Delhi: Sage, 1983); William H. Sewell, ’ {L Ewrwmir Hirzary cf WzstAj?ic¤ (New York: Columbia University Press, ron), p_ 5; Szruczure and Mol¤ilig.· The Man and Women of Marseille, 1820-1830 (Cambridge: ~ pp. 8-77. Yves Person, who accepted the concept of subsistence economy, argued that Cambridge University Press; Paris: Maison des Sciences de l`H0mme, 1987); Nancy V if WHS inapplicable to W€stAf1ica, except for a limited area of the coastal {ores: zone; L, Green, The Plcql of Paris.- jzwisli Immigrant War/cer.: in the Belle Epaque (New Q , Yves Person, 5`arrwri, une révcluricn dyula (Dakar: IFAN, 1968-[r9·;;]), vol, r, pP_ York; London: Holmes and Meier, 1986). j 69-75. Ihave made extensive use ofthe very large body of French scholarly literature on { 18. Such was the case of the famous Glen-Gray act of 1894 in South Africa, the subject, which has largely inspired the present literature in English. See Louis 1 . designed to create labor migration through a manipulation of tax rates. See john X. Chevalier, Lu]%rmn:ian de iu pcpuliztzbnpzricicnnc an X1Xe siécle (Paris: P.U.F., tggo); , Merriman, Pnrndcxical South Afican Statesman (New Haven, N.].; London: Yale UniPhilippe Pinchemel, Structures sociizles ez dejpapulnzian rurale dan: lcs campagner pi- 1 versity Press, 1982). mi-dc; de ;8_;6ri 1_g_;6`(Par·1s; A. Colin, 1957); ]ean Pitié, Exnde rural et milgracian-r in- . V 19·Tim0Lhy C. Weiskel, French Colonia! Rule and the Barrie Peoples.- Regikzrzyigg em! rérigurc.- en France; l’exem_p[e du Poimu—Clrurenres (Poiuers: Nevers, 1971); Alain a ~ Collaboration, 1889-191 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, rg8o), pp. rgo; ;.o4; see also P, 3;, Corbin, "Migrarions temporaires et société rurale: le cas du Limousin," Revue His- ` . 20. A. G. Hopkins, Economic Hirimy, P, irq, zorique, no. 500, September—Decem.ber 1971, pp. 1.93-334; and Arclinilvme er modernizé ' en Limoiuin au XIXc siécle, 1845-188o (Paris: Marcel Riviére, 1975), 2 vols.; Frangoise Raison-jourde, La colonic auvergnnze de Paris au X1Xc siéclz (Paris: Ville de Paris, I , Chapter I Commission des Travaux Historiques, 1976). The outstanding reference work on the . g history of French labor migration is Abel Chatelain,Lc: migrant: zcmporzzire: cn France ` L 1. The reference work on the Soninke is Eric Pollet and Grace Winter, La raciété de 1800 ci IQZ4 (Lille: Publications de l’Université de Lille III; C.N.R.S., 1976), z vols. _ ’ sonin/cé (Dialiwru, Ma]Q (Brussels: Editions de l’Institut de Sociologie, 1971). Other For a fuller bibliography of rhe enormous literature 011 this subject published in re- V V relevant Works are quoted in this chapter. cent years, see rhe references in che introduction and bibliography of Sewell, Strucrure . ; 2. Curtin, Economic C/range, p. 197; quoted in Introduction, nndfldviiliy. V V 3. The main cliHiculty is that the Marka (see below), who are Soninke in origin, but r4, On the debate concerning “su.bsrantivist" economic theory, see Karl Polanyi, - who no longer speak Soninke, have been recorded as Soninke in Malian censuses; Pol"The Economy as an Insrituted Process," in Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arerxsberg, and i lét Gnd Winter, Sociétéscnin/cé, p. 33. My estimate roughly agrees with Poller and WinHarry W Pearson, eds., Trade and Markeu in rhe Earéy Empire.: (Glencoe, Ill.: The . g ter, and Souleymane Diarra; “Travailleurs africains noirs en Fra11ce," p. 903. Free Press; Falcorfs Wings Press, 19$7), pp. 243-269; E. E. Le Clair, ]1'. and HB1'0lCl V. 4- This 2lSS€l'Ii01’l WHS made tO me by a number of scholars, both specialists and K. Schneider, eds., Reading: in Economic Anrhrcpolagy Readings in Thang amlzlnazy- ’ nonspecialists of the Soninke. .1 NOTES TO PAGES 5-6 ‘\ il NOTES TO PAGES 7-10 l 220 l , . l 221 l

5. On these regions, see Paul Pélissier, Le: Payson.: du Sénégab les civilzlttztzbrw ` Leach, Political Syszemr of fhg/ilond Burma:A.S`tm!y of Koclzin Social Structure (Lonrzgroirer du Coyor d lo Corornonce (Saint-Yriex, France: Imprimerie Fabrégue, 1966). · · don: Athlone Press, rst ed., r9;4). 6. P. Bradley, C. Raynaut, ]. Torrealba, Lz Guidimokluz maurimnien: Diagnostic cz `Y_ l 22. This is what Aidan Southall has called a “segmentary state,” i.e., an intermediproposition.; dlrcziort (London: War on Want, I977), p. rr (see also Senegalese rainfall S · V ary form between a state and a stateless "segmentary" society; Aidan Southall, Alw map on p, 6), Gaston Boyer, Uri people de l bum soudanait: les diawara (Dakar: L ` Sbcieg/JA Stuzzy in Processes and Types of Domination (Cambridge; W l-Iefer, 19;;), I.F.A,N., 1953), p. 59; Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, p. 89. l 13. Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, pp. 6;.-67. 7. jeri agriculture, whose yields have fallen drastically, is being progressively aban- ; 2.4. Monique Chastanet, “De la traite a la conquéte coloniale dans le Haut Sénégal: doned; Adrian Adams, La rmt er letgeru dufleuvejalom, éalises (Paris: L’Harmattan, l’Etat soninké du Gajaaga de 18r8 5 1858," Ca/tier.: du C.R.A,, No. ;, October rosy, pp, ro3;), pp. 67-oa; and Lucie Steinkamp-Ferrier, "Sept villages du Guidimakha Mauri- W 37I·42$· The civil war between Gwey and Kammera was already in the making in the tanien face 5 un project de développement: l’hist0ire d’une recherche,” Doctorat de `I [ ` eighteenth century; see Bathily, Porte: ale l br, pp. ;,;3-3;;, Troisieme cycle, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1983. , 25. On Gidimaxa, ]ean—I-lubert Saint-Pere, Les Sezraltollé du Guidimalclto (Paris: 8, Bradley, Raynaut, Torrealba, Guirlimo/hz Mouvitanien, pp. 91-96. ’ . Larose, 1925), pp. 1-8; 14-16; on Gajaaga, Bathily; Porte: de [br, pp. 79-166; on Kingi, 9. My special thanks to ]ames Webb for helping me to Sort Out the ini`OrmatiO11 on l ’ Boyer, Un pcuple de l ’Ouc.tt Soudanaz}. the effects of drought on agriculture. 1_ 26. This rule is still in use in some Soninke villages, Pollet and Winter, Société ro, Steinkamp-Ferrier, "Sept villages du Guidimakha maurita11ien,” pp. 184-18; . 1 sorunlcé, p. 277. It follows the normal rule of devolution of power within Soninke and passim; Monique Chastanet, “Cultures et outils agi-icoles en pays soninke (Ga- . 4 households. jaaga et Gidimaxa),” Collier.: ORSTOM sén Sci. Hum., vol. zo, 1984, p. 455. i , 27. Pollet and Winter, Société roninlté, pp. z76-z77; Bathily, Porter de [br, p. it);. II. ANS I3 G 171, Bakel, BAC August 1872, No. 25. i 18. S. N. Eisenstadt and Louis Roniger, “Patron—Client Relations as a Model of xr,. Pollet and Winter, Société ronzrtlté, p. 95. r . $\1'¤CFL1ring Social EXChange.” Comparative Studies rh Society and History, vol. 2,;,, no, rg. Adams, Terre ezgens tlujlcuve, p. 97 and passim. L 1, 1980, pp. 42.-77. 14. Boyer, Unpeuple de l buexsoudanair, p. 98; Adams, Terre cr lesgcm dufleuve, p. T L ‘ 29. Abdoulaye Bathilyg “Imperialism and Colonial Expansion in Senegal in the ro; (two metric tons roo kilograms for a Eeld in the jeri in the IQQOS). ` `— Nineteenth Century; with Particular Reference to the Economic, Social and Political 1;. The operation of the most important salt-mine of the desert, Ijil, is documented ` Development of the Kingdom of Gajaaga (Galam)." Ph. D. dissertation, Centre of from only the eighteenth century, although it may have begun much earlier; Ann Mc- r` I West African Studies, University of Birmingham, U,K., r97;, pp, 33o.3p_, Dougall, "The Ijil Salt Industry: Its Role in the Pre-Colonial Economy of the West- i 1 30. Bathilyg Porter dc [br, p. 4o. ern Sudan," Ph.D. thesis, University of Birmingham (Great Britain), 1980. , ` 3i. Bathilyg “Imperialis1n,” Chapter 4. 16. Al—Bakri and Al-Idrisi quotes in ]. F. K. Hopkins and N. Levtzion, eds. Coqrm . R 32. Claude Meillassoux, Lassana Doucouré, Diaowé Simagha, Légcndc dc la dikof Early Arabic Sourcérfzr Mn Afiican ihszory (Cambridge: Cambridge University · , persian dc.: Kurtz (Dakar: IFAN, 1967), pp. rg-i4. Press, 1981), pp. 81; 77-78; 107. ` , 33. Bathily, Porte.: de l’or, pp. 334; :.1o-zu. ry, Pollet and Winter, Société toninké, pp. 19-34; 36-85; Abdoulaye Bathily, Les i 34. "The office of the Tunka was so lucrative that every rim/rc lemme regarded it as Porter Je [br. Le royaume ile Galam (Sénég¤Q de l’érc mmulmone au temps de: négriers . . the fundamental goal of his life." Bathily, "Imperialism," p. 34;. As mentioned, the (Vllle-XV[{Ie siécly (Paris: L’I-Iatmattan, 1989); Nehemia Levtzion, Ancient G/tuna j 1 king was supposed to be the eldest man of the royal clan, but in the absence of birth and Mali (London: Methuen, 1973). E . records, age was a matter for debate. rs. Compare Pollet and Winter, Société senin/cé, and Bathily, Porte: de l’¤r, with ‘ ; 35. “Duri.ng oflicial ceremonies, and in particular the lecjimdo (general assemblies Charles Monteil, Le; Bamlarus du Ségou et du Kaartrz (Paris: Larose, 1924); and Cal'- J ~ of the 1‘0y3lS), Castecl groups received kuye ("gi{ts”) from royals. The prestige, even letorx T. Hodge, ed., Payer: on zh: Mamling (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, ‘ __ the wealth of each royal, depended of his generosity with casted men.” Bathily, Porter 1971). Y _ de lbr, p. 2.2.4 ro. These existed even in “stateless" Sonirtke polities, for reasons explained below. i I 36. Bathily, Pm-tc.: de I br, p. go. _ The singular is ion/to lemme. V 37. (The enumeration runs for several pages in the written transcript of the oral ao. Some of these slaves were also owned by village chiefly families and were ern- `,g ;r text.) Meillassoux, Doucouré, and Simagha, Légemie de la dispersion Jer Kam, pp, ployed in village community service. Pollet and Winter, Société soninlré, pp. 240-243. , 37-43. On this form of gift, see also Bathily, Porte; de [br, p, 137, zi. jean-Loup Amselle, Logiques métirses. Anthropologie ile lizientité crt Afiquc et ,j 38. Bathily, Porte: dc [br, p. rgo oilléurs (Paris: Payot, 1990), especially Chapter 4, “L’Etat et le segmentaire”; E. R. , 39. Ibrahima Diarnan Bathily, "Notices socio—historiques sur l’ancien royaume Es NOTES TO PAGES IO—I§ ,· NOTES TO PAGES 16-zo [232.] i , lzzzl

Soninké du Gadiaga,” Bulletin de l YFAJVQ B, vol. 21, 1969, pp. 76-79; Pollet and Win- V _ $3. Pollet and Winter, Société sonin/ré, p. 41o. ter, Société rontnlré, pp. 261-265; also Boyer, Un peuple de lbuest soudanair, p. 76. I V $4. Bathiljg “Isla.m and Colonial Expansion,” p. 324; Pollet and Winter, Société have also drawn on my recollections from conversations with youngsters of the vil- l 50HiH/ii, p. 246; Bathilyg lllslam and Colonial Expansion, p. 324; Charles Monteil, “Fin lage of Kungani (Upper Senegal) in 1982. * · _ de siecle 5 Médine (IS9B—1899),” Bulletin de ZZRAJVZ, vol, 28, série B, nos. 1-2, 1966, 4o. It is sometimes said that "all villagers are relatives," Pollet and Winter, Société . ` p. 117; Claude Meillassoux, "Etat et condition des esclaves a Gumbu (Mali) au XIXe sonin/cé, p. 175. _ siecle," in Claude Meillassoux, ed.,.L2rclavage en .41f}·ique_précoloniale (Paris: Maspéro, 41. Pollet and Winter, Société renin/ré, pp. 334-345. Archival material relative to _ 1975), p. 229. Gajaaga are filled with data on litigations about land. _ ‘ $5. See in particular Bathily, Porter de l br, pp. 190-2oz. 42, F,-M. Colombani, “Le Guidimakha, étude géographique, historique et re- $6. Mungo Park, The Travels oflldungo Park (London:]. M. Dent; New York: Dutligieuse.” Bu/lezz}1 du Comité diEmdes Histariques et Scierttpigues de l Zfique Octiden- ` ton, 1910), pp. 49E. tale Francaise, vol. 14, 1931, pp, 428-432 and pp. 4o9-41o. l l $7. On Such raids, see jean Bazin and Emmanuel Terrayg eds., Guerrer de lignages et 43. Bathily; Porte: de [br, p. 119. On the claimed origins of the Saaxo-Wakkane, i guerrer dEtats en Afigue (Paris: Editions des archives contemporaines, 1982). Among ibid., pp. 118-12o; and Charles Monteil, “La légende du Ouagadou et l’origine des _ 1 Soninke-speaking peoples, the Kaagoro were an exception; see Claude Daniel ArSoninké,” in Monteil, Charles, Mélanges ethnolagtlyues, Mémoires de l’I.F.A.N., no. 23 L Q douin, “Une formation politique précoloniale du Sahel occidental malien: le (Dakar: 1.F.A.N., 1953), p. 378. ‘ Baakilunu @1 llépoque des Kaagoro,” Caliiers dftudes Ajiieaines, vol. 28, nos. 111-112, 44. Excellent discussion of the literature in ]. Davis, People of the Mediterranean: ,' , 1988, pp. 46}-48]. An Essay in Comparative Anthropology (London: Routledge, 1977), pp. 89-xox; also ]. . , 58. Bathily, “Imperialism," p. 350. Like the French zaille, the Gajaaga wartime tax K. Campbell, Honour, Farnihz and Patronage: A Study of Institutions and Moral Vizlues . V Cr¢g¤llr§ was not paid by atistocrats (tunka lemmu and their clients, manga, Dararne in it Greek Mountain Camrnunigr (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964); and j. Pitt—Rivers, l. l and Jaaxo [Taniigora] marahouts, and casted artisans. For a good overview of taxation “Honour and Social Stat:us,” in G. Perestiany, ed., Honour and Shame. The Values of , in prerevolutionary France, see Francois Hincker,Lesf·an;air devarttlirrzpdt sous lZ4nMediterranean Sociegr (London#Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965), pp. 19-78. ` 5 cien Regime (Paris: F lammarion, 1971.) 45. Bathily, "Imperialism," pp. 32o-322; also Saint-Pere, Saralrollér du Guidi- ~. . $9. Pollet and Winter, Société ronin/ré, pp. 31r-345. mak/ia, pp, at-2;.. I 60. See oral traditions collected by Adriam Adams, Terre et gens a/ojlcuve, pp, 9-92; 46. The social taboos concerning the nyaxarnala sometimes bear a resemblance to , 5 and Bathily, "Imperialism,” pp. 128-13]. See also Monteil, “Fin de siecle," pp, the Indian caste system; Pollet and Winter, Société ronin/ré, pp. 218-zzo. V 1 IOI··IO2§ and ]. Y. Weigel, ]|/Iigration et pmduction domes-tigue des Sonin/ré du Sénégal 47. Pollet and Winter, Sociézéroninhé, pp. 145-148. t (Paris: O.R.S.T.O.M., 1982), pp. 63-68. 48. Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, pp. 418-428. My estimates are made on the ' 61. Adams, Terre et gent dujieuve, p. 29; Bathily, Porter de lltr, p. zoo. basis of the average pay for local wage labor given in pp. 142-145, and of wage labor . 62. Steinkamp—Ferrier, "Sept villages," pp. 1o3; 132-133. Fragmentary information in Malian state rice and cotton plantations, p. 140. in Saint-Pere, Sara/rollé du Guidima/cha, pp. 166-169. 49. Saint-Pere, Sarahallé du Guidirna/tha, p. 1o7. Dowries were announced at the ` F 63. Boyer, Un people de I ouest soudanais, p. 78. village mosque during the Islamic marriage ceremony This was a way to provide wit- V, z 64. Steinkamp—Ferrier, “Sept villages," p. 184. nesses for the marriage contract, but a very small dowry no doubt must have been a . 65. Weigel, Migration et production dornestigue, p. 66; Steinkamp-Ferrier, Sept vilcause for shame. See ibid., pp. 113-114. ’ " lager, p. 133. 5o. Boyer, Unpeuple de I ’ouest.roudanai.¢, p. 79. ` ·' ` 66. Bathily, “Imperialism,” Chapter 4, passim; and Porter de l br, passim, e.g., p. 51. “But sometimes,” adds Saint-Pere mischievously, “it happens that the wind lifts ‘ , 224. the cloth that covers one of r.he baskets, and one sees that it is empty——fortunately for ' 67. See Malian transhumance routes in G. Doutressoule, L’élevage au Saudan the vanity of the women, such an incident is rare.” Saint-Pere, Sarahollé du Guidi- V 5 )9an,tair (Algiers: E. Imbert, 1952), and Rokiatou N’Diaye Keira, Kaye: et le Hautmahha, p. 32. l * 5`énégal (Bamako: Editions Populaires, 1972), pp. 117-12o. _ 52. Saint-Pere, Saralrollé du Guidirna/cha, pp. 89-91. For Saint-Pere, “these jewels ~ 68. The following description is mainly taken from Claude Meillassoux, “Le comare a way for women to save earnings they do not invest in cattle,” This is indeed true, . rnerce pré-colonial et le développement de l’esclavage a Gumbu du Sahel (Mali)," in but some of the jewelry was offered by husbands, and jewelry was inferior to cattle as ‘: Claude and Daryll Forde ed., The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in an investment, in the sense that it was unproductive, Saint-Pere also described the . P%rtAf·ica (London: International African Institute; Oxford University Press, !97I), elaborate silver jewelry and decorated daggers worn by men, ibid., pp. 9o-91. A j pp. I$2—I9$. Additional references are given below. On the trade of the Marks, who NOTES TO PAGES 20*22 l` NOTES TO PAGES 2Z···2$ [ 2-44 l » < [ 215 l

are ethnic relatives of the Soninke, see Richard Roberts, "Long—Distance Trade and captivité dans le cercle de Kayes, july 8, 1894 (trade with Sikaso ["les états de Tiéba"], Production: Sinsani in the Nineteenth Century,” journal of Afiican Hzktvry, vol. 21, , with Barnbuxu); Saint-Pere, Sara/rollé Ju Guirlimahha, p. 51, This reference list is not 1980, pp. 169-188. ~ exhaustive. 69. Claude Meillassoux, who was probably the first to call attention to t.he desert- i ~ I 76. Curtin, Economic Change, pp. 75, 290; Bathily, "Imperia.lism," Chapter 9; and side trade in West Africa, speculated that these symbiotic relations between Soninke l Raifenel, Vbyage, p. 449, farmers and desert nomads were at the origin of the jazzgi middleman system of the , i ` 77. “The credit of having organized long-distance trade amidst communities that great trading cities of the Sudan. Meillassoux, “Commerce et esclavage at Gumbu," p. A L were structured until then as narrow and closed communities is due to [the Soninke]. 189; on this institution, see Polly Hill, "Landlords and Brokers: A West African Trad- J . The dominance of [S0ninke]jam11 [clan names] among the jula is a sure indication of ing System,” Cahierr dfzader Af}-irainer, vol. 26, 1966, pp. 349-366. Q Q this fact." Yves Person, Samari, une réroliinbn dyula (Dakar: I.F.A.N., 1968-1975), 70. I am very grateful to james Webb for his clear and concise description of the _' ' vol. 1, p. 95, see also p. 108. physiological need for salt intakes in hot climates, which I paraphrase here. `_ ‘ 78. Person, Samari, pp. 95-98. 71. Raymond Maunyg Tahleau géographiqae Je 1’o1.a.»»Af;·zmz»i au Mayen Age (Am- 79. Roberts, Wzrriors, Merchants and Slaves. stei-dam; Swets and Zeitlinger N.V., 1967), pp. 321-322; Curtin, Economic Change, pp. `* V 80. Bathily, Porter de l br, p. 99; Thomas Hale, Scribe, Griur and Navelzlm Narrative 224-118. ,11 g Inreqnrezers of the Songhay Empire (Gainesville: University of Florida Press/ Center 71. French ofhcial figures of 1896 quoted in Pollet and Winter, Société soninhé, p. l for African Studies, 1990), in particular pp. 175-176. 117; also Emile Baillaud, Sur les routes du Soudan (Toulouse: Privat, IQOZ), pp. 36; l , 81. Personal communication, Lanciné Kaba, Chicago, 1991. 40-41ii”., 14;-144; Roberts, “Long-Distance Trade: Sinsani.” .. I 82. Lamin O. Sanneh, The jalthan/ce (London: International African Institute, 7;. Mauny, Tzbleaa géographigue, pp. 275-291. ` I979), pp. 219-240; Pollet and Winter, Sociérésoninhé, p. 491. 74- Cuffins Emnamic Cl1¤¤g¢, PP- Ni-?-17; M€ill¤5$0¤X, “C¤mm€1‘€€ et esclavage ii i ’ $3. Bathily, "Imperialism,” pp. 234-236. As if to emphasize this similarity, Soninke Gun-ibu," p. 19;; “Etat et condition des esclaves,” pp. 249—2$0. According to Bathilyg " clerics called commercial success bara/ra, which may be translated as "grace of God." there originally existed in Gajaaga a caste of professional spinners (and weavers?) » ~ 84. Bathilyg Porter de [br, pp. gg;-3;;. called maahu, who went from town to tovnm performing their craft, but these disap— ; ‘ 85. Ibid., pp. B5-336, peared in the nineteenth century due to the large-scale import of slaves in the area. i 86. Nehemia Levtzion, "Merchants vs. Scholars and Clerics in West Africa: DifferBathily; “Imperialism," Chapter 3. 4 ential and Complementary Roles,” in Nehemia Levtzion and Humphrey ]. Fisher, 75. For Gurnbu, Meillassoux, “C0mmerce et esclavage a Gumbu,” esp. pp. l86··I87 l, eds., Rural and Urban Lclam in Wes: Afiica (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1987), pp. (salt, horses, cotton cloth traded in Banamba, Segu, Nyamina, "rarely further"; the ° t 21-37. main import was slaves); for the jawara of Kingi, Boyer, Un peuple de l buesz 4 _ 87. Interview and personal conversation, Professor Xadi Darame, Bamako, Mali, 1 soudanair, p. 11o (salt, horses, mats, pottery, and calabashes traded on the Niger bend, ` E ` September 1982. also kola nut trade in the Ivory Coast and Guinea); for jafunu, Pollet and Winter, So- V 88. Meillassoux, “Commerce et esclavage,” pp. 187, 189-190; Pollet and Winter, ciezésonin/cé, pp, 116-117; also 114-115 (salt, livestock, cotton cloth, sold in the Ivory Saciézéraninhé, p. 118. Coast and Guinea, kola nut trade from these areas); for Gajaaga, Bathily, “Imperial- 3 ’ 89. See also a similar conclusion for different Soninke regions in Meillassoux, ism and Colonial Expansion, pp. 206-23OE. (cattle trade toward Saint-Louis and E . "Commerce et esclavage,” p. 193 (Gumbu region); and Pollet and Winter, Société Bure; slave imports from Kita; annual trading expeditions to Médine, and less fre- · soninké, p. 228. quently to Segu, through Banamba and Nyamina, or to Sikaso through Kita and Bu- ` 90. ANS K 18, Cercle de Bakel, "Questionnaire au sujet de la captivité,” 1904 guni); also Raffenel, Wyage darn-lklfigue occidenrale . . . exécuté en 284,3 ez ZX44 (Paris: `· ' (35,000 slaves in the cercle, including the Puular-speaking region of Bundu, or twoA. Bertrand, 1846), p. 449 (hides exported presumably from Gajaaga to the Gambia, `; " thirds of the population); K 14, “Etude sur la captivité dans le cercle de Nioro," n.d. imports of salt); ]ean-Baptiste Durand, Voyage au Sénégaljizit dans le: armies 1785 er E (number of slaves was "less than that of free men”); ANS K 14, “[Rapport sur la cap1;.96 (Paris: Dentu, 1807), p. 111 (trade of salt for iron, shea butter, and gold, from l tivité par le] Capitaine Mazillier," Kayes, 8 ]uly 1894 (36 percent of slaves among the Soninke settled in Bundu and presumably to Bambuxu); ANS 2 D 4-12, Etude Sur la f , Soninke of the cercle, but Mazillier noted that the number of slaves recorded was formation historique et ethnique des provinces qui constituent le cercle, par Maubert, l , probably underestimated since family heads did not report many of their slaves in administrateur-adjoint, Monographie, Bakel, Mar. 6, 1904 (livestock and cotton cloth ,\ order to pay fewer taxes). Pollet and Winter also quote Mazillier’s hgures for Kingi taken from Gwey to urban centers along the Senegal River and the Dakar-Saint-Louis f V and Gidyume, amounting to 60 percent of the population for these regions; Société railway line); for Kammera (Gajaaga), ANS K 14, Capitaine Mazillier, Rapport sur la `Q renin/ré, p. 238. Meillassoux gave a figure of 1,000 to 1,500 slaves for a total population NOTES T0 PAGES 25-27 ` NOTES TO PAGES 27-29 [ 136 l ‘ .. l 217l

of $,200 in the town of Goumbou before the French conquest, i.e., aproportion of 20 _ V. 1o7. Weigel, "Migration et production domestique,” p. 5o (average areas: 7 percent to 3o percent of the population in "Commerce et esclavage," p. 193; but hc re- , . hectares cultivated by family group-4.8 by men and 2.2 by women), vised his estimate upwards in "Etat et condition des esclaves” (p. 225), where he Wrote ' ' 198. J ames Searing, “Aristocrats, Slaves, and Peasants; Power and Dependency in that the most conservative estimate would be 2,ooo slaves or about 40 percent of the ; = the Wolof States, 1700-185o,” lnternationtzljournizl of African Historical Studies, vol. total population. In this source, Meillassoux also quotes the French oiiicial report ANS , ` 21, no. 3, 1988, pp. 475—5o3; Peter Kolchin, Unfee Lolron American Slavery ond RunK 19, “Rapport sur l’esclavage dans le cercle de Sénégambie-Niger," which gave a ion Sey"dorn (Cambridge, Mass.; London: Belknap Press of the Harvard University proportion of 5o percent for the cercle of Gumbu. t l Press, 1987). 91. ANS K 27, Captivité et repression de la traite au Sénégal 1902-1907, rapport — V 109. Bathilyg “Imperialism,” pp. 322-323; ANS K 14, Capitaine Mazillier, Rapport transmis par lettre No. 39, Resident du Baol oriental a Administrateur du cercle de . sur la captivité dans le cercle de Kayes, 8 july r894; Saint-Pere, Sorokolles du Goidi. Thies, Diourbel, IO May 19o2. , 1 molcltu, p. 24; Colombani, “Le Guidimakha," p. 412. 92. Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, pp. 237-261; Meillassoux “Etat et condition 1 . 1 10. Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, p. 244. des esclaves," in particular p. 235. , { 111. Meillassoux, “Etat et condition des esclaves," p. 234, 93. For example, ANS I3 G 198, Ct. Bakel to Gow Senegal, No. 68, 5 May 1896. , ‘ 112. Bathily, "Imperialism," p. 323. 94, Xadi Daranie, Bamako, 1 September 1982; Bathily, “Islam and lmperialism,” p. , . 1 13. An unfortunate result of the confusion between slave conditions and their gen2,} , erational status is that these slaves are usually called "household slaves" in the litera95. There was one exception, Gumbu, which adopted the slave village system from .. ture (because they were born in their master’s household), while their main the neighboring Marka in the late nineteenth century. Meillassoux, "Etat et condi- , characteristic is t/tort/og didttotlive within their manterls /tottre}to[a’_ tion,” pp. 245-246. On slavery among the Marka see Richard Roberts, Warriors, Mer- f 114. Bathily; “Imperialism,” p. 325; Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, p. 250; Sainteitrtrtts and Slctves.- The Stott and the Economy in the Middle Mger Willy 1,700-l9l4 j ‘ Pére, Sczrizltollé du Guidzrnalc/ta, p. 250; Meillassoux, "Etat et condition," p, ;27, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987). » A 115. Bathily, “Imperialism," p. 323. 96. Pollet and Winter, Saczftésoninké, p. 238. 1 Q 116. ANS 13 G 195, Desmarets, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Bakel, 26 97. Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, p. 23 9. E May 1894; Charles Monteil, “Fin de siécle," p. 114; Meillassoux, "Etat et conditi¤n," p. 98. Bathily notes that it was considered a dishonor for tunka lemme to touch a tonge , . 227. (hoe); the same was more or less true of the mange; Bathily, "Imperialism,” p. 264. , 117. Pollet and Winter, Société soninlré, p. 251 (curiously, jafununke at the time of 99, tbid. ~l this study had no precise recollection of the details of the condition of woroso slaves); too, Pollet and Winter, Société sonin/ré, pp. 245-246; Meillassoux, “Etat et condi- r ¥ on kome woroso in Gumbu, see Meillassoux, "Etat et condition des esclaves,” p. ;t37, tion des esclaves," p. 235. l 118. ANS I3 G 195, Desmarets, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Bakel, I6 1or. Bathily, "Imperialism,” p. 213. May 1894 (four days); Bathily, “Imperialism," p. 323 (tive days; the mention is for 102. This field may be not one but several plots, situated on different soils; see Q { iirsbgeneration slaves who were married and had formed an independent household). Steinkamp—Ferrier, “Sept villages," p. 182. . , 119. ANS K 14, Captain Mazillier, Rapport sur la captivité, 1894. to;. Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, pp. 377-397. See also Weigel, Migration ez E F 120. Meillassoux, “Etat et condition des esclaves," p. 234; on slavery in Beledugu, Production dornestigne, pp. 71-73; Steinkamp-Fertier, "Sept villages," pp. 182-21 5; Roberts, Warriors, Merchants ond Slopes. ANS r9 G t9;, Organisation fonciere des indigenes dans le cercle de Bakel, 1894. . 121. The report added that during the dry season, these slaves worked only until 104. Steinkamp-Ferrier reports that in the riverbank villages of Gidimaxa where » p noon for their master. This would perhaps suggest a reference to serfs rather than acshe did her field study, women’s fields are like the salumo situated on the periphery of ~ . tual slaves. K 14, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Nioro, n.d. [1894]. the great field. Steinkamp-Ferrier, "Sept villagcs," pp. 281-286. , , 122. ANS I3 G 195, Desmarets, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Bake], ro;. Adams, Zhrre ezgerts dufleitre, pp. 9-31; Weigel, “Migration et production do- 1 9. 1894; see also Meillassoux, "Etat et condition,” p. 233. All slaves made cloth, including mestique,” pp. 48-56; Monique Chastanet, "Cultures et outils agricoles," pp. 453-454; ` those who owed a rent in kind; see ibid., p. 238. , saint-Pere, Set-alto!/e du Guidirnzzklta, pp. 33-36, 168-169; Raynaut, Bradley Torre- Q 123. Meillassoux, "Etat et condition des esclaves,” pp. a36-238. 0n the moe/,{ alba, Goitiirnok/to rrtouritortien, p. 1o7; Steinkamp-Ferrier, “Septvillages," pp. 281-286; i (which varied from region to region, and even from family to family), see Curtin, Pollet and Winter, Société soninké, pp. 395-397. ,, ; Economic Change, p. 239, note 6; Pollet and Winter, Société sonirtke, p. 93. ros, Adams, Terre et gens citifleuve, pp. 74-75; Steinkamp-Perrier, “Sept villages/’ T 124. Pollet and Winter, Société sanin/ré, p. 239; Meillassoux, “Etat et condition des p. ZIO. t esclaves," p. 24o. NOTES TO PAGES 29-32 . E NOTES TO PAGES 32-34 l 228 l ‘ . [239]

125. Monteil, "Fin de siécle," p. 113. There are only indications of this slave status V 141. Monteil, "Fin de siécle," pp. 113-114; ANS I3 G 195, Desmarets, Rapport sur in other sources. Saint-Pere and some informants of Pollet and Winter mention the · ¤ la captivité dans le cercle de Bakel, 1894; ANS K 14, Capitaine Mazillier, Rapport sur payment of rents in kind by some former slaves after the slave emancipation of I90§ ` la captivité dans le cercle de Kayes, 8 ]uly 1894; Saint-Pere, Sorizlrallé du Guidimtz/elm, to 1910; Saint-Pere, Sarakollé du Guidimalclta, pp. 182-183; Pollet a.nd Winter, Société __ , p. 23; Bathilyg “Imperialism,” p. 325. mninlcé, p. 261. The rent in kind is also reported in the 18905 for some women slaves in l 4 142. However, Boyer mentions a low price of 84 mudd in Kingi jawara, Un _peu_ple Bakel who paid a rent of two guinée cloths a year to their owners; see ANS 13 G 195, [Q _ de l hues: roudtznuiv, p. 74. Desmarets, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Bakel, 26 May 1894. E , 143. Pollet and Winter, Sociézésoninlcé, pp. 245-246; Bathily, “Imperialism," p. 325. 126. Meillassoux, “Etat et condition,” p. 236. 5 ` Paraphrasing conversations with informants, Monteil indicated that “it is a very bad 127. ANS I3 G 195, Rapport sur la captivité, Bakel, Desmarets, 26 May I894; ANS · thing to let slaves buy themselves back, because it reduces the pat1imony.” “Fin de sieK 14, Capitaine Mazillier, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Kayes, 8 July 1894; `4 ` cle," p. 1 14. Meillassoux, "Etat et condition," p. 238; Bathily, "I1nperialism," p. 323. · . 144. Saint-Pere, Sorokollé du Guidimizkhtz, pp. 21-23; Bathily, “Imperialis1n," pp. 128. Meillassoux, "Etat et condition,” p. 236. f g 318-323; Pollet and Winter, Société roninlcé, pp. 241-242; Meillassoux, “Etat et condi129. Ibid., p. 238 makes no mention of slaves of the other categories accompanying ~ _ A tion," pp. 238-24o; Monteil, "Fin de siécle," pp. 113-114; Boyer, Un people de [bum caravans. Other sources are imprecise on this point. Q; _ roudtzrmir, p. 73. 13o. Ibid. Q ~ 145. Meillassoux, “Etat et condition,” p. 237. 131. ANS K 14, Etude sur la captivité dans le cercle de Nioro, [1894]; Capitaine [ 146. This was a general feature of slave systems in the Western Sudan; see Klein, Mazillier, Rapport sur la captivité, Kayes, 8 ]uly 1894. fl ' "Women and Slavery," pp. 73-76. 132. Pollet and Winter, Société sonirtlcé, pp. 243-244; see also testimony of former ` 1 147. See Chapter Five. slave, p. 249. Meillassoux mentions that “[w]omen [slaves] worked on the fields like ‘ 148. P. Lovejoy and S. Baier, “The Desert-Side Economy of the Central Sudan," the men," “Etat et condition," p. 235. " Internzztionizljaurnal J Afiican Hirtoricel Studies, vol. 7, 1975, pp. 551-581; Richard 133. Pollet and Winter, Seetété eoninlté, p. 244; also Adams, Terre et gens du fleuve, ? Roberts, "Long—Distance Trade: Sinsani,” pp. 169-188. Philip Curtin has called attenp. 28. `1 1 tion to the desert-side trade as a worldwide phenomenon; see Cross-Cultural Trade in 134. Bathily, "Imperialism,” p. 233. ` l%rldHz3·to{3#(Ca11ab1idge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). 135. Martin A. Klein, “Women and Slavery in the Western Sudan,” in Claire 149. Mossi and F uutanke trade migrations are not very well known. My references Robertson and Martin A. Klein, Women and Slavery in Africa (Madison: University of U ° come from colonial writers. For the Mossi, Baillaud, Sur les route: du Soudan, pp. Wisconsin Press, 1983), p. 85. j V 240-241E.; and for the Fuutanke, Louis Tautain quoted in Pollet and Winter, Société 136. In the cercle of Nioro in 1894, adult males sold for 18 pieces de guinée and ’ ' soninké, p. 113. adult females sold for 2o pieces. ANS K 14, Etude sur la captivité dans le cercle de — _ 150. See the excellent special issue on nineteenth-century French migrations of Nioro, 1894. In the cercle of Kayes, adult males sold for 20 pieces, or about 2oo francs, . Etlmologiejianouire, vol. IO, no. 2, 1980; in particular Francoise Raison-]ourde, “Enwhile a young female thirteen to fourteen years of age, “good-looking according to F dogamie et stratégie d’implantation professionnelle des migrants auvergnats E1 Paris [local] standards,” sold for 2§O to 3oo francs. ANS K 14, Capitaine Mazillier, Rapport ‘ ’ au XIXe siecle," ibid., pp. 153-162; and Alain Corbin, “Les paysans de Paris: histoire sur la captivité dans le cercle de Kayes, 8 ]uly 1894. . {_ des Limousins du batiment au XIXe siecle," ibid., pp. 169-176. The reference work 137. Klein, "Wo1nen and Slaver5g" pp. 82-83. ` ` on French temporary migration is Abel Chatelain, Migrant.; temporaire: en France. See 138. Monteil, “Fin de siecle,” pp. 113, 115; also indications in Pollet and Winter, So- Q ` also Raison-]ourde, Colonic auvergmzte de Paris. ciété soninlté, p. 257. ` 151. Raison-]ourde, Calortie tzuvergntzte de Punk, pp. 7o-71. 139. In Gajaaga, all slaves born in servitude (i.e., all serfs, whatever their category) ` , 152. Emmanuel Terray, "Commerce noncolonial et organisation sociale chez les apparently could own slaves; see Bathily, “Imperialism,” p. 325; Monteil, “F in de sie- V ` Dida de Cote d’Ivoire,” in Meillassoux and Forde, Development of Indigenous Trade cle,” p. 114. Meillassoux (for Gumbu) and Saint-Pere (for Gidimaxa) mention only _ and Marlretr, pp. 145-152. _ great slaves as owning slaves, “Etat et condition," p. 240; Szzrtzkollé du Guitlimalcha, p. V . 153. I have discussed this point in “The Patriarchal Ideal of Soninke Labor Mi22. There are no reports of female slaves owning slaves. , ~— grants: From Slave Owners to Employers of Free Labor Migrants." Canadian journal 14o. Monteil, "Fin de siecle," p. 113. This, however, was advantageous only if the ` V. of African Studies, vol. 23, 1989, pp. 1o6—125. wife had no children or children below the age of five; ANS I3 G 195, Desmarets, V _ 154. Ivor Wilks, Astmte in the Nineteenth Century: The Structure tznd Evolution of o Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Bakel, 1894. ` Y Political Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975). NOTES TO PAGES 34-36 [ 1. NOTES TO PAGES 36-39 [ 240 l ` 1 [241 l

155. ]ames Lee, "Migration and Expansion in Chinese Hist0ry," in William H. Mc- \· j 13. Ibid. Neill and Ruth S. Adams, Human Migration.· Patterns and Policies (Bloomington: Indi- 14. Edouard Bouet-Willaumez, Commerce et traite iles noir: aux cores occiclentales ana University Press, 1978), pp. 28 and 34. ‘ . a’L4f-ique (Paris; Imprirnerie Nationale, 1848), p. 33; identical statement on p. 30. 156. See Alain Corbin on the traditionally migrating society of Limousin, where , ·` 15. Personal communication, based on book manuscript, ]uly 19, 1991. Africanists will easily recognize the main features of a segruentary society; Archaisrne t 16. Richard Roberts, "Long-Distance Trade: $insani," pp. 169-188; Wzrriorr, Meret modernize en Lirnou.11}1 au XIXe riécle, 1845-18.% (Paris: Marcel Riviére, 1975. 2 ( chant.; and S/aver; Webb, Desert Frontieg McDougall, "Ijil Salt Industry"; ]ohn Henry vols), pp. 198-199; or again the description of Corsican migration in Chatelain, Mi- i Hanson, "Urnarian Kai-ta (Mali, West Africa) during the Late Nineteentl1—Century: grant: temporairer en France, pp. 978-988. i' 1 Dissent and Revolt among the Futanke after Umar Tal’s Holy War," Ph.D. disserta157. Timothy C. Weiskel, “The Precolonial Baule: A Reconstruction,” Cahiers i — tion, Michigan State University, 1989. olZ`tucle1Afi·icaine:, 1978, vol. 18, no. 71, pp. 503-560. I . V 17. Webb, DeseriFronzieg pp. 3-14. · 1 18. Ibid., passim. V i 19. Such transactions, which were conducted in the countryside, generally went Chapter 2 unrecorded in French documents. But scattered direct and indirect references to the ` exchange of guinées for grain exist: lower valley, early nineteenth century René Cail1. André Delcourt. Le Fmnce er les fr¤6l1ZtS¤m¤n¤ jivnyeiv eu Sénigel vm we er . ¤ lie, Travel: through Centra! Africa to Ztmbucrao (London: F. Cass, 1968; reprint of Lon1763 (Dakar: IFAN, 1952), p. 92. » don; Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1830), vol. 1, p. 78; lowervalley—escale du 1. The following account is based on the excellent article by Xavier Guillard, “Un ` Q Coq, mid nineteenth century ANSOM Senegal XIII, Conseil d’administration, meetcommerce introuvable: l’or dans les transactions sénégambiennes du XVIe au XVIIIe ing of I4 May 1850; Matam, 18705, I3 G 171, Bakel, BAC, No. 17, February 1871; Mésiecle,” Cahierr ilu CRA. [Centre de Recherches Africaines, Université de Paris I Sor- , dine, 1885, ANS 13 G 185, Médine, Commercial report, ISE quarter 1885; Gidimaxa, bonne], no. 5, 1987, pp. 31-75. , ` 1893, 13 G 193, Bakel, Pol. report, May 1893; Nioro region, ca. 1900, Baillaud, Routes 3. Bathily, Porter cle lon p. 1*/4. ‘ V` du Soudan, p. 35. The Beydan also bought grain and dates from oases in the Adrar with 4. Delcourt, France et établissements francais; Bathily, "Irnperialism,” pp. 32-74; ; _ guinéer; Caillié, Travels, pp. 99-100. Curtin, Economic Change (see slave trade Egures in Supplement, p. 68); ]ames L. A. V Y 1o. Baillaud, Routes du Saudan, p. 35; De l’Orza de Reichenbetg, “Autour de Webb, jr., Desert Frontier Ecological and Economic Change along the Pwrtern Sa/tel, , , Nioro, ” Revue de Geographie, vol. 19, 1891, p. 116. 16oo-1851: (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995), p. l07; Abdoulaye 1 ‘ 11. ANS 13 G 166, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 13, 15 August 1851; N0. 9, 25 Bathily, “La traite atlantique des esclaves et ses effets économiques et sociaux en V ‘ April 1853. Afrique: le cas du Galam, royaume de l’hinterland Sénégambien au dix-huitieme sie- ` 11. Raffenel, Voyage, pp. 7.41-242. cle," journal of African History vol. 27, 1986, pp. 269-293. 13. Bouet-Willaumez, Commerce et traite, p. 37. 5. Bathily, “Traite atlantique”; and André Delcourt, ed., of Pierre David, journal 4 . 14. ". . . deux cent milliers de gommes .... ” cl”un voiage fait en Baméouc en 1744 (Paris: Société frangaise d’histoire d’outre-mer, __ A 15. ANS 13 G 164, Rapport demandé par M. le Gouverneur du Sénégal et Dépen1974), pp. 247-153. i dances au Commandant de poste de Bakel, sur les inconvénients et les avantages qu’il 6. Georges Hardy,.La mise en valeunlu Sénégalde 181712 1854 (Paris: Larose, 1921); i y aurait sur les propositions de l’a1mami du Bondou, Sambala et Caya, chef du Kasso Paul Marty, Etudes sénégalaires (Paris: Leroux, [ca. 1915]); Curtin, Economic Change. ‘ , a 1’effet de détruire le village de Makana (Toubaboukany—demeure des blancs— 7. Hardy, Mike en valeun p. 7o. On the Waalo scheme, see Hardy and Boubacar f` Samba Yaeine dans le Camera haut Gaiam), 17 August 1842. Barry, Le royaume du Waalo: le Senegal avant lu conquéte (Paris: Maspéro, 1972). Z ; 16. ANS 13 G 165, [No. 9], 1o Mar. 185o, [Commandant Bakel] to Governor Sene8. Webb, Desert Frontier; pp. 97-131; Curtin, Economic Change, pp. 215-218. , V gal. On Ahmed Taleb, see Georges Poulet,Le1· Maurer ale l Z4_;9ique occiilentalefancazkc 9. Hardy, Mite en valeur, p. 255. ' = (Paris: Challamel, 1904), p. 94. 1o. Ibid., p. 195. : 17. Poulet, Maurer, pp. So; 81; McDougall, "Ijil Salt Industry" pp. 257-259; Paul II. ANS 13 G 165, Commandant [Administrator] Bakel to Director of Internal V Marty Etudes surlltlam et ler tvihur du Soudan, Vol. 3,Ler trilrur rnaures du Sahel et du Affairs, 3 March 1847. . , Hoolh (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1911), p. 387; Lanrezac, "Cercle de Nioro,” p. 244; 11. See esp. (source of quote) ANS I3 G 165, [Mutilated document], Ct. Bakel i ` Mariella Villasante Cervello, "Collectivités tribales, restructuration des strategies so[probably Hyacinthe Hecquatt], 20_]l1ly 1847. ciales de reproduction et de pouvoir. Quelques aspects du systéme foncier darts la NOTES TO PAGES 39-44 V NOTES TO PAGES 44-47 I 141 `I l i . I 142 l

région de l’Assaba, République islamique de Mauritanie," unpublished thesis, Univer- i . 41- ANS I3 G 164, Cl. Bakel to Gov Senegal, No. 49, 12. ]anuary 1837; Rapport du sité de Geneve, Institut Universitaire d’Etudes du Développement, Mémoire no. 46, _ 1 Cf- de poste et du gérant principal de la . . . [Compagnie du Galam] a M. le Gourpgp, pp, ;r9-;_;_;_, 25;..253, 271. ~ verneur du Sénégal . . . , 7April 1837 (buying of grain in Kungani and ]agili); ANS I3 ;8_ Ponlet,Manra1, p_ rot). ` Y · G 165, Ct. Bakel to Dir. Aff. Ext., 16 january 1849 (comptoir of the Compagnie du 1.9. ANS 13 G 184, Bakel, Bulletin agricole, commercial et politique, ]uly 1884. ‘ ' Galamin jaglll); Currin,Ec0rmrnic Change, supp,, p. IS (comptoir of the famous French On relations between the Idaw Aish, Sidi Mahmud, and Kunta, see P0ulet,Maures, pp. ‘ Yfader Duranthon in Kungani); ANS 13 G 165, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 25, 15 37.83, 93. . February 1847 (unsuccessful attempt by the French merchant Zeller to establish a 30. ANS 13 G 185, Bakel, Rapport commercial, ad quarter 1885, _ comptoir in Balu, at the mouth of the Falemme river); Ct. Bakel to Dir. Aff. Ext., No, 31. The Meshduf developed in the second half of the nineteenth century, especially {_ 146, 16 January 1849 (navire, i.e., comptoir flottant (floating trading post), of Creole at the expense of the Awlad Mbarek. By their victory, they gained the allegiance ofthe iv i merchant Charles d’Erneville in Jogunturo, Gidimaxa); 13 G 166, Ct. Bake] to Gov. latter’s tributary and maraboutic subjects; see Marty, Etudes sur l7rlam et les trihua du Q ’ Senegal, No. 7, 5 March 1851 (Zeller had a navire in ]0guntur0 and another in Sollu, Sgurltzn, Vol_ 3, pp_ t3 1-13;, 387.388, y · Gidimaxa; other petits comptoirs mentioned, unspecified); information on the trade of 3;_ Marty, klgm or mlm at Soudan, Vol, 3, p. 36;_ _ the petits comptoirs in ANS 13 G 165, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, IO March I8$O. More 33. McDougall, “Ijil Salt 1ndnSn·y," J on the comptoirs in the following chapter. 34. On this trade (the “petite traite"), see Bouet-Willaumez, Commerce, pp. 1.9-30, , 42. On European trade in the region.a.b0ve Bakel, see Curtin, Eronomic Change, pp. 35, 38; Webb, Desert Frontier, pp. 117-119 (Webb noted: “This trade in grain on the " 14.0-152; Hardy, Mike en vczleu; esp. pp. 296-2.97. See also Abdoulaye Bathily, “La lower Senegal intensified during the I8}OS, when European demand for gum dou- l , ¤¤¤
) Bathily, “Imperialism," pp. 371-4.25; and "La conquéte francaise du haut-fleuve (Séné- ~ A 61. George E. Brooks, “Peanuts and Colonialism: Consequences of the Commergal), 1818-1887. Bulletin ile l ZFZA.N, vol. 34, Série B, 1972, p. 65; Raffenel, Hgyage, ‘ _ cialization of Peanuts in West Africa, 1830-7o," journal of Afican History vol. 16, PP- 297-*7-93· · *97% PP- ’·9‘$449. See the useful chronology of Gajaaga in Curtin, Economic Change, supp., pp. : · 62.. David, Navézanes, pp. 12-15. 16-17. ; 63. Martin Klein, Alam ana' Imperialism, Sine-Saloum, 1847-4914 (Stanford: Stan50. ANS I3 G 166, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 9, 15 April 1853. _‘ , ford University Press, 1968), pp. 177-178 (apparently a better quote than Swindell, 51. ANS I3 G 166, Lettre des traitants a M. Hilaire Maurel, a St. Louis, jurie zz, ` i “Serawoollies," p. 94). 1853. The observation was accurate, as one can verify in Curtin, Economic Change, Y l 64. Estimate by Governor MacD0nnell, Curtin, Economic Change, p. 2.31. supp., p. 77. V i 65. Swindell, “Serawoolies,” p. 94. 52. Governor Protet to Minister, 8 November 1851, quoted in Yves St. Martin, Q ' 66. David, Navézanes, pp. 12.-19. Limpire roucouleur ez la France. Un demi-siecle a’e relations diplomatiques (1346-1833} , 67. E. Bertrand~Bocandé, “Carabane et Séhiou,” Revue coloniale, vol. 15, 1856, p. (Dakar: Université de Dakar, Publications de la Faculté des lettres et sciences hu- I 412. maines, 1967), pp. 61-67.. In ISQ4, Governor Faidherbe wrote: "Trade in the Upper 68. David, Navétanes, pp. 166-2.06. Senegal [region] is today, I believe, almost equal to that of the lower valley" Letter of ‘ ` 69. Swindell, “Serawoolies," pp. 97-102.. zz December 1854, quoted in Hardy, Mite en valeur, p. 355. Exports from regions other 7o. In an earlier article, I postulated that the British commitment to ending the than the Senegal River Valley were at the time of little importance in the economy of slave trade and their willingness to give asylum to escaped slaves made it risky for Senegal; see Curtin, Economic Change, supp., pp. 61-72.. , slave traders to come to the Gambia. Specialists, however, have pointed out to me that 5 3. Webb, Desert Francie; p. 13o; also Hardy, Mise en valeun pp. 317-2.2.; Stewart, _ slaves were extensively sold in the Gambia, especially during the troubled 185os and Alam, pp. 92.-93. ` 18605 (the decade of the Marabout wars) and were widely used in local peanut pro54. ANSOM Senegal XIII, IOC, letter from Captain Pontac, enclosed in Note for . , duction. Martin Klein, personal correspondence, 1990; see also Paul Lovejoy, Transthe Direction of Colonies fromtlirector of personnel, Register of Sailors [bureau de ` . formations in Slavery: A History of Slavey in Afica (Cambridge: Cambridge l’inscription maritime], No. 575, 17 February 1855. ‘ ; University Press, 1991), pp. 189-190; Charlotte A. Quinn, II/[anilingo Kingdoms of the 55. Curiously, they are not mentioned in the Bakel archives, but they are clearly · V Senegamhia (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1972), passim; Peter M. mentioned in other sources; see Louis Faidherbe, Le Senegal- la France dans l Hfigue Weil, “Slavery, Groundnuts, and European Capitalism in the Wuli Kingdom of occiilenzale (Paris: I-Iachette, 1889; Nendeln: Klaus reprints, 1974), pp. 58-59; ]oseph *‘ Senegambia, 1810-193o,” Research in Economic Anthropology; vol. 6, 1984, pp. 77-119. Simon Gallieni, Deux campagnes au Souclan franyais, 1886-1887 (Paris: 1-Iachette, , Z 71. David, Navézanes, pp. 188-191; see also G. Rocheteau, “Société wolof et mo1891), p. I64;R.l€T(1lJ3'L1,,D¢ Da/carau Mgen pp. 154-155; I. D. Bathily, “N0tices,” p. 97. _ V bilité,” Cahiers cle l’OR$TOM ser. sc. hum., vol. 12., no. 1, 1975, pp. 3-18. 56. The reference work on navetanat is Philippe David, Les navézanes (Dakar; — ,— 72.. Bertrand—Bocandé, “Carabane et Séhi0u,” p. 4IZ, Abidjan: Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 1980). Ori the history of the term, see pp. § 73. ANS 13 G 195, Desmarets, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Bakel, 26 46-47 and 166. See also Ken Swindell, “Serawo0lies, Tillibunkas and Strange Farm- ’ May 1894. ers: The Development of Migrant Groundnut Farming along the Gambia River, Q , 74. Bathily, “Imperialism,” p. 32.3. 1848-95," journal of African History; vol. :.1, 1980, pp. 95-104. , 75. In my earlier article about the origins of navetanat, Ihad speculated that many 57. Curtin, Economic Change, p. 75; Bathily, “Imperialism,” p. 81; RaEenel, Wyage, ' , migrants may have been talibe, or students of Koranic schools. Although my hypothpp. 449-483. Y ` esis rested on a faulty reading of Raffenel (relying on faulty notes, I wrote that 58. Curtin, Economic Change, pp. 171, 130-2.31. According to a sample of purchases ; Raffenel saw a "large number of talibes” on the road to the Gambia; this was, in fact, on the Gambia River made by the British Royal African Company in 1684 to 1688, 2.o V incorrect), the hypothesis remains plausible. As is well known, professional traders in percent of the cost of slaves for European traders “went for agricultural provisions to 1 _ West Africa were generally from clerical families. Clerics were also, according to all feed slaves waiting shipment and to store ships for the Atlantic crossing"; ibid., p. 2.30. S ‘_ major sources, heavily involved in the slave trade. On the other hand, religious leadSimilar evidence in Bathily, “Traite atlantique.” ers from clerical families ran religious schools. These talibe were young unmarried 59. Curtin, Economic Change, p. 230. . ` men who needed money for bridewealth and other marriage expenses. In addition, the 6o. M. Véne, “Rapport sur les établissements anglais de la Gambie et les comptoirs , . talibe were required by custom to give their teachers a graduation of a value equal francais d’Albreda et dc Casamance,” Annales maritimes, vol. 82. (November 1837), 5 V to at least one slave. The talibe, therefore, were young men with important monetary n.p., quoted in Amédée Tardieu, Sénégamhie et Guinée (Paris, 1847), p. 113; and A needs who worked for families that were heavily involved in trade—especially the Tardieu, ibid., p. 1 16. { iv slave trade. For all these reasons, it would have been natural for talibe to be the first to tA P NOTES TO PAGES §2.—$4 NOTES TO PAGES $4-57 I 246 l ` ‘ [ 247]

hear about the new employment opportunities in the Gambia. We shall see later an ex- ' 94- Swindell, “S€¤'3W00ll€$1” P- 9$S Cha"l°“€ Q¤i¤¤. “Ma“dl¤g0 States in Nineample of an Islamic school functioning as a network of information about employ- f€€n1l'1 C€n¤11`Y G61nl>l¤,” in H0<2lg€, Pdpwf 0*1 the M¤¤di¤& PP- 217--213; ¤l50 Quinn, ment opportunities. See Chapter Five. l . Mandingo Kingdoms, pp. 27, 42, 49, 69, and 171. 76. Bertrand-Bocandé, "Carabane et Sédhiou," p, 41;,, il - 95. Bathily, Porter de lb; pp. 127-166. 77. Abdon M. Eugene Mage, Pbyage dans le Soudan accidental {Sénégamhie-Mgej 96- Th0mP$0¤s (lin Dubiws Scwlcesn P· 891 note 481863-1866 (Paris: Hachette, 1868), pp. 106-1o7. ; ‘ 97. Seating, Wzs:Ay(iic¤n Slavery; pp. 93-128. 78. Martin Klein, “Slave Resistance and Slave Emancipation in Coastal Guinea," in ` , 98. Curtin, Economic Change, p. 279. Suzanne Miers and Richard Roberts, eds., The End of Slavery in Africa (Madison: Uni- Z 99» Ibidversity of Wisconsin Press, 1988), pp. 2o;-219. j . IOO. Ibid., supp., p. 8; (use conversion tables on p. 56 to obtain figures in French 79. Klein, [slam and Imperialism, p. 119. I do not have Gambian peanut prices for ‘ francs). this period, but peanut prices were a function of the world market and, therefore, were , ~ 1¤1- The €¤1l}’ laptct WHS 3 la¤l<·0f-all-‘11'6d€S, in nlfn 3 “h0¤S€ 5€1’V¤n1, 5l'10P €1n· roughly similar at different areas of the Senegambian coast. = , ployee, gardener, male nurse, spahi [native soldier], soldier in a river outpost.” Anne 80. Pollet and Winter, Sociétéroninlré, p. 99. , Ralienel, Nouveau voyage au pays der négrer (Paris: Chaix, 1856), p. 179. Part of the 81. Swindell, “Serawoolies," pp. 98-99. Twelve shillings is an 189; figure (there V laprots’ wages, at least until 1848, was paid in kind, enabling them to trade on their are apparently no earlier figures for the Gambia); conversion table of pounds ro 5 ` own; see Abbé P. D. Boilat,Ergui:res rénégalaires (Paris: P. Bertrand, 1853), p. 441. In francs, Curtin, Economic Change, supp., p. 56. “Customs” payments by navetanes in ., V 1724, a certain “Aly Mody,” a laptot, ran a trading post in the royal village of Lagny neighboring Sine-Saloum in the 18905 were up to 20 francs; Klein, klam and Imperial- ; li (Kammera); Curtin, Economic Change, p. 114. ism, pp. 177-178; see also David, Navézaner, pp. 24-26. On areas planted by navetanes 102- $¤¤g¤l€1, R¢l¢!i0Y¢, PP- 214-11 Sand the yields of their personal plots, ibid., pp. 197-2o5. , · ro;. ANS 13 G 166, Ct. Bakel to Gown Senegal, 5 March 1851; see also I3 G 166, Re82- l have 110 p1‘lC€ for grain for this period, but since it stayed quite steadily around l, port Dudras, director Affaires Extérieures, following a journey to Bakel, October 0.10 francs a kilogram for the whole of the second half of the nineteenth century (ex- — 1851; l¤0€h references Cl"-Ioted by Chasranet, "Etat sonlnké du Galaagarll PP· U6: 27-0cept in bad years), this figure may be used for an estimate. Reference: ANS I3 G series. `_ Z Barka Bacili, chief of Maxanna and de facto tunka of Kammera, controlled many of 83. Swindell, “Serawoolies," pp. 94-95. ,' ~ the laptots, "who could only hire themselves out to Saint-Louisian traders with his 84. David, Navétaner, pp. 18-19. ‘ permission,” Thompson, “In Dubious Service,” p. 89, note 44 (the archival reference 85. Pollet and Winter, Société sonin/cé, pp. 137-1;8. Pollet and Winter note that in l l is ANSOM, Senegal IV, 19, Conseil d’administ1·ation, séance, ;o August 1852, No. 19). practice this is rarely the case today. · ~ 104. Soleillet, Pbyage, pp. ;26-327; Yves Saint-Martin, Une source de l ’hir:oire calo$6- $31-lgnier, Relation de plusieurs my/ages ti la cdte d14y9iyue . . . (Paris; Geiher l _ niale au Sénégab les rapport: de rituazion politique (1874-189Q (Dakar: Université de jeune, 179I), p. 215; see also p. 228. V . S` Dakar, Publications de la faculté des letrres et sciences humaines, 1966), p. 97; Bathily, 87. Soleillet, Wzyage, p. 326, note. f l “Imperialism,” p. 282. On Samba Njaay and Tambo Bacili’s diplomatic role, see Saint88. See, e.g., Curtin, Economic Change, pp. 114, 279. ? Martin, Empire tuucuuleun pp. 150-156. 89. Slave laptots were generally employed in boat-building during the slack sea- ' ` 105- Cunin, E€¤7i9mi€ Change, PP- 23$·~237son. . — 1o6. In time, some migrants became full-time traders: the wealthy Auvergnat mer90- James F- Seating, Wm Afiican Slavery and Atlantic Commerce: The Senegal , _ chants in Spain, whose associations dominated the hierarchy of Auvergnat migrants River Wzlleyg 17no—186¤ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp, 93-1;3_ ` · ` in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, could be compared to the Soninke jula of 91. Searing, Wm Afiican Slaveryq and Malcolm Thompson, "In Dubious service; z ; precolonial Sudanic cities. See Raison—]ourde, Colanie auvergnate, pp. 67-71. The Recruitment and Stabilization of West African Maritime Labor by rho Fronoh z` V 1c>7. Chatelain, Migrant: zemporairer, especially Vol. 1, pp. 386-395, 434-45;. Colonial Military, 1659-19oo," Ph.D. thesis, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 1 l 108- Stefano F€n¤lI10¤, “Mlg1‘¤il0n,” unpublished P1€$€nF¤fl0¤ K0 The Banca dll1989. " 1 talia, November 1991. My special thanks to the author for letting me quote this pre92. Seating, West African Slavery; pp. 124-125. 2 g liminary study. 9;. On this military lifestyle, see Bathily; “Imperialism,” p. 278. It is probable, 1 l 109- B€1‘fF¤nd·B0¤¤n¤lé, “C¤f¤l>¤¤€ €¥ $él'1i0n,” P- 411moreover, that Soninke laptots worked in teams that included only their countrymen, ~ Y` rro. Warren Dean, Rio Clam: A Bragilian Plantation System, z8zo—1_9zo (Stanford: a practice that reduced their contact wit.h the slave laptots. , Stanford University Press, 1976). NOTES TO PAGES 57-61 ~ l NOTES TO PAGES 61-65 ` [ 248 l ` * ~> l 249 l l

111. Manchuelle, “The Patriarchal Ideal of Soninke Labor Migrants,” pp. 1o6-125; ' , Ig?Og(Tl1€ ¤rré`té of the governor on 9 August 1861 set its amount. See ANSOM Seneand "Slaver3g Emancipation and Labor Migration in West Africa: the Case of the , _ r ga I , 14a. . I , Soninke,”jaurn¢zl of A_)€·ic¤n History vol. 30, 1989, pp. 89-106. ·, 13. ANS I3 G 167, N Diaye Sow to the Dir. AE. Ext., 29 May 1859. Famine was ap‘ . parently due to a combination of floods (ANS I3 G 167, Bakel, I4 February 1859) and Chapter 3 . pilfering of the fields, most probably by passing refugees (ibid., I0 February 1859). , . 14. ANS 13 G 167, Ct. Bakel to Governor Senegal, No. 2, December 26, 185[9 or 1. Robinson, Haéy War of Umar Tal, p. 161. S?]. 2. Ibid., pp. 233-234. I ~ Y 15. Robinson, Hay War of Umar Tal, pp, 233-241. 3_ Caleulatjonbased on the sterling price per m€t1iC EOIli¤ C\11'fi¤,E¤'07wVm¤ Changer , ` 16. See, e.g., ANS 13 G 168, Ct. Bakel to Gov, Senegal, No. 4, ;5 March 1860. supp., p. 1o1 (Table A 15.9); currency conversion table, p. 56. A similar calculation for ,, » 1»,·_ Zion, “]:>oe1e de B11ke],” on 71.74; Be1]1i]y’ *‘Con11,_1e1e,*¤ n_ 911 Robinson, Hon, 18;,4 to 1826 (Table A 15.5, p. 97) gives 3 similar ]Dl'lC€ of 1.85 {TKHCS- In I84S YO IB465 , War pf Umm- Ta], P_ ;_4g_ the price was 2.20 francs a kilo; Henri Zion, “Le poste de Bakel a l’époque du gou- 5, , r8. Bathily, “Conc]uete," p. 95. Bathily gives Zion (“Poste de Bakel,” pp. 105—1o9) Vefnenf Fnidheiber i8$$"i86$¤” Meinniie de maitriser Univrrsité de Dakar, Feel-nie dr , ’_ as his reference, but Zion noted that emigration preceded taxation by several years and lettres et sciences humaines, 1968, p- 186· The Price cf 2 francs n kiie was mentioned ` that taxation was “very modest." There is no mention in Zion (nor apparently in the in the deliberations of the 11 October 1859 meeting of the Conreil cl bclminictrrztion of , S Beke]doenmen1s) of migration to me Niger River Vn]]ey_ . Senegal, discussed immediately below. (1 19. ANS 13 G 168, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, 20 May 1862. Robinson notes that 4. Zion, "Poste de Bakel,” p. 186. I i 5,ooo persons took refuge in the Gambia from the Upper Senegal in 1859; Robinson, 5_ ANSOM Senegal XIII, 33a, Minister Of marine t0 minister of agriculture and " Holy War of Umar Tzl, p. 239; in t86o, a French administrator noted the return of incommerce, 27 December 1839. 3 habitants of Bundu who had taken refuge in the Gambian kingdom of Wuli; see ANS 6. Proceedings in ANS 3 E 28, Conseil d’Administration, Meeting of II October , 13 G 16g, GL Senondebon to Gov_ Senega], 11 Anri] 1g6o_ 1859, Deliberation N0. 19. 1 i. , zo. I3 G 169, 3 january 1864. The first recorded tax census dates from December 7- Hindys Miie en V¤Z¢¤"» PP· 37-3-326- Bni'i'0W$r”MeYehnn¥ssii PP· 247-2493 l°hn‘ " 1863 (ANS I3 G 168, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 56, 2 December 1863), but there son, Emergence, esp. pp. 38-47; Frangois Zuccarelli, “Les maires de $1- L0\1i$ ef Goree 1 apparently was an earlier census or census estimate in 1862; referred to in r3 G 168, Ct. de 1816 é 1872," Bulletin [FAM B, 1973, pp. $$1-573- — z Bakel to Indigenous Affairs, 5 ]une 1862. 8. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, De la colonisation ther lespeuple: rrtaclernes, vol. 2 (Paris: { 21_ ANS 13 G 16g, CL Bake]1o Go1,_ genege], indigenous Am, No_ 1,17 S June 1g6Z_ Alcan, 1903), Pp, rye.-594. Y 22. ANS 13 G 168, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, Indigenous An"., No. 21, 20 August 9. While the move was clearly in the interest of the Saint-Louis and Bordeaux ` A 1362; Zion, ¤·poSre de Bekeij P_ 1eg_ commercial houses, it was also not unlike the proposal made not so long ago by the ·_ { 2} ANS 13 G 168, G1_ Bake] to Gov_ Senege]7 indigenous Age No, 14, 5 June 1862; Nigerian economist Adebeyo Adedeji to increase direct taxes after the price of one of , No 11, eo Aogim 1g6,_1 No_ 2,7 13 September 1g6,__ Nigeria's main exports, cocoa, experienced a continued downward trend. In fact, dur- ' ,_ 14_ ANS 13 G 16g, Go Bake] to Gen Senegn], No_ 4,, 11 October 186} ing the recent world recession, many Afri¢¤¤ ecvnomists, Such as Adedsiir have been _ " 25. The arrest of the chiefs in r862 was the only incident of this period. Bathi1y’s C1‘itiC6l.0fi¤di1'€C'i fnfme Of taxativn si-ich as imP°Yi¤ eXP°i“t> and excise duties, which assertion that there was unrest in 1863, r864, and 1865 is based on an unclearly worded · ‘ ‘ ’ ' nscal `ustice and very · [ *·p ,1] B k ] ¤ put national economies at risk without any promise of g1`€¤f€1' ] 5 H , sentence in ion, oste e a e , p. 1o7. much in favor of direct taxes, in particular of personal taxes. Adebeyo Adede]1, “The V, 3 26_ A_ S_ Kanya-Fo1e1ne1’ The Conquer, of ,;1_,1 pynrrern _g,,dn,,_. A Study 1,, French Future of Personal Taxation in Nigeria? in Mil¤¤¤ C- Taylor. ed-1 T¤x¤ii°n!%'Af}i'“” * F Military Irnperiulzkrn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), pp. 33-34. This Economic Development (London: Hutchinson International, I970), pp- 7-$7-278; and V was due to the American Civil War, which created a worldwide shortage of cotton contributions by other authors in the same source. . after unionist forces blockaded the southern confederacy: 10· Henry Lnnfenbefgeir Histoire de l’i”EP6’ (Parisi RU-F-> i9$4>> esP· PP· 39-$73 ‘ 27. ANS 13 G 168, in particular “Rapport sur la situation générale de l’Arr0ndisseand Marcel M¤ri<>¤. Hitmss Jinmiért J5 !¤ Fr¤¤¤# Jepwir U15, 6 v¤1S· (Pane i g ment de Bakel rtw [te the governor, dated ry November rsss]; ct. Bakel to ow Rousseau, 1914-1931). This position recalls that of some contemporary African econ- ; I Senega], ZS January ,862, Z0 May ,862, Nr, ,6, 26 November 1862, eprannorr S111-1;, sitomists—-see note immediately above. ` uation commerciale E1 Bakel,” 22 February 1863; Aff. Indigenes, No. 6, 5 April 1863; No. 11. Hardy, Mite en valeur, pp. 341-342fi. A , , 8, 5 May 1863. On Pineau’s troop movements (“Vous me reprochez, M. le Gouverneur, ;2_ The personal tax in Senegal was established by lm]>€1‘1¤l D€€fee of 4 August ’ 1 de mettre trop souvent mes troupes en mouvement: permettez-moi de vous dire que NOTES To PAGES 6,-69 ( ,1 NOTES TO PAGES 70-71 rmi — 1 [asl]

c’est E1 mes continuelles courses que je dois le résultat que le commerce constatera cette ,— li inhabitants. These figures were given as figures for the whole population, male and feannée"), ANS I3 G 168, Indigenous AE., No. 5, 4 March 1861. jauréguiberry had re- ~ l g male, including small children, who did not have to pay the tax. ANS 13 G 189, Rapquested suggestions three months before on how to increase the cultivation of peanuts l port du Capitaine Darr, Commandant le poste de Bakel sur la perception de l’imp6t and cotton; ANS 13 G 168, Gow Senegal to Ct. Bakel, 2$]H1']'I.l61'y 1861. Q .i personnel pour l’année 1889, 7 November 1888; ANS I3 G 191, Cercle de Bakel, Impot 18. Hardy Mite en valeur; Barry, Royaume du Waaln. Curtin notes that the Com- , personnel, 1891. pagnie du Galam lost 18 percent of its capital trying to run 21 plantation it was required 37. ANSOM IX, 14a. to maintain in Waalo, Curtin, Economic C/range, p. 133. ` 38. Zion, "Poste de Bakel," pp. 1o5-106; ANS 13 G 174, "Instructions générales . . . ," 19. ANS 13 G 168, “Rapport sur la situation générale de l’Arrondissement de Bakel ‘ left by the Bakel commandant to his successor in 1878 (no other date). 1861,” Ct. Bakel to Gov Senegal, dated 17 November 1861. 1 ; 39. ANS 13 G 174, Poste de Bakel, Perception de l’imp6t personnel pour l’année 30. Figures in Zion, “Poste de Bakel," pp. 103-104. See also tl·1e shrewd utilization · 1877 (add figures for the five villages of Goye Annexé). It is probable that the French of floods by the Gwey populations: in 1861, a flood allegedly destroyed all the crops 7 ' l, applied taxation only to fanny heads. An 1891 document mentions that only family in the immediate vicinity of the Senegal River; while peanut production was main- heads paid the tax until 1890, when taxation was extended to all (all adults) Erst in tained, almost the entire cotton crop was "lost"; see ANS I3 G 168, Ct. Bakel [de i. Kammera, then later in Gwey. ANS I3 G 191, Bakel, No. 404, IO August 1891. Some Pineau] to Gov. Senegal, 25 january 1861. The peanut price estimate is from the tables fz _ l women, however, paid tax in 1877; see Table 3.1 below. (mostly based on information in the ANS series 13 G) in the Appendix of my doctoral l 40. ANS I3 G 168, Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 56, 1 December 1863. dissertation, “Background to Black African Emigration to France: The Labor Migra— ~ li 41. On Bundu at the time, see Robinson, Haév War of Umar Tal, pp. 119-110. tions of the Soninke, I848-4987,,, University of California, Santa Barbara 1987; see 1 il 41. Feailla ryficiella du Sinégal, N0. 199, 10 October 1863, quoted in Zion, “Poste de also Klein, Islam andlmperlalirm, p. 119 note. 1 17, Bakel," p. 104. Export figures in Zion, “Poste de Bakel,” p. 104; prices in ANS 13 G , 31. Zion, who has seen some documents I have not been able to review (in particu- · Q;. 168, Ct. Bakel to Gov Senegal, No. 15, 18 Aug1.1st 1863. On the basis of these figures, l lar the file ANSOM Sénégal I, 48d), says that the tax was payable either in money or the Bakel region would have exported 451,631.56 francs. References on the weight of in cotton; Zion, “Poste de Bakel{’ p. 106. ·¤ I? a éarrique (capacity measure for peanuts and grain): (for peanuts) ANS I3 G 169, Ct. 31. Quoted in Zion, “Poste de Bakel," p. 109. l jr, Bakel to Gov. Senegal, AP 108, 18 june 1871 and 13 G 171, Bakel, Agr. and comm. bul33. In the same fashion, thejoumal de Bordeaux likened direct taxation of the in- l letin, No. 4, September 1871; (for sorghum), ANS I3 G 181, Bakel, Agr., comm. and digenous population to the tributes formerly paid by French merchants to local pol. bulletin, May ISSI. Gum was briefly back this year to its pre-1859 level of one l African chiefs. Ibid. On ni11eteenth—century French liberal perceptions of colonization ’ franc a kilogram, but the gum trade continued to be disrupted by bad relations be- 1 in Algeria, see Francois Manchuelle, “O1igines républicaines de la politique d’expan- ,1 ll, tween the French and the Umarians, and only 183,533 kilograms were exported in l sion coloniale de jules Ferry (1838-1865)," Ravuefanyaise d7zzkmire dbutre-mer, vol. U " 1863. Zion, “Poste de Bakel,” p. 104. 75, no. 179, 1988, pp. 185-106. ‘. i, 43. In fact, in 1863 a caravan came from Konyakari in Kaarta, some 100 kilometers 34. Zion, “Poste de Bakel," pp. 108-109; Barrows, “Merchants and General Faid— l. , away, with eight elephant tusks, about forty cowskins, and ten barrels of peanuts herbe,” pp. 176-177. Barrows noted that prominent merchants such as Marc Maurel, J — (about 1,100 kilograms). ANS 13 G 168, Ct. Bakel to Gov., No. 44, 7 October 1863. who had supported the personal tax under Faidherbe, were the ones who most op- _ , ', Such an event was probably exceptional (this one was an attempt of Umar’s son posed it under jauréguiberry Ibid. 57 Ahmadu to reestablish relations with the French in order to obtain firearms). Better 35. ANS I3 G 168, Ct. de Pineau to Gov Senegal, Military Affairs, No. 10, 19 May ,` relations between the French and the Umarian empire followed the important negoti1863; Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, Indigenous Aff, No. 14, 30 ]une 1863; and 5 August ` 2 ‘ ations of 1860; see Robinson, Halv War of Umar Tal, pp. 141, 151. 1863. 44. My estimate of 100 villages is generous but perhaps plausible. Under colonial 36. Tax census for 1863: Baalu: 15 taxpayers; Arundu: 15; Yaafera: 15; Golmi: 15; ·; administration, Gidimaxa was split in two halves (Mauritanian and Malian) with about Kungani: 40; total-115 taxpayers. ANS 13 G 168, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 56, ii equal population. Saint-Pere estimated the number of villages in the Mauritanian half 1 December 1863. Amount actually paid: 12. piéce: de guinée canjtm, valued at 16 francs l 1 I at fifty; Sarakallé du Gaidima/rlta, p. 17. Assuming that the French traded with an equal each by the commandant; ANS 13 G 169, Ct. Bakel to Gov., 3 ]anuary 1864. I lack de- `l_ number of villages on the northern and southern bank, 100 appears acceptable, buf I mographic information on Goye Annexé for the 18605, but I have available a probably 5 have not taken into account the fact that villages above the Falemme confluence (i.e., underestimated 1888 census and an apparently better census for 1891. The f1rst yielded , about a hundred) traded with Médine rather than Bakel after 1855. a Hgure of 1,140 inhabitants for the five villages of Goye Annexe and the second 1,554 , I 45. Kanya-Forstner, Conquer: af the Western Sudan, pp. 45-50. ·1 NOTES TO PAGES 71-73 ,· { NoTEs TO PAGES 73-74 [ 211 ] ' i [ lss l

` i 46, ANS 1; G 17o, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, Political Affairs, N0. 11, 3 February mercial et politique, No. 4;, March 187;; 1; G 17;, Bakel, Bull. agricole, commercial et 1866; and Pol. Aff., [No.] 20, IQ March 1866. " politique, November 1875;SoleilIet, Hzytzge 1iSégt>u, p. 149; 108;ANS 1; G 184, Bakel, 47. ANS 1; G 170, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, Pol. Aff. No. 25, 4 April 1866. ` Rapport trimestriel prescrit par la circulaire du 4 Avril 1884, IO October 1884. 48. ANS 1; G 170, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, [No.] 61, 8 November 1866. it 61. ANS 1; G 170, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 18, lf April 1867; Pol. AE. 58, 18 49. Ibid. October 1867; I3 G 171, Pol. Alf. No. 7, 1 February 1869. Several tro1`tar1t.t dealt “al-· 50. Tax apparently was not connected in Goye Annexe between 1865 and 1876. ` · most exclusively" in peanuts in 187;. ANS 1; G 172, Bakel, Bull. agricole, commercial Two documents mention that tax was collected in Goye Annexe in 1870, but the con- ‘ V et politique, May 187;. text suggests that tax may have been collected in the town of Bakel only that year. 5 According to Monique Chastanet, there was a "famine” in the agricultural year ANS 1; G 171, No, 5, December 187o; ANS 1; G 172, Instructions généralcs laissées 5 . l’ 1866 to 1867, and a “great famine” in 1867 to 1868 and 1868 to 1869, which she believes mon successeur. ,. [n.d,, early 187;]. Between 1865 and 1876, Goye Annexe was men- 1 ` to have been due to French taxes and forced labor; Monique Chastanet, "Les crises de tioned only with reference to its refusal to pay tax. Each time, the governor recom- subsistances dans les villages soninke du cercle de Bakel, de 1858 E1 1945," Ca/tier; JEmended patience to the commandant. In 187;, the Bakel commandant described the I tudcs Aficnincs, vol. 2;, no. 89-90, 198;, p. 27, The only evidence for this appears to population of Gwey as divided between "N’Diayankés" (Njaay, founding family of , be a request for a tax exemption in April 1868 from the Soninke chief of Bakel, who , Bakel) and slaves, thus betraying his complete lack of knowledge of the Soninke out- Y ¤. argued a bad crop that year (but the Bakel commandant noted that Bakel villagers ap- [ side Bakel; ANS 1; G 172, Instructions générales laissées a mon successeur . . . [n.d., Q `:} peared to “exaggerate a bit their misfortune," suggesting they intended to avoid pay- ` early 187;]; and ANS I3 G 169 to 172. 1 gl ing tax and thus be like “Goye Annexe"), and the May 1868 report that mentioned that [ 51, ANS 1; G 17o, Letter Abdoulaye Dieye, IQ ]une 1868; and Pol. Aff. 28, I July , milwas becoming rarer in Bakel. Yet later reports mention no deaths or famine. (Con— 1868. ~ trast with the data for 1859, where famine appears very clearly.) ANS 1; G 170, Ct. ` 52. See “Bulletins agricoles et co1nmerciaux" i11 ftles of ANS 1; G series after 186;. `5 _ Bake] to Gov. Senegal, N0. 12, 1 April 1868; and No. 18, 1 May 1868. Note this answer 5;, For the detail of Upper Senegal trade figures (guinées, gum, peanuts, cereals]. , 1 by the Bakel commandant in 1867 to a request from the governor that he recruit see Manchuelle, “Background,” pp. 618-668. tirtti//zur: (indigenous soldiers) in Bakel: “I doubt that the recruitment you are asking [ 54. Roger Pasquier, “Villes du Sénégal au XIXe. siecle," Reazuefrnngaire tZ’}1i.rto1`re ` j me to do for the tirailleur battalion will meet with any success here. T/ta region has betibutrc-mer, vol. 47, 1960, p. 405. . rome rich, the .t¤rr4z}t}1oZz:/.Smzz`nkz/accept employment any on steam 5aa1;t,” ANS 1; G 1 55, ANS 1; G 168-171. One document lists the tonnage of cfuzfands anchored in 170, Ct. Bake] to Gov. Senegal, Pol. Aff No. ;5, 1 july 1867 [my emphasis] . Bake] as six to thirty-two nautical tons; 1; G 171, Bakel, Agr. and C0t¤m- Bulletin, 1 , { Cliastanetls method of accepting as evidence of subsistence crises local requests [ ]an1iary 1869, Reference to rugs in ANS 13 G 171, Bakel, Agt. and Comm. Bulletin, 1 , · for tax exemptions (“Crises," p. 17) ignores the possibility that such requests may have No. 4, October 1872. 9 , been fabrications, destined to get rid of French control in the region, J 56, Henri Frey, Campagne don.: le Haut Senegal et Ie Haut Mger (t5’=?.#lS6’6), ‘ 62. ANS 1; G 171, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. ;;, 29 February 1872. 5 (Paris; Plon, 1888), p. 45. Contrast with Carrere and l—Iolle’s description in 1855: [ 1 6;. I3 G 169, No. 7.03, Ct. Bakel to Gow Senegal, 5]une1865. “, . . boats. . . which have to be towed by human strength, [which] take thirty-five to ` "t 64. Xavier Guiraud, L’¤mc/tt`a'e sénégalatlre (Paris: Librairie technique et écono- ] forty-Five days to cross a distance of a hundred and fifty leagues [the distance between I mique, 1937) p. 16;; Louis Faidherbe, Le Séné,g¤Z.~ Za France dart: Zi4f}iyue artidmtale Saint-Louis and Bakel.]" Carrere and Holle, De Ia Sénégtzmbiefariytzirc, p. 385. The Y (Nendeln: Klaus reprints, 1974; 1st ed., Paris: Hachette, 1889), p. 165. j` cost of carrying freight from the Upper Senegal fell dramatically, from 45 francs per , 65. Source: tables in appendix, Manchuelle, "Background” (source: mostly ANS ,l nautical ton in 1855 to 19.50 francs a ton in 1868. Carrere and Holle, ibid.; ANS I3 G { ` 1; G). l 170, Bakel, Agr. and Comm. Bulletin, November 1868. " 66. Carrere and I·Iolle, Sénégam/iiefranyaite, pp. 12-1;. ‘ 57, ANS 1; G 169, No. 9;, 19 April 1864; No. 119, 2 ]uly 1864; 13 G 17o, N0. 18, li * , 67. Francois Zuccarelli, “Le regime des engages 51 temps au Sénégal (1817-1848)," April 1867; Pol. AH`. No. 28, 1 july 1868; I3 G 171, N0. 33, 29 February 72; Bull. Agri- f ji Ca/tiers a'Z`tut{e.tAfi·£c¤ine.r, no. 7, 1962, p. 445. 1 cole & Commercial, No. 75, May 1871; 1; G 172, Alf. Pol. NO. Z0, I4 February 1873; I} 5 » 68. Carrere and Holle, 5értég¤m61`ej?an;¤zke, pp. 345-347. , G 17;, 22 March 1876. .` . 69. This is indeed the mechanism that created a demand for African workers (North l 58. ANS 1; G 169, Bakel, N0. 119, 2 ]uly 1869. _ ; Africans and Black Africans) in France in the second half of the twentieth century, 1 59. ANS 13 G 172, Bakel, AP No. 20, I4 February 187;. See also ANS I3 l70, Ct. " 70. I have consulted the archives of the famous Devés métis family in the National [ Bake] to GOV, genegal, No, 18, 15 April 1867; 1; G 17;, Bull, agricole, commercial et Archives of Senegal. They contained very little information on laptots. politique, Nov. 1875. r 71. ANF CC 3 118;, [Captain Rebel], Note sur le personnel de la Subdivision du 5 6o. ANS 1; G 170, Bakel, No. 4, 1 May 1868; 1; G 172, Bakel, Bull. agricole, com- ° _` Senegal, Sep, 187;, NOTES TO PAGES 74·7$ NOTES TO PAGES 76-78 l [ 254 ] [ 25< l

5€ 72.. ANF CC ; 1181, Rapport de Ia commission sur Ie recrutement des mate10tsin— A migration eamings (which, once again, belonged to family heads), but archival texts digénes au Sénégal [September I877]. I ` ORE? H0 evidence of the kind. Judiciary records are not helpful because the French ad73_ ANF QC 3 ug;) Senegal, Etanmajor to Minister 0fMa1ine, N0- 2247 29 APUK A mi¤iS¤’3t0r in Bake} until 1879 apparently dealt only with litigation between Sain;187% * · Lvuisien traitamzs and the local population, and he left the internal administration of 74_ ANF CC; 11337 Ministry of Ma;-ine and Colonies, Direction of COIOTUES, 2d {E g justice to the chiefs and the cadxk (Islamic judges). Later documents, however, show bureau, No. 3, [1880], Recruternent des laptots au Sénégal. evidence of such conflicts between family heads and younger men. 7;. There are mentions of laptots or Soninke-speaking French (a sure evidence of T 89. Soleillet, Voyage, p. 77. Iaptot service in the French Navy for the vernacular in Saint-Louis was Wolof) for the , go. Frey, Campagne, p. 139. villages of Guma] (Damga) [sglgillet, PE]/age, p. 77]; Mudéfi (Gwey) [ibid-, P· S4]; 91- ANS K I4, Cipitainft M3Zi11i€f, Rapport sur ia captivité dans Ie cercle de Kayesi Golmi (Gwey) [ANS xg G ¤84, Ct. Bake] to Gov. Senegal, xo April 1884]; Yaafera \ [ t 3 july Ig?4_ 4 P h U (gwey) [AN5 13 G Ig], Bulletin Commercial, Agricole et Poliliqué, ]¤¤¤1¤1'}’ 1882]% ` 92. Given the generally gerontocratic character of traditional Afr-man society, the Tanbmim,-,1 (Kammem) [ibid.]; Muusala (Kammera) [ibid., pp. ¤36—127]; Ganyi V; V desire for independence from family elders must have been a fairly frequent motivation ((;idimaX;> [soleillet, Vbyage, p. 148]; Somankidi (Gidimaxa) [ibid., P· M9]; S¤b¤1{¤ ~ . {Of dw migration of young men, although ir has only recently come to the attention of (Gidimaxa) [ibid., p. no]. All the Gajaaga villages mentioned are either maraboutic scholars. See Guy Rocheteau, “S0ciété wolof et m0bi]ité," Cuhiers de FORSTOM, ser. (Mugs;-i, Tanbunkagny Yaafera) or royal villages (G01T¤i HHCI Muusa-la); See Cha? SC- h\1H1·, vol. I2, I976, pp. 3-18. For a fuller discussion of the issue see Chapter Foul; {met, “Etat”; three (Mudexi, Yaafera, Muusala) Were 1'€pI`€S€Tl€€d in thi! 1894 Congo ·_ 9;. See Chapter '1"wg_ migration (in addition Somankidi in Gidimaxa was also represented); see Chapter I N 94, ANS xg G 18;, Bake], Comm,7 eign ;mdPO1_ 1-ePg[t,]3;w_3;_·y ;3g;__ Four. QSA Soleillet, Vqyage, p. mg. 76_ ANF CC 3 ug}, Division navale de l’Atlanr.ique Sud, Personnel, Equipages de ,; I 96. Ibid., pp. 136-17,7; for the status of the village, refer- to Chasraner, "Et3t soninké la Hctte, Rapport d’inspecti0n générale de Ia subdivision du Sénégal in 1881, Recrute- T ~ du Gadiaga,” Appendix. mem et avancement des marins mdigénes, 8 May 1881. ‘ r 97· See Chapter Five. Available liszs of laptcts often carry the name seein (royal 77_ ANS, Sel-ies ]_ [this series was being reclassified when I was given ¤€¤€5$ *0 ir]. ` ‘ family of Gajaaga, i.er, Gwey and Kammera); see, eg., “MédaiI]es commemorative; [(;Ov_ senegn te Chief of the Service de1’Intérieur], 3 March 18721 ‘ de Yexpédirion du Dahomey déposée dans les buyeaux du Commandant de Ia marine 78. These were common wages in Saint-Louis at the time. In rush periods, Com- —; au Sénégal et desrinées fa des marins indigénes du Sénégal et dépendances c0ngédiés,” mg;-cia] houses paid higher Wages. ANF CC 3 1183, R€C1'UK€m€T1Y d€$ IHPIOYS au Sé“é‘ *7 _/vcurmzl Ojicie/du Sén.ég¤L $947 pP_ 95 and me gal, t880. 98. See the data on migrants to the Congo Free State in 1894, and ISQ7 in Chapter 79_ Hemi Sée, Hzkrnire écanomique de la France (Paris: A- COHH, 1942), PP— 332-33% 1 F0ur. See also 1851 quotation on laptms in Chapter Two, 80. Compare with {arm incomes (grain {Mmm- in Bakel and navetane in the Gam- { 3 99. “Often [laptots] re—en1ist, but not in this or that service indifferentlyg but in such bia) in Chapter Two. i or such a ship in particular. A matter of parish, of c0usins!" ANF CC 3 1182, Rapport SL Numerous Examples in ANF CC 3 ug; and ug}; e,g_, yepoytby Captain Rebel, ’~ `_ au Commandant de la Marine au Sénégal, ze. fascicule: Personnel, mouvement des quoted above; QC 3 1;:;;, Commandant de la Marine et de 13 subdivision ¤¤v¤l¤ *0 It ‘ Etats—Maj0rs, Direction du personnel, [section] Lapwm, Bd queue; xggs; see also CC Gov. Senegal, N0. Z1, rz April 1877. V 3 1183, Rapport de la Commission sur le recrutement des rnatelots indigénes au Séné» 8;,. Walter E]kan,Migr¤r1zs :zmIPra]ezariar1.r: Urlwan La/Bur in the Economic Develop- _ V gal, september 137% mm, of Uganda (London; Oxford University Press, 1960); and "Migram L¤b¤1' 1¤ , .` 100. Ronald W Davis, Ethnohiszarical Studie; an the Km cpm (Newark, Del; Africa; an Economisfs Appr0ac11,” American Economic Review, May 1959, PP- i. I Liberian Studies, IQ76)7 P_ 39_ :88-202. [ : 101. There is a wonderful description of such tactics in the partly nonficticnal 8;. ANF CC 3 1 183, Rapport de Ia commission sur le recrutement des matelots au { '— novel by the great Francophone African writer Amadou Hampate Ba, L?rmngz dexzirt Sénégal, September 1877. ` _ de Wmgrin, cu lex rauerie: d ’un inzegpréze afiicain (Paris: Union générale d’éditions, 84. Frey Campagne, p. 239. I I973), pp. 2$i$S. ’ l 4 I 8;. Frey, Campagne, pp. 238-239. Q I wz. Sorunke ’ in this context means "pagan," that is, non-Muslim. 56_ ANF CC; 1183, Note sur Forganisation des laptots Hu Sérlégal, [fl-d·] V IO}. David, Nzvémytes, pp, tg-;9_ g7_ See his fasqinating description of the "d1'€Hm of 8 S01‘1i¤k€,” Wydggy P- 77· 7· 104- ANS I3 G I7$, Copie du régistre [du] journal [de poste] du [er au gg juin 1879, gg_ It would be useful to End evidence for this period of intrafamily €¤¤6i¤f OVW " , 9 [June]; 9 July; x October; z October; 29 [n.d.—pmbab1y December]; and I3 G ,75, NOTES ro PAGES 78-81 I Norm ro mczs 82-84 [ N6 ] ' ` [ 7:-] `I

Directeur des Affaires politiques Gallieni to Gov. Senegal, No. 1, Medine, I4 Septem- V 116. Horse price in Nioro in 1891 (at the time of French conquest) in Pollet and Winber 1879; and No. 5, 3, 17 October 1879. mi', —$`0€i颷'f·Y0¤fV¤l€é, p- 118; SGS also ANS 13 G 195, [Bakel] Bulletin agricole et Commer105. ANS K I4, Captain Mazillier, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Kayes, , cial, February 1894, which gives a similar price. The rifle price is for a double-barreled 8 july 1894, , V (iuXu1'Y> gun, bull g`iV€n for 1829, Curtin, Economic Change, p. 3;; (use the conversion 1n6_ ANS 13 G me, Bakel, Copie du journal de poste, June 1897. Q table into francs in supp., p. 93). The Umarians asked for deu.b1e.har1-eled guns, butit is 107. ANS 13 G 100, Bakel, Copie du journal de poste, ]une 1897. ` ` not clear if they got them. The guinée price is a median figure between two prices given 108. ANS 13 G 170, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, [No] 18, 4 March 1866. 1 ` in 1876; ANS 13 G 173, Gov. Senegal to chiefs of Gweyg 18 August 1876; and Ct. Bakel 1r;9_ Yves St, Martin, “Les relations diplomatiques entre la FIBHCG et i’EmPi1'€ I - 10 GOV- $€n€gé\l, 110. 3i, 24Al.1g`l1Sf 1876. None of these figures are contemporarybut the Toucouleur de 1860 a 1887,” Bulletin de ZYFAM ser. B, vol. 17, 1965, p. 186. . °‘ guinée and horse price appear quite plausible; information on the arms trade is exceed110. The taxation effort during these years was probably related to the civil war 4 i ingly difiicult to obtain and figures are entirely lacking in ANS 13 G. that erupted in 1870 between Ahmadu and his brothers Habib and Moktar; see Robin- . 117. 13 G 170, Ct. Bakel to Gov Senegal, No. 2.1, 19 March 1870. The quotation is son, Hah War of Umar Tal, p. 199. I am grateful to Professor David Robinson for , 1 from ANS 13 G 169, Ct. Bakel to Gov Senegal, No. 119, 1 ]uly 1864. Colombani has pointing this out to me. ~ frightening information on Beydan oppression in Gidimaxa after 1870, "Guidi1 11_ My estimate of the actually paid {tzklcat is guesswork but probably 3 minimum ` · m¤kha," pp- 415-416. However, his annual Hgure of 30,000 mudd (67,;0¤ kilograms) on average. Pollet and Winter simply say that the (tz/r/tat was one-tenth of the harvest, ~ ’ of grain appears far too high if it was for each village. According to Pollet and WinSociétesonin/cé, p. 69. Lartigue, however ("Notice historique," pp. 89-90), wrote that ‘ ter, the yearly surplus of one man was 100 mudd; Sveiérésanin/té, p. 139. The average its value was rarely an exact one-tenth and implied that the actual amount was negoti- . Gidimaxa villages contained 400 to 600 persons. Colombani may have taken his inated between each village and the Umarian state. A 1931 French document, referring · formation from the village of Sélibabyg where he was based as a colonial administrato the ia/(hn (msaka} still paid to the mnka of Gwey, mentioned that it was “in prin- 1 _ tor, which had 2,145 inhabitants in the late nineteenth century, ANS 1, G 199, Cerele ciPle” 0ne-tenth, but that there were “generous arrangement? between the parties; ` ` de Bakel, role de Yimpot, 1896. In 1847, the Gidimaxa villages were said to Pay an ANS 2. D 4/11 (11), Inspector 0f*Adm. Affairs to Gov. Senegal, No. 119, I3 October equivalent of 70 guinées each (part in guinées, part in cereals) to the Idaw Aish, but 1931. Contemporary ga/r/ra:-type payments (which are land-rent payments rad1er than J we do not know if this was a regular amount of tax, ANS I3 G 165, Ct. Bakel to Gov. taxes) are often symbolic, but this must have been rarely the case in precolonial times . Senegal, 3 May 1847. when traditional authorities were still strong. ;_ 118. ANS 13 G 189, Rapport sur la situation politique . . . , 25 April 1889. These vil111. The Umarians may have demanded at first as much as 100 "of each" (on tra- . A lages had paid the 1889 French tax by the time when this report was written. ditional gift giving in the Senegambia, see Curtin, Ecwmmic Change, p. 188). They _ 119. See Chapter Four. later reduced this to 100, then finally to 80 of each after the Gidimaxa population ` . 110. ANS I3 G 169, Notes laisséesa mon successeur, enclosed in Ct. Bakel to Gov. threatened war; see 13 G 169, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, N0. 193, I2 May 1870; Bul- ‘, - I Senegal, No. 116, 13 ]uly 1865. The Bakel con1ma.ndant proposed in 1864 the building letin agricole et commercial, No. 4, September 1871; No. [4}*], Oct. 1872; ANS I3 G I X of a tower on the north bank, with a garrison of ten men to protect from Beydan raids 171, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 74, 16 November 1871. On the Umarian tax sys- ‘ the Gidimaxa population and “notre commerce qui a une foule d’établissements dans tern, see Commandant de Lartigue, "Notice historique,” pp. 89-101. On the taxation les villages Gu.idimak.has," 13 G 169, 9 ]u1y 136+ system of the aneien régime, see Hincker, Francais dev<2ntl’im_p6`l- , V 121- Yves $Hint—Ma1’tin, L°empire mucouleur et In France.- un demi-siéela dg rgla;1'pn_1 113_ ANS 13 G 191, Cercle de Bakel, Impfit personnel, ISQI (3 b€fi€1‘ 05115115 esti- , Y dQ¤Z¤m¢¢iq14¢S (Zé?46-l6’_93) (Dakar: Université de Dakar, Publications dela Faculté des 1-nate than the underestimated ANS I3 G 189, Rapport du Capitaine Darr, Comman- ` lettres et sciences humaines, 1967), p_ 129 {5 dant le poste de Bakel sur la perception de liimpét p€1'S0n11€l poll! lia-n¤é€ I889, 7 1 122. ANS I3 G 171, Ct. Bakel to Gov Senegal, 1 August187;_ November 1888). .1 ,. 123- ANS I3 G 172, Cercle cle Bakel, Instructions laissées at mon sneeessenr , , , , 114. Cereal price based on figures in ANS 13 G series. ~ n.d. but easily identifiable as an early 1873 document; see also Ct. Bakel to Gov. Sene11;. ANS 1; G 171, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, Z9 February 1871. Bambara taxes in ' gal, A.P. [No.] 6;, 1; May 137} , Gidimaxa, which the Umarians probably continued after bringing them into some " { 124- ANS 13 G 172, Ct.Bake1to Gov. Senegal, 1>[¤1.] A[Eans], Ne, ;1, Z; Decemconformity with Islamic law, were "never collected in mil [sorghum], because of the , 3 ber 1874. diH-ieult transportation of this food product.” Colombani, "Le Guidi1'Il6\ki'13,” P- 414- . K25- The following paragraphs are based on ANS 13 G 17;, and 173_ The Umarians did sell grain eoming from the taxes of jomboxo in Médine; Hanson, . 126- Curtin, Economic C/range, supp., p. 14; Marty, Etudes renégalangr, pP_ 166-171 "Umarian Karta,” pp. 134-135. But villages neighboring Bakel were very much on the , 117. ANS 13 G 173, Proces-verbal du tribunal de 1ere instance de Bakel, n.d. [ca. outskirts of their domain. U : 1875]- MOS! of the families who lost their lands emigrated with Umar, but they apparNorss ro races 85-87 _ ` NOTES ro races 87-89 li 1<8 l c I, acm `I i

ently had local allies and their grievances reportedly played a role in the events of 1873 l 136. Frey, Campagng P my Capgtaine Brossclmd R 1 d j , = · · apport sur a situation ans la YO $75- . vallee du Sénégal en 1886. In ' d M 5 · . _ 128. Bathily asserts that the shots were Bred on the village of Yaafera (“Conquéte,” , V Perialismf P_ 4,8_ surremon e amadcu Lammq quoted m Bathllyv Im" p. 103), whereas a later French administrator asserted they were Bred purposely tweritg · 137. Population figure based on you hl com ....~Fh ANS 13 G 181, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, I2 April 1881; ANS I3 G 173 contains virtu- V Bgure does not include traitants Frencgenhployjgpsfgjfg ipnc Lpepiuses. The Bakel ally no information on the actual events of Briere’s visit, but I believe that the second S about 400 People in [896), I rmlghly estimated Lheiabl b Vd, atge e 1 erte (111 all only assertion (shots Bred over the village) is more probable. The lack of concern evinced ~ one-fourth of the total population Censuses (whi h e- 0 li lfnale Population to be by Governor Briere over the prospect of losing money on taxes paid in guinées in- , ~ have been underestimated by one~third (this was sh wererx € or tax Purposes) may stead of currency and his remark about the purpose of taxation (see immediately 1 N to Gov. Senegal, No. 42 Il September 1 12) in Wligliste LylANS 4 G 132, Ct. Bakel below) indicate that the French did not intend to be harsh. ` l may have been as high is 14,000 person; thhs the Crociiii Q aghidt male P°Pul3U0¤ 129. The tax census of April 1876 (in fact, an estimate, since Soninke chiefs still re- ‘ A been between 9 and II percent Census ieferences·PA1\€S on 0 aptms would have fused to carry out any census) came to 460 francs. Yaafera was to pay 80 francs, and ’ · NOV, 7, ,8887 Rapport du Capitaine Dart Comma ‘d I 13 61189, C€*'¤l€ de Bakel, n the other villages between 60 and 120 francs. ANS I3 G 173, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Sene- _ l cepticn de pimpét Pom, pannée Iggy I; G 191 (2;;; §Ce,;§ flepaliel S"' la P€*‘· gal, Pol. Affairs [No.] 18, 26 April 1876. Bathily mentions that Yaafera’s Bne was four ' 1891; 13 G 199, Cercle de Bakel impbt ersonnbl 3 · e E 7 impor Pee¤¤¤=1. times the amount of the tax; “Conquéte,” p. 103. The ten guinées Bne to the brother of · , Role de l’imp6t, annee 1896; 1 G 310 Rgusgi nenieztgii 13 19% garde d? Bak€1’ the chief of Yaafera is mentioned in ANS 13 G 173, Letter Gov. Senegal to chiefs of E ` économiques sur le cercle de Kayes [i90;] g S (niques, geogmphlques et Gwey, 18 August 1876. This would mean a total of 96 guinées. A total of 85 guinées . * ,38 Abdoulaye Bam Dio S -. . i . . was paid in August 1876, but this did not include tl1e tax of the village of Arundu, ziun zaucculeure E Du/my (Da1;\,..O;; fbimiczu ; uéeggiffifgratlp? (minute mr [”Y””"g"" which had beenpaid amonth earlier. ANS 13 G 173, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. $$7 139. For a comparison with other A0;-QQIO E;n1;;;;:;é1 Mvyeréne vallee. 24 August 1876. Adding the 80 francs (8 guinées) for Arundu, I come to a total figure ' “The Impact of Colonization on Aboriginal Ecgnomies in S; sie seolge. Dilmm of 93 guinées, only slightly belbw 96 guinées. Guinées were then accepted at a value V rezzrdt in Economic Anthmpalogy vol 1 1 78 I 8 te ess °°'°t‘€$» R6of IO francs each (ibid.) in payment of the tax and fines, but they may have been worth X40, See, in Particular, Chgtelain 7 it-ra r F I more. ANS I3 G 173, Gov. Senegal to chiefs of Gwey, 18 August 1876, mentions a , jour-de, Colonic auvergntzze de Paris 7 mp M en farm; and Rmscnprice of 15 francs. I have taken a median figure of 12.5 francs (also the price of guinées ,. 141. Chatelain, Migrunts temporaires en France 8 3 in 1879; see ANS 13 G 175, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, No. 37, Z9 january 1879) as the _ 14;•__ John N_ Andmmedas {The Enduring 6r;l;19;VV·9 9. M d k . ., _ ”V V > 1es0a oernGree Flk actual P¤€€ Of g¤1¤€€$- i F A V ' ` Sub—Culture, in Perestianyg Cvntriiuzimtr to Mediterranean .S`uc1`alngy pp 26 -2 80 13o. ANS I3 G 174, Poste de Bakel, Perception de l impot personnel pourl annee V I [4} Ibid; Compare with the description of- the qsegmemar Stategii h9S 7 4. ..0 1877- Q in Chapter One. y t c Onmke 131. ANS I3 G 173, Ct. Bakel to Govt Senegal, Pol. Affairs [No.] 18, 26 April 1876. , 132. ANS 13 G 173, Gov. Senegal to chiefs of Gwey, 18 August 1876. ‘ 133. Briere de l’Isle, note in the margin of ANS 13 G 175, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Sene- 1 ’ Cha tm, gal, No. 37, Z9 january 1879. The guinée price had been fixed in 1876 by Btiere de Y P 4 l’Isle at Bfteen francs for personal tax collection. (ANS 13 G 173, Gov. Senegal to ' L Bathilx econquéte 1, PP IO$_m7 chiefs of Gwey, 18 August 1876.) ln 1879, according to the commandant, its value was `T _ 2. The record of forced labor for the period is as follo d ,. V ws: zoo men were promise b 12,50 francs. thetunka of Wey in December 1879, but he later evaded his promise. Laborers re); 134, ANSOM Senegal IX, 143, N0. 188, I3 May I8'74· `, · cmlted in GUYS A¤|'\€Xé l‘€fl.lS8d [O gc further than three Bambay ‘]] 135. Frey, Cnmpagne, p. 242. I was tempted at Brst to reject Frey’s account because `* 1 and d€s€,.,ed_ Kammera refused to P1_Ovide,ab0r€rS a more rosy picture of the situation.) However, the French traveler Soleillet in 1878 to ' ·` time in january 1880 (13 G 175 No 63 4 january lfsgg) lags an E or the Second 1879 also noted the greater appearance of wealth of the Somnke villages, which V VV dine on April 7 1880 (13 G 1751 i<>¤f¤¤|’de poste 7A ril tggo) '(Flfrs lem Semfo Me sharply contrasted with sluggish economy of the Fuutanke villages in the middle val- 3 _ completed on 27 April 1880 (I3 G 1751 loumal aé posi Ma Qgg e ai eE$Ph line was ley. (See, e.g., Vqynge, p. 77.) The economic data I have presented above also support ` V of coal, 110 laborers were employed on 1, geptember Ig;) Y 0;.5 or nib unloading . . ~ V. V ,115on1 epte er moon these testimonies. q r I7 September (13 G 175, ]ournal de poste, 15; 16; I7 September 1880). In januafy 1881, NOTES Ti P;§G|ES 89—9i NOTES TO PAGES 9[—94 ` "` " ' F an. 1

Upper Senegal chiefs meeting in Daramanne swore that they would not provide one v in F uuta, ranged between 4 and I4 cubits of guinée (2 to 7 francs), S cubits on average. laborer to the French (T; G 1817 No. 3, :.7 ]anuary 188x). Nevertheless, discussions * Forty laborers had to help ar the "dam" of Muderi (gwey), but the context indicates were carried out in Tiyaabu (capital of Gwey) to obtain 2.0 men to carry telegraph that this must have been an exceptional occurrence. ANS I3 G 188, [letter bypazmn of poles in February 1881 (13 G 181, N0. 13, 7 February 1881). In March 1881, the tunka (unnamed) barge], 16 May 1889. One cubit (0.50 franc) being the standard pay of a lasecretly offered laborers to the commandant for work on the telegraph line (T; G 181, ` ` borer outside Saint-Louis, on the basis of a twelve-hour work day, I4 cubits would Ne 5, 9 March yssy). In April 1881, Goye Indépendam, which had promised 300 la- `_ V have Paid forty persons for four hours and twenty minutes of work, But Some vg}borers, sent 54 “wh0 loitered in Kayes for as little time as p0ssib1e” and returned no J V Iagers were obviously paid above market price. The document mentions that one latheir villages under various Pretexgs ([3 G 181, 1;. April [881, Report CL Bakel to Gov. , bvrer hired to retrieve $€V€1'31 b€lSk€IS of grain that had {allen from the barge nga; Senegal). In May 1881, the cunka refused to provide men for pulling barges (1; G 1881, ` Wawunde (Damga) was paid 1 guinée, or about 12..50 francs! Bulletin commercial, agricola et politique, May 1881). In August 1881, the mnka "gave 3 Stranded barges were apparently quite common in the period of low waters (Feba slight proof of his l0ya1ty” by providing laborers t0 unload a barge in Bakel (1; G é mary through ]une). The cultivation period begins at mid May but the most impor1881. Bulletin commercial, agricole et politique, August TEST). In December 1881, ` tam; agricultural work takes place from july to August. A Kayes political report “Gwey [was] beginning to understand its imerests,” and the commandam was able to ‘ _ blamed work to help stranded barges for rhe high race of navetane migration from send a detachment of laborers headed by a notable from Tiyaabu in the Upper Valley : · Kammera in 190;. (By that time, a special 0fHciaI posted on government barges made (1; G 182, December 1881). In ]une 188;, when a barge ran aground near Golmi T , sure that villagers were paid, but commercial barges were accused of not respecting (Gwey), the European eemmanding ir gave due village the order to send several men ` ¤§1'€€m€¤f$; ANM IE 44, Kayes, yearly pol, report, 19:;;.) However, if the impact Of to help the crew; the village chief replied that the villagers “were not the slaves of the ~ ' Such work had been important, first, it would have caused a permanent migration inwhites” (13 G 182, 2.8 june 1883). I discuss the question of the pulling of barges in note E {_ land of whole families, not a temporary migration 0f young men. (I discuss the issue jbelcw. I of permanent flight migration versus temporary labor migration in Chapter Five.) 3. Agricultural work in the Upper Senegal is mostly dune between mid May and f S This did not occur. Second, it would have caused subsistence crises. Yet in [902 the mid December (Hood land cultivation, in mid September to mid April, is far less im- { ` cereal production of rivex-bank villages was reported as “very superi01·" to the needs portant t0 the local economy than rainy season cultivation). Sec Monique Chasuanet, V of its population and giving rise to “very important [commercial] transactions? (ANS “Les crises de subsistances dans les villages soninké du cercle dc Bakel. Problémes ? I G 310, Renseignemenrs historiques . . . sur le cercle de Kayes, [1902.]. See also ANM méuhodologiques et perspectives de recherches,” Ca/Tier: dZE:m1'zs Af}icaine.v, vo]. 23, v ` IE 44, Kayes, Pol. reports, March, April and july 1900.) Finally, two of the most diffime 89-907 Pp Ig-I9_ Hence, with the exception of the unloading of coal in Seprem- ‘ . wk “d¤ms” (Shoals) were by the villages of Tanbunkaani and jmmdape (Kammm) ber 1880, recruitmems were always done during the slack season. The French were ; but there is no indication that these villages had a higher rate of migration; in {aan; well aware of the agricultural season and the fact that recruiting during this time , there is no indication that they migrated at all. would have adverse effects on agricultural production. (SEG ANS I3 G I7$, N0. 63, 4 `_ ’ y 6· ANS I3 G igi, CL Bakel E0 Gov Senegal, N0. 9, 1 April 188;, The mmpaymem January ;33¤_) , Of livestock and pack 3-\'|iH131S was not mentioned in the letter of egmplaim of the in- v 4. A letter of Commandant-Supérieur Borgnis-Desbordes to the Bakel Comman- ` habitants of Bakel in 1881; ANS 13 G 181, Plaime des habitants de Bakel, 7 November ` dant Laude in TEST reprimanded him for "not always regularly" paying recruited la- _ 1881. The Bakel commandam in 1881 supplied 2.95 donkeys, 30 harnessed horses, and bgrgrs ("/wmme; de mwée"). (ANS T; G 181, Cc. Sup. Borgnis-Desbordcs, Order of y ' 107 ¤X¢¤· ANS I3 G 181, Cr. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, N0. 3, 27 january ;ggI_ This rep29 May sent to Ct. Bakel.) In 1881, Soninke inhabitants of Bakel wrote to complain of · resented a value of about 40,000 francs. See for livestock prices, ANM 1E 60, Pol. Ccmmandant Laude. One of the complaints dealt with Lhe payment of requisitioned " Agr. and Comm. Report, N ioro, 30 August 1892; similar price available for oxen in laborers for the “Upper Valley w0rks." Bakelois wrote that they had been offered; cu- _ ' TSS; (but not surprisingly, higher price for donkeys) in ANS 1; G 185, Bake] Comm. bits of guinée a day (r.5¤ franc) by Ccmmandant-Supérieur Bciléve. They had ac- ‘_ ' report, xs: quarter 1885. eepted only z cubits "by pau·i0tism" but were paid only I cubit by C0mmaf1dB¤I I ‘ 7· FYEY7 C¤m}7¤gn¢, PP- 246-249; also ANS I3 G 181, Ct:. Sup. B0rgni5-Degbgl-des, Laude. ANS I3 G 181, Plainte des habitants de Bakel contre M. Laude, commandzmt l ; Order of 29 May 1881 sent to Ct:. Bake]. _ : de Bakel, 7 November 1881. In fact, 1 cubit (0.50 franc) was the standard pay of la- T _ 8. Even Krumen from the Guinea Coast were recruited. From 1883 to 1884, there \ bm-ers outside Saint-Louis. Later records of payment Of laborers in thé Upper Séllé- V > were from i,20¤ T30 i,7¤0 MOIOCCZH and 900 t0 1,000 indigenous label-ers gmplpygd in ~ gal (see below) show that they were paid x to 2 cubits a day `; 3 Upper Senegal. Documents suggest that the latter were not recruited in the Bakel re;_ An ;889 document mentions rhat it was customary for villagers to help Stranded v g`i0¤ (Th€}’ probably Came from Bambara or Malinke regions between senegal and barges and receive “gifts” in payment:. A list of such payments, given at difficult points ` Niger); ANS 1 B 4;, Ministry gf Mm-ine? Direction des Colonies) Bureau du Haut NOTES TO PAGE 94 ? K NOTES TO PAGE 94 I' am `I 5 V [ 262 ·|

genegal, no rar], 4 September 188;; Service des Travaux du Haut-Fleuve, 110- 1077, i , 1 may 1101 have actually happened, but Soninke laptots were clearly perceived as “p3ggn” Septernber i883; no, 1247, 5 October 1883; Bureau du Haut-Senegal, } November drinkers- Mi=\i€¤im Thompson, COnve1'sation at Queen’s University, Kingston Canada 188;; Service des Travaux du Haut-Senegal, 18 September 1884 (this documentquotes ` ` I4 May 1988. For an archival record of the mélée, ANS K 30, Ct. Sup. ’Borgnis; a letter by Commandant Superior Borgnis—Desbordes pleading against a Senegalese i Desbordes to Gow Senegal, 5 October 1881. government proposal to reduce the number of MOIOCCKHS, arguing Liiaf “$€!‘i0i-is ¥4· Fi'€Y, C¢m}7¤g7ie, P- 249; also 399, 403, 412.; Capitaine Brosselard, Rapport sur ia work” would be impossible without them). The 160 Chinese were skilled workers , , situation dans la vallée du Sénégal en 1886. Insurrection de Mamadou Lamine quoted (masons, etc.); Bathily, “Imperialism," p. 442.. , , in Bathily, “Imperialism,” p. 458. 7 9. Reports came back to Bakel that the donkeys had been sold by the chief of , 15. See Robinson, Haév War nf Umar Tu!. Golmi. In addition, the inhabitants of Golmi feasted on stolen cattle. ANS I3 G 181, ll. 16. Frey, Cizmpagne, pp, sie, 4r4, 43,n_ Ct, Bakel to Ct. Sup., no. 5, 17]anuary 1881; N0. 7, 2i_]31'1'l13I`y 1881; and ANS 13 G 181, i i ` 17. Bathilyg “Mamadou Larnine," p_ 3O_ 1z April 1881. In the last document Commandant Laude complained, “if I had the least ’ I 18. ANM 1E-60, [Ccrcle de Nioro], Bulletin politique et militaire, ]uly 1893. Livesupport, [the chief of Golmi] would be quickly put under lock and key in Bakel." , L stock prices on the market in Niorog ANM 1E 60, Nioro, Pol., agr. and comm. report in "(;eyei-ner Briére de 1’Isle sent [to the tunka] a letter of threats and reprvaeh, , 1 30 August 1892; and (sheep price, also on the market in Nioro, isps), Pelle; and Win; to which he never replied.” Bathily, "Conquéte," p. 106. ; ter, .$`0c1`ézésonin]ré, p. 118. rr_ Daniel Nyambarza, "Le Marabout El Hadj Mamadou Lamine d’apreS les , 19. There were 95,000 inhabitants in Kingi, Kenyareme, and Gidyrirne in rg93_ archives fi-ancaises," Cahim rlfzudes Ajricainas, vol. 9, 110. 33, 1969, pp- 114-145; ANM 1E·60, [Cer¢le de Nioro], Bulletin politique et militaire, ]u]y isn}, There were Humphrey Fisher, "The Early Life and Pilgrimage of al—l—lajj Muhammad al-Amin the 4 ` areund 18,000 inhabitants in both Gweys and Kammera (8,5oo inhabitants in Gwey $Oninke,"_]gumulgf A_f}·i'mn History; vol. 11, 1970, pp. $1-69; Abdoulaye B3ti'lii}G “M3· r I 3,200 ifi Bakel, and 6,700 in Kammera; see ANS I3 G 199, Cercle de Bakel [tax eengus]7 rnadou Lan-iine Drarné et la résistance anti-impérialiste da11S le Hai-1t·$é¤ég¤-l (I88i· 5 _ I894. and I G 310, R€115€ig11eme1ltS histotiques, géographiques et économiques sur le r3g7)," Nm; Ajeemer, no, 1;;, ]anuary 1970, pp. 2.0-32; “Imperialism,” pp- 426-486; 4 5 <>€1‘¢ie de Kayes, [1902]) and around 28,000 inhabitants in Gidimaxa @3,746 in the half ganneh, T/iejek/rmlr, pp. 67-93;!van Hrbek, “The Early Period of Mahmadu I-3111i¤’$ , (if this fegiim Situated in French Soudan, 1 G 510, Renseignernents historiques _ _ _ sur Activities," i11]0l1n Ralph Willis, ed., Studies bz P%estA)$icar1 Islamic Hirtmyg vol. 1, The ’ · le cercle de Kayes, [i9¤;])_ Cglrivqrprr of Alam (London; F, Cass, 1979), pp. 211*2.32; B. Olati-11iji Oi01‘¤1iiim€hii’i, , , 20- ANS 13 G 189 [Ct. Bakel to Ct. Sup.], Rapport sur la situation poliiiq-ue _ _ _ 2, “Mu.hammad Lamine in Franco-Tukulor Relations, 1885-1887," journal nf the Hikzor- ~ _1 April 1889. The village of Bakel in 1890 owned more than 2,000 cows—then equivagm] gvegsn, gf Mgene, vol, 4, 1968, pp. 375-;96. There is interesting information OH ' Q lent t0 80,000 francs (the price of cows was low that year, 4e {ranes—rhe Prige in reg. how the Umar-ians viewed Mamadu Lamin in David Robinson, C/ziefv and Cleric-r-‘ AUM! ] i illar years Was around 100 francs). (ANS I3 G 190, 12. March rang, rgee earde Price in 5,,/my Ke,. .,,.,1 Fm nm, raw;-isa; (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), pp. 14;-148- ` I3 G 190, 17 February 1890.) It is true that Bakel fought on the side of rhe French der- . There is useful oral information on the revolt and repression in jafunu under Umarian — ` ing the rebellion of Mamadu Lamin; they thus kept and actually increased their cattle ~ domination in E. Blanc, “Contributions a l’étude des populations et de l’hist0ire du ”— by participating in the war. But the wealth in cattle for the whole cercle is mentioned l Sahel sendanaisf Buiierin du Camité aIEma’er Htktariquer etScisr119i`q1¢eJ de I U4f‘iq11e Oc- j ,. i¤ I3 G 192 [Ct- Bakel to Ct. Sup.], No. 98, 28 March 18g;. In rene, Beydar, raiders reegdenrele Fi-enpmke, vol. 8,no. 2., 1924, pp. 258-319, see pp. 305-314. An imp0rta11fpfi· . ` P01Te¢iiy stole 80 00Ws from the village of Golmi (Goye Annexe) or 3,zeO francs mary source on the revolt is Frey, Czzmptzgne. Gallieni’s account (Deux cmnpagnerj is , (8,000 francs in regular years). (ANS I3 G 190, Ct. Bakel to Ct. Sup., 28 October considered unreliable for the events of the revolt in Gajaaga and Gidimaxa (which Gal- ` 1890.) See also ANS I3 G 190 [Ct. Bakel to Ct. Sup.], 1 May 1890, mentioning the parlieni did not witness personally) by Hrbek; see discussion of sources in “Early Pe1iod,” { , ` ticularly easy collection of rare pp. 231-231. , 5i 21. ANSOM XIII, gza, [Ministry of] Marine and Colonies, Service des Colonies ` 12.. The tunka lemmu who supported El Haj Umar in 1855 did so for local political ` , zeme. sous-direction, 4eme. Bureau, 2.7 March 1884, Renseignements sur le marché di reasons connected with the civil war between Gwey and Kammera. Bathily, "Impefi- ; i ia g0miTi€, Senegal, [addressed] to MM. Laroche joubert et Cie, in Angonlerne il a1isrn," pp. 41;-42.1. But Islam progressed rapidly in the general population. In 1873, . 1 zz. See Table 4,;, the Balrel eemrnandanr, angered by the "insolence" of Bakel talibes, called for a “syS- J 23. ANS I3 G 190 [Bake1], Comm., agr. and pol. bulletin, January; May- July rgeel tem of secret persecution of marabouts." ANS 13 G 172., Bakel, Instructions générales , ` The expansion of grain production in the Upper Senegal and Niger Valfey that aclaissées a mon successeur . . . [187]]. ' €0mP€i¤i€¤l the F1‘e¤¤h conquest has been noted by Richard Roberts, Warriors, Mer. r3_ This rather extraordinary information about the causes of the 1881 riot was , ¤}1
1;.- ro 15-meter-wide road along the telegraph line, give help to stranded barges, and V , 34. Until 1889, in fact, only family heads paid tax. (The Senegalese law s ec`fl d plammes aigngihe rivgrbank between ]axandappe and Keyes (about z¤ kil<>m€f€1‘S)· L V dm every man and woman between age 6{reen nnd six;y-{iv€ had to a ;x.1 E (ANS I3 G 1377 Qqnveniiqn with Kammera, quoted in Instructions {01 M1- Largeaus V. _ Ch¤PT€¤ Thf€€·) The new policy on tax collection was introduced after anpey E ·’ SEE CL CB1-cle, in Chai-ge of the mission of Kammera.) These were rather heavy <>blig¤· `— ‘ in Kamméfa (in 1889F) (ANS 13 G IQ}, C:. Bake] no C; supéi-iw; NO O TE Em tions, but it is not cei-rain rhar the road was actually cleared. At the ¤0mm3¤d¤¤f'$ O1'- » 1890; if had béén prepared in Bake] already in 1888 ( ANS I3 (; {gg pj in d gu? dei-5, ig; Porters from seven villages in December I887 and 137 porters {FOTKI ¥€Tl L ` f3i¤€ Diff . . . , N0. 783, 7 November y3gg)_ 7 PP u Caplvillages in jannniy iggs carried products to Bakel’s new momhly market (ANS is G 1 j $i— ANS I3 G 191, Cc. Bakel to Cr. Sup., No. ;¤4 rr; August ig9i· I G ,8 [Bak I [877 Report Captain Darr, Ct. Bakel cm the monthly market of D€C€lTlb€Y 1887; and I3 ; V Emi des 1'€C€tt€s, Impét personnel, january Ig9¤_ l l 3 9 e L G Iggy january rggg,) Againv ir is no: certain that the scheme was actually f¤ll0W€d ¤P 1 36- A11 GX Valued 40 francs in guinées suddenly msi 3O francs in cnn-Em · ANS (ir Probably was noi). Moreover, this was not during uhe culcivarion season. There , ` ° G 19o, Cr. Bakel ro Cr. Sup., NO, so, ir February ,8% Y, I3 Wm 3150 recruiunents during rnilirary campaigns. In October 189o, rho rrmka of j V 37. ANS I3 G 19;, Cercle de Bake], impair ,8% Gwey “keenly insisted” on providing I§O men and Goye Armexé provided an addi- ) 38. Data from ANS I3 G series. See the detail in Manchuelle “B21ckgr0und ” A tional 150 men. (ANS I3 G 190, Cn. Bake] to Gov. Senegal, :.8 October 1890.) In May ` penclix. All these figures are more or less incomplete and should 1·;e taken as indi; r` PI894, the brother of the chief of newly conquered Selibabi (Gidlmaxa) was given ; l rather than exact figures. The price of 1 frzmca kilo in 1892. is from ANS 1 G 1 aims ihinsy lashes in reprisals for die village ’s alleged resistance to providing 60 porters K0 , ` and comm. report, March ig94_ 3 9% gl-` can-y supplies to the Pgs; ($éliba.l>y?); zo porters and 20 donkeys Were €V€¤¤1¤U}’ P1'0· · . 39· For Ybé wmplete Senegalese export tigui-es at Lhe pime See J Mavida] L 5 » · Vided_ (ANS i; G igg, Lieutenant commandam les tirailleurs, Sélibaby, 10 Ct- Bakél, ,` _’ g‘¤L wu emrprésent ez son uven1`r(Paris; Diipi-at, iggz) P_ 1693 l 7 E mb ,4 May 139+) Finally, in March ro April 1894, inhabitants of Gidimaxa W€1’€ building ` _ 40- Excellent description of the gum trade credit sylstem in iggg b Bniuaud R a road to Tagan: (north of che region, in the desert), taking turns in teams of 70 men. f du Sendnn, Pp_ 3;.4;__ y ’ Dum (ANS I3 G 202., Ct. Bake] to Gov. Senegal, N0. 37, 29 May 18941) There are lists of 411 For this reason, it would be useful I0 have detailed trade fl res for 18 U names of laborers in I3 G 19; End I3 G 196, but these were probably free l¤b01'€1‘$· { {¢>1‘¤-mately, che Bake} records give complete derailed Hguygs On] E; Ig 93. HThey were Paid fi-Oni 0,50 (iznii) to r franc (1892) a day. Most worked for sb<>rt périvd { 42- ANS I3 G ¥92 [Cr. Bakel ro C:. Sup.], No. 98 rs March ig; ·rh€9§iSeas€( · of time of three to four days. ' V ply described aspen: éovimy destroyed 80 to 85 peroent of the hercle in certain a.re;ml 7.5. ANS 13 G 186, Comm., agr. and pol. bulletin, December 1886. E Senegal. See the speech of the Governor of Senegal at the openin session of rl? 1.6. jacques Méniaud,Lzxpivnniers du Saudan (Paris: Société des publications mod- ` General Council of Senegal in 1892, Senegal, Conseil Général Pniés- VT:r6¤l, Economical, Public Works and Schools Re Oi-; gf th; 31. Gallieni, Deux campagvm, pp. 620-62.5; Kanya-Forsmer, Cnnquesz, pp. 84-173. , " Cercle of Bakel until 31 August 19o0," No. 7I§, 1 September 1900. P 32, jnnmnz qyscgez du Sénégnl, 21 ]une 1888; and Conseil Général, Ge séance, 25 ‘ sc. Riernbau,De Da/(nr nn Mya P_ »/6_ ying iggg_ 4 ’ I l _ SL ANS 1 4/12, Bakel, Mrmographie, Etude sur la formation iiismiiqne et ednof ];Tgn1;;€?§§)9)7g27474 (iggg Budget, journal afczel du Senegd, S1-1ppl€¤’1€¤¥ ` V X/;;{l;sh¢i<§O1;b0W¤€€S qui C0¤Stituent le cercle, par Maubert, aclministrateur-adjoint, i6 * Nowxs TO PAGES 97-98 l Z NOTES TO PAGES 98-14;; I mn 1 ' ·' [ v6-rl

{‘ $;__ 13G nor, Ng_ 1, December 1898, Rapport politique, COImTA€fCl3l €T agriccle; , I. ` French OuY[J0$lC$ UI1d€l` V3g`1'3I\Cy laws, but that “a decision of the governor would in. AN5 Z D 4/12, Bakel, Etude . . . , Maubert, 16 March 1904; 1D 4-9, Bakel, Rappfm de ` ~ dicare Whether fugitives [from states at war with the French] would be accepted in ourYadrninistrateur Gaillardon, tournée eH`ectuée dans le Goye supérieur en février et V settlements where they will be granted their freed0m." ANS I3 G 195, appendix to mars 191 1. _ »; Rapport sur la captivité, Bakel, Desmarets, May 1894. 5;. ANS 1 D 4/11, Bakel, Etude . . . , Maubert, 16 March I904;Rl€l’)1.lJ3'|.'l, De Da/car 3 ` 68. On slave liberations in Gidimaxa, see ANS I3 G 186, Bakel, N0. 117, I7 May au Nigga pp, 78-79. Z 1$86;N¤- 6551 ZT Al-\g'¤$f 1886;13 G 188, Agl'., Comm. and pol. bulletin, April rggg; I3 54. ANS 1 D 4/9, Bakel, Rapport de l’Administrateur-adjoint Gaillardon, tournée ( · G 189, Report on the political situation on lf April 1889; 1; G 190, 18 October 1890. eifectuée dans le Goye supérieur en février et mars IQI 1. These canoe owners partici- , j On the political background of Gidimaxa’s annexation, see Méniaud, Pimmiers du Pnted in the supplying of Kayes and took peanuts on their Way back T20 $3i¤!·L0¤i5- l j Saudanr V0l· I, P- 272; KSHYH-Forstner, Conquest, pp. 134-136, M3-144; gee also Chap55. Régine Van Chi-Bormardel, We de relations au Sénégal (Dakar: l.F.A.N., 1978), . V ` ter 7, pp. 174-;,14, p. 371. , ~ 69. ANS 13 G 190, 18 October 1890. 56. ANS 1 D 4/11, Bakel, Etude . . . , Maubert, 16 March 1904. ` 70. Monteil, “Fin de siecIe," p, 1o;, 57. See the table of exports from French Soudan in Baillaud, Routes du Saudan, p. . _ 71. See David, Ncvémmr, pp. z4.;_7_ 3o_ In 1393, the Nioro region exported 500 tons of gum and its total exports ¤2H1€ K0 2 [ 77-· The other (payment of daily Wages) is surely modern and may be ignored l-.ere_ value of more than a million francs. See table in ibid., p. 36. . 73- P¤11er and Winter, Société svmhicé, pp. 141-14;; see also arrangements between 58. ANM 1E 44, Kayes, Pol. reports, March; April and ]uly 1900. Trade between ,_ nansoka and their employers in Kingi Jawara in Boyer, Unpeuple de [bum rcudanair, Africans (agriculture and artisan products) in the cercle was estimated at 1,500,000 pp. 98-99, francs annually ca. 1901. ANS 1 G 3IO, Renseignements historiques. . . sur le cercle dc Y 74. See Chapter six. Kayes [ea, ron;] . · 7$· B¤yer, Unpeupie de Zbueszsoudamzzk, p. 98. Although published in WB, Beyer-1S 59. ANM 1E 44, Kayes, Pol. report, ]anuary 1910. I compare Soudanese and Niger- ~ work was completed between 1946 and 1951; see p. 17. Note also the description of the ian peanut exports in Chapter Seven. ‘ labor arrangements of young talibe (Koranic school students) in the village of Kun6o_ See in particular ANM 1E 44, Kayes, Pol. report, March 1899; Yearly pol. re- _ gimi i¤ 1938 by Adrian Adams. These laborers cultivated peanuts for sale, had 3 jangi port, 1903. · ~ who housed them and fed them, and generally worked under arrangements reminis61. ANM 1E 44, Kayes, Periodic report for 1891-1893. t . cent of navetanat. Ibm etgem rinjleuw, pn 74.7, 61. The French called “Sahel” regions which are part of tl1e hydrographic system ~ , 76. Kane and Lericollais, “Emigration en pays soninké,” p. 186; Weigel, Migration of rl-le Xoolinbinne, thus of the Senegal River (such as lafunu and Kenyafemé), as `· 1 E¢}¤f'¤¤'¤4¢¢l`¤» iivmmiqué, p. 49; André Guillebaud, "De la brousse aux birlonvillesf Le well as what 1 denned in my introduction as the eastern Soninke region (Kingi, Bam- . Mvmie, 18-21 May 1973; Sreinkamp—Ferrier, "Sept villages," pp, sg, gg-g9_ According unu, Wagadu, Soxolo). — to Dr. Manthia Diawara (from Kingi ]awara), many “Bambara” working in the l 63. See quote from Keyes commandant above. ' Soninke regions of Mali are in fact Malinke from the Kita area; Dr. Manthia Diawara 64. Bakel guinée Hgure; ANS I3 G 193, Bakel, Impot 189;. I do not have contem- `_ personal conversation, Santa Barbara, California, February 1988. 7 porary figures for Kayes, but figures for Kayes around 1900 are very comparable (6.50 l ` 77. Pollet and Winter, Saciézé sanin/ré, p. 144. to 8 francs). ANS 1 G 310, Renseignements historiques, géographiques et " V 78. Roberts, Wuniars, Merc/umm and Slaves, pp. 201-203. Ihave discussed the iméconomiques sur le cercle de Kayes [1901]. The sorghum price {Of Bakelis an 85- .~ ‘ , Pli€¤fi0¤$ of the phenomenon of “immigration in a land of emigratjOn" in timate based on prices for the 18905 from ANS I3 G; see tables in Appendix, " ,` Manchuelle, “The Patriarchal Ideal of Soninke Labor Migrants." Manenuelle, “Bael1ground." Nioro figures; ANM 1E 60, Nicro, Pol., agr. and comm. `, , 79· B¤yer, Uripeuple Je limes: ufiicuin, p. 6;. The jawara also are rent-esenreet in report, 30 August 1891. 5 Sanga (Xaasonke region from which many navetanes came in the twentieth century; 65. Esnmate of yearly commercial production in Pollet and Winter, Saciérésonin/ré, V, see Chapter Six), Kaarta (Bangasi), the cercles of Bafoulabe (Diala) and Buguni, i p. 139. _ F uuta Tooro and Bundu, the cercle of Buguni, and the Gambia. Ibid. Saint-Pere also 66. ANS 13 G 195, Desmarets, Rapport sur la captivité dans le cercle de Bakel, 16 Q _ mentions ]awara in Buli in the Mauritanian Gidimaxa, Sara/rullé du Guidima/c/za, p. 13. i May 1894; Bulletin agricole et commercial, April 1894. · 8¤· P0ll€t ind Winter, Société suninké, passim; see in partieular- PP_ 46.% 67. The policy had a precedent in French administrative practice: Faidherbe’s con- ~ V 81. Pollet and Winter, Société mnz}1/ré, p. 183. fidential circular of I4 November 1857 on indigenous slavery specified that fugitive ,' f 81. As a striking illustration, the Soninke minorities in the region of Kaedi (Maurislaves coming from states that were at peace with the French would be expelled from j 1 tania; Middle Senegal River Valley) classify themselves into Brzalun/ca (those from I L. NOTES TO PAGES 101-103 · NOTES TO PAGES 104-106 [1621 ` ° I 1611 1 it

` Baalu, a village that, according to oral tradition, was destroyed four times; the first lo- , 94. Bathilyg “Imperialism," pp. 33o-331. cation of the village may have been in Kingi; today two villages of that name are lo- if , 9s. The Fofana were one of clans of the original masters of the land of Gajaaga, cated respectively in Gidimaxa and Gajaaga), jtztzliwitm/to (people from jafunu), , but were reduced to slave status by the Bacili at the time of their conquest. Bathiljg Girlirfrmzn/to (people from Gidyume), Karicigan/ca (People from Konciga, perhaps in , ~ Porte: de I bg pp. 1o1-1o3. ]afunu),]¤oxoIin/to (people from jaaxali, an important maraboutic village of old Ga- . 96. ANS K 397 (132) List of emigrants from Bathurst to [the] Congo Per S.s. “Edjaaga, in Karnmera),_/tztzrarika (people from jara, in Kingi jawara), Kara (people from i uard Bohlen," Bathurst,]. Brown, Superintendent of [illegible] [sent to the Senegalese Kaarta). Ousmane Moussa Diagana, Chant.: rradiriarmelr du pay: senin/té (It/Iauritrznie, V _ administration by the French Consul in Bathurst, Gambia], 18 March 1897. Mali, Sénigay (Paris: L'}-Iarmattan, 1990), p. K7. `, 97. Bathily, Parres de liz; p. 334. 83. See Chapter Three. l ‘ 98. Bathilyg Porter de [br, p. 227. 84. See Chapter Three. ` 99. Bathilyg Porter de [br, pp. 19-1o, 85. On the events surrounding the migration to the Congo Free State, see Francois _ ~ 1oo. ]ean Schmitz, December 1991. I am responsible for the interpretations of the Zuccarelli, “Le recrutement de travailleurs sénégalais par l’Etat Indépendant du material suggested below. Congo (1888-1896),” Revuefrangazke dlizlstoire dbutre-met; vol. 4.7, 1960, pp. 47$—4$!. E i 101- A total of 37 migrants in an Overall total of 68 came from this area—from the Zuccarelli consulted only the French archives and thus did not discuss the documents 7 V villages of Dioudé-Diabe, Diaranguel, Diongui, Pete, Mbolo-Birane, Dirimbodia, analyzed below, which are kept in the Senegal Archives. To obtain the full picture of , i Diaba, Baladyi, Orefonde, Asnde-Bala, Ouro-Mollo, [Aniam-]Tiodaye, Barga, the “Laplene affair,” see in addition to ANSOM XIV, 27 and 16 discussed by Zuc- , Tilogne, Goudoude, Dabia, Boki-Diave, Doumga, Sedo, Ndiafane,'Belinabe, Kaedi, carelli; ANS K 31; K 3,97 (131). V ` Silanage, Dondou, Ali-Outi, 86. ANS K 31 [Depositions of laborers engaged by Laplene, addressed to Gov. l 102. Raffenel, Mzyuge, pp. 36-37, 41, $4, Senegal by Delegate of Interior in Dakar], 27 February 1894. , 103. Out of 68 migrants, almost half came from Cuballo and Ceddo villages: 9 87. On navetane migration to Saalum, see David, Navémries, pp. 20-27; and Klein, ` came from Cuballo villages—Ndormbos (1 migrant), (Halaybe), Ndiafane (1) [also a [slam and Imperialism. Professor Klein wrote me that he was struck to note, while re- , Toorodo village] (Booseya), Donclou (1), Ali Ouri (1) (Ngenaar), Diela (4) (Damga); searching on the history of Siin—Saalurn in the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen- _ _ 23 came from Ceddo villages—Ndioum (1) (Toro), Aere-Lao (1) [also a Toorodo and turies, that many migrants to Siin-Saalum appeared to come from well-off regions, 1 ` Fuulbe village], Dioude-Diabe (1) (Laaw), Dirimbodia (1) (Yirlaabe), Kaedi (1), and therefore it appeared that migration was motivated by a search for higher incomes Silanabe (1) [also a Toorodo village], Orefonde (1) [also a Fuulbe village] [Aniamrather than by poverty in the region of origin of the migrants. (Personal correspon— `_ L Barga] (1), Tilogne (1) [also a Toorodo village] (Booseya), Sedo (1) [also a Wolof vildence, September 1985). , lege], Sinriou—Garl>a (11) [also a Denyanke village] (Ngenaar); Barkevi (1) [also a 88. My special thanks to Professor Abdoulaye Bathily for drawing my attention to [ Denyanke village] (Damga). or the thirteen family names identifiable by social class, this crucial fact. Dakar, 1978. , - , Eve are Ceddo. , 89. Bathily, "Imperialism,” pp. 91-91. _ l IO4. The name of one village in the sample reflects this strategic location at a ford; 9o. For information on the social status of villages in Gajaaga (Gwey and Kam- , Dioude-Diabe Quuwde = the ford). It is also interesting to note that the only mention mera), see Chastanet, “Etat soninke du Gajaaga,” Appendix. I of the clan name Kan is for the village of Mbolo-Birane, where the district chief, the 91. The jawara of Tiyaabu are a lineage of shoemakers. They are apparently quite · . Alkati Mboolo, who was chosen among this family, collected dues on river crossing. close to their patrons. Abdoulaye Bathily mentions that his informant Dogo ]awara , IO§. The near-absence of the prominent Toroodo chiefly family the Kan (only one from Tiyaabu in his youth considered the elder Bacili of the village as “his father’s , 7 ` occurrence in Mbolo-Birane, Yirlaabe) is glaring, in contrast with the presence of the equals.” Bathily, Porte.: de Ihr; pp. 7.1-11. , 4 Bacili 1'0y2llS in the $¤1ll11l<e sample. There is, however, one interesting exception. No l 91. ANS 1 D 4/11 (9) [may be reclassified under a different number at the pre- 1 V less than II migrants came from the village of Sintiou-Garba, a village of Koliabe- , sent—Cercle de Bakel Archives], Bakel—affaires des Bathily—Réclamation d’un ., , Denyanke, that is, of remnants of the old Denyanke dynasty and their warrior folgroupe de Bathily de Dakar Samba Diama et consorts et de Samba Kadiata, chef du · L lowers (the Koliabe), who took refuge in Damga after the successful Islamic l Goye Inférieur contre l’assesseur du tribunal Fodé Saloum de Tuabo——Corresp0n- . ‘. revolution of Al>d—al-Qadir in the mid eighteenth century. The Koliabe-Denyanke dance—Rapports—1917-1918. , have historical connections with the Bacili ruling family of Gajaaga, see Bathily, “Im93. Bathily, Porter de [br, pp. 145, 334. Note also in the list, the presence of a ]allo { perialism," p. 330; Adams, Terre etgem d11jZei1w, pp. 48.49. in the village of Yellingara. However, I have no information about the ]allo in this · IO6. Personal conversations and correspondence, 1991. particular village. I I07· lf is lHt€1'€Slll’1g Y0 110te from a comparative point of view that the societies l . = l` NOTES T0 PAGES 106-111 ‘ NOTES TO PAGES 111-114. W [ 170 ] i l 171 l

il rnest traditionally affected by migration in Europe were often ger0ntO€1'¤ti€ 5¤€i€¥l€$ , 3. Paul Marty, "L’Islam en Mauritanie et au Sénégalf Rgvug tin mmm/e mterujmtm, l (tliis was the ease of the Corsican and the Auvergnat, and generally of E-¤1'OP€a¤ if vol. 31, 1915-1916, pp. gzz-;2;;Ezudes surlltlom ou Sénégaf (Paris; Lei-oux, 1917), pp, , mountain societies). 128-119; 12B; Etudes surf}/um ez Zz: zr££u.r du Soudan, vol, 4, pp. ;7-3;, 114, Z39-;_4o. 5 ,Og_ I an-, quoting here {tern the comments made by an anonymous reader 013 One ofthe mostimporrant battles (which was lost by the French) during the revolt of reviuus Version of the resent stud , who based his argument on the arriele by ]O H ` Mamadu Lamin Darame was fought near Kungani, where Mamadu Lamin was based Lanson, "Islam, Migratiiin and the Iglolitical Economy of Meaning: Fargo Nioro from I at the time when the l-testilities began; Bathjlyn "Mtttneeluu Lsniine Drumej P_ 24, J tl-le Senegal River Valley, 1862-1890), journal of Africun Hirmfys vol. 35, ¤O· li [994, A I 4. Pau] M. Lubeck, “Islamic Networks." See also j. S. Hogendorn, "The Origins Pu 37.6¤_ , of the Groundnut Trade in Northern Nigeria,” in Carl K. Eicher and Carl Liedholm, rO9_ john $;tlt and Hugh Clout, eds. Migration in Port-War Eufvpe-‘ G¤0g'*'¤Phi€¤[ . eds., Growth ar1dD2ve/opmentofz/te Nigerian Economy ([East Lansing]; Michigan State l Emo r London; Oxford Universi Press, 1976), p. 163. [ University, i97o), pp, Bo-51, ri/o.· ‘ · ;o,No. 3394, to November t82o_ yy, r$3-i6Z, Michel Agier, "E,trangers, logeurs et patrons. L’lrnpr0VlS3tlO¤ $0€l¤l€ chez j io. ANS 1 B 30 No. 230, 1 April 1882; 6 G 12, 1 March 1885; 1V 49, Z March 1885; les gommercants soudanais de Lomé," Cahiers dftudes Afiwiner, vol. P-1, ¤0· 8¤·83» y ~ 1B 44, 27 February 1886; 1B 55, 16 August 1886; zo August i886; 1844, ; july t887_ ingr, nn ;_,t-r_56, and Gerard Salem, "De la brousse Sénégalaise an B01;’M;¤h&l¢E $Y5· 11. Monteil mission: ANS 3B 99, No. 6, 8 june 189;; "Flotrille du Benin": ANS iB téme commercial rnouride en France," ibid., . 167-288; Paul M- LH €€ i “ 5 amic y. 62, 31 May 1892; 10 july 1890; “Flottille du Niger"; ANS 1B 6;, ez Februar t895 Networks and Urban Capitalism: An lnstancginf ArtiC¤l8tiO¤ f1'0\'¤ NO1”fh€m Nlg€· V \ (Dead from Timbuktu “evems” of 189;); 9 December 1896 Y ,,1 1—ia," ibid., pp. 67-78. `: 12. 1E-44, Kayes, Pol. report, March 1899, `~ 13. Coquery-Vidrovitch, Camoridgu Hzlttogy ofzlfrictz, p. 300. j 14. There were literate Wolof commercial employees in the Congo. interviews, l, Chapter 5 Lasana Ndaw, Marnadu jaaxo. ,`_ 3 15. It was in r894 that Elder Dempster and Woermann, which had been increas-» r_ AN5 K 397 (U2), Delegate Interior du Laurens to Dir. Interior, 2 August ¤896· ingly important in the trade of Lagos, formed the first West African shipping confer- lll ;__ Interviews conducted at the Chambre dc Koungany, Dakar, Senegal, of I-¤$¤¤¤ F ’ ence. Charlotte Leubuscher, T/te PW,v[ Ajtienn Shnyjsing Trade, t9e9.t959 (Leyden; jaaxo (nephew of the Hrst Soninke audi (Moslem judge) of Kinshasa, Zaire), 13 De- A. W Sythoff, 196;), p. 15. ll eernbet rt)79; 14 january 198o; Lasana Ndaw, 17 December 1979; and in Kungani, ' ;` 16. Marty, Etude: :ur[Z·[tzm au Sénégo/, pp. t;8-r;9_ ll senegal, of A1-Hai Mainadu iaaxo, last Soninke audi of Kinshasa and son of Ba Bintu y , ry. Adams, Terre etgem ,{,,j
rr), ANS 13 G 175, Médine, 14 September 1879, N0. 2, Gallieni, Directeur des I i State and French Congo, in which one Bacili is listed as milicien (policemai-i)—a clear Affaires Politiques to Gov Senegal. ` ~ outgrowth of previous occupation as a laptor; journal Ofciel Je l Mfiigue Occidemole eo, Georges Poulet,Le.tMizure1-delblfiigue occirlenzolefriznpaise (Paris: Challamel, 1; ‘ Fruvzycire, 1898, pp. 70; 110. In the 1894 Congo migrant sample, the only migrant 19o4), 1 · (identifiable by last name) who declared he was a laptot was a Bacili. 21. Information given by Professor Samba Traoré of the Université de Saint- " . 30. ANS I3 G 202, Ct. Bakel to chief of cabinet of Gov. Senegal, No. 237, 19 March Louis, Saint-Louis, December r99z. I was unable to obtain a copy of this thesis. 1906. 4;-,, Their presence on the battlefield may have been initially welcome because of 5 i 31. It is worth noting, however, that the French to a degree followed an thymrmql their magical knowledge and expertise. Q V Soninke custom since very old tunkas generally had a chief counselor who had the real 23. There is an irony in the fact that marabouts who had fought ogozhst the French ‘, authority. Pollet and Winter, Société roninlré, pp. 296-297. in the revolt of Mamadu Larnin Darame (e.g., Hasan Tanjigora) later fought fw the — , V 32. ANS 2 G 6/ 3, Senegal to French West Africa, Pol. report, ist quarter 19o6. French as laptots. This fact casts some doubt on explanations of the revolt as antiim- lp E 33. ANS 2 G 6/ 4, Bakel, Monthly political report, April 19o6, perialist. l, 34. ANS 4 G 120, Rapport d’inspection relatif aux cercles du tleuve, 19o9. 24. ANS 9 G-86, Gov. Mauritania to Gov. general FWA, [Telegram], N0. 35. In 1864, European mechanics were replaced by Senegalese, who were orgarn/A1>.cF., i6 May 193; (confidential), Secretary for Gov. general to Administrator VL nized in a Compagnie Indigene des Mécaniciens; see ANF CC; rise, Pieces diver-ses of the eireonrrnptipn of Dakar, [No.] 673 AP/I, 26 May 1933; Gov. general to Gov. 4 concernant les ateliers de la marine a Saint-Louis et le personnel ouvrier qui y est ernMauritania, No. 376 APA, 30 ]une 1933. Y ployé. I have related earlier the 1881 riot between the Soninke personnel of the Navy 25. Fuutanke migrants have a comparable form of organization, called suudu, l f workshops and the Wolof population of Saint-Louis; Chapter Four. which is a Puular equivalent of lrompe. Diop, Société toucouleure et migration, pp. 1 36.ANS 1 B 47, Direction des colonies, 7th Bureau, Haut-Sénégal,No, too, rojuly 155-158; p. 75, note 2. It is interesting to note that the French name c/tomlrrc, or cliom- Q, 1884. lirée, refers to a similar form of migrant organization, which reached its highest point , V 37. Railway mechanics were paid up to 260 to 28o francs a month in 1896; ANS K in the years 18oo to 185o in soumern France, in particular in Provence. The origin of 397 (132), piece 31, Mission report, Administrator Superville to Gov general FWA, 4 the word, according to Maurice Agulhon, was the room Qlramére, or cltomdréy rented ` ’ l August 1896. collectively by migrant laborers. See Maurice Agulhon, "Un probléme d'ethnol0gie 4 38. This importance may have been electoral as well. Some Soninke who had lived historique: les chambrées en Basse-Provence au XIXe siecle," in Maurice Agulhon et ~ a long time in the “F0ur C0mmunes" were French citizens; for example, see “Lettre de al.,Et/mologie et /rzLrtoire:fZvrcesproducziver erproolémer de zrorurition (Paris: Editions so- Boubou Soulé N’Diaye” [a Soninke French citizen], Senegal, Conseil General, cigles, royg), pp, egg-.;6o. A tempting hypothesis is that the Soninke adopted the i pr0cés—verbaux, 4 December 1897, p. IZI; see also ibid., 11 December 189;, p. 49, and French name (an approximative equivalent of lrompy from French Navy sailors at the · journal ojicicl dc l Xfrigue Occirlentole Fronyoire, 1899, p. 358. Later developments (see very beginning of their migration to Senegal’s cities (i.e., Saint-Louis) around 1850. j · = immediately below) suggest that some Bacili in Dakar had contacts with senegal’s On similar associations in mid 19th—century Toulon, then a major naval base in rela- ` ; I urban political class. (One should also note that the 18905 Congo migration was orgation with Senegal, as well as a working-class town and a focus for migrations from the l nizecl by ]ustin Devés, one of the most important Senegalese métis politicians of the Provencal interior, see Maurice Agulhon, Une ville ouvriére ou temps du raciolirme ~ i , time; see Chapter Four.) It is worth noting that 1906 was a high point in the offensive utopigue. Toulon de 1815 ii 1851 (Paris; The Hague: Moutort, 1970). led by Governor Camille Guy against the Senegalese political franchise; see Idowu, 26. See Chapter Seven. " "The Conseil General of Senegal, I879—IQ20,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of 27. Bakeli jabira and Wadi Fili (Gay) Jabira, Kungani, Senegal, I7 August 1982 ' " Ibadan, 1966, pp. 364-36;. (the information was specifically about the chambre of Kungani). J ` 39. See Chapter Seven. 28. See Chapter One. My description of the chambres is based mostly on the well- , . 40. Senegal, Conseil General, Procés-verbaux, 25 ]une 1888. documented organization of contemporary migrant communities in France, since 41. See ANS 2 D 4/21 (12), which is for a later period (1931 to 1932) but gives inthere are no early detailed descriptions of chambres. But early chambres cannot have · sights on the earlier period. · been much elii-`ferent. In Chapter Seven, I describe "village abroad” organizations in ' 42. ANS 2 D 4/21 (2), Reclamation du nommé Aly Bathily rnécanicien au chernin the Congo and Zaire and in France in the interwar period, which were very similar. l V de fer Dakar-Saint-Louis contre Demba Kona de Bakel au sujet de 48o hectares de 29. See “Médailles commémoratives de Yexpédition du Dahomey dép0Sé€S dans V terre en bordure du Heuve Sénégal, Correspondance 1908-1910, les bureaux du Commanclant de la marine au Sénégal et destinées a des marins in- ’ 43. ANS 4 G 120, Rapport d’inspecti0n relatif aux cercles du Heuve, 1909. digénes du Sénégal et dépendances,”foumol Qpiciel du Sénégal, 1894, pp. 95, 105; see 5 i 44. ANS Fonds Sénégal, 2 D 4/ a1 (2). also the lists of unclaimed inheritances of Senegalese who died in the Congo Free ’ ` 45. ANS Fonds Sénégal, 2 D 4/9 c, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, April 29, 1910. NOTES TO PAGES 123-125 I l NOTES TO PAGES 125-126 [ 274] { I I -»-rr `l l

` it 1 ’ El 4G' ANS Fonds Sénégab 7- D 4/7-I (7-)~ OH Sabcurault, see ]0hns¤n,EmerggyLcg’ PPA l 60. Xadi Dararne, son of the last Soninke cadi of Brazzaville, Congo; from 11967, 1365., 147. ,; V '|’u|'¤gi;iga, Kamera; interview, Bamako, 1 September 1982. ‘? 47‘ ANS Fcmds Sénégals 7- D 4/9 C, CY- Bakel I0 Gov Senegal, 29 April ;9m_ ANS1 61. This claim was made to me by a very important figure of Scninke emigration 4 G. U2, N0- 49, B¤k€l, H September 191;. Der-nba Kona had been Sentenced in 19,.,6 ~ 1 In the Congos, whose name I prefer to withhold here. There are two similar examples lllil V F0 Six mvmhs in prison for allegedly slander-ing Samba Suulgyv the cemlys inm.Pme,{· » In the work of Paul Marry; Hasan Tanjigora (Seexu ]c»mo’s scm), who took six years l ` and the °°mma“dam· ANS 2 G/3, $€¤€g¤l, POL Report, 3d and 4th quarter- ;9¤6_ ` Lu go to Mecca around 1900 and lived Eve years in Chad, Dahomey, and the Ivory l 4S' ANS 4 G 13% NO· 49» U S€PK€1'¤b€1‘ 1912. Demba ]ango was named chief Of. Coast on his return, Marty, Etude.; sur [Zrlam uu Sénégal, p. 129; and Yekunda Njaay, dll , GOYE Infréfiéur im is November 191;; Marry, Etude M- [7,]um au ggnggaé P_ I27_ `f .` lgmther uf the important religious leader Ibrahirna Njaay of Somankidi (Gidimaxa), l `; 49. For a description of the indigenous court system in French West Africa, seal · who left for Mecca in 1903 "b¤t stopped tm the way and ended up in C0ng0," Ezudes Raymond Leslie Buell, T/ze Native Problem in Afica, vol. 1 (London; Frank Cass,· iw l%l“”‘ ‘“ S°”d“"> P‘ 3* @65} lst adv €¤¤¤b¤dg¤, Massi Bureau 0f International Research of Harvard Uni. l V 62.. Frangois Renault, L’¤z/mlirian de Fescltzvage uu Sénég¤L llzztixude de Fadminzlr- I versity, 1928), pp. rea;-rom. 1 , [rg,;[pyLf}gy1,€;¤i5e, 1,943.1905 (Paris; Société fr-angaise d‘hist¤ire d’outre—mer; Librairie lll $°‘ Bathlly relates the story Of 3 civil WHY between ]awara and the village Of" V orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1972); Suzanne Miers and Richard Roberts, eds., T he Em! Tiyaabu ¤H· 182¤ to 1828, which resulted in the execution O{ seventy clerics and the `1 pf Slavery in Afica (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988). iw dispersion of the Vill3g€l’S of ]aWara; “Imperialism," PP_ 3O3-3Og_ Events Of this PE_ . 63. Kartya-Forstner, Conquest, esp. pp. 200-201, 228, 249, 272-273, and 115-236- ll ‘l rim? Still {Ed {3muY Vendettas in *947; L D- Bathily, “N0tices," p. 6;. Ihad the feeling, I ` 64. C, W Newbury, “The formation ofthe G0vernment—General of French West I , during ¤¤¥1€1'Vl€W5 in Dakar in 1979 to 1980, that villagers of jawara and Kungani , 5 Africafjcurmzlaf Aficm Hivrqy, V0]- K, I960, pp- U1-17-8· l (Whose main m¤rab¤utic family is traditionally the diem of the Bmw viewed Each ~ 6;. ANS r; G res, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, Pol. Report, 1895. Chaudié had just other with defiance. received instructions from the French Ministry of Colonies to observe the r891 Brus— lk ANS F¤¤dS Sénégal 2 D 4/21 (9), Bakel, Aflaires des Bathily—Ré4;]amat{0n V V sels Convention on t.he slave trade; Martin A. Klein, “Slavery and Emancipation in dyun ETOUPE de Bathily de Dakar$amba Dian-ra em consul-[5 et de samba Kadima Chef ` . French West Africa," Colloquium Paper, History, Culture and Smliety Program, du Gvye Inférieur contre Fassesseut du tribunal Fodé Saloum de Tuabo [_vi;]_ COKE- l1 K W<>0df0W Wilsfm I¤f€m¤Ti°¤a1 Center {OY Scholarsv W“hi“gt°“# D‘C‘· S June [986 l sP0¤da¤¤<*—R3pP0f¤S- 1917-1918. (The letter by Blaise Diagne to the Governor of l` 66. They must have been mrido (sec0nd—generati0n slaves) who Were allowed t0 Senegal is piece N0. 7, 30 ]uly 1918.) See also ANS 2 G 18/25, Monthly reports, Ct. ` ¥F¤V€l· ll Baltel to Gov. senegat, ms. Aammamm Colombani (who strongly gppgsed Samba 3 67. On the involvement ¤f i¤die¢¤<>¤¤ S<>*di¤¤» 13 G *97: CL Bake] t° G°”· Sem ll Kaiata from IQI7 to 19) mentioned to an uiiicial enquiry in rgu. that after his depgy. l gal, N0- 74¤ 7-0 May *8969 NO· *351 K7 June ‘896‘ On the involvement Of Bakel 51av€$1 l wie from the cercle "ses successeurs MM. sainppére at nity SE Som tmp mpusés sm. C _ ANS r; G 198, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, Pol. Report, 1895. l IES chefs du win de difieer le PaY$·” ANS 4 G ¥63, Rapport d’inspecti<m cqmqemam le l · j 68. Myron Echenberg, “Slaves into Soldiers: Social Origins 0f the Tirailleurs cards de Bakelv ·la“uarY *92* l V Sénégalais," in Paul E. Lovejoy, ed., Af}-ican.: in Bandage.- Srudier in Slavery and zhe l SZ- M· C- Diop, “F0ncti0ns et activités des dqhim mOuyid€S_” Z Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986), pp. 311-333. Gidimaxa { $3* Seev e·g·v Michael Bamfm, Wm Afiran Cigl (London: Oxford University . slave owners whose slaves were requisitioned as porters in 1894 complained that these ` Press, l9$7). { E were not returned. ANS 1; G 19;, Ct. Bakel to Gov. Senegal, March 1894. $4. Roberts mentions that participants in Marka caravans were usually kinsmert and l ` 69· ANS *3 G ¥97§ Denise B¤¤¤h¢ has related the Whole €Pi$0d€ in Le-V *’iU¤g€5 de close friends from the same town; Roberts, tm-rim, Mmiwm M4 51,,%; p_ 6+ ,4 ` liberzé en Afrique ¤¤if¢F¤¤§¤i»‘¢» 1887*191 ° (pam M°““”`*= ‘968)» PP· 94‘96· S7' POHH and Winter: Sociéésunbijiéj P· 118- » l 70. Richard Roberts and Martin Klein, “The Banamba Slave Exodus of 1905 and 56. See one such example in Bathily, “Imperialism," pp. 230-131, ;•.z8—;.;g. l the Decline of Slavery in the Western Sudan,” journal af Aficzm Hismry, vol. 21, l $7. Ibid., pp. 2;;-;;;. ‘ 1930, pp, 37;-94; Klein, "Slavery and Emancipation? S8· Diop, Société zaucauleure er mzgrazian, PP, ;;-;6; 49.;O_ ' L 7;_ ANM 1];.44, Kayes. ANS z. G-xo, Senegal, Pol. report, rst quarter 1908; 4 G 117 $9. On the curious relationship between marabouts and royals (Bacili) in eigh- 1 x ‘ **4 REPPOM d,l“sPe°ti°“ Ccmcemamle °°'°le ds Bakel V l teenth—cer1tury Gajaaga, see Curtin, Economic Change, pp. 7z—-74, and references ` 72- ANM ‘E'6‘» Mom- l q¤¤¤€d in Mies; useful information also on occasional army] Ccngim between Y t 7;. These {aud shortages did not bring famine, except perhaps in the eastern marabout and Bacili villages in “Chr0n0l0gical outline of Gajaaga (Galarn or Gadi- r . Scninke region (where most of the dead appear to have been fugitive slaves on the aga)," ibid., supplement, pp. 10-21. I . road, who apparently had not brought enough food with them). ANS 2. G 4 G 117 I4, `1l `-l NOTES TO PAGES 12.7-130 p I NOTES TO PAGES 130-131 r we 1 I 27*/l l

1 2 {l Rapport cl’inspection du cercle de Bakel passée du 5 au ro Aorit r908; ANM rE.4,,, Q _ post-emancipation observation that slaves in Gidimaxa (excluding those in freedmen i; Kayes, Rapport de l’Administrateur—adjoint Dubosq a M. l’Administrateur Comman- . villages) were “very numerous." The observation agrees more with a pre-ernancipa- , dant le cercle de Kayes, sur la tournée edectuée dans le Guidimakha, du IO Avril au 21 , tion proportion of 50 percent, which would leave a post-emancipation remainder of 38 Mai 1907; 1E-61, Nioro, Yearly Report 1908. On the Marka, Roberts, Warriors, Mer- ~ to 4I percent of slaves in the total population. French reports indicating that Gidimaxa [ c/rants and Slaves, p. r84. Similar climatic conditions prevailed at the time in the West ` , had a more intense agricultural activity than Gajaaga (see Chapters Two and Three), African "Sahel"; Nicholson, "Method0logy of Historical Climate Reconstruction? V g as well as reports that slaves were more harshly treated in Gidimaxa (Monteil, "Fin de 74. Pollet and Winter, Sociétésoninké, pp. 127, 371, and 5;,9, I siécle,” p. 114), suggest that Gidimaxa had more slaves than Gajaaga. , 75. There is no evidence that the Marka slave exodus was followed by the migra- . i 86. Roberts, Warriors, Merelrrznrs ond Slaves, p. 192. From the estimates given by tion of Marka slave owners. J ` Roberts, it would seem that the population of Beledugu was far inferior to that of the 76. Pollet and Winter seem to contradict themselves when they show that there are _ [ cercles of Kayes and Nioro; see ibid., pp. [IQ-IZO. [ many descendents of slaves in jafunu today and that many continue to work for their ¤ [ 87. Maurice Delafosse, “Mon0graphie du cercle de Bamako," Renseignernenzs colo- [ masters. Sociétésanin/cé, pp. 256H`. ~ niaux. Afrique frarryatse, 1910, p. 67 (population figure for the cercle p. 58). See also , 77. ANM 1E-44, Cercle de Kayes, Rapport de l’adminis1rateur adjoint Duboscq, a ` `N Roberts, Warriors, Merchants and Slaves, p. zoo. ~‘ M. l’administrateur commandant le cercle de Kayes, sur la tournée effectuée dans la i j 88. ANM 1E—44, Kayes, March 1909. province du Guidimakha du IO avril au 21 mai 1907; and periodic reports, March; I 89. ANM IE—6I, Rapport sur la politique générale, 1910. { April 1908. . Y, 90. Adams, Yerre ezgens dnfleuve, pp. 69-71; Meillassoux, “Etat et condition des l 78. Population figure: ANS 1 G 310, Renseignements historiques, géographiques et , Q . esclaves.” V économiques sur le cercle de Kayes [ca. 190;.]. , 91. Quote from the archival file on the Banamba incidents kept at the Institut des , [ 79. ANM 1E-61, Nioro, yearly report l908. 3 Sciences I-{umaines in Bamako, Mali, in Pollet and Wi11ter, Société soninlcé, p. 254. 80. Commandant de Lartigue, "Notice géographique sur le Sahel," LZ4)9iyue 1 i 92. ANM rE-44, Ct. Kayes to Gov. Soudan, May r909. fanpaise, renretgnemenrr eoloniawq, 5, 1898, p. 123. _ · 93. ANM 1E-44, Ct. Kayes to Gov. Soudan, May 1909. ,, 81. ANM 1E-61, Cercle de Nioro, Commissaire des Affaires indigénes Passant a M, P 94. Pollet and Winter, Société soninlcé, p. 246. [ Fadministrateur commandant le cercle de Nioro, 20 April 1909. See references on i 95- ANM IE-44, Cf- Kayes K0 GOV- F1'€¤€h $0¤d¤¤. 4th quaftef 1908- [ Soninke slave populations in Chapter One. ,, ,1 96. ANS 13 G zoo, Bakel, Copie du registre des réclamations pour le mois de No- ` g 82. Richard Roberts, “The End of Slavery in the French Soudan, r9o4-r9r4," in 5 — vembre IEQ7. Suzanne Miers and Richard Roberts, eds., The Endof Slavery/in Ajiire (Madison; Uni- 97. ANM rE»6r, Nioro, Rapport sur la politique générale, 1910. [ , versity of Wisconsin Press, r988), p. 291. The number of runaways from the town of I V 98. Richard Roberts, “End of Slavery in French Soudan,” pp. 290-2Ql. [ Gumbu (as opposed to the cercle, which counted many non-Soninke areas) may have ‘ . yi 99. Colombani, "Guidimakha," p. 412 (Colombani’s text was published in 1931, _ been higher. Meillassoux quotes a French report (probably r894) estimating slaves to ` J but it was written some time after 1910; see p. 430). , be 50 percent of the population of Gumbu. In the 1960s, their descendents were Z; ·, , 100. Saint-Pere, Saralrolli du Guitlimalchtz, pp. 182-183. l,` percent of the population. Meillassoux, “Etat et condition des esclaves,” pp. 2;;, ;46_ lv `, 101. Boyer, Unpeuple de l’0uest soudczrmir, p. 98. , , 83. Colombani, “Guidimakha," p. 41z. _ ~ 102. Pollet and Winter, Sociézésoninké, p. 257. ` , 84. Saint—Pere, Sara/mllé eln Guialirnalt/ta, p. 19. ~ il r03. Ibid., pp. 323-324. l 85. To obtain the pre—emancipation population, one must add to the post-ei-nanei» Y . ‘ 104. Weigel, Migration et production domestique, pp. 75-77, 6&67. [ pation figure of 15,000, the 2,000 to 3,000 slaves who departed, and the "severa1 hun. V 105. Boyer, Unpeuple de lbnest sondanrzis, pp. 73-74. [ dred” who went to freed-slave villages (let us say 500). The total popularion of r7,5n¤ _ , 106. I. D. Bathily, “Notices," pp. 86-87. to 18,500 is divided by two, to give a pre-emancipation slave population of 8,7fO to ` , 107. Xadi Darame, Bamako, September 1982. if 9,250. . i ;i 108. Weigel, Migration etprodaction domeszigue, pp. 75-76. l, We could also suppose that slaves were one-third of the population as in Gajaaga. , 109. Pollet and Winter, Sociétésonin/re, pp. 257-258. I , The pre-emancipation slave population would have been 5,833 to 6,166 and the per- s 110. Ibid., pp. 256-257. ` centage of those who departed from the cercle or went to freed-slave villages would . , Ul. Ibid., p. 257. Z; have been 42 to 56 percent, leaving only 2,666 to 3,333 slaves, r8 to 22 percent of the Y itz. Ibid., p. 258. il Soninke population of the cercle. This, however, does not agree with Colombanfs t 113. Compare in particular Boyer, Une suciézé de limes: wudamzzk, pp. 98 and 74. 1A Nores TO PAGE 132 NOTES TO PAGES 132-138 [ 278 l 3 [ 279 l

114. Pollet and Winter, Société ranirtlté, pp. 256-257, l` i neighboring region of Nioro, conversely, had been numerous for the period preced115. ibid., pp. 25@257. . i ing the First World War. I have emphasized the mention of Gumbu migrants in Nioro, 116. Ibid., p. 255. I am grateful to Martin Klein for drawing my attention to this im- which indicates that migrants probably first sought employment in Nioro before being l portant point. " made aware of opportunities further afield in Senegal and the Gambia. In the cercle of 4 117, See Chapter One. 1 Nioro itself, the districts from which most migrants came at the beginning of the cen118. Pollet and Winter, Société senin/ré, p. 254 note (testimony of Marko slave · rury were ehe soninkeopeaking districts of Kenyareme and Kingilawara, which were ‘, quoted above). >¤ introduced to navetanat probably as a result of their migration to Gidimaxa in i 119. On Marka slavery and emancipation, see Roberts and Klein, “Banamba Slave rgnzaigoy (see chapter Three). see ANM IE-61, Cercle de Nioro, Rappott annuel Ex0dus”; Roberts, Warriors, Merchants and 5`laver; “End of Slavery in French ` I pour 1912 [dated 1<)l3]. .,4 S¤udan"; MacDougall, "Ijil Salt Industryg" pp. 263-3o9. we For n reassessrnent of Pollet and Winter on this point, see Weigel, Migration et i` 120. David, Nczvérancs, pp. 123-124; 34. " , production tlarrtestique, pp, 44-48. 121. Ibid., p, 123. i 1 136. ANS 13 G zoo, Bakel, Copie du journal de cercle, 6 February 1897; ANM 1E- 1 122. ANM 1E-61, Nioro, Annual reports, 1911, 1912, 1913. 1 · 61, Nioro, Yearly report, 1911; and Chapter Six. 123. Paul Edward Pheffer, “Railroads and Aspects of Social Change in Senegal, ' 137, E:¢m0m1`cHi.vmgg p. 225. i I8787I9}],” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 197;, p. 238. _ V Us 1, Sghapera, Migrant Laéaur and Tribal Lnéé (London: Oxford University 124. Soninke migration to Casamance emerged in the middle of the nineteenth = i press, I947), ], Clyde Mitchell, "Causes of Labour Migrations? See also Margaret century. See Chapter Two. — Read, "Migrant Labour in Africa and Its Effects on Tribal Life," [mern¤t1`m1alLtzbuur 125. Pheffer, Railroads, p, 257. ’ Review, vol, 4;, no, 6, june 1942, pp. 6o5-631, P, H. Gulliver, “Nyakusa Labour Mi126. Pheffer, “Railr0ads," p. 285, note 84; Klein, Alam aytdlmperialiirm. Q j grarigr-i,” R}ioi{g,r—Lt'vings·z0nejourmzl, vol. 21, 1957, pp. 32-63; A. W Southall, “P0p¤127. Pélissier, Ptzystzns du Sénégtzl, pp. 2o5—2o6. , ii lation Movements in East Africa," in R. Mansell Prothero and Kenneth Michael 128. David,N¤zt/ézanes, p. 453. Qn the peanut trade at Nizining, Klein, Irlnm nm! Im- · e Barbour, Entayr on African Population (New York: Praeger, IQGK), pp. IS77I97-Q J. perlulirm, p. 115. _ ' Clyde Mirehell, "V NOTES T0 PAGES 143*48 ll [ 280] [Z8! l l

1. lh-. V , . till, few Case Studies of forced labor in French West Airgea, Dennis CO,-dau and Joel W » 1 24, ANM rE-19, Adm. Kayes to Gov. Soudan, Pol- report, luly 1929; xd qu=u1€1 ll l ‘ Gregor); “Labour Reservoirs and Populations: French Colonial Strategies in ll I9}2- ll Koudougou, Upper Volta, 1914 to 1939,”]ournol of African Hiram); vol. 2;, 1982, pp. A 25. ANM 1E-36, Adm. Nioro to Gow Soudan, gd quarter 1927. 3,;-5Suj-1l>}’ T<>;1ré, “Le refus du travail forcé au Sénégal Oriental? C,,;d,,_, V ,6, ANM rE-36, Adm. Nioro to Gov. Soudan, ist quarter 1928. 1lI4l4l Africa Jang fazfseio ,,;,1, fl; 93, IQS4, pp. 25-28; also on another area of French Q 27- ANM IE-36, Adm. Niorc *0 G°V· Soudarh 3d· qumer ’9’·9· Camegocns ,V}0um};Z,;f Af? 0;, E¢¤¤01‘;1y and French Colonial Rule in Cem,-al t A 28. ANM rE-r9,Adm. Kayes to Gov. Soudan, rst quarter l9§4- , 7, Therevwas an im Onanidgx Utomlvpl . 19, 1978, pp. g7·7.$97_ , ‘ ;_9_ IE-19, Adm. Kayes to Gov. Soudan, IO October 193;. ll ,; G b _ IA I P, CEPUOH- T 6 lV01'y COBStafter 1908 under Governor V . go. Philippe David mentions that some second-contingent, laborers Were 11€- 4, ,a ne ngou vang which Presaged the forced labof P0l1¤y of the 19205. On the pe- _ cruited "quite late" (19;os?) to work as stokers on the Dakar-Niger railway. David, 1; nod after IQOI, see Nlanchuelle, “Forced Labor in French West Airieaw 1 Ncvémner, p. 118- , 6 8. gee Bpell, Ntztwe Proolem, vol. 2, p. 27; Senegal, Conseil Colonial, Pracé:—1»er- , 31. Marc Michel, Llzppel d lkljiiyue. Contributions et réactzbnr at Fefbrt de guerre en aux es `lwmm October W2} PP' 4*735 and $€$$l°¤ €Xl1'¤01'dinaire, November i _ A. OJZ {1914-1913) (Paris: Université de Paris l—Panthéon Sorbonne, Institut d’l·1is— Vlal ,l 1916r PP· $6-67; also Touré, “Refus du travail forcé au sehegal Orgema]_·· togre des relations internationales contempcraines, 1982), p. 481,8;;,1 vjlxpssed the mairter in "liorced Ljabor in French west Africa, 3;, With transportation ro and from the working premises, however, the time spent ,, V ,V F94, 1f I E P1`€Pal·'mg 3 ¤ll€l' V€1'Sl0n,Of this presentation {gy later public- V _ away from the 1aborers’ villages was greater. Fall believes it tO have lD€€1’l l>€¥W€€11 ‘ mn` _ Or m Ormauon m support of the eXPlnnaU°n PT€$€1l¢€d here, See the memoirs of - ‘ twenty-five and thirty days, but this seems unlikely for laborers recruited in the cercle ` colonial governor Louis Sann:1arco,Le colonirazeur colontké (Paris: Favre, 1983). C of Kayes, who could come to Kayes in one or two days by boat. Fall, “Une entrero. See, e.g., Gabriel Angoulvant, “L’Afrique occidentale frangaise,” Le monde l l prise,” p. 340. l Colonia! lllmzré no' $’ Febmw ‘9’4> P· 98· 1 3;. The unloading of ships in Kayes lasted three months. Thus there were six sucIL SEE AngOulVam’$ plan {Of Il'1€ Senegalese peanut economy, David, Ndvgldnesj V Cessive shifts; 909 +6 Z rio laborers per Shift. Tl'1€ l131’V€S¥ll'lg lil ]3X3l'lCl¤PP€ lasted ll lll P· 44- , t i four months, thus eigth shifts: IZ$ laborers per shift. I `l Yi 12. Babacar Fall, ‘Une entreprise agricole privée au Soudan francais: la Société .. 3+ In “}’·’·¤ Ordinary labnmts were Paid beginning wages Of 3‘$° francs 3 dev in lll ;;;:Z;;;,$E;d°u;KeS ds D’akandnP€ (Keyes), 1919··1942,” in Catherine Coquery- E ’ Dakar, and 3 francs in Saint-Louis. That same year, the labor tax (prestations) was re- V, l (Pa I . UH: ·i ”m’P”·Y€-Y U €Vl¢f¢pf67l6w‘.r en Afhgue tru X[Xe er XX; Jigdg, VOL I V · deemed at the rate of 2 francs a day in Bakel. Sénégal, C01’1S€il C0l011l¤.l, Session GMU- il` ns` al-mam’n’ ‘983)’ PP' 33l`}7°· ` ; nnire, November 1922, 4 November 1922, p. 80; 24 November 1922, p. 49. l I} ANM IE`19= Keyes- T€l€E“m‘lE“€¤', Maw}! 1921- 1 . 3;. Fall, "Une entreprise," p. 342; laborers were also physically abused, and ex- l 14. ANM 1E-19, Administrator Kayes to Goin French Soudan, Pol, report, gd qual-- , i ploited, ibid, PP- 342-344- l ter IQZ4. ” . ; 35_ pheffer, "Railr-oads and Social Change,” pp. 248-25015- ANM 1E—19, Kayes, telegram-letter, No, ery, 2 February ,92, , , ,7. Fall, “Une entreprise,” p. 341. 1 I6- ANM ¥E·i9, Adm. Kayes to Gov. Soudan, 4th quarter ;9;_,_ , . 3g_ Jeart Sure;-Canale, French Colonialism in Tropical Affifd, 1900-1.945 (New 17· 1l8—19, Adm. Kayes tc Gov. Soudan, Pol. report, go September r926_ i York: Pica Press, 1971), p. 222le 1;;, lpisggjicnes Culiiyirom le coton parce que j’ai tioriné llgrdrg dum fm-E, mais VV , 39. Pellet and Winter, Société scninké, P. 99KaP q G nsemence e sera par crainte de represai_lle5_” ANM ,];-,9, Adm ; 4o, saint-Pere, Scnzkollé du Guidimak/tn, p. 33. yes to om Soudan, 2d quarter 1927. ` 41. ANM 1E-36, Oiiicial telegram, 2 May 1931; see also Suret-Canale, French Colo19. ANM 1E-36, Adm. Nioro to Gov. French Soudan, Rapport politique, ed qnar- Z ninlifm, P· 122tel. I923; md Mh Fpjlaner 192} The recruinnenl fer Jaxandappé appears to have been , 42. Responding to Duranthon’s pleas in 1921, Governor Olivier of French Soudan SE1 ¤f,1¤<> men origmallig but most of the men recruited eseeped, and {Our Successive . 2 identified one of these eercles, by indicating that he would no longer require Ni<>1¤’S recruitments had to be made, only to end up with the same results. ' Q participation in supplying Nema (a desert cercle, today in Mauritania). ANM 1E—36, (0n;‘;·;;gl {E36, Adm- Nl01‘0 t0 Gov. Soudan, Pol. report, rst and ld qua,-ter ,92, 4 V . No, A. 19;, 9 May 1921, Gov. Soudan t0 Adm. Nl0f¤- l · _ - { 43, ANM, rE-6r, Adm. Nioro to Gov. Soudan, Pol. report, 3d quarter I920· ZL ANM !E_36’ NlOm’ Y€llm¤¤¤» SEPt°mb€’ 197-4- I 44. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, Tour report No. 35, Duranthon, 6 February 1921. . ZL ANM IE-36’ Nl°r°’ ld quarter “)’·6· , l 45. Governor Olivier or one of his aides underlined this last sentence and wrote in ,1 Z3` ANM IE`36’ Nmmt NO' 37v nl March I927· ` i the margin an indignant: "This is untrue." ll .l NOTES T0 PAGEs148-15o ` ` NOTES TO PAGES I$O—I$3 [ 282 l ·1 1 [ 283 ]

..l 46. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 2d quarter 1921. , December 1922. It is not easy to obtain local prices for livestock at this precise time. l , 47. Unfit men were presented, and it was necessary to threaten people with jail My estimates are based on the following: ANM 1E-19, Delegate Kayes to Gov. terms in Kenyareme, Kingi ]awara, and Masasi and to send the gtzrder rercle (local po- [ l Soudan, No. 922, 28 May 1924 [cow 200-400 francs; horse 700-2,000 francs; donkey lice force) to the Fuulbe and local Fuutanke. { I 250-350 francs; sheep 20-35 francs; goat 20-35 francs]; 1E-36, Nioro, Pol. report, 1st ` l Wl 48. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 1st quarter 1921. i ~ quarter 1924 [cow 2oo francs; pack ox 350 francs; donkey Q10 francs; sheep 25, 50, and Q ~j` 49. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 2d quarter 1921. ` . 7f francs]; Saint-Pere, Sarakholé: du Guidima/rlia, p. 51 [horse 700 francs in Gidimaxa, [ ` 50. See ANM rE-36, Adm. Nioro to Gov. Soudan, 2d quarter 1921; and 4th quarter j_ , 1,500 to 2,000 francs in the Gambia; donkey 100 francs in Gidimaxa, 300, 350, and 400 li ‘92I· 5 ‘ or even 500 francs in the Gambia—these prices are ca. 1923.] ,* 51. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 2d quarter 1921. lz ` 65. The French pai-liamentarian Henri Cosnier, who traveled in French West 52. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 3d quarter 1921; see also 2d quarter 1921. Ls Africa on an economic mission after the war, estimated on the basis of a 1912 census , = 53. ANM 1E-36, Adm. Nioro to Gom Soudan, 4th quarter 1921. I , the annual proportion of cattle available for sale in Senegal at one birth per two fe- il Y 54. We shall see that Duranthon, though transferred from his post in 1922, came . 1 males, of which two-thirds would survive and half would be males salable for meat, l il _ back to Nioro in 1932 in charge of one of the most important oHicial missions in the ” that is, about 8 percent. Henri Cosnier, L’Ouest ajhrainjianyazlr (Paris: Latose, 1921), [ I i history of labor migration in French West Africa. See Chapter Seven. On Olivier-’s in- '_ ~ pp. 100-107. Samir Amin, however (who worked in the administration of Mali, the i ~ terest in forced labor, see Marcel Olivier, Six am de palitigue sotiale d Madagarcag 9 former French Soudan), estimates that the growth rate in the French Soudan prior to I ~ book prefaced by Albert Sarraut (Paris: Grasset, 1931); biography of Olivier in "l · the 1930s was 4 percent for bovines and 20 percent for sheep and goats, Amin, Trois ` Hammer et deszim, vol. 3. Y vi experience.: afieainer de développement.- le Mali, la Guinée et le Ghana (Paris: P.U.F., 55. See Francois Caron, An Economic Hiktozy of Modern Fmnce (New York; Co- ‘, , 1965), p. 26. Samir Amin’s more conservative estimates for cattle have been preferred lumbia University Press, 1979), p. 249. After the devaluation of the franc, direct taxa- ` here. I have no figures for horses, but I assumed a natural growth similar to that of cattion in metropolitan France also tripled in nominal value between 1920 and 1925; ibid., —1 _ tle. At the time when I wrote this chapter, I had not yet read the reference work by p. 251. Q ‘ _ ° Gudrun Dahl and Anders Hjort, Having Heads: Pastoral Herd Growth andHou.re}1oltz' 56.kMa[,cl1el,.4ppel E l ]4f}ig]:1e, ppa,l?42-443. Another inconsistency was Duranthon’s `_ Economy (Stockholm: Department of Social Anthropology, University of Stockholm, remar out a “genera flig t 0 youth" taking place during the dry rearon, at the ~ ? 1976). These authors quote various sources giving a proportion available for slaughtime of labor recruitment, while in the same report he mentioned that departures to- ir 1 ter of 8 percent for cattle (p. 168) and 20 to 30 percent for sheep and goats (p. IOS). ward Senegal took place every year in September (the rains stop by September or Oc- " _ V 66. In 1921, the total direct tax (nomads and sedentaries) amounted then to 860,000 tober, but humid conditions persist until December or january), ANM 1E-61, Nioro, ; francs. See ANM 1E-36, Nioro, Rapport politique, 3d quarter 1921. In 1924, nomads 3d quarter 1920. 1 . paid a ga/rlrat, or cattle tax, of 134,265 francs. There is thus a slight discrepancy be57. ANM 1E-60, Nioro, Pol. and military report, ]uly 1893. · V tween the 1921 and 1924 figures (134,265 + 677,000 = 811,265), which is probably due 58. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, Yearly report, 1922, No. 22, 30 December 1922. These , V to the fact that the 1921 figures also included the tax levied on itinerant traders, the figures are for sedentary populations only. [ · patent:. 59. Ibid. l 67. Baillaud gives yearly sales 1'igures for the three markets of Nioro, Kerane, and 60. Even accounting foraloss of 80 to 85 percent during the bovine plague of 1892, _ Tambakara, all located in the cercle of Nioro, amounting to a total of 97,060 kilothere would have been only 15,000 to 20,000 cows in the region prior to the plague. _ ‘ grams of loose salt and 35,101 bars of salt; Routes du Soudan, p. 36. These bars were 61. Thus creating the severe problems of overgrazing, which are in part responsi- ~ V probably Ijil bars of 25 kilograms (see Curtin, Economzc Change, pp. 225-226.) The ble for the present desertification of Mauritania. Charles Toupet,La sédentanlratibn der E ` total would be 974,585 kilograms. Salt sold in 1925 in Kayes for 0.60 francs a kilogram. nomatier en Mauritcnie centrale saltéliertne (Lille: Atelier de reproduction des theses, (ANM 1E-19, Delegate Kayes to Gov. Soudan, No. 1247, 24 july 1925.) The total 1977), passim. · ; ” value would be 584,751 francs. 62. Pollet and Winter, 5`aciétésaninké, p. IZ4; Boyer, Unpeuple de l buert ajiitain, p. _;_ 68. This should not be seen as an exaggeration: official trade figures were always _ 97 (includes iigures); ANM IE-61, Annual report 1913. See also Saint-Pere, Samftollé f s _ underestimated. Moreover, Pollet and Winter give a 1896 French estimate of 1,354,303 du Gaitlimaklta, pp. 38, 51. . francs for salt imported in the Soudan by way of the "Sahel" region (Nioro and Nara) 63. ANM 1E-19, Delegate Kayes to Governor French Soudan, Télégramme-lettre, 5 for a total of 2,320,760 francs for the whole of the French Soudan, corresponding to 3 N0. 922, 28 May 1924; and 1E-36, Rapport politique, ISE quarter 1924, reporting about _ million ltilograms—tl:1us the "Sahel” region imported I,7$O,6SO.$ kilograms or at the the "wo1risome” high local price of cattle in Nioro. , 1925 Kayes price, 1,050,408.; francs, See Société roninké, p. 117. 64. Livestock figures from ANM, 1E-36, Nioro, Rapport Annuel 1922, No. 22, 30 `, 5 69. ANS 13G 201, No. 1, December 1898, Rapport politique, commercial et agriE NOTES TO PAGES 153-156 " NOTES TO PAGES 156-157 [ 284 l [ 285 l

1 ll , . ll ¤¤l¢; ANS 2D 4-12. Maubert, 1904; ANS 2D 4-9, Bakel. Rappon cle ledminlstrateur ~ ‘ et la caisse de la Boulangerie de Paris,” Revue Hirmriguz, no. 112, october-December i sl 1 Gaillardon, tournée eliectuée dans le Goye supérieur en fevrier et mars 1912; Saint- { l 1934, PP_ 97,.491 Ml l Pere, Sarakollé du Guidima/cha, p. 51; reports for all regions regularly mention dry- V 77. Monique Chastanet reports that the 1913 to IQI5 crisis was called Baanidulle by , j ll season migrations of itinerant traders. . , Gajaaga Soninke, after the name of the boat (Barry that brought food relief to the l 1,] 1, 7o. Hopkins, Economic History pp. 250-251; also Richard Roberts, "Women’s , · a1e;.1_ Cl1;,1s1;,·11E1, "(;1·1s9S dg S1_1bs1s1€11c€," P_ 1_;__ ‘ , Work and W0men's Prosperity: Household Social Relations in the Maraka Textile In- ’ 73_ ANM 15.51, N11;1-O, May 1914, 1];.36, Niom, ;1d q1_1a1·1€1- 19;_6_ 4 dustry of the Nineteenth Century,” Comparative Studic:1}1 Society am{Hzi1tor9g vol. 26, , · 79_ ANM 15-19, Kaygs, T&l€g1;1111111i;-le11;1-9, NO, 1;,47, 24 ]11ly 1929 ,,5 ,,,4 1984, pp. 229-250. , 80. ANM IE-IQ, Kayes, 2d quarter 1927; 1E-36, Nioro, 2d quarter 1930. lll jill 71. Unlike the Fuutanke, the Soninke have no weaver caste. Seven and a half per- . 81. Although Indochinese rice and Soudanese sorghum were brought by ships to , y cent of the Soninke population of the cer-cle of Nioro represents only 2,625 persons. QV the Upper Senegal region at an undetermined period, probably between 19oo and ll, , (There were 140,000 sedentaries in the cercle in IQZZQANM 1E-36, Nioro, Pol. report, · 1945; I. D. Bathily, "Notices socio-historiques,” p. 72. There were probably emer- l N0. 22, 30 December I922—0Il€·{0Ul’lll [35,000] is the 1-1Sl-wl €Silm2lf€ {01 adult m¤l€S·) gency deliveries of such grain during the First World War; 1914 was called ]—Ezana'e lll The Pr°P°¤i°“ of 7-7 1>¤r¤¢¤¤iS a eensewatlve a’bim“Y choice on mY Part due to the ‘ Marodyi, “t.he year of the rice dist1ibutions,” by the Fuutanke; Andre Lericollais, “La ll: l absence of firm data on the proportion of Soninke occupied in weaving. There are in- V séoheresse et les populations de la vallee du Sénégal," in Colloque de Nouakchott, dications, however, that this proportion was much larger. In 1909, the Soninke region V _ 17-19 Décernbre 197;, La désengicazion au sud du Sa/iara (Dakar; Abidjan: Nouvelles lll l of Kenyareme in Nioro was reported as a "large producer of cotton. In almost all the _ }3d11101·15 A{111;ai11es, 1976), P_ 11 1_ villages and especially in Bougouclri, K0r0mp0, [and] Ol-1¤l¤k¤1'l¤l-1, €V€Yy €0mP¤¤fl¤‘l 1 l 82. Early twentieth-century reports for the cercle of Bamako indicated that it cost [ is 6 Small faeieeyi where PeOPle are making lhreadi Weaving and dYle“g Cloth- Indlge ` , six times more to move a metric ton of grain by caravan than by water. Roberts, %r- I l (gan:) is cultivated on a large scale/’ ANM 1E-61, Nioro, Commis des Affaires In- ` 1-1'py_1, ]|4eycl111,11·l-,1111;'_3`[111»g_1, p_ 166_ digénes Passant to Ct. Nioro, 20 April 1909. In the early 19605, in Amadi-Ounaré, a 1 V 8;. ANM 1E-;6, Nioro, Tour report No. 35, 6 February 1921. ,] Damga village peopled by an equal number of Puular-speaking Futanke and Soninke, _ V 84. George E. Brooks, Landlords and Srrangem A Hiwtovy of Western Africa, half of the villagers reportedly engaged in craft production, which provided one-third ‘ ’ 1¤¤g.16_;o (Boulder, Colo., 1992), Chapter 1. nl of the village’s income. Weaving predominatecl among the various crafts. Colette Le V g;_ This is eonsisiem with a drier period, which is usually signaled by a greater irBlanc, "Un village de la vallee du Senegal: Amadi-Ounaré,” Ca/tiers a"Ouzre-meg vol. — , regularity of rains, which can be too heavy at times, although the trend over the long 17, no. 66, 1964, p. 142. 1 r term is toward a decline. 1 72. Production Egure based on Meillassoux, “Commerce,” p. 19;; corrected in g5_ ]3e1-111,1; and 5;,1y¤1111€1, "p1·Ol1l51-11es dg Sécl-1g1€sSe_" , “Etat et condition des esclaves,” pp. 249-250; Saint-Pere, Sarakollé du Guidima/ciuz, l 37_ ANM 1];.35, Niom, gd q1_1a1·1g1· 19;_7_ pp. 42-4;, 51. 5, 88. Bradley et al., Guidimakha rnauriranien, p. 144. 73. On other Soninlre exports, see Saint-Pere, Sara/tolli du Guidima/r/uz, p. 51; also ' , 39_ ANM 1E-19, Kgyes, 2d q11;11·1€1 19;_4_ ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 1st quarter 1923. V 90. ANM 1E-19, Kayes, N0. 1247, 7.4_]l1ly 1925, Telegram-letter. 74. My predicament is similar to that of historians of taxation in ancien regime , 91_ ANM 113.16, N1910, N11 93, Pol, 1-1111111-1 19Z6_ France. Although the available evidence indicates that tax rates were by no means ex- ` » 92_ ANM 1};.35, Nicm, ld qu;11-1111 193O_ cessive (ancien regime direct taxes appear to have been three times lower and indirect I 9;. See Chapter Three. For a description of famine in Kano in 191; to 1914, see A. taxes four times lower than today’s French taxes), it is still insufficient to prove this T_ G1-cys, “A Note 011 1_l1e RE11-1a1·l1;1_l1ly LOW Rainfall Of the $1113311 Zone 111 1919," 511with absolute certainty; Hincker, Franrair devon: Hmpdz, pp. 39-54. In 1966, the V ~ ymm, VOL 1, 110_ 2, DeCe111l;g1· 1973, p_ 199 French state levied in direct taxes the equivalent of twenty-six days out of the labor of l 94. Four if we count pluriannual urban migration, but this type of migration was an ¤V€Yng€ French Wage earner (end about f0nY·l“lV€ °lnYS in indirect taxes); llnlde P- i ‘ not prevalent until the end of the 19205 to the beginning of the !93OS (see Chapter 42- I have made my S0nlnk€ esllmam Un the l¤3$l$ of 3 $lX·lly Hill, Rural H¤¤¤¤!·m··i· A Whse ml ¤ Swing (€¤ml>ri¤lg¤= Canibrldge l — 9;. Henri Labourer, Payiam azrpzqia oazamau (Paris: caiiamard, 19.11), p. 1.1. University Press, 1972), pp. 128-132. 96. The migration of the firdou has been neglected by scholars, but it was very im76. Subsistence crises in France disappeared after the completion of the French _ PO1-1a111_ [11 the culy 1930s, 1l-M11; Wm-E 110 less 1l1;,111 40,000 {-1111011 every yam-111 generailway network in the middle of the nineteenth century. On what was probably the l gal, for 5o,ooo navetanes; Henri Labouret, “La grande detresse de l’arachide,” last subsistence crisis in France, see Toshio Horii, "La crise alimentaire de 1853 a 1856 ,1 Lxpiqugpmyqgg, 199;,, pp, 79;.793, NOTES TO PAGES 157-158 { NOTES TO PAGES 158-160 [ 226 ] . I 287 1

97. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, ;d quarter 1921. 4 g Rapport de tournée, Youri, Sandaré, Samantara, Lakamané, Sanké, Sambadigané, 98. ANM IE—6I, Nioro, 2d quarter 1920. _ Diéma, Fougoune, Tinkaré, ;1 December 1941. 99. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 1st quarter 19;;. i [ 114. The same observation can be made about forced labor recruitments. It is worth 100. AN M 1E-36, Nioro, Extrait du rapport politique, 2d quarter 19;;. ‘ E noting that "second-contingent" laborers were instructed to remain in their villager at 101. See Pollet and Winter, Sociézésoninké, pp. 129-1;0. , the disposal of the auzhoritierfizr three year:. Not surprisingly, the administration had 102. See ANM 1E-38, Political reports, Goumbou, 1899-1902. little success in enforcing this excessive regulation. ANM 1E-;6, Nioro, ;d quarter 10;. It was then noted that many young men from the cercle were drafted in Sene- 1 1929. gal or in neighboring cercles, especially Nioro. ANM 1E-38, Goumbou, Pol. report, ,. ? 115. For example, there was in 1907 a migration of about a thousand persons from january 1916. The mention of migrants in Nioro is interesting: the Soninke from i =_ the Gidimaxa of Kayes (Soudan) to Northern Gidimaxa in Mauritania, probably beGurnbu must have been introduced to navetanat through a first migration in Nioro, Q cause of the more tolerant attitude of the French administration there toward slavery just as migrants from Nioro were probably introduced to navetanat through their mi- ~ l See ANM 1E-44, Kayes, Rapport de l’Administrateur adjoint Duboscq a M. l’Admingration to Gidimaxa in 1892 to 189; (on this migration, see Chapter Four). ‘ istrateur commandant le cercle de Kayes, sur la tournée eifectuée dans la province du 104.ANM 1E-;6, Nioro, ;d quarter 1926. · Guidimakha du IO avril au 21 mai 1907. 105. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, No. ;7, 14 March 1927. { 116. In 1888, Fuulbe emigration from Walo to the Umarian state (this was, in fact, 106. Pélissier, Payram da Senegal, pp. 181-182. , ~ the Fergo Umaz; a movement of religious emigration) was explained by a desire to 107. ANM 1E-61, ;d quarter 192;. J I evade allegedly excessive French taxes. (This was highly unlikely as the tax then was [ 108. ANM 1E-;6, Nioro, 4th quarter 192;. 1 ~ only; francs per head, and the Fuulbe possessed large herds of cattle whose meat was 109. For example, see ANM 1E-36, 1st quarter 19;0. i no doubt in high demand in Saint-Louis—I have discussed the political motives un110. ANM 1E-19, Adm. Kayes to Gov. Soudan, ;d quarter 1932. _ derlying die affair in my article “Métis et colons.”) The same year General Gallieni 111. ANM IE-32, Nara, Pol. report, 4th quarter 1931; 1st quarter 19;2; see also 1E- was accused by liberal critics of "depopulating" the French Soudan through forced re36, Nioro, ISI quarter 1930; ;d quarter 19;5; 1942; Télégrammedettre No. 499, 17 1 cruitments for the construction of the Kayes-Niger railway. See Méniaud, Pionnier: du October I944; 1E-44, Yélimané, 194;, Rapport de tournée No. 8 effectuée les 8-;0 i , · Soudan, Vol. 1, pp. ]19~}20. Octobre 1943 par le chef de subdivision de Yélimané dans le canton du Kéniarémé. ‘ z 1 17. Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, Le Congo au temp: alex grander cnmpagnier con112. The only indication provided by local reports was for Nioro in 1927. It indi- [ ee.vr1'onnairer, 1898-1930 (Paris; The Hague: Mouton, 1972), pp. 10;-rogff.; [Luciencated that the Soudanese central administration this year had an objective of 145 re- ; Auguste] Aspe-Fleurimont, La Guir1iej}an;:aire (Paris: Challame], 1900), pp. 122-127; cruitments per cercle, but the commandant in Nioro stated that he hoped to recruit l 4 Capitaine Renard [secretary-general of the Union congolaise frangaise, which was mostly among the hon: absent: of previous years,for example, the young men who were . , 1 largely the concessionary companies` syndicate], La colonisation au Congo fanyazk absent at the time ofthe draft. ANS 1E-;6, Adm. Nioro to Gov. Soudan, 4th quarter if (Paris: Kugelmann, 1901), pp. 59-61; Henri Cuvillier-Fleury, La mise en valeur a’u 1927. According to Buell, there were 2,700 men recruited for military service in Sene- _ Congofianyais (Paris: Larose, 1904), pp. 218-221; Leroy-Beaulieu, Colonisazion ther le.: gal and Soudan in 1928. This was out of a total population of ;,662,818 (Cosnier, Onarr ·— i. penples rnoderner, p. 584 (quoting the economic nationalist Augustin Bernard on the Africain Franyair, p. 199; I have used C0snier’s figure rather than Buell’s, which in- · necessity “de ménager la transition entre l’esclavage et la liberté). cludes the Upper Volta in the Soudanese Figure). Thus, recruitments amounted to 1 in .` 118. Cuvillier-Fleury noted that such ideas were completely foreign to the French 1,200 persons. In Nioro, the sedentary population (no military recruitments were made ‘ _ political tradition, Mise en valeur du Congo, pp. 218-221. among nomads) was about 140,000, so there were about 116 draftees a year, ;5o away ' · 119. Aspe-F leurirnont, La Guinéej9angaire, pp. 127-128; Capitaine Renard, Colonievery year. For Kayes, with a population of l2Z,OOO, the figures come to 90 draftees and ,, ° ration an Congo francais, pp. 5 ;-64; Cuvillier-Fleury, Mike en valeur du Congo, pp. 82, 270 away every year. Using annual recruitment reports in the French West African [ ' 7;-103, 226-228. Archives, Myron Echenberg came to almost identical estimates for the interwarperiod . ’_ 120. Because the French Congo was only very marginally under French conof 114 annual recruits for Nioro, and 90 for Kayes. Colonial Con.tcripts.· The T zrailleurr V trol, tax collection was at first an experiment. The policy, however, continued under Sénégalair in French Pwr: Afica, 155;-196o (Portsmouth, N.H.; Heinemann, 1991), l V Lamothe’s successor, Albert Grodet (also a liberal), under specihc orders from the Hgure 4.1, pp. 52-57. -1 ministry. See Coquery-Vidrovitch, Congo au temp.: iles compagnies concesrianairer, pp. 11;. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, Rapport de tournée elfectuée du 21 Septembre au 17 Oc- E 4 117-141. tobre 1944 par M. Cancel jean, administrateur adjoint des Colonies, Adjoint au Com- [ 121. ]ules Lefébure, Le regime des concession.: au Congo (Paris: “L’université de mandant de cercle de Nioro. See also ANM 1E—;6, Nioro, 4th quarter 1924; and , { Paris," 1904),pp IZ2~I48. Notts ro meas 160-162 .; Notes ro prices I63—I64 [7,88] l — [220-I

.l5 122. Capitaine Renard [president of the Union Congolaise], Coloniration au Congo , Castles of Cla3g" january and September-December 1904, reference in E. joucla, jranpais, p. 2.5; also Aspe-Fleurimont, La Gainéejiongaise, pp. 144-155. A ' Bihliographie de l Mjfigue Occidentalefangaise (Paris: Société d’éditi0ns gégraphiques, i 113. The idea was probably inspired by reports about the South African Glen-Grey maritimes et coloniales, 1937), p. 191. Act of 1894, one of the Hrst instances of tax manipulation for the purpose of creating , , 135. A report from Kayes expressed the opinion that the high frequency of migralabor migration. In 1898, Gallieni experimented with taxation rates in Madagascar in tion among the Soninke of Kamera was due to the fact that villagers were constantly ‘ order to provide laborers for French colonists. Manchuelle, “Forced Labor in French , _ requisitioned to aid stranded vessels on the Senegal River. ANS 1E-44, Kayes, Yearly West Africa." i political report, 1903. I have discussed this question in Chapter Four. 124. The principle of direct taxation in the French Congo had been in place since — i 136. Maurice Delafosse, "Sur les routes,” article apparently published between [ l 1894; see Coquery-Vidrovitch, Congo au temps des compagnies cor1eess1`onnaires, p. 1 19. , 1912 and 1913 in Depeche eoloniale, republished in Broussard ou les étatt diime d ’un colo(Coquery-Vidrovitch adds that its creation had been decided in 1897 “pour pallier aux , ’ r1ial(Pa1*is: Larose, 19;;), pp. 197-203; Louise Delafosse, “Commer1t prit fin la cardifficultés de la crise finaciére dans laquelle se débatait la colonie.” It was finally im- `= — riére coloniale de Maurice Delaf0sse,” pp. 107-108. posed in the most loyal areas in 1900.) g 137. Académie des Sciences Coloniales, Compte-rendu des seances, communications, 115. See, for example, the reports on the budget of French colonies in the French . ; vol. 1, 1923-1924, p. Z9 (meeting of 8 November 1923). 45 Senate; Annales du Sénat, 1903; 1905; 1906. _ 138. Camille Guy, "L’avenir de l’Afrique Equatoriale Francaise," Lkfique i 126. Coquery-Vidrovitch, Congo au temps des eompagnies concessionnaires, pp. l t fangazse, january 1926, p. 10. 132-135. i 139. Gilles Sautter, De lZ4tlar1tique aufleuve Congo, une géographie du sous-peuple— lp, 117. Quingaine coloniale, vol. 16, ISt semester 1905, pp. 216-218. . ment. Repuhlique du Congo. Repulwlique Gabonaire (Paris; Hague: Mouton, 1966), p. 982. 5 118. Comité de defense des indigenes, “Lettre a Vigné d’Octon,” Le Temps, 7 No- ` T 140. Maurice Delafosse, “Les points sombres de l’horizon en Afrique occidentale," i vember 1899. Compare with Mary Kingsley, I%stA]7ican Studies (New York: Barnes ` LZ4friguefranyazse, no. 6, june IQ22, pp. 271-285. i and Noble, 1964; ISI ed. 1899), esp. pp. 294, 313, 317, 332. I 141. Delafosse argued as follows: The sedentary population of French West Africa ,5 , 129. Some of Brazza’s papers ancbletters were published in 1906; see P. Savorgnan amounted to 12 million persons. (For a variety of reasons, nomads were not subject to E14 de Brazza, Lettre a M. Paul Bourde éerite de Bragraville d la veille de son retour en France _ the draft; Buell, Native Problem, vol. 2, p. 12.) The number of adult males among them l sur les impressions et les conclusions de l ienquéte yu il vient de zerrrziner au Congo ( 24 Amit was about 2,730,000. Since military recruitrnents during the war had shown that 7S \ igoy (Paris: L. de Soye, 1906); Amédee Britsch, Pour le Congojiangazks la derniére mis- ; percent of young males in French West Africa were physically unfit, there were really 1 sion Braga dbprés le regtstre de correspondence inédir de R Savorgnan de Braga, extrait E ~ only 622,500 able-bodied men susceptible to the draft. Current projects aimed to draft l du Correspondent, lc zojanvier 1906 (Paris: L. de Soye, 1906); see also Félicien Chal- E . some 60,000 men per year. Since recruitments were for a period of three years, some l laye, Le Conguyhnyam la question internationale du Congo (Paris: F. Alcan, 1909). , 180,000 men were to be away from their farms at all times, leaving only 500,000 to il 130. Interpellation of February zz, 1906, quoted by Challaye, Congofangats, p. 193 J ` tend the fields. One of the projects then under review in the French Parliament called { note. See also joseph Caillaux,Agadir (Paris: Albin Michel, 1919), pp. 55-56. — for African conscripts to serve in France. Delafosse estimated that if such a project , 131. Louis and Stengers, E. D. Morel 3 History of the Congo Rejbrm Movement; { _ were carried out, some 20,000 draftees would either die every year or stay on in the il Catherine A. Cline, E. D. Morel, 1813-1924 (Belfast: Blackstaif Press, 1980). ` metropolitan territory. As a result, in twenty-6ve years the 500,000 men making up l 132. Louis and Stengers, E. D. Morel 3 History of the Congo Refnrm Movement, p. ` i French West Africa’s labor force would disappear! 1 97; see also pp. 79-81; Pierre Mille, Le Congo Leopoldien (Paris: Cahiers de la Quin- ‘ But Delafosse’s iigures were exaggerated. The proportion of men declared unfit zaine, 1905), p. 41. Morel, whose real name was Edmond Pierre Morel de Ville, was of ` for military service during the First World War, which Delafosse put at 75 percent ii I French origin. He spoke French fluently and must have been quite at ease in liberal ‘ _ minimum, was estimated by Marc Michel at about 30 percent on average. Moreover, the French circles that shared his belief in free trade and humanitarianism. ~ high percentages of physically unfit among potential draftees during the First World \ ‘ 133. Critical debate of this question in Louis and Stengers, E D. Morel G History of V War probably resulted from draft evasion, as cripples and old men were deliberately . the Congo Reform Movement, pp. 252-256. I ` presented to the draft. Delafosse, who was a high oHicial in French West Africa during . 134. Morel, The British Case in the French Congo (New York: Negro University 1 ‘ the war, cannot have been unaware of these facts. The number of 2,700,000 adult Press, 1969; 1st ed. London: Heinemann., 1903), p. 114. Clozel and Delafosse’s names , i males he gives for a population of 12 million is also too low (it is less than one-fourth). appear in MoreI’sA)j‘airs of WestAfrica (London: Heinemann, 1902), pp. 171-173, 273. V Finally, the estimate of a loss of one-third of the African contingent in France, even This book is an apology for the French methods of administration in West Africa. i V counting the men who would simply stay in France (how did Delafosse expect t0 cal- ` Morel translated and published two of Delaf0sse’s articles in his newspaper the Phst ' . culate this?), is certainly extravagant; Professor Marc Michel estimated wartime losses Afiican Mail in 1904 (“The Mystery of the F ulani" and “Where the Natives Build Z , among Africans in France (during the First World War) to be one-Hfth of the contin- i 1Il Norss TO PAGES 165-166 Notes TO ences 166-167 5 [ 290 I 1 [ 201 l l

. ¤\ . { i ti. . gent, including, of course, loss of life on the battleneld and loss of life due to emer- H t60_ ANM 3;.35, Nioro, 3d and 4th quarter 1925. geiicy Wiiiiiiiie iiviiig °°i`idiii°us among the Seiuiers (Michel, APW] d !?1f?i1M. P- 47 2)- i' 167. It is interesting to note that the annual amount of telegraphic money orders in 1 Delafosse’s exaggeration was perhaps deliberate: Delafosse himself admitted in one Nu),-0 U00,000 francs) was the same in 1924 as in 1912, even though the francwas now ` earlier writing that he deliberately exaggerated certain facts in order to draw attention ‘ Worth three times las; But transportation was much faster with the completion of the to trends he thought were dangerous. Delafosse, “Sur les routes," pp. 207.-20]. ‘ , Thies-Kayes railway in 192;, and Soninke migrants, who are still today suspicious of i r42- Deiefessev iipuiuis somuresfi P- 277 [my translation]. 1 1 banks and government institutions (with some reason, as they are often cheated by " 143- Mioheis “Ur* Programme rerrormisre eu r9‘9»” PP- 325-3265 Louise Deiaiiosser i corrupt employees), apparently preferred to entrust their remittances to Soninke ,,1 "€¤mm¤¤t Prit uu la earriere euieruiue de Maurice Deiafesseaii PP- IO7-reg- ‘ ; traders or returning migrants. Lassana Diakho, interview, Dakar, 1; December 1979. , 4] I44- Seo Slighdy diffofénr Ggures in Guiraud, Arm:/tide réyrégalaire, p. ;7; Pheffer, ` if 168. See testimony of Galadyo Tarawele, from Golmi (Gwey), who migrated as a iiiaaiiioads and Sociai Changer], P· ii} (Source: Seuegaiese ¤¤S¤<>mS>s David, N’2"’é‘ navetane and a laborer in Dakar between 1929 and 19;6, in David, Navézancs, p. 122. 4 MMF, P- 464 fsoureosi various €onr€n‘1P0r¤rY 2drnrrd$rrnrrVe repvrrs, Chamber of ; i Also testimony of jabe So, from Kungani (Gwey) who migrated as a navetane in 1936, i 4 Commerce meeting t929; Porteres report 1952). Note that the figures in David are Adams, Tam; etgyu Jujlaupg, P, ro1. dated by the year of their production and commercialization in Senegal, while figures _ 4 t69_ ANM rE-3;, Nara, No, ggo, 24 May 19;;. i4`, in Guiraud and Pheffer are dated by the year of their export. Export figures are dated 'I j r70_ ANM rE.5r, Nioro, gd quarter 1920. one year later than production figures since peanuts were harvested at the end of the ; =_ 171. David, Ntwétqner, p. 120. , i ‘ year and exported at the beginning of the following year. 172. ANM 1E—36, Nioro, Etat des hommes partis au Senegal et non rentrés at la date ~ r45· David. Nnvémuerg PP- 42-44- 3 i` du premier Avril 1921, joint au rapport No. 40. I r46- Ibid-- P- 45- , “ 17;. The ]awz1ndo are a casted group of Fuulbe praise singers, but a branch of the ` ` r47- It Was the one mentioned by D¤ra¤rh¤¤ in his repvrrs. See i=\boVe- i Bacili family today renowned for its commercial success in Mali called Bacili jagor48· Dayidt N¤Vér¤’L€·% P- $4- i L ranu-“jogorane" is the Soninke equivalent of ]awand0-allegedly once ruled “the , g ¤49· Guiraud, Afufhide sé¤ég¤!
- . \ ll 184. David, Ntzvémzes, pp. 204-205; Pollet and Winter, Société sonzhlcé, pp. " Chapter 7 ll , 260-261; ANM 1E—61, Nioro, 1st and 2d quarter 1925. , · ll," 185. David, Navézaner, p. 120. 1 , 1. L’Ouest Ajiieain Franpuir, 12 March 1929, quoted by Adrian Adams, Long vvynge l l 186. I did not get this impression from my informants. ‘ _ der gem Jufleu,1/e, p. 47. Colonial administrators in the valley had criticized the railway il ll 187. Saint-Pere relates that newly circumcised {gi:-i/hurry made themselves a pair of project even before it was completed, see ANS 4G 167, Rapport d’inspection concer- l trousers and a smock. They were considered girilturo until these clothes were worn ` nant le cercle de Matam, 1922. For a forceful criticism of the railway with reference to j out. “As long as they are ginlruzo [young men] are not allowed to travel and to engage 1 the Upper Senegal region, see Chief Ibrahima ]an1an Bacili, “Bakel sous les cendrcs i in trade; they must stay at home and work on the farm. If they ignored this prohibi- ~ de l’oubli," ["Bakel under the ashes of oblivion”] LZ4.0.E, 22 November 1946, in I. 1 , tion, God would give them the idea of settling abroad, and they would never come V . D, Bathily, "Notices," p. 95-99. ,l back to their c0ur1try.” 5`artzkollé du Guidbnakltu, p. So. In jafunu, navetanes became , ' 2. For example, Adams, Long voyage der gem dufleuve, pp. 46-48. l " migrants for the first time after the ceremony of the “taking of trousers,” which oc- I 3. ANSOM, TP AOR 28, 3, Rapport Mathy, 1904. l ` curs some time after circumcision and marks ayoungman’s coming to adulthood. Pol- ; , 4. ANS O 62, Commandant Belle to Gov general French West Africa, No. 29, 2 l , let and Winter, Soriétéranirtlcé, p. 134. , june 190;. ,1. 188. See the case of ]a.be So in Adams, Terre ezgerw dufleuvz, pp. 99-100. ` 5, ANSOM, TP 91, 1, Rapport Rougier, g june 19::;. if l 189. There is a compelling argument against the disorganization of Soninke fami— ‘ 6. Apt formulation by Assane Seck, paraphrasing the Rougier report (ANSOM TP 1 lies as a result of migration in the 1920s: Soninke families today remain much larger · 91, 1, 3 ]une 19o;), Deke; métmpele ouest-af}icnine (Dakar: I.EA.N., l970>, p. 394. ‘, than families in other regions, and the control of elders is strong, in spite of the very j A 7. ANSOM TP 91, 1, Rapport Rougier, 3 ]une 1903. strong migration toward France. __ 8_ ANSOM, TP 91, r, Rapport Rougier, 3 ]une 1903; ANSOM, TP AOF, 28, 3, ,l` 190. Adam Walaszek, “Preserving or Transforming Role? Migrants and Polish l , Rapport Mathy, 1904. 1 tl Territories in the Era of Mass Migrations," Unpublished, 1992. My special thanks to ` , 9. Additionally, a railway could improve the transportation of European civil serProfessor Walaszek, of the ]ag‘ielloni5n University of Krakow, for communicating to ,, ` vants to the Soudan, resulting in substantial savings in pay (civil servants were paid 1 i me this text. j i during their journey to the Soudan) and lives (sick civil servants could be sent by rail- \ 191. Catherine Quiminal, Gem d’ici, gen.: a"tzilleur.v. II/Izgrazionr Soninlté ez tmmrfor- ’ way to the coast for treatment), ANSOM TP 91, 1, Rapport Rougier, 3 june 19¤3. mutiom villageaires (Paris: Christian Bourgois, 1991), esp. Chapter 6, pp. 110-146. ro, It was proposed in 1878 to build a railway between Saint-Louis and Médine, , , 192. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 3d quarter 1923. " V which would connect with the projected Dakar-Saint-Louis railway and also with a l 193. Pollet and Winter, Société wninké, pp. 128, 439. e } projected railway to the Niger River Valley (this third section was eventually built as I 194. The impression of a crisis of the traditional family is reinforced by the fact . the Kayes-Niger railway). A study mission showed that the Saint-Louis-Médine rail- , that still today the Soninke are reluctant to solve matters of divorce through ofiicial ` ` way would have to be built at some distance from the river in Order to avoid building ` channels, unless traditional channels have proved inoperative. Pollet and Winter, Sa- Y bridges across countless small tributaries, and that the project was unfeasible at the l ‘, ciézé suninké, pp. 437-442. is time because of Fuutanke hostility to it. The French Parliament rejected the project in l l 19;. F. de Kersaint-Gilly. "Essai sur l’év<>luti¤n de Vesclavage en Afrique <>ccide¤— j rsso. see Paul Gaffai-el, Le Senegal et le suudanyiwtparlr (Paris: Delagrave, 1892), pp. , tale frangaise. Son dernier stade au Soudan francais, ” Bulletin ilu Comizé elirutler His- , rs;-r88; Idowu, "Conseil General of Senegal," pp. 19-20; Seck, Dalton p. 300. ` mriques ez Sciemgfquer de lZ4.0.R, 1924, vol. 9, pp. 469-478. · rr_ such a project was studied in the nineteenth century. See Marc Merle neveu et \ 196. Adams, RVVF Btgéw duflelwv, p. 73. ·, _ Robert, “Chemin de fer de Médine at Saint-Louis (Senegal) adressé a M. le Ministre ‘ 197. ANS 2 G 20/22, Bakel, ]anuary 1920. des Travaux Publics, pour étre soumis a la Commission supérieure du Transsaharien,” 1 l 198. Adams, Ykrre ez gen.1 duflemwe, p. 72. _ in Hcnpjénégcg Cnytrerrionr mmférer ez chemin defer de Médine zu littoral par le Molvf , 199. I. D. Bathily, "Notices," p. 86. ‘ gt le Ferlo (Bordeaux: Gounouilhou, 1880), pp. 81-96. 1 1, 200. ANM 1E-19 Ka}/GS, R€p01‘t, july 1929. " IZ. Which had been anticipated from the 1910s; Pheffer, “Railroads and Social i i 201. Pollet and Winter, Société rtminké, pp. 260-261. _ (jhange," p, Zgr. , 202- Salnhpérei 5¤1¤/<¤llf¤’¤ G“i‘{i’”¤]‘]*·2» P- *83- . 1;. Pheffer, “Railr0ads and Social Change," pp. 224-258. In my opinion, Pheffer 1 20}. The criticism was made by Governor Sanmarco, himself a former liberal overernphasizes the administrations wish to develop the harbor of Dakar and does ` ,\, C0l011ial 3d1’¤i¤.iSt3f01', in Cvlvmifufeuf €0[07Li¥é, pp. 60-63. 1 not realize the importance of the 1902 transportation breakdown in demonstrating the ‘ V ` river’s unreliability. See ANSOM, T.P. 91, 1, Chemin de fer Thies-Kayes, Mission " No-[Es To pAGE5r»7$-178 , NOTEs T0 Pisces 180-181 r mi 1 ‘ F M- I

Qtll Rougier-Belle, 1903-1904. On the work necessary to improve the river, see ANSOM, 1 [I-[[e$ from [lleee ee[ele$ (Nlom eXeeP[ed)¤ 3:56l (74 percent) left by railway lbldw P- ` 1 T.P, 4;, 3, Mission hydregraphiqne du Sénéggl, 19114; T_p_ ag, 1, Amélimatgon de la ’ A 133. On the influence on navetanat of the completion of the railway, see ANM 1E-19, 1\ navigabilite du Sénégal, 1904. Note sur la situation des études du regime du fleuve 1 — TeleE['amme‘le[[[e» DeleEa[e Kayea to (70** selldanv Noi 97-7» 78 May [974· Sénégal, 1896; T.P. 28, 3, Avant-projet d’aménagement du Senegal (Rapport Mathy, l 37- Daylds N¤Vé7<m¢% PP- [77··[4[· l 1 O4). 1 38. Ibid., p. 138. - ` 9 I4. Seek, Dakar, pp, 368, rye, 1; 39. For Henri Labourer, the decline was due to the low returns of migration this 1 5. Ibid., . 372. 1 year; Labouret, "Main-d’oeuvre dans l'0uest africain,” pp. 242-243. There apparently _ 16, Brévig, "Le déblceage du $endan—De111r gr-ends Ports; Dakar et A]11c|ja1-1,** rl was a temporary crisis that year, but overall peanut prices stayed stable (and on the L§<1fyigue_f}ayi§arQre, 193;, P, 545, , whole quite high) during the entire period from 1920 to 1930 (price per kilogram: 17. Ibid., p. 846. ' 197.4, 1 franc; 1925, 1.11 francs; 1926, 1.52 francs; IQZ7, 1.52 francs; 1928, 1.43 francs; 18. Seck, Da/car, p. 372. It is true that an important part of river traffic was com- l A [97-9i l-36 [l'anee—[-l'le d[’°P began ln l93e (O-98 {lane) and esPeelally [93l (0-67 ‘ prised of mal for the Keye5.Niger railway, 1 franc). Guiraud, Lizracltide rénégalaise, p. 37. It is interesting to note that the Gambia, 1 19. Seek, Dakar, pp, 349.439, and "]_e$ egcalgs du Qguvg 5ér1ega],” REW, gg gg,- l which had a much older history of navetanat, began experiencing a shortage in seagmplrie ile ]L4friaue gcgidgntqlg, NOS, 1.;, 1964, Pessinr 1 sonal farm laibor as early as 1922; David, Nuvétanes, p. 205; also 209-215ff. 1 20. Saint-Pere, Sara/tolli du Guidima/Elm, p, 51. _ 40. Davi , Navémznes, pp. 61-64. ~ 21. ANS 2G 34-66, Bakel, Yearly Political Report, 1934. · 4[- lbld-¤ PP· 73"74· ` 22. Adams, Yerre er gem tluyqeuve, pp. 27-29. 42. David, Navézaner, pp. 82-83. Their visit appeared to reverse roles, with t.he g3, The reference is important because, among the goninke, women traditjtma]]y 1 ` commandant of Nioro complaining to Duranthon about alleged lack of ofEcial action 1 grew peanuts. The reference shows that the custom had no absolute binding value and ‘ [0 f°['ee naVe[$ane5 [0 Yemen [0 their llemeland a[r[e[” [-l'[e[[' agricultural eamPalEn in ‘ l that men also grew peanuts when they fennel it P1-ei-itable to dg s0_ 5 ` Senegal. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, Extract of pol. report, 3d quarter 1933; see also ISE quar24. Ibid., pp. 74-75. ' t ter 1933. A decade before it had been Duranthon, while an administrator in Nioro, 1 25. Boyer, Unpenple tie [burr; raudanara, P, ire., ·_ ‘ who had made this kind of complaint. (See Chapter Six.) 1 { 16, Bradley et a1_, Gajdiniak/ta maariranien, P_ 144 ` ' 43. Sources: Soudan 1932, David, Na-vétanes, p. 131; Guinea 1936, ibid., p. 152; 1 1 27. Adams, Terre etgeru dufleuve, p. 99. In Nioro, the only problem reported dur- 4 1 Gl-llnea [9371 ll7ld·¤ P- [$35 sel-[dan 793% il>id·. P· 1345 Sol-[dan 1943 (fomeel [eel`l·ll[' I l ing the decade was locust infestation in 1933, which caused extensive damages, al- ` ‘ mem)1 ibid-, P- 3de; Soudan I944(f°l'eed ['ee[[[l[men[)1 ibid-, P~ SO}? Soudan I94-S ([e' though it was not necessary for the administration to send food aid, In Kayes, only a · [um [0 {Tee ['eeT'll[me['[7)> lbld-1 P- 30S? Sel-[dan and Gul-[lea 1947 (l947a)¤ [md-: P· 7769 ` partial drought in 1932, which caused extensive damages to the peanut crop, is re- * , Send? [9471 Olilleléillgl-;['e$ (l94)7l7)7 ibid-. P- $(7741 S°udan;97;8;, lbldw P· 3°7ids0l·ldal`l 1 1\ ported, ANM rE-36; 115;-19, ‘ »· 1950 navétaneso cie s” sent etween9 May an I4 june ,i i .,p. 309; Sou an 1952 1 l 28. Ibid., pp. 80-81. Estimates of cereal production are usually made on the basis V I (“dePa[`[S enlelelsnli llaldn P~ 3l[§ Soudan [9ii (“e[l[eEle[[eS a T¤¤¤b¤¤<>¤¤d¤">» lbldv Il l of one hectare of cultivation per adult male and 7oo to 800 kilograms of millet per l P- 387 (me figure {OY N[°['° e°mP!`l$eS bedl Nl°[° md Yellmanel 1 hectare. It should be noted that Adrian Adams is a privileged observer since she has 1· 44- On [he distinction l7e[`Weel`[ [llese [WO ea[eg°l`les of mieram See CllaP[e[ Sl7[· been living more than a decade in Kungani. ‘ 45. These figures were probably incomplete (there were no figures for Koutiala, for 1 29. Ibid.,p. 62. 1 - example), but the dominance of districts with a Soninke population appears in the 30. ANS 2G 34-66, Bakel, Pol. Report, 1934, , ’ figures until 1947. 31. ]an S. Hogendorn, Mgerian Grozmdnut Exports.- Origin.: andE¤rb/ Development 46- ANM lE*36» Nl°['°> EX'[l'ae[ f['°m [lle Pol- RePO[°[» 7d ‘l‘·l·a[`le[ l933· l 1 (Zaria; Ibadan:Ahmadu Bello University Press; Oxford University Press, 1978), pas- ` 47- Melissa Ol-lma[ $y» “P[°Vlneee> eamiene et Vlllages du Soudan Fmneale des l sim; figures on pp. 98, 133. Soudanese figures after 193; in David,Nm/éraner, P_ 13g_ j origines a l’indépendance," Bulletin de lZF.A.lVi, vol. 40, ser. B, no. 3, 1978, pp. 2. Pheffer, “Railroads and Social Chan e in Sene I ” . 10. i 489‘$[7- 1 l ;3. Seck., “Escales,” see pp. 82-84. g ga I P 5 48. It should be noted that the cercle of Baninko (Kutiala) was merged with Ba34, Pellet and Winter, jariéréranin/rg, P, 99, I * mako in 1935; thus the large increase in figures of navetanes for Bamako between 1932 1 1 35. Including Bakel: 2,463 persons; ANS 2 G 37-88, Bakel, Pol. report, 1937. I A and [937 may a-lee ['edeel this admlnlslmtlye eha[lEe· ` 36. David, Navétaner, p. 132. If we look at deparmrer from the Soudan (excluding ; 49- DaVld1 N<7Vé'“'le*`» P- [I3- 1 l migrants reported as in Senegal already at the time of the survey), out of 4,811 depar- ‘ · 50- $a[¤t·Pe['e1 Svdkellé du Guidimakhai PP- $7, [83- l 1Y[ NOTES T0 piers rxr-rs.1 _ ` NOTES TO PAGES 184486 ` \ r .116 1 . I wvl

· 51. ANS 2 G33-67, Bakel, Yearly Pol. Report, 1933 (see p. 9, "Mouvement des pop- _ the Dakar-saint-Louis railway. Migrants probably obtained such jobs as a result of ulations—émigration”) refers to migration to the “cercles of the [railway] line where , working seasonally as laborers employed in the building of these railways. Pheffer, gains are higher," which may still mean navetanat, but ANS 2G 34-66, Bakel, Yearly r A "Railroads and Social Change," pp. 312, 345 note 58. Pol. Report 1934 (pp. 9-ro, "M0uvement des populations. Emigration"), speaks about , ‘ 71, ANS 13G 2or, No. 1, Bakel, December 1898, Pol. Comm. and Agr. Report: 4 ~ “young people attracted by the trading posts [ercales] of the railway line and by I l ANS 2D 4- 12, Bakel, Maubert, 1904. ` Dakar.” I ‘ 72. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, ISI and 2d quarter 1925. 1 52. See Chapter Five. [ 73, Michel Samuel, Le Pmlérariat africain noir en France (Paris: Maspéro, 1978), 53. ANS 2G 46/77, Bakel, Rapport d’ensemble au 30 mai 1946. r p. 58. l 54. David, Navétaner, pp. 120-122. ` ’ 74. Robert Delavignette, Parilr-Soudan-Bourgogne (Paris: Grasset, 1935), pp. 1 55. Adams, Terre er gen.: duflemee, pp. 99-104. 1: i 107-108; see also David, Navézaner, p. 106. 56. ANM rE—32, Nara, 3d quarter 1924; rst quarter 1927, 7;, The growth was most spectacular in Siin-Saalum, whose urban population was 57. ANM 1E-32, Nara, ISI quarter 1926. ‘ multiplied tenfold over a period of ten years from 1925 to 1934. Sources of table: 58. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, rst and 2d quarters 1925. V Pheffer, “Railways and Social Change in Senegal,” pp. 521-522; I have no figure for 59. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, 4th quarter 1927. ' ~ Dakar in 1925, so I used a figure for 1926 from Seck, Dalcag p. 211. There are similar 60. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, Extract from pol, report, 2d quarter 1933. , ` figures (although less detailed) for the urban population throughout the first half of 61. ANM 1E-36, Nioro, Rapport de tournée Youri, Sandaré, Samantara, Laka- ri this century in the Armuaire rrotiriique de lL4.0.E, 1949, vol. 1, pp. 83-88; see also for mané, Sansarrké, Sambadigané, Diéma, Fougoune, Tinkaré, 3I Dec. 1941. i. Dakar, Seek, Dakar, pp. 210-211. 62. ANM rE-36, Rapport de tournée effectuée du 21 Septembre au 7 Octobre 1944 · 76, See Seek, Deke; pp, 334-335. A boom in construction had already begun in par M. Cancel jean, Adrninistrateur Adjoint des Colonies, Adjoint au Commandant 1 Dakar after 1922; ibid., pp. 113-114. de cercle de Nioro. ¤ ` 77, Apart from harbor, road, and railway building, public works construction in63. Pollet and Winter, 5`ociérésonin/cf, pp. 126-139, and 140-142. i cluded water conveyance for major cities in French West Africa. Brévié, “Situation 64. Villagers in Kungani (“]amané”) made the same assertion to Adrian Adams in générale de l’Afrique occidentale frangaise,” p. 42; on public works in general see pp. 1975 to 1976; Long voyage des gen.: dufleuve, p. 75. . 42.4;, Work on the Dakar harbor was interrupted only in 1943, due to the war; Seek, 65. Labouret, "Main d’oeuvre dans l’Ouest africain," p. 247 (there is a printing f; Dalran p. 335. mistake in the article, which reports ::17,000,: francs). The income of 1,7oo francs was , 78, Chatelain, Migrant; remporairer en France, pp. 775-895; Raison-jourde, Colonic from an exceptional year: in normal years, navetanes brought back between 1,200 and J auvergmzte ile Punk, pp. 86-87; Chevalier, Formation de la populazion parisierme, pp. 1,500 francs; Labouret, “Grande détresse de l’arachide,” p. 732. 4 ` 110-111. 66. It is interesting to compare African urban wages with average industrial wages V 79, See Labouret, "Main d’oeuvre dans l’Ouest africain," pp. 243, 247; see also for in France at the same time, which were 8,000 francs a year, Brown and Browne, A Cen- ` comparison to migrants to the Gold Coast, ibid., pp. 246-247. may of Pay, p. 201. One would have perhaps expected a greater gap between African · 80. ANS 9 G—86, Gov general FWA to Gov. Mauritania, No. 376 APA, 30 ]une and French wages. ' . r933, The Soninke were probably not new in the building trade. As we have seen 67, They made in 1922 francs between 3.50 francs (beginning wages) and 4.50 to 5 (Chapter Three), a large number of Soninke were recruited in Dakar for the Congo frana a day; Senegal, Conseil Colonial, session ordinaire, 4 November 1922, p. 80. V Free State in the 1890s. This was the period when the building of the city and harbor The franc between 1918 and 1926 was generally worth three times less than the pre- ` _ of Dakar effectively began. (See johnson, Emergence of Black Palizics, pp. 31-37). 1918 franc, After 1926, with the “franc Poincaré," it was stabilized at five times less ` 81. Seek, Da/rag Régine Van Chi-Bonnardel, Vie de relations au Senegal (Dakar: than the pre-1918 franc. i · I,F,A,N,, 1978); Suret-Canale, French Colonialism, pp. 210-212. 68. Monique Lakroum, “Les salaires dans le port de Dakar," Revuefrarryaire rl7rzLr- `· 82. Adams, Terre etgertr dufleave, pp. 99, 101. zvire albarre-meg vol. 63, nos. 232-233, 1976, pp. 640-653. She gives a figure for ala- 83, Ibid., p. 89. 1 borer’s yearly income similar to mine (about. 4,000 francs a year). _ 84. Ibid., p. 90; Samuel, Prolézariaz africain en France, pp. 242-243. 69. See Chapter Four. Q . 85. Adams, Terre etgens dufleuve, pp. 67-92. 70. See Pheffer, “Railr0ads and Social Cha11ge," pp. 322-323; Saint-Pere, Sarakallé _ 86. See Chapter Five. du Guidima/Ura, p. 52. Saint-Pere mentions that Soninke locomotive drivers were em- ` 87, Ibid., p. 80. ployed in the railways in Senegal, French Soudan, Morocco, French Guinea, and the ~ l 88. See Chapter Two. Ivory Coast; see also Chapter Five. There were also Soninke laborers especially on — 89. Denise Bouche, “Dakar pendant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale: problérnes de NOTES ro PAGES 186-188 , . NOTES ro races 188-191 [ 298 `| l~ ~ l 200 l

su1‘peuplement,” in Le sv], Zapam/e ez [Enix. Mélanges en kwmmage ti Rtzymonakll/Iaany r. 11511ed 1711110111 1117 Second WO11d 111/31: 111 1937- aCCO1d111g 10 Sack- Dah': P- 83- Em' 1 (pads, Société lrtdnodtso d-Histone d>Oot,.o_Mo,.) ,98,), o_ oo, i ' ployment in oil pressing plants appears as a logical outgrowth of earlier employment l` 90. See graph "l·Ieads of immigrants households according to ethnic group and ‘ _ as 111`1V€1a11€S‘ 1 date of arrival in Dakar (Polls Dagoudane Pikine 1959 and Family Budgets 1960),11 ` 1174- See f117°V€· Retewuernenz démagrapkigue a'e Dakar Ogij (Paris: République du Sénégal, Ministére . 101- 1'1"“-1$€1> R“PP”"= P- 71du Plan, du Développement et de la Cooperation Technique, Service de la Statistique . 1 1°6· 1P1‘1-> PP- 38: 41% 6*% Ggv 80- 1. et de la Mécanographie, 1962), vol. 2, D 30, p. 48. · 107- 11>id·, P- 77- ‘ 9r.11>1a.,v¤1. 1, P. 6. 1 2 108-11*1-1PP-z8»8¤ l l 92. Samuel, Pmletariat aficain noir en France, p. 58-59. ', 109- 1'121“$€1'» R“PP””¤ P- 49- 1 93_ Rgcgmemgnt ,{,:,,,o,),,o},;,iq,tg do Dojto, (,959, Vol, ,7 ,,_ 7o_ _ Y 110, Chatelain, Migrant.: temporairet en France, especially pp. 880-too;. ‘ 94_ SSE immediately bE]0W_ Q 111. Samuel, Prolitariat aj?1`ca1`n noir en France, p. 58. 95. The population of Gwey and Bakel, according to a 1937 census, was 12,198, 112. Daniel Bleneau and Gérard La Cognata, “Evolution de la population de Ba- il ANS 2 G 37- 88, Bakel, yearly political report, 1937. I have no figure for Kammera, ` »~ 111”11°>” E1”d*‘” ’”‘111"1'1E1» No- 3v 1977-1 P- 7-6- 1 but it can be safely assumed that its population was equal to that of Gwey. There were ¤ ’ 113- 117111*1 l7‘ 3} I$,OOO Soninke in the Mauritanian half of Gidimaxa and an equivalent number in the . 114- 1171*1*1 P· 18· Soudanese half in the mid IQZOS. Saint-Pere, Sarakallé du Gidbnaxa, p. 19. Finally, to 117- 117111-> P- 3}- l those {lg-Utes Should loo added the Sonlnko Population of the Matam region (D,n,nga>’ tl - 116. In addition, I have no data on the proportion of males, females, and children :1 which numbered 10,ooo in 1904 (I unfortunately have no later figure for Damga). ' among 111E Bamakc “S0“111k€” P°P‘11*111°“· ~- l ANS 1 G 292, Notice sur le cercle de Matam, 1904. Increasing this latter Egure by one- 1 1 117* Cult--- LE 111a11C¤ ((1111 V111agE de 13 Va11é° du Sé11éga11 A‘““‘11‘O‘-111“1é·” l l third, we obtain a total of 67,000 for the Upper Senegal. j Cuflief-1 d1¤¢¢W·m8Y1 v<>1· 177 1'1¤· 66, 196-ia PP- 14$`147- 1 l,— 96. Samuel, Pralézariaz afrieatn m France, pp. 58-59. 4 1 118· 117111-= PP- 145-146- dl 97. See ibid., tables pp. 7;-76. l 1 119- Tm"? -"1`8'””·‘ ’1”/1””"> P- Si98. Most Soninke chambres in the 1930s were in the downtown area; Bakel (Rue ‘ i 17-0- 117111-1 P- 89- 1 Rafenel), Kungani (Rue Raffenel), jagili (Rue Sandiniéry prolongée), Gucube (Rue { 171· LO"? Vgydge ‘1/e1g”11 ‘{1‘f1”“W· F" 77‘ Escarfait), Muderi (Rue Valmy), Manayeli (Rue Félix-Faure), Tiyaabu (Rue Thiers); 1 ` 17-7-- T"'-" ‘”§”'~1 du//fg”"e¤ PP- 9113 919 LM? Vgydgg de é·1"1-1 d“f1e1‘1’g> P- 77- ~ ANS 9 G-86, gov.-general FWA to gov. Mauritania, go june 19;;; interviews Bakelt , V ` I1]. Adams, Ykrre ezgenr dafleave, p. 85; Suuleyman Saaxo, Interview, Dakar, 17 jabira and Gay jabira, Kungani, 17 August 1982 (location of Kungani chambre); ANS _ D€°€m17€1 197112 D 4-21, Bakel, Affaires des Bathily, Reclamation des Bathily de Dakar Samba Diama ~` · I 114- Seet e‘g·= 101 1a111111‘1> P°11E1 111111 W1n1°1# ‘1°C1é"1 1°"1"/1ét P' 116et consorts et de Samba Kadiata chef du Goye Inférieur contre l’assesseur du tribunal I 17·$· See C1111P1€1 O1"' podé galoum do Tudbor Cottosnondanoo Rdnnono ,o,7_,o,8 (Toabo ol,an,,l,n,o)_ 126. René Caillé, for example, stayed at the home of a Soninke during his visit to lu 1111*11 the Wa1# 111051 aPPEa1 10 have moved 10 N1aYe 111h1°11€1` fe-E-» Jagili) or Medina ` 1 Tengrela in the early nineteenth century. Paul Marty, Etudes rar [Yr/am en Céte a'7vaire lll (Kungani); interviews Bakeli and Gay jabira, and complementary information jabe _ I (Pads: 1·€1°1111¤ 197·7·)> ll 17*7*1 3 ll So, Kungani, I7 August 1982. On the history of Dakar, see Seck, Dakar; esl; part " 127. Marty, Etudes rarlklam en Cate d7vaire,p. 174;for other examples, see pp. 121, , One; and Recenterrzent démograpkigue de Dakar @g5Q, 1 17-3- 1 lll 99_ Samuel, p,o[_,;m,[,,, nfricoin on 1;-,,,,,% o_ 24} Soo also n_ ,_42_ _ _ 128. ANM 1E-;6, Nioro, No. 22, Annual report 1922; 1E-32, Nara, gd quarter 1924; too Adams, Long voyage des gem do flguwl no 7,_8,_; Tb", 8, $,,,,,4, dn fleuwl . 1st quarter 1927; ISI quarter 1932. See also Boyer, Unpenp/e de Zbuertsaudarxair, p. 11o. l ll go_oo_ 1 g l 129. On Malian (Mande) migration to the Ivory Coast, see Marguerat, “Des ethnies l IOL A_ Hauser, Ronport ,;*,,,,7,,,;,,, mr [ou, tfoyoijleurs ,,1,5 Indmtnex _Mn,,,,f;,cn,,.,é,.e_, ‘ et des villes”; Frangoise Dureau, Migration et urbaniration, Le can de la Céte diivnire , l de la region de Dakar (Dakar: Université cle Dakar, I.F.A.N., 1965); see also by the q _ (Pa1`1S1 ORSTOM. 1987% ]€111'1‘1-OUP A1‘1s€11°= LES ”1€’”1“’11~" de [11 ‘“"‘””- H1;""11“ " " same author, Les vuvriert de Daktzn Etude pryckzosoriologique (Paris: O.R.S.T.O.M., ; ii °’g“"1“1‘1"’1 1°c1°[B dw Kwwkg ([141110 (17:11151 A111‘1110POS’ 1977)* PP' 131_1‘l2‘ 011 mogy V l ` Mande migration to the Ivory Coast in the precolonial period, see Person, Samari. I IOL Hauser, Ronnon ,{·e,Lq,,g,e’ no ,o_Zo_ Of the Workers surveyed) on Percent ‘ IQO. Saint-Pere, Sarakalle du Guia’z`rnak/ta [1925], p. 52; Marty, Etudes rarZ7r[arn an were gonlnlto g ` Senegal, pp. [Z8--129. Migrants from Soudan were employed in the building of the ro;. Hauser, Rapport, p. 21. It is worth noting that the Petersen factory was estab- I l 11111WaY 111 PPE 1V°1`Y Coasf in the 1910% David. N“1"1‘“””-°¤ P- 173- ` NOTES TO PAGES I9I—192 NOTES TO PAGES 192-194 [mol [Q01] lit

‘vi 13;. ANS ZG 34-66, lltikel, Yearly report :934, Census; see also ANS 2G 34-66, ' ? 149. When a bull was slaughtered in Kinshasa, its head was sent to the Taniigora Bake]. POL R¤P0*'l ******¤¢l *934- PP- 9***% “Mt*V€*”'*€**t Of P9P**13t`l0**$· Em*E*’at*0**” , V (jaaxo) family (which held the oilice of ctztli, see immediately below). This wasa cusand ANS zG 40-91, liztkel, Yearly political report I940. ‘ ; tomary honor reserved to chiefs among the Soninke. Lasana jaaxo, Dakar, 24 ]anuary 132. Le Blaine, " Un village de la vallée du Sénégal,” pp. 145-*46- 0** Bol-mkés $99 .· X r980. Also Lasana Ndaw, Dakar, I7 December 1979; Al—Haj Mamadu jaaxo, Kungani, Recemexrturrt 1/dniogrtzphique de Bouaké, juillet-Amit 1958 (République de la Céte `· ` I3 August r93;; ANI? (Aix-en-Provence) 10 F (17), sous—dossier “Léopoldville, ` d’Iv0it·e: u.p., [ca. 1960]). i I 1948-55”; Al-Haj Maxan Darame; Al-I-Iaj Mamadu ]aaxo. , 133. Ykrru etgen: rlufleuve, p. 79; see also Long voyage dergewo dufletwe, p. 80. · r5O_ Lasana jaaxo, Dakar, 13 December 1979; Al-Haj Mamadu ]aaxo, Kungani, 13 *14- Adams, DVB gtgem iiuflgmtgi PP- 79. S4. 88; LM; Voyage des ge"-? duflewe- P- Q . August 1982. "Since a tolibé could not be the chief of his mat-ab0ut," the Tanjigora be- ` ii*§ ANM *E‘36a R3PP0*‘t de t0t**'**é€ Y0'-**7. $¤**d¤*3> $*****3-***9*3. Lakamané, V came from the beginning chiefs of the Soninke in Zaire, Lasana Ndaw, Dakar, 17 De- l $¤¤S¤¤*<é. Sambadigané. Diéma. T¤¤g¤¤¤¤. Tinkaréi rw; R-¤pp¤r¤ de wumée elise- , cember inn;. On the beginnings of Soninke migration to Zaire, see Chapter me. tuéc du 7-* S€Pt€***b*’€ au 7 Octobm *944 Paf M- Cancel. lean, administrateur-adjoint I _ 151. Interestingly, whereas the Darame were dominant in Gajaaga, the jaaxo dom- ` des Colonies- adlolm al-* Commandant ds cetcle ds N*9*“O5 BOYEK U’*P€”P[£ dg [PW-tt i inated in Kinshasa, then a booming commercial metropolis, while the Darame had to oficain, p. 110. 1 remain content with Brazzaville, the sleepy capital of French Equatorial Africa. This *35- A1‘Hal Mamadu laaxoi Klmganh *7- August *987- ` situation apparently provided new fuel to the traditional rivalry between the two fam136. Interviews in Dakar of Lasana jaaxo (nephew of Kinshasa’s first c¤dQ 13 De- Q jl{€s_ i cember *9793 Z4 .l¤****¤*'Y *980; Papa Kane ($€¤€g¤l€S€ Omcial and $€h01¤*’. b0*‘** in th€ L 15;.. Samir Amin gives a figure of 4,000 to 5,000 “Senegalese” in Zaire. Of these, C<>¤g¤). 9 lt*"'*a*“Y *9805 I-€*$a*'*3 Ndaw. *7 D€€€mb€* *9795 and interviews l** K'-**7%***** ` V 1,000 were really from Senegal and were mostly Soninke. Two thousand or more (half , of Al‘H3l Mamadu laam (last Somnke Mali Of Kl**$ht*$€*)i **» *3» *5 August *98% ` , of the “Senegalese") were Malians, “and especially, Guineans” (these were more re- , *3 7· I-359**3 laaxoa *3 D€*?€***b€*' *979- i cent migrants); this suggests that a little less than half of this figure were Malians, most I38‘ A1`}-{al Maxan Damme (S°“l“k° "Ji of B*aZZaV*ll° b€tr°*’€ $€**€g€*1€S€ and ` certainly Soninke. A thousand or more (one-fourth of the "Senegalese") were Hausa Malians were Exljelled {mm C°**,€0>> B¤m¤*<¤- * S€Pt€mb€*' *98% _ , migrants. Amin, Mantle der afzires séaégtzlak, p. 163. I do not have figures for the , r39. Al—Haj Maxan Darame and Xadi Darame, with reference to migrants from the E Congu l village of Tafasiriga (Kamera). Bamako, 1 September 1982.. ` 153. ]. S. La Fontaine, City Pol1`zir.v.· A Study of Léupulalvllle, 4962-63 (Cambridge: 140. Al-Haj Mamadu jaaxo, Kungani, 13 August 1982; Papa Kane, Dakar, 9 ]anu— ‘ ’ Cambridge University Press, 1970), p. 91. ¤*Y *989; I-7*53**6 .l¤¤’tO> Dalia?. *3 D€*?€mb€*” *979- i _ 154. Al-Haj Maxan Darame, Bamako, 1 September 1982. 141. Al-I-Iaj Mamadu jaaxo, Kungani, 13 August 1982. r55. On plantations, ]abe S0, Kungani, t5 August 1982.. *42- S€€ Adams. Te"'? “g·""~‘ ‘*’*‘fZ”*W€¤ PP- 77-76- i 156. Amin, Monde dex ajkzires sénégalois, p. 165. 143. Indeed that same informant mentioned that leftover space could be rented to i - rg-;. Ibid., pp. 163-165. To convert from CFA francs to dollars, I have used the 4 t€**t***tS- i standard 1960s rate of 5 French francs to 1 dollar; 1 CFA franc equalled 0.02 French l 144. Sandra T. Barnes, Patron.: and Power? Creating tz Political Community in Metro- . {1-;,n;_ polittm Lagos (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986). f ¤ 158. Professor Xacli Darame (a Wahabi, and son of Al-Haj Maxan Darame, last i 145. By 1935, cloth was bought in Lagos with money transferred from banks in the $0]-ijnke Cadi gf Brazzaville), Bamako, Septembéf 1981- ` Congos to banks in Nigeria. Lasana jaaxo, interview, Dakar, 13 December 1979- r59. ANS 21 G 57, Colonie du Senegal, Inscription maritime to M. l’Administra— 146. Saydu Nay So, Dakar, 7.1 December 1979. Kola nuts were at first imported for ` tem- dg l’inscr—iption maritime, Marseille, 28]Hl'1\-lafy I91¤the migr-ants’ consumption, but later were adopted by the Zairians and the Congolese. ‘ v I6O_ ANS 2; G rr5 (48), Le chef du service de l’i¤S€1‘ip*1l0¤ maritime du Sénégal 5 ~ *47- I-?*$’<***€* Ndaw. D¤k¤r. *7 D€€€***b€*‘ *979- _ M. le Délégué clu Gouvernement du Sénégal a Dakar, No. 145, 24 February 1923. ` r48. Chiefs were also elected; they served as intermediaries with the colonial ad- ( i6;_ ANSQM Senegal XI, 48. l l ministration and for this reason were chosen before the Second World War among the i ‘ . I5; gneh neglect also occurred in Dakar, although 1658 frequent-lYP§ ANS 7-* G $7»· ll; W°]°f’ many °{ Wh°m spoke Fr--¤h and We" French CltiZe**$· MP3 Kam- Dakaft 9 l ~ Senegal, Inscription maritime, Dakar to Administrator, Inscription maritime, Mar- Q1 l january 1980; Al-I-Iaj Mamadu jaaxo, Kungani, 12 August 1982; Al-Haj Maxan i seilles, 28 january t9zo. i Darame, Bamako, 1 September 1982; jean Comhaire, "Note sur les musulmans de , ` l 16} Iabe sc, Kungani, 17 August 1982. i Léopoldville,” Zoite, l948, H, 3, pp. 303-304; Al·H¤l Maxan D¤*t=****€> * September ,° i 164. ANS 21 G 57, Senegal, Inscription maritime, Dakar to Administrator, Inscrip- \ , *982; Lasam Ndawa 7-* D*7C€***b€*' *979~ E ~ tion maritime, Marseilles, 28 ]anuary 1920. I J2l4 ii ij Ul NOTES TO PAGES 194-195 NOTES TO PAGES 195-197 ‘, [ 307. ] ' » I im I

165. ANS 11 G 57, Senegal, Inscription maritime, Dakar to Administrator, Inscrip- about young men who had left without their consent and to try to prevent them from l tion maritime, Marseilles, 18 january 1910. i obtaining sailing documents in Dakar; interview, Lasana Ndaw (former sailor), l n 166. See ANS 11 G 115 (48), Head of Register of Sailors (imcrqpzzbn maritime} of Dakar, 11 December 1979. tl ij Senegal to Delegate of government of Senegal in Dakar, No. 145, 14 February 1913; V 183. [Sic], instead of the correct plural, rrzpurrzux. The name could come from Ital- if iii ANSOM, Slotfom III, 41 (3). ian or Provencal. , ‘ ` 167. ANSOM III, 41 (whole Hle). j ,_» 184. Saydu Nay So, Dakar, 11 December 1979. ` 168. ANSOM, Slotfom III,41, Ministry of Colonies to Under-Secretary of State to I 185. ANSOM, Slotfom III, 17, Delegate CAI to Pol. Affairs, Paris, No. 1313, 26 gl ‘ Public Works in charge of Ports, Merchant Marine and Fisheries, N o. 1460, 5 june 1916. _‘ August 1929. ll l 169. See esp. ANSOM Slotfom III, 41, Gov.-gen. FWA to CAI, Paris, No. 1157 , ,E 186. There is unfortunately no comprehensive information on these bars and hotels AP/I, 27 December 193o. Not all stowaways were undocumented; ship ohicials ap- l in Marseilles, but the Soninke had their own bor there; see ANS 21 G 44, Delegate CAI Il pear to have tolerated or even facilitated the irregular passage to France of docu- [ to Min. Colonies, Dir, Pol. Affairs, No. 119, 21 February 1930; and below on Tumaani ~` mented sailors by employing them as unpaid casual labor. I i Sangare. A 1931 document lists the cafes frequented by Blacks in Bordeaux: one bar l70. ANSOM Slotfom III, 41, Head Inscription maritime of Senegal, to Delegate 7 was frequented by the Senegalese and Soudanese (Soninke, Futanke, Wolof, Bam- 4 of CAI, Marseilles, No. 473, 14 july 1931. , { baras, and also Mossi and Susu); two were frequented by Casamancais (southern 171. ANSOM III, 41; e.g., Delegate CAI Marseilles to Head, Inscription maritime ` Senegal); one by Cameroonians (Duala), Baule, and Fanti; and two were ethnically 4 Dakar, No. 1428, 2 October 1933. X 3 mixed. ANSOM VI, 8, Bordeaux, Commissariat special, I2 june 1931. i 172. Suuleyman Saaxo, Dakar, Dec. 17, 1978. Musa Saaxo was the leader of the mi- , 187. On these organizations, see j. S. Spiegler, “Aspects of Nationalist Thought grants from jawara in Dakar. See ANS 1 D 4/11, Bakel, Afaire Moussa Sakho. { among French—Speaking West Africans," D. Phil. thesis, Oxford University, Nuffield . I73. ANS, unclassified document, Ct. Matam to Gov. Senegal, No. 41, 17 Septem- . College, 1968; Philippe Dewitte, Le.: rnuuvemenns négrer an France, 2319-1_9_3g (Paris: ber 1937; ANSOM Slotfom III, 41, Gov.-gen. FWA to Min. Colonies, No. 19 DS, 17 l L’Harmattan, 1985). , May 1932; Magatte’s role was mentiontml to me by several former sailors. For more on . · 188. See ANSOM Slotfom III, 36; ANS 17 G 62, No. 17; and ANS 21 G 44. One im- l Magatte, see ANS 21 G 115 (48), Government-General, Direction de la police et de la A ‘ portant reason for Kouyaté’s failure was that the LDRN was then committed to the desureté générale, No. 119, 11 May 1913. 1 i _` portation of undocumented sailors. Kouyaté was also opposed in principle to the . 174. ANSOM, Slotfom III, 17, see Reports by agent “Ernest" to M. Lucien I-Iarlée, , . emigration of Africans to Europe. ANSOM, Slotfom III, 36, Ligue de défense de la ~ Administrateur des Colonies, No. 1, 7 july 1916; No 3, I2 july 1916; No 4, I4 july ' race negre to Minister of Public Works [and Marine], 24 Apr. 1930. 1916. i_ , 189. ANSOM, Slotfom III, 41, Delegate CAI Marseilles to Inscription maritime, 175. ANS Zl G 44, Delegate CAI Marseilles to Dir. Pol. Affairs, Ministry of l ii Marseilles, 15 May 1933;Delegate CAI Marseilles to Direction Political Affairs, 5 june Colonies, 21 February 1930. . — 1936. 176. Collective interview with former sailors who had begun employment in the _ 190. Spiegler, “Aspects of Nationalist Thought,” p. 108; see also ANSOM, Slotl9}0S, held at the chambre of the village of Muderi (Gwey), Dakar, 11 December ‘ · ’ fom VI, 8, Commissaire spécial Chauvineau to Directeur Sureté Générale (Controle 1979. ANS 1 G 30-67, Bakel, Rapport politique, 1930; 1 G 30-69, 1930; 1 G 33-67, i` ` de la police administrative), a Paris, 18 january 1931. 1933; 1 G 34-66, 1934; 1 G 35-81, 1935, etc.; ANS 1 G 34- 91, Matam, Rapport politique `I . ` 191. ANSOM, Slotfom Ill, 45, Minister of Interior, Direction de la Sureté annuel, 1934; ANS 2 G-33-15, Mauritania, Rapport politique annuel, 1938; 1 G 39-1, { , Générale, to Minister of Colonies, No. 1178, 12 February 1935; on Diara’s activity in 1939. ·, the Ligue, see Spiegler, “Aspects of Nationalist Thought," pp. 106, 208 and passim. 177. Mamadu jimera, during general conversation on the prestige of sailors, with i _ See also ANSOM, Slotfom II, 36, Report of Agent Paul, Ligue de Defense de la Race Abdulay Sakiné (sailor for twenty-seven years, beginning in 1919), Dakar, 13 Decem- { V Negre, General Assembly, 3 May 1930. ber 1979. ` 191. My opinion on this was confirmed by Professor G. Wesley johnson, who is 178. Gay jabira, Kungani, 17 August 1981. ; currently writing a political history of Senegal in the interwar period, in conversa179. See Chapter Six. Z tions, 1986. V ISO. I. D. Bathily, “N0tices socio-historiques," p. 98. S; _ 193. Spiegler, "Aspects of Nationalist Thought," pp. 109, 11 1-213; Dewitte, Mou181. David, Navétanes, p. 110. Y verrzenzr rtégres, p. 333-334, 181-182. 181. ANS 4. G 163, Rapport d’inspection concernant le cercle de Bakel, january 1 194. ANS K 116 (16), Les soussignés délégués des camarades navigateurs dont la 1922. Parents often wrote to the French administrator in Bake] to obtain information i liste est ci-jointe a M. Galandou Diouf, Député du Sénégal, 3I October 1934. NOTES TO PAGES 197-199 _,_ NOTES TO PAGES 199-200 I 1¤4l ? l 30S l

a; I, I9,_ $PIegIe,_ "Aspects Of NMIOMIISI Thoughtj P_ 2,37 note L _ closed with I-Iead of Native Immigration to Pol. Aliairs, No. 585, 29 june 19383 196. Letter William Bertrand, Minister of Merchant Marine to Galandou Diouf, ` ANSOM $l01i”¤m 111, 27- The €0u11Cil Oli féucwcd Amicale comprised one delegate of il No. 2547, 13 November 1935, in ANSOM, Slotfom III, 41. See also in ibid., Delegate “]eunesse Africaine." This would be an indication of ties with Kouyaté, whose friends CAI MarSeIIIeS [D Mm COIOnIeS7 DIL pO]_ Aggies, N0_ ,6,9 D_G_’ IS November [93,; _ in West Africa attempted to create a Fédération Franeaise des jeunesses Africaines in No. 1730 D.G.C.C., 11 December 1935; Galandou Diouf, Compte-rendu de l’audience 1939- SPi€gi€i'1 “AsP°1’ts Oil Nationalist Tiitiiigiityn PP- 271-274- il que nous avons eue ce matin avec M. le Ministre de la Marine marchande, 30 October i 208- Foreign members Ot the C-G·T· lt1mP€Ci {10111 $09170 iti 350101-717 O1' 4170,000 ,9,, , . between 1935 and mid 1937, according to the union’s claims, which were probably ex197, ANSOM, Slotfom III, 41, Note au sujet des embarquements de marins in- ` z1ggera1cd,The French unions had previously been either lukewarm or hostile toward digénes a bord des navires des Messageries Maritimes, [Delegate CAI] Marseilles, 6 · fO1”€il%1"1iai7O1‘€1's» €71C°Pti`171'1111i1111sl1aVi11g1i€5 with the Communist party, see Gary S, l August 1937, Auguste Gueye, President, Société amicale des originaires de l`A.O.F. to i ` Cross- [”i”1iH’“1’1t W"'/tm 111 [’i”i’*·11’i¤[F’=2’1#€·' Tha Mdling aj. 12 New Wvfkliug C/¤.1.r Delegate CAI Mm.SeII]es,_,Aug-use ,9,9 . 1 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983), p. 207; Léon Gani, Syndicarr et tru198. ANSOM, Slotfom III, 41, Delegate CAI Marseilles to Inscription Maritime, Vai.]/cars 1i’”"1iWé1(Pa1`isi Eciititiiis ¤<>¢1¤1¤5, 1972)- PP- 23-74- ,i1l Chef de qmmie,4 Mm.sei]]eS_ ,, May ,93, 1 209. ANS z G 38-1, Mauritania, Annual Political Report, 1938, 2 G 4o-3, 1940,1111d 199, ANSOM, Slotfom III, 27, Société Amicale des Originaires dc l'A.O.F. to 1 , ANS <¤¤1¤1-¤SS111¤<11¤11¤¤1>» A”iiiii1iisti'at"1" Matai`1"1 10 GOV s's11°gai1 17 S€P1€1’11l9€1'1937. president du Conseil [Daladicfl, 7-0 May 19393 Si°tt17111 iii, 41. Auguste Gueye, Pres- V 210. In twenty-six years of emigration, Mr. jabe So met only two Wolof sailors. hi ident, Société Amicale des Originaires dc l’A.O.F. to Delegate CAI Marseilles, 4 Au- 2 Wolof sailors continued to be present though. The Amicale was, in {act, re-formed in gust ,9.,9 V 1947 under the name Société Amicale de liAfI'i([l1C Noire Franeaise, The name suggests zoo. See ANSOM, Slotfom III, 27, Société Amicale des Originaires de l’A.O.F. to , that this was no longer an association of sailors, but a number of its oiiicials had been ,` Minister of Colonies Georges Mandel, 4 january 1939. This domination was probably , 1'11€111l>€15 of 1l’1€ Amicale in thc IQQOS. Archives des Bnuclies-du.R]16rr€, M 1, 934-3_ i not absolute because the Amicale came under increasing criticism forits ethnic exclu- ` t 211- l¤l7€ $0, Kunganls 14 August I982; Diarra, “Travailleu1-s u{1·ig;1i1·1$," Pp_ sivism, including from the French administration, and could not too blatantly favor - i 888-889- l]llI Saint-Louisiens. One of my informants was employed by the Messageries Maritimes V 212- l111€1`Vi€W of M1- JBZ11'1-M€1rC Masscaut, who worked as a deck ofiieer between l ` in 1937, that is, before the transformation of the Amicale in 1938. Saydu Nay So, 1 1975 and 1985 011 l`1”€igl1T€1‘S Oli several French companies (Chargeurs Réunigt gociélé Dakar, 21 December 1979, 11¤V11l€ dc liOuCS1, Nuuvcllc Compagnie Havraise Péninsulaire), L;. Baulc, 1 Iuly 201. ANSOM, Slotfom III, 119, Excerpt on the Comité from Le Pen`: Pmwrtynl -§ 1992. (Marseilles), 9 November 193;, j 21;- Ic-¤n—M¤rc Musscaut, interview, La Baule, 1 july 1991, For Mr, Magmut, [he 2oz. ANSOM, Slotfom III, 41, Delegate CAI to Min. Colonies, Dir. Pol. Affairs, ., main reason why French shipping companies continue to employ Soninke sailors I No. 289 D,A., 3 March 1936; ANS z1 G 44, Delegate CAI to Min. Colonies, Dir. Pol. (Wim g€11€1?1ll)’ have 110 skill 01 €duC¤Ii0n, although they are serious and l·1;1rd WO,-k. l Il Affairs, No. 229, z1 February 1930. Sangare was born in Birgo in the French Soudan. 1 , ing) is "politic:1l,” that is, the bilateral agreements mentioned above. 203. ANSOM, Slotfom III, 41, Delegate CAI Marseilles to Min. Colonies, Dir. Pol. g- ? 214- Hotels and 0319 also 0€€¤Si0n¤lly provided useful services to the s;11l01·s_ FUI- ,i Affairs, No. 1619 D.C»., 15 November 1935, €X€111'1pl€, sailors often deposited valuables in hotel safes, zo4. ANSOM Slotfom III, 41, Note au sujet de l’Agit.Prop dans le milieu des orig- 21 S- MY $01-11'CG O1`1 1l1lS is H f0l'n1€r Sailor who participated heavily ir. gmuggling at 1,,]" inaires de l’A.O,F., 1937; compare the names with the signatures on the letter inform- ti1€ time- F01 <>l7Vi<111$ 161150115, l 1-?11”1110fqL1O[€ his name here. ing the CAI of the ousting of Auguste Gueye, ANSOM Slotfom III, z7, [Amicale] to ii i 216- E11g餀 SHCCOTHHHO, Z?¤rm'it1·ci Martel`//er (Paris; julliard, 1963) l, M, Fouque, Delegate CAI Marseilles, 14 April 1938, It is worth noting that Kouyaté ` 217- Abtiuiay $¤1¤1¤e. i111€1Vi¤W- D€1l<¤1, 13 D¤¤¤1¤l¤¤1 1979- ll had insisted on keeping a strict ethnic balance in his organization. See ANS 21 G 44, 7-18- labe 50- Kiitigaiiil 16 August 1932- 1,.1, Report by Romain [nd. but ca. 1930]. On contacts between Pierre Mbaye and Emile . 219· l€a11·Ma1’€ Massaaui- 1-2 B7111l€, 1 luly 1992;31’1€l personal observations in Mar- ll Faure ’s Ligue (in 1935), see Spiegler, "Aspects of Nationalist 'I`l1ought," p. 208. sciiiasl 1987-205. ANSOM Slotfom III, 119, excerpt from La petit Pmvanpal, 9 November 1935; 220- ANSI 27; D€1'1l$€ B01·1¤l1€, iii-inc Source pour l`éturie cle la société sénégalaise Dclegatc CAI Marseilles to Dir, Pol. Affairs, No. 283, 2 March 1936. clans la P1”€1T1ié1’€ 1T10i€ié du XXS. siécle: lcs monographies d’écoles," Lkglg py-1},-ml',-E zo6. See the list of oliicials in Spiegler, “Aspects of Nationalist Thought,” p. 208. . ·tE"1éé"i[‘iiaa~ siiPPiC1tiatii> NO- 1» la1111a1'Y 196% PP- $1-$6; N0- 7-, February 1967, pp. 1 But, of course, the name Amadu Njaay is a most common Wolof (and even Soninke) Q ; 45-52- Many $011i1'1l<€ l i1”11
time; see Denise Bouche, Lbntetgnernent alan.: les territaires Jqangazlr de l Zelfrigue occi- ' Q tt · · - _ ll dentale tie ISI] d IQZO (Lille: Atelier de reproduction des theses; Paris: Champion, V I MS. Bin alaii yOung:’1d(?d§ive-been embmemcai Farevf? tranquillity. Snug ll" ~` _ g e, srrugg e, poison, wttc era t, e ation, anonymous etters, a se accusamons, scan- l , I97$>’ Passmm _ _ , _ dalous enquiries, courts. No more chiefs—Right of vote-No more tax—No more X l Y 221. Marc Michel, Afppels l Afrique, pp. HO, U6 Time 89- · I _ Q provident granaries—LlOuC€S’ Ppr 3% fd 72` ,i ~ Methodological Problems of the Study of Labour Migradon," pp. 32-42. l l 236` Papers Iijrabufla amin Bam" I 252. Moreover, many Soninke migrants did live wfhtheir wives and children in the l` 237. I. Bathily, Notice-s, p. 72, · , r towns, as we saw in the cases of Dakar and migration Es the Congos. Yet even they l 238. It is possible that Chief Bactli, had he been more diplomatic, could have re- · generally rammed to their Viuagesl oorroo hor from or *ooor soroo of rho ororo oroarossrrr rooorrrro ssrrors- Soo Aosrrst t .,3, To emphasize thtpam, construction workers in the French aéipanementof he Toro "g“"o‘ ‘{“fl‘l“"’s“P· “?7· H K i Creuse, for- example, began to migrate in the thirteenth centum but it was only in the hl Z39- L D· Bathllllt Nmlcesv PP· 809 98* , 184os that their descendents began to abandon seasonal migration for dehnitive mi- l 1 z4¤. ANS z G 303697 Baksl, Yearly pol: report. roto; G i8j7$. Eokoli Yoorly pol- : I gmion and 1,,-ought their- wives th live with them ih the cities; see Chatelain, Migram gggiféijgrijéiagd 2;;;9}?¤2?§;F; ; ;;$1;€‘;I1;;i;;;i;f\; ;;dmQ?*s?ag:; do gsroéo do » · ggmpgrqfrgy en France, vol. 2, p. 781; and the analysis of the memoirs of Mart-in Nadaud ll ,,-.r1-2-4......,. 1) 1939; Z G 40-3, IMO- ’ ’ y P P ’ 93 ’ 39 1 , by Louis Chevalier, Formation ale lapapulazzonpanxzenne, p, 218. I I A" I ~ 254. Fascinating historical account of Corsican emigration in Chatelam, Mtgrantt yl 1. 241. See also ANS 2 G 40-9r, Bakel, Yearly pol. report, 1940; 4 G 32o, Rapport · Zempprairm an Frame, PP 978_999' lll dmlnspegtion relattf a ladmtmstrauon generale de la subdivision de Bakel par I 2%- Caroline Hutton) He]ucmmFdrmem_ A Study of Unemployment,-H Uganda am! emu ’ {ML V _ , - Planned Rural Development in Uganda (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, li, ‘ 242. I. D. Bathiy, “NOElCES,” p. 68. 5 1973). lz,} 243. ANS 2 D 4 21 (tz), Bakel, ConHit opposantla ramille des Goundiame de Gal- V » ' ll ladé at la famille des Bathily de Tuabo. Affaire des terrains de culture dans le Goye in- 1. ` 256. Jake SO, Kungami I3 August 1982. l férieur [Administrative inspection report], 1932. 1, , 244. ANS 2 G 45-S1, Bakel, Rapport d’ensemble, 3d quarter 1945; also 2 G 46-77, i N \ " Rapport trimestriel d’ensemble, ist quarter 1946; I. D. Bathily, “Notices,” pp. 33-34. g ` III 11~ ‘` NOTES TO PAGES 2o4-208 . `. 1 NOTES TO PAGES 208-211 gr [308] " ` lzool lf l

i lll ,2`,. Conclusion ,_ · du 1_3 au 15 ocmbre z_9o6‘(Paris: Association France-Algérie, 1966); Pierre Demondion, I i i "L`ernploi de la main-d’oeuvre algérienne en France,” Dmiz racial, vol. z4 (3), 1961, W, 1- Unfortunately, Such schemes, in particular in Senegal, have Often been im;0- ` pp. 1;;-16;; see also Madeleine Trébous, We et travail des Algériertr cn France (Paris: duced by government agencies without consultation of the Soninke and without re- ¤ jour, 1974); Alain Gillette and Abdelmalek Sayad, Limmzgmrizm a/gérienne en France l\` 1 gflfd for their needs. For an overview ofthe question, seein particular Adams, Terre 6, i (Paris; Entente, 1976); Alain Girard and jean Stoetzel, Frrmpair ex immzgris, I.N.E.D., zl l gem z1'ufZczwc. I V Cahier No. 19, 7. vols, (Paris: P.U.F., 1953), see vol. 2. 7.. One journalistic source even mentions November 1958 as a beginning date. That ` ‘ 11. On the transformation of the Algerian labor force during this period, see De- gl was the month when French West African territories attained independence Wnhin the , T mondion, "Emploi de la main-d’oeuvre algérienne en France," esp. p. 160; Zerhaoui, gill] ¤0¤1F¤0¤W€3lIh-type French Community. The appearance of zi "t1,n-ning Pnim" mus; i Travail/eurs zzlgériens an France, pp. 90-91; Association France—Algérie, Cnmpte-rendu have come from the fact that African migrants were now recorded in Ofncia] docu- L du C0/[aqua de 1gn6;pp.z2,64,68. Construction, despite its seasonal pattern of unem— m€¤tS HS foreign nationals, thereby acquiring greater visibility, The authors of the T ployment, provides better-skilled and better-paid occupations than manufacturing, Citffd article, inddentillly, contradicted themselves when they quoted an executive { and attractive opportunities for social promotion in the contracting business. from alarge Parisian automobile plant (most certainly Renault), who dated the begin- L , Theodore Caplow, The Sociology of Mar/r (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota 1 ning of African migration from 1956 to 19;; j.-P. Rosie; and j. Lgnche, **A{riCagnS ,4 Press, 19;.;); Richard H. Hall, Otmpazionr and the Social Szrurzure (Englewood Cliiis, noirs presents et au travail en France," Culiim mrd.aj9[mim, nO_ 867 Ocmbm-WNO- , N.j.; Prentice-Hall, 197;). It was a booming trade in France during this period; vember 1961, pp. 8-go, see p. 18. " V Tapinos, Immi_gmzz`1m émmgére en Frame, pp. 47*67. Algerians were not the Erst mi- i l }· Th€S€ HIE 0FHcial figures that are certainly underestimated; for 19;; figure, see · grants to have taken this route of social betterment: in the nineteenth Century, French l ‘ Diarra, “TravaiIleurs africains," p. 889; for 1956 figure, see M. Aubin, “Les jeunes et i L migrants from Limousin dominated the building trades, followed by Germans, and lg les territoires d’outre-mer," Inprmatiam mpialm, nn. 4, April 19;% P, MO; ]e;m.p{€¤-Q :1 finally by Italians. See Chatelain, Migrrmtr zemparnirer en France, pp. 7754894; Martin N’Diaye, “Noir, pauvre et sans travail, le drame de Fémigration noire en France," K Nadaud, Leonard, megan dg la Creme (Paris; Maspéro, 1976), introduction by jeanRéalizét ufrimzzhcr, no. 5, May»june 19@. For various conflicting 19605 figures, see Di- i V Pierre Rioux; see also the other edition with a preface by Maurice Agulhon; Corbin, I arra, “'1'ravail]eurs africains en France,” pp. 897.-894. ` V "Paysans de Paris," pp. 169—176. j l 4- In {HCI, according to Soninke testimonies collected in Mauritania (especially in ii 1:. Tapinos, Immigration itmngére cri France, esp. pp. $$~62. i Gidimaxa) in the early 197os, Soninke migration to France began in 4954. Elizabeth _ , 13. See, e.g., Michel Friedman, “Il rnangera son pain a la sueur de son front: enquéte Dussauze—Ingra11d, "L’émigration Sarakollaise du Guidimakha vers la Emma} in V V I surlestravailleurs afi-icains en France,"jeum Afiique, No. 190, Z9 june 1969, p. X7~ Amin, Modern Mzgrutiarw, p. 14;. l gi 14, jabe So, Kungani, 1;, 14 August 1981; jean-Pierre N’Diaye, “Noir, pauvre et 5. Georges Tapinos, Limmigmzimi étrrzngéra an France, Institut National d’Etudes > . , sans travail"; Friedman, “Il mangera son pain it la sueur de son front," pp. 16-18, see Démographiques, Cahier No. 71 (Paris; P.U.F., 197;), pp, 10.45 , ` p. 1-;; Dri jean Brincourt, "Les noirs africains dans un hopital parisien," Esprit, vol. 34, 6. Successive devaluations of the French franc until 1991 also made France an un- I No. 348, 1966, pp. 758-761; Diarra, "Travailleurs africains." attractive destination for foreign migrants as compared with other Western European ‘ i 15. Diarra, “Travailleurs africains,” p. S90. l countries such as Germany. 1 16. Diarra, "Travailleurs africains," p. 889. 7. Ahsene Zerhaoui, Let zravuilleurs agérienr ext France (Paris: Maspéro, 1971), p. _ 17. Marc Nacht, “Les travailleurs noirs en France ou la misére organisée." Les 23; also Tapinos, Immzgmtian ézmngére en France, pp. ;;—;3_ V ‘ Temp; Mmmm, No, 218, july 1964, pp. 15;-16:.; "Le quartier noir de Marseilles n’est il 8. Tapinos, Immzgrzztian ézrczngére an Frame, pp. 34, 48, 61_ i pas le paradis qu’on imagine en A{rique," Lidératian, 26 March 1964. According to Mr. \ 9. Diarra collected interesting figures about the African worker community in _ ]ean—Marc Masseaut, who was a deck ofhcer on French freighters servicing the West , R¤¤€11 in Lhe 19$0S. These figures show a dramatic increase in the nun-they Of migrants l African coast between 1975 and 1985, sailors in Marseilles often mentioned to him that l f1'0m i¤0 F0 300 in I9$8 to more than a thousand in 19g9; Diana, "Tt-avajlleuys ` V some African bar and cafe owners acted as intermediaries for employers in Marseilles, it Africains," p. 902. r j V but he had no specific information to substantiate this rumor. Interview, La Baule, 1 l IO. On Algerian migration to France, see Ahsene Zerhaoui, Tnzvailleurs rzlgéyienir ·i j , Juiy 1992- V cn France; Andrée Michel, Lei travail/ew; algérieyu wi Frame (Pans; C,N,R_$_’ WSG); ` i 18. jabe So, Kungani, I4 August 1982. Abel Chatelain, “Les Algériens dans la région parisienne,” Bu/im}; dg [a gong; 42. ’ 19. Dr. jean Brincourt ("Noirs africains dans un hopital parisien," p. 759) talks rude: hzkmriques, géagrap/tique: zz rcienrfgues (Paris), No. 91-92., April—September ‘ about direct recruiting by French enterprises in Saint-Louis, Dakar and Kayes. Another 1956, pp. 2.;-7.9; Association France—Algérie, Comptz-rendu der trawzux Ju calloqite . . . , 9 l author talks about a short—lived experiment made in 1960 by French automobile plants Tl NOTES TO PAGES 21;-7.13 i t NOTES TO PAGES 7.14-;.1; ‘ l 210 l i fi [ 311 l

iII with workers recruited directly in Dakar, who were employed in unskilled cleaning ` I Yet, “l,0ubii€ Dieu P°u* EaE`“€* dr Cluui "*V*€,” A¤m'm€¤i, *i0· 49, AP**i *983, PP· ] tasks; Maurienne, “La nouvelle traite des noirs," Revolution tzfricaine [Algiers], No. 13, [ , 947*07— In *98*, 0f *30,000 *'€00*‘€i€€i Africans, 8,500 came from the Ivory Coast, with I 27 April 1963. Diarra mentions that the iirst Africans hired by the Paris automobile 3 probably an important proportion of M0$$iS Sec Paiiicia ii/*;***0*, (:****9 éP0Pé€ Sans l plants were employed in cleaning tasks. See Diarra, “Travailleurs africains noirs en I ii l0i€,” =‘i*¢f’*¢”*F’*i, N0- 49, AP*ii *983, PP- 83 €***· 49, AP*'ii *983- l considering the appalling state of modern education in the Soninke homeland, even [ r 40- The Scninkc did likewise €i*i*'i¤g the Cify $€i*$0¤ in W€$¥ Africa- lj after the Second World War (on this topic, see Chapter Seven), Diarra, "Travailleur$ , 41. john Salt and Hugh Clout, eds., Migration in Parr- War Europe.- Geogrtzphirel I africains," pp. 929-93o. · Errays (London: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 126-167. Compare the early mi- i 29. Ibid. T grations of the Kabyle, selling indigenous crafts, with the winter migrations of the [ 30. Thus Soninke and Fuutanke migrants (37 percent) no longer dominated Sene- V _ French mountaineers described by Chatelain, Migrant: temportzirei en France, vol. t, galese migration to Fi-ante in absolute ter-rns_ . i pp. 377-545. For information on Kabyle migration prior to 1920, see Ageron, Agérieru l 31. OECD statistics quoted in Senegal, Direction de la Statistique, .$`itu¤tt`on I 1 mu-°M[m¤¢¤ 62 ic Ffarlff, PP· 849, 885, 854-858éctmomique du Sénégtz/, 1983, p. 11. 42. Salt and Clout, Migration in Past- War Europa, pp. 126-167. ], 32. I traveled back from Senegal in 1982 with a young Frenchman who had lived 43- Diick *‘i0€*‘d€*', NAU **iF*’0*i*-*€ii0** I0 i-i*i>0i' Migiaiimi iii the Aiiiimic l for some time in Dakar. Once in Paris, we remarked jokingly that we heard about as E Ii E€0i'i0mi€$, *8*57*9*4,), **”***'0du€*i0** [0 Di*'0k H0€*`d€*, €u~, Labw Mib"“’i”’* i” the , much Wolof on the Metro as in Dakar, These new \X/Olgf migrant; are Obviously not ` Atlantic Economies, The European ¤ndNort/1 American War/ring Clarses During the Pestudents, and they often speak French quite well, a clear indication of urban back- I Vi¤d¤Jr[*i¢¤ii4—¥¢Vi·’1i*'i¤!ii¤’i (WESFPUH, Conn-; *-0¤
l;.l census data: 3 million foreigners live in France today, of which zz percent are from 1 l. Africa. Note that this figure does not include Black Africans who have obtained French citizenship. ` · · 45. See statistics in [Berg], Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Blbllography l Agent{a)%rAction (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1981), p. 179. 3 , 46. Franco Rizzi, “Rome devient n0ire,” Le Monde Dirnanc/te, 25 October 1981; 1 Momar Kébé Ndiaye, “Mamadou au pays des ritals,”jeune Ajiique, no. 1098, 20 janu- 5 ‘ A ary 1982; Robert Solé, “Immigrés chez l’immigrant," Le Monde, May zz, 1986. _ 47. A young Soninkekscholarlhas recently devoted an excellent Ph,D. dissertation . ~ ARCHIVAL S O URC ES ` to the problems of identity and integration of Soninke permanent migrants and mi- t grants’ children born in France. Mahamet Timera, “Les immigrés sooninke dans la _ 1 Archives Ndtigndles du Séné dy Dakar ANS ...,....,..g¤ ville: situations migratoires et strategies identitaires dans l’espace residentiel et pro- E] fessi0nnel," Ph.D. thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, 1993. » The National Archives of Senegal in Dakar comprise three distinct archival funds, 1 ‘ 48. Papa Kane, Dakar, 9 january 1980. ` . ` Foods Ancien and Fonds Moderne regroup the archives of the former French West 55 49. For example, the jawara clan is also found among the Xaasonke of Sanga, a tie African colonial federation in Dakar. Fond; Aneien is for the period prior to 1910 and that P1-0];a_b]y Played Some rule in the extgnsglm Of navemnat in this region gee Chap. f " Fond: Moderne for the period after 1920 (access to documents is limited to the period , 5 ter Six. S until 1946.) Fontlr Senegal is the archives of the former colonial territory of Senegal, j 5o. See Chapter Four. Y previously located in St. Louis. Access to the documents in the Fonds Sénégal is also li 51. ANS 2D 4-9 (3), Rapport de l’administrateur adjoint Gaillardon, tournée effec- limited K0 ¥h€ period Umil i<)46· xl] tuée dans le Goye supérieur en février et mars 1911. ` l ] 52.21515 z DT4-12, Etat napminatif des ygllzgesgdu cercle, Bakel, 16 March 1904. , A- Funds Ancien (before 1920) 53. ams, erre etgen: ufleiwe, pp, l , 0- 1. . 4 . _ ’ I 5, ,4_ ANS lg 33-73, Bake], Yea,-1y Potmcal ygpgn) ,93g_ · Q — 6 B: Corresponolance a'e la Division Navale ile l Atlanrique lt 55. Kane and Lericollais, “Emigrati0n en pays soninké," p. 179. A Sud du Cgmmmdanf de G07é€ tI 56· On Breton migration: Chatelaini MEVMKJ ’€'”P”"¢i”~“ en F’¤'*”» PP- 71 $*7765 6 B 61, Correspondance du Commandant de la Division Navale de l’Atlantique Sud et On Sereer migration: Bernard Lacombe et al., Exotle rural et arbaniration au Senegal: des Cum,-nandams de navimi Ig4g_,g53_ saciologie do la migration der Serer ole Nialtliar vers Dalttzr en 1_9;o (Paris: O.R.S.T.O.M., — 6 B 63 [mem ] I861_‘88z Mm)- » J] , 57. On migration from Aquitaine at the turn of the nineteenth century: Chatelain, ‘ 5 _3 EP Conseil ol;4alministrtzzi0n tin Sénégal y Mlgrants fgmpamlrw en Fr'm°e* PP‘ 99z‘993· Mlgmms from A
1 1* I r . al is . yi I G 3I¤7 M0¤¤gI'¤Phi€ du ¤€I’€l€ de K3Y€$, I903·~I9¤4- K 14, Rapports sur la captivité [Nioro, Médine, Kayes, 1894]. I N`] r G 315, Moi-iographie du cercle de Médine, 1903-1904. ` K 18, Questionnaires sur 1a captivité, IQO4 [Bakel, Matam]. , I G 3447 M°¤0EI'aPhI€‘ du C€Il€ du Guidima-km- ~ K 19, Questionnaire sur la captivité, 1904 [Bamako]. 2 G: RdPpOr¤Péf,bdiquEX K 25, L’esclavage en A.O.F., étude historique, critique et positive par M. Deherme, "` The 2 G series, in fact, straddles the Fonds Ancien and Fonds Moderne since it begins l 1906 Uune_SEPt` I9O6]' wi 1 roughly in 1900 and goes on to 1946 and beyond (documents after this date are not yet l K Z6> CaP¤V“€ at 1`EP"€$S1°“ de la name en A·O·F·v ’9°7‘I9I $· accessible to the public). It comprises periodical reports (political, economical) for K. 27, Captivité et répression de la traite au Sénégal, 1902, 1907. Senegal, Dakar, and the Communes and all the regions of Senegal. The 2 G series is V K 30, T,-avail Et main d’C,€uv;e, rg»,·g-;g94_ an important source for Senegalese local history. It would take too long to list all the V K 3,, Recrmcmem au sénégal et émigmtiondrouvriers indigénes Pom, 13 constmcdon N Ul, Files consulted. I systematically consulted all the documents for Senegal (annual re- V. du chemin de fe,. du Congo Beige; agaire Lapléng ,89O_,g94_ M ports to the Governor-General), Bakel, and Matam, and spot checked documents for _ ` ;E§ ‘ l Pcdor- " Série O: Chemin defer 6` G: Congo- Tchud-A.E.R {1832-1_92o} ` O 57, Chemin de fer du Soudan, tapports et correspondance, 1880-1888, Correspondence between the French West African and French Equatorial Africa fed- ‘ O ig, [idgm]7 $93-1 g9g_ , li Em“°“s· , O $9,[1d€lT.l], I8QQ—I900. ‘, 6` G 12, Document: concermznt le Gabon, 1862-1886 I. O 60, [idem], 19GI-1904. " 13 G: Afbirespolirzyues at zzdrninlszrazives e:.mu.sulmanes.· Sénégal @782-1919) ll ` O 6I’ [id€m]’ 1900-190} ,ll` The I3 G series is also an important source for Senegalese local history. It is compara- ` O 62*0 6% Chemm de {Er Th‘€s'KaY€5· ll lj _ ble to the 2 G series for the period prior to IQOO. In addition, it comprises local corre- I , , _ , _ ` { lil, , spondence between the commandants de cercle and the governor of Senegal. In Seng Ajzurgs Emngmzlues O·7g2"l—9Z9) { ll`; addition to the Bakel documents I also briefl reviewed a number of documents for Q r Ra orts cornmerciaux des cercles de la Séné ambie-Ni er, 1 og,-1 o4. ` l~ i Y , $ v PP S E 9 9 Dakar. . ~ l` I3 G 164. to 175, 181 to 203, Bakel, Correspondance, rapports périodiques, bulletins ` · ll agricoles et comrnerciaux, 1829-1909 [Systematic review]. ` . B- F¤¤dS Moderne ‘ l 2Z G.- Suzré Génégzle A.O.E 6`E· Conseil de Gauvernement de lZ4.0.E G ' ` ’ ' ' S. . 21 27) Kimion dyassoclatlonsl X9; _ 1 6 E 49, No. 135, Conseil de Gouvernement de l’A.O.F., 1925 [pertaining to the regula21 G 28, Creation associations pro essionne les, 1915-1919. ` tion of emigration Outside of French West Af-rica]. ; ` 21 G go, Rapatriements, 1905-1914. { 2, G 3,, Rapamement des indiggmes Odginaires de yA_O_p_ . IO F? Ccrrespandance avec le: Consular: de France d l’ézranger ` ar G 35, Emigration et eirenlation des indigenes. A ‘ ro F 16, Documentation et correspondance du Consular de France 51 Léopoldville, ` H Y 1920-1955. Sérief Emezgnement @820-1_921Q ‘ ; G R , _ J S , , I ll J U, Ecole dc Bake,) [900-,92,:, ; 2 . appartsperzo zques enega ‘ . This is the continuation of the 2 G Series of the Fonds Ancien; see my remarks above. J 35, Ecole de Kayes, 1900-192o. 5 j _ _ _ , G.· A i alizi ues Mauriz ` . Sérze K: Tmvazler mam dbeuvre 9 jg: resp Y I mw . _ _ _ _ _ d { d ab lab d I d ~ All the yearly reports were consulted. The series does not comprise local reports, but Tm ‘$ "‘ Y“Y}mP°“;“ Sams ;°T"P“S" ° °°““‘e““ °“* °’· an S “v°"Y an r ` the yearly reports have extensive sections reporting ori loeal affairs in the various eer- `_ emanclpamn m Fran West A ma' " cles, which are obviously summaries of local reports. K 13, Captivité au Sénégal (1893-1894). BIBLIOGRAPHY `V , BIBLIOGRAPHY ll I U6 l r I. 217 l

(` ` . ‘ ll , 11 Jt t , · 4, 2; G: Ajfzirerpoliziyues, A.O.E ` .1 Z Qlqllzzilfei EC°””’”Z9““ V { _ 11. 17 G 68, Propagande révolutionnaire. lg V i Q inn (77), $énégal—Syncl1cats, 1911~19;9· » » I ~ V i Q 326 (77), A.O,F., Travail et 1-nain d’oeuvre (legislation du travail; chomage; [[l, 21 G`. Smale gmemlg l ’ prestations· exodes—navétanes; OEICE du Niger-colonisation nord-africaine), 21 G QS (17), Rapatriement des indigenes originaires de l’A.O.F., 1927-1931. ’ i93i-i944_ l il 21 G 44, Syndicats de navigateurs—Renseignements d ’ensemble. Renseignements sur i _ —,l l’évolutior1 des associations de travailleurs de couleur en Europe, Amicale des , ‘ V I S" Manne de guerrg originaires de l’A.O.R—Ligue de Défense négre-Syndicat negre de Marseilles, l ' l 2 S, 1.s (i)_ ld I9]O—I932. [Comprises also documents for 1927.] Q , ,ll»,l 2l G 48, Greve des manoeuvres des compagnies E1 Dakar et a St. Louis, 1926. ` ’ ' I 1] 21 G 57, Rapatriement des indigents. Circulaires—lnstructions. _ = C` Fonds Senegal 1,l c it · ·1 · 11..F. I _ .. H `ll Zi [I], Syn mat des mmims mdlgencs wz;) Umon Amlca C des marins de A O 7 V il V At the time I did research in the Senegal Archives, reclassification of the Funds Sene— ll], 9 4. · · · — · s . . . . , ` i tml was just beginning. Some of the series numbers I am listing here may Still be Cul'Z' G ML Q“““°‘“ '“d*g°““* ‘9’8"9‘*Z‘ l°‘”“l’“S“ “G’°"€ des "“"““s ‘“d‘g°’““ H l be i (1 was told this would be the ease nr me 4 G series, which was due to retain its [ [:1 _ ,, g . r n _ , ], SL LOmS° !928` ] V , name, but undergo internal reclassification), others will have changed. The Senegal [ _$‘ ' ' K. T ‘] ‘ up — Ai-chives keeps records of the old classification system, and COnV€rS101'\ from fl1€ Hum- 1 [,1, eng I rm/al ez mam new/re l. bers given below to the new numbers should not be too diHicult. K 28 (1), Greve des dockers du Dakar-Niger, en Nigeria, 1945-1946. ’ Z K $4 (19), Main di0€l1V1‘€Z recrutementtde main d’oeuvre pour ]’extérieur’ r9y_i-;9;;_ 1 Correspanarancz conjfdenzzellehczu dejgdff /G0V€7’Vl0g}$`Wl€g¤ ,,, K 81 (26), Problemes de la main d’0euvre dans les entreprises privées de la fédéra— v` · [0 Admmmmmrs Of I 6 Cem es’ L922 lg`; l tion-Questions tliverses, 1921-1930. ll j i [Unclassified register.] , . , . , . , gi r ' K 89 (26), Enquete du departement sur la mam d oeuvre aux colonies, 1926-1929. En— _ i , Connie, mnjdmtiel dglmn du GO,,Vg,,,g,,,. Gmgm] [M quete sur la main d oeuvre en A.O.F. Rapport d ensemble, 1927. S { H d `~ K 166 (26), Emploi de la main d’oeuvre indigéne hors de sa région d’origine, [1931.] ’ llmerwar P8nOd’ Lmclassl c K 162 (26), Recrutement des travailleurs. Emigration des indigenes. Mouvements mi- · _ Si;-ie B; COVVCSPOHKJUHCU ll`] gratoires vers les colonies étrangeres. Transport des ouvriers saisonniers. ` 1 _ , _ l Q [1903-19%] Q ? , 3; Cnrrgspnndnnng, Mimktrg de In Manne ez culun1er—Gvuverneur du Serwgrzl K 172 (26), Etude sur le programme de la main d’oeuvre. Rapport sur le danger de ' lsysmmallcally wnsulmd for the ISSOSASQOS`] l, dépopulation que fait courir le recrutement excessif, 1936. yr 2 B, CO,,E_Y,0,m{¤,m i{g9,im glu Gguverneur du Sérzégafcu Miniaifg (z=?16~l¥9@ K 209 (26), Accidents du travail maritime, 1937-1938. i [ldem] E, K 217 (26), Probleme de la main d oeuvre. Rapport de tournee de M. le Gouverneur , 3 B: Corrgspgndmce Jaipur, du Ggwemeur ,,1,, Sénégngd mum, umm; , [, Tap Inspecteur du Travail a travers l A.O.F., 1937-1939. rwnnm que ,8 A/Iinmre (Ugg ,893) ; _.e-‘1 K $92 (39), Senegal. Divers. Gréve de marins incligénes, 1928. iontains numemus lmeis pertaining ro African sailors (notably l€¤€¤$ t0 The map 1 K 397 032)* R€¤*¤¤¤m¤¤¤ ds main dloeuvre sénégalalsc destlnée all Cmlgl? belge. ‘;_ Mme yegisu-;ipign adminisri-ation in Goree). I consulted this S€1'i€S SySf€¤'13Tl€¤llY {OF ‘ l Correspondance et documentation diverse, 1896-1906. [These documents , the ,g7Os-i39Os_ 1 should normally have been with Funds ancien; perhaps they were found after ` _ . Farid: ancien was fully organized.] _ 2 D? /A"`/m’“ der cerclexj ....,....l K 398 (132), Questionnaire se rapportant a la main d oeuvre africaine. Exportation. j` 2 D 4- -Bd/Cel 2 Immigration. Travail des enfants. Projet de réglementation, 1897-1916. [Same z D 4/7, Bakel, Coyrespcndance, r9;}-1934. [N ¤€m=·fl< ss immsdiaelv ¤l=¤V¤-l , D 4/S, Bnkei, Affaires aaninisnanves, rssenie. i,l. 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 BIBLIOGRAPHY , [ug] [mol l