Zadok's Heirs: The Role and Development of the High Priesthood in Ancient Israel (Oxford Theological Monographs)

Oxford Theological Monographs Editorial Committee J. Day P. Fiddes D. Macculloch R. C. Morgan O. O'donovan K. Ware Ox...

Author: Deborah W. Rooke

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Oxford Theological Monographs Editorial Committee J. Day P. Fiddes D. Macculloch R. C. Morgan O. O'donovan K. Ware

Oxford Theological Monographs ‘WORKING THE EARTH OF THE HEART’ The Messalian Controversy in History, Texts, and Language to AD 431 Columba Stewart, OSB (1991) THE LORDSHIP OF CHRIST Ernst Käsemann's Interpretation of Paul's Theology David V. Way (1991) BEAUTY AND REVELATION IN THE THOUGHT OF SAINT AUGUSTINE Carol Harrison (1992) THE MURATORIAN FRAGMENT AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CANON Geoffrey Mark Hahneman (1992) CHRISTOLOGY AND COSMOLOGY Models of Divine Activity in Origen, Eusebius, and Athanasius J. Rebecca Lyman (1993) KIERKEGAARD AS NEGATIVE THEOLOGIAN David Law (1993) EARLY ISRAELITE WISDOM Stuart Weeks (1994) THE FATHERHOOD OF GOD FROM ORIGEN TO ATHANASIUS Peter Widdicombe (1994) RIGHT PRACTICAL REASON Aristotle, Action, and Prudence in Aquinas Daniel Westberg (1994) JOHN NEWTON AND THE ENGLISH EVANGELICAL TRADITION between the Conversions of Wesley and Wilberforce D. Bruce Hindmarsh (1996) ST GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS POEMATA ARCANA C. Moreschini and D. A. Sykes (1997)

Zadok's Heirs The Role and Development of the High Priesthood in Ancient Israel

Deborah W. Rooke

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi São Paulo Shanghai Taipei Tokyo Toronto Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Deborah W. Rooke 2000 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2000 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data applied for ISBN 0–19–826998–6

Preface The present work is a revision of my doctoral thesis, which was submitted to the University of Oxford in 1996 to be examined by Professors H. G. M. Williamson and J. R. Bartlett. As is always the case with such works, many people have assisted both directly and indirectly (and, dare I say it, both wittingly and unwittingly) in its genesis, so that singling out speciﬁc individuals for public acknowledgement is a rather invidious exercise. Nevertheless, there are those without whose particular contribution neither the thesis nor the book would have seen the light of day. In the ﬁrst place, I owe a lifelong debt of gratitude to Revd Dr Rex Mason, formerly Old Testament tutor at Regent's Park College, not only for his own inspired teaching of the Old Testament, but also for suggesting to me, in a chance encounter one dull Friday afternoon in 1990, that I should consider undertaking graduate study. It was a life-changing moment, although neither of us would have recognized it as such at the time, and to the extent that I have succeeded thus far his judgement is vindicated and, I hope, rewarded. Regent's Park has a tradition of excellence in Old Testament study, and it is a privilege to have become a part of that tradition—though I suspect that H. Wheeler Robinson would not altogether approve! Secondly, but by no means less importantly, Dr Sue Gillingham performed the delicate four-year task of midwifery for the burgeoning thesis with consummate skill. Our meetings were always a joy; she was and still is unfailingly supportive and stimulating both academically and personally, even when under great pressure of time and work. I can think of no happier arrangement which could have been set in place for what was both an exciting and a daunting venture, and my successful completion of the thesis is as much her achievement as it is mine. Thirdly, of course, sincere and still rather incredulous thanks are due to the committee of the Oxford Theological Monographs series for their willingness to accept the thesis for publication, and to the external reader whose penetrating comments have served to strengthen the end product considerably. Finally, Dr John Day has been the overseer of the metamorphosis from thesis to book; his eye for detail and his

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PREFACE

encyclopaedic bibliographical knowledge have been invaluable, as has his thorough and helpful criticism of the entire manuscript. I can honestly say that, in the best possible sense, the ﬁnished product would not have been the same without him. There are, of course, bound to be shortcomings in any work which is its author's ﬁrst sortie into the academic arena, but to the extent that this work falls short it is my responsibility and not that of those mentioned, from whose expertise I have beneﬁted immeasurably. Three matters of format are worth mentioning. In order to make the book more accessible to non-specialists, Hebrew and Greek have for the most part been both transliterated and translated. However, where the argument depends upon terminology in the the original language, terms have been used in transliteration without an accompanying translation; and where transliteration and translation would be too cumbersome or awkward, for example, in phrases of more than about six words, translation alone has been used. Secondly, the bibliographical details in the footnotes have been designed for use in conjunction with the complete bibliography at the end of the book. Authors and works are cited in full the ﬁrst time they appear; thereafter, authors are cited by surname alone, unless initials are necessary to distinguish them from another author cited in this book, and in the cases where more than one work by the same author has been used in the course of this study, works are cited by abbreviated titles. In this way, it should be possible to identify unambiguously full details of any citation when consulting the bibliography. Finally, where English translations of French and German originals are not otherwise attributed, they are my own. This book is dedicated to two people in particular—to my parents, who have always loved and supported me and encouraged me to explore my own potential. Over the last ten years since my father's death, that exploration has made me into a very different person from the daughter he would have known, but I like to think that he would be proud of me now, as he was then. His inﬂuence has been a major factor in the present direction of my life; my only regret is that he did not live to see it. By contrast, my mother has been a constant partner in the exploration, as we struggled together and separately to reorientate ourselves after my father's death. In many ways, this book is the fruit of that reorientation, and neither would have happened without the mutuality

PREFACE

vii

and loving companionship which we share. I can pay her no greater tribute than to say that we are the closest of friends. I dedicate the book to them both, in a paraphrase of the words with which Claude Debussy dedicated the piano suite ‘Children's Corner’ to his daughter Chouchou: ‘A mes chers parents, avec les tendres excuses de leur ﬁlle pour ce qui va suivre.’ Deborah W. Rooke Trinity Term 1998

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Contents Abbreviations Introduction PART I TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING OF HIGH PRIESTHOOD 1. High Priesthood According to the Priestly Writer PART II HIGH PRIESTHOOD TO THE END OF THE EXILE 2. High Priesthood in the Deuteronomistic History 3. Mysterious Melchizedek 4. Ezekiel: A Vision of Hierocracy? Part II: Summary PART III HIGH PRIESTHOOD IN THE PERSIAN PERIOD 5. High-Priestly Power in Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 6. Ezra and Nehemiah: The High Priesthood in Fifth-Century Judah 7. The Elephantine Papyri 8. High Priesthood in the Books of Chronicles 9. After the Canon: the Later Persian Period Part III: Summary PART IV HIGH PRIESTHOOD FROM ALEXANDER TO POMPEY 10. The Hidden Years: High Priesthood under the Ptolemies 11. The Maccabean Conquest: Jonathan and Simon the Maccabees 12. The Hasmonean Dynasty: John Hyrcanus and his Successors Part IV: Summary Conclusion

xi 1 11 43 80 104 120 125 152 175 184 219 238 243 266 303 325 328

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Bibliography Index of Textual References Index of Proper Names

331 354 374

Abbreviations AB ABD Ag. Ap. AJSLL Ant. AP ATD BA BASOR BDB

Anchor Bible Anchor Bible Dictionary, 6 vols. (New York: Doubleday, 1992) Josephus, Against Apion American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature Josephus, Jewish Antiquities Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century, ed. A. Cowley (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1923) Das Alte Testament Deutsch Biblical Archaeologist Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Francis Brown, S. R. Driver and Charles A. Briggs, A Hebrew–English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910) BHS Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, 3rd emended edn. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1987) BJ Josephus, The Jewish War BKAT Biblischer Kommentar, Altes Testament BT Babylonian Talmud BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin BZAW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft CAT Commentaire de L'Ancien Testament CBC Cambridge Bible Commentary CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly CBSC Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges CSCT Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition DH Deuteronomistic History EQ Evangelical Quarterly ET English translation FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testamentes GK Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, edited and enlarged by E. Kautzsch, 2nd English edition by A. E. Cowley (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910)

xii

ABBREVIATIONS

HAR HAT HeyJ HKAT HSM HTR HUCA IB ICC IEJ INJ JBL JEA JETS JJS JQR JR JSJ JSS JSOT JSOTS JSPS JTS KAT KHAT KHCAT LCL LXX MS(S) MT NCB NEB NETR n.s.

Hebrew Annual Review Handbuch zum Alten Testament Heythrop Journal Handkommentar zum Alten Testament Harvard Semitic Monographs Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College Annual The Interpreter's Bible, 12 vols. (New York and Nashville: Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1952–7) International Critical Commentary Israel Exploration Journal Israel Numismatic Journal Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society Journal of Jewish Studies Jewish Quarterly Review Journal of Religion Journal for the Study of Judaism Journal of Semitic Studies Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement series Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Supplement series Journal of Theological Studies Kommentar zum Alten Testament Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten Testament Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum Alten Testament Loeb Classical Library Septuagint, ed. Alfred Rahlfs (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1979) manuscript(s) Massoretic Text New Century Bible Die Neue Echter Bibel Near Eastern School of Theology Theological Review new series

ABBREVIATIONS

NTSupp OBO OT OTG OTL OTS RB REJ RSV SBL SBT SJLA SJOT SNTSMS TBC TGUOS TOTC VT VTSupp WBC ZAW ZNW

Novum Testamentum Supplement series Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis Old Testament Old Testament Guides Old Testament Library Oudtestamentische Studiën Revue Biblique Revue des Études Juives Revised Standard Version Society of Biblical Literature Studies in Biblical Theology Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series Torch Bible Commentary Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society Tyndale Old Testament Commentary Vetus Testamentum Vetus Testamentum Supplement series Word Biblical Commentary Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft

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Introduction The high priest of Judaism is an exotic and mysterious ﬁgure. Introduced into the wilderness of the book of Exodus with his elaborate ceremonial dress and exalted degree of sanctity, he has an aura of other-worldliness about him which is epitomized by his role on that highest of holy days, Yom Kippur. Yet despite his apparent signiﬁcance for the spiritual welfare of his community, the high priest has a surprisingly low proﬁle during the period covered by the canonical literature. According to the present biblical narrative he disappears from view after the period of the settlement, resurfacing for certain only in the post-exilic period and bringing with him the question of where (or whether) he was during the monarchy. Neither is his position during the post-exilic period much clearer; although the high priesthood deﬁnitely existed, the status of the high priest is surprisingly ambivalent, a fact which is often disguised by the security of accepted wisdom on the subject. From the time of Wellhausen it has been assumed that once the line of Davidic descendants fell into obscurity or otherwise failed, the high priest moved into the position of being the highest-ranking native authority ﬁgure in the Judaean community, thereby emerging from his spiritual enclave into the arena of government and politics. The following selection of quotations serves to illustrate the continuing prevalence of this assumption. The hierocracy towards which Ezekiel had already opened the way was simply inevitable. It took the form of a monarchy of the high priest, he having stepped into the place formerly occupied by the theocratic king.1 Who was the chief of the Jewish state? In the early days of the Return we ﬁnd a civil and a religious chief ruling side by side, Zerubbabel, a descendant of the old royal family, and Joshua the high-priest. . . . But this double headship did not go on. The house of David disappears

1

Julius Wellhausen, ‘Israel’, in Prolegomena to the History of Israel, trans. J. Sutherland Black and Allan Menzies (Edinburgh: A. & C. Black, 1885), 427–548 (p. 495).

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INTRODUCTION

from sight. The high-priest presently holds the supreme ofﬁce without a rival.2 The days of the Second Temple mark the time of the ever-increasing power of the high-priest, until he becomes virtually, and in some cases ofﬁcially also, civic as well as religious leader.3 Since the Restoration the High Priest was the religious as well as the secular leader of the people.4 When King Cyrus of Persia issued his decree in 538 BCE permitting the Jews to return to their homeland, thousands left Babylonia. . . . The Jews were divided into two factions. There were those who desired to organize the new community as a monarchy; they followed Zerubbabel, because he was a descendant of King David, scion and symbol of the royal family. Others, however, wanted the new community to be under religious leadership; they chose as their leader Joshua, a descendant of the high priestly family. The latter party triumphed, Zerubbabel vanished as a political factor from Judaea, and Joshua became not only the high priest in the rebuilt Temple but the sole leader of the Jews.5 Political independence and the institution of an independent monarchy had now ceased to exist and the Temple . . . had again become the real centre of Israelite life. . . . This led to the priestly element in Israel acquiring an importance which it had not had hitherto. The ﬁrst priest of the Temple in Jerusalem now became the head of all Israel: he became the ‘High Priest’.6 We know that after the Exile, the high priest reached the stage of exercising in Jerusalem and in Judah the quasimonarchic function of head of the Israelite community.7

2

Edwyn Bevan, Jerusalem under the High-Priests (London: Edward Arnold, 1904), 5.

3

N. H. Snaith, ‘The Priesthood and the Temple’, in A Companion to the Bible, ed. T. W. Manson (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1939; repr. 1945), 418–43 (p. 426).

4

Solomon Zeitlin, The First Book of Maccabees (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), 170.

5

Zeitlin, The Second Book of Maccabees (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1954), Introduction, 1–2.

6

Martin Noth, Geschichte Israels, 2. Auﬂage (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1954), 284–5: ‘Jetzt war das staatliche Eigenleben und die Einrichtung eines selbständigen eigenen Königtums dahingefallen; und der Tempel . . . war wieder zu dem eigentlichen Zentrum des israelitischen Lebens geworden. Damit gewann nun zugleich das priesterliche Element in Israel eine Bedeutung, die es bisher nicht gehabt hatte. Der erste Priester des Jerusalemer Tempels wurde nun zum Haupt von ganz Israel; er wurde zum “Hohenpriester”.’ (ET The History of Israel, trans. S. Godman, 2nd edn., rev. by P. R. Ackroyd (London: A. & C. Black, 1960; repr. 1965), 314–15).

7

R. Tournay, ‘Le Psaume cx’, RB 67 (1960), 5–41 (p. 20): ‘On sait qu'après l'exil, le grand prêtre en vint à exercer à Jérusalem et en Juda les fonctions quasi monarchiques de chef de la communauté israélite.’

INTRODUCTION

3

Once the monarchy had disappeared, all this royal paraphernalia was appropriated to the high priest. . . . The high priest became the head of the nation, and its representative before God, as the king had been in days gone by. But it was only gradually that this idea of the high priest as head of the nation took shape. . . . Under the Hasmoneans, this ideal became a reality: the eight heads of this dynasty . . . were both high priests and heads of the Jewish nation. They also took the title of king, probably from the time of Aristobulus I (104–103 BC).8 The restored community of Judah was more a church than a state. No longer a monarchy, it became a hierocracy. The high priest, therefore, acquired much of the dignity that had formerly belonged to the king. . . .With the disappearance of the house of David, the high priest becomes the undisputed head of the Jewish state, supreme in the civil as in the ecclesiastical realm.9 For [Zechariah], as for Haggai, Zerubbabel is the servant of Yahweh, the ‘Branch’ of David's line . . . , but Joshua the high priest is more prominent here than in Haggai's oracles. This is a pointer to the growing inﬂuence of the high priest in the affairs of the Palestinian Jewish community, of which, in time, he became the civil as well as the religious head.10 It was the priestly line which came to the fore and they were seen as divinely appointed rulers of the community and administrators of the temple, guarantees of a future messianic ruler who would ‘build’ the temple in the sense of ‘building up the community of God's faithful people’.11 It is generally thought that the establishment in Jerusalem of a theocratic regime, that is to say, the holding of both civil and religious authority by the same person, goes back to the Persian period.12

8

R. de Vaux, Les Institutions de L'Ancien Testament, 2 vols. (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1958–60), ii. 271: ‘Lorsque la monarchie eut disparu, cet appareil royal passa au grand prêtre. . . . Cela signiﬁe que le grand prêtre devenait le chef de la nation et son représentant devant Dieu, comme avait été le roi. L'idéologie royale du grand prêtre ne s'est d'ailleurs développée que peu à peu. . . . Sous les Asmonéens, l'idéal devint une réalité: les huit chefs de cette maison . . . furent à la fois grands prêtres et chefs de la nation juive et, probablement à partir d'Aristobule Ier , en 104–103 av. J. C., ils prirent le titre de rois.’ (ET Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions, trans. John McHugh (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961), 400–1.)

9

R. Abba, ‘Priests and Levites’, in The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, 4 vols. and supplement (Nashville and New York: Abingdon, 1962–76), iii (1962), 876–89 (p. 878).

10

G. W. Anderson, The History and Religion of Israel, New Clarendon Bible (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 156–7.

11

Rex Mason, The Books of Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977; repr. 1980), 63.

12

Ernest-Marie Laperrousaz, ‘Le régime théocratique juif a-t-il commencé à l'époque perse, ou seulement à l'époque hellenistique?’, Semitica 32 (1982), 93–6 (p. 93): ‘On considère généralement que l'instauration à Jérusalem d'un régime théocratique, c'est-à-dire le cumul par un même personnage des pouvoirs laïque et religieux, remonte à l'époque perse.’

4

INTRODUCTION

It seems clear that the role of the high priest achieved certain prominence in the early postexilic period.13 It was an innovation that the Ptolemies refrained from installing a governor in Judaea. This led to the high priest becoming a political representative of the community to the king (prostates), extending his function of leadership from the priestly college to the council of elders, and now also taking over the political leadership (Sirach 50. 1–4).14 In the period of the First Temple, Israel and Judah were monarchies. Although there was a high priest, the major civil and even cultic ofﬁcial was the king. Throughout most of the period of the Second Temple, however, the high priest took on an increasingly prominent role. Judah during most of that time could be best characterized as a theocracy. That is, even when it was under foreign domination, as it usually was, the high priest was the main ﬁgure of government within Judah itself. He was also the representative of the nation to the foreign overlord.15 Whatever Zechariah may have meant, Zerubbabel did not fulﬁl the hope that he would rule as a Davidide. Indeed, chapters 7 and 8 never mention him. Ironically, once the Temple was completed, it was the high priest who rose in status in the absence of any indigenous, secular authority.16 It is clearly a common understanding, then, that during the post-exilic period the high priest became the substitute for the monarch and as such sooner or later rose to prominence in the civil sphere, a view which is expressed even in the most recent publications, as evidenced by the last quotation given above. But there are difﬁculties with this presentation, not the least of which is the lack of substantial evidence for it until the middle of the second century when the Maccabean priests clearly did combine political and military leadership of their people with the highest religious ofﬁce in the country. It should also be noted that not all scholars

13

David L. Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah 1–8, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1985), 189.

14

Rainer Albertz, Religionsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit, 2 vols., ATD Supplement Series, 8 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992), ii. 593: ‘Neu war jedoch, daß die Ptolemäer darauf verzichteten, einen Statthalter in Judäa einzusetzen. Dies führte dazu, daß der Hohepriester in die Position des politischen Repräsentanten des Gemeinwesens gegenüber dem König (prostátēs ) einrückte, seine Leitungsfunktion vom Priesterkollegium auf den Ältestenrat ausdehnte und nun auch die politische Führung übernahm (JesSir 50, 1–4).’ (ET A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period, trans. John Bowden, 2 vols. (London: SCM Press, 1994), ii. 535.)

15

Lester L. Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian (London: SCM Press, 1994), 74.

16

Paul L. Redditt, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, NCB (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans; London: Marshall Pickering, 1995), 79.

INTRODUCTION

5

subscribe to the picture of the high priest as a civil ruler in earlier times; thus, in the opinion of Morgenstern, The anointing of this chief priest of the Jerusalem sanctuary, no doubt with the sanction, and not improbably even with the conscious purpose, of the Persian government, now stamped his ofﬁce as the recognized successor to the former kingship and him as the ofﬁcial native head of the Jewish people; but he was no longer a political head; he was instead the theocratic head of the ‘community of Yahweh’.17 The present study is therefore an examination of the role of the high priesthood in the life of ancient Israel, and it will address in particular the question of how the high priesthood developed in the post-exilic period. The study employs what might be called the historical critical method of analysis; in other words, it attempts to analyse the selected sources in a way which will enable the distillation of any historical content which is relevant to the project at hand. It is not a full-scale anthropological or sociological study, nor is it a purely literary study in which the assumed impossibility of getting behind the ﬁnal form of the material or of recovering any factual historical information means that prime importance is laid upon individual reader response to the ﬁnal form. Rather, it assumes that there is a certain amount of factual information to be gleaned and inference to be made from the sources, while at the same time acknowledging that the way in which the information is presented will reﬂect a range of distorting factors which must be taken into account if a reasonably accurate interpretation of the material is to be produced. The other major characteristic of the study is that it is conﬁned to sources which are seen to have a precise bearing on the Jewish high priesthood, because the intention is not to deal with high priesthood as a generic or comparative religious phenomenon, but only with the speciﬁc manifestations of high priesthood in the Israelite and Judaean context.18 The study is divided into four major parts. It begins in Part I 5

17

J. Morgenstern, ‘A Chapter in the History of the High Priesthood’, AJSLL 55 (1938), 1–24, 183–97, 360–77 (p. 187).

18

Ch. 3 on Melchizedek and Ch. 7 on the Elephantine papyri could be seen as exceptions to this principle, inasmuch as Melchizedek is assumed to be a Canaanite ﬁgure and the Elephantine papyri are examined for indications of a high priesthood apart from the one based in Jerusalem. However, the aim of both chapters is to use the admittedly non-Judaean material to elucidate the nature and workings of the high priesthood in Jerusalem, so that despite the inclusion of this comparative material the overall thrust of the study remains unchanged.

6

INTRODUCTION

with an examination of the Priestly writings (‘P’), the part of the Old Testament where the model of high priesthood is set out most explicitly, in order to ascertain the nature of the ofﬁce as portrayed in P. This is an important ﬁrst step, because the scholarly tendency has been to interpret references to high priesthood elsewhere in the Old Testament in the light of the perceived picture of high priesthood in P. It is therefore vital that P's picture of the high priesthood is correctly established, so as to avoid the distorting inﬂuence which an incorrect assessment of P will inevitably exert on interpretations of the high priesthood outside the Priestly corpus. Parts II–IV then trace the development of the ofﬁce in three major stages, as follows. Part II covers the pre-exilic and exilic periods from the settlement down to the end of the Exile, and has three sections. The ﬁrst of these is an investigation of Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomistic History, where the main intention is to determine whether or not the high priesthood existed during the pre-exilic period, and if it did, the nature and extent of its jurisdiction. The second section is a consideration of the Melchizedek ﬁgure in Gen. 14: 18–20 and Ps. 110: 4, inasmuch as Melchizedek represents the combination of royal and priestly authority in one individual. This section comes after the Deuteronomistic History as a comment on it, on the grounds that the Melchizedek passages in question are considered to date from the monarchic period. The ﬁnal section of Part II is a discussion of the prophecies of Ezekiel, a source where there is a good deal of priestly material and a plan of restoration which advocates a position of particular prominence for the Temple and its personnel. The question is whether or not this represents a move towards hierocracy, and the answer which is given will of course have implications for the position of the high priesthood during the exilic period to which the book is dated. Part III covers the Persian period from the Restoration to Alexander's conquest of Palestine in 332 BCE, and has ﬁve sections: an examination of the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah 1–8, where the position of the high priest during the Restoration period is assessed; a section on Ezra and Nehemiah, which deals with the nature of the by now reestablished community in the mid-ﬁfth century BCE to see how far the high priest's power has developed; an investigation of the Elephantine papyri, which are contemporary with the events and context of Ezra–Nehemiah in the ﬁfth

INTRODUCTION

7

century BCE and which mention the high priest at Jerusalem as well as another temple on the island of Elephantine itself; an analysis of the books of Chronicles, which are a post-exilic treatment of the pre-exilic period covered in the Deuteronomistic History and which show a distinctive priestly bias in their presentation of Temple ritual; and ﬁnally, an examination of the evidence provided by the Jewish historian Josephus and by provincial Judaean coinage for the position of the high priesthood in the late Persian period. Part IV covers the Greek period from Alexander's conquest to the fall of Jerusalem to Pompey in 63 BCE, and has three sections: a discussion of what can be gleaned from the scant sources covering the Ptolemaic period about provincial administration and the high priest's part in it, and then two sections for the Seleucid period—an analysis of the Maccabean revolt and rise to power which was spearheaded by a priestly family, and ﬁnally a discussion of the Hasmonean dynasty of so-called priest-kings down to the time of the Roman conquest. At the end of Parts II, III, and IV, conclusions will be drawn concerning all the material dealt with in the course of that section; and after the conclusions for Part IV, overall conclusions will be drawn as to the nature of the high priest's position in ancient Israel. It is hoped that the arguments which are presented and the conclusions which are drawn will be found convincing; but perhaps more importantly than that, it is hoped that they will be found challenging, since it is very often by accepting and answering challenge that new insights can be gained. If this study succeeds in either of these ways, it will have achieved its aim.

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Part I Towards an Understanding of High Priesthood

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1 High Priesthood According to the Priestly Writer Although the high priesthood appears on a number of occasions in a variety of sources, its most explicit presentation is to be found in the Pentateuch, in the so-called Priestly materials (usually designated by the acronym P).19 The designation ‘Priestly’ arises from the great interest which these materials display in the cult and its proper functioning, and a prominent feature of that interest is their inclusion of detailed legislation concerning the nature and duties of the high priesthood, together with several narratives which illustrate the high priest's position in the community. No other canonical source depicts the high priest in such detailed terms, and so an assessment of P's depiction is a vital component in any study of the high priesthood. However, P's depiction is signiﬁcant not only because of its detailed information on the high priesthood, but because of its undoubted inﬂuence on conceptions of the high priesthood in general, since where the high priest appears in other less detailed sources, these references have (not unnaturally) been

19

This is not the place for an elaborate defence of a documentary, fragment or source hypothesis of Pentateuchal origins; sufﬁce it to say that whether P was originally a document, fragments or a source, or even a layer of redaction, its broad demarcation as a distinct body of tradition within the Pentateuch is legitimate on the grounds of its characteristic concerns as well as correspondences of style and vocabulary throughout the material. The aim here is to ascertain what light if any P can shed on the high priesthood, something which can be accomplished despite uncertainty as to the exact process by which the several elements in the Pentateuch were combined into their present format. For more detailed discussion on whether or not P forms a self-contained source, see F. M. Cross, ‘The Priestly Work’, in Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), 293–325; Rolf Rendtorff, Dasüberlieferungsgeschichtliche Problem des Pentateuch, BZAW 147 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1977), 141–2, 160–3 (ET The Problem of the Process of Transmission in the Pentateuch, trans. John J. Scullion, JSOTS 89 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1990), 169–70, 191–4); Klaus Koch, ‘P—Kein Redaktor!: Erinnerung an zwei Eckdaten der Quellenscheidung’, VT 37 (1987), 446–67; J. A. Emerton, ‘The Priestly Writer in Genesis’, JTS n.s. 39 (1988), 381–400; William H. C. Propp, ‘The Priestly Source Recovered Intact?’, VT 46 (1996), 458–78; Ernest Nicholson, The Pentateuch in the Twentieth Century: The Legacy of Julius Wellhausen (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 196–221. Of these scholars, Cross and Rendtorff view P as a layer of redaction, whereas the others view it as an independent source of some kind.

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understood in the light of the perceived concept of the high priest in P. Hence, the results of an assessment of P's position may well have implications for how references to the high priest in other sources should be understood. For these two reasons, therefore—P's value in itself as a source of detailed information on the high priesthood, and its inﬂuence on conceptions of the high priesthood in general—an examination of P forms the ﬁrst stage of the current enquiry. In its present form, P is usually dated to some time during the Exile or soon after, for several reasons. In the ﬁrst place, its stipulations were apparently known to and regarded as binding by the writer of Chronicles, whereas the comparative laxity of the books of Samuel and Kings which were a major source for Chronicles seems to indicate that P's detailed legislation was either not in force or not regarded as binding when the earlier works were composed.20 This points to a date between Samuel/Kings and Chronicles as the time when P along with the rest of the Pentateuch became widely circulated and accepted. Also, from the assumption of Noth's concept of Pentateuch plus Deuteronomistic History whereby the books Joshua to 2 Kings form a unit composed on the basis of Deuteronomistic theology,21 it follows that the Pentateuchal materials do not continue into Joshua in an organized form; hence, P has no narrative of the occupation of Canaan, ending instead with the people of Israel poised on the edge of the promised land but not quite having reached their ﬁnal destination. This would reﬂect the position of the Babylonian exiles awaiting reestablishment in their own land, implying that P should be dated at a time during the exilic years when a new future seemed promised but was as yet unattained.22 The circumstances

20

There are a number of examples of the Chronicler altering his source to bring it into line with P's prescriptions. Two such examples can be found in the story of Jehoiada and Joash repairing the Temple (2 Chr. 24: 1–14; 2 Kgs. 12: 2–17 (ET 12: 1–16)) and in the description of Zadok and his brother priests offering the daily sacriﬁce at Gibeon (1 Chr. 16: 39–40—cf. Exod. 29: 38–42). For further details, see Ch. 2 on the Deuteronomistic History and Ch. 8 on the books of Chronicles.

21

Noth, ‘Das deuteronomistische Werk (Dtr)’, in Überlieferungsgeschichtliche Studien (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1943), 3–110 (ET The Deuteronomistic History, JSOTS 15 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1981) ).

22

Some disagree that P has no narrative of occupation and have argued for the existence of Priestly materials in Joshua, thereby implying a date for P at which tenure of the land was a reality, whether pre-exilic or post-exilic. See Joseph Blenkinsopp, ‘The Structure of P’, CBQ 38 (1976), 275–92, and John E. Petersen, ‘Priestly Materials in Joshua 13–22: A Return to the Hexateuch?’, HAR 4 (1980), 131–46.

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under which such expectation would most naturally arise would be the appearance of Cyrus the Persian, as testiﬁed by the prophecies of Deutero-Isaiah; hence, it seems reasonable to date P to the period between Cyrus' rise during the 550s and his edict allowing the exiles to return and rebuild the Temple in 538 BCE (2 Chr. 36: 22–3). This would give a working date for P's compilation of c.550–540 BCE.23 However, there can be no doubt that much of P's cultic and legal material in particular is a good deal earlier than the date at which it was ﬁnally collated and promulgated in its present form. The body of material which has the general designation P shows signs of being composed of various different strata, and includes a number of smaller originally independent collections of legal matter, a feature which can be seen most clearly in the structure of

23

Although an exilic or post-exilic date for P has been the most commonly accepted view, there is a signiﬁcant minority of scholars who argue for its date in the pre-exilic period. Menahem Haran, ‘The Law-Code of Ezekiel XL–XLVIII and its Relation to the Priestly School’, HUCA 50 (1979), 45–71, argues that P is a product of the preexilic priesthood, but that it was driven from prominence by the excesses of Manasseh and was not restored until the time of Ezra (pp. 66, 67, 69). See also Haran, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978; repr. with corrections Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1985), 140–8, and ‘Behind the Scenes of History: Determining the Date of the Priestly Source’, JBL 100 (1981), 321–33, where Haran argues for P as the ideological basis of Hezekiah's reform. Avi Hurvitz, A Linguistic Study of the Relationship between the Priestly Source and the Book of Ezekiel: A New Approach to an Old Problem, Cahiers de la Revue Biblique 20 (Paris: J. Gabalda, 1982), and ‘Dating the Priestly Source in Light of the Historical Study of Biblical Hebrew a Century after Wellhausen’, ZAW 100 Supplement (1988), 88–100, argues that the language of P belongs to the pre-exilic rather than to the exilic or post-exilic periods, and Ziony Zevit, ‘Converging Lines of Evidence Bearing on the Date of P’, ZAW 94 (1982), 481–511, uses historical, linguistic, and literary data to argue for a preexilic date of composition. Jacob Milgrom, Leviticus 1–16, AB 3 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1991), 13–35, builds on the work of his student Israel Knohl in dating the so-called Holiness Code of Lev. 17–26 at the end of the eighth century and the main body of P prior to that; Knohl himself, in The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holiness School (Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, 1995), 199–218, dates H to the middle of the eighth century and assigns the development of P to the preceding two centuries. However, Blenkinsopp, ‘An Assessment of the Alleged Pre-Exilic Date of the Priestly Material in the Pentateuch’, ZAW 108 (1996), 495–518, convincingly challenges these attempts to ‘back-date’ P as being motivated by the desire to rescue P from the negative assessments it received at the hands of nineteenth-century scholarship, and offers a critique of the lines of argumentation used to defend the idea of a pre-exilic dating, concluding that they are unsatisfactory. He admits that this is not an automatic validation of a post-exilic dating, but suggests that it is possible to counter earlier scholarship's negative evaluation of P without necessary recourse to a pre-exilic dating, adding that a more positive view of P in general would provide a less contentious environment in which to discuss the issue of P's chronology (pp. 517–18).

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Leviticus.24 Hence, the impression is given of pre-exilic material which has been worked into the greater structure of P, material which may well include some of that concerning the high priest-hood. In examining the Priestly material, the aim is to establish how the elevated priestly ﬁgure who is usually thought of as the high priest ﬁts into the society which P describes, and whether this ﬁgure is portrayed as a political ruler as well as a religious ﬁgure-head. The picture of Israelite society presented by P in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers is of the Israelites in the wilderness as a cultic community gathered around and centred on a shrine, which via its ritual serves as the people's channel of communication with the deity. There is a great sense of God's holiness and power, and a corresponding sense of human sinfulness and unholiness, which somehow have to be reconciled with each other if the cultic community is to be meaningful; reconciliation is achieved by stipulating ‘degrees of holiness’, and deﬁning the people and objects which partake of each degree. An important part of this system is the ‘three-tier’ system of priesthood. All cultic personnel are designated ‘holy’ as opposed to the ordinary members of the community, but within the ‘holy’ class the Levites are the least holy and function as shrine attendants and priests' assistants, the priests (the sons of Aaron) are more holy and are allowed to carry out ceremonies involving the altar which stands outside the tent shrine, but only the supremely holy high priest, represented by the ﬁgure of Aaron, is allowed to enter the tent shrine at all, and even for him, entry to the innermost part of the shrine is strictly limited. The high-priestly ﬁgure for whom ‘Aaron’ is a symbol is therefore seen as part of a system of holiness whereby the gap between

24

The following units of legislation are clearly visible in Leviticus: chapters 1–7 (presentation of offerings), 8–10 (ordination of priests), 11–15 (purity regulations), 16 (Day of Atonement), 17–26 (the Holiness Code), 27 (vows and tithes). Both Leviticus 1–7 and 11–15 can be seen to be secondary insertions because they interrupt the ﬂow of the narrative, as indicated by the fact that in each case the verses immediately preceding and following the unit of legislation run on from each other in terms of sense. See Noth, Überlieferungsgeschichte des Pentateuch (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1948), 7–8 (ET A History of Pentateuchal Traditions, trans. Bernhard W. Anderson (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1972), 8–9), and Philip J. Budd, Leviticus, NCB (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans; London: Marshall Pickering, 1996), 12–20. The original independence of the units in Leviticus from their present context is also indicated by their content, something which is particularly true of the Holiness Code where the regulations ﬁt the circumstances of a settled life in Israel rather than those of a nomadic society or an expatriate community in Babylon—see for example Lev. 19: 29, 33–4; 25: 29–31, 44.

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human and divine is bridged, but within which the boundaries are quite distinct, a structure which Gorman sees as expressing a theology of cosmos in terms of separation of classes of items from each other.25 Any blurring of the boundaries—an inevitable result of sin—threatens the created order, and if not rectiﬁed will result in Yahweh's being driven from his dwelling place among the people, which in its turn will result in their downfall since it is his presence that secures their well-being.26 Of course, not only does this mean that unclean things must be kept away from clean things, but also that clean things must be kept away from unclean things, and holy from unholy (cf. the purity rules for priests in Lev. 21: 1–22: 9); hence, there are certain areas in which ‘Aaron’ as a part of this cosmos cannot be involved because he is too holy and involvement with them would deﬁle him. The context in which the high priesthood appears is thus a cultic context, and from the rigorous structuring of the community as a whole it is fair to assume that the high priest will have a clearly deﬁned position within it which reﬂects its cultic nature and which will become apparent upon investigation of the relevant material. In P as a whole there are three types of material, namely, legislative, narrative, and genealogical material, and this is a division which also characterizes the material relating speciﬁcally to the high priesthood. The legislative material on high priesthood comes largely in Exodus and Leviticus, while the relevant material in Numbers is largely narrative with one short piece of genealogy. Some of it is presented in terms of the ﬁgure of Aaron, and later of Eleazar, whereas other material speaks of ‘the anointed priest’ or uses some other descriptive phrase which clearly refers to a priestly ﬁgure who is set apart from the other priests in some way. For present purposes, legislative, narrative, and genealogical material will be examined in turn and then overall conclusions will be drawn. The legislative material is by far the largest category of material on the high priesthood, as well as being the type of material in which the high priesthood ﬁrst appears, and so it seems the logical category with which to begin the detailed study. However, there is one important observation which should be made before

25

Frank H. Gorman, Jr, The Ideology of Ritual: Space, Time and Status in the Priestly Theology, JSOTS 91 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1990).

26

Ibid. 40–5.

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becoming involved in the minutiae of the regulations: all the legislative material in P, including that which deals with the high priesthood, is shown as being imparted by Yahweh to Moses, who is the appointed mediator between the deity and the community.27 This is presumably because any material which comes via Moses is regarded as having the stamp of divine authority, and the claim of such authority is being made for the legislation. In this way the detailed provisions concerning the high priesthood are themselves shown as a part of the divine ordering of the community. However, the very fact that the instructions for the high priesthood are communicated via a pre-existing authority ﬁgure who never loses his authority even when Aaron has been inducted as high priest implies already that for all its signiﬁcance the high priest-hood is in some areas at least secondary to other structures in the community. Perhaps not surprisingly, the high priesthood is introduced by instructions for the ofﬁce-holder's clothing and induction; in fact, the description of Aaron the high priest's ceremonial garments (Exod. 28: 1–43; also Exod. 39: 1–31 and Lev. 8: 5–9) is the ﬁrst element of the instructions for the priesthood as a whole, instructions which come as the second major area of cultic provision immediately after the directions for constructing the Tabernacle and its furnishings (Exod. 25: 10–27: 21). This juxtaposition of Tabernacle and personnel, especially the close juxtaposition of high priest and Tabernacle, implies a strong connection between the two which also comes out elsewhere in the legislation and will be noted where appropriate. Turning to the high priest's garments, it is reasonable to assume that this kind of ceremonial clothing will have some kind of signiﬁcance or symbolism, and so if the signiﬁcance can be determined it may enable a better understanding of the ofﬁce and its duties. In general terms, the garments as a whole distinguish their wearer from the other priests and are thus a sign of status (cf. Lev. 21: 10; Num. 20: 22–9), and their overall purpose is given in Exod. 28: 3 as (le qadde šô le kahanô-lî, ‘to consecrate him to serve me as priest’), that is, to express the wearer's holiness and priestly status which enable him to come closer than anyone else in the community to Yahweh. That this is indeed their purpose is borne out by

27

In the legislation concerning the high priest there are two exceptions to this principle, both of which will be discussed below.

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an examination of the individual items of the costume. The ephod (Exod. 28: 5–14; 39: 2–7), which in this context is presumably a priestly garment,28 is made out of the same kind of material as the veil of the Tabernacle ( , ḥōsēb—Exod. 26: 31; 28: 6), thereby underlining its wearer's close connection to the Tabernacle and accompanying ceremonial, as well as its own superlative holiness29—an obvious expression of the principle of consecration for priesthood. The blue robe with pomegranates and bells around its skirts (Exod. 28: 31–5) is a variation on the theme of a well-to-do person's garment;30 although the signiﬁcance of the bells and pomegranates has been variously assessed, it is indisputable that they are primarily religious motifs.31 Here they form a vital part of

28

Elsewhere the term appears to refer to a cultic image (Judg. 8: 27; 17: 5) or a tool for divination (1 Sam. 23: 9), as well as a priestly garment (1 Sam. 2: 18; 22: 18). Haran, Temples and Temple-Service, 167–8, claims that a major component of the high priest's ephod is beaten gold, cut into strips and interwoven in the fabric; it is therefore appropriate to regard this ephod too as a golden ephod, making it ‘the very same ephod as that referred to in non-priestly sources’ (p. 168).

29

Haran, Temples and Temple-Service, 160–1. Haran argues that the material of the ephod differs from that of the veil in that it is not ornamented with cherubim and contains a large amount of gold not present in the veil; however, the fabric mixture apart from the gold is still the superlatively holy blend of all kinds of wool and linen with general ornamentation (pp. 167–8). In its manifestation as an elaborate part of the ceremonial priestly regalia the ephod is probably a relatively late development from the priestly ‘linen ephod’ (1 Sam. 2: 18; 22: 18).

30

Noth, Das zweite Buch Mose: Exodus, ATD 5 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1959), 183 (ET Exodus, trans. J. S. Bowden, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1962), 224); R. E. Clements, Exodus, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 183. Haran, ‘Priesthood, Temple, Divine Service: Some Observations on Institutions and Practices of Worship’, HAR 7 (1983), 121–35, points to the use of the colours blue, purple, and gold in the high priest's vestments as ‘salient royal emblems’ (p. 123). On this view the colour of the robe would make it a royal garment.

31

Many scholars have seen the bells as originally an apotropaic device against demons; so Bruno Baentsch, Exodus-Leviticus-Numeri, HKAT 1.2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903), 244; Georg Beer, Exodus, HAT 3 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1939), 142; Noth, Exodus, 183 (ET, 224); J. P. Hyatt, Exodus, NCB (London: Oliphants/ Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1971), 284; Josef Scharbert, Exodus, NEB (Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 1989), 111. S. R. Driver, The Book of Exodus, CBSC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1911; repr. 1918), 308, Hyatt, 284, and Robert L. Cate, Exodus, Layman's Bible Book Commentary (Nashville, Tenn.: Broadman Press, 1979), 117, regard the bells as a way of enabling those outside the Tabernacle to hear the high priest moving about inside and know that all was well; Frank Michaeli, Le Livre de L'Exode, CAT 2 (Neuchâtel and Paris: Delachaux & Niestlé, 1974), comments that the bells ringing when the high priest entered and left the shrine would indicate the beginning and end of the service (p. 252). Haran, Temples and Temple-Service, 217–18, 223 n. 23, and John I. Durham, Exodus, WBC 3 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1987), 388, see in the bells a way of ministering to the deity. The pomegranates are probably a symbol of the life or fructifying power of Yahweh (Baentsch, 244; Cate, 118; Durham, 388). C. Houtman, ‘On the Pomegranates and Golden Bells of the High Priest's Mantle’, VT 40 (1990), 223–9, suggests that pomegranates and bells together were intended to create a pleasing atmosphere which would draw Yahweh's favourable attention to the high priest and therefore to Israel.

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the equipment of one who is to serve in close proximity to the deity, despite the fact that both symbols doubtless have their origins in a religious milieu far removed in time and concepts from those of the Priestly writings. The gold plate on the high priest's head-dress ( , ṣîṣ—Exod. 28: 36; 39: 30; Lev. 8: 9) is intended to absorb the guilt caused by any inadvertent ﬂaw in the sacriﬁcial offerings.32 Elsewhere the term (nēzer, ‘crown’—Exod. 29: 6; 39: 30; Lev. 8: 9) is used as a synonym for the term (ṣîṣ), possibly signifying that the gold part of the head-dress was a diadem or crown rather than simply a plate.33 The term (ṣîṣ) itself literally means a blossom or ﬂower, and may indicate a ﬂower-shaped plate or ﬂowers engraved on a plate or diadem;34 if this is the case, it may be compared with the Egyptian use of the ﬂower in ritual contexts as a sign of vitality and life-force,35 a most appropriate symbol for the high priest of Yahweh the ever-living Lord of life and a powerful sign that not even the pollution and guilt incurred from a ﬂawed offering can cause the high priest's death. All three of these items are restricted to the high priest's garments as opposed to the normal priestly garments, and it can be seen that all three epitomize the principles of holiness and priestly service which are doubtless characteristic of the ofﬁce. Three items in particular from the high priest's garments are often regarded as ‘royal’ elements and made the basis for speculation that the high priest moved into the place of the monarch during the post-exilic period.36 First, the twelvestoned breastpiece inside which the Urim and Thummim rest (Exod. 28: 15–30) is apparently a cross between a pouch to hang round the priest's neck as a container for the sacred lots and a royal pectoral.37 Secondly, the turban ( , miṣnepet—28: 37, 39) is often thought

32

Baentsch, 245.

33

See Hyatt, 284–5, on the gold item as a diadem or crown.

34

Michaeli, L'Exode, 247; Scharbert, Exodus, 111; Milgrom, 511–12; John E. Hartley, Leviticus, WBC 4 (Dallas, Tex.: Word, 1992), 107.

35

A. de Buck, ‘La Fleur au front du grand-prêtre’, in OTS 9 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1951), 18–29.

36

Haran, ‘Priesthood, Temple, Divine Service’, 123–4, uses the high priest's ceremonial costume to argue for the high priest as in effect the Priestly equivalent of the monarch. See also Michaeli, L'Exode, 249.

37

Noth, Exodus, 181–2 (ET, 222–3); Michaeli, L'Exode, 215; Scharbert, Exodus, 111.

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to be an indicator of royal prerogative transferred to the high priest,38 because the only place where the word is found outside the context of high-priestly garments is in Ezek. 21: 31 (ET 21: 26), where it occurs in parallelism with the term ‘crown’ ( , ʽaṭạrâ) in an oracle addressed to the prince of Israel.39 Thirdly, it was noted above that the gold plate may have been a diadem or crown ( , nēzer), which would certainly seem to imply that its wearer enjoyed the privileges of royalty.40 However, these items need not indicate the high priesthood's assumption of royal position and privilege. This is most evident in the case of the diadem; although the term (nēzer) certainly has royal signiﬁcance in some contexts (e.g. Ps. 132: 18), the root (nzr) is concerned with consecration and setting apart, as for example in the case of the Nazirite (Num. 6: 1–21). Hence, its use in the context of the high priest's garments is just as likely to be an indicator of his holy status as it is of his royal prerogative. In fact, it could well be argued that the reason for the use of the root (nzr) in royal contexts is because of the sacral connotations of Israelite monarchy, so that its joint use in respect of both king and priest is because of the priestly aspects of the monarchy rather than because of supposed royal aspects of the priesthood. Neither is the breastpiece an unequivocal indicator of the high priesthood's royal status; it certainly resembles a royal breastpiece, but it is made from the same kind of material as the ephod (Exod. 28: 15), which gives it the same priestly connotations as the ephod has of holiness and links with the Tabernacle. It also contains the sacred lots, which have never been a royal responsibility but always a priestly one (cf. Deut. 33: 8; 1 Sam. 14: 3, 18–19). Finally, although the turban does appear once as part of the prince of Israel's clothing in Ezek. 21: 31 (ET 21: 26), there is nothing to indicate why the reason for both king and priest sharing the same head-dress should be the priest's royal status rather than the king's priestly status; the turban could well be a primarily priestly item, as is the case for the diadem and the breastpiece. Indeed, the eleven other occurrences of (miṣnepet) are all in P and all refer to the high priest's garments, so that sheer weight of evidence argues for

38

Noth, Exodus, 185 (ET, 226); Hyatt, 284–5.

39

The designation ‘prince’ (

40

Baentsch, 244; Beer, 142; Michaeli, L'Exode, 253; Haran, ‘Priesthood, Temple, Divine Service’, 123.

, nāśî ) here is certainly to be understood as a royal title. See Ch. 4 below on Ezekiel.

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its primary association with priesthood rather than with royalty. For all their splendour, therefore, the high priest's ceremonial garments give no indication that the high priest was anything more than a cultic ﬁgure, however great his importance to the cult's proper functioning. The next relevant piece of legislative material is the ordination procedure, described in Exod. 29: 1–37 and depicted in Lev. 8: 1–36, after which the ﬁrst sacriﬁces are carried out by the newly inaugurated priests (Lev. 9: 1–24). The procedure involves dressing and anointing Aaron, dressing his sons, and then offering the required sacriﬁces over a period of seven days during which time the ordinands must remain in the precincts of the Tabernacle. The main point of interest for the present purposes is the question of anointing; Aaron is shown as being anointed at his institution (Exod. 29: 7; Lev. 8: 10–12), and all but three of P's descriptive titles for the main priestly ﬁgure mention anointing (see below). However, there are also several occasions where the priesthood as a whole is said to be anointed, and the overall ratio is fourteen references to one priest in particular being anointed (seven of which are titles)41 to seven references to the whole priesthood being anointed.42 The ordination procedure, though, seems to distinguish between pouring holy anointing oil on Aaron's head (Exod. 29: 7; Lev. 8: 12) and sprinkling both Aaron and sons and their garments with a mixture of the anointing oil and blood from the altar (Exod. 29: 21; Lev. 8: 30); this would allow for all priests to be anointed while at the same time distinguishing one priest in particular as the anointed priest.43 As with some of the items of the high priest's regalia, the oil of anointing is often interpreted as a sign of royal prerogative transferred to the high priest in the post-exilic period,44 because it is thought to serve the same purpose as royal anointing, which was to equip the person anointed with extra life-force and energy for

41

Exod. 29: 7, 29: 29, 40: 13; Lev. 4: 3, 4: 5, 4: 16, 6: 13 (ET 6: 20), 6: 15 (ET 6: 22), 8: 12, 8: 30, 16: 32, 21: 10, 21: 12; Num. 35: 25. See also the comments below on terminology.

42

Exod. 28: 41, 29: 21, 40: 14–15; Lev. 7: 36, 8: 30, 10: 7; Num. 3: 3.

43

Hartley, 112. Compare Wolf Wilhelm Graf Baudissin, Die Geschichte des alttestamentlichen Priesterthums (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1889; repr. Osnabrück: Otto Zeller, 1967), who argued that the sprinkling of Aaron's sons could not be viewed as anointing, which consisted of pouring oil on the head (p. 25).

44

Baentsch, 246, 248; Michaeli, L'Exode, 257; Scharbert, Exodus, 113.

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carrying out the appointed tasks.45 However, Milgrom argues that the anointing of the high priest was not to endow him with divine attributes as in the case of royal anointing, but to effect a change of status which would enable him to function in the sacred realm;46 in other words, it was qualitatively different from a royal anointing, a rite of sanctiﬁcation rather than a rite of empowering. The idea that royal anointing was distinct from priestly anointing is supported by the observation that references to ‘the anointed one’ without further qualiﬁcation allude to the king,47 a usage which in itself implies that royal anointing was something speciﬁc and distinctive. Rabbinic exegesis too saw a difference between the anointing of king and priest; according to the Babylonian Talmud, kings were anointed in the shape of a wreath, whereas priests were anointed in the shape of the Greek letter chi,48 although of course the Talmud dates from a considerably later age than P. P's picture of the anointed priest should not therefore be interpreted in terms of hierocratic kingship but rather in terms of sanctiﬁcation for ritual and cultic responsibility.49 Three apparently quite mundane matters which are Aaron's responsibility are the burning of incense on the altar of incense and trimming the Tabernacle lamps every morning and evening (Exod. 30: 1–10), and the arrangement of the shewbread each sabbath (Lev. 24: 5–9). Assuming that ‘Aaron’ here means the

45

Noth, Amt und Berufung im Alten Testament: Rektoratsrede an der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn, 1958, Bonner Akademische Reden 19 (Bonn: Peter Hanstein, 1958); repr. in Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament, 3rd enlarged edn. (Munich: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1966), 309–33 (pp. 321–2) (ET ‘Ofﬁce and Vocation in the Old Testament’, in The Laws in the Pentateuch and Other Studies, trans. D. R. Ap-Thomas (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1966), 229–49 (pp. 239–40)). See also Aubrey R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel, 2nd edn. (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1967), 14–16.

46

Milgrom, 553–5. Budd, Leviticus, 137, remarks that Aaron's anointing takes place in the context of a series of anointing rites involving the whole Tabernacle and its contents, thereby incorporating Aaron as a part of this holy realm.

47

So, for example, 2 Sam. 1: 14; Lam 4: 20. The only exception to this pattern is in Ps. 105: 15, where (ʼal-tiggeû bimešîḥāy, ‘do not touch my anointed ones’) refers to the nation of Israel, but even here the anointing has prophetic rather than priestly overtones, judging from the second half of the verse, which reads e e (w lin bîʼayʼal-tārēʽû, ‘and do not harm my prophets’). (The same verse appears at 1 Chr. 16: 22, as 1 Chr. 16: 8–22 is a quotation of Ps. 105: 1–15.)

48

BT Horayot 12a.

49

Houtman, ‘On the Function of the Holy Incense (Exodus xxx 34–8) and the Sacred Anointing Oil (Exodus xxx 22–33)’, VT 42 (1992), 458–65, argues that both the incense and the anointing oil were used to characterize places and people as belonging to Yahweh by means of fragrances which were regarded as his special fragrances.

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one who was head of the priesthood, and that that person was effectively the high priest, Haran argues that these duties are his because they take place inside the Tabernacle, where he is the only one sufﬁciently holy to enter,50 whilst Milgrom suggests that concentrating the cult of the sanctuary in high-priestly hands was because of ‘the fear that ministrations with the lampstand (light), table (bread) and altar (incense) by all of the priests . . . might lead to the belief that the purpose of these rites was the “care and feeding” of the God of Israel’.51 That the provision of the shewbread in particular had been long established in Israel is suggested by 1 Sam. 21: 2–7 (ET 21: 1–6), and it is difﬁcult to envisage the reason for the observance if it did not originate with some sense of needing to provide for the god's welfare.52 Although there is no hint of anything so mundane in P, that is more probably because by that time the concept had been abandoned anyway rather than because P was trying to prevent it becoming established, as Milgrom suggests. Hence, the connection of the high priest with the Tabernacle seems to provide a better rationale for his being allocated these duties, a rationale which once again underlines his supreme cultic importance but gives no hint of broader responsibility. A more signiﬁcant task reserved for the priest who has been set apart by speciﬁc anointing is to make atonement either for himself or for the whole community when an unwitting sin has been committed (Lev. 4: 1–21). Three times the passage uses the term ‘the anointed priest’ ( , hakkōhēn hammāšîaḥ—4: 3, 5, 16), and despite the fact that on ﬁve other occasions the passage simply refers to ‘the priest’ ( , hakkōhēn—4: 6, 7, 10, 17, 20) it must mean one speciﬁc priest as deﬁned by the anointing, ﬁrstly because both of the rites enumerated require ‘the priest’ to enter the tent of meeting, and secondly because both rites describe a ﬁgure who is

50

See Karl Elliger, Leviticus, HAT 4 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1966), 69–70; Haran, Temples and Temple-Service, 206–21, 226–7.

51

Milgrom, 54. By contrast, Haran, Temples and Temple-Service, 218–19, argues that the daily complex of Tabernacle ceremonial has precisely the signiﬁcance of providing for the deity's needs.

52

So Budd, Leviticus, 331. Roy Gane, “ ‘Bread of the Presence” and Creator-in-Residence’, VT 42 (1992), 179–203, suggests that the shewbread ritual in its present form was intended to restrict anthropomorphic concepts of the deity by having no accompanying libations and giving no indication that the bread was in any sense consumed by Yahweh, while at the same time asserting the presence of the creator Yahweh in the Tabernacle and afﬁrming the covenant between him and Israel.

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an embodiment of the community in some way: his sin affects the whole community (Lev. 4: 3),53 and his intervention is required for their communal sin (Lev. 4: 13, 16). That there is only one priest of whom this is true is demonstrated by the Day of Atonement observances, where the ofﬁciating priest who is to enter the tent of meeting and make atonement for the whole community is deﬁned as the one anointed in his father's place (16: 32).54 This very close connection between priest and people is reminiscent of that between monarch and people, in that the pre-exilic nation's fortunes rose and fell with the integrity or otherwise of their kings, and the king was an embodiment of the people he ruled.55 To that extent, therefore, the anointed priest can be said to be functioning here in a royal role. However, once again the role is speciﬁcally sacral rather than political, and is no ground for claiming the transfer of political power to the high priesthood in the absence of a monarch. However, Aaron's next appearance brings him down to the level of his sons. Following the destruction of Nadab and Abihu for offering ‘strange ﬁre’ before the Lord (Lev. 10: 1–7), there comes the ﬁrst of only two occasions on which Yahweh speaks directly to Aaron,56 giving him and his sons the instruction to distinguish between holy and profane, clean and unclean, and to teach the people all the statutes given via Moses (10: 8–11). The passage is notable in that despite being addressed to Aaron it does not single him out in the duties; rather, the plural forms (bebōʼakem,

53

Baentsch, 322; Elliger, Leviticus, 68; Rendtorff, Leviticus, BKAT 3 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1985 –), 152; Hartley, 59.

54

Rendtorff, Leviticus, 155–6, argues that in Lev. 4: 1–21 ‘the priest’ and ‘the anointed priest’ are to be differentiated, on the grounds that the blood-rite was a bipartite matter whereby the animal was killed and the blood was sprinkled by two separate parties (cf. Lev. 1: 5; 9: 8–9, 18). Rendtorff also argues that when the anointed priest brings his sin offering (Lev. 4: 3–4), he is effectively functioning as a worshipper, not a priest; hence, he needs another priest to perform the blood manipulation for him. Therefore it is the anointed priest who brings the blood to the tent of meeting, but another priest who carries out the sprinkling rite. However, this exegesis is unconvincing on two counts. In the ﬁrst place, nowhere else is any other priest apart from the high priest allowed to enter the tent of meeting; but on Rendtorff's interpretation this is precisely what would have to happen, because the blood sprinkling takes place inside the tent. In the second place, there seems to be no reason why the high priest should not make atonement for himself without the aid of another priest, since he is perfectly able to do it on the Day of Atonement (Lev. 16: 6, 11). It therefore seems much more logical to understand ‘the anointed priest’ and ‘the priest’ as one and the same.

55

Cf. 1 Kgs. 14: 15–16; 2 Kgs. 13: 2–3; 20: 1–6; 21: 10–12; 23: 26–7.

56

The other is in Num. 18: 1–24.

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‘when you [pl.] come’), (tāmutû, ‘you [pl.] will die’), and (ledọrōtêkem, ‘for your [pl.] generations’) (10: 9) indicate that the duties described are to be carried out by the priesthood as a whole, of which Aaron too is a part. In fact, the main thrust of the passage is probably nothing to do with Aaron as set apart from his sons for speciﬁc priestly duties, but with Aaron as priestly progenitor, and its emphasis is on deﬁning a particular priestly class (presumably over against another potential priestly class), along with its duties which are entirely concerned with cultic matters. Neither does the passage give Aaron or the priesthood any authority of their own; Moses is still the only one through whom the laws are given (10: 11), and the task of the priests is simply to make the laws known to the people. The ceremonies carried out for the Day of Atonement (Leviticus 16), Aaron's tour de force, are enshrined in what is universally agreed to be a complex and composite piece of legislation with a long history, during the course of which several different rites have been combined. Milgrom argues that the rite was originally an emergency procedure to cleanse the sanctuary from deﬁlement, and that the signiﬁcance of an annual atonement for the whole people was a later development.57 The present ceremony may well be connected with the New Year rites, given that it comes within a few days of the Feast of Tabernacles and that P marks the ﬁrst of the seventh month as a feast day (Lev. 23: 24–5) and the tenth of the seventh month—Yom Kippur itself—as the day when the Jubilee year is to be declared (Lev. 25: 9). As far as the high priest is concerned, the rites once again demonstrate his two cardinal characteristics: his close connection with the Tabernacle, inasmuch as he is the only one allowed to enter it for the atonement ceremonies, and his representative function on behalf of the people as a whole. The two stages of the rites—sanctuary cleansing and atonement for the people—can be observed in the high priest's clothing. For the sanctuary cleansing he wears the linen garments common to the rest of the priesthood (Lev. 16: 3–4), although he still wears the turban instead of the caps worn by the ordinary priests, presumably as a sign of his consecration and therefore his qualiﬁcation to be in the holiest place. The gold plate would also protect him from any inadvertent ﬂaw in the offerings, a precaution which would be even more necessary on this occasion

57

Milgrom, 1061–3.

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than at other times because of the solemnity of the rite. Once the cleansing is over, however, he dons the high-priestly garments to complete the day's ceremonies by offering a burnt offering on behalf of himself and the people (Lev. 16: 23–5). The implication of the change in clothing is that when he is wearing the ceremonial garments he is functioning directly in a representative capacity for the people, and this can be seen from the other occasions on which he is speciﬁcally required to ofﬁciate rather than an ordinary priest, which are discussed above. Once again, all his duties are cultic; even his representative function on behalf of the community, which could be seen as royal, is doubtless sacral, as remarked above. Hence, the ceremony which epitomizes the duties of the high priesthood epitomizes them in sacral and not political terms, thereby giving a strong indication of the fundamentally non-political nature of the ofﬁce. The Law of Holiness (Leviticus 17–26) includes a section on priestly purity (21–2), which in turn includes six verses speciﬁcally on purity for the anointed priest who wears the ceremonial garments (21: 10–15): he is forbidden to observe mourning customs or assist in the burial of anyone at all, even his own parents,58 and may marry only ‘a virgin of his own people’ (21: 14). There seems to be a well-developed theology of separation here, whereby holiness and the ultimate impurity of death are quite incompatible,59 and even the slight association with death entailed in marrying a priest's widow, something which is allowed for the ordinary priests, is intolerable for this priest.60 Because of the incompatibility of death with the holiness of an ever-living God, ritual contamination from participation in burial rites would render the anointed priest unable to carry out the Tabernacle's daily ceremonial, which is a symbol of the eternal ever-present God and must therefore continue regardless of human death.61 The

58

There is an interesting echo here of the Nazirite, who is also forbidden to participate in burial rites for close relatives during the period of his vow because ‘all the days of his separation he is holy to the Lord’ (Num. 6: 6–8).

59

See Philip Peter Jenson, Graded Holiness: A Key to the Priestly Conception of the World, JSOTS 106 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1992), 128–30, for comment on the priestly marriage and mourning legislation in Lev. 21: 1–15.

60

The desire for absolute purity of descent for the high priesthood would also have been a factor in this stipulation (Hartley, 349; Budd, Leviticus, 303).

61

Jenson, 111–12, comments on the daily ceremonial as part of the Tabernacle's symbolism of life, which is an appropriate representation for ‘the living God who abides for ever’ (p. 112).

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contamination would also make him unable to act where required in atonement ceremonies for the people. Presumably there was some arrangement for deputizing in the event of unavoidable deﬁlement, but this apparently did not cover deliberate deﬁlement incurred by carrying out burial rites. The characteristic designation of this priest in terms of anointing and garments (21: 10) underlines both the extent to which he is set apart for holiness and the incompatibility of such a status with death which is its exact antithesis. Although, as already noted, much of the material in Numbers where Aaron (and later Eleazar) appears is narrative material, there are also two passages of legislative material which are of relevance. First, following the incident of the budding rod (Num. 17: 16–28 (ET 17: 1–13)), there comes the second of the two occasions on which the Lord addresses Aaron personally instead of via Moses (Num. 18: 1–24), which may well be a way of underlining the Lord's choice of Aaron as portrayed in the preceding narrative. Numbers 18 is concerned with who should come into what proximity to the Tabernacle, stipulating the portions of offerings which are due to both priests and Levites; on the whole it is a gathering together of details spread throughout the sacriﬁcial legislation in Leviticus, making it reiteration rather than new material.62 Its interest for the present purposes is in its similarity in tone to Lev. 10: 8–11, the other place where Aaron alone is addressed: in both places Aaron appears in a representative capacity, receiving the instructions on behalf of the whole priest-hood of which he is the progenitor. As is the case in the Leviticus passage, instructions are given to Aaron in the second person plural; in Num. 18: 1 he is told, ‘You and your sons with you shall bear ( , tiśʼû) iniquity in connection with your priesthood’, and in 18: 5, ‘You shall attend ( , ûšemartem) to the duties of the sanctuary and the duties of the altar.’ The plural verbs in each case imply that the instructions refer to a communal priestly responsibility in which Aaron is included, rather than simply recounting Aaron's personal duty; from this it can be inferred that whatever additional or distinctive duties Aaron may have by virtue of being high priest, his basic identity is that of a priest like any other.

62

Noth, Das vierte Buch Mose: Numeri, ATD 7 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966), 118 (ET Numbers, trans. James D. Martin, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1968, 1980), 133–4), sees the chapter as originally independent and a late addition to P.

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However, the overt thrust of the passage is about deﬁning the correct division of cultic duties between priestly classes rather than having anything to do with Aaron as a chief-priestly ﬁgure or with non-cultic responsibilities for him. The fact that Aaron is here addressed three times in the course of twenty verses, in answer to the Israelites' plea addressed to Moses (17: 28 (ET 17: 13)), contrasts strongly with other instances of Moses alone being the contact person for the Lord even when Aaron and Moses are addressed together by the people,63 and is no doubt to be accounted for by the desire to stress the prerogative of the Aaronide priesthood over against the Levites. The other relevant piece of legislation in Numbers deals with the death of the high priest as the signal for the accidental killer to return home (35: 22–34), a provision which does not occur in the passage's Deuteronomic parallel (Deut. 19: 1–13). It is probably to be interpreted as having ritual signiﬁcance; seeming as it does to indicate the end of an epoch, it can be seen as an expiatory event by which the death of the high priest atones for the blood shed, so ending the need for the avenger of blood to continue pursuing the killer.64 The legislative material also includes a number of descriptive terms for the chief priestly ﬁgure, some of which have already been mentioned in the course of the discussion, but which it is useful to consider all together in more detail. They are as follows: Lev. 4: 3, 5, 16 (‘the anointed priest’) Lev. 6: 15 (ET 6: 22) Lev. 16: 32

(‘the priest anointed after him from among his sons’) (‘the priest who is anointed and ordained to serve as priest after his father’)

Lev. 21: 10 (‘the priest who is great/senior/eldest among his brothers, upon whose head is poured the oil of anointing and who is ordained to wear the garments’) Num. 35: 25 Num. 35: 28 Num. 35: 32

(‘the great/senior/eldest priest who is anointed with the holy oil’) (twice) (‘the great/senior/eldest priest’) (as textual variant) (‘the priest’, variant ‘the great/senior/eldest priest’)

Summarizing the descriptions in terms of the characteristics they denote gives the following pattern: Lev. 4: 3 Lev. 4: 5 Lev. 4: 16 Lev. 6: 15 (ET 6: 22) Lev. 16: 32 Lev. 21: 10 Num. 35: 25 Num. 35: 28 Num. 35: 32

Anointing Anointing Anointing Anointing; succession Anointing; succession Seniority; anointing; garments Seniority; anointing Seniority (twice) Seniority)

63

See, for example, Num. 15: 33–5, and Num. 27: 2–7, where Eleazar is high priest but the principle remains that Moses alone receives the directive from the Lord.

64

John Sturdy, Numbers, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 242; Budd, Numbers, WBC 5 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1984), 384; Eryl W. Davies, Numbers, NCB (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans; London: Marshall Pickering, 1995), 365–6.

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The most prominent feature of these descriptive designations is anointing, which appears in seven of the ten, and if it is assumed that the descriptions in Num. 35: 28 are abbreviations of that in Num. 35: 25, is implied in a further two. Seniority occurs four times (ﬁve times including the textual variant for Num. 35: 32), hereditary succession to the ofﬁce from father to son appears twice, and ‘the garments’, presumably the ceremonial garments, only once. This implies that anointing was indeed an important marker of ofﬁce, perhaps from a time when it was the only marker of ofﬁce. Hereditary succession to the priesthood would have been the norm for any priest, so it is not really surprising that there is little emphasis laid upon it in the context of the specialized priestly ofﬁce. What is more surprising is the sole mention of the garments; considering that P spends seventy-four verses describing their speciﬁcations, their manufacture, and their placing on Aaron (Exod. 28: 2–39; 29: 5–6; 39: 1–31; Lev. 8: 7–9), it might be expected

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that they would feature more prominently in the descriptions of the one who is to wear them. Even Lev. 21: 10 makes the garments secondary to the anointing as characteristic of the priest; he is anointed and consecrated, after which he can wear the garments which are presumably symbolic of the consecration. However, despite these speciﬁc designations which occur, the only title ever used of Aaron himself is (hakkōhēn, ‘the priest’), making it difﬁcult to distinguish sometimes whether Aaron is acting in high-priestly capacity, whether the other individuals designated (hakkōhēn) are anything apart from ordinary priests, or even whether ‘Aaron’ is a ﬁgurative way of referring to the priesthood as a whole. When taken together with the occasions on which Aaron and his sons are referred to as a group with no apparent distinction between them (e.g. Lev. 6: 1–2 (ET 6: 8–9); 7: 31, 35–6; 10: 6–11; 22: 2; Num. 3: 1–4; 6: 22–7; 16: 8–11; 18: 1–20), this too lends support to the notion of (hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘the great/senior/ eldest priest’) starting out as a comparative or relative designation which crystallized later into the more deﬁnite sense of ‘high priest’. Taking as a whole, then, the legislative material which concerns the high priest, it displays two characteristics which are important for the present investigation. First, the legislation is all cultic legislation, detailing Aaron's duties and importance in the cultic environment either speciﬁcally as high priest or as a member of the priestly class in general; there is nothing which even implies, let alone speciﬁes, any broader kind of responsibility for the high priest. Secondly, all the legislation except the two sections already noted (Lev. 10: 8–11; Num. 18: 1–24) is addressed either primarily or exclusively to Moses, so that, despite the high priest's cultic importance in the community, it seems that the real authority of government and indeed of religious lawgiving lies with Moses rather than with Aaron. Admittedly the priests are to teach the people of Israel the Law and enable them to distinguish between clean and unclean, but it is according to what Moses has received in the ﬁrst instance (Lev. 10: 11); the priests themselves, including Aaron, are mere interpreters, not the direct recipients of divine revelation like Moses. Having reached these conclusions on the basis of the legislative material, it is now necessary to see whether they are borne out by an examination of the other two categories of material. Both

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narrative and genealogical material on the high priesthood occur after the bulk of the legislative material already discussed, presumably as a way of demonstrating what the legislation means in practice, but although the one relevant piece of genealogy comes before the narrative material on the high priest, the narrative material will be investigated before the genealogy, as it is the second largest category of material concerning the high priest-hood. The ﬁrst narrative pericope in which the high-priestly ﬁgure of Aaron appears is the offering of the Levites to the Lord (Num. 8: 5–22). Here, as with other material describing the founding of particular institutions, the text gives prominence to Moses rather than to Aaron. In the instructions for the ceremony, which are all addressed to Moses (8: 5), all the second person verbs are in the singular (8: 6–15), and Aaron is not even mentioned until 8: 11 where his part in the ceremony is described. In the summary of actions undertaken, Aaron is included and then dropped again, raising the suspicion that he might be an insertion: ‘Thus did Moses and Aaron and all the congregation of the people of Israel to the Levites; according to all that the Lord commanded Moses concerning the Levites, the people of Israel did to them’ (8: 20). However, the next verse records that Aaron was the one who offered the Levites as a wave offering before the Lord and made atonement for them (8: 21).65 This could be because it was his duty as the anointed priest to make atonement for large numbers of people (cf. Lev. 4: 13–21; 16: 15–25), but it seems more likely to be because he is portrayed as progenitor of the priesthood to which the Levites were being given.66 Aaron therefore functions here as the priest, as the epitome and representative of priesthood in general, in a way which both emphasizes his connection with the rest of the priests and sets him apart from them. However, despite

65

Diether Kellermann, Die Priesterschrift von Numeri 1: 1 bis 10: 10 literarkritisch und traditions-geschichtlich untersucht, BZAW 120 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1970), 120, 122, 123, argues that Moses rather than Aaron was originally the subject in 8: 21.

66

Budd, Numbers, 91–2, 93–4, regards the pericope as a way of reconciling Levitical and priestly tradition, so that although the subordinate Levitical status was recognized its dignity was asserted and degradation of the Levites was avoided. ‘The older Levitical idea of Levites as those “given to Yahweh” is reinterpreted in terms of a gift to Aaron’ (p. 94). The idea of the Levites as a gift to Aaron would also account for them being referred to as a ‘wave offering’ (8: 21). According to Lev. 7: 34–6 the breast and right thigh of sacriﬁcial animals were to be waved before the Lord and then given to the priests as their special portion. Calling the Levites a wave offering therefore symbolizes their consecration to be the priests' special assistants.

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his important paradigmatic role in the ceremony, the fact remains that here again as elsewhere Aaron is subject to the command of Moses who alone receives the divine revelation, and the pericope gives no indication of Aaron fulﬁlling any wider leadership role in the community at large. Two consecutive narratives in which Aaron has great prominence are those of the Korahite rebellion (Num. 16: 1–17: 15 (ET 16: 1–50)) and the budding of Aaron's rod (Num. 17: 16–28 (ET 17: 1–13)). The Korahite rebellion involves a challenge to Moses' ruling on the position of the Levites as non-priestly personnel beside the Aaronide priests, and has apparently been superimposed upon another older story of a challenge to Moses' leadership, but the Priestly strand in the narrative is fairly easily distinguishable by its characteristic concerns of holiness and who should draw near to the Lord, and by its method of testing the legitimacy of claims to priesthood by offering incense, which is reminiscent of the Nadab and Abihu incident (Lev. 10: 1–7). The Priestly ﬂavour is also apparent in the concern for proper disposal of the extirpated rebels' censers which have now become ‘infected’ with holiness, as it were, and have to be dealt with by a priest, thereby preventing others from incurring the same fate as the Korahites through misuse of holy items.67 The plague which follows the Israelites' dissatisfaction over Korah's fate and which is stayed by Aaron taking his own censer and burning incense in the midst of the people (17: 6–15 (ET 16: 41–50)), together with the following episode of Aaron's rod budding (17: 16–28 (ET 17: 1–13)), again conﬁrm Aaron as the man of the Lord's choice.68 However, despite Aaron's prominence in these two chapters, the thrust of the narrative concerns the whole priesthood and therefore Aaron as its representative and progenitor, rather than Aaron in any speciﬁcally high-priestly capacity (cf. Num. 17: 5 (ET 16: 40)). Indeed, although from a theological point of view both of these incidents,

67

The instructions for the altar in Exodus 27 dictate that it should be covered in bronze (27: 2); perhaps this incident is an aetiology for that particular requirement.

68

Leon Yarden, ‘Aaron, Bethel and the Priestly Menorah’, JJS 26 (1975), 39–47, suggests that the budding rod is the basis of the design for the menorah, which is to have cups like almond blossoms and six branches from the one stem (Exod. 25: 31–6). This might also explain why tending the lamps was a duty reserved for the high priest alone (Lev. 24: 1–4). Scharbert, Numeri, NEB (Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 1992), 71, points out that the Hebrew word for blossom in 17: 32 (ET 17: 8) is the same as that used in Exod. 28: 36 for the gold plate or ﬂower which adorns the high priest's head-dress—‘eine wohl beabsichtigte Anspielung [certainly an intentional allusion].’

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together with the Nadab and Abihu incident (Lev. 10: 1–7), serve as warnings not to try and function in a capacity which has not been granted by divine decree, from a practical point of view they serve to afﬁrm the priest–Levite hierarchy as set out in P. This has led commentators to see in them the reﬂection of contemporary priestly power struggles,69 and an attempt to resolve the struggles by investing the status quo presented in P with divine authority as mediated by Moses,70 who appears throughout the P strand not as a candidate but as a facilitator and a conveyor of instructions. His choice by the Lord is apparently unquestioned, and he is able to go in before the testimony three times and come out unharmed (17: 22–6 (ET 17: 7–11)), to the place where Aaron can only go once a year with the blood of sin offerings to make atonement. Once again, therefore, Aaron's signiﬁcance and authority are limited to particular areas of cultic competence, and even in those spheres they are subordinate to that of Moses. Aaron's death on Mount Hor (Num. 20: 22–9) continues the pattern of Mosaic prominence. Even though Aaron is the one to be taken, the commands concerning his demise are clearly for Moses alone, and the passage continues by saying that ‘Moses did as the Lord commanded’ (20: 27). As with the initial induction of Aaron and his sons as priests Moses is the one who supervises the transfer of power by placing Aaron's garments on Eleazar. There is no indication of any other ceremonial to conﬁrm Eleazar in his new role—no anointing, no sacriﬁce of puriﬁcation, or ordination; the garments (presumably the ornate ceremonial priestly garments) are taken as sufﬁcient indication in themselves that authority has been transferred.71 The thirty-day mourning period for Aaron's death is the same as that for Moses himself (Deut. 34: 8).

69

G. B. Gray, Numbers, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1903), 193; Noth, Numeri, 111 (ET, 123–4); Budd, Numbers, 182; E. W. Davies, 166–7.

70

The Korahite rebellion is particularly interesting in this respect, combining as it does a JE tradition of Dathan and Abiram's protests against Moses' civil authority with two layers of P redaction, in which the Korahites protest against their inferior status beside the priests as ‘mere’ Levites and Korah himself complains about Moses and Aaron being set apart as more holy than the rest in what is a holy nation anyway (Num. 16: 1–14). The narrative strands are very confused, but the end result is that all those who complain, whether about priestly prerogatives or about Moses' leadership, are disposed of by supernatural means, thereby vindicating both Moses as leader and Aaron and his sons as priests. No doubt it was just as important for P to have Moses vindicated as divinely appointed leader of Israel as it was to vindicate the Aaronic priesthood, because Moses is the one via whom the whole of the Law, including that of the priesthood, is mediated to Israel.

71

Compare Elisha being indicated as Elijah's successor by the taking up of Elijah's mantle (2 Kgs. 2: 13–14), and the high priest Joshua being cleansed and reclothed but not anointed (Zech. 3: 3–5).

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Following his involvement with a census of the people taken in the plains of Moab (Numbers 26), Eleazar's ﬁrst main mention in his new role is at the commissioning of Joshua to be Moses' successor (Num. 27: 12–23). Eleazar is to enquire for the new leader ‘by the judgment of the Urim before the Lord’ (27: 21), and (ʻal-pîw eʼû weʽal-pîw yābōʼû, yēṣ ‘at his command they shall go out and at his command they shall come’). It is unclear at whose command they (presumably the people) will go and come, whether at Joshua's or Eleazar's, but it seems reasonable to take it as meaning that Joshua will consult with Eleazar and then give the command himself according to what the consultation tells him; hence, the ultimate authority remains with Joshua.72 After his role in Joshua's commissioning Eleazar reappears alongside Moses at the division of spoils of war among the people (Num. 31: 12–13, 21–4, 26, 29, 31, 41, 51, 54), and alongside Joshua under Moses' command in the allocation of the land (Num. 32: 2, 28; 34: 17). The story about the war against Midian (31) might appear to be particularly bloodthirsty, and priestly involvement would seem inappropriate. But the campaign is styled as executing the Lord's vengeance on Midian (31: 3), thereby presumably making it a holy war, and once the spoils are brought back it is only appropriate that the priest should be involved in the process of dedicating some of the booty to the Lord who would have enabled the victory. Yet here once again it is not Eleazar the (high) priest but Moses who receives instructions from the Lord on how to proceed (31: 25–31), who organizes the offering of tribute (31: 41–7), and to whom the ofﬁcers of the army come with an additional voluntary offering (31: 48–50). Eleazar's role seems to consist entirely of receiving items of tribute in accordance with the Lord's instructions which have not even been given to him directly but have come via Moses (31: 31, 41). Eleazar is also shown carrying out the priestly function given to Aaron in Lev. 10: 10–11, that is, instructing the people how to purify themselves and the booty after the inevitable contact with corpses which would render them unclean (Num. 31: 21–4).

72

Interestingly, the Samaritan Pentateuch and the Vulgate make the verbs singular, giving the reading ‘at his command he will go out and at his command he will come in’. This can only mean that Eleazar will give the command to Joshua, so that the priest has more authority than he does in the MT; however, the reading in the MT seems to be more in line with P's picture of the chief priest, as discussed above.

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However, as argued above, this is a generic priestly function which every priest is entitled to carry out, whether high priest or not; and so whilst it is a perfectly appropriate duty for the high priest to carry out inasmuch as he is a priest like any other priest, it can shed no light on the speciﬁcally high-priestly role and function. Overall, then, whereas the legislative material concentrated mainly upon Aaron as the high priest and on his status and duties as such, the picture which emerges from the narrative material, while by no means denying Aaron high-priestly status (cf.Num.20: 22–9), seems more concerned to emphasize the aspect of Aaron's position which makes him the founding father of the priesthood and his descendants the Aaronides the only legitimate priestly class. Once Eleazar has succeeded Aaron, however, there is no longer the conjunction of serving high priest and founding father of priesthood in the same individual; Eleazar can succeed his father only in the ofﬁce of high priest, and so the narrative changes its emphasis and starts to show Eleazar functioning as a high priest. However, here again there is no sense of Eleazar having signiﬁcant authority except in the cultic sphere, receiving the war spoils for sacriﬁce and laying down instructions about ritual puriﬁcation. In fact, the only occasion on which the narrative shows either Aaron or Eleazar undertaking a distinctively high-priestly duty is when Eleazar is given the responsibility of enquiring of the Lord for Joshua, using the sacred lots which are entrusted to the high priest alone (cf. Exod. 28: 30; Lev. 8: 8), since Eleazar's issuing of instructions for sacriﬁce and puriﬁcation is a part of the generic priestly remit given to the priesthood as a whole of which the high priest is a part (cf. Lev. 10: 10–11). The narrative material therefore complements the legislative material by focusing more on Aaron's shared relationship with his fellow priests than on the differences between the high priest and the ordinary priests; in doing so it demonstrates the extent to which the high priest is a priest like any other, but it thereby fails to provide much if anything in the way of new information about the distinctive qualities of the high priest-hood as opposed to the ordinary priesthood. Neither in the legislative material nor in the narrative material, therefore, is the high priesthood portrayed as anything more than a cultic or sacral ofﬁce; hence, it remains only to see whether this assessment is supported by the genealogical material on the high priesthood. There is only one piece of Priestly genealogical

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material, in Num. 3: 1–4. Although it is styled as a genealogy of Aaron and Moses, in fact only Aaron's sons are mentioned, giving rise to the suspicion that Moses was a later insertion.73 This is in contrast with the more normal occurrence of Aaron's insertion beside Moses, but probably arises from similar motives, namely the expectation that when Aaron appears it is with Moses, and the desire for Aaron to beneﬁt from the authority which such close connection with Moses would give. Once again, it is questionable whether the material is really concerned with Aaron as a chief-priestly ﬁgure; given its description of all the priests as ‘anointed’ (3: 3) and its emphasis on the deaths of Nadab and Abihu (3: 4), followed by the setting aside of the Levites as priests' attendants together with the warning that anyone else who draws near shall die (3: 10), this short genealogy seems to be more concerned with establishing the prerogative of a whole priestly class than with promoting Aaron as a ﬁgure of especial importance by virtue of the nature of his particular priestly ofﬁce.74 Under these circumstances, therefore, the genealogical material can be said neither to conﬁrm nor to contradict the picture of the high priesthood already built up from elsewhere, not least because the main thrust of the present passage concerns Aaron's sons rather than Aaron himself. The picture of the high priesthood which is presented throughout P, then, is consistent in emphasizing the high priest's importance in the cultic realm alone. There is no doubt that he does have an important role in the cultic community, as evidenced by his garments, his anointing and his particular responsibility for community sin and atonement; but despite his relative prominence he is not portrayed as the one who bears the ultimate responsibility of leadership in the community.75 This is shown in two speciﬁc ways. First, although P contains no explicit legislation about the duties of leadership such as that in Deuteronomy on the duties of kingship (17: 14–20), the laws on sin offerings make speciﬁc provision for when a ruler ( , nāśîʼ) sins (Lev. 4: 22–6), thereby implying recognition of a class of people separate from both the common

73

So N. H. Snaith, Leviticus and Numbers, Century Bible New Edition (London: Thomas Nelson, 1967), 189; D. Kellermann, 46. By contrast Budd, Numbers, 28, interprets the presence of Moses as due to the author's desire to remind his readers of Aaron's close connection with Moses.

74

Scharbert, Numeri, 19.

75

Baudissin, 28.

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TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING OF HIGH PRIESTHOOD

people and the priestly ranks. The same term is used throughout Numbers 7 and in Num. 17: 17, 21 of leaders from each of the twelve tribes. Secondly, it is noteworthy that despite P's evident cultic focus and claims for priestly interests, the ultimate human authority ﬁgure is the non-priestly Moses whose authority even surpasses that of Aaron the high priest in legal and cultic matters (Num. 15: 32–6).76 It is Moses who receives the vast majority of legislation from Yahweh, even that concerning the priesthood; the greater part of Leviticus (1–7; 12; 14: 1–32; 16–27), as well as all the Tabernacle legislation in Exodus 25–31 and various snippets of legislation in Numbers (5–6; 8; 9; 15; 18: 25–32; 27: 5–11; 28–30; 35–6), are addressed to Moses alone. Although in some instances Moses and Aaron are apparently addressed together, textual evidence often suggests that Aaron's name could be a later insertion,77 and there are only two occasions on which Aaron alone is addressed apart from Moses. Indeed, it is striking how little Aaron is emphasized as an active leadership force in the community. He never acts on his own initiative except in the matter of the sin offering after the deaths of Nadab and Abihu (Lev. 10: 16–20); he speaks only once in P, in the same incident, and he is never portrayed without Moses, who dominates him and often tells him what to do (e.g. Num. 17: 11–15 (ET 16: 46–50)). The implication of this is that in P's scheme the priests are not natural leaders; because of the community's cultic nature they obviously have an important role in it, but their role complements that of the nonpriestly leadership rather than replacing it.78 Certainly for the high

76

Erhard S. Gerstenberger, Das dritte Buch Mose: Leviticus, ATD 6 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993), 70.

77

See, for example, Lev. 15: 1–2, where the plural imperative addressed to both Moses and Aaron in 15: 2 is singular in the LXX; Num. 2: 1–2, 34, where both Moses and Aaron receive the instructions which are to be relayed to the people of Israel, but the summary verse 34 proclaims that the people did everything that the Lord commanded Moses and does not mention Aaron; and Num. 19: 1–3, where there is doubt as to the originality of Aaron in 19: 1 since 19: 2 is addressed to only one person ( , dabbēr , ʼēleykā —‘to you [sg.]’), and the plural imperative in 19: 3 ( , ûnetattem —‘and you [pl.] shall give’) is rendered in the singular by the LXX and —‘you [sg.] say’; some Latin MSS. The reason for such additions could be because the subject matter was thought to demand them (so perhaps in the case of Lev. 15: 1–2 and Num. 19: 1–3); alternatively, they could arise from the desire to validate the Aaronide priesthood by showing its founder in close connection with Moses.

78

This is also the conclusion arrived at by Yehezkel Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel, translated and abridged by Moshe Greenberg (New York: Schocken, 1972), 184–6. The conclusion is part of Kaufmann's ideologically motivated argument against the post-exilic dating of P, and is arrived at on the grounds that P does not reﬂect the hierocratic ideal which is so often posited for Second Temple times: ‘P's camp is not a church, but an armed camp of the host of Israel’ (p. 185). For further discussion of the nature of the post-exilic community and the high priest's position in it, see below.

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priest, being allowed to come near to the holiest place, even if only once a year, and the necessarily exacting demands of ritual purity that accompanied this and his other responsibilities at the shrine, would effectively cut him off from the business of day-to-day administration within the community; hence, there would be a need for someone else to perform the profane tasks of government. However, there can be little doubt that Aaron's portrayal is intended to emphasize his importance in some way. Despite his secondary position beside Moses in terms of the leadership of the community, his death is attended by the same length of mourning as that of Moses, thirty days instead of the usual seven (Num. 20: 29); he is constantly referred to as the progenitor of the only legitimate priesthood; he himself is set apart from his sons for a particular kind of priestly service by means of his distinctive garments and his ordination ceremony (Lev. 8: 6–12); of all the leaders of Israel Aaron's is the rod which blossoms to emphasize his divine election (Num. 17: 16–28 (ET 17: 1–13)); and throughout it all Moses is there with him, receiving the instructions for Aaron's preferment and putting them into practice. The strong impression from this is that P is claiming the authority of Moses, the respected and revered prophetic leader,79 for the institution of the Aaronide priesthood, presumably as a way of investing the arrangements with divine authority. In terms of the ‘cosmos theology’ referred to earlier, P's claim is both general and speciﬁc—a class of priestly functionaries is important for the proper cosmos of the society as a whole, and an Aaronide priesthood with Levitical subordinates is the proper expression of cosmos within the priestly class. There is

79

Despite the complete absence from P of any regulations concerning prophecy (by contrast with Deuteronomy—cf. Deut. 18: 15–22), P's entire world of structured holiness, including the instructions about the priesthood, is mediated to Israel by the prophetic ﬁgure of Moses. Even once the cultic apparatus is in place it is not Aaron the priest but Moses the prophet to whom the people come when there is a problem, and who gives the deﬁnitive ruling from the Lord to cover the situation (e.g. Num. 15: 32–6; Lev. 24: 10–23; Num. 9: 6–14). Although P's compilation is dated at a time when it is generally agreed that prophecy was on the wane, which would imply that the kind of ritual prescriptions found in P gained in importance as the guidance from other more charismatic sources dried up, for Moses the prophet to give such detailed and apparently authoritative instructions, prophetic authority must still have been a reality of some sort. Maybe P came at a time of transition between prophetic and priestly authority, and effectively used the former to substantiate the latter in a kind of ‘handing over’ procedure.

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also a claim for the position of ‘Aaron’ himself beside the community's leaders; even though Moses names his own successor to be leader of the people of Israel, one who is not a priest, but who according to the older traditions of Exod. 24: 13 and 33: 11 was Moses' attendant on Sinai and at the tent of meeting, Joshua is only to be invested with some of Moses' authority ( , mēhôdekā—Num. 27: 20), and this is epitomized by Joshua's need for Eleazar's priestly mediation, unlike Moses who spoke with God face to face and received instructions direct from the Almighty. If Joshua needs Eleazar to enquire of the Lord for him, the implication is that the high priest—that is, the legitimate Aaronide high priest—will have an important role which is not to be disregarded. However, being required to fulﬁl a religious function alongside the community's leader is not the same as being the community's leader, and so it must be concluded that P's intention in giving Aaron and his descendants such prominence is not to claim that Aaron should be the community's leader. Rather, it is to establish the place of the priesthood in the community and to ensure that the Aaronides were those who were given the right to take it up. That the high priest in P's scheme is not intrinsically a leadership ﬁgure in the same sense as Moses is also indicated by his position in relation to the rest of the priesthood. It has already been noted that the high priest is closely connected with the sanctuary, a connection expressed in his garments and the exclusive high-priestly duties which all require him to enter the Tabernacle, but there seems to be nothing else distinctive that the high priest should do. Indeed, he seems to have the same kind of everyday priestly responsibilities as the rest of the priests, as illustrated by the two occasions on which Aaron is addressed instead of Moses and is given instructions for the priesthood as a whole which are framed in the second person plural, thereby including Aaron himself in their remit (Lev. 10: 9–11; Num. 18: 1, 5). P does not even show the high priest exercising his sole right to use the sacred lots, which supposedly form part of the festal garments; Moses is the one who ascertains and transmits divine decisions, not Aaron with his Urim and Thummim. Jenson suggests that decisions could have been mediated to Moses by Aaron via the lots,80 but this seems out of character with the portrayal of Moses as the one who speaks with

80

Jenson, 118.

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the Lord face to face. The sole mention of the lots apart from in descriptions of the high priest's garments is where Eleazar is assigned to be Joshua's mediator before the Lord (Num. 27: 21), but here the point is presumably to draw a contrast between Joshua who needed a mediator and Moses who did not,81 rather than to show the lots in use. In the light of this it seems that Aaron's priesthood is quantitatively but not qualitatively different from that of the other priests, in the sense that he does everything that they do and more besides rather than doing something completely different from them: although his priesthood is more intense and more holy than theirs, he still functions as a priest, not as a tribal ruler or governor or monarch. This is consistent with the comments made above on the title (hakkōhēn haggādôl mēʼeḥāyw, ‘the priest who is great/senior/eldest among his brothers’— Lev. 21: 10), and the logical conclusion is that the title reﬂects the status of the high priest as epitomized in P—he really is simply primus inter pares with all the duties of an ordinary priest but with additional responsibilities for the Day of Atonement and ceremonies involving the Tabernacle itself. In the light of all these points, it can be seen that the indisputable prominence of the high priest in P is indicative of his power not as the head of a hierocratic state, but as the chief cultic minister in a community which is also equipped with other mechanisms of government. There is no support in P for the notion of the high priest as anything more than a cultic ﬁgure.

81

Baentsch, 639; E. W. Davies, 304.

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Part II High Priesthood to the End of the Exile

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2 High Priesthood in the Deuteronomistic History The history books Joshua to 2 Kings are the main biblical source for the history of Israel from the possession and settlement of the land to the end of the monarchy under Babylonian conquest in 587 BCE. The books are usually referred to collectively as the Deuteronomistic History (hereafter DH) because their general outlook accords with the theology of the book of Deuteronomy, most characteristically in their support of the demand for centralized worship as expressed in Deut. 12: 2–14. Since an organized, centralized system of worship is the context in which high priesthood would most naturally appear, and given the close connection already noted in the Priestly writings between the high priest and the Tabernacle which for P is Israel's sole legitimate place of worship,82 the Deuteronomist's concern for the Temple as the nation's sole valid place of worship makes DH seem a natural source to explore for information or at least hints about the high priesthood. Although in the wake of the Pentateuchal Documentary Hypothesis early analyses sought to treat Joshua–2 Kings as a continuation of the Pentateuchal sources,83 it was Noth who ﬁrst claimed that they formed a uniﬁed work, put together quite purposefully by a single author using very varied source materials but with the overriding aim of interpreting the history of Israel from settlement to the Babylonian exile in the light of the principles enumerated in the book of Deuteronomy.84 However, others considered that certain passages in the work were inconsistent with the idea of a single author or redaction, and so the ‘double redaction’ theory grew out of suggestions made by nineteenth-century scholarship. According to the theory, DH was originally a piece of

82

See Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer.

83

See A. D. H. Mayes, The Story of Israel between Settlement and Exile (London: SCM Press, 1983), 2, for a brief summary of some of the scholarship which adopted this approach.

84

Noth, ‘Das deuteronomistische Werk (Dtr)’ (ET The Deuteronomistic History ).

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HIGH PRIESTHOOD TO THE END OF THE EXILE

political propaganda supporting the Josianic religious reforms and presenting them as the means whereby Judah could avoid the northern kingdom's then recent fate of subjection by foreign conquerors. When Judah in turn fell to the Babylonians DH was revised during the exilic years to show that Josiah's reforms had failed to stem the tide of apostasy of which exile was the inevitable culmination.85 The theory has proved popular, but it could never be described as a consensus view, and the present view of the work seems to be divided, with some favouring single authorship, some preferring double redaction, and still others speaking in terms of sources or multiple redactional layers.86 Whatever view of the material is taken, however, it makes very little difference to an examination of the high priesthood as it appears in DH, because, as will become clear in the course of the study, the priestly ﬁgures are presented with a consistency which suggests that they have not been subject to alteration or reinterpretation at the hands of redactors. For the purposes of this study, therefore, given the general consensus that the Exile is the terminus ad quem for the work's ﬁnal form, the whole of DH is taken as essentially exilic. The aim in examining DH for information on the high priest-hood is twofold. First of all, in the light of the Priestly picture of high priesthood laid out in the previous chapter, it is necessary to ascertain whether or not there was such a high priest prior to the Exile; that is, whether or not there was a single priestly ﬁgure possessing a dignity and importance exceeding that of all other

85

The idea of a two-stage process for the development of this history of Israel was ﬁrst suggested by the Dutch scholar Abraham Kuenen in 1861. His introduction to the Old Testament was translated into German as Historisch-kritische Einleitung in die Bücher des Alten Testaments (Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1887–92), and his ideas on the Deuteronomic redaction of Israel's history are summarized in vol. I.2 (1890), 99–103. The theory was propounded in recent years by Cross, ‘The Themes of the Book of Kings and the Structure of the Deuteronomistic History’, in Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 274–89, and given comprehensive expression by Richard D. Nelson, The Double Redaction of the Deuteronomistic History, JSOTS 18 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1981).

86

There is a useful review of scholarship on DH in Mark A. O'Brien, The Deuteronomistic History Hypothesis: A Reassessment, OBO 92 (Freiburg, Schweiz: Universitätsverlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989), 3–22. O'Brien himself analyses DH as a three-stage history of Israel's leaders from Moses to Josiah which was composed using extensive source material and which was later subject to two further main stages of redaction, one in the early Exile blaming the conquest of Judah on the sins of her last four kings, and a later one by a nomistic school once it had become clear that the monarchy would not be restored. This last redaction was a review of the whole history to show Israel's continued disobedience culminating in exile, and enabled the authority of Deuteronomy to be preserved beyond Josiah's reforms and despite the Exile (pp. 288–92).

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priests, and holding a unique position in and signiﬁcance for the religion of the entire nation. Secondly, if there was some kind of nationally recognizable senior priestly ﬁgure during the pre-exilic and more speciﬁcally during the monarchic period, an examination of DH should assist in determining the precise nature of his position, and whether there is any hint during this period of a precedent for priestly rule. Before attempting to analyse speciﬁc texts, however, it would be as well to examine the ideology and intent behind the Deuteronomist's work, and since the history is dependent upon the theology of the book of Deuteronomy it seems logical to begin with an examination of Deuteronomy itself in so far as it relates to DH. Although Deuteronomy is presented as the last words of Moses to the people of Israel, there is general agreement that its actual date in its present form is considerably later than Moses. It is usually associated with the law-book discovered by Hilkiah in the Temple, on which the subsequent Josianic religious reform was based (2 Kgs. 22: 8; 23: 1–23), and certainly a date somewhere in the seventh century for the codiﬁcation and promulgation of its legal contents would seem reasonable. As already noted, the most characteristic feature of Deuteronomy's theological outlook is its emphasis on the principle of centralized worship, a principle which is a cardinal demand of the Law as expressed in Deuteronomy (12: 2–14; 16: 2, 5–7, 15, 16; 17: 8–10; 18: 6–7; 26: 2). Prophetic authority is also important; Deuteronomy makes the prophets messengers of God and uses the criterion of fulﬁlment to distinguish between true and false prophecy (18: 15–22). By contrast with the Priestly documents, cultic legislation receives little attention in Deuteronomy, and the passages where it does appear treat it in very general terms. Thus the only stipulations about ritual observances are the demand for centralized sacriﬁce (12: 13–14, 17–18), the prohibition against consuming blood (12: 16, 23–4, 26–7), centralized observance of the Passover sacriﬁce, the Feast of Weeks, and the Feast of Booths (16: 1–17), and an enumeration of the priests' portions of sacriﬁcial offerings (18: 3–4). Neither is there evidence in Deuteronomy of a complicated priestly hierarchy; the priests are said to belong to the tribe of Levi, but there is no clear distinction between priests and Levites as classes of cultic functionary (17: 9, 19; 18: 1–8; 21: 5; 24: 8).87

87

Despite this disinterest in cultic observances, Gerhard von Rad, Das fünfte Buch Mose:Deuteronomium, ATD 8 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1964), 16–19 (ET Deuteronomy, trans. Dorothea Barton, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1966), 23–6), argues for the origins of Deuteronomy among priestly and Levitical circles on the grounds of the familiarity displayed by the authors with a wide variety of sacral and religious material, together with the book's spirit of militant piety, which von Rad attributes to the Levites.

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However, in line with Deuteronomy's lack of priestly hierarchy, perhaps the most important characteristic of Deuteronomy for the present purposes is that, despite its emphasis on centralized worship, nowhere in the book is a high priest or a chief priest mentioned either by name or by title. On the contrary, there are two places in particular where the lack of such a ﬁgure is quite striking. The ﬁrst is in the legislation concerning cities of refuge for the accidental killer (19: 1–13), which also appears in Num. 35: 9–34 and Josh. 20: 1–9 (both P); whereas P deems that the killer shall be allowed to return home from the place of refuge after the death of the high priest, Deuteronomy makes no mention either of a time limit for the killer's return home or of the high priest.88 The second such place is 18: 1–8, where all the country Levites are authorized to come to the central sanctuary and minister if they so desire; if every available Levite were a potential member of the Temple staff there would surely have been some need of hierarchy, some central ﬁgure to keep control of who should serve and when, but none is indicated. It might be argued that there is a reference to a chief priest in 17: 12, where the Israelite who comes to the central sanctuary for a judgment to be rendered is warned against the presumption of not obeying ‘the priest who stands to minister there to the Lord’ ( , hakkōhēn hāʽōmēd lešāret šām ʼet-yhwh), but there is no signiﬁcant difference in this phraseology from that in 18: 5 and 18: 7, where every Levite is given the right to come and minister in the name of the Lord ( , laʽamōd lešārēt bešm-yhwh—‘to stand to minister in the name of the Lord’, 18: 5; . . . ... e e e e , w šērēt b šēm yhwh . . . k kol . . . hal wiyyim hāʽōmedîm šām—‘and minister in the name of the Lord . . . like all . . . the Levites who are standing there’, 18: 7). The words cannot possibly refer to the discharge of chief priestly duties as differentiated from other kinds of priestly duties; it is inconceivable that every Levite who came to the central shrine could thereby have become a chief priest. The reference which most nearly approaches a mention of

88

See the comments on the Numbers passage in Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer.

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the chief priest is in 26: 3, where the phrase ‘the priest who is in ofﬁce in those days’ ( , a hakkōhēn ʼ šer yihyeh bayyāmîm hāhēm) is used of the priest ofﬁciating at the chosen place of worship to whom the offerings of ﬁrst-fruits should be brought, but even here there is no real deﬁnition of who this priest might be and what function he would have carried out.89 Of course, given that Deuteronomy is simply part of a larger legislative whole contained in the Hebrew Bible, not everything will be dealt with in its few chapters; certainly it is not concerned with the ritual prescriptions which characterize P, as its primary function is to address the community as a whole about the lifestyle appropriate for those who are the people of God, and so its lack of speciﬁc detail concerning the priesthood should not be too surprising. But the omissions just noted are interesting because they occur where a high priest of some sort might well have appeared if he had had a signiﬁcant enough role in the community, given the presence of other ﬁgures of signiﬁcance for the whole community, namely the king (17: 14–20) and the judge at the central shrine (17: 8–12).90 Deuteronomy, then, stresses as the cornerstones of Israel's identity centralization of worship together with keeping the Law, but makes no certain reference to a high priest or a chief priest at all. Turning to DH in the light of Deuteronomy, it is no surprise to observe that there are distinct correspondences between the two, despite them being very different kinds of literature. DH is a ‘theologico-political’ history of Israel, inasmuch as it has a theological message about the fate and destiny of the children of Israel, a message which is communicated mainly by recounting the political events of the period in question. This means that DH

89

Older commentators understood the reference as meaning the chief priest; see Baudissin, 89, Driver, Deuteronomy, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1895), 288, and H. Wheeler Robinson, Deuteronomy and Joshua, Century Bible (Edinburgh: T. C. & E. C. Jack, n.d.), 186. G. Ernest Wright, ‘Deuteronomy’, in IB ii (1953), 309–537, compares the position of the priest in Deut. 26: 3, whom he regards as the chief priest, with that of Eli in Shiloh (p. 484). By contrast, however, George Adam Smith, The Book of Deuteronomy, CBSC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1918), understood the reference to the priest as ‘probably collective . . . , not necessarily high-priest’ (p. 293). More recently, Mayes, Deuteronomy, NCB (London: Oliphants, 1979), points out that the priest plays no real part in the ceremony and so regards 26: 3–4 as a late priestly insertion, a corrective to the picture of the worshipper offering his own gifts to the Lord (p. 334).

90

One way of accounting for the omission of the high priesthood is to regard Moses as the high priest. However, in Deuteronomy Moses is clearly fulﬁlling a prophetic rather than a priestly role (cf. 18: 15–20; 34: 10), and so to cite him as evidence for the high priesthood in Deuteronomy is unjustiﬁed.

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HIGH PRIESTHOOD TO THE END OF THE EXILE

deals mainly with the leaders of the people—Joshua, the judges, Samuel, Saul, David, Solomon, the kings of the divided monarchy—and although there are glimpses from time to time into the affairs of individuals other than kings and leaders it is usually because those individuals, who are nearly always prophetic ﬁgures, impinge upon the leadership in some way.91 It is surely signiﬁcant for an investigation of the position of the high priest during the pre-exilic period that in writing the history of this period from a single overall perspective of leadership DH has adopted a royal point of view tempered by prophetic intervention and not a priestly point of view, especially given the decidedly theological bias of the work. No doubt the material included in the history depended on what was available in terms of records and ‘folk memory’,92 but what was available is in itself indicative of what was preserved and remembered in the context of a political history of Israel—either what was considered to be important, or what came out of circles educated and inﬂuential enough to have kept records. The fact that royal memories rather than priestly ones seem to have been most readily available to the writer and most suited to his purposes indicates that the priestly point of view would not have been a natural one from which to write the history, either because there was not enough material or because the priesthood simply did not have the same kind of signiﬁcance for the country as the king did (the two reasons may well be interlinked).93 However, in view of the theological nature of DH it appears that there is a third reason for the royal perspective of the history: the monarchs were signiﬁcant not only in political terms but in religious terms. DH recognizes the need for a strong focal point for the people of Israel in order to counter the detrimental

91

Elijah and Elisha are good examples of such (prophetic) ﬁgures; whilst apparently not in any ofﬁcial position of leadership, they are shown to challenge and oppose or support the kings of Israel, thereby throwing into relief the northern kingdom's apostasy by their own ﬁdelity to Yahweh (e.g. 1 Kings 17–19; 2 Kings 1; 2 Kgs. 3: 4–27; 2 Kgs. 6: 8–23).

92

DH several times refers to chronicles of the kings of Israel and Judah as sources for more information on the monarchs (e.g. 1 Kgs. 14: 19, 29), and it is conceivable that access to such chronicles would have been available when DH itself was being prepared.

93

Against this it could be argued that P is written from a priestly point of view, thereby indicating that it was not an unnatural point of view to take. However, as already pointed out, despite its priestly bias P does not advocate priestly leadership of the nation, and the very fact that P is interwoven with other sources which do not have a priestly bias means that P appears as only one facet of an overall picture rather than as the main viewpoint from which the prehistory of Israel is presented.

THE DEUTERONOMISTIC HISTORY

49

effects of syncretism; however, that focal point is found not in the priesthood but in the monarchy together with the prophets. Indeed, the king is closely associated with the Temple, which is itself emphasized as the focal point for religious observance in the kingdom and is therefore an important vehicle of expression for Israel's identity as the people of Yahweh; Solomon builds the Temple as the monarchy becomes established (1 Kgs. 6: 1–38), his successors alter and repair it (1 Kgs. 15: 14–15; 2 Kgs. 12: 5–9 (ET 12: 4–8); 15: 35; 16: 10–18; 18: 15–16; 21: 5, 7; 22: 3–7; 23: 4, 6–7, 11–12), and it is eventually burned and plundered as the monarchy is defeated (2 Kgs. 25: 6–9). It is the monarch, not a priest, who is responsible for ensuring centralization of worship at the Temple, presumably as part of his duty to fulﬁl the demands of the Deuteronomic Law (Deut. 17: 18–20; cf. 1 Kgs. 12: 26–33, 2 Kgs. 18: 1–6), and throughout the books of Kings it is the monarchs who are deemed to have led the people into sin by allowing and even encouraging non-centralized worship (e.g. 1 Kgs. 15: 26; 16: 13). This feature is remarked upon even if their reigns are exemplary in other respects (1 Kgs. 15: 9–15). By contrast, the priests are neither condemned nor condoned in connection with any religious policy, a reﬂection of their insigniﬁcance and lack of inﬂuence in the eyes of DH. In the book of Judges there are several occurrences of the statement, ‘In those days there was no king in Israel; every man did what was right in his own eyes’,94 the most striking example being at 17: 6 where Micah the Ephraimite has just made himself images and a shrine in his house, installing one of his sons as priest. Such behaviour is apparently improper but excusable because there was no king to say what the correct behaviour should have been. This clearly implies that the monarch has responsibility for his subjects' correct religious observances as well as being their ruler and administrator, always of course in accordance with the demands of the Law; and where the king does not have the necessary understanding or inclination to fulﬁl the Law's demands, the prophets (not the priests) are the medium of divine chastisement,

94

Deut. 12: 8–11 speaks of how worship is to be carried out once Israel is at rest in the promised land; it will no longer be a case of ‘every man doing whatever is right in his own eyes’ (12: 8), but of attendance at the central sanctuary to make offerings. Probably the Deuteronomistic editor of Judges interpreted the provision in Deuteronomy 12 as referring to the establishment of the monarchy and the building of the Temple, hence the remark that there was no king in Israel at the time when everyone was doing what seemed right in his own eyes.

50

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encouragement, interpretation, and revelation for the king (e.g. 2 Kgs. 22: 11–18). DH corresponds to Deuteronomy, then, in its promotion of centralized worship and in its emphasis on the importance of prophetic authority and guidance. A third important way in which DH corresponds to Deuteronomy is in its lack of interest in cultic observance per se, and its tendency for desacralization of the ceremonies which do occur.95 A good example of this desacralization is DH's treatment of the Ark of the Covenant. For DH, the Ark ceases to be interpreted as an appendage to Yahweh's cherubim throne, becoming instead merely the receptacle for the Law tablets given to Moses on Sinai (1 Kgs. 8: 9; cf. Deut. 10: 2, 5),96 the Law then being the medium via which the people are to fulﬁl their true identity as Yahweh's people (1 Kgs. 8: 57–8, 61; cf. Deut. 10: 12–13). In the exalted theology of holiness and separation expressed in the Priestly writings the idea of the boy Samuel sleeping in the very place where the Ark was kept would be anathema (1 Sam. 3: 3; cf. Exod. 26: 33, Lev. 16: 2–3), but for DH no such scruples seem to apply; and indeed, the Ark does not appear again in DH once it has been safely installed in the Temple under Solomon (1 Kgs. 8: 1–13)—it is centralization of worship in the Temple which is important, not the cultic furniture as such. Such a ‘low’ view of the cult and its manifestations inevitably has implications for the priesthood; there is no mention of Aaron's rod budding to conﬁrm his family claim to the priesthood (Num. 17: 16–25 (ET 17: 1–10)),97 and there is little or no evidence of the priests being a clearly demarcated class set apart by demands of ritual and genealogical purity in the way that they are in the Priestly literature. The only stipulation about the priesthood is that, as in Deuteronomy, Levites are the preferred personnel to ﬁll priestly appointments (cf.

95

Nicholson, ‘Deuteronomy's Vision of Israel’, in Daniele Garrone and Felice Israel (eds.), Storia e Tradizioni di Israele: Scritti in Onore di J. Alberto Soggin (Brescia: Paideia Editrice, 1991), 191–203, suggests that the desacralization in Deuteronomy can be understood in anthropological terms as a movement of revolt against the societal divisions which had resulted from the monarchic regime, and as an attempt to reorientate Israel's ancient rites to promote a new sense of community and egalitarianism.

96

For two very different evaluations of the Ark, compare Exod. 25: 10–22 and Deut. 10: 1–5. In DH the Ark is speciﬁcally noted as containing ‘nothing except the two tables of stone which Moses put there at Horeb, where the Lord made a covenant with the people of Israel, when they came out of the land of Egypt’ (1 Kgs. 8: 9).

97

According to one tradition, the rod which budded was kept in the Ark along with a pot of manna from the wilderness years (Heb. 9: 4).

THE DEUTERONOMISTIC HISTORY

51

Judg. 17: 1–13), but even this does not seem to have been strictly adhered to, at least not in the earlier period.98 This process of desacralization is also applied to the monarchy. DH is sometimes positive, sometimes negative about the monarchy; it is introduced negatively inasmuch as it is seen to usurp God's rightful place at the head of his people (1 Sam. 8: 4–9; 10: 17–19), and it must be carefully circumscribed to ensure that it does not exceed its lawful bounds (1 Sam. 12: 12–15; cf. Deut. 17: 14–20). It is true that there is the idea of the inviolability of the king's person because he is the Lord's anointed (1 Sam. 24: 7, 11 (ET 24: 6, 10); 26: 9, 11, 16), and the promise to David that, despite necessary chastening, his house will be established for ever (2 Sam. 7: 4–17). Yet although the covenant is reafﬁrmed with Solomon (1 Kgs. 9: 1–5), there is also the threat of disaster upon both king and nation if they do not adhere to the Lord's commandments (9: 6–9), and of course according to DH's interpretation of events this is precisely what happens. In Deuteronomistic terms, the kings

98

In 2 Sam. 8: 18 David's sons are mentioned as priests, and this has caused a certain amount of controversy on the grounds that it was inappropriate for those who were not of priestly descent to hold priestly ofﬁce. The parallel narrative in 1 Chr. 18: 17 makes them into ‘chief ofﬁcials in the service of the king’, and on the basis of this and other versional readings which seem to suggest a different Vorlage from the present MT, G. J. Wenham, ‘Were David's Sons Priests?’, ZAW 87 (1975), 79–92, argues that khnym (‘priests’) in 2 Sam. 8: 18 is a corruption from an original sknym which he renders ‘administrators [of the royal estate]’. However, others accept the text as it stands—see, for example, Aelred Cody, A History of Old Testament Priesthood, Analecta Biblica 35 (Rome: Pontiﬁcal Biblical Institute, 1969), 103–5, and Carl Edward Armerding, ‘Were David's Sons Really Priests?’, in Gerald F. Hawthorne (ed.), Current Issues in Biblical and Patristic Interpretation: Studies in Honor of Merrill C. Tenney Presented by his Former Students (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1975), 75–86. In the light of the fact that there is no developed sacramental theology of priesthood in DH, it is quite understandable that people other than those belonging to a strict class should be portrayed as being priests. Certainly the idea of royalty seems to have carried with it a certain amount of sacramental signiﬁcance, in which case presumably the sons of royalty would be obvious priestly candidates. But if priests were more functional than sacramental, not even this need be of signiﬁcance for the king's choice of priests—anyone who was competent and trustworthy could be a priest. Indeed, J. R. Bartlett, ‘Zadok and his Successors at Jerusalem’, JTS n.s. 19 (1968), 1–18, argues that the succession of head priests in Jerusalem after Zadok was not necessarily genealogical, but that individuals of particular ability were appointed to the position by the king (pp. 7–9, 17), which would seem to be an example of just this principle. Bartlett does, however, say that the individuals would have been from priestly families (p. 17), so that there would have been some kind of restriction on who was appointed. For further discussion of the functional nature of priesthood, see Deborah W. Rooke, ‘Kingship as Priesthood: The Relationship between the High Priesthood and the Monarchy’, in John Day (ed.), King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar, JSOTS 270 (Shefﬁeld: Shefﬁeld Academic Press, 1998), 187–208.

52

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are representatives of their people, promoters (or otherwise) of Yahwism, and examples of the religious observances to be followed—‘defenders of the faith’—rather than highly sacral personages, in sharp contrast with the highly sacralized notions of kingship expressed in some of the so-called royal psalms (cf. Ps. 2: 7; 72; 110: 1, 4). However, this should not be allowed to detract from the very deﬁnite religious signiﬁcance which the kings have. There is no doubt that they are portrayed as fulﬁlling cultic roles (e.g. 2 Sam. 6: 12–19; 1 Kgs. 8: 14–66; 12: 26–13: 1; 2 Kgs. 16: 10–16), and just as the priesthood and cult retain their religious signiﬁcance despite being desacralized, the kings too remain an important component in both the political and the religious life of Israel, a component which needs to be taken into account in any assessment of the high priesthood. Turning then to the question of what information DH provides about the high priesthood or its antecedents in the pre-exilic period, the material contained in the work can be divided into two parts according to the ideology of priesthood which it displays. According to the Priestly writings all priests were sons of Aaron, who was the original ‘high priest’ (Exod. 28: 1–3); Aaron's son Eleazar is portrayed as his successor (Num. 20: 25–9), and his grandson Phinehas is represented by implication as the ancestor of the Zadokites, who are thought later to have monopolized the Jerusalem priesthood in general and the high priesthood in particular (Num. 25: 10–13; cf. 1 Chr. 5: 29–41 (ET 6: 3–15)).99 This is the tradition reﬂected in the references to ‘high priests’ found in Joshua and Judges.100 The tradition of priesthood which

99

In Num. 25: 13 Phinehas and his descendants are promised ‘the covenant of a perpetual priesthood’ because when an Israelite took a Midianite woman for a wife, thus bringing the anger of the Lord on Israel, Phinehas killed them both, thereby stopping the plague caused by the divine anger. Although there is no speciﬁc mention in Numbers 25 of the high priesthood or of Zadok (who of course does not appear until the time of the monarchy), it seems reasonable to interpret this ‘covenant of a perpetual priesthood’ as referring to the high priesthood, since all sons of Aaron were priests anyway in P's scheme, and so making a speciﬁc covenant of priesthood with one of those sons would be meaningless unless it signiﬁed something different from what was promised to all the others. Making Phinehas the ancestor of the high-priestly line is in effect the same as making him the ancestor of the Zadokites, since, as already noted, the Zadokites later monopolized the high priesthood, and indeed in 1 Chr. 5: 34 (ET 6: 8) Zadok himself is included in the line of high priests who are the descendants of Phinehas.

100

Joshua 3 and 4 also contain several references to the priests responsible for carrying the Ark of the Covenant, but these are apparently Levitical priests (3: 3, 8, 13, 14, 17; 4: 9, 11, 16, 17, 18). This is in contrast with the Priestly tradition where it is the Levites, nonpriestly ﬁgures as opposed to the Aaronide priests, who carry all the Tabernacle furnishings (Num. 1: 50). All the references to the high priesthood in Joshua are in the Priestly tradition.

THE DEUTERONOMISTIC HISTORY

53

characterizes the remaining books of DH is what might be termed the ‘Deuteronomic’ tradition, found in Deuteronomy proper and taken up in the books of Samuel and Kings. It is either nonspeciﬁc about priestly descent, or favours Levitical priests without mentioning any Aaronide descent. Beginning then with the Priestly tradition of high priesthood, in the book of Joshua there are ten references which should be considered. Eleazar the priest appears on ﬁve occasions: in 14: 1, 17: 4, 19: 51, and 21: 1, which simply list him with Joshua in the process of land allocation to the tribes, and in 24: 33, which is the notice of his death. Phinehas the priest, Eleazar's son, appears four times during a narrative about an altar set up by the transjordanian tribes which is misinterpreted by the remaining tribes (22: 13, 30, 31, 32), although at this stage Eleazar is still alive, making it unlikely that Phinehas should be regarded as a high priest. The tenth reference is to the death of the high priest as the sign for the accidental killer to return home from the city of refuge to which he has ﬂed (20: 6), which is a repeat of the provision found in Num. 35: 25 and 35: 28. In the book of Judges there is only one reference to anyone who looks remotely like a high priest, but that too is in line with the Priestly tradition: in Judg. 20: 27–8 Phinehas, son of Eleazar, son of Aaron, is shown ministering before the Ark at Bethel. Most commentators accept that this is a late addition to its present context,101 and as such it can be seen as an attempt to claim priority for the Aaronides on the basis of their antiquity as a priestly caste and their equally ancient association with Bethel and the Ark, both of which had extremely ancient sacred associations for the Israelites. Although to accept the idea of the Deuteronomistic History is effectively to deny the continuation of Pentateuchal sources beyond Deuteronomy in an organized form,102 there is no doubt

101

George F. Moore, Judges, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1895), 434; James D. Martin, The Book of Judges, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 213; John Gray, Joshua, Judges and Ruth, NCB (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans; London: Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1986), 357; J. Alberto Soggin, Le Livre des Juges, CAT 5b (Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1987), 251. Jacob M. Myers, ‘Judges’, in IB ii (1953), 675–826, quotes a comment of W. F. Albright to the effect that the Phinehas here is Phinehas II, the high priest, who was directing military operations against the Benjaminites by his oracles (pp. 818–19).

102

The question as to whether there is in fact Priestly material in Joshua is an open issue which does not affect the present discussion.

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that the material on high priesthood in Joshua is in line with the Priestly tradition. The ﬁgure of Aaron the priest is distinctive to P, Chronicles, and Ezra–Nehemiah, and does not occur in the literature assigned to DH outside the book of Joshua; he is also unknown to Deuteronomy apart from in Deut. 10: 6, a verse which is widely regarded as an interpolation.103 Although priests and Levites are both mentioned in Deut. 18: 1–8 there is no reference to Aaron in that context, and indeed 21: 5 refers to the priests speciﬁcally as ‘sons of Levi’, not sons of Aaron. Aaron the man does appear at Deut. 9: 20 and 32: 50, but in neither reference is he shown as a priest. In DH Jeroboam is not criticized for appointing non-Aaronide priests but for appointing non-Levitical priests (1 Kgs. 12: 31), and nowhere else in DH apart from in Joshua are the priests called ‘sons of Aaron’. Given then that the references to the high priest in Joshua are in the Priestly tradition, they should be viewed in the light of the remarks made on the high priesthood in the previous chapter, since they are entirely in line with what was said there; Eleazar and Phinehas only appear in cultic and ritual contexts where priestly involvement would be expected (e.g. Phinehas and the altar of witness, Joshua 22), and they are never shown as independent leaders, only in tandem with other leaders (Josh. 14: 1; 17: 4; 19: 51). The rest of the material in DH concerning prominent priestly ﬁgures is characterized by the Deuteronomic tradition of Levitical priesthood, and in the books of Samuel and Kings there are a number of major priestly ﬁgures who, like the prophets, appear where they have some signiﬁcant interaction with the monarchs or the leading ﬁgures which are DH's main concern. The relevant references can be divided into four groups: those occurring in pre-Temple times, consisting of Eli (1 Sam. 1: 9; 2: 11), Ahijah (1 Sam. 14: 3, 36), and Ahimelech (1 Sam. 21: 2 (ET 21: 1); 22: 20); those during the rise of the monarchy, consisting of Abiathar (1 Sam. 22: 20–3), Zadok (2 Sam. 8: 17; 1 Kgs. 1: 24–6; 2: 35), and Azariah (1 Kgs. 4: 2); those of the divided monarchy before the fall of Samaria, consisting of Jehoiada (2 Kgs. 11–12) and Uriah (2 Kgs. 16: 10–16); and those from the period after the fall of Samaria, consisting of Hilkiah (2 Kgs. 22–3) and Seraiah (2 Kgs. 25: 18). The

103

Driver, Deuteronomy, 118–21; Wheeler Robinson, 106–7; G. A. Smith, 133–4; G. E. Wright, 397–8; von Rad, Deuteronomium, 56 (ET, 79–80); Anthony Phillips, Deuteronomy, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 73–4; Mayes, Deuteronomy, 205–6.

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main thrust of the discussion will concern these four groups of references. Beginning then with what might be called the pre-Temple traditions, some of the ﬁrst characters in the books of Samuel are a priest and his family, namely Eli and his sons Hophni and Phinehas at the Ark shrine in Shiloh (1 Sam. 1: 3). The narrative's phrasing implies that neither the priests nor the shrine were unique; though these were the priests at this particular shrine, and though this was evidently an important shrine because it was where the Ark was installed, there were other shrines and other priests who would have had the same kind of position in their own context as Eli and his sons had at Shiloh: (‘and there the two sons of Eli, Hophni and Phinehas, were priests of the Lord’).104 All three men are shown serving as priests, with Hophni and Phinehas presiding at worshippers' sacriﬁces, however inadequately (1 Sam. 2: 12–17), and Eli himself sitting outside the shrine ready to receive consultations from worshippers when Hannah appears to make her prayer (1 Sam. 1: 9),105 and later on blessing Elkanah and Hannah in the name of the Lord, something which is portrayed elsewhere as a priestly prerogative (1 Sam. 2: 20, 21; cf. Num. 6: 22–7, although this is probably later). In addition the boy Samuel is shown as ministering at the shrine (lipnê ʽēlî, ‘before Eli’, 1 Sam. 3: 1), again implying that Eli has responsibilities at Shiloh alongside his sons, most probably as the chief priest of the shrine. In the light of the comment in 1 Sam. 4: 18b that at the time of his death Eli ‘had judged Israel for forty years’, the question arises as to whether Eli had in fact had wider responsibilities of leadership, similar to those of the so-called judges within the Israelite

104

The LXX at this point introduces Eli as a priest as well as his sons: καὶ ἐκɛι̑ Ηλι καὶ οἱ δύο υἱοὶ ατου̑ Οφνι καὶ Φινɛɛς ἱɛρɛι̑ς του̑ κυρίου, ‘And there Eli and his two sons Hophni and Phinehas were priests of the LORD’. In the context this makes better sense than the MT. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of Samuel, 2nd edn. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913), quotes two suggestions which attempt to account for Eli's absence from the MT: either the reference to Eli as priest has dropped out, or the story of Elkanah and his wives may once have been part of a larger whole in which Eli was introduced earlier, rendering his designation here as priest unnecessary in the original source. If the latter is true, the LXX is supplying a corrective to what is now perceived as a lack (p. 6).

105

John Mauchline, 1 and 2 Samuel, NCB (London: Oliphants, 1971), 47. Peter R. Ackroyd, The First Book of Samuel, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 23, speaks of the doorway as the customary place for the priest from where he could observe the sacriﬁces and the comings and goings of worshippers.

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community, rather than simply being in charge of the shrine at Shiloh. Noth's opinion was that the notice in 1 Sam. 4: 18b is a post-Deuteronomistic addition intended to incorporate Eli into the succession of judges as Samuel's predecessor, when in reality there were no grounds in the tradition for such an incorporation;106 others, however, have argued that it is not impossible to see Eli as a minor judge.107 Certainly, ‘judging’ in the sense of deciding disputed cases via divination of some sort would not be incompatible with a priest's duties, and so to that extent Eli could perhaps be said to have judged Israel. However, apart from this half-verse there are no other indications in the text that outside the Shiloh shrine Eli held the kind of leadership responsibilities which would be comparable with those held by the other judge ﬁgures; and indeed, he does not even appear consistently as an authoritative ﬁgure in matters concerning the shrine. When the people of Israel are defeated in battle by the Philistines, the elders of Israel decide to send to Shiloh for the Ark and bring it into battle with them against the Philistines (1 Sam. 4: 3–4). Eli is not consulted over the plan; he gives no advice or even permission concerning the Ark's removal; the people apparently just come and take it. If the pre-Deuteronomistic tradition really did understand Eli as a judge in the sense of one who was a leader of Israel as well as the chief priest of Shiloh, this lack of reference to his authority even in the area which was his primary responsibility seems inexplicable; and if there is no sense of him needing to be consulted about the matters which according to the tradition as it is preserved fell most closely under his jurisdiction, the likelihood of him having been viewed as a ﬁgure of authority not only within but outside that priestly area of jurisdiction seems minimal. In addition, when the messenger arrives with the news of Israel's defeat and the Ark's capture, he does not come straight to Eli but gives his tidings to the whole town before approaching Eli (1 Sam. 4: 12–14). Evidently Eli was not regarded as sufﬁciently important to be the ﬁrst recipient of the messenger's news, which might have been expected had he held a signiﬁcant position of leadership such as that of judge within the

106

Noth, ‘Das deuteronomistische Werk (Dtr)’, 22–3 (ET, 22–3).

107

Hans Wilhelm Hertzberg, Die Samuelbücher, 2. Auﬂage, ATD 10 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1960), 36–7 (ET I & II Samuel, trans. John Bowden, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1964), 49–50); Cody, 71–2; Mauchline, 74; Robert P. Gordon, 1 & 2 Samuel: A Commentary (Exeter: Paternoster Press, 1986), 97.

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community. Nor is there any indication from 1 Samuel 1–3 that Eli exercised any responsibility outside the shrine at Shiloh, since all of that material is based at the shrine, and in so far as Eli appears in it he does so in his capacity as priest of Shiloh. It therefore seems much more probable that the comment about Eli as judge is an addition for the kind of reasons suggested by Noth rather than an accurate reﬂection of an ancient tradition about Eli. The oracle of judgment in 1 Sam. 2: 27–36, prophesying the downfall of the Elide house and its replacement by what can only be a Zadokite line of priests,108 has a triple signiﬁcance. It provides divine legitimation of the Zadokites' rise to prominence, an important consideration in view of Zadok's obscure and possibly non-Israelite origins;109 it promises an association between this new priestly house and the monarchy, thereby making them royal servants; and it therefore implies a shift in the centre of religious gravity from Shiloh to Jerusalem where both the monarchy and the Zadokites were based, a shift which is epitomized in the eventual removal there of the Ark away from Shiloh (2 Sam. 6: 1–19). It is in the relationship between the three elements of monarch, priest, and Temple that DH's understanding of the focus of national and religious identity is expressed, and their joint prophetic introduction at this stage is an important indication of their signiﬁcance in the subsequent narrative. The description of Eli's father having been chosen in Egypt to be priest (1 Sam. 2: 27–8; cf. Exod. 28: 1) implies that the Elides were of Aaronide lineage,110 and so the prophecy may also contain overtones of an Aaronide versus Zadokite dispute,111 especially since the Aaronide

108

The passage is often regarded as a Deuteronomistic addition—see Hertzberg, 26, 28 (ET, 37, 39); P. Kyle McCarter, Jr, I Samuel, AB 8 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1980), 92. Mauchline, however, regards the passage as possibly having an historical kernel which originally referred to Samuel, but which has been revised and reinterpreted to make Zadok the faithful priest (p. 56), while Nelson, ‘The Role of the Priesthood in the Deuteronomistic History’, VTSupp 43 (1991), 132–47, regards 2: 35 as the only major Deuteronomistic addition to the passage (p. 136).

109

See below for a discussion of Zadok's origins.

110

Cross, ‘The Priestly Houses of Early Israel’, in Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 195–215, cites the view of Wellhausen that the Elides claimed descent from Moses rather than from Aaron (pp. 196–7).

111

See Cody, 146–74, for a discussion of the relationship between Aaronides, Levites, and Zadokites. Passages which are indicative of tension between the three groups include legislation for Levitical priestly rights in Deut. 18: 1–7, the so-called Zadokite stratum in Ezek. 44: 9–31, the genealogies of 1 Chr. 5: 27–6: 66 (ET 6: 1–81), and the Korahite rebellion in Num. 16: 1–17: 26 (ET 16: 1–17: 11). Evidently all three groups considered themselves to have a claim to priestly status and rights, and it seems highly likely that much of the tension between them was caused by the centralization of worship which rendered the non-Zadokite priesthoods of shrines outside the Jerusalem Temple either illegitimate or unemployed or both. In addition, if the so-called Jebusite theory of Zadok's origins (which is discussed below) is accepted, Zadok's lack of Israelite descent could well have been a factor in the dispute between Zadokites and Levites. In this context, it is surely signiﬁcant that in castigating the Levites for going astray, reducing a e them to cultic functionaries rather than priests, Ezekiel's Zadokite stratum refers to the Zadokites themselves as ‘Levitical priests’ ( hakkōh nîm hall wiyyim, Ezek. 44: 15), thereby concealing any foreign ancestry (although Bartlett, ‘Zadok and his Successors’, 17, comments that the Zadokites were in fact Levites who simply classiﬁed themselves as sons of Zadok because of their links with Jerusalem where Zadok had served as David's priest). From the later genealogies it seems that although an agreement was reached whereby Zadokites were regarded as a subgroup of the Aaronides who were a subgroup of the Levites, so that all Aaronides were priests, the Zadokites retained the right to the senior priestly position (the high priesthood), and the non-Aaronide Levites never did win a share of priestly rights in the Temple once their own non-centralized shrines had been destroyed. See the comments on the genealogies in Ch. 8 below on the books of Chronicles.

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priests have been linked with the northern kingdom (notably Bethel),112 and Shiloh in the hill-country of Ephraim is a northern shrine. Both the dispute itself and this particular prophecy may reﬂect the view that the northern shrines and priests were idolatrous and destined for destruction, a view which would certainly accord with the Jerusalem-centred Deuteronomistic theology. It could be argued that Samuel, who is emphatically styled as a judge and therefore a political leader of some sort (1 Sam. 7: 6, 15–17), is also presented as a priest; this would be especially true of his early days at the Shiloh sanctuary, where he is shown ministering to the Lord under Eli and wearing a linen ephod, the garment which is generally considered to be the sign of a priest (1 Sam. 2: 18).113 But he is never actually called a priest, and in his adult career he is consistently styled as a prophet rather than a priest. He is said to have been known by all Israel as a prophet ( —nābîʼ, 1 Sam. 3: 20), and he is referred to as a man of God (1 Sam. 9: 6, 7, 8, 10) and a seer (1 Sam. 9: 11, 18, 19), as well as being depicted as the head of a group of prophets (1 Sam. 19: 20). Indeed, despite its superﬁcially priestly overtones, the main point of the childhood

112

See R. H. Kennett, ‘The Origin of the Aaronite Priesthood’, JTS 6 (1905), 161–86; Theophile James Meek, ‘Aaronites and Zadokites’, AJSLL 45 (1929), 149–66 (p. 149); Francis Sparling North, ‘Aaron's Rise in Prestige’, ZAW 66 (1954), 191–9.

113

Henry Preserved Smith, The Books of Samuel, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1899), 19; Hertzberg, 25 (ET, 35); Mauchline, 52; Ralph W. Klein, 1 Samuel, WBC 10 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1983), 25; Gordon, 82. See also N. L. Tidwell, ‘The Linen Ephod: 1 Sam. ii 18 and 2 Sam. vi 14’, VT 24 (1974), 505–7. Cody, however, argues that the linen ephod was not necessarily an exclusively priestly garment, but one which could be worn by anyone who was considered to be ritually in the presence of God (pp. 75–8).

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narrative similarly seems to be to show Samuel as a budding prophet, inasmuch as he receives the word of the Lord, like few others at that time, and communicates it to Eli (1 Sam. 3: 1–18). The comment which rounds off this episode is one which reinforces the idea that Samuel's calling was prophetic rather than priestly—the narrative states that the Lord ‘let none of his words fall to the ground’ (1 Sam. 3: 19), precisely the criterion by which a true prophet is to be known (Deut. 18: 21–2). It is also said that in his judging Samuel made a regular circuit between Bethel, Gilgal, Mizpah, and Ramah (1 Sam. 7: 16–17). This again would seem to indicate that he did not hold the ofﬁce of priest, since it is unprecedented for a priest to make such a regular circuit from location to location in the exercise of his duties. Other priests depicted in the text are based at one place or with one group of people at a time, since they served either as shrine guardians like Eli and his sons, or as priests to a particular group of people, like Ahijah (1 Sam. 14: 3) and Abiathar (1 Sam. 22: 22–3).114 It is true that the Levite in Judges 17–18 moves from being priest at Micah's shrine to being priest at the Danite shrine (Judg. 17: 12; 18: 19–20), but this is effectively a change of job; he does not alternate between serving at Micah's shrine and serving at the Danite shrine, in the way that Samuel moves from place to place in the course of his judging duties. Samuel's portrayal is in many ways reminiscent of that of Moses; he is shown as a leader who inspires respect and a certain amount of apprehension (1 Sam. 16: 4), as well as being both a prophet and a judge. Indeed, he can very easily be seen as the prophet like Moses who is promised in Deut. 18: 15–20, raised up from the people in order to convey to them the word of God. He therefore should not be regarded as a priest or a high priest, nor as an early precedent for priestly or high-priestly rule, since the mature Samuel is never actually shown being a priest. The next priest who appears after the Elides of Shiloh is Ahijah, Saul's priest (1 Sam. 14: 3, 18, 19, 36). Although he is supposedly descended from the Elides he has no apparent attachment to any shrine, but in the narrative he serves as Saul's chaplain, qualiﬁed to manipulate the sacred lot and enquire of the Lord at Saul's bidding. He is shown with Saul and his men on the battleﬁeld, and

114

See below for detailed discussion of both of these priests.

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his responsibilities begin and end with them. Ahijah is not a leader; he is a member of the royal entourage with expertise in a particular area, by virtue of which expertise he commands respect, but he has no authority of leadership or command. Although (assuming the text in 14: 36 is correct)115 he can advise on a course of action, Saul is the ultimate authority, as is shown by his command to Ahijah to suspend consultation of the oracle at a moment of increasing unrest (14: 19) and then his building of an altar to prevent the people from sinning by eating meat from which the blood had not been properly offered to the Lord (14: 33–5). The priest is not mentioned in connection with the altar; rather, it seems to be Saul's responsibility to ensure that the matter is properly dealt with, a view which corresponds to the remarks made earlier on the nature of kingship in DH. The other main priestly ﬁgure in the pre-Temple period is Ahimelech, the priest of Nob (1 Samuel 21–2),116 who unwittingly aids David in his ﬂight from Saul and thereby incurs Saul's wrath, resulting in the slaughter of all the priests of Nob except Ahimelech's son Abiathar. Even assuming that Ahimelech is the chief priest of the sanctuary, something which is never stated, his position as a priest does not make him a leader in any other sphere; his is a local priestly responsibility like that of Eli at Shiloh. In fact, the picture given of the priest is of someone who is unaware of the machinations of government, so that it is possible for David to lie to him about the secret business Saul had supposedly sent him on (1 Sam. 21: 3 (ET 21: 2)), and not be doubted; this points away from the idea of Ahimelech being at the heart of the country's leadership. Also, Ahimelech is clearly accountable to Saul, as demonstrated by the king's peremptory summons to him and the equally peremptory death sentence when Saul ﬁnds Ahimelech's defence of his actions unsatisfactory (1 Sam. 22: 12–17). There are, however, features of Ahimelech's portrayal in

115

Hertzberg, 92 (ET, 116), suggests that originally Saul himself was shown initiating the oracle enquiry as beﬁtted a devout king, but a later compiler who was unsympathetic towards Saul altered the narrative so that the oracle enquiry was the priest's suggestion in order to show Saul in a bad light. H. P. Smith, however, is of the opinion that ‘The emendation of the text to make Saul the subject is arbitrary’ (p. 121). Certainly there seems to be no textual and not much commentary support for the emendation.

116

Like Ahijah, Ahimelech is the son of Ahitub (1 Sam. 22: 20), and commentators have suggested that Ahimelech is Ahijah by another name. See Hertzberg, 144 (ET, 179); Mauchline, 150; Ackroyd, Samuel, 110. McCarter, I Samuel, 349, considers the two priests brothers.

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1 Samuel 21 and 22 which seem at ﬁrst sight to indicate that he might have been a high priest in the Priestly sense of a single, exalted priest with unique and national signiﬁcance in the context of his people's religion. The ﬁrst of these features is the incident with the shewbread (1 Sam. 21: 5–7 (ET 21: 4–6)). According to Lev. 24: 5–9, not only is the shewbread reserved for the priests alone to eat (24: 9), it is to be set out before the Lord by ‘Aaron’ (24: 8), apparently a ﬁgure of speech for the high priest. From this it might be inferred that Ahimelech's dealing with the bread means that he is the contemporary equivalent of ‘Aaron’, that is, the high priest of all Israel. Ahimelech is also described as using the sacred lot, something else which P associates with the high priest alone (Exod. 28: 30; Num. 27: 21). Although Ahimelech is not shown actually using the lot in the narrative, he claims to have enquired of the Lord for David, presumably by means of the lot, on many occasions (1 Sam. 22: 15). However, his possession of the lots cannot be an indication that he is the high priest of the whole country, since he is one of eighty-ﬁve persons bearing the oracular ephod who are slaughtered by Doeg the Edomite on Saul's command (1 Sam. 22: 18).117 It is impossible for all eightyﬁve ephod-bearers to have been the high priest; hence, the inescapable conclusion is that in this context ephod-bearing is not a function of any signiﬁcance when trying to determine relative positions in the priesthood or what such positions might involve. This is of course despite the fact that the description of the high priest's clothing in Exod. 28: 5–30 includes an ephod together with Urim and Thummim, items which are omitted from the ordinary priests' garb (cf. Exod. 28: 40–3). Hence, if Ahimelech's association with the sacred lots cannot be taken to mean that he was the high priest, neither should his dealings with the shewbread be interpreted as an indicator of high-priestly status. In these pre-Temple days, then, it is impossible to speak of high priesthood with any real conviction. Although it is an open

117

Despite the rendition of many English translations at this point, the verb (nāśāʼ ) used here with the ephod is never used in other contexts with the meaning ‘wear’. The LXX also omits the designation ‘linen’ of the ephod here, so that the priests are described as αY ροντας ἐφουδ (airontas ephoud, ‘bearing the ephod’)—probably a more accurate reﬂection of the original meaning than the MT and the English translations. See also P. R. Davies, ‘Ark or Ephod in 1 Sam. xiv.18?’, JTS n.s. 26 (1975), 82–7, where the necessity of translating (nāśāʼ ) as ‘bear’ is used as part of the argument that the term ‘ephod’ has been substituted for ‘ark’ wherever the divining tool is referred to (pp. 85–6).

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question as to how accurate the events described may be in historical terms, the general principles of the priesthood's working are probably realistic. The priests are portrayed very much as religious functionaries, consulting the oracle and presiding at sacriﬁces offered in sanctuaries, but none of them has the national or representative signiﬁcance which would warrant the title ‘high priest’. Certainly there would have been local senior priests or chief priests in the sanctuaries, but these are different from the high priesthood as later understood and as depicted in P. The second stage of development is that evidenced in the traditions of the united monarchy, involving Abiathar, Zadok, and Azariah. As the earliest of the three and therefore the closest of them chronologically speaking to the preTemple traditions discussed above, Abiathar appears as a priest very much in the mould of Ahijah and Ahimelech. Having ﬂed to David after the massacre at Nob, he becomes David's priest during the period of Saul's pursuit of David (1 Sam. 22: 22–3), and is shown relating to David's group in the same way as Ahijah did to Saul's group, namely as their resident ephod consultant (1 Sam. 23: 6, 9; 30: 7; cf. 1 Sam. 14: 18–19, 36). Later on, once David establishes himself as king in Jerusalem, Abiathar serves together with Zadok as priest throughout David's reign (2 Sam. 8: 17; 15: 24–9, 35–6; 20: 25), and is eventually dismissed from ofﬁce after David's death by Solomon for taking part in an attempt to enthrone David's eldest son Adonijah instead of Solomon (1 Kgs. 2: 26–7). Although Abiathar's entire priesthood is shown as taking place during the monarchic period, it spans two distinct phases of that period, what might be termed the primitive monarchy and the more developed monarchy. It was not until the establishment of Jerusalem as capital that the period of the monarchy was really differentiated from that of the Judges, and there began to accrue a new administrative system of which the priests were inevitably a part, resulting in eventual change to the priesthood's working in the capital. There are two main changes which occur during Abiathar's incumbency; ﬁrst, the sacred lots fall into disuse as prophecy comes more to the fore. Abiathar is the last priest shown manipulating the lots, and they do not reappear at all during the monarchy. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, the monarchy itself appears as a priestly ofﬁce within the terms of DH's non-sacral theology of both king and priest (cf. 2 Sam. 6: 14–19),

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something which is bound to affect the nature of the priesthood alongside it. It is extremely doubtful whether Abiathar was a ‘high priest’ in any way. During the early part of his association with David, Abiathar's inﬂuence was conﬁned to the faction with which he aligned himself, and his main task seems to have been consulting the ephod for them to ensure that their planned undertakings were in line with God's will, in the same way that Ahijah was Saul's priest and would arguably have had more claim than Abiathar to being ‘high priest’ at that time because he was the king's priest. Although Abiathar's ﬂight to David is doubtless symbolic in the narrator's mind of Yahweh's abandonment of Saul the priest-killer in favour of David who was destined to become the country's most powerful person, Abiathar himself is simply not shown as having inﬂuence on a wider scale by virtue of any priestly ofﬁce he held. Even when he eventually becomes the king's priest, he is not the sole holder of the ofﬁce; he is joined by Zadok once David has established himself in Jerusalem, and since there is no hint of centralized worship during Abiathar's period of ofﬁce he would not have had the signiﬁcance of being the most important priest of the country's only legitimate shrine. Even the fact that as a priest he is an important person in Adonijah's attempted coup is no indication that his priesthood was in any way distinctive; he is signiﬁcant as a priest, but not as the priest. Zadok is the ﬁgure with the most signiﬁcance in terms of later developments, but ironically he is also the most enigmatic. He appears in the text without preamble as part of a list of David's court ofﬁcials (2 Sam. 8: 17), where he is styled a son of Ahitub and named as priest alongside Ahimelech son of Abiathar. Zadok's genealogy in this verse has long been recognized as problematic, not least because, as is evident from the foregoing and subsequent narratives, the priest who served with him was Abiathar the son of Ahimelech rather than Ahimelech the son of Abiathar. In its present state, too, the genealogy seems to imply that Zadok was an Elide (cf. 1 Sam. 14: 3), which contradicts the prophecy in 1 Sam. 2: 27–36 that the Elide line is to be cut off and replaced by another priestly clan. As the subsequent narrative shows, Zadok was not cut off, but later ousted the Elide Abiathar to become the sole priest of the royal house (1 Kgs. 2: 27, 35). In the light of these inconsistencies, many scholars prefer to emend 2 Sam. 8: 17 in the

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light of 1 Sam. 22: 20 to read ‘Zadok and Abiathar son of Ahimelech son of Ahitub were priests’.118 However, although there is general agreement that the names Abiathar and Ahimelech have become reversed, some scholars defend the original reading of Ahitub as Zadok's father.119 One such scholar is Cross, who argues that there is no reason why the Ahitub named as Zadok's father should be identiﬁed with the Elide Ahitub; hence, Zadok's genealogy cannot be dismissed as ﬁctitious on the grounds that he is listed as a descendant of the priestly house which he is destined to replace, since it was never the intention that his lineage should be traced from Eli.120 However, it must be said that in a context where the names Abiathar and Ahimelech are known to represent ﬁgures from the Elide lineage, and the name Ahitub also corresponds to one known from that same lineage (cf. 1 Sam. 22: 20), the balance of probability favours the identiﬁcation of all three with those already known to be Elides. That is certainly the natural inference, and had the author at this point intended another non-Elide Ahitub to be understood, it would surely have been made clear.121 Zadok, then, is genuinely without accurate genealogy in this tradition, and a number of ingenious scholarly attempts have been made to reconstruct his origins. Two broad approaches to the problem of Zadok's origins have dominated scholarship in recent years. The ﬁrst is the so-called ‘Jebusite hypothesis’, whereby Zadok is regarded as a pre-Israelite priest of El Elyon in Jerusalem who was appointed by David to his new regime in order to cement relationships between the native Jebusite population and the incoming Israelites. Although the idea was ﬁrst suggested by Mowinckel in 1916,122 and was taken up and developed by Bentzen,123 its best-known exponent is probably Rowley.124 Hauer

118

See, for example, Driver, Notes on Samuel, 283; H. H. Rowley, ‘Zadok and Nehushtan’, JBL 58 (1939), 113–41 (p. 114); Hertzberg, 240–1 (ET, 292, 293–4); Mauchline, 237.

119

For example, H. P. Smith claims that emendation is ‘not supported by any document’ (p. 309). More recent defenders of Ahitub's place in the text include McCarter, II Samuel, AB 9 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1984), 253–4, 255, and A. A. Anderson, 2 Samuel, WBC 11 (Dallas, Tex.: Word, 1989), 137.

120

Cross, ‘The Priestly Houses’, 196, 211–14.

121

So A. H. J. Gunneweg, Leviten und Priester: Hauptlinien der Traditionsbildung und Geschichte des israelitisch-jüdischen Kultpersonals, Ruprecht, 1965), 105.

122

S. Mowinckel, Ezra den Skriftlærde (Kristiania: Universitets Forlaget, 1916), 109 n. 2.

123

A. Bentzen, ‘Zur Geschichte der Ṣadoḳiden’, ZAW 51 (n.s. 10) (1933), 173–6.

124

Rowley, ‘Zadok and Nehushtan’.

FRLANT 89 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &

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too offers his support to the idea by providing an explanation of the reason for Zadok's rapid preferment; based on the picture of Zadok the ‘young man mighty in valour’ in 1 Chr. 12: 29 (ET 12: 28), he argues that Zadok was a Jebusite nobleman who deserted to David with a group of followers when he saw that capture of the city was inevitable, and was rewarded by preferment in the new order.125 Although the Jebusite thesis has proved popular, it has also attracted a good deal of criticism,126 not least because it lacks direct evidence and is built entirely on inferences from the text.127 It is also regarded as inexplicable that David should invite a pagan priest to become part of his new administration, when other indications are that David was an ardent supporter of the ancient Israelite tribal traditions and of Yahwism.128 In the light of these and other difﬁculties, attempts have been made to defend Zadok's Israelite origins, notably by Cross, who argues that Zadok was a member of the Aaronide priestly house from the southern shrine of Hebron, whilst his fellow-priest Abiathar was from the northern shrine of Shiloh; this meant that priesthoods from both the north and the south were represented at the new central shrine in Jerusalem.129 Cross's view of Zadok as an Aaronide is followed by Olyan, who like Hauer sees 1 Chr. 12: 28–9 (ET 12: 27–8) as an ancient tradition telling how Zadok came over to David at an early stage; Olyan, however, in contrast with Hauer, uses the pericope as the basis for his suggestion that Zadok is the son of the Aaronide Jehoiada.130 The basic question seems to be whether or not there is reliable information in the text as to Zadok's lineage. If there is not, then the way is open for suggestions such as the Jebusite hypothesis, suggestions which will of necessity be largely circumstantial. If, however, there is accurate information on Zadok's origins to be gleaned from the text, then it should be used as the foundation for whatever view of his lineage is propounded. Indeed, a signiﬁcant feature of the arguments for Zadok as an Aaronide is that they

125

Christian E. Hauer, Jr, ‘Who Was Zadok?’, JBL 82 (1963), 89–94.

126

For a wide-ranging summary of criticisms of the theory, see Saul M. Olyan, ‘Zadok's Origins and the Tribal Politics of David’, JBL 101 (1982), 177–93 (pp. 179–83).

127

Olyan, 179.

128

Cross, ‘The Priestly Houses’, 210; Olyan, 181–2.

129

Cross, ‘The Priestly Houses’, 207–15.

130

Olyan, 185–90.

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argue for genuine information on Zadok's origins having been preserved in texts which have usually been regarded as untrust-worthy or corrupt, whilst, as Cross rightly observes, the linchpin of the Jebusite hypothesis is the claim that Zadok is without reliable genealogy.131 Cross himself uses his claim that the Ahitub who is named as Zadok's father need not be the same as the Elide Ahitub, in order to argue that Zadok does in fact have a genealogy which deserves to be taken seriously,132 and which therefore implies that he is an Israelite. However, the weakness of such a position has been noted above, and indeed Olyan, who supports Cross's conclusion that Zadok was an Aaronide, declares himself at variance with Cross on this point, believing that the more sceptical view of the genealogy in 2 Sam. 8: 17 is the more credible one.133 Olyan also criticizes Cross's other arguments for Zadok's Aaronide status; he notes that despite Cross's proposal there is no concrete evidence for the priestly city of Hebron as an Aaronide centre, and points out that the notion of Zadok as a priest of Hebron makes the later revolt of Absalom, also Hebron-based (cf. 2 Sam. 15: 7–12), very difﬁcult to understand, especially given that Zadok sided with David during the revolt. ‘If Hebron had indeed been Aaronid and Zadok its representative, why would it serve as the center for a major revolt against David?’134 Despite his criticisms of Cross, however, Olyan himself goes on to maintain that Zadok is an Aaronide on the basis of 1 Chr. 12: 28–9 (ET 12: 27–8).135 This is Olyan's equivalent of providing Zadok with a genealogy which deserves to be taken seriously. 1 Chr. 12: 28–9 (ET 12: 27–8) come in the middle of a list of the members of all twelve tribes who transfer their allegiance to David at an early stage (1 Chr. 12: 24–39 (ET 12: 23–38)), and in these two verses the young man Zadok and the Aaronide Jehoiada are named as two of those who brought contingents of personnel along with them to join the Davidic cause.136 Olyan argues that within the list as a whole 1 Chr. 12: 25–30 (ET 12: 24–9) are an ancient tradition, distinguishable from their immediate Chronistic context because of the small numbers of the contingents from the tribes

131

Cross, ‘The Priestly Houses’, 211.

132

Ibid. 212–14.

133

Olyan, 177.

134

Ibid. 184.

135

See also the comments on this passage in Ch. 8 below on the books of Chronicles.

136

Ibid. 185, 189.

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named within them.137 Regarding 1 Chr. 12: 28–9 (ET 12: 27–8), where Jehoiada and Zadok appear, Olyan maintains that the antiquity of this tradition too is ‘attested to by the small numbers listed and the fact that Zadok is only a subordinate of Jehoiada, and not himself the leader of the Aaronid group’.138 He also claims that 12: 29 (ET 12: 28), which supposedly shows Zadok as a subordinate, ‘could not have come from the hand of the Chronicler, who generally tends to emphasize Zadok's leadership of the priest-hood’, and his overall conclusion is that ‘1 Chr 12: 25–30 [ET 12: 24–29] provides the critic with valuable information pertaining to the origins of Zadok’.139 However, there is a major difﬁculty with this assessment. The young Zadok brings with him not rank-and-ﬁle contingents like the other groups listed, but twenty-two (śārîm), ‘commanders’, from his father's house. In fact, he is the only ﬁgure in the whole pericope of 1 Chr. 12: 24–39 (ET 12: 23–38) who brings with him only (śārîm) and has no other companies of personnel. The obvious explanation as to why all the men from Zadok's father's house are depicted as (śārîm) is that it is a way of emphasizing Zadokite pre-eminence in some sphere, and, given the context of Levites and Aaronides in which Zadok appears here, the natural sphere would be that of the priesthood. This seems even more marked in view of the fact that 1 Chr. 12: 28–9 (ET 12: 27–8) can be seen to reﬂect the Chronistic schematization of the priesthood, with Levites mentioned ﬁrst as the most numerous and least exalted class, the ‘prince’ ( , nāgîd) Jehoiada of the house of Aaron mentioned next with fewer personnel, and ﬁnally Zadok, shown as the most exalted person, obviously from a house of commanders, and accompanied only by commanders. The idea that this represents ‘ancient tradition’ seems highly dubious. In itself, though, the age of the tradition says nothing about Zadok's genealogical origins, and so, in order to account for Zadok's origins, Olyan uses 1 Chr. 12: 28–9 (ET 12: 27–8) to link Zadok directly with the Aaronides by interpreting the phrase ‘his [i.e. Zadok's] father's house’ in 12: 29 (ET 12: 28) as signifying Jehoiada's house, and setting the (śārîm) of Zadok in

137

Ibid. 185–7.

138

Ibid. 188. The idea of Zadok as Jehoiada's subordinate comes from interpreting the term 28), in the sense of ‘aide’; see Olyan, 188 n. 50.

139

Olyan, 188 n. 50.

(naʽar, ‘lad, young man’), which is applied to Zadok in 1 Chr. 12: 29 (ET 12:

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parallelism with the contingents of Jehoiada as their commanders.140 In this way, Zadok becomes the son of Jehoiada the Aaronide prince and part of his contingent. However, this seems quite arbitrary; Olyan offers no real justiﬁcation for his interpretation, and in the absence of any such justiﬁcation Hauer's opinion that ‘his father's house’ is a designation of anonymity is much more plausible, because it is the sense in which the text would most naturally be read.141 Olyan's proposal is reminiscent of those which try to link Zadok with the Ark by making him the ‘anonymous brother’ of Uzzah in 2 Sam. 6: 3;142 in both instances, it is inexplicable that if the identity of the individual supposedly referred to by the anonymous designation were known it should not be stated, especially given the importance of Zadok for subsequent generations of the priesthood. It seems, then, that Olyan's attempt to identify in 1 Chr. 12: 28–9 (ET 12: 27–8) an ancient tradition which shows Zadok as an Aaronide is unsuccessful. Given its reﬂection of later schematization within the priesthood, the passage in 1 Chr. 12: 28–9 (ET 12: 27–8) cannot safely be regarded as ancient tradition, and the notion that it represents Zadok as the son of Jehoiada the Aaronide is purely conjectural. There may not, as Olyan claims, be any evidence in this particular text for the Jebusite origins of Zadok;143 however, neither does it provide any reliable evidence for Zadok's Aaronide origins. Olyan's remaining ‘indirect evidence’ to support his Aaronide scenario is circumstantial,144 and without the basis of ﬁrm genealogical information behind it he is on no stronger ground than the proponents of the Jebusite hypothesis. Despite Olyan's efforts to identify Zadok's lineage, the origins of this enigmatic priest remain obscure. The Jebusite hypothesis of Zadok's origins has been severely criticized, largely because of its circumstantial nature and because of the apparent inexplicability of certain assumptions which it involves. However, the assumption that David appointed a non-Israelite priest to a high position in his administration is no more inexplicable than the failure to link Zadok clearly and credibly to the Israelite priesthood if he was known to be an Israelite, which is the scenario demanded by an Aaronide or Levitical theory of

140

Olyan, 188–9.

141

Hauer, 91, 92.

142

See n. 69 below.

143

Olyan, 189.

144

Ibid. 189–90.

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Zadok's origins. Indeed, the very inexplicability of some aspects of the Jebusite hypothesis paradoxically point to them having a greater degree of probability than they are credited with by their detractors. It may well seem inexplicable that David should have appointed a non-Israelite priest to such an important position; on the other hand, it is utterly explicable that later orthodoxy should have expunged traces of this ‘inexplicability’ as far as possible, hence the lack of direct evidence for any such connection. Although some of the more elaborate aspects of the Jebusite hypothesis may well seem unconvincing,145 the fundamental notion that Zadok represents a strand of the indigenous non-Israelite religious milieu is surely not far from the truth.146 Whatever Zadok's origins, though, he became a key ﬁgure in the genealogical contest whereby Jerusalemite priests claimed precedence from the time of the late monarchy onwards.147 He certainly served as an important priestly ﬁgure throughout David's reign, and upon David's death gained the favour of Solomon by supporting the young man's claim to the throne against Solomon's rival and elder brother Adonijah. However, it is unclear whether or not he actually served in the Temple. 1 Kgs. 4: 1–5 gives a rather garbled list of ofﬁcers from Solomon's reign, listing Azariah son of Zadok as priest (4: 2) as well as Zadok himself along with Abiathar (4: 4),148 a situation which is impossible to reconcile with the

145

For example, the identiﬁcation of Zadok with the priest-king Melchizedek defeated by David in his conquest of Jerusalem (Bentzen, 174); and the attempts to link Zadok with a Jerusalemite deity called Ṣedeq (Roy Rosenberg, ‘The God S.edeq’, HUCA 36 (1965), 161–77).

146

Gunneweg, Leviten und Priester, 103–4.

147

See n. 30 above.

148

Attempts have been made to account for this apparent duplication of ofﬁce-holders by following a textual variant and interpreting the word (4: 3) after Azariah's name, which is rendered as a personal name ‘Elihoreph’ in the RSV, as , i.e. a title meaning ‘over the year’, perhaps referring to the individual in charge of the calendar or simply the ranking ofﬁcer of the court for that year who may or may not have been a priest. See James A. Montgomery, The Books of Kings, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1951), 113–16, and J. Robinson, The First Book of Kings, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 56. Also, Azariah's title (hakkōhēn, ‘the priest’—4: 2) is missing from the LXX which lists Αζαριου (‘Azariou’) together with Έλιαρɛφ (‘Eliareph’) and Αχια (‘Achia’) as γραμματɛι̑ς (grammateis, ‘scribes’—4: 2–3). However, it is quite likely that Azariah became Solomon's priest instead of Zadok or Abiathar, given that they would have served with David for over thirty years each and cannot have been young men any more by the time of Solomon's accession—quite apart from Solomon's dismissal of Abiathar. Hence, it seems logical to allow Azariah his priesthood, rather than to try and make him something else in order to retain Zadok and Abiathar as the priests.

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narrative, which expressly states (1 Kgs. 2: 26, 27) that as soon as Solomon secured the throne he deposed Abiathar from priestly ofﬁce because of his support for the rival Adonijah. If the narrative is correct, the mention of both Abiathar and Zadok in the list of Solomon's ofﬁcers may be an historical note, or an inclusion for the sake of completeness, without having any factual basis for the period to which it supposedly refers; it must then be assumed that Azariah was the one who served in a signiﬁcant priestly capacity during the majority of Solomon's reign. The Chronicler for his part seems to know of the tradition that Azariah rather than Zadok served in Solomon's Temple; in the genealogy listing the preexilic chief priests, it is noted concerning Azariah son of Johanan son of Azariah son of Ahimaaz son of Zadok, (‘it was he who served as priest in the house which Solomon built in Jerusalem’, 1 Chr. 5: 36 (ET 6: 10)). The note has presumably become attached to the wrong Azariah, judging from the text in 1 Kgs. 4: 2, but the tradition seems clear that Zadok himself did not actually serve in the Temple. In fact, considered in the light of other priestly ﬁgures, it is difﬁcult to tell what is characteristic about Zadok's priesthood. He is listed as David's priest along with Abiathar in 2 Sam. 8: 17 and 20: 25; during Absalom's rebellion he is shown bringing the Ark to David with Abiathar and a group of Levites (2 Sam. 15: 24–9),149 and then again with Abiathar taking the Ark back to Jerusalem where the two act as David's ‘plants’ to keep him informed of events in the city (2 Sam. 15: 35–6; 17: 15); he and Abiathar are David's emissaries to the elders of Judah to win back their support after the rebellion (2 Sam. 19: 12 (ET 19: 11)); and he is omitted from Adonijah's attempted throne-snatch but commissioned by David to anoint Solomon as the legitimate heir to the throne (1 Kgs. 1: 5–48). Solomon installs him in place of Abiathar (1 Kgs. 2: 35), but beyond that there is no indication of what if any his priestly

149

It seems that the original text has been disturbed at this point, since the Levites do not appear elsewhere in the books of Samuel and are evidently anachronistic, and Abiathar's appearance is ungrammatical and almost an afterthought. Either Abiathar was removed from the text and replaced by the Levites, only to be reinserted at a later date, or the whole passage was composed with Zadok alone by a strongly pro-Zadokite author, and Abiathar was later inserted to reassert his position as joint priest with Zadok. The second person forms in verses 25–9 are also inconsistent, sometimes singular and sometimes plural, giving the impression of a text confused by later tampering. See H. P. Smith, 344, 345; Driver, Notes on Samuel, 315; Mauchline, 273; McCarter, II Samuel, 370; A. A. Anderson, 204.

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position is during Solomon's reign, as noted above. Zadok is never shown with an ephod in the way that Abiathar is (1 Sam. 23: 6, 9; 30: 7), and although he appears with the Ark in 2 Sam. 15: 24–9 he does not accompany it either when David attempts to bring it to Jerusalem (2 Sam. 6: 1–19)150 or when Solomon installs it in the new Temple (1 Kgs. 8: 1–66).151 However, as a priest it seems important that he is present to anoint Solomon and legitimate his claim to the throne of Israel, in the way that Adonijah invites Abiathar to his attempted coup and later on Jehoiada is present at the anointing of young Joash (2 Kgs. 11: 12). Zadok seems to be something of a transitional ﬁgure. As already mentioned, neither he nor any of his successors is shown bearing an ephod, and it seems that this coincides with the increased prominence of prophecy.152 David no longer relies on the old-fashioned method of divination by sacred lot, but receives direct messages from Nathan and Gad, his seers (2 Sam. 12: 1–15; 24: 11–13, 18), and this becomes a pattern in the rest of the narrative—the anonymous ‘men of God’ who appear at intervals as well as the named prophets of whom the most famous are Elijah and Elisha, giving direct verbal guidance instead of indirect signs via the lot.153 Zadok is not an ephod-bearer, and neither does he appear as priest of his own shrine in the fashion of Ahimelech or Eli, because of his particular relation to the king. The Temple is not yet built; there is supposedly some sort of tent shrine where the Ark is kept, but

150

It has been argued that the two references in 2 Sam. 6: 3, 4 to ‘Ahio’ (‘his brother’?) are covert references to Zadok as Uzzah's brother, which would give Zadok a more consistent link with the Ark and perhaps clarify his position somewhat. See Karl Budde, ‘Die Herkunft Ṣadok.’s', ZAW 52 (1934), 42–50, and Rowley, ‘Zadok and Nehushtan’, 120–3. However, it is difﬁcult to see why Zadok should be referred to in such an obscure way, especially as it would presumably have been beneﬁcial to the later Zadokite descendants to show their eponymous ancestor as closely interwoven with their own traditions as possible. The later Aaronide genealogies indicate how important it became that Zadok was seen to be incorporated in just this way, whether or not his origins were in reality Israelite.

151

As in 2 Samuel 6, no named priest is shown with the Ark in 1 Kings 8, and it is simply ‘the priests’ who carry it and place it inside the Temple (8: 3, 4, 6, 10, 11). If the Arkbearers were signiﬁcant ﬁgures it is difﬁcult to see why the tradition should not have preserved their names, since at least three priests are named in the list of Solomon's ofﬁcials (1 Kgs. 4: 1–5). However, the focus of the episode is on Solomon's own priestly function, to the inevitable detriment of the priesthood.

152

According to P. R. Davies, ‘Ark or Ephod?’, it also coincides with the return to Israelite territory of the Ark, which was the real divining instrument (p. 86).

153

Cf. the blessing of Moses (Deut. 33: 8–10), which starts with the priests' lot-bearing function but ends with them as teachers and cultic functionaries. See the discussion of this in Cody, 114–20.

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Zadok is never shown there and no information is given about any ceremonial that takes place there.154 But despite the obscurity surrounding Zadok's priesthood, it is perhaps possible to surmise what made him distinctive. There can be no doubt that the establishment of the monarchy in Jerusalem and the transportation there of the Ark, as well as the subsequent building of the Temple, marked a new departure for the life of Israel in general, including its priesthood. Abiathar was one of the last ‘pre-Jerusalemite’ priests, whereas Zadok was the ﬁrst Jerusalemite priest and Azariah was apparently the ﬁrst Temple priest. The high priesthood as depicted in P was surely the outcome of a Temple-based, highly centralized form of religion, and so in any attempt to plot the high priesthood's development, Zadok must be regarded as an important ﬁgure along the way. It was surely not without good reason that the later Temple priest-hood claimed descent from him, seeing in him the beginning of their own tradition, which was at once continuous with and distinct from the earlier one.155 Although neither Abiathar nor Zadok was in the position to have the nationwide signiﬁcance of the later high priests, both because of the presence of the monarch as a focus of religious identity and because centralization of worship simply did not exist as yet, Zadok's entire priestly career as recorded in DH was associated with Jerusalem and the established monarchy. In this way he was different from Abiathar who had served as a roving lot-bearing priest in the days of the primitive monarchy before coming to Jerusalem, so that Zadok really was the ﬁrst of a different class of priest. Even though he may not actually himself have served in the Temple, Zadok's association with Jerusalem and the monarchy marks the transition from local chief priest to central chief priest, which is the vital ﬁrst step if a high priesthood is to emerge. The question is to what extent that development continued under his successors. In the traditions associated with the rise of the united monarchy, then, the potential foundations for a high priesthood are laid in

154

Rowley, however, suggests that Zadok was the priest of the Jebusite shrine where the Ark was placed when it was ﬁrst brought to Jerusalem, presumably at Gibeon as noted in 1 Chr. 16: 39 (‘Zadok and Nehushtan’, 123–8).

155

An example of the sense of both continuation and distinction between the earlier and later traditions is in the so-called Zadokite stratum of Ezekiel 40–8, which refers to the Zadokites as ‘Levitical priests’ in Ezek. 44: 15, but distinguishes them from the ‘Levites’ in 44: 10.

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that a major royal shrine is established in the capital and a priest and his family are installed there. In the light of this it is not surprising that the clearest examples of chief priests in DH are to be found in the third and fourth groups of traditions, those of the divided monarchy and the lone southern kingdom, since they come at a stage in the history when the Temple and its attendant ceremonial had become more ﬁrmly embedded in the country's religious consciousness, and had had the chance to develop a formal and speciﬁc structure. To begin, then, with the traditions from the time of the divided monarchy, Jehoiada (2 Kgs. 11: 12) is the most active and independent ﬁgure of all the chief priests, taking drastic action to preserve the infant king Joash from slaughter and then to install him on the throne with the help of the palace and Temple guards. Jehoiada apparently has authority over the captains of the guards (2 Kgs. 11: 4–9), but whether it is simply a moral or personal authority, or an authority by virtue of his position as a high-ranking priest or a royally appointed servant, or even just the respect for the clergy that (some) people feel even today, is not speciﬁed. It may have been that by showing them the young king, Jehoiada was effectively invoking the guards' loyalty to the throne, so that their course of action was clearly to cooperate with him as he too was acting out of the same sense of loyalty. Given that the situation was an unusual and even desperate one, though, it is perhaps unwise to draw too many ‘general’ conclusions from it; in times of emergency the normal patterns of responsibility and authority are often disrupted and replaced with others. However, from the next chapter, which describes Jehoiada's part in the Temple maintenance attempts, the priest is evidently subordinate to the monarch, and although Jehoiada may well have had the responsibility of educating the young king (2 Kgs. 12: 3 (ET 12: 2)), even acting on his behalf until Joash became of age, it was not a permanent position of authority. That he had some responsibility for the fabric of the Temple is indicated by the fact that he is summoned along with the rest of the priests to account for the lack of repairs to the Temple (12: 8 (ET 12: 7)), and he is the one (assuming hakkōhēn haggādôl—‘the great/senior/ eldest priest’, in 12: 11 (ET 12: 10) does refer to Jehoiada)156 who has to count the monies deposited in the box for

156

This is the ﬁrst occurrence of the title (hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘the great/senior/eldest priest’), indeed of any title for the main priestly ﬁgure beyond (hakkōhēn, ‘the priest’), to be found in DH. The title itself is usually thought to be post-exilic, and its appearance here and in 2 Kings 22 and 23 is often interpreted as a late addition. See Montgomery, 429; N. H. Snaith, ‘The First and Second Books of Kings’, in IB iii (1954), 1–338 (p. 251); J. Robinson, The Second Book of Kings, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 118; G. H. Jones, 1 and 2 Kings, 2 vols., NCB (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans; London: Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1984), ii. 492; T. R. Hobbs, 2 Kings, WBC 13 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1985), 153. Mordechai Cogan and Hayim Tadmor, II Kings, AB 11 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1988), suggest that the title may have coexisted with that of (kōhēn hārōʼš, ‘the head priest’) in the late ﬁrst Temple period (p. 138). Elsewhere it occurs in Haggai, Zechariah 1–8, Ezra, Nehemiah, and in Num. 35: 25, 28, 32, where it appears to be a shortening of the longer description in Lev. 21: 10. For further discussion of the terminology used for the high priest, see Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer, Ch. 5 below on Haggai and Zechariah, and Ch. 8 below on the books of Chronicles.

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repairs, along with the king's secretary. The Chronicler, perhaps ﬁnding this an inappropriate job for the high priest, gives Jehoiada his own ofﬁcer to correspond with the king's secretary, and the two minions are the ones who count the money while the king and Jehoiada distribute it (2 Chr. 24: 11, 12). Uriah (2 Kgs. 16: 10–16) is less well-deﬁned than Jehoiada, being shown as the recipient of Ahaz's instructions for a new altar and apparently more than happy to carry them out exactly. Commentators point out that there is no need to interpret the new altar as the sign of a new religion;157 Ahaz still apparently plans to offer the usual Yahwistic sacriﬁces on it,158 and Uriah is not criticized for his obedience to the king's instructions.159 This is another example of DH's indifference to cultic prescriptions for their own sake, as well as demonstrating the chief priest's subordination to the king and his very practical responsibility for matters of fabric in the Temple.160 However, Ahaz's instructions to Uriah as to how to use

157

John McKay, Religion in Judah under the Assyrians, SBT Second Series 26 (London: SCM Press, 1973), 7; Morton Cogan, Imperialism and Religion: Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.E., SBL Monograph Series 19 (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1974), 73–7; Jones, 1 and 2 Kings, ii. 538–9; Hobbs, 216. The altar may have been a sign of vassalage to Assyria (McKay, 8, 11; John Gray, I & II Kings, 3rd rev. edn., OTL (London: SCM Press, 1977), 635; Hermann Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982), 366–9; Jones, 1 and 2 Kings, ii. 538), although J. Robinson, The Second Book of Kings, 150, and Cogan and Tadmor, 193, suggest that it had more to do with the demands of fashion than of vassalage. Wolfgang Zwickel, ‘Die Kultreform des Ahas (2 Kön 16, 10–18)’, SJOT 7 (1993), 250–62, suggests that Ahaz's actions were part of a cult reform whereby the king introduced the regular burnt offering into the Jerusalem cult and destroyed items of Temple paraphernalia which bore images, but that his actions were discredited by later polemic because he did not attempt to eradicate cultic activity which took place outside Jerusalem (cf. 2 Kgs. 16: 2–4).

158

Cogan and Tadmor, 192.

159

Cogan and Tadmor, 189. See also Morgenstern, ‘A Chapter’, 9–10.

160

So Hobbs: ‘The king would have had the role of “chief executive ofﬁcer” of palace, city, and temple, and the priest would have been the immediate subordinate in charge of the temple and one who took orders from the king in matters of temple management’ (pp. 217–18).

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the new altar do seem to indicate that the priest had sacriﬁcial duties to carry out as well as purely practical ones. It is instructive to note that the ﬁrst sacriﬁces carried out on the new altar are performed by Ahaz himself, as was the case with Solomon's dedication of the new Temple and altar (1 Kgs. 8: 5, 62–4), and Moses' consecration of the wilderness altar (Lev. 8: 10–17), yet another indication of the chief priest's subordinate position and conversely of the king's authoritative position in the overall cultic sphere.161 Once again, it seems that the chief priest is more of a functionary than a sacral personage, who can perform speciﬁc tasks but who needs the authority of the king to establish the means and parameters for his function. This third group of references, then, shows the chief priests as royal servants responsible to the monarch for the exercise of their Temple duties, which include the very practical considerations of Temple maintenance as well as sacriﬁcial duties. As before, there is no indication of the priests having authority in any other areas, or even independent authority in Temple matters; in each case it is the monarch who initiates the repairs or alterations which the priest is then given the responsibility of carrying out. Moving on to the fourth group of chief priests, namely those who appear after the fall of Samaria, Hilkiah (2 Kgs. 22, 23) appears as the chief priestly ﬁgure during the reign and the reforms of Josiah. His portrayal is remarkably similar to that of Jehoiada in 2 Kgs. 12: 11 (ET 12: 10). Like Jehoiada he is given the title (hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘the great/senior/eldest priest’—22: 4, 8; 23: 4); like Jehoiada he is responsible for the money put into the chest for repairing the house of the Lord, which he is to count in association with the king's secretary Shaphan (22: 3–4). Like Jehoiada and Uriah, too, he is subordinate to the king, apparently not having the authority to bring before the king on his own the book he had found, but having to give it to Shaphan to pass on (22: 8–10). Nor does Hilkiah have any apparent authority in the book's interpretation or validation, but is sent as part of the delegation to

161

Jones, 1 and 2 Kings, ii. 539; Cogan and Tadmor, 185. John Skinner, I & II Kings, Century Bible (Edinburgh: T. C. & E. C. Jack, n.d.), in commenting on the pericope as a whole, remarks, ‘The passage illustrates . . . the absolute control exercised by the king over the temple and its worship’ (p. 370).

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the prophetess Huldah (22: 14) to receive a direct oracle from the Lord. This is in contrast to the idea of priests as guardians of the received will of God as expressed in the Law, an idea found in Lev. 10: 10–11 and Deut. 17: 18; 33: 9b–10; it is, however, in line with the stress on prophetic authority which occurs elsewhere in Deuteronomy and DH. Once the correct course of action has been established, Hilkiah is party to Josiah's reforms, bringing out of the Temple the vessels manufactured for use in idolatrous worship and handing them over for destruction (2 Kgs. 23: 4); presumably he would have seen nothing wrong with the vessels or their use prior to Josiah's drive for purgation. However, Hilkiah himself gains no new powers or responsibilities because of the reform; indeed, his position is apparently no more affected by it than it was by the fall of Samaria, both of which events might be expected to raise the proﬁle of the Jerusalem chief priest by leaving the Temple as the one legitimate functioning centre of Yahwism. But Hilkiah's continued subordination points once again to the overriding importance of the monarch rather than the chief priest as the centre of national identity and the highest religious authority in the country. Indeed, the picture given of these last three priests is remarkably consistent: they are all closely connected with the king, taking orders from him concerning their own duties in the Temple and showing loyalty and obedience towards him, and they all have responsibility for Temple maintenance and probably administration. This latter is consistent with the later picture given in Nehemiah of the ‘ruler of the house of God’ ( , negid bêt hāʼelōhîm—Neh. 11: 11), and also with the priest who is ‘appointed over the rooms of the house of our God’ ( (nātûn beliškat bêt-ʼelōhênû—Neh. 13: 4), a designation which some have felt to be too prosaic for the high priest.162 But it is no more prosaic than the chief priest who counts out money for repairs to the Temple or who is responsible for making a new altar. Like the pre-monarchic priests, the monarchic chief priests were effectively servants, not leaders, and though they doubtless had responsibility for the other priests who served in the Temple (cf. 2 Kgs. 12: 8 (ET 12: 7)) they do not necessarily appear as men with the ability to govern a country—or as a natural focus for the people's expectations and identity.

162

See the discussion of this reference in Ch. 6 below on Ezra and Nehemiah.

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Seraiah (2 Kgs. 25: 18) is the last chief priest in DH, and his sole appearance is in this single mention of his name as one of those captured and executed by Nebuchadnezzar after the fall of Jerusalem.163 Presumably the point of disposing of the chief priest and his associates was to disable the religious institutions of Judah, emphasizing the powerlessness of Judah's God in the face of Babylon's and thereby quashing the morale for a rebellion. As one of the king's loyal ofﬁcers, too, the chief priest may well have been seen as a threat to Babylonian domination in the way that Jehoiada had successfully dethroned Athaliah earlier on in order to set the rightful heir Joash on the throne (2 Kgs. 11: 1–20). Given the other people who are taken into captivity at the same time as the priests (2 Kgs. 25: 19), it certainly seems that the idea was to purge the old administration to make way for the new, as it was presumably considered unlikely that those with strong loyalty to their own king would be content to serve a Babylonian master. Seraiah's title is of interest here; unlike Jehoiada and Hilkiah earlier on he is called (kōhēn hārōʼš, ‘the head priest’).164 This is the one occasion in DH when a chief priest is mentioned without any immediately obvious interaction with the king (who by this time had already been deported to Babylon—2 Kgs. 25: 7), but it is at the end of a section dealing with Nebuzaradan's destruction of the Temple, so the priest is probably mentioned here because of his connection with the Temple. It seems, therefore, that by the end of the pre-exilic period there had been little development towards the model of high priesthood whereby one priest was the focus of religious signiﬁcance in a way which eclipsed every other priest. Certainly the building of the Temple and the appointment of what were effectively royal priests to serve in it were important developments; but these men were chief priests who had no independent powers of leadership and were effectively under royal authority and responsible to the monarch in every sphere, including the cultic sphere to which their own responsibilities were conﬁned. This is because it is clear even from DH with its non-sacral and rather negative view of monarchy

163

The passage 24: 18–25: 30 is repeated almost word for word in Jer. 52: 1–34, including mention of Seraiah and the other priests.

164

Montgomery, 429, 563–4, assumes that it is an old title. The LXX equivalent is ἱɛρέα τὸν πρω̑τον (hierea ton prōton, ‘the ﬁrst priest’). See n. 75 above on terminology for the high priest.

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that the king was the focal ﬁgure and the ultimate authority in both political and religious matters, so that there was neither sufﬁcient incentive nor suitable conditions for a high priesthood in the Priestly sense to develop alongside the monarchy. Nor is there any hint that the monarch's position as the focus of identity faded once Jerusalem had fallen; the notice about Jehoiachin's release from prison (2 Kgs. 25: 27–30), whether it is an expression of hope or despair at what is effectively only a partial release, is evidence for continuing interest in the king's fate even in the middle years of the Exile. However, the picture of the monarch as the country's most important political and religious authority is only part of the reason for the surprisingly low proﬁle of the chief priests in DH; the other major factor is the question of centralization of worship. Given the assumption that the high priesthood as epitomized in P really only developed in conjunction with the Temple at Jerusalem and was the product of a more centralized and regulated system of religious observance, it is surely no accident that only towards the end of 2 Kings do individuals appear who bear any resemblance to high priests in this sense, together with any kind of ofﬁcial titles. The whole message of DH is that worship was not centralized throughout the land, despite centralization being the will of Yahweh; the high places were not removed, and the northern kingdom had its two major shrines which Jeroboam had promoted as well as several others from pre-monarchic days. Although there was doubtless a kind of ‘shrine hierarchy’ whereby some shrines were more prestigious than others, and Jerusalem would presumably have been one of the more prestigious locations at which to worship, there was probably no overriding inﬂuence of any one particular location despite the attempts of both Hezekiah and Josiah to dismantle the shrines outside Jerusalem. Indeed, Jerusalem's claim to Yahwistic religious prestige and importance does not appear before David's conquest of the city and was probably deliberately cultivated as a neutral answer to all the tribes' former allegiances, in order to unify them around an acceptable central point. Other sites such as Shiloh and Bethel had much more ancient and ingrained claims on the people's religious affections, and so it is not really surprising that the idea of centralized worship at Jerusalem took some time to become established. In fact, it seems highly likely that Jerusalem's overriding religious

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importance was never fully realized before the Exile. The last effort at centralization under Josiah took place barely forty years before the ﬁnal destruction of Jerusalem, but the evidence from the staccato narrative of 2 Kgs. 23: 31–24: 20 suggests that the reform was ephemeral. The verdict on each of the last four kings of Judah following Josiah is, (wayyaʽaś hārāaʽ beʽênê yhwh, ‘and he did evil in the eyes of the Lord’, 2 Kgs. 23: 32, 37; 24: 9, 19), which would presumably include the failure to adhere to the precepts of Yahwism and a lack of respect for the Temple and its proper ceremonial. Evidence from the prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel also suggests that their fellow-citizens continued in their idolatrous ways undeterred.165 The overall conclusion from DH, then, even allowing for the evident theological bias of the work, is that the lack of effective centralization of worship throughout the pre-exilic period, combined with the monarch's role as both political and religious head of state during the monarchic period, means that it is not possible before the Exile to speak of the high priesthood as it appears in P. Instead, there would have been numerous shrines and many chief priests, of which the shrine and chief priest at Jerusalem would doubtless have become the most prestigious, particularly after the fall of the northern kingdom; but even the Jerusalem chief priest would have been secondary to the monarch, since it was the monarch who fulﬁlled an equivalent role to that of the high priest in P's scheme as the representative of the nation before God. However, there is some similarity between the high priest in P and the chief priest in DH, inasmuch as both are portrayed as cultic ofﬁcials whose duties are conﬁned to the cultic sphere and who appear to have no wider responsibilities. This, then, was the position leading up to the Exile, at which point the old order was rudely shattered. However, before moving on to examine the consequences of exile for Judaean society in general and the high priesthood in particular, it will be illuminating to examine the ﬁgure of Melchizedek.

165

See for example Jer. 7: 1–34 and Ezek. 8: 1–11: 12.

3 Mysterious Melchizedek Melchizedek is one of the most enigmatic ﬁgures in the Judaeo-Christian tradition. He makes only two brief appearances in the Old Testament, in Gen. 14: 18–20 and Ps. 110: 4, but he is the subject of an extensive midrash on high priesthood in Hebrews 5–7, and he also appears in the Qumran scroll IIQMelch as a heavenly judge and deliverer who presides over the ﬁnal judgment.166 Melchizedek's relevance to the present study of the high priesthood is that in his Old Testament appearances he is called both a king and a priest, and could therefore provide a model or a precedent for the high priesthood as a political ofﬁce exercising ruling power as well as bearing religious and cultic responsibility.167 The conjunction of royal and priestly ofﬁce in the same individual is a model found in the Canaanite city-states which preceded the Israelite occupation of the land,168 and is part of the concept of

166

See Geza Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (Harmondsworth: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1997), 500–2. The legend of Melchizedek's miraculous birth and ascension is recounted in 2 (Slavonic) Enoch 71–2.

167

In addition, the ‘-zedek’ element in Melchizedek's name has caused him to be linked with Zadok, who like Melchizedek was an enigmatic priestly ﬁgure of the monarchic period and whose supposed descendants eventually claimed exclusive rights to the high priesthood. See the discussion of Zadok's origins in Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History, and Rowley, ‘Melchizedek and Zadok (Gen. 14 and Ps. 110)’, in W. Baumgartner et al. (eds.), Festschrift für Alfred Bertholet (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1950), 461–72.

168

John Gray, ‘Canaanite Kingship in Theory and Practice’, VT 2 (1952), 193–220, analyses the model of Canaanite kingship given in the Keret and Dan el sagas as compared with the model illustrated by historical texts from Ras Shamra, and concludes that by the time of the historical texts much of the king's authority had devolved on to other professional classes. This includes his priestly authority, of which some was vested in the priestly caste of one of the royal clans, although he still exercised a certain amount of it himself (p. 218). Although Gray's point is that the inﬂuence of Canaanite kingship as the model for the Israelite monarchy was less than is often claimed because it was past its zenith by the time of the Israelite occupation of Canaan, his picture of a Canaanite king with priestly rights who is supported by a class of professional priests accords well with that given in the OT texts of the Israelite monarchs. The comparison can therefore stand, although with the reservations noted about the strength of Canaanite inﬂuence.

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‘sacral kingship’ prevalent in the ancient Near East, whereby the monarch was viewed as the god's supreme representative and even in some cases his embodiment in the midst of the people.169 Although some of the more mythological aspects of sacral kingship are absent from the Israelite concept of monarchy,170 there can be little doubt that the sacral model was the one upon which it was based, and that there was therefore a deﬁnite priestly component to it. There is evidence in the books of Samuel and Kings of monarchs performing priestly functions,171 and the work of scholars such as Mowinckel and Johnson has produced from the psalms evidence of cultic observances and a grand autumnal festival in which the king played a pivotal part by virtue of his special relationship with Yahweh and as the people's representative.172 The question for the present context is how, or indeed whether, this joint king-priest model as epitomized in Melchizedek relates to the high priesthood of later times. The ﬁgure of Melchizedek has generated a good deal of comment among OT scholars. In the words of Fred L. Horton,

169

For a brief overview of the subject, including a bibliography, see Henri Cazelles, ‘Sacral Kingship’, ABD v. 863–6.

170

One of the most important features of the Israelite model is that Israel never saw her kings as Yahweh's embodiment; instead, the monarch was seen as becoming Yahweh's adopted son on the day of his coronation (Ps. 2: 7). For a study of this concept, see Gerald Cooke, ‘The Israelite King as Son of God’, ZAW 73 (1961), 202–25.

171

It seems likely on the basis of the accounts in 2 Sam. 6: 1–19, 1 Kgs. 8: 1–66, and 1 Kgs. 12: 32–13: 1 that the monarch would have functioned in a priestly capacity during the autumnal festival, leading processions and offering sacriﬁces and prayers on behalf of the community. The parallel passages in the books of Chronicles (1 Chr. 15: 1–16: 3; 2 Chr. 5: 2–7: 10) display alterations which ﬁt with the contemporary Levitical priestly ideology, but they still retain the vestiges of the monarch performing priestly functions; however, in later passages in Chronicles (e.g. 2 Chr. 26: 16–20) priestly functions are restricted to priests alone. The Chronicler's presentation of kingship and high priesthood is discussed in detail in Ch. 8 below.

172

The details of the festival, particularly the king's role in it, are much disputed. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship, trans. D. R. Ap-Thomas, 2 vols. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1962), i. 61–2, sees the king as quite naturally being chief priest of the nation, and on this basis he argues that the Davidic monarch would have played a central role in the festal complex surrounding the autumnal New Year celebrations (pp. 128–30), but he does not specify the nature of this role any further. A. R. Johnson, 102–28, 134–6, argues for a more complex and speciﬁc monarchic role in the New Year festival, involving the king's ritual humiliation and eventual restoration; and in similar vein John H. Eaton, Kingship and the Psalms, 2nd edn. (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1986), 172–81, argues for the monarch having a wide-ranging cultic role, including his participation in rites of atonement for the whole nation which would have involved him being ritually humiliated and restored. Others, however, remain sceptical of this kind of reconstruction; see for example J. Day, Psalms, OTG (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1990), 105–6.

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Melchizedek is mentioned only twice in the Old Testament in passages involving extreme difﬁculty in text, language, and date. The difﬁculty in understanding the references to Melchizedek in these passages is further increased by the fact that in both passages primary interest does not focus upon Melchizedek but upon some other ﬁgure . . . . The lack of certainty in the dating of these two passages, which has led to their being assigned variously to dates ranging from pre-Israelite times to the period of the Maccabees, has provided a fertile ground for theorybuilding and speculation.173 Under these circumstances, in order to determine whether or not the Melchizedek model has any relevance for the high priesthood, it will be necessary to decide how Melchizedek's appearance should be interpreted in each of the two OT texts which mention him. This will involve an examination and assessment of the critical issues surrounding the texts, so as to make clear the basis on which the ﬁnal interpretation is being made. Once both texts have been examined individually and interpretations suggested, their signiﬁcance for the high priesthood will be assessed. The reference to Melchizedek in Gen. 14: 18–20 will be examined ﬁrst, inasmuch as it is traditionally understood to be the place where Melchizedek's identity is given, in contrast to Psalm 110 which simply uses the name Melchizedek without any further elaboration. Gen. 14: 18–20 is a reference which in the light of Horton's comment quoted above could well be described as a troublesome reference in a troublesome chapter. It has often been remarked that these three verses stand out from their context as having no integral connection with the verses immediately preceding or following them, actually interrupting the ﬂow of the account of Abram's meeting with the king of Sodom.174 However, that is not the only peculiarity of Genesis 14. Although the chapter is ostensibly about Abram's encounter with and defeat of ﬁve petty kings who had attacked Sodom and other cities and carried off Abram's nephew Lot, Abram himself does not appear until verse 12; also, the style of narration changes between verses 1–11 and

173

Fred L. Horton, Jr, The Melchizedek Tradition, SNTSMS 30 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 12–13.

174

So Driver, The Book of Genesis, 4th edn., Westminster Commentaries (London: Methuen, 1905), 166; Robert Houston Smith, ‘Abram and Melchizedek’, ZAW 77 (1965), 129–53 (p. 130); Emerton, ‘The Riddle of Genesis xiv’, VT 21 (1971), 403–39 (p. 408); Bruce Vawter, On Genesis (London: Cassell and Collier Macmillan Publishers, 1977), 197; Robert Davidson, Genesis 12–50, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 33.

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verses 12–24, from being dry, annalistic recording to being the more lively narration of a folk-tale or an epic adventure,175 thereby giving the impression of a composite piece of writing. In addition, the chapter as a whole does not easily conform to any of the supposed documentary sources of the Pentateuch,176 and the picture of Abram as a reasonably well-off princely character with 318 servants born in his household at his disposal to pursue Lot's captors does not accord with the picture of him elsewhere in the patriarchal narratives (e.g. Genesis 23).177 Equally, his introduction in 14: 13 as Abram (hāʽibrî, ‘the Hebrew’) implies that he was unknown before chapter 14,178 which in the present context is incorrect—he has just appeared in the preceding verse, to say nothing of the earlier narratives in chapters 12 and 13.179 In the light of all these peculiarities, most commentators view Genesis 14 as being composed of several different sources, among which the Melchizedek unit is a source on its own. Westermann is the exponent of one such approach; he sees three distinct sections in the chapter—verses 1–11, 12–17 with 21–4, and 18–20.180 Although the opposite view is taken by Wenham, who argues for the chapter's unity, and particularly the unity of verses 18–20 with their

175

Skinner, Genesis, 2nd edn., ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1930), 255, 256; Emerton, ‘Riddle of Genesis’, 404–7; Claus Westermann, Genesis 12–50, BKAT 1/2 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1977–82), 222 (ET Genesis 12–36: A Commentary, trans. J. S. Scullion (Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg; London: SPCK, 1985), 189).

176

Driver, Genesis, 155; Skinner, Genesis, 256; Cuthbert A. Simpson, ‘Genesis’, in IB i (1952), 437–829 (p. 590); von Rad, Das erste Buch Mose: Genesis, 5. Auﬂage, ATD 2–4 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1958), 147 (ET Genesis, trans. John H. Marks, rev. edn. by John Bowden, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1972; repr. 1979), 175); A. S. Herbert, Genesis 12–50, TBC (London: SCM Press, 1962), 32; E. A. Speiser, Genesis, AB 1 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1964), 105; Westermann, 221 (ET, 188); Davidson, 33. An attempt by M. Astour to align the chapter with Deuteronomic sources has been refuted by Emerton (‘Riddle of Genesis’, 404–6).

177

Skinner, Genesis, 255; Simpson, 590; von Rad, Genesis, 147 (ET, 175); R. H. Smith, 138; Vawter, 185–6; Davidson, 32.

178

Skinner, Genesis, 265; Westermann, 235 (ET, 197).

179

Francis I. Andersen, ‘Genesis 14: An Enigma’, in David P. Wright, David Noel Freedman, and Avi Hurvitz (eds.), Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical, Jewish and Near Eastern Ritual, Law and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1995), 497–508, concludes, ‘The total effect is strange’ (p. 506).

180

Westermann, 223 (ET, 190). See also von Rad, Genesis, 149–50 (ET, 178–9); Speiser, Genesis, 106; Davidson, 33–5. Emerton, ‘Riddle of Genesis’, 427–32, reviews seven different theories about the chapter's composition and eventually comes to the same conclusion that there were three basic sources, although with added detail about minor interpolations and glosses (pp. 437–8); in ‘Some Problems in Genesis xiv’, in J. A. Emerton (ed.), Studies in the Pentateuch, VTSupp 41 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990), 73–102 (pp. 101–2), he defends his analysis of 1971, making only minor modiﬁcations to it which do not affect the present argument.

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immediate context, largely on the basis of structural and verbal reminiscences,181 the attempt does not carry conviction and is severely criticized by Emerton.182 The most satisfactory conclusion is still that the Melchizedek pericope of 14: 18–20 is basically unconnected with its context, and so any attempt at interpretation must take that into account.183 Assuming that 14: 18–20 is an interpolation into its immediate context, then, the next question which presents itself is the purpose of the interpolation. However, in order to answer that question there are two further interlinked questions which need to be resolved ﬁrst, and which are likely to be of relevance for the question of the high priesthood: the question of Melchizedek's identity, and whether Salem ( ) is in fact Jerusalem, as has traditionally been assumed. The questions arise because attempts have been made both to interpret the term ‘Melchizedek’ as something other than the proper name of a king, and to interpret the term ‘Salem’ as referring to somewhere other than Jerusalem, or even as a term meaning ‘in peace’ or ‘allied to’. On the question of Melchizedek's identity, Del Medico ingeniously claims, ‘Neither the author of Gen. 14, nor the author of Ps. 110 was thinking of a king called Melchizedek’,184 arguing instead that the name Melchizedek ‘originates from a misreading of the texts’, and that where it occurs in Gen. 14: 18 ‘it is a question . . . of a descriptive term applied to the king of Sodom’.185 Certainly others have attempted to translate Psalm 110 without recourse to the mysterious ﬁgure of Melchizedek, as will be demonstrated below, but Del Medico is the only one who tries to excise him from Gen. 14: 18. The general consensus is that in Genesis 14 at least Melchizedek is

181

Wenham, Genesis 1–15, WBC 1 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1987), 304–7. Wenham concludes that the chapter is ‘a substantial unity, part of the larger Abram–Lot cycle, with a number of glosses that may be ascribed to a J editor’ (p. 307).

182

Emerton, ‘Some Problems in Genesis xiv’, 80–4.

183

J. Gordon McConville, ‘Abraham and Melchizedek: Horizons in Genesis 14’, in Richard S. Hess, Gordon J. Wenham, and Philip E. Satterthwaite (eds.), He Swore an Oath: Biblical Themes from Genesis 12–50, Tyndale House Studies (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 1994), 93–118, while referring to 14: 18–20 as an ‘interruption’ (pp. 113, 116), argues that ‘the Melchizedek episode has been carefully placed’ (p. 113). However, he relies for this assessment of Gen. 14: 18–20 upon Wenham's arguments noted above, and seems unaware of Emerton's criticism of them.

184

H. E. Del Medico, ‘Melchisédech’, ZAW 69 (1957), 160–70 (p. 160): ‘Ni l'auteur de Gen. 14, ni celui du Ps. 110 n'ont pensé à un roi du nom de Melchisédech’.

185

Ibid. 169: ‘son nom provient de la lecture erronée des textes, . . . il s'agit . . . d'un qualicatif donné au roi de Sodome’.

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a person, speciﬁcally the king of Salem. But where or what is Salem? As already noted, the traditional interpretation is that Salem is another name for, or the same name as, Jerusalem in pre-Davidic times,186 and support for this interpretation is often taken from Ps. 76: 3 (ET 76: 2) where Salem is paralleled with Zion, thereby implying the identiﬁcation of Salem with Jerusalem;187 hence, Melchizedek is the preDavidic, pre-Israelite king of Jerusalem. However, R. H. Smith, building on a suggestion made by Albright that (šlm) should be emended to (šlwmw) and rendered as an adjective meaning ‘allied to him [i.e. Abram]’, uses his own interpretation of the Melchizedek episode as a basis for suggesting that (šlm) as it stands can be interpreted as an adjective meaning ‘submissive under the terms of a covenant’.188 Melchizedek thus appears as a vassal king who covenants with Abram to avoid a military encounter with him. Again, Smith is a lone voice in proposing such an interpretation of the term (šlm), but several others have argued that Salem refers to a location other than Jerusalem, most commonly Shechem, on the basis of an alternative strand of tradition.189 The proposal is supported by an appeal to Gen. 33: 18 which reads (wayyābōʼ yaʽaqōb šālēm ʽîr šekem) and is usually rendered ‘Jacob arrived safely at the city of Shechem’; however, the appearance of the term (šālēm) in the context of a reference to Shechem suggests that it is either another name for Shechem or a town close to Shechem.190 It is also commonly pointed out that the fourteenth-century Amarna texts refer to Jerusalem not as Salem but as Urusalim,191 and elsewhere in the OT the pre-Israelite name for the city appears as Jebus (cf. Judg. 19: 10, 11; 1 Chr. 11: 4, 5). The only other place where

186

This interpretation appears in the Qumran Genesis Apocryphon XXII.13, and is assumed by Josephus (BJ vi. 438; Ant. i. 180–1).

187

Driver, Genesis, 164; Simpson, 596; von Rad, Genesis, 151 (ET, 179); Herbert, 34; Speiser, Genesis, 104; Westermann, 241 (ET, 204); Davidson, 38.

188

R. H. Smith, ‘Abram and Melchizedek’, 141–5.

189

Emerton, ‘The Site of Salem, the City of Melchizedek (Genesis xiv 18)’, in Studies in the Pentateuch, 45–71 (pp. 47–50), gives a review of the traditions associating Salem with Shechem. Recent support for the theory comes from Michael D. Goulder, The Psalms of Asaph and the Pentateuch: Studies in the Psalter, 3, JSOTS 233 (Shefﬁeld: Shefﬁeld Academic Press, 1996), 86–8.

190

John G. Gammie, ‘Loci of the Melchizedek Tradition of Genesis 14: 18–20’, JBL 90 (1971), 385–96 (pp. 390–1).

191

Driver, Genesis, 164; Skinner, Genesis, 268; Gammie, ‘Melchizedek Tradition’, 389; Horton, 39–42; Vawter, 198; Westermann, 241 (ET, 204).

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the name (šālēm) appears is in Ps. 76: 3 (ET 76: 2), as already mentioned, but Horton points out that the parallel drawn there between Judah and Israel could well be intended to contrast the southern and northern kingdoms, thereby being an example of antithetic rather than synonymous parallelism. If that is the case, ‘Zion’ would refer to the major city of Judah and ‘Salem’ to the major city of Israel, rather than Zion and Salem being poetic synonyms.192 Emerton, however, having presented a review of all the arguments mentioned thus far, thinks that the weight of all the evidence still points to the identiﬁcation of Salem as Jerusalem.193 Certainly the Melchizedek reference in Ps. 110: 4 loses its force if Salem in Gen. 14: 18 is not understood as Jerusalem;194 Ps. 110: 2 speaks of the one whose sceptre the Lord will send forth from Zion, implying a setting in Jerusalem, so that to introduce a reference to the king of another city in 110: 4 seems rather incongruous. An intermediate line of argument is pursued by Gammie, who claims that the association of Melchizedek and Jerusalem is secondary, and that the tradition found its way to Jerusalem from Shechem via Shiloh and Nob along with the priesthoods as they migrated from one location to the next;195 but this has no material effect on the interpretation of Gen. 14: 18–20 because, as Vawter observes, whatever the origin of the tradition (and it may well not have been Jerusalem), Salem in the present context undoubtedly refers to Jerusalem.196 Melchizedek should therefore be regarded as a pre-Israelite king of Jerusalem, in accordance with the traditional understanding. A decidedly more mythological interpretation of Melchizedek is offered by Barker, who argues that the Melchizedek ﬁgure in the OT should be interpreted in the light of the Melchizedek

192

Horton, 38 n. 4, 49–50.

193

Emerton, ‘The Site of Salem’, 69–70. Von Rad, Genesis, is of the opinion ‘daß der volle Name der Stadt absichtlich vermieden wurde, weil er zu stark mit den speziﬁschen Glaubensvorstellungen der späteren Zeit verbunden war. Auch Salem ist also ein künstlicher Name’ (p. 151) (ET, 179: ‘that the full name of the city was intentionally avoided because it was too closely associated with the speciﬁc ideas of faith of a later period. Salem too therefore is an artiﬁcial name.’).

194

A. Dillmann, Die Genesis, 5. Auﬂage, KHAT 11 (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1886), 239 (ET Genesis, trans. W. B. Stevenson, 2 vols. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1897), ii. 49); Skinner, Genesis, 268; von Rad, Genesis, 151 (ET, 179); M. Delcor, ‘Melchizedek from Genesis to the Qumran Texts and the Epistle to the Hebrews’, JSJ 2 (1971), 115–35 (p. 117).

195

Gammie, ‘Loci of the Melchizedek Tradition’, 385–96.

196

Vawter, 197, 198.

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of IIQMelch, inasmuch as the Qumran text reﬂects a complex of ideas originating in the mythology of Jerusalem's ancient royal cult; hence, the writer of Gen. 14: 18–20 may have known Melchizedek as a powerful heavenly redeemer like the Melchizedek of IIQMelch, which was why tribute was due to him from Abram.197 This is in complete contrast to the analysis of the relationship between the canonical and the Qumran Melchizedek ﬁgures offered six years previously by Kobelski, who argues, ‘There is no reason to suspect that Melchizedek was thought to be an angel in the tradition of Gen. 14: 18–20; however, there are several elements in the passage in Genesis that may have suggested to the author of IIQMelch that Abram's meeting with Melchizedek was an encounter with an angel.’198 More recently, however, Cockerill has argued on the basis of differences between the portrayal of Melchizedek in IIQMelch and in the OT texts that the writer of the Qumran scroll did not intend to identify the angelic ﬁgure it portrays with the ‘canonical’ Melchizedek, but was using the designation ‘Melchizedek’ in its literal sense as ‘King of Righteousness’ rather than as a proper name.199 On this interpretation there is no intrinsic link between the Qumran and OT texts, and hence no possibility of the OT Melchizedek appearing as an angelic ﬁgure. Of course, all these interpretations are to a greater or lesser extent speculative, and can only be judged on intrinsic probability rather than certainty, but it seems that there are two pitfalls which would make any given interpretation less likely: that of trying to explain the signiﬁcance of Melchizedek (wherever he appears) entirely in terms of the surviving references, since they are so few and undeniably obscure, and that of complete dissociation of the surviving references, given that they all appear within different branches of the same general faith-community. The second of these is particularly pertinent for Cockerill's interpretation, since IIQMelch shows great familiarity with and indeed quotes from several portions of the Old Testament. Under these circumstances, it is difﬁcult to believe that even if the OT Melchizedek references were as some have argued quite late,

197

Margaret Barker, The Older Testament (London: SPCK, 1987), 255, 257.

198

Paul J. Kobelski, Melchizedek and Melchiresša, CBQ Monograph Series 10 (Washington, DC: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1981), 52.

199

Gareth Lee Cockerill, ‘Melchizedek or “King of Righteousness’ ”, EQ 63 (1991), 305–12 (pp. 311–12).

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dating from the post-exilic era, the Qumran writer would have been unaware of them; hence, to suggest that he would have intended or would even have been able in the context of a scriptural exposition to use the designation ‘Melchizedek’ without recalling in some way its biblical associations seems rather naïve. Additionally, the apparent differences between the Qumran and the canonical Melchizedek may be due as much to the lack of surviving information about the canonical ﬁgure as to any deliberate distinction being drawn between them by the Qumran writer, so that Cockerill's argument for dissociating the two ﬁgures is not very convincing. It seems more likely that the earlier tradition (that is, the pre-Qumran Melchizedek tradition) would have been taken up and reinterpreted by the later writer; on this assumption it is possible to account for the differences between the two whilst maintaining some sort of continuity between them. It should not, however, automatically be assumed that the links are close enough to allow a unique and direct track from one to the other, so that it is possible to read back an interpretation of Melchizedek from Qumran to Genesis as Barker does; the fact that there are differences between the two ﬁgures implies that the tradition as a whole was much broader than the surviving material, and what has been preserved could well be several different reﬂexes of a tradition whose ultimate basis no longer exists. Hence, it seems safest to say that there are links between the canonical and the Qumran Melchizedeks, but the differences between them are a warning not to make the links too exclusive; hence, the presence of an angelic Melchizedek in IIQMelch is not of itself a reason to postulate an angelic Melchizedek in Gen. 14: 18–20. On the basis, then, that Gen. 14: 18–20 is an interpolation involving a pre-Israelite priest-king of Jerusalem, the question of its purpose can now be examined. Given its lack of real connection with its immediate context, it is most probably an aetiological insertion of some kind, and this in turn raises the question of what it is attempting to explain. Van Seters argues that the Second Temple priesthood used the Melchizedek pericope as a legitimation of their own claims to royal prerogative at the start of the Hellenistic period when the political situation eventually allowed such claims to become explicit, and as a result he dates the interpolation at the end of the fourth century BCE.200 However, this is

200

John Van Seters, Abraham in History and Tradition (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1975), 308. A similar line is taken by Michael C. Astour, ‘Melchizedek’, in ABD iv. 684–6, who claims that the pericope ‘reﬂects and legitimizes the aspirations of the high priests of Jerusalem, who in the Persian period strove to be on a par with the secular governors of Judea, proclaimed the ideal of theocracy in the Priestly Code, and ﬁnally achieved secular power in the Hellenistic age’ (p. 684). Barker, The Older Testament, also dates the pericope in its present form to the post-exilic period; however, her view is that Melchizedek represents an indigenous rather than a Canaanite element, and that the whole pericope concerns the clash of the ancient traditions as represented by Melchizedek with the more recent post-exilic innovations as represented by Abraham (p. 253).

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unconvincing on two counts: if the ﬁgure of Melchizedek does originate from a Canaanite era and milieu and was known to do so it is difﬁcult to accept that the Second Temple priesthood would employ such a model for their own legitimation when they were so concerned with purity and separation from their surroundings.201 If on the other hand Melchizedek was not well-known as a Canaanite priest-king it is difﬁcult to see exactly what impact he would have had on the populace at large when used as a legitimating ﬁgure for contemporary equivalents. More credible is the thought of those who see certainly an ancient tradition at the heart of the pericope,202 and probably its early monarchic formulation in the present text.203 An aetiological interpolation needs to come at a time and into a milieu in which the references are comprehensible and relevant, and the time when the Melchizedek portrayed in Gen. 14: 18–20 would be most relevant is the early pre-exilic period when Israel's relationship with indigenous elements of the population was still a matter of concern. Given that Melchizedek is king of Jerusalem, the speciﬁc locus of that concern would probably be Jerusalem soon after David's conquest of the Jebusite city; hence, it would seem to be a matter of promoting conciliation

201

Skinner, Genesis, 269–70; Emerton, ‘Riddle of Genesis’, 419; Gammie, ‘Melchizedek Tradition’, 386.

202

Dillmann, 232 (ET ii. 35); Skinner, Genesis, 270; Herbert, 34–5; R. H. Smith, 131; Delcor, ‘Melchizedek’, 119; Davidson, 34, 35. Loren R. Fisher, ‘Abraham and his PriestKing’, JBL 81 (1962), 264–70, claims that ‘the Genesis tradition represents an historical milieu’ (p. 269), and suggests that ‘the encounter between Malkisedeq and Abraham could have taken place during the period of Hittite interpenetration (14th and 13th centuries)’ (p. 270). However, although the setting of the episode may well be historically credible, it should not necesssarily be taken to indicate the historicity of the events themselves; aetiology is by no means tied to historicity, and indeed may well function more effectively without it. In the present instance the pericope fulﬁls its aetiological function regardless of whether Melchizedek was an historical personage and his meeting with Abram actually occurred; the important factor is whether or not the Melchizedek tradition had any signiﬁcance for its intended audience.

203

Rowley, ‘Melchizedek and Zadok’, 466; Westermann, 245–6 (ET, 207); Emerton, ‘Some Problems in Genesis xiv’, 101.

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between the two elements of the population, since there had supposedly been friendly relations between them at some time in the past as represented by the ﬁgures of Abram and Melchizedek.204 On this understanding, then, the use of Melchizedek in Gen. 14: 18–20 has no direct signiﬁcance for either royal or priestly models of leadership in the Israelite community, but is rather a means of encouraging peaceful cohabitation and co-operation between two ethnic groups who have found themselves thrust together as conquerors and conquered in the same city. Hence, the next step is to determine whether Melchizedek's appearance in Ps. 110: 4 has any more signiﬁcance than the Genesis pericope for the high priest-hood. Psalm 110 has proved to be just as difﬁcult to interpret as Genesis 14, largely because of textual corruption in its verses 3, 6, and 7. However, from verses 1 and 2 the psalm appears to be addressed to a ruler of some kind in Jerusalem, and the reference to a sceptre in verse 2 implies that the ruler had royal status and power. Hence, the question is how the promise of eternal priesthood in verse 4 with its reference to Melchizedek relates to the opening glimpse of an aggressive, militaristic ruler in Zion. Fortunately there is no textual corruption in verse 4, so that the obscurity of the reference is not compounded by uncertainties over the exact consonantal reading. In order to interpret the psalm, exegetes have tried to identify a ruler in Jerusalem in whom the joint prerogatives of kingship and priesthood were vested, an attempt which has given rise to a range of ideas and a corresponding range of proposed datings for its original context. There are three basic options for the psalm's dating: Maccabean, post-exilic, or monarchic, and for all of these it has been argued that a joint priest-king ﬁgure could be identiﬁed. The options will now be

204

J. W. Bowker, ‘Psalm cx’, VT 17 (1967), 31–41 (pp. 39–41); Emerton, ‘Riddle of Genesis’, 421–5; John C. McCullough, ‘Melchizedek's Varied Role in Early Exegetical Tradition’, NETR 1.2 (1978), 52–66 (pp. 53–4). Emerton in particular gives a very thorough and convincing presentation of this point of view. Other explanations for the purpose of the aetiology include the legitimation of the tithe paid to the Jerusalem Temple, whether pre-exilic (Skinner, Genesis, 269; Westermann, 244 (ET, 206)) or postexilic (Delcor, ‘Melchizedek’, 120); bolstering the royal claims of the Davidides and justifying their priestly function against those who might try and make Abrahamic descent a rival and more important claim for authority (Davidson, 34); and legitimizing the continuing priesthood of Zadok the Jebusite in the newly captured Jerusalem (Rowley, ‘Melchizedek and Zadok’, 470—see below for discussion of this idea).

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examined in turn to see which is the most likely milieu for the appearance of the priest-king in the name of Melchizedek. As noted above, the latest proposed dating for the psalm is the Maccabean period. However, although Duhm was convinced that the opening letters of verses 1–4 formed the acrostic ‘Simon’, and therefore dated the psalm accordingly as a hymn about the Hasmonean priest-king,205 such a late date ﬁnds very little scholarly favour these days.206 The most telling piece of evidence against it is the fact that the whole psalm is phrased as a prophetic oracle, even beginning with the words (neʼum yhwh), a phrase meaning ‘oracle of Yahweh’ which is found in the historical and prophetic books but nowhere else in the Psalter. Given that prophecy is generally supposed to have ceased by the Hasmonean era, and that Simon's own appointment was ‘until a faithful prophet should arise’ (ἕως του̑ ἀναστη̑ναι προφήτην πιστόν, heōs tou anastēnai prophētēn piston—1 Macc. 14: 41), it is most unlikely that a psalm addressed to him or about him would begin with such an overtly prophetic form of expression which is unusual to the point of nonexistence in the rest of the Psalter.207

205

Bernhardt Duhm, Die Psalmen, KHCAT 14 (Freiburg, Leipzig and Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1899), 254–5. English commentators who followed Duhm at the beginning of this century include W. Cobb, The Book of Psalms (London: Methuen, 1905), 317–18; T. Witton Davies, The Psalms, II, Century Bible (Edinburgh: T. C. & E. C. Jack, 1906), 223, 225; and R. H. Charles, ‘The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs: Introduction’, in R. H. Charles (ed.), Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, II: Pseudepigrapha (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913), 282–95 (p. 282).

206

An exposition of the Maccabean acrostic and dating theory for Psalm 110 is presented by Marco Treves, ‘Two Acrostic Psalms’, VT 15 (1965), 81–90 (pp. 85–90). Treves regards both Psalms 2 and 110 as containing Hasmonean acrostics and lists a number of other scholars who accept the acrostic ‘Simon is terrible’ for Psalm 110 (p. 86 n. 2). However, Bowker points out some of the difﬁculties with the ‘Simon’ acrostic, not the least of which are that it requires the ﬁrst line of the psalm to be omitted and does not lend itself to any credible metre for the psalm ‘without drastic emendation’ (p. 31). Treves has repeated his views more recently in The Dates of the Psalms: History and Poetry in Ancient Israel (Pisa: Giardini Editori e Stampatori, 1988); however, an even more recent adherent of the theory is Astour, who cites the supposed acrostic along with ‘the warlike atmosphere of the psalm’ as evidence for the psalm's Maccabean origin (Astour, ‘Melchizedek’, 685). An early protest against the idea of Maccabean psalms in general is made by Moses Buttenwieser, ‘Are There Any Maccabaean Psalms?’, JBL 36 (1917), 225–48, who argues that the standard of Hebrew in the supposedly Maccabean psalms is inconsistent with a dating for them at a time when Hebrew had died out as a spoken language. Buttenwieser's argument also excludes the possibility of archaising, which might be appealed to in support of a late dating.

207

Hermann Gunkel, ‘Psalmen’, in Hermann Gunkel and Leopold Zscharnack (eds.). Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd edn., 5 vols. (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1927–31), iv (1930), cols. 1609–27 (col. 1619) (ET The Psalms, trans. Thomas M. Horner, Facet Books Biblical Series 19 (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1967; repr. 1989), 23); E. R. Hardy, Jr, ‘The Date of Psalm 110’, JBL 64 (1945), 385–90 (p. 386); A. Caquot, ‘Remarques sur le Psaume cx’, Semitica, 6 (1956), 33–52 (p. 50). Hardy also discounts the possibility that the phrase was used as a literary device and could therefore be later than might at ﬁrst appear, on the grounds that the style of the psalm ‘is marked by rugged vigor rather than by sophisticated literary artiﬁce’ (p. 386).

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An attempt to date Psalm 110 in the Maccabean period without reference to the supposed acrostic has been made by Gerleman.208 He argues that the whole psalm is put in David's mouth, and that instead of being a royal psalm it is to be understood as a rather cryptic summary of important events in the tribal history of Judah which resulted in the tribe's pre-eminence. Although the psalm follows the rather ﬂorid and allusive style of other ancient poetic accounts of the tribe such as Gen. 49: 8–12 and Deut. 33: 7, Gerleman argues that its dating is late, because the allusion to Melchizedek and his priesthood only makes sense in the context of a high priest who is also head of the nation. The Melchizedek allusion can also be linked to the rabbinic tradition which identiﬁes Melchizedek with Noah's son Shem and makes Tamar his daughter, thereby associating Melchizedek with the tribe of Judah. From this Gerleman concludes that the psalm is a composition of the Maccabean era, intended to legitimate the position of the ruling Hasmonean high priesthood, although he does not link it with a speciﬁc individual.209 Gerleman's exegesis is certainly ingenious, and indeed there is evidence to support the idea that the Hasmoneans used the psalm in some way to legitimate their position. However, there are a number of difﬁculties with the overall proposal. First, Maccabean or Hasmonean use of the psalm is not the same as a Maccabean date of composition, and cannot be used as evidence for such a date. Secondly, although Gerleman supposedly rejects the traditional interpretation of the psalm as a royal psalm, a psalm about the tribe of Judah and its ruling prerogative is effectively a royal psalm by another name. Admittedly a psalm about Judah is concerned with the whole tribe, whereas a royal psalm is addressed to an individual member of the tribe (namely the monarch), but both have in view the legitimation of rule by members of the same

208

Gillis Gerleman, ‘Psalm cx’, VT 31 (1981), 1–19.

209

Ibid. 19: ‘Wir müssen uns damit begnügen, den Psalm als Erzeugnis der makkabäischen Epoche anzusehen.’ (‘We must content ourselves with viewing the psalm as a product of the Maccabean era.’)

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group. Thirdly, and most importantly, whether the psalm is a royal psalm as traditionally understood or a poetic celebration of the tribe of Judah, its effect is to legitimize members of the tribe of Judah in their exercise of leadership. But the Hasmoneans were not members of the tribe of Judah; they were Aaronide priests, and so were presumably regarded as members of the tribe of Levi. This makes it very difﬁcult to see why someone would compose what is on Gerleman's reading such an obscurely allusive piece of writing about a tribe with which the Hasmoneans were unconnected in order to legitimize Hasmonean leadership. The Hasmoneans' own use of the psalm apparently consisted of an appropriation of the Melchizedek priesthood, in order to validate their own rise to high priesthood without being of high priestly lineage;210 however, this is not the same as using the psalm to validate their position of political leadership. Indeed, the only way in which Gerleman can link the Maccabees to the psalm in terms of their political aspirations is by drawing an analogy between their rise and that of the Judahites as supposedly portrayed in the psalm, an analogy so minimalist that its validity is in doubt. On Gerleman's reading, the only points of contact between the Maccabees and Judah is that both groups rise from a quiet existence in the south of the country via warlike exploits to a position of power and leadership, and Melchizedek is supposedly a covert reference to Mattathias, the founding father of the Maccabees.211 Gerleman does not explain why, according to his interpretation, two of the psalm's seven verses, roughly a quarter of the whole composition, are taken up with allusions to Judah's illicit union with his daughter-in-law Tamar and its results, when this is completely irrelevant to the Maccabees and provides no analogy whatever for their circumstances. Assuming, too, that Gerleman's reading of Psalm 110 is correct, even if the psalm were used in the rather obscurely analogical fashion which he proposes, this would surely indicate that it was a preexisting source which had been appropriated with less

210

See A. J. B. Higgins, ‘Priest and Messiah’, VT 3 (1953), 321–36 (p. 325); Jakob J. Petuchowski, ‘The Controversial Figure of Melchizedek’, HUCA 28 (1957), 127–36 (pp. 131–4); Day, God's Conﬂict with the Dragon and the Sea (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 131 n. 154. This usage is entirely consonant with the understanding of Psalm 110 as a royal psalm intended to validate the king's priestly prerogatives even though he was not of priestly lineage, an interpretation which will be discussed below. For a full discussion of the Maccabees and Hasmoneans, see Chs. 11 and 12 below.

211

Gerleman, 19.

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than complete success for a new situation, rather than being a purposeful composition intended to provide recognizable validation for a contemporary state of affairs. Like the arguments of the ‘acrostic school’, therefore, Gerleman's arguments for a late dating of Psalm 110 are ultimately unconvincing. Other dates earlier in the post-exilic period have also been suggested. Tournay, for example, uses supposed linguistic reminiscences between Psalm 110 and Chronicles and Qoheleth to place the psalm at around the end of the Persian period and the beginning of the Hellenistic period,212 arguing that it is a composition of the Jerusalem high priesthood: ‘There is doubtless there an echo of the claims of the ruling priesthood.’213 However, as with Van Seters's attempt to date the Melchizedek pericope of Gen. 14: 18–20 to the fourth century BCE, the use of a Canaanite prototype seems inappropriate to the period; as Kraus remarks, the later the date the more unlikely it is that reference should be made to a pre-Israelite ﬁgure.214 Hence, the very presence of Melchizedek the Canaanite priest-king militates against such a late dating for Psalm 110. In addition, the later the psalm is dated, the more difﬁcult it becomes to account for the extremely poor condition of the text, whereas an earlier dating allows more scope for textual misunderstanding and corruption to have occurred over a longer period of transmission.215 A date in the late sixth century BCE is posited by Schreiner, who sees in the psalm the induction of Joshua son of Jehozadak to the high priesthood. Schreiner suggests that the psalm is the reworking of an older text following Zerubbabel's disappearance, to provide legitimation for a new kind of ofﬁce whereby religious and secular power became concentrated in the hands of the high priest Joshua as the head of the community, and he links the psalm with the notoriously controversial vision of the crowns in Zech. 6: 9–15,

212

Tournay, 5, 8–9, 19, 29. One of the examples of late usage which Tournay cites is the phrase , (ʼal-dibrātî ), because its nearest parallels in the canon are in Job and Ecclesiastes. However, as will be discussed below, the form (dibrātî ) is the survival of an old genitive and is therefore early rather than late linguistically speaking.

213

Ibid. 38: ‘Il y a là sans doute un écho des prétentions du souverain sacerdoce.’

214

Hans-Joachim Kraus, Psalmen, II, 3. Auﬂage, BKAT XV/2 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1966), 756 (ET Psalms 60–150: A Commentary, trans. Hilton C. Oswald (Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg, 1989), 347).

215

Hardy, 386–7. Horton, 24, 26, notes that the LXX translates the same consonantal text as is given by the MT, so that the Hebrew was probably already corrupt by the time of the Greek translation.

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maintaining that Zech. 6: 11, 13 illustrates the transfer of kingly rights and insignia to the high priest.216 It is certainly true that Joshua is called son of Jehozadak, and the ‘-zadak’ element in his patronym could be taken to be of the same family as Zadok and Melchi-zedek, which would account for the mention of Melchizedek in the psalm and the emphasis on the priestly ofﬁce. However, Zech. 6: 13 goes on to speak of the priest who will be alongside what is in Schreiner's view Joshua's throne, and of peaceful understanding between them both; this implies that priest and ruler are two separate ofﬁces, as there is no obvious reason why a ruling priest would need another priest by his throne. Zech. 6: 13 also implies some sort of past conﬂict between the enthroned and the priestly parties, giving the impression that they represented two different sections of the community.217 Under these circumstances it seems unlikely that the psalm would ﬁt Schreiner's proposed context. In addition, the remarks made above about the ideology and textual corruption of the psalm being incompatible with a later date also apply to Schreiner's interpretation. It is noteworthy that all these attempts to date Psalm 110 in the post-exilic period start from the assumption that either the high priest's power in the community had increased signiﬁcantly from its pre-exilic level, or that the high priests were attempting to establish a broader power base. The failure of these interpretations is not in itself evidence against the high priesthood as a political power in the post-exilic period, but it certainly amounts to a reduction of the evidence which can be cited in support of such assertions. The third and remaining option for the date of the psalm, then, is sometime in the monarchic period. Gunkel classiﬁed the psalm as a royal psalm, speciﬁcally a coronation psalm,218 and this still seems to be a popular interpretation, although there are various opinions as to the precise nature of the enthronement depicted. Kissane, for example, argued that the psalm describes

216

Stefan Schreiner, ‘Psalm cx und die Investitur des Hohenpriesters’, VT 27 (1977), 216–22. Goulder follows a similar line (p. 88).

217

Barker, ‘The Two Figures in Zechariah’, HeyJ 18 (1977), 38–46 (pp. 43–5), links the crowning of Joshua in Zech. 6: 9–15 with his cleansing in Zech. 3: 1–10 and the ‘sons of oil’ in Zech. 4: 14 to argue that Joshua as leader of the southern priesthood was the enthroned ﬁgure and that the party with whom he should live in peace was the northern priesthood. For discussion of this idea, see Ch. 5 below on Haggai and Zechariah.

218

Gunkel, ‘Psalmen’, cols. 1619, 1620 (ET, 23, 24).

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the inauguration of the Messianic reign rather than that of the earthly Davidic king.219 However, it is doubtful whether there was a messianic hope before the end of the monarchy, whereas arguments have been put forward for Psalm 110 having a Canaanite background, which implies that it is of ancient origin.220 Further, Higgins points out that it is almost unheard of for kingship and priesthood to be vested in the same person in Jewish eschatological thinking,221 whereas the psalm shows precisely that the king (verse 2) and the priest (verse 4) are one. Kissane's interpretation is therefore unlikely on the grounds of both dating and ideology. Hardy favours a date in the early monarchy on the grounds that priest-kingship implies a less-than-developed formal separate priesthood, and he interprets the Melchizedek reference as legitimating the amalgamation of Jerusalem's Jebusite and Israelite populations under an Israelite monarch by making the monarch the divinely appointed successor to the Jebusite priest-king.222 Several other commentators also favour an approach which sees the psalm as legitimation or celebration of David's take-over of the Jebusite kingship,223 and this type of interpretation is certainly consistent with the evidence of the psalm's Canaanite background and ancient text, together with the royal, priestly, and prophetic characteristics in its content. It is also consistent with the overall picture of monarchy in the Psalms, where as noted above there is far more emphasis on the sacral aspects of kingship than there is in the Deuteronomist.224

219

E. J. Kissane, ‘The Interpretation of Psalm 110’, Irish Theological Quarterly, 21 (1954), 103–14.

220

Helen Genevieve Jefferson, ‘Is Psalm 110 Canaanite?’, JBL 73 (1954), 152–6.

221

Higgins, 321, 325, 333. Higgins also claims that ‘even when the psalm [110] was understood to refer to the Messiah, Melchizedek was regarded as a priestly ﬁgure other than the Messiah himself ’ (p. 326).

222

Hardy, 387, 389–90.

223

Caquot, ‘Remarques’, 50–2; Kraus, 755, 756, 761 (ET, 347, 351); Artur Weiser, Die Psalmen, II: Psalm 61–150, 7. Auﬂage, ATD 15 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966), 478; Eaton, Psalms, TBC (London: SCM Press, 1967), 261, 262; J. W. Rogerson and J. W. McKay, Psalms 101–150, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 66, 68; Leslie C. Allen, Psalms 101–150, WBC 21 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1983), 85; Th. Booij, ‘Psalm cx: “Rule in the Midst of your Foes!’ ”, VT 41 (1991), 396–407 (p. 406).

224

For comments on the Deuteronomistic view of kingship, see Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History. In a highly sacral interpretation of Psalm 110, Barker, The Older Testament, 255–60, argues for a correlation between the role of the ancient kings of Jerusalem and the Melchizedek ﬁgure in IIQMelch, so that the Melchizedek priesthood referred to in Ps. 110: 4 was part of the old royal cult and ‘Melchizedek was one aspect of the role of the king in his embodiment of the Spirit of Yahweh’ (p. 257). Very probably, being ‘priest after the order of Melchizedek’ was an aspect of the royal role which arose from the king's status as adopted son of the deity, but to regard the king as embodying the Spirit of Yahweh seems to go beyond the available evidence for sacral kingship in Israel.

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There have also been a number of more unorthodox suggestions regarding the psalm's setting, which have had a corresponding effect upon Melchizedek's role in it. Gammie proposes that the psalm was a prophetic liturgy appointed to be used after the Autumnal Festival when there was a delay in the rains, and its recital would perhaps have involved the king carrying out symbolic acts of pot-shattering to resemble the sound of the thunderstorms which when they came were seen as Yahweh visibly exercising righteous judgement on his enemies as well as vindicating his king.225 In this setting Gammie sees no room for Melchizedek; his rendering of verse 4 is Thou art a priest for ever Because I have spoken righteously, my king.226 In Gammie's eyes, therefore, the verse is to be interpreted as a prophetic assurance that the king's ritual actions are acceptable to Yahweh and that his priestly status remains untainted in the eyes of the Almighty. The interpretation is certainly ingenious, and if correct would render the whole Melchizedek debate in relation to Psalm 110 invalid. However, it suffers from two weaknesses. The ﬁrst is that there is no obvious reason why Gammie's translation of verse 4 should be preferred to the traditional rendering. Gammie claims that ‘parallelism suggests that our rendering is more correct than the usual rendering’, and then gives examples of other royal psalms where the king is addressed directly and where Yahweh swears by an aspect of himself.227 However, there is no internal parallelism in the structure of Psalm 110 to suggest that this type of rendering is preferable to the traditional one, and internal structural criteria are just as important as external ones when trying to ascertain alternative readings. Nor is the excision of Melchizedek vital to Gammie's interpretation of the psalm's context; his suggested scenario would stand just as well with the traditional rendering as with his alternative, so that there is neither a structural nor an interpretative incentive to remove Melchizedek.

225

Gammie, ‘A New Setting for Psalm 110’, Anglican Theological Review, 51 (1969), 4–17.

226

Ibid. 13.

227

Ibid. 13 n. 27.

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The second weakness of Gammie's proposal is that he interprets the element (ṣedeq) in the phrase (malkî-ṣedeq) as an adverb, an interpretation for which he claims support from supposedly similar usages in Deut. 1: 16, Jer. 11: 20, and Prov 31: 9.228 However, not only are all three of these supporting examples probably much later than Psalm 110, especially if the psalm is dated to the early monarchic period with possible Canaanite elements, but they also appear to be examples of a speciﬁc idiom, (šāpat̄ ṣedeq), in which (ṣedeq) appears as an adverbial accusative immediately following the verb (šāpat̄); the phrase as a whole apparently means ‘judge righteously’. In Ps. 110: 4, however, not only is the verb (šāpat̄) absent (Gammie's proposal involves regarding (dbrty) as the ﬁrst person singular of (dibbēr, ‘he said’), which is therefore the verb to which the adverbial accusative would relate), but the supposed qualifying adverb (ṣedeq) is clearly separated from its verb by the element (malkî). This cannot be explained as poetic licence, because both Jer. 11: 20 and Prov 31: 9 are poetry, and yet the phrase (šāpat̄ ṣedeq) appears there in the same form as it does in the prose of Deut. 1: 16, that is, with the adverbial element immediately following the verb.229 Gammie's attempt to cite these references as grammatical parallels to Ps. 110: 4 is therefore ill-founded, which means that his attempt to remove Melchizedek from Psalm 110 must be deemed invalid not only on structural and interpretative grounds but also on grammatical grounds. Two other scholars whose interpretations have resulted in Melchizedek being excised from the psalm are Del Medico and Dahood. Basing himself on an Akkadian parallel, Del Medico interprets the psalm as a pre-battle liturgy, addressed to the king standing ready with his armies and spoken by a priest who carries out ritual acts to ensure victory before urging the king forward with the words, ‘You are the priest-king of all creation; attack, I have commanded it, make justice prevail!’230 The approach is certainly inventive, but the translation prêtre-roi, ‘priest-king’, for (kōhēn, ‘priest’) begs too many questions for it to be tenable. If

228

Gammie, ‘A New Setting for Psalm 110’, 13 n. 27.

229

BDB gives no instances of the adverbial use of

230

Del Medico, 169: ‘C'est toi le prêtre-roi pour l'univers; attaque, ai-je ordonné, fais régner la justice!’

with

See the entry for

on p. 841.

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the king himself is a priest there would be no need for another priest at his side to perform the liturgy on his behalf; also, it would make more sense for the king's warrior qualities to be invoked at the start of a battle, rather than his priestly ones. Finally, the idea of a priest-king here seems to come from the Melchizedek ideology lurking at the back of Del Medico's mind, even if he does deny it, given that the Hebrew text of Ps. 110: 4 speaks only of a priest, not a priest-king. Dahood for his part takes the psalm as a tenth-century royal psalm, probably composed to celebrate a military victory, and translates verse 4 together with what is usually taken as the ﬁrst line of verse 5: Yahweh has sworn and will not change his mind; You are a priest of the Eternal according to his pact; His legitimate king, my lord, according to your right hand.231 Dahood claims that the traditional rendering creates insoluble problems of interpretation which are presumably eliminated by his suggested approach, but neither the problem nor the solution are particularly convincing. Simply because there is difﬁculty in understanding the signiﬁcance of the Melchizedek reference is no reason to translate it away in a fashion which is scarcely less opaque than the original. The most widely favoured interpretation, then, seems to be that the psalm belongs to the monarchic era, probably as part of a ceremony of installation for the monarch, perhaps even originally for David, and that in this context at least the reference to Melchizedek should be understood to have relevance as a personal name rather than as an adjectival phrase or anything else. This interpretation accounts most readily for the psalm's characteristics as a whole, and it also has the advantage of allowing the psalm to be related to the accounts of the monarchy's emergence and consolidation which have survived in 1 and 2 Samuel. Evans highlights some of the tensions which seem to have existed at the start of the monarchy, including the inevitable mixed feelings always

231

Mitchell Dahood, Psalms 101–150, AB 17A (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1970), 112. Commentary on the text and translation of verses 4–5 is on pp. 116–18.

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engendered by a radical break with foregoing tradition, and suggests that Saul in particular suffered from his role as king being misunderstood or poorly deﬁned.232 Under those circumstances, part of David's genius would have been in clarifying the monarch's role, particularly in the area of religious observance which seems to have been so problematic for Saul (1 Sam. 13: 8–14; 14: 31–5; 15: 10–23). It is not hard to imagine that when David conquered Jerusalem, Melchizedek the priest-king would have been a ﬁgure familiar to Jebusite culture on whom David could have drawn as a model for his own kingship; the reference to Melchizedek in Ps. 110: 4 would then be a result of the desire (and the necessity) during the early monarchy to clarify the monarch's position by giving him prophetic approval for the priestly as well as the ‘kingly’ aspects of his role.233 However, Melchizedek's value as a model or precedent would have been limited to the period during which the Israelite monarchy was establishing itself. Once the monarchic role was ﬁrmly established there would be no further need for an appeal to an outside ﬁgure, and this would explain why Melchizedek does not recur elsewhere in the OT. This also suggests a more accurate way of interpreting the phrase (ʽal-dibrātî malkî-ṣedeq), a phrase which is inaccurately rendered by the LXX κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μɛλχισɛδɛκ (kata tēn taxin Melchisedek, ‘according to the order of Melchizedek’). The English translations have generally perpetuated the error by translating the Greek rendering rather than the Hebrew, although that is understandable because the form (ʽal-dibrātî) does not occur elsewhere. According to BDB, (ʽal-dibrat) is found three times in Ecclesiastes with the meaning ‘because of, for the sake of ’, and Job 5: 8 has (dibrātî) in the sense of ‘my cause, my suit’; but (ʽaldibrātî malkî-ṣedeq) is then rendered ‘after the order, or manner, of Melchizedek’, which does not seem consistent with the other renderings.234 However, if (ʽal-dibrātî) is taken as the survival of an old construct form in accordance with GK §90 (l), so that (ʽal-dibrātî

232

William Evans, ‘An Historical Reconstruction of the Emergence of Israelite Kingship and the Reign of Saul’, in W. Hallo, J. Moyer, and L. Perdue (eds.), Scripture in Context II—More Essays on the Comparative Method (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1983), 61–77 (pp. 65–70).

233

Rowley, ‘Melchizedek and Zadok’, 469, 470, suggests that the psalm was composed speciﬁcally for the occasion of David's inauguration as master of Jerusalem.

234

BDB, 184 col. a.

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malkî-ṣedeq) can be rendered ‘because of ’ or ‘for the sake of ’ or ‘on account of Melchizedek’,235 it gives the sense that David or the Davidic monarch was not simply the successor to Melchizedek inasmuch as he was the next person to hold supreme ofﬁce in Jerusalem, but rather the style of Melchizedek's kingship determined the style of his own—he too would be a priest-king, because the model on which the monarchy was built was Melchizedek the priest-king, and therefore he was priest because he was king. The emphasis is therefore subtly shifted from one of continuity between pre-Israelite and Israelite to one of discontinuity despite the incontrovertible fact of assimilation and borrowing from Jebusite culture and cultus. In view of all this, it seems beyond reasonable doubt that (malkî-ṣedeq) in both Gen. 14: 18 and Ps. 110: 4 is a proper name; aside from the points just discussed it is so much more difﬁcult to account for the explosion of eschatological speculation surrounding a ﬁgure by the name of Melchizedek, if Melchizedek was not understood to be a personal ﬁgure of some sort.236 Del Medico's proposal that the same phrase (malkî-ṣedeq) is used with a completely different meaning in each case, neither of which is a personal name, is unacceptable; indeed, the only way in which he can support his thesis is by emending the MT of Gen. 14: 18 on the basis of the Targum of Jonathan, so that he is dealing with two different readings rather than the same one in each case.237 Melchizedek in both instances is a personal ﬁgure, and from the foregoing discussion it is reasonable to understand him as the same ﬁgure in each case, namely king of Jerusalem. However, this is no ground for the interpretation offered by Rowley, who makes precisely the opposite mistake from Del Medico by arguing that not only is Melchizedek the same individual, but he has the same function in each case. According to Rowley, Gen. 14: 18–20 is the aetiological legitimation of Zadok's continuing Jebusite priesthood in David's newly captured Jerusalem, and Psalm 110 describes the ceremony whereby David was conﬁrmed as master of the city and Zadok as its priest, in which Ps. 110: 4 is David's conﬁrmation of

235

So Booij, 401–2.

236

It is useful here to draw a comparison with Enoch, whose sole appearance is in the genealogy of Gen. 5: 18–24, but in whose name a good deal of apocryphal literature was likewise generated in later times. Had Enoch not been thought of as a person, the later literature would never have been generated.

237

Del Medico, 162. BHS notes no variants for

in either Gen. 14: 18 or Ps. 110: 4.

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Zadok's priesthood while the other verses of the psalm are Zadok's recognition of David's kingship.238 In this way ‘the two passages are linked not alone by the name of Melchizedek but by a common use of that name’, and given that both passages tend to be linked independently with the Davidic age, ‘it would be more natural to ﬁnd a common use’.239 Certainly the character of Melchizedek is the same in each case, but to go so far as to give Melchizedek the same signiﬁcance in both passages is excessive. Although it is probable that both passages do come from the early monarchic milieu because that is the context in which they are most readily comprehensible, they seem to express two separate aspects of Jebusite–Israelite relations at that time: ﬁrst, in Gen. 14: 18–20 Melchizedek as representative of the people of Salem (Jerusalem) acknowledges Abram's conquest as God-given, while Abram the Hebrew acknowledges the priestly aspect of Melchizedek's kingship by giving him the tithe. At this point Jebusite and Israelite are seen as two cultures which recognize and acknowledge each other's strengths but which exist separately side by side. However, in Psalm 110 David combines the two traditions in his person, when as an Israelite who like Abram has conquered by the grace of God, he takes on the monarchy à la Melchizedek together with its priestly signiﬁcance.240 Rowley's attempt to try and force the elements into a rigid scheme of individual identiﬁcations is un-warranted, and assumes a level of interdependence between the two pericopes which is unjustiﬁable. Melchizedek is the same character in Gen. 14: 18 as in Ps. 110: 4, but his signiﬁcance in each case must be taken from the context in which he appears. In the light of the foregoing discussion, then, Melchizedek's signiﬁcance in both the OT references is that he is ﬁrst and foremost a king who is also a priest, not a priest who is also a king.241 In Gen. 14: 18, whether the words (malkî-ṣedeq melek šālēm) are interpreted as a reference to the king of Salem, to a king

238

Rowley, ‘Melchizedek and Zadok’, 466–70.

239

Ibid. 472. See also Rowley's short note ‘Melchizedek and David’, VT 17 (1967), 485.

240

An additional weakness of Rowley's interpretation is that it is unconvincing to view Ps. 110: 4 as referring to Zadok. It makes much better sense to take the whole of Psalm 110 as referring to the king, rather than linking the Melchizedek reference in Ps. 110: 4 to another priest when the rest of the psalm is most naturally taken as referring to the monarch. Additionally, Melchizedek in Genesis 14 is a king as well as a priest, so the reference to him in Ps. 110: 4 is surely meant to evoke the idea of someone who is likewise a king and a priest, rather than just being a priest as Zadok was.

241

So Delcor, ‘Melchizedek’, 121, 123 n. 2.

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of peace, or to a king allied with or subservient to Abram, the reference is to a king who is then subsequently shown to be a priest as well. Similarly, in Psalm 110 the warlike imagery and implication of military foes subdued together with the reference to the sceptre in verses 1–2 all seem to be more appropriately images of a monarch rather than of a priest, and the priestly aspect of the monarch's ofﬁce is not introduced until verse 4. This suggests very strongly that in each case the person concerned is priest by virtue of being king, not king by virtue of being priest. In view of this and of the other considerations discussed in the course of this study, the Melchizedek material does not of itself furnish evidence for claims to power made by the post-exilic high priesthood, since both Melchizedek pericopes originate from a monarchic milieu, and the speciﬁc reference to priesthood in Psalm 110 is intended to justify the king's priestly prerogatives rather than to offer monarchic or quasi-monarchic status to a priest. That being the case, Melchizedek as he appears here has little if anything to say concerning the development of the high priesthood in later times; rather, he conﬁrms the generally accepted pattern of the king as chief priest at the start of the Israelite monarchy.

4 Ezekiel: A Vision of Hierocracy? The prophet Ezekiel was a prophet of the transitional period in the life of Judah which was both caused by and known as the Exile. The dates and the descriptions of events given in the book which bears his name link his writings to the early part of this period (1: 2; 17: 11–21; 23: 22–34; 24: 1–2; 33: 21; 40: 1), and although there is some evidence of redaction, particularly in chapters 40–8, there has been relatively little interference with the overall composition,242 so that the book can be taken as basically a product of the exilic years.243 The reason for including the book of Ezekiel in an investigation

242

At the beginning of this century the book's literary unity was seriously questioned and the text atomized by analyses of supposed strata which were detected within it. See Rowley, ‘The Book of Ezekiel in Modern Study’, in Men of God (London and Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson, 1963), 169–210, and Henry McKeating, Ezekiel, OTG (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1993), 32–41. However, in a signiﬁcant proportion of more recent Ezekiel scholarship, this approach has given way to a conception of the text which views it as a generally integrated whole, without being blind to the secondary developments within it. For a useful summary of the range of positions on the authorship and unity of Ezekiel, see Iain M. Duguid, Ezekiel and the Leaders of Israel, VTSupp 56 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), 3–7.

243

Broadly speaking, there are three major variants on the dating of Ezekiel. The most conservative position is represented by Moshe Greenberg, Ezekiel 1–20, AB 22 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983), who concludes ‘that the dates of the book are in line with the contents of its oracles; that nothing in the book requires transgressing its explicit chronological boundaries’ (p. 17). This would mean that the book in its present form dates from the period 593–571 BCE , namely the period of Ezekiel's prophetic activity. A somewhat lengthier process of composition is advocated by Walther Zimmerli, Ezechiel 1–24, 2. Auﬂage, BKAT 13/1 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1979) (ET Ezekiel 1, trans. Ronald E. Clements, Hermeneia (Philadelphia, Pa.: Fortress Press, 1979) ), who argues that the present text is the result of a process of development and redaction which took place after the latest of the dates cited in the text (pp. 104*–114* (ET, 68–74)). This process is most clearly reﬂected in the Temple vision of chapters 40–8, which Zimmerli locates against a background of the anticipated return to Judah (pp. 108*–109* (ET, 70)), and indeed he posits a ﬁrst edition of Ezekiel which may have lacked chapters 40–8 (p. 112* (ET, 73)). In his detailed analysis of chapters 40–8, Zimmerli suggests that some of the constituent elements in these chapters may date from the very end of the exilic period or even the beginning of the Restoration period (Ezechiel 25–48, 2. Auﬂage, BKAT 13/2 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1979), 1248–9 (ET Ezekiel 2, trans. James D. Martin, Hermeneia (Philadelphia, Pa.: Fortress Press, 1983), 553)), but he still regards the overall composition as effectively exilic. A third approach is to see a signiﬁcant proportion of the book, most particularly material in the Temple vision, as dating from the postexilic period; thus, Steven Shawn Tuell, The Law of the Temple in Ezekiel 40–48, HSM 49 (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1992), puts forward the thesis that the Temple vision of chs. 40–8 is a product of the Restoration period in its present form (pp. 13–14, 18). However, a later dating for this section does not affect the comments made below on the ethos of the vision, and in fact would strengthen the arguments presented concerning the place of the high priesthood in it. For the purposes of this study, comments will be made on the basis of an overall exilic dating, since that is the generally accepted terminus a quo for the book as a whole, and therefore the dating for which the arguments presented must be valid. For further comments on the Temple vision see n. 7 below.

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of the high priesthood is because of its heavily cultic and priestly bias; Ezekiel was himself a priest (1: 3), and was ‘strongly inﬂuenced by an ethic rooted in priestly modes of expression’.244 This is evident from the fact that much of the book's message is expressed in ritual and cultic terms. Israel's sin is epitomized in its desecration of the Temple with idolatrous worship (8: 3–16); the impending doom is encapsulated in the image of the glory of God leaving the Temple, driven away by the abominations taking place there (10: 4, 18–19); and there is no distinction made between cultic and moral sin, or between cultic and moral righteousness (18: 5–9; 22: 6–12, 26; 33: 25–6). Conversely, the hope of restoration is epitomized in chapters 40–8 by the picture of a rebuilt Temple to which the glory of God returns (43: 1–5), and of these nine chapters seven of them (40–6) are spent giving detailed speciﬁcations for the new Temple, including the measurements of the building and its compounds, arrangements for the personnel who are to serve there, and rules for offering sacriﬁces.245 Indeed, as

244

Koch, Die Profeten, II: Babylonisch-persische Zeit (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1980), 91: ‘Darüber hinaus führt Ezechiel seine Argumentation so eigenständig durch, ist auch viel stärker von einer der priesterlichen Sprache verhafteten Ethik bestimmt, so daß von einem bloßen Nachsprechen der Worte seines Kollegen keine Rede sein kann.’ (ET The Prophets, II: The Babylonian and Persian Periods, trans. Margaret Kohl (London: SCM Press, 1983), 85.)

245

These chapters contain many reminiscences of the Priestly writings, and there is evidently some kind of link between the two. Wellhausen, Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels, 2. Ausgabe (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1883), 402–3 (ET Prolegomena to the History of Israel, trans. J. Sutherland Black and Allan Menzies (Edinburgh: A. & C. Black, 1885), 379–80), assumed that Ezekiel, the Holiness Code, and P were subsequent steps of development of the same material, and Ezekiel's priority over P was taken as read in much subsequent scholarship, for example, John Bowman, ‘Ezekiel and the Zadokite Priesthood’, TGUOS 16 (1957), 1–14 (pp. 1–5). More recently, however, Haran, ‘The Law-Code of Ezekiel’, 62–6, argues for the priority of P over Ezekiel, but regards both as products of the same priestly school; and Tuell, 139–45, argues for the probable chronological priority of P, but regards both Ezekiel and P as variants of a common tradition. Certainly as far as deﬁning the link between P and Ezekiel is concerned, whatever their relative dating (and overall it seems more likely that Ezekiel would have preceded the ﬁnal form of P), the idea of the two as variants of a common tradition is a more satisfactory concept than the idea that they must proceed from one another in some fashion. This is particularly true given the acknowledged antiquity of much of the material in P, and the naïveté of assuming that everything in the canon is explicable solely in terms of other parts of the canon without reference to other sources which may not have survived.

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was noted in the Introduction, Wellhausen saw the book as opening the way for what he viewed as the subsequent hierocracy. Ezekiel is therefore an important source to examine in the context of an investigation of the high priesthood, since if Wellhausen's assessment of both Ezekiel and the restoration community is correct, that community's high priest would have had a key role which it might well be expected would be foreshadowed in Ezekiel. The picture which emerged from the discussion in the previous two chapters was that up to the time of the Exile Judah had been a monarchy where the sacral king was both religious and political head of the nation, and the chief priest in Jerusalem was his subordinate to whom he delegated responsibility for areas concerning the Temple and its administration. However, with the Exile the social structures of Judah were dismantled and the community dismembered; both king and chief priest were removed and the Temple was destroyed in order to disable both the administrative and the religious mechanisms of Judah. In addition, the upper classes were deported, thereby depriving the country of its native leadership in order to prevent national identity from reasserting itself (17: 12–14; cf. 2 Kgs. 24: 11–16; 25: 8–12, 18–21). This is the scenario of disorder and destruction into which the prophecies contained in Ezekiel 34–48 of a new community were delivered, a scenario where the previous norms had been destroyed and where it would presumably have been possible to posit whatever kind of structures seemed appropriate for the renewed community in the light of the disaster that had overtaken the old one. The question for the present study is therefore how the structure of the community propounded in the visions of restoration in Ezekiel relates to that of the pre-exilic community, and in particular whether there is any evidence that Ezekiel and his school were championing over and above any other form of government the establishment of a hierocracy where the government would be in the hands of the priesthood and headed by the high priest. However, before attempting any detailed commentary on the text, there is one important principle to be noted which applies to the entirety of the material in Ezekiel dealing with Israel's promised new future: the basis of all the visions of renewal is

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restoration, which is expressed in the purging and cleansing of the evil from the pre-existing order to make it worthy of Yahweh. Hard, rebellious hearts are softened and inclined to keep Yahweh's Law, putting an end to idolatrous abominations (36: 26–7; 37: 23); the havoc wrought by the powerful upper classes is put right (34: 7–10); the divided monarchy of pre-exilic times is reunited (37: 15–19); the scattered tribes from both north and south are brought back to the land of Israel (37: 21); a new David is raised up to be the focus of unity for the whole nation (37: 24); and most importantly, the Temple is restored to become the literal and metaphorical centre of the community which lives in prosperity and harmony around it (37: 26–8; 48: 8–22). In other words, the same elements are included in the prospective post-exilic society as were included in the pre-exilic society; the visions speak not of replacement by a completely new order, but of restoration and of continuity with what has gone before, despite some inevitable changes which arise out of the need to correct and prevent abuses. This principle of restoration can be seen particularly clearly in the ﬁnal vision of 40–8, where several important themes which occur in the earlier part in the book are brought together: the city of Jerusalem, which was burned and its people slaughtered in the judgement scenes (9: 1–10: 2), but which is ultimately restored and named (yhwh šāmmâ, ‘the Lord is there’—48: 35); the Temple, also deﬁled and destroyed (8: 5–16; 24: 21) but restored to even greater prominence as part of the new order (40: 5–42: 20; 48: 8–10); the monarch, the shepherd of God's people (34: 23–4; 44: 3; 45: 7–9, 17, 21–5; 46: 1–18; 48: 21–2), who will not repeat the abuses of his forerunners (21: 30–1 (ET 21: 25–6); 22: 6); the priesthood, not free from indictment (22: 26) but an essential part of the restored Temple (44: 9–31);246 and the land (12: 19–20; 20: 6, 28, 42), the reallocation of which symbolizes unity, sanctity, and justice among the people as well as recalling Yahweh's original covenant with the patriarchs (45: 1–8; 47: 13–14; cf. Gen. 15: 7; 17: 8). The land allocation in 47: 13–48: 29 recalls the land allotment after the Exodus and conquest (Josh. 13: 15–19: 51); and the inclusion of city,

246

The fact, too, that it is Zadokite priests who claim the right to be installed in the new Temple is an indication of the desire for restoration of the previous status quo, the balance of which would undoubtedly have been disturbed by the exile of many Jerusalem Zadokite priests and their replacement by other priestly families at the Jerusalem shrine. See Nigel Allan, ‘The Identity of the Jerusalem Priesthood during the Exile’, HeyJ 23 (1982), 259–69.

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Temple, and crown lands as adjoining portions in a single strip of land which is speciﬁcally set apart for the purpose between Judah to the north and Benjamin to the south (48: 8–22) reﬂects the importance of all these three elements in the traditions of Judah.247 Thus, even a superﬁcial examination of the writings indicates that they do not advocate a fundamental departure from the previous social structures; rather, they are seeking to preserve the best of them and alter the rest so that the ideal of a community focused on Yahweh can be realized. The principle of restoration rather than innovation in the community structures can also be shown to be at work at the level of speciﬁc texts, and it is the aim of this study to demonstrate how it operates in the passages which describe the community's leadership and overall structure. The passages in question are the references in chapters 34 and 37 to the leadership of the restored community, and the vision of restoration in chapters 40–8 with its detailed picture of the new Temple-centred community, including the proposed duties of its priests.248 If a move away from the previous monarchic order towards a hierocratic one were being championed or even hinted at for the restored community, these

247

Allen, Ezekiel 20–48, WBC 29 (Dallas, Tex.: Word, 1990), 284.

248

The vision of restoration in chs. 40–8 is still a source of debate among scholars as to its continuity with the rest of the book and its overall composition. Textually speaking it is certainly the most contentious section, and the general view is that several hands have been at work to bring it to its present form. See for example G. A. Cooke, The Book of Ezekiel, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1936), 427–9; Hartmut Gese, Der Verfassungsentwurf des Ezechiel (Kap. 40–48) traditionsgeschichtlich untersucht, Beiträge zur historischen Theologie, 25 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1957), 108–15; Walther Eichrodt, Der Prophet Hesekiel, 2 vols., ATD 22 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1965–6), ii (1966), 373 (ET Ezekiel, trans. Cosslett Quin, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1970), 530–1); John W. Wevers, Ezekiel, Century Bible New Series (London: Thomas Nelson, 1969), 296; Zimmerli, Ezechiel 25–48, 1240–9 (ET, 547–3). By contrast, however, Greenberg, ‘The Design and Themes of Ezekiel's Program of Restoration’, in James Luther Mays and Paul J. Achtemeier (eds.), Interpreting the Prophets (Philadelphia, Pa.: Fortress Press, 1987), 215–36, argues that the entire vision is the work of Ezekiel, on the grounds that the irregularities normally used to determine separate strata are well within the norms of ancient Near Eastern principles of literary composition, and that the vision is internally coherent and in line with ideas and values found earlier in the book (pp. 215, 222). Tuell (pp. 10–12) summarizes the conclusions of Gese, who argued for three separate strata of expansion, dealing with the ns'î, the Zadokites, and the land division, but in his own analysis Tuell argues for ‘a single, purposive redaction’ of an original vision of Ezekiel (p. 18), which was accomplished by means of three major insertions at 43: 7b–27, 44: 3–46: 24 and 47: 13–48: 29 (p. 75). Duguid for his part regards both the nāśîʼ stratum and the Zadokite stratum of Gese's analysis as a myth (pp. 27–31, 87–90). For present purposes, the probability of literary strata and secondary accretions in the vision is acknowledged, but as noted above (n. 2), the whole will be treated as effectively a product of the exilic years.

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passages would be the ones where the differences from the old order and the details of the new would appear most clearly. However, it is arguable that the picture given by the passages is one of a return to the previous norms (although with some modiﬁcations) rather than the establishment of a completely new set of norms such as would be required if the nation were to be reconstituted as a hierocracy governed by its priests. Each set of references will be examined in turn, in order to build up a picture of the social structure which they envisage, and then overall conclusions will be drawn. First, then, the texts dealing with the community's leaders in chapters 34 and 37 will be discussed. It is notable that in the very ﬁrst message of restoration, after the fall of Jerusalem has been reported in 33: 21, the ﬁgure of David the shepherd appears as the leader of the restored community (34: 23, 24), appearing also a little further on in 37: 24, 25. Commentators are divided as to whether the David references are part of Ezekiel's own message or a later addition possibly made by the ‘school of Ezekiel’;249 however, their very presence shows the abiding power of the concept of the divinely appointed Davidic monarchic line, and is a warning against rushing to claim the emergence of a hierocratic society too quickly. The thrust of ‘David's’ presence in the oracles here is of return to a tried and tested pattern, one which had become corrupt along the way but which was seen as basically God-inspired. The Davidic theology had not been abandoned, but a new expression of it needed to be found which would be true to its original spirit.250 There is no intimation here that the priestly establishment, in whatever form it existed at the time of the Exile, was

249

A. B. Davidson and A. W. Streane, The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel, rev. edn., CBSC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1916), regard the Davidic references as original (p. 273). G. A. Cooke sees the references in 34: 23–4 as part of a later supplement to 34: 1–16 (p. 372, 373), and those in 37: 22–5 as integral to the original text (pp. 398, 402–3). Wevers (pp. 261, 280) and Allen, Ezekiel, (pp. 159, 163) see all the references as part of later additions. Zimmerli regards the Davidic references in chapter 34 as later additions but from Ezekiel himself (Ezechiel 25–48, 844 (ET, 219–20)), the reference in 37: 24 as from the school of Ezekiel (Ezechiel 25–48, 912 (ET, 275)) and the one in 37: 25 as later still (Ezechiel 25–48, 913 (ET, 276)); Keith W. Carley, The Book of the Prophet Ezekiel, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), commenting on 34: 23–4, remarks, ‘That a descendant of the Davidic line should have had a place in Ezekiel's expectations of the future is natural enough’ (p. 232); and commenting on 37: 24a attributes ‘this expansion of verses 20–3’ to ‘Ezekiel or one of his followers’ (p. 253).

250

So Jon Douglas Levenson, Theology of the Program of Restoration of Ezekiel 40–48, HSM 10 (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1976), 66–8.

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to take upon itself responsibility for the government of the country because the kings had failed. Certainly the monarchs are castigated for their abuse of their position (21: 30–1 (ET 21: 25–6); 22: 6, ?25, 27), but the thought does not automatically follow that they should be replaced by priests. Indeed, from the vision of the abominations in the Temple (8: 5–16) the priests too were implicated in the sin of the nation and had failed just as badly to maintain the standards of their God (22: 26). The idea seems to be to start again with a renovated version of what is regarded as a divinely ordained pattern, not to establish something completely new and unfamiliar.251 That this is the case can be seen in the title by which ‘David’ is referred to: in 34: 23, 24 and 37: 25 he is called (nāśhatiʼ, ‘prince’), a title which is also used for the community's leader in the Temple vision of 40–8. The question is to what extent the designation (nāśîʼ) as opposed to (melek, ‘king’) implies a difference in the nature of the rule which will be exercised. Eichrodt observes that Ezekiel tends to use the term (melek) for the Babylonian king and (nāśîʼ) of rulers of smaller states, and supposes that the avoidance of the term (melek) for the new king of salvation was because of its unfavourable associations with foreign despots;252 Lemke similarly thinks that Ezekiel used (nāśîʼ) because of the possible negative connotations of (melek).253 Speiser argues that the ancient Israelite term (nāśîʼ) was originally applied to an elective ofﬁce of leadership and that its signiﬁcance in the context of Ezekiel is that the (nāśîʼ) was elected by God,254 while Greenberg calls the term a royal epithet and regards its presence in Ezekiel as ‘an archaism drawn from the priestly legislation . . . (which) is typical of Ezekiel's antiquarian tendency’.255 Certainly

251

E. Hammershaimb, ‘Ezekiel's View of the Monarchy’, in F. Hvidberg (ed.), Studia orientalia Ioanni Pedersen septuagenario a.d. vii id. Nov. anno MCMLIII a collegis discipulis amicis dicata (Copenhagen: E. Munksgaard, 1953), 130–40 (p. 140); Caquot, ‘Le Messianisme d'Ézéchiel’, Semitica, 14 (1964), 5–23 (p. 23).

252

Eichrodt, ii. 331–2 (ET, 476–7). Carley notes that the term ‘king’ tends to be used of the rulers of Babylon and Egypt, whereas ‘the term “prince” seems intended by Ezekiel normally to indicate the rulers of comparatively small kingdoms, as opposed to those of great empires’ (p. 253.) However, as Hammershaimb points out (pp. 132–3) and as will be discussed below, this is not a hard and fast distinction, as (melek ) is also used of kings of Israel.

253

Werner Lemke, ‘Life in the Present and Hope for the Future’, in Interpreting the Prophets, 200–14 (p. 208).

254

Speiser, ‘Background and Function of the Biblical nāśîʼ ’, CBQ 25 (1963), 111–17.

255

Greenberg, ‘Ezekiel's Program of Restoration’, 229 n. 35.

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the fact that Ezekiel returns to using the term for the country's leadership after a period of monarchy seems to indicate a deﬁnite statement about the kind of rule the new head of state is to have; but to deny that head of state any royal characteristics would be a mistake. In 37: 22 the term (melek) is used quite freely of the leader of the reunited people, and indeed in 37: 24 it is used of David, whereas in 37: 25 David is referred to by the alternative term (nāśîʼ). Although as already noted there are doubts as to whether David himself was originally mentioned in the text, it can be argued that the use of (melek) is original in 37: 22 at least, because of the correspondence with (mamlākôt, ‘kingdoms’) later on in the verse, which would be entirely lost if (nāśîʼ) were to replace (melek).256 Assuming then that both the term (melek) in 37: 22 and the term (nāśîʼ) in 37: 25 are original, they appear as equivalents of each other; and whether or not the David references in 37: 24, 25 were a subsequent addition, whoever was responsible for them evidently had no sense of a distinction between David as (melek) and David as (nāśîʼ). Hence, however the term (nāśîʼ) is ﬁnally interpreted, it should not be seen as a rejection of the idea of a royal ﬁgure in the renewed community.257 However, the idea of a (Davidic) royal ﬁgure to head the new community could be seen as conﬂicting with other passages which seem to have a decidedly negative view of the monarchy, not least because chapters 34 and 37 are the only places where David himself is mentioned, despite the fact that mention of him elsewhere would appear to have been appropriate. For example, chapter 20 details Yahweh's choice of Israel and the people's constant apostasy, referring to the Egyptian captivity, the wilderness years, the Lawgiving, and the conquest of Canaan, but making no mention of the monarchy, let alone David or any supposed covenant with him. If the chapter is, as it seems, a review of Yahweh's faithfulness in the face of the people's unfaithfulness, the ‘Davidic covenant’, whereby Yahweh was supposed to have stayed his hand for David's sake despite the wickedness of the people and the monarch, would have been an excellent example to use, and would add all the more fuel to Ezekiel's ﬁre of deserved judgement heaped

256

G. A. Cooke, 402; Zimmerli, Ezechiel 25–48, 905, 912 (ET, 269, 275). Wevers, 280, 281, regards the references to the king in 37: 22, 24 as secondary.

257

Duguid, 25, 33.

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upon his fellow-countrymen's heads. However, no earthly monarch appears in chapter 20; instead, 20: 33 declares, ‘As I live, says the Lord God, surely with a mighty hand and an outstretched arm, and with wrath poured out, I will be king over you ( , ʼemlôk ʽalêkem).’ At ﬁrst sight this could easily be taken as a rejection of the monarchy, which makes the references to the Davidic (melek) or (nāśîʼ) in 34: 23–4 and 37: 22–5 seem out of place. However, in its context 20: 33 appears as Yahweh reclaiming from the idols of wood and stone the right to rule over his people, rather than rejecting the appointed royal line; in other words, it is primarily concerned with the people's religious allegiance and not with the question of whether the monarchy was a valid or corrupt part of society's structure,258 and should not therefore be read as anti-monarchic. None the less, 20: 33 does raise two questions, which may well answer each other: the question of how Yahweh's kingship over his people is to be expressed, and the question of how the references to human ‘kingship’, Davidic or otherwise, ﬁt in with the idea of Yahweh's kingship. The simplest explanation is that the (melek) or (nāśîʼ) appears as the agent of divine rule in the community. Levenson sees a link between the ﬁgure of David in 34: 23–4 and the (nāśîʼ) ﬁgure of 40–8, arguing that the ‘shepherd’ image describes an apolitical messiah who is to all intents and purposes Yahweh's puppet, having no authority of his own but simply being the vehicle through which Yahweh himself rules the people;259 and in a similar vein, commenting on the (nāśîʼ) ﬁgure in 34: 23–4, Lemke remarks that to the Israelite mind there would be no necessary contradiction between the idea of Yahweh ruling the people and the king as his human agent, because according to the Jerusalem theology the kings were seen as extensions of Yahweh's kingship.260 Certainly in practical terms there would have to be a human ﬁgure of some sort as the mediator of Yahweh's rule over his people, and so to that extent there need be no contradiction between the rule of a monarchic ﬁgure (a Davidide) and the rule of Yahweh in Israel.261 But once again the important point for present

258

Although of course a monarch's religious allegiance could and did inﬂuence that of the people, so that it is impossible entirely to separate monarchy from religion.

259

Levenson, 75–107.

260

Lemke, 208.

261

Hammershaimb, 137. Similarly, Levenson comments, ‘Human kingship is a sign of the vassalage of all Israel to YHWH the suzerain in an eternal covenant’ (p. 97). Levenson's comment is an important reminder that even though the monarch is present as the mediator of divine rule in the community, the ultimate authority still remains with Yahweh rather than with the human ruler; indeed, Ezekiel's message is introduced with an afﬁrmation of Yahweh's kingship in the vision of 1: 4–28. There is a tension between the ideas of the (nāśîʼ ) as Yahweh's chosen instrument and as his subordinate, and the temptation to overemphasize the role of the human ruler should be avoided.

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purposes is that the mediator of Yahweh's rule is to be the royal ﬁgure, not the priestly ﬁgure; the new regime is to be a sanctiﬁed version of the old, not a departure from the principles on which the community had been based for the previous four hundred years. The picture of the restored community's leadership in chapters 34 and 37, then, shows the reinstating of a monarchic ﬁgure who is effectively the instrument of Yahweh's rule over the people. However, the question is how this ﬁts with the Temple vision of 40–8, which shows a society where the Temple and its Zadokite regime are the focal points of the whole structure. Indeed, although the detail given in these chapters creates the superﬁcial impression of comprehensiveness, seven of the nine chapters (40–6) are concerned solely with matters which affect the Temple either directly or indirectly. The stipulation of just measures, for example (45: 10–12), is immediately followed by the amounts of produce to be set aside for offerings (45: 13–15), and the prohibition of the (nāśîʼ) taking land from any of the other citizens (46: 18) means that the people's ability to furnish produce for the offerings will not be impaired due to them losing their means of agricultural production.262 This limited focus of the material makes it difﬁcult to ascertain precisely what kind of society is being portrayed; none the less, there are some clues which can be used to gauge the general ethos, if not the speciﬁc format, of this new Israel. The most important clue is the position of the (nāśîʼ) and his relationship to the Temple in the new society.263 It is unquestionable that the pre-exilic Temple had monarchic associations, since it was under the monarchy that the Temple had been built and had achieved national religious signiﬁcance; the fact that a Davidic monarch had been allowed to build it would have been interpreted as divine validation of the monarchy as embodied in him and his

262

Allen, Ezekiel, 270.

263

Greenberg, ‘Ezekiel's Program of Restoration’, thinks that there are not enough data to allow ‘large inferences regarding the chief's status’ (p. 229 n. 35), but one area where there are data is in the relation of (nāśîʼ ) and Temple. Hence, it is not unjustiﬁed to draw conclusions on this.

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line.264 Temple and monarch were also both symbols of national unity, since both had arisen as institutions covering all twelve tribes of Israel, and indeed both are envisaged as being restored along with the original twelve-tribe system in the new age of God's salvation. However, the vision of restoration in Ezekiel 40–8 shows a redeﬁnition of the relationship between the Temple and the monarchy. The past connections between them are downplayed and actually loosened, so that the result is no longer a royal Temple but rather Yahweh's Temple. Instead of the sanctuary being there for the monarch, the monarch is there for the sanctuary; Temple deﬁnes monarch rather than monarch deﬁning Temple. This is achieved in three important ways. First, the monarchic ﬁgure is consistently referred to as the (nāśîʼ), and the only context in which the term (melek) is used is to refer to the pre-exilic monarchs who are criticized for deﬁling the Lord's name by their cavalier attitudes towards the original Temple (43: 7–9). Secondly, the (nāśîʼ) is to be kept at bay from the Temple, which is to be located out of the city and surrounded by a holy enclosure where only the priests can live, although the royal portion of the land is next to that of the priests (43: 7–9; 45: 1–6; 48: 21–2).265 Thirdly, the part of the (nāśîʼ) in the sacriﬁcial observances is strictly limited, and he is not allowed to perform priestly functions or have any more access to the Temple than the rest of the people (46: 1–3). Indeed, the privileged position of the priesthood next to the sanctuary in the holy grounds (45: 1–4) and the detailed legislation for their status and duties (44: 15–31), far more than are there for the (nāśîʼ), gives them a prominence in the context which seems to overshadow that of the (nāśîʼ) and which could easily be taken as implying their elevation to his detriment. Under these circumstances, it would be easy at ﬁrst glance to agree with Koch when he comments, ‘How allergic the prophet is

264

This link between monarch and Temple continued at least into the Restoration period. Both Haggai and Zechariah link the Davidide Zerubbabel with the Temple, Haggai making the rebuilt Temple the prerequisite for Yahweh's elevation of Zerubbabel (Hag. 2: 20–3), and Zechariah showing Zerubbabel's participation in the Temple refoundation and rebuilding. See Ch. 5 below on Haggai and Zechariah for more details.

265

The idea of a ‘holy enclosure’ around the Temple where only priestly personnel are allowed to live is reminiscent of the plan for the Israelite camp in the wilderness (Num. 1: 47–2: 31), where only the Levites are allowed (in fact, commanded) to encamp in the immediate vicinity of the Tabernacle and all the other tribes are to encamp around the Levites in a square facing the Tabernacle.

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towards the monarchy, and how deeply the evil role played by the pre-exilic kings sticks in his memory’.266 However, once again the temptation to dismiss the monarchy as having no place in the restored community should be resisted, as there are still important indicators of the monarch's signiﬁcance in the new era. As Skinner emphasizes, ‘It must not be supposed that the prince is a personage of less than royal rank, or that his authority is overshadowed by that of a priestly caste.’267 First, he is allowed to stand in the east gate to observe the priests offering the sacriﬁces he provides (46: 2,12). Normally the gate is to be kept shut because it is the one through which the glory of the Lord returned to the Temple (43: 4–5; 44: 1–3); the fact that the (nāśîʼ) is allowed to stand there does imply a link between his position and the returned glory, and a certain sacral signiﬁcance for him. Indeed, Hammershaimb argues that 45: 16–17 shows some of the original monarchs' priestly functions being bestowed upon the (nāśîʼ) but that an antimonarchic strain among Ezekiel's disciples has reduced the (nāśîʼ) to a secular leader in other parts of the vision.268 Secondly, the (nāśîʼ) is associated with the maintenance of just weights and measures (45: 10–12); Tuell points out that elsewhere in the ancient Near East this was a typically royal duty.269 Thirdly, if the new order is to be interpreted as a proto-hierocracy, it would be expected to have a high priest somewhere in its ranks; however, no mention is made of a high priest, or indeed of any other individual ﬁgure who could be a focus for the community's leadership apart from the (nāśîʼ). This is despite the fact that the high priest-hood is usually thought to have been conﬁned to those of Zadokite

266

Koch, Profeten, 118–19: ‘Wie allergisch der Profet gegen die Monarchie ist, wie sehr die üble Rolle der vorexilischen Könige in seiner Erinnerung haftet, zeigt gleich der erste Satz in betreffenden Abschnitt: “Nicht werden fürder meine Nasis mein Volk bedrücken!” (45, 8).’ (ET, 113.)

267

Skinner, The Book of Ezekiel, The Expositor's Bible (London: Hodder & Stoughton,1895), 447. See also Haran, ‘The Law-Code of Ezekiel’, 57 n. 24; Duguid, 50–8. Allen, Ezekiel, notes that although the Temple agenda of the ﬁnal vision meant that the role of the monarchic ﬁgure could not be developed as fully as might be expected from the material in chapters 34 and 37, the hints which are given are consonant with the earlier material (p.213). The conclusions drawn above about the role of the (nāśîʼ ) in those chapters can therefore be applied to the (nāśîʼ ) in the Temple vision.

268

Hammershaimb, 139. The comment is based upon the use of the verb in 45: 17b, translated by the RSV as ‘he shall provide the sin offerings, etc.’, but which Hammershaimb argues would originally have meant to prepare the offerings and later on to offer them.

269

Tuell, 111.

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descent,270 so that given the strong pro-Zadokite strain in the Temple vision (e.g. 44: 15–31), if the pro-Zadokite redactors were concerned to secure their own privileges and particularly the privilege of leadership, it would seem to have been an obvious move to insert some kind of stipulation to the effect that they alone were entitled to hold the senior priestly position. However, there is no such stipulation, and bearing in mind the Zadokites' history as royal priests in the pre-exilic era, as well as the royal character of the (nāśîʼ), the Zadokite stratum can be seen not as advocating the overall supremacy of the priesthood, but as a claim for the Zadokites to retain their former privileges of service alongside the monarch or his equivalent in what is now the only Temple in the land. In that case, the absence of a high priest implies that the (nāśîʼ) as a monarchic substitute was a more important focus of leadership than the priesthood, and once again the vision in chapters 40–8 can be seen as a vision for restoration of the previous monarchic order rather than a picture of a proto-hierocracy. However, this is a conclusion e silentio, which might be strengthened or refuted if it were possible to determine why the high priest does not appear.271 The absence of the high priest from Ezekiel has generated various explanations. One of the more inventive is offered by Tuell, who as part of his argument for dating the Temple vision in its ﬁnal form from the early Restoration period suggests that after the messianic speculations attaching to Zerubbabel caused his disappearance from the public eye because of pressure from the Persians, mention of Joshua, that is, the high priest, was suppressed

270

Despite Bartlett's argument in ‘Zadok and his Successors’, 6–11, that there is little evidence for an hereditary line of actual Zadokites as chief priests before the Exile, the fact that subsequent priests took on the mantle of Zadok would make it legitimate to call them ‘sons of Zadok’ regardless of their biological descent. As discussed in Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History, there certainly was a priestly group associated with Zadok which was based at the Jerusalem Temple, and this would have led quite naturally to their association with the chief (and later high) priesthood since it too was associated with the Temple.

271

Duguid follows up a comment made by G. A. Cooke (Ezekiel, 502) to argue that there is a chief priest in Ezekiel, since ‘the priest’ who carries out the puriﬁcation ritual for the sanctuary in 45: 19 is the chief priest as understood in pre-exilic terms (pp. 63–4). However, as argued at the end of Ch. 2 above, a pre-exilic chief priest is different from a post-exilic high priest, and certainly if the only chief-priestly ﬁgure in Ezekiel is one who is conceived of in pre-exilic terms, that is, as an ofﬁcer and subordinate of the royal leader, then it is most unlikely that Ezekiel was attempting to portray him as the head of a hierocratic society. Indeed, Duguid himself argues later on that the Zadokites are not conceived as ruling over the people in a hierocracy (p. 83).

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on the grounds that Joshua's close alliance with Zerubbabel might make him too a target for Persian rancour.272 However, if that was the case, it says very little for the high priest as a real focus for the community; if Joshua in particular or the high priest in general had been a focus for Judah's hopes it is unlikely that he would have been swept aside quite so easily. Mention of the (nāśîʼ) is not suppressed, after all, and this is the title given in 37: 25 to David who, like Zerubbabel in Hag. 2: 23, is called ‘my servant’ by Yahweh. The Davidic associations of (nāśîʼ) in this context would surely demand that the title be tactfully removed to prevent false and, for the Persians without doubt, dangerous expectations building up among the restoration community.273 If the high priest were a focus for the returned exiles' hopes it is incredible that he could have been removed without trace, and if he was not a focus for them he cannot have had the kind of prominence in the national consciousness that is often attributed to him in the early Restoration period.274 Alternatively, it could well be objected—and indeed, it is true—that not every possible detail, or even every expected detail, has been included in the vision of restoration in 40–8. Greenberg points to several ‘notable omissions’ from the vision of the Temple structure, warning that ‘omissions cannot serve as a warrant for negative conclusions—unmentioned, therefore absent.’275 A little further on, having drawn attention to the extensive legal omissions in the vision as compared with the priestly legislation, he states, ‘Since such omissions cannot imply annulment, we must suppose Ezekiel to be highly selective, treating only of those topics in which he sought to effect revisions.’276 Hence, by this reasoning the fact that the high priesthood has been omitted from the vision of

272

Tuell, 147.

273

This point is strengthened by Tuell's own argument that the title (nāśîʼ ) disappeared after the time of Sheshbazzar because it had become associated with the royal line as a way of recognising its ancient cultic and honourable past, but those such as Sheshbazzar who bore it sought to claim dynastic and imperial rights which the Persians were unwilling to grant. Hence, the title perished with the line, and no further Davidide or (nāśîʼ ) was forthcoming (pp. 117–20). If the title (nāśîʼ ), which in Tuell's argument was later acknowledged to be seditious, was not suppressed from Ezekiel, there seems to be no reason to suppress mention of the high priest, who up to this point has nowhere appeared as a central ﬁgure of community identity.

274

For a discussion of the position of the high priest in the Restoration period, see Ch. 5 below on Haggai and Zechariah.

275

Greenberg, ‘Ezekiel's Program of Restoration’, 225, 226.

276

Ibid. 233.

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restoration should not be taken as an indication that it would not exist in the new community; rather, it can be interpreted to mean that Ezekiel had no desire to alter its speciﬁcations from those which appear in P.277 But once again, the logic is self-defeating if employed for the purpose of claiming an inﬂuential high priest-hood dating from around this era. It was argued above that the high priest in P has no political powers at all, being an entirely cultic ﬁgure;278 if Greenberg's interpretation of the relationship between P and the vision of restoration is correct, then the omission of the high priesthood presumably means that Ezekiel or his school knew of the purely cultic ofﬁce which is detailed in P but saw no need to alter its speciﬁcations in any way, and therefore saw no reason for such an unprecedented step as extending the high priest's powers of jurisdiction into spheres of life outside that of the Temple in order to make him a political leader.279 This is entirely in line with the tenor of all the visions of hope in Ezekiel: as already remarked, they are visions of restoration, of renewing and replacing what was there before, not visions of something completely new and unheard of, despite the opportunity for such innovation which was provided by the destruction of Exile. Hence, the political and administrative powers remain with a non-priest, and the priests remain conﬁned to their pre-exilic role of servicing the sanctuary and teaching the Law. A third option is that adopted by Levenson, who argues that the nature of the community envisaged by Ezekiel and the deﬁnition of the monarchy which it includes is such as to make a high priest unnecessary because the community would be ‘so fundamentally liturgical and sacral in nature that the Davidid, politics having vanished, could only be a liturgical ﬁgurehead like the high-priest of the era when politics and monarchy still existed’.280 Whether or not the Temple vision implies an apolitical society is open to

277

Baudissin, 128–9, argues that Ezekiel's omission of the high priest is quite deliberate, because he does not want to limit the power of the nāśîʼ who is a highly sacral ﬁgure.

278

See Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer.

279

Greenberg's analysis requires that P in its ﬁnal form be dated before Ezekiel. If, however, the ﬁnal form of P is dated later than Ezekiel, in line with the majority of scholarly opinion, the same logic against Greenberg's argument can still be applied: since Ezekiel puts forward no legislation which would boost the position of the chief priest from his preexilic status of subordination to the monarch as evidenced in DH, the assumption must be that Ezekiel was not interested in effecting a change in that status.

280

Levenson, 143.

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question, but from the discussion of Ezekiel presented above it can certainly be argued that Levenson's analysis is in line with the principle of ‘restoration rather than replacement’ which it has been demonstrated is at work in many of Ezekiel's ideas. Rather than claiming kingly power for the high priest, Levenson is effectively arguing that the monarch is to have a heightened sacral responsibility, so that in this vision of the new society the high priest is eclipsed by the monarch rather than vice versa. But once again, the net result is that the (nāśîʼ) remains the most important ﬁgure of government in the new community, while the high priest has no role of leadership, indeed, no apparent role at all. It therefore seems that in both its general tenor and its speciﬁc details the book of Ezekiel is not a manifesto for priestly rule in the restored community. Rather, its vision of restoration is based ﬁrmly on the pre-exilic structures of society, to the extent that the old pan-Israelite ideologies of Temple, land, and monarchy are retained and given pride of place in the new society. Certainly there are changes from the old order in how these ideologies manifest themselves in the vision, most particularly in the separation of the monarchic ﬁgure from the immediate vicinity of the Temple, but they are recognizably the same ideologies, and not even in the overwhelmingly Temple-centred chapters 40–8 is there evidence to suggest that they were to be abandoned for anything else. In particular, there is no evidence that Ezekiel is propounding a hierocratic society under the rule of the high priest instead of the monarchic type of society which had obtained before the Exile, since the monarchic ﬁgure continues to be pictured as head of the restored community whilst the high priest is entirely absent from this utopian vision.

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Part II: Summary In the light of the foregoing three studies, the position of the high priesthood during the pre-exilic and exilic periods can be summarized as follows. During the pre-exilic period, the high priest-hood as seen in P did not exist as such; rather, the nearest equivalent to it was the chief priesthood at the Jerusalem Temple. This chief priest was not a ﬁgure of civil authority, nor even of supreme religious or cultic authority; instead, as a royal ofﬁcial, his position was one of responsibility for practical matters concerning the Temple and its fabric, while it was the monarch himself who had overall responsibility for the cult and its worship, and who also had what might be termed high-priestly responsibilities as the nation's representative before God. The presence of a sacral monarch meant that there was neither reason nor incentive for the development of a strong independent high priesthood, because the position which such a high priesthood would ﬁll was already occupied by the monarch. An additional factor which would account for the relatively low proﬁle of the pre-exilic chief priesthood as compared with the high priesthood in P was the lack of overriding inﬂuence of the Jerusalem shrine. Certainly the site was prestigious, and was revered as the abode of Yahweh (cf. Ps. 48: 2–4 (ET 48: 1–3)), but it was by no means the only site of worship. Throughout the preexilic period there were numerous shrines all over the country in both the northern and the southern kingdoms, and some of the sites (e.g. Shiloh, Shechem, Bethel) had pre-monarchic religious associations far older than those of the Jerusalem Temple, which gave them equal and possibly even greater claim to the people's religious affections. Hence, until centralization at Jerusalem was achieved, there would be no real incentive or opportunity for the chief priesthood there to develop beyond a localized role which, despite the prestige of being an ofﬁce in the royal household, was none the less fairly limited in its scope. However, the attempts at

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centralization under Hezekiah (2 Kgs. 18: 1–6) and Josiah (2 Kgs. 22: 3–23: 25) did little if anything to raise the proﬁle of the chief priest, ﬁrst because throughout the entire period the monarch retained his headship of both the nation's political and its religious life, and secondly, because according to DH both Hezekiah's and Josiah's reforms were overturned by the monarchs who followed them. There would therefore have been no chance for the chief priesthood to develop into the kind of unique and prestigious ofﬁce shown in P, because the Temple simply did not have the kind of exclusive claims to the nation's religious allegiance that would enhance the status of the Temple ofﬁcers; and there would certainly be no development of chief-priestly powers in areas apart from that of Temple-based functions, because even those functions were subordinate to the overriding authority of the sacral monarch. Neither did the Exile result in an abandonment of the concept of monarchy in favour of high- or chief-priestly power. According to Ezekiel, one of the most cultically based and Temple-centred prophetic books in the canon and one which dates from the exilic years, the ideal society for the new era should be entirely focused on the Temple. The Temple itself has pride of place in a holy portion of land in which only the priests and Levites can live, and the legislation which accompanies the vision of the Temple is all to do with proper ritual procedure. However, the high priest appears nowhere, while the ﬁgure of the monarch is an integral part of the new order; admittedly he is rather a subdued ﬁgure by comparison with his pre-exilic predecessors, but he is there in the kind of capacity which implies that he still has important sacral signiﬁcance. In fact, throughout the prophecies of restoration in Ezekiel the emphasis is precisely on restoration, in other words, on replacing what was there originally, but in a form freed from the corruption and the potential for corruption which had characterized it prior to the Exile. The reduced position of the monarch is a good example of this principle. It should also be pointed out that Ezekiel shares the same general ethos as the Priestly writer, in that both display the same kind of concern for proper degrees of holiness and correct order within the cultic community. However, the discussion of P above showed that despite its very strong cultic emphasis, P does not portray the high priest as the overall head of the community;

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rather, Moses is the legislator and ruler, while the high priest is the chief cultic personage.281 If hierocracy is not even advocated by P, for whom the high priest is such a seminal ﬁgure, it is very difﬁcult to regard Ezekiel as advocating hierocracy when the high priest as portrayed in P does not even appear in the book. Instead, for Ezekiel as for P there is another signiﬁcant ﬁgure in the community to whom the responsibility of government outside the speciﬁcally cultic arena should fall, namely the (nāśîʼ). Ezekiel must therefore be regarded not as championing priestly power in place of the monarchy, but as claiming rights and setting out conditions of service for the priesthood alongside the monarch in what has now become the land's only shrine. It seems, therefore, that the pre-exilic chief priest was a purely cultic ofﬁcial who was clearly subordinate to the sacral monarch, and that the projected post-exilic society was envisaged in terms of a restoration of the monarchic order, which implies a still-subordinate chief priest, rather than in terms of a hierocracy with a high priest at its head. With these conclusions in mind, it is now appropriate to turn to the evidence for the post-exilic society and see whether the position of the high priest in the non-monarchic society of later times either is or becomes signiﬁcantly different from that of the chief priest during the monarchy and its aftermath.

281

See Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer.

Part III High Priesthood in the Persian Period

5 High-Priestly Power in Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 Having examined the position of the high priesthood in the preexilic and exilic periods, it is now appropriate to see what effect the changed circumstances of the post-exilic period had upon the ofﬁce. Certainly at ﬁrst glance the circumstances of the reestablished community appear highly favourable for the development of a hierocracy, inasmuch as many of the factors which would previously have restricted or prevented the development of high-priestly power had changed. There was no longer a monarch to dictate Temple policy and act in a cultic capacity as national representative and chief priest; the Temple was by now the one legitimate shrine in the country; and the area of concern itself was effectively the province of Judah, so there was a smaller area over which to exercise control and conversely a greater chance of exercising that control. Precisely how the high priesthood developed under these circumstances is the question which will be addressed throughout the remainder of this study. These next ﬁve chapters are devoted to a study of the circumstances and events of the Persian period, during which the exiles returned from Babylon to Judah and re-established the Temple and cult, remaining under Persian rule until they were brought under Greek sovereignty by Alexander the Great's conquest of the Persian Empire in 332 BCE. The earliest sources available for the Persian period are the prophecies contained in the books of Haggai and Zechariah 1–8,282 where some of the most speciﬁc and apparently most complimentary descriptions of the high priest-hood outside the Priestly writings are to be found. Hence, they are an obvious choice of material with which to begin an examination of the post-exilic high priesthood.

282

Whereas the book of Haggai is fairly obviously a unity, the book of Zechariah falls into two distinct parts, the second of which (chs. 9–14) apparently dates from a much later period than the ﬁrst and is unconnected with it. For the present purposes, namely, considering the Restoration period and what information contemporary documentation can provide on the high priesthood at the time, chs. 9–14 are therefore irrelevant.

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HIGH PRIESTHOOD IN THE PERSIAN PERIOD

The books of Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 are two of the most precisely dated and datable pieces of prophetic literature in the canon. Not only do they give exact information in the text as to when they were written, their content is such as to make quite plausible their purported dating in the early Restoration period.283 Although Ackroyd comments that the very exactitude of the dating, particularly in Haggai, makes it proportionately more likely to be unreliable, on the grounds that ‘later ampliﬁcations of historical material tend to be more precise in their detail than the earlier records’, he admits that there is no proof either way, and that the burden of proof is on those who would dispute the dates, at least in respect of the years given for the prophetic activity.284 In the absence of a better alternative, therefore, Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 should be dated in the Restoration context in which the books themselves claim to ﬁt. As the ‘prophets of the Restoration’,285 Haggai and Zechariah were active in Judah among the returned exiles at a time when the community was still attempting to establish itself in the rather trying circumstances of return, Haggai offering encouragement particularly for the task of rebuilding the Temple, and Zechariah assuring the returnees that the Lord was still jealous for his chosen city of Jerusalem.286 Concerning the prophets themselves there is next to no information. Haggai is given no genealogy, but is known in the book which bears his name simply as Haggai the prophet, a designation which is repeated in Ezra 5: 1 and 6: 14. Zechariah by contrast does have a short genealogy; he is referred to in Ezra 5: 1 and 6: 14 as son of Iddo, and in Zech. 1: 1, 7 as son of Berechiah son of Iddo, although ‘son of Berechiah’ may be an

283

The prophets Haggai and Zechariah are also mentioned in the book of Ezra in the context of the Restoration period (Ezra 5: 1), but since the account in the book of Ezra post-dates the books of Haggai and Zechariah and is probably dependent upon them for its information, this mention is of little value in historical terms.

284

Ackroyd, ‘Studies in the Book of Haggai’, JJS 2 (1952), 163–76 (pp. 172–3).

285

Mason, ‘The Prophets of the Restoration’, in R. Coggins, A. Phillips, and M. Knibb (eds.), Israel's Prophetic Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 137–54 (p. 137).

286

Cf. Peter Marinkovic, ‘Was wissen wir über den zweiten Tempel aus Sach 1–8?’, in Rüdiger Bartelmus, Thomas Krüger, and Helmut Utzschneider (eds.), Konsequente Traditionsgeschichte: Festschrift für Klaus Baltzer zum 65. Geburtstag, OBO 126 (Freiburg, Schweiz: Universitätsverlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993), 281–95, who argues that unlike Haggai, Zechariah's main aim is not the rebuilding of the physical Temple but the reconstitution and organization of the people of Yahweh in Jerusalem.

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addition.287 An Iddo is named in Neh. 12: 4 as one of the priests who came to Judah with Zerubbabel and Joshua, and in Neh. 12: 16 Zechariah is named as the head of the house of Iddo in the time of the high priest Joiakim, Joshua's successor. Although the purported dating for the book of Zechariah makes it unlikely that the men in Nehemiah 12 are the same as those mentioned in Zech. 1: 1, the idea seems to be to evoke the thought that Zechariah was also a priest, as had been Jeremiah and Ezekiel before him. Making Zechariah a son of Iddo, the man who returned from exile with Zerubbabel and Joshua, may also be a way of stressing his connection with the exiles and therefore giving his words the authority of a true member of the community. The book of Haggai will be examined ﬁrst, because chronologically it is apparently the earlier of the two and because its interpretation is less problematic than that of Zechariah. According to the text, Haggai had a ministry of only three months, from the sixth to the ninth month in the second year of Darius (Hag. 1: 1; 2: 10), that is, in the year 520 BCE.288 As already remarked, whether or not the exactitude of the dates is accepted as being historically reliable there seems little doubt that the general context which they set is compatible with the rest of the book's contents. The book preserves six short oracles set in an editorial framework which speciﬁes times and people and describes the reaction to Haggai's preaching;289 the ﬁrst ﬁve oracles are to encourage the people to

287

Hinckley G. Mitchell, John Merlin Powis Smith, and Julius A. Bewer, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi and Jonah, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1912), 82; D. Winton Thomas, ‘The Book of Zechariah 1–8’, in IB iv (1956), 1053–88 (p. 1053); Elliger, Das Buch der zwölf kleinen Propheten, II: Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja, Haggai, Sacharja, Maleachi, 6. Auﬂage, ATD 25 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967), 99; Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 27; Henning Graf Reventlow, Die Propheten Haggai, Sacharja und Maleachi, ATD 25.2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993), 32. Wilhelm Rudolph, Haggai—Sacharja 1–8—Sacharja 9–14—Maleachi, KAT 13.4 (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1976), 67, is followed by D. Petersen (Haggai and Zechariah 1–8, 128) in suggesting that ‘son of Iddo’ in Ezra 5: 1 and 6: 14 could also signify ‘grandson’, thereby eliminating any contradiction between the two genealogies. J. R. Porter, ‘Son or Grandson (Ezra x. 6)?’, JTS n.s. 17 (1966), 54–67 (pp. 57–8), argues that ‘son’ here indicates membership of a generic grouping rather than a speciﬁc family relationship.

288

Elliger, Propheten, 84, suggests on the basis of Hag. 2: 3 that the shortness of Haggai's ministry was because he was an old man and soon died. However, Rudolph, Haggai, regards the idea of Haggai being an old man as ‘ein falscher Schluß’ (‘a mistaken inference’) (p. 21).

289

Material which is regarded as oracular is 1: 2, 1: 4–11, 1: 13b, 2: 3–9, 2: 11–19, and 2: 21–3. Framework material is 1: 1, 1: 3, 1: 12–13a, 1: 14–2: 2, 2: 10, 2: 20. See Ackroyd, ‘Studies’, and Mason, ‘The Purpose of the “Editorial Framework” of the Book of Haggai’, VT 27 (1977), 413–21 (p. 414). A more recent treatment of the structure of the book of Haggai is Michael H. Floyd, ‘The Nature of the Narrative and the Evidence of Redaction in Haggai’, VT 45 (1995), 470–90. Floyd argues that there is deliberate ambiguity concerning the boundaries between the narrative and the oracular material, so that although original oracles have been used as source material it is impossible to separate them neatly from the ‘framework’, because the book of Haggai is effectively a piece of historiography arrived at by a process of composition and paraphrasing rather than simply an edited collection of oracles. Floyd's analysis is certainly illuminating, although it has little material effect on the arguments to be set out below, because whether the oracles were set in a framework as Ackroyd proposes or paraphrased into a continuous piece of historiography as Floyd argues, none of the ‘oracular’ material is addressed to the high priest, who only appears in the framework or narrative material. The only possible exception to this is Hag. 2: 4, which will be discussed below.

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proceed with rebuilding the Temple, and the sixth one is what might be termed a messianic prophecy directed at Zerubbabel. The text has suffered remarkably little in transmission, and relatively little by way of interpolation or corruption can be detected;290 the main exception to this is that according to a number of commentators 2: 15–19 seems originally to have belonged after 1: 15a, perhaps as an oracle given at the laying of the foundation stone for the new Temple.291 There is also some uncertainty about the original format of the oracle in 2: 1–9, although this will be addressed in the course of the discussion. During the course of the book Joshua the high priest is referred to ﬁve times, in 1: 1, 1: 12, 1: 14, 2: 2, and 2: 4. The ﬁrst four references are in the narrative framework rather than being part of

290

In an intriguing and ingenious piece of textual criticism F. S. North, ‘Critical Analysis of the Book of Haggai’, ZAW 68 (1956), 25–46, attempts to demonstrate that the basic narrative of the book of Haggai was only about a sixth of its current length, and preserved only three terse oracles: “ ‘Is it a time for you to live in your own houses, while this house lies in ruins?’ ”, “ ‘Did any of you that are left see this house in its past splendour? Then what do you think of it?’ ”, and “ ‘Thus says the Lord: Ask the priests for a decree.” So Haggai said, “If an unclean person touches anything, does it become unclean?” And they said, “Yes.” Then Haggai replied, “So is this people!’ ” Although the very idea of an editorial framework implies interpolation and expansion of the original words, North's analysis is excessive.

291

So Thomas, ‘The Book of Haggai’, in IB vi (1956), 1035–49 (pp. 1043–4); Elliger, Propheten, 89–90; Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 18; Samuel Amsler, ‘Aggée, Zacharie 1–8’, in Samuel Amsler, André Lacocque, and René Vuilleumier, Aggée, Zacharie, Malachie, CAT 11c (Neuchâtel and Paris: Delachaux & Niestlé, 1981), 11–125 (pp. 14, 28–9); Hans Walter Wolff, Dodekapropheton 6: Haggai, BKAT 14/6 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1986), 41–2 (ET Haggai: A Commentary, trans. Margaret Kohl (Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg, 1988), 59–60). Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 17 n. a, suggests that the order of verses between chs. 1 and 2 may originally have been 1: 14, 15, 13; 2: 15–19, 10–14, 1–9, 20–23. Some commentators, however, reject the proposed emendation; these include Horst, in Theodore H. Robinson and Friedrich Horst, Die Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, HAT 14 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1938), 197; Rudolph, Haggai, 23; Reventlow, 17.

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the content of the oracles themselves; the ﬁfth reference in 2: 4 may be part of a genuine oracle, or it may be a modiﬁcation of an oracle originally addressed to the people as a whole which is now addressed to the leaders of the community as well.292 In that case its reference to Joshua would also be part of the narrative framework, with the net result that none of Haggai's words mention Joshua speciﬁcally.293 Joshua never appears on his own; whenever he is mentioned it is always in second place after Zerubbabel, and on four out of the ﬁve occasions when he appears it is between Zerubbabel and a formula designating the province's inhabitants either as the remnant of the people or once, rather surprisingly, as the (ʽam hāʼāreṣ, ‘people of the land’—2: 4), a designation which in Ezra 4: 4 is used of the surrounding peoples who oppose the rebuilding of the Temple. Joshua never appears without title and patronym, on each occasion being referred to as (yehôšuaʽ ben-yehôṣādāq hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘Joshua son of Jehozadak, the high priest’). Zerubbabel on the other hand, who is mentioned in the ﬁve places where Joshua appears and additionally in 2: 21 and 2: 23, appears twice without his title (peḥâ, ‘governor’—1: 12; 2: 23), once without his father's name (2: 21) and once with neither patronym nor title (2: 4). It is very easy to assume that the fact that Zerubbabel and Joshua are nearly always mentioned together is an indication of the high priest's authority, and that his joint rule with the governor is ﬁrmly established. However, there are a number of reasons why such an interpretation is by no means certain. First, the limited scope of the material makes it impossible to determine from it with any certainty the roles fulﬁlled by Zerubbabel and Joshua in the community.294 Although in the eyes of whoever was responsible for the joint address they apparently occupy equivalent positions as the most important ﬁgures in their respective parts of the community, this need not imply that their actual authority in practical

292

Mason, “ ‘Editorial Framework’ ”, 416; D. Petersen, Haggai & Zechariah 1–8, 65; Reventlow, 11.

293

Horst, in Robinson and Horst, 203.

294

Cf. Rudolph, Haggai, 31–2: ‘Über das gegenseitige Verhältnis der beiden leitenden Männer erfahren wir bei Haggai nichts; nur ist festzustellen, daß da, wo beide zusammen genannt werden, immer Serubbabel voransteht.’ (‘We learn nothing from Haggai about the relationship of the two leading men to each other; the only certainty is that where both are mentioned together, Zerubbabel always stands ﬁrst.’)

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terms was equivalent. As already noted, Joshua is never mentioned alone, nor is he ever mentioned without full identiﬁcation in terms of descent and ofﬁce, something which suggests that he was not as well-known in the community as Zerubbabel, and which would therefore point away from his having any signiﬁcant authority in civil government over against Zerubbabel. Elliger suggests that the phrase (ben-yehôṣādāq hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘son of Jehozadak, the high priest’) in 2: 4 after Joshua's name together with the exhortation to all the people to ‘take courage’ is an addition;295 the implication of such a reading is that originally Zerubbabel and Joshua (sic) would have been addressed together in an oracular saying which was then expanded to include the people.296 However, the important point for present purposes is that even though Joshua may have had an oracular saying addressed to him, the narrator still felt the need to explain who ‘Joshua’ was, again implying some uncertainty over Joshua's identity and position in the community. Indeed, given that Joshua appears to be the ﬁrst individual in canonical sources to bear the title ‘high priest’ ( , hakkōhēn haggādôl), the constant repetition of his name and title may be part of the process whereby the new ofﬁce was established. Alternatively, the continued stress on Joshua's lineage and identity as the eldest son of the Zadokite Jehozadak may have been to claim his right to the position of high priest, if, as is implied by the vision of Zech. 3: 1–10, there was apparently some opposition to him taking on the high priesthood.297 Under those circumstances, the forms of address in Haggai would serve to afﬁrm the belief of whoever wrote them that Joshua was fully entitled to serve as high priest; but this again is not very informative about Joshua's potential for exercising civil power in the community. In fact, it would tend to indicate precisely the opposite, that the main concern was Joshua's ﬁtness for cultic responsibility, inasmuch as the disputes about purity implied in the lineage arguments pertain

295

Elliger, Propheten, 91. Similarly, Reventlow, 20.

296

Contra Mason, D. Petersen, Reventlow (see n. 11 above).

297

See below for further discussion of Zech. 3: 1–10. Allan, ‘The Identity of the Jerusalem Priesthood during the Exile’, suggests that this opposition would have come from Levitical priests of outlying shrines who had maintained services at the Temple site whilst the Jerusalem Zadokites had been in exile, and who were unwilling to relinquish their right to altar service once the Zadokites (of whom Joshua was the chief) returned after the Exile.

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very speciﬁcally to cultic service and are less relevant if at all to the function of governor. In addition, Haggai's prophecies are almost entirely concerned with rebuilding the Temple, something in which the high priest would be expected to take a lively interest, given that it has already been demonstrated how the pre-exilic chief priesthood came into being in the context of the Temple and the cultic mechanisms which arose during the monarchy, and remained closely connected with the Temple.298 Hence, Joshua's appearance with Zerubbabel in a Temple context cannot justiﬁably be taken to indicate that the high priesthood had acquired any power beyond that bestowed by his cultic responsibilities, since it is the context in which the high priest would logically be expected to appear and indeed the only context in which he is portrayed as functioning in any of the sources up to this point. Secondly, the point already made about the lack of direct reference to Joshua in the oracular parts of the book is in contrast to the dramatic ﬁnal prophecy addressed to Zerubbabel (2: 20–3); apparently some sort of eschatological saying but one which certainly forsees an independence for Judah which she does not currently possess under Persian domination, it styles Zerubbabel, and Zerubbabel alone, as Yahweh's signet ring, his chosen one.299 That bias in itself is an indicator that at the time of Haggai's preaching the idea of high-priestly ascendancy was by no means prominent in every mind; in fact, as is the case for the preaching of Ezekiel, the thought behind the prophecy seems to be that of restoring the status quo, of somehow returning to the pre-exilic pattern of society, not of instituting something new.300 The image of a signet ring is used in Jer. 22: 24 of Jeconiah king of Judah, in the context of Yahweh's castigation of the unworthy Judaean rulers;

298

See Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History.

299

Floyd sees the variations in form of address to Zerubbabel noted above as creating ‘a growing contrast between Zerubbabel and Joshua, so as to prepare for the qualitatively different position that is assigned to Zerubbabel at the climatic conclusion to the narrative (ii 23)’ (p. 482).

300

In this context it is worth bearing in mind that not even the Priestly writer is in fact advocating a hierocracy, but is rather claiming recognition of the high priest's rightful place in the community as an important cultic ﬁgure alongside other civil leadership structures. There is therefore no precedent at this stage for a hierocratic regime, and in fact every encouragement to think in terms of a non-hierocratic government, since the priests were not even claiming for themselves the right to rule. See the discussion in Ch. 1 on the Priestly writer and Ch. 4 on Ezekiel above.

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the signet ring is to be torn off, and the king given into the hands of the Babylonians. Haggai's prophecy is in effect a reversal of that process, whereby the nations themselves are to be overthrown and the signet ring reclaimed and set once more in its rightful position. This certainly does not seem to be the indication of a burgeoning hierocracy where the high priest was poised to take over at the earliest possible opportunity; in fact, precisely the opposite.301 Of course, when Haggai originally prophesied, Zerubbabel rather than Joshua by his very presence would have been the natural focus of attention as the rightful leader of the people, since as long as Zerubbabel remained in circulation the hope of somehow restoring the Davidic line would have been kept alive.302 Hence, it is understandable why Joshua might not have featured very largely in the oracular material. However, difﬁculties arise when a later editor is postulated for the oracles who would have embedded them in their present framework either by reproducing them verbatim or by paraphrasing them along with other material to produce a continuous piece of historiography. The thought might well be that Joshua's appearance in the narrative alongside Zerubbabel points to the high priest's increased prominence by the time of the editing process; but if the high priest really had gained in power and prominence it is unlikely that he would need full identiﬁcation each time he was mentioned. Beuken's identiﬁcation of a ‘Chronistic milieu’ as the circle out of which the ﬁnal edition of Haggai may have arisen would push its date forward to the end of the ﬁfth century at the earliest;303 if Beuken is correct, then the implication is that not even by about 400 BCE had the high priest gained sufﬁciently in inﬂuence and general acceptance to be presented in the throwaway style of familiarity. The presentation of the high priest in Haggai then has to be viewed

301

See Elliger, Propheten, 97; Reventlow, 30–1.

302

R. J. Coggins, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, OTG (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1987), argues that Haggai's hopes for Zerubbabel are unspeciﬁc and that it should not simply be assumed that Haggai was thinking in terms of a restored Davidic monarchy; instead, dual leadership of the community was needed (pp. 35, 36). However, the points still remain that Joshua is not addressed in any of the oracles except possibly in 2: 4, and even that would not have been an address to him alone; that the book concerns itself largely with Temple-rebuilding which was an inevitable concern of the high priest; and that it is difﬁcult to see how the signet ring image together with the presumed Davidic descent of Zerubbabel would not indicate some sort of hope for monarchic restoration. See also the discussion below on the supposed diarchy in Zech. 4: 10–14.

303

W. A. M. Beuken, Haggai-Sacharja 1–8: Studien zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der frühnachexilischen Prophetie (Assen: Van Gorcum & Comp N.V., 1967), 19–20.

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more as a manifesto for recognizing his proper position alongside the civil authorities or as a description of what was considered to be appropriate cultic practice by the time of the ﬁnal edition, rather than as a description of a high priesthood with greatly increased powers.304 The third reason for being dubious about the increased importance of the high priest at an early date is the lack of evidence for it in later materials. Meyers and Meyers argue that the Temple was an important ﬁscal and administrative centre ‘like all temples in the ancient world’;305 hence, Temple restoration was a way for the Persians to foster local selfrule. The high priest therefore gained an importance which was linked with the Temple's non-cultic functioning in the community and with the diminution of Zerubbabel's royal powers by comparison with the pre-exilic monarchs, so that Joshua became a high-ranking internal administrative ofﬁcer while Zerubbabel's main responsibility was liaison with the Persian authorities.306 However, even granted that Achaemenid ﬁscal policy was channelled through local sanctuaries, the high priest does not seem to have beneﬁted from it in terms of his position in the Judaean community.307 Turning to the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, there is little if any evidence of the high priest as an important ofﬁcial in their descriptions of the ﬁfth-century Judaean community, either from the Persian or from the Jewish point of view.308 Despite the fact that there is no longer any indication of a Davidic heir such as Zerubbabel in the province who could serve as a focus of identity and hope for the people, the Davidide's place does not appear to have been taken by the high priest; both Ezra and Nehemiah show a surprising absence of references to the high priest apart from in the context of

304

Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, remarks that the presentation of Haggai's words has afﬁnities with the outlook found in the Priestly writer and the Chronicler (pp. 9–10). This in itself militates against the idea that Haggai views the high priesthood as a major vehicle of civil leadership in the community, since both P and the Chronicler emphasize the cultic importance of the high priesthood whilst allowing it no civil power. For more details, see Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer and Ch. 8 below on the books of Chronicles.

305

Carol L. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers, Haggai, Zechariah 1–8, AB 25B (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1987), 37.

306

Ibid. 38, 39.

307

See Joachim Schaper, ‘The Jerusalem Temple as an Instrument of the Achaemenid Fiscal Administration’, VT 45 (1995), 528–39. Schaper makes no reference to the high priest in the context of the collection of imperial taxes, but argues that speciﬁc ofﬁcials who were civil servants directly responsible to the Persian king would have been appointed for this area of Temple activity (p. 534).

308

All these issues are discussed fully in Ch. 6 below on Ezra and Nehemiah.

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speciﬁcally Temple- or priest-centred matters, even to the point of omitting him from the Lawgiving organized by Ezra and the resulting covenant to keep the Law (Neh. 8: 1–10: 40 (ET 10: 39)). The fact too that Nehemiah was sent all the way from Babylon to initiate and supervise the rebuilding of Jerusalem's walls because there was apparently no one else with sufﬁcient concern or authority to do it is incompatible with the idea of the high priest as a high-ranking internal administrative ofﬁcer. Indeed, both Ezra and Nehemiah seem perfectly free to enter the province and carry out quite fundamental reforms which the high priest is presumably unable or unwilling to tackle, and the reforms are carried out with no apparent reference to—even despite—the high priest. If the high priest was as important a ﬁgure as Meyers and Meyers claim there would have been at least some nominal acknowledgement of his position. It is inconceivable that over the century or so between the early Restoration period and the time of Ezra and Nehemiah high-priestly power had bloomed and faded, and there is no clear evidence after that of a high priest with substantial authority until Maccabean times,309 nearly four hundred years on from the early Restoration period. It is surely worth reiterating, too, that the period of disorganization immediately following the return would have been no time for new developments, since the community was concerned ﬁrst with its own survival and secondly with a restoration of the previous status quo. Haggai's prophecies seem to have been precipitated by a general attention to the ﬁrst of those aims to the neglect of the second, even on the part of governor and high priest, so it is difﬁcult to believe that the elaborate reorganization implied by Meyers and Meyers' reconstruction could have taken place so quickly—especially as the Temple upon which the high priest's status would depend had not yet been rebuilt. A further reason for doubting the swift emergence of the high priest as a civil authority ﬁgure is the fact that at the time of the original oracles prophecy was still alive and could be inﬂuential in the community, in contrast with later times when its voice faded and diverged into the apocalyptic and theocratic streams of Jewish thought.310 This once again indicates that the old pattern had not

309

For more details, see Ch. 11 below on the Maccabees.

310

See Otto Plöger, Theokratie und Eschatologie (Neukirchen Kreis Moers: Neukirchener Verlag, 1959) (ET Theocracy and Eschatology, trans. S. Rudman (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1968) ); Paul D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic (Philadelphia, Pa.: Fortress Press, 1975).

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yet been superseded, making it additionally unlikely that in the eyes of his fellow-Judaeans at least Joshua would have been a candidate for the acquisition of remarkable new responsibilities so quickly. Prophetic authority could still exceed that of either governor or high priest—another reminder of pre-exilic days and a warning that although the nature of the community was changing, it had not yet changed beyond recognition, so that it should not be forced into an alternative mode too quickly. It seems then that there is no evidence in Haggai for the high priest's acquisition of civil power, or indeed for the hierocratic tendencies which would lead to such an acquisition. The only context in which Joshua appears is that of Temple rebuilding, a natural and inevitable area of concern for the high priest, and the ﬁnal oracle of 2: 20–3 seems to advocate a return to a monarchic society in which Zerubbabel, not Joshua, would be the ultimate authority ﬁgure. Hence, Joshua's concerns and responsibilities remain ﬁrmly in the cultic realm, as was shown to be the case both for the pre-exilic chief priests and for the high priest of P. The next step is therefore to see if the same is true in Zechariah. According to the dating formulae provided in the text, Zechariah's ministry was longer than the three months supposedly covered by Haggai's oracles; it began ‘in the eighth month, in the second year of Darius’ (1: 1), and continued on through ‘the twenty-fourth day of the eleventh month . . . in the second year of Darius’ (1: 7), and ‘the fourth year of King Darius, . . . in the fourth day of the ninth month’ (7: 1), that is, 520–518 BCE. The overall tone of the prophecies is of Yahweh's jealousy for Jerusalem, a theme into which the high priest can be seen to ﬁt by virtue of being part of the Jerusalem establishment. The time markers divide the book into three sections, and the material which is of interest for the present purposes occurs in the so-called night vision of 1: 7–6: 15, which corresponds exactly to the section of text falling between the second and third dating formulae. In contrast to the book of Haggai where the high priest is barely mentioned in the oracular material, two of the series of eight episodes related in Zech. 1: 7–6: 15 speciﬁcally involve the high priest Joshua—an emphasis which is not altogether surprising, given Zechariah's own priestly status. In the ﬁrst of these (3: 1–10) Joshua is shown as standing in the heavenly court in ﬁlthy clothing with the accuser on his right hand, but the Lord dismisses the accuser and orders

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the ﬁlthy clothing to be replaced by clean garments and a turban, presumably representing the regalia of the high priesthood. Joshua is then granted oversight of the Temple and access to the heavenly court on condition that he walks in God's ways and keeps his charge. The scene ends with an oracular promise to bring ‘the Branch’ and to remove iniquity from the land. The second episode (6: 9–14) is more contentious in interpretative terms. Zechariah is to ask three of the exiles for silver and gold from which he is to make a crown (or crowns) and crown Joshua (perhaps originally Zerubbabel), giving to him an oracle concerning ‘the man whose name is the Branch’ who is to build the Temple and rule with a priest at his side in peaceful co-operation with him. The crown (or crowns) are then to be placed in the Temple as a reminder to those who were named at the beginning of the vision.311 In addition to these two episodes where Joshua is mentioned by name, there is usually thought to be a covert reference to Joshua and Zerubbabel in the episode of chapter 4, where two olive trees are shown standing either side of a golden lampstand with seven seven-lipped lamps on top of it. From verses 10b and 14 it appears that the lampstand represents Yahweh, while the olive trees, described in verse 14 as the two , (benê-hayyiṣhār, ‘sons of oil’) are usually interpreted as standing for the two leading ﬁgures in the community, namely Zerubbabel and Joshua.312 The RSV misleadingly translates the phrase (benê-hayyiṣhār) as ‘anointed’, a translation presumably derived from the understanding that Zerubbabel as Davidic heir and Joshua as high priest would both have been anointed; however, there are several arguments against such a translation. In the ﬁrst place, it is an open question whether either Zerubbabel or Joshua would have been anointed at this stage, Joshua because there was as yet no Temple to make either the ofﬁce of high priest or Joshua's installation as

(ʽaārôt, ‘crowns’) as an archaic or archaizing form of the

311

E. Lipin'ski, ‘Recherches sur le livre de Zacharie’, VT 20 (1970), 25–55, argues for the plural reading singular which was used to refer to items or beings with mythical or sacral connotations (pp. 34–5).

312

Driver, Minor Prophets, II, Century Bible (Edinburgh: T. C. & E. C. Jack, 1906), 204; Mitchell, Smith, and Bewer, 165; Thomas, ‘The Book of Zechariah’, 1074; Elliger, Propheten, 111; Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 48; D. Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah, 231; Ralph L. Smith, Micah-Malachi, WBC 32 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1984), 205. Meyers and Meyers, 275–6, regard the ﬁgures as generic governor and high-priest ﬁgures rather than as referring speciﬁcally to Zerubbabel and Joshua. This passage seems to have been inﬂuential in some Jewish eschatological speculation which looked for two Messiahs, one of whom would be royal and one priestly. See Higgins, ‘Priest and Messiah’, for discussion.

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such meaningful or even possible, and Zerubbabel because it is unlikely that he would have been anointed unless he were actually in a position to take up the kind of leadership of his people which the anointing would imply. However, the vision could be regarded as in some sense predictive, in which case the actual contemporary status of the ﬁgures to which it refers would be irrelevant. A more serious objection is the fact that the usual word for anointing oil is (šemen), whereas the word (yiṣhār) which is used in 4: 14 does not refer to the oil used in anointing, but rather to the fresh new olive oil that comes at the beginning of the harvest (cf. LXX οἱ δύο υἱοὶ τη̑ς πιότητος, hoi duo huioi tēs piotētos—‘the two sons of fatness’). It has connotations of richness and bounty, of Yahweh's favour on his people, and also of priestly tithes due from the people, rather than anointing. Although Köhler argued that the two terms were interchangeable and that (yiṣhār) could therefore signify anointing oil,313 the only two verses he cited as evidence (Deut. 8: 8; 2 Kgs. 18: 32) use the terms interchangeably in the context of agricultural produce; this shows that (šemen) can have an agricultural connotation, but says nothing about (yiṣhār) having connotations of anointing. Indeed, the only place where (yiṣhār) supposedly refers to anointing oil is Zech. 4: 14, and it seems unwise to take it as such when the only grounds for doing so are a presupposed interpretation of what is undeniably an obscure vision. It seems more likely that the (benê-hayyiṣhār) are a metaphor for the prosperity which the community will enjoy under the dual prince-priest leadership, prosperity symbolized by a constant supply of oil which is necessary for the continually burning lamps of the Temple.314 The ﬁrst question to be answered about the high-priestly material in Zechariah is whether or not it is an integral part of its present context. It has been suggested that both the episode of Joshua's cleansing (3: 1–10) and the episode with the crowns (6: 9–15) are interpolations, since neither episode follows the question- and-answer format with Zechariah and the interpreting angel which is displayed in the other episodes of the night vision.315

313

L. Köhler, ‘Eine archaistische Wortgruppe’, ZAW 46 (n.s. 5) (1928), 218–20 (pp. 219, 220).

314

Interestingly,

315

Elliger, Propheten, 120; Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 49–50; Reventlow, 32–3. See also Amsler, 18.

(yiṣhār ) appears as one of the commodities upon which the Lord has sent a blight in Hag. 1: 11, although BHS marks it as a possible addition there.

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Moreover, both the cleansing and the crowning refer to recognizable individuals and have a somewhat more ‘real’ quality about them than the other episodes, which could mean that they are later than the other episodes, or are perhaps from a different hand. For example, Redditt argues that all the Zerubbabel and Joshua material (3: 1–10; 4: 6b–10a; 6: 9–15) was added secondarily to a series of visions originally directed to the exiled community in Babylon, thereby changing the thrust of the prophecy from an exhortation to return to Judah, to a ‘politico-theological treatise for Judah and Jerusalem for the year 520 BC’. The supposedly secondary material therefore reﬂects the postulated future roles of Zerubbabel and Joshua, and also evidences a reinterpretation of the term ‘Branch’ (usually regarded as a royal or a messianic title) to refer to Joshua once Zerubbabel's disappearance and the failure to re-establish the monarchy led to Joshua's elevation.316 However, a case can also be made for regarding the Zerubbabel and Joshua material as integral to the whole, and this is the approach favoured by Halpern, who in a prolonged analysis sees the whole cycle 1: 7–6: 15 as a Mesopotamian temple-reconstruction liturgy, ‘refracted through the lens of Israelite culture and history’.317 With this overall scenario all the supposedly intrusive elements can be accounted for and made to ﬁt as part of the one complex. Joshua's change in clothing is equivalent to the temple-builder donning pure raiment,318 and the Zerubbabel material in 4: 6b–10a, which is evidently intrusive in its present context, belongs after 3: 8, thereby creating a block of oracular material in the centre of the vision, preceded by material describing preparation for the Temple foundation and followed by material describing the consequences of foundation.319 The ﬁnal episode with the crowns refers to Zerubbabel, and is an ‘association of suzerainty with participation in the foundation rite’,320 a theme also evident in the central block of oracular material. When 1: 7–6: 15 is viewed in this way as a whole rather than as a

316

Redditt, ‘Zerubbabel, Joshua and the Night Visions of Zechariah’, CBQ 54 (1992), 249–59. In his commentary, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, Redditt claims that Zechariah himself was responsible for this second edition (p. 42).

317

Baruch Halpern, ‘The Ritual Background of Zechariah's Temple Song’, CBQ 40 (1978), 167–90 (p. 189).

318

Ibid. 173.

319

Ibid. 179–80 and n. 60.

320

Ibid. 181.

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series of individual episodes, its overall structure certainly suggests that the cleansing and crowning episodes are integral to it rather than being secondary additions. The cleansing episode stands in fourth place, following three of the more surrealistic episodes with their unworldly atmosphere, question-and-answer format, and interpreting angel, and the crowning episode stands as a comment at the end of the series after a further four surrealistic episodes. In its nearcentral position, the cleansing episode marks the transition from the ﬁrst three episodes which portray Jerusalem as the Lord's chosen city (1: 7–2: 17 (ET 2: 13)), to the remaining four episodes which are concerned with the Lord's restoration of his city. Right at the start of the cleansing episode it is the same Lord who has chosen Jerusalem who takes it upon himself to rebuke the accuser of the high priest (3: 2); Joshua's cleansing serves to guarantee the promise of cleansing for the land, and is the ﬁrst act in the overall cleansing process which continues in the following episodes, where the lampstand symbolizes the presence of the Lord (4: 1–6a, 10b–14), the scroll and the ephah of wickedness symbolize the cleansing of the city (5: 1–11), and the four chariots impatient to be gone (6: 1–8) are a reversal of the ﬁrst episode in which Zechariah sees the horsemen gather from patrolling the earth. Finally comes the crowning episode, which on this analysis describes Zechariah's appropriate response to the Lord's promised choice and cleansing of Jerusalem. The overall effect of the cleansing and crowning episodes in the sequence is thus to link the otherwise rather out-of-this-world episodes with the realities of human existence in Jerusalem, thereby setting the perspective of each by means of the other. What, then, do the cleansing and the crowning episodes signify? Beginning with the cleansing episode, the adjective translated ‘ﬁlthy’, (ṣôʼîm), which is used of Joshua's clothing in 3: 3, is only found here, and is from a root containing ideas of excrement, vomit, moral impurity, or iniquity.321 By contrast, the descriptive term used for Joshua's clean turban in 3: 5 ( , ṭāhôr), is an adjective found elsewhere largely with overtones of ceremonial or moral cleanliness (e.g. Lev. 10: 10), or meaning ‘pure, unalloyed’, as for example of gold.322 Although only the turban is described as ‘clean’, it seems to be a symbol for the complete garb, and the use of this adjective in particular indicates that the cleansing is concerned

321

BDB, 844.

322

BDB, 373.

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with ceremonial purity rather than with actual physical dirt or deﬁlement—Yahweh is making Joshua ceremonially ﬁt to serve in the capacity of high priest. Rabbinic exegesis interpreted the uncleanness which is symbolically stripped away from Joshua with the ﬁlthy clothing as deﬁlement of the high-priestly family due to some of its members having married foreign wives (cf. Ezra 10: 18); however, this would mean dating the episode several decades later than the surrounding material, whereas it has just been concluded that it is integral to, and so contemporary with, the night vision as a whole. Most modern commentators interpret the deﬁlement as contamination picked up by living in an unclean land,323 and this interpretation is preferable as not only can it be supported from the text itself (cf. 3: 3), but it also reﬂects a concern contemporary with the rest of the episodes. In that case, the cleansing episode can be seen as a divine cleansing and acceptance of Joshua as representative and heir of the high-priestly line, enabling the restoration to continue without fear of further rejection because of a deﬁled priesthood. Yet surely the restoration of the high priest has a greater signiﬁcance, as the oracular material of 3: 6–10 would indicate. Part of the anguish of exile was that there had been no Temple for the last seventy years, and as yet no rebuilding had taken place, so there was no means of removing guilt from either the exiles or those left in Judah. Under these circumstances Joshua's own divine cleansing represents the accumulated impurity being cleansed, because it represents Yahweh's action to enable the restoration of the cult of which Joshua would be the head ﬁgure, and which was the means of cleansing for the remainder of the community. The apparent symbolism of the high priest's installation and the references to the seven-faceted stone, possibly the engraved metal plate of the high priest's headdress which was the reminder of his power to absorb guilt,324 can thus be accounted for by viewing the episode as describing Joshua being prepared to fulﬁl his role as high

323

See, for example, Thomas, ‘The Book of Zechariah’, 1067–8; Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 50; D. Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah 1–8, 195; Meyers and Meyers, 188; Reventlow, 53; Redditt, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 63–4.

324

See the discussion of the high priest's garments in Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer. By contrast, Lipin'ski suggests that the reference is to the Galilean site known as Ain et-Tabgha, from the Greek ʽEπτάπηγον or ‘Seven Springs’, and that the image is one of miraculous cleansing and therefore fertility brought about by the seven streams of water (pp. 25–30).

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priest.325 Yet for the cult to begin to function again, and to enable Joshua to carry out the role for which he has been prepared—including having charge of the Temple courts (3: 7)—there must be a Temple, so that the vision is also an implicit promise of the Temple's restoration. There is no doubt that the restoration of the Temple would be a very important part of the restoration of Jerusalem, since the Temple would function not only as a symbol of continuity between the pre- and post-exilic communities, but as the present community's legitimation.326 And yet even this does not exhaust the episode's signiﬁcance, because the promise of a restored Temple implies the promise of one who is worthy to restore it. Joshua himself is not given the task of Temple-building, but as restored high priest he and his friends are ‘men of portent’ (3: 8) that there will be one able to build the Temple, namely the Branch. The title , (ṣemaḥ), ‘Branch’, perhaps more accurately ‘shoot’ or ‘new growth’, appears twice in Zechariah, at 3: 8 and 6: 13, and is usually interpreted as a royal or messianic designation.327 Although the word's basic meaning is that of new growth in an agricultural sense, it is used in Jer. 23: 5 and 33: 15 as a metaphor for a future Davidic king. The image seems to be that of a new shoot sprouting from the stump of a felled tree, and parallel imagery (though with different vocabulary) is found in Isa. 11: 1 (the shoot from the stump of Jesse). However, , (ṣemaḥ) is not found in a titular or a technical sense before Zechariah. Its appearance in Zechariah has been thought to refer either to Zerubbabel,328 given that his name means ‘seed of Babylon’ in Akkadian, or to a future messianic ruler.329 A future messianic interpretation is unlikely if the cleansing and crowning episodes where the title appears are regarded as dating from the Restoration

325

Tidwell, ‘Wāʼōmar (Zech. 3: 5) and the Genre of Zechariah's Fourth Vision’, JBL 94 (1975), 343–55, suggests that the vision reﬂects the ritual preparation of the high priest for the Day of Atonement celebrations (p. 353).

326

This is a concept which is very important in the books of Chronicles. See Ch. 8 below on Chronicles.

327

e.g. Reventlow, 55.

328

Driver, Minor Prophets, 198; Mitchell, Smith, and Bewer, 187; Thomas, ‘The Book of Zechariah’, 1070; D. Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah 1–8, 210–11; Redditt, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 66.

329

Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 52; R. L. Smith, 200–1; Meyers and Meyers, 203: ‘the prophet is employing lively prophetic imagery to point to a future time when kingship might well be reestablished.’

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period, because at that time any monarchic hopes would tend to focus on Zerubbabel and the restoration of what was left of the current Davidic dynasty, rather than projecting hopes for an ideal king into the future. In that case, given the appearance of a royal title in a context which it has been argued concerns Temple restoration, and given that templebuilding was primarily a royal responsibility in the general ancient Near Eastern cultural milieu,330 the logical inference is that , (ṣemaḥ) in 3: 8 refers to Zerubbabel.331 This is supported by the oracular insertion in 4: 6b–10a, which refers quite clearly to Zerubbabel in the context of what has all the appearances of being a Temple-foundation ritual.332 It would appear, then, that Joshua may be given charge of the Temple courts, but he is not given the royal prerogative of building the Temple; hence, the cleansing episode cannot be interpreted

330

Antti Laato, ‘Zachariah 4, 6b–10a and the Akkadian Royal Building Inscriptions’, ZAW 106 (1994), 53–69, points out that in Akkadian and Babylonian royal building inscriptions temple-rebuilding is always shown as a project undertaken by the king, and the king is shown as an active participant in the process (pp. 57, 58). Laato also remarks that the building itself was thought to guarantee the royal dynasty's establishment and well-being (pp. 60–1), a concept which is appropriate in the present context.

331

Some scholars have interpreted the term ‘Branch’ in Zech. 3: 8b as a reference to Joshua the high priest. Milos Bič, Die Nachtgesichte des Sacharja: Eine Auslegung von Sacharja 1–6, Biblische Studien, 42 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1964), 38, regards the designation ‘Branch’ as a reference to a coming Joshua-ﬁgure who will appear in the near future alongside Zerubbabel, and claims that Zechariah saw the Messiah as coming from the high-priestly line (p. 70); Coggins on the other hand thinks in terms of the contemporary Joshua, and simply asserts, ‘In v. 8 Joshua is described as “my servant the Branch’ ” (Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, 46). However, these interpretations are difﬁcult to justify for two main reasons. In the ﬁrst place, if it were to be understood that the Branch was Joshua, the message of the oracle would surely be, ‘Behold my servant the Branch’, which would be a clear reference to a ﬁgure already depicted in the foregoing vision. However, the actual wording of the oracle is, ‘Behold I am bringing my servant the Branch’, which implies that the Branch is a ﬁgure different from any of those depicted in the immediate context. In the second place, there is the question of whether or not the Branch can legitimately be regarded as a priestly ﬁgure. As indicated in the discussion above, it seems extremely probable that ‘Branch’ is ﬁrst and foremost a royal designation, and there is no compelling reason to regard it as anything else in the present context; certainly neither Bič nor Coggins provides any such reason. Hence, it seems much more satisfactory to regard the term ‘Branch’ as a reference either to a future messianic ﬁgure, or to Zerubbabel (as in the present discussion).

332

Halpern, 171–3; D. Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah 1–8, 240–4. D. Petersen, ‘Zerubbabel and Temple Reconstruction’, CBQ 36 (1974), 366–72, underlines the oracle's stress on Zerubbabel as royal ﬁgure in the ceremony (pp. 366, 368, 370, 372). Joyce Baldwin, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, TOTC (Leicester: IVP, 1972), 121–2, is followed by Redditt, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 69–70, in arguing that the ceremony depicted would be one of completion rather than of foundation, but the association of Zerubbabel with the act of Temple-building remains unchanged.

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as claiming royal status or civil power for him. Rather, Joshua's preparation for the high priesthood is both his preparation for cultic responsibility and a promise that the Temple will be rebuilt in accordance with the old order, thereby anticipating the restoration of that old order. In an interesting and inventive reinterpretation, Barker suggests that Zerubbabel only appears unequivocally in 4: 6ff., and that the other supposed references to him in Zechariah are based on the unjustiﬁed assumptions that ‘Branch’ is a messianic or at least a royal title and that crowns are primarily a royal symbol.333 For Barker, Joshua is the community's ruler who can claim the title ‘Branch’ in the visions of 3: 1–10 and 6: 9–15, and the two ‘sons of oil’ standing to left and right of the lampstand in 4: 3 represent not Joshua and Zerubbabel in joint harmonious rule but the priesthoods of the north and south, an interpretation derived from Ezekiel's use of the words which here indicate left and right to signify north and south.334 In other words, Zechariah is recommending a priestly rule which pursues a policy of appeasement towards Judah's northern neighbours rather than a policy of separation, as the way in which the harmony and prosperity hinted at by the phrase ‘sons of oil’ will be achieved.335 The conclusion that ‘Branch’ is not necessarily a messianic or royal title is based on its supposed titular usage in Jer. 23: 5 and 33: 15, and also in Isa. 4: 2, where the branch of the Lord is part of a description of a new era of peace, prosperity, fertility, and the Lord's presence in Judah.336 However, there are three points to be made in answer to this. In the ﬁrst place, as remarked above, Zechariah's usage of ‘Branch’ is the earliest example of the extension of Jeremiah's descriptive and metaphorical usage into a title, and the only clear example of such usage in the OT; hence, to speak of titular usage apart from in Zechariah is misleading. In the second place, Jeremiah's usage refers unmistakably to a royal individual; and in the third place the usage in Isa. 4: 2 does not designate an individual of any kind, but is, in the words of Clements, ‘a reference to the wonderful growth which Yahweh will cause to spring up in the age of salvation’.337

333

Barker, ‘The Two Figures in Zechariah’, 39–42.

334

Ibid. 42–5.

335

Ibid. 46.

336

Ibid. 41–2.

337

Clements, Isaiah 1–39, NCB (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans; London: Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1982), 54.

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Hence, even though the elements in Isa. 4: 2–6 may correspond to the elements hinted at in Zechariah's picture of restoration, a picture which Barker describes as ‘priestly’,338 there is no warrant for seeing in Isa. 4: 2 either the title ‘Branch’ or its non-royal usage, and for therefore denying the title its royal signiﬁcance where it appears in Zechariah. In a discussion of the cleansing episode of 3: 1–10, VanderKam proposes that the ﬁrst, visionary section of the episode (the de- and re-clothing) signiﬁes the movement from guilty deﬁlement to purity, and the second, oracular section suggests an expansion of the high priest's role into areas which were formerly the preserve of the monarch or the prophet, namely having charge of the Temple courts and being granted access to the divine council (3: 7).339 VanderKam concludes his article by saying, ‘The crucial fact about the chapter is . . . that it accents the central and expanded roles of the high priest in postexilic Jewish society. In Zechariah 3 Joshua alone is the protagonist and he does not share the stage with Zerubbabel.’340 However, in the light of the discussion above such a conclusion seems unwarranted. VanderKam gives no indication of what he means by ‘central and expanded roles’, as to why making a man a cultic ofﬁcial automatically makes him a ruler, or how giving him charge of the Temple courts automatically gives him jurisdiction over any other aspects of government or administration. Additionally, VanderKam fails to take any account of the reference to the Branch, Zerubbabel, in 3: 8. Nor is the high priest's role as startlingly new as VanderKam makes out, given that the chief priests prior to the Exile already had a measure of authority over the Temple. The pre-exilic Ahitub in Neh. 11: 11 is styled as ‘chief ofﬁcer of the house of God’. When King Joash was concerned about the lack of maintenance being performed on the Temple he summoned Jehoiada the priest for an explanation (2 Kgs. 12: 5–8 (ET 12: 4–7)), and when King Ahaz wanted a new altar he sent the design to Uriah the priest to have it made (2 Kgs. 16: 10–16).341 The leading priests had always been involved with the upkeep of the Temple. Hence, the commission to Joshua in Zech.

338

Barker, ‘The Two Figures in Zechariah’, 41.

339

James VanderKam, ‘Joshua the High Priest and the Interpretation of Zechariah 3’, CBQ 53 (1991), 553–70; see also Reventlow, 54.

340

VanderKam, ‘Joshua’, 570.

341

See the discussion of these incidents in Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History.

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3: 7 is more of a quantitative than a qualitative promotion, extending his area of authority within the cultic sphere but keeping it in that sphere—the logical step to take in a province where the ultimate ruling authority would henceforth rest with a Persian appointee who may or may not have had a sympathetic concern for the Temple, and who may not even have been a Jew. Indeed, by Nehemiah's time it seems that the high priest was still responsible for the Temple courts (Neh. 13: 4), but this had done nothing to further his power in any other area of life—except that it put Eliashib the high priest in a position to favour Tobiah the Ammonite by preparing a room for him in the Temple courts, a move which may have had its own rewards.342 Turning from the cleansing episode to the lampstand episode (4: 1–6a, 10b–14), the two olive trees which are the ‘sons of oil’ standing either side of the golden lampstand seem to indicate a joint leadership in the community, a leadership, moreover, which is divinely sanctioned and which therefore leads to prosperity and blessing. Here again, commentators have been quick to interpret the vision as an indication that the high priest now had a signiﬁcant share in the civil administration of the province. Petersen's opinion is not untypical: ‘Commentators uniformly view these anointed ﬁgures as signifying the diarchic polity recoverable in the oracular material . . . Zechariah apparently thinks in terms of joint civil-religious leadership . . . The visions . . . make clear that the high priest is to have an important leadership role.’343 And yet the lampstand episode is quite unspeciﬁc; there are two ﬁgures, but they are not named, no clue is given as to how they relate to each other or whether they are of equal status, and despite the RSV rendering of 4: 14 they are not ‘anointed’, as discussed earlier. Given the image of a lampstand which is a piece of Temple furniture, it is a reasonable assumption that the two ﬁgures are the two who have appeared so far in the context of the Temple's restoration, namely Joshua and Zerubbabel. But the exact nature of this ‘diarchic rule’ must be determined from the surrounding material of the night vision, as Petersen implies. Following as it

342

See further in Ch. 6 below on Ezra and Nehemiah.

343

D. Petersen, ‘Zechariah's Visions: A Theological Perspective’, VT 34 (1984), 195–206 (pp. 204–5). This view is shared by Janet E. Tollington, Tradition and Innovation in Haggai and Zechariah 1–8, JSOTS 150 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1993), 175–8. Morgenstern, ‘A Chapter’, 5, 191–2, suggests that the two ﬁgures are Joshua who is the new head of the theocracy of Yahweh, and the deputy chief priest.

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does hard on the heels of the cleansing episode, the lampstand episode is a reminder after the cleansing episode's emphasis on the high priest that there is another signiﬁcant ﬁgure in the community who also has Yahweh's favour, and that the proper working together of both ﬁgures as deﬁned in the cleansing and crowning episodes (and also in the oracular material of 4: 6b–10a) is essential for the community's well-being. The non-speciﬁc nature of the episode means that it can be made to suit whatever interpretation of the diarchy is elicited from elsewhere in the night vision; hence, although it does not necessarily contradict the interpretation proposed here for the cleansing episode and therefore the scenario of a high priesthood without civil power, neither can it offer positive independent support for the interpretation. But the same is also true for those who claim an increase in priestly power on the basis of the other episodes of the night vision; the lampstand episode may not contradict such an interpretation, but neither can it offer positive independent support for it. The crowning episode (6: 9–15), however, is somewhat more explicit in its depiction of the two ﬁgures' relative roles. Like the cleansing episode, the crowning episode contains the ﬁgures of the high priest and the Branch, and is concerned (more overtly this time) with the Temple-rebuilding. The crowning episode has often been seen as evidence of a growth in priestly power, on the assumption that the crown placed upon Joshua's head is a royal symbol, and indeed many commentators subscribe to the idea that the crown must originally have been intended for Zerubbabel, but that Joshua must have been substituted for Zerubbabel in the text following the latter's disappearance.344 However, this theory has its difﬁculties. Although at ﬁrst sight it makes better sense that it should be the royal Zerubbabel rather than the priestly Joshua who is crowned and receives an oracle about a royal ﬁgure who will build the Temple and rule with a priest at his side, it seems very awkward that the oracle in verses 12–13, which on this reading is spoken directly to Zerubbabel about Zerubbabel, should be framed entirely in the third person, thereby implying that the recipient of the oracle and its subject are two different people.345

344

Driver, Minor Prophets, 212–13; Mitchell, Smith, and Bewer, 185–6; Thomas, ‘The Book of Zechariah’, 1080; Elliger, Propheten, 128, 129, 130; Mason, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 62–3; Amsler, 107–9; Redditt, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, 78–9.

345

See Albert Petitjean, Les Oracles du Proto-Zacharie (Paris: Librairie Lecoffre; Louvain: Éditions Imprimerie Orientaliste, 1969), 285.

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On balance, therefore, and in the light of the fact that there is no textual evidence for the proposed substitution of names,346 it seems a better strategy to attempt to interpret the text as it stands, before having recourse to an emendation which solves one perceived difﬁculty but which creates another. When the passage is taken as it stands, the difﬁculty in reconciling the crowning of Joshua with an oracle concerning the Branch makes it clear that the interpretations offered by exegetes have been based on a second assumption, namely, that the main focus of the passage is on the ﬁgure who is crowned and his signiﬁcance either in the present or for the future; in other words, it is assumed that what is described is effectively a symbolic or proleptic coronation. However, the difﬁculties can be relieved if the crown is understood not merely as an indicator of status for the one upon whose head it is placed, and therefore an adjunct to the overall message of the episode, but as itself the centrepiece of the episode. That this might indeed be the case is suggested by two factors: ﬁrst, the fact that the episode begins and ends with the crown, so that it becomes an element which is present throughout the message of the episode; and secondly, the command to preserve the crown in the rebuilt Temple, which implies the crown's lasting signiﬁcance. On this approach, therefore, determining the signiﬁcance of the crown is the key to understanding the episode as a whole. The ﬁrst step is to ascertain the precise signiﬁcance of the word ‘crown’. Although the term (ʽaṭārâ) which is used here can and does indicate a royal crown, it is also used in a metaphorical sense as an indicator of honour or glory. It could therefore perhaps be interpreted as signifying something which is metaphorically speaking a crown or glory in the context of the restoration of Jerusalem. The question then arises as to what this metaphorical ‘crown’ might be, and in the context of Zechariah 1–8 the most obvious answer seems to be the Temple, for several reasons. In the ﬁrst place, the crown is made out of silver and gold taken from exiles who have recently arrived from Babylon (6: 10–11). Commentators suggest that these ‘exiles’ were envoys who had brought the silver and gold with them as a gift from the Babylonian community in order to aid the Temple-rebuilding,347 and if that was the case, the

346

Reventlow, 71, 72.

347

Elliger, Propheten, 128–9; Amsler, 107; Reventlow, 71–2.

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crown is made from material which was destined for the Temple and its restoration, thereby creating an immediate association between the crown and the Temple. In the second place, instead of being given to the person upon whose head it is placed, the crown is ultimately to be left in the Temple as a reminder to the exiles who brought the silver and gold from which it was made (6: 14). Surely if the crown had particular signiﬁcance for the personal status of the one who was crowned, it would be given to him or would at least be deemed to be a reminder to him. It is difﬁcult to see why the crown should be intended to serve as a reminder to the exiles, not even to the inhabitants of Judah and Jerusalem, if the purpose of the episode was to make a statement by means of the crown about the future ruler of Judah. However, leaving the crown in the Temple has the effect of strengthening the association already made between crown and Temple, since the gifts which were brought for use in the Temple-rebuilding and which were diverted to fashioning the crown now ﬁnd their resting place in the context for which they were originally intended, namely, that of the Temple. The associations between the crown and the Temple, therefore, are such that it seems possible to interpret the crown as a symbol of the rebuilt Temple which is to be the glory of the restored city and people. This is also supported by the references to the Branch as Temple-builder in 6: 12–13, so that the whole episode of 6: 9–14 becomes one about the restoration of the Temple. The symbolic use of part of the exiles' gift to make a crown is a prophetic sign of reassurance that just as this small part of the money they have brought has been made into an actual crown, the rest of it will result in the building of a Temple which will be the crown of the restored Jerusalem. If, then, the crown symbolizes the Temple which will be the ‘crown’ of the restored Jerusalem, the placing of the crown on Joshua is not some kind of pseudo-coronation whereby he is granted extraordinary powers of leadership; rather, it is because the high priest's close relationship with the Temple makes him an obvious candidate to represent in this prophetic enactment the city and people whose consummation is achieved by rebuilding the Temple.348 Indeed, in a sense, the Temple is Joshua's crown

348

For an assessment of Schreiner's view that Psalm 110 is the legitimation of Joshua as joint civil and priestly head of the nation after Zerubbabel's disappearance, see Ch. 3 above on Melchizedek.

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as much as the city's, because it is in the Temple that he realizes the full glory of his position with his right to rule over its courts (cf. 3: 7). The episode therefore also serves as an implicit conﬁrmation that Joshua's cleansing as witnessed by Zechariah has been achieved, and that the restoration process is set to move on to the rebuilding of the Temple. The oracle which follows the ‘crowning’ of Joshua also makes the relationship of the two ‘sons of oil’ in the lampstand episode more explicit: the Branch will rule with a priest by his throne (6: 13). This is inexplicable on the assumption that the priest himself, presumably Joshua, is the Branch and therefore the ruler. It makes much more sense to assume that the priest is not the ruler, and in the immediate context of Joshua and Zerubbabel, the oracle should therefore be taken to mean that Zerubbabel is the Branch who is the ruler, and Joshua is the priest by his throne. When viewed in this light it becomes clear that the oracle, along with the whole crowning episode, looks towards the imminent restoration of the Temple, and with it the restoration of the former order of a monarchic ﬁgure with a priest at his side. The picture of the high priest given by Zechariah, then, is of a ﬁgure for whom ritual purity is essential and is a gift from Yahweh himself. Once puriﬁed, the high priest has charge of the Temple courts and is in the kind of immediate contact with Yahweh that would normally be expected of a prophet rather than a priest, but there is no indication of any responsibilities beyond the Temple precincts, and the responsibility of building the Temple is still with the royal ﬁgure Branch. The lampstand episode is too ambiguous to be used independently as the basis for detailed conclusions; and the episode with the crown makes the Temple precincts the main area of concern for the high priest, whilst depicting a priest by the throne of the Branch, reminiscent of the pre-exilic chief priest and king relationship. Evidently Joshua the high priest was signiﬁcant enough to be mentioned in the visions, but he is not shown with signiﬁcantly more civil power than his pre-exilic predecessors—all his responsibilities fall within the sphere of cult and Temple. Hence, it would seem that, as in the Priestly writings, the presence of the high priest is essential for the community's cultic well-being, which is a factor in its general well-being, but that the responsibility for its government remains with Zerubbabel or the equivalent governor ﬁgure.

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In the exposition of both Haggai and Zechariah it has been assumed that the Temple has not yet been rebuilt, an assumption which raises the question of whether there could be a high priesthood without a Temple. This is of particular concern because all the indications from the pre-exilic material are that high priesthood is a Temple-based phenomenon arising out of the joint inﬂuences of the cult, speciﬁcally the centralized cult, and monarchy. If it is concluded that there could be no real high priesthood without the Temple, both prophets appear to be anachronistic in their references to Joshua as (hakkōhēn haggādôl), which is usually regarded as the normal term for ‘high priest’. However, Joshua seems to be the ﬁrst individual in the canonical sources to bear the title (hakkōhēn haggādôl), which although it appears in 2 Kgs. 12: 11 (ET 12: 10); 22: 4, 8; and 23: 4 with reference to Jehoiada and Hilkiah was probably applied to them only retrospectively.349 In the context of Haggai and Zechariah, therefore, the title might signify that Joshua was the next in line for the senior priestly position but was hitherto uninstalled. This would ﬁt in particularly well with the cleansing episode of Zech. 3: 1–10. Assuming from the genealogies and the records of his return with Zerubbabel that Joshua was in exile, there must have been some awareness among the exiles of his presumably Zadokite lineage, but if the message of the cleansing episode is that the whole land and people were polluted because with the Temple destroyed there had been no means of lifting the pollution for the past seventy years, Joshua surely cannot have had any cultic functions whilst in exile. He would have remained a chief-priestly ﬁgure inasmuch as his descent marked him out for the position should the opportunity ever arise again for him to take it up, but functionally speaking it would have been impossible for him to act as high priest in a cultic sense until the Restoration had re-established order.350 In that case, the point of calling him (hakkōhēn

349

See Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History, n. 75. Morgenstern, ‘A Chapter’, 360, claims that the ﬁrst authentic occurrence of the term hakohen hagadol (sic ) is its Aramaic equivalent in the Elephantine papyrus addressed to Johanan the priest at Jerusalem in 408 BCE . For further discussion, see Ch. 6 below on Ezra and Nehemiah, n. 15, and Ch. 7 below on the Elephantine papyri.

350

Cf. K. Galling, ‘Serubbabel und der Hohepriester beim Wiederaufbau des Tempels in Jerusalem’, in Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1964), 127–48, who argues that the ‘plummet’ ( , hāʼeben habbedîl ) in the hand of Zerubbabel is the Urim and Thummim which Zerubbabel will give to Joshua on the day of his installation (cf. Lev. 8: 8), a ceremony which will take place once the Temple is completed (pp. 144–5).

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haggādôl) would be to indicate his priority in the family, ‘the eldest priest’, rather than to designate any particular role or function for him, given that there was no real sphere in which his distinctively priestly powers could be exercised until the Temple was rebuilt. The fact that the Nehemiah memoirs describe Eliashib as (hakkōhēn haggādôl) at a time when there quite clearly was a Temple in conjunction with which he exercised his duties would signify either that the title stuck, or that it is basically an ontological rather than a functional designation, and cannot in itself provide any information about the wider status of its holder.351 On the basis of the evidence from Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 for the position of the high priest in the early Restoration period, then, it can only be concluded that there is no indication of a strong independent high priesthood at that stage. Joshua's apparent obscurity, his need for full identiﬁcation almost wherever he appears, his failure to appear once without Zerubbabel in all the material discussed, and the limitation of the material to Temple contexts where the high priest would be expected to appear, are a poor basis on which to posit the high priest's hierocratic rule. Rather, the prophecies in Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 indicate that at the start of the Persian period the high priest had no jurisdiction outside the sphere of the Temple, nor do they show him acquiring any. If the growth of the high priest's civil power to the extent required for hierocratic rule came about at all, it certainly did not happen during the time of Haggai and Zechariah.

351

See also the discussion of terminology in Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer.

6 Ezra and Nehemiah: The High Priesthood in Fifth-Century Judah Having reconstructed from Haggai and Zechariah a picture of the high priesthood in the Restoration period, the next step is to attempt to ascertain how the ofﬁce developed during the later Persian period. This is something for which the books of Ezra and Nehemiah are an obvious source of evidence, since they deal with matters of government and organization in the province of Judah, covering between them the period from the Restoration to the late ﬁfth century.352 However, the nature of the material contained in Ezra–Nehemiah is complex; the evidence from the Septuagint suggests that at some stage the two books were a single work and that the Lawgiving in Nehemiah 8 belonged with the Ezra material, probably after Ezra 8.353 In addition it is generally agreed

352

The question inevitably arises as to whether or not Ezra and Nehemiah are to be regarded as the work of the Chronicler, and therefore as part of a greater whole. A fuller discussion of the question is given below in Ch. 8 on the books of Chronicles; for present purposes, it is sufﬁcient to say that separate treatment of Ezra–Nehemiah is justiﬁable on the grounds that their subject matter concerns quite a different era and set of circumstances from that of Chronicles.

353

The LXX renders the canonical Ezra and Nehemiah together under the title of Esdras B, and although modern Hebrew texts separate the books under the names of their respective chief protagonists this was not done until medieval times, despite the fact that a division between the two was recognized as far back as Origen and was reproduced in Jerome's Vulgate. Additionally, the so-called Greek Ezra, LXX Esdras A, renders together 2 Chronicles 35–6, Ezra 1–10 plus an apocryphal tale about Zerubbabel, and Nehemiah 8, thereby supporting the idea that Nehemiah 8 was originally part of the Ezra material. Modern commentators have adopted varying approaches to the relationship between the works. Tamara C. Eskenazi, ‘The Structure of Ezra-Nehemiah and the Integrity of the Book’, JBL 107 (1988), 641–56, uses literary analysis to argue that Ezra–Nehemiah is a single work and separate from Chronicles. However, David Kraemer, ‘On the Relationship of the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah’, JSOT 59 (1993), 73–92, uses ideological analysis to argue that the works are two separate compositions: Ezra is a book focused on the Temple and built upon priestly concerns, whereas Nehemiah is anti-priestly, concentrating on the city, the community, and the centrality of the Torah, and portraying Ezra as a scribe rather than as a priest in chapter 8 (pp. 78–80). Hence, as well as regarding Ezra and Nehemiah as separate works, Kraemer regards Nehemiah 8 as integral to the Nehemiah material rather than as a borrowing from the Ezra material. See also the discussion below concerning the appearances of Nehemiah and Ezra in Nehemiah 8.

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that Ezra–Nehemiah is composed of a number of clearly identiﬁable sources: lists of people and items,354 various ofﬁcial documents,355 and the ﬁrst-person narratives known as the Ezra memoir and the Nehemiah memoir respectively, which may be excerpts from Ezra's and Nehemiah's own reports or editorial reworking of accounts which themselves contain further sources. As well as the sources there is material composed by the author-compiler which binds the whole together, so that the picture presented by the two books is almost certainly a composite one. This must be borne in mind when attempting to reach any conclusions about the matters which they describe. One of the most contentious areas of debate which affects any attempt to use the material presented in Ezra and Nehemiah to reconstruct the history of the period, and therefore of the high priesthood's development during the period, is the relative chronological order of the events which the two books describe. The debate centres on the question as to whether Ezra or Nehemiah was the ﬁrst to arrive in Jerusalem. From Neh. 2: 1 the date of Nehemiah's arrival appears to have been 445 BCE, a date which is corroborated by the Elephantine papyri,356 and based on the text as it stands, Ezra was traditionally assumed to have arrived in Jerusalem before Nehemiah, during the reign of Artaxerxes I in 458 BCE. However, this dating raises several problems of interpretation: the apparent absence of any reform supposedly undertaken by Ezra before Nehemiah's arrival (cf. Neh. 13: 23–7), the need to suppose that Ezra waited until Nehemiah arrived thirteen years later before he read the Law to the people if both men were indeed present at the Law reading (cf. Neh. 8: 1–8), and the presence of textual details (notably Ezra 10: 6) which suggest that Nehemiah must have preceded Ezra. For these and other reasons numerous scholars have sought to place Ezra's arrival after Nehemiah's.357

354

Ezra 1: 9–11; 2: 1–70; 8: 1–14; 10: 18–24; Neh. 3: 1–32; 7: 6–73; 10: 2–28 (ET 1–27); 11: 3–36; 12: 1–26.

355

Ezra 1: 2–4; 4: 7–22; 5: 6–17; 6: 6–12; 7: 12–26.

356

AP 30 (pp. 108–19), dated to 408 BCE , mentions Johanan the high priest in Jerusalem (line 18, p. 112), and according to the high-priestly genealogy in Neh. 12: 22 Johanan was the grandson of Eliashib, who is shown as the high priest contemporary with Nehemiah (Neh. 13: 28). See Ch. 7 below for fuller discussion of the Elephantine papyri.

357

The majority of those who would place Ezra after Nehemiah locate him in the seventh year of Artaxerxes II, i.e. 398 BCE . Proponents of this view include L. W. Batten, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, ICC (Edinburgh: T. ' T. Clark, 1913), 28–30; Raymond A. Bowman, ‘The Book of Ezra’, in IB iii (1954), 549–661 (pp. 561–3); Cazelles, ‘La Mission d'Esdras’, VT 4 (1954), 113–40; Rowley, ‘The Chronological Order of Ezra and Nehemiah’, in The Servant of the Lord, 2nd rev. edn. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965), 137–68; Emerton, ‘Did Ezra Go to Jerusalem in 428 BC?’, JTS n.s. 17 (1966), 1–19; Michaeli, Les Livres des Chroniques, d'Esdras et de Néhémie, CAT 16 (Neuchâtel: Delachaux ' Niestlé, 1967), 23–4, 288–96; L. H. Brockington, Ezra, Nehemiah and Esther, Century Bible New Series (London: Thomas Nelson, 1969), 19–21, 29–32; Ackroyd, Israel under Babylon and Persia, New Clarendon Bible (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), 191–6; Coggins, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 6–8; Geo Widengren, ‘The Persian Period. §2A: The Chronological Order of Ezra and Nehemiah’, in John H. Hayes and J. Maxwell Miller (eds.), Israelite ' Judaean History, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1977), 503–9. A smaller group of commentators, while still arguing for Ezra's arrival after Nehemiah's ﬁrst visit to Jerusalem, place him in 428 BCE , that is, between Nehemiah's two visits; so, for example, Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia samt 3. Esra, HAT 20 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1949), 65–71; Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah, AB 14 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965), xxxvi–xxxvii, xlii–xlviii; John Bright, A History of Israel, 3rd edn. (London: SCM Press, 1981), 391–402. However, supporters of the traditional view have never been lacking, and indeed more recent scholarship seems to be returning to an acceptance of the biblical chronology whereby Ezra arrived in 458 BCE before either of Nehemiah's visits. See Ulrich Kellermann, ‘Erwägungen zum Problem der Esradatierung’, ZAW 80 (1968), 55–87 (Kellermann dates Ezra before 448 rather than speciﬁcally in 458, but still before either of Nehemiah's visits); Koch, ‘Ezra and the Origins of Judaism’, JSS 19 (1974), 173–97; Cross, ‘A Reconstruction of the Judean Restoration’, JBL 94 (1975), 4–18; D. J. Clines, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, NCB (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans; Basingstoke: Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1984), 16–24; Morton Smith, Palestinian Parties and Politics that Shaped the Old Testament, 2nd edn. (London: SCM Press, 1987), 91–2; H. G. M. Williamson, Ezra and Nehemiah, OTG (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1987), 55–69; Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1989), 139–44; Klein, ‘Ezra-Nehemiah, Books of ’, in ABD ii. 731–42 (pp. 735–7). A different approach is taken to the problem of Ezra's dating by Gunneweg, Esra, KAT 19.1 (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1985), who observes that the dates which occur in Ezra form an internally consistent framework which serves to parallel Ezra's mission with that of Nehemiah, and concludes, ‘Als noch fragwürdiger und willkürlich muß es darum erscheinen, die gebotene Zahl 7 zu ändern, um eine historisch “bessere” Chronologie herauszubekommen’ (‘It must therefore seem even more dubious and arbitrary to alter the stated ﬁgure 7 in order to arrive at a chronology which is historically speaking “better’ ” ) (p. 126).

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However, Ezra and Nehemiah are never mentioned together in either book except where names have been secondarily inserted (e.g. Neh. 8: 9; 12: 36),358 which implies that the men were in

358

See Batten, 28, 282, 357; Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia, 148; R. A. Bowman, ‘The Book of Nehemiah’, in IB iii (1954), 662–819 (pp. 738, 796–7); Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah, 151, 201; Brockington, 167, 205; Coggins, Ezra and Nehemiah, 107, 109, 135; Gunneweg, Nehemia, KAT 19.2 (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1987), 113–14; and Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 288, 346. Clines, 185, 232, and Williamson, Ezra-Nehemiah, WBC 16 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1985), 279, 371–2, consider the Nehemiah reference in Neh. 8: 9 secondary, but concede the possibility of Ezra having been present at the dedication of the walls (Neh. 12: 36), a scenario which still means that the two men would have carried out their respective tasks separately rather than in conjunction with each other as the present text infers. Derek Kidner, Ezra ' Nehemiah, TOTC (Leicester: IVP, 1979), 148, points out that in the LXX Nehemiah is present in Neh. 8: 9 and Ezra is present in Neh. 12: 36; however, this evidence is inconclusive as the names could have been added to the text before the LXX was produced. See also n. 45 below.

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Jerusalem at different times; this means that Nehemiah would not originally have been involved in Ezra's Law-reading (Nehemiah 8),359 so there is no need to suppose that Ezra waited for Nehemiah's arrival before carrying out the Lawreading. It can also reasonably be argued that Nehemiah's action against those who had contracted mixed marriages must have had its basis in a reform such as the one carried out by Ezra to make any sense; and on these grounds, together with those to be covered in the course of the discussion,360 the canonical dating of Ezra in 458 BCE has been assumed for this study. The book of Ezra will be examined ﬁrst, since it appears ﬁrst and its present position together with the stated date of Ezra's mission are assumed to reﬂect the actual order of events. The material in the book falls into two parts: chapters 1–6, which set the scene for Ezra's arrival by describing the return to Judah and the efforts to rebuild the Temple in the face of opposition from the surrounding peoples and ofﬁcials, and chapters 7–10, the so-called Ezra memoir, which gives an account of Ezra's mission in Judah. Almost all the references to the high priest in the book of Ezra come in the ﬁrst six chapters,361 where Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel and Jeshua the son of Jozadak are the two named ﬁgures at the head of the community, leading the restoration; this corresponds with the picture given in Haggai, which also deals with the Restoration period. However, the two works correspond not only in the names of the community's leaders, but also in their relative positions. It was noted that in Haggai the high priest Joshua always appears with Zerubbabel and in a secondary position to him, implying a lack of independent authority.362 Similarly in Ezra 1–6, Jeshua appears in 2: 2, 3: 2, 3: 8, 4: 3, and 5: 2, and on four out of ﬁve of these occasions he is mentioned after Zerubbabel. The only time when he is mentioned ﬁrst is at the laying of the foundation for a new altar (3: 2), an occasion on which the high priest would

359

See n. 2 above.

360

One very important textual detail which will be dealt with below is Ezra 10: 6, often used as an argument for Nehemiah's priority on the grounds that it links Ezra with the son of the high priest of Nehemiah's day. See Williamson, Ezra and Nehemiah (OTG), 62–4 for details.

361

Williamson, ‘The Composition of Ezra i–vi’, JTS n.s. 34 (1983), 1–30, argues for the separate composition of Ezra 1–6 as a unit which was then added to the combined Ezra–Nehemiah memoir.

362

See Ch. 5 above on Haggai and Zechariah.

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be expected to take priority.363 In addition there are two occasions on which Zerubbabel is mentioned without Jeshua, implying that Zerubbabel was recognized as an authority ﬁgure in his own right in a way which was not true of Jeshua; ﬁrst, in 4: 2 the adversaries of Benjamin and Judah approach Zerubbabel and the heads of fathers' houses, asking to be allowed to join the building work. Jeshua is not speciﬁed in 4: 2,364 but he is named in 4: 3 as one of those who answer the adversaries. Possibly because the question involves the Temple, the high priest has to be seen to have a part in the answer, but given its subject matter, it is rather curious that the question should not have been addressed to him as well. The second occasion on which the governor is mentioned without the high priest is in the decree of Darius that the Temple-rebuilding project should be assisted, not hindered (6: 6–12); the duty of Temple-building is allocated to the ‘governor of the Jews and the elders of the Jews’ with no mention of the high priest. It is of course conceivable that the high priest could count as one of the elders of the Jews, but if he was a speciﬁc authority ﬁgure in the eyes of the Persian administration it is strange that he should not be mentioned, particularly in the context of Temple rebuilding. However, there is also the question of the decree's authenticity; Blenkinsopp interprets the decree in its present form as a free composition on the basis of an original historical decree rather than as a word-for-word report of the original.365 In that case, though, it is even more curious that if the high priest had been granted authority to act in a governmental capacity he should not be mentioned, especially as Blenkinsopp regards the phrase ‘the governor of the Jews’ as an addition by the elaborator of the decree; if the governor of the Jews could be added, then so could the high priest. Hence, whether the decree in its present form is the original text or an adaptation of the original, the high priest is apparently signiﬁcant enough neither to Darius nor to the supposed Jewish editor to warrant speciﬁc mention.

363

Gunneweg, Esra, 71.

364

Jeshua is absent from the MT and from the LXX Esdras B 4: 2, but is present at this point in the narrative in LXX Esdras A 5: 65. However, Esdras A shows evidence of being more interpretative in its renderings than Esdras B, laying more emphasis on the high priest (see below on the priest with Urim and Thummim), and so it is probably unwise to use Esdras A as a basis for amendment of the MT. In any case, the fact that two different versions of the Greek have been preserved from approximately the same era indicates the complexity of the tradition, and is a warning against rash harmonizations.

365

Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 126–7.

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It is perhaps also worth noting that nowhere in these six chapters is Jeshua given the title (hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘the high priest’), despite the fact that it was apparently current in the Restoration period (Hag. 1: 1, 12, 14; 2: 2, 4; Zech. 3: 1; 6: 11) and also in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 3: 1; 13: 28).366 Indeed, nowhere is Jeshua given any title other than his patronym, and there is only one instance in Ezra 1–6 of a title or description which might be thought to indicate the ofﬁce of high priesthood. This is the puzzling verse 2: 63 at the end of the list of returnees, repeated almost exactly from Neh. 7: 65,367 where those unable to prove their priestly ancestry are forbidden ‘to partake of the most holy food until there should be a priest to consult Urim and Thummim’. Urim and Thummim, the priest's sacred lots, seem to have faded from use after the early monarchic period, and by the end of the pre-exilic period they had become associated with the high priest, that is to say, the senior priestly ﬁgure who would have been the high priest's pre-exilic counterpart.368 The general consensus of opinion, based on that of Jewish rabbinic teaching, is that they were missing altogether from the Second Temple.369 This makes

366

In addition, the term's Aramaic equivalent (kāhanāʼ rabbāʼ, ‘the great priest’) appears in the Elephantine papyri. See Ch. 7 below for discussion of the papyri. Sara Japhet, ‘Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel—Against the Background of the Historical and Religious Tendencies of Ezra-Nehemiah’, ZAW 94 (1982), 66–98, and 95 (1983), 218–29, observes that neither Zerubbabel nor Joshua are given their titles in Ezra 1–6, and attributes this phenomenon to a process of democratization which was projected back on to the Restoration period by the eventual author of Ezra 1–6 some 150 years later (pp. 87, 88–9, 220). The absence of titles should not therefore in itself be interpreted as evidence for the lack of importance of either of the ﬁgures in question (pp. 86–7). However, even allowing for such a tendency, the fact still remains that Jeshua always appears along with Zerubbabel and nearly always in second place after him, whereas Zerubbabel appears on two occasions without Jeshua, implying that Zerubbabel had an authority greater than that of Jeshua. Gunneweg, Esra, attributes the lack of titles for both Zerubbabel and Joshua in 3: 2 to the spontaneous and informal nature of the commencement of building works; all Israel are involved as ‘brothers’, and the only authority is the law of Moses (p. 72).

367

Williamson, ‘Composition’, 2–8, argues that the list of returnees in Ezra 2: 1–70 is dependent on the same list in Neh. 7: 6–73 as part of a process of composition in which the author-compiler of Ezra 1–6 worked from a copy of Ezra 7–10 and Nehemiah in substantially its present form. Williamson dates the completion of Ezra 1–6 to the early Hellenistic period (pp. 29–30). See also Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia, 11–13; Michaeli, Chroniques, 262

368

See Exod. 28: 30, Lev. 8: 8, and the discussion of the high priest's garments in Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer.

369

Mishnah Soṭah 9: 12 names the Urim and Thummim as missing from the Second Temple. Modern commentators seem to base their own denial of Urim and Thummim in Second Temple times on this—see for example Herbert Edward Ryle, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, CBSC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1893; repr. 1907), 32; R. A. Bowman, ‘Ezra’, 586; Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah, 20; Brockington, 65; Clines, 59; Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 92.

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the reference to them in Ezra 2: 63 rather curious, given that the list of returnees is usually thought to be a kind of census borrowed from some time after the initial return, when the land had been more extensively resettled and the community had re-established itself,370 presumably without Urim and Thummim. There are two main interpretations of Ezra 2: 63: either the reference to Urim and Thummim is ‘proverbial’, a way of saying that a divinely guided decision was required for the matter in hand,371 or it indicates not so much the lots themselves as the priest who by this time was supposedly responsible for them, in other words, the high priest. However, this second interpretation is problematic, since according to Haggai and Zechariah there was a high priest in ofﬁce right from the start of the Restoration, namely Jeshua, who is mentioned at the very beginning of the list of returnees in Ezra along with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2: 2). If Ezra 2: 63 dates from some time beyond the very early days it purports to describe, as is quite likely, there would have been no need to wait for a high priest to appear, because one would already have been in ofﬁce—indeed, one is named just a few verses earlier.372 It therefore seems more reasonable to take Ezra 2: 63 as a proverbial saying rather than a reference to the high priesthood.373

370

So Batten, 73; W. O. E. Oesterley, A History of Israel, II: From the Fall of Jerusalem, 586 B.C. to the Bar-Kokhba Revolt, A.D. 135 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932; repr. 1951), 79; Adam C. Welch, Post-Exilic Judaism (Edinburgh: Blackwood and Sons, 1935), 129–38; J. Maxwell Miller and John H. Hayes, A History of Ancient Israel and Judah (London: SCM Press, 1986), 446–7; and Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 83. Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah, 15–16, Clines, 43–4, and Williamson, Ezra-Nehemiah (WBC), 28–32, see the list as composite and containing some early material, but with a ﬁnal date of composition later than the ﬁrst return as purported in Ezra. Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia, 16–17, dates the list somewhere between 538 and 515 BCE ; similarly, Michaeli, Chroniques, 262–3, suggests a date between 538 and 520 BCE .

371

So Batten, 94–5; Ackroyd, I ' II Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, TBC (London: SCM Press, 1973), 220; Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 93.

372

Inevitably those who regard the verse as a reference to the high priest are compelled to date the entire list of returnees to before 520 BCE . See R. A. Bowman, ‘Ezra’, 587, and Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah, 20.

373

Both interpretations are represented in the LXX. Esdras B 2: 63 renders the verse, ἕως ἀναστῃ̑ ἱɛρɛὺς τοι̑ς φωτίζουσιν καὶ τοι̑ς τɛλɛίοις (‘until a priest arises with Urim and Thummim’), whereas the so-called Greek Ezra, Esdras A, renders the equivalent verse (5: 40), ἕως ἀναστῃ̑ ἀρχιɛρɛὺς ἐνδɛδυμένος τὴν δήλωσιν καὶ τὴν ἀλήθɛιαν (‘until a high priest arises dressed in Urim and Thummim’). This rendition apparently refers to the breast-piece of the high-priestly garments which contained the lots (Exod. 28: 15, 28–30). Esdras A dates from sometime in the second century BCE and should probably be seen as an interpretative gloss on the MT.

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The Ezra memoir of chapters 7–10 marks the beginning of the narrative concerning the post-Restoration period, and on the dating assumed for this study it refers to the mid-ﬁfth century, by which time Zerubbabel would have been long gone and the hopes of royal restoration generated by Haggai's prophecy (Hag. 2: 20–3) would have died away unfulﬁlled. Under these circumstances, it would not be unreasonable to expect the high priesthood to appear fairly prominently, since if a hierocracy had begun to develop, the high priest would presumably have moved into the governmental role which the presence of a Davidide in whom such hopes were invested had previously prevented him from fulﬁlling. And yet, the only place in Ezra 7–10 where a recognizable high priest is mentioned is 10: 18, where ‘the sons of Jeshua the son of Jozadak and his brethren’ are named in the list of ‘the sons of the priests who had married foreign women’. However, this is probably a way of designating a particular priestly family rather than a reference to the high priest as such,374 and neither Jeshua himself, who would have been dead by Ezra's day, nor anyone else recognizable as high priest has any role alongside Ezra. Those who argue for the priority of Nehemiah over Ezra claim that there is also a reference to a high-priestly ﬁgure in 10: 6, where Ezra is said to go to the chamber of Jehohanan the son of Eliashib. Both Eliashib and his son are identiﬁed with individuals mentioned in Nehemiah, Eliashib with the high priest in Nehemiah's day (Neh. 3: 1), and Jehohanan with Johanan who is a descendant of Eliashib (Neh. 12: 23), but there are difﬁculties with this interpretation. Eliashib is named in the high-priestly genealogy in Neh. 12: 10–11,375 but there (Neh. 12: 11) he is given a grandson Jonathan, rather than a son Jehohanan as in Ezra 10: 6. However, the textual apparatus in BHS suggests that in Neh. 12: 11 Johanan should be read for Jonathan, in line with Neh. 12: 22 where Eliashib has a grandson Johanan; and in Neh. 12: 23 Johanan appears as the son (rather than the grandson) of Eliashib. The question is therefore whether the son Jehohanan (Ezra 10: 6), the grandson Jonathan (Neh. 12: 11), the grandson Johanan (Neh. 12: 22), and the son Johanan (Neh. 12: 23) are all the same person, which could be the case if Jonathan were an error for Johanan, itself a shortened form of Jehohanan, and ‘son’ in Ezra 10: 6 and

374

See Clines, 54, 131, on Ezra 2: 36 and 10: 18.

375

The genealogy will be discussed below in more detail.

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Neh. 12: 23 were a kind of generic usage signifying ‘descendant’ and therefore interpretable as grandson. Based on the Elephantine papyrus mentioned earlier, where Johanan is high priest in 408 BCE, and assuming that this is a valid criterion for determining Nehemiah's date on the grounds that Johanan was Eliashib's grandson as stated in the genealogy of Neh. 12: 22, the ‘Jonathan’ in the genealogy of Neh. 12: 11 is probably a scribal error for Johanan. However, it is doubtful whether this individual is the same as the ‘Johanan son of Eliashib’ in Neh. 12: 23, or for that matter, the same as the ‘Jehohanan son of Eliashib’ in Ezra 10: 6. The context of Neh. 12: 23 gives no indication that the designation ‘son’ should be interpreted as ‘grandson’ or ‘descendant’;376 Eliashib does not appear as a well-known head of family from past generations, which would justify such an interpretation, and in Neh. 12: 26 Joiakim is identiﬁed by his father's name as ‘son of Jeshua, son of Jozadak’. If Johanan could be identiﬁed by his grandfather, so could Joiakim, but this is not the case. Hence, the conclusion is that the Eliashib mentioned in Ezra 10: 6 is not the same as the one in the high-priestly genealogy of Neh. 12: 10–11, and therefore not the high priest.377 Alternatively Jehohanan could have been another son of Eliashib, a brother of the Joiada who was apparently Eliashib's successor (Neh. 12: 10–11), of high-priestly lineage but not in fact high priest, which would account for his omission from the genealogy in Nehemiah; but even if that were the case there is still no mention of a functioning high priest alongside Ezra.378 The only other possible reference to the high priesthood in these four chapters occurs in 7: 5 as part of Ezra's genealogy. Again, some commentators have argued that the genealogy is a later addition to the original narrative since it breaks the ﬂow of the

376

So Williamson, ‘The Historical Value of Josephus' Jewish Antiquities XI.297–301’, JTS n.s. 28 (1977), 49–66 (p. 62). For a discussion of the use of the Hebrew word for ‘son’ in the sense of ‘grandson’, see Porter, ‘Son or Grandson (Ezra x. 6)?’

377

Cross, ‘Reconstruction’, suggests that the Eliashib in Ezra 10: 6 and Neh. 12: 23 is different from the Eliashib in Neh. 12: 10 and 12: 22, so that there were two father-andson pairs of Eliashib and Johanan, but the papponymy caused one pair to be omitted from the list in Neh. 12: 10–11 (pp. 10–11). On this reckoning, both Jehohanan in Ezra 10: 6 and Johanan in Neh. 12: 22 could be high priests. However, Cross's ideas are highly speculative. See also n. 57 below.

378

This would also be incompatible with the assumption that Ezra arrived in Jerusalem before Nehemiah, since it involves Ezra consorting with a son of the high priest who was Nehemiah's contemporary.

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story, but opinion is not unanimous on this point.379 Ezra is said to be descended from what must, for want of a better term, be called the pre-exilic high-priestly line; his ancestors include Seraiah, Hilkiah, and Zadok, and the line goes back to Aaron (hakkōhēn hārôʼš).380 Given Aaron's admittedly anachronistic presentation in the Priestly writings in terms of a post-exilic high-priestly ﬁgure, and the fact that the designation (rôʼš, ‘head’) is used elsewhere of the high or chief priest,381 it appears at ﬁrst sight as if Ezra 7: 5 is a reference to the ofﬁce of high priesthood. However, when (rôʼš) is used together with (kōhēn) to refer to the high priesthood it tends to be in the construct phrase (kōhēn hārôʼš) rather than with the absolute (hakkōhēn) as appears in Ezra 7: 5;382 it is therefore possible that (hakkōhēn hārôʼš) in Ezra 7: 5 has a different though related signiﬁcance. The Hebrew (rôʼš) has all the connotations of English ‘head’—ﬁrst in line, most important, chief, choicest, top, front, leading, beginning, source,383 and bearing in mind Aaron's portrayal as the fount of priesthood, whose sons alone are granted the divine right to serve as priests (Exod. 28: 1; 40: 12–15; Num. 18: 1, 7),384 the emphasis here may well be on Aaron as a legitimating and an originating ﬁgure, and therefore as an authoritative ﬁgure, for the priesthood, rather than as a high-priestly ﬁgure.385 This certainly seems to be the line taken by the LXX, where Esdras B 7: 5 renders the phrase as του̑ ἱɛρέως του̑ πρώτου (tou hiereōs tou prōtou, ‘the ﬁrst priest’), and even the interpretative Esdras A has the rendering του̑ πρώτου ἱɛρέως (tou prōtou hiereōs, ‘the ﬁrst priest’, 8: 2), which considering its

379

Those who consider the genealogy a later addition include Batten, 306; R. A. Bowman, ‘Ezra’, 623; Clines, 99; Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 136; and Williamson, EzraNehemiah (WBC), 89. Ryle, 87, Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah, 60, and Clines, 99, suggest that Ezra could have been from a collateral branch of Seraiah's family rather than the one from which Joshua the high priest was descended.

380

This is a good example of the incorporation of the outsider Zadok into the native Aaronide line of priests. See the discussion on Aaronides and Zadokites in Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History and Ch. 8 below on the books of Chronicles.

381

The designation is used of the high priest in 2 Kgs. 25: 18; 2 Chr. 19: 11; 24: 6, 11; 26: 20; 31: 10.

382

The only exception to this is in 2 Chr. 31: 10, where Azariah, who is evidently a chief priest, is referred to as Ch. 8 below on the books of Chronicles.

383

See the entry for

384

For more details, see Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer.

385

So also Bartlett, ‘The Use of the Word

in BDB, 910. as a Title in the Old Testament’, VT 19 (1969), 1–10 (p. 7).

(hakkōhēn hārôʼš ). See the discussion of Azariah in

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penchant for seeing implicit references to high priests in the Hebrew and using ἀρχιɛρɛύς (archiereus, ‘high priest’) wherever possible is quite telling.386 It seems, therefore, that the Ezra memoir not only lacks a serving high priest alongside Ezra, but it also fails even to mention the high priesthood, a remarkable state of affairs considering Ezra's concern for the Temple and the Law and the fact that the circumstances in which the high priest usually appears are those involving the Temple and religious matters. The high priest's absence cannot be due to there being no high priesthood as yet in Ezra's day, given that it existed for Haggai and Zechariah in the closing years of the sixth century and for Nehemiah in the mid-ﬁfth century, as will be shown below, while the earliest date posited for Ezra's mission is mid-ﬁfth century with some scholars assigning him to the fourth century. Indeed, Ezra's genealogy (Ezra 7: 1–5) is a genealogy of high priests which depends for its effectiveness upon being recognized as just that; although Aaron is termed ‘the original priest’, possibly to avoid what would have been a false claim to the high priesthood for Ezra as his supposed descendant, Ezra is none the less given all the implied dignity of a direct descendant from the high-priestly line. Such a genealogy would be pointless if there were no recognized high priesthood. Hence, some other rationale must be found for the absence of the high priest from an episode which consists of precisely the kind of circumstances in which, based on the results of this investigation so far, he would normally be expected to appear. There are two basic principles which suggest themselves to account for the lack of the high priesthood in Ezra 7–10: either the omission is deliberate, the result of selective recording or manipulation of material, or it is simply a reﬂection of the actual state of affairs whereby the high priesthood merits no mention because of its insigniﬁcance in the context. There is also the possibility that both of these factors may be at work in some degree. It is therefore necessary to examine each of them in turn, beginning with the nature of the material so as to enable a properly informed interpretation

386

As well as using the term ἀρχιɛρɛύς (archiereus ) for the priest with Urim and Thummim in MT Ezra 2: 63 (see n. 22 above), Esdras A refers to Ezra as ἀρχιɛρɛύς (archiereus ) three times (9: 39, 40, 49) in the Law-reading narrative, which the present canonical text designates as Nehemiah 8 but which (as already noted) probably belongs to the Ezra material.

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where judgements of a more factual nature which rely on it are concerned. Perhaps the most obvious characteristic of Ezra 7–10 is its emphasis on the proper constitution of the community and on separation from the surrounding peoples; however, it is equally obvious from the number of mixed marriages that not everyone shared this viewpoint.387 Once the initial excitement of return to the ancestral territory had faded, and the hard realities of reestablishing a community on the desolate land had begun to make themselves felt, it is not surprising that some of the returnees decided to turn to their foreign neighbours for help and support, especially if there was a shortage of eligible marriage partners in their own community. However, for those whose zeal for the ancestral faith exile had increased, of whom Ezra is portrayed as the supreme example, sacriﬁcing racial and religious purity now that the land was once again in Israel's grasp was unthinkable—especially as syncretism and assimilationism were seen as the very things which had brought about the people's downfall and resulted in the Exile (Ezra 9: 13). Behind this profound xenophobia was doubtless the sociological truth that too much intermingling with the (ʽam hāʼāreṣ—‘people of the land’) during the vital early years of re-establishment when numerical strength was so small could well cause the loss of Israel's distinctive identity.388 However, it seems that even members of the high-priestly family had intermarried with the surrounding peoples (Ezra ?9: 2, 10: 18; Neh. 13: 28), so that not even the high priest could be relied upon to maintain the nation's ethnic purity. Hence, another impetus for reform was required, and this is the capacity in which Ezra is portrayed as having acted. If the material did arise in anti-assimilationist circles, which judging from its tone is quite possible, the omission of any references to the contemporary high priesthood may thus have been a deliberate rejection of it as incapable of preserving Israel's national and religious purity, or a reﬂection

387

For extensive treatment of this theme, see Morton Smith, ‘Jewish Religious Life in the Persian Period’, in W. D. Davies and Louis Finkelstein (eds.), Cambridge History of Judaism, 1: Introduction; The Persian Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 219–78 (pp. 244–50), and his book Palestinian Parties and Politics.

388

See Daniel L. Smith, ‘The Politics of Ezra: Sociological Indicators of Postexilic Judaean Society’, in Philip R. Davies (ed.), Second Temple Studies, 1: The Persian Period, JSOTS 117 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1991), 73–97. Smith discusses among other things the creation of boundaries between communities as a method of survival and reestablishment (pp. 83–6).

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of its antagonism towards what seem to have been fairly stringent measures taken in the name of maintaining the Law and thereby the people's identity. Under these circumstances, the reason for Ezra's Aaronic genealogy becomes clear. Ezra himself is shown by implication to be the true high priest, descendant of Aaron and Zadok,389 as he reconstitutes the post-exilic community in a way which recalls the earliest days of the nation's existence. Deutero-Isaiah had used ‘second exodus’ imagery in proclaiming the coming restoration;390 now that Israel has once again been brought out of the grip of her enemies into the promised land, her re-establishment should follow the pattern laid down for her in the beginning. Hence, there is a return to the Law which tradition had attributed to Moses on the edge of the Promised Land, together with a new lawgiver in the shape of Ezra. And yet, despite Ezra's Aaronic genealogy, it seems that his persona as a second Moses is more signiﬁcant than his status as a descendant of Aaron. His confession, with its reference to the prohibition given by the prophets against mixing with the indigenous peoples (9: 11–12), recalls the strictures supposedly given by Moses in Deut. 7: 1–5 and 20: 16–18; his prostration before the Lord on the people's behalf (9: 5; 10: 1), his presentation of the Law to the people (Nehemiah 8), his calls for drastic action to rectify the sinful situation (Ezra 10: 11), all recall the actions of Moses (Exod. 32: 11–14; Deut. 5: 1–26: 19; Exod. 32: 25–8). Although he is of the line of Aaron, and is therefore a Levitical priest, whose functions are to guard and to teach the Law (Deut. 17: 18; 33: 10) and to make offerings on behalf of the people (Deut. 33: 10), it is by virtue of his appearance in the prophetic, Mosaic capacity that he is shown as sole leader of and intercessor for the community which appears to have no other effective regulatory structures. This implies that whatever the stance of the contemporary high priest over the issue of racial purity, the ﬁgure of the high priest was not well enough deﬁned as an overall authority ﬁgure to be a convincing model for Ezra as an implementer of reform.391 Hence, even if the contemporary high priest was omitted

389

See Koch, ‘Ezra and the Origins of Judaism’, 190–3.

390

See for example Isa. 43: 16–21; 49: 8–11; 51: 9–11.

391

This can also be taken as a further example of the acknowledged afﬁnities between Ezra and P, since it ﬁts very well with the Priestly picture of Aaron the high priest as secondary to Moses in terms of government of the community. For further details, see Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer.

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from the Ezra memoir primarily on the grounds of his ideology, it cannot therefore be assumed that a high priest with a more acceptable ideology would have appeared in a strong governmental capacity; indeed, the implication from the observations just made is that he would not. However, these conclusions are based largely on inference from the observed ideology of the material; hence, it is necessary to see whether any more factual information can be gleaned from the available material. Despite the deﬁnite and deliberate theological overtones in the portrayal of Ezra and his mission, it seems fairly certain that Ezra did come to establish the Law in Judah at the behest of the imperial authorities, as Blenkinsopp argues,392 although the motivation behind his mission was probably more to do with Persian fears about political stability than with a desire to reconﬁgure the community of Israel for its own sake. Indeed, Hoglund argues that both Ezra and Nehemiah were sent to Judah following the mid-ﬁfth-century Egyptian revolt against Achaemenid domination, a revolt which had caused a good deal of tension in the eastern Mediterranean and had been a severe challenge to the Persian Empire. Under these circumstances, the task of both men was ‘to create a web of economic and social relationships that would tie the community more completely into the imperial system. Part of this process involved the clariﬁcation of the population under imperial control by legislating some means of deﬁning that community.’393 However, Ezra's exact ofﬁcial status in the province is undeﬁned in Ezra 7–10. As already noted, no reference is made in these chapters to any other provincial authority ﬁgures, but given the nature of the material it would be unwise to take this as an indication of Ezra's effective autonomy

392

Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 147. See also Blenkinsopp's article, ‘The Mission of Udjahorresnet and those of Ezra and Nehemiah’, JBL 106 (1987), 409–21, where the mission of the Egyptian scribe Udjahorresnet who was sent from Susa to Egypt by Darius I to codify the native legal system is compared with the tasks of Ezra and Nehemiah.

393

Kenneth G. Hoglund, Achaemenid Imperial Administration in Syria-Palestine and the Missions of Ezra and Nehemiah, SBL Dissertation Series 125 (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1992), 244. This theme of strengthening the imperial links with Judah in the aftermath of rebellion in Egypt could also be applicable if Ezra's mission were dated to 398 BCE , since in 405 BCE the Amyrtaeus rebellion had initiated what became a sixty-year respite from Persian domination in Egypt. However, Grabbe, ‘What Was Ezra's Mission?’, in Tamara C. Eskenazi and Kent H. Richards (eds.), Second Temple Studies, 2: Temple and Community in the Persian Period, JSOTS 175 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1994), 286–99, argues that Ezra's mission, in particular the dissolution of mixed marriages, was potentially highly disruptive and could well have created unrest rather than greater security (p. 296).

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in Judah.394 It is unclear from the letter of commission in Ezra 7: 12–26 whether Ezra was sent as a provincial governor, or simply as a special envoy with particular responsibilities to work alongside an already incumbent authority; and if he was a special envoy, it is unclear who the incumbent authority ﬁgure would have been. If Ezra was sent as a provincial governor, then presumably his authority would override that of any native leader already in place, including the high priest; in that case, the implication would be that Persia perceived a power vacuum in the province which the high priest was not qualiﬁed to ﬁll, pointing to the conclusion that the high priesthood was not a major organ of government in ﬁfth-century Judah. If, on the other hand, Ezra was sent as a special envoy to work alongside whoever else was in power in the province, it is necessary to establish who that ﬁgure would have been, whether high priest or governor or someone else, in order to have an idea about the power structures of the province and the extent to which the high priest was involved in them. Although there is nothing direct on these matters in Ezra 7–10, Blenkinsopp's analysis of the mission of the Egyptian scribe Udjahorresnet under Darius I as compared with those of Ezra and Nehemiah may be of assistance. In his discussion of Udjahorresnet's activities, Blenkinsopp refers to an excerpt from the Demotic Chronicle which describes how in the early years of his reign Darius I ordered the Egyptian satrap Pharnadates to appoint a commission for the codiﬁcation of civil and religious law in Egypt; Blenkinsopp remarks that Udjahorresnet's arrival in Egypt from Susa to re-establish the religious ‘Houses of Life’ seems to have taken place at about the same time, thereby giving the impression that it too was part of the same provincial reorganization.395 If that was indeed the case, it seems fair to conclude that Udjahorresnet with his particular commission would have been working in conjunction with the satrap, not overriding him or ﬁlling a power vacuum where there was no overall provincial authority in place. When this is applied to Ezra's mission, on the grounds that there are sufﬁcient correspondences between the two to make a valid comparison, it therefore seems likely that Ezra too

394

Grabbe, ‘What Was Ezra's Mission?’, 293, 297–8, emphasizes the uncertainty over almost all the circumstances of Ezra's presence in Judah, including his own status and his relationship to the pre-existing authority structures.

395

Blenkinsopp, ‘Udjahorresnet’, 412–13.

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would have been working alongside an already existing provincial authority ﬁgure rather than taking complete responsibility for the provincial administration, something which in any case is not provided for in his commission. The immediate difﬁculty with such an assumption is in identifying the authority ﬁgure, since in Ezra 7–10 there is no mention of either governor or high priest, or anyone else who could conceivably have functioned as a ﬁgure of overall responsibility. However, the description of Ezra's Law-reading in Nehemiah 8 claims that included among those who were present at the gathering was ‘Nehemiah who was the governor’ (Neh. 8: 9). Although the name Nehemiah is probably a secondary insertion, Blenkinsopp opines that ‘the governor may well have been present’,396 and a closer examination of the text supports this view. The Hebrew of Neh. 8: 9 reads, (‘and Nehemiah who was the governor and Ezra the priest and scribe said’), but neither of the Greek versions corresponds to this. Esdras A 9: 49 reads, καὶ ɛἰ】πɛν Ατταρατης Έσδρα τῳ̑ ἀρχιɛρɛι̑ καὶ ἀναγνώστῃ (‘and Attarates said to Esdras the high priest and scribe’), whereas Esdras B 18: 9 reads, καὶ ɛἰ】πɛν Νɛɛμιας καὶ Έσδρας ὁ ἱɛρɛὺς καὶ γραμματɛύς (‘and Nehemiah and Esdras the priest and scribe said’). BHS marks the whole phrase ‘Nehemiah who was the governor and’ as an addition, but it seems more likely that ‘the governor’ was original and only the reference to Nehemiah is secondary. The fact that both Greek versions retain something else apart from Ezra at this point indicates that the original had more than just Ezra there, and it is more understandable that an anonymous governor would need to be identiﬁed as Nehemiah than that Nehemiah would need to be identiﬁed as the governor. In addition, the evident misunderstanding in Esdras A of the term (hattiršātāʼ, ‘the governor’) as a proper name Aτταρατης (‘Attarates’) is inexplicable if the term was not present in the Hebrew, but equally would be inconceivable if the name Nehemiah were there as clariﬁcation. For a text to retain and distort the more difﬁcult term whilst ignoring the more familiar one is completely contrary to the laws of textual criticism, and strongly suggests that ‘the governor’ was present anonymously in the Hebrew text on which Esdras A is based.397

396

Ibid. 420.

397

It is perhaps also worth noting that Esdras A does not deal with Nehemiah at all, whereas Esdras B is the exact equivalent of Ezra–Nehemiah in the Hebrew Bible and so has the Law-reading in the context of the Nehemiah material rather than the Ezra material. Under those circumstances it is only to be expected that Esdras A will lack ‘Nehemiah’ in the verse in question, whilst Esdras B includes him and instead deems the deﬁning term ‘governor’ redundant.

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Given the probability that Nehemiah 8 was originally part of the Ezra material and as such would presumably ﬁt somewhere in the narrative of Ezra 7–10 which describes Ezra's mission,398 and allowing that there was a provincial governor in ofﬁce at the time (although not Nehemiah) who was indeed present at the Law-reading alongside Ezra, the logical conclusion is that he and not the high priest would have been the overall authority with whom Ezra worked, in the same way that Udjahorresnet worked in conjunction with the Egyptian satrap. Hence, the omission of the high priesthood from Ezra 7–10 would be due at least in part to its lack of signiﬁcant provincial authority, and as such is entirely consistent with the pattern observed thus far throughout the literature of the post-exilic period. On three occasions in Ezra there are mentioned ‘chiefs of the priests’, (śārê hakkōhanîm), namely in 8: 24, 8: 29, and 10: 5. These are unlikely to be high priests in the sense of an individual who has overall power of some kind in the community, but are rather the heads of priestly families. The very fact that Ezra is said to have chosen twelve (miśśārê hakkōhanîm, ‘from the chiefs of the priests’, 8: 24), with the implication that there were more than twelve to choose from, is indicative that something other than high priesthood is being referred to here. In 8: 29 (śārê hakkōhanîm) is paralleled by (śārê hāʼābôt, ‘chiefs of the fathers’), which again would point away from the designation being a high-priestly one. The term (śar) can denote a chief, ruler, or ofﬁcial in the civil, 399 military, or cultic sphere. Returning then brieﬂy to the Eliashib of 10: 6, the ideology of the Ezra material which leads it to omit rather than to include references to high priests alongside Ezra makes it doubly unlikely that Eliashib is the high priest of that name; no connection need therefore be made with the high-priestly genealogy in Nehemiah 12, which means there is no reason to date Ezra after Nehemiah on account of Ezra's liaising with a descendant of Nehemiah's high

398

See n. 2 above.

399

see the entry for

in BDB, 978.

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priest. Hence, the reference is no obstacle to assuming that Ezra came to Jerusalem in 458

BCE.

The book of Ezra, then, in so far as it is possible to tell, supports the understanding developed so far of the high priesthood as an ofﬁce with religious but not with political signiﬁcance, and gives no evidence of the high priest acting as a governor of any sort. The question now is whether or not the Nehemiah narrative also supports such a view, given that the two works are chronologically close enough to each other to be described as contemporary. The reference in Neh. 7: 65 to ‘the priest with Urim and Thummim’, repeated in Ezra 2: 63, has already been mentioned, and as is the case for the Ezra reference, it should not be regarded here as meaning the high priest. Similarly, at the beginning of the list of returnees there is also the reference to Jeshua (Neh. 7: 7), who presumably is the high priest contemporary with Zerubbabel. Apart from this, though, the references to high priests are quite distinct from those in Ezra. Three times the phrase (hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘the high priest’) is used, twice of Eliashib (3: 1, 20) and once in an ambiguous way which may refer either to Eliashib or to his son (13: 28). On two occasions phrases are used which may or may not describe high-priestly individuals: at 11: 11 part of a genealogy is given which is apparently part of the same high-priestly lineage as attributed to Ezra (Ezra 7: 1–5), and which ﬁnishes with Ahitub who is described as (negid bêt hāʼelōhîm, ‘ruler of the house of God’);400 and at 13: 4 a certain Eliashib is called (hakkōhēn nātûn beliškat bêt ʼelōhênû, ‘the priest appointed over the rooms of the house of our God’). There is fairly unanimous acceptance of the reference in Neh. 11: 11 as a designation of the high-priestly ﬁgure,401 but the reference in 13: 4 is more controversial. It has been argued that the kind of administrative function it implies is too mundane to be a description of high-priestly duties.402 However, the term (nāgîd) has overtones of ofﬁcialdom and overseeing, overtones which would be particularly appropriate to its use in Neh. 11: 11, and it is

400

The same title appears in the high-priestly genealogies of 1 Chronicles. For further discussion, see Ch. 8 below on the books of Chronicles.

401

So Batten, 269; R. A. Bowman, ‘Nehemiah’, 775; Clines, 215; Williamson, Ezra-Nehemiah (WBC), 351; Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 325.

402

So R. A. Bowman, ‘Nehemiah’, 805; Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah, 214; Michaeli, Chroniques, 360; Brockington, 208; Clines, 239; Williamson, Ezra-Nehemiah (WBC), 386; Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 353–4.

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not unreasonable to suppose that being overseer or ruler of the house of God implies some sort of administrative responsibility, of which the description in 13: 4 would perhaps be an example. If this is the case, there should be no objection to the high priest being the one who has (ultimate) control of building use in the Temple, and therefore no objection to the designation of Eliashib in Neh. 13: 4 being that of the high priest—at least, not on these grounds.403 A different view would seem to be favoured by Clines's statement that at the Elephantine Temple nāgōdāʼ, presumably cognate with the Hebrew (nāgîd), refers to the chief administrator rather than the high priest;404 on closer examination, however, this is rather misleading. The term nāgōdāʼ in conjunction with the term lehen, a description of some kind of Temple administrative ofﬁcial, does seem to mean ‘chief administrator’, but where nāgōdāʼ appears on its own there is nothing to make it anything more than a general term of leadership, as in the Hebrew (nāgîd).405 a Although the papyrus cited earlier refers to the high priest in Jerusalem as (kāh nā rabbāʼ, ‘the great priest’),406 there is no identiﬁable reference to the high priest in Elephantine itself, if indeed there was a high priest; in fact, the information on the Elephantine priesthood as a whole is minimal, and although there evidently were priests, next to nothing is known about how they were organized.407 The evidence from the papyri cannot therefore be used to clarify whether (nāgîd) in the Nehemiah context could also include the sense of ‘administrator’, although, as has already been suggested on other grounds, there seems to be no reason why it should not. One distinctive usage which appears in Nehemiah 12 is the practice of dating records according to the high priest in power when the record was made (12: 7, 12, 22, 26).408 At ﬁrst sight this

403

Comparison may be drawn here with the pre-exilic chief priests Jehoiada (2 Kgs. 12: 5–17 (ET 12: 4–16)), Uriah (2 Kgs. 16: 10–16), and Hilkiah (2 Kgs. 22: 3–7), who are all shown as being responsible for issues of Temple fabric. For further details, see Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History.

404

Clines, 216.

405

See Bezalel Porten, Archives from Elephantine (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), 200–1, and AP 63: 9 (p. 167) and 2: 3 (p. 4 with note on p. 5). Both Porten and Clines assume that the reading nāgōdāʼ is to be preferred to Cowley's ngr in both instances.

406

AP 30: 18 (p. 112); see n. 15 above.

407

Porten, 201–2. See Ch. 7 below on the Elephantine papyri for discussion of the Elephantine situation as a whole.

408

In line with the discussion earlier in this chapter, the reference to ‘Johanan the son of Eliashib’ in 12: 23 is not regarded as referring to a high priest.

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looks like an indication of the high priest's authority, since anyone important enough to serve as a date marker must have been making some impact on the community. But the lists so dated are lists of Temple personnel only, not of the community as a whole, and surely the obvious way to date them is by the one in charge of the people listed. The chapter also includes a list of six generations of high priests from Jeshua onwards (12: 10–11); although they are only identiﬁed by name rather than by any kind of title, the fact that they are the very names used as chronological markers for the ‘census’ lists in the chapter plus the identiﬁcation of Jeshua and Eliashib as high priests elsewhere (Hag. 1: 1, 12, 14; 2: 2, 4; Neh. 3: 1) leaves little room for doubt. The material in chapter 12 is almost certainly later than the narrative material elsewhere, not least because it names three generations of high priests after Eliashib, who was high priest in Nehemiah's time. Whether or not the genealogy of 12: 10–11 is complete, three generations is the minimum amount of time that must have elapsed to allow the list in its present form to be composed, since challenges to its accuracy have been on the basis that names have been omitted, not that they have been added.409 There is one reference in 12: 7 to heads of priestly houses who are described as (rāʼšê hakkōhanîm, ‘heads of the priests’), but as with the title (śārê hakkōhanîm) (see above) this is unlikely to be a designation of high priesthood. The very fact that there are twenty-two people named as (rāʼšê hakkōhanîm) seems to be sufﬁcient indication that they cannot all be the high priest. In addition, they are listed as (rāʼšê hakkōhanîm) in the days of Jeshua, who, as has already been remarked, appears

409

As noted above (n. 26), Cross, ‘Reconstruction’, argues for the accidental omission of names from the list due to haplography resulting from the practice of papponymy in the high-priestly family (pp. 9–11). More recently, however, VanderKam, ‘Jewish High Priests of the Persian Period: Is the List Complete?’, in Gary Anderson and Saul M. Olyan (eds.), Priesthood and Cult in Ancient Israel, JSOTS 125 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1991), 67–91, has argued that the present list covers the entire Persian period and that no names have in fact been omitted. Certainly six names for some two hundred years would be a minimum, and it is most unlikely that the original list has been increased to six names from fewer, given the length of time it covers. The whole discussion arose out of attempts to justify so few names for such a relatively long period of time, since according to Josephus (Ant. xi. 325–39) Jaddua, the last high priest named in Neh. 12: 11, encountered Alexander the Great when Alexander visited Jerusalem after conquering Palestine in 332 BCE . See Ch. 9 below for comments both on Josephus' presentation, and on some scholarly reconstructions of late Persian period Judaean history which accept Cross's ideas of haplography and papponymy.

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elsewhere as high priest himself. It would be very strange if there were twenty-two more high priests alongside the one who was supposedly in ofﬁce at that time.410 On the basis of these data, then, it should be possible to ascertain the attitude of the author-compiler of the Nehemiah material to high priests. Looking at the distribution of the references, they tend to come in the parts which are separate sources—in chapter 3, the list of wall-builders, which is thought by some to be a separate source, whether or not it was Nehemiah himself who included it in his memoir;411 in chapter 12, the lists of priestly personnel and the high-priestly genealogy; in chapter 7, the list of returnees, with its reference to Jeshua. As in the Ezra material, what is striking is where high priests are not mentioned—in Nehemiah, no high priest is mentioned either by name or by ofﬁce at the dedication of Jerusalem's rebuilt walls (12: 27–43), nor as a signatory for the covenant to keep the Law after the public reading and confession (10: 2–28 (ET 10: 1–27)).412 Blenkinsopp observes that the names of the priestly signatories are patronyms rather than individual names, intended to give the impression of wholehearted support from all the priestly families;413 but it is still surprising that the high priest is not mentioned at all, given that there would presumably have been a high priest in ofﬁce whose support would certainly have been desirable. The only unequivocal reference to a high priest in the Nehemiah memoir itself comes in 13: 28, where a member of the high-priestly family has married Sanballat's daughter. It is unclear whether Eliashib or his son Jehoiada is here

410

Bartlett, ‘ as a Title’, 8, cites Neh. 12: 7 as an example of the Chronicler's use of the title ‘head’ for the leaders of small groups which exist for a particular function. Even though in the present study Ezra and Nehemiah are treated as separate works from the Chronicler, Bartlett's observation still concurs with the present argument that the designation in Neh. 12: 7 is highly unlikely to refer to any kind of high priesthood.

411

So Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah, 112; Michaeli, Chroniques, 319; Williamson, Ezra-Nehemiah (WBC), 200; Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 231–2.

412

Eskenazi argues that the failure in Ezra–Nehemiah to emphasize the community's leaders in the lists of otherwise unknown individuals is intended to afﬁrm the importance of the people as a whole in re-creating the nation's life (pp. 654–5). However, de-emphasizing the leaders is different from omitting them, and unlike the high priest, Nehemiah appears both at the dedication of the walls (12: 31) and at the covenant-making (10: 2 (ET 10: 1)). Similarly, Ezra appears in 12: 36 at the wall dedication and possibly as Azariah in 10: 3 (ET 10: 2) at the covenant-making. The desire to celebrate the people as a whole cannot therefore provide a rationale for omitting speciﬁc mention of the high priest from these accounts.

413

Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 313.

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called high priest,414 but however ambiguous the reference it serves to underline the disgrace of the liaison. As with the Ezra material, then, high priests ﬁgure very little, and once again the same pattern can be observed as has been noted previously. All the references to high priests in both Ezra and Nehemiah come in connection with religious matters—Jeshua accompanies Zerubbabel on his mission to rebuild the Temple, helps him found the altar, joins him in repulsing the foreigners who want to build with them, and once the project is complete he fades into the background except as a patronym for his Levitical descendants. Others too reach their zenith of notoriety as date markers for Levitical census lists, but seem to have very little inﬂuence, if any, in other areas. Nehemiah came as a civil authority, as governor of the province; Zerubbabel had disappeared some time ago, and although there is no certain information about other governors in the interim,415 Nehemiah does imply that others preceded him who had burdened the people (Neh. 5: 15).416 Yet there is no mention of the high priest as a force to be reckoned with in those circumstances. As high priest, Eliashib was apparently

414

The LXX interprets the designation ‘high priest’ as referring to Eliashib (Esdras B 23: 28).

415

Although there is no certain information about individual governors, it seems beyond dispute that there were others who preceded Nehemiah; indeed, from the evidence of jar stamps, bullae, seals, and coins it has been possible to reconstruct a list of names of governors for the periods both prior and subsequent to Nehemiah. Laperrousaz, ‘Le Régime théocratique’, gives a useful summary of the evidence, concluding in a similar way to the present arguments that for the period of Persian rule the presence of a succession of governors militates against the idea of Judah as a theocracy ruled by the high priest. Williamson, ‘The Governors of Judah under the Persians’, Tyndale Bulletin, 39 (1988), 59–82, deals more fully with the archaeological evidence and its interpretation which has led to the identiﬁcation of Elnathan and the conﬁrmation of Sheshbazzar and Zerubabbel as governors of Judah prior to Nehemiah, although Blenkinsopp, ‘Temple and Society in Achaemenid Judah’, in Second Temple Studies, 1, 22–53 (p. 36 n. 3), warns that the dating of the evidence remains uncertain and so the reconstructed list of governors should be treated with caution. More recently, however, Seth Schwartz, ‘On the Autonomy of Judaea in the Fourth and Third Centuries B.C.E.’, JJS 45 (1994), 157–68, argues that Judah's independent status at least to the end of the Achaemenid period is conﬁrmed by the ﬁnds of bullae, coins, seals, and jar stamps; that some of the governors were also high priests; and that the province's status could be explained in terms of the Achaemenid practice of ‘utilizing pre-existing political, administrative and legal structures and ratifying (or even initiating the codiﬁcation of) native legal systems’ (p. 161). For a discussion of the later Persian period, and in particular of the coins upon which Schwartz bases his comment that some of the governors were also high priests, see Ch. 9 below.

416

If Nehemiah 8 is taken as part of the Ezra material and therefore seen to describe events which pre-date Nehemiah's arrival, the reference to ‘the governor’ in Neh. 8: 9 lends support to the idea that there were governors who preceded Nehemiah.

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ready enough to join in with the rebuilding of the walls (Neh. 3: 1), but powerless to initiate it; surely if he had had inﬂuence in this and the other areas which Nehemiah tackled he would have exercised it. The fact that he apparently exercised no such inﬂuence, so that it was left to Nehemiah to sort out the very practical considerations of the province's day-to-day running, implies that any jurisdiction the high priest exercised was limited to matters concerning the Temple and cult—a picture of the high priest which would be consistent with him being ‘the one in charge of the rooms of the house of God’ (Neh. 13: 4). The evidence from both Ezra and Nehemiah, then, suggests that by the mid- to late ﬁfth century the high priesthood was still largely as it had been in Restoration times, with its authority limited to matters affecting the Temple and the cult. This would account for its only being mentioned in the context of these areas, and for the necessity of sending personnel from the Persian court to deal with Judaean affairs, since the high priest was not a ﬁgure of governmental authority in the local community. In the course of the discussion the contemporary Elephantine papyri were mentioned, which appeared to contain some material of relevance for the high priesthood; the next step is therefore to undertake a proper analysis of the papyri to see if these genuine ﬁfth-century documents support the consistent picture of the high priesthood in the Persian period which has so far emerged from the sources examined.

7 The Elephantine Papyri The Elephantine papyri are signiﬁcant for this investigation of the high priesthood in two ways. First, they provide evidence for another Jewish temple apart from the one in Jerusalem, a scenario which raises a number of questions: whether or not there was a high priest in Elephantine, the status of any such high priest both in his own community and in relation to the Judaean community, and whether comparison with the Elephantine community and its structures could be used to elucidate the workings of the Jerusalem high priesthood. Secondly, and more importantly, two of the papyri mention correspondence addressed to the Jerusalem high priest Johanan (cf. Neh. 12: 22, 23) in the context of an attempt to secure rebuilding of the Elephantine temple, which had apparently been destroyed by the Egyptians. This raises the question of what kind of jurisdiction (if any) the Jerusalem high priest had both within the province of Judah itself and over expatriate Jewish communities such as the one at Elephantine. The papyri are important source documents inasmuch as they are contemporary with the period to which they pertain, and consist largely of ofﬁcial correspondence which is less likely to be subject to theological bias or idealization than the biblical material examined so far. Hence, any insights which can be gained from them will form a vital comparison with, and perhaps a necessary corrective to, the picture of the high priesthood which has been built up so far. The ﬁrst questions to be dealt with, then, are those which arise from the presence of a Jewish temple in Elephantine: whether or not the community had a high priest, and if it did, the high priest's status both in Elephantine itself and in relation to the Jerusalem Temple. The papyri make no direct reference to a high priest at Elephantine, but they do mention an individual named Jedaniah (Yedoniah) who was obviously a ﬁgure of some standing and who appears several times as a representative of the whole community. Three papyri concerning community matters are addressed to

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him: the Passover papyrus,417 a letter of complaint about the Egyptians,418 and a letter of recommendation for two people coming to Elephantine.419 In addition he is one of the institutors of a petition sent to Bagohi (Bigvai), the Persian governor of Judah, about rebuilding the Elephantine temple;420 he is the designated recipient for contributions made to temple funds by more than a hundred individuals;421 and he is reported as having been seized and imprisoned along with four other colleagues, two of whom also appear with him as institutors of correspondence about the temple rebuilding and were presumably fairly inﬂuential in their own right.422 It seems clear from all this that Jedaniah was the head of the community, but what is not so clear is whether or not he was a high priest. Scholarly opinion on the matter is divided; Cowley assumes that Jedaniah was ‘the chief priest . . . and head of the community’,423 whereas both Vincent and Porten argue that Jedaniah was not the community's high priest.424 As already indicated, the papyri make no clear reference to anyone as high priest of Elephantine, and although Jedaniah's acceptance of money given for temple funds is reminiscent of the Judaean chief priests Jehoiada and Hilkiah who are both shown as being responsible for the Jerusalem Temple maintenance funds in the pre-exilic period,425 such a comparison is hardly conclusive. Jedaniah appears in the Elephantine papyri in a number of different capacities: with other named colleagues who are presumably community leaders,426 as the only named leader along with the garrison as a whole,427 as a son of one Gemariah,428 as a property-holder,429 and along with the garrison's priests.430 But there is no clear statement that he was a priest himself, and the evidence upon which claims for his priesthood have been made is highly ambiguous. The claims are based on the opening line of the temple petition, a document which has survived in both a very well-preserved draft and quite a badly

417

AP 21: 1–2, 11 (pp. 62–3).

418

AP 37: 1, 17 (pp. 133–4).

419

AP 38: 1, 12 (pp. 135–6).

420

AP 30: 1, 4, 22 (pp. 111–14); AP 31: ?1, 3, ?21 (pp. 119–21); AP 33: 1 (p. 125).

421

AP 22: 120–1 (pp. 70, 72).

422

AP 34: 4–5 (p. 127); cf. AP 33: 1–6 (p. 125).

423

AP, 108, 110–11.

424

Albert Vincent, La Religion des Judéo-Araméens d'Éléphantine (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1937), 468–74; Porten, Archives from Elephantine, 48 n. 77.

425

For further discussion of Jehoiada and Hilkiah see Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History.

426

AP 37: 1, 17 (pp. 133–4).

427

AP 21: 1–2, 11 (pp. 62–3).

428

AP 22: 121 (pp. 70, 72); ? AP 33: 1 (p. 125); AP 34: 5 (p. 127).

429

AP 33: 1, 6 (p. 125).

430

AP 38: 1 (pp. 135, 136).

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damaged one.431 The document opens with an address to the Judaean governor Bagohi from Jedaniah and the priests of the garrison, and the question is whether or not this opening address should be taken to indicate that Jedaniah was also one of the priests. Cowley seems to think so, and this is reﬂected in his rendition of the phrase from the opening line of the more complete draft. In his translation he inserts a comma between , ‘Yedoniah and his colleagues’, and , ‘the priests’, thereby putting the two elements in apposition to each other and giving the translation ‘your servants Yedoniah and his colleagues, the priests who are in Yeb the fortress’.432 If the comma is omitted, however, it is the colleagues alone who are priests, and this is the interpretation offered by Porten and Yardeni in their edition of the papyri.433 The second draft of the document is not very helpful in elucidating Jedaniah's status because its ﬁrst line is badly damaged, so that the only characters remaining are the initial letters ] followed by ] [ halfway along the line. In reconstructing the text Cowley follows the ﬁrst and more complete version word for word as far as where he ends the line, resulting in a reconstruction of which he translates, ‘To [our ] l[ord Bigvai, governor of Judaea, your servants Yedoniah and] his [colleagues the] pri[ests.]’434 This implies that Jedaniah was not a priest and so effectively contradicts Cowley's own translation of the ﬁrst draft. However, despite Porten's earlier denial that Jedaniah was a priest,435 Porten and Yardeni restore the same line to read , offering the translation, ‘To [our] l[ord Bagohi, your servant Jedania]h [the] pri[est and his colleagues the priests who are in Elephantine the fortress and the Jews, all of them]’.436 Judging from their hand-drawn reproduction of the papyrus,437 this suggestion is apparently based on a smaller amount of space being available between the surviving fragments of the line than Cowley allows. However, the restoration is entirely

431

AP 30 (pp. 111–14), and AP 31 (pp. 119–21).

432

AP 30: 1 (pp. 111, 113).

433

A4.7 in B. Porten and A. Yardeni (eds.), Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt, The Hebrew University Department of the History of the Jewish People Texts and Studies for Students, 4 vols. (distributed by Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind., 1986–), i: Letters (1986), 68–71 (pp. 68, 71).

434

AP, 119, 120.

435

See n. 17 above.

436

A4.8 in Textbook of Aramaic Documents, 72–5 (pp. 72, 75).

437

Ibid. 73.

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speculative, and although Jedaniah might possibly have been a priest, this and Cowley's punctuation of the ﬁrst draft are the only two pieces of evidence to that effect in the surviving corpus of papyri. It therefore seems extremely unwise to use either draft as the basis for concluding that Jedaniah was the community's high priest. The fact that there is no certain reference to Jedaniah as a priest of any kind is rather surprising if he were indeed the chief priest of Elephantine. It is hard to imagine why it would not be noted speciﬁcally if the community's chief priest had been taken prisoner at the gate of Thebes, for example.438 Of course it could be argued that if he was well known as the chief priest then there was no need to name him as such, but his description along with four others as simply a Syenian property-holder in the fortress implies that he was inﬂuential by virtue of being a member of a wellestablished, moneyed family rather than a high or chief priest.439 However, one of the most telling arguments against him being a high priest is that in the letter to Bagohi Jedaniah does not introduce himself as a high priest despite the fact that he is writing along with and on behalf of his colleagues the priests; and yet later on he tells Bagohi that they wrote to 'Johanan the high priest ( , kāhanāʼ rabbāʼ—lit. ‘the great priest’) and his colleagues the priests' in Jerusalem.440 If Jerusalem were in Bagohi's own province he would know who ‘Johanan and his colleagues the priests’ were without having it spelt out to him; but he would not necessarily be aware of who Jedaniah was. The fact that the title (kāhanāʼ rabbāʼ), ‘high priest’, is included where it is apparently unnecessary and yet omitted where it would have been appropriate if it was applicable does seem to point away from Jedaniah being a high priest or holding any authority on the basis that he was the high priest of the Elephantine community. As already remarked, it is possible that he may in fact have been of priestly descent, but even if he was, there is no evidence that this had any bearing on his authority as leader of the community. In any case, it would surely be very unusual to have a military settlement supervised by a priest who was supervising it by virtue of being a priest. Although the military aspect of the Jewish presence may well have been played down or faded into the background in time, Elephantine was certainly not established as a religious community in any sense, and

438

AP 34: 4–5 (p. 127).

439

AP 33: 6 (p. 125).

440

AP 30: 1, 18–19 (pp. 111–14).

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although the settlers obviously had preferred religious allegiances —not all of which would have been acceptable to the Jerusalem authorities—that does not make them a religiously based community or a hierocracy. However, if Jedaniah was not a priest, neither does he seem to have had a deﬁnitive afﬁliation with any other particular group. Rather, he can be identiﬁed with the priests for a priestly matter such as temple rebuilding,441 or with the garrison as a whole as is the case in the Passover papyrus.442 This impression of Jedaniah's friendliness with all but alignment with none once again implies an overall leadership role which is not closely associated with the priesthood. The impression is strengthened by the fact that the temple collection over which he presides is not a collection entirely for Yahu but is distributed among the various deities.443 It is hard to imagine that a chief priest of Yahu would have responsibility for such a distribution; rather, a more disinterested ﬁgure would seem to be the appropriate one for the duty. The conclusion that Jedaniah was not a high priest is also supported by a consideration of the circumstances under which the Elephantine temple might have been built. The reference to another temple outside the one in Jerusalem is quite unexpected, given that by the time of the papyri (late ﬁfth century BCE) the Deuteronomic precept of centralization at Jerusalem had supposedly been in force for over two hundred years, and this inevitably raises the question of how the Elephantine temple could have existed at such a late date. On the basis of the Letter of Aristeas, Cowley suggests that the colony was formed from Jewish mercenaries who entered the service of the Egyptian king Psammetichus II very early in the sixth century;444 if this is so, it would mean that the mercenaries left their homeland before the Deuteronomic legislation had had a chance to become well established, and they may well not have felt bound by its stipulations once they were on foreign soil. Hence, building their own temple would have been no more than a continuation of the religious practices to which they had been accustomed; in Cowley's words, ‘They took with them in

441

AP 30: 1 (pp. 111, 113).

442

AP 21: 1–2 (pp. 62, 63).

443

AP 22: 123–5 (pp. 70, 72).

444

AP, Introduction, xvi. However, A. H. Sayce, ‘The Jewish Garrison and Temple in Elephantinê’, The Expositor, 8th Series, 2 (1911), 97–116 (pp. 111–14), and ‘The Jews and their Temple in Elephantinê’, ibid., 417–34 (pp. 420–1), argues that the colony was formed in the mid-seventh century under Psammetichus I.

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all sincerity the old religion of pre-exilic Judah, and continued to practise it after the Exile (and Ezra) had made it impossible in the mother-country.’445 Porten for his part suggests that there were three periods during which Jews might have come to Egypt and settled: 735–701 BCE, between the Syro-Ephraimite war and the Assyrian siege of Jerusalem; the mid-seventh century when Manasseh tried with Egyptian help to free himself from Assyrian rule; and the thirty years or so between Jehoiakim's accession in 609 and the ﬂight to Egypt following Gedaliah's assassination.446 Certainly the ﬁrst two of these periods would have pre-dated the Deuteronomic reform, so that those who settled in Egypt would have had no qualms about building their own shrine; and the third was a time of political turmoil in the homeland during which any reforms made during Josiah's attempt at centralization could very easily have collapsed, eclipsed by subsequent rulers' continued sympathies for the older religion and the people's own desire to venerate as many gods as possible in an attempt to ease the instability of the situation (cf. 2 Kgs. 23: 31–25: 26; Jer. 44: 15–18). Under those circumstances it is not difﬁcult to see how a temple could have been built in Elephantine without any sense of it being illegitimate, despite the fact that Deuteronomic reforms had apparently been implemented prior to the settlers leaving the homeland. In any case, the Elephantine temple would certainly have been constructed before the ﬁnal edition and promulgation of the Pentateuch in which the legitimacy of a single shrine is emphasized by both the Priestly and the Deuteronomic components.447 The letter to the Judaean governor Bagohi shows no sense of difﬁdence or of uncertainty on the part of the Elephantine Jews about their temple's legitimacy;

445

AP, Introduction, xix–xx. A similar line is taken by Max Margolis, ‘The Elephantine Documents’, JQR n.s. 2 (1911–12), 419–43 (pp. 419–20, 430–2); see also Rudolf Muuss, ‘Der Jahwetempel in Elephantine’, ZAW 36 (1916), 81–107 (pp. 96–107). Vincent, 484–6, suggests that the Elephantine priests may have originated as priests of the high places in the home-land, who ﬂed to Egypt during attempts to suppress their shrines and continued a similar kind of religious observance in their new home.

446

Porten, Archives from Elephantine, 13.

447

P. Grelot, ‘Le papyrus pascal d'Éléphantine et le problème du Pentateuque’, VT 5(1955), 250–65, argues that points of contact between the Passover papyrus and the present Pentateuch point to an intermediate stage in the Pentateuchal editing before the ﬁnal deﬁnitive edition and promulgation of the law-codes. This would explain why, despite the points of contact with Deuteronomy in the papyrus, nothing is said about centralized worship—Deuteronomy would not yet have been incorporated as part of the deﬁnitive P edition, even though it had force in Judah.

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on the contrary, it shows only surprise and maybe a little hurt that the Jerusalem priesthood had failed to acknowledge the previous petition, whereas from the point of view of a priesthood constituted according to the centralization ideal which was well established in Jerusalem by that time, it is perfectly understandable that a request such as the one from Elephantine should be regarded as illegitimate and therefore ignored. The inevitable conclusion from such an analysis is that the Elephantine Jews were not self-contained in religious terms; rather, they regarded themselves as in some kind of relationship with the Jerusalem Temple, and any attempt at comparison between Elephantine and Jerusalem must take that into account. There are certainly apparent structural similarities between the two communities: both had a civil authority ﬁgure at their head (Jedaniah at Elephantine, the governor in Jerusalem), and both seem also to have had a ‘temple authority ﬁgure’ whose responsibility was the running of the temple. From the Elephantine papyri Porten notes the case of a man named Ananiah who is described as ‘lehen of YHW (who is) in Elephantine’, a title which by comparison with Assyrian cognates implies an ofﬁcial with responsibility for maintenance and upkeep of the temple building and its utensils.448 On the evidence from Nehemiah, it is not improbable that the equivalent function in Jerusalem was fulﬁlled by the high priest.449 But here the similarities end; a local temple administrator, even if he is a priest, is different from a high priest who is supposedly the representative of an entire faith community at the faith's one and only legitimate shrine, whether or not the high priest is also thought to have had administrative responsibilities. This means that, despite their apparent structural similarities, there are no valid grounds for comparison between the two communities and their priesthoods, not least because, despite their adherence in broad terms to the same religion, the two communities embodied quite different expressions of that religion. According to the religious polity under which Elephantine was founded, Jerusalem and Elephantine would have been sister shrines, but in terms of post-exilic cultic centralization the Elephantine community was effectively subordinate to the community in Jerusalem, and would have been regarded as such by the religious authorities

448

Porten, Archives from Elephantine, 200.

449

See Ch. 6 above on Ezra and Nehemiah.

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there, even though the Elephantine Jews themselves seem to have had no such sense of subordination. Indeed, it is precisely this difference of perception between the two groups concerning their relationship with one another which would account for not only the Elephantine Jews' appeal to the Jerusalem Temple authorities, but also the refusal of those authorities to give any assistance for the building of a temple in Elephantine. Hence, it is not possible to elucidate the position of the high priest at Jerusalem by means of analogies with the Elephantine community, because the two communities were not analogous. However, the fact that one of the papyri (and its duplicate) mentions a letter to Johanan, the contemporary high priest in Jerusalem, raises the question of what, if anything, can be gleaned about the high priesthood from the context in which Johanan appears.450 Certainly Jedaniah and his colleagues appealed (albeit unsuccessfully) to Johanan for assistance with rebuilding their ruined temple, but to assume with Weinberg that this implies the existence of a powerful independent high priesthood in Jerusalem is unwarranted.451 If the papyrus is to be taken at face value, Johanan was by no means the only person contacted by the Elephantine community in their endeavours to get their temple restored; letters were also sent to Bagohi, the Jewish nobles, and Ostanes at the same time as the one directed to Johanan.452 Such an approach implies that there was more than one potential source of assistance for their plight, and therefore more than one source of authority in the community. Had Johanan been the ultimate authority who was spokesman for the rest of the community there would have been little or no point in writing to the others except for ﬁnance; the fact that following the ﬁrst unsuccessful appeal a second appeal was made to the provincial governor, even though he too apparently failed to reply the ﬁrst time, implies that he was the most important and authoritative ﬁgure in the Judaean community. This corresponds with the picture of high priesthood in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, where it is courtesy of a Persian-appointed authority ﬁgure that administrative matters in the community as a whole are facilitated.453 Dated to 408 BCE, the

450

AP 30, 31 (pp. 111–14, 119–21).

451

Joel Weinberg, ‘Administration in the Achaemenid Empire’, in id., The Citizen-Temple Community, trans. Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, JSOTS 151 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1992), 105–26 (p. 122).

452

AP 30: 18–19 (pp. 112, 114).

453

See Ch. 6 above on Ezra and Nehemiah.

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Elephantine papyrus is within forty years of Nehemiah's arrival in Jerusalem, even though by the time of the papyrus he had apparently been replaced or succeeded by Bagohi, and if the above analysis is correct the papyrus gives no evidence of the high priesthood having taken on the authority of governance in the province during the course of those forty years. In fact, the whole situation of the Elephantine temple rebuilding is remarkably reminiscent of that of the Judaean exiles some 130 years earlier, who needed the permission given by Cyrus in his edict in order to return and rebuild their temple in Jerusalem (2 Chr. 36: 22–3; Ezra 1: 1–4). The similarity implies that there had been no major change of policy or devolution of authority during the intervening period, so that as long as the Persians were the ultimate authorities in the area then their approval and permission were required in order to carry out such projects, probably as a way of regulating relations between the various subject peoples. Hence, the report of an appeal from Elephantine to the Jerusalem Temple authorities cannot be taken as an indication that the high priest had been granted powers of governance; rather, the appeal may simply have been a ﬁnancial one. However, if the Jews of Elephantine did hope for something from their Judaean brothers to defray the cost of rebuilding their temple, the evidence from the surviving papyri is that they were disappointed. Despite their limited material, then, the Elephantine papyri indicate that although the community had its own temple, it was probably not a hierocracy, and that in its religious outlook it was still at an earlier stage of development than the contemporary Judaean community. More importantly for present purposes, however, the papyri also support the conclusion drawn from the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, that by the end of the ﬁfth century the high priesthood in Jerusalem was still largely as it had been in Restoration times, with its authority conﬁned to matters of Temple and cult.454 In the light of these conclusions, therefore, the next step will be to examine the books of Chronicles, which are generally assumed to be a product of the later Persian period, to see whether they provide any evidence for the kind of growth in high-priestly power which might lead to hierocracy before the end of the Persian period in 332 BCE.

454

Contra Zeitlin, D. Petersen, Grabbe, Redditt; see the quotations from these scholars in the Introduction above (pp. 2, 4).

8 High Priesthood in the Books of Chronicles The books of Chronicles, hereafter referred to collectively as Chr., are the second major biblical source for the history of the Israelite monarchy. Although they are based on the Deuteronomistic History (DH),455 they differ from DH in style and in some areas of content, and have a distinctive theological outlook on the rise and fall of the monarchy which is no doubt due at least in part to their post-exilic perspective. Chr.'s date in the post-exilic period, together with its strong emphasis on correct cultic procedures, would seem to make it an obvious source to examine for information on the high priesthood; however, matters are complicated by the fact that Chr. ostensibly deals with the pre-exilic period. It is therefore necessary to examine Chr. both in its own right and with reference to DH, so that account can be taken of anachronism and reinterpretation which might appear in the later work. From antiquity until the twentieth century Chr. was regarded as a literary unity with Ezra–Nehemiah, and it cannot be denied that there is a close relationship between them, as is demonstrated by the repetition of 2 Chr. 36: 22–3 in Ezra 1: 1–3, and the composition of the LXX Esdras A (ET 1 Esdras), which uses material from 2 Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah. However, studies of vocabulary, style, subject matter and theology in Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah have now indicated that there are good grounds for challenging the traditional viewpoint,456 and for the purposes of this

455

A. Graeme Auld, Kings Without Privilege (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1994), argues that instead of Chr. being based upon DH, both works made independent use of a common source (pp. 3–4). However, there seems to be no real need to postulate that Chr. used the source(s) behind DH rather than DH itself.

456

Welch, Post-Exilic Judaism, 218–19, argues for Ezra and Chr. as separate works on the basis of differences in ideological emphasis between the two. More recent supporters of separate authorship include Japhet, ‘The Supposed Common Authorship of Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah Investigated Anew’, VT 18 (1968), 330–71; Williamson, Israel in the Books of Chronicles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 5–70; James D. Newsome, Jr, ‘Towards a New Understanding of the Chronicler and his Purposes’, JBL 94 (1975), 201–17; and Roddy L. Braun, ‘Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah: Theology and Literary History’, VTSupp 30 (1979), 52–64. Criticism of the technique of linguistic analysis, used by Japhet and Williamson to support separate authorship, is offered by Mark A. Throntveit, ‘Linguistic Analysis and the Question of Authorship in Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah’, VT 32 (1982), 201–16, and David Talshir, ‘A Reinvestigation of the Linguistic Relationship between Chronicles and EzraNehemiah’, VT 38 (1988), 165–93; Japhet acknowledges the criticism and offers a study of ideological, theological, and literary phenomena in Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah, still reaching the conclusion of separate authorship, in ‘The Relationship between Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah’, VTSupp 43 (1991), 298–313.

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study Chr. is regarded as separate from Ezra–Nehemiah. The question of authorship affects the precise dating of Chr. in its present form, since on the assumption that Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah are separate works it is not acceptable to use indicators such as the high-priestly genealogy in Neh. 12: 10–11 when attempting to date the main body of Chr. There is no doubt that Chr. is to be dated some time in the post-exilic era; although the range of suggested dates runs from c.515 BCE to the second century,457 the truth most probably lies somewhere in between, as reﬂected by the large number of scholars who place Chr. in the mid- to late Persian period, that is, between c.400 and 300 BCE.458 Reasons for this include the need for DH to have become readily available, since Chr. so evidently utilized it as a major source; the presence of some Persian loan-words, earlier thought to be Greek, in the Hebrew text; and the clear systematization of cultic practice, not evidenced in earlier material, which would indicate a rebuilt and functioning Temple. Linguistic analysis also points to a later

457

Two advocates of a date in the restoration period are David Noel Freedman, ‘The Chronicler's Purpose’, CBQ 23 (1961), 436–42 (p. 441), and Newsome, 215–16. By contrast, a second-century date is supported by Adolphe Lods, Israël des origines au milieu du VIIIe siècle, L'Évolution de L'Humanité Synthèse Collective 27 (Paris: La Renaissance du Livre, 1930), 16 (ET Israel from its Beginnings to the Middle of the Eighth Century, trans. S. H. Hooke (London: Kegan Paul, 1932), 14).

458

Those who would date Chr. to around 400 BCE include Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia, xxiv–xxv, and Chronikbücher, HAT 21 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1955), x; W. A. L. Elmslie, ‘The First and Second Books of Chronicles’, in IB iii (1954), 389–548 (pp. 345–7); and Myers, I Chronicles, AB 12 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965), pp. lxxxvii–lxxxix; those who prefer a mid-fourth century date include Ackroyd, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, 25–6, 27; Coggins, The First and Second Books of the Chronicles, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 4; and Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, NCB (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans; London: Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1982), 15–16. A date nearer 300 BCE is advocated by Edward Lewis Curtis and Albert Alonzo Madsen, The Books of Chronicles, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1910), 5–6; Michaeli, Chroniques, 25; and Japhet, I & II Chronicles, OTL (London: SCM Press, 1993), 23–8. Of the scholars listed here, Curtis and Madsen, Rudolph, Myers, Michaeli, and Coggins assume the unity of Ezra–Nehemiah with Chr., while Ackroyd regards Chr. and Ezra as a unity, with the Nehemiah material being a separate development.

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form of Hebrew in Chr. than most of that found elsewhere in the OT.459 Of course, as with virtually every book in the canon there is a variety of material in Chr., and in addition to evidence of small-scale textual annotation and revision, two major sections are often thought to be later additions, namely the genealogies in 1 Chronicles 1–9 and the twentyfour priestly courses in 1 Chronicles 23–7.460 Hence, the ﬁnal date for the overall composition is probably nearer the Greek than the Persian period. In order to interpret the material presented in Chr., it is important to understand its author's purpose. Chr. is an example of ‘inner-biblical exegesis’, that is, a reinterpretation and reuse in canonical material of earlier such material for a new context.461 Chr.'s author(s) would have been familiar with DH and some, if not all, of the Pentateuchal sources, but it would have been in a context in which the chosen people were a subject nation in a fraction of their own land, king and prophets had died away, and the rebuilt Temple with its cult was the only reminder of the illustrious past which they had once enjoyed. Clearly there was a need for a contextualized response to the circumstances, one which would encourage and ratify, not by denying the past but by relating it more speciﬁcally to the contemporary situation. Chr. therefore attempts to show how it can be that the present community is the legitimate successor to and continuation of the pre-exilic nation of Israel as depicted in the Pentateuch and DH. In order to achieve this, the re-presentation of the pre-exilic

459

So Japhet, ‘The Supposed Common Authorship’, 332; Robert Polzin, Late Biblical Hebrew: Toward an Historical Typology of Biblical Hebrew Prose, HSM 12 (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1976), 27–84, gives an analysis of signiﬁcant linguistic features in Chr. which indicate the relatively late date of its language.

460

Cross, ‘Reconstruction’, 11–14, argues for three separate editions of Chr., the ﬁrst dating from around 520 BCE and consisting of 1 Chronicles 10–2 Chronicles 34 plus I Esd. 1: 1–5: 65, the second dating from after Ezra's mission in 458 BCE and adding the remainder of 1 Esdras to the existing account, and the third dating from around 400 BCE and adding the genealogies of 1 Chronicles 1–9 and the Nehemiah memoir. Braun, 1 Chronicles, WBC 14 (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1986), Introduction, p. xxix, follows Cross in positing such a process of composition beginning in the Restoration period, although he dates the ﬁnal form somewhat later than Cross at about 350–300 BCE . It should be noted that in making his reconstruction Cross regards Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah as parts of the same work, and the necessity of positing several editions is relieved considerably when Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah are regarded as separate from each other. Detailed comments on 1 Chronicles 1–9 and 23–7 will be made in the course of the discussion.

461

See Mason, ‘Inner-Biblical Exegesis’, in R. J. Coggins and J. L. Houlden (eds.), A Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation (London: SCM Press; Philadelphia, Pa.: Trinity, 1990), 312–14.

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period in Chr. incorporates a number of distinctive emphases: the Davidic line, the southern kingdom of Judah, socalled ‘short range retributionism’, legitimacy, and the cult.462 The emphasis on the southern kingdom of Judah is because events have shown that Judah alone and the city of Jerusalem are the real focus of Yahweh's covenant with his people—these are the places which are still in their possession despite all that has happened.463 The ‘short range retributionism’ which makes people or generations suffer for their own sins reassures the community that they need not live in fear of being punished for the sins of previous generations; this is in strong contrast with the Deuteronomist who interprets the Exile as just such a punishment for the accumulated sins of the whole monarchic period. The emphasis on the cult then shows the people how they can ensure that they themselves neither incur nor harbour guilt which would result in punishment. The emphasis on legitimacy as expressed particularly in genealogical material underlines the continuity in personnel and families between the pre-exilic and post-exilic communities, so that the present community is seen as the genuine successor of the previous one. The Temple and its worship, the province in which it was situated, and the families which made up the community were the major factors of continuity with the original covenant community, however great the differences which had by now developed between old and new; Chr. therefore focuses upon these elements as they appeared in the old community, superimposing on them the particular emphases already noted along with details of contemporary cultic practice in much the same way that P superimposes detailed cultic legislation upon the original Sinai Lawgiving. However, what is perhaps the most distinctive of Chr.'s

462

Despite Chr.'s evident concern with the Levites, very little attention is given to priests, leading to speculation that Chr. was written by Levites or written to champion Levitical rights. See, for example, Robert North, ‘Theology of the Chronicler’, JBL 82 (1963), 369–81 (pp. 375–6). By contrast Welch, Post-Exilic Judaism, 218, attributes the interest in the Levites to the fact that they were essential to the Temple worship because of their duties concerning the Ark.

463

John Goldingay, ‘The Chronicler as a Theologian’, BTB 5 (1975), 99–126 (p. 119). However, despite Chr.'s apparently overwhelming interest in the southern kingdom, the northern kingdom and its inhabitants are not written off; rather, they are viewed as brothers who are urged to return to the true worship at Jerusalem. See Braun, ‘The Message of Chronicles: Rally 'Round the Temple’, Concordia Theological Monthly, 42 (1971), 502–14 (pp. 511–13), and ‘A Reconsideration of the Chronicler's Attitude toward the North’, JBL 96 (1977), 59–62, and Williamson, Israel in the Books of Chronicles, 139–40.

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emphases, namely the Davidic line, is also the most apparently inexplicable on these terms. The entire ﬁrst book of Chronicles from 11: 1 onwards is devoted to David's exploits; and yet the community for which Chr. was written was a people under subjection in their own land whose royal line was apparently extinct or had faded into obscurity. Certainly there had been those, perhaps the majority of the people, who saw the return as only the ﬁrst step towards a reinstated kingdom and new independence under the Davidide Zerubbabel, as evidenced by the words of Hag. 2: 23: ‘On that day I will take you, O Zerubbabel my servant, the son of Shealtiel, says the Lord, and make you like a signet ring; for I have chosen you, says the Lord of hosts.’464 But these hopes remained unfulﬁlled, and once the initial excitement of the restoration had subsided it is questionable how seriously the community expected a return to these former ways. Indeed, in describing the state of the community only a little over a hundred years after the Restoration, the books of Ezra and Nehemiah show no interest in David or his descendants, and while it would be folly to assume complete uniformity of outlook within the community, Ezra–Nehemiah are evidence of a decidedly non-monarchic current of thought which apparently prevailed at that time. If, then, Chr. is dated to the second part of the Persian period as an attempt to contextualize and reinterpret the Deuteronomistic work for the new situation, it is difﬁcult to see why so much positive emphasis would be laid upon a feature of the pre-exilic community's life which it had become obvious was unlikely to be repeated in the post-exilic community, and which the community seemed mentally to have laid aside, at least for the moment. Of course, given that the monarchy had been an integral part of the earlier community's life and was the basis of DH which was one of Chr.'s sources, it was bound to appear in Chr. But what seems anomalous is the emphasis on the eternal promises to David when they had apparently been rendered void by the successive Babylonian and Persian conquests. However kindly disposed towards their subjects the Persians may have been,465 the kindness

464

See Ch. 5 above on Haggai and Zechariah.

465

The portrayal in Ezra–Nehemiah of an extremely benevolent and supportive Persian regime must be regarded as a theological statement as much as an historical representation. The regime which permitted the return to Judah and the rebuilding of the Temple was by deﬁnition benevolent and supportive as against the previous regime which had destroyed the Temple and deported the people. For a comment on what is assumed to be the general Persian policy of repatriation and rehousing of native gods, see Amélie Kuhrt, ‘The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid Imperial Policy’, JSOT 25 (1983), 83–97.

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did not involve allowing the Empire's ethnic subgroups the right to devolution under their own ruling houses. Zerubbabel's disappearance and his apparent lack of a successor is an eloquent comment on the limitations of autonomy to which Judah's inhabitants were subject. However, it is not only the emphasis on the Davidic ideology which is anomalous. In terms of the community's structures, too, Chr.'s upholding of David as the standard for later kings, notably Hezekiah and Josiah, both of whom implemented extensive religious reforms, implies that the pious monarch was part of an ideal social structure which ought to be restored. This emphasis on the monarchy in terms of both ideology and social structure makes the ending on a note of expectancy with Cyrus' decree seem like a challenge to the Judaeans to take the opportunity for complete restoration in the light of their earlier history, in recognition of the promise given to them in the person of their king.466 However, although the ending is certainly a challenge to restoration, it is not an exhortation to reinstate the past. The divine command is given to Cyrus, and he issues the challenge to rebuild the Temple, to start this new era as the previous one had been started; but the builders this time are ‘whoever is among you of all his [i.e. Yahweh's] people’ (2 Chr. 36: 23). The responsibility has passed from the king to the people; what David had started by divine command the people would continue by the same divine command. The people thus seem to have become the sons of David to whom the promise of eternal rule will henceforth apply.467

466

Various commentators have challenged the originality of 2 Chr. 36: 22–3 in their present position. Curtis and Madsen, 525, claim that the verses belong to Ezra 1: 1–3a, and were added to Chr. when the separation occurred between Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah; similarly, Rudolph thinks that they were added to Chr. from Ezra after Ezra–Nehemiah had preceded Chr. into the canon, in order to indicate the original unity of Chr.–Ezra–Nehemiah (Chronikbücher, 338). By contrast, Welch, Post-Exilic Judaism, 185, 186, regards the verses as a mechanism to join together the two previously separate works of Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah. Elmslie, 547–8, suggests that they were added so that the Hebrew Bible should end on a note of hope. Williamson, Israel in the Books of Chronicles, 7–10, and 1 and 2 Chronicles, 419, argues that Chr. originally ended at 2 Chr. 36: 21, so that the exhortation to return to Judah and rebuild the Temple is secondary; however, Japhet, I & II Chronicles, 1062, 1076–7, thinks that the verses were borrowed from the already existing Ezra 1: 1–3a by the Chronicler himself.

467

This same idea also appears in Isa. 55: 3; see Ackroyd, Exile and Restoration (London: SCM Press, 1968; repr. 1972), 125. Commenting on the Isaiah reference, Clements, Prophecy and Covenant, SBT 43 (London: SCM Press, 1965; repr. 1969), 115, writes: ‘Henceforth it is the nation as a whole, and not simply the family of David, who are to be the heirs of Yahweh's covenant promise to the great king. No individual “messianic” ﬁgure is expected to occupy the Davidic throne since the entire nation has become heir to the ancient royal promises.’ Similarly, R. N. Whybray, Isaiah 40–66, NCB (London: Oliphants, 1975), 191–2, comments that ‘the covenant promises, originally made to David as the leader of the nation, are now to be transferred directly to the whole people.’ See also Goldingay, 115.

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The promise, for David as for them, is for the ones who build the Temple; and the command to build is itself the sign of election and acceptability in Yahweh's eyes. Hence, Chr.'s emphasis on David is not a futile attempt to recapture past glory, but inspiration for the present. This too may be something of what lies behind the constant desire for legitimation, namely the desire to show the community as true descendants of David in a metaphorical sense as well as in a purely literal one, and therefore as worthy heirs of the promises made to him. The monarchs who are truly David's descendants are the ones who care for the Temple, and so a people who rebuild the Temple and maintain worship there are likewise David's true descendants. If this interpretation of Chr.'s emphasis on David is accepted, there are other overtones which can be detected. Despite the emphasis on the monarchy, it is the Temple with its cult which is restored as the most enduring and important factor in the life of God's people, even though the monarchy, like Temple and cult, was established by Yahweh.468 The monarchy is fallible, and subject to chastisement, even destruction; monarchs who fail to live up to their divine calling are inevitably punished, whether they are corrupt from the start or whether they fall from grace because of apostasy of some kind. Joash (2 Chr. 24: 1–25) and Uzziah (2 Chr. 26: 16–23) are two prime examples of kings who begin very well but who later come to grief because of being false to the Lord. Joash even restores the Temple after it has been damaged by his wicked grandmother Athaliah, Temple restoration being an action which in Chr. epitomizes the faithful monarch; but ultimately it is to no avail because he turns to idol worship, with the consequence that he is killed by a conspiracy of his own servants (2 Chr. 24: 1–27). As well as the unconditional promises to David and his line (1 Chr. 17: 7–15 // 2 Sam. 7: 1–29; 1 Chr. 22: 9–10; 28: 4; 2 Chr. 13: 5; 21: 7 // 2 Kgs. 8: 17–22), on several occasions there are qualiﬁers attached to the promises, whereby if both ruler and people are to prosper and to remain established in the land, they

468

William Dumbrell, ‘The Purpose of the Books of Chronicles’, JETS 27 (1984), 257–66 (p. 262).

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must keep the Law and the commandments, whatever ‘Law and commandments’ would have consisted of for the Chronicler (1 Chr. 22: 12–13; 28: 7, 9; 2 Chr. 6: 16 // 1 Kgs. 8: 12–50; 2 Chr. 7: 17–22 // 1 Kgs. 9: 1–9; 2 Chr. 15: 1–2; 26: 5). Indeed, Chr.'s narrative as a whole begins with the salutary account of Saul's downfall and death after he fails to live up to the demand of faithfulness to Yahweh which is necessary if he and his line are to be kings of Yahweh's people (1 Chr. 10: 1–14); the price of his disobedience is his family's loss of the kingdom, a sanction which is repeated some centuries later in the form of exile to end the monarchy altogether. In the years leading up to the Exile, particularly under Zedekiah, king and nation turn away from the Lord, refusing to listen to his prophets and to amend their ways, ‘till there was no remedy. Therefore he brought up against them the king of the Chaldeans, who . . . had no compassion on young man or virgin, old man or aged’ (2 Chr. 36: 16–17). It is noteworthy that the Lord endeavours to warn them and make them return to him, not for the sake of his servant David but ‘because he had compassion on his people and on his dwelling place’ (2 Chr. 36: 15); and of course it was these two elements, the people and the Temple, which in the end outlasted the Exile to be re-established in the land of Judah. This in turn raises the question of whether the Temple is legitimated because it is built by the monarchy which Yahweh has chosen, or the monarchy is legitimated by being given the task of establishing and caring for the Temple which signiﬁes Yahweh's choice of and presence with his people. In view of the foregoing discussion, it seems that the Temple is ultimately the more signiﬁcant institution; hence, the monarchy, and therefore the people as a whole which succeeds it, is legitimated by being given responsibility for the Temple. Legitimizing the monarchy in this way also enables legitimation to be provided for the contemporary cult; by attributing its organization to the one by whom cultic Temple-based worship was doubtless initiated, who is regarded as the divinely chosen leader of Israel and who has himself been legitimated by being given a plan for the Temple and promises of everlasting faithfulness (1 Chr. 28: 1–19), Chr. claims that contemporary cultic practice is effectively on a par with previous conventions for which Moses was claimed as the authority.469

469

Simon J. De Vries, ‘Moses and David as Cult Founders in Chronicles’, JBL 107 (1988), 619–39, argues that David and Moses were paralleled as divinely authorized cultic initiators in order to claim priestly rights for the Levites via the medium of David's cultic arrangements.

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In fact, despite the apparent omission of the Exodus and Sinai traditions from Chr.'s account, there is evident awareness of them, as there is of the Law as it prevailed by the time of Chr.'s composition. 1 Chr. 15: 15, for example, when describing David's removal of the Ark to Jerusalem, speaks of the Levites carrying the Ark on their shoulders with poles (kaʼašer ṣiwwâ mōšeh kidebar yhwh, ‘as Moses commanded, according to the word of the Lord’—cf. Exod. 25: 10–15; Num. 4: 1–7, 15); the references to both Moses and the Levites are unparalleled in the equivalent account in 2 Sam. 6: 12–19. In 2 Chr. 8: 12–13 Solomon offers burnt offerings to the Lord as in 1 Kgs. 9: 25, but the offerings in Chr., unlike those in DH, are (kemiṣwat mōšeh, ‘according to the command of Moses’, 2 Chr. 8: 13). Again, the appearance at Gibeon of the Mosaic tent of meeting together with the bronze-plated altar of burnt offering, both items of the wilderness years (cf. Exod. 26: 1–27: 8), and their apparent importance inasmuch as Zadok is left to offer burnt offerings there and Solomon pays Gibeon a state visit to offer sacriﬁces there at the start of his reign (1 Chr. 16: 39–40; 2 Chr. 1: 3–6), is indicative that Chr. acknowledges something prior to the developed Temple and cultic observances. David is not the originator of Yahweh worship in Israel, but was preceded by Moses who was the ﬁrst person chosen to receive plans for a structure to be the focus of God's presence among his people and of their worship—a structure which according to Chr. was still present with the people and served as the site for their devotions until the Temple was built.470 In more subtle ways, too, there are reminiscences of the pre-monarchic, pre-settlement traditions. Williamson points out parallels between the accounts of Moses' handover to Joshua at the

470

Elmslie, 403, takes the reference to Gibeon and the Tabernacle in 1 Chr. 16: 39 as the work of a later reviser, who was attempting to make both this narrative and Solomon's visit to Gibeon in 2 Chr. 1: 3 acceptable in terms of post-exilic cultic observance. By showing Zadok and the other priests sacriﬁcing before the Tabernacle at Gibeon, the insertion provides an answer to the question of what happened to the Tabernacle once Israel entered the land, makes Gibeon into a legitimate sanctuary so that Solomon could enquire there with impunity, and ensures that proper priestly sacriﬁces were being undertaken when the Ark was moved. The logic of Elmslie's argument is acceptable in terms of interpreting the references to Gibeon and how they are related, but there is no overwhelming reason why the author of Chr. should not have been responsible for their presence in the narrative—assuming, of course, the author's awareness and acknowledgement of an earlier stage in Israel's religious observance than the one with which Chr. is mainly concerned.

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end of Deuteronomy and David's handover to Solomon in 1 Chronicles 29, parallels which suggest a conscious literary modelling of the account on Deuteronomy but which would be incomprehensible or simply undetectable without the earlier work for comparison.471 David is thus portrayed as a second Moses who certainly initiates at Yahweh's command a new phase in Israel's life of worship, but who strictly speaking is merely continuing what Moses had already begun. Hence, the monarchy is in that sense secondary—a vehicle of continuation rather than a vehicle of initiation; and it is therefore also possible for the post-exilic community to continue what the monarchy had begun, just as David continued what Moses had begun. In this way the history of the people of Yahweh is presented not as the history of one particular manifestation of the people, namely the monarchy, but as the history of how they continue to remain true to their identity as the people of Yahweh under changing circumstances, namely by building a place of worship which together with its divinely revealed cult and ceremonial is to be the centre of their existence. Chr., then, arises out of a Judaean context and portrays a society in which the Davidic monarchy together with the Temple and cult are highly signiﬁcant elements; indeed, Temple and cult are at the very heart of the society. It has already been suggested that the high priesthood developed in association with the Jerusalem Temple and so was effectively a Judaean phenomenon, and that the high priesthood's main signiﬁcance was in the cultic sphere; hence, it would not be unreasonable to expect the high priesthood to have quite a high proﬁle in Chr. However, as will, it is to be hoped, become clear in the course of the discussion, the high priesthood in fact has a surprisingly limited role in Chr. Though the term ‘high priest’ is most probably anachronistic for the period covered by Chr.'s history,472 there are senior priestly

471

Williamson, ‘The Accession of Solomon in the Books of Chronicles’, VT 26 (1976), 351–61.

472

As has hopefully become clear from the discussion thus far, the Hebrew term usually rendered ‘high priest’, (hakkōhēn haggādôl ), is not certainly attested before the post-exilic period, and its appearance can be seen to coincide with the emergence of a different kind of chief-priestly ofﬁce after the Exile. Whereas the pre-exilic chief priest had been an ofﬁcer of the king and even in cultic matters was answerable to the king, who was himself both the spiritual and the political head of the nation, and whereas the pre-exilic Jerusalem Temple where the chief priest was based was only one of many Yahwistic shrines with their own priesthoods and priestly hierarchies, the post-exilic high priest was not only the highest religious authority in the country in the absence of a sacral monarch, he was the single most important member of the one legitimate priesthood at the only legitimate shrine for the whole of Judaism. Hence, to use the term ‘high priest’ for the pre-exilic chief-priestly ﬁgures is rather misleading and anachronistic.

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ﬁgures who would have been the nearest pre-exilic equivalent to high priests, both in the genealogical material of 1 Chronicles 1–9 and in the rest of the narrative. However, notwithstanding the appearance of chief-priestly lines at three points in the genealogies, Chr.'s interest in chief priests in the rest of the narrative is incidental to the point of omitting them from places where they appear in the source material;473 and where they are included they are certainly not the focus of the narration. Indeed, after the genealogies the chief priests are always shown in relation to a monarch, although not every monarch is shown with a chief priest, and it seems as if their function in the narrative in general terms is to underline the virtues and vices in the monarchs' dealings with the cult, thereby focusing attention not on the priests themselves but on the monarch. In order to determine the precise signiﬁcance of each ﬁgure, though, it will be necessary to examine them individually, and this will be done by dividing the references to chief priests into three groups: those which come in the genealogical material, consisting of the three lists mentioned above; those which occur during the David–Solomon period,474 consisting of references to Zadok, Abiathar, and Ahimelech; and those which occur

473

Two of the chief priests in DH appear only in the genealogy of 1 Chr. 5: 27–41 (ET 6: 1–15), namely Zadok's son Azariah (1 Kgs. 4: 2), who is given as Zadok's grandson in 1 Chr. 5: 35–6 (ET 6: 9–10), and Seraiah (2 Kgs. 25: 18). A third, Uriah (2 Kgs. 16: 10–16; cf. 2 Chr. 28: 22–3), is omitted from Chr. altogether, and two more, Abiathar and Ahimelech, are left completely undeﬁned as characters, simply being mentioned three and four times respectively as Zadok's counterparts. See Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History for more details of these priests in the Deuteronomist. As well as omitting chief priests who are present in the source material, Chr. includes others who are not mentioned in DH, namely Amariah (2 Chr. 19: 11) and the two Azariahs (2 Chr. 26: 17–20 and 31: 10, 13). See below for discussion of these ﬁgures.

474

Although the David–Solomon period is effectively the same as the period of the united monarchy, from a conceptual point of view in Chr. it is more appropriately described as the David–Solomon period, since Chr. portrays the reigns of David and Solomon as a unity inasmuch as Solomon completes the work of Temple-building which David initiates and prepares. See Braun, ‘Solomonic Apologetic in Chronicles’, JBL 92 (1973), 503–16 (pp. 514–15). Similarly, the post-Solomonic period is effectively that of the divided monarchy, but although Chr. records the rebellion of the northern tribes (2 Chr. 10: 1–19), there is no parallel narrative of the northern kings and no record of the fall of Samaria as in DH. Chr.'s focus is on Judah and its kings as the only legitimate expression of monarchy for the people of God, so that to speak of the period of the divided monarchy in the context of Chr. would be technically correct but conceptually inaccurate; hence its designation as the post-Solomonic period.

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in the post-Solomonic period, consisting of references to Amariah, Jehoiada, two Azariahs,475 and Hilkiah. The ﬁrst group of references to be examined are those which appear in the genealogical material of 1 Chronicles 1–9. As already noted, Chr.'s genealogies as a whole have been the cause of much speculation, and so it is necessary to deal with them on a general basis before focusing more speciﬁcally on the chief-priestly lines. A number of scholars have expressed the opinion that the genealogies are a secondary addition, mainly because of the inconsistencies between genealogies and narrative text, which are deemed to indicate different interests and sources in each case.476 For example, the genealogy of Saul is given in 1 Chr. 8: 33–40 and 1 Chr. 9: 35–44, in each case extending for some twelve or thirteen generations past Saul himself; yet the narrative which immediately follows the genealogy in 1 Chr. 9: 35–44 states that Saul and his three sons and all his house died together in battle with the Philistines on Mount Gilboa (1 Chr. 10: 6). The genealogical material as a whole records the lineage of all the tribes of Israel (admittedly with special emphasis on Benjamin and Judah), whereas Chr.'s overwhelming concern is with the kingdom of Judah, making very little reference to the rest. Also, the Davidic genealogy in 1 Chr. 3: 1–24 can be seen as anomalous inasmuch as it is the only one to refer to the post-exilic era apart from the list of Jerusalem's returned population in 1 Chr. 9: 1–34. If, too, the correct interpretation of the MT is that the presentation of the Davidic line covers ten generations after Zerubbabel,477 on the basis of twenty-ﬁve years per

475

The Azariahs of 2 Chr. 26: 17–20 (under King Uzziah) and 2 Chr. 31: 10, 13 (under King Hezekiah) are probably different men. The chronological considerations alone make it unlikely that they are the same person, and this is supported by the mention in 2 Kgs. 16: 10–16 of Uriah as ‘priest’, presumably chief priest, under Ahaz, who was king between Uzziah (known as Azariah in 2 Kgs. 15: 1–7) and Hezekiah. Uriah would therefore have been chief priest between the two Azariahs mentioned by Chr.

476

So Welch, Post-Exilic Judaism, 185–6, and The Work of the Chronicler (London: The British Academy, 1939), 149; Elmslie, 349; Freedman, 437, 441; Cross, ‘Reconstruction’, 11–14; Newsome, 215. Braun, 1 Chronicles, 12, supposes that the genealogies and the narrative sections of Chr. were produced by separate writers who belonged to a common age and had a common outlook and interests.

477

1 Chr. 3: 21 is difﬁcult in the MT. Taken literally, it reads, ‘And the son of Hananiah, Pelatiah and Jeshaiah; the sons of Rephaiah, the sons of Arnan, the sons of Obadiah, the sons of Shecaniah.’ This implies that those listed in the second part of the verse have nothing to do with those in the ﬁrst part, and therefore the direct line of descent from Zerubbabel breaks off after only two generations, since the remaining names in verses 22–4 are of those descended from Shecaniah. Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, 58, favours retention of the MT and by implication the concomitant break in the line of descent; however, other commentators have suggested various emendations of the MT which would preserve the genealogical line intact. Perhaps the easiest way is to follow the lead of the LXX in emending the Hebrew (benê, ‘sons of ’) to (benô, ‘his son’), so that the second part of 3: 21 reads, ‘his son Rephaiah, his son Arnan, his son Obadiah, his son Shecaniah’, thus becoming a list of four generations descended from Jeshaiah, which links both the foregoing and the following names. This is the approach adopted by Michaeli, Chroniques, 45, and also by the RSV in its translation of the verse. Rudolph, Chronikbücher, 31, suggests replacing (benê, ‘sons of ’) with (we, ‘and’) each time, to give ‘ . . . Jeshaiah, and Rephaiah and Arnan and Obadiah and Shecaniah’; in this way, all those named in 3: 21 are sons of Hananiah, siblings rather than successors. Others make no emendation, but interpret the text as it stands to mean that Rephaiah, Arnan, Obadiah, and Shecaniah were sons of Hananiah who became heads of important families; see Myers, I Chronicles, 18, 21, 22 (Myers makes no reference to textual or interpretative difﬁculties in 3: 21), and Braun, 1 Chronicles, 48–50. Japhet, I & II Chronicles, notes the textual difﬁculty and several proposed alternative interpretations, but remains neutral as to which approach should be adopted (pp. 93–4; 101).

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generation this represents a time-span of around 250 years after the Restoration period, thereby taking the genealogy into the Ptolemaic period. This is obviously anomalous if a dating for Chr. somewhere in the Persian period is allowed. Finally, referring speciﬁcally to the chief priests in the genealogies, in 1 Chr. 5: 27–41 (ET 6: 1–15) there is a line of leading priests at Jerusalem from Levi via Aaron and Zadok down to the exiled Jehozadak, who appears in Haggai and Zechariah as father of the high priest Joshua (Hag. 1: 1, 12, 14; 2: 2, 4; Zech. 6: 11); yet the names do not correspond to the individuals described in the subsequent chapters of Chr., most notably in the omission of Jehoiada, who features prominently in both DH and Chr.478 Zadok's inclusion as a son of Aaron is also contrary to the narrative and its underlying sources, where he is apparently of unknown origins.479 Other scholars, however, argue cogently that the genealogical material is an integral part of Chr.'s composition. A good example is Marshall D. Johnson, who in the course of his study of biblical genealogies in general argues that despite anomalies and later additions in Chr.'s genealogies the burden of proof is on those who would dissociate them from the subsequent narrative; this is because both narrative and genealogical material share the same interest in deemphasizing but not excluding the Moses–Sinai traditions and the northern tribes, whilst emphasizing David,

478

H. J. Katzenstein, ‘Some Remarks on the Lists of the Chief Priests of the Temple of Solomon’, JBL 81 (1962), 377–84, argues that the contradiction can be accounted for on the assumption that only Zadokite chief priests were listed (p. 379).

479

See Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History and the discussion about Zadok later on in this chapter.

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Judah, and the Levites.480 Johnson also identiﬁes a number of purposes served by biblical genealogical material, including literary purposes such as linking together parts of the narrative, and what might be termed social purposes, namely demonstrating legitimacy and continuity of line for those in important positions such as priests,481 and these are purposes which can be seen to be at work in the genealogies in 1 Chronicles 1–9. In the ﬁrst place, the genealogies have a literary function. Covering the history of Israel before the monarchy, they link Chr.'s narrative with the earliest beginnings of the people of Yahweh, thereby contextualizing the appearance of the monarchy; they then summarize the composition of the nation under the monarchy at its zenith; and ﬁnally, the inclusion of a list of those who ﬁrst returned after the Exile (1 Chr. 9: 1–34) anticipates the closing verses of 2 Chronicles and Cyrus' decree enabling any who would to return and rebuild the Temple (2 Chr. 36: 22–3). The genealogy of Saul (1 Chr. 9: 35–44) immediately after the post-exilic sketch then brings the focus back to pre-exilic times and indicates where the subsequent narrative will begin. In fact, the whole nine chapters can be seen as a summary of history from Adam to the present day, from which a particular period is then picked out for more detailed treatment in the subsequent narrative. However, although the main focus in genealogies and narrative alike is on the monarchic period, the inclusion of the list of post-exilic returnees puts the monarchy into context as effectively an interlude in the life of a community for which worship and the Temple are paramount. The list resembles those in Ezra 2: 1–70 and Neh. 7: 6–73, but it includes signiﬁcantly greater numbers than they do of priestly personnel and particularly Levites (1 Chr. 9: 10–34), hallmarks of Chr.'s manifesto for a properly constituted and functioning society. The presence of what Chr. views as appropriate cultic personnel among the returnees conveys the message that even without a king the community can be and has

480

Marshall D. Johnson, The Purpose of the Biblical Genealogies, 2nd edn., SNTSMS 8 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 47–55. Others who consider the genealogies as integral to Chr.'s work are Michaeli, Chroniques, 71; Coggins, Chronicles, 9; Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, 14, 39–40; Japhet, I & II Chronicles, 3–7; Jones, 1 & 2 Chronicles, OTG (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1993), 20; William Riley, King and Cultus in Chronicles, JSOTS 160 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1993), 48–9. Rudolph, Chronikbücher, p. viii, 1–2, thinks that some of the genealogical material in 1 Chronicles 1–9 is integral to the work, but that it has been supplemented quite heavily by a later hand.

481

M. D. Johnson, 78–80.

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been reconstituted without losing its essence, and by making the list of returnees the ﬁnal genealogical summary before the focus returns to Saul and the pre-exilic period, that message of hope is delivered right at the beginning of what could otherwise be quite a depressing story. Within this overall genealogical picture of Israel, the lines of chief priests in 1 Chr. 5: 27–41, 6: 34–8 (ET 6: 1–15, 49–53), and 9: 11 span most of the period covered by the genealogies as a whole; beginning from Mosaic times and even being included in the list of post-exilic returnees, they anchor the chief priests ﬁrmly within the essential structure of the community. Given Chr.'s evident concern with legitimacy in the narrative part of the history, a second function of the genealogies might well be thought of as being to provide legitimation for the leading members of the community who hold or who have held ofﬁce as part of those lines of descent; this would be especially true of the Davidic and Levitical genealogies which list the descendants of Solomon and Aaron in particular. As far as the chief-priestly lists are concerned (1 Chr. 5: 27–41; 6: 34–8 (ET 6: 1–15, 49–53); 9: 11), in terms of absolute historical accuracy they are questionable, to say the least, as has already been hinted;482 however, it could be argued that they reﬂect a desire both to afﬁrm the ‘rightness’ of those who had served in the past and to ensure the ‘rightness’ of those who would serve in the future.483 For example, whether Zadok was the biological descendant of Aaron or an outsider incorporated into the line under a particular set of circumstances is in a sense immaterial; the fact that later generations apparently regarded him as a legitimate member of Aaron's line is more signiﬁcant than any real or supposed biological descent, and this is the conviction shared and recorded by Chr.484 Just as it is inconceivable that good kings should suffer misfortune for no reason, it would be inconceivable for Zadok to become priest for the divinely elected king in the divinely ordained Temple if he had no legitimate entitlement to the position; hence, Zadok is included in the ofﬁcial line of chief priests as a way of expressing Chr.'s conviction that Zadok was a legitimate member of the priestly organization.

482

Bartlett, ‘Zadok and his Successors’, argues that the lists are compilations of various groups of names known to Chr. which were associated with chief-priestly ﬁgures (pp. 5–6). See also n. 24 above for an alternative explanation of the lists' composition.

483

R. North, 371: ‘The Chronicler . . . does not think he is fooling anybody. He is inculcating a principle of legitimacy.’

484

See ibid. 370–1 for a discussion of what constituted legitimate succession.

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This conviction is also reﬂected in Chr.'s portrayal of Zadok elsewhere (especially Zadok's anointing in 1 Chr. 29: 22) and in the apparent lack of any conﬂict between Aaronides and Zadokites in Chr.'s narrative. However, although the argument of legitimation can be applied quite satisfactorily to some of the genealogical material, for example, the list of Davidic descendants from Solomon to Jehoiakim (1 Chr. 3: 10–15), which tallies exactly with the names and the order of the kings dealt with in the narrative, it is difﬁcult to understand legitimation as the primary rationale for the chief-priestly genealogy, since apart from Zadok only two of the ﬁgures mentioned (Amariah, 5: 37 (ET 6: 11) and Hilkiah, 5: 40 (ET 6: 14)) appear unequivocally in the subsequent narrative. Rather than legitimacy, therefore, the principle of continuity should be viewed as the main rationale behind the presence of a priestly genealogy which is in such disagreement with the narrative to which it is a preface. Rather than stressing the right of particular individuals to hold ofﬁce, Chr.'s primary aim in including the line of chief priests is to demonstrate that there had been an unbroken line of chief priests prior to the Exile which was then resumed in the post-exilic period. The post-exilic ofﬁce-holders are therefore taken to be the continuation of the pre-exilic line, so that the cultic structure of the community is preserved despite the disruption caused by the Exile.485 This can be seen from two particular features of the genealogies. First, in 9: 11 the returning priest Azariah is listed together with a skeleton of his line of descent from Ahitub ‘the chief ofﬁcer of the house of God’, a line which is evidently a version of the same line as in 5: 30–41 (ET 6: 4–15) and 6: 35–8 (ET 6: 50–3);486 the post-exilic Azariah is therefore portrayed as a direct descendant (whether biological or ‘spiritual’) of the supposedly unbroken line of pre-exilic chief priests. Secondly, the main chief-priestly genealogy is presented with a degree of schematization which

485

Michaeli, Chroniques, 73–4, sees the principle of continuity as underlying all the genealogical material in 1 Chronicles 1–9, so that the genealogies become a reminder of Israel's role in a divine plan which encompasses the whole of human history, as well as being a legitimation of the Jewish faith and its sacral institutions.

486

The only sequential disagreement between this and the earlier lists is the insertion of Meraioth between Zadok and Ahitub. Bartlett, ‘Zadok and his Successors’, 4, suggests that it may have been an explanatory marginal note which was incorporated into the list at the wrong place.

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suggests that it is more ideal than real; assuming by comparison with 1 Kgs. 4: 2 that Azariah the (grand)son of Zadok rather than the Azariah two generations later (1 Chr. 5: 36 (ET 6: 10)) was the priest in Solomon's Temple, there are eleven generations of Aaron's sons prior to the Temple and a further eleven generations down to the time of the Exile.487 In fact, the very purpose of providing the annotations about Azariah and Jehozadak (5: 41 (ET 6: 15)) seems to be to divide up the list into two segments in order to schematize the genealogy. The half-list in 6: 35–8 (ET 6: 50–3) equally suggests schematization; it lists the ﬁrst eleven generations of Aaron's sons, the same as the ﬁrst eleven generations in the list of chief priests, stopping short just before Azariah the priest of Solomon's Temple. These preTemple priests perform their duties according to all that Moses had commanded (6: 34 (ET 6: 49)), and the implication seems to be that with the erection of the Temple according to the Davidic speciﬁcation a new era began which was deﬁned not only by the commandments of Moses but by the stipulations of David concerning cultic practice. Certainly the lists are to do with legitimacy in a general sense, inasmuch as they provide a legitimate line of chief priests from which members of the post-exilic community who serve in a chief-priestly capacity can claim continuity of descent or function,488 but the lists are not primarily intended to legitimize claims to the chief-priestly ofﬁce for speciﬁc pre-exilic individuals—although they will inevitably function in that way for those such as Zadok and Hilkiah who are named in them. In the overall context of the genealogical material as a whole, then, the presence of genealogical lines of chief priests is a way of both afﬁrming their place in the structure of the community past and present, and of claiming continuity with the past so as to legitimize the present, leading to the conclusion that by the time of writing the post-exilic high priests enjoyed a certain amount of prestige. However, the discrepancies between the genealogies and the narratives imply that this had not always been the case. Contrasting again the royal line with the priestly line, the fact

487

Coggins, Chronicles, 43; Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, 70–1. Curtis and Madsen, 129, comment that assuming 23 generations of 40 years each, the list ﬁts into the priestly chronology of the historical books.

488

Curtis and Madsen, 129, suggest that the primary purpose of the list in 5: 27–41 (ET 6: 1–15) is to connect Jehozadak with Aaron and thereby legitimize his priesthood.

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that the royal genealogy tallies virtually exactly with the narrative suggests a systematized recording of royal data, a suggestion borne out by the frequent references in DH and Chr. to the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel and Judah. However, if Bartlett's comments on the way the chief-priestly lists were composed are at all accurate,489 it seems that there were several fragments of tradition about who had held ofﬁce as chief priest in the pre-exilic period, fragments which were perhaps not systematized until after the Exile, or even until they were brought together in Chr. This in itself would seem to reﬂect a rather lesser signiﬁcance of the chief priest in the pre-exilic period, together with a corresponding rise in his signiﬁcance after the Exile inasmuch as he was a functionary in the cult through which the people of God expressed their true identity. Precisely what that signiﬁcance was will be determined by examining the remaining two groups of references to senior priests in the narrative sections of Chr. The ﬁrst group of narrative references after the genealogical references consists of the priests who are mentioned during the David–Solomon period, namely Zadok, Abiathar, and Ahimelech. Of these, Zadok is the character who appears most frequently and is the most well-deﬁned, although none of the three are particularly well-deﬁned. Zadok ﬁrst appears as a young man of valour coming to David at Hebron (1 Chr. 12: 29 (ET 12: 28)), before being shown as a priest bringing the Ark to Jerusalem together with Abiathar and the Levites (1 Chr. 15: 11) and then offering burnt offerings before the Tabernacle at Gibeon (1 Chr. 16: 39). He is a colleague of Ahimelech on the four occasions on which Ahimelech is mentioned, namely in the genealogical note of 1 Chr. 18: 16 and in the setting up of the priestly courses under David (1 Chr. 24: 3, 6, 31), and then he is named alone as chief ofﬁcer for the tribe of Aaron (1 Chr. 27: 17). Zadok's last appearance is in 1 Chr. 29: 22, where he is anointed along with Solomon. Of these nine references, only 1 Chr. 18: 16 (the genealogical note) and 1 Chr. 29: 22 (the double anointing) are paralleled in DH, although this second passage is a reworking of its equivalent in DH, where Zadok anoints Solomon rather than being anointed along with him (1 Kgs. 1: 38–9). Of the remaining seven references, 1 Chr. 15: 11 seems to be intrusive in a context which is concerned

489

See n. 28 above.

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with Levites rather than priests,490 and 1 Chr. 24: 3, 6, 31, and 27: 17 come in chapters which it has been argued are secondary in their entirety.491 The references to Zadok as a young man of valour (1 Chr. 12: 29 (ET 12: 28)), and to Zadok and his brother priests performing continual sacriﬁces at Gibeon (1 Chr. 16: 39–40) would therefore seem to be the Chronicler's own contribution to the narrative. Since the references which appear to be secondary (1 Chr. 15: 11; 24: 3, 6, 31; 27: 17) may well have a different purpose from those which are integral to Chr.'s original narrative (1 Chr. 12: 29 (ET 12: 28); 16: 39; 18: 16; 29: 22), the two groups will be examined separately, beginning with those which are integral to the original narrative. As the brave young man coming to David in Hebron (1 Chr. 12: 29 (ET 12: 28)), Zadok appears earlier in Chr.'s narrative than he does in DH; and although he is given no familial links at this point, he is listed hard on the heels of the contingents from the Levites and the house of Aaron, in a way which implies both some sort of connection and at the same time some sort of distinction between them.492 Zadok's next appearance as a priest making burnt offerings at Gibeon (1 Chr. 16: 39–40) is not a necessary follow-on from him being ‘a young man mighty in valour’, but neither is it a complete surprise, given his implied attachment to the Levites and Aaronides in 1 Chronicles 12; and two chapters later he is named as David's priest along with Ahimelech in the passage taken from DH (1 Chr. 18: 16). It seems that the apparently arbitrary nature of Zadok's appointment in DH, where the notice of appointment (2 Sam. 8: 17) is Zadok's ﬁrst appearance, was unacceptable to the

490

Welch , Post-Exilic Judaism, 212 n. 1, and The Work of the Chronicler, 65–6; Elmslie, 397–8; Michaeli, Chroniques, 96; Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, 123–4.

491

Welch, The Work of the Chronicler, 81–96, and Braun, 1 Chronicles, 231, maintain that chs. 23–7 as a whole are secondary. Williamson, ‘The Origins of the Twenty-Four Priestly Courses’, VTSupp 30 (1979), 251–68, argues for two layers of material in chs. 23–7, a basic layer attributable to Chr. and a secondary layer added about a generation later; Williamson attributes chs. 24 and 27 in their entirety to the secondary layer (pp. 258–60, 261). By contrast, John Wesley Wright, ‘The Legacy of David in Chronicles: The Narrative Function of I Chronicles 23–27’, JBL 110 (1991), 229–42, and Japhet, I & II Chronicles, 406–11, argue for chs. 23–7 as integral to Chr. rather than a later addition.

492

Olyan, ‘Zadok's Origins’, 188, argues that Zadok was in fact Jehoiada's aide with a contingent of chiefs from Jehoiada's (‘his father's’) house, and was therefore Jehoiada's son and an Aaronide. See the discussion of Olyan's proposal in Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History.

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Chronicler, hence the portrayal in Chr. ﬁrst of the implied priest's loyalty to David and second of service offered in a priestly capacity at the non-Jerusalem shrine in order to justify the appointment. The scene of Zadok's anointing with Solomon in 1 Chr. 29: 22 marks the zenith of his priestly career; although Zadok is nowhere given any title indicating chief-priestly status, the act of anointing implies that from that point onwards he is deﬁnitely a chief-priestly ﬁgure, in fact, the chief priest of the kingdom.493 The whole episode is reminiscent of the Second Temple building narrative (Ezra 5: 1–6: 22), in which the (supposed) Davidide Sheshbazzar lays the Temple foundations but it is left to Zerubbabel and the high priest Joshua to erect the superstructure; David has made all the plans and preparations for the new Temple (1 Chr. 28: 1–29: 9), but it is Solomon's duty, with Zadok now as chief priest at his side, to actualize them (cf. 1 Chr. 28: 6, 10, 20).494 Zadok's anointing is therefore the ﬁnal item of preparation for the new cultic order, and it can be seen as marking the transition from the old pre-Temple order, the completion of the ‘Temple vision’ initiated by David.495 Zadok could not have been a chief priest without a temple any more than the Temple could have functioned without a chief priest, hence the delay in his anointing until this point when the era of the Temple is about to begin; the same function of dividing the eras is served by singling out Azariah in the genealogical material as the one who served as priest in Solomon's Temple (1 Chr. 5: 36 (ET 6: 10)). Zadok's continued presence with Solomon after David's death underlines the conception of David and Solomon as one event in Israel's history and indicates that the two

493

Some commentators assume that in post-exilic times high priests were routinely anointed; so, for example, Ackroyd, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, 95, states that ‘The anointing of the high priest was a post-exilic custom’, and Braun, 1 Chronicles, 288, claims that ‘such an anointing was commonplace in post-exilic times.’ However, Japhet, I & II Chronicles, argues that apart from the initial anointing of Aaron and his sons by Moses there is no biblical evidence from either First or Second Temple periods for the consecration of priests by anointing (p. 513).

494

Japhet, I & II Chronicles, 514, comments that Zadok's anointing gives him extremely signiﬁcant status as Solomon's counterpart, a situation comparable with the Restoration leadership pairs of governor and high priest. See Ch. 5 above on Haggai and Zechariah for discussion of the relationship between governor and high priest in the Restoration period.

495

Elmslie, 440–1, regards the presence of Zadok at this point as due to a reviser who was determined that Zadok should not be omitted. Similarly Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, 187, attributes the reference to Zadok to a later hand who thought that installation of the high priest alongside the king was desirable, if not necessary.

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kings represent the same religious outlook, which Zadok personiﬁes.496 The fact that Zadok is anointed by the people (1 Chr. 29: 22) continues the process of legitimation illustrated by Zadok becoming the king's priest despite his obscure origins: David has accepted him, and now the people accept him, so there is no room for argument about his legitimacy. Such treatment indicates a concern to make Zadok ‘respectable’ and credible in the post-exilic era where legitimacy had become all-important and priests who could not prove their ancestry were forbidden to serve until the required proof was forthcoming (Ezra 2: 63; Neh. 7: 65). It is especially interesting to compare the context of Zadok's anointing in Chr. with DH. DH describes what can only be called an intrigue surrounding Solomon's accession, with Solomon's older brother Adonijah claiming the throne, aided and abetted by the Elide priest Abiathar. Zadok, however, aligns himself with Solomon, to whom David has promised the throne, so that when Solomon becomes king Zadok is made his priest while Adonijah and Abiathar are killed and banished respectively (1 Kings 1–2). Chr. has no such drama; Solomon and the passive Zadok are anointed as king and priest with no question of a challenge from elsewhere, and there is no hint of Zadok the mysterious outsider ousting Abiathar, the Israelite from the established priestly house of Eli (1 Chr. 29: 22; cf. 1 Kgs. 2: 27, 35; 1 Sam. 2: 35). The portrayal of Zadok in the references which are taken as original, then, is intended to justify Zadok's appointment as priest despite his lack of priestly descent in the sources, and to deﬁne the character of the David–Solomon period as a single event in Israelite history during which the Temple vision is brought to realization. By contrast, the references to Zadok which are probably secondary (1 Chr. 15: 11; 24: 3, 6, 31; 27: 17) seem to be concerned with ensuring a proper priestly presence at what are important moments in the kingdom's foundation, and thereby claiming a right of priestly involvement in those areas of cultic observance. This is probably from a later reviser who felt it necessary to raise the priestly proﬁle for more polemical purposes. If David is the vehicle of Yahweh's will for the kingdom of Israel, then whatever can be shown to originate with him can be deemed legitimate. David's transference of the Ark to Jerusalem could not

496

See n. 20 above on the David–Solomon period.

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possibly have taken place without the priests there, according to the train of thought which resulted in the addition in 1 Chr. 15: 11; as already noted, despite a marked concern for matters of the cult and the Levites, Chr. shows very little interest in priests, perhaps because of the tendency to democratize which is illustrated by Chr.'s treatment of the Davidic promises.497 The addition may also have been prompted by the mention of Zadok in 16: 39. Zadok's presence at the organization of the priestly courses (1 Chr. 24: 3, 6, 31) can similarly be accounted for; it was inconceivable that in what was such an important matter concerning the cult, arrangements should have been taken in hand by the king alone without having priests present. The attitude is similar to that found in P whereby the priest Eleazar appears alongside Moses in the division of spoils from the war against Midian (Num. 31: 12, 25–7, 51, 54) and later with Joshua in dividing the land amongst the tribes (Num. 34: 17; Josh. 14: 1; 19: 51). The reference in the list of tribal chiefs of Israel (1 Chr. 27: 17) to Zadok as chief ofﬁcer ( , nāgîd, 1 Chr. 27: 16) of the ‘tribe’ of Aaron would certainly seem to be a pro-priestly addition, even pro-Zadokite, in its message that sons of Levi and sons of Aaron are to be differentiated and Zadok is at the head of the sons of Aaron.498 The tribe of Aaron is in reality a subset of the tribe of Levi which here replaces the tribe of Asher to make up the twelve. Zadok is the only chief in the list to appear without a patronym, implying as before doubt about his exact provenance, although the fact that he is put in charge of the house of Aaron implies the Levitical origins ascribed to him in the genealogical material. The notorious problem of Zadok's origins has already been discussed.499 Neither Chr. nor DH have any real idea where he came from; Chr.'s introduction of the ‘young man mighty in valour’ (1 Chr. 12: 29 (ET 12: 28)) seems to be an attempt, as already noted, to ﬁll the breach and to give at least some idea of

497

See above for a discussion of Chr.'s theological outlook.

498

It has already been noted that Chr. gives no reﬂection of any conﬂict between Aaronides and Zadokites; neither does he show any interest in Zadokites for their own sake. The genealogical material refers to all priests as sons of Aaron (1 Chr. 6: 34 (ET 6: 49)), and includes Zadok as a descendant of Aaron (1 Chr. 5: 29–34; 6: 35–8 (ET 6: 3–8, 50–3)). Elsewhere in the work, apart from the late 1 Chronicles 24 which describes all the priestly course in terms of sons of Aaron (again including Zadok), there are ﬁve references to priests as sons of Aaron (2 Chr. 13: 10; 29: 21; 31: 19; 35: 14), one reference to Levitical priests (2 Chr. 23: 18), and one reference to a high priest as being of the house of Zadok (2 Chr. 31: 10).

499

See Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History.

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how Zadok managed to gain his priestly position, and the genealogical material in 1 Chr. 5: 27–41, 6: 34–8 (ET 6: 1–15, 49–53) and 9: 11 builds upon the garbling of 2 Sam. 8: 17 to list Zadok as a son of Ahitub. Although it has been argued that Zadok was in fact of Levitical or even Aaronide descent,500 the inconsistencies and evident uncertainty over his origins, of which 2 Sam. 8: 17 is a prime example, point away from such a view. Even at the late stage of the propriestly insertion of 1 Chronicles 24 there is uncertainty about Zadok's origins; despite his listing in 24: 3 as a son of Eleazar, in 24: 6 he is simply ‘Zadok the priest’, whereas Ahimelech, who is similarly listed as being of the sons of Ithamar in 24: 3, is listed in 24: 6 as son of Abiathar.501 The fact that both Zadok and Ahimelech are listed as sons of Aaron is also contrary to DH's presentation of Ahimelech as an Elide (1 Sam. 22: 20; 1 Sam. 14: 3), making it difﬁcult to take seriously the idea of Zadok as a genuine Aaronide when there is such blatant contradiction of the earlier tradition for the sake of later orthodoxy. It is difﬁcult to believe that if Zadok was a member of an established priestly community within Israel it would not have been clearly stated, given the penchant for Levitical priests at a very early stage (cf. Judg. 17: 1–13). The community were aware of their priests' lineage, even if not of that for other ofﬁcials. All in all, Zadok is a surprisingly shadowy ﬁgure in Chr. He says nothing, and does very little; he is simply there in the right place at the right time, so to speak. As priest, he has no concerns outside the cultic sphere; he is in charge of burnt offerings at Gibeon, he is named as David's priest, and he is anointed as Solomon's priest, with no further elucidation of his duties. Although he appears alongside the leadership at various important points, no attempt is made to claim leadership status for him; rather, the monarch retains authority but an important role is claimed for the priest as a priest alongside the monarch. Neither of the other two priests of this period, Ahimelech and Abiathar, are mentioned alone, but each is mentioned with Zadok, Abiathar once concerning bringing the Ark to Jerusalem (1 Chr.

500

See Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History.

501

This too seems to be a result of the garbled genealogy in 2 Sam. 8: 17, which was absorbed into 1 Chr. 18: 16. In 1 Sam. 22: 20 Abiathar is Ahimelech's son, not vice versa, and Abiathar, not Ahimelech, is Zadok's colleague and the priest who survives David to be replaced by Zadok at Solomon's instigation (1 Kgs. 2: 27, 35).

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15: 11) and twice as Ahimelech's father (1 Chr. 18: 16; 24: 6), and Ahimelech once as an ofﬁcer in the Davidic adminstration (1 Chr. 18: 16) and then three times as assisting in the arrangements for the priestly courses (1 Chr. 24: 3, 6, 31). Bearing in mind the comments already made about the references to Zadok, it is likely that the reference to Abiathar in 1 Chr. 15: 11 (bringing the Ark to Jerusalem) and the three to Ahimelech with one to Abiathar as his father in 1 Chronicles 24 (arrangements for the priestly courses) are secondary. If that is so, then the only part played by either man in the original Chr. is in 1 Chr. 18: 16 where one of them is noted as priest alongside Zadok—which of them it was depends on what the original reading of the verse is thought to be, as discussed earlier. Neither priest appears in the opening genealogies of 1 Chr. 5: 27–41 and 6: 34–8 (ET 6: 1–15, 49–53), which could reﬂect either their non-Zadokite Elide descent (1 Sam. 14: 3; 22: 20) or Chr.'s idea that there were no chief priests before Zadok and the Temple (see above on Zadok's anointing). Certainly neither of them is designated as a chief priest in any way, whether by rite or by title. In the account of this ﬁrst stage of monarchy, then, there is nothing to indicate that the Chronicler made any attempt to portray a strong independent high priesthood which could have had responsibilities outside the cult, despite altering his source documents to reﬂect contemporary circumstances and his own particular concerns which include the cult and its importance. As with DH, the responsibility for all matters, including cultic arrangements, remains with the king, and in fact, the presence of secondary additions referring to Zadok, as discussed above, indicates that the present minimal picture of the chief-priestly role was even sketchier when it was ﬁrst composed. The second group of narrative references, and the third group in Chr. as a whole, are the references to chief priests in the post-Solomonic period. They are as follows: after Zadok's anointing there is no mention of a chief priest until 2 Chr. 19: 11, when Amariah is appointed by King Jehoshaphat to give judgement in ecclesiastical matters. Following Amariah, Jehoiada is responsible for protecting, enthroning, and directing the new king Joash, and is involved with Joash's repairs to the Temple (2 Chronicles 22–4); Azariah turns King Uzziah out of the Temple when the king enters to burn incense (2 Chr. 26: 16–20); the second Azariah

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appears as chief priest during Hezekiah's reign (2 Chr. 31: 10, 13); and Hilkiah is the chief priest during the Josianic reforms who ﬁnds the Book of the Law in the Temple (2 Chr. 34: 9, 14–15, 18, 20, 22; 35: 8). Amariah (2 Chr. 19: 11) appears only once in the narrative, as part of Jehoshaphat's judicial reforms which seem to reﬂect or at least interpret the provisions of Deut. 17: 8. As the story does not appear in DH, doubt has been expressed as to its historicity, and Wellhausen suggested that it was constructed on the basis of judicial arrangements in Chr.'s own day as a kind of illustrative etymology of Jehoshaphat's name which means ‘Yahweh has judged’.502 It is likely that there were such tribunals in Jerusalem at some stage, given the Deuteronomic provision for them, and deciding of disputed cases would seem to fall well within the original priestly remit of enquiring of the Lord and giving judgements on matters which eluded human wisdom. Indeed, whether or not such a reform was undertaken by Jehoshaphat, the story in its present form may well reﬂect a contemporary reality for Chr.—after all, in a province as small as Judah, with one focus of the religious establishment, the chief priest would seem the logical person to decide on disputed religious matters.503 Chr.'s scenario would certainly ﬁt with the picture already built up of administration in Persian-period Judah, whereby a governor responsible for civil administration served alongside the high priest who had responsibility for religious matters; in 2 Chr. 19: 11 Amariah is only in charge of religious matters, with Zebadiah ‘the governor of the house of Judah’ ( , hannāgîd lebêt-yehûdâ—19: 11) having authority in all the king's matters, and both are appointed by, and so presumably are answerable to, the higher authority of the king. By far the most prominent chief-priestly ﬁgure in Chr. is

502

Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 198–9 (ET, 191). More recent commentators who have expressed reservations about the episode's historicity include Ackroyd, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, 146, and Coggins, Chronicles, 218. However, its historicity is defended by Rudolph, Chronikbücher, 257–8; Myers, II Chronicles, AB 13 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965), 108–9; Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, 287–9; and Japhet, I & II Chronicles, 770–4. Michaeli, Chroniques, 194–5, suggests that Jehoshaphat probably did carry out some judicial reforms, but Chr. has presented them in terms of the circumstances of his own day.

503

Cf. Curtis and Madsen, 402: ‘When then a central sanctuary was established, the chief priest naturally became a supreme judge.’ Bartlett, ‘ as a Title’, 4–6, argues that the judicial function of the pre-exilic chief priest was the reason why he began to bear the title (rōʼš, ‘head’), since it was a title already known and used in judicial spheres.

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Jehoiada, who is responsible for reinstating the legitimate Davidic heir Joash upon the throne, after Athaliah, the mother of the previous king Ahaziah, has killed all the other members of the royal household (2 Chr. 23: 1–21). The story is taken from 2 Kgs. 11: 1–20, and bears Chr.'s own distinctive marks of revision: ‘all Israel’ is involved in the proceedings (2 Chr. 23: 2–3), the Davidic right to rule is the motivation behind Jehoiada's plan (23: 3b), and the Levites have a major part, guarding the young king in the Temple where the profane masses are not allowed to enter (23: 6–7), and later acting as gatekeepers to keep unclean people out of the Temple (23: 19). Jehoiada's own part is virtually unchanged from DH, except that he himself along with his sons has the task of anointing Joash (23: 11), whereas in DH the assembled company apparently carries out the anointing (2 Kgs. 11: 12). However, once Joash begins to reign Jehoiada is portrayed in Chr. as more inﬂuential than he is in DH: instead of doing what is right in the eyes of the Lord all his (own) days, as in 2 Kgs. 12: 3 (ET 12: 2), Joash does what is right in the eyes of the Lord all the days of Jehoiada the priest (2 Chr. 24: 2), and Jehoiada also procures wives for Joash, thereby enabling him to beget heirs and ensuring that the Davidic line will continue (2 Chr. 24: 3). Yet for all this, Jehoiada remains under the king's authority (cf. 24: 6, 8), and Williamson is surely correct in seeing Jehoiada (and therefore the chief priest) as the guardian and protector of the Davidic line, ensuring its survival and re-establishment at a very uncertain time in its history but with no intention of taking over or becoming the power behind the throne.504 Even Chr.'s version of the repairs to the Temple made under Joash (2 Chr. 24: 4–14), which appears at ﬁrst sight to increase the status of the chief priest in relation to the king, does not in fact do so. It is true that Jehoiada has his own ofﬁcer who counts the money along with the king's secretary, and then king and priest have joint oversight of the work (2 Chr. 24: 11–12), rather than Jehoiada working with the king's secretary as in 2 Kgs. 12: 11–13 (ET 12: 10–12). However, given Chr.'s overriding preoccupation with the Davidic house in terms of political rule and religious observance, this is to emphasize the king's involvement with the repairs as the proper duty of the monarch, not to improve the chief priest's relative position. Indeed, according to 2 Chr. 24: 8 it is Joash himself who gives orders for the collecting box to be

504

Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles, 313–14.

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provided, whereas in 2 Kgs. 12: 10 (ET 12: 9) the credit for this initiative goes to Jehoiada.505 In other words, the episode is remodelled in order to reﬂect well on Joash rather than to boost Jehoiada's status. Two kings further on in the narrative comes the chief priest Azariah, the ﬁrst of two in Chr. to bear that name, who rebukes King Uzziah when the king enters the Temple to burn incense (2 Chr. 26: 16–20). As in the account of Joash's death (2 Chr. 24: 23–5), the passage is an elaboration on its source, and is intended to explain the misfortune which befell an apparently virtuous king (2 Chr. 26: 4–5). In 2 Kgs. 15: 3–5 Uzziah (rather confusingly referred to there as Azariah) is said to have done what was right in the eyes of the Lord, but to have failed to remove the high places, with the implied result that he became a leper. Chr., however, portrays Uzziah's leprosy as due to the speciﬁc instance of pride described in 2 Chr. 26: 16–20, namely the attempt to usurp cultic privileges to which he is not entitled, so that the punishment for attempting to function in the Temple in an inappropriate capacity is to be barred permanently from the Temple in any capacity—in other words, cultic violation leads to the penalty of cultic exclusion. In the present version of the story, Azariah the chief priest is accompanied by eighty other priests who all rebuke the king together, and Japhet suggests that the narrative was originally a reﬂection of some tension between king and high priest, the thrust of which has been lost by bringing in the eighty others under a ‘democratizing’ revision.506 The episode is an important illustration of the concern which developed to protect the priestly privilege of altar service, to the extent that even the king is debarred from performing ritual duties involving the altar;507 although David and Solomon are shown making sacriﬁcial offerings, presumably

505

Michaeli, Chroniques, 208.

506

Japhet, The Ideology of the Book of Chronicles and its Place in Biblical Thought (Frankfurt a.M.: Peter Lang, 1989), 425–7; I & II Chronicles, 885. J. W. Wright, ‘Guarding the Gates: e I Chronicles 26: 1–19 and the Roles of Gatekeepers in Chronicles’, JSOT 48 (1990), 69–81, sees the eighty priests, (b nê-ḥāyil, ‘sons of might’), as ‘a portion of Uzziah's own crack troops, protecting and enforcing the will of Azariah against the ruling, but proud, monarch’ (p. 72).

507

The episode is reminiscent of the Priestly narratives of punishment for improper altar service in Lev. 10: 1–3 and Num. 16: 1–17: 5 (ET 16: 1–40). See the discussion of these narratives in Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer. Morgenstern, ‘A Chapter’, 17–22, sees in all three narratives a reﬂection of how dangerous a ceremony it was for the nation's representative to enter the Holy of Holies for the Day of Atonement observances.

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because they are the originators of cult and Temple for the monarchic era (1 Chr. 16: 2; 21: 26; 2 Chr. 1: 6; 7: 5, 7; 8: 12–13), no subsequent monarch is allowed the privilege. Not even Hezekiah, who is portrayed as virtually a second David, makes offerings himself, but instead he commands the priests to do it (2 Chr. 29: 21–4, 27). In a community where there was no longer a king, however much one might have been hoped for or anticipated, the message conveyed is in line with Chr.'s general approach that kingship is a privilege which is always subordinate to Yahweh and to proper worship in the Temple. Hence, the lack of a king does not disadvantage the community in terms of its worship, which is where the essence of the community's identity lies. As with Jehoiada's installation of Joash by extraordinary means, Azariah's rebuke of Uzziah is portrayed as an attempt not to usurp royal privilege for himself, but to ensure that the monarch is informed about his duties and kept on the proper path. The second Azariah is mentioned in connection with Hezekiah's reforms (2 Chr. 31: 10, 13), speciﬁcally with Hezekiah's reinstatement of tithing in order to support the Temple personnel. Azariah, noted as being of the house of Zadok,508 is the one who replies to Hezekiah's query about the amounts of tithed material collected from the populace (2 Chr. 31: 10), and three verses further on he is said to have helped Hezekiah in appointing Levites to oversee the collection and storage of the tithes. Chr.'s account of Hezekiah differs signiﬁcantly from that in DH, where Hezekiah's reforms are passed over in a very cursory manner in a mere four verses (2 Kgs. 18: 4–7) instead of the three chapters devoted to them by Chr. (2 Chr. 29: 1–31: 21); Chr. in turn omits most of the material about Hezekiah's military and political exploits given by DH, and once again the effect is to emphasize the king's concern for the Temple and cult. Azariah the chief priest is merely an instrument in the reforms; he has no initiative in reorganizing the Temple structure to cope with the vast amounts of produce,

508

Bartlett, ‘Zadok and his Successors’, 8, suggests that the reference to the house of Zadok here is ‘too likely to reﬂect the Chronicler's belief to be certain evidence of the preexilic tradition’. Certainly no other chief priest is noted as being of the house of Zadok, and it seems a singularly unnecessary comment, especially given Chr.'s overall lack of interest in priestly lineage beyond the general ‘sons of Aaron’ and Levites. However, it may be that the portrayal of Hezekiah as a second David (2 Chr. 29: 2, 25–7, 30; 30: 26) demands a second Zadok as chief priest. In that case, the apparent emphasis on Azariah's lineage is to emphasize the ﬁdelity of the king rather than that of the chief priest.

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despite the fact that he is deemed the chief ofﬁcer of the house of God (2 Chr. 31: 13), nor does he have any part in any other area of the reforms. His contribution is conﬁned to the Temple in a matter concerning Temple personnel, and is dependent upon the order of King Hezekiah, who is shown working with him (2 Chr. 31: 13) in the same way that Joash worked with Jehoiada to repair the Temple (2 Chr. 24: 11–12); in each case, the monarch is given credit by his readiness to involve himself in the affairs of the Temple, rather than the chief priest being given a pseudo-royal status. The last chief-priestly ﬁgure to be mentioned in Chr. is Hilkiah. As in DH, he is the one to ﬁnd the Book of the Law in the Temple (2 Chr. 34: 14), and is then sent along with a number of others at the king's command to enquire of Huldah the prophetess about the book's contents (2 Chr. 34: 20–2). As also in DH, he plays a surprisingly small part in the operation to clean up Temple and land and in the Passover celebration, events in which Josiah is the prime mover (2 Chr. 34: 29–35: 7; 35: 16–19). In fact, in Chr.'s account the Levites play a greater part than Hilkiah does, particularly in the Passover celebration where they have duties concerned with the sacriﬁcial animals and preparing the feast for the priests and other Levites (2 Chr. 35: 10–15). Hilkiah is only mentioned once during the Passover, and then it is with two others, Zechariah and Jehiel, all three of whom are referred to collectively as the chief ofﬁcers of the house of God (2 Chr. 35: 8).509 Their task is apparently to provide lambs, kids, and bulls for the priests' Passover offerings. As with the references for the David–Solomon period, then, the references to chief priests in the post-Solomonic period show the ofﬁce undergoing no signiﬁcant development towards acquiring powers outside the cultic realm. The chief priests are never portrayed without a monarch, and even Jehoiada, who is the most independent and innovative chief priest, does not use his initiative to claim power in new realms, but rather to restore what is portrayed throughout as the legitimate status quo, whereby the Davidic monarch is the ultimate civil authority and the chief priest is effectively his subordinate. Nor does Amariah's judicial function give him what might be termed civil power; he only has authority

509

Cf. 2 Kgs. 25: 18, where two priests and three doorkeepers are taken prisoner by Nebuzaradan the Babylonian commander.

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in ‘matters of the Lord’, while ‘the king's matters’ are dealt with by someone else, and both men remain under royal authority. This distinction between ‘matters of the Lord’ and ‘the king's matters’ is indicative of another important principle which is at work in these references, namely the widening gap between the sacral and the civil spheres of responsibility. Although the later kings are still responsible for implementing religious policy and maintaining the Temple, they are not permitted to offer sacriﬁces in the way that they do in DH, as can be seen from the tale of Uzziah's downfall. The implication of this is that the political leadership of Chr.'s community was no longer sacral, and it is a fair assumption that the removal of sacral responsibility from the sphere of political leadership would not be conducive to those in the cultic sphere acquiring responsibilities in the civil sphere. Indeed, the only expression in the narrative of this civil–sacral separation is in terms of the king's loss of sacral privilege; there is no corresponding rise in civil power or privilege for the chief priest, and so no indication of a general transfer of leadership responsibility from king to priest. Having discussed the individuals who are depicted as chief or high priests in the narrative, it would be as well to examine the terms by which they are designated. Apart from the simple ‘PN the priest’, there are nine references by title to senior priestly ﬁgures in Chr., and of these, the commonest speciﬁc designation for the senior priest, used of all the chief priests from Amariah to Azariah II, is (rōšʼ, ‘head’), as follows (the ﬁve references are all from 2 Chronicles): 510 19: 11 24: 6 24: 11 26: 20 31: 10

510

head priest’)

(ʼa maryāhû kōhēn hārōʼš, ‘Amariah the

(lîhôyādāʽ hārōʼš, ‘to Jehoiada the head’) (ûpeqîd kōhēn hārōʼš, ‘and the ofﬁcer of the head priest’) (ʽazaryāhû kōhēn hārōʼš, ‘Azariah the head priest’) (ʽazaryāh hakkōhēn hārōʼš, ‘Azariah the priest, the head’)

Japhet, ‘The Supposed Common Authorship’, 343, claims a further reference to (kōhēn hārōʼš ) in 1 Chr. 27: 5; however, it is doubtful whether this refers to the chief priest at all. BHS reads (hakkōhēn hārōʼš ), but suggests that the reading should be (hakkōhēn hārōʼš ) as in 2 Chr. 31: 10 and Ezra 7: 5, and the RSV takes the verse to mean ‘Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada the priest, as chief’. The LXX gives Βαναιας ὁ του̑ Ιωδαɛ ὁ ἱɛρɛὺς ὁ ὺρχων (‘Benaiah son of Joiada, the leading priest’), implying that Benaiah himself is the chief priest, something which makes little sense, given that in 2 Sam. 23: 20–3 Benaiah the son of Jehoiada is one of David's thirty mighty men. The context of 1 Chr. 27: 5 is also a list of David's military commanders, so to argue for a reference to a chief priest in the middle of it, whether Jehoiada or Benaiah, seems illogical. Even if it were a reference to Jehoiada as chief priest it would be anachronistic, since the list refers to personnel in the service of King David, and Jehoiada was chief priest in the days of Joash some centuries later. 1 Chr. 27: 5 is not therefore included as part of the present investigation.

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Bartlett's suggestion that the chief priest began to bear the title (rōʼš) because of his judicial function in the 511 community has already been noted. He also makes the point that in a tribal context the title (rōʼš) could also have military connotations, although he does not apply this to the priestly ﬁgures who bear the title.512 However, if Wright's picture of the gatekeeping Levites as a paramilitary security force is accurate,513 it is conceivable that the chief priest's title (rrōʼš) also indicated his responsibility for the Levites in a military sense. Whatever the term's precise connotations for the senior priest at Jerusalem, though, it does appear to be a functional rather than an ontological designation;514 in other words, it deﬁnes in some way the duties to be exercised by the individual to whom it is applied (whether or not those duties can be identiﬁed by modern scholarship), rather than simply describing a characteristic of the individual who holds responsibility, as is the case with (hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘the great/senior/eldest 515 priest’). It also appears to be a pre-exilic designation, inasmuch as the seven occasions on which it occurs with the signiﬁcance of ‘chief priest’ in the Hebrew Bible, namely the ﬁve instances quoted above plus 2 Kgs. 25: 18 and Jer. 52: 24, are all in preexilic contexts. If that is the case, then the change to (hakkōhēn haggādôl) for the post-exilic context would reﬂect a growing concern for cultic correctness in every aspect of life, not only with regard to the duties to be done, but also with regard to who was legitimately entitled to do them. For the high priesthood, too, the change from (rōʼš) to (gādôl) can perhaps be understood in terms of the change from a royal appointment for which descent from a particular priestly line was not necessarily crucial,516 to a

511

See n. 49 above.

512

Bartlett, ‘

513

J. W. Wright, ‘Guarding the Gates’, 70–4.

514

So also Bartlett, ‘Zadok and his Successors’, 12.

515

See the discussions of the term

516

See Bartlett, ‘Zadok and his Successors’, 11, 14–15.

as a Title’, 5.

(hakkōhēn haggādôl ) in Ch. 1 on the Priestly writer and Ch. 5 on Haggai and Zechariah above.

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means of determining succession, and indeed, claiming rights, at a time when there was no longer a royal authority to make the appointment. Only once is the adjective 2 Chr. 34: 9

(gādôl, ‘great’) used of a priest, as opposed to four times in DH: (ḥilqiyyāhû hakkōhēn haggādôl, ‘Hilkiah the great/senior/eldest priest’)

This is rather surprising, since it is generally held that (hakkōhēn haggādôl) was the standard post-exilic term for a high priest, and yet Chr. has failed to reproduce it from DH on three out of four occasions, once replacing it with (kōhēn hārōʼš—2 Chr. 24: 11; cf. 2 Kgs. 12: 11 (ET 12: 10)), once omitting the title but retaining the name (‘Hilkiah’—2 Chr. 34: 15; cf. 2 Kgs. 22: 8), and once altering the source so that the high priest is eliminated from it at that point (2 Chr. 34: 33; cf. 2 Kgs. 23: 4–20). This has led to speculation that the occurrences of (hakkōhēn haggādôl) in the earlier work are interpolations, since if Chr. had found them in a DH text of the ﬁfth or fourth century when the term had gained some currency they would surely not have been omitted or altered, given Chr.'s anachronistic treatment of the Temple cultus as a whole.517 Three instances occur of a title implying administrative oversight of the Temple, which recurs in Neh. 11: 11: 1 Chr. 9: 11 2 Chr. 31: 13 3 Chr. 35: 8

(negid bêt hāʼelōhîm, ‘chief ofﬁcer of the house of God’) (waʽazaryāhû negîd bêt hāʼelōhîm, ‘and Azariah chief ofﬁcer of the house of God’) (ḥilqiyyāh ûzekaryāhû wîḥîʼēl negîdê bêt hāʼelōhîm, ‘Hilkiah and Zechariah and Jehiel, chief ofﬁcers of the house of God’)

The idea of Temple oversight is one which corresponds to the portrayal of several of the chief priests. Jehoiada and Hilkiah are involved in the repairs undertaken by Joash and Josiah (2 Chr. 24: 4–14; 34: 8–14); Azariah rebukes Uzziah as one who is responsible for letting the right people in and keeping the wrong people out of the Temple (2 Chr. 26: 16–20); and Azariah II is the one who

517

See Cody, 103 n. 53.

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knows about the tithes being brought into the Temple and is responsible with the king for appointing Levites to look after the storage of the goods in the Temple itself (2 Chr. 31: 8–13). On the basis of the observations made, therefore, it can be seen that the portrayal of the chief priests in Chr. is not substantially different from their portrayal in DH, and although there are additional senior priestly ﬁgures in Chr. which do not appear in DH, there are also an equivalent number of omissions from the earlier source. Given Chr.'s evident concern for the cult and utter lack of compunction about including battalions of Levites where they had not originally appeared so as to reﬂect and presumably legitimate contemporary cultic practice, it would have been only natural for the chief-priestly role to have been similarly magniﬁed had that been considered appropriate. Of course, the potential in Chr. for magniﬁcation of the chief priest's role is inevitably limited by the monarchic context in which the narrative is set, so that it would not be possible, for example, to show the chief priest ruling the country instead of the monarch. However, even within such contextual limitations it would have been possible to raise the proﬁle of the leading priest as compared with DH, if he had been considered an important enough ﬁgure for that to be done. Apparently he was not so considered, either by the Chronicler or by any of the later revisers who saw ﬁt to edit Chr., despite the fact that on more than one occasion the revisions have a pro-priestly bias (e.g. 1 Chr. 15: 11; 24: 3). As was the case with the Ezra material, two possible explanations for such a state of affairs present themselves: either the failure to show a high priesthood of importance and inﬂuence was a deliberate ideological omission, or the high priesthood was not at this stage a particularly signiﬁcant ofﬁce in areas outside the cultic sphere. Deliberate omission of any signiﬁcant cultic ofﬁce seems unlikely, and chief priests are certainly included when they are deemed to have made a signiﬁcant contribution to the life of the community. For example, Jehoshaphat's judicial reforms where royal authority is delegated to the governor and the chief priest as judges is a tale unparalleled in DH and therefore presumably deliberately included in Chr. (2 Chr. 19: 1–11). Similarly, Jehoiada is praised for enthroning Joash and keeping him on the right path, and is eventually buried among the kings for his services to the kingdom (2 Chronicles 22–4). However, a powerful independent

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high priesthood seems to have been incompatible with the ideology of Chr.; Williamson's comment on Jehoiada's role is perhaps illuminating in this respect.518 True authority of leadership remains with the Davidic house, although the chief priest is an important stabilizing and regulating inﬂuence; all the chief priests mentioned in Chr. are mentioned in relation to a king, but the kings are not all accompanied by a chief priest. However, where the priests do appear they serve to emphasize the monarchs' virtues or vices; Amariah, Azariah II, and Hilkiah all serve under kings who carry out beneﬁcial reforms and adhere to the Law, whereas Jehoiada and Azariah I serve with monarchs who come to grief because of sin as epitomized by lack of respect for the chief priests. Taking into account the ‘democratizing’ trend of Chr., which makes the people as a whole the heirs to the Davidic promise, the message seems to be that as in the monarchic era, so in the contemporary political situation, the chief or high priest should continue to exercise his stabilizing and regulating inﬂuence in the same way, in the same spheres, only this time in the context of the whole community. This does not give him Davidic authority or make him the overall political leader; he is the servant of the cult and the people, who have to work out their salvation under the auspices of a Persian governor. Hence, Chr.'s depiction can be viewed as a mixture of idealism and realism, taking account of the current political realities and yet not losing sight of the ideal of the people of Yahweh. In the light of such an interpretation it seems likely that Chr. originated from quietist circles which accepted Persian domination as a fact of life because to them it was less important to be politically independent than to have a community properly focused on Yahweh and the Temple. Even assuming that Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah are not part of the same work, if the analysis given above of Chr.'s representation of the Davidic monarchy is accepted, there is more of a similarity between Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah than might appear at ﬁrst sight: both present an ideal of non-monarchic theocracy for the people of Israel, Ezra–Nehemiah by describing more or less contemporary events, and Chr. by describing pre-exilic history. They differ, though, in that although Chr. shows awareness of the Law, its emphasis is upon the community's worship, whereas the focus of Ezra–Nehemiah is upon the Law as the expression of the

518

See above, n. 50.

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community's identity before Yahweh. However, both Chr. and Ezra–Nehemiah seem to represent a later stage of thought than the royalism evidenced in the Restoration prophets Haggai and Zechariah, inasmuch as both have moved away from the idea of monarchic restoration as the key to the community's identity; but equally, in so doing, neither they nor their communities have moved towards the concept of a hierocratic society ruled in its entirety by the high priest.

9 After the Canon: The Later Persian Period So far, this study of the high priesthood has been based almost exclusively upon biblical material, since the periods in question are reasonably well documented in the canon and the high priest appears in the material relatively frequently, although by no means as frequently as might have been expected. However, when it comes to the later Persian period, and subsequently to the Greek period, there is a difﬁculty. Even assuming that the books of Chronicles date from some time in the fourth century BCE, there is a large gap in the canonical sources between the later Persian period and the Maccabean period,519 and although it is highly likely that some of the non-historical material such as Ecclesiastes dates from these years, there is nothing in the way of historical narrative for the period. It is true that the list of high priests in Neh. 12: 10–11 is presumably supposed to reach down to the end of the Persian period;520 but apart from Chr.'s suggestively anachronistic portrayal of the pre-exilic period there is no material in narrative form for the period between the mid-Persian and the Seleucid eras. The narrative part of the book of Nehemiah ends with Nehemiah's second term of ofﬁce in Judah, so that the events which it describes would be no later than the end of the ﬁfth century BCE, whilst at the other end of the chronological divide 1 and 2 Maccabees do not begin their accounts until early in the second century BCE. I Maccabees gives a cursory description of the rise and death of

519

M. Smith, Palestinian Parties and Politics, suggests that the lacuna in source material is due to Judas Maccabeus having destroyed much of what existed in his day because it was favourable to the Maccabees' opponents, in particular to the legitimate high-priestly family of Jerusalem whom the Maccabees effectively ousted (p. 115). However, this is somewhat far-fetched, because the ﬁrst Maccabean high priest was Judas' brother Jonathan, who did not take up the position until eight years after Judas was killed in battle. The question of Maccabean usurpation of the high priesthood at the expense of the ofﬁcial high-priestly family, and a consequent output of derogatory literature, simply did not arise during Judas' lifetime, so to posit it as a factor in Judas' supposed destruction of source material is anachronistic.

520

See the discussion of the list in Ch. 6 above on Ezra and Nehemiah.

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Alexander the Great and the division of his empire (1 Macc 1: 1–8), but the book's main narrative begins in 1: 9 with Antiochus IV Epiphanes and his accession in 175 BCE. Similarly, 2 Maccabees begins with Seleucus IV's attempt to plunder the Temple during the high priesthood of Onias III, events somewhat earlier than the havoc wrought by Antiochus IV, but only by a few years as Seleucus was Antiochus' immediate predecessor, holding power from 187 to 175 BCE. There is therefore a period of perhaps as long as two hundred years, from the early fourth century to the early second century BCE, for historical information on which it is necessary to rely almost exclusively on extracanonical sources. The major narrative source for the whole of that period is of course the work of the Jewish historian Josephus,521 in particular his Jewish Antiquities, but there are also a number of other more fragmentary sources, including coins and papyri, which can be used to supplement the material gained from Josephus. For the later Persian period (c.400–332 BCE), with which the present chapter is concerned, there are two relevant sources, namely Josephus' record of the period, and some of the earlier issues of the so-called Yehud coinage, which seems to have had its origins during this period. Hence, it is to these sources that the discussion now turns, in order to complete the picture of the high priesthood during the period of Persian domination. In his Jewish Antiquities book xi, Josephus obviously sets out to provide a complete record of the Persian period. Starting with the decree of Cyrus (Ant. xi. 1–4), he paraphrases the narratives of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther, and once this has been done he rounds off his account of the period with three other narratives, all of which involve the Jerusalem high priesthood and all of which are unparalleled in the canonical literature. The ﬁrst (Ant. xi.

521

Although there has been and probably will continue to be much discussion about the reliability of Josephus' narratives, a discussion not always helped by the fact that some of his material is obviously confused, he is the major source not only for the later Persian period and much of the Ptolemaic period but also for the Hasmonean period following the death of Simon Maccabee. On the question of Josephus' reliability, Per Bilde, Flavius Josephus between Jerusalem and Rome, JSPS 2 (Shefﬁeld: JSOT Press, 1988), describes Josephus as ‘a creative interpreter of Judaism’ (p. 234), having concluded that ‘Josephus possesses a genuine interest in and a sincere will to write impartially and, surprisingly, he often does so in his works’ (p. 206). On that basis, Josephus should not be disregarded as being hopelessly biased or distorted; obviously it is necessary to use the information he provides with the kind of discernment which would be applied to any source material, but with that proviso Josephus is an important resource for the understanding and assessment of the period.

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297–301) describes how a certain Joannes (Johanan), styled as a grandson of Eliashib (cf. Neh. 12: 10), succeeded to the high priesthood, but was challenged by his brother Jesus (Joshua), who had been promised the high priesthood by the Persian ofﬁcial Bagoses (Bagoas). The two quarrelled, and Joannes killed Jesus in the Temple, with the result that Bagoses punished the whole community by imposing a heavy tax upon each sacriﬁcial lamb offered there for the next seven years. The second narrative (Ant. xi. 302–12) also deals with two brothers in the high-priestly family, this time with Jaddus (Jaddua) and Manasses (Manasseh), who are said to be sons of Joannes. Jaddus succeeded to the high priesthood, while Manasses was persuaded by Sanballat, the governor of Samaria, to marry his daughter in order to cement relations between the Jews and the Samaritans. This caused resentment from the Jewish elders and from Jaddus, because Manasses was apparently ‘sharing the high priesthood’ whilst being married to a foreign wife (Ant. xi. 306), so Sanballat promised to obtain permission from the Persian king Darius III to build a temple on Mount Garizim and to make Manasses not only high priest in the new temple but also governor of Samaria. The fulﬁlment of Sanballat's plan under Alexander the Great rather than under the Persian Darius is described a little later (Ant. xi. 321–4). The ﬁnal narrative describes how when Alexander was advancing towards Jerusalem, having already captured Tyre and Gaza, the Jewish high priest, named Jaddus by Josephus, was instructed in a dream to go out and meet him, and upon doing so was received extremely favourably by him with the promise of many concessions for the Jews (Ant. xi. 326–39). Josephus thus closes his narrative of the Persian period as he had opened it, with the description of a new ruler coming to power who shows benevolence and indeed respect towards the Jews. These passages have engendered a good deal of debate concerning their historical accuracy. Certainly it seems that the last of the three can be disregarded from an historical point of view as legendary, not least because there are other stories in the Palestinian tradition about a high priest who met Alexander, and these stories name the high priest as Simon the Just rather than the Jaddus of Josephus' account.522 The Sanballat–Manasses episode is

522

BT Yoma 69a; Scholion to Megillat Ta anit, 21 Kislev; Levit. Rabb. 13.5. For comment on the Alexander story in Josephus, see Victor Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilisation and the Jews (Philadelphia, Pa.: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1961), 45–7; Grabbe, ‘Josephus and the Reconstruction of the Judean Restoration’, JBL 106 (1987), 231–46 (pp. 242–3); Daniel R. Schwartz, ‘On Some Papyri and Josephus' Sources and Chronology for the Persian period’, JSJ 21 (1990), 175–99 (pp. 186–9); Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian, 181–3.

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also problematic in terms of its historicity;523 Grabbe characterizes it as ‘anti-Samaritan material’,524 and as such it serves (or attempts) to discredit the Samaritan temple and priesthood rather than shedding any light on the position of the Jerusalem high priest-hood in the later Persian period. This leaves only the Joannes–Jesus–Bagoses episode for consideration. Certainly there is an intrinsic probability that this narrative is based on fact, since what it describes is so scandalous that it would hardly be invented or included by such a pro-Jewish writer as Josephus if it were not true; in this respect it differs sharply from the Sanballat–Manasses–Alexander narratives, the aim of which seems to be to extol the Jews by presenting them in a favourable light and their rivals in a poor light. However, as with the Sanballat–Manasses–Alexander episodes, there are historical difﬁculties. The names Joannes and Bagoses are Hellenized versions of those given to the high priest and the Persian governor of Judah who appear in the Elephantine papyri in connection with the Elephantine Jews' request for assistance with rebuilding their devastated temple, c.408 BCE.525

523

The main difﬁculty is in Josephus' chronology. According to Neh. 13: 28, Nehemiah expelled a son of Jehoiada the son of Eliashib the high priest because this unnamed son was married to an unnamed daughter of Sanballat the Horonite, satrap of Samaria. As already noted, Josephus too reports the marriage of a member of the high-priestly family to a daughter of Sanballat and the resulting rancour of the Jews (Ant. xi. 302–3, 306–11), but he gives different names to the couple involved, and places the whole incident in the context of the advance of Alexander (Ant. xi. 321–2), thus bringing it forward in time by about a century. This is obviously inconsistent with the version in Nehemiah, not least because Sanballat could not have been in ofﬁce in both the mid-ﬁfth century and the mid-fourth century. The discovery of the Samaria papyri, which testify to the existence of an individual named Sanballat as father of two governors of Samaria in the mid-fourth century BCE , has been taken by Cross on the basis of papponymy to indicate that there may well have been a third Sanballat who was governor of Samaria at the time of Alexander's advance (‘A Report on the Samaria Papyri’, VTSupp 40 (1986), 17–26 (pp. 19–20)). This implies that, at least as far as the existence of a late mid-fourth-century Samaritan governor called Sanballat is concerned, Josephus may in fact have been correct. However, even if there was a Sanballat who was contemporary with Alexander, this still leaves open the question of whether Josephus knew of two Sanballats (and two intermarriages) or has simply conﬂated from his sources two incidents referring to two different time-periods, under the mistaken impression that ‘Sanballat’ was the same individual in each case. For further discussion, see D. R. Schwartz, ‘On Some Papyri’, 182–6, 189–92, 198–9.

524

Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian, 174. See also Grabbe, ‘Josephus and the Reconstruction’, 236–42.

525

AP 30 (pp. 111–14).

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However, the Elephantine correspondence dates from the reign of Darius II, whereas according to Josephus, Bagoses was the general of ‘the other Artaxerxes’ (Ant. xi. 297). A Bagoses who was general of Artaxerxes III is known from Diodorus Siculus xvi. 47–51, but if this Bagoses is the one to whom the narrative in Josephus refers, then the high priest cannot have been Johanan the grandson of Eliashib who was in ofﬁce in 408 BCE, since Artaxerxes III ruled from 358 to 338 BCE.526 The question is therefore whether the Joannes–Jesus–Bagoses incident should be regarded as having taken place in the late ﬁfth century or the mid-fourth century, a question which needs to be answered if the value of the source for the history of high priesthood in the mid- to late Persian period is to be properly assessed. If the incident is dated to the end of the ﬁfth century, then it overlaps in date with some of the other sources already examined, and can therefore serve either to conﬁrm or to confute the conclusions already drawn from them; if on the other hand the incident is dated to the middle of the fourth century, then it is a source of information on a period which has not yet been covered, and can hopefully be used to extend the picture of the high priesthood. More detailed discussion of the dating will be undertaken below, but ﬁrst, as a preliminary to that discussion, the ideology of the passage will be examined. Whether the incident occurred at the end of the ﬁfth century or during the latter half of the fourth, it does not show the high priest in any new or unexpected light; instead, it shows him operating in the same capacity as the one in which he has always operated, namely as an ofﬁcial of the Temple and the cult. The whole incident is centred on the acquisition of a cultic ofﬁce; the quarrel and the slaying take place within the Temple itself, thereby implying that Jesus the pretender was challenging the cultic legitimacy of the ofﬁciating Joannes; and even the retribution imposed upon the Jews by Bagoses is what might be termed ‘cultic’ retribution—a tax on every sacriﬁcial lamb offered for the next seven years. It could be argued that the quarrel would not have arisen if at the time when the incident took place the high priesthood was not an important and inﬂuential ofﬁce in political terms; therefore, what is being portrayed is

526

For a detailed discussion of the historical issues surrounding the passage, see Williamson, ‘Historical Value’; D. R. Schwartz, ‘On Some Papyri’. Williamson argues for a fourth-century dating, whereas Schwartz prefers the ﬁfth-century setting.

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effectively a struggle for the political control of the province which the ofﬁce of high priest would bestow. However, the struggle is clearly portrayed as taking place between two members of the priestly hierarchy, not between a high priest and a non-priest, as might be expected if the ofﬁce carried with it wide-ranging responsibilities outside the cultic arena; and it can easily be understood how to those within the priestly community the supreme priestly ofﬁce would seem highly desirable, so that jealousies and tensions might arise over its acquisition, whether or not that ofﬁce involved political administration as well as cultic responsibility. Internal wrangling and power politics are a feature of most institutions and groups to a greater or lesser extent, regardless of whether or not the power which is fought over bestows any kind of inﬂuence beyond the circle in which the struggle takes place; indeed, it would be fair to say that such struggles are generally aimed precisely at gaining power within the circle rather than outside it. There is no obvious reason why such a scenario should not be posited for the quarrel between Joannes and Jesus. Indeed, such a scenario is supported by the additional fact that the quarrel is between two brothers, one of whom is the serving high priest and the other of whom was presumably a potential high priest, and in the light of this it seems most natural to view the whole incident as an unfortunate case of sibling rivalry within the priestly circle, aggravated by the intervention of a third party. A further point to note is the role of Bagoses. He apparently considers himself in a position to promise the high priesthood to someone other than its present incumbent; and he is deﬁnitely in a position to impose tribute on the Jews for seven years, which the high priest must also suffer and is apparently powerless to rescind. Under these circumstances, it seems evident that Bagoses' authority in the community was greater than that of the high priest; and so, a preliminary analysis of the episode's ideology points towards a scenario in which Judah was a province ruled by a governor, to whom the high priest along with the rest of the population was subordinate. In the light of this analysis, the precise signiﬁcance of the dating becomes clear. If the incident were dated towards the end of the Persian period, that is, in the mid-fourth century rather than in the late ﬁfth, then it would be an indication that the position of the high priest, inasmuch as it could be determined from the

AFTER THE CANON

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canonical sources for the earlier Persian period, remained unchanged for the rest of that period. If on the other hand the incident were dated to the end of the ﬁfth century, then it would simply be further conﬁrmation of what has already been suggested on the basis of canonical material for the same period, without implying anything about the later Persian period for which information is so scarce. Plausible arguments have been advanced for both datings,527 and so in order to decide which is the more likely scenario, it is necessary to turn to the other major non-canonical source for the later Persian period, namely the so-called Yehud coinage. The Yehud coinage consists of a series of tiny silver coins which seem to have been minted in Judah, most probably in Jerusalem, during the fourth and third centuries. They take their name from the inscription which many of them bear in palaeo-Hebrew script, YHD, which is the name of the province in Aramaic. Other, probably later, issues bear the inscription YHDH, Yehudah, which is the name of the province in Hebrew; this change in inscription may be connected with the overthrow of Persian rule, since Aramaic was the Persian lingua franca.528 Theories vary as to the precise dating and signiﬁcance of these coins. Mildenberg, for example, constructs a chronology of Yehud types which runs from the early fourth century to the reign of Ptolemy I (312–285 BCE);529 Meshorer, however, argues that there was a gap in production during the reign of Ptolemy I, but that minting was resumed under Ptolemy II and continued throughout his reign, possibly even into the reign of Ptolemy III.530 It seems certain that the earlier types of Yehud coin were imitations of Attic issues, since many of them bear an owl on the reverse, and some also depict the head of

527

See n. 8 above.

528

Uriel Rappaport, ‘The First Judean Coinage’, JJS 32 (1981), 1–17 (pp. 9–10). Ya akov Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, I: Persian Period through Hasmoneans (New York: Amphora Books, 1982), 17–18, is also of the opinion that the switch from YHD to YHDH took place in the Ptolemaic era, but regards it as a somewhat later development, reﬂecting ‘the newly organized relations between Ptolemy II and his Judaean subjects’ (p. 18).

529

Leo Mildenberg, ‘Yehud: A Preliminary Study of the Provincial Coinage of Judaea’, in Otto Mørkholm and Nancy M. Waggoner (eds.), Greek Numismatics and Archaeology: Essays in Honor of Margaret Thompson (Wetteren: Éditions NR, 1979), 183–96 and plates 21–2 (pp. 186–91).

530

Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, 18–21. However, Dan Barag, ‘A Silver Coin of Yoḥanan the High Priest and the Coinage of Judea in the Fourth Century B.C.’, INJ 9 (1986–7), 4–21 and plate 1, regards this aspect of Meshorer's chronology as ‘very unlikely’ (pp. 6–7).

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Athena on the obverse. An interesting feature of the Yehud coins in general, in view of the Jewish antipathy towards ‘graven images’, is their use of animal and, more importantly, human likenesses. The coins are of small denomination, and would have been used locally as small change to supplement the larger denominations produced by more centralized mints elsewhere in the region.531 Two types of the Yehud coins are of particular interest for the present purposes. The ﬁrst consists of issues which have a facing head on the obverse and an owl on the reverse, but instead of bearing the reverse inscription YHD they carry the name YḤZQYH (Yeḥezqiyah), accompanied by the title HPḤH (happeḥâ): 532 Yeḥezqiyah the governor.533 The appearance of this individual's name on the local coinage implies that he was the minting authority; if so, he must have had permission from the Persian king to act in this capacity, since minting was a royal prerogative.534 However, the name Yeḥezqiyah is of interest for another reason. It has often been pointed out that in Against Apion

531

Rappaport, 14; John W. Betlyon, ‘Coinage’, in ABD i. 1076–89 (p. 1083).

532

Examples of another Yeḥezqiyah type have also been found, which have a proﬁle head on the obverse and on the reverse a winged creature plus the inscription YḤZQYH with no other title. This type will be discussed below in Ch. 10. The present discussion applies only to the facing head with owl YḤZQYH HPḤH type.

533

The earliest discovery of one of these coins was at Beth-Zur in 1931; at this time the reading YḤZQYH was identiﬁed, but the second word on the coin remained undeciphered until later ﬁnds of similar coins enabled it to be read as HPḤH. See L. Y. Rahmani, ‘Silver Coins of the Fourth Century B.C. from Tel Gamma’, IEJ 21 (1971), 158–60 and plate 31; Rappaport, 4 and n. 23; Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’, 4–5. Robert Deutsch, ‘Six Unrecorded “Yehud” Silver Coins’, INJ 11 (1990–1), 4–6 and plate 1 (pp. 5–6), describes an example of this Yeḥezqiyah type which bears the additional two characters YH after the title HPḤH, and suggests that the legend in its entirety should be read as YḤZQYH HPḤH YH(D), ‘Yeḥezqiyah Governor of Yehud’, thereby corroborating the notion that Yeḥezqiyah was indeed governor of Judah (p. 6). John G. Gager, ‘Pseudo-Hecataeus Again’, ZNW 60 (1969), 130–9 (p. 138); Menahem Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, I: From Herodotus to Plutarch (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1974), 40; and C. T. R. Hayward, The Jewish Temple: A Non-Biblical Sourcebook (London and New York: Routledge, 1996), 21, claim that the second word on the Beth-Zur specimen is read as YHD; however, this is an outdated view, and all the most recent evidence from numismatists supports the reading HPḤH.

534

Rappaport, 7 n. 36; Mildenberg, ‘Yəhud-Münzen’, in Helga Weippert, Palästina in vorhellenistischer Zeit, Handbuch der Archäologie (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1988), 721–8 (p. 726). Mildenberg (‘Provincial Coinage’, 188 and n. 29, and pp. 190–1) makes the important point that the Yehud coinage is not autonomous Jewish coinage, but was produced initially in the name of the Persian authorities and later in that of the Ptolemaic authorities; in other words, those who struck the coins, even if they were governors, struck them in their capacity as government ofﬁcials, not as autonomous rulers in their own right.

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227

i. 186–7 Josephus cites what he claims to be an extract from the fourth-century historian Hecataeus of Abdera,535 in which a high priest (αρχιɛρɛύς, archiereus) by the name of Ezekias was one of many Jews associating themselves with Ptolemy I after the battle of Gaza in 312 BCE. This Ezekias is said to have been about sixty-six years old, held in high esteem by his compatriots, a man of intelligence, eloquence, and excellent business sense. The passage gives rise to the temptation to identify this Ezekias with the Yeḥezqiyah of the Yehud coins, with the result that the coins can be interpreted as evidence for the high priest in the late Persian or early Greek period not only being a governor but also having devolved authority to mint coins—a privileged position indeed. However, there are several difﬁculties involved in identifying Yeḥezqiyah with Ezekias. The most obvious one is that the coin very deﬁnitely calls Yeḥezqiyah ‘governor’ rather than ‘high priest’; hence, if Yeḥezqiyah and Ezekias are to be identiﬁed, it must be assumed that the same person served in both capacities. However, despite the rehearsal of such an assumption by some scholars,536 no evidence has yet been found that this was ever the case.537 A second difﬁculty is that the evidence from Josephus suggests only that Ezekias was a prominent personage of

535

Scholarship is divided over the authenticity of this and the other fragments in Ag. Ap. i. 183–204, which Josephus obviously believes to be Hecataean. However, the comments to be made below on the Ezekias material are valid regardless of its authorship. For discussion of the authorship question, see Gager, ‘Pseudo-Hecataeus Again’; Stern, 23–4; Gregory E. Sterling, Historiography and Self-Deﬁnition: Josephos, Luke-Acts and Apologetic Historiography, NTSupp 64 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992), 78–91; Bezalel BarKochva, Pseudo-Hecataeus, ‘On the Jews’: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1996), 54–121.

536

So, for example, Fergus Millar, ‘The Background to the Maccabean Revolution: Reﬂections on Martin Hengel's “Judaism and Hellenism’ ”, JJS 29 (1978), 1–21 (pp. 7–8); Sterling, 86: ‘we now know that there was a priest named Ezekias thanks to a coin found at Beth-Zur’ (italics added; the Beth-Zur specimen is a Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ issue.)

537

Bar-Kochva, 86–7, argues that it deﬁnitely was not the case, but that Persian policy was to divide authority in the province between the high priest (who controlled the religious aspects of the community's life) and the governor, in order to provide a curb on the governor's power. As evidence for this state of affairs, Bar-Kochva cites the coin of ‘Johanan the High Priest’ (p. 87), which proves the concurrent ofﬁciating of a governor and a high priest who, by implication, had equal or at least equivalent powers. Certainly the picture of a high priest who was concerned with the religious aspects of the community's life is one which is in line with the picture presented so far in this study; however, as will be argued below, it is another question whether the Yoḥanan coin can be regarded as that of a high priest and therefore taken as evidence for parity between the high priest and the governor. Also, it would seem more likely that the governor would be put in place to limit the potential power of native institutions, rather than vice versa as Bar-Kochva suggests.

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the Macedonian and early Ptolemaic periods, whereas the Yeḥezqiyah coins are thought by most scholars to belong to the later Persian period.538 Of course, there is no reason why the same individual should not be a prominent member of the community over a number of decades, but in order to link the coins with the person named in Josephus it is necessary once again to assume that this was in fact the case for Ezekias, which is pure conjecture.539 A third consideration is raised by Rappaport, who remarks that the name Hezekiah (Ezekias, Yeḥezqiyah) was common among Jews of the period, so that only limited importance can be attached to its appearance in two different contexts.540 Finally, in order for any historical conclusions to be drawn about Ezekias it is necessary to assume that he actually existed. However, there is no other known reference to him apart from the one cited in Against Apion, and it is by no means certain that he was in fact the high priest of his day, since the name Ezekias does not appear in any of the lists of high priests which are familiar either from biblical texts or from Josephus himself. According to Ant. xi. 347 Onias was high priest at the time when the Ezekias incident is placed, and his predecessor in the post had been Jaddus (Jaddua); subsequently, Ant. xii. 43–4 explains how Onias was succeeded by Simon who was in turn succeeded by Eleazar, the high priest in the time of Ptolemy II (283–246 BCE). There is therefore no room in the chronology given by Josephus' own writings for a high priest called Ezekias or Yeḥezqiyah in either the late Persian or early Greek periods. Hence, no convincing link between Ezekias, Yeḥezqiyah the governor, and the high priesthood can be sustained on the basis of such slender evidence and so many assumptions.541 The overall

538

Mildenberg, ‘Provincial Coinage’, 191; Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, 17; Betlyon, ‘The Provincial Government of Persian Period Judea and the Yehud Coins’, JBL 105 (1986), 633–42 (pp. 638, 642); Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’, 10; Mildenberg, ‘Yəhud-Münzen’, 724.

539

Mildenberg, ‘Yəhud-Münzen’, 724 n. 15, makes this point, noting that Ezekias was a high priest who would have to have remained in ofﬁce for some thirty-ﬁve years in order to make the identiﬁcation viable.

540

Rappaport, 16.

541

Of the Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ on the coins, Mildenberg states categorically, ‘Mit dem bei Josephus gennanten Hohepriester Ezekias vom Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. hat er wohl nichts zu tun’ (‘He has absolutely no connection with the late fourth-century high priest Ezekias who is mentioned by Josephus’; ‘Yəhud-Münzen’, 724). BarKochva suggests that the historical governor Hezekiah was transformed into a high priest by the pseudo-Hecataean narrator of the incident (pp. 89–90), but even if this was the case there is still no evidence for an actual historical link between the governor and the high priesthood.

AFTER THE CANON

229

conclusions from this are twofold: ﬁrst, that the Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ coins cannot be used as evidence for the high priest having taken on the role of governor in the later Persian period; and secondly, the fact that it is the governor and not the high priest who is minting coins would indicate that the highest provincial authority was likewise the governor rather than the high priest. However, another of the Persian period Yehud issues appears to challenge that conclusion. This is a coin which is almost exactly the same as the Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ coins, with a facing head on the obverse and an owl with legend on the reverse, but instead of reading YḤZQYH HPḤH the legend reads YWḤNN HKWHN (Yoḥanan hakkōhēn), i.e. Yoḥanan the priest. Indeed, so similar is the type to that of the Yeḥezqiyah coins that until 1984 it was regarded as an example of the Yeḥezqiyah type but with a ‘blundered’ inscription.542 However, a re-examination of the coin by Barag resulted in the alternative reading being proposed,543 and it is now generally accepted.544 The coin's close similarity to the Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ types implies a similar dating for both types, namely the late Persian period.545 The Yoḥanan coin poses a number of important questions, of which perhaps the most important is whether the inscription should be interpreted to mean that Yoḥanan was the high priest, and if so, what his position in the community would have been if he was empowered to mint coins. Barag offers a thorough analysis of the coin's signiﬁcance,546 and in it he draws a number of conclusions; ﬁrst, that Yoḥanan was indeed the high priest;547 secondly, that his production of a coin type so closely resembling those of Yeḥezqiyah indicates that his political status was equal or similar to that of Yeḥezqiyah, and that the two individuals were contemporaries;548 and third, that the appearance of a coin of a high

542

Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, 116 and plate 2 no. 11. See also Mildenberg, ‘Provincial Coinage’, 194 and plate 22 no. 17.

543

See Barag, ‘Some Notes on a Silver Coin of Johanan the High Priest’, BA 48 (1985), 166–8, and the fuller treatment of the topic in ‘A Silver Coin’.

544

See in particular Mildenberg, ‘Yəhud-Münzen’, 724–5; Meshorer, ‘Ancient Jewish Coinage Addendum I’, INJ 11 (1990–1), 104–32 and plates 17–32 (pp. 104, 114, and plate 17).

545

Mildenberg, ‘Yəhud-Münzen’, 725.

546

Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’.

547

Ibid. 10.

548

Ibid. Betlyon, ‘Persian Period Judea’, also regards the Yoḥanan coin as evidence for the high priest having taken on ‘great authority’ by the end of Persian rule (p. 641), although his expansive claim lacks substantiation.

230

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priest Yoḥanan from the mid-fourth century can be linked with the Yoḥanan–Yeshua–Bagoses affair related by Josephus and can be taken as further evidence for a fourth-century high priest called Yoḥanan, even though no such ﬁgure is mentioned in canonical material.549 It is necessary to examine these conclusions in turn. Barag's conclusion that the inscription refers to the high priest, even though the wording is only ‘the priest’, is based on two arguments: ﬁrst, that it is inconceivable that a priest of lower rank than the high priest would have issued coins in his own name, and secondly, that it is common in biblical material for the high priest simply to be referred to as ‘priest’. However, Mildenberg suggests that Yoḥanan might simply have belonged to a priestly family rather than being high priest himself;550 and it should be noted that the practice of referring to the senior priestly ﬁgure as simply ‘the priest’ is one which applies to the chief priests of the pre-exilic period rather than to the high priests of the post-exilic period.551 Hence, it should not be an automatic assumption that ‘priest’ on the coin equals ‘high priest’, especially at such a late date, by which time there would have developed a clear distinction between the priesthood in general and the high priesthood, and those who were high priests would normally have been referred to as such. As far as Yoḥanan's political status is concerned, it seems only natural to assume that it would have been equivalent in some way to that of Yeḥezqiyah.552 However, it seems more questionable to assume with Barag that not only were Yeḥezqiyah and Yoḥanan

549

Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’, 11–15.

550

Mildenberg, ‘Yəhud-Münzen’, 725.

551

Material which is post-exilic in date and which refers to post-exilic events (Haggai, Zechariah 1–8, Ezra, Nehemiah) does not use the unqualiﬁed designation ‘priest’ to mean ‘high priest’; however, that usage is found in material which is post-exilic in date but which deals with pre-exilic events (Chronicles, P), as well as in pre-exilic/exilic material (DH). In P, the use of the simple term ‘priest’ for Aaron is because Aaron is depicted not only as a high priest but as the epitome of priesthood and as the progenitor of a priestly class—see the discussion of terminology in Ch. 1 above on the Priestly writer. Barag's claim that ‘[i]n the post-exilic period Yeshu a son of Yosadak is mentioned as priest, Ezra 3: 2, 8’ (‘A Silver Coin’, n. 41) is incorrect; nowhere in Ezra is Jeshua (who is evidently a high priest) given any title beyond his patronym. The texts cited by Barag actually read, ‘Jeshua the son of Jozadak with his fellow priests’ (Ezra 3: 2), and ‘[Zerubbabel and] Jeshua the son of Jozadak . . . together with . . . their brethren the priests and the Levites . . . ’ (Ezra 3: 8). They allow the reader to infer from Jeshua's association with the priests that he too is a priest of some kind, but that is very different from speciﬁcally entitling him ‘priest’ when they mean ‘high priest’. For a discussion of the ideology of Ezra 1–6, in which ofﬁcial titles for both Zerubbabel and Joshua are omitted, see ch. 6 above on Ezra and Nehemiah.

552

Mildenberg, ‘Yəhud-Münzen’, 725.

AFTER THE CANON

231

of equivalent status, they were also contemporaries.553 It hardly seems plausible that there would have been two minting authorities in such a small province at the same time; certainly the two of them must have served in their ofﬁcial capacity within the same general time-period, as is evidenced by the similarity of the coin style, but that is not the same as deeming them contemporaries, which presumably would mean that they would have served at the same time as each other. A more credible scenario is that one succeeded the other as the minting authority and therefore presumably as the governor of the province. However, Barag's proposal that Yoḥanan and Yeḥezqiyah were contemporaries has gained support from Bar-Kochva and Kindler,554 who claim that ‘concurrent coinages of a governor and a High Priest are not exceptional’, and cite as a precedent ‘a coin of an earlier High Priest, named Yaddua’, which has recently been found.555 The coin to which they refer was published by Spaer in 1986.556 It follows the pattern of the earliest type of Yehud coinage, with a head of Athena on the obverse, and an owl together with the Greek inscription AΘE (ATHE) on the reverse. In addition to the owl and the Greek inscription, the reverse also shows another unidentiﬁed vertical object, possibly a winged hand and forearm, and in cursive Aramaic script the inscription YDW, i.e. Yaddua. Spaer argues that the coin precedes the Yehud series, which use palaeo-Hebrew script for their legend, and links it to a high priest at the turn of the ﬁfth and fourth centuries BCE called Jaddua II, who appears in the reconstruction of the high-priestly list in Neh. 12: 10–11 proposed by Cross on the basis of papponymy.557 Certainly the coin seems to be of an earlier type than the Yeḥezqiyah or Yoḥanan issues already discussed; however, there are difﬁculties with Spaer's reconstruction. His interpretation depends on two assumptions: ﬁrst, that Cross's reconstruction is accurate, and secondly, that the Yaddua on the coin was a high

553

Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’, 10.

554

B. Bar-Kochva and A. Kindler, ‘The Hezekiah Coins’, in Bar-Kochva, Pseudo-Hecataeus, 255–70 (pp. 263–4).

555

Ibid. 265.

556

See Arnold Spaer, ‘Jaddua the High Priest?’, INJ 9 (1986–7), 1–3 and plate 2; Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’, 17; and Meshorer, ‘Addendum I’, 104–5, 115, and plate 17 no. 6.

557

Spaer, 1–3. According to Cross (‘Reconstruction’, 17), Yaddua II is in fact the Jaddua named in Neh. 12: 11, and a subsequent Yaddua, unnamed in the biblical record, should be posited as the one who met Alexander the Great towards the end of the fourth century BCE .

232

HIGH PRIESTHOOD IN THE PERSIAN PERIOD

priest, an assumption which Spaer justiﬁes by taking the Yoḥanan coin as proof that Judaean high priests issued coins in their own name.558 However, the dating of the high priest Jaddua (named in Neh. 12: 11) to the turn of the ﬁfth and fourth centuries and the addition of another, mid-to late fourth century Jaddua to the list in Neh. 12: 10–11 is entirely hypothetical; in fact, it is possible to make a case that the list of high priests is complete in its present form,559 thereby undermining any ideas which involve theoretical additions to the list. In addition, there is nothing to indicate that the Yaddua of the coin was a priest at all, let alone a high priest;560 and support for the notion that he was cannot be gained by citing the Yoḥanan coin as an example of a high-priestly issue, because, as was argued above, there is no proof that the Yoḥanan on the coin was a high priest either.561 Meshorer prefers to link the Yaddua of the coin to a later high priest who was in ofﬁce at the time of Alexander's conquest rather than at the turn of the century;562 but here again, there are difﬁculties. As already pointed out, there is no certainty that the man who issued the coin was in fact a high priest, but even if he were, the link with a high priest whose dates Meshorer follows Barag in giving as c.390–323 BCE is inconsistent with Meshorer's opinion that the Yoḥanan coin should be linked to a high priest of the mid-fourth century.563 Assuming that the Yaddua coin is one of the earliest of the Yehud series, which seems likely from its style, it would be dated to c.360 BCE, thus implying that whoever minted it was in ofﬁce at that time. If, then, the Yaddua who minted the coin is the high priest Yaddua who according to Meshorer was in ofﬁce at the time of Alexander's conquest, he must have been in ofﬁce from at least c.360 to 332 BCE. However, this is incompatible with the claim that the Yoḥanan of the Yoḥanan coin was a high priest of the mid-fourth century, since it would mean that Yoḥanan and Yaddua

558

Ibid. 3.

559

See VanderKam, ‘Jewish High Priests of the Persian Period’.

560

One factor which would seem to indicate that Yaddua was not a high priest is the head of Athena on the obverse of the coin. However ‘conventional’ the image might have become in terms of coin design (see Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’, 20), it seems unlikely that a Jewish high priest would be content to issue coins depicting the head of a pagan deity. However, such observations in themselves are necessarily inconclusive.

561

Equally inadmissible is Barag's use of the Yaddua coin as a precedent for high-priestly issue of coins (‘A Silver Coin’, 17).

562

Meshorer, ‘Addendum I’, 105.

563

Ibid. 104.

AFTER THE CANON

233

were both in (the same) ofﬁce at the same time. Meshorer gives no indication as to why he prefers to regard the later Yaddua as the issuing authority, or indeed as to when he would date the coin; both Barag and Spaer assume that the Yaddua coin precedes the Yoḥanan issue,564 a scenario which requires that extra names be added to the list of high priests if both coins are to have been issued under the authority of a high priest. In the end, it seems that there is insufﬁcient evidence at present to link the Yaddua coin with the high priesthood, since much of the argumentation in favour of such a link is effectively circular. That being the case, Bar-Kochva and Kindler's claim that concurrent issues of coinage by high priests and governors are not exceptional cannot be sustained. The paucity of evidence alone should be enough to prevent such wide-ranging extrapolations; out of the several hundred Yehud coins so far discovered and deciphered, only one has been published as bearing the legend YWḤNN HKWHN, and only one has been published as bearing the legend YDW. These can hardly be said to constitute un-exceptional issues. In addition, as has been shown, the attribution of any minting privileges to the high priest on the basis of the Yoḥanan and Yaddua coins is far from certain; in fact, such an attribution seems largely due to a preconceived notion of the high priest as a powerful ﬁgure of ofﬁcial government, a picture which is unsubstantiated from the literary sources so far examined for the Persian period. Of course, further coins may be discovered, or obscure legends on some of those presently available to scholarship may be deciphered or reinterpreted, so as to lend support to the idea of joint issues by governor and high priest, indeed, to the idea of highpriestly issues at all; but the present extent of evidence is simply insufﬁcient to serve as a legitimate basis for such farreaching conclusions. In the light of these concerns about the Yoḥanan and Yaddua issues, Barag's proposed link between the Yoḥanan coin and the Joannes–Jesus–Bagoses episode in Ant. xi. 297–301 needs careful examination. It was noted above that there are chronological difﬁculties with Josephus' presentation, and that, based on the characters now known to scholarship from the Elephantine papyri, the events described in Ant. xi. 297–301 could have taken 233

564

Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’, 17; Spaer, 3.

234

HIGH PRIESTHOOD IN THE PERSIAN PERIOD

place either in the late ﬁfth century or in the mid-fourth century.565 The dating of the Yoḥanan coin to the mid-fourth century would seem at ﬁrst sight to indicate that there was indeed a high priest of that name at that time, and would allow Josephus' account of the controversy to be linked with that Yoḥanan and therefore with Artaxerxes III's general Bagoses, rather than with the Bagohi and Johanan who are known from the Elephantine papyri. In Barag's words, ‘It seems therefore that Josephus had indeed access to some sources which preserved some valid information about the history of Judea and Samaria in the period between Nehemiah and the death of Alexander III of Macedon.’566 However, there are several difﬁculties with such an identiﬁcation. As argued above, it cannot be assumed that the Yoḥanan of the coin was a high priest, whereas the Joannes in Josephus is deﬁnitely a high priest. In the second place, there seems to be a huge discrepancy between the Yoḥanan who was in a position to issue coins and was supposedly of similar status to a provincial governor, indeed, might well have been a provincial governor, and the Temple-based Joannes who according to Josephus was overridden decisively by another Persian ofﬁcial and was unable to retaliate. The Joannes pictured in the squabble over the high priesthood hardly seems to possess the gravitas appropriate to the Yoḥanan of the coin, who would have been the equivalent of a provincial governor. But perhaps most pertinent is the question why, if the Joannes depicted in Josephus as high priest was indeed a mid-fourth-century provincial governor, and he killed his brother who had support from another Persian ofﬁcial to be Joannes' replacement, Joannes himself was not, according to Josephus, branded a rebel and removed from ofﬁce. This is especially pertinent in view of the fact that Barag attempts to link the controversy with the mid-fourth-century Tennes rebellion, on the grounds that the punishment exacted by Bagoses for frustration of his plan involved the whole nation rather than the high priest himself, and was therefore a response to a province-wide situation.567 It seems inconceivable that Joannes

565

Grabbe, ‘Josephus and the Reconstruction’, 234–5, points out that the Bagoses of Josephus' account could also be an otherwise unknown individual, although this seems the least likely option of the three. It also gives no indication at all of a possible dating for the episode.

566

Barag, ‘A Silver Coin’, 15.

567

Ibid. 14–15. A link between the controversy and the Tennes rebellion is also suggested by Williamson (‘Historical Value’, 66).

AFTER THE CANON

235

should have been allowed to continue in ofﬁce until his death (cf. Ant. xi. 302), if he had been entrusted not only with the provincial governorship but with authority from the Persian king to mint coins in his own name, and yet had effectively rejected the authority of the Persian ofﬁcial Bagoses, who appears as Joannes' superior, at a time of great tension in the area when such an act could easily be interpreted as rebellion and therefore as a threat to Persian imperial security. The fact that Joannes apparently remained in ofﬁce, despite the evident offence caused to Bagoses by his indiscretion, indicates that he can hardly have been regarded as a serious threat to imperial security. The conclusion from this is that either the incident took place at a time when there were no serious concerns over security in that part of the empire, or Joannes was not a governor, which meant that his actions were relatively insigniﬁcant in terms of imperial stability, or both. None of these options is compatible with the attempt to link him with the Yoḥanan of the coin, since the man of the coin would have been an inﬂuential individual in the mid-fourth century, at a time when there was unrest and rebellion in the western parts of the Persian empire. It therefore seems much more probable that the controversy described by Josephus was an example of internal power politics and family feuding which cannot sensibly be linked with the Yoḥanan of the coin. In the light of this discussion, it is possible to return to the question of dating for the Joannes–Jesus–Bagoses incident in Josephus. Although the failure to sustain the link between that incident and the Yoḥanan coin does not automatically give a positive indication about the dating of the incident, the status of the characters as outlined above does seem to point to a situation in which Bagoses is superior to Joannes and Joannes' position in the Persian administration is less signiﬁcant than that of a governor. Under these circumstances, with the present state of available knowledge, it seems more natural to link the incident with the characters known from the Elephantine papyri and therefore to date it to the late ﬁfth century BCE, rather than identifying it as part of the turbulence of the mid-fourth century. If, as argued above, the Yoḥanan on the coin is a fourth-century governor-ﬁgure who is not the high priest, then in order to link the Joannes–Jesus–Bagoses incident with the fourth century it is necessary to assume that there was also a contemporary high priest

236

HIGH PRIESTHOOD IN THE PERSIAN PERIOD

by the name of Yoḥanan who is the Joannes referred to by Josephus (which seems highly unlikely). It is also necessary to explain how Bagoses the royal general and outsider came to be involved in Judaean internal politics and to impose additional taxation on the Temple sacriﬁces as if no other governor existed, when Yoḥanan the governor was supposedly in ofﬁce. D. R. Schwartz also notes that there is no other known connection of the fourth-century general Bagoses with the province of Judah,568 a fact which once again militates against locating the incident at a time when that Bagoses was active. However, the picture which appears in Ant. xi. 297–301 of Joannes and Bagoses and their relative positions seems thoroughly compatible with what is known from the Elephantine papyri of the ﬁfth-century characters Yoḥanan and Bagohi, even to the extent that Bagohi the governor overrides Yoḥanan in a cultic matter, namely Yoḥanan's refusal to assist the Elephantine Jews in the rebuilding of their temple. This is precisely what happens in Josephus' narrative, where Bagoses single-handedly imposes a tax on the sacriﬁcial lambs offered in the Temple without any reference to Joannes, indeed, in virtual opposition to him.569 It therefore seems much more likely that what Josephus reports is an incident which took place at the end of the ﬁfth century, involving the characters who are known from the Elephantine papyri. The signiﬁcance of all this for the position of the high priesthood in the later Persian period can now be summarized. By his story of conﬂict between two priestly brothers and a Persian ofﬁcial at the end of the ﬁfth century, Josephus conﬁrms the picture of the high priesthood which was obtained from the canonical sources for the earlier Persian period, namely, that at that period the high priest was a cultic ofﬁcial who was subordinate to the provincial governor. The evidence for the position of the high priest during the remainder of the Persian period is more indirect, consisting of the named issues of the Yehud coins. The Yeḥezqiyah and

568

D. R. Schwartz, ‘On Some Papyri’, 194.

569

Morgenstern, followed by Marcus, draws a link between Bagoses' tax on the lambs offered in the Jerusalem Temple, and his permission given to the Elephantine Jews to rebuild their temple but only to offer cereal offerings there without animal sacriﬁces. See Morgenstern, ‘Supplementary Studies in the Calendars of Ancient Israel’, HUCA 10 (1935), 1–148 (p. 127 and n. 206); Ralph Marcus, Josephus, VI: Jewish Antiquities Books IX–XI, LCL (London: William Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1937; repr. 1958), 499–504.

AFTER THE CANON

237

Yoḥanan coins were struck around the middle of the fourth century by high-ranking individuals within the province; Yeḥezqiyah is called ‘governor’ on some of his coins, and the similarity in design of the Yoḥanan coin to the Yeḥezqiyah issues implies that Yoḥanan too was of equivalent rank. The Yaddua coin is somewhat earlier than the Yeḥezqiyah and Yoḥanan issues and bears no description of its originator's precise status, but once again it seems reasonable to assume that the coin was minted by an individual of high rank within the province. The attempts to link Yeḥezqiyah with a late fourth-century supposed high priest Ezekias mentioned in Ag. Ap. i. 187, and similar attempts to link Yoḥanan with the high priest Joannes of Ant. xi. 297–301, have been shown to be untenable, as have the attempts to link Yaddua too with a high priest, whether a hypothetical early fourth-century Yaddua or the late Persian/ early Macedonian Yaddua of Ant. xi. 302, 326, 347. This implies that in the later part of the Persian period the civil administration of the province was still undertaken by the governor, who was a different individual from the high priest. This in turn would indicate that there had been no signiﬁcant change in the status of the high priest in terms of him becoming governor of the province, and so the ﬁnal conclusion is that throughout the Persian period the high priest continued to function and to have signiﬁcance in the purely cultic capacity which had been his from the Restoration.

238

PART III: SUMMARY

Part III: Summary The evidence from the sources for the Persian period is consistent in its picture of the high priesthood in Jerusalem, and indicates that throughout the period the high priest's authority in the community was conﬁned to matters concerning the Temple and cult. For the Restoration period, Haggai and Zechariah both show Joshua the high priest along with the Davidide Zerubbabel, but ultimately their hopes are placed in Zerubbabel for leadership and restoration in the community; although Zechariah gives more prominence than Haggai to Joshua the high priest, each pictures a return to the previous monarchic norms rather than a hierocratic society where Joshua the priest is ruler. Ezra and Nehemiah show that by the mid-ﬁfth century hopes of an imminent Davidic restoration had faded, presumably under the harsh political reality of Persian domination and the fading from prominence of the Davidic line which was its corollary; however, the disappearance of the Davidides was not balanced by a corresponding rise in the high priest's civil importance, and he remains in the arena of cultic responsibility whilst Persian-appointed governors are responsible for the province's day-to-day administration. This picture seems to be conﬁrmed by the Elephantine papyri, which show Judah's Persian governor Bagohi rather than the high priest Johanan as the one who is ultimately able to authorize rebuilding of the Elephantine temple; and the same relative status of governor and high priest is reﬂected in Ant. xi. 297–301, where Bagohi (here called Bagoses) imposes a tax on sacriﬁcial lambs as retribution for Johanan's (Joannes') murder of his brother Jesus, Bagoses' friend, in the Temple. A little later on, the Chronicler, writing some time during the fourth century, gives no more indication of the over-arching importance of a high priest in the Judaean community than do Ezra and Nehemiah, despite laying great stress on the Temple and describing its ceremonial and its personnel in accordance with contemporary cultic practice. In particular, the Levites

PART III: SUMMARY

239

are given a very high proﬁle, whereas in DH, which was evidently an important source for Chr., they do not even exist as a cultic class in the same way. If the Chronicler felt free to alter his own portrayal of the Levites from that given in DH and to present them as they appeared in his own day, with a much higher proﬁle than they have in DH, the same could also have been done in other such cases. In particular, if the power and inﬂuence of the contemporary high priest had been signiﬁcantly greater than that of the chief priests portrayed in DH, there seems to be no reason why, within the limitations of the monarchic subject matter, the chief priests in Chr. should not have been given a much higher proﬁle in comparison to the rather subdued picture of them given in DH. This is especially true in the light of Chr.'s strong preoccupation with the Temple as the focus of the community, and the equally strong link between the Temple and the chief and high priests. But no such emphasis appears in Chr.; the chief priests are shown with the same kind of restricted authority as they are in DH. Finally, from the named issues of the Yehud coins which date from the middle of the fourth century, it can be argued that in the later Persian period the highest authorities in the province, to whom the right to mint coins was devolved, were not high priests but governors. The natural conclusion from this is that the high priest continued to be limited in his importance and inﬂuence throughout the period of Persian domination, not only by the presence of the Persian governors mentioned above, but also by the lack of any concept that the high priesthood could be an appropriate successor to the Davidic line as the focus of identity, leadership, and hope for the people of Judah. The ﬁnal stage of the investigation is therefore to move on to an examination of the Greek period, to see if there is any more evidence for the growth of the high priesthood's civil power under the Ptolemies and Seleucids than there is under the Persians.

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Part IV High Priesthood from Alexander to Pompey

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10 The Hidden Years: High Priesthood Under the Ptolemies This fourth and ﬁnal stage of the investigation of high priesthood consists of an examination of the sources for the Hellenistic period from Alexander to Pompey. In terms of events in Judah, the Hellenistic period falls into three main divisions: from the Macedonian conquest to the end of Ptolemaic rule (332–200 BCE); from the Seleucid conquest of Judah to the end of the Maccabean rebellion as described in 1 Maccabees (198–134 BCE); and from the establishment of the Hasmonean dynasty to the Roman conquest of Judah (134–63 BCE). This chapter will begin the examination of the Hellenistic period with a discussion of what is one of the most poorly documented segments in Judaean history, namely the Macedonian and Ptolemaic periods, which together run from Alexander's conquest to the end of Ptolemaic rule in Palestine. The period as a whole falls into two sections. The ﬁrst section, from 332 to 301 BCE, was effectively a time of transition from Persian to Greek rule, and for these years the sources consist of some of the later Yehud coins and an account of the Jewish constitution which was written by the Greek historian Hecataeus of Abdera, quoted by Diodorus Siculus (ﬁrst century BCE), and has been preserved via the preservation of Diodorus' quotation in the Bibliotheca of Photius (ninth century CE). No contemporary Jewish literary evidence is extant. The second section consists of the time from the establishment of Ptolemaic rule in 301 BCE to Seleucid conquest in 200 BCE, and here again the source material is meagre. Josephus' coverage of the period is uneven, and the sources which supplement his account in any relevant fashion for present purposes are scanty. For the time of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (283–246 BCE) there are a number of Egyptian papyri including those known as the Zeno papyri, which provide information on the general administrative machinery of the Ptolemaic empire with one or two

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speciﬁcs on the province of Syria and Phoenicia of which Palestine was a part; and for the mid- to late Ptolemaic period there are two Jewish documents to be considered, the pseudepigraphical Letter of Aristeas (which Josephus paraphrases in large part in his own account) and the Wisdom of Ben Sira, in both of which the high priest ﬁgures reasonably prominently. The task is therefore to attempt to piece together a coherent picture of the high priesthood during this period from sources which leave much to be desired in terms of the information which they offer. Hellenistic domination came to Judah with Alexander's conquest of Palestine in 332 BCE, but following the conquest there is no deﬁnite information about provincial administration during the remainder of the fourth century. This is no doubt largely due to the great instability of the two decades following Alexander's death in 322 BCE, during which control of Palestine passed back and forth in a sovereignty dispute between Ptolemy I of Egypt and Antigonus Monophthalmus of Asia Minor, until Ptolemy ﬁnally prevailed. However, certain issues of the Yehud coins have been assigned to these early years of Greek rule; if the assignation is correct, it implies that existing policy in the province was allowed to continue, as well hinting at a certain amount of local autonomy —an unsurprising state of affairs in view of the political turmoil which doubtless existed throughout those turbulent years. There are two of the Yehud coin issues which have been assigned to the period 332–301 BCE. The ﬁrst, and by far the more important for present purposes, is a type of Yeḥezqiyah coin which on the obverse has a proﬁle head and on the reverse the protome of a winged lynx together with the legend YḤZQYH (Yeḥezqiyah).570 Unlike the Yeḥezqiyah issues discussed previously,

570

Mildenberg, ‘Provincial Coinage’, 188–9; Bar-Kochva and Kindler, 256–63. By contrast, Meshorer rejects the Macedonian dating of these coins, and instead regards both these and the Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ issues as belonging to the end of the Persian period (Ancient Jewish Coinage, 17, 34), although he does assign some of the cruder examples of the Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ types to the period immediately following the Macedonian conquest (ibid., 20–1). (Meshorer's ‘crudely styled’ type no. 11 (ibid., 21) is in fact what is now generally acknowledged to be the coin of Yoḥanan the priest, an identiﬁcation with which Meshorer himself concurs; see ‘Addendum I’, 104.) It should be noted that Bar-Kochva and Kindler's representation of Meshorer's position on the Yeḥezqiyah coins is inaccurate. They claim that on p. 13 of Ancient Jewish Coinage, Meshorer himself classiﬁes the non-titled Yeḥezqiyah issues under the heading ‘during the Macedonian occupation’ (p. 265 n. 3). However, rather than stating his own opinion at that point, Meshorer is quoting Mildenberg's classiﬁcation as a starting point for the subsequent discussion. In the same note, they attribute to Rappaport the opinion that all the Yeḥezqiyah types belong to the Persian period, whereas Rappaport makes no deﬁnitive statement as to where he considers the Yeḥezqiyah name-only types to belong (see Rappaport, 6, 16).

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no other legend or title apart from the name appears on the coins. The second type assigned to these years, speciﬁcally to the Macedonian period, is one for which the obverse design is obscure, but the reverse has a bird walking right with its head turned back, and a legend which Meshorer reconstructs as YHWDH (Yehudah).571 However, Meshorer seems to be the only scholar to assign this issue to the Macedonian period, and even if his dating is correct the coin type offers no clue as to provincial structures or administrative ofﬁcials in Judah, apart from pointing to the obvious conclusion that coins were still being minted there. The Yeḥezqiyah type by contrast gives the name of the individual who was the minting authority for the coin and so by implication the head of the province. He is presumably the same person whose name appeared on the late Persian period issues; however, the lack of any title for Yeḥezqiyah is noteworthy, especially in the light of the earlier Yeḥezqiyah issues which included the title happeḥâ, and precisely what the omission signiﬁes is uncertain. Mildenberg suggests that the absence of the Persian term is due to Yeḥezqiyah's dependence on a new overlord,572 whereas Rappaport suggests that the change in the images used on the coins did not allow enough room to insert both Yeḥezqiyah's name and his title.573 Perhaps the most that can be said about Yeḥezqiyah's status is that he was not a high priest. This has already been argued for the person named on the Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ issues, and will naturally also apply to the person named on the later Yeḥezqiyah issues if both are assumed to be the same person. However, even if the two Yeḥezqiyahs are different men, the principal considerations already advanced against Yeḥezqiyah happeḥâ being a high priest, and speciﬁcally the ﬁgure named in Ag. Ap. i. 187, would still apply to his namesake on the later coins.574

571

Ancient Jewish Coinage, 14–15, 20. Mildenberg had assigned this type to the Persian period as one of the earliest Yehud issues (‘Provincial Coinage’, 186, n. 23, 192 and plate 21 nos. 2 and 3).

572

Mildenberg, ‘Provincial Coinage’, 188.

573

Rappaport, 6.

574

Although Yeḥezqiyah's title is not speciﬁed on the coins, to regard him as a high priest would require that both civil and religious authority were invested in the same individual, and as already noted, there is no evidence for such a combination. A possible argument in favour of identifying this Yeḥezqiyah with Ezekias would be a chronological one: if the untitled Yeḥezqiyah coins were indeed struck some time during the period 332–301 BCE , then they could be contemporary with Ezekias the priest. However, this in itself is no basis on which to posit an historical connection between Yeḥezqiyah and Ezekias, especially since the historicity of the Ezekias character as he appears in Josephus has been shown to be dubious. See the discussion in Ch. 9 above on the later Persian period.

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HIGH PRIESTHOOD FROM ALEXANDER TO POMPEY

The other piece of evidence which is of relevance for this early and obscure period is the excerpt from the writings of Hecataeus of Abdera, preserved in Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, 40. 3. 1–8, a passage which is itself preserved only in Photius, Bibliotheca, 244. The Hecataean excerpt describes the foundation and constitution of the Jewish people and is the earliest known such description in Greek literature. Very little is known about Hecataeus, but it appears that he was active during the last decades of the fourth century, had received a philosophical education, and had connections with the court of Ptolemy I, possibly as an ambassador or a court writer.575 He wrote at least three major works, and others have been attributed to him, although with varying degrees of certainty. The best-preserved of his works is an ethnography known as the Aegyptiaca,576 or Egyptian Matters, which is a description of the origins, history, culture, customs and religion of the Egyptians, and it seems likely that the fragment referring to the Jews which is preserved in Diodorus, also ethnographic in character, was originally a part of this work. The fragment describes how the Jews were driven out from Egypt, and under the leadership of Moses colonized the deserted area of Judaea; Moses is said to have founded Jerusalem, established the Temple and worship, given the laws and the political constitution, and organized the twelve-tribe system (40. 3. 3).577 He is also said to have instituted arrangements for education of the young men and for warfare (40. 3. 8), and for child-rearing, marriage, and burial rites (40. 3. 8). However, the most important part of the fragment for present purposes is its description of the role of the priests, who are said to have been chosen by Moses on the grounds of their ability and put in charge of the nation; their function is to attend to the Temple worship, to be judges in major disputes, and to be guardians of the laws and customs (40. 3. 4–5). The fragment continues:

575

Oswyn Murray, ‘Hecataeus of Abdera and Pharaonic Kingship’, JEA 56 (1970), 141–71 (pp. 142–3); Sterling, 59–60; Bar-Kochva, 7–8.

576

The precise title of the work is not known. Two suggestions have been made by modern scholarship as to what it might have been, of which Aegyptiaca is one. The other title sometimes used is Peri tōn Aegyptiōn, or On the Egyptians. See Bar-Kochva, 9 n. 9.

577

The numerical references are those which apply to the passage as it appears in Diodorus, since this is the standard way of referencing it.

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.578 For this reason the Jews never have a king, and authority over the people is regularly vested in whichever priest is regarded as superior to his colleagues in wisdom and virtue. They call this man the high priest, and believe that he acts as a messenger to them of God's commandments. It is he, we are told, who in their assemblies and other gatherings announces what is ordained, and the Jews are so docile in such matters that straightway they fall to the ground and do reverence to the high priest when he expounds the commandments to them. (40. 3. 5–6; trans. F. R. Walton, LCL) It is evident from this that the fragment is highly signiﬁcant for a discussion of the position of the high priest in fourthcentury Judah. If Hecataeus' description is at all accurate, then it could be interpreted as contemporary testimony that the Jewish community was ruled by its high priest; and indeed, various scholars have interpreted it in precisely that fashion. Tcherikover, for example, took it to indicate that after the Macedonian conquest there was no other ofﬁcial governing ﬁgure in Judah apart from the high priest;579 Stern, too, remarks that Hecataeus was inﬂuenced in his presentation by the contemporary situation in Judaea.580 However, both Mendels and Sterling note that there is no evidence to substantiate an interpretation of the passage as a reﬂection of the historical reality in fourth-century Judah,581 and certainly the evident idiosyncrasies of the fragment in other respects, such as the

578

The Greek text is taken from Stern, 26–7.

579

Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilisation and the Jews, 58–9. This interpretation, which is followed by Rappaport, 6, is based on the understanding of the phrase προστασία του̑ πλήθους (‘authority over the people’) as a technical term for the representation of the people to the overlord. However, Bar-Kochva rightly disputes this understanding (BarKochva, 297).

580

Stern, 21, 31. See also Gager, Moses in Greco-Roman Paganism, SBL Monograph Series, 16 (Nashville and New York: Abingdon Press, 1972), 33; Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian, 173.

581

Doron Mendels, ‘Hecataeus of Abdera and a Jewish “patrios politeia” of the Persian Period (Diodorus Siculus XL,3)’, ZAW 95 (1983), 96–110 (p. 97); Sterling, 79.

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picture of Moses as founder of Jerusalem and the Temple (40. 3. 3) and the statement that the Jews never have a king (40. 3. 5), should serve as a warning against simply taking Hecataeus' picture at face value. The nature of the idiosyncrasies has given rise to many scholarly treatments of the fragment as an interpretatio Graeca of Jewish history and institutions, in other words a presentation of Jewish material in terms which would have been comprehensible to a Greek audience from their own cultural standpoint;582 and certainly, the Greek elements in the passage are undeniable. For example, Moses is pictured as the illustrious leader of a group which effectively colonized the uninhabited land of Judaea (40. 3. 2–3);583 his own exceptional personal qualities and those of the colony he founded are expressed in terms of concepts borrowed from Greek philosophy;584 and the priests (including the high priest), who are designated as leaders of the people, are chosen for their virtue and ability to lead rather than simply being an hereditary group (40. 3. 4, 5)—in the words of Sterling, ‘a good Platonic politeia’.585 Indeed, Bar-Kochva appeals to the presence of these Greek elements as a way of relieving the apparent glaring discrepancies between Hecataeus' presentation and the accepted Jewish tradition.586 However, this in itself raises a query over how Hecataeus' presentation should be viewed in terms of actual historical information. Scholars such as Bar-Kochva have pleaded for the general accuracy of Hecataeus' representation on the grounds that he has a core of basic information which corresponds to accepted elements in Jewish tradition;587 but this is an unacceptable plea, because it is evident from even a cursory reading of the passage that, although it undoubtedly does have points of contact with Jewish tradition, a good deal of the information has been

582

Werner Jaeger, ‘Greeks and Jews: The First Records of Jewish Religion and Civilization’, JR 18 (1938), 127–43 (pp. 140–3); Murray, 158; Mendels, 97; Sterling, 79; BarKochva, 29–35, 43.

583

Stern, 29–30.

584

Gager, Moses, 29–34; Louis H. Feldman, Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 234–6. As Feldman remarks, ‘It is clear that Hecataeus looked on Moses as a philosopher-king’ (p. 234).

585

Sterling, 80. This picture of ruling priests is paralleled in the situation in Egypt itself, and in the utopian states of Panchaia and Euhemerus which appear in Diodorus Siculus 5. 45. 4–5. See Stern, 31, 32; Feldman, 236.

586

Bar-Kochva, 25–8.

587

Murray is one who states that Hecataeus' information ‘is remarkable for its general accuracy’ (p. 158).

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presented in a way which gives quite a different picture from that which is given by the tradition itself. Accuracy resides not simply in bare data but in the interpretation and presentation of data; Hecataeus' awareness that the Jews lived in Judaea and Jerusalem, were founded as a nation by a man called Moses who gave them their law-code, did not have images of their deity, and had a Temple and priesthood with a high priest, is no basis on which to attribute to him general accuracy. If there were no corresponding Jewish sources with which to compare Hecataeus' account, the picture of the Jews' origins and customs which would be gained from it would be quite different from the one which is commonly accepted. And if that is true for the features which can be compared with the biblical record and with other sources of evidence about Jewish tradition, belief, and practice, there seems to be no justiﬁcation for simply accepting at face value the elements for which there is no such material to act as a control. The picture of the position of the high priest is just such an element; there is no other contemporary source with which to compare it, either to conﬁrm or to contradict the picture. Hence, given the interpretative freedom with which it is evident that Hecataeus treated other aspects of Jewish tradition and practice, his account of the high priesthood should not simply be accepted as historically accurate, because there is no way of telling whether or not it is. Another major issue to be considered in deciding how the fragment should be interpreted is the source of Hecataeus' information on the Jews. There is no evidence that he ever visited Judah himself,588 and indeed, in the account of the Jews' reaction to the high priest expounding the commandments, Hecataeus qualiﬁes his report by structuring the whole sentence as reported speech dependent upon the word φησίν, ‘it is said’ (40. 3. 6). This clearly implies that he did not have ﬁrst-hand knowledge of what he was describing, but was dependent upon informants of some kind. The most usual suggestion is that he gained his knowledge from Egyptian Jewry, possibly those of priestly descent.589 In that

588

Feldman, 8–9.

589

Jaeger, 139; Murray, 158; Sterling, 79; Bar-Kochva, 28. Gager, Moses, 37, and Louis H. Feldman and Meyer Reinhold (eds.), Jewish Life and Thought among Greeks and Romans: Primary Readings (Edinburgh: T. ' T. Clark, 1996), 8, assume an Egyptian Jewish source of information which was not necessarily priestly; Mendels argues that the ideology of the passage originated from Judaean priestly circles, but was transmitted orally to Hecataeus in Egypt (p. 109).

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case, however, it would only be natural that his informants should speak of the high priest as their leader, and would not mention any other system of government or provincial administrators appointed by a foreign overlord.590 As members of the Jewish Diaspora, the identity of Hecataeus' informants would be linked not to a Judaean governor or other ﬁgure of foreign provincial administration (whether or not that ﬁgure was Jewish), but to the Temple and its ritual and to the religious authorities in Jerusalem. It is therefore more realistic to regard the basis of the passage as an expression of Diaspora priestly self-deﬁnition than as a reﬂection of an historical reality whereby the high priest was the political leader in late fourth-century Judah. As it stands, therefore, Hecataeus' account cannot be used as evidence that by the end of the fourth century BCE the high priest had become the political head of the Jewish people, because there are too many question marks over its historical reliability. Hence, it is necessary to move on into the third century, in order to see whether or not the later sources indicate that the position of the high priest changed as the effects of Ptolemaic rule made themselves felt. The Ptolemaic period in Judah can only properly be said to have begun after Ptolemy I gained ﬁnal possession of Coele-Syria in 301 BCE, and Ptolemaic rule was fully established in the region. The Yehud coinage continued to be minted for about twenty years after that, although the designs changed to Ptolemaic symbols (the Ptolemaic eagle; likenesses of Ptolemy I and his queen Berenice), and the Hebrew spelling YHDH (Yehudah) for the name of the province appeared instead of YHD on some issues.591 There are no further examples of coins bearing the names of local minting authorities, such as the Yeḥezqiyah issues discussed above. Eventually, however, the local coinage ceased to be minted and was replaced by centralized Ptolemaic issues. This clearly implies that Judah was brought under stricter administrative control than had been the case up to that point, a conclusion supported by the available documentary evidence which dates from the mid-third century.

590

Bar-Kochva, 297–8.

591

Mildenberg, ‘Provincial Coinage’, 189–90, 195–6, and plate 22. Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, 17–20, argues that no Yehud coins were struck during the reign of Ptolemy I, but that the Ptolemaic issues belong to the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphus.

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The Ptolemaic administration was notorious for its multilayered bureaucracy. Although the majority of extant information comes from material referring to Egypt itself, a number of papyri have survived which refer to Syria and Phoenicia, the province of which Palestine in general and Judah in particular were a part. Probably the major source for information on the overall administrative situation in Syria and Phoenicia is the Rainer papyrus 24552,592 which is dated to 261 BCE, and together with hints from other sources it enables a picture to be built up of the way in which the area was governed. The Greek historian Polybius (c.208–c.126 BCE) speaks of a military chief for Syria and Phoenicia as a whole who was known as the στρατηγός (stratēgos, ‘general’),593 and from the Rainer papyrus, which deals with the registration of taxable ﬂocks and slaves, it apppears that the province had an overall ﬁnancial ofﬁcer, referred to periphrastically as του̑ διοικου̑ντος τὰς κατὰ Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην προσόδους (‘the administrator of the revenues for Syria and Phoenicia’, col. 2 line 18). In addition to these overall ﬁgures there were various other ofﬁcials. The province was apparently subdivided into a number of hyparchies, as indicated by the phrase ἐν ἑκάστηι ὑπαρχɛίαι (en hekastēi hyparcheiai, ‘in each hyparchy’—col. 1 line 1; col. 1 line 37–col. 2 line 1); Hengel indicates that the designation Judaia (Judah) would probably have referred to a hyparchy.594 Each hyparchy had an

592

Published as no. 8008 (pp. 156–8) in F. Preisigke, F. Bilabel, and E. Kiessling (eds.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Ägypten, v, (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1955). The document has been edited with detailed comment by H. Liebesny, ‘Ein Erlass des Königs Ptolemaios II Philadelphos über die Deklaration von Vieh und Sklaven in Syrien und Phönikien (PER Inv. Nr. 24.552 gr.)’, Aegyptus, 16 (1936), 257–91.

593

Polybius v. 40. 1 mentions Θɛόδοτος ὁ τɛtauαγμένος ἐπὶ K οίλης Συρίας (‘Theodotus the one appointed over Coele-Syria’) in about 220 BCE , and v. 87. 6 refers to τὸν ʼ A νδρόμαχον . . . στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ πάντων τ-ν προɛιρημένων τόπων (‘Andromachus . . . the stratēgos over all the aforementioned places’, i.e. Coele-Syria) after the battle of Raphia in 217 BCE . Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilisation and the Jews, argues that there is no evidence from the sources for a special governor of the province, and suggests that the area was managed directly from Alexandria (pp. 60–2); he also suggests that the stratēgoi mentioned by Polybius could have been military commanders who were granted authority in a time of emergency rather than permanent ofﬁcials (pp. 428–9 n. 60). However, R. S. Bagnall, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions outside Egypt, CSCT 4 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976), 15–16, remarks of Theodotus that there is no direct evidence for his having been governor of the whole of Syria and Phoenicia, but also regards it as ‘not unlikely’ that there should have been such a general governorship, given that the whole area came under the jurisdiction of a single ofﬁcial for the purposes of ﬁnancial supervision.

594

Martin Hengel, Judentum und Hellenismus, 2. Auﬂage, WUNT 10 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1973), 36–7 (ET Judaism and Hellenism, trans. John Bowden, 2 vols. (London: SCM Press, 1974), i. 20–1).

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οἰκονόμος (oikonomos) who, judging from the subject matter of the papyrus, would probably have been its ﬁnancial chief,595 and although papyrus 24552 does not mention the ofﬁce of ὕπαρχος (hyparchos), the term ὑπάρχωι (hyparchọi) appears in a fragment from the Zeno archives preserved in the British Library.596 Mention of the ὕπαρχος(hyparchos) implies that at the level of the hyparchy the same division between military and ﬁnancial responsibility was observed as at provincial level, with the ὕπαρχος (hyparchos) as military leader and the οἰκονόμος (oikonomos) as ﬁnancial chief. A third administrative subdivision is also evident from papyrus 24552, namely that of κώμαι (kōmai, ‘villages’), each of which was presided over or otherwise under the responsibility of a κωμάρχης (kōmarchēs, col. 1 line 18). Again, the subject matter of the papyrus suggests that the Syro-Phoenician κωμάρχης (kōmarchēs) had responsibilities in the areas of ﬁnance and taxation, whereas Liebesny suggests that at this period the komarch's Egyptian counterpart would have had more to do with public administration (policing, irrigation, seed distribution, and so on) than with ﬁnancial administration.597 The question is, of course, whether this particular form of bureaucratic control was also exercised over the hyparchy of Judah, or whether it was treated as a ‘temple state’ and so dealt with somewhat differently. Certainly the evidence suggests that the Ptolemaic administration was familiar with temples and with their associated administrative structures; after all, the Egyptian temples and clergy had been powerful and inﬂuential for centuries before

595

Unfortunately the two mentions of the οἰκονόμος (oikonomos ) in this papyrus are both restorations of damaged text. However, the ofﬁce of οἰκονόμος (oikonomos ) is well attested elsewhere, and the restorations ﬁt the lacunae and make sense in the context, so it is possible to be fairly conﬁdent of the reconstruction. The ofﬁces of διοικητής (dioikētēs ) and οἰκονόμος (oikonomos ) are both attested on a Greek inscription found near the ancient Scythopolis, which dates from the end of the third century BCE . For details, see Y. H. Landau, ‘A Greek Inscription Found near Hefzibah’, IEJ 16 (1966), 54–70.

596

Published in T. C. Skeat (ed.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum, VII: The Zenon Archive (London: British Museum Publications, 1974), 238–9. Zeno was the agent of the Egyptian ﬁnance minister Apollonius, and in this capacity he made a tour of all the territories of Palestine and southern Syria in 259 BCE . His archives contain documentation referring to the tour, as well as continued correspondence with some of the individuals he encountered on the way. The above-mentioned fragment referring to the ὕπαρχος (hyparchos ) can be assumed to belong to the period of Zeno's Palestinian journeying rather than being documentation of his duties in Egypt, because the administrative unit in Egypt was the νόμος (nomos, ‘nome’) rather than the ὑπαρχɛία (hyparcheia ).

597

Liebesny, 267–8.

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Ptolemaic times, inasmuch as the gods were the true masters of the land,598 and ‘religion was not a separate category of thought in ancient Egypt, but pervaded every aspect of society and culture.’599 Some of the larger temples had vast amounts of land together with hundreds of cultic and non-cultic staff carrying out every conceivable task to enable the whole enterprise to be run as a self-supporting estate. The high priest of the god Amon-Re was the most powerful religious ofﬁcial in Egypt and, as a member of the inner circle of royal advisers, proved a signiﬁcant political competitor for the royal power; in fact, from about 1075 BCE this high priesthood gained control of Upper Egypt.600 But despite—or maybe because of—their importance in the overall structure and administration of Egypt, these temples were not left to their own devices by the Ptolemies; it seems that a ﬁnancial ofﬁcer (ἐπιστάτης, epistatēs) would be appointed to oversee each temple's lands and ﬁnances.601 Thus the Ptolemies ensured that every part of the society, in which they were outsiders and so perforce concerned about the loyalty of their subjects (particularly the inﬂuential ones), was covered by some sort of ofﬁcial monitoring process. If this was so in Egypt, it would surely also be the case for an important border zone like Palestine, which was the buffer between Ptolemaic Egypt and the Seleucid empire, and through which ran trade and caravan routes so essential for the Ptolemaic policy of strengthening Egypt's economy to its maximum level of efﬁciency and proﬁt.602 Temple state or no, it would be unthinkable to leave Judah at the heart of this strategic area without some kind of monitoring. However, despite these speculations, it is not quite so easy to determine the precise position of the high priesthood under Ptolemaic domination. Part of the difﬁculty is that there is no information about the high priesthood from papyri; the only sources of information are Josephus and the Jewish works already mentioned. This in itself, whilst by no means a conclusive argument because of the random way in which sources such as papyri

598

M. Rostovtzeff, A Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1941; re-issued 1986), i. 266.

599

William A. Ward, ‘Temples and Sanctuaries: Egypt’, in ABD vi. 369–72 (p. 369).

600

Ibid. 371.

601

Hengel, 45 (ET i. 24).

602

Ibid. 45–6 (ET i. 24); H. Jagersma, A History of Israel from Alexander the Great to Bar Kochba, trans. John Bowden (London: SCM Press, 1985), 23.

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are preserved, is nevertheless worth bearing in mind, especially when the obviously wealthy and inﬂuential individual Tobias is mentioned several times in the Zeno archive.603 The normal pattern for legitimate holders of the high-priestly ofﬁce during the Ptolemaic period seems to have been one of hereditary succession as had previously been the case, and there is no evidence of any interference on the part of Ptolemaic ofﬁcials to alter the pattern; in other words, appointment of high priests remained a matter internal to the Judaean Jewish community. The list given in Nehemiah 12 of high priests down to Alexander's conquest of Palestine was mentioned above, and this is quite clearly a list of members of the same family. Speaking of two or three generations later, Josephus, who is the only source for the high priests of the Ptolemaic period, states (Ant. xii. 43–4) that Eleazar the high priest was the brother of the high priest Simon I, son of Onias I, and that Eleazar had attained the high priesthood on Simon's death because Simon's son Onias (II) was only an infant. Later on (Ant. xii. 157) Josephus claims that Eleazar was succeeded by his uncle Manasses, after the death of whom Onias II ﬁnally took up the ofﬁce. Upon his death Onias II was succeeded by his son Simon (II), who in turn left it to his son Onias (III) (Ant. xii. 224–5). Josephus' own source for the information is obscure, although in Ant. xx. 261 he intimates that he has followed a written record of the high priests (ἀναγραφήν, anagraphēn) for the whole period of his history; however, it does seem from Josephus' presentation that the normal expectation was for the high priesthood to be given to the eldest son or to the next closest relative of the previous high priest, and that succession occurred only on the death of the incumbent. This impression is borne out by the fact that the exceptions to that procedure which occurred later on at the beginning of the second century were either the root or the symptom of controversy and unrest among the Jewish people, not least because they came about as a result of interference by the ruling Seleucid power in the Jewish community's internal affairs, contrary to the earlier

603

The papyri in which Tobias is mentioned are published in Victor Tcherikover and Alexander Fuks (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, 3 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957–64), i (1957), 115–29. The papyri record that one of Tobias' men sold Zeno a slave girl; Tobias himself apparently provided provender and beasts of burden for Zeno's party; Tobias sent a gift of four slave boys to Apollonius; and he also sent a gift of rare animals to Ptolemy via Apollonius.

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assurances given in the decree of Antiochus III (Ant. xii. 138–46, especially 142). For the Ptolemaic period, however, in the absence of evidence to the contrary it can be assumed that the line of succession remained fairly constant throughout, and it was not until the Seleucid period that the problems really began when Antiochus IV accepted ﬁnancial inducements from the Zadokite Jason to install him instead of his brother Onias III in the high priesthood (2 Macc. 4: 7–10). From then on the succession (via ﬁnancial inducement) went to Menelaus, who was not even of priestly descent,604 and then to Alcimus, an Aaronide but not of the Zadokite high-priestly family.605 The Hasmoneans too, who were

604

Menelaus was the brother of Simon, the captain of the Temple, who is described as belonging to the tribe of Benjamin (2 Macc. 3: 4; 4: 23). This would give Menelaus no entitlement to priestly ofﬁce of any kind, let alone the high priesthood, and indeed 2 Maccabees is emphatic about his lack of qualiﬁcations for the position of high priest (2 Macc. 4: 25). Some scholars prefer to emend the text of 2 Macc. 3: 4 on the basis of the Old Latin, where Simon (and therefore Menelaus) is represented as belonging to the tribe of Balgea, a priestly family listed in Neh. 12: 5, 18. See Donatien de Bruyne, ‘Le Texte grec des deux premiers livres des Machabées’, RB 31 (1922), 31–54 (pp. 46–7); Robert Hanhart (ed.), Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum Auctoritate Societatis Litterarum Gottingensis editum, IX: Maccabaeorum liber II (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck ' Ruprecht, 1959), 26, 34, 35, 55; Hengel, 508–9 (ET i. 279); and Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian, 277–8. However, the emendation of an original Benjamin to Balgea is understandable in view of the connections of both Simon and Menelaus with the Temple, whereas the change from Balgea to Benjamin under those circumstances is not; hence, on the principle of lectio difﬁcilior probabilior, the reading Benjamin should be allowed to stand. Josephus for his part makes Jason, Onias III, and Menelaus all brothers, so that Menelaus would have been a member of the high-priestly family (Ant. xii. 238–9); however, this account is rather garbled and requires that Simon (II) had two sons named Onias, before one of them changed his name to Menelaus. None the less, it may be an attempt to remedy a perceived inadequacy in Menelaus' descent, on the basis that it was unthinkable for him to have been high priest without having any sort of connection with a priestly family. If that is so, then it is evidence that as early as Josephus the same kind of process was taking place as the one which changed Benjamin to Balgea in the text underlying the Old Latin—or indeed, in the Old Latin itself.

605

Alcimus is described as ‘a priest of the line of Aaron’ (1 Macc. 7: 14), meaning that he was regarded as being of legitimate priestly descent, but he was not necessarily of legitimate high- priestly descent, for which he would have to have been not simply of Aaronide descent but of Zadokite descent. This gives the lie to the attempt to make Menelaus a member of the priestly house of Balgea (Bilgah) rather than the tribe of Benjamin (2 Macc. 3: 4, 4: 23; cf. Ant. xii. 237–8 and n. 35 above). The reason why Alcimus was greeted with cautious optimism by the Hasideans was surely because he was of some sort of priestly descent, and so had a greater claim to the ofﬁce, as well as presumably having greater integrity, loyalty, and sense of what priestly duties required than his predecessor, who was simply a usurper. The Hasideans' trusting response to Alcimus is very difﬁcult to explain on the basis that Menelaus too had been of priestly descent, because they would already have been let down badly by ‘a priest of the line of Aaron’. Instead, however, they can be understood as seeing in Alcimus a step towards the restoration of the proper order, since although he was not a high-priestly candidate for the high priesthood, he was at least a priestly candidate, unlike Menelaus who was neither.

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the next high priests after Alcimus, were a continuation of this trend of ‘outsider high priests’ appointed by the Syrian overlords (1 Macc. 10: 20), something which would make them understandably unpopular in the eyes of the purists. Not only was the Zadokite line regarded as the only legitimate ancestry for a high priest, but the linking of the high priesthood with foreign domination so that it became a tool of political manœuvring and outside control would surely degrade it, and struck a blow at the heart of Jewish identity. No doubt it would be seen as yet another example of the hellenizing tendencies which some considered to be a betrayal of the ancestral faith, and probably provoked the kind of vitriolic response found in the Qumran Habakkuk commentary's denigration of the ‘Wicked Priest’.606 Although there is no hint in either the papyri or the biblical material as to how the high priest might have been viewed by the Ptolemies and what part he would have played in the overall structures, there are one or two tantalizing glimpses from elsewhere which may enable a picture of some kind to be pieced together. As already indicated, Josephus makes a number of references to high priests of the Ptolemaic period in Ant. xii, and in fact is the main source. He paraphrases from the Letter of Aristeas the story of how the LXX translation was prepared during the reign of Ptolemy II, for which the high priest Eleazar is asked to send seventy-two elders from Jerusalem to carry out the translation work (Ant. xii. 39–57), and he includes from another source the details of how Eleazar came to be high priest (Ant. xii. 43–4). Later on, having given the succession from Eleazar to Onias II (Ant. xii. 157), he recounts the so-called Tobiad romance which describes how when Onias II the high priest withheld tribute money from the king, thereby incurring his wrath, Joseph the Tobiad (Onias' nephew) saved the country from disaster by going to Ptolemy and soothing the king's anger, and then went on to make his fortune by winning the tax-farming contract for Coele-Syria (Ant. xii. 158–85). How informative about the high priesthood is this material? Josephus' account of Eleazar and the seventy-two elders together with the lavish gifts supposedly sent to Jerusalem by Ptolemy II in

606

There is general scholarly agreement that the Wicked Priest refers to a Hasmonean ﬁgure. A. S. van der Woude, ‘Wicked Priest or Wicked Priests? Reﬂections on the Identiﬁcation of the Wicked Priest in the Habakkuk Commentary’, JJS 33 (1982), 349–59, argues that the phrase may even apply to several of the Hasmoneans.

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gratitude for the services rendered, reproduces all the pro-Jewish bias of his source, the Letter of Aristeas, which is itself thought to be a piece of Hellenistic Jewish propaganda, although its date and primary aim are disputed.607 In the light of such a tendency, notable in Josephus as well as in his source,608 care must be taken not to credit the account with a greater degree of historical veracity than it deserves. Indeed, some parts of it are positively legendary, such as the explanation of why the Jewish Law had remained thitherto unknown to the Greeks (Ant. xii. 110–13; Aristeas, 312–16), which raises the question as to how far the account can be used to determine what part the high priest might have played in third-century Ptolemaic Judah. However, it seems that whether it is viewed as largely legendary or largely factual the account has little effect on the picture which has already been sketched out concerning the importance of the high priest, because he is not shown here in a particularly unusual or unexpected capacity. If it is assumed that the only element of certainty in the account is the appearance of the LXX around this time, most probably in Alexandria, which was the location of the largest concentration of Greek-speaking Jews at that time, then naturally the account can provide no new information on third-century Judah and can certainly offer no further enlightenment about the high priesthood. On the other hand, it can be assumed that despite the admittedly legendary accretions the story contains factual elements, inasmuch as it can be regarded as a kind of historical novel in which the setting and background details are accurate even if the events themselves are ﬁctional. But even if that were the case it provides no new information on the role of the high priesthood. The high priest would have been the obvious person at Jerusalem for the king to ask for assistance with a matter of such evident religious gravity. If the high priest had gained in importance in any other sphere in the eyes of either the Ptolemies or the Jewish nation by the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, the story of the LXX translation gives no indication as to what that sphere might have been. The Tobiad romance (Ant. xii. 158–236), on the other hand,

607

For an idea of the letter's signiﬁcance, see Bartlett, Jews in the Hellenistic World: Josephus, Aristeas, The Sibylline Oracles, Eupolemus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 11–16; R. J. H. Shutt, ‘Letter of Aristeas: A New Introduction and Translation’, in James H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ii (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1985), 7–34 (pp. 7–11).

608

‘He is an apologist for his people, an agitator for his religion’ (Bilde, 205).

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adds a new aspect to the picture of the high priest: he seems to have had some kind of ﬁscal responsibility for the province and its people, which meant that he had to pay tribute on their behalf to the king (or to the king's agent). The implications of this for his position in respect of the people need to be examined. It could be argued that the tribute demand came to him rather than to any other ofﬁcial because to the Ptolemies he appeared as the most easily identiﬁable representative of the Jews in Judah, which would imply that there was no other individual with similarly nationally recognizable status. In the absence of a royal line, unless someone like Joseph the Tobiad came forward as the people's representative, it is conceivable that the high priest could serve as a convenient representative ﬁgure. However, the high priest was by no means the only cog in the administrative machinery. As mentioned above, the practice for the rich Egyptian sanctuaries was to appoint a special ofﬁcer, the ἐπιστάτης (epistatēs), to oversee their ﬁnances, and it seems a reasonable possibility that the same procedure was followed in Jerusalem.609 Hence, any picture of the high priest's responsibilities under the Ptolemies needs to be balanced with a realistic evaluation of how closely he would have been supervised by other Ptolemaic ofﬁcials alongside him and above him. It has also been suggested, presumably at least partly on the basis of Ant. xii. 158, that the high priest was a kind of tax farmer for the Ptolemies,610 a role which was certainly not in evidence among the high priests of the Persian period. If it were the case that the Ptolemaic high priest was a tax farmer, it might also be a light in which to view the attempts of Jason and Menelaus to buy the high priesthood from Antiochus IV, since according to Josephus tax-farming rights for each area were given to the highest

609

Hengel, 45–6 (ET i. 24); Klaus-Dietrich Schunk, ‘Hoherpriester und Politiker? Die Stellung der Hohenpriester von Jaddua bis Jonatan zur jüdischen Gemeinde und zum hellenistischen Staat’, VT 44 (1994), 498–512 (p. 500). Something of the same function may have been fulﬁlled by Simon the ‘captain of the Temple’ in the Seleucid period, although of course that would have been several decades later than the situation presently under discussion.

610

Jagersma, 26. Elias Bickerman, The Jews in the Greek Age (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 1988), claims ‘that the tax farming of the Oniads must have made them the richest house in Jerusalem, and that wealth, royal favor, hereditary prestige, and the sacredness of the ofﬁce combined to win for the High Priests the natural leadership of the Chosen People’ (p. 144). See also S. Schwartz, ‘On the Autonomy of Judaea’, 164.

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bidder (Ant. xii. 169). Jason and Menelaus would then be bidding for tax-farming rights which would also win them the high priesthood. However, the instances are not really comparable: although Joseph the Tobiad's bid secured him the tax-farming rights, it did not secure him the high priesthood, and in any case the intrigues of Jason and Menelaus took place during the Seleucid period, whereas the incident with Onias took place during the Ptolemaic period. It seems unlikely that the high priest was a tax farmer under the Ptolemies, not least because Onias' refusal to pay the tribute displays a degree of antipathy towards the Ptolemaic bureaucracy which would be quite out of place in a tax farmer who was supposedly working in tandem with the ruling powers. Rather than being the result of tax-farming activity, it is far more likely that the tribute rendered by the high priest was some sort of Temple tax or even, as Bagnall suggests, ‘an additional gift to the king each year from his own resources, carrying on an ancestral custom’611 (cf. Ant. xii. 158—ι̑ν τοι̑ς βασιλɛυ̑σιν οἱ πατέρɛς ατου̑ ἐτέλουν ἐκ τω̑ν ἰδίων, ‘which his fathers used to pay to the kings from their own resources’). There is no need to assume that the high priest had major responsibility for all tax-gathering in the province, or that he was the major administrative ofﬁcer in other areas, simply because of one item of tribute which he was known to pay.612 As well as providing a glimpse of the high priesthood, the Tobiad romance, for all its ﬂamboyant exaggeration, also illustrates the presence in the province of old-established, moneyed, and inﬂuential families. Joseph the Tobiad is by no means the ﬁrst or the only one of his family to appear in the history of Palestine in a position of power; the Tobias of the Zeno papyri was mentioned above, and Mazar traces the history of the Tobiads as a wealthy

611

Bagnall, 20.

612

Paul W. Lapp, ‘Ptolemaic Stamped Handles from Judah’, BASOR 172 (1963), 22–35, discusses the different types of seals which have been discovered stamped on jar handles from the Ptolemaic era, and argues that the designs of the two types discovered point to the collection of two different types of taxes, one set for the Ptolemaic ofﬁcials of Judah and one set for the Temple treasury in Jerusalem (p. 34). This interpretation comes from the known intricacies of Ptolemaic taxation in Judah, which imply the presence of crown ﬁscal ofﬁcials independent of the Temple in order to collect the revenues, and the fact that none of the names of fourth- and third-century high priests are found on the jar stamp or coin types of the period from Judah which bear the ofﬁcial designations yhwd or phw (i.e. the name of the province, ‘Yehud’, or the ofﬁcial title ‘governor’), a state of affairs which, Lapp argues, indicates that the ofﬁces of high priest and governor would not have been held by the same individual (pp. 32–3).

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and inﬂuential landowning family in Transjordan back to the time of the monarchy.613 In the post-exilic period alone there is a Tobiah named in the prophecy of Zechariah as one of those asked to bring silver and gold to make a crown (Zech. 6: 10, 14), and there is a Tobiah who appears in the Nehemiah memoir, ﬁrst as an opponent of the wall-building (Neh. 3: 35 (ET 4: 3)) and later on as an associate of the high priest Eliashib (Neh. 13: 4–5, 7–8), as well as the Tobias who is mentioned in the Zeno papyri. The Zeno Tobias was probably the father of Joseph the Tobiad, and in the papyri he appears as a man with others in his personal service, the commander of a cleruchy of military settlers, who is on familiar enough terms with the Ptolemaic administration to provide food, beasts of burden, and personnel for Zeno's cortège, and to write to Zeno's superior Apollonius sending him gifts of slaves for himself and rare animals for King Ptolemy II. If this is the kind of background from which Joseph came, it is understandable that he felt able to step into the breach when Onias' deﬁant conduct towards the king threatened Judah's security (Ant. xii. 159–64). The relevance of the Tobiads for the study of the high priesthood is twofold. First, it is interesting that the Tobiah of Nehemiah's day, the Tobias of the Zeno papyri, and Joseph the Tobiad all seem to have had connections with the high priesthood, the ﬁrst as a friend or ally, possibly as a relative (‘connected with Tobiah’, MT , qārôb leṭôbîyyāh; LXX ἐγγίων Tωβια, eggiōn Tōbia—Neh. 13: 4), the second by marriage, and the third as a blood relative—Joseph's mother is said to have been Onias' sister, whom Tobias (presumably the Zeno Tobias) married (Ant. xii. 160). A later Tobiad, Hyrcanus, is styled as having some deposits in the Temple (2 Macc. 3: 11), so that despite the difference of opinion between Onias II and Joseph, the Tobiad links with the high priesthood apparently still continued. Later still the Tobiads appear as supporters of the renegede Menelaus over against the Oniad Jason, whom Menelaus displaced from the high priesthood (Ant. xii. 239); although on this occasion they were not supporting the legitimate high-priestly line, they were nevertheless still closely involved in what might be termed the ‘Temple politics’ of Judah. No doubt these close connections with the high-priestly house would have seemed to offer the Tobiads a means of exerting

613

B. Mazar, ‘The Tobiads’, IEJ 7 (1957), 137–45, 229–38. See also the introductory comments to the Zeno papyri in Tcherikover and Fuks, 115–18.

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inﬂuence upon the religious establishment and diluting its conservatism, something which comes out clearly in the Tobiad support of Menelaus; indeed, the links may also have afforded them a degree of religious credibility for their own rather more liberal approach. Secondly, wherever the Tobiads appear, they seem to be equally as inﬂuential as, if not more so than, the high priest. Zechariah's Tobiah was a nobleman; Nehemiah's Tobiah had no difﬁculty in securing for himself a room in the Temple, and was even a challenge to Nehemiah himself because of the loyalty he commanded among the Judaeans (Neh. 6: 17–19). Given that it was Nehemiah and not the high priest who held the primary governing power in ﬁfthcentury Judah at that time, a Tobiah who could challenge Nehemiah would doubtless have been in a more powerful position than the high priest. Onias the high priest succeeded only in incurring the wrath of the Ptolemies by his refusal to pay tribute, which may reﬂect his subordinate status or his political ineptitude (due to lack of experience in political matters?), or both; his nephew Joseph the Tobiad, on the other hand, not only soothed the royal wrath but gained royal favour, tax-farming rights, and a fortune for himself as a result. Another native institution which is usually thought to demonstrate the importance of wealthy and inﬂuential families in the province is the gerousia, apparently a council of heads of both lay and priestly families which developed throughout the Ptolemaic period. The beginnings of it are often put in the Persian period, because of Nehemiah's references to ‘the nobles and ofﬁcials’ (τοι̑ς ἐντίμοις καὶ τοι̑ς στρατηγοι̑ς, 2: 16 (LXX Esd. B 12: 16); τοὺς ἐντίμους καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας, 5: 7 (Esd. B 15: 7)) and the ‘heads of ancestral houses’ (ἀρχηγω̑ν τω̑ν πατριω̑ν, 7: 70 (Esd. B 17: 70)). The scholarly tendency has been to see the government of Ptolemaic Judah as having been a joint effort between the high priest and the gerousia of which he was the head, an arrangement which dated from the Persian period;614 however, the gerousia does not appear

614

D. S. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, New Clarendon Bible (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), 11; Jagersma, 20; Albertz, ii. 593–4 (ET, 535–6); Schunck, 500. It should be noted that Albertz's view of Ptolemaic-period government in Judah, which is summarized in the quotation given in the Introduction above (p. 4), follows that of Tcherikover, who arrived at his opinion by means of a literal interpretation of the Hecataeus passage discussed earlier. See n. 10 above. Jagersma similarly bases himself on Hecataeus for his own assessment of the high priest's status in Ptolemaic times.

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as a clearly demarcated ofﬁcial institution until 1 Macc. 12: 5, and attempts to trace its development in the Ptolemaic period are purely speculative.615 It also appears in the decree of Antiochus III which gives tax concessions to Judah and Jerusalem on account of their friendly reception of him (Ant. xii. 138, 142),616 although once again this is not until after the end of Ptolemaic rule in Judah. It remains to be considered what if anything the Wisdom of Ben Sira can contribute to a picture of the high priesthood during the Ptolemaic period. Originally written in Hebrew and translated into Greek by the author's grandson, according to the prologue added to the translation, the work is datable fairly exactly from other details given in the prologue to the early part of the second century BCE.617 It shows a keen interest in the priesthood in general and in the high priesthood in particular, not least in its extensive praise of Aaron and Phinehas (45: 6–25) and its glowing description of the high priest coming out of the sanctuary after ofﬁciating at one of the appointed services (50: 5–24).618 The opening verses of the same chapter (50: 1–4) name the high priest in question as Simon son of Yoḥanan, and this is usually held to be Simon II, who was high priest between 219 and 196 BCE.619 Simon was therefore high priest at the time of the Seleucid conquest of Judah, and on the basis of 50: 1–4, which describes building work done in his day, he has been credited with carrying out the repairs to the Temple which are stipulated in the decree of Antiochus III cited in Ant. xii. 138–44.620 Simon thus bridged the Ptolemaic and the

615

For a detailed examination of the evidence for a gerousia from the Persian period to the Seleucid period, see David Goodblatt, The Monarchic Principle (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1994), 77–99. Goodblatt argues that there is no evidence for either a Persian or a Ptolemaic gerousia in the sense of a formally constituted body of elders or ofﬁcials, and that the term's usage in the Seleucid period need be understood as referring to nothing more than an indeterminate oligarchy alongside the high priest. The distinction could perhaps be rendered as equivalent to that between an aristocracy and a House of Lords.

616

See the comments on the decree in Ch. 11 below on the Maccabees.

617

Patrick W. Skehan and Alexander A. Di Lella, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, AB 39 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1987), 8–9.

618

The description has traditionally been thought to refer to the ceremonies of Yom Kippur, but Fearghas Ó Fearghail, ‘Sir 50,5–21: Yom Kippur or The Daily Whole Offering?’, Biblica, 59 (1978), 301–16, argues that it is in fact a description of the daily whole-offering ceremony.

619

John G. Snaith, Ecclesiasticus, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 251; Skehan and Di Lella, 9, 550.

620

J. G. Snaith, 251; Skehan and Di Lella, 14, 550. Antiochus' decree in the form in which it appears in Josephus makes no mention of a high priest.

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Seleucid periods, although he spent more of his term of ofﬁce under the Ptolemies than under the Seleucids. The impressive description of Aaron in 45: 6–22 is interesting in that it testiﬁes to the continuance of the tradition laid out in P concerning the sole right of Aaronides to the priesthood, and to the honour in which the high-priestly garments and the cultic ceremonies were held. However, it provides no new information on the supposed political function of the high priesthood, if any such function existed. By contrast, the hymn in praise of Simon refers to an historical individual who is known to have functioned as high priest under the Ptolemies. Although the vast majority of the hymn (50: 5–24) deals with cultic observance, the ﬁrst four verses of the hymn (50: 1–4) appear to credit Simon with having had the authority to carry out engineering works in various parts of the city. If this was indeed so, it would be evidence for the high priest's power spreading further into non-cultic areas than was previously the case. However, on closer examination a different picture appears. 50: 1–2 deals with repairs to the Temple, an area which had traditionally fallen under the high priest's jurisdiction. The digging of a reservoir (50: 3) can also be seen as having cultic signiﬁcance, in that a good supply of water for ritual washing of people and sacriﬁces would be required to enable Temple ceremonial to continue.621 In addition, 50: 2–3 is phrased passively, ‘in his days’, ‘in his time’, so that the only connection between Simon himself and the actions described is the dating.622 The only place where Simon is possibly described as having been involved in carrying out actions to fortify the city is in 50: 4, which speaks of Simon planning to save his people from ruin and fortifying the city against siege. The usual interpretation of the verse is to assume that it refers to physical defences of some kind erected in the city by Simon, which would supposedly continue the theme of the previous three verses and support the picture of Simon as an administrator and provincial governor.623 However, the only building

621

Hayward, Jewish Temple Sourcebook, in commenting on this passage, compares this reservoir to that which is mentioned in the Letter of Aristeas, 89 as part of a description of the Temple (pp. 75, 77); the obvious implication is that in Ben Sira too the reservoir is to be viewed as part of the Temple complex. Although Hayward does not comment speciﬁcally on Ben Sira 50: 4, he seems to regard the whole passage 50: 1–4 as a description of the Temple (pp. 77–8).

622

Goodblatt, 19, uses this observation to argue that Ben Sira 50: 1–4 need not refer to rebuilding in Jerusalem after its conquest by Antiochus III because the dating is so imprecise.

623

J. G. Snaith, 251.

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works in which Simon is personally involved in 50: 1–3 are those concerning the Temple, which can be seen as part of the normal sphere of responsibility for a high priest, and all the constructions mentioned in these verses can be viewed as being part of the Temple complex. In the light of this observation, 50: 4 need not be taken to indicate large-scale building works undertaken throughout the city, but can be seen instead as a general summary reference to the building works carried out on the Temple, since the geographical position of the Temple mount in Jerusalem meant that fortifying it as described in 50: 1a–3 would effectively strengthen the whole city against attack and ruin by turning the mount into a kind of acropolis. It is also possible, of course, that fortiﬁcation of the Temple was viewed as a necessity in religious terms for the city's protection in times of war, given that the Temple was so strongly associated with the presence and favour of the Lord. Hence, it would be necessary to protect the Temple and enable it to function as normally as possible, even in times of siege, since this would be a way of ensuring divine protection for the community as a whole. However, the main point is that 50: 4 does not necessarily provide any evidence for Simon the high priest acting in a governmental as opposed to a cultic capacity, and indeed, given the context of the verse in a eulogy which is otherwise entirely based on Simon's activities in and for the cult, it seems only reasonable that such an interpretation should be adopted for this verse as well. In conclusion, then, the picture of the high priesthood during the Ptolemaic era is of necessity rather imprecise because so much of it is guesswork due to lack of direct documentation. The payment of tribute on behalf of the people (Ant. xii. 158) does perhaps indicate a widening out of the high priesthood's duties from mere ceremonial, but at the same time there are signiﬁcant limiting factors on any authority which the high priest might have had outside the ceremonial sphere. First, as long as Judah was under foreign rule, even assuming the high priest did have powers in areas of community life outside the Temple, any power he exercised would be closely deﬁned by the limitations of that foreign domination. This was probably even more true in view of Palestine's strategic location at the heart of Coele-Syria. Secondly, the emergence of a powerful unofﬁcial lay group of aristocracy can be seen as both cause and effect of the high priesthood's limited

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powers of governance. Hence, the conclusion is that by the end of the Ptolemaic period the high priest's position was basically unchanged; he was still an important cultic ofﬁcial, but the major powers of civil administration and government were in the hands of others, whether Ptolemaic ofﬁcials or Jewish aristocrats.

11 The Maccabean Conquest: Jonathan and Simon the Maccabees After the obscurity of the Ptolemaic period it is something of a relief to move on to the Seleucid period for which there is a good deal more documentation and where the high priesthood occurs quite frequently. In fact, two of the main sources for the period document the end of the Zadokite high priesthood and the rise of a new family of high priests into the chaos left by the Jews' encounter with Antiochus IV Epiphanes. These sources are, of course, the ﬁrst and second books of the Maccabees, which together with Josephus provide quite a detailed account of the Hasmonean dynasty of priestly warrior kings624—although naturally the detail does not preclude the need for interpretation, and there are questions which remain difﬁcult to answer satisfactorily. The historicity of 1 Maccabees is generally highly regarded,625 although its detailed narrative is limited, beginning in chapter 2 with Mattathias' resistance to Antiochus' anti-Jewish decrees and concentrating on Judas, Jonathan, and Simon. It contains nothing about the later Hasmoneans, for which it is necessary to look to Josephus, nor is there any detail about the intrigues involving the high priesthood which took place before the beginning of the resistance movement, for which 2 Maccabees is the most important source. 1 Maccabees is effectively a piece of apologetic

624

The term ‘Hasmonean’ for the dynasty which originated out of the rebellion headed by the priest Mattathias and his sons is taken from the name of Mattathias' greatgrandfather, given in Josephus, Ant. xii. 265 as Ἀσαμωναι̑ος (Ἀσαμωναι̑ου) and in rabbinic literature as Hasmonai. The name does not occur in the account of Mattathias' lineage in 1 Macc. 2: 1. For the purposes of this study the term ‘Maccabeans’ will be used to refer speciﬁcally to Mattathias and his sons, and ‘Hasmoneans’ to refer to both the dynasty as a whole and where necessary the members of the dynasty from John Hyrcanus onwards (i.e. the generations after the Maccabeans). The context of the references should make it clear exactly who is being referred to in any given instance.

625

F.-M. Abel, Les Livres des Maccabées (Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1949), pp. xxiv–xxv; Bartlett, The First and Second Books of the Maccabees, CBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 16–17.

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writing for the new dynasty, which judging from its style and idiom was originally in Hebrew, and which treats its subject matter in the style of the Deuteronomistic History,626 thereby enabling Maccabean rule to be justiﬁed by likening it to an accepted Scriptural precedent. The work's favourable attitude towards both the Hasmoneans and Rome, together with its ﬁnal note about the reign of John Hyrcanus having been recorded in an ofﬁcial chronicle (1 Macc. 16: 23–4), mean that it must have been written after John's death and before either Rome or the Hasmonean dynasty had fallen from favour; this would give it a date of around 100 BCE.627 2 Maccabees, by contrast, is written in the ﬂorid style of Greek pathetic historiography,628 which makes quite plausible its

626

Abel, pp. xxiii–xxiv; Zeitlin, First Maccabees, 33–4; Bartlett, Maccabees, 14–15; Jonathan A. Goldstein, I Maccabees, AB 41 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976), 14.

627

Hugo Bévenot, Die beiden Makkabäerbücher, Die heilige Schrift des alten Testamentes, iv. 4 (Bonn: Peter Hanstein, 1931), 8–9; Abel, pp. xxviii–xxix; Goldstein, I Maccabees, 62–4. The most common alternative dating proposed for the book is to place it sometime in the reign of John Hyrcanus (135–104 BCE ), and view the note in 16: 23–4 as a later addition. See Zeitlin, First Maccabees, 27–32, and J. C. Dancy, 1 Maccabees (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1954), 8. S. Schwartz, ‘Israel and the Nations Roundabout: 1 Maccabees and the Hasmonean Expansion’, JJS 42 (1991), 16–38, argues for a date of c. 130 BCE on the grounds that the work shows strong support for the Hasmonean dynasty, but hostility towards the nations which it would have patronized as a result of the territorial expansion under John Hyrcanus; hence, the work is better dated prior to the main part of the expansion (pp. 33, 36). Joseph Sievers, The Hasmoneans and their Supporters: From Mattathias to the Death of John Hyrcanus I, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism, 6 (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1990), 3, dates the work to late in the reign of Hyrcanus on the grounds that it shows no signs of there being a Hasmonean kingship as yet. However, as will be argued below, both Jonathan and Simon the Maccabees are portrayed in terms of the ancient Israelite monarchy, presumably as a means of justifying and explaining the character of their rule, which closely resembled that of the monarchs. Hence, the overt claiming of the title ‘king’ by later Hasmoneans was as much a psychological change as an alteration in actual status, since Jonathan and Simon had effectively ruled as kings from the middle of the second century. According to Josephus, the ﬁrst Hasmonean actually to claim kingship was Aristobulus I, who ruled for only a year in 104–103 BCE (Ant. xiii. 301). Whether it was Aristobulus or his successor Alexander Jannaeus (103–76 BCE ) who ﬁrst claimed the monarchy, though, dating 1 Maccabees to c. 100 BCE means that its appearance would coincide with the nominal change in status of the Hasmonean rulers, and could conceivably have been precipitated by the change in an attempt to justify it. See also the discussion on John Hyrcanus' supposed claim to kingship in Ch. 12 below on the Hasmoneans.

628

Bartlett, Maccabees, 216; Goldstein, I Maccabees, 34. However, Robert Doran, Temple Propaganda: The Purpose and Character of 2 Maccabees, CBQ Monograph Series 12 (Washington, DC: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1981), claims that ‘the existence of such a genre is in serious question’ (p. 1), and instead argues that 2 Maccabees ‘is primarily temple propaganda—the defense of the temple and its surroundings by the patron deity’(p. 114). A completely different approach is adopted by Jochen Gabriel Bunge, Untersuchungen zum zweiten Makkabäerbuch: Quellenkritische, literarische, chronologische und historische Untersuchungen zum zweiten Makkabäerbuch als Quelle syrischpalästinensischer Geschichte im 2. Jh. v.Chr. (Bonn: Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Druck, 1971). Bunge argues (pp. 181–203) that 2 Maccabees in its present form is a communication sent from Jerusalem to the Egyptian Jews, consisting of a ﬁctitious letter detailing the puriﬁcation festival initiated by Judas Maccabee (2 Macc. 1: 10b–2: 18), the epitome of Jason's work which explained the circumstances behind the festival (3: 1–15: 39 plus introduction in 2: 19–32), and the covering letter for the whole composition which was added when it was sent to Egypt in 124 BCE (1: 1–10a).

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claim to be an abridgement of the ﬁve volumes of one Jason of Cyrene on the same subject (2 Macc. 2: 23). Of the Maccabeans it deals only with Judas, ending with the rebels' defeat of Nicanor, the Seleucid general who had threatened to destroy the Temple (2 Macc. 15: 1–36), but it gives more detail of the initial intrigues involving the last high priests before the rebellion and the establishment of Maccabean leadership (2 Maccabees 3–5). It contains much of the miraculous and spectacular, and dwells in gruesome detail on some of the tortures supposedly inﬂicted by Antiochus on those who refused to submit to his decrees (2 Macc. 7: 1–42). Like 1 Maccabees, Jason's original composition is unlikely to have been written after 63 BCE because of its favourable attitude to Rome and its assertion that Jerusalem has been in Jewish hands continuously since Judas' victory over Nicanor (2 Macc. 15: 37),629 and indeed its gloriﬁcation of Judas to the exclusion of the other Hasmoneans would suggest a date of composition earlier rather than later in the Maccabean era. There is, however, no clear indication as to the date of the abridgement.630 3 and 4 Maccabees are of no use for present purposes, being legendary variations on the theme of the Jews remaining unmoved in the face of oppression at the hands of the foreign kings and thereby being vindicated by God. Josephus' narrative of the Maccabean rebellion is based largely upon the account of 1 Maccabees, with the insertion of other (probably Greek) sources for additional details from time to time. The Hasmonean priest-kings, who had their origins in the struggle to maintain Jewish religious identity in the face of pressure to adopt Gentile and speciﬁcally Hellenistic culture and practice, are often thought to represent the ideal highpriestly model of civil and religious power being combined in a single individual—the paradigm upon which much speculation regarding the high

629

Bunge, 198; Goldstein, II Maccabees, AB 41A (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983), 71.

630

Abel, pp. xlii–xliii, and Bunge, 195–202, date 2 Maccabees to 124 BCE ; Zeitlin, Second Maccabees, 27–30, dates it to the period of Agrippa (41–4 CE ); and Goldstein, II Maccabees, 83, favours 78–63 BCE . In the light of this, Bartlett's comment is apposite: ‘The book may belong almost anywhere in the last 150 years B.C.’ (Maccabees, 215).

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priest's position in post-exilic Jewish society, particularly during the Persian period, has been based. However, even allowing for the bias of 1 Maccabees, which deliberately presents its subject matter in a royal light, it is arguable that these new priestly rulers had at least as much in common with their pre-exilic and Hellenistic monarchic counterparts as they did with their post-exilic high-priestly predecessors; hence, it is not entirely accurate to view the Hasmonean line as a continuation of the previous traditions of high priesthood which had obtained since the Restoration period. From the picture of Jonathan and Simon in 1 Maccabees it is evident that neither their familial descent nor the eventual style of their ofﬁce was in accordance with the prevailing traditions of high priesthood in Jewish society, something which may well have led to dissatisfaction among certain segments of the community and contributed to the eventual downfall of the Hasmonean dynasty. Hence, it is necessary to establish more clearly the exact nature of their high priesthood, and this can best be achieved by examining the narrative preserved in 1 Maccabees where the most detailed account of the Maccabees' rise to prominence is to be found. Before that, though, it is necessary to consider the chaos detailed in Josephus and 2 Maccabees, which formed the preamble to the Maccabean rise. The passing of Judah under Seleucid rule by the end of the Fifth Syrian War in 198 BCE seems to have been greeted by the Jewish population with optimism, although some would simply have been relieved that yet another war was ﬁnally over. Doubtless there were a good number who thought that a change of ruling power would be for the better; Onias II's earlier refusal to pay tribute to the Ptolemaic government (Ant. xii. 158) may well have been prompted by the hopeful anticipation of a Seleucid revival and the overthrow of Ptolemaic rule in the light of contemporary political circumstances.631 In the event, the Seleucid revival did not take place quite so quickly, but Onias would surely not have been alone in his dissatisfaction with the Ptolemies. Indeed, the letter of Antiochus to his governor Ptolemy quoted by Josephus (Ant. xii. 138–44) indicates that a good

631

Hengel, 51 (ET i. 27); Goldstein, ‘The Tales of the Tobiads’, in Jacob Neusner (ed.), Christianity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults: Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty. Part Three: Judaism before 70, SJLA 12 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1975), 85–123 (pp. 97–8); Jagersma, 29; Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian, 196–7; Schunck, 501.

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many welcomed the eventual reversal of fortune when it arrived, and that the optimism which expressed itself in a friendly reception of Antiochus' forces was initially rewarded with a number of privileges, including tax relief and the right to the ancestral form of Jewish government.632 The ﬁrst hint of the chaos to come was not until the reign of Seleucus IV (185–175 BCE), Antiochus' successor, under whom the ﬁrst ofﬁcial interference with the status quo occurred; and ironically enough, according to 2 Maccabees, this was precipitated by one of the Jews themselves. Simon the captain of the Temple (προστάτης του̑ ἱɛρου̑, prostatēs tou hierou—2 Macc. 3:4), after a disagreement with Onias III the high priest, falsely reported the presence of vast sums of wealth in the Temple treasury to the provincial governor Apollonius, suggesting that it might be commandeered for the royal coffers. Apollonius in turn reported it to the king, who sent Heliodorus to remove it (2 Macc. 3: 4–8). The attempt was apparently a failure—as 2 Maccabees would have it, some kind of supernatural intervention overpowered the would-be plunderer (2 Macc. 3: 22–8)633—but Simon continued to agitate against Onias, forcing Onias himself to appeal to the king (2 Macc. 4: 1–6). Simon's clash with Onias is signiﬁcant for this investigation in two ways. In the ﬁrst place, it can be used to shed some light on the nature of Onias' high priesthood: the implication of the clash between the two men is that they were at least equivalent to each other in their respective powers, since neither initially prevailed over the other. However, Simon's immediate appeal to Apollonius suggests that he was in the position he occupied because he was a Seleucid sympathizer, if not a Seleucid appointee.634 This means

632

Although the authenticity of the document has been disputed by some (see Jagersma, 38), it is not intrinsically implausible in its conception. See also Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian, 246–7, and Bickerman, ‘La Charte Séleucide de Jérusalem’, REJ 100 (1935), 4–35.

633

Bartlett, Maccabees, 242–3, suggests that the ‘vision’ might have its roots in an attack on Heliodorus by pre-Maccabean defenders of the faith; alternatively, Thomas Fischer, Seleukiden und Makkabäer: Beiträge zur Seleukidengeschichte und zu den politischen Ereignissen in Judäa während der 1. Hälfte des 2. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (Bochum: Studienverlag Brockmeyer, 1980), 17–18, suggests that it might be a cult legend designed to show the holiness and inviolability of the place.

634

See the comments above in Ch. 10 on the ﬁnancial control of sanctuaries under the Ptolemies. Simon may well have been an equivalent Seleucid ofﬁcial named to monitor the Temple ﬁnances in Jerusalem, which would account for his ready appeal to Apollonius. See Schunk, 505. Hengel comments that Onias' failure to override Simon indicates that Simon was an independent ofﬁcial (p. 47 (ET i. 25)).

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that to see Onias as the sole ruler of his people, left to govern them undisturbed despite the Seleucid domination, would be a rather naïve reading of the source. In addition, Simon's misrepresentation of the Temple funds implies that the high priest was not entitled to control any revenues which did not accrue via sacriﬁces, and such a distinction between what came under the high priest's control and what came under the king's control makes it seem unlikely that the high priest was routinely responsible as a kind of government ofﬁcial for ﬁnancial management in the province. This in turn makes the idea of his having broad-based, wide-ranging powers unlikely, since control of the money supply is an important factor in the ability to govern. This picture of the limitations on Onias' power is also conﬁrmed by the nature of the source material. It is decidedly pro-Onias, determined to show the high priest in as favourable a light as possible, and yet the picture it presents is of a man powerless to resist the approach of disaster except by divine aid. This is in line with the emphasis elsewhere in 2 Maccabees on the apparently powerless who are tortured to death but who are nevertheless somehow victorious because of their undaunted faith, and the outnumbered forces who are victorious in battle because of divine assistance; the picture painted throughout is of the clash of earthly and heavenly powers, with heavenly power intervening for the righteous where they are otherwise unable to resist inimical earthly powers. The whole point of the story of Onias is that he was powerless in political terms to prevent the seizure of the Temple funds and so had to be aided by heavenly power; had he had earthly power in the ﬁrst place the story would have been meaningless. The second area in which Simon's clash with Onias may also have signiﬁcance is that of the internal factions of Jerusalem and Judah: it may have been a reﬂex of rivalry between the high-priestly family of Oniads and the Tobiads. In the previous chapter the Tobiads were mentioned as a wealthy and inﬂuential aristocratic family who had had connections with the priesthood and possibly the monarchy for generations,635 and from the Zeno papyri and the Tobiad romance it seems evident that they were quite at home with a more hellenized, assimilationist outlook than would 271

635

See the discussion of the so-called Tobiad romance in Ch. 10 above on the Ptolemaic period.

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have been acceptable to some other segments of the community.636 Given that under Antiochus III the Jews had been granted the right to govern themselves by their ancestral constitution,637 and the declaration granting this right was apparently supplemented by limitations on the kind of animal products which could be brought into Jerusalem (Ant. xii. 145–6), thereby affecting the potential for trade with non-Jews, Simon's challenge to Onias πɛρὶ τη̑ς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀγορανομίας (‘about the regulation of the city market’, 2 Macc. 3: 4) may have concerned this kind of issue,638 and although there is no mention of it in the text, it is conceivable that the Tobiads with their more liberal outlook may have been in favour of Simon, if not actually encouraging him to take up the issue. According to 2 Macc. 4: 23 Simon's brother was Menelaus, whom Josephus claims to have had Tobiad support against the Oniad Jason (Ant. xii. 239);639 although there is of course no necessary connection between Menelaus' supporters and Simon's, both brothers seem to have been challengers of the stricter Jewish orthodoxy as epitomized by ﬁgures such as Onias, and indeed both brothers were challengers of Oniad high priests. Hence, it would not be surprising if both brothers had the support of the same inﬂuential group which was another such challenger. Another factor which would favour the idea of the Tobiads being Simon's supporters is Onias III's remark that some of the funds in the Temple belonged to Hyrcanus the Tobiad (2 Macc. 3:11).640 According to Ant. xii. 228 Hyrcanus was alienated from his

636

Examples of Tobiad laxity concerning strict Jewish observances include Tobias' failure to circumcise the household slaves whom he sent to Apollonius (Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum i., 126–7), the use of the pagan greeting formula πολλὴ χάρις τοι̑ς θɛοι̑ς (pollē charis tois theois, ‘many thanks to the gods’) in the letter to Apollonius (ibid .), Joseph's friendly relations with the Samaritans (Ant. xii. 168), and the close fraternizing of both Joseph and Hyrcanus with the Ptolemies with no mention of any scruples about ritual purity or kosher food (e.g. Ant. xii. 186–9; 210–14).

637

See n. 9 above on the authenticity of Antiochus III's decree as recorded in Ant. xii. 138–46.

638

See Abel, 317; Hengel, 494 (ET i. 271–2).

639

Josephus' source for this comment is obscure; however, it is not intrinsically improbable, given the acknowledged rivalry between the Oniads and Tobiads. Far more improbable is the scenario he paints whereby both Onias III and Jason were the brothers of Menelaus, but the latter two had exchanged their respective Hebrew names Jesus and Onias for Greek ones (Ant. xii. 238).

640

Most commentators accept the identiﬁcation of this Hyrcanus with the one who was son of Joseph the Tobiad and whose exploits are detailed in Ant. xii. 190–236—see Abel, 320; Zeitlin, Second Maccabees, 120–1; Bartlett, Maccabees, 237; Goldstein, II Maccabees, 207. By contrast, Doran, 18 n. 57, rejects the identiﬁcation, claiming papponymy as a way of explaining the reappearance of the name. However, this seems even more arbitrary than the view which he is attempting to discredit, and although there is no evidence for the identiﬁcation of the two men, neither is there is any for their dissociation. In the absence of proof of another such illustrious character named Hyrcanus the Tobiad, it seems reasonable to accept the identiﬁcation as being a common-sense one.

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seven brothers, who had actually made war on him; hence, if Onias were sufﬁciently kindly disposed towards Hyrcanus to retain his deposits in the Temple, it would be a potential source of rancour between the high priest and the remaining members of the Tobiad family. Tobiad support of Simon's challenge to Onias would therefore be a way for the Tobiads to express their hostility towards Onias because of his co-operation with their estranged relative, or even an indirect means of revenge on Hyrcanus himself by engineering the conﬁscation of his wealth along with the other deposits. Simon for his part evidently felt no constraint over the question of whose money was involved when he made his accusations to Apollonius about the deposits in the Temple, and although this need not imply outright hostility towards the depositors, it shows a lack of concern which certainly could not be construed as support for them. This would be doubly true where Hyrcanus' deposits were concerned because Simon was a Seleucid appointee and inevitably a sympathizer, whereas Hyrcanus favoured the Ptolemies (Ant. xii. 209–21).641 With the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes (175 BCE), Jason's bribery in order to gain the high priesthood gives a new twist to the story. According to 2 Maccabees, Simon's continued agitation against Onias III had necessitated Onias' going to Antioch to plead his case before the Seleucid monarch Seleucus IV (2 Macc. 4: 4–6), but before Onias could get to see the king Seleucus was assassinated and soon after succeeded by Antiochus. Jason probably took advantage of Onias' absence from Jerusalem to make his bid for the high priesthood,642 especially as Onias' loyalty to the Seleucid crown had been called into question as a result of Simon's agitation (2 Macc. 4: 1–2) and by Onias' willingness to keep deposits in the Temple from the Ptolemaic sympathizer Hyrcanus. Jason effectively sold the high priesthood to the Seleucids, placing the power of appointment of high priests in the hands of the foreign ruling power; this inevitably meant that the high priesthood became a compromise between Jews and

641

Goldstein, ‘Tales of the Tobiads’, 100.

642

Cf. Bartlett, Maccabees, 243.

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Seleucids, and in becoming high priest Jason became a Seleucid agent with the backing of the overlord to carry out what he wanted. As a hellenizer, Jason may well have thought that combining the chief Jewish religious ofﬁce with Seleucid power would enable him to inﬁltrate the very heart of Judaism with Greek ideas, giving the ideas the moral authority of the high priesthood and opening the way to a wider acceptance of them among the Jews.643 It was no doubt on this basis that he also appealed to Antiochus for permission to found a gymnasium and the community of the Antiochenes in the city of Jerusalem (2 Macc. 4: 9–10),644 contrary to the decree of Antiochus III which made Jewish law the law of the state.645 In the event, of course, Jason's action not only caused great unrest among the populace but also had the effect of debasing the high priesthood. It can well be imagined that this new combination of religious authority supplied by the high priesthood itself with civil authority supplied by the backing of the Seleucids made the high priesthood suddenly seem very desirable, even though there is little evidence of its being a signiﬁcant force in government or civil administration prior to Jason's bid for it. At the same time, as well as increasing the desirability of the high priesthood by his unorthodox actions, Jason had also set the precedent of gaining it by means of bribery, and so it was only a matter of time before Menelaus followed the precedent three years later and bribed Jason out of ofﬁce, despite having no qualiﬁcations for the high priesthood (cf. 2 Macc. 4: 25).646 According to 2 Macc. 4: 23–5: 23 he spent his

643

Cf. Fischer, 20–1.

644

Cf. Klaus Bringmann, Hellenistische Reform und Religionsverfolgung in Judäa: Eine Untersuchung zur jüdisch-hellenistischen Geschichte (175–163 v. Chr.), Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften, philologisch-historische Klasse; Folge 3, Nr. 132 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983), 73. In Ant. xii. 240–1 it is Menelaus and the Tobiads who are credited with petitioning the king for permission to build a gymnasium in Jerusalem; however, given that the passage in Josephus is rather confused and that 2 Maccabees is chronologically so much closer than Josephus to the events described, the account in 2 Maccabees is probably to be preferred.

645

On the necessity of royal authority for Jason to found the gymnasium contrary to the acknowledged state law, see Bickerman, Der Gott der Makkabäer: Untersuchungen über Sinn und Ursprung der Makkabäischen Erhebung (Berlin: Schocken/Jüdischer Buchverlag, 1937), 63–4 (ET The God of the Maccabees, trans. H. R. Möhring, SJLA 32 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979), 41), and Institutions des Séleucides (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1938), 137–8. However, Goldstein thinks that Jason did it ‘through . . . his authority as high priest’ (II Maccabees, 228).

646

See n. 36 on Menelaus and Alcimus, in Ch. 10 above on the Ptolemaic period. Schunck suggests that although Menelaus was not a Zadokite he may have been married to a sister of Jason and Onias III, which was why he was accepted as high priest (pp. 507–8). Given the relative conservatism of both Onias and Jason, however, this would suggest that Menelaus was at least of priestly descent, something for which there is no ﬁrm evidence, as argued above.

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period of ofﬁce abusing the privileges of his position; he is portrayed simply as a villain, playing off the various authorities against each other in order to protect his own interests (e.g. 2 Macc. 4: 43–50), and the uncompromising verdict given on him is that he had become a traitor both to the Laws and to his country (2 Macc. 5: 15). Although he is not connected explicitly with Jason's hellenizing movement except by Josephus,647 Menelaus must have had at least nominal sympathy for the regime because he is shown as the one appointed to convey tribute money to Antiochus (2 Macc. 4: 23), which would imply that he was quite a trusted member of Jason's administration. Menelaus is also shown assisting Antiochus to plunder the Temple (2 Macc. 5: 15), but this could just as easily have been a way of securing his own position with the king, as a gesture of support for Hellenistic cultural ideals. The involvement of the Tobiad family in previous disputes concerning the high priesthood has already been noted, as has Josephus' comment about Tobiad support for Menelaus against Jason (Ant. xii. 239), and it is surely a distinct possibility that Tobiad agitation was a factor behind Menelaus' bid for the high priesthood.648 Despite the evidently hostile propaganda against Menelaus in 2 Macc. 4: 23–5: 23, which is only to be expected in a work which is so favourable to Onias, Menelaus must have had at least some support for his bid, and this support must have been from those for whom even Jason's unorthodox tenure of the high priesthood was not radical enough. Jason had broken the accepted line of succession by his bribery to obtain the post of high priest before its previous incumbent had died, and he had introduced what many would have viewed as alien and illegal measures, contrary to the Torah, into the city; but there is no indication that he had taken measures to prohibit traditional observances,649 and he was still a Zadokite, indeed an Oniad; he was still an establishment ﬁgure, and a member of the family who were the Tobiads' rivals.

647

See n. 16 above.

648

As Sievers remarks, ‘[Antiochus's] interference in the high priestly succession gave practical importance to and promoted factionalism in the Jerusalem aristocracy which then had far-reaching repercussions for the whole population’ (The Hasmoneans and their Supporters, 25).

649

Bartlett, Maccabees, 246; Fischer, 20; Bringmann, 67–8; Goldstein, II Maccabees, 228.

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For the Tobiads to make real headway in the arena of power and to achieve the freedom of a Hellenistic cultural milieu in Judah they needed to do away with the religious conservatism which they saw as backward and stiﬂing; and the way for them to achieve that was to gain control of the high priesthood, which now had the additional status and power of a Seleucid ofﬁcial post. The Tobiad history of close attachment to the high-priestly family, sometimes for better, sometimes for worse, meant that they had few if any qualms about dealing in the most summary fashion with the high priest; Jason himself had shown them the means of entry into the high priesthood, and they would surely not be slow to follow the precedent. Tobiad support of Menelaus would then be a way of ousting the Oniads from the one position in the country which afforded the facility of breaking through the wall of Jewish conservatism to the more open, more Greek society which they desired. From his analysis of the causes of the punitive measures and the persecution which were subsequently inﬂicted on the Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes, Bickerman concludes that they resulted from Jewish factional inﬁghting rather than from any particular Seleucid anti-Semitism.650 The jilted Jason's failed attempt to regain the high priesthood from Menelaus by force whilst Antiochus was otherwise occupied in a war with Egypt (2 Macc. 5: 5–7) was interpreted as rebellion against the Seleucids (2 Macc. 5: 11), hence the razing of Jerusalem's walls and the imposition of a permanent military garrison in the city, which would have been normal practice when attempting to subdue a rebellious people (1 Macc. 1: 29–35; Ant. xii. 252).651 The subsequent religious persecution was quite uncharacteristic even for Antiochus and affected only the Jews in Judah, ignoring completely Jews elsewhere in the Seleucid empire; it cannot therefore have been prompted by a blanket feeling of anti-Semitism.652 Even the form of worship which was imposed was not Greek, but proto-Semitic, which would have been foreign to Antiochus himself but which would none the less have been acceptable to philosophical Greek thought in its conception as it was above all else an attack on Jewish particularism.653

650

Bickerman, Gott der Makkabäer, 137, 138 (ET, 90, 91).

651

Ibid. 69–72, 77 (ET, 45–7, 51).

652

Ibid. 90–2, 121–2 (ET, 61–2, 79–80).

653

Ibid. 110–11, 115, 120, 133 (ET, 72, 75, 78, 88).

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Bickerman's suggestion, therefore, for which he claims support from 2 Macc. 13: 4 and Ant. xii. 384, is that the persecution was engineered by Menelaus, a Jewish hellenizer who wanted to force his enlightened, supposedly tolerant and non-particularist outlook upon his fellow-Jews as a blow against the superstition and decadence which the barbarous particularism signiﬁed.654 Bickerman's views are largely followed by Hengel in his own analysis of the persecution,655 but both are disputed by Millar, who claims that the persecution was an attempt not to reform but to abolish Judaism carried out by Antiochus IV, with no evidence for signiﬁcant inﬂuence upon him from a Jewish reform party, and that the cult imposed in the Temple was not syncretistic but simply pagan.656 In other words, Millar sees the whole episode as the imposition of a completely foreign system of observances on the Jews from outside, rather than as the attempt of one particular Jewish party to gain royal support in imposing their own brand of Semitic observances on the rest of the community. It seems that there are two interlinked issues which are of relevance for present purposes: what was the root cause of the persecution, and what was Menelaus' position during this period? Antiochus' interpretation of the take-over bid by Jason as revolt and his resultant forcible intervention in Judah (2 Macc. 5: 11) are quite understandable, and although the persecution does not follow immediately, it can be seen to follow on from that intervention as an attempt to stamp out the elements which were seen to be causing unrest and resistance to the authorities set in place by Antiochus. The continued unrest focused on a Seleucid-appointed ofﬁcial (cf. 2 Macc. 4: 39–50) in a province bordering on the heart of the Ptolemaic empire would have been a matter of great concern to the king, especially as Antiochus himself had just been humiliated by the Romans in his campaign against Egypt, and it is not unnatural that he would take measures to quell permanently what he saw as the rebellious spirit of the Judaean Jews. Those measures apparently consisted of an attempt to abrogate the ancestral customs of the Jews (2 Macc. 6: 1–2), thereby revoking the concessions made to them by Antiochus III, and to instill into the people loyalty to the Seleucid crown, hence the sacriﬁces for the king's birthday (2 Macc. 6: 7), which Fischer regards as a test

654

Ibid. pp. 126–33 (ET, 83–8).

655

Hengel, 503–54 (ET i. 277–303).

656

Millar, 16–20.

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of loyalty.657 Menelaus' precise position in all this is unclear. He is certainly shown as guiding Antiochus to plunder the Temple as part of the military action taken against Judah following Jason's abortive coup (2 Macc. 5: 15), and he is subsequently named as one of the governors left by Antiochus to oppress the people (2 Macc. 5: 22–3). He is also, as Bickerman notes, blamed for instigating the unrest after it is all over (2 Macc. 13: 3–8), but there is no mention of him being involved with the persecution at its beginning (1 Macc. 1: 41–50; 2 Macc. 6: 1–2). However, the fact that he apparently managed to remain in ofﬁce throughout the persecution implies that he did not actively oppose the measures taken by Antiochus, whether or not he actually co-operated with them or even instigated or suggested them. The linking of high priesthood with foreign domination marked the end of the high priesthood as it had been formerly known. It was the end of the Zadokite succession of high priests in Jerusalem; the last direct representative of the Oniad line was Onias III's son Onias IV, who never became high priest but who ﬂed to Egypt and established an alternative temple at Leontopolis.658 Neither

657

Fischer, 33–5.

658

The temple at Leontopolis is not mentioned in canonical or apocryphal literature, but appears several times in Josephus (Ant. xii. 387–8; xiii. 62–73; BJ vii. 423–32). Despite BJ vii. 423 it was most probably founded by Onias IV, not Onias III, as both the references in Antiquities are to Onias IV, and according to 2 Macc. 4: 33–4 Onias III was murdered at Daphnis in Antioch for denouncing Menelaus to Apollonius. The temple's somewhat surprising survival is perhaps attributable to its being viewed as a substitute for the Jerusalem Temple which had been profaned; see Felix Stähelin, ‘Elephantine und Leontopolis’, ZAW 28 (1908), 180–2, and Hayward, ‘The Jewish Temple at Leontopolis: A Reconsideration’, JJS 33 (1982), 429–43. There are also links between Leontopolis and Qumran, detailed in S. H. Steckoll, ‘The Qumran Sect in Relation to the Temple of Leontopolis’, Revue de Qumran, 6 (1967), 55–69, and Hayward suggests that Qumran and Leontopolis had a common origin in a Zadokite group which rejected the Jerusalem Temple and priesthood; each of the two communities then restructured traditional temple ideology to symbolize their belief that they had restored the legitimate cultic place and that the divine presence was with them (p. 443). The Leontopolis shrine continued to function until it was closed by the Romans in 74 CE (BJ vii. 433–5), despite being in contravention of the Deuteronomic law of centralized worship; however, it never became inﬂuential in the way that its founder probably hoped. Instead, it seems to have represented a rather ignominious end for what had been Judah's most illustrious priestly dynasty. In assessing the temple's signiﬁcance, Delcor, ‘Le Temple d'Onias en Égypte’, RB 75 (1968), 188–203, draws attention to Onias' dubious motives in building the temple, his political and possibly military services rendered to the Ptolemies which inevitably took him away from priestly duties, and the temple's potential for use by the Ptolemies as anti-Seleucid propaganda, concluding, ‘Toutes ces compromissions politiques ne durent pas faire prendre en grande estime l'œuvre d'Onias, dont ses contemporains pouvaient sans doute penser qu'il fut un prêtre malheureux, en quête non seulement d'un sanctuaire mais aussi d'une position sociale’ ('All of these political compromises must not have caused Onias' handiwork to be viewed particularly favourably, and his contemporaries most probably thought that he was a miserable priest in search not only of a sanctuary but also of social status') (p. 203). See also the discussion in Bunge, 555–94, and Joseph Mélèze Modrzejewski, Les Juifs d'Égypte, de Ramsès II à Hadrien (Paris: Éditions Armand Colin, 1992), 101–11 (ET The Jews of Egypt from Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian, trans. Robert Cornman (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 121–33).

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Menelaus, who succeeded the Oniad Jason, nor Menelaus' successor Alcimus were Zadokites.659 It was also the end of the high priest as simply the ceremonial ﬁgurehead of Jewish belief, as will become obvious from the study of the Maccabean high priests who emerged in the wake of the persecution. The last non-Maccabean high priest was Alcimus, who is once again portrayed as a hellenizer. Although there are conﬂicting accounts of how he managed to gain ofﬁce,660 the important points are that Alcimus, like Menelaus, lacked high-priestly descent, and was dependent upon Seleucid power to gain the high priesthood (1 Macc. 7: 8–11, 21–5; 9: 1). He is portrayed in the pro-Maccabean rhetoric as a focus for ‘all who were troubling their people’ (1 Macc. 7: 22), which probably means hellenizers or Seleucid sympathizers or both, and left in charge of the country together with Seleucid backing he was apparently able to make a certain amount of headway against the Maccabean forces, although not for very long (1 Macc. 7: 22–5). His attempt to demolish part of the Temple complex (1 Macc. 9: 54) was probably due to a policy of anti-particularism which would make freer access to the Temple for everyone, and is usually thought to be an attempt to demolish the wall separating the court of the Gentiles from the rest of the Temple.661 However, according to 1 Macc. 9: 55–6 this was his

659

See n. 36 in Ch. 10 above on the Ptolemaic period.

660

According to Josephus (Ant. xii. 385) Alcimus was nominated by Antiochus V Eupator after Menelaus had been executed for inciting the persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, and took ofﬁce straight away; according to 1 Macc. 7: 5–9, where Menelaus is not even mentioned, Demetrius I made Alcimus high priest for denouncing Judas Maccabeus' guerrilla warfare to the king; and according to 2 Macc. 14: 3–14 Alcimus had been high priest once before, had voluntarily laid down the position, and now, some two years after the death of Menelaus (cf. 2 Macc. 13: 1–7), was hoping to persuade Demetrius to reinstate him, as a way of protecting Demetrius' own interests and of disposing of Judas Maccabeus. Sievers (The Hasmoneans and their Supporters, 61 n. 57) thinks that ἔστησɛν ατῳ̑ τὴν ἱɛρωσύνην (estēsen autōi tēn hierosynēn, 1 Macc. 7: 9) should be interpreted to mean that Demetrius merely conﬁrmed Alcimus in the high priesthood to which Lysias had already appointed him. For a full discussion, see Wolfgang Mölleken, ‘Geschichtsklitterung im I. Makkabäerbuch (Wann wurde Alkimus Hoherpriester?)’, ZAW 65 (1953), 205–28.

661

Bévenot, 114; Zeitlin, First Maccabees, 163; Dancy, 137; Bartlett, Maccabees, 124. Goldstein, I Maccabees, 391–2, suggests that the wall was the one which divided the court of the Israelites from the court of the priests, thereby implying that Alcimus' action arose from internal Jewish sectarian wrangling rather than from the clash between Jew and Gentile. However, the sectarian wrangling could still have been provoked by the clash between Jewish ideas of separateness and Gentile-inﬂuenced ideas of assimilation. See also W. Fairweather and J. Sutherland Black, The First Book of Maccabees, CBSC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1897), 176. Abel, 174, suggests that Alcimus might have been intending to erect Greek-style porticoes (portiques ) rather than to do away with the barrier altogether.

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undoing; he was struck down by illness and died as the work was about to begin, which 1 Maccabees interprets as divine judgement for his arrogance (ὕβρις?). Once Alcimus was dead Bacchides, the Seleucid general who had been sent along with him into Judah, withdrew (1 Macc. 9: 57), despite having recently undertaken an intensive programme of fortiﬁcation in Judah and Jerusalem to secure his position together with hostage-taking to ensure good behaviour (1 Macc. 9: 50–3). This suggests the reciprocity of the Seleucid relationship with the high priesthood and implies that neither party could have done what they did without the help of the other. Alcimus had needed the backing of Seleucid might which enabled him to maintain his position and carry out his policies in the face of opposition from the Maccabean rebels,662 but Bacchides would equally have found it difﬁcult to maintain his own position without a focal person such as Alcimus to assist him and be the rallying point for Seleucid sympathizers. The next high priest after Alcimus' death in 159 BCE was Jonathan the Maccabee,663 appointed in 152 BCE by Alexander Balas, and it is to Jonathan's rise to power and that of his brother Simon that the discussion now turns. Jonathan and Simon ﬁrst appear in 1 Macc. 2: 2–5, presumably during the high priesthood of Menelaus, as two of the ﬁve sons of

662

Fischer, 102–3; Schunck, 510.

663

According to Josephus (Ant. xii. 413–14) Judas was made high priest by the people following the death of Alcimus during an attempt to pull down the wall of the Temple, and died himself only after having held the high priesthood for three years (Ant. xii. 434). However, it is unlikely that Judas ever became high priest; neither 1 nor 2 Maccabees shows Judas in such a role, and given their evident bias towards Judas together with the fact that chronologically speaking they are much closer than Josephus to the events they describe, they surely would have documented it if Judas had held the high priesthood. Instead, 1 Maccabees puts the death of Judas at the battle of Berea in 160 BCE (1 Macc. 9: 3–4, 18) whereas Alcimus died the following year (1 Macc. 9: 54–6), thus leaving no room for Judas to be high priest at all since he died before there was even a vacancy. Also, in Ant. xx. 237 Josephus contradicts the statement that Judas was high priest by saying that there was no high priest for seven years after Alcimus died, a state of affairs which would coincide with the record of events preserved in 1 Maccabees.

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Mattathias, a priest of the family of Joiarib who is listed as the ancestor of the ﬁrst priestly course in 1 Chr. 24: 7.664 Mattathias and his sons were therefore of the line of Aaron in post-exilic terms, although they were not of the line of Zadok which had been the traditional line of descent for the high priests. However, two other points should be made: ﬁrst, the list of priestly courses in 1 Chronicles 24 states that sixteen of the twenty-four courses were supposedly descended from Aaron's son Eleazar (1 Chr. 24: 4), and the traditional Zadokite high-priestly line was also supposed to have descended from Eleazar via his son Phinehas (cf. 1 Chr. 5: 27–41 (ET 6: 1–15)). Now although 1 Chronicles 24 describes the lot-casting for the order of priestly courses, there is no indication as to which families were said to have been descended from which ancestor, but there is a two-to-one chance that any given family could be Eleazarite. Joiarib therefore could have been a descendant of Eleazar, in which case Mattathias and his sons would have a common ancestor with the high-priestly line.665 Secondly, there are a number of references in 1 Maccabees to the zeal of Phinehas, who when he killed an Israelite for taking a Midianite wife in contravention of the Law, was promised an eternal (i.e. the high) priesthood as a reward for his zeal (Num. 25: 10–13). The parallel is drawn between Phinehas and the Maccabees who, appalled at ‘the blasphemies being committed in Judah and Jerusalem’ (1 Macc. 2: 6) under the hellenizing programme of Antiochus Epiphanes, were also zealous forcibly to protect the purity of the Law and the Jewish nation against Gentile inﬂuence (1 Macc. 2: 26).666 Indeed, Phinehas alone of the famous

664

See L. Dequeker, ‘1 Chronicles xxiv and the Royal Priesthood of the Hasmoneans’, in OTS 24 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1986), 94–106, for a discussion of the relationship between the present form of the priestly courses in 1 Chronicles 24 and Hasmonean editing.

665

Dequeker (p.100) argues for a textual emendation which is then interpreted to mean ‘they chose one family for Eleazar, and one more, and one family for Ithamar’—in other words, two Eleazarite families were chosen followed by one Ithamarite, and the same pattern was followed until all families had been allocated a place. This would make Joiarib in its present position an Eleazarite family. Dequeker also identiﬁes the Eleazarites with the Zadokites of Ezekiel 45, so that the house of Joiarib effectively becomes a high priestly family (pp. 97–100).

666

Cross, ‘Priestly Houses’, 202, argues that the couple slain by Phinehas in the Numbers 25 account were an Israelite man involved in sacred prostitution with a Midianite woman in the Tent of Meeting. Such an interpretation would give even greater signiﬁcance to the use of Phinehas as a precedent for the Maccabees' violent action, since they like Phinehas were attempting to restore the sanctity of the Temple from its desecration by illegitimate and foreign forms of worship.

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ﬁgures of Israel's past mentioned as examples in 1 Macc. 2: 52–60 is described as ‘our ancestor’ (ὁ πατὴρ ἡμω̑ν, ho patēr hēmōn—2: 54), which could either simply refer to common priestly descent, or which could again be a way of implying the Maccabees' close genealogical connection with the high-priestly line. Phinehas therefore offers both a spiritual and an implied genealogical precedent for the Maccabees' eventual rise to prominence. The overall message is that the Maccabees acted as they did because they were true descendants of Phinehas in both a spiritual and a physical sense (whether or not they were actually descended from him), so that like him they were rewarded by God with the high priesthood because of their zeal for the Law. Mattathias and his sons, then, begin an unashamedly military campaign to free their country from the imposition of these ‘blasphemies’, and effectively become guerrilla warriors, starting an army of resistance against the Greeks and against those who are either in favour of the Greek inﬂuence or who are cowed by it into neglect of their own ancestral customs and laws (1 Macc. 2: 42–8). When Mattathias dies the command is handed over to Judas Maccabeus (2: 66, 3: 1), and when Judas is killed in battle Jonathan is nominated by the people to take over from him. Jonathan therefore begins as a military leader, in accordance with the role he has fulﬁlled so far during the Maccabean campaign, and his brief is to ﬁght the people's battle (ɛἰς ὺρχοντα καὶ ἡγούμɛνον του̑ πολɛμη̑σαι τὸν πόλɛμον ἡμω̑ν, ‘as ruler and leader to ﬁght our battle’, 9: 30). This is a second difference from the ‘traditional’ path to high priesthood; it is, however, very reminiscent of the beginnings of the monarchy, and indeed a deliberate parallel is drawn between Jonathan's preferment in 1 Macc. 9: 28–30 and the Israelites' demand for a king as recorded in 1 Sam. 8: 19–20 (καὶ δικάσɛι ἡμα̑ς βασιλɛὺς ἡμω̑ν καὶ ἐξɛλɛύσɛται ἔμπροσθɛν ἡμω̑ν καὶ πολɛμήσɛι τὸν πόλɛμον ἡμω̑ν, ‘and our king will judge us and will go out before us and will ﬁght our battle’, 1 Sam. 8: 20b (LXX)). In each case the phrase πολɛμη̑σαι τὸν πόλɛμον ἡμω̑ν (polemēsai ton polemon hēmōn, ‘ﬁght our battle’) is used to deﬁne what the people expect of their new ruler. But despite the deliberately Deuteronomistic portrayal in 1 Maccabees it seems indisputable that Jonathan's route to prominence was via military prowess and human leadership skills, rather than because of his priestly ancestry. According to 1 Macc. 9: 3 the battle in which Judas was killed

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took place in 160 BCE, and assuming that Jonathan took over as leader some time fairly soon after that, he would have been in command of the resistance force for some eight years before his eventual rise to the high priesthood in 152; moreover, the high priesthood was granted to him by Alexander, the Seleucid ruler, rather than by his fellow-Jews (1 Macc. 10: 18–21). Jonathan's primary identity was therefore as a military rather than as a religious leader, although in some ways the distinction is rather arbitrary. Jonathan was the leader of a group which was primarily concerned with religious identity, and which was using military means to express that concern. Later on, of course, the struggle for religious freedom became entangled with the struggle for national freedom, so that the two were inseparable; whilst this may have contributed to the Hasmoneans' rise to power as priest-kings, it doubtless contributed to the disaffection of some segments of the population as they saw their spiritual life as a nation being compromised.667 Under those circumstances, conquest by Rome in 63 BCE would have served as another ‘exile’ experience, and could have been interpreted in much the same way as the Babylonian Exile, that is, as God's punishment of his people for their faithlessness. According to the account in 1 Maccabees, when Jonathan ﬁrst came to military prominence in 160 BCE Alcimus was high priest and was being supported by Bacchides and a Seleucid army (cf. 1 Macc. 7: 8–9). Following Alcimus' death in 159 BCE Bacchides withdrew from Judah (9: 57), possibly to consult in Antioch about the appointment of a new high priest,668 but encouraged by a group of Seleucid supporters in Judah, he attempted to re-establish Seleucid power in the country two years later. Jonathan and the Maccabean supporters received intelligence of his initial plan for a secret attack on them which they thwarted, but Bacchides still managed to besiege Jonathan in the stronghold of Bethbasi. However, Jonathan outmanœuvred the Seleucid, forcing him to withdraw again (9: 58–69), and followed up the defeat with an embassy to Bacchides. Bacchides accepted the embassy, returning 283

667

The Qumran community is usually thought to be the result of just such disaffection. In particular, the Qumran Habakkuk commentary's reference to the Wicked Priest is generally assigned to one or more of the Hasmonean leaders, who promised a restoration of the Law but who betrayed the trust of those who hoped for that restoration. See for example van der Woude, ‘Wicked Priest or Wicked Priests?’, and George W. E. Nickelsburg, Jr, ‘Simon—A Priest with a Reputation for Faithfulness’, BASOR 223 (1976), 67–8.

668

Sievers, The Hasmoneans and their Supporters, 71.

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the hostages which he had taken earlier (9: 53) and promising to leave Judah in peace (9: 70–2).669 Jonathan's sending, and Bacchides' acceptance, of the embassy marks an important development in relations between the Maccabeans and the Seleucids. It is the ﬁrst negotiated settlement reached by the two groups, and given that it was initiated by Jonathan it implies not only that Jonathan's support had grown to the extent that he now represented the most powerful faction in Judah, but also that the Seleucids were ﬁnally prepared, or maybe forced, to recognize his inﬂuence. But despite this, Jonathan did not become high priest, and indeed no further appointment to the high priesthood was made either by the Seleucids or by the Jews themselves until Alexander's nomination of Jonathan in 152, which meant that there was apparently an intriguing seven-year power vacuum in the high priesthood.670 Alcimus' death and Bacchides' defeat had left Jonathan as the de facto unchallenged (though unofﬁcial) leader in Judah, because the channels through which Seleucid power had been brought to bear in Judah had been removed; but Jonathan is not portrayed as therefore having become high priest or even as a priestly ﬁgure at all. Instead, it is reported that he ‘began to judge the people’ (καὶ ἤρξατο Ιωναθαν κρίνɛιν τὸν λαόν, 1 Macc. 9: 73), a portrayal redolent not of priestly authority but of the pre-monarchic deliverer ﬁgures such as Gideon (Judges 6–8) who were supposedly raised up and anointed by God for the task of delivering Israel from outside oppressors (Judg. 2: 16, 18), and who would then rule the delivered people by ‘judging’ them (LXX κρίνςιν, krinein—e.g. Judg. 10: 3; 12:7) to ensure their proper obedience to God.671 Jonathan is pictured as a Maccabean deliverer, raised up to free the people from servitude to an enemy who was trying to impose false gods upon them. Similarly, Jonathan's encounters with Bacchides are couched in terms reminiscent of the Israelites' pre-monarchic battles to secure

669

Josephus' account, although based on 1 Maccabees, differs in detail from it. He makes no connection between Alcimus' death and Bacchides' withdrawal from Judaea (Ant. xii. 413; xiii. 22); Alcimus had already died by the time Jonathan took over the Maccabean forces (Ant. xiii. 5–6); and Bacchides himself killed the leaders of the pro-Seleucid conspiracy (Ant. xiii. 25). However, he follows closely the account of the siege and its favourable outcome for Jonathan (Ant. xiii. 26–34).

670

See n. 40 above on Josephus' claim that Judas Maccabeus became high priest after Alcimus.

671

Abel, 178; Bartlett, Maccabees, 127; Goldstein, I Maccabees, 395, 377, 76.

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their position in the land: the phrase in 1 Macc. 9: 57, ‘καὶ ἡσύχασɛν ἡ γη̑ (Ιουδα) ἔτη (δύο)’ (‘and the land (of Judah) had rest for (two) years’), occurs repeatedly in Judges to describe the periods of peace between enemy assaults (e.g. 3: 11, 30; 5: 31; 8: 28), and the emphasis on repelling the enemy from the territory of Judah (1 Macc. 9: 72) matches that throughout the books of Joshua, Judges, and the early part of 1 Samuel on protecting Israel against hostile assaults from the surrounding peoples. The ‘deliverer’ model also appears as the type for the early days of the monarchy: Saul's ﬁrst task after being anointed king of Israel was to deliver his people from the Ammonites (1 Sam. 11: 1–11), in exactly the same fashion as his deliverer predecessors had eliminated the threat to Israel from other hostile nations. Portraying Jonathan as a deliverer, therefore, is a way of showing him as a king in embryo, and once again it is possible to see a deliberately Deuteronomistic picture of events in order to justify the Maccabeans' eventual rise to ruling power on the basis of already accepted Scriptural precedents. In fact, the monarchic precedent is more important and receives more emphasis overall than the admittedly important initial precedent of Phinehas by which the Maccabean rise to the supreme priestly position was justiﬁed, and this in itself points to deﬁnite conclusions about the nature of Maccabean rule, as will become clear. Jonathan continued in his ‘deliverer’ role for ﬁve years until Alexander's overtures to him ﬁnally put a name to his power and called him the high priest. There are a number of issues which are raised by this scenario, the most obvious of which is the reason for the sevenyear gap between Alcimus' death and Jonathan's appointment to the high priesthood. Since the time when Jason had involved Antiochus IV in the appointment of the high priest, candidates for the ofﬁce apparently needed at the very least the approval of the imperial authorities, if not royal nomination (cf. 1 Macc. 7: 9; 2 Macc. 4: 7–10, 23–6). But in the seven-year period between Alcimus and Jonathan it can be imagined that it would have been difﬁcult to ﬁnd a candidate who was sufﬁciently acceptable to both sides to take on the position. The internal power politics were such that a pro-Seleucid candidate would have been opposed by the resistance forces while a Maccabean candidate would have been unacceptable to the Seleucid ruler Demetrius on whose behalf

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Bacchides had tried unsuccessfully to crush Jonathan. From the Jews' own point of view it was probably a time of transition; the hellenizers for their part would probably have been in no position to put foward someone sympathetic to their outlook because of the growing inﬂuence of the resistance movement (cf. 1 Macc. 9: 73—Jonathan ‘destroyed the godless out of Israel’), while Jonathan himself, despite his growing inﬂuence, may not have been acceptable even to his own supporters as a high priest because of his warrior, non-Zadokite status—or maybe because the high priesthood had become so ﬁrmly linked with the Seleucids that to become high priest a candidate would have to be acceptable to the Seleucids, and therefore unacceptable to the resistance, by deﬁnition. Hence, when Alexander nominated Jonathan, he broke the deadlock in favour of the Maccabean party, thereby acknowledging once again the extent to which Jonathan's authority among his own people had grown, but at the same time linking that authority more closely with the foreign power than would be acceptable to all the members of the resistance force. Secondly, there is the question of whether or not the Jews wanted Jonathan as their high priest, and indeed whether or not Jonathan himself wanted the honour. It has already been remarked that neither the Jews nor Jonathan are shown as making any attempt to institute a Maccabean high priesthood until Alexander gave the honour to Jonathan, and it might well be argued that it was never in Jonathan's mind to gain the high priesthood, at least not when the campaign was begun. For all Jonathan's wiles, he is never shown making a speciﬁc effort to gain the high priesthood. The references to Phinehas discussed earlier are probably the eventual author's retrospective attempts to justify the result of the campaigns, which is a very different matter from claiming that Mattathias and his sons started out with the intention of taking over the high priesthood themselves. However, it is difﬁcult to believe that having reached the point of commanding a signiﬁcant and powerful minority among the people Jonathan would not have thought in terms of obtaining ofﬁcial recognition of his authority in some way, and once Demetrius had effectively given him control of Jerusalem by the concessions made to him (1 Macc. 10: 6–10) the high priesthood was only a step away. It is not inconceivable that when Alexander heard of the concessions made by Demetrius and the battles fought by the

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Maccabees (1 Macc. 10: 15) he did so courtesy of a delegation from Jonathan, who was playing off one Seleucid against the other in an attempt to maximize his own position.672 In fact, this could well be seen as the point at which it became evident that the ﬁght to regain religious freedom had undergone the subtle but inexorable shift to a ﬁght for national sovereignty, and that the leader of the ﬁght was keen to become the sovereign. From the point of view of the Jewish nation, the intrigues which had taken place earlier with Onias, Jason, Menelaus, and Alcimus would make the non-hellenizers very wary in their nomination of anyone else as high priest, especially as both Jason and Alcimus had been of priestly stock, and Jason was also the brother of the high priest Onias and therefore of high-priestly stock himself. Evidently priestly descent was no longer a trustworthy criterion for the choice of a high priest who would uphold the Jewish Law. On the other hand, Jonathan was a priest who, despite his unorthodox interpretation of the Law (cf. 1 Macc. 2: 40–1), seemed to have the presence of God with him and to be ﬁghting to maintain the Law, not to break it down as the others had. And yet it is true that 1 Maccabees makes very little mention of Jonathan's high priesthood once it was achieved,673 nor is there any eulogy of Jonathan as there is of Simon.674 In addition, the letter from Demetrius to the Jews immediately after Alexander's promotion of Jonathan does not mention Jonathan at all (1 Macc. 10: 25–44), a fact which has been taken to indicate that Demetrius was attempting to drive a wedge between the Jews and their new high priest based on their feelings of ambivalence or even opposition towards Jonathan.675 From this it does seem likely that there was a good deal of uncertainty as to whether Jonathan was entitled to become high priest,

672

Abel, 182; Bartlett, Maccabees, 131.

673

Bartlett, Maccabees, 132.

674

Ibid. 181.

675

Sievers, The Hasmoneans and their Supporters, 93–4. See also Bévenot, 119; Zeitlin, First Maccabees, 171; Goldstein, I Maccabees, 405. No doubt part of the difﬁculty was that Jonathan had been appointed by the Seleucids, which would be a great cause for concern in view of the poor record of the high priests appointed by the Seleucids prior to Jonathan. Instead of freeing the Jews from the undesirable inﬂuences of Seleucid rule as brought in by his immediate predecessors, Jonathan was simply continuing the pattern which had caused so much disruption: he was not of high-priestly descent, yet he had become high priest, and had done so courtesy of the foreign power which had proved so antagonistic to the Jews both directly and indirectly. Under those circumstances, it is not surprising that there were those who felt they had to defend the Maccabees by writing the eulogies of 1 and 2 Maccabees.

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even among those who were basically in favour of the Maccabean cause. There is also the question of what the seven-year gap meant for both the Jews and the Seleucid administration. For the Jews it can be imagined that in the case of the high priest's ritual duties some kind of deputizing arrangement was made, such as that which would normally have been made for the high priest before major festivals in case some accidental pollution befell him when there was not enough time left before the festival to purify himself again. Evidence for this kind of deputization can be found in 2 Macc. 4: 29, where Menelaus is said to have left his brother Lysimachus as deputy in the high priesthood when he himself was summoned before the king. For the Seleucid administration, there was no rush to ﬁll the gap, which seems to indicate that the high priesthood was not necessary to them in order to maintain the Judaean provincial administration. Since they apparently were the ones to say who became high priest (or at least had taken it upon themselves to be responsible for the appointments from Jason onwards) the lack of a reappointment must be put down to Seleucid failure (and Jewish powerlessness) to appoint; hence, there must have been other personnel to ensure that Judah's obligations towards the Seleucid empire and the day-to-day management of the province were carried out whether or not there was a high priest in post. It was probably better for the Seleucids to have no high priest at all than a rebellious one. Finally, there is the question of the point at which the ofﬁcial recognition of Jonathan's power can be said to have taken place, given that Demetrius is said to have granted him the power to raise and equip troops before Alexander appointed him the high priest (1 Macc. 10: 1–6). Demetrius was evidently aware of Jonathan's capabilities, having clashed with him on more than one occasion, and his plan at the point of Alexander's invasion was doubtless to secure Jonathan's assistance against Alexander, for which Jonathan would need the capacity to raise troops. In effect, therefore, Demetrius gave Jonathan the same kind of privileges as Alexander gave him, but without granting him any recognized ofﬁce (and without therefore prejudicing his position in the eyes of the Maccabean supporters). Of course, it was unlikely that having tried to crush Jonathan Demetrius would have been willing to appoint him to any kind of ofﬁce—he simply wanted Jonathan to

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be able to assist him and to be sufﬁciently kindly disposed towards him not to form a dangerous alliance with Alexander. But the plan backﬁred: Alexander was the one who beneﬁted from Demetrius' grant to Jonathan, because an ally who has the power to raise and equip troops must of necessity be more useful than one who does not have that power. Hence, by making Jonathan his own friend and ally and by granting him the high priesthood, Alexander was able to use Demetrius' grant to Jonathan to his own advantage, instead of allowing Demetrius to put it to use against him as was no doubt the original intention. The nature of the high priesthood to which Jonathan was appointed is an interesting question. Jonathan is shown putting on the sacred robes at the festival of Tabernacles (1 Macc. 10: 21), which implies that there was certainly a ritual element to his high priesthood, but he did not stop his participation in military activity because of it. Immediately after putting on the robes his next reported action is the recruiting and abundant arming of troops, and when Demetrius II's governor Apollonius challenged Jonathan's authority in the hill country (1 Macc. 10: 70–3), Jonathan had no hesitation in choosing an army and going out himself at the head of the troops to meet Apollonius' force (10: 74–85). Such a battle situation with blood and bodies all around would have been impossibly deﬁling for the kind of high priest depicted in Lev. 21: 11, who was not allowed near any corpse, not even the corpses of his own parents. Much more comparable would be the situation of the monarchy, where the monarch was both a military commander and technically the chief priest of the nation, but had a priestly deputy for everything except the most important festivals, when presumably he would make a special effort to attain a sufﬁcient degree of ritual purity to ofﬁciate. Just as the ‘deliverer’ and therefore the monarchic paradigm is stressed more than the ‘Phinehas’ paradigm for the Hasmonean rise to power, in the exercise of their ofﬁce both Jonathan and his successors are portrayed more as sacral kings than as ruling priests. This is a conclusion which is borne out by the fashion at the turn of the twentieth century to date the so-called royal psalms to the time of the Maccabean rebellion. Psalm 110 in particular has been interpreted as referring to Simon the Maccabee, and is perhaps the most interesting example of Maccabean dating for a psalm because of the claims for an acrostic of Simon's name in the ﬁrst

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four verses.676 But the reason for the vast swing in the proposed dating for these psalms between the Maccabean and the now generally accepted (early) monarchic period must be that the ﬁgure depicted in the psalm could have belonged to either period; the Maccabees and the monarchs must have seemed sufﬁciently alike to confuse a considerable segment of the scholarly community. One particularly interesting point is the reference to Melchizedek in Ps. 110: 4: The Lord has sworn and will not change his mind, ‘You are a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek.’ This was probably the basis for many scholars' opinion of the psalm as Maccabean; like Melchizedek, Simon was a priest as well as a kingly ruler, and so seemed an obvious subject for the psalm. But so were the pre-exilic monarchs, and, as argued earlier, the point of the Melchizedek reference is that whoever is being referred to in the psalm is a king whose kingship gives him ex ofﬁcio priestly duties—not a priest whose priesthood gives him ex ofﬁcio royal duties.677 The early monarchs took on representative and ritual duties by virtue of being kings; but so, it would appear, did the Maccabees, despite their priestly origins. Jonathan was of priestly descent, but he was the people's military champion and ‘judge’ long before he was high priest, and even allowing for the bias of 1 Maccabees, which tries to portray Jonathan in terms of the earliest recorded monarchs in Israel's history, it cannot be disputed that he gained the high priesthood from the Seleucids both in addition to and because of his de facto authority as a nonpriestly leader. A further interesting observation about the nature of the high priesthood concerns the terminology used for the high priest. Given that 1 Maccabees is usually thought to have been translated from a Hebrew original, it is quite instructive to compare with it the LXX renditions of the various titles for high priest found in the MT. The textual information gathered in the course of the present study shows that leading priestly ﬁgures are referred to in Leviticus, Numbers, Joshua, 2 Kings, Ezra, Nehemiah, Haggai, Zechariah, and 2 Chronicles, but that the rendition of their titles in the LXX almost nowhere corresponds to the conventions used in

676

For a discussion of the acrostic, see Ch. 3 above on Melchizedek.

677

Ibid.

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1 Maccabees. There are four main designations in the Hebrew, and their corresponding Greek renditions are as follows:

Only once does the term ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus, ‘high/chief priest’) appear, namely in Lev. 4: 3 where (hakkōhēn hammāšîaḥ) is rendered ὁ ἀρχιςρςὺς ὁ κςχρισμένος (ho archiereus ho kechrismenos, ‘the anointed high priest’), instead of the expected ὁ ἱςρςὺς ὁ χριστός (ho hiereus ho christos), which renders the other three occurrences of the same Hebrew phrase (Lev. 4: 5, 16; 6: 15 (ET 6: 22)).678 However, by contrast with the canonical LXX usage, the terminology in 1 Maccabees is almost entirely consistently ὁ ἀρχιςρςύς (ho archiereus) for the person and ἡ ἀρχιςρωσύνη (hē archierōsynē) for the ofﬁce. Out of a total of thirty-two occasions on which the high priest or the high priesthood is mentioned, twenty-six use ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) or a verbal or nominal derivative from it.679 Two of these combine ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) with the adjective μέγας (megas, 1 Macc. 13: 42; 14: 27), which, given that the LXX uses ὁ ἱςρςὺς ὁ μέγας (ho hiereus ho megas) to render the Hebrew (hakkōhēn haggādôl—the most frequently used title in the MT for the chief priestly ﬁgure apart from simply , hakkōhēn), looks as if it might be a compound formation of some kind. Of the six references not using ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) at all, two use

678

The term ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus ) also appears four times in Esdras A (ET 1 Esdras), the deutero-canonical Greek version of Ezra–Nehemiah. See n. 35 in Ch. 6 above on Ezra and Nehemiah.

679

1 Macc. 7: 21; 10: 20, 32, 38, 69; 11: 27, 57; 12: 3, 6, 7; 13: 36, 42; 14: 17, 23, 27, 30, 35, 38, 41, 47; 15: 17, 21, 24; 16: 12, 24 (twice).

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ἱςρατςύςιν (hierateuein, ‘serve as priest’) and ἱςρωσύνη (hierōsynē, ‘priesthood’; 1 Macc. 7: 5 and 7: 9 respectively), three are in the salutations of letters addressed to ἱɛρɛι̑ μɛγάλῳ (hierei megalōi—1 Macc. 12: 20; 14: 20; 15: 2), and one uses the simple ἱςρςύς (hiereus, 1 Macc. 15: 1). The pattern of usage can perhaps be explained with reference to the context in which the terms appear. The terms ἱςρατςύςιν (hierateuein) and ἱςρωσύνη (hierōsynē) both refer to Alcimus, the only preMaccabean high priest mentioned in 1 Maccabees, who although he was high priest does not seem to have had the power to rally and equip his own troops, but was dependent upon Bacchides for such resources. Two of the salutations to ἱɛρɛι̑ μɛγάλῳ (hierei megalōi) come in letters supposedly sent by the Spartans. The ﬁrst one (1 Macc. 12: 20) is in a letter to Onias from King Areus dating most probably from the third century, and Goldstein suggests that the text of the letter preserved in 1 Macc. 12: 20–3 is a Greek translation of an Aramaic original.680 In that case, the Greek would be a rendering of the normal third-century Aramaic term for the high priest, namely (kāhanāʼ rabbāʼ—Hebrew , hakkōhēn haggādôl). The second one (1 Macc. 14: 20) comes in a letter from the Spartans to Simon Maccabee in 140 BCE, suggesting that this particular convention of address for the Jewish high priest might have been borrowed from the earlier letter,681 although later on in the second letter the term ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) is used (1 Macc. 14: 23), as elsewhere in 1 Maccabees. The third salutation to ἱɛρɛι̑ μɛγάλῳ (hierei megalōi) is in the letter from Antiochus VII to Simon (1 Macc. 15: 2), but here, as with the use of ἱɛρɛι̑ (hierei) alone in 15: 1, other titles are used to make it clear that Simon is an ὺρχων (archōn, ‘ruler’) as well as a priest. The main question raised by this use of terminology is whether or not it is signiﬁcant in the attempt to analyse the political realities of the Maccabean era, and in the light of that question there seem to be two main possible explanations for it. The ﬁrst is that the use of ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) was to indicate that those who bore the title were not only priests but leaders as well; in other words, it was a designation which arose with the development of the high priesthood into formerly untouched areas and which was indicative of

680

Goldstein, I Maccabees, 456–7.

681

Goldstein suggests that the usage at this point may have been intended as an honoriﬁc, ‘the great priest’, rather than as a technical term (ibid. 492).

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that development. In favour of such an interpretation is the fact that it appears so infrequently in the LXX of the canonical OT literature, which could be taken to indicate that although it was familiar to the then translators, it was inappropriate for what they were translating. If that was the case the natural conclusion is that the Hebrew term underlying the appearance of ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) in 1 Maccabees was different from those which occur in the MT. The fact, too, that six times something other than ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) is used for ‘high priest’ in a work which was translated from Hebrew in the ﬁrst instance suggests that the Hebrew underlying ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) and that underlying the other Greek terms for ‘high priest’ would have been different, and lends force to the argument that ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) came into use to meet the new situation under the Hasmoneans whereby the high priesthood was given to the person who already had the authority of leadership among the people as a way of deﬁning that leadership. The term's appearance could then be due either to a special coinage to render an equivalent coinage in the Hebrew original, or to the use of an already existing Greek term which had previously been inappropriate to the nature of the high priesthood. Of course, such an innovation need not have been entirely due to the translator(s) of 1 Maccabees—it could equally well be a reﬂection of common parlance, which used the term of these high priests. However, this in itself implies recognition of a difference between the Maccabees and previous high priests, especially when it is noted that Simon the son of Onias is referred to in Ben Sira 50: 1 as ἱςρςύς ὁ μέγας (hiereus ho megas) in a translation which dates from the period 132–117 BCE, that is, during the Hasmonean period. The second explanation of the terminology is that the use of ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) in 1 Maccabees is merely a literary or stylistic phenomenon, dependent upon the whim of the translator and having no signiﬁcance for an attempt to analyse political realities;682 but given the obvious desire to echo the language and style of DH, and the translator's familiarity with phrases and vocabulary from the LXX of DH, as already pointed out, it seems strange that there should be such a radical departure from it in this area. The term ἀρχιςρςύς (archiereus) never once occurs in the LXX of DH,

682

John W. Bailey, ‘The Usage in the Post Restoration Period of Terms Descriptive of the Priest and High Priest’, JBL 70 (1951), 217–25 (p. 225). See also Goldstein, I Maccabees, 460.

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and in fact by far the most common designation there for the chief priest is simply ὁ ἱςρςύς (ho hiereus). There seems to be no reason why 1 Maccabees should not also follow that convention. But it does not do so, giving the impression that the terminology used in the Greek of 1 Maccabees at least was chosen with a deliberate aim in mind, namely, to reﬂect a change in the status of the high priesthood from the picture of it given in DH, a work which in other respects served as such an important model for the history of the Maccabees. Although the high priesthood had been tainted somewhat by its unfavourable links with the Seleucids, up to the time of Jonathan's appointment it was still a Jewish ofﬁce with Jewish obligations, and even though Jonathan had been appointed by Alexander rather than by the Jews themselves, he could still be regarded as the Jewish leader of the Jews as long as he conducted himself in a way which was favourable to his nation and its traditions. However, after refusing an alliance with Demetrius, whom Alexander then defeated, Jonathan was summoned to a meeting with Alexander at which Alexander made him ‘general and governor of the province (στρατηγὸν καὶ μςριδάρχην, stratēgon kai meridarchēn)’ (1 Macc. 10: 65), as well as enrolling him as one of the king's chief friends. It might be rather cynically observed that Alexander, as a challenger to the Seleucid throne, was glad of all the help he could get, and therefore his rewarding of someone who had proved faithful to him was less of a genuine reward than an attempt to ensure the continuation of that faithfulness so as to secure his own position. But whatever Alexander's motives, the result was political advancement for Jonathan. This was a signiﬁcant move, because it meant that Jonathan had deﬁnitely crossed the line between being the Jewish head of state and a Seleucid ofﬁcial, which would doubtless have increased antagonism towards the Maccabees in certain quarters as amounting to compromise with the enemy. Just how closely Jonathan's power at this stage was dependent upon the ruling Seleucid is illustrated by Demetrius II's appearance as a claimant to the throne against Alexander. Demetrius appointed Apollonius as his own governor over Coele-Syria before he had even engaged Jonathan (1 Macc. 10: 69),683 but Jonathan

683

According to Ant. xiii. 88 Apollonius was Alexander's general rather than Demetrius'.

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drove Apollonius back (1 Macc. 10: 74–85), thereby protecting both his own position as governor and general and so Alexander's inﬂuence over Coele-Syria. Had Jonathan been defeated, his position would have been reduced once more to that of a rebel leader in Judah because Alexander's claims to sovereignty would have been severely threatened. Given Jonathan's dependence on Alexander for his new increased inﬂuence, it is debatable whether he was ﬁghting primarily for himself or on behalf of Alexander, but in the light of Demetrius' aggressive approach (cf. 1 Macc. 10: 70–3) Jonathan must have felt that the Jews were far more likely to beneﬁt under Alexander than under Demetrius, who was aiming to suppress them rather than to make alliances with them. Certainly the immediate result of the battle between Jonathan and Apollonius was ﬁnancial beneﬁt for the Jews because of the amount of booty they captured from the enemy (1 Macc. 10: 87), coupled with the possession of the Philistine town of Ekron and its environs, given to Jonathan by Alexander as a reward (1 Macc. 10:89).684 But later on Alexander's unsuccessful battle with Ptolemy followed by Ptolemy's death left Demetrius as the new Seleucid ruler (1 Macc. 11: 8–19). At ﬁrst, Jonathan's boldness in dealing with the inexperienced Demetrius resulted in signiﬁcant concessions being made to him and the Jewish nation (1 Macc. 11: 20–37), and when Demetrius' troops revolted against him it was the Jews to whom he appealed for help and by whom he was saved. But the initial antagonism returned once the kingdom was secure; the concessions which Demetrius had made to Jonathan never materialized (1 Macc. 11: 52–3), conﬁrming once again the extent to which Judah in general and Jonathan in particular were dependent upon the whim of the greater Seleucid power for their well-being and status. Nor did the antagonism cease even after Demetrius himself was routed by Trypho and the young Antiochus, who conﬁrmed Jonathan as high priest and increased his powers (1 Macc. 11: 57–8): Demetrius' ofﬁcers made two unsuccessful attempts to eliminate Jonathan. Jonathan's eventual downfall came at the hands of Trypho, who in the pursuit of his own claim to the throne instead of the young Antiochus ﬁrst tried

684

Goldstein, I Maccabees, 422, comments, ‘The gift of the old Philistine town of Akkaron (Ekron) made Jonathan now similar to David, who had received Ziklag as his heritage in return for his services to a pagan king (1 Sam. 27: 6).’ This is of course another echo of the Deuteronomistic history of Israel's monarchy.

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to overcome Jonathan by military means but then tricked him into dismissing his soldiers and captured him, eventually killing him (1 Macc. 12: 39–48; 13: 12–24). Following his preferment at the hands of one Seleucid ruler, Jonathan's assassination at the hands of another is a wry comment on how secure his power base was; and yet it is undeniable that he had made signiﬁcant gains in the ﬁght for independence, as can be seen from the fortunes of Simon, his successor. Simon was apparently able to take up Jonathan's mantle of leadership and to be recognized as high priest without question or qualm by Jews and Seleucids alike; however, it is not entirely clear exactly when or how he became high priest. Like Jonathan, he is shown as being asked to take on the military mantle ﬁrst of all; his initial commission from the Jews, while Jonathan was still alive but a prisoner at the hands of Trypho, is to ‘ﬁght our battle (πολέμησον τὸν πόλɛμον ἡμω̑ν, polemēson ton polemon hēmōn)’ (1 Macc. 13: 9), once again echoing the words of appointment for the ﬁrst Israelite king. Nowhere is Simon's investiture as high priest depicted; rather, the ﬁrst time he appears as high priest is when he is addressed as such in the letter from Demetrius which grants the nation freedom from taxation and tribute (1 Macc. 13: 36). However, the declaration set up by the Jews on Mount Zion in the third year of Simon's high priesthood (1 Macc. 14: 27) claimed that the people themselves made Simon their leader and high priest in gratitude for everything he had done for the nation, and that Demetrius simply conﬁrmed him in the high priesthood (ἔστησɛν ατῳ̑ τὴν ἀρχιɛρωσύνην, estēsen autōi tēn archierōsynēn—1 Macc. 14:38). Whether it was Demetrius or the Jews themselves who ﬁrst regarded Simon as their high priest, though, it was doubtless politically advantageous to Demetrius to deal favourably with Simon in view of the challenge to his own authority from the ambitious and treacherous Trypho, and as had been the case with Jonathan and Alexander, Simon by this time had sufﬁcient authority among his own people to make Demetrius wary of him. It was safer to offer Simon concessions than to risk having him as an enemy. It is tempting to contrast the enthusiastic eulogizing of Simon in 1 Macc. 14: 32–7 with the rather ﬂat declaration that Jonathan ‘became their high priest’ (1 Macc. 14: 30), as well as the absence of any kind of eulogy for Jonathan as compared with that for Simon

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in 1 Macc. 14: 4–15,685 and it has already been noted that it was the Seleucid Alexander Balas who appointed Jonathan to the high priesthood. Maybe this is a reﬂection of unease or even disapproval felt in some quarters over Jonathan's preferment at the hands of a foreign power, as suggested earlier. And yet, had Jonathan not been appointed there would have been no precedent for Simon to follow in becoming high priest after his brother, nor would the point of Jewish independence have been reached had Simon not been able to build on the foundations laid by Jonathan as an ofﬁcial recognized and respected by the Seleucids.686 Hence, the treatment of Jonathan in 1 Maccabees would express the ambiguity of the situation in which the Jews found themselves, in that they had leaders whom they trusted and relied upon to maintain their national interests against those who were perceived as a threat to the nation, and yet those same leaders were in place with all their power thanks to the very forces which constituted the opposing threat. The laudatory declaration for Simon could then be a kind of justiﬁcation which the Jews prepared for themselves as a way of regularizing the situation, actively claiming Simon as their high priest rather than feeling that he had effectively been foisted upon them by the Seleucids because of the precedent set by his brother—a kind of ‘grasping the nettle’, acknowledging the state of affairs and trying to use it creatively in their own interests. But it is interesting that they chose to grant him leadership according to a dynastic model based closely upon the models prevailing at that time in the Hellenistic world (1 Macc. 14: 41–5).687 Simon's ﬁrst action was to gather together the ﬁghting men and complete the walls of Jerusalem (1 Macc. 13: 10). It should be noted here in passing that the high priesthood in the days of Nehemiah 297

685

Bartlett, Maccabees, 181; W. Stewart McCullough, The History and Literature of the Palestinian Jews from Cyrus to Herod 550 BC to 4 BC (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), 123.

686

Just how tenuous the ‘independence’ was is illustrated by Antiochus VII's letter to Simon conﬁrming tax relief and other privileges to the nation as if Judah were still part of the royal realm (1 Macc. 15: 1–9), and his later disregard of the concessions he had previously granted when his own situation seemed unfavourable (1 Macc. 15: 27–31).

687

The declaration of intent that Simon should rule for ever (1 Macc. 14: 41) is usually taken as a designation of hereditary leadership. See Bévenot, 159; Abel, 260; Zeitlin, First Maccabees, 229; Dancy, 186; Bartlett, Maccabees, 197; Goldstein, I Maccabees, 507–8. However, Sievers, The Hasmoneans and their Supporters, 127, suggests that the phrase ‘in perpetuity’ could simply mean for the rest of Simon's life, as there is nothing about his descendants in 1 Maccabees.

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lacked either the power or the charisma, or maybe even the inclination, to rally the people for a wall-building exercise, so that Nehemiah had to come all the way from Persia to oversee the task at the command of the Persian authorities.688 However, if Bickerman's analysis of Antiochus IV's actions is correct,689 the razing of Jerusalem's walls and the building of the Akra as a Greek πόλις (polis) either in or just outside the city meant that Jerusalem as a nearby unwalled settlement would have come under the jurisdiction of the Akra. It was therefore important to complete the walls of Jerusalem as soon as possible to declare the city's independence from the foreign domination exercised via the Akra. Under those circumstances the wall-building would not have been an ofﬁcial project requiring sanction by the authorities, as in Nehemiah's time, but rather was an act of rebellion against the overlords, undertaken as part of the resistance movement's campaign. The eulogy of Simon which appears in 1 Macc. 14: 4–15 expresses ideas which are very reminiscent of Psalm 72, another royal psalm,690 which is often interpreted as having messianic connotations with its picture of idyllic, peaceful life. Examples of the reminiscences are as follows (verses from 1 Maccabees 14 are in roman type, and those from Psalm 72 in italics): 4: The land had rest all the days of Simon. He sought the good of his nation; his rule was pleasing to them, as was the honour shown him, all his days. 7: In his days may righteousness ﬂourish and peace abound, until the moon is no more. 15: Long may he live! May gold of Sheba be given to him. May prayer be made for him continually, and blessings invoked for him all day long. 5: To crown all his honours he took Joppa for a harbour, and opened a way to the isles of the sea. 6: He extended the borders of his nation, and gained full control of the country. 8: May he have dominion from sea to sea, and from the River to the ends of the earth.

688

See Ch. 6 above on Ezra and Nehemiah.

689

Gott der Makkabäer, 72–7 (ET, 47–51).

690

Once again, as with the close dependence of 1 Maccabees on the Deuteronomistic History for its model of Jewish leadership, the use of a royal type rather than priestly types as the expression of the Maccabees' signiﬁcance for the Jewish people undermines both the idea of the Hasmoneans as primarily priestly leaders and the idea of the high priest as an inﬂuential leader in whom general hope for the nation was vested. There are no psalms of eulogy for the high priest as there are for the king, nor was there apparently any attempt to write them for the Maccabeans, something which in itself emphasizes the high priest's secondary signiﬁcance as compared with the royal ﬁgure in general Jewish ideology.

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7: He gathered a host of captives; he ruled over Gazara and Beth-zur and the citadel, and he removed its uncleanness from it; and there was none to oppose him. 9: May his foes bow down before him, and his enemies lick the dust. 8: They tilled their land in peace; the ground gave its increase, and the trees of the plains their fruit. 16: May there be abundance of grain in the land; may it wave on the tops of the mountains; may its fruit be like Lebanon; and may people blossom in the cities like the grass of the ﬁeld. 11: He established peace in the land, and Israel rejoiced with great joy. 7: In his days may righteousness ﬂourish and peace abound, until the moon is no more. 12: All the people sat under their own vines and ﬁg trees, and there was none to make them afraid. 14: From oppression and violence he redeems their life; and precious is their blood in his sight. 13: No one was left in the land to ﬁght them, and the kings were crushed in those days. 11: May all kings fall down before him, all nations give him service. 14: He gave help to all the humble among his people; he sought out the law, and did away with all the renegades and outlaws. 4: May he defend the cause of the poor of the people, give deliverance to the needy, and crush the oppressor. 12: For he delivers the needy when they call, the poor and those who have no helper. 13: He has pity on the weak and the needy, and saves the lives of the needy. Once again the parallel is drawn between a Maccabean leader and idealized concepts of monarchy; Simon is shown as the nearest equivalent of the Davidic-type monarch under the circumstances of foreign domination and the increasingly law-based religious structures of Judah. Such consistent emphasis on the royal character of Maccabean rule, even though the Maccabeans themselves were never termed kings, suggests that a ruling priest of this kind was previously unknown in Jewish society, and so an appropriate model was sought and utilized because of the need for justiﬁcation of the Maccabean leadership. However, portraying the Maccabeans in terms of the Davidic monarchy was also a way of making sense of them. 1 Maccabees is not simply concerned with what Jonathan and Simon were, whether kings or priests or warriors, but with the interpretation of what they were by those who saw them. They were warriors, but they were also priests and

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leaders, and for the Jews the most natural interpretation of that combination of qualities was in terms of sacral kingship. Interestingly enough, the last thing mentioned in the eulogy is making the sanctuary glorious (1 Macc. 14: 15), which could either indicate how far down the list of priorities Temple and priestly duties were for Simon, or could be a way of putting those duties into a more royal context. Temple maintenance was shared in the pre-exilic period between the monarch and the chief priest; the monarch built the Temple and was ultimately responsible for its maintenance, but the chief priest had delegated responsibility to maintain it in proper condition and to carry out the necessary work.691 Perhaps the mention of the Temple gloriﬁcation here is neither speciﬁcally royal nor priestly, but is an example of the conﬂuence of the two kinds of responsibility in one person.692 And yet, for all that the Maccabean movement began as a way of maintaining ancestral customs and the purity of Judaism, there are unmistakably Hellenistic traits in the way in which Jonathan and Simon bore themselves—indeed, in the way in which they came to power at all. The Hellenistic monarchies which emerged from the distribution of Alexander's kingdom at the end of the fourth century were brand new, with no long-standing dynastic succession to back their claims to power; rather, their claims to legitimacy were based on conquest and retention of territory, because that was a tangible way in which they proved their merit for the responsibility of kingship.693 The Maccabees had no royal or priestly ancestral claims to power; rather, they attained their position largely through successful military enterprise, thus proving their merit for the task. As with the Hellenistic monarchs, too, once power was achieved and the merit of an individual acknowledged, the tendency was to transfer the merit to the individual's successors, thereby establishing a dynasty.694 Hellenistic royalty was expected to be glamorous, so that purple robes, diadems, crowns, sceptres, and rings with seal stones were all part of the Hellenistic monarch's apparatus.695 The ideal Hellenistic monarch was victorious,

691

See Ch. 2 above on the Deuteronomistic History.

692

Bartlett, Maccabees, 191, and Goldstein, I Maccabees, 491, 492, suggest that a parallel is being drawn here between Simon and Solomon.

693

F. W. Walbank, ‘Monarchies and Monarchic Ideas’, in F. W. Walbank et al. (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History VII, Part I: The Hellenistic World, 2nd edn. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 62–100 (pp. 63–4, 66).

694

Cf. ibid. 66.

695

Ibid. 67.

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a saviour and benefactor, courageous, the guardian of peace, an administrator of justice, generous, magnanimous, pious, accessible to his subjects, supporter of the good, and wealthy in order to be able to beneﬁt others.696 Both Simon and Jonathan are shown as participating in the glamour of kingship with their purple robes (1 Macc. 10: 20, 59–65; 11: 57–8; 14: 43), and the vast wealth acquired by Simon together with his apparent enjoyment of feasting (1 Macc. 16: 15–16) were deﬁnitely Hellenistic traits. Despite the notion that royal wealth was to enable others to be beneﬁted, ‘lavish consumption for display was characteristic of the great monarchies’ as a way of advertising the wealth which could and did also serve as a means of exercising power and inﬂuence.697 Athenobius was evidently struck by Simon's great wealth when he visited the Jewish leader to deliver Antiochus' ultimatum to him (1 Macc. 15: 32); no doubt Athenobius was forced to re-evaluate the approach which was appropriate to use with Simon, because the wealth was indicative of greater power than the Seleucids had given Simon credit for. It is interesting that the high moral traits of the ideal Hellenistic monarch correspond quite closely to those attributed to the messianic ruler of Psalm 72, raising once again the question of the ‘blurred boundaries’ between what was of traditional Jewish conception and what was subtly inﬂuenced by the prevailing cultural climate. Certainly where the boundaries were blurred it aided Hellenistic assimilation; for example, the fact that there were so many correspondences between the ideal Hellenistic ruler and the messianic ruler meant that Simon's leadership could be portrayed as being in line with the traditional conceptions whilst in actual fact being based more closely on contemporary models. Such a state of affairs is not at all surprising, especially considering that the memory of an independent Jewish leader would have faded some considerable time ago. In fact, an independent Jewish leader would never even have existed, since the last independent leader would have been the pre-exilic Judaean king Jehoiakim who had come to grief some 450 years before the Maccabean period (2 Kgs. 24: 1–7). Similarly, the dynastic succession awarded to Simon (1 Macc. 14: 41) could be seen as a return to older precedents of both high priesthood and kingship, and this is the light in

696

Ibid. 81–4.

697

Ibid. 84.

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which it is portrayed by 1 Maccabees, but in reality it probably owed as much to the more recent precedents of the Diadochi and their dynasties as to anything in Israel's past. However, the fact that there had been dynasties of leading ﬁgures in Israel's past meant that to this extent Simon could be made the founder of a dynasty without any apparent break with tradition. Where the break came, of course, was in making one with no hereditary kingly or high-priestly claims to power into the founder of a dynasty which was to take over both positions. From this examination of the Maccabean high priesthood, then, it seems that the Maccabean high priests were in reality monarchic rulers, and that they should not be seen either as the culmination of the high priesthood's political development or as giving the high priesthood an authority and inﬂuence of itself which it had hitherto lacked. They achieved authority among their own people not by virtue of being high priests, but because they were military leaders; and only once they had achieved military and political prominence was the high priesthood granted to them by the Seleucids, as a way of enlisting their military help and as a recognition of alliance between Jews and Seleucids. The ultimate style of their leadership is portrayed in 1 Maccabees as being in line with Scriptural monarchic precedents, although they were probably equally inﬂuenced by contemporary Hellenistic dynasts. Hence, the priestly aspect of their position was entirely secondary to the military and governmental one, and they achieved no new power of governance by becoming high priests. The validity of these conclusions can be tested by examining the history of their successors the Hasmoneans, and that investigation will form the ﬁnal part of this study.

12 The Hasmonean Dynasty: John Hyrcanus and His Successors The succession in 134 BCE of John Hyrcanus, third son of Simon Maccabee, is generally regarded as the start of the Hasmonean dynasty proper. John succeeded his father by virtue of being the only one to escape the assassination attempt made on Simon and his three sons by the treacherous Ptolemy son of Abubus (1 Macc. 16: 11–22), and the succession in itself marked a new era of Hasmonean history in two ways. First, the leadership of the people had now passed on to someone who had had no experience of the persecution which originally gave rise to the Maccabean leadership. John was the ﬁrst ‘second generation’ Hasmonean, as the previous three leaders had been the brothers Judas, Jonathan, and Simon who were all part of the initial resistance in the days of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Just as their leadership style and policy was determined by the experiences and circumstances of persecution, John's would equally be determined by the different and in some ways less urgent circumstances in which he found himself. He inherited an independent kingdom which had already started on a policy of territorial expansion with the aim of reclaiming its ancestral lands (1 Macc. 15: 33–4), and although politically speaking the Hasmonean domain's independence was rather insecure it was now a very different province from the persecuted, strife-torn subject enclave in the Seleucid kingdom which the Maccabees had known. The major threats to John's sovereignty now deﬁnitely came from outside the country, rather than originating inside its boundaries and being exacerbated by the intervention of outside powers as had been the case at the time of the Maccabean rebellion. Secondly, John was the ﬁrst Hasmonean not to be chosen personally by the people themselves as their leader. According to 1 Macc. 9: 28–31 and 13: 7–9 Jonathan and Simon had both

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been granted the leadership by popular acclaim, but there is no mention of a similar procedure by which John was granted the leadership after Simon. Although the exact mechanism by which he was acknowledged as head of his people is unclear, and it is to be assumed that some kind of recognition ceremony for him would have been a part of the process, his succession itself was in accordance with the declaration of intent made by the people that Simon should rule for ever (1 Macc. 14: 41). With John Hyrcanus the implications of the decree start to bite: he and his descendants are destined to be leaders regardless of either their suitability or their motivation for taking on the responsibility. As was hinted in the last chapter, it is a rather ironical comment upon the development of the Jewish state that by making Simon the founder of a dynasty the Jews honoured him in a way which effectively imitated the practice of the Hellenistic kings and led to the same kind of bloody intrigues as those which characterized the Seleucid succession, when the Maccabean struggle had had its origins in an extreme reaction against Hellenistic ways in the ﬁrst place. As with much of the inter-testamental period, the major source for the events of the Hasmonean period from John Hyrcanus onwards is Josephus, since the account in 1 Maccabees ends with Simon's death and a mere summary note about John's high priesthood (1 Macc. 16: 23–4). Josephus' own sources would certainly have included the Greek historian Nicolaus of Damascus,698 and may well also have included some kind of high-priestly chronicle such as is referred to in 1 Macc. 16: 24, so that in evaluating the material he offers there are several sets of biases to take into account. For the purposes of this study, and in the light of the comments made above on the nature of the Maccabean high priesthood, the major question to be answered about John's position of leadership is whether it was essentially that of a king or of a high priest. Although it is tempting to regard the dynastic succession as a signiﬁcant indicator in this respect, it is in fact an ambiguous piece of evidence. Certainly the contemporary Hellenistic monarchies worked on the basic principle of dynastic succession, despite

698

For a discussion of the relationship between the writings of Josephus and those of Nicolaus of Damascus, see Ben Zion Wacholder, ‘Josephus and Nicolaus of Damascus’, in Louis H. Feldman and Gohei Hata (eds.), Josephus, the Bible and History (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 147–72.

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periodic aberrations caused by rival claimants to the throne, and the same had been true of the Israelites' own monarchies. However, high priests too succeeded to their position on a hereditary basis until the intrigues which arose at the beginning of the second century with Jason, Menelaus, and Alcimus,699 so dynastic succession cannot be regarded as decisive in either direction. Similarly, John Hyrcanus is usually thought to be the ﬁrst Hasmonean actually to mint coins despite the fact that Antiochus VII granted Simon the right to do so around 140 BCE (1 Macc. 15: 6),700 but this evidence too is indecisive as the coins make no claim to kingship as such, being adorned with the legend ‘Johanan the high priest and the ḥeber of the Jews’ or ‘Johanan the high priest head of the ḥeber of the Jews’.701 Hence, it is necessary to look at other aspects of John's career in so far as the information is available. John was in power for some thirty years from Simon's assassination in 134 BCE to his own death in 104 BCE, and Josephus records details of both his internal and his external affairs during that period. As regards his foreign policy, John was fortunate in that although he had initial clashes with Ptolemy (his father's murderer) and Antiochus VII (Ant. xiii. 230–48; BJ i. 54–61), following Antiochus' death in 128 BCE there was no major external threat to his supremacy during the rest of his reign because the Seleucids were too busy ﬁghting their own wars of succession to have time or interest for what was happening in Judah (Ant. xiii. 272–3). John was therefore relatively free to expand Judaean territory even at the cost to the Seleucid kingdom of its own former territory, and he increased Jewish territorial holdings to the north in Samaria (Shechem and Gerizim, Ant. xiii. 255; BJ i. 63; Scythopolis, Ant. xiii. 280; BJ i. 66; Samaria, Ant. xiii. 275–81, BJ i.65), to the south-west in Idumaea (Adora and Marisa, Ant. xiii. 257;

699

Although Bartlett, ‘Zadok and his Successors’, argues that succession to the chief-priestly ofﬁce was not necessarily hereditary even in pre-exilic days (pp. 7–11, 15, 18).

700

Noth, Geschichte Israels, 347 (ET, 387); Russell, 65–6; W. S. McCullough, 131; Sievers, The Hasmoneans and their Supporters, 153; Tessa Rajak, ‘Hasmonean Dynasty’, in ABD iii. 67–76 (p. 70). In Ancient Jewish Coinage, 35–8, Meshorer argued that Alexander Jannaeus was the ﬁrst Hasmonean to mint coins, and that the Johanan coins should be attributed to Hyrcanus II; this view was followed by Jagersma, 85, and apparently also by Betlyon, ‘Coinage’, 1084–5, despite the fact that illustration (i) of Betlyon's article shows a Hasmonean bronze coin which is said to have been ‘struck by John Hyrcanus ca. 135–104 B.C.E. in Jerusalem’ (p. 1081). However, Meshorer has changed his mind in the light of new evidence, and now shares the view that John Hyrcanus did mint coins. See ‘Addendum I’, 106, 117–18 and plates 19–20.

701

Rajak, 70.

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BJ i. 63), and to the east in Transjordan (Medaba and Samaga, Ant. xiii. 255; BJ i. 63). In addition, Josephus claims that John renewed the Jewish treaty with Rome which was ﬁrst made in the days of Judas Maccabeus (Ant. xiii. 259–66). However, despite the prominence of his military and political achievements, there are also hints of a more religious side to John's administration. John's initial clash with Ptolemy is said to have been brought to an end because John and his men observed the sabbatical year which fell during the siege, thereby allowing Ptolemy to make good his escape (Ant. xiii. 234–5). Again, during John's clash with Antiochus VII Sidetes the Hasmonean is reported to have asked for a seven-day truce in order to observe the festival of Tabernacles which fell during the hostilities (Ant. xiii. 241–2), and having subsequently made an alliance with Antiochus, when going to his help against the Parthians Hyrcanus delayed the expedition for two days in order to observe a sabbath followed by the festival of Pentecost (Ant. xiii. 251–2). The forced circumcision of Idumaeans in the conquered territories (Ant. xiii. 257–8) and the destruction of the temple on Mount Gerizim (Ant. xiii. 255–6) could also be attributed to John's religious zeal, and in addition he is supposed to have received a revelation while he was ofﬁciating alone in the Temple, telling him of his sons' victory over Antiochus Cyzicenus (Ant. xiii. 282–3). Indeed, Josephus even attributes to John the gift of prophecy (Ant. xiii. 299–300), saying that he fore-saw how his sons were destined to fall from power (BJ i. 68–9); John himself, however, lived in prosperity and governed excellently (ibid). ‘Yoḥanan the high priest’ also appears several times in the Mishnah. In Ma aser Sheni 5: 15 and Soṭah 9: 10 he is reported to have done away with the ‘Knockers’ and the ‘Awakeners’, ritual practices which bore uncomfortable resemblance to pagan customs,702 and to have abolished the declaration of tithes; in Parah

702

‘Awakeners’ were Levites who sang every morning, ‘Awake, O Lord, why do you sleep?’ (Ps. 44: 24); ‘Knockers’ were those who used to stupefy calves before sacriﬁce by striking them on the forehead. Hyrcanus abolished the ﬁrst practice on the basis that God does not sleep, and the second because it blemished the sacriﬁcial animals. See The Mishnah, ed. Herbert Danby (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933; repr. 1977), 82, and Clemens Thoma, ‘John Hyrcanus I as Seen by Josephus and Other Early Jewish Sources’, in Fausto Parente and Joseph Sievers (eds.), Josephus and the History of the Greco-Roman Period (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), 127–40 (p. 134). M. J. Geller, ‘Alexander Jannaeus and the Pharisee Rift’, JJS 30 (1979), 202–11 (p. 204), points to the similarity between the practices abolished by Hyrcanus and pagan practices. However, Zevit, 489–90, quotes the suggestion of C. H. Tchernowitz that Hyrcanus' abolition of the Awakeners and Knockers was part of a policy to eliminate Levites from the Temple service and so deprive them of any claim to the tithe. On this view, Awakeners and Knockers were Levites who slept outside the Temple at night and were responsible for knocking on the gates in the morning to wake the priests and initiate the daily round of the Temple.

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3: 5 he is said to have prepared the red heifer of puriﬁcation on two occasions; and in Yadayim 4: 6 indignation is expressed that his bones should be regarded as unclean whereas those of a dead ass were regarded as clean. John Hyrcanus, then, seems to have been a leader who was revered for both his political achievement and his religious observance; so was the nature of his leadership primarily royal or priestly? It could perhaps be observed that no other high priest prior to the Maccabees ever engaged in military activity in the way that John did; however, there are precedents for kings who acted as religious reformers in the pre-exilic period, namely Josiah (2 Kgs. 23: 1–25) and Hezekiah (2 Kgs. 18: 1–4), and it has already been noted that the portrayals of both Jonathan and Simon the Maccabees parallel that of pre-exilic sacral kingship, presumably because such a portrayal was appropriate to the kind of leadership which they exercised.703 John Hyrcanus would ﬁt very well into that same pattern of rulers with a consciousness of religious responsibility who were nevertheless also—even primarily—military and political ﬁgures. In this connection it is instructive to consider one of the most well-known events in Josephus' record of John's reign, namely John's supposed disagreement with the Pharisees.704 According to

703

See Ch. 11 above on the Maccabees.

704

The Pharisees, together with the Sadducees and the Essenes, are ﬁrst mentioned in Ant. xiii. 171–3 as one of ‘the three Jewish schools of thought’, in the context of Jonathan'sssy to Sparta. There the three groups are presented in terms of their view of the workings of Fate in human lives; the Pharisees are said to attribute some things to Fate but still to leave room for human action in determining the course of our lives, the Essenes believe that everything is due to fate, and the Sadducees believe that everything is down to human action. Later on at Ant. xiii. 297–8 Josephus distinguishes between the Pharisees who adhere to the traditions of the fathers and the Sadducees for whom only the Torah is binding, adding that the Pharisees have the conﬁdence of the masses while the Sadducees are supported by the wealthy. The main account of the three groups comes in BJ ii. 119–66, where much is said about the Essene way of life (119–61) but little about the Pharisees and Sadducees; the Pharisees, however, are said to believe in an afterlife and the reincarnation of good souls (163), while the Sadducees will have nothing to do with such ideas (165). The Pharisees are characterized as friendly towards one another and towards society as a whole, whereas the Sadducees are described as rude and boorish (166). Finally, in Ant. xviii. 12 the Pharisees are said to shun luxury, and their inﬂuence among the masses is again emphasized (15), to the extent that even the Sadducees who assume public ofﬁce of some sort have to follow Pharisaic rulings in order to be tolerated by the populace (17).

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Ant. xiii. 288–96 the clash was precipitated by a troublemaker among the Pharisees called Eleazar, who at a banquet with John and the Pharisees told John that he should give up the high priesthood and be content with ruling the people because his mother had been a captive, something which cast doubt on the purity of his descent and so under the Law precluded him from the ofﬁce of high priest.705 Enraged by the unjust slander, John was urged by one of his Sadducee friends to ask the rest of the Pharisees what penalty they thought should be inﬂicted on Eleazar, because the severity of the punishment they recommended would be a guide as to whether or not they approved of what Eleazar had said. When they only recommended beating and chains instead of the death penalty John was convinced that they were indeed in league with Eleazar,706 so he joined the Sadducees instead and rescinded many of the privileges formerly enjoyed by the Pharisees. Inevitably when dealing with such an apocryphal story the question of historicity arises, a question made even more pressing in this case by the fact that the Babylonian Talmud preserves a parallel narrative about the later Hasmonean Alexander Jannaeus (King Yannai).707 The version in Josephus with John Hyrcanus is usually held to be the more reliable of the two, although Geller argues that the rift between the Pharisees and the Hasmoneans is more appropriately placed in the time of Jannaeus than of Hyrcanus,708 and Sievers claims that Josephus' account is internally

705

Josephus reports that the insult about being born of a captive mother was also hurled at Alexander Jannaeus during the disturbances over the Feast of Tabernacles (Ant. xiii. 372), a tumult which resulted in Jannaeus killing six thousand Jews in his anger. See also n. 10 and n. 18 below on other instances of parallels between Hyrcanus and Jannaeus.

706

Oesterley, 282–7, offers an interesting interpretation of this somewhat obscure episode. He argues that, contrary to what is usually held, John Hyrcanus was the ﬁrst Hasmonean to claim the title of king, and this caused the Pharisees to resent him because only a Davidide could legitimately be king. The incident of John's split with the Pharisees over Eleazar's insult illustrates this, because the punishment for insulting a king was death, whereas beating was the punishment for insulting a priest. Hence, by recommending beating as Eleazar's punishment, the Pharisees implied that he had not insulted a king, only a priest. This would explain John's apparently excessive anger at them, as they were refusing to recognize his claim to kingship. Eleazar's insult, however, is aimed at John's high priesthood rather than his supposed kingship; he does not suggest that John should stop ruling but that he should stop being high priest. Therefore, if Oesterley's interpretation is correct it implies that there was opposition to both the kingly and the priestly nature of Hasmonean rule.

707

BT Qiddusin 66a. See also n. 8 above and n. 18 below on other parallels between the two Hasmonean leaders.

708

Geller, 210–11.

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inconsistent because it speaks both of John Hyrcanus' long and happy rule and of a signiﬁcant break with the Pharisees which led to dissatisfaction among the populace.709 Also, the Pharisees appear with Hyrcanus in the banquet story in Ant. xiii. 288–96, but are not mentioned at all in the account of Hyrcanus' rule in BJ i. 54–69, while the Sadducees are not mentioned anywhere else in connection with the Hasmoneans; hence, Sievers thinks that it is impossible to have conﬁdence about the role of the Sadducees and Pharisees at that time or about Hyrcanus' relation to them.710 Despite the misgivings of Geller and Sievers, however, it seems more probable that the original version of the story was the one with Hyrcanus. In the ﬁrst place, the severity of the rift implies a proportionately close relationship between the Pharisees and the leader concerned before the rift. Josephus claims that Hyrcanus had been a disciple of the Pharisees and had their favour (Ant. xiii.289), and certainly the general memory of Hyrcanus is of a leader who had a signiﬁcant interest in religious matters, as was shown above. This makes it quite conceivable that he should have been on good terms with the Pharisees, and so it is only to be expected that he should be badly offended and break his connection with them if they proved to be (or he perceived them to be) covert enemies. However, no such prior relationship with the Pharisees is attested for Alexander Jannaeus, which makes the idea of such a split with them something of a contradiction in terms. On the other hand, although Hyrcanus might well have been on good terms with the Pharisees, and this relationship is probably reﬂected in the references to Hyrcanus in the Mishnah, the Mishnaic references need not be taken to imply his unqualiﬁed support for Pharisaic rulings and interpretations in the way that Geller seems to think they do.711 Abolishing ‘Awakeners’ and ‘Knockers’ would simply remove customs which were not in accordance with the Torah, burning the red heifer is one of the duties of the high priest laid down in Num. 19: 1–10, and the comment about Hyrcanus' bones being regarded as unclean is a complaint made by a Sadducee against the Pharisees. Assuming with Josephus that the Sadducees rejected the Oral Law of the Pharisees and accepted only the Torah itself, the picture presented in the Mishnah of Yoḥanan the High Priest could just as easily be that of a Sadducee

709

Sievers, The Hasmoneans and their Supporters, 151.

710

Ibid. 148–52.

711

Geller, 204–5.

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as of a Pharisee; hence, to cite the Mishnah sayings as evidence for John's support of the Pharisees (and theirs of him) to the extent of discounting any possibility of a rift between him and them is unjustiﬁed. In short, it seems that the general ethos of preserved memory about John Hyrcanus is such as to make the basic story of an encounter of this type between him and the Pharisees at least plausible. No doubt the main reason for wanting to date the incident to the rule of either Hyrcanus or Jannaeus is to establish the point at which dissatisfaction with the Hasmonean style of leadership began to make itself felt, particularly in terms of opposition from the Pharisees which is expressed most clearly in the Psalms of Solomon.712 However, it is more than likely that there was a continual undercurrent of opposition from those who simply could not reconcile the new form of leadership with their own personal convictions about what was legitimate. As discussed in Chapter 11, the lack of eulogy for Jonathan Maccabee and the decree giving Simon virtually unlimited powers in all areas of government have both been interpreted as indicative of opposition to Maccabean rule, and there is no reason why such opposition should simply disappear once John Hyrcanus succeeded to the leadership. Rather, there would be every reason for it to continue, because those who thought that Simon's powers were illegitimate in the ﬁrst place would hardly be comforted by his descendants inheriting them. Under those circumstances, the incident with the Pharisees can be seen as a reﬂection of the opposition which would continually have been simmering below the surface, but which would have varied in its intensity and extent depending on the competence of the ruler in question. Turning to the narrative itself, perhaps the most obvious point to be made from it is that Eleazar supposedly advised John to give up the high priesthood and conﬁne himself to governing the people (Ant. xiii. 291), a comment which implies that the duties of high priesthood did not necessarily include governing the people but that government and religious ofﬁce were two different matters. Josephus himself, in his closing summary of John's rule, says that John ‘was accounted by God worthy of three of the greatest privileges, the rule of the nation, the ofﬁce of high priest,

712

See below for a fuller discussion of the Psalms of Solomon.

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and the gift of prophecy’ (Ant. xiii. 299–300),713 the implication again being that high priesthood and rule of the people did not necessarily go together. It is possible to regard the comment as an anachronism, on the grounds that in Josephus' time the high priesthood and the rule of the people did not go together; on the other hand, it has already been argued that for Jonathan Maccabee the high priesthood and the rule of the people were separate, since he had rule of the people before he ever became high priest, indeed, for a seven-year period when there was no high priest.714 Simon in his turn was given the honour of the high priesthood along with other ofﬁces to denote civil leadership, and although it is unclear whether there was a period when he was general or governor or ethnarch without also being high priest, these other ofﬁces are listed separately from that of high priest in the declaration made by the people (1 Macc. 14: 41–3, 47), thereby implying that being high priest and being leader of the people are two separate ofﬁces. They may well have overlapped inasmuch as both types of authority were vested in the same individual, but they should by no means be regarded as one and the same, and the high priesthood in particular should not be regarded as bestowing on its holders ex ofﬁcio authority to govern the people. It would therefore be quite in line with the pattern set by his Maccabean predecessors for John Hyrcanus' high priesthood to be separate from his ofﬁce of ethnarchy. It is interesting, too, that opposition to the Hasmonean high priesthood is shown as coming from the Pharisees, the ‘popular’ religious party with a large following among the common people (cf. Ant. xiii. 288, 298), rather than from the Sadducees, who are usually thought to have been the aristocratic priestly party, deriving their name from Zadok the chief priest of the Solomonic Temple. The Sadducees would surely have had more grounds than the Pharisees for opposing the Hasmoneans, who were not of true Zadokite stock but who had risen from nowhere to become the nation's religious and political leaders, and were effectively impostors in the high-priestly ranks. And yet it is undoubtedly true that the most enthusiastic supporters of Hellenism were the aristocracy and the middle classes, and that the longer the

713

Ralph Marcus (trans.), Josephus, VII: Jewish Antiquities Books XII-XIV, LCL (London: William Heinemann; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1943; repr. 1986), 376–9.

714

See Ch. 11 above on the Maccabees.

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Hasmoneans continued in power the more hellenized they became. Simon's purple robe and gold brooch (1 Macc. 14: 43), his enormous wealth (1 Macc. 15: 32), his end at a drunken feast (1 Macc. 16: 15–16), all hint at the extent to which the new Jewish leadership was taking on the mores of its Hellenistic counterparts. The Hasmoneans may have rescued the high priesthood in theory from the hands of the Seleucids and their hellenizing stooges Jason, Menelaus, and Alcimus, but their own demeanour cannot have been entirely comfortable or acceptable to all their subjects. Under those circumstances it is perhaps more surprising that John should be shown to have been on such good terms with the Pharisees, who seem to have been a popular lay movement to maintain the Law. It should also be remembered that the Maccabees were of priestly descent themselves (1 Macc. 2: 1), so there might have been something of a natural bond between them and the Sadducee party. One of the most telling features of John's reign are the provisions which he made for a successor. It appears that he intended power to go to his wife on his death,715 but this plan was thwarted by John's ambitious son Aristobulus, who had no qualms about imprisoning his own mother along with three of his brothers, killing a fourth brother, and letting his mother starve to death in order to secure the position of authority for himself alone (Ant. xiii. 301–4). However, the fact that John could seriously contemplate making his wife his successor, and the fact that Aristobulus clearly took John's provisions equally seriously, is a signiﬁcant indicator of the nature of John's rule. In the ﬁrst instance, it shows the extent to which John was inﬂuenced by Hellenistic models of leadership, because the pattern of rule by a queen was not uncommon for the Ptolemaic empire from the second century onwards,716 and indeed at that time Cleopatra III was on the throne of Egypt; but secondly, and perhaps more importantly for the purposes of this study, it shows that John's rule was by no means exclusively hierocratic. Had he been above all a priest he could never have contemplated leaving power to a woman, since if the priesthood was

715

Hyrcanus' proposal for his widow to succeed him in power is paralleled by Salome Alexandra's succession of Alexander Jannaeus. This is the third parallel between the two leaders, and one wonders whether they might not have been confused in some way. See also n. 8 and n. 10 above on parallels between John Hyrcanus and Alexander Jannaeus.

716

Sievers, ‘The Role of Women in the Hasmonean Dynasty’, in Josephus, the Bible and History, 132–46 (p. 134).

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the essence of the leadership—if John's ruling power sprang from his priesthood rather than vice versa—his successor would have had to be male, given the impossibility of women priests in the Jewish faith. However, if the priesthood was only a function of the leadership rather than being its essence, or indeed, was something completely separate from it, as argued above, there would be little or no difﬁculty (theoretically speaking) in separating off the priestly function for someone else to fulﬁl on behalf of the leader—as was apparently done by the king in the pre-exilic period. It has already been argued that the Maccabees were primarily military leaders, not high priests. Judas of course, despite the testimony of Josephus (Ant. xii. 414, 419, 434), never became high priest, and although Jonathan did it was only after having been in leadership as general and ‘judge’ (cf. 1 Macc. 10: 73) over his people for eight years. Simon inherited the high priesthood from Jonathan as well as the overall leadership, and it is unclear whether priestly or military authority was his primary role, but John Hyrcanus' ﬁnal wishes point to a power base which was deﬁnitely non-religious.717 Hence, the answer to the question as to whether John Hyrcanus' rule was essentially that of a king or a high priest must be that it was the rule of a king. In fact, since he was the third member of the family to have fulﬁlled such a role it would seem fair to say that the pattern was now ﬁrmly established, and that subsequent Hasmoneans could now be expected to behave as (Hellenistic) monarchs, notwithstanding the fact that they bore the title of high priest. John's son Aristobulus, mentioned above, is a prime example. Josephus claims that he was the ﬁrst one actually to style himself as a king (Ant. xiii. 301), but despite his desperate measures to secure power for himself he only reigned for a year, 104–103 BCE, during which time he carried out the forcible conversion of the Ituraeans (Ant. xiii. 318). In his readiness to eliminate even his close family members for the sake of inheriting the kingdom, Aristobulus seems to have been a prime example of the lengths to which power-mania could drive people, and whereas such manœuvrings to gain the kingdom were not unusual among the Seleucids, for them to make their appearance in the Hasmonean dynasty only thirty years after Simon's death was a bad omen. Once again this seems to be an indication of the light in which Hasmonean rule was viewed, not only by the people but by

717

So also Oesterley, 285.

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the rulers themselves, and to give the lie to the idea that this was primarily a priestly dynasty. Aristobulus' successor was equally ‘unpriestly’. On Aristobulus' death his widow Salome Alexandra released his imprisoned brothers and married the eldest one, Alexander Jannaeus, whom she then put on the throne (βασιλέα καθίστησι(η), basilea kathistēsi(n)—Ant. xiii. 320; BJ i. 85). Like his predecessor, Jannaeus proved ambitious enough to eliminate one of his brothers whom he saw as a challenge to his own power (Ant. xiii. 323; BJ i. 85), and he was unabashed in his claim of the title ‘king’, which he minted on coins in both word and symbol. Interestingly, however, some coins show the formula ‘Jannaeus the high priest and the ḥeber of the Jews’ in the same way as those minted by John Hyrcanus.718 Josephus' accounts of Jannaeus' rule (Ant. xiii. 320–404, BJ i. 85–106) make much of his cruelty, his obsessive nature, and his disagreements with the populace; his main internal enemies are usually assumed to have been the Pharisees, whom he is supposed on his death-bed to have advised Salome to pacify (Ant. xiii. 400–4), although the death-bed scene is Josephus' only mention of the Pharisees in the context of Jannaeus' rule, and he never speciﬁcally identiﬁes Jannaeus' opponents as Pharisees.719 Apart from his vigorous military campaigning, which resulted in the expansion of Jewish territories virtually to the extent of the Solomonic empire, the main internal episode recorded for Jannaeus' reign concerns the revolt of the Jewish people against him followed by six years of civil war, brought to an end by the intervention of Demetrius III Akairos whom Jannaeus' opponents

718

For examples of Jannaeus' coins, see Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, 118–34 and plates 5–24. The diadem which appears on some of the coins was the Hellenistic symbol of royalty. See Goldstein, II Maccabees, 73–80, for a discussion of the diadem and its representation on Jannaeus' coins. A large number of the royal coin types have been overstruck with the priestly inscription, leading to speculation that Jannaeus later abandoned the title ‘king’, perhaps due to conﬂict with the Pharisees. See Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, 77–8; Goldstein, II Maccabees, 79; Jagersma, 93.

719

C. Rabin, ‘Alexander Jannaeus and the Pharisees’, JJS 7 (1956), 3–11 (pp. 5–10). Joshua Efron, ‘Simeon ben Shatah and Alexander Jannaeus’, in Studies on the Hasmonean Period, SJLA 39 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987), 143–218, argues that the internal Pharisaic tradition as found in the Jerusalem Talmud tradition does not portray Jannaeus as a ‘dangerous despot’ but that instead he ‘is accorded a ray of light and favour by the Eretz Israel legends, devoid of gloom and venom’ (p. 216). Efron's whole collection of essays is concerned with rehabilitating the Hasmonean dynasty, which he thinks has suffered from bad publicity and biased (mainly Christian) scholarship with the result that its image has been tarnished in an unjustiﬁed way. See n. 36 below for further comments on his work.

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invited to come (Ant. xiii. 372–83; BJ i. 88–98). Demetrius defeated Jannaeus, an outcome which caused several thousand Jews to take pity on Jannaeus and go over to his side, and this in turn caused Demetrius to withdraw in fear. Jannaeus then took gratuitous revenge on his fellow-Jews, crucifying hundreds of them and killing their wives and children before their eyes while he himself feasted conspicuously with his concubines. Not surprisingly the rest of his opponents ﬂed the country. This incident is usually thought to be reﬂected in the Qumran commentary on Nahum (4Q169); in the commentary to 2: 11 Demetrius is named and said to have tried to enter Jerusalem on the advice of ‘those who seek smooth things’, and the commentary on 2: 12 mentions the ‘furious young lion [who executes revenge] on those who seek smooth things and hangs men alive’.720 ‘Those who seek smooth things’ are usually identiﬁed as the Pharisees,721 an identiﬁcation which explains the persistent notion of their opposition to Jannaeus despite their virtual absence from Josephus. The ‘furious young lion’ also appears in a fragmentary commentary on Hosea 5: 13 (4Q167). Other Qumran material which may have been prepared with Jannaeus in mind is the treatise in the Temple Scroll ‘On Kingship’; Hengel, Charlesworth, and Mendels argue that the chapter recorded in IIQT 56: 12 ff. ‘presents through biblical notions of kingship an antithesis to some real Jewish king, and its author is willing to correct the defects of kingship which he has observed. . . . the king in question is none other than AlexanderJannaeus.’722 On his death Jannaeus apparently bequeathed the royal power to his widow Salome Alexandra (Ant. xiii. 407: τὴν δὲ βασιλɛίαν ɛἰς τὴν ʼ Aλɛχάνδραν διέθɛτο, ‘and the kingdom he bequeathed to Alexandra’; BJ i. 107: καταλɛίπɛι δὲ τὴν βασιλɛίαν Ἀλɛχάνδρᾳ, ‘and he left the kingdom to Alexandra’), who had thus been wife to two Hasmonean rulers before becoming queen in her own right. She appointed her elder son Hyrcanus II as high priest (Ant. xiii. 408; BJ i. 109), a function which she herself was unable by Law to fulﬁl, and is noted for having maintained the kingdom at the extent to which it had grown under Jannaeus without recourse to armed

720

Vermes, 474.

721

Ibid. 62.

722

M. Hengel, J. H. Charlesworth, D. Mendels, ‘The Polemical Character of “On Kingship” in the Temple Scroll: An Attempt at Dating IIQTemple’, JJS 37 (1986), 28–38 (pp. 30–1).

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conﬂict.723 It certainly appears that under her rule the Hasmonean kingdom enjoyed a brief period of relative stability, and that whether or not Jannaeus had advised her to she did indeed favour the Pharisees (Ant. xiii. 408–9; BJ i. 110–11). Given that they are usually seen as the ‘popular’ religious party, as opposed to the more aristocratic Sadducees, it is understandable that by favouring them she would vastly reduce the potential for a groundswell of resistance among those who might feel that the Hasmoneans had feathered their own nests at the expense of the populace and that the original lofty aims of the Maccabean rebels had been obscured by the lust for power of their descendants. Although Salome's appointment as queen might seem unusual it was not entirely unprecedented; John Hyrcanus' intention that power should go to his wife on his own death, a narrative which may or may not be a duplicate of the Salome story, was mentioned above, and the comments made there about the inﬂuence on Judah of Ptolemaic policy concerning women rulers apply equally in this case. Salome's accession underlines the point already made about John Hyrcanus' desire to be succeeded by his wife, which never actually came about: a domain which can legitimately be ruled by a queen cannot be a hierocracy when the religious scruples of the day would allow no woman to be a priest, let alone a high priest.724 If the authority of civil rule can be separated from the high priesthood in this way, the logical conclusion is that the two are essentially unrelated. If, however, the high priest was the chief authority in all matters, both civil and religious, it would have been necessary to appoint a man and not a woman as head of the nation. Alexander Jannaeus had two sons; there was no apparent reason why one of them should not succeed him if a male ﬁgure was required, one of them (Hyrcanus II) had to be high priest for Salome anyway, and indeed ultimately they came to power

723

Noth, Geschichte Israels, 350 (ET, 391).

724

It is tempting to regard the episode of Athaliah in 2 Kgs. 11: 1–20 as an older Judaean parallel to Salome's succession to the throne, but Athaliah's rule was not legitimate—she was a usurper, to be replaced as soon as possible by the legitimate Davidic descendant. See Sievers, ‘The Role of Women’, 134. Although it could well be argued that the story shows the separation of priesthood and monarchy in that Jehoiada the priest did not overthrow Athaliah in order to claim the throne himself but in order to enthrone the Davidic heir Joash (2 Kgs. 11: 4–12), it is necessary to remember the sacral nature of the monarchy itself, which would have required a male ﬁgure to ofﬁciate on important religious occasions. Probably part of the very illegitimacy of Athaliah's reign was that she was a woman and so was unable to fulﬁl the sacral duties of the monarchy.

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after Salome's death. Salome's succession to power despite their eligibility, and her apparent acceptance by the populace, indicates that the leadership cannot have been a priestly position since she would never have been accepted if it were. Josephus also reports the representations made to Pompey in 63 BCE to the effect that the old priestly leadership should be restored to the nation instead of either of the surviving Hasmonean brothers, Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II (Ant. xiv. 41); the implication once again is that the existing Hasmonean leadership itself was not hierocratic but was of a more monarchic style. The last member of the Hasmonean dynasty to hold independent power in Judah was Aristobulus II. Although he was not strictly entitled to inherit the kingdom, and his elder brother Hyrcanus II had taken over when Salome Alexandra died in 67 BCE, within three months of Hyrcanus' succession Aristobulus had engaged Hyrcanus in an armed confrontation which was concluded on the terms that Hyrcanus should turn over the throne to Aristobulus and retire with no loss of private possessions (Ant. xiv. 4–7; BJ i. 120–2). However, having been persuaded by the Idumaean Antipater that Aristobulus was seeking his life, Hyrcanus enlisted the aid of Aretas the Nabatean king to help him regain his rightful position by force (Ant. xiv. 8–18; BJ i. 123–6). Aretas besieged Aristobulus and his forces in Jerusalem, at which point Pompey's general Scaurus appeared on the scene and following representations to him from both Aristobulus and Hyrcanus took Aristobulus' side and forced Aretas to raise the siege. This enabled Aristobulus to attack and defeat Hyrcanus and Aretas (Ant. xiv. 19–21, 29–33; BJ i. 126–9). When a little later Pompey himself advanced into Coele-Syria, he was approached by both Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, each in an attempt to oust the other from power (Ant. xiv. 40–5; BJ i. 131–2), together with a third representation from the nation as a whole asking to be ruled once again by priests as had formerly been the case (Ant. xiv. 41). Pompey dismissed the brothers pending his arrival in Judah when he would adjudicate between them, but Aristobulus was unwilling to accept the decision and left to prepare a resistance force (Ant. xiv. 46–7). Pompey marched after him, and having captured Aristobulus' stronghold forced him back to Jerusalem (Ant. xiv. 48–53); there Aristobulus offered terms, which Pompey accepted, but when Aristobulus failed to fulﬁl them Pompey besieged and

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captured the city, supported by Hyrcanus and his partisans (Ant. xiv. 54–62, 69–71; BJ i. 139–51). Hyrcanus was restored to the high priesthood as a reward for his support of Pompey (Ant. xiv. 73; BJ i. 153), but Aristobulus was taken in chains to Rome (Ant. xiv. 79; BJ i. 157). In the light of all these developments, it seems that the Hasmoneans cannot be regarded as embodying the ultimate development of the high priesthood into a position of hierocratic leadership with wide-ranging political powers. On the contrary, they show the re-emergence of what is effectively sacral kingship within the context of Second Temple Judaism, which does not represent a linear development from the high priesthood as it was known in the Restoration period. Rather, the ‘Restoration’ form of high priesthood seems to have died out with Alcimus; the ofﬁcial highpriestly line down from the Restoration, of which the Oniads were the last serving representatives, had already come to an end as a result of the intrigues with Jason and Menelaus,725 and there is no ﬁrm evidence that any of the high priests of that line between Zerubbabel and the Seleucids gained political power.726 Alcimus was in that same tradition of high priesthood, but his lack of high-priestly descent underlines the fact that the ofﬁce had become debased, and it would only be a matter of time before the institution failed. As it turned out, Alcimus was the last of these ‘old-style’

725

W. F. Smith, ‘A Study of the Zadokite High Priesthood within the Graeco-Roman Age: From Simeon the Just to the High Priests Appointed by Herod the Great’ (unpublished thesis, Harvard University, 1961), argues for the re-emergence of the Zadokite line under Herod the Great, claiming that Herod's personal ineligibility for the post of high priest led him to choose obscure non-Jerusalemite Zadokites for it. In that way, Herod's candidates could satisfy the traditional genealogical qualiﬁcation for the high priesthood without being too inﬂuential among the Jerusalem aristocracy and therefore a possible source of unrest. Smith does not contend, however, that the Oniad line per se was revived, and it certainly seems unlikely that the offspring of the former high-priestly house would have been a particularly wise or acceptable choice under the circumstances. Jason had been at the root of the hellenizing intrigues of the second century, and Onias IV had founded a schismatic temple in Leontopolis, the adherents and priesthood of which no doubt regarded it as a legitimate alternative to the ‘polluted’ sanctuary in Jerusalem, but which would have been quite the opposite in the eyes of those whose allegiance was still with the Jerusalem foundation. The Oniad line's consequent loss of credibility would probably have made its restoration to religious prominence in Jerusalem undesirable even if it were possible.

726

Jason and Menelaus could be said to have had political power, but as argued in Ch. 11 above their ‘power’ was due to them having made themselves Seleucid ofﬁcials by bribing Antiochus for the high priesthood, effectively buying authority from him. The high priesthood of itself gave them no such power.

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non-ruling high priests, and his death marked the end of that order. When the high priesthood reappeared following a seven-year vacancy it was in the hands of the Hasmonean dynasty, and was part of a pattern whereby the duties of the high priesthood became one aspect of the military and civil leadership of the country; this was the pattern which then deﬁned the high priesthood for most of the next hundred years. There has been a good deal of argument as to whether the Hasmoneans did lose their ideological way, thereby causing discontent and unrest among those who felt that they had been betrayed by their leaders. Was the struggle for national sovereignty and territorial gain an integral part of the struggle for religious freedom, or should the struggle have been curtailed? Could it have been even if it should have been? Was there grass-root opposition to ﬁghting for anything beyond the right to practise Judaism and to follow the Law unhindered? Would the people have been quite content to acquiesce once again in foreign sovereignty as they had done for the past four hundred or more years, provided their devotions were unhindered? One piece of literature which is often adduced in support of a feeling of discontent with Hasmonean rule among the populace is the Psalms of Solomon. This group of eighteen pseudonymous psalmic writings is dated to the period around the mid-ﬁrst century BCE, largely on the evidence of Ps. Sol. 2, because the events described in the psalm can be seen to correspond with the extant descriptions of Pompey's storming of Jerusalem in 63 BCE, and later with the circumstances of Pompey's death in 48 BCE.727 The psalm refers to a battering ram being used against Jerusalem (2: 1), foreign peoples trampling the altar of the Lord and the city in general (2: 2, 20), Jews being taken into captivity (2: 6), and the conqueror slain and his body dishonoured in Egypt (2: 30–1). According to Josephus, the Romans used catapults and siege engines against the city (Ant. xiv. 62; BJ i. 147); once the defences were broken down, they rushed into the Temple and slaughtered the priests in the very act of sacriﬁcing (Ant. xiv. 66–7; BJ i. 150); Aristobulus and his family were taken captive in chains to Rome, doubtless along with others (Ant. xiv. 79; BJ i. 154); and according to Plutarch Pompey himself was later defeated in battle and assassinated in Egypt by one of his former centurions.728 The

727

H. E. Ryle and M. R. James, The Psalms of Solomon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1891), pp. xxxvii–xliv.

728

Plutarch, Pompey, 67–80.

320

HIGH PRIESTHOOD FROM ALEXANDER TO POMPEY

homogeneity of this group of psalms is such that the dating arrived at by means of the correspondences in Ps. Sol. 2 with contemporary events can plausibly be applied to the whole collection. Their source is usually thought to be Pharisaic circles who were disillusioned with the Hasmonean rule and with the general state of affairs prevailing at that time; indeed, Ryle and James in the introduction to their commentary dub the collection ‘Psalms of the Pharisees’.729 Characteristically Pharisaic elements of the Psalms include the use of the terms ὅσιος (hosios) and ὅσιοι (hosioi) as an equivalent to the Hebrew Hasidim to denote the Lord's faithful ones (4: 7, 9; 8: 40; 9: 6; 14: 2, 7; 17: 18),730 the belief in an afterlife for the righteous (3: 16; 13: 9), and an emphasis on the importance of the Law both directly (14: 1–2) and indirectly in the form of references to holiness, righteousness, and purity (1: 2, 9; 2: 3, 38–9; 3 passim; 8: 13; 17: 28; 18: 9). The psalm where the clearest reference to the Hasmoneans can be seen is Ps. Sol. 17. The psalmist speaks of David being chosen by God to be king over Israel for ever, but bewails those who have usurped the kingdom and devastated the throne of David (17: 5–8); he goes on to pray for a purging of Jerusalem and the appearance of a true and legitimate king so that people and city can be holy once again (17: 23–51). If this is taken as indeed referring to members of the Hasmonean dynasty, as seems likely given the dating proposed above, there are several important observations to be made. First, it is noticeable that the Hasmoneans are regarded by the writer not as priests but as kings, and the complaint is not that they have taken over the priestly dignity in an unjustiﬁable way but that they have usurped the royal prerogative, taking over the throne which was promised to David's descendants alone (17: 5–6). Hence, by the time of Ps. Sol. 17, even if the Hasmoneans had started out as priestly leaders, a notion which it has already been argued is false, they were no longer regarded as such, but were undeniably kings in their own eyes and in those of the populace. Secondly, the hope expressed in the psalm, whilst being evidently idealistic and indeed messianic, is for restoration of a

729

Ryle and James, title page and p. xliv.

730

G. B. Gray, ‘The Psalms of Solomon,’ in R. H. Charles (ed.), Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, II: Pseudepigrapha (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913), 625–52 (p. 629).

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legitimate sacral monarchy, not a hierocracy where the priests are the rulers, which casts doubt on the idea that Israel as a whole saw her basic constitution as that of a theocracy which was ruled by priests. Of course, different factions of the community may well have had different ideas about what was an appropriate method of government; judging from the description of the Jewish constitution written by Hecataeus of Abdera,731 at least one segment of the community thought that government by priests was the ideal—probably the priests themselves. But it is necessary to beware of making blanket assertions about hierocratic government being the standard to which all looked with greater or lesser enthusiasm or nostalgia. Ps. Sol. 17 certainly shows opposition to the Hasmonean kingship, but it also dwells at length on the desire to return to a Davidic sacral messianic monarchy, implying that it was the monarchy's current incumbents rather than the concept of monarchy as such to which the objections were being raised. Thirdly, hopes for a restoration of monarchy, especially when the restoration is seen in messianic terms, inevitably encompass dreams of national sovereignty, and the hopes expressed in this psalm for a renewed monarchy are no exception (17: 32–5). The messianic overtones of Simon's eulogy in 1 Macc. 14: 4–15 also seem to imply that to the writer and his supporters at least Simon was the fulﬁlment of the hope of national sovereignty which was seen as an integral part of Jewish expectation for the future,732 so to that extent there was indeed no clash between the desire for religious freedom and the desire for national sovereignty, as both were part of the ideal future looked for by God's people. In fact, Efron argues that there was no basic rift between those who desired only religious freedom and those who desired national sovereignty, because the two aims were part and parcel of each other; rather, the picture of Hasmonean rulers getting carried away with themselves and alienating a previously supportive populace is the result of hostile propaganda and misinterpretation of the sources.733

731

See the discussion of this passage in Ch. 10 above on the Ptolemaic period.

732

For a detailed comparison of the eulogy with the messianic Psalm 72, see Ch. 11 above.

733

‘The Hasmonean Period in Modern Historiography’, in Studies, 1–32. Efron attempts to deny the general rift which, according to the prevailing scholarly view arrived at in the nineteenth century, is supposed to have occurred between the Hasmoneans and the more passive Hasidim because ‘[the] Hasids concerned themselves with the Torah and its precepts, while the Hasmoneans craved the glory of statehood’ (p. 6). The book as a whole is reviewed by van der Woude in JSJ 20 (1989), 91–4, who expresses the opinion that ‘Efron's assertions are far from convincing and often pure fantasy’, and that methodological ﬂaws together with the false supposition that pre-70 CE Judaism was more or less uniform ‘seriously detract from the credibility of the author's theses’ (p. 94). See also n. 22 above.

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Despite Efron's claims, however, and in the light of the above comments, the situation seems to have been somewhat more complex than that, and simply to claim that scholarship has made an unreal contrast between those who desired sovereignty and those who did not is to miss the point. In the ﬁnal reckoning, the question is not about whether national sovereignty was seen as a valid aim to pursue, but about whether the Hasmoneans were deemed to be its legitimate pursuers. It is undeniable that 1 and 2 Maccabees are apologetic literature, and that 1 Maccabees portrays the Maccabeans in accepted Scriptural colours as a way of legitimating their actions, in particular their acceptance of the high priesthood and of civil rule which was royal in all but name; the eulogy of Simon in 1 Macc. 14: 4–15 which describes his rule in messianic tones has already been mentioned. The growth of such literature implies that there must have been a good deal of uncertainty at the start of the Maccabean revolution as to whether individuals who were not descended from the traditionally recognized lines of David and Zadok could be the instruments of God's redemption, a question made all the more acute by the high-priestly family's betrayal of trust when Jason sold out to Antiochus IV Epiphanes. If the legitimate high-priestly line could fail in that way then anything could happen and it became conceivable that others apart from Zadokites and Davidides could be high priests and kings. However, subsequent events proved the initial hopes vested in the Hasmoneans as God's deliverers to be futile,734 hence the kind of reaction attested by the Psalms of Solomon. But still the hope for a (Davidide) king sent by God persists, as does the picture of Israel's sovereignty over all the other nations (Ps. Sol. 17: 23–35), but with an important difference from the kingship and sovereignty of the Hasmoneans: this king really will purify the nation of Israel and make it holy in accordance with the Law, and his trust will be in the strength of the Lord rather than in machines

734

Cf. Goldstein, ‘The Hasmonaeans: The Dynasty of God's Resistors’, HTR 68 (1975), 53–8. Commenting on the Hebrew title for 1 Maccabees quoted by Origen, Goldstein points out its ambiguity, suggesting that the name ‘God's resisters’ was originally a pejorative nickname given to the Hasmoneans by their opponents, but that it was eventually accepted and interpreted in a positive sense by the Hasmoneans themselves (p. 58).

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of war (17: 33–8). Nor is it justiﬁed to dismiss Ps. Sol. 17 as referring to another world or a spiritual kingdom, and thereby deny its author any longing for national sovereignty in the earthly sense. It is certainly an idealistic piece of literature, but the king hoped for is a human being to be raised up and taught by God (17: 47), not a divine ﬁgure which would imply that Israel is living in the very presence of God without any earthly mediation. The conclusion from all this is that national sovereignty of itself was not the stumbling block in the case of the Hasmoneans, but rather national sovereignty gained and exercised in what was considered to be an illegitimate fashion. This then raises the question of whether the Maccabean sovereignty struggle was something separate from the desire to restore religious freedom, given that Jewish culture and religious observance had carried on unhindered for so long despite continued national subjection. The imperial powers did not usually take domination of foreign lands to mean forced conversion, nor is it fair to say that there was a general antipathy towards Judaism per se, since it was only the Judaean Jews who were ever persecuted; as was noted above, not even during the Antiochene persecution of 167–164 BCE were the Jewish communities of the Diaspora subjected to ofﬁcial abuse.735 Under these circumstances it would seem that a restoration of the status quo would have been sufﬁcient. And yet it can be imagined that it would have been virtually impossible to return to the status quo after such a ferocious clash of cultures, because the clash was symptomatic of internal divisions just as much as of external oppression. The sovereignty struggle was therefore as much about defeating the internal element which aligned itself with the Seleucids as a way of destabilizing the existing order, as it was about gaining independence for its own sake; it was a way of cutting off the hellenizers' power and their potential for troublemaking, something which could legitimately be regarded as part of the ﬁght to ensure religious freedom, and which no doubt was so regarded by the Maccabees and their supporters. There would doubtless have been other perceived beneﬁts of independence too, namely the freedom from constant burdens of foreign taxation, and from the periodic unrest to which Judah had been helplessly subjected by virtue of being in a strategically

735

Bickerman, Gott der Makkabäer, 121–2 (ET, 79–80).

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placed border region between the rival Egyptian and Syrian empires and therefore being claimed by them both. Of course, for such a tiny country to try and resist the will of a mighty empire like that of the Seleucids was rather optimistic, to say the least, and it is apparent from the records which have survived that the times when the Jewish resistance made its most important strikes were the times when the Seleucids were otherwise occupied either by a crisis in their own leadership or by threats from outside enemies. Jonathan's ofﬁcial powers to raise an army and his elevation to the high priesthood—the ﬁrst steps towards Judaean independence—came about as a result of the leadership contest between Demetrius and Alexander, which necessitated them both trying to win Jonathan's favour with what boiled down to ‘bribes’ (1 Macc. 10: 1–21). John Hyrcanus in his turn, although inheriting the rule of the supposedly independent Hasmonean kingdom, was faced almost immediately by a confrontation with Antiochus VII, who had tried and failed to regain control of the coastal strip around Joppa which Simon had conquered, and had now turned to attack Judah (1 Macc. 15: 25–16: 10; Ant. xiii. 236–48). John had to pay substantial indemnities and give up weapons and hostages to be allowed to keep the areas of which Simon had gained control. As Russell drily remarks, ‘Hyrcanus was thus made to realise that independence could be maintained only when Syria was either too busy or too weak to intervene.’736 Fortunately for Hyrcanus and his successors, the re-emergence soon afterwards of internal Syrian strife meant that independence could be maintained until a greater power appeared on the world scene and changed the balance of power throughout the Near East. That was the point at which Hasmonean power as well as Seleucid power came to an end, as both became subject to Roman power.

736

Russell, 63.

PART IV: SUMMARY

325

Part IV: Summary This ﬁnal section of the investigation has shown that as in the Persian period, so in the Greek period the high priesthood remained a fundamentally cultic ofﬁce which in and of itself bestowed no civil authority upon its incumbents. The Ptolemaic era with which the Greek period begins is one of the most obscure in the history of Judah because of the sparsity of sources; however, the evidence from contemporary papyri suggests that during the third century BCE an extensive Ptolemaic bureaucracy would have been in place, effectively limiting Judaean autonomy and making it unlikely that the high priest would have exercised signiﬁcant authority in governing the province. Coupled with this, the small amount of evidence available from Jewish literary sources for the period (Josephus, the Letter of Aristeas, and the Wisdom of Ben Sira) shows the high priest still very ﬁrmly linked to the religious and cultic sphere; and both Josephus and the papyri attest the presence of at least one old-established, moneyed, and aristocratic lay family in the province whose inﬂuence not only equalled but exceeded that of the high priesthood. Taken all together, these pieces of evidence seem to indicate that the Ptolemaic high priests were of no more importance than their Persian predecessors in the Judaean provincial administration. This state of affairs continued into the Seleucid period, until Jason the Oniad bribed Antiochus IV to award him the high priesthood, together with the authority to change the constitution of Jerusalem. At this point the high priesthood could be said to have become a political ofﬁce, but this was still not because of the nature of the ofﬁce itself. Rather, it was because Jason had Seleucid backing, not because the high priesthood gave him instrinsic authority, that he was able to put into practice the hellenizing measures which so shocked the writer of 2 Maccabees. Jason had effectively combined the high priesthood with a measure of civil authority, but as can be seen from the fortunes of

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his successors Menelaus and Alcimus, that authority only lasted for as long as there was Seleucid support for it. The Maccabean rebellion aimed to rescue Judah from the intolerable effects of this politicized high priesthood, which had become a channel for unacceptable interference by the overlords in the Jewish way of life and worship. The leaders of the rebellion were of priestly descent, and eventually secured for themselves the high priesthood as well as the leadership and autonomy of Judah. But here again, their status as leaders was not dependent upon their status as high priests. Both Jonathan and Simon Maccabee began their rise to prominence as commanders of the military rebellion force, and it was only after becoming established in this capacity and gaining sufﬁcient inﬂuence in Judah to be acknowledged by the ruling Seleucids that the Seleucids granted them the high priesthood. This is particularly clear in the case of Jonathan, who having driven back the Seleucid forces ruled the people for seven years in the capacity of ‘judge’ before being made high priest. Even allowing for the bias of 1 Maccabees, which gives a deliberately Deuteronomistic presentation of the rebellion and its leaders, the style of leadership exercised by Jonathan and Simon seems to have followed that of the pre-exilic monarchs, who similarly had both royal and priestly responsibilites, but whose priestly responsibilities for the nation arose out of their kingship rather than their monarchic duty of government arising from their priestly status. Hence, to argue that the Maccabean high priests are the culmination of the high priesthood's development towards joint civil and religious authority in Judah is incorrect. Not only is there a signiﬁcant lack of evidence for any such development of the high priesthood in itself prior to the Maccabean period, but the Maccabeans had already achieved civil authority before becoming high priests, and their attainment of the high priesthood was the consequence of, not the reason for, that authority. That this was indeed the case is evident from the later history of the Hasmonean dynasty. Although the Hasmonean leaders continued to fulﬁl both priestly and governmental roles in the by now independent Jewish state, there are signiﬁcant indicators that both they themselves and the populace regarded their rule as primarily monarchic rather than hierocratic. First, apart from the claims for kingship made by the rulers themselves (notably Alexander Jannaeus), the fact that both John Hyrcanus and

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Jannaeus intended their wives to succeed them, and that Salome Alexandra did in fact succeed Jannaeus, makes a nonsense of the idea that Hasmonean rule was based on priestly prerogatives. Had the high priesthood been the basis of power, whoever succeeded to the country's leadership would have succeeded primarily to the high priesthood, and so it would have been impossible to have a female successor because Judaism would not admit women priests at any level, let alone high priests. However, the fact that Salome could appoint one of her sons to the high priesthood whilst taking over the reins of government herself indicates that the high priesthood was effectively an adjunct to the leadership role rather than its basis. Secondly, the evidence from the late ﬁrst-century BCE Psalms of Solomon points to Pharisaic dissatisfaction with the Hasmoneans, not because they had usurped the high-priestly line despite their nonZadokite descent, but because as non-Davidides they had usurped the monarchic line. Josephus too records the tale of representations being made to Pompey on the Roman conquest of Judah, requesting that the former priestly leadership be restored in place of the Hasmoneans. Whatever the truth about the ‘former priestly leadership’, and whether or not it had ever actually existed, the incident implies that the Hasmoneans were not perceived as priestly leaders but as monarchic pretenders by at least some, if not the majority, of the populace. It seems fair to say, therefore, that the high priesthood in the Greek period did not in and of itself become an ofﬁce of civil government. Rather, although it was later exercised by those who already held civil authority, its essential nature was basically that of a cultic ofﬁce, and this is what it remained, right down to the time of the Roman conquest.

Conclusion The picture that has emerged from this systematic examination of material on the high priesthood is one of remarkable consistency, which can be summarized quite readily: high priesthood does not appear in the sources as an ofﬁce which bestowed ex ofﬁcio civil leadership prerogatives; rather, the basic function of the high priest was as a cultic ﬁgure, with cultic responsibilities. The preexilic chief priests were servants of the crown, whose duties lay in the cultic realm and who are only ever shown operating in the cultic realm; and despite the turmoil of exile which resulted in the loss of the monarchy there is no indication that this basic pattern ever changed, or indeed, that the priests themselves wanted it to be changed. A good example of this attitude is the book of Ezekiel, which was a product of priestly circles during the Exile, at a time when the monarchic basis of pre-exilic society had been severely challenged by the Babylonian conquest in both physical and ideological terms. A period of such chaos and uncertainty as the Exile would have been an ideal opportunity for the priests to renounce the monarchy as a failure and advocate a hierocratic society if they considered it appropriate to do so. And yet, there is no attempt by these priests to put a high priest at the head of the proposed new community postulated in Ezekiel; instead, what is envisaged is a restoration of the monarchy in a modiﬁed form. Similarly, throughout the post-exilic period, the high priests are never shown in sole charge of the province, but they always appear in a cultic context of some kind alongside other authority ﬁgures in the community, usually a governor appointed by the imperial overlords. This is true even in works such as the books of Chronicles, where despite a heightened sense of cultic awareness and the importance of correct ritual procedures for the health of the community, the chief priests are never shown stepping over the boundary of the ritual sphere into the ruling sphere; their responsibilities remain conﬁned to cultic matters as was the case before the Exile.

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However, there were two periods in Israelite and later Jewish history when the duties of cultic ofﬁciation and political leadership were vested in the same individual: these were the monarchy, when the king was also ex ofﬁcio the most important priest in the nation and had ultimate control over the cultic arrangements; and the Maccabean and Hasmonean periods, when the priestly family of Mattathias and its descendants combined the ofﬁces of priesthood, later high priesthood, and political leadership of the people. Yet in both of these periods this high priesthood was a function of the political leadership role rather than the leadership role being a function of the high-priestly role. The sacral character of the pre-exilic monarchy, where the king was regarded as being in an intimate relationship with the divinity, inevitably bestowed upon the reigning monarch the right and duties of priesthood, whether or not that priesthood is regarded as a particular kind of ofﬁce (priesthood ‘after the order of Melchizedek’?) which was peculiar to the monarch. This naturally accounts for the lack of ruling power or indeed ﬁnal cultic authority resting with the chief priest during this period, because the monarch effectively fulﬁlled the joint function of ruler and supreme religious authority, thereby depriving the chief priest of both the reason and the opportunity to exercise any such authority himself. The Maccabeans, on the other hand, were apparently of priestly stock before they rose to prominence within the military context; however, their priestly descent does not appear as the basis for them becoming heirs of the high priesthood. Instead, the high priesthood is shown as an additional honour bestowed on Jonathan at a time when he had already attained prominence and leadership status among the Jews as a military commander. In fact, the whole account of the Maccabees' rise to power is presented in terms of the Deuteronomistic History's description of the rise of the monarchy, implying that the nature of the Maccabean leadership was monarchic. Hence, for the Maccabees too the high priesthood was a function of their leadership role in another sphere; it was not the source of their civil and military authority, nor was it the direct result of their initial priestly descent. Under these circumstances, the supposed Maccabean use of Psalm 110 is noteworthy, because although it was probably a product of the (early) monarchic period, its depiction of a king whose kingship gave him the prerogative of priesthood is entirely

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appropriate for the Maccabean leaders. Hence, those who would argue for its application to Simon Maccabee are in effect arguing that the Maccabean priest-kings became high priests because of their prior attainment of leadership status and particularly military authority in their community, rather than attaining political leadership because of prior priestly descent or high-priestly status. In the light of this, the overall conclusion must be that Israel as a whole and later Judah never envisaged a class of ruling priests as such. Although there were leaders who had priestly duties, priesthood of itself did not bestow ex ofﬁcio leadership prerogatives outside the cultic sphere, however important the priesthood was considered to be to the community's well-being.

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Rowley, H. H., ‘Melchizedek and Zadok (Gen 14 and Ps 110)’, in W. Baumgartner et al. (eds.), Festschrift für Alfred Bertholet (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1950), 461–72. —— ‘The Book of Ezekiel in Modern Study’, in id., Men of God (London and Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson, 1963), 169–210. —— ‘The Chronological Order of Ezra and Nehemiah’, in id., The Servant of the Lord, 2nd rev. edn. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965), 137–68. —— ‘Melchizedek and David’, VT 17 (1967), 485. Rudolph, Wilhelm, Esra und Nehemia samt 3. Esra, HAT 20 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1949). —— Chronikbücher, HAT 21 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1955). —— Haggai—Sacharja 1–8—Sacharja 9–14—Maleachi, KAT 13.4 (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1976). Russell, D. S., The Jews from Alexander to Herod, New Clarendon Bible (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967). Ryle, Herbert Edward, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, CBSC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1893; repr. 1907). —— and James, M. R., The Psalms of Solomon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1891). Sayce, A. H., ‘The Jewish Garrison and Temple in Elephantinê’, The Expositor, 8th Series, 2 (1911), 97–116. —— ‘The Jews and their Temple in Elephantinê’, The Expositor, 8th Series, 2 (1911), 417–34. Schaper, Joachim, ‘The Jerusalem Temple as an Instrument of the Achaemenid Fiscal Administration’, VT 45 (1995), 528–39. Scharbert, Josef, Exodus, NEB (Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 1989). —— Numeri, NEB (Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 1992). Schreiner, Stefan, ‘Psalm cx und die Investitur des Hohenpriesters’, VT 27 (1977), 216–22. Schunk, Klaus-Dietrich, ‘Hoherpriester und Politiker? Die Stellung der Hohenpriester von Jaddua bis Jonatan zur jüdischen Gemeinde und zum hellenistischen Staat’, VT 44 (1994), 498–512. Schwartz, Daniel R., ‘On Some Papyri and Josephus' Sources and Chronology for the Persian Period’, JSJ 21 (1990), 175–99. Schwartz, Seth, ‘Israel and the Nations Roundabout: I Maccabees and the Hasmonean Expansion’, JJS 42 (1991), 16–38. —— ‘On the Autonomy of Judaea in the Fourth and Third Centuries B.C.E.’, JJS 45 (1994), 157–68. Seters, John Van, Abraham in History and Tradition (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1975). Shutt, R. J. H., ‘Letter of Aristeas: A New Introduction and Translation’, in James H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseud-epigrapha,

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Index of Textual References Note: For Old Testament references where the Hebrew and English versiﬁcation differ, verse numbers in the Hebrew are followed by H and those in the English translation by E.

1. Old and New Testament Genesis ; 12 83; 13 83; 14 82, 83, 84, 102 n. 75; 14: 1–11 82, 83; 14: 12–24 83; 14: 12–17 83; 14: 12 82; 14: 13 83; 14: 18–20 6, 80, 82–90, 94, 101, 102; 14: 18 84, 86, 101, 102; 14: 21–4 83; 15: 7 107; 17: 8 107; 23 83; 33: 18 85; 49: 8–12 92 Exodus, book of 1, 14, 15; 24: 13 38; 25–31 36; 25: 10–27: 21 16; 25: 10–22 50 n. 15; 25: 10–15 192; 25: 31–6 31 n. 50; 26: 1–27: 8 192; 26: 31 17; 26: 33 50; 27 31 n. 49; 27: 2 31 n. 49; 28: 1–43 16; 28: 1–3 52; 28: 1 57, 161; 28: 2–39 28; 28: 3 16; 28: 5–30 61; 28: 5–14 17; 28: 6 17; 28: 15–30 18; 28: 15 19, 158 n. 22; 28: 28–30 158 n. 22; 28: 30 34, 61, 157 n. 17; 28: 31–5 17; 28: 36 18; 28: 37 18; 28: 39 18; 28: 40–3 61; 28: 41 20 n. 24; 29: 1–37 20; 29: 5–6 28; 29: 6 18; 29: 7 20; 29: 21 20; 29: 29 20 n. 23; 29: 38–42 12 n. 2; 30: 1–10 21; 32: 11–14 164; 32: 25–8 164; 33: 11 38; 39: 1–31 16,

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

28; 39: 2–7 17; 39: 30 18; 40: 12–15 161; 40: 13 20 n. 23; 40: 14–15 20 n. 24 Leviticus, book of 14, 15, 26, 36, 290; 1–7 14n., 36; 1: 5 23 n. 36; 4: 1–21 22, 23 n. 36; 4: 3–4 23 n. 36; 4: 3 20 n. 23, 22, 23, 27, 28, 291; 4: 5 20 n. 23, 22, 27, 28, 291; 4: 6 22; 4: 7 22; 4: 10 22; 4: 13–21 30; 4: 13 23; 4: 16 20 n. 23, 22, 23, 27, 28, 291; 4: 17 22; 4: 20 22; 4: 22–6 35; 6: 1–2 (H) 29; 6: 8–9 (E) 29; 6: 13 (H) 20 n. 23; 6: 15 (H) 20 n. 23, 27, 28, 291; 6: 20 (E) 20 n. 23; 6: 22 (E) 20 n. 23, 27, 28, 291; 7: 31 29; 7: 34–6 30 n. 48; 7: 35–6 29; 7: 36 20 n. 24; 8–10 14n.; 8: 1–36 20; 8: 5–22 30; 8: 5–9 16; 8: 5 30; 8: 6–15 30; 8: 6–12 37; 8: 7–9 28; 8: 8 34, 151 n. 69, 157 n. 17; 8: 9 18; 8: 10–17 75; 8: 10–12 20; 8: 11 30; 8: 12 20; 8: 20 30; 8: 21 30; 8: 30 20; 9: 1–24 20; 9: 8–9 23 n. 36; 9: 18 23 n. 36; 10: 1–7 23, 31, 32; 10: 1–3 210 n. 53; 10: 6–11 29; 10: 7 20 n. 24; 10: 8–11 23, 26, 29; 10: 9–11 38; 10: 9 24; 10: 10–11 33, 34, 76; 10: 10 139; 10: 11 24, 29; 10: 16–20 36; 11–15 14n.; 12 36; 14: 1–32 36; 15: 1–2 36 n. 59; 15: 2 36 n. 59; 16–27 36; 16 14n., 24; 16: 2–3 50; 16: 3–4 24; 16: 6 23 n. 36; 16: 11 23 n. 36; 16: 15–25 30; 16: 23–5 25; 16: 32 20 n. 23, 23, 27, 28; 17–26 13n., 14n., 25; 19: 29 14n.; 19: 33–4 14n.; 21–2 25; 21: 1–22: 9 15; 21: 1–15 25 n. 41; 21: 10–15 25; 21: 10 16, 20 n. 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 39, 74 n. 75; 21: 11 289; 21: 12

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20 n. 23; 21: 14 25; 22: 2 29; 23: 24–5 24; 24: 1–4 31 n. 50; 24: 5–9 21, 61; 24: 8 61; 24: 9 61; 24: 10–23 37 n. 61; 25: 9 24; 25: 29–31 14n.; 25: 44 14n.; 27 14n. Numbers, book of 14, 15, 26, 27, 36, 290; 1: 47–2: 31 114 n. 24; 2: 1–2 36 n. 59; 2: 34 36 n. 59; 3: 1–4 29, 35; 3: 3 20 n. 24, 35; 3: 4 35; 3: 10 35; 4: 1–7 192; 4: 15 192; 5–6 36; 6: 1–21 19; 6: 6–8 25 n. 40; 6: 22–7 29, 55; 7 36; 8 36; 9 36; 9: 6–14 37 n. 61; 15 36; 15: 32–6 36, 37 n. 61; 15: 33–5 27 n. 45; 16: 1–17: 26 (H) 57 n. 30; 16: 1–17: 15 (H) 31; 16: 1–17: 11 (E) 57 n. 30; 16: 1–17: 5 (H) 210 n. 53; 16: 1–50 (E) 31; 16: 1–40 (E) 210 n. 53; 16: 1–14 32 n. 52; 16: 8–11 29; 16: 40 (E) 31; 16: 41–50 (E) 31; 16: 46–50 (E) 36; 17: 1–13 (E) 26, 31, 37; 17: 1–10 (E) 50; 17: 5 (H) 31; 17: 6–15 (H) 31; 17: 7–11 (E) 32; 17: 11–15 (H) 36; 17: 13 (E) 27; 17: 16–28 (H) 26, 31, 37; 17: 16–25 (H) 50; 17: 17 (H) 36; 17: 21 (H) 36; 17: 22–6 (H) 32; 17: 28 (H) 27; 18 26; 18: 1–24 23 n. 38, 26, 29; 18: 1–20 29; 18: 1 26, 38, 161; 18: 5 26, 38; 18: 7 161; 18: 25–32 36; 19: 1–10 309; 19: 1–3 36 n. 59; 19: 1 36 n. 59; 19: 2 36 n. 59; 19: 3 36 n. 59; 20: 22–9 16, 32, 33; 20: 25–9 52; 20: 27 32; 20: 29 37; 25 52 n. 18, 281 n. 43; 25: 10–13 52, 281; 25: 13 52 n. 18; 26 33; 27: 2–7 27 n. 45; 27: 5–11 36; 27: 12–23 33; 27: 20 38; 27: 21 33, 39, 61; 28–30 36; 31 33; 31: 3 33; 31: 12–13 33; 31: 12 205; 31: 21–4 33; 31: 25–31 33; 31: 25–7 205; 31: 26 33; 31: 29 33; 31: 31

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

33; 31: 41–7 33; 31: 41 33; 31: 48–50 33; 31: 51 33, 205; 31: 54 33, 205; 32: 2 33; 32: 28 33; 34: 17 33, 205; 35–6 36; 35: 9–34 46; 35: 22–34 27; 35: 25 20 n. 23, 28, 53, 74 n. 75; 35: 28 28, 53, 74 n. 75; 35: 32 28 Deuteronomy, book of 6, 37 n. 61, 43, 44 n. 45, 45–7, 50, 53, 54, 76, 180 n. 31, 193; 1: 16 98; 5: 1–26: 19 164; 7: 1–5 164; 8: 8 137; 9: 20 54; 10: 1–5 50 n. 15; 10: 2 50; 10: 5 50; 10: 6 54; 10: 12–13 50; 12 49n.; 12: 2–14 43, 45; 12: 8–11 49n.; 12: 8 49n.; 12: 13–14 45; 12: 16 45; 12: 17–18 45; 12: 23–4 45; 12: 26–7 45; 16: 1–17 45; 16: 2 45; 16: 5–7 45; 16: 15 45; 16: 16 45; 17: 8–12 47; 17: 8–10 45; 17: 8 208; 17: 9 45; 17: 12 46; 17: 14–20 35, 47, 51; 17: 18–20 49; 17: 18 76, 164; 17: 19 45; 18: 1–8 45, 46, 54; 18: 1–7 57 n. 30; 18: 3–4 45; 18: 5 46; 18: 6–7 45; 18: 7 46; 18: 15–22 37 n. 61, 45; 18: 15–20 47 n. 9, 59; 18: 21–2 59; 19: 1–13 27, 46; 20: 16–18 164; 21: 5 45, 54; 24: 8 45; 26: 2 45; 26: 3–4 47 n. 8; 26: 3 47; 32: 50 54; 33: 7 92; 33: 8 19; 33: 9b–10 76; 33: 10 164; 34: 8 32; 34: 10 47 n. 9 Joshua—2 Kings 43 Joshua, book of 12, 52, 53, 54, 285, 290; 3 52 n. 19; 3: 3 52 n. 19; 3: 8 52 n. 19; 3: 13 52 n. 19; 3: 14 52 n. 19; 3: 17 52 n. 19; 4 52 n. 19; 4: 9 52 n. 19; 4: 11 52 n. 19; 4: 16 52 n. 19; 4: 17 52 n. 19; 4: 18 52 n. 19; 13: 15–19: 51 107; 14: 1 53, 54,

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205; 17: 4 53, 54; 19: 51 53, 54, 205; 20: 1–9 46; 20: 6 53; 21: 1 53; 22 54; 22: 13 53; 22: 30 53; 22: 31 53; 22: 32 53; 24: 33 53 Judges, book of 49, 52, 53, 285; 2: 16 284; 2: 18 284; 3: 11 285; 3: 30 285; 5: 31 285; 6–8 284; 8: 27 17 n. 10; 8: 28 285; 10: 3 284; 12: 7 284; 17–18 59; 17: 1–13 51, 206; 17: 5 17 n. 10; 17: 6 49; 17: 12 59; 18: 19–20 59; 19: 10 85; 19: 11 85; 20: 27–8 53 Samuel, books of 12, 53, 54, 55, 70n., 81 1 Samuel 99, 285; 1–3 57; 1: 3 55; 1: 9 54, 55; 2: 11 54; 2: 12–17 55; 2: 18 17 nn. 10, 11; 58; 2: 20 55; 2: 21 55; 2: 27–36 57, 63; 2: 27–8 57; 2: 35 57 n. 27, 204; 3: 1–18 59; 3: 1 55; 3: 3 50; 3: 19 59; 3: 20 58; 4: 3–4 56; 4: 12–14 56; 4: 18b 55, 56; 7: 6 58; 7: 15–17 58; 7: 16–17 59; 8: 4–9 51; 8: 19–20 282; 8: 20b 282; 9: 6 58; 9: 7 58; 9: 8 58; 9: 10 58; 9: 11 58; 9: 18 58; 9: 19 58; 10: 17–19 51; 11: 1–11 285; 12: 12–15 51; 13: 8–14 100; 14: 3 19, 54, 59, 63, 206, 207; 14: 18–19 19, 62; 14: 18 59; 14: 19 59, 60; 14: 31–5 100; 14: 33–5 60; 14: 36 54, 59, 60, 62; 15: 10–23 100; 16: 4 59; 19: 20 58; 21–2 60; 21 61; 21: 1–6 (E) 22; 21: 1 (E) 54; 21: 2–7 (H) 22; 21: 2 (E) 60; 21: 2 (H) 54; 21: 3 (H) 60; 21: 4–6 (E) 61; 21: 5–7 (H) 61; 22 61; 22: 12–17

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

60; 22: 15 61; 22: 18 17 nn. 10, 11; 61; 22: 20–3 54; 22: 20 54, 60 n. 35, 64, 206, 207; 22: 22–3 59, 62; 23: 6 62, 71; 23: 9 62, 71; 24: 6 (E) 51; 24: 7 (H) 51; 24: 10 (E) 51; 24: 11 (H) 51; 26: 9 51; 26: 11 51; 26: 16 51; 27: 6 295n.; 30: 7 62, 71 2 Samuel 99; 1: 14 21 n. 29; 6 71 n. 70; 6: 1–19 57, 71, 81 n. 6; 6: 3 68, 71 n. 69; 6: 4 71 n. 69; 6: 12–19 52, 192; 6: 14–19 62; 7: 1–29 190; 7: 4–17 51; 8: 17 54, 62, 63, 66, 70, 202, 206; 8: 18 51n.; 12: 1–15 71; 15: 24–9 62, 70, 71; 15: 25–9 70n.; 15: 35–6 62, 70; 17: 15 70; 19: 11 (E) 70; 19: 12 (H) 70; 20: 25 62, 70; 23: 20–3 213; 24: 11–13 71; 24: 18 71 Kings, books of 12, 49, 53, 54, 81 1 Kings ; 1–2 204; 1: 24–6 54; 1: 5–48 70; 1: 38–9 201; 2: 26–7 62; 2: 26 70; 2: 27 63, 70, 204, 206 n. 47; 2: 35 54, 63, 70, 204, 206 n. 47; 4: 1–5 69, 71 n. 70; 4: 2–3 69 n. 67; 4: 2 54, 69, 70, 194 n. 19, 200; 4: 3 69 n. 67; 4: 4 69; 6: 1–38 49; 8 71 n. 70; 8: 1–66 71, 81 n. 6; 8: 1–13 50; 8: 3 71 n. 70; 8: 4 71 n. 70; 8: 5 75; 8: 6 71 n. 70; 8: 9 50; 8: 10 71 n. 70; 8: 11 71 n. 70; 8: 12–50 191; 8: 14–66 52; 8: 57–8 50; 8: 61 50; 8: 62–4 75; 9: 1–9 191; 9: 1–5 51; 9: 6–9 51; 9: 25 192; 12: 26–13: 1 52; 12: 26–33 49; 12: 31 54; 12: 32–13: 1 81 n. 6; 14: 15–16 23 n. 37; 14: 19 48 n. 11; 14: 29 48 n. 11; 15: 9–15 49; 15: 14–15 49; 15: 26 49; 16: 13

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49; 17–19 48 n. 10 2 Kings 12, 78, 290; 1 48 n. 10; 2: 13–14 33 n. 53; 3: 4–27 48 n. 10; 6: 8–23 48 n. 10; 8: 17–22 190; 11–12 54; 11: 1–20 77, 209, 316 n. 27; 11: 4–12 316 n. 27; 11: 4–9 73; 11: 12 71, 73, 209; 12: 1–16 (E) 12 n. 2; 12: 2–17 (H) 12 n. 2; 12: 2 (E) 73, 209; 12: 3 (H) 73, 209; 12: 4–16 (E) 170 n. 52; 12: 4–8 (E) 49; 12: 4–7 (E) 144; 12: 5–17 (H) 170 n. 52; 12: 5–9 (H) 49; 12: 5–8 (H) 144; 12: 7 (E) 73, 76; 12: 8 (H) 73, 76; 12: 9 (E) 210; 12: 10–12 (E) 209; 12: 10 (E) 73, 75, 150, 215; 12: 10 (H) 210; 12: 11–13 (H) 209; 12: 11 (H) 73, 75, 150, 215; 13: 2–3 23 n. 37; 15: 1–7 195 n. 21; 15: 3–5 210; 15: 35 49; 16: 2–4 74 n. 76; 16: 10–18 49; 16: 10–16 52, 54, 74, 144, 170 n.52, 194 n.19, 195 n. 21; 18: 1–6 49, 121; 18: 1–4 307; 18: 4–7 211; 18: 15–16 49; 18: 32 137; 20: 1–6 23 n. 37; 21: 5 49; 21: 7 49; 21: 10–12 23 n. 37; 22–3 54; 22 74 n. 75, 75; 22: 3–23: 25 121; 22: 3–7 49, 170 n. 52; 22: 3–4 75; 22: 4 75, 150; 22: 8–10 75; 22: 8 45, 75, 150, 215; 22: 11–18 50; 22: 14 76; 23 74 n. 75, 75; 23: 1–25 307; 23: 1–23 45; 23: 4–20 215; 23: 4 49, 75, 76, 150; 23: 6–7 49; 23: 11–12 49; 23: 26–7 23 n. 37; 23: 31–25: 26 180; 23: 31–24: 20 79; 23: 32 79; 23: 37 79; 24: 1–7 301; 24: 9 79; 24: 11–16 106; 24: 18–25: 30 77 n. 82; 24: 19 79; 25: 6–9 49; 25: 7 77; 25: 8–12 106; 25: 18–21 106; 25: 18 54, 77, 161 n. 30, 194 n. 19, 212n., 214; 25: 19 77; 25: 27–30 78 Chronicles, books of 7, 12, 54, 58 n. 30, 66 n. 54, 74 n. 75, 81 n. 6, 94, 133 n. 23, 141 n. 45, 152 nn. 1, 2;

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

161 n. 31, 169 n. 49, 183, 184–218, 219, 230 n. 33, 328 1 Chronicles 169 n. 49; 1–9 186, 194, 195–200; 3: 1–24 195; 3: 10–15 199; 3: 21 195–6 n. 23; 3: 22–4 195 n. 23; 5: 27–6: 66 (H) 57 n. 30; 5: 27–41 (H) 194 n. 19, 196, 198, 200 n. 34, 206, 207, 281; 5: 29–41 (H) 52; 5: 29–34 (H) 205 n. 44; 5: 30–41 (H) 199; 5: 34 (H) 52 n. 18; 5: 35–6 (H) 194 n. 19; 5: 36 (H) 70, 200, 203; 5: 37 (H) 199; 5: 40 (H) 199; 5: 41 (H) 200; 6: 1–81 (E) 57 n. 30; 6: 1–15 (E) 194 n. 19, 196, 198, 200 n. 34, 206, 207, 281; 6: 3–15 (E) 52; 6: 3–8 (E) 205 n. 44; 6: 4–15 (E) 199; 6: 8 (E) 52 n. 18; 6: 9–10 (E) 194 n. 19; 6: 10 (E) 70, 200, 203; 6: 11 (E) 199; 6: 14 (E) 199; 6: 15 (E) 200; 6: 34–8 (H) 198, 206, 207; 6: 34 (H) 200, 205 n. 44; 6: 35–8 (H) 199, 200, 205 n. 44; 6: 49–53 (E) 198, 206, 207; 6: 49 (E) 200, 205 n. 44; 6: 50–3 (E) 199, 200, 205 n. 44; 8: 33–40 195; 9: 1–34 195, 197; 9: 10–34 197; 9: 11 198, 199, 206, 215; 9: 35–44 195, 197; 10–2 Chr. 34 186 n. 6; 10: 1–14 191; 10: 6 195; 11: 1 188; 11: 4 85; 11: 5 85; 12 202; 12: 23–38 (E) 66, 67; 12: 24–9 (E) 66, 67; 12: 24–39 (H) 66, 67; 12: 25–30 (H) 66, 67; 12: 27–8 (E) 65, 66, 67, 68; 12: 28–9 (H) 65, 66, 67, 68; 12: 28 (E) 67, 201, 202, 205; 12: 29 (H) 67, 201, 202, 205; 15: 1–16: 3 81 n. 6; 15: 11 201, 202, 204, 205, 206–7, 216; 15: 15 192; 16: 2 211; 16: 8–22 21 n. 29; 16: 22 21 n. 29; 16: 39–40 12 n. 2, 192, 202; 16: 39 72 n. 73, 192 n. 16, 201, 202, 205; 17: 7–15 190; 18: 16 201, 202, 206 n. 47, 207; 18: 17 51n.; 21: 26 211; 22: 9–10 190; 22: 12–13 191; 23–7 186, 202 n. 37; 24 202 n. 37, 205 n. 44, 206, 207, 281; 24: 3 201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 216; 24: 4 281; 24: 6 201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207; 24: 7 281; 24: 31 201, 202, 204, 205, 207; 27

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202 n. 37; 27: 5 213; 27: 16 205; 27: 17 201, 202, 204, 205; 28: 1–29: 9 203; 28: 1–19 191; 28: 4 190; 28: 6 203; 28: 7 191; 28: 9 191; 28: 10 203; 28: 20 203; 29 193; 29: 22 199, 201, 202, 203, 204 2 Chronicles 184, 290; 1: 3–6 192; 1: 3 192 n. 16; 1: 6 211; 5: 2–7: 10 81 n. 6; 6: 16 191; 7: 5 211; 7: 7 211; 7: 17–22 191; 8: 12–13 192, 211; 8: 13 192; 10: 1–19 194 n. 20; 13: 5 190; 13: 10 205 n. 44; 15: 1–2 191; 19: 1–11 216; 19: 11 161 n. 30, 194 n. 19, 207, 208, 213; 21: 7 190; 22–4 207, 216; 23: 1–21 209; 23: 2–3 209; 23: 3 209; 23: 6–7 209; 23: 11 209; 23: 18 205 n. 44; 23: 19 209; 24: 1–27 190; 24: 1–25 190; 24: 1–14 12 n. 2; 24: 2 209; 24: 3 209; 24: 4–14 209, 215; 24: 6 161 n. 30, 209, 213; 24: 8 209; 24: 11–12 209, 212; 24: 11 74, 161 n. 30, 214, 215; 24: 12 74; 24: 23–5 210; 26: 4–5 210; 26: 5 191; 26: 16–23 190; 26: 16–20 81 n. 6, 207, 210, 215; 26: 17–20 194 n. 19, 195 n. 21; 26: 20 161 n. 30, 214; 28: 22–3 194 n. 19; 29: 1–31: 21 211; 29: 2 211n.; 29: 21–4 211; 29: 21 205 n. 44; 29: 25–7 211n.; 29: 27 211; 29: 30 211n.; 30: 26 211n.; 31: 8–13 216; 31: 10 161 nn. 30, 31; 194 n. 19, 195 n. 21, 205 n. 44, 208, 211, 213n., 214; 31: 13 194 n. 19, 195 n. 21, 208, 211, 212, 215; 31: 19 205 n. 44; 34: 8–14 215; 34: 9 208, 215; 34: 14–15 208; 34: 14 212; 34: 15 215; 34: 18 208; 34: 20–2 212; 34: 20 208; 34: 22 208; 34: 29–35: 7 212; 34: 33

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

215; 35–6 152 n. 2; 35: 8 208, 212, 215; 35: 10–15 212; 35: 14 205 n. 44; 35: 16–19 212; 36: 15 191; 36: 16–17 191; 36: 21 189 n. 12; 36: 22–3 13, 183, 184, 189 n. 12, 197; 36: 23 189 Ezra, book of 6, 54, 74 n. 75, 76 n., 126 n. 2, 133, 145 n. 61, 150 n. 68, 152, 155, 168 n. 46, 169, 172, 173, 174, 181 n. 33, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186 n. 6, 188, 189 n. 12, 217, 219 n. 2, 220, 230 n. 33, 238, 290, 291 n. 55; 1–6 155, 157, 230 n. 33; 1: 1–4 183; 1: 1–3 184, 189 n. 12; 1: 2–4 153 n. 4; 1: 9–11 153 n. 3; 2: 1–70 153 n. 3, 157 n. 16, 197; 2: 2 155, 158; 2: 36 159 n. 23; 2: 63 157, 158, 162n., 169, 204; 3: 2 155, 157 n. 15, 230 n. 33; 3: 8 155, 230 n. 33; 4: 3 155; 4: 4 129; 4: 7–22 153 n. 4; 5: 1–6: 22 203; 5: 1 126, 127 n. 6; 5: 2 155; 5: 6–17 153 n. 4; 6: 6–12 153 n. 4; 6: 14 126, 127 n. 6; 7–10 155, 157 n. 16, 159–69; 7: 1–5 162, 169; 7: 5 160, 161, 213n.; 7: 12–26 153 n. 4, 166; 8 152; 8: 1–14 153 n. 3; 8: 24 168; 8: 29 168; 9: 2 163; 9: 5 164; 9: 11–12 164; 9: 13 163; 10: 1 164; 10: 5 168; 10: 6 153, 155 n. 9, 159, 160, 168; 10: 11 164; 10: 18–24 153 n. 3; 10: 18 140, 159, 163 Nehemiah, book of 6, 54, 74 n. 75, 76, 133, 145 n. 61, 150 n. 68, 152, 157 n. 16, 159, 168 n. 46, 169–74, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186 n. 6, 188, 189 n. 12, 217, 219, 220, 222 n. 5, 230 n. 33, 238, 260, 290, 291 n. 55; 2: 1 153; 2: 16 261; 3 172; 3: 1–32 153 n. 3; 3: 1 157, 159, 169, 171, 174; 3: 20 169; 3: 35 (H) 260; 4: 3 (E) 260; 5: 7 261; 5: 15 173; 6: 17–19

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261; 7 172; 7: 6–73 153 n. 3, 157 n. 16, 197; 7: 7 169; 7: 65 157, 169, 204; 7: 70 261; 8 152, 155, 162n., 164, 167, 168, 173 n. 65; 8: 1–10: 40 (H) 134; 8: 1–10: 39 (E) 134; 8: 1–8 153; 8: 9 154, 167, 173 n. 65; 10: 1–27 (E) 153 n. 3, 172; 10: 1 (E) 172 n. 61; 10: 2–28 (H) 153 n. 3, 172; 10: 2 (H) 172 n. 61; 10: 2 (E) 172 n. 61; 10: 3 (H) 172 n. 61; 11: 3–36 153 n. 3; 11: 11 76, 144, 169, 215; 12 127, 168, 170–2, 254; 12: 1–26 153 n. 3; 12: 4 127; 12: 5 255 n. 35; 12: 7 170, 171; 12: 10–11 159, 160, 171, 185, 219, 231, 232; 12: 10 160 n. 26, 221; 12: 11 159, 160, 171n., 231 n. 39, 232; 12: 12 170; 12: 16 127; 12: 18 255 n. 35; 12: 22 153 n. 5, 159, 160, 170, 175; 12: 23 159, 160, 170 n. 57, 175; 12: 26 160, 170; 12: 27–43 172; 12: 31 172 n. 61; 12: 36 154, 172 n. 61; 13: 4–5 260; 13: 7–8 260; 13: 4 76, 145, 169, 170, 174, 260; 13: 23–7 153; 13: 28 153 n. 5, 157, 163, 169, 172, 222 n. 5 Esther, book of 220 Job, book of 94 n. 47; 5: 8 100 Psalms, book of 96; 2 91 n. 41; 2: 7 52, 81 n. 5; 44: 24 306n.; 48: 1–3 (E) 120; 48: 2–4 (H) 120; 72 52, 298, 301, 321 n. 35; 72: 4 299; 72: 7 298, 299; 72: 8 298; 72: 9 299; 72: 11 299; 72: 12–13 299; 72: 14 299; 72: 15 298; 72: 16 299; 76: 2 (E) 85, 86; 76: 3 (H) 85, 86; 105: 15 21 n. 29; 110 82, 84, 90, 91 n. 41, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 148 n. 67, 289–90, 329; 110: 1–2 103; 110: 1 52, 90; 110: 2 86, 90, 96; 110: 3 90; 110: 4 6, 52, 80, 86, 90, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 290; 110: 5 99; 110: 6 90; 110: 7 90; 132: 18 19

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

Proverbs ; 31: 9 98 Ecclesiastes (Qoheleth), book of 94, 100, 219 Isaiah ; 4: 2–6 144; 4: 2 143, 144; 11: 1 141; 43: 16–21 164 n. 39; 49: 8–11 164 n. 39; 51: 9–11 164 n. 39; 55: 3 189 n. 13 Jeremiah ; 7: 1–34 79 n.; 11: 20 98; 22: 24 131; 23: 5 141, 143; 33: 15 141, 143; 44: 15–18 180; 52: 1–34 77 n. 32; 52: 24 214 Lamentations ; 4: 20 21 n. 29 Ezekiel, book of 6, 19 n. 21, 58 n. 30, 104–19, 121, 122, 131 n. 19, 328; 1: 2 104; 1: 3 105; 1: 4–28 113 n. 20; 8: 1–11: 12 79n.; 8: 3–16 105; 8: 5–16 107, 110; 9: 1–10: 2 107; 10: 4 105; 10: 18–19 105; 12: 19–20 107; 17: 11–21 104; 17: 12–14 106; 18: 5–9 104; 20 111, 112; 20: 6 107; 20: 28 107; 20: 33 112; 20: 42 107; 21: 25–6 (E) 107, 110; 21: 26 (E) 19; 21: 30–1 (H) 107, 110; 21: 31 (H) 19; 22: 6–12 105; 22: 6 107, 110; 22: 25 110; 22: 26 105, 107, 110; 22: 27 110; 23: 22–34 104; 24: 1–2 104; 24: 21 107; 33: 21 104, 109; 33: 25–6 105; 34–48 106; 34 108, 109, 111, 113, 115 n. 26; 34: 1–16 109 n. 8; 34: 7–10 107; 34: 23–4 107, 109 n. 8, 112; 34: 23 109, 110; 34: 24 109, 110; 36: 26–7 107; 37 108, 109, 111, 112, 115 n. 26; 37: 15–19 107; 37: 20–3 109 n. 8; 37: 21 107; 37: 22–5 109 n. 82, 112; 37: 22 111; 37: 23 107; 37: 24 107, 109, 111; 37: 25 109, 110, 111, 117; 37: 26–8 107; 40–8 72 n. 74, 104, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119; 40–6 105, 113; 40: 1 104; 40: 5–42: 20 107; 43: 1–5 105; 43: 4–5 115; 43: 7–9 114; 43: 7b27 108 n. 7; 44: 1–3

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115; 44: 3–46: 24 108 n. 7; 44: 3 107; 44: 9–31 57 n. 30, 107; 44: 10 72 n. 74; 44: 15–31 114, 116; 44: 15 58 n. 30, 72 n. 74; 45 281 n. 42; 45: 1–8 107; 45: 1–6 114; 45: 1–4 114; 45: 7–9 107; 45: 8 115 n. 25; 45: 10–12 113, 115; 45: 13–15 113; 45: 16–17 115; 45: 17 107; 45: 19 116 n. 30; 45: 21–5 107; 46: 1–18 107; 46: 1–3 114; 46: 2 115; 46: 12 115; 46: 18 113; 47: 13–48: 29 107, 108 n. 7; 47: 13–14 107; 48: 8–22 107, 108; 48: 8–10 107; 48: 21–2 107, 114; 48: 35 107 Haggai, book of 6, 74 n. 75, 95 n. 52, 114 n. 23, 117 n. 33, 125, 126, 127–35, 150, 151, 152, 155, 158, 188 n. 10, 196, 203 n. 40, 214 n. 61, 218, 230 n. 33, 290; 1: 1 127, 128, 157, 171, 196; 1: 2 127 n. 8; 1: 3 127 n. 8; 1: 4–11 127 n. 8; 1: 11 137 n. 33; 1: 12–13a 127 n. 8; 1: 12 128, 129, 157, 171, 196; 1: 13 128 n. 10; 1: 13b 127 n. 8; 1: 14–2: 2 127 n. 8; 1: 14 128, 157, 171, 196; 1: 15 128 n. 10; 1: 15a 128; 2: 1–9 128; 2: 2 128, 157, 171, 196; 2: 3–9 127 n. 8; 2: 3 127 n. 7; 2: 4 128, 129, 130, 132 n. 21, 157, 171, 196; 2: 10–14 128 n. 10; 2: 10 127; 2: 11–19 127 n. 8; 2: 15–19 128; 2: 20–3 114 n. 23, 128 n. 10, 131, 135, 159; 2: 20 127 n. 8; 2: 21–3 127 n. 8; 2: 21 129; 2: 23 117, 129, 188 Zechariah, book of 95 n. 52, 114 n. 23, 117 n. 33, 125n. 1, 127, 152, 196, 203 n. 40, 290; 1–8 6, 74 n. 75, 125, 126, 135–49, 150, 151, 158, 188 n. 10, 214 n. 61, 218, 230 n. 33; 1: 1 126, 127, 135; 1: 7–6: 15 135, 138; 1: 7–2: 13 (E) 139; 1: 7–2: 17 (H) 139; 1: 7 126, 135; 3: 1–10 95 n. 52, 130, 135, 137, 138, 143, 144–5, 150; 3: 1

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

157; 3: 2 139; 3: 3–5 33 n. 53; 3: 3 139, 140; 3: 5 139; 3: 6–10 140; 3: 7 141, 144, 149; 3: 8 138, 141–2, 144; 4 136; 4: 1–6a 139, 145–6; 4: 3 143; 4: 6 143; 4: 6b-10a 138, 142; 4: 10–14 132 n. 21; 4: 10b-14 139, 145–6; 4: 10b 136; 4: 14 95 n. 52, 136, 137; 5: 1–11 139; 6: 1–8 139; 6: 9–15 94, 95 n. 52, 137, 138, 143, 146–9; 6: 9–14 136, 148; 6: 10–11 147; 6: 10 260; 6: 11 95, 157, 196; 6: 12–13 146, 148; 6: 13 95, 141, 149; 6: 14 148, 260; 7: 1 135; 9–14 125 n. 1 Hebrews ; 5–7 80; 9: 4 50 n. 16

2. Apocrypha and Septuagint Esdras A 152n.2, 156n.13, 167–8 n. 46, 184, 291 n. 55; 1: 1–5: 65 186 n. 6; 5: 40 158 n. 22; 5: 65 156 n. 13; 8: 2 161; 9: 39 162n.; 9: 40 162n.; 9: 49 162n., 167 Esdras B 156 n. 13, 167–8 n. 46; 2: 63 158 n. 22; 4: 2 156 n. 13; 7: 5 161; 12: 16 261; 15: 7 261; 17: 70 261; 18: 9 167; 23: 28 173 n. 63 1 Esdras 291 n. 55 1 Maccabees 219, 243, 266–7, 268, 269, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284 n. 46, 287, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 297, 298 n. 67, 299, 302, 304, 322, 326; 1: 1–8 220; 1: 9 220; 1: 29–35 276; 1: 41–50 278; 2 266; 2: 1 266 n. 1, 312; 2: 2–5 280; 2: 6 281; 2: 26 281; 2: 40–1 287; 2: 42–8 282; 2: 52–60 282; 2: 54 282; 2: 66 282; 3: 1 282; 7: 5–9 279 n. 37; 7: 5 292; 7: 8–11 279; 7: 8–9 283; 7: 9 279 n. 37, 285,

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292; 7: 14 225 n. 36; 7: 21–5 279; 7: 21 291 n. 56; 7: 22–5 279; 7: 22 279; 9: 1 279; 9: 3–4 280 n. 40; 9: 3 282; 9: 18 280 n. 40; 9: 28–31 303; 9: 28–30 282; 9: 30 282; 9: 50–3 280; 9: 53 284; 9: 54–6 280 n. 40; 9: 54 279; 9: 55–6 279; 9: 57 280, 283, 285; 9: 58–69 283; 9: 70–2 284; 9: 72 285; 9: 73 284, 286; 10: 1–21 324; 10: 1–6 288; 10: 6–10 286; 10: 15 287; 10: 18–21 283; 10: 20 256, 291 n. 56, 301; 10: 21 289; 10: 25–44 287; 10: 32 291 n. 56; 10: 38 291 n. 56; 10: 59–65 301; 10: 65 294; 10: 69 291 n. 56, 294; 10: 70–3 289, 295; 10: 73 313; 10: 74–85 289, 295; 10: 87 295; 10: 89 295; 11: 8–19 295; 11: 20–37 295; 11: 27 291 n. 56; 11: 52–3 295; 11: 57–8 295, 301; 11: 57 291 n. 56; 12: 3 291 n. 56; 12: 5 262; 12: 6 291 n. 56; 12: 7 291 n. 56; 12: 20–3 292; 12: 20 292; 12: 39–48 296; 13: 7–9 303; 13: 9 296; 13: 10 297; 13: 12–24 296; 13: 36 291 n. 56, 296; 13: 42 291; 14 298; 14: 4–15 297, 298, 321, 322; 14: 4 298; 14: 5–6 298; 14: 7 299; 14: 8 299; 14: 11 299; 14: 12 299; 14: 13 299; 14: 14 299; 14: 15 300; 14: 17 291 n. 56; 14: 20 292; 14: 23 291 n. 56, 292; 14: 27 291, 296; 14: 30 291 n. 56, 296; 14: 32–7 296; 14: 35 291 n. 56; 14: 38 291 n. 56, 296; 14: 41–5 297; 14: 41–3 311; 14: 41 91, 291 n. 56, 297 n. 64, 301, 304; 14: 43 301, 312; 14: 47 291 n. 56, 311; 15: 1–9 297 n. 63; 15: 1 292; 15: 2 292; 15: 6 305; 15: 17 291 n. 56; 15: 21 291 n. 56; 15: 24 291 n. 56; 15: 25–16: 10 324; 15: 27–31 297 n. 63; 15: 32 301,

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

312; 15: 33–4 303; 16: 11–22 303; 16: 12 291 n. 56; 16: 15–16 301, 312; 16: 23–4 267, 304; 16: 24 291 n. 56, 304 2 Maccabees 219, 220, 266, 267–8, 269, 270, 271, 273, 274, 280 n. 40, 287 n. 52, 322, 325; 1: 1–10a 268 n. 5; 1: 10b–2: 18 268 n. 5; 2: 19–32 268 n. 5; 2: 23 268; 3: 1–15: 39 268 n. 5; 3–5 268; 3: 4–8 270; 3: 4 255 nn. 35, 36; 270, 272; 3: 11 260, 272; 3: 22–8 270; 4: 1–6 270; 4: 1–2 273; 4: 4–6 273; 4: 7–10 255, 285; 4: 9–10 274; 4: 23–5: 23 274, 275; 4: 23–6 285; 4: 23 255 nn. 35, 36; 272, 275; 4: 25 255 n. 35, 274; 4: 29 288; 4: 33–4 278 n. 35; 4: 39–50 277; 4: 43–50 275; 5: 5–7 276; 5: 11 276, 277; 5: 15 275, 278; 5: 22–3 278; 6: 1–2 277, 278; 6: 7 277; 7: 1–42 268; 13: 1–7 279 n. 37; 13: 3–8 278; 13: 4 277; 14: 3–14 279 n. 37; 15: 1–36 268; 15: 37 268 3 Maccabees 268 4 Maccabees 268 Wisdom of Ben Sira 244, 262, 325; 45: 6–25 262; 45: 6–22 263; 50: 1–4 4, 262, 263; 50: 1–3 264; 50: 1–2 263; 50: 1 293; 50: 2–3 263; 50: 3 263; 50: 4 263, 264; 50: 5–24 263

3. Old Testament Pseudepigrapha Letter of Aristeas 179, 244, 256, 257, 325; 89 263 n. 52; 312–16 257 Psalms of Solomon 310, 319, 320, 322, 327; 1: 2 320; 1: 9 320; 2 319, 320; 2: 1 319; 2: 2 319; 2: 3 320; 2: 6 319; 2: 20 319; 2: 30–1 319; 2: 38–9 320; 3

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320; 3: 16 320; 4: 7 320; 4: 9 320; 8: 13 320; 8: 40 320; 9: 6 320; 13: 9 320; 14: 1–2 320; 14: 2 320; 14: 7 320; 17 320, 321, 322; 17: 5–8 320; 17: 5–6 320; 17: 8 320; 17: 23–51 320; 17: 23–35 322; 17: 28 320; 17: 32–5 321; 17: 33–8 323; 17: 47 323; 18: 9 320 2 (Slavonic) Enoch; 71–2 80 n. 1

4. Dead Sea Scrolls Genesis Apocryphon (IQapGen) XXII. 13 85 n. 21 Commentary on Habakkuk (IQpHab) 256, 283 n. 44 Commentary on Hosea (4Q167) 315 Commentary on Nahum (4Q169) 315 Melchizedek (IIQMelch) 80, 87, 88, 96 n. 59 Temple Scroll (IIQT) 56 12ff. 315

5. Other Jewish and Hellenistic Papyri Elephantine Papyri (numbering according to Cowley, Aramaic Papyri); 2: 3 170 n. 54; 21: 1–2 176 nn. 1, 11; 179 n. 26; 21: 11 176 nn. 1, 11; 22: 120–1 176 n. 5; 22: 121 176 n. 12; 22: 123–5 179 n. 27; 30 177 n. 15, 182 n. 34, 222 n. 7; 30: 1 176n.4, 177 n.16, 178 n.24, 179n.25; 30: 4 176 n. 4; 30: 18–19 178 n. 24, 182 n. 36; 30: 18 153 n. 5, 170 n. 55; 30: 22 176 n. 4; 31 177 n. 15, 182 n. 34; 31: 1 176 n. 4; 31: 3 176 n. 4; 31: 21 176 n. 4; 33: 1–6 176 n. 6; 33: 1 176 nn. 4, 12, 13; 33: 6 176 n. 13, 178 n. 23; 34: 4–5 176 n. 6, 178 n. 22; 34: 5 176 n. 12; 37: 1 176 nn. 2, 10; 37: 17 176 nn. 2, 10; 38: 1 176 nn. 3, 14; 38: 12 176 n. 3; 63: 9 170 n. 54 Rainer Papyrus 24552 251 Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum; i. 115–29 254n.; i. 126–7 272 n. 13

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

6. Rabbinic Works Mishnah 306, 309 Maʽaser Sheni ; 5: 15 306 Soḥah ; 9: 10 306; 9: 12 157 n. 18 Parah ; 3: 5 306–7 Yadayim ; 4: 6 307 BabylonianTalmud 308; Yoma 69a 22n.; Qiddusin 66a 308 n. 10; Horayot 12a 21 n. 30 Leviticus Rabbah; 13. 5 221n. Scholion to Megillat Taʼanit, ; 21 Kislev 221n.

7. Classical and Hellenistic Writers Hecataeus of Abdera ; Aegyptiaca 246 Diodorus Siculus ; 5. 45. 4–5 248 n. 16; 16. 47–51 223; 40. 3. 1–8 246; 40. 3. 2–3 248; 40. 3. 3 246, 248; 40. 3. 4–5 246; 40. 3. 4 248; 40. 3. 5 248; 40. 3. 5–6 247; 40. 3. 6 249; 40. 3. 8 246 Josephus ; Against Apion 228i. 183–204 227 n. 17i. 186–7 226–7i. 187 237, 245; Jewish Antiquities 220i. 180–1 85 n. 21xi 220xi. 1–4 220xi. 297–301 220–1, 233, 236, 237, 238xi. 297 223xi. 302–12 221xi. 302–3 222 n. 5xi. 302 235, 237xi. 306–11 222 n. 5xi. 306 221xi. 321–4 221xi. 321–2 222 n. 5xi. 325–39 171n.xi. 326–39 221xi. 326 237xi. 347 228, 237xii 256xii. 39–57 256xii. 43–4 228, 254, 256xii. 110–13 257xii. 138–46 255, 272 n. 14xii. 138–44 262, 269xii. 138 262xii. 142 262xii. 145–6 272xii. 157 254, 256xii. 158–236 257xii. 158–85 256xii. 158 258, 259, 264, 269

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372

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

xii. 159–64 260xii. 160 260xii. 168 272 n. 13xii. 169 259xii. 186–9 272 n. 13xii. 190–236 272 n. 17xii. 209–21 273xii. 210–14 272 n. 13xii. 224–5 254xii. 228 272xii. 237–8 255 n. 36xii. 238–9 255 n. 35xii. 238 272 n. 16xii. 239 260, 272, 275xii. 240–1 274 n. 21xii. 252 276xii. 265 266 n. 1xii. 384 277xii. 385 279 n. 37xii. 387–8 278 n. 35xii. 413–4 280 n. 40xii. 413 284 n. 46xii. 414 313xii. 419 313xii. 434 280 n. 40, 313xiii. 5–6 284 n. 46xiii. 22 284 n. 46xiii. 25 284 n. 46xiii. 26–34 284 n. 46xiii. 62–73 278 n. 35xiii. 88 294 n. 60xiii. 171–3 307 n. 7xiii. 230–48 305xiii. 234–5 306xiii. 236–48 324xiii. 241–2 306xiii. 251–2 306xiii. 255–6 306xiii. 255 305, 306xiii. 257–8 306xiii. 257 305xiii. 259–66 306xiii. 272–3 305xiii. 275–81 305xiii. 280 305xiii. 282–3 306xiii. 288–96 308, 309xiii. 288 311xiii. 289 309xiii. 291 310xiii. 297–8 307 n. 7xiii. 298 311xiii. 299–300 306, 311xiii. 301–4 312xiii. 301 267 n. 4, 313xiii. 318 313xiii. 320–404 314xiii. 320 314xiii. 323 314xiii. 372–83 315xiii. 372 308 n. 8xiii. 400–4 314xiii. 407 315xiii. 408–9 316xiii. 408 315xiv. 4–7 317xiv. 8–18 317xiv. 19–21 317xiv. 29–33 317xiv. 40–5 317xiv. 41 317xiv. 46–7 317xiv. 48–53 317xiv. 54–62 318xiv. 62 319xiv. 66–7 319xiv. 69–71 318xiv. 73 318xiv. 79 318, 319xviii. 12 307 n. 7xviii. 15 307 n. 7xviii. 17 307 n. 7xx. 237 280 n. 40xx. 261 254; Jewish War i. 54–69 309i. 54–61 305i. 63 305, 306i. 65 305i. 66 305i. 68–9 306i. 85–106 314i. 85 314i. 88–98 315i. 107

INDEX OF TEXTUAL REFERENCES

315; i. 109 315; i. 110–11 316; i. 120–2 317; i. 123–6 317; i. 126–9 317; i. 131–2 317; i. 139–51 318; i. 147 319; i. 150 319; i. 153 318; i. 154 319; i. 157 318; ii. 119–66 307 n. 7; ii. 119–61 307 n. 7; ii. 163 307 n. 7; ii. 165 307 n. 7; ii. 166 307 n. 7; vi. 438 85 n. 21; vii. 423–32 278 n. 35; vii. 423 278 n. 35; vii. 433–5 278 n. 35 Photius Bibliotheca ; 244 246 Plutarch Pompey ; 67–80 319n. 31 Polybius ; v. 40. 1 251 n. 24; v. 87. 6 251 n. 24

373

Index of Proper Names Aaron 14, 15, 16, 20, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 50, 52, 53, 54, 57 n. 29, 61, 67, 161, 162, 164, 196, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203 n. 39, 205, 206, 211 n., 230 n. 33, 255 n. 36, 262, 281 Abba, R. 3 n. 9 Abel, F.-M. 266 n. 2, 267 nn. 3, 4; 268 n. 7, 272 nn. 15, 17; 280 n. 38, 284 n. 48, 287 n. 49, 297 n. 64 Abiathar 54, 59, 60, 62–3, 63, 64, 65, 69, 70, 71, 72, 194, 201, 204, 206, 207 Abihu 23, 31, 32, 35, 36 Abiram 32 n. 52 Abram 82, 83, 84 n. 16, 85, 87, 89 n. 37, 90, 102, 103; see also Abraham Abraham 89 nn. 35, 37 Absalom 66, 70 Achtemeier, P. J. 108 n. 7 Ackroyd, P. R. 2 n. 6, 55 n. 24, 60 n. 35, 126, 127–8 n. 8, 154 n. 6, 158 n. 20, 185 n. 4, 189 n. 13, 203 n. 39, 208 n. 48 Adam 197 Adonijah 62, 63, 69, 70, 71, 204 Adora 305 Agrippa 268 n. 7 Ahaz 74, 75, 144, 195 n. 21 Ahaziah 209 Ahijah 54, 59, 59–60, 62, 63 Ahimaaz 70 Ahimelech 54, 60–1, 62, 63, 64, 71, 194, 201, 202, 206, 207 Ahio 71 n. 69 Ahitub 60 n. 35, 63, 64, 66, 144, 169, 199, 206 ‘Ain et-Tabgha 140 n. 43 Albertz, R. 4 n. 14, 261 n. Albright, W. F. 53 n. 20, 85 Alcimus 255, 256, 274 n. 23, 279–80, 283, 284, 285, 287, 292, 305, 312, 318, 326 Alexander Balas 280, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 294, 295, 296, 297, 324 Alexander the Great 6, 7, 125, 171 n., 220, 221, 222, 231 n. 39, 232, 234, 243, 244, 254, 300 Alexander Jannaeus 267 n. 4, 305 n. 3, 308, 309, 310, 312 n. 18, 314–5, 316, 326–7 Alexandria 251 n. 24, 257 Allan, N. 107 n., 130 n. 16 Allen, L. C. 96 n. 58, 108 n. 6, 109 n. 8, 113 n. 21, 115 n. 26 Amariah 194 n. 19, 195, 199, 207, 208, 212, 213, 217 Amarna 85 Amon-Re 253 Amsler, S. 128 n. 10, 137 n. 34, 146 n. 63, 147 n. 66

Amyrtaeus 165 n. 42 Ananiah 181 Andersen, F. I. 83 n. 14 Anderson, A. A. 64 n. 38, 70 n. Anderson, B. W. 14 n. Anderson, G. 171 n. Anderson, G. W. 3 n. 10 Andromachus 251 n. 24 Antigonus Monophthalmus 244

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Antioch 273, 278 n. 35, 283 Antiochus III the Great 255, 262, 263 n. 53, 269, 270, 272, 274, 277 Antiochus IV Epiphanes 220, 255, 258, 266, 268, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279 n. 37, 281, 285, 298, 303, 318 n. 29, 322, 325 Antiochus V Eupator 279 n. 37 Antiochus Vl Epiphanes Dionysus 295 Antiochus VII Sidetes 292, 297 n. 63, 301, 305, 306, 324 Antiochus IX Cyzicenus 306 Antipater 317 Ap-Thomas, D. R. 21 n. 27, 81 n. 7 Apollonius (ﬁnance minister of Ptolemy II) 252 n. 27, 254 n., 260, 272 n. 13 Apollonius (governor of Judah under Seleucus IV) 270, 273, 278 n. 35 Apollonius (governor of Judah under Demetrius II) 289, 294, 295 Aretas 317 Areus 292 Aristobulus I 3, 267 n. 4, 312, 313–4 Aristobulus II 317–8, 319 Armerding, C. E. 51 n. Arnan 195–6 n. 23 Artaxerxes I 153 Artaxerxes II 153 n. 6 Artaxerxes III 223, 234 Asher 205 Asia Minor 244 Assyria 74 n. 76 Astour, M. 83 n. 11, 89 n. 35, 91 n. 41 Athaliah 77, 190, 209, 316 n. 27 Athena 226, 231, 232 n. 42 Athenobius 301 Auld, A. G. 184 n. 1 Azariah ((grand-)son of Zadok, priest of Solomon) 54, 62, 69, 70, 71, 194 n. 19, 200 Azariah (son of Johanan) 70, 200, 203 Azariah (king of Judah) 195 n. 21, 210; see also Uzziah Azariah I (chief priest of Uzziah) 194 n. 19, 195, 207, 210, 211, 214, 215, 217 Azariah II (chief priest of Hezekiah) 161 n. 31, 194 n. 19, 195, 207, 211–12, 213, 214, 215, 217 Azariah (post-exilic priest) 199 Babylon 14 n., 77, 110 n. 11, 134, 138, 141, 147 Babylonia 2 Bacchides 280, 283–4, 286, 292 Baentsch, B. 17 n. 13, 18 n. 14, 19 n. 22, 20 n. 26, 23 n. 35, 39 n. Bagnall, R. S. 251 n. 24, 259 Bagohi 176, 177, 178, 180, 182, 183, 234, 236, 238; see also Bagoses

375

Bagoses 221, 222, 223, 224, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238 Bailey, J. W. 293 Baldwin, J. 142 n. 51 Balgea 255 n. 35 Bar-Kochva, B. 227 nn. 17, 19; 228 n. 23, 231, 233, 244 n. 1, 246 nn. 6, 7; 247 n. 10, 248, 249 n. 20, 250 n. 21 Barag, D. 225 n. 12, 226 n. 15, 228 n. 20, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234 Barker, M. 86, 87 n. 32, 88, 89 n. 35, 95 n. 52, 96 n. 59, 143–4 Bartelmus, R. 126 n. 5 Bartlett, J. R. 51 n., 58 n. 30, 116 n. 29, 161 n. 34, 172 n. 59, 198 n. 28, 199 n. 32, 201, 208 n. 49, 211 n., 214, 257 n. 38, 266 n. 2, 267 nn. 3, 5; 268 n. 7, 270 n. 10, 272 n. 17, 273 n. 19, 275 n. 26, 279 n. 38, 284 n. 48, 287 nn. 49, 50, 51; 297 nn. 62, 64; 300 n. 69, 305 n. 2 Barton, D. 46 n. 6 Batten, L. W. 153 n. 6, 154 n. 7, 158 nn. 19, 20; 161 n. 28, 169 n. 50 Baudissin, W. W. G. 20 n. 25, 35 n. 57, 47 n. 8, 118 n. 36 Baumgartner, W. 80 n. 2 Beer, G. 17 n. 13, 19 n. 22 Benaiah 213 n. Benjamin (tribe) 108, 156, 195, 255

376

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Bentzen, A. 64, 69 n. 64 Berea 280 n. 40 Berechiah 126 Berenice (queen of Ptolemy I) 250 Beth-Zur 226 n. 15, 227 n. 18, 299 Bethbasi 283 Bethel 53, 58, 59, 78, 120 Betlyon, J. W. 226 n. 13, 228 n. 20, 229 n. 30, 305 n. 3 Beuken. W. A. M. 132 Bevan, E. 2 n. 2 Bévenot, H. 267 n. 4, 279 n. 38, 287 n. 52, 297 n. 64 Bewer, J. A. 127 n. 6, 136 n. 31, 141 n. 47, 146 n. 63 Bič, M. 142 n. 50 Bickerman, E. 258 n. 41, 270 n. 9, 274 n. 22, 276–7, 278, 298, 323 n. Bigvai 176, 177; see also Bagohi Bilabel, F. 251 n. 23 Bilde, P. 220 n., 257 n. 39 Black, J. S. 1 n., 105 n. 4, 280 n. 38 Blenkinsopp, J. 12 n. 4, 13 n., 154 nn. 6, 7; 156, 158 nn. 18, 19, 20; 161 n. 28, 165, 166, 167, 169 nn. 50, 51; 172, 173 n. 64 Booij, Th. 96 n. 58, 101 n. 70 Bowden, J. 4 n. 14, 17 n. 12, 56 n. 26, 83 n. 11, 251 n. 25, 253 n. 33 Bowker, J. W. 90 n., 91 n. 41 Bowman, J. 105 n. 4 Bowman, R. A. 153 n. 6, 154 n. 7, 157–8 n. 18, 158 n. 21, 161 n. 28, 169 nn. 50, 51 Braun, R. L. 184 n. 2, 186 n. 6, 187 n. 9, 195 n. 22, 196 n. 23, 202 n. 37, 203 n. 39 Bright, J. 154 n. 6 Bringmann, K. 274 n. 21, 275 n. 26 Brockington, L. H. 154 nn. 6, 7; 158 n. 18, 169 n. 51 Bruyne, D. de 255 n. 35 Buck, A. de 18 n. 17 Budd, P. J. 14 n., 21 n. 28, 22 n. 34, 25 n. 42, 27 n. 46, 32 n. 51, 35 n. 55 Budde, K. 71 n. 69 Bunge, J. G. 267–8 n. 5, 268 nn. 6, 7; 279 n. 35 Buttenwieser, M. 91 n. 41 Canaan 12, 80 n. 3, 111 Caquot, A. 92 n. 42, 96 n. 58, 110 n. 10 Carley, K. W. 109 n. 8, 110 n. 11 Cate, R. L. 17 n. 13 Cazelles, H. 81 n. 4, 153 n. 6 Charles, R. H. 91 n. 40, 320 n. 33 Charlesworth, J. H. 257 n. 38, 315 Clements, R. E. 17 n. 12, 104 n. 2, 143, 189 n. 13 Clines, D. J. 154 nn. 6, 7; 158 nn. 18, 19; 159 n. 23, 161 n. 28, 169 nn. 50, 51; 170 Cleopatra III 312 Cobb, W. 91 n. 40

Cockerill, G. L. 87, 88 Cody, A. 51 n., 56 n. 26, 57 n. 30, 58 n. 32, 71 n. 72, 215 n. Coele-Syria 250, 251 n. 24, 256, 264, 294, 295, 317 Cogan, Mordechai 74 nn. 75, 76, 77, 78; 75 n. 80 Cogan, Morton 74 n. 76 Coggins, R. 126 n. 4, 132 n. 21, 142 n. 50, 154 nn. 6, 7; 185 n. 4, 186 n. 7, 197 n. 26, 200 n. 33, 208 n. 48 Cooke, G. 81 n. 5 Cooke, G. A. 108 n. 7, 109 n. 8, 111 n. 15, 116 n. 30 Cornman, R. 279 n. 35 Cowley, A. E. 170 n. 54, 176, 177, 178, 179 Cross. F. M. 11n., 44 n. 4, 57 n. 29, 64, 65, 66, 154 n. 6, 160 n. 26, 171 n., 186 n. 6, 195 n. 22, 222 n. 5, 231, 281 n. 43 Curtis, E. L. 185 n. 4, 189 n. 12, 200 nn. 33, 34; 208 n. 49 Cyrus 2, 13, 183, 189, 196, 220 Dahood, M. 98, 99 Dan’el 80 n. 3 Danby, H. 306 n. Dancy, J. C. 267 n. 4, 279 n. 38, 297 n. 64

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Daphnis 278 n. 35 Darius I 127, 135, 156, 165 n. 41, 166 Darius II 223 Darius III 221 Dathan 32 n. 52 David 1, 2, 3, 48, 51, 58 n. 30, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 78, 89, 92, 96, 99, 100, 101–2, 107, 109, 110, 111, 117, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 210, 211, 212, 213 n., 295 n., 320, 322 Davidson, A. B. 109 n. 8 Davidson, R. 82 n. 9, 83 nn. 11, 12, 15; 85 n. 22, 89 n. 37, 90 n. Davies, E. W. 27 n. 46, 32 n. 51, 39 n. Davies, P. R. 61 n., 71 n. 71, 163 n. 37 Davies, T. W. 91 n. 40 Davies, W. D. 163 n. 36 Day, J. 51 n., 81 n. 7, 93 n. 45 Delcor, M. 86 n. 29, 89 n. 37, 90 n., 102 n. 76, 278 n. 35 Demetrius I 279 n. 37, 285, 286, 287, 288–9, 294, 324 Demetrius II 289, 294, 295, 296 Demetrius III Akairos 314–5 Dequeker, L. 281 nn. 41, 42 Deutero-Isaiah 13, 164 Deutsch, R. 226 n. 15 Dillmann, A. 86 n. 29, 89 n. 37 Diodorus Siculus 243 Doeg the Edomite 61 Doran, R. 267 n. 5, 272 n. 13 Driver, S. R. 17 n. 13, 47 n. 8, 54 n., 55 n. 23, 64 n. 37, 70 n., 82 n. 9, 83 n. 11, 85 nn. 22, 26; 136 n. 31, 141 n. 47, 146 n. 63 Duguid, I. M. 104 n. 1, 108 n. 7, 111 n. 16, 115 n. 26, 116 n. 30 Duhm, B. 91 Dumbrell, W. 190 n. 14 Durham, J. I. 17 n. 13 Eaton, J. H. 81 n. 7, 96 n. 58 Efron, J. 314 n. 22, 321–2 Egypt 50 n. 15, 57, 110 n. 11, 165 nn. 41, 42; 166, 180, 244, 246, 248 n. 16, 251, 252 n. 27, 253, 268 n. 5, 277, 278, 312, 319 Eichrodt, W. 108 n. 7, 110 Ekron 295 El Elyon 64 Eleazar (son of Aaron) 15, 26, 27 n. 45, 32, 33, 34, 38, 39, 52, 53, 54, 205, 206, 281 Eleazar (third-century BCE high priest) 228, 254, 256 Eleazar (Pharisee) 308, 310 Elephantine 5 n. 18, 6, 7, 150 n. 68, 153, 157 n. 15, 160, 170, 174, 175–83, 222, 223, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238 Eli 47 n. 8, 54, 55–7, 58, 59, 60, 64, 71, 204 Eliashib 145, 151, 153 n. 5, 159, 160, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 221, 222 n. 5, 223, 260 Elijah 32 n. 53, 48 n. 10, 71

377

Elisha 32 n. 53, 48 n. 10, 71 Elkanah 55 Elliger, K. 22 n. 32, 23 n. 35, 127 nn. 6, 7; 128 n. 10, 130, 132 n. 20, 136 n. 31, 137 n. 34, 146 n. 63, 147 n. 66 Elmslie, W. A. L. 185 n. 4, 189 n. 12, 192 n. 16, 195 n. 22, 202 n. 36, 203 n. 41 Elnathan 173 n. 64 Emerton, J. A. 11 n., 82 n. 9, 83 nn. 10, 11, 15; 84, 85 n. 24, 86, 89 nn. 36, 38; 90 n., 154 n. 6 Enoch 101 n. 71 Ephraim 58 Eskenazi, T. C. 152 n. 2, 165 n. 42, 172 n. 61 Euhemerus 248 n. 16 Evans, W. 99, 100 n. 67 Ezekias 227, 228, 237, 245–6 n. 5 Ezekiel 1, 79, 104, 105, 108 n. 7, 109, 110, 111, 112, 115, 117, 118, 127, 131, 143 Ezra 13 n. 5, 134, 152 n. 2, 153, 154, 155, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172 n. 61, 180, 186 n. 6

378

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Fairweather, W. 280 n. 38 Fearghail, F. Ó. 262 n. 49 Feldman, L. H. 248 nn. 15, 16; 249 nn. 19, 20; 304 n. Finkelstein, L. 163 n. 36 Fischer, T. 270 n. 10, 274 n. 20, 275 n. 26, 277–8, 280 n. 39 Freedman, D. N. 83 n. 14, 185 n. 3, 195 n. 22 Fisher, L. R. 89 n. 37 Floyd, M. H. 128 n. 8, 131 n. 18 Fuks, A. 254 n., 260 n. Gad 71 Gager, J. G. 226 n. 15, 227 n. 17, 247 n. 11, 248 n. 15, 249 n. 20 Galling, K. 150 n. 69 Gammie, J. G. 85 nn. 25, 26; 86, 89 n. 36, 97–8 Gane, R. 22 n. 34 Garizim (Gerizim) 221, 305, 306 Garrone, D. 50 n. 14 Gaza 221, 227 Gazara 299 Gedaliah 180 Geller, M. J. 306 n., 308, 309 Gemariah 176 Gerleman, G. 92–4 Gerstenberger, E. H. 36 n. 58 Gese, H. 108 n. 7 Gibeon 12 n. 2, 72 n. 73, 192, 201, 202, 206 Gideon 284 Gilboa 195 Gilgal 59 God 3, 14, 22, 25, 38, 45, 47, 51, 58, 59, 63, 71, 76, 77, 79, 102, 105, 107, 109, 110, 112, 114, 120, 136, 144, 169, 170, 174, 190, 192, 194 n. 20, 199, 201, 212, 215, 268, 282, 283, 284, 287, 306 n., 310, 320, 321, 322, 323; see also Lord (the), Yahweh Godman, S. 2 n. 6 Goldingay, J. 187 n. 9, 190 n. 13 Goldstein, J. A. 267 nn. 3, 4, 5; 268 nn. 6, 7; 269 n., 272 n. 17, 273 n. 18, 274 n. 22, 275 n. 26, 279 n. 38, 284 n. 48, 287 n. 52, 292 nn. 57, 58; 295 n., 297 n. 64, 300 n. 69, 314 n. 21, 322 n. 37 Goodblatt, D. 262 n. 46, 263 n. 53 Gordon, R. P. 56 n. 26, 58 n. 32 Gorman, F. H. 15 Goulder, M. D. 85 n. 24, 95 n. 51 Grabbe, L. L. 4 n. 15, 165 n. 42, 166 n. 43, 183 n., 222, 234 n. 47, 247 n. 11, 255 n. 35, 269 n., 270 n. 9 Gray, G. B. 32 n. 51, 320 n. 33 Gray, J. 53 n. 20, 74 n. 76, 80 n. 3 Greenberg, M. 36 n. 60, 104 n. 2, 108 n. 7, 110, 113 n. 22, 117, 118 Grelot, P. 180 n. 31 Gunneweg, A. H. J. 64 n. 40, 69 n. 65, 154 nn. 6, 7; 156 n. 12,

157 n. 15 Gunkel, H. 91 n. 42, 95 Haggai 3, 114 n. 23, 126, 127, 129, 131, 132, 134, 135, 151, 159, 162, 238 Halpern, B. 138, 142 n. 51 Hammershaimb, E. 110 nn. 10, 11; 112 n. 20, 115 Hananiah 195–6 n. 23 Hanhart, R. 255 n. 35 Hannah 55 Hallo, W. 100 n. 67 Hanson, P. D. 134 n. 29 Haran, M. 13 n., 17 nn. 10, 11, 12, 13; 18 n. 18, 19 n. 22, 22, 105 n. 4, 115 n. 26 Hardy, E. R. 92 n. 42, 94 n. 50, 96 Hartley, J. E. 18 n. 16, 20 n. 25, 23 n. 35, 25 n. 42 Hata, G. 304 n. Hauer, C. E. 64, 65, 68 Hawthorne, G. F. 51 n. Hayes, J. H. 154 n. 6, 158 n. 19 Hayward, C. T. R. 226 n. 15, 263 n. 52, 278 n. 35 Hebron 65, 66, 201, 202 Hecataeus of Abdera 227, 243, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 261 n., 321 Heliodorus 270

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Hengel, M. 251, 253 n. 32, 255 n. 35, 258 n. 40, 269 n., 270 n. 11, 272 n. 15, 277, 315 Herbert, A. S. 83 n. 11, 85 n. 22, 89 n. 37 Herod the Great 318 n. 28 Hertzberg, H. W. 56 n. 26, 57 n. 27, 58 n. 32, 60 nn. 34, 35; 64 n. 37 Hess, R. S. 84 n. 18 Hezekiah (king of Judah) 78, 121, 189, 195 n. 21, 208, 211, 212, 307 Hezekiah (governor of Judah) 228 n. 23 Higgins, A. J. B. 93 n. 45, 96, 136 n. 31 Hilkiah 45, 54, 75–6, 77, 150, 161, 170 n. 52, 176, 195, 200, 208, 212, 215, 217 Hobbs, T. R. 74 nn. 75, 76, 79 Hoglund, K. G. 165 Hooke, S. H. 185 n. 3 Hophni 55 Hor (Mount) 32 Horeb 50 n. 15; see also Sinai Homer, T. M. 91–2 n. 42 Horst, F. 128 n. 10, 129 n. 11 Horton, F. L. 81, 82, 85 n. 26, 86, 94 Houlden, J. L. 186 n. 7 Houtman, C. 17 n. 13, 21 n. 31 Huldah 76, 212 Hurvitz, A. 13 n., 83 n. 14 Hvidberg, F. 110 n. 10 Hyatt, J. P. 17 n. 13, 18 n. 15, 19 n. 20 Hyrcanus the Tobiad 260, 272–3 Hyrcanus II (Hasmonean ruler) 305 n. 3, 315, 316, 317–8 Iddo 126, 127 Idumaea 305 Israel 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 12, 14 n., 19, 22, 29, 30, 32 n. 52, 36 n. 59, 37, 38, 43, 44 nn. 4, 5; 45, 47, 48, 49, 50 nn. 14, 15; 52, 55, 56, 58, 61, 71, 72, 81 n. 5, 86, 89, 97 n. 59, 105, 106, 107, 110 n. 11, 111, 112, 113, 114, 157 n. 15, 163, 164, 165, 186, 191, 192, 193, 195, 197, 198, 199 n. 31, 201, 203, 204, 206, 209, 217, 282, 284, 285, 286, 290, 295 n., 299, 302, 314 n. 22, 320, 321, 322, 323, 330 Israel, F. 50 n. 14 Ithamar 206, 281 n. 42 Jacob 85 Jaddua 171 n., 232 Jaddua II 231 Jaddus 221, 228 Jaeger, W. 248 n. 13, 249 n. 20 Jagersma, H. 253 n. 33, 258 n. 41, 261 n., 269 n., 270 n. 9, 305 n. 3, 314 n. 21 James, M. R. 319 n. 30, 320 Japhet, S. 157 n. 15, 184–5 n. 2, 185 n. 4, 186 n. 5, 189 n. 12, 196 n. 23, 197 n. 26, 202 n. 37, 203 nn. 39, 40; 208 n. 48, 210, 213 n.

379

Jason 255, 258, 259, 260, 272, 273–4, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 285, 287, 288, 305, 312, 318, 322, 325 Jason of Cyrene 268 Jebus 85 Jeconiah 131 Jedaniah 175–9, 181, 182 Jefferson, H. G. 96 n. 55 Jehiel 212, 215 Jehohanan 159, 160 Jehoiachin 78 Jehoiada (Aaronide chief) 65, 66, 67, 68, 202 n. 38, 213 n. Jehoiada (pre-exilic chief priest) 12 n. 2, 54, 71, 73–4, 75, 77, 144, 150, 170 n. 52, 176, 195, 196, 207, 209–10, 211, 212, 213, 215, 216, 217, 316 n. 27 Jehoiada (post-exilic high priest, son of Eliashib) 172, 222 n. 5; see also Joiada Jehoiakim (king of Judah) 180, 199, 301 Jehoshaphat 207, 208, 216 Jehozadak 94, 95, 129, 130, 196, 200; see also Jozadak, Yozadak Jenson, P. P. 25 nn. 41, 43; 38 Jeremiah 79, 127, 143

380

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Jeroboam 54, 78 Jerome 152 n. 2 Jerusalem 2, 3, 5, 7, 51 n., 52, 57, 58, 62, 63, 64, 65, 69 n. 64, 70, 71, 72, 74 n. 76, 76, 77, 78, 79, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 94, 96, 100, 101, 102, 106, 107, 109, 112, 116 n. 29, 120, 126, 130 n. 16, 134, 135, 138, 139, 141, 147, 148, 150 n. 68, 153, 155, 160 n. 27, 169, 170, 171 n., 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 187, 192, 193, 195, 196, 201, 204, 206, 207, 208, 214, 219 n. 1, 220, 221, 222, 225, 236 n. 51, 238, 246, 248, 249, 250, 256, 258, 259 n. 43, 262, 263 n. 53, 264, 268, 270 n. 11, 271, 272, 273, 274, 276, 278, 280, 281, 286, 297, 298, 305 n. 3, 314 n. 22, 315, 317, 318 n. 28, 319, 320, 325 Jeshaiah 195–6 n. 23 Jeshua (high priest) 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 169, 171, 172, 173, 230 n. 33; see also Joshua (high priest), Yeshua son of Yozadak Jesse 141 Jesus (high priestly pretender) 221, 222, 223, 224, 233, 235, 238 Joannes (high priest) 221, 222, 223, 224, 233, 234–5, 236, 237, 238 Joash 12 n. 2, 71, 73, 77, 144, 190, 207, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 215, 216, 316 n. 27 Johanan (high priest) 150 n. 68, 153 n. 5, 159, 160, 175, 178, 182, 223, 234, 238 John Hyrcanus 266 n. 1, 267, 303–13, 314, 316, 324, 326–7 Johnson, A. R. 21 n. 27, 81 Johnson, M. D. 196, 197 Joiada (son of Eliashib) 160; see also Jehoiada Joiakim (high priest) 127, 160 Joiarib 281 Jonathan (grandson of Eliashib) 159, 160 Jonathan Maccabee 219 n. 1, 266, 267 n. 4, 269, 280, 282–9, 290, 294–6, 296–7, 299, 300, 301, 303, 307, 310, 311, 313, 324, 326, 329 Jones, G. H. 74 nn. 75, 76; 75 n. 80, 197 n. 26 Joppa 298, 324 Joseph the Tobiad 256, 258, 259, 260, 261, 272 nn. 13, 17 Josephus 7, 85 n. 21, 171 n., 220, 221, 222, 223, 227, 228, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, 243, 244, 246 n. 5, 253, 254, 255 n. 35, 256, 257, 262 n. 51, 266, 267 n. 4, 268, 269, 272, 275, 280 n. 40, 284 nn. 46, 47; 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 313, 314, 315, 317, 319, 325, 327 Joshua (high priest) 1, 2, 33 n. 53, 94, 95, 116, 117, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 155, 157 n. 15, 161 n. 28, 196, 203, 238; see also Jeshua (high priest), Yeshua son of Yozadak Joshua (son of Nun) 33, 34, 38, 39, 48, 53, 192, 205 Josiah 44, 75, 76, 78, 79, 121, 180, 189, 212, 215, 307 Jozadak 155, 159, 160, 230 n. 33; see also Jehozadak, Yozadak Judaea 2, 4, 246, 247, 248, 249, 284 n. 46

Judah 2, 3, 4, 44, 48 n. 11, 70, 77, 79, 86, 92, 93, 104, 106, 108, 117, 125, 126, 127, 131, 138, 140, 143, 148, 152, 155, 156, 165, 166, 173 n. 64, 175, 176, 180, 187, 188 n. 11, 189, 191, 194 n. 20, 195, 197, 201, 208, 219, 222, 224, 225, 226 n. 15, 236, 238, 239, 243, 244, 245, 247, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 257, 258, 259 n. 43, 260, 261, 262, 264, 269, 271, 276, 277, 278, 280, 281, 283, 284, 285, 288, 295, 297 n. 63, 299, 305, 316, 317, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327,

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

330; see also Judaea, Judea, Yehud Judah (patriarch) 93 Judas Maccabee 219 n. 1, 266, 268, 279 n. 37, 280 n. 40, 282, 284 n. 47, 303, 306, 313 Judea 89 n. 35, 234 Katzenstein, H. J. 196 n. 24 Kaufmann, Y. 36 n. 60 Kellermann, D. 30 n. 47, 35 n. 55 Kellermann, U. 154 n. 6 Kennett, R. H. 58 n. 31 Keret 80 n. 3 Kidner, D. 154 n. 7 Kiessling, E. 251 n. 23 Kindler, A. 231, 233, 244 n. 1 Kissane, E. J. 95, 96 Klein, R. W. 58 n. 32, 154 n. 6 Knibb, M. 126 n. 4 Knohl, I. 13 n. Kobelski, P. J. 87 Koch, K. 11 n., 105 n. 3, 114, 115 n. 25, 154 n. 6, 164 n. 38 Kohl, M. 105 n. 3, 128 n. 10 Köhler, L. 137 Korah 31 Kraemer, D. 152 n. 2 Kraus, H.-J. 94, 96 n. 58 Krüger, T. 126 n. 5 Kuenen, A. 44 n. 4 Kuhrt, A. 189 n. 11 Laato, A. 142 n. 49 Lacocque, A. 128 n. 10 Landau, Y. H. 252 n. 26 Laperrousaz, E.-M. 3 n. 12, 173 n. 64 Lapp, P. W. 259 n. 43 Lebanon 299 Lella, A. Di 262 nn. 48, 50, 51 Lemke, W. 110, 112 Leontopolis 278, 318 n. 28 Levenson, J. D. 109 n. 9, 112, 118, 119 Levi 54, 93, 196, 205 Liebesny, H. 251 n. 23, 252 Lipiński, E. 136 n. 30, 140 n. 43 Lods, A. 185 n. 3 Lord (the) 25 n. 40, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37 n. 61, 38, 39, 46, 51, 52 n. 18, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 75, 76, 86, 107, 112, 114, 115, 126, 135, 137 n. 33, 139, 143, 164, 188, 190, 191, 192, 208, 209, 210, 213, 306 n., 319, 320, 322; see also God, Yahu, Yahweh Lot 82, 83, 84 n. 16 Lysias 279 n. 37 Lysimachus 288 McCarter, P. K. 57 n. 27, 60 n. 35, 64 n. 38, 70 n. McConville, J. G. 84 n. 18

381

McCullough, J. C. 90 n. McCullough, W. S. 297 n. 62, 305 n. 3 McHugh, J. 3 n. 8 McKay, J. 74 n. 76, 96 n. 58 McKeating, H. 104 n. 1 Madsen, A. A. 185 n. 4, 189 n. 12, 200 nn. 33, 34; 208 n. 49 Manasseh 13 n., 180 Manasses 221, 222 Manasses (uncle of the high priest Eleazar) 254 Manson, T. W. 2 n. 3 Marcus, R. 236 n. 51, 311 n. 16 Margolis, M. 180 n. 29 Marinkovic, P. 126 n. 5 Marisa 305 Marks, J. H. 83 n. 11 Martin, J. D. 26 n., 53 n. 20, 104 n. 2 Mason, R. 3 n. 11, 126 n. 4, 127 nn. 6, 8; 128 n. 10, 129 n. 11, 130 n. 15, 136 n. 31, 137 n. 34, 140 n. 42, 141 n. 48, 146 n. 63, 186 n. 7 Mattathias 93, 266, 281, 282, 286, 329 Mauchline, J. 55 n. 24, 56 n. 26, 57 n. 27, 58 n. 32, 60 n. 35, 64 n. 37, 70 n. Mazar, B. 259, 260 n. Mayes, A. D. H. 43 n. 2, 47 n. 8, 54 n. Mayes, J. L. 108 n. 7

382

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Medaba 306 Medico, H. E. Del 84, 98–9, 101 Meek, T. J. 58 n. 31 Melchizedek 5 n. 18, 6, 69 n. 64, 79, 80–103, 148 n. 67, 290, 329 Mendels, D. 247, 248 n. 13, 249 n. 20, 315 Menelaus 255, 258, 259, 260, 261, 272, 274–5, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 287, 288, 305, 312, 318, 326 Menzies, A. 1n., 105 n. 4 Meraioth 199 n. 32 Meshorer, Y. 225, 228 n. 20, 229 nn. 24, 26; 231 n. 38, 232, 233, 244, 245, 250 n. 22, 305 n. 3, 314 n. 21 Meyers, C. L. 133, 134, 136 n. 31, 140 n. 42, 141 n. 48 Meyers, E. M. 133, 134, 136 n. 31, 140 n. 42, 141 n. 48 Michaeli, F. 17 n. 13, 18 nn. 16, 18, 19; 19 n. 22, 20 n. 26, 154 n. 6, 157 n. 16, 158 n. 19, 169 n. 51, 172 n. 60, 185 n. 4, 196 n. 23, 197 n. 26, 199 n. 31, 202 n. 36, 208 n. 48, 210 n. 51 Micah the Ephraimite 49, 59 Midian 33, 205 Mildenberg, L. 225, 226 n. 16, 228 nn. 20, 21; 229 nn. 24, 26, 27; 230, 244 n. 1, 245, 250 n. 22 Milgrom, J. 13 n., 18 n. 16, 21, 22, 24 Millar, F. 227 n. 18, 277 Miller, J. M. 154 n. 6, 158 n. 19 Mitchell, H. G. 127 n. 6, 136 n. 31, 141 n. 47, 146 n. 63 Mizpah 59 Moab 33 Modrzejewski, J. M. 279 n. 35 Möhring, H. R. 274 n. 22 Mölleken, W. 279 n. 37 Montgomery, J. A. 69 n. 67, 74 n. 75, 77 n. 83 Moore, G. F. 53 n. 20 Morgenstern, J. 5, 74 n. 76, 145 n. 62, 150 n. 68, 210 n. 53, 236 n. 51 Moses 16, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 44 n. 5, 45, 47 n. 9, 50, 57 n. 29, 59, 71 n. 72, 75, 122, 157 n. 15, 164, 191, 192, 193, 196, 200, 203 n. 39, 205, 246, 248, 249 Mørkholm, O. 225 n. 11 Mowinckel, S. 64, 81 Moyer, J. 100 n. 67 Murray, O. 246 n. 6, 248 nn. 13, 18; 249 n. 20 Muuss, R. 180 n. 29 Myers, J. M. 53 n. 20, 154 nn. 6, 7; 158 nn. 18, 19, 21; 161 n. 28, 169 n. 51, 172 n. 60, 185 n. 4, 196 n. 23, 208 n. 48 Nadab 23, 31, 32, 35, 36 Nathan 71 Nebuchadnezzar 77 Nebuzaradan 77, 212 n. Nehemiah 134, 145, 151, 152 n. 2, 153, 154, 155, 157, 159, 160, 162, 165, 166, 167, 168, 171, 172, 173, 174, 183, 219,

222 n. 5, 234, 260, 261, 297, 298 Nelson, R. D. 44 n. 4, 57 n. 27 Neusner, J. 269 n. Newsome, J. D. 184 n. 2, 185 n. 3, 195 n. 22 Nicanor 268 Nicholson, E. 11 n., 50 n. 14 Nickelsburg, G. W. E. 283 n. 44 Nicolaus of Damascus 304 Noah 92 Nob 60, 62, 86 North, F. S. 58 n. 31, 128 n. 9 North, R. 187 n. 8, 198 nn. 29, 30 Noth, M. 2 n. 6, 12, 14 n., 17 nn. 12, 13; 18 n. 19, 19 n. 20, 21 n. 27, 26 n., 32 n. 51, 43, 56, 57, 305 n. 3, 316 n. 26 O'Brien, M. A. 44 n. 5 Obadiah 195–6 n. 23 Oesterley, W. O. E. 158 n. 19, 308 n. 9 Olyan, S. M. 65, 66, 67, 68, 171 n., 202 n. 38 Onias I 228, 254, ?292

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Onias II 254, 256, 259, 260, 261, 269, ?292 Onias III 220, 254, 255, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 278, 287 Onias IV 278, 318 n. 28 Origen 152 n. 2, 322 n. 37 Ostanes 182 Oswald, H. C. 94 n. 49 Palestine 6, 171 n., 243, 244, 251, 252 n. 27, 253, 254, 259, 264 Panchaia 248 n. 16 Parente, F. 306 n. Pelatiah 195 n. 23 Perdue, L. 100 n. 67 Persia 2, 166, 298 Petersen, D. L. 4 n. 13, 127 n. 6, 129 n. 11, 130 n. 15, 136 n. 31, 140 n. 42, 141 n. 47, 142 n. 51, 145, 183 n. Petersen, J. E. 12 n. 4 Petitjean, A. 146 n. 64 Petuchowski, J. J. 93 n. 45 Pharnadates 166 Phillips, A. 54 n., 126 n. 4 Phinehas (grandson of Aaron) 52, 53, 54, 262, 281–2, 285, 286, 289 Phinehas (son of Eli) 55 Phoenicia 244, 251 Photius 243 Plöger, O. 134 n. 29 Plutarch 319 Polybius 251 Polzin, R. 186 n. 5 Porten, B. 170 nn. 54, 56; 176, 177, 180, 181 Pompey 7, 243, 317–8, 319, 327 Porter, J. R. 127 n. 6, 160 n. 25 Preisigke, F. 251 n. 23 Propp, W. H. C. 11 n. Psammetichus I 179 n. 28 Psammetichus II 179 Ptolemy I Soter 225, 227, 244, 246, 250 Ptolemy II Philadelphus 225, 228, 243, 250 n. 22, 254 n. 34, 256, 257, 260 Ptolemy III Euergetes 225 Ptolemy VI Philometor 295 Ptolemy (governor of Antiochus III) 269 Ptolemy son of Abubus 303, 305, 306 Quinn, C. 108 n. 7 Qumran 80, 87, 88, 256, 278 n. 35, 283 n. 44, 315 Rabin, C. 314 n. 22 Rad, G. von 45 n., 54 n., 83 nn. 11, 12, 15; 85 n. 22, 86 nn. 28, 29 Rahmani, L. Y. 226 n. 15 Rajak, T. 305 nn. 3, 4 Ramah 59 Raphia 251 n. 24 Rappaport, U. 225 n. 10, 226 nn. 13, 15, 16; 228, 244–5 n. 1,

383

245, 247 n. 10 Ras Shamra 80 n. 3 Redditt, P. L. 4 n. 16, 138, 140 n. 42, 141 n. 47, 142 n. 51, 146 n. 63, 183 n. Reinhold, M. 249 n. 20 Rendtorff, R. 11 n., 23 nn. 35, 36 Rephaiah 195–6 n. 23 Reventlow, H. G. 127 n. 6, 128 n. 10, 129 n. 11, 130 nn. 14, 15; 132 n. 20, 137 n. 34, 140 n. 42, 141 n. 46, 144 n. 58, 147 nn. 65, 66 Richards, K. H. 165 n. 42 Riley, W. 197 n. 26 Robinson, H. W. 47 n. 8, 54 n. Robinson, J. 69 n. 67, 74 nn. 75, 76 Robinson, T. H. 128 n. 10, 129 n. 11 Rogerson, J. W. 96 n. 58 Rome 267, 268, 283, 306, 319 Rooke, D. W. 51 n. Rosenberg, R. 69 n. 64 Rostovtzeff, M. 253 n. 29 Rowley, H. H. 64, 71 n. 69, 72 n. 73, 80 n. 2, 89 n. 38, 90 n., 100 n. 68, 101–2, 104 n. 1, 154 n. 6 Rudman, S. 134 n. 29 Rudolph, W. 127 nn. 6, 7; 128 n. 10, 129 n. 11, 154 n. 6, 154 n. 7, 157 n. 16, 158 n. 19, 185 n. 4, 189 n. 12, 196 n. 23, 197 n. 26, 208 n. 48

384

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Russell, D. S. 261 n., 305 n. 3, 324 Ryle, H. E. 157 n. 18, 161 n. 28, 19 n. 30, 320 Salem 84, 85–6, 102 Salome Alexandra 312 n. 18, 314, 315–7, 327 Samaga 306 Samaria 54, 75, 76, 194, 221, 222 n. 5, 234, 305 Samuel 48, 50, 55, 56, 57 n. 27, 58–9 Sanballat 172, 221, 222 Satterthwaite, P. 84 n. 18 Saul 48, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 100, 191, 195, 197, 198, 285 Sayce, A. H. 179 n. 28 Scaurus 317 Schaper, J. 133 n. 26 Scharbert, J. 17 n. 13, 18 nn. 16, 19; 20 n. 26, 31 n. 50, 35 n. 56 Schreiner, S. 94–5, 148 n. 67 Schunk, K.-D. 258 n. 40, 261 n., 269 n., 270 n. 11, 274 n. 23, 280 n. 39 Schwartz, D. R. 222 nn. 4, 5; 223 n., 236 Schwartz, S. 173 n. 64, 258 n. 41, 267 n. 4 Scullion, J. J. 11 n., 83 n. 10 Scythopolis 252 n. 26, 305 Ṣedeq 69 n. 64 Seleucus IV 220, 270, 273 Seraiah 54, 77, 161, 194 n. 19 Seters, J. Van 88, 94 Shaphan 75 Shealtiel 155, 188 Shecaniah 195–6 n. 23 Shechem 85, 86, 120 Shem 92 Sheshbazzar 117 n. 32, 173 n. 64, 203 Shiloh 47 n. 8, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 65, 78, 86, 120 Shutt, R. J. H. 257 n. 38 Sievers, J. 267 n. 4, 275 n. 25, 279 n. 37, 283 n. 45, 287 n. 52, 297 n. 64, 305 n. 3, 306 n., 308, 309, 312 n. 19, 316 n. 27 Simon I (high priest) 228, 254 Simon II the Just (high priest) 221, 254, 255 n. 35, 262, 263, 264, 293 Simon (captain of the Temple) 255 n. 35, 258 n. 40, 270, 271, 272, 273 Simon Maccabee 91, 220 n., 266, 267 n. 4, 269, 280, 287, 289, 290, 292, 296–302, 303, 304, 305, 307, 310, 311, 313, 321, 322, 324, 326, 330 Simpson, C. A. 83 nn. 11, 12; 85 n. 22 Sinai 38, 50, 187, 192, 196 Skeat, T. C. 252 n. 27 Skehan, P. W. 262 nn. 48, 50, 51 Skinner, J. 75 n. 80, 83 nn. 10, 11, 12, 13; 85 n. 26, 86 n. 29, 89 nn. 36, 37; 90 n., 115 n. 26 Smith, D. L. 163 n. 37 Smith, G. A. 47 n. 8, 54 n. Smith, H. P. 58 n. 32, 60 n. 34, 64 n. 38, 70 n.

Smith, J. M. P. 127 n. 6, 136 n. 31, 141 n. 47, 146 n. 63 Smith, M. 154 n. 6, 163 n. 36, 219 n. 1 Smith, R. H. 82 n. 9, 83 n. 12, 85, 89 n. 37 Smith, R. L. 136 n. 31, 141 n. 48 Smith, W. F. 318 n. 28 Smith-Christopher, D. L. 182 n. 35 Snaith, J. G. 262 nn. 50, 51; 263 n. 54 Snaith, N. H. 2 n. 3, 35 n. 55, 74 n. 75 Sodom 82, 84 Soggin, J. A. 53 n. 20 Solomon 48, 49, 50, 51, 62, 69, 70, 71, 75, 192, 193, 194, 198, 199, 200, 201, 203, 204, 206, 210, 212, 300 n. 69 Spaer, A. 231, 232, 233 Speiser, E. A. 83 nn. 11, 15; 85 n. 22, 110 Spieckermann, H. 74 n. 76 Stähelin, F. 278 n. 35 Steckoll, S. H. 278 n. 35 Sterling, G. E. 227 nn. 17, 18; 246 n. 6, 247, 248, 249 n. 20

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Stern, M. 226 n. 15, 227 n. 17, 247, 248 nn. 14, 16 Stevenson, W. B. 86 n. 29 Streane, A. W. 109 n. 8 Sturdy, J. 27 n. 46 Susa 165 n. 41, 166 Syria 244, 251, 252 n. 27, 324 Tadmor, H. 74 nn. 75, 76, 77, 78; 75 n. 80 Talshir, D. 185 n. 2 Tamar 92, 93 Tcherikover, V. 221 n., 247, 251 n. 24, 254 n., 260 n., 261 n. Tchernowitz, C. H. 306 n. Tennes 234 Thebes 178 Theodotus 251 n. 24 Thoma, C. 306 n. Thomas, D. W. 127 n. 6, 128 n. 10, 136 n. 31, 140 n. 42, 141 n. 47, 146 n. 63 Throntveit, M. A. 185 n. 2 Tidwell, N. L. 58 n. 32, 141 n. 44 Tobiah (contemporary of Zechariah) 260, 261 Tobiah the Ammonite (contemporary of Nehemiah) 145, 260, 261 Tobias 254, 259, 260, 272 n. 13 Tollington, J. E. 145 n. 62 Tournay, R. 2 n. 7, 94 Transjordan 260, 306 Treves, M. 91 n. 41 Trypho 295, 296 Tuell, S. S. 105 nn. 2, 4; 108 n. 7, 115, 116, 117 nn. 31, 32 Tyre 221 Udjahorresnet 165 n. 41, 166, 168 Uriah 54, 74–5, 144, 170 n. 52, 194 n. 19, 195 n. 21 Urusalim 85 Utzschneider, H. 126 n. 5 Uzzah 68, 71 n. 69 Uzziah 190, 195 n. 21, 207, 210, 211, 213, 215; see also Azariah (king of Judah) VanderKam, J. 144, 171 n., 232 n. 41 Vaux, R. de 3 n. 8 Vawter, B. 82 n. 9, 83 n. 12, 85 n. 26, 86 Vermes, G. 80 n. 1, 315 n. 23 Vincent, A. 176, 180 n. 29 Vuilleumier, R. 128 n. 10 Wacholder, B. Z. 304 n. Waggoner, N. M. 225 n. 11 Walbank, F. W. 300 n. 69 Ward, W. A. 253 n. 30 Weinberg, J. 182 Weippert, H. 226 n. 16 Weiser, A. 96 n. 58 Welch, A. C. 158 n. 19, 184 n. 2, 187 n. 8, 189 n. 12, 195 n. 22, 202 nn. 36, 37

385

Wellhausen, J. 1, 57 n. 29, 105 n. 4, 106, 208 Wenham, G. J. 51 n., 83, 84 nn. 16, 18 Westermann, C. 83, 85 nn. 22, 26; 89 n. 38, 90 n. Wevers, J. W. 108 n. 7, 109 n. 8, 111 n. 15 Whybray, R. N. 190 n. 13 Widengren, G. 154 n. 6 Williamson, H. G. M. 154 nn. 6, 7; 155 n. 9, 157 n. 16, 158 n. 19, 160 n. 25, 161 n. 28, 169 nn. 50, 51; 172 n. 60, 173 n. 64, 184–5 n. 2, 185 n. 4, 187 n. 9, 189 n. 12, 192, 193 n. 17, 195 n. 23, 197 n. 26, 200 n. 33, 202 nn. 36, 37; 203 n. 41, 208 n. 48, 209, 217, 223 n., 234 n. 49 Wolff, H. W. 128 n. 10 Woude, A. S. van der 256 n., 283 n. 44, 322 n. 36 Wright, G. E. 47 n. 8, 54 n. Wright, D. P. 83 n. 14 Wright, J. W. 202 n. 37, 210 n. 52, 214 Yaddua 231, 232, 233, 237 Yahu 179, 181; see also God, Lord (the), Yahweh

386

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Yahweh 3, 5, 15 16, 17, 21 n. 31, 22 n. 34, 23, 30 n. 48, 36, 48 n. 10, 49, 50, 63, 78, 81, 91, 96 n. 59, 97, 107, 108, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, 120, 126 n. 5, 131, 135, 136, 137, 140, 143, 145 n. 62, 146, 149, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 197, 204, 208, 211, 217, 218; see also God, Lord (the), Yahu Yarden, L. 31 n. 50 Yardeni, A. 177 Yeb 177 Yedoniah 175, 177; see also Jedaniah Yeḥezqiyah 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 236, 237, 244, 245, 246 n. 5, 250 Yehud 220, 225, 226, 227, 229, 231, 232, 233, 236, 238, 243, 244, 245 n. 2, 250, 259 n. 43; see also Judah Yehudah 225, 245; see also Judah, Yehud Yeshua 230; see also Jesus Yeshua son of Yozadak 230 n. 33; see also Jeshua (high priest), Joshua (high priest) Yoḥanan (the priest) 227 n. 19, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 244 n. 1 Yozadak 230 n. 33; see also Jozadak, Jehozadak Zadok 12 n. 2, 51 n., 52 n. 18, 54, 57, 58 n. 30, 62, 63, 63–72, 80 n. 2, 90 n., 95, 101–2, 116 n. 29, 161, 164, 192, 194, 196, 198–9, 200, 201–6, 207, 211, 281, 311, 322 Zebadiah 208 Zechariah (prophet) 3, 4, 114 n. 23, 126, 127, 135, 136, 137, 138 n. 35, 139, 142 n. 50, 143, 149, 151, 162, 238, 260, 261 Zechariah (Temple ofﬁcial) 212, 215 Zedekiah 191 Zeitlin S. 2 nn. 4, 5; 183 n., 267 nn. 3, 4; 268 n. 7, 272 n. 17, 279 n. 38, 287 n. 52, 297 n. 64 Zeno 243, 252, 254, 259, 260, 271 Zerubbabel 1, 2, 3, 4, 94, 114 n. 23, 116, 117, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148 n. 67, 149, 150, 151, 152 n. 2, 155, 156, 157 n. 15, 158, 159, 169, 173, 188, 189, 195, 203, 230 n. 33, 238, 318 Zevit, Z. 13 n. 5, 306 n. Ziklag 295 n. Zimmerli, W. 104 n. 2, 108 n. 7, 109 n. 8, 111 n. 15 Zion 85, 86, 90, 296 Zscharnack, L. 91 n. 42 Zwickel, W. 74 n. 76

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Righteous Jehu and his Evil Heirs: The Deuteronomist's Negative Perspective on Dynastic Succession (Oxford Theological Monographs)

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The Worldview of Personalism: Origins and Early Development (Oxford Theological Monographs)

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The Creation of History in Ancient Israel

Verbal Aspect in New Testament Greek (Oxford Theological Monographs)

Prophecy and the Prophets in Ancient Israel: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar

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The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel

The Israelites in History and Tradition (Library of Ancient Israel)

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God in Himself: Aquinas' Doctrine of God as Expounded in the Summa Theologiae (Oxford Theological Monographs)

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