Faces Of The North: The Ethnographic Photography Of John Honigmann

Faces of the North The Ethnographic Photography of John Honigmann

Bryan Cummins

NATURAL HERITAGE BOOKS TORONTO

Copyright ® 2004 Bryan Cummins All rights reserved. No portion of this book, with the exception of brief extracts for the purpose of literary or scholarly review, may be reproduced in any form without the permission of the publisher. Published by Natural Heritage / Natural History Inc. P.O. Box 95, Station O, Toronto, Ontario M4A 2M8 www.naturalheritagebooks.com

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Cummins, Bryan David, 1953Faces of the north : the ethnographic photography of John Honigmann / Bryan Cummins. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-896219-79-9 1. Native peoples—Canada, Northern—Pictorial works. 2. Photography in ethnology—Canada, Northern. 3. Honigmann, John—Contributions in photography. I. Natural Heritage/Natural History Inc. II. Title. TR140.H65C8 2004

305.8'970719'0222

C2002-904874-5

Back and Front Cover: All photographs unless otherwise identified are courtesy of the Honigmann family Front Cover: Top left photograph courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution Cover and text design by Derek Chung Tiam Fook Edited by John Parry & Jane Gibson Printed and bound in Canada by Hignell Book Printing, Winnipeg, Manitoba

Natural Heritage / Natural History Inc. acknowledges the financial support of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council for our publishing program. We acknowledge the support of the Government of Ontario through the Ontario Media Development Corporation's Ontario Book Initiative. We also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP) and the Association for the Export of Canadian Books.

Canada

ONTARIO ARTS COUNCIL CONSUL DES ARTS DE L'ONTARIO

To John and Irma Honigmann's children, Karen Schaefer and David Honigmann, in appreciation of their generosity and patience, and to Richard Preston, in appreciation of his support and encouragement

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Contents

Preface

7

One

The Canadian North

11

Two

Anthropology, Ethnology and the Canadian North

21

Three

Ethnographic Photography: History, Hierarchy, Honigmann

39

Four

The Ethnographic Photography of John Honigmann

63

Attawapiskat

63

Frobisher Bay (Iqualuit)

71

Great Whale

77

Inuvik

96

Kaska

100

Slave

Ill

Five

The Evolution of an Ethnographer: John Honigmann

115

Six

Northern First Nations: Algonkians, Dene and Inuit

141

Notes

158

References

169

Index

183

About the Author

192

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Preface

In the autumn of 1990,1 was working at the National Anthropological Archives (NAA), part of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, DC, conducting research on the ethnographic work of John J. Honigmann (1914-1977), who had worked in Attawapiskat in the 1940s and 1950s. My own work at the time focused on Cree land tenure and use—a topic that Honigmann himself had examined. In 1990, I was interested more in what he had to say about Cree hunting, fishing, and trapping practices than about any other aspect of his life and work. This was soon to change as I delved into the Honigmann Papers in the NAA. During my investigation of Honigmann's files, a number of things immediately impressed me. One was the sheer volume of material that he had accumulated over the years. The NAA, it turned out, had 72.5 feet of shelf space devoted to his papers. As his wife and children had retained some of his material, the NAA's holdings were not exhaustive. What also fascinated me was the extent of his ethnographic interests, which ranged from the Arctic to Pakistan. Like his discipline, he was most eclectic. Few anthropologists have worked in such diverse cultures. But what I found most intriguing was the photographs. There were literally hundreds of them, almost all of exquisite quality and riveting interest. John Honigmann is familiar to most anthropologists, particularly those who work in the north, but the majority of them are probably unaware of the ethnographic images that he acquired over his thirty-three years as an ethnographer. A few photographs have appeared in a couple of his many books but represent only a fraction of those housed at the NAA.

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The memory of the photographs stayed with me as I finished my graduate work at McMaster University and embarked on my own career. Flying home from a conference in 1994,1 resolved to return one day to the NAA and try to acquire as many of the photographs as possible and have them published, along with a brief biography of Honigmann. To that end, I began making plans. Assisted by my PhD supervisor, Dr. Richard Preston (who had been Honigmann's student), I established contact with the ethnographer's children, David Honigmann and Karen Schaefer. To my great surprise and pleasure, they had several hundred photos that their father had taken on his many trips to the Canadian Subarctic and Arctic between the late 1940s and the mid-1960s. They generously offered not only to show me the photographs, but to lend them to me until they could be published. If arrangements could be made for funding the research, we agreed that David, his wife, Betty, Karen and I would meet in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, where Honigmann had lived and taught from the early 1950s on and where David and Betty now live. I now felt that I had no choice but to go through with my plans to publish the photographs. I made another trip to Washington, DC, where I went through Honigmann's photos at the NAA. Later, I flew to Chapel Hill to meet with David, Karen and Betty. Together, we poured over hundreds of photographs and were able to determine locations and dates of many of the images. In some cases, even names of individuals were remembered. Again, as I had done at the Smithsonian, I selected a few dozen for possible publication. David, Karen, and Betty kindly let me take them home with me until I could find a publisher for them. Their generosity was overwhelming. It was an exhilarating experience going through the photographs housed at the NAA and in the possession of Honigmann's children. Honigmann was able to capture for posterity the richness and diversity of Canadian First Nations at mid-twentieth century. How can one not be moved by the picture of the Cree man in his rabbit-skin coat, with icicles on his beard, preparing his snowshoes, or of the young Inuk beside the komatic (dogsled) carrying the doll, ready to embark on a journey? What stories these photographs tell. The days of rabbitskin coats and dog-drawn komatik are, for the most part, long gone, but Honigmann has captured and saved these and other images forever. They are cultural treasures. Needless to say, I had to make some tough decisions selecting photos. I still recall one intended for the "retain" pile that somehow never made it back to Canada with me. Taken in Attawapiskat during the 1940s, it showed a canoe

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with a sail being taken along by the breeze. While in Attawapiskat in 1990, I learned from an elderly gentleman that people had sometimes equipped their boats with sails, especially when they ventured out into the bay. Honigmann had captured one such vessel in a photo. Despite my excitement about this treasure, it gave way to what I later thought was a more compelling image. Years later, I regret that decision. The fact that an elder had mentioned something that Honigmann had captured on film four-and-a-half decades earlier was significant. It remains for somebody else to go through the Honigmann photos and find that image for publication. Funding to assist the author with the project was generously provided by the American Philosophical Society (through the Phillips Fund for Native American Research) and by the Professional Development Fund of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE). I am most grateful to them and to Natural Heritage Books for making the photographs available to a wider audience.

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Native cultural areas within Canada.

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1 The Canadian North

Canada is a northern country. This fact has shaped our history, our politics, our culture and our national identity. Canada, we are led to believe, is "the true north, strong and free." However, a very large segment of our population lives within a Co|pple of hundred kilometres of the American border, seemingly longing for;:^rmer climates. In the case of southern Ontario and Quebec, where millions live, this concentration of population is considerably south of the renowned 49th parallel that separates us from our neighbour. What, then, constitutes "the north"? "North," of course, has different implications for different people. It is often said that Torontonians think of north as anywhere north of Steeles (its northern border). T.R. Berger states that "North, in strictly geographical terms, refers to the immense hinterland of Canada that lies beyond the narrow strip of the country in which most Canadians live and work."1 He adds that the term generally refers to the Northwest Territories and Yukon Territory.

Culture Areas For anthropologists, however, the definition of "north" is linked to the concept of "culture area" which, in turn, helps them make sense of the diversity of cultures to be found around the globe. First used by Otis Mason in the late 19th century, the term refers to parts of the world in which people share most of the elements of culture. These include related languages, technology, patterns of

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kinship, economic systems, political organizations and ideologies, as well as environmental conditions. The concept rests upon a couple of factors. One is that there is regional distribution of food resources. In the Canadian context, examples such as the abundance of salmon on the west coast, bison on the plains and barren ground caribou in the Arctic may come to mind. Each of these resources necessitates specific strategies in terms of both technology and social organization. The pursuit of bison is not the same as the hunting of caribou or the catching of salmon. Therefore, one might expect that differing regional patterns of subsistence to develop. A second factor is that human societies do not live in isolation. Neighbouring groups interact with and affect each other, especially when they share the same area. As a consequence, there are distinctly area-based patterns of culture. This is not to suggest that culture areas are homogeneous, for the

One of Honigmann's Inuvik photographs. Note the typical boreal scenery in the background. Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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groups within each area remain unique, but just that key similarities are shared within the culture area. Aboriginal culture areas are not static, frozen in anthropological time. An essential element of culture is its dynamism. The archaeological record in Canada demonstrates population shifts, environmental changes and social, technological and ideological innovations both prior to and after European arrival in the New World. The widespread assumption that New World societies were static prior to the arrival of Europeans is erroneous. There are six culture areas to be found within Canada. These are the [North] Eastern Woodlands, the Plains, the Plateau, the Northwest Coast, and—the subject of this book—the Subarctic and the Arctic. These designations have nothing to do with contemporary political delineations. In Canada, the Eastern Woodlands comprises southern Ontario and Quebec and the Maritime provinces, reaching into the northeastern United States. Its First Nations peoples include the six Iroquois nations, the Mi'kmaw, Malecite and Abenaki peoples. The Plains culture area extends from the east flank of the Rockies and southward from the North Saskatchewan River to Texas. It includes the southern portions of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta. This area is home to the Assiniboine, Blackfoot, Plains Cree and Metis. The Plateau culture area between the Coast Mountains and the Rockies is sometimes called the Cordillera. First Nations there include the Kutenai, Okanogan, Lilloet, and Chilcotin First Nations. The Northwest Coast extends from southern Alaska to northern California. Within Canada, this area had the densest and most sedentary populations. It is home to the Nootka, the Kwakiutl and the Haida, among others. While there is no anthropological designation of the "the north" as such, most anthropologists would consider the Subarctic and Arctic to be the north. It is these two culture areas to which we now direct our attention.

The Subarctic In terms of size, the Subarctic is the largest culture area within North America and is typically divided into the Eastern and Western Subarctic, primarily because of linguistic affiliation. The Eastern Subarctic was home exclusively to the Algonkian (also spelled Algonquian) speakers, who are also found outside

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the Subarctic, while, in pre-contact times, the Western Subarctic was home to Athapaskan speakers or Dene people. However, there are also Dene speakers far outside the Western Subarctic, most notably in the American Southwest, home of the Apache and Navaho. The Subarctic stretches from Alaska eastward across the Yukon and Northwest Territories and through northern sections of the Prairie provinces, Ontario, Quebec and most of Labrador. Some scholars also include the island of Newfoundland, although others group it with the Eastern Woodlands. Newfoundland's Native People—the Beothuk—had disappeared by the end of the 1820s. Most linguists believe that they were Algonkian speakers. Like the Innu of Labrador, they were quite reliant on caribou, albeit exploiting other species as well. The Eastern and Western Subarctic share a number of characteristics. Foremost among these is the northern or boreal forest, comprising coniferous trees and muskeg (a word of Algonkian origin)—that spongy, boggy material that inhibits northern land developers. Much of the Hudson Bay Lowlands is characterized by muskeg, which has lent its name to the Mushkegowuk or Swampy Cree of western James Bay. This general physical picture is subject to regional variations. The Subarctic tends to get increasingly rolling, or hilly, as one moves westward. In central Ontario and Quebec, for example, the dominant feature is the often softly undulating rock face of the Canadian Shield. In contrast, the Labrador Peninsula is relatively flat. Jennifer Brown and C. Roderick Wilson capture the changing face of the Canadian Shield as it fades into the Subarctic hinterlands. "The Shield country in central Ontario and Quebec is transitional between temperate and subarctic. The observant traveller notices, going north, that the mixed deciduous trees of the south yield increasingly to evergreens—white and red pines mingled with spruce—then to a predominance of black spruce. Continuing northward the landscape changes again. The Hudson Bay Lowland—a spruce-dominated forest of poorly drained, clayey soil—covers a vast area west and south of the Bay."2 A more dramatic and evocative—and no less accurate—description of the Hudson Bay Lowland is provided by Richard Nonas, describing the territory of the Attawapiskat Cree: The land of the Attawapiskat Cree is muskeg country, swamp country; a country of flat clay bogs cut by rivers, crossed by

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An Attawapiskat Cree photograph by Honigmann. His caption read, "Working on a canoe." Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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creeks and lakes and fields of mud, and deep forest stretches; of empty coastal mud-flats and the darkness of the bush; a land of shallow, slow today rivers come suddenly alive with cold winds off the bay; of narrow twisting creeks cut by low rapids; of deep, cold fish lakes and mud. It is a country of flat, wooded shoreline, as grey as they are green; of thick willow patches and rooted thickets; of small disappearing open spaces in tall spruce forests as dark as dusk, and mossy summer trails that sog a foot and a half at each step.3 C. Roderick Wilson characterizes the Western Subarctic as "the zone of discontinuous permafrost in western Canada."4 The southern half is typical boreal forest, comprising spruce, fir and pine, with patches of poplar and white birch, while the remainder of the region is a transitional zone between the boreal forest and tundra. Lichens, so characteristic of the Arctic, are found sporadically throughout this transitional zone. Wilson reminds us that as a culture area the Western Subarctic extends north of the treeline because some nations made extensive use of tundra resources. This is particularly true of the Chipewyan, who traditionally occupied both sides of the tundra and boreal forest ecozones, exploiting the caribou that ventured onto the tundra during the brief summer. As in the east, rivers and lakes are numerous throughout the Western Subarctic. The Mackenzie and Yukon, the second- and fifth-largest rivers respectively in North America, help shape not only the environment but also affect the lives of the Dene. Alan McMillan suggests three broad regions for the Western Subarctic. First is the Canadian Shield, extending from the Eastern Subarctic across northern Manitoba and Saskatchewan and most of the Northwest Territories. Second is the Mackenzie Lowlands, sloping gradually to the Mackenzie Delta, and comprising the western Northwest Territories along with northern Alberta and northeastern British Columbia. Third is the Cordillera, which includes mountain ranges and valleys of Yukon Territory and central British Columbia. Many of its rivers empty into the Pacific and provide salmon for the populations living there.5 The Eastern and Western Subarctic also share a similarity in climate. Typically, winters are long and cold, with summers short and warm. Brown and Wilson cite minimum/maximum daily mean temperatures in the Severn River drainage in northern Ontario (in the Eastern Subarctic) as being from

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between -29°C and -19°C in January to between 11 °C and 21 °C in July.6 According to C.R. Wilson, temperature extremes range from lows of -50°C to summer highs of over 20°C.7 Throughout much of the Subarctic, precipitation is relatively light. Brown and Wilson8 observe that northern Ontario averages about 60 cm annually, and the Western Subarctic receiving about 40 cm a year.9 To the east of James Bay, however, the region is affected by the larger Hudson Bay. Air currents pick up moisture and drop it along the eastern shores and further inland. As a consequence, these regions have very heavy snowfalls and colder temperatures.10 The lower north shore of the St. Lawrence River, as well as southwestern Newfoundland, receive extremely heavy snowfalls. SeptIles, Quebec and Corner Brook, Newfoundland, have perhaps the greatest annual snowfalls, averaging 414 cms annually. Throughout much of the Subarctic, snow covers the ground for up to six months of the year. The rugged topography and harsh climate shape travel and subsistence. Freeze-up and break-up of the region's lakes and rivers affect not only people's travel, but also game populations. In the twentieth century, for example, the people of western James Bay experienced several periods of hunger and near starvation because of low game populations. Elders state that each of these periods has been preceded by spring flooding of the region's major rivers.11 In recent memory, residents of Winisk have suffered through several major floods which have taken lives. Eventually, they relocated to Peawanuck, further inland and away from the area of dangerous flooding. Traditionally, throughout the Subarctic, there was a preference—if not a reliance—upon big game. In the Eastern Subarctic, caribou and moose were the preferred species, with migratory waterfowl (especially geese), beaver, hare, partridge (or ptarmigan) and fish largely rounding out the diet. Beaver was especially important for both food and fur. Blueberries and other berries were also taken during the brief harvesting season. The Western Subarctic had a greater variety of large ungulates. Wapiti (elk), woodland caribou, mountain sheep and mountain goats, as well as woodland bison, offered a wider range of options. The region also had small game, including snowshoe hares, grouse, fish and waterfowl.

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The Arctic The definition of "Arctic" is open to debate. John Stager and Robert McSkimming note the three conventional criteria for delimitation: the mean 10degree Celsius isotherm in July, the treeline and the southern limit of continuous permafrost.12 These characteristics do not necessarily coincide, although from Alaska to Great Bear Lake the three lines are comparatively close, seldom more than 300 kilometres apart.13 East of Great Bear Lake, there are wide divergences, with several hundred kilometres often separating them. The treeline has become the most useful means of delimiting the southern boundary of the Arctic. It stretches from Alaska and the Arctic coast, dipping southeast to include Nunavut (no longer the eastern part of the Northwest Territories), a portion of northern Manitoba, northern Quebec and much of the Labrador coast. It is a visible marker—trees become increasingly stunted and sparse before disappearing as one moves north—and has implications for Native populations. For all intents and purposes, the Arctic was the domain of the Inuit, and the forest the home of northern Athapaskans and Algonkians, despite forays onto the tundra by some northern Dene people. Historically, these intrusions have led to confrontations between Dene and Inuit. We may say, then, that the Arctic stretches northward of the treeline to the Arctic Ocean, incorporating nearly a third of the country.14 The Arctic is probably the harshest inhabited environment on the planet. Winters are nine months long, and for much of that time there is little daylight. In contrast, during the brief summer, there is a period when the sun hardly sets. It is tundra country, largely devoid of trees. Vegetation is restricted to lichens, mosses and grasses, although patches of short willows may occasionally be found in the more southerly reaches. There are critical interplays of environmental factors in the arctic. Wind, for example, is a constant concern for it blows freely, unbroken by trees. Similarly, the Arctic is a virtual desert, receiving comparatively little precipitation, and that, mostly snow. In winter, the combination of wind and snow makes for extremely volatile and dangerous conditions, as the wind blows about the snow that has already fallen, thereby creating whiteout conditions. Because of permafrost, the brief summer dispels the notion that the Arctic is essentially desert-like. The recently melted snow remains trapped on the

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ground, providing breeding grounds for the most visible form of wildlife—the ubiquitous flies and mosquitoes that drive people and animals to distraction. The Inuit make extensive use of the animal species that are found in the Arctic. They find there not only meat, but raw materials for tools, clothing and fuel. Northern waters contain a number of seal species, including bearded, harp and ringed seals, as well as walrus and whales. Caribou and, to a lesser degree, musk oxen, are of considerable importance to the Inuit. Hunters sometimes pursued polar bears with the help of dogs, which also served as pack and draft animals. Fishes, especially Arctic char, formed an essential component of Inuit diet, especially during the brief summer. Surprisingly large number of bird species dwell in the Arctic, including many that summer there. Of these, perhaps ptarmigan are the most important. Thus, in the anthropological understanding of "the north," the term has a specific meaning and includes a huge region of sparse population and rugged beauty. Often mythologized and romanticized by non-Native writers, it has been—and remains—the home of a number of First Nations. The north's remoteness and harsh climate have served it well, for northern Natives have maintained much of their traditional culture despite, in many cases, centuries of contact with Europeans.

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One of the six photographs grouped together in Honigmann's Culture and Ethos of Kaska Society (1949) and captioned as "Parents and Children."

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2 Anthropology, Ethnology and the Canadian North

Canadian anthropology has its roots in the missionary, exploration, and fur trade period of the European expansion. The records left by these Europeans in North America provide today's scholars with the earliest detailed descriptions of First Nations peoples. Reading these documents requires circumspection, for their authors carried a great deal of cultural baggage and professional agendas. Missionaries sought Native souls; explorers, routes through the continent; and traders, the furs that the Natives provided. Despite their limitations, these Europeans often developed their own particular, useful insights. The missionaries encountered First Nations peoples on their own lands and observed them first-hand. Furthermore, they had to learn the Native languages. Similarly, while traders seldom left the post to travel any great distance, many married Native women and learned some of the traditional ways. They developed a certain fluency in the language of their trading partners and, as the records attest, were familiar with the territories of the different family groups that traded at the post. Much the same was true of the explorers, who were often the first to encounter the various nations. By being the first non-Natives in contact with them, they obtained insights into truly traditional cultures. While the motivations of missionaries, explorers and traders were vastly different from those of professional anthropologists, the records that they left behind would come to form the basis of ethnohistorical study centuries later. As long as the cultural biases and particular goals that motivated them are kept

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in mind, their accounts are essential reading for today's scholars.

Missionaries Gabriel Sagard has left us his memorable account, Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons.1 Sagard, a lay brother of the Recollets, made the trip to Huronia from Quebec, via the Ottawa River, in 1623-24, along with Father LeCaron. His record of the trip and his short stay with the people, published in 1632, is an invaluable source for historians and anthropologists alike, as it details his encounters with the Huron, Algonquin and other First Nations peoples. While steeped in Eurocentrism, and reflective of missionary zeal, the records of Sagard and others portray traditional lives of Native people in Canada. To the list of missionary records we must surely add the volumes of correspondence from the Canadian mission of the Society of Jesus to its office in Paris. Reuben Thwaites edited the seventy-three volumes between 1896 and 1901 under the title of The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France 1610-1791. Of particular value to scholars of the Subarctic is Father Paul Le Jeune's record of 1634—an account of his winter with the Montagnais (Innu). Le Jeune travelled inland with them and, while the Jesuit Relations reflects his European background, it is a rich document for ethnohistorians. Throughout the 19th century, missionaries continued their work, building a considerable ethnographic record. While their objectives might be antithetical to the ethnographic enterprise, they learned the Native languages, and traditional customs. Thus insights, which might otherwise been lost or overlooked, were gained, however shaped by their own religious beliefs. Foremost among the 19th-century missionaries-cum-anthropologists was Emile Petitot of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, an order that considerably affected the Subarctic nations. Father Petitot was prolific and a linguist of considerable skill. The Handbook of North American Indians Volume 6: Subarctic2 includes nearly twenty bibliographical entries under his name. While his most significant contribution is probably Monographie des DeneDindjie, written in 1876, also valuable is his record of his travels throughout the northwest, documenting the day-to-day life of a 19th century missionary. One of these travel records has an irresistible Victorian title, Quinze ans Sous

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la Cercle Polaire ("Fifteen Years under the Arctic Circle"; 1889). Petitot did as much for the scholarly study of Dene languages as anybody, as well as contributing to our overall understanding of the Western Subarctic. A contemporary of Petitot was Father Adrien-Gabriel Morice,3 a missionary and ethnologist who had extensive knowledge of the Carrier or Dalkelh and their language, having spent nearly twenty years with them beginning in the 1880s. He published widely about the Dene, especially about the Carrier. The most important of his general works are probably The Western Denes: Their Manners and Customs (1890) and Notes Archaeological Industrial and Sociological of the Western Denes with an Ethnographical Sketch of the Same (1895). However, his two-volume The Carrier Language (Dene Family): A Grammar and Dictionary Combined (1932) is also recognized as a significant contribution to academic understanding of the language. The contributions of priests and other clergymen continued into the 20th century, at a lesser pace and, in some cases, with their missionary-mindedness moderated somewhat by anthropological training and sensitivity. In the Subarctic, Father John Cooper is considered the most important. He wrote a number of works examining the "northern Algonquian supreme being," from 1933 to 1935, as well as publishing other aspects of Algonquian religion and cosmology in 1930, 1933 and 1944. His 1939 paper on northern Algonquian land tenure was influential. Jean Trudeau conducted research about culture change among the Cree of Winisk for his Ph.D. dissertation at the Catholic University of America in 1966. James Scanlon, an Anglican minister, recounted in 1975 the history of the contact between the "Inlanders" (Cree) of Quebec's James Bay and the Anglican church.

Explorers The journals of early explorers such as Champlain, Hearne and Mackenzie are likewise indispensable references. Samuel de Champlain left a considerable body of writing, most pertaining to his work as an explorer and cartographer. The latter is of most interest to scholars, for he travelled not only along the eastern coastline, establishing a French presence in Nova Scotia, but he also ventured up the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa rivers. These early 17th century trips established contact with a number of Iroquoian and Algonquian peoples,

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including the Montagnais, Algonquin, Huron and the Iroquois. While not all of these relations were amicable (Champlain waged war against the Iroquois), his accounts of contact remain invaluable. From his records, today's academics can attempt to recreate the cultures and locations of First Nations peoples. The most important compilation of Champlain's writings is the six volumes edited by H.P. Biggar (1922-36), presented simultaneously in English and French. Samuel Hearne was an employee of the Hudson's Bay Company when he undertook his journey through the north that would establish his name in history. His narrative of that trip, A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean, 1769, 1770, 1771 and 1772, is a remarkable literary and ethnographic document. Hearne's guide through the Northwest Territories was Matonabbee, a highly regarded Chipewyan trader. Hearne's vivid and dramatic accounts of Matonabbee and his people are the earliest extant of the Chipewyan nation. The most useful editions of Hearne's narrative are those edited by Joseph Tyrrell in 1905 and by R. Glover in 1958. A contemporary of Hearne's was Alexander Mackenzie. His journeys in 1789 and 1793 took him through much of northern and western Canada. The first saw him travel from Great Slave Lake and along the river that now bears his name to the Beaufort Sea. Four years later, he followed the Slave River to Lake Athabasca and from there southwestward to where the Bella Coola River meets the Pacific. En route, Mackenzie established contact with a number of Native peoples, and he has left us a rich account of these encounters. The Journals and Letters of Sir Alexander Mackenzie 4 contains "Some Account of the Knisteneaux Indians (Cree)" as well as "Some Account of the Chipewyan Indians." However, his journals tell us more, for Mackenzie's journeys also brought him into contact with the Kutchin (in 1789), Sekani and Carrier (in 1793). Being the first non-Native to encounter these peoples, he left records that are of great value to contemporary scholars. Further information about the Carrier and Sekani would come from subsequent explorers, notably Simon Fraser and David Thompson. W. Kaye Lamb edited The Letters and Journals of Simon Fraser, 1806-1808,s while Thompson's works were edited by Tyrrell, and published in 1916 as David Thompson's Narrative of his Explorations in Western America 1784-1812.6 Over the course of his career, Thompson worked for both the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company as explorer and surveyor. His discussion of the "Nahathaway Indians," a Plains Cree group, is a major contribution to anthropology.

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Traders In addition to the explorers and missionaries, the traders of both the Hudson's Bay Company and North West Company left records that have proven to be valuable resources. The rival firms amalgamated under the name of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821. Given that the HBC was founded in 1670, and that traders continued to maintain journals well into the 20th century, these writings provide extensive information. In recent years, ethnohistorians have drawn extensively on these records. For example, both Jennifer Brown and Sylvia Van Kirk, in 1980, have made extensive use of trader writings to enhance our knowledge of the role of women in the fur trade, while Toby Morantz used them to examine the impact of the fur trade on social organization among the eastern James Bay Cree. Two of the best sources for early material are from two such traders. James Isham's Observations on Hudson's Bay 17437 and Andrew Graham's similarly titled Observations on Hudson's Bay 1767-918 reveal much about the fur trade and relations between traders and trappers. Because these two traders were stationed on Hudson Bay, their journals are particularly informative about the Cree. Catharine McClellan's summary9 of the history of anthropological research in the Cordilleran Region of the Western Subarctic is excellent. She notes, in particular, the records left by Daniel Williams Harmon, who lived in the region between 1800 and 1816. Harmon was generally understanding of the Natives, having married a First Nations woman. The records he left are richer than those of Mackenzie in terms of data about the Chilcotin, Sekani and Carrier peoples. Perhaps the best edition of Harmon's writings is Sixteen Years in Indian Country: The Journal of Daniel Williams Harmon, 1800-1816, edited by W. Kaye Lamb and published in 1957. Traders Alexander Hunter Murray and Robert Campbell also left helpful records. Murray, who established Fort Yukon in 1847 for the HBC, drew ink sketches of the Kutchin, their dances and their dwellings, and provided written descriptions.10 The HBC archives contain his records for the years 1847-50, and, in 1910, L.J. Burpee edited his journals for publication.11 Robert Campbell, a contemporary and colleague of A.H. Murray's, in 1848 established Fort Selkirk at the mouth of the Pelly River. He had extensive experience of the Kaska and Sekani First Nations, met the Tahltan and Coastal Tlingit, and was the first non-Native to contact the Han and the Tutchone.12 F A C E S

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His published journals13 contain a first-contact description of the Western Kutchin. He published a brief account of his Yukon River explorations in 1883, but the bulk of his reports remained unpublished until the 1958. June Helm's indispensable The Indians of the Subarctic: A Critical Bibliography (1976) notes that the 1\vo Journals of Robert Campbell (1958) describes the first contact in north central British Columbia. The trader met "a remarkable woman, the chieftainess of the Nahannies [Tahltan]." The volume also details the difficulties faced by traders in building their business with the Cordilleran Athapaskans. Helm also mentions Clifford Wilson's Campbell of the Yukon,u which places the trader in a broader historical context, as well as Catherine McClellan's "Indian Stories About the First Whites in Northwestern America,"15 which provides a Native view of Campbell (and other nonNatives). McClellan states unequivocally that "Nothing in the published or archival material of other Hudson's Bay Company men in the central and northern Cordillera of the first half of the nineteenth century matches the importance of Murray's and Campbell's data, with the possible exception of unpublished Company records of their close friends ... Hardisty and ... Anderson."16 Finally, John McLean's oft-cited Notes of a T\venty-Five Years' Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory, edited by W.A. Wallace and published in 1932, merits special mention. McClellan contends that the memoirs borrow heavily from Daniel Harmon.17 Nonetheless, McLean worked in the region from Hudson Bay to the Cordillera for over a quarter-century and in contact with a number of First Nations including the Ojibwa, Chilcotin and Carrier. His observations are interesting, if not always charitable. Not surprisingly, his recollections of the HBC and its policies towards Natives come under considerable scholarly attack.

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The Professionalization of Anthropology in Canada Anthropology found its footing as an academic discipline in the late 19th century. In the United States, this coming of age was due, in large part, to Lewis Henry Morgan and, later, Franz Boas, who would also play a significant role in Canada. In addition to conducting fieldwork in the Arctic and Northwest Coast, Boas would train a number of students who would later practise their discipline in this country. In the 1880s, Canada's first scientist of international renown, John William Dawson, spearheaded a move to modernize Canadian science. As principal of McGill University in Montreal, he championed education and helped found the Royal Society of Canada. Building on this legacy, his son, George Mercer Dawson, helped to elevate ethnology into its rightful place in Canadian scholarship. Like his father, he was a geologist with extensive field experience, working from Ontario to Alaska and the Bering Sea. In 1875, he joined the Geological Survey of Canada and served as its director from 1895 to 1901.18 Lawrence Nowry, in his biography of Marius Barbeau published in 1995,19 summarizes the early years of anthropology in Canada. Much of its development is rooted in the Geological Survey of Canada (GSC), which helped launch ethnology in this country. In 1841, Queen Victoria granted £1,500 for the "creation of the Geological and Natural History Survey of the Province of Canada," to explore and map what is now Ontario and Quebec. As Nowry notes, the GSC did its own topographical work from the start, came to embrace a number of fields of natural history, added immensely to Canadian scientific knowledge, and created the basis for a national museum with vast quantities of fossils, mineral and botanical specimens, as well as cultural artifacts. Following Confederation, the GSC extended its mandate from sea to sea to sea. In addition to geologists, six new specialists were added to the roster, including a paleontologist and, in 1882, a botanist.20 These scientists, along with their support teams, conducted fieldwork across the country, adding to an ever-growing body of knowledge. Anthropology benefited from their travels, but it was not until the arrival of George Dawson that the discipline received "official" recognition. Dawson was the head of the GSC for the last six years of his event-filled life. While he was trained as a geologist, he was also an avid and active ethnologist. As early as 1878, he had written papers about the Haida and he F A C E S

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maintained an active interest in nations of the Northwest Coast. Richard Preston and Marc-Adelard Tremblay21 argue that it was Dawson's sustained support, more than that of any single other person, that created a professional basis for Canadian anthropology. In 1896, he was a member of an Ethnological Survey of Canada although it would be a number of years, and under somebody else's direction, before anthropology received a formal position within the GSC.22 Between 1908 and 1914 the GSC was under the directorship of R.W. Brock. In 1910, Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier's establishment of a Division of Anthropology within the Geological Survey launched professional anthropology in Canada. Its offices, as befitted this start, were in the new Victoria Memorial Museum, later renamed the National Museum of Canada. The new division included two sections, one for archaeology and the other for ethnology. Given its youth, the division had to bring in specialist graduates from both American and British universities, many of whom went on to illustrious careers. The American Edward Sapir would head the division from 1910 to 1925. Marius Barbeau, an Oxford graduate and French Canada's first Rhodes scholar, would become perhaps Canada's finest early ethnologist. He recruited another Oxford alumnus, Diamond Jenness, originally from New Zealand, whose Indians of Canada (1932) is probably Canada's best-known anthropology book.23 These men, and other early professional anthropologists, merit more attention. Edward Sapir remains a giant in anthropology. He came to Canada upon completion of his doctorate in 1909, in anthropology and linguistics under the direction of Boas, and remained until 1925, acting as the Director of the Anthropology Division. A year later, the GSC hired him as senior anthropologist and chief of its new Anthropology Division. A specialist in Amerindian languages, he also conducted extensive fieldwork, particularly along the Northwest Coast, following in the footsteps of his mentor, Franz Boas. Marius Barbeau was the first Canadian-born graduate anthropologist, though not the first Canadian to work in anthropology in this country.24 Tremendously prolific, he produced nearly a thousand publications. He worked among Iroquoian speakers, the Northwest Coast nations (especially the Tsimshian, Haida and Tlingit), and French Canadians in Quebec. Today, he is regarded as the founder of folklore studies in Canada and did much to bring the traditional songs and stories of Quebec into the realm of academic study.

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In 1995, Lawrence Nowry released a long-overdue biography of Barbeau, based on interviews with him as well as on written documentation and interviews with his friends, family and colleagues. Barbeau's contributions were summed up as "the most eminent figure in Canadian anthropology, as pioneer and principal founder whose work lies at the base of Ottawa's Canadian Museum of Civilization, for which he worked all his life. All work on totem poles is based on Barbeau's work."25 Diamond Jenness, like Sapir and Barbeau, was one of that generation of anthropologists whose expertise was as wide as the discipline itself. His publications spanned ethnology, linguistics, physical anthropology and archaeology. A latecomer to the Anthropology Division, he arrived in 1913 at the behest of his advisor at Oxford, Professor Robert R. Marett. Ironically, Jenness would take over Sapir's position as head of the division in 1926, a position that one assumed would have gone to Barbeau, who had helped bring him over. Perhaps best known for his work amongst the Copper Inuit, Jenness' book, People of the Ttvilight,26 written in 1928, remains a classic, but he also wrote highly acclaimed papers about prehistoric Arctic Canada. His archaeological fieldwork at Cape Prince of Wales resulted in the designation of the Old Bering Sea Culture. Both Barbeau and Jenness received numerous honourary degrees and became Companions of the Order of Canada. In addition, Jenness would have the Diamond Jenness Peninsula, on Victoria Island, named after him.27 The new Anthropology Division also had on staff two archaeologists: Frederick W. Waugh and William John Wintemberg. Both largely self-educated in anthropology, they had been pursing Iroquoian archaeology and ethnology. Encouraged and supported by David Boyle, provincial archaeologist and superintendent of the Victoria Museum, they became temporary field workers with the Geological Survey in 1912.28 Waugh would continue doing mainly ethnology, while Wintemberg gained fame as an archaeologist. He would pen one of the earliest descriptions of the Naskapi (Innu).29 Researching the eastern half of Canada, from Ontario to Newfoundland, he laid the basis for much of our understanding of eastern Canadian prehistory and was a major contributor to Iroquoian archaeology. As well, both Waugh and Wintemberg contributed to the field of folklore. Richard Preston and Tremblay state that these men, and very few others, were responsible for the development of anthropology in Canada between 1910 and 1925.30 In that year, Edward Sapir left for the United States, and Thomas

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Mcllwraith assumed the first anthropology position at a Canadian university, at the University of Toronto. The discipline grew slowly—five years later, he was still the only member of the department. It would not be until 1947 that McGill and the University of British Columbia would hire anthropologists. Professional training continued to develop slowly, with the first PhD being granted in 1956 and only a handful more until the late 1960s.31 In the 1970s, universities expanded dramatically and with this development anthropology flourished. Departments were created or broadened and, by 1980, about 400 people with doctorates were employed in Canada.32 It should not be assumed that because the discipline was slow in building momentum in this country, there was no anthropological fieldwork being conducted in the north. In fact, the opposite is true, for ethnographic research had been going on since the late 19th century. Most of the anthropologists, however, were from outside Canada, mainly from the United States.

Anthropology in the Canadian North In 1981, Edward Rogers suggested dividing subarctic ethnographic fieldwork into three periods: 1882 to 1920, 1921 to 1940, and 1941 to 1980.33 It remains to be seen if his third period would be extended to the present or if a new timeline would be drawn. Certainly, the years since 1980 have seen new emphases and new theoretical orientations. Rogers' first era (1882-1920) coincides with what he calls "the classical period in American anthropology." The first two decades saw the establishment of the large American museums and, eventually, the dominance of Boasian anthropology. In Canada, since access to the interior was difficult, fieldwork was largely exploratory, and tended to be restricted to coastal communities. The first fieldwork aiming to describe Native culture was that of Lucien M. Turner, who spent 1882 to 1884 in Fort Chimo, Labrador, where some northern Naskapi (Innu) traded. It was not until 1908 that Frank Speck, another giant in the field, began his lengthy and prolific career of sustained, systematic fieldwork. He began with a study of the Montagnais of Lac St. Jean, Quebec, and would continue to study the Montagnais and the Naskapi for the ensuing three decades. His wide-ranging interests included such topics as religion, land tenure, social organization and Native dogs.

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While Speck would dominate research in the Eastern Subarctic, a few other anthropologists, notably Frank Russell and J. Alden Mason, conducted fieldwork in the Great Slave Lake area. Only a handful of scholars were involved in ethnographic work at this time. Most were sponsored by museums and their reports were, for the most part, descriptive as opposed to theoretical. At this time the notion of "the disappearing Indian" predominated and a research objective, stated or otherwise, was to "capture" him before he disappeared. The "collection" of cultural traits, as well as of material culture, was a major concern. A major exception to this orientation was Frank Speck's ground-breaking paper published in 1915, "The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian Social Organization," which served to initiate theoretical studies of Native social organization.34 In the second period, 1921 to 1940, a few more anthropologists entered the field and, more importantly, they were venturing further inland. While Speck's work continued at an impressive pace, a number of newcomers launched lengthy careers and would publish works of major significance. Among these were the anthropologists John M. Cooper, A. Irving "Pete" Hallowell and Regina Flannery, all of whom worked extensively throughout the Eastern Subarctic. While much of the published works continued to be predominantly descriptive, anthropology was beginning to mature and extend its traditional boundaries. Pete Hallowell, for example, wrote extensively about culture and personality (quite in vogue at the time), as well as about more traditional anthropological issues. His articles and books are still highly respected and his The Ojibwa ofBerens River, Manitoba: Ethnography into History was published posthumously in 1992, with the assistance of Jennifer Brown. John Cooper worked among the Cree and Tete de Boule and, as noted above, examined a number of issues including religion and land tenure. Regina Flannery was a pioneer—the first woman anthropologist of any stature to work in the north. Her publication history spans six decades from the 1930s to the 1980s, and her concerns were eclectic. Working primarily among the Montagnais and the Cree, she examined recreative culture, crosscousin marriage, infancy and childhood, the status of women and religion. In the 1980s, more than fifty years after she began her career—and when most people are firmly ensconced in comfortable retirement—she re-examined John Cooper's work on the family hunting territory system.35 In the Western Subarctic, Cornelius Osgood embarked upon a lengthy and productive career. He conducted research among a number of Dene nations,

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and published prolifically. Among his major works are Contributions to the Ethnography of the Kutchin (1936), The Ethnography of the Tanaina (1937), The Han Indians: A Compilation of Ethnographic and Historical Data on the Alaska-Yukon Boundary Area (1971), and three volumes about the Ingalik (Alaska) (1940, 1958, 1959), which June Helm, in her 1976 The Indians of the Subarctic, calls "by far the fullest study" of central Alaska's Native Peoples. Osgood, also the author of The Distribution of Northern Athapaskan Indians, published in 1936, was a major influence on John Honigmann. E.S. Rogers's third period, from 1941 to 1980, saw a veritable boom in anthropological fieldwork in the north, sparked by postwar prosperity, a social activism rooted in the 1960s, and a romanticism associated with the north. In the 1970s, as Rogers observes, there was a "research explosion," leading to studies of more First Nations and with a wider variety of topics examined. Universities became the main source of anthropologists and, along with outside agencies, funded fieldwork.36 At the same time, museums also carried on research projects, notably the National Museum of Canada and the Royal Ontario Museum. In a notable departure from previous years, research—sponsored by various levels of government, as well as by universities—began to take on a more applied or practical component, examining social organization, health and other aspects of Native life. Perhaps the best known of these was the massive study by Harry Hawthorn, conducted over 1966-67, that examined the economic, political and educational needs and policies relating to First Nations in Canada, including the north. Issued in two volumes, it was the first major study to receive widespread attention. In Montreal, the McGill Project examined developmental change among the Cree of Quebec,37 while the University of Saskatchewan explored social and economic conditions in the northern part of that province. A number of established approaches continued between 1940 and 1980. John Honigmann's Culture and Ethos of Kaska Society, published in 1949, reflected, to a certain extent, the author's interest in culture and personality. His "Witch Fear in Post-Contact Kaska Society," published two years earlier, integrated Freudian notions with the "breakdown" of traditional Kaska culture. Like Hallowell, Honigmann was considerably influenced by the "culture and personality" school dominant during the 1940s and 1950s and used conventional psychoanalytical techniques in his ethnographic research. Perhaps his most valuable writing on the Western Subarctic was a

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"reconstruction" of traditional Kaska culture, published by Yale University in 1954. Two years later, he would do the same for the Attawapiskat Cree. Elsewhere in the Western Subarctic, Richard Slobodin conducted considerable research, particularly among the Kutchin and the Metis. Slobodin's Metis of the MacKenzie District (1966) and "The Subarctic Metis as Products and Agents of Culture Contact" (1964) are welcomed remedies to the academic neglect of the Metis in the region. Slobodin also contributed a useful summary in his 1975 compilation of the place of the Athapaskan peoples in the anthropological literature to 1965.38 The Chipewyan, the most populous and widely dispersed of the Dene, have been documented historically by James G.E. Smith in the 1970s and by VanStone in the 1960s.39 At the same time, anthropology was also being practised in its more traditional sense—studying the social organization, kinship patterns and land tenure of northern peoples. Many such studies put a new spin on earlier research, and long-held views began to be re-examined. Richard Speck's original work on family hunting territories, released in 1923, echoed over the decades so that, a half-century later, scholars were still debating the structure of land tenure.40 In 1973, Georg Henriksen documented the Naskapi of Labrador, describing them as living "on the edge of the White man's world." He noted their dual existence—inland during the winter and on the coast during the summer—and presciently suggested what might happen if their traditional patterns were completely destroyed. Recent events in Davis Inlet, such as the highly publicized adolescent suicides, suggest that Henriksen's assessment was quite accurate. Social organization, particularly of bands, was a focus for many researchers. Leading the way was June Helm, whose work in the Western Subarctic is considerable—particularly her work on the Lynx Point People in 1961 and her celebrated The Indians of the Subarctic in 1976. Also focusing on the Western Subarctic, Richard Slobodin's 1962 Band Organization of the Peel River Kutchin is a valuable reference. Others who devoted their energies to understanding social organization include Ed Rogers, John Honigmann and Eleanor Leacock.41 The last named was also a pioneer in the use of historical materials to support her ethnographic work. Kinship has always been a fundamental component of anthropology and a number of questions concerning traditional patterns were addressed, including the issue of cross-cousin marriage. Helm (1965, 1968), Rogers (1962), and Riddington (1969) all looked at northern kinship, while R.W. Dunning, in his

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Social and Economic Change Among the Northern Ojibwa, published in Toronto in 1959, examined kinship in an historical context. Northern religious practices had, for some inexplicable reason, been relatively ignored by anthropologists. Speck had turned his attention to Naskapi religious practices in his classic monograph, but, as Rogers points out,42 the ethnographer was somewhat misguided. Much of his material was derived from the Naskapi's southern neighbour, the Montagnais. During the 1960s and 1970s, interest increased somewhat. Adrian Tanner's classic, Bringing Home Animals,43 examined Cree "religious ideology" and hunting. Northern Algonquian religion was also investigated by Regina Flannery in 1971 and later, in 1975, by Richard Preston.44 A major element of Algonquian religious belief is Windigo,45 a phenomenon examined by Preston in 1977 and Charles Bishop in 1973.46 In the Arctic, anthropological studies did not really get going until after 1945.47 Following the war, social, economic and political changes occurred that affected the Inuit and anthropology. Furthermore, "there was also an evolution in the conceptual frame of reference that guided and rationalized ethnological research in that changed environment."48 Charles C. Hughes identifies over two dozen "research themes" into which Arctic ethnological research may be classified. Since the war, Arctic anthropology has faced the problem of rapid cultural change as the south has encroached into previously remote and inaccessible areas, thus unavoidably affecting the Inuit. Anthropology has sought to learn as much as possible about Inuit life prior to these rapid changes, while simultaneously recognizing that change has occurred. The Fifth Thule Expedition49 provided much of what we know of Inuit society, with reports furnished by Kaj Birket-Smith and Knud Rasmussen.50 Since that time, others have expanded that understanding. David Damas51 examined Inuit band organization. In 1970, Asen Balikci wrote a conventional monograph about the Netsilik, detailing the standard monograph categories of religion, social organization and technology. Also appearing that year was Jean Briggs's Never in Anger: Portrait of an Eskimo Family, an intriguing study based on her fieldwork conducted from 1963 to 1965. However, in the post Second World War era, attention has been most often turned to the changes wrought by contact. Nelson Graburn penned Eskimos Without Igloos: Social and Economic Development in Sugluk in 1969. This was rapidly followed by a number of other works documenting social change in the

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north. John and Irma Honigmann released Eskimo Townsmen in 1965, to be followed in 1970 by Arctic Townsmen: Ethnic Backgrounds and Modernization, based on research conducted in Inuvik in 1967. Most recently, John Matthiasson52 returned to Pond Inlet in the Central Arctic after a prolonged absence following his initial fieldwork in 1963 and documented the social, economic and political changes that occurred over the intervening years. Change, of course, implies the structuring and restructuring of relations with non-Natives who, while a minority population in the Arctic, have tended to exercise disproportionate power. A number of papers edited by Robert Paine in 1977 under the title The White Arctic: Anthropological Essays on Tutelage and Ethnicity, examined these relationships in detail. Tellingly, Paine states: "The notion of tutelage itself is borrowed from Eskimo Townsmen (1965) by John and Irma Honigmann; or rather, it is their notion of tutelage that is placed under critical review."53 In many ways, anthropology has matured in the two decades since Ed Rogers examined the history of Subarctic literature in 1981. A number of trends, all quite positive and enlightening, have emerged. For one, there are many more women in the field, and they have brought with them their own foci and research strategies. One result is that Native women and Native families have received their long overdue attention. Sylvia Van Kirk in 1980, Jennifer Brown also 1980, and Julie Cruikshank in 1990 have all documented women and families. Brown and Van Kirk examined fur trade families historically, and Cruikshank recorded the life stories of three Yukon Native elders today. Ethnohistory now occupies its rightful place. Eric Wolfs "people without history" are being allowed to speak, and a number of anthropologists have turned to this important subfield within the discipline. History now has a much broader meaning as a result of these efforts, and the voice being heard is no longer one-sided. For example, in the north, the history of the fur trade is not simply told from the stance of the "honourable company." Rather, First Nations peoples are being presented, rightly, as active players essential to the trade. Anthropology has taken on increasingly meaningful roles in the north. Medical anthropology is practised more frequently, turning its attention to health care issues in ways that ensure Native input. Social and environmental issues likewise are the focus of concerned academics. McMaster University's Research Program for Technology Assessment for Subarctic Ontario (TASO), for example, is a research program dedicated to long term investigation of the

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social, economic and environmental aspects of resource development in Ontario subarctic areas. It has published dozens of reports and has contributed articles to major journals such as Arctic.54 In the hundred years or so since anthropologists began conducting research in the north, the emphasis has shifted dramatically. Not only have ethnologists gone from being descriptively oriented to theoretically driven, but anthropologists, more often than not, have come to assume the role of advocate. While anthropology was once perceived as "the handmaid of colonialism," and was disparaged by First Nations people, the discipline has found a meaningful role as perhaps the most emancipating of disciplines. This is particularly true in the north, as developers encroach ever further into the hinterlands. The discipline is more needed today than ever before.

John Honigmann and the North The Smithsonian Institution's Handbook of North American Indians, issued in a number of massive volumes, stands alone as the best overall general reference for the continent. The chapters dealing with the history of anthropology in Volume 5: Arctic, and Volume 6: Subarctic, say much about the career of John Honigmann. He is the only anthropologist whose research and field experience extend to the Eastern Subarctic, the Western Subarctic and the Arctic. Thus, there are photographs of Honigmann at work in Lower Post, British Columbia, Attawapiskat, Ontario, and in Frobisher Bay, Northwest Territories (now Nunavut). When we take into account that he also conducted fieldwork in Europe and the Indian subcontinent, we can appreciate how truly extensive his career was. As it stands, he remains alone as the pre-eminent chronicler of the cultural diversity of Canada's north.

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"Kaska mothers make the most of their children's clothing. This little girl is wearing a coat trimmed with beaver and rabbit fur, and decorated with Canadian nickels and quarters. Summer 1945, Lower Post, B.C."—caption by Honigmann.

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3 Ethnographic Photography: History, Hierarchy, Honigmann

Christopher Pinney observes that anthropology and photography have "parallel histories,"1 both having their roots in the second quarter of the 19th century. In 1837, the Aborigines Protection Society was established in Britain, followed by the creation of the Ethnological Society of London in 1843. Corresponding with these foundings were the development of the first successful daguerreotype in 1837 and the public announcement of Talbot's "photogenic drawing" in 1839.2 It is not surprising, then, that the two would become entwined. Anthropologists during the 19th century wanted their discipline to be perceived as a "natural science." Influenced by Darwin and developments in the biological and geological sciences, they adhered strictly to an evolutionary perspective. Science, of course, demands facts. "Collecting" facts requires scientific tools and methodologies are needed, so anthropologists took recording devices with them to the field. According to Marcus Banks and Howard Morphy, cameras, wax cylinder recording machines and embryonic movie cameras found their way into the early anthropological tool kit.3 All of these served to make anthropology "scientific," for science rests upon observation, recording, measurement, verifiability, and classification, all attainable through the new technologies. These tools allowed anthropologists to bring back "data" from the field for analysis and consideration at home. Finally, it must be recognized that anthropology was shaped and influenced by

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a 19th century colonialist mentality, which helped to legitimize the research that was undertaken. Much photography of the 19th century reflected these realities. Perceived notions of European superiority—intellectual, moral and technological—were reinforced through images of the "Other" that were brought back from the field. "Truth" could be ascertained through film. The fact that some of the photographs were staged was irrelevant. What was important was that anthropology had recorded (or "collected") evidence of the Other. And 19th century evolutionism clearly stated that the Other was rapidly disappearing. To remedy this, Edward Curtis4 and others attempted to forever capture North American Natives and other indigenous peoples for posterity. Thus, shaped by aspirations to science, by colonialism and by evolutionism, anthropology sought to represent, via photography, the people it encountered. The early ethnographic photographs tended to support and perpetuate the evolutionary perspective. Sometime after 1900, photography ceased being a research tool for the anthropologist. A number of reasons have been suggested for this, including major shifts in theory and methodology. Marcus Banks and Howard Morphy5 suggest that photography, along with art and material culture, became "tarred by the evolutionists' brush" and were left out of the fieldwork revolution that was sweeping the discipline. Also, they contend, interest in more specific forms of cultural life, such as kinship and social organization, does not lend itself easily to photography and hence, may have contributed to the demise of the visual image. As well, new theoretical approaches, including structuralfunctionalism,6 came to the fore in anthropology. Added to this is the post-Malinowskian emphasis upon participantobservation, that is, total immersion in the culture being studied.7 Even though his Argonauts of the Western Pacific, released 1922 contains dozens of photographs, the author's rich instructions for the proper conduct of fieldwork shaped subsequent anthropology. Christopher Pinney writes that "the emergence of the fieldworker as the central validator of the anthropological enterprise which, with its form that was semiotically identical to the "ritual of photography,"8 was able to invoke and displace the earlier codes of truth."9 The notion that photography could capture ethnographic truths gave way to participant-observation; its full and rich description could, it seemed, now perform the task as much as and more than photography. Ethnographic images increasingly faded away "first in the pages of learned journals and then in the

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ethnographic monograph, the norm increasingly becoming dense pages of unbroken text."10 The shift was more profound in Britain than in the USA where, under the leadership of Ruth Benedict, Gregory Bateson and Margaret Mead, visual anthropology—including ethnographic photographs—stayed alive, if not dynamic.11 For Mead and Bateson in particular, photographs and film were not only a means of recording information, but artifacts that could later be interpreted and analysed.12 For Mead's view, the crucial thing was to "salvage the data." Nonetheless, it would be decades before visual anthropology, including ethnographic film and photography, again reached today's level of interest. David MacDougall13 traces the pattern. "Hattersley's The Baganda At Home (1908), for example, contains eighty photographs. Junod's The Life of a South African Tribe (1912) contains 112 illustrations, most of them photographs. Rattray's Ashanti (1923) has 143. But by 1965, an ethnography such as Spencer's The Samburu contained only four, and his The Maasai of Matapato of 1988 none at all."14 Today, visual anthropology, including ethnographic photography and film, is a dynamic subfield within the subdiscipline of socio-cultural anthropology and has its own journals, its symposia and a section within the American Anthropological Association.15 More sophisticated technology has facilitated the making of not only photographs but also films in the field. At least one textbook, with accompanying videocassettes, focuses on the teaching of sociocultural anthropology through the use of film. And a number of universities offer courses in ethnographic film and photography. The field has come a long way since anthropology and photography first met in the 19th century. As well, a new understanding of the relationship between photography and anthropology, especially of its early years, has begun to emerge. Banks and Morphy assert that while "there is much evidence to support the view that in particular cases images were constructed to fit a particular scientific paradigm or interpretive agenda ... these ideologically constructed images represent only part of the story since from early on many pioneer ethnographers were motivated by the desire to document what they observed."16 Thus, they contend, "while assuming that photography was an objective recording practice they took photographs that fundamentally contradicted the theoretical propositions that they endorsed and revealed a world of far greater complexity than their evolutionary framework allowed. Their photographs purport to exemplify evolutionary perspectives, but simultaneously reveal a fascination

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with the cultural richness of living societies (an ambiguity of intention recognized in modern theoretical perspectives on photography...)."17 Thus, in this view, while photography failed to assert the superiority of the West, it ultimately served a greater good by providing an insight into the complexity of humanity.

A Picture Tells Many Stories Cliches about the visual image abound: "A picture is worth a thousand words," "The camera doesn't lie," "Every picture tells a story." In recent years, however, we have come to recognize that images—and, in particular, the photograph—are multi-layered. Thus, cliches aside, a picture may be worth many thousands of words, the camera can indeed lie, and every picture has a number of stories to tell. The ethnographic photograph may be said to stand at an intercultural nexus. As such, it is the centre of a number of processes that involve the image maker or photographer, the subject of the image or the Other, and the viewer. The photo occupies a unique place for, as Elizabeth Edwards has observed, it is both of the past and of the present. It has captured a moment of time and conveyed it to the present for our viewing and our assessment. Thus, "the photograph perpetuates the past in an insidious fashion, denying time, presenting a timeless vision, an "ethnographic present" and as such becomes another manifestation of anthropology's atemporal discourse."18 According to Joanna Scherer, "ethnographic photography may be defined as the use of photographs for the recording and understanding of culture (s), of both the subject and the photographer. What makes an ethnographic photograph is not necessarily the intention of its production but how it is used to inform ethnographically."19 In this sense, historical photographs, regardless of source, serve in much the same way as do the archival records left behind by missionaries, colonial administrators and traders. She goes on to observe that: The arena of the anthropology of visual communication includes study of the photographer's view of the Other; as well as the academic's perspective on the photographer; study of

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the subjects' influence over the image; as well as an analysis of the subjects themselves; and study of the viewer's construction of the Other, as well as the audience's use of the image. In sum, the researcher must approach the photograph as social artefact, to understand the process of interaction between the producer of the image, the subject of the image, and the viewer.20 What is crucial about this passage is the element of process which links the various parts to which Scherer refers. Ultimately, it is this process which makes the ethnographic photograph meaningful. Or, as Elizabeth Edwards comments, "Meaning shifts in a delicate and possibly indeterminable balance between creator, consumer, and occasionally subject."21 A fictional scene from a popular movie demonstrates this notion. In Paul Hogan's comedy Crocodile Dundee, there is a humorous and telling moment. The hero, Mick "Crocodile" Dundee and his companion, a photo-journalist, are sitting around a campfire at night in the Australian outback. His companion, being a big-city woman from New York City, is nervous. Suddenly, an

This photograph appeared in Honigmann's Eskimo Townsmen (1965) with the caption, "I remember when they used arrows and harpoons ... we were hungry ... we did not like the cold." Eenutsia, carver and author.

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Aboriginal gentleman steps out of the darkness. He happens to be friends with "Crocodile" Dundee and, after introductions are made, the photographer attempts to take the man's picture. Before she can, however, he interjects: "You can't take my picture," he exclaims. "Why not?" she says. "Are you afraid it will take your spirit?" "No," he responds in flawless English, "you have the lens cap on." While the joke itself may be old, the delivery is deadpan and very effective. The brief exchange, humorously delivered, also speaks volumes about the West's perceptions of "the Other" and, to a lesser degree, the nature of ethnographic photography. The photographer, trapped in the "ethnographic present" and in the stereotypes of Australian Aborigines, assumed that he ("the Other") was unfamiliar with Western technology and steeped in his "primitive" religion. And, the photo-journalist assumes that she can—without asking permissiontake his picture. This, in itself, is revealing, for it indicates the assumed relationship between the photographer, who is White and Western, and the subject, who is Black and "the Other." There is an implicit assumption of the dominant/subordinate relationship between the two. Part of the reason why the scene is so witty and memorable is that the Aboriginal so effectively turns the tables on the Westerner, by failing to meet her stereotypes and by foiling her attempts at taking his picture by demonstrating his familiarity with the camera. "The Other," it turns out, may be very much like "Us." The dominant character is made to look inept and foolish and very much a victim of her own preconceived notions. Furthermore, her camera, which may be said to be symbolic of her perceived "superiority," insofar as it is white technology used to capture the Aboriginal, is ultimately used to make her look foolish or silly. This incident represents a fundamental truth about ethnographic photography—namely, that all photographs, and the viewing of all photographs, represent a process. This process may involve a series of judgments, negotiations, compromises, consultations, assessments, reflections and/or decisions. These, of course, necessitate the consideration of the cultural baggage and the experiences of the actors involved. Ethnographic photography usually, although not always, involves photographing people, for people (and cultures) are the essence of the ethnographic enterprise. While the ethnographic photographer might take photographs of material culture or village layouts, it is ultimately the people

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behind the material culture that must concern him or her. Thus, in contrast to landscape photography, for example, which engages only the photographer and the viewer, ethnographic photography involves—at bare minimum— subject, photographer and viewer. Therefore, ethnographic photography incorporates sentient, thinking beings at all levels of the process. To say that ethnographic photography, and the viewing of ethnographic photographs, constitute a process, is not to suggest a process only between or among individuals. It also suggests that there is a personal process where those involved also process their perceptions, intentions and beliefs. Thus, "process" implies personal as well as interpersonal interactions. The photographic image thus serves as a mediator or intercultural nexus wherein the photographer, subject and viewer meet. We now look at each in turn.

The Photographer The ethnographic photographer takes images of "The Other" for the photographer's culture, not for the subject's culture. Furthermore, the photographer makes an image based upon his or her cultural context, needs, and understanding of the Other. That understanding is a product of goals and objectives and of background, academic or otherwise. This does not mean that we all create different images, for the same image may be created from different perspectives. The result may be the same, but the intention vastly different. It is conceivable that a missionary, a military officer and an anthropologist may make the same photograph of the Other. Let us say, for example, that a man is portrayed with traditional weapons of the chase—a bow or a spear. The missionary could conceivably be saying, "These are the people I am trying to save for the true God. He is uncivilized, wears animal skins, is pagan and is likely cannibalistic. I must save his soul for God." The officer presents the same image but his message is different: "Here are the people with whom we must contend every day. We, in the service of the country, put our lives at risk for its betterment. We may be attacked by these people at any time day or night." In both of these cases, the Other exists in contrast to the photographer, while simultaneously justifying and legitimizing the photographer's existence. At the same time, the photographer holds up the Tightness and justness of white civilization by way of contrast.

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"Kaska Indian girl imitates her mother by packing a doll on her back"—caption by Honigmann. Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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For the anthropologist, the man holding the spear or the bow is simply that—a man with a spear or a bow, albeit representative of his culture. The anthropologist is probably portraying a hunter, equipped with the tools he uses for subsistence, who poses no threat religiously or militarily to the photographer or to Western culture. The anthropologist's interest is in the Other in all of its cultural meaning. Furthermore, a statement is being made that here is a man who represents a culture worthy of consideration on its own terms. Elizabeth Edwards has noted that while the viewer attributes meaning to photographs, they are not: totally passive [for] [t]hey suggest meaning through the way in which they are structured, for representational form makes an image accessible and comprehensible to the mind, informing and informed by a whole hidden corpus of knowledge that is called on through the signifiers in the image.22 It may be suggested that they become "representational" via the context in which they are presented. They represent aspects of the photographer, as well as of the photographed. Ultimately, the photographer—the viewer knows his role—is part of the context. The photograph may thus embody the photographer's experiences, perceptions and understandings of the Other. As well, it may be suggested that a photograph is made because—for some reason—the photographer deems the moment worthy of capture and preservation. For the anthropologist, who truly plans to make an ethnographic photograph, the intention is to make an image that is ethnographically relevant.

The Subject In contrast to, for example, portrait photography, where the subject may well be from the same culture as the photographer and has sought and desires the image that is being created, the subject of ethnographic photography is, in all likelihood, not from the same culture as the photographer and may not particularly want to be involved. I had an experience of the latter sort in

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"Wearing a rabbit skin coat, this Attawapiskat Cree Indian is using a steel-bladed crooked knife to fashion a snowshoe frame. Note the icicles hanging from his mustache"—caption by Honigmann. Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Attawapiskat. It was somewhat reminiscent of the scene from Crocodile Dundee, but not humorous. I had established an amiable relationship with an older Cree gentleman. He was very active on the land, spending weeks at a time in the bush, hunting for subsistence and trapping for trade. Through an interpreter, I gathered a great deal of information about his harvesting practices and techniques. On occasion, I would meet him without my interpreter and, through my very limited Cree vocabulary and his broken English, we would be able to communicate. Just prior to my departure from Attawapiskat, I happened to meet him. Through my interpreter, I conveyed to him that I would be leaving soon and asked if I could take his picture. He agreed, and I stepped back a metre or so because I wanted to include the caribou skin boots that he was wearing. Over the many months of fieldwork, he was the only person I saw who still wore traditional boots, although mitts were ubiquitous. My friend noticed the step back, and asked what I was doing. I replied, through my interpreter, that I wanted to include his boots in the photo. He thought momentarily and declined to have his boots included in the photograph. I did not ask why and I did not take any pictures. I have often thought about that incident and wondered what caused his

"A single dog is not much use to this Cree Indian family. The group is travelling on the frozen river after a mid-winter visit to Attawapiskat trading post. Note the baby cradle which the woman is carrying"—caption by Honigmann. Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Learning by example, one of Honigmann's photographs from Great Whale River.

reaction. I will never know, but I think that it might have reflected a certain self-consciousness about how he thought I perceived his traditional footwear. That is, he may have thought that I perceived his boots as perhaps, "primitive" or "uncivilized"—in other words, as curiosities. Certainly, my friend was of the age to have experienced the residential school and he may very well have been subjected to ridicule about his clothing and other elements of his culture. We parted on good terms and, although I have not seen him on subsequent trips to Attawapiskat because he has been in the bush, I have been told that he has asked about me. For that, I am grateful. This is not to suggest that the subject always has some control over the image created by the photographer. Indeed, as Susan Sontag has observed,23 the camera may be seen as a predatory weapon, which is "loaded," "aimed" and "shot." In her view, the camera "is a sublimation of the gun" and "to photograph people is to violate them"24—an essentially negative take on the relationship between photographer and subject, Yet the subject may exert some control over the image created. Witness my own case above. Regardless, the context in which the image was created, and the relationship between photographer and subject, demands scrutiny.

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The Viewer While it may not be a certainty, it may generally be assumed that the maker of ethnographic photographs creates pictures for either her own use or for people from her own culture. The photographer, thus, creates and packages images of the Other for a specific audience. The viewer then interprets the image based upon his or her own circumstances. Edwards has noted that "...viewers attribute new meaning through their own cultural experience and as such a photograph is in some ways submissive. "25 To illustrate this point, Pinney has used the poignant image of "a young Jewish boy alighting from a train at Auschwitz [which] can serve as both a certification of the power of the Reich (when enmeshed in the language of the Nazi archive) or as an injunction to counter bigotry and its genocidal impulses (when used in a contemporary anti-racist campaign). [The photograph] becomes everything and yet nothing."26 Ultimately, he observes, "it is we as viewers and interpreters who determine their meaning." This view has been noted by Catherine Lutz and Jane Collins,27 who observed that the people who run National Geographic magazine are very aware of the middle-class values and sensibilities of their readership. Through its photographic portrayal of non-Western peoples, the United States emerges as ultimately right, good and desirable. While promoting a "conservative humanism" and a feel-good attitude in its readers, National Geographic is simultaneously reinforcing American values and ideology and relegating the Other to an earlier stage of development. The culture of the white, Western middle class is reaffirmed through contrast with the other, no matter how exotic or beautiful the locale in which the Other is presented: [I]t presents an idealized and exotic world relatively free of pain or class conflict, a world stumbling or marching on the path to modernity. Through these means, it attracts millions of people to an identity that is highly valued—the educated person, the modern, the friendly American ... the photographs of the Geographic are gracious, sunlit, and smiling. What this style shows is an American national identity that is rational, generous, and benevolent. That identity, and the class from which it emerged, have found their validation in the National Geographic magazine since its inception.28

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A photograph from Frobisher Bay showing a man packing his sled and inlcuding the doll. Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Ultimately, an ethnographic photograph is more than simply an image of the "Other," for it brings together the image maker, subject and viewer. While it may be the culmination of process, insofar as the moment is forever "captured" in the image, unanswered questions remain about the process. What images were not made during the process of creating this one? If the photograph is part of a collection that is bound and presented in a volume, what determined its inclusion? What photographs were excluded from the collection? Who determined what was to be included? These questions are intriguing, especially when we examine the images that were and were not included in Honigmann's monographs.

John Honigmann and the Ethno-photographic Moment In much the same way that the 19th century ethnographic photographers were influenced by evolutionary school of thought and the natural history approach to their discipline, John Honigmann's photographs reflect his research interests and academic leanings. Over the years the nature of the images changes significantly revealing the photographer's scholarly interests at the time. The shots taken in Attawapiskat in Northern Ontario are very different from those made in British Columbia and the Yukon. The composition—subjects and their accoutrements, proximity to the photographer, photographic background and the framing of the photograph—reflects specific research interests. We can usefully examine Honigmann's photographs in the context of his academic fieldwork and the resulting monographs. Of the monographs that Honigmann wrote, alone or with his wife, only four—Culture and Ethos of Kasha Society (1949), Social Networks in Great Whale River (1962b), Eskimo Townsmen (1965) and Arctic Townsman: Ethnic Backgrounds and Modernization (1970)—have photos which represent a very small percentage of the pictures that were actually taken during fieldwork. Their inclusion may well represent decisions by the author and his editors regarding their suitability for the monograph. The excluded pictures also have stories to tell. Some of these photographs are included here. Honigmann's initial monograph, Ethnography and Acculturation of the Fort Nelson Slave was published in 1946, along with J. Alden Mason's Notes on the Indians of the Great Slave Lake Area as Numbers 33 and 34 of Yale University

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Publications in Anthropology. While Mason included a few photographs, Honigmann had none, even though his subsequent research among the Kaska resulted in dozens of ethnographic photos. How can we explain this? Honigmann states in his 1946 monograph that he had tremendous difficulty working with the Slave people. In contrast, his fieldwork among the Kaska was the very best experience he had, according to his wife, Irma. If the making and viewing of ethnographic photographs is a process of negotiations, judgments and compromises, it would appear that the process in Fort Nelson among the Slave would appear to have been difficult for Honigmann. As it stands, we have only three photographs definitely attributed (by Honigmann's recording of the date, 1943) to his work among the Slave. Two are of women; one is of a man, with a backdrop of what appears to be the frame for a teepee or tent. Other than the date, there is no other information provided. The photos of the women are interesting. Neither woman is young and their faces denote strong character. One appears to be elderly; her right arm appears to be injured as she stands in front of a tent or lean-to, holding a bag in her left hand. She is wearing a long patterned dress. Her face, while partially shadowed, bespeaks of weariness, an impression that is suggested even more strongly by her hair, which is tightly pulled back. In the other image, a woman looks intently into the camera, eyes squinting against the sunlight, but inscrutable. In the background, another woman works. It is regrettable that we have no other pictures that can, with certainty, be attributed to Honigmann's Slave research. However, he more than compensated with those he took working with the Kaska. John Honigmann's research among the Kaska took him to northern British Columbia and southern Yukon, where he spent more than eight months in 1944 to 1945. Interested in traditional and contemporary culture as well as culture and personality, his photographs are rich in detail, reflecting the masterful monographs which also resulted from this research. As well, many of the photos are superb character studies and eloquent portraits. They are remarkable for their quality, given the photographic equipment of the day. Fifty shots appear in Culture and Ethos of Kaska Society, published in 1949, along with explanatory notes and captions. They are arranged topically and include such matters as transportation and travel, adolescence, parents and children, work and play, and death. These are, in every sense of the word, ethnographic photographs, examining a wide range of Kaska cultural matters. The images serve to document Kaska lifeways. These may be the best

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"An absorbed Kindergarten reader"—caption by Honigmann. Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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images Honigmann brought back from the field. The picture of a woman tending moosehide, for example, or of the little girl "packing a doll on her back" are very evocative. The image of the little girl wearing a coat trimmed with beaver and rabbit fur and decorated with nickels and quarters, is wonderfully unique. Honigmann wrote his own caption on the back of the photo, which was in the possession of his son. "Kaska mothers make most of their children's clothing. This little girl is wearing a coat trimmed with beaver and rabbit fur and decorated with Canadian nickels and quarters. Summer, 1945, Lower Post, B.C." (see page 38). It is not just the uniqueness of the coat that makes this picture so appealing. It is the inherent contrast of Kaska society, embodied in the little girl, with the larger Canadian society, symbolized by the coins. There is also the suggestion that, even though these were the war years, money is not that important and that the Kaska really are rich, despite what might appear to be poverty. The child, standing against a background of northern bush, is rich in what matters. Indeed, a richness of spirit is suggested by many of Honigmann's Kaska photos. Many of them portray mothers and children, often with the latter on their mothers backs and, in contrast to many other photographs from elsewhere, they often portray laughing, smiling children. The Honigmanns' contention that this was the most rewarding of their fieldwork trips is corroborated by the nature of many of their photographs. A number of journal articles, examining various concerns, resulted from Honigmann's two trips to the Cree of Attawapiskat in Northern Ontario. Nonetheless, the two major publications were the monographs Foodways in a Muskeg Community, in 1962, and The Attawapiskat Swampy Cree: An Ethnographic Reconstruction in 1956. Nutrition and subsistence practices were the focus of the former, traditional culture of the latter. Honigmann's Attawapiskat images show that he was less concerned with culture-and-personality at this stage of his career than he had been during his British Columbia and Yukon fieldwork. There are far fewer character studies and portrait photographs. Rather, we find in his Attawapiskat pictures contain the stuff of everyday Cree life: finding food, attending to equipment, travel and family life. Honigmann provided captions for many of these photos taken in this James Bay community. They, too, reflect his concerns as an anthropologist. His Attawapiskat images, convey a vivid impression of traditional Cree culture. The notions of "foodways" and "ethnographic reconstruction" as used

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in his monograph titles, are omnipresent. In many of his photographs, there is a virtual absence of 20th century Euro-Canadian accoutrements. The directness of the photos speaks to the integrity of Cree culture: a man wearing a rabbitskin coat makes a snowshoe frame; an elderly man returns from the goose hunt with two birds around his neck; a woman and child, clad in traditional mitts and boots, check the nets in the dead of winter. In another striking photograph, a man hauls a heavily laden sled while his wife and dog follow. The three of them—man, woman and dog—stand out against the whiteness of the subarctic winter. A building in the background suggests that they are either leaving or arriving in the community. Honigmann provides his own caption for the photograph: "A single dog is not much use to this Cree Indian family. The group is traveling on the frozen winter after a midwinter visit to Attawapiskat trading post. Note the baby cradle which the woman is carrying." (see page 49). While in later fieldwork Honigmann's concern with child rearing is reflected in numerous images of children either singly or in peer groups, his Attawapiskat collection is strikingly different. Here, children appear as parts of families, often in the context of working. There are no pictures of happy-golucky playgroups. Instead, children are with their parents, specifically their mothers, whether relaxing in a tent or walking the village roads. There was a church and a Hudson's Bay Company store in Attawapiskat, but Honigmann chose instead to direct his camera to other matters. All of the photographs present "traditional" images: subsistence activities, modes of transportation (canoe, snowshoes, sled) and families. Interestingly, the only interior shots are taken from the inside of a tent, not a "white" building. His later research interests—child-rearing, adaptation to village/town life, interethnic relations—either by accident or design, do not appear in these images from James Bay. Conversely, there is also a greater suggestion of candidness— not always the case in some of his later photographs. Undoubtedly, Honigmann intentionally sought to reinforce his themes of subsistence practices and "ethnographic reconstruction." At Great Whale River, Honigmann's research, in 1949 and 1950, focused on child rearing and inter-ethnic relations among the Cree, Inuit and EuroCanadian populations, and many of the photographs taken there depict children. Many are portraits, while others show children at play, at work, or merely relaxing. Children appear individually, in groups and, in some cases, with adults. Seventeen photographs appear in Social Networks in Great Whale River, released in 1962. Many more are in the possession of his son, David

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Honigmann. These are mainly of village scenes and portraits of Inuit and Cree youth. The fact that Honigmann had his own wife and young children with him while conducting fieldwork in Great Whale, undoubtedly influenced his research and the photographs he made. Karen and David appear in a number of the pictures along with Cree and Inuit children. The photos from Great Whale River are quite eclectic although they are primarily characterized by many photographs of children and portraits or character studies. Indeed, the number of images of children—whether or not included in the monograph is striking. In contrast, relatively few portray people performing traditional tasks, although a few do occur—mostly men collecting, chopping or carrying wood. One of the more interesting is of a young boy mimicking his father who is carrying a large piece of lumber down a wooden walkway. The lad is walking alongside on the ground, carrying his own comparatively large piece of wood, (see page 50). The photo is very revealing of the close-knit relations between Native people and their children, as well as about child-rearing practices. As is often the case with Honigmann's photography, there are many shots of women carrying youngsters on their backs. In brief, the photographs from Great Whale River, while of fine quality, reflect Honigmann's interest in the raising of children. To a lesser degree, they deal with the theme of inter-ethnic relations, especially as suggested by the inclusion of his own children in a number of the photographs. In the Arctic community of Frobisher Bay (Iqaluit) in 1963, Honigmann's research focused on the Native's adjustment to town life as well as personality and child rearing. Unlike some of his other monographs, Eskimo Townsmen contains a large number of photographs. Indeed, 151 photographic plates accompany the volume, most of them being images of urbanization and community life as well as those depicting children and the rearing of children. Adults seldom appear individually but rather in groups. Contemporary wooden buildings are omnipresent, and pictures of government and commercial buildings are common. There seems to be a disproportionate number of indoor images, including a number of the coffee shop and its customers. Pictures of Inuit Girl Guides, ballroom dancing and teenagers "doing the twist" seem somehow incongruous. In one remarkable photograph, a wall of the "Territorial Liquor Store," is stocked from floor to ceiling with Labatt 50 and IPA. Another photograph shows a "drinking group," which according to the author, was "reproduced from a color slide taken by an Eskimo." A handful of photographs depict traditional Inuit life such as sharing a kill and carving.

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In contrast, a number of photographs that did not make it into the volume bespeak another Iqaluit (Frobisher Bay) reality. Some of these, included in this volume, reveal a life far removed from coffee shops and ballroom dancing. Undoubtedly, the people in these pictures had become "Eskimo Townsmen" but, at the same time, retained much of their traditional culture. These photographs reveal skilled craftsmen, still attached to the land and still dependent upon sleds and dogs. In contrast, one of the few photos of dogs that appear in Eskimo Townsmen shows "dogs forag[ing] in Ikahluit trash can." This depiction, which suggests, perhaps, the obsolescence of the sled dog, contrasts vividly with the present pictures of the working draft animal of the north. A series of shots included here reveals the reliance on sled dogs, as well as the travail of working them. Disentangling the traces, leading the dogs to the sled, and the belligerence of the Kimmiq, or indigenous Canadian Inuit sled dog, are included here. A striking Honigmann image, "Itoogaloopea's departure"—was never published in Eskimo Townsmen. It is a tightly focused image of an Inuit man packing his sled. Beside him, an Inuit child peers into the camera from behind a parka hood. Little is discernible on the sled with the exception of what appears to be a metal pot or pan, a rifle and a doll. The image is evocative and striking in its contrast of traditional Inuit culture with that of southern Canada. Also compelling are the people: the man appears oblivious to the photographer while the child is staring intently, albeit inscrutably. And, of course, the juxtaposition of the rifle and the doll is intriguing (see page 52). One almost wonders if Honigmann suggested the composition of the photograph. Much of what has been said of the photographs accompanying Eskimo Townsmen is true of the Honigmanns' 1965 Inuvik study which produced Arctic Townsmen: Ethnic Backgrounds and Modernization in 1970. The research focused on essentially the same issues: organization and adaptation to town life, child behaviour and socialization. However, the population of Inuvik, more heterogeneous than that of Frobisher Bay, includes Inuit, First Nations or "Indian," and Metis, in addition to some Euro-Canadians. This fact shapes the selection of illustrations that accompany the text. When examining these images, one is struck—again—by the extent to which they reflect the dominant theme of "modernization" (now virtually synonymous with "Westernization" in the eyes of many anthropologists). There is little to suggest traditional Inuit culture. What we do have are photos of the Pentecostal, Anglican and Roman Catholic churches and their Native

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adherents; Inuit children playing baseball, and studying sociology, home economics and science at the government school; and adults learning to operate heavy machinery and buying consumer goods at the Bay store. As the monograph's title would have us believe, these are essentially far northerners living an urban life. The photos created by Honigmann suggest that Native culture in Inuvik is restricted to traditional dances and, occasionally, clothing. This, however, ignores the twenty-six families (out of a population of 1106), who trapped for a living and made Inuvik their base. One can only speculate about the number of Native people who conducted part-time hunting and fed their families with the results. Through—his photographs, John Honigmann was clearly trying to create a dichotomous image of the recently created community of Inuvik, contrasting the modernity of the town with the rapidly departing culture of the population. This split is most telling in the photograph of "An absorbed kindergarten reader." The child, his or her face almost completely hidden behind a parka hood, appears to be intently reading a book called Their First Igloo. Two smiling children, one holding a harpoon, peer out from the book cover at the viewer. What to make of this photograph? (Incidentally, it was not included in the manuscript.) The image has several layers and the viewer must read down through them. We see an Inuit child in traditional dress, holding a book about other Inuit children in traditional dress engaging in traditional activities. They, in turn, are artistically portrayed on the cover. One wonders why the child is wearing a parka indoors with the hood drawn over his or her face. Was the child reluctant to a picture taken? Was he or she coerced? The contrast between the laughing and smiling children on the book cover ("the happy Eskimo") with the reluctant child holding the book, is striking (see page 55). It is hard to believe that this is not a staged photograph. Perhaps Honigmann took the photo for his own reasons, clearly intending not to use it for publication. However, there is another photograph of a painting by Mona Thrasher that was included in Arctic Townsmen. It depicts two Inuit girls reading a book called Eskimo Townmen [sic]. In both cases, the message seems similar—the Inuit were no longer living on the land as they had for generations. They were, in fact, urbanized northerners, adapting to a modern, sedentary way of life. Honigmann uses children in his imagery to convey this message. By definition, children are "new," young and adaptable. The ethnographer appears to be suggesting that, the generation shown in "An

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absorbed kindergarten reader" and "Mona Thrasher's painting" would be the last to witness the old ways of life. They are young and urbanized. By way of contrast, his photographs of Inuit dancers all depict a much older generation engaging in traditional forms of dancing and singing (see pages 96-98)—when this generation passes on, perhaps their culture will as well. John Honigmann's ethnographic photographs span three decades, essentially capturing Native ways of life at mid-century. Their quality as images is exceptionally high. As ethnographic photographs, depicting Inuit and First Nations culture, they are invaluable to the anthropologist and historian. The period in which he worked saw considerable shifts in government policy towards indigenous peoples in this country. He was able, through his writing and his photographs, to document both "traditional" cultures and cultures as they underwent rapid change. It is unfortunate that only four of his monographs have included these images, but it is hoped that, by including them here, we have helped to remedy this oversight. We are grateful to Honigmann for the rich treasure of photographs that he left us. They can only further contribute to his stature as the leading anthropologist of Canada's north.

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Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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4 The Ethnographic Photography of John Honigmann

Photographs: Attawapiskat

Woman treating what appears to be a moosehide. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Woman working on a fishing net inside a tent"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Man and woman with pail of fish, a staple food"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"This Attawapiskat Cree . . . has just returned from several days of goose hunting in the marshes along James Bay, Ontario. Two of his prizes circle his neck"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Woman and boy checking winter fishing nets. Note traditional footwear and mittens"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Mrs. Amos Alec"—caption by Honigmann.

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Photographs: Frobisher Bay (Iqaluit)

Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

Iqualuit woman, an elder in the Frobisher Bay area. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Preparing for trip to Lake Harbour"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

"Children and dog"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Akaka House" #5 in Frobisher Bay"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

"M. Pudloo and dog"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Preparing for trip to Lake Harbour"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Photographs: Great Whale

Homemade board game at Great Whale River, Quebec. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

A family photo, Great Whale River. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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A Great Whale child sits on his mother's lap.

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Three young girls, Great Whale River.

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A young girl in post-contact clothing.

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Girls sporting tarns, very much in fashion at the time.

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Great Whale siblings.

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Fishermen with their catch.

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This photo appeared in Honigmann's Social Networks in Great Whale River, published in 1962, with the caption "Indian youth."

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Great Whale River man sawing ivory.

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Two boys with their dog.

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This photo appeared in Honigmann's Social Networks in Great Whale River, with the caption "Eskimo young women, dressed for a berry-picking expedition. Note the mixture of traditional and trade clothing."

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"Three tents belonging to Great Whale River Indians. The girl with her hands in her pockets is an Eskimo. The other girl is an Indian"—caption by Honigmann.

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Attired for a photograph, cigarette in hand.

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Great Whale River girl, formally dressed for an occasion.

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A Great Whale woman, wearing a trade blanket.

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Kayaking on Great Whale River.

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An elder from the Great Whale River community.

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Caps for boys and young men, popular at the time.

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Photographs: Inuvik (All photos taken in the community of Inuvik)

"Drummers for the drum dance"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Dancers at the drum dance. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Almira Sope executes a pantomimic dance"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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"Elaborate fur-trimmed parkas designed in the western Arctic style and decorated boots provide the drum dancer's costume"—Honigmann caption. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Photographs: Kaska

A Kaska girl. Her fur hat is probably beaver.

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Kaska woman, 1944.

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A Kaska man poses for Honigmann.

An elder of the Kaska people.

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A youthful Kaska fiddler.

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Kaska fiddler intent on his music. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

Two young Kaska men having fun posing with a fiddle.

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"The Kaska are fur trappers and hunters. Moosehide is a commodity they prepare for themselves and fashion into moccasins for wear and sale"—caption by Honigmann. Courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Photographs: Slave

A Slave woman shown in the midst of other activities going on in the background, dated 1943.

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A Slave elder with basket, 1943.

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A Slave man with teepee frame in the background, Fort Nelson, 1943.

Slave woman and child, 1943.

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John J. Honigmann.

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5 The Evolution of an Ethnographer: John Honigmann

After his death in 1977, a colleague noted that "By 1960, John Honigmann was unique among ethnographers of the North in having substantial field experience among Athapascan, Algonkian, and Inuit peoples ..."1 Thus, by 1960, he was the only anthropologist to have spent significant amounts of time among the peoples of the Eastern Subarctic, Western Subarctic and the Arctic. From this considerable experience, spread over three decades, he would produce many journal articles and nearly a dozen anthropology monographs and texts. A number of these were co-authored by his wife and academic partner, Irma. John Honigmann conducted ethnographic research at a pace that is seldom seen today. In all, he made well over a dozen trips to the field, on three continents, between 1943 and 1975 (this does not include his research with the air bomber squadron, conducted in the United States). These trips lasted typically three to five months. Of these, nine were in the Canadian north.2 The others were in Pakistan (1952, 1957-58) and in Austria (1960, 1962, 1964, 1966, 1972, and 1975). The major northern trips included Fort Nelson, British Columbia, where he worked with the Slave population in 1943; Lower Post, British Columbia, and Upper Liard River, Yukon Territory, with the Kaska in 1944 and 1945); Attawapiskat, Ontario, with the Cree in 1947-48 and 1955; Great Whale River, Quebec, with the Cree and Inuit in 1949-50; and with the Inuit of Frobisher Bay in 1963 and Inuvik in 1967. He also managed a brief,

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two-week trip to the Sarcee in southern Alberta early in his career.3 From this extensive fieldwork came an equally impressive number of articles, reviews and other anthropological works. It is Honigmann's northern writings, particularly his monographs, that concern us most. An examination of his publications reveals a wide range of interests from Athapaskan eschatology to alcoholism and "social disintegration" in the north. Richard Preston, a student of Honigmann's, summarized his mentor's approach as being "broadly ethnographic, with further interest in ideas, values, motives, and goals. Traditional knowledge was also of interest to him, so that one might characterize Honigmann's approach as general ethnography with a particular interest in aspects of mental culture."4 It is in his monographs that we see Honigmann at his best, for they are invariably carefully researched and painstakingly detailed. His field notes, on which he based his work, reflect the detail of his observations. The most minute details are duly observed and recorded and find their way into the monographs. It is this attention to detail that renders his works so valuable. It is perhaps a bonus that he had a passion for writing. The ethnographies are consistently articulate, clearly and precisely written, and often, evocative as few academic writings are. Honigmann's northern writings, especially his Athapaskan and Algonquian work, typically examine the fundamentals of most traditional ethnographies: social and political organization, religious life, subsistence patterns and life cycle. At the same time, however, they go beyond this traditional categorization to examine specific aspects of the societies in question. For example, his Kaska works attempt "ethnographic reconstruction" and also examine Athapaskan "ethos," while his Slave monograph details not only traditional culture but also acculturation. Similarly, his Cree material, while providing valuable traditional ethnographic data, also illuminates substantially Cree dietary and subsistence patterns. One cannot help but be impressed with the meticulous detail of Foodways of a Muskeg Community. Similarly, while The Attawapiskat Swampy Cree: An Ethnographic Reconstruction published in 1956, may appear brief, at 82 pages, the amount of detail is truly impressive; there is probably no finer work on the Mushkegowuk Cree. A more general work is his Indians of Nouveau Quebec of 1964, which provides an overview of the northern First Nations of that province. Preston has summed up Honigmann's northern Algonquian writings:

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In the post-Second World War period ... I think we find an emphasis on methodological rigor and in the direction of problem-oriented research. I think that Honigmann [and others] are better characterized in this way, where a search for culture "elements" is refined into a more detailed and objective "etic" basis, often organized within a specified, problemoriented context.5 This assessment is particularly true for his Algonquian and Inuit writings, which take on an "applied anthropology" approach, assessing specific social needs. There is still, however, a wealth of general ethnographic data to be gleaned from the monographs. Honigmann's two Inuit studies, co-authored with his wife, Irma, probably received greater recognition than any of his previous writings. Eskimo Townsmen was published in 1965, and Arctic Townsmen in 1970. The former was based on fieldwork in Frobisher Bay, and the latter upon work conducted in Inuvik. Both considered the changing environment of the Inuit but also examined child development. A third volume, Social Networks in Great Whale River, 1962, examined the inter-ethnic relations among the town's two Native populations, Inuit and Cree, and the governing white population.

The Early Years John Joseph Honigmann was the only child of John Honigmann, Sr., and his wife Anges Lobe Honigmann, from Austria. It is believed that both parents were born in what became Yugoslavia, near Lubliana. Their first language was German, suggesting that they belonged to the Austrian community. Before they met, they emigrated to the United States, probably in the 1890s. Mrs. Honigmann's passport, issued on October 13,1894, and stamped with the seal of Emperor Franz Joseph I, indicates that she was born in 1874.6 Family history suggests that she travelled to New York as an orphaned teenager and upon her arrival in the United States, lived first at a convent, possibly one being used as an orphanage. John Joseph Honigmann, Junior, was born in the Bronx, New York City, on June 7, 1914. Little is known of his first decade, except that, being the child of Roman Catholic parents, he attended Catholic

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parochial school. When he was ten, his father, a carpenter by trade, died. Little is known of John Sr., and his grandchildren have only a couple of his possessions—an old cedar chest that he had built and a picture of him and his wife. His widow, then fifty years old, went to work as a cook/housekeeper in order to support herself and her child. By the time he was fifteen, John Honigmann was working, and he eventually became his mother's sole support. Some time after the death of his father, they moved to Williamsburg in Brooklyn, a poor multi-ethnic section of the city. Here, John, a Catholic boy, would earn money on Saturdays by lighting pilot lights for gas appliances in some of the many Orthodox Jewish homes in the neighbourhood. At the beginning of the Depression, fifteen-year-old, Honigmann began working at the New York Times. During his tenure there, he worked as both a messenger and as solicitor of "want ads," but dreamed of being a reporter. His daughter, Karen Schaefer, recalls her mother's stories of the young Honigmann walking up to complete strangers, extending his hand and introducing himself as "Honigmann, of The Times." Because he was working during the day, he completed high school at Eastern District Evening High, a school in a "variegated neighbourhood where the children of immigrants learned to become Americans," according to his widow, in her tribute to him.7 Honigmann concentrated on his English, hoping to become a journalist and writer. His energies were not restricted to school, however, for he edited the school paper, served as president of the student government and reviewed records, plays and concerts for the student paper.8 The reviews served a double purpose, allowing him free access to the cultural activities of New York City. And it was at Eastern District Evening High that Honigmann became interested in politics. With other bright, active students, he would discuss pacifism, communism, free love and other radical ideas of the time. Because night school took longer to complete, some of the students formed a group which they dubbed the "Spring Class of 1970," because, they said, that would be when they would finally graduate! Honigmann was either elected or appointed himself President for Life of the Spring Class, while Irma Grabel, his future wife, was secretary. In a tribute to her husband, Irma Grabel Honigmann remembered fondly the "animated student groups such as the Catholic Newman Club and a left wing political club arguing their oppositions, their differences spilling over into soapbox oratory outside the school. It was an exciting, self-important, bustling time for us."9 This passion for political debate, if not necessarily political

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activism, would continue throughout his life. Irma Grabel met John Honigmann while they were both attending Eastern District Evening High School. At this early stage of his life, already a voracious reader, he was cocky enough to assume a mentor role in his relationship with his wife-to-be. He immediately provided her with a reading list and reading schedule in order to fill in the gaps in her education.10 Among the required readings were Fitzgerald, Hemingway, T.S. Eliot and Freud. Both Honigmann and Irma Grabel came from immigrant families and lived in the poorer section of New York City. There, most similarities end. She came from a large, warm Orthodox Jewish family, the youngest of four children. The boys were half brothers, each one the son of her parents by first marriages. Her father, Herschal Grabel, a widower, had emigrated from Strylysk, Poland, with his young son, Benjamin. His lifelong dream of a farm in the United States would never materialize as he worked as a presser at a dry cleaners. Her mother, Fanny Bloom, a widow with an only child Leo, came from Yaslo, Poland. Herschal and Fanny married in New York City, and had two daughters, Dorothy (Devorah) and Irma, who was born in 1916. In addition to the six immediate family members, more distant, family members often arrived from Eastern Europe and used the Grabel home as a temporary resting place as they looked for housing. In contrast to the quiet two-person Honigmann home, Irma's birth family was bustling and outgoing, instilling a familial warmth in her personality. Irma, only thirteen, and lying about her age, got a job at a dog biscuit manufacturing and packaging plant to help support her family during the Depression. She made sure that the boxes were the proper weight, adding or taking out a biscuit or two, if necessary. Later, she worked as a bookkeeper, a past for which she neither qualified nor, she would later admit, competent.11 The fact that John was Roman Catholic and Irma Jewish was not lost on their respective parents. On October 2, 1937, the two eloped, having "become by then too much of a unit to bear separation."12 They had waited patiently for twelve days after Irma turned twenty-one—the youngest age for marriage without parental consent in New York. They gave a priest ten dollars and a promise to raise any children as Roman Catholics. Irma's sister, Dorothy, and a friend were their witnesses. Their wedding became the first entry in the family Bible. Their parents were less than happy with the union, but over time would come to terms with the marriage. That same year, the Honigmanns also began university study at Brooklyn

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College (Evening Session), with Irma transferring from Hunter College to be with John, who was studying psychology. With his hopes of being a writer and journalist not diminished, he pursued his dream by attending classes at night and working for the New York Times during the day. The evenings were spent reading, while Sunday mornings and Tuesdays were spent writing. According to his wife,13 he sent out numerous short stories, almost all of which were rejected, and two novels, both of which were returned. But not all met with failure; a number of short articles on a variety of subjects did see print. Irma Honigmann once wrote that John had gotten into anthropology because of his "marvelous capacity to adjust to disappointments creatively .... He would reevaluate the situation, look for new opportunities, align new goals, and set about to pursue them,"14 abilities that led him into anthropology. Two of his professors at Brooklyn, the famed psychologist Abraham H. Maslow and May Mandelbaum Edel, helped turn the young Honigmann towards his life's work. According to Irma Honigmann, Maslow's "unique vision of humanistic psychology"15 was generously infused with the anthropology of Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict, both of whom Maslow knew personally. These two remarkable pioneers of the discipline also influenced the work of May Edel. For Honigmann, whose career in journalism was not working out as he had hoped, anthropology was an attractive proposition. "It involved writing, which he enjoyed. It tied in with psychology, which was his major, ... but best of all, it would give him an opportunity to travel widely. (He had travelled throughout northeastern United States and southeastern Canada since age 14). "16 His interest in psychology and his love of writing would be constants throughout his career in anthropology. The early 1940s were busy for the young Honigmann family. David, their first child, was born July 14, 1941. Five months later, the United States would enter the war, but a heart murmur detected during his physical kept John Honigmann from the military. He would later say that the war and his rejection from the service worked to his advantage. With so many young men overseas, it was easier for him to get into graduate school at Yale.17 He graduated from Brooklyn College in 1942 and was offered a scholarship from Yale and an assistantship from the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF). There was minor debate over whether or not to take the position. Now with the responsibility of a son nearly a year old, John had to choose between the $67 a month assistantship and a recent promotion at The New York Times that paid over $100 a month. In the end, The Times granted him a year's leave of absence.

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Before leaving for Yale, he took some anthropology courses at Columbia University, including one, with the renowned Ruth Benedict, in culture and personality—an active field of research at the time and one in which Benedict wielded considerable influence. It melded nicely with Honigmann's own intellectual leanings.

The Yale Years Irma Honigmann remembered the Yale years as "penniless, intellectually and socially enriching, emotionally difficult."18 John held down two part-time jobs—coding and sometimes translating text from the German for the HRAF and another feeding mice in a research laboratory. Occasionally he would bring home limp lettuce considered inadequate for the laboratory animals. Although financially, times were tough, Yale had an enviable ratio of graduate students to professors—about five to three. While a few professors would sometimes leave to assist in the war effort, those who remained had close contact with students. Cornelius Osgood, a pioneer in anthropology would be the strongest influence on Honigmann's development. He conducted research and published about Korean and Hong Kong cultures, but was best known for his impressive studies of the Athapaskans. Born in 1905, he started ethnographic work in the Western Subarctic in the late 1920s, with his initial fieldwork in the 1930s taking him to Great Bear Lake19 under the direction of his research supervisor, Edward Sapir. Publications from this fieldwork included Winter, released in 1953, a personalized ethnographic memoir. Osgood's initial foray to Great Bear Lake was the beginning of a lengthy and important ethnographic career. He would study and publish papers about the Great Bear Lake Indians in 1932 and 1937, the Tanaina in 1933, the Kutchin in 1934 and 1936, the Ingalik in 1940, 1958 and 1959, and the Han in 1971. An important work was a text and map of northern Athapaskan peoples completed for publication in 1936. Nancy Yaw Davis writes "With a few modifications in light of later knowledge, his identifications and territorial divisions stand. This is an impressive accomplishment considering the limited state of knowledge at that time."20 John Honigmann admired the older man—his broad knowledge and interests and his meticulous scholarship—and he liked his personal integrity,

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his independence and his wit. They would remain friends and colleagues for life. Irma would later observe that Osgood was not the easiest of people to warm up to, and that his somewhat austere manner, made most students in awe of him,21 but John, "loved him" and Osgood became "a mentor and model." Irma recalled that "Osgood's anthropology at Yale was his own" while "the wider emphasis in the department was on a more objective view of culture [which] stressed cross-cultural methodology for testing theories which relate categories of culture. "22 In a stellar faculty, Honigmann received a broad background in his chosen field. George W. Murdock, Clellan S. Ford, and John W.M. Whiting, all on faculty at the time, subscribed to this cross-cultural view. Wendell C. Bennett tended to be eclectic and "wonderfully secure, open to all anthropological viewpoints, issues, subdisciplines."23 The resident archaeologist was Irving Rouse, whom Honigmann appreciated for his broad view of culture. He also searched further afield, taking additional courses in psychiatry and culture and personality. Although Honigmann was more psychological in his approach than his mentor, Osgood influenced him the most, both conceptually and in terms of geographical interest. They would talk for hours about the nature of culture, ethnography and the north and its peoples. Irma recalled that her young husband would come home "glowing" after their discussions. Honigmann acknowledges that it was his mentor who inspired him to work amongst the Dene. Honigmann's early works reflect, to a large degree, his interest and training in the "culture and personality" (or "personality-in-culture") school of anthropological thought. The field, led by prominent practitioners such as Edward Sapir, Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict, commanded a large and loyal following at mid-century. This interest is consistent with the discipline at midcentury. Richard Preston24 has noted three major foci at that time: "contacttraditional" cultural reconstruction, acculturation, and culture and personality. Honigmann would address these, and more, over the course of his career. Honigmann also acknowledged and analyzed the dynamics of socio-cultural change in an era when much of the approach to anthropology was quite static.

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Fort Nelson, British Columbia (1943) Honigmann's initial fieldwork consisted of seven weeks (June 17 to August 17, 1943) among the Slave in northern British Columbia. The resulting monograph was a harbinger of things to come for the neophyte anthropologist. The year had started eventfully—he graduated from Yale with a MA thesis on "War and Social Structure," a year after having entered graduate school. That summer, he embarked on his first field trip, hoping to reach the Kaska in the Northwest Territories. Fate intervened, however, in the form of a washout on the Alaska Highway. He travelled instead to another Athapaskan village, a Slave community at Fort Nelson, British Columbia. Irma recalled that, here again, fate would interfere with his plans. "Here a flood brought him to near panic when he again became isolated from the Indian community he hoped to study. He sent me a distraught wire with a 'What do I do now' plea. The flood subsided and he came to know the Indian community well ,.."25 The Preface to his Ethnography and Acculturation of the Fort Nelson Slave of 1946 recounts these adventures with eloquence and humour. More complications would follow: fieldwork with the Slave would also prove problematic: Originally I had intended to concentrate on the contemporary culture of the Indians in its social and mental phases with only sufficient attention to the aboriginal pattern to contribute to Professor Osgood's attempt at outlining the cultural relationships of the Northern Athapaskan area. Difficulty in having myself accepted as a participant observer in the contemporary society turned my attention to historical reconstruction .... It was after writing the section dealing with the aboriginal culture that that the idea of relating the past to the present in Fort Nelson occurred and the aim of producing an acculturation study developed.26 Already two of anthropology's foci, namely, ethnographic reconstruction and acculturation can be seen. And so, unable to reach the Kaska, and not readily accepted by the Slave as a participant observer, Honigmann altered his research plans. Honigmann's initial fieldwork resulted in his first monograph Ethnography

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A young Kaska girl.

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and Acculturation of the Fort Nelson Slave, published by Yale University in Anthropology in 1946. It remains a primary source of ethnographic data about the Slave.27 According to John Gulick et al, this works: initiated the modern era of field research in Northern Athapaskan studies .... Those who followed him into the field among Canadian Athapaskans in the next few years share an appreciative awe that so much ethnography could be accomplished in so few weeks. In the monograph on the Fort Nelson Slave and the succeeding two volumes on the Kaska, Honigmann's thorough coverage of the basic ethnographic data leads the comparativist in North Athapaskan studies to turn immediately to these works, confident that they will treat whatever topic is at issue. Honigmann's high sense of responsibility to the anthropological data and to the discipline is evident: time and conditions of fieldwork and specifications of the bases for statements of ethnographic "fact" and for more generalised conclusions are meticulously set out.28

The Kaskas (1944-5): Lower Post, British Columbia and Upper Liard River, Yukon Irma would eventually accompany John on most of his field trips, but during the summer of 1943 pregnancy kept her at home. John came back from this inaugural field trip to become a father for the second time when Karen Honigmann was born on September 27, 1943. Now that conditions for research, including access to the field community, had improved considerably, Honigmann did not linger before undertaking his next trip to the field. With his wife, Irma, and two very young children (David aged two years and Karen eight months) in tow, he set out in 1944 for northern British Columbia to conduct fieldwork among the Kaska. His intention was "to acquire gradually an intimate knowledge of their contemporary culture and personality by approaching them with questions about their aboriginal way of life."29 Honigmann wrote in his Preface to The Kaska Indians: An Ethnographic Reconstruction, published in 1954: "We spent 13 happy weeks in Lower Post,

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coming to know a few Kaska Indians so well that we were able to return in 1945 confident of being able to live with them in their winter settlements."30 While their arrival would be beset with the usual problems one finds in doing fieldwork, close friends were made amongst the Kaska. These trips were to be the most memorable and enjoyable for Honigmann and his family. Irma Honigmann observed, "It is the field trip I remember most vividly ... I believe we never again participated so thoroughly in the lives of the people we studied ... Never again was it so wrenching to say good bye to friends made in the field."31 Honigmann himself stated that "Conditions for work among the Kaska Indians remained almost unbelievably excellent..."32 Honigmann and his family would return the following year, accompanying a favourite family to their winter hunting grounds in the bush. There, they spent time with about a dozen people on the Upper Liard River in the Yukon. The fieldwork covered five months, including part of the winter. Contemporary Kaska life was the focus of the research, and led to the publication of Culture and Ethos of Kaska Society in 1949, based on his Ph.D. research and dissertation. In his text, Honigmann defined "ethos" as "the socially patterned dominant motivations of personality and their expression in motivated behavior and the material results of, or material aids to, such behavior. The dominant motivations constitute a dynamically interrelated system of meanings, goals, or values by which the individual sees himself and the external world."33 Honigmann relied heavily upon the theories and concepts of the culture-and-personality school, particularly psychoanalysis, for his Kaska research. While it is easy to dismiss much of his "ethos" discussion today, the "culture" part of his Kaska work remains indispensable. A second monographs came out of his research among the Kaska, The Kaska Indians: An Ethnographic Reconstruction published in 1954. Richard Slobodin refers to Honigmann's Culture and Ethos as "perhaps the most extensive and closely argued body of theoretical writing in Northern Athapaskan research" although it "has long cried out for reexamination and development ... At any rate, a Northern Athapaskanist prepared and able to reexamine the Honigmanns' work has yet to appear—unless it be the Honigmanns themselves."34

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"Attawapiskat Cree Indian and his wife co-operate in preparing a new tent for wnter use on the trapline. Note the bag of flour, staple food between them"—caption by Honigmann. Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

Attawapiskat, Ontario (1947-48 and 1955) In 1947, Honigmann assumed his first university posting, at the State University of Washington, in Pullman. He was the only anthropologist in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology.35 The faculty was fairly young, and the Honigmanns fit in well, making friends with other members of the department, who were neighbours in a faculty housing project. At Pullman, Honigmann managed to finish his doctoral dissertation in time for a January 1947 graduation. That same year, working with a number of young and eager graduate students instilled in him a love of teaching.36 In the spring of 1947, G. Gordon Brown of the University of Toronto invited Honigmann to join a research team for The Canadian National Committee for Community Health Studies. The work would take him to Attawapiskat, a Cree community on the western shore of James Bay to study Cree subsistence and dietary habits. It allowed him to shift his focus from the Dene of the Western Subarctic to northern Algonquians of the Eastern Subarctic. He resigned his F A C E S

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position at the University of Washington in order to undertake the work. The time spent there would yield mixed blessing, for while the professional experience would greatly enhance his career as a budding anthropologist, the trip was extremely difficult on a personal level. On the boat to Attawapiskat, David Honigmann, then six years old, took sick. A month or so later, physicians arriving to give TB tests diagnosed his condition as polio. Irma and Karen flew David to a Toronto hospital—where he would stay for nearly a year—and took up residence in a second floor, one-room apartment in a drab boarding house. John had to keep at his research—his only source of income—but he felt the strain of isolation and was very anxious for his seriously sick son and young family. The journal entry for November 11, 1947 is indicative. It reads: "I feel restless and discontented. Think of Irma very much. Will have to change my routine or do something drastic." He snowshoed out of Attawapiskat to Moosonee—more than 200 kilometres—and then journeyed to Toronto to join the family for Christmas. The following summer, a family lent the Honigmanns their large Toronto home and accommodations were much improved for the season while David recuperated. The Attawapisket fieldwork would be professionally rewarding and reoriented Honigmann's work towards the social conditions of Native people in the north and formed the basis for many historically oriented and comparative articles. Notable among these is The Attawapiskat Swampy Cree: An Ethnographic Reconstruction. His report to the committee eventually appeared as Foodways in a Muskeg Community in 1961. The study is rich in detail and provides recommendations "for a possible reconstruction program whose eventual goal is seen as encompassing a general improvement of the health and welfare of the Indian."37 In many respects, it set the standard for similar projects by other anthropologists in other parts of the north. I remember nurses in Attawapiskat in 1990 requesting a copy of Foodways to augment their knowledge and history of the Attawapiskat First Nation. It is easy to understand why non-Natives, particularly professionals, working with the Cree, would be interested in the monograph. As Preston observes, it "organizes a broad range of ethnographic data within a context of the contemporary subsistence activities of the community, as a background for an anticipated community development program. The presentation is given in objective precision by detailed descriptions of interrelated patterns and by 41 tables measuring demographic, subsistence and economic factors."38 The Attawapiskat expedition was "explicitly designed as applied

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A photograph taken at Great Whale River. The boy with the crutches, to the right, is David Honigmann

anthropology,"39 and it added a fourth focus to Honigmann's professional research: applied anthropology. Attawapiskat also provided the material for The Attawapiskat Swampy Cree: An Ethnographic Reconstruction published in 1956, as well as numerous journal articles. Honigmann had verified the material gathered over 1947 and 1948 during a visit to the community in the summer of 1955. His goal was "to present as comprehensive picture as possible of the precontact and early contact lifeways of the Indians dwelling west of James Bay and southwest of Hudson Bay."40 The volume's Introduction outlines his methodology and the setting and Honigmann uses a conventional "cultural elements" format to categorize the copious amounts of detail. The monograph remains an indispensable guide to traditional Mushkegowuk Cree society and culture. It is worth pointing out that in his unpublished field notes, housed in the National Anthropological Archives at the Smithsonian Institution, are the beginnings of yet another monograph, based on his Attawapiskat research. The manuscript is a study of culture and personality organized on a life-cycle basis.41

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The girl with the braids, to the left, is Karen Honigmann.

In the autumn of 1948 the family relocated to Queen's, New York. The Department of Sociology and Anthropology of New York University had hired John, even though it did not have any graduate students. Irma resumed her own graduate studies at Hunter College, and the couple occasionally entertained visiting academics. The children, meanwhile, were enrolled in school—David in a special school for disabled children, Karen in a local public school.

Great Whale River, Quebec (1949 and 1950) During the summers of 1949 and 1950, the Honigmann family again travelled north, this time to Great Whale River on the east side of Hudson Bay. John was now a member of the Institute for Research in Social Science at the University of North Carolina with funding from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. Great Whale was an interesting community in

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which to work, with its three distinct populations: Cree, Inuit and EuroCanadian. The community was essentially a small trading post with a handful of Euro-Canadians population in charge of the various white establishments.42 The Natives would spend their summers at the post, after having wintered over in the bush. Unlike his previous fieldwork, which usually included at least part of the winter, these excursions were for three months each during the summer. By this time, Irma had become a partner in Honigmann's research endeavours, and the two focused their energies on child rearing practices and culture and personality. John also studied inter-ethnic dynamics among the three groups. For the Honigmann children, this must have been an adventurous time. Karen Schaefer remembers vividly the scenery, especially the steep banks that lead down to the river, and the rolling tundra beyond the village. The family in a chilly pond near the community, and made occasional trips into the bush to pick blueberries. Karen and David played with their Native counterparts. Contact with non-Natives must have been rare for Inuit and Cree children, for although Karen was only seven years old, they were fascinated with her (to their eyes) hairy arms43—apparently quite a novelty. The research would lead to a number of anthropological papers, some of them co-authored with Irma. One monograph that resulted, Social Networks in Great Whale River, published by the Department of Northern Affairs and Natural Resources in 1962, has as its subtitle Notes on an Eskimo, Montagnais-Naskapi, and Euro-Canadian Community. We now know that the Native population there is Cree, not Montagnais-Naskapi; the confusion arose out of the dialectical similarities between the Innu (Montagnais-Naskapi) and Cree. The Appendix of the work is "Great Whale River Eskimo Personality as Revealed By Rorschach Protocols." A second publication, as well as a number of articles, out of the Great Whale excursions, Indians of Nouveau Quebec 44 released in 1964, has been praised for its contributions to the field of northern Algonquian ethnology. Helm, for example, refers to it as "an excellent encapsulation of all aspects of life, past and present, of the Subarctic Algonquians east of Hudson Bay."45 Richard Preston, in his summary article of Eastern Cree and Innu ethnography, states that it provides "one of the very few compact and well-balanced summaries of the cultures of this area that I have found in the literature."46

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Bomber Squadron Culture, Pakistan and Austria In 1951, Honigmann became an associate professor in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. His initial work was with the department's Air Force Base Project, examining the culture of a United States Air Force (USAF) bomber squadron. The results of the study appeared in 1954 in a report entitled Some Patterns of Bomb Squadron Culture. A considerable departure from his more traditional anthropological research among northern First Nations would not be the only departure from the career he had appeared to set for himself as a "northernist." In 1952, Honigmann was invited to conduct research in Pakistan for the International Motion Picture Service of the U.S. Department of State.47 The objective was to determine the impact, if any, that American educational films were having in the rural areas of the country. The contrasts with northern Canada were dramatic, not only in terms of environmental differences, but also culturally, socially, religiously and politically. On the hottest days, David

This photograph appeared in Honigmann's Eskimo Townsmen (1965) with the caption "Akaka and his wife return to Apex home, their sleigh heavily laden with frozen caribou meat." Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution.

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Honigmann's aluminum crutches would soften and bow as he walked. But it was not simply the heat that was overpowering; it was the total effect of Pakistan. Karen recalls that "like the heat, the culture hit you like a blast from a furnace."48 This initial field trip resulted in Information for Pakistan in 1953 and Three Pakistan Villages in 1958. There would be one other field trip to Pakistan. In 1957, funded by a Fulbright research grant, Honigmann returned with his family to study village life again. The research too place over nine months in three different parts of the country. A number of publications in 1959 and 1960 came out of this trip. The family's years at UNC were pleasant. John found the University open and receptive, and there were a number of well-known social scientists on faculty. After the years in New York City, Chapel Hill, with its abundance of greenery and sprawling lots, seemed virtually pastoral. The family quickly settled into a routine that resulted in a highly prolific academic career for John. He published the first text dealing with his long-time interest, psychological anthropology: Culture and Personality (1954). It was a landmark book. By the time that Personality in Culture appeared in 1967, interest in psychological anthropology had waned somewhat in favour of other theoretical approaches. John Honigmann attained full professorship in 1955. Four years later, his first general anthropological work, The World of Man, came out. A massive tome of nearly 1,000 pages, it was well received. It is a dense work by today's standards, with comparatively few illustrations and photographs. But it is pure Honigmann, detailed and rich. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, anthropology became an independent department at the University of Northern Carolina. This independence made for smaller size and greater interaction among department members, including both faculty and students. The ready availability of federal research and training grants allowed the department to send a number of graduate students into the field. It also allowed John Honigmann to embark onresearch projects far removed from the steaming tropics or freezing north. In 1960, he undertook the first of what would be six research trips to Austria. After fifteen years of exploring other peoples' cultures and history, Honigmann was, in a sense, discovering his own. Over the half dozen trips, the Honigmanns would return and stay with the same landlady in the village of Altirdning in Styria, Austria, studying the village as it grew and changed. One focus of the research was local herding practices, and the Honigmanns quickly became friends with local farmers. Karen recalls that her parents were very

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fond of Altirdning and that they, in turn, were well liked by the local population. The last trip was in 1975, after which Honigmann hoped to write a comprehensive study.49 While this never materialized, a number of journal papers were published, based on his research.

Frobisher Bay, Baffin Island, Northwest Territories (1963) Inuvik, Northwest Territories (1967) While Honigmann had broadened his research interests far beyond the north, his reputation was such that government and other agencies still called upon him to do work in that area. In 1963, the Canadian Department of Northern Affairs and Natural Resources approached him to conduct research in the eastern arctic community of Frobisher Bay, today known as Iqaluit. Irma and John would spend the winter and spring in Frobisher Bay, examining Inuit adaptation to town life. The second such study dealt with Inuvik, and involved two trips in 1967. Honigmann suggested to Irma that she resign from her longheld position and work with him on the Frobisher Bay data. She did so in 1963, and their intellectual partnership intensified. They would co-author a pair of books based on this research: Eskimo Townsmen (1965) and Arctic Townsmen (1970). At the time, Frobisher Bay had a population of 1,600 and was the administrative centre for the region. According to Irma Honigmann,50 the work "focused on Eskimo adjustment to town living." However, as was typical of John Honigmann, the scope broadened somewhat to include his special interest in culture and personality. As they point out in Eskimo Townsmen,51 they also planned to examine patterns of organization extending beyond the family. In brief, as John Gulick et al observes; "the Honigmanns continued to pursue the configuration of themes long central to John Honigmann's interests: patterns of Native social organization, attitudes and values, personality dynamics, and child-rearing practices in the context of sedentarized microurban town life."52 Of all Honigmann's monographs, the two Inuit studies, particularly Eskimo Townsmen, received the most attention. Generally speaking, the reviews were favourable. Verne Ray, in his view for Science, wrote: "This book is significant as the first deep study of an aspect of one of the new towns of Eskimos (and

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Whites) in Canada... The Honigmanns have made an admirable start in the realm of interpersonal relationships. It is to be hoped that their lead will be followed by scholars interested in ethnic and historical aspects."53 The anonymous reviewer in Choice observed that Eskimo Townsmen "exemplifies the important purpose that the anthropological method, with its unique combination of objectivity and cultural perspective, can serve in an intelligent approach to the social changes taking place today."54 Asen Balikci, reviewing for American Anthropologist, praised the work, noting that it "has a broader and deeper coverage than its title implies. It is an analysis of Eskimo personality and interpersonal relations in a situation of intensive acculturation. It is one of the best studies yet made in the growing amount of literature on the contemporary culture of the Northern peoples."55 A more critical review appeared in Community Development Journal (1966).56 J. Rutherford, praised the Honigmanns' renowned meticulous attention to detail, while questioning, in a subtle manner, some of their conclusions which appear to be rooted in John's "culture and personalitytraining as an anthropologist. In retrospect, these two aspects of Honigmann's work—his meticulous attention to the minutest detail and his search for

Hudson's Bay store in Inuvik, c. late 1950s. Photo courtesy of The National Anthropological Archives Smithsonian Institution.

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psychological explanations—are his strongest and weakest assets, respectively. Rutherford wrote: "This is a (painstakingly) detailed description of Eskimo participation in activities and social forms in Frobisher Bay ... it is obviously a fruitful field for this type of study. It is therefore perhaps regrettable that the authors reserve for the last chapter their interesting and somewhat controversial remarks on the 'Eskimo as people' and the 'Eskimos [sic] social personality/" Later, Rutherford notes how the Honigmanns' "concept of an optimistic and secure Eskimo personality and the interpretation of orality which perhaps is more closely related to an atavistic fear of starvation than to an indulgent childhood, also run contrary to other observers of the Eskimo scene." Finally, in terms of the authors' psychological approach, Rutherford observes that: Frobisher Bay Eskimo population is a complete mixture of people from many parts of the Arctic. Co-operative action is therefore not as natural or as "traditional" as in other settlements. This is a fact that should surely not have surprised the authors. Their somewhat exaggerated insistence on individual responsibility for action is also surprising, since the threat of the elements in Eskimo life traditionally demanded a collective responsibility, or is it possible that the Eskimos of Frobisher Bay (who ten years ago numbered only 258) have adapted so quickly?57 In essence, then, Rutherford is suggesting that there are reasons for the behaviour of the Inuit, other than those suggested by Honigmann's particular psychology. Despite these criticisms, Rutherford concluded: "Having noted these and other divergences of such experienced observers as the authors undoubtedly are, it would be carping not to acknowledge the fund of information which "Eskimo Townsmen" provides on a people in transition."58 By the 1960s, the culture and personality school of anthropology was losing momentum, having been developed in the first half of the century. It had pretty much run its course and, as Rutherford, observed in his review, the arguments made by the Honigmanns seemed "exaggerated," "speculative" and were, indeed, "controversial." In 1967, the Canadian government asked the Honigmanns to conduct a similar study, this time in Inuvik, in the western Arctic. Like the Great Whale

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River, the community was a heterogeneous mix of Inuit, Dene and Metis. In addition, Inuvik was essentially a planned community, established in 1959 to replace the town of Aklavik and dedicated to the idea of "modernizing" the north. During their stay in Inuvik, the Honigmanns were able to visit Aklavik and compare between the "typical old time northern trading post" and its modern counterpart. The Honigmanns (by this time Irma was a full-fledged partner) had two major "closely related objectives ... to study first, the organization of native people in the town, including the roles by which they were adapting, whether they were doing so with satisfaction or dissatisfaction; and, second, child behaviour and socialization."59 We find, then, a fifth focus of Honigmann's career—adaptation, although child behaviour and socialization would dominate the book. The authors were well aware that Inuvik was not the same town as Frobisher Bay and did not share the same history. As such, Arctic Townsmen: Ethnic Backgrounds and Modernization, published in 1970, differs from its predecessor in that "abundant historical sources for the lower Mackenzie valley have provided an opportunity to describe in considerable detail how the Delta developed its contemporary culture and population."60 In addition, the Honigmanns wrote the study "for the general reader, including the people of Inuvik, but not with the intention of turning away more specialized interests."61 In a time when anthropologists far too often wrote for their peers and colleagues, this was a somewhat generous move. Perhaps, with hindsight, that is why Arctic Townsmen does not seem to have received the recognition that Eskimo Townsmen did. David Damas, himself an eminent anthropologist who had worked among the Copper Inuit, reviewed Arctic Townsmen for The American Journal of Sociology. He noted two major differences from other studies of the Mackenzie Delta Inuit. The first concerned alcohol and alcohol abuse. Other authors viewed alcohol consumption as a compulsive behaviour and deemed it the number one social problem in Inuvik. The Honigmanns, in contrast, "tend to regard Inuvik drinking as being generally less disruptive or symptomatic of social pathology than do the [other] authors."62 Similarly, Damas contends, the Honigmanns avoid the issues of "sexual promiscuity" (allegedly because they lacked information), and "largely ignored or even denied" the occurrence interethnic resentment." As a result, "the Honigmanns try to steer clear of alarmism and to apply a liberal relativistic outlook, but one wonders whether in so doing they have presented an overly harmonious picture of Inuvik."

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Yet, Damas acknowledges the difficulties of conducting fieldwork in the north and concludes that "the considerable contributions of Arctic Townsmen can be appreciated by those working in northern North America ethnology..."63 Arctic Townsmen would be John Honigmann's last monograph, although articles would continue to be published, some posthumously. Taken in toto, Honigmann's northern works provide a comprehensive overview of the indigenous peoples of this country. They are a lasting testimonial to a vigorous and prolific scholar. Throughout the 1960s, Honigmann remained very busy with four trips to Austria—in 1960, 1962, 1964 and 1966—and the trips to Inuvik and Frobisher Bay. He began work in the early 1960s to form a regional anthropology society for the American south. These efforts led to an organizational meeting and the launching of the Southern Anthropological Society in 1966. As biographers noted in a tribute to him in American Anthropologist, this was a significant accomplishment, for it is now a "robust regional association of national repute."64 In the meantime, he was publishing prolifically, releasing the aforementioned Foodways in a Muskeg Community (1962), Understanding Culture (1963) and Personality in Culture (1967). As well, an average of four to five journal articles a year appeared throughout the 1960s. Irma had joined him as a research partner in 1963. She describes the routine that allowed him to be so productive. "John would rise about 6 a.m. and fix coffee. When the fragrance was irresistible I would join him. After breakfast, weather and daylight permitting, we walked and talked. From about 8 till noon we were at our desks in the study; he organized and wrote, I collected data and read and edited his numerous drafts. We interrupted each other to test out ideas, air problems, argue solutions. Those were very good years."65 The expansion of UNC's Department of Anthropology during the late 1960s, as well as the demands of teaching, researching and writing, forced John to tighten his schedule to preserve family life. The growing number of graduate students—50 to 60 by the late 1960s—eroded the intimacy and collegiality that had marked the department during the early part of the decade. In 1970, Honigmann reluctantly assumed the role of department chairman, a position that he held until 1975. Even with this added responsibility, he would put out two more major works in the 1970s—

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Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology, with Honigmann as editor in 1973, and The Development of Anthropological Ideas in 1976. The latter work is Honigmann at his well-read, eclectic best, tracing anthropology (or the essence of anthropological thought) back to pre-Christian Greek and Roman thinkers. Sweeping and dense, the study leaves no stone unturned in the development of his discipline. At the time, it was the most comprehensive treatment of the history of anthropological theory and ideas. Honigmann had been first diagnosed with lymphoma in 1972. After initial diagnosis and treatment, he had returned to work with his usual zeal and dedication. The disease would return in 1977. He dealt with it as best he could, teaching until the end. His last three months were spent in hospital and he died on August 4, 1977. Irma Honigmann spent the year following her husband's death cataloguing his papers and books. They would be sent later to the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, DC. She found new friends and activities and rediscovered her faith in Judaism. Four years after her husband's death, she was diagnosed with the same disease that had killed him. She died March 14, 1983. Honigmann was an anthropologist of rare energy and talent. Gulick et al summed up his contributions to the discipline, and specifically to northern ethnology. " [Honigmann] was a versatile and energetic practitioner of the art of anthropological fieldwork .... His achievements as editor and author of a number of generalist works, cannot, for North Americanists, obscure his manifold contributions to the ethnology of the Canadian North ... his work there served him as both seedbed and testing ground: his writings on his fieldbased research manifest a continuing interplay between ethnographic 'fact' and anthropological concepts and theory."67

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TWo young Dene members of the Kaska Nation.

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6 Northern First Nations: Algonkians, Dene and Inuit

The historical record left by missionaries, traders and explorers, and the oral history of the people themselves, tell us quite a bit about the lives of the traditional northern Algonkians and Athapaskans. These peoples are majority populations in many of their homelands, and cultural traditions remain strong. First Nations languages are often the daily language of conversation. As well, involvement in the fur trade and a continued reliance on the land have served to preserve language and traditional knowledge. The intent here is to look, in turn, at the peoples of the Eastern and Western Subarctic and the Arctic. Four Algonkian peoples dwell in the Eastern Subarctic, and fifteen Dene, or Athapaskan, peoples in the Western Subarctic. As well, there are three major Inuit populations in Canada—the Mackenzie Delta Inuit (five peoples), and the Inuit of northern Quebec and of Labrador (two distinct peoples).

Algonkians (Eastern Subarctic) As noted earlier, the separation of the Eastern Subarctic and Western Subarctic is based largely on language. In terms of numbers, the dominant Eastern Subarctic populations are the Cree, Innu (Montagnais and Naskapi), Ojibwa

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and—possibly—the Algonkians. Traditionally, the Cree occupied the lands surrounding James Bay and the western shore of Hudson Bay. In the historic period, however, they moved west with the fur trade and expanded their territory considerably, displacing other Native groups and contributing to the creation of other nations and cultures. By the nineteenth century, the Cree had spread from their traditional territory as far west as the Rockies. They were the major Native contributor to the Metis nation1 and had also adapted very successfully to the Plains.2 The Innu (Montagnais-Naskapi) occupy the Labrador-Ungava Peninsula in the lands east of Cree territory. Historically, they have often been treated as two distinct populations, but in recent years have come to call themselves "Innu" (roughly, "human beings"). The northern Innu (Naskapi) occupy the northern half of the peninsula, hunting caribou in the vast land between Hudson Bay and the central Labrador coast. In the north, they are bounded by Inuit and in the south by the Montagnais. The latter rely heavily on moose and woodland caribou. The two nations share essentially the same culture, with the differences largely ones of adaptation to different environments. While the Montagnais live in a boreal forest, the environment of the Naskapi is, in many cases, a "barren-land."3 As well, there are very slight dialectical differences. Indeed, linguists suggest that both peoples speak eastern dialects of Cree. The Ojibwa, like the Cree, expanded their territory as a result of the fur trade. Originally occupants of the shores of Lakes Huron and Superior near Sault Ste. Marie, they moved west and north. As the Cree migrated west, many Ojibwa moved into their former territory, while others moved onto the Plains to become the Plains Ojibwa. This dramatic movement created major differences among the different Ojibwa peoples. Perhaps one of the most intriguing of these is the northern Oji-Cree of Ontario. Kehoe4 notes that, by the 1770s, the Ojibwa had come to occupy most of the southern half of northwestern Ontario, west to the shore of Lake Winnipeg. Many started making trading trips to Fort Albany, on James Bay. There, in the boreal forest, many tended to intermarry and hunt with the Cree, producing bands that spoke a dialect derived from the two cognate Algonquian languages, Cree and Ojibwa. Today, many Ojibwa bands consider themselves to be Ojibwa-Cree, or simply Oji-Cree.5 The Algonquin occupy an interesting place in Native ethnology for, as is the case with the Beothuk, they do not fit neatly into preconceived anthropological boxes. The Smithsonian Institution's Handbook of North

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A Kaska summer place, near the Liard River, Yukon.

American Indians, for example, considers the Algonquin to be Eastern Woodlands peoples,6 while Bruce Morrison and Roderick Wilson7 consider them to be Eastern Subarctic. The latter position is generally accepted for a number of reasons. While traditionally occupying the northernmost limit of pre-contact agriculture in North America, the Algonquin were (and are)—for all intents and purposes—a hunting people. As well, they share a common language family with the Innu, Ojibwa and Cree, other Subarctic nations. Furthermore, today, many northern Quebec Algonquin peoples identify quite strongly with their Cree neighbours. Perhaps part of the confusion in placement of the Algonquin results from the fact that, during the historic period, they were displaced from their traditional territory during wars with other peoples, notably the Mohawk and allied Iroquois nations. Subsequent misadventures with the Canadian government did not help the situation, as the Algonquin were put on reserves.

Dene or Athapaskans (Western Subarctic) The people of the Western Subarctic refer to themselves as "Dene," which translates roughly as "man" or "person." The Dene are found from Manitoba

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to Alaska. As noted by Alan McMillan,8 most group names reflect linguistic differences and, in many cases, are arbitrary and may reflect administrative or anthropological convenience. However, the fifteen major Dene nations within Canada are—in the order followed in this section—Chipewyan, Hare, Dogrib, Kutchin, Han, Tutchone, Mountain Indians, Slavey, Kaska, Sekani, Beaver, Tahltan, Inland Tlingit, Tagish and Carrier. Others, such as the Yellowknife, have been documented in the literature but are now viewed as dialectical and cultural divisions of other nations—in the Yellowknife case, of the Chipewyan. The Chipewyan are the most numerous and widespread of the Dene, and they were the first to come into contact with Europeans. While some Chipewyan did engage in the fur trade, they never embraced it as enthusiastically as did their neighbour, the Cree. Occupying the northern edge of the boreal forest and the transitional zone with the tundra west of Hudson Bay, the Chipewyan were highly dependent on the caribou. In the historic period, they moved westward into the region between Great Slave Lake and Lake Athabasca and beyond, and south of Lake Athabasca to the lakes of the Churchill River drainage.9 The Dogrib and Hare are linguistically and culturally related to the Chipewyan. The former occupy the land between Great Bear and Great Slave lakes, i.e., between 62 and 65 degrees north latitude and 110 and 124 degrees west longitude.10 Like the Chipewyan, they depended heavily upon caribou, although they did not venture as far out onto the tundra. The Hare are one of the most northerly Dene peoples, occupying the territory between Great Bear Lake and the Mackenzie River. They bear a number of similarities with other Athapaskan peoples, notably the Dogrib and Kutchin. However, their reliance on hare, in the frequent absence of big game, was sufficient for their neighbours to distinguish them from other Dene. In 1789, Alexander Mackenzie noted how his Native guides identified the Hare as a separate nation. However, Joel Savishinsky and Hiroko Sue Hara note that "the tribal designation of Hare is as much a reflection of administrative and ethnographic convenience as it is of cultural identity."11 In addition to the varying hare, the people also sought caribou and fish, activities that allowed for constituent bands to meet several times a year.12 To the northwest of the Hare, bordering the Inuit, are the Kutchin. They occupy an interior climate that is perhaps the harshest in the Subarctic. According to Richard Slobodin, culturally the Kutchin "as a whole are rather sharply bounded, both by the relative distinctiveness of their language in the

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Athapaskan family and by a strong consciousness of kind among Kutchin speakers. Moreover, Kutchins tend to feel that they differ from their neighbours in psychological makeup."13 Both the Yukon and Mackenzie rivers flow through the region and contributed considerably to the ecology and culture history of the people. The Kutchin exploited a wide variety of resources, but viewed themselves as "people of the deer," a reference to the several subspecies of caribou that were their preferred subsistence species. To the west and south of the Kutchin are the Han and Tutchone. The former group occupies lands beside the Yukon River and straddles the Alaska/Yukon border. Relatively little is known of their traditional or pre-contact culture. Their language is quite similar to Kutchin. Unlike the case of many other Dene peoples, fish—especially salmon—played the major role in Han diet.14 Because of their location on the Yukon River, the Han suffered considerably from the influx of whites into their territory. Diseases, missionization and the rapid transition to a cash economy took their toll.15 The Tutchone occupy the southern Yukon, between the St. Elias Mountains on the west and the Pelly and Selwyn mountains on the east. Catharine McClellan16 suggests that linguistically the Tutchone may be divided into two groups, although further research is needed to confirm this possibility. With salmon, as well as moose, caribou, mountain sheep and mountain goat in their territory, the Tutchone often characterized themselves as either fishermen or hunters, even though, as often with hunting peoples, smaller game and freshwater fish were staples. Copper was found throughout Tutchone territory and was extensively used for tool making. The Mountain Indians inhabit the Mackenzie Mountains, which straddle the Yukon and the Northwest Territories border. Their history and, by extension, traditional culture, are little known. In many cases, the historical references do not distinguish them from other Native groups.17 However, it is believed that traditional subsistence was based on moose, woodland caribou and Dall sheep. The difficulty of killing these in winter, coupled with a scarcity of small game and lakes, made starvation common.18 In contrast to their more northern Athapaskan neighbours, who traditionally ventured onto the tundra, the Slave (or Slavey) are a boreal forest nation, occupying a large portion of the Northwest Territories west of Great Bear Lake and Great Slave Lake and including portions of northeastern British Columbia and northwestern Alberta. Michael Asch characterizes the region as "relatively poor and not [environmentally] diverse."19 Despite reliance on

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small game and fish, woodland caribou and moose were the preferred game species. The Kaska are an especially interesting people, in that they borrowed a number of cultural traits from the Northwest Coast nations. These characteristics include moieties or dual descent groups (Wolf and Crow) and potlatching. The Kaska also traced descent matrilineally, as do the Tlingit. These traits they share with the Athapaskans of the Pacific drainage and with other Northwest Coast peoples.20 The Kaska are bordered on the east by the Slave and on the west by the Tahltan. The latter nation, in turn, borders the Tlingit of the northwest coast. The Sekani are, by many accounts, closely allied with both their Kaska and Beaver neighbours. According to Alan McMillan, they are virtually indistinguishable from the Beaver, while in the north they "are mixed with the Kaska."21 Glenda Denniston writes that "eastern Sekani could almost as easily be called western Beaver, and northern Sekani could be called Kaska."22 She adds: "By convention, the term Sekani has, at least after the first quarter of the nineteenth century, been reserved for the Athapaskan inhabitants of the mountainous areas of British Columbia drained by the Finlay and Parsnip branches of the Peace River."23 The Sekani suffered greatly during the early 19th century as a result of battles with the Cree, the Beaver and other nations. As a consequence, they moved from their original territory, east of the Rockies, into the mountains. The Beaver, who live south of the Slavey, are relative newcomers to the area, having been driven there by the Cree in the historic period. Their territory comprises a large area along the Peace River in British Columbia and Alberta. The name "Peace River," incidentally, originates with the truce agreed upon by the Beaver and Cree. In contrast to some neighbouring groups, the territory of the Beaver is relatively rich in terms of resources, with bison, caribou and moose all being at least regionally available. Beaver, of course, is a source of both food and furs. Robin Ridington notes, however, that lakes are not that common and fish was consumed only as emergency rations when hunting failed.24 The Tahltan occupy the upper basin of the Stikine River in northern British Columbia. Perhaps more than any other Western Subarctic nations, they were affected by contact with Northwest Coast cultures. This is evident in their notions of social status, potlatching and the system of matrilineal descent. The Tahltan also share with their Northwest Coast neighbours a bountiful

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environment, including five salmon species and moose and caribou. The Inland Tlingit, as the name suggests, are historically connected with the Tlingit of the Northwest Coast. It is believed that some of the latter nation intermarried with Dene peoples and became today's Inland Tlingit. McClellan states that this took place in the 19th century and that the Dene speakers might have been people identified as Taku, and who spoke Tahltan or a closely related dialect.25 Today, many Inland Tlingit retain much of their Tlingit heritage, including social organization and ceremonies. The Tagish live on the Yukon River in southern Yukon and northern British Columbia. Like the Inland Tlingit, they borrowed heavily from the Northwest Coast nations. Catharine McClellan observes that "far back in their history the Tagish may have had matrilineal descent and exogamous clans and moieties with Athapaskan names; however, by the late nineteenth century they had adopted Tlingit names for both clan and moiety and had incorporated as well Tlingit ideas of rank, proper names, and related aspects of social behavior."26 The Tagish are boreal hunters and fishers. During the 19th century, they became active middlemen in the fur trade, moving between the Tlingit and inland Athapaskans. The Carrier occupy a large area of north central British Columbia. They had the highest population density of the Western Subarctic.27 The evidence suggests that the Carrier have had settlements along the lake and river tributaries of the upper Skeena and Fraser rivers for centuries. There they were able to thrive on salmon and other freshwater species. These they dried and stored for later use as well as for immediate consumption. Mountain goats, caribou, and other species were also harvested. Much of Carrier culture resembled that of Northwest Coast peoples, with whom they shared borders. In the north, the Carrier were influenced by the Gitskan and in the south by the Bella Coola. Potlatching, social ranking, totem poles and notions of personal adornment and beauty found their way from the Northwest Coast to Carrier society.

Inuit (Arctic) The aboriginal inhabitants of the Canadian Arctic are the Inuit, who belong to the Eskimo-Aleut (or Eskaleut) linguistic family. There are two major branches

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of this family. The Aleuts are found on the Aleutian Islands of Alaska. The second major branch, Eskimo, is by far the larger, and includes a number of related dialects. The most fundamental division is between Yupik, found in south-central and southwestern Alaska and on the Asian shores of the Bering Strait, and Inuit. Inuit speakers are found from the Bering Strait to Greenland, encompassing all of Arctic Canada. In Canada, the Eskimo are referred to today as Inuit (the people). There are three major Inuit populations in Canada—the Mackenzie Delta Inuit, the Central Inuit (five peoples) and the Inuit of northern Quebec and Labrador (two distinct peoples). Each was, and is, culturally and linguistically distinct from its neighbours.

Mackenzie Delta Inuit The Mackenzie Delta Inuit are the westernmost Inuit population in Canada, living around the Mackenzie Delta and Yukon coast. Culturally, they shared much with their Alaskan neighbours. The area occupied by the people is laced with channels and small lakes and ponds, in addition to alluvial islands covered with grasses and sedges. The southern two-thirds of their territory is wooded with stunted spruce, alder and poplar, as well as arctic willow. These, when used with driftwood, provided fuel wood and construction materials. Traditionally, there were five distinct populations, each occupying its own territory. The largest group were found occupying the islands at the mouth of the Mackenzie Delta and was centred at the large permanent village of Kittigazuit, which had a population of around 1,000.28 This constituted the largest Native settlement of Arctic Canada. There were at least eight more villages, two with populations of 200 to 300. Collectively, the five sub-groups were known as Chiglit.29 The territory occupied by the Mackenzie Delta Inuit is particularly rich biotically. Traditionally, the numerous channels provided an abundance of fish that were consumed by both people and dogs. Woodland and barren ground caribou also are found in the area, and were traditionally hunted in September and October.30 Other terrestrial mammals available were mountain sheep, and grizzly and brown bears. However, sea mammals were perhaps the most prized game. Seals—specifically, ringed and bearded seals—were hunted. The most

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prized, however, was the beluga whale, which could be taken in great numbers as they became trapped in the shallow waters of the Mackenzie Delta during the summer.31 The igloo, so much a part of the stereotype of the Inuit, was relatively uncommon and used mainly on hunting forays. Instead, the Mackenzie Delta Inuit lived in large, wood-framed and planked semi-subterranean houses covered with sod, very similar to the those used by their Alaskan neighbours. Each house sheltered several families. Contact with non-Natives greatly affected the Mackenzie Delta Inuit. Diseases took their toll, and encroachment by Alaskan Inuit into Canada resulted in assimilation.32 In more recent times, missionaries, police officers and government officials have helped to shape Inuit life. The establishment of Inuvik in 1959 was part of the "modernization" of the Arctic. "Modernization," as documented by Honigmann and Honigmann in 1970, has not always been beneficial. Today, the Mackenzie Delta Inuit consider themselves distinct from other Inuit and call themselves Inuvialuit, or "the real people."33

Central Inuit The Central Inuit include five major peoples: the Netsilik, the Copper, Iglulik, the Baffinland Inuit and the Caribou. Some ethnologists do not include the Caribou in this cultural sub-area, because of their inland orientation and near total reliance upon the caribou. Culturally, the Central Inuit are typical of what most southerners perceive the Inuit to be. They traditionally built and used snowhouses, or igloos, dressed in furs, hunted seals and used sled dogs. However, the designation as "Central Inuit" is based as much on geography as anything else, for the individual nations varied culturally and were sometimes at odds with each other. The territory occupied by all of these people extends from Victoria Island and the Coppermine River in the west to Baffin Island in the east. The Copper are the most westerly of the Central Inuit populations, occupying the southern part of Victoria Island and the region around Coronation Gulf, northeast of the Coppermine River and Great Bear Lake. Lake Beechey, on the Back River, appears to have been the southern extent of their territory. In the east, Perry River is acknowledged as being the boundary

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between the Copper and their neighbours, the Netsilik.34 The traditional Copper Inuit represented a close approximation to popular perceptions of the Inuit.35 There was a seasonal exploitation round that relied heavily upon caribou hunting, particularly at the beginning of August, when the animals were prime, and on breathing hole sealing, between December and May. The prime species were ringed seals and, occasionally, large bearded seals, which weigh 250 to 350 kilos. At other times of the year, fish and small game provided much of the diet. Dogs, which seem to be primarily associated with transportation as draft animals and pack dogs, were actually of more use in the hunt. In this capacity, they sought out seal breathing holes and held polar bears at bay. Interestingly, in traditional times, a hunter would have only one to three dogs, while the number doubled or tripled in the more recent times. The Copper had a number of cultural traits that distinguished them from other Inuit peoples, including the extensive use of copper in tool making, the distinctive tailoring of clothes and a distinct Copper Inuit dialect. The Netsilik ("people of the seal") are to the immediate east of the Copper. Specifically, their territory extends from Committee Bay in the east to Victoria Strait in the west, and from Bellot Strait in the north to Garry Lake in the south.36 Several bands, each associated with a particular hunting territory, comprised the Netsilik nation. The Netsilik were familiar with the Copper and the Caribou, with whom their territory bordered. With the former, relations were usually hostile, tinged with mutual accusations of treachery. There is evidence, however, of trade occuring at times—the Netsilik would receive copper and driftwood from their neighbours. Relations with the Caribou Inuit were more amicable, with the Netsilik trading goods for wood.37 The territory of the Netsilik is typical coastal Arctic. In addition to large landmasses, such as King William Island, Boothia Peninsula and the District of Keewatin, it includes coastal regions, cut by inlets, as well as numerous islands, lakes and rivers. Precipitation, as is the case with most of the Arctic, is low, although summers are often misty. In winter, the sea ice is frozen to depths of two metres or more. Much of the land is flat, and covered with mosses, lichens and arctic grasses. The distribution of resources served to create a distinct seasonal round, divided into the hunting of sea mammals in winter and spring, and the fishing and hunting of land mammals in summer and autumn. The shallow coastal

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waters froze extensively during winter, which rendered larger sea mammals, such as whales and walruses, inaccessible. Thus, during the winter months, breathing hole sealing was the norm. Balikci notes how seal hunting was a highly developed art and, in fact, records local innovations.38 During the summer and autumn, caribou hunting and inland fishing prevailed. Musk oxen and polar bears were hunted with the use of dogs, but were of relatively minor importance in Netsilik subsistence. Technology reflected this seasonal round: the umiak was unknown and the kayak was used only for hunting caribou on lakes and rivers.39 As is the case with other Inuit societies, the Netsilik underwent two periods of socio-cultural change. The first was that that initiated by traders, the police and missionaries (the ubiquitous white triumphirate of the north), and the second that was put into effect by the Canadian government in the 1960s.40 The latter was much more rapid and dramatic in its effects. A series of ethnographic films directed by Asen Balikci has captured much of traditional Netsilik life before rapid change took effect. The Iglulik Inuit, and their neighbours the Baffinland Inuit, live in a region that is rich is sea mammals, Consequently, the annual round differs somewhat from other central Inuit peoples. Traditionally, there was a much greater reliance upon seals, walrus and whales, with accompanying technology and expertise employed in their pursuit. Mary-Rousseliere defines the territory of the Iglulik as being "approximately from the north of Baffin Island to Cape Fullerton in the south ... delimited by Committee Bay and Prince Regent Inlet in the west and Lancaster Sound and Baffin Bay in the north then southwest to Foxe Basin."41 The Iglulik would also, on occasion, make prolonged trips to Somerset, Devon and Cornwallis islands. Bounded by the Netsilik, Caribou, Baffinland Inuit and the now-extinct Sallirmuit, the Iglulik are sufficiently distinct linguistically and culturally to constitute a separate nation. In contrast to other Central Inuit peoples, the Iglulik were avid hunters of walrus. They harpooned the animals from the floe edge or as they broke through thin ice to breathe—a dangerous practice, as the ice may break under the hunter. Two other techniques involved killing walrus as they slept on drift ice and hunting them from kayaks in open water, after tying together a number of kayaks to avoid capsizing.42 Sealing was often practised at the same time as walrus hunting. While

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breathing-hole sealing was similar to that practised elsewhere, the Iglulik also hunted basking seals, a strategy not frequently pursued elsewhere. Basking seal hunting involved stalking the animals as they slept on the ice in the spring sun. Greenland whales (or bowheads), belugas and narwhals rounded out the available species of large sea mammals, although they are not all found throughout the Iglulik region. Special technology, including harpoons and harpoon heads, was employed for their pursuit. In the hunting of such large game as the Greenland whale, groups of kayakers would do the harvesting. While the Iglulik devoted most of their time and energy to the pursuit of large sea mammals, they also hunted caribou, musk oxen and bear. Caribou were most actively hunted in the spring and summer, usually by pursuing the animals in kayaks as they crossed lakes. Both musk oxen and bear were brought to bay by dogs, and then killed by lance, harpoon or bow and arrow.43 The Baffinland Inuit occupy the southern two-thirds of Baffin Island. Franz Boas, who conducted fieldwork among the Baffinland people in 1883-84, identified seven regional populations that he identified as "tribes." These seven "tribes" would more appropriately be designated as bands. Traditionally, these bands were given a general name by outsiders that described their geographical location in reference to the outside group.44 As with other Central Inuit peoples, William Kemp asserts that the distinct history and kinship patterns distinguish the Baffinland Inuit from other Inuit populations, including the neighbouring Iglulik.45 The Baffinland Inuit, like the Iglulik, and probably even more than they did, relied heavily on sea mammals. As Kemp observes, the coastal regions of Baffin Island constitute the most important harvesting area for the people. Marine resources were critical, with the ringed seal being the single most important resource. Walrus, narwhal, beluga and polar bears were also important, with their significance varying throughout the region. In total, twenty species of marine and land mammals, fishes and birds were regularly harvested. Of these, only the wolf was not important for food. The seasonal round amply demonstrates the adaptation to the coastal zone. During the winter breathing-hole and floe-edge hunting prevailed, followed by the pursuit of basking seals in spring and the the hunting of seals, belugas and walrus from the floe edge. During early summer, fishing provided the bulk of the Baffinland Inuit diet, while in mid-to-late August caribou

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hunting—traditionally the only activity that took hunters inland—provided food and winter clothing. Early autumn was the season for fishing at stone weirs, principally for arctic char—a major source of food. This gave way in late fall to walrus and whale hunting. With the progression of freeze-up, there was a return to breathing-hole sealing and floe-edge hunting.46 The Baffinland Inuit employed both the kayak and umiak, with the former being the primary means of marine transportation. Boas47 observed variations in kayak styles throughout the region. Similarly, while the dog sled was formerly ubiquitous, the size of sled varied from place to place, as did the number of dogs—from as few as two to six dogs to as many as six to twelve.48 The Caribou Inuit occupy the barrenlands to the west of Hudson Bay. They are the southernmost of the Central Inuit peoples, occupying a territory that extends roughly from 61 to 65 degrees north latitude and from 90 to 102 degrees west longitude. They have occupied this area since at least the late 19th century.49 Caribou Inuit history and culture have been subject to much speculation and debate. Today, it is believed that the Caribou Inuit are descendants of Thule people who moved inland in the historic period. A number of factors served to encourage movement into the interior. Initially discouraged by relations with the Chipewyan, with whom they frequently battled, the Inuit remained largely a coastal people. Later, when epidemics decimated the Chipewyan, the Inuit, after acquiring their own firearms from traders, moved into the interior, motivated, in part, by the fur trade. As well, fishhooks and nets might have made year-round existence inland possible. Furthermore, the Chipewyan then had access to inland trading posts, as opposed to that at Churchill. Finally, traders had encouraged peace between the Inuit and Chipewyan. All of these factors contributed to the movement of the Inuit from the coastal regions of Hudson Bay southward into the interior by the 19th century.50 In the interior, the Caribou Inuit became highly reliant on the caribou, although a few bands near the coast exploited some of the available resources, such as seals. However, all journeyed inland in order to hunt caribou, which provided not only meat, but the raw materials for clothing, kayak and tent covers, containers, sinew for thread and braided lines, and for a number of tools. Musk ox and fish were also of importance, the former especially so when caribou migration patterns shifted or when the numbers of the animals were

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depleted because of population cycles. Arctic char was particularly important. Both caribou meat and fish were cached during the summer and autumn and eaten when times were hard. Musk oxen are not migratory, so they were valuable when migrating caribou were difficult to find. Like caribou, they also provided raw materials for other items such as bows, leister (composite fishing spears made up of barbed side pieces surrounding a barbless central point) and bedding. Much of the technology of the Caribou Inuit resembled that of other Central Arctic peoples, although their inland orientation in the historic period made it somewhat less extensive. They had kayaks, spears, bows and arrows, dogs and snow houses. Lacking blubber for lamps, however, they relied on caribou fat, which was less effective. The Caribou Inuit underwent a number of periods of starvation since contact—probably because of their reliance on the caribou, as well as their acquisition of firearms, which, it is alleged, led to overhunting of their two main prey species, the caribou and musk ox.51 In addition, epidemic diseases took their toll. In the mid-20th century, the Caribou Inuit had nearly disappeared. Their plight was brought to world attention by Farley Mowat in People of the Deer, published in 1952, and The Desperate People in 1959. Largely as a consequence of Mowafs books, the federal government began to relocate the Caribou and other Inuit to permanent settlements where health, education and other services could be provided. The consequences of such policies were dramatic. For the Caribou Inuit, all but one of these settlements, Baker Lake, are on the coast, which has radically transformed their traditional culture. In recent years, the Caribou have been at the forefront of Inuit activism. As part of the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada,52 founded in 1971, they began to lobby and negotiate on behalf of Inuit land and other Native rights. As well, the Caribou Inuit led the movement for Nunavut, founded in 1974, for Inuit selfdetermination and territory. This movement saw fruition in April 1999, when Nunavut became the third territory in Canada's north.

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limit of Quebec and Labrador The limit of Quebec and Labrador are often considered similar because of their shared recent history. The Inuit of Quebec, who refer to themselves as Inuit kupaimiut (people of Quebec), are descendants of the Thule who arrived in the Ungava (Quebec/Labrador) Peninsula in the 14th century.53 About one hundred years later, the Labrador coast was likewise settled.54 Over the succeeding years, the two populations, one from Quebec and one from Labrador, have undergone sufficient cultural, historical and political changes to make them distinct peoples. Arctic Quebec lies roughly north of Lac Minto and Riviere aux Feuilles and slightly inland along Ungava Bay. Bernard d'Anglure comments that the Inuit of Quebec occupy, or occupied, three regional zones: the coastal, the islands and the interior of the northern Quebec/Labrador Peninsula. These delineations were influenced by relations with neighbouring Algonkian nations.55 Inuit occupied the large islands and archipelagos of eastern Hudson Bay and Hudson Strait. These islands include Belcher and Mansel, as well as others. Historically, the several hundred Inuit there hunted large marine mammals, polar bears and offshore birds. The islands also served as refuges when violence erupted between Inuit and Algonquians or between Inuit groups.56 It is alleged that, historically, there were Inuit populations living in the interior of the Ungava Peninsula. Debate continues about whether these were permanent or seasonal occupants. Undoubtedly, some groups, most likely coastal, ventured inland. Asen Balikci suggests that this was a post-contact adaptation to the interior as a result of firearms, while Vezinet and Bernard d'Anglure argue for a traditional occupation of the interior.57 The interior, with its lakes, rivers and caribou, would have undoubtably been attractive to the Inuit. However, by 1930, the last inland groups of Inuit in Quebec had been integrated into coastal groups. Most Inuit bands—about fifty of them—lived along the coast. Each band included about two to five families. This region included the coast itself, small coastal islands, river mouths and lakes near the coast. Here, the coastal bands would meet and trade with both the inland and island peoples. Fear of the Naskapi Innu kept the Inuit from venturing too far inland. Quebec Inuit enjoyed not only a relatively rich environment, but also a complex technology. Many bands had access to caribou, walrus, beluga, F A C E S

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bowheads, narwhals and ringed, bearded and harp seals, as well as fish and sea birds. To exploit these resources, they employed umiaks, kayaks and dog teams. According to d'Anglure: "In Arctic Quebec, perhaps more than elsewhere, the Inuit developed and maintained their transportation system, one of the most original and efficient there has ever been."58 These tools were used not only for transportation, but also for hunting. Caribou were speared from kayaks, whales from umiaks, and the dogs were used to search out the breathing holes of seals. In 1975, the Inuit of Quebec (along with the Cree) signed the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement. In return for surrendering aboriginal title to the land, the Inuit received approximately 90 million dollars, exclusive rights to some lands, and hunting, fishing and trapping rights to some other lands. They set up the Makivik Corporation to administer the money received from the agreement. Some of this compensation was funnelled into regional businesses, while some went to cultural programs. A major part of the regional landscape today is Air Inuit, which travels throughout the region, linking the scattered communities.59 During the late 18th century—the earliest era for which there are records— Inuit settlements dotted most of the Labrador coast, from the Button Islands in the far north to Cape Charles near the Gulf of St. Lawrence (the most southerly latitude occupied by an Inuit population).60 The Inuit of Labrador were near the Quebec Inuit in the north, and the Innu in the south. They had trade and some kinship relations with the Inuit of Labrador, but avoided or were hostile to the Innu.61 There are striking similarities between the Labrador Inuit and their Alaskan and Mackenzie Delta cousins, most notably in patterns of subsistence and in housing. The typical winter house for the Labrador Inuit was a semisubterranean structure with walls of sod or stone. This was occupied for up to half a year, beginning in October. A tent, usually made of sealskin but also occasionally of caribou, was used from April until October. The snowhouse, or igloo, was mainly a temporary shelter used for overnight hunting trips. The waters along the Labrador coast are rich in sea mammals. Whales (Greenland and beluga) and various species of seals were pursued at various times throughout the year. These, supplemented by birds and bird eggs, caribou and fish, generally provided a secure diet. There were local variations to the seasonal round, as some groups had greater access to certain species than others.

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The Labrador Inuit made use of the umiak, kayak and dog team. Umiaks served as general transportation during the summer and for hunting whales. They were made from the skin of bearded seals and often exceeded nine metres in length. At this size, they could carry twenty people, and often tents, baggage and dogs.62 The kayak was used for pursuit of sea mammals and birds, as well as for the hunting of caribou in inland lakes. At roughly six to seven metres in length, the Labrador kayak closely resembled those of northern Quebec and southern Baffin Island.63 The Labrador Inuit differed in one major way from many other Inuit peoples; namely, in the number of dogs they owned. The size of the average team in Labrador, in the late 18th century, was in excess of IS dogs. This contrasts dramatically with most parts of the Arctic, where the norm was well under a half-dozen. In Labrador the fan hitch was employed to haul a substantial wooden sled with whalebone runner.64 The Labradors were the first Inuit peoples to have sustained contact with non-Natives. Whalers, traders, missionaries and others transformed the region. It would not be long before traditional culture was altered. The northern peoples of Canada have undergone considerable culture change since contact. At the same time, however, there has been great cultural continuity. The three indigenous languages that are not threatened by extinction (Cree, Inuktitut and Ojibwa) are all northern languages. As well, there remains considerable reliance on the land for subsistence and other needs. In addition, numerous other movements, such as those toward local or regional control of education and of police and justice, serve to maintain and perpetuate indigenous cultures. Despite centuries of contact, northern cultures remain strong and dynamic.

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Notes

One: The Canadian North 1. 2.

3.

4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

13. 14.

T.R. Berger, "North," in James Marsh, ed., The Canadian Encyclopedia (Edmonton: Hurtig Pub. Ltd, 1985), 1267. Jennifer Brown and C. Roderick Wilson, "The Eastern Subarctic: A Regional Overview," in R. Bruce Morrison and C. R. Wilson, eds., Native Peoples: The Canadian Experience (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1986), 137. Richard Nonas, "The Ever-Winking Eye: An Account of the Cree Indians of Attawapiskat, James Bay, and the Limitations of the Ethnographic Method," MA thesis in Anthropology, University of North Carolina, 1963, n.p. C. Roderick Wilson, "The Western Subarctic: A Regional Overview," in Morrison and Wilson, eds., Native Peoples, 137. Alan D. McMillan, Native Peoples and Cultures of Canada: An Anthropological Overview (Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 1988), 212. Brown and Wilson, "The Eastern Subarctic," 134. C. Roderick Wilson, "The Western Subarctic," 237. Brown and Wilson, "The Eastern Subarctic," 134. C. Roderick Wilson, "The Western Subarctic," 237. Brown and Wilson, "The Eastern Subarctic," 134. Reg Louttit, of Attawapiskat, personal communication, 1990. John Stager and Robert McSkimming, "Physical Environment," in David Damas, ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Volume 5; Arctic (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1984), 27. Ibid. J. B. Bird, "The Arctic," in John Warkentin, ed., Canada: A Geographical Interpretation (Toronto: Methuen, 1968), 508.

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158

Two: Anthropology, Ethnology and the Canadian North 1. 2. 3.

4. 5. 6. 7.

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17. 18.

19. 20.

This was translated into English as The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons, Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1939. June Helm, ed., Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 6: Subarctic, Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1981. For bibliographies on these writers see June Helm, The Indians of the Subarctic: A Critical Bibliography, Newberry Center for the History of the American Indian Bibliographic Series (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976), 24-25, and Catherine McClelland, "History of Research in the Subarctic Cordillera, in Helm, ed., 1981b. W. Kaye Lamb, ed. The Letters and Journals of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. W. Kaye Lamb, ed., The Journals and Letters of Simon Fraser, 1806-1886, Toronto: Macmillan, 1960. Joseph B. Tyrrell, ed., David Thompson's Narrative of His Explorations in Western America, 1784-1812, Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1916. E.E. Rich, ed., Observations on Hudson's Bay, 1743, and Notes and Observations on a Book Entitled A Voyage to Hudson's Bay in the Dobbs Gallery, Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1949. Glyndwr Williams, ed., Andrew Graham's Observation on Hudson's Bay, 1767-1791, Pub. 27, London: Hudson's Bay Society, 1969. McClellan, 1981, 35-42. Ibid. L.J. Burpee, ed., Journal of the Yukon 1847-48, Publications of the Canadian Archives—No. 4, Ottawa, 1910. McClellan, 1981, 36. Robert Campbell, T\vo Journals of Robert Campbell. Seattle: Shorey Book Store, 1958. Clifford Wilson, Campbell of the Yukon, Toronto: Macmillan, 1970. Catherine McClelland, "Indian Stories about the First Whites in Northwestern America," in Margaret Lantis, ed., Ethnohistory in Southwestern Alaska and the Southern Yukon, Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1970. McClelland, 1981, 36, 37. Ibid, 37. For more information about George Mercer Dawson, see Lois WinslowSpragge (Bradley Lockner, ed.) No Ordinary Man, George Mercer Dawson (1849-1901), Toronto: Natural Heritage Books, 1993. Lawrence Nowry, Man of Mana: Marius Barbeau, Toronto: NC Press, 1995. Ibid, 91.

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1 5 9

21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

30. 31. 32. 33.

34. 35.

36. 37.

38. 39.

Richard J. Preston and Marc-Adelard Tremblay, "Anthropology," in Marsh, ed., The Canadian Encyclopedia, 1985, 63. Ibid, 92. The last reprinting was in 1989. Nowry, 1995, 92. Nowry, 1995, front dust jacket. Diamond Jenness, People of the Tlvilight, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959 (orig. 1928). William E. Taylor Jr., "Diamond Jenness," in Marsh, ed., The Canadian Encyclopedia, 1985, 916. Nowry, 1995, 92. Frederick W. Waugh, "The Naskapi Indians of Labrador and Their Neighbours" in Transactions of the Women's Canadian History Society of Canada, vol. IX, 1925, 126-36. Preston and Tremblay, 1985, 64. Ibid. Ibid. Edward S. Rogers, "History of Ethnological Research in the Subarctic Shield and Mackenzie Borderlands," in June Helm, ed., Handbook of North Americans: Volume 6: Subarctic, (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1981) 19. Ibid, 20 Regina Flannery and M. Elizabeth Chambers, "John M. Cooper's Investigation of Family Hunting Grounds, 1927-1934," in Anthropologica 28o, nos.1-2. Rogers, 1981, 23. Norman Chance, ed., Developmental Change Among Cree Indians of Quebec, rev. ed., McGill University, Cree Developmental Change Project, Summary Report, Ottawa: Department of Forestry and Rural Development, Rural Development Branch, 1969. Richard Slobodin, "Canadian Subarctic Athapaskans in the Literature to 1965," in Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 3, no. 2:278-89. James G.E. Smith, "Local Band Organization of the Caribou-eater Chipewyan in the 18th and early 19th centuries" in Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology, 6(1) 1976; "Local Band Organization of the Caribou-eater Chipewyan" in Arctic Anthropology, 13(1) 1976; and "The Emergence of the Micro-urban Village Among the Caribou-eater Chipewyan" in Human Organization 37(1) 1978; and James VanStone, The Snowdrift Chipewyan (Ottawa: Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, 1963); and The Changing Culture of the

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1 6 0

40.

41.

42. 43.

44.

45.

Snowdrift Chipewyan (Ottawa: Anthropological Series 74, National Museum of Canada Bulletin 209, 1965). Eleanor Leacock, "The Montagnais 'Hunting Territory' and the Fur Trade" in Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association 78, Menasha, Wisconsin, 1954; Edward Rogers, The Hunting Group-Hunting Territory Complex Among the Mistassini Indians (Anthropological Series 63, National Museum of Canada Bulleting 195, Ottawa, 1963); Rolf Knight, "A Reexamination of Hunting, Trapping and Territoriality Among the Northeastern Algonkian Indians" in Man, Culture and Animals: The Role of Animals in Human Ecological Adjustments, Anthony Leeds and Andrew P. Vayda, eds. (Publication 78) Washington: American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1965; Charles A. Bishop, "The Emergence of Hunting Territories Among the Northern Ojibwa," Ethnology 9(1) 1970: 1-15; Adrian Tanner, "The Significance of Hunting Territories Today," in Cultural Ecology: Readings on the Canadian Indians and Eskimos, Bruce Cox, ed. (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Ltd., 1973) 101-114; Toby Morantz, "The Probability of Family Hunting Territories in Eighteenth Century James Bay: Old Evidence Newly Presented" in Papers of the Ninth Algonquian Conference, William Cowan, ed. (Ottawa: Carleton University, 1978). Edward Rogers, The Hunting Group-Hunting Territory Complex Among the Mistassini Indians (Anthropological Series 63, National Museum of Canada Bulleting 195, Ottawa, 1963); John Honigmann, "Social Organization of the Attawapiskat Cree Indians," Anthropos 48, 1953 (5-6): 809-816; and Eleanor Leacock, "Matrilocality in a Simple Hunting Economy (MontagnaisNaskapi)," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 11(1) 1955: 31-47. Edward Rogers, "History of Ethnological Research in the Subarctic Shield and Mackenzie Borderlands," in Helm, ed., 27, 28. Adrian Tanner, Bringing Home Animals: Religious Ideology and Mode of Production of the Mistassini Cree Hunters (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1979). Richard Preston, "Symbolic Aspects of Eastern Cree Goose Hunting," Proceedings of the Second Congress, Canadian Ethnological Society, Vol. 2: 379-489, Jim Freedman and Jerome H. Barkow, eds. (Ottawa: National Museum of Man Mercury Series Ethnology Service Paper 28, 1975); Regina Flannery, "Some Magico-Religious Concepts of the Algonquians on the East Coast of James Bay," Themes in Culture and Other Essays in Honor of Morris Opler, Mario D. Zamora, J. Michael Mahar and Henry Orenstein, eds. (Quezon City, The Philippines: Kayumanggi, 1971) 31-39. The Ojibwa term "Windigo" ("wiitiko" in some Cree dialects) refers to a mythological creature often associated with terrifying windstorms and

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1 6 1

46.

47. 48. 49.

50.

51.

52. 53. 54.

uprooted trees, as well as to the attribution of people "going windigo" by becoming cannibals. Charles Bishop, "Windigo: Cannibal Devil of the North," Bulletin of the Field Museum of Natural History 44(8) 1973: 12-16; Richard Preston, "Wiitiko: Algonquian Knowledge and Whiteman Interest," Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference, William Cowan, ed. (Ottawa: Carleton University, 1977) 12-16. Charles C. Hughes, "History of Ethnology after 1945," in Damas, ed., Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 5: Arctic, 1984 23, 24. Ibid, 24. The Fifth Thule Expedition was a more-than-2,000-miles trek from Greenland to Alaska undertaken in the early 1920s. It was led by Danish explorer Knud Rasmussen who had with him six Danish scientists of various disciplines, as well as some Greenland Inuit. Kaj Birket-Smith, "The Caribou Eskimos," Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition, Volume 5 (Copenhagen: 1929), and The Eskimos (London: Methuen, 1936), revised and reprinted, New York: Crown Publishers, 1971; and Knud Rasmussen, Across Arctic America (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1927), "Intellectual Culture of the Iglulik Eskimos," Report on the Fifth Thule Expedition, 1921-24, VII, No. 1 (Copenhagen: Gyldensalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, 1929), and "The Netsilik Eskimos," Report on the Fifth Thule Expedition, Vol. 8 (Copenhagen: 1931) 1-542. David Damas, Igluligmiut Kinship and Local Groupings: A Structural Approach, Ottawa: National Museum of Canada Bulletin 196, Anthropological Series 64, 1963; Contributions to Anthropology: Band Societies, Proceedings of the Conference on Band Organization, Ottawa, August 30 to September 2, 1965, Ottawa: National Museums of Canada Bulletin 228, Anthropological Series 84, 1969. John S. Matthiasson, Living on Land (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1992). Robert Paine, ed., The White Arctic: Anthropological Essays on Tutelage and Ethnicity (St. John's: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1997) 2. Fikret Berkes et al, "Wildlife Harvesting and Sustainable Regional Native Economy in the Hudson and James Bay Lowland, Ontario," Arctic, Vol. 47(4), 1994; "The Persistence of Aboriginal Land Use: Wildlife Harvest Areas in the Hudson and James Bay Lowland, Ontario," Arctic, Vol. 48(1), 1995.

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1 6 2

Three: Ethnographic Photography: History, Hierarchy, Honigmann 1.

2.

3.

4.

5. 6.

7.

8.

9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Christopher Pinney, "The Parallel Histories of Anthropology and Photography," in Elizabeth Edwards, ed., Anthropology and Photography, New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1994. Ibid, 74. William Henry Fox Talbot was an Englishman who, during the mid1830s to early 1840s worked on a photographic process known as "photogenic drawing" that was in competition with the then more popular daguerreotype. Marcus Banks and Howard Morphy, "Introduction: Rethinking Visual Anthropology," in Banks and Morphy, ed., Rethinking Visual Anthropology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999), 6. Edward S. Curtis (1868-1952), for over 30 years beginning in 1900, took more than 40,000 images of people of some 80 Native nations, including pictures of famous individuals such as the Apache leader Geronimo and Chief Joseph of the Nez Perce. There were published in 20 limited edition (only 272 complete sets) volumes from 1907 to 1930 entitled The North American Indian: being a series of volumes picturing and describing the Indians of the United States, and Alaska. Seattle and Cambridge, Mass: E.S. Curtis. Banks and Morphy, 9. Structural-functionalism is an approach in anthropology and sociology that makes an organic analogy of society. It involves thinking of society as if it were a biological entity, with institutions (the structures) such as religion, government, policing, and education performing particular functions. Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942) was an anthropologist whose fieldwork in 1915-1918 in the Trobriand Islands, New Guinea, set the standard at the time for how anthropologists obtained their data in the field. David Tomas, "The Ritual of Photography," Semiotica, 40:1-2:1-25, 1982; and "Toward an Anthropology of Sight: Ritual Performance and the Photographic Process," Semiotica, 68 (1988): 3-4:245-70. Pinney, 1994, 78. Ibid, 91. Banks and Morphy, 1999, 10. David MacDougall, "The Visual in Anthropology," in Banks and Morphy, eds., 1999, 282. Ibid, 281. C.W. Hattersley, The Baganda at Home with one hundred pictures of life and work in Uganda, London: The Religious Tract Society, 1908; H.A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe, Neuchatel, Switzerland: Attinger Bros., 1912; Robert S. Rattray, Ashanti, London: Clarendon Press, 1923; Paul Spencer, The

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1 6 3

15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

Sambu.ru, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965; Paul Spencer, The Maasai of Matapato: A Study of Rituals of Rebellion, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press: 1988. Banks and Morphy, 1999, 1. Ibid, 7. Ibid, 8. Elizabeth Edwards, "Introduction," in Edwards, ed., Anthropology and Photography, 1994, 7. Joanna Scherer, "The Photographic Document: Photographs as Primary Data in Anthropological Enquiry," in Ibid, 34. Ibid, 32. Edwards, 1994, 5. Ibid, 8. Susan Sontag, On Photography (London: Penguin, 1979) cited in Pinney, 1994, 75. Sontag, 1979, 14. Edwards, 1994, 8. Pinney, 1994, 281. Catherine Lutz and Jane Collins, Reading National Geographic. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Lutz and Collins, 1993, 46.

Five: The Evolution of an Ethnographer: John Honigmann 1. 2. 3. 4.

5.

6.

John Gulick et al, "John J. Honigmann, 1914-1977," American Anthropologist, 80 (1978) :631 Ibid, 630. Ibid, 631. Richard Preston, "A Survey of Ethnographic Approaches to the Eastern CreeMontagnais-Naskapi," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 3, no. 2 (1975): 270. Ibid, 270. There exists in anthropology a distinction between "emic" (taken from the linguistic term "phonemic") that relates to the perceptions formed by insiders concerning their culture, and "etic" (take from the linguistic term " phonetic") that refers to the perceptions that "scientific" outsiders have of a culture. Karen Schaefer, personal communication, Aug. 15, 1996

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1 6 4

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

28. 29. 30.

31. 32. 33. 34. 35.

Irma Grabel Honigmann, "John JK. Honigmann," ms., 1982. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid; Schaefer, Aug. 15, 1996. Schaefer, Aug. 15, 1996. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Schaefer, Aug. 15, 1996. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. Edward Roger, "History of Ethnological Research in the Subarctic shield and Mackenzie Borderlands," in Helm, ed., Handbook, Volume 6: Subarctic, (1981): 19-34. Nancy Yaw Davis, "History of Research in Subarctic Alaska," in Ibid, 47. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. Ibid. Ibid. Richard Preston, personal communication, 1999. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. Honigmann, Ethnography and Acculturation of the Fort Nelson Slave (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Publications in Anthropology 33, 1946), 4. Michael Asch, "Slavey," in Damas, ed., Handbook, Volume 5: Arctic, 349; June Helm, The Indians of the Subarctic: A Critical Bibliography, Newberry Library Center for the History of the American Indian Bibliographical Series (Bloomington: Indian University Press, 1976), 11. Gulick et al, 1978, 630. John Honigmann, The Kaska Indians: An Ethnographic Reconstruction, New Haven, Conn. Yale University Publications in Anthropology 51, [need page #]. Honigmann, "Indians of Nouveau-Quebec," in Jean Malaurie et Jacques Rousseau, eds., Le Nouveau-Quebec: Contribution a I'Etude de Voccupation humaine, Bibliotheque Arctique et Antarctique 2 (Paris: Mouton, 1964), 31573. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. Honigmann, 1964, 6. Honigmann, 1949, 14. Richard Slobodin, "Canadian Subarctic Athapaskans in the Literature to 1965," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 3, no. 2 (1975) :283. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982.

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36. Ibid. 37. Honigmann, Foodways in a Muskeg Community, Publication 62 (1), (Ottawa: Dept. of Northern Affairs and Natural Resources, Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre, 1962), 8. 38. Preston, 1975, 270. 39. Gulick et al, 1978, 631 40. Honigmann, The Attawapiskat Swampy Cree: An Ethnographic Reconstruction, Anthro. Papers of the University of Alaska 5, no. 1, 23. 41. Preston, personal communication, 1999. 42. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. 43. Schaefer, Aug. 15, 1996. 44. Le Nouveau Quebec, 315-373. 45. Helm, 1970, 7. 46. Preston, 1975, 270. 47. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. 48. Schaefer, Aug. 15, 1996. 49. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. 50. Ibid. 51. Honigmann and Honigmann, Eskimo Townsmen (Ottawa: St. Paul University, 1965). 52. Gulick etal, 1978, 631. 53. Verne F. Ray, Review of Eskimo Townsmen, in Science 150:1444. 54. Choice, 1966:367. 55. Asen Balikci, Review of Eskimo Townsmen, American Anthropologist 68 (1966): 1053, 1054. 56. J. Rutherford, Review of Eskimo Townsmen, Community Development Journal, 1, no. 4 (1966), 50. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid. 59. Honigmann and Honigmann, Arctic Townsmen: Ethnic Backgrounds and Modernization (Ottawa: Saint Paul University, 1970) 1. 60. Ibid, Preface, vii. 61. Ibid. 62. David Damas, Review of Arctic Townsmen, American Journal of Sociology 77: 1268-70. 63. Ibid, 1270/ 64. Gulick et al, 1978, 634. 65. Irma Grabel Honigmann, 1982. 66. Gulick et al, 1978, 634.

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Six: Northern First Nations: Algonkians, Dene and Inuit 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.

Alice B. Kehoe, North American Indians: A Comprehensive Account (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1992) 543. John S. Milloy, The Plains Cree: Trade, Diplomacy and War, 1790 to 1870 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1988). Alan D. McMillan, Native Peoples and Cultures of Canada: An Anthropological Overview (Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre, 1988) 104. Kehoe, 1992, 545. McMillan, 1988, 106. Bruce G. Trigger, ed., Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 15: The Northeast (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institute, 1978). Bruce R. Morrison and Roderick C. Wilson, Native Peoples: The Canadian Experience (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1986). McMillan, 1988, 217. Beryl C. Gillespie, "Mountain Indians," in Helm, ed., 1981, 271. June Helm, "Dogrib," in Ibid, 291. Joel S. Savishinsky and Hiroko Sue Hara, "Hare," in Ibid, 314. Ibid, 315. Richard Slobodin, "Kutchin," in Helm, Ibid, 514. McMillan, 1988, 225. John R. Crow and Philip R. Obley, "Han," in Helm, 1981, 510-11. Catharine McClellan, "Tutchone," in Ibid, 493. Gillespie, "Mountain Indians," in Ibid, 337. McMillan, 1988, 221. Michael J. Asch, "Slavey," in Helm ed., 1981, 339. Honigmann, "Kaska," in Ibid, 442. McMillan, 1988, 226. Glenda Denniston, "Sekani," in Helm, ed., 1981, 434. Ibid. Robin Ridington, "Beaver," in Ibid, 351. Catharine McClellan, "Inland Tlingit," in Ibid, 469. McClellan, "Tagish," in Ibid, 485. Margaret L. Tobey, "Carrier," in Ibid, 415-16. Derek G. Smith, "Mackenzie Delta Eskimo," in Damas, ed., 1984, 347-48. McMillan, 1988, 258. Smith, in Damas, 1984, 351. McMillan, 1988, 258. Smith, 1984, 356-57; McMillan, 1988, 259. McMillan, 1988, 259.

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34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52.

53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64.

David Damas, "Copper Eskimo, in Damas, ed., 1984, 398. Ibid, 412. Asen Balikci, "Netsilik," in Damas, ed., 1984, 415. Rasmussen, cited in Ibid, 416. Balikci, Ibid, 419. McMillan, 1988, 259. Balikci, 1984, 427. Guy Mary-Rousseliere, "Iglulik," in Damas, ed., 1984, 431. Ibid, 431. Ibid, 431-2. William B. Kemp, "Baffinland Eskimo," in Damas, ed., 1984, 463-64. Ibid, 463. Ibid, 466-67. Cited in Ibid, 469. Ibid, 469. Eugene Y. Arima, "Caribou Eskimo," in Damas, ed., 1984, 447. Ibid, 458-59; and McMillan, 1988, 261-62. McMillan, 1988, 262. The Inuit Tapirisat of Canada is a political organization, formed in 1971, that draws its membership from Inuit communities across Canada and promotes Inuit causes such as land rights and solutions to economic and social problems. Bernard Saladin d'Anglure, "Inuit of Quebec," in Damas, ed., 1984, 480. J. Garth Taylor, "Historical Ethnography of the Labrador Coast," in Ibid, 508. D'Anglure, 1984, 477. Ibid, 477-78. Ibid, 479. Ibid, 484. McMillan, 1988, 271. Taylor, 1984, 508. Ibid, 509. Ibid, 514. Ibid, 515. Ibid.

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1946

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People of the Tlvilight, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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1936 (a)

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Ingalik Mental Structure. New Haven: Yale University Publications in Anthropology 56.

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1975

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1931

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Index

Abenaki First Nation, 13 Aborigines Protection Society, 39 Air Force Base Project, 132 Air Inuit, 156 Aklavik, Town of, 137 Alaska, 13, 14, 18, 27, 32, 144, 145, 148, 162 Alaska Highway, 123 Alberta, 13, 16, 116, 145, 146 Aleutian Islands, 148 Aleut linguistic group, 148 Algonkian (Algonquian) Nations, 23, 24, 115, 131 Algonkian speakers, 13, 14, 141, 142 Algonquin First Nation, 22, 34, 117, 127, 141-143 land tenure, 23 Artirdning (Austria), 133, 134 American Anthropological Association, 41 American Anthropologist, 135, 138 American Journal of Sociology, 137 American Philosophical Society, 9 Anglican Church, 23 Anthropology, anthropologists, 7, 11, 13, 21, 22, 25, 27-36, 39-42, 45, 47, 56, 59, 61, 115, 117, 120-123, 127129, 133, 135, 138,139 acculturation, 122, 123 cultural reconstruction, 122, 123 culture and personality, 32, 56, 122,

F A C E S

O F

T H E

126,135 ethnographic reconstruction, 123 health care issues, 35 kinship, 33, 34, 40 land tenure, 30, 31, 33 participant-observation, 40 religion, 21-23, 30, 31, 34 social organization, 30, 32, 33, 34, 40 structural-functionalism, 40, 163 technology, 34 Apache First Nation, 14 Archaeology, archeologist, 28, 29 Arctic, 36 Arctic Cultural Area, 7, 8, 12, 13, 16, 18-19, 29, 34-36, 58, 115, 135, 136, 141, 147-150, 157 Arctic Ocean, 18 Arctic Townsmen: Ethnic Backgrounds and Modernization, 35, 53, 59, 60, 117, 134, 137, 138

Argonauts of the Western Pacific, 40 Asch, Michael, 145 Assiniboine First Nation, 13 Athapaskan Nations, see also Dene, 26, 33, 115, 116, 121, 123, 141, 143, 145147 Cordilleran, 26 Attawapiskat photographs, 63-70 Attawapiskat (ON), 7, 8, 36, 49, 50, 53, 56, 57, 63, 115, 127-129

N O R T H

1 8 3

Attawapiskat (see Cree) Attawapiskat Swampy Cree: An Ethnographic Reconstruction, The, 56, 116, 128, 129 Austria, 115, 117, 132, 133, 138 Back River, 149 Baffin Bay, 151 Baffin Island, 134, 149, 151,152, 157 Baffinland Inuit, 149, 151-153 Ballikci, Asen, 34, 135, 151, 155 Band Organization of the Peel River Kutchin, 33 Banks, Marcus, 39-41 Barbeau, Marius, 27-19 Bateson, Gregory, 41 Beaufort Sea, 24 Beaver First Nation, 144, 146 Belcher Island, 155 Bella Coola First Nation, 147 Bella Coola River, 24 Bellot Strait, 150 Benedict, Ruth, 41, 120-122 Bennett, Wendell C., 122 Beothuk First Nation, 14, 142 Berger, T.R., 11 Bering Sea, 27 Bering Strait, 147 Biggar, H.P., 24 Birket-Smith, Kaj, 34 Bishop, Charles, 34 Bison, 12 Blackfoot First Nation, 13 Bloom, Fanny, see Fanny Grabel Bloom, Leo, 119 Boas, Franz, 27, 28, 152, 153 Boasian anthropology, 30 Boothia Peninsula, 150 Boreal forest, 12, 14, 16 Botanist, 27 Boyle, David, 29 Briggs, Jean, 34 Bringing Home Animals, 34 Britain, see Great Britain, 39

F A C E S

O F

T H E

British Columbia, 16, 26, 36, 53, 54, 56, 115, 123, 125, 145-147 Brock, R.W., 28 Brooklyn College, 120 Brooklyn (NY), 118 Bronx (NY), 117 Brown, G. Gordon, 127 Brown, Jennifer, 14, 16-17, 25, 31, 35 Burpee, L.J., 25 Button Islands, 156 California, 13 Campbell, Robert, 25, 26 Campbell of the Yukon, 26 Canada, 11, 13, 16 Canadian Department of Northern Affairs and Natural Resources, 131, 134 Canadian Museum of Civilization, 29 Canadian National Committee for Community Health Studies, 127 Canadian Shield, 14, 16 Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), 9 Cape Charles, 156 Cape Fullerton, 151 Cape Prince of Wales, 29 Caribou (Central Inuit), 149, 150, 153, 154 Carrier (Dalkelh) First Nation, 23-26, 144, 147 Carrier Language (Dene Family): A Grammar and Dictionary Combined, 23 Catholic University of America, 23 Champlain, Samuel de, 23, 24 Chapel Hill (NC), 8, 132, 133 Chiglit (five sub-groups of Mackenzie Delta Inuit), 148 Chilcotin First Nation, 13, 26 Child rearing, 57, 58, 134 Chipewyan First Nation, 16, 24, 33, 144, 153 Yellowknife, 144

N O R T H

1 8 4

Churchill River, 144 Churchill (trading post), 153 Choice, 135 Coast Mountains, 13 Collins, Jane, 51 Columbia University, 121 Committee Bay, 150, 151 Community Development Journal, 135 Confederation, 27 Contributions to the Ethnography of the Kutchin, 32 Cooper, John (Father), 23 Cooper, John M., 31 Copper (Central Inuit), 29, 137, 144, 150 Coppermine River, 149 Cordillera, 13, 16, 25 Corner Brook (NL), 17 Cornwallis Island, 151 Cree First Nation, 25, 31, 32, 34, 48, 49, 56-58, 67, 115, 116, 127, 131, 141-144, 146 Attawapiskat, 14, 15, 33, 49, 56, 67, 127,156 fishing, 7 hunting, 7 Inlanders, 23 James Bay, 25 land tenure, 7 language, 157 Mushkegowuk (Swampy), 116, 129 of Winisk, 23 of Quebec, 32 Plains, 13, 24 trapping, 7 Crocodile Dundee, 43, 49 Cruikshank, Julie, 35 Culture and Ethos of Kaska Society, 20, 32, 53, 54, 126 Culture and Personality, 133 Culture areas, 11-13 Curtis, Edward, 40, 163 Damas, David, 34, 137, 138

F A C E S

O F

T H E

d'Anglure, Bernard, 155, 156 Darwin, Charles, 39 David Thompson's Narrative of his Explorations in Western America 1784-1812,24: Davis Inlet, 33 Davis, Nancy Yaw, 121 Dawson, George Mercer, 27 83, 159 Dawson, John William, 27 Dene Nations (Peoples) (Athapaskan speakers), 14, 16, 18, 23, 31, 33, 122, 127, 137, 140, 143, 144, 147 Athapaskan, 14, 18, 26, 33, 115, 116, 121, 123, 125, 141, 144, 145 Dene language, speakers, 14, 23 Denniston, Glenda, 146 Depression, 118 Desperate People, The, 154 Development of Anthropological Ideas, The, 138 Devon Island, 151 Diamond Jenness Peninsula, 29 Distribution of the Northern Athapaskan Indians, 32 District of Keewatin, 150 Dogrib First Nation, 144 Dunning, Robert, 33 Eastern District High School (Brooklyn), 118, 119 Eastern Subarctic, 13-14, 16-17, 30, 31, 36, 115, 127, 141, 143 Eastern Woodlands, [North], Culture Area, 13, 14 Edel, May Mandelbaum, 120 Edwards, Elizabeth, 42, 43, 47 Eskimo-Aleut (Eskaleut) linguistic family, 147 Eskimo linguistic groups, 148 Eskimo Townsmen, 34, 35, 43, 53, 58, 59, 117, 132, 134-137 Eskimos without Igloos: Social and Economic Development in Sugluk, 34 Ethnographic photography, 39-61

N O R T H

1 8 5

photographer, 42, 44-47, 50, 51, 53 photographs, 40-44, 46, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 56-61, 132 subject, 43, 47, 50, 51, 53 Ethnography, ethnographers, 7, 27, 30, 31, 33, 34, 60, 115, 121, 122, 128, 131, 139 Ethnography and Acculturation of the Fort Nelson Slave, 53, 123, 125 Ethnography of the Tanaina, 32 Ethnohistory, ethnohistorian(s), 25, 35 Ethnological Society of London, 39 Ethnological Survey of Canada, 28 Ethnology, ethnologists, 23, 27-29, 36 Eurocentrism, 22 Euro-Canadian, 57, 131 European(s), 19, 21 Explorers, 21, 23, 25, 141 "Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian Social Organization, The," 31 Fifth Thule Expedition, 34, 162 Finlay River, 146 First Nations (Natives), 8, 13, 14, 18, 19, 21, 22, 24-26, 30, 32, 35, 36, 5961, 116, 131, 132, 137 141, 142 Flannery, Regina, 31, 34 Folklore studies, 28 Foodways in a Muskeg Community, 56, 116, 128, 138 Ford, Clellan S.,122 Fort Albany, 142 Fort Chimo, 30 Fort Nelson, 54, 113, 115, 123 Fort Selkirk, 25 Fort Yukon, 25 Foxe Basin, 151 Franz Joseph I, Emperor of AustriaHungary, 117 Fraser, Simon, 24 Fraser River, 147 French Canadians, 28 Frobisher Bay (NWT, now Nunavut),

F A C E S

O F

T H E

36, 52, 58, 59, 71, 73, 75, 115, 117, 134, 136-138 Fulbright Research Grant, 133 Fur trade, see traders

Garry Lake, 150 Geological Survey of Canada (GSC), 27, 28 Division of Anthropology, 28 29 Geology, geologists, 27 Glover, R., 24 Gitskan First Nation, 147 Grabel, Benjamin, 119 Grabel, Dorothy (Devorah), 119 Grabel, Fanny (Bloom), 119 Grabel, Herschal, 119 Grabel, Irma (see Irma Honigmann) Graburn, Nelson, 34 Graham, Andrew, 25 Grand Voyage du Pays de Hurons, Le, 22

Great Bear Lake, 18, 121, 144, 145 Great Britain, 39, 41 Great Slave Lake, 24, 31, 144, 145 Great Whale Photographs, 77-95 Great Whale River, 93, 115 people of, 50, 57, 58, 77-79, 82, 88, 91, 92, 94, 128, 130, 137 Greenland, 162 Gulf of St. Lawrence, 156 Gulick, John, 125, 134, 139 HBC (see Hudson's Bay Company) Haida First Nation, 13, 27, 28 Han First Nation, 25, 121, 144, 145 Hallowell, A. Irving "Pete," 31, 32 Handbook of North American Indians, 22, 36, 143 Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology, 139 Han Indians: A Compilation of Ethnographic and Historical Data on the Alaska-Yukon Boundary Area, The, 32

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1 8 6

Hara, Hiroko Sue, 144 Harmon, Daniel William, 25, 26 Hawthorn, Harry, 32 Hearne, Samuel, 23, 24 Helm, June, 26, 32, 33 Henriksen, Georg, 33 Hogan, Paul, 43 Honigmann, Agnes (Lobe), 117 Honigmann, Betty (Mrs. David), 8 Honigmann, David, 8, 58, 120, 128131, 133 Honigmann, Irma (Grabel), 34, 35, 54, 115, 117-123, 125, 126, 128, 130, 131, 134-136, 138, 139, 149 Honigmann, John Joseph (Dr.), 7, 8, 9, 12, 15, 20, 32-36, 38, 43, 46, 48-50, 53-61, 84, 87, 114, 115-123, 125, 126, 128-139, 149

photographs of, 7, 8, 12, 15, 20 Honigmann, John (Sr.), 117-119 Honigmann, Karen (see Karen Schaefer) Honigmann Papers (NAA), 7 Hudson Bay, 17, 25, 129, 130, 131, 142, 144, 153, 155 Hudson Bay Lowlands, 14 Hudson Strait, 155 Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), 24-26, 57, 60, 135 Hughes, Charles H., 34 Human Relations Area Files (HRAF), 120, 121 Hunter College, 120, 130 Huron First Nation, 22, 24 Huronia, 22 Iglulik (Central Inuit), 149, 151, 152 Indians of Canada, 28 Indians of Nouveau Quebec, 116, 131 Indians of the Subarctic: A Critical Biography, The, 26 32, 33 "Indian stories about the First Whites in Northwestern America," 26 Information for Pakistan, 133

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Ingalik (Alaska), 32 International Motion Picture Service, see U.S. Department of State Innu (Montagnais and Naskapi), 14, 22, 131, 141-143 Inuit, 18-19, 34, 57-61, 115, 117, 131, 134, 137, 144, 147, 150, 152-157, 168 Alaskan Inuit, 149, 156 Central Inuit, 148, 149, 152 Copper Inuit, 29 Mackenzie Delta Inuit, 137, 148, 149, 156 Northern Quebec Inuit, 141, 148, 155, 156 Labrador Inuit, 141, 148, 155-157 Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, 154, 168 Inuktitut language, 157 Inuvik Photographs, 96-99 Inuvik, Community of, 12, 35, 59, 60, 96, 115, 117, 134-137 Iqaluit (formerly Frobisher Bay) (Nunavut), 58, 59, 73, 134 Iroquois Nations, 13, 24, 143 Iroquoian archaeology, 29 Isham, James, 25 James Bay, 14, 17, 23, 25, 56, 57, 67, 127, 129, 142 James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, 156 Jenness, Diamond, 28, 29 Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-1791,22 Journey from Prince of Wales' Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean, A, 24 Journals and Letters of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, The, 24 Kaska First Nation, 25, 32, 38, 46, 54, 56, 100-107, 115, 116, 123-125, 140,

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144, 146 Kaska Indians: An Ethnographic Reconstruction, The, 125, 126 Kaska photographs, 100-110 Kemp, William, 152 King William Island, 150 Kittigazuit, Village of, 148 Kutenai First Nation, 13 Kutchin First Nation, 24-26, 33, 121, 144, 145 Western, 26 Kwakiutl First Nation, 13 Labrador, 14, 18, 30, 33, 142, 155-157 Labrador Peninsula, 14 Lac Minto, 155 Lac St. Jean, 30 Lake Athabaska, 24, 144 Lake Beechey, 149 Lake Harbour, 74, 76 Lake Huron, 142 Lake Superior, 142 Lake Winnipeg, 142 Lamb, W. Kay, 24, 25 Lancaster Sound, 151 Laurier, Wilfrid (Prime Minister), 28 Leacock, Eleanor, 33 LeCaron, Father, 22 LeJeune, Father, 22 Liard River, 115, 126 Lilloet First Nation, 13 Lobe, Agnes (see Honigmann) Lower Post (BC), 36, 38, 56, 115, 125 Lutz, Catherine, 51 Lynx Point People, 33 MacDougall, David, 41 Mackenzie, Alexander, 23-25, 144 Mackenzie Delta, 16, 137, 148, 149 Mackenzie Lowlands, 16 Mackenzie Mountains, 145 Mackenzie River, 16, 144, 145 Makivik Corporation, 156 Malecite First Nation, 13

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Malinowski, Bronislaw, 40, 163 Manitoba, 13, 16, 18, 143 Mansel Island, 155 Marett, Robert R. (Prof.), 29 Maritime provinces, 13 Mary-Rousseliere, Guy, 151 Maslow, Abraham H., 120 Mason, J. Alden, 31, 53, 54 Mason, Otis, 11 Matonabee (Chipewyan trader), 24 Matthiasson, John, 35 McClellan, Catherine, 25, 26, 145, 147 McGill Project, 32 McGill University, 27, 32 Mcllwraith, Thomas, 29 McLean, John, 26 McMaster University, 8, 35 McMillan, Alan, 16, 144, 146 McSkimming, Robert, 18 Mead, Margaret, 41, 120, 122 Metis, 13, 33, 59, 137, 142 Metis of the Mackenzie District, 33 Mi'kmaw First Nation, 13 Missionary, missionaries, 21-23, 25, 42, 45, 141, 157 Mohawk First Nation, 143 Monographic des Dene-Dindjie, 22 Montagnais First Nation, 22, 23, 30, 31, 34, 131, 141, 142 Montreal (QC), 27 Moosonee (ON), 128 Morantz, Toby, 25 Morgan, Lewis Henry, 27 Morrison, Bruce, 143 Morice, Adrien-Gabriel (Father), 23 Morphy, Howard, 39-41 Mountain Indians, 144 Mowat, Farley, 154 Murdock, George W., 122 Murray, Alexander Hunter, 25, 26 Mushkegowuk (see Cree) NAA (see National Anthropological Archives)

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"Nahathaway Indians," 24 Naskapi (Innii), 29, 30, 33, 34, 131, 141, 142, 155 National Anthropological Archives (NAA), 7, 8, 129 National Geographic, 51 National Museum of Canada, 28, 32 Natives (see First Nations) Navaho First Nation, 14 Netsilik, (Central Inuit), 34, 149-151 Never In Anger: Portrait of an Eskimo Family, 34 Newfoundland and Labrador, 17, 29 Newfoundland, Island of, 14 New York City (NY), 117, 118, 133 New York Times, 118, 120 New York University, 130 New Zealand, 28 Nonas, Richard, 14 Nootka First Nation, 13 North, The, 11 North Saskatchewan River, 13 Northwest Coast Culture Area, 13, 27, 28, 146, 147 North West Company (NWC), 24, 25 Northwest Territories, 11, 14, 16, 18, 24, 36, 123, 134, 145 Notes Archeological, Industrial and Sociological of the Western Denes with an Ethnological Sketch of the Same, 23 Notes of a Twenty-Five Years' Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory, 26 Notes on the Indians of the Great Slave Area, 53 Nova Scotia, 23 Nowry, Lawrence, 27, 28 Nunavut, 18, 154 Oblates of Mary Immaculate, 22 Observations on Hudson's Bay, 1743, 25 Observations on Hudson's Bay, 176791, 25

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Ojibwa-Cree, Oji-Cree, 142 Ojibwa First Nation, 26, 141-143 language, 157, 161 Plains Ojibwa, 142 Ojibwa of Berens River, Manitoba; Ethnography into History, The, 31 Okanogan First Nation, 13 Old Bering Sea Culture, 29 Ontario, 11, 13, 14, 27, 36, 53, 115 Order of Canada, Companions, 29 Osgood, Cornelius, 31, 32, 121-123 Ottawa River, 22, 23 Oxford University, 28, 29 Pacific Ocean, 16, 24 Paine, Robert, 35 Pakistan, 7, 115, 131-133 Paleontologist, 27 Parsnip River, 146 Peace River, 146 Peawanuck (ON), 17 Pelly Mountains, 145 Pelly River, 25 People of the Deer, 154 People of the Tiuilight, 29 Permafrost, 16, 18 Perry River, 149 Personality in Culture, 133, 138 Petitot, Emile (Father), 22, 23 Philips Fund for Native American Research, 9 Pinney, Christopher, 39, 40, 51 Plains Culture Area, 12, 13, 142 Plains Cree (see Cree) Plateau Culture Area, 13 Photographs, see Ethnographic Photography Pond Inlet, 35 Prairie provinces, 14 Preston, Richard (Dr.), 8, 28, 29, 34, 116, 122, 128, 131 Prince Regent Inlet, 151 Professional Development Fund (CUPE), 9

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Pullman (WA), 127 Quebec, 11, 13, 14, 18, 22, 27, 28, 30, 77, 115, 155, 157 Queens (NY), 130 Quinze ans Sous la Cercle Polaire, 23 Rasmussen, Knud, 34, 162 Ray, Verne, 134 Recollets, 22 Research Program for Technology Assessment for Subarctic Ontario (TASO), 35 Riddington, Robin, 33, 146 Riviere aux Feuilles, 155 Rocky Mountains (Rockies), 13, 142, 146 Rogers, Edward S., 30, 32-35 Rouse, Irving, 122 Royal Ontario Museum, 32 Russell, Frank, 31 Rutherford, J., 135, 136 Sagard, Gabriel, 22 St. Elias Mountains, 145 St. Lawrence River, 17, 23 Sallirmuit (now extinct), 151 Sarcee First Nation, 116 Sapir, Edward, 28, 29, 121, 122 Saskatchewan, 13, 16 Sault Ste. Marie (ON), 142 Savishinsky, Joel, 144 Scanlon, James, 23 Schaefer, Karen (Honigmann), 8, 58, 118, 125, 128, 130, 131, 133 Scherer, Joanna, 42, 43 Science, 134 Second World War, 34, 117 Sekani First Nation, 24, 25, 144 Selwyn Mountains, 145 Sept-lies (QC), 17 Severn River, 16 Sixteen Years in Indian Country: The Journal of Daniel Williams Harmon,

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1800-1816, 25 Skeena River, 147 Slave (Slavey) First Nation, 54, 111-113, 115, 116, 123, 144-146 Slave Photographs, 111-113 Slave River, 24 Slobodin, Richard, 33, 126, 144 Smith, James G.E., 33 Smithsonian Institution, 7, 129, 139, 142 Social and Economic Change among the Northern Ojibwa, 33 Social Networks in Great Whale River, 53, 57, 84, 87, 117, 131 Society of Jesus, 22 Somerset Island, 151 Sontag, Susan, 50 Some Patterns of Bomb Squadron Culture, 132 Southern Anthropological Society, 138 Sope, Almira, 98 Speck, Frank, 30, 31, 34 Stager, John, 18 Stikine River, 146 Strylysk (Poland), 119 Styria (Austria), 133 Subarctic, Subarctic Culture Area, 8, 13-17, 22, 23, 25, 35 Subarctic Metis as Products and Agents of Cultural Contact, The, 33 Swampy Cree, see Cree, Mushkegowuk TASCO (see Technology Assessment for Subarctic Ontario) Tagish First Nation, 144, 147 Tahltan First Nation, 25, 146 Nahannies, 26 Tanaina First Nation, 121 Talbot, William Henry Fox, 39, 163 Tanner, Adrian, 34 Technology Assessment for Subarctic Ontario (TASCO), 35 Tete de Boule First Nation, 31 Texas, 13

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Thompson, David, 24 Thrasher, Mona, 60, 61 Three Pakistan Villages, 133 Thwaites, Reuben, 22 Thule People, 153 Tlingit First Nation, 25, 28, 144, 146 Coastal, 25, 146 Inland, 144, 147 Toronto (ON), 33, 128 Traders, fur traders, 21, 25, 26, 35, 42, 141, 142, 144, 147, 153, 157 Trappers, 25 Tremblay, Marc-Adelard, 28, 29 Trudeau, Jean, 23 Tsmshian First Nation, 28 Tundra, 16, 18 Turner, Lucien M., 30 Tutchone First Nation, 25, 144, 145 T\vo Journals of Robert Campbell, 26 Tyrrell, Joseph, 24 Understanding Culture, 138 Ungava Peninsula, 142, 155 United States, 13, 27, 29, 30, 41, 51, 115, 117, 120 United States Air Force (USAF), 132 U.S. Department of State, 132 International Motion Picture Service, 132 University of British Columbia, 30 University of North Carolina (UNC), 130, 131, 133, 138 Department of Sociology and Anthropology, 132, 138 Institute for Research in Social Science, 130 University of Saskatchewan, 32 University of Toronto, 30, 127 University of Washington, 128 Upper Liard River , 115, 125, 126

Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 27 Victoria Island, 29, 149 Victoria Memorial Museum (later National Museum of Canada), 28, 29 Victoria Strait, 150 Wallace, W.A., 26 Washington, DC, 7, 8, 139 Waugh, Frederick W., 29 Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, 130 Western Denes: Their Manners and Customs, The, 23 Western Subarctic, 13-14, 16-17, 31-33, 36, 115, 121, 127, 141, 143, 147 White Arctic: Anthropological Essays on Tutelage and Ethnicity, The, 35 Whiting, John W.M., 122 Williamsburg (Brooklyn), 118 Wilson, Clifford, 26 Wilson, C. Roderick, 14, 16-17, 143 Windigo, 34, 161 Winisk (ON), 17 Winter, 121 Wintemberg, William John, 29 "Witch Fear in Post-Contact of Kaska Society," 32 Wolf, Eric, 35 Woodlands People, 143 World of Man, The, 133 Yaslo (Poland), 119 Yale University, 32, 53, 120-125 Yugoslavia, 117 Yukon Territory, 11, 14, 16, 35, 54, 56, 115, 125, 126, 145, 147, 148 Yukon River, 16, 26, 145, 147 Yupik, 148

Van Kirk, Sylvia, 23, 35 VanStone, James W., 33 Vezinet, , 155

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About the Author

Bryan Cummins is a cultural anthropologist who conducts research among Canadian First Nations, particularly in the Eastern Subarctic. His education consists of a BA (Honours) in history and anthropology from Trent University, an MA in education from Concordia University and an MA and Ph.D. in anthropology from McMaster University. He has taught at Trent University, McMaster University, the University of Western Ontario, Memorial University of Newfoundland and the University of Guelph. Cummins has worked with the Algonquin of Ontario and Quebec and with the Cree of Ontario. Among the dozen books he has authored or co-authored are Full Circle: Canada's First Nations (2001) (with John Steckley), First Nations, First Dogs: Canadian Aboriginal Ethnocynology (2002), Colonel Richardson's Airedales: the Making of the British War Dog School 1900-1918 (2003) and "Only God Can Own the Land": The Attawapiskat Cree (2004). He is the producer/director/writer of Attawapiskat Goose Hunt, an ethnographic film about the Attawapiskat Cree. The film has aired on The Aboriginal Peoples Television Network.

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