For God, Mammon, and Country: A Nineteenth-Century Persian Merchant, Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb (1834-1898)

Praise for for god, Nammon and country Shireen Mahdavi has written a fascinating book, based on original archives, about the most important Iranian merchant of the late nineteenth century, Amin al-Zarb. She effectively recounts both his rags-to riches life and his role in the changing economy and politics of late Qajar Iran. Nikki Keddie University of California, Los Angeles The importance of the role of the merchant in the Iranian constitutional revolution of 1906 has been frequently remarked but the merchants themselves have been little studied. Now at last we can welcome a scholarly biography of the leading merchant, Amin al-Zarb. Malcolm Yapp Emeritus Professor of the Modern History of Western Asia, University of London Shireen Mahdavi investigates the economic, financial, commercial and industrial activities of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb, perhaps the greatest Persian entrepreneur of his time. Dr. Mahdavi's book fills in a major lacuna in late nineteenth century Persian history, Michel Mazzaoui Professor of Persian History, University of Utah

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For Hod, Mammon, and Country

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For God Mammon, and Country ;

A

Nineteenth-Century

HaiMuhammadHassan

Persian

Merchant

Aminal-Zarb

(1834-1898)

Shireen Mahavi

Westview A Member of the Perseus Books Group

All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission In writing from the publisher. Copyright © 1999 by Westview Press, A Member of the Perseus Books Group Published in 1999 in the United States of America by Westview Press, 5500 Central Avenue, Boulder, Colorado 80301-2877, and in the United Kingdom by Westview Press, 12 Hid's Copse Read, Cumnor Hill, Oxford OX2 9JJ

Find us on the World Wide Web at www.westviewpress.com A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress ISBN 0-8133-3642-2 (hc) —ISBN 0-8133-3875-1 (pb) The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1984.

PERSEUS

POD

ON DEMAND

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In memory of my son Reza Ali and for my daughters Dorna and Nayer Lagha Khazeni

/ cry day and night in this Paris which is not a place for sadness [but pleasure] and instead of tears blood pours out of my eyes, . . . I observe the conditions of this country and review those of Iran and become demented. —Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb, from Paris, July 1887

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Contents List of Maps, Photos, and Illustrations A Note on Transliteration and Translation Preface Acknowledgments Introduction

xi xiii xv xvii 1

1

The Beginning: 1250-1274/1834-1857

19

2

Early Years in Tehran: 1267-1280/1850-1863

33

3

Period of Growth: 1280-1290/1863-1873

47

4

The Successful Entrepreneur: 1288-1300/1871-1883

68

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Political and Industrial Activities: 1300-1304/1883-1887

88

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The Railway Quest and the European Trip: 1304-1306/1887-1888

106

7

Years of Triumph and Reversal: 1306-1311/1888-1894

126

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Last Years: 1313-1316/1896-1898

149

Conclusion

163

Appendices Who's Who A Note on Sources Glossary Notes Bibliography Index

171 211 217 225 229 265 273

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MapsPhotos,

andillustrations

Photos Amin al-Zarb

vi

1.1 1.2

Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar Young girls carrying water

32 32

2.1

Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in his hujra in Sara-yi Amir

46

3.1 3.2 3.3 4.1 4.2 5.1 5.2 7.1 8.1

The beginning of a Journey from a caravanserai in litters (kajava) A woman in knickerbockers and outdoor costume in the Nasiri period Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb and Dr. Muhammad Mussadiq

66

Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar of Mashhad The house Haj Muhammad Hassan bought from Haj Mirza Husayn Sarraf Shirazi

87

66 67

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Muzaffar al-Din Shah Qajar and Mirza 'All Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan Group photograph of Sayyid Jamal al-Din's first visit to Persia in 1304/1887

105

Haj Muhammad 'All Sayyah and Mirza Riza Kirmani in chains

148

Haj Husayn Aqa Amin al-Zarb II

162

105

xi

Maps, Photos, and Illustrations

xii

Maps and Illustrations

2.1 3.1 6.1 6.2 7.1 7.2

Sectional map of Tehran, 1309/1891, showing Sara-yi Amir, location of Amin al-Zarb's kujra, house, and nearby orchard

45

Schematic drawing of Amin al-Zarb's house in the Chala Maydan district of Tehran

65

Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to Amin al-Sultan Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to Nasir al-Din Shah

125

Text of die proclamation of the inauguration of the port of Nasiri, dated Sha'ban 1307/March-April 1890 Original schematic drawing of the port of Nasiri

146 147

E. 1 The paternal descent of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb E.2 The maternal descent of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb E.3 The descent of Mah Begum Khanum, wife of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb

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206 208 209

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The transliteration system used in this study is that of the International Journal of Middle East Studies, without diacritical marks and with a few modifications. For instance, the name "Hasan," by personal preference, appears as "Hassan." The letter 'ayn has been represented by the sign ' and the letter hamza by the sign '. The Persian silent h is transliterated as a, as in "nama." When dual dates are given, the first figure refers to the Islamic (A.H.) and the second to the Christian calendar (A.D.). The Islamic months have been transliterated according to their Persian pronunciation. Certain Arabic words such as "htulith," "futwa, "and other similar ones that are in general usage have been represented in their Arabic form. In certain cases, words in general English usage, such as "bazaar," "caravanserai," and "asafetida," have been represented by die American English spelling. Place-name spellings (Qum, Azarbayjan, and so on) conform to the transliteration system I have used here. Consistency in these circumstances is difficult to maintain and anomalies are bound to appear. It is inevitable that any transliteration system will be found unsatisfactory by some readers. It is hoped, however, that any possible inconsistency will not be found to be distracting, A glossary of Persian words is provided at the end of die book to facilitate reading, and terms are translated when they first appear in die text. To reduce the confusion of a myriad of personalities, names, and titles, a Who's Who has also been supplied at the end. Unless odierwise stated, all translations are by the author. The terms "Iran" and "Persia" have been used interchangeably.

xiii

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0£-*vefs*ce The seeds for this work were planted in my mind when I read Lucien Febvre's "A Renaissance Merchant."1 In one essay, he has brought to life the trials and tribulations, the joys and hardships of this unknown man traversing unfamiliar distances, facing numerous dangers on the road, separated for months and sometimes years from his family, trying to make a living. I wished to attempt the same for the life of Amin alZarb. I wanted to place him within the social, economic, cultural, and geographical setting of his time in a manner that would bring the period to life for the general reader. The ideal model that 1 had in mind is the historical writings of Febvre. I was further reinforced in this resolve by the traditional nature of Persian historiography. There has been an absence of biographies in general, and of biographies of merchants or individuals outside the court and political circles in particular, in historical writings on Iran, either in Persian or Western languages. At the same time, the audience for whom the present historical works on Iran are written is composed of other cognoscenti. In all these works, the life of the individual has been neglected. By contrast, my efforts here are focused on an individual. This study is a chronological narrative of the life of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb, the most prominent Iranian merchant of his time. The narrative is interrupted and digresses in some chapters to describe some cultural aspect of life or institutions pertinent to Amin al-Zarb's life at that juncture. I hope that the reader does not find these breaks too disruptive but will see them as a means of conjuring up a lost past and setting Amin al-Zarb in his time and place. To prevent further interruptions in the narrative, the historical background to Amin al-Zarb's lite is set out in the Introduction. Also, as far as possible, I have tried to focus on the life and character of Amin al-Zarb rather than on the personalities with whom he came into contact, regardless of the frequency of contact or the importance of these secondary characters in their own right. Finally, this study aspires to be a blend of social history and biography, which although well documented throughout I hope will read like a story.

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My thanks go first and foremost to my kinsman Asghar Mahdavi, without whose invaluable help this work would not have been possible. All the unpublished materials from the Mahdavi Archives in Tehran were put at my disposal by Dr. Mahdavi. Not only did he provide me with constant information from the family archives, but he took it upon himself at every stage of the work to send me the material relevant to that period. Next, in all my academic endeavors, in general and in this work in particular, unique gratitude is due to the late Professor Ernest Gellner, who became my friend and mentor from the time I became his student at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His constant encouragement, his meticulous reading of each chapter, and his extremely useful suggestions, all offered in total modesty, were a continual source of inspiration. His untimely death was a great loss to the academic world in general and to his friends and students in particular, I am glad that he lived to see this work to completion. After the death of Professor Gellner, if it had not been for the invaluable and untiring counsel, help, and guidance of my friend Professor Shaul Bakhash of George Mason University, who became my mentor, this work would not be in print. I can not thank him enough for his help, patience, and kindness. I am deeply indebted to Professor Michel Mazzaoui of the University of Utah for having been my ustad-i a'zam in his love and knowledge of Persian culture, and for his numerous and patient readings of this work and his helpful suggestions. Special dianks go to Professor Peter Von Sivers of the University of Utah for reading the first rough draft of this study, for his encouragement, and for his many valuable suggestions. I am grateful to professor John Gurney of Wadham College, Oxford, for his meticulous reading of the text and for having pointed out minutiae of factual errors and transliteration inconsistencies not noticed by others. I am deeply grateful to Susan and Oktai Parvaz for their help in all graphic aspects of this work, and more. 1 must thank Gisela Cavalieri for all photographic works, Latifeh Haqiqi of die University of California at Los Angeles for reviewing and correcting the transliteration, and Francine Mahak for the translation of Italian and Russian texts. xvii

xviii

Acknowledgments

I am specially indebted to my husband, Reza Khazeni, for having provided me with the leisure and the means, over many years, to occupy myself with this venture, Last but not least, my loving tribute goes to my enlightened father, Ebrahim Mahdavi, for having had a breadth of vision beyond his environment and for having provided me, without gender discrimination, with the educational opportunities that enabled me to undertake this study.

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This study Is an account of the life and times of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin alZarb, the most prominent nineteenth-century Iranian merchant and Iran's first major entrepreneur. His life spanned the reign of three Qajar shahs. He was born in the reign of Muhammad Shah (1834-1848), arrived in Tehran in the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah (1848—1896), and reached the zenith of his eminence during die reign of that shah. He died in die reign of Muzaffar al-Din Shah (1896-1906). The Qajar society into which Amin al-Zarb was born was a pluralistic society composed of different groups with varying social status. It was also a society with a strong kinship system and an extended family system, with kin groups encompassing individuals from different categories, bypassing social status and economic standing. The importance and function of kin groups is well demonstrated by Amin al-Zarb's life. The groups were open and fluid to a certain extent, and both horizontal and vertical movement took place between them. However, there was a certain degree of ascendancy within these groups, and some dominated others. Whether they were hierarchical strata in the Western concept of the word is questionable. l There was no aristocracy similar to the European model. In fact, the Islamic laws of inheritance, on the one hand, and arbitrary confiscation of property, on the other, mitigated against the accumulation of wealth in one family and the perpetuation of its accompanying status. As a result, there was greater social mobility both upward and downward. However, to distinguish the groups it is necessary to discover the different ways in which they operated within the society. It would appear that diese groups can be analyzed in terms of dieir function, status, prestige, lifestyle, and self-image. Central to the concept of social status is a specific style of life. Lifestyle is manifested in such things as clodhes, food, occupation, hobbies, and intermarriage. Membership in a status group does not depend upon property, but those both with or without property can belong to the same status group according to the esteem attached by society to their social function. In this type of definition, it is important to take into account the way individuals think of themselves as belonging to a specific group or not. In the final analysis, the group to which individuals assign themselves must have a great bearing on die analysis of any society. In the first group, the most dominant individual in Qajar society was the shah, and there was a wide gap between him and the second group, that of the princes of

1

2

Introduction

the blood (sbabztutigan). Not only was the shah all-powerful, but he was unequaled in rank. After the Qajar family, the next powerful group in the society was composed of the great tribal Ieaders:Aishars, Arabs, Bakhtiaris, Baluch, Kurds, Qashqa'i, Qaraquzlu, and others. They usually were great landowners in their local areas. Their power was based upon the military force that they were able to muster from among their followers, which when necessary was put at the shah's disposal. Thus, their power derived from both land and their military potential. Simultaneously, they were both a threat and a support to the central government. The classification of the third group is more complex, although frequently they have been classified as landowners. A landowner in Persian is a ma.Hk> and landowning was frequently secondary to other functions and lifestyles in society and was certainly a status symbol, as result of which diverse groups with no common function or power or lifestyle owned land. The problem is better presented if we consider whether the various groups combined thought of themselves as landowners or as individuals fulfilling a certain function in society with its accompanying status. After all, status is about perceptions of social prestige and power. It is about how people see themselves. The groups in question are the princes, the courtiers, the title holders and high-echelon officeholders such as the vazirs (ministem),farmanjarmas (governors), and local notables. It is suggested that a prince, a courtier, or a minister would not have first thought of himself as a malik but as part of the dominant stratum of society with the accompanying social and political power. If we are forced to combine these various groups, although there was no aristocracy in Persia in the European sense of the word, they would be better defined by the Persian term a'yan va ashraf (notables and nobles), which encompasses many dominant groups and distinguishes the elite from the commoner and would serve the purpose better. The fourth group were the administrators and bureaucrats. 2 In a country where literacy, let alone learning, was rare, the power of this group was based upon the education and training of its members in the traditional branches of learning such as bureaucratic skills, accounting, correspondence, the drawing up of reports, and the like. Since training in these skills was often passed on from father to son or other members of the family or had to be acquired in the service of an important official, it was often hereditary. The most important administrator was the mustawfi al-mamalik, or treasurer general, under whose jurisdiction came all central and provincial financial matters. The fifth important group consisted of the ulama, ranging from the great mujtahiek to itinerant muUas. The source of their power was quite different from the odier groups in that it was based upon religious learning and spiritual attainment rather than on secular power and material possessions. Some members of the 'ulama, such as the sbaykb tit-islam, the imamjum'a of the major cities, the khatib, and the pis/ntamaz received regular salaries from the government and in that sense could be regarded as members of the bureaucracy. The eminent members of the ulama, however, were not only held in special esteem but considered diemselves the "representatives" of the Hidden Imam on earth. They themselves held a dichotomous attitude toward the government, on the

Introduction

3

one hand maintaining that all rulers in the absence of the Imam were usurpers, and on the other hand believing that any government was better than anarchy. Members of the 'ulama fulfilled important civil functions such as holding the shar'i courts, performing marriages and death ceremonies, and acting as "notary publics. " Religious office frequently ran in families as it did in the case of the bureaucrats. The sixth prominent group in society was occupied by the merchant classes, which comprised the big merchants (tujjar), who traded extensively internally as well as in import-export externally, the bazaar merchants, and the shopkeepers. This was the group to which Amin al-Zarb belonged, starting as a small bazaar merchant and eventually becoming the most prominent big merchant. As there were no banks, some members of this group played an important role in providing and transmitting funds both to individuals and to the government. In the big cities, the shah appointed a malik al-tujjar who was head of the merchant community, native or foreign, and was empowered to settle disputes, investigate claims, and give certificates of solvency. The office was voluntary in that it did not come with a salary but rather was considered an honor and tended to be hereditary. As Amin al-Zarb and his brothers achieved commercial importance, one of his younger brothers, Ha) Abu al-Qasim, was appointed malik al-tujjar of Mashhad. Aside from the above groups, which composed a sraali percentage of the population, there was also a small middle group of artisans and craftsmen, but the vast majority consisted of urban wage earners and the peasant and tribal rural population, whose primary function was to pay taxes to either the government or the local landlord, or both. Each group fulfilled a specific function and was accompanied by specific norms of behavior, ranging from clothes to social etiquette. James Morier writes: A description of etiquette in Pcrsk would be of endless and trifling minutiae. They are such, however, and so easily observed by everyone from their youth and indeed so stronj^y marked the gradation of rank, that no person even of the meanest condition, is ignorant of his proper situation and of the several etiquette attached to it. 3

Not only did etiquette distinguish the different groups, but clothes and lifestyles were also an important differentiating factor among them. The most important item of clothing in distinguishing not only groups but inhabitants of different areas and tribes was headgear, or kulak. Both the type of headgear and the manner in which it was worn were different for different groups. The kulak was made of sheepskin, the quality of the skin varying according to class. The kulab& of die rich upper classes were made of the finest Bukhara lambskin, costing five or six times more than diose worn by ordinary people. ^ Edward Waring, who visited Shiraz at the beginning of the nineteenth century, says: "It is the custom for the military men to press their caps down on one side; the Mirza or civil officers to twist a shawl about them; and the artificers, tradesmen, etc, wear their cap upright. " He also reports a specific clothes prohibition concerning merchants, in that they were not allowed to wear either scarlet or crimson robes or use silver and gold buttons on them. 5

4

Introduction

Different social groups lived IB different types of houses. Justin Perkins describes three different houses; "The houses in Persia are of three general orders, corresponding in appearance and expense to the higher, middle and lower classes of people. The two former are built of sun-dried brick. Palaces of princes and rich nobles are sometimes built of burnt brick and lime like the arched caravanserais. " Aside from the material used for construction, there was a difference in the interior design and the facade of the houses of the various groups. The windows were designed and constructed in polygonal spaces ranging from one to three inches in diameter. The difference in social groups was demonstrated in the way these spaces were filled. In the houses of the dominant groups, the spaces were filled with small diamondshaped pieces of glass of various bright colors, giving the appearance of mosaic. These windows were extremely costly. The groups in the middle covered their sashes with oiled paper. The interior of the houses also differed:That of the dominant groups was plastered with white gypsum and covered with the richest carpets, whereas that of the middle groups was plastered with a mature of straw and mud and the carpets were of an inferior quality. The houses of the lower groups were built of mud and were one story high, as opposed to the others, which were half and half, were not plastered, and had no windows except a hole in the roof. 6There were other distinguishing marks such as the gateway or entrance to the house, but the ones described above were the more defining; in some instances, the outside of the houses was not necessarily descriptive of the inside, as in the case of rich merchants who tried to hide their wealth rather than display it. The food consumed by the different social groups also varied. Rice constituted the staple diet of the dominant groups but bread that of the lower groups, and again, not the same bread as that consumed by the dominant groups. The lower groups made their bread from barley or millet; that of the others was made from wheat. The type of meat consumed was also linked to social group differences. Mutton, lamb, and chicken were exclusive to the dominant groups and were a sign of social prestige; beef was exclusive to the lower groups and was considered socially highly undesirable. Another distinction existed in the kind of fat used in cooking. The poor used the tails of sheep, and the rich, butter. 7 Although Qajar society was a society in which certain groups dominated others, it was not a closed society, and the lines of demarcation between the groups were not rigid, thus diminishing class conflict and antagonism. Also, the nature of everyday life in Qajar society was based in the community, be it the urban neighborhood or the rural village, and involved daily social contacts between different groups, which lessened their own perception of class differences. Both upward and downward social mobility took place. Two factors were responsible for this movement. First, the Islamic laws of inheritance divided the estate among the survivors, thus preventing both the concentration of private wealth and the perpetuation of social rank. Second, the arbitrary nature of central governmental power resulted in no man being certain that his fortune was safe from confiscation to be passed on to his descendants. There was also an overlapping of functions from one group to another

Introduction

5

that facilitated social mobility. For instance, military leaders were drawn both from landowners and tribal chieftains or a governor of a province would settle permanently in the province in which he had held office and become part of the local a'yan VA ashraf. Although at the beginning of the nineteenth century the members of the bureaucracy were considered to be in an inferior position to the tribal leaders and landowners, toward the middle of the century this was no longer true. Two factors contributed to this change. First, as the administration became more complex, the status of the higher ranks of bureaucracy rose and many more members were drawn from the tribal and landowning classes. Second, at the same time some members of the bureaucracy became landowners themselves. Although theoretically the landowning classes held trade in contempt, they would sometimes be found in partnership with merchants, as was the case with Amin alDawla, the governor of Isfahan under Path 'Ali Shah and Amin al-Sultan, prime minister under Nasir al-Din Shah and Muzaffar al-Din Shah, who was in league with Amin al-Zarb. High government office was not limited to the landowning groups and could be the means of acquiring wealth and social position. Examples of this type of mobility are Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir, Nasir al-Din Shahs first and greatest prime minister, whose father was a cook in die household of Qa'im Maqam; Amin al-Sultan, whose grandfather was a Georgian skve, a house servant to one of the Qajar princes, and later one of the kitchen staff of Nasir al-Din Shah when he was crown prince; and our subject Amin al-Zarb, who arrived penniless in Tehran and eventually became master of the mint and one of the richest men in Persia. Aside from high government office, there was another means of social mobility, that of entering into prestigious marriage alliances. Intermarriage was an important factor in social mobility, and marriage alliances were used for political purposes. The daughters of the shah, provincial governors, and a'yan va as/jrafwcre given in marriage to those whose support was required, whose daughters in turn would enter the Barents of those in power. The leading ulama and merchants frequently intermarried, although marriage within their own kin group was preferable, as the marriages of Amin al-Zarb himself and other members of his family demonstrate. 8Thus, social differences were less fine, as has been stated, and members of the ruling Qajar house could be found in almost all walks of life by the end of the century. ' Therefore, Qajar society was not rigidly closed; rather, there was an overlapping of functions between the different groups and social mobility both upward and downward took place. '* The religion to which Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb adhered was Shi'i Islam, that of the majority of Iranians. ' * It should be stressed that Iranians in general and Amin al-Zarb in particular lived a "Shi'i way of life. " Iranians had been Muslims since the conquest of Iran in the first half of the seventh century by the Arabs, but it was under the Safavids (1501—1725) that Shi'ism was consolidated and declared the official religion of the country. l2 By the mid-nineteenth century, Shi'ism was the most important ingredient of the social and cultural life of Iran. It determined every aspect of life, ranging from ram*

6

Introduction

ily relations to the position of women to ethics and morals; it influenced the arts, in particular architecture, and even provided a national pastime in the form of mwzakhani, su/ra, and ta'ziya. and a raison d'etre for family trips on pilgrimage to the shrines of the Imams and their minor descendants (imamzada). The position of women within Shi'ism is circumscribed by that of men. The authority and superiority of the male, according to Qur'an I V:34, as interpreted by the Shi'i ulama, determined his position in the household and society. The interpretation of Qur'an XXIV:31 ordained the veiling of and segregation of women, and the interpretations of odier suras defined her rights within society, I3 Subsequently, the role of woman is essentially that of housekeeper, bringing up children, and providing the husband with sexual pleasure. Women are seen as emotionally too unstable to be trusted with ma)or decisions and as a sexually disturbing element, if unveiled, to men who are in charge of important affairs. Theoretically, women have well-defined rights in Islamic law such as the right to inherit, to possess property independently of die husband, to choose a husband, and to initiate divorce, but in practice within a male-dominated religion, it is difficult to fulfill these rights. The position of women and their segregation had a direct effect on domestic architecture, creating separate quarters for men (biruni) and women (a.n4aruni), surrounded by high walls so that the interior of the houses could not be seen, resulting in narrow streets. Public architecture was also influenced by the religion, as mosques, madrasas, and shrines to minor Imams were constructed to glorify Shi'ism. Shi'i legends provided pastime and leisure activity for both men and women in the form of recitations (mwza-khani) and passion plays (ta'ziya.). Rawza-khani is a recitation of the sufferings and martyrdom of Imam Husayn, die third Imam. It is held throughout the year but in particular in the month of Muharram, commemorating Husayn's martyrdom. A rawza-khani is often held as a result of the fulfillment of a vow. Invitations are sent out and tea and sweetmeats served, aldiough die concept behind it is that of open house and anyone can attend, A rawza-khan is also invited, whose abilities are marked according to the amount of weeping and lamentations he can arouse. Men and women sit in separate rooms, aldiough rawzas can be held exclusively for men or women. At Amin al-Zarb's house, a rawza-khani took place once a week Ta'ziya is a dieatrical representation of the tragedy of Karbala, which is enacted in the month of Muharram. Its closest Western equivalent is the Christian passion play. Annually, a ta'ziya was held at Amin al-Zarb's house. Ta'ziya took place in towns and villages and became of great importance under die Qajars, being a regular feature of court life. On an ordinary level, the whole community participated, both as spectators and as providers of the necessary funds. It was not unusual for a ta'ziya to be performed as a result of a fulfilled vow, or the cost might be borne by an endowment Another social event for women, which took place as a result of a fulfilled vow, was the tufia (literally, tablecloth). The woman who had made the vow would invite her female friends and relatives to a meal, during die course of which a discourse was given by a mulla, usually a female, on a religious theme, the vow having been made to a member of the Holy Family, who dien became die subject of the sermon. 14

Introduction

7

To go on a pilgrimage to the shrine of'All at Najaf and that of Husayn IB Karbala is the dream of every Shi'i. For those who found it difficult to go outside the country, a visit to the shrine of the eighdi Imann, Riza, in Mashhad or that of his sister M'asuma in Qum was the next best thing. Aside from these important shrines, every town and village had its own more modest imamzada to which they would make vows and go on pilgrimage. The Iran of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb was one in which, major changes were taking place through the impact of the West. It was the setting for the impact of emerging new ideas and served as the political battleground for greatpower rivalry. The primary impact of the West on the world of Islam, including the Ottoman Empire and Iran, came as a result of military defeats. These defeats were die cause of a new attitude on the part of die Muslims toward die West. Previously there had been contact, but it was limited to some adventurous travelers and a few ambassadors whose view of life and ideas had left little impact. 15 The Muslims, living in a state of splendid isolation, kept aloof and hence out of touch with die scientific revolution and the resulting growth of economic and military power. The military defeats made them acknowledge the military superiority of the West and attempt to discover the key to die secret. In looking for military know-how, engaging Western military advisers, and sending students to be educated in the West, they became familiar with the ideas of the French Revolution, which most writers consider to be, in the words of Bernard Lewis, "the first great movement of ideas in Western Christendom that had any great effect on the world of Islam. "l(> The military defeats that made Iran conscious of the impact of the West were at die hands of die Russians in 1813 and 1828 and the British in 1856, as a result of which Iran lost the Caucasus and Afghanistan, respectively. Although initially the impact was felt as a result of military defeats and technological backwardness, in general it was the ideas and ideologies emanating from the West that finally were die major instruments of change. By mid-nineteenth century, the impact of the West was felt in many walks of life in Persia, ranging from the intellectual, cultural, political, and social to the economic. Some intellectuals and members of die elite saw the salvation of die country in the adoption of Western techniques and the application of democratic principles to the theory of government. In striving to acquire Western techniques, the primary means was seen to be education, as there were no modern schools in Persia in the first half of the nineteenth century. Once again, the primary incentive was military considerations. A new army needed a new bureaucracy and officers to run it, and neither of the traditional institutions met Western standards. Therefore, aside from sending students abroad, a new school called Dar al-Funun (The Abode of Sciences) was founded in 1851 by Mirza Taqi Khan Arnir Kabir, one of the major reformers of diis period and Nasir al-Din Shah's prime minister, with the objective of training army officers and civil servants. I7 In fact, few of the students joined the army, but die school made modern education available to some, most of whom joined the bureaucracy.

8

Introduction

Among the Qajar shahs, Nasir al-Din Shah was more conscious than his predecessors of the need for reform and made sporadic attempts at bringing about political, social, and economic reforms. During his reign, contact with the West increased, and its impact was felt more deeply through native Iranians, who gained a greater idea of the Western way of life, and also through the shahs own three trips to Europe, < 8 The shah realized that to transform Persian society, foreign help was needed, although at the same time he knew that he was unable to prevent foreign intervention. He therefore adopted a policy of encouraging foreign powers to invest in Iran, hoping dhat their involvement would contribute to the development of the country. The first major concession came about as a result of British interests in India. After the 1857 Indian Mutiny, the British became acutely conscious of the slowness of their communication with India and the necessity for rapid communications with a country that was at the center of their empire. In the telegraphic system created by the authorities in London and India, the vital overland link was Persia. Therefore, it was not due to any charitable or humanitarian motives that the British became interested in the installation of telegraph lines inside Persia. Lord Curzon puts the matter frankly and aptly by explaining the problem from the British viewpoint: It was from no special desire to bring Persia in to telegraphic connection with Europe, nor with any direct intention of conferring upon her the enormous benefits that have resulted from the introduction of that system into the country, that sprang the first proposal for so startling an innovation as a through wire from the western frontier of the Shahs dominions to the Persian Gulf. It was her geographical position that made Persia the fortunate recipient of this not wholly disinterested boon. Had her territories not lain upon the high road between. Great Britain and India, she might have waited long for the outside pressure necessary to effect so bewildering a revolution. During the Indian Mutiny the need of direct telegraphic communications with Hindustan was seriously and increasingly felt in England; a period of nearly three months elapsing at that time between the despatch of a message and the receipt of a reply. "

The Persians, however, were not particularly interested in this unexpected bonus. Their lack of interest arose from fear, based upon ignorance, of the consequences of rapid communications. They felt that the existing line installed between Tabriz and Tehran in 1858 was sufficient and that British motives were suspect. Eventually, Persian reluctance was overcome, and the first Telegraphic Convention between the two countries was signed in 1863, thus granting the concession to the British. 20 The telegraph not only brought Iran and the West closer but also accelerated the passage of news and reactions to events occurring in Iran and elsewhere. It permitted more direct communication nationally and internationally and was a particularly effective instrument during the protests against the Tobacco Regie. It was also a valuable source of income for Iran, and it enabled the shah to be in closer contact with different parts of his country.

Introduction

9

The primary target of the concession hunters in Persia was the railways. Ironically enough in an age when all the great railways were built, the preponderance of and competition between the concession seekers prevented Persia from having one. Numerous plans for a central railway were drawn up by the Belgians, Austrians, French, British, and Russians, but none of them materialized. Between 1865 and 1871, railway concessions were granted to a French, a German, an Austrian, and a British company, none of which came to anything. Finally, in 1872, the shah granted a comprehensive and disastrous concession to Baron Julius de Reuter, a German by origin and a naturalized British subject. The concession included the right to construct railways and irrigation works, to explore mines, and to set up a state bank. Thus, the shah put almost the entire resources of the country in the hands of an unknown individual without sufficient guarantee and in return for only hypothetical benefits. The shah also gave Reuter a twenty-year monopoly over Persian customs. 21 The Reuter concession went unsupported by the British, die Russians, and popular Persian opinion. The British, on the one hand, did not approve of such a large concession being given to a private individual, and on the other hand, they feared Russian reaction. The Russians were naturally annoyed that they were being excluded from the economic activity of a country in which they had a stake. Thus, this concession was opposed both from abroad and at home, meeting massive opposition internally as a result of which the shah was forced to cancel it. The major Persian promoter of die Reuter concession was Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawla, the prime minister. He had been briefly educated in Paris, held diplomatic posts in India and Russia, and was ambassador to the Ottoman Empire at the time of its reforms. He was also die holder of a number of ministerial posts leading to premiership, during which he attempted various economic and military reforms. He was convinced that the solution to Persia's problems lay in reforms along Western lines. Misguidedly, but with good intentions, he saw the Reuter concession as a means for Iran's economic development. His zeal in the promotion of the Reuter concession led to his downfall. 22 He was instrumental in organizing die shah's first European trip in 1873 as a means of further influencing the shah to adopt reforms, and he accompanied die shah on that trip. By the time the shah returned to Persia, the anti-Mirza Husayn Khan and antiReuter popular feeling was so strong that the shah felt compelled to dismiss Mushir al-Dawla and find a way to cancel the Reuter concession, which had been made public in November 1873. 2' Reuter, however, as part of his agreement, continued to hold outstanding claims against the Persian government, which were finally negotiated and setded in 1888. The accord gave Reuter two rights from the first concession: die establishment of a bank (Iran had no banking system) and die exploration and exploitation of all the country's mineral resources (other than gold, silver, and precious stones). After Reuter was granted banking rights, the Russians received a similar right to establish Iran's discount bank. The Imperial Bank of Iran, founded by Reuter, issued banknotes and exercised an enormous influence over the Persian economy.

10

Introduction

In 1890, the shah granted another concession to an Englishman, Major Gerard F. Talbot, which gave rise to a popular agitation that became a landmark in the history of Iran's struggle for political reform. This concession gave away control of the country's production, sale, and export of tobacco. Although the other concessions did not noticeably affect the working population, the tobacco monopoly affected large sections of the society, ranging from growers to shopkeepers and local exporters. Protests against the concession began, instigated in part by Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani, who had been on a visit to Iran. As a result afajatwa attributed to Ayatullah Shirazi, but thought by others to have been inspired by Afghani, a national boycott of the sale and use of tobacco took place. Different sections of the population, consisting of the 'ulama, merchants, the educated classes, the courtiers, ordinary people, and even the shah's wives, united in this protest against the concession. During this period, Amin al-Zarb played a significant role as an intermediary through whom the merchants voiced their protests. Consequently, the shah was forced to cancel die concession, but Iran had to pay £500, 000 sterling in compensation, which constituted the basis of Iran's national debt. Ironically, the electric telegraph line installed by the British for their own convenience played an important role against their interests in keeping geographically distant parts in contact. The protests against the Reuter concession and the tobacco monopoly, aside from their political significance, point to a rarely mentioned social aspect, the powerful role played by women behind the scenes, Anis al-Dawla, the shah's favorite wife, played an important role in being the nucleus of the protests against the Reuter concession, and it was not until the shah's wives boycotted the use of tobacco that Nasir al-Din Shah realized the strength of national and popular opposition to the tobacco monopoly. 24 The economic conditions of the country, of which Amin al-Zarb took advantage, were also partly shaped through the impact of the West. This impact had a direct effect on the social and economic lite of the country, ranging from the composition of foreign trade to the balance of payments and the pattern of consumption. Simultaneously, the economic problems that Iran faced by the mid-nineteenth century were closely related to the effects of the Industrial Revolution in Western Europe. Thus, the economic situation in the country was one consequence of the position of Persia in an international context. One of the main features of the economy during this period was population growth. According to Charles Issawi, the population approximately doubled from 5 million to 10 million. 25 Persia was the most populous country in the Middle East. However, in spite of a high birth rate, the growth rate of the population remained low, at 0. 5 percent, as it was accompanied by a high mortality rate. The urban population consisted of 800, 000 people, divided among towns with a population of 10, 000 and over. The nomadic population was approximately 3. 5 million in the mid-nineteenth century. The peasant population in rural areas was 5. 5 million, thus composing 55 to 60 percent of the country's population. 26 However, during the second half of the nineteenth century, a process of urbanization took place that

Introduction

11

continued into the twentieth century. In 1868, there were thirty towns (those habitations with a population of 10, 000 or more) with a total population of 850, 000. In the early twentieth century, the number of towns had increased to fifty-eight, with a population of 1. 8 million people. 27 The economy was based on agricultural production in which the peasant population was engaged. The greater part of the Persian national income was provided by agricultural output, which consisted of grain (wheat and barley), silk, some other cash crops, and animal husbandly. Wheat and barley constituted the staple crops of the country. In the mid-nineteenth century, apparently, grain yield was large enough to not only fulfill domestic demand but also to produce large quantities to be exported. 2S However, during the final forty years of the century, the production of wheat and barley decreased due to a development that occurred in the 1860s—the cultivation of the opium poppy. There were various advantages attached to the cultivation of opium. It yielded higher returns in cash than wheat and barley as it was of higher value per pound. It was easily transportable in cases on the backs of pack animals, as there were no roads in the country. Consequently, former wheat lands were turned over to the cultivation of opium. Amin al-Zarb became aware, early on in his commercial career, of the advantages of exporting opium and became a major exporter of that product, making an enormous profit from it. The famine of 1871-1872 has been blamed on the increase in the cultivation of opium, but recently it has been shown that it was due more to successive drought years and bad administration. 29 Another consequence of the decrease in the production of wheat and barley and the simultaneously increasing population was a rise in the price of those products and, in turn, a rise in the price of bread. 30 Aside from the Caspian provinces where rice was the staple diet, in the majority of the country, bread was the staple food. The rise in the price of bread increased the demand for other foodstuffs, die supply of which had not necessarily increased, and therefore caused a rise in their prices as well. All these factors created urban discontent and resulted in protests and disturbances, often directed at bakers and wholesale merchants who had been hoarding wheat and barley, 3l Amin al-Zarb played a major role in breaking the ring of the hoarders during the rood shortage of 1316/1898. Before the 1860s, raw silk, the greater part of which was exported, constituted a major cash crop in the economy, as it was one of the country's major export items and constituted 13 percent of the country's exports. Silk production rose rapidly from 1840, when it was 453, 600 kilograms, worth £450, 000-460, 000 sterling, to 1864, when it was 997, 903 kilograms, wordi f 1. 1 million in current prices. 52 Instrumental in the successful expansion of the silk production was the Greek firm of Ralli Brothers, Either directly or indirectly, this firm advanced the necessary capital to the growers. The successful production and export of silk came to an end in 1864, when the tnuscardine disease that had ruined silk crops and production worldwide came to Gilan, the center of silk production in Iran. By 1873, Gilan's production of silk had decreased to 210, 000 pounds (100, 000 kilograms), worth £135, 000 sterling. But

12

Introduction

due to the successful efforts of the Ralli Brothers and others, silkworm eggs were introduced from Japan, and by the mid-1870s, production started improving and had recovered by the turn of the century. Arnin al-Zarb took advantage of the recovery of Persian silk not only by exporting it but also by establishing a silk-reeling factory in Rasht, Nevertheless, the recovery of silk was relative, as Mr. Dickson reported in 1882.

Silk once the staple produce of Persia, upon which it mainly depended for repaying the costs of its imports, is not likely, I fear, to resume its former importance. In its flourishing days, about 20, 000 bales or 1, 400, 000 Ibs. representing a value of £700. 000 were annually exported. Now, not more than a fourth of that quantity can be obtained. The silkworm disease, which destroyed crop after crop, has forced the peasants of Ghilan to turn their attention to the cultivation of rice, and though the silk produced this year shows a marked improvement, the peasant are not disposed to revert to its culture on its former scale, as they have found from experience that rice suits them better. -'3

Not only was the recovery relative and die peasants more keen on the cultivation of rice, but by that time Persian silk had to compete with cheap Japanese silk and never regained its former importance as a major profit-making export item. Tobacco was another major cash crop which was an important component of the country's exports. Rice was cultivated mainly in the Caspian provinces of Gilan and Mazandaran. In the mid-nineteendi century, rice production was sufficient to fulfill die demand of the local population, where it was die staple diet. Small quantities were sent to the neighboring areas in Russia and Anatolia. But by the second half of the nineteenth century, production increased considerably. The increase came as a result of the fact that, as already mentioned, die problems faced by die local inhabitants in the production of silk made some of them turn to the cultivation of rice. Another incentive for the local growers was the fact diat during die famine years widi their bread shortage, the price for other foodstuffs including rice rose, encouraging local growers to allocate more resources to its cultivation. Simultaneously, during the latter half of the nineteendi century, exports of rice to Russia increased. The production of two other major cash crops increased during this period: first, that of fruit, which was exported mainly to Russia in die form of dried fruit, and second, diat of cotton. The American Civil War and the "cotton famine" caused by it was responsible for this increase in Iran, as in other areas of the Middle East, especially Egypt. But this came to an end when cotton production increased in the United States in the second half of die nineteendi century. During this latter period, the increased production of cotton was related to the growth of the textile industry in Russia. The Russian preference for Persian cotton over the better-quality American and Egyptian cotton was due to bodi lower transport costs and a customs duty of about 10 percent on Persian cotton. 34 The major economic activity of the nomads was animal husbandry, but settled peasants were also engaged in it. The result of dieir activity was die production of

Introduction

13

important foodstuffs such as meat, eggs, milk, and ghee (clarified butter), as well as material such as goat hair, sheep and camel wool, and skins and hides necessary for domestic traditional industries. Also, sheep and horses were exported in considerable numbers. But the long drought of 1869-1872 exterminated some of the flocks. However, after the drought, the number of flocks and baggage animals began to increase. This was due to two factors: On the one hand, no improyement had taken place in the means and methods of transport, but on the other hand, there was a great increase in the volume of both domestic and foreign trade, thus raising the demand for baggage animals. Furthermore, the demand for wool increased in this period, as a result of growth in the Persian carpet industry due to demand in Europe. The increased demand resulted in a rise in the price of wool, encouraging nomads to expand dieir activity in this field. The conditions of the peasants are generally considered to have been poor, although they varied from place to place. 35 On the whole, they are reported to have lived in poverty, subject to high land rates, heavy taxation, and robbery by die nomads. The majority of the population—people who derived their living from agricultural activity-—did not own the land on which they worked. Most of the land was owned by large landowners. The most important of these was khalisa, land owned by the Crown, and awqaf, land owned by the religious endowments. The tribal leaders were also large landowners. There were other large landowners such as members of the royal family, courtiers, members of the bureaucracy, the uiama, and the merchants. *> The revenues of the state were mainly obtained from land taxes. During the nineteenth century, the impact of the West was felt in the form of demands for Western goods, both luxury items and arms for defense. Arain al-Zarb took advantage of this demand by importing both luxury items and arms. However, this demand contributed to a need for greater government revenues. To fulfill this need, government offices, including governorships, were sold to the highest bidder, which created a vicious circle to the detriment of the peasant. During their term of governorship, the governors were forced to raise enough money to pay for the price of the office and have an income beyond that. Arain al-Zarb, like many other wealthy merchants, often extended loans to appointees to high office to help meet the cost of their appointment. They in turn farmed out the local taxation to middlemen who also wanted to make a profit. Finally, the burden of all this fell upon the peasant, forced to pay taxes in cash and not in kind as before. This then gave rise to peasant indebtedness, as the peasant was frequently forced to borrow money at high rates of interest to pay the taxes. Before the mid-nineteenth century, traditional industry in the form of handicrafts constituted an important element in the country's urban economic life. By the mid-nineteenth century, the effect of the Industrial Revolution in Europe was felt in every sphere of traditional industry. Cheap manufactured goods, mainly in the form of textiles from Great Britain, started competing with local silks and fabrics that were more expensive. The damage to the decline of Persian handicrafts is attested to by many contemporary accounts. All the major centers of traditional industry, for

14

Intmduction

example, Kashan, Yazd, and Isfahan, were affected, among many other small towns and villages. The silk factories of Kashan were gradually destroyed through the import of British materials, 37 Isfahan, which was famous for its textiles, became a consumer of manufactured cotton goods imported from Manchester and Glasgow. JS Curzon reported that the 1, 800 silk factories that Yazd possessed in the mid-nineteenth century were bankrupt by the time of his visit. The ground on which the factories stood was used for the cultivation of the poppy, resulting in the export of 2, 000 chests of opium extracts annually. 39 The decline in handicrafts was in part compensated for by the carpet industry's growth in production and export. European firms engaged in trade in Persia and seeking exports to enable them to return their capital to Europe were instrumental in the growth of the carpet industry. They not only invested capital into the industry but also instituted quality control and eliminated bad dyes. Western demand and taste in size and design were taken into consideration, and carpets were made to order. In 1882, Mr. Dickson reported: Persian carpets have found favour of late years in Europe. Formerly the annual exports rarely exceeded 30, 000 tomans (about £11, 000). They are now estimated at ten times that amount. Under the direction of a British firm, the manufactory of Sukanabad has introduced European designs, and altered the dimensions to suite European markets. 40

By 1889, Curzon estimated the total revenue from export of carpets at £90, 000-100, 000, and by the end of the century, it had increased to £500, 000. 41 Amin al-Zarb catered to the demand for British textiles by importing a variety to accommodate differing tastes and budgets. The shift in taste was another factor responsible for the decline in local handicrafts. Amin al-Zarb also took advantage of the European demand for Persian carpets by becoming a major exporter of carpets. Industry was only a small part of the Persian economy. Attempts at setting up factories were not entirely successful, with the exception of the cannon and gun factories started by 'Abbas Mirza in the 1820s. Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir, the reformist prime minister of Nasir al-Din Shah from 1848 to 1851, initiated and planned the construction of a calico-weaving factory, a silk-weaving factory, and two sugar refineries. He also sent Persians abroad to be trained for operating them. After his dismissal from office, Nasir al-Din Shah himself pursued the projects, and in 1859, a cottonspinning factory, die first modern factory in Persia, was inaugurated. Other factories such as those for production of paper, candles, glass, gunpowder, and percussion caps were established in the following years. Persian merchants were instrumental in the establishment of some of them. Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb established glass and porcelain factories in Tehran and a modern silk-reeling factory in Rasht. But on the whole, according to contemporary accounts, the efforts were not successful. 42 The volume of foreign trade grew during the century, although its composition changed as trade increased by about twelve times. This marked increase in the volume of foreign trade resulted from ongoing and increasing economic relations be-

Introduction

15

tween Iran and European countries. The most striking change in its composition concerned the import of textiles, which previously had been an important export item. As mentioned earlier, this was due to the fact that local handicrafts were unable to compete with cheap machine-made European goods. Another significant increase in imports was in tea and sugar. Also, as a result of an alteration in the production of cash crops, by the end of the century Persia was an importer of wheat and barley, whereas previously it had been an exporter, Simultaneously, the export of some cash crops, namely opium and cotton, increased markedly. The increase in the export and production of Persian opium was due both to an increase in demand for opium by China and Europe and to a simultaneous decrease in supply from India, which had replaced some of its opium cultivation with cotton. In addition, Persian merchants, engaged in the import trade, were looking for an export item to offset their deficit, and for reasons mentioned earlier, opium suited them best. The increase in the export of cotton was due both to the "cotton famine" caused by the American Civil War and the rising demand in Russia and its favorable tariffs policy. The second half of the nineteenth century was a period of rapid growth in the agricultural sector. Not all agricultural crops increased. The production of wheat, barley, and raw silk decreased, while that of opium, cotton, rice, and fruit increased, contributing to a total increase in agricultural output. This diversification in agricultural output was beneficial from two points of view. First, it prevented the country from being dependent for export on one item that could collapse according to world demand, as was the case with cotton in Egypt following the American Civil War in the nineteenth century. Second, the diversification also brought about greater economic contact between the various regions of the country. Persian merchants (tujjar) like Amin al-Zarb played an important role both in the increase in production and the export of agricultural goods. Trade was an important part of the economy, and there were large communities of merchants in important urban centers. Until 1888, when the New Oriental Bank Corporation (London) was formed, and a year later when another British bank, the Imperial Bank of Persia was established, there were no banks in Persia. The traditional banking system was operated by the sarrafi (money changers) in major urban centers, sarrafi being a profession in which Amin al-Zarb's forebears were engaged. The sarrafi took care of small transactions, but the large transactions were dealt with by the big merchants, tujjar such as Amin al-Zarb, who conducted die transactions of the diplomatic community, among others. Transactions between the wholesaler and retailer were conducted on die basis of long-term credits. A partial payment would be paid by the retailer to the wholesaler. Then the wholesaler would give the retailer a credit of several years on the balance. When the retailer paid, he would get a discount on the interest according to the time period and the change in the price of the goods. The rate of interest varied from transaction to transaction, place to place, and duration of die loan. The longer the time period, the higher the rate of interest. Generally, however, the rate of interest ranged from 18 to 24 to 30 percent per annum.

16

Introduction

From mid-century onward, inflation was rampant and prices increased by two to three times, 43 This state of affairs was a consequence of various interrelated factors. Primarily, it was due to a constant deficit in the balance of trade throughout the period and secondarily to a rapid depreciation of the currency, mainly as a result of the fall after 1870 in the world price of silver on which the Persian currency was based, which the government tried unsuccessfully to control. 44 By the end of the century, the exchange rate of die qiran fell to less than one-fifth of the value it held at the beginning of the century. 45 In 1809, the pound sterling was worth 11 qirans, but by 1901, 55. 5 qirans exchanged for £1 sterling. 46 Although up to the 1860s and 1870s, government revenue covered expenditure with a small surplus, from then onward the government faced fiscal difficulties in the form of a constant budget deficit. These problems arose partly as the result of the growing impact of the West during the course of die century. Aside from the obvious political and economic consequences of this impact, there were also social implications that affected and changed consumption patterns and lifestyles. This change increased die expenditure of die central government and the ruling classes. These expenditures included the trips to Europe made by Nasir al-Din and Muzaffar al-Din Shah and increasing allowances and pensions to members of the royal family and die bureaucracy. A large sum was also spent on defense and die army. 47 Simultaneously, revenue decreased. The fall in revenue was due to both economic and administrative problems. The main sources of revenue were direct and indirect taxation. The most important form of direct taxation was the land tax, and indirect taxation consisted mainly of public requisitions, pisbkish (gift), fines, bribes, confiscations of property, and similar types of activity. 48 Arein al-Zarb was involved in these activities in that whenever appropriate, he would make a puhkisb to the shah either direcdy, in die form of jewelry or other objects, or indirectly, as when he partially financed the wedding of the shah's favorite courtier, Malijak, 'Aziz al-Sultan. Amin alZarb himself was eventually also fined heavily by the government. The most important cause of the economic and administrative problems was the fact that no periodic revision of land taxes took place. Consequently, taxes were not related to output, and thus the increase in agricultural production, which occurred in die 1880s and 1890s, was not taken into account. Nor was the fall in the real value of the qiran accounted for in the land tax assessment. The most important administrative problem resulted from each province having its own budget and being responsible for the collection of the local revenue. After covering local expenditures, the balance of die revenue was theoretically sent to the central government. However, during this period, the central government was too weak to supervise provincial fiscal affairs and to fulfill its own fiscal needs, as a result of which provincial governors did not transfer all the taxes that were due to the central government. As the financial position of the central government deteriorated, attempts were made to increase revenue by other means, which included increasing the sales of offices, granting of concessions to both Persians, and foreigners and greater demands

Introduction

17

hi: fishkish. These steps resulted in discontent among various sections of the population, particularly the big merchants. 49 To rectify the situation, the government had either to cut down expenditure or to borrow. As the first alternative was unacceptable, loans were negotiated from foreign governments. These loans were shortterm remedies and continued into the twentieth century, farther weakening the position of the central government. It can be seen that during the course of the nineteenth century, various social, political, and economic developments took place in Iran, most of which were directly or indirectly related to the economic activity of European industrial countries in Iran and the impact of the West in general. Not all of them were detrimental to domestic interests. Although the increased demand for European industrial goods caused a gradual loss of traditional industries and their export, their decline was offset by increased European demands for Persian carpets. This demand was also instrumental in improvements in that industry. Although the effect of the reforms inspired by the West was limited, certain ideas and values were imported into the society and began to affect its structure and the place of the individual within it. The exact extent of this influence is difficult to assess and needs further research. However, the life and career of Amin al-Zarb suggests that contact with the West helped imbue certain individuals with a new spirit of entrepreneurship, with the value of the individual and the idea of liberty. Obviously, even before the nineteenth century, merchants were involved in large ventures and risk taking; however, the type of entrepreneurship in which Amin al-Zarb was involved, such as the railway line and factories, and the fact that he had a network of international trade, seems to reflect a new spirit. In addition, prior to die impact of the West, the basis of Persian society was corporate. 50 Loyalty and responsibility was to die family and the tribe, to the village, and to die group to which the individual belonged, either in a professional or religious capacity. Amin al-Zarb reflected these same values; nevertheless, he was not restricted by them. He left his hometown of Isfahan alone to come to Tehran at a young age. He traveled extensively on business in Iran away from his family. He left his family for very long periods on his European trips. By the end of his life, the idea of individualism in turn was gradually changing die extended family system. Politically, the idea of liberty (azadi) was new. Throughout Persian history, diere had never been any mention of the freedom of the individual. In cases of opposition to the status quo, it was always justice ('aett), as opposed to injustice (zulm), that was demanded. 51 But in the late nineteenth century, writers and thinkers such as Malkum Khan and odters who became prominent in the Constitutional Revolution conceived of a new type of society in which die individual would have rights and freedom. This subtle change can be seen in Arnin al-Zarb, who was struck by die freedom and rights enjoyed by the individual in Europe. His contemporaries saw a change in him and ranked him among die enlightened. Another new idea introduced into the society in the nineteendi century was that of nationalism. Prior to Western influence, there had been no exact word in Persian

18

Introduction

to express "nation," "nationalism," or "nationality." 1 his was due to the fact that the individual was more conscious of belonging to certain groups within an Islamic community rather than to a country with political boundaries vis-a-vis another country. MilUyyat, meaning nationality as it is understood today, was first used in this sense by Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawla. 52 Here again we see Amin alZarb as a product of his time. By initiating industrial projects, he was not motivated by profit alone but by the desire to bring into his country those things he believed to be the sources of Western progress and prosperity. Finally, in the political sphere, these ideas, combined with discontent with the status quo, were instrumental in changing the political system of the country through the Constitutional Revolution of 1906 in the reign of Muzaffar al-Din Shah Qajar. This was the world into which Amin al-Zarb was born, came to manhood, and worked, a world in which social mobility took place and where it was possible to be born into a humble background but to reach social prominence, a world that was undergoing change economically and politically due to increasing European influence. The economic change consisted of a transition from a premercantile to a market economy, a demand for imported goods, and an expanding trade with Europe, of which Amin al-Zarb took advantage to become the most successful entrepreneur of his time. Finally, this was a world being permeated by ideas of reform; Amin alZarb devoted much effort toward bringing many of these ideas to fruition.

C/h^totev C}\\€

J\jeJ^eo:*vm*vt
in Isfahan in the first half of the nineteenth century, in approximately 1250—1253/1834—1837, during the reign of Muhammad Shah Qajar (1834—1848).' He descended from a line ofsarntfi (money changers and lenders), his immediate ancestors being Aqa Muhammad Husayn, Haj Mihdi, and Aqa Muhammad Rahim, His mother, Bibi Mah Khantim, was originally from Khoy.2 The fact that the grandfather of Haj Muhammad Hassan bore the honorific title of Ha)i indicates that the family must have had a certain social and economic standing. To have gone on the holy pilgrimage to Mecca, thereby earning the tide of Haji, he must have reached a specific income level. Furthermore, the maternal grandfadier of Haj Muhammad Hassan was rich enough to have built a mosque in his own name in Khoy, and he would only have given his daughter in marriage to a family of similar social standing. The family business of sarrafi was one of die important occupations in Qajar Iran, with its accompanying social status.^

Sarrajs The function of sarrafi was twofold: as goldsmith and money changer and as banker. An individual sarraf could fulfill either or both functions depending on his importance and his connections within and outside of the country. The Persian sar~ rajs of nineteenth-century Iran had more in common with the fourteentli-century Florentine money changers and bankers than with any contemporary European institutions.4 In the absence of banks, sarrafi played a crucial role in the economic life 19

20

The Beginning

of the country. As a rule, most of the existing ready cash in a city was in the possession of the saira.fi. Due to the difficulty of transporting minted silver or coins and the lack of hard cash, traders were very dependent on sarrafi for conducting commercial business. Anyone engaged in commerce had to have a banker or sarraf For instance, when some goods were bought from an importer, no cash would be exchanged. The buyer would give a draft to his banker, who in turn would give a draft to the importers banker, setding widi bills in Istanbul, Tiflis, or Bombay, depending on the city from which the import was taking place. Every merchant had a current account with a sarraf who settled his business transactions. Merchants, in buying goods, would frequently issue a karat (draft) with a long-term credit on their sarraf And give it to the seller. The holder of the barat would often cash it at a discount before die due date and receive die price for his goods in cash.5 The sarrafo also played an important role in die agricultural economy of Iran. They would make advances on crops such as opium, tobacco, wheat, rice, cotton, and silk cocoons. In Isfahan, considerable advances were made to opium cultivators. Because government offices such as governorships and otJier positions in Qajar Iran were often for sale, this was anodier field in which sarra.fi played a role, both to their detriment and advantage. Aspiring officeholders would borrow money at high rates from a sarraf who would then issue a promissory note to die prospective candidate drawn on themselves. The candidate, who had now become the debtor to the sarraf, would then transfer these notes to the treasury as \uspishkish, or gift. If, however, die officeholder was dismissed in the middle of his tenure, die sarraf would have to be content with the hope of getting his original capital back. These kinds of loans were high risk and were accompanied both by high profit and enormous loss. A few of these transactions, if successful, could lead to great wealth or, if not, to absolute ruin.6 At the same time, they were the means through which the satraf could gain access to the court and princely circles and acquire noble clients,7 Foreign travelers to Persia also used sarrafi, as it was dangerous to carry large sums in cash. Anyone approaching Persia either from the east, that is, from India, or from the west via Istanbul or St. Petersburg would pay an amount to an agent or direct representative of a Persian sarraf and get diem to issue a letter of credit that could then be used in Persia.8 The forebears of Haj Muhammad Hassan, like most sarrafi in practice, were devout Muslims, and as usury is prohibited by Islam, they had to find a way of reconciling their profession with their faith. In spite of this prohibition, many Muslims were engaged in the business, as there were ways of getting around the prohibition. Anodier similarity between die Persian sarrafi and the fourteenth-century Florentine money changers and bankers is the question of usury, which was also prohibited by the church. The Florentines, like their Persian counterparts, found numerous ways of circumventing the religious precepts by legitimate means. Two of die major methods were either passing the interest off as a gift or as a share in die profits of a business or including it in an exchange transaction into another currency.9

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In Persia as well, different ways were found. In Isfahan and Yazd, the religious prohibition was bypassed through sales being made at fixed prices with varying lengths of credit dependent upon the fluctuation in the price of the goods. As die price of the goods increased, the length of credit decreased. However, whenever the merchant paid his debt, he would get a discount at the rate of 1 percent per month compound interest. The shorter the period of credit, the smaller the discount. Therefore, credit in reality was discount.'0 In spite of the fact that sarraft were engaged in a business of which Islam disapproves, they held a respectable status in Qajar society, Haj Mirza Hassan Fasa'i in Farmama-yi Nasiri mentions four sarrajs: Haji Mirza Karim Sarraf, Haji Muhammad Husayn Sarraf, Ha) Muhammad Ja'far Nazim al-Tujjar and Haji Ahmad Sarraf among the notables of Shiraz, all of whom bear the honorary tide of Haji, indicating that they had made the pilgrimage to Mecca.'l An incident that shows the high social standing of the sarraft occurred when in 1309/1891, Nasir al-Din Shah went to visit the house of Haji Mirza Husayn Sarraf Shirazi, die son of Haj Mirza Karim, who is mentioned by Fasa'i. The reason for the shah's visit was twofold. First, he had heard so much about the magnificence of Mirza Husayn's house and furniture that he wanted to see for himself. Second, whenever the shah honored anyone with a visit, he would receive a pishkish in the form of a sum of money for the honor. Apparently, Mirza Husayn only gave the shah two hundred tuman$.n The sarrajs had their own sinf, or guild, but their importance varied both according to the commercial importance of their city and the type of activity in which they engaged. There were three types of sarra.fi; 1. Those who were active in one area and city 2. Those whose activities extended to all the towns and were well known throughout the country 3. Those who were engaged in business outside the country, particularly in the neighboring countries In Isfahan, the sarraft played a prominent role in the city's trade, and in fact, there were two groups of sarra/s in that city, each occupying a different part of the bazaar but all interrelated by marriage.13 Isfahan, the birthplace of Haj Muhammad Hassan, is generally considered to be the most beautiful city in Iran, in addition to its being an important trading and commercial center. Iranians themselves say "Isfahan Nhf-ijahan, "meaning "Isfahan, half the world." The beauty of the city of Isfahan is due to the Safavid Shah 'Abbas I (1587—1629). When he moved his capital from Qazvin to Isfahan in 1597, the city was in a ruinous state. At the same time that he undertook political, economic, and military reforms, he set about transforming the city of Isfahan, not only to

22

The Beginning

make it a worthy capital but also, through its new mosques and maanvas (religious colleges), to glorify Shi*ism, the proclaimed official religion of the state. The focal point of Shah 'Abbas's planning was the great maydan (square) known as the Maydan-i Shah (Naqsh-i Jahan). It is rectangular, 510 meters long and 165 meters wide, and is a magnificent space designed for ceremonial purposes, tournaments, and playing polo. On each side of the square is a special building. At the south end, the brilliant blue dome of the Shah Mosque gleams; to the west stands the royal palace of'All Qapu and on the east side, the smaller jewel of mosques, that of Shaykh Lutf-Allah. The Qaiysariyya gateway is the entrance to the bazaar and lies at the north side of the maydan. The covered bazaars were built around the new may dan.™ The young Muhammad Hassan grew up in this town and accompanied his father and grandfather daily to the bazaar for the transaction of their business. Morier, writing at the beginning of the nineteenth century, describes the bazaars thus: The bazaars are very extensive, and it is possible to walk under cover in them for two or three miles together. The traders are here collected in separate bodies, which makes it very convenient to purchasers . . . To a stranger, the bazaars are the most amusing place of resort; for here is a continual concourse of people, in which characters of all descriptions, each busied in their different avocations, are seen to pass in rotation. Many of the scenes, so familiar to us in the Arabian Nights, are here realized. The young Christian merchant; the lady of quality riding on a mule, attended by her eunuch and her sheslave; the Jewish physicians; the dalal or crier, showing goods about; the barber Alnascar, sitting with his back against the wall in a very little shop, and thus almost every character may be met with. The Mollahs, or men of the law, are generally to be seen riding about on mules; and they also account it a dignity and suited to their character to ride on white asses.15

There is a custom, still prevailing even today among traditional classes in Iran, by which men do die daily household shopping. According to this custom, Muhammad Hassan and his grandfather Haj Mihdi, before embarking on any business, would buy the daily requirements and send them home. Then they would walk through the miles of the vaulted bazaars of Isfahan until they reached their hujra (business office).16 The bazaars must have been a daily source of wonder to the young Muhammad Hassan, as they are elsewhere described as being "full of life and interest, crowded the whole day long."17 Also walking in the bazaars was not without its hazards. Arthur Arnold, writing in 1877, says: It is perhaps as difficult to ride as to walk through the bazaars. A passing donkey with a load of wood is a dangerous neighbour for the knee on horse back, and on foot the

The Beginning

23

jafged sticks may strike one in some fender and vital place. And then, a horse may be frightened and run into a hundred dangers of this sort.1*

Young Muhammad Hassan and his grandfather experienced daily the excitement and commotion of the bazaar before reaching their destination. Once Haj Mihdi and young Muhammad Hassan arrived at their hujra, which was located in the bazaar ofsarrafta(money changers) near the Maydan-i Shah adjacent to the Isfahan mint, they would sit on their sakku (bench) and start conducting business. It is difficult to establish the extent of the activities of Muhammad Hassans family. The family was certainly known in Isfahan and had connections in Kirman, placing the members between the first and second category ofsarrajs. They combined the functions of goldsmith and money changer. On 15 Rarnazan 1255/22 No¥ember 1839, Ha) Mihdi made a bequest leaving his sakku in the bazaar, among other things, to his daughter Gawhar Sultan.19 The text of this bequest both verifies the fact that the sakku was the property of Haj Mihdi and establishes its location as being adjacent to the sakkus of named individuals. This indicates that they shared the hujra with other people, each having their own sakku in the hujra. The different kinds of coins for sale or exchange were displayed in a mirrored box placed in front of them on the sakku. Similarly, the money changers of Florence would sit behind a table covered with a green cloth from which they conducted their business.20 The tools of the sarrafconsisted of an anvil, a vise, hammers, a soldering iron, and other tools needed by a goldsmith. According to the same bequest, Haj Mihdi also owned a chain-making shop that he left to the same daughter. It is possible that young Muhammad Hassan also worked in this shop as an apprentice, learning the art of the goldsmith. Later accounts indicate that all three brothers were familiar with assaying various types of precious metals and establishing the fineness of coins and purity of bullion, which they must have learned in their youth. Haj Mihdi could not have been an ambitious businessman, as apparently he transacted business only until he considered that sufficient money had been made for the day. Then, near lunchtime, he and Muhammad Hassan went to the mosque to prayer.21 It is not known which mosque they frequented, but near and around the bazaar, they had a large choice of mosques to attend, including the imposing Shah Mosque or the smaller, more beautiful mosque of Shaykh Lutf-AIlah. After prayers, they would go home for lunch. The family of Haj Mihdi lived in the Kucha-yi Sarrafha, which constituted one of the quarters of Isfahan.22 Asghar Mahdavi, who as a young boy visited the family house in Isfahan in 1305/1927 with his father and other relatives, describes the quarter thus: Kucha-yi Sarrafha consisted of a number of siba [meaning small kuchas (alleys)], each with its own door. Inside each of those sibas, were a number of houses, each with their

24

The Beginning own passageway, or hashti [eight-sided vestibule] and the doors of each of these passageways, or bashtis, opened Into a courtyard. All I remember is that from the siba we entered a dark passageway and the ancestral home of Muhammad Hassan was there. The descendants of one of Haj Mihdis daughters lived there.23

Morier also describes the quarters and houses of Isfahan. According to him, all the quarters looked similar from the outside, as nothing could be seen but a succession of high walls surrounding the houses, without any windows breaking the monotony. He describes the houses of Isfahan at this period as follows: The houses of Ispahan are one story in height, but are composed of so many compartments, that even the meanest of them occupy a considerable area; for the extent that we occupy in our high houses, is in Persia laid out horizontally. They are built either of earth or brick and their uniformity in height and colour produce a very dull appearance when seen collectively.24 The distinguishing mark between the houses of the rich and poor was its doorway. The doorway of a poor mans house was low, whereas the gateway of a rich man's house was elevated, the degree of elevation being relative to the self-importance of the owner. However, rich merchants usually avoided elaborate entrances to their houses, as they were reluctant to attract attention to their wealth. As far as the interior of the houses was concerned, Gaspard Drouville, writing at the beginning of the nineteenth century, said that the furnishings of Persian houses of all classes were extremely limited. There were no signs of tables and chairs, sofas, chests of drawers, beds, curtains, or elaborate decorative mirrors. Carpets were the only pieces of decoration to be seen. In the rooms, there was nothing but a few chests, in which women put their valuable jewelry, a samavar, cups, a sugar bowl, and a mirror, which was part of a wife's dowry. Their bedding was limited to a few pillows and quilts. Their cooking utensils were also limited, consisting of a few pots and pans of copper that had been whitened.25 This description of household goods is confirmed by Haj Mihdis bequest to his daughter, which consisted of similar meager possessions. Lunch, which the family shared together, would not necessarily be a cooked rneal and could be the leftovers of the night before or might be bread, cheese, herbs, and cucumbers, or melons and grapes if in season. Supper was the main meal of the day, and its composition varied according to social background. The evening meal that Bibi Mah Khanum, Muhammad Hassan's mother, prepared for the family was cooked on either charcoal or firewood. The fire was made in hearths, or etwjaq, raised several feet from the ground, about a foot deep and ten inches in breadth and length.26 Although pulaw or cbuluw (varieties of cooked rice) accompanied by a stew is the traditional meal of Persians, usually that was prepared for the evening meal of the upper classes. The evening meal of a middle-class family similar to Muhammad Hassan's consisted usually of an ash (thick soup) or ab~

25

The Beginning

gusht (pot-au-fcu) with bread, and once or twice a week, puuiw and cbuutw would be prepared.27 Regarding the lifestyle and eating habits of the Persians, Eduard Polak, writing in midcentury, says: Iranians lead a simple life and are on the whole moderate in their eating and drinking habits. Grains, cereals, rice, vegetables, fruit and dairy products are their principal foods. In the cities and specially amongst well off people rice is the most important item of food ., . The three national dishes pulttw, chulaw and ash consist of rice. These dishes play an important role in the Iranian family life. They can not envisage even paradise without rice.28

Apparently Haj Mihdi and Aqa Muhammad Husayn died before they were able to see to the education of Muhammad Hassan and his brothers Abu al-Qasim and Muhammad Rahim. Their mother, Bibi Mali Khanum, sent diem to die ordinary maktab, where they learned to read and write Persian.29 Their teacher was a wellknown calligrapher of die Qur'an named Aqa Abu al-Qasim, who took in pupils and at die same time taught them the calligraphy of the Qur'an. The Qur'ans that Muhammad Hassan and his brother Abu al-Qasim copied by hand were sold for twelve fjimns by their teacher Aqa Abu al-Qasim.

Maktab The maktabs in Iran were traditionally taught by muUas. The latter would usually rent a shop in the bazaar, where they would accept boys for a fee. The children would sit cross-legged on the floor with the mttlla in the middle, armed with a long stick. As children of different ages went to the same maktat>, they would be divided and taught in groups. While one group was being taught, the odier group did homework. The teaching began with the alphabet and then went on to the recitation of the Qur'an. The method of teaching was oral recitation, and the method of learning oral repetition. The pupils would learn many verses of the Qur'an widiout understanding their meaning, as diey did not know Arabic and the Qur'an is not in any case easy to understand. As far as writing was concerned, the teacher would write a few words on a piece of paper and die pupil would then copy diem. After the period of the recitation of die Qur'an was finished, the pupils would go on to the Gulhttm by Sa'di (a thirteendi-eentury Persian poet) and learn many of those stories and poems by heart, probably widiout understanding die moral and the meaning they contained. Sometimes a little arithmetic was also taught. Discipline was very strict, and unruly boys were frequently given the stick.30 Although diese ma/stabs were a means for substantial numbers of boys to learn to read and write and become acquainted with the classics, Lord Curzon, who visited Persia at the end of the century and was critical of all Persian institutions, criticizes the

26

The Beginning

maktabs thus: "A mere ability to read and write the native language, however widespread it may be, acquaintance in the higher classes with the Koran or the Persian classics, carry with them no adaptation to a different life or liberal propensities."" As a rule, the less-affiuent boys left the maktatt at the age often and started working in their fathers business. For the more affluent, private teachers were employed. According to the unfinished biography of Amin al-Zarb, written by his son Haj Muhammad Husayn, die young Muhammad Hassan did not have the good fortune to continue his studies with a private teacher but simply finished die ordinary maktab and started working. While Muhammad Hassan was still in his teens and after the death of his grandfather Haj Mihdi, his fatter, Aqa Muhammad Husayn, who had inherited the family business, went to Kirman in approximately 1260/1844 and stayed there for a number of years. His business probably consisted of cashing government karats and promissory notes. Apparently, he left Isfahan with sufficient capital and initially his affairs prospered, but after the death of Muhammad Shah in 1848 and the departure of Haji Mirza Aqasi, the prime minister, from Iran, the economic situation deteriorated and government karats were not honored.32 Due to lack of chafars (couriers) in that part of die country, die family had no news of him for a long time.

Chapar A governmental system of postal delivery had existed in Persia since ancient times. The Turkish term chapar, literally meaning "to gallop," became current under the Safavids in the sixteenth century to denote the courier.3-' In the early nineteendi century, a chapar system existed, but it was only used by the government or private individuals licensed by the government. A regular centralized chapar system was instituted as a public service by Amir Kabir, the first prime minister under Nasir alDin Shah in 1850. The royal command instituting the government chapar, published in the second number of die Ruznama-yi Vaqayi'-Ittfaqiyya, reads as follows: In order to establish and organize a postal system, it has been ordained that in the capital of Tehran and other major cities of Iran special chaparkhanas [relay stations] should be built from which chafttrs, would leave on a regular schedule and all the merchants and other members of the public who wish to send letters will bring them to the chapa.rkba.na. and give them to those in charge and on the day of the entry of the cbapar everyone will come and collect their letters so that there will not be any delay in the delivery of letters and also in all the stopping places on the road chaparkhanas should be built as resting places for the public. However, due to the enormity of snow and cold weather, construction has been delayed until the beginning of spring.34

The method of operation of the chapar, in its infancy, was that twice a month, on the first and the fifteenth, a chapar went to Azarbayjan, Pars, Mazandaran, Kirman,

The Beginning

27

Khurasan, Astarabad, and Gilan and returned. The letters collected for delivery were put in a saddlebag and tied to the saddle. When the chapar arrived in a village or a town, he would blow a horn announcing his arrival. Then he would deliver the letters and collect the ones for other destinations. If a letter had no stamp, the chapar would collect the money, stamp it, and cancel it by hand. The cost for one letter was five shahis, and for an envelope with five or more letters, 1,000 dina.n?"> After their construction, the chaparkhamu had a uniform plan that Arnold describes: The chaparkhana is always enclosed with a wall built of mud-bricks, brown, sun baked, and friable, plastered over with a coarse cement of mud mixed with broken straw. The entrance archway is secured by a strong gate. In the center is a quadrangle yard for horses and mules, and round three sides are flat roofed sheds, one side of which is formed by the outer wall. The sheds are for the animals and their drivers, who all sleep together in winter months.36

The chaparkhana usually had a ba.ta-kha.na, or upper section. This consisted of a single room with a balcony in front. It was reached from inside the quadrangle by high steps in the stable wall. This room was usually reserved for the more distinguished travelers. At the beginning, the whole organization was under the supervision of a person called a chaparbashi. Later, this post was to become that of the minister of post. Curzon reports that the government gave him a certain annual sum for the repair and equipment of every post house on the government roads, plus an annual allowance of barley and straw as fodder for the horses. As with everything else in Qajar Iran, the post roads were farmed out by the minister for an annual sum to a wealthy person or merchant who was then responsible for providing the servants and animals at each station. Toward the end of the century, there were 172 government chafarkhanas in the country. At the time of Aqa Muhammad Husayn's trip to Kirman, however, as there was no chapar, correspondence was conducted through any messenger who could be found. Finally, news of Aqa Muhammad Husayn reached his family: His business had not prospered, he was ill, he was in dire straits and wished to see his son. His family could not have been well off at this point, as Bibi Mah Khanum, the mother of Muhammad Hassan, was forced to sell some clothes to provide the money for the journey to Kirman, which was undertaken by mule. Traveling in nineteenth-century Persia was hazardous, lengthy, and tiring because there were no paved roads on which wheeled carriages could travel. The disadvantages were even more acute for the less affluent. Many of the accounts of the discomforts of travel in Iran have come down to us from European travelers or residents who could afford good horses and servants to provide comfort for them. Those not able to afford those amenities must have suffered many hardships. The roads used for traveling were still the caravan tracks of centuries ago.

28

The Beginning

The journey that young Muhammad Hassan undertook to sec his father covered about 400 miles. The average speed of traveling at that time, according to various travelers, was twenty-two miles a day, Thus, the journey took at least seventeen days, if not more, depending on the conditions. It is not known at which season of the year Muhammad Hassan undertook the journey or which route he took, but there are descriptions of travel between Isfahan and Kirman both in summer and winter. Each season had its own disadvantage. Arnold, who traveled in January in the second half of the century, on part of the journey that young Muhammad Hassan could have undertaken, says upon leaving Isfahan: "It was a perfectly barren place where we stood, and we had passed not a sign of cultivation in the four miles we had ridden."37 This was only the beginning of the journey, during which the southwestern fringe of the Great Salt Desert had to be skirted. The third days journey is described as follows: The cold on the plain from Mayar to Mux-al Beg [Maqsud Bayg] was the most severe we had experienced. For hours we crawled over the plain, for the most part covered with snow, at the rate of three miles an hour, exposed to a wind so keen that my moustache was painfully weighted with pendants of ice, which were renewed as often as 1 melted them by pressing my hand upon my face.38 Arnold was wearing a far coat, and his servants were carrying furniture and utensils to be set up as soon as they arrived at a caravanserai. Caravanserais had existed in Iran from ancient times, but it was Shah "Abbas the Great in modern times who initiated an extensive caravanserai-building program. Although most caravanserais were attributed to Shah 'Abbas, many were built by charitable-minded individuals. The plan of the caravanserai was uniform. They were all square and built of bricks and stone. No wood was used in their construction due to shortage of timber, as a result of which there were no doors or windows. The facade of die building was arched, and at each corner of the building, there was an arched tower with a dais from which the surrounding view could be seen. After entering the gateway, a square yard was reached, in the middle of which was a square raised platform where the muleteers usually put their load. Underneath the platform, usually, was the etbanbar, or covered water reservoir. The water was supplied from a qanat, or underground channel, that had been excavated many feet deep for some miles. Around the square yard were small arched alcoves that were joined together by verandas. Behind the arches were small windowless stone rooms, each of which had a fireplace and chimney for cooking. Behind these rooms were the stables and the storage rooms. The caravanserais were usually large and could house up to 2,000 people and 1,000 animals. Accommodations were free and operated on a first come, first served basis, so regardless of whether Muhammad Hassan had any money or not, he would have put up at a caravanserai for the night.59

The Beginning

29

Keith Abbot, who went from Isfahan to Kirman in the late autumn of 1849-1850, completed the journey in five weeks, having taken a side trip to Na'in. He relates the early part of the journey as being desolate and monotonous. He is struck by the barrenness of the landscape in crossing glaring white salt tracts. He describes ruined fields, poverty-stricken villages, and long distances between habitable villages, with small patches of cultivated land where provisions could be obtained. Because he began the journey in mid-November, shortly after he started he encountered biting cold, sleet, snow, and chilling wind, which he says in an understatement "rendered the ride most disagreeable."40 E. G, Browne, who undertook the latter part of the journey from Yazd to Kirman in the summer, describes the scenery as presenting litde of interest: a track through a sandy plain situated between two parallel mountain chains running from the northwest to the southeast.41 The travelers suffer from constant heat and thirst, water being the most precious commodity, which they carry with them in leather bottles. At one point, Browne comes across pilgrims lost in the desert on their way to Karbala and dying of thirst, and he provides them with water.42 There was a constant swarm of flies, and Browne even saw "a large and very venomous looking serpent." Frequently, they traveled at night. As they progressed toward Kirman, the only change in the scenery was that the road became closer to the western range of the mountains, and as they approached Kirman, mountains appear in front of them with Kirman "nestling, as it seemed, at the very foot of their black cliffs, and wrapped like one of her own daughters in a thin white mantle of mist and smoke."43 Aside from die environmental hazards, the roads were not safe from thieves and robbers. C. J. Wills, traveling some of the route that Muhammad Hassan would have traveled, relates the story of how he was set upon by armed and mounted thieves, just after Yazdikhast. He was dragged off his horse, beaten, and stripped of his clothes. His money was taken from the pocket in which it was hidden by slashing the pocket with a knife. Half-naked and shoeless, he was forced to follow the robbers on foot over the thorn-ridden plain. After a while, die gang of robbers were set upon by a second gang of robbers, and it was decided that the spoils should be divided, with the fate of Wills hanging in the air. Eventually, he was rescued by an irregular group of cavalry. Had his party not met diis group, they would have probably killed him as they had a sayyid the day before. The sayyulvras killed in the most cruel manner. As they were afraid of killing a holy man, they laid him up on the ground, covered him with a big stone so that he was unable to move, and left him to die in the desert of hunger and thirst. His body was found half-eaten by jackals.44 Considering the above descriptions of the journey, it is not surprising when Haj Muhammad Hassan's son says in his unfinished biography of his father: "My late father related that he was on the road for several days, suffered much hardship as the sum of money was finished, and arrived in Kirman himself in straitened circumstances."45 The nature of the hardship he suffered until he reached Kirman can only be imagined.

30

The Beginning

The city of Klrainn sits at the foot of high mountains, the Jupa, which overhang it, and from within the city itself can be seen snow-covered high mountain ranges, the Kuhrud Mountains to the northwest. The site of Kirman is at the confluence of four great valleys, and therefore it possesses natural roads. Two lead to Yazd, the third to Baluchistan, and the fourth to Bandar 'Abbas and the coast. At the time of Muhammad Hassans visit, die town was surrounded by mud walls and a shallow ditch and could be entered dirough four gates. Kirman contained a fort and a citadel in the fort where the governor resided. Domestic architecture was of mud, and the houses were low built with arched roofe, due to the shortage of timber. Most travelers describe the town as possessing little of architectural interest. There is, however, a Masjid-i Jami', founded in 750/1349 and rebuilt in 967/1559, containing richly colored mosaic faience and a beautiful madrasa and ha.mma.rn (public bath) built in 1232-1233/1816-1817 by Ibrahim Khan, the governor of Kirman. The entrance portals are decorated with gay tile work, whose designs include peacocks, water fowl, flowers, and calligraphic inscriptions. The madrasa. is tiled and single-story and is built round a cypress-shaded courtyard. The walls of the hammam are decorated with paintings attributed to the end of the eighteenth century. After Muhammad Hassan's visit, an interesting and large caravanserai and bazaar were built by Vakil al-Mulk, who was governor from 1859—1866/46 IB 1268/1851, British Consul Abbot reported the town as possessing eleven mosques, four colleges, twenty-six public baths, and seven caravanserais that were occupied by 250 merchants. The population was 2C),WQ.47 The local manufactures of Kirman were beautifully made and designed namads, or felts, and its most famous shawls competed with those of Kashmir. The shawls were made of the hair or down that grows next to the skin of the goat.'48 Carpet weaving in the region lapsed at the beginning of the nineteenth century after the sack of die city by Aqa Muhammad Khan Qajar, but it was revived again in the second half of the century. The commercial activity of Kirman was primarily through Yazd and Bandar 'Abbas and thence to India and England, as a result of which English and Indian products were distributed in the region. In return, Kirman sent its wool products to Yazd and Bandar 'Abbas, along with asafetida, cotton, madder root, and dried fruits.*9 In spite of this amount of commerce, Abbot considered the city of little commercial interest.50 By the time Muhammad Hassan arrived in Kirman, his father was dead. There was a cholera epidemic in Kirman in 1846 that resulted in the death of about 2,000 people, and Aqa Muhammad Husayn may have been one of the victims.51 It is difficult to guess what kind of business Aqa Muhammad Husayn had in mind when he left Isfahan for Kirman and what actually happened diat led to his

The Beginning

31

bankruptcy. However, it is most likely that he was engaged in the family business of saira.fi, cashing government bamt& and promissory notes. He had left Isfahan with sufficient capital for that purpose and at the beginning had been successful. However, the exact reason for his failure and long stay in Kirman is not known, as mentioned earlier, and may have been related to the deteriorating economic situation immediately after the death of Muhammad Shah in 1265/1848. Upon Muhammad Hassans arrival in Kirman, aside from discovering that his father had been dead for some time, he also discovered that his father had taken a temporary wife, a mut'a, who was demanding her marriage settlement, or mahr, and the expenditure for Aqa Muhammad Husayn's illness. As Muhammad Hassan had no money a conflict took place between them. Finally some well-wishers and peacemakers intervened and obtained a promissory note from Muhammad Hassan to the Kirmani woman, pledging that he would send her the money at a specific date. Thus, poor Muhammad Hassan was stranded in the city of Kirman with no money or friends. Finally, he managed to contact some Isfahan! merchants in Kirman and borrowed a little money for his return journey to Isfahan.52 After returning to Isfahan, the family survived through putting every member to work. Muhammad Hassan himself was befriended by Haj Muhammad Kazim Sarraf, who was a prominent merchant in Isfahan as well as a family friend and relative and lived in the Kucha-yi Sarrarha near Muhammad Hassan's home. Haj Muhammad Kazim comforted him and lent him money to pay the sum he had borrowed from the Isfahani merchants in Kirman, plus the sum of the promissory notes that he had given against the claims of the temporary wife of the late Aqa Muhammad Husayn. Against these, Haj Muhammad Kazim obtained a promissory note from Muhammad Hassan to pay him whenever he could. Simultaneously, Haj Muhammad Kazim employed him as an apprentice in his hujra, which was situated in sarainau> in the bazaar, to keep the daybook. While Muhammad Hassan was working in the hujra of Haj Muhammad Kazim, he would from time to time be given sums of money to invest in transactions of his own choosing. Muhammad Hassans two brothers, Abu al-Qasim and Muhammad Rahim, also worked as apprentices in the httjras of some merchants, but without any pay and just for the price of their lunch. Their mother, Bibi Mah Khanum, also worked at home making braids, cords, buttons, and trimmings that she sold to passementerie shops. She also wove some veiling material at home that she sold in the bazaar. These were hard times for the family, and they barely made ends meet. Some time passed in this manner, but eventually, from the private transactions of Muhammad Hassan and transactions made on his behalf by Haj Muhammad Kazim, all the debts were paid with 100 tumans profit left. From this money, Muhammad Hassan bought some clothes for himself and his brothers, gave his mother some money for household expenditure, and left for Tehran in approximately 1274/1857.

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PHOTO 1.2

Young girls carrying wafer

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The journey from Isfahan to Tehran took approximately eight days, traveling with a caravan and on a mule.1 As mentioned before, there were no roads in Persia in the mid-nineteenth century, only caravan routes. The approximate distance between the two cities was 285 miles, and caravans could not cover more than three to three and a half miles per hour.2 However, a traveler on horseback without luggage could cover fifty to seventy miles a day and accomplish the journey in half the time it took by mule.3 The journey was accompanied by all the hazards described previously, great discomfort, robbers, winter cold, and summer heat. Traveling by horseback was reserved for aristocrats, the rich, and foreigners. As Muhammad Hassan did not belong to any of diose categories, he probably traveled by mule, in a caravan, covering approximately thirty-six miles per day, reaching Tehran in eight days. By all accounts, the approach to Tehran was most dreary and uninteresting. No structure could be seen diat would indicate arrival at a great capital city.'' Tehran is situated on an arid plain, near the desert, south of the Alburz mountain range, which provides the only spectacular sight on approach. The plain is flat and stony. As the main material of domestic architecture then was mud, die city had a grayishbrown appearance. The only sign of activity striking the traveler was an endless array of camels, donkeys, and mules leaving and entering the city, carrying the daily food and firewood of die inhabitants in addition to export and import items. The town was moated and surrounded by a mud wall, twenty feet high and four miles in circumference, within which there were 100 towers. Polak writes that the Persians were very proud of their fortifications of Tehran, to the extent diat the minister of war asked an Austrian officer in all seriousness whether such fortifications existed in Austria.5 33

34

Early Years in Tehran

Six gates opened into the city, the Shah "Abd al-Azim Gate and the New Gate to the south, the Dulab Gate to the east, the Shimran Gate and the Daulat Gate to the north, and the Qazvin Gate to the west.6 The gates were decorated with glazed tiles of yellow and blue containing animal motifs, providing a great contrast to the mud walls. The governor of the city held the key to the gates, which were locked after ten o'clock at night and not opened until the next morning. Any travelers who reached the gates after ten at night had to spend the night outside the city gates. After passing through the gate, the traveler entered Tehran. The inner city gave an impression as dull as the outside approach. Primarily because mud was die main architectural material, its color pervaded everything. There was no town planning; the lanes were narrow and angular, and as they did not cross each other vertically, they would have to be circled. Also, because people were allowed to build their houses as close to the passageways as they liked, in some cases two pack animals could barely pass each other. Nothing was done about sweeping and cleaning the streets or collecting garbage. The only form of garbage collection was left to the wishes of the market gardeners, who needed the garbage as fertilizer. Leftover food and carcasses of dead animals were thrown into the street. It was lucky that stray dogs and foxes came out at night and cleaned the streets by eating them. The remaining bones were thrown into the moat. There were small hills in the town consisting of decades of decaying rubbish. The stench, particularly in the summer, was unbearable.7 Tehran was divided into five quarters. The central quarter was dominated by the palace citadel, or ark; the quarter south of ark was the most populous with the smallest water reservoir, and it contained all the caravanserais and bazaars, a section known as the Shah 'Abd al-Azim quarter. The western quarter, called Sangeladj, contained most of die private palaces. The southeastern quarter of Chala Maydan was the poorest and unhealthiest quarter. In contrast, the new north suburb of Shimran was the healthiest, on the highest ground and with the largest water reservoir. The divisions of the city reflected the social structure of the society. The ark was moated and surrounded by a wall, access to which was through gates and bridges. The ark was a city in itself, with streets, palaces, gardens, and government buildings. It was the seat of government, die residence of die shah and his wives, and that of important ministers. The ark covered an area of 10,800 square meters. The whole area was the persona! property of the shah. The main entrance to die ark was through a gate to the south, in die middle of Tehran and near die bazaar. This gate led through a short covered walkway onto the Maydan-i Shah, an open space of about 216 meters in length and 108 meters in width. Military exercises and drills took place in this area. In the center, there was a raised platform on which there were three cannons captured from the Portuguese during the reign of Shah 'Abbas I (1587—1628). All major outdoor ceremonial occasions took place in this square. Leading from the Maydan was a stone-paved street, lit by oil lamps at intervals, bordered by government buildings, the shah's palace, die royal stables, the arsenal, and the Foreign Office.8

Early Yean in Tehran

35

To the south of the ark was the bazaar, caravanserai and mosques. The bazaars were the center of economic activity in each Persian town, where both artisans and merchants occupied themselves with their respective activities. The bazaars had long covered corridors with arched ceilings and shops on both sides. From the bazaars there was access to the caravanserais, which were the center of operation of the wholesalers. These caravanserais were similar in structure to those in which travelers stayed. The bazaars and their caravanserais used to be narrow and low-ceilinged until the premiership of Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir (d. 1852), when die Amir bazaar with its caravanserai was constructed, and which after the royal palace was considered the most important site to visit, due to the beauty of its gardens, fountains, and yards. Usually each group of artisans and traders occupied a particular bazaar according to their specialty, and frequently merchants from the same town occupied the same caravanserai.9 These commercial caravanserais served as warehouses for wholesale merchants. There was a hierarchy of positions widiin each commercial caravanserai. A Jalandar or sarayJar was in charge of the administration of each caravanserai. Under die samydar-were qapanda.K (those who weigh the merchandise), siyah-i nivis (those who kept records) and hammals (porters). Upon the arrival or departure of merchandise or major transactions, all these people received a payment. The only difference between the construction of the commercial caravanserai and diose on die roads was diat die spaces around the courtyard had doors and windows. These spaces and the big area behind were the private property of individuals, which merchants and artisans rented for one to two tumam a montJi. Whenever diey went away for a trip, even though it might take months, they would pay the rent in advance, lock the door, put their seal on a string around the lock, and leave. As seals were highly honored, they were used instead of signatures. Forging or breaking them was a crime, die penalty of which was cutting off die culprit's hand. Thus, the merchant could be certain that on his return everything would be as he left it,10 Since Amin al-Zarb and his meteoric success and immense wealth became a legend in his own lifetime, it is difficult to separate myth from reality as far as his early years are concerned. In fact, there is very little data available in the Mahdavi family archives concerning diese early years. According to Muhammad Hasayns unfinished biography of his father, when Amin al-Zarb arrived in Tehran as a young man around 1853, his worldly goods consisted of an 'aba (a loose outer garment), a box of scales, and 100 riak,11 However, according to a letter in the archives written by Amin al-Zarb*s cousin Haj Muhammad *Ali Amin al-Tujjar, his possessions consisted of twenty-six tumans cash and one donkey.12 Facts end here and speculation begins, as far as die next four years are concerned. In the unfinished biography, it is stated that as soon as Muhammad Hassan reached Tehran, he rented a shop and started doing business.1-' It seems unlikely, however, that with his meager capital he was able to rent a shop immediately. He

36

Early Yean in Tehran

needed the capital to invest in buying goods for sale. Many other sources cite him as having begun as a peddler.14 However, the question of what objects he was peddling is also controversial, in addition to whedier he was in fact a peddler. Depending on whether the contemporary sources were his admirers or his detractors, he was either an itinerant sarrafoithe vendor of cheap cotton textiles andband-i tunban.15 In any case, itinerant vendors were a daily phenomenon of life in Tehran and Iran in general. It was an aspect of being a kasib (literally, a trader) and not particularly socially degrading.16 Although the shops in the bazaars of Tehran were full of various goods, the upper classes and the many Europeans preferred to have these goods offered to them at home. It was an old-fashioned system of modern-day home delivery, a system that was especially convenient for women, who, because of seclusion and veiling, did not have many opportunities for going out. These vendors offered every kind of goods for sale, ranging from jewelry, antiques, carpets, and textiles to household items and foodstuffs. Even today in Tehran and other Iranian towns, the itinerant vendor on his mule is a familiar sight.17 Mihdi Quli Hidayat, in comparing Muhammad Hassan's early years in Tehran to those of J. D. Rockefeller in America, says that in the same way that Rockefeller went door-to-door carrying oil on his back and selling it, so Muhammad Hassan went door-to-door carrying haberdashery goods on a wooden tray hung from his neck. Through perseverance, hard work, and savings they both became the richest men in their country.18 According to a more reliable source, however, in these early months, Muhammad Hassan was engaged in the business he knew best, that of sarrafi, the business of his forebears. He would circulate in die bazaar and take orders from foreign merchants and others for gold and foreign coins. Then he would search for these in the shops (bujras) of others, buy them and then sell them to his clients at a profit.19 It is possible that on die side, he also traded in other goods, since in die unfinished biography he is quoted as saying: "I did not refrain from the buying and selling of any kind of goods,"2* In later years, Muhammad Hassan himself wrote a letter of advice regarding a young relative of his, which sheds a certain amount of light on his activities in these early years. He says: [H]e [meaning the young relative] must engage in kasibi [trading] and feed a family of ten. You have turned him into a pauper, like Mirza 'Abd al-Vahab, Aqa Najaf, and others [he is referring to relatives in Isfahan who received a monthly allowance from him]. Make him work and earn a living. He must be given ten tumans' worth of black money [meaning copper coins] and turn black into white [silver coins, meaning make a profit through exchanging coins]. [Tell him] to take off his turban and wear a pair of giva [light cotton shoes, good for running], carry the satchel of sarrafi on his shoulders, and make a living as we and all his forebears have done.21

Traditionally, merchants wore turbans as status symbols, whereas traders and artisans wore ordinary hats. By asking die young man to take off his turban, he means that all pretensions of grandeur should be put aside. The same applies to his shoes,

Early Years in Tehran

57

so that he can run around more easily. This advice was obviously based upon his own experience. It is stated in the unfinished biography that his clients consisted of the tujjar (merchants), sarrafi (money changers) and a'yan (nobles).22 It is not known precisely how he acquired these clients. There are also contradictory accounts regarding this matter. One unfriendly account relates that the best way to get to know people in the bazaar was through the hammams (public baths) and barbershops. According to this account, there was a famous barber called Haji Haydar who had a shop near Masjid-i Shah and whose clients consisted of courtiers who met there daily for their morning tea.23 It is possible that having discovered the clientele of this barber shop, Muhammad Hassan also frequented it to take orders and to meet people. But since, as his son notes in the unfinished biography, Muhammad Hassan was meticulous in his business transactions, in keeping his promises, and in fulfilling his transactions on time, one client may have recommended him to another and in this way his circle of clients may have grown. Also, Muhammad Hassan did not arrive in Tehran entirely without connections, as there was a community of Isfahani sarrafi in Tehran to whom he could have been related or presented letters of introduction. Some of these, such as Haj Lutf 'All Isfahani and Haj "Abbas Isfahani were quite prominent in Tehran and could have provided him with some clients.24 The sarrafi from each locality occupied a particular commercial caravanserai. Those from Isfahan operate from the caravanserai of Haj Hassan. Initially, Muhammad Hassan either had a hujra or operated from the caravanserai of Haj Hassan, as the archives show that thi was the location of his business.2' In any case, within eight months Muhammad Hassan had made a net profit of approximately 1,300—1,400 tumam. He sent some money to Isfahan to his mother from this profit so she could settle her past debts and have sufficient funds both for her own and his brothers* fares to Tehran. Also from the same sum, as a form of future insurance against unforeseen contingencies, he bought 400 misqak of gold, the equivalent of 1,200 tumans, and sent it to Isfahan to Ha) Muhammad Kazim Sarraf for safekeeping.26 By this time, he had established such credit that although he had invested his liquid capital, he was able to continue his business on credit.27 At about this time Muhammad Hassan's mother and brothers arrived in Tehran. Muhammad Hassan rented a house for the family in the 'Abbas Abad quarter of Tehran south of the bazaar. He also started a small business for his brothers, renting a small drapery shop in the bazaar, providing them with goods for sale, and arranging with them to render accounts later. However, after a few months, when he went over their accounts, he discovered that not only had they not made a profit but that they had not collected money owed to them. As Muhammad Hassan had bought the goods he gave his brothers on credit, he was forced to cover their losses and close the shop. There are later examples of the brothers not being as astute in business as Muhammad Hassan and riding on the coattails of their brother. Nevertheless, after a while, when he saw that the brothers were idle, he was forced to open the shop again but on condition that they render daily accounts.

38

Early Yean in Tehran

The mid-nineteenth century, when Muhammad Hassan arrived in Tehran, was the beginning of the period when the effects of die Industrial Revolution in Europe were being felt in Iran, as a result of which there was a significant change in the composition of Persian trade. Previously, textiles had been a major export item to Russia and Central Asia, but now local handicrafts were not able to compete with cheaper European industrial goods; textiles, particularly British ones, became an important import item for which there was great demand. Simultaneously, tea and sugar also became import items. A further factor that contributed both to the expansion of Iran's foreign trade and to die introduction of a greater volume of British goods was the revival of the Trebizond-Tabriz route in the 1830s. The British were instrumental in the revival, as they were looking for shorter and cheaper routes not only for the import of British goods but also for the export of Persian products such as silk in which they were interested. Another incentive for finding an alternate route was the fact that goods in transit through Russia were subject to dudes.28 Goods destined for the Persian market came from Liverpool to Istanbul and from there to Trebizond, or, alternately, goods used the Russian route, coming by Russian company steamers from London to Poti, then via Tiflis to Tabriz. The Trebizond route took from fifty to sixty-five days, whereas the Russian route took about eighty-five days.29 Tabriz was the junction of both routes through which European goods could be delivered into northwest Persia. Thus, anyone or any company wishing to succeed in the export-import business in Persia either had to be in Tabriz or have agents in Tabriz, as it was the most important commercial city in the country. Perkins describes it as follows: Tabreez is the most important city, in a commercial point of view, in all Persia. It is the great mart of European merchandize ... Its trade is principally transit, and this is immense, almost beyond conception. It is a grand depot to which Europe pours the fruits of its industry and enterprize to be distributed throughout the whole country and regions beyond. The goods imported are mainly broadcloth, cottons, chintz, loaf sugar, crockery, glass tea and various kinds of fancy articles.-'"

Ralli Brothers was one of the firms that was instrumental in the introduction of English manufactured goods and took advantage of the demand for them." The head of the company was a resident of Istanbul and had offices in Manchester, Marseilles, and Odessa, among other places. In 1837, Ralli decided to open offices in Tabriz, although previously it had been providing Persian merchants with English manufactured goods in Istanbul. The reason for this is well explained in a letter by Edward Burgess written from Tabriz in January 1846: You appear surprised that no English merchants are settled here but will not be so when I tell you how the Greeks came to establish themselves here. You have perhaps heard

Burly Yean in Tehran

39

that the Greeks had for many years an extensive trade chieiy in Manchester goods at Constantinople. These goods were almost entirely sold to Persians who brought them here for consumption in the country, and exportations. They [the Greeks] had encouraged the Persians by giving them almost unlimited credit, and the consequence was that the latter overdid the trade to such an extent that many sorts of goods were to be had cheaper retail in Tehran than they could be bought in Manchester. Extensive failures amongst the Persians followed and then some amongst the Greeks, and one or two of the Greek houses who were not ruined sent an agent here to dispose of the goods in Tabriz instead of selling them to the Persians to be disposed of.32

Thus, Ralli Brothers established itself in Tabriz in circumstances favorable to foreign firms and unfavorable to Persian merchants. In addition, Ralli enjoyed a further advantage, as it was under Russian protection,33 Under the terms of the Treaty of Turkomanchai, Russian subjects or those under Russian protection paid only a single, uniform 5 percent ad valorem duty, as opposed to the Persian merchants, who had to pay road taxes and other duties. Also, Ralli, being a prosperous firm outside Persia, had access to large funds and was able to make special concessions and give generous long-term credit. The firm was also enterprising in its recognition that Persian taste differed from that of Europeans, and it therefore ordered designs from Persian artists to be printed on cloth from England. The company was able to make a great profit from this venture. Edward Burgess says: After they were settled here they began having new designs made in Manchester and to do this they have sometimes sent home a cashmeer shawl the pattern of which suited the Persian taste, or had the design painted by Persian painters to send home. The prints so made are chiefly 5 Col[or] prints costing about fifteen or sixteen shillings at Manchester and we will say the old patterns sold for about 25 [shillings] here. The new designs are printed in the same calico have the same colours in them and the same work as the old ones and cost very little more but being new they have sold as high as 40 [shillings].34

To recover the capital invested from Istanbul, Ralli exported silk and Russian rubles from Tabriz. They were much involved in the silk industry and had an agency in Rasht. Their representative in Tehran was one Vassiliadi Panayotti, who took Muhammad Hassan under his wiag.

According to the unfinished biography and other accounts, Muhammad Hassan learned the ropes of national and international business from Mr. Panayotti, but how he came to work for him is not known. Mumtahin al-Dawla, one of Amin alZarb's detractors, describes this in derogatory terms: [A]nd then with two tumans a month wages, he started working for one Panayotti, the agent of Ralli Co. I, myself, have seen him frequently by the chair of Panayotti at the

40

Early Years in Tehran

Foreign Ministry court hearings ... Muhammad Hassan, in being the servant of Panayotti himself, also brought his brother into service as cook.3'

Cook, servant, and other attributions spring from Mumtahin al-Dawla's malice, but Muhammad Hassan definitely worked with Panayotti and profited by it. Not much is known about Panayotti, other than the fact that according to British Foreign Office records, in 1883 he applied, through the Greek minister in London, for British protection in Persia. The records show that he was the agent of Ralli Brothers until 1871, when that firm closed its offices in Tehran, and as such, he enjoyed British protection. But Panayotti continued coming to Tehran on business, after which he was given Turkish protection. Mr. Thompson, the British minister in Tehran, explained to the Foreign Officethat in fact Panayotti was an Ottoman subject and that a letter from the Turkish ambassador indicated that a convention existed between Greece and Turkey, according to which nationals of either country were not allowed to adopt die nationality of the odier country without obtaining permission from their government of original nationality. So Panayotti could not be considered a Greek subject because he was still a Turkish subject. Also, it appears that Panayotti had some complicated claims against the Persian government in connection with the export of boxwood and was planning to use British protection to settle those claims.36 There was also a history of Panayotti having had problems in the bazaar. For these reasons, British protection was refused.37 Claiming Greek nationality while enjoying Turkish protection and using that claim to obtain British protection shows Panayotti to be an opportunist, and as such he was probably successful in Tehran at a time when there were very few foreign merchants. The Mahdavi Archives indicate diat up to 1868, Panayotti still had business dealings with Muhammad Hassan. Panayotti was instrumental in providing Muhammad Hassan with his first major business success. Muhammad Hassan noticed that Panayotti was profitably engaged in exporting sheep wool and decided to participate as well. From the time he made the decision, it took him six months to assemble the capital and the wool. First, he asked Haj Muhammad Kazim Sarraf in Isfahan, who was keeping the gold he had sent him earlier for safekeeping, to convert it into sheep wool, and then he sold all his own merchandise, which came to about 1,000 tttmans and borrowed 8,000 tumans, converting it all to sheep wool that he took to Panayotti, saying: "These wools are worth 10,000 tumam. I do not have any more money left, and 8,000 tumans' worth of them belongs to other people. You have a lot of money; please take these wools and send them for sale in trust for me to Europe and take your commission, [however] on condition that you lend me 10,000 tumam in cash now so that I can pay my debts and have a little money in hand for commerce.1* Monsieur Panayotti accepted [my condition] cheerfully and without any misgivings giving me a 10,000 tumam draft to one of the bazaar sarraft. When I [Muhammad Hassan] wanted to leave the room, he called me and said, "Do not imagine that I gave you money on the credit

Early Yean in Tehran

41

of these wools but because during this time [of their association] I have tested you and seen you to be honest and persevering. Consequently I trust you; henceforth, the finances of my commercial office are in your charge and you must deal with my drafts and bilk of exchange."38

In the unfinished biography, Muhammad Hassan told his son that he learned the details of the export and import business from Panayatti, as a result of which he learned to buy and sell merchandise from and to anyplace. But the most important financial lesson he learned from Panayotti was the method of dealing with karats., or drafts. Transporting money in Qajar Iran was an extremely hazardous affair, due to insecurity on the roads and the presence of numerous bandits and highwaymen. It was such an unusual event for a caravan carrying cash to reach the gates of Tehran safely that on the rare occasions when it took place, its arrival was celebrated and welcomed by the beating of drums and kettledrums.39 This problem did not affect private transactions as much as governmental ones. The central government did not directly collect or disburse all revenues. However, it allocated a budget, prepared by financial officials called mustawfi. This budget was known as kitabcba. The governor was responsible for die collection of die revenues of his province. If the revenues exceeded the allocated budget, he had to remit the difference to the central government. If there was a deficit, then the central government had to reimburse die province through the governor. None of the government transactions took place in cash but rather through barats. Most government expenditures and the salaries of government employees and all the creditors of die .state were paid through these barats, drawn on the revenue.'40 A bant was a document on which was inscribed the date, the city of issue, the residence, and the name of the drawer, the date of the payment, the amount, the party to be paid, and die guarantee that die drawer would confirm to pay the drawee.4l Someone who had to be paid by the government was given a burnt, or a payment order, drawn on a governor of a province, which would be entered in the central government register against the revenue expected from the province. The governors were not very forthcoming in honoring diese drafts, as diey had dieir own financial problems. Only diose with influence and power were paid immediately; others sometimes had to wait for years before being paid. Therefore, barats often had only a nominal value, and most people were glad to dispose of them at a 70 to 80 percent discount. The governors of the major provinces had agents in Tehran to buy the karats drawn on their province. Although the full sum was never paid, yet in rendering account to the government, die full sum was shown. There were also merchants who specialized in buying these bantts at reduced prices, eventually recovering the full sum. Thus, a brisk business was done all around in the exchange of barats. The financial problems of the governors is explained by Colonel Shell:

42

Early Kan in Tehran

This practice has become so thoroughly established that no appointment is made without the payment of large gratuity, and who pays highest is certain to receive the nominations. As the tenure of his office is dependent on caprice or perhaps on the wants of the central government requiring fresh gratuities, the governor is often recalled, before he has had time to reimburse himself from the province for the donation, which is always exclusive of the revenue he had paid for his government and he therefore has recourse without delay to oppression and exaction of any kind. The redresses of the government arising from an ill considered system of finance .. . Scarcely any portion of the revenue of the provinces now reaches Tehran, payment being chiefly made by bills on the governors, and as they are issued to an amount far exceeding the revenue, their value is generally merely nominal. The chief part of the holders of these bills knowing the improbability of obtaining payment are glad to sell them at any price and the principal governors have their agents in Tehran to purchase these Bilk drawn on their respective provinces. The full amount is afterwards charged on the accounts with government, although perhaps only a fifth or tenth may have been really paid.42

Panayotti taught Muhammad Hassan the intricacies of transferring bamts, to the provinces and vice versa and how to deal with those that had a time period of sixtyone days or those that expired in ninety-one days. Apparently Panayotti took over the tuition of Muhammad Hassan. Every day, like a master with his pupil, he would examine Muhammad Hassan on the lessons of the day before. As Muhammad Hassan was clever and learned quickly, he soon started running the affairs of Panayotti, dispatching and cashing bamts for him. Widiin a year, Muhammad Hassan had become such an expert in dealing with bants and had gained a reputation for honoring timely payments that he became a major creditor both for government and private transactions. Agents of Ralli would receive cash in the provinces in lieu of barats drawn in Muhammad Hassans name. As a consequence, not only did he become well known in government circles, but the seeds for later extensive commercial enterprise were planted.43 Of these activities, Asghar Mahdavi writes: According to the terms of an agreement governing current accounts, which was concluded with the public treasury and stipulated an interest of 9 percent, Haji Muhammad Hassan was charged with the monthly collection of state debts from the local or regional customs farmers and, occasionally, from some provincial governors. In addition, promissory notes {karats} given by the central government to its functionaries, or to those who received a salary or stipend (in money or kind) that were to be cashed in the provinces, were often remitted by the beneficiaries to the Amin al-Zarbs with a view to their eventual recovery. To the above document we may add bills of exchange that were required for strictly commercial transactions. As a consequence, Haji Muhammad Hassan was always in possession of a well-furnished portfolio, realizable either in Tehran or in the provinces. This portfolio was essentially composed of commercial effects (especially bills of exchange), orders of payment issued by the treasury, and

Early Kan in Tehran

43

promissory notes signed by different notable persons. The notes realizable in the provinces went to commercial representatives who collected them as they became due. Once recovered, these funds either remained where they were for the purchase of merchandise or were transferred to Tehran in the form of bills of exchange. Haji Muhammad Hassan's representatives would generally recover without difficulty the debts owed by private persons or merchants. However, political complications or consideration of protocol would arise when it was a question of collecting money from a powerful governor, often a relative of the Shah, especially in the absence of a summons from the court of Tehran. But Haji Muhammad Hassan was not short of argument to convince the authorities in Tehran, the simplest being that he could not honour his signature if he did not succeed in recovering what was owed to him. . . . In order to manage his treasury, Haji Muhammad Hassan concluded agreements governing current accounts with a number of changer-bankers [sctrmf] of Tehran. Many of them were originally from Isfahan and some even had family ties with him. According to these agreements, Haji Muhammad Hassans orders of payment were honoured and their amounts were gradually deducted from financial effects that had been given to them by Haji Muhammad Hassan for recovery.44 The above account describes a gradual process only at the end or which did Muhammad Hassan, first as Haji and then titled as Amin al-Zarb, reach such heights of business dealings. But the account is relevant at this point as it explains the details of the type of banking operations in practice and the manner in which Muhammad Hassan took advantage of diem. The earliest documented account of Muhammad Hassan's own commercial activities concerns a company he formed in Tehran in 1274/1857. The capital of this company was 2,000 tttmans. The company was formed by four people—Muhammad Hassan, Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf (Muhammad Hassan's first paternal cousin and later his father-in-law), his brother Aqa Muhammad Husayn, and Aqa 'Abd al-Hamid (an Isfahan! merchant in Tabriz)—each of whom had contributed 500 tumans. The objective of the company was to engage in trade and peddling and the full capital to be given to Aqa Muhammad Hassan and Aqa 'Abd-al Hamid to be sent to Tabriz and al! the expenditure ranging from the rent of hujra-t wages of an office boy, customs duties, road tax, and other necessary expenditures for the company. It is agreed that the two above-named parties should take fifty tamaris for their own expenditure, twenty-five tumans each, and render accounts at the end. This memorandum was certified by one of the famous ulama of Tehran, Sadr al'Ulama, signed Murtiza Ibn Muhammad Hassan.45 As can be seen by die text of rliis memorandum and according to the unfinished biography, Muhammad Hassan in these early days was engaged in commerce with Tabriz, the most important commercial city. According to the Mahdavi Archives, in

44

Early Kan in Tehran

these early years Muhammad Hassan dealt mainly in textiles. However, his oYerall network was rather limited at this point and only extended to Isfahan and Kirmaa, cities that he knew and in which he had contacts. At this time, Muhammad Hassan was established in Hujra-yi Timcha and in 1276/1859 was doing well enough to change hujras and to move to another hujra in Sara-yi Amir, the most prestigious commercial caravanserai.46 On a personal level Muhammad Hassan must have been happy to bring his mother and brothers to Tehran to live with him, as the family in Persian society was and still is the most important institution to which an individual belongs. Within the family, in spite of the Islamic $hari'a, which limits the role of women in public life, in private life the mother plays a very important role within Shi'i Islam based on die ideal woman, wife, and mother, modeled after Fatima, the daughter of die Prophet, the wife of "Ali and die mother of the second and third Imams, Hassan and Husayn. Muhammad Hassan had great respect for and admiration for his mother, both for the manner in which she conducted herself in the early days of hardship and brought up the children and for her general behavior and demeanor later on. All correspondence in which he mentions his mother bears witness to this fact. A person who knew Bibi in Tehran wrote to Muhammad Hassan after her death, saying: There is no comparison between that blessed deceased and other human beings. My humble belief is that the present standing of yourself and your brothers is due to the spiritual purity and prayers of that blessed deceased and that you will continue in this manner as she interceded with God for your well-being and success.47 On 18 Jamadi I 1288/4 August 1871, Muhammad Hassan wrote to his brother Abu al-Qasim, whom he had sent to Istanbul to run the business there, saying: "Come to Tehran to take charge of the business so that in the company of our mother I can go to the Holy Cities. I am much indebted and beholden to her. Poor woman, she has gone through a lot of trouble over us."48 This letter was written in the following decade, which was a time of public success and personal happiness for Amin al-Zarb and during which he consolidated his commercial affairs.

MAP 2.1

Sectional map of Tehran, 1309/1891, showing Sam-yi Amir, location ofAmin al-Zarb's hujra, home, And nearby orchard

PHOTO 2.1 Hetj Muhammad Hassan Amin at-Zarb in bis hujra in Sara-yi Amir

C M^ftf-«%* jhvee

0&cvi& #( &Y*+\Wy •tzfa- iZ90/-tfb3-

if/-}

The year 1863 was a momentous year for Muhammad Hassan. It was the year in which his commercial success took off, the year in which he married, and the year when he went on the hajj, the holy pilgrimage to Mecca. It was the year in which he finally became established. Hajj is not only incumbent upon all Muslims, but it is their lifelong yearning and ardent desire. To qualify to perform hajj, a Muslim man or woman must have reached the age of puberty, be of sound mind, and have the financial means to do so. Not only must a man going on hajj have sufficient funds for die journey, but he must be able to provide for his family's sustenance during his absence. Furthermore, the money acquired or saved for tliis purpose must have been obtained honestly, diat is, in a baled manner.1 For most Persians and indeed for all Muslims in the nineteenth century, when they went on hajj, it was probably the first time they stepped outside the boundaries of their own countries. It was a unique experience—spiritually, socially, and economically. Muslims from all over the world met each other at a time when traveling was difficult and rare. During the period of hajj, a great commercial fair took place in Mecca, and merchandise from all over the world, ranging from Europe to the Indies, could be found there. It was an occasion for those who were engaged in commerce to forge international commercial contacts. The journey was long and arduous but provided new experiences and points of interest, both in the countries crossed en route and in the means of transportation 47

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used. The route taken by those going on hajj from Tehran, if by sea, would have been to Qazvin, Rasfat, Enzeli, Baku, Tiflis, Batum, Istanbul, Alexandria, Cairo, Suez, Jedda, and Mecca, and if by land, either via Astara, Lankaran, Ganja (Kirovabad), and then Tiflis or via Tabriz to Istanbul. Thus, those traveling through Russia would have traversed three countries before reaching Mecca. If from Mecca and Medina the traveler planned to visit the Holy Cities of Iraq (sites of Shi'i worship), then the whole journey would take approximately one year.2 It is not known which route Muhammad Hassan took. It is possible that when he embarked on his journey, he was already either in Tabriz or Istanbul on business, in which case he would have gone by land. If not, he would have taken the Russian route, either by land or by sea. In 1279/1863 when Muhammad Hassan went on the hajj, there were still no roads for carriages in Persia. The only way a carriage could travel was if it were accompanied by a sufficient number of men to lift it over impassable places. This was the way the shah traveled in his carriage. Aside from the fact that in the absence of roads, traveling was slow, the journey took longer than necessary even under those conditions, as the traveler wanted to combine a certain amount of sightseeing and business with it. For instance, the distance from Tehran to the Caspian Sea is approximately 200 miles and could be covered in about four to five days, but Mirza Husayn Farahani relates in his account of the hajj that he spent one week in Rasht alone, which was the beginning of his journey and a city he had already seen.3 From Enzeli, the port on the Caspian Sea, a whole new world of experience opened up for the traveler. The first experience involved traveling on water and crossing the sea. Steam navigation on the Caspian Sea was started initially for commercial purposes in the 1840s. Regular service for passenger traffic was established in 1861. There were services between Enzeli and Baku twice a week. However, this could not be depended upon due to the poor condition of Enzeli, which lacked proper port facilities, particularly in the winter, when the boat could not come to shore. In any case, even in good weather the boat did not actually come to shore but anchored a distance offshore, and the passengers had to be taken out by rowboats. Sayf al-DawIa, who started his journey to Mecca in Rajab 1279/January 1863, waited in Enzeli for a number of days for the boat to come in and when it was unable to do so undertook the journey by road.4 The boat journey took eighteen hours, whereas by road it took many days. Whether by boat or road, as soon as the traveler stepped into Russia, he came across sights and phenomena hitherto unseen. There were roads paved with stone on which carriages traveled, and there were post houses where horses were changed and accommodation offered.5 Once they arrived in a town like Tiflis, there were further new sights and institutions to see. Nineteenth-century Russia may have been backward compared to Western Europe, but it was Europe (Farrangistan) to the Persian and far in advance of his own country. There were hospitals, museums, theaters, public parks, and public baths different from those seen before. Farahani describes the museums in Tiflis:

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There is a building which they call museum. First the goods of every country ancient and modern are put on display in the rooms of this building. Secondly there are some live birds and artificial animals such as different kinds of fowl, bats, dolphins, camel, crows and vultures. Thirdly dead animals big and small such as tiger, leopard, porpoise and pigs have been oiled and preserved in such a manner that they are no different from live ones. Fourthly different types of mineral stones, forest woods plants with decorative leaves and flowers have been put there and whoever goes to look pays a price and enters.6

Sayf al-Dawla describes the baths in Tiflis, saying that there were two kinds: The first were like those found In Iran, but the second were different. Since there was no plumbing in Persia, he was amazed that there were taps from which he could run as much hot or cold water as he liked. He also describes the bathtub something he has never seen before. He relates that it is possible to share these private bathrooms with women. This seems unlikely and probably springs from the shock these travelers received in seeing unveiled women, as a consequence of which they exaggerated the degree of freedom prevailing.7 There is much talk of prostitution and freedom of intercourse between men and women and the resulting evils.8 To reach Istanbul, the travelers once again had to take the steamboat from Batum to cross the Black Sea. Here they took off from a proper port without having to be rowed in by small boats. The journey took five days, with stops at various ports on the way, including Trebizond, by this time an important commercial port, especially for those engaged in import and export in Persia. Although the boats that crossed the Black Sea were superior to those crossing the Caspian Sea, still the crossing could be difficult in bad weather. Farahani relates that after leaving Batum, they hit bad weather in the middle of the night and everyone fell on their knees praying, and while on their knees, one man cried that he wished he had never embarked on the hajj but had bought it instead, and another said that he wished he had never made a profit from selling cotton seeds as a result of which hajj became incumbent upon him.9 Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire and the major center of commerce in the area, still offered further points of interest. Different travelers describe different aspects of the city. Farahani is more interested in the history, architecture, and government, whereas Sayf al-Dawla offers some interesting social and economic insights. Farahani describes the Turkish baths in detail, but Sayf al-Dawla seems to have been more interested in the Russian baths, though he generally considers the public baths to be a center of corruption.10 In fact, Sayf al-Dawla seems to be obsessed with vice, depravity, and dissolution, finding it wherever he goes. However, aside from this preoccupation, his comments on the Circassian slaves who are bought and sold in Istanbul are pertinent, as they indicate that at this point slavery could not have been prevalent or practiced in Iran.'' The fact that the female slaves are taken into concubinage he finds particularly shocking, as the Circassians are Muslims. In general, he finds the customs and behavior of the local inhabitants to be more akin to those of Europeans than Easterners.12

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Various aspects of European life could be seen in the Beyoglu and Galata quarters, where most Europeans resided and the embassies were situated. There were European-style shops, luqantas (restaurants), coffee shops, and promenades where both sexes mingled freely.13 Commercially, the bazaars of Istanbul contained every conceivable kind of ware.14 There were also factories for manufacturing various kinds of goods, ranging from glassware to textiles to ships.15 Another institution new to the traveler was the public library, of which there were many in Istanbul. The concept of having a building for the sole purpose of housing books and going there to study them was alien to those coming from Iran.16 There were two ways of reaching Jedda from Istanbul in die 1860s. One was by way of Port Said, through the Suez Canal to Jedda, the whole route by sea taking from eleven to twelve days without changing boats. The other was by boat to Alexandria, which took five days, then by rail to the Suez Canal, and finally once again by boat to Jedda. This route took fifteen to sixteen days. The advantages of this route were that it was possible to see Egypt on the way, while traveling by rail, spending more time on land, and avoiding some of the discomforts of an uninterrupted sea voyage. The advantages of die first route were that it took a shorter time, was cheaper, and did not involve the inconvenience of changing from one means of conveyance to another. However, most travelers who could afford it preferred to go through Egypt. Egypt, the fertile land, once again offered new sources of enlightenment, particularly in die agricultural and industrial fields. Among the countries of the Middle East, Egypt was a pioneer in the agricultural sector, particularly in methods of irrigation. Cotton was the major cash crop cultivated in Egypt in the nineteenth century. Prior to cotton becoming the major cash crop, most of the cultivated land had been submerged under water, which suited other crops, but not cotton, which was a summer crop. Therefore, a perennial system of irrigation was initiated. The traveler saw canals for bringing water to the fields, drains for carrying it away, and barrages that raised the level of die river when it was low to fill the canals. This perennial irrigation permitted the raising of more than one crop a year, in contrast to Persia, where one crop a year was raised and one half of the land was left fallow each year to regain moisture and fertility.17 The other phenomenon that amazed the traveler upon arrival in Alexandria was the fact that die waters of the Nile were channeled into a pumping station outside Alexandria and pumped by "fire wheels" (motors) through underground pipes to private houses where "people can attach to them as many taps as they like and pay accordingly monthly for the amount of water they use."18 There were diree methods for reaching Cairo from Alexandria, one of which was by train. For those traveling before the inauguration of the Transcaucasian Railway in 1872, most unusual of all were railways and railway stations." All die travelers found the railway system fascinating and describe in detail the method of buying tickets, checking in the luggage, die various stops for food and water, the toilet fa-

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cilities, the classes of travel and their various prices, and even the decoration and furniture of the various classes. There were other new things to be seen, such as a steam mill that ground wheat into flour, an egg incubator that produced chickens, a plant that produced ice, and various other steam-powered types of machinery. All of these amazed the curious traveler and were a source of inspiration as to what might be innovated and imported into their own country.20

The hajj ceremonies always take place during the same lunar Muslim month of Zi Hajja, hence the name of the month. However, due to it being within the lunar calendar, it falls each year ten or eleven days earlier than the previous year. Therefore, it can fall at the height of summer or winter, both of which subjected the traveler to different kinds of hardships and possible death. Even in mild weather, there were many casualties during the trip.21 Farahani suggests two kinds of itinerary for those going on hajj from Tehran. Those who planned to go as directly as possible to Mecca should leave Enzeli on 25 Ramazan, arriving in Mecca on 6 or 7 Zi Hajja, a trip of almost three months' duration. Those who planned to combine sightseeing with the pilgrimage, he suggests, should leave Tehran in such a way as to spend the month of Ramazan in Istanbul and then proceed through Egypt, taking much longer.22 The actual ceremonies of hajj took ten days, and depending on whether the pilgrims had visited Medina before or planned to do so after, they were free to take off after that for their next destination. Many Shi'Ls from Iran combined bajjwhh a pilgrimage to the Holy Cities of Iraq ('Atabat), the sites of major Shi'i shrines. It is not known whether Haj Muhammad Hassan combined the two trips, but it seems likely that he would have done so. A definite part of the itinerary would have been, and still is today, to visit Najaf, where 'All Ibn Abu Talib, the first Imam is buried, to Karbala where Husayn, the third Imam, was both martyred and buried, to Kazimaiyn where the shrine of the seventh Imam Musa Kazim is to be found, and to Samarra, where the twelfth Imam, die Mahdi, went into a state of occultation to return at the end of time.23 Another compEcated journey had to be undertaken to reach Iraq from Arabia. It involved going from the port of Yanbu six to seven days by steamboat to Beirut, from Beirut to Iskandarun another two days by boat, then by camel or mule five days to Aleppo, three days to die sea from Aleppo, and dieo five days in a small steamboat to Baghdad—that is, if die traveler did not have to wait for die boat, which sometimes took ten to twelve days to arrive. Thus, die journey took at least diree weeks. Farahani, who did not combine a visit to the Holy Cities with hajj, took seven months to return home to Tehran. Those who combined the two trips would probably have been away for a year.

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Aqa Muhammad Hassan left for bay in Ramazan 1279/February-March 1863. The commencement of the journey in Iran must have been cold, as it was still winter, and the hajj ceremonies hot, as they took place at the beginning of summer. During his absence, his brothers looked after his business affairs. His second brother, Abu al-Qasim, was in Tehran in the hujra in Sara-yi Amir and his younger brother, Muhammad Rahim, in Mazandaran. Seven months later, in Rabi'a I and Rabi'a II 1280/August-September 1863, there is evidence that Haj Muhammad Hassan was in Tabriz.24 It is not known whether he was in Tabriz on his way back from hajj, whether he had visited the Holy Cities, or whether he had already returned to Tehran and then made the trip to Tabriz. Between the time he left for hajj and his return to Tabriz, only seven months passed. Others who combined hajj with visiting the Holy Cities took from ten months to a year.25 However, itineraries of Haj Muhammad Hassan's later trips show that his trips were not comparable to those of other people. He was always in haste, as though driven by some hidden force. Taking this characteristic into account, it is possible that in the course of seven months, he went both on hajj and to the Holy Cities. The hajj trip must have had an enormous effect on Haj Muhammad Hassan. For a man who, later evidence shows, was interested in every idea—whether in commerce, industry, agriculture, or politics—to be simultaneously exposed to so many new things ranging from lifestyle to technology must have been overwhelming. The trip laid the seeds for many original ideas and later innovations in Haj Muhammad Hassans future career, such as steam-operated factories and railways. It was upon his return from hajj on 24 Rabi'a II 1280/19 October 1863 that he married, although the arrangements may have been made before his departure. Marriages in nineteenth-century Persia were arranged. The arrangement took into consideration the background and the suitability of the partners, after which agreement was reached by the parents or guardians of the parties on the complex financial arrangements, which were threefold. First, the bridegroom paid a shifbaha, or bride price, for the girl, the amount of which depended on her beauty as well as social status considerations. Second, a marriage settlement, or mabriyya, was agreed upon and written into the contract; this is a sum that the husband sometimes gave his wife during the marriage but to which she was entitled at any time and definitely in case of divorce. Third, upon entering her husband's house, the girl would take a j&biziyya, or dowry, with her that would always be considered her personal property. Apart from these contractual arrangements, the ceremonies accompanying a marriage were also costly. Among the wealthy classes, celebrations bodi at the grooms house and die bride's house went on for seven days and nights, after which the bride went to die bridegrooms house, where consummation of the marriage took place. On that day, bodi

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the bride and bridegroom went separately to the public bath with their friends and relatives, making a party of it. On the same day, the jakiziyya of the bride, consisting of carpets, copper cooking utensils, and other household items, were transported to the house of the groom. A big show was made of this event. Polak, describing it, says: Numerous mules with expensive bridles are made ready and on each of them two chests are loaded and the chests are covered with red velvet. On each side of the mules walk the slaves who have been given to the bride headed by the chief eunuch of the future household. In this fashion the magnificent procession accompanied by the beat of drums passes through the streets.26

This is obviously a description of the ceremonies of a wealthy wedding. Among the other classes, al! of the above took place, but to a lesser extent, the number of days of celebration being less, the jahiziyya smaller, and the financial contract more limited. One factor all the classes shared in common was the fact that the girl, the prospective bride to be, had no say in the matter. Her wishes were neither consulted nor taken into consideration. When Muhammad Hassan decided it was time for him to marry, it was the duty of Bibi Mah Khanum to find a suitable girl for him. It was natural for her to look for the prospective bride in a status group and occupation similar to their own and among primarily relatives, and after that, among friends and acquaintances. Therefore, the choice of the daughter of Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf was a natural one. Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf, the father of the bride, was a paternal relative of Haj Muhammad Hassan. Aqa Muhammad Ja'far was the son of Aqa Muhammad 'All Sarraf, the brother of Haj Mihdi, Haj Muhammad Hassan's grandfather, and the direct paternal uncle of Haj Muhammad Hassan's father, Aqa Muhammad Husayn.27 Aqa Muhammad Ja'far not only had briefly been in business partnership with Haj Muhammad Hassan but was also engaged in the same family occupation. The age of Mah Bigum Khanum, the bride of Muhammad Hassan, is not known, but girls were considered of marriageable age as soon as they reached puberty, which could be anytime between the ages of nine to thirteen. Although Haj Muhammad Hassans marriage ceremonies were not as magnificent as the ones described by Polak, still they were probably quite elaborate, as by this time Haj Muhammad Hassan was a successful businessman. Furthermore, in the unfinished biography he tells his son that after his marriage and that of his brother, he had very little money left, so the weddings must have been very costly. In fact, it was not until two years later, in Jamadi 1 1282/September—October 1865, that Abu al-Qasim, Haj Muhammad Hassan's brother, married Gawhar Sultan Khanum, daughter of Haj Muhammad Hassan Haj Rasul Bazzaz.28 Once again,

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a bride was chosen from a family that was engaged in commerce, as bazzaz literally meant a cloth dealer. Both brides came to live in the house of Haj Muhammad Hassan with their mother-in-law, Bibi Mah Khanum, as was the custom. Two years later, in 1282/1865, Haj Muhammad Hassan bought a big house consisting of six dangs of andaruni and biruni in the Chala Maydan quarter, west of the Hammarn-i Firuza in Tehran, and moved his extended family into that house.2* Chala Maydan was a mixed quarter: The inhabitants of the southern part were poor, but die eastern part was newly constructed and its residents affluent.30 Four years after Haj Muhammad Hassan went on hajj, in Ramazan 1283/May 1867, his brother Abu al-Qasim also undertook die journey. This indicates that Abu al-Qasim's own business affairs had also prospered under the tutelage of Haj Muhammad Hassan and that hajj had become obligatory upon him. In Zi Qa'da 1284/February 1868, Haj Abu al-Qasim was once again in Tehran working with Haj Muhammad Hassan in Sara-yi Amir. However, in Rabi'a II 1285/August 1868, Haj Abu al-Qasim left Tehran for Istanbul via Moscow. According to the terms of the partnership of the company formed by Haj Muhammad Hassan, his brothers and Haj 'Abd al-Hamid, one partner was obliged to be in Istanbul.31 It is not known whether any of the partners were there permanently before Haj Abu al-Qasim became a resident of Istanbul in Jannadi II 1287/June 1870. A register of copies of letters sent by Haj Muhammad Hassan to his brother Haj Abu al-Qasim in Istanbul and agents in other towns, for the year 1287/1870—1871 in the MahdaYi Archives, throws particular light not only on Haj Muhammad Hassans commercial activities and business acumen but also on the economic and social conditions of Iran,32 According to this register, the capital of the company at that point was 30,153 tumam, 7 qirans, and 600 dinars. By the date of this register, Haj Muhammad Hassan was engaged in an extensive commercial enterprise of import-export with permanent agents and offices in the important cities and ports of Iran such as Tabriz, Isfahan, Mashhad, Kirman, and Yazd and the ports of the Caspian Sea (Barfurush and Mashdi Sar), as well as in cities abroad such as Baku and Astrakhan, Moscow, Istanbul, Trebizond, Marseilles, and Manchester, with correspondents in other places. After the middle of the nineteenth century, there was much greater contact between Iran and the West, with the effects of the Industrial Revolution in Europe being felt in commerce and bringing about a change in tastes and a demand for European goods. The date of the register, 1870, was during die height of this period and shows that Haj Muhammad Hassan took every advantage of this evolution. It is also a period during which cholera, famine, and inflation were rampant, which resulted in many merchants going bankrupt; but it is to the credit of Haj Muhammad Hassans business sense that not only he did not go bankrupt but, according to the register, he continued doing a brisk business.

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Every kind of textile from Manchester, ranging from gray T-cloth to white shirting, white cambric, and different varieties of chintz were in demand. Added to these, broadcloth was much in demand as it was the cloth worn by government employees and servants or retainers of the upper classes. Broadcloth was imported originally through the .East India Company but later through Germany, Glassware, gold lace, and embroidery were also imported from Germany. France supplied Iran with silk brocade, porcelain, and sugar; Russia provided hardware, candles, paper, naphtha, iron, and copper; and Turkey contributed coffee, leather, woolen fabrics (coats and cloaks), drugs, and dyes. The chief importing country was England; France ranked second, followed by Germany, Russia, and Turkey. The major problem facing the native exporter was the cost of transport to the European market. The distance between Iran and Europe was so great and the means of transport so slow and expensive that with the exception of silk, it was not economical or profitable to export anything to Europe.33 Consequently, the exporter tried to confine himself to exporting to neighboring countries such as Russia and Turkey. The major exports to Turkey consisted of silk, tobacco, shawls, carpets, dyed leather, galls, safflower, tallow, orpiment, wax, dried fruits, and cotton. To Russia, Iran sent dried fruits, hides and leather, silk, woolen wares, British textile fabrics dyed in Iran, wax, and cotton.34 However, as far as European imported items were concerned, many of them could be obtained in Istanbul and sent to Iran from there. Thus, for the purposes of the export-import trade, Haj Abu a!-Qasim was well placed in Istanbul. The register consists almost entirely of letters written by Haj Muhammad Hassan, and most of them are addressed to Haj Abu al-Qasim in Istanbul. There are occasional letters to and from agents. According to the dates of the letters sent and received, correspondence between Tehran and Istanbul took from three to five weeks. Although a Persian post was in existence at this date, it was not very reliable and Haj Muhammad Hassan appears to have used the courier from the English and French legations. As far as the use of these foreign couriers was concerned, Consul Jones reported in 1872: Couriers from the English and French Legations of Tehran are likewise dispatched monthly with about a fortnights interval, to Trebizond and Erzeroum, and are usually permitted to take charge of letters which the European mercantile community may wish to send by this route . . . A Persian post is sent occasionally to Trebizond, but few Europeans care to intrust their correspondence to a conveyance so full of risk and uncertainty.35

The fact that Haj Muhammad Hassan was able to use the couriers from the French and English legations, which were mainly used by European merchants, bears witness to the standing and importance he must have gained in the community by then.

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The letters present a remarkable picture of Haj Muhammad Hassan's commercial activity and its range and variety. Aside from births and deaths, very little personal information is contained in the letters. For instance, the wife of Ha) Abu al-Qasirn, who is left behind in Tehran, is never mentioned. They are the letters of a discerning businessman bent on making a profit and determined not to be cheated, who used every occasion from the shahs trip to the Holy Cities to the months of mourning to Naw Ruz (Persian New Year) celebrations as events that could be utilized for commercial gain. The letters depict a cautious businessman who conducted his business with the full knowledge that every transaction was precarious and dependent on events beyond his control. However, he realized that in Tehran the most profitable market was the luxury market and the best clients the members of the aristocracy and the court, who craved new things and were able to pay for them. Therefore, as far as imports were concerned, he concentrated mainly on this market, He brought into Tehran crystal from Austria, china from England, brocades from France, and a wide variety of woolen and cotton textiles from Germany and England. Simultaneously, he also imported tea, sugar, soap, and various kinds of medicines in demand. He did not confine himself to one type of product or market. In return, he exported wool and silk to Marseilles, silk to Egypt, shawls from Kirman to Europe, and cotton, wool, tobacco, opium, wheat, and carpets to Russia and Turkey to be further distributed from there. As soon as he heard that some product was in demand in some market, he had no compunction about ordering his brother to go off with the whole shipment, for instance, to Egypt or France. The easy manner with which he talks about these complicated travel arrangements gives the reader the impression of reading about traveling in the twentieth century rather than the nineteenth. The contents of the first letter, dated 27 Jamadi I 1287/25 August 1870, are typical of the various themes that run throughout subsequent letters. The most recurrent theme is that of Haj Muhammad Hassan being dissatisfied with his brother's business sense and the quality and type of goods he sends. The first item under discussion is diamonds. Ha) Muhammad Hassan writes: The English courier arrived on the appointed day and delivered your letter and parcel of diamonds .. . but about their sale, if of that same quality I had one hundred or even two hundred carats which were small, white and lustrous I would have sold them immediately, however this shipment was full of yellow and worthless ones, ... God willing that you acquire the expertise and skill required in purchasing diamonds as trading in it is a thousand times better and more profitable than any other goods such as silk. . . . Please send fifty to one hundred carats of small, brilliant, lustrous rose diamonds of twelve to eij^iteen points which are not rejects. Buy them at a reasonable price and send them with the first courier urgently so that they get here ten to twenty days before the royal retinue leaves so that they can be sold.36 Should you procrastinate and they arrive here late, it will not be possible to sell them at the present price. I cannot emphasize this enough.-'7

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Finally, the diamonds arrived after the shah had left, upsetting Haj Muhammad Hassan enormously and resulting in another critical letter to Haj Abu al-Qasim. In discussing various other merchandise, mainly textiles, Haj Muhammad Hassan continues lecturing his brother on the type and color of materials that are in demand and those that are not, meaning the ones that Haj Abu al-Qasim is sending. There are no letters from Haj Abu al-Qasim, but it appears that he is not as cautious and as methodical as Haj Muhammad Hassan, who says: Buy and send goods of superior quality. [These] one can sell to customers who can pay on time, but when the goods are inferior, one is forced to sell to any customer, bankrupt or dishonest, and never obtain the money. A thousand rimes have I written this to you.38

He goes on to say: [Obtain] black textiles of any kind that is available, silk or otherwise, and send a sample so diat I can find out which is in demand in Tehran and let you know by number that you should buy such and such a number so that you will know by number exactly what I wanted.. , . Whatever goods you buy, take into consideration their seasonal suitability so that they do not arrive in Tehran at the wrong time and do not become a permanent fixture of the hujra. Whatever you send arrives at the wrong time, collecting moths in the bu/ra.39

He ends the letter by saying: In short I see that you have sent about ten thousand tununK worth of worthless goods which no one at all will buy. I send you a list of them. Try and rectify the matter instead of sending furdier rubbish.40

The list consists of fifteen items, all different types of textiles aside from tea, which was of bad quality, and mirrors. Poor Haj Abu al-Qasim must have been trembling in his shoes at the receipt of this letter. Throughout the entire register, it looks as though Haj Abu al-Qasim never manages to satisfy the demands of Haj Muhammad Hassan. Haj Muhammad Hassan was intent and determined to run a hujra that was unique in the city in the type of merchandise it offered and stocked. His customers were the aristocracy who wanted the best and the most exclusive and were prepared to pay for it. In letter after letter, he writes to this effect. On 7 Jamadi II 1287/4 September 1870, at the beginning of the letter, he writes: "Order novel goods which no one else has brought." Once again, at the end of the letter, he says: Buy and send novel and gorgeous goods so that they will illuminate the hujra and make it famous. When the goods are foreign and novel they are bought by everyone who

58

Period of Growth comes. Everywhere it will be said that in so-and-so's hujra everything can be found. [Then] every customer from anywhere will first come to that [our] hujra.41

The same theme is repeated in many further letters. Haj Muhammad Hassan planned the stock of his hujra according to seasonal demands and had his finger on the pulse of the market. For instance, on 14 Rajab 1287/10 October 1870, he was planning the merchandise needed for the month of Muharram (the Shi'i month of mourning, which in that year fell in April-May), six mondis in advance. He writes to Haj Abu al-Qasim to buy quality black textiles so that they arrive in Tehran two to three months before Muharram. As another example, on 10 Zi Qa'da 1287/1 February 1871, he is awaiting from Kirman the arrival of 250 shawls (taq-i sha.1) for the royal court, which the shah traditionally gave as presents to the courtiers on. Naw Ruz, March 21.42 He had his eye particularly on the shah and the court and catered especially to them, ordering luxury goods that they might want. He obviously had a special relationship with the shah, as on 14 Ramazan 1287/8 December 1870, he writes to Haj Abu al-Qasim: In reference to the chandelier and candelabra, they have safely arrived. If the Shah had been here I could have sold them well. But now I will still be patient so that God willing after the return of His Majesty \ can sell them to His Majesty himself.1*3

He also imported china, crystal, and brocade for the same market. Aside from trading in goods in demand by the general public, firearms for the government, and luxury goods for the court, he was also interested in importing new machinery that he had either seen himself on his hajj trip or heard of by word of mouth. On 5 Rajab 1287/1 October 1870, he wrote to Haj Abu al-Qasim: The other matter is that if it were possible for you to buy a steam-operated machine (vapour) which ploughs the fields and send it to Iran it would be a good thing. Assuming that even if one sells it at cost it does not matter as it will be of use to the Believers. People will see it and want it. The lives of thousands of animals will be saved. Keep diis in mind but buy spares for all its small parts. If possible it would be a good thing to arrange for a European or Egyptian mechanic who is an expert to accompany it. Contract his salary for a year to go back and forth from Iran. As soon as it becomes fashionable and die people of affluence have seen it, then they will want one like it. [However] it is all dependent on the fact that it should be accompanied by an expert who knows how to assemble it, how to keep the steam contained in it and how to make it work. Of course you will not neglect to do this. If it comes, aside from the salary of the mechanic, I will not sell it for less than a thousand tumans. The other matter is that due to the drought we have excavated a well in the house from which water is drawn by buckets which is very difficult. If possible buy something which is like a pump and can easily draw water from 35 ear'. Do not procrastinate in die buying and dispatching of this.44

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This letter is a good example of Haj Muhammad Hassans perspicacity in exploring new ideas and inventions, while at the same time being conscious of the fact that a new piece of machinery without those who know how to operate it and without the necessary spare parts is useless. He thought nothing of employing a foreigner to come to Iran to operate it. The request for a pump is not only a further example of his interest in new things but also shows his humanity and concern for others and particularly those who worked for him. In this period, any number of servants could be employed for a pittance and asked to perform any hard labor, so when he says that drawing water by hand is hard work he is not thinking of himself but of the person who has to do it. In spite of emphasizing the urgency of a pump, on 2 of Zi Qa'da 1287/24 January 1871, five, months later, the pump had still not arrived, so Haj Muhammad Hassan writes: "What has happened to the pump for drawing water? Let me know if it is not possible." As far as the steam tractor is concerned, he pursues die matter in letter after letter, asking for it to be first tested in Istanbul and for a mechanic to accompany it. The reason for his insistence is that he had actually seen such a machine when he went on hajj. Six months later, although it had still not arrived, on 9 Zi Hajja 1287/2 March 1871, he writes: In reference to the steam operated machinery for ploughing, you have not written whether you have truly found it or one which works with animals. If that is the case then do not buy it under any circumstances, as we would have to pay customs and transport and then throw it away . . . If you find a steam carriage then buy i t . . . The year when \ was honoured to visit Mecca, \ myself saw in Egypt a ploughing carriage which worked with steam, that is the one I want, not one which works with animals."'" On his hajj trip, Haj Muhammad Hassan was very much struck by steam-powered machinery, which as yet had not found its way into Iran. In another letter, he asks for a steam-operated winnowing machine to clean cotton.46 Generally, he was fascinated by all things novel, particularly if they were instrumental in contributing to the efficiency of his various enterprises. For example, in another letter to Ha) Abu al-Qasim, he says: "Write and tell me how they test opium. If it is easily available send me the apparatus as it will be needed from now onwards."47 Although interested in foreign technology, Haj Muhammad Hassan appears to have had an inherent distrust of foreigners, seeing them essentially as people bent on cheating God-fearing good Muslims. This is anodier theme that runs through the letters of advice to his brother. He tells Haj Abu al-Qasim: "[Ajssuming that cheating does not exist in the nature of this foreigner and he can bring what you order, then ... ."4S Or: "on die condition that you are not defrauded. These irreligious fadier-burning (pidar sukbta) foreigners do not have a soul. Once they embroil one they insert it [penis] as deeply as they can. Open your eyes and do not be shortchanged by them."49 The register of letters covers a period of eight months from Jamadi 112871August 1870 to Zi Hajja of that year (March 1871). This period falls in die middle of a three-year spell of famine and cholera.

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Period of Growth

Although there were frequent regional famines in Iran, the years 1288/1871-1872 and 1316/1898 arc considered two great periods of famine that affected the economic and social conditions of the country. There were enormous food shortages and continuously rising inflation, resulting in great mortality among the poor. All contemporary chronicles, travelers' accounts, and consular reports bear witness to these facts. 'Abdulla Mustawfi writes concerning the famine of 1288/1871-1872: The year of 1288 was the year of general famine in Iran. From a year or two before lack of rain [drought] started and rising prices and shortage of food made themselves apparent but in the winter of the year 1287 there was no rain whatsoever and the annual stock of yeast was finished. The price of bread which at the beginning of 1287 was not more than six to seven shahk per man gradually increased and at this time became one qiran per man.*'1... In the winter of 1288 the price of bread increased to five qimm per man which was fifteen to sixteen times its usual price. [Consequently] they [the government] were forced to seek help from the Russians and perhaps for the first time Russian flour, which because it was imported from Haji Tarkhan, was known as Haji Tarkhan flour found its way into Iran. In the winter of this same year there was an unprecedented amount of tain and snow. This wet season caused many of the roads to be closed and created greater mortality amongst the population. Also in the spring cholera and typhus sent many people to the other world, indiscriminate of the rich or poor. This was the first time during his reign that Nasir al-Din Shah came face to face with such a problem and as a result in the fiiture he kept inventory of the supply of the bread of Tehran and kept it under his own supervision to prevent anything like that happening again. In any case in the third month of the spring of 1289 the grain from the temperate districts of Tehran arrived and the price of bread after one month returned to the six and seven shtthis of the period before the famine."

Bread being the staple food of the country and of the lower classes and the peasants in particular, lack of grain with which to make bread resulted in horrendous conditions. William Brittlebank, who was traveling in Iran during this period, reports seeing half-alive and dead bodies scattered throughout the country.52 Frederic Goldsmid, who was in Iran during the same period for the Persian Boundary Commission, reports having seen the same heart-rending sights.53 Brittlebank even reports signs of cannibalism.54 These travelers' accounts are confirmed by the chronicles of the period, which describe cannibalism, the eating of dogs, cats, and mice, and digging out dead corpses for consumption.55 One chronicle gives an account of people killing and eating their own children.56 The famine also caused great mortality among beasts of burden, thereby increasing the price of transport, on the one hand, and preventing the distribution of the existing stock of food to the famine-stricken areas, on the other.57

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The famine of 1288/1870-1871 has been attributed by some economic historians of the period to the commercial export of cash crops and to the increasing allocation of agricultural land to the production of these crops for export, as well as successive years of drought.58 However, other economic historians, among them Vahid Nowshirvani, Nasser Pakdaman, and Shako Okozaki disagree with this theory, Pakdaman poses a question about the extent to which the increasing cultivation of opium was responsible for the famine of 1870-1871. He says: The speed with which the cultivation of opium expanded was remarkable, raising the question, to what extent did the allocation of arable lands for the cultivation of opium remove these land from the cultivation of grain wheat, thus causing a drop in the production of the latter? Furthermore, one may ask if this bore any responsibility for the subsequent scarcities and famine? Although some have directly linked the famine of 1870—71 to the increased use of cultivable land for poppy growing, we must remain cautious about such interpretations. We have yet to understand the causes, dimensions and consequences of this major famine." Nowshirvani maintains that the growth of agricultural exports did not reduce the area of land allocated to the production of grain. He explains that "the majority of diese crops were very labour intensive products that did not compete with grains for land. Certainly during the big famine of the early 1870s the export crops occupied an insignificant portion of the cultivated area."60 Shako Okazaki not only agrees that the famine was not related to the increasing production of opium and cotton but attempts to show that in the country as a whole, the area of agricultural land allocated to grain did not decrease but that in fact new agricultural land was utilized for the production of all three crops.61 He even shows that in the year prior to the great famine, Iran was still exporting surplus wheat. He attributes die major cause of famine to two successive years of drought, combined with lack of planning and mismanagement by the government and hoarding by landlords and those in power. For instance, to prove mismanagement and hoarding, he cites Goldsmid: The rains of the second winter, 1870—71, fairly plentiful in the south, were again very scanty in the north and east of Persia. The harvest consequently failed in many places, and was everywhere below the average. Still there was plenty of food in the country, the harvests in the south and west having been fairly good: but the great landowners, who are also the great corn-dealers, instigated by love of filthy lucre, or perhaps, as they declared themselves, by fear of a third year of famine, held for a rise, utterly indifferent to the sufferings around them. A few feeble attempts were made at Tehran to check the impending calamity, but without much effect.62 As an example of good management by those in authority, Okazaki takes die case, again related by Goldsmid, of the governor of Kirman, who, by taking steps, pre-

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vented the inhabitants from being affected by the famine. At the first signs of the drought, the governor, Vakil al-Mulk, ordered a census be taken of all the grain resources of die province.6-* Simultaneously, he prohibited the export of grain without permission, while fixing prices and limiting the amount to be sold in every market. He also established relief centers for the very poor. Through these measures, not only did the inhabitants of Kirrnan not suffer but they were able to send large shipments of food to neighboring Yazd, which was badly hit. In contrast was the case of Isfahan, where those in authority were engaged in profiteering rather than alleviating the misery of the local population. The governor, Mirza Path 'AH Khan Sahib Divan, had to be recalled as he was engaged in food speculation. The imam jum'a, the head of the religious community, and Rahim Khan, the head of customs, had to be reprimanded from Tehran for hoarding and overpricing and were ordered to sell their grain at reasonable prices.64 There is no doubt that Iran, which was a major exporter of wheat, could provide enough wheat for local consumption even during the years of famine. However, this would only have been possible if certain factors did not militate against the internal distribution of grain.65 Although Iran was an exporter of wheat, the production and consumption of the crop varied from area to area. The urban centers consumed more wheat, but the supply from the outlying districts was not sufficient to fulfill their demand. Therefore, some of the urban centers were dependent on faraway areas for their supply of wheat. An efficient supply system depended on transportation. There were no usable roads for carriages, and pack animals were the means of transport. Whatever tracks existed were impassable during winter. Further, during periods of famine, the number of animals diminished through mortality and by being consumed as food by the local population. Two further factors already mentioned—hoarding and bad administration—aggravated the situation, preventing an equitable distribution of grain. Therefore, it can be seen that many factors could have been responsible for the great famine of 1870—1871. The famine cannot be attributed to one sole factor but is rather a subject that needs much more research.

The famine not only decimated the population and brought about misery, but it also affected the economic conditions of the country. Poverty and hunger of die general population reduced the demand for consumer goods. This in turn affected both internal and external trade. In 1871, Consul Jones writes from Tabriz: The famine which is still desolating the southern and eastern provinces of Persia, caused by the unprecedented draught of last year, has, by the ruin thereby brought on the agricultural population, arrested all commercial enterprise in this country; nor is there any prospect of improvement in years to come.6*

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Consul Jones's report on the state of affairs in Tabriz is confirmed by Jabiri Ansari concerning a similar state of affairs in Isfahan, where he says the bazaars were in total ruin, the shops empty, and not a soul to be seen in the streets,67 The letters of Haj Muhammad Hassan draw a vivid picture of the economic and social conditions of the country in that year, bringing to life the prevalent misery and unhappiness. They bear witness to the pervasive inflation, the lack of money in circulation, and the cholera and famine. Concerning the economic situation and the shortage of cash, Haj Muhammad Hassan wrote to his brother in Istanbul: "You write about there being no money in Istanbul; you do not know what pandemonium is taking place in Tehran, There is not one single piece of money. All trading is done througjh bo-rats. There is no cash. Every year about this time near the autumn season, aside from the cash sales which took place in the hujra and the money which arrived from die provinces, I was also daily able to cash some of the debts owing to me. Now the situation is completely reversed. May God himself put it right.68 In another letter, in which he continues on the stagnant state of economic affairs, he says: "Inflation has taken everyone's breath away. No one is thinking of clothing; every one is thinking of bread.69 Haj Muhammad Hassan seems to blame the lack of commercial activity on die absence of the shah and his entourage, who were visiting the Holy Cities.70 But his hopes were dashed once they returned and he realized diat it was the famine that was responsible for the slow trade. After the shahs return, he writes in another letter: The hope of everyone was that when His Majesty enters Tehran the market would pick up both due to his presence and to the advent of Naw Ruz and Muharram. But contrary to everyone's belief, it happens that there is such inactivity that there is not a single buyer in the bazaar. Everyone is thinking of bread. Money has disappeared from people's hands in such a way that it is not possible to put together one shuhi?* This letter is dated two days before Naw Ruz, the Persian New Year, when diere should have been a tremendous amount of commercial activity, as all families, poor or rich, according to dieir means, traditionally bought new clothes and believed that at the hour of the Vernal Equinox when the year changes, they should be decked out in new clothes to bring luck for the coming year. As mentioned earlier, the famine was accompanied by cholera. Cholera first hit Iran in a big epidemic in the summer of 1236/1820. From that time onward, it was endemic in die country, and periodic epidemics occurred, causing great mortality. But the epidemic of 1287—1288/1870—1871 caused many more casualties, as it was combined with famine.72

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Concerning the mortality caused by the cholera, Haj Muhammad Hassan told Haj Abu al-QasIm on 6 Sha'ban 1287/1 November 1870 that 100 to 150 people died daily in Tehran alone. Ten days later, however, he wrote to his brother again, saying that the disease had subsided, although still there was no activity in the bazaar and people had scattered and left town for fear of cholera. About the same time, he wrote to his agent in Mashhad, saying that he believed that the disease had disappeared completely.73 In spite of Haj Muhammad Hassan's optimism, the disease continued, combined with famine. In another register of letters in 1288/1871-1872, Haj Muhammad Hassan wrote that 200 to 400 people were dying daily in Tehran but that Tehran was not alone and that in all the provinces the disease was rampant and the shortage of money and lack of commercial activity widespread. Tabriz was suffering form cholera, famine, and floods, and robbers had closed all the mountain passes. It was reported from Khurasan that "they kill people and eat their flesh, let alone horses and donkeys. Every day in Mashhad they arrest people who have killed dogs and sold their flesh."74 Gradually, however, the famine came to an end and cholera subsided, permitting the inhabitants to pick up the normal threads of their lives. In 1873, Consul Jones writes, "Notwithstanding the general impoverishment of the country, consequent on two successive years of drought and famine, the foreign trade began to revive towards the end of 1871."75 Although Haj Muhammad Hassan's letters are almost entirely about business affairs and contain no family news other than births and deaths, one can occasionally see glimpses of the family man behind the mask of the businessman. In many letters, Haj Muhammad Hassan urged his brother to wind up his affairs in Istanbul and come for a visit to Tehran to see his family, but it appears that Haj Abu alQasim was having a good time in Istanbul and was reluctant to leave. Finally, in one letter, Haj Muhammad Hassan says: The way you arc carrying on it appears that you have no intention of returning. God is witness that I have lied so much [to the family about your return] that when your letter arrives I am ashamed to go home. How long does one live in this world? It is three or four months since Muhammad Mihdi [his son] gave up his life to you [died]. May you keep in good health. God himself bestowed another in his place. This was how fate ordained it.76

The odier side of the man that can be glimpsed through the letters is that of a deeply religious man who followed certain ethical principles, was honest, and wished to be known as such. He followed the maxim of "Do onto others as you would to thyself" and said as much in a letter to a colleague: "The principal rule of the sublime shari'a [Islamic law] is that whatever a human being sanctions for himself, he should also sanction for others."77 He was obviously a loving father and caring family man. This is confirmed in the unfinished memoirs that his son Haj Muhammad Husayn wrote.78 He not only oc-

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cupied himself with the general welfare of his family but dealt with small daily problems of child rearing. For example, on 2 Zi Qa'da 1287/24 January 1871, he wrote to Haj Abu al-Qasirn, saying: Please send some foreign bottles for babies which they fill up with milk and put in the baby's mouth in the cradle to be sucked. Definitely send a number of them. I specially need one for Muhammad 'Ali as his mother does not have enough milk. The poor baby remains hungry and cries day and night. I do not care to give him to a wet nurse as I gave Muhammad Mihdi to a wet nurse who was not well and gave her illness with the milk to the baby, who died. Send this baby bottle immediately as it is needed.79

In other letters, he asks for special items of clothing and medicinal herbs to be sent for his family. Aside from his concern for his immediate family, the accounts show that annually he sent money to his extended paternal and maternal relatives in Isfahan.80 A decade passed as Haj Muhammad Hassan went on hajj, got married, extended the network of his commercial enterprise, sent his brother to Istanbul, consolidated his position as the special merchant of the royal court and the aristocracy, and economically survived during a period of famine and cholera when many merchants went bankrupt. The next decade was to bring him greater commercial success and royal recognition.

FIGURE 3.1 Schematic drawing ofAmin al-Zarb's home in the Chala Maydan district of Tehran, drawn from memory by son of later owners of the haute.

LEGEND: A. Biruni B. Husaynia C. Andaruni

PHOTO 3.1

The beginning of a journey frem a caravanserai in litters (kajava)

PHOTO 3.2 A woman in knickerbockers a,nd outdoor costume in the Nasiri period

PHOTO 3,3 Mustaduj

Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb and Dr. Muhammad

L/h<*t>tev j-e\\Y

J\je /^?V4cc*£$ri4f L~ vitr epv m*t-4 v fzf#~ 1300/1371- iff3

Although by 1288/1871, Haj Muhammad Hassan was already established as a prominent merchant, during the next decade he not only extended his commercial enterprise but was given various honors and titles by the shah and became involved with the mint. He was eventually appointed master of the mint, becoming a government officeholder, and was officially recognized as the most important government sarraf. lie also became a major landowner. As the register discussed in the previous chapter shows, at this point in time, Haj Muhammad Hassan was engaged in trading internally with Khurasan, Mazandaran, Rasht, and Kirman and externally with Istanbul. Merchandise for export consisted mainly of wool, opium, silk, some carpets, and Kirman shawls. In return, he imported foreign manufactured goods, mainly textiles, household goods, and luxury items for the court and aristocracy. In this exchange of goods, certain towns located at crossroads played a much more important role in commerce than those that were isolated. Being at the crossroads of commerce, these towns not only enjoyed greater economic benefits but also dieir city planning differed from the other towns. For instance, merchandise from Khurasan was collected in Shahrud and then transported through Bandar Gaz (on the Caspian Sea), Haj Tarkhan, and Baku into Russia. Another route used was the old medieval way through Tabriz via Trebizond. Yazd played a similar role for the eastern provinces and Kirman. Those goods going to the east would leave through Bandar 'Abbas, and those going to the west would go once again through the 68

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Caspian. In passing, it must be mentioned that Tehran at this time was not a great commercial center. Goods came from Azarbayjan, as mentioned, to Tehran. But Tehran was also an entrepot for goods from Azarbayjan to Khurasan. Tehran's economic importance lay in part in its political importance. The presence of the court and the governing classes also created a market for luxury goods. Amin al-Zarb imported merchandise both for a "mass" middle-class market and for the elite. But the trade in luxury goods was an important source of profit for him and for die bigger merchants and accounted for a large part of the activity of the bazaar. It was due to the commercial importance of Yazd that Haj Muhammad Hassan decided to expand his interests there. The commercial importance of Yazd lay in both its geographical situation and its inhabitants. Geographically, the port of Bandar 'Abbas was more accessible to Yazd than to other southern cities, as the road presented relatively fewer natural difficulties. Thus, it was more convenient for merchandise from India bound for Khurasan, the northwest, north, and east, and vice versa, to go through Yazd. The importance of die inhabitants lay in the fact that many of the Zoroastrian minority of Iran resided there, some of whom were British subjects and had come from India to settle there. These industrious and hardworking people, through their special link to India, started trading witJi that country and specializing in it. Cutzon describes them as follows: "They occupy a position here not unlike the Chinese compradors and agents in the treaty ports of Japan, the bulk of the foreign trade passing through their hands, and a good deal of the home industry being likewise under their direction."1 Due to these circumstances, Yazd was an emporium for foreign goods and a clearing house for both export and import goods. The main export of Yazd was opium. Curzon reported that 2,000 cases of opium left Yazd annually.2 The other exports consisted of cotton, wool, carpets, madder roots, henna, almonds, and pistachios. The main imports from India were Anglo-Indian goods: cotton fabrics, prints, copper, tin, lead, iron, drugs, spices, and Indian and Chinese tea, which were shipped from Bombay to Bandar 'Abbas. From Russia came oil, candles, sugar, furs, crockery, and some textiles. Aldiough there are no supporting documents, it is highly likely that when in his youth Haj Muhammad Hassan went to Kirman to deal with his fathers affairs, he passed through Yazd on his way back to Isfahan and became acquainted with merchants such as Haj Muhammad Javad Isfahani, Haj Muhammad Taqi Harandi, and Haj Mirza Husayn Harandi, people whom the documents show either represented his interests in Yazd or with whom he had dealings. Extensive material has been preserved in the Mahdavi Archives in Tehran concerning the activities of Haj Muhammad Hassan in Yazd. Since the earliest document dates to 1290/1873, it must be assumed that this was the year in which he de-

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cided to extend his commercial activity to Yazd,3 The documents cover an extensive wealth of material ranging from the type of merchandise he ordered for import-export and their prices to the people with whom he had dealings, governmental or otherwise. At the same time, they throw light on the functioning of a number of economic institutions such as customs, taxes, cost of transport of goods, and many other issues. There are letters addressed to Haj Muhammad Hassan from people in every walk of life, covering a •variety of subjects from gossip to hearsay to important political, economic, and social subjects. The documents show that Haj Muhammad Hassan traded in all the local products of Yazd, from opium, asafetida (gum resin, medicinal), pistachios, wool, felts, madder root (gum, pharmaceutical), tragacanth, and some cotton products that were used domestically. Aside from the cotton, some of these goods were distributed in other areas of die country and some exported to foreign countries. According to the documents, he was simultaneously importing textiles, spices, sugar, tea, and Kashmir shawls to be distributed in other parts of the country. The documents also show diat he was trading through Yazd in products from other parts of die country such as silk from Gilan, wheat and opium from Khurasan, wheat from Pars, and cotton from Sabzivar. Another source for 1290-1291/1873-1874 is a register of letters written by Haj Muhammad Hassan in that period.4 This is a significant period in nineteenth-century Persian history. The shah, having granted the controversial Reuter Concession, undertook his first European trip at the instigation of his reform-minded prime minister, Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawla. During the shahs absence, there were popular protests against the Reuter Concession. As a result, upon his return the shah was forced to dismiss Mirza Husayn Khan from office.1' The letters cover these events extensively, particularly as, on the one hand, the shah's presence in or absence from Tehran had a direct effect on business in general and on Haj Muhammad Hassans in particular, and, on the other, aside from having business dealings with Mushir al-Dawla, Haj Muhammad Hassan appears to have been a great admirer of the prime minister and was upset at his dismissal. There are 178 letters, mainly dictated to Aqa Muhammad Ibrahim Qazvini, Haj Muhammad Hassans secretary, but there are some in his own handwriting as well. They can be divided into diree categories: those to his agents and business associates internally and externally, diose to his brothers, and those to the two governorships of Isfahan and Zanjan, which he represented. The letters show dial it was during diis period that he sent Sayyid *Abd al-Rahim to Kirrnan to be his agent diere to buy shawls; his brother Aqa Muhammad Rahim was in Mazandaran and Gilan buying silk and las (coarse silk); and Haj Abu al-Qasim, his other brother, was in Mashhad buying the products of Khurasan. The letters addressed to Baku and Tiflis show diat in this same year he started having permanent representatives in Russia. Meanwhile, his partner, Haj *Abd al-Hamid, was in Istanbul, having taken over from Haj Abu al-Qasim, his brodier. Apparently Haj Abu al-Qasim, who had enjoyed his previous stay in Istanbul, suggested going there once again, but Haj Muhammad Hassan wrote to him: "Do not entertain any thoughts of going to Istanbul. It is out of the

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question that I would give you permission to go there."6 It is interesting that Haj Abu al-Qasim, who was by now a prominent merchant in Ms own right, married with children, still asked permission from his oldest brother for his activities and respected his wishes. This throws light on the structure and function of the traditional family in Iran. But Haj Muhammad Hassan does decide to send Aqa Muhammad Rahim to Istanbul and eventually from there to Marseilles. As a result, Aqa Muhammad Rahirn became a permanent resident of Marseilles. According to this register, Ha) Muhammad Hassan was operating with a capital of approximately 200,000 to 300,000 tunwmJ The letters to Haj 'AJbd al-Hamid in Istanbul show that it was during this period that he started trading wholesale in jewelry, in which he had dabbled before. The letters to Istanbul, the ones addressed to his brother Haj Abu al-Qasirn in Mashhad, and those to his agent in Trebizond bear witness to the fact that he was exporting turquoise from Khurasan to Russia and Turkey, while importing every variety of diamond to Iran.8 The turquoise mines of Khurasan near Nishapur were world famous. In 1895, British Consul General Elias wrote from Mashhad: "In October last I visited the celebrated Turquoise mines near Nishapur. These are believed to be the only mines in the world worth the name, which have been worked extensively, or have produced the turquoise of perfect shape and colour."9 It was obviously a profitable venture for Haj Muhammad Hassan to be able to export these unique turquoises. Furthermore, having his brother at the source gave him an edge over other competitors interested in the same venture. Due to die importance of turquoise as an export item for trading in jewelry and the advantages of having the monopoly of it, Haj Muhammad Hassan obtained from the government the concession to the turquoise mines in Khurasan circa 1294—1295/1878 and put his brorjier Haj Abu al-Qasim, who had meanwhile been appointed the malik al-tujjar of Mashhad, in charge.' ° There are varying accounts of how much Haj Muhammad Hassan paid for the concession. Houttun Schindler, who wrote a comprehensive report on these mines in 1863, related that 8,000 tumans per annum was paid up to 1882." This figure was confirmed by C. E. Yate in his book on Khurasan.12 However, Persian sources differ. Haji Sayyah, who traveled to the region in 1295/1878, said that it was acquired for a paltry sum." I'timad al-Saltana reported that it was 2,000 tumans per annum and that Haj Muhammad Hassan exported twenty-five kharvar of turquoise to Europe annually.1^ Later, Ronald Maclean reported that "the annual out turn of the stones is not of less value than 80,000 tumans (£22,875).>>15 So whatever the exact sum paid to the shah annually, die concession must have been extremely profitable. Entering the jewelry trade wholesale is another sign of Haj Muhammad Hassans commercial perspicacity. Once he became a trusted attendant of the shah and a habitue of the court, he noticed that the commodity most in demand in those circles was precious stones, particularly diamonds. The shah was in die habit of frequently bestowing diamond-studded swords, objects, or medals on a minister or a

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courtier as a sign of his favor or pleasure,16 Consequently, the shah required a constant supply of diamonds and, to a lesser extent, other precious stones. Haj Muhammad Hassan seized the opportunity and became the major supplier of precious stones. Another product from which Haj Muhammad Hassan profited enormously during this period was opium. The Yazd material contains extensive information on various aspects of trading in opium. Opium, as mentioned earlier, was the best export item for merchants engaged in the import-export trade. The poppy plant is easily cultivated almost anywhere in dry soil and could be easily transported in a country without roads and railways on the backs of animals or even men. In addition, the merchant could also be certain of a market for it both in Europe and China. As the register of letters for 1870-1871 shows, Haj Muhammad Hassan was already engaged in exporting opium from Khurasan and Isfahan to Europe via Istanbul. But in the same way that from that date onward opium became the major export item for the country, so Haj Muhammad Hassan became more engaged in trading in opium. As Yazd became a major area of opium cultivation and also a collecting area for the export of opium, it may have been one further reason that Haj Muhammad Hassan expanded his activity in that town. The material on Yazd shows diat he was still buying opium from Khurasan and Isfahan and collecting it in Yazd to be exported to Marseilles, London, and Hong Kong. The domestic purchase price and the sale prices in the various international markets are all noted in the register, as well as die high domestic customs duties that were exacted. According to the unfinished biography, which does not give dates, one year Haj Muhammad Hassan decided to export large amounts of opium to Hong Kong and started buying all he could. Apparendy, the price of opium fell simultaneously in Hong Kong, and other merchants who had opium in port ready for export decided to refrain from dealing in it and offered theirs for sale to Haj Muhammad Hassan, who, with all his own capital and with borrowed money and promissory notes, bought as much opium as he could, his purchase totaling 1,300 cases at 100 tumans per case. By the time the opium reached Hong Kong, the price had risen to 350 tumans per case. He says that at this point he instructed them to sell, and: "After the sale, taking into account all die necessary expenditure and the interest on the borrowed money paid to the lenders, I made a profit of roughly 300,000 tumans"17 To comprehend die significance of this figure, it is important to compare it with some financial figures of the period. In 1886, the total revenue of the Iranian government was estimated at approximately 5—5.5 million tumansJ^ Both Sir Mortimer Durand in 1895 and Curzon in 1888—1889 more or less agree with this figure.'9 Amin alZarb bought the magnificent house of Haj Mirza Husayn Shirazi, referred to earlier, in 1309/1891-1892 for 30,000 tumans.20 He bought the Garden of Nasiriyya for 4,000 tumans. Mustawfi mentions that the three dangs of an estate in Varamin, outside Tehran, which his father was settling on him and his brothers, had been bought for 7,500 tumans.21 The rent of a farm in Khurasan in 1294/1876 was 245 tu-

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mans.22 The wages of Haj Mirza Abu al-Qasim, the manager of Amir* al-Zarb's hujra, were 30 tumans a month.2' The average dally expenditure of Amin al-Zarb's household was approximately 1 tuman 4 qirans,.2* Thus, it can be seen that cornpared to the aboYe figures, the sum of 300,000 tumans was an enormous fortune. According to the unfinished biography, the profits from this single transaction were considered so extraordinary that they were reported to the shah, who commanded Haj Muhammad Hassan to go to an audience, during which, as a sign of his pleasure, the shah gave Haj Muhammad Hassan a khal'at (robe of honor). However, according to the Mahdavi Archives, in 1293/1876-1877, Haj Muhammad Hassan was given the Order of the Lion and Sun (second class) by the shah, which was most probably a recognition of his great commercial success.25 It may have been as a result of diis transaction that in 1300/1882-1883, Nasir al-Din Shah sent a telegram to Nasir al-Dawla, the minister of commerce, saying: In all fairness Haj Muhammad Hassan Company and his brothers are a great commercial institution for the government. One can have total confidence in the objectives of his commercial enterprise. Further, he himself is at our disposal. Show him this very same telegram and render full support to his company and projects.26

As mentioned earlier, one of the functions ofsarra/s and merchants was the cashing and issuing of karats. This is an activity in which Haj Muhammad Hassan had been engaged from the beginning of his commercial career, but by 1290/1873, he was officially recognized as the government sarraf. He represented (as vakil, the deputy or representative) many governors and their deputies in Tehran, managing their financial affairs, which involved buying and cashing the karats drawn on their provinces.27 For instance, in Zi Qa'da 1290/january 1874, he wrote to his brother Aqa Muhammad Rahim in Rasht concerning his activities: My preoccupations here have increased enormously. On the one hand I am die vakil of Khamsa [Zanjan] and the vakil of Isfahan, on the other hand Amin-al Lashgar, who has been put in charge of military affairs, in turn has put his affairs on my shoulders, and at the same time there are [my own] commercial affairs. I am caught between all this and am single-handed. There are reasons as to why I have accepted all this responsibility, as in between these activities it will be possible to settle a thousand claims by moving them around.28

The register of letters for the years 1290/1873—1874 contains many letters bodi to Rukn al-Dawla, the governor of Zanjan, and to Mirza Muhammad Husayn, minister to the governor of Isfahan. The letters to these people are not only about financial and business affairs but cover political issues and show Haj Muhammad Hassan in the guise of political as well as financial adviser. In spite of Haj Muhammad Hassan's saying that he had undertaken these extra duties because diey were useful for die purposes of setding his claims, the social and economic benefits must also have been enor-

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mous. To supply the army with provisions ranged from ordering materials to be woven in Yazd and Rinnan for military uniforms to importing other necessary goods to providing foodstuffs. There was great profit to be made from all these activities. The letters also show that he was in almost daily contact with such important figures as Mirza 'Abd al-Vahhab Nasir al-Dawla, minister of commerce, Mirza Yusif Khan Mustishar al-Dawla, minister of justice, and Mirza Yusif Khan Mustawfi alMamalik, minister of finance and the interior, governor of Tehran, and head of the dar-al shum-yi kubra (Supreme Consultative Council). The unfinished biography also bears witness to Ha| Muhammad Hassans contact and relationship with important figures of the period. These were connections that he nurtured, maintained, and utilized when necessary. Haj Muhammad Hassan became involved with the mint in 1294/1877, in a decade of crisis for the Persian monetary system, which was on a bimetallic standard. This crisis was related to both internal and external causes as well as bimetallism. Prior to that date, there were local mints in all the major towns of Iran: Tehran, Tabriz, Rasht, Hamadan, Kirmanshah, Kashan, Isfahan, Shiraz, Yazd, Kirman, Mashhad, and Mazandaran. The provincial mints were farmed out by the governor to the highest bidder, and the mint farmers were at liberty to mint coins of gold, silver, and copper. The major monetary units were the gold tuman, the silver qiran, and the copper shahi, as follows: Persian Monetary Denominations 1 gold tumttn 1 silver qiran 1 shahi 4 shethis 2 shahfa 1 shahi 1/2 shahi 1 pul I jandak or 2 ghaz 1 ghaz

equivalent of 10 silver qimns equivalent of 20 copper shabis equivalent of 50 dinars also called 'abbasi, equivalent of 200 dinars also called sannar, equivalent of 100 dinars also called 2 pul, equivalent of 50 dinars also called pul, equivalent of 25 dinars equivalent of 2 jandak equivalent of 12 1/2 dinars equivalent of 6.25 dinars

The basic coin of everyday use in Persia with which most daily transactions were carried out was the copper shahi, and the unit of currency with which ordinary people dealt with daily was the dinar. The preponderance of the currency in circulation consisted of copper coins. However, these coins cannot be considered as money, in the way the term is generally understood, but were more like convenient tokens, as their exchange value into silver constantly declined and copper coins could not be redeemed at par.29

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There was a vast difference in value between coins minted in different towns, Joseph Rabino reports that in 1877, there was a difference of 17 percent in value between the qimn of Hamadan and that of Tehran.30 This disparity created difficulties in the financial system of the country as a whole. The Money Market Review of February 24, 1866, commented on the situation thus: It Is especially to be remarked that every province (there are thirteen of them) is privileged with a mint of its own; and as each mint master invariably has to pay for his place to get back his money, and profit by speculation into the bargain, is of course his chief object. He, therefore, gives short weight, and, moreover the coin just struck is no sooner circulated in the bazaar than a host of clippers use their scissors to their advantage, and to the detriment of the public. This is the more easy as none of the present Persian coins have milled edges. The most recent quotations (December 1865} at Tabriz for the current moneys—always supposing them to be full weight-—are as follows;

Persian toman Russian ducat Russian demi-Imperial Russian kiran Russian 1/2 kiran

krans 9 10 17 — -

shahis 15 181/2 91/2

From the prices it would appear that, assuming Russian gold to be on a par, the only national medium of currency is marked down about 6 percent discount. In most of the provinces, too, the price of what ought to be the current coins of the realm are subject to extreme fluctuations ... A Governor of Ghilan made quite recently a large sum of money by arbitrarily changing almost every month the value of the old copper coin of the province.31

The copper coin was consequently, as can be seen from the above report, also the coin manipulated by provincial officials to subsidize their income. Not only in Gilan but in other places, too frequently the copper coins were withdrawn and reissued after heavy taxation by changing the value of the new coin. This happened either at Naw Ruz or when the governor was changed. The best way of describing this process is with the old saying about "going to bed with a ten-penny piece in one's breeches and finding only five there in the morning," since if people had not turned in the old ones and obtained new ones, they woke up in the morning to discover the old ones worthless. Simultaneously, for every ten old coins returned, only five new ones were received. In this way, each time the authorities withdrew the old coins, they were left with a substantial number of additional new coins with which to pay for their bureaucratic expenses such as salaries. As a result, people in any locality were forced to convert copper coins into gold or silver before their value changed.

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This fact also contributed to the preponderance of foreign bullion coins in circulation, primarily Russian coins in the North and Indian rupees in the South. These coins were so prevalent that in some southern and northern provinces, most commercial transactions were carried out with them, even to the extent of paying government taxes. There were, as a result, varying exchange rates between the copper coins and the qiran from place to place and at any single time. Although the official rate was twenty shahis to the qiran, the silver qiran exchanged for as much as seventy, fifty, or thirty sha.hu?2 Thus, copper coins changed at a heavy discount, causing inflation, which was felt heavily by the masses. The problem was not limited to the copper coins alone, as there was also a problem concerning the qiran. The first coins issued by Nasir af-Din Shah after his accession to the throne in 1848 were the gold tuman of 53.28 grains, 990 fine and the silver qiran of 82.88 grains, 960 fine. The gold to silver ratio between these coins was 1:15 5/8. Simultaneously, the international price of silver was frequently higher than this; therefore, it was profitable to export silver qiran. The silver qiran left Iran in large quantities for India, Turkey, and Russia, As a result, there was a great shortage of qiran&t and although the official rate of exchange between the Russian qiran and the tuman was 10:1, in practice it was not possible to change one gold tuman for any more than nine qirans, as there were too many gold coins and too few silver ones in circulation. To remedy the fluctuating exchange rate of the copper coins and the flight of the silver qiran, the government sent a directive to the local mints in 1857 fixing a standard for the copper currency and reducing the weight of the silver qiran to 26 nukhuek, or 79.96 grains, the weight of the gold tuman not being changed.33 As a result, the ratio between the coins became 1:14,4. This directive, far from resolving the existing problems, created new ones. As far as the copper coins were concerned, since the old ones were not collected, the problem continued. The new problem was that the gold to silver ratio, now at 1:14.4, was lower than in Europe, where it was 1:15.5 or 1:16. As a result, now the export of gold became profitable. The exporter of one pound of gold was provided with one and a half to two pounds of silver, his profit margin being 10 to 14 percent of his original outlay. Foreign companies dealing in species, major among them Castelli and Ralli, profited from the situation by importing a large amount of silver and exporting gold.34 Persia being on a bimetallic system, the flight of either metal—gold or silver—was harmful to its monetary system, particularly as there was also a large trade deficit with India. To prevent the flight of gold and to institute a reform of the currency, a Frenchman, Monsieur Davoust, was invited to Tehran in 1863, but he left without having been able to or allowed to accomplish much. The state of confusion and the flight of species continued. British Consul Jones, in report after report from Tabriz, applied himself to die subject. In the report lor the year 1870, he says: *"[T]he great scarcity of metallic currency for some time past has been severely felt throughout Persia."35 In the report for 1872, he says:

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The scarcity of species still continues to be felt, and up to the present time no effective steps have been taken by the Persian Government to relieve this evil. Edicts are issued from time to rime against the exportation of coin from the kingdom and even from particular provinces, but only with temporary results, as these regulations can, without difficulty, be evaded indirectly or directly by bribing the authorities. It is evident that only by developing the export trade of the country can the overwhelming balance against Persia be rectified.36 Consul Jones was not, of course, concerned about Persia's finances per se but only insofar as it affected British trade and the rate of exchange for foreign traders, as he goes on to say in another report in 1872: The want of a national coinage bearing a fixed value, and having an alloy of an invariable standard, render the government powerless. Its movements in this respect have been attended with much injury to commerce, by capriciously fixing the value of the pol [the Russian pol Imperial] from time to time without previous warning or notice, and leaving the market so destitute of small coinage that gold has sunk in value, and a heavy premium has been paid to obtain even the base Russian tokens of 20 kopecks, ... The following evils seriously inconvenience the foreign trader: The scarcity of small money [kransj; that no law exists respecting the intrinsic value of that issued, or, if there be such, that no attention is paid to it; and that the exchange of foreign money varies in every city in Persia, For instance, at the present time, the pol Imperial at Tabriz is worth in sterling 19 kram 10 shalin, at Tehran 18 kmm, 19 shatirs (shabh) and at Resht 18 kram, 14 shaliK. The Russian token of 20 kopecks is received as a legal tender at Tabriz at the value of 14 s/talim, whereas at Tehran it will not be taken at all. The Persian kran, according to the statement of the Finance Minister weighs 26 nokhouck, and should not contain more than 4 per cent alloy. Our experience shows, however, that it never weighs more than 24 (more frequently 23 1/2} nokhouek, and contains from 10 to 16 per cent of copper.37 The chaotic internal monetary situation then consisted of the following: Coins of differing value were struck at various mints throughout the country; as they did not have milled edges, they were clipped, further reducing their value; and silver and gold were being exported while there was a large balance-of-trade deficit. All of the above factors combined to create inflation. The external situation that affected Iran's monetary system was the monetary standard adopted by other countries of the world and in turn the general position of silver in the world. Prior to 1850, most countries of the world, with the exception of Britain, were either on a silver or a bimetallic standard. Therefore, silver was a more important monetary metal than gold. In the mid-nineteenth century, this situation started changing, as other countries adopted the gold standard. It began with Germany adopting the gold standard in 1871 in expectation of compensation from the French for war damages, causing the price of silver to decline.38 It further

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declined when other countries of the world, including some Latin American countries, the United States, and the Scandinavian countries started to restrict the use of silver for monetary purposes. Large amounts of gold left countries with a balanceof-trade deficit, including Iran, the gold reserves of which had already been draining during the two previous decades. As a result, from this point onward, for all intents and purposes, Persia was no longer bimetallic and its main currency was silver. Thus, Persia gradually became isolated as other countries of the world went on the gold standard. Meanwhile, from 1870 onward, large silver mines were discovered in Nevada, which increased the world production of silver. The increased supply combined with the decreased demand caused the gold price of silver to decline.39 Rabino, the chief manager of the Imperial Bank of Iran, in his report to the British ambassador, draws a graph for the rate of exchange of the qiran to the pound sterling. It can be seen from this graph that the rate of exchange of the qiran dropped steadily from 1863 to the end of the century, parallel with the world abandoning silver. In 1863, 21 qiran exchanged for £1 sterling, whereas in 1877, 27 qirans exchanged for £1 sterling.40 Meanwhile, according to Gresham's Law, the flight and hoarding of gold continued draining the country of this bullion.41 In 1875, another European mint official, Herr Pechan, this time from Austria, was brought in for the reform of the currency. He proposed a reform of the coinage based on the French system. Attempts were made to put his proposal into practice, but it proved too difficult, and Herr Pechan left in 1879 without having achieved much.42 Haj Muhammad Hassan became involved with the mint in 1294/1877—1888. This involvement came about through Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan, a prominent courtier and already a member of the dar-al shura-yi kubm, head of the royal stables and other court departments and granaries of Tehran, who was to become head of the mint.43 Ha) Muhammad Hassan had a long-standing relationship with Aqa Ibrahim from the early days of his arrival in Tehran and was in many ways considered his protege*. It was in this year that the nineteen provincial mints were closed and a new automated plant installed in Tehran. It is of interest in understanding the functioning or lack thereof of the Qajat government system to note that the new automated plant was bought in 1863 and stayed in Rasht for over a decade. In 1866, W. J. Dickson reported: Some machinery purchased in France for remodeling the Persian currency has, since its arrival in Rasht, remained there embedded in the mud, those concerned in the matter protesting that owing to its weight and bulk it can not be transported. The truth, however, appears to be that the mint authorities find that it suits their purpose better to continue their present system of issuing an uncertain coinage whereby they are said to make large profits.44

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The sources are not clear as to whether it was this old machinery that was repaired and brought to Tehran or whether new machinery was imported. 'Abdulla Mustawfi says that Atnin al-Sultan imported new machinery with the aid of Haj Muhammad Hassan, whereas Amin al-Dawla, who was the farmer of the mint at this time, says that he offered to repair the old machinery, which involved less cost, making the shah happy, and that it was the old machinery that was installed.45 In either case, the mint became centralized, with automatic machinery installed and new silver coins of 900 fineness struck. The supply of bullion for the new coins came both from newly imported silver bullion and from remelting the provincial coins.* After the departure of Herr Pechan, the new mint was farmed out to Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan, but it was probably Haj Muhammad Hassan who was the overseer of technical matters, as traditionally sarrafo specialized in the assaying of metals and coins. It was thus that he was given the title Amin 'Ayyar (the assayer general) in 1294/1878 and later in the same year the title of Amin al-Zarb (literally the trustee of the mint). It was not however until 1296/1879 that he was put in charge of the mint. The decree of the royal command of his appointment reads as follows: Haj Muhammad Hassan Isfahan! who has been looking after the regulation and the administration of the government Mint and the correct assay of its currency has been favoured with our grace due to the attestation and appeal of the loyal servant of the crown Aitiin al-Sultan. The aforesaid person has been appointed as the trustee of the government Mint and 300 tumans from the 1,000 tumans allocated to the assayers of the Mint we grant to the above-mentioned Haji, conditional upon the fact that Amin al-Sultan acknowledges him as the trustee of the Mint and jpves him the above-mentioned salary. 30 Jamadi II 1296/22 June 1879.

Above the decree is die seal of Nasir al-Din Shah and in the right-hand border his signature. According to the above decree, Amin al-Zarb's salary was approximately 1 tuman per day.47 From 1296/1879 onward, most sources, bodi foreign and native, report that Amin al-Zarb was the master of the mint, which the shah had farmed out to him for 25,000 tumans annually.48 However, bodi die above decree, die unfinished biography, and Amin al-Dawla seem to contradict this assertion. According to the decree, it is Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan who is in charge of the mint; according to Amin al-Dawla, it is Mirza 'All Asghar Khan Amin al-Mulk (later Amin al-Sultan, prime minister, and Atabak-i Azarn); and according to die unfinished biography, bodi fadier and son. In reality, there is no contradiction in the various statements, as die shah delegated responsibility for the mint to die two Amin al-Sultans, but Amin al-Zarb became responsible for die actual daily operation. Whatever die truth of the exact running of the mint and the division of its profits, from dhis point onward—according to contemporary accounts that were hostile to Amin al-Zarb and recorded for posterity—die whole onus of Persia's long-standing financial crisis fell upon the shoulders of Amin al-Zarb.49 This has been disputed by some present-day writers and will be discussed later.50

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There can be no doubt that the only professional among the triangle of persons involved with the mint was Amin al-Zarb, From generation to generation, his forefathers had passed on the technique of assaying gold and silver, and it was always Amin al-Zarb who was called upon when such a service was required. The great yearning of all Persians involved in the country's finances was for the discovery of silver mines. From time to time, reports accompanied by samples would come about the presence of silver in certain areas. On such an occasion, the shah and the whole court would come to the mint and Amin al-Zarb would perform a public assaying.51 Amin al-Zarb, by this time being the most prominent merchant at the same time as being involved with the mint, was in a unique position to have an overview of the problems associated with Persian methods of financial transactions, which were done through karats and sarrajs or through transporting cash in coins, there being no banknotes, from town to town. Aside from the insecurity of transporting cash because of robbers, the logistics of such a method are amazing. Rabino describes that a porter could carry about £300 in silver, an ass about £600, a mule £800 and a camel £900. Therefore, the transportation of £25,000 required one of the following: 83 men, 41 donkeys, 31 mules, or 28 camels. To count and check this sum of money would take an expert moneychanger sixteen days.52 Amin al-Zarb, who was dealing with and conscious of these difficulties, proposed in a letter to the shah in 1296/1879 the formation of a national bank with private and public capital, a decade before the formation of the Imperial Bank of Iran. After the preliminary remarks required by custom and court etiquette, he said in the letter: Obviously Your Majesty has observed the state of affairs in Europe. Previously the conditions in Europe were not as they are now; people lived in hardship accompanied by much inconvenience, [illegible] from adversity they produced many innovations. They thought of building steamships. A few of them gathered together and built [them] and operated them. When they saw diat diere is profit in it, they built railways and telegraph lines. [Then] they turned to building factories for silk reeling, sugar making, crystal producing, brocade and felt making, to such an, extent that finally they supplied all the needs of the people with steam factories. They know that it is [illegible] not to abandon the slightest technique they acquired and applied diemselves daily so that die task would be accomplished. Thank God that there is nothing about the people of Iran which is any less than those of Europe. Summing up the whole it can be said that everything about Iran is better than Europe. The main thing which has been the cause of European progress is the formation of a bank. First they established a bank. When people's money collected in the bank with the credit and capital of the bank they accomplished a great feat. They entered into large commercial transactions, and important factories were built with money from the bank bringing about the development of the country. It is evident that one or two people do not have the capability to initiate and carry through great tasks. The co-operation of the government and the people is needed for the accomplishment of great works ... The possibility of establishing a bank in Iran is better, easier and greater than any-

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where else in the world. Should this bank be set up and credit established, from foreign countries they will give their money into the bank's keeping and everyone will put whatever they have into the bank, even the widows of Iran, each of whom has ten misqah of gold or silver, will turn It Into money and put it In the bank. The procedure for the establishment of the bank is that four prominent merchants should be the supervisors of this bank. And the bank should be a governmental bank and the government should deposit 100,000-200,000 tumans in the bank as though it were being kept In the royal treasury. A royal decree should be issued [to the effect] that this bank belongs to the government, die debt of this bank is the debt of the government and the claim of this bank is the claim of the government. A special location should be assigned to this bank so that its special branches can take in money from the people [who when depositing] should receive an interest of one shahi per tuman and [when borrowing) dtey should pay an interest of one hundred dinars per tuman and [with the money] buy and sell merchandise. [The details] of its organization Is lengthy and does not fit into this petition.53 After the bank is established and has been running for sk months, shows profit, and it is noticed that it is a correct and valid venture, it will attract attention. After [illegible] passes this very same bank could start preparation for some important factories which would alleviate the needs of the people of Iran from some European goods. It can gradually and easily make preparation for railways and construct them. Assuming that the bank In the course of one year makes a profit of 50,000 tumans, preparation for a railway can be made in Europe. When the preparations are completed, die road from [illegible] to Rasht can be paved and with that 50,000 tumaas equipment a railway will be built. After it is constructed there will be an income from transport charges of 200 to 300 tumans daily. When people hear, see and understand diat it is possible and is making progress, dien the bank can make an announcement that whoever wants to buy shares In the building of railways from Rasht to Qazvin, the bank will go into partnership with them. Anyone can give as much money as they want and accordingly the profits will be divided. There are people in Iran who have money. They pay 1,000 tununs for a country estate from which diey do not even have an income of 500 tutnans. How can diey prevent themselves from participating in railways when they can make ten kuriir more in participating in railways and the railway will be constructed by itself [without any effort on their part].54 Whatever factories are needed will come by themselves. These things are not possible unless a reputable bank is founded. The formation of a reputable bank does not involve any work and is possible in the simplest and easiest manner. [All that is needed] is credit and security from those in charge of die government. Should the remarks of your humble devoted servant be acceptable to the blessed dust of die throne dien the matter can be referred to the majlis-i durbar n'zam and should they in unison sign this petition, God willing a correct and reputable bank will be established. Command is the sacred command of His Imperial Majesty. This petition is that of the obedient devoted servant Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin daral-Zarb. 15 Sha'ban 1296/4 August 1878.»

This letter is of importance from many different points of view, and that is the reason it has been produced in full. In the first place, the fact that Amin al-Zarb took

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it upon himself to propose to the shah projects of national importance suggests that by this time, he had developed a close enough relation with the shah to be in a position to dare to make proposals that the shah might have thought of himself. It was the shah who had gone to Europe and seen the functioning of the various institutions. Amin al-Zarb himself had not yet been to Europe. The letter presents the picture of a man of vision, who, although preoccupied in the extreme with private and public enterprises, is concerned for the welfare and future fate of his country. His emphasis on the construction of railways sprang from his own personal experiences as a merchant, his realiration that die greatest impediment to the development of commercial enterprises in the country was the lack of an efficient system of transport. Finally, it is of major significance that he recognized diat economic progress depended upon industrialization, which, like any other national venture, depended on its initiation by the government and the participation of the people. Aside from his public commitments, some changes took place during this period in the personal commercial enterprise of Amin al-Zarb, In approximately 1296-1297/1878-1879, Amin al-Zarb dissolved the company he had formed with the other merchants in 1276/1859 and started working independently with his brothers,56 After the dissolution of the company, Amin al-Zarb recalled his brother Haj Muhammad Rahim from Marseilles to Tehran, both for consultations and to take their mother, Bibi Mali Khanum, on hajj. Haj Muhammad Rahim and Bibi Mah Khanum returned to Tehran from hajj in approximately 1298/1880—1881, after which Haj Muhammad Rahim once again returned to Marseilles to oversee family affairs in Europe.57 During this period, Amin al-Zarb also acquired some important pieces of real estate, becoming an important landowner. Much has been written by Qajar historians concerning the fact that during this period merchants became landowners. The analysis and explanations offered are usually based on the European concept of social mobility and system of social stratification, indicating that merchants bought landed estates as a status symbol and for social prestige.58 The facts, as Amin alZarb's case illustrates, are quite different. It was customary for people who were in a position to afford it to own a small village near the city in which they lived to provide them with household provisions. Amin al-Zarb owned such a small village called Ahmadabad in Damavand near Tehran, which was managed by his maternal uncle 'AIL Different factors were at play that made Amin al-Zarb into a major landowner, the most important being the state of cash flow in the country. As the registers of letters for 1288/1871 and 1290/1873 show, there was a general shortage of cash in die country at large. The only people widi access to cash, in the absence of banks, were the big merchants who were instrumental in die provision and transmission of funds, on whom die landowning and aristocratic classes were dependent for their cash requirements. One important area of demand for cash was related to the fact that government offices in general and governorships in particular were sold to the highest bidder.

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Those aspiring to office were dependent upon merchants to provide the necessary cash or to guarantee the governors payment of provincial revenue due to the central government. "Abbas Mirza Mulk Ara, the brother of Nasir al-Din Shah, gives a good description of this state of affairs in his autobiography. He says that when he was appointed minister of commerce in 1303/1885, he had to pay the shah, 2,000 tumans and Amin al-Suitan, the prime minister, 1,000 tumans.^9 Later, in 1311/1894, when he was offered the governorship of Rasht, he first studied the revenues of the province to see whether it would be worth the enormous primary expenditure, consisting of 34,000 tumans. He borrowed this sum from Amin al-Zarb and others, accepting the governorship.60 When new governors arrived in a province, their primary objective was the recouping of their money, at the cost of imposing hardship on the local population rather than ameliorating their living conditions. However, sometimes either because of a miscalculation of the revenue or due to their being rapidly replaced, they were not able to recover their initial investment and became indebted to the merchants from whom they had borrowed. Subsequently, they would mortgage and remortgage property and were eventually forced to sell it for a nominal value. Another way in which the landowners became indebted to the merchants was through the fact that the requirements of each aristocratic household, ranging from foodstuff to clothes to furniture to luxury items, for which there was an increasing demand among this class, were provided by a merchant. Merchants even paid the salaries of the household staff. For instance, Amin al-Zarb was in this position with Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawla Sipahsalar, Amin al-Dawla, Rukn al-Dawla, and the Amin al-Sultans, father and son, among others.61 In modern terminology, it was like having a charge account with a department store, plus a credit card on which cash could be withdrawn. Once again, these accounts sometimes built up over the years with the creditors clamoring at the door, as a result of which the debtor would be forced to part with some property. It was due to the financial plight of the owners that Amin al-Zarb acquired three important pieces of property at this time in Yazd and Rinnan. The first of these was the commercial caravanserai Khaju, in Yazd generally referred to as Sara-yi Khaju.62 There is extensive material in the Mahdavi Archives concerning the manner in which Amin al-Zarb acquired Sara-yi Khaju from Murtiza Quli Khan Vakil al-Mulk, the ex-governor of Kirman.63 Amin al-Zarb, probably being aware of Vakil al-Mulk's financial difficulties, appears to have shown an interest in this property, as from 1295/1878 there are reports from Yazd concerning its status. In Ramazan 1295/September 1878, Aqa Haydar 'All, one of Amin a!-Zarbs representatives in Yazd, writes: This caravanserai is not comparable to any, not even in Tehran, as far as stability and fineness is concerned. It is divided in two pans, one allocated to customs and the other to merchants . . . in the whole of Yazd there is not a property better or more reputable ... it has been mortgaged for 3,000 tumans to Haj Mirza Muhammad Taqi Shirazi,

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who receives the rent in lieu of interest. Last year he [Vakil al-Mulk] mortgaged this property, plus a country estate, to Haj Aqa 'All, who also receives the rent in lieu of interest. If you can buy it for 5,000 tumam, you will have got it gratis. If properly looked after, it has an income of 600 tumans a year.

There are further letters from another representative of Amin al-Zarb, Haj Mirza Mahmud Shirazi, concerning three or four other possible buyers, including the one holding the mortgage, and at a higher price than already mentioned. After a while, other serious buyers seem to have disappeared from the sceee, leaving Haj Aqa 'All, the holder of the mortgage, and Amin al-Zarb. A meeting was held in Yazd at the house of Aqa 'Ali in Rajab 1296/June 1879 in the presence of the mujtahidofYazd, the malik al-tujjar of Yazd, and a number of leading merchants, with Haj Mirza Mahmud representing Amin al-Zarb. The composition of this group was customary for cases needing arbitration, which in this case consisted of Aqa 'Ali, the holder of the mortgage (Vakil al-Mulk having given up his right of being present), and Amin at Zarb, the buyer.64 The meeting ended inconclusively, as, meanwhile, news of the death of Vakil al-Mulk in Tehran reached Yazd, which changed the situation. After the meeting, Haj Mahmud and the malik al-tujjar went to see Firuz Mirza Farmanfarma, Vakil al-Mulk's father-in-law, who was passing through Yazd to seek his help with the estate and who promised to write to Tehran to resolve the situation. Six mondis later, Amin al-Zarb was the owner of rJie Sara-yi Khaju and had rented it to the customs farmer of Yazd for 700 tumans annually.65 The second piece of property was the village of Vakilabad outside Kirrnan, also belonging to Vakil al-Mulk. Firuz Mirza Farmanfarma Nusrat al-Dawla describes it as a fertile village with canals running through fertile agricultural land surrounded by forests of 10,000 palm trees. Nusrat al-Dawla bemoans the fact that Vakil alMulk, die father, had accumulated and developed the property for Vakil al-Mulk, the son, only to lose it. Nusrat al-Dawla says that Vakil al-Mulk, because of his debts, gave it to Amin al-Zarb for 5,000 tumans, whereas it was worth 50,000 tuman$.66 However, according to the Mahdavi Archives, Amin al-Zarb acquired it in 1296-1297/1878-1879, which may have been after Vakil al-Mulk's death and through die settlement of his estate.67 The third piece of property, the Garden of Nasiriyya, was the property of another governor of Yazd, Amir Dust Muhammad Khan Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik, who held that office from 1292/1875 to 1296/1879. He was a classic example of rhe son of a rich father, who, after inheriting his fathers wealth and positions, squandered the fortune and resigned his positions, in his case the governorship of Yazd and his role in the treasury and as head of the royal household.68 The Garden of Nasiriyya was two farsakhs outside Yazd and was built by Amir Dust Muhammad Khan, known as Vali.® This garden, according to the descriptions in the material on Yazd in the Mahdavi Archives, was a beautifully designed garden with a three-story classical building in the middle, a summer house, an orangery and other outbuildings; it was landscaped with a lake, canals, and pools sur-

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rounded by orange groves. It was the prestigious residence of the governor.70 However, there is evidence to show that gradually Muhammad Khan Vali's financial affairs deteriorated. From 1295/1878 onward, there are letters from Arnin al-Zarbs representatives in Yazd about repeatedly going to the Garden of Nasiriyya to see Muhammad Khan Vali concerning his debts to Amin al-Zarb. Muhammad Khaa Vali left Yazd in 1296/1879 not having paid his debts, passing some of them to the next governor, Ibrahim Khalil Khan. There are letters of complaint concerning these debts to the shah, Vali's father-in law, and from Amin al-Sultan, Amin al-Zarb's mentor, to Zill al-Sultan, the shah's eldest son and the governor of Isfahan, within whose jurisdiction the governorship of Yazd fell.71 Eventually in 1300/1883, Amin al-Zarb acquired the garden in full settlement of his debts and paid for the remainder of die property, since die property was valued above the amount of the debt. By the end of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarbs life, he, his brother Haj Abu alQasim, and merchants like them were major landowners in the country, having acquired most of their land well below market price, since notable families had to sell property when short of cash and in financial difficulty.

Telegram from Nasir al-Din Shah to Nasir al-Dau>la, Minister of Commerce in approximately 1300/1882 expressing his appreciation of the activities ofAmin al~Zarb and his brothers and ordering Nasir al-Dautla to support them.

PHOTO 4,1 Haj Abu al-Q_asim Malik al- Jujjur ofMtuhhad

PHOTO 4.2

The house Haj Muhammad Hassan bought from Haj Mirza Hmayn SarmfShirazi

L/h<*t>tev jAve &PMtic*A ***& /nfc>i*4sH*L*i ^/rcHiXKes 1300-

•titej./'tSfj-iSg/

Progressively, as Amin al-Zarb's commercial enterprise became successful and his position in society established, his activities diversified. He became politically active in defending die interests of the merchant class and entered die industrial field by establishing workshops, a silk-reeling factory and a china factory, as well as starting a railway line. Simultaneously, his influence at court and access to the shah increased when his friend and mentor "All Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan became prime minister. In Sha'ban 1300/June 1883, Nasir al-Din Shah went on his second trip to Khurasan to go on a pilgrimage to the holy city of Mashhad, die shrine of the eighth Imam, Riza. One of die members of the shah's entourage was Aqa Ibrahim Amin alSultan, whose closeness to the shah has been thus described by I'tirnad al-Saltana: "Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan is die treasurer, i.e., the Minister of Finance fmaliaj, moreover the factotum of the government."1 Elsewhere: "The Shah is in charge of the government and Amin al-Sultan in charge of the Shah."2 Although Amin al-Sultan was extremely ill, he decided to accompany the shah on die long journey, the hazards of being a courtier and holding office in Qajar Iran being such that any absence from the court or distance from the shah could be costly. Notwithstanding die fact that he was under the supervision of the shah's French physician, Dr. Joseph Desire Tholozan, Amin al-Sultan died on the way to Mashhad. The khatm, or mourning ceremonies, for Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan were held at the house of Ha) Abu al-Qasim, malik al-tujjar of Mashhad, the 88

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brother of Amin al-Zarb, which bears witness to the proximity of the two families. It was also Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar who presented the members of the merchant community to the shah during the royal audience, a sign of the prominence the two brothers had gained in court circles,3 Upon the death of Aqa Ibrahim, the shah gave all his titles and positions to Aqa Ibrahim's son Ali Asghar Khan, who was eventually appointed prime minister in 1303/1885 and remained in that position until the assassination of Nasir al-Din Shah in 1896 and continued as prime minister under die shah's son Muzaffar al-Din Shah. The special relationship between Aqa Ibrahim and Amin al-Zarb not only continued with 'All Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan but also intensified both in the public and private domain as Amin al-Sultan extended his hold and influence on most of the important offices of the country. Upon his fathers death, Amin al-Sultan inherited his fathers positions, becoming head of the court commissariat, head of the transportation department, head of the royal stables, head of the granaries of Tehran, and head of the customs and treasury, among other things. In addition, he was appointed minister of court, a position that he retained once he became prime minister. Throughout his premiership, he was the de facto if not nominal minister of foreign affairs, finance, and the interior. On the various positions occupied by Amin al-Sultan, Sir Mortimer Durand says: "The Sadr-i Azam [prime minister] has gradually drawn into his own hands almost the whole work of Government offices, which he is unable to discharge."4 In addition to these public offices, which he had difficulty administering, privately he was the farmer of die customs and the concessionaire of various building projects such as roads and caravanserais to supplement his income for his lavish lifestyle, It was in the private domain of Amin al-Sultan s business or household affairs dmt Amin al-Zarb was of service to him. It has been suggested, as was discussed in the previous chapter, that 'Ali Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan was a silent partner with Amin al-Zarb in the farming of the mint. However, there is no evidence to that effect in the Mahdavi Archives. The archives show diat Amin al-Zarb acted as an agent for Amin al-Sultan, cashing his karats, providing provisions and cash for his household, and overseeing his concessions. If Amin al-Sultan was the factotum of the government, Amin al-Zarb was die factotum of Amin al-Sultan. An incident described by Aqa Muhammad Husayn Amin al-Zarb in the unfinished biography demonstrates the friendship and concern that Amin al-Sultan felt for Amin al-Zarb. He says: [M]y father became extremely ill, suffering from a chest ailment which left him bedridden for a number of months. All the Persian doctors, and one European doctor, Tholozan by name, sent by Amin al-Sultan and the Shah, came to visit daily. . . . Amin al-Sultan himself came a number of times to see how my father was doing. The doctors prescribed sweet lemons. Amin al-Sultan ordered people to go to private orangeries and buy sweet lemons at five qirans each. This price was considered most unusual and extraordinary by everyone and became a public by-word.'

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Although the merchants constituted a prestigious group within the society, possessing economic power and a certain amount of political power, still they were subject to internal discrimination and extortion, on the one hand, and foreign exploitation, on the other. The connection of Amin al-Zarb with the shah, the government, and the court was not only in the guise of banker and merchant but in that of financial adviser. Thus, he was well placed both to protest against unfair practices affecting the merchant classes and to defend their interest when necessary. He expressed his opinions on internal economic development, foreign interference, and the importance of the merchant class, both verbally and in letters to the shah and the prime minister.6 The internal discrimination that the merchants suffered consisted in the fact that foreign merchants paid only a 5 percent ad valorem customs tax and were exempt from internal customs tax, whereas the Persian merchant would pay not only a tax upon arrival of goods into the country but further arbitrary road taxes and tolls at every city through which the merchandise passed. Consequently, the Persian merchant could end up paying 14 to 22 percent on the same merchandise on which the foreign merchant paid only 5 percent once and for all. Amin al-Zarb sent a telegram to the Shah in 1884 protesting the disadvantaged position of the Persian merchant: Some of the Persian goods which pass through Bandar Gaz [a port on the Caspian] are subjected to a 10 percent and some to a 25 percent customs duty; they [those in charge] say that it is According to past regulations. Recently it has been ordered that 3 percent customs duty should be charged on goods entering the country . .. Because we know that those in charge of the government... do not wish to practice oppression, we petition you that, if it is agreed, we should pay a 3 percent customs duty: then it should be ordered that both for imports and exports a 3 percent customs duty should be charged, instead of whenever it suits them, enforcing past regulations and whenever not charging 3 percent,7

The internal extortion was due to the fact that government office was bought and sold in Qajar Iran usually to the highest bidder. Frequently, provincial governors had to borrow money to pay for the post to which they had been appointed.8 Therefore, every new appointee had to find the means of augmenting his income while in office, the period of which also was uncertain. This was done through raising taxes and creating new ones, a further burden on the merchant community and the local population in general.9 In critical letters, which led to the formation of the majlis-i vukala-yi tujjar [Assembly of Iranian Merchants], Amin al-Zarb attacked provincial officials for using their position to extract money from the merchants. He even went so far as to include the powerful eldest son of the shah, Mas'ud Mirza Zill al-Sultan, the governor of Isfahan, in his attacks. '* Added to the discrimination and extortion was the general stagnant economic condition of the country. Due to the import of cheap foreign manufactured goods,

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the production of local industries had deteriorated enormously. The advantages and freedom of commerce enjoyed by Russian and British merchants was a great impediment to Persian merchants, preventing economic movement or progress, and as a consequence of the ongoing monetary crisis, there was a shortage of currency, resulting in transactions either being conducted on credit or by Ottoman and Russian gold coinage. There was general discontent among die merchant classes, and many bankruptcies ensued; in addition, the wealthier merchants felt their wealth and strength was being eroded, by advantageous foreign competition, on the one hand, and by government restriction and interference in dieir affairs, on the other. Amin al-Zarb was a channel through which the merchants were able to communicate their discontent to the shah. From all over the country they would write letters to Amin al-Zarb enumerating the sagas of their misfortunes and mistreatment by die local authorities. However, because these complaints directly involved powerful governors, even Amin al-Zarb was frightened. He not only sent secret letters to the shah begging him not to let anyone else see them but also encouraged his colleagues in the provinces to make complaints against him personally to disguise die fact that he was in league with them.11 In 1884, he wrote to the shah on the importance of the merchant classes and die current abuses in practice: Praise be to God due to the special solicitude of Your Majesty . .. the development and security of the country has improved one hundred fold compared to previous times . . . In spite of this security, the strength of commerce and trade and the demand from all the neighbouring countries for the agricultural products of this country and all the trouble that Your Majesty has taken, channels for the entry of minted [nutskuk] ore and unminted [gbayir-i niAskuk] ore is barred. There are a number of apparent reasons. First lack of knowledge and second lack of attention to the internal affairs of die country; steps are taken, money is spent [but] nothing is achieved and no one is called to account. A government department is given to someone. The person in charge of that department receives a salary and obtains rank and position [but] instead of protecting and assisting the people, encouraging and inspiring them, making certain that they are the initiators of great tasks and [founders] of factories, they [the officeholders] behave to the contrary. They consider people's property as legitimately their own, as mother's milk. They consider it their right to finish the people off. ... With all the development and inventions which have taken place during this period, they have arranged things in such a way that the revenue and expenditure of the royal treasury is not balanced and there is always a dearth of money. In reality the Royal Empire [mamalik-i mahrufa] does not possess any gold or silver mines—its gold and silver mines are [in the form of] the country's agriculture, commerce and industry, which must, with the attention of those in charge of the country ... be developed so that the dependency of [this] country upon other countries be eliminated. Those in charge of government departments take no steps towards [the fulfillment] of these plans. The steps taken by some are towards their own personal gain. In whatever way they can think of, they have taken away peo-

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It is a sign of the importance that Nasir al-Din Shah accorded the merchant community that he dismissed Nasir al-Dawla from the Ministry of Commerce. At the same time, as he was rather weary of the growing power of die provincial governors, in Shavval 1301/July-August 1884, the shah ordered the prime minister, Mirza Yuslf Khan Mustawfi al-Mamalik, to convene a consultative meeting with the merchant community to see what steps could be taken toward the amelioration of trade. In his letter to the prime minister, the shah emphasized the importance of commerce and commanded the prime minister to let the merchant community as a whole, from big merchants to small traders, know that he wished commerce to progress and the interests of merchants to be protected.13 The merchants of the capital, Tehran, met together on 7 Shavval 1301/31 July 1884 and elected from among themselves ten representatives to form an assembly called majlis-i vukala-yi tujjar, the Assembly of Iranian Merchants, in Tehran, with branches to be formed in die same manner in the provinces. Having received the approval of the shah for die formation of the assembly, they drew up a document containing the objectives, die intent, and die rights of die assembly, which, when it received die royal assent, became the constitudon of die assembly. The general objectives contained In the first five chapters were: financial security, the creation of notary offices for the registration of property, the creation of a small Iranian bank, protecting die interests of local merchants vis-a-vis foreign merchants, and increasing exports while preventing the import of useless foreign manufactured goods. The sixth chapter contains details of the legal rights, duties, and responsibilities of the assembly in dealing widi the affairs of bankrupt merchants and in settling disputes regarding merchandise or property, either among the merchant community or between merchants and outsiders. Close scrutiny of the constitution and die demands of die merchants reveals not only the general economic condition of the country, including its unemployment, poverty, and famine, but also what was lacking in the country's bureaucratic system and the abuses to which merchants were subjected by provincial authorities. They ask for security of property, indicating diat people's property was arbitrarily confiscated. They ask dial property deeds be not forged so that rightful heirs could in-

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herit, indicating that upon the death of a man of property, forged documents were used to take over possessions that should have gone to his heirs. Furthermore, they ask that the rights of Persian merchants should be protected vis-a-vis foreign merchants, indicating that foreign merchants took advantage of the ignorance of Persian merchants. It can be seen that the practices that the merchants wished to curb threatened the interests of various groups, eliminating some lucrative gains. Initially, however, according to the shah's commands, the necessary wheels were put into motion. The majlis of Tehran was formed in Sfaawal 130 I/August 1884, headed by Amin al-Zarb, and deservedly so, as he was the most instrumental element in the formation of this assembly and says so in a letter to Amin al-Sultan: "As you know, it was your humble servant who arranged for these majalis in Tehran and the provinces to be formed; the merchants in the provinces only became convinced and took steps as a result of my correspondence with them and their faith in me."14 The prime minister was commanded by the shah to send a directive to all the provincial governors informing them that these majalis would be formed in their domain and that all affairs related to commerce or die merchant community should be referred to the majlis. The decisionmaking and regulating body would be the local majlis, and the governor would be the executor of decisions made by that body regarding merchants, their affairs, and their disputes. Simultaneously, Amin al-Zarb wrote to his colleagues all over the country asking them to form dieir local majlis. Most of the branches of the majlis-i vukuln-yi tujjar were formed within the next two months. In explaining the function of the majlis, Amin al-Zarb says in a letter to a colleague that the progress and prosperity of die country depends on the proper operation and running of the majlis, which, if successful, he hoped would result in their names being remembered well by posterity.15 During the first year, the majlis and its branches had the full support of the shah, to the extent that upon receiving complaints against the governor of Tabriz, the shah personally sent a telegram reprimanding him and giving him notice that unless he cooperated with die vukala-yi tujjar, he would be removed from office. However, the groups whose interests were threatened were too powerful for the merchants, die most important of these being the governors and the ulama. The downfall of the majlis started in Tabriz, the most important commercial city in Iran, where, in spite of the fact that die governor and die heir to the throne, Muzaffar al-Din Mirza, was supportive, the ttlama openly opposed die members of the majlis and their decisions regarding bankruptcy. This was a field in which bodi die governors and die ulama stood to gain. Prior to die formation of die majlis-i vukala-yi tujjar, bankruptcy disputes were settled through a mujtahid, with the approval of die governor. The bankrupt merchants, by bribing the mujtahid&nd the governor, could get a better deal for themselves and a verdict favorable to them rather than to the creditors. As a result of the opposition of the ulama, die head of die majlis-i vuktila in Tabriz resigned, and for all intents and purposes, that majlis stopped functioning in 1302/1884-1885. This was followed by the demise of the majlis of Qazvin. Although die majlis of Tehran was still functioning and had die support of die shah, a

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new minister or commerce, Mukhbir al-Dawia, was appointed, and he was against the majlis and in league with the governors. The new minister of commerce appointed someone to head the merchants in each of the proYinces, frequently a person who either was from the military or knew nothing about commerce, instead of the chosen representative of the merchants. Regarding the appointments of Mukhbir al-Dawia, Amin al-Zarb wrote to the shah, saying that previously there was one minister of commerce with whom people were discontent but that now there were thirty of them all over the place, each of them with their own staff, all trying to make money, as a result of which there was nothing left for other people. In the same letter, he said that he had begged the shah to choose a minister of commerce who was both honest and capable enough to stand up to the governors, instead of which the shah had appointed someone who was not only in league with the governors but was corrupt and accepted bribes.16 On the subject of the unfair and arbitrary practices of the governors, following a private meeting with the shah, where there was "no one else but God," Amin al-Zarb sent a secret letter to the shah in 1303/1885 through a trusted emissary, in which he emphasizes that no one but the shah should know the contents of the letter or the identity of the writer and that the letter should be returned after it had been read. In this letter, he says that the problem consists of the fact that the governors have forged a system which prevents the detection of problems. They take all they want from the poor citizens. They swindle the accounts and they are in league with the ministers of the government.. . The citizens cry for help but it is not clear what die? arc shouting about as there are no channels for their cries to go throu^i . . . In every possible way they extract money from the people and confiscate peoples property.17

He goes on to suggest that impartial observers from among the merchants should be chosen who could locate the problems in every province and who without fear of reprisal would be able to report on every aspect of the affairs of the province, including the malpractice of the governors, directly to the shah.18 These proposals were so revolutionary that although the shah frequently consulted with Amin alZarb, even he did not believe that they could be put into practice. Finally, Amin alZarb became despondent and resigned from being the head of the majlis-i vukala-yi tujjar less than two years after it was formed, and the majlis itself gradually stopped functioning. Before the Constitutional Revolution of 1906, the majlis-i vukala-yi tujjar was the first organization to represent the political demands of an important economic group, consisting of members elected by their peers. But in spite of Amin al-Zarbs efforts, it was not effective, as it threatened two established and historical institutions: the political power of the governors and the legal powers of the ulama. However, even after the majlis stopped functioning, Amin al-Zarb continued to enjoy the special favor of the shah, who wrote in 1303/1885-1886 to 'Abbas Mirza Mulk Ara, then minister of commerce, "Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb is

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in reality our own special merchant" who should be left in peace to carry on his commerce and to import factories and other things from abroad. Aside from these internal problems, the merchants were also subjected to foreign exploitation, which occurred because this was a period of big-power commercial rivalry in Persia in relation to a government that faced great financial difficulties. To supplement government revenue, a number of concessions detrimental to Persian interests were granted to foreigners. Two of these concessions, both granted to British subjects, had to be abrogated due to popular protest. The first was the Reuter Concession, discussed earlier, which was granted in 1289/1872 and canceled in 1290/1873.19 The second was a concession for a monopoly for the control, production, purchase, and sale of tobacco, granted to Major G. F. Talbot in 1308/1890 for fifty years. This concession adversely affected the economic position of various groups of tobacco merchants and cultivators, who up to the time of the concession had been dealing among themselves but now had to deal directly with the Regie (Le., the monopoly), at whatever prices it fixed. Had the Regie been able to exercise its rights, the wholesale tobacco merchants and exporters would have suffered the most, as they would not have been permitted to buy tobacco directly from the cultivators or to export it. Amin al-Zarb was one of this group. The execution of the monopoly would have meant that he and the other tobacco merchants would have to go out of business. Although it was the ulama who, by prohibiting the use of tobacco, put the final seal on the process that led to the abrogation of the concession, the merchant community, including Amin al-Zarb, played an important role in that process. As one of the most important merchants in the capital and in die country and because of his connection with the shah and Amin al-Sultan, the prime minister, he was used as an intermediary by the merchant community. The merchants, particularly those from Isfahan, Amin al-Zarb's hometown, wrote to him, pointing out the evils of the concession for die people and urging him to render an everlasting service to the people and the government by interceding to have the concession canceled.20 Even after the abrogation of the tobacco concession in 1310/1892, the Persian government was still left with an agreement drawn between the Persian Tobacco Corporation and the Societe du Tombac at Istanbul, through which the corporation guaranteed to supply the society with all tobacco destined for export. Finally, the Persian government was forced to negotiate an agreement with the Societe du Tombac, and Amin al-Zarb was instrumental in spelling out the terms of this agreement. In a letter to Amin al-Sultan, the prime minister and chief negotiator, he says that the company should not have its own agents within the country but should deal dirough Persian merchants.21 In fact, the final agreement contained this stipulation.22 Amin al-Zarb's entry into the industrial field started with importing the machinery for a silk-reeling factory in 1302/1884. Two factors combined to encourage him in this undertaking.

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The steam engine perfected by James Watt in England played a major role in ushering the Industrial Revolution and was the most efficient source of power for its time. It had fascinated Amin al-Zarb ever since he had seen its various uses in Egypt on his hajj trip. As the previously discussed register of letters shows, he repeatedly mentioned the power of steam engines and had ordered both a steam tractor and a steam pump. The second factor was that from the time he entered into the import-export business, silk was one of his major items of export to Istanbul, Egypt, and Marseilles. Since ancient times, probably toward the end of the Sasanian dynasty (224-642 A.D.) in the sixth century A.D., silk had been a major product of Persia, particularly of the Caspian Sea area, and in certain periods even famous for its quality. Silk was cultivated from antiquity in Gilan and is mentioned by the tenth-century geographer Istakhri. Historically, Europeans such as merchants from Genoa ran a thousand risks to go to the Caspian Sea to buy silk, as recorded by Marco Polo and Balduccio Pergoletti. Venice also sent merchants but was unable to compete with the Genoese.23 It is Sir John Chardin in the seventeenth century who gives the most glowing description of Persian silk; Silk, it being a plentiful and common Commodity in Persia; the Natives have addicted themselves particular to the well-working of it; and it's the thing they are best sktll'd in, and in which they have the most considerable Manufactor of all their Country. Their Workmen have Reels, Spindles and Winding-Wheels, to wind Silk on, very much like ours. ... I shall pass by several sons of stuffs of all Silk ... I shall only speak of their Brocade. They call Brocade Zerbafe i.e. Gold Tissue . . . They make Gold Brocades which cost fifty Tomans the Geuze or El, which being two Foot and a half a Quarter long by the French Measures, comes to about thirty Crowns the Inch, or eleven hundred Crowns the Ell. No part of the "world affords so dear a Silk. .. . The Gold Velvet that's wrought in Persia is very charming."2''

In the following centuries the Dutch, the Russians, and the English all tried, without much success, to take over the export of Persian silk. The silk trade, like other things, declined in the period between the fall of the Safavids (1501—1722) and the rise of the Qajars (1795—1925). However, it revived under the Qajars and in the first half of the nineteenth century was such a major item of export that Sir John Shell, the British minister wrote: Silk is the great staple of Persian commerce, particular of foreign Traffic, which enables it to pay for a portion of its importation from abroad . .. Fortunately a large portion of her silk is consumed in Russia, who, possessing few manufactures or other productions necessary to Persia, is compelled to pay chiefly in gold for her importation thence. Were it not for this circumstance, it seems inconceivable how the commerce of Persia could be maintained, or how she could be saved from a dearth of metallic currency.25

Unfortunately, however, as mentioned in the Introduction, the successful production and export of silk came to an end as it reached the climax of its production

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in 1864. It was in this year that the muscardine disease, which had ruined silk crops and production worldwide, came to Gilan, the center of silk production in Iran. From this date onward, the disease progressed to such an extent that Ralli Brothers, major exporters of silk, left the area in 1871.26 However, it was due to the efforts of these same Ralli Brothers and some others that silkworm eggs were introduced from Japan, and by 1292/1875, the production started improving, but it never did regain its previous importance. As Mr. Herbert, the British consul, wrote: "The chief produce of Resht is silk, which is produced to the amount of about 6,000 bales. This amount is one-sixth of what used to be produced some nineteen years ago."27 The reason for its not regaining its former importance was not only the drop in production but the fact that, by the time of recovery, Persian silk had to compete with cheaper Japanese silk. It may have been due to his connection with the Ralli Brothers through Panayotti or through his own business acumen that Amin al-Zarb from the beginning of die success of his commercial enterprise was engaged in exporting raw silk and waste silk (las). His youngest brother, Muhammad Rahim, is frequently found in Mazandaran overseeing the collection and export of silk. The register of the copy of letters for the year 1287/1870 shows that even at the height of the crisis in silk production, Amin al-Zarb was exporting silk to Istanbul, Egypt, and Marseilles. Meanwhile, he had sent Muhammad Rahim to Marseilles to receive and distribute the shipments of silk. Having become acquainted with these markets and their demands, he must have become aware of a major shortcoming in the quality of Persian silk, which Sir John Sheil pointed out: "It is in the winding chiefly that change is required; the skein is too long and the thread is uneven and knotty."28 This refers to the fact that the filaments that the silkworm spins into a cocoon are extremely thin and a number of filaments have to be reeled together to create a thread thick enough to handle. This process takes place in factories known as filatures. It was to bring about this process that Amin al-Zarb became a pioneer in the virgin field of industry in Iran, by importing a silk-reeling factory from France in 1302/1884. This factory and its machinery was bought in Lyons from the Compagnie Berthaud for the sum of 250,000 francs.29 The arrangements for importing the factory were made by Haj Muhammad Rahim, who was on the spot. The details of this transaction must have been worked out between the two brothers circa 1299/1881, when Muhammad Rahim was in Tehran for the wedding of his daughter and also for the purpose of going to the Holy cities with his mother. Two French engineers, brothers named Diocro, were brought to Persia to install the factory, and another French engineer and four Spanish women were employed to work in it. Their presence is related by Mr. Herbert, who in 1887 wrote: "There are a few Frenchmen with their families living at Resht who work a small silk factory, but I am unable to give any details of the work done by them."30 However, six years later, the British consul at Rasht, Harry Churchill, was able to give some details: "There is a steam spinning establishment at Resht owned by Haj Muhammad Hassan, the late mint-master of Tehran. His looms produce a very fair quality of silk which is consumed in the country itself and also exported to

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Marseilles and Moscow."-'1 The factory continued flourishing, and twenty years later, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the Russian consul in Rasht, C. Olferet, described the factory as possessing the most modern machinery, having the power to process up to 20,000 batman of silk cocoons and in which up to 100 people were employed. Two to three thousand ba.tma.rn of silk thread were exported to Marseilles to be used in the silk-weaving factory there.32 Eteocle Lorini also reported that the silk produced by Amim al-Zarbs factory was of a higher quality than the rest, which he attributed to the high quality of the European imported looms, and as a consequence sold in the market for more than double the price of other silks.33 In 1314/1896, its gross profit was estimated at 10,000 tumam and its net profit at 4,000-6,000 tumans.34 Amin al-Zarb was very much concerned that the resources of the country should be developed, as he wrote in his letter to the shah regarding the creation of a national bank. His original idea was that after the formation of the bank, with capital from the bank and private individuals, the government should undertake development projects. When he perceived that no attention was paid to his proposals, he decided to initiate further industrial projects himself, the silk-reeling factory having been the beginning of these projects. Following the installment of that factory in 1304/1887, he obtained from the shah the concession for an iron-smelting foundry, accompanied by other mining concessions, excluding gold. The text of the concession, in seven clauses, appears to have been prepared by Amin al-Zarb, on the margin of which the shah has given his assent. The royal patent reads as follows: Due to the fact that "the creation of an iron smelting foundry and casting factory" is of particular interest to us, the establishment of that factory is given to Amin al-Zarb for a period of thirty years. During this period, "No one is permitted to construct or create such a factory. Any mines ranging from stone, coal, copper, lead and iron discovered within ten square farsak/K, belongs to this company, and not a dinar in lieu of taxes should be claimed for these mines." After five years, the government would be allowed to collect customs and road taxes. "Should any water spring in the vicinity of these mines, then it would belong to the company which would be permitted to use it for farming the land around it." Amin al-Zarb asks for the concession to be in his name and that of his youngest brother, Haj Muhammad Rahim, and also that he should be permitted to take any other partners, aside from foreigners, whom he chooses. He also stipulates that he and his partners "should be under the special protection of the sublime government. "35 In spite of asking for royal protection, it appears from a letter written by Amin alZarb in 1308/1890—1891, that from the beginning he was harassed by local authorities and impediments were put in his way. The letter also shows that at the time of obtaining the concession, he was not aware of the future ramifications of this project. Nor did he envisage the manner in which it would capture his imagination, to the extent of investing most of his personal capital in it. Amin al-Zarbs involvement in this project also demonstrates that although he was careful in his use of money,

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calculating the profitability of his business ventures, he would also take bold risks such as obtaining the mining concession. Shortly after obtaining the concession, he employed foreign engineers to do an initial survey. At the same time, he asked his brother Haj Muhammad Rahim in France to buy and send furnaces for smelting ore. He canceled the order after a while, possibly as a result of the survey. In his letter of 1308/1890-1891 to the shah, Amin al-Zarb explains the history of the proceedings after obtaining the concession: Three years ago your devoted servant was favoured with the concession for Nayij [in Mazandaran] for thirty years for the sum of five hundred tuman per annum. After I went to Nayij with a few foreign engineers for the purpose of constructing iron smelting furnaces, I perceived that should even a mountain of iron be smelted, the transportation of the iron ore from the mine to the sea or Amul is more than the price of the iron itself, involves much hardship, and is of no avail. I returned to Mazandaran, sent a telegram to my brother telling him not to send smelting ore furnaces and dismissed the foreigners, who returned to Baku. [But], according to the commands of His Imperial Majesty a telegram was received that furnaces for smelting ore must be installed without fail , . . Your Majesty recalls that your devoted servant after receiving the telegram became agitated and was compelled to start making preparations. First of all I bought Mahmudabad [in MazandaranJ and brought people, laborers, bricklayers and carpenters to build a caravanserai; due to the fact that the iron and coal had to come from the mine to the sea: likewise from the sea tools for building the factory consisting of steam furnaces and other iron ore utensils had to be transported to the mine, [therefore] the construction of a piece of property [for storage] was necessary. After that I realized that it is not possible to transport goods from the mine to the sea, due to the feet that an animal can [only] carry twenty-five mans and charge five thousand dinars, arriving at destination after much hardship. As a result I was compelled to go to Europe, lose rny life's savings and buy railway equipment,3*

It was thus that the idea of a European trip was born. In 1304/1886, Nasir al-Din Shah invited Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani (Asadabadi) to Iran. Sayyid Jamal al-Din, an intellectual, political activist, and orator, was a colorful and mysterious figure of nineteenth-century Islam. He was born in 1254/1838—1839. The place of his birth is controversial, as he himself generally claimed to have been born in Afghanistan but occasionally when in Iran he acknowledged his Iranian birth. The body of present-day evidence appears to be in favor of him having been born in Asadabad, a large village near Hamadan in northwestern Iran, into a family of sayyith.^7 According to all accounts, he was a highly intelligent child. He received his early education in Asadabad, Qazvin, and Tehran. After that, his father took him on a visit to the holy Shi'i cities of Iraq, where he stayed for a number of years and studied with Shaykh. Murtiza Ansari, the leading

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Shi'i mujtahid of the time. Thus, Jamal al-Din received an education that basically covered all the traditional Islamic disciplines, which were of great use to him throughout his life. Later, during his travels and particularly in India, he became acquainted with new Western knowledge. He traveled widely, from India to Afghanistan to the Ottoman Empire and Egypt, to Europe and Persia. Wherever he went, he acquired both devoted admirers and dangerous enemies. He would be enthusiastically beckoned by kings and heads of state and subsequently humiliatingly rebuffed by the same people once they became familiar with his ideas. He was the precursor of die later anti-colonial and Pan-Islamic movements. His overriding desire, expressed both in his writing and speeches, was uniting the Muslim world, including Shi'i Persia, and combating European expansionism. In his quest for the unity of the Muslim world, dynastic rulers, national aspirations, and doctrinal differences were dispensable. It was the regeneration of the Islamic umma through the true teaching and practice of Islam in which he was interested.38 Nasir al-Din Shah, having heard of Sayyid Jamal al-Dins fame, was probably unaware of the content of his beliefs at the time of extending the invitation. The shah appointed Amin al-Zarb as Sayyid Jamal al-Dirfs host in Tehran. The reasons for Amin al-Zarb becoming the host of Sayyid Jamal al-Din are not clear. Certainly, Ftimad al-Saltana, the minister of press and publications, who influenced the shah to invite Sayyid Jamal al-Din, expected to be his host.39 There is, however, evidence to show that other arrangements were being made for his stay in Tehran. An Isfahan! colleague and merchant wrote to Amin al-Zarb, saying that the reformist and liberal-minded Haji Sayyah wanted Amin al-Zarb to prepare a house for Sayyid Jamal al-Din in Tehran.'40 Sayyid Jamal al-Din himself wrote from the shrine of Shahzada 'Abd al-'Azim outside Tehran to Amin al-Zarb, asking if a house has been prepared for him.''1 It may have ultimately been Sayyid Jamal al-Din who chose his host, preferring neutral ground.*12 It was certainly an honor to have Sayyid Jamal alDin to stay, and the fact that Ftimad al-Saltana was annoyed at not being host bears witness to this.43 An intimate and firsdiand account of Sayyid Jamal al-Dins arrival at the house of Amin al-Zarb exists, written by the latters son Muhammad Husayn, who was fourteen at die time: One day when I came home from school I saw that an Arab shaykh was sitting in the biruni. My father said, "This Aqa is our guest and will stay with us. As I am invited to the house of Aqa Muhammad Mirza, the preacher, tonight you stay here and entertain our guest until I return at the end of the evening." He left. I went into the room and greeted [the guest]. He returned my greeting and said; "Are you the son of Haji?" I said, "Yes." "Well done, may God preserve you. Do you study?" I said, "Yes." He said, "What do you read?" I said, "The Mutawa.1 and the Mughni." He said, "Where do you read?" I replied, "I read Zanburiyya." He quoted a sentence and asked me what its meaning was. I replied, and he said, "It is correct. Well done?" Then he asked, "Do you read and write Arabic?" I said, "No." This word had such an effect on him that the colour of his

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face changed through anger. Angrily, he said, "How strange, how strange. You read Mu-tawtd and Mughni but you do not speak Arabic. From tomorrow you must start speaking Arabic." After three or four hours, my father returned from his dinner. Aqa related the story to rny father and said, "I command that from tomorrow your son should write and speak Arabic. His Arabic compositions begin with his writing the incident of my arrival and our meeting. And he should translate this command of mine from Persian into Arabic. Also, Haj Muhammad Hassan, I am idling you that if in ten nights' time he manages to write a page without any mistakes, you must reward your son with 100 ashmfs," , . . Every night Aqa Sayyid Jamal al-Din would write a page in Persian. The next day I translated it into Arabic and at night he would look at it.44

Muhammad Husayn finally prepared a faultless page of Arabic and received his 100 ashrafa from his father. He goes on. to say: "The late [Sayyid Jamal al-Din] was in our house for some time and dictated lengdiy articles every evening in Persian which I turned into Arabic. All those articles consisted of counsels, opinions and philosophy. Most of them are in my own handwriting and are presently in our library."45 Amlm al-Zarb immediately became a devotee and lifetime admirer of Sayyid Jamal al-Din. He wrote to his youngest brother Haj Muhammad Rahim in Gange, France: Through the blessing of the Hidden Imam, May God Hasten His Return, God's Cornpassion has granted me such fortune as is not the lot of any king in any country. His Excellency the Mujtahid of the Age, unique in our time, Haji Sayyid Jamal al-Din known as Afghani, who edited the newspaper al-'Unva al-Wuthqa in Europe and is of the Hanafi religion, is staying in the house. All spiritual and bodily perfection are united in this magnanimous person. He pays special attention to Aqa Husayn who may, God willing, reach perfection soon.'""

He wrote in the same vein to his younger brother Haji Abu al-Qasim in Mashhad, saying that Sayyid Jamal al-Dins stay was a blessing that had not befallen anyone at any time.47 The meeting with Sayyid Jamal al-Din had a profound eftect on Amin alZarb. Haji Sayyah says, "I came to Tehran ... I observed that the meeting with Aqa has truly changed Haji Amin al-Zarb. He has joined the ranks of justice seekers."48 During his stay in Tehran, Sayyid Jamal al-Din met the shah, and it was Amin alZarb who took him to the audience. Once again, Ttimad al-Saltana became so furious at this honor being bestowed upon Amin al-Zarb that he wanted to resign his post.49 People from all walks of life flocked to Amin al-Zarb's house to see Sayyid Jamal al-Din, as he expounded his views, trying to awaken the people. The pantry and kitchens of Amin al-Zarb's house must have been exceptionally busy, fulfilling the mores of Persian hospitality and serving tea, sweetmeats, and meals to those who called upon Sayyid Jamal al-Din. In spite of his political activities, Sayyid Jamal al-Din still found time to see to die education of young Muhammad Husayn. He would either write out or dictate texts

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in Persian that Muhammad Husayn had to translate into Arabic, However, the texts were not simply exercises in translation: Their content was directed at influencing and awakening the young mind. Sayyid Jamal ai-Din was very conscious of the importance of the future generation, and wherever he went, he spent time widi the young, explaining his views to them, possibly hoping to plant the seed for future disciples who would implement them at the appropriate time.50 The initial warm welcome accorded to Sayyid Jamal al-Din by the shah and the court soon cooled off. It appears that the shah was not fully aware of Sayyid Jamal al-Din's progressive and reformist ideas and had only invited him to Tehran at the instigation of Ftimad al-Saltana, the minister of press and publication, who told the shah that Sayyid Jamal al-Din's presence was necessary for the production of a national newspaper. However, during his irst audience with the shah, Sayyid Jarnal alDin managed to frighten him by the style of his oratory and his passionate manner of delivery. He told the shah: "I am like a sharp sword in your hands. Do not leave me useless and idle. In whatever important position you place me and against whichever government you incite me I will have a greater edge than a sword."51 He was not granted another audience. As the shah had personally invited Sayyid Jamal al-Die, Amin al-Zarb was asked by the shah to arrange an honorable departure for him. In Rajab 1304/April 1887, Amin al-Zarb, on the pretext of inspecting the Nayij iron ore mines in Mazandaran, left Tehran, taking Sayyid Jamal ai-Din with him. From there, he sent Sayyid Jamal al-Din ahead to Baku, where he himself joined him later.52 The reason for Amin alZarb's trip to Europe, as he mentions in the above letter to the shah, was that he was planning to build a railway from Mazandaran to Tehran, a project in which Sayyid Jamal al-Din was interested and encouraged Amin al-Zarb. They both believed industrialization to be a prerequisite for progress and civilization. Also, Afghani believed that it was extremely important that these projects be undertaken by natives of the country rather than that concessions be given to foreigners. During this period, various events both happy and sad took place in the personal life of Amin al-Zarb. The two sons Muhammad and Ahmad, whom he had by his second wife, both died in the course of six months, Muhammad in 1303/1886 and Ahmad in 1304/1887.53 Also during this period, one of Amin al Zarbs maternal uncles who was in charge of one of his rented villages in Talighan died. The happy events included the birth of a daughter in 1301/1884, the wedding of Arnin alZarb s oldest daughter in 1300/1883, and the wedding of Haj Abu al-Qasim's eldest daughter in Mashhad. Although the merchants, by virtue of their profession, had contact and business relationship with every group in society, these connections did not extend to their private family and social life. In their personal life, they presented a fairly closed social group. The group with whom they had most in common and with whom they associated more generally was the ulama. This characteristic applied in particular to

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marriage alliances, which took place either within their own group, with that of the ulama, or with relatives. This pattern can be seen in both the case of Amin al-Zarb himself, who married the daughter of his kinsman and early business partner and a sarrafbyprofession, and in the case of Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar, who married the daughter of a textile merchant. The groom chosen for Qamar Khanum, the daughter of Ha) Abu al-Cteim Malik al-Tujjar, was also a samfanda distant relative. The groom chosen for Khadija Khanum, the daughter of Amin al-Zarb, aged fourteen, was Aqa Muhammad 'All Kashani, the son of a prominent merchant from Kashan residing in Tehran called Haji 'AH Naqi Kashani, who is listed by I'timad al-Saltana among die forty-three prominent merchants of Tehran.54 He is further mentioned in glowing terms by Haji Sayyah in his account of travels between Tehran and Mashhad as being responsible for repairing and renovating all the caravanserais on that road and providing lodging for travelers.55 This fact also points to the wealth of Haj 'All Naqi, as there was no income in such an activity and it was undertaken only for charitable purposes. The groom must have been much older than Khadija Khanum, as I'timad al-Saltana's list of prominent merchants of Tehran is up to the year of the wedding, and the groom is already mentioned along with his father.56 Aqa Muhammad 'AH went on to become Haj Muhammad 'All and in 1315/1897 earned himself a mention by Colonel Picot among the prominent people of Iran: A merchant of Tehran and son-in-law of Haji Muhammad Hassan, Amin es Zarb. Exports cotton and produce to Russia, and cotton to Bombay. Imports piece goods from Constantinople in large quantities, and tea from India. When Haj Muhammad Hassan was farming the Mint, he used to import large quantities of bar silver. Also does money lending business. Worth 150,000 tomans.''7

Thus, Amin al-Zarb not only married his daughter well but forged for himself an alliance that proved useful both in his political and business activities. Both Haj 'Ali Naqi and his son were active with Amin al-Zarb in the majlis-i vukala-yi tujjdr. As can be seen from the above biography, when Amin al-Zarb was in charge of the mint, Haj Muhammad 'Ali imported silver for him. To understand the extent of the success of Amin al-Zarb s commercial enterprise, it is useful to compare his wealth to other prominent merchants such as Haj Muhammad 'Ali Kashi. At the same time as Picot estimated the wealth of Haj Muhammad *Ali at 150,000 tumans, he estimated that of Amin al-Zarb at 2-3 million tumam.5S This was then a period during which Amin al-Zarb's activities diversified. He became politically active, personally initiated an industrial project that would occupy him in the years to come, and entered into a lifelong friendship with Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani.

Royal patent of the concession for an iron smelting foundry, accompanied by mining concessions in 130411887. Handwriting in the margin is that afNasir al-Din Shah.

PHOTO 5. / Muzaffttr al-Din Shah Qajar and Mirza 'AliAsghar Khun Amin al-Sultan

PHOTO 5.2 Group photograph of Sayyid Jamal al-Din's first visit to Persia in 1304/1887. Sea-ted, from right to left: Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb (second), Sayyidjamal al-Din Afghani (third), Haj Husayn Aqa Amin al-Zarb II (fifth).

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jhe Jj^tiws*\* C2v4*si" «>vi£> I'M* t~i*4r0pe^*n ^/Hp 1304 -1306/1$$?- fMf

The ensuing two years were full of excitement, adventure, and at times frustration for Amin al-Zarb. These were the years during which he went on his first European trip, inaugurated his railway, and arranged a marriage for his son. Amin al-Zarb left Tehran for the Nayij mines in Mazandaran in the company of Sayyid Jamal al-Din on 3 Sha'ban 1304/27 April 1887, having spent the previous night outside Tehran at the mint compound.1 They spent a week together going over the mine and discussing its potential and future possibilities. After that, Amin al-Zarb escorted Sayyid Jamal al-Din to the steamboat and, having seen him off to Russia, went back to Nayij. At this point on his trip, Amin al-Zarb did not seem to have had any ideas of going to Europe, as in his letters to his agents concerning business affairs in Tehran, he indicated that he expected an early return.2 He describes Nayij as being situated in the middle of the forest, far away from any town and with an unpleasant damp climate, where not even a nail is available and everything has to be brought in from outside. From Nayij, he wrote to his son and agents, saying: "I arrived in Nayij on 14 Sha*ban/8 May and discovered that all that has so far been done has been in vain, resulting from the ignorance and lack of professionalism of the people and agents whom I sent there."3 He goes on to say that the geographical situation is such that it would be impossible to transport eidier a factory there or the equipment for constructing it and instructs the agents in Tehran to telegraph his brother Haj Muhammad Rahim in Gange, France, to cancel the order for the factory.4 He says that he has sent the for106

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cign engineers to Lavich to explore the transport possibilities there and that if Lavich is also not feasible he is going to abandon the whole project.5 According to the letter to the shah discussed earlier outlining the history of the project, it must have been at this point that the whole project appeared impossible to Amin. al-Zarb and he dismissed the foreign engineers, sending them to Baku.6 However, he was not permitted to abandon the project, as the shah, upon learning of Amin al-Zarbs decision, wrote a letter to Amin al-Sultan, saying "May the plague take these merchants who never do anything for the government."7 Upon receiving the letter, Amin al-Sultan summoned Muhammad Husayn Aqa, the fifteen-year-old son of Amin al-Zarb, and also his secretary and informed them of the shah's displeasure.8 It is interesting to note that a fifteen-year-old boy was considered adult enough at this time to be involved in governmental and business affairs. At the same time, on 21 Sha'ban 1304/15 May 1887, Amin al-Sultan sent a threatening telegram to Amin al-Zarb, saying that an iron-smelting foundry must be installed, or else: Secondly you know yourself that prestige and reputation are the most laudable and prized attributes in the world and are based upon achievements. The manner in which you undertook this endeavour and the commitments which you made to His Majesty became known all over the world and everyone heard of it. [If] you now suddenly terminate it, obviously it would not be a good thing, it would lessen your prestige and definitely damage the regard in which His Majesty holds you.* It was not, however, as a result of Amin al-Sultan's threats that Amin al-Zarb changed his mind about the project. After canceling the order for the machinery, he himself spent five days touring the forests and villages in the neighborhood of the mines, and it was thus that he found the seaside village of Mahmudabad, a discovery that made him ecstatic. By the time he received Amin al-Sultans telegram, he had already discovered Mahmudabad. In a letter to Tehran, he says: I did not find any place better than the opening [to the sea] of the village of Mahmudabad. [The distance] from Mahmudabad to Amul is three ftnakhs and from Amul to Tehran twenty-three forsakhs. I explored all the possible routes; [there is a] direct route and everywhere there is habitation and from Mahmudabad to Nayij is three fanakk. It seemed to me that if I buy Mahmudabad, the location is such that it can be turned into a seaport. A caravanserai can be built and [die area] developed. From Tehran to Mahmudabad there is a direct route and merchandise can easily be transported, opening the route for commerce.10 As he writes in the same letter, he bought half of Mahmudabad immediately, making preparations for buying die other half as well. In honor of the shah, he renamed Mahmudabad, calling it Bandar Nasiriyya (Nasiriyya Port) and employing laborers to lay the foundation for a caravanserai. To complete the purchase and subsidize the cost of the construction, he took three local merchants into partnership,

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giving them four shares out of the twelve shares and retaining eight for himself. Five days after receiving Amin al-Sultan's telegram, Amin al-Zarb replied, informing Arnin al-Sukan of the above achievements. Consequently, he received an answer informing him that he was once again in the shahs good graces. Amin al-Zarb could not sing the praises of Mahmudabad enough: If I wanted to describe the merits and the profits of this venture, 1,000 pages would not be enough; first of all this property, the whole six dang of which I have become the landlord, is like a town in itself in which every kind of farming is possible. Secondly there are vwo farsukhs of forests [with so many trees] that however much wood I need I can cut and it will still not finish. Thirdly, Mahmudabad is near all the forests of Mazandaran . . . all the rice, cotton and other products of Mazandaran are linked to this port and from now onwards no merchandise will pass through Rasht, Bandar Gaz or Mashdi Sar . . . The climate of Mahmudabad is paradise itself. Every kind of tree exists here. It is like one enormous garden.11

He goes on to say that coal, iron, and wood from Nayij must all be transported to Mahmudabad and that this can be done by making carts for that purpose. Infinite possibilities of constructing various factories such as a sugar refinery, using the cane sugar in the area, present themselves to him. He also says that he has discovered an oil well. He was so enthusiastic about the whole area, its people, and the entire project that he even sent a message to one of his colleagues, Haj Kazim Sarraf, to abandon the business ofsarraji. And to come and do business up there. It is interesting that once again, as in the previous correspondence of Arnin al-Zarb, the subject matter of his lengthy letters to Tehran is always business. In the course of the diree weeks that he spent in Mazandaran away from his family, the only personal elements entering the correspondence are once when he urged his agents to look after his son Aqa Muhammad Husayn and one other time when he said that he had made die whole investment of the Mahmudabad project in the name of his son. Amin al-Zarb's search for a means of transportation between Mahmudabad and the mine inadvertently took him on an odyssey of travels through Russia, ending in Belgium and France. His letters to Tehran demonstrate well how the search for transportation unintentionally took him from one town to another. In the first letter from Baku on 5 Ramazan 1304/28 May 1887, he explains that he went there to buy a one-horse railway but discovered that it was in Tiflis that it had to be obtained, so he was heading that way but hoped to be back in Tehran by the end of the month. In this way, Amin al-Zarb found himself in Tiflis, where Sayyid Jamal al-Din was staying. Having discovered that the necessary equipment could not be obtained there either, they both left for Moscow. On the two nights that Atnin alZarb was in Tiflis, he was invited to dinner on both nights by Mirza Riza Khan Danish, Mu'in al-Vuzara, the Persian consul, who also personally took Amin alZarb on a tour of the city. Amin al-Zarb could not praise him enough in his letter to Amin al-Sultan.12 According to the same letter, on the way to Moscow, in the

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Caucasus, he also met two brothers from Kashan, Mirza Muhammad 'All and Mirza Muhammad Husayn, who were engaged in road building and who, upon hearing that Amin al-Zarb was staying at a hotel, insisted that he stay in their house. Amin al-Zarb was very impressed by the achievements of the two brothers in Russia and tried to persuade them to come to Iran and undertake road building there, but they refused on the grounds that there is no qamtn (law) in Iran and therefore security of investment is not guaranteed.'3 The interesting fact about this meeting is that Amin al-Zarb quotes dteir remarks verbatim, reminiscent of the reformist and progressive droughts of Mirza Malkum Khan, who in his writings stressed the need for ejanunJ4 In Moscow, they stayed at the house of Mirza Nimatulla, Amin al-Zarb s agent in Moscow. Thus, at the end of the month, when Amin al-Zarb had hoped to be back in Tehran, he was in fact in Moscow. From die context of the letters, it appears that Amin al-Zarb left Iran accompanied by the foreign engineers he had employed. The letters he wrote from Moscow explain the saga of his travels thus: [F]rom Mahmudabad 1 went to Mashdi Sar and from there I took the steamboat... When it arrived in Baku I disembarked. On the way we arrived at Uzun Ada, which is one of the new cities of Russia. I got off and saw that they have built a small railway [which works as follows]. They put the cargo on a wheeled cart drawn by one horse which can easily carry two hundred mans and goes [a distance of] omefarsukh an hour. I perceived that if I could construct this line from Mahmudabad to the mine it would facilitate things enormously. I investigated the price and discovered that it was not costly; I became determined to buy this in Baku and return. When I arrived in Baku, I realized that this rail was not available there and I would have to go to Tiflis. Litde by little the idea so captured my imagination that I decided to install a proper steam railway from Mahmudabad to Amul. [The distance] is two and a half to three jkrmkhs. The cost of three ftrsakhs of this railway is the equivalent of sbijanakhs of the horsedrawn one. I realized that if I extend it as far as Amul, it will be a commercial route . . . Further, the inauguration of the railways will be a great service to the government and people. I calculated the cost and decided to buy a steam boiler, rail lines and ten carriages which could carry people and cargo. 1 set out and arrived in Tiflis, searched and discovered that it is not obtainable there and that I have to go to Moscow or Rostov, which is half the distance to Moscow. Out of necessity I was forced to take off [again] and took a horse-drawn carriage for 24Jitnttkhs and arrived in the region of the Caucasus, and from there I took the railway and arrived in Moscow.15

Meanwhile, the equipment for the iron-smelting factory had arrived and was sitting in Batum, awaiting arrangements by Amin al-Sultan to clear Russian customs. One of the many preoccupations of Amin al-Zarb during this trip was sending telegram after telegram to Amin al-Sultan asking him to expedite the customs arrangements. While in Moscow, he and Sayyid Jamal al-Din visited Russian factories, including manufacturers of broadcloth and calico and iron-smelting, roadbuilding, and railway-making factories, trying to learn more about Russian indus-

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try. In a letter written to Amir* al-Sultan from Moscow, Amin al-Zarb says that Sayyid Jamal a!-Din was very well received in Russia and great respect was shown to him.16 In the course of his stay in Moscow and the tour of the factories, Arnin alZarb met some Belgian entrepreneurs who dissuaded him from buying the necessary equipment in Russia. They proposed a partnership to construct a rail line from Mahmudabad to Tehran, the material for which would be bought in Belgium and the supervision and engineers provided by the Belgians. Amin al-Zarb undertook to construct the line from Mahmudabad to Amul and the Belgians from Amul to Tehran. The idea appealed enormously to Amin al-Zarb, particularly as he would not have to worry about employing foreign personnel and dealing with them, as a result of which he sent a telegram to Amin al-Sultan to obtain the shah's permission. According to Amin al-Zarb*s letters describing the events that led him to Belgium, Haji Pirzada's account of Amin al-Zarb's motives for the European trip is incorrect. Haji Pirzada says that Amin al-Zarb initially hoped to find a Russian investor to construct the railway but failed to do so.17 In fact, Arnin al-Zarb had been planning to buy all the material from Russia himself. Once the Russians became aware of Amin al-Zarb's interest, wealth, and close connection to the Persian royal court, they accorded him every kind of courtesy. The project was considered of so much importance that on 30 Muharram 1304/23 June 1887, the Moscow Gazette wrote about it thus: [A] wealthy Persian, Hadji Mahamed Hussem of Tehran has undertaken the construction of a railway between Mashad i Sar and Hassamabad for a distance of 24 versts (16 miles). Consent to the construction of this railway has already been obtained. The line will pass through an immense forest, lately obtained by Haji Moharned from the Persian Govt. The forest abounds in sugar cane, olives and palm trees, and it is proposed to build sugar and oil factories and saw mills—the products will then be sent abroad from Mashad i Sar and Hassamabad. Several engineers and contractors have already arrived. All the materials already ordered for the construction of the railway and those that may still be required are from Russian manufactures.18

Wherever Amin al-Zarb went, he had his eyes open for commerce, and Moscow was no different. He wrote to his son and agents that export-import of cotton, wool, and other things was easy in Moscow, if one had the know-how about what to buy and how to send it. He describes Moscow as a town full of money and pleasureseeking people, where money is thrown around like dust. He says that certain things such as white-painted chintz from Burajird, carpets from Khurasan, Farahan, and Araq, and gelim& (flat-woven tribal rugs) from Kirman custom ordered to specification would sell well; in turn, he considered the Russian lump sugar and candles of superior quality for import into Iran and promptly shipped quantities of those to Tehran, He suggests that his brother, the malik al-tujjar of Khurasan in Mashhad, should be told to obtain a certificate from the Russian general in Ishqabad that the cotton from Khurasan is from Marv or Bukhara and then to ship it through

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Ishqabad to Uzun Ada and then to Baku, which is a cheaper transport route, as a result of which they would not have to pay any Russian customs in Baku. Otherwise, they would have to pay a 5 percent customs tax.19 Russia, which IB the second half of the nineteenth century was considered backward and despotic compared to other European countries, appeared to Amin alZarh as a hayen of the rule of law and order, compared to the arbitrary nature of power and justice and the constant extortion in Iran. He is amazed by the fact that men and women stroll freely in the streets and says, "[M]en and unveiled women pass by; no one dares say so-and-so went too fast or that he is a Muslim, a Russian or a Jew. Everyone is educated and well versed in the etiquette of human behaviour."20 He goes on to describe the palaces and museums and not only the extraordinary objects that they contain but the fact that there are guides versed in various languages to explain everything. It is, however, the security of the people that impresses him most: Military officers, soldiers, ministers or governors are not allowed to take one step beyond their boundaries . . . If I wanted to describe the industry and administration of this country, even fifty pages would not be enough. Althou^i they say that in this domain of Russia oppression, injustice and tyranny reigns, and that its people are like animals and true justice can be found in the Land of the Franks [Europe]... people know that they have possessions and own property. No one has the right to confiscate someone else's property or to covet someone else's possessions and lay hands upon i t . . . The legal system is such that it is not possible for anyone to even look at someone else's property or possessions. The verdict of each case is evident. There is no necessity for a second verdict. After the charge has been established the penalty is clear. There are no go-betweens. No one can prevent it [the execution of the penalty] be he the brother of the Emperor.21

It is a terrible indictment of the situation of Iran, with its lack of security and arbitrary confiscation of property, that Russia, famous for its despotism and lack of democratic institutions, which eventually led to a revolution, should have appeared to be such a haven to Amin al-Zarb. Amin al-Zarb received die shahs permission to go to Belgium while in Moscow. Before leaving Moscow, he asked Jamal al-Din to enter into further negodations with the Russians for the purchase of some of die parts and materials,22 These negotiations came to nothing, as apparently the Russians were driving a hard bargain and demanding unrealistic terms.23 Nevertheless, during Jamal al-Din's stay in Russia, Amin al-Zarb supported him financially. There is evidence to show that from Muharram 1304/October 1887 to Jamadi I 1306/January 1889, he received at least 12,000 rubles from Amin al-Zarb, in addition to a secret monthly allowance of 500 rubles.24 Amin al-Zarb left Moscow for Belgium on 3 Shawal/25 June, in the company of his cousin and representative in Moscow, Muhammad Javad, to negotiate the purchase of the railway with the Belgian entrepreneurs who had shown interest in in-

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vesting in the project. They arrived in Brussels at the beginning of July via Warsaw and Berlin, His brother Haj Muhammad llahim, resident of Gange, joined him in Brussels. Once in Belgium, he immediately met with the entrepreneurs and in the course of the meeting discovered that the Belgians were not all that they had made themselves out to be and that in reality they intended to cheat both Amin al-Zarb and the Persian government. Consequently, he severed his connection with them but was left in a great quandary, as, having announced to the shah his intention of constructing a railway, he felt that he would lose face if he withdrew at this stage. He and Haj Muhammad Rahitn met with the Belgian minister of railways, who guided them to Liege. On 14 Shavval/6 July, they went to Liege and visited the prominent Belgian railway firm Cockerill and Company and immediately entered into a contract with them to buy rail equipment for the Mahmudabad-Amul portion of the line. In his letter from Belgium describing the above events, he describes the length of the proposed railway as 20,000 meters, and as two lines have to be installed, die total length will be 40,000 meters, every meter of which weighs seven and a half mans of steel. He was concerned about the weight, the cost, the custom duties, and the means of transport of this equipment. In spite of all this, he ended up buying a substantial amount of equipment and material, including two vertical boiler locomotives, twelve passenger cars, rails, fish plates, bolts, and other railway equipment.25 Aside from these things, he also bought ten miles of telegraph wire, sixty boxes of mining equipment, quantities of tin, a furnace, and five cranes, one of which was a large mobile one for unloading ships.26 Simultaneously, he engaged two Belgian engineers from Cockerill to undertake die initial route survey and supervise the trestle construction. All these complicated arrangements were made in the course of one week and in an unfamiliar foreign country. Aside from writing to his son and agents in Tehran, Amin al-Zarb wrote regularly and in detail to Amin al-SuItan, both regarding die progress of his activities and the state of affairs in Europe. Amin al-Zarb must have had his eye on posterity, as all the letters from Europe were sent open to his hujra in Tehran, where his secretary would make copies of them. They would then be sealed and given to the addressee. In these letters, he does not confine himself to any particular subject but apparently feels that, as a passionate patriot, he should report all that touches and affects Iran, its government, and its people. He constantly compares the state of Europe with Iran and becomes deeply gloomy. He is truly awed by the level of industrialization and employment found in Europe. In a letter to Amin al-Sultan, he says: "In Europe everyone [ranging] from children, to men, to women, even animals and dogs are busy ... cooperating with each other to construct boats, chemin-de-fer [railways] and factories. From 600 zdr'diey extract coal. In Iran everyone is unemployed, preoccupied with watching everyone else [to see] what they buy or eat."27 In another letter to Amin al-Sultan two days later, he says: From Berlin to the borders of Belgium there are so many factories that it appears as though the whole terrain is covered with them and they say this is nothing compared

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to Farrangistan [possibly meaning the rest of Western Europe].28 Yesterday I went to the manufacturers of crystal and the gunsmiths and returned stupefied, struck dumb with astonishment. I [alsoj went to the manufacturers of chemin-de-fer; this one factory alone has 11,000 people working in it. There is such organization that no one is able to turn their head even for one minute. People in Iran are without any occupation, dying from lack of food and clothing. The income from one factory in Belgium is more than the income from all of Iran's agriculture and industry.29

Nevertheless, commerce was never far from his mind. Having gone to the gunsmiths, he sent a telegram to Amin al-Sultan requesting permission to buy guns for the government. In his letter following the telegram, he explains that at the gunsmiths' they demonstrated the latest gun for him, and he describes its features. He relates that the bullets of the new gun are made from steel and copper and travel a distance of 4,000 zar', each capable of killing seven people in its path. He announces that whether he hears from Amin al-Sultan or not, he intends to buy one of these new guns and a couple of others for 'Aziz al-Sultan (the Shah's favorite courtier), who played with guns all the time.30 It appears from this letter that he also visited the Krupp factories, as he says that the cannons that the Persian government has bought are inferior to the ones produced at Krupp. Aside from industry, employment, and commerce, he also took it upon himself to report to Amin al-Sultan on the state of the various Persian missions and ministers abroad. In describing these missions, he is primarily concerned with the manner in which they uphold the prestige of their country. The highest, marks go to Mirza Riza Khan, Mu'ayyad al-Saltana, die first Iranian diplomatic representative in Germany, Amin al-Zarb describes his house, furniture, and carriages as in the first style of elegance, comparable to the other missions. He is impressed that Mirza Riza Khan is able to hold his own in Bismarck's Germany and has forged connections with those around Bismarck and the court, among whom he mentions in particular the heir to the throne. To further illustrate Mirza Riza Khan's connections, Amin alZarb describes a dinner party given at the embassy to which he was invited. It is interesting that in giving the list of the guests, he begins with the ladies. It must have been the first dinner party in which he participated at which unveiled ladies were present. Although it was probably a novel and unusual experience for him, in die letter he is more concerned with the importance of die ladies rather dian with the fact that they were mingling freely with men. He describes one of die ladies as being the wife of the minister of court and the other as being his sister. At the end of the dinner party, the guests insist on giving Amin al-Zarb a ride in their own carriage, which he attributes as an additional sign of the importance widi which Mirza Riza is held by the community.51 Another who is praised is Mirza Riza Khan Danish Mu'in al-Vuzara, the consul general in Tiflis, as opposed to the envoy extraordinary to St. Petersburg, Sayyid Mahrnud Khan "Ala al-Mulk, who comes in for extreme censure for his meanness, for his residence, which consists of a couple of pathetic rooms in an inferior quarter

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of the town, and for the disgraceful appearance this has created for the prestige of Iran.32 All three people mentioned by Amin al-Zarb were important diplomats of the period and went on to represent Persia in different countries. While giving Amin al-Sultan details of his purchases for the railway, he also informs him that the equipment will be in Poti in Russia within three months and begs him to make the customs arrangements by informing the Russian government that the equipment is for the Persian government, Amin al-Zarb must have been a great optimist, as the equipment for the iron-smelting foundry had still not cleared customs in Russia and was another subject that came up over and over again in the correspondence. In the same letter, he tells Amin al-Sultan that he is leaving for Paris and that the answer regarding customs should be sent there. He explains that his reason for going to Paris is sightseeing and that he hopes to arrive in time for the French national festival (meaning July 14, Bastille Day) and the parade. Paris, the jewel of European capitals, must have been the most unique experience for Amin al-Zarb. Although he had seen some unfamiliar sights in the Ottoman Empire during his hajj trip and in Moscow, Warsaw, Berlin, and Belgium on his way to Paris, nothing could have prepared him for the magnificent town planning undertaken by Baron Haussmann in the reign of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. Haji Pirzada, who was in Paris at the time of Amin al-Zarb's trip, describes his own visit to Paris in detail.33 The sights he describes are those that would appear unusual to a visitor from Persia, including Amin al-Zarb. He says that there are three kinds of streets—boulevards, avenues, and rues—which are distinguished by their width and the number of rows of trees planted on each side, the rues being the narrowest, with no trees. Carriages can pass dirough the streets, and on the sides, there are pedestrian ways, some streets having up to six pedestrian paths, where at intervals benches are set under the trees for the pedestrians who become tired. He describes the different methods by which die streets are paved and the manner in which they are cleaned. He is amazed by the general cleanliness of the city and the fact that at intervals there are water pumps both for cleaning the streets and watering the trees. Gas and electric light, as yet unseen in Persia, were other novelties that to the visitor "made the nights appear as bright as the days."34 The contrast between the dirt, dust, and rampant garbage of Tehran and the beautiful state of Paris is such that Haji Pirzada says: All the alleys and streets of the city of Paris are so pleasant, clean, washed, swept, foil of trees and light that it would seem as though every alley and street is separately constructed for the passing of a king for whose passage daily and hourly they are swept and watered. During the evenings they lif^it so many gas lights in all the alleys, streets and roundabouts as though every night there is a royal or governmental celebration or that it is a festival for which so many lights are lit, but without exception every night is so.35

Another subject of interest to the visitor from Iran was the architecture, both private and public. The idea of several-story buildings and apartment houses in which

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different families lived on every floor was unfamiliar The interior plan of private houses and apartments was also a novelty in that each room of a house was assigned a particular function and only used for that purpose. Persian private houses possessed many rooms, but most of the rooms were multifunctional and interchangeable. Traditionally, in Persian houses of all classes, there was a main room in which people sat on the floor or on cushions and entertained visitors, and at mealtimes, a cloth was spread out on the floor on which food was served. If visitors were staying the night, bedding was spread out on the floor in the same room, which would then serve as a bedroom. The same applied to the anJarun as to the biruni. The furniture seen in Paris described in such detail by Haji Pirzada was not a common aspect of Persian life. Chairs, tables, and beds were not in everyday use in Persia, except by the shah and a few Westernized members of the elite. The primary difference that the visitor to Paris noticed was that there were no divisions between men's quarters and women's quarters and then, as Haji Pirzada describes, there were individual rooms, each for a specific purpose. [O]ne room is for sitting and entertaining friends which people call salon, full of equipment [ranging from] carpets, chairs, velvet sofa, mirrors two zar'in length, chandeliers, clock, candelabra, objects on the mantlepiece and numerous tables. Another room is for eating and they call it saUe k manger, that room is also [equipped] with carpets and curtains, chairs and a big table for eating upon and [it houses] every kind of china and crystal necessary for eating and drinking . . . Anodier room is specially for sleeping [which is also furnished with] carpets, curtains, table, chair and a special bed for sleeping [upon which] there is a mattress, eiderdown and numerous pillows ... in another table they have hidden a container for urinating so that it would not be necessary to go out day and night [for diat purpose]. Also a kitchen ... with a tap of running water from which whenever the tap is turned on water flows.-'6

The public parks, buildings, and palaces such as the Tuilleries and Luxembourg Gardens, the Louvre, Saint Cloud and Versailles were the wonder of visitors from all over Europe, let alone the ones from Persia. Hotels and restaurants were also institutions that did not exist in Iran. Although all that the eye beheld was fully amazing, it was the lifestyle of the Europeans in general and the Parisians in particular, much more than the physical setting, that set them worlds apart from Persia. Towering over this difference in lifestyle was the position of women and the easy manner in which they intermingled with men. Women were seen walking in parks, supported on the arms of men; they were seen in the audience at performances of the opera and ballet, where many of the performers themselves were women; they were seen at public dances and balls dressed in elaborate evening gowns, in full d£colletage displaying bare shoulders, arms, chest, and back, being held in the arms of men in the course of dancing; and above all, there were working women such as shopkeepers, whose daily work brought them in regular contact with men.

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Amin al-Zarb saw all this and more and wept for the fate and condition of his country. It was not so much the lifestyle of the French that interested him as the institutions that catered to that lifestyle. He realized that the institutions were able to function due to the existence of democracy, on the one hand, and security of property, on the other hand, which encouraged private enterprise. Comparing the dynamic state of France with the static and stagnant state of Iran made him desperately unhappy. On 11 Zi Qa'da 1305/20 July 1987, he wrote to Amin al-Sultan: "I cry day and night in this Paris which is not a place for sadness [but pleasure] and instead of tears blood pours out of my eyes. . . . I observe the conditions of this country and review those of Iran and become demented."37 In another letter he describes some of the conditions that amaze him: [P]ursult of science has enabled them to function, and their knowledge stems from diligence. Their majlis [parliament] of ministers and sages have ordained things in such a manner that no one is able to exercise a [personal] grudge, interfere or practice nepotism. The vouchers of merchants, grocers and shoemakers are executed without delay or procrastination [as well as] as those of ministers and others. Everyone goes after his own business and knows his duty. No one is after stealing, cheating or malevolence. . . . 110,000 public carriages [for hire] move through the streets and boulevards of this town, aside from the private ones and the street railway [tramway]. Every hour people and merchandise arrive and leave to and from London, America, Berlin, Russia and Austria. Not a sound is heard from anyone, no one knows what came and what went. 1 don't know what rules and regulations have been established. All of Iran does not have the population of Paris, everybody [die Iranians] is patriotic and listens to the commands of the government and is obedient [but] the reason things are as they arc is that everyone is occupied with wresting [possessions] from each other. [If] they see anyone having a good property or substantial capital, they want to take it away from him.-'* He goes on to describe the benefits of banknotes as opposed to coins for the general economy of the country and the manner in which all exchanges, credits, and investments both private and public take place through the medium of notes honored by the government through a central bank. It must be remembered that long before his European trip, in 1296/1878 Amin al Zarb proposed the formation of a central bank to the shah, as discussed earlier.39 However it is more the order, the harmony, and the regular activity and occupation of the population that strikes him. He says: "All the people in Europe seem to be cut from the same cloth and united, ranging from the poor to the rich, from animals to human beings, and even the dogs cooperate with each other. Everyone is occupied and working and everyone, at every hour of day and night, knows what their duty is and what they should do."40 Obviously, European society and institutions were not in the ideal state painted by Amin al-Zarb, but the positive picture that he draws brings out the negative aspects of Persian society and institutions. When he talks about the unity of the European people, he has in mind the constant intrigue and scheming that went on in

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the Persian court and government. When he talks about the activity of the population in Europe, he has in mind the inertia and unemployment of the Persian population. When he talks about security of property, he has in mind the endless confiscation of property that took place in Qajar Iran under different pretexts, a fate that eventually befell him as well. He dares not criticize the shah or the prime minister or hold them responsible for the state of affairs; therefore, his remarks always begin or end with compliments to them, and he blames the anonymous legions who do not fulfill their duty for the ills of the country. Aside from his letters and observation to Amin al-Sultan and the numerous letters that he wrote to his son and agents in Tehran, he was daily getting more and more agitated awaiting Amin al-Sultan's reply regarding the railway equipment clearing Russian customs. However, in spite of his worry and agitation, in character with his restless temperament and hyperactive personality, he was busy buying and ordering tilings, both as presents to die shah and Amin al-Sultan and as profitable merchandise to be imported, going from the jeweler to the glassmaker to the porcelain factory to die gunsmith and to every odier conceivable type of manufacturer and factory. He ordered a diamond aiguillette for the shah and discovered dial there was demand for good Persian turquoise, which he related to his brother in Mashhad. He ordered candelabra, hookahs, and sconces with portraits of the shah and die lion and sun engraved on them, either plain or bejeweled.41 He bought mirrors and chandeliers, which he explained could be divided into two. He bought and shipped fifty cases of guns and bullets and wrote to both Amin-al Sultan and Mu'in al-Mulk, die minister in Istanbul, asking them to facilitate dieir passage through customs via either Russia or the Ottoman Empire. One item catches the eye among the items bought and shipped by Amin al-Zarb, and that is two cases of asparagus. Even today, asparagus is not generally known in Iran, let alone then. They could have only been intended for die shah. He also went to see Dr. Tholozan, die shah's French doctor who was in Paris, described die various ailments of Amin al-Sultan, obtained the necessary medications, and sent diem off with a traveler returning to Iran. Simultaneously, on behalf of die Persian government, he was assembling examples of Persian arts and crafts for die 1311/1893 World Columbian Exhibition in Chicago. At the same time, he wrote long, detailed letters to his son and agents giving instructions concerning the export and shipment of wheat, wool, silk, carpets, tragacanth, and opium and the best destination for each one of them. He also gave instructions regarding merchandise to be imported diat he had bought and shipped en route. Furthermore, he remembered all the promissory notes that were due and reminded his agents to go after them. Meanwhile, he was getting short of money himself as, aside from the payment for die railway and import merchandise, various Persian grandees borrowed money from him, including Prince Abu al-Nasr Mirza Hisam al-Saltana and Mirza Muhammad 'All Mu'avin al-Mulk, who were in Paris, and Prince Muhammad Mirza Kashif al-Saltana, die first secretary of the embassy, among others.42 Detailing the debts in a letter to his son and agents in Tehran, he says: "They won't leave me alone even in Paris."43

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Amin al-Zarb tried to adapt himself to European ways by donning European costume, as Haji Pirzada reports: "Ha) Muhammad Hassan has changed his clothes in Paris. He was wearing trousers, jacket, tie and hat, but he has not abandoned his prayers and religious duties. He probably eats the meat slaughtered in the European manner."44 However, his letters show that although he was impressed by the economic and political development of Europe, he did not enjoy the lifestyle. Although he did eat the meat, he missed Persian food, as he indicated in jest in one of his letters, sending a message to one of his friends saying that he [the friend] should be there to eat beef and potatoes. As he was a very devoted family man, he also missed his family, although other than the one occasion when he mentions becoming ill whenever he thinks of his three-year old daughter Ma'suma, he never mentions his wife, mother, or other family members. It is doubtful that he would have written letters to them separately. While waiting for Amin al-Sultan's reply, he went to Lyons and from there to Gange, where his brother Haj Muhammad Rahim was residing, representing Amin al-Zarb and running a silk-refining factory. Not only was Haj Muhammad Rahim a resident of Gange, but he had also acquired a French wife, a daughter of die Ducros family from whom the Rasht silk-reeling factory had been bought. On one of the rare occasions when Amin al-Zarb refers to family matters in his letters, he mentions die French wife as being as docile and as good a woman as a Persian wife. He also mentions the birth of a nephew, Muhammad 'All, Amin al-Zarbs purpose in going to Gange was to wind up the business and sell the silk-refining factory, both because he considered it unprofitable and also because he wished Haj Muhammad Rahim to return and live in Iran, He did not succeed in either objective, particularly as Haj Muhammad Rahim had become fairly Europeanized and enjoyed living in France. Amin al-Zarb and Haj Muhammad Rahim returned to Paris together, where shortly after that, they received Amin al-Sultan's telegram saying that he had arranged for custom clearance through Russia. Finally, at the beginning of September/Zi Hajja, Amin al-Zarb left Paris for Liege accompanied by Haj Muhammad Rahim. In Liege he arranged for the railway equipment, parts for the iron-smelting foundry, three pieces of machinery for cleaning raw cotton, and two cotton presses to be shipped. Having said his farewells to Haj Muhammad Rahim, he left for Iran on 26 Zi Hajja/September 16 via Bohemia, where he wished to order some crystal. On his return trip from Europe, Amin al-Zarb was accompanied by four people, two French engineers whom he had hired for the railway, Mirza Ja'far Khan Sayyah, the brother of Haji Sayyah, and QarapotofF, a resident of Baku and the owner of a wagon-manufacturing factory. Six days later, they were in Vienna and twelve days after leaving Liege, they had arrived at the Russian border at the port of Odessa. From Odessa, Amin al-Zarb went to Moscow, where he spent twenty days. In a letter that he wrote to the minister for foreign affairs, upon his return to Tehran, he is ecstatic about the courtesy and treatment he received in Russia.45 In Moscow, the local merchants and factory owners entertained Amin al-Zarb and took him sightseeing both in Moscow and to the parks and resorts outside the city.

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From Moscow he went to Batum, Tiflis, and Baku. He describes in detail how the head of customs at Batum, Baku, and everywhere else accorded him every civility and facilitated the passage of the goods he was carrying with him. In his letter, Amin al-Zarb explains the royal treatment he received as a result of the goodwill of the Russian government toward Persia and asks the foreign minister to write a letter of thanks to the Russian Embassy acknowledging this. However, although the customs facilities may have been due to Amin al-Sultans intervention, the behavior of the merchants and factory owners must have been more personal. As Amin al-Zarb was known as a prominent merchant and they had heard about his purchase of the railway line and his interest in industrial development, they probably hoped that as a result of the relationship, some future business association might transpire. Nevertheless, the directive concerning the major customs clearance for the railway equipment had not come, and once again, Amin al-Zarb became desperate with worry. He sent telegram after telegram to his son and Amin al-Sultan from Batum and Tiflis, eventually ending up in Baku still not having heard anything. He was particularly anxious that no one should know that the railway was his own investment, since he was trying to pass it through the Russian customs as the property of the Persian government without paying the customs duty, which was exorbitant. In fact, the duty on the railway equipment was so high that Amin al-Zarb was planning to cancel the order if it could not be arranged by Amin al-Sultan.46 He left Baku for Mahmudabad 29 Muharram/17 October, and finally, after an absence of almost six months, arrived in Iran. According to a letter that he wrote to his son and agents, he was to be found in Mahmudabad on 5 Safer/23 October, awaiting news of Russian customs clearance.*17 Upon his arrival in Iran, he received a telegram of congratulations from Amin alSultan informing him of die shah's gratification with him and his activities, simultaneously informing him that permission for customs clearance of the goods and equipment had been obtained from the Russian government.48 Two days later, Amin al-Zarb received another telegram from Amin al-Sultan contradicting the first one and saying that permission for customs clearance depended on certain information such as the quantity of rail purchased, the length of the railway, the route the line would follow, and the number of die foreigners employed and their country of origin.49 On 14 Safar 1305/1 November 1887, Amin al-Zarb sent a detailed telegram back, providing Amin al-Sultan with the required information.50 He explained that the railway would begin approximately 200 meters inland from Mahmudabad for a distance 17,000 zar' (approximately 17 kilometers) in a straight line to Amul, half ufanakh (approximately three kilometers) of which had already been prepared. He said that he had bought 20,000 zar'of nil to be on the safe side. Further, he explained that the distance from Ainul to the mine in Nayij was two farsakhs and that to cover that distance he had bought 14,000 meters of a small rail track for a horse-drawn cart system, the rails of which connected every five zar' and diat every horse could pull a weight of 5,000 mans. He informed Arnin al-Sultan that there were three engineers, all of whom were from Belgium. His explanations

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must have satisfied the Russians, as six days later, on 20 Safar 1305/7 November 1887, Amin al Sultan seat a telegram saying that clearance had been obtained.51 Eventually, Amin al-Zarb stayed forty days in Matimudabad, waiting to hear news of the customs clearance from Tehran, laying the groundwork for the construction of the railway, inspecting the progress of the building of the caravanserai and shops, and installing the foreign engineers.52 He returned to Tehran 19 Rabi'a 11305/5 December 1887 and was granted an audience with the shah two days after his arrival. I'timad al-Saltana gives an account of the audience, in which it is apparent he knows that it is Amin al-Zarb who is bringing the railway rather than the government.53 Thus, although Amin al-Zarb wished this fact to remain secret, it was already known. During the audience, Amin al-Zarb presented the shah with various presents that he had brought from Europe as pishkisb for die shah. These consisted of a diamond snuffbox, various pairs of short boots and shoes, an umbrella, snuff, medicine, eau de cologne, and soap. Amin al-Zarb himself also gives accounts of die audience in die various letters he wrote to the Iranians, diplomats or otherwise, who had been kind to him on his trip. He says that the shah was extremely pleased with him and die purchase of the railway. At the same time, he took advantage of the shah's good mood to solicit favors for die people who were kind to him on die trip and tried to facilitate matters for him. He obtained two orders (not specified but which entitled die holder to the tide of Khan), one second class and the odier third class, for Mirza Muhammad 'All Khan and Mirza Muhammad Husayn Khan Kashi respectively.54 He also wrote to Mirza Mahmud Khan 'Ala al-Muik, minister in St. Petersburg, who had given some verbal messages to Amin alZarb for the shah. He reported that the messages had been delivered and counseled patience, at the same time thanking "Ala al-Mulk for his good offices during Amin alZarb's stay in Russia.5* He also explained that among the goods awaiting customs clearance, there were ninety-three crates containing mirrors, guns, bullets, and various luxury items, in addition to 400 crates of furniture for Kamran Mirza Nayib alSaltana, die third and favorite son of Nasir al-Din Shah.56 According to I'timad al-Saltana, who resented Amin al-Zarb and his success, the clearance of diese goods through Russian ports, duty free, as personal items of the shah and die prince, annoyed die Russians. He relates a meeting upon the shah's command with die Russian minister, Prince Dolgorouki, concerning the goods as follows: I had a strange mission and heard even stranger things. In the course of six months the government of Iran has imported over 200,000 pud European merchandise through the port of Batutn Into the Caucasus and from Baku to the Caspian Sea, under the pretext that they are for the Shah's personal use, without paying a single dinar in duty to the Russian government.57 Most of this merchandise is the equipment for the railway which Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb wants to construct between Mahmudabad and Amul, also telegraph wire for Mukhbir al-Dawia and furniture for Nayib alSaltana, etc., the duty of which, had the Russian government claimed it, would have

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been 40,000-50,000 tumans minimum. For the sake of His Majesty, the poor Russians have sent these to Iran free. But amongst these goods, ostensibly for the Shah, there were thirty-four crates of snuff, twenty crates of perfume and forty crates of shotguns, bullets etc., in addition to 200 crates of furniture for the Nayib al-Sakana and various goods belonging to the musician Lemaire. The Russian government deplored the ruse under which, in the name of the Shah and the Prince, miscellaneous merchandise was cleared through Russia. The Russian Emperor had written to his representative to ask that in future no requests should be made for the passage of merchandize through Russia under the pretext of the Shah's name.58 Although Amin al-Zarb did not wish anyone to know that he had cleared the railway equipment as government property, it not only became public knowledge but, if Ftirnad al-Sakana is to be believed, it also caused a slight diplomatic incident. Ftimad al-Saltana*s malice toward Amin al-Zarb can also be seen on another occasion. The diamond aigrette that Amin al-Zarb had ordered in Paris for the shah arrived, and Amin al-Zarb presented it. I'tunad al-Saltana describes the occasion thus: [T]he diamond aigrette for the Shah which Haj Muhammad Hassan had ordered to be made in Paris has arrived. The Shah was so pleased with Haj Muhammad Hassan and thanked Amin al-Sultan so much that if he had taken back Georgia from Russia and Afghanistan from England he would not have been this happy. In rny opinion it is not worth more than 10,000-15,000 tuitions. They will probably charge 30,000-40,000.» Ftimad al-Saltanas remarks were only one example of the jealousy and resentment that Amin al-Zarbs financial success and activities generated in the court and among the courtiers. Consequendy, Amin al-Zarb's obsession with the fact that in Europe everyone was only concerned with their own affairs, a theme that runs throughout his letters, becomes understandable. He reiterates this point upon his return in a letter that he wrote to Rukn al-Dawla, who had become governor of Khurasan: [Tjhat which is the principal asset of the lifeblood and existence of these people is their unity. They are united in body and soul. They do not grudge, resent or envy the possessions of others. Every hour and every minute their objective is to increase the importance and greatness of their country. If someone regards a child or a lamb critically, they all unite to rectify it. They neither covet vast possession nor horses and carriages and gardens but [their primary] preoccupation is the prestige of their country and the education and training of its people.60 The state of European affairs was not as rosy as Amin a!-Zarb paints, but certainly the degree of intrigue that was current in Nasir al-Din Shah's court did not exist in Europe. In any case, as will be seen later, clearing the railway equipment through the Russian customs and getting it to Iran were the least of the troubles that were to plague him in the future.

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After his return to Iran various events both sad and happy occurred in Amin alZarb's personal life. On Friday II Janiadi II 1305/24 February 1888, Bibi Mah Khanum, Amin al-Zarbs mother, who was on a visit to Mashhad staying with her second son, Haj Abu al-Qasim, died and was buried that evening in the private mausoleum of Haj Abu al-Qasim, Remembering the close relationship between mother and son and the respect and admiration in which Amin al-Zarb held his mother, her death must have been a terrible blow to him. One further blow was to come in the death of his beloved daughter Ma'suma at the age of three and half in Rajab/March of that year. This was the daughter whom .Amin al-Zarb mentioned in his letters from Europe, saying in one: "Whenever I remember the light of my eyes [beloved] Ma'suma Khanum I become ill."61 This was an extraordinary confession from a man who never made any personal references to members of his family in his letters. Upon her death, in a letter to Amin al-Sultan explaining why he had missed an audience with him, he says: "[TJhe reason for it is that I had a three-year-old child who was the parrot of my home and abode and whose soul flew to the branches of paradise adding sorrow upon sorrow."62 On a happier note, a marriage was arranged between the son. of Arnin al-Zarb, Husayn Aqa, and Tuba Khanurn, the daughter of Haj Abu al-Qasim. Marriages between first paternal cousins are preferred in Shi'i Iran, based on the model of Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad, and his nephew 'All, the first Imam, When the marriage was arranged. Tuba Khanum was twelve years old and Husayn Aqa sixteen years old. The official religious ceremony, the 'aqd, took place in Mashhad on 19 Zi Hajja 1305/27 August 1888, forty-seven minutes to sunset, according to the time and date set by astrologers, in the absence of the groom, who had sent a power of attorney for that purpose, and was conducted by Siqat al-Islam Aqa Haji Shaykh Muhammad Taqi and Aqa Mirza Ahmad Mujtahid. It appears, according to an account of the 'aejetceremonies sent to Tehran, that Amin al-Zarb had sent detailed instructions regarding the performance of the ceremonies. According to the letter Haj Abu al-Qasim wrote to Amin al-Zarb four days after the formalities, Amin al-Zarb's instructions were followed to the letter. There were three days of festivities when different groups of people were invited. The first one was for the ulama and those connected with the shrine of Imam Riza, the second one for the city notables, government officeholders, and bureaucrats, die diird one for the businesspeople, merchants, and traders. A separate day of festivities was held for the women. Haj Abu al-Qasim wrote to Amin al-Zarb that all was carried out in the best possible manner without any detail being overlooked. Haj Abu al-Qasirn reported that the diamond that Amin al-Zarb had sent for Tuba Khanum had been set in turquoise and worn by her on the occasion, as was an emerald aigrette set in diamonds with matching earrings. The aigrette was given to her by Haj Abu al-Qasim himself but Announced publicly as the gift of Amin al-Zarb.63 The more jewelry a prospective bride received from the family of her in-laws, the greater the esteem in which she was held.

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Approximately one month later, on 27 Muharrarn 1306/3 October 1888, Tuba Khartum was sent off" to Tehran to live with the family of her in-laws and to have the 'arusi (a wedding celebration) there.64 She was accompanied by a large entourage, and Amin al-Zarb sent his cousin, Sayyid 'Abd al-Rahim Isfahani, the Mu'in al-Tujjar of Kirman, from Tehran to Mashhad to accompany the bride on her journey to Tehran. The separation from her family was traumatic not only for Tuba Khanum and her family but even for her father, a stoic man who was used to these kinds of arrangements. Haj Abu al-Qasim writes a heart-rending letter on the subject to his brother before his daughter leaves for Tehran: Concerning sending the light of my eyes, Tuba Khanum [on the journey], she will be accompanied] by Haji 'Ali Akbar, her dai [maternal, uncle], in addition to five servants composing coachman etc., who were essential. It could not be done more simply. She will also be accompanied by two women, one the mother of 'Abd al-Rahman and the other die wife of Mulla Ahmad Tehran!. The necessary effects are also en suite and a list of them will be sent with the next post. ... the light of my eyes Tuba Khanum is only an infant. It would be better, if you could be kind enough as to tell Mu'in Tujjar either verbally or in writing to remember that she is only an infant and to try and obliterate her sorrow. Even for adults it is very difficult when they are separated from their kin, let alone her, who is a child. [I fear] lest she should be unhappy on the road. Once she reaches your august presence, it is certain that with all your kindness, she will forget here totally. One other thing, for the first five or sk months [I implore you to] command that they should behave moderately towards her. She is a child, if she does something that is not acceptable, she should not be taken to task but counseled. [She is] like a wet stalk; in whatever manner it is trained, it will similarly develop. But if she is chastised, she will forget herself, become fearful and unmanageable. After she has become familiar with the members of the household and understood the situation she will behave accordingly. So far as the things expected from adults are not expected from her until she acquires them. Her age is not more than twelve years and four months, and the expectations should be according to her age. God willing, with the forbearance of your excellency and the mother of beloved Aqa Muhammad Husayn within six months she will become more congenial. It is not that she is without intelligence or idle but that it is in the nature of childhood that an occasional aberration should occur. Because sister and mother are not with her, she will probably miss them but if she meets kindness then she will not miss them at all. ... [original text not comprehensible] with kind words, if you should enquire after her health occasionally, that in itself will make her happy. I am relating these things as at the hour of separation she gazed and gazed at me in such a despondent manner that it affected me deeply despite the fact that I was all joy and delight [upon the occasion] and did all possible for a speedy departure, I noticed that her look was one of helplessness. I am relating these things so that on the way Mu'in al-Tujjar will be verbally kind to her so that as she is a child she will be rendered cheerful and hopeful.65

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The above letter conveys the deep paternal feelings of Haj Abu al-Qasim and the anxiety he felt upon these customary but unhappy long-distance arrangements at an early age. Later accounts show that Tuba Khanum, whose name according to another custom was changed upon marriage to Khanum Afaq, was happy neither in her marriage nor at being in Tehran. Before the arrangement was officially announced, Arnin al-Zarb sent a petition to the shah accompanied by fishkish asking for the royal permission. The pishkisb, which consisted of a white cashmere shawl, 200 half tuman gold pieces, and a tray of crystallized sugar was accepted and permission granted.66 In any case, the 'arusi of Tuba Khanum and Aqa Muhammad Husayn took place in Tehran in Rabi'a I 1306/November 1888, approximately one month after Tuba Khanum's arrival in Tehran and was probably consummated at the same time. Another happy and prestigious event for Arnin al-Zarb occurred at this time. The shah put him in charge of providing Persian articles for the Paris Exhibition of 1889 at which the Eiffel Tower was inaugurated. However, the auspicious endeavors undertaken by Amin al-Zarb during this period were destined to be the source of future aggravation and vexation.

FIGURE 6.1 Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Paris to Amin al-Sultan dated 11 Zi Qiida, 1305/1320 July 1887, expressing his sadness at the comparison between Europe and Iran.

FIGURE 6.2 Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to Nasir al-Din Shah in approximately 1305/1887 luting gifts for the Shah from Europe.

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The years that followed covered a period of both success and decline. In these years, Amin al-Zarb installed and inaugurated his railway, obtained a road-building concession, went on a second European trip combined with a second hajj, witnessed the disgrace and exile of his beloved idol Sayyid Jamal al-Din, was dismissed from the mint (although he was later reinstated), and lost various members of his family. After Amin al-Zarb's return to Tehran, some of the machinery arrived and, whe die weather permitted, work on the railway commenced in Rabi'a II 1305/January 1888, The building of the caravanserai had already started before Amin al-Zarb*s departure for Europe. The construction of the railway was accompanied by problems from the beginning. Two problems that continued to plague Amin al-Zarb and his railway project were the foreign engineers and the local audiorides. Almost immediately after work on the railway had commenced, the Belgians wrote to Amin alZarb informing him that work on the railway had stopped because die necessary material had not yet cleared Russian customs and the local villagers had attacked the railway workers. At the same time, the Belgians gave Amin al-Zarb an ultimatum, saying that if by March, when their contract expired, these matters were still unresolved, they would not renew their contract and would return to Belgium. The problem with the Belgian engineers was not new to Amin al-Zarb, as he had experienced a similar phenomenon widi the French engineers his brother had employed and sent to Iran for the Nayij mine.1 In retrospect, the reasons for these conflicts are not surprising. Every aspect of daily life and working conditions must have been 1.26

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alien and strange to the foreigners, and the conditions were not those they had bargained for when they signed their contract in Europe, In addition, the climate of Mazandaran was hot and damp in the summer and perpetually rainy at other times. Once die foreigners found themselves in diese unsavory working and living conditions, they wished at all cost to return to their homeland. The villagers attacked the workers at the instigation of the authorities, who saw the presence of Amin al-Zarb in die area as a direat to some of their illicit activities and put as many impediments as possible in the way of the railway being constructed. These impediments were die subject of numerous letters from Amin alZarb to the shah and Amin al-Sultan, resulting in favorable commands from the shah, of which the local authorities took no notice. As a result of one of Amin alZarb s petitions to the shah, in Jamadi I 1305/January-February 1888, the shah issued nforman (royal edict) granting die lands and two villages on the route of the railway that were not already privately owned to Amin al-Zarb for ninety-nine years.2 Aldiough the problems continued, Amin al-Zarb nevertheless persevered in getting the railway laid. Mahmudabad was chosen as the starting point of the railway for two reasons: It was the nearest point on the Caspian to a narrow pass through the mountains of Damavand to Tehran, and a small stream flowed into the sea from Mahmudabad that could be made into a harbor. By September 1888, a considerable length of the railway track had been laid. E. F. Law, the British commercial attache in Tiflis, who visited the site, reported that the rails had been laid from die beach toward Amul for a distance of six miles. The line ran through flat but swampy forest terrain. Law traveled on it in an open truck and noticed that sufficient attention had not been paid to drawing off the water and that in some places water had accumulated that might cause the line to sink. He reported that there appeared to be sufficient materials for the line to be finished but that they were sitting on the beach rusting. He also met the Dalmatian engineer in charge of die railway, under whom there were 100 men working. The Belgians had left by now, and the Dalmatian also expressed a wish to Law to leave. As far as the caravanserai was concerned, Law described it as being three-fourths built and as being large and handsome. Law's final verdict on the railway was typical of the patronizing attitude of British consular representatives toward Persians and dieir enterprises, la the conclusion of his report, he says: To sum up, the railway, as far as it goes, is quite unfit for real traffic. It begins and ends nowhere, and there is no sign of the necessary energy, or the intelligent direction required to complete it and put it in working order. My impression is that Hadji Mohammad Hassan had no real conception of the serious nature of the work he undertook, and that in all probability he will abandon it.3

The primary reason for Mr. Laws report was that as soon as the article in the Moscow Gazette announcing the railway project appeared, it was sent to London by the

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British representatives in Russia.4 Consequently, the text of the article was forwarded to Arthur Nicolson, the charge d'affaires at the British Embassy in Tehran, accompanied by a letter of reproach from Lord Salisbury saying that "[n]o report on the subject appears to have reached the Foreign Office" and asking for as much information as possible.5 Arthur Nicolson replied in Muharram 1305/Octoberl887, providing the Foreign Office with a lot of erroneous information regarding Amin al-Zarb, asserting for instance that he had left Iran without the shahs permission and that he was in disgrace and that he had a brother who was a French citizen.6 The interest of the British Foreign Office in the railway and Amin al-Zarbs activities continued, as a result of which in Rabi'a I 1306/December 1888, a few months after Mr. Laws report, Sir Henry Drummond Wolff, the British minister, wrote to Lord Salisbury describing Amin al-Zarb as being "on very intimate terms with the Amin al-Sultan, of whom he is a devoted follower" and informing Lord Salisbury that Amin al-Zarb had obtained the concession to construct and farm a carriage road from Annul to Tehran.7 This letter was followed by a translation of the concession in Rabi'a II/January 1889 as follows: Concession for Amol Tehran Road, given to Hadji Md, Hasan Whereas the Holy Imperial aim is the progress of our country in every way and whereas the construction of Roads and Ways in every province is beneficial to commerce and facilitates the transport of goods and is generally beneficial to everybody; whereas our Trusty Haji Md. Hasan, Amin Dar az-Zarb, has proposed to execute our intentions, therefore we have granted and surrendered unto him and his heirs, in perpetuity, the proprietorship of the road and path from our gate of the City of Tehran to Amol in Mazandaran conditionally on the aforesaid Haji Md. Hasan converting die above mentioned road into a carriageable and cart road with his own funds, the road to be constructed in the manner usually obtaining as regards the construction of carriageable and cart roads, which undertaking having been executed with the least possible delay is to be brought before our notice; with a view to facilitate the expenses of construction of the stations and the necessities of this undertaking it is commanded that by virtue of the issue of this commission from the date of commencement of this undertaking all laden and unladen animals going along this road shall pay to the foreman of the said trusty Hadji the sum of 250 dinars taking a pass and returning for the same, without which pass they shall not have the right to proceed; but travellers are at liberty to take this road or not as they please; and our said trusty Hadji has full power during his own lifetime to take unto himself, for the construction and completion of the road partners, either our own or foreign subjects, but his descendants shall not have any right whatsoever to take foreign partners or make over the proprietorship of the road to foreigners. It is commanded that die High Dignitaries of this mighty Govt. and die present and future Governors of Mazandaran recognizing the said Haji to be in possession of this concession shall deem it inadmissible to act in anyway contrary to its stipulations and to look upon him as the proprietor of this road.

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It is commanded that the Secretaries of the State shall register this decree and recognize its legality, Rabi'a II1306 (December 1883)8

The only clause in the concession that interested Drummond-Wolff and to which he drew Lord Salisbury's attention in the accompanying letter was the fact that Arnin al-Zarb was allowed to take foreign partners. In Rabi'a II 1306/January 1889 when the above report was written, Amin alZarb was in Mazandaran overseeing the construction of the railway, the caravanserai, and the iron-smelting factory, preparing for a second European trip. While there, he wrote numerous letters to Amin al-Sultan, both as progress reports on the enterprise and to make various requests. In one letter, he asked for a telegraph line to be drawn from Barfurush to Araul; in another, for soldiers to guard the railway. In other letters, he requested an order for Mirza Husayn Khan in the Caucasus and asked permission to extend the railway from Mazandaran to Tehran. Amin al-Sultan replied that arrangements for the telegraph line had been made, that fifty soldiers would guard the railway, that the order had not arrived yet, and that as far as extending the railway, it would be better for Amin al-Zarb to concentrate on the work at hand, after the completion of which other projects could be considered.9 Finally, Amin al-Zarb wrote to Amin al-Sultan from Mashhad asking him to obtain the shah's permission for another trip to Europe. On 11 Jamadi II 1306/12 February 1889, Arnin al-Sultan wrote back, having obtained the shah's permission for the trip and wishing Amin al-Zarb success in acquiring die machinery necessary for the railway and the road.10 Amin al-Zarb stayed in Mashhad for approximately three weeks and then left for Ishqabad, accompanied by his brother Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik alTujjar, who had obtained a concession for the Mashhad-Ishqabad road. The brothers parted in Ishqabad, when on 10 Rajab 1306/12 March, the malik al'tujjar left for Mashhad and Amin al-Zarb for Baku. From Baku, he went to Yalta, where he met Aqa Zayn al-'Abidin Maraghayi, die author of Siyakatnama-yi Ibrahim Biyk, whose father, although Iranian by origin, lived for fifty years in Egypt, was engaged in commerce, became a prominent merchant, and was a friend of Amin al-Zarb. Although at this point the two men were on friendly terms, later on, probably at the end of the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah when the Siyahatnama was written, Maraghayi became highly critical of Amin alZarb, not only of him as a person but also of his character and activities. He describes Aniin al-Zarb as a "grasping and dishonest man . .. who would sell to any one he could find a turquoise worth two tumans for fifty tumans and on the other hand would try and wrest a diamond ring worth a hundred tumans from die owner for ten tumans." He blames Amin al-Zarb personally for the fact that there were no commercial companies, no national bank, and no orphanages in Iran." While dtere may have been some truth in Aniin aJ-Zarb*s being commercially shrewd and benefiting from his government connection, he could not have been responsible for all the national ills. The reason for this degree of animosity is not clear, although

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Maraghayi may have been encouraged in these opinions by some of those who were in the opposite political camp to Amin al-Sultan, jealous of his hold on lucrative government departments and hence also against his protege" Amin al-Zarb. From Yalta, Amin al-Zarb went to Paris via Odessa, Vienna, and Liege. He arrived in Paris on 22 Sha'ban 1306/23 April 1889. His brother Haj Muhammad Rahim joined him there from Gange. The two brothers left Paris for Berlin and then went on to Kassel, where diey awaited Nasir al-Din Shahs arrival on his third European trip. On 14 Shawal/13 June, Ftimad al-Saltana reported having seen the brothers,12 The royal party left Kassel for Amsterdam on 16 Shawal/15 June and stopped in Essen on the way to visit the Krupp factories. The bothers followed the same route, as once again Ftimad al-Saltana related from Amsterdam that Haj Muhammad Rahim had given die shah a French newspaper containing material critical of the shah, which he had to translate.13 From Amsterdam, the brothers parted company with the royal party, which left for Belgium and then traveled on to England. Amie al-Zarb, accompanied by Haj Muhammad Rahim, went back to Paris. He stayed in Paris for ten days and left for Italy on 19 Zi Qa'da/18 July to go on a second hajj. Haj Muhammad Rahim stayed in Paris and gave a lunch party for some members of the royal entourage when they arrived in Paris.14 Amin al-Zarb went to Mecca straight from Alexandria and returned from hajj via Alexandria and went on to Cairo on 4 Muharram/31 August.15 From Cairo, he returned on 14 Muharram/10 September to Paris once again, via Gange, to expedite die dispatch of the equipment and machinery he had purchased, which consisted of more rails, steam engines, and telegraph and telephone lines. Thus, within two months he was in Paris again. He spent two weeks in Paris, staying at the house of Haj Mirza Isfahani at Passage Mazgazan. Haj Mirza was a turquoise merchant, and their connection went back to Isfahan. From Paris, he started on his journey home, only stopping in Leipzig, Germany, where he was engaged in the fur trade. Once in Russia, he stopped in both Batum and Baku to make customs arrangements and was in Rasht on 2 Rabi'a 1/27 October, after a journey that had taken seven months. While Amin al-Zarb was in Europe, the British interest in the progress of the railway continued, and another report by the British consul for the provinces south of the Caspian Sea was sent to London in Zi Hajja 1306/August 1889. The consul, Colonel Charles Stewart, a military man, was primarily concerned with determining whether the railway could be used for military purposes. At this point, he reported that the caravanserai that was to serve as a terminus for the railway was solidly built and that it was "a very fine caravanserai with rows of shops of a superior description, such as I have seen nowhere else in Persia" and that nine miles of the railway had been completed. He gave a description of the material and machinery in stock that had not yet been used, among which was material for both thirdclass and first-class carriages. The major future impediment he saw regarding die whole project was the geographical situation of Mahinudabad on the Caspian Sea. Colonel Stewart describes the problem thus:

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Mahmudabad is situated on the Caspian seashore ... A very small river iows into the Caspian at this point... a bar has formed at the mouth. . . . At about 100 yards inland from its original mouth the stream has formed a murdab or dead water; in fact a small lake. In this murdab which is separated from the sea by 100 yards of sand and shingle there would be room for six or seven small steam vessels ... to be moored and to discharge cargo .. , To make Mahmudabad of any use as a port of call for steamers it would be necessary to cut a passage through the bank of shingle and sand between the murdab and the sea, and to employ a dredging machine to keep the passage clear when opened . , , and there is not the slightest probability of the Persians investing in a steam dredger. Several times the Persians have cleared out and deepened the passage to the sea but the very first storm silts it up and it returns to its normal state.

However, as far as the use of railway for military purposes was concerned, Colonel Stewart concluded that it would not be able to carry a large body of troops and therefore would not be of much use from a military point of view, thus reassuring the authorities in London. Colonel Stewart closed his report on a positive note, unlike die previous consul, saying that he believed the railway to be "capable of doing all that its proprietor expects of it, that is to convey all the goods that are required for the Tehran market from Mahmudabad to Arnul."16 Few letters survive Amin al-Zarb's second European trip and hajj, and those in existence in the family archive are all addressed to his cousin, Muhammad Javad, his agent in Moscow, and were sent to Tehran after his death. The letters are mainly about commercial transactions and customs clearance of the machinery purchased in Europe. One other topic, that of the well-being, whereabouts, and financial demands of Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani, runs through all the letters. From die time Jamal-al Din left Tehran for Russia in Rajab 1304/April 1887 and after he parted company widi Amin al-Zarb in Moscow, he corresponded frequently with both Amin-al Zarbs, father and son, through Muhammad Javad Isfatiani, who was also the intermediary for the monetary advances made by Amin al-Zarb to Jamal al-Din. In every letter to Muhammad Javad, Amin al-Zarb asks for news of Jamal-ad Din.17 In a letter dated Zi Qa'da 1306 /July 1888 to Aqa Mirza Ja'far Khan, the brother of Haji Sayyafa in St. Petersburg, Amin al-Zarb says: Neither you nor Haj Muhammad Javad have mentioned the name of His Excellency. I am surprised at you who know that I long and pine to hear the blessed name of His Excellency and then you do not mention the name of rny revered one in your letters. There is no radiance in your letters. It is very surprising. In any case inform me daily of his well-being.18

He also asks Muhammad Javad to write to him daily to inform him of the welfare of Jamal al-Din, who himself corresponded widi Amin al-Zarb during this period.19 However, the correspondence shows Amin-al Zarb to be the adoring disciple and Jamal-al Din the stern moralistic master. The content of Jamal al-Din's letters to

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Amin-al Zarb is about cither commercial affairs or the various sums of money that Amin al-Zarb advanced and always contain a sermon of one kind or another, either on Amin al- Zarbs shortcomings or on the ideal man. In the same manner as Amin al-Zarb constantly inquires after the health and whereabouts of Jamal al-Din, now the roles are reversed, and it is Jamal al-Din, who in letter after letter inquires after Arnin al-Zarb's son, whom he nicknamed Fazil. In one letter, he says: It is very surprising why Fazil does not write a weekly letter. May God forbid that at this stage of youdifulness, he should be carried off by delusions. Whenever he writes a letter it should sometimes be in Arabic and sometimes in Persian, The letters should not only consist of prayers and salutations but of various descriptions also so that his powers of writing and composition would increase and his mind develop. He should not wait for me to answer every letter. To encourage him I will, of course, from time to time answer him but only when the content of his letter is superior.20 In a letter addressed to Fazil himself, Jamal al-Din writes: If I reproached you it would be as though I had reproached myself. Because then 1 would start thinking that perhaps there was a shortcoming in those months which I devoted to you, educating and advising you. And if I keep silent it means that I have accepted that your behaviour and habits are like the rest of the Iranians which I do not want; because my hope is to see you in charge of great, affairs in Iran. Why are you so lazy? I sent you a letter of congratulations and I have still not received an answer. Were you shy? Neither natural nor relipous law permits bashfiilness.21 This correspondence sheds a different light on Sayyid Jamal al-Din, who has been accused by his detractors of being a cold, calculating opportunist, incapable of personal friendships. It shows a man intent upon educating and guiding the son of a family for whom he cares and maintaining a personal relationship with them. After leaving Iran, Jamal al-Din spent two years in Russia. Aside from the initial first months when he was helping and advising Amin al-Zarb with the railway, he was occupied with putting some of his ideas into practice. The most important of these was Pan-Islamism, the idea of reestablishing a single Islamic state under a restored caliphate and combating colonialism. He had some influential friends in Russia, and through them, he tried to bring about an Indian uprising against the British and hence a Russo-Bridsh war. While engaged in these efforts, he was also occupied with criticizing the Persian government and the shah for being pro-British in newspaper articles and interviews. Needless to say, these activities did not endear him to the shah and the prime minister, Amin al-Sultan.22 However, the fact that his attempt at organizing an Indian insurrection came to nothing was instrumental in Jamal al-Din's trying to get into the good graces of the Persian government. By following the shah to Europe in 1306/1889, he finally man-

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aged to obtain another invitation to visit Iran. The reasons for this invitation being extended are not clear, and different explanations have been offered.23 Whatever the reasons, Jamal al-Din arrived in Tehran in Rabi'a I 1307/November 1889 while Amin al-Zarb was in Mazandaran supervising the railway, and it was his son Muhammad Husayn (Fazil) who acted as host to Jamal al-Din.24 Originally, the shah commanded Jamal al-Din to stay at the residence of Amin al-Sultan, but Jamal al-Din wrote to the shah saying that Amin al-Zarb was a friend and asking permission to stay with him.25 The shah wrote back giving Us permission. It was also Amin AlZarbs son Muhammad Husayn who took Jamal al-Din for an audience with the shah. During the audience, the shah asked Jamal al-Din questions concerning Amin alZarb's railway, as to whether it was a tramway or a railway, how it operated, and whether Jamal al-Din had ridden in it. Jamal al-Din replied that it was a railway constructed on European lines and that he had ridden in it two or three times.26 On his return from Europe, Amin al-Zarb spent five months in Mahmudabad supervising the construction of the railway, and upon his return to Tehran and while Sayyid Jamal al-Din was still staying with him, Amin al-Zarb announced the inauguration of the railway and its port in Sha'ban 1307/March-April 1890, through a circular that he distributed. The circular read thus: Proclamation [ofInauguration] of the Blessed Port ofNasiri Upon the command of His All Powerful Royal Majesty, may our souls be sacrificed to him, and the special attention of die authorities of the mighty state, a port has been established in Mahmudabad known as the blessed port ofNasiri, and a harbour, which is an essential part of a port has been constructed in a loop of die Caspian sea, which is a good refuge from storms and other hazards of the sea, for boats to anchor. [It is] in every way better and more protected than other harbours and the boats from Baku which arrive there are able to load and unload without being caught in a storm or damaged in any way. When facilities for loading and unloading are provided, then people's property is more likely to remain intact and undamaged. Also a special bridge, in the European style, has been assembled as a dock for the boats, upon which the workmen can stand and occupy themselves with transporting the goods. This port is designated as the nucleus of a steam railway which has been laid for three and a half farsakhs to the town of Amul. At present the trains of the above mentioned railway will carry goods and passengers back and forth once a day. Should there be more goods and passengers it is possible that it will commute more frequently. It is obvious that cargo and merchandise transported from Tehran to Amul and from there straight to the sea by boat is more economical for the proprietor than from Tehran to Barfurush and from there to Mashdi Sar, for the following reasons: In the first place, there is a considerable difference in freight charges, in the sense that when the freight from Tehran to Amul to the port of Mahmudabad is compared to

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the freight from Tehran to Barfurush and from there to Masfadi Sar and vice-versa, it becomes absolutely clear that the former is cheaper. In the second place, there will not be any extra expenditure in the form of commissions, storage rental and others added to the merchandise, which would accrue if sent through Mashdi Sar and this [sum] would stay in the pockets of the proprietors. In the third place, the loss incurred through bad roads, mud, swamp, and flooded rivers dampening and ruining the merchandise will not occur or be sustained by the proprietors. In the fourth place, goods and merchandise intended for sale will arrive at their destination earlier, ready to be bought, which will be specially advantageous to the merchants. In the fifth place, the fright and dread of the merchandise getting lost, being short or getting burnt, which usually preoccupies the minds of the proprietors, will be superfluous, as the railway company according to this circular undertakes to deliver safely whatever it receives in Amul or at the port at the destination and is itself [the railway] responsible for any damages. Finally, the company will charge four thousand dinars in railway fares for every load received in Amul to be delivered to the boat, also four thousand dinttK for every load received by the boat and delivered to Amul. The railway will be responsible for the cost of renting commission, porterage and other costs. It is evident that the assembly of honoured merchants will not disregard their own gain and advantage and from now onwards will transport their goods through this route and receive its benefits. Sba'ban 1307 Amin Dar-alZarb Haj Muhammad Hassan Isjahani

The full text of this circular has been translated because the contents reveal much about the state of knowledge and conduct of commerce in the society of the time. It is apparent from the explanations that the concept of a railway station, a dock, and a harbor all linked together was totally alien and therefore had to be spelled out in detail. Among the advantages that Amin al-Zarb enumerates for the complex, a picture of the hazards and uncertainties of being a merchant in nineteenth-century Iran emerges. It took a long time for goods to go from one destination to another. But the length of time was the least of the problems a merchant faced, as the goods might never reach their destination due to accidents on die road, fires, robbers, and natural disasters such as floods and earthquakes. Therefore, in his circular, Amin alZarb was guaranteeing the safety of the goods as an extra enticement for the merchants to use his route. Thus, in spite of all the odds, die local rivalries and the court intrigues, the railway started operating. Meanwhile, Jamal al-Din's second trip to Iran was unsuccessful and ended badly for him. He stayed in Tehran at Amin al-Zarb's house for seven months. The political ramifications and die intrigues involved during this period have been discussed elsewhere and are not within the scope of this work.27 Suffice it to say that if die shah's

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objective in bringing Jamal aJ-Din to Iran was to contain his activities, it failed: Liberals and reformist-minded politicians and members of the "uhtma flocked to see Jamal al-Din. He held secret meetings, expounding his views on the dangers of European expansion and incursion into Muslim countries, on the need for Islamic unity, and, to the appropriate audience, on the need for constitutional government. Eventually, the shah ordered Amin al-Zarb, through Amin al-Sultan, to take Jamal al-Din to the holy city of Qum, but Jamal al-Din opted to take sanctuary (bast) in Shahzada 'Abd al-'Azim, a shrine nearer Tehran, whence he was escorted by Amin al-Zarb in his personal carriage. During the seven months when Jamal al-Din was in the sanctuary, his expenses and the expense of entertaining those who came to visit him were paid by Amin al-Zarb.28 Finally, in January 1891, while Jamal alDin was in die sanctuary of Shahzada 'Abd al-'Azim, armed guards broke into the sanctuary, arrested him, and escorted him in chains to the border. When Amin alZarb heard of the treatment that Sayyid Jamal al-Din had received, he was beside himself with grief and wept openly at the fate of his friend.29 Although Amin alZarb himself was the protege of the powerful prime minister, Amin al-Sultan, who had masterminded Jamal al-Din*s exile, nothing, not even the displeasure of his protector, deterred him from trying to provide ease and comfort for Jamal al-Din on his way into exile. He immediately set the wheels in motion by writing to friends and agents on Jamal al-Din's route, asking them to provide him with money, clothes, food, or whatever else he might need. In the first letter, sent to Qum, he not only asked his correspondent to provide Jamal al-Din with all possible amenities but also sent a message saying: "Tell him not a moment passes when I am not overwhelmed with sorrow for him."30 Further letters to the same effect, offering assistance, expressing sorrow, and wanting news followed Jamal al-Din to Kirmanshah and Baghdad.-1" Fazil also wrote to Jamal alDin in Kirmanshah in Jamadi I 1308/January 1891, describing the manner of his banishment as "that monstrous affair which has thrown all Muslims whether friend or foe into a state of agitation and apprehension." He went on to say diat he hoped that "sincerity and purity will penetrate the heart of Muslims so that they can distinguish between right and wrong and be desirous of seeking justice."32 Jamal alDin also wrote in turn to Amin al-Zarb from each stage of his enforced journey. His first letter is from Kirmanshah, written in Jamadi I/January 1891, in which Jarnal al-Din says that he was too ill to describe what happened to him but would write later.3-' The second letter, also from Kirmanshah to Amin al-Zarb, is the only existing account in Jamal al-Din's own words of his banishment. Aside from a detailed description of the indignities he suffered and identifying himself with the martyr Imam Husayn, in a personal note to Amin al-Zarb, he says: "I read the letter which you had written to Muhammad 'Ali [his host in Kirmanshah]. From first meeting you I have never doubted the purity of your soul, the goodness of your essence and the magnanimity of your nature."34 Further letters followed from Baghdad in Jamadi II/February and from Basra in Shawal/June, but after that, Arnin al-Zarb appears to have lost track of his friend.35

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At this time, Jamal al-Din was persona non grata in Iran, and direct correspondence with him was tantamount to treason. At the same time his followers and disciples were being arrested and imprisoned, including Haji Sayyah, Afghani s friend and host in Isfahan in 1304/1886.36 Amin al-Zarb himself was arrested in Jamadi II 1309/December 1891 on the charge of inciting people against the tobacco concession that was granted in 1890 to a British subject, Major G. F. Talbot, and he was exiled to Qazvin.37 Nonetheless, Amin al-Zarb placed his friendship with Jamal alDin above such things and was not deterred by any possible danger to himself. Immediately after his return from Qazvin in Jamadi II/December 1891, he wrote to his cousin Muhammad Javad in Moscow, saying that he knew that Jamal al-Din was in London but did not know how it came about and asking Muhammad Javad to write to Jamal al-Din on his behalf and find out the details as he, Amin al-Zarb, was unable to write from Iran.38 Meanwhile, in London, Jamal al-Din, in league with the dismissed ex-Iranian ambassador, Malkum Khan, was engaged in activities opposed to the Iranian government. These were directed both against the tobacco concession and against the shah and his prime minister, Amin al-Sultan. News of these activities reached Iran through newspapers—Qanun published by Malkum in London and Akhtar in Istanbul—and clandestinely through distributed pamphlets by Afghani's followers in Iran. Amin al-Zarb was caught in a quandary. On the one hand, he was a loyal subject of the shah and a protege of Amin al-Sultan, the prime minister, but on the other hand, his devotion to Jamal al-Din knew no bounds. Subconsciously, he chose not to believe the reports of Jamal al-DIn*s anti-Iranian government activities, which indicates that he could not have been fully aware of Jamal al-Din's political ideology and beliefs. Islamic unity, combating European incursion, and constitutional government constituted the basis of Jamal al-Din's ideas. However, he was selective in the presentation of these ideas. His appeal to combat foreign incursion appealed to a cross-section of society and his call for Islamic unity held a special attraction for the ""ulama, but the more radical parts of his ideas he reserved for the liberals who pursued reform. In Zi Hajja 1309/July 1892, Amin al-Zarb wrote to Jamal al-Din through Muhammad Javad in Moscow. For the first time, Amin al-Zarb took it upon himself to preach to Jarnal al-Din rather than vice versa, defending the shah and Amin al-Sultan and expressing disbelief at what he had heard. He says: I heard recently that in a newspaper certain expressions of opinion against His Majesty, the Shahanshah, the Refuge of the world, and against His noble, great and glorious Excellency Amin al-Sultan have been attributed to Your noble, sublime, great Excellency. In truth I considered them forgeries . . . I have frequently told you that I consider you either the Commander of the Faithful ['All] or his son [Husayn] ... On the one hand, I do not wish to be presumptuous in offering advice and to seem to be interfering, because I consider your noble sublime Excellency to be more superior and virtuous than anyone in the whole world; on the other hand, I also observe that the Shah and his

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Minister are not at fault and you also have never had nor have any intentions other than well-meaning ones. The fact of the matter is that you say that such and such foreigner or Russian should not be permitted into the country. These are powerful people. They will create problems. The government, through some political considerations, is forced to cooperate with them. It has no choke. . . . I have realized that they [foreigners] will not let go of the reins. Whoever wants to can assault us. The circumstances of our being a Muslim country have determined the present conditions. The order of Europe can never be executed in Iran. Nor would Muslims wish for that kind of system. There is total lack of compassion in Europe. They do not show the slightest iota of mercy. Muslims from head to toe are full of forgiveness. It is not possible to prefer the whole of Europe to one single Muslim child. Evidently Your Excellency knows these matters better than 1 do. Therefore help must be given to the Shah of Islam and to these poor Muslims rather than write against them in newspapers. My own belief is that you have no knowledge of these newspapers. . . . They say you have joined forces with Malkum Khan. Your humble servant knows that this cannot be, as 1 know your natural disposition. ... I have lost my soul. The strength which I possessed, the spiritual electrical strength I have lost; I am about to die from grief. No one knows what I have lost; I cannot even describe it [concerning his separation, from the sayyuft.39

He goes on to say that this state of affairs has made him desperately unhappy, that Jamal ai-Din should have pity on him and not only contradict the previous statements but preYent any new ones from appearing in newspapers.40 The contents of this letter, more than anything else, show that in spite of the long-standing relationship between them, Amin al-Zarb was unaware of the full nature of Jamal alDin's ideas and his activities. Amin al-Zarb was a loyal subject of die shah. He could not have known that to Jamal ai-Din, rulers like die shah were dispensable. Also, he did not realize the extent of the deep resentment diat Jamal ai-Din harbored against the shah and Amin al-Sultan and the course of vengeance upon which he had embarked. In this very same letter, Amin al-Zarb mentions that his son Muhammad Husayn had gone on the holy pilgrimage to Mecca. Apparendy, on his way back Muhammad Husayn went to visit Jamal al-Din in Istanbul in spite of the opposition of his companion, but there are no records of die meeting.41 There is also no record of any further correspondence between Jamal al-Din and Amin al-Zarb. It is not known whether die correspondence stopped or whether, due to the increasingly subversive rhetoric of Jamal al-Din, the letters were destroyed. If the correspondence had stopped altogether, that is not surprising. On 17 Zi Qa'da 1313/1 May 1896, Nasir al-Din Shah was assassinated by Mirza Riza Kirrnani, Jamal al-Dins servant during his stay in Iran. Kirmani had been hired for Afghani by Amin al-Zarb.42 Jamal alDin was not only implicated in the assassination but in an interview widi a German newspaper expressed satisfaction at the assassination.43 After this, even Amin alZarb would not have dared to be openly in touch with him.

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Meanwhile, Amin al-Zarb was contending with problems at the mint stemming from the Persian monetary situation. Amin al-Zarb became the master of the mint in 1296/1879, the mint ha¥ing become centralized and having started striking new coins with the imported modern automated machinery. The new mint produced coinage with a face value, and the new tumans and qirans had milled edges to prevent clipping. At the same time, the copper coinage was included in the main monetary system. Amin al-Zarbs tenure of the mint coincided both with the increase in the world supply of silver as a result of the discovery of the Nevada silver mines and with the commencement of die world's abandonment of silver as a monetary standard. Parallel with the increased supply and decreased demand for silver, die rate of exchange of the qiran dropped steadily in the following decades. As Rabino's graph shows, in 1297/1879, when Amin al-Zarb took charge of the mint, £1 sterling exchanged for 27 cjiram, whereas in 1306/1889, it exchanged for 36 ejirans.44 From the beginning of his involvement with the mint, Amin al-Zarb was conscious of die monetary problems facing Iran and of the fact that the onus of diese problems would fall upon him. It was as a result of this perception that Arnin alZarb wrote to the shah in 1296/1878 urging the formation of a national bank.45 One of the important monetary problems with which Amin al-Zarb had to deal was the feet that as there were no mines in the country, and consequently no internal sources of bullion, new stock had to be imported. The other problem was related to the copper coinage that was essential for everyday transactions, but when face value was put on the new copper coinage in 1878, no thought was given to its limit as legal tender and as a result it changed at an ever-increasing discount against the silver qiran. The copper coins were used for everyday transactions and were thus regarded as essential tokens by the people. Once face value was put upon them, peoples attitude toward them changed. They were still content to use them for daily transactions, but they started making a distinction between fiduciary money in general and token money for small transactions in particular. Before the introduction of face value, people had no expectation of copper coins being redeemed at par. The important characteristic of fiduciary money is that it will be honored by the authorities, and diis was the expectation created in die people. The government failed to do this, and it was left to the sarrafi to convert copper into silver. The sarra.fi operated in a free market situation and were at liberty to convert copper into silver at a discount. Simultaneously, die mint was issuing fewer silver coins. Thus, by die 1890s, convertibility into the silver qiran became increasingly difficult. J. B. Simmons, who in a comprehensive work traces the history of die Persian monetary system, disputes the belief generally held by all contemporary and subsequent accounts that the country was flooded with copper coins. He shows that the situation "in die 1890s can better be described as a shortage of silver qimm than an over-issue of copper

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coin," creating a situation in which the right amount of current money was never in circulation,46 It would appear from the correspondence in the Mahdavi Archives that for the first few years of his tenure as master of the mint, Amin al-Zarb tried to cope with the current problems as best as he could. However, from 1303/1886 on, a barrage of letters from Amin al-Zarb concerning the mint started pouring in to Arnin alSultan, and some of them support the Simmons thesis. On 29 July 1886/27 Shavval 1303, he wrote to Amin al-Suhan, saying that the main problem is the fact that there are no silver or gold mines in the country. People's business is conducted through ten qirans or five qirans worth of "black money" [copper coins]. A thousand qirtms worth of "black money" in existence in a province changes hands ten times from dawn to dusk. "Black money" is not an asset for anyone to hoard. Whoever has two qirans or five qirans' worth [of copper coins] in hand wants to spend it. . . . the authorities should see that silver and gold is imported into the country so that people's welfare and convenience is guaranteed ... otherwise daily the situation will get even worse.47

In that same month and year, due to complaints from Gilan that there was too much "black money" in circulation, Amin al-Zarb was summoned to a cabinet meeting to explain the situation. Amin al-Sultan could not have been present at this meeting, as in another letter to him, Amin al-Zarb describes the meeting: His excellency Amin al-Dawla said that the axiom itself of the existence of "black money" in the country is detrimental, as in the end it is nothing but copper and if the appellation of money is taken away from it, it is copper and worth little. I [Amin alZarb] replied that it is not worse than paper money or paper stamps. A considerable sum in stamps is daily put on letters and on promissory notes and people are charged for it. What should be done about them and what is their wordi afterwards? At least any profits accruing from "black money" go to the government and the tax on them is government revenue. . . . In any case it was my humble self who a few years ago sent a petition to His Majesty that the minting of "black money" should stop, otherwise it will create problems. His Majesty agreed and it was stopped for a few days, but the sarrafi and the tujjar started sending telegrams of complaint that this [black money] was essential for the conduct of the affairs of the country. It was once again ordained that it should be minted. . . . I, personally, am not at all keen that "black money" should be minted and that I should become the butt of peoples reproach and rebuke.48

Following the above meeting, Amin al-Zarb sent a telegram to Gilan asking for 1,000—2,000 tumans worth of "black money" to be bought and sent to Tehran. The reply came that there was a shortage of "black money" in that province. Amin alZarb wrote another letter to Arnin al-Sultan enclosing the original telegram and the answer, pointing out that the petition of complaint from the Gilanis was contrived

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as a conspiracy by Amin al-Zarbs enemies. Amin al-SuItan wrote in reply that he was aware of the intrigues, but that it would be better if Amin al-Zarb should prepare a list of all the coins that had been minted to be presented at the next meeting.49 Finally, Amin al-Zarb got so tired of all the problems related to die mint and all the accusations made against him that in approximately 1304/1886-1887, he wrote to Amin al-Sultan spelling out the daily problems he faced and asking to be released of the responsibility for the mint: I submit that on the day when the deceased . . , [your fatherj of blessed memory was setting out for the holy city of Mashhad he commanded that I should accept responsibility for the Mint [a command which) \ could not disobey, [consequently] I accepted the command. After the return o f . . . His Majesty from the holy city of Mashhad, I presented a petition and explained that I had been unable to attend to my personal business and work, whilst being the subject of derogatory remarks and accusations by people, [as a result of which] your humble servant had lost all repute, I humbly begged that it should be ordained and commanded that the minting of black money should stop. [Not only] was my request not granted [but] it was ordained and commanded that I should mint [copper coins] and send them to the borders. [Accordingly] I started making arrangements. Six months of the year passed before the arrangements were complete. Within four months I minted two ghaz coins, [bagged them] and sent them to Kirman, Khurasan and other places.'" The [general] cost and that of transportation was excessive and I did not receive the money for it until six months afterwards. Two months later [by which time] it was the end of the year, sbahk and two~tjiran coins were minted. The equivalent of 8,000 tumam was minted for the government and the aristocracy as a result of which after paying taxes, wages and costs I incurred a loss. In the year [illegible] I did not consider it seemly to inform you, because I know that your excellency neither likes to hear complaints nor self-praise from those who serve him. In this year it happened in this way that all the merchants, as a result of the intrigues of some people, started criticizing your humble servant. [The outcome] of the daily intrigues of some of the ex-ministers . .. was that petitions of complaints against the coinage and black money started pouring in from all the provinces to His Majesty ... From the outside and inside the country they accused your humble servant of a thousand things. .. . that daily 5,000 qirans is minted, 10 percent of which is profit. [Also] daily 500 tumans, 400 tttmam, 300 tumans of black money is minted, which is very profitable. ... In the first place all the silver which has been melted has come from the shop of Ramazan 'AM Sarraf who has kept account books which can be checked. All in all daily 700 tumans' white money [qirans] has been minted. The expenses of this 700 tumans has all been borne by your humble servant. In every 100 tumans, 2 tumttm has gone to wages and taxes. I have bought and imported 20,000 tumam of silver myself. Perhaps others will follow this example and do so as well. The foreigners have imported 6,000 tumam of silver bullion of which in every 100 tumans, 4 tumam has gone to wages and taxes. From the beginning of the year I have not had to make provisions for black money and copper [but] daily 100-100 tumans black money has been minted. In

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the middle of the year I was ill for three months [as a result of which] I suffered many losses. During the last three or four months of the year the equivalent of 12,000 tumans of black money has been minted and they are now occupied with minting shahk. During the year there are [holidays such as] Naw Ruz, Muharram and Fridays, Parts of the machinery break down or stop working and have to be replaced. These are all imports. . . . In return I have to pay 50,000 tumans a year: 25,000 in taxes and 25,000 in expenditure, wages, building repairs [illegible] for firewood, for charcoal and many other things. At the same time I have a world of plaintiffs both inside and outside the country. The eyes of everyone, Muslim, Christian, Jew, even that of foreign governments is directed towards the royal Mint. Daily in London and Paris they assay the minted gold and silver of Iran for their own commercial purposes. Even the governors and ministers of the royal domain, in particular His Excellency Asif al-Dawla, the governor of Khurasan, assays the gold and silver of the royal Mint once a week and those very same people have written to your humble servant that they have not been able to find any defect. If I was not mindful of the prestige and reputation of your excellency and the wrath of His Majesty, it would be possible to do even more than people say. Since I was put in charge of the gold, silver and copper of Iran I could have increased the finesse of every hundred muqak of gold and silver by two or three misqak in which case there would be some profit. But in truth I had neither the heart nor the mind [to do such a thing]. Thank God that my supervision has been such that in 1,000 mi$q(tk they cannot find one misqa.1 of defect. But it is no longer practical for your humble servant [to continue with this work). In the first place I had 4 shahk [figuratively referring to his wealth] some of which is irredeemable, some of which [illegible] and some of which is pure loss. Some merchandise is left; if I continue being embroiled in this task, people will continue talking and nothing will be left. [The consequence of] creating plaintiffs is that all work comes to a standstill. Peoples chatter and tattle is effective. It may not have an impact the first or second time but it does the third and fourth time. I am nothing but a poor doth merchant. I have served your .. . father and your ... self for many years. For the sake of God and .. . the Prophet, arrange for me to be set free. Your excellency can suppose that when I was ill, if I had died, then you would have appointed somebody else. At least 5,000 people are under the patronage of your excellency; you release 1,000 of them annually. I beg your excellency to release your humble servant. Whether or not it is profitable, it is enough; appoint another person to take it over. I guarantee to import from Europe all the parts needed for the machinery punctually so that they need not wait for a single item and there is not any interruption in the operation of the plant. If you do not accept this proposal and are insistent that I should be responsible, then please appoint your own trusted representative to come and be present at all times. I will buy whatever is necessary and give it into his keeping. He can keep the books and write down the amount of cash given out. At the end of the year after the expenditure has been deducted, whatever remains can go to the government. In lieu of my share the government should settle a salary on your humble servant which would be rny legiti-

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mate claim. Otherwise with the present state of affairs and the stories people make up that gold and silver bubbles up from the grounds of the royal Mint and there is a profit of 2-3 million for your humble servant, 1 can not even bear to look at the place. I am fully cognizant of the immeasurable generosity of your excellency towards your humble servant. Evidently I should recount all that occurs . ,. and obey whatever you command. God knows there are certain things which I am too embarrassed to relate. During this past year I had to buy and import from Europe twenty steel rollers, each costing 120 tumarts. They are all broken. In one go I paid 2,500 tumans for them. If [replacing parts] is delayed by one day, aside from the fact that the Mint comes to a standstill, other parts get wrecked. The maintenance of the Mint, the machinery, the building, the gardens, and the qanat costs at least 10,000 tumans annually. Those in charge of governmental affairs, ranging from governors to customs officers, each and every one if they spend one penny from their own pocket they charge the government two pennies. Your humble servant has to abandon my profession as a merchant, spend 50,000 tumans, and bear so many slurs.51

There is no actual reply to this letter, but obviously Amin al-Sultan did not agree with Amin al-Zarb's request, as the latter continued being in charge of the mint Nevertheless, once again Amin al-Zarb wrote to him requesting that the minting of "black money" should stop and that Amin al-Zarb should be excused from paying the 20,000 tumans minting charges and just pay the 5,000 tumans rent for the mint. This request was presented to the shah, who wrote to Amin al-Sultan on 6 Rajab 1305/19 March 1888 and agreed with the request but specified that the mint should continue running and be kept in good condition.52 It was unlikely, however, that the shah would abide by this directive, as he was more than interested in any personal income he could accrue from farming out government departments. Sir Mortimer Durand, the British minister, reported to London that "among the principal causes of this state of affairs are the greed and timidity of the Shah .. . and his perpetual demand for money can only be met by starving the public departments."53 It was finally as a result of the shah's greed, on the one hand, and political rivalry, on the other, that Amin al-Zarb was dismissed from the mint on 3 Rajab 1310/20 January 1893- The political rivalry was between Amin al-Sultan, the prime minister, and Kamran Mirza Nayib al-Saltana, the shah's third son.54 Kamran Mirza, who was greedy, extravagant, and pleasure seeking, had his eye on the mint as a source of income and was vexed by the fact that he was deprived of a source of income from which Amin al-Sultan, who was thought to be the true farmer of the mint, benefited. As Amin al-Zarb was the protege of Amin al-Sultan, it was he who had to be replaced. Consequently, Kamran Mirza presented the shah with an offer for the mint, on behalf of some of his own protege's, which the shah could not refuse. The offer was made by a syndicate of merchants headed by Muhammad Vali Khan Nasr al-Saltana, to the effect that instead of the 25,000 tumans, that Amin alZarb paid the shah, they would pay an initial pishkisk of 50,000 tumans And 120,000 tumans annually to the shah, 1,000 tumans monthly to Kamran Mirza,

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and a further monthly sum to Amin al-Sultan.55 The offer was accepted by the shah, and Nasr al-Saltana was appointed minister of fineness of coins.56 It was obvious to all that the farmers of the mint would not he able to pay the above sums and make a profit widiout debasing the currency. Within ten days of the new appointment, Sir Frank Lascelles, another British minister, sent a letter to the Foreign Office in London enclosing a report by Mr. Rabino, die manager of the Imperial Bank of Persia, in which Mr. Rabino, having described the details of the offer, goes on to say: It is highly improbable that [illegible] in a year the Mint will coin a sum exceeding Tomans 1,500,000 upon which the profit would be about Tomans 30,000, It follows then that in confiding the Mint to a merchant without any guarantee for his honesty, and upon terms which will leave him an annual loss of about 150,000 Tomans, the government in the impossibility of establishing any efficient control accepts the consequences which will arise from the new Mint-Master delivering to the public coins which will not contain the legal quantity of silver.*7

Although Mr. Rabino explains the situation well, the object of the letter and report was to cover any losses that the Imperial Bank might suffer as the result of the debasement, by putting forward certain claims that Mr. Rabino enumerates and that are not within the scope of this study. Shortly after the appointment, complaints about the assay of Persian money started pouring in from foreign representatives, merchants, and provisional officials. Ftimad al-Saltana reported that the debasement had reached such a degree that the silver qiran was worth two copper shahh, as opposed to twenty shahis (which it should have been). As a result of the complaints, the shah commanded that the mint should continue minting silver as before until the end of Ramazan 1311/March 1894 and then close after that on the pretext of repairs, while the experts decided on steps to be taken to rectify the situation.58 This order was rescinded within a few weeks, and the mint continued as before.59 As the situation went from bad to worse, the mint was temporarily given to Amir Humayun and Amin al-Zarb, who had formed a partnership under the auspices of the prime minister for approximately the same charges.* The next day, the shah commanded that a meeting of all the ministers, courtiers, and merchants should be convened to investigate whether the accusations of debasement against Nasr alSaltana, which he denied, were true, and if they were, he should be removed from office and replaced by Amin Humayun and Amin al-Zarb; otherwise, he should continue as before. On 25 Shawal 1311/1 May 1894, over 200 notables, with the exception of Amin al-Sultan and Kamran Mirza Nayib al-Saltana, gathered in the Takiyya-Dawlat.61 I'timad al-Saltana reports the meeting as follows: [AJfter the recitation of the Shah's command the consensus was reached that some of the silver money of Haj Muhammad Hassan and some of that of Nasr al-Saltana to the same number and amount should be brought [to the meeting] so that the problem

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could be investigated. It was agreed that they should go and bring the money from the bazaar. I said that If the parties In question had not had advance warning of the proceedings then it would have been a simple matter but as they have been aware of the situation it is possible that some fraud may be exercised in money brought from the bazaar. It is better if Amin al-Mulk goes to the andarun's treasury and brings a bag of Nasr al-Saltanas money and a bag of Haj Muhammad Hassans money from there so that we can make the comparison. Those present agreed with this suggestion and Amin al-Mulk went to the andarun and brought two bags of 200 tumans of each of the parties' money. First they were weighed. Nasr al-Saltana*s money was short of 2 tvmans in every 100 tumtim and Haj Muhammad Hassans was sound. Nasr al-Saltana started an uproar with his loud protests that Amin al-Mulk was on the side of Haj Muhammad Hassan, implying, in so many words, that he had cheated. I said again that two people should accompany Amin al-Mulk to the treasury and bring some more money so that any doubt could be removed. Amin al-Mulk accepted without any acrimony and with maximum docility went to the treasury of the anJarum a second time, accompanied by Amin al-Dawla, Sahib-Divan and some others. This time they brought out six bags of money, each containing 200 tumans. It was decided that they should be smelted. The Jews undressed. Amin al-Dawla stood for three hours in front of the coal fiirnace under the sun. They smelted 20 tumans of each of the participants' coins. In that of Nasr alSaltana the finesse was short of 5 misqab. After their calculations it transpired that Nasr al-Saltana had cheated 13 tutrutns out of every 1,000 ttatutns by deficiency in the finesses and other methods. Nasr al-Saltana started a hue and cry, shouting and swearing but no one took any notice of him. The minutes of the meeting were prepared and everyone put their seal on it. When they gave it to me to seal I said that I would not do so unless the two parties in question did so first. Haj Muhammad Hassan was the only one who understood what rny objective was and immediately put his seal on it. Nasr alSaltana was not willing to put his seal on it. I signed to Haji Amin al-Saltana that the sealing was necessary so he insisted upon the sealing and Nasr al-Saltana resisted until it ended in a dispute and a skirmish swearing at each other. Finally Haji Amin alSaltana forced him [Nasr al-Saltana] to put his seal upon it and ruined Nasr al-Saltana through it. Because now if the government has the guts and the Nayib al-Saltana does not interfere, Nasr al-Saltana does not have the right to claim the 50,000 tumans fisbkish which he gave originally, as aside from the other profits which add up to half a million; in this very same deficiency of finesse and weight he has made 80,000 tumans. But neither do the statesmen have the necessary backbone, nor are Nayib al-Saltana and his mentors public-spirited enough to see this matter through. In short I do not imagine that a meeting of such precision and integrity has ever taken place in Iran.62

However, although as I'timad al-Saltana describes, the meeting was conducted correctly, those against Amin al-Zarb such as Amin al-Dawla did not accept the verdict and claimed that the Jews who assayed the coins were in the pay of Amin al-Zarb and had manipulated the coins.63 In spite of these suspicions, as a result of the above meeting, Amin al-Zarb was exonerated and within a month, Nasr al-Saltana was

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dismissed and Amin al-Zarb reinstated as master of the mint, and Arnin Humayun became minister of specie. Aside from the appointments, they both received various awards from the shah. Arnin Humayun was given a length of terma [printed cashmere clothj and Amin al-Zarb the Order of the Shah's Portrait.64 The last years of the decade were difficult times both privately and professionally in the life of Amin al-Zarb. His brother Haj Muhammad Rahim died at the age of forty-nine in Marseilles on 8 Muharram 1309/13 September 1891, his French wife having died earlier. Haj Muhammad Rahini had two sons by his French wife, one of whom was only one and a half years old at the time of his father's death. For reasons unknown but possibly religious, it was decided to send the children to Iran rather than leave them with their mother's relatives. An Isfahani merchant and friend who was in Gange took them to Vienna and passed them on to another merchant and his Austrian wife, who were on their way to Iran. The Austrian couple returned to Vienna after a few months, and the children, who did not speak any Persian, were left in the care of Amin al-Zarbs wife and daughter-in-law. As a result of the cholera epidemic of 1310/1893, these two children died within a few days of each other, leaving Amin al-Zarb desolate. Other members of the extended family also died in this epidemic. Unfortunately, the years to come were to hold the promise of further unhappiness for Amin al-Zarb.

FIGURE 7.1 Text of the proclamation of the inauguration of the port ofNasiri, dated Sha'ban 1307/March-Afril 1890

FIGURE 7.2

Original schematic drawing of the port ofNasiri

PHOTO 7-1 Haj Muhammad 'Ali Sayyah and Mirza Riza Kirmani in chains

C k**ii("«v* \^io*M

oi-,0*sk VJcArs I3i3-i3io/ify6-i8fg

In the last years of his life, Amin al-Zarb was exposed to a combination of misfortunes, disgrace, and unhappincss, but he was finally honored for his activities during the famine. Nasir al-Din Shah was assassinated; Amin al-Sultan, the prime minister and Amin al-Zarb's mentor, was removed from office; and Amin al-Zarb was arrested, imprisoned, and fined an exorbitant sum. Nasir al-Din Shah was assassinated on 18 Zi Qa'da 1313/1 May 1896, on a visit to die shrine of Shahzada Abd al-Azim outside Tehran, preceding the celebration of die fiftieth year of his accession to the throne. The assassin was one Mirza Riza Kirmani, who, as his name implies, was originally from Kirman but eventually turned up in Tehran and worked as a pedlar for Amin al-Zarb. In 1301/1884, when Amin al-Zarb obtained the estate of Vakilabad in Kirman, discussed earlier, he appointed Mirza Riza as the foreman (mubashir) of that property, which Sayyid 'Abd al-Rahim Isfahan!, Mu'in al-Ttijjar managed as Amin al-Zarb's representative. Mirza Riza stayed in Vakilabad for two years, but eventually, as a result of constant conflict between him and Mu'in al-Tujjar over the management of the property, Amin al-Zarb recalled him to Tehran at the end of 1302/1885. It is not clear why upon his return to Tehran he left Amin al-Zarb's employment, but once again we find him engaged in peddling. However, in 1304/1887, as a result of a letter of recommendation written to Amin al-Zarb by one of die shah's wives, Amin Aqdas, Mirza Riza entered Amin al-Zarb s employment a second time.1 The second period of Mirza Riza's employment by Amin al-Zarb coincided with Sayyid Jamal al-Din's first visit to Iran and his stay at Amin al-Zarb's house. It was during this period that Amin al-Zarb put Mirza Riza at the disposal of Sayyid Jamal al-Din as his personal servant. It was thus that the connection of Mirza Riza and 149

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Sayyid Janial al-Din occurred, as a result of which Mirza Riza became a passionate disciple of Sayyid JamaJ al-Din, forming an obsessive attachment to him and seeing him as the savior of the Muslim world. The attachment was such that when Sayyid Jamal al-Din was leaving, after his first visit to Iran in 1304/1887, Mirza Riza tried to prevent the boat from leaving by pulling on the ropes.2 On the second ignominious occasion of Sayyid Jamal al-Dins arrest and expulsion from Iran, when Sayyid Jamal al-Din had taken sanctuary in the shrine of Shahzada 'Abd al-'Azirn, Mirza Riza was the only person protesting the arrest, running around, crying, and beseeching the faithful to stop the deplorable treatment of a holy man.3 According to the testimony of his wife at the trial, he went mad and became absolutely demented after Jamal al-Dins departure and could not stop crying.4 Shortly after this, in Ramazan 1308/April 1891, he was implicated in the distribution of clandestine pamphlets against die tobacco concession and was arrested and imprisoned. He was interrogated and tortured to reveal the names of his accomplices. Upon the arrest of Mirza Riza, Amin al-Zarb wrote to his cousin and agent Muhammad Javad in Moscow, sending a message to Sayyid Jamal al-Din that said, "[B]ecause 1 cannot write to his excellency from Iran please write a letter to him on my behalf and tell him .. . due to the impudence and folly of Mirza Muhammad Riza who is mad, people have been thrown into the inferno. Mirza Riza himself and poor Haji Sayyah are in prison, and it has given you [meaning Sayyid Jamal alDin] a bad reputation."5 Finally, Mirza Riza spent four years in prison; he was released on Zi Hajja 1312/June 1895, and immediately went to see Sayyid Jamal alDin in Istanbul. Nine months later, in Shawal 1313/March 1896, Mirza Riza returned to Iran and went to stay in Shahzada 'Abd al-*Azim, He shot the shah in May of that year. After Mirza Riza's first arrest and imprisonment, Amin al-Zarb severed all connection with him. He did not even know of his arrival in Iran until Haji Sayyah told him. Mir/a Riza did not visit Amin al-Zarb upon his return as he used to do before the departure of Sayyid Jamal al-Din.6 The truth of this was verified by those who were interrogated after the assassination.7 This fact and the knowledge that Mirza Riza's connection with Amin al-Zarb came about through an introduction by the shah's wife saved Amin al-Zarb from being implicated in the assassination. Meanwhile, even prior to Nasir al-Din Shah's assassination and Muzaffar al-Din Shahs accession, the country's monetary situation continued deteriorating. This decline was due both to international factors and to Iran's inability to adjust to them. The main international factor was die fact that although as odier countries went on the gold standard, the United States continued experimenting with bimetallism. In 1890, through the Sherman Act passed by the U.S. Congress, die secretary of the treasury was authorized to purchase silver bullion to die extent of 4,500,000 ounces per month and to issue treasury notes in payment. As a result, silver, at this time and until the repeal of the Sherman Act in 1893, made a temporary recovery. Although

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as the world abandoned silver, the rate of exchange of the qiran dropped consistently, during the enactment of the Sherman Act it remained steady at approximately 34 afimns to the pound sterling. During the period of the stability of the ejiran's exchange rate, imports increased, exceeding exports, as merchants took advantage of the favorable situation. The repeal of the Sherman Act also coincided with the abandoning of silver by Iran's two major trading partners, India to the south and Russia to the north. India adopted the gold standard in 1893, and Russia stopped minting silver in preparation for adopting die gold standard four years later. These factors combined to cause greater depreciation of the qiran, bringing down its exchange rate to approximately 50 qirans to the pound sterling.8 The sudden heavy drop in the exchange rate affected the merchant classes, which still had ordered goods on credit, frequently linked to the pound sterling, and had to pay for them at the prior rate of exchange. The consequent unfavorable balance of trade combined with the above factors to cause inflation. The government found itself unable to deal with the rising prices because during the second half of the nineteenth century, Iran had been incapable of controlling the flight of either gold or silver, produced by even minor shifts in their ratio to each other. Particularly between the 1850s and 1860s, Persia lost most of its gold reserves. Thus, when through the repeal of the Sherman Act the price of silver plummeted, Persia had no gold reserves left to soften the inflationary impact of the drop. Soon Greshams law started operating, and copper drove out silver as the circulating medium. Aside from the hoarding of precious metals, the rising prices produced "rings" of people hoarding foodstuffs. The most notorious of these was "the wheat ring," which raised the price of wheat and hence bread, a basic commodity, to such an extent as to create famine conditions. This ring and Amin al-Zarbs role in breaking it will be discussed later on. The demise of Nasir al-DIn Shah held unfortunate consequences for Amin al-Zarb. Shortly after the accession of the new shah, the prime minister and Amin al-Zarb's mentor, Amin al-Sultan, was removed from office, and 'Abd al-Husayn Mirza Farmanfarma, an antagonist of Amin al-Zarb's, was appointed minister of war and for all intent and purposes acted as prime minister.' Amin al-Zarb thus lost his protector, and the accession of MuzafFar al-Din Shah brought to Tehran a new group of courtiers from Azarbayjan intent on as much personal gain as possible. According to all contemporary accounts, those in this group, who for years had waited on the sidelines, could not wait much longer to enrich themselves. Mihdi Quli Hidayat relates hearing one of the close courtiers of Muzaffar al-Din Shah say: "[T]he Shah does not have longer than four years. For forty years we starved at his door, for this day."10 A popular song made the rounds of die town, the lyrics of which were: "If we don't eat now, when can we eat? It was not eating. It was devouring."11 Describing the beginning of the reign of Muzaffar alDin Shah, Haji Sayyah says:

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Muzaffar al-Din Shah, who had no idea of the proper management of a country nor of government finances, may have read in books or heard orally that generosity is a good thing. His hungry, avaricious, bloodthirsty entourage girded their loins to devour the treasures of the country and accumulate great personal wealth. [However,] discord fell amongst them over plundering the resources of the government and the people and over precedence and status. [Consequently] they started intriguing against each other. Farmanfarma was not satisfied with his own job alone but interfered in everything else as well. The Minister of the Interior started opposing him. No one could stop the avarice of the Shah's entourage. Their greed was so insatiable and the extravagances of Muzaffar al-Din Shah so great that the revenues of the country could not meet them. Gradually they started auctioning off and selling national treasures and antique objects belonging to the government. If in the past the fines were 100, they became 1,000, and if the bribes were 1,000 they became 500,000.'2

Their first act was to pillage the andarun treasury, where, contrary to expectation, they only found 200,002 ashraji coins, a few gold chairs, and a few gold platters and tureens.13 Yahya Dawlatabadi, reporting on the same situation, says that Muzaffar al-Die Shah's entourage wanted in a short time to acquire the same riches that those surrounding Nasir al-Din Shah had acquired in die course of forty or fifty years. He confirms that not only did Farmanfarma interfere in everything but that to quench the appetite of the shah and his entourage, he did not confine himself to impounding the coins from the treasury and selling the jewelry hut set about melting the gold chairs and the antique gold tureens that would have fetched enormous sums in the European markets and sent the gold to be minted.1** The first victim from whom they tried to extract money was Mirea Isma'il Khan Amin al-Mulk, the brother of the ex-prime minister. They put him under much pressure on die pretext of rendering the accounts of the treasury, of which he was director. Basir al-Saltana, a close confidant of Muzaftar al-Din Shah and reputedly very corrupt, was put in charge of this venture.15 At one point, he threatened Amin al-Mulk, who was ill, with die bastinado. Finally, they bribed Mirza Riza Sarraf, one of Amin al-Mulks employees, who showed them a secret hiding place in the treasury where they discovered vast sums of money. Amin al-Mulk never recovered from the indignity he suffered during this period and died shortly afterward at the age of thirty-two.16 Mukhbir al-Dawla, the minister of the interior, was the only one who tried to curb the excesses of these people, but to no avail.l7 In this atmosphere and environment, Arnin al-Zarb, whose wealth had become legendary and whose public investments were well known, was a likely target, particularly as he had lost his protector. As Mukhbir al-Dawla comments: "Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb was a choice morsel."18 There are many different accounts of Amin al-Zarb's arrest and imprisonment. But one fact is clear in that he was accused of minting too many "black money" copper coins, thereby making an enormous profit. A penalty of 12 kurur (6 million) tumam was demanded from him. When he refused to pay this sum in Rajab 1314/December 1896, he was kept under house arrest at either the mint or at the house of Mukhbir al-Dawla, accord-

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ing to different accounts. Meanwhile, Am.in.-al Zarbs son Haj Muhammad Husayn Aqa was returning from Europe via Moscow and Mashhad and was also arrested in the village of Namak, between Simnan and Tehran. Mihdi Quli Hidayat, the son of Mukhbir al-Dawla, reports that Amin al-Zarb was treated respectfully while in their house but that he continued to refuse to pay the sum. Apparently, negotiations only started when Haj Husaye Aqa arrived. Hidayat describes the proceeding: I was party to the negotiations with him [meaning Haj Husayn Aqa]. Amin al-Zarb was the wolf who had seen the rain [and is no longer nonplussed by it] and from whom not a drop could be squeezed." Haj Muhammad Husayn was young and eager for a good reputation. I started the discussion with him by appealing to his sense of honour and integrity by saying you have to live in this country and the question of black money is a slur on your name which should be erased. If we have brought you to our house it is to uphold your reputation. If you would prefer incarceration it can be arranged. I called someone [a servant] and asked him to join Haji's shoes together [meaning ready for departure]. This act persuaded Haji Muhammad Isma'il Ghazvini [Amin al~Zarb's secretary, actually called Muhammad Ibrahim] who is one of his friends and was accompanying him to consider the matter and for the negotiations to commence. Haji Muhammad Taqi Shahrudi was also a party to the discussion. Haji [meaning Amin alZarb] did not suffer an ounce of indignity whilst in our house and it has to be said that Haji Muhammad Husayn came out of the discussion favourably. Initially with Haj Muhammad Isma'il they suggested that they should give 40,000 tumans to Sani' alDawla and 300,000 tumans to the government. It had become fixated in the Shah's mind that the loss from the black money was twenty kurttrs. According to careful auditing during the period of Atnin al-Zarb's tenure no more than three kuntrs of black money had been minted . . . As a result of our lack of prejudice he [Haj Husayn Aqa] gave an inventory of his fathers possessions.20 According to Hidayat the inventory of his father's possessions that Haj Husayn Aqa listed was as follows: the Mahmudabad railway, 750,000 tumans; estates, 250,000 tumans; coarse silk in Marseilles, 120,000 tumans; jewelry, 200,000 tumans; minted and unminted gold, 450,000 tumam. Haj Husayn Aqa tried to persuade them to take over the railway in lieu of the fine, but they refused and demanded 765,000 tumans in cash.21 The rest of the story in Hidayat's own words

is as follows: It was settled that tomorrow Haji Muhammad Taqi accompanied by Haji Muhammad Husayn and Haji Muhammad Isma'il should go to Amin al-Zarb's house and bring all the cash ready at hand. When they had left, Farmanfarma, who had heard of the arrangement, appeared in our house all flustered, saying: "Why did you agree to this arrangement?" It is possible for Haji to escape through another door disguised as a woman." I replied that in the first place from rny estimate of his character he would not run away; and secondly, where could he go? It is impossible for Farmanfarma to imagine proper behaviour and he was not therefore convinced. To be fair, Haj Husayn Aqa

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behaved honourably and I gained great respect for him. They brought approximately 400,000 tumans of minted and unmintcd gold to our house, A leather tablecloth was spread on the floor and everything was thrown on it, counted and taken to the treasury, Nothing was left in our house but the blackened cloth. Haj Muhammad Isma'il and Haj Muhammad Taqi were the witnesses, Farmanfarma became grasping, saying where is my share. He wanted 12,000 tumans to share with Hakim al-Mulk, I said that is between you and Hap. Do whatever you like. Hap Muhammad Hassan was released. Farmanfarma had bought 1,500 tumaas worth of merchandise (mirrors and lamps) from him [Amin al-Zarb], for which he did not pay.22

According to Hidayat, before they fined Amin al-Zarb, they felt It necessary to get afetwafrom Mirza Hassan Ashtiyani, die leader of the Tehranulamaand a noted marja'-i taqlid, that penalizing Amin al-Zarb for the "black money" was permissible.23 In spite ofthefotwa,it is of interest to note that during all the negotiations, Haj Husayn Aqa as well as Amin al-Zarb insisted that their wealth had been acquired legitimately through normal commerce.24 Colonel Kosogovskii, the commander of the Cossack brigade in Iran, reports the proceedings quite differently. According to him, the farmanfarma was the negotiating party, and when Amin al-Zarb refused to pay a penny, they transferred him from the comfortable room in the mint where he was being kept to a dark and cold basement, but he still refused to pay. They thereupon started negotiating with the son and were prepared to settle for 100,000 tumam and asked Haj Husayn Aqa for a money order to some other merchants. He wrote the order immediately, saying that no one would honor it without his father's .signature but that he would go and try to persuade his rather. Amin al-Zarb still refused to sign anything. Meanwhile, the foreign ambassadors, led by Rene David de Balloy, the French minister, who could not interfere directly, gave notice to the Persian government that since all their monetary transactions and that of their nationals took place through Amin al-Zarb, unless he were released immediately, the government would have to pay for the damages they had incurred. According to Kosogovskii, it was due to this notice that they settled on 800,000 tumans in installments instead of the twelve kurur& originally demanded.25 Regardless of how much Amin al-Zarb paid, all that he had dreaded throughout his life befell him. His letters from Europe emphasizing the rule of law and order and the existence of just societies and security of property can be understood much better in the light of what happened to him, which to a lesser degree he had witnessed happen to others. His obsession with secrecy and peoples jealousy had its roots in the same source. Amin al-Zarb was replaced at the mint by Murtiza Quli Khan Sani' al-Dawla, already minister of the treasury, the son of Mukhbir al-Dawla, the minister of the interior and the son-in-law of Muzaffar al-Din Shah. Sani' al-Dawla was also one of the people involved in the proceedings of penalizing Amin al-Zarb.26

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A year after his accession to the throne, in Shawal 1314/March-April 1897, Muzaffar al-Din Shah appointed Mirza 'Ali Khan Amin al-Dawla prime minister. This post had not been filled since the dismissal of Amin al-Sultan in Jamadi II 1314/November 1896. Amin al-Dawla, who had a reputation for being "liberal" and reformist, embarked on a series of reforms, most of which proved abortive. One of his intended areas of reform was the mint, as he had been the farmer of the mint in 1294/1877-1878. The takeover of the mint by the Amin al-Sultans, and hence Amin al-Zarb, had been a thorn in Amin al-Dawla's flesh throughout his life. He harbored great resentment against the holders of that office and was jealous of them, hence his zeal in supervising the assaying of the coins discussed earlier. The administration of the mint is critically discussed all through his memoirs. Taking these facts into consideration, it is of great interest that Amie al-Zarb was reinstated as master of the mint under the premiership of Amin al-Dawla. The only record of this appointment available is through the British sources, which at this point, in their rivalry with Russia, were in favor of Amin al-Dawla and against his protege, Amin al-Zarb. Apparently, initially in July, the shah issued a firman giving the administration of the mint in partnership to Amin al-Zarb and Sani* al-Dawla. According to Charles Hardinge, the British charge' d'affaires, he and Amin al-Dawla opposed this appointment. There is no record of Amin al-Dawla's opposition, but Hardinge wrote to London: I therefore addressed to the Shah a letter on the 22nd of July, copy of which I have the honour to enclose herewith, in which I drew His Majesty's attention to the serious shortcomings of Hadji Mahomet Hassan when formerly in charge of the mint, and urged His Majesty to seriously consider the matter and to reject the advice of those Ministers who wished to commit the folly of teemploying him in the same capacity. . . . I am glad to be able to report that as a result of my communication, his tenure of the post lasted only three days, when he was dismissed from office by telegram by the Shah on the same evening that His Majesty received my letter.27

Meanwhile, Hardinge offered to formulate a scheme for reforming the mint and instructed Lieutenant-Colonel Picot and Joseph Rabino, die manager of die Imperial Bank of Persia, to prepare a plan for this. This proposal in effect put control of die mint into the hands of the Imperial Bank of Persia.28 In July 1889, as setdement of the outstanding claim of Reuter stemming from the cancellation of his concession, Nasir al-Din Shah had granted a concession to Reuters son to create a national bank, plus the rights for mineral exploration. The bank opened as the Imperial Bank of Persia, with the exclusive right to issue banknotes.29 Through this concession, the issuance of banknotes, which should have been in the hands of the government, fell into the hands of foreign concessionaires.

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Gradually, beginning in April 1890, the bank opened branches in the main cities of Iran and in Bombay, Calcutta, Baghdad, and Basra. From the beginning of the establishment of the Imperial Bank, the tujjar and the sarrafi protested its formation for two reasons. First, the tujjarhad wished to form their own bank, inspired by Amin al-Zarb's initiative in writing to the shah in 1878 pointing out the necessity of a national bank. This desire was expressed as Article 2 of the constitution of majlis-i vukala-yi tujjar.3® As we saw, every impediment was put in die way of the functioning of that majlis, and die idea of the formation of a bank died, along with all its other objectives. The sarrafo, however, were traditionally the bankers of Iran, dealing with transactions between the provinces and Tehran. Once the Imperial Bank was formed and opened its branches in the provinces, die sarrafisaw their main activity being taken away from them. Their protests from the provinces were channeled through Amin al-Zarb. The sarmjs, from Isfahan wrote: For the past two years, as a result of the bank, we have gradually been demolished and lost our trade completely. We have no objections to [the policies] of the Almighty Government. For years we have been paying taxes to the government. But now we have to pay taxes on a non-existent profession. Our profits were from money orders, karate and the transactions of the people. Now all this is in the hands of the bank. We have to pay the taxes but the bank has the business. Now that the government considers it desirable for the country to have this bank, let it pay our taxes.31

Many more letters in this vein reached Amin al-Zarb from the merchants and the ulama as well, describing how the formation of the bank had affected not only the sarro.fi but odier traders.32 The motives of the tujjar and the sarrafo in opposing the bank were complex and manifold. They were not against a bank per se and were actually aware of the advantages of a bank but wished the bank to be a national institution managed by them rather than by foreigners. They felt that they were the most familiar with local conditions and the trading practices of the country and therefore understood its needs better than new arrivals who were strangers to these conditions and practices. They did try to set up banks themselves but were not able to compete with the Imperial Bank.33 Another major difference was that the relationship of the sarrafwiA his client was not only a financial arrangement but a personal one. Every aristocratic household had its own sarrafotmerchant who was a business friend familiar with the private life of his client. For instance, Amin al-Zarb held diis relationship with many prominent people, including two prime ministers, Amin al-Sultan and Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawla. As opposed to this relationship, the one with the bank was totally impersonal. The sarrafi lent money to people they knew who had a reputation for paying back without asking any questions. The bank not only did not lend any money without first discovering the purpose for which the money was

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needed and methods and time of repayment, but it also needed two guarantors.34 In any case, the bank was not interested in small traditional businesses, which it considered too risky, thus the complaints of the small traders.3* Amin al-Zarb passed the letters of complaint to Amin al-Sultan. The British, who kept themselves informed of most important events and opinions in Iran, were aware of Amin al-Zarb s role and, as they had plans for obtaining other concessions through the bank, did not want any impediment put in the way of its operation. And indeed they did obtain the concession of a monopoly over the production, sale, and export of tobacco. Amin al-Zarbs role in the cancellation of the Tobacco Regie discussed earlier intensified British hostility toward him, making him a target of their displeasure, responsible for all the financial ills of Iran and to be disgraced at all costs. It was thus for motives of British interest rather than any altruistic reasons for the reform of Iran's finances that Hardinge saw fit to veto Amin al-Zarb's appointment to the mint. But before this plan could be executed, other events intervened. The dismissal of Amin al-Zarb does not appear to have helped the situation of the copper coin, as in October, it depreciated even further. This led to a group of 200 women obstructing the path of the shahs carriage and protesting by throwing dust on their heads. Consequently, the shah called a meeting of prominent merchants and sarrafs to resolve the crisis. Amin al-Zarb, who was present at the meeting in partnership with some of the other merchants, guaranteed to administer the mint and to keep depreciation at a certain level. Thus, on October 24, 1897, the syndicate headed by Amin al-Zarb undertook the administration of the mint. Hardinge says that both the depreciation of the currency and the demonstration by the women was masterminded by Amin al-Zarb, who wanted to be reinstated, and he blames Amin al-Dawia, who "showed such weakness as to acquiesce in this arrangement."36 It is possible that once Amin al-Zarb became aware of the PicotRabino plan, he masterminded both the depreciation and the demonstration to prevent the Imperial Bank from taking over the mint. His influence in the bazaar and the community at large was such that it was certainly within his power to organize such events. The Imperial Bank of Persia since its inception had yearned to control the mint so that it could have a monopoly over the import of silver into Iran and its sale at profitable prices to the mint. Amin al-Zarb, who became aware of their motives early on, had been engaged in a war with them for many years, and this could have been another battle.37 On Amin al-Zarb's reinstatement at the mint, his agent in Isfahan wrote a letter that is of interest because although it congratulates him, in between the lines it expresses the humiliation Amin al-Zarb must have felt at being imprisoned and fined. Haj Muhammad Hassan Isfahan! Khayyat, Amin al-Zarb's agent, writes: Last week the glad tidings of the gracious gesture of His Majesty in granting the Mint [to you] reached us. The afflictions wrought [upon you] are not worth these things. But still it transpired that having put it to the test they comprehended the extent of your excellency's expertise. .. . God Willing it should be auspicious with a happy ending. But

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the treachery of this garden is not worth picking a flower from it. If Nasir al-Din Shah were living it would not have mattered, but now that the government is the plaything of children it would have been better if the Shah's decree had been signed by not only the heir to the throne but even by the andarun so that the past would not be repeated. Your humble servant has not as yet recovered from the dejection of their treatment of you.3*

In saying that the government was run by children, Haj Muhammad Hassan Isfahan! is expressing the consensus of the time regarding the ineptitude of Muzaffar alDin Shah and his courtiers. Sarcastically counseling Amin al-Zarb to get the decree signed by anyone he can refers to the number of people who appear to be in charge of things and the fact that previously Amin al-Zarb was first appointed for three days and then the appointment was rescinded. As for Amin al-Dawla's motivation for acquiescing to the appointment, there can only be speculation. As far as Amin al-Dawla's request to Hardinge for a plan to reform the mint is concerned, there is no other evidence to corroborate Hardinges word. Amin al-Dawla may not have been as keen on this plan as Hardinge suggests. However, as prime minister, it was important for him not to antagonize the bazaar community and to have its cooperation, hence his acquiescence to the appointment of the syndicate. The most puzzling factor, however, is that the mint, which held such interest for Amin al-Dawla and is frequently discussed in his memoirs prior to his premiership, is never even referred to after he becomes prime minister, nor is the Pleot-Rabino plan or the reinstatement of Amin al-Zarb.39 For a number of years prior to Nasir al-Din Shah's death, as mentioned earlier, there had been increasing inflation and food shortages in the country at large, in particular of bread and meat, giving rise to riots and general discontent. Aside from the general monetary situation discussed previously, which caused inflation and a rise in the price of goods in general and foodstuffs in particular, there were also other causes. One of the causes of the shortage of bread was that since the 1860s, when the cultivation and production of opium became popular, much of the land previously allocated to the cultivation of wheat and barley was allotted to opium production. Consequently, by the end of the of die century, Iran, which had been a major exporter of wheat and barley, gradually became an importer of those products. The drop in the exchange value of the qiran, the deficit in the balance of payments, the decrease in the production of these commodities, accompanied by an increase in population, were all instrumental in the rise of the price of wheat and barley and, in turn, that of bread. Haj Muhammad Isfahan! wrote to Amin al-Zarb from Yazd that "prices have skyrocketed everywhere."40 The shortage and high price of bread also affected the price of other foodstuffs. A few months later, it was once again reported from Yazd: "For the past few days there has been an indescribable shortage of bread and other goods. Since two days ago it has not been possible to buy bread from the bazaar."41 Bread was the staple diet of the people, with the exception of the Caspian areas, where rice

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was the basic food item. As bread grew scarcer and more expensive, people turned to other foodstuffs whose supply had not necessarily increased, thus bringing about a rise in their prices as well.42 The bread situation was further exacerbated by the landlords, including government officials, the tujjar, and the ulama hoarding wheat and barley in expectation of even higher prices. Once again, there is a report from Yazd: "There is tremendous shortage of wheat. There is no fixed price for it. Whoever has it will quote whatever price they w a n t . . . In the shops in front of the kiln there are always fifty people waiting."43 The meat situation was aggravated by the presence of daUak (middlemen), most of whom were agents of the governor of Tehran, Nayib al-Saltana. These people would meet the shepherds on the outskirts of the town, prevent them from bringing the sheep into the city, buy the sheep, bring them into the city themselves, and sell them for two or dirce times the original price. Another factor instrumental in the increase of the price of meat was unreasonable taxation of the butchers by the governor of Tehran,44 To help his mentor Amin al-Sultan, who was once again prime minister, Amin al-Zarb unofficially took it upon himself to rectify the meat situation. In a letter to Amin al-Sultan, he explained that he had discovered that secret stocks of sheep were being kept, that in some cases meat was being sold at twice the official rate of two qirons per man, that in some other cases the butchers had closed their shops altogether, that he was worried about the high price and shortage of meat and took steps to remedy it. He relates having engaged twenty-five Isfahan! yokels, with a meager daily income, contracting them to sell meat at 2 qirans per man. Simultaneously, he provided them with 1,300 sheep. Within forty-eight hours, the butchers had opened up their shops and meat was selling at the official rate.'45 This was the situation that MuzafTar al-Din Shah inherited on his accession to the throne and with which he was not unfamiliar. As heir to the throne in his last years in Tabriz, which was one of the centers of discontent, he had to deal with both riots and hoarding. To rectify the situation, Muzaffar al-Din Shah ordered the prime minister, once again Amin al-Zarb*s mentor, Amin al-Sultan, to form a majlis-i intizam-i nirkh (a commission for regulating prices). Amin al-Zarb was appointed the head of this commission. Afzal al-M ulk describes the reasons for Amin al-Zarbs appointment as follows: His Excellency the Prime Minister was aware that whomever he put in charge of regulating the prices would once again accept bribes from the landlords and hoarders, increasing the price of bread and causing the people to riot. To fulfill his objective he chose Haj Muhammad Hassan Kompany, the ex-keeper of the Mint. This elderly man was far superior to all the tujjarhi^hand low from the point of view of wisdom, wealth, expertise and commercial proficiency, in abundance of wealth, in the promotion of goods, financial and verbal credit, and in the collection of his debts; he was famous amongst the manufacturers and factories of all the European countries. To whatever European country he placed an order for goods and merchandise they would immediately send five kurun worth of textiles and goods for him to sell and then pay them. Because

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this impartial merchant disinterested in worldly goods was chosen he rendered a service to the government and the people,46

The commission consisted of Qavam al-Dawk, the minister of customs; Mu'avin al-Dawla, the minister of commerce; Sa'd al-Mulk, deputy to the minister of commerce; Sardar Mukarram, minister of the arsenal; Mukhtar al-Sakana, minister of police; Bashir al-MuIk, Shatir-bashi (the royal baker); Bask al-Mulk, deputy to the minister of Crown lands; and Amin al-Zarb.47 Four Cossack officers and fifteen Cossacks were put at the disposal of the commission for executing its duties, and 50,000 tumans were guaranteed by the prime minister in case the purchase of wheat became necessary. The document for the formation of the commission was signed by the prime minister and dated Jamadi 1 1316/September-October 1898.48 The meetings of the commission took place in the hujra of Amin al-Zarb, where they established reasonable prices to be observed by die traders. Amin al-Zarb set about his task with great daring, by confronting the leaders of the hoarders who were notables and members of the ttlama. The most important among diem was Zahir al-Islam the imam jam 'a of Tehran, and ironically, Qavam al-Dawla, the minister of customs, a member of die commission. The imamjum'a, aside from his religious position, was the son-in-law of Nasir al-Din Shah and brother-in-law of Muzaffar al-Din Shah. Consequently, no one, not even the governor of Tehran or any of die ministers, dared approach him and ask him to release his supply of wheat.4* But the first person Amin al-Zarb approached was the imam jum'a, to whose house he went in person, asking to buy his wheat for ten tumans per k/jarvar, which the imamjum'a had been selling for fifty tumans per kharvar."^ During a long meeting in the presence of some of the imamjum'as entourage, the imam jum'a listened to Amin al-Zarb's proposal politely and finally suggested that the other hoarders should be approached first. Amin al-Zarb refused, saying: "You are the most powerful person in this town; that is why I ha¥e come to get your wheat first so that you can set an example for others." Due to the fact that Amin al-Zarb was above accepting a bribe of 10,000 tumans or so and that refusing his proposal meant total contempt for the objectives of the government, the imamjum'a. agreed to sell his wheat for ten tumans per kharvar. Consequently, Qavam al-Dawla and other hoarders followed suit, wheat was made available in plenty to the bakers, and the price of bread fell almost to what it had been before the hoarding.51 As a result, die price of other foodstuffs, such as rice and ghee and necessities such as charcoal, also fell. Regarding the service that Amin al-Zarb rendered to the community, Afzal alMulk says: [I]n the past Haj Muhammad Hassan was resented by the people of Tehran and Iran as some irregularities in the silver and copper coinage and the ensuing losses were attributed to him and many stories told. But in these few months of being in charge of the commission he showed extraordinary capability [his true mettle]. He did not fear any-

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one. He opened up the granaries, supplied the people of Tehran with bread and saved them from famine. He reached such standing that the people became his devotees and revered him, regretting previous allegations. In every gathering he was spontaneously praised.52 The shah was so pleased with the result that he gave Amin al-Zarb an ornamental labbada (an outer garment for men) and sent his brother Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar of Mashhad a length of his own overcoat material.53 In spite of Amin al-Zarb's energy and hyperactivity, he was always an ailing man. Apparently, he coughed frequently and sometimes spat blood. According to his son, Ha) Husayn Aqa Amin al-Zarb, early on in his commercial activities Amin al-Zarb was in great haste to deliver some sugar to Tehran from Tabriz, and although he fell ill with a cold, he did not stop to recover. From that point onward, he was always ailing.54 There are records of many illnesses in the archives. For instance, on 4 Sha'ban 1287/30 October 1870, he wrote to Haj Abu al-Qasim in Istanbul: "Today I do not anticipate living another minute. It rests upon God's grace whether the sickness passes." On 10 Safar/1 May 1871, he wrote in another letter: "Shortness of breath, chest pain, flank pain and headache have prostrated me." In 14 Rab'ia II/20 May 1875, he had so much difficulty breadiing that he was housebound. During Zi Hajja and Muharram 1303/September-October 1886, he was bedridden and sent a telegram to Kirman, saying: *'[T]he infirmity and ailment continues." There is evidence in the archives that every year he became ill.55 Eventually, at the beginning Rai'a I 1316/August 1898, he fell terminally ill, although he made a brief recovery in Rab'ia II/September and actually went to his bujm in Jamadi II/November. Finally, he succumbed to his ailment and died on 8 Sha'ban 1316/22 December 1898, probably from asthma, pulmonary emphysema, tuberculosis, or lung cancer, at die age of approximately sixty-three.56 He was buried in the holy city of Najaf. Upon his death, AfeaJ al-Mulk wrote the following obituary: Haj Muhammad Hassan Isfahan! Amin al Dar-al Zarb, pseudonym kompani-, who during the Nasiri and Muzaffari periods was the most reputable tajir in Iran and had influence in foreign lands which he had infiltrated and to whom the government always had recourse [particularly] in this period when he was in charge of the majUs-i iatizami nirkh he rendered great service to the people and the government saving the people from that year's famine. This blessed man died towards the end of this year of 1316 in the month of Sha'ban, and all the people of Tehran prayed for his salvation and due to his activities in controlling piices remembered him favourably. ... In short the late Haji Muhammad Hassan was an expert in commercial agricultural and political affairs . . . installation of railway. If they had given him security and safety he would have been able to develop the commerce of Iran to such an extent that the people of Iran would have had no need of foreign goods and objects. He would have brought to Iran the wheel and machinery necessary for anything and would have started new factories. But sadly they did not encourage him in any of these ventures. . . . The memorabilia of his

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charitable acts are the publication of all the volumes of Bihar al-Anwar on which he spent enormous sums of money.57 He published them all and gave them to the people free. Another of his charitable acts is the construction of numerous kujras in the courtyard of the mausoleum of the garden of Ibn-i Babuya which is located one and a half farsangs outside Tehran.58 [He also] constructed fouifarsangs of railway in Mazandaran up to the sea so that the transport of merchandise to the boats could be expedited.59

Although the last years of Amin al-Zarb*s life had their vicissitudes, ranging from the disgrace of his friend Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani to being imprisoned and fined himself, he died a popular man due to his services during the famine, which were known far and wide, as attested to by Afzal al-Mulk. Thus ended the days of a man of vision who moved from obscurity in Isfahan to fame and fortune in Tehran and abroad.

PHOTO 8.1 Haj Husayn Aqa Amin al~Zarb II

Cdnclv45i£ti Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb started life in poverty and obscurity and ended his days in wealth and prominence. His rise to social and economic importance was so meteoric that it became the stuff of legend, blending the myth and reality of his life. This book, based mainly on hitherto unpublished primary material from the family archives, attempts to separate the reality from the myth, to give an account of his life and times and, simultaneously, to dispel various myths about the social structure of Qajar Iran. Amin al-Zarb's life spanned the reigns of three Qajar shahs. He was bore in the reign of Muhammad Shah (1834-1848); he arrived in Tehran in the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah (1848-1896), during which he reached the zenith of his eminence; and he died in the reign of Muzaffar al-Din Shah (1896-1906). Amin al-Zarb's life coincided with a period in Iranian history of increasing European influence: Due to expanding trade with and travel to the West, European ideas of liberty and constitutional government were filtering into the country. The establishment of the Dar al-Funun, the first institute of higher learning in Iran, in 1852, further strengthened Western influence through the employment of European teachers and the translation of books from European languages into Persian. Nasir al-Din Shah himself was greatly impressed and even awed by the progress he had witnessed firsthand on his various trips to Europe, so he welcomed all foreign missions enthusiastically and granted concessions to foreigners indiscriminately. Amin al-Zarb's commercial success was due, aside from his personal talent and capability, to the increasing European influence, the transition from a premercantile to a market economy, and the demand for imported goods and expanding trade with Europe. Amin al-Zarb took every advantage of the growing international trade and the consumer demand for imported goods of every description, ranging from luxury goods to foodstuffs and manufactured goods. He established agents both in Iran and abroad. As the correspondence with his brother in Istanbul shows, his objective was that his hujra should contain unique goods, unobtainable elsewhere. In this he was extraordinarily successful, to such an extent that from the Shah downward, his hujra was the first resort for any imported goods. Amin al-Zarb's passion for innovation and industrialization also had its roots in Western influences. His initial knowledge of commercial Western know-how came about through his association with Panayotti. In working with Panayotti, Amin al-

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Conclusion

Zarb glimpsed a larger world not only of trade but of new institutions and ideas. Further, during his first hajjtrip, which took him through Russia, Istanbul, and Egypt, he became impressed with the advantages of adopting European technology and science. For the first time in his life, he saw paved roads, railways, ports, and numerous other innovations little known to Persian society. Above all, he became acquainted with the power of die steam engine, an invention that made a lasting impression on him and to which he refers frequently in his letters after his return. The vision of the West that he saw through Panayottis eyes, combined with his own experience of the hajjtrip, fired his imagination to such an extent that he yearned not only to enter that world but also to import it into Iran. Even before his first European trip, through Panayotti, he was familiar with some Western financial institutions. He wrote to the shah in 1296/1878 proposing the formation of a national bank.1 In this letter, he emphasized that Europe achieved its industrial progress through banks, which accumulated capital and used it to finance large enterprises. As a result, factories, operated by steam, produced all the goods the people in Europe needed. In addition to the great importance he attached to a national bank as a means of capital accumulation, Amin al-Zarb was fascinated by the possibilities offered by die power of steam and referred to it over and over again in his letters. This fascination led him to bring a railway and factories to Iran on his own and independently of the government. He invested much of die capital he accumulated through commerce in mining, road construction, and manufacturing ventures. Although he benefited from the trade with Europe and admired Europe's technology as well as its political institutions, on a personal level he spoke disparagingly of Europeans and distrusted them in connection with any business transaction. This is not surprising. On the one hand, the period was an era of ruthless European concession seekers; on die other, Amin al-Zarb was by nature suspicious, perhaps due to his early childhood, the reverses that his father suffered and that he had to handle, and the fact that he was a self-made man who had to struggle hard to attain a position that he wished to maintain. As a consequence, he was secretive and distrustful of most people and saw everyone as a threat to his position. This is demonstrated well in his testament to his son.2 He was a complex and clever man with enormous resources of energy. In today's psychoanalytic terminology, he might well be classified as a hyperactive personality. He portrays himself in his testament as never resting and constantly running after a business affair or attending to die grievance of a fellow merchant. His letters from Europe show that at any one time, he was capable of dealing with many diverse and unrelated problems, remembering minute details. Amin al-Zarb was a man of many facets. He was a deeply religious man and fulfilled all his religious duties; he was a devoted family man and a concerned father; he was an accomplished courtier. He was a brilliant businessman, capable of being rutMess when necessary; he sought to obtain justice for and defend the interests of the merchant class. And above all, he was a patriot with die interest of his country and welfare of the people at heart.

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The whole of Arnin al-Zarbs persona and character was formed by a traditional Islamic upbringing and education, an education that was obtained in an elementary maktab in Isfahan but that nevertheless gave him a sound grounding in the Qur'an and classical Persian literature, as his letters demonstrate. Not only was he himself guided by Islamic principles in relation to the world at large and his family in particular but the structure and function of his household was based on these same principles. Religion governed and determined the daily life of the household. When Amin al-Zarb expanded his home by buying a number of adjacent houses to add to the existing one, he designated one of the new houses as a husayniyya, a religious center where commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn, the third Shi'i Imam, was observed and tet'ziya, or passion plays, were performed.5 Every morning, one hour before dawn, a blind man, a reciter of the Qur'an, came to the house to recite some sections of the Qur'an, have breakfast in the house, and then leave. One evening a week there was an open house at die kusayniyya, for rawza-kkani, a recitation of the tragedies of Karbala. A rawza-khan, or reciter, came, and all the members of the household and those in die neighborhood who wished attended. On all commemorative religious occasions, whether festive or tragic, Amin al-Zarb gave alms and kept open house for the poor and needy. These tasks were so important to Amin al-Zarb that he left instructions concerning them in his testament to his son. During his lifetime, Amin al-Zarb not only followed all these religious practices but on the feast of Ghadir, commemorating the day when 'Alt was appointed to succeed the Prophet, he also distributed material for clothing among the poor. The highlight of religious observances was the month of Muharram, particularly the first ten days culminating in Ashura, which marks the martyrdom of Imam Husayn. Since the Islamic calendar is lunar and Muharram falls at different times in various years, particular arrangements were required according to the season. When the weather was suitable, tents were erected in the courtyard of the bimni compound. Otherwise, the observances took place inside the house. This major rawzakhani was not only a religious occasion but also a social one in which all members of the family participated. For instance, in the year 1291/1874—1875 when Muharram was approaching, Amin al-Zarb wrote to his younger brother who was in Marseilles, ordering some special crocheted covers for the husayniyya, and for the raivzakhani and urging his brother to arrange his affairs so that he could return to Tehran for the rawza-khani.* When he himself was on his first European trip in 1887, he wrote to his son saying that he hoped to finish up his business (he was buying railway equipment) so as to be home for Ashura.5 But when he was unable to wind up his affairs to return to Tehran on time, he wrote another letter giving instructions for the commemorations to be conducted in a proper manner.6 Aside from diese special occasions, members of the 'ulama, and religious figures were always welcome in Amin al-Zarb's house and were found there frequently. His friendship with and protection of Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani stemmed from his belief that Jarnal alDin was a genuinely spiritual man and a religious guide intent on furthering the

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cause of Islam. He shared with Jamal al-Din his concern for the reform of the Islamic world in general and Iran in particular. He saw Jamal al-Din as a force of change and instrument of the reform of the Islamic world. There was a kinship of ideas between the two men regarding reform and modernity within an Islamic framework, leading Amin al-Zarb to disregard the contradictions in Jamal al-Dins political ideology that eventually made Jamal al-Din persona non grata in Iran. A further example of Amin al-Zarb's deep religiosity and his desire to educate the general public is that he published the lithograph edition of Bihar-al-Anwar in twenty-two volumes at his own expense, which he distributed for free among the public.7 He also undertook the construction of many public facilities, including caravanserais and hujras, at religious shrines.8 Amin al-Zarbs familiarity with Western lifestyles and his admiration for Western technological and political institutions did not affect his private life or beliefs. Although he moved easily between the two worlds, East and West, his own personal life was conducted according to traditional Persian and Islamic family values, and the structure of his household was based upon them. The extended family, both matrilineal and patrilineal, was considered important, and at any one time, various members of both branches could be found living in the house, in addition to the original nucleus of his own wife and children, his mother, and his brothers and their wives. The household and its function is clearly described in the unfinished biography by Haj Husayn Aqa and shows the extended family system in operation.9 It was a household within which the roles of its members were well defined and the sexes generally segregated. Amin al-Zarb was the head of die household and die sole, unquestioned, recognized authority. He made all important decisions, which the others obeyed. Even as adults, his brothers deferred to him regarding their activities. He cared for die needs of all his dependents and supervised die daily life of his son and his son's education in detail. The sexes were segregated not only socially but also as far as dieir daily work was concerned. Amin al-Zarb and his brothers were the breadwinners and die women were the homemakers. Among the women, Amin al-Zarb's mother was the all-powerrul matriarch who exercised authority over the other women of the household and under whose supervision meals were taken and the children brought up. Amin al-Zarb did not forget his relatives in Isfahan. According to the material in the archives, he sent diem a monthly allowance and left instructions to his son in his testament that the allowance should be continued after his death. Am in al-Zarb's entree into court circles started gradually as a result of the success of his hujra. He was the only merchant who had direct agents in Europe. Consequently, most of the influential and prominent people, including Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawla, the prime minister, were his clients, and to some of them he acted as personal banker. But it was predominantly dirough the patronage of the Amin al-Sultans, father and son, that he entered the royal court. As a result, whenever die government needed money drafts or arms and other goods from Europe, it acted through him. Amin al-Zarb was fully conscious of the importance of his connection with the royal court and did not miss a single opportunity to ingratiate

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himself with, the shah or Amin al-Suhan, He frequently sent them presents, and from each of his European trips, he brought them exclusive, expensive gifts, including jewelry. When the shah's favorite, Ariz al-Sultan (Malijak), was planning to marry one of the shahs daughters, Aniin al-Zarb volunteered in partnership with Amin al-Sultan to pay for the wedding,10 At the same time, he observed all the formalities required from a courtier. Whenever he wanted to leave Tehran, whether the destination was within the country or abroad, he first obtained the shah's permission. When he arranged a marriage for his son, although all the negotiations had already taken place and the preparations had been made, he wrote to the shah to ask his permission for the marriage. Amin al-Zarb was a shrewd and discerning businessman, bent on making a profit and determined not to be cheated out of anything, be it opportunity or merchandise. He knew the pulse of the market and did not confine himself to one particular market or commodity. As soon as he heard that some product was in demand in some market, he had no compunction about ordering his brother to go off with the whole shipment, for instance to Egypt or France. He used every occasion, from the shah's trip to the Holy Cities to die months of mourning to Naw Ruz celebrations, for commercial gain. His business ingenuity, according even to the limited picture available, can be seen in his progressive accumulation of capital. He arrived in Tehran in 1270/1853 with 100 rials; and within eight months he had made a profit of 1,400 tumans. Shortly after, he formed a company with a capital of 2,000 tumans and was able to raise sufficient capital to invest 10,000 tumans in exporting wool. By 1870, his operational capital was 300,000 tumam, and approximately one decade later, he made a profit of 300,000 tumans from one opium deal alone. By the end of his life, his wealth, according to the list submitted by his son to the authorities, was estimated at 1.5 million tumans, which was probably an undervaluation due to the prevailing insecurity of property and private wealth. Simultaneously, he was a cautious businessman, conducting his business with the full knowledge that every transaction was precarious and dependent on events beyond his control. However, in spite of his caution, he was perspicacious in exploring new ideas and inventions for their utility and for commercial gain. Nonetheless, in his commercial transactions, he followed certain ethical principles and wished to be known as a trustworthy party. He followed the maxim "Do unto others as you would to thyself" and said this in so many words in a letter to a colleague: "The principal rule of the sublime shari'a is that whatever a human being sanctions for himself, he should also sanction for others."" Amin al-Zarb's life and works are an example of Max Weber's Protestant ethic but inspired by Islamic principles. He saw hard work as a virtue and a moral obligation and believed in the Qur'anic verse: "Surely Allah changes not the condition of a people, until they change their own condition."12 In his testament to his son, he was disdainful of sons of aristocrats who did not follow religious precepts, did not work, and then fell on hard times. He believed in frugal living and an ascetic way of life. In his testament, he enjoined his son not to be extravagant, not to desire worldly

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goods and to refrain from physical pleasures, to eat sparsely and indulge in sexual intercourse with his wife only once a week or fortnight. He maintained a modest lifestyle, avoided conspicuous consumption, and undertook only necessary and practical expenditures. Finally, he reinvested his profits in new ventures, frequently in imports but very often also in long-term capital enterprises, such as mines, factories, and railways. Atnin al-Zarb himself had an ambivalent attitude toward his own business success. In writing of his religious beliefs and philosophy of life, he at times expressed regret at having pursued worldly goods. "Whoever has gone after accumulating worldly goods," he wrote on one occasion, "has definitely put his foot in filth and will be drowned in filth." Yet elsewhere in the same statement, he said that he and his brothers had come by dieir wealth legally and followed all religious precepts regarding charitable acts and donations and that no one had any claim to their property.1* Amin al-Zarb was uncomfortable with his business success but he loved his religion and his country. Somehow he managed at the same time to serve God, Mammon, and country. The rule of law and protection against arbitrary rule was of great concern to him, particularly as he felt himself constantly vulnerable; at any moment, his fortunes might change and his hard-earned wealth and property be confiscated by the state. As his letters from Europe demonstrate, aside from industrial progress, he was most impressed with Europe's legal institutions, which offered protection to all members of the society regardless of class and office. It was as a result of this zeal that by consensus of the merchant community, he became the self-appointed defender of the merchant class. Although the merchants constituted a prestigious class, possessing economic and a certain amount of political power in the society, they were nevertheless subject to arbitrary acts and extortion. Amin al-Zarb served the shah, the government, and die court not only as banker and merchant but also as financial adviser. Thus, he was well placed to protest unfair practices affecting the merchant classes and to defend their interests when necessary.He expressed his opinions, both verbally and in letters to die shah and the prime minister, on internal economic development, foreign interference, and the importance of die merchant class. According to I'timad al-Saltana: Today there was a meeting of the merchants and the Minister of Commerce in the presence of His Majesty. He held forth for two hours saying senseless things to the effect that we must stop bringing foreign goods into Iran. Everyone agreed with the Shah's opinions quickly without considering the matter, except for Haji Muhammad Hassan Amin Dar-al Zarb, who spoke quite bluntly asking what goods and industries of our own do we have so as not to need foreign ones.'4

In letters diat led to the formation of the majlis-i vukttla-yi tujjar, die Consultative Assembly of Iranian Merchants, he attacked provincial officials ror using their position to extract money from die merchants. He went so far as to include die pow-

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erful eldest son of the shah, Mas'ud Mirza Zill al-Sultan, the governor of Isfahan, in his criticism.15 Even after the dissolution of the majlis, merchants from all over Iran continued writing to him with their grievances, and Amin al-Zarb would take up their cases either with Amin al-Sultan or the shah, depending on the gravity of the situation. Above all, Amin al-Zarbs overriding passion was the development of Iran into a society free of arbitrary rule, which would allow all of its resources to be utilized and enable achievement of the same level of development as Europe. By the time of Amin al-Zarb's death, he was one of the prominent members of the Qajar elite, and his son not only inherited his father's mantle but extended the family's social standing. Aside from founding a business empire and amassing a great fortune, Amin al-Zarb established a dynasty that became a component of the "thousand families" in Iran, whose members were part of the ruling elite until the Islamic Revolution of 1979.16 Although the dramatic social mobility exemplified by the life of Amin al-Zarb was not common, nevertheless there were sufficient others like him to dispel the myth, propagated mainly by Western scholars of Persian society, on the one hand, and Marxist analysts, on. the other, that Qajar society was a closed one in which social mobility did not take place. Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb was both a financial genius and a visionary, a man who grasped that economic conditions in Iran and the outside world were changing fast and who saw both the need and the opportunity to involve his country in the industrial revolution of Europe. The commercial, financial, and industrial enterprise he created, however, did not long survive him; and unlike his counterparts in India, for example, Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata (1839—1904), he proved unable during his own lifetime to convert his commercial success into a major and durable industrial enterprise.17 The reasons are numerous. His Iran suffered from a semicolonial condition without reaping some of the benefits of full colonialism such as the establishment of infrastructures like roads, railways, and educational, legal, and bureaucratic systems. British and Russian rivalries and foreign concessions militated against the full fruition of native business enterprise. In the economic field, as in the diplomatic, well-meaning but bewildered Qajar Shahs were no match for their European counterparts. Private property remained insecure, and as events proved, even so prominent and powerful a merchant as Amin al-Zarb was not immune from arbitrary rule and government exaction. Added to these prevailing conditions there may have also been personal factors involved in preventing Amin al-Zarb from making the transition from a major merchant to a major industrial entrepreneur. Amin al-Zarb started life at a disadvantage, compared for instance to the Indian entrepreneur Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata, whose fadier was already an established merchant and was able to provide his son with the requisite educational background to start working in the family business. In contrast, Amin al-Zarb had little education and, rather than joining a thriving family enterprise, devoted many years to establishing himself and his business. His involvement with the mint, which arose from the necessity of maintaining government connections, occupied much of his precious time, which could have been de-

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voted to his own affairs. Amin al-Zarb also appeared unable to delegate authority, one of the prerequisites of a large industrial enterprise. Further, his heirs—that is, his son, his brother and his nephews-—were not of the caliber that made Arnin alZarb a successful entrepreneur. After his deadi, they were unable to bring his projects to fruition. The life of Amin al-Zarb illustrates both the possibilities and limitations of nineteenth-century business enterprise in Iran. There is no doubt that Amin al-Zarb was a visionary with ideas ahead of his time. If circumstances had been favorable, in spite of possible personal shortcomings, he would have been able to transform his enterprise into an enduring one. Favorable circumstances would also have permitted other indigenous merchants and entrepreneurs to follow a similar course. Iran might then have established a foundation for earlier industrialization and modernization. But conditions in the country and Iran's relationship to the great powers dictated otherwise.

i^MXYfrisr4/4 C/Wemmf* *f * cL-§e BY HAJ MUHAMMAD HUSAYN AMIN AL-ZARB II

In the name of God, the Merciful and the Compassionate, The date of my birth, according to the records that my father kept at the back of a manuscript of Zad al~ma.'ad, is on the fifth of Muharram 1289/1872 of the Hijra.' The place of birth is the city of Tehran during the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar (ruled 1848-1886). The name that I was given is Muhammad Husayn, according to the above record. The name of my late father was Haj Muhammad Hassan Tajir-i Isfahani, the son of Aqa Muhammad Husayn, the son of Haj Mihdi, the son of Aqa Muhammad Rahim, may their dust be fragrant. The name of my late mother was Mah Bigum Khanum, the daughter of the late A<|a Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf-i Isfahani. The marriage of my late father to my [late] mother took place in the city of Tehran. They contracted a legal marriage according to the laws of the holy shari'a, witnessed by religious scholars (ulama). I do not know where my great grandfather Aqa Muhammad Rahim died and I did not ask rny lather about it. But the late Haj Mihdi passed away in the city of Isfahan; and the late Aqa Muhammad Husayn, my grandfather, died in Kirman. The mother of the late Haj Muhammad Hassan was Bibi Mah Khanum, who, it is said, was the daughter of one Aqa Baba from Khoy, who was a member of the dignitaries of that town (one of the cities of Azarbayjan), and I think that there is a mosque at present in Khoy named after Aqa Baba Kho'i. I do not know what transpired that the family came to Isfahan where he arranged the permanent marriage of Bibi Mah Khanum to my grandfather Aqa Muhammad Husayn. I do not know of anyone who possesses correct information concerning them. I forgot to obtain the correct information from my late father about this subject, I do not know the profession of my great ancestor Haj Muhammad Rahim, but the late Haj Mihdi and the late Aqa Muhammad Husayn, his son, were both traders (kasiii) and merchants (tajir), The late Haj Muhammad Hassan, my father, knew his grandfather Haj Mihdi and has described him to me. He was a humane, highly moral, very religious and distinguished man who was constantly engaged in reading the holy Qur'an. He [Haj Muhammad Hassan] said, when we came out of the house in the mornings he would buy all necessary provisions and send them home; then we went to his hujnt [business office] where he either carried out busi-

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ness transactions or read the Qur'an. Near noon we would go to the rnosquc and participate in public prayers and then go home for lunch. But often it happened that he managed to transact some business before lunchtime and then, he would say, "God has given sufficient for our expenses, why should we remain here any more?" He would then get up immediately and we would go to the mosque. He would then occupy himself in reading the Qur'an until prayer time, after which we would go home. I do not remember the date of the passing away of the late Haj Mihdi and the late Aqa Muhammad Husayn. My father told me, but I have forgotten. Likewise, I do not remember whether Aqa Muhammad Husayn wear to Kirman during the lifetime of his father Haj Mihdi or after his death. From what I have gathered, my grandfather and great-grandfather did not live long enough to oversee the education of my father and his brothers. The late Bibi Mah Khartum, who was their mother, sent them to the ordinary maktab of that period, where they were educated in the Persian language. There was in Isfahan a famous calligrapher of the Qur'an known as Aqa Abu al-Qasim, who accepted pupils and, incidentally, made them copy Qur'ans. Among them [the pupils] were my late father and his brother Haj Abu al-Qasim both of whom copied Qur'ans. Aqa Abu al-Qasim sold the Qur'ans copied by them for twelve rials per volume. The late Aqa Muhammad Husayn, my grandfather, had four male children by his wife Bibi Mah Khanum. The eldest left this world at an early age. His name was Abu al-Vahhab, The other three were as follow?: Haj Muhammad Hassan Amirt al-Zarb, Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar of Khurasan, and Haj Muhammad Rahim Aqa. I do not know for what reason the late Aqa Muhammad Husayn, my grandfather, travele to Kirman. The way my father related the story, he left Isfahan with sufficient capital, but in Kirman his transactions were not successful. Due to the fact that there were no couriers at that time, and people corresponded with each other through travelers, which took a long time, they [the family] had no news of Aqa Muhammad Husayn for a long period. Finally, news came that Aqa Muhammad Husayn was ill in Kirman, in dire straits, in need, and wished to see his son. The late Bibi Mah Khanum, through the sale of personal clothing, provided a small sum of money for expenses for the journey and sent the late Haj Muhammad Hassan with a muleteer to Kirrnan. My late father related that he was on the road for several days, suffered much hardship as the sum of money was finished, and arrived in Kirman himself in straitened circumstances. [On arrival] he went looking for his father, and it transpired that he had passed away sometime before. He [Aqa Muhammad Husayn] had acquired a Kirmani sigha whom he fHaj Muhammad Hassan] met.2 Upon meeting her she said, "A good thing you came, as you owe me some mttbriyya and the expenses of your father's illness which you must pay." Then and there, they got into a quarrel and hostilities ensued. Finally, well-wishers and peacemakers obtained a promissory note from my father in the name of that Kirmani woman so that he would send the money at a specified date. My father realized that he was stranded in the city of Kirrnan, a stranger with no money. He contacted two or three of the tujjar from Isfahan and managed to borrow a small amount of money from them and returned to [Isfahan]. In Isfahan, he met Haj Muhammad Kazim Sarraf (the father of Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Kazimov, who is working in my office at the moment). This person was an extremely humane and generous man. He comforted my father, and he lent my father the sum of money that he had borrowed from the kfahani tujjar in Kirman, plus the sum of the promissory note that

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he had given against the claims of the sigha of the late Aqa Muhammad Husayn. The late Haj Muliammd Kazim obtained a promissory note from my father to pay whenever he could (May his soul rest in peace!). At the same time, he said [to my father]: "Because you are young and an orphan, come and sit in my hujra daily, and, according to my instructions, keep the day book; and from time to time I will allow you to withdraw a little money from the income of the hujra so that you can make a transaction in your own name." At this time, the late Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar and the late Haj Rahim were both in Isfahan, They each passed their days in the hujra of one of the tujjar without any salary or wages, content to have lunch only in return for their services to the hujra. The late Bibi Mali Khanum was one of those chaste and honorable women to whom other honorable women paid respect. She acted with great decorum, sanctity, and generosity. Meanwhile, at home she made cords, braids, and buttons from cotton, silk, and wool and all things necessary for a passementerie shop and fashionable at that time, which she sent for sale. Sometimes she either sewed or knitted some other material known as sakmaduzi (I do not know what that is; when my late father used this word, I learned it from him), which she sent to the bazaar for sale.* Thus, she obtained the daily expenditure for meals and summer and winter clothing for the boys. Some time passed in this way, and the late Haj Muhammad Kazim aided my late father Haj Muhammad Hassan financially. In that very hujra, he [Haj Muhammad Kazim] would buy some property with his own money but in the name of my father and would sell it after a few days. By chance, fortune smiled during his work in the hujra and from the profits of the favorable transactions of Haj Muhammad Kazim and also from the small sum of money received from those investments, he was thus able to pay his full debt to the late Haj Muhammad Kazim, including the money lent to him earlier for the Kirman debts and the financial aid made to him. About one hundred tumans extra remained; he received this money, said farewell to Haj Muhammad Kazim, and left his hujra, My late father, Haj Muhammad Hassan related that from this sum he provided clothes for himself, Haj Abu al-Qasim, and Haj Muhammad Rahim, gave some money to his mother for their expenditure, and left for Tehran, leaving them in Isfahan. "When I entered Tehran, aside from a few items of clothing and an 'aba, my worldly possessions consisted of a box of scales and weights (misqal), the work of Isfahan that I had bought for eleven tjirans and one hundred riak in cash, I had nothing else besides the Grace of God and Trust in God," (One hundred riak is the exact wording of my late father Haj Muhammad Hassan. May his dust be fragrant!) The meaning of the word riak is the qiran in circulation in Iran in which, for example, one hundred riak equals ten tunum current then and now. He related: "With this meager sum I acquired a shop in the bazaar and started transactions. I became the party to transactions with a number of the tujyar, sarraf, and the notables of the city and entered into social intercourse with them. I did not refrain from the buying and selling of any kind of article, and I was very careful to be faithful to my promise to people and to keep my word and to guarantee vouchers and promissory notes. In the course of eight months, after deducting the expenditures of the hujra. and other necessary expenditures, I sent a certain sum of money to my mother for past expenditures and the fare to Tehran for herself and my brothers (the late Haj Abu al-Qasim and Haj Muhammad Rahim). Added to that, I sent four hundred misqak of gold priced at that time at one thousand two hundred tumans to Haj Muhammad Kazim Sarraf (whose name appears earlier) for safekeeping to remain with him. After the dispatch of the four hundred mitqak of gold, no other capital remained for me but I was able to conduct transactions on the basis of that credit."

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For a few months, he formed a partnership with Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf, who is the lather of my late mother, but it was dissolved. Meanwhile, the late Bibi Mah Khanum, accompanied by die brothers, Aimed in Tehran. "In the quarter of 'Abbas Abad near the bazaar we rented a house and lived there. The brothers were unoccupied during the day in the hujra, until after a few months I provided a drapery and cloth shop for them. I bought some handkerchiefs and other material and gave it to them to sell and render accounts." Meanwhile, his late mother sought the hand of Mah Bigum Khanum, the daughter of Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf, in marriage for my father. A marriage contract was drawn between them and the marriage took place. His [Haj Muhammad Hassan's] children by Mah Bigum Khanum were as follows: 'Ali, who died before my birth; Mihdi who died before my birth; Khadija Sultan Khanum, wife of the late Haj 'Ali Naqi Kasbi who died from a heart attack in 1333/1914, and she herself in 1342/1923; myself, Muhammad Husayn; and Ma'suma Khanurn, who died at the age of four, which I think was in the year 1304/1886. Apparently, and according to the assertion of my late father himself and witnesses, the state of my fathers fortune and luck was enormous. Whatever transaction he undertook, he made a profit. Of course, his intelligence, cleverness, wisdom, and perseverance also helped. One of the proofs of his good fortune is a dream that Bibi Mah Khanum, the mother of the deceased had, and that I heard her relate. She said, "When I was pregnant with Aqa Muhammad Hassan, I dreamt that a big star fell from the sky in our house and went into the sleeve of my dress. In the morning I went to Aqa Abu ai-Qasim, the famous interpreter of dreams. He said, 'Are you pregnant?' I said, 'Yes.' He said, 'This child is a boy and he will possess such good fortune and luck that he will become famous and renowned throughout the country.'" There were many incidents similar to this dream. My late father said, "After a few months, I audited the account of the hujra which I had given to the brothers, and discovered that they had incurred some loss and had some unclaimed credit. Due to the fact that I had bought some merchandise with a time limit attached from Azarbayjani tujjars, which I had given them [the brothers], I was forced to pay for them myself and to forfeit the unpaid credits. I closed that hujra for a few days, but because they [the brothers] were unoccupied, I opened it again and gave them some merchandise for sale to render daily accounts. Some time passed in this fashion and they came home every night. Finally, Haj Abu al-Qasim became engaged and married the daughter of Haj Muhammad Aqa Rasul, a silk merchant. His wife was also brought into our house to be with the late Bibi Mah Khanum. According to his own assertions, he [my father] made great profits from commerce. He learnt the important know-how of commerce from one Monsieur "Panayotti," who was at that time the only European merchant in Tehran, and he [Haj Muhammad Hassan] related that his dealings were with him [Panayotti].4 "One day he took me outside the city gates; there was a great amount of cargo there. He examined each item carefully and marked them with a big wooden seal in ink. I asked, "What are these?* He said, "They are sheep wool.* 1 said, 'What are you doing?" He said, 'I buy them and send them to Europe. If you can buy some I will send them in trust for you and sell them."" "From that time I became determined to engage in that trade, but my capital, after the loss of the brothers' hujra and the expenditure of rny own wedding and that of Haj Abu al-Qasim, was not worth mentioning." "Consequently, perforce, I wrote to Haj Muhammad Kazitn Sarraf to buy sheep wool for me, according to the attached sample, with the four hundred misqak of gold, and send it to

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Tehran. I myself had about one thousand tumans worth of merchandise and bits and pieces, which I sold and turned into cash. And because I had a reputation for honesty and good credit, I was able to borrow eight thousand tumans from certain people." "Finally, in the course of six months, with money from Isfahan and the borrowed money, I bought ten thousand tumans "worth of wool and gave it to Monsieur Panayotti and said to him, 'This wool is worth ten thousand tumtuK. \ do not have any more money, and eight thousand tumaas' worth of them belongs to other people; you have a lot of money, please take this wool and send [it] for sale in trust for me to Europe, and take your commission. [However,] tills is on the condition that you lend me ten thousand tumans in cash now, so that I can pay my debts and have a little money in hand for commerce; Monsieur Panayotti accepted [my conditions] cheerfully, giving me a ten-thousand tumans draft to one of the bazaar sarrafi," "When I wanted to leave the room, he called me and said, 'Do not imagine that I gave you money on the credit of these wools; it is because during this time I have tested you and seen you to be honest and persevering. Consequently, \ trust you, and henceforth the finances of my commercial office are in your charge, and you must deal with the drafts and bills of exchange." Immediately, he gave me forty thousand tumam worth ofsamtft' promissory notes." "I went, cashed it and brought it to the hujra and gradually paid his drafts from it. At the same time, he taught me the method of buying merchandise from any place and dispatching it to any place. Every day, like a teacher, he taught me commercial methods. He also taught me the method of sending drafts to the provinces. These involved sixty-one-day and ninetyone-day drafts from Tehran to the provinces and from the provinces to Tehran, and the compensation due in lieu of these arrangements." "I learnt his instructions with excitement, enthusiasm, and resolution. Every day he questioned me and was astounded to see how quickly \ had learned; he was also happy that he w in contact with such a smart person, and he had complete confidence in the manner in which I managed his capital and financial affairs. He consulted with me on the subject of the purchase of merchandise and most other affairs." "In the course of one year, things progressed so well that funds for the treasury and customs and the bills of exchange of merchants in the provinces were all drafted by me. When the agents of Monsieur Panayotti in the provinces needed cash for the purchase of merchandise, they would obtain it from the government, customs, or merchants, and according to the instructions of Monsieur Panayotti, they would give a draft in my name. Due to this I became very well known in Tehran to the Shah, ministers, and merchants, and others." "Upon the instructions of Monsieur Panayotti, I was busy in Tehran purchasing certain merchandise, and I paid all the drafts a few days before they were due. An extraordinary credit was established with the government and among people both in Tehran and the provinces. As we had arranged with Monsieur Panayotti, once a week the accounts were audited and settled. One day \ went to settle the accounts. After the settlement, \ owed him te thousand and seventy tumans. He took the book from me and wrote something in it in the European language. I thought that he had approved the authenticity of the accounts. I took the book, and when I wanted to get up, he said: 'Did you understand what \ have written?' I said, 'No.* He said, Against the ten thousand and seventy tumam which you owe me I have now received ten thousand fifteen tumans, the profits of the sale of your wool in Europe. Therefore, you only owe me fifty-five tumans.'" Trade and commerce continued in Tehran and the provinces until the year 1288/1871, when there was a great famine both in Tehran and the provinces, so that it is considered to

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be a year of great deprivation.5 In keeping with his nature, my late father decided to render a service to the people. He sent all his capital, which according to his own statement consisted of ninety thousand tumam, to Haj Tarkhan and Baku, and as there was also wheat in Mazandaran, he sent his brother Haj Muhammad Rahim to purchase wheat there and to transport the flour from Haj Tarkhan to Tehran when it arrived in Mazandaran/' In that year of extraordinary famine, this service rendered by my late father to all the people was greatly appreciated and was a source of great solace for the people. Probably a great number of people were saved from hunger and the claws of death. Even I (Muhammad Husayn), living at that time in Tehran, repeatedly heard from aged, elderly people such as the late Aqa Sayyid Hassan Dallal, known as Siyah, the late Haj Mirza Muhammad Khalil, the late Aqa Shaykh Musa Mujtahid, the son of the late Haj Mulla Muhammad Ja'far Chala Maydani and a number of other people, who used to say that in the famine of 1288/1871, Haj Muhammad Hassan saved the lives of many people and rendered a great service to the country and to the people. In any case, in that year, according to my late fathers statements, the whole of his capital had been spent for charitable purposes, and he was left without any capital. He said: "When 1 recalled my brother from Mazandaran and he came to Tehran, I discovered that, aside from two three-thousand tiimam claims from the baker and the corn chandler, I was also under public criticism from friend and foe alike as to why I had landed myself in such a predicament. And those merchants who were in competition with me went round saying that something had gone wrong with my business and caused me to lose rny credit." "But by the grace of God and good fortune I did not owe one dinar to anyone, and I conducted my life with austerity and economy, so that there were no differences in outward appearances. As before, early every morning I went to my hujnt and slowly and prudently transacted small business in cash." "A few months passed in this manner. The merchants of the provinces and the people of Tehran saw that those rumours were without foundation, that I did not owe anything nor was indebted to anyone and was carrying on with my own work. Then they realized that those accusations were made by my competitors. Once again they started sending commercial goods and money from the provinces in trust to me, and I would sell it for them honestly and take a small commission." "I also looked after the brothers. Haj Muhammad Rahim had returned from Mazandaran, and it transpired that he had married while there. I wrote [to Mazandaran] and had his wife sent to Tehran also. I brought her to my own house. Both brothers with their wives lived with rny mother and my own wife in the same house. We led a genteel life with great economy." "Meanwhile, there arose the necessity for me to travel by courier to Azarbayjan to setde certain accounts with merchants with whom I had been dealing. I went there and some important local merchants started transactions with me. They would transfer major merchandise to my name. Haj 'Abd al-Hamid Tajir Isfahan!, whom I knew from before, was in Tabriz. We went into partnership with each odter with the objective of buying and importing goods from Istanbul to Iran and similarly buying and exporting goods ftom Iran to Istanbul and Europe." "Consequently I sent Haj Abu al-Qasim to Istanbul and Haj Muhammad Rahirn to Europe. For a number of years, I was engaged in commerce and became famous throughout Iran. At this point, I felt that the hag [the pilgrimage to Mecca] was incumbent upon me. 1 made the pilgrimage to holy Mecca. I recalled Haj Abu al-Qasim from Istanbul and Haj Muhammad Rahim from Europe. I settled the accounts of the partnership with Haj 'Abd al-

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Hamid Tajir Isfahani. Some cash and pieces of property in Kirman were his share from the partnership which I gave him, and we separated." Haj Abu al-Qasim had gone to Mashhad. Haj Muhammad Rahim had also been sent back to Europe, At this time, the extent of commerce was enormous. Important contacts were made amongst ministers and notables, including the Shah. The well-known Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik, who also had the title of Nizam al-DawIa, the father of Dust Muhammad Khan Mu'ayyir al-Marnalik, who was treasurer, was my father's client.7 Mirza Husayn Khan, the prime minister, commander in chief in the Nasiri reign, and the builder [of the fumKJmajlis shunt-yi mitti, was among my father's clients. The majority of the leaders, influential people, and treasurers dealt with our hujnt. At that time, there was no merchant who had direct agents in Europe other than my father. There was no bank whatsoever in Iran. The other merchants sent a few goods to Russia and Istanbul, but my father sent very important merchandise directly to France, Germany, and England. Whenever the government needed arms, drafts, or other goods from Europe, it was done through him. The foreign ambassadors brought money from Europe only through him. Good luck and fortune, combined with the grace of God, were of great help, especially in the export of merchandise abroad from which great profit was made. I remember well my father saying: "I sought guidance from God (istikhara) concerning whether I should buy opium for export to Hong Kong and the answer was positive, so I started buying."8 "Simultaneously with my attempt at purchasing opium, the price of opium fell drastically in Hong Kong and all the people in Isfahan, Burujird, Kirmanshahan, and Shiraz who bought opium annually refrained from doing so that year. All the merchants criticized me for this purchase. Finally, I bought all that I could myself and borrowed money from people at high interest rates and sent it to the provinces for the purchase of opium. All in all, I made one thousand two hundred cases of opium in Persian ports ready for shipment to Hong Kong." "One day, Aqa 'Abd al-Baqi and Aqa Muhammad Amin Arbab Tehran!, who were illustrious merchants, came to my fnifra and said: 'We have heard that you are buying opium; as we are not planning to use ours, please buy the hundred and forty cases which we have." I had no money, but because they were prominent merchants, I wished to fulfill their desire. So out of politeness I told them that \ would buy, but, whatever the price, would give a promissory note for a year hence. They accepted, and we agreed on one hundred tunums per case to be delivered at Bushihr. They sent a telegram to Bushilir for my agent to take charge of the cases. The total of my opium holdings came to one thousand three hundred and forty cases." "Two days after this event, Mirza Husayn Khan, the prime minister, summoned me and said: 'Aqa Abd al-Baqi and Aqa Muhammad Amin have come to rne saying that your business is in trouble, that you will suffer great loss from trading in opium and they have sold your one years promissory note to me deducting three qimns per tuman from it. I have accepted your promissory note. Now if you are willing, you can put your promissory note against rny account at the price at which I purchased it, or let it remain and be paid on the agreed date.'" My late father said: "I saw in this the hand of God moving. On the one hand, my debt had diminished by four thousand two hundred tumans; on the other hand, the household of the prime minister owed me about ten thousand tuntaiK, and in this fashion our accounts would be settled. I said, 'I have no objection. Please put this promissory note, as Your Excellency has bought it, against what is owing to me from the household."*

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"The Prime Minister said, 'Then where is my profit?' I said, 'I will make a present of two hundred tumans to you." He accepted, gave me back my promissory note, and our account was settled,** "The opium was transported from Bushihr. As luck would have it, the price of opium increased daily until it reached three hundred and fifty tumans per case. I instructed them to sell. After the sale, taking into account all the necessary expenditure and the interest on the borrowed money paid to the lenders, I made a profit of roughly three hundred thousand tumans, 'If God so desires, even the enemy can bring good fortune.*" "A few days after receiving the news of the sale of opium, one day His Majesty Nasir al-Din Shah summoned nie and race-to-face asked me; 'Did you have opium abroad?' I said, 'Yes.1 He said, 'How much profit did you make? Tell the truth, be assured, I swear by the life of the Shah that I will be happy and will not create any problems for you.' Courageously and with self-confidence, I said, *I am not frightened and have full trust in the justice of the Shah, truthfully 1 made a profit of three hundred thousand tumans.* Nasir al-Din Shah was very pleased and appreciative. [He said,] 'I am delighted that during rny reign merchants have the freedom and confidence to buy merchandise, that they ha¥e learned the ropes of commerce with Europe and that in one transaction diey make a profit of three hundred thousand tumans.'" At this point, the Shah gave the letter of Malkum Khan, the Armenian who was Iranian ambassador abroad, to my father, in which Malkum had given a report of the transaction to the Foreign Ministry and to the Shah, and pointing out that after such an important transaction, Haj Muhammad Hassan should give a sum of money as present to the Shah. The Shah said, "Malkum has written in this manner, but it was presumptuous of him to suggest such a thing; instead of you giving me a present, I will give you a khal'at [long white cashmere garment with gold lace border] so that you will be encouraged to expand your commercial activities."9 I related this story as an example of the good fortune and grace of God with which he [my father] was blessed. There were many such examples of commercial transactions undertaken by my late father. It was as if whatever he touched turned into gold, which became a common saying about him by all and sundry. Commercial activities continued in full force. In the year 1296/1878 my father met and became great friends with Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan, who had formed the government Mint that was in Tehran. He had given the administration of the Mint to my father, which involved assessing the correct standard of silver, its purchase and sale, and the settlement of clients' accounts. My father had appointed his paternal cousin Haj Muhammad Amin al-Tujjar as assayer of die Mint. In the year 1302/1884 or before that, Aqa Baqir Sa'ad al-Saltana influenced the late Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan against Amin al-Tujjar, known as Haj Mu'yyir, resulting in his dismissal from the Mint.10 My late father abrogated all responsibility, and Aqa Baqir entered into the activities of the Mint but did not do well. Meanwhile, Aqa Ibrahim became ill and Nasir al-Die Shah's trip to Mashhad came up." Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan asked my father as a favor to look after the Mint in his absence. My father perforce accepted, and Aqa Ibrahim died on the road to Khurasan. Mirza *Ali Asghar Amin al-Sultan Atabak-i A'zam became minister and the successor to his father. On his return from the trip, he [Atabak-i A'zam] gave the administration of the Mint once again to my father. Although in theory my father was under the jurisdiction of the government treasury, in practice he had full responsibility. All the time, he audited the accounts secretly and carefully. For a few years, they gave two thousand tumans per annum remuneration to my father. And from the year 1309/1891 or 1310/1892, they gave hire five thousand tumam. All

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the profits, without any loss, waste, deficit, or defect were given to Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan during his days, and in turn to Mirza 'All Asghar Khan during his time. Most of the time, in fact, during the whole period, the collector of this income was one Tabriz! Karbalai Muhammad, who lived in their andarun [i.e., that of Arnin al-Sultan] and was the confidant of their secrets. Once every three or six months he [Karbalai] took the accounts there [i.e., to Amin al-Sultan] and one Mirza Sayyid "Abdulla Khan who was the mastaurft of the treasury, audited the accounts.1-2 All the accounts and papers were taken and torn. During wintertime, they were burnt in the space heater; during the summer, they were frequently thrown into the water, But I remember well from the year 1306 or 1307/1888 or 1889, after the return of Nasir al-Din Shah from his last trip to Europe, the late Isma'il Khan Amin al-Mulk, the brother of Atabak-i A'zam, became aware of the truth of the matter and started participating and being present at the time of the exchange of accounts. But I do not know what agreement he had reached with his brother. A contract had been signed between rny late father and the late Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan concerning the running of the Mint. After that, the late Atabak had written in its margin that two thousand tumam remuneration had been increased to four thousand tumam, and my late father had written his own acceptance in the same margin and signed it. This contract was put for safekeeping with Aqa Muhammad Javahiri, known as Khallalzada," who lived in the 'Abbas Abad district of Tehran and was a friend of the parties and known to the Shah and his ministers. After a few years, when the late Aqa Muhammad Hallalzada was ill (perhaps four or five days before his death), my father and I went to visit him at a time when the Mint had been taken out of the hands of Amin al-Sultan Atabak. [During this visit] he (Aqa Muhammad) said, "As I do not have access to the prime minister, Amin al-Sultan and I know that you have settled your accounts together, and the prime minister himself has said that you have no further accounts with each other concerning the Mint, and he has received all that is owing him; in front of you and in the presence of God I burn this written document so that it does not fall into other hands and the secrets of the prime minister and his father Aqa Ibrahim are not divulged." They brought a lamp and he burnt that paper. The details and reports of that I will put on paper in the pages to come. Now I will write all that I remember of my own life, with the assistance of God, may He give strength. As I wrote on the first page, I was born on the eve of Muharram 1289/1872. For a few days, I was breast-fed by my late mother, and after that, the daughter of Haj Akbar, who was our neighbor in our town house and of a genteel family, became my wet nurse and breast-fed me until I was weaned.14 The daughter of Haj Akbar is still living at the time of writing, Sunday 39 Rabi al-Sani 1347/1928, and lives in the house of my daughter Khanum Khanumha, the daughter-in-law of Haji Mu'in al-Tujjar Bushihri. She is the companion of my daughter and looks after the children as though they were her own. She is very chaste and kind. From the time that I was being nursed 1 lived in the bedroom of the late Bibi Mah Khanum, the mother of rny father. I was always in her bedroom. She loved me very much and I was used to being with her. Although she had other grandchildren, she loved me the most and held me in the highest esteem. Although it may appear extraordinary to whomever reads this, I remember everything from my childhood. Because I am writing in candor, I have to confess that I remember my infancy when I was being nursed and in the cradle. There was a servant who was very good called Nana "All. I remember her face and figure and name, although when I was two and a

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half years old, she died. When 1 started talJdng, I asked after her from my late mother and the late Bibi Mali Khanum and they were astounded that I should remember her. Similarly, I have many memories of my childhood that would appear strange if I related them, The plan of die building in which we all lived is as follows. It is the same building that is in existence today in the district of Chala Maydan. But the previous plan was different from the present one. The previous plan was as follows. There were only two compounds: one was unduruni and one was biruni. The unduruni compound, the living quarters of my late father and mother, faced [south]. In the middle there was an ursi, that is, a big room on each side of which there were two small rooms.15 There was a veranda in front of the small rooms with steps going into the yard. Under that uni and small rooms was a basement that was used as a storage for food and household goods. The building facing west consisted of a five-door room in the middle and two small prayer rooms on each side. There was a sanduqkhana in the corner, behind which was a narrow corridor opening into the kucba of Najarbashi.16 (The same door still opens into the kucha of Najarbashi.) In this building were the living quarters of the late Bibi. In reality, the middle room was the communal drawing room. The daughters-in-law, the sons, and the children went there to see Bibi and I slept there as well. The prayer room on the left, south of the fivedoor room, was a servants bedroom. The building on the east side consisted of a five-door room and two small rooms, which were the living quarters of the wife of the late Haj Abu al-Qasim, my uncle. The rooms on the south side similarly were three and were the living quarters of Gul Baji, the wife of the late Haj Muhammad Rahim, my uncle.17 My late father had also married Sughra Khanum, the daughter of Aqa Muhammad Hassan Zarrabi, who lived in her own house. Some nights, rny father went to their house. By her, he had two sons and acquired a house behind our house for her to live in. But unfortunately both children died, which affected my father deeply. In the year 1297 or 1298/1879 or 1880, my father recalled the late Haj Muhammad Rahim, my uncle, from Europe to Tehran. He was in Tehran for a number of months. His only child was Sakina Sultan Khanum, whom they gave in marriage to Haj Mirza Aqa, the son of Haj *Abbas Sarraf. Haj Muhammad Rahim was in Tehran both for the engagement and the wedding. After the wedding of his daughter, he left for Europe via the Holy Cities [Baghdad, Karbala, and Najafj. He also took the late Bibi with him to the Holy Cities but sent her back to Tehran after she had worshiped at the shrines, continuing to Europe himself. I remember well both the day of the arrival of the late Haj Muhammad Rahim in Tehran and that of his departure for Europe. The late Haj Muhammad Rahim was an extremely kind and humane man. He was an extraordinarily orthodox Muslim. A few days after his return from Europe, he started fasting to make up for the days of fasting during Ramazan that he missed while in Europe. At nights, as dawn was breaking he would wake up to eat before starting his fast. I would also join him in his room coming from Bibi's room. I would stay with him until the morning, when he would say his prayers and go back to sleep. He loved me very much and showed me much kindness. He taught me the French alphabet at that young age, although I had not yet even gone to the maktab. On the day he set off for the Holy Cities, the separation from the late Bibi affected me deeply. After their departure, I was ill for a number of days. Every day they promised me that Bibi would return tomorrow, the day after tomorrow, until she finally returned. Meanwhile, they sent me to the girls* mttktub in the neighboring house in the kucha of Najarbashi. The name of the female teacher was Mulla Baji. I, my sister, and the daughter of my

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maternal uncle Haj 'All, the brother of the late Bibi, went to that maktab. For a year we studied there, but after a year, they sent me to the boys' maktab that was near the bintni compound. (That maktab, at present, has turned into the building known as talar, in which we live.) The name of the teacher was Shaykh Isma'il Shahrudi, He had a few other pupils, too, After a while, my late father bought a small house in the kucha of Hammarn-i Marjan, which was near the mosque of Haj Shaykh Abu al-Fath, and made that into a maktab where we went daily. After a few months, Aqa Shaykh Isma'il went to Shahrud. My late father asked rne to go to the hujra daily for the time being. There was one Aqa Muhammad Isma'il who was the scribe of the hujra, and it was arranged that I should study with him until another teacher should be found. Every day I went to the hujm and studied Persian with him, until in the year I29911881, the late Aqa Mulla Shahmirzadi, the former teacher of Haj Mirza Abu aJ-Qasim, the bookkeeper of the hujra, was recommended by him to my father and brought to the hujra from Simnan. My late father commanded that he should come to the house in the mornings and give me instruction until the evening. He came the next day and started instruction in the presence of my late father. Aqa Riza, the present Ra'is al-Tujjar of Mashhad and my paternal cousin, started doing lessons with me in the same maktab situated in the birwti compound facing the qibla.™ In passing, it should be mentioned that Aqa Riza Ra'is al-Tujjar was born in Mashhad. But at that time, he, his mother, the later Hajiyya Khanum, the daughter of Haj Muhammad Hassan Aqa Rasul and the wife of my late uncle, Haj Abu al-Qasim, and the three daughters of my uncle, were ordered by my father to come to Tehran, The daughters were as follows: the eldest daughter, Khanum, who was the wife of Aqa 'Abd al-Husayn Sarraf, who died recently in Mashhad, was the mother of Akbar Aqa; the second daughter, Tuba Khanum, who is my own wife; the third daughter Qamar Khanum, who died after returning from Mashhad. They had all come to Tehran on the bidding of rny father, thinking that my uncle would also corns, but after a two-year stay in Tehran, my father sent them again to Mashhad, accompanied by my own mother, and they stayed there and my mother returned. For two years I was occupied in this manner with rny studies. Aside from the late Mulla Aqa, who had recently come to be known as Haji Akhund, there was also a Shaykh Riza, a blind man who was a reciter of the Qur'an and who was perfectly versed in the recitation of the seven versions of the Qur'an and also knew the Qur'an by heart, whom they had employed to be present in the house one hour before dawn every day." He recited one section of the Qur'an and left after breakfast. After that, Persian lessons and Arabic started: the grammar of Mir, the Amsala, the 'Avamilof Mulla Jurj an, the Sanutdiyya, the Hashiya [commentary] of Mulla 'Abdulla. After that we studied Suyuti and Jami, and later we studied the Mutavval and Mughni. We completed all this in five or six years. During this period, I learnt by heart the grammar of Mir, the Samadiyya, the text of the Mutawal, in addition to iheAlfiyya, consisting of one thousand lines of poetry.20 One Haj Mirza, known as Gul Gulab, was in charge of cursive writing and was there from morning to night. And one Mirza "Amu, the calligrapher (the one who has written most of the manuscripts in the mosques and in the Nasiri Sipahsalar Mosque) came every afternoon for calligraphic instruction. I was engaged in studying every day but Friday. I never went out of the house, except for one day a year when my late father had given permission for me and my teachers, accompanied by two or three servants, to go to one of the parks in the town. At that time, Lalazar a n d . . . were among the famous government parks where we went and had lunch and tea and returned in the evening.21

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For two years this was the regimen in the home. After two years, my late father ordered that I should no longer stay at home and that all these people should come to the upper story of the hujra, which was situated in Caravanserai-yi Amir, and that I should also go there in the morning at the time of die morning aeatt [die call to prayer] and stay there until half an hour before sunset, when I should return home. Until that time, Haj Akhund lived in the mosque of the madrasa of Amin al-Dawla Kashi, which was in the vicinity of the qibla bammamt but from this point he started living in the upper floor of Sara-yi Amir, Every morning at the time of morning prayer, I would go to the upper story of the hujra, either on horseback or by mule, accompanied by two trusted servants, one of whom lived near our house and the other one farther away. But some nights, Haj Akhund would still go to the hujra of the madrasa of Amin al-Dawla to see the theologians there. On those nights, we would arrange to meet near the ironmongers' bazaar, I would dismount and we would walk together to the hujra. On the way, he would listen to the books and the Alfiyya that he had asked me to leam by heart the previous night. All the passers-by and pedestrians were astounded and full of admiration when they saw how hard I was studying. The late Haj Akhund was very particular and full of care for my education. During that period, his wife and children were in Shahmirzad while he was overseeing my education in Tehran. It was only in the last two years of my studies that he brought his son 'Abd al Husayn from Shahmirzad to study with us. I wrote the cursive script and the lithographic script very well. I have handwritten many books, including the commentary on the morning prayer, the Divan of Mushtacj 'Ali Shah, [the prayer to] the twelve Imams by Muhyi al-Din Arbabi and Kalila t>a Ditnna and others.22 I have handwritten in lithographic script the collection of prayers attributed to the Commander of the Faithful [i.e., 'Ali], which was bound and covered in velvet. "Hits volume is at present found in my own library and is actually considered well written. Daily before sunrise, my late father would come to our place of study for inspection and was full of encouragement. He emphasized greatly the recitation and interpretation of the Qur'an, and because of this, Haj Akhund had been forced to study a number of interpretations by both Shil and Sunni 'ulama. Daily, he would give us lessons in the interpretation of the Qur'an, explaining in. detail the meaning and the origins of the various verses. My late father ordered that I should be virtuous and pious and God-loving and that I should read the Qur'an and the prayers (to the Imams), and I obeyed from the bottom of my heart. Upon his instructions, I learnt by heart the Morning Prayer, the Prayer of Kainil, the Yasin chapter (in the Qur'an), the chapter [which begins with] idhct waqa'at ai-waqi'a, the chapter of tana fathana laka fathan mubina, the chapter of Jumu'a, the chapter of Munafiqun, the chapter of Hashr, the chapter of Hal ata, the chapter of'Amma yatasa'alun, and for each one of them he gave me a special prize and some money.23 He was so concerned that I should be virtuous and pious that it is not possible to express it by putting it on paper. Because I considered obedience to the commands of my father obligatory and naturally believed in Islam, I did not ever refrain from piety and abstinence. From the age of twelve, I got up at dawn for morning prayers and said rny prayers in the evenings. Every day, whenever I had time I would read the Qur'an and prayer book. I was very particular that I should meet devout, ascetic, God-fearing people and seek their advice and counsel. From infancy, I had great reliance and trust in God Almighty and whenever something appeared desirable and pleasing, I would ask God for it. I was extremely careful not to commit any acts against the shar' and refrained from looking at those [women] not religiously permitted (na-mahmm),^ It was as-

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rounding the manner in which Islamic virtue had enveloped the whole of rny being, and always I concealed my religiosity, asceticism, and piety from everyone. I remember well one day in the month of Ramazan, I went to the Friday mosque for prayers in the company of Haj Akhund and others. There was one Aqa Abu Talibi from Khurasan who was famous [as] a preacher and reciter of rawzas in Tehran.25 After prayers, he usually preached. One day he spoke of the importance of the Great Name of God, saying that whoever knows it, his prayers will be granted, but that the Great Name is hidden from everyone and no one knows it. At the end, he gave an account of the glory, worth, and merit of the prayers of twelve Imams, the Prophet, and Fadma Zahra, prayer and Peace be upon them, his prayers will be answered.26 There and then, I said to myself that I must be very lucky to have come here and heard the preacher on these two subjects. The merit and value of the Great Name is self-evident, and the method of obtaining it has also became apparent. From the next day, I started saying daily before sunrise: "That in Allah's grace, he grants it to whom He pleases. And Allah is the Lord of Mighty Grace," for forty-one days,27 It is obvious that the Grace of God that has favored me every minute and hour of every day, night, month, and year is due to those sincere prayers, for which I have always been grateful and continue to be so. In the year 1303/1885, Nasir al-Din Shah went on his trip to Mashhad and took with him Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan.28 On the way, Aqa Ibrahim passed away and his title was given to his son Mirza *Ali Asghar Khan. He almost became minister of Court, in charge of everything, and held the reigns of government. In Mashhad, he stayed at the house of my uncle malik al-tujjar, After his return to Tehran, he was extremely kind to my father. One Friday he came to lunch at our house. When he wanted to leave in the evening, they had only one carriage as we did not have one. We had a mule and a donkey. Isma'il Khan Amin al-Mulk, the brother of Amin al-Sultan, rode that mule, and Muhammad Qaskn Khan Sahib Jam", the other brother, rode the donkey. [At that time, means of transport in the capital city was thus difficult.] Two days after, rny father became extremely ill, suffering from a chest ailment that left him bedridden for a number of months. All the Persian doctors and one European doctor, Tholozan by name, sent by Amin al-Sultan and the Shah, came to visit daily.29 My father sent a telegram to Mashhad to my uncle Haj Abu al-Qasim, asking him to come to 'Tehran. Amin al-Sultan himself came a number of times to see how my father was doing. The doctors prescribed sweet lemons. Amin al-Sultan ordered people to go to private orangeries and buy sweet lernons at five qiraas each. This price was considered most unusual and extraordinary by everyone and became a public byword. Gradually my father became better and sent me in the company of Haj Muhammad Amin aJ-Tujjar to Ayvan-i Kayf to meet my uncle. This was the first time I left Tehran. We stayed two or three days in Ayvan-i Kayf until my uncle arrived, and then we accompanied him to Tehran. He stayed in Tehran for a few months. He was very fond of me. In the evenings, we used to come home together mounted. He, Bibi, and my father spent the nights in the fivedoor room on the east side of the andamn building. Sonic nights, my father would go to his own room and then it was my turn to be with my uncle. We would stay up all night, he talking of the past and I listening. My poor uncle had a stone in his bladder that troubled him very much. Physically, he was weak and ailing. After a few months he left for Mashhad, accompanied by Bibi. The first night of their departure they spent in Hazrat 'Abd al-'Azim, Peace be upon Him, and left in the middle of the night,30

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After their departure, my father also left for town. It may have been the month of Ramazan. The only people left there were myself, Sakina Sultan, the daughter of my uncle Haj Muhammad Rahim, and Aqa Farajulla, and we returned to town in the morning (riding the donkey). At about this time, the news of the death of Haj Mlrza Sarraf, the son of Haj 'Abbas Sarraf, on his way to Mecca reached us. After the period of 'idda was finished, Sakina Sultan was married to Aqa Farajulla, the maternal cousin of my father.31 Separation from my uncle and Bibi affected rne deeply; after a few days I became very ill but, thank God, recovered after a while. In that same year, my rather tore down the old andantn and bought the house of Mashhadi Imam Quli, the hatmaker, whose wife was my teacher. He also bought two or three small houses around there and built the anJarun, the old side of which is three stories with a courtyard, and a bathhouse, and other extensions. Behind the courtyard known as the talar courtyard, he bought a small house and brought Sughra Khartum, his wife, the daughter of Aqa Muhammad Hassan Zarrabi, there. The Almighty gave my father two sons by her, but they did not have a long life and unfortunately died in the same year. My father helped the poor, theological scholars [tullttb] and the needy enormously during the feasts of Ghadk and Fitr and during winters.'2 In die months of Muharram, during the ten days of Ashura, there was always an elaborate mwai-khani in the house, and they prepared an immense amount of food.35 Daily, two to three kharvars of rice were cooked and two to three thousand men and women were fed. His [my father's] inner belief was that help should be extended to God's creatures. The resources of God should be shared with people. He always advised me not to refrain from doing people favors and helping as much as possible, saying: "God will repay you." I remember well that he gave rnc an example [of this]. He said, "I have estimated the cost of medicine for my family, should they fall ill, and about fifteen tumam is the profit that this druggist (Haji 'Attar, the father of Ghulam Husayn) who lives near us would make. At the beginning of the year, I gave him the fifteen tumans and in return during the year you do not find any sick people in the house." The point is that he held such praiseworthy beliefs. In winter he used to buy an, enormous amount of charcoal dust, about three or four hundred kbarvars, one thousand fur vests, and a lot of shirts and trouseis and distributed them among the poor. He would tell the 'ultima that he would give them drafts to give to the poor. During all this time I was busy studying, until one day when I came home from school I saw that an Arab shaykh was sitting in the biruni. My father said, "This Aqa is our guest and will stay with us. As I am invited to the house of Aqa Muhammad Mirza, the preacher, tonight, you stay here and entertain our guest until I return at the end of the evening." He left. I went into the room and greeted [the guest]; he returned rny greetings and said, "Are you the son of Haji?" I said, "Yes." He said, "Well done, may God preserve you. Do you study?" I said, "Yes." He said, "What do you read?" I said, "The Mutawa.1 and the Mughni," He said, "Where do you read?" I replied, "I read Zanburiyya, He quoted a sentence and asked me what its meaning was, I replied, and he said, "That is correct. Well done!1* Then he asked, "Do you read and write Arabic?" I said, "No." This word had such an effect on him that the color of his face changed through anger. Angrily he said, "How strange, how strange. You read Mutawal and Mughni but you do not speak Arabic. From tomorrow you must start speaking Arabic." After three or four hours, my father returned from his dinner. Aqa related the story to my father and said, "I command that from tomorrow your son should write and speak Arabic. His Arabic compositions begin with his writing the incident of my arrival and

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our meeting. And he should translate this command of mine from Persian into Arabic, Also Ha) Muhammad Hassan, I am telling you that if in ten nights' time he manages to write a page without any mistakes you must reward your son with one hundred ashrafs,"^ My father, May God elevate him, was very keen on my progress, and considered this command a. wonderful idea and encouraged me. From the day after that night, in the compan of Haj Akhund, the teacher, and Shaykh Riza, a blind man who knew the Qur'an by heart and knew Arabic, we started speaking and writing in Arabic. Every night, Aqa Sayyid Jamal al-Din would write a page in Persian; the next day I would translate it into Arabic and at night he would look at it. Ten days passed in this manner. I prepared a faultless page in Arabic and showed it to him. He admired it very much but said, "This is not sufficient, you have to write a page of Arabic in my presence," I accepted. He chose a page of Persian and there and then I turned it into faultless Arabic and gave it to him. He said, "Wait for a while for Haji to come to give you the hundred ashrafis." After half an hour, my father came, and he related the incident. He [my father] also said, "He must translate a page into Arabic in my presence. If it is correct, then I will give it [i.e., the ashraf.s\." I obeyed and executed it immediately. He gave me a hundred ashrafi&. This was the first reward of learning that came my way. The late [Jamal al-Din] was in our house for some time and dictated lengthy articles every evening in Persian, which I turned into Arabic. All those articles consisted of counsels, opinions, and philosophy. Most of them are in my own handwriting and are presently in our library. Aqa Sayyid Jamal al-Din was a man of learning and philosophy. My father held great religious beliefs in regard to him. But I was not of the same opinion, and although he was considered one of the great scholars of his time, I personally consider him an opportunist. He was impetuous, courageous, learned, and philosophical. But chance and luck were not with him. Wherever he set foot, he instigated revolts but was never able to obtain desirable results. Finally, after a period of my fathers hospitality, they took him to see Nask al-Din Shah. The Shah became very upset after discussions with him and commanded my father that Sayyid should be exiled. At this time rny rather wanted to go to Mazandaran to inspect the iron mines there and to establish a factory for smelting iron. So he said to the Shah, "As he is a guest, please grant permission for me to take him courteously to Mazandaran and from there to Russia, where I will tei! him the account." The Shah accepted, and it was executed accordingly.

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c74w»eviN»v Jo. iy4w%Cvi tTT"!"^** w* ,y
This is a notebook of prescriptions that I am writing to my beloved offspring so that, God willing and under the auspices of the Hidden Imam, the descendant of Muhammad, Peace be upon Him, like a royal pearl, he will wear it in his ear, engrave it in his heart and attempt and endeavor to attain and realize its contents so that, God willing, it will become the means of blessing in this world and salvation in the next, protecting you from becoming the subject of poverty and hardship.1 Should you unwittingly violate and disregard them, be assured, may God forbid, that you will be afflicted with hardship, suffering, poverty, and distress. Ponder well and see whether it is better to reign over this world with honor and have salvation in the other or be [in a state] of distress, misery, and destitution. O fortunate offspring, be alert to this, that everything in this world like wheat, barley, pe lentil, and other things has a seed. It blooms when you plant it and water it, producing the same crop. If you pay careful attention, you will see that those good things that have been planted well, each one of their single seeds will yield seventy, one hundred, one thousand when harvested: "And the parable of those who spend their wealth to seek the Allah's pleasure and for the strengthening of their souls is as the parable of a garden on elevated ground, upon which heavy rain falls, so it brings forth its fruit twofold."2 And God forbid that a bad seed should be planted as like a bad deed; [its consequences are] everlasting and never is that ba deed diminished. It is as when a piece of burning coal falls on ones garment and burns it. [Even] when a material of like color is found and that article of clothing is darned, it will never be the same as the original, as it will be a patched garment. Likewise, you must abstain from ugly deeds, idle talk, and those things that God and his Exalted Messenger, Peace be upon Him, and the Pure Imams have forbidden. At the moment you are chaste and pure. Preserve and value this state of grace, as no wealth is greater than honesty and chastity. The meaning of chastity is that a person who has abstained from great or small sins and has not committed them from the beginning, that person is considered chaste and in the presence of the unique Providence is held in great esteem. His prayers are always answered and God loves him. He becomes the favorite of all livin things. All the verses of the Qur'an and knowledge, both religious and occult, will be revealed to him. He will become the recipient of all honors, rank, and status. The Prophet Joseph, may Peace be upon Him, who when summoned by the Egyptian Zulaikha feared God, di

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not forget Him and ignored her. Instead, God Almighty granted him inspired knowledge, the kingdom of Egypt and a long life.-' God grants dominions and inspired knowledge to all his creatures who do not forget him and who abstain from forbidden deeds. "It is better that the lovers* secret should be told in the talk of others,"4 O my beloved child and the light of my eyes, the Pharaoh, curse be upon him, professed divinity and embarked upon ugly deeds. Inspired by the Devil, he wished to divert God's creatures from the way and to extinguish God's light. As it is incumbent upon God to guide his creatures with his light and not to permit his enemies to triumph, he appointed Moses, the Peace of God be on him, as a prophet to guide the Pharaoh and his people unto the right path. The Prophet Moses possessed seven kinds of signs and miracles, like his white hand and the walking stick that in the blessed hands of the Prophet shimmered with light like the sun. When the Prophet threw his stick, it turned into a serpent. He had a brother like Haran. The biography of the Prophet is described in the Qur'an and the ha4ith. The Prophet commanded the Pharaoh to stop professing prophecy, to repent, and to worship the one and only God: "In exchange for your abrogation of professing rny Prophetic mission I will beseech the Almighty God to grant you long life, for you to remain young forever, for old age to never overcome you, for your head never to ache and the kingdom of Egypt to be yours in perpetuity. Your salvation in this world and the next to be guaranteed by God. If you do not accept you will suffer hardship and this reign and life will not last. The Pharaoh said: "O Moses, give me tonight as a grace period and I will make some consultations and I will answer you tomorrow." The Prophet gave him the moratorium that he asked. That evening he [Pharaoh] went to his wife Asiya and consulted her. She said: "Accept immediately and give a positive answer." He then went to his minister Haman, and consulted him. 5 He answered: "Do not accept, saying for years you have professed divinity, how can you now say that you are an ordinary mortal? The Prophet Moses is tricking you." The Pharaoh accepted the advice of his minister rather than that of his wife. [Consequently,] after much suffering God Almighty drowned him in the river Nile. O my beloved child, within all human beings there is both a Moses and a Pharaoh. When Moses takes possession of your heart he will guide you toward good deeds and prevent you from committing bad ones. When the Pharaoh is the voice of your conscience, he will lead you on to committing obscene and ugly deeds. Whenever your being feels inclined toward an ugly deed, say a special prayer to the Messenger of God and then remember the state of holiness, piety, and asceticism of the Prophet Joseph, the Prophets of the Book and the Pure Imams and curse the Devil. Consider yourself, whether it is better for you to be in favor with God and the Prophets or to be in disgrace with them. Consider whether it is better to be abject, destitute, and inferior to people or be honored and esteemed by people. If you want religion and dominion, [then] never consent to a foul deed. If you surrender, you are defeated. If, God forbid, you should ever commit a sin, expect for the roofs of the bazaars and the houses to come down upon your head. If you are in possession of worldly goods, you will lose them as well. Never forget Josephs circumstances. The wife of the Egyptian king went round and round him [meaning she adored him] one thousand times an hour, but he [Joseph] would not even look at her. The Prophet Elijah abandoned all passions. The Prophet of the end of the world, Muhammad Ibn 'Abd Allah, may Peace be upon Him, forsook all worldly pleasures and accepted the servitude of God. Forever will his name be mentioned with honor and respect. The reign of this world, and that of the other, of heaven and earth, will belong to the descendants of that Great One.

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O lucky child, make patience and piety your profession. Whatever happens to you have patience. Abstain, be very abstinent. Bad deeds are like poison. One swallows poison and dies. If you observe that some people commit bad deeds and do not die, [it is because] only on the surface they have not died, [but] inwardly they are dead. They have lost great dominions. Apparently God Almighty has placed three hundred and sixty-six veins in the human body. Each of these veins is in charge of important affairs and the source of divine grace. [The veins are] like streams that run in the alleys and provide the houses and the gardens with water. The garden of these veins is the human heart. Blessing must be obtained through the channel of these veins and passed to the heart. If human beings commit a sin, they will cause these channels to be blocked. Should, God forbid, the sin be major, then the channels will be completely blocked, [and the person] will be deprived of Gods blessing, and that channel will never open again. Even if [the sinner] repents, it [the channel] will remain in the condition of the day of repentance. Otherwise, [if he does not repent] it [the channel] will decay and deteriorate more. It is like a fruit that initially is in a perfect condition, but when it acquires a spot, it will spoil the whole and will be decimated. By all means, without fail and without any doubt and misgiving, let it be as clear as daylight to you that sinning against God obstructs all achievements and blessings. Human beings have eyes that do not see and ears that do not hear. As it is said in the Holy Qur'an: *'[T]hey have hearts wherewith they do not understand, and they have eyes wherewith they do not see, and they have ears wherewith they do not hear, they are as cattle, nay, they are more astray. These are the heedless ones."6 May God be willing for you to comprehend that state and ascertain that God and his Messenger are satisfied with you [in which case] this world and the other will be yours and you will not have betrayed your ancestors and antecedents. Your ancestors have struggled hard to bring you to fruition. Behave in such a manner [that] they will be satisfied. Their gratification is synonymous with that of the Prophet of God and the Pure Imams. Do not for a moment neglect reciting the name of the Almighty, Do not neglect books. Look into the lives of the ancients and devout ones and discover what happened to them. Note the fete of those who were good. Those who were bad have been erased from memories; neither their name nor epithet remains. I have been in Tehran twenty-eight years, and [during this period] I have met more than one hundred people of wealth and position who had beautiful houses, extensive properties, and debonair sons for whom they chose eligible brides. They married into important families atid acquired princesses for their sons. [But] because they did not follow the path of God and did not abstain from sinning against God, "Thus we turn it upside down and rained upon them hard stones."7 God destroyed their descendants and eradicated them. I witnessed their sons becoming beggars, worse than beggars, "So flee to Allah. [Surely I am a plain warner to you from Him.]"8 My dear son, dearer than life itself, listen, bring your intellect to bear on your brain. Be vigilant. There are many devils in disguise. Never become friends with anyone. Do not enter into any transactions or trade with youngsters. Never bring them into your house. Avoid these people at all costs. Do not endanger faith, wealth, and life. Do not take any steps according to whims. If you possess health, faith, and intelligence, prosperity will be yours. All that God wills, will be done and nothing else. Always have resort to the Pure Imams. Always treat people well. If someone does a good turn for you, whenever possible return the good deed. If someone does you a bad turn, ward them off and get rid of their evil in any manner possible. Let God be their judge. Do not associate with anyone who errs and injures. Forgive

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him who breaks a promise twice. The third time, whoever he is, do not accept [his excuses], abandon him. Endeavor to acquire as much knowledge as possible while you have strength and youth [on your side]. After you have reached the age of twenty, get married. Regardless of who advises you, otherwise do not enter into marriage before the age of twenty. After marriage, start making preparations for the trip to Holy Mecca. Make your trip to Holy Mecca accompanied by a learned and religious sajyid. Undertake his expenses, In the course of the journey, acquire the precepts and customs of religion from him. Do not refrain from charitable acts secretly and inasmuch as it is within your power. In particular, pay special attention to those who are elderly and have fallen upon bad times; help them both openly and secretly. Do not turn away any paupers even if you pay them one black money [copper coin]. Do not neglect in observing the ta'ziyn of the descendants of'Abbas (Al-i 'Abbas),' During the period of Ashura, prepare five hundred mam of Tabriz rice and give it to the needy, seminarians (tuUab), and whoever attends the tn'ziya. observances.10 On the occasion of the *Id-i Ghadir give as much as you can to the descendants of the Prophet and the needy." Do not neglect our relatives in Isfahan, whose names and the annual sums they receive are registered in the books. During the holy month of Ramazan, distribute one hundred tumans among the seminarians (tullab) of the madrasas to provide them with livelihood during the holy month.12 Also on the eve of Naw Ruz distribute one hundred tumans among seminarians (tullab) so that they do not go hungry on the eve of Naw Ruz. I hope that you do not forget them under any circumstances. If you do not forget them, God Almighty will open the doors of success to you. You will never suffer, neither in this world nor the next. But do not go fast and be extravagant. Be determined in your course of action. Be patient. Be long-suffering and grateful. Never complain. Whatever God ordains, be satisfied. Never entertain capricious desires—such as today \ want fancy clothes, or rny wife wants this thing, or in seeing people's magnificent houses wishing to have the same. Never desire these things. They do not result in anything but hardship and affliction. The less you involve yourself with the world, the more peace of mind you will have. Do not throw yourself into peril. Too many preoccupations and desires cause perdition and destroy hearth and home. Enter into trade according to your knowledge and common sense and that which is within your reach. Always be grateful for bread alone. Under no circumstances go near the yellow and red of this world.1-' For fifty years I have not rested. You have seen yourself that at home I am not able to relax for even an hour. It is due to the fact that I involved myself with people. Desire captivated rne. Always be considerate and polite with people. Obey your uncles and act in the manner that they consider best. Always pay attention to your expenditure and your income. From dawn to dusk, record how much income you have and spend accordingly. If you do not have any income, do not spend anything. Also for yourself keep a log (of how you spend) the twenty-four hours of night and day. Pay attention so that you pass eight hours of it in acquiring knowledge and obeying the commandments of the Almighty. When half of the evening has passed, bring God to your mind and beg him to grant you success and prosperity. If you keep nightly vigil, you will create problems for yourself. Do not eat cold things.1'1 The less you eat, the less sluggish you will become, enabling you to wake up on time. Do not sleep in your wife's bed more than once a week; even better, once every fortnight. If you sleep there more frequently, it will cause all manners of disease and illness and you will never remain healthy. Control yourself well. Never look at female members of other people's families. If your eyes fall upon one of those not religiously permitted (na~maimtm) for you to see, close

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your eyes. The angels of heaven and earth will intercede for you and will sing hymns to God for you. Understand all that I write and be alert. These words are the elixir of all words. I do not have much time for writing, [therefore] it is all abbreviated. God willing you will understand and recognize that which is right. The Commander of the Faithful, 'AM Ibn Abu Talib, may Peace be upon Him, has left words of advice for his children. One of his holy words is enough for the whole world. Thanks be to God that you are well versed in Arabic and the sciences. Refer to them [the advice of'All], Study the lives of the ancients and observe that they have not been able to leave behind them anything other than knowledge. The world is transient and will not remain. Countries are temporary. Human beings are mortal. They die, are buried, and decay. Greed is the cause of trouble. Understand these things. Never lose your piety and virtue. Strive in acquiring knowledge. The Invisible Omniscient [God] will grant you grace. But do not show yourself off to people. Do not tell your secrets to anyone. Listen well. That which you hear, if it is good, imprint it in your heart, for in time it will be of use; if it is bad, reject it and do not let it enter within you. Guard yourself from all things. It is better for people not to know you. Retain in your heart all the knowledge you have. Do not even greet unsuitable people. Always ask God's forgiveness and put your fate in the hands of God and the Pure Imams. God willing, you will daily act according to these dictums. You must be ready at the break of dawn before the morning <*az« for the obligatory prayer and the recitation of the Qur'an. After sunrise put your trust in God, resort to the Pure Irnarns, and go after your business. Whatever God Almighty has ordained will take place. [That is not to say] that you should consent to whatever happens. You should analyze wisely whatever comes up. If it is anything that embroils you, do not accept it. God willing, you must live in such a manner that whenever you wish to go somewhere on a trip, there are no impediments. Many an individual [after the death] of his father and mother has been surrounded by people who led him astray into depravity and debauchery. By intrigue they plundered his wealth and his existence. There are many evil human beings. Beware! Do not consider anyone your friend. They will coax one, plunder one's possessions, and destroy one's house. Think and consider, God forbid, if you should be in need and want to borrow from someone, how humiliating that would be. Ponder and sec, if God does not favor you and transforms your honor into ignominy, what will you do then? If you want to remain in a state of grace in this world, refrain from sins against God, evil deeds, and lies. Further, be very cautious of people. Do not rush into things. Make your moves with dignity and composure. Do not become angry with people. Treat people with prudence and discretion. Be courteous and respectful toward people. Pay attention to the business of commerce. It is different from other occupations. It needs various types of knowledge. Among them [are] knowledge of jewelry and mines, the assay of gold and silver; but foremost [among all necessary knowledge] is that of accounting, being the foundation of commerce. You must know how to keep the register and daybook of your transactions. It is necessary to have a daybook. [Daily] whatever transpires in the form of transactions and sales and purchase must be recorded in the daybook. Then at night, it must be entered in the other registers. Credits must go into the register of credits and debts into that of debts. Remittance to and receipts from the provinces [must be recorded] in the register of the provinces. Expenditure in the register of [illegible in the original]. Merchandise must be entered in the register of [illegible] in detail according to quantity, price, and the amount of debit. Daily or whenever a sale is made, it must be written down. Then it should

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be examined so that there is no shortage of any kind. Meaning that one roust be alert that for instance if one has had a hundred (tups) bulk of chintz, not one should be missing without explanation. The price of purchase and the price of sale must be compared to see if there has been a profit or a loss. If there has been a loss or if there is a shortage, then one must refer to the accounts again and see if someone has taken it or if it has been spoiled. The problem must be found. A record of all of one's personal affairs, [including] income and expenditure, must be kept. If my own personal affairs are not as organized [as they should be], it is due to the fact that I have not found the time. But by the Grace of God, if I find the time I will put it all in order so that everything will be on the right track. You who are my son do not let things come to this end. Hold on tightly to the reins of your affairs. Daily keep account of the sum of your expenditure, your profit and loss. Be careful, suddenly one realizes when one has sunk too deep. Under no circumstances stand as guarantor for anyone. Beware! Beware! It is my testament that you should not guarantee anyone ever. O blessed offspring, know and be informed that the writing of these pages has taken me a long time. Certain events intervened that I have to relate to you. Some time ago I wanted to involve myself in the affairs of the merchants (tujjar) and to arrange things so that the masses of the people would benefit from it. [I wanted] to halt the activities of the dishonest and those who plundered people's property. After much hard work and under the kind auspices and help of His Majesty, [before fruition] those who were beneficiaries of the status quo became envious and started intriguing, as a result of which all my efforts were nullified.15 There was no other reward for me but a lot of work and expenditure. I abandoned it all. Most of the merchants and people bear me goodwill to the extent that whenever possible they would not grudge you anything from life and limb. Your duty is to have patience and forbearance. Do not take any notice of anything said from near and far. Do not go near anyone. Do not speak to anyone. Do not consider anyone your friend and let them come close to you. [illegible in the original] do not accept. Whenever your uncles are ready, hand over to them the register and the rough daybook. [As far as] peoples accounts are concerned, Mirza Abu al-Qasim knows the total of it all. He knows the inventory of claims and debts. You should know that the smallest claim anyone might make is clarified by the register. Whatever anyone might say should be first tallied according to the register and after that settled according to the sbari'a (religious law). O blessed child, comprehend and be informed that the final deliberation and opinion is as follows: that I make over to you the sum total of my assets and estate so that you will be able to stand on your own feet. I have commanded Haji Muhammad 'AM Muharrir (scribe) to prepare the deeds of entitlement. God willing, I will sign and seal it myself. The text of that settlement is correct as I have read it. Your instructions are that in the first place you should put your reliance in the holy essence of God, and in the second place in the Pure Imams. Always remain humble, unassuming, and modest. In religious works always [illegible in the original]. Do not leave the services of His excellency... Amin al-Sultan. [He] is better than a father, better than a brother, [illegible] has shown more than kindness. One's life must be sacrificed in lieu of his kindness, {but] I do not have any life left. Do not even for a day absent yourself from his circle. Go there, make your obeisance, [then] go to the hujra. I am indebted to him in every possible way. Your uncles will never show any unkindness, [but] God forbid should they admonish you in any way remain silent. Another subject that I have mentioned in the deed of settlement is that you should give ten thousand tumatts to the light of my eyes Muhammad Mihdi. Apparently, his mother [Amin al-Zarb's second wife] is expecting. Should it be a boy, God wiling he will live, you must also provide five thousand tumans for

Appendix B: Amin Al-Zarb's Testament to His Son

193

him so that he is not deprived of his birthright. If it is a girl, two thousand five hundred tumans. I do not have much time. I leave everything in the hands of God and everyone to his protection. After rny death, take my body to Ibn-i Babuya to the mausoleum of Haji Akhund. [Take] one of the upper rooms, block the doors, build a qa-br-i payghambari (literally a tomb like that of the Prophet but meaning a temporary tomb), and place it there.16 Two or three months should pass so that all moisture evaporates. Five hundred tumans to be given to Aqa Miiza Muhammad Khalil.17 One hundred tumans of which to be given to 'Ali, the apprentice, and four hundred tumam for expenditure related to the corpse and for himself. [The body of] this humble servant should be taken to the Holy Cities (Shi'i holy places in Iraq) and circumambulated everywhere and buried in Wadi al-Salam (a cemetery in Baghdad). 6th of Muhartam 1303/17 November 1886. The above writing is correct. Al-Haj Muhammad Hassan.Ili-

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t/tM*viN.v c £// dMksdwfe* t~ A*I* viNtv*ve$ Expenditures of the household of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb for Monday 2 Zi Qa'da 1295/28 October 1878" 400«/»«?«.» Bread 2 mam? 1 fi'w» 600 dinars, Meat 1 #Mn Cheese 1 chamk^ 900 <#»<»s 200 dinim Yogurt I charak 250 dinars Lettuce 2 mam Herbs 500 di'iMTs 4 mans 2 ([trans 300 dinars Chickens 4 Cooking oil 4 qirans 150 dinars 1 w<j» 1
400 flfowre 400 dinars 100 «#*»« 10 wd»s 4 1 man 1 w«w»

3 31

500 dinars, 3 qirans and 400 dinars 4 qirans and 900 dinars. 2 qirans and 400 dinars 1 <pa» and 950 dinars 1 fz'raw

/95

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t^MWtMAT 0O

C^M'&^&l&acies Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin Al-Zarb I Date of birth' Leaves for Kirrnan2 and Aqa Muhammad Husayn diesj leaves for Tehran Forms company with three others'* In huJTA Amir5 Gives draft to his brother to give ! 80 tumans to someone In Tabriz Travck to Istanbul Business success Hgjj and visit to Egypt Return from hajj and in Tabriz Marries Mah Begum Khanum, daughter of Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf Daughter Khadija Sultan born* 1st son Muhammad Husayn born7 Famine and cholera Involved in commercial enterprises Yazd Nasir al-Din Shah gives him Order of Lion and Sun 2nd class.8 Involved with the mint Maternal uncle (Da'i) dies in Taliqan* Given tide of Amin "Ayyar Given title Amin al-Zarb Writes letter to shah urging formation of National Bank In charge of mint by order of shah

circa 1250-1253/1834-1837 circa 1266-1270/1849-1853 circa 1270/1853 16 Rabi'a II 1274/4 December 1857 Zi Qa'da 1278/May 1862 15 Safkr 1279/12 August 1862 Rabi'a I 1280/August-September 1863-1864 > 1280/1863 Ramazan 1279/February-March 1863 Rabi'a I and Rabi'a II 1280/ August-September 1863

24 Rabi'a II 1280/19 October 1863 2 Ramazan 1285/17 December 1868 6 Muharram 1289/16 March 1872 1288/1871-1872 1290/1873 1293/1876-1877 1294/1877 1295/1878 1295/1878 1296/1878 15 Sha'ban 1296/4 August 1878 30 Jamadi II 1296/21 June 1879

197

198

Appendix D; Chronologies

Buys Sara-yi Khaju in Yazd10 Buys Vakil Abad Kirman Dissolves company Maternal uncle Da'i 'All11 placed: (1) in charge of Ahrnadabad (Demavand) (2) in charge of 'Aliabad village on the way to Qurn Travels to Qum with Aqa Ibrahim Khan Amin al-Suitan Daughter Khadija Sultan engaged to Ha| Muhammad 'All Aqa Kashani Buys Nasiriyya Park in Yazd'2 Daughter Khadija Sultan marries Shah's second trip Khurasan Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Suitan dies in village of Davarzan on route to Mashhad Khettm (mourning ceremonies) at house of Ha) Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar13 Formation of Consultative Assembly of Iranian Merchants Tehran branch headed by Amin al-Zarb Daughter born Ma'suma (?) Travels to Qum with Amin al-Sultan Travels to Qum Rasht silk-reeling factory Travels to Qum with Amin al-Sulcan Death of son Muhammad14 Travels to Qum with Amin al-Sultan Given concession for iron-smelting foundry Death of son Ahmad Sayyid Jamal al-Din*s 1st stay" Leaves Tehran with Jamal al-Din Spends eight at the mint Arrives Nayij Jamal al-Din leaves In Barfurush In Mahmudabad, which he buys

1296/1878 circa 1296-1297/1878-1879 circa 1297-1.299/1.878-1879/1881- 1882

1295/1878 1299/1881-1882 Zi Hajja 1299/October-November 1881. 14Rajab 1299/3 June 1882 1300/1882-1883 17 Sha'ban 1300/24 July 1883 6 Sha'ban 1300/12 June 1883

17 Ramazan 1300/22 July 1883

12Shavval 1300/16 August 1883

Shawal 1301/August 1884 Zi Qa'da 1301/September 1884 1301/1884 12 Safar 1302/December 1884 1302/1884 Safar 1303/November-December 1885 Zi Qa'da/Hijja 1303/August-September 1886 Safar 1304/November 1886 Rabi'a II 1304/January 1887 Jamadi I 1304/February 1887 1304/1887 2 Sha'ban 1304/26 April 1887 2 Sha'ban 1304/26 April 1887 3 Sha'ban 1304/27 April 1887 12 Sha'ban 1304/6 May 1887 12 Sha'ban 1304/6 May 1887 16-22 Sha'ban 1304/10-16 May 1887

First European Trip," 1304/1887 Arrives in Baku Arrives in Moscow; stays at house of Mirza Nimatulla17

5 Ramazan/28 May 13 Ramazan/5 June

Appendix D: Chronologies Leaves Moscow for Warsaw18 In Brussels; visits Liege Cokerille factory to buy rail equipment Arrives in Paris Watches army parade at Versailles Still ia Paris Travels to Lyons Goes second time to liege Leaves Liege for Germany and Austria Arrives in Vienna In Poti and Odessa Arrives at Russian border In Batumi In Baku In Mahmudabad Goes to Lavich Mine In Mahmudabad Returns to Tehran1* His mother Bibi dies in Mashhad in the morning and is buried that evening in the private mausoleum of her son, Haj Abu al-Qasim Daughter (Masuma?), age 3 1/2, dies Legal ceremony ('aqd) of son Aqa Muhammad Husayn with his cousin Tuba Khanum in Mashhad20 Wedding of above in Tehran Porcelain factory Mahmudabad-Amul railway Shah makes Amin al-Zarb responsible for providing article of interest for Paris exhibition21 In Europe

199

3 Shawal/25 June 14 Shawai/6 July 20ShawaI/12July 14 July 20 71 Qa'da/10 August 25 Zi Qa'da/15 August Zi Hajja/September 26 Zi Hajja/16 September 4 Muharram/22 September 10 Muharram/28 September 19 Muharram/7 October 19 Muharram/7 October 1 Safar/19 October 6 Safer/24 October 19 Safar/6 November 7 Rabi'a 1/23 November 19 Rabi'a 1/5 December

11 Jamadi 1305/24 February 1888 Rajab 1305/March 1888

19 Zi Hajja 1305/27 August 1888 Rabi'a I 1306/Novernber 1888 1305/1887 1305/1887 13 Muharram 1306/19 September 1888 1306-1307/1889

Second European Trip and Hajj, 1306-1307/1889 In Mahmudabad 11 Jamadi 1/13 January From Barfrush, goes to Sari 20 Jamadi 1/22 January Arrives in Mashhad 12 Jamadi II/13 February Leaves Mashhad 2 Rajab/4 March Arrives in Ishqabad, destination Baku 10 Rajah/12 March Arrives in Yalta; meets Aqa Zayan al-'Abidin Maragha'i22 21 Rajab/23 March

200

Appendix D; Chronologies

In Odessa Leaves Vienna for Liege Arrives in Liege Leaves Liege In Paris Awaiting Nasir al-Shahs arrival in Paris Leaves Paris for Berlin, accompanied by Haj Muhammad Rahim Leaves Berlin for Kassel Visits Krupp and leaves for Amsterdam Arrives in Amsterdam Leaves Amsterdam and arrives in Paris Leaves Paris through Switzerland; arrives in Milan through an Italian port

25 Rajab/27 March 2 Sha'ban/3 April 3 Sha'ban/4 April 16 Sha'ban/17 April 22 Sha'ban/23 April Ramazan/May

10 Shawal/9 June 14 Shawal/13 June 16 Sfaawal/15 June 17 Shawal/16 June 10ZiQa'da/9July

19 Zi Qa'da/18 July

Second Hajj, 1306-1307/1889 24 Zi Qa'da/23 July 10 Zi Hajja/6 August 14 Zi Hajja/10 August

Arrives in Alexandria In Mecca In Mecca

1307/1889 23

Returns to Alexandria In Cairo Arrives in Paris24 Arrives in Leipzig2' Arrives in Batum Arrives in Baku In Rasht Concession for Sari-Shahi road Concession for Haraz-Larijan-Amul road-2* Goes to Qum with Amin al-Sultan Sayyid Jamal al-Din's 2d stay Arrested and exiled to Qazvin27 Mashhad-Ishqabad road begun Mashhad-Ishqabad road finished Concession for turquoise mines Cholera Brother Haj Muhammad Rahim dies in Gange, France

4 Muharnun/31 August 4 Muharram/31 August 14-18 Mttharram/10-14 September 3 Safar/29 September 20 Safar/16 October 23 Safer/19 October 2 Rabi'a 1/27 October 1308/1890-1891 1308-1309/1890-1891 Jamadi II 1309/January 1892 1889-1891 ? 1891 j 1890-1891 ? 1309-1310/1892-1893 8 or 9 Muharram 1309/ 13-14 September 1891

20 1

Appendix D: Chronologies

Goes to Qum Dismissed from the mint Reinstated Nasir al-Din Shah assassinated Cousin Muhammad Javad dies between Caucasus and Moscow Arnin al-Sultan dismissed from premiership Amin al-Zarb arrested and imprisoned in treasury Haj Husayn Aqa arrested Reinstated at the mint under premiership of Arnin al-Dawla Famine Appointed by Muzaffar al-Din Shah to be in charge of committee for redistribution of grain Dies» Brother Ha| Abu al-Qasim dies

Zi Hajja 1310/June-JuIy 1893 1310/1893 Zi Qa'da 1311/AprU-May 1894 18 Zi Qa'da 1313/1 May 1896 Rabi'a II 1313/October 1895 1314/1896-1897 Rajab 1314/December 1896 about same time28 1315/1897-1898 1316/1898-1899 Jamadi II 1316/Qctober 1898 Sha'ban 1316/22 December 1898 5 Rabi'a I 1318/3 July 1900

Haj Abu Al-Qasim Malik Al-Tujjar of Mashhad Born in Isfahan Moves to Tehran Has shop in bazaar of Zargars Tehran Sara-yi Amir Marries Guhar Sultan, daughter of Haj Muhammad Hassan Haj Rasul Daughter Fatima Sultan Khanum born30 Goes on hajj In Tehran Goes to Istanbul31 In Moscow32 In Istanbul Son Muhammad Mihdi (still nursing) dies in Tehran Still in Istanbul Gives hujra in Istanbul over to Haj 'Abd al-Hamid Still in Istanbul planning to return to Tehran Father-in-law Haj Muhammad Hassan Haj Rasul Bazzaz dies3* Still in Istanbul

? ?

7 Rabi'a I 1282/31 July 1865 Sha'ban 1282/January 1865 Jamadi 1282/September-October 1865 23 Safar 1283/7 July 1866 Ramazan 1283/May 1867 Zi Qa'da 1284/February 1868 Rabi'a II 1285/August 1868 Rajab 1285/November 1868 Jamadi II 1287/June 1870 end 1287/March 1871 Safar 1288/May 1871 Rabi'a I 1288/May-June 1871 Jamadi I 1288/July-August 1871 23 Sha'ban 1288/7 November 1871 Ramazaa 1288/November-December 1871

Appendix D; Chronologies

202

Goes on haij 2d time from Istanbul after visiting Holy Cities 1288/january-February 1872 71 Qa'da Arrives in Kirtnanshahan 13 Jamadi I 1289/19 July 1872 Leaves Tehran for Mashhad Rajab 1289/September-October 1872 Letter from Shahrud 4 Sha'ban 1289/8 October 1872 Letter from Zafarani, one stop from Sabzivar 13 Sha'ban 1289/17 October 1872 Letter from Naishapur 15 Sha'ban 1289/19 October 1872 Arrives in Mashhad and becomes resident34 17 Sha'ban 1289/21 October 1872 Birth of son, Ghukm Riza Ra'is al-Tujjar 21 Sha'ban 1292/22 September 1875 Preparation of dowry for daughter titled Khanum Khassa, named Qamar 1294/1877-1878 Qamar Khanum marries Zi Hajja 1300/October-November 1883 Aqa "Abd al-Husayn Sarraf35 Son Aqa Taqi Haj Malik born 1302/1884-1885 Sends his wife and her brother Aqa 'All Akbar through Ishqabad to Mecca for bajj 5 ShavvaJ 1304/27 June 1887 11 Jamadi II 1305/24 February 1888 His mother, Bibi, dies in Mashhad Daughter Tuba Khanum, called Khanum Afaq, becomes engaged 'aqd to Haj Muhammad Husayn Zi Hajja 1305/August-September 1888 Aqa in Mashhad Rabi'al 1306/November-Decernber 1888 Married in Tehran Arnin al-Zarb In Mashhad 13 Jamadi II 1306/14 February 1889 Brodier Haj Muhammad Rabim 8 or 9 Muharram 1309/ dies in Gange, France 13-14 September 1891 Death of unmarried daughter of Ra'is al-Tujjar ZI Qa'da 1309/June 1892 Birth of son of Rais-al Tujjar Ahmad Aqa 1312/1894-1895 Dies 5 Rabi'al 1318/3July 1900 Son of Ra'is al-Tujjar Ibrahim born 1320/1902 Daughter of Haj Abu al-Qasim Khanum Khassa dies3* Rajab 1320/June 1902 Haj Muhammad Rahim Born in Isfahan Moves to Tehran In Mazandaran In Mazandaran In Sara-yi Shah Sari and Barfurush Babul

1260/1844-1845? ? 1280-1281/1863-1864 Zi Qa'da 1284/March-April 1868 1285/1868-1869

Appendix D: Chronologies Goes to Baku from Mazandaran Goes to Rasht to buy silk Still in Rasht In Sari to buy wheat and flour to send to Tehran Marries an Iranian woman37 Daughter Khanum Galin Sakina Khanum born In Rasht38 In Marseilles»1291/1874-1875 Creates an establishment in Gange for refining Rasht silk In Marseilles, goes on hajj second time Returns to Tehran Daughter marries Haj Mirza Aqa, son of Haj 'Abbas Sarraf Takes Bibi, his mother, to Holy Cities Bibi dies in Mashhad In Paris to meet Amin al-Zarb Goes to Berlin with him They leave Berlin for Kassel They visit Krupp and leave for Amsterdam Arrive in Amsterdam Leave Amsterdam and arrive in Paris Haj Muhammad Hassan leaves Marries Mile. Ducros, French Two sons born, Muhammad Ali and Mihdi1** French wife dies Dies in Gange France aged forty-nine Buried in Najaf in the mausoleum of Hindiya Sons die in Tehran from diphtheria or measles or cholera41

203 Zi Hajja 1287/February-Maich 1871 24 Jamadi II 1288/10 September 1871 Ramazan 1288/November-Scptember 1871 1289/1872-1873 >

3

1290/1873-1874 >

1294/1877-1878 1298/1880-1881 > >

Friday 11 Jamadi II 1305/24 February 1888 22 Sha'ban 1306/23 April 1889 10 Shawal/9 June 14 Shawai/13 June 16Shawal/15 June 17 Shawal/16 June 10 Zi Qa'da/9 July 19ZiQa'da/18July

>

1307 or 1308/1890-1891 8 or 9 Muharram 1309/14-15 August 1891 Zi Hajja 1309/July 1892 >

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<7TW»m*>*.v€" 0Z~rine& dr &£je$cent

205

FIGURE E.I

The Paternal Descent of HaJ Muhammad Hassan Aniin ai-Zarb'

(continues)

fl

Indicates intermarri^je. NOTES; 1. This is a selective genealogy based on relevance to the text extracted from a complete genealogy of the Mahdayj family prepared k>j Hcda Mahdavi, the daughter of Dr. AsglMur Malidari. I am very gratefisi to her for haying put this genealogy at my disposal. 2. Muhammad Hadi was the cahsicr ol Aniin al"Zarb's hujm. 3. The wife of Haj Muhammad Taqi Sarraf was the sister of the wife of Haj Kazim Sarraf, Amin al-Zarbs benefactor in Ills early days. 4. Haj Muhammad 'AJi Amin ai~Tujjar was both Atnin al'Zari>'s first paternal cousia and brother-in-law. He was the assayer of the Mint under Atnin al-Zarb in 1285/1869.

FIGURE E.2

The Maternal Descent of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb

NOTES:

5. By a different mother tha« Bibi Mah Ktianutn. 6. Muhammad Javad wa$ a Moscow resident and a trusted representative of Amin al-Zarfc, He died on the road between the Caucasus and Moscow in 1312/1895. 7. Aldiough Mirza Aqa has no relevance to this study, he has been included to show the degree of intermarriage that took place.

FIGURE E,3

The Descent of Mah Begum Khanum, wife of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb

NOTES:

8. Ha| AH Na<|i sarraf was the brother of Haj Muhamraad Alt Afnin al~Tujjar and Haj MuhaiBiBad Taq* Sarraf. See above "Paten>al Oescent," although Haj All Naqi Is not included.

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WL** wy Ala al-Mulk. Sayyid Mahrnud Khan. Held various diplomatic posts in Russia, culminating in minister to St. Petersburg for nine years. Ambassador to Istanbul, during which position he arranged the extradition of the Babi leaders, which led to their execution, 'Aziz al-Sultan. The shahs favorite courtier. The shah's obsessive relationship with this young man was the subject of much speculation. 'Abbas Mirza (1789-1833). Second son of Path 'Ali Shah and heir to the throne. 'Abbas Mirza, Mulk Ara. Second son of Muhammad Shah and brother of Nasir ai-Din Shall. Author of Sharb-i Hal. Afeal ai-Mulk. Mirza Ghularn Husayn Khan. Author of Afzal al-Tuwtrikh. One of the well-known mustatvfis of the period. Held various administrative posts. For many years a member of the Translation Office, in which capacity he translated the Arabic newspapers from Istanbul and Cairo. Amin al-Dawla. Mirza 'Ali Khan. Author of Khatintt-i Sijasi, member of the Foreign Office, where he held various posts. Held many posts under Nasir al-Din Shah, including chairman of the majlis-i dar-al sbtira-yi kubra, head of the mint, and minister of posts. Prime minister under Muzaftar al-Din Shah, whose daughter was his daughter-in-law. Amin al~Lashgar. Mirza Qahriman Qamsha'i. Paymaster general of the armed forces under Nasir al-Din, Shah. Amin al-Mulk. Mirza Isma'il Khan. The son of Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan and the brother of Mirza 'Ali Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan, the prime minister. Head of the treasury; also involved in most departments over which Amin al-Sultan had jurisdiction. Amin al-Sultan. Aqa Ibrahim. Prominent courtier and close adviser to Nasir al-Din Shah. Held the following posts: head of the royal kitchens, head of the court commissariat and the transportation department, member of the majlis-i dar~a,l shum-yi kubra, also head of the royal stables and other court departments, granaries of Tehran, and mint, treasury, and customs and minister of court. At his death in 1883, all these offices and his title passed to his son 'Ali Asghar. Amin al-Sultan. Mirza 'Ali Asghar Khan. Atabak-i A'zam. Before father's death held tide of Amin al-Mulk. Son of Aqa Ibrahim Amin al-Sultan, Minister of court, chief of customs while the treasury was run by his brother. Prime minister in the last eleven years of Nasir al-Din Shah's reign until his assasinadon in 1896. Also prime minister under Muzaffar al-Din Shah. Mentor and friend of Amin al-Zarb. Amin al-Saltana. Haji Muhammad 'Ali Khan. The brother-in-law of Amin al-Sultan, the prime minister whose daughter was also married to Amin al-Saltana's son. Aside from being special aide-de-camp to the shah, he also acted as liaison between the shall and the ministers and the majlis-i dar-nl shunt-yi kubra. Amir Humayun. Ghulam 'Ali Khan. One of Nasir al-Din Shahs courtiers and the keeper of the royal residences. 211

212

Who's Who

Amis al-Dawla. Nasir al-Din Shahs favorite wife and for all intents and purposes considered queen. Aqa Abu al-Qasim. A well-known calligrapher of the Qu'ran in Isfahan, who was the calligraphy teacher of Amin al-Zarb's two brothers, Aqa Haydar 'Ali. Amin al-Zarb's representative in Yazd. Aqa Muhammad 'Alt Kashani. A prominent merchant. Amin al-Zarb's son-in-law. Aqa Muhammad Husayn, The father of Amin al-Zarb and the husband of Bibi Mah Khanum. Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf. Amin al-Zarb's one-time business partner and father-in-law, Bashir al-Mulk. Fazllula Khan. A courtier in charge of the royal bakeries, thus the title shatir-bashi. Basir al-Saltana. Khan Khan. A courtier and close confidant of Muzaflat al-Din Shah. Reputedly very corrupt. Basir al-Mulk. Mirza Tahir Mustawfi Kashani. Editor of the Mttthnavi of'Ala al-Dawla, considered an outstanding edition. Deputy to the minister of Crown lands. Bibi Mah Khanum. The mother of Amin al-Zarb and the wife of Aqa Muhammad Husayn. Gawhar Sultan Khanum. The wife of Haj Abu al-Qasim, the brother of Amin al-Zarb, and the malik al-tujjar of Mashhad, Haj 'Abd al-Hamid. Amin al-Zarb's partner in the commercial company he formed in 1276/1859. Haj Abu al-Qasim. The elder brother of Amin al-Zarb. The malik al-tujjar of Mashhad and resident there. Haj *Ali Naqi Kashani. A prominent merchant. The father-in-law of Amin al-Zarb's daughter Khadija Khanum. Haj Mihdi. The grandfather of Amin al-Zarb. Haj Muhammad 'Ali Amin al-Tujjar. Paternal cousin of Amin al-Zarb. Haj Muhammad Hassan Haj Rasul Bazzaz. The fether-in-kw of Haj Abu al-Qasim, the brother of Amin al-Zarb, and the malik al-tujjar of Mashad. Haj Muhammad Ibrahim Qazvini. Amin al-Zarb's secretary. Haj Muhammad Kazim Sarraf. A prominent merchant in Isfahan, as well as being a family friend and relative of Amin al-Zarb, who lived in the Kucha-yi Sarrafta near the family home. Haj Muhammad Rahim. The younger brother of Amin al-Zarb, mainly resident of France. Haji Pitzada, Muhammad 'Ali. Author of Saftrnama, Great traveler. Member of a Sufi order. Friend of E. G. Browne. Haji Sayyah. Great traveler. Liberal and reformist. Author of Khatinu. Hisam al-Saltana. Abu al-Nasr Mirza. A Qajar prince who represented Nasir al-Din Shah in England on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversay of the accession of Queen Victoria to the throne. Also conveyed the shah's congratulations to Alexander III of Russia on the occasion of his visit to Georgia. Ftirnad al-Saltana. Muhammad Hassan Sani'a al-Dawla. One of a long line of government officials. Among first group of students to enter Dar al-Funun. Upon completing his education, he joined the staff of die French embassy in Paris, where he improved his French. On his return to Iran, he became court translator, head of the official gazette, member of the dArttl shura-yi kttbra, and minister of press. Close adviser to Nasir al-Din Shah, with whom he met daily. Author of Rttznama-yi Khatinu.

Who's Who

213

Kasfaif al-Saltana. Muhammad Mirza. "Chaykar." Member of the Foreign Office. Secretary of Iranian embassy in Paris. Interpreter to Dr. Feiwrier, the shahs French doctor. Consul general in India, where he learned tea cultivation and imported the art into Iran. The father of Persian tea, hence the name "Chaykar." Khadija Khanum. Daughter of Amin al-Zarb and wife of Aqa Muhammad Ali Kashani. Kharmm Afaq. Wife of Haj Husayn Aqa Amin al-Zarb II and daughter of Ha| Abu alQasim Malik al-Tujjar of Mashhad. Also known as Tuba Khanum. Name changed upon marriage. Mah Bigutn Khanum. The wife of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb and the daughter of Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf. Maragha'i. Aqa Zayn al-'Abidin. The author of Siyahatnama-yi Ibrahim Bayk. Expatriate Persian who was deeply concerned about the backwardness of his country and who saw education as the key to rectifying the situation. Mirza Path 'Alt Khan Sahib Divan, One-time governor of Isfahan during the famine of 1288/1870-1871. Mirza Hassan Ashtiyani. The leader of Tehran's 'ulama. Mirza Nimatulla. Amin al-Zarbs agent in Moscow. Mirza Riza Kirmani. The servant of Sayyid Jama! al-Din Afghani and the assassin of Nasir al-Din Shah. Mu'ayyid al-Saltana. Mirza Riza Khan. The first Persian diplomatic representative as minister to Germany. Mu'avin al-Dawla. Mirza Ibrahim Ghaffari. The son of Farrukh Khan Amin al-Dawla. The family were traditionally courtiers of the Qajars. Held various posts, among them consul general of Tiflis and minister of commerce under Muzaftar al-Din Shah. Mu'avin al-Mulk. Mirza Muhammad 'Ali. One of the first-class nmstawfi&, in which capacity he held various important positions. Accompanied Nasir al-Din Shah on his third trip to Europe. Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik. Amir Dust Muhammad Khan. Son of Dust 'Ali Khan Mu'ayyir alMamlik and son-in-law of Nasir al-Din Shah. One-time governor of Yazd. Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik. Dust 'All Khan. Family for many generations headed the mint and the treasury. Related by marriage to the Qajars. Treasurer and head of royal household. Also treasurer of the privy purse and master of the mint. Mu'in al-Vuzara. Mirza Riza Khan Danish. Prince Arfa al-Dawla. For approximately eighteen years, held various diplomatic posts in Russia including consul general in Tiflis and ambassador in St. Petersburg. Also ambassador in Istanbul. Mukhbir al-Dawla. 'Ali Quli Khan Hidayat. Among the first hundred students to be admitted to the Dar al-Funun. In charge of the Telegraph Offices; minister of the telegraph; farmer of the Telegraph Orifices; minister of education; minister of commerce. The Ministries of Telegraph and Education were held for many years by members of this family. Mukhbir al-Saltana. Mihdi Quli. Hidayat. Author of Klmtirat va Khatamt. Western educated. Held various govenment posts both under the Qajars and the Pahlavis, ranging from governorships to the portfolio of a number of ministries and culminating in premiership. Mukhtar al-Saltana. Muhammad Karim Khan. Joined the Cossack regiment formed by a Russian upon its inception. Represented the government in St. Petersburg upon the accession of Nicholas II to the Russian throne. Governor of various provinces. Represented the government on the occasion of the Gold Jubilee of Queen Victoria in London. Head of the police and minister of security.

214

Who's Who

Mumtahin al-Dawk. Mirza Mihdi Khan Muhandis. Author of Kkatirat. Educated in Paris. Architect and member of the Foreign Office. Mushir al-Dawla. Mirza Husayn Khan. Reformist prime minister who took Nasir al-Din Shah to Europe for the first time in 1873- Prior to and subsequent to the premiership, he held many prominent positions, including ambassador to Istanbul, minister of justice, commander of the army (sipahsalr), foreign minister, and governor of various provinces. Mustawfi al-Mamalik. Mirza Yusif Khan. Descended from an old bureaucratic family with long service in the Ministry of Finance. Minister of interior and treasury, governor of Tehran, and head of dar-al shum-yi kubm,. Prime minister. Mustishar al-Dawk. Mirza Yusif Khan. Held various diplomatic posts, including charge d'affaires in Paris and St. Petersburg. Minister of justice. Imprisoned several times for writing articles critical of the regim. Author of Yik Kalama, Nasir al-Dawla. Mirza 'Abd al-Vahhab. Members of the family had traditionally headed the Arsenal. Held many posts, including various positions in the Foreign Ministry, was minister of commerce, governor of Khurasan, and keeper of the Shrine of Imam Riza. Nasr al-Saltana. Muhammad Vali Khan. Descended from a military family and himself held the rank of a general. Minister of fineness of coins. For a period, master of the mint. Nayib al-Saltana. Kamran Mirza. Third son of Nasir al-Din Shah and probably his favorite. Held various governorsips. Head of the government in the shah's absence from the capital. Governor of Tehran. Minister of commerce, charged with the affairs of the 'ulama, Qajar princes, and the merchant community. Minister of war. Lost all posts upon the death of his father and the accession of his brother. Nizam al-MuIk. Mirza Muhammad Husayn Mustawfi. The war of Isfahan and one of the well-known mnstawfs of the period and had already served as minister and deputy governor to Abu al-Fath Mirza Mua'yyid al-Dawla in Yazd prior to accompanying him in the same position to Isfahan. Nusrat al-Dawla. Firuz Mirza Farmanfarma. One of the sons of'Abbas Mirza, the deceased heir to the throne. Held many governorships, including that of Kirman and Baluchistan twice. Panayotti Vassilidi. The representative of Ralli Brothers in Iran. Qamar Khanurn. Daughter of Haj Abu al-Qasim, the malik al-tujjar of Mashad. Niece of Arnin al-Zarb. Qavam al-Dawla. See Mu'avin al-Mulk, Mirza Muhammad 'Ali Khan. Ralli Brothers, Greek firm of merchants in Iran. Rukn al-Dawla. Muhammad Ta<ji Mirza, The fourth son of Muhammad Shah and the younger brother of Nasir al-Din Shah. He was the governor of various provinces, including Zanjan twice, and was four times die governor of Khurasan. He was probably the governor who appointed Haj Abu al-Qasim, Haj Muhammad Hassans brother, the malik al-tujjarofMashzd. Sa'd al-Mulk, Muhammad Hassan Khan Mafi, Deputy to the minister of commerce, Husayn Quli Khan Nizam al-Saltan, his brother. Sadiq al-Mamlik, Mirza Ibrahim Shiybani. Author of Mutttkhab ttl-Tavttrikh. Held various administrative posts both under Nasir al-Din Shall and Muzaffar al-Din Shah, including working in the royal library and armory, the must&wfi of die newly created Telegraph Office in Isfahan under Zill al-Sultan, and the governor of Gulpayigan. Sani'a al-Dawla, Murti'za Quli Khan. Second son of 'Ali Quli Khan Mukhbir al-Dawla. Younger brother of Mihdi Quli Hidayat Mukhbir al-Dawla. Head of mint and treasury under Muzzafar al-Din Shah.

Who's Who

215

Sardar Mukaram, Mirza Karim Khan Muntazim al-Dawla. Head of arsenal. Sayyid Abd al-Rahim Isfahan!. The Mu'in al-Tujjar of Kirman, Amin al-Zarbs cousin and his agent in Kirman. Tuba Khanurn. See Khanum Afaej. Vakil al-Mulk. Murtiza Quli Khan. Governor of Kirman 1286/1869-1295/1878. Zahir al-Islam, imam jttm 'a of Tehran. Mirza Zayn alAbidin. The imam, jum 'a was the leader at the Friday communal prayer. It was a government appointment and each city had ils own imsmjum'ct. It was usually a hereditary position. This particular inutnt junt'a was the son-in-law of Nasir al-Din Shah and brother-in-law of Muzaffar al-Din Shah. Zill al-Sultan. Mas'ud Mirza. Eldest son of Nasir al-Din Shah through a temporary marriage and therefore not eligible to inherit the throne. Held various governorships from the age of eleven, culminating in the governorship of Isfahan. Powerful figure who amassed great wealth both in Iran and abroad.

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(jA C/Vete dn ,-SW*rce*

Persian Sources The Persian sources consulted and utilized for this study can be divided into the following categories: archival material, memoirs and diaries, chronicles, travel accounts, later memoirs, and secondary sources. Archival Material The greater body of this study is based upon the Mahdavi Archives in Tehran. The holdings of this archive have been discussed In detail by Asghar Mahdavi in "The Significance of Private Archives for the Study of the Economic and Social History of Iran in the Late Qajar Period," Iranian Studies 16 (1983):243-278. Due to a combination of circumstances, a great deal of Persian archival material both private and public has disappeared. Consequently, the existence of the Mahdavi Archives in its entirety is of great value to scholars. The archives span a period of forty-five years and cover the activities of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb's commercial ventures, while simultaneously illuminating economic, social, and political events of the period. The records begin in 1865, when Haj Muhammad Hassan moved his commercial office to Sara-yi Amir in the Tehran bazaar, and end in 1910, when his son Haj Husayn Aqa closed those offices. Dr. Mahdavi has classified the holdings of the archives as follows: account books and various bookkeeping documents, commercial correspondence, financial documents, monetary documents, and miscellaneous correspondence, which is divided into five parts. For the purposes of this study, the following material from the rich holdings of the archives has been used. In the category of account books and various bookkeeping documents, two copies of the registers of letters for the years 1287/1870 and 1290-1291/1873-1874 have been used. It was customary for commercial offices in the Qajar period to keep copies of all correspondence and accounts. They were "copied" by being transcribed on an additional thin piece of paper. There are thirty copies of register of letters in the archives, covering the period from 1287/1870 to 1345/1926. Both registers used encompass the period in Haj Muhammad Hassans life when he had become a prominent merchant but was not yet "government fttrraf (state banker) or in charge of the mint. The category of commercial correspondence comprises all letters and dispatches sent by Amin al-Zarbs permanent representatives and occasional correspondents from various cities with which he was engaged in commerce. These letters provide information on Amin alZarb's various enterprises, the types of merchandise in which he traded, and the methods of

217

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A Note on Sources

conducting business. Simultaneously, they shed great light on the political and social events of the period. The files of letters from Yazd have been used extensively in this study. The category of financial documents contains material related to Amin al-Zarb's position as state banket, in which capacity he was in charge of collecting monthly payments due to the state from the local or regional customs farmers and occasionally from provincial governors. References have been made to the files in this category, but they have not been used extensively. The category of monetary documents covers the years from 1877—1899, spanning the period prior to Amin al-Zarb's appointment as master of the mint, during his tenure as director of the mint, and also the period when he no longer personally directed the mint. In discussions of the mint and Iran's monetary problems, these files have been used extensively. The category of miscellaneous correspondence is itself divided into five sections: the correspondence with Nasir al-Din Shah, correspondence between Amin al-Zarb and the Amin al-Sultans, correspondence with dignitaries of state and provincial governors, correspondence with religious figures, and correspondence with minor figures. The correspondence with Nasir al-Din Shah has been used extensively in connection with the mining concession and the Amul railway. The Shah wrote his wishes or orders in his own handwriting in the margin of many of the letters from Amin al-Zarb to him. The correspondence with 'Ali Asghar Amin al-Sultan has also been considerably utilized and referred to frequently, as *Ali Asghar Khan was Amin al-Zarb's mentor and protector. Also the letters to dignitaries and provincial governors have been used to illustrate various points. As far as the correspondence with religious figures is concerned, the only religious figure who has been discussed at length is Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani. All. the material relating to him has been published in Majtrm'ayi Amad va Mada,rik~i Chap Nashtida durbam-ji SayyMJamal al-Din Mashbur hi Afghani, In addition to the above material, Asghar Mahdavi has provided me with various documents and information, mainly regarding the family, that fall outside the above classification.

Contemporary Accounts in Chronicles, Biographies, Memoirs and Travel Accounts During the second half of the nineteenth century, a greater number of Iranians both traveled to the West and received a Western education. As a result of this direct contact with the West, a new genre of writing in the form of biographies, memoirs, travel accounts, and interpretive histories started to appear. The works in this category are significant, particularly as the authors were active in the events of the period. These works have been both consulted and used as reference. Paramount among these are the works of Muhammad Hassan Khan Ftimad al-Saltana. The works of Ftimad al-Saltana can be divided into two types: those intended for publication and written as the official historian of Nasir al-Din Shah, such as Mir'at al-BtiUan, Tarikb-i MunUzcona-yi Nasiri, Al-Ma'asif va. al-Asar and Sadr etl-Tavarikh, Mir'at al Buldttn is in four volumes. The first and last are geographical histories of Iran based on regional accounts. The second and third volumes compose a year-by-year record of events in the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah, listing the various appointments made until 1292/1875. Tarikh-i Mutazima-yi Nasiri continues the account in a similar manner up to the year 1300/1886. At the end of each volume of these works, I'timad al-Saltana lists all officeholders, both Persian and foreign, and the administrative body to which they belonged.

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219

Al-Ma'asir va al-Asarwas published on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah, in 1306/1886, as a tribute to his achievements. It contains accounts of the important events of the shah's forty-year reign and innovations introduced during that period. It lists the names of all the royal princes, royal wives, 'ulatnet, and important officeholders of the period, both domestic and diplomatic, with brief biographies of the more important persons. Representatives of foreign countries are also listed with their ranks. It is a very useful book for locating the holders of various offices. Without it and the lists provided by I'timad al-Saltana in his other works, this task would have been very difficult. Sodr nl-Tovorikh is a biography of eleven Qajar prime ministers, prepared for Mirza 'AM Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan, the last prime minister of Nasir al-Din Shah, and ending with his biography. This last biography is short and does not reflect Ftimad al-Saltanas true opinion of Amin aJ-Sultan, more forthrigtidy expressed in other works not intended for publication. He is less circumspect in his accounts of other prime ministers, describing court intrigues and corruption. Among the works of I'timad al-Saltana not intended for publication is his diary, Ruznanuyi Khatirat* I'timad al-Saltana was one of the close confidants of Nasir al-Din Shah and met with him daily, reading and translating books and newspapers for him. He accompanied the shall on all his trips. The Ruznama as it exists today spans a period of sixteen years starting on 29 Jamadi I 1292/3 July 1875 and ending on 4 Shawal 1313/19 March 1896, five days before the death of Ftimad al-Saltana. There is a five-year interruption between Muliarram 1293/1876 and Rabi'a II 1298/1881. It is not known whether during this period he continued to write the diary. The Ruznama was written nightly after I'timad al-Saltana returned from court, in either his own handwriting or that of his wife. It contains a frank account of daily happenings at court. These accounts provide a rich insight into court life, into the character and interests of Nasir al-Din Shah, the intrigues and rivalries of courtiers and officials, and the personal insecurities and grudges of I'timad al-Saltana himself. Most of his remarks or references to Amin al-Zarb are disparaging, demonstrating his resentment of Amin alZarb's rapid rise to wealth, power, and prominence, of the shah's special regard for Amin alZarb, and his own hostility toward Amin al-Sultan, the protector of Amin al-Zarb. Another chronicle written by a contemporary is the Muntakbab al-Tamrikh by Mirza Ibrahim Shiybani Sadiq al-Mamalik, who held various administrative posts both under Nasir al-Din Shah and Muzaffar al-Din Shah. The book can be divided into three sections. The first part is a concise history of the Qatjars up to the accession of Nasir al-Din Shah. The second and third parts cover events in the reigns of Nasir al-Din Shah and Muzaffar al-Din Shah on an annual basis, beginning in 1264/1848 and ending in 1322/1904. Aside from the events of the reigns, it contains the texts of various royal decrees and also a list of new tides, changes of titles, and orders and gifts bestowed by the shah on various people, Persian and foreign. It is a very useful and rare source for deciphering the myriad of similar Qajar tides. The list of orders and gifts shows that a great number of precious stones were in circulation in the court, hence Amin al-Zarbs interest and motivation for trading in precious stones. An official chronicle of the reign of Muzaffar al-Din Shah is Afsttl al-T&vttrikh by Mirza Ghulam Husayn Khan Afzal al-Mulk. Muzaffar al-Din Shah commissioned Mirza Ghulam Husayn Khan in 1314/1896 to write the history of his reign. It covers the events of the reign of Muzaffar al-Din Shah from 1313/1896 to 1317/1899, in five volumes. The first volume is devoted to the accession of Muzaffar al-Din Shah, and the subsequent four volumes to annual events of his teign. Each of these four volumes is subdivided into four sections: The first section describes the events of that year; the second section lists the appointments of that

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year; the third section list all the tides orders and concessions bestowed by the shah; and the fourth section provides the names of prominent people who died in that year, with short obituaries. Although Afisal al-'T&varikh was officially commissioned by Muzaffar al-Din Shah, it is not an official history of the period in the usual sense. It differs from other official chronicles in that within the limits of possibility of the period, it is a critical interpretive history of the society and politics of the time. Among the useful memoirs and diaries are those of 'Abbas Mirza Mulk Ata, Shdrb'i Hal. 'Abbas Mirza was the younger brother of Nasir al-Din Shah, eight years his junior. He was exiled by Nasir al-Din Shah at the beginning of his reign in 1268/1851-1852 and spent twenty-seven years abroad, mainly in the Ottoman Empire. While there, he became familial with the liberal ideas of Ottoman reformers. His memoirs provide an inside account of the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah, from the time of his return to Iran in 1295/1878 to the death of Nasir al-Din Shah. They describe the political and social situation of Iran through critical eyes, exposing corruption and arbitrary practices. However, 'Abbas Mirza's useful insight must always be treated cautiously, in view of the fact that he was mistreated and exiled by his brother and he bore him and the administration a profound grudge. Another memoir that must be viewed cautiously, in its treatment of Amin al-Zarb in particular and of others in general, is Khatirat-i Siyasi by Mirza 'Ali Khan Amin al-Dawla. He held many very prominent posts under Nasir al-Din Shah and was prime minister under Muzaffar al-Din Shall. In these capacities, he was both a participant and a close observer of the major political events of his time. His book is more a commentary on these events than a history and includes accounts of ministerial discussions and audiences with the shall. His lack of objectivity detracts slightly from the value of the work. For instance, since he himself was in charge of the mint at the beginning of his career, he viewed subsequent holders of that office, including Amin al-Zarb, with hostility. Contrary to Amin al-Dawla, Haji Sayyah, who traveled the world widely for eighteen years, was favorably disposed toward Amin al-Zarb. His Khatirat begins with his departure from India and arrival in Iran in 1294/1877 and ends at the end of the reign of Muhammad 'Ali Shah. Upon his return, he spent some time touring the country. His observations on the state of the country differ from those of others. He is able to look at Iran from a comparative perspective, and his views are based upon liberal and reformist ideas, In general, insofar as they apply to Amin al-Zarb, the memoirs of the period are divided into two types; Those written by courtiers such as Amin al-Dawla, and those written by members of the bourgeoisie such as Haji Sayyah. The former as a rule are hostile to and critical of Amin al-Zarb, wehreas the latter are frequently friendly and admiring. Travel Accounts There was a proliferation of travel literature by Iranians in the nineteenth century. A literary renaissance influenced by new ideas from the West changed the structure of traditional Persian literature. The introduction in 1816 of a printing press in Tabriz, followed by two lithograph presses, facilitated speedy printing, creating an incentive for individuals to write for a growing audience curious about unknown lands. The travel accounts that have been useful in this study are those describing the bajj pilgrimage and travels to Europe. There are a vast number of pilgrimage accounts. Among them I have utilized two to reconstruct Amin al-Zarb's bajj journey: the Saftrnttma of Sayf alDawla and the Safamama of Farahani. Although the primary objective of all these accounts

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221

was to provide information for future travelers, each traveler had different interests, differing powers of observation, and different perceptions. I used the Safemama of Sayf al-Dawla in part because the dates of his pilgrimage were approximately the same as those of Amin al-Zarbs. Farahani is useful for its more detailed observations. Although Sayf al-Dawla offers some interesting social and economic insights, his account is colored by his "aristocratic" point of view. In contrast, Farahani, being a bureaucrat, offers more utilitarian information on a wide range of subjects. He also describes the art, architecture, and history and the governmental, social, and economic conditions of the countries and cities through which he traveled. The two Safornamas provide a great contrast to each other, reflecting both the interests of their authors and the prevailing conditions in Iran. The letters resulting from Amin al-Zarb*s first European trip are more concerned with economic and industrial development than with detailed descriptions of daily life. The Sa/arnttma of Haji Pirzada, who was in Paris at the same time as Amin al-Zarb, was very useful as a source for first impressions of the West and Paris in particular, accompanied by astute observations on social customs and practices, and for describing Paris as Amin al-Zarb must have seen it.

Later Memoirs In this classification, two works were found to be useful, particularly for the reign of Muzaffar al-Din Shah, The first, 'Abdulla Mustawfi's Sbarh-i Zindigani-yi Man; Tarikh-t Ijtima'i va Idari-i Dawm-yi Qajarijya, is an autobiography by the descendant of a line of mustaivfis and includes a family history. It throws light on the Qajar administration and provides very detailed social history, encompassing customs and manners of the time. Another work that covers approximately the same period is Khatint va Kktturat by Mihdi Quli Hidayat. The Hidayats were an important bureaucratic family, and the book contains personal observations on events of the period, related mainly by the authors father, Mukhbir al-Dawla Hidayat, and other relatives. The accounts of Mukhbir al-Dawla are particularly useful for this study, as he was directly involved with the arrest, imprisonment, and penalties imposed on Amin al-Zarb.

Secondary Sources in Persian Among the more recent works on the Qajar period by Iranian writers, the most erudite and well-documented are those of Firiydun Adamiyyat. Some of his works are particularly useful for this study, as he had access to the MaJidavi Archives. For instance, in his Ideologi-yi Nihgat-i Maskrutiyat Iran he discusses Amin al-Zarb's role in the abrogation of the tobacco concession of 1308/1890, based on the Mahdavi Archives. In his Andisha-yi Taraqqi va Hukumat-i Qanun:'Asr-i SipaAsalar, he gives a detailed and sympathetic account of Mir/a Husayn Khans patriotism and genuine commitment to reform and the background to the Reuter Concession. In Afkar-i Ijtima'i va Siyasi va Jqtisaeti dar Asar-i Muntashir Nashuda-yi Dawmyi Qajar, in collaboration with Huma Natiq, there is detailed discussion of the circumstances leading to the establishment and dissolution of the majlis-i vukala-yi tujjur and Amin alZarb's role in this organization. Another secondary work that has been extremely useful for biographical details is Mihdi Bamdad's Tarikh-i Rijal Iran, in six volumes.

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222

Western Sources The primary Western sources used for this study consist mainly of material in the Public Records Office in London, travel accounts, and memoirs. The Public Records Office materials found to be most valuable are the British Foreign Office and Parliamentary Papers (Accounts and Papers) and the regular dispatches sent to the Foreign Office in London by various British envoys and consuls in Persia. These reports cover a whole array of subjects, ranging from diplomatic and political to economic and social affairs. The primary objective of these reports was to explain and analyze the prevailing economic situation with a view toward promoting and protecting British commercial interests. However, the reports contain a wealth of information on such diverse subjects as the lifestyle of the people, the clothes worn, and the position of women. Either from total boredom ot from a sense of duty, these consuls stuck in remote corners of Persia reported on every aspect of life and every event, minor or major. Notwithstanding the natural bias of these consuls and their assumed sense of Western superiority, the reports constitute a miniature social history of the period. In connection with Amin al-Zarb, the reports were useful for general descriptions of the economic situation of the country, the British view of Iran's monetary problems, proposals for the reform of the mint, and the construction of the Amul-Mahmudabad railway. Amin al-Zarb was deeply involved with the mint and the railway project. Most of the European travelers* accounts and memoirs suffer from the same shortcoming as the consular reports; They are written from a sense of European superiority. However, they also contain many accurate observations of towns and the countryside, local inhabitants and officials, and daily life in general. An exception to the biased accounts, and the most useful of all of these, is Persian, das Land und seine Bewohner by Jacob E. Polak, the Austrian doctor to Nasir al-Din Shah. His book contains a detailed account of the shah's life and character as well as careful observations and information on Persian life and culture. It is probably the only "sociological" account of the time. In contrast to Polak, George Curzon, in Persia and the Persian Question, expresses a most extraordinary sense of superiority, as well as disdain for all things Persian. This aside, the book is extremely valuable, as it contains a great deal of factual information not to be found elsewhere. Curzon spent six months traveling in Persia. As a result, he provides a myriad of statistics on the political, economic, and geographical conditions. For instance, the book provides figures for the annual budget, the volume of exports and imports, and the distances between cities. Among other travel books that were found useful for descriptions of the famine of 1871 was that of William Brirtlcbank, who went to Persia in 1872 at the height of the famine. In Persia During the Famine, Brittlebank describes many horrifying scenes of the sufferings endured by the people as a result of the famine. Frederic Goldsmid, who was in Iran in the same period as a member of the Persian Boundary Commission, reports the same heart-rending sights in his Eastern Persia: An Account of the Journeys of the Persian Boundary Commission, 1870—71—72. A number of these travel accounts were found to be very useful for reconstructing the possible route Amin al-Zarb took on his journey from Isfahan to Kirman and from Isfahan to Tehran. Arthur Arnold, who went to Iran in 1875, describes in Through Persia by Caravan many of the cities he visited, the routes he took, and the lodgings at which he stayed en route. I used the account to reconstruct Amin al-Zarbs journey along the same routes. Other travel books that helped me reconstruct Amin al-Zarbs journeys are: E. G. Browne, A Year Amongst the Persians; Robert Binning, A Journal of Two Yean Travel in Persia, Ceylon Etc.; Edward Stack, Six Months in Persia; C. j. Wills, In the Land of the Lion and Sun; and Edward B. Eastwick, Jour tutl of A Diplomat's Three Years Residence in Persia. Most of the

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accounts also contain histories of the towns through which the traveler passes and provide descriptions of lifestyle and social institutions. Last but by no means least are two general works that are extremely informative for the study of Qajar Persia, The first, A. K. S. Lambton's Of jar Persia, is a collection of her painstakingly researched articles on Qajar Iran and is essential reading for all students of that period. The second work is Charles Issawi's The Economic History of Iran, 1800—1914, which contains many unpublished reports, articles, and documents on economic conditions under the Qajars.

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£U*r%j 'aba a loose outer garment. abanbttr water reservoir. 'abbasi copper monetary unit; equivalent of 20 dinars. atgusbt a stew of meat, pulses, and vegetables. 'aJl justice, akhbar traditions. Sayings attributed to Muhammad and the Imams. andantni the part of the house exclusively assigned to women and religiously permitted men (mahram). 'aqd marriage ceremony. ark palace-citadel. 'anui a wedding celebration. ash a thick soup, ashrafi an Iranian gold coin. aslntra anniversary of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn on the tenth of Muharram. awjaq hearth. awqsf land owned by the religious endowments. a'yatt u>a ashmf nobles and notables. azadi freedom. azan call to prayer in the Muslim world. barat draft. bast sanctuary. batman a Russian measure of weight, the equivalent of 30 kilograms. btt&uK draper. biruni the section of the house exclusively assigned to men. ckapar courier, chaparbaski the person in charge of Chaparkhana. chaparkkanM post house. charak measure of weight, approximately 750 grams. cbilaw plain cooked rice. da'i maternal uncle. eUlal dealer, go-between. Jamad son-in-law. Jang sixth part of a real estate, d&rbar-i a'sam higher royal court or cabinet formed by Mushir al-Dawla in 1872. dinar unit of currency. In the Qajar period, the equivalent of one-thousandth ofa,qiran. divan poetical works. farmAn royal edict. farmanfarma governor. 225

226

Glossary

farraagistan literally, the country of the Franks but meaning the whole of Europe. farsakb farsang. A measure of distance; approximately six kilometers. fattva a formal legal opinion by a member of the 'ulama, gbaz copper monetary unit; equivalent of 6.25 dinars, giva. light cotton shoes. hajj the pilgrimage to Mecca undertaken according to the prescribed ritual during the month of Zi Hajja. balal a lawful thing. hammam bath. hasbti eight-sided vestibule. hujra a business office or room usually located in the bazaar. busayniyya. a place assigned to commemorating the martyrdom of the third Shi'i Imam, Husayn. ijtikttd personal exertion of a member of the 'ulama to form an opinion. imam in Ithna-'Ashari Shi'ism, one of the twelve legitimate successors to the prophet. imamjum'a leader at the Friday communal prayer. imamzada minor descendant of an Imam. istikhara consulting a book, or bidding beads, at random in order to decide one's procedure. jahiztyya dowry. jttndak copper monetary unit; equivalent of 12 1/2 dinars, kadkhudti village headman. kffasbhashoemakers. ka$b trading. kasib trader. khal'at robe of honor. khttlim land owned by the Crown. kharvar a measure of weight; equivalent of 290 kilograms. khatib preacher. khatm mourning ceremonies. kitabcba allocated provincial budget. kucba lane. kulah hat. kuntr half a million. labbaJa an outer garment for men. las coarse silk. luqanta. restaurant. madram a religious college where the Islamic sciences are taught. mahr mabriyya* A marriage settlement. mabram one of the opposite sex with whom marriage is prohibited and who is therefore a close relative. majlis-i intigam-i nirkb commission for regulating prices. majlis-i shura-yi Jawlati an eleven-man advisory council formed by Nasir al-Din Shah in 1859. majlis-i sbura-yi milli the Iranian Parliament. majlis-i shura-yi ttuzara. a council of six ministers formed by Nasir al-Din Shah in 1858. majlis-i vukala-yi tujjar Consultative Assembly of Iranian Merchants.

Glossary

227

trutktttb a nongovernmental school run by mttltas, malik landlord. malik al-tujjar head of the merchant community, man a measure of weight; the equivalent of 2.95 kilograms, nuaya'-/ tatjlid reference point for emulation. nuvlihat kha.no, a large advisory council of middle-rank and other individuals formed by Nasir al-Din Shall in 1859. mayektn square. mittiyyat nationality. mkqal a measure of weight equal to 4.6 grams. mujtahid one who has reached the necessary level of knowledge to practice ijtihad. mulla a member of the ulama, muntaatr the Expected One. murdab dead water. mustamfi treasurer. musttuvfi al-manutlik treasurer general. mut'a temporary marriage. nabi prophet. nabuunuat the position of Muhammad as nabi, monad felt. nu-mtthnun opposite of mahram. nizam-i jaJid the new order established by "Abbas Mirza. pishkisk a present, usually given to superiors. pistniamaz a leader at prayer. fud an old Russian measure of weight; the equivalent of approximately 16 kilograms. ful copper monetary unit; equivalent of half a shahi. ftflatvcooked rice containing other ingredients. qabr-i paygbambari a temporary tomb. qanat subterranean canal. qannn law. qiran silver unit of currency in Qajar Iran. Ten qiram equaled one gold tttman, rawza-kban a reciter of the tragedies of Karbala, mwza-kkani a recitation of the suffering^ and martyrdom of Imam Husayn, the third Imam. rial the contemporary unit of currency in Iran, the equivalent of the old qiran, sakku a bench. sakmaduzi a kind of embroidery. sanduqkbana a room assigned to the storage of clothes and valuable materials usually in chests, hence the name, sartduq, » chest. sannar monetary unit; equivalent of 2 shahk. sttmtf money changer and lender. sarrajha the plural of sarraf, sarra.fi the function of the sarraf, sb&ki a copper unit of currency in Qajar Iran; equivalent 50 dina.K, Shahzadigan. Princes of the Wood, shatir-bttshi "bash" is a Turkish word meaning "in charge of" or "head of," hence head of the royal bakery.

228

Glossary

shaykb al-islam a member of the 'ulama who presides over the shari'a court in each major town. sbirbaba. gift to the bride's mother, sight a Persian term used for a temporary wife, a ntut'a. sinf guild. siyati black. sttfntliterally a tablecloth. Also a form of religious entertainment as a result of a fulfilled vow to an Imam. tajir merchant. ta.hr hall. tatj-i sbal enormous shawl. taqlid source of imitation. ta'ziya passion play. tujjar merchants. tulab seminarians. tmtuin a unit of currency usually in gold in Qajar Iran. Equivalent of ten silver tjimns, tup a bulk of cloth. 'ulama the religious classes. ununa. the Muslim community. ursi a sash-window. usttl principles. vakil deputy. Representative. vafayitt temporal government. vali guardian. vapour steamboat. vazir minister. gar' the basic unit of measurement in Qajar Iran. In some instances, the equivalent of 1.12 meters and in others, the equivalent of 1.04 meters. zttlm injustice.

C/V*fr«*

Preface 1. Lucien Febvre, "A Renaissance Merchant," in Lucien Febvre, Life in Renaissance France, ed. and trans. Marian Rothstein {Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), pp. 91-154. Introduction 1. For a general discussion of this, see C. A. O. Van Nieuwenhuijze, Soak/ Stratification and the Middle East: An Interpretation (Leiden: E. J. Brilk, 1965). 2. A.K.S. Lambton calls this group "men of the pen," as opposed to "the men of the sword." See her article "Social Change in Persia in the Nineteenth Century," Asian and African Satdiet 15 (1981), 123-148. 3. James Morier, A Journey Through Persia, Armenia, and Asia Minor (London:Longma«, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1812), p, 285. 4. Jakob Eduard Polak, Persien, das Land urut Seine Bewohner, 2vols. (Leipzig: o.p., 1865), translated into Persian by Kaykavus Jahandari as Saftmama-yt Polak: Iran va Iranian (Tehran: Intisharat-i Khawrazmi, 1982), p. 103. 5. Edward Scott Waring, A Tour to Sbeentz (London: W.Bulmer and Co.,1807), p. 57. 6. Justin Perkins, A Residence of Eight Years In Persia (Andovcr: Allen, Morrii and Wardwell, 1843), pp. 152-157. 7. Polak, Safamama, pp. 82-101. 8. See Appendix E. 9. In support of this view, see Lambton, "Social Change." Contradicting this view is Abrahamian, who says: "[MJmost individuals were confined to the same class from the cradle to the grave," See Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1982), p.34. 10. For a comprehensive account of social groups throughout Persian history, see Ahmad Ashraf and 'Ali Banuazizi, under "Class," Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 5, pp. 650—691. 11. There were and are non-Shi'i minorities (Christian, Jews, Zoroastrians, and Sunni Muslims), but they are not within the scope of this discussion. 12. Bausani maintains that although the Safavids imposed Shi'ism in Iran circa 1500, the country became predominandy Shi'i only during die Qajar period. See Alessandro Bausani, The Persians (London: Elek Books, 1971). 13.1 have treated aspects of this discussion on the position of women in Shi'i society in an M.A. thesis entitled "Women, the 'Ulama, and the State in Iran: A Study of Shi'i Ideology," University of Utah, 1982. 229

230

Notes

14. Strictly speaking, there is no "holy family" in Islam. However, the five personages (Pers. panj tan), namely, Muhammad, Fatima, 'Ali, Hassan, and Husayn, are nearest to that Christian concept in Islam, 15. For the difference between the impact of the West and contact with the West, see: A K. S. Lambton "The Impact of the West on Persia," International Affairs 33 (1957):12-25. 16. Bernard Lewis, "The Impact of the French Revolution on Turkey," Journal of "World History I (1) (1953):105-125. 17. For the life of Nasir al-Din Shah, see 'Abbas Amanat, Pivot of the Universe: Nasir alDin Shah Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896 (Los Angeles; University of California Press, 1997). For more on Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir, see Firiydun Adamiyyat, Amir Kabir va Iran (Tehran: Shirkat-i Sahami-yi Intisharat-i Khawrazmi, 1977). 18. Nasir al-Din Shah went on the following three European trips: the first in 1290/1873-1874, the second in 1295/1878, and the third in 1306-1307/1889-1890. The shah kept diaries during his three trips. The first was published in Tehran and Bombay respectively in 1291/1874 and in 1293/1876. The second, again in both Tehran and Bombay, in 1296/1879 and 1298/1880. For some reason, the third was not published in Tehran but rather in Bombay in 1309/1891, For the first trip, see Nasir al-Din Shah, Ruznanut, trans. J. W. Redhouse as The Diary ofH, M. the Shah of Persia During His Tour Through Europe in A.D. 187 (London: n.p., 1874). For the second, see Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar, Ruznartu, trans. A. Houtum Schindler and Baron L. de Norman as A Diary Kept by His Majesty the Shah of Persia During His Journey to Europe in 1878 (London: n.p., 1879). The third diary was not translated. 19. George N.Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, 2 vols. (London: 1892; reprint London: Frank Cass and Company, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 607—616. Lord Curzon is most patronizing of Persia and critical of its people and institutions throughout these two volumes. Even though it is accepted that it was the heyday of die British Empire and the age of British patronage, still the tone is at rimes too forceful. However, it is a most valuable source of information for Persia of the period. 20. Denis Wright, The English Amongst the Persians (London: Heinemann, 1977), p. 129.Also see Malimud Mahmud, Tarikh-i Ravabit-i Siyasi-yi Iran va Ingilis da,r Qarn-i Nuzdcth (Tehran: Iqbal, 1974), 8 vols., vol. 3, pp. 784-822. 21. Curzon called it "the most complete and extraordinary surrender of the entire industrial resources of a kingdom into foreign hands that has ever been dreamed of, much less accomplished in history. "See Curzon, Persia,, vol. 1, p.480. 22. On Mirza Husayn Khan, see Guity Nashat, The Origins of Modern Reform in Iran, 1870-1880 (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1982), Shaul Bakhash, Iran: Monarchy, Bureaucracy, a-nd Reform Under the Qajars: 1858-1896 (London: Ithaca Press, 1978), pp. 77-1.20, and Firiydun Adamiyyat, Andisba-yi Taraejqi va Hukumat-i Qanun: 'Asr-i Stpaksalar (Tehran: Shirkat-i Sahami-yi Khawrazmi, 1973), who gives a detailed and sympathetic account of Mirea Husayn Khan's patriotism and genuine ideals for reform. 23. For more on the Reuter concession, see L. E. Frechtling, "The Reuter Concession in Persia," Asiatic Review 34 (1938):518—533. Ibrahim Tayrnouri, 'Asre Bikhabitri ya 'Ikrikh-i Imtiyazat dar Iran (Tehran: Iqbal, 1953—1954), pp. 97—150, and Adamiyyat, Andisha-yi Taraqqi, pp. 335-369. 24. See Nikki R. Keddie, Religion and Rebellion in Iran: The Iranian Tobacco Protest of 1891—1892 (London: Frank Cass and Co., 1966). For more on Anis al-Dawla, see Mihdi Bamdad, Tttrikh-i Rijal-i Iran: Quntn-i 12—13—14, 5 vols. (Tehran: Kitabfutusbi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 3, p. 317.

Notes

231

25. Charles Issawi, The Economic History of Iran, 1800-1914 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1971), pp. 25—35. Estimates of the population are contradictory, but most agree on the higher ones. See Gad Gilbar, "Demographic Developments in Late Qajar Persia, 1870-1906," Asian and African Studies 2 (1976); 125-156. 26. Gad Gilbar, "The Persian Economy in Mid-Nineteenth Century," Die Welt des Islams 19(1979):180. 27. Gad Gilbar, "The Economy in Nineteenth-Century Persia," paper presented at the Babulsar Conference in Iran, 1977, p. 16. 28. Gad Gilbar, "Persian Agriculture in the Late Qajar Period, 1860-1906: Some Economic and Social Aspects," Asian and African Studies 12 (1978):315. 29. Shako Okazaki, "The Great Famine of 1875-71 in Iran," paper delivered at the Twenty-Fifth Orientalist Congress in Japan, trans. Hashira Rajabzada as "Qahti-yi Buzurg-i Sal-i 1288 dar hm," Ayamla 12 (1365):28-41. 30. Gilbar, "Persian Apiculture," p. 316. 31. See Edward B. Eastwick, Journal of a Diplomat's Three Yean Residence in Persia, 2 vols. (London: n.p., 1864; reprint, Tehran: Imperial Organization for Social Services, 1976), pp. 287-291, Also Haj Mirza Hassan Fasa'i, Jarikh-t Farsnama-yi Nasiri, 2 vols. (Tehran: n.p., 1894—1896), vol. 1, pp. 324-325, or trans. Heribert Busse, History of Persia Under Qajar Rule (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1972). 32. Gilbar, "Persian Economy," p. 187, 33. "Report by Mr. Dickson on the Trade of Persia,** Tehran, August 30, 1882, U.K. House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers (Sessional Papers) (hereafter PP), Accounts and Pafen (hereafter A&P), ZHC 1/4489, p. 495. 34. Gilbar, "Persian Agriculture." 35. There is a controversy among Qajar economic historians as to whether the economy during that period was progressing or declining. Among the proponents of the former view is Gad Gilbar; see, for instance, his "Persian Economy" and other works cited. Among the advocates of the latter view is Nikki Keddie; see, for instance, her Roots of Revolution (Ne Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981) and "The Economic History Of Iran, 1800-1914, and Its Political Impact: An. Overview," Iranian Studies 5 (1972):58-78. The same disagreement applies to the conditions of the peasant. However, as far as the peasants are concerned, the two views are not contradictory, as their situation differed from place to place. 36. See A.K.S. Lambton, "Landlords, 1900s," in Issawi, Economic History, pp. 52—54, For the most comprehensive discussion of landowncrship and its evolution in Iran, see A.K.S. Larnbton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia (London: Oxford University Press: 1953). 37. Eugene Flandin, Voyage en Perse, 2 vols. (Paris: 1851) trans. Husayn Nur Sadiqi as Safitrnama hi ban, (Tehran: Intisharat-i Ishraqi, 1957) p. 125. 38. Ibid., p. 158. 39. Curzon, Persia, vol. 2, p. 242. 40. U.K. House of Commons, PP and AdrP, "Report by Mr. Dickson on the Trade of Per sia," Tehran, August 30, 1882, ZHC 1/4489, p. 449. 41. Curzon, Persia,, vol. 2, pp. 523—525. 42. See Muhammad 'AM Jamalzada, Gattj-i Shaygun (Berlin: Chaphkana-yi Kava, 1956), pp. 93—97. See also Ahmad Ashraf, Mavani'-yi Tarikhi-yi Rushd-i Sarmaya Dari dar Iran: Dawm-yi Qajartj/ya(Tehran, Intisharat-i Zamina, 1980). 43. Gilbar, "Economy in Nineteenth-Century Persia," p. 13.

232

Notes

44. See R W. Avery and J. B. Simmons, "Persia on a Silver Cross, 1880-1890," Middle Eastern Studies W (1974):260-286. 45. Qiran: unit of currency in silver in Qajar Iran. Ten qirans equaled one tumttn. Gilbar, "Economy in Nineteenth-Century Persia," p. 1. 46. Issawi, Economic History* pp. 335—345. 47. Ibid., p. 337. 48. Pishkish: a tribute or gift given with reciprocal expectation. See A.K.S. Lambton, "Pishkash; Present or Tribute?" Bulletin of the School of Oriental And African Society 57 (1994):145-158. 49. The discontent of the merchants with the status quo will be discussed within the context of Amin al-Zarbs activities and the steps he attempted to take to rectify the situation. 50. See Lambton, "The Impact of the West," p. 15. 51. Encyclopaedia. a/Mam, 2d ed., under "Hurriyya," by F. Rosenthal. 52. See article by A.K.S. Larnbton in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2d ed., under "Kawmiyya." Chapter One 1. The exact date of the birth of Muhammad Hassan is not known and there are problems attached to all these dates, as they do not correlate with other dates or accounts. For instance, in 1928, when applying for French residency, Amin al-Zarb*s son Haj Muhammad Husayn gave his lathers birth as 1828 on the application form. 2. This information is obtained from an unfinished biography of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin-al Zarb written by his son Haj Muhammad Husayn, Amin-al Zarb II, See Haj Husayn Aqa Amin-al Zarb, "Yadigar-i Zindigani" in Iraj Aishar, ed., Savad va Bayaz, 2 vols. (Tehran: Kitab Furushi-yi Dihkhuda, 1970), vol. 2, pp. 187—232. The unfinished biography has been translated as "Memento of a Life" and is attached as Appendix A; it was also published in Iran 30 (1992):107—121. All references to the memoir in the text refer to the translation in the appendix rather than the original. 3. See W. M. Floor, "The Bankers (sarmfs) in Qajar Iran," Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen Landiscben Gtsellsckaft 129 (2) (1979):263-281. 4. See Richard A. Goldthwaitc, Private Wealth in Renaissance Florence: A Study of Four Families (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), and Raymond de Roover, The Rise and Decline of the Medici Bank: 1397—1494 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963). 5. Tarikh'i Si Sala-yi Bank-i Mitli-yi Iran (Tehran: Bank-i Milli-yi Iran, 1959), p. 21. 6. For some case studies of loans that led to ruin, see Abdulla Mustawfi, Sharh-i Zindigani-yi Man: Tarikh-i Ijtimtt'i va Idari-yi Daivm-yi Qajariyya, 3 vols. (Tehran: Zawar, 1942), vol. 1, p. 522, trans. Nayer Mostofi Glenn as The Administrative and Social History of the Qajar Period, 3 vols. (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda, 1997). All references are to the Persian text, and translations are my own. 7. The Renaissance merchant operated in a similar manner, with a similar fate. See: Lucien Febvre, Life in Renaissance France, ed. and trans. Marian Rothstein (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), pp. 110-111. 8. See Henry Ballantine, Midnight Marches Through Persia (Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1879), p. 57. 9. de Roover, The Medici Bank, pp. 10—14. Also, for the case of France, see Febvre, Life, pp. 108-110. 10. See A. H. Gleadowe-Newcomen, Commercial Mission to South-Eastern Persia, 1904-05 (Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, India, 1906), p. 13.

Notes

233

11 See Haj Mirza Hassan Fasi Tarikh-i Farsnama-yi Nasiri, vol. s, pp. 26 and 58 12. See Mihdi Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal-i Iran: Qurun-i 12—13—14, 6 vols. (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 4, pp. 316—317. See also Mustawfi, Sbttrh-i Zimtigani, vol. 1, p. 522, and Muhammad Hassan Khan I'timad al-Saltana, Ruzrutmt-yi Kbatirat (Tehran: Amir Kablr, 1971), p. 775. This house was eventually bought by Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb and is still owned and lived in by the Mahdavi family. Tuman: a unit of currency, usually in gold, in Qajar Iran. A tumttn was worth 5s 9d by the end of the nineteenth century. Sec Joseph Rabino, "Banking in Persia," Journal of the Institute of Ba-nktrs 13 (1892): 1-57. See also Charles Issawi, ed., The Economic History of Iran, 1800-1914 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1971), pp. 387-389. 13. See Mirza Husayn Khan Tahvildar, Jug/trafya-yi Isfahan (Tehran: University of Tehran, 1963), p. 103. He mentions that half of the sarrafs of Isfahan had left for Tabriz and Tehran, as those cities had gained in commercial importance. 14. For the architecture of Isfahan, see Arthur Upham Pope, Persian Architecture (London: Thames and Hudson, 1965). Also see Sherban Cantacuzino and Kenneth Browne, "Isfahan" (special issue), Architectural Review 159 (951) (1976). 15. James Morier, A Second Journey Through Persia,, Armenia, and Asia Minor (London: Longman, 1818), p. 136. 16. Hnjra: a business office usually located in the bazaar. 17. Arthur Arnold, Through Persia by Caravan (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1877), p. 273. 18. Ibid. 19. Bequest of Haj Mihdi to his daughter Gawhar Sultan, dated 15 Ramazan 1255/22 November 1839. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 20. de Roover, The Medici Bank, p. 17. 21. See Appendix A. 22. See map of Isfahan by Sultan Sayyid Riza Khan, 1302/1923, facsimile Edition, 9 P T 23. According to a communication from Asghar Mahdavi, in which he states that he and his brothers eventually inherited that house and in 1951 gave it to the Ministry of Education to become a school, presently both the kucba. and the school are called Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb, 24. Morier, Journey Through Persia-, p. 136. 25- Gaspard Drouviile, Voyage en Perse pendant Its annexes 1812 et 1813 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1819), pp. 84—85, and Jakob Eduard Polak, Persien, das Land und Seine Bewohner, 2 vols. (Leipzig: n.p., 1865), translated into Persian by Kaykavus Jahandari as Safarn.ama-yi Polak; Iran va Iranian (Tehran: Intisharat-i Khawrazmi, 1982), p. 94. 26. Edward B. Eastwick, Journal of a Diplomat's Three Yean Residence in Persia, 2 vols. (1864; reprint, Tehran: Imperial Organization for Social Services, 1976), vol. I, p. 249. 27. Ash: a thick soup of grains, cereals, rice, and herbs. Abgusht: a pot-au-feu of meat, grains, and potatoes. For a description of meals consumed by various classes, see "Abd alRahim Kalantar Zarrabi, Tarikh-i Ktshan, ed. Iraj Afshar (Tehran: Intisharat-i Amir Kabir, 1954), pp. 246—248. For Persian recipes and their historical origins, see Margaret Shaida, The Legendary Cuisine of Persia (London: Lieuse Publications, 1992). 28. Polak, Safamama, p, 8329. Maktab was a nongovernmental school run by mullas in which Persian, a little Arabic sufficient for reading the Qur'an, and sometimes a little arithmetic were taught. For more, see Encyclopedia, of Islam, 2d ed., under "maktab." 30. See Polak, Safamama, pp. 187-189.

Notes

234

31. Curzon, Persia, vol. 1, p, 492. 32. For an example of the situation with ba.rat& after the death of Muhammad Shah, see A.K.S. Lambton, Qajar Penia {London: I. B. Tauris, 1987), pp. 167-169. 33. For a history of the chafa? system, see Encyclopaedia. Iranica, vol. 4,» under "Capar," by Willcm Floor. 34. Husayn Mahbubi Ardakani, Tarikh-i Mu'assisat-i Tamadduni-yi }adid Jar Iran, 2 vols. (Tehran; University of Tehran, 1978), vol. 2, p. 245. 35. Ibid., p. 254, A shahi was a copper coin; two hundred ihahis equaled one tuman. Ten thousand £na,K were the equivalent of one tuman. 36. Arnold, Through Persin, p. 125. 37. Ibid., p. 296. 38. Ibid. 39. Polak, Sttfa.rnam.ti, p. 304, and C. J, Wills, Persia As It Is (London: Sampson Low, 1886), pp. 290-294. 40. Keith E. Abbot, "Geographical Notes, Taken During a Journey in Persia in 1849 and 1850," Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 25 (1855):l-78. 41. E. G. Browne, A Year Amongst the Persians (1893; reprint, London: Century Publishing Co., 1984), p. 461. 42. Ibid., p. 459. 43. Ibid. 44. C. J. Wills, In the Land of the Lion and. Sun (London: Ward, Lock and Bowden, 1893), pp. 263—269. For further accounts of these journeys, see Sergeant Richard Gibbons, "Routes in Kirman, Jebal, and Khorasan, in the Years 1831 and \&32? Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 11 (184l):136—156; Robert Binning, A Journal ofTwo Years Travel in Persia, Ceylon Etc, 2 vols. (London: W.M.H. Allen and Co., 1857); and Edward Stack, Six Months in Persia, 2 vols. (London: Sampson Low, Marstoon, Searle, and Rivington, 1882). 45. Appendix A. 46. For more on the history and administration of Kirrnan, see Ahmad All Khan Vaziri Kirmani, Tharikh-i Kirman, ed. Ibrahim Bastani Parizi (Tehran: Offset, 1973). Vakil al-Mulk was the governor from whom in the years to come Amin al-Zarb was to buy the prestigious property of Vakil al-Abad. 47. Abbas Amanat, ed., Cities and Trade: Consul Abbot on the Economy and Society of Inn, 1847-1866 (London: Ithaca Press, 1983), p. 151. 48. Ibid., p. 83. 49. Ibid., pp. I l l and 109. Asafetida is a resinous gurn with a strong srnell of garlic, used in medicine and cookery. 50. Ibid., p. 151. 51. Ibid., p. 152. 52. While in Kirrnan, Muhammad Hassan conducted his affairs from Sarai-yi Salth, adjacent to Sarai-yi Gulshan in the bazaar of kaffashha (shoemakers). Chapter Two 1. For a detailed account of travel between Tehran and Isfahan, sec Arthur Arnold, Through Penia by Caravan (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1877), pp. 200—237, and Eugene Flandin, Voyage en Perse, trans. Husayn Nur Sadkji as Safttrnama hi Iran, (Tehran: Intisharat-i Ishraqi, 1957) pp. 121-130.

Notes

235

2. George N. Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, 2 vols. (London: 1892; London: Frank Cass and Co., 1966), vol. 2, p, 2, 3. Arnold, Through Persia, p. 233. 4. Edward B. Eastmck, Journal of a Diplomat's Three Years Residence in Persia, 2 vols, (London: 1864; reprint, Tehran: Imperial Organization for Social Services, 1976), vol. 1, p. 217 and Arnold, Through Persia, p, 162. 5. Jakob Edward Polak, Penien, das Land und Seine Bewohner, 2 vols. (Leipzig: n,p.» 1865), trans, into Persian by Kaykavus Jahandari as Saforaama-yi Polak: Iran va Iranian (Tehran: Intisharat-i Khawraznii, 1982), p. 62. 6. The first map of Tehran was prepared a few years after Muhammad Hassans arrival in 1270/1857-1858 by August Krizz, an Austrian military instructor at the Dar ttl-Funun, A facsimile edition was produced in 1366/1987 by Shirkat-i Kitab Sara. In 1284/1867, on the occasion of the twenty-first anniversary of the accession of Nasir al-Din Shah to the throne, the borders of Tehran were extended and three gates built on each side of the city, bringing the total of the outer gates to twelve. For a detailed description of the various gates, see Ja'far Shaliri, Tarikb'i Ijtima'iTehrandarQarn-iSizdahum, 6 vofs. (Tehran: Chapkhana-yi Avraman, 1990), vol. 1, pp. 89-108. 7. Polak, Saftrnama-yi Polak, p. 65. 8. Ibid., pp. 71-73, and Eastwick, Through Persia, vol. 1, pp. 234-236. 9. Polak, Safitmama-yi Polak, p. 66. 10. Ibid., p. 319, For more on old Tehran, see Emineh Pakravan, Teheran dejadis (Geneva Les editions Nagel, 1971). Also see Ja'far Shahri, Tehran-i Ghadim: Cushat az Tarikh-i Ijtitna'i (Tehran: Indsharat-i Amir Kabir, 1978). 11. See Appendix A. Rial: the present unit of currency in Iran, the equivalent of the old qiran, which was a silver unit of currency in Qajar Iran. 12. Letter from Haj Muhammad 'AM Amin al-TujJar in Rasht dated 9 Zi Qa'da 1314/11 April 1897. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 13. See Appendix A. 14. Mihdi Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal-i Iran: Qnrun-i 12-13—14, 6 vols. (Tehran: Kitabfiirushi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 3, p. 348. Also see Mirza Mihdi Khan Mumtahin al-Dawla, Khatirat, ed. Husayn Quit Khan Shaqaqi (Tehran: Intisharat-i Amir Kabir, 1983), p. 128. For more on Mirza Mihdi Khan, see Barndad, Jkrikb-i Mjal, vol. 4, p. 170; also Iraj Afshar, ed. Rijdl-i VizunU'i Kharija (Tehran, Intisharat-i Asatir, 1986). 15. Band-i wnban: cord for holding up loose-fitting trouser&An admiring and friendly account of Amin al-Zarbs life and achievements based on the Mahdavi family archives is to be found in Husayn Mahbubi Ardakani, T&rikh'i Mu'assisat-i Tamadduni-yi Jadid dar Iran, 2 vols. (Tehran; University of Tehran, 1978), vol. 2, pp. 48—67. 16. In fact, within Islam the concept of kasb is not only respected but as the haditb says, "Al-kasib habib Allah," the kasib is the beloved of God. See 'Ali Akbar Dihkhuda, Lughatnama (Tehran: Chapkhana-yi Majlis, 1946), under "Kasib,1* vol. 37, p. 168. 17. See S.G.W. Benjamin, Persia and the Persians (Boston: Ticknor and Co., 1886), pp. 81-87. Benjamin was the first American ambassador to Iran. 18. Mihdi Quli Hidayat, Khatirat va, Khatarat (Tehran: Kitab Furushi-yi Zawar, 1965), pp. 477-478. 19. This information was imparted to rne by Asghar Mahdavi. 20. Appendix A.

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21. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Tehran to his cousin Aqa Muhammad Ibrahim Sarraf in Isfahan, dated 7 Jamadi I 1306/10 January 1888, file no. 54, Mahdavi .Archives, Tehran, 22. Appendix A, 23. Mumtahin al-DawIa, Khtttirat, pp. 128—129. Murntahin al-Dawla's animosity springs from the fact that for many years, he and Haj Muhammad Hassan were involved in a court case regarding a piece of land in Bagh-i Sipahsalar belonging to Haj Muhammad Hassan, through which Mumtahin al-Dawla claimed to have right of access. It was such a lengthy legal battle that it was inherited by Muhammad Husayn, Amin al-Zarb's son, and Mumtaliin al-Dawla eventually lost the case. Consequently, he cannot be considered an objective source, and he continued being hostile toward the family. 24. The mnafi from each locality included the name of their place of origin in their name, such as Isfahani or Tabrizt. 25. According to a communication from Asghar Mahdavi. 26. Misqal: a measure of weight, the equivalent of 4.6 grams. See Charles Issawi, The Eco nomic History of Iran, 1800—1914 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1971), p. 389. 27. Appendix A. 28. For more on the Trebizond route, see Charles Issawi, "The Tabriz-Trabzon Trade, 1830-1900: Rise and Decline of a Route," International Journal of MMle East Studies, I (1970): 18-27. 29. U.K. House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers (Sessional Papers) and Accounts and Papers, Persia, Tabriz, "Report by Consul General Jones," 25 November 1872 (London 1873), ZHCI/3655, p. 369. 30. Justin Perkins, A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, (Andover, Mass.: Allen, Morril and Wardwell, 1843), p. 148. 31. U.K. House of Commons, "Report by Consid General Jones," p. 364. 32. Charles and Edward Burgess, letters from Persia, ed. Benjamin Schwartz (New York: New York Public Library, 1942), pp. 84-85. 33. It is interesting that those in. the house of Ralli, while under Russian protection, were seeking British protection, which they were initially refused. See Lord Palrnerston to Mr. McNeil!, no. 25, London, June 1837, EO. 60/47, U.K. Public Records Office, London; Mr. McNeill to Lord Palrnerston, no. 63, Tehran, August 31, 1837, P.O. 60/50, U.K. Public Records Office, London; Lord Palrnerston to Mr. McNeil!, no. 48, London, December 11, 1837, P.O. 60/47, U.K. Public Records Office, London; and McNeil! to Palrnerston, no. 68, October 2, 1837 P.O. 60/51, U.K. Public Records Office, London. However, in 1860, they were given British protection on the grounds that the two senior partners were British subjects. 34. Burgess, Letters, pp. 84-85. 35. Mumtahin al-Dawla, Khatirat, p. 128. 36. See Lord Granville to Mr. Thompson, no. I l l , London, November 13, 1884, EO. 60/452, and Thompson to Granville, no. 35, Tehran, February 29, 1884, EO. 60/460, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 37. Ibid. 38. See Appendix A. 39. Polak, Saftrnama-yi Polak, p. 377. 40. See A.K.S. Lambton, "The Case of Hajji 'Abd al-Karim: A Study on the Role of the Merchant in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Persia," in Iran and Islam, ed. C. EL Bosworth (Edin burgh: University Press, 1971), pp. 331-359, n. 9.

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41. W. M, Floor, "The Bankers (sarrafs)in Qajar Iran," Zeitschriftder Deutschem Morgen Landischen Geselkchafi 129 (2) (1979): 272. 42, Sec Colonel Shell to Lord Palrnerston, no. 117, Tehran, November 20, 1846, P.O. 60/125, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 43- Appendix A. 44. Asghar Mahdavi, "The Significance of Private Archives for the Study of the Economic and Social History of Iran in the Late Qajar Period," Iranian Studies 16 (1983):243—278. 45. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. Also see Appendix A. 46. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. Caravansarai-yi Amir was named after Miiza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir in 1267/1850 and consists of 336 upper and lower hujras. 47. Ibid. 48. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Tehran to Haj Abu al-Qasim in Mashhad, 17Jamadi 1 1288/4 August 1871, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran.

Chapter Three 1. HaU: lawful and legitimate according to the ihari'a. 2. There are numerous safttrnamasdescribing thehajjjourneys undertaken by Iranians. Four contemporary accounts have been chosen as reference points. They are as follows; Nayib al-Sadr Shiiazi, Saftmama-yi Nayib al-Sadr Shirazi dar Ziyarat-i Makkah va. Siytthat-i Iran va Hind (Tehran: Intisharat-i Babak, 1983), who started his journey in 1305/1887; Haj Mirza 'Ali Khan Sadr-i A'zam, Amin al-Dawla, Safarnama-yi Amin at-Daurla, ed. Islam Kazimiyya (Tehran: Chap-i Mas'ud Sa'd, 1975), who went on his trip in 1316/1898; Mirza Husayn Farahani, Safarnama-, ed. Mas'ud Gulzar (Tehran, Intisharat-i Tus, 1983), trans, and ed. Hafez Farrnayan and Elton L. Daniel (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), who undertook the journey in 1304/1886; and Sultan Muhammad Sayf al-Dawla, Safarnama-yi Makkah, ed. *Ali Akbar Khudaparast (Tehran: Nashr-i Nay, 1985), who traveled in 1279/1863. For the purposes of the following description, the latter two have been found to be more useful and to contain material of more general interest. The translations from Farahani are my own rather than those from the recently published translation. 3. Farahani, Safarnama, p. 49. 4. Sayf al-Dawla, Safarnamn, p. 41. 5. Farahani, Safarnama, pp. 68-74. 6. Ibid., p. 81. 7. Sayf al-Dawla, Safarnama, p. 74. 8. Farahani, Safarnama, p. 67, 9. Ibid., p. 92. In Islamic practice, a person unable to perform the pilgrimage may relegate his duties to another by providing the necessary means. 10. Ibid, pp. 104-105. 11. Sayf al-Dawla, Safarn&ma., p. 96. 12. Ibid., p. 102. 13. Ibid., p. 98. 14. Ibid., and Farahani, Sa/ymama, p. 115. 15. Sayf al-Dawla, Safarnama, p. 106. 16. Ibid., p. 104. 17. Ibid., p. 119, and Farahani, Safarnama, p. 146. 18. Ibid., pp. 144-145, and Sayf al-Dawla, Safarnama, p. 111.

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19. Those who traveled through Russia after that date experienced railways for the first time by traveling the Tiflis-Baku route. 20. Sayf al-Dawla, Safarnama, pp. 112, 119, 122. 21. Farahani, Saftmama, pp. 169—170. For an account of the ceremonies, see above and also Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2d ed., under "Hadj." 22. Farahani, Safarnama, pp. 156—157. 23. See Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar, Safarnama-yi Atabat, ed. Iraj Afsfaar (Tehran: Intisharati Firdusi, 1984). 24. According to a letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Shirazi from Istanbul addressed to Haj Muhammad Hassan Qazi and dated 22 Rabi'a I 1280/7 September 1863, concerning some merchandise to be sent from Trebizond to Haj Muhammad Hassan in Tabriz. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 25. See the hajj safarnamas> referred to above. 26. Jakob Ektuard Polak, Penien, das Land und Seine Bewohner, 2 vols. (Leipzig: n.p., 1865), trans, into Persian by Kaykavus Jahandari as Safarnama-yi Polak: Iran va Iranian (Tehran: Intisharat-i Khawrazmi, 1982), p. 149. He has a very good comprehensive chapter on family and sex life; see pp. 138—165. 27. See Appendix E. 28. Since Arnin-al Zarb II wrote the memoirs many years after his fathers death while convalescing in Paris, the time period and sequence of events are slightly mixed up. 29. Since women had to be secluded and separated from men, therefore the houses of those who could afford it had to be divided into two sections: one and&runi for women and religiously permitted men (mabram), and the other, Uruni, for men. Dang: one-sixth of a real estate parcel. 30. The exact location of Amin ai-Zarbs house can be seen on the 1309/1891 map of Tehran and is mentioned by name. See 'Abd al-Ghaffar, Naqsbah-yi Tehran darZa.maH-iNa.sir al-Din Shah (Tehran: Sahab Geographic and Drafting Institute), facsimile edition. 31. For the terms of the formation of the company, see Chapter 2. 32. I am very grateful to Asghar Mahdavi for having put this register at my disposal. 33. Consul General Jones reported in 1872 that a bale of goods sent from England via Trebizond to Tabriz would cost on average from 35—45 shillings per bale and would reach its destination in 50—65 days. See "Report by Consul General Jones on the Trade and Commerce of Tabriz for the Year 1872," U.K. House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers (Sessional Papers) (hereafter PP), Accounts and Papers (hereafter A&P), ZHC 1/3655, p. 369. 34. See "Report by Consul General Jones on the Trade of the Province of Azarbayjan for the Year 1870," U.K. House of Commons, PP and A&P, ZHC 1/3493. 35. U.K. House of Commons, PP and A&P, "Report by Consul General Jones on the Trade of Tabriz for the Year 1872," ZHC 1/3555, November 25, 1872, p. 373. 36. The shah was leaving on a trip to the Holy Cities 1287/1870. See Nasir al-Din Shah, Safarnama-yi 'Atabat. 37. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan in Tehran to his brother Haj Abu al-Qasirn in Istanbul, dated 27 Jamadi I 1287/August 1870. Register of letters for the year 1287/1870, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 38. Ibid. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibid. 41. Ibid.

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42. Shal in Persian does not mean the same thing as shawl in English, as it refers to the stuff from which the cloth is made. Taq-i shah from Kirman, finely woven in wool with pat terns or embroidery in pieces five or six yards long and three-fourths wide, were used both for articles of clothing such as coats for both sexes and for door hangings and tent lining by the rich. See Jennifer Scarce, "The Persian Shawl Industry," Textile Museum Journal 27—28 (1989}:22-39. 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid. Vapour: He uses this word, which was used for a steamboat, but in Haj Muhammad Hassan's usage it refers to all steam-operated machines. The word "believers" means those of the Muslim faith. ZAr' was the basic unit of measurement, in some instances the equivalent of 1.12 meters and in others the equivalent of 1.04 meters. 45. Register of letters for the year 1287/1870-1871, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 46. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to Haj Abu al-Qasim in Istanbul, dated 27 Zi Qa'da 1287/18 February 1871. 47. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to Haj Abu al-Qasirn in Istanbul, dated 2nd Zi Qa'da 1287/24 January 1871. 48. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to his brother Haj Abu al-Qasim in Istanbul, dated 7 Jamadi II 1287/4 September 1870. 49. Ibid. 50. There were 20 shahis in the qiran. A man was the equivalent of 2.95 kilograms. 51. 'Abdulla Mustawfi, Sharb-i Zimdigani-yi Man: Ta.rikh-i Ijtima'i va Idari-yi Dawra-yi Qajarijya, 3 vok. {Tehran: Zawar, 1942), trans. Nayer Mostofi Glenn as The Administrative and Social History of the Qajar Period, 3 vok. (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda, 1997), vol. 1, p. 110. 52. William Brittlebank, Persia During the Famine (London: Basil Montague Pickering, 1873). 53. Frederic John Goldsmid, Eastern Persia: An Account of the Journeys of the Persian Boundary Commission 1870-71—72 (London: Macmillan and Co., 1876), pp. 94-98. 54. Brittlebank, Famine, pp. 180-182. 55. See Muhammad Taqi BiykArbab, Tarikir Dar-al Iman-i Qum (Qum: 1.974), p. 60. See also Haj Mirza Hassan Khan Shaykh Jabiri Ansari, Tkrikh-i Isfahan va RAJ (Tehran: n.p., 1942), pp. 50-51. 56. Ibid., p. 278. 57. See Goldsmid, Eastern Persia-, p. 95. Consul Jones wrote from Tabriz in 1873: "The great mortality among beast of burden during the past two years has considerably raised the cost of transport to the interior." See U.K. House of Commons, PP and A&P, ZHC 1/3653, p. 968. 58. See Nikki R. Keddie, "The Economic History Of Iran, 1800-1914, and Its Political Impact: An Overview," Iranian Studies 5 (1972):58-78, and Roger T. Olson, "Persian Gulf Trade and the Agricultural Economy of Southern Iran in the Nineteenth Century," in Michael E. Bonirte and Nikki R. Keddie, eds., Continuity and Change in Modern Iran (Albany: State University of New %rk Press, 1981), pp. 143—159. 59. Nasser Pakdaman, preface to special issue on "The Economic and Social History of Iran in the Nineteenth Century," Iranian Studies 16 (1983):131. 60. Valiid Nowshiravani, "The Beginning of Commercialized Agriculture in Iran: 1800-1925," in The Islamic Middle East, 700-1900: Studies in Economic and Social History, ed. A. L Udovich (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1981), pp. 547-591.

240

Notes

61. Shako Okazaki, "The Great Famine of the Year 1288 in Iran," paper delivered at the Twenty-Fifth Orientalist Congress in Japan, trans, into Persian by Hashim Rajabzada as "Qahti-yi Buzurg-i Sal-i 1288 dar Iran." Ayttnda 12 (1986):28-4l. 62. Goldsmid, Eastern Persia,, p. 96, 63. For more on Murciza Quli Khan Vakil al-Mulk, see Bamdad, Tttrikb-i Rijul, vol. 4, pp. 62-63. 64. Goldsniid, Eastern Persia, pp. 96—97. 65- See Willern M. Floor, "The Creation of the Food Administration in Iran," Iranian Studies 16 (1983): 199-222. 66. "Report by Consul General Jones on the Trade of the Province of Azarbayjan for the Year 1870," U.K. House of Commons, PPandA&l> ZHC 1/3494, p. 961. 67. Jabiri Ansari, Tanhk-i Isfahan, p. 51. 68. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to his brother Haj Abu al-Qasim in Istanbul, dated 6 of Janiadi II 1287/3 September 1870, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 69. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to Haj Abu al-Qasim in Istanbul, dated 9 Zi Hajja 1287/2 March 1871, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 70. Nasir al-Din Shah, Saftmanut-yi 'Atiba. 71. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to Haj Abu al-Qasim in Istanbul, dated 26 Zi Hajja 1287/19 March 1871. 72. On the subject of cholera in Iran, see Huma Natiq, Musibat Vaba va Bala-yi Hukumat (Tehran: Nashr-i Gustara, 1979). 73- Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to Haj Muhammad Tabriz! in Mashhad, dated 16 Sha'ban 1287/11 November 1870, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 74. See Natiq, Vaba va Bala, pp. 17-18. 75. "Report by Consul General Jones on the State of Trade in the Province of Azarbayjan During the Year 1872," U.K. House of Commons, PP and A&P, ZHC 1/3653, p. 968, January 1873. 76. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to his brother Haj Abu-al Qasirn in Istanbul, dated 5 Rajab 1871/1 October 1871, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 77. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to Aqa 'Abd al-Karim, a merchant from Tehran residing in Kirman, dated 27 Zi Qa'da 1287/18 February 1871, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 78. See Appendix A. 79. Register of Letters for the year 1287/1870-1871, p. 132, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 80. See, for example, the Register of Letters for the year 1287/1870-1871, pp. 242-243, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. In the accounts between Haj Muhammad Hassan and Haj Muhammad Kazim in Isfahan, for a six-month period from Muharram to Rajab, two items appear under bavaJa-yi arham (draft to relatives), one for thirty tumans and another for forty tumans. Also see his testament to his son, in Appendix B, in which he enjoins his son not to forget his relatives. Chapter Four 1. George N. Cur/on, Persia, and the Persian Question, 2 vols. (London: 1892; London: Frank Cass and Co., 1966), vol. 2, pp. 241-242. 2. Ibid., p. 242. 3. Some of this material has been published in Iraj Afehar and Karim Isfahanian, eds., Namwtm-yi Dr.. MahmttdAphar (Tehran; Offset, 1968), and the rest has very kindly been put at my

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disposal by Asghar Mahdavi. For the published material, see Asghar Mahdavi, "MurasiJat va Asnad-i Yazd,* in Namvara-yi Dr. Mahmud Afihar, ed. Ira; Afshar (Tehran: n.p., 1968), This article contains a summary of letters addressed to Haj Muhammad Hassan from various people in Yazd, arranged in alphabetical order. The unpublished material in my possession has been extracted from this correspondence and arranged according to subject in alphabetical order. 4. This unpublished register has also been put at my disposal by Asghar Mahdavi, to whom I am deeply grateful. 5. For more on the Reuter Concession and references, see Introduction. 6. Letter no. 154, dated 5 February 1874/17 21 Hajja 1290, Register of Letters, p. 149, n. 4. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 7. In 1873, twenty-four tjirams were the equivalent of £1 sterling, there being ten qirans to the tttman. Therefore, Haj Muhammad Hassan's capital was about £83,OOQ-£93,000 sterling. 8. See letters nos. 81, 107, 117, 140, 141, 144, 168, 172, 173. Register of Letters for the year 1290-1297/1873-1874, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 9. Report on the trade and commerce of Khurasan for the financial year 1895-1896. Consul General Elias to Marquis of Salisbury, U.K. House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers (Sessional Papers) (hereafter PP), Accounts and Papers (hereafter A&P)> ZHC 1/6014, p. 24. 10. From the mid-nineteenth century onward in most cities of Iran, there was a malik al~ tujjar, or chief merchant, who was the head of the merchant community. Although the appointment was made by the governor, it was dependent on the acclaim of the merchant community, which proposed to the governor someone recognized as being the most important merchant. For more on the position, and responsibilities of the malik al-tujjar, see W, M. Floor, "The Merchants (tujjar) in Qajar Iran," Zeitschrift der Dattschen Margen Landischen Gatllscha.fi 126 (1976):101-135. 11. Mr. Schindler to Ronald Thompson, enclosed in Mr. Thompson to Earl Granville Tehran, October 20, 1883, P.O. 60/456, U.K. Public Records Office, London, 12. C. E. Yate, Kkttrtts&n and Sistan (1900; reprint, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1977), p. 402. 13. Haj Muhammad 'Ali Sayyah, Khatirat, ed. Hamid Sayyah (Tehran: Intisharat-i Amir Kabir, 1980), p. 126. 14. Kharvar. One kkarvar equaled 290 kilograms. See Muhammad Hassan Khan Ttimad al-Sakana, Ruznama-yi Khatirat (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1971), p. 678. 15. Consul General Maclean to the Marquis of Salisbury, "Report on the Trade of Khurasan for the Year 1889-90," Mashhad, April 16, 1890, U.K. House of Commons, PP saidA&P, ZHC 1/5267, p. 516. See Mirza Ibrahim Shiybani, MMttt&khab-al Tav&rikk (Tehran: Intisharat-i Muhammad 'Ali 'Ilmi, 1987). 17. See Appendix A. 18. Report by Mr. Herbert to Mr. Nicolson, "On Matters of General Interest," Tehran, May 10, 1896, P.O. 60/482, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 19. "Memorandum by Sir Mortimer Durand on die Situation in Persia," Tehran, December 1895, Public Records Office, P.O. 60/581, U.K. Public Records Office, London; Curzon, Persia, vol. 2, p. 483. 20. See Chapter 1. 21. Mustawfi, Sharh-i Zindigani, vol. 1, p, 214. 22. Huma Natiq, "Sanadi Darbara-yi A'yin Milk Dart Va Zan Dart Dar Qarn-i Nuzdah," in Musibat-i Vaba va Bala-yi Hukumat (Tehran: Nashr-i Gustara, 1979), p. 62.

242

Notes

23. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 24. See Appendix C. 25. Angelo M. Piemontese, "The Status of the Qajar Orders of Knighthood," East and West 19 (1969):437~471. 26. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 27- For a description of the karat system and Amin al-Zarbs role as agent, see Chapter 2. 28. See letter no. 125 from Haj Muhammad Hassan in Tehran to Aqa Muhammad Rafaim in Rasht, dated 17 Shawal 1290/8 December 1873. At this time the governor of Zanjan was Muhammad Taqi Mirza RuJtn al-Dawla, who was the fourth son of Muhammad Shah and the younger brother of Nasir al-Din Shah. He was the governor of various provinces, including Zaiijan for the second time in 1289/1872, and beginning in 1293/1876 was four times the governor of Khurasan. He was probably the governor who appointed Haj Abu al-Qasim, Haj Muhammad Hassan's brother, the malik al-tttjjar of Mashhad. For more on him, see Mihdi Bamdad, Turikb-i Rijal-i Iran: Qururt-i 12—13—14, 6 vols. (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 3, pp. 312—319. The vazir of Isfahan was Mirza Muhammad Husayn Mustawfi, Nizam al-Mulk, who was one of the well-known mustawfis (state accountants) of the period and had already served as minister and deputy governor to Abu al-Fath Mir/a Mu'ayyad al-Dawla in Yazd prior to accompanying him in the same position to Isfahan. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tttrikh-i Rijal, vol. 5, pp. 239—240, Mirza Qahriman Qamsha'i received the title Arain al-Lashgar (paymaster general of the forces) in 1284/1867. He was involved with the arrny from the beginning of his career and was put in charge of army provisions in 1290/1873. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 3, pp. 132—136. 29. This situation is discussed further in Chapter 7. 30. Joseph Rabino, "Banking in Persia," Journal of the Institute of Bankers 13 (1892):38. 31. H. deLacyO' Brien, Stinking in Persia (London: John King and Co., 1873), pp. 66-67. 32. H. L. Rabino di Borgomale, Coins, Medals, and Seals of the Shah of Iran (1500-1941) (Hartford: Stephen Austin and Sons, 1945), p. 23. 33. Nukhud: a measure of weight to which the following measures were related: gtrndum ("ear of wheat") or ju ("ear of barley"), about 0.048 grams; nukhud ("pea"), equal to 4 gandum, or about 0.192 grams; misqal, equal to 24 nukbtuk, or about 4.6 grams. For more information on weights commonly in use in nineteenth-century Iran, see Charles Issawi, ed., The Economic History of Iran* 1800—1914 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1971), p. 38934. See Tarikh-i Si Sala-yi Bank-yi Milli-yi Iran (Tehran: Bank-i Milli-yi Iran, 1959), p. 12. 35. "Report by Consul Jones on the Trade of the Province of Azarbayjan for the Year 1870," U.K. House of Commons, PPandA&l> ZHC 1/3494, p. 961. 36. "Report by Consul General Jones on the State of Trade in the Province of Azarbayjan for the Year 1872," U.K. House of Commons, PP and AdrP, ZHC 1/3653, p. 968. 37. "Tabriz: Report by Consul General Jones, November 1872 U.K. House of Commons," PPm&A&P, ZHC 1/3655, pp. 371-372. 38. The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. 39. For the world situation of silver and its effect on Iran during this period, see P. W. Avery and J. B. Simmons, "Persia on a Cross of Silver, 1880—1890," Middle Eastern Studies 10 (1974):260-286. 40. "Memorandum upon The Imperial Bank of Persia," Tehran, July 9, 1890, by Mr. Rabino to Sir Henry Drumrnond Wolf, enclosed in Drummond Wolf to Marquis of Salisbury, Gulhak July 10, 1890, P.O. 60/512, U.K. Public Records Office, London.

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41. Gresham's Law, The economic principle that bad money fends to drive good money out of circulation. 42. For a history of the mint in Iran, see Rudi Matthcc, "Changing the Minttnaster: The Introduction of Mechanized Minting in Qajar Iran," Itinerario 19 (1995):109—129. 43. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 1, pp. 2—7. 44. "Report by Mr. W. J. Dickson on the Trade and Commerce of Tehran for the Year 1866," U.K. House of Commons, PPwdA&R ZHC 1/3262, p. 301. 45. See Mustawfi, Tttrikh Ijtinut V, vol. 1, p, 397, and Kbatint Siynsi-yi Amin al-Dttwla, ed. Hafiz Farrnanfarmayan (Tehran: Shirkat-i Offset, 1976), pp. 51-52. 46. For the text of the announcement of the new mint, see Majid Yakta'i, Tarikh-i Daraiyi Iran (Tehran: Mu'assisa-yi Chap va Intisharat-i Piruz, 1961), pp. 297—298. 47. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. Also in Husayn Mahbubi Ardakani, Tarikh-i Mu'assisat-i Tamaduni-i Jadid dor Iran, 2 vols. (Tehran; University of Tehran, 1978), vol. 2, p. 52. 48. See di Borgomale, Coins, Medals, and Seals, p. 22; Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 3, p. 351; and Amin al-Dawla, Khatirat Siyasi, p. 61. 49. Amin al-Dawla, Ftimad al-Saltana, Murntahin al-Dawla, and Mustawfi have all recorded this view for posterity. 50. See Avery and Simmons, "Persia on a Cross of Silver." Also see a further discussion of the situation in Chapter 7. 51. Ftimad al-Saltana, Ruznama, p, 74. 52. Rabino, "Banking in Persia," p. 39. 53. The tuman represented 10,000 dinars. Di Borgomale, Coins, Medals, and Seals, pp. 18, 70. 54. Kurur: crorer. In Persian, half a million. 55. Tarikh-i Si Sala, pp. 65-74. 56. See Chapter 2, 57. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 58. As an example of this kind of analysis, see N. R, Keddie, "Iran, 1797-1941," in C.A.O. Van Nieuwenhuijze, ed., Commoners, Climbers, ami- Notables (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977), pp. 123-139. 59. 'Abbas Mirza Mulk Ara, Sbarb-i Hal, ed. *Abd al-Husayn Nava'i (Tehran: Intisharat-i Babak, 1946), p. 168. 60. Ibid., p. 192, Twenty-five thousand tutnans from this sum went to the shah; 7,000 titmans to the prime minister; 1,000 tumans to the deputy for the province; and the rest was necessary expenditure incumbent upon a governor. 61. According to a communication from Asghar Mahdavi. 62. This sarai was built in 1275/1858 by Mirza Shafi' Tuysirkani and then bought by Vakil al-Mulk when he was governor of Kirman. 63. For more on Vakil al-Mulk, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 4, pp. 62-63. 64. For more on bankruptcy, see W, M. Floor, "Bankruptcy in Qajar Iran," Zeitsckrift der Deuttchen Morgen Landischen Geselhchajt 127 (1977):62—76. 65. For the correspondence regarding the sale of Sarai-yi Khaju, see the index cards on Yazd in the Mahdavi Archives, nos. 133—167, 261. 66. See Firuz Mirza Farmanfarma, Safarnama-yi Kirnian va Baluchistan, ed. Mansura Nizam Mafi (Tehran: Shirkat-i Sahami-yi Kitabha-yi Iran, 1963), pp. 8—9. For more on Firuz Mirza, see Bamdad, Turikh-i Rijal, vol. 3, pp. 110—114. Also Encyclopaedia Imitica, under "Firuz Mirza," by Shireen Mahdavi.

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Notes

67. For some details on the state of Vakilabad after Amin al-Zarb acquired it and the running of it, see Htima Natiq, Kamatna va Zamana-yi Mirza Riza Kirmani {Paris: Hafiz Verlag, 1984), pp. 12-38, 68. For more on Dust Muhammad Khan, see Dust AM Khan Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik, Rijali 'Asr-i Nasiri (Tehran: Nashr-i Tarikh-i Iran, 1983), pp. 143—157, and Bamdad, T&rikb-i Rijal, vol. I , pp. 502-503. 69. f^nchfarsaU is equivalent to six kilometers. 70. See the index cards on Yazd in the Mahdavi Archives, no. 371. 71. Ibid., nos. 269, 270, 272, 362. Chapter Five 1. Muhammad Hassan Khan Ftimad al-Saltana, Kuznama-yi Khatirat (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1971), p. 63. 2. Ibid., pp. 98-99. 3. See Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar, Safarnama-ji Khurasan (Tehran: n.p., 1306/1888-1889), lithograph copy. 4. "Memorandum by Sir Mortimer Durand on the situation in Persia," Confidential P.O. 60/581 (1894), U.K. Public Records Office, London, p. 2. 5. See Appendix A. 6. Ftimad al-Saltana, Ruzaama, p.351. 7. Firiydun Adamiyyat and Huma Natiq, A/kar-i Ijtimd'i va Siyasi va Iqtisadi Jar Asar-i Muntashir NmlmdA-yi Dawm-yi Qajar (Tehran: Intisharat-i Agah, 1977), p. 308. The Persian sources, including Adamtyyat and Natiq, agree on the disadvantaged position of local merchants. However, Gad Gilbar holds the view, based on foreign sources, that the government gave the big merchants freedom in their economic activities, that their property remained intact, and that the customs duty charged on the goods they imported and exported remained low, whereas foreign merchants, in spite of the treaties entitling them to only a 5 percent ad valorem customs tax, in fact paid high customs duty and were not exempt from internal duties. See Gad Gilbar, "The Big Merchants (tujjar) and the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1906," Man and African Studies 11 (I977):282-285. 8. Ironically, this practice was a double-edged sword for Amin al-Zarb, as, being the richest merchant, he would frequently lend the money to the prospective officeholder, thus being himself a "kingmaker" while also suffering from the subsequent backlash. See 'Abbas Mirza Mulk Ara, Sb&rh-i Hal, ed. Abd al-Husayn Nava'i (Tehran: Intisharat-i Babak, 1946), pp. 191-192. 9. See Farukh Khan Amin al-Dawla, Majmu'a Asnad VA MaJarik, 4 vols., eds. Karim Isfahanian and Qudratulah Rushani (Tehran: Intisharat-i Danishgah-i Tehran, 1979), vol. 1, p. 355; and Colonel Kosogovskii, Khatimt, trans. 'Abbas Quli Jalli (Tehran: Kitabkhana-yi Simurgh, 1976), p. 101. 10. Adamiyyat and Natiq, Aftttr-i Siyasi va, Ijtimo-'i, pp.299—371. 11. Ibid., pp. 308-309. 12. The Mahdavi Archives, the file of petitions to Nasir al-Din Shah. For biographical details on Mirza *Abd al-Vahhab Khan Nasir al-Dawla, later Asif al-Dawla, see Mihdi Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal-i Iran: Qurun-i 12—13—14, 6 vols. (Tehran: Kitabfarushi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 2, pp. 301-317. 13. Adamiyyat and Natiq, AJkar-i Ijtima'i va Siyasi, p. 310.

Notes

245

14. Ibid., p. 314. 15. Ibid, p, 341. 16. Mahdvfi Archives, Letters from Arnin al-Zarb to the Shah, 1302/1884-1885. For more on Mirza 'All Quli Khan Mukhbir al-Dawla, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 2, pp. 455-459. 17. Adamiyyat and Natiq, AfltarSiyasi va Ijtimai, pp. 366—367. 18. Ibid., pp. 367-368. 19. For more on the Reuter Concession, see L. E. Frechtling, "The Reuter Concession in Persia," Asiatic Review 34 {1938):518—533; Ibrahim Tayrntiri, 'Asr-i Bikhabari ya Tarikh-i Imtiyazat dor Iran (Tehran: Iqbal, 1953—1954), pp. 97—150; and Adamiyyat, Andisba-yi Tanqqi va, Hukumat-i Qamtn: 'Asr-i Sipahsalur (Tehran: Shirkat-i Sahami-yi Intisharat-i Khawrazmi, 1973), pp. 335-369. This is also discussed in the Introduction. 20. Firiydun Adamiyyat, Idiulugi-yi Nibzat-i Mashrutiyyat Inn (Tehran: Intisharat-i Payam, 1976), pp. 36—37; see also pp. 36—50 for a fuller discussion of the concession. Also sec Nikki R. Keddie, Religion and Rebellion in Iran: The Iranian Tobacco Protest of 1891—1892 (London: Frank Cass and Co., 1966), and A.K.S. Lambton, Qa/ar Persia (London: I. B. Tauris and Co. 1987), pp. 224-276. 21. Adamiyyat, Miulugi, p. 44. 22. The First Article stated inter alia that "prices being equal, preference would be given by the society to Persian merchants in the purchase of tobacco in Persia, their purchase in Persia to be made through Persian Muslims." See Lambton, Qajar Persia, p. 270. 23. Eteocle Lorini, La Persica Economics (Rome: n.p., 1900; reprint, Tehran: Offset, 1976), p. 181. For the historical background of the production of silk in Persia, see Encyclopaedia Imnita, under "Abrisam," by M. Bazin and C. Bromberger. 24. Sir John Chardin, Travels in Persia: 1673-1677 (1927; reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1988), pp. 277—278. An "ell" is a historical English measure of weight, the equivalent of forty-five inches. 25. Sir John Sheil, "Silk Manufactures of Persia," in lady Mary Sheil, Glimpses of Life And Manners in Persia (1856; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1973), pp. 375-379. 26. Persia. Resht, "Report by Consul Abbot," August 20, 1872, U.K. House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers (Sessional Papers) (hereafter PP), Accounts and Papers (hereafter A&-P), "IMC 1/3655, p. 451. Also see the Introduction. 27. "Report by Mr. Herbert on the Trade and Industries of Persia," enclosed in Nicolson to Salisbury, Tehran, February 1, 1887, U.K. House of Commons, PP and A&P, ZHI 4965, P 1L ' 28. Sheil, "Silk Manufactures of Persia," p. 376. A skein is a loosely coiled bundle of yarn or thread. 29. This sum is according to Lorini, La Persica., p. 184. For technical details of the components of the factory, see Christian Bromberger, "La Sericulture au Gilan dans la seconde moitie* du XDCe siecle," in Entrv I'Iran et Occident, ed. Yann Richard (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Science de I'Momme, 1989), pp. 84—85. 30. "Report by Mr. Herbert," p. 11. 31. Consul Churchill to the Earl of Rosebery. Resht, March 3, 1893, U.K. House of Commons, PP and A&P, ZHCl/5579. 32. Z, Z. Abdullaev, Protnyshltnnost i sutrazhdenie mbochego klassa Intna v kontse XlX—nachaleXXw. (Baku: n.p., 1963), p. 125. The batman is a Russian measure of weight, the equivalent of thirty kilograms.

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33. Lorini, La Perstca, p. 184. According to Lorini. Arnin al-Zarb sold his silk at 29-30 L/kg, but the other silks did not sell for more than 13 to 18 L/Kg. 34. Ibid., pp. 127-128. 35. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 36. Mahrnudabad: a village by the Caspian Sea. The original text of the letter is in the Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 37. For supporting evidence, see N. R. Keddie, Sayyid Jamtil ad-Din "nl-A/ghtmi": A Political Biography (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972), p. 10. 38. For more on Sayyid Jamal al-Din, see ibid., and Elie Kedourie, Afghani a-nd 'Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modem Islam (London: Frank Cass and Co., 1966). For a different view, see Huma Pakdaman, Djamai-ed-Din Assad Abadi dit Afghani (Paris: n.p., 1969). For an analysis of his ideas, see Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), pp. 103-129. 39.1'timad-al Sakana, Kuznama, p. 470. 40. Haji Sayyah was an interesting figure of nineteenth-century Iran. He had traveled widely in the East, Europe, and America, hence the name "setyyab," or traveler. He had met Jamal alDin in Istanbul in about 1870 and became a disciple. When Jamal al-Din became persona non grata in Iran, Haji Sayyah was arrested and charged with being his disciple and being involved in. his activities. For more on Haji Sayyah, see his memoirs, in Haj Muhammad Ali Sayyah, Khatimt-i Haji Sayyah, ed. Hamid Sayyah and Sayfullah Gulkar (Tehran: Intisharat-i Amir Kabir, 1980). For letters concerning JarnaJ al-Die's stay at Arnin al~Zarbs house, see Iraj Afshar and Asghar Mahdavi, eds., Majmu'a-yi Asnad va M.adarik-i Chap Nashuda, Jar bam-yi Sayyid Jamal al-Din Maskk-ur hi Afghani (Tehran: Chapkhana-yi Danishgah, 1963), p. 112. 41. Hazrat-i 'Abd al-*Azim was a descendent of Hassan b. 'Ali b. Abu Talib, the second Shi'i Imam, reputed to be a trustworthy narrator of Shi'i hadiths. His shrine in Ray,south o Tehran, known as Shahzada 'Abd al-'Azim, is a place of Shi'i pilgrimage. 42. Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'a yi Asnad, p. 167. 43.1'timad al-Saltana, Russnama, p. 470. 44. Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'a yi Asnad, pp. 142—143. Zanburiyya: reference to a minor grammatical point in Arabic over which famous grammarians (e.g., Sibavayah and Kisa'i) at the court of Harun al-Rashid in Baghdad disagreed. This issue was later described in a Manzuma to which the Zanhuriyya here is a reference. See 'Ali Akbar Dihkhuda, Lughattuima (Tehran: Chapkhana-yi Majlis, 1946), under Zanburiyya. Muuwal by Taftazani on rhetoric. Mughni: a standard work on Arabic grammar and syntax by Jamal al-Din Ibn Hisham (1308-1360). Ashrafi: a gold coin of the period. The origin of the word is not clear. Ashraf may have been the name of the shah who in medieval times minted the coin by that name, or the Afghan Ashraf, the conqueror of Isfahan in 1722, may have invented it; or alternatively, it may have been minted for the first time in the town of Ashraf. See Dihkhuda, Lughatnama, under "Ashrafi." 45. Some of these have been summarized by Pakdaman, See her Djamal-ed Dm, pp. 222—223. Also in Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'a yi Asnad, pp. 164—166. 46. Ibid., p. 116. 47. Ibid., p. 117, 48. Sayyah, Kbatirat, p. 293. 49. Ftimad-al Saltana, Ruznama, p. 470. 50. For instance, on his way to Tehran, while staying at the house of Sadid al-Saltana in Bushihr, he occupied himself with his host's son in the same manner. See Sayyid Hassan Taqizada, "Takmifch," Kava 2 (9) (1921): 10-11.

Notes

247

51. Mulk Ara, Sharh-i Hal, p. 179. 52. Aishar and Mahdavi, Majmuayi Asnad, p. 116. 53. According to the unfinished biography, Amin al-Zarb's second wife was Sughra Khanum, the daughter of Aqa Muhammad Hassa0 Zarrabi. There are 00 records of the date of the marriage in the archives, possibly due to the fact that no descendants survived. See Appendix A. 54. Muhammad Hassan I'timad aJ-Saltana, Tarikb-i Mttnuzama-yi Nasiri, 3 vols., ed. Isma'il Rizvani (Tehran: Duniya-yi Kitab, 1988), vol. 3, pp. 2125-2126. 55. Haji Sayyah, Khatimt, pp. 116, 126. 56.I'timad al-Saltana, Muntazama-yi Nasiri, vol. 3., pp. 2125—2126. 57. H. Picot, "Biographical Notices of Members of the Royal Family, Notables, Merchants, and Clergy," EO. 881, Confidential, 7028, December 1897, U.K. Public Records Office, London, p. 65. 58. Ibid.

Chapter Six. 1. Iraj Afshar and Asghar Mahdavi, eds., Majmu'a yi Asnad va Madarik-i Chap Nashuda dar ban-yi Sayyid Jamal al-Din Mashhur hi Afghani (Tehran: Chapkhana-yi Danlshgah, 1963), pp. 118-119. 2. Letter from Amin al-Zarb in Barfurush to Haj Muhammad Ibrahim and Haj Abu alQasim in Tehran, dated 12 Sha'ban 1304/6 May 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 3. Letter from Amin al-Zarb in Nayij to his son Aqa Muhammad Husayn and his agents Haj Muhammad Ibrahim and Haj Mirza Abu al-Qasim in Tehran, dated 16 Sha'ban 1304/10 May 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 4. Gange is situated in the administrative district (canton) of Herault in the south of France. It has traditionally been a textile center. See Grand Dictionnaire Emyclapediqve, 10 vols. (Paris: Larousse, 1983), vol. 5, p. 4664. 5. Ibid. 6. See Chapter 5. 7. According to a communication from Asghar Mahdavi. 8. Ibid. 9. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. See file of correspondence with the Amin al-SuItans. 10. Letter from Amin al-Zarb in Mahmudabad to his son Aqa Muhammad Husayn and agents in Tehran, dated 22 Sha'ban 1304/16 May 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 11. Ibid. 12. Letter from Amin aJ-Zarb in Moscow to Amin al-Sultan in Tehran, dated 21 Rarnazan 1304/13 June 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. For more on Mirza Riza Khan Danish, see Mihdi Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal-i Iran: Qurun-i 12—13—14, 6 vols. (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 1, pp. 507-512. 13. For more on the brothers, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijitl, vol. 3, p. 457. 14. For more on Malhim Khan, see Harnid Algar, Mirza Malkum Khan: A Study in the History of Modernism (Berkeley and las Angeles: University of California Press, 1973), who is not very sympathetic to Malkum. For a more objective view, see Bakhash, Inn: Monarchy, Bureaucracy, and Reform Under the Qajars: 1858-1896 (London: Ithaca Press, 1978). 15. Letter from Amin al-Zarb from Moscow, addressed to his son Aqa Muhammd Husayn and agents in Tehran, dated 20 Ramazan 1304/12 June 1887, Tehran, Mahdavi Archives. Uzun Ada was a newly constructed port on the eastern shore of the Caspian and was made

248

Notes

the western terminus of the railway in 1886. The name means "Long Island." As Lord Curzon predicted when he passed through, it is no longer in existence. He said that a commission had proposed that the landing place should be moved to the old harbor of Krasnovodsk, See Lord Curzon, Tfttvelswith a. Superior Person, ed. Peter King (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1985), pp. 97-105. 16. Letter from Amin al-Zarb in Moscow to Amin al-Sultan in Tehran, dated 21 Ramazan 1304/13 June 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 17. Haji Pirzada, Saf&rnanM, 2 vol$., ed. Hafiz Farmanfarmayan (Tehran; Intisharat-i Babak, 1981), vol. 2, pp. 11-13. 18. Dispatch no. 80, September 11, 1887, P.O. 248/445, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 19. Letters from Moscow to Tehran between 14-29 Ramazan 1304/6-21 June 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 20. Letter from Amin al-Zarb in Moscow to Aniin al-Sultan in Tehran, dated 21 Ramazan 1304/13 June 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 21. Ibid. 22. Dispatch no. 257, Mr. Hornstedt to Sir R. Morier, July 23, 1887, P.O. 60/594, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 23. Pirzada, Safarnatna, p. 11. 24. Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'ayi Asnad, pp. 96, 97,124, and facsimile 181,209, 210. 25. Letter from Amin al-Zarb in Belgium to his son and agents in Tehran in Shavval 1304/July 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 26. William j. Olson, "The Mazanderan Development Project and Haji Mohammad Hassan: A Study in Persian Entrepreneurship, 1884—1898," in Elie Kedourie and Sylvia Haini, eds., Towards a Modern Iran: Studies in Thought, Politics and Society (London: Frank Cass and Co., 1980), p. 43. In his letter from Belgium, Amin al-Zarb does not give details of his purchase, but as William Olson worked with Asghar Mahdavi in Tehran, the above list may be based upon other material in the Mahdavi Archives. 27. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Brussels to Amin al-Sultan in Tehran, dated 17 Shawal 1304/9 July 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 28. Farrang, Farrangistam, and Farramgi were terms used to refer to Europe and its peoples, originating in reference to the country of the Franks. 29. Letter from Haj Muhammad Amin al-Zarb in Brussels to Amin al-Sultan in Tehran, dated 19 Shawal 1304/11 July 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 30. Ibid. For more on 'Aziz al-Sultan and the shah's obsessive relationship with him, see Bamdad, Jkrikh-i Rijal, vol. 3, pp. 20-50. 31. Ibid. For more on Mirza Riza, see ibid., vol. 2, pp. 23-24. 32. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Brussels to Amin al-Sultan in Tehran, dated 19 Shawal 1304/11 July 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. For Sayyid Mahmud Khan, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 4, pp. 39-42. 33. In contrast to Pirzada's Safirnama, Amin al-Zarbs own letters from Paris are primarily concerned with industrial and political progress rather than with descriptions of sights or lifestyle. 34. Pirzada, Sajarnarna, vol. 1, p. 193. 35. Ibid, p. 192. The references to the passage of the king indicates that in Tehran the onl\ time any effort was made toward sweeping and cleaning of the streets was when the shah was passing through.

Notes

249

36. Ibid., pp. 182-183. 37. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Paris to Amin al-Sultan, dated 11 Zi Qa'da 1305/20 July 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 38. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Paris to Amin al-Sultan in Tehran, written in approximately Zi Qa'da 1305/July 1887, MahdaYi Archives, Tehran. Th above translation is from p. 9 of that letter; unfortunately, the rest is lost. 39. See Chapter 4. 40. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Paris to Arnin al-Sultan in Tehran, written in approximately Zi Qa'da 1305/July 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 41. Hookah: smoking pipe with long flexible tube, smoke being drawn through water in a vase to which a tube and bowl are attached. Sconce: flat candlestick with handle; bracket candlestick to hang on the wall. 42. Abu al-Nasr Mirza Hisam al-Saltana was on his way back from London, where he represented the shah on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of Queen Victorias reign. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 1, pp. 70—71. For more on Mirza Muhammad 'AM Mu'avin al-Mulk, see ibid., vol. 3, pp. 455-^456, For more on Muhammad Mirza, Kashi al-Saltana, see ibid., pp. 273—274, and Pirzada, Safafnanu, vol. 1, pp. 186—187. 43. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Arnin al-Zarb in Paris to his son and agents in Tehran, dated 11 Zi Qa'da 1304/1 August 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 44. Pirzada, Safamama, vol. 2, p. 13. Muslims must eat halalmeax, that is, the meat of an animal that has been slaughtered in the prescribed manner. 45. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, dated Jarnadi I 1305/15 January 1888, Tehran, Mahdavi Archives. 46. Letter from Amin al-Zarb in Baku to his son and agents in Tehran, dated 28 Muharrarn 1305/16 October 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 47. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 48. Telegram from Amin al-Sultan in Tehran to Haj Muhammad Amin al-Zarb in Mahrnudabad, dated 7 Safar 1305/25 October 1887, Tehran, Foreign Office Archives. 49. Ibid., Dated 9 Safar 1305/27 October 1887. 50. Ibid. 51. Ibid. 52. Letter from Arnin al-Zarb in Mahmudabad to his son and agents in Tehran, dated 5 Safar 1305/23 October 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 53.1'tirnad al-Saltana, Bttznama, p. 52754. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Tehran addressed to Mirza Muhammad 'Ali Khan Kashi in Tiflis, Russia, dated 28 Jamadi I 1305/11 February 1888, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 55- Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Tehran to Mirza Mahmud Khan 'Ala al-Mulk in St. Petersburg, dated 27 Jamadi I 1305/10 February 1888, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 56. For more on Kamran Mirza, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 3, pp. 149-161. 57. Pud: an old Russian measure of weight, the equivalent of approximately sixteen kilograms. 58. Lemaire was the son-in-law of Dr. Tholozan, the shah's French doctor, and was music instructor at Dar al-Funun. I'titnad al-Saltana, Rttznanm, p. 548. 59. Ibid., p. 552.

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60. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Arnin al-Zarb in Tehran to Muhammad Taqi Mirza Rukn al-Dawla, governor of Khurasan in Mashhad, dated 9 Rabi'a II 1305/25 December 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 61. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Paris to his son and agents in Tehran, dated 11 Zi Qa'da 1304/1 August 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 62. Letter from Arnin al-Zarb to Amin al-Sultan Tehran, dated Jamadi II 1305/FebruaryMarch 1887-1888, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 63. Letter from Haj Abu al-Qasirn, malik al-tujjgr in Mashhad to his brother Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Tehran, dated 23 Zi Hajja 1305/31 August 1888, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 64. Although 'aqdwas the official religious ceremony, in practice it was treated like an engagement so that the parties could get to know each other, and it was only after the arusi {the wedding celebration) that the couple were considered properly married. 65. Letter from Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar in Mashhad to his brother Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Tehran, dated 29 Muharram 1306/5 October 1888, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. If this letter was written upon the departure of Tuba Khanum as the text implies, it is not clear how Haj Abu al-Qasim intended for Mu'in al-Tujjar to be instructed. Perhaps he intended that a courier should be sent to meet them en route. 66. Petition from Amin al-Zarb to Nasir al-Din Shah 1306/1888-1889, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. Chapter Seven 1. The disagreement with the French engineers became the subject of an extensive correspondence between the French Mission, the Persian Foreign Office, Amin al-Zarb, the shah, and Amin al-Sultan, as a result of which the French tried in vain to prevent Amin al-Zarb from being in charge of providing Persian articles for the Paris Exhibition. 2. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 3. "Report by E. F. Law on Railway Under Construction Between Mahmudabad and Amul," F.O. 881/5728, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 4. See Chapter 6. 5. Lord Salisbury to Arthur Nicolson, September 12, 1887, P.O. 60/485, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 6. Nicolson to Salisbury, no, BOA, Tehran, October 17, 1887, RO. 60/487, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 7. Drummond-Wolff to Salisbury, Draft no. 282, Tehran, December 11, 1888, F.O. 248/268, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 8. Drumrnond-Wolff to Salisbury, no. 15, Tehran, January 19, 1889, F.O. 60/500, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 9. Correspondence between Amin al-Sultan and Amin al-Zarb in Jamadi II 1306/January—February 1889, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 10. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 11. Haj Zayn al-'Abidin Maraghayi, Siyaho-tnuma-yi Ibrahim Biyk (Tehran: Offset, 1958), pp. 147-149. 12. Muhammad Hassan Khan Ttimad al-Saltana, Ruznama-yi Khatsrat (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1971), p. 648. 13. Ibid., p. 649.

Notes

257

14. Ibid., p. 655. 15. On his return from Mecca to Cairo, Amin al-Zarb was accompanied by Ha) 'Abel al Ghaffar Tabrizi, who was a resident of Egypt and who later went to Iran and worked for Amin al-Zarb. Haj 'Abd al-Ghaffar's son Mirza 'Abdulla GhafarofF also worked for Amin alZarb, first on the railway in Mahmudabad and later as the agent of both Amin al-Zarbs in Moscow. In Cairo, Amin al-Zarb stayed with Haj Muhammad Javad Mishki, whose family is still well known in Cairo but who came originally from Isfahan and was linked to Amin alZarb through Isfahani ties. 16. Stewart to Salisbury, no. 12, Tehran, August 5, 1889, EO. 60/505, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 17. Iraj Afshar and As^iar Mahdavi, eds., Majmu'a-yi Asmad va Madarik-i Chap Nashada dar hara-yi Sayyid Jamal al-Din Mashhur hi Afghani (Tehran: Chapkhana-yi Danishgah, 1963), pp. 120-126. 18. Ibid., p. 122. 19. Ibid., p. 123. 20. Ibid., facsimile 174, 21. Ibid., facsimile 196. 22. N. R. Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani": A Political Biography (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 290, 298. 23. According to 'Abbas Mirza Mulk Ara, when the shah was in London, the British, who feared Jamal al-Dins activities, asked the shah to lure Jamal al-Din to Iran as a favor. See 'Abbas Mirza Mulk Ara, Sharh-i Hal, ed. *Abd al-Husayn Nava'i (Tehran: Intisharat-i Babak, 1946), p. 180. According to Amin al-Dawla, Jamal al-Din was granted an audience with the shah and the prime minister in Munich, where he apologized for his activities and as a result of which he was invited to Iran. See Amin al-Dawla, Khatintt, p. 132. I'timad al-Sakana reports that Amin al-$ultan arranged for the invitation to be extended, as he wanted to flatter the Russians. See I'tunad al-Saltana, JKuznama, p. 659. Keddie, quoting another source, says that it is possible that one of the reasons was the fact that the shah had granted various concessions to the British, about which Jamal al-Din was critical and had expressed his opinions in German and Russian newspapers, and that the shah felt that it was safer to have him in Iran where he could not engage in such activities. See Keddie, Sayjid Jamal ad-Din, p. 303. 24. Ibid., pp. 127-128. 25- Mirza Lutfullah Khan Asadabadi, Sharh-i Hal va Asar-i Sayyid Jamal al-Din Asadabadi Ma 'rufbi Afghani (Berlin: Chapkhana-yi Iranshahr, 1926), pp. 47-49. 26. Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'a-yi Asnad, p. 130. 27. See Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad-Din, pp. 306-334, and Hurna Pakdaman, Djama I ed-Din AssadAbadi dit Afghani (Paris: n.p., 1969), pp. 135-170. 28. Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'a-yi Asnad, p. 104; Haji Sayyah, Khatirat, p, 327; Mulk Ara, Sbarb-i Hal, p. 181. 29. Haji Sayyah, Khatirat, p. 331. 30. Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'a-yi Asnad, p. 131. 31- Ibid., pp. 131-133. 32. Ibid., p. 132. 33. Ibid., facsimile 188. 34. Ibid., facsimile 189-191. 35. Ibid., facsimile 192-194; see also p. 133. 36. See Haji Sayyah, Khatirat, pp. 322-343.

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37. Dr. Jean-Baptiste Feuvrier, Trots ans k la cour de Perse (Paris: F. Juven, 1906), p. 322. According to Asghar Mahdavi, however, this account is incorrect. 38. Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'a-yi Asnad, p. 133. 39. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani, \ Muharram 1301/26 July 1892; Afshar and Mahdavi, Majmu'a-yi Asnact, p. 134. 40. Ibid., pp. 134-137. 41. Ibid., pp. 102, 137. 42. For a biography of Mir/a Riza, see Huma Natiq, Karnama vet Zamama-yi Mirza Risut Kirmani (Paris: Hafiz-Verlag, 1984). 43. Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad-Din, pp. 411—413. 44. Joseph Rabino, "Banking in Persia," Journal of the Institute of Bankers 13 (1892):32. 45. See Chapter 4. 46. Jeremiah Benn Simmons, "The Evolution of Persia's Monetary System Between Safavid Power's Consolidation in 1502 and the Employing of Belgian Mint Management Exr perts in 1901," Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1977, pp. 122-128. 47. Letter from Haj Muhammad Amin al-Zarb to Amin al-Sultan, dated 27 Shawal 1303/29 July 1886, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 48. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to Amin al-Sultan, approximately end of Shawal 1303/July—August 1886, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran, Mirza *Ali Khan Amin alDawla was the minister of the post and one-time head of the mint. For more on him, se Mihdi Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal-i Iran; Qurum-i 12—13—14, 6 vols. (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 2, pp. 354-366. 49. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to Amin al-Sultan, approximately end of Shawal 1303/July-August 1886, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 50. Ghaz was a monetary unit in use in sonic provinces, specially Khurasan. Twogkaz was onejandak, or 25 dinars. 51. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to Amin al-Sultan, dated approximately 1304/1886-1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 52. Letter from Nasir al-Din Shah to Amin al-Sultan, dated 6 Rajab 1305/19 March 1888, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 53. "Memorandum by Sir Mortimer Durand on the Situation in Persia,, December 1895, P.O. 60/581 P.I., U.K. Public Records Office, London. 54. Kamran Mirza Nayib al-Saltana was the shah's third and probably favorite son, and aside from holding various important government posts, this son would also be in charge of the government in the shahs absence. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i RijaL, vol. 3 pp. 149-161. 55. Muhammad Vali Khan Nasr aJ-Saltana was descended from a military family and himself held the rank of a general. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Ry'al, vol. 4, pp. 17-24. 56. See Ftimad al-Saltana, Ruznama, p. 849, and Amin al-Dawla, Khatirat, pp. 128-129. 57. Lascelles to Rosebcry, no. 20, Tehran, January 31, 1893, EO. 60/542, U.K. Public Records Office, London. Sir Frank Lascelles was the predecessor of Sir Mortimer Durand. 58.1'timad al-Saltana, Ruznanut, p. 930. 59. Ibid., p. 933. 60. Ibid., p. 951. Ghulam 'AM Khan Amin Humayun was one of Nasir al-Din Shah's courtiers and the keeper of the Royal Residences. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i RijaL vol. 3, pp. 18-19.

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61. Takiyya is a public gathering place specially used for the performance of passion plays and other mourning ceremonies. In old Tehran, most neighborhoods had their own takiyya, and in this period, there were approximately forty-five of them. But the most magnificent of them all was the royal one, known as the Takiyya-Dawlat. This building was started in 1283/1866—1867 on the orders of Nasir al-DIn Shah. It encompassed a vast open space with a raised stage in the middle surrounded by four stories of Cileries, It resembled European amphitheaters and when necessary it could be covered with a tent pitched upon its iron poles and wooden scaffolding. The Takiyya-Dawlat was also used for important meetings such as the above. For more, see Nasir Najmi, Iran-i Qadim va Tehran-i Qadim (Tehran: Intisharat-i Janzadah, 1984), pp. 305-325. 62. Ftimad al-Saltana, Razmama, pp. 952—953. The reason for some of the notables being suspicious of Amin al-Mulk was that he was the brother of Amin al-Sukan, the prime minister, and in reality the true farmer of the mint and also possibly in partnership with him. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikb-i Rijal, vol. 1, pp. 127—129. Haji Muhammad *Ali Khan Amin al-Saltana was the brother-in-law of Amin al-Siiltan, the prime minister, whose daughter was also married to Amin al-Saltana's son. Aside from being special aide-de-camp to the shah, he also acted as liaison between the shah and the ministers and the majiis-i sbura-yi kubra. For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 3, pp. 415—419. 63. See Amin al-Dawla, Khatimt, pp. 129-131. 64. Mirza Ibrahim Shiybani, Muntetkhab a-l-Tavarikh (Tehran; Intisharat-i Muhammad 'Ali 'Ilmi, 1987), p. 292. Chapter Eight 1. Amin Aqdas was one of the shah's favorite wives. She was held in such esteem that the shah sent her to Vienna for treatment when she was losing her eyesight. Added to her own position as favorite was the fact that she was the aunt of the boy Malijak, 'Aziz al-Sultan, to whom the shah was irrationally and excessively attached. Mirza Riza's connection wilh Amin Aqdas was due to the fact that his sister-in-law was Amin Aqdas's secretary. For a copy of the text of Amin Aqdas's letter to Amin al-Zarb, see Mihdi Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal-i Iran; Quruni 12—13—14, 6 vols. (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 2, p. 13. 2. Huma Natiq, Karnama, va ZMmana-yi Mirza. Riza. Kirmani (Paris: Hafiz-Verlag, 1984), p. 66. 3. 'Abbas Mirza Mulk Ara, Sharh-i Hal, ed. 'Abd al-Husayn Naval (Tehran: Intisharat-i Babak, 1946), p. 181. 4. Natiq, Kamama va Zjunana., p. 202. 5. Iraj Afshar and Asghar Mahdavi, eds., Majmu'a-yi Asnad va Madarik-i Chap Nashuda dar bam-yi Sayyid Jamal al-Din Mashhur hi Afghani(Tehran: Chapkhana-yi Danishgah, 1963), p. 133. 6. Haji Sayyah, having been in prison with Mir/a Riza, had a premonition about Mirza Riza being about to commit an act of folly and wrote a letter to that effect to the prime minister, of which no notice was taken. See Haj Muhammad 'Ali Sayyah, Khatirat~i Haji Sayyah, ed. Hamid Sayyah and Sayfullah Gulkar (Tehran: Intisharat-i Amir Kabir, 1980), pp. 456—461; Natkj, Karnama. vaZamantt, p. 127. 7. Ibid., p. 205. 8. Charles fssawi, ed., The Economic History of Iran, 1800—1914 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1971), p. 344.

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9. For more on Farmanfarma, see: Bamdad, Tctrikk-i Rijal, vol. 2, pp. 247-253. 10. For a description of the "Turk" party who accompanied Muzaflar al-Din Shah to Tehran and their activities, see Sliaul Bakhash, "The Failure of Reform: The Prime Ministership of Arain a!-Dawla» 1897—98," in E, Bosworth and C. Hillenbrand, eds., Q_ajttr Iran: Political, Social, ami Cultural Change, 1800-1925 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1983), pp. 14-33; Mihdi Quli Hidayat, Khatimt va Khatamt (Tehran: Kitab Furushi-yi Zawar, 1965), p. 99. 11. Ibid. 12. Sayyah, Khatimt, p. 493. 13. Ashra.fi: a gold coin of the period. 'Abdulla Mustawfi, Shttrh-i Zindigani-yiMan; Tarikh-i Ijtima'i va Idttri-yi Dawra-yi Qajariyya, 3 vols. (Tehran: Zawar, 1942), trans. Nayer Mostofi Glenn as The Administrative and Social History of the Qajar Period, 3 vols. (Costa Mesa, Calif,: Mazda, 1997), vol. 2, p. 11. 14. Yahya Dawlatabadi, Hayat-i Yttbya, 4 vols. (Tehran: Intisharat-i "Attar, 1982), vol. 1, pp. 172-174. 15. For more on Khan Khan Basir al-Saltana, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i RijaL, vol. 5, p. 91. 16. For more on Amin al-Mulk, see ibid., vol. \, pp. 127—128. For accounts of Amin alMulks ordeal, see Hidayat, Khatimt, p. 112; Mustawfi, Sharh-i Zitidigani, vol. 2, p. 11; and Sayyali, Khatira.t, p. 493. 17. For mote on 'All Quli Khan Mukhbir al-Dawla, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 2, pp. 455-459. 18. Hidayat, Khatirat, p. 100. 19. The expression in Persian "the wolf who had seen the rain" means someone who is experienced and cunning. 20. Hidayat, Kbatirat, pp. 100-101. 21. According to a written communication from Asghar Mahdavi, Amin al-Zarbs wealth was estimated at 1,500,000 tumam. The detailed breakdown of the weaJth differs slightly from that of Mukhbir al-Dawla but is the same in essentials. His debts were 200,000 tumans, a fact that is not mentioned by Mukhbir ad-Dawla, In order to pay the debts, he was allowed to keep his landed estates. He was also allowed to keep the railway but was forced to pay the government 800,000 tumam, 22. Hidayat, Khatintt, pp. 100-101. 23. Fatwa: a religious decree. Marja'-i Ttujlid: a member of the "ulnma whose declarations are followed by the Shi'i community. 'Thcjatwa of Mirza Hassan Ashtiyani declaring the use of tobacco not permissible was instrumental in the cancellation of the tobacco concession granted to an Englishman, Major Talbot, in 1890. For more on the concession, see Nikki R. Keddie, Religion and Rebellion in Iran; The Iranian Tobacco Protest of 1891-1892 (London: Frank Cass and Co., 1966). For more on Mirza Hassan Ashtiyani, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 1, pp. 316-317. 24. Hidayat, Khatimt, p. 100. 25. Colonel V. S. Kosogovskii, Iz tegemntkogo dnevnika, trans, into Persian by 'Abbas Quli Jalli as Khatintt-i Colonel Kosogovskii (Tehran: Intisharat-i Arnir Kabir, 1965), pp. 180—183. Rene David de Balloy was the French minister from 1881—1898. 26. Hidayat, Khatimt, p. 100. For more on Murtiza Quli Khan Sani' al-Dawla, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Mjal, vol. 4, pp. 63-69. 27. Hardinge to Salisbury, no. 28 (101), Confidential, Gulhak, August \, 1897, P.O. 539/77, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 28. Hardinge to Salisbury, no. 46 (122), Gulhak, September 13, 1897, P.O. 539/77, U.K. Public Records Office, London.

Notes

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29. For a history of the Imperial Bank, see Geoffrey Jones, Banking and Empire in Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). 30. Firiydun Adamiyyat and Huma Natkj, Ajkar-i Ijtima'i va Siyasi va Iqtisadi dar Atar-i Muntofbir Nashudtt-yi D Tttnbaku (bar paya-yi Anhiv-i Amin al-Zarb) (Paris: Intisharat-i Khavaran, 1992), pp. 30-32. 33. Natiq, Karnama va Zamana, p. 77. 34. Natiq, Bazctrganan, p. 27. 35. W. M. Floor, "The Bankers (sarraft) in Qajar Iran," Zeitscbrift tier Deutschen Margin Landischen Geselkchaft 129 (2) (1979):277-281. 36. Hardinge to Salisbury, no. 58 (143), Tehran, October 24, 1897, P.O. 539/77, U.K. Public Records Office, London. 37. For a detailed analysis of Amin al-Zarb*$ relationship with the Imperial Bank, see Natiq, Bazarganan, especially pp. 163—175. 38. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Isfahani in Yazd to Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Tehran 1315/1897-1898, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran; Yazd Files, under "Mint," nos. 580 and 585, arranged by Iraj Afshar according to subject, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 39. For two different views of Amin al-Dawla, see Bakhash, "The Failure of Reform," pp. 14-33, who uses primarily British sources and considers the failure of reform to have been due to intrigue by Amin al-Dawla's rivals, on the one hand, and too close a relation with the British, which antagonized the merchant classes, on the other. An opposite view is expressed by Hafiz Farmayan, "Portrait of a Nineteenth-Century Iranian Statesman," International Journal of Middle East Studies 15 (1983):337-351, based entirely on Persian sources, and attributes Amin al-Dawla's abortive reforms primarily to a character flaw of weakness combined with pessimism. He acknowledges the relationship with the British to have been detrimental but considers it secondary. 40. Haj Muhammad Isfahani from Yazd to Amin al-Zarb in Tehran, 15 Zi al-Qa'da 1315/9 March 1898, Mahdavi Archives, Yazd Files, alphabetical no. 340, under "gandnm," Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 41. Ibid., no. 1001, under "gandian." 42. See Gad Gilbar, "Persian Agriculture in the Late Qajar Period, 1860—1906: Some Economic and Social Aspects," Asian and African Studies 12 (1978):312—365. 43. Ibid., no. 1002, 13 Jamadi II/9 November 1897, under "gandum." 44. Kosogovskii, Iz tegeranskogo dnevnika, p. 58. For more on the situation of food and its distribution during the Qajar period, see Willem M. Floor, "The Creation of the Food Administration in Iran." Iranian Studies 16 (1983):199-222. 45. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb to Mirza 'All Asghat Khan Amin al-Sultan, dated Jarnadi I 1314/October 1896, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 46. Ghulam Husayn Afzal al-Mulk, Ajzalal-T&varikh, ed. Mansura Ittihadiyya and Cyrus Sa'dvnadiyan (Tehran: Nashr-i Tarikh-i Iran, 1983), p. 288. According to a communication from Asghar Mahdavi in 1290/1873, when Haj Muhammad Hassan had organized his commercial enterprise, he was known as Haj Muhammad Hassan Kompany. It may have been due to the fact that at that time he was the only merchant who was engaged in commercial transactions with a textile company known as Gozi. 47. Shatir Bashi was an honorific court title and did not actually mean that the holder was engaged in baiting bread for the shah. For more on Mirza Muhammad 'Ali Khan Qavam al-

256

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Dawk, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 3, pp. 455^156. For more on Mirza Ibrahim Khan Ghaffari Mu'avin al-Mulk, see ibid., vol. 1, pp. 19—20. For more on Muhammad Hassan Khan, Mali Sa'd al-Mulk, see ibid., vol., 3, pp. 371-372, For more on Mirza Karim Khan Muntazim al-Dawla, Sardar Mukariam, see ibid., vol. 3» pp. 175—176. For more on Muhammad Karim Khan Mukhtar al-Saltana, sec ibid., vol. 5, pp. 260—62. For more on Fazllulah Khan Bashir al-Mulk, Shatir-bashi, see ibid., vol. 5, p. 175. For more on Miraa Tahir Mustawfi Kashani, Basir al-Mulk, see ibid., vol. 2, p. 185. 48. Husayn Mahbubi Ardakani, Tarikh-i Mu'assisat-i Tamaduni-yi Jadid dar Iran, 2 vols. (Tehran: University of Tehran, 1978), vol. 2, p. 65. 49. The imam jum "a was the leader at the Friday communal prayer. It was a government appointment, and each city had its own imam jum'a. It was usually a hereditary position. For more on this particular imam jum a, Mirza Zayn al'Abidin Zahir al-Islam, see Dust 'Ali Khan Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik, Rijal-i 'Asr-i Nasiri (Tehran: Nashr-i Tarikh-i Iran, 1983), pp. 250-259. Also see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 2, pp. 48-50. 50. Kharvar ("donkey load") is the equivalent of 100 mans, or about 290 kilograms. 51. Afeal al-Mulk says that during the hoarding, the price of bread almost reached five to six qirans per matt, whereas after Amin al-Zarb $ intervention, it became 1 efima, or 1,000 dinars per man, having been 750 Jinan per man before the hoarding. 52. Afeal al-Mulk, AJzalal-Tavarikh, p. 290. For a more detailed description of the famine and the activities of Amin al-Zarb, see Appendix A, 53. Ardakani, "Ikrikb-i Mtt'assisat, vol. 2, p. 65. 54. According to a communication from Asghar Mahdavi. 55. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran, 56. During this period many people suffered from various diseases of the lung due to excessive smoking of the tjatyan (the hookah). Amin ai-Zarb's mother Bibi also died from a similar undiagnosed ailment. 57. Bihar al-Anwar is the celebrated compendium of Shi'i kttditb by Muhammad Baqir Majlisi (d. 1110/1699). A new edition was published recently in Iran in more than 100 volumes. Abu Ja'far Muhammad Ibn 'Ali Ibn Husayn al-Qummi, known as Ibn Babuya and Shaykh asSaduq, was born approximately 306/918 Qum and was a Shtljaqih (theologian) and a prominent member of die Shi'i Ulama. Approximately three hundred works of his are listed. He died in Ray (6 kilometers south of lehran) 381/991 and is buried there. His &ther, Abu-al Hassan "Ali Ibn Husayn Ibn Musa Ibn Babuya Qummi, was also a well-known ^cuifaqih whose theological works cover over 200 volumes. He died in 329/940 and is buried in Qum, For more on him and his sons, see Ali Akbar Dihkhuda, Lughtttiutma (Tehran: Chapkhana-yi Majlis, 1946), vol. I, pp. 392-393, and also Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shi'um: The History a-nd Doctrine of Twelver Shi'ism (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985). 58. Hujra in this case means small chambers around the shrine where the worshiper could rest, 59. Afeal al-Mulk, Afealal-Tavarikh, pp. 369-370.

Conclusion 1. For the fall text of this letter and its translation, see Chapter 4. 2. See Appendix B. 3. For more on ta'ziya, see Peter J. Chelkowski, ed., Ja'ziya: Ritual and Drama in Iran (New York; New York University Press, 1979).

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4. See the Register of Letters for the years 1290-1291/1874-1875, letter no. 149, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 5. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Anita al-Zarb in Paris to his son and agents in Tehran, dated 8 Zi Qa'da 1304/29 July 1887, Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 6. Letter from Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in Paris to his son and agents in Tehran, dated 11 Zi Qa'da 1304/1 August 1887, Mahdavl Archives, Tehran. 7. Bihar-al Anwar: see Chap. 8, n. 57. 8. Ftimad al-Saltam, Ruznama-yi Khatimt (Tehran; Amir Kabir, 1971), p. 554, and Ghulam Huysayn Afzal al-Mulk, Afzal al-Tavarikh, ed. Mansura Itfihadiyya and Cyrus Sa'dvanadiyan (Tehran; Nashr-i Tarikh-i Iran, 1983), p. 375. 9. See Haj Husayn Aqa Amin al-Zarb II, "Memento of a Life," in Appendix A, 10.1'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, p. 979. 11. Haj Muhammad Hassan from Tehran to Aqa 'Abd al-Karirn a merchant from Tehran residing in Kirrnan, dated 27 Zi Qa'da 1287/18 February 1871. 12. Qur'anXimil. 13. A statement written by Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb in his own handwriting, n.d., Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. Asghar Mahdavi dates it to 1289/1872—1873. 14.1'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, p.351, 13 Jamadi I! 1302/March 1885. 15. Firiydun Adamiyyat and Huma Natiq, Afkar-i Ijtitna'i va Siyasi va Iqtisatii Jar Asar-i Muntashir Nashuda~yi Dawa-yi Qajar (Tehran: Intisharat-i Agah, 1977), pp. 299-371. 16. See James Alban Bill, The Politics of Iran: Groups, Classes, and Modernization (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill, 1972), pp. 9-10. 17. See F. R. Harris, Jamtetji Nusserwanji Tata (Bombay: Blackie and Son, 1958). Appendix A 1. Zad al-ma'ad (Provisions for the Hereafter), by Mulla Muhammad Baqir Majlisi (1627—1699; sec E. G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia (Cambridge: n.p., 1924; reprint, Campbdrige: Cambridge University Press, 1930), vol. 4, p. 417. 2. A Persian word used to distinguish a temporary wife, who is permitted within Shi'ism, from a permanent wife. 3. Sakmadvzi: a type of embroidery involving drawn work. For details and examples, see Iran 'Ala Ftrouz, "Needlework," in Jay Gluck and Sum! Hiramoto, eds., A Survey of Persian Handicraft {Tehran: Bank Melli Iran, 1977), pp. 228-229. 4. For more on Panayotti, see Chapter 2, 5. For a detailed discussion of the famine, see Chapter 3. 6. Haj Tarklian and Baku. Two towns in Russian Azerbaijan. 7. Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik was treasurer and head of the Royal Household. He was also treasurer of the Privy Purse and master of the mint and was given the title of Nizam 1-Dawla and passed his tide to his son. See Mihdi Bamdad, Tarikb-i Rijal-i Iran: Qurun-i 12—15-14 (Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Zawar, 1968), vol. 1, pp. 495-500; Dust 'Ali Khan Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik, Rijal 'Asr-i Nasiri (Tehran: Nashr-i Tarikh-i Iran, 1983), pp. 33-42. 8. Istikbara: Traditionally, before making a major decision, Persians consult a book, usually the Qur'an, or bidding beads, at random to decide the procedure to be adopted. 9. Kfaal'&t: robe of honor. See N. A, Stillman in Encycopaedia of Islam, 1st ed., under "Khil'a." It is difficult to believe this story in its entirety, as Nasir al-DIn Shah was well known for accepting presents. Sir Mortimer Durand, British minister to Persia (1894—1900) says:

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"The Shahs methods of collecting money from private individuals are numerous and at times amusing. Before we left Tehran last May I used to meet him driving about on a round of visits. Every notable whom he honoured in this way had to produce a "pisfakisb* of from £50 to £200, If His Majesty makes a good shot at a moufflon, as he often does, those about him at once subscribe a purse of gold pieces as a token [of] their admiration. He is fond of playing chess in the afternoon for two or three gold pieces a game. His opponent always loses, and His Majesty pockets the gold. It is said that not long ago he was caught in a snowstorm when out shooting. He found shelter in a hut on the hillside and before leaving it he asked what 'pishkish' the owner meant to offer for the honour done to him. Eventually the man produced six Russian imperials (something under £5) which the Shah carried off." See "Memorandum by Sir Mortimer Durand on the Situation in Persia," Confidential P.O. 60/581 (1894), U.K. Public Records Office, London, p. 2. 10. Aqa Baqir Sa'ad al-Saltana, maternal cousin of Mirza 'Ali Asghar Khan Amin al-Sultan, Atabak-i A'zatn. He held many government positions through the influence of his cousin and was finally assassinated in Zanjan. See: Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 1, pp. 181—184. 11. Nasir al-Din Shah went to Mashhad in 1883. 12. Sayyid "Abdulla Mustawfi. It has not been possible to establish which member of the Mustawfi family he was or what post he held. He is not mentioned at all in 'Abdulla Mustawfi's Sharh-i Zindingani-yi Man. There is a brief passing mention by Ftitnad al-Saltana in Ruznama-yi Khtttimt, p. 141, which proves that such a person existed, but again no mention in Bamdad's Tarikh-i Rijal. 13. In the original text, this name appears first as "Khallaizada" and later as "Hallalzada." 14. Children were breast-fed until the age of two and not weaned before then, although in some cases breast-feeding went on for much longer. 15. The original text confuses the fact that an ursi is a sash-window rather than a room. The word originates from Rusi, meaning "Russian." Great craftsmanship went into the making of an uni window: elaborate, lacelike geometrical patterns were created and the spaces in between filled with colored glass. As a status symbol and point of prestige, the design of each ursi had to be original. 16. Sanduqkbana.: a room assigned to the storage of clothes and valuable materials, usually in chests, hence the name sa-nduq, being a chest in Persian. 17. On Qajar domestic architecture see A. A. Bakhtiar and R. Hillenbrand, "Domestic Architecture in Nineteenth-Century Iran: The Manzil-i Sartip Siddihi near Isfahan," in Q_ajar Iran Political, Social and Cultural Change 1800-1925, cd. Edmund Bosworth and Carole Hillenbrand (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1983} and Jakob Eduard Polak, Penien, das Land und Seine Bewohner, 2 vols. (Leipzig: n.p., 1865), translated into Persian by Kaykavus Jahandari as Safarnama-yi Polak: Iran va Iranian (Tehran: Intisharat-i Khawrazmi, 1982), pp. 45-60. 18. Qibla: the direction to which Muslims turn in praying. 19. Qira'a: The term applies to the recitation of the Qur'art. After the death of the Prophet, disagreements arose on exactly how to read the revealed text. Finally in the first half of the tenth century, Ibn Mujahid (d. 324/936), the influential Imam of the "readers" in Baghdad, brought the disagreement to an end. He recognized seven "readers" as authorities on the traditional reading of the Usmani text and forbade all others, to the extent of flogging those who did not comply. The seven recognized "readers" lived in the eighth century and included 'Asim of Kufa (d.' 128/745) and Nan of Medina (d. 169/785). See R. Paret, Encyclopaedia af Islam, 2d ed., under "Kira'a."

Notes

259

20. The grammar of Mir by Mir Sayyld 'All Sharif Jurjani Astarabadi (740/1339—816/1413). The Amsala, A well-known textbook for beginners on language. The Samacliyya or Hidaya, a treatise on syntax. The Hasbiya of Mulla 'Abdulla is probably a commentary on logic and theology by Mulla 'Abdulla Yazdi on a work by Sa'd al-Din Taftazani (722/1322-792/1389). Jalal al-Din Suyuti (849/1445-911/1505), a famous fifteenth-century scholar of the Mamluk period in Egypt. 'Abd al-Rahman Jami (817/1414-898/1492), considered the last classical Persian Sufi poet. The Mutavval by Taftazani on rhetoric. The Mvghni, a standard work on Arabic grammar and syntax by Jarnal al-Din Ibn Hisham (708/1308-762/1360). The Aifiyya by Ibn Malik (601/1204-673/1274) on Arabic syntax. 21. Lalazar: At present, Lalazar is a narrow shopping street that was very fashionable up to the early 1950s. Previously, however, it was a big park, the boundaries of which were: the south bounded by Ekbatan Avenue, the north by Mukhbir al-Dawia Square, the east by Sa'di Avenue, and the west by the western side of the present Lalazar Avenue. It was a royal residence. Mirza Abu al-Qasim Qa'im-Maqam Farahani (1193/1779—1251/1835), prime minister to Muhammad Shah Qa|ar, lived there before his execution. In 1886, Nasir al-Din Shah turned the premises into the Ministry of Justice and finally sold it for 900,000 riafa. See Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 1, p. 63 and vol. 2, p. 439. Apparently Tholozan, the French court doctor, begged the shah not to sell it as it was beneficial for the air and atmosphere of Tehran, but the shah would not listen. See Mihdi Quli Hidayat, Khatirat va Khatamt (Tehran: Kitab Furushi-yi Zawar, 1965), p. 5. The ellipses are lacunae in the original text. 22. Mushtaq 'Ali Shah (Mirza Muhammad Kirrnani), a Sufi master of the tariqa of Shah Ni'mat Allah Vali Kirmani; he was executed in 1304/1886. Muhyi al-Din Ibn Arbabi (561/1165-638/1240), known as al-Shaykh al-Akbar, was one of the great Sufis of Islam and one of the most prolific of Sufi writers. Kttlila va Dimna, The famous book of stories narrated by animals, first translated from Sanskrit into Pahlavi, then into Arabic by the famous Ibn Muqaffa', then into Persian by Nasrullah Munshi. 23. Well-known Shi'i prayers, the texts for which are included in Shaykh 'Abbas Qumi, Mafatih al-jinan, the standard Shi'i prayer book. As listed in the text, these are, in order: chapters Ya-sin (36), al-Fath (48), al-Waqi'a (56), al-Jumm'a (62), al-Munafiqin (63), alHasht (59), al-lnsan (76), and al-Naba' (78) of the Quran. 24. shar' = shari'a: Islamic law. The term ntt'Vubram is a technical term in Islamic law that refers to men in front of whom women cannot appear unveiled. Conversely, mahram refers to male members of the family in front of whom female members of the family can appear unveiled. 25. Ratvza: description of the tragedies of Karbala. 26. A well-known prayer to the twelve Imams ascribed to the Nasir al-Din Tusi (d. 672/1273). 27. Qur'an 62:4. Translation from Mawlana Muhammad 'Ali, The Holy Quran: Arabic Text, Translation, and Commentary (Lahore: Ahmadiyya, 1951). 28. Nasir al-Din Shah's trip to Mashhad was actually in 188329. Joseph Desire Tholozan. Nasir al-Din Shah had a number of physicians, both Persian and foreign. The foreign ones were: the Frenchman Ernest Cloquet, who died in 1855; he was succeeded by the Austrian Jakob Bduard Polak, who was already in Tehran teaching at the Dar al-Funun. Tholozan was French and was employed in Paris in 1856 by Farrukh Khan Kashi Amin al-Mulk. It appears that both he and Polak were court doctors simultaneously until Polak left in 1860 and Tholazan became the only foreign doctor. On Nasir al-Din Shah's third trip to Europe, Tholozan introduced the shah to Dr. Feuvrier, who was ap-

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pointed court doctor and remained until 1889. According to 1 nmad al-Saltana, Muznama-yt Khatirat, p. 655, at the time of presenting Dr. Feuvricr to the shah, Tholozan stated that he wished to remain in France. Howe¥er, subsequently he returned to Persia and after Feuvriers departure was once again the only foreign court doctor, Tholozan remained in Persia until 1896 and the accession of Muzaffar al-Din Shah Qajar, having been in that country for forty years. Unlike his predecessor, Polak, and his successor, Feuvrier, who wrote accounts of their stay in Persia, Tholozan did not write an account of his stay but produced many medical treatises. He appears to have been much involved in every aspect of Persian life. His two daughters were married to men who were working in Iran: one to Lemaire, the musical director of Dar al-Funun, and the other to Henry Lionel Churchill, who was from 1880 to 1886 with the Indo-European Telegraph Company in Tehran and in 1886 joined the British Legation as second secretary and remained in Persia until 1894. Apparently, Tholozan was involved in the various concession negotiations that were taking place at that time and left Persia with a vast fortune. See Bamdad, Tttrikh-i Kijal, vol. 4, p. 319. 30. Hazrat-i Abd al-*Azim was a descendant of Hassan b. Ali b. Abu Talib, the second Shi'i Imam, reputed to be a trustworthy narrator of Shi'i hattitk. His shrine in Ray, south of Tehran, known as Shahzada "Abd al-'Azim, is a place of Shi'i pilgrimage. 31. 'IfMa.'. a technical term in Islamic law that refers to the period during which a divorced ot widowed woman may not be married to another man. 32. Ghadir. a festival celebrated by the Shils on the occasion of 'All's alleged appointment as successor to the Muhammad. It is so called because the event took place near a pool in Arabia called Ghadir Khumm. Fitr, The festival at the end of Ramazan, on the first day of Shavval on which the breaking of the fast is celebrated. 33. Ashura: Shi'i Muslims mourn the tenth of Muharram, the anniversary of the battle of Karbala 61/680, on which Husayn Ibn Abu Talib fell fighting against the Umayyad forces. 34. See Chapter 5. Ashrafi: an Iranian gold coin. The origin of the word is not clear. Ashraf may have been the name of the shah who in ancient times minted the coin by that name, or the Aighan Ashraf, the conqueror of Isfahan in 1722, may have invented it; or alternatively, it may have been minted for the first time in the town of Ashraf. See Ali Akbar Dihkhuda, Lugbatnama (Tehran; Chapkhana-yi Majlis, 1946), under "Ashrafi." Appendix B 1. The Hidden Imam refers to the twelfth Shi'i Imam, who according to Shi'ite tradition went into a state of occultation and will reappear at the end of the world, 2. Qur'an 11:265, trans, Maulana Muhammad 'Ali, The Holy Qur'an. 3. The story of Joseph is related in Qur'an Sura XII. Zulaikha was the wife of Potiphar, Her passion for Joseph is much celebrated in Iran and appears in the poems of Nizami and Jami. For more on her, see Dihkhuda, Lughatnama, vol. 26, p. 424. The account of Joseph's temptation appears in verses 23-29, although the woman is not mentioned by name. 4. Maulana Jalal al-Din Rumi, The Matbnawi, trans, and ed. Reynold A. Nicholson as The Mathnawi ofjalau'ddin Rumi (London: Luzac and Co. Ltd, I960), vol. 2, p. 11. 5. Haman was the Persian minister hostile to the Jews, according to the book of Esther. 6. Qur'an VII: 179. 7. Qur'an XV:74. 8. Qur'an LI:50, In the original text, the first phrase is repeated three times and the rest omitted.

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9. 'Abbas was the name of both the uncle of the Prophet Muhammad and the half-brother of Imam Husayn, with whom he was martyred at Karbala, The text probably refers to the latter, T&'ziya. Passion plays of the Shi'is. 10. Ashura is the tenth day of Muharram, the day of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn. Man-i Tabriz (also known as batman) equal to about 2.950 kilograms. Tullab are religious scholars. 11. 'Id-i Ghadh celebrates Muhammad's designation of 'Ali as his successor at a place called Ghadir-i Khumm between Mecca and Medina. 12. Madrasm name of an educational institution where the Islamic religious sciences are studied. 13. In this saying, yellow is symbolic of wealth and red of pleasure. 14. Cold is not a reference to the temperature of the food but rather a belief based upon ancient Persian medicine that attributes qualities of hot and cold to various foods. The same belief exists in ancient Chinese medicine. 15- He is referring to majlis-i vukala-yi tttjjitr, discussed in Chapter 5. 16. Abu Ja'far Muhammad Ibn 'Ali Ibn Husayn al-Qummi, known as Ibn Babuya and Shaykh al-Saduq, b. approximately 306/918 Qurn. Shi'ijatjih (theologian). A prominent member of the Shi'i "ulama. Approximately three hundred works of his are listed. Died in Ray (six kilometers south of Tehran) 381/991 and is buried there. For more on him, see Dihkhuda, Lughatna-ma,, vol. 1, pp. 292—293. The rooms at Ibn-i Babuya were built by Amin al-Zarb himself. Qabr-i payghambitri means one in which corpses are kept temporarily. 17. Haj Mirza Khalil Dawlatabadi, well-known Shi'i mujtahid under whose supervision Amin al-Zarb published Bihar al-Anwar, the celebrated compendium of Shi'i hadith by Muhammad Baqir Majlisi (d. 1110/1699). Haj Mirza Khalil also accompanied Aqa Muhammad Husayn, Amin al-Zarb s son, on his hajj trip 1309-1310/1892-1893 and became a Haji, For more on him, see Bamdad, Tarikh-i Rijal, vol. 1, p. 389. 18. This testament was written twelve years before Amin al-Zarb's death, when Aqa Muhammad Husayn was fourteen years old, and before the death of his son Muhammad and during one of his periods of illness. Amin al-Zarb was in fact burried in Najaf.

Appendix C 1. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 2. Man: a measure of weight; the equivalent of 2.95 kilograms. 3. Dinar: unit of currency, 1,000 of which was the equivalent of one qiran. 4. Charak: unit of weight, the equivalent of 737 grams. 5. Size/a bi'dar: the thirteenth day of Naw Ruz when an outing traditionally took place. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran.

Appendix D 1. There are problems attached to all these dates. In 1928, when his son Haj Muhammad Husayn was applying for French residency, he filled the application form giving his father's date of birth as 1828. 2. In Kirman Aqa Muhammad, Husayn lived in the house of Aqa Sayyid Husayn Arbab Farizan.

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3. The later birth date of 1253/1837 would make him thirteen years of age when he left for Kirman, which seems unlikely. While in Kirman, he worked in Sara-yi Salih, which is next to Sara-yi Gulshan in the shoe bazaar. In Kirman,, he was friends with Aqa Muhammad Fata Duz, 4. This company was formed in Tehran with capital of 2,000 tmmam. The partners consisted of four people: Muhammad Hassan, Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Sarraf (his father $ first paternal cousin and later his father-in-law), his brother Aqa Muhammad Husayn, and Aqa 'Abd al-Hamid (an Isfahani merchant in Tabriz), each of whom had contributed 500 tumans. 5. Caravansarai-yi Amir was named after Mkza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir in 1267 and consists of 336 upper and lower hujnts. 6. Is betrothed to Haj Muhammad 'Aii Kashani, son of Haj 'Ali Naqi Kashani, 14 Rajab 1299/lst of June 1882. Wedding takes place on 17 Sha'ban 1300/23 June 1883. 7. In the house in Chala Miydan, Kucha-yi Najjar Bashi. 8. This may be due to the big transaction in opium mentioned in the memoirs. 9. He was there overseeing rented village and land. 10. He bought this from Murtiza Quli Khan Vakil-al Mulk II. 11. The father of Shahrukh Khanum, Muhammad Javad, Moscow resident, and Aqa Farajulla. 12. He bought this from Muhammad Khan Vali, one of the famous governors of Yazd, 13. According to I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama-ji Khutint, p. 249. 14. Haj Muhammad Hassan had another wife, Sughra Khanum, daughter of Aqa Muhammad Hassan Zarrabi. The exact date of the marriage is not known. By that marriage, he had two sons, both of whom died in infancy. The marriage and the death of the children took place before 1306/1888-1889. 15. Haj Muhammad Hassan was taking Sayyid Jamal al-Din out of Iran on the orders of the shah. They went to the Nayij mines near Mahmudabad together; then he sent Sayyid Jamal al-Din ahead to Baku and joined him later himself. During this whole period, there was constant talk of the iron-smelting foundry that was the object of his visit to Europe. 16. Accompanied by Sayyid Jamal al-Din, who precedes him to Baku. 17. Mirza Nimatulla was Haj Muhammad Hassans agent in Moscow. 18. From Moscow to Paris, he traveled with his maternal cousin (fesar Ja'i) Muhammad Javad, son of Da'i 'Ali. In Paris, Haj Muhammad Rahim joined them, and Muhammad Javad returned to Moscow. 19. On his return from Europe, he was accompanied by five people: Mirza Ja'far Khan Sayyah, the brother of Haji Sayyah, two foreign engineers, possibly French, and QarapotofF, resident of Baku and the owner of a wagon manufacturing factory. 20. This ceremony took place in Mashhad in the absence of Aqa Muhammad Husayn, who had given power of attorney. 21.1'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama-yi Khatimt, p. 592. 22. The writer of Safttrnama-yi Ibrahim Kyk, in which he is critical of Amin al-Zarb. It is possible that others hostile to Amin al-Zarb, e.g., Amin al-Dawla, put him up to it, according to Asghar Mahdavi. 23. On his return from Mecca, Haj Muhammad Hassan went to Egypt, where he was in the company of Haj 'Abd al-GhafTar Tabrizi, a resident of Egypt who later went to Iran and worked for Amin al-Zarb. Also, Haj 'Abd al-Ghaffar*s son Mirza 'Abdulla Ghafaroff, who was Amin al-Zarbs agent in Moscow; prior to that, as he spoke a number of languages, he was in charge of the railway in Mahmudabad for a while, then went to Moscow where later he also

Notes

263

worked for Haj Husayn Aqa, In Cairo, Haj Muhammad Hassan was with Muhammad Javad Mishki, whose family are still well known in Cairo but who came originally from Isfahan and was linked to Haj Muhammad Hassan through Isfahan! ties. 24. While in Paris he stayed at the house of Haj Mir/a Riza Isfahan! in Passage Mazgazan. Haj Mirza Riza was a turquoise trader. 25- He eangaged in the fur and felt trade here. 26. Apparently, the work was begun and abandoned in the same year. 27. This is according to Dr. Feuvrier, but according to Asghar Mahdavi, it is incorrect. 28. Amin al-Zaib's son was returning from a trip to Europe and Moscow through Mashhad. He was arrested in the village of Natnak between Sirnnan and Tehran and brought to Tehran under guard to the house of Mukhbir af-Dawla. They, father and son, were finally fined 800,000 tumans and released. 29. It is said that he died at age sixty-three, which makes his birth date 1253/1837, which is again problematic, linked to the Kirman dates. 30. This is possibly the daughter who married Aqa 'Abd ai-Husayn Sarraf, the mother of Akbar and Mahmud Mahdavi. That daughter was called Qarnar Khanum, but they changed names frequendy at that time. Haj Abu al-Qasim had three daughters, but due to name change, it is difficult to distinguish between them aside from Khanum Afaq, Tuba Khanum, wife of Haj Husayn Aqa. 31. He undertakes the trip through Mazandentn, Anzili, and Moscow. 32. According to a letter written from there. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 33- He had two daughters. The first was Gawhar Sultan, wife of Haj Abu al-Qasim; the second, Fatimah Sultan, wife of Karbala'i Aqa Muhammad Baqir, His two sons were Aqa Abu al-Qasim (Haj Mu'azziz) and 'Ali. Haj Muhammad Hassan Rasul Bazzaz Isfahan! was a business partner of Haj Muhammad Karim Bazzaz Tehrani. At the time of his death, his mother was still living, so she inherited one-sixth of his wealth, which was approximately 408 tutmtns. One-eighth was inherited by his wife, which was approximately 300 tumans and 2 qimns. Each of the sons received 578 tumans. Each of his daughters received 289 tumans. The whole of his wealth in partnership with Haj Muhammad Karim was 3,673 tumans, 2 tjirans and 850 dinar. He also owned a house in the Sangeladj quarter of Tehran that his heirs inherited with the furniture. The file of Haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar No. 22-1. Mahdavi Archives, Tehran. 34. The hujra of Haj Abu al-Qasim in Mashad was in Sara-yi Amir Nizam. 35. The parents of Mahmud and Akbar Mahdavi. 36. Was betrothed ('ttqd shudah) to Haj Muhammad Baqir Aqa Kashani, the brother of Haj Muhammad 'Ali Kashani, the husband of the daughter of Haj Muhammad Hassan, Khadija Sultan Khanum. flffat). 37. There was one daughter by this marriage called Khanum Galin, who married Mirza Aqa, the brother of Aqa 'Abd al-Husayn (father of Mahmud Mahdavi). There was one daughter by this marriage, Ismat Khanum. 38. When Nasir-al Din Shah returned from his first European trip in Rajab 1290/September 1873, Haj Muhammad Rahim was in Rasht and had financial dealings with Rukn-al Dawla, the governor of Zanjan who had come to Rasht to welcome the shah back. Haj Muhammad Rahim lent him money. 39. At this date he had still not gone on hajj. The address of his office in Marseilles was 101, Rue Saint Jacques. Simultaneously, the brothers had an office in Manchester at 56 Bloom Street.

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40. Muhammad 'Ali was one and one-half years old in 1309/1891-1892. 41. After the death of their parents, these two children were brought to Iran, apparently to prevent their being brought up by the family of the French wife. In 1310, there was cholera in Tehran, and six members of the family died one after another during a short period in the month of Muharram. It is not clear from which of these diseases the children died.

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/ vi«>e.v

"Abbas Abad (Tehran), 37 Abbot (British Consul), 30 Abbot, Keith, 29 Abgusht, 24-25, 237(n27) .M 17 Afghani, Sayyid Jamal al-Din, 105 (photo) Amin al-Zarb and, 100-102, 106, 108, 131-132, 134-135,136-137, 165-166 Amin al-Zarb II and, 100-102, 132, 133, 135 early life of, 99-100 expulsion of, 135 Haji Sayyah and, 246(n40) in London, 136 Miiza Riza Kirmani and, 137, 149-150 Nasir al-Din Shah and, 99, 100, 101, 102, 132-133, 251(n23) political beliefs of, 100, 102, 132, 136 in Tehran, 100, 134-135 Afzalal-Mulk, 159-161 obituary of Amin al-Zarb, 161-162 Agriculture, 11-13, 14, 15, 62 sarmfi and, 20 Set also Opium trade; Silk industry; specific crops Ahmadabad, 82 Akhtar (newspaper), 136 'Ala al-Mulk, Miiza Mahmud Khan, 120 'Ala al-Mulk, Sayyid Mahtnud Khan, 113-114 Alexandria, 50 Amin al-Dawla, Mirza 'AM Khan, 5, 79, 139, 144, 155, 158, 255(n39)

Amin al-Mulk, Mirza 'All Asghar Khan. Set Amin al-Sultan, Mirza "AM Asghar Khan Amitt al-Mulk, Mirza Isma'il Khan, 152 Amin al-Saltana, Ha|i Muhammad 'Ali Khan, 144, 253(n62) Amin al-Sultan, Aqa Ibrahim, 78, 79, 88, Amin al-Sultan, Mirza 'Ali Asghar Khan, 105(photo), 108, 110, 114, 116, 124(figure), 135 commission for regulating prices, 159 iron smelting project and, 107, 109 Mahmudabad railway project and, 129 Persian mint and, 79, 139, 140, 144 relationship with Amin al-Zarb, 88, 89, 112-113, 156, 166-167 removal from office, 151 Amin al-Zarb, Haj Muhammad Hassan, 46(photo), 67(photo) Amin al-Sultan and, 88, 89, 112-113, 156, 166-167 Aqa Zayn al-'Abidin Maraghayi and, 129-130 arrests of, 136, 151-154 Assembly of Iranian Merchants and, 93, 94, 168-169 karats and, 42-43 in Belgium, 111-113 birth of, 19, 232(nl) British hostility toward, 155 cholera epidemic and, 64 commercial success and, 3, 163, 167, 168 commission for regulating prices and, 159-161

273

274

Index

correspondence, characteristics of, 108, 248(n33) correspondence with government officials, 73-74 death of, 161 death of daughter, Ma'suma Khanurn, 122 death of Haj Muhammad Rahim and children, 145 death of mother, 122 death of sons, 102 dissolution of trading company, 82 distrust of Europeans, 59, 164 early life, 22, 23-25 education of, 25, 26 Europe, impressions of, 112—113, 116-117, 121 Europe, travel to, 108-119, 129, 130 famines and, 11, 63 as father and family man, 64-65 iningof, 151-154 first company formed by, 43 Haj Abu al-Qasim and, 57, 64, 70-71 %'of, 44, 47, 48, 52, 82, 130, 164 Haj Muhammad Kazim Sarraf and, 31 health of, 161 household of, 165, 166 houses of, 54, 65{figure), 87(photo) hujra of, 45(map), 46{photo), 57—58 import-export trade of, 12, 40-41, 55-59, 68, 69, 71-72, 97 industrial development and, 14, 95—96, 97-99, 164 iron smelting foundry and, 98—99, 104(figure), 106-108, 109, 114 JamaJ al-Din and, 100-102, 106, 108,

131-132, 134-135, 136-137, 165-166 jewelry trade and, 71-72 in Kirman, 27-29, 30-31, 234(n52) as landowner, 82, 83-85 law, concern with, 168 legacy of, 169-170 loans to nobles, 117 Mahmudabad railway project and, 108,

110, 111-112, 115, 119-120, 126-127,129,133-134

marriage alliances and, 103 marriage of Haj Muhammad Husayn II,

122-124 Mirza Riza Kirmani and, 139, 149, 150 in Moscow, 108-111, 118-119 Mumtahin al-Dawla and, 236(n23) Muzaffar al-Din Shah and, 151-154, 161 Nasir al-Din Shah and, 16, 73, 82, 86(igure), 94-95, 120, 121, 125(figure), 166-167 Nasir al-Din Shahs assassination and, 150 national bank, proposal for, 80-82, 138,

164

nationalism and, 18 obituary of, 161-162 opium trade and, 11, 72—73 Order of the Shahs Portrait, 145 Paris Exhibition and, 124 payment of fathers debts, 31 Persian mint and, 74, 78-80, 138,

140-141, 143-145, 154, 155, 157-158 personality of, 164 pishkisb and, 16, 120, 121 as political representative of merchants, 90-92, 93, 94, 95, 156, 168-169 provincial governors, criticism of, 94, 168-169 relationship with clients, 156 relationship with mother, 44 religious observances and attitudes of, 6, 165-166 Reuter Concession and, 70 royal court and, 166-167 in Russia, 108-111, 118-119 as sorrof, 15, 31,36-37, 73 silk trade and, 12, 97 social mobility and, 5 social success of, 3, 169 steam engines and, 58, 59, 96, 164 support of brothers, 37 in Tehran, 45(map), 46(photo), 54, 57-58, 65(figure) in Tehran, early years, 35-37, 39-41,

43-44

275

Index title of Haji and, 19 tobacco concession and, 10, 95, 136 Vassiliadi Panayotti and, 39-41, 42, 163-164 wealth of, 72-73, 103, 153, 254(n21) Western influences on, 17-18, 163-164 wives of, 53, 247(n53) work ethic of, 167-168 in Yazd, 69-74, 83-84 Amin al-Zarb II, Haj Muhammad Husayn, 26, 29, 89, 162(photo) Amin al-Sultan and, 107 arrest of, 153 hajj of, 137 Jamal al-Din and, 100-102, 132, 133, 135 marriage of, 122-124 social success of, 169 Amin Aqdas, 149, 253(nl) Amin Humayun, 145 Amir bazaar, 35 Amir Humayun, Ghulam 'AM Khan, 143, 252(n60) Amir Kabir, MirzaTaqi Khan, 5, 14, 26, 35 Amsterdam, 130 Atnul, 110 Amul-Tehran road, 128-129, See also Mahmudabad railway project Animal husbandry, 12—13 Amis al-DawIa, 10 Aqa 'Abd al-Hamid, 43 Aqa Abu al-Qasirn, 25 Aqa Haydar 'Ali, 83-84 Aqa Mirza Ja'far Khan, 131 Aqa Muhammad 'Ali Kashani, 103 Aqa Muhammad Hassan Zarrabi, 247(n53) Aqa Muhammad Husayn, 19, 25, 26,

30-31, 43, 53 Aqa Muhammad Ibrahim Qazvini, 70 Aqa Muhammad Ja'far Satraf, 43, 53 Aqa Muhammad Rahim, 19 Aqa Zayn al-'Abidin Maraghayi, 129—130 'Aqd, 122, 250(n64) Architecture, influence of Shi'ism on, 6, 238(n29) Aristocrats. See Nobles; A'yan va Ashtaf Ark, of Tehran, 34

Arnold, Arthur, 22-23, 27, 28 'Arusi, 123, 250(n64) Asadabadi. Set Afghani, Sayyid Jamal al-Din Ash, 24, 25, 233(n27) Ashura, 165 Asif al-Dawla, 141. See alto Nasir al-Dawla Assembly of Iranian Merchants (Majlis-i vukala-yi tujjar), 90, 92-94, 156,

168-169 'Atabat, 51. See also Holy Cities of Iraq Atvjaq, 24 A'yan m askmf (notables and nobles), 2 'Aziz al-Sultan, 113, 167, 253(nl) Baggage animals, 13 Baku, 48, 108, 119, 129 Balloy, Rene David de, 154 Bandar Nasiriyya, 107 Bond-i tunbun, 36, 235(nl5) Bankruptcy, 93 Banks/Banking Amin al-Zarbs proposal for national bank, 80-82, 138, 164 bamt system and, 41—45 financial roles of sarroft, 15, 19-21 (see also Sarrafs) merchants functioning as, 82—83 Reuter concession and, 9 See Abo Imperial Bank of Iran; Monetary system Barats Amin al-Zarb and, 42-43 Aqa Muhammad Husayn and, 26 government budgets and, 41—42 saira/s and, 20 Bashir al-Mulk, Fazllula Khan, 160 Basir al-Mulk, Mirza Tahir Mustawfi Kashani, 160 Basir al-Saltana, Khan Khan, 152 Baths in Kirman, 30 in Tiflis, 49 Batum, 49, 109, 119 Bazaars in Isfahan, 22-23 in Istanbul, 50 in Tehran, 35

276

Index

Belgium Amin aJ-Zarb's travel to, 111-113 Mahmudabad railway project and, 110, 111-112,126-127 Bibi Mah Khanum, 19, 27, 31 in Amin al-Zarb's household, 166 Amin al-Zarb's relationship with, 44 death of, 122, 256(n56) education of Amin al-Zarb, 25 holy cities, 82 marriage of Amin al-Zarb and, 53, 54 in Tehran, 37 Bihar al-Anwar, 162, 256(n57) Bimetallism in Persia, 74, 76-77 in the United States, 150 "Black money," 138-140, 142 Black Sea, 49 Brittlebank, William, 60 Browne, E.G., 29 Brussels, 112 Budgets, provincial, 41 Bureaucrats, 2 social mobility and, 5 Burgess, Edward, 38—39 Cairo, 50 Caravan routes, 33 travel on, 27-29 See also Trade routes Caravanserai, 28, 66{photo) Amin al-Zarb's ownership of, 83-84 in Mahmudabad, 130 in Tehran, 35 Carpet industry, 14 Cashmere shawls, import of, 39 Caspian Sea, 48, 96 Chala Maydan quarter (Tehran),

53 Chapar, 26-27 Chaparbafhi, 27 Chaparkhanas, 27 Chardin, Sir John, 96 Cholera, 30, 63-64, 145 Chulata, 24, 25 Churchill, Henry Lionel, 97 Circassian slaves, 49

Class system, 1—4 sarmft in, 21 Clothing class status and, 3 of Nasiri period, 66(photo) Cockerill and Company, 112 Commission for regulating prices, 159-161 Compagnie Berthaud, 97 Concessions to Amin al-Zarb, 98-99 for Amul-Tehran road, 128-129 granted to the West, 8-10 for Imperial Bank of Persia, 155-156 merchants' opposition to, 95 women's protests against, 10 Constantinople, 39 Constitutional Revolution of 1906, 18 Copper coins, fluctuating value of, 74-76, 138-140, 157 Cotton industry, 12, 15 in Egypt, 50 Courier system, 26-27. See also Chapar Currency bimetallism and, 74, 76—77 debasement of, 143—145 denominations, 74 difficulties in transporting coins, 80 gold standard and, 77-78 instability of, 74-77, 138-140, 150-151, 157 Persian-Russian exchange rates, 75, 76 See also Mint; Monetary system Cutzon, Lord George N., 8, 14, 25-26, 69, 72, 230(nl9), 248(nl5) Dar al'Funun, 7, 163 Dawlatabadi, Yahya, I52 Diamonds, 56-57, 71-72 Dickson, W.J., 12, 14, 78 Diplomats, Persian, 113-114 Dolgorouki, Prince (Russian minister), 120 Dowry, 52, 53 Drafts. See Barats Drouville, Gaspard, 24 Drummond-Wolf, Sir Henry, 128, 129 Durand, Sir Mortimer, 72, 89, 142

277

Index Eating habits, 24-25 Economy carpet industry in, 14 concessions to the West, 8—10 decline of traditional industry in, 13—14 effects of famine on, 62—63 financial transactions in, I5 (see a&o Sarrafs) foreign trade, 14-15 government finances and, 16—17 inflation in, 16 influence of the West on, 8—10, 12, 13-15 monetary instability and, 77 (see also Currency; Monetary system) Set also Agriculture; Industrial development; Monetary system Education, Western influence and, 7 Egypt, 50-51 EMas, (British consul), 71 Entertainment, religious, 6, 165 Entrepreneurship Amin al-Zarb and, 163, 167 Western concept of, 17 Enzeli, 48 Europe, 48 Amin al-Zarb s impressions of, 112-113, 116-117, 121 Amin al-Zarb s travels to, 108-119, 129, 130 Nasir al-Din Shah's travels to, 130, 230(nl8) See also West, the Europeans, Amin al-Zarbs distrust of, 59, 164 Exchange rates, 75, 76 Export trade in cotton, 15 to Europe, difficulty of, 55 in opium, 15 in silk, 39, 96-97 to Turkey, 55 in wool, 40—41 See also Foreigp trade Famine, 11, 60-64 Farahani, Mkza Husayn, 48-49, 51

Fanmanfarma, *Abd al-Husayn Mirza, 151, 152, 153,154 Farmanfarma, Firuz Mirza Nusrat al-Dawla, 84 Farcangistan, See Europe Farsnama-yi Nasiri (Haj Mirza Hassan Fasa'i), 21 Fatima, 44 Fatwa, 154, 254(n23) Fazil. 5«f Arnin al-Zarb II, Haj Aqa Husayn, Finance sarrafand, 15, 19-21 See also Banks/Banking; Barats First cousins, marriage between, 122 Florentine money changers, 19, 20 Food class status and, 4 hoarding of, 151, 159-161, 256(n51) shortages of, 158-161 typical, 24-25 Foreign trade Amin al-Zarb in, 12, 40-41, 55-59, 68, 69, 71-72, 97 with Great Britain, 38—39 growth of, 14-15, 54-55 opium in, 72 Persian monetary instability and, 77 routes of, 68-69 See also Export trade; Import trade; Opium trade; Silk industry and trade; Trade routes Foreign travelers, use of sarntjs by, 20 Fortifications, of Tehran, 33 France, 114-118. See also Paris French Revolution, 7 Gange (France), 118, 247(n53) Garden of Nasiriyya. See Nasiriyya, Garden

of

Gates, of Tehran, 34 Gawhar Sultan Khartum, 23, 24, 53-54 Germany, 113 Gifts from Amin al-Zarb to Nasir al-Din Shah, 16, 120, 121 See alto Pishkish

278 Gilan, 7, 11-12,70,96, 139 Gilbar, Gad, 244(n7) Gold flight from Persia, 76—77 gold standard, 77-78, 151 tumatt coin, 74 Goldsmid, Frederic, 60, 61—62 Gold standard, 77-78, 151 Government offices, sale of, 13 effects on taxation, 90 indebtedness of officials and, 83 sarrajs and, 20 See also Barats Government revenues, 16—17 barat system and, 41—42 Governors. Set Provincial governors Grain production famine and, 62 in Persian economy, 11, 12 Set also Agriculture Great Britain foreign trade with Persia, 38—39, 55 hostility toward Amin al-Zarb, 155 interest in Mahmudabad railway project, 127-129, 130-131 plans to reform Persia's mint, 155 Reuter concession and, 8 telegraph concession, 8 tobacco concession, 10 Greeks, trade and, 39 Graham's Law, 78, 151, 243{n4l) Guilds, of utrrafi, 21 Guliaan (Sa'di), 25 Guns, Amin al-Zarb's purchases of, 113 Haj 'Abd al Gahaffar Tabrizi, 251(nl5) Haj 'Abd al-Hamid, 54, 71 Haj Abu al-Qasim (brother), 3, 101 as apprentice, 31 death of Aqa Ibrahim Arnin aJ-Sultan and, 88 death of mother, 122 education of, 25 haj Abu al-Qasim Malik al-Tujjar, 87(photo) bajj o(, 54 in Ishqabad, 129

Index in Istanbul, 54, 55-59 as landowner, 85 as mttlik al-tujjar of Mashhad, 3 marriage of, 53-54, 103 marriage of daughter, Tuba Khanum, 122-124 Muzaffar al-Din Shah and, 161 prominence of, 89 relationship with Amin al-Zarb, 57, 64, 70-71 in Tehran, 37 Haj Aqa M, 84 Haji, significance of tide, 19 Haji 'All Naqi Kashani, 103 Haji Mirza Husayn Sarraf Shirzai, 21 Haji Pirzada, 110, 114-115, 118 HajiSayyah, 71, 100, 103, 150, 151-152, 246(n40), 253(n6) Mg/of Amin al-Zarb, 44, 47, 48, 52, 82, 130, 164 of Amin al-Zarb II, 137 ceremonies of, 51 of Haj Abu al-Qasim, 54 itineraries for, 51 obligation of, 47 personal accounts of, 237(n2) pilgrimage to Holy Cities of Iraq and, 51 travel experiences in, 48—51 unique experience of, 47 Haj Kazim Sarraf, 108 Haj Mihdi, 19, 23, 24, 25, 53 Haj Mirza Hassan Fasa'J, 21 Haj Mirza Husayn Harandi, 69 Haj Mirza Husayn Shirazi, 72 Haj Mirza Isfahan!, 130 Haj Mirza Mahmud Shirazi, 84 Haj Mirza Husayn Sarraf Shirazi, 87(photo) Haj Muhammad *Ali Amin al-Tujjar, 35 Haj Muhammad 'Ali Sayyah, 136, I48(figure) Haj Muhammad Hassan Hau Rasul Bazzaz, 53 Haj Muhammad Hassan Isfahan! Khayyat, 157-158 Haj Muhammad Javad Isfahan!, 69 Haj Muhammad Javad Mkhki, 251(nl5)

279

Index Haj Muhammad Kazim Sarraf, 31, 37, 40 Haj Muhammad Rahlm (brother), 82, 101 Aitiin al-Zarbs iron smelting foundry and, 98, 99, 106 as apprentice, 31 in Brussels, 112 death of, 145 death of children, 145 education of, 25 in Europe with Amin al-Zarb, 130 in Gange, France, 118 in Marseilles, 71 in Mazandaran, 52, 70 silk export and, 97 in Tehran, 37 Haj Muhammad Taqi Harandi, 69 Handicrafts, 13-14, 30 Hardinge of Penhurst, Lord Charles, 155, 157, 158 Hazrat-i 'Abd al-'Azim, 246(n4l) Headgear, 3 Hearth, 24 Herbert, Arthur James, 97 Hidayat, Mihdi Quli, 36, 151, 153-154 Hisam al-Saltana, Prince Abu al-Nasr, 117 Holy Cities of Iraq, 48,51 Hong Kong, 72 Household furnishings, 24 Houses, Persian class status and, 4 compared to European homes, 115 division of, 6, 238(n29) furnishings of, 24 Hujra, 22, 23, 57-58 Hujra-yi Timcha (Tehran), 44 Husayniyya,, 165 Ibrahim Khali! Khan, 85 Ibrahim Khan, 30 Imam jum 'a, 256(n49) Imperial Bank of Iran, 9, 78, 155-157 Import trade growth of, 54 in textiles, 15,38-39,55 India, gold standard and, 151 Individualism, 17

Industrial development, Amin al-Zarb and, 14, 95-96, 97-99,164 Industrial Revolution, 13, 38, 54, 96 Inflation, 77, 151, 158 Inheritance laws, social mobility and, 4 Interest, in financial transactions, 15 Iran. See Persia; Qajar society Iraq, Holy Cities of, 48, 51 Iron smelting foundry, 98-99, 104(figure), 106-108, 109/114 Irrigation, in Egypt, 50 Isfahan, 14, 44 bazaars of, 22—23 description of, 21—22 famine in, 62, 63 houses of, 24 Kucha-yi Sarrafha quarter, 23—24 mosques in, 22, 23 opium trade in, 72 Ishqabad, 129 Islam. See Hajj; Shi'ism Islamic reform Amin al-Zarb and, 166 Jamal al-Din and, 132, 136, 166 Issawi, Charles, 10 Istakhri, 96 Istanbul Amin al-Zarb and, 54, 55-59, 70-71 description of, 49—50 Haj Abu al-Qasim and, 54, 55-59 Italy, 130 I'timad al-Saltana, 71, 88, 100, 101, 102, 120-121, 130, 143-144, 168, 251(n23) Jabiri Ansari, 63 Jahiziyya, 52, 53 Jedda, 50 Jewelry trade, 71—72 Jones (British consul), 55, 62, 64, 76-77 Justice, 17 Kasb, 235(nl6) Kashan, 14 Kashif al-Saltana, Prince Muhammad Mirza, 117 Kasib, 36, 235(nl6)

280 Khadija Khan urn, 103 Khal'a, 73 Khoy, 19 Khurasan, 64, 71, 72 Kinship system, 1-3. See also Class system Kirman, 44, 70 Amin al-Zarbs travel to, 27-29 Aqa Muhammad Husayn in, 26, 30—31 famine in, 61—62 Kitmanshah, 135 Kitabcha, 41 Kosogovskii, V.S., 154 Krizz, August, 235(n6) Kucha-yi Sarrafha quarter (Isfahan), 23-24 Kulak 3 landowners, 2, 13 Amin al-Zarb as, 82, 83-85 indebtedness to merchants, 83 merchants as, 82—85 partnerships with merchants, 5 land taxes, 1.3, 16 Lascelles, Sir Frank, 143 Lavich, 107 Law, 109 Amin al-Zarb's concern with, 168 law, E.F., 127 Lewis, Bernard, 7 Liberty, personal, 17 Liege (Belgium), 112,118 Liverpool, 38 London,136 Lorini, Eteocle, 98 Luqantas, 50 Maclean, Ronald, 71 Hammam, 30. See also Public baths Mah Bigum Khanum, 53 Mahdavi, Asghar, 23-24, 42, 233(n23), 254(n21) Mahdavi Archives, 35, 43-44, 69-70, 73, 84, 89,139 Mahmudabad, 107-108, 110, 120, 127, 130 Mahmudabad railway project British interest in, 127-129, 130-131 concession for, 128—129

Index construction problems, 126-127 inauguration of, 133-134 planning and purchase of equipment, 108, 110, 111-112, 115, 119-120 Mabr, 31 Mahrijja, 52 Majtis-i intizam-i nirkb (Commission for regulating prices), 159—161 MajltS'i vukah-yi tujjar (Assembly of Iranian Merchants), 90, 92-94, 156, 168-169 Maktubs, 25-26, 237(n29) Malijak. See 'Aziz al-Sultan Malik, 2 Malik al-Tujjar, 3, 24l(nlO) Malkum Khan, 136. See also Mirza Malkum Khan Marja'-i Taqlid, 254(n23) Marriage of Amin al-Zarb, 53 between first cousins, 122 of Haj Abu al-Qasim, 53-54 in Persia, 52-53 social mobility and, 5 temporary, 31 Marriage settlements, 31, 52 Marseilles, 38, 71, 82, 97, 98 Mashhad, 64, 88, 129 Mashhad-lshqabad road, 129 Masjid-i Jami, 30 Ma'suma Khanum (daughter of Amin alZarb), 122 Maydan-i Shah of Isfahan, 22 of Tehran, 34 Mazandaran, 52, 70, 97, 106-108, 129 Meals, 24-25 Mecca, 47, 130 Merchants Amin al-Zarb as political representative of, 90-92, 93, 94, 95, 156,168-169 as class group, 3 financial transactions and, 15, 20 foreign, 244 (n7) (see also Concessions) indebtedness of landowners to, 82—83 as landowners, 82—85 malik d-tujjar, 3, 24l(nlO)

Index marriage alliances and, 103 opposition to concessions to fortifiers, 95 opposition to Imperial Bank of Persia, 155 oppressive government policies and, 90-91, 244{n7) partnerships with landowners, 5 relationship with ulama, 102-103 See also Assembly of Iranian Merchants Military, Persian, 7 Milliyyat, 18, See also Nationalism Mineral rights, Reuter concession and, 9 Mint Amin al-Zarb and, 74, 78-80, 79-80, 138, 140-141,143-145,154, 155, 157-158 automated machinery in, 78—79 British plans for reform, 155 Imperial Bank of Persia and, 155, 157 Mirza *Ali Kahn Amin al-Dawla and, 155 Muhammad Vali, Khan Nasr ai-Saltana and, 142-145 Murtiza Quli Khan Sani* al-Dawla and, 154, 155 provincial, 74 See also Currency; Monetary system Mirza 'Abdulla Ghafaroff, 251{nl5) Mirza Hassan Ashtiyani, 154, 254(n23) Mirza Husayn Khan, 129 Mirza Ja'far Khan Sayyah, 118 Mirza Malkum Khan, 109. See also Malkum Khan Mirza Muhammad 'AM Khan, 109, 120 Mirza Muhammad Husayn, 73 Mirza Muhammad Husayn Khan Kashi, 109, 120 Mirza Nimatulla, 109 Mirza Riza Kirinani, 137, I48{ngure), 149-150, 253(nn 1,6} Mirza Riza Sarraf, 152 Monetary system bimetallism and, 74, 76—77 debasement of silver, 143—145 denominations in, 74 gold standard and, 77—78

281 instability of, 74-77, 138-140, 150-151, 157 Persian-Russian exchange rates, 75, 76 See also Currency; Mint Money changers, 15. See also Sarrafs Florentine, 19, 20 Money Market Review, 75 Money transport burnt system and, 41 difficulties of, 80 Morier, James, 3, 22 Moscow, 108-111, 118-119 Moscow Gazette, 110, 127 Mosques, in Isfahan, 22, 23 Mothers, in Shi'ism, 44 Mu'avin al-Dawla, Mirza Ibrahim Khan Ghaftari, 160 Mu'avin al-Mulk, Mirza Muhammad, 117 Mu'ayyad al-Dawla, Abu al-Fath Mirza, 242(n28) Mu'ayyad al-Saltana, Mirza Riza Khan, 113 Mu'ayyir al-Mamalik, Amir Dust Muhammad Khan, 84-85 MuhammadJavad, 111, 136 Muhammad Shah, 1, 163 Mu'in al-Tujjar, Sayyid 'Abd al-Rahim Isfahani, 149 Mu'in al-Vuzara, Mirza Riza Khan Danish, 108, 113 Mukhbir al-Dawla, *AJi Quli Khan, Hidayat 94,152 Mukhtar al-Saltana, Muhammad Karini Khan, 160 Muik Ara, 'Abbas Mirza, 83-84, 94, 251(n23) MuUas, 25-26 Mumtahin al-Dawla, 39-40, 236(n23) Muscardine disease, 97 Museums, 48-49 Mushir al-Dawla, Mirza Husayn Khan, 9, 18, 70, 156 Mussadiq, Dr. Muhammad, 67(photo) Mustawfi, 'Abdulla, 60, 72, 79 Mustawfi al'Mamalik (Treasurer-General), 2 Mustawfi al-Mamalik, Mirza Yusif Khan, 74,92 Mmtawfis, 41, 242(n28)

282 Mustishar al-Dawk, Mirza Yusif Khan, 74 Mut'a, 31 Muzaffar al-Din Mirza, 93. See also Muzaffar al-Din Shah MuzafFar al-Din Shah, 1, 105(photo), 163 arrest of Amin al-Zarb, 151-154 currency crisis and, 157 food shortages and, 159, 161 Persian mint and, 155 reign of, 151-152 relationship with Amin al-Zarb, 151, 161 Nomads, 30 Naqsh-i Jahan, 22 Nasir al-Dawla, Mirza "Abd al-Vahab, 73, 74, 86(figure), 92 Nasir al-Din Shah, 1, 21, 32(photo), 163 Amin al-Zarb and, 58, 73, 82, 86(figure), 94-95, 120, 125(figure), 166-167 Amin ai-Zarbs gifts to, 16, 120, 121 Amin al-Zarbs iron smelting foundry and, 98, 104(igure), 107 assassination of, 137, 149 Assembly of Iranian Merchants and, 92, 93 concession for Imperial Bank, 155 industrial development and, 14 Jamal al-Din and, 99, 100, 101, 102, 132-133, 251{n23) Mahmudabad railway project and, 127 merchants' complaints to, 91-92 Persian monetary crisis and, 142, 143 pilgrimage to Mashhad, 88 Takiyya-Dawlat and, 253(n61) travel to Europe, 130, 230(nl8) Western-influenced reform and, 8 Nasiri, Port, 133-134, I46(figure), I47(figuie) Nasiriyya, Garden of, 72, 84—85 Nasr al-Saltana, Muhammad Vali Khan, 142-145, 252{n55) National bank Amin al-Zarbs proposal for, 80—82, 138, 164 See also Imperial Bank of Iran

Index Nationalism, 17-18 Nayib al-Saltana, Kamran Mirza, 120, 142, 159, 252{n54) Nayij, 99, 106-108 Nevada (U.S.), silver mines in, 78, 138 Nicokon, Arthur, 128 Nizam al-Mulk, Mirza Muhammad Husayn Mustawfi, 242(n28) Nobles in class system, 2 loss of property through indebtedness, 83-85 Nowshirvani, Vahid, 61 Odessa, 38 Okozaki, Shako, 61 Olferet, C., 98 Opium trade Amin al-Zarb and, 11, 72-73 decline of silk industry and, 14 development of, 11 famines and, 61 food shortages and, 158 growth in, 15 Yazd in, 69 Order of the Shahs Portrait, 145 Pakdaman, Nasser, 61 Panayotti, Vassiliadi, 39-41, 42, 163-164 Pan-Islarnism, 100, 132, 136 Paris, 114-118, 130 Paris Exhibition, 124 Passion plays, 6 Peasants, 3, 11-13 Peddlers, 36 Perkins, Justin, 4, 38 Persia class system in, 1—4 concepts of justice and injustice in, 17 concessions to the West, 8—10 Constitutional Revolution of 1906, 18 decline of traditional industry in, 13-14 famines in, 11, 60-64 finance and monetary systems in, 15-17 foreign loans and, 17 foreign trade and, 14-15 government finances and, 13, 16-17

283

Index individualism and, 17 industrial dc¥clopment in, 14 influence of the West on, 163 landownership in, 13 law and, 109 lifestyle and eating habits, 24—25 military defeats and, 7 nationalism and, 17-18 personal liberty and, 17 population growth in, 10—11 railways and, 9 sale of government offices, 13, 20, 83, 90 (see also Barats) silk industry in, 11—12, 14 telegraph and, 8 "thousand families," 169 travel in, 27-29, 33 typical meals in, 24—25 Western influence and, 7-10, 12, 13-15, 17-18 See also Qajar society Persian missions, 113—114 Picot, H., 103,155 Pilgrimages, 7. See also Hajj Pishkish, 16, 20, 120 Plumbing. See Water systems Polak, Jakob Eduard, 25, 33,

53 Port Said, 50 Postal system. See Chapar Pod, 38 Princes of the blood, 1—2 Protestant ethic, 167-168 Provincial budgets, 41 Provincial governors Amin al-Zarbs criticisms of, 94, 168-169 karat system and, 41-42 indebtedness of, 83 opposition to Assembly of Iranian Merchants, 93 Public baths in Kirman, 30 in Tiflis, 49 Public libraries, 50 Pulaw, 24, 25 Pumps, 59

Qajars, silk industry and, 96 Qajar society class system, 1-4 kingroups in, 1—3 social mobility in, 1, 4—5 Western influence on, 7—8, 17—18 See also Persia Qamar Khanum, 103 Qanun (law), 109 Qaaun (newspaper), 136 Qavam al-Dawla, Mirza Muhammad 'Ali Khan, 160 Qazvin, 93, 136 Qiran, 74. See also Silver Qum, 135 Qur'an in tiMktab education, 25 women and, 6 Rabino, Joseph, 75, 78, 80, 138, 143, 155 Railways, 9 in Egypt, 50-51 See also Mahmudabad railway project Ralli Brothers, 11,12, 38-39, 40, 97 Rasht, 39, 48, 97-98 Rauiza-kbanlRawza-khani, 6, 165 Recitations, 6, 165 Regie Tobacco. See Tobacco concession Religion, Amin al-Zarb and, 165—166 Religious class. See 'Ulama Reuter, Baron Julius de, 9 Reuter Concession, 9, 70, 95 Rice production, 12 Rockefeller, J.D., 36 Rukn al-Dawla, Muhammad Taqi Mirza, 73, 121, 242(n28) Russia Amin al-Zarb and, 70, 110-111 duties on Amin al-Zarb's European purchases, 120—121 gold standard and, 151 Jamal al-Din in, 132 Mahmudabad railway project and, 108, 109, 110,119 Persian descriptions of, 48-49 Persian-Russian exchange rates, 75, 76 Persian trade with, 12

284 Reuter concession and, 8 See also Moscow Ruznama,-yi Vaqayi'-Ittfttqiyya, 26 Sa'd ai-Mulk, Muhammad Hassan Khan Man", 160 Sa'di, 25

Safevids, 5 silk industry and, 96 Sakku, 23 Salisbury, Marquis of, Robert GascoyneCecil, 128, 129 Sanitation, in Tehran, 34, 248(n35) Sarai-yi Salih (Kirman), 234(nS2) Sara-yi Amir (Tehran), 44, 45(rnap), 46(photo) Sara-yi Khaju (Yazd), 83-84 Sardar Mukarram, Mirza Karim Khan Muntazim al-Dawla, 160 Sarrafi Amin al-Zarb and, 15, 31, 36-37, 73 Amin al-Zarb's advice on, 36-37 Amin al-Zarb's family and, 19, 23 Aqa Muhammad Husayn and, 26, 31 Sftrrafs Amin al-Zarb as, 73 Amin al-Zarb's family and, 19, 23 conversion of copper coins to silver, 138 financial roles of, 15 functions of, 19-20 guild of, 21 names of, 236(n24) opposition to Imperial Bank of Persia, 155 relationship with clients, 156—157 status of, 21 tools of, 23 usury and, 20—21 Seurfba, 23 Sayfal-Dawia,48,49 Sayyid 'Abd al-Rahirn Isfahani, 70, 123 Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani, 10. See also Jamal al-Din Afghani Schindier, Houtum, 71 Schools. See Makt&bs Shah in Persian society, 1, 2 See also MuzafFar al-Din Shah; Nasir alDin Shah

Index Shah 'Abbas I (the Great), 21-22, 28, 34 Sbahi, 74—76. Set also Copper coins Shah Mosque (Isfahan), 22 Shahzada *Abd al-'Azim shrine, 149, 150, 246(n41) Shtthzadigan, 1-2 Shal, 239(042) Shatir Bashi, 160, 255(n47) Shawls cashmere, import of, 39 made in Kirman, 30 Shaykh Martiza Ansari, 99-100 Sheep, hoarding of, 159 Shell, Sir John, 41-42, 96, 97 Sherman Act (U.S.), 150, 151 Shi'isBi history of, 5 influence on architecture, 6 pilgrimages and, 7 (see also Hajj)

recitations and passion plays of, 6 role of mothers in, 44 sufra ritual of, 6 women in, 6 Shirbaha, 52 Silk industry and trade, 14 foreign trade and, 39 history of, 96-97 museardine disease and, 97 in Persia, 11-12, 14 silk-reeling factory, 95, 97-98 Silver debasement of, 143—145 qiran coin, 74 unstable value of, 74, 76-78, 138-140, 151 U.S. monetary policy and, 150, 151 Silver mines, in Nevada, 78, 138 Simmons, J.B., 138-139 Sinf,2\ Slavery, in Istanbul, 49 Social mobility factors in, 1, 4-5 marriages and, 5 Social status lifestyle characteristics and, 1, 3-4 See also Class system; Kinship system Socie'rf du Tombac, 95 Steam engines, 96, 164 Steam ships, 48

Index Steam tractors, 58, 59 Stewart, Charles, 130-131 Suez Canal, 50 Sughra Khanum, 247(nS3) Tabriz, 38, 39, 43, 52 Assembly of Iranian Merchants in, 93 famine of 1870-1871 and, 63 B%«, 143, 253(n61) Takiyya-Dawlat, 143, 253(n61) Talbot, G.F., 95 Taq-i Shals, 239{n42) Tata, Jamseiji Nusserwanji, 169 Taxation, 13, 16 merchants opposition to, 90 Ta'ziya, 6 Tehran, 45 (map) 'Abbas Abad quarter, 37 Arnin al-Zarb's import-export trade in, 55-59 Assembly of Iranian Merchants in, 92, 93 bazaars and caravanserais of, 35 cholera epidemic in, 64 commerce of, 69 description of, 33-34 first map of, 235(n6) Jamal al-Din in, 134-135 Mahmudabad railway project and, 110 sanitation in, 34, 248(n35) sarrafi in, 37 Takiyya-Dawlat, 143, 253(n61) travel to, 33 Telegraph concession, 8 Temporary marriage, 31 Textile imports, 15, 38, 39, 55 Tholozan, Joseph Desire, 88, 117 Thompson, Sir Ronald, 40 "Thousand families," 169 Tiflis, 48-49, 108,119 Tobacco, 12 Tobacco concession, 10, 95, 136, 157, 254(n23) Tractors, steam, 58, 59 Trade routes, 68-69. See also Caravan routes through Kirman, 30 Trebizond-Tabriz, 38 Traditional industry. Set Handicrafts

285 Travel difficulties of, 27-29, 33 on hay, 48-51 Treasurer general, 2. See also Mustawfi alMamalik Treaty of Turkomanchai, 39 Trebizond-Tabriz trade route, 38 Tribal leaders, 2 Tuba Khanum, 122-124 Tujjtir, 3 Amin al-Zarb's adYice to, 36—37 opposition to Imperial Bank of Persia, 155 See ako Merchants Tuman, 74. See also Gold Turkey, 55 Turkomanchai, Treaty of, 39 Turquoise, 71 'Ulama opposition to Assembly of Iranian Merchants, 93 relationship with merchants, 102—103 social roles of, 2—3 United States bimetallism and, 150 purchase of silver by, 150-151 silver mines in, 78, 138 Usury, samtf and, 20-21 UzunAda, 247-248(nl5) Vakilabad, 84, 149 Vakil al-Mulk, Murtiza Quli Khan, 62, 83, 84 Vendors, itinerant, 36 Villages, ownership of, 82 Waring, Edward, 3 Water systems, in Alexandria, 50 West, the Amin al-Zarb's impressions of, 110-111, 112-113, 116-117 concessions granted to, 8—10 foreign trade with Persia, 54-55 French Revolution and, 7 gold standard and, 77-78 impact on Persian economy, 8—10, 12, 13-15 individualism and, 17

286 Industrial Revolution and, 13 influence on Persia, 163 loans to Persia, 17 nationalism and, 17—18 personal liberty and, 17 See also Europe

Wheat production, famine and, 62 Wills, C.J., 29 Windows, class status and, 4 Wives, temporary, 31 Women itinerant vendors and, 36 Nasiri period clothing, 66(photo) protest against currency depreciation, 157 protests against concessions, 10 in Shi'ism, 6 sufra ritual and, 6 Western, 115

Index Wool industry and trade, 13 Amin ai-Zarb and, 40—41 World Columbian Exhibition, 117 Yate, C.E., 71 Yazd, 30 Amin al-Zarbs commercial activity in,

69-74 Amin al-Zarb*s property in, 83—84 food shortage in, 158-159 foreign trade and, 69 opium trade and, 72 in trade routes, 68, 69 Zahir al-Idam, Mirza Zayn aTAbidin, 160 Zanjan, 242(n28) Zill al-Sultan, Mas'ud Mirza, 85, 90, 169 Zoroastrians, 69 Zulm, 17